ACTA HISTRIAE 27, 2019, 4 UDK/UDC 94(05) ACTA HISTRIAE 27, 2019, 4, pp. 545-886 ISSN 1318-0185 UDK/UDC 94(05) ISSN 1318-0185 (Print) ISSN 2591-1767 (Online) Zgodovinsko društvo za južno Primorsko - Koper Societa storica del Litorale - Capodistria ACTA HISTRIAE 27, 2019, 4 V èast Claudiu Povolu In onore di Claudio Povolo In honour of Claudio Povolo KOPER 2019 ISSN 1318-0185 (Tiskana izd.) UDK/UDC 94(05) Letnik 27, leto 2019, številka 4 ISSN 2591-1767 (Spletna izd.) 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Urška Lampe (angl., slo.), Gorazd Bajc (it.), Arnela Abdiæ (angl.) Založništvo PADRE d.o.o. Zgodovinsko društvo za južno Primorsko - Koper / Societa storica del Litorale - Capodistria© / Inštitut IRRIS za raziskave, razvoj in strategije družbe, kulture in okolja / Institute IRRIS for Research, Development and Strategies of Society, Culture and Environment / Istituto IRRIS di ricerca, sviluppo e strategie della societa, cultura e ambiente© Zgodovinsko društvo za južno Primorsko, SI-6000 Koper-Capodistria, Garibaldijeva 18 / Via Garibaldi 18 e-mail: actahistriae@gmail.com; www.zdjp.si Založništvo PADRE d.o.o. 300 izvodov/copie/copies Javna agencija za raziskovalno dejavnost Republike Slovenije / Slovenian Research Agency, Mestna obèina Koper, Luka Koper d.d. Razbojnikova smrt. Léopold Robert – 1824.Wallaceova zbirka – London/ La morte del brigante. Léopold Robert – 1824. La Wallace Collection – Londra/ The Death of the Brigand. Léopold Robert – 1824. The Wallace Collection – London (Public Domain). Redakcija te številke je bila zakljuèena 14. 12. 2019. Revija Acta Histriae je vkljuèena v naslednje podatkovne baze / Gli articoli pubblicati in questa rivistasono inclusi nei seguenti indici di citazione / Articles appearing in this journal are abstracted and indexedin: Thomson Reuters: Social Sciences Citation Index (SSCI), Social Scisearch, Arts and HumanitiesCitation Index (A&HCI), Journal Citation Reports / Social Sciences Edition (USA); IBZ, InternationaleBibliographie der Zeitschriftenliteratur (GER); International Bibliography of the Social Sciences (IBSS)(UK); Referativnyi Zhurnal Viniti (RUS); European Reference Index for the Humanities and Social Sciences (ERIH PLUS); Elsevier B. V.: SCOPUS (NL) Vsi èlanki so v barvni verziji prosto dostopni na spletni strani: http://www.zdjp.si.All articles are freely available in color via website http://www.zdjp.si. UDK/UDC 94(05) Letnik 27, leto 2019, številka 4 ISSN 1318-0185 (Print) ISSN 2591-1767 (Online) VSEBINA / INDICE GENERALE / CONTENTS Edward Muir: The Modern Legacy of a Renaissance Feud: 1511 and 1945 .................................................................................................... 545 Il lascito moderno di una faida rinascimentale: 1511 e 1945 Sodobna zapušèina renesanène fajde: leti 1511 in 1945 Stuart Carroll & Umberto Cecchinato: Violence and Sacred Space in Early Modern Venice .....................................................................................561 La violenza e lo spazio sacro nella Venezia della prima eta moderna Nasilje in sveti prostor v Benetkah zgodnjega novega veka Angel Casals: Banditry under the Crown of Aragon: AHistoriography in the European Context ..................................................................581 Banditismo sotto la Corona d’Aragona: Una storiografia nel contesto Europeo Banditizem pod aragonsko krono: Zgodovinopisje v evropskem kontekstu Lucien Faggion: Il collegio dei giudici, Marco Thiene e la sua casa nel secolo XVI ..................................................................603 College of Judges, Marco Thiene and His Noble House in the 16th Century Sodni kolegij, Marco Thiene in njegova rodbina v 16. stoletju Livio Antonielli: Dietro l’anonimato di una categoria: le guardie in antico regime ...........................................................................................623 Behind the Anonymity of a Category: The Guards in Ancien Régime V ozadju anonimnosti neke kategorije: stražarji v starem režimu Tilen Glavina: Primer fajde v Mirandoli leta 1533: Poskus mediacije Girolama Muzia .............................................................................. 639 Il caso di faida a Mirandola nel 1533: Un tentativo di mediazione di Girolamo Muzio A Case of Feud in Mirandola in the Year 1533: A Mediation Attempt by Girolamo Muzio Žiga Oman: Enmities and Peacemaking among Upper Carniolan Peasants in Early Modernity ............................................................673 Inimicizie e pacificazione tra i contadini alto carniolani nell’eta moderna Sovražnosti in pomiritve med gorenjskimi kmeti v zgodnjem novem veku Darko Darovec: Keine Blutrache bei den Slovenen. Franc Miklošiè and the Blood Feud of the Slavs ......................................................... Keine Blutrache bei den Slovenen. Franc Miklošiè e la vendetta tra gli Slavi Keine Blutrache bei den Slovenen. Franc Miklošiè in krvno mašèevanje pri Slovanih Darja Miheliè: Iz zakulisja prvih stoletij piranskega kapitlja ..................................... Il retroscena dei primi secoli del capitolo di Pirano From the Back Rooms of the First Centuries of the Chapter of Piran Furio Bianco: Immigrati, compari, clienti. Oriundi Carnielli: reti del credito e parentele spirituali in Istria (secoli XVII–XVIII)............................... Immigrants, Cronies, Clients. Incomers of Carnic Origin: Lending Networks and Spiritual Kinship in Istria (17th and 18th Centuries) Priseljenci, pajdaši, kupci. Prišleki karnijskega porekla: kreditne mreže in duhovno sorodstvo v Istri (17. in 18. stoletje) Salvator Žitko: La pianta di Giacomo Fino (1619) nel contesto del ruolo politico–amministrativo e socio–economico di Capodistria nel XVII secolo ............. City Map by Giacomo Fino (1619) in the Context of Political– Administrative and Socioeconomic Roles of Capodistria in the 17th Century Mestni naèrt Kopra Giacoma Fina (1619) v kontekstu njegove upravno– politiène in družbeno–ekonomske vloge v 17. stoletju Urška Lampe: Posredniška vloga delegacije mednarodnega odbora Rdeèega križa v Jugoslaviji pri reševanju usode italijanskih vojnih ujetnikov in deportirancev v Jugoslaviji v letih 1945 in 1946 .................................... Il ruolo di mediatore svolto dalla delegazione del Comitato internazionale della Croce Rossa in Jugoslavia nel decidere il destino dei prigionieri di guerra e dei deportati Italiani in Jugoslavia negli anni 1945 e 1946 Mediation Efforts Made by the Delegation of the International Committee of the Red Cross in Yugoslavia toward Deciding the Destinies of Italian Prisoners of War and Deportees in Yugoslavia in 1945 and 1946 Andrea Zannini: Adolescenza traviata. Il convegno della fondazione Giorgio Cini del 1959 ................................................................................ Backslid Adolescents: The 1959 Conference Held at the Giorgio Cini Foundation Mladostniki na krivih potih. Konferenca fundacije Giorgio Cini leta 1959 Navodila avtorjem ..................................................................................................... Istruzioni per gli autori .............................................................................................. Instructions to authors ............................................................................................... 713 745 771 817 835 865 875 878 882 Received: 2019-09-30 DOI 10.19233/AH.2019.25 BANDITRY UNDER THE CROWN OF ARAGON: A HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE EUROPEAN CONTEXT Angel CASALS University of Barcelona, Faculty of Geography and History, Carrer Montalegre, 6, 08001 Barcelona, Spain e-mail: casals@ub.edu ABSTRACT To propose an analysis like ours, we must start from a series of important methodologi­cal problems. The Crown of Aragon were a series of diverse kingdoms with various legal systems for the repression of banditry, which had significance unique to each of these terri­tories. In Catalonia the bandits in the 19th century were romantic heroes, but this was not so elsewhere. What has been a common characteristic is the view of banditry as an expression of political and social malaise, a reaction to the government in Madrid. Towards the end of the 20th century, new currents influenced by the history of crime, infrajustice, microhistory and legal anthropology entered Valencian and Catalan historiographies; nevertheless, our studies have failed to evolve as they have in many other European countries. Keywords: banditry, Crown of Aragon, historiography, methodology, early modern history BANDITISMO SOTTO LA CORONA D’ARAGONA: UNA STORIOGRAFIA NEL CONTESTO EUROPEO SINTESI Per proporre un’analisi come quella che andiamo a illustrare, dobbiamo partire da una serie di importanti problemi metodologici. La Corona d’Aragona era una compo­ sizione di regni diversi con sistemi giuridici diversi per quanto riguarda la repressione del banditismo, il quale ha avuto un significato differente in ciascuno di questi territori. Nel XIX secolo i banditi in Catalogna erano considerati eroi romantici, ma cinon e accaduto in nessuno degli altri paesi. Quella che e stata una caratteristica comune e la visione del banditismo come espressione di malessere politico e sociale contro il governo di Madrid. Alla fine del XX secolo, nuove correnti influenzate dalla storia del crimine, dall’infragiustizia, dalla microstoria e dall’antropologia legale iniziarono ad entrare nella storiografia valenciana. Progressivamente questa tendenza si e diffusa anche in Catalogna. Nonostante ci i nostri studi non si sono evoluti come in altri paesi europei. Parole chiave: banditismo, Corona d’Aragona, storiografia, metodologia, storia della prima eta moderna INTRODUCTION1 A historiographical review of banditry in the Crown of Aragon’s kingdoms, raises a number of challenges, in modern times, both of methodology and historical tradition. The first issue concerns the framework of the Crown of Aragon itself, particularly in the modern era. In a historical sense, it is complicated to give an overview that is not simply a juxtaposition of cases, if the analysis includes Sicily and Sardinia, moreover, if we add Naples. As evidence of this limitation, the Mediterranean context of the Crown of Aragon has been used merely to follow the adventures of particular bandits, who went from kingdom to kingdom, or to trace ties of patronage, which haven’t been sufficiently researched yet. In general, however, the Iberian and Italian worlds have been viewed as distinct realities, that were linked, not to the context of the Crown of Aragon, but rather to a broader arena of Mediterranean banditry, where it has been characterised by Fernand Braudel as “ubiquitous”. The lack of internal political unity was the most striking. The legal framework was marked by several differences, though common elements did exist and would become accentu­ated under the Habsburgs, when the viceroys attempted to increase the presence of royal power in the territory. While increased royal power was indeed a single aim in all the kingdoms under the Crown of Aragon, it was implemented as a function of the balance of power between the crown and the estates in each kingdom, and as a function of the ability of each kingdom’s institutions to resist the crown’s intentions. The second issue is that “banditry” is a label that encompasses different realities. While these realities have a certain elements in common, they also have enough differences, for Francesco Manconi to argue, in his days, that “banditries” in plural better suited the facts (Manconi, 2003). As we shall see, the word is an umbrella term that covers, not only the strife among noble and social factions, but also, in other cases, ordinary petty lawlessness. Although, scholars are moving towards a narrower definition that focuses on the “bandols” (armed bands), that formed around patronage networks or territories. The third issue lies in the historiographic tradition itself. In Catalonia, Aragon, Valencia and Majorca, the study of banditry has begun from different starting points. In Catalonia, bandits were presented as popular heroes by nineteenth-century historians, because the aim was to incorporate them into an account of nation-building. However, this has not occurred in any of the other cases under the study and, if it has, only in very specific cases and never with the same ideological baggage as in the Catalan case. For the Catalan historiographical tradition, based on the study of institutional and political sources, the new forms of study have led to an abrupt break and given rise to a major change of theoretical framework. The result has been an introduction to the new levels of analysis revolving around issues, such as the study of violence, This work is part of the Grup d’Estudis d’Histia del Mediterrani Occidental (GEHMO) of Universitat de Barcelona, consolidated research group for the Generalitat de Catalunya (reference 2014SGR173). the existence of common law, the conflict among communities and growing power of the state. For the historiography of the Crown of Aragon, it has become necessary to turn attention to local and seigneurial sources, relegating the more commonly used sources of royal and viceregal administrations to the background, and therefore to accentuate the differences among kingdoms, which become even more conspicu­ous at the local level. In Catalonia, the banditry of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries produced a literary movement in Spanish-language literature, and thus became the popular memory of the eighteenth century (Garrich, 2004), and later on one of the elements chosen by Romanticism as part of the Catalan national identity. In Aragon, by con­trast, the memory of banditry was not recovered until the twentieth century, when studies of the figure of Lupercio Latrás first appeared. In Valencia, it was Joan Regla who initiated a lively series of studies on the subject in the nineteen sixties while in Majorca. It was a decade later when the research of Joan Barcellaunched a systematic study of Majorca’s banditry. The aim of this paper will be to offer a dual view. The initial focus will be to examine the chronological evolution of the historiography by territory and provide the context, in which the various authors and their hypotheses have appeared, while the subsequent focus will be directed towards the chief points of interest, uncovered by the research. The intention is not to offer an exhaustive list of titles. It is rather to identify the most significant works of leading historians, in order to track down the proposals, ideas and reflections that have constructed one of the most characteristic historio-graphic subject of the Crown of Aragon as a whole: banditry. CATALONIA: FROM ROMANTICISM TO MICROHISTORY AND STUDIES OF ‘INFRAJUSTICE’ As noted earlier, banditry has been a subject of historiographical study since the nineteenth century, in Catalonia, where it has received a treatment, marked by varying degrees of Romanticism. In 1840, among bundles of files set to burned, Joan Cortada came across the legal proceedings against the bandit Serrallonga and published an extract of his findings in 1868 (Cortada, 1868). Indeed, before the appearance of Cortada’s publication, knowledge of the trial may well have served as raw material for Victor Balaguer in his own rendering of the bandit (Balaguer, 1858). In the twentieth century, a clearer historiographical approach gets underway with Fernand Braudel and his theories on Mediterranean banditry. The model proposed by Braudel appeared to fit banditry in Catalonia very well. By summarising and simplifying, he turned the notion of banditry into a phenomenon of the periphery: an economic and social periphery, where the nobility was impoverished and the mountainous areas were unable to supply sufficient provisions for their inhabitants, as well as a political periphery, that was made of petty and middle nobility, on whom the doors to political and social advancement had been closed, who lived in peripheral territories, which were geographically and politically remote from the centres of power and therefore where the central power was weaker. If we add the border into the equation, who can doubt that this was indeed the case in Catalonia, Aragon and, to a lesser extent, Valencia and the Italian territories? Joan Regla saw the clear validity of the model. Building on Braudel and also on Vicens Vives, regarding the case of Catalonia, Regla became the first scholar to put for­ward a comprehensive account of banditry, which would serve as the chief benchmark for later scholars in Catalonia and Valencia, though not yet in Aragon (Reglá, 1961; 1962). Regla stripped banditry of its Romantic baggage and proposed a theoretical framework that made Braudel’s analysis—the only one existent in the European arena at the time—compatible with the interpretation of Vicens Vives on the duality of sea and mountain, that had appeared in the book Notícia de Catalunya (Vicens Vives, 1954). As we shall see, Regla’s influence also proved to be crucial in the case of Valencia. This is one of the reasons Regla’s work was marked a genuine watershed in the break with Romantic historiography (Belenguer Cebria, 2015). It was the first treatment of banditry in Catalonia that reflected a clear scientific approach. Regla chiefly used political sources, but also legal sources to a lesser extent, to reach a set of conclusions that included a timeline limited to the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, the population density of the mountains, the nature of the border regions, and so forth. In short, Regla focused on popular banditry and only secondarily on aristocratic armed bands. He also added the Huguenot factor in the expansion of armed bands in a banditry whose golden age came in the early decades of the seven­teenth century (Belenguer Cebria, 2011). These succinct lines on the state of the question shouldn’t fail to note the im­portance of Martí de Riquer as well. Riquer’s studies of “lletres de batalla i de­seiximents” (battle letters and challenges to combat), as well as his research of his own family history, have provided huge clarifying insights into the persistence of medieval bands in the modern world—a fact that has been all too often ignored—de­spite the differences that they may have exhibited (de Riquer, 1963). It is somewhat surprising that Riquer’s studies, which are based on the reconstruction of very well documented family networks (de Riquer, 1979) and the study of the cultural expres­sion of factional struggles through written challenges to combat, are not held in higher regard by later historiography specialists. It came down to the historian Xavier Torres to increase the complexity of the analysis and break with Regla’s legacy. On one hand, Torres freed the historiog­raphy from much of Braudel’s theoretical apparatus (Torres i Sans, 1991). On the other hand, however, he maintained the timeframe of what had become regarded, since Regla, as “Baroque banditry” (Torres i Sans, 1993). Torres demystified some of the vestiges of the subject’s Romantic interpretation, rejecting any political background or resistance to the monarchy in the bandits’ actions. In his studies, Torres demonstrated that the bandits were not so much the heirs of penury and the mountains, as Braudel had argued, as they were the sons of feudalism and medieval social networks that had become gradually deformed. According to Torres, the result was a “bastard feudalism” (Torres i Sans, 1998). As a result, he rejected the notion of social banditry, a hypothesis of Hobsbawm that had gained ground in European historiography since the appearance of the latter’s book on the subject (Hobsbawm, 1976). Torres was one of the first, if not the very first, to introduce the concepts of infrajustice and armed bands as part of the reality of the period. This is the line that later writers would further develop and deepen. Another approach, which does not entirely contradict Xavier Torres, appears in the work of Nia Sales. Sales, in her study of the Banyuls family, the lords of Nyer, refutes a good deal of Regla’s structure: the Banyuls were not an impoverished noble family, nor did they have any links to French Huguenots (Sales, 1984). Rather, Sales points to the feudal logic in the inner workings of noble families and their location along or near the border as more useful elements to understand a family’s link to banditry. In another study, Sales raised doubts about the very notion of “Catalan Baroque banditry”, arguing instead for the continuation of the wars of armed bands from the Middle Ages into the seventeenth century and rejecting any chronological or territorial exceptionalism, instead presenting various other examples of banditry in Occitania and Switzerland (Sales, 2002). In 2005, Agustí Alcoberro proposed a new hypothesis to account for the causes of banditry (Alcoberro i Pericay, 2005). Taking the three authors mentioned above— Regla, Sales and Torres—as his points of reference, Alcoberro sets out a theoretical framework marked by the emergence of the modern state and the economic shift that Garcia Espuche proposed for the period 1550–1640 (Garcia i Espuche, 1998). The timeframe remained firmly bound: Alcoberro takes the starting date of 1539 proposed by Regla, originating in the then earliest known pre-trial proceedings in the prosecu­tion of bandits, and ends in the decade of the sixteen-thirties, when Serrallonga was captured and the structural change of the Catalan economy reached completion. The leading figures in banditry, therefore, were the losers of a twofold process of political and economic change: the petty nobility, who were still too far from the advantages that the new state framework could offer in the form of posts and income, and the more traditional sectors of the peasantry, who suffered economic harm from new forms of rural industry and market pressure on agricultural production. More recently, the journal “Jornades sobre Violencia, Bandols i Territori” has published studies conducted by a number of promising young researchers. Lluís Obiols, for instance, has carried out exhaustive local research in order to explain the workings of the armed band surrounding the Cadell family in the Cerdanya region of the Pyrenees (Obiols Perearnau, 2012) and its conflicts with the bishopric. He has studied the broader geographical framework of banditry in the Cerdanya. Likewise, Elisenda Collelldemont has reconstructed the networks of bandits in Vic in the fifteenth century, producing a remarkable study of the Altarriba family, enemies of Vic’s municipal authorities and allies of the House of Trastámara, which had transplanted them to the Cerdanya under Ferdinand II of Aragon (Collelldemont i Vives, 2018). THE HISTORIOGRAPHY OF ARAGON: BETWEEN SOCIAL INTERPRETATION AND POLITICS Aragon presents a historiographical paradox in comparison to the other king­doms. Significant information exists on the armed bands of medieval Aragon (Sarasa Sánchez, 1981; Torreblanca Gaspar, 1993). As a consequence, the modern era has been studied to a much lesser extent. Instead, research has focused on the role of Aragonese bands at high points in the history of medieval Aragon, such as the interregnum period of 1410 to 1412, which led to the Compromise of Caspe (Garrido i Valls, 2011). The strife between the Lunas and the Urreas has been identified as one of the reasons for Aragon’s siding with Ferdinand of Antequera and for the defeat of James II, Count of Urgell, in the struggle for succession to the Catalan-Aragonese crown. In relation to the modern era, it is not until the nineteen-seventies that a systematic study of Aragon’s banditry appears, save for the exception of Amando Mel, who published a doctoral thesis on Lupercio Latrás (Mel, 1917). The chief problem has been a lack of documentation, since practically nothing has been preserved in the royal, viceregal or legal archives. In 1976, Colás Latorre and Salas Ausens published a paper inspired, in large part, by the ideas of Sebastia Garcia Martínez on Valencia. Their paper, however, had the distinctive feature of identifying strongly with Marx­ist historiography, particularly Hobsbawm’s work. In this paper and in later ones, the two authors, both together and apart, have insisted that banditry contained an element of “social protest” (Colás Latorre & Salas Ausens, 1982). In addition, their studies do not consider any continuity that might link the armed bands of the Middle Ages with banditry in the modern era. Three points of reference have been fundamental to the study of Aragon’s ban­ditry: the figure of Lupercio Latrás, the War of Ribagorça and the legal framework as it relates to public order. In the case of Latrás, there have been no specific studies beyond the one mentioned earlier, though he does appear as an example of a major bandit leader in other studies of Aragon, in the second half of the sixteenth century. Indeed, Latrás has become a character whose literary presence is more pronounced than his historical one. The war that gripped the county of Ribagorça between 1554 and 1591 mobilised bandits, including Latrás himself, and not only those in the kingdom of Aragon, but also many Catalans (Torres i Sans, 1989), such as the Cadells and the bandit known as “Minyde Montella”, who took part in different phases of a conflict whose background included, not only a clash between the monarchy and the Count of Ribagorça, but also a social conflict between the county’s vassals and their feudal lord. The virulence of the conflict and its violence likely eclipsed any outbreaks of violence in other corners of the kingdom. Also included in the study of banditry are the so-called “Disturbances of Aragon” in 1591. Beyond the examination of specific events that led to the invasion of the kingdom by the army of Philip II of Spain, the execution of Chief Justice Juan de Lanuza on 20 December 1591 raises fundamental questions. Upholding a very harsh feudal regime as a consequence of the Sentence of Celada in 1497 gave rise to ceaseless peasant unrest throughout the century. Moreover, the struggle for control over public order and the rela­tive failure of the viceroys to safeguard roads and control the border only compounded the ongoing constitutional strife between the kingdom and the crown (Contreras, 1989). The instability that resulted from these factors not only sparked a political uprising, but also encouraged violent lawlessness (Gasc Pérez, 2007, 129–149). Given this state of affairs, banditry was interpreted as an expression of anti-absolutist “foralism”, a movement in defence of local laws and prerogatives, by the same authors whoframed it as a social conflict (Colás Latorre & Salas Ausens, 1976). In the nineteen-eighties, an alternative approach appeared in the studies of Pilar Sánchez-Lez. Studying the documentation of the Inquisition, Sánchez-Lez individually identified the studied bandits and their links with the Holy Office. Like Sánchez-Lez, most of Aragon’s historians have treated the issue as an element of political relations with the monarchy or as a symptom of political and social clashes in the context of Aragon’s feudal framework (Gasc Pérez, 2016). Unfortunately, a lack of documentation poses many challenges to the identifica­tion of banditry in the seventeenth century. However, it cannot be ruled out that the Aragonese nobility, as Xavier Gil has argued, shifted after the defeat of 1591 toward a stance of collaboration with the monarchy that precluded any diminishment in the warring of armed bands or in the support for bandits (Gil Pujol, 1989). Nor can the possibility be dismissed that the impact of the Reapers’ War in Aragon had similar effects to those in Catalonia with respect to the disappearance of banditry. THE VIGOUR OF VALENCIA’S HISTORIOGRAPHY In all likelihood, Valencia has been the source of some of the most innovative recent studies on the subject of banditry. Without the presence of Joan Regla, as a professor at the University of Valen­cia, Sebastia Garcia Martínez may not have taken an interest in the subject in the nineteen-seventies. Garcia Martínez’s propositions are still the mainstays of any interpretation of Valencia’s banditry. He drew a distinction between aristocratic armed bands, that were a consequence of noble factions, popular armed bands, that were an expression of social inequalities, and other armed bands, that grew out of power struggles in various territorial and municipal settings. For Garcia Martínez, the study of banditry was inseparable from the efforts to suppress it. As a result, he introduced a political and institutional dimension in the Valencia case and proposed a significant time lag in relation to Catalonia. Whereas Valencia’s banditry came into its golden age with the Spanish monarchy’s crisis in 1635, this was precisely the mo­ment when banditry in Catalonia was in terminal decline (García Martínez, 1991) . Subsequently, the Irish scholar James Casey also addressed banditry in his work on the kingdom of Valencia. For Casey, the continued existence of the phenom­enon could be explained by the support that the armed bands received from the aristocratic authorities. Casey’s hypothesis cast doubt on whether banditry could be regarded as an attack on the political and social system rather than being a part of the system itself. This hypothesis gained strength with his proposal to focus on the family and social structures of communities in order to grasp their internal workings (Casey, 1981). Lluís Guia, who partly qualified Casey’s position, is another leading name in the studies of Valencia’s banditry that kicked off in the final third of the twentieth century. Guia’s doctoral thesis, which was overseen by Sebastia Garcia Martínez, examined banditry in Valencia during the Reapers’ War (1640–1652) (Guia Marín, 1982). His approach was dialectical in nature: the bandit emerged out of adverse social and economic circumstances, but at the same time became absorbed into the system, as illustrated in the case of the bandit known as “El guapo de Benimaclet” (Guia Marín, 2012). Amparo Felipo also devoted a chapter to banditry in the sixteen-thirties, in her doctoral thesis. Felipo’s study drew primarily on political documentation from the viceregal administration and offered a politically oriented approach that sought out the mechanisms of suppression and their political consequences rather than striving to characterise the bandits per se. The result was a very useful approximation to a subject that was not well understood yet: the repressive policies of the viceroys of Valencia (Felipo Orts, 1985). The culmination of the historiographic strand, that had been launched by Joan Regla, comes with the studies of Emilia Salvador. Salvador has delved into the politi­cal dimension of the phenomenon. According to her core thesis, the monarchy itself had an interest in the continued existence of banditry, because factional disputes served to neutralise the nobles’ ability to oppose the expansion of the monarchy’s absolutism (Salvador, 2003). All of these works share characteristics in common. For example, they have a chronology that focuses primarily on the seventeenth century. They also treat banditry as part of a broader reality, one which is actually of greater interest to most of the authors, such as the crisis of the monarchy under Philip IV of Spain and its impact on Valencia, which had already been battered by the 1609 expulsion of the Moriscos, descendants of Spain’s Muslim population that had converted to Christianity, in a decision whose consequences also needed to be evaluated. As a result, the influence of Regla and Casey, as well as the long shadow cast by John Elliott (Elliott, 1982), served to constrain the frameworks of their investigations. This explains why sixteenth-century banditry continued to remain absent from the historiographical studies in Valencia. While they do not directly offer studies of banditry, the first investigations into the history of criminality also deserve a mention. In 1988, Pablo Pérez Garcia submitted a chiefly institutionalist thesis on criminal justice in Valencia from a jurisdictional and legal viewpoint (Pérez García, 1988). From his initial research, Pérez Garcia moved into the more expansive field of the history of criminality (Pérez García, 1993). Examining the link between justice, social discipline and the construction of the modern state on the one hand, and the related resistance of various social groups on the other hand, Pérez Garcia developed a much richer and more complex analysis of the phenomenon of banditry. Indeed, he may be regarded as the one of the first writers in the Catalan-speaking territories whose reflections on the study of criminality, in line with European historiography as a whole, shifted from a legal study into an anthropological, social and even cultural examination. Jorge Catalá Sanz has helped to overhaul and update the study of Valencia’s banditry. His research, which initially focused on Valencia’s nobility, gradually turned toward the behaviour of nobles in relation to violence. This shift inevitably led him to regard banditry as a mechanism of private violence engaged in by nobles (Catalá Sanz, 1994). His approach also introduced strands of the “civilising process” proposed by Norbert Elias in order to show that, in spite of the opinions expressed by García Martínez and Casey, the links of nobles to armed gangs of bandits re­mained intact until the start of the eighteenth century (Catalá Sanz, 1996). In a highly interesting convergence of viewpoints, Jorge Catalá and Pablo Pérez Garcia have collaborated on a variety of studies: the ideas of civilisation, social disciplin­ing and state-building appear to be profoundly wrapped up with the phenomenon of banditry. Indeed, the crime of banditry attracted the greatest number of death sentences in Valencia in the seventeenth century, amounting to 58,53 % of the total (Catalá Sanz & Pérez García, 2000). More recently, the studies undertaken by Sergio Urzainqui, a student of Jorge Catalá, stand out. Urzainqui’s doctoral thesis on Valencia’s banditry in the seven­teenth century offers an exhaustive compilation of cases and a hugely necessary prosopography of bandits. Urzainqui’s findings confirm the error of any determin­istic reading: the bandits were not heirs of penury and destitution, nor were they attached to a specific geography. Quite to the contrary, the armed bands contained a mix of classes and could be found across the entire kingdom at the time, especially in the more economically dynamic territories. Urzainqui also argues for a distinction to be drawn between banditry that involved common crime and lawlessness and banditry that was connected to noble factions, though he acknowledges that there were links between the two types (Urzainqui Sánchez, 2016). Both Urzainqui and Catalá have studied a feature that is particular to Valencia: so-called Morisco banditry. Sebastia Garcia Martínez had been the first to draw attention to its existence, while Bernard Vincent (Vincent, 1987), focusing on the case of Granada, subsequently linked it to the resistance movement of the Morisco community against Christian pressure. Through the study of 611 cases, a number that would arouse the envy of any scholar in the other territories of the Crown of Aragon, they have been able to construct an analysis that perhaps most significantly brings to an end any sort of speculation on a possible political or social character to Morisco banditry and a non-existent relationship with the Barbary pirates (Catalá Sanz & Urzainqui Sánchez, 2016). Another young researcher to produce a recent study is Vicent Garés, who has studied the violent conflicts in the area of Ribera del Xúquer in the sixteenth century and has drawn a link between the warring of armed bands and struggles for power at the municipal level (Garés Timor, 2012). To some degree, Garés’s studies run in par­allel to the research on Catalonia done by Elisenda Collelldemont and Lluís Obiols, who focus on reconstructing networks of territorial power and the substance of their conflicts, which is one of the avenues most in need of further exploration at present. STUDIES IN MAJORCA’S HISTORIOGRAPHY A few years ago, Miquel Deyá completed a thorough, thoughtful state of the ques­tion (Deya Bauza, 2012). As a consequence, there is little here to add and the following remarks will be limited to an outline and summary of Deyá’s work. Chronologically, the studies of Majorca’s banditry are more recent than those of the other territories of the Crown of Aragon. Without doubt, Aina Le Senne’s study of the Canamunts and the Canavalls (Le Senne, 1981) opened the way for research into the subject, though Serra Barcelhas shed the greatest light on Majorca’s banditry, which has proved to be much more intense than one might imagine for an island (Serra Bar-cel 1997). Serra Barcels chief contribution is the description of a banditry that did have medieval origins but did not reach its zenith until the second half of the sixteenth century, when the Royal Audience was introduced in 1571. For her part, Joana Planas i Rossellhas addressed aspects of the suppression of banditry and the legal mechanisms put in place to control the phenomenon (Planas Rossell 1999). As has been established in other territories, however, the chronology and legal framework do not provide sufficient responses. Major issues, such as the origin of the armed bands, the nature of banditry itself and its extent, have not yet been entirely clarified. Serera and Deyá, however, have both ruled out that the bandits were heirs of penury and destitution. Beyond its insularity, the defining characteristic of Majorca’s banditry is the histori­cal evolution of the island. It must be remembered, that private war was never legal in the kingdom. However, from the fifteenth century onwards, this did not prevent the eruption of outright wars between noble factions seeking to take control of the island’s government and its public finances in order to offset the decline in their feudal rents. The various factions, however, did have one thing in common, their opposition to royal intervention, which took the form of Ferdinand II’s policies on the redress of griev­ances. In effect, the king’s policies blocked any solution to the problem of the public debt and exacerbated the tax disparities between city and countryside and between urban groups of artisans and burghers. The strife among armed bands must also be included among the causes of the Revolt of the Brotherhoods (1521–1523), which would ironically lead to the creation of a new structure of factions (Serra Barcel 2000). In subsequent events, the factions went from being the crown’s interlocutors to mere recipients of reforms, which ranged from the establishment of the Royal Audience in 1571 to the changes made in Majorca’s Great and General Council as a consequence of the legislation of 1600–1614. The only option remaining to the factions was to take advantage of the new circumstances to the extent possible. They were forced to abandon their more violent activities and the resulting vacuum was filled by bandits who were unattached to the noble factions, but who might still put themselves under the protection of one noble or another. SECTOR-WIDE ASPECTS: SUPPRESSION AND URBAN FACTIONS In parallel with the study on the phenomenology of banditry, the forms of sup­pression have also been examined. Work was focused particularly on two areas: the forms of suppression, that were based on territorial and social organisation and the monarchy’s policies to combat banditry. In the case of Catalonia, traditional forms of self-defence were the subject of a num­ber of studies in the nineteenth century (Coroleu, 1877). These studies were marked by a law-oriented vindication of ancient Catalan institutions and by the gathering of information of all sorts. Nearly a century would pass before the appearance of new contributions, which were more numerous for the medieval period than for the modern era. For the Middle Ages, we have a research that clearly focuses on the workings of traditional forms of self-defence and their social reality, such as the studies by Ferrer Mallol (Ferrer Mallol, 1995) and Flocel Sabaté (Sabaté, 2007) on civilian militias and mutual-protection associations known as sometents and sagramentals. For the modern era, we have Vidal Pla’s study on the traditional forms of military organisation, in which he focuses more on their military value than on their maintenance of public order (Vidal Pla, 1986). The studies of Ismael Almazán, however, opened up a new perspective on infrajustice and the effectiveness of associations known as unions, which were formed to combat thieves and bandits (Almazán i Fernández, 2000). For Catalonia, we now have a number of studies that offer an ambivalent assessment of the role of the unions, which were constrained by typical issues of jurisdiction and signifi­cantly reproduced earlier strife with the military estate. This is precisely what occurred in Tarragona in 1602, for example, when the brotherhood of the Confraria de Sant Jordi, which was made of local nobility, refused to collaborate with the local union, in any way, out of a fear that its seigneurial jurisdictions would be undermined (Rovira i Gez, 2005), just as had occurred with the Barcelona union in the Middle Ages. The most striking aspect of the unions, however, is the viceregal patronage behind their formation, which has sometimes led to them being regarded as a new mechanism to exert royal pressure on the constitutional system of the country (Sales, 1994, 266–267). As a consequence of lost documentation from the feudal administrative units known as veguerias, it is not possible to reconstruct the activities of each veguer in the case of banditry beyond his call-up of civilian militias to pursue armed bands. This loss is even more deeply felt when we look at the findings supported by the limited documentation that has been preserved and studied (Torres i Sans, 2007). The failure in suppressing banditry has also been put down to the limited resources available to royal officials, who received very small salaries, had no support personnel and remained at the mercy of civilian militias and local and baronial authorities for the pursuit and apprehension of bandits (Buyreu, 2012). The suppression of banditry, without a doubt, became much easier as a consequence of the process that led to the decoupling of bandits from noble armed bands. In Majorca, the process of decoupling began to become apparent in 1645 and helped to ensure the success of the major suppression of bandits that took place in 1666. Pursuit and pros­ecution revolved largely around the efforts of crown officials known as comissaris and their search for compromises among the parties involved. Given the small size of the island, it had not been necessary to create territorial royal posts similar to Catalonia’s veguerias or Majorca’s earlier governacions. In the case of Valencia, by contrast, a territorial administration based on governa­cions still existed. The two administrations of this sort resided in Valencia and Orihuela and the two leadership posts were lifetime appointments, which came with subordinates that had clearly defined duties in relation to public order and military defence (Marti´ Ferrando, 2000). As in the cases of Catalonia and Majorca, one of the major issues in Valencia was the lack of human and financial resources to carry out a sustained policy against banditry. As noted earlier, thoughtful contributions in the area of local history have proved to be of vital importance. The studies carried out by Rafael Narbona Vizcaíno on violence in late-medieval Valencia were ground breaking at the time of their appearance. Nar­bona’s works were among the first to identify that, in spite of the findings of the existing historiography based more around laws and institutions, various urban social groups had indeed used violence as simply another mechanism in their strategy for domina­tion. In contrast to writers like Pablo Pérez García mentioned earlier, the originality of Narbona’s proposition lay in his coming at violence not through a study of criminality, but rather through social history: “Luchar, pelear y morir en Valencia bajomedieval conforma una dinámica completamente ligada a la vitalidad econica de la Ciudad” [“Combats, skirmishes and dying in late-medieval Valencia gave shape to a dynamic that was entirely bound up with the economic vitality of the City”] (Narbona Vizcaíno, 1992, 176). Later studies have continued in the same direction, looking at armed bands as a power strategy among factions in the different estates (Hinojosa Calvo, 2006). Vicent Garés has followed the same line, examining the bandits’ economic links in relation to his earlier-mentioned studies on the region of Ribera del Xuer (Garés Timor, 2012). Without moving away from Valencia, Sergio Urzainqui has published a study based on extensive documentary evidence related to the assassination of Diego de Aragón, son of the duke of Segorbe, in a conflict between the Borgias and the Aragó-Folches of Cardona in 1553–1554 (Urzainqui Sánchez, 2007). To some extent, Catalonia has lagged behind in producing studies of this sort. The earlier-mentioned works by Xavier Torres, Elisenda Collelldemont and others, come later chronologically. Certainly, a major precursor is the study carried out by Martí de Riquer as well as the study conducted by Eulalia Duran (Duran, 1982), each on the early sixteenth century. In the first case, Riquer focused on the Lleida-based factions of the Pous and the Riquers, two families of knights who fought over municipal control in a battle in which their squabbles began with insults of varying accuracy hurled by one side against the other. Eulalia Duran focused her work on situating the oft-mentioned conflict between the Agullanas and the Sarrieras, which was connected to the social unrest in Girona in the early fifteen-twenties in parallel to the unrest among Valencia’s brotherhoods. A host of other local history studies have addressed conflicts of this sort, but it remains striking that none has yet addressed the factions in Barcelona. While Vicens Vives has noted that the introduction of sortition in 1498 acted as an effective antidote against the armed bands that had been endemic to the city in the fifteenth century, he has nevertheless acknowledged that they did not vanish entirely (Vicens Vives, 2010). Yet we know nothing about the urban factions in the Catalan capital. THE CULTURAL DIMENSION OF BANDITRY As noted earlier, banditry had an identitarian dimension in Romantic historiography. However, it shouldn’t be forgotten that armed bands have also provided inspiration for the tales of rondallas, legends and works of drama and fiction. The shared roots of the words “bandit” and “band” have given rise to intriguing studies aimed at distinguishing the various likely roots of the noun. The Germanic word ban, which appears in the thirteenth century, referred to both punishment—banish­ment—and to a form of challenge to combat. From the fourteenth century, the written forms appear in Catalan as bandol and bandoler, leading to a case of polysemy that has been a source of headaches for historians. Beyond the philological debate, banditry gave rise to cultural expressions that were unfortunately transmitted largely by oral culture and ultimately lost or, in other cases, may have been updated in the nineteenth century with a changing cast of characters, telling the same story but in an almost certainly distorted form. The dance known as the “Ball d’en Serrallonga” [“The Dance of Serrallonga”] offers a telling example. It is an oral or spoken dance, which is a genre that blends popular street theatre with dance itself. Drawing its particular inspiration from the titular figure of the legendary bandit, the “Ball d’en Serrallonga” once enjoyed widespread popularity across the length and breadth of Catalonia. Even though it is believed, to date from the second half of the seventeenth century, the oldest known text is that of Perafita (Osona) from the first half of the eighteenth century, and most of the surviving texts come from the second half of the nineteenth century (Garrich, 2004; 2015). In terms of gathering and describing popular legends on banditry, it is important to highlight the work carried out by the folklorist Xavier Rovirin the case of Catalonia. Xavier Roviró has produced specific works on the most popular bandits, such as Perot Rocaguinarda and Joan de Serrallonga, as well as works on particular regions (Roviri Alemany, 2006a; 2006b), gathering a host of stories whose origins, in many cases, cannot be confidently known, but which demonstrate a strong tradition that may blend popular rondallas with more learned texts. Throughout the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, a host of Spanish-language dramas were focused on Catalan bandits. The first instance is the play written by Lope de Vega about Antoni Roca (Casals Martínez, 2011), that was followed by others, such Fig. 1: Royal Pragmatics and Edict on the Expulsion and Persecution of Bandits, Valencia, 1586 (Biblioteca Universitaria Salamanca). as a drama about Joan de Serrallonga (García González, 2007). Neither can we forget the appearance of Perot Rocaguinarda in the second part of Don Quixote by Miguel de Cervantes. In all of these works, the bandit is a character of more or less honourable origins who, through some injustice or error, has entered a life of crime. Of course, his strength of a character soon turns him into the leader of a gang of bandits, where he stands out because of his respect for the gang’s victims. Death turns into an act of final remission. As Joan Fuster pointed out, Spanish dramas are responsible for establishing the myth of the bandit in the works mentioned above and in others, such as the writ­ings of Tirso de Molina: together, they constructed a cliché, an Iberian version of the American West, with bandits as the lead characters in a literary genre that would only disappear with the Reapers’ War (Fuster, 1991). One of the newest and most thought-provoking lines of research has been introduced by the Slovak philologist Renata Bojnièanová. With her doctoral thesis, Bojnièanová began publishing a series of studies that focus on a comparison of the oral traditions of banditry in Catalonia and Slovakia, looking principally at the figures of Serrallonga and Juraj Jánošík, a bandit who lived between 1688 and 1713 in the vicinity of the Slovak Carpathian mountains. Only the briefest glance shows that the two figures have little in common, and yet many of the popular stories about them are the same, even in their implicit social critique (Bojnièanová, 2011). This approach, which would include the comparative study of other legendary figures in European banditry such as Zanzanú of Lake Garda (Povolo, 2017), has yet to be picked up and pursued by others. WHAT NEEDS TO BE DONE? In light of the historiographical trajectory reviewed above, a number of ideas sur­face in relation to our present situation and what can be done next. While it may sound like a radical statement, the political documentation that has been most commonly used throughout the twentieth century has little more to offer. It has proved very useful for constructing a broad overview of the phenomenon and understanding how banditry became a key focus of relationships between the king and the kingdoms under the Habsburgs. Without disparaging the work of Joan Regla, however, the overhaul and updating carried out by Xavier Torres in Catalonia and by Sebastia Garcia Martínez and his successors in Valencia have brought to an end any strictly political view of banditry, which might possibly give rise to new case studies, but not to new interpretations. The limitations of this perspective were fully laid out in the text presented by Emilia Salvador at the 17th Conference of the History of the Crown of Aragon. The other important element is the definitive rejection of any notion of the unique­ness of the Catalan case or, by extension, the Crown of Aragon. Banditry was not even solely a Mediterranean phenomenon. Rather, it was Europe-wide, though with parti­cular features that may have varied by region or by legal framework (Carroll, 2003; Netterstr & Poulsen, 2007). If we shatter the barriers of geography, we must also shatter the barriers of time. The aristocratic element is an indisputable feature of the genesis of banditry in the Middle Ages and of the creation of a legal framework to regulate fighting between armed bands. The persistence of an economic and social structure and of a legal system that together retained their nature into the eighteenth century forces us to concentrate on the “long run” in the study both on how these elements worked and on their mechanisms to suppress banditry. The findings presented at the international gatherings organised by Livio Antonelli at the University of Milan under the generic title “Stato, Esercito e controllo del territorio” [“State, Army and Control of Territory”] offer a prime example of the need to focus on the continuities in social and territorial control and on any resistance to such control (Antonielli & Levati, 2013). This retreat from a strictly political interpretation does not in any way imply that the same fate has befallen research in the field of law or legal anthropology. Moreover, there is a clear tardiness in the use of these tools in the historiography relating to the Crown of Aragon. A number of studies in these areas have been highly useful in tra­cing the evolution of banditry based on its legal treatment (Serra i Puig, 2003; Casals Martínez, 2017). As Xavier Torres noted, local monographic studies point to the place where progress can be made in the future (Torres i Sans, 2012). In the case of Valencia and Catalonia, baronial documentation has already shown that the seigneurial courts possess a great deal of revelatory data (Gual i Vila, 2007). Also very important, however, is the use of patrimonial and notary documents to reconstruct the mechanisms of patronage ne­tworks, the litigation in courts and the support given to armed bands or factions. The reconstruction of the mental and ideological world of the military estate, which Jorge Catalá has produced for Valencia to a large extent, is yet to be done for Catalonia and Majorca, though a few exceptions do exist (Gll, 2011). Returning to local archives is an absolute necessity. In recent years, some of the finest contributions have emerged from the information that they contain. Agood sam­pling appears over the preceding pages, but the list could also be expanded with further examples (Xam-mar, 2015). helping us to better understand how factional struggles were built into the mechanisms of local political life. Lastly, the integration of the study of banditry into the history of criminality, legal anthropology and the history of mind-sets toward the treatment of violence will—to­gether with the use of microhistory—offer a new avenue to delve more deeply into a phenomenon that can no longer be treated merely as an issue of public order or the political problem of a “disordered society”, as John Elliott proposed, but rather must be examined as a mechanism that was not only perfectly integrated into the operation of European feudal society—and therefore the Crown of Aragon as well—in order to regulate conflict in the realm of infrajustice and social discipline, but also had to be confronted by the legal power of the modern state, when the state sought to gain juri­sdictional and territorial control by supplanting the controls already then in existence. The subject, which is now in the midst of a hugely significant process of methodological and theoretical overhaul and updating, offers no shortage of work or lack of challenges for further research. BANDITIZEM PODARAGONSKO KRONO: ZGODOVINOPISJE V EVROPSKEM KONTEKSTU Angel CASALS Univerza v Barceloni, Fakulteta za geografijo in zgodovino, Carrer Montalegre, 6, 08001 Barcelona, Španija e-mail: casals@ub.edu POVZETEK Za analizo, kakršno smo si zastavili, moramo izhajati iz niza pomembnih metodolo­ških problemov. Aragonska krona je bila skupek razliènih kraljestev, v katerih so zatiranje banditizma urejali razlièni pravni sistemi. Na vsakem od ozemelj aragonske krone je imelo razbojništvo drugaèen pomen. V Kataloniji so razbojnike v 19. stoletju predsta­vljali kot romantiène junake, kar se ni zgodilo nikjer drugje. Znaèilnost, ki je bila vsem deželam skupna, pa je bila predstava o banditizmu kot izrazu politiènega in družbenega nezadovoljstva z vlado v Madridu. Ob koncu 20. stoletja so se v valencijskem zgodovi­nopisju pod vplivom zgodovine kriminala, izvensodnega reševanja sporov s posredniki (infrajustice), mikrozgodovine in pravne antropologije pojavile nove struje, trend pa se je postopoma razširil tudi v Katalonijo. Kljub temu se naše raziskave niso razvile enako kot v drugih evropskih državah. Kljuène besede: banditizem, aragonska krona, historiografija, metodologija, zgodovina zgodnjega novega veka SOURCES AND BIBLIOGRAPHY Alcoberro i Pericay, A. (2005): Presentaci El bandolerisme a les Terres de l’Ebre (Segles XVI–XVIII). Recerca, 9, 9–17. Almazán i Fernández, I. (2000): Els camins de la justícia: ordre i desordre al Valles dels segles XVI–XVII. Terrassa, FundaciTorre del Palau. Antonielli, L. & S. Levati (eds.) (2013): Controlare il territorio. Norme, corpi e con-flitti tra medioevo e prima guerra mondiale. Mila, Rubbetino. Balaguer, V. (1858): Don Juan de Serrallonga. Barcelona, Librería de Salvador Manero. Belenguer Cebria, E. 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