UDK 903,12/'I5(4974)"632":7045
Documenta PraehistoricaXXXIII (2006)
Red, black or white?
The dawn of colour symbolism
Simona Petru
Department of Archaeology, Faculty of Arts, University of Ljubljana, SI
simona.petru@ff.uni-lj.si
ABSTRACT - In this paper the use of the pigments in the Paleolithic is presented, and some ideas of
the symbolic meaning of colours are suggested. The colour red might have been a symbol of transfor-
mation, and as such, it was used in burials and for painting the Venus figurines. In the Slovenian
Paleolithic, there is scant evidence of importance of colour and only a few finds of stones used for
the grinding of the red pigment have been found.
IZVLEČEK - V članku je predstavljena uporaba barvil v paleolitiku in poskus interpretacije njihove-
ga simboličnega pomena. Ta je najbolj očiten pri rdeči barvi, ki je morda bila simbol transformacije,
kar se odraža v njeni uporabi pri pokopih in pri barvanju ženskih figur. V slovenskih paleolitskih
najdiščih je le malo sledi obdelave pigmentov, tolkači, s katerimi so drobili rdeč pigment, so znani
le iz treh jam.
KEY WORDS - pigments; ochre; Paleolithic; burials; Venus figurines; Slovenia
Introduction
Why do three colours - white, black and red - have
an outstanding position in the palette of the first ar-
tists? It is interesting that two of these, white and
black are not 'real chromatic colours' with fixed
wavelengths, but more expressions of light and dark-
ness. And yet their names are the first in the evolu-
tion of basic colour terms and they exist in all langu-
ages (Berlin & Kay 1999). So white and black basi-
cally express what colour really is - our perception
of light (white) or the absence of light (black). In Pa-
laeolithic art some images could be the expression
of a white and black colour scheme, like the black
paintings on the white wall from the 'Salon Noir' in
the Niaux cave (Fig. 1). Marshack found combinati-
ons of these two colours on the engraved mammoth
ivory from the Russian plain. The engravings were
filled with thick black paste, so the images appeared
black against the white background of the ivory
(Marshack 1981.189).
Red is the first 'real' colour with a defined wave-
length. It is the third term that emerges in language
after white and black. In languages with only a few
terms for colours, the term red includes many hues,
which means that it includes all reds, oranges, most
yellows, browns, pinks and purples. Separate names
for these colours and for other colours like blue and
green evolve later (Berlin & Kay 1999). The variety
of names for colour also depends on the environ-
ment in which people are living, or on their main ac-
tivity. The Damara people of Namibia have many
names for the colours of livestock, since they are
herders, but they lack names for green and blue,
since they are not interested in them at all (Berlin
and Kay 1999, with citations).
The visual and auditory senses are important for
the human perception of surroundings. Colour and
sound are both wave phenomena: colours are electro-
magnetic, while sounds are mechanical waves. As
such, they have different wavelengths and different
energies. Both influence our feelings. With some co-
lours we have the impression of energy, while others
calm us down; the same applies to sound. Speaking
produces sounds. So not
only words express our fe-
elings, but also the sound of
speaking itself. Different voi-
ces make different impres-
sions on us. Some people
have pleasant voices, and
we react positively to them,
while others may provoke
negative feelings. So we com-
municate with sound, as well
as with words, and we also
communicate our feelings
through colours. If talk and
language are a form of social
grooming, since they influence our feelings (Dun-
bar 2004.114), then sound and colour are a type of
grooming also. If elaborated speech emerged with
modern humans, then improved communication
through colour is also probably part of modern hu-
man behaviour. Refined art as an expression of fe-
elings and as a bearer of information was possible
when humans were capable of forming complex
communication systems to transfer their feelings
and information to others. Only in such systems was
there a possibility for the perception of colours as
symbols. Symbols strongly influence our feelings, just
as colour does. So colours have the potential to be
very powerful symbols.
It is difficult to imagine how much colour in the Pa-
laeolithic was perceived as colour per se and how
much as an essential part of a depicted object - so
red might mean red ochre, not just a red hue. Even
today in some languages the names for different co-
lours are the same as the names for objects which
are of that colour. In the language of the Ndembu
people in Congo word amatamba that means 'wa-
ter of sweet potato' leaves is used for green colour.
The Aborigines in Queensland use the same word
oti for blood and red colour (Berlin & Kay, with
citations 1999).
The first colorants are known from Old Palaeolithic
contexts, and in some cases there are indices that
they were used for colouring different objects. Bedna-
rik (2003) claims that the naturally formed 400 000
years old Tan-Tan figure was artificially modified and
coated with red paint. At the Zambian site of Twin Ri-
vers the use of ochre was known at least 200 000
years ago. Minerals for the production of pigments
were systematically collected and used (Barham
2002). In the Middle Palaeolithic, pigments became
even more frequent. A review of the pigments found
Fig. 1. Ibex from Niaux (from Graziosi 1956.Tav. 198). Black and white
painting.
during the excavations of Bordes indicated that black
and red were often present in French Mousterian
(Demars 1992). In the Mousterian site of Tata a
mammoth molar plaque was covered with red ochre
(Marshack 1981.189). But it was in the Upper Pa-
laeolithic that colorants became ubiquitous, and
their power was expressed and preserved through
art and in graves.
Black and red are quite common in Palaeolithic art,
while white is almost completely absent at first
sight. But it should not be forgotten that the walls
on which images are depicted are frequently white.
Artists produced white hues by leaving areas of
limestone wall blank, or they even scraped the dust
off the wall surface to create an area of white. In the
painting of the 'Chinese horse' at Lascaux (Fig. 2),
blank wall represents the unpainted white under-
belly of the horse (Marshack 2003). That white pig-
ments were used was confirmed in the Magdalenian
cave of Bedeilhac, where a white clay plaquette was
found. It was used as a crayon to colour animal hide
or human skin (Marshack 2003). It is also possible
that white paint was frequently used, but since it
was less durable than other colours it was not pre-
served. Such is the case with the San paintings at
Rose Cottage Cave and from other South African
sites, where the parts of the paintings which were
coloured white disappeared with time (Williamson
2000.755; Lewis-Williams 2002.146).
Only mineral colours are preserved for a long time,
which could be the reason there is such a scarcity of
colour in Palaeolithic art. There might be colours
made from organic material extracted from plants
or animals, but such material does not survive over
the course of thousands of years. Another problem
is that the extraction of plant pigments like green or
blue is complicated, and the plants which could be
used in the process grow mostly in tropical areas
(Couraud 1983.107; 1988.20). The only organic pig-
ment preserved is charcoal, which was used for black
colouration. Manganese oxides were also used for
black colouration. These oxides can be found on the
walls of limestone caves as a product of alteration
(Clottes et al. 1990.178).
Red pigments were produced from iron oxides, like
hematite or limonite, and from ochre. Hematite was
the most frequently used mineral. It occurs in the
form of aggregates of small red crystals, or in the
form of bigger black crystals, which are difficult to
crush (Clottes et al. 1990). White was obtained mo-
stly from kaolinite or illite.
Pigments were mixed together with other compo-
nents to obtain colours. Extenders were added for a
many reasons - to economize the consumption of
pigment or to improve colour characteristics, such
as different shades, adhesion and durability. Investi-
gations in the Ariege region in France indicated that
in some cases feldspar was used as an extender,
while in others biotite or talc was used. Different re-
cipes for the preparation of colour were known, and
research of portable art from well-dated contexts in
this region indicated that recipes could be chronolo-
gically defined. But it is also possible that the use of
recipes depended on the season, the social occasion
or ritual, in which case they might have had symbo-
lic meanings (Clottes et al. 1990). Pigments them-
selves might also have had supernatural powers in
Palaeolithic, as they had for the San people of South
Africa. In San society, the transformation of the pig-
ment into paint was accompanied by ritual proce-
dures (Lewis-Williams 2002.255)
Sometimes different materials, such as blood, egg
white or urine were added to colorants as binding.
In the Rose Cottage Cave in South Africa, the pig-
ments of San paintings were examined, and blood
Fig. 2. 'Chinese horse' from Lascaux (from Graziosi
was detected as binding. It was mixed with yellow
ochre, but not with red colorants. This might had
symbolic meaning - yellow, that lacked the appear-
ance of blood, needed additional 'power', so they
mixed it with blood, while red was already powerful
enough (Williamson 2000). Human blood protein
was also a constituent of red pigment in two Austra-
lian caves dated to late Pleistocene. Art motifs in
those caves consist of hand stencils and panels cove-
red with red pigment. It is interesting that even in
the recent past human blood was often used in Au-
stralian Aboriginal ritual activities (Loy et al. 1990).
In France, experiments were carried out to deter-
mine the possible binding materials in Palaeolithic
paintings. As Couraud found, organic substances were
unsuitable, and the best binding agent was water, es-
pecially cave water rich in calcite, since it fixes and
conserves pigments on the wall (Couraud 1988.23).
In some cases manganese was burnt and used for
black pigment. Burning might have had practical use
to facilitate the making of the pigment powder, but
it might have had also symbolic and even ritual as-
pect. The same might be true for the burning of
ochre and hematite. With burning, the colour of
ochre changes from yellow to different hues of red
or to violet (Leroi-Gourhan 1968.69). The burning
of ochre might have already been known in the Old
Palaeolithic site of Terra Amata, where pieces of
ochre of various colours from yellow and red to
brown were found (Groenen 1991.14, with citati-
ons). Fire played important role in Paleolithic ritu-
als, which is confirmed in Central and Eastern Eu-
rope, where clay was burnt to make figurines used
in rituals (Guineau et al. 2001.222). Perhaps the
early modern humans at Qafzeh cave were already
burning yellow goethite to transform it into red he-
matite - fire was used intentionally to change the
yellow colour to red (Hovers et al. 2003.502). Pos-
sibly the transformation of a yellow stone to a red
one was viewed as magical (Vreschner 1980.632).
1956.Tav. 182). Three colour scheme painting.
Fire also had important symbolic meaning; it was
the agent of transformation. In times of cold and
harsh weather, fire was indispensable, since it chan-
ged cold into warmth. If ochre is treated with fire, it
is transformed and it changes colour. If clay is burnt,
it changes its structure and hardness. That is prob-
ably why red was so important, since it was the sym-
bolic colour of fire and transformation.
As a symbol of transformation red ochre is present in
graves. Death is the ultimate transformation known
to human beings. Ochre was used in funeral rites,
probably because it passes through a powerful colour
transformation when burnt. Together with the white-
ness of bones and the blackness of the grave, red
was part of the mighty tricolour scheme which sym-
bolised death. As a symbol of fire, red ochre might
have been sprinkled over a cold dead body to warm
it up and to restore life. The early co-occurrence of
the use of fire, burials and ochre is known from Qaf-
zeh Cave in 90 000 to 100 000 years old layers, where
the skeletal remains and burials of the first early
modern humans in the Levant were found (Hovers
et al. 2003.508). Hovers et al argue that ochre was
selected and mined for its colour, rather than for any
other property. The specific hues of red had been de-
sired. The symbolic use of ochre is suggested rather
than practical (Hovers et al. 2003). The findings
from Qafzeh cave are the only certain evidence of
the relation between ochre and human skeletons in
Middle Palaeolithic contexts, while in the Upper Pa-
laeolithic, ochre becomes more frequent grave good
(Riel-Salvatore & Clark 2001.454-457). It was im-
portant in mortuary rites and was present in almost
half of the known burials (Groenen 1991.18).
Two interesting burials of children sprinkled with
ochre are from Lagar Velho in Portugal and from
Krems in Austria. In Lagar Velho a 25 000 years old
burial of a child who exhibits a mix of early Modern
human and Neanderthal features was found. The
four years old child was covered with red ochre and
laid on a bed of burnt vegetation together with pier-
ced teeth and marine shells (Trinkaus & Duarte
2003.32). The burial of two newborn children was
found recently in Krems, Austria. The children were
sprinkled with ochre and wrapped in skin, together
with a necklace of mammoth ivory. The 27 000 years
old grave was covered with a mammoth shoulder
blade. Besides the ochre, there were also other colo-
rants found at the site: red chalk, graphite and mu-
schelkalk - a type of limestone which was used for
the production of white pigment (Einwögerer 2005).
In the Upper Palaeolithic, there was also a power-
ful symbolic relation between ochre and femininity
(Groenen 1991.24). Many Palaeolithic venus figuri-
nes were painted with red ochre or hematite. The
Venus from Mauern is completely covered with a
thick layer of ochre (Mussi 1997), ochre was also
found on the Venuses from the Grimaldi Caves (Bis-
son & Bolduc 1994), and on two of the most famous
Venuses - from Willendorf and Laussel (Bahn 1998.
75). Red colour on the female body could also have
been a symbol of transformation. There is a notice-
able transformation of the female body during pre-
gnancy, which ends with the delivery of the new
life. A male body never experiences such a drastic
change. The concept of transformation is even more
expressed in the Venus figurine from Dolnf Vesto-
nice, which is made from clay. The figurine was
transformed, as it passed through fire, from a soft
piece of clay into something solid and lasting. It is
interesting that in San societies, the preparation of
pigment was associated with women. It was a wo-
man who had to heat the pigment at full moon until
Fig. 3. Grinding stones with traces of ochre: 1. Ciganska jama, 2. Lukenjska jama, 3. Poljšiška cerkev.
Fig. 4. Decorated stone from Zemono.
it was red hot (Lewis-Williams 2002.114, 255). In
this act, femininity, burning and colour were connec-
ted as symbols of change. The act of grinding colo-
rants was also an act of transformation from solid
rock to powdered pigment, and might, together with
burning, have had symbolic meaning and been ac-
companied with rituals.
There is another aspect of the close relation between
colour and women in the Palaeolithic. After women
became pregnant and had children it was difficult
for them to hunt, so they had to switch to gathering.
Good colour vision is indispensable for primates who
are mainly dependent on gathering and collecting
berries and fruits of different colours (Dominy et al.
2003), so women needed to develop excellent colour
discrimination. Even today a feeling for colour is a
female province, and women use more names for
colour schemes than men. For hunting, colour vision
is not very important, since colour-blindness doesn't
affect functional ability. Consequently, defective co-
lour vision today is nearly a hundred times more
common among males than females (Gage 1999.31,
36).
As a symbol of transformation, ochre might also
have been important medium during shamanistic
seances, when the shaman was going through a
transformation from a normal state of mind to a
trance. Shamanistic healing is also a process of trans-
formation - from sickness to health and well-being.
For a South African San shaman, not just painting,
but also paint in itself was powerful and trance-in-
ducing (Lewis-Williams 2002.114).
There are only a few indices of pigment preparation
from Slovenian Paleolithic sites. Grinding stones
with traces of ochre are known from three Late Pa-
leolithic sites: Ciganska jama, Lukenjska jama, and
Poljsiska cerkev (Fig. 3). In Ciganska jama a lower
layer with Paleolithic stone tools was in a red zone.
This zone might have been colored red with ochre,
since many small grains of ochre were found there
(Brodar 1991.30).
The only other evidence of the importance of red co-
lor in the Slovenian Paleolithic is a decorated stone
found in Zemono. The stone has a simple pattern,
composed of parallel and perpendicular lines (Fig.
4), and is rich in iron, so the freshly engraved lines
are red, which may very well have had some sym-
bolic significance (Petru 2005.637).
The problem of colour in the Palaeolithic is complex,
and there are no easy answers to many questions re-
garding preparation, use, and the meaning of pig-
ments used in art, and in everyday life. But there is
no doubt that colour was an important agent of
transmission of information and feelings of the first
artists. Together with speech, art also developed,
since people became able to express their feelings
and thoughts through both, and to share the infor-
mation that is the basis and reason for the evolution
of language and art.
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