THE HISTORY AND CURRENT STANDING OF AMERICAN FOLKLORE From the search for the origins of a nation to the deconstruction of the field Veronica Aplenc 41 IZVLEČEK Članek, kije bil predstavljen kot razprava v Slovenskem etnografskem muzeju maja 1999, je pregled razvoja etnologije v Združenih državah Imeriki in njenega trenutnega -stanja. Korenine vedejo v evropski/t intelektualnih vzorcih, medtem in njena zgodovina, zrcali -specifične ameriške pristope do področja. Pomembnira~vojni koraki v ilvrijsetem -stoletju so zgodnja delitev med antropologijo in literaturo, zgodovinsko-geografska metoda, teorijapripovedniJijormid, .strukturalizem, folkloriitdia" "študije izvajanja". javnafolklorct" in,sodobna vprašanja politike kulture, pristnosti in ptedstavitve. Članek zaključuje kratka obravnava študijskih pmgramov in zaposlitvene možnosti, ki so posledice razvoja ameriške dražbe in gospodarstva v zadnjem obdobju. ABSTRACT This article, presented as a talk at the Slovene Ethnographic Museum m May /999, surveys the development'off blklote ("etnologija *) in the United States and its contemporary situation The roots of the discipline lie in European intellectual models while its history has reflected specifically American appmaches to the field. Significant developments of the twentieth century include the early anthropo-logical/lireraty division, rhe historkal-geographic method the oral formulaic theon; .structuralism, "folklife studies, ~ "Performance Studies, "public folklore, and current questions of the politics of culture, authenticity and representation. Thearticle concludes vjith a brief discussion of programs of study and employment opportunities, both of which reflect recent developments in the American -society and economy. Introduction As an academic discipline, folklore in the United States has a relatively short history of approximately 150 years, although during this time it has reflected as well as contributed to the major intellectual paradigms of North American scholarship. In this lecture, 1 would like to present a brief history of the discipline and outline the current status of the field in the United States. As in Europe, folklore in the United States has been closely involved with die formation of a national identity, although in a unique way. Today, folklore's standing as a profession and as an academic discipline reflect this history, as well as the contemporary socio-political situation that place it in an unusual position. Veronica Aplpnc In both North America and Great Britain, etnologija is known as "folklore" or "folkloristics," while the term "ethnology" is used exclusively for European studies of the same field. The term "folklore" refers to both the academic discipline as well as the cultural phenomena that it studies. In the 1970s, the word "folkloristics" was introduced as a new term for the study of folklore, in an attempt to clarify the distinction between the discipline and its subject matter. While this term has gained some popularity in academic circles, "folklore" remains the predominant name for the field and its subject matter. In this lecture, I will use the European terms "etnologija" and "etnologi" for clarity, although they are not used in the United States in reference to American work. European roots American folklore began to emerge as an independent discipline at the end of the nineteenth century on the basis of European intellectual models, particularly those of the Enlighten merit and the Romantic Movement, although US scholars adopted these to the specific conditions of then context. Hie Enlightenment of die eighteenth century established rational empiricism as the accepted method of discovering the objective truth, and applied tliis approach to the study of newly discovered peoples. At the same time, in spite of its disdain of the non-rational, trie Enlightenment viewed folklore with some fascination. This ambivalent attitude is captured in Jean-Jacques Rousseau's notion of the "noble savage". Together with Rousseau, Ciambattista Vico applied the scientific approach of study to humankind and emphasized the importance of customs and language. As European intellectual trends shifted towards Romanticism, the search for national literatures emerged which was also influential in the development of folklore. In England, this most notably included the work of James Macpherson, who "discovered" / falsified the ancient Scottish epic Ossian, and Thomas Percy, who published ancient English poetry. Both sought the voice of the "folk" while advancing the view that beauty is a matter of the national spirit. The most influential thinker for folklore, however, was the German Johann Herder. His writings on the organic nature of the folk, on the continuity between historical periods, and on the national soul of the national people laid a foundation for all future folklore scholarship. As die initial proposal of an organic, national folk whose expressive culture and language embodies the non-modernized, national spirit, Herder's work paved the way for the collection of cultural artifacts by folklorists. His ideas exerted an influence across all of Europe, and by extension reached into the New World as well. We should note that Herder wrote in the vein of Romantic Nationalism, which emphasized collective identity, while the North American folklorists adopted the French model of Liberal, or Enlightened, Nationalism, which emphasised individual rights and reason. The drive to "collect" cultural artifacts combined widi other scholarly trends to produce comparative mythology in continental Europe, as well as "popular antiquities", or the study of oral tradition and customs, in England. Important early scholars include the brothers Grimm, who collected national folktales, first published as Kinder- und Ilausmärchen in 1812, and Williams Thorns of the English Antiquarian movement, whose coining of the word "folklore" in 1846 established die field as a legitimate pursuit for gentlemen scholars. The history and enrrrnl standing of American folkloro Uy tlie last decades of the nineteenth century, folklore had clearly emerged as an independent discipline that applied scientific principles to the study of traditional cultural expressions. The discipline was divided along two lines - one branch focused on comparative mythology, or philological studies such as the Grimms', while the second branch was associated with anthropology. Influential representatives of the anthropological bent include Edward B. Tylor, who espoused an evolutionary view of cultures, as well as Frasier, Andrew Lang, and the teams of early British anthropologists who studied the colonized peoples of the Empire. An American discipline In parallel with European scholars' efforts in this vein from the mid-nineteenth 43 century on, North American scholars began to search for an American "folk" during (he late nineteenth century that could serve as the basis for a national identity. Like their European counterparts, early American folklorists were divided into two camps, were interested in cultural "survivals," sought a national literature, and experienced tensions between modern and anti-modern views of the world. In the New World, however, I he collection of cultural expressions sought a national "folk" in a diverse body of people - the transposed Anglo-Saxon immigrants, the Native American population, and (he individuals of African origin within US society. Additionally, in their search for a unique American identity, American folklorists were grounded in Liberal Nationalism, which emphasized the individual, and in the philosophy of the Transcendentalists. These thinkers, such as Ralph Waldo Emerson and Henry Thoreau, admired nature, the natural, self-sufficient man, and extreme individualism. In 1888, folklorists of both the literary and anthropological bents founded in the American Folklore Society, the first national folklore organization, in support of the study of folklore. The charter of the Society captures their understanding of their field as well as of the American "folk" - the folklorists' interest lay in collecting the quickly disappearingtraditional cultures of various peoples, including English immigrants, blacks in the South, Indians, French Canadians, and Mexicans. The Society founded the Journal of American Folklore for the publication of scientific studies, which today continues to figure as one of the main journals in the field. Among the founders of the American Folklore Society, Williams Newell and Franz Boas were of the anthropological branch of folklore, while Francis James Child was of the ! iteiary branch. Aldiough diese two branches of folklore scholarship viewed their work as irreconcilably different, these two branches of folklore scholarship arc today understood as engaged in liighly similar activities, namely that of "collecting" cultural expressions. The two branches fought over control of the Society and die Journal until die mid-twentieth century, when the establishment of university departments of folklore lessened the division between the two branches. While the antlu'opologicai branch dominated in the Society up to the 1940s, both branches were active in promoting the professionalizaüon of the field -meaning the study of folklore only by professional scholars, and not amateurs. Important scholars of the literary branch include Francis James Child, who introduced German comparative philology to the United States, thanks to post-graduate ________________Veronica Aplenc__________________________________________ studies in Germany and contact with the Grimms' work. Child's collection of Scottish ballads, spanning volumes of comparative listings of "pure" ballads as found throughout written texts, offers an excellent example of the gentleman literary scholar pursuing oral expressions of the non-modernized folk without interacting with them. Other scholars in this vein include George Ritteiidge, Child's student at Harvard University. In parallel with the "literary" bent, the collection of cultural expressions through ethnographic research among the studied peoples figured prominently within this early paradigm. A founding figure of tremendous importance to both folklore and anthropology is Franz Boas. Boas trained as a physicist in his native Germany, and changed to focus on the study of human culture after immigrating to the US. Boas' work figures particularly importantly within anthropological and iolldore scholarship thanks to iiis introduction of cultural relativism, the thought that every culture should be understood on its own terms. This theory has since served as the foundation for anthropology in the United States, and the students "Papa Franz'' trained at Columbia University, such as Ruth Bunzell, Margaret Mead and Edward Sapir, have defined American anthropology. Franz Boas' work, together with that of his students, provides an example of "anthropological" work among North American native populations that collected cultural artifacts as expressed in language, material objects and social organization. United with anthropology, folklore scholarship at the turn of the twentieth century reflected the political desire to conquer the frontier, as well as the scholarly desire to map out the cultures of the world in a scientific manner. Dominant methodologies Within both bents, die dominant methodology of work up to mid-century was the comparative approach, a notion linked to the mapping of cultures. This methodology has also been termed the historic-geographic method, or the "Finnish" method, as it was formally developed by the Finns J. Krohne and K. Krohne, and outlined in an article by the latter in 1910. In tliis metliodologv, scholars searched for original, or "Ur," forms of cultural expressions that "diffused" their way through contact among groups across the Indo-European nations. The approach posits a universal that is shared by all humankind, and implicidy rests on the notions of fixed genres, such as legend, myth, and folktale, that may be traced throughout all cultures as cultural products widi an independent existence. Borrowed by North American scholars, this approach found its greatest expression hi the work of individuals such as Archer Taylor and Stith Thompson. Thompson's monumental endeavors include his Motif Index of the mid-1950s and his Tale-Ty])e Index of the early 1960s, the latter of which was developed from the Finn Antti Aarnc's prototype. While die comparative approach lost its dominant position in scholarship in mid-centurv, much folklore research is still based on the notion of fixed genres. Current representative work includes much of the publications in the journal Western Folklore, as well as die assumptions underlying the work of Alan Dundes. The attempt to interpret cultural expressions within set academic paradigms continued throughout the twentieth century and, while these paradigms shifted from functional ism to structuralism, their emphasis remained on the cultural expression as The history and current standing of American lolkiore product that conforms to scholarly notions. Within the "anthropological" bent, functionalism figured particularly strongly following the work of Bronislaw Malinowski and has continued to represent a dominant paradigm in today's anthropology and linguistic research. During the first half of this century folklorists attempted to introduce new approaches to their material, including the oral-formulaic theory which was developed during the 1930s and 1950s by Albert Lord and Milman Parry on the basis of research in the south of Yugoslavia. In their book The Singer of Tales, Lord and Parry presented the thought that epoch poetry is composed during performance and that thus tradition lies in the mastery of a technique, not of the form. During tire 1970s the oral-formulaic theory took on importance for young American folklorists. A second approach that opposed the historic-geographic method was that of structuralism. Structuralism, one of the major theoretical concepts of the twentieth century, flourished in folldore as well as in odier social sciences from the 1960s on, following its introduction from Saussurian linguistic analysis into andiropology by Claude Levi-Strauss. The first structuralist statement in folklore scholarship came in the 1930s, with the translation of the Russian Vladimir Propp's morphological analysis of the folktale. Although structuralism was no longer in its heydey when folldore adopted it, the structuralist search tor an underlying grammar had a particularly strong influence in narrative analysis. In die 1950s structuralism introduced the distinction between categories of analysis established from inside, alternatively known as emic, ethnic or native categories, and between those imposed by outside scholars, termed etic or analytic. This distinction continues to remain important in folldore scholarship. In the 1960s, structuralist analysis was extended to material culture, most notably in Henry Glassie's classic Folk Housing in Middle Virginia. Ultimately, folklorists found structuralism unproductive, as it shifted focus away from the creative artistic art; its influence, however, must not be overlooked. Equally in the 1960s, folklore scholarship was broadened by the introduction of the term "folkhfe" into aeademic studies, which aimed to incorporate new subjects into the formal study of folldore. This move grew out ol the European Volkshunde movement of the late nineteenth century and its application by amateur folklorists to the study of German immigrants in Pennsylvania in the 1940s. In the 1960s, "folklife" broadened folklore scholarship to include material culture, folk architecture, and the customary, spiritual aspects of culture such as folk costume, foodwazs, and religion. While today it is criticized for its lack of reflexivity and is no longer prominent, "folkhfe" has left an i mportant imprint on folldore scholarship both as regards subject matter and the concept of "total ethnography" that it inspired. The non-academic sphere Thus far, I have discussed trends in the academic study of folklore. Before moving to an examination of the contemporary situation, 1 would like to turn briefly to the popularization of folldore, or the promotion of folldore activities outside the university sphere. In counterdistinction to European countries, folklore has very rarely been sponsored by the government in the United States, despite its concern with national Veronica Aplenr identity, a phenomenon related to the American desire for an absolute minimum of government involvement in daily life. In die first three decades of this century, a number of individuals promoted folklore-related activities outside the university, including programs directed towards African-American populations, the rural poor, and the recent floods of immigrants and that aimed to americanize these segments of society. These activities were an example of the typically American activity of "volunteerism," which frequently doubles as die onlv legitimate form of social aid. In parallel, a boom in festivals occurred, particularly m "folk festivals" that featured traditional performances such as singing and dancing flourishing around the country. During the Second World War, die United States saw an unprecedented involvement of the government in folklore work, as the federal government employed folklorists for the first time to collect material. This work was part of the WPA program, intended to provide employment to die vast numbers of jobless workers. Following the war, the field of folklore became professionalized as graduate programs were established at Indiana University in 1949 and the University of Pennsylvania in 1953, a reflection of folklore's gaining a greater foothold as an independent discipline at American universities. During the 1950s certain scholars, in particular Richard Dorson at Indiana University, fought strongly against popular, or amateur, work in folklore, termed "faklore" by Dorson. These efforst in turn helped to deepen the division between academic researchers and popularizers of folklore. The folk music revival of the 1960s gave "folkies", or its followers, and by extension folklorists, a bad name as being associated with life-wing hippies. This situation led to a lack of direct government funding for folklore education. Equally during the 1960s, the United States experienced a general economic boom and a liberalization in society which led to the birth of a large number of cultural programs. Folklore research began to include Americans of color as well as ethnic minorities, such as Italian-Americans, on a more equal basis. Within these movements the field of "public folklore" emerged, or the employment of folklorists by state agencies as well as not-for-profit organizations. Important events included the establishment of a FoUdife Center at the national Smithsonian Institution, a series of museums that are nationally managed but privately endowed, as well as a national folküfe festival in Washington, D.C. Public folklore flourished up to 1980s, when the arrival of conservative governments heralded a decrease in public funding for folklore work. Current trends By the 1960s and 1970s, a new approach emerged in folklore that challenged previous definitions by emphasizing die interaction of die folklore object of study with its context. Known as the New Folkloristics, this movement shifted the focus from text, eidier written or physical, to context. In the attempt to study in context, scholars emphasized native understandings of folklore, versus imposed scholarly categorizations of it. Furthermore, research turned to focus on performance and communication as folklore came to be understood as a process, a communication, and a behavior, and not a fixed phenomenon. With its central focus on the event and not on the folklore item, this methodology gained ____________________The history and current standing o[ American folklore_________________ the name Performance Studies and continues to play a prominent role in folklore scholarship today. The major representatives of this approach exerted a strong influence in a number of fields, including sociolinguistics, literature, and the study of immigrant and ethnic cultures within the United States. With their strong social science orientation, they sought to create new definitions of existing terms, such as "genre." The individuals proposing these revolutionary ideas were termed the "Young Turks", a term reserved for those who challenge the established order. Major scholars include Dell Hymes' Ethnography of Speaking that drew attention to the function of language within the context of social life. Together with work such as that of Erving Goffman in sociology, this approach understands all social structures as emergent and negotiated by the individuals involved. By extension, this approach also proposes that culture's structure is emergent in its performance. Other "Young Turks" included Dan Ben-Amos, Roger Abrahams, Richard Bauinan and Barbara Kirshenblatt-Gimblett In 1969 Dan Ben-Amos proposed that tradition is not the defining element in folklore; rather, the defining element is the process of face-to-face artistic communication in small groups. Additionally, Ben-Amos challenged the definition of genres as fixed forms, or types, (such as the folktale, the legend, the ballad), arguing that they represent imposed scholarly categories. Rather, he proposed, genres should be seen as forms of discourse and should be studied From the native, or indigenous, point of view. Following the shift from text to context, in the 1980s and 1990s folklore scholarship has broadened the understanding of context to include scholars themselves. Today scholars are concerned with reflexivity, representation of subject matter, and the cultural construction of realitv. This development has occurred under the influence of a movement in anthropology known as reflexivity, or the desire to consciously include the position of the scholar in his or her work. The beginning of reflexivity is generally traced to Paul Rabinow's 1977 Reflections on. Fieldwork in Morocco, although similar discussions began in novels by anthropologists of the 1950s. Reflexivity draws scholars' attention to how they construct their disciplines - how do scholars choose their subject matter? How do they construct the theories through which they analyze their subject matter? In folklore, for example, scholars have begun to question the concept of "authenticity" that has guided folklore research for two hundred years; today, folklorists tend to see all cultural expressions as constructed, even those that were previously seen as "authentic". In parallel, a significant interdisciplinary influence on folklore research came from the new understanding of the nation as an "imagined" phenomenon, that is, a constructed one, not a natural or a solely politically formulated one. This idea was proposed in 1983 by Benedict Anderson in The Imagined Community. A second significant influence came with the understanding of all tradition as invented - and by extension all other basic assumptions-, as expressed by Raymond Williams in hisKeywords and Terrence Ranger and Eric Hobshawm in their The Invention of Tradition. Similarly, folklorists are questioning how they represent their subject matter. Does folklore give a voice to those who were previously voiceless, or does it construct a voice for these people? Works such as David Whisnant's 1989 All That is Native and Fine have Veronica Aplrnc- drawn attention to the "politics of culture" that necessarily plays a role in all folklore work and research. Here, "politics of culture" refers not to national political forces, but to the personal biases of the scholar that have a political bent - sucli as racism, or the desire to see a particular type of "folk" in a local community. In a typically American way, "polities of culture'' additionally refers to the indirect link between the unexpressed political motivations of local actions and the broader socio-political situation of the country. Lastly, attention has turned to the role of the etiinographer in post-modernity where cultures produce texts about themselves. This self-referenliality and the related ironic historical references displace die traditional role of die field worker as one who documents other cultures. Where is folklore in advance»! consumer culture, or late capitalism that is based on a newly emerging service economy, vereus a traditional or industrial-based one? In the post-modern age, where images flood our world and circulate as commodities, how does the community sec itself and how should we represent it in folklore scholarship? And what is national identity in a transnational world of hybridizing cultures? Today these questions are significant for both folklorists in the university and those in the public sphere. The post-modern approach to folklore material has not erased other views, but rather represents one of many possible theoretical approaches for folklorists today. Representatives of all understandings of cultural expressions may be found in articles in die leading folklore journals, such as journal of American Folklore, Journal of Folklore Theory, Western Folklore and Southern Folklore. Articles in these publications also reflect die interdisciplinary nature of the field, as folklorists today examine a diverse body of material that has moved beyond well-studied subjects, such as music, dance and foodways, to include new topics such as cults, the globalization of culture, and consumer culture. Education and employment opportunities I would like to devote the conclusion of my talk to a short description of the study and employment opportunities for folklorists. Folklore may be studied at the undergraduate level and the graduate level, although there are very few departments of folklore - a reflection of the fact that folklore has never become a mainstream discipline within the American academy, as have literature, history, and anthropology. In the American educational system, an undergraduate degree in gained in four years, during which time usually approximately one third to one half of a student's courses lie in his or her primary subject of study, or major. While both state and private universities exist in the United States, no generalizations can be made regarding the quality of education they offer as it is dependent on the standing of an individual university or department. As with all undergraduate degrees in the humanitites, a B.A. in folklore does not provide extensive (raining for any particular job. Many undergraduate folklore programs are contained within larger departments, such as English literature or American studies. An individual may gain greater qualifications either through work experience, with a cultural institution, or through a graduate degree. Master's programs in folklore are generally in public folklore and emphasize theoretical as well as administrative issues. Particularly well-known programs in the United States include those at the L lie history umi current standing of American Folklore University of California at Berkely, Western Kentucky University and at the University of North Carolina at Chapel HUI. These programs generally last two years. Folklorists find employment in a numher of areas. In keeping with the American emphasis on the practical, individuals often do not work in the field they studied and often work in fields that they did not study. Individuals with training in public folklore frequently find employment with state agencies and cultural organizations - such as state arts councils, folk organizations, not-for-profits, heritage development corporations, not-for-profit historic sites and museums. The combination of conservative governments through the 1980s with greater competition for funds in all areas has brought about changes in the field of folklore that are similar to shifts throughout American society. As in other areas of the economy, folklorists have had to become highly adept at financial and managerial skills, as most cultural organizations rely on private donations of money, which must be solicitied, and not governmental funds. Nevertheless, folklorists are adapting well to this new situation. Doctoral studies in folklore maybe pursued at four universities in Norih America, die University of Pennsylvania, Indiana University, the University of California at Berkeley and Memorial University, in Canada. Additionally, Ohio State University offers a PhD in English literature with a possible concentration on folklore. These programs generally last six to eight years. Increased exposure to market forces in a variety of sectors has recently led to changes in American universities under which unusual programs such as folklore have suffered. Thus, many departments of American Studies have closed, while UCLA has merged its Department of Folklore with its World Cultures program and the department of folklore at the University of Pennsylvania has been dimlshed into a program. Only a few folklorists are able to teach folklore, given the limited number of departments, and they instead generally find teaching jobs in related departments. At this time, the US market for professorships is highly competitive and jobs are difficult to find. Folklore scholarship, however, remains active despite these recent changes. Conclusion Today folklore scholarship finds itself caught up in the search for the most "honest" portrayal of its subject matter, a pursuit shared by all the disciplines within the social sciences. Over the course of its two hundred years of development, the field has interrelated with other disciplines and political movements through its underlying ^assumptions and goals. It has been influenced by all the major theories of the nineteenth ind twentieth centuries, born the historical-geographic to the post-modern. Today folklorists understand their subject matter from a variety ol perspectives - some as continuing cultural expressions that adapt to new circumstances, and others as proof of the watershed of post-modernity. Throughout its history, the development of folklore in the American sphere has reflected uniquely Nordi American interpretations of generally shared folklore concepts, while remaining within the Western, post-Enlightenment onstruction of understanding its world. Ver on teil Aplcnc 50 ZGODOVINSKI RAZVOJ IN SEDANJOST AMERIŠKE ETNOLOGIJE Od iskanja narodnih prvin do dekonstrukcije discipline Veronica Aplenc Uvod Kot akademska disciplina ima etnologija v Združenih državah relativno kratko zgodovino - dolgo približno 150 let -, ki pa je v tem času odsevala in prispevala k razvoju glavnih severnoameriških teorij in delu v družboslovju. To predavanje bom posvetila kratkemu pregledu zgodovine te vede in hkrati skušala orisati njen sedanji status v Združenih državah. Tako kot v Evropi je bila tudi v Združenih državah etnologija tesno povezana z nastajanjem narodne identitete, čeprav na svojstven način. Tako je njen sedanji status - kot vede in kot poklica - odsev tega zgodovinskega dogajanja m sodobnih družbenopolitičnih razmer, ki jo postavljajo v malce neobičajen položaj. V Severni Ameriki, tako kot v Veliki Britaniji, poznajo etnologijo kot "folklore" ali "folklor istics" (narodopisje, narodoslovje), medtem ko je izraz "ethnology" (etnologija) rabljen samo v povezavi z narodopisnim proučevanjem Evrope. Izraz "folklore" se nanaša tako na akademsko disciplino kot tudi na kulturne pojave, ki jih le-ta proučuje. V sedemdesetih letih so za označevanje narodopisja kot vede uvedli izraz "folkloristics", da bi z njim laže osvetlili razliko med vedo in njenim predmetom proučevanja; čeprav se je v akademskih krogih ta izraz precej udomačil, pa ostaja "folklore" tisti, ki označuje tako vedo kot njen predmet proučevanja. V tem predavanju bom zaradi jasnosti uporabljala evropska izraza "etnologija" in "etnologi", čeprav v Združenih državah z njima ne označujejo ameriškega narodopisnega proučevanja. Evropske korenine Ameriška etnologija se je pričela uveljavljati kot samostojna disciplina na koncu devetnajstega stoletja in je posnemala evropske intelektualne modele, še posebej tiste iz obdobja razsvetljenstva in romantike. Te so ameriški preucevalci prilagodili posebnostim svojega raziskovanja. Razsvetljenstvo osemnajstega stoletja je utemeljilo racionalni empirizem kot metodo odkrivanja objektivne resnice in ta nazor preneslo na proučevanje novo odkritih narodov. Kljub razvrednotenju neracionalnega pa je bila etnologija v očeh razsvetljenstva občudovana veda. To protislovje je ujeto v Rousseaujevem pojmu "le noble sauvage" oziroma "plemeniti divjak". Tako kot Jean-Jacques Rousseau je tudi Giambattista Vico sprejei znanstveni pristop proučevanja človeštva in poudaril pomen običajev in jezika. _____________________________________Veronku ,\[)l