69 Arheo 37, 2020, 69–105 
1.01 Izvirni znanstveni članek
The Bioarchaeology of Social Stratification 
in Bronze Age Italy
Bioarheologija in preučevanje družbene razslojenosti 
v bronasti dobi Italije
© Claudio Cavazzuti
Università degli Studi di Bologna, Dipartimento di Storia, Culture e Civiltà, Piazza San Giovanni in Monte 2, 
40124 Bologna, Italy; Museo delle Civiltà, Servizio di Bioarcheologia, Piazzale G. Marconi 14, 00144 Rome, Italy; 
Durham University, Department of Archaeology, South Road DH1 3LE Durham, UK; claudio.cavazzuti3@unibo.it
© Alberta Arena 
Sapienza, Università di Roma, Dipartimento di Scienze dell’Antichità, Via dei V olsci 122, 00185 Rome, Italy; 
alberta.arena86@gmail.com
Abstract: Social stratification among Bronze Age communities 
has been traditionally analysed from the point of view of material 
evidence, especially in funerary contexts, where disparities in tomb 
architecture or in the articulation of grave goods may indicate the 
presence of groups characterised by different access to resources 
and social status. Recently, advances in the field of bioarchaeology 
(osteology, isotopes, aDNA) have provided new insights into the 
theme of inequalities and their relationship with kinship, diet, and 
mobility. In our paper, we integrate the archaeological evidence 
of social stratification with bioarchaeological data from four 
Bronze Age key-sites in Italy, namely Olmo di Nogara, Casinalbo 
(Po Plain), Trinitapoli-Ipogeo dei Bronzi, and Toppo Daguzzo 
(south-eastern Italy). The aim is to analyse the variability of health 
conditions, diet, mobility, and demographic parameters within 
each of these cemeteries and compare the different dynamics of 
the emergence of the elite group during the central centuries of the 
second millennium BC.
Our overview shows that Bronze Age societies in general converged 
towards a general model in which stratification and competition 
were common structural traits across the whole peninsula. The 
amplitude of inequalities, however, varies from site to site, as 
well as from region to region, as a consequence of different socio-
economic backgrounds and cultural manifestations of social 
hierarchies. In conclusion, we underline the role of kinship as a 
factor in securing internal stability for the emerging élite and the 
importance of establishing interorganisational alliances and a 
common ethos with other nodes of the network. 
Keywords: Bronze Age communities, bioarchaeology, social 
stratification, kinship
Introduction
The theme of social stratification in Late Prehistory has 
become a major topic in the history of archaeology, es-
pecially since the second half of the last century, when 
growing inequalities started to be evaluated as a serious 
economic and ethical issue across Western societies. 
Social inequalities are usually considered the cause/ef-
fect of an unbalanced distribution of wealth power and 
opportunity among the members of a community. Obvi-
Izvleček: Preučevanje družbene razslojenosti bronastodobnih 
skupnosti je tradicionalno temeljilo na arheoloških materialnih 
dokazih oziroma ostalinah, zlasti tistih iz pogrebnih kontekstov, 
kjer lahko razlike v grobni arhitekturi ali prisotnosti grobnih 
pridatkov nakazujejo na obstoj skupin z različnim dostopom do 
virov in različnim družbenim statusom. V zadnjem času je napredek 
na področju bioarheologije (osteologija, izotopi, aDNA) omogočil 
nov vpogled v družbene neenakosti kot tudi njihovo povezanost s 
sorodstvenimi vezmi, prehrano in mobilnostjo. V prispevku smo 
arheološke dokaze o družbeni razslojenosti preučevali skupaj z 
bioarheološkimi podatki iz štirih ključnih bronastodobnih najdišč 
v Italiji, in sicer Olmo di Nogara, Casinalbo v Padski nižini, 
Trinitapoli-Ipogeo dei Bronzi ter Toppo Daguzzo v jugovzhodni 
Italiji. Naš cilj je bil proučiti razlike v zdravstvenem stanju, 
prehrani, mobilnosti in demografskih parametrih na vsakem od 
teh grobišč ter primerjati različne dinamike pojava posameznih 
družbenih elit v sredini 2. tisočletja pr. n. št.
Naš pregled je pokazal, da so v splošnem bronastodobne družbe 
na Apeninskem polotoku delovale po modelu, za katerega sta bila 
značilna razslojevanje in rivalstvo. Stopnje neenakosti pa so se med 
posameznimi najdišči in regijami vendarle razlikovale, verjetno 
kot posledica različnih socio-ekonomskih okolij in načinov, kako 
se je v posameznih skupnostih izražala družbena hierarhija. V
zaključku sta poudarjeni vlogi sorodstvenih vezi kot dejavnika, ki 
je zagotavljal notranjo stabilnost porajajoče se elite, in pomena za 
vzpostavitev medorganizacijskih zavezništev ter skupnega etosa z 
ostalimi členi socialne komunikacijske mreže.
Ključne besede: bronastodobne skupnost, bioarheologija, 
družbena razslojenost, sorodstvene vezi
ously, these may also depend on many other factors, such 
as sex, gender, age, skills, knowledge, ethnicity, social 
role, and the relationships of the individual. However, 
it seems that during the second millennium BC, along-
side the generalised process of territorialisation, village 
communities organised themselves around progressively 
more enduring power structures pivoted around kinship 
and inherited rank. This does not mean that all of the 
above-mentioned distinctions were not important for the 
definition of hierarchies, but they became increasingly 

 
 
 
 
   
 
 
70 The Bioarchaeology of Social Stratification in Bronze Age Italy
obliterated by membership of the kinship group, due to 
the growing necessity of lineages to maintain hegemony 
and control over the land, as well as to build, manage, 
and preserve infrastructures conceived to be permanent 
(e.g. Peroni 1989; 1996; Cardarelli 2015).
From a methodological point of view, most of the works 
on this subject discuss the intra/inter-site variability of 
the archaeological record, with a particular emphasis on 
the differences between households, settlements, archi-
tectures, distribution of resources, and prestige goods in 
burials, and relate the evidence to the theoretical frame-
work derived from sociology, political economy, and 
anthropology (e.g. Otto 1955; Childe 1958; Gimbutas 
1965; Renfrew 1972; Shennan 1975; Gilman 1981; Robb 
1994; Price, Feinmann 1995; Sanjuán 1999; Cazzella, 
Recchia 2006; Díaz-del-Río 2006; Chapman 2008; Gui-
di 2009; Kristiansen 2010; Cardarelli 2015; Earle et al. 
2015; Meller et al. 2016; Hansen, Müller 2017; Dolfini 
2019; Iacono 2019).
Regarding Bronze Age social structures, one of most ap-
plied explanatory models, borrowed by cultural anthro-
pology, is the ‘conical clan’, which was first defined by 
Kirchoff as a large, internally stratified descent group 
whose members are distinguished by kinship rank, deter-
mined by the “degree of relationship” with the principal 
line of the clan: “The core, the aristoi, consists of those 
who are, or are supposed to be [nearest] descendants of 
the common ancestor of the clan” (Kirchoff 1955, 7–8). 
In this kind of organisation, the eldest male in the direct 
descent from the (often legendary) “founder” holds the 
highest rank and exercise governance over the group, as 
well as religious functions (see also Sahlins 1963; Fried-
man 1975; Hage 2000; Cathcart 2006; Cupitò, Leonardi 
2005; Cupitò 2006; Rainbird 2006).
The fact that the Bronze Age must have been the peri-
od of the “rise of the privileged” (Coles, Harding 1979, 
535), was already acknowledged early in the second half 
of the 20
th
 century. In his important essay, Gilman stated 
that a number of studies clearly demonstrated that “the 
élite of the European Bronze Age were hereditary” (Gil-
man 1981, 1). In her analysis of the Únětice cemetery 
at Branč in south-western Slovakia, Susan Shennan also 
argued that “descent might well be patrilineal and, in 
this case, given the necessity of exogamy in such a small 
scale community, the women would have to come in from 
outside” (Shennan 1975, 279).
More recently, outstanding bioarchaeological research 
projects carried out in southern Germany have proven 
what was formerly hypothesised based on material evi-
dence. Mittnik and collaborators have demonstrated 
through aDNA analysis that Early Bronze Age house-
holds of the Lech Valley “consisted of a high-status core 
family and unrelated low-status individuals, a social or-
ganization accompanied by patrilocality and female ex-
ogamy”, which perpetuated over 700 years (Mittnik et 
al. 2019). Exogamic practices have been also detected 
in the same context, as well as in Late Bronze Age Den-
mark and northern Italy, using strontium and/or oxygen 
isotope analyses (Frei et al. 2015; 2017; Knipper et al. 
2017; Cavazzuti et al. 2019a). 
Further investigations, focused on the dietary habits of 
Únětice communities, have also established that δ
15
N 
values of élite individuals significantly exceeded those of 
‘commoners’. This means that part of the upper segment 
of the population had privileged access to protein from 
meat and dairy products, but also possibly fish (Knipper 
et al. 2015). Únětice culture undoubtedly provides the 
most remarkable convergence between archaeological 
and biological evidence. To what extent can we gener-
alise this model? 
In many regions of Europe, aDNA and isotope studies 
are currently providing new inspiring perspectives on the 
variability of the mortuary record, especially in the fields 
of mobility, kinship, and dietary habits (e.g. Nafplioti 
2009 and Nafplioti 2016 on Minoans and Mycenaeans; 
Oelze 2012 and Oelze et al. 2012 on the EBA in south-
ern Germany; Wahl, Price 2013 on the Urnfield culture, 
south-eastern Germany, Hallstatt A1; Frei et al. 2015 and 
Frei et al. 2017 on the Egtved and Skrydstrup women, 
LBA Denmark; Frei et al. 2019 on 3
rd 
and 2
nd 
millenni-
um BC Denmark; Knipper et al. 2017 and Sjögren et al. 
2020 on the Bell Beaker and EBA in southern Germany; 
Cavazzuti et al. 2019a and Cavazzuti et al. 2019b on the 
MBA-LBA in northern Italy; Gerling 2015, Allentoft et 
al. 2015, Haak et al. 2015, Olalde et al. 2018, Olalde 
et al. 2019 on spatial and chronological macro-scales). 
These new advances are stimulating bioarchaeologists to 
deal with other material evidence of social inequalities 
(e.g. Nafplioti 2009; Pokutta et al. 2015; Cavazzuti et al. 
2019a; 2019b; Mittnik et al. 2019; Sjögren et al. 2020). 
Ancient DNA and isotopic datasets for diet and mobil-
ity are generally not so large as to develop a sufficiently 

  
 
 
                                        
71 Arheo 37, 2020, 69–105 
Italy Central Europe Mainland Greece
Early Bronze Age 1 Bronzezeit A1 
Early Helladic III 
(2300/2200–2100 BC)
(2300/2200–2000/1900 BC) (2200–1900 BC)
Middle Helladic I (2100–1900 BC)
Early Bronze Age 2 
(2000/1900–1700/1650 BC)
Bronzezeit A2 
(1900–1600 BC)
Middle Helladic II (1900–1800 BC) 
Middle Helladic III (1800–1700 BC) 
Late Helladic I (1700–1600 BC)
Middle Bronze Age 1
(1700/1650–1550/1500 BC)
Bronzezeit B1 
(1600–1500 BC) Late Helladic II 
(1600–1420 BC) Middle Bronze Age 2 
(1550/1500–1450/1400 BC) Bronzezeit B2-C 
Middle Bronze Age 3 
(1450/1400–1330/1300 BC)
(1500–1300 BC) Late Helladic IIIA 
(1420–1300 BC)
Recent Bronze Age 1 
(1330/1300–1225/1200 BC)
Bronzezeit D 
(1300–1200 BC)
Late Helladic IIIB 
(1300–1220 BC)
Recent Bronze Age 2
(1225/1200–1150 BC)
Hallstatt A1 
(1200–1100 BC)
Late Helladic IIIC 
(1220–1130 BC)
Final Bronze Age 1-2
(1150–1050 BC)
Hallstatt A2 
(1100–1000 BC) 
Submycenaean 
(1130–1015 BC)
Final Bronze Age 3 
(1050–980/925 BC)
Hallstatt B1 
(1000–900 BC)
Protogeometric 
(1015–900 BC)
Table 1. Italian Bronze Age chronology and correlation with Central Europe and mainland Greece. 
Abbreviations in the text: Early Bronze Age = EBA; Middle Bronze Age = MBA; Recent Bronze Age = RBA; Final Bronze Age 
= FBA; Bronzezeit = Bz; Middle Helladic = MH; Late Helladic = LH.
Tabela 1. Kronologija stopenj bronaste dobe v Italiji ter povezava s kronologijo osrednje Evrope in celinske Grčije.
complete framework of how the whole society worked 
and changed through time and, in particular, when com-
munities became as large in number as those seen in the 
Bronze Age. Nevertheless, all of these bioarchaeological 
approaches are successfully contributing to the collection 
of significant indicators of inter/intra-group differences.
In our paper, we address the theme of social inequalities 
in Middle and Late Bronze Age Italy (see Tab. 1 for chro-
nology; Late Bronze Age = RBA and FBA in Italy), in-
tegrating bioarchaeological data with archaeological evi-
dence, focusing on the Terramare area in the Po Plain and 
on the south-eastern part of the peninsula, where the larg-
est and best-documented funerary contexts are located. 
From the mid-2
nd 
millennium BC, we can see the appear-
ance of large necropolises and urnfields in the Po Plain 
and in Apulia, including hundreds, if not thousands of 
burials. This phenomenon is one of the direct outcomes 
of the process that led to the stabilisation of settlements 
in the territory and to formidable demographic growth 
during the Middle Bronze Age (Cardarelli 2009). The 
striking quantity of burials represents an unprecedented 
opportunity to explore demographic profiles and articula-
tion of these societies, as well as to define which dynam-
ics caused a more stable social differentiation to emerge 
within village communities. 
Nonetheless, some of the aforementioned analytical ap-
proaches, which target the organic matter of bones, have 
some limitations in two contingent occurrences of the 

 
 
 
   
72 The Bioarchaeology of Social Stratification in Bronze Age Italy
Figure 1. Geographical location of the analysed sites. 
Slika 1. Geografske lokacije obravnavanih najdišč.
Italian MBA and RBA. In the Po Plain, the extensive 
adoption of cremation around 1450–1350 BC inhibits the 
preservation of the collagen and consequently the analy-
sis of carbon and nitrogen isotopes, as well as aDNA. 
On the other hand, in south-eastern Italy, the frequent 
use of large collective hypogea demands a certain cau-
tion in associating isotopic signatures recorded from hu-
man bones/teeth with the distribution of grave goods. It 
is often hard to clearly recognise the original depositions, 
because both skeletal remains and grave goods have been 
repeatedly manipulated and disarticulated during the 
long-lasting use of the burial sites. Here we have con-
sidered recent important stable isotope studies on single 
or undisturbed inhumations that may help to highlight 
social inequalities and compare different archaeological 
contexts (Tafuri et al. 2009; Varalli et al. 2016; Tafuri et 
al. 2018). 
A cornerstone of our discussion is the demographic com-
position of burial groups and their variation over time. A 
good demographic sample represents the necessary con-
ditions for every kind of social analysis since it allows for 
the discrimination between a ‘natural population’ (=un-
biased population) and groups conducting any form of 
social selection in accessing the funerary space. For this 
reason, our contribution takes into account the sex ratio 
and the subadult cohort in the different contexts, with 
special consideration of infant and child burials, the per-
centage of which is a good indicator of restricted or open 
access to the necropolis or to distinct topographic groups. 
We must nonetheless take into account that mobility can 
modify the demographic structure of a given commu-
nity. The nodes of the networks are characterised by the 
natural tendency to attract people from the immediate or 
broader hinterland, as well as from distant places. New-
comers are usually juveniles or adults, who join a com-
munity or a specific kinship for a variety of reasons: they 
can be warriors or artisans attracted by new opportunities 
or directly invited by the local hegemonic groups, but 
also slaves, concubines, foster adolescents and so on. All 
these characters tend to expand the adult cohort in large, 
interconnected centres; as a consequence, these classes 
of individuals may be more frequent than infants in the 
related cemeteries (or in some parts of the cemeteries). 
As in the rest of Europe, the theme of élite identities in 
Italy has been a major topic in protohistoric studies and it 
is strictly entwined with the geographical location of the 
peninsula, naturally representing a cultural crossroads 
and a belt connecting the Mediterranean and the conti-
nental European civilisations. In many ways, the Po Plain 
and south-eastern Italy may embody two different mod-
els, since they clearly maintained relationships with two 
important regions of the European network: the trans-al-
pine areas (most notably the Danubian-Carpathian Basin) 
and the Aegean, respectively. Therefore, the influence of 
different socio-political systems can be seen in the con-
text of local developments (see also Vanzetti 2014). The 
sites that show the widest datasets are Olmo di Noga-
ra, Casinalbo (Terramare, Po Plain), Trinitapoli-Ipogeo 
dei Bronzi, and Toppo Daguzzo-tomba 3 (south-eastern 
Italy) (Figure 1). Here, Italian scholars have identified 
evidence of the emerging élites, or at least the rise of new 
forms of social hierarchies. In the following paragraphs, 
we will focus on the osteological data and, where isoto-

 
 
 
 
 
          
73 Arheo 37, 2020, 69–105 
pic investigations have been conducted, on diet and mo-
bility patterns. Our main aim is to integrate and discuss 
the well-known material evidence of social stratification, 
widely documented in cemeteries, settlements, hoards, 
and other kind of archaeological contexts. 
The Terramare area
In the case of the Terramare (Central Po Plain, c. 1650–
1150 BC), we have relatively good documentation of 
cemeteries (approximately a dozen), as well as smaller 
funerary areas including few burials; however, in the 
whole Terramare area, the number of known settlements 
is remarkably greater (around 200). A possible expla-
nation for these disproportionate numbers is that such 
pluristratified settlements are archaeologically and topo-
graphically much more evident, while cemeteries tend to 
be smaller and with no visible monuments or emerging 
structures. Destruction due to recent ploughing can also be 
one of the causes for the ‘lack’ of evidence of burial areas. 
Systematically, cemeteries are located in the proximities 
of the villages and a single cemetery corresponds to each 
village. We nonetheless ignore whether this relationship 
between villages and cemeteries is always bijective. As 
isotope analysis has recently suggested, funerary areas 
might also have hosted deceased not only from the near-
est Terramara, but also from the neighbouring farms, 
or small settlements dispersed in the hinterland, which 
could have referred to a ‘central place’ also for what con-
cerns burials (Cavazzuti et al. 2019a, 33). Interestingly, 
the number of graves found in cemeteries rarely mirrors 
the amount we can expect, considering the demographic 
calculations based on the size and chronology of the vil-
lages (Cardarelli 2014, 844–845). Despite possible cases 
of selection, the Terramare cemeteries nonetheless ap-
pear largely inclusive, given that they incorporate several 
hundred burials, among which both sexes and all age cat-
egories are included. 
Concerning mortuary rituals, the Terramare area shows 
two different customs (Figure 2). North of the River Po, 
in the plains between the Mincio and Adige rivers, the 
necropolises such as Bovolone, Scalvinetto, Castello del 
Tartaro, Vallona di Ostiglia, Franzine Nuove, Roncofer-
raro, Povegliano, and Olmo di Nogara include both in-
humations and urn cremations in different proportions 
(Salzani 2005; David-Elbiali 2010).
From the advanced phases of the MBA (c. 1450/1400 
BC; BzB2/C transition in central European chronology), 
the funerary ritual changes towards an increasingly more 
intense use of urn cremation, which becomes largely 
prevalent at the beginning of the RBA (c. 1330/1300 BC; 
BzC2/D; for recent chronological revisions see Bernabò 
Brea et al. 2018; Cardarelli 2018). Among the above-
mentioned necropolises, two sub-groups are recognisa-
ble, relative to the practice of deposing weapons as grave 
goods. Only at Olmo di Nogara, Povegliano, and Ronco-
ferraro are bronze swords, daggers, and helmet elements 
documented in male inhumations, while in all other sites 
Figure 2. Terramare cemeteries and funerary customs.            
1. Pragatto; 2. Montata di Reggio Emilia; 3. Beneceto; 
4. Copezzato; 5. Pietole; 6. Roncoferraro; 7. Vallona di 
Ostiglia; 8. Povegliano Veronese; 9. Bovolone; 10 Scalvinetto; 
11. Franzine Nuove di Villabartolomea. 
Slika 2. Grobišča in pogrebni običaj na območju Terramare. 
1. Pragatto; 2. Montata di Reggio Emilia; 3. Beneceto;
4. Copezzato; 5. Pietole; 6. Roncoferraro; 7. Vallona di 
Ostiglia; 8. Povegliano Veronese; 9. Bovolone; 
10. Scalvinetto; 11. Franzine Nuove di Villabartolomea.

 
74 The Bioarchaeology of Social Stratification in Bronze Age Italy
they are completely absent (Cupitò 2006). The hypoth-
esis that the adoption of cremation marks a change in the 
concept of the afterlife is quite striking and very convinc-
ing. The destruction of the dead body and the individual 
status symbols on the pyre might be seen as the necessary 
sacrifice of the physical connotations for accessing the 
sphere of the divine and of the ancestors (Peroni 1989, 
318–322; Cardarelli et al. 2006). From an archaeologi-
cal perspective, this “sacrifice” is reflected in the general 
scarcity of grave goods, and particularly, in the exclusion 
of weapons from urns. 
The same austere and consequently ‘egalitarian’ ap-
pearance characterises the urnfields south of the River 
Po where inhumations are, instead, totally lacking. We 
can mention Casinalbo, Montata, and Copezzato among 
the best-known ‘urnfields’ (Cardarelli, Tirabassi 1997; 
Cardarelli 2014). Thus, despite the great similarities that 
affect material culture and settlement typology in the 
whole Terramare area, the Po marks some kind of ‘ritual 
border’ for reasons that are still under discussion and 
probably rely on cultural differences in ritual practices 
rather than only on chronological décalages concerning 
the introduction of cremation. 
Thanks to the extensive publication of the two archaeo-
logical and osteological complexes, Olmo di Nogara 
and Casinalbo currently represent two milestones on 
which we can deal with the subject of internal social 
distinctions from a bioarchaeological perspective (Sal-
zani 2005; Pulcini 2014; Canci et al. 2015 for Olmo di 
Nogara. Cardarelli 2014; Cavazzuti, Salvadei 2014 for 
Casinalbo). 
Figure 3. The excavation areas at Olmo di Nogara necropolis (on the left). Area C shows the distribution of inhumations (black 
dots), cremations (blue asterisks), swords (green triangles), and amber beads (red stars) (mod. after Salzani 2005). 
Slika 3. Območja arheoloških raziskav na grobišču Olmo di Nogara (levo). Območje C kaže razporeditev skeletnih grobov (črne 
pike), žganih grobov (modre zvezdice), mečev (zeleni trikotniki) in jantarne jagode (rdeče zvezde) (prirejeno po Salzani 2005).

 
 
 
  
  
 
75 Arheo 37, 2020, 69–105 
Olmo di Nogara (Verona, Veneto)
The Olmo di Nogara necropolis is located along the Riv-
er Tartaro, on the northern side of the Po. It is divided 
into four excavation areas (A, B, C, D) with an overall 
number of 471 inhumations and 62 cremations, all of 
them dating between the MBA2 and the RBA2 (Salzani 
2005; Canci et al. 2015). 
The necropolis can be reasonably considered inclusive, 
since the anthropological analysis on inhumations have 
revealed the presence of adults of both sexes (M=32%, 
F=29%, ND=6%; Pulcini 2014, 55) and a significant 
percentage of subadults (33%), although some of these 
might be lost since the graves of children were not dug 
as deeply and could have been destroyed by modern 
ploughing (Vanzetti 2010, 246). Interestingly, perina-
tal (foetal and newborn) individuals are relatively well 
documented (6.5%). Among the cremations analysed so 
far, on the contrary, the infans 1 class (0–6 years of age) 
is totally missing, while instead 6–20-year-old subadults 
are still present (18.8%; Magno et al. 2015). 
A hegemonic group has been archaeologically identified 
through the occurrence of swords and other weapons in 
approximately 1/3 of male inhumations, most of them 
concentrated in the northern part of area C, identified as 
C1, while in C2 armed males are totally absent (Figure 
3). A lower number of armed individuals are present in 
area B as well, while none is attested in areas A and D. 
A similar wealth distribution among the different parts 
of the necropolis can be also observed in female burials 
(amber beads occur in approximately 1/5 of the female 
inhumations). 
The engagement of men in warfare practice is empha-
sised by the high percentage of traumatic injuries, espe-
cially among adult and mature males. According to Pul-
cini, 16 individuals (eight armed and eight non-armed) 
show traces of slashing, impact, and puncture, resulting 
from inter-personal conflicts. Most of these subjects are 
located in the area C1 (Pulcini 2014, Fig. 85). These 
traumas, however, must be considered as a minimum 
number, since wounds do not necessarily reach the bone 
(Canci et al. 2015, 335). 
Moreover, the impression that group C1 was not only 
role-based (‘warriors’) is evidenced by at least one of 
the armed individuals (grave n. 410), who was affected 
by a severe case of cubitus valgus since birth on both 
humeri and was unable to use his arms, particularly in 
sword fighting. Evidently, this handicap suggests that the 
sword, beyond its purely functional task, embodied a sta-
tus symbol for a ‘class’ of people who were designated 
to possess that item, possibly as a birth right rather than 
being able or formidable in combat. According to this hy-
pothesis, one may expect to find some other clues of kin-
ship between the wealthiest individuals. Two males from 
area B (nn. 484 and 486) are buried beside each other, 
and both graves contain a long sword. They also share 
the same congenital anomaly, spina bifida (Canci et al. 
2005, 500; Pulcini 2014, 82). In addition, the successful 
mtDNA analysis of a small number of individuals (nn. 
42, 50, 475, 493) suggests the existence of consanguin-
ity along the maternal line since at least two individuals 
share identical sequences (Obinu et al. 2005, 504). These 
two (nn. 475 and 493) are a male and a female from area 
B, the first accompanied by a long sword and the second 
by two decorated pins and amber beads. At Olmo di No-
gara, the possibility that the rank was hereditary is also 
supported by the presence of rich grave goods among 
10 Infans 1 (0–6 years of age) and eight Infans 2 (7–12 
years of age), which represents approximately 10% and 
the 25% of the overall number of Infans 1 and Infans 2. 
Stable isotope analysis shows high levels of δ
13
C, indi-
cating a diet with significant intake of food derived from 
C4 plants (millet; Tafuri et al. 2009). Similar δ
13
C val-
ues found in animal bones might also imply that carbon 
enrichment in humans was due to the consumption of 
animals (mainly pigs) fed with millet. Moreover, con-
trary to archaeological suggestions, Tafuri et al.’s study 
indicates the absence of significant differences in protein 
intake (δ
15
N values) between those accompanied by rich 
grave goods, and the others who had none. Therefore, 
as emphasised by the authors, the isotopic data give no 
evidence that ‘status’ differences extended to diet, or at 
least if any dietary differences did exist, they are not iso-
topically measurable (Tafuri et al. 2009, 151). Similarly, 
Maria Letizia Pulcini, in her re-examination of the whole 
skeletal series, argues that no substantial differences can 
be observed in health status and physical stress between 
élite groups and ‘commoners’ for the entire duration of 
the cemetery (Pulcini 2014, 246). 
The common interpretation of the context highlights the 
existence of a hereditary élite, showing weapons and rich 

 
 
 
 
 
 
76 The Bioarchaeology of Social Stratification in Bronze Age Italy
ornaments (Cupitò, Leonardi 2005, 490). However, look-
ing at the chronological development of the necropolis, it 
is rather clear that the exhibition of the warrior status at-
tenuates during the transition from the MBA to the RBA, 
in concomitance with the progressive adoption of crema-
tion (Baratella, Cupitò 2015). In the RBA, weapons are 
definitely excluded from male burials; contextually, we 
can also observe exceptionally rich grave goods among 
adult females and subadults. From this phase, we can see 
the repercussions of new religious attitudes towards the 
afterlife regarding the symbolism of male power and pres-
tige as revealed by the growing austerity in the sphere of 
the celebration of the dead men (Canci et al. 2015, 338). 
This does not exclude that before the final deposition in 
urns, élite male individuals were celebrated with ostenta-
tious funerals, perhaps with feasting, offerings and large 
cremation pyres. Yet, the exclusion of weapons from the 
graves, alongside the destruction of the deceased’s body, 
in our opinion, marks a radical change in the conception 
of the afterlife. Such an ideological shift might be at least 
partially connected to the changes in the social structures 
driven by new emerging political powers (e.g. Bietti Ses-
tieri et al. 2013, 166). 
In conclusion, the distinctive trait of the emerging groups 
of Olmo di Nogara is that they choose to cluster their 
graves in a few specific areas of the necropolis, but they 
do not spatially segregate themselves from the rest of the 
community as other élites in the south of Italy do, per-
haps emulating the Eastern Mediterranean aristocracies 
(such as at Toppo Daguzzo, see below). Furthermore, 
the wealth/power does not appear to be concentrated in 
a few hands, but rather it is distributed among differ-
ent segments of the population, and is not reflected in 
an excessive disparity of lifestyle, especially regarding 
diet, health status, and physical activities. As Vanzetti 
has pointed out through the rank-size analysis at Olmo, 
the possible stress towards the formation of an élite class 
seems to be prevented by the redistribution of power 
in corporate terms (Vanzetti 2010, 250). The collective 
component seems therefore to prevail, attenuating the 
force of emerging groups, which likely negotiate their 
leadership with the community and guide the ideologi-
cal/religious reform through a progressive introduction 
of cremation rites. 
The coexistence of the two funerary rituals and the 
transition towards urn cremation from at least the 15
th 
century BC must be evaluated within the more general 
framework of long-lasting contacts between the Po Plain 
and the Danubian populations (Gàta-Wieselburg, Unter-
wölbling, Maros, Vatya, Encrusted Pottery culture), that 
has been documented from the Bell Beaker period/Early 
Bronze Age onwards, especially with regard to ceramic 
types, ornaments, solid-hilted daggers, Brotlaibidole,
and some aspects of the funerary rituals (Hundt 1974; 
Bellintani 1987; Reiter 2008; de Marinis et al. 2015; Sal-
zani et al. 2015; Škvor Jernejčič 2019; Cardarelli et al. 
2020; Cavazzuti et al. in press). 
Late third-early 2
nd
 millennium material co-occurrences 
in northern Italy and the western-central Danubian-Car-
pathian areas clearly show that the two regions were con-
tinuously well-connected, probably as a consequence of 
the increasing demand for metal, and especially for tin 
perhaps from the Erzgebirge sources, which became pro-
gressively important in Europe at least from the EBA2 
onwards. This is demonstrated by the growing emphasis 
on prestige metal goods. Ösenringe and solid-hilted dag-
gers, for example, are widely distributed in burials and 
hoards along the upper-middle Danube, as well as along 
its tributaries (Krause 1988; Innerhofer 1997; Vandkilde 
2005), but they have been also found in the Alpine lakes 
area and in the Po Plain (Bernabò Brea et al. 1997, 308– 
311; Baioni 2001; De Marinis 2010; De Marinis, Valzol-
gher 2013). 
The use of these pre-existing corridors continues or even 
intensifies in subsequent phases, although the exchange 
of goods and information shifts towards new forms and 
contents, more related to settlement, land management, 
and, even more intensively than before, warriorhood. A 
striking example is the presence of Boiu-Sauerbrunn-
Keszthely type swords at Olmo di Nogara (Salzani 
2005), largely distributed in the Danubian-Carpathian 
Basin (Neumann 2009), but we can also mention the 
shared types of horse equipment (Sofaer et al. 2013), and 
above all, similar settlement patterns, internal organisa-
tion of villages, and social structures (Peroni 1989; 1997; 
Cardarelli 2009).
The introduction of the ‘urnfield model’, so different 
from the former tradition, undoubtedly derived from 
changes of ideology connected to the flow of influential 
new ideas throughout the network, and especially from 
its hubs – as the Danubian area certainly was during the 
first half of the 2
nd 
millennium BC – , towards other con-

77 Arheo 37, 2020, 69–105 
Figure 4. The excavation area at Casinalbo. Burials are represented by black dots and burial groups by capital letters. The ritual 
areas “α” and “β” are marked in grey (mod. after Cardarelli 2014).
Slika 4. Območje arheoloških raziskav na najdišču Casinalbo. Grobovi so označeni s črnimi pikami, medtem ko so skupine 
grobov z velikimi tiskanimi črkami. Ritualna prostora »α« in »β« sta označena s sivo (prirejeno po Cardarelli 2014). 

 
 
 
 
 
 
78 The Bioarchaeology of Social Stratification in Bronze Age Italy
nected areas. Social theoreticians argue that ideas travel 
with less resistance among similar societies and along the 
existing corridors of networks, which were previously es-
tablished by trade or migration of individuals and groups 
(see Rogers 2003; Mcpherson et al. 2001). In the case of 
the Po and Danube plains, as well as the neighbouring 
areas, connections were likely administered by warrior 
élites, highly motivated by the supply and demand for 
metal and metal objects, but also by the will to participate 
in the supra-regional network. 
More details about the nature and the magnitude of these 
influences could be revealed in the future by the inte-
grated analysis of archaeological evidence, aDNA, and 
isotope data from the two territories. 
Casinalbo (Modena, Emilia-Romagna)
Casinalbo is located on the opposite side of the plain, 
around 40 km south of the River Po and 7 km north of 
the Apennines. The site comprises both a 2/3-hectare ter-
ramara and an urnfield, which chronologically span be-
tween MBA2 and RBA2 (Cardarelli 2014). 
During the excavation of the cemetery, 673 urn crema-
tions were recovered, but it is estimated that the entire 
necropolis may include approximately 3000 burials. 
The urnfield is crossed by a series of orthogonal paths
forming distinct parcels, which encompass the buri-
al groups. These aggregations are separated by wide 
empty spaces that are sporadically occupied by isolated 
graves (Figure 4). 
Groups can be small (less than 12 graves), medium sized 
(between 21 and 36 graves) or large, including more than 
70 graves. The density of the burials, which sometimes 
reaches ten urns per square metre, leads to a strong in-
clination to emphasise membership of specific corporate 
groups. Frequently, the urns were placed one above the 
other, or very close, accentuating social bonds between 
individuals. Despite the fragmented nature of the cremat-
ed remains, sex and age determinations on 349 burials 
(containing the bones of 357 individuals) have provided 
a wide demographic dataset for cross analysis with the 
archaeological data, and specifically with topography 
and chronology. 
The sex ratio among adults and juveniles is very close to 
1:1 (M=34.4%; F=32.7%; Undet.=5.4%; Cavazzuti, Sal-
vadei 2014, 676). This general picture is also reflected in 
the distinct groups, where normally an equal number of 
adult males and females is represented. The percentage 
of individuals under 20 years of age is 33.2%. Among 
these subadults, those under 2 years of age are extremely 
rare (1.4%). This is similar to what is seen in all the other 
Terramare urnfields and generally in Late Bronze Age 
Italy (Vanzetti, Borgognini Tarli 2003). 
Using anthropological data, the calculation of the juve-
nility index, and the use of regression formulas by Jean 
Pierre Bocquet-Appel and Claude Masset (Bocquet, 
Masset 1977; Bocquet-Appel, Masset 1982) have al-
lowed us to produce a model of a nuclear family, which 
includes a male-female couple and an average number 
of 6.38 children per woman (Cavazzuti, Salvadei 2014, 
702–704). According to this ‘average family’, two of the 
offspring managed to reach adulthood, two died within 2 
years after birth (and were then excluded from the urn-
field), one died in infancy, and the last reached a subadult 
age or adulthood. 
This model was then applied to the real demographic 
composition of the burial groups, in order to ascertain 
how compatible these clusters might be with one or more 
familiar units. 
The chronology of each single grave relies upon vertical 
and horizontal stratigraphies, typo-chronology, and ra-
diocarbon dates (Cardarelli et al. 2014). One can imagine 
that the number of burials in a single group might be di-
rectly proportional to the time span covered by the group 
itself, according to the equation ‘the more the burials, the 
larger the timespan’. This concept is perfectly applicable 
to small and medium-sized groups. 
Small groups, such as group C (Figure 5), usually include 
both sexes, adults and subadults, spanning a time of up to 
four generations (around 100 years). According to chro-
nology, medium-sized groups encompass 8 to 13 genera-
tions, with a similar number of male+female couples and 
as many subadults. Since the number of couples perfectly 
fits in the generational range and the distribution of in-
dividuals throughout the generations is rather homoge-
neous, we can conclude that medium-sized groups are at 
least compatible with a unilineal descent. Group I, for ex-
ample, includes 10–12 male+female couples and 11 sub-
adults distributed over 8–13 generations (Figure 5). 

79 Arheo 37, 2020, 69–105 
Figure 5. Two examples of small and medium-sized groups (C and I groups), with their demographic component distributed 
along the various phases (mod. after Cardarelli et al. 2014b). 
Slika 5. Dva primera majhne in srednje velike skupine (skupini C in I) z demografskimi podatki, razporejenimi v različne faze 
(prirejeno po Cardarelli et al. 2014b). 

 
80 The Bioarchaeology of Social Stratification in Bronze Age Italy
Figure 6. The large group “K”, with its demographic component distributed throughout the various phases. The shape of the 
symbol represents the sex/age category of the individual, while the colour represents the chronological phase (see legend in the 
previous figure) (mod. after Cardarelli et al. 2014b). 
Slika 6. Velika skupina K z demografskimi podatki, razporejenimi prek različnih faz. Oblika znaka predstavlja spol/starostno 
kategorijo osebe, barva pa kronološko stopnjo (glej legendo na prejšnji sliki) (prirejeno po Cardarelli et al. 2014b). 
What happens with the largest group analysed so far (K) 
seems to go in the opposite direction. Group K includes 
75 graves and spans only 5–9 generations (Figure 6). 
Therefore, contrary to expectations, it covers a more lim-
ited period, in comparison to medium-sized groups. K is 
composed of 28 adult males, 28 adult females, 2 adults 
of undetermined sex and 16 subadults. The underestima-
tion of the latter here might be due to the excavation of a 
Late Medieval irrigation channel that intercepted an area 
with a prevalence of subadults. Hence, we can conclude 
that group K is far from being compatible with a unilin-
eal descent. Even more interesting, the emergence of this 
new model dates to the last phases of the Italian MBA, 
during the second half of the 14
th 
century BC in absolute 
chronology. 
In contrast to the old ‘egalitarian paradigm’ traditionally 
assumed by scholars for early urnfields, and especially 
for the Terramare culture, the integrated analysis on 
Casinalbo seems to result in a more articulated picture, 
where different corporate groups cohabit in the same 
community and share the same burial space, but they dis-
tinguish themselves with different aggregation criteria. It 
seems that in the earlier phases, the groups were not so 
large in number, and when they were, they likely limited 
the access to the firstborn and his family (= one lineage). 
From the MBA3, and more evidently during the RBA, 
some of the groups seem to break the former rigid order 
and start to include more people who were possibly kin, 
but not of the principal line of descent (= two or more 
lineages; Figure 7). 
We ignore how competition worked within the Terramare 
society, but we may expect that it developed and grew 
during the transition to the RBA.

81 Arheo 37, 2020, 69–105 
Despite the general scarcity of grave goods, concealing 
the social status of the individuals, the osteological anal-
yses have provided further clues to inequality. Greenish 
spots have been observed on several individuals who had 
no grave goods and not even minute traces of bronze in-
side the urns. Most of these are adult and mature males 
(N=25), but also females (N=8), and even subadults 
(N=7). As J. McKinley has pointed out, the green spots 
may represent the result of the contact between the skel-
eton and bronze objects during the burning of the pyre, 
where the temperature could occasionally reach 1000°C 
(McKinley 1993). It should be considered that those pyre 
goods that were deliberately excluded from the urns but 
have been found in two specific areas of the necropo-
lis ground (“α” and “β”, Figure 4) were broken, bent, or 
partially melted. Among the fragmented objects there 
are swords, daggers, rivets, and typically feminine orna-
ments. Assuming that males were accompanied by weap-
ons on the pyre, we can calculate a figure of potential 
sword-bearers of at least 25.6%, which is not so different 
to that of the Olmo di Nogara inhumations (32%). Evi-
dently, the possibility that pyre goods left traces on bone 
tissue during cremation is random and, therefore, this oc-
currence must be considered a minimum number. 
A further research development has addressed the theme 
of mobility/social permeability at Casinalbo, through 
strontium isotope analysis (
87
Sr/
86
Sr) in the framework 
of the Ex-SPACE project (Cavazzuti et al. 2019a). The 
Emilian area, south of the River Po, appears isotopically 
quite homogenous as the Apennine area is mainly con-
stituted by Cenozoic marine carbonates and the alluvial 
plain is formed by the sediments transported from the 
mountains to the Po by its tributaries (Figure 8). 
Figure 7. Comparison between two patrilocal models of descent applied to medium-sized group I and large group K. The nuclear 
family includes a male/female couple and six children, calculated through Bocquet-Appel and Masset’s regression formulas. The 
group I is compatible with a unilineal descent, while group K is too large and chronologically compressed to fit the same type of 
structure (mod. after Cardarelli et al. 2014b). 
Slika 7. Primerjava med dvema patrilokalnima modeloma rodu, uporabljenima na srednje veliki skupini I in veliki skupini K. 
Nuklearna družina vključuje par moški-ženska ter šest otrok, obenem pa je osnovana z uporabo regresijskih enačb Bacquet in 
Masset. Skupina I je skladna z enolinijskim rodom, medtem ko je skupina K prevelika in traja dlje časa, zato ne ustreza enaki 
strukturi (prirejeno po Cardarelli et al. 2014b). 

 
 
 
 
82 The Bioarchaeology of Social Stratification in Bronze Age Italy
Figure 8. Casinalbo territory and biologically available strontium baselines (mod. after Cavazzuti et al. 2019a, 25). Stars 
represent the 
87
Sr/
86
Sr territorial baselines obtained from vegetal/faunal samples, pentagons on Po river waters, squares on 
tributary river waters. 
Slika 8. Območje Casinalba in temeljne vrednosti (baseline) biološko dostopnega stroncija (prirejeno po Cavazzuti et al. 2019a, 
25). Zvezde predstavljajo osnovno podlago vrednosti 
87
Sr/
86
Sr, pridobljeno z vzorci rastlin/živali, petkratniki z vzorci vode iz reke 
Pad in kvadrati z vzorci iz rečnih pritokov. 
Strontium baselines for the territory surrounding Casin-
albo, obtained from archaeological fauna, modern plants, 
snails, mineral/river waters, and soil, range between 
0.7085 and 0.7089 within a radius of 5 km from the site, 
between 0.7084 and 0.7090 in the immediate hinterland 
(5–20 km) and between 0.7084 and 0.7090 in the broad-
er hinterland (20–50 km). Such restricted variability of 
the strontium baselines at different distances reflects the 
overall geological homogeneity of the Emilian alluvial 
plain. On the one hand, such uniformity complicates the 
identification of the individuals’ provenance; on the other 
hand, it simplifies the identification of ‘outliers’, and in-
creases the probability of their ‘foreign’ origin. For this 
reasons, the analysis of the distribution of the individu-
als’ 
87
Sr/
86
Sr values assumes a greater importance, as it 
enables the detection of an indigenous group (where 
87
Sr/
86
Sr values are denser) and non-indigenous individu-
als (the ‘outliers’ of the distribution; for a description of 
the principles and methods of the strontium isotope anal-
ysis see Cavazzuti et al. 2019a, and references included). 
Samples have been taken from petrous bone of 24 in-
dividuals (adult males, adult or young females, infans 1 
subadults), selected among those which had previously 
been analysed from an osteological point of view. The 
results show that most of the individuals are compatible 
with Casinalbo and its hinterland’s 
87
Sr/
86
Sr values, and 
only one male individual is clearly an outlier (Figure 9). 
Regarding the three distributions (males, females, sub-
adults), we observe that most of the adult males concen-
trate in a narrow range, while only two seem to be non-
indigenous. Females and subadults are more dispersed, 

 
 
 
   
83 Arheo 37, 2020, 69–105 
as a consequence of differentiated provenances, although 
from the radius of the immediate or broader hinterland. 
This picture, in our opinion, is compatible with a patrilo-
cal structure, in which males tend to stay in the place 
of origin (few are incomers), while a number of females 
are integrated in the community as a result of exogamic 
practices. The variability of subadults might also indicate 
that children were part of fosterage practices for reinforc-
ing alliances, kinship ties, and mutual trust in order to 
prevent eventual conflicts. Another possibility, although 
less probable, is that the Casinalbo urnfield served not 
just the terramara itself, but also other nearby satellite 
settlements, in a radius of a few kilometres. 
The results do not show any visible differences in mobil-
ity between individuals buried in large groups, medium-
sized or small groups. However, a clue to the relationship 
between inequalities and mobility is revealed by differ-
ential mobility among female individuals with or without 
grave goods. As shown in figure 10, adult or young females
with grave goods (ornaments, such as bronze pins) cluster 
in a very narrow range (0.7091–0.7092, with one excep-
tion), compatible with the immediate or broader hinter-
land (5–50 km), while those without grave goods seem 
more indigenous or from the immediate hinterland (5–20 
km). This isotopic evidence might be interpreted in terms 
of more intense mobility among high-status females. 
Figure 9. Violin plot. Distribution of the 
87
Sr/
86
Sr values among adult males (M), females (F), infans 1 (I) cremations and 5 km 
(site catchment area), 5–20 km (immediate hinterland), 20–50 km (broader hinterland) environmental baselines at Casinalbo. 
Each black dot represents one sample, human or baseline; red dots among baselines represent archaeological fauna samples (after 
Cavazzuti et al. 2019a). 
Slika 9. Violinski graf. Razporeditev vrednosti 
87
Sr/
86
Sr kremiranih odraslih moških (M), žensk (F), majhnih otrok (I) in osnovna 
podlaga območij, oddaljenih do 5 km (območje neposredno okoli najdišča), od 5 do 20 km (neposredno zaledje), od 20 do 50 km 
(širše zaledje) od najdišča Casinalbo. Vsaka črna pika predstavlja en vzorec (človeške kosti/zoba ali temeljne vrednosti); rdeče 
pike predstavljajo vzorce arheoloških živali (prirejeno po Cavazzuti et al. 2019a). 

  
 
 
   
84 The Bioarchaeology of Social Stratification in Bronze Age Italy
Figure 10. Boxplot. Distribution of the 
87
Sr/
86
Sr values among females with grave goods (yellow) and without grave goods 
(green) compared to the 
87
Sr/
86
Sr baselines at different radii from Casinalbo. Three female individuals show similar more 
radiogenic values (> 0.7091) compared with the females without grave goods, who appear more compatible with the 5 and 5–20 
km ranges and, therefore, more local. 
Slika 10. Grafikon kvartilov. Razporeditev vrednosti 
87
Sr/
86
Sr žensk z grobnimi pridatki (rumena) in brez grobnih pridatkov 
(zelena) v primerjavi s temeljnimi vrednostmi (baseline) 
87
Sr/
86
Sr ter različnimi oddaljenostmi od najdišča Casinalbo. Tri osebe 
ženskega spola kažejo podobne, bolj radiogene vrednosti (> 0,7091) v primerjavi z osebami ženskega spola brez grobnih pridatkov,
vrednosti katerih so bolj skladne z vrednostmi območij oddaljenosti do 5 km in od 5 do 20 km, kar nakazuje na lokalne prebivalke.
South-eastern Italy
other hand, apparently less visible contexts such as natu-
ral caves (e.g. Grotta Manaccora, Baumgärtel 1951; 1953; 
The funerary evidence in south-eastern Italy dating back 
Recchia 1993; 1995) or artificial hypogea (e.g. Trinita-
to the MBA and RBA is extremely rich and variegated; 
poli, see below), hosted hundreds of deceased persons 
both inhumation and cremation are attested, in different 
and represented key places for the self-representation of 
artificial or natural contexts (e.g. Cazzella 2010; Pacci-
south-eastern Italian communities. Moreover, from the 
arelli 2012; Cazzella et al. 2017). 
very end of the MBA, a new burial rite is introduced. 
From this phase and throughout the Late Bronze Age, urn 
On the one hand, funerary monuments of different kinds, 
cremations are in fact attested at different sites, such as 
such as dolmens (e.g. Bisceglie, Cataldo 1995) or burial 
Canosa (Lo Porto 1997; 2004; Minozzi et al. 2006), Torre 
mounds (e.g. Giovinazzo, Lo Porto 1967; Princigalli 
Castelluccia (Müller-Karpe 1960-1961; Lo Porto 1973; 
2010; Torre S. Sabina, Lo Porto 1963; 1993; Onnis 2010, 
Gorgoglione 2002; Vanzetti, Borgognini Tarli 2003) and 
2011) contributed in the shaping the landscape. On the 

 
 
 
 
85 Arheo 37, 2020, 69–105 
Timmari (Quagliati, Ridola 1906; Mancinelli 2003; Ci-
polloni Sampò 1994; Vanzetti, Borgognini Tarli 2003). 
Using the combination of archaeological, anthropologi-
cal, and isotopic data, the two contexts of Trinitapoli-Ma-
donna di Loreto (Tunzi Sisto 1999) and Toppo Daguzzo-
tomba 3 (Cipolloni Sampò 1986; ibid. 1999) provide the 
best explanation for the emergence of prominent social 
segments in south-eastern Italy. 
Trinitapoli (Barletta-Andria-Trani, Apulia)
Located in the Basso Tavoliere of Northern Apulia, Tri-
nitapoli represents a unicum among Italian Bronze Age 
contexts for its extraordinary monumental structures, 
preserved materials, and human remains (Tunzi Sisto 
1999; 2005). The site includes 15 artificial hypogea that 
were in use during the MBA.
In most cases, traces of fireplaces, ceramics, and food
remains testify their use as ritual places. From the Late 
Figure 11. The “Ipogeo dei Bronzi” at Trinitapoli and the subdivision of the various internal areas (mod. after Tunzi Sisto 1999). 
Slika 11. Hipogej »Ipogeo dei Bronzi« v Tritinapoliju in razdelitev različnih notranjih območij (prirejeno po Tunzi Sisto 1999). 

  
86 The Bioarchaeology of Social Stratification in Bronze Age Italy
Figure 12. Anatomical connections inside the “Ipogeo dei Bronzi”. Each black dot is a human bone; blue zones represent    
groups of bones in close anatomical connections, while reddish areas represent disconnected bones. The “Lady of the Ambers” 
is highlighted in the rectangle. 
Slika 12. Anatomske lege okostij znotraj hipogeja »Ipogeo dei Bronzi«. Vsaka črna pika predstavlja človeško kost; modra 
območja predstavljajo skupino kosti v skoraj anatomski legi, medtem ko rdeča predstavljajo kosti, ki niso v anatomski legi.   
Tako imenovana »La signora delle ambre« je označena v pravokotniku. 

 
 
 
 
 
87 Arheo 37, 2020, 69–105 
Protoapennine/Apennine phase (MBA2-3), at least five 
hypogea were transformed from ritual places to col-
lective tombs. Among these, four have bigger dimen-
sions and an internal articulation of spaces (“Ipogeo dei 
Bronzi”, “Ipogeo degli Avori”, “Ipogeo dei Fermatrec-
ce”, “Minervino”), while one is a small mono-chamber 
(“Ipogeo del Guardiano”). The grand architecture and 
the religious function of the early hypogea seem to have 
encouraged the ambition of the emerging groups to be 
buried in such evocative and sacred monuments (Tunzi 
Sisto 2005, 196–197). 
Nowadays, most archaeological and anthropological data 
come from the “Ipogeo dei Bronzi”, which is also the 
largest among the funerary structures found at Trinitapo-
li. From a spatial point of view, this hypogeum is organ-
ised in three parts: the main chamber (Sector C, including 
C1 and C2), a major corridor (corridor A), and two minor 
corridors (corridors B1 and B2, the “stomia”; Figure 11). 
The human remains of approximately 194 individuals oc-
cupy the whole structure but with different densities and 
different states of preservation in each of the three areas 
(Minozzi et al. 1999, 296). The minimum number of 163 
individuals counted by Minozzi and collaborators must 
be integrated with 31 additional individuals identified by 
Cenni and collaborators (Cenni et al. 1999, 304). 
The chaotic bone assemblage observed at the “Ipogeo 
dei Bronzi” is not dissimilar to most of the other collec-
tive graves of central and southern Italy. The skeletal as-
semblages have not generally maintained their original 
anatomical connections as a consequence of the reiterate 
disposal of the dead, the need to make space, and pos-
sibly the ritual manipulation of some of the ancestors’ 
bones (Figure 12). In area C (chamber), there is the only 
case of a skeleton, the “Lady of the Ambers”, found ana-
tomically articulated (except for the feet) along with her 
rich grave goods in their original positions. 
The highest density of bones and anatomical connec-
tions are located at the tomb entrance (area B). Never-
theless, other small groups of bones are in undisturbed 
positions along the whole hypogeum. This means that 
the tomb hosted primary burials and that skeletons were 
subsequently disarticulated after the bodies decomposed, 
to make space for new depositions. Referring to the dis-
tribution of grave goods (weapons and female parures) 
and the anthropological data, Renato Peroni interpreted 
the “Ipogeo dei Bronzi” as a burial belonging to an élite 
group that was hierarchically articulated in a principal 
genus and other subordinate segments (clientes; Peroni 
1999). 
Osteological analyses show interesting results. Of the 
c. 194 identified individuals, the prevalence of males 
(N=101) over females (N=51), undetermined sex adults 
(N=11), and undetermined sex subadults (N=31), clearly 
demonstrates the general “exclusive” nature of the hy-
pogeum, as well as some important social criteria (sex 
and age) of selection in access. The overall scarcity of 
the infans 1 (0–6 years of age) and infans 2 (7–12 years 
of age) categories does not appear to be related to prob-
lems in conservation or documentation, but rather to the 
deliberate exclusion of some segments of the enlarged 
kinship group. 
This view seems even more convincing if we look more 
closely at the spatial distribution of sex and age classes. 
In the area C1, which was the earliest to be occupied 
(MBA2-3), the ratio between adult males, females, adults 
of undetermined sex, and subadults (infantes and juvenes) 
is 41:32:5:15, a similar proportion to Casinalbo-group K 
(28:28:2:15), in terms of demographic composition, with 
the exception of an overrepresentation of the male com-
ponent (adult individuals of unknown sex must be taken 
into consideration). All the other spaces (C2, A, B1, B2), 
which were occupied in the later phases, show a more 
marked dominance of the male component. Interestingly, 
moving away from the concentration of ‘richness’ in C1, 
the density of bones and the degree of manipulation pro-
gressively decreases, while the deviations from the ‘natu-
ral’ demographic composition of an “ideal” (inclusive) 
descent increase. At the confluence of the two stomia (B1 
and B2), moreover, we observe a remarkable concentra-
tion of human skeletons, mostly males, with a significant 
number of anatomical connections and less fragmenta-
tion than everywhere else. Hence, it is very probable 
that these burials mark the final act and the closing of 
the tomb, maybe as a consequence of some sudden and 
disastrous event (Tunzi Sisto 1999, 210). The possibility 
that the group of male individuals buried in B1 and B2 
was involved, in some way, in conflict episodes is also 
suggested by the high frequency of traumas on the skull, 
ribs and long bones (Minozzi et al. 1999, 302). Renato 
Peroni suggests that the “Ipogeo dei Bronzi” was in use 
for a time span of 250 years (Peroni 1999), namely ten 
generations. Although the period could be slightly over-

 
 
  
88 The Bioarchaeology of Social Stratification in Bronze Age Italy
estimated, it is evident that the whole hypogeum includes 
more than a unilineal descent (single lineage), which the-
oretically should result in a maximum of ten male-female 
couples and at least ten subadults. 
Even the group in C1 is demographically wider than a 
restricted, agnatic descent and, therefore, we must con-
clude that the tomb hosts the remains of an enlarged kin-
ship, a ‘conical clan’, or of a richer lineage (C1) which 
included a consistent number of outsiders bound by some 
sort of dependency to the dominant descent (see also 
Vanzetti 2014, 82–84; Cardarelli 2015, 181–183). It is 
also possible that in Area C2, A and B, the under-repre-
sentation of female and subadults could be attributed to 
a change in the criteria of inclusion. Perhaps, in the more 
recent phases, only the females and subadults connected 
to the dominant males had the right to be buried in the 
hypogeum. 
The analysis of archaeological materials has determined 
that a noteworthy amount of ceramic and bronze objects, 
mostly concentrated in C1 and C2, can be ascribed to 
trans-Adriatic models (e.g. about the 50% of the vessels 
are close reproductions of Dalmatian models, spectacle 
spirals are a mainly female ornament typical of the east-
ern coast, and knives are very close to the Albanian ver-
sions of Aegean types; Tunzi Sisto 1999; Peroni 1999; 
Vanzetti 1999; Cataldo 1999; Onnis 2011; Arena et al. 
2018; Arena et al. 2020). However, we have no data 
about the residential patterns of the “Ipogeo dei Bronzi” 
to confirm or deny the presence of immigrants from the 
Balkan Peninsula. Interestingly, from the nearby “Ipogeo 
degli Avori”, the strontium isotope analysis on bone and 
tooth enamel of six individuals suggests that four of them 
were non-locals, possibly from Albania, the Balkans, or 
most notably, Greece (Bos 2005). 
At Mycenae, strontium isotope analysis performed on 
eleven individuals of the Grave Circle A, have revealed 
the presence of three probable non-locals whose isotopic 
signatures differ from the local one, which ranges from 
0.708181 up to 0.708353; of these three, two are adult 
females (Nafplioti 2008, 289). A. Nafplioti suggests 
this could be the effect of alliance policies of high-sta-
tus élites, consolidating their power and social position 
through marriage with foreign women. Although it is im-
possible to determine the exact geographic provenance of 
the non-locals through isotopic signatures, it is important 
to remark that two of the non-locals at the “Ipogeo degli 
Avori” (Sample id: 48 and 214A) have an isotopic ratio 
at least compatible with that of Mycenae (respectively 
0,70812 and 0,70822; Bos 2005, 117). 
Individual movements between Greece and south-eastern 
Italy are not impossible, especially in the Middle Bronze 
Age, and especially in the light of the Aegean pottery 
found all along the coastal line of Apulia to Gargano 
(Jones et al. 2014). 
Although the isotopic sample is limited, we have a strong 
impression that Trinitapoli took advantage of its geo-
graphic position in building trans-coastal exchanges and 
alliances, perhaps for the control of the maritime pas-
sage. These relationships might have been decisive in the 
construction of a more centralised power, and control of 
the élites over the subordinates. 
Toppo Daguzzo (Matera, Basilicata)
Tomb 3 at Toppo Daguzzo is the best investigated among 
a group of chamber tombs and is located on the side 
of a hilltop, near the Bronze Age settlement (Cipolloni 
Sampò 1986; 1999). On the plateau of the “acropolis” the 
surveys have revealed the dispersion of Mycenaean pot-
tery fragments (LH IIIB/C-IIIC, 13
th
–12
th 
century BC), 
which could be related to the presence of a structure that 
has not been fully investigated. 
Tomb 3 is composed of a 10 m long dromos, a stomion, 
and a wide rectangular chamber that hosts the human re-
mains of 11 individuals (6 adult males, 4 adult females, 
and 1 infant) and has been dated to the second half of 
15
th
-beginning of the 14
th 
century BC (MBA3; Figure 13).
The grave spans approximately 50 years, namely two or 
three generations (Recchia 1999). Every male deposition 
is accompanied by at least one weapon (one or more dag-
gers, or one sword) and female burials by amber or glass 
ornaments. The topographic “isolation” of such a rich 
social group has been related to the motivation to dis-
tinguish itself from the rest of the community. This evi-
dence, in addition to the structural similarities (dromos 
+ stomion + chamber) with Mycenaean chamber tombs, 
has been interpreted as an emulation of Aegean aristocra-
cies (Cipolloni Sampò 1986, 7). 
The anthropological analysis on the 11 individuals as-
certained 5.9% of caries and a 0.7% of dental abscesses, 

 
89 Arheo 37, 2020, 69–105 
Figure 13. Tomb 3 at Toppo Daguzzo. On the bottom left the distribution of skeletons and grave goods in the chamber (mod. after 
Cipolloni Sampò 1986 and Recchia 1999).
Slika 13. Grobnica 3 v Toppo Daguzzo. Levo spodaj je prikazana razporeditev okostij in grobnih pridatkov v kamri (prirejeno po 
Cipolloni Sampò 1986; Recchia 1999). 
whereas the average occurrence in Bronze Age Italy is 
higher (6.7% and 1.3% respectively). A similar discrep-
ancy between the élite and the rest of the population has 
been observed between the Grave Circle B individuals at 
Mycenae and the average of the rest of the Bronze Age 
populations of Greece (6.2% caries against 8%; 2.4% ab-
scesses against 4.5% of the Greek average; Minozzi et 
al. 1994). Although caries, abscesses, and ante-mortem 
tooth loss should be analysed in relation to age, these 
data may suggest a correlation between dental health and 
social status. Concerning traumatic injuries, the percent-
age of injured individuals found at Toppo Daguzzo (25%) 
is much higher in comparison with the Italian average 
(8.8%; Minozzi et al. 1994). Again, this is to be seen in a 
comparable trend, although to a lesser degree, in Greece, 
where the percentage at Grave Circle B (17.5%) exceeds 
the Greek average (15.8%). Hence, it may be possible to 
interpret this higher incidence of traumatic events with 
a major involvement of eminent social segments in war 
practices. 
In the fortunate case of Toppo Daguzzo, the preserved 
collagen has allowed for both mitochondrial DNA and 
paleodiet analysis. Molecular data seem to confirm the 
familiar chamber burial hypothesis. Two individuals dis-
tinguish themselves by having the same genetic muta-
tion, and at least two others are identical to Andersons’s 
reference sequence (Maffei 1994, 382). 

90 The Bioarchaeology of Social Stratification in Bronze Age Italy
Figure 14. Bagplots representing stable isotope (δ
15
N and δ
13
C) variability in Bronze Age Italy (at the top) and MH-LH Greece 
(at the bottom). Compared to MH-LH Greece, δ
15
N data in EBA-MBA Italy do not show significant variations among different 
communities and social groups. Differences mostly appear at an individual level (Source: Richards, Hedges 2008; Triantaphyllou 
et al. 2008; Tafuri et al. 2009; Petroutsa, Manolis 2010; Varalli et al. 2016). 
Slika 14. Vrečasti graf predstavlja raznolikost vrednosti stabilnih izotopov (δ
15
N and δ
13
C) iz bronaste dobe v Italiji (zgoraj) ter 
v srednje in pozno heladskem obdobju v Grčiji (spodaj). V primerjavi s srednje in pozno heladskim obdobjem v Grčiji δ
15
N v 
zgodnji in srednji bronasti dobi v Italiji ne kaže pomembnih razlik med različnimi skupnostmi in družbenimi skupinami. Razlike 
so večinoma opazne na ravni posameznih oseb (vir podatkov: Richards, Hedges 2008; Triantaphyllou et al. 2008; Tafuri et al. 
2009; Petroutsa, Manolis 2010; Varalli et al. 2016). 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
91 Arheo 37, 2020, 69–105 
Tafuri et al.’s study of stable isotopes shows a relatively 
restricted variability of carbon and nitrogen values, es-
pecially in comparison to Olmo di Nogara, whose rich 
quantities of both isotopes is due to millet consump-
tion and possibly to a higher protein intake (Tafuri et al. 
2009). The authors suggest that at Toppo Daguzzo plants 
such as wheat and barley most likely provided 65–70% 
of the protein requirement, and consequently, the con-
sumption of meat and fish was perhaps only of minor 
importance, which is particularly curious for a group 
that has all the characteristics of a Bronze Age élite. In-
terestingly, Toppo Daguzzo δ
13
C and δ
15
N averages do 
not statistically differ from other Early and MBA Italian 
populations (excluding Olmo di Nogara), where there are 
no manifest archaeological traces of high status groups 
(Arano, Grotta Misa, Grotta dello Scoglietto, Felcetone; 
Varalli et al. 2016, 4; Figure 14).
Isotopic data collected from Bronze Age Greece, instead, 
show clearly differentiated diets relating to the aristocrat-
ic context of Mycenae Grave Circles compared to other 
MH and LH sites (Richards, Hedges 2008; Triantaphyl-
lou et al. 2008; Petroutsa, Manolis 2010). Grave Circle 
B, and to a greater extent, Grave Circle A show higher 
carbon and nitrogen values, indicating a significant pro-
tein intake from meat and very likely marine food up to 
20–25% for some individuals, as suggested by Richards 
and Hedges. 
Conclusive remarks: what does bioarchaeology
tell us about social stratification in Middle-
Late Bronze Age Italy?
In our opinion, the synthetic panorama of the bioarchaeo-
logical data from the four key sites considered here dem-
onstrates that, at the transition between Middle and Late 
Bronze Age, village communities were characterised by 
a striking internal variability among different co-resi-
dential social segments. Despite the limited genetic data, 
osteological and demographic analyses, the evidence 
suggests that, in general, kinship ties were the primary 
criterion for clustering the deceased into the funerary 
space. The variability in terms of number of burials, ac-
cess to the burial space (inclusion/exclusion of subadults, 
in particular, but also of females), frequency of traumas 
and pathologies among these groups, substantially con-
firms the observations derived from other archaeologi-
cal indicators (grave goods), and show that the major-
ity of communities converged towards a general model 
in which stratification was the common structural trait 
across the whole peninsula. Obviously, the amplitude 
of the inequalities varies from site to site, especially be-
tween nodal centres and smaller villages, as well as from 
region to region, as a consequence of different socio-eco-
nomic backgrounds and cultural manifestations of social 
hierarchies. 
It is therefore clear that competition at various levels ex-
isted not only among different communities, villages, or 
tribes (Cardarelli 2015, 188), but also inside the commu-
nity itself. The data from the terramara at Casinalbo sug-
gest that this kind of dynamic was also operating inside 
small centres. 
Our overview shows that the basic pre-conditions for 
groups to emerge were: a) the demographic power of 
the enlarged kinship and the capacity to maintain large 
numbers throughout the generations (see also Cazzella, 
Recchia 2006, 760); b) involvement and success in war-
fare, and the consequent capacity for redistributing the 
spoils of war (also facilitated by the power of gathering a 
wide demographic base); c) a high degree of connectiv-
ity with regional and supra-regional networks and a fast, 
frequent, and stable interconnection with other emerg-
ing groups in the hinterland and in more distant (even 
remote) nodes of the networks. 
Other functions were probably attributed to the domi-
nant groups, such as religious or economic roles, but 
these appears less discernible from a bioarchaeological 
perspective. 
Despite the emphasis on internal competition, which 
probably represented a sort of common structural mecha-
nism for social development, emerging groups in Italian 
contexts of this period seem nonetheless still rather dis-
tant from the model of aristocracy that is clearly visible, 
for example, in the more complex organisms of the Ae-
gean. Except for Toppo Daguzzo, all other local emerg-
ing groups are integrated in (a more or less inclusive) col-
lective space, although they emphasise their identity by 
clustering in specific areas of the necropolis/hypogeum. 
At Olmo di Nogara, Casinalbo, and perhaps at Trinita-
poli-Ipogeo dei Bronzi we see the rise of these kinship 
groups, which seem to organise themselves through a de-
scent system very similar to what we know as ‘conical 
clan’ (see also new data from Trinitapoli from Arena et al. 

 
 
 
 
 
 
92 The Bioarchaeology of Social Stratification in Bronze Age Italy
2020). However, their diet, in terms of protein intake, as 
well as the general living conditions (pathologies, physi-
cal stress), do not show substantial differences, when 
compared to individuals without indicators of prestige. 
By contrast, Toppo Daguzzo Tomb 3 shows an élite 
group more involved in the process of emulating Aegean 
or Eastern Mediterranean aristocracies, at least for what 
concerns the monumentality of the tomb and the will 
of distinguishing itself from the rest of the community. 
Their distinctive lifestyle (participation in armed con-
flicts, access to prestige goods), their perhaps slightly 
privileged life conditions (better dental health), however, 
did not include a high protein intake. While Mycenaean 
aristocracies could eat more meat than ‘commoners’ and 
marine food plausibly once or twice per week, the Ital-
ian élite did not have significant access to this kind of 
‘luxury’. 
Besides all these considerations, already emphasised by a 
number of scientific contributions, the new isotopic data 
about the mobility of people stimulate a wider reflection 
on the dynamics of the emergence and stabilisation of 
new power structures. As documented at Casinalbo and 
Trinitapoli, where this kind of analyses have been carried 
out, exogamy was a systematic strategy for establishing 
connections. The possibility of incorporating high-status 
women from outside was crucial in order to institute or 
reinforce not only political/military alliances, but also 
exchange routes and, consequently, to reaching the social 
position for exercising the ‘redistributive power’ typical 
of the emerging governance organisms. 
In other Bronze Age key contexts, such as the cemetery 
at Scalvinetto (terramara at Fondo Paviani, northern dis-
trict of the Terramare system), almost 50% of the anal-
ysed individuals were not indigenous (Cavazzuti et al. 
2019a, 33–34). The immigrated people are, again, mostly 
women, who reached the ‘central place’ of Fondo Paviani 
from a variety of places, during late childhood or early 
adolescence (therefore, in the age of marriage). 
In our view, it was exactly the interplay between the in-
vestment in mobility (especially women’s mobility) and 
in kinship ties that was the most successful strategy of 
emerging groups. The balance between mobility, repre-
sented by interconnections, and stability, embodied by 
enduring ties with kinship and tradition, created the polit-
ical legitimation of power and its hereditary transmission. 
Using the language of sociology, the Bronze Age élites 
produced persistent “interorganisational” alliances with 
other élites (Mann 1986; López 2013). This dynamic was 
probably favoured by the idea that these emerging groups 
were sharing the same social challenge (competition) and 
the same objectives, thus creating a common ethos, a sort 
of “homophily”, sensu Rogers (Rogers 2003; Mcpher-
son et al. 2001). This state generated a power structure 
in which the leaders used their resources and their com-
mon system of values to establish barriers that made it 
more and more difficult for people from outside or at the 
bottom of the social hierarchy to participate in the gov-
ernance of the society in general, while at the same time 
this structural state of competition produced constant ri-
valries with other élite groups. 
This theoretical framework finds a striking correspon-
dence in the isotopic data from the well-known centre 
of Frattesina, located along the Po river Delta. The site 
arose during the 12
th 
century BC and progressively be-
came a prominent hub linking continental Europe and the 
Mediterranean, as evidenced by the remarkable variety 
of exotic materials and commodities discovered. Recent 
strontium isotope analyses on the related cemetery (Le 
Narde) have highlighted considerable ‘inequality’ of mo-
bility patterns among different social segments. Mobility 
is more frequent among the ‘richer’ burials, while unfur-
nished burials belong to indigenous individuals (Figure 15). 
Interestingly, almost all the ‘rich outsiders’ likely came 
from the hinterland (within 50 km from the site) and not 
from remote regions. This evidence seems to contradict 
the presence of exotic commodities, which marks Frat-
tesina as one of the most “international centres” of LBA
Italy. However, as we proposed in the original contribu-
tion (Cavazzuti et al. 2019b), the interchange between 
élite groups in that territorial node was crucial to re-orga-
nise stable political ties in the region after the collapse of 
the Terramare settlement system and legitimate the new 
actors in the mutated Mediterranean network of the 12
th
– 
11
th 
centuries BC. Thanks to the bioarchaeological and 
biogeochemical analyses, therefore, the hypothesis that 
Frattesina was an “emporium” favoured by the presence 
of Eastern Mediterranean traders or aristocracies, pre-
viously advanced by some scholars (e.g. Bietti Sestieri 
2008, 17), now appears much less probable. 
These new bioarchaeological approaches are positively 
contributing to integrate and, sometimes, modify our 

 
 
 
 
 
 
93 Arheo 37, 2020, 69–105 
Figure 15. Distribution of the 
87
Sr/
86
Sr values among Le Narde di Frattesina’s richest burials (“class 1”, in the yellow violin plot), 
less rich burials (“class 2”, in the red violin plot), and burials with no grave goods (“class 3” in the green violin plot) compared 
with 0-20 km (immediate hinterland) and 20-50 km (broader hinterland) environmental baselines. Each black dot represents one 
sample, human or baseline. The more variable of provenances among richer burials is indicated by the broader amplitude of the 
strontium isotope data in the yellow and red violins (after Cavazzuti et al. 2019b). 
Slika 15. Razporeditev vrednosti 
87
Sr/
86
Sr najbogatejših pokopov iz Le Narde v Frattesini (»razred 1« v rumenem violinskem 
prikazu), manj bogatih pokopov (»razred 2« v rdečem violinskem prikazu) in pokopov brez grobnih pridatkov (»razred 3« 
v zelenem violinskem prikazu) ter osnovne podlage območja oddaljenosti od 0 do 20 km (neposredno zaledje) in območja 
oddaljenosti od 20 do 50 km (širše zaledje). Vsaka črna pika predstavlja en vzorec (človeške kosti/zoba ali temeljne vrednosti). 
Bolj raznolik izvor med bogatimi pokopi je nakazan s širšim razponom vrednosti izotopov stroncija v v rumenem in rdečem 
violinskem prikazu (prirejeno po Cavazzuti et al. 2019b). 
general picture of social dynamics during prehistory. 
What Kristian Kristiansen has defined as the “third sci-
ence revolution in archaeology” (Kristiansen 2014) am-
plifies considerably our potential to capture the nuances 
of the archaeological record. Undoubtedly, the Italian 
contexts still lack an extensive analysis of aDNA series. 
When the genetic landscape is finally available, it will 
probably trigger further discussions on the theme of 
social stratification, and its connection with kinship,
ancestry, and ethnicity, similarly to what is happening in 
other regions of Europe. 
Acknowledgements
We thank the journal’s editors, and in particular, Brina 
Škvor Jernejčič, as well as the anonymous reviewers for 
their useful comments. Many thanks are addressed to 
Fiona Thompso and Maja Sužnik for English proofread-
ing of the manuscript. 

   
 
 
 
 
 
  
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
94 The Bioarchaeology of Social Stratification in Bronze Age Italy
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104 The Bioarchaeology of Social Stratification in Bronze Age Italy
Bioarheologija in preučevanje družbene razslojenosti 
v bronasti dobi Italije
(Povzetek)
Prispevek obravnava družbeno razslojenost skupnosti 
srednje in pozne bronaste dobe v severni in jugovzhodni 
Italiji. Zaradi številnih novih arheoloških in bioarheolo-
ških podatkov imamo zdaj možnost, da te podatke med 
seboj povežemo, hkrati pa na tak način raziskujemo druž-
bene neenakosti tudi na področjih, kot so zdravstveno 
stanje, prehrana, sorodstvene vezi, demografija ter mo-
bilnost. S pomočjo primerjalne analize smo se posvetili 
predvsem preučevanju dinamike pojava elit. 
V analizi smo se osredotočili na štiri grobišča: Olmo di 
Nogara in Casinalbo v Padski nižini ter Trinitapoli-Ipo-
geo dei Bronzi in Toppo Daguzzo na jugovzhodu Apenin-
skega polotoka (slika 1). Najdišče Olmo di Nogara leži 
na severnem delu Padske nižine in je eno najbolj znanih 
grobišč na področju t. i. kulture Terramare. Na tem naj-
dišču so bili najdeni tako skeletni kot tudi žgani pokopi v 
žarah (slika 2). Na območju C1 je bila pokopana skupina 
posameznikov, ki bi jo lahko, glede na prisotnost mečev 
tipa Boiu-Sauerbrunn-Keszthely v moških grobovih in 
prestižnih nakitnih predmetov, kot so jantarne jagode, v 
ženskih grobovih, prepoznali kot vodilno (slika 3). Si-
cer redki genetski podatki nakazujejo, da so bile vsaj ne-
katere od teh uglednih oseb med seboj v sorodstvu, in 
je bil potemtakem družbeni status verjetno podedovan. 
Osteološke analize so pokazale, da so bile poškodbe na 
kosteh, ki bi bile lahko posledica vojskovanja in drugih 
vojnih aktivnosti, pogoste. Kljub očitni hierarhični druž-
beni ureditvi skupnosti, analiza stabilnih izotopov ogljika 
in dušika ni pokazala bistvenih razlik v prehrani elite in 
»običajnih ljudi«.
Grobišče Casinalbo se nahaja na južnem delu Padske 
nižine (slika 2). Žarno grobišče s pripadajočo naselbino 
(t. i. terramara) je bilo organizirano v ločene skupine 
grobov z različnim številom pokopov (slika 4). Celo-
stna analiza arheološke stratigrafije najdišča, arheoloških 
najdb in sežganih človeških ostankov je pokazala obstoj 
različnih modelov socialnega združevanja. Majhne in 
srednje velike skupine razlagamo kot skupino posame-
znikov enega rodu nekaj generacij (slika 5). Drugače pa 
so velike skupine grobov, ki so se pojavile od približno 
1400–1350 pr. n. št., vključevale več kot eno rodovno 
linijo. V njih bi lahko prepoznali razširjeno sorodstveno 
skupino, za katero je značilna velika demografska moč 
(sliki 6 in 7). 
Znano je, da v okviru obredja kremacije v času najzgo-
dnejših žarnih grobišč bronasto orožje ni bilo deponirano 
v grobove. Osteološka analiza je zdaj prvič razkrila pri-
sotnost zelenkastih lis na kremiranih kosteh, ki jih lahko 
razlagamo kot posledico prisotnosti kovinskih predme-
tov med kremacijo pokojnika na grmadi, odlomki ko-
vinskih predmetov pa so bili sicer najdeni na posebnih 
obrednih območjih na grobišču (slika 4). Zanimivo je, da 
se odstotek posameznikov z grobnimi pridatki z grmade 
iz Casinalba ne razlikuje od odstotka, zabeleženega med 
skeletnimi grobovi z grobnimi pridatki na grobišču Olmo 
di Nogaro. Kljub razlikam v pogrebnih običajih in manjši 
razliki v sami dataciji pokopov z obeh najdišč, bi lahko 
za obe grobišči predpostavili podoben model družbene 
hierarhije. Analiza stabilnih izotopov stroncija izvedena 
na 24 osebkih je pokazala, da je bila eksogamija znotraj 
širšega zaledja običajna praksa, zlasti pri ženskah z viso-
kim družbenim statusom (slike 8 – 10).
Hipogejska grobnica »Ipogeo dei Bronzi« je ena najve-
čjih od petnajstih grobnic, izkopanih na najdišču Tri-
nitapoli v severni Apuliji, v njej pa so bili najdeni med 
seboj premešani ostanki skoraj 200 oseb (slika 11). V 
anatomski legi je bila najdena le ena odrasla ženska. To 
je bila tako imenovana »La signora delle ambre« (dama 
z jantarjem) – bogata ženska, najdena v središču grobni-
ce (slika 12), okrašena z jantarjevim in očalasto-spiralam 
nakitom, značilnim za širši jadranski prostor. Bronasti 
grobni pridatki (orožje in ženski nakit) so bili zbrani v 
posebnem delu grobnice (območje C1), v katerem je bil 
verjetno pokopan vladajoči rod. Iz na celotne demograf-
ske slike in splošne kronologije je razvidno, da je celotna 
grobnica vključevala več kot le enolinearno agnatsko so-
rodstvo (en rod). Potemtakem je moč sklepati, da so bili v 
grobnici najdeni skeletni ostanki razširjenega sorodstva, 
»stožčastega klana« ali bogatejšega rodu (območje C1), 
ki je vključeval večje število ostalih nečlanov, ki so bili 
na nek način odvisni in povezani z vladajočim rodom. 
Grob 3 iz Toppo Daguzza predstavlja eno od najbolje 
raziskanih hipogejskih ali podzemnih grobnic na tem 
najdišču, umeščeno na pobočje hriba nedaleč od Matere 
v Bazilikati. Hipogej sestavljajo 10 m dolg dromos, sto-
mion in široka pravokotna kamra, v kateri so bili najdeni 
človeški ostanki enajstih oseb, ki so bili sodeč po anali-
zah aDNA verjetno članov iste družine. Grobni pridatki, 
kot sta orožje in bogat nakit (jantar in steklo) (slika 13), 
kažejo na visok družbeni položaj te skupine. Za moške 
so bile značilne pogoste travmatične poškodbe, ki so 
posledica medosebnih konfliktov. Kljub »aristokratske-

 
 
105 
Arheo 37, 2020, 69–105 
mu« videzu skupine je analiza stabilnih izotopov oglji-
ka in dušika razkrila »slabo« prehrano z nizkim vnosom 
beljakovin. 
Pričujoči pregled je pokazal, da lahko na prehodu med 
srednjo in pozno bronasto dobo v okviru vaških skupno-
sti prepoznamo veliko notranjo raznolikost med posame-
znimi družbenimi skupinami. Izrazita razslojenost, ki jo 
je povzročilo tekmovanje za vire in prestiž, ni obstajala le 
med različnimi skupnostmi, temveč tudi znotraj ene sku-
pnosti. Osnovni predpogoji za nastanek skupin so bili: a) 
demografska moč razširjenega sorodstva; b) vpletenost 
in uspeh v vojskovanju; c) visoka stopnja vpetosti v regi-
onalne in nadregionalne komunikacijske mreže.
Kljub naraščajočim razlikam med elitami in podrejenimi 
deli družbe, ki so na najdišču Toppo Daguzzo razvidne 
bolj kot kjerkoli drugje, ugledne skupine Apeninskega 
polotoka niso dosegle ravni aristokracij iz vzhodnega 
Sredozemlja, to pa se zlasti kaže v prehrani in z vnosom 
beljakovin (slika 14). 
Arheološki in biogeokemijski podatki so pokazali, da so 
bile poleg stabilnosti, ki so jo zagotavljale trdne sorod-
stvene vezi, prav mobilnost, eksogamija in širše medse-
bojne veze, temeljne pri vzpostavljanju »medorganizacij-
skih« zavezništev z drugimi elitnimi skupinami, ostalimi 
členi komunikacijske mreže (slika 15). Te porajajoče se 
skupine so imele enak družbeni izziv (rivalstvo) in enake 
cilje, kar je ustvarjalo skupni etos, nekakšno »homofili-
jo«. To je ustvarjalo strukturo moči, v kateri so vodje s 
svojimi viri in svojim skupnim sistemom vrednot vzpo-
stavili meje, zaradi katerih so ljudje od zunaj ali iz dna 
družbene lestvice vedno težje sodelovali pri upravljanju 
družbe, hkrati pa je to strukturno stanje tekmovalnosti 
povzročalo nenehno rivalstvo z drugimi skupinami elite.