TWO HOMELANDS DVE 10 DOMOVINI Inštitut za slovensko izseljenstvo ZRC SAZU Ljubljana 1999 416390 ISSN 0353-6777 DVE DOMOVINI Razprave o izseljenstvu TWO HOMELANDS Migration Studies 10 Znanstvenoraziskovalni center Slovenske akademije znanosti in umetnosti Inštitut za slovensko izseljenstvo Scientific Research Centre of the Slovenian Academy of Sciences and Arts The Institute for Slovenian Emigration Studies Ljubljana 1999 ZAL^ZIifl Z R C 3ooo^>1M 0>vf- Dve domovini / Two Homelands 10 Razprave o izseljenstvu / Migration Studies Uredniški odbor dr. Breda Čebulj Sajko, dr. Marjan Drnovšek (odgovorni urednik), dr. Dirk Hoer-der, Aleksej Kalc, dr. Matjaž Klemenčič, akad. dr. Rado L. Lenček, akad. dr. Janez Stanonik, dr. Andrej Vovko, dr. Adam Walaszek, mag. Zvone Žigon, dr. Janja Žitnik (glavna urednica) Tehnični urednik Jure Žitnik Prevod in lektoriranje AMIDAS, Ljubljana Naslov uredništva Inštitut za slovensko izseljenstvo ZRC SAZU, Gosposka 13, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenija Tel: +386 61 125 60 68; faks: +386 61 125 78 02 E-pošta: spelam@alpha.zrc-sazu.si Domača stran: http://www.zrc.sazu.si/www/isi/izi-s.htm Homepage: http://www.zrc.sazu.si/isi/th.htm Tisk: Littera picta, Ljubljana Revija izhaja enkrat letno (v decembru). Znanstveni članki so recenzirani. Slika na naslovnici: Venezuelski ples ob Dnevu emigranta, v ozadju slovenska zastava iz cvetja; Giiigiie, Venezuela, oktober 1998. (Foto: Zvone Žigon) Revija izhaja s finančno pomočjo Ministrstva za znanost in tehnologijo Republike Slovenije. Posvečeno spominu akademika prof. dr. Ferda Gestrina I1S111S KAZALO - CONTENTS Janja Žitnik DESET LET REVIJE D VE DOMO VINI / TWO HOMELANDS 11 TEN YEARS OF DVE DOMOVINI / TWO HOMELANDS............. 15 RAZPRAVE IN ČLANKI ESSAYS AND ARTICLES Zvone Žigon SLOVENSTVO V VENEZUELI................................ 21 (SLOVENE IDENTITY IN VENEZUELA)........................32 Avgust Horvat ZAČETEK, RAZVOJ IN DANAŠNJE STANJE SREDNJEŠOLSKIH TEČAJEV V PO VOJNI SLO VENSKI EMIGRACIJI V ARGENTINI ..35 (COMIENZO, DESARROLLO YSITUACIONACTUAL DELA ENSENANZA SECUNDARIA EN LA EMIGRACION ESLOVENA DE POSGUERRA EN LA ARGENTINA)..........................43 (THE BEGINNING, DEVELOPMENT AND PRESENT STATE OF SECONDARY SCHOOL COURSES AMONG POST-WAR SLOVENE IMMIGRANTS IN ARGENTINA) ......................44 Breda Čebulj Sajko ETHNIC IDENTITY OF THE FIRST POSTWAR GENERATION OF AUSTRALIAN SLOVENES................................ 47 (ETNIČNA IDENTITETA PRVE POVOJNE GENERACIJE AVSTRALSKIH SLOVENCEV)...........................58 Bogdan Kolar ST. JOSEPH KSKJ LOCAL LODGE, BRIDGEPORT, CONNECTICUT............................................ 61 (KRAJEVNODRUŠTVOK.S.K.J. SV. JOŽEFA VBRIDGEPORTU V CONNECTICUTU) ..................................77 Irena Milanič MARY JUGG MOLEK - AN AMERICAN WRITER AND POET WITH SLOVENE ROOTS..................................... 79 (MARY JUGG MOLEK-AMERIŠKA PISATELJICA IN PESNICA SLOVENSKEGA POREKLA)............................ 112 Igor Maver IRENA BIRSA: AN AUSTRALIAN POET AND SCHOLAR OF SLOVENE DESCENT....................................... 115 (IRENA BIRSA: AVSTK4LSKA PESNICA IN ZNANSTVENICA SLOVENSKEGA RODU)..................................... 119 Michael Stammers ‘A WORKING MAN’S PARADISE’ - ENGLISH AWARENESS OF EMIGRATION AND NEW ZEALAND IN THE AGE OF SAIL 121 (»RAJ ZA DELAVNEGA ČLOVEKA« - ANGLEŠKA ZAVEST O IZSELJENSTVU IN NOVI ZELANDIJI V DOBI JADRNIC).. 132 OKROGLA MIZA »TISK IN IZSELJENSTVO« ROUNDTABLE »PRESS AND EMIGRATION« Knut Djupedal, Adam Walaszek................................ 137 Marjan Drnovšek PRINTED MATERIAL AND THE MASS EMIGRATION OF SLOVENES........................................... 139 Janja Žitnik SLOVENE EMIGRANT LITERATURE, PERIODICALS AND OTHER PUBLICATIONS AND THE READING PUBLIC IN SLOVENIA............................................ 145 DISCUSSION (Knut Djupedal, Adam Walaszek, Aurelio Giordano, Janja Žitnik, Ulj'Beijbom, Henning Bender, Dina Tolfsby, Olavi Koivukangas, Matjaž Klemenčič, Joel Wurl, Brian Lambkin) 151 VIRI IN GRADIVO DOCUMENTATION Tine T. Kurent KAJ BO Z GRADIVOM PROFESORJA CHRISTIANA ZA MONOGRAFIJO O LOUISU ADAMIČU........................... 171 (ABOUT THE MATERIAL COMPILED BY PROFESSOR CHRISTIAN FOR A MONOGRAPH ON LOUIS ADAMIC)....................... 180 Joel Wurl THE IMMIGRATION HISTORY RESEARCH CENTER AND THE SLOVENIAN AMERICAN COLLECTION...................... 181 Antonio Perotti ARCHIVES HISTORJQUES DU CIEMI (La presse de l’immigration italienne en France pendant la periode fasciste, 1921-1945). 183 POROČILA IN RAZMIŠLJANJA REPORTS AND REFLECTIONS Zvone Žigon INŠTITUT ZA SLOVENSKO IZSELJENSTVO ZRC SAZU NA 50. JUBILEJNI KONVENCIJI AAASS......................... 197 Breda Čebulj Sajko AVTOBIOGRAFSKA METODA (okrogla miza v okviru historičnega seminarja ZRC SAZU, 10. maj 1999)...................... 201 Breda Čebulj Sajko NEKAJ BESED O OBISKU INŠTITUTA POLONIJNY V KRAKOVU ......................................... Irena Gantar Godina LETNA KONFERENCA AEMIV ORGANIZACIJI INŠTITUTA ZA SLOVENSKO IZSELJENSTVO ZRC SAZU V PORTOROŽU, 29. september - 2. oktober 1999................................... 209 Knut Djupedal BASIC INFORMATION ON THE AEMI MEMBER INSTITUTIONS AND PROJECTS......................................... 211 Breda Čebulj Sajko 34. SVETOVNI KONGRES MEDNARODNEGA SOCIOLOŠKEGA INŠTITUTA (Multiple Modernities in an Era of Globalization, Tel Aviv, Izrael, 11.-15. julij 1999)............................. 215 Mihael Kuzmič MED PREKMURSKIMI ROJAKI V BETLEHEMU V PENNSYLVANIJI: Kratek zapis o delovnem in raziskovalnem obisku od 4. do 21. oktobra 1999......................................... 219 Tine T. Kurent PROMOCIJA SLOVENIJE, LOUISA ADAMIČA, IVANA CIMERMANA IN FRANA LEVSTIKA NA JAPONSKIH STRANEH INTERNETA................................................. 223 KNJIŽNE OCENE BOOK REVIEWS Zvone Žigon, Otroci dveh domovin: Slovenstvo v Južni Ameriki. Založba ZRC, Ljubljana 1998, 269 str. (Igor Lukšič)............... 235 Marjan Drnovšek, Usodna privlačnost Amerike. (Korenine), Nova revija, Ljubljana 1998, 390 str. (Zvone Žigon)............... 236 Janja Ž i t n i k s sodelovanjem Helge G1 u š i č, ur., Slovenska izseljenska književnost. Založba ZRC SAZU in založba Rokus, Ljubljana 1999, 1291 str.................................................... 239 Slovenska izseljenska književnost 1: Evropa, Avstralija, Azija. 400 str. (Alenka Žbogar).....................................................239 Slovenska izseljenska književnost 2: Severna Amerika. 484 str. (Mateja Pezdirc Bartol)............................................ 243 Slovenska izseljenska književnost 3: Južna Amerika. 407 str. (Alojzija Zupan Sosič)............................................. 247 Irena Gantar Godina, ur., Intelektualci v diaspori: Zbornik referatov simpozija »100. obletnica rojstva Louisa Adamiča -Intelektualci v diaspori«, Portorož, Slovenija, 1.-5. septembra 1998. ZRC SAZU, Inštitut za slovensko izseljenstvo, Založba ZRC, Ljubljana 1999, 248 str. (Andrej Vovko)........................ 251 Breda Čebulj Sajko, Etnologija in izseljenstvo: Slovenci po svetu kot predmet etnoloških raziskav v letih 1926-1993. Knjižnica Glasnika Slovenskega etnološkega društva 29, Ljubljana 1999, 182 str. (Nives Sulič).......................................................254 Marina Lukšič-Hacin, Multikulturalizem in migracije. Založba ZRC, Ljubljana 1999, 269 str. (Mirjam Milharčič-Hladnik) ... 256 Jože R a n t, ur., Zbornik dela v zvestobi in ljubezni: Zedinjena Slovenija 1948-1998. Zedinjena Slovenija, Buenos Aires 1998, 809 str. (Zvone Žigon)...................................................... 258 Božidar Fin k,-Na tujem v domovini. Mohorjeva družba, Celovec, Ljubljana, Dunaj 1999, 174 str. (Zvone Žigon)............................... 261 Tone Rode, Mesto pristan. SKA, Buenos Aires 1997 (Helga Glušič) 262 Igor Šentjur c, Vaters Land. Langen Miiller, Miinchen 1997, 351 str. (LevDetela)............................................. NAVODILA IN PRIPOROČILA AVTORJEM ................... 271 INSTRUCTIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS TO AUTHORS......... 275 AVTORSKI IZVLEČKI AUTHORS’ ABSTRACTS DESET LET REVIJE DVE DOMOVINI/TWO HOMELANDS Janja Žitnik Dve domovini/Two Homelands, znanstvena revija Inštituta za slovensko izseljenstvo ZRC SAZU v Ljubljani, je bila ustanovljena leta 1990, ko je Inštitut komaj tri leta deloval v organizacijsko in kadrovsko prenovljeni sestavi, tj. z več kot enim redno zaposlenim raziskovalcem. Šele po letu 1986, ko je bil Inštitut administrativno priključen Znanstvenoraziskovalnemu centru Slovenske akademije znanosti in umetnosti, se je namreč odprla možnost, da smo v prvem triletnem obdobju lahko zaposlili štiri nove raziskovalce. Leta 1990 je torej na Inštitutu delovalo pet raziskovalcev: literarna zgodovinarka Janja Žitnik od leta 1985, etnologinja Breda Čebulj Sajko in zgodovinar Andrej Vovko od leta 1987, zgodovinar Marjan Drnovšek od leta 1988 in sociologinja Marina Lukšič - Hacin (sedanja predstojnica Inštituta) od leta 1989, pri tehničnem in administrativnem delu pa jim je od leta 1987 pomagala strokovna delavka Špela Marinšek. Danes, desetletje pozneje, deluje na Inštitutu sedem raziskovalcev. Andrej Vovko nas je medtem zapustil, pridružili pa so se nam trije raziskovalci: zgodovinarka Irena Gantar Godina leta 1994, antropolog Zvone Žigon (mladi raziskovalec) leta 1995 in geograf Jernej Mlekuž (prav tako mladi raziskovalec) leta 1999. Istega leta smo zaposlili tudi dokumentalista Deana Ceglerja. Leta 1990 je bila raziskovalna skupina Inštituta resda številčno še zelo šibka, v strokovnem pogledu pa dovolj močna, daje lahko ustanovila svojo samostojno znanstveno revijo. To vsekakor potrjuje prvi zvezekDveh domovin (1990); v njem je objavljenih kar 27 prispevkov, med katerimi v veliki večini prevladujejo znanstveni članki. V prvem zvezku revije se zrcali široka paleta tedanje raziskovalne dejavnosti na področju slovenskih izseljenskih študij, kije, čeprav še v zelo fragmentarni obliki, potekala v okviru različnih raziskovalnih, pedagoških in drugih ustanov in v okviru različnih znanstvenih disciplin. Dve domovini / Two Homelands - 10 — 1999, 11-14 Odtlej revija redno izhaja enkrat letno. Povprečno število prispevkov v vseh rubrikah posameznega zvezka je približno 20 (v pričujoči številki 32), v skupnem obsegu revije pa seveda zavzemajo največ prostora znanstveni članki, ki so zadnja leta recenzirani po predpisanem postopku. Krog sodelavcev revije se nenehno spreminja, manjše jedro stalnih avtorjev vsako leto dopolnjujejo novi sodelavci iz najrazličnejših delov sveta. Tako v reviji sodelujejo poleg raziskovalcev iz Slovenije predstavniki slovenskih izseljenskih skupnosti po svetu (doslej predvsem iz Argentine, Kanade in Švedske), slovenski izseljenski znanstveniki in v manjši meri tudi tuji znanstveniki, ki raziskujejo izseljenstvo drugih narodov. Slednjim za sedaj posvečamo v reviji najmanj prostora, saj želimo s sprotnim objavljanjem znanstvenih rezultatov spodbujati predvsem raziskovanje slovenskega izseljenstva, in sicer ob načrtnem vključevanju primerjalnih in teoretskih študij ter metodoloških obravnav. Cilj uredniške politike revije je, da bi postopoma razširili interes za raziskovanje slovenske izseljenske problematike na tiste znanstvene discipline, ki še ne sodelujejo na tem raziskovalnem področju, v okviru primerjalnih študij pa vsekakor tudi na tuje raziskovalce. Prav zaradi tega smo z letošnjim letom vključili v uredniški odbor revije še dva priznana tuja raziskovalca mednarodnih migracij, in sicer prof. dr. Dirka Hoer-derja z bremenske univerze in prof. dr. Adama Walaszka z Inštituta Polonije, ki deluje na Jagiellonski univerzi v Krakovu. Istočasno je bil imenovan tudi novi odgovorni urednik dr. Marjan Drnovšek. Kot predstavnika zamejske in izseljenske raziskovalne dejavnosti redno sodelujeta v uredniškem odboru že od ustanovitve revije dolgoletni sodelavec Inštituta Aleksej Kalc, raziskovalec z Odseka za zgodovino Narodne in študijske knjižnice v Trstu, in akademik prof. dr. Rado L. Lenček s Kolumbijske univerze v New Yorku. S prihodnjim letom pa nameravamo dopolniti uredniški odbor vsaj še z enim mendarodno uveljavljenim raziskovalcem tega področja. Prihodnje leto, ob vstopu v novo desetletje izhajanja, bo naša revija predvidoma dobila tudi sodobnejšo obliko, uredniška politika pa bo za sedaj ostala nespremenjena. Izjemo predstavlja le naslednja številka Dveh domovin, za katero pripravljamo - poleg rednih rubrik - še naslednje prikaze: predstavitev arhivske, periodične in knjižne zbirke Inštituta ter bibliografijo vseh prispevkov v prvih desetih številkah naše revije, v načrtu pa je tudi objava bibliometrijske analize dosedanjih zvezkov te publikacije. V času izhajanja naše revije so raziskovalci Inštituta za slovensko izseljenstvo, tj. njenega izdajatelja, objavili poleg znanstvenih prispevkov v domačih in tujih revijah tudi vrsto znanstvenih monografij in zbornikov, ki so med drugim ocenjeni tudi v tej publikaciji; samo v zadnjih dveh letih (1998-99) so objavili osem znanstvenih knjižnih izdaj in en zbornik razprav (zaradi tega smo v letošnji številki Dveh domovin posvetili knjižnim ocenam več prostora kot običajno). In vendar ugotavljamo, da nas v tujih inštitutih in centrih za migracijske študije poznajo predvsem po naši reviji - verjetno zato, ker izhaja dvojezično in so njeni prispevki dostopni tako rekoč vsem tujim raziskovalcem, poleg tega pa je revija s svojo večdisciplinarno zasnovo zanimiva za širok krog uporabnikov. Spričo redne izmenjave revije z drugimi domačimi in tujimi periodičnimi publikacijami je v knjižnici Inštituta za slovensko izseljenstvo na voljo obiskovalcem precej širok izbor znanstvene, strokovne in izseljenske periodike. Ob vseh spodbudnih novicah moram tiste tuje bralce, ki ne morejo redno zasledovati vsega pomembnejšega dogajanja v Sloveniji, obvestiti še o tragičnem dogodku, ki je spomladi pretresel sodelavce Dveh domovin. Le tri dni pred tem, ko smo se člani redakcije zbrali na redni uredniški seji, je ugasnilo življenje našega dotedanjega odgovornega urednika. Akademik prof. dr. Ferdo Gestrin, plodovit in odmeven znanstvenik, priljubljeni mentor in pedagog, je vrsto let pred upokojitvijo delal kot redni profesor na Oddelku za zgodovino Filozofske fakultete v Ljubljani, v zadnjem desetletju pa je bil tesno povezan tudi z našim inštitutom. F unkcij o odgovornega urednika naše revij e j e opravlj al že od nj ene ustanovitve, v istem obdobju je bil tudi več let član in celo predsednik Znanstvenega sveta Inštituta. Vest o njegovi smrti je odmevala v številnih slovenskih medijih, še posebej v raziskovalnih in univerzitetnih krogih s področja slovenskega zgodovinopisja.1 S to nepričakovano izgubo je na naš skupni jubilej ob desetletnici izhajanja pričujoče publikacije padla senca grenkobe. Spominu na našega pokojnega nestorja pa se bomo najiskreneje poklonili tako, da bomo še naprej sledili njegovim izkušnjam in usmeritvam in da nas nas bosta tudi v prihodnje vodila njegova že kar prislovična treznost in optimizem. V imenu izdajatelja revije se zahvaljujem vsem njenim dosedanjim sodelavcem, ki so s svojimi pestrimi prispevki iz leta v leto bogatili njeno vsebino; vsem nekdanjim in sedanjim članom uredniškega odbora, zlasti pa svojima predhodnikoma dr. Andreju Vovku in dr. Marjanu Drnovšku za njuna prizadevanja v prvih letih izhajanja revije, ko smo s svojo izdajateljsko dejavnostjo na tem področju še »orali ledino«; dosedanjim tehničnim urednikom, ki so kljub zahtevnemu in zamudnemu delu poskrbeli, da so vsi zvezki revije lahko izšli v načrtova- 1 Bralce Dveh domovin naj spomnim, da smo predstavitev akademika Gestrina objavili v 8. zvezku revije v rubriki Portreti. nem roku; in nenazadnje vsem našim bralcem, kijih ob tej priložnosti vabim, da se vključijo v naše delo ne le s prispevki, ki jih predlagajo v objavo, temveč tudi s svojimi morebitnimi pobudami in predlogi uredništvu za še pestrejšo zasnovo in še nekoliko bogatejšo vsebino nadaljnjih zvezkov Dveh domovin. TEN YEARS OF DVE DOMOVINI/TWO HOMELANDS Janja Žitnik Dve domovini/Two Homelands, the journal of the Institute for Slovene Emigration Studies at the Scientific Research Centre of the Slovene Academy of Sciences and Arts (ZRC SAZU) was founded in 1990, barely three years after organizational and personnel changes meant that the Institute could begin employing more than one full-time researcher. Only after 1986, when the Institute was attached administratively to the ZRC SAZU, were we given the possibility of employing four new researchers in the first three-year period. By 1990 there were five researchers working at the Institute: literary historian Janja Žitnik (since 1985), ethnologist Breda Čebulj Sajko and historian Andrej Vovko (since 1987), historian Marjan Drnovšek (since 1988) and sociologist Marina Lukšič-Hacin, the current head of the Institute (since 1989). Since 1987 they have been assisted in technical and administrative work by Spela Marinšek. Today, ten years later, seven researchers work at the Institute. Andrej Vovko has left us, and we have been joined by three other researchers: in 1994 by historian Irena Gantar Godina, in 1995 by anthropologist Zvone Žigon (with young researcher status) and in 1999 by geographer Jernej Mlekuž (also with young researcher status). In 1999 we also employed documentalist Dean Ceglar. In 1990 the research group of the Institute was still very weak in terms of the number of staff, but sufficiently strong from the point of view of expertise to be able to found its own journal. This is confirmed by the first volume ofDve domovini/Two Homelands (1990), which contained as many as 27 articles, the great majority of which were scholarly papers. The first volume of the journal reflected the broad palette of current research activity in the field of Slovene emigration studies which, though still in very fragmentary form, was being carried out within various research, teaching and other institutions and within various academic disciplines. Dve domovini / Two Homelands - 10 - 1999, 15-18 Since then the journal has appeared regularly once a year. The average number of articles across all the sections of an individual volume is around 20 (in the present issue there are 32). Most space in the journal as a whole is of course taken up by scholarly papers, which in recent years have been selected according to a prescribed evaluation procedure. The circle of contributors to the journal is constantly changing, and the small nucleus of permanent writers is complemented each year by new contributors from all over the world. Contributors to the journal include, as well as researchers from Slovenia, representatives of Slovene emigrant communities around the world (to date these have mostly been from Argentina, Canada and Sweden), Slovene emigrant scholars and, to a lesser extent, scholars researching emigration from other nations. For the present, this last group is given the least space in the journal, since our main aim is to stimulate research into Slovene emigration by publishing the latest academic findings - through the deliberate inclusion of comparative and theoretical studies and methodological treatments. The aim of the journal’s editorial policy is gradually to extend interest in the research of Slovene emigration issues to those academic disciplines not yet taking part in this field of research, and (within the framework of comparative studies) of course to foreign researchers. For this reason the editorial board has been joined this year by two well-known foreign researchers of international migrations. These are Professor Dirk Hoerder of Bremen University and Professor Adam Walaszek of the Polonia Institute, who works at Uniwersytet Jagiellonski in Krakow. Another development is the appointment of Dr Marjan Drnovšek as executive editor. Two representatives of research activities outside the borders of Slovenia and overseas, who have been regular members of the editorial board since the journal was founded, are the Institute’s long-term collaborator Aleksej Kale, a researcher in the History Section of the National and Studies Library in Trieste, and Academy-member Professor Rado L. Lencek of Columbia University, New York. Next year we intend to further supplement the editorial board with at least one more internationally-known researcher from this field. In the coming year, as we embark on a new decade of publication, the format of our journal will probably be updated, but editorial policy will for the time being remain unchanged. The only exception is the next issue of Dve domo-vini/Two Homelands, for which we are preparing - in addition to the regular sections - the following reviews: a presentation of the Institute’s archive, its periodicals collection and its library, and a bibliography of all the articles contained in the first ten issues of the journal. We also plan to publish a bibliometrical analysis of the volumes of the publication that have appeared to date. In the ten years that we have been publishing our journal, the researchers of the Institute for Slovene Emigration Studies (the journal’s publisher) have contributed scholarly articles to domestic and foreign journals and also published a range of monographs and collections of papers which are among the works reviewed in the journal; in the last two years alone (1998-99) they have published eight books and one collection of essays (for this reason we have devoted more space than usual to book reviews in this year’s Dve domovini/Two Homelands). And yet we find that in foreign institutes and migration studies centres we are known mainly for our journal - probably because it is published in two languages and its articles are thus accessible to practically all foreign researchers. Furthermore the multidisciplinary design of the journal makes it interesting to a broad circle of users. Thanks to regular exchanges with other domestic and foreign periodical publications, the library of the Institute for Slovene Emigration Studies offers visitors a fairly wide choice of academic, specialist and emigrant periodicals. After all this encouraging news it is my sad duty to inform those foreign readers who are perhaps not in a position to keep abreast of all important developments in Slovenia of a tragic event which deeply affected the staff of Dve domovini/Two Homelands. Just three days before the members of the editorial board gathered for our regular editorial session, our executive editor passed away. Aca-demy-member Professor Ferdo Gestrin, a prolific and highly-esteemed researcher, and a popular mentor and teacher, was for many years a full professor at the Department of History of the Faculty of Arts in Ljubljana, while over the last decade he was also closely connected with the Institute. He held the position of executive editor of our journal since its foundation, and in the same period was for several years a member (and even president) of the Academic Council of the Institute. The news of his death was widely reported in the Slovene media, particularly in research and uniyersity circles in the field of Slovene historiography.2 This unexpected loss has cast a shadow over the jubilee celebrating the tenth anniversary of the publication of the journal. The most sincere tribute we can pay to the memory of our late Nestor is to continue to learn from his experience and follow his guidelines, and to continue to be led in the future by his already famous moderation and optimism. 2 I should remind readers of Dve domovini/Two Homelands that a feature on Professor Gestrin appeared in the Portraits section of Volume 8 of the journal. On behalf of our publisher I would like to thank all the contributors who have to date enriched the journal with their articles on a wide range of subjects; all the former and current members of the editorial board, particularly my predecessors Dr Andrej Vovko and Dr Marjan Drnovšek for their efforts in the first years of the journal’s existence, when we were still at the ‘spadework’ stage of our publishing activities; all the technical editors who despite demanding and time-consuming work have ensured that all the volumes of the journal have been published on schedule; and finally, all our readers, whom I take this opportunity to invite to join us in our work, not only through articles submitted for publication but also through suggestions and proposals to the editorial board of ways to make future volumes of Dve domovini/Two Homelands even more varied in scope and even richer in content. RAZPRAVE IN ČLANKI ESSAYS AND ARTICLES SLOVENSTVO V VENEZUELI Zvone Žigon Ko govorimo o izseljevanju Slovencev v države Južne Amerike, imamo največkrat v mislih Argentino, kamor se jih je resnici na ljubo izselilo največ, cilj mnogih pa so postale tudi Brazilija, Urugvaj in Čile.1 Na Slovenskem najdemo temu primemo razmerje publikacij o življenju v omenjenih posameznih državah; ob tem pa je gotovo med najmanj zastopanimi Venezuela oziroma slovenski priseljenci v tej državi. V Sloveniji je o rojakih v Venezueli izšlo komaj nekaj časopisnih člankov (Družina, Rodna gruda), nekaj zapisov pa najdemo še v Koledarju - Zborniku Svobodne Slovenije iz Buenos Airesa. Ker sem tudi sam večino svojega raziskovanja ohranjanja etnične identitete v izseljenstvu namenil osebam slovenskega porekla v že naštetih državah, seje za nujno potrebnega izkazal še obisk v tej državi. V Venezueli sem oktobra 1998 prebil 18 dni in v tem času kljub šibkim izhodiščem uspel navezati stik s tam živečo slovensko skupnostjo. 1 Na podlagi različnih zapisov in ocen lahko sklepamo, da seje v različnih obdobjih od druge polovice 19. stoletja s slovenskega etničnega ozemlja v Argentino izselilo okoli 30.000 oseb, v Urugvaj okoli 1.500 (Žigon, 1998 b, str. 81), v Čile okoli 150 (n.d., str. 91), v Brazilijo od 1.000 do 5.000 oseb - številke se izrazito razlikujejo zaradi izjemno pomanjkljive evidence (n.d., str. 85). Na vsej celini naj bi se naselilo do 40.000 oseb slovenskega porekla, še enkrat pa velja poudariti, da gre večinoma za špekulira-nje s številkami. Natančno ugotavljanje je nemogoče, saj so se vsi priseljenci v te države preselili kot državljani Jugoslavije, Avstrije, Italije, ugotavljanje in zapisovanje etnične pripadnosti ob vstopu v omenjene države je bilo prej izjema kot pravilo, zaradi številnih ilegalnih izselitev, begunstva itd. pa je bila tovrstna evidenca močno okrnjena tudi s strani oblasti emigrantske družbe oziroma države. Dve domovini / Two Homelands - 10 - 1999, 21-33 ZGODOVINA PRISELJEVANJA V VENEZUELO Ta prostrana južnoameriška država je takoj po osamosvojitvi, ko je štela vsega 700.000 prebivalcev (Caballero 1997, str. 12), sprejela zakon, kije spodbujal priseljevanje, saj je bilo v deželi ogromno nenaseljenih prostranstev. Že od leta 1832 je tako potekalo kontinuirano priseljevanje, predvsem Špancev s Kanarskih otokov in tudi iz Španije, Nizozemcev, Nemcev, Italijanov, Francozov, Portugalcev idr. Med drugo svetovno vojno je bilo priseljevanje minimalno, po vojni pa je spet naraslo (od 1945 do 1947 okoli 41.000 oseb). Tudi v prihodnjih letih seje nadaljevalo močno priseljevanje (samo leta 1948 naj bi v državo vstopilo okoli 50.000 priseljencev, do leta 1953 pa povprečno več kot 28.000 na leto; največ je bilo Italijanov, Špancev, Kolumbijcev in Portugalcev, veliko pa tudi Sevemoameričanov, Poljakov, Libanoncev, Kitajcev, Nemcev itd.). Prvi Slovenci so prišli v Venezuelo med prvo in drugo svetovno vojno -njihovo število je neugotovljivo, vsekakor pa majhno in nesignifikantno, lahko zapišemo, da je šlo za posameznike. Odvetnik Anton Urbanc iz Caracasa tako ugotavlja, da naj bi jih prišlo do 50. O začetku večjega izseljevanja Slovencev v to državo lahko govorimo šele od 27. junija 1947, ko seje začelo priseljevanje političnih beguncev s prvim transportom, pristalim v pristanišču La Guaira. Največ je bilo Špancev, Italijanov, Poljakov in »Jugoslovanov (večinoma Hrvatov)«. 2. septembra 1947 je v pristanišču Puerto Cabello po dolgi poti iz nemškega Bremenhavna pristala ladja, »transport A«, z 850 potniki različnih narodnosti predvsem iz srednje in vzhodne Evrope, »večinoma Jugoslovani (301), med njimi največ Hrvatov« (Caballero 1997, str. 34), o slovenskih potnikih pa ni posebnih zaznamkov, razen ustnih pričevanj. Sledilo je še nekaj podobnih transportov, v katerih je bilo tudi neugotovljivo število Slovencev, skoraj vsi pa so svoje izseljensko življenje začeli v velikih pločevinastih barakah v taborišču El Trompillo. Po pričevanju Urbanca je bilo samo na prvih transportih leta 1947 200 do 300 Slovencev, pisatelj Lojze Ilija pa je, po pričevanju Antona Urbanca, ocenil, daje v državo prišlo okoli 500 priseljencev s Slovenskega. Prvemu »valu« slovenskih izseljencev, ki so iz domovine odšli večinoma kot politični begunci, zaradi nestrinjanja z novo oblastjo, so do konca 50. let sledili še številni posamezniki, večinoma Primorci, ki so se za preselitev odločili bodisi zaradi nezadovoljstva z ekonomskimi in deloma tudi političnimi razmerami doma, bodisi iz čistega »avanturizma« ali na podlagi izkušenj in vabil slovenskih sorodnikov in znancev iz Venezuele. Na podlagi ločenih ustnih izjav oziroma ocen lahko dom- Ena od še ohranjenih pločevinastih barak v emigrantskem taborišču El Trompillo. Foto: Zvone Žigon nevarno, da je do leta 1960 v Venezuelo prispelo 550 do 650 Slovencev. To oceno potrjuje tudi izjava Angela Pušnarja, ki mu je uslužbenec jugoslovanskega veleposlaništva v Caracasu pred približno desetimi leti dejal, da naj bi v tej državi živelo okoli 650 Slovencev. Slovenski duhovnik v Caracasu Janez Grilc je leta 1970 zapisal, daje v tem mestu okoli 30 do 40 slovenskih družin oziroma skupaj okoli 300 oseb z otroki in samskimi osebami vred, približno enako stanje naj bi bilo v Valenciji (Grilc 1970, str. 227-228), še nekaj deset družin pa je naseljenih v krajih Maracaibo, Maracay, Merida, Puerto Ordaz, Guigiie, Puerto Cabello in drugod, večinoma po notranjosti države. Isti avtor v drugem članku omenja, da je po poročilih jugoslovanskega konzulata v Venezueli okoli 800 Slovencev, »vendar se zdi, daje med temi precej takih, ki se v vsakdanjem življenju štejejo med Italijane ali celo Nemce in Madžare. To store navadno zaradi lažjega gospodarskega položaja. Slovenski dušni pastir jih je naštel okrog 600.« (Grilc 1975, str. 463) Po oceni avtorja je bilo med njimi okoli 15 odstotkov takih, ki so se udeleževali nedeljske slovenske maše (Grilc 1970, str. 227—228). DRUŠTVENA ORGANIZIRANOST Med priseljenci s slovenskega etničnega ozemlja je bilo največ odraslih in že izučenih oseb, večkrat so prišle cele družine ali vsaj zakonski pari. Več sogovornikov je v spominih na prihod v neznano deželo poudarjalo hud kulturni in klimatski šok, ki so ga doživljali prve dni in tedne, celo mesece. Venezuela je namreč država z (ob obali in v večini notranjih predelov) zelo vročo klimo, kljub velikim naravnim bogastvom se ne more otresti velikih socialnih razlik oziroma hude revščine, s čimer je povezana visoka stopnja kriminala, drugačna je tudi delovna mentaliteta. Skupina venezuelskih Slovencev po velikonočnem blagoslovu jedi, Caracas, 1. april 1961. Desno duhovnik Janez Grilc. (Zasebni arhiv Rudija Kelbiča, Caracasj Kljub naštetim težavam si je večina slovenskih priseljencev razmeroma hitro ekonomsko opomogla, saj so bili delavni in iznajdljivi. Že kmalu po prihodu seje del sprva še popolnoma nepovezane izseljenske skupnosti začel neformalno sestajati (od leta 1953) in sčasoma je prišlo do pobude, na katero je leta 1958 prišel iz Argentine slovenski duhovnik Janez Grilc. Izkazal seje za odličnega organizacijskega in duhovnega voditelja, tako da so se takoj začele slovenske maše (prva že 27. aprila 1958) in izrazito narodnostno obarvana romanja, sledila so si tudi družabna in kulturna srečanja. Leta 1966 (13. julija) je bilo tudi formalno ustanovljeno slovensko izseljensko društvo Sv. Cirila in Metoda.2 Članarino je plačevalo okoli 35 družin (leta 1975 44 članarin), sicer pa seje večjih prireditev udeleževalo od 100 do 150 oseb. Slovenci iz notranjosti države, tudi tisti iz Valencije, niso plačevali članarine zaradi oddaljenosti. Društvo je leta 1973 odprlo »pristavo«, kjer je bila tudi dvorana oziroma prostor za srečanja, balinišče, vrt itd. Objekt so kasneje prodali, še danes pa ima društvo v najem več parcel na pokopališču. Vzporedno z društvom Sv. Cirila in Metoda (Caracas) je v Valenciji nastalo društvo Ilirija.3 Kljub velikim prizadevanjem in celo začasnemu uspehu se želja po ohranitvi lastnega društvenega doma ni obdržala, očitno zaradi majhnosti skupnosti, premajhne finančne sposobnosti, pa tudi velike raztresenosti po vsem velemestu in državi. Vseeno so nadaljevali s prireditvami, pa čeprav v najetih dvoranah, predvsem je šlo za materinske dneve, miklavževanja, »slovenski dan«... V Kole-darju-Zborniku. Svobodne Slovenije zasledimo prošnjo rojakom v Argentini za še enega duhovnika (za kraj Valencia), za učitelja slovenščine in za orglarja (Koledar... 1967, str. 424-425). V začetku 70. let je v tej skupnosti deloval orkester Triglav, dejaven pa je bil tudi pevski zbor, v katerem so peli celo Slovenci iz 150 2 Gre za »civilno društvo brez dobičkanosnih namenov, /.../ ima polno sposobnost, da vrši vsa tista dejanja, ki so mu za dosego svojega namena koristna, primerna in potrebna. /.. ./Namen društva je pospeševati med svojimi člani duhovne in kulturne vrednote v skladu s krščansko vero, jim nuditi v okviru krščanske morale zdravo zabavo in razvedrilo ter jim pomagati v slučaju bolezni ali smrti.« (Pravila Društva Sv. Cirila in Metoda, Caracas, 8. maj 1966.) Poleg Grilca je kot duhovnik v Venezueli od leta 1971 do 1978 deloval tudi Milan Hlebš, zdaj v pokoju v Sloveniji. 3 V Slovenskem Koledarju Slovenske izseljenske matice in v drugih naslovnikih slovenskih izseljenskih društev zasledimo še ime Karla Perovca in društva Slovenija v kraju Puerto Cabello. Med mojimi sogovorniki je ob tem podatku zavladalo veliko začudenje, samo nekateri so se megleno spomnili tega imena, o kakšnem društvu ali vsaj večjem številu Slovencev v tem kraju pa nihče ni vedel ničesar. Sicer pa je Janez Grilc na podlagi svojih obiskov v različnih krajih Venezuele zapisal, da v kraju Puerto Cabello živi okoli 5 slovenskih družin, v kraju Barquisimeto 5 do 6, nekatere v krajih Las Theques, Cumana, La Palina itd. (Življenje, 20. 9. 1959), v kraju Chivacoa 3 {Življenje, januar 1960). kilometrov oddaljene Valencije. Nekaj časa so bili otroci pred slovensko mašo deležni tudi pouka slovenskega jezika. Na svojo navzočnost v Venezueli je slovenska skupnost opozorila tudi na ta način, daje leta 1985 papežu Janezu Pavlu II. ob obisku v Caracasu izročila darilo. Osrednji dogodek te slovenske izseljenske skupnosti je bilo vsakoletno romanje, ki seje ohranilo vse do smrti msgr. Janeza Grilca junija 1997, naslednje leto pa je Tončka Brundula, zdaj predsednica društva in duša »slovenskega« dogajanja v Venezueli, organizirala (odlično obiskano) novo romanje, posvečeno prav spominu na dolgoletnega duhovnega in kulturnega voditelja. O veličini in sposobnostih tega človeka govori tudi podatek, da se po njem imenuje ulica v Caracasu; sicer pa imajo v turističnem kraju Higuerote celo avenijo Slovenija. Duhovnik Grilc je od 19. aprila 1959 izdajal glasilo Življenje, sprva vsak mesec, zadnja leta pa dvakrat letno. Po njegovi smrti je uredništvo prevzela Tončka Brundula iz Caracasa, ki je junija 1998 izdala svojo prvo številko. List je bil vseskozi verske in informativne narave, izhajal pa je največkrat v obliki pisma, na dveh straneh, v slovenščini in občasno deloma v španščini. Pokojni msgr. Janez Grilc (Arhiv Inštituta za slovensko izseljenstvo) Za slovenske izseljence je pomemben tudi Dan emigranta (El dia del in-migrante) v kraju Guigiie, kjer velja za »poglavarja« (el »casique«) slovenski izseljenec Franc Willewardt. Gre za spomin na izkrcanje prvih evropskih priseljencev po vojni v kraju Puerto Cabello in prihod v taborišče v bližini kraja El Trompillo. Slovesnost organizira mestna oblast, udeležijo pa se je pripadniki različnih priseljenskih skupnosti v kraju in državi. Sam sem bil (leta 1998) navzoč na tej prireditvi. Navzočnost različnih priseljenskih skupin je bila obeležena s položitvijo vencev v barvah nacionalnih zastav pred spomenik domačemu narodnemu voditelju in heroju Simonu Bolivarju. Franc Willewardt velja v tem kraju za eno vplivnejših oseb in organizatorjev omenjene slovesnosti. V govoru na Dan emigranta leta 1996 izraža - kljub nenehno izkazovani zvestobi slovenstvu - veliko hvaležnost in lojalnost Venezueli: »Vsakič, ko smo se zbrali na tem kraju in s tem namenom, smo to počeli zato, da bi lahko pripovedovali o svojem prihodu, nikoli pa nismo pozabili izraziti hvaležnosti. Venezuela je domovina nas in naših otrok, vnukov in pravnukov... Vi, vaši starši in dedje so nam ponudili roko pomoči, službe, streho nad glavo, ne da bi nas poznali in ne da bi vedeli, kdo smo. Prav zato čutimo, daje ta dežela tudi naša domovina...« (Willewardt 1996).4 Prireditve oktobra 1998 seje udeležila tudi skupina 10 do 15 Slovencev. Žal je praznovanje po več kot 50 letih v veliki meri izgubilo pomen in odmevnost, tudi udeležba leta 1998 je bila precej skromna; kot zunanji opazovalec sem dobil občutek, daje prireditev namenjena sama sebi in morda še spoštovanju do redkih še živečih pripadnikov prve generacije priseljencev. SLOVENCI IN SLOVENSTVO V VENEZUELI DANES V sklopu raziskovanja navzočnosti oziroma ohranjenosti slovenske etnične identitete v Južni Ameriki sem se tudi v Venezueli odločil za neposreden stik z osebami slovenskega porekla oziroma za kombinacijo raziskovalne metode »opazovanja z udeležbo« in vodenih intervjujev (ob običanjem delu s pisnimi viri). Seveda za prvo metodo ni bilo optimalnih pogojev, saj niti slučajno nisem zadostil veljavnim kriterijem vsaj nekajmesečnega bivanja sredi obravnavane skupine (ta metoda omogoča raziskovalcu neposreden stik s pripadniki ciljne skupine, življenje z njimi, večjo stopnjo empatije, saj raziskovalec postane del 4 Franc Willewardt, rokopis govora ob Dnevu emigranta, Guigiie, 6. oktober 1996. Willewardt končuje knjigo z avtobiografijo in zgodbami iz izseljenskega življenja. opazovanega procesa. Pa vendar sem se njihovemu čutenju približal vsaj do neke mere, saj sem tudi sam lahko izkusil kulturni (in klimatski) šok, tako kot so ga izseljenci ob svojem prihodu, po več dni sem živel pri dveh družinah, imel sem priložnost za sodelovanje v njihovem vsakdanjem življenju, za neformalne, nevezane, improvizirane pogovore.5 Zanimala meje predvsem ohranjenost slovenske etnične identitete med pripadniki druge generacije te razmeroma razpršene skupnosti. Namen obiska je bil tudi preveriti zastavljeni model ohranjanja etnične identitete v izseljenstvu, oblikovan na podlagi raziskav med Slovenci v Argentini, Urugvaju, Braziliji in Čilu, v katerem sem navzočnost primarne etnične identitete (identitete izvirne, emigrantske družbe, iz katere so se izselili starši) razporedil v gibljivo kvalitativno lestvico z devetimi ravnmi, ki se med seboj pogosto prepletajo. Tako ločim: 1. identifikacijsko identiteto (gre za osebe, kijih raziskovalec običajno ne doseže, saj nimajo stikov s slovenstvom ali jih ta tematika ne zanima, morda zgolj vedo, od kod izvirajo njihovi predniki); 2. odprtost (osebe, ki se označujejo za »potomce Slovencev« ali celo »Slovence po rodu«, navadno poznajo življenjsko zgodbo prednikov in občasno želijo tesnejšega stika s kulturo izvirne domovine); 3. folklorno - simbolno identiteto (občasno udeleževanje slovenskih prireditev v izseljenstvu); 4. klubsko identiteto (pripadnost slovenskemu klubu, društvu, včasih predvsem temu in ne toliko slovenstvu kot kulturi); 5. željo po pridobitvi (slovenskega) državljanstva in učenju jezika; 6. mobilizacijsko identiteto (osebe v vodstvih društev, tisti, ki redno sodelujejo pri društvenem ali drugačnem delu); 7. obiskovanje, redni stiki z izvirno domovino; 8. govorjenje in gojenje maternega jezika ter 9. odločitev o preselitvi v izvirno domovino (Žigon 1998 b, str. 104-106). Imel sem precej raziskovalske sreče, prav tako nujno potrebne pri tovrstnem raziskovanju, saj sem že iz Slovenije vzpostavil stik s Tončko Brundula, eno najdejavnejših oseb v slovenski izseljenski skupnosti, sedaj predsednico Društva Sv. Cirila in Metoda, bližnjo sodelavko msgr. Janeza Grilca itd., torej idealno informatorko. Srečal sem se z 22 družinami ali drugače povedano, pogovarjal 5 O metodi »opazovanja z udeležbo« piše Bernard Russel v knjigi Research Methods in Cultural Anthropology, Newbury Park, London, New Delhy: Sage Publications, 1991. sem se z najmanj 71 pripadniki prve, druge in celo tretje generacije Slovencev v tej državi. Imel sem možnost pregledati del še ohranjenega arhiva msgr. Grilca (večji del je po njegovi smrti ostal v neurejenih prostorih župnijske Karitas oziroma seje za njim izgubila sled), intervjuval sem slovenskega misijonarja Huga Delčnjaka (Maša z bobni, Dnevnik, november 1998), nekaj dni pa sem porabil tudi za seznanitev z delom te prostrane in geografsko ter kulturno raznolike države. »Ožjo« slovensko izseljensko skupnost v Venezueli sestavlja okoli 100 oseb prve in druge generacije. Gre za družine, v katerih sta večinoma oba zakonca Slovenca, otroci, večinoma že odrasli, pa imajo največkrat venezuelske partnerje (raje se odločajo za potomce evropskih kultur). Večina mojih sogovornikov iz druge generacije je govorila tudi slovensko, čeprav največkrat v narečju svojih staršev in s težavami z besednim zakladom. Naletel sem tudi na nekaj izjem, torej takih, ki so govorili tekoče slovensko, v več primerih pa tudi takih, ki znajo zgolj kakšno besedo ali še tega ne, njihov občutek slovenstva pa je omejen na pripadnost skupnosti kot taki oziroma na zavedanje svojih etničnih korenin. Precej pogost je pojav govorjenja »medio venezolansko, medio slovensko«, torej mešanje slovenskih in španskih izrazov. Celotna skupnost »sloni« na nekaj priimkih, kar pomeni, da gre za številčnejše družine ali pač dejavnejše posameznike (organizator društvenega življenja in večkratni predsednik društva Kelbič, advokat Urbanc, pivovamar Rifel, osemčlanska družina Voglar, že omenjena družina Brundula, Jakuš, Willewardt, Boštjančič, Jerak, Meglič, Uija, itd.).6 Raba jezika je prilagojena razmerju v družini - če sta oba zakonca Slovenca, pogovor poteka pogosteje v slovenščini, v nekaterih družinah se tega pravila držijo tudi pri komuniciranju s potomci, največkrat pa so pripadniki drugega rodu v tako močni navezi z dominantno kulturo, da se materni jezik izgubi ali vsaj potisne v ozadje že kmalu po vstopu v socialne ustanove (vrtec, šola). Veliko je takih, ki slovensko razumejo, govorijo pa ne. Precej posameznikom, ki so prišli v Venezuelo skupaj s starši kot otroci, pa seje zgodilo, daje njihov (slo- 6 Nekoliko odmaknjena od te skupnosti je Karolina Kuglot, potomka slovenskih izseljencev s Postojnskega, ki je dokončala likovno akademijo v Ljubljani, sicer dejavna soustvarjalka kulturnega življenja v Caracasu, med dnigim tudi soorganizatorka uspelega gostovanja MGL z igro Šeherezada. Na magnetofonskem posnetku je posnet dolg pogovor o njenem občutenju slovenske identitete, o razpetosti med prijatelje v Sloveniji in družino v Venezueli, o odnosu z možem Venezuelcem itd. venski) jezik ostal na ravni npr. sedemletnega otroka. Medtem ko se razmeroma visok delež od ocenjenega števila Slovencev v Venezueli še udeležuje skupnega romanja (100-150), lahko sicer ugotovimo razmeroma hiter proces asimilacije, kije, glede na to, da se omenjenega dogodka udeleži do 150 oseb slovenskega porekla (z neslovenskimi sorodniki vred), v veliki meri že »dopolnjena« pri približno 70 odstotkih obravnavane populacije oziroma druge generacije Slovencev v Venezueli. Za tretjo generacijo skoraj brez izjeme velja, daje v celoti asimilirana v dominantno kulturo; težko govorimo o pripadnosti slovenstvu, čeprav sem doživel tudi tovrstne primere - šlo je za identifikacijo z venezuelsko IN slovensko zastavo itd., torej za predvsem prvo in drugo »raven« identitete glede na zastavljeno gibljivo lestvico. Na splošno se je tudi tu potrdilo pravilo oziroma ugotovitev iz drugih raziskovanj, daje etnična identiteta v izseljenstvu razslojena na več kakovostnih ravni, med katerimi gotovo dominira znanje primarnega slovenskega jezika in razmišljanje, podzavestni miselni procesi v njem. Že takoj na naslednji ravni pa pridobijo na pomenu druge komponente, kot so npr. delovna mentaliteta, običaji, pesmi, ki se laže ohranjanjo oziroma prenašajo z generacije na generacijo. Za skupnost v Venezueli oziroma asimilacijo slovenske identitete v venezuelski lahko kot značilnost navedemo dejstvo, da pripadniki druge generacije nimajo fizičnega prostora, kjer bi se lahko srečevali na osnovi slovenstva, tako kot je to možno pri mladih v Argentini, zato odpade eden od pomembnih socializacijskih medijev - skupina vrstnikov. Prav tako nimajo slovenske šole, po smrti Janeza Grilca ni več slovenske maše itd. Posameznik, pripadnik druge generacije, se tako hitreje navzame vplivov dominantnega okolja, dvojni - tudi slovenski -socializaciji je izpostavljen le v krogu družine. Tudi tu sem naletel na osebe, ki so mi svojo etnično identiteto opisale kot svojevrstno dvojnost: v Venezueli jih okolica jemlje kot tujce oziroma vsaj potomce tujcev, drugačne po zunanjem izgledu (modre oči, svetli lasje, višje postave...) in vedenju; prav zaradi slednjega podobno gledajo nanje tudi ob obisku v Sloveniji - v obeh deželah čutijo, da jih okolje obravnava kot tujce,7 čeprav se sami počutijo na obeh lokacijah »kot doma«. Eden od sogovornikov mi je svoj odnos do slovenstva opisal kot nekaj »mističnega«. Tudi v Venezueli, kot v vseh imigrantskih državah, v katerih sem se srečal s slovenskimi izseljenskimi skup- 7 Venezuelci so za prišleke iz Evrope uporabljali izraz »musju« (iz francoskega monsieur), ki se je ohranil do današnjih dni. nostmi, seje ponovilo opažanje, da mladi okrog 20. leta starosti začutijo povečan interes po globlji etnični samoidentifikaciji; če ne znajo slovensko, se začenjajo zanimati za ta jezik, čutijo obžalovanje, da niso ohranili jezika staršev itd. Pripomnim naj, daje več pripadnikov prve generacije v pogovorih poudarilo, da se še vedno niso čisto prilagodili kulturi in klimi, da jim v Venezueli ni všeč, seveda pa zdaj, ko so si ustvarili družine in se ustalili, ne namerevajo vnovič na tvegano pot čez ocean v deželo, kjer niso več tako doma, kot so bili pred odhodom. Namesto zaključka lahko ugotovimo, daje slovenstvo v Venezueli na stopnji, ko se bo bodisi ohranilo na sedanji ravni bodisi pospešeno izgubilo. Precej je odvisno tudi od sodelovanja slovenske države in Cerkve, saj si tamkajšnji še dejavni Slovenci na podlagi izkušenj s pokojnim duhovnikom Grilcem želijo novega slovenskega duhovnika in organizatorja, izrazili pa so tudi željo po imenovanju častnega konzula in tesnejšem kulturnem sodelovanju. Tončka Brundu-la, predsednica Društva Sv. Cirila in Metoda, seje lotila zahtevne naloge izdelave registra vseh Slovencev v Venezueli - vpisuje letnice rojstev, poklice, naslove itd., in to za vse generacije. Namerava tudi na novo sklicati odbor in oživiti delovanje društva, zamrlo s smrtjo duhovnika. Če se našteti predlogi oziroma projekti ne bodo obnesli, lahko pričakujemo pospešeno asimiliranje in izginjanje slovenstva v tej južnoameriški državi. LITERATURA Caballero, Oswaldo Feo. 1997. El Trompillo. Valencia: Ediciones del Gobierno de Carabobo. Grilc, Janez. 1970. Venezuela in Slovenci. Koledar-Zbornik Svobodne Slovenije 1970, Buenos Aires: Svobodna Slovenija, str. 227-228. Grilc, Janez. 1975. O Slovencih v Venezueli. Koledar - Zbornik Svobodne Slovenije 1973-1975, Buenos Aires: Svobodna Slovenija, str. 461-463. Pravila Društva Sv. Cirila in Metoda, Caracas, 8. maj 1966. (Arhiv Društva Sv. Cirila in Metoda.) Russel, Bernard. 1991. Research Methods in Cultural Anthropology. Newbury Park, London, New Delhy: Sage Publications. N.N. Venezuela - Akcija za Slovenski dom. 1967. Koledar-Zbornik Svobodne Slovenije 1967, Buenos Aires: Svobodna Slovenija, str. 424-425. Willewardt, Franc. 1996. Rokopis govora ob Dnevu emigranta, Giiigiie, 6. oktober 1996. (Arhiv W. F.) Žigon, Zvone. 1998 a. Maša z bobni (intervju z Antonom Flugom Delčnjakom). Dnevnik, št. 331/XXXVII, 6. december, str. 24. Žigon, Zvone. 1998 b. Otroci dveh domovin: Slovenstvo v Južni Ameriki. Ljubljana: Založba ZRC. Žigon, Zvone. 1998 c. Pri Slovencih v Venezueli. Rodna gruda, št. 12, str. 40-41. SUMMARY SLOVENE IDENTITY IN VENEZUELA Zvone Žigon Among the countries of South America to which large numbers of Slovenes have emigrated, Venezuela is perhaps the most modestly represented in the otherwise relatively extensive literature on Slovene emigration, and only a few articles are to be found on Venezuela either in periodical publications or in specialist or academic literature. For this reason the author decided to make an 18-day visit to Venezuela, during the course of which he met 22 families and spoke with 71 members of the first, second and third generations of immigrants. He spent most time with the family of Tončka Brundula, the president of the Slovene Society of SS Cyril and Methodius in Caracas. After having compared written statements and oral testimony, the author estimates that around 600 Slovenes came to Venezuela and remained there. The majority arrived in 1947, while others continued to arrive gradually until 1960, when immigration from the Slovene ethnic territory more or less came to a halt. Slovenes in Caracas began coming together for communal events as early as 1952, while in 1966 the Cyril and Methodius Society mentioned above was founded. The various events are always attended by around 150 people of Slovene origin (of different generations) and their non-Slovene family members. Among the second generation, in which the author is most interested, the Slovene language is mainly present among children of Slovene parents, while in most other cases it has partly or completely disappeared. In most cases we can talk about an ‘identification ’ identity, i.e. a recognition in principle of Slovene ethnic roots and occasional interest in Slovene matters. The author finds that following the death of the Slovene priest Monsignor Janez Grilc in 1997, the Slovene community in Venezuela has found itself at a turning point. It has been left without a spiritual leader and organizer, and without a fresh consolidation; if the society does not start operating again, the already fairly weak links connecting the dispersed community will be broken, which could lead to accelerated assimilation and the complete disappearance of a Slovene identity. ZAČETEK, RAZVOJ IN DANAŠNJE STANJE SREDNJEŠOLSKIH TEČAJEV V POVOJNI SLOVENSKI EMIGRACIJI V ARGENTINI Avgust Horvat SKRB ZA PREDAJO MATERINŠČINE Takoj v začetku naselitve so se povojni slovenski priseljenci v Argentini posvetili vprašanju znanja slovenskega pogovornega in knjižnega jezika pri mladih v skupnosti, zato so v krajevnih središčih ustanavljali osnovnošolske tečaje ali sobotne šole. Enako so si tudi prizadevali, da mladi, ki so končali osnovno šolo ali slovenske tečaje, ne bi pozabili ali zavrgli, kar so pridobili v družinah in skupnosti. Že v začeku ali v prvih letih naselitve seje pokazalo, da okolje, predvsem pa pouk v šolah okolja neizogibno vplivata na govorico in pisano besedo mladih in daje potrebno podvojiti skrb za njuno ohranitev in predajo prihodnjim generacijam. Potreba je sprožila misel, da bi bila rešitev v ustanovitvi mladinskih organizacij za doraščajočo mladino v skupnosti. Leta 1949 sta bili ustanovljeni Slovenska fantovska zveza (SFZ) in Slovenska dekliška organizacija (SDO) kot prosvetni organizaciji slovenske mladine po zgledu in programu, kot so ga imele od začetka stoletja - s presledki iz političnih razlogov - do konca dvajsetih let mladinska organizacija Slovenski orel in po koncu kraljeve diktature od srede tridesetih let do začetka-druge svetovne vojne organizaciji Zveza fantovskih odsekov in Zveza dekliških krožkov. Ker so se sestanki v obeh organizacijah vršili največ dvakrat mesečno, seje pokazalo, da to ni dovolj. V okviru SDO so ustanovili Dijaški krožek, ki naj bi članicam srednješolkam pomagal pri literarnem ustvarjanju.1 Mladinski organizaciji sta občasno izdajali glasilo Mladinska vez, v katerem so mladi objavljali svoje literarne prispevke in poročila. 1 Tine Debljak ml., Slovenski srednješolski tečaj ravnatelja Marka Bajuka v Buenos Airesu, Zbornik Svobodne Slovenije 1971-1972, str. 380-391. Dve domovini / Two Homelands - 10 - 1999, 35-45 ZAČETKI ORGANIZIRANEGA POUKA Skrb je narekovala, da so za dijake obeh spolov ustanovili Zvezo slovenskih srednješolcev in pod njenim okriljem Dijaški krožek, katerega člani so bili glavni sodelavci Mladinske vezi.2 Za izboljšanje slovenske govorjene besede mladih je bila tudi kmalu po naselitvi ustanovljena Igralska družina Narte Velikonja (IDNAVE), potem Slovensko gledališče3 in leta 1954 gledališki odsek Slovenske kulturne akcije (SKA). V začetku so pri gledaliških predstavah nastopali predvsem starejši oziroma odrasli ob sodelovanju mladih, postopoma pa so jih nadomestili mladi, izobraženi že v deželi naselitve. Ko se je slovensko bogoslovno semenišče iz San Luisa, mesta v notranjosti dežele, leta 1951 preselilo v novoustanovljeni Rožmanov zavod v mestu Adro-gue blizu Buenos Airesa, je v njem poleg semenišča in Teološke fakultete obstajal tudi Dijaški dom, v katerem so stanovali dijaki iz slovenskih družin in obiskovali krajevno državno gimnazijo.4 Leta 1952 so med šolskim letom ob sobotah uvedli za dijake pouk slovenščine in ta je bil prvi Slovenski srednješolski tečaj povojnih naseljencev. Ni imel splošnega učnega načrta niti ni bil razdeljen na razrede. Prav tako ni bil vključen v pozneje ustanovljeni Slovenski srednješolski tečaj v Slovenski hiši v Buenos Airesu, med obema so bili samo občasni stiki.5 Člani Zveze slovenskih srednješolcev Robert Petriček ml., Franci Jarc, Milan Bevk in več drugih so naprosili Marka Kremžarja, da bi ustanovili literarni krožek za literarne vaje in prispevke za Mladinsko vez. Taje bil ustanovljen leta 1959.6 Kljub veliko dobre volje seje kmalu pokazalo, da krožek ne zadošča za ustrezno obvladovanje govorjene in pisane slovenske besede, zato je leta 1960 Marko Kremžar s sodelovanjem omenjenih dijakov dal pobudo za ustanovitev Slovenskega srednješolskega tečaja, ki gaje potem vodil do leta 1969.7 Ravnatelji ali voditelji tečaja so se nato menjavali vsaki dve leti. Sodelovanje pri tečaju so obljubili tudi člani Slovenskega katoliškega akademskega starešinstva (SKAS), 2 Emil Cof, Poročilo ob 40. obletnici Zedinjene Slovenije 1948-1988, razmnoženina, Buenos Aires 1988, str. 7. 3 Tine Debeljak ml., n.d. 4 Zbornik dela v zvestobi in ljubezni: Zedinjena Slovenija 1948-1998, Buenos Aires: Zedinjena Slovenija, 1998, str. 618-619. 5 Prav tam. 6 Tine Debeljak ml., n.d. 7 Emil Cof, str. 7. organizacije slovenskih katoliških izobražencev z dolgoletno predvojno tradicijo v Sloveniji. Taje sprejela tečaj pod svoje okrilje.8 Dijaki četrtega letnika Slovenskega srednješolskega tečaja ravnatelja Marka Bajuka (SSTRMB) v Slovenski hiši leta 1968 Leto 1960 je bilo začetno leto, leta 1961 je bil organiziran prvi letnik in vsako naslednje leto dodatni do četrtega letnika leta 1965, s premorom treh let do leta 1968, ko je bil organiziran peti letnik. S tem je bil tečaj glede letnikov izenačen s krajevno srednjo šolo. Leta 1963 so tečaj poimenovali po že pokojnem srednješolskem ravnatelju Marku Bajuku, kije vodil slovensko srednjo šolo v begunskem taborišču v Avstriji, katere maturitetna spričevala so priznale zavezniške oblasti in so maturanti imeli možnost študija na avstrijskih univerzah.9 Učni programje obsegal naslednje predmete: slovenščino, petje, zgodovino, zemljepis, slovensko kulturno zgodovino, svetovno književnost, verouk, etnologijo, človečansko vzgojo in v petem letniku pripravo almanaha.10 8 Emil Cof, str. 6. 9 Emil Cof, str. 7. 10 Tine Debeljak ml., n.d. KRAJEVNI SREDNJEŠOLSKI TEČAJI Ko so v nekaterih krajevnih središčih videli, da srednješolski tečaj v Slovenski hiši dobro uspeva, so začeli načrtovati ustanovitev srednješolskega tečaja v svojem krajevnem središču. Tako je bil leta 1969 ustanovljen srednješolski tečaj v Slovenski vasi v Lanusu, v predmestju velikega Buenos Airesa; vodila sta ga Franc Sodja C. M. in Dušan Šušteršič (leta 1990 je tečaj prenehal delovati). Sledila je ustanovitev tečaja v Bariločah, letoviškem mestu pod Andi, ki gaje dolgo vrsto let vodil Vojko Arko; nazadnje pa je bil tečaj ustanovljen še v Men-dozi pod vodstvom inž. agr. Marka Bajuka.11 Tečajem pomaga v gmotnem pogledu odbor staršev, ki skrbi tudi za opremo učilnic, prostore nudi Slovensko dušno pastirstvo v Slovenski hiši za tečaj v Buenos Airesu, v Lanusu Misijonski zavod, v Mendozi Slovenski dom, v Bariločah pa slovenski Planinski stan. Zedinjena Slovenija podeli vsako leto najboljšim dijakom primerne nagrade. Absolventi so formirali skupino Roj srednješolskega tečaja (RAST), kije od leta 1972 do 1990 taborila po 14 dni v okolici Bariloč, od leta 1991, po osamosvojitvi Slovenije, pa potujejo sredi šolskega leta za 14 dni v domovino svojih staršev in dedov. Dijaki morajo ob vpisu opraviti sprejemni izpit iz pogovora v slovenskem jeziku in iz pisnega nareka. Predložiti morajo tudi potrdilo, da so vpisani v krajevno srednjo šolo. Za ponoven vpis od drugega do četrtega letnika morajo poleg vpisa v krajevno srednjo šolo predložiti še počitniško nalogo. Učni pripomočki so bili v prvih letih obstoja skripta posameznih predmetnih profesorjev poleg naslednjih knjig: Roman Pavlovčič, Slovenski zgodovinski atlas, izdala SKA; France Dolinar, Uvod v zgodovino slovenskega naroda; Anton Orehar, Alojzij Kukoviča, Priročnik za verouk; Alojzij Geržinič, Svetovna književnost. V zadnjih letih tako profesorski zbor kot dijaki uporabljajo učne pripomočke, ki jih posredujejo Urad za Slovence po svetu pri Zunanjem ministrstvu RS, Ministrstvo za šolstvo in šport, Krščanska kulturna zveza iz Koroške in zamejske Primorske.12 Pouk na tečaju traja vsako šolsko leto približno 20 sobot od marca do novembra. Dijaki petega letnika so od leta 1968 do 1998 pripravili 31 almanahov z različnimi temami, leta 1992 pa so dijaki četrtega letnika pripravili pod vodstvom prof. F. Markeža brošuro Slovenija tudi moja dežela.13 11 Emil Cof, str. 7. 12 Zbornik dela..., str. 608. 13 N.d., str. 611. RAST IN NIHANJE OBISKOVALCEV V prvih letih od ustanovitve je bil vpis dijakov v tečaje bolj skromen, postopoma pa je število iz leta v leto naraščalo in doseglo višek v letih 1976-80, ko je bilo vpisanih v vseh tečajih povprečno 268 dijakov letno. Razpredelnica 1: Vpisani v letih 1960-199814 Obdobje Povprečno letno 1960-65 62 1966-70 102 1971-75 151 1976-80 268 1981-85 223 1986-90 158 1991-95 133 1996-98 110 Med vpisanimi in obiskovalci tečajev prevladujejo dijakinje, štejejo 60 % vseh obiskovalcev. Izjema je bil tečaj v Lanusu, dokler je obstajal; v njem so prevladovali dijaki, kar lahko pripišemo dejstvu, daje veliko dijakov obiskovalo privatno, od države priznano srednjo šolo v Misijonarskem zavodu, v katerem je ob sobotah potekal tudi srednješolski tečaj. V osnovnošolskih tečajih ni tako velike razlike v udeležbi obeh spolov, navadno so v večini otroci moškega spola. Pri tem ne smemo pozabiti, da otroke v osnovnošolske tečaje vpisujejo starši in jih ob sobotah tudi spremljajo na tečaj. Otroci starše ubogajo, čeprav jih morda mika, da bi ostali doma in se igrali z vrstniki iz soseske. S srednjo šolo pa se začne že življenjsko obdobje adolescence, s katerim se začne zavest lastne osebnosti in lastnega odločanja. Zato v tej dobi mladi ne sprejemajo vseh nasvetov in priporočil staršev, v več primerih tudi ne priporočila, naj se vpišejo v slovenski srednješolski tečaj, poleg tega da obiskujejo srednjo šolo v okolju. Največ takih primerov je pri fantih, ker si želijo kot drugi neslovenski fantje v okolju ob sobotah prost dan. Pridružijo se skupinam ali »klapam«, ki ob sobotnih popoldnevih organizirajo igranje nogometa, zvečer pa obisk in zabavo v krajevnem slovenskem domu, če jih bolj ne pritegne vabilo okoliške »klape« na ples v disko. Pri dijakinjah moramo upoštevati, da so v večini primerov bolj vezane na dom in poslušne staršem, v kolikor jih ne odtegujejo od tečajev razdalje in vožnje v 14 Prav tam. nočnih urah v zimskem času ter vabila sošolk drugih narodnosti na praznovanja rojstnih dnevov, ki so navadno ob sobotah zvečer. Med drugo generacijo izseljencev je vedno več narodno mešanih zakonov, manj slovenskih družin in manj otrok tretje generacije, čeprav so med njimi tudi družine z več otroki. Dandanes - enako kot osnovnošolske tečaje - tudi srednješolske obiskujejo že otroci tretje generacije. Med njimi pa že opažamo močne vplive okolja in asimilacije. Ne smemo prezreti, daje srednja šola zahtevnejša kot osnovna, zahteva več učenja in priprave, kar je eden od nadaljnjih razlogov, da dijak odkloni vpis in obisk slovenskega srednješolskega tečaja. Zlasti če obiskuje tehnično srednjo šolo in je morda v izvenšolskem času že zaposlen, je tembolj razumljivo, da si ob sobotah želi počitka. Močan je tudi vpliv okolja. Mladi Argentinci, predvsem dijaki, niso niti dovolj zavzeti niti stimulirani za srednješolski študij. V drugem ali tretjem letniku, ko so na vrsti že zahtevnejši predmeti, se pogosto uprejo staršem in nočejo več v šolo, posebej še, če pri starših nimajo potrebne podpore. Ostanejo doma, hočejo se zaposliti, a zaposlitve ne morejo dobiti zaradi visoke brezposelnosti ali pa zato, ker nimajo potrebne poklicne izobrazbe. Kot izhod v sili sprejmejo vsako ponujeno zaposlitev, tudi kot pomivalci posode v restavracijah in podobnih lokalih ali kot kurirji v pisarnah večjih podjetij. Če zaposlitve ne najdejo, se zopet formirajo manjše klape, ki poskušajo dobiti sredstva za vzdrževanje in zabavo s tatvinami, napadi na banke in starejše osebe na ulici. So primeri, ko se nekateri, ki so zašli na stranpota, zresnijo in hočejo nadaljevati šolanje. Ker je izgubljeno težko nadomestiti in zaradi manjše zahtevnosti se potem vpisujejo na večerne šole, kar pa jim v večini primerov onemogoča nadaljnji študij višje stopnje. Takih skrajnih primerov med slovenskimi dijaki in v slovenskih družinah ni, če pa nekateri dijaki zapustijo srednjo šolo, se zaposlijo v mehaničnih, mizarskih in podobnih delavnicah. Večina jih konča srednjo šolo, predvsem tehnično, kar nudi možnost zaposlitve v izbrani stroki. Med dijakinjami je prekinitev srednjega šolanja redka ali pa je sploh ni, večina jih študira na trgovskih ali pedagoških srednjih šolah z dodatnimi tečaji, v prvem primeru za tajnice, v drugem pa za učiteljice in zdravstveno pomožno osebje. Zavedajo se, da brez dokončane srednje šole ne bodo našle zaposlitve niti kot blagajničarke v veleblagovnicah. V slovenski skupnosti se dijakinje tega dobro zavedajo in veliko jih ima resne ambicije glede nadaljnjega univerzitetnega študija. GOVORITE MED SEBOJ SLOVENSKO Obdobje adolescence je med mladimi v slovenski skupnosti odločilno, kar zadeva ohranitev narodne zavesti, narodne pripadnosti in slovenskega jezika, upoštevajoč državljanstvo dežele, v kateri živijo. To se še posebej kaže na srednješolskih tečajih. V učilnicah poteka pouk, spraševanje in odgovori v slovenščini, med odmori in ob koncu pouka ter na ulici paje njihov pogovorni jezik španščina. Starejši so stalno opozarjali in še opozarjajo mlade v krajevnih domovih in obeh šolskih tečajih, naj bo med njimi pogovorni jezik samo slovenščina, ker so Slovenci. O tem pravi Andrej Rot, kije končal oba slovenska šolska tečaja v Slovenski vasi v Lanusu: »Za svojo generacijo vem, daje morala neprenehoma poslušati: ‘Doma govori slovensko,’ ‘Zdaj si v slovenski šoli, zato govori slovensko,’ ‘Zakaj rabiš kasteljansko besedo, ko imaš lep slovenski izraz’. In podobno. (...) Našim staršem je uspelo, da so nam privzgojili neomajno zavest pripadnosti slovenstvu vsaj za časa otroštva. (...) Argentina je danost, Slovenija je obljuba.«15 Zaželeno je, da Slovenija ne bi bila za mlade samo obljuba, ampak bi postala tudi danost in jim nudila življenjski prostor. Od družin druge generacije je odvisno, ali bo pogovorni jezik v družini slovenščina ali pa bodo nanjo pozabili, enako kot na dolžnost, da jo predajo naslednji generaciji. Odloča se, ali bo ostalo pri naravni in razumljivi integraciji ali pa se bodo mladi vdali valu asimilacije in pritisku okolja. Ker paje veliko družin druge generacije narodno zavednih, lahko upravičeno upamo, da bodo predale jezik in narodno izročilo generaciji, ki prihaja in ki se že izobražuje v slovenskih srednješolskih tečajih. LETNA ŽETEV PO PETIH LETIH SETVE Zaključek petega letnika je praznik za absolvente, njihove družine, srednješolski tečaj in skupnost. Obenem pa se pojavi tudi zaskrbljenost, kam bo krenila življenjska pot mladih absolventov in koliko jih bo ostalo zvestih slovenstvu. 15 Andrej Rot, V obljubljeni deželi, Ljubljana: DZS, 1992, str. 9, 13. Razpredelnica 2: Absolventi v letih 1963—199816 Obdobje Skupno število Letno povprečje 1963-65 18 6 1968-70 22 7 1971-75 99 20 1976-80 185 37 1981-85 183 37 1986-90 122 24 1991-95 124 25 1996-98 50 17 803 24 Število absolventov je v sorazmerju z rednim obiskovanjem tečajev. Več kot dobra polovica nadaljuje študij na državnih ali privatnih univerzah in višješolskih zavodih. Večina jih ostane vključena v slovensko krajevno skupnost, le redki se vključijo v »klape« okolja. Sodelujejo pri pevskih zborih, gledaliških in drugih prireditvah, predvsem zabavnih, ki so primerne njihovi starosti. Slovenija je zanje lepa in zanimiva dežela, a se vračajo z različnimi občutki, ko končajo absolventski obisk. Predvsem razpoloženje tistih, ki so imeli bližnje ali daljne sorodnike med pobitimi Slovenci ob koncu druge svetovne vojne, je ob obisku domovine njihovih staršev ali dedov še vedno bolj ali manj zagrenjeno. LITERATURA Brulc, Tone. Argentina. Ljubljana: Modrijan, 1997. Brumen, Vinko. Iskanje. Buenos Aires: SKA, 1967. Gogala, Mirko. Usode izseljencev. Buenos Aires: SKA, 1996. Zbornik Svobodne Slovenije 1971-1972. Buenos Aires: Svobodna Slovenija, 1972. Zbornik dela v zvestobi in ljubezni: Zedinjena Slovenija 1948-1998. Ur. Jože Rant. Buenos Aires: Zedinjena Slovenija, 1998. 16 Zbornik dela..., str. 610. RESUMEN COMIENZO, DESARROLLO YSITUACION ACTUAL DE LA ENSENANZA SECUNDARIA EN LA E MI G RA CION ES L O VENA DE POSGUERRA EN LA ARGENTINA Avgust Horvat Los inmigrantes eslovenos de posguerra en la Argentina se preocupaban para qtie sus descendientes aprendiesen a hablar y escribir en el idioma materno. Con tal fin, organizaron cursos en el idioma a nivel primario los dlas saba-dos durante el aho escolar local. Al terminar estos cursos, se comprobo que no eran suficientes para el manejo el idioma esloveno. Las organizaciones juveniles y estudiantiles existentes no pudieron subsanar estas deficiencias. Por tal motivo, se penso y decidio abrir cursos a nivel secundario con una duracion de veinte sabados aproximadamente durante el aho escolar local. Despues de los preparativos necesatios, los cursos empezaron en el aho 1960 en el Centro esloveno en Buenos Aires. Los frecuentaban los estudiantes que llegaron al pals en la nines como asi tambien los pertenecientes de la segun-da generacion. Pasados algunos ahos, se organizaron los cursos en el Centro Esloveno en Lanus en el Gran Buenos Aires, en Mendoza y Bariloche. Despues de algunos ahos, los cursos en su conjunto fueron frecuentados por unos 260 alumnos. Como materias de estudio, se dictan el perfeccionamiento del idioma oral y escrito, gramatica, historia, geografla, literatura nacional y mundial, educacion civica, etnologla, religion y canto. En el quinto aho, es decir el ultimo del ciclo secundario, se puhlica un almanaque con los articulos que preparan los alumnos sobre los temas mas variados. Dichos ejemplares son regaladospor los alumnos a sus profesores, padres y demas integrantes de la comunidad. Aparte de esto colaboran con el periodico juvenil llamado Union juvenil (Mladinska vez) y en las publicaciones de los centros locales. En la actualidad, frecuentan los cursos losjovenes estudiantes de tercera generacion ya nacida en Argentina. Como durante la adolescencia los jovenes tratan de valer sus propias ideas, especialmente los muchachos quieren tener libres todos los sdbados para ir jugar futbol u otros desportes. Por tal motivo, afio a atlo en los cursos prevalacen las muchachas con valorizada decision. Otta razon de la disminucion de la asistencia a los cursos son los matrimonios mixtos, lo que en la prdctica significa asimilacion al medio local. Hay excepcio-nes, pero son muy pocas. A partir de 1991, todos los anos en los meses del verano boreal, los estu-diantes del quinto atlo hacen un viaje a Eslovenia, el pais de sus padres o abue-los para conocer la geografia y cultura de ese pais. SUMMARY THE BEGINNING, DEVELOPMENT AND PRESENT STATE OF SECONDARY SCHOOL COURSES AMONG POST-WAR SLOVENE IMMIGRANTS IN ARGENTINA Avgust Horvat All those who live abroad value their mother tongue very highly. In our case this is the Slovene language. Post-war Slovene immigrants to Argentina felt it their natural duty to pass on the spoken and written language to their descendants. They therefore foundedjoint local centres and primary school and secondary school courses designed to complement the transfer of the mother tongue taking place in families. In the environment in which they live, it is often not understood why Slovene is spoken in the home, but parents stick to their decision, and by attending primary school in this environment the children master both languages, often a lot better than their contemporaries of other nationalities. The decision to enrol in secondary school courses is made by the children themselves, though they are already considerably under the influence of an environment which tries to achieve the necessary education with the minimum effort. For this reason enrolments are relatively few. If in first-generation families pas- sing on the mother tongue was a duty, in second-generation families consciousness of this duty lessens, which affects children mainly during the period of adolescence. We should of course not forget ethnically mixed marriages, which are so much the more exposed to assimilation. ETHNIC IDENTITY OF THE FIRST POSTWAR GENERATION OF AUSTRALIAN SLOVENES' Breda Čebulj Sajko INTRODUCTION The history of Australia is doubtlessly connected with the rapid population growth of the continent which is the result of the continuing immigration from 1788, that is the onset of the British colonization, onward. The colonization by the British caused two demographic processes: at first a rapid decrease of the Aboriginal population, which started to climb gradually2 only after 1945, and constant immigration of the English, Scots, and the Irish; from the beginning of the 19th century onward these were followed by other ethnic groups. Since this ongoing immigration to Australia has always determined the destiny of the country and its population, immigration to the fifth continent plays a primary role in Australian history, politics, economy, culture and, last but not least, in daily lives of those who consider themselves Australians (Anglo-Saxon whites, born in Australia), as well as those who had immigrated there (the so-called »new Australians«). Especially the latter, and among them Australian Slovenes as well, were in the course of this, process of their adaptation to the life in a new natural and 1 This paper was presented at the 50111 AAASS National Convention in Boca Raton, Florida, in September 1998. 2 When white people came to Australia, Aboriginal population numbered 300,000 (Australian Information Service, Australia - an Introduction, Canberra 1981, p. 11), 67,000 in 1901 (Jock Collins, Migrant Hands in a Distant Land, Australia’s Post-war Immigration, Sydney: Pluto Press, 1988, p. 19), 160,915 in 1976 (Australian Information Service, Australia ..., p. 11). Dve domovini / Two Homelands - 10 - 1999, 47-59 social environment strongly influenced by the official Australian immigration policy. Between 1947 and 1966, thus in the period during which a great majority of postwar Australian Slovenes immigrated to the Australian continent3 it was based on the principle of assimilation of new immigrants advocated by the Australian government. This was the period of the »complete melting with the Australian culture,« the roots of which were still in the prewar racist and British aspirations to preserve an ethnically homogenous »Australian race.« This was followed by the period of the so-called integration of immigrants (1966-1972) which, because of the mixture of ethnically heterogenous »new Australians,« caused radical changes of the British uniformity of the Australian population. Last but not least, the growing demands for an equal status of the new immigrants, chiefly those who were not of Anglo-Saxon origin, with other Australians, in 1972 forced the government to adopt a new, more tolerant immigration policy called multiculturalism. These were the postwar political and historic circumstances in which the ethnic identity of first-generation Australian Slovenes originated and developed. This ethnic identity remains an ongoing dynamic process which is closely connected to the broader social processes of the changing emigrant and immigrant societies of the immigrants. SOME THOUGHTS ON IDENTITY Etymologically speaking, identity denotes »sameness« in Slovene.4 This definition can also be found in the work entitled Identiteta (Identity, Ljubljana 1993, p. 11) by Slovene anthropologist Stane Južnič. After Južnič I cite two kinds 3 In 1951, when Australia had a population of about 8.5 million, there lived about 3000 Slovenes (Misli, 1/1952, No. 9); in 1963 the Australian population was about 10.5 million (Charles A. Price, Australian Immigration, A Bibliography and Digest, No. 2, Canberra 1970, p. A 55), between 10-15,000 of them Slovenes (Misli, 11/1963, No. 7); in 1981 the population of the fifth continent already numbered around 14.5 million (Atlas svijeta / World Atlas, Zagreb: Jugoslavenski leksikografski zavod »Miroslav Krleža«, 1988, p. 229); about 25-30,000 of them were Slovenes (this information appears from 1975 onwards; in: Jože Prešeren, Izseljenci v Avstraliji / Immigrants in Australia, Enciklopedija Slovenije, IV, Ljubljana: Mladinska knjiga, 1990, p. 221). 4 France Verbinc, Slovar tujk (Dictionary of Foreign Words), Ljubljana: Cankarjeva založba, 1987, p. 279. of identity: personal (consisting of an individual’s selfidentification and of an identification a society affixes to an individual) and group identity (which, just like an adherence of individual members of a certain society, can be extremely heterogenous). Both are formed through the relation of an individual toward him-or herself, and toward others. Through his personal identity an individual takes part in group (social) identity which is as unstable and diverse as an identity of an individual is multilayered and stratified. One of the group identities is »movable« identity brought about by the »general mobility of the modern, developed society.«5 Physical mobility of individuals - immigrants - is a part of this process. A characteristic trait of immigrant identity is that in a new environment it assumes »innumerable aspects«,6 namely as many as there are differences (racial, ethnic, cultural, etc.) between themselves and the native population. These »aspects« form a component part of group identity as well. Any identity, however, has to be placed within the social reality in which it exists, or else it remains beyond our understanding. Let me add to this anthropological view of identity also the viewpoint of social psychologists: according to them, the process of socialization, and especially of social interaction between an individual and others, is of utmost importance for the formation of identity. According to Mirjana Nastran-Ule these processes represent »a mirror in which he ... observes himself.«7 It is this so-called »effect of the mirror self,« in which an individual recognizes himself through the acceptance or the rejection of what others think about himself, which influences the formation of his identity. This identity is divided into personal identity, social identity, and the identity of the self. The first comprises individual characteristics of an individual and his or her capability of action; the second represents the totality of normative expectations an individual has to meet in a social situation, and at the same time the totality of identifications through which he or she is recognized by others; an individual acquires the third identity by maintaining the balance between the personal and the social one. Since this balance cannot be succesfully preserved at all times, an »identity crisis of an individual«8 often occurs in the process of formation of the identity of the self; in searching for him- 5 Stane Južnič, Identiteta (Identity), Ljubljana 1993, p. 132. 6 Idem, p. 138. 7 Mirjana Nastran-Ule, Socialna psihologija (Social Psychology), Ljubljana 1992, p. 366. 8 Idem, p. 368. or herself, a person feeling that everything is possible, that numerous possibilities for his or her identification are thus open, can get lost. The choices of identifying with something are so numerous that a person’s identity gradually becomes imperfect, partial, dispersed. Social psychologist call it »patchwork identity.«9 This patchwork identity often occurs also among immigrants, in the ethnic identity in which we are especially interested. Life stories of individual immigrants, in our case of Australian Slovenes, best illustrate how their ethnic identity was formed during the course of several decades of living in their new geographical, social, and cultural environment. Their stories speak not only about themselves,10 but also about others,11 which within the framework of life stories also fulfills the basic prerogative for a formation of any kind of identity, that is the we - others relationship. From the viewpoint of immigrants their relationship with others reflect the personal and the group identity of the narrator, into which Južnič classifies ethnic identity as well, as has already been said. The neccesity of placing the contents of a life story in a historic context enables one an easier understanding of the process of formation of ethnic identity of an individual - an immigrant - in a definite time and place. AUSTRALIAN SLOVENES ON ETHNIC IDENTITY Autobiographies of informants,12 first-generation Australian Slovenes who came to Australia after 1947, present the basic source from which I had drawn in 9 Idem, p. 376. 10 Linda Degh defines autobiographies according to two basic criteria: 1. they are spontaneous oral narratives of individuals, 2. they narrate about oneself (the narrator). See: Linda Degh, Beauty, Wealth and Power: Career Choices for Women in Folktales, Fairytales and Modern Media, in: Life History as a Cultural Construction / Performance, ed. Tamas Hofer and Peter Niedermuller, Budapest 198B, pp. 13-19. 11 Velcic’s definition of autobiographies is somewhat different: according to her they are based on the dialogue between the narrator and the interrogator, and speak not only about the life of the former, but also about other people incorporated into the story of the narrator’s life. See: Mima Velčič, Odtisak priče, Intertekstualno proučavanje au-tobiografije (Impression of the Story, Intertextual Research of Autobiographies), Zagreb 1991, p. 38. 12 The article will cite authors of autobiographies (e.g. A. Mariza Ličan). In this manner life stories of Slovene immigrants, recorded in Australia in 1981/82, 1984, and 1990, order to depict the origin of and the changes in their ethnic identity in the course of their life in immigration. Since most of these autobiographies have already been published,13 let me just recall certain excerpts from their contents, especially those which vividly illustrate the experience of changes brought about when a certain group of people moves to another part of the world. Visible as well as invisible (»ungraspable«) symbols of their ethnic identity, which are closely connected to the old, original society as well as the new, host society, are manifested precisely through these experiences of the new, initially foreign, then gradually familiar environment. Most members of the first generation of Slovenes who had moved to Australia after World War II came there between 1947 and 1968, either as »displaced persons« (D.P’s), or as »refugees« (reffos). Since the Australian immigration policy treated all of them on an equal basis, after their arrival to Australia the journey of all the selected informants proceeded in a similar manner: arrival -immigration center (»kamp,« »lagar,« »hostel«) - moving around Australia (changing jobs and dwellings) - settling down (obtaining permanent jobs, housing arrangements, secured existence, family life, acquired knowledge of at least colloquial English). These were simultaneously the main elements in the autobiographies of Slovene immigrants with which in the course of their daily lives they demonstrated their difference from other immigrant ethnic groups, and even more so from the Australians. These differences were even more pronounced in the period before these Slovene immigrants learned the language of their new homeland: »During these six months (after her arrival to Australia in 1965, author’s note)... I met Irishmen, Scots, Englishmen. Yet I cannot even begin to describe how miserable I had felt then. They spoke English and I could see them looking at me, asking things, but I was not capable of answering them. I was really de- are kept at the Institute for Slovene Emigration Studies (Centre of Scientific Research of the Slovene Academy of Sciences and Arts) archives (the Autobiographies of Australian Slovenes Fund). 13 See: Breda Čebulj-Sajko, Med srečo in svobodo: Avstralski Slovenci o sebi (Between Happiness and Freedom, Australian Slovenes about Themselves), Ljubljana: published by the author, 1992, pp. 87-231; B. Čebulj-Sajko, Posledice »dvojne identitete« v vsakdanjem življenju avstralskih Slovencev (Consequences of »Double Identity« in Everyday Life of Australian Slovenes), Doctoral thesis, Ljubljana: Department for Ethnology and Cultural Anthropology of the Faculty of Arts, University of Ljubljana, 1994, Appendix. pressed. Often I would just evade their company, so they finally thought I disliked socializing with them, disliked people. When in reality there just wasn’t any communication.« (A. Mariza Ličan) For the majority this language barrier denoted an otherwise isolation as well, but it gradually disappeared when contacts at work were formed and when marriages occured. At the same time, comparisons between what they had left at home and what they encountered in their new environment became part of their everyday reality: »Wide-eyed we stared from the train. It was the first time that we laid our eyes upon this country (Australia, in 1948, author’s note). We were not used to this, there were no villages along the railtracks. Just the rails, and nothing on either side.« (A. Egon Katnik) »When we got to Sydney (in 1948, author’s note), everybody left the ship and proceeded to Bathurst, the central immigration center. There were some sort of military barracks there which had been used during the war. And we were put there ... men in one camp, women and kids in another ... There was plenty of food, just not the kind we could eat. We were served Australian sheep, prepared the Australian way. It had such a smell that we just couldn’t eat. So we lived mostly on jam ..., cheese, bread, and porridge.« (A. Jože Čuješ) »When we came here (to Australia in 1959, author’s note), I went to a store ..., into a large Davis Jones. And I looked at those materials and shoes - awful! You couldn’t get a decent pair of shoes, or a decent pair of pants ... Ready-made clothes were really terrible. Well, so I said to my sister-in-law, ‘Dear god, it was much better in our country!’(in Slovenia, author’s note)« (A. Milena Mavko) »At the train station (in Sydney in 1965, author’s note) I watched people. They hurry. If one fell down, maybe nobody would notice. Everybody hurrying by, and you stand there and watch, a stranger among them,... as if you were not human. And then I was really surprised at houses, at apartments; everything is so different. Especially the city, it does not offer much, it’s all the same.... If I saw a fir tree I thought it was wonderful. It reminded me of home. ... For instance, when you walk around and somebody tells you: ‘This is a school.’ You gaze at it, seeing those doors and a couple of playgrounds, but they don’t mean a thing. Back in my country (in Slovenia, author’s note) you walk by a school and know right away that you are passing a school, an institution.« (A. Mariza Ličan) Even though the majority of immigrants had no intention of remaining abroad permanently, none of the selected informants returned to their original homeland to stay. During the period in which they became materially independent, thus when they found permanent work, saved enough money to buy an apartment or a house, and sorted out their family life, their emotional connection with their original homeland gradually diminished. It could also be said that their feeling of belonging solely to what is defined as Slovene has started to disappear paralelly to their increasing material independence. Furthermore, simultaneously with this process a double identity gradually started to take shape: the one connected with the Slovene community in Australia and with their previous homeland on one hand, and the one connected with the Australian society on the other. A Slovene immigrant had put it this way: »Well, I have already learned enough to feel this (Australia, author’s note) is my second home, right?« (A. Hedviga Samsa) It could also be said that this double appurtenance is a compromise between the »old« and the »new«. In the us - others relationship, namely in the relationship between Slovenes and the Australian society, an important role of distinction was played by the visible symbols of ethnic identity. Since national costumes, ethnic food, music, dances, and singing remain the most recognizable symbols of ethnic identity of the first generation of Slovenes in Australia, this is perfectly understandable. In this respect they are no different from other ethnic groups in Australia. From the very beginning of the Australian multicultural policy other »new Australians« used similar symbols to express their ethnic origins, especially during yearly ethnic events and festivals. This was therefore a process of mutual recognition of the fifth continent’s ethnically heterogenous population. Now, when the first generation of Australian Slovenes are getting older, the tendency of expressing their ethnic identity in everyday public life is less pronounced; stronger is the wish to preserve this ethnic identity within the second generation, be it in societies and religious centers, or within families. During this process the members of the first generation assumed the role of transmitters of the traditions and the culture of their emigrant society onto their children. This was mainly the tradition and the culture which had existed at home in Slovenia at the time of their emigration: »We, that is the first generation, are not aware that back home (in Slovenia, author’s note) everything had changed as well. We still see the Slovenia we had left, right? So we want to educate our young in the same spirit, right? We don’t allow the young to proceed beyond that ... They don’t need these Slovene traditions. It’s more their parents’ wish than their own.« (A. Vinko Ovijač) The fact is that the children of first-generation Australian Slovenes, thus those who were born in Australia, are primarily Australians, only then Slovenes. Due to their impeccable knowledge of English they are, above all, the link between their parents and the Australian society, much as the first generation of Australian Slovenes were the link between their children and Slovenia: »When they go home (to Slovenia, author’s note), they (the two daughters of a Slovene couple, author’s note) say: ‘We are going home.’ There is something there for them. Their grandmother is there. When we go on holiday to Adelaide, there is no grandmother, there is no aunt. And right away you know who belongs to your family. Our two daughters are proud to be Australian. At the same time, though, they are proud to say: ‘We are Slovenian descendants.’« (A. Marta Obleščak) Children remain one of the most decisive reasons why their parents decided to permanently settle in Australia: »No, because of my two daughters I could not go back (to Slovenia, author’s note). We are friends and have established a close relationship. Nobody, not even the whole of Slovenia, could ever have given me what my daughters and I share.« (A. Marta Obleščak) Despite the fact that their homeland cannot replace their nuclear family, the life of Slovene immigrants in Australia remains split: their children and an adequate standard of living tie them to Australia, while their feelings and their reliving of their life in Slovenia leave a psychic void in their everyday life: »I think it is easier to forget one’s mother than one’s homeland. Mother dies. It is rough. There is the grave, the burial. But living abroad, one gradually forgets. One’s youth, the place where one grew up, however, is never forgotten.« (A. Jože Čuješ) »I have adapted; Australia did me no harm. I do love Australia in my own way, but my roots are back home (in Slovenia, author’s note). We do not have two homelands! We all know that we have but one, and that is final! My hart is torn in two halves ... I became accustomed to Australia, but Australia is not my homeland.« (A. Pavla Gruden) »It may be true that we do not live exactly as we did back home (in Slovenia, author’s note). But it is also true that we have not exactly adapted to the Australian way of life.« (A. Vinko Obleščak) The myth of Slovenia is built upon the nostalgia for the time spent at home, in Slovenia. Slovene immigrants are thus even more torn in their ethnic identity: »I am downright scared to return to Slovenia. I am afraid I will be disappointed, expecting the beauty I remember from then. ... Those pretty forests of Pohorje, for instance, the things I remember so well. I am really afraid there is already a road identical to the one we have here (in Australia, author’s note).« (A. Jože Čuješ) This idealized notion of their homeland and the people they had left behind has been shattered in some of those who had gone to Slovenia for a visit. Faced with a reality different from the one they had expected, they were disappointed. This disappointment is also reflected in a statement of one of them: »I went home (to Slovenia, author’s note), but you don’t have anything there. You do not have what I had left behind ...« (A. Jože Voršič) According to their opinion their emigrant society had not accepted them anymore, so a return to Australia denoted coming back to a refuge where they could continue remembering their life at home. Yet they have not given up being Slovene, for »Our homeland has been, is, and shall always be in our hearts.« (A. Frido Mavko) Those, however, whose experience of the nature and people in Slovenia had remained unaffected by the changes there, felt even closer to their original homeland and its people after having returned from a visit: »I go to Slovenia. My home is there. My brother lives there. I go home and sit in front of our house, and nobody can change that valley. That is the most beautiful image ever painted on this earth.« (A. Marta Obleščak) Regardless of their relation toward their original home, the inner split of these immigrants still persists. It is based on the fact that they were born in a culture different from the one they live in at present. Their awareness of belonging to both cultures, and its manifestation on the spiritual, emotional, and material level of their life manifests itself as the basic inner conflict of the majority of informants: »I find myself in a place with no starting-point. It looks like a labyrinth, and I want to rise above it. Rising above it means you have to go home (to Slovenia, author’s note), you have to leave your children, your house, and everything. And yet at home you cannot adapt. You are already too old.« (A. Pavla Gruden) Since they always place themselves in two roles, in the case of Slovenes in Australia the we - others relationship is twofold: in relation to their homeland they see themselves as emigrants, while in relation to the host society they are immigrants. An awareness of their ethnic origins, which forms the basis of their ethnic identity, is always present in both. This ethnic identity was formed in a social process in which - from the viewpoint of the present - both periods in the lives of immigrants had left their traces: their life at home, spanning from their birth to the time of emigration, and the one afterwards. The result of both is their double ethnic identity which influences their daily lives abroad, be it on the level of individuality (memories of their homeland), family (raising their children in the spirit of tradition and the language they had brought with them to the fifth continent), Slovene community (associations, churches, and religious centers in which the aforementioned visible symbols of their identity are maintained), or on the level of the Australian society as a whole (where, compared to the Australian one, their ethnic identity remains much more defined). WHY THE »DOUBLE« ETHNIC IDENTITY As has already been mentioned, the ethnic identity of Australian Slovenes was formed through the we - others relationship on the level of an individual, of his or her family, Slovene community, Slovene homeland, and the Australian society. Belonging to something, also identifying with something, thus represented the decisive element which had been changed and transformed throughout different historical periods. Among the first generation of Australian Slovenes this process is not yet completed. Despite this, an analysis of the condition of their ethnic appurtenance at the beginning of 1980’s presents an opportunity for at least a hypothetical argumentation of this double identity which is also evident in their autobiographies. I shall analyze it according to the generally established criteria of belonging to the territory, the community, culture, and language,14 on which an ethnos, and its subsequent ethnic identity, are formed: - in the process of the formation of immigrants’ double ethnic identity the appurtenance of an individual to the territory of his or her ethnic group is especially important. In the case of Australian Slovenes this is an emotional appurtenance to the territory of »domesticity and security«, which they define geographically - it denotes the place where they were born (professional literature defines this appurtenance with the notion of symbolic territoriality).15 Because they permanently live in an immigrant society, however, in my opinion theirs is also 14 I summarize this definition after Južnič, Identiteta..., p. 268, and after Južnič, Antropologija (Anthropology), Ljubljana 1987, p. 223. 15 Južnič, Identiteta, p. 149. the case of »actual territoriality«, consequently belonging to the area in which they live; - furthermore, a more palpable proof of their double ethnic identity is their feeling of belonging to the community. Again we refer to the community in which immigrants were born (the community of origin),16 as well as the one to which they moved permanently, and which is different from the community of origin (it can also be termed the »immigrant« community). Since immigrants are incorporated into it only gradually, we can also speak about a simultaneous process of the formation of their new - this time double - appurtenance: to the old, emigrant community, and to the new, »immigrant« one; - within this process the appurtenance to the culture (Austalian Slovene) and the language (English - Slovene) is formed anew.17 In immigration both criteria of ethnic identity become split. In view of the doubts regarding the individual, for whom it is »Almost impossible ... to be ‘ethnically split’ or to have double ethnic identity«,18 the situation of the immigrant in a foreign environment is so specific that it is getting nearer to, if not entirely identic with, the indicated possibilities of double identity. In view of the criteria analyzed above this identity can be termed ethnic identity. And since the condition of their community in Australia is reflected through the experiences of several individuals - Slovene immigrants, we can speak about double ethnic identity on this level as well. Yet in formulating this double ethnic identity in such a manner there remains an impression about a rather static, obvious process in the life of the immigrant. In order to avoid this we should consider the fact that identity had not been given to a person at the time of his or her birth, but evolves, as had been stressed by social psychologists, in the course of his or her interaction with others. In order to fulfill this condition it is necessary to live in a social environment in which an individual assumes his or her role and strategy in relation to others. It is this very strategy that enables the manipulation in expressing his or her ethnic identity, especially in a multiethnic society such as the Australian one. According to K. F. Lian this is the only possible means of survival and of cohabitation of the 16 Južnič, Antropologija, p. 223. 17 Aside from the already-mentioned adherence to a territory and a community, according to Južnič the most important continuities of ethnic identity are the appurtanences to a culture and to a language (ibid.). 18 Južnič, Identiteta, p. 269. members of different ethnic groups which form such a society.19 These groups combine the knowledge about their emigrant as well as their immigrant society. Their identification with their original country, community, culture, and language becomes just as acceptable for them as their identification with the country, community, culture, and language of their immigrant society. This is aptly reflected in a reply in the form of a rhetorical question of an Australian Slovene after he was asked whether he was Slovene or Australian: »Well, how shall I put it?« (A. Bill Marinič) Eventually it is the specific social situation which decisively influences an immigrant’s strategy of expressing his or her double ethnic identity. In the case of ethnic groups in an ethnically diverse society in which their ethnic, cultural, religious, and other differences are slowly diminishing, even a term »multi-ethnic identity«20 appeared of late - as opposed to the reservations about the possible existence of double ethnic identity. Last but not least, it could be classified as one of the »patchwork identities«, and certainly it also belongs to the complex of »movable identities.« As has already been mentioned, there are »endless« aspects of immigrant identity, and of ethnic identity as well. Double identity is but one of them. POVZETEK ETNIČNA IDENTITETA PRVE POVOJNE GENERACIJE AVSTRALSKIH SLOVENCEV Breda Čebulj Sajko Vsebina članka osvetljuje dva osrednja problema: teoretično opredelitev pojma identiteta (na osnovi socialnoantropoloških in socialnopsiholoških definicij) in osebno doživljanje razvoja in spreminjanja etnične identitete posamez- 19 Kwen Fee Lian, Identity in Minority Group Relations, Ethnic and Racial Studies, 5 (1982), No. 1, pp. 49, 50. 20 Idem, p. 51. nih avstralskih Slovencev (pripadnikov prvih generacij, izseljenih v Avstralijo po letu 1945) v novem družbenem in geografskem okolju, in sicer v okviru širšega zgodovinskega procesa spreminjanja izvorne in vselitvene družbe izseljencev. Avtorica postavi tezo o možnosti obstoja dvojne etnične identitete, ki se izkaže za relevantno že v sami analizi poteka vsakdanjega življenja informatorjev: ko so le-ti dosegli zadovoljivo stopnjo materialne neodvisnosti, je pri njih začel izginjati občutek pripadnosti zgolj k vsemu, kar so imeli za slovensko. Vzporedno s tem procesom pa se je postopoma izoblikovala nova pripadnost, pripadnost avstralski družbi. Pripadnost nečemu, tudi poistovetenje z nečim, je bil torej tisti odločilni element, ki se je v toku družbenih dogajanj v posameznih zgodovinskih obdobjih spreminjal in preoblikoval. In če upoštevamo zgolj etimološko izpeljavo pojma identiteta, ki v slovenščini pomeni istovetnost, se je le-ta lahko oblikovala le v t.i. odnosu mi - drugi, ki je tudi sicer osnovni kriterij za oblikovanje katerekoli identitete. V primeru avstralskih Slovencev se je izkazal za dvoplastnega, saj sami sebe vedno postavljajo v dve vlogi: v odnosu do rojstne dežele v vlogo izseljencev, do vselitvene družbe pa v vlogo priseljencev. V obeh je stalno prisotno zavedanje etničnega porekla, na katerem temelji njihova etnična identiteta. Kakšna je dejansko, je razpoznavno na ravni posameznikove individualnosti (spominov na domovino), njegove družine (npr. vzgoje otrok v duhu slovenske tradicije in jezika), slovenske skupnosti (društev, klubov, verskih središč) kot tudi na nivoju avstralske družbe v celoti (kjer ostaja njihova etnična identiteta prepoznavna predvsem skozi »vidne simbole« slovenstva - narodne noše, jedi, pesmi...). Dvojnost v izražanju etnične identitete izseljencev v avstralskem okolju avtorica razloži še s teoretičnega zornega kota: v analizi splošnoveljavnih kriterijev pripadnosti teritoriju, skupnosti, kulturi in jeziku, po katerih se oblikujeta etnija in iz nje etnična identiteta, gre za odraz dejanskega stanja: poistovetenje z izvornim prostorom, skupnostjo, kulturo, jezikom postane za izseljence ravno tako sprejemljivo, kot je sprejemljivo njihovo poistovetenje s prostorom, skupnostjo, kulturo, jezikom vselitvene družbe. Kdaj biti »Slovenec« in kdaj »Avstralec« pa je odvisno od določene družbene situacije, v kateri se znajde posameznik. Zaradi tega lahko govorimo o dvojni etnični identiteti. V nasprotju s pomisleki o možnosti obstoja tovrstne identitete pa avtorica v zaključku omeni še termin »multietnična identiteta«, ki je v veljavi v multikulturnih družbah, kakršna je avstralska. Za pripadnike etničnih skupin, ki živijo v takšni družbi in med katerimi se postopoma brišejo etnične, kulturne, verske in druge meje, postaja multietnična identiteta edini možni način sožitja in preživetja. ST. JOSEPH KSKJ LOCAL LODGE, BRIDGEPORT, CONNECTICUT Bogdan Kolar Two characteristic features of the small Slovenian community of Bridgeport, whose origin goes back to the beginning of the 20th century, are its Catholic religion and the fact that its members originally came from the Prekmurje region, more precisely the parishes of Turnišče, Beltinci, Bogojina, Cankova, Selnica, and Štrigova. Their ties with the Hungarians, created in their homeland, brought them to the same part of the city where a large Hungarian group was already living, in the parish of St. Stephen’s. It was necessary to develop certain ways of coexistence and collaboration. This resulted in mutual influence, as the Slovenians experienced being a minority.1 At the beginning of World War I, hundreds left the United States and returned to their homeland. The remaining numbers continued their lives and put down roots for a lasting stay in the New World. THE SLOVENIAN PARISH Tracing the beginning of the Slovenian Catholic Church community in Bridgeport, we meet an original clerical personality, Mihael Golob, a priest of the Maribor Diocese.2 In March 1912 he left his post of assistant pastor at Kri- 1 See J. A. Arnez, Slovenian Community in Bridgeport, Conn., New York-Washington 1971, pp. 5-6. This is the only comprehensive work dedicated to the Holy Cross community. It also contains news about Local Lodge no. 148. 2 He was born on October 22,1881 at Št. Florijan near Velenje, was ordained as a priest on July 25, 1905, and worked in various parishes in the Maribor Diocese, among them Št. Ilj near Maribor, Sv. Križ pri Ljutomeru, and Nova Cerkev. See the article publis- Dve domovini / Two Homelands - 10 - 1999, 61-78 ževci in order to avoid the consequences of his political activities, namely, according to the Austrian authorities, his excessive Slovenian national consciousness. With the help of the Franciscan Father Kazimir Zakrajšek, at that time a guest at the St. Nicolas German Church in New York and an occasional pastoral visitor to the Slovenians in Bridgeport, Rev. Golob was authorized by the Bishop of Hartford to take care of the Catholics of Slovenian origin in the city of Bridgeport, Conn. On June 13, 1913, a new parish was established in the Diocese of Hartford, destined to develop pastoral activities for the Slovenians. It was dedicated to the Holy Cross.3 Before that, for a certain period at the Bishop’s request, they were hosted by the Slovak and French Churches. Before beginning his mission among the Slovenians, Fr. Golob, through Fr. Zakrajsek’s mediation, settled in the parish of the Slovak pastor Rev. Andrej Komar in Bridgeport, St. John Nepo-mucene. Slowly he started to contact the Slovenians and from time to time gathered them at St. John’s.4 At the same time another group of Catholic Slovenians, in Bethlehem, Pa., was looking for a priest who spoke their language and for a church where they could worship God in their native tongue. The Archbishop of Philadelphia allowed them to build a church, where the first Mass was celebrated on October 28, 1917. Their first pastor was Fr. Anselm Murn from the Franciscan Community in New York. Fr. Zakrajšek showed interest in this parish as well. He wrote in his memoirs that he personally intervened for the Slovenian parish with the hed in The Bridgeport Post, February 7, 1950, which was reproduced by J. A. Amez in the above mentioned work, pp. 19-20. 3 »(The) Parish’s name of Holy Cross was given in all probability by Father Golob himself. There may be two reasons why he selected that name for the new parish: one of them was the respect and the gratitude he wanted to express to the Slovenian Franciscan Fathers who belonged to the Holy Cross Province; another was the fact that Rev. Golob served in (the) parish at Sv. Križ (Holy Cross) in Slovenia.« - J. A. Arnez, Slovenian Community in Bridgeport, Conn., p. 18. Concerning the history of the parish, Fr. Kazimir Zakrajšek stated Fr. Golob’s reason for the choice: »He founded the parish which in gratitude to our Commisariate of Holy Cross dedicated to the same patron.« See K. Zakrajšek, Med Prekmurci v Bridgeportu, Conn., Glasilo K.S.K. Jed-note, September 16, 1942, p. 3. 4 At the time of the founding of Holy Cross Church, the city of Bridgeport was part of the diocese of Hartford. The diocese of Bridgeport was founded as late as 1953. The original documents could therefore be found in the archives of the respective diocese. Archbishop of Philadelphia. After receiving the Bishop’s consent, he sent Fr. Anzelm Murn to the parish.5 Since the two communities were mostly composed of Slovenian faithful who came from the Prekmurje region, they had to cope with almost the same problems, the main one being their original dialect and their desire to have a priest able to preach in their tongue. This was linked to the question of national identity. The Hungarian government, in fact, sent a priest to the two parishes to undermine the influence of the Slovenians from the other regions of Slovenia and to increase the loyalty of the parishioners to the Hungarian cultural and political influence. »The plot was uncovered in Bridgeport, and he (sc. Rev. Lovrenc Horvath, a priest and an agent of the Hungarian government) was ordered out of the diocese by the bishop. His second mission was in Bethlehem, and he experienced such success there that the Hungarian government dispatched a second Prekmurje Slovenian priest.«6 In spite of the opposition by some parishioners who disagreed with Rev. Golob, the parish continued to realize its plans. Various groups contributed their share for the improvement of the church. In 1916 a new rectory was added, and later on additional land was purchased for an eventual parish school. The Bishop of Hartford, the Most Rev. John J. Nolan, stood behind Rev. Golob’s activities and supported him with his authority. Thus Fr. Golob remained pastor at Holy Cross until his death in 1950.7 As we have seen, Fr. Golob’s major work lay in building up and furnishing the local church; he did not do this by himself, but was able to attract those who were willing to accept the parish as their own. Attacks on his work usually derived from political or personal reasons; at the same time all the attacks played an important role in the community, as they slowly became a cause of tensions. Those documents which still exist prove that Fr. Golob had to use all of his natural strength of character to defend himself and show that the accusations against him weren’t true. From this perspective, he started to come up with all kinds of new ideas. These ideas were usually aimed towards activities, such as getting 5 See K. Zakrajšek, Med Prekmurci v Bridgeportu, Conn., Glasilo K.S.K. Jednote, September 16, 1942, p. 3. 6 S. Antalics, The Role of the Clergy in Promoting Old Nationalisms among Foreign Ethnic Minorities, in: Slovenia, 10 (1996), no. 2, p. 53. 7 See History of the Holy Cross Parish, Holy Cross Parish Diamond Jubilee. 75"' Celebration, Fairfield 1988. community members together, increasing the sense of belonging to the parish and affirmation of Slovenian identity in a multiethnic city. The main focus in his years of work was directed towards paying off loans to the church and the rectory, and also buy some additional furniture which was needed for normal parish life. In the midst of the difficulties in his work, he felt a strong support from the Slovenian Franciscans, who were working for the same aims through publications and many different activities. They helped Fr. Golob with various pastoral services and would take his place whenever he was not available to his flock. At the time of his arrival in the United States, Fr. Mihael Golob stopped at the Franciscans’ house in New York. After the departure of Fr. Anzelm Murn to Bethlehem, Pa., Fr. Golob saw to the needs of Slovenians in New York. Thinking about his future, he became an active partner in preparing the magazine Ave Maria. (From this perspective one can already discern his future interest with the publications in the Bridgeport parish.) When on June 17, 1917, the first Slovenian magazine, Sv. Jožefa Glasnik, was printed in Bethlehem, Fr. Golob immediately responded by introducing the new magazine to his community as a community publication. To emphasize the importance of the magazine and to get his people interested, he included in the magazine the names of the parish’s donors, attempting to make Sv. Jožefa Glasnik a parish bulletin.8 Because the Slovenian group that settled in Bridgeport and the surrounding area were from the Hapsburg political and ecclesiastical sphere, their typical characteristics could be viewed even from the outside, in that they had their own ideas about the Church and its pastors. However, their experience of a parish was different from the American one, especially concerning the methods of organizing their parish community life, American parish communities being organized in their own traditional way. One of the most obvious differences was in the way of dealing with parish finances and financial support given to pastors; namely, in their home country, Church financing came from the government. Thus, the people thought that the basis for the parish’s budgetary and economic stability was the government. However, in the United States all the responsibility for the parish community was handed over to the parishioners. Therefore, it took a while for the parishioners of Holy Cross to adjust to this kind of life and their responsibilities. In his final years as a pastor in Bridgeport, Fr. Golob tried very hard to 8 See J. A. Arnez, Slovenian Community in Bridgeport, Conn., p. 64; D. Friš, Ameriški Slovenci in katoliška Cerkev 1871-1924, Celovec-Ljubljana-Dunaj 1995, p. 357. find a successor who could identify with and speak the language of the Holy Cross parishioners, so that in this way he could continue the origins of his parish. The first one who raised his voice and asked for intervention was Fr. Kazimir Zakrajšek, who at that time was working for the St. Raphael Association in Slovenia. He was looking for pastoral help but the idea couldn’t get through, because the war interfered with the priest who was about to come from Fr. Golob ’s home diocese and help in the parish. It happened that after Fr. Golob’s death, the parish was temporarily administered by a Slovak priest bom in the United States, Fr. Stephen Vitka. After 1951, the parish received a Slovenian priest from Križevci near Ljutomer, Dr. Andrej Farkaš. He was already acquainted with the founder of the parish, Fr. Golob, as well as the parishioners, because he had visited them on a few prior occasions.9 RELIGIOUS AND FRATERNAL ORGANIZATIONS Fr. Mihael Golob and all of his successors were familiar with the lifestyle in the parish, which was supposed to be very active in sacramental life, religious education and even in activities lying outside of strictly religious areas. With this in mind, they promoted various activities throughout the liturgical year in the parish, i.e. parish banquets, parties, theatricals, coffee klatsches. All of these gatherings were organized with one purpose, to collect money for a better economic situation in the parish. The rest of the money was earmarked for other church activities, such as parish missions, the annual 40 Hours Devotions, confirmations, triduums, visiting priests or bishops, parish jubilees. To accomplish all of their carefully planned aims, they founded numerous confraternities and fraternal organizations. Slovenian priests had already had some experience with these types of organizations in their home country, where they had blossomed before the outbreak of World War I. Major work in those activities was carried out by the Franciscan Fathers from Slovenia, working among Slovenian people in the United States. They supported the religious and fraternal organizations as an expression of their religious life. Among many others, the Holy Cross parish initiated the following confraternities and religious associations: 9 See K. Zakrajšek, Med Prekmurci v Bridgeportu, Conn., Glasilo K.S.K. Jednote, September 16, 1942, p. 3. - Confraternity of Mary Scapulary (Bratovščina škapulirske Marije ), 1913 - Third Order of Saint Francis of Assisi (Tretj i red), 1913 - Confraternity of the Holy Rosary (Bratovščina svetega rožnega venca), 1915 - Sodality of the Virgin Mary (Marijina družba), 1915 (which suspended its activities for a period of time and started up again in 1933) -Holy Name Society (Društvo Nasvetejšega imena Jezusovega), 1933 - Sodality of Christian Mothers (Društvo krščanskih mater), 1933.10 Fr. Kazimir Zakrajšek blessed the flag of the Sodality of Christian Mothers in 1942 and on that occasion wrote: »This society is the foundress of all other Mother’s societies which were founded in the United States. It will be a vivid remainder of the Holy mission which took place in your parish.«11 For English-speaking women, Fr. Zakrajšek founded the Ladies Guild. At the time Fr. Farkaš was pastor, a Men’s Society was founded, named after Saints Cyril and Methodius, whose main role was to attract the male population to the parish, especially those who hadn’t been active in English speaking associations. The fraternities promoted a variety of activities. But we have to face the facts that the pastors did not have enough attentive ears for them and did not have time to keep up with all of the activities. The result of this lack of time was that many of the new organizations died after a short period. In spite of these difficulties, such groups were a strong support to the parish’s projects. In many cases, the societies played an important role in collecting money for furnishings, organizing parish meetings, sports events, and various financial collections. They were also active in other groups, working in the parish in their specific mission. Since Fr. Golob was not available to assist all of the associations, the Franciscans from New York would occasionally come to the parish and help the parishioners (particularly their own Third Order in the parish). The life and activities of the Slovenian community were for the most part reported on every month in Ave Maria Magazine, Ave Maria Calendar, Ameri-kanski Slovenec, etc. Sadly, we do not have any of these publications in the archives. The reason is that the documents were moved so many times from one place to another, so that they became lost or ended up in private hands; in this 10 See J. A. Arnez, Slovenian Community in Bridgeport, Conn., pp. 34-36. 11 See K. Zakrajšek, Med Prekmurci v Bridgeportu, Conn., Glasilo K.S.K. Jednote, September 16, 1942, p. 3. way, we have lost all of the minutes and a majority of the documents from the past. For the Slovenian newcomers to the United States, fraternal organizations were a new experience in their lives. In their homeland they had not had any encounter with these kinds of organizations, but if by chance they did, they would have been of a smaller size, such as professional associations. These types of fraternities became rooted among the Slovenians very quickly; they were a new way of helping each other. The first and most important purpose of all the organizations was solidarity among its members, which meant collecting money for times of unemployment, or for the sick and disabled. In a sense, it could be said that they tried to cover areas where the State did not do its part. All of these movements were filled with a special national flavor and with Christian principles; they were also a great support for all kinds of pastoral activities in their parishes. However, we cannot fail to mention the impact of their political and ideological orientation, which played a decisive role within the religious and fraternal associations as well as on their members. ST. JOSEPH’S LODGE NO. 148 Parish life had been organized, and the parish of Holy Cross soon had a good number of parishioners. Their economic status allowed the parishioners to organize different supportive fraternal groups. In organizing themselves, inspiration was provided by organizations in other Slovenian communities. On January 26, 1913, the Slovenian community began its regular religious service in the basement of St. Anthony’s Church, the same place where the fraternal lodge Društvo sv. Jožefa had been founded. Shortly thereafter (on February 15, 1913) it joined the Camiolean Slovenian Catholic Union (Kranjsko-slovenska katoliška jednota = K.S.K.J.) and was given the number 148. »It was joined on that first day by 36 people from Holy Cross parish. The first committee to preside over the lodge was composed of a president, Štefan Dominko, vice president, Peter Ferenčak, secretary and delegate Father Mihael Golob, and a treasurer, Štefan Horvat.«12 The latter was the first person who passed away as a member of the St. Joseph Local Lodge. Initially, the St. Joseph Local Lodge did well financially as a result of not 12 J. A. Arnez, Slovenian Community in Bridgeport, Conn., p. 51. having a large amount of ill members, and the incomes were good. The St. Joseph lodge was also active in parish life; the members collected money and supported parish activities.13 As pastor, Fr. Mihael Golob served as a link in the community; as the spiritual director of the local lodge he protected its members from different bad influences and saw to the Catholic character of the association. He put a special emphasis on the members getting married in the Church. The constant (and often overemphasized) historical and regional character of the Slovenians under the Hapsburg monarchy made a deep impact on them in their native land, and had strong consequences on those who moved to the United States. In Bridgeport the majority of the Slovenian people were from the Prekmurje region, so it was normal to expect that the parish would have those kinds of characteristics in their culture. Therefore, it was almost in vain to expect that they would get along with groups from other Slovenian regions in the parish. Regional differences were, on puipose, stressed by the priest who was sent by Hungarian authorities with special tasks to work on with them. Keeping this in mind, we now understand that when the St. Joseph Local Lodge started to work with the Car-niolean Slovenian Catholic Union, the fact that their name contained the word ‘Carniolean’ (Carniolan) was taken by many as a sign which meant that all the members from Prekmurje had to leave this organization and join one founded by and for people from the Prekmurje region exclusively. In this case, this was a special mutual organization called the First Slovenian Mutual Fraternal Society in America (Prvo Szlovenszko Bratovcsine Pomagajoucze Društvo vu Ameriki = P.S.B.D.), which had already been founded on June 1, 1912, by the Slovenian community in Bethlehem, Pa. This organization stayed within its self-imposed boundary and was organized according to its regional particulars and with a small number of local lodges. In Bridgeport they founded Local Lodge no. 3. The name K.S.K.J. has been a sore point throughout its history, and the members from Bridgeport suggested many times that they would change it, with the danger being that they would diminish the number of their members. Whenever they held meetings they would leave out the attribute ‘Carniolean’, as a result of all the arguments among them, and preferred to refer to themselves as the Catholic Benefit Group of St. Joseph in Bridgeport.14 13 Sec Jubilejna spominska knjiga. 1894-1924, Cleveland 1924, p. 96. 14 The same title was also given to the booklet Pravila in plačilna knjižica katoliškega slovenskega podpornega društva St. Joseph v Bridgeportu, Conn., štev. 148 K.S.K.J. See also D. Friš - B. Kolar - A. Vovko, Prvih sto let Kranjsko slovenske katoliške jednote. Pregled zgodovine KSKJ 1894-1994, Ljubljana 1997. Another reason for less efficient work of the local lodge was the personality of the pastor, Fr. Golob, who had actually had the idea to found the organization and was an active member himself. The religious dimension in life was a very important part of the local lodge (and of the entire K.S.K.J.). The direction and practical aims can be derived from the name itself. The supreme spiritual director of Jednota, and the spiritual directors of the local lodges, controlled and looked after the religious life of their members. Every Easter they would have an overview of the work and life of the members in the local lodges. With the help of Jednota, Fr. Golob tried to bring into the parish of Holy Cross some Christian principles, but this idea did not fall on fertile soil; in fact, even the opposite effect occurred. The members started to rebel by changing their membership to other local lodges nearby, where the control wasn’t as strict as in Bridgeport’s local lodge. Likewise, one reason was that the pastors from new areas did not know these parishioners well. It was not only the rebellion against the local lodge which had a specific ‘Carniolan’ nature, but also rebellion against the principles which led the entire Jednota. The occasion for rebellion was the local pastor himself, who was lingering upon the Jednota’s religious nature. His determination could be seen whenever it came to that point of Jednota, especially when the members’ lives went against the manners of Christian life in the parish. J. A. Arnez cites from Fr. Golob’s announcements book for November 1,1931, his words: »Društvo sv. Jožefa had a banquet past Sunday, which ended with fighting. That is the way to show you are brothers!« (i.e. members of a Catholic organization).15 To meet the expectations of a large number of his parishioners and to get rid of the main sticking point (the name of the local lodge), Fr. Golob founded on January 23,1921, a new fraternity called Farno betežne pomagajoče društvo fare sv. Križa (The Parish Benefit Society for the infirm members of the Holy Cross Parish). At one point he said, »You should know that this society has been founded to give you a chance of getting insurance in case of sickness or difficulties; so now the good parishioners will not need to register with anti-Church, Lutheran or Calvinist lodges. In our lodge there is a place for every Catholic Slovenian who is willing to submit himself to a right discipline.«16 The fraternity was too small and did not have enough members to survive for a long period, and ended its labors on January 28, 1923. The organization, which had already been given to the fraternity, was given back to the members. 15 J. A. Arnez, Slovenian Community in Bridgeport, Conn., p. 44. 16 Quoted by J. A. Arnez, Slovenian Community in Bridgeport, Conn., p. 53. Relationships among the parishioners improved after World War I. They did not rebel against the pastor anymore and also gave up arguments, especially in areas where Fr. Golob had put his word. The change could be clearly seen in the larger number of members. In 1924 the adult branch of the local lodge counted around 109 members, and 36 in its juvenile branch. Five years later (1929), in the period of its greatest growth, there were 222 in the first branch and 145 in the youth branch.17 For the Jednota, the ‘20s were the time of the biggest numerical increase and a variety of activities. Thus, the fraternity became attractive for many people from the Holy Cross parish; this was the only way that the economic recession of the late ‘20s did not badly hurt them. At the end of World War II, the number increased to 399 members, which gave the local lodge the right to have three delegates to the convention.111 The political changes in Slovenia after World War II were in a special way present among and felt by Slovenians all over the world. In that difficult period a major role in the work for immigrants was played by the Franciscan Fr. Bernard Ambrožič and his coworkers. As a secretary of the League of Catholic Slovenian Americans (Lige Katoliških Slovencev v Ameriki) he organized widely dispersed help for overseas immigrants.19 A big hand in the help with collections was given by Jednota, whose main work dealt with integrating newcomers into local lodges as well as into the new milieu where they found a possibility for a new beginning.20 The end of the ‘40s and the early ‘50s saw a large group of political immigrants settle in Bridgeport and its vicinity. Among them were Serbs, Muslims, and Croa-tians, but the majority were Slovenians. Fr. Andrej Farkaš was pastor of Holy Cross parish and helped them with arranging sponsors for housing and jobs. Even though the immigrants came from different parts of Yugoslavia, he did not care; the main purpose was to obtain a larger number of parishioners and with that in mind, he built a future for his parish. When Fr. Vitka left the parish a number of Slovak parishioners left as well, and a decline in the congregation resulted. However, according to some estimates from that time, some 500 Slovenians were settling in this part of Connecticut.21 17 See J. A. Arnez, Slovenian Community in Bridgeport, Conn., p. 54. 18 See Glasilo K.S.K.J., 32 (1946), no. 21, May 22, 1946. 19 See P. B. Ambrožič, Pomota se popravi, kjer se pojavi. Ob desetletnici League of CSA, Koledar Svobodne Slovenije 1956, pp. 202-208. 20 See Ligaš, Liga Katoliških Slovenskih Amerikancev, Koledar Svobodne Slovenije 1952, pp. 81-85. 21 See J. A, Arnez, Slovenian Community in Bridgeport, Conn., p. 73. That kind of immigration was also felt in Local Lodge no. 148. In the mid-’50s it reached its highest number, 800 members. This was a result of pastor Farkas’s organizing a great deal of activities where the newcomers were involved. They started with drama, music performances, choirs, etc., and also organized a variety of pilgrimages. Groups like the Tamburizans from Pittsburgh were regularly invited, and on these occasions they needed to hire bigger rooms to perform. With that purpose in mind, the parish community together with the pastor renovated underground rooms in the church and the places became available for groups and their meetings. The St. Joseph Local Lodge held its own activities once a month; their monthly meetings were on the third Sunday after the last service. The money collected from different activities was spent to help the political immigrants and refugees from Europe. The newspaper Ameriška Domovina would regularly publish articles under the title Izpod stolpa .s-v. Križa (From under the Holy Cross tower), and brought news about the Slovenian community and their work in Bridgeport. It was a great help for Slovenians who lived in the diocese of Bridgeport (founded in 1953), to become widely known. With the newcomers, the territorial and social status of the parish of Holy Cross acquired a new face, and along with them difficulties unknown until then were brought to the parish. The differences among the prewar and postwar immigrants came to such a point that they changed the entire board of the local lodge. From 1933 until 1960, the secretary of the local lodge was Stefan Piczko, who left an original impact on the lodge. The documents in the lodge archives are written in the Prekmurje Slovenian dialect, which gave a characteristic feature to the local lodge in its first 50 years. From those documents can be discerned the nature of the parish and the purposes of their activities which were planned together with the pastor, and at the same time it could be seen that the majority of the most active members in the local lodge were immigrants from the Prekmurje region. They brought with them their own specific way of life-to the Holy Cross parish, which was also their way of interacting in the new country. In the late ’50s, all of the changes got the ball rolling. The secretaries began to use the English language as the official method of communication; for special occasion they would translate the texts into Slovenian. All the lodge activities still had the purposes of covering the local lodge’s expenses; for various benefits (i.e. children’s Christmas parties), or with the purpose of supporting the parish. A special impact on all those parish activities for many decades had been made by Jože Bojnec, who became a member of the local lodge in Bridgeport after he had joined the Slovenian community in the early ‘30s, and put an effort into bringing together the local lodge and the parish. Bojnec was an active member of the parish council, a member of different groups and an officer of St. Joseph Local Lodge. »He has been an active member in all activities in the parish. He worked as a financial administrator from 1952, later on he became secretary of the local lodge and its auditor for almost 36 years and the last two years as honorary member and adviser. He ran the lodge by himself and took care of many activities. And the people knew that his house was always welcoming. He was very supportive when it came to the question of youth activities, Christmas celebrations, and parish picnics, etc.«22 Bojnec was a convention delegate for almost 30 years. Despite of the fact that the number of members was not too low, there were not enough volunteers to support special customary services, such as pall bearers. With times changing, new rules arrived. If, until the 1970s, on Palm Sunday the entire community received communion as an obligation, after the ‘70s this kind of religious practice was not seen as appropriate. Only those practices which remained as an obligation for the members of the entire Jednota were still followed; this was the Easter obligation, which was almost an essential indicator of Catholic identity. At the beginning of the ’60s, when the future of the Holy Cross parish was in question, the fact also had a strong impact on St. Joseph Lodge and its members. As we have said, the parish and the local lodge worked closely with each other. But the fact that many members of the lodge had already moved away from the Bridgeport location of the church meant that they were ready to seek a new site for the church building and make easier access to the church possible for a larger number of parishioners. In the past, Fr. Farkaš had already been thinking about moving the church building; at one time he even thought that it would be necessary to close the parish. After his death in 1967, the parish was administered by Fr. Alojzij Hribšek.23 Together with his parishioners, Fr. Hribšek made the decision to keep the 22 A. Malenšek, V blag spomin Jožefu Bojnecu, dolgoletnemu društvenemu tajniku, Ame-rikanski Slovenec-Glasilo K.S.K.J., vol. 99, no. 12, June 8, 1988, p. 8. Bojnec originated from Bogojina; he left Slovenia for America in 1930 and settled in Bridgeport the following year. 23 Dr. Andrej Farkaš died in an automobile accident on January 20, 1967. See Prečastiti gospod dr. Andrej Farkaš, drugi župnik slovenske cerkve sv. Križa v Bridgeportu, Conn., USA. Slovenian parish alive and to build a new church. The new church, in Fairfield, was finished and dedicated on November 26, 1972.24 On May 4, 1980, they finished an additional complex for the purpose of different activities organized by the parish pastoral center.25 In the period of building the new church and reorganizing the parish, the most active role was again played by the St. Joseph Local Lodge, not to deny the work of all the other active groups and fraternities in the parish, whose interest in the future parish’s planning was obvious. As Fr. Hribšek said: »St. Joseph Local Lodge does not depend on the parish and the parish does not depend on the local lodge. Working together is beneficial for both sides. We can understand the motives which guided the long time secretary Jožef Bojnec...during his life.«26 When the new parish church in Fairfield was completed, a very active part in furnishing it was again played by the St. Joseph Lodge. The donations helped to pay for the minimum functioning of the parish church and the pastoral center next to it. St. Joseph Local Lodge decided on December 12, 1971, to buy a new altar for the church and two brand new candleholders, which was a great help in keeping parish debts low.27 But from a different perspective the entire parish and various groups had a convenient advantage, because there was enough room for their activities in the pastoral center. On its 75lh anniversary in 1988 the St. Joseph Local Lodge had some 365 active members, and on this occasion the secretary stated: »The anniversary of St. Joseph Local Lodge no. 148 KSKJ is very meaningful because the majority of its members are from the Holy Cross parish. Our local lodge does not have its own rooms but we can use the parish facilities for our activities.«28 This was the opportunity to organize a campaign for new members, if we keep in mind that their average age was very high and their number was decreasing. 24 See Dedication of the Holy Cross Church November 26, 1972. »In spite of its continuity, Holy Cross-parish in 1972 is in many ways different from the one in 1915. The parish is still the same in name; it is still ethnic and not a territorial parish. Naturally and gradually it has become a parish of native Americans who cherish the traditions of their immigrant parents.« 25 See Dedication Holy Cross Parish Center, Fairfield, Connecticut, May 4, 1980. 26 Al. Hribšek, Ob grobu rajnega Jožeta Bojneca, Amerikanski Slovenec-Glasilo K.S.K. J, vol. 99, no. 14, July 6,1988, p. 7. 27 See minutes of December 12, 1971 meeting. 211 A. Malenšek, Biserni jubilej društva sv. Jožefa št. 148 KSKJ in fare sv. Križa v Faifiel-du, Conn., Amerikanski Slovenec-Glasilo KSKJ, vol. 99, no. 14, July 6, 1988, p. 8. In accordance with the new organization of the KSKJ and its redefined role, it grew stronger, which meant that the movement brought together its members. The same tendency was also noticeable in the St. Joseph Local Lodge, which saw new types of work and activities among its members. The process of aging and various jubilees meant that the main purpose for celebrating became the anniversaries; nevertheless, they were trying to find other forms of activities for their members. One which had a very positive response among members were ‘family festivals’. They were also very supportive of the KSKJ Scholarship Fund. At their meetings they put on the agenda issues about young people and their stronger influence in the local lodge, even though it was clear that these young people were very busy with their school and after-school activities. A great deal of the funds were provided for parish work, common actions and for different purposes, as well as to people in need. Two of the lodge’s original purposes, caretaking and providing health insurance, remained of interest to the older members. The fact was that membership provided the cheapest way of getting health insurance. In the ‘50s the most important activities became parties. Within this category one can count annual picnics, dances, various games, New Year’s celebrations, and celebrating different anniversaries of the members, the parish, or of the local lodge. Here can be seen a high point of working together with the Holy Cross parish. Sometimes the members received the impression that both organizations were connected and that they had the same plans towards reaching the same goals. However, the golden era of the local lodge passed away and the active life slowly declined. Even the number of their celebrations became shortened. The reason for the declining number of activities were found in the aging problem and the non-active lives of the members. Knowing the cause of their problems, the committee did not feel a strong responsibility towards directing the preparation of activities. As a result of their findings, the parish took over the preparation of the New Year’s celebrations and picnics. The elections for new leaders of Local Lodge no. 148 can be considered a sign of interest of young members in the lodge. In 1992 the president of the lodge became Ernest Lagoja, who was 29 years old at the time. During the ‘90s the life of the lodge again started to flourish. The lodge got new leaders and activities were again at the top of their priorities. Even today, the elections can be understood as a sign of the new spirit and the right path for the future of Jednota. Over all is the truth that this was a result of a feeling of honest belonging to the lodge and fidelity to one’s Slovenian roots. Just as an illustration, the current secretary of the lodge still writes and speaks fluent Slovenian. At the 100th anniversary of Jednota, the officers of the local lodge 148 were: president Ernest E. Lagoja Jr., vice president Louann Leclerc, secretary and treasurer Anton Malenšek, recording secretary Kimberly Piczko, auditors John Lukman and Anthony Nemetz.29 The total membership was around 300. For the 25th anniversary of the moving of the parish center and the anniversary of the building of the new church, the main celebration took place on April 26,1998. At that time the community took the opportunity to perform one of their periodic overviews of their activities and work.30 The situation in the Holy Cross parish had required a new beginning, though a completely different one from what we know of the period before World War I. The new circumstances called for new features for the parish. At the time of pastor Hribšek, Bishop Curtis, granting permission to transfer the church location, envisioned the coming changes. On that occasion the Bishop said that the time was the major cause which forced the parish to change its typical mission as well as its site: »When you look for a location for the new church, keep in mind that I shall not allow you to build close to any of the existing churches. Your new church will have to serve its neighborhood as its parish church. You will not be serving only the Slovenians.«31 The mission of the church was expressed with the words: »To serve Catholics of Slovenian nationality and to accept into membership any neighbors who come to ask to become members.« The plans of the church community have been part of the primary mission of St. Joseph Local Lodge no. 148. Its members were very active in different ways, especially in organizing trips, preparing St. Nicholas days, organizing wine harvests and preparing May devotions. They had an active part in organizing meetings for guests from all over the world, especially for Slovenians from various parts of America and guests from Canada, Austria and Italy. The parish community did not have enough cultural groups, and this was a moment that they could get in touch with other cultural groups. Lately the parish has not been culturally active by itself; as a sign of their diminishing interest they did not 29 See 100 Years of Strength Through Unity. The Story of the American Slovenian Catholic Union, 1894-1994, pp. 106-107; D. Friš - B. Kolar - A. Vovko, Prvih sto let Kranjsko slovenske katoliške jednote. Pregled zgodovine KSKJ 1894-1994, Ljubljana 1997. 30 See E. Wuennemann, Holy Cross Parish marks 25 years of new Church, Fairfield County Catholic, vol. 15, no. 4, April 1998. 31 His words are quoted in Holy Cross in Fairfield. 25^ Anniversary, Fairfield 1998. invite other groups. The only ray of hope was the Slovenian group from New York, which put an effort into ensuring that Slovenian people did not lack for cultural activities. Together with local communities, they organized different cultural performances in Fairfield. The biggest burden for the local lodge was to dispatch the Slovenian press, but even here a lesser interest could be felt.32 Recently, a special emphasis has been given to activities which started up at the time when Slovenia became an independent country, among them the Slovenian missionaries in the Third World and the new Slovenian Church institutions. But even before a great amount of support from American Slovenian communities was offered to Fr. J. Klekl from Prekmurje, they were also supporting the Prekmurje region in building new churches (Polana, Odranci), supporting Baraga’s Seminary in Ljubljana or different youth centers built in Slovenia by the Salesians between the two wars. In the last few years, a great deal of help has also been offered for building the Slovenian College in Rome, called Slovenik. CONCLUSION Among the many different Slovenian groups located all over the United States, the group from Bridgeport, and after a time from Fairfield, stands out as an interesting exception. It had specific features. Although it was not among the largest groups by number - in the early 1960s it had approximately 1500 members - they were able to build up their original church in Bridgeport and a new one together with the pastoral center in the Fairfield area. Considering the life of the community as such besides the local lodge and the parish, they did not do a great deal in the area of other ethnic institutions, which could have brought different interests to them. The only group active since 1913, when the parish was founded, has been St. Joseph Local Lodge no. 148. The local lodge was very active in people’s lives through the organizing of different activities, and was a great help to newcomers to the United States. Besides its own method of operation, it organized a good deal of activities which were in accordance with the parish’s life and with Church values. Groups with different sorts of political and ideological aims did not survive. As a confirmation of this, we can cite the words of the historian of the community in Bridgeport, Dr. John A. Arnez, who pointed 32 See A. Malenšek, Slovenska kulturna dejavnost pri fari sv. Križa v letih 1972-1997, Holy Cross Church in Fairfield. 25"' Anniversary, Fairfield 1998. out, »In Bridgeport, all the life centered around the church and the parish: there were no actively opposing groups, a circumstance which removed strong compelling reasons to break the inertia.«33 In other words, the parish had an important role from the very beginning of the Slovenian community in Bridgeport and afterwards in Fairfield. All other activities were directed towards supporting church life. The Local Lodge sv. Jožefa no. 148, besides its original purpose - that is, the charitable and insurance activities - had also given active aid in the parish community and helped in promoting the Slovenian community from Connecticut on an all-American level. According to all ethnic initiatives, the Local Lodge of St. Joseph is still active in keeping and promoting a sense of national belonging. It is still active in organizing social activities, and special emphasis is given to educational goals among the younger Slovenian population. POVZETEK KRAJEVNO DRUŠTVO K.S.K.J. SV JOŽEFA VBRIDGEPORTU V CONNECTICUTU Bogdan Kolar Krajevno društvo jv. Jožefa št. 148 Kranjsko slovenske katoliške jednote v Bridgeportu in sedaj v Fairfieldu v Connecticutu je bilo ustanovljeno leta 1913, istočasno s tamkajšnjo slovensko župnijo. Že od vsega začetka so v obeh ustanovah prevladovali Slovenci iz Prekmurja, kar je dajalo posebne značilnosti vsem dejavnostim in ustanovama. Več desetletij so se trudili, da so imeli duhovnike, ki so obvladali njihovo narečje. Ker na ozemlju župnije niso nastajale druge etnične ustanove, je bilo skozi vso zgodovino čutiti zelo tesno povezanost med društvom in župnijo. Ta se je posebej pokazala v času, ko je bila ukinjena župnija v Bridgeportu in je bilo potrebno postaviti novo cerkev in ob njej pastoralno središče v Fairfieldu. To je ponudilo gostoljubnost tudi članom krajevnega društva. 33 See J. A. Arnež, Slovenian Community in Bridgeport, Conn., p. 67. Pod streho župnijskega doma se srečujejo še danes. Najbolj zavzeti člani društva so aktivni tudi v župniji. Spremembe, do katerih prihaja v vseh etničnih ustanovah v Združenih državah, so prinesle novosti tudi v delovanje skupnosti v Fairfieldu. Sedaj je največja pozornost namenjena družabnim dejavnostim, skrbi za prenašanje narodne zavesti na mlajše rodove in ohranjanju izvirne kulturne dediščine. Sredstva, ki jih z različnimi prireditvami zbere krajevno društvo, so namenjena kulturnim dejavnostim in podpiranju izobraževanja. MARY JUGG MOLEK - AN AMERICAN WRITER AND POET WITH SLOVENE ROOTS Irena Milanič This article aims to present Mary Jugg Molek as a literary figure. There are two periods of Mary Jugg Molek’s literary creativity: in the thirties she contributed poems, short stories and one-act plays to the S.N.P.J. publications: Mladinski list-Juvenile and occasionally, Prosvetain the seventies she wrote the book Immigrant Woman, compiled the bibliography of Ivan Molek’s works, and translated and published his autobiography Čez hribe in doline and his novel Dva svetova} Mary Jugg Molek was born of Slovene parents in Chicopee, Kansas, in 1909. In 1932 she moved to Chicago and she was among the first contributors to write only for the English sections of - at that time - predominantly Slovene written immigrant papers. The bulk of her original work belongs to the first period that began in 1932 and ended in 1941. In 1942 Mary Jugg published only one poem, while her last contribution to the magazine was an autobiographical short story entitled »Charlotta«, published in 1943. These two were the only contributions that she signed with her whole name. Mary Jugg Molek signed her contributions in the first period with her maiden name »Mary Jugg«, and in the seventies with »Mary 1 S.N.P.J.: Slovenska Narodna Podporna Jednota - Slovene National Benefit Society (1904— ) is one of the major Slovene assurance societies in the United States. Apart from insuring its members in case of sickness, injury and death, it also has a central cultural function of binding together its Slovene members. 2 The title of the typescript Čez hribe in doline - avtobiografske črtice Ivana Molka was changed by the translator into Slovene Immigrant History 1900-1950, Autobiographical Sketches by Ivan (John) Molek. Dve domovini / Two Homelands — 10 - 1999, 79-114 Molek«. In all, she published ninety poems, thirty-seven short stories and nine one or two-scene plays. She not only produced literary works but also an incredible amount of articles, publishing them in Prosveta (Enlightenment), Proletarec (The Proletarian), Majski glas (The May Herald) and Mladinski list (Juvenile). These articles are relevant because they indicate the writer’s main interests - her deep faith in socialist reform, her concern in women’s issues and second-generation identities. In some of her articles she was rather radical. She advocated that women and the S.N.P.J. youth should be given not only more space but also power inside the Slovene immigrant organizations. Significantly she provocatively entitled her weekly Proletarec column »For Women Only« (lsl January 1936- 1st July 1936), and her milder Prosveta column »Women’s Round Table« (15lh July 1936 - 22lld July 1938). Professor Christian has pointed out that the appearance of Mary Jugg’s articles, particularly her column »Women’s Round Table«, in July 1936, represented a »more positive sign for Prosveta«? In 1934 she started to organize the Red Falcons, the youngest generation of the Yugoslav Socialist Federation. In 1938 she helped with the establishment of autonomous juvenile clubs: she prepared an outline of very practical advice, which aided the rise of new circles and provided the local leaders with starting ideas for activities. These suggestions were published in several issues of Mladinski list. From July 1939 to April 1943 Mary Jugg’s »A Column« regularly appeared in Prosveta. In these articles she mainly reflected upon contemporary events. In this period the general international atmosphere was becoming more and more tense because of the outbreak of the Second World War. Her contributions oscillated from advocating an isolationist position, which was shared by the general American public, to advocating a more engaged position with regards to European politics. In many of her articles she worried about the possible development of fascism in America, too. The brutal repression of a strike by the police, incidents where people had taken the law into their own hands and other expressions of dictatorship were reported and commented on in »A Column«. At the same time she also continued reporting on the cultural activities of the S.N.P.J., in particular its Juvenile Clubs, and reviewing the latest published books, films and exhibitions. Jugg’s poems, short stories and plays are entirely rooted in American so- 3 Henry Christian, The Prosveta English Section: Certainly Not Hard News And Never Intended to Be, Dve domovini/Two Homelands, 2-3 (1992), p. 37. ciety and its social realities. In the Thirties her main concern was a realistic depiction of the Depression in its everyday scenes. In the Forties when the general economic situation started to improve she shifted her interest to contemporary international events. While in the Thirties her writings were imbued with socialism, in the Forties her fervent socialist faith waned, becoming mainly a pacifist conviction. In the Thirties Jugg felt she had the role of making her young readers aware of the true causes of the contemporary hopeless economic situation, and she had to help them develop a new and independent vision of what they saw around. The socialist doctrine was the means to reveal the discrepancies in the American egalitarian ideology. She believed in socialist reformism. Socialism could improve American society and recharge the American ideals of democracy, freedom and equal opportunities for all with new, authentic meanings. Her ideal socialist-democratic society was composed of responsible individuals living in a truly democratic and equal society. The reason why no progress had been achieved in society not only lay in the social system, but also in the individual and his own responsibilities. She started from herself and she frequently expressed a very combative attitude towards life: When all around is loss and pain And discords sweep the land When I am met with countless things I cannot understand; When, midst its plenty, Need and Crime A nation’s power disgrace, And bitter winds of cruel want Bite sharply in my face, I will not raise lame hands in prayer That gods unseen will set things right -Such Faith that is not anything But endless space in starless night. She then proposed how to face this harsh and inexplicable reality. There is a strong individualism, a belief in the potentialities of every single man. At the same time she underlined the highly responsible attitude everybody has to assume before joining a brotherhood: But I will free the powers of Me I am the Force that guides my life Through worthwhile channels, light and cheer, Or dark abyss, dismay, and strife. And when I have resigned Myself To steady aim and purpose good I will have found with joy intact A lasting niche in Brotherhood.4 Socialism became the vehicle for a multicultural discourse. Because of the variety of the American ethnic mosaic she saw America as the right place for the creation of a brotherhood amongst people of different ethnic backgrounds. The general idea of a brotherhood could transcend national identities. The calloused hand and the bent form were enough to unite all American workers. In her literary creations socialism took over ethnicity, which in her works emerged only in a fragmentary way: in the characters’ names and surnames, by the sporadic use of Slovene words and phrases and by mentioning old world places. In her writings class-consciousness was more important than ethnicity. In this regard her poem »Nationality« should be considered. She started the first stanza: And does it, then, make difference -The language that you speak? And is it nationality Or brotherhood we seek?5 In the Forties Mary Jugg’s attitude towards socialism changed. The play »A League of Nations« exemplifies this. The characters’ names show that they are children of different national groups, but they share the same neighborhood. They suddenly learn that the site where they used to meet and play will be no 4 Resolution, Mladinski list-Juvenile (ML), 12, 1932, p. 368. 5 Nationality, ML, 05, 1933, p. 145. longer »theirs«, and another block will be built there. But the boys decide to build a memorial composed of their favorite toys, with which they played there the most. At that point of the play they are very proud of being capable of cooperation and that from their work a very original monument would result. Their teamwork on a micro-level symbolizes what the big nations should do on an international level. They mention the persecution of Jews in Germany, which they see as one of the gravest consequences of this inability to collaborate with one another. But there is a sudden change in the mood of the play. The boys unexpectedly start to quarrel over an apparent triviality and everybody takes back his own »piece« of the monument.6 If the socialistic antidote was right, people were still not mature enough to understand its full value and significance. In the poem »The Call of The New Year«, 1937, Mary Jugg expressed a similar dissatisfaction with socialism. The poem starts with a vision of a field covered with snow with fresh footsteps across it. In the following stanza this vision is broadened by comparison. The field is presented as a neat image in a street pool suddenly shattered by a stone. The sound of the creaking snow expresses a state of mind. The poem is enriched by associations and by new details: Dull is the sound of the cheerless heart Stumping across the snow -A violin robbed of its every tone -Missing, the strings and the bow. Stretch of a soft, clean snow is the New Year Furrowed to deep, slushy mud; Blaring, metallic, falsetto notes That fall with a deafening thud. Jugg was aware that her plans for an improvement of society clashed with the general amorphous attitude of the masses: Humanity Bleeding; humanity starving; Humanity bound with a chain -Humanity trampled - afraid of awakening -This is the New Year’s refrain. She cried out for somebody, a »traveler across the virgin plains«, capable of changing the tune (»discover the strings and pick up the bow«) so that events would really take a new course with the New Year. But there was no appeal to the positive potentialities of all people, the idea of community was not stressed. In fact, not only were people seen as a mob incapable of organizing themselves, but also as »afraid of awakening«. She was calling for someone who would be able to give these people strength, through »songs and strains«, but not for an uprising, an active en masse attempt to change the desperate human situation. These songs would only »muffle the drone of humanity’s woe«.7 In other words, their function would be only to reduce and not eliminate the severity of the human condition. In 1938 Mladinski List-Juvenile underwent a general reorganization. Apart from an increasing number of drawings and pictures illustrating the stories, articles and poems, there was no longer the division between the Slovene and English sections. The number of constant columns rose and only in the year 1938 did there appear about twenty-eight constant columns. In particular, the content of the contributions changed. They became lighter, more humorous and gay. There was not only a depiction of harsh social realities; children’s verses and stories dealing with fantasy worlds, also started to appear. This influenced Mary Jugg’s writings too. In this year she started a series of short stories entitled »Nifty and His Friends«. It was about a dog and its animal friends. Nifty was an »intelligent« dog, whose common sense was sometimes better than humans’. From 1938 on, more and more animals were given voice in her poems and short stories. She also made objects speak, such as a clock, a radio or an old armchair, and this enabled her to present facts in a different perspective. If at the beginning of her career any fantasy dreaming had been discouraged, it was now fostered. From that year on she started to publish more children’s rhymes, simple jingles and fairy tale stories. Humor replaced her sarcasm and, for instance, none of her 1938 poems and short stories dealt with any specific social problem. Although most of Mary Jugg’s literary contributions appeared in the youth paper Mladinski list-Juvenile, her works, in particular some of her poems, were addressed to an adult public as well. They distinguish themselves by their structure and their contents. Although Mary Jugg always remembered that she was writing for a young audience, she did not just write simple rhymes. On the one hand, some of Mary Jugg’s poems have an attentively-chosen formal structure. She used rhyming couplets, the sonnet and especially the ballad form. But the quatrain where the second and the fourth line rhyme underwent a series of changes, rhythmical adaptations and variations. To break the formal pattern of the lines she frequently used devices such as caesuras, internal rhyming, onomatopoeia, use of refrains and so on. On the other hand, Mary Jugg also composed in free verse and chose peculiar visual layouts for her poems. Despite this, all her poems are compact, since she provided unity through repetition and harmony of imagery. Enjambment was used repeatedly, contributing to the general impression of spontaneity and smoothness. The text achieved unity by the use of words from the same semantic area. Apart from alliteration and assonance, the repetition of the same consonant or vowel sounds, her poems often have a mirroring structure, so that the stanzas have the same number of lines, the same length and the same layout. The same mirroring effect was gained if the stanza ended or began with the same line or a slightly changed line. When she used free verse, she frequently used cross-references to bind the text together. Twenty-two poems out of ninety are in free verse, but none of them is prose. According to Professor Jerneja Petrič, Mary Jugg Molek was probably the first to introduce free verse into Slovene-American literature.8 Compared with the other poets’ contributions in the Juvenile, her poems stand out for the way she dealt with her subject matter. In her anthology Professor Petrič commented how Mary Jugg’s poetry had been intellectual, and as such constitutes an isolated example in Slovene-American literature.9 This is true of her social poems, but especially of her autobiographical poems, where she developed her own original approach. She maintained a refined, psychological level, and she tended to become cryptic. She was frequently enigmatic and obscure. She admitted her fears and doubts, sometimes employing visions from nature. She saw Nature as a perfect, organized world, and in comparison, human reality appeared fallacious and illogical. She tried to explain the human condition and actions by using images of the sea and the different characteristics of the winds. On the one hand, she used nature descriptively, but on the other, it represented an escape and shelter from everyday reality. Her poetry, in these cases, hardly became firm and truly optimistic in a socialist sense and she was unable to end her poems with the purposive and convincing message required by the socialist interpretation of literature. Even though in her articles Mary Jugg advocated a poetry committed to the socialist cause, some 8 Jerneja Petrič, Naši na tujih tleh, Ljubljana: Cankarjeva založba, 1982, p. 475. 9 Ibid. of her poems eventually went against the socialist interpretation of literature as something functional, clear and direct in its message. In some of her earliest poems the idea prevailed that man could master nature through the aid of science. In the poem »Credo«, 1933, she expressed the positive idea that powerful natural elements such as the wind and the sea acquire meaning only if they are subdued by man to his service. But in many other poems she realized the smallness of humanity in front of the perfection of Nature, and how mankind was not even able to achieve control over its own complexity. She frequently spoke from her own experience. She saw how our good intentions and resolutions, usually uttered at the beginning of the New Year, were soon forgotten and never carried out. She investigated the causes of such behavior and concluded that it was because of man’s fear and doubt. She frequently used images of closed doors, locked chests, insurmountable walls and clothes that cannot be discarded. All these images suggest a sense of entrapment and immobility. In her program poem, »Decision«, 1933, she looked at the future promising a commitment, but realizing the risky and the frightening part of it. Her approach is metaphorical. In this poem she compares the future to a closed book with stiff covers, and then to a chest: I hold before me a closed book; Not a page has been scanned nor a cover lifted; The words, inspiration, and message Are held within bounds of stiff, coarse buckram That encloses. A chest of potent ideas Lies locked somewhere within power of my reach. Their strength has never been tested; They are held by strong padlocks Of doubt. [..r At the end she decides that her New Year will be »a read book / and an opened chest.« But this ending is too plain and contrasts with the generally uncertain atmosphere of the poem. In »Deferment«, 1934, she represents her longings as a vision of a white house on the top of a hill, which promises a kind of paradise of oblivion (»Enter, and all will be forgotten«). But the »I« hesitates, afraid of the steep and long road uphill, whilst knowing that she had better go. When she finally decides and climbs the hill, she realizes that she has just missed the given opportunity forever: At last, after a great while, I summoned courage And climbed the hill and reached the top, Only to find That a high wind had slammed the door before my eyes And locked it fast-inside.11 Compared to the poems, the artistic accomplishment of the short stories is limited because of the predominant use of an authorial narrator. Nevertheless, the stories are interesting for their setting, themes and for their individual stylistic expedients. Small town realities with immigrants’ shacks and mines nearby -this was the bleak surrounding where most of her short stories were set. The protagonists were young people torn between their expectations, fostered by the American ideology, and the gloomy reality in which they were entrapped. On the other hand, Mary Jugg’s plays were practical and, in the first instance, didactic. They were mainly directed to be performed by the juvenile members, and their aim was, on the one hand, to explain socialist concepts, and on the other, to show on a micro-level how big contemporary issues could be solved through cooperation, mutual help and respect. The reason Jugg gradually stopped contributing to Juvenile was not simply political (regarding hers and her husband’s disagreements with other executive members of the S.N.P.J. about supporting the communists’ struggle in the Old Country). Although this probably contributed to her estrangement from the S.N.P.J., the main-reason probably was that Mary Molek at that time had just finished writing her Master’s thesis and was about to start writing her Ph. D. dissertation.12 After Ivan Molek’s forced resignation from Prosveta, she became the breadwinner of the family, working as elementary and high school teacher. In 11 Deferment, ML, 08, 1934, p. 240. 12 M. Molek, Education in Yugoslavia, Czechoslovakia, and Poland, with Emphasis on the Period from 1918 to 1939, unpublished Master’s Thesis, University of Chicago, May 1942. addition, she taught English in evening schools, helping the new immigrants to adjust themselves to the new environment. No information exists about the couple’s life, except for the fact that they lived very modestly, and that they moved to California in the late Fifties. Thus apparently there is a »barren period« between 1943, when her last contribution was published in Mladinski list-Juvenile, and 1976, when her Immigrant Woman and translations appeared in print. However, such a sharp division is very unlikely to be regarded as definite. This supposition is confirmed by the correspondence of Margaret E. Haughawout to Mary Jugg Molek.13 For instance, the letter dated 04, 04, 1951 opens with Dear Mary, Ever since reading it I’ve meant to write and say how much I like your perfect little poem. It is all poetry. It took imagination to write it and requires one to read. [...] Anyhow it says something without saying it and one could mean a dozen or a hundred different experiences. So further researches need to be undertaken to investigate this period. In addition, Mary Jugg Molek’s documents kept at the Chicago Historical Society need to be examined. At the moment they are not available to the public because they have not yet been catalogued. Only after her husband’s death, in 1962, did Mary Molek resume publishing. She moved to Dover, Delaware, and all the works she wrote or translated were published at her own expense. When Immigrant Woman was published in 1976, it soon became a considerable success within the Slovene community. The book had three reprints and earned for Mary Jugg Molek the 1978 League of Slovene-American Award for contributions to Slovene-American literature.14 Influenced by the »ethnic revival«, which began in the 1960’s along with the Civil Rights Movement, Mary Molek searched for her own ethnic past. As a matter of fact, all the works she published in the Seventies could be interpreted as a redis- 13 Margaret E. Haughawout was Mary Molek’s English teacher at Kansas college. They kept up a correspondence from July 1932 to December 1961. Unfortunately, now just the Haugawout letters are available at Pittsburg State University, Special Collections. 14 John P. Nielsen, Mary J. Molek Wins Author Award, Ameriška domovina, 08, 12, 1978, pp. 1 and 3. covery of her ethnic background, a looking back in search of values that she thought should have been reconsidered, especially by the present generation. In Immigrant Woman she documented her mother’s life at the beginning of the century, being aware of the immigrant woman’s message for the present era. By translating and presenting her husband’s works she proceeded to present the life of the immigrant man she married. Especially in his autobiography, her notes, appendices and references were particularly substantial, and her aim was to exalt Ivan Molek’s independence of mind, perseverance and constant adherence to his ideals. On the one hand, she underlined the immigrants’ contribution to the growth and greatness of the United States. On the other hand, she saw the Seventies negatively as a time when people were lost and in search of identity, a time when drugs, psychoanalysis and transcendental meditation were the rule. People were revolting against an establishment without even knowing exactly what they were contesting. She saw this period as an era marked by destruction and permissiveness, when »only 'want' and 'take' remained«.15 To all this she contrasted »a chronicle of those who ‘did’ for that which others are now ‘taking’«.16 Immigrant Woman is a book of recollections, an attempt to reconstruct the life of the author’s mother through its most significant and vivid moments. The introduction promises all the elements necessary for a serious ethnic discourse. The author promises to descend genealogically and topologically and recover a world by the aid of the »Memory_Project dynamics«.17 The author rather than just recovering an ethnic past, interprets it and therefore inevitably elaborates it, keying the ethnic meaning according to contemporary needs. This is how Professor Boelhower views it: 15 Mary Molek, Introduction to Immigrant Woman (IW), Dover, Del.: M. Molek, Inc.,1976, p. 6. 16 Ibid. 17 As William Boelhower in his Through a Glass Darkly, Ethnic Semiosis in American Literature, Venezia: Edizioni Helvetia, 1984, writes, »Ethnic discourse is a discourse of foundations.!...] The foundations of ethnicity are based on the genealogical elaboration of the story behind one’s name, one’s family name« (p. 81). »Ethnic semiosis can now be defined as nothing more nor less than the interpretative gaze of the subject whose strategy of seeing is determined by the very ethno-symbolic space of the possible world he inhabits [...] this model of seeing is conditioned by the following ethno-semiotic dynamics: MEMORY PROIECT.« (p. 87). The principal task of the sons and daughters in ethnic fiction is to reinterpret the status of the referent as defined by the ancestors. This involves putting contemporary reality between the parentheses of Project and Memory. [...]18 This biographical attempt represents a recovery of the mother’s time and place. But rather than being a mere mnemonic exercise the author puts it in relation with contemporary time and space and points, in the ethnic morals and ethnic way of life, to an ethical answer, a solution for contemporary disorientation. But personal reasons might also be at the root of her interest in her origins. She might be influenced by a sense of guilt concerning her previous rejection of the immigrant world, because it was so much in contrast with the American standards of living. The author describes the clashes, the scars, the psychological »deep gashes« (p. 11) and »the mental cruelty« (p. 53) that sometimes marked the mother-daughter relationship. This is how she was writing already in 1936: But sometime - somewhere - someone should pay honest tribute to just these unsung heroines of what America is today. Who brought forth sons and daughters to go out to build and make America »one of the richest countries«. Look at the immigrant women in small towns who slaved and worked in a country that more often than not mocked them for their ways - and because they had nowhere to learn their English. It was these same women who endured hardships with their husbands who were harnessed into mining coal, building roads, erecting buildings, working in steel mills - making America! [...] It was these women who suffered many heartaches when their own children came back from school and considered their mothers old fashioned, and even a little backward, for not having learned good English or knowing how to walk with high-heeled shoes.19 In the book she describes not only her mother’s immigrant existence but also how she, the daughter, has grown independently from it by taking her own 18 Ibid., pp. 106-107. 19 Mary Jugg, For Women Only, Proletarec, 13, 05, 1936, p. 6. way. The grown-up writer returns to her past, to document it, but also with the awareness that so many things could not be remembered at all, because they went without being understood at the time when they took place. Despite the apparent simple layout - introduction, seventeen non-nume-rated chapters and epilogue - the text is much more complex, since its circular narration does not respect the chapters’ division. Incidents are told more than once, but every time the event becomes more detailed, because it is associated with other new and different circumstances. However, there are some central images that, like leitmotivs, reappear from time to time throughout the text and they bind the text together, providing it with an internal structure. The core figure is certainly that of a patchwork quilt. The significance it bears in the text is transplanted on the structural level. The narrator willfully applies the quilt-making techniques to the composition of the text. As the mother started the coverlet when she was pregnant with her first-born, so the narration starts from that period. As the mother crocheted first every single medallion separately and then sewed them together, so are the patches - the singular events -remembered and described by the grown-up daughter. With such a structural choice the events narrated have no chronological order and there is no hierarchy of incidents. The mother was always a dominant figure in her daughters’ lives and she has »patterned, in her own design, three distinctly different roles for each of the [...] three« daughters.20 In the text there is a scene where the daughter rebuffs her mother trying to teach her how to sew, deciding that she is not going to be a dressmaker as the mother was. But now, after her mother’s death, the Oldest returns to her life by becoming, rather than a dressmaker, a text-maker. In the introduction Molek makes a clear reference to her text as: [...] A patchwork quilt. Fragments floating into the mind’s eye, sometimes like discrete scraps of material, sometimes stitched together. The iridescence of a patch spills now onto one, now onto the next, obscuring the edges; and the two patches could easily be interchangeable. A spotlight illuminates now one, now another. Sometimes it rolls off the entire coverlet, leaving it only an eclipsed backdrop.21 20IW, p. 14. 21 Ibid., p. 3. Molek stresses that the experiences are conveyed through her own »firsthand experience as the oldest child« (p. 3). But this, rather than being presented as a filter to the objectivity of the narration, a limited perspective, is presented as an important element sustaining the reality of the things narrated. The introduction promises that the narrator will tell everything she knows, has apprehended and now remembers. The narrator, in other words, claims omniscience, but this is actually limited to her autobiographical stance, so if this is a biography, it is full of gaps. On the one hand, these gaps are partially filled when they receive a fictional reconstruction - they are transformed into dialogues, and dramatized scenes, rather than being merely narrated. Surprisingly, though, they are integrated into the general flow of the text and the narrator absorbs them in the textual ideology without mentioning them as reconstructed parts. On the other hand, her limited omniscience is exalted in other parts of the text, where the narrator refuses to give a fictionalized reconstruction. This becomes a method of ensuring reliability. By saying that some fragments cannot be reconstructed because they cannot be remembered, the narrator discloses to the reader her strategy by directly pointing the readers’ attention to the missing fragment. The narrator, in other words, calls attention to her act of renunciation from writing fiction. When her omniscience becomes restricted, this restriction becomes her justification for the reliability of the things narrated. When a scene is not fully recalled, the narrator directly refers to the text as the quilt. Here are two examples: What is Memory’s residue of that day? [...] That patch of the quilt is faded and lost. [...] What became of that evening, how it passed, is a patch of the quilt forever frazzled and lost. Only the sunset, that vivid, wa-tercolor sunset remains.22 The use of animals is the other device used by the narrator to achieve unity, although on a smaller scale, since they are not given a meta-structural function. This emphasis on animals has the function of revealing the mother’s estrangement in front of the new environment. In fact, when she arrives in the New world the first thing that she notices of her would-be husband is that he »looked so different, so changed«.23 Animals seem to be the only continuity between the Old and the New World. 22 Ibid., pp. 112 and 121. 23 Ibid., p. 39. There are two main antithetic movements of the narrator. One is towards complete impassivity, the other is towards an autobiographical involvement. In the first case, the narrator is an authorial narrator, coolly detached from the story. She rarely refers to the characters by name. She prefers to call them by more general and impersonal titles, such as »the Oldest«, when she speaks about the immigrant woman’s oldest daughter or, »Immigrant Woman« to designate the mother. The distance between the already grown up - »the Oldest« - and Maria is established by the narrator in order to distinguish the two temporally different stages of the same person. So far, there are three projections of the author’s self: on the level of the discourse, the prevalently impersonal, detached narrator, and on the story level, the Oldest who is the one who »pieced together long afterward«24 and is engaged in reconstructing her mother’s life, and Maria (the child and the adolescent). Thus there are three stadiums, three steps, of transmission of experience: Maria (who is the experiencing subject), the Oldest (who looks back at her past and gathers together the information about it) and the narrator, who presents both processes. »The Oldest« manages to see the positive aspects of her earlier education, which she was unable to see as such when she was going through them as Maria. If the narrator strives to be detached and objective, she does not always succeed, and the female, autobiographical voice takes over from the cold biographer. The narrator is a female one because she is the bearer of a female discourse, which takes the shape of a quilt. Moreover, she voices some prejudice of the time, and when she does so, her critical attitude can be sensed. The autobiographical part of the story coexists with and occasionally takes over from the biographical one. The story starts with the birth of the daughter, the biographer, and not with that of the mother, the Immigrant Woman, »the heroine« after whom the story is titled. Moreover, part of her mother’s life in the Old Country, probably about 20 years, is completely ignored. The name of the »small secluded hamlet«,25 the mother’s native place, is never mentioned. There is no mention of the mother’s maiden name, nothing is said about her ocean crossing, whether she did it alone or with some relative. There is no reference to the mother’s age, except when she dies (»She was eighty-five«).26 By contrast, Maria’s almost exact 24 Ibid., p. 11. 25 IW, p. 37. As Mary Molek reveals in her conference The Present, Past and Future of Slovene Immigration, her mother was from S v. Lucija, near Gorica-Gorizia. »She sprinkled her speech with both Italian and German words«, p. 5. 26 Ibid., p. 159. hour of birth is given (»On the second Wednesday in June, 1909, about noon,«)27 and throughout the text her age is recorded. This temporal stratification of the same person - Maria and the Oldest -shows by itself that there has been a character development. Maria’s story is much more articulated than that of the mother. Her school, her first encounter with the American environment, her college, her move to Chicago and her marriage - these are all episodes that are described in the text. All the new experiences the daughter endures are »outside« home and detached from the zone »controlled« by the mother. Her autobiography describes the steps of her estrangement from her ethnic background. Only later will she revisit her ethnic past. The book is set in Kansas, but no precise geographical name of town or settlement is given. There is an effort to maintain a distant, scholarly standpoint. The daughter does not feel much contact with the place, or at least when the story is told from her point of view, she does not seem to see it. Awareness that this was her familiar surrounding arises only when she leaves for Chicago. By bus to Chicago. Ejected from all that had been familiar, from all that had budded the myriad, miniscule day-to-day worries; ejected into the horrendously frightening jaws of the unknown.28 But when the story is presented from the mother’s point of view, a very critical picture of Kansas is given. Actually, I have found excerpts from the book among the negative quotations about Kansas on Internet.29 The ugliness of the landscape is associated with the bitter disappointment the mother experienced upon her arriving at the »Promised Land«. The immigrant is forced to accept a radical change of landscape, and to her it seems all a »horrible nightmare«. On her arrival all she can notice is dirtiness, dilapidated frame houses and children dressed in rags, making mud pies. Maria is born in a shanty house, dark inside, after which the family moves to another nearby town in a four-room house, where eight people lived all toget- 27 Ibid., p. 11. 28 Ibid., p. 150. 29 »Quotable Kansas« provided as a public service by the Washburn University, Center for Kansas Studies, compiled by Prof. Tom Averill, http://www.wuaccc.edu./referen-ce/zzcwcks/kansasqu.html/(11, 12, 1997). her. The second chapter is clearly set on this farm; there is a garden, chickens, a cow, and pigs. There are trees around the house the mother has planted, but they do not belong to the original landscape. They rather belong to the Old World scenery, which is recreated in the New World. The mother calls them »our property«.30 When some workmen from town come to cut them down to widen the road, she defends her trees, saying they are the only pleasant aspect of her homestead. It is interesting that the mother is talking to these men in Slovene and that her daughter has to translate for them. But the whole narrative is conveyed in standard English and we hear directly the mother and not the child. Or more precisely, we hear the literary elaboration of what the mother has said. That the text has undergone a formal transformation is demonstrated by the use of repetition, short incisive sentences, alliteration of the »d« sound. Moreover, this continuous and circular repeating of words contributes to the general sensation that any prospect of improvement is barred. [...] Shame - shame on you people; come around here to cut down, to destroy - not to build up, to make nice! Not to fix that dirty road, all dust-dust-dust. Swallow dust, eat dust - every day. Every day. Horses. Horse dung. Fresh dung; dried up. Dried into dust. Ground up by the wheels. Dung; dirt; dung; dust - everything comes on and around and in the house. [...]31 It is interesting, however, to notice that towards the end of the book the narrator expresses how the mother felt a complete identification with the Kansas environment. She was nonessential. But this was her place. It was her land. It was her home! She must not leave it. No! If she should forsake these surroundings, she would surely die.32 This is an identification that recalls much more the Old World condition of dwelling as something static, topological, and recognizes a complete identification between the dwelling place and the dweller. To sum up, if the mother is the uprooted immigrant finding herself in a totally strange milieu, she constantly interacts with this new environment, and even if her response is critical, there is 50IW, p. 29. 31 Ibid., pp. 30-31. 32 Ibid., p. 156. still an exchange, a contact and an attempt at improvement. The daughter does not feel such an emotional tie to Kansas; her view is much more superficial, more American perhaps. She is not rooted in a place, but she rather thinks of surroundings in economic terms, such as what job opportunities Kansas offers. The mother persists until the end of her life in the same farming house, where her baby boy and later on her husband have died, and she cannot feel herself at ease in a new environment, in her daughters’ new homes in towns, for example. The figures of the mother and the daughter represent not only two different concepts of space, but also of time. As a matter of fact, the mother’s story is presented as part of the past and therefore has become static. The means through which she fights for a livelihood in the New World are imported from the Old World. Even though the mother could be a potential heroine who has crossed the boundaries of home to go to a new place, in the New World her fight is circumscribed to the topographical place, she remains immobile. In fact, many parts of the text stress the mother’s wish to remain in one place.33 The mother is unable to understand the new age improvements, which she calls »Krezzy Fools«. The daughter personifies the present dimension, which is not past-free, since she has constantly to face her mother’s objections, comments and ideas. The mother’s figure and her authority are always felt. The mother is the bearer of a profound folk wisdom that the daughter Maria continuously questions and finds lacking, because of the identification she has with American culture. The two paralleled stories present in the text are independent, but also profoundly interrelated. According to Irene P. Winner, this collision between mother and daughter can be seen as an interplay between a static and a dynamic vision of the world which influences the structure of the book as well, since the outcome of it is not a linear biographical recount, but a collage, a patchwork. The scenes are repeated and the stories and events are narrated more than once. The montage is the result of the direct or indirect confrontation of two cultural traditions in an ethnic culture, the traditional culture and the host culture. It has to be noted that montage is not assimilation. That also explains why biography and autobiography succeed in coexisting within the same text. The mother remains chained to the past, while the daughter emancipates herself from it. It is education that provides the Oldest with the means to leave the ethnic environment and go »into the world«. Through education she gets rid of the superstitions, bigotry and the prejudices that were inherent in the immi- 33 IW, for instance on pp. 22 and 106. grant world, especially as regards the woman’s role. She leaves home, she chooses to get married at the City Hall and to have no children - three decisions that are the very opposite of what was expected from a young woman in the Slovene community. These decisions the mother cannot comprehend, although she well remembers her own oppression, her grotesque marriage and her difficult childbearings. When the daughter’s wedding is presented, the narrator makes direct reference to the mother’s wedding. »On her wedding day there was no wedding dress; thanks heavens! For the disappearances of the Mrs. Baskas. There was no ceremony.« The mother never forgave her oldest daughter for getting married at a registry office, and then the narrator continues: »for the Youngest, the Immigrant Woman engineered a marriage in her own fashion.«34 On the other hand, however, education enables the oldest daughter to return, look back and document her ethnic roots. Her vision therefore is a double vision: she documents it from the point of view of a trained scientist (detached narration) and that of a daughter who, through the reconstruction of the mother’s life, is reestablishing her connection with her own ethnic culture. As Professor I. P. Winner puts it, »she escapes to an educated life, and recreates in her writings the immigrant culture.«35 Thus the admiring tone that the narrator has for »the deeds« of the mother is the outcome of future years, and not an attribute of Maria as a teenager. The text is a collage of styles. In stitching the text together the narrator uses citations, quotations and references to film actors, songs and famous personae. Especially in the second part of the book, when she starts to evaluate the education she has received from her mother, putting it in a more positive light, she makes references to literary heroes, to sit-coms and other typical American products, only to discard them in the name of the more genuine ethnic culture. Therefore the book is a renegotiation of Maria’s previous attitude; and the positive elements of her upbringing are dug up. She comes to the conclusion that they were the only possible way that the circumstances permitted, and her Spartan upbringing was after all a success. This ultimately is the message of the work. Throughout the text constant clashes between the mother’s and daughter’s outlook on life are registered. The verbal blows are shown in brief, terse dialogues, but sometimes longer presentations of specific accidents are interpolated. The 34 Ibid., pp. 150 and 152. 35 Irene Portis Winner, Ethnic Culture Text As Narration, in Literary Anthropology: A New Interdisciplinary Approach to People, Signs and Literature, Fernando Poyatos (ed.), Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing co., 1988, p. 134. dialogues make the narration vivid and lively. Sometimes the narrator uses sitcom techniques. For instance, she makes reference to a 1975 American sit-com (Pat Loud family), criticizing the kind of life it represents. The family members’ self-centeredness and pleasure-seeking is juxtaposed to what we can see as the ethnic values of self-sacrifice, unselfishness and work. She employs sit-com proceedings - short, incisive dialogues that give insight into what can be defined as everyday life, and a strongly preachy ending. Thus it can be said that she is using a typical American product (the sit-com), charging it with new, ethnic attributes. Through the ethnic glass American society reveals its egoism and narcissism. The narrator uses sit-com techniques to enlarge her domain. The general tone of the book is epic. Here again the narrator makes a direct mention to a film genre. In fact, the tragedies that hit the family are seen as »[...] nights of horror, colossal as a Ben Hur movie.«36 The mother is the pioneer who manages to cope with all the adversities, who reveals herself as the engine of the family and is at the end successful. Instead of coming to a land of plenty, as her husband has written in his letters, and instead of marrying a successful pioneer, she marries an indebted and exploited miner and has to work hard as a seamstress and as a housewife to free the family of the numerous debts. The mother’s story turns out to be a success story, because by relying on her own moral strength and her own work the mother succeeded in freeing herself and her family from indebtedness and giving her children college education. On the whole, the book continuously oscillates between a fictionalizing drive and the tendency to be faithful to reality as defined by the mother’s life experience. Especially at the beginning of the text the narrator continuously uses repetitions of negative or positive statements as if she could encompass the mother’s life story by mere enumeration. The consequence is a rhetorical style that hinders the already weak fictional structure. Many times she becomes obscure and difficult to follow, because the references she is making become meaningful only as the story proceeds. In these parts the book loses its artistic value. Professor Mirko Jurak points out that her use of a sententious, moralizing manner of story telling does not contribute to the fictional aspect of her narrative. There are scenes that lack artistic inspiration and expressiveness. »They are mainly straightforward descriptions, aroused in the author’s mind by the acuteness of the experience, but they are not matched with an equal scope of imaginative power and comprehensiveness of meaning.«37 36 Ibid., p. 88. On the other hand, the scenes where the mother’s reminiscences become overwhelming are artistically the most accomplished. The narrator proceeds through associations, and creates an element of pathos. The reader knows that the Immigrant Woman is caught, but he sees her when she struggles to get free and how she is still convinced that she will go back home as soon as she manages to earn enough money. It has been noticed that with the exception of the Introduction the author never makes it clear that she is writing about Slovene immigrants and about a Slovene-American family.38 The text is written in standard English with almost no Slovene words. Nevertheless the ethnic elements reveal themselves overtly, through reference to traditional food, natural home remedies and folk beliefs the mother expresses in the dialogues with her children. The mother cooks ethnic food at home. The Slovene names of the dishes are never given, but they can be recognized. The soup with noodles, »the minestrone« and the home-made bread are particularly remembered.39 As a true Slovene, the mother is a beekeeper too. Homemade honey is the only sweetener known. The dark honey produced in the rectangular frames of beeswax that had been lowered into the hives was crudely processed, strained through cheesecloth and poured into jars. For many sweetening purposes it served reasonably well. But, »Momma, I can’t drink this coffee with honey in it. It makes me gag.«40 The mother’s »diet« is constantly questioned by her children, as it conflicts with what they learn in school. To that the mother sternly remarks: »when your hygiene book or teacher has to feed you, and has to get it for you, they can dictate what you will eat. Not otherwise.«41 The idea that everything needs to be saved, conserved,-used up, and that nothing should ever be discarded is somehow typical of peasant culture. On the other hand, the American food is looked upon suspiciously by the mother: 37 Mirko Jurak, Immigrant Woman, Acta Neophilologica, 13, 1980, p. 85. 38 Peter Elish, Immigrant Woman a Compelling Story, Prosveta, 18, 05, 1977, p. 7. 39 IW, pp.57-58. 40 Ibid., p. 32. 41 All in IW, p. 57. The Oldest learned of steak - round steak, that is, for the first time in the college cafeteria. She didn’t think she liked it: leathery, and poured over with a thick, brown coating in the steam table. She told her mother. »That kind of stuff is no good for you. Don’t know what all they’ve mixed together and how long it’s [sic] been standing there. Could poison you, even,« said the mother.42 The mother cannot enjoy the modern age improvements, and some of them she can not even understand. They represent confusion as opposed to the rigid order that reigned inside the »ethnic« family. She calls all those things »Krezzy Fool« - »this baptism of things incongruous, distasteful, ethically unacceptable, imaginary, or to be so dismissed [...].« »Ma, Tootsie Mantle says he has two ear plugs he puts on over his head; like this over his head; and he can hear voices and people talking from far, far away - as far away as Milwaukee. They call it a ‘radio’.« »Tootsie Mantle doesn’t need earplugs to hear things like that. Krezzy fool!« In the New World she continues to stick to old folk beliefs that might be seen as pure superstition by the Americans. One of these is her belief in the power of dreams as predictions of the future. »Contrary to others’ disbelief, her clairvoyance made logic to her and could never remotely be categorized as ‘Krezzy Fool’ in her eyes«.43 When the Immigrant Woman arrives in the New Country, she is disillusioned, does not want to get married and therefore is completely passive and submissive to Mrs. Baska, the coarse landlady of her first home. The previously constructed idea of America clashes with reality. The young woman naively believed in everything that her would-be husband had written her. Her disappointment emerges in everything she says or does. But when she learns from her husband that her steamship ticket, the wedding expenses and her wedding outfit which she thought were the landlady’s gift, are in fact just borrowed, she changes her meek attitude. Being in debt was a taboo in Slovene village culture and therefore she becomes determined to 42 Ibid., pp. 57-58. 43 All in IW, p. 61. redeem the family from debt. She takes up sewing for her family and for others, she finds every opportunity to save. She is the homeopathic physician who knows herbal remedies, she makes soap, butter, and she cares for chickens and a cow. She knits, does cutout embroidery, crochets, and quilts until she is eighty-five. Her sense of color in her handiwork, the text states, was her children’s first lesson in art appreciation. She has a green thumb. She has hoped that she will finally arrive at a hilly place with mountains or lush valleys. A place that will resemble her native Slovenia. She attempts to recreate it by planting trees and rose bushes in front of the house. If she does not manage to return to Europe, she succeeds in convincing her husband to break free from Mrs. Baska’s claws and to get firm roots in what later will become their own house. Her family always lives honestly. Although poor she is always charitable and hospitable. Thrifty but not stingy, she will always help other people in distress. She is the focal point of the family not only morally, but economically as well. In lean times her sewing is the only source of income the family has. She is an energetic person, always working, keeping herself busy. Her primary concern is for the daughters, for their education. She always cares for her children although she brings them up rigidly. Her husband wants to move to some other state, but she can not agree with him. She wants her daughters to finish school all in one place. The daughter has felt throughout her school career the pressure that she has to finish school as soon as possible in order to save the family from its debt at the grocery shop. She frankly admits that she was not so much driven by altruistic feelings, as constrained by her mother. In turn her school career is presented as an epic. This text is a sincere and a critical study of the author’s attitude towards ethnicity. It is, therefore, a brave exposition, since it shows that not everything was so rosy and that ethnicity, when it was »inflicted« and endured, was seen negatively. Ethnicity was not taken for granted by the children, but often fought against and ridiculed. But by being constantly questioned, it emerged somehow reinforced from this confrontation since the mother always had a ready answer to their impertinent questions. For instance, even though the mother learns English from her children, »listening to the children’s homework and adding her own remarks«, she always maintains her authority inside the family. When the children mock her English, she retorts, »Don’t think because you know English you’re smart. For ‘smart’, you’ll have to live awhile.«44 44 IW, p. 37. The daughter grasps and creates her concept of ethnicity indirectly from the mother’s style of life, her morals, sayings and her way of being. It is interesting that she herself, in the Introduction, establishes a bridge of ethnical continuity that goes from the mother to the husband. [The mother’s] beliefs in the simple virtues were completely transmitted to her Oldest (speaking only for herself). She, in turn, found their counterpart in the immigrant man she married. Together, they, because of their life’s devotion to ideals, endured tribulations that (over a period of twenty-eight years, until his death) probably would have been eased had they compromised principles.45 It is clear that the association she establishes is not only ethnic, but ethical as well. The author considers herself an individualistic and independent American woman, but her ethnic background somehow saves her, taking her back to a heritage of values that the »pure« American society of the Seventies seems to ignore. BIBLIOGRAPHY MARY JUGG MOLEK’S WORKS - PRIMARY TEXTS The Dialog. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 02, 1932, p. 49. [poem] The Legend of the Snowdrops. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 02, 1932, p. 52. [fairy tale] The Wish Fulfilled. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 02, 1932, pp. 57-58. [short story] Little Thoughts. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 03, 1932, p. 83. [consideration] The Village Idol. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 03, 1932, pp. 85-86. [short story] Winds. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 04, 1932, p. 113. [poem] To One Pouting. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 04, 1932, p. 113. [poem] The Sea of Memory. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 04, 1932, p. 122. [poem] Month of May. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 05, 1932, p. 148. [poem] My Would-be Helpers. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 05, 1932, p. 148. [poem] Night Sketch. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 06, 1932, p. 177. [poem] The System. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 06, 1932, pp. 181-182. [short story] Graduation. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 07, 1932, p. 209. [poem] Ambition. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 07,1932, p. 210. [poem] Tempered Justice. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 07, 1932, pp. 214-215. [short story] The Steam Shovel. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 07, 1932, p. 220. [poem] Country Idyll. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 08, 1932, p. 241. [poem] Summer Evening. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 08, 1932, p. 242. [poem] Dorothy Lee’s Choice. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 08, 1932, pp. 251-252. [short story] To Let. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 10, 1932, p.305. [poem] Song of the Frost. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 10, 1932, p. 313. [poem] Release. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 11, 1932, p. 338. [poem] Conversational Scraps. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 11, 1932, p. 341. [short story] Resolution. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 12, 1932, p. 368. [poem] Discovered Santa Claus. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 12, 1932, p. 367. [poem] Decision. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 01, 1933, p. 17. [poem] New Year’s Eve. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 01, 1933, p. 24. [poem] Compensation. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 02, 1933, p. 50. [poem] Management. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 03, 1933, p. 81. [poem] Facts For Considerations. Prosveta, 05, 04, 1933, p. 6. [article] The Merry-Go-Around. Prosveta, 12, 04, 1933, p. 8 and 03, 05, 1933, p. 7. [article] There Will Come Spring. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 04, 1933, p. 114. [poem] Graduate-1933. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 05, 1933, p. 145. [poem] Nationality. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 05, 1933, p. 145. [poem] Discrepancy. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 06, 1933, p. 177. [poem] Another Inevitable Consequence. Prosveta, 26, 07, 1933, p. 6. [article] Versatility. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 07, 1933, p. 209. [poem] Goblins There Are. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 08, 1933, pp. 247-248. [play] A Mother’s Treasure. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 09, 1933, p. 273. [poem] The Equation of Prosperity. Prosveta, 13, 09, 1933, p. 8. [article] Now Will You Decide. Prosveta, 20, 09, 1933, p. 8. [article] Syllogisms. Prosveta, 27, 09, 1933, p. 6. [article] The Shape of Things to Come. Prosveta, 04, iO, 1933, p. 6. [book review] Where Seeing Spelled Defeat. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 10, 1933, pp. 307-308. [short story] Credo. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 11, 1933, p. 337. [poem] Vigil. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 12, 1933, p. 366. [poem] The S.N.P.J. Prosveta, 27, 12, 1933, p. 7. [also in Mladinski list-Juvenile, 04, 1934, p. 115]. [poem] Friends. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 01, 1934, pp. 22-23. [short story] Is It a New Deal. Proletarec, 28, 02, 1934, p. 4. [article] Liberty’s Wardrobe. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 02, 1934, pp. 51-52. [short story] Three Americas. Prosveta, 07, 02, 1934, p. 8. [article] S.N.P.J. Thirtieth Anniversary. Prosveta, 14, 03, 1934, p. 6. [article] Brothers. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 03, 1934, p. 81. [poem] Lines on Spring. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 04, 1934, p. 115. [poem] Highlights of Progress. Prosveta, 27, 06, 1934, p. 6. [article] The Hand Behind the Cage. Proletarec, 27, 06, 1934. [article] Shadows. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 06, 1934, p. 178. [poem] Labor Lost. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 06, 1934, p. 183. [short story] Marchers. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 07, 1934, p. 209. [poem] The Declaration of Principles. Proletarec, 04, 07, 1934, p. 7. [article] More About the Declaration. Proletarec, 14, 07, 1934, p. 7. [article] Dynamite. Prosveta, 22, 08, 1934, p. 8. [book review] My Flower Family. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 08, 1934, p. 239. [poem] Deferment. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 08, 1934, p. 240. [poem] Sidelights. Proletarec, 12, 09, and 19, 09, 1934, p. 7. [article] Educational Education. Prosveta, 19, 09, 1934, p. 7. [article] The Sun Breaks Through. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 09, 1934, p. 271. [poem] My First Serious Accident. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 10, 1934, p. 309-310. [short story] Fred Henderson speaks. Proletarec, 14, 11, 1934, p. 7.[article] Is Socialism a Woman’s Concern?. Proletarec, 21, 11, 1934, p. 7. [article] Not Alone in Histories. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 11, 1934, p. 335. [poem] What They Say. Prosveta, 07, 11, 1934, p. 8. [article] Christmas Eve. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 12, 1934, p. 367. [poem] A Special Program. Prosveta, 05, 01, 1935, p. 8. [article] No Game of Chance. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 01, 1935, pp. 17-19. [play] Our Last Meeting. Proletarec, 16, 01, 1935, p. 7. [report] Tony Sender in Chicago. Proletarec, 23, 01, 1935, p. 7. [article] Commemoration of Austrian Heroes. Prosveta, 06, 02, 1935, p. 8. [article] In Memoriam of the Austrian Comrades. Proletarec, 06, 02, 1935, p. 7. [article] Tomorrow Did Not Come. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 02, 1935, pp. 50-51. [short story] Socialist Study Club. Prosveta, 06, 03, 1935, p. 8. [article] Grandsons. Prosveta, 20, 03, 1935, p. 8. [book review] To Wheels. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 03, 1935, p. 79. [poem] What About Our Youth?. Proletarec, 10, 04, 1935, p. 7. [article] Just Off-hands. Prosveta, 17, 04, 1935, p. 8. [article] Louis Adamic. Prosveta, 15, 05, 1935, p. 8. [book review] One Ideal Boy. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 04, 1935, p. 113. [poem] Symphony Without End. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 05, 1935, p. 143. [poem] Thirty Years a Challenge. Majski Glas-The May Herald, 1935, pp. 52-53. [article] When You Grow Up. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 06, 1935, pp. 177-178. [poem] Attend the Exhibit. Proletarec, 12, 06, 1935, p. 7. [article] Simple Simon Calls It Fate. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 07, 1935, pp. 210- 211. [short story] County Socialist Picnic. Prosveta, 21, 08, 1935, p. 8. [report] Seen From Above. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 08, 1935, p. 272. [poem] The Big Celebration. Prosveta, 25, 09, 1935, p. 8. [announcement] Listen Chicago. Proletarec, 25, 09, 1935, p. 7 [announcement] Visitors Take Notice. 09, 10, 1935, p. 7. [announcement] The Red Falcons’ Social. Proletarec, 16, 10, 1935, p. 7. [announcement] Prelude. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 10, 1935, p. 305. [poem] Am I a Pioneer. Prosveta, 02, 10, 1935, p. 6. [article] Red Falcons’ Program. Prosveta, 02, 10, 1935, p. 8. [announcement] The Must Be List. Prosveta, 09, 10, 1935, p. 7. [article] What They Say. Prosveta, 09, 10, 1935, p. 8. [report] Three Big Days. Prosveta, 16, 10, 1935, p. 8. [article] The Awakening. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 11, 1935, p. 338. [play] Christmas Then and Now. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 12,1935, pp. 368- 372. [play] Why Should I Write. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 01, 1936, p. 17. [poem] It Can’t Happen Here. Prosveta, 09, 01, 1936, p. 8. [book review] For Women Only. Proletarec, 01,01, 1936, p. 7; 15,01, 1936, p. 4; 22, 01, 1936, p. 4; 29, 01, 1936, p. 4; 05, 02, 1936, p. 6; 12, 02, 1936, p. 6; 19, 02, 1936, p. 6; Not For Women Only. 26, 02, 1936, p. 6; 11, 03, 1936, p. 6; 04, 03, 1936, p. 6; 18, 03, 1936, p. 6; 25, 03, 1936, p. 6; 01, 04, 1936, p. 6, 08, 04, 1936, p. 6; 15, 04, 1936, p. 8; 22, 04, 1936, p. 5; 29, 04, 1936, p. 6; 06, 05, 1936, p. 8; 13, 05, 1936, p. 8; 20, 05, 1936, p. 8; 27, 05, 1936, p. 6; 03, 06, p. 6; 10, 06, 1936, p. 7; 17, 06, 1936, p. 6; 24, 06, 1936, p. 6; 01, 07, 1936, p. 7. [column] World’s Biggest Racket. Prosveta, 22, 01, 1936, p. 8. [article] Observations. Prosveta, 05 ,02, 1936, p. 8. [article] That Racket. Prosveta, 12, 02, 1936, p. 8. [article] A Letter to Edvard. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 02, 1936, pp. 51-52; 03, pp. 87-88; 04, pp. 118-120; 05, pp. 152-153; 06, pp. 181-185; 07, pp. 213-214; 08, pp. 247-248; 09, pp. 278-280; 10, pp. 313-315; 11 pp. 341-343; 12 pp. 371-373. Mladinski list- Juvenile, 1937, 01, pp. 22-23; 02, pp. 56-57; 03, pp. 88-90; 04, pp. 119-121; 05, pp. 152-154; 06, pp. 182-183; 07, pp. 216-217; 08, pp. 248-250; 09, pp. 277-278; 10, pp. 308-309; 11, pp. 342-343; 12, pp. 370-371. [article] Red Falcons. Proletarec, 04, 03, 1936, p. 4.[article] The Falcon’s Nest. Proletarec, 04, 03, 1936, p. 4; 11, 03, 1936, p. 5; 18, 03, 1936, p. 5; 25, 03, 1936, p. 5; 08, 04, 1936, p. 5; 15, 04, 1936, p. 5; 22, 04, 1936, p. 5; 29, 04, 1936, p. 5; 06, 05, 1936, p. 7; 13, 05, 1936, p. 5; 20, 05, 1936, p. 5; 27, 05, 1936, p. 5; 03, 06, p. 5; 10, 06, 1936, p. 5; 17, 06, 1936, p. 6; 24, 06, 1936, p. 5; 01, 07, 1936, p. 7. [youth column] What Will Happen?. Prosveta, 04, 03, 1936, p. 8. [article] May First. Proletarec, 29, 04, 1936, p. 6. [article] Our Heritage. Majski glas-The May Herald, 1936, pp. 48-50. [article] Herbert Morrison Speaks. Prosveta, 06, 05, 1936, p. 8. [report] Pioneers. Mladinski list—Juvenile, 06, 1936, pp. 177-178. [poem] Nocturne. Mladinski list- Juvenile, 07, 1936, p. 210. [poem] Women’s Round Table. Prosveta, 15,07, 1936. p. 8; 22,07, p. 8; 29,07, p. 8; 05, 08, p. 8; 12,08, p. 8; 19, 08, p. 8; 26,08, p. 8; 02, 09, p. 8; 09, 09, p. 8; 16, 09, p. 8; 23,09, p. 8; 30, 09, p. 8; 07, 10, p. 8; 14,10, p. 8; 21, 10, p. 8; 28, 10, p. 8; 11, 11, p. 8; 18, 11, p. 8; 25, 11, p. 8; 02, 12, p. 8; 10, 12, p. 8; 17,12, p. 8; 23, 12, p. 8; 30, 12, p. 8; 06, 01. 1937. p. 8; 27, 01, p. 8, 03, 02, p. 8; 10, 02, p. 8; 17, 02, p. 8; 24, 02, p. 8; 24, 02, p. 15; 03, 03, p. 8; 10, 03, p. 8; 17, 03, p. 8; 24, 03, p. 8; 31, 03, p. 8; 07, 04, p. 7; 14, 04, p. 7; 21, 04, p. 8; 28, 04, p. 8; 05, 05, p. 8; 12, 05, p. 8; 19, 05, p. 8; 26, 05, p. 8; 02,06, p. 8; 09,06, p. 7; 23,06, p. 8; 30, 06, p. 8; 07, 07, p. 8; 14, 07, p. 8; 28,07, p. 6; 04, 08, p. 8; 11,08, p. 7; 25,08, p. 7; 08, 09, p. 7; 15, 09, p. 7; 22,09, p. 7; 29,09, p. 7; 06, 10, p. 7; 13,10, 11, p. 8;, 24,11, p. 8; 08, 12, p. 8; 22, 12, p. 6; 05, 01, 1938. p. 6; 12, 01, pp. 6-7; 19, 01, p. 6; 02, 02, p. 6; 02, 03, p. 8; 09, 03, p. 8; 16, 03, p. 7, 30, 03, p. 7; 06, 04, p. 7; 13, 04, p. 8; 27, 04, p. 8; (»Jake«), 04, 05, p. 8; 11, 05, p. 8; 18, 05, p. 8; 25, 05, p. 8; 08, 06, p. 7; 22, 06, p. 8. [column] Where I Belong. Mladinski list- Juvenile, 08, 1936, p. 241. [poem] The Work of JSF among Children, in the minutes of the XI Yugoslav Socialist Federation Convention held in Chicago, 03, 04,and 05 June 1936, Proletarec, 23, 09, 1936, p. 14. [report] Mrs. Quinn. Mladinski list- Juvenile, 09, 1936, p. 273. [poem] Cradle of Life. Prosveta, 23, 09, p. 6. [book review] Christmas-1936. Mladinski list- Juvenile, 12, 1936, p. 371. [poem] The Call of The New Year. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 01, 1937, p. 17. [poem] Modernized Jingles. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 03, 1937, p. 82. [poem] Modernized Jingle. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 04, 1937, p. 113. [poem] In The Spring. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 04, 1937,p. 113. [poem] Advice to The Perplexed. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 05, 1937, p. 145. [poem] Then What Is Heaven For?. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 06, 1937, p. 178. [poem] A Birdie Told Me So. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 12, 1937, p. 365. [poem] Historical Sketches About Slovenes. By Historicus [Mary and Ivan Molek], Mladinski list-Juvenile, 01-12, 1938; page numeration varies within the twelve numbers, [articles] The Animals. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 01, 1938, p. 13. [poem] A Big Word. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 01, 1938, p. 23. [sketch in prose] Nifty and His Friends. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 01, 1938, pp. 20-21; 02, pp.21-22; 03, pp. 26-28; 04, pp. 25-27; 05, pp. 24-26; 06, pp. 24-26; 07, 08, 09, pp. 14-15; 10, pp. 25-26 and p. 30; 11, pp. 21-22, 12, p. 25. [short stories] Three Memorable February. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 02, 1938, p. 4. [article] Slumber Song. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 02, 1938, p. 13. [poem] A Leaf that Must Be. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 03, 1938, p. 8. [poem] How to Organize Juvenile Circles of the S.N.P.J. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 04, 1938, pp. 11-12; Our Own Juvenile Circles, 05, 1938, p. 4; More Suggestions, 06, 1938 pp. 3-4; Let’s have an Outing, 07, 1938, pp. 3-4; Continued Suggestions, 08, 1938, pp. 5-7; Another Suggestion, 09, 1938, pp. 6-7; A Survey of the Activities of the S.N.P.J., 12, 1939, p. 25; A Section for Juvenile Circles, 02, 1940, pp. 25-26; For Advisers of Juvenile Circles, 03, 1940, p. 25; A Page for Advisers of Juvenile Circles, 08, 1941, pp. 18-20, and 09, 1941, pp. 26-27. Mother’s Old Armchair. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 05, 1938, p. 6. [poem] Take It - Or Leave It. Prosveta, 29, 06; 13, 07; 20, 07; 27, 07, p. 8. It’s Our Day. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 05, 1938, p. 10. [article] The Dentist. Mladinski list-Juvenile,0^,, 1938, p. 14. [poem] Vain Goosie Loosie. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 11, 1938, p. 31. [poem] Founders of My Organization. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 12, 1938, pp. 1-2. [article] The Dollies’ Lullaby. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 01, 1939, pp. 6-7. [poem] The Pied Piper of Toyland. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 01, 1939, pp. 19-20. [short story] The Pantry Symphony. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 02, 1939, pp. 2-3. [poem] Be On The Look Out For. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 02, 1939, p. 5, 03, p. 4; 04, p. 2. [article] They Passed the Test. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 02, 1939, pp. 20-23. [play] In the Nick of Time. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 03, 1939, p. 6-9. [play] April Showers. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 04, 1939, p. 3. [poem] A League of Nations. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 05, 1939, pp. 5-7. [play] Have You What It Takes. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 05, p. 15. [article] We Are Youth. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 06, 1939, p. 6. [poem] The Ice Cream Co-op. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 06, 1939, pp. 8-10. [play] Maxie the Cockatoo. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 07, 1939, pp. 6-7. [short story] A Column. Prosveta, 12, 07, 1939. p. 8; 19, 07, p. 7; 26, 07, p. 8; 09, 08, p. 7; In Our Neighborhood, 16, 08 and 13, 09, p. 7; 23, 08, p. 7; 20, 09, p. 7; 27, 09, p. 7; 04, 10, p. 8; 11, 10, p. 7; Just Comments, 18, 10, p. 7; 25, 10, p. 8; 1, 11, p. 8; 08, 11, p. 7; Hands Across the Sea, 15,11, p. 7; Man and His Life-belts, 06, 12, p. 7; 20, 12, p. 7; 27, 12, p. 7; 03,01,1940, p. 7; 10,01, p. 7; 17,01, p. 7; 24, 01, p. 7; 31,01, p. 7; 07, 02, p. 7; 14, 02, p. 7; 21,02, p. 7; 28, 02, p. 7; 06, 03, p. 7; 13, 03, p. 7; A Rare Occasion. 20, 03, p. 7; Women Who Don’t Work. 27, 03, p. 7; 03, 04, p. 7; Just Thought. 10, 04, p. 7; 07, 04, p. 7; 01,05, p. 7; 08,05, p. 7; 15,05, p. 7; 22,05, p. 7; 29, 05, p. 7; We Are Concerned. 05, 06; 12, 06 and 19, 06, p. 7; 26, 06, p. 7; 03, 07, p. 7; 10, 07, p. 7; 17, 07, p. 7; 24, 07, p. 7;, 31, 07, p. 7; 07, 08, p. 7; 14, 08, p. 7; 21, 08, p. 7; 28, 08, p. 7; 04, 09, p. 7; 11, 09, p. 7; 18, 09, p. 7; 26, 09, p. 7; 02, 10, p. 7; 09, 10, p. 7; 16, 10, p. 7; 23, 10, p. 7; 30, 10, p. 7; 07, 11, p. 7; 13, 11, p. 7; 20, 11, p. 7; 27, 11, p. 7; 04, 12, p. 7; 11, 12, p. 7; 18, 12, p. 7; 24, 12, p. 7; Nineteen-Forty [a poem], 31, 12, p. 7; 08, 01. 1941, p. 7; 15,01, p. 7; One Sweep of the Pen, 22, 01, p. 7; What they said, 29, 01, p. 7; 05, 02, p. 7; 12, 02, p. 7; Our Society, 19, 02 and 26, 02, p. 7; 05, 03, p. 7; 12, 03, p. 7; 19, 03, p. 7, 02, 04, p. 7; 09, 4, p. 7; 16, 04, p. 7; 23, 04, p. 7; May-Day Thoughts, 30, 04, p. 7; 07, 05, p. 7; 14, 05, p. 7; 21, 05, p. 7; 28, 05, p. 7; 04, 06, p. 7; 11, 06, p. 7; 18, 06, p. 7; 25, 06, p. 7; 02, 07, p. 7; 09, 07, p. 7; Parents and the Young Hopeful, 16, 07, p. 7; 30, 07, p. 7; 06, 08, p. 7; What Is Your Opinion Worth?, 18, 02, 1942. p. 7; and The Institute on Educational Reconstruction, 14, 04, 1943. p. 7. [column] What Does A Nation Make. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 08, 1939, p. 2. [poem] The Ant and I. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 09, 1939, p. 3. [poem] The Little Black Chicken. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 10, 1939, p. 6. [short story] Chasing Away the Ghosts. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 11, 1939, p. 11. [article] You Know Facts But Can You Think?. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 11, 1939, p. 23. [article] Life After Death. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 12, 1939, p. 7. [short story] King For a Day. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 01, 1940, pp.6-8. [short story] Little Albert. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 03, 1940, p. 1. [poem] Reparation. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 04,1940, p. 2. [poem] Zinka Milanov - a Biography. Prosveta, 24, 04, 1940, p. 7. [article] The Radio’s Lament. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 04, 1940, p. 3. [poem] Opinion. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 05, 1940, p. 3. [poem] Blots. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 05, 1940, p. 6. [poem] On Opposite Banks. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 05, 1940, p. 8. [poem] Grief. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 05, p. 10. [poem] The Clock that Stopped. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 06, 1940, p. 3. [poem] The Dream. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 06, 1940, p. 9. [poem] To You. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 07, 1940, p. 1. [poem] Going Back. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 07, 1940, p. 2. [poem] In Chicago. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 07, 1940, pp. 7-8. [article] Refugee. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 08, 1940, p. 1. [poem] Symbols. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 09, 1940, p. 1. [poem] In Chicago. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 09, 1940, pp. 4-5. [article] From the Pages of History. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 09, 1940, pp. 9-13; 11,1940, pp. 7-9; 12, 1940, pp. 1-4 and 02, 1941, pp. 2-3. [articles] Little Lesson in Art. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 10, 1940, p. 5 and 12, 1940, p. 10. [articles] Room For The Heart. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 10, 1940, p. 12. [poem] Strutter. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 11, 1940, pp. 10-11. [short story] The Passing. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 01, 1941, p. 1. [poem] Elixir. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 01, 1941, p. 2. [poem] Our Neighbor. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 02, 1941, p. 7. [article] On Being a Child. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 03, 1941, p. 5. [article] The Trickster. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 03, 1941, p. 8. [poem] Twinkle. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 04, 1941, pp. 6-7. [short story] Znamenita ameriška svobodomiselka. Cankarjev glasnik, 04, 1940-1941, pp. 66-69. [article] Entreaty. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 06, 1941, p. 3. [poem] What’s New?. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 06, 1941, p. 5. [article] Microphotography. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 07, 1941, pp. 6-8. [article] Moment. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 09, 1941, p. 1. [poem] You and the Movies. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 10, 1941, p. 9. [article] A friend Like This. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 10, 1941, p. 31. [short story] The Moving Light. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 11, 1941, pp. 8-9. [short story] Thoughts At Christmas. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 12, 1941, p. 1. [article] Anniversary. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 07, 1942, p. 1. [poem] Charlotta. Mladinski list-Juvenile, 06, 1943, p. 30. [short story] Immigrant Woman. Dover, Del.: M. Molek, Inc., 1976. Through the Eyes of the Bibliographer. In A Comprehensive Bibliography of the Literary Works of Ivan (John) Molek, Dover, Del.: Mary Molek Inc., 1976, pp. 5-12. The Present, Past and Future of Slovene Immigration, 18, 11, 1978. Conference given at the League of Slovene American, Inc., New York, unpublished essay, Pittsburg State University Special Collections. Louis Adamic: Political Activist - How he developed pro-Titoist sentiment in a faction of American Slovenes. Conference submitted at Slovene Society Annual Meeting, Philadelphia 1980, Joseph Velikonja’s private collection. THE COMPILED BIBLIOGRAPHY AND TRANSLATIONS A Comprehensive Bibliography of the Literary Works of Ivan (John) Molek, with English Translation of Titles, Researched, Compiled, Translated and Annotated by Mary (Jugg) Molek. Dover, Del.: Mary Molek Inc., 1976. Molek, Ivan. Slovene Immigrant History 1900-1950, Autobiographical Sketches by Ivan (John) Molek. Translated from the manuscript, Over Hill and Dale by Mary Molek, Dover, Del.: Mary Molek Inc., 1979. Molek, Ivan. Two Worlds. Translated by Mary Molek. Dover, Del.: Mary Molek Inc., 1978. THE REVIEWS OF IMMIGRANT WOMAN Elish, Peter. Immigrant Woman a Compelling Story. Prosveta, 18,05,1977, p. 7. Hay, John. Biographer Tells Immigrant Story. Pittsburg Sun, 14, 04, 1977. Hočevar, Touissant. Mary Molek: Author, Editor, Curator (1909-1982). Slovene Studies, 8 (1986), no. 2, p. 5. Jurak, Mirko. Immigrant Woman. Acta Neophilologica, 13 (1980), pp. 83-85. Jurak, Mirko. Slovene Immigrants in Mary Molek’s Fictionalized Biography Immigrant Woman. Slovenski izseljenski koledar 1981, Ljubljana 1980, pp. 308-310. Petrič, Jerneja. What an Unusual Career. Slovenski izseljenski koledar 1985, Ljubljana 1994, pp. 224-227. Nielsen, John P. Immigrant Woman. Ameriška domovina, 21, 07, 1978, p. 5. Nielsen, John P. Mary J. Molek Wins Author Award. Ameriška domovina, 08, 12, 1978, p. 1 and 3. Portis Winner, Irene. The Immigrant Woman. Society For Slovene Studies Newsletter, Fall 11, 1978, pp. 5-6. Portis Winner, Irene. Ethnic Culture Text As Narration. In Literary Anthropology: A New Interdisciplinary Approach to People, Signs and Literature, Fernando Poyatos (ed.), Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 1988, pp. 127-139. OTHER WORKS MENTIONED Bolhower, William. Immigrant Autobiography in the United States. Verona: Es-sedue, 1982. Through A Glass Darkly, Ethnic Semiosis in American Literature. Venezia: Edi-zioni Helvetia, 1984. Christian, Henry A. The Prosveta English Section: Certainly Not Hard News and Never Intended to Be. Dve Domovini/Two Homelands, 2-3 (1992), pp. 27-41. Petrič, Jerneja. Naši na tujih tleh. Ljubljana: Cankarjeva založba, 1980. »Quotable Kansas« provided as a public service by the Washburn University, Center for Kansas Studies, compiled by Prof. Tom Averill, http:// www.wuaccc.edu./reference/zzcwcks/kansasqu.html/(ll, 12,1997) POVZETEK MARY JUGG MOLEK - AMERIŠKA PISATELJICA IN PESNICA SLOVENSKEGA POREKLA Irena Milanič Mary Jugg je med leti 1932 in 1943 objavila 90 pesmi, 37 kratkih povesti in 9 dramskih enodejank. Njena literarna dela so bila predvsem namenjena mladini, to je ameriškim potomcem slovenskih priseljencev. Najizrazitejša značilnost njenih prispevkov je, da so vsi napisani v angleščini, in to v času, ko so bili izseljenski časopisi še pretežno slovenski. V tridesetih in štiridesetih letih je Mary Jugg poleg literarnih prispevkov pisala tudi članke za tedensko angleško stran dnevnika Prosveta in tednika Proletarec. S temi časopisi je pričela sodelovati leta 1933, leta 1936 pa je že vodila stalno tedensko rubriko, najprej v Proletarcu z izzivalnim naslovom »For Women Only« - Samo za ženske, od julija 1936 do 1938 pa je imela v Prosveti rubriko »Women's Round Table« - Ženska okrogla miza. Nato je imela od leta 1938 do leta 1944 v Prosveti tedenski časopisni stolpec »A Column«. Čeprav brez posebne literarne vrednosti, so ti članki pomembni zaradi avtoričinih naprednih stališč. S posebno odločnostjo je zagovarjala pravico tako žensk kot mladih, da bi v slovenskih izseljenskih organizacijah imeli več odločitvene moči. Mary Jugg pa se ni ustavila le pri pisanju: v Proletarcu, leta 1934, lahko zasledimo njene pozive, nekatere tudi v slovenščini, v katerih je vabila najmlajše, naj se pridružijo novoustanovljeni otroški skupini Rdečih Sokolov, kjer je sama vodila sobotne izvenšolske dejavnosti. Leta 1938pa je bila med glavnimi pobudni- ki za ustanovitev neodvisnih mladinskih krožkov S.N.P. J., Slovenske narodne podporne jednote. Juggova sev svojih literarnih delih predvsem osredotoča na opis ameriške realnosti, ki je skupna različnim narodnostim. Zaustavlja se pri problemih mlajših rodov ali pa delavstva nasploh. Njeni literarni prispevki iz tridesetih let so socialne slike gospodarske depresije, ki je takrat morila ameriško družbo in najhuje prizadela prav najnižje sloje, torej predvsem priseljence. Literarna dela Juggove imajo malo etničnih elementov, na kar je vplivalo tudi njeno socialistično prepričanje. V njenih prispevkih se slovenski elementi pojavljajo le v drobcih, nejasno in indirektno. Tak odnos ohranja tudi v kasnejših delih. Leta 1976 je izšel roman Immigrant Woman (Priseljenka). V njem se pisateljica spominja matere-priseljenke, a se istočasno zaustavlja tudi pri opisu lastnega otroštva, tako da se biografija in avtobiografija stalno prepletata. To pogojuje dejstvo, da sta tu prisotni dve antitetičnipripovedniškiperspektivi. Prva je nagnjena k skrajni brezosebnosti in objektivnosti, druga pa se nagiba k avtobiografski vpletenosti. Čeprav se je Mary Jugg Molek prvotno oddaljila od lastne preteklosti in se odločila za neodvisno pot v svet, se sedaj vrača kot izučena in izkušena ženska, ki želi dokumentirati zgodbo svoje matere. Pisateljičina genealogija se skriva v topologiji. Če hoče povleči na površje svoje etnične korenine, ne more mimo analize teritorija, torej Kansasa. Za razliko od hčerke je mati eno z okoljem, v katerem prebiva. Mati je pionirka, ker je zapustila svoj rodni kraj in se priselila v nepoznan, puščavski Kansas, področje neskončnih ravnin in prerij. A v tem novem kraju je priseljenka s trdim delom uspešno rekonstruirala svoj stari kraj tako glede zunanjosti kot glede vrednot. Molkova se zaveda sporočila, ki ga priseljenka prinaša sodobnim generacijam. Kljub revščini in pomanjkanju so v življenju priseljencev veljale izredno trdne vrednote, ki so jim omogočale obstoj in postopno izboljšanje razmer. Njihova kmečka pokončnost je bila recept za njihov »success story«, za njihov uspeh. Molkova poudarja, da so ti priseljenci obogatitev za Ameriko. Etnično prebujanje se ne sme ustaviti pri zunanjem, formalnem vidiku, temveč mora seči globlje in ovrednotiti prav to priseljensko dediščino vrednot. Molkova zavrača slovenstvo kot abstraktno vrednoto; šele priseljenec s svojim življenjskim dostojanstvom in poštenostjo lahko etničnosti podeli pomen. Mary Molekje kot otrok doživljala revščino negativno, vendar pa ji sedaj pogled z razdalje omogoča, da v svojem otroštvu lahko vidi tudi pozitivne strani take vzgoje. Materina strogost in trdoživost sta bili edini možni odgovor v tistih borih razmerah. Knjiga je iskren pogled avtorice na lastno preteklost in na lastne etnične korenine. Avtorica odklanja neproblematično prikazovanje odnosov med generacijami, istočasno pa zagovarja stališče, da sta iz generacijskega trenja oba rodova izšla krepkejša. Literarna dela Molkove so dokaj osamljen primer intelektualističnega pisanja. Mnoge njene pesmi so napisane v prostem verzu, kar je po mnenju prof. Jerneje Petrič prvi tak primer v slovenskoameriški literaturi. Njena najpogostejša metrična oblika je sicer navadna štirivrstična kitica, vendar pa ta antična baladna forma prehaja skozi vrsto sprememb in adaptacij, predvsem kar se tiče ritma oziroma iskanja posebnih zvočnih efektov in variant. Immigrant Woman izstopa tako po svojem pristopu do obravnavanih tem in dogodkov kot po strukturi. Kombinacija kronološkega in nekronološkega reda pisateljici omogoča, da svojo zgodbo širi s pomočjo asociacij in spominov. Molkova imenuje svoje delo a »patchwork quilt«, iz različnih krp sešita odeja. Krpe so spomini ali pa dogodki, ki prihajajo na površje, a med njimi ni prave kronološke vezi■ Namen hčerke-biografinje je predvsem zbrati in ponovno sešiti v neko besedilo različne prizore in dogodke. Tekst je fragmentaren tudi stilistično. Pisateljica uporablja različne tehnike: kratki in rezki dialogi med materjo in hčerko spominjajo na zabavno televizijsko nanizanko, življenjski pripetljaji in boj priseljenske družine občasno dobivajo epično-tragične tone in večkrat se pisateljica poslužuje liričnih povzetkov ali metaforičnih sintez. Proza Molkove je nemalokrat intelektualna in psihološko introspektivna. IRENA BIRSA: AN AUSTRALIAN POET AND SCHOLAR OF SLOVENE DESCENT Igor Maver Many Slovene migrants in Australia, especially those belonging to the younger generation have come to accept Australia as a new, second homeland, a lucky »sunburnt« and in many ways promised country. Of course, children born to Slovene parents in Australia regard themselves as Australians (of Slovene descent, as specified by the title), but they are interested in, if not downright obsessed with, their »roots«. Like so many other migrants from various other emitive countries of the world, their parents have gone through the process of adaptation and assimilation, which is why their children experience a certain linguistic dividedness that is, however, to be regarded as a new positive value. Consequently, they sometimes use in their writing, along with English, also Slovene. The question remains whether or not their work is to be considered part of Slovene (migrant) literature? For these poets traditional »migrant« themes are for the most part no longer true, such as for example the exaggerated sentimental nostalgia for home or the difficulties to assert oneself in a new environment. Rather, their poems transcend these issues and deal with general existential or philosophical questions, impressions taken from the Australian landscape and cityscape, coloured, however, by the typical Slovene melancholy. The artistic level of poetry and its literary articulation written by Slovene migrants in Australia has consistently and considerably risen since the major inflow of migrants right after the Second World War, at the beginning of the fifties. Some bilingualism can be noticed also in the work of the major Slovene migrant poets of the first generation writing primarily in the Slovene language, such as are, for example, Bert Pribac, Pavla Gruden, Danijela Hliš and Jože Žohar (cf. Maver 1998). This study focuses on the scant but fine verse output and the important migrant research conducted by Irena Birsa. Irena Birsa was born to Slovene parents in 1961 in a migrant camp, where her parents were placed upon their arrival to Australia. Thus she represents the so-called »second generation« of Slovene migrants to Australia or rather a first-generation Australian of Slovene descent, since most migrants tend to reject hyphenation such as, for example, Australian-Slovenes. Birsa studied towards an M. A. degree and researched the history of Slovenes in Victoria. The result of her work is the book Slovenians in Australia (Birsa 1994), which was published posthumously, after Birsa’s untimely death in 1991. It brings a selection of her articles and essays on the social and cultural history of Slovene migrants in Australia. She was posthumously awarded an M. Ed. degree from La Trobe University in Melbourne for the book which is a valuable source of information and a selection of field material for all those who are professionally or otherwise interested in the Australian migrant community, in the Slovene press, ethnic radio, religious institutions, process of migration and cultural activity of Slovenes living in Australia. Keith Simkin, the editor (and Birsa’s supervisor) of the volume Slovenians in Australia, in his preface notes that the book is a collection of Irena Birsa’s academic writing from 1984 to 1991, which was to represent the core of her Master of Education Degree thesis and which was partly published in various journals and books in Australia, Slovenia and the United States of America. In her thesis she tried to examine the geographical, historical, ethnographical and social origins of Slovene migrants in Australia and, more specifically, in Victoria. She tried to understand the world migrants (like her parents) created out of old values and new opportunities. As can be seen from the various chapters of the book, she had a keen interest in the history of Slovene religious institutions, clubs, newspapers and Slovene language programmes on the migrant radio broadcasts. There is also a brief biographical prefatory note by Draga Gelt, who also provided an original cover design for the book, red (Slovene) carnations »flying« -migrating to Australia, thus symbolically representing the Slovene and Australian sources of Irena Birsa’s inspiration both as a scholar and poet. Chapter 1 (»Australian Immigration Policies«) introduces the Australian context, while chapters 2, 3 and 4 (»Emigration from Yugoslavia and Slovenia«, »Slovenian Immigration to Australia«, »Slovenian Settlements in Victoria«) analyze the demographic and economic reasons for migration to Australia and Simkin makes it clear that »the early chapters of this volume were written before the momentous events of 1991 which transformed Yugoslavia«, for »the primary meaning of the term ‘Yugoslavia’ in her writings is the geopolitical area in the Balkan peninsula...« (vi). The drafts for these chapters were written between 1988 and 1989, based on the material researched in Australia or sent from Slovenia, and in 1990, when Birsa was a visiting scholar at the University of Ljubljana. Chapter 5 (»Slovenian Religious Institutions in Victoria«) researches the religious institutions and their importance in the social life of Slovene migrants in Victoria, while chapter 6 is devoted to the possibilities of ethnic radio (»Ethnic Radio in Australia and Slovenian Language Broadcasting: Development and Direction«). Chapters 7 to 9 explore one of Birsa’s favourite themes, Slovene migrant press, and have for the most part already been presented at conferences or separately published before (»The Development of a Slovenian Press in Australia: A Short History of Vestnik, 1955-1987«, »The Slovenian Press in Australia«, »History and Future of the Slovenian Press in Australia«). The final three chapters (10 to 12) of the book (»More than Just an Ethnic Group«, »Slovenian Research in Progress«, »Assimilation vs Multiculturalism. Problems in Australia’s Immigration Policy«) show just how topical Birsa’s ideas were/are. She was critical both of »those Australian attitudes which expected all immigrants to assimilate and which drove Slovenian children to reject the culture of their parents« and of »the Australian policy of multiculturalism which she saw as locking immigrants into positions of inferior economic and social status and as depriving their culture of respect and real, living value« (viii). In addition to her scholarly interests Birsa wrote poems in English which, with a few exceptions, were not published and exist solely in a manuscript form and not many people know of them. They are highly Impressionistic, with images taken from nature. Some of them also deal with migrant themes, though not exclusively. In the latter ones she juxtaposes the calmness in nature, reminding her of »home«, the home of her parents, Slovenia, and, on the other hand, »Little Slovenia« in Melbourne, where her home is and the adopted home of her parents. The poem »Our Little Suburban Plot of Land« (Birsa 1991), for example, contains numerous alliterations and the tiny canary is an effective metaphor representing a migrant, who sings only now and then, »Communicating with the local birds / On something / she / will never understand«. In her view even the noise of modern Melbourne cannot »defeat« »Little Slovenia«, for the national feelings of its people are strong and die hard. The poems »Summer’s First peach« and »The Budding Rose« are again full of alliterations built on the impressions taken from nature, images of calmness that correspond to her state of mind. The peach turns out to be a metaphor representing life, ended suddenly in resignation, while the tyranny of time slowly eats up her youth, »my tiny rose«. Birsa’s poems are fine lyrical Impressionistic poems poetically expressing her feelings about life’s transience and existential anguish. Birsa’s philosophy of life is best expressed in her poem »Thoughts« found in a notebook among her school papers and first published in the book Slovenians in Australia (v): Thoughts Life is but a passing thought, it drifts beyond our consciousness; when alternative topics do not avail, the question of life is what we sought. Although we can never conclude, we attain an inevitable peacefulness and gain in our hearts, a sense of solitude. BIBLIOGRAPHY Birsa, Irena. 1994. Slovenians in Australia. Ed. Keith Simkin. Bundoora: Birsa and La Trobe University. Birsa, Irena. 1991. Our Little Suburban Plot of Land. In Barbara Suša, In Memo-riam, Irena Birsa, avstralska Slovenka, Knjiga, 8/9, p. 304. The author wishes to thank Mrs Birsa form Melbourne for the manuscripts of unpublished poems. Maver, Igor. 1998. Literarno ustvarjanje slovenskih izseljencev v Avstraliji v angleškem jeziku: Michelle Leber, Irena Birsa in Danijela Hliš. Slovenski izseljenski koledar, Ljubljana: SIM, pp. 239-243. POVZETEK IRENA BIRSA: AVSTRALSKA PESNICA IN ZNANSTVENICA SLOVENSKEGA RODU Igor Maver Članek obravnava delo Irene Birsa, ki se je rodila leta 1961 slovenskim staršem v Avstraliji in tako predstavlja t.i. »drugo generacijo« slovenskih izseljencev v Avstraliji oziroma Avstralko »prve generacije« slovenskega rodu. Najprej je analizirano Birsino raziskovalno delo, ki ga je opravila v letih od 1984 do 1991 za svojo magistrsko nalogo na Univerzi La Trobe s področja družbene in kulturne zgodovine slovenskih izseljencev v Avstraliji, s posebnim poudarkom na državi Victoriji in mestu Melbourne, kjer je živela. Spričo Birsine prerane smrti delo ni povsem dokončano, a njena knjiga Slovenians in Australia, 5 članki, eseji in razpravami, ki je izšla posmrtno leta 1994, je relativno neznan, a zelo dragocen vir podatkov in analiz za vse tiste, ki jih profesionalno ali kako drugače zanima zgodovina slovenske izseljenske skupnosti v Avstraliji, še posebej v Victoriji. V drugem delu članka so predstavljene nekatere subtilno dovršene Birsine pesmi v angleščini, ki so ostale v rokopisu in so javnosti bolj ali manj neznane. ‘A WORKING MAN’S PARADISE’ -ENGLISH AWARENESS OF EMIGRATION AND NEW ZEALAND IN THE AGE OF SAIL1 Michael Stammers Migration was a major phenomenon in the demographic history of 19th Century Europe. It is estimated that some forty-four million people left their homelands in search of a better life. More than a third (sixteen million) left the British Isles - ten from England, Scotland and Wales and six from Ireland2 and this, in turn, was but a part of a wider British internal migration (both permanent and seasonal) that transformed Britain from a rural society to an urban one. Emigration had never taken place on such a scale before and a series of particular ‘push’ and ‘pull’ factors appear to have been at work throughout the 19th Century. These included rural unemployment and rising population - two ‘push’ factors and technological/industrial development and the growth of European colonies in other parts of the world as ‘pull’ factors. The relative contribution of each factor is a complex and continuing historical problem. Recent studies in history and the social sciences have shown that the volume of emigration will increase when both ‘push’ and ‘puli’ factors are operating. In Britain unemployment, and the resulting unrest, was considered a major social problem along with its consequent costs in terms of Poor Law relief. After the reform of the Poor Law in 1834, unemployed countrymen were ‘encouraged’ by reductions in ‘outdoor relief’ to move elsewhere to find work - either in new urban industries or abroad. This ‘push’ factor was reinforced by the ‘pull’ effects of expanding industries, 1 Attributed to Julius Vogel, Colonial treasurer and architect of New Zealand’s emigrant policy in the 1870s. 2 R. I. Woods, The Population of Britain in the 19th Century in British Population History, from the Black Death to the Present Day, ed. M. Anderson, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996, p. 309. often with better wages and the greater mobility offered by steam railways after 1830 and steamships (at least in the Atlantic) after 1851. Another ‘push’ factor after 1873 was the long agricultural depression brought about as a result of competition from imports from USA, Canada, Australia, Argentina and New Zealand.1 The continuing debate on ‘the state of the poor’ was also coloured by the writings of Malthus who at the end of the 18th Century argued that food supplies could never keep pace with rising population and the surplus people must emigrate. The increasing number of English colonies (some admittedly acquired to deny them to European rivals) were seen as a solution and a source of wealth. As an anonymous writer of 1834 pointed out, ‘The transmarine possessions of England are a mine as yet partially explored, inexhaustible in its treasures, requiring only population with a moderate amount of capital to become of immense importance and wealth to the Mother country.’4 Whatever the macro causes of migration, what motivated individuals were matters of belief and perception. People believed that they would be better off if they moved. Migration occurred as a result of decisions made by individuals in the light of what they perceived the objective world to be like. ‘It did not matter if the migrant held an erroneous view (and many did) - it was that erroneous view that was acted upon rather than objective real-world situation.’5 So information was the key to an individual’s evaluation of whether to emigrate and where to emigrate. Such information took many forms such as recollections of past visits, letters from past migrants, conversations with friends, books, newspapers and pamphlets; and what this paper attempts to explore is how potential emigrants got to know about emigration - especially to New Zealand. It is an anecdotal approach rather than quantitative. Such is the fragmentary character of the sources. Before embarking on an examination of how the British found out about New Zealand, it is important to recall the chronology and numbers involved. Twenty to twenty-five years after Cook’s discovery, New Zealand saw the start of unorganised settlements of whalers, fishermen, shipwrecked mariners, escaped convicts, followed by traders and missionaries. Numbers grew slowly, perhaps 3 P. Matthias, The First Industrial Nation. An Economic History of Britain, 1700-1914, London: Methuen, 1969, pp. 340-341. 4 Anon. 1834, quoted in A. Briggs, The Age of Improvement, London: Longmans, 1959, p. 388. 5 P. E. White & R. I. Woods, Foundations of Migration Study, in The Geographical Impact of Migration, London: Longman, 1981, p. 21. from fifty in 1800 to 1000 by 1839.6 1840 saw the first effective organised immigration with the landing of immigrants at Port Nicholson (Wellington) and by the first census in 1851 the total European population had risen to 26,707, more than doubling again by 1858 to 54,413. By 1864, after the discovery of gold at Otago in 1861, it stood at 171,009. Most of this was fuelled by immigration rather than a natural increase. 1863, the peak year, saw 45,730 arrivals. After a downturn in the late 1860s Vogel’s vigorous promotion of subsidised immigration saw another peak in 45,965 arrivals in 1874. This was followed by a tailing off in the 1880s, although the stimulus to agriculture by the introduction of ship refrigeration for meat exports staved off serious decline until 1886. Between that year and 1891, 11,900 more people left than arrived. This was also the time when sailing ships began to be supplanted by steamers in the emigrant trade. It was a predominantly British migration. By 1886, 40 per cent of the European population were English, Scottish or Irish, mainly from labouring and lower middle-class backgrounds; many were small town and country dwellers. Then there were cultural minority groups: Germans, Scandinavians and some Chinese. Finally, there were migrants from other colonial societies, notably goldrushers from Australia and California.7 Emigration was a universal topic in Britain. It was inescapable, especially from the 1840s which saw the mass exodus from Ireland as a result of the disastrous failure of the potato crop between 1845 and 1847, and then the miraculous get rich stories coming back from California in 1849 and then Australia in 1851. But even before these three events, consciousness of emigration was high both at government and individual level. There was a widespread belief that emigration would not only relieve population pressure and consequent unemployment and unrest, but it was also seen as a huge potential market for British goods, a method of opening up new areas for investment, and a God-given command to his chosen people to ‘Be fruitful and multiply and replenish the Earth and subdue it.’8 The ‘encouragement’ to migrate was embedded in the 1834 Poor Law Act. However, the Government shrank from direct encouragement of emigration alt- 6 A. U. McLintock, ed., An Encyclopaedia of New Zealand, vol. 2, Wellington: The Government Printer, 1966, pp. 130-139. 7 J. Graham, Settler Society, in W. H. Williams with B. R. Williams (eds), The Oxford History of New Zealand, Oxford & Wellington: Clarendon Press, 1981, p. 116. 8 Emigrants Penny Magazine, Plymouth 1850-1, quoted in C. Coleman, Passage to America, London: Hutchinson, 1972, p. 38. hough it was concerned about the predominance of emigrants going to The United States of America - a foreign country and potential rival. A new solution to the problem of assisting emigration to the colonies was proposed by Edward Gibbon Wakefield who argued that the existing system of granting away colonial lands to almost anyone prepared to organise a settlement was wasteful and hindered development. Instead, he proposed that British colonial lands should be sold and the income applied to support large-scale emigration. Wakefield’s proposals were attractive because they were above all cheap and simple. In 1837, T. F. Elliot was appointed the first Agent General for emigration. In 1840 government involvement was extended by the appointment of the Colonial Land & Emigration Commission. It was also obliged to enact a series of Passenger Acts from 1832 to try and set minimum standards of diet and accommodation for emigrant ships. Many other groups were involved in encouraging emigration either by direct financial support or by propaganda. The Mormons, for example, arranged parties of the faithful to sail en bloc on their own chartered ships and spread the word through their own news sheets. The topic also received coverage in the national and local newspapers of which there were a growing number. Between 1826 and 1850 forty provincial newspapers were launched and after the abolition of Advertisement Tax in 1853 and Newspaper Stamp Duty in 1855, a further 260 came into being.9 These carried advertisements for sailings, reports of local groups of emigrants leaving, and letters on the subject. Some were in favour and some were warnings by the disillusioned. For example, The Caernarfon Herald of April 23rd 1853 carried the following, ‘It is grievous to think that so many hardworking countrymen and women, physically worse off than the slaves of South America are to be found eking out a most miserable existence, half clad and half fed (in North Wales) who, if once in New Zealand, might fare sumptuously with a tithe of their present drudgery.’ Or, by contrast, a letter from the Macclesfield Courier of January 27th 1855, Melbourne: ‘Sir, we were astonished upon our arrival here to find all the golden accounts we had heard in England of the state of this colony, as far as regards the great want of labour, and the high rate of wages paid here, together with the flattering accounts of the gold fields, have been greatly magnified, and we are induced to write this letter, the insertion of which will confer a boon to the working men intending to emigrate hither.’ At a national level, newspapers increased in number, variety and circulation - the establishment of a national network of railways and the electric tele- 9 K. Williams, The English Newspaper, London: Springwood, 1979, pp. 67-69. graph made it possible to send the news to all major towns overnight and new types of periodical appeared with pictures for the first time. The Illustrated London News was the most important. To this day its influence on emigration studies is still present, because its powerful woodcuts of emigrants departing, scenes on board, new lands, shipwrecks etc. are an important pictorial source of evidence of this mass movement of people. Imagine its impact from the 1840’s when availability of visual material was very limited. How those pictures must have been scrutinised! Emigration stories were even found in the new humorous papers -Punch, for example, established in 1844, carried a satirical piece on emigration for the Upper Classes - pointing a finger at the conservatism of the House of Lords. Newspaper stories, adverts and pictures supported a growing network of passenger agents both in ports and inland towns. These agents worked for major lines such as the Black Ball, Eagle & White Star to Australia but also for the Emigration Commissioners who took a special interest in supporting emigration to Australia and New Zealand. Plymouth, which by 1850 was the second most important port of departure for New Zealand had no less than seven agents. Country towns such as Tavistock in Devon might have a local agent. In that case this was Edward Turner who sold contract tickets to privately funded passengers at twelve and a half percent commission and also actively advised emigrants on where to go and what to take. What to take was always a major concern and it gave rise to what amounted to an emigrant ‘goods industry.’ Apart from the advertisements for sailings which appeared in newspapers, there were promotions of stocks of goods which could make the emigrant a good profit on landing; preserved food and clothing for the voyage; tents, portable homes and mining tools and insurance if things went awry. To take three examples; J. Linderwick advertised in the 1860s for the New Zealand gold diggings: ‘Emigrants will find smoking pipes the most profitable article they can take to the Gold Regions’ or the Watkins’ London Directory’ of 1853 advertised: ‘Bakers’ antidote to seasickness. The Times newspaper in its impression of July 29th says ‘No emigrant shall venture to sea without it.’ R. G. Paget advertised ‘Tents for emigrants, with a military bell tent, 30 feet round costing £2.10s’; while in 1860 the Western Life Assurance & Annuity Society insured ‘Travellers, mariners and emigrants ‘on moderate terms.’ But this plethora of information was of no use if there was no access to it either because of illiteracy or the expense. Those least likely to afford newspapers were the illiterate poor who stood to gain most from migrating. It is, in fact, very difficult to know what proportion of the population could not read or write. E. P. Thompson pointed out in his seminal The Making of English Working Class, ‘It is difficult to generalise as to the diffusion of literacy in the early years of the 19th century. The ‘industrious classes’ touched at one pole, the million or more who were illiterate or whose literary skill amounted to little more than the ability to spell out a few words or write their names. At the other pole, there were men of considerable literacy attainment.’10 There had certainly been a growing concern for a provision of elementary education from the first Sunday schools in 1783 to the rapid advance of the church based National schools. The government was gradually drawn in to improve teacher training in 1839. By 1850 its educational budget totalled half a million pounds; but it was not until the 1870 Act there was universal elementary education available. Alongside the development of schools, albeit providing the basics only, was a high growth in adult education especially through the Mechanics Institutes’ movement. From the first founded in Glasgow in 1799 it grew to 610 by 1851, with 600,000 members.11 Churches, church schools and mechanics’ institutions usually contained lending libraries and some at least reported that books on travels and voyages were among the most popular loans.12 Cheap educational literature alone became increasingly available from the 1820s with the establishment of the Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge in 1826 and the Penny Encyclopaedia in 1833 with its long chapter on New Zealand. The Liverpool Library was founded with emigrants in mind: ‘In a great public library they (the emigrants) could see maps of all countries and books specially written for particular colonies; they could obtain all that is necessary to be known respecting the climate, soil and general productions; they could see actual objects in the museum.’13 While these facilities were increasingly available to town dwellers, those in rural parts, in villages, did not have the same opportunities. Nevertheless, newspapers were available, usually in local public houses (often for a fee) and for everyone that read, there would be others who would listen, dream, and perhaps act. So how did New Zealand fit in this web of information and information 10 E. P. Thompson, The Making of the English Working Class, London: Gollancz, 1963, p. 782. 11 Caul’s S.J & Boultwood, An Introductory History of English Education since 1800, 4th edition, London: University Tutorial Press, 1967, p. 320. 12 T. Kelly, Early Public Libraries, London: Library Association, 1964, p. 199. 13 A. Hume, Suggestions for the Advancement of Literature and Learning in Liverpool, Liverpool: privately published, 1851, p. 19 (in fact, the Liverpool Library and Museum were set up in 1851 and moved to their present building in 1858). points? At first, it did not; settlement had been haphazard, and largely ignored which, in a way, was strange because it had better climate and more natural resources than Australia. It was not, however, on any of the main trading routes, lying as it did too far to the east and the south. This perhaps explains why it was not formally annexed until 1840 - the same year as the annexation of the Falkland Islands which clearly had a strategic position on the route Cape Horn and the west coast of America, but were of little value as a place of major settlement or trading. Perhaps the prevailing attitude even in the 1850’s is summed up by the Liverpool historian Thomas Baines: ‘The colony of New Zealand, at the very ends of the earth contained in 1849 a British population of 22,751 inhabitants; imported £147,767 worth of manufactures and produce, and exported £75,984’ -a curt dismissal especially when compared to his fulsome praise of Victoria and New South Wales.14 Nevertheless, New Zealand gradually did achieve greater prominence in English consciousness over the next twenty-five years. This can be seen in the rise in the number of newspaper stories about the colony, the increase in the number of letters and reminiscences coming home, and the increase in the number of agencies promoting emigration. The newspapers’ increased coverage can be crudely measured by counting the number of ‘stories’ printed by The Times at ten year intervals: 1840 18 1850 13 1860 48 1870 62 Not all were positive: much of the coverage was about the wars with the Maoris - a possible disincentive to emigrate. Nevertheless, they did create a much greater awareness of New Zealand’s existence and, incidentally, created a new type of settler, the discouraged soldier.15 Graphic pictures and stories of military campaigns always excited the public imagination.16 The plant, animal specimens and artefacts arriving in increasing quantities to museums, universities and private collections perhaps had a similar effect. Although the first Kiwi 14 T. Baines, History of the Commerce and the Town of Liverpool, Liverpool: Longman, Green and Longmans, London & author, 1852, p. 816. 15 M. Barthorp, To Face the Daring Maoris: Soldiers’ Impressions of the First Maori War, London: Hodder & Stourton, 1979, p. 185. 16 J. Belich, The New Zealand Wars and the Victorian Interpretation of Racial Conflict, Auckland: Auckland University Press, 1986, p. 126. specimen arrived in the United Kingdom in 1812, it was not until the 1840’s that large numbers of New Zealand birds found their way into British collections where they excited much curiosity. For example, the Liverpool Museum had over 158 specimens. By 1859 New Zealand’s flora had perhaps more impact. The first published catalogue Flora Nova Zealandiae by Sir J. D. Hooker was published as early as 1853 and the popular passion for fern growing and collecting took off in the same decade, with living and pressed specimens being sent to Britain. At one time there was a New Zealand Fern Company that specialised in the presentation of pressed ferns in books.17 Indeed, visual material of any kind was immensely important in spreading awareness especially in an era less well endowed with pictorial material than our own. The woodcuts of the Illustrated London News and similar journals must have had some influence either pro - emphasising the scenery, the economy and the attractions of the Gold Rush at Otago or anti - in images of shipwrecks or fires at sea such as that on the Cospatrick of November 18th 1874. The power of the visual was used at the time by emigration promoting bodies; magic lantern shows were available. In 1849, S. Brees, surveyor to the New Zealand Company exhibited the Colonial Panorama of New Zealand in London - a large scale moving panorama. The Times reviewer was impressed: ‘Mr. Brees’ Panorama will do more to promote emigration than one thousand speeches and resolutions.’1 s There was also a growing literature about the Colony: Charles Heaphy’s Narrative of a Residence in Various Parts of New Zealand of 1841 was among the first while A. S. Thompson’s The Story of New Zealand Past and Present - Savage and Civilized of 1859 was the first detailed and accurate account of the islands and their first inhabitants. More and more personal accounts flowed back to ‘the Mother country’ in letters and diaries. These achieved a wider circulation if published as Samuel Butler’s A First Year in the Canterbury Settlement of 1862. More overtly propagandist were the guides for potential emigrants, such as Shaw Savill Line Guide of 1864 or those produced by the Self-Help Emigration Society of London. The latter’s Hints to Emigrants was remarkably forthright and honest about the pains of emigrating: ‘the man most likely to prove a success in any Colony is one who, in addition to his special calling, has a good sound constitution, plenty of pluck and perseve- 17 M. Richard, New Zealand Specimen Books, in The Pteridologist 1.3, London: The Pteridological Society, 1986, p. 120. 18 R. Hyde, Panoramama Art and Entertainment of the All-Embracing View’, London: Trefoil, 1988, pp. 142-143. ranee and who does not care about comforts at first, but rather enjoys the freedom and rough and ready ways of colonial life.’19 Among those not advised to go were the Idle, the Dissolute and Worthless, and the clerks and shopmen unused to physical effort. Another guide from the same decade gave much the same advice: ‘A young, healthy single man, of good morals and principles, energetic and ready to ‘rough it’ with a handicraft of some kind will succeed in New Zealand.’20 It was no place for exiling the family scapegrace or ne’er-do-well. A whole range of organisations had been started to assist specific groups to emigrate. Clearly, the government bodies, the Commissioners, were most important because they had the resources to charter their own ships and grant free passages. Selection was, however, restrictive. Emigrants had to be labourers, shepherds, miners or female domestic servants with a few skilled tradesmen. Young married couples without children were the most acceptable candidates. Assisted schemes were also run first by the Provinces, for example under The Special Settlement Act of 1858 which made part payments of the fare with land grants. The special settlements were created where undeveloped land was let to a contractor who agreed to find settlers, was a feature of the 1860s and this encouraged religious or ethnic groups to move en masse. In 1863, 150 Danes moved in with half their fare paid and land grants. Another United Kingdom example was Albertland Special Settlement Association which was formed in 1861 by W. Ransom Brame, an ardent Baptist and editor of the Birmingham Post. Brame set up a committee and appointed himself travelling secretary. The organised meetings were held at non-conformist chapels not only Baptist but Methodist and other denominations. After tea and a musical interlude the audience would be addressed on the subject of emigration to New Zealand.21 Brame was successful and his group sailed from the East India Docks, London in June 1862 - an event recorded in both the Illustrated London News and the Penny Illustrated Magazine. In 1864 the Colonial government’s direct involvement increased with the establishment of the Immigration Advisory Board in London with a budget of £200,000 and this was enhanced by the New Zealand Commissioners’ Act of 1869 and the Immigration and Public Works Act of 1870. Rail, road development and free 19 E. Wilson Gate, Hints to Emigrants, 2nd edition, London: Self-Help Emigration Society, 1894, p. 6. 2(1 J. Murray Moore, New Zealand for the Emigrant, Invalid and Tourist, London: Sampson, Lowe, Marston, Searle & Rivington, 1890, p. 8. 21 J. L. Borrows, Albertland, Wellington: A. H. & A. W. Reed, 1969, p. 18. passages for new settlers were to be financed by government borrowing under the latter Act. Free passages were granted to either British subjects selected by the Agent General in London or nominated by New Zealand residents. Between 1871 and 1880 over 100,000 were selected or nominated. This ‘Vogel scheme’ -the inspiration of the ambitious Colonial Treasurer, Julius Vogel - was abruptly reduced by 18 80. The collapse of the Scottish City of Glasgow B ank in 1878 had a direct and serious effect on the colonial government’s finances, and therefore on their ability to fund assisted passages. The Agent General before the collapse of the Vogel schemes employed regional agents and travelling speakers to spread information about New Zealand. In 1879, for example, the Reverend J. Barry gave a talk at the Weslyan Chapel in the north eastern town of Tow Law. He painted a vision of New Zealand as the ‘promised land’ and certainly he persuaded John Hillary, a shopkeeper with a family of eight to take the decision to emigrate on the government chartered ship Westland. Hillary felt deceived on his arrival at Lyttleton because there was nothing but intermittent casual work for him and his sons and within a year he was on the steamer back to England and Tow Law. The depression of the 1880s had begun to take effect.22 Besides the official organisations, there were a range of societies and associations promoting or assisting emigration. Some were national such as the British and Colonial Emigration Society or Kelsall’s Charity which supplied grants for emigrants’ outfits for the voyage. Others were local and specific such as the Clerkenwell Emigration Club and Fund, or Miss Maria Rye’s Female Middle Class Emigration Society.23 Miss Rye ran a women’s employment agency for legal copying work in London and had noted the rising demand for superior servants and governesses in Australia, New Zealand and Natal. She felt that some of the women who begged her for employment would be ideally suited not least ‘because an elevation of morals being an inevitable result of the mere presence in the colony of a number of high class women.’24 Her society lasted from 1862 to 1875 and settled over 300 women, mainly in New Zealand. Other special interest groups included trade unions whose membership grew rapidly in the 1870s with the 22 Hillary J. Haddon, Westland - The Journal of John Hillary 1879, London: Janus Publishing, 1995, pp. 26, 80. 23 All the above-mentioned groups and other London-based societies held meetings at the Mansion House, London to co-ordinate their plans to stimulate emigration. The Times, 1st, 3rd and 27th January and 12th February 1870. 24 J. Trollope, Britannia’s Daughters, London: Hutchinson, 1988, p. 64. depression of the British economy - especially in agriculture. The National Agricultural Labourers’ Union founded in Warwickshire in 1872 had four items in its ‘mission statement’: Accident, Burial, Sickness and Emigrants. The Kent and Sussex Labourers’ Union through regular collections was able to send 410 emigrants to New Zealand in 1874 and another 400 in 1879. As one agricultural worker who was emigrating said at the time: ‘We should like to see our children better off than we have been.’25 One should not underestimate the importance of regular shipping services in developing the information links between Britain and New Zealand, and reducing the feeling of remoteness from ‘the Mother country’. In this respect, the establishment of two regular dedicated lines to New Zealand - Shaw, Savill from London and Hendersons from Glasgow - in 1858 was a crucial piece of progress. They employed good quality ships capable of fast, safe passages. The introduction of steamers from 1879 by the New Zealand Shipping Company greatly reduced voyage times and strengthened the links, especially from the 1880s onwards when its two main rivals merged and bought steam ships. This brief review of some of the sources of information available to a potential emigrant does appear to show how awareness of New Zealand as an emigrant destination grew from a more general consciousness of the need and value of emigration. It also shows the crucial government role in disseminating information and providing subsidies, which turned an individual’s aspiration to travel to ‘the working man’s paradise’ into a firm decision. 25 W. A. Armstrong, The Flight from the Land, in The Victorian Countryside, ed. G. E. Mingay, Sutton: Far Thrupp, 1998, pp. 129-130. POVZETEK »RAJZA DELAVNEGA ČLOVEKA« - ANGLEŠKA ZA VEST O IZSELJENSTVU IN NO VI ZELANDIJI V DOBI JADRNIC Michael Stammers Izseljevanje predstavlja enega najvidnejših pojavov v demografski zgodovini Evrope 19. stoletja, pri čemer je imela Velika Britanija pomembno vlogo. Ocenjujejo, da se je v tem času od skupno 44 milijonov evropskih izseljencev izselilo kar 16 milijonov ljudi z britanskih otokov. Na tako množično izseljevanje je vplivala cela vrsta potisnih in na drugi strani privlačnih dejavnikov (an. ‘push ’ and ‘pull ’factors), kot so brezposelnost na podeželju, porast prebivalstva, rast evropskih kolonij in razvoj parnega transporta. Ne glede na splošne vzroke izseljevanja pa sta posameznike pri njihovi odločitvi za izselitev motivirali predvsem njihovo prepričanje in dojemanje izseljenstva, ki sta bili odvisni od dostopnosti tovrstnih informacij. Te so se pojavljale v različnih oblikah, od spominskih zapisov z obiskov, pisem, knjig, časopisov pa do razgovorov s povratniki. Namen tega prispevka je raziskati, kako so tedanji potencialni izseljenci prihajali v stik z informacijami o Novi Zelandiji in njenih možnostih za priseljevanje. V britanski koloniji Novi Zelandiji vse do leta 1840 ni bilo nobenih organiziranih naselbin. Do leta 1851 so ob prvem popisu registrirali 26.707prebivalcev. V desetletju po odkritju zlata leta 1861 je priseljevanje skokovito naraščalo; v osemdesetih letih je začelo upadati, vendar je razvoj hlajenih parnikov za izvoz mesa in drugih kmetijskih pridelkov povečal potrebo po kmetijskih delavcih v koloniji in s tem spodbudil prihod novih priseljencev. Prevladovali so angleški, škotski in irski priseljenci delavskega porekla. V Britaniji se je zavest o pomenu izseljevanja začela raztezati od vlade navzdol. To je bilo deloma posledica naravnih katastrof, npr. poraznih letin krompirja na Irskem, pa tudi glavnih odkritij zlata v Kaliforniji leta 1849 in v Avstraliji leta 1851, na izseljevanje pa so gledali tudi kot na »zdravilo« za socialne nemire in hkrati v njem videli pot do prekomorskih tržišč za britansko blago. Vlada je začela podpirati izseljevanje v britanske kolonije leta 1840 s formiranjem Komisije za kolonialno zemljo in izseljevanje, ki je lahko prodajala kolonialna zemljišča, z dobičkom od prodaje pa podpirala nadaljnje množično izseljevanje. Vlada je tudi uvedla zakone o predpisanih potovalnih standardih na izseljenskih ladjah. Glavni vir informacij so bili časopisi, ki so prinašali zgodbe, slike in oglase v zvezi z izseljevanjem. Časopisi so postajali vse dostopnejši širši javnosti, zlasti s pocenitvijo zaradi znižanih davkov, na drugi strani pa se je povečalo zanimanje zanje s širjenjem pismenosti med delavstvom, ki je bilo posledica razvoja šol in drugih izobraževalnih ustanov, med katerimi je bila tudi cela veriga t.i. »tehničnih inštitutov«. O Novi Zelandiji se v Britaniji sprva ni dosti pisalo, na začetku so celo prevladovala svarila pred tamkajšnjo izselitvijo spričo vojn z Maori pa tudi zaradi velike oddaljenosti te dežele. Do poznih šestdesetih let pa je bila na voljo že kar obsežna in pestra literatura o mnogih vidikih in perspektivah te kolonije. Izseljevanje v Novo Zelandijo je izrecno spodbujala omenjena vladna komisija, razen nje pa tudi številna neuradna telesa, ki so imela kakršnokoli korist od Posebnega zakona o naseljevanju iz leta 1858; pozneje pa je priseljevanje spodbujala tudi sama kolonialna uprava s t.i. »Voglovim načrtom«. Ta je vključeval cerkvene organizacije, dobrodelne akcije in trgovska združenja. Upoštevati pa je treba tudi ugodne posledice razvoja rednega ladijskega prometa, sprva z jadrnicami, po letu 1879 pa s parniki. Zavest o Novi Zelandiji kot cilju izseljevanja se je porodila sredi 19. stoletja iz naraščajoče splošne zavesti v Britaniji o nujnosti in pomenu izseljevanja, pri čemer je vlada s podpiranjem in spodbujanjem izseljevanja odigrala ključno vlogo. OKROGLA MIZA »TISK IN IZSELJENSTVO« ROUNDTABLE »PRESS AND EMIGRATION« PRESS AND EMIGRATION Roundtable discussion, 1 October 1999 AEMI The Association of European Migration Institutions Annual Meeting, Portorož, Slovenia, 29 September - 2 October 1999 KNUT DJUPEDAL (The Norwegian Emigrant Museum, Ottestad, Norway; AEMI chairman): Ladies and gentlemen. Welcome to the second day of our meeting, and to this roundtable on the press and emigration. As long as we have had newspapers, the press has been interested in the phenomenon of emigration - not perhaps as history, but because emigration sold newspapers. Advertisements for emigration and letters from America published in newspapers lead people to go out and buy and read them. And of course, whoever wished to sell tickets or land in America to potential emigrants could use the press. Thus the press lived reasonably well on emigration. Today, the press is a source for historians who wish to study emigration, not only those seeking facts about the actual emigration itself, but also a source for those who wish to look at attitudes, feelings, and political ideas about the emigration. Take Norway, for example, where the press was utilized both to publish letters praising America, and to make jokes about returning migrants and to warn against emigration because it was bad for the home country if all those people left it. ADAM WALASZEK (Polonia Institute, Krakow, Poland; roundtable moderator): What Knut was asking, basically, is what came first, the press or emigration, and of course I am wondering whether you will have the answer to that. There is much more, of course, to it; there are many more questions to be asked, and they have been asked and they are asked and they will be asked, as long as the ethnic press exists, as long as emigration exists, as long as historians live. And this is our agenda for today. The first presentation will be read by Irena Gantar Godina; this is the paper by Marjan Drnovšek from Ljubljana, from the Academy of Sciences and Arts, who is unfortunately ill and cannot be with us, but many of you already know him. The title of the presentation is »Printed Material and the Mass Emigration of Slovenes.« Then we will have a presentation by Janja Žitnik; she is from the same institution, the Slovene Academy of Sciences and Arts, and she is the editor of the publication Two Homelands or Dve Domovini. She will speak about Slovene emigrant literature, periodicals and other publications, and the reading public in Slovenia. Then the floor will basically be yours, we will have time not for endless - there will be limits - but for a discussion, which hopefully will be very fruitful. So let us hear what Dr Drnovšek has to say. (Henceforward the moderation entrances will be omitted. Editor’s note.) PRINTED MATERIAL AND THE MASS EMIGRATION OF SLOVENES Marjan Drnovšek The individual’s decision to leave his home and settle in another country, whether for a long period or a short one, has always been subject to the influence of the various types of information received at the time, either orally, via private correspondence, or, most importantly, from the press, in the broadest sense of the word. The following paper devotes itself to an outline of the various types of printed matter that existed and the visual material that appeared in public. During the period of mass emigration of Slovenes (from around 1890 to 1914, or 1924) many different newspapers were available, and literacy was relatively high. I should note in passing that most emigrants were from rural areas (76 percent in 1890, 73 percent in 1900, and 67 percent in 1910). These people had learnt the basics of reading and writing in elementary school. The simultaneous growth in the number of local newspapers in Slovenia indicates that reading culture was also spreading among this section of the population. Newspapers in Slovenia published a large amount of information about the USA and the Slovene immigrants living there. This might take the form of letters, travel writing, ‘news’ from America (and to a lesser extent from Germany and Egypt), warnings and information from state and church authorities and critical intellectuals, the advertisements of emigrants’ societies, or literary works by emigrants. Immigrants’ newspapers in the USA likewise published many articles about the ‘old homeland’. The mutual exchange of newspapers from both sides of the Atlantic was an established practice, something confirmed by the fact that prices were quoted in both US dollars and German marks at the head of newspapers in Slovenia. Through this connection via newspapers of the ‘old’ and ‘new’ homelands, a special cultural or media-based connection between the two worlds was established, which cannot be traced before this time and which disappears after the end of the period of mass emigration. During the period in question Slovenes were well informed about America, about working conditions and living conditions there, about wages, political conditions, economic crises, et cetera, and thus their image of it was far removed from the unrealistic picture of ‘a rich country across the Atlantic’ which people still cherished in the mid-19lh century. The power of the press was also much greater at that time because it was in fact the only public medium. Not until the 1920s were newspapers joined by radio and the increasing use of visual material such as film. Almanacs providing useful information (e.g. exchange rates, US measures, postage rates, et cetera) as well as specialist papers and creative writing with the emphasis on the life of people in the old and new homelands, were popular on both sides of the Atlantic. During the period in question there were also a number of small presses publishing brochures, booklets or information sheets. Foremost among these were travel instructions (two examples being Kažipot and Reisefiihrer) in which the emigrant was given advice and basic information about the journey. We should remember that most emigrants were ignorant of the languages of the countries through which they travelled, and indeed very few even spoke English. Instructions written in their native language were accordingly extremely welcome. Even on Ellis Island many emigrants were given bilingual handbooks such as Viktor Kubelka’s Slovene-English Conversations (1912). These contained simple dialogues which immigrants needed to know in order to communicate in their new environment. Numerous brochures were published in America, too (e.g. instructions on how to apply for American citizenship and the statutes and rules of sundry societies), along with posters for society events, wall calendars, et cetera. However this is already material which relates to the emigrants’ new life in America and as such requires special treatment. Besides newspapers, Slovenia was inundated in this period with a great deal of other printed matter incorporating all the technical innovations of the day, e.g. photography, colouring, coloured print and suchlike. The walls of every village inn were hung with posters proclaiming the enticing offers of various shipping lines (I should mention in passing that the advertisements of shipping companies also appeared in newspapers, even in those which opposed emigration. Money, after all, is money!). Many of the posters featured drawings or photographs of steamers. It was no coincidence that the inn was chosen as the location for distributing this type of printed material. Archive sources tell us that many innkeepers in Slovenia also played the role of ‘intermediary’, in other words they directed travelling emigrants to specific shipping company agents. We also know of an example of pictures of steamers hanging in a school classroom, which made many teachers very angry. Advertisement brochures, leaflets, and railway and shipping timetables were also circulated which interested parties received on request by post or were given on trains and in other public places. Archive sources contain extensive reports of how Ljubljana’s police force pursued those supplying this material on the trains which passed through the city. (Ljubljana was an important railway junction of the Zagreb-Trieste and Vienna-Trieste lines and the line running towards Switzerland and France.) Many of those leaving were also found to be in possession of letters from foreign (European) agencies written in Slovene relating to their journey across Europe or across the Atlantic. The letters of these agencies bore decorative letterheads providing basic information - the letter of Ivan Bihel on the Swiss-Austrian border, for example, which proclaimed ‘Serbo-Croatian, German, Slovene and Italian spoken’. The use of Slovene (and often also of Croatian) indicates the interest of these agents in obtaining as many customers as possible from the countries where large-scale emigration was taking place. They often employed a Slovene-speaking clerk for this work and for the reception and dispatching of Slovene emigrants (for example Albin Kunc at the Zwilchenbart agency in Basle, who handled travellers for the Compagnie Generale Transatlantique in Paris. This agency even had a sign bearing the word Izseljevanje (Emigration) on the front of its building at the main railway station in Basle). We know that even in Ljubljana there were signs on railings or the fronts of buildings, especially in Kolodvorska Street, where most travel offices for emigrants were located. These signs unfortunately no longer exist. One sign on the railing of Number 41, Kolodvorska Street even led to the prosecution of an emigration agent called Edvard Kristan, the representative of the Compagnie Generale Transatlantique in Paris. Even more elaborate in terms of written and visual material, were the windows and frontages of the emigration offices, all of them competing with each other to attract emigrants into their offices to buy tickets. Discoveries of pictures on religious buildings and private buildings are fairly rare. We do know of a case of a rural chapel painted with the representation of a transatlantic steamer (with two funnels) and a Madonna and Child. This chapel stands in the Savinja valley region, near the village of Kokarje in the Dreta valley in Štajerska. Another example is a house in the village of Se-lišče in Dolenjska, which is decorated with a painting of a four-funnelled steamer by local artist Jakob Kobe. Another special group of printed items includes passports, tickets, various certificates from the journey (such as the ‘Inspection Card’ proving that the holder had undergone a medical examination), forms from police records on illegal emigrants. These items are little works of art in themselves, from the fin de siecle, a period in which it was customary to make even perfectly dull documents look beautiful. The addresses of agents and pictures of ships were also printed on the waxed canvas pouches used to hold travel documents - those supplied by Edvard Tavčar, for example, an agent with offices at Number 35, Kolodvorska Street and the representative of Bremen-based Norddeutscher Lloyd. In this period special printed advertisement cards were also common. These took the form of large visiting cards with a drawing on one side and text on the other. One surviving example is the card of Franz Missler of Bremen, with a colour picture of the agent himself and a picture of a steamer on the front, and an invitation in Slovene on the back. A label stuck in the hatband or pinned to the coat identified the men and women who worked as agents of the shipping companies and who waited for their passengers at the railway stations and ports. The label, either of paper or cloth, bore the name of the shipping company or travel agent, while some also had a drawing of the ship. Maps of Europe and America showing railway connections and providing other information such as journey times, ticket prices, et cetera, were also quite common. These were published by individual shipping companies. Emigrants used them in order to familiarise themselves with the journey they were to make, while the maps also served as an advertisement for the companies which published them. The period of mass emigration was a golden age for the picture postcard industry in Europe, and also in Slovenia. Emigration agencies and shipping companies printed postcards as a form of advertisement. These were bought by (or given to) emigrants and posted home during the journey. Most depicted either an emigration office or a liner. Many were posted from the ship, since the larger liners had their own post offices. At home these postcards also served as advertisements, since they were circulated around the village. Their function as advertisements is confirmed by the fact that the front or picture side of the postcard also carried information from the shipping company about, for example, the speed of the passage, the comfort afforded by the steamer, and so on. Sending postcards from America was also very common among Slovenes. In addition to American postcards depicting towns and cities, this period also saw the appearance of Slovene postcards showing Slovene churches, the premises of societies and other buildings, groups of emigrants, et cetera. Many sent home photographs of themselves as postcards, and these photographs thus acquired a ‘public’ role. A special area is represented by the literature and rare specialist works which at this time appeared in Slovenia and in the USA and which were mainly concerned with the themes of emigration and emigrants. Their purpose was in the main pedagogical, and many also struck a warning note (e.g. the book by Jakob Alešovec with the telling title v Ameriko I Don’t Go to America, 1883, 1912) and stressed the importance of preserving a national consciousness and the Catholic faith. These were often ideologically and politically coloured, and also informative, for example the work by Jurij Trunk entitled Amerika in Amerikanci (America and the Americans, 1912) intended for American Slovenes and people in the old homeland. Overall, though, it would be fair to say that the period of mass emigration from Slovenia did not produce a very substantial body of work on the phenomenon itself, while the response to it in Slovene music and art was even smaller. In this paper I have mentioned just a few items of printed and visual material. These can also be seen in my book Pot slovenskih izseljencev na tuje (The Journey of Slovene Emigrants to Foreign Lands, 1991). The diversity of printed material during the period of mass emigration of Slovenes points to a unique boom in the printed word and pictures and photographs industry, especially in relation to the advertisements of emigration agencies on the one hand, and the warnings of the Church and the state on the other. As I have already mentioned, the press at that time connected Slovenia with America and Europe, something still too little researched by historiography in Slovenia. The main purpose of my article, however, is to draw attention to those items of printed matter which were mass produced during the period of mass emigration, but which today are rare, since very few of them are to be found in archives, libraries and private collections. They are also important as museum pieces, since we do not have a museum dedicated to emigration in Slovenia, and general national and local museums devote little attention to this material. That, however is another story. ' SLOVENE EMIGRANT LITERATURE, PERIODICALS AND OTHER PUBLICATIONS AND THE READING PUBLIC IN SLOVENIA Janja Žitnik In this discussion I shall concentrate on the issue of Slovene emigrant literary writing and its accessibility to the reading public in Slovenia, and also briefly draw attention to the problem of the accessibility of, and familiarity (or lack of it) with the emigrant periodical press and other publications, if we wish to talk about the general level of informedness of the reading public in Slovenia. More Slovenes emigrated from the Slovene ethnic territory before the Second World War than after 1945, and yet post-war emigrants, probably mainly because of their different educational structure, wrote and published more literary works than pre-war emigrants did. Before Slovenia gained independence, post-war emigrants, most of whom were political emigrants, and among whom there was a relatively high number of fairly productive writers, for the most part published their work via the main emigrant publishing houses and Slovene publishing houses in cities over the border such as Klagenfurt, Gorizia and Trieste. In recent years a series of publishers in Slovenia itself have opened their doors to new literary works by emigrants or have reprinted some of the more successful older books which until now have barely been accessible to Slovenes in the homeland. During the period of the harshest political totalitarianism it was the case, in particular with the publications of Slovene post-war political emigrants, that importing these works into Slovenia - even individual copies, i.e. for personal use - was a criminal action. Among centres of Slovene emigration, the capital of Argentina is undoubtedly the place which most stands out in the area of publishing. In terms of number of published literary works by emigrants Slovenska kulturna akcija (SKA, founded 1954) is most active, and with its extensive list of titles of this type decisively outstrips not only all the other Slovene publishing houses in Buenos Aires but also those elsewhere in the world, including those in the countries bordering Slovenia and in Slovenia itself. To date, SKA has published 169 titles, of which almost a third are literary works by Slovene emigrant authors (slightly less than 50). Conditionally we could also add to this group all the volumes of the reviews Meddobje and Vrednote, which together represent half of all the publications of the SKA and in which literary contributions have a visible place in terms of both quantity and quality. Of those emigrant authors who have published their literary works through SKA, most are writers from Argentina - these have contributed slightly more than half of the literary publications of this publisher. The remaining publications are literary works by individual Slovene authors from, for the most part, the USA, Italy, Japan and Austria. Other Slovene institutions in Buenos Aires which occasionally also publish literary works by emigrant writers are Svobodna Slovenija, Tabor, Vestnik, Katoliški misijoni, Baragovo misijonišče (or Editorial Baraga), Slovensko dušno pastirstvo, Slovensko gledališče, Sij slovenske svobode, Mladinska vez, and Duhovno življenje. Slovene writers from other parts of the world also periodically publish via their own (usually local) emigrant publishing houses, organizations and societies in the USA and Australia, and in Vienna and London. Pre-war Slovene emigrants to the USA published their literary works for the most part in Chicago via the Prosvetna matica and the Slovenska narodna podporna jednota (Slovene National Benefit Society - SNPJ), especially as part of its Prosvetna knjižnica (Educational Library - also in Chicago). The second publishing centre in the USA is in Ohio, where the well-known private research institution The Slovenian Research Center of America operates in the Cleveland suburb of Willoughby Hills, while Cleveland itself is (or was) home to four institutions taking the role of publisher of individual literary works. These are Ameriška domovina, Slovenska pisarna, Triglav and Lilija. In Australia this role was taken as necessary by Slovensko društvo Melbourne (Slovene Society in Melbourne) and Društvo jugoslovanskih pisateljev v Avstraliji in Novi Zelandiji (The Society of Yugoslav Writers in Australia and New Zealand). In Vienna the LOG publishing house is still active; in London, Lev Detela and Milena Merlak have published some works via their own Sodobna knjiga, while one Slovene emigrant work has been published by Pika Print in London, and by The Lapwing Private Press in Canberra, Australia. Most literary works by Slovene emigrant authors (over 80) have been self-published. Slovene emigrants began self-publishing their literary works while still in refugee camps, especially those at Spittal on the Drava and at Eboli. Following emigration, most self-published works in the USA appeared in Cleveland, while some also appeared in New York, Chicago, Dover (Delaware) and Sitka (Alaska). Toronto was the centre of this activity in Canada, while in Australia self-published works appeared in all major cities. Centres of activity in South America were Buenos Aires, Perquenco (Chile) and Sucre (Ecuador), and in Europe, Gorizia, Trieste, Klagenfurt, Rome, Louvain and Brussels. The centres of this activity in Slovenia were Ljubljana, Maribor and Ravne na Koroškem. As I have said, until recently Slovene publishing houses across the border greatly surpassed publishers in Slovenia in terms of the publishing of emigrant literature. The largest number of works of this type (over 40) have appeared via the Mohorjeva družba in Klagenfurt, while individual titles have been published by Setev in Klagenfurt and Dom prosvete v Tinjah. The Gorizia Mohorjeva družba boasts nearly the same number of books by emigrant authors as the Celje branch of the same society does (see below). In Trieste a whole range of Slovene publishing houses and institutions have published and in some cases are still publishing works by emigrants. Foremost among these are Mladika and Tabor. For some years Lev Detela’s private publishing house Sodobna knjiga was quite active in Trieste, while individual literary works have been contributed by Setev, Slovenska prosvetna matica, and Založništvo tržaškega tiska in the same city. I have already stressed that until a few years ago only a few publishing houses in Slovenia itself published works by emigrants. At present Slovenska izseljenska matica and Mladinska knjiga lead the field in terms of the number of works of literature by Slovene emigrant authors published. These are followed by DZS, Prešernova družba, Družina, Ilex-Impex, Slovenska matica, Mihelač, Cankarjeva založba and Slomškova založba in Ljubljana, while individual titles have also been published by Aleph, Art agencija, Delo, Horvat Mg-M, M&M, Modrijan, Znanstveni inštitut Filozofske fakultete and in 1990— 91 Novo Jutro and Založništvo Slovenske knjige. In Maribor the largest number of books by emigrants have been published by Obzorja, followed by the Maribor Slomškova družba. In Novo Mesto Dolenjska založba occasionally publishes works by emigrant authors, as do Ognjišče and Lipa in Koper and Pomurska založba in Murska Sobota. These publishers usually decide to publish books by emigrant writers from their own region. The Celje Mohorjeva družba far outstrips all other publishers in Slovenia in this field, and has published more than twice as many works by emigrants than even Slovenska izseljenska matica, Mladinska knjiga and the Maribor-based Obzorja. Just as with their books, until recently Slovene emigrant writers also published their shorter literary writings for the most part in the emigrant periodical press (mainly in the USA, Argentina and Australia) and in Slovene journals and reviews in Klagenfurt, Gorizia and Trieste. More recently their literary and semi-literary writings, particularly poetry, short prose and essays have begun to appear increasingly in newspapers and literary reviews published in Slovenia. A comprehensive review of the titles of emigrant, cross-border and domestic periodical publications in which most emigrant literary contributions can be found will be prepared upon some other occassion. It is in any case clear that nowadays the general reading public in Slovenia is not familiar either with the emigrant periodical press or with emigrant non-literary publications, despite the fact that their importance in preserving national consciousness among emigrants (and hence their general national importance) should merit more attention from the domestic public. Slovene emigrant literature has been presented in relatively complete form to readers in Slovenia in the monograph on the subject entitled Slovenska izseljenska književnost (Slovene Emigrant Literature) published in three volumes this year by the Institute for Slovene Emigration Studies in Ljubljana. Other areas of artistic creation by Slovene emigrants which to date have not been systematically researched and presented to the Slovene public include painting, sculpture, traditional arts and crafts (carving, ceramics, etc.) and many other areas, in particular the theatre, which is extremely well-developed. As regards the emigrant press, the recent publication of a review of Slovene emigrant literature has thrust into the foreground the need for a similar monographic presentation of informative, cultural, political, religious and educational journalism which in all periods has played a leading role in preserving the mother language and national consciousness in emigrant communities and which even today is still quite active. Emigrant editors, correspondents, priests and teachers now have the increasingly painful feeling that they have been overlooked by the country of their birth. A considerable part of the periodical press of Slovene emigrants was in fact presented in Maribor in 1991, at the international symposium ‘Immigrant Press in Countries of Immigration’, while papers from the symposium were published the following year in the Maribor-based Znanstvena revija and in part in Dve domovini/Two Homelands 2-3. The information contained in the papers from this symposium which deal with the Slovene emigrant press (quite a number of papers deal with the emigrant press of other European nations) is complemented by publications such as Kulturno ustvarjanje Slovencev v Južni Ameriki (Ljubljana, 1995), similar publications prepared by emigrants themselves - usually on major anniversaries - in which they also present their own journalistic activities in a given country of immigration, and presentations of individual emigrant newspapers which, especially in the 1970s, were regularly published by Martin Jevni-kar in the Trieste-based Mladika, the exhibition Slovenski tisk v zdomstvu po letu 1945 held at the National and University Library in Ljubljana in 1991, and so on. There is thus enough material to begin systematic research into this area, and since we still do not have a complete and comprehensive presentation of our emigrant journalism, we shall shortly have to decide who will be able to tackle this demanding task in a sufficiently organized way. ■ DISCUSSION AURELIO GIORDANO (Centro Italiano di Studi sull’Emigrazione, Tra-monti, Italy): Let me express my appreciation to the hosting institution on emigration here in Slovenia, the Institute for Slovene Emigration Studies, choosing such an important subject for our annual meeting - and this roundtable - as a special branch of publishing for emigration, namely the »Emigration Press«, so essential for our institutions. The Italian Study Center on Emigration is a structure with the task of information, study, operational and logistical support to the annual Italian conference on emigration, providing technical and organizational competences to the conference, dissemination of documents and results produced, maintenance of relations with other study centers, information centers, the interested individuals and entities. We work in Italian language, and all materials destinated to other countries are submitted to translation. At this point of the roundtable, let’s heed that we still miss noticing what kind of press we are talking about. Is it the »press for the emigrants«, meaning the press from the original country destinated to the emigrants in other countries, or the press for the communities issued abroad and circulating also in the countries of departure, or both. Moreover, focusing on what kind of press we are and what press we have, we investigate also into the role of our information about emigration and the correlated activities. To do it we should need to know how many different materials are included in the kind of press we are interested in. How many newspapers, magazines, and agencies; we need to know the kind of books on emigration issued in the wide range of the different activities, or connected with other operational areas such as tourism, genealogy and others. The C.I.S.E. works on emigration worldwide and does not publish any printed matter, we produce information and researches and disseminate them through the following magazines published in Tramonti (SA): 1) EE (European Emigration), started in 1998 as a magazine for the debate on European emigration and as an emigration show-case for institutions and interested entrepreneurs. 2) TPE (Tramonti per Emigrati), started in 1988 as a national magazine with its program called »Italian Pride«, issuing publications dedicated to Italy, the Italian regions and cities. Until this day »Italian Pride« has issued the following: Italia nel Mondo, Napoli nel Mondo, Bracigliano nel Mondo, Castel S. Giorgio nel Mondo, Roscigno nel Mondo, Costiera Amalfitana nel Mondo, Ma-iori nel Mondo, Tramonti nel Mondo. »Nel mondo« means »all over the world«, or »in the world«. We should have knowledge of all the periodicals issued in the countries here represented, when they started publishing, the editor, the publisher, and so on. From Finland and Sweden, where they have a quarterly, to the unknown others, including special issues such as, for example, those from Norway or the ones issued in Northern Ireland, where the period of publication of their bulletin is not regular and it looks like a special issue. And so forth. And again, we should know if there are organizations connected with the emigrant press. In Italy, for example, our periodicals have a »Federation of the Emigration Press« and the »Union of the Periodicals«. Looking around ourselves we find out that not all of us have publishing as a current and dominant activity. Not all of our institutions have a production of books or magazines, or both. And also they have different editorial lines as, for example, the Finnish Institute of Migration that issues researches on Finnish emigration, and the Slovene Institute for Emigration Studies that prints out books on their conferences, monographs, a journal and a bulletin. And so forth. So we should need a general panorama of our European emigration editorial production, such as a general catalogue or a publication introducing us to the huge world of European emigration in terms of books, magazines and publications in general. Also, shifting to the documentation produced on emigration by our institutions, we find out that only in Italy there is a permanent collection of periodicals and journals. It is named Emeroteca, this word means »magazine-journal library«. Tramonti’s Emeroteca is provided with periodicals (and a section of books) of diverse emigrants in the world. Our Emeroteca is an independent department inside our organization and it is a reference piont for researchers, universities and many institutions. When experts or interested people come up to our place for researches, we would also like to have a CD-ROM or a list, or any printed matter they can look at to get information also on the emigration from your countries. It would probably take some effort to scroll the titles, the journals, the books, the nations, and so on; at this time there is no survey of the many collections on emigration in Europe and all over the planet. I believe the Emeroteca has an important task, and it is a big commitment aimed at making the emigration press more available. The work already developed in Europe in our institutions is not enough anyway, there is more to find out inside each nation. For example, keeping in touch with the Italian communities in the United States of America, we come to know of many publications that we have missed and that we have not been in touch with yet. Doing the same investigation in all the other countries wold be »an ocean«. When something is so big, in Italy we say, »it’s an ocean«, we can swim without seeing the arrival. I propose to establish a strong collaboration between the members of the AEMI and our Emeroteca, suggesting to make an effort to create a data bank in the shape of a CD-ROM, including all the catalogues of the collections we have in our institutions, to be updated every year. I believe it would supply the demand at large. Finally, we could coordinate the efforts we make separately in our institutions, and put together the best opportunities that we find in our countries. Suppose, for example, our publications may have the same size, it would mean buying the same paper, same weight, we could use the same printing machine, publishing house, ancfso on. It looks like we could figure a big discount in the main general sense. Anyway, it is a hard point as I already made this proposal also to the Italian Federation of Emigration Press, and they do not understand it yet. They say they want their own style, eventhough the style is not the size, as the style depends on the images, the text, the design and the contents, whereas the size depends on the hight, the base, the paper and the finishing. This is a proposal on which we are available to go on, and we hope to develop it together with you all on common bases. I tried aldeady to launch the debate on this matter, the printed matter, writing about our activity, keeping in touch with all the presidents of the institutions here represented, and the most successful relation I had with Slovenia, as they sent us all their production of books and magazines, and with Finland that exchanges publications with us. We also had good relations with a few other institutions, but there is still much to do. One thing I missed saying, I am the publisher of the magazine EE, European Emigration. You can have a look of it here at the exposition side of the table and take some issues. JANJA ŽITNIK (Institute for Slovene Emigration Studies, Ljubljana, Slovenia): I would also like to take this opportunity, as I don’t know if I will get another one later on, to make a practical suggestion connected with what Aurelio mentioned. I think we can now establish a regular exchange of our own periodical publications, scientific journals, bulletins and newsletters among all the AEMI member institutions. This has already been going on between our institute and some of your institutes, but not with all of them. We publish, for example, Two Homelands and our bulletin, and if you agree I would like to write a letter to each of you later on towards the end of the year and formally suggest a regular exchange individually. Of course we are mainly interested in sending our publications in exchange for those of your journals and bulletins which are being published in English or at least partly in English. KNUT DJUPEDAL: The question Janja just raised has been discussed before in the Association. It would be appropriate to do this now, and as far as addresses are concerned, we have them in our membership list. For my part, I would be happy to do this at our museum. Perhaps we can just add the address list of the Association to the address list over those to whom we send our other publications. And if we all did that, the exchange would then get started on a regular basis. ULF BEIJBOM (The Swedish Emigrant Institute, Vaxjo, Sweden): The ethnic press is the most important narrative source we have about emigration, and therefore we should care for it much better than has been done. In 1987 there was a book on that subject published in America edited by Sally Miller, called The Ethnic Press in the United States, and it gives reviews of the different nationalities’ publication activities, and also examines the purpose and the results of the ethnic press. I contributed an article to that book, and I have asked them to Xerox it so that you can have a copy of my article on the Swedish press. If we look at the Swedish-American press, we can see right away that it is as early as the immigration itself. It is quite surprising that they started to publish magazines, and the newspapers were weeklies or semi-weeklies, but nevertheless they gave the news from the homeland and the news of different activities within the ethnic group. And from that aspect, the press really played a great role in keeping the immigrants together, to create a national identity in the American melting pot before they could handle the English language, because they printed it in their own languages. The first attempt to attain an ethnic press among Scandinavians was as early as the 1840s, when they tried to publish a common magazine called Scandinavian in New York, and then they tried in Danish, Swedish and Norwegian. But over all the years, in the case of the Swedes, almost 1000 newspapers and magazines were published. The numbers for the other Scandinavians are also very high. The highest are for the Germans, and Karl Wittke is, I think, still the leading researcher in the field of the ethnic press; his examination of the German press in America is still an example for the rest of us. But modern research has waited quite a long time to use the ethnic press; in the case of the Swedes, about 250 newspapers and magazines have been microfilmed and most of them are available in the House of Emigrants in Vaxjo, Sweden. Lately we have started to take excerpts from the press, and first of all we have tried to meet the interests of genealogical research, because in the ethnic press you have very detailed personal descriptions, so-called obituaries, where you can get not just names and data but a little description of their lives, and with the help of a computer you can create an enormous register of such information. And that is right now being done by, not people hired by us, but by, more or less, laymen in the local historical societies all over the country. And they have, for years, also tried it in America, at Augustana College, where there is a very rich collection called the Linder Collection, with 10,000’s of entrances to personal histories. The ethnic press is also very interesting to study as a social phenomenon, in that it pretended to serve the common immigrants’ interests, but the journalists and the organizers of the press were often from the bourgeois class or the upper classes, because in order to go into publishing you must have a certain level of education. So it was people who had been to college back home, or gymnasium, pastors and so on, who started this press, and the journalists therefore formed, we can say, the upper strata of immigrant society. Because within every ethnic group you can study social levels. At the top you have self-made businessmen who became fairly rich and were also represented in American, that is, in Anglo-Saxon society, and then you have priests, and you have journalists and you have society leaders. Very soon you can study, especially in the case of northern Europeans, a dualism in the press, because part of the press, mostly the majority, is serving church interests; they are sponsored by different churches, in the Swedish case by the Lutheran Augustana church, the strongest one, and by other kinds of churches. And then you have the so-called liberal phalanx in opposition against this more conservative church phalanx, and the debate in the editorials, the internal debate, mostly deals with the differences in the interests between the Christian and the non-Christian groups. Because the idea is to try to recruit as many members as possible for these diverse organizations. From that viewpoint, the ethnic press is also very interesting in order to study the internal life of a society in immigrant America, immigrant Australia or wherever. Lately, research groups have been formed to take up these studies in more detail. A spin-off effect of the press was book publishing houses, which Janja discussed in her presentation, and it is also surprising to see how much was published to be read by the immigrants, published in their languages, and of course printed in America. It is an immense literature. Right now we are creating computerized bibliographies on that literature. In the case of the Swedes, we are speaking of something between 5000 and 10,000 different titles of books published in America during our emigration, that is, up to 1930, and I can just imagine how many were published in German and in the other Scandinavian languages. Well, all this talk is to make it clear that this is a very open and in a way, also burgeoning research field. And this research field could perhaps be a topic for us to go around together, because the parallels are about the same; whether you study the Swedish ethnic press in America, the German ethnic press, the Slovene ethnic press or books published, you will find far more similarities than differences. So this is a very appropriate topic for seminars, and perhaps eventually a bibliography could be published by us together here. HENNING BENDER (The Danish Emigration Archives, Aalborg, Denmark): Denmark has its peak years of emigration just like the rest of northern Europe, from the 1880s until the turn of the century. And those were the years of the peak production of Danish books and newspapers in foreign countries: North America, South America, Australia and New Zealand. But I will boast that we have one recommendation for Denmark, which is that we had a smaller amount of immi- grants than the Swedes or Norwegians; it was only 300,000, while there were 1.2 million Swedes. This means that it was possible, already by the turn of the century, to found a central library in Chicago where all Danish books and all Danish newspapers were collected. This was then moved in 1929 to Denmark, to Aalborg, and this is the reason why we call it the National Collection of Books and Documents on Immigration History. Because we have practically everything which has ever been printed in the Danish language outside Denmark. And this means all the original newspapers and all the original books, because they have come in through collections in the United States. They are mainly divided into four groups. There are two branches of the Danish Lutheran Church - a very holy one and a very happy one, as they call them. They each have their literature. Then there are the Mormons - and it is very often forgotten that 10 percent of all people in Utah are of Danish origin, so that one of the main collections of Danish literature and newspapers is, in fact, also in Salt Lake City. And then, the majority of Danes do not care about the church at all, so this is the reason why it is very important that there were collections in New York and in Chicago, which were collected in the Twenties. An overview of the lists was done at the University of Michigan two years ago in a guide to the Danish Immigration Archives, in which you will find an overview of the whole collection. If I am sitting here boasting about this, it is because I don’t think there are other countries that have a complete collection of all books and all newspapers written outside the country in their own language. I think it is important that during the Danish experience in this case, they started from the turn of the century to make a register of all names mentioned in all newspapers and so on, and we have this register, so that you can find all names mentioned in this huge amount of material from the turn of the century. Now it is much easier because of those many hundreds of newspapers which existed in the United States, now there are only two left, one in Illinois and one in California. So our task is not as heavy as it was at the turn of the century to keep a register of all Danish newspapers and Danish literature, but it has been done - that I would like to say. DINA TOLFSBY (The Norwegian-American Collection, Oslo, Norway): I want to tell you about the Norwegian-American Historical Association, because the Norwegian Americans are very lucky in the respect that the Norwegian-American Historical Association was founded in Northfield in 1925, and ever since they have been busy documenting Norwegian-American life. This autumn they are publishing their 35lh volume of essays, and in addition they have published 11 books in their travel and description series; 34 books in the special publications series; seven in the authors series; three in the biographical series; and four in the topical series. Actually, the American Historical Review said in an issue that the Norwegian-American Historical Association is the most active historical society among the immigrant groups in the United States. It is called NAHA for short, and we have a Norwegian branch. Both Knut Djupedal and I are on the board of this branch. We arrange seminars every third year; the next one is going to be in Hamar in the year 2000, in connection with an international conference of historians. We also publish essay collections. Later this autumn we are publishing volume VII and VIII in our series. Volume VIII is a bibliography compiled by Jostein Mode, covering the period 1975-1998. This is a follow up of the bibliography by Johanna Barstad from 1975, which covers the period 1825-1975. Professor Odd S. Lovoll, the author of The Promise of America (1984 and 1999) has written a new book entitled The Promise Fulfilled: A Portrait of Norwegian Americans Today. Professor Orm 0verland is another important scholar. One of his books in the NAHA series entitled The Western Home, is the literary history of the Norwegian Americans. The Norwegian Americans were very active. For instance, as for the press, there is a total of 540 titles of Norwegian-American newspapers. Of course, some existed only for a couple of months, but others were published for years. But now there are only two Norwegian-American newspapers: Norway Times in New York and Western Viking in Seattle. The Norwegian Americans wrote many letters home to Norway. Professor Orm Overland has edited three thick volumes of America letters, because the letters are also important sources with regard to Norwegian-American history in addition to other source material. Of course, there are several institutions in Norway working in this field, but I won’t go into these now. I just thought that it was important to mention the Norwegian-American Historical Association in Northfield, Minnesota. OLAVI KOIVUKANGAS (Institute of Migration, Turku, Finland): As Ulf mentioned, my country’s papers are really old. They are almost as old as immigration. But I would like to remind you that we are doing research on vintage material, so in my own experience doing research on immigration from my country, Finland, in many cases I found handwritten old papers very useful. I’ve been studying Finns in Australia; they were in quite small numbers, but they had some very compact communities, and they started to write on handwritten paper with nice pictures. I would just like to mention as an example, at the beginning of this century there was a Finnish utopian socialist, or Communist society. They founded a society called the Hermit Society, and this had a handwritten paper called The Orphan. Some people found these papers a long time ago in Canada, where one of the members of this utopian society later moved. There are about 400 very beautifully written papers, and I remember reading in them the local history. Now I am writing, for future historians, about how many mambers there were there, how many men, how many women, how many children, how many Swedish-speaking, Finnish-speaking, and so on. And I think that without these handwritten pieces of paper, I wouldn’t be able to write the proper history of this utopian Communist society. These handwritten papers were being produced quite late; we know that in the Dominican Republic, as late as 1929 they had 100 papers. But these have disappeared. So the one thing to remember is that even after there were printed papers, we should take these things into consideration. As historians, we found this to be one of the major sources of research, and it is a good mirror of the whole world and of society, both for the country of emigration and the country of immigration. But the research also contains many problems. You can not believe everything that is written in the papers. This is a big theoretical question, how to use your sources. You must compare your sources from the press with interviews, with literature and so on. But it is very important. Discussing this topic here today is, I think, very useful. My final comment would go to Henning Bender. You said that you have all the immigrant papers published all over the world in your archives, and that is quite a claim. Also other people here are surprised and wonder if you really do have every Danish paper published all over the world. If you do, it is good for you, because we are missing a lot of titles - we know that there were so few copies of the Finnish early papers in America and that they were lost, from the 1860s, ’70s and so on. But there is a lot of work to be done. You are doing a good work now. MATJAŽ KLEMENČIČ (University of Maribor, Slovenia): I have basically nothing to add to the papers that were given by my friends concerning Slovenes. I would like, however, to emphasize how important the ethnic newspapers are in researching immigration, and with all the hassles that newspapers as a secondary source have, sometimes this is the only possible source for events that happened in the immigrant communities. This is the first point. The second point is where those newspapers are stored. For the Slovenes, this is the National and University Library, and we were lucky - I mean, the Slovene researchers were lucky, because there were some librarians at the Ljubljana University Library who were able to collect all those newspapers. I would not say that they have all of them there, but I would say that most of them are there, which means that what is not there is in the Immigration History Research Center collection for the United States and in some other collections concerning the other countries of immigration of the Slovenes. However, I would also have to add that concerning the restrictions that were there for using those newspapers during the era from 1945 until 1990 in Slovenia - the so-called Communist era, or whatever one might call it - not all of the researchers were allowed to use those materials. However, the librarians were allowed to gather those materials, which is the important part. So I would say that we have almost all of the materials in the University Library. However, there is one problem left with those materials that are there, namely, they are not accessible even today because of the bad physical state of the newspapers, which I think is something which is common to every ethnic group that we are dealing with. We are trying to persuade the people at the University Library to microfilm those newspapers; they have done that, now, for quite a few of them. But there is still a question of whether to use microfilming; some newspapers are in such bad shape that microfilming might destroy the possibility of using the original newspaper afterwards. So the question is, I think, from an historian’s point of view, whether it is more important to preserve original newspapers or to make their contents available for general use. If they are destroyed once they are on microfilm, it is not important from an historian’s point of view; from an archivist’s point of view, I think they have the opposite view on that. This is something that we are considering, we are fighting with, all the time. I think this is not only a problem in the Slovenes’ case, but also for the rest of the ethnic groups in the world. And then, when we are talking about the press and supra-ethnic, supranational studies, I’m going to mention the book Distant Magnets: Expectations and Realities in the Immigrant Experience, 1840-1930 (Ellis Island series, New York: Holmes & Meier, 1993), which was edited by Dirk Hoerder and in which most of the papers are also done on the basis of newspaper materials. JANJA ŽITNIK: I would like to add that this summer a seminar was organized in Ljubljana for keepers of the archives of Slovene emigrant societies. It was organized by the Archives of the Republic of Slovenia in cooperation with the National and University Library in Ljubljana, Slovene Ministry of Foreign Af- fairs, and also with our institute. The task of the seminar was to find the best way to preserve these materials. The problem is not only the shape of the newspapers and other materials, the problem is also the limited space in these archives, and therefore it is necessary to establish appropriate criteria for a selection of the materials contained in these archives. JOEL WURL (The Immigration History Research Center, St. Paul, Minnesota, USA): I think the problems of preservation of the ethnic press, the immigrant press, in the United States and elsewhere run very deep, and Matjaž and Janja have explained that to some extent. I want to congratulate Henning and take his word for the probability that he has managed to capture and preserve the entirety of the Danish press in his institution. That is a rare accomplishment; he is correct, I think, in asserting that he may be unique in that regard. In the United States we still, I think, suffer fundamentally from a perception problem among mainstream Americans, mainstream researchers and librarians, in that we have this myth of the illiterate immigrant. This assumption that those who came, came with very little in the way of reading and writing abilities, won’t go away. This is a persistent problem; it is one that scholarship over the last 25 to 30 years, I think, has helped to overcome, but it is not yet completely overcome. So the problems in preserving this resource stem in large part from that kind of understanding, or misunderstanding. Also, as Olavi has pointed out, the fugitive nature of many of the publications is critical to understand both in attempting to assess the importance of the press, but also in trying to understand how to document it, how to curate and preserve it - not only for early publications, Olavi, in terms of handwritten materials, but I can think of periodicals produced even after World War II by a number of communities that were coming to the United States and going elsewhere, of course, following the war, communities in exile, the so-called DPs or displaced persons coming to the United States and elsewhere. In many cases they were producing newspapers or other periodicals in handwritten form or mimeograph-typewritten, very poor materials that were being produced on whatever they could find. So we encountered that kind of circumstance on a regular basis, too, which complicates preservation problems. I want to commend the two papers today; I was very pleased to have the opportunity to hear them, and it was good to see that the conception of the press is not limited simply to newspapers. Too often, I think, when we talk about this subject our minds are focused on newspapers and newsprint, and sometimes other periodical literature, but not often, and usually not focused enough on other publications that emerged from these printing houses. It is good to see that these two presentations were aware of that, and I think we all need to be remembering that as we think about the immigrant press. And we must not forget radio; that was mentioned and I was glad to hear that, and that is, I think, a grossly neglected topic in the United States, the impact of ethnic radio as the immigrant communities are transformed into ethnic communities in later generations, at a later time period. And finally I wanted to say that, while I think it is one thing for us to know well what has been written and to understand the character and nature of the immigrant press, it is another thing to understand how it was read, and the impact of these publications on the communities. And that has been a real elusive topic, I think, for historians and others who have tried to understand immigrant communities. Who was reading Prosveta, who was reading II Progresso, the Italian-American newspaper; who was reading Ethnikos Keryx, a Greek newspaper, and what kind of impact did that have on their behaviors? It’s almost impossible to discern that from the press itself, but one source that I would like to refer you to that I think cannot be overlooked is the archives of these publishing companies, the records that they produced in the process of generating these periodicals. We have, at the Immigration History Research Center, the archives of several publishing firms, and they are absolutely critical for understanding readership and readership behavior. One important example of this is the Polish newspaper Amerika Echo, which was published in Toledo, Ohio. We have huge archives, and as part of those archives we have letters received from readers of the newspaper to the editor commenting on a whole range of things. In a sense, the editor was setting up a kind of bulletin board in the newspaper and inviting the readers to submit information, reactions to the paper, but also just comments on what was happening in the community. So this becomes a very important source for gathering information on reading habits and perceptions as people were encountering the press. There was a recent book published, in fact, which touches on this specific subject as it relates to Amerika Echo; this book is called Print Culture in a Diverse America. It was the result of a conference organized, I think, in 1997 if I remember correctly, at the University of Wisconsin; they have a Center for Print Culture Studies, and a number of us were invited to give case studies on immigrant publishing activities. Ania Kirchmann, who has done research on Polish immigration, contributed that essay on Amerika Echo', Rudy Vecoli also has a contribution to that book. It is available through the University of Wisconsin Press, if you are interested. KNUT DJUPEDAL: I have some comments on the talk so far. I am working on a presentation for a seminar next year in the United States, entitled »Presenting the New World in the Old Country.« In this connection, I am perhaps stating the obvious, that until the 1920s, there were only three ways by which anyone in Europe could know anything about America. The one was by going there, physically moving across the ocean and seeing it for oneself; the second was by word of mouth; the third was the printed word. There were no other means of communicating between the new world and the old country. And since the only one of these three ways of which we today have a record is the printed word, then the sources we are talking about are most important. Perhaps we have never really considered how important they are. Even artifacts don’t tell us anything about how they got from America to Europe unless there is some text with them which tells us their story. One example of this which I am taking up in the new world and the old country, is the whole idea of America as »a land of opportunity«. It occurs to me that this is not an American idea. It is, in fact, a European idea transferred to America. It was after all, not the native American who claimed that America was the land of opportunity. It was all the Europeans who had the wish to make a million dollars, and who then acted on their wish. In time, the idea was taken up in America and used as an advertising gimmick, if you will, to bring more people to that land; and naturally, those who in fact did make a million dollars had, from their point of view at least, proved that the idea could become reality. But the original idea comes out of press, posters, broadsides, letters, and talk in Europe during the 1500’s and 1600’s. Another thing is the whole idea of the noble savage as opposed to the terrible savage, which is a European conception of American natives going back all the way to the saga of the Greenlanders, if you want to go back even before Columbus. Now, could this one aspect of the printed word in Europe be developed further in connection with the press and emigration? Two other short points. I wish someone would do more about ethnic radio, particularly now that, in our country at least, there is a Nordic television station starting up in the United States this year, broadcasting Scandinavian programs for the Nordic ethnic groups in the US. This is interesting, I think, because as a rule in Norway, the powers that be have decided that emigration is over and the Norwegian ethnic society is dying and disappearing. Meanwhile, we are starting a radio program aimed at the same disappearing society. I find that interesting, because on the other side of the Atlantic, they say that Norwegian ethnic society is not disappearing, but changing. And finally, just to point out what was mentioned at the end here, we have at the museum now a master’s student from the University of Oslo working on the archives of the Decorahposten (i.e. the single most famous Norwegian-American newspaper). She is analyzing the readership of the newspaper and their ideas by what they write to the newspaper, letters to the editor, and so on. ULF BEIJBOM: I would like to add to Knut’s list of emigration promoters the handwritten word, above all the America letter. Professor Orm 0verland has by publishing Norwegian America letters demonstrated the value of this material. But it should immediately be said about the America letter that if it is not written by an educated or a verbally talented person, it is frugal when it comes to details. It really does not give very much except for some very hot recommendations to come over to this promised land. So it gives the emigration researcher relatively little to put in a dissertation. But nevertheless, it played an exceptionally profound role among future emigrants, because here came a message, a written message from a person whom you trusted, because the writer of the letter was your brother, your cousin, a relative, a former neighbor, and in most cases you trusted them, in contrast to the flyers and the brochures that were distributed by the emigrant agencies. But still, the newspaper is the principal narrative source about life in the ethnic communities. Therefore, I would stress once more that we should really try to do what we can to have more of it microfilmed. In most cases, the national libraries have microfilmed the newspapers but not by following a certain scheme; they have done it because this or that researcher has asked them to microfilm that newspaper. So therefore, much remains to be done. In America, the different historical societies have microfilmed the ethnic press; for instance, the Minnesota Historical Society has done an enormous job, and also when it comes to the Swedish-American ethnic press. But still, there are many lacunae in the field. So if you want to do something here in the field of preserving historical material, we perhaps could get together -1 do not mean that we could do it right away, perhaps it has to be prepared by a committee, perhaps we could get EU money for such a project to have the ethnic press microfilmed. Because as you said, the paper quality is very low and especially in the American climate, it deteriorates very quickly. Some of them have been laminated, but it’s a very costly process to laminate newspaper pages. So therefore the only way, I think, to have the press preserved is to have it microfilmed. BRIAN LAMBKIN (Centre for Migration Studies at the Ulster-American Folk Park, Omagh, N. Ireland): This is just to pick up on a point made by Ulf earlier about the relationship between institutions like ours and local historical societies. You seemed to be implying, Ulf, that there is a strong relationship and an interest in local historical societies, and I am just wondering how much of an advantage there could be in promoting awareness of emigration materials among such societies, and getting them to make use of the material and in the process, more material may come to light. I would be interested to hear comments from any other members about that. HENNING BENDER: Yes, that is just the point, I think, because the material, and not only newspapers (and even we have almost all - I am quite aware that maybe we do not have the complete collection), but also photos, letters and all this sort of material, is so difficult to collect because it is among private persons all over the continents, and for our part, scattered all over because the Danes are minorities everywhere, so it is difficult to find. This is the reason that the five Nordic countries, financed by the Nordic Council of Ministers, have decided to make five traveling exhibitions to go around from April 2000 for two years, showing Scandinavian emigration to the United States in a rather small exhibition together with different IT stuff which will be called »Scandinavian Roots, American Lives«. The intention of this is that it should go from all five Nordic countries all over to all those small places, church communities, societies and everywhere, and of course we can only do this because we are five countries doing this together and it is just the last attempt to get this material which is going, of course, to disappear. We have not mentioned something which I also find very important, and which has nothing to do with the press; these are the photos. If you go around North America or elsewhere, you will find photos and you will find collections regarding the Danes, but they are stored in terrible places, so that they will disappear in a few years if nobody does anything about it. And so, of course, will the papers and newspapers and other items. We will try to do this from the Scandinavian countries. We don’t know if we will succeed. We don’t think that people will deliver it to us, but what we have is a scanner along with the exhibition and the idea is that people will come, look at the exhibition, and say, »Oh, it’s a poor, bad exhibition, we have something which is much better«. And then we will tell them, »Oh, it’s nice, come with us and we will copy it.« ULF BEIJBOM: You asked about the provincial societies and our role, and I can only answer for the Swedes, and I think I also can include the Norwegians, when I say that our provincial historical societies are very strong and numerous, and in a way also influential, but they do not have much money so you can’t expect them to go into microfilming of newspapers and so forth. But in many local societies they have taken up projects of going through newspapers, not just the ones published in America but also our own papers, and excerpting materials on emigration, and it has been extremely useful in our case to have a series of databanks with information about how America was advertised back home, and how the personal situation among immigrants was reflected in obituaries over there. So I think the provincial societies are a vehicle of great importance, especially in Sweden and Norway, I know too little about the situations in Finland and Denmark. Without them, the Emigrant Institute in Sweden would have been much poorer in terms of material. KNUT DJUPEDAL: I can attest to what Ulf says about Norwegians, at least. We have local historical societies all over the country. When they publish journals, and many do, there will always be something about emigration, someone who left and came back, a letter, stories, whatever. Perhaps a more important source in Norway is what we call Bygd.eb0k.er, the local history books. The smallest administrative unit in Norway - the kom-mune - will take it upon itself to publish a local history going back to the beginning of known history. If they have the money, they will publish them in six or eight volumes. And in these local histories, you will, as a rule, find the history of every farm in the area; who lived there, when they owned it, when they sold it and emigrated. These local histories have been discovered by the genealogists, and because of that, old ones are now fetching prices in antiquarian stores that are just out of sight. These are extremely good sources. An interesting sidelight on that is that in the US, in those districts where Norwegians settled, the people are also writing and publishing similar local histories. I have heard that there is a direct connection, i.e., »You are doing it in Norway, let’s do it here.« These too, are becoming interesting to genealogists. They tell how immigrants came from Norway and settled, who the first settler was, who his descendants are, what they bought and sold, and so on. These American histories are a very important source which has not been used enough by professional historians - as opposed to the genealogists, who use them all the time. JOEL WURL: Well, if I may just follow up on Knut’s comment. For many immigrant communities, a very important source for that kind of local historical community, even family information, is the Almanac, or Kalendar or Koledar, depending on the individual community. These were published as annual booklets in many cases, and often included community reports from throughout the United States of various happenings, at various levels of depth. They can be extraordinary sources for serious historical research, and you are right that the genealogists eat them up, they find them particularly valuable. That is another source coming out of the ethnic press that can’t be overlooked. KNUT DJUPEDAL: As we approach the end of this roundtable, I would like to ask you to think about three things. One is the point Olavi raised about our joint research work. Then there is the point that Tony raised about the emigrant lists. Finally, there is Wolfgang’s point about cultural tourism. We talked about working groups last year, and it would seem to me appropriate that we now establish working groups for some of these questions. So think about which group you would like to be in, because if you are asking the chairman to do more, then you have to do more, too. (This question was started the day before and further discussed at the AEMI work session the next morning; see Knut Djupedal’s report on the AEMI projects, published in the Reports and Reflections section of this issue of Two Homelands. Editor’s note.) ADAM WALASZEK: Thanks to all of you who participated in the discussion, thank you for the presentations, and I guess we all benefited from what we heard - from the obvious topics and the topics which we had not expected would arise; we have exchanged some fascinating new information, from which all of us will profit. Thank you very much for being here. VIRI IN GRADIVO DOCUMENTATION KAJ BO Z GRADIVOM PROFESORJA CHRISTIANA ZA MONOGRAFIJO O LOUISU ADAMIČU Tine T. Kurent Profesor Christian, klical sem ga Henry, je bil nazadnje v Ljubljani zgodaj poleti 1994. Takrat je najino preliminarno poročilo o Vankovem kolažu Videnje druge svetovne vojne že bilo v tisku, zato nisem več mogel vnesti njegovega podatka, kaj je Adamič pisal o Douglasu Chandlerju. Tekst sem mu lahko prebral le iz tipkopisa. Menil je, da ga mora vključiti v končno razpravo: »I will need it for the reference.« Mene paje zanimala velikost kolaža. Vankova žena Margaret, njen oče dr. DeWitt Stetten in njena prijateljica Stella, žena Louisa Adamiča, so bili namreč Judje, zato sem pričakoval v dimenzijah kolaža gematrična sporočila. S številkami v merah (v inčih) mi je lahko takoj postregel, o drugih podatkih mi je obljubil dolgo pismo, obenem paje želel, naj mu napišem vse povedano. Peljal sem ga po Ljubljani, daje fotografiral spomenik Ivanu Adamiču in Rudolfu Lundru, poljansko gimnazijo, na kateri seje šolal Louis Adamič, in še kaj. Naslednjega dne je odletel domov; spotoma mi je iz Londona poslal kartico s pozdravi in obljubo »my long letter follows«. Najin članek je kmalu izšel,1 poslal sem mu ga, prav tako pa tudi dve dolgi pismi s podatki, ki so ga zanimali. Od njega pa nič. Tudi na novoletno čestitko ni odgovoril. Zato mu za naslednji božič nisem več pisal. Medtem sem objavil dopolnilo, kdo je bil Vankov in Adamičev Chandler.2 Resignirano sem se že sprijaznil s tem, da z najino razpravo ne bo nič - 1 Henry A. Christian, Tine T. Kurent, Kolaž Maksimilijana Vanke »Videnje drage svetovne vojne«, Zbornik občine Grosuplje, 18 (1994), str. 221-223. 2 T. Kurent, Vankov in Adamičev Chandler: Dogodek iz njune borbe proti nacizmu in antisemitizmu, Zbornik občin Grosuplje, Ivančna gorica, Dobrepolje, 19 (1996), str. 209. mislil sem si, daje pač našel novo zanimanje, ko mi je čez par let pozno ponoči prinesel sel pismo (Extremely urgent) s končno redakcijo najine razprave o Van-kovem kolažu in tremi sporočili. Sporočilo z dne 30. junija je cirkular, namenjen vsem, ki jim zadnji dve leti ni pisal (priloga 1). Sporočilo, napisano 15. julija (priloga 2), je kopija prijave najine razprave urednici revije Art in America,3 sporočilo z datumom 16. julija pa je bilo namenjeno meni (priloga 3). Sporoča, da bilo leto 1995 izgubljeno leto - svojo bolezen je omenil že na prejšnjem listu. Pomemben se mi zdi odstavek, kjer mi sporoča, kako je poskrbel za redakcijo in dokončanje svojega pisanja o življenju in delu Louisa Adamiča: Obstaja možnost, da bo nekdo - sicer kvalificiran, vendar ne ravno literarno — sposoben prevzeti vse moje delo. Če bo šlo po sreči, bo dobil vse moje trakove, na katerih razlagam svoje še ne napisane poglede na Louisa in njegovo življenje; dobil bo vse moje gradivo in zapiske, tako da bo zgodba končno in tudi korektno le povedana. Bomo videli, vendar če bo kaj iz tega, boš zagotovo vključen in se boš dobil z njim in tako naprej,4 Henryjevo pismo meje razžalostilo. Prijatelj mi umira in objava dela o stricu Louisu se ustavlja, če ne celo izgublja. Obenem pa mi je naložil delo za objavo najine razprave: Verjamem, da je najin članek zdaj kar dober in kompleten; poskusil sem vključiti kar precej iz najine krajše verzije in dati temu vso moč, ki po mojem iz njega izhaja. Zdaj pa prepuščam tebi, da ga spraviš pod streho... Računal sem, da bi bile za objavo najprimernejše Likovne besede, ki prinašajo tekste v angleščini s slovenskim prevodom in ilustracije v barvah. Dr. Jaka Bonča, kije bil tam sourednik, mi je obljubil, da bo razprava izšla že v prvi številki, že decembra. Vse to sem sporočil Henryju, da bi ga razveselil. Pa sem se veselil prezgodaj. Henry mi je odgovoril šele 12. avgusta (priloga 4), da ga bolezen ovira pri pisanju. Dovoljuje mi, da razpravo priredim za tisk: »Napiši, prosim, kakršno koli obliko ali različico, ki bi jo rad videl, da pride v omenjene publikacije, revidiraj, kot se ti zdi prav.« 3 Christianu je bilo očitno mnogo do tega, da razprava izide, če ne v ZDA, pa pri nas ali na Hrvaškem, v angleščini ali pa v slovenščini. Razlagal mi je, da je Vankov kolaž Videnje druge svetovne vojne zanimiv kot simbol za ameriške Jude toliko kot Picassova Guernica za antifašistični svet. Za nas je zanimiv tudi zaradi Adamiča. 4 To je moj prevod; tudi naslednje angleške citate sem prevedel v slovenščino. T. K. Ko že druga številka revije Likovne besede ni prinesla najine razprave, sem prosil uredništvo, naj mi tipkopis in ilustracije vrne, ker sem se bal nadaljne-ga zavlačevanja. Urednik g. Ložar seje ljubeznivo opravičil za zamujanje, napol obljubil, da bi razpravo le objavil, če je drugje ne bi marali, in predlagal, naj mu ob priliki pošljem še kaj. Ker sem se bal podaljšanega zavlačevanja, sem ponudil delo reviji Dve domovini. Dr. Janja Žitnik meje razveselila z obljubo takojšnje objave. Rad bi poslal Henryju natisnjeno razpravo čimprej, škoda samo, ker revija Dve domovini ne objavlja ilustracij v barvah. Barvno reprodukcijo Vankovega kolaža je objavila pozneje gospa Alenka Puhar v Delu s pripombo, daje ta »ganljivi hommage tu prvikrat objavljen v barvah; podrobna razprava o sliki s čmobelimi ilustracijami pa je objavljena v zborniku Dve domovini, 1997.«5 O Maksu Vanki poudarja, da »je bil hrvaški slikar, tudi profesor na akademiji v Zagrebu, torej je učil tudi večino slovenskih slikarjev, rojenih na začetku stoletja.«6 Razpravo sem mu poslal, kakor hitro je izšla, toda profesor Christian je 4. aprila 1997 umrl,7 ne da bi videl natisa najine razprave. Potrdila o prejemu nisem dobil, prav tako ne za dva nekrologa. Zaskrbelo meje, daje delo na monografiji Louisa Adamiča ne samo zastalo, ampak daje na ameriški strani najbrž celo izgubljeno. Kdo ga bo nadaljeval? Kdo naših raziskovalcev? Profesor Janez Stanonik, dr. Janja Žitnik, profesor Matjaž Klemenčič? Molk z one strani luže je trajal vse do pomladi 1999, ko mi je Henryjeva hčerka Judith pisala, daje na prošnjo profesorja Rudolpha Vecolija poslala vse gradivo, ki gaje zbral Henry o Adamiču, ustanovi Immigration History Research Center Univerze v Minnesoti (IHRC) s prošnjo, naj dovolim, da izroči tudi moja pisma. Ponudila mi je, da mi pošlje nekaj Adamičevih knjig iz zapuščine. Zaskrbelo pa meje njeno pisanje, daje Henry naročil uničiti »vse njegovo znanstveno pisanje«. To pomeni, da Henry ni poskrbel, da bi nekdo - »čeprav ne šolan literarno - mogel nadaljevati (njegovo) delo,« kot mi je obljubil. Komentar Miss Judith ga kaže drugačnega, kot sem ga videl sam. Judith sem odgovoril, daje njena odločitev, da prepusti gradivo profesor- 5 A. Puhar, V Adamičevi orbiti: Med tovarišem in gospodom je velika razlika, Delo, 3. september 1998, str. 11. 6 Ne Vanka kot eden naših učiteljev ne njegov kolaž očitno za Likovne besede nista zanimiva. 7 J. Stanonik, In Memoriam Henry A, Christian, Acta neophilologica, 30 (1997), str. 3-5. ju Vecoliju, pravilna, razen če se sama ne bo lotila urejanja očetovih papirjev. Ali ni imel Henry v mislih prav nje kot urednice njegovega dela o Adamiču? Zaprosil sem jo tudi, naj mi pošlje vsaj kopije, ki so v zvezi z Adamičem. Gradivo za Adamičevo biografijo me zanima, najbrž pa tudi celo vrsto naših institucij, na primer Rokopisni oddelek NUK, Inštitut za slovensko izseljenstvo ZRC SAZU, nenazadnje Adamičev muzej v Prapročah. Odpisala mi je 21. aprila 1999, da mojih separatov in nekrologov ni dobila, daje njen oče nameraval prepustiti gradivo profesorju Tomu Evertu, ponovno obljubila pošiljko knjig, dovolila objavo Christianovega pisanja in obljubila, da bo sporočila mojo prošnjo za kopije gradiva profesorju Vecoliju. Poslala mi je tudi naslov Vankove hčerke Peggy. Takoj sem ji poslal separate in kopije objav v zvezi s Henryjem,8 podobno tudi na naslov Peggy Vanka.9 Obema sem tudi obljubil separat o gematričnih sporočilih v Vankovem kolažu. Medtem sem namreč kolaž decifriral in poslal razpravo v angleščini in slovenščini Likovnim besedam - revija objavlja dvojezične razprave - z upanjem, da bo vsaj zdaj objavljen Vankov kolaž v barvah. Urednika sta moje delo prijazno sprejela, čez čas pa sta mi ga vrnila, ker so »sklenili, da ga ne bomo objavili.«10 V svoji zahvali mi je Vankova hči Miss Peggy Brasko sporočila, da bo prihodnje leto spomladi retrospektiva Vankovih del v muzeju Michener v Doyle-stownu v Pennsylvaniji, Christianov in moj članek o Vankovem kolažu daje sprejet v katalog razstave. * H. A. Christian, T. Kurent, Reading a Painting: Maxo Vanka’s Collage »World War II«, Dve domovini/Two Homelands, 8 (1997), str. 89-105; T. Kurent, Vankov in Adamičev Chandler: Dogodek iz njune borbe proti nacizmu in antisemitizmu, gl. op. 2; H. A. Christian, T. T. Kurent, Kolaž Maksimiliana Vanke »Videnje druge svetovne Vojne«, gl. op. 1; H. A. Christian, T. Kurent, Louis Adamič in Makso Vanka proti antisemitskemu propagandistu, 2000 Dvatisoč, št. 96/97, 1997, str. 235-240; T. Kurent, In memoriam: Henry A. Christian, 1931-1997, Rodna gruda, julij 1997, str. 40; Popravek (Errata), Rodna gruda, avg.-sept. 1997, str. 41; T. Kurent, Odšli so. Umrl je Henry A. Christian, Zbornik občine Grosuplje, 20 (1998), str. 215; A. Puhar, Med tovarišem in gospodom je velika razlika, gl. op. 5; J. Stanonik, In Memoriam Henry A. Christian, gl. op. 7. 9 Enako kot v op. 8, razen objav T. Kurenta v Rodni grudi in Zborniku občine Grosuplje. 10 Pozneje so mi povedali, da je odklonil objavo dr. Jure Mikuž, ki da »ima čez vso likovno umetnost od arhitekture do slikarstva.« Potolažili pa so me, da ne gre za nasprotovanje niti Louisu Adamiču niti Maksimilijanu Vanki. Profesor Rudolph Vecoli, ki vodi Immigration History Research Center Univerze v Minnesoti, meje formalno zaprosil, naj jim dovolim vključiti v Chri-stianovo-Adamičevo gradivo tudi moja pisma, in mi sporočil dve pomembni obvestili. Prvič, da bomo dobili kopije gradiva o Adamiču, kar gaje zbral Henry, in drugič, da namerava njegov Center ustanoviti sklad za slovensko-ameriške študije pri IHCR, ga formalno poimenovati po Adamiču in Christianu in tako omogočiti raziskovalcem študij slovenskoameriške zgodovine in kulture. Obenem obljublja, da bomo dobili kopijo inventarja s popisom vsega gradiva v zvezi s Slovenijo in Adamičem. Drugo obvestilo, da namerava IHRC ustanoviti sklad za študij slovenskega izseljenstva v Ameriki, je širšega značaja. Sklad »A Fund for Slovene-Ameri-can Studies« bo za svoje delo potreboval sredstva. V zvezi s tem je Vecolijev poziv za sodelovanje pri financiranju Sklada. O vsem tem obveščam slovensko javnost s tem poročilom. Prvotno sem nameraval objaviti faksimile obeh pisem Miss Judith Christian in pisma profesorja Vecolija ter jih tudi komentirati, toda doslej še nisem dobil njunega dovoljenja za objavo. Ker je profesor formalno prosil, naj jim dovolim objavljati svoja pisma profesorju Christianu, menim, da moram tudi sam zaprositi za njuno dovoljenje. Profesorju Vecoliju sem odpisal, da bom seznanil vse, ki bi jih njegov načrt za ustanovitev študijskega sklada Adamič/Christian lahko zanimal, in ga prosil, naj mi dovoli objaviti njegovo pismo. Enako sem prosil tudi Judith Christian. Vecoliju sem zaenkrat poslal Adamičeve znamke in se mu zahvalil za vse, kar dela v spomin na mojega pokojnega strica Louisa in pokojnega prijatelja Henryja. Ko nas je obiskal predsednik Clinton, je bil obnovljen sporazum o znanstvenem in tehnološkem sodelovanju med RS in ZDA. Zdaj upam, da bo Adamičev življenjepis le prišel do zaključka in objave. 30 June, 1996 About 1 March it seemed a very good idea to write a short Christmas message to persons who had not received a holiday greeting from me; I quickly realized that group could include those who had not had a message even for two years, and—why not?—some to whom I never sent such messages even though my affection and friendship for them was in no way in question. About 1 May this methodology appeared even more useful. If I worked quickly I could parallel a moment for those who still saw May Day through Hawthorne's May .Pole eyes, those who still cared about Red May Day, and/or those who perhaps once did but preferred May 4 or did honestly not give a damn about May at all except that it is "a long, long time" between then and December. How, approaching 4 July Independence Day, writing this seems most necessary as I combat in the best manner I can this aggressive cancer which so suddenly is stealing my life. So to you—dear, old, new friend and/or colleague (thus the letterhead which may not apply or appeal to some)—mid-year joy for the seasons past and with hope the season to come. 435 Wyoming Ave. Millburn, New Jersey 07041 U.S.A. Priloga 1: S pismom dne 30. junija 1996 je prof. Henry Christian sporočil vsem, ki jim zadnji čas ni pisal niti za božič, da se bori z rakom. 15 July, I996 Elizabeth C. Baker Editor Art in America 575 Broadway liew York, l;ew York 10012 Dear Elixabeth C. Baker: We Bend here an article titled "Reading a Painting: Maxo Vanka's Collage 'World War II*" which we believe is the kind of piece in which readers of Art in America will be interested. Included with a reproduction of the collage and two detail portions of segments 1 and 5 as noted on page 12 of the manuscript are three examples of what we call Vanka's "unknown" sketches, and the Paris-shape view. We can also supply additional slides and prints if needed. We shall be very grateful for any consideration you and your staff will give this article. We feel Vanka needs to be "recorded" in some more certain manner than thus far and ask therefore that should you find this article does not meet your needs you at least consider our writing another piece stating these unknown categories and using perhaps six to eight other illustrations. About the authors: Henry A. Christian is Professor of English and American Culture and Director of the Program in Graduate Liberal Studies at the Newark Campus of Rutgers University. His publications include Louis Adamic: A Checklist, Selected Letters of Louis Adamic published in Slovene, The City in Literature: An Introduction, and articles on Adamic and other American writers published in the United States, the Netherlands, Japan, and the Republic of Slovenia. Tine Kurent is the nephew of the Slovene born American writer Louis Adamic and Professor Emeritus of Architecture at the University of Ljubljana, Slovenia. He was educated in Belgrade, Ljubljana, London, and Athens. He has lectured in Yugoslavia, Italy, Java, U.S.A., and Cyprus, and has published articles on architecture, the modular aspects of Roman construction, theory of composition, and especially the work of the Slovene architect Jože Plečnik in scholarly journals in Europe and Asia. His The Slovene Insurance House: Plečnik's Symbols: 1900-1990 appeared in 1990. He and Henry A. Christian.have previously published an article on a John Ross collagraph view of the City of Ljubljana and the very short article on this collage mentioned in the footnotes to this submission. Thank you again for your attention. Better summer address and phone: 435 Wyoming Avenue, Millburn, N.J. 07041 201-379-1058 Yours truly Henry A. Christian Priloga 2: Henry Christian ponuja razpravo Reading a Painting: Maxo Vanka’s Collage ‘World War 11' reviji Art in America. 16 July, 1596 Prof. Tine Kurent Igriška 12 Ljubljana Republic of Slovenia Dear Tine, I am sorry this has taken so long, but 1995 was a lost year fro me and the other sheet tells you about this year. I believe our article is now very fine and complete; I tried to incorporate much of our lesser version and then give this all the power I believe it generates. I now leave it to you to market the piece, hopefully in an English version somewhere. You might end up in Slovene; then I would think possibly it could go into a Croatian journal if you can manage that and are willing. I am also sending it here to Art in America and will worry about double submissions in English if and when that happens. I am happy with this; it may be among my best work with you there too, though perhaps the idea that it may be my last work is exercising some influence. Actually I have arranged to do about three or four articles right here from the house, and one is the opening speech from 1981 for Acta with some few revisions. It is still a very good paper that one from Minnesota—oh, wasn't that all so long ago and don't I regret so much between then and now. There is the possibility that someone—qualified but not literary exactly— may be able to take over all my work. If it goes right, he will have tapes from me spelling out my not written down insights into Louis and his life; and he will have all my materials and notes, so perhaps the story will be finally told, and correctly. We shall see, but if anything does come of this, you will be involved most certainly and probably meet him and so on. If you need more prints, so on for the article, let me know. I wish I could go to Munchen and then on Adria to that little field and end up at the Union. Perhaps so day yet... Zdravo, Tine Priloga 3: Poslovilno pismo prof. Henryja A. Christiana prof. Tinetu Kurentu z dne 16. julija 1996. 12 August| 1996 Professor Tine T. Kurent . J L Igriška 12 V' />* 0 l[\ 1000 Ljubljana. s Slovenia j-t yii>r Dear Tine, ‘ir Thank you for your two letters. My medical treatments do not allow me to always answer when and how that I wish, but just now I have both some strength and some freedom from drugs to do some real work. As to Chandler and the first article. That first article was a. primary speculation, much like first viewing the collage. Therefore, as I say in note 8, the final article contains several specuations made earlier and able to be discarded as more information unfolds, just as the collage is a very private matter for the three families and then explodes into world-wide meaning because of what Chandler does after the collage has been painted. Please write any form or version you wish to go into those publications you mentioned, revising as you think fit. I would hold back on giving the piece to Acta—because it is about Vanka, after all, and because I hope soon to sen^ Acta that Symposium speech. I doubt they would want to have two items and I don't want them to have the chance to make a choice. I too want to see this article in the American journal, but the editor's office said they were far behind on their schedule and a decision would not come quickly—I had hoped it would—and of course it is really a very far hope that they will take the piece; we should be very happy and lucky to have it appear here. These three copies I send here are hope a bit darker, but the original is in 1'ew York. Perhans I should try copies that are larger; that may make the light letters more clear. Tahara has written me too; I must tell him that Rogelj was the Adamic Memorial Foundation and that there is no means of support for him from such a source. I do not know what he means about "the list of L.A. books to be published for the centennial of Adamic's birthday" or the introduction he believes I will write. I have to ask him; I haven't a lot of space to do such writing. Is such new editions what you refer to in the October 2, 1994 passages about Vida TomSiČ? I do not understand about the Slovenski biografski leksi.jon; they wrote me a year or so ago asking about my father and mother and so on—information which I supplied. What should I do now? I really had hoped to be in that volume. I tire now, so Zdravo! Priloga 4: Zadnje Christianovo pismo 12. avgusta 1996 je narekovala skrb za razpravo o Vankovem kolažu. SUMMARY ABOUT THE MATERIAL COMPILED BY PROFESSOR CHRISTIAN FOR A MONOGRAPH ON LOUIS ADAMIC Tine T. Kurent His premature death prevented Professor Henry A. Christian from publishing his monograph on life and work of Louis Adamic. However, he has left a rich legacy - his research material of Adamiciana -as a basis for the continuation of his work. His daughters, Judith Christian and Carolyn Needham, have donated his papers to the Immigration History Research Center (IHRC) at the University of Minnesota. Professor Rudolph J. Vecoli, head of the IHRC, has added the new acquisition to the archives of the IHRC, and estabilished a fund for Slovene-American studies. This fund would provide research assistance for graduate students, either American or Slovene, who would help process Slove-ne-American materials in the IHRC, including the Christian papers, and at the same time, pursue graduate studies related to Slovene-American history and culture. Professor Vecoli informed me that it seemed appropriate to him that such a fund should bear the name »The Louis Adamic/Henry Christian Fund for Slovene American Studies«, and added the appeal for contributions to the fund, both in Slovenia and the United States. By acquiring the Henry Christian Papers, which complement the extensive IHRC holdings of Adamic and Slovene-American materials, and by establishing the Adamic/Christian Fund, a major center for Slovene-American studies will be created. THE IMMIGRATION HISTORY RESEARCH CENTER AND THE SLOVENIAN AMERICAN COLLECTION Joel Wurl The Immigration History Research Center (IHRC) is a unit of the University of Minnesota dedicated to fostering research on and understanding of the history of American immigration. One of the nation’s leading archival/library repositories of source material on immigration and ethnicity, the IHRC locates, collects, preserves, and makes available for research the records of 24 ethnic groups that originated in eastern, central and southern Europe and the Near East. Although diverse in religions, cultures, and languages, they were the »new immigrants«, those who came to this country during the Great Migration that gained momentum in the 1880s and peaked in the first decades of this century. The Center serves scholars and the public in the state of Minnesota, in the nation, and internationally. It educates and enriches the lives of many through 1) newsletters, press releases, and media appearances; 2) exchanges of students, scholars, and research materials; 3) visits and correspondence with individuals and representatives of institutions and organizations in the ethnic communities; and 4) public lectures, conferences, and exhibits. The Friends of the IHRC, an independent support group, assists in these outreach efforts by providing a bridge to the ethnic communities. The IHRC’s collections include printed, manuscript, and audio-visual materials of national and local origin. The print collection consists of 23,000 books and pamphlets, more than 3,000 serial titles and over 900 newspaper titles. Most of these publications are the products of ethnic presses in the United States and Canada from the late nineteenth century to the present; but there are also many academic and popular works from university and commercial publishers. The manuscript holdings consist of ca. 900 collections occupying 4,500 linear feet. Typical collections include the personal papers of community leaders, clergy- men, and journalists and the records of fraternal organizations, service agencies, and publishing companies. Audio-visual materials consist of small, but rapidly growing, files of phonograph records, photographs, and oral history tape recordings. The Slovenian American Collection at the IHRC includes an extensive body of archival, monographic, and periodical sources. The Center’s archival holdings are particularly strong in the area of Slovenian fraternal benefit organizations. The IHRC maintains the records of the Slovene National Benefit Society (SNPJ), the American Fraternal Union, the Slovenian Progressive Benefit Society, and the Zveza »Lilija« Wisconsin. Slovenian (and other South Slavic) political activism is significantly reflected in the records of the Jugoslav Socialist Federation. The religious dimension of Slovenian immigrant life is also prominently represented through the records of several individual parishes as well as the papers of clergymen Wenceslau Sholar and John Zaplotnik. The Slovenian American monograph collection includes ca. 500 volumes covering a wide range of subjects. Most of these are detailed in the work Slovenes in the United States and Canada: A Bibliography, by Joseph Dwyer (1981). Included is a rich collection of writings by author and social activist Louis Adamic, whose life is further documented in the papers of his biographer, Henry Christian. The IHRC maintains some 60 newspaper and 125 serial titles published by and for Slovenian Amarican communities. Among those with extensive runs of issues are Ameri-kanski Slovenec, Ave Maria Koledar, Glas Naroda, Glasilo KSKJ, Nova Doba, and Prosveta. The holdings of the IHRC are available for research use in person from 8:30 to 4:30, Monday through Friday, and Saturdays by appointment. For more information about the Center’s collections and programs contact: Immigration History Research Center, University of Minnesota, 222 21st St. S., Suite 311, Minneapolis, Minnesota 55455, ph. (612) 625-4800 (as of 2/1, 2000). Web site: www..umn.edu/ihrc. Persons who have material they would like to donate to the IHRC are warmly encouraged to send a brief description to Rudolph J. Vecoli, IHRC Director, or Joel Wurl, IHRC Curator, at the above address. ARCHIVES HISTORIQUES DU CIEMI (La presse de l’immigration italienne en France pendant la periode fasciste, 1921-1945) Antonio Perotti INTRODUCTION La presse italienne editee a l’etranger dans plusieurs pays europeens, destinee aux emigres italiens, pendant la periode fasciste (1921-1945), a ete marquee pro-fondement par les evenements politiques qui se sont deroules dans la peninsule apres l’arrivee au pouvoir de Mussolini et du fascisme. Ce qui caracterisait la presse diffusee parmi les immigres italiens avant la premiere guerre mondiale c’etait le fait qu’elle etait dans sa quasi totalite redigee et editee en Italie, en Allemagne ou en Suisse. Elle etait, en outre marquee par trois grandes inspirations, opposees entre elles, qui guidaient la presse ouvriere de l’epo-que en Italien: la premiere etait liee a la tradition catholique (des la fin du XIXe siecle, l’Eglise en Italie avait en effet donne origine a plusieurs institutions pour 1’assistance religieuseet sociale de ses compatriotes al’etranger); ladeuxieme etaitd’ins-piration socialiste; la troisieme avait une orientation anticlericale et revolutionnaire. Des 1904, l’hebdomadaire La Patria trouva un large echo dans les milieux traditionnels et catholiques. Organe de l’Opera Assistenza (CEuvre Assistance), organisation cl’inspiration catholique, fondee le 10 mai 1880, par Mgr G. Bonomelli qui en sera le president des la fondation jusqu’a sa mort (1914). L’ceuvre s’occupait des immigres italiens en Europe. Cette publication avait au debut (1904— 1908) installe sa redaction a Fribourg (Allemagne), puis de 1908 jusqu’en 1914 a Bale (Suisse). Suspendue pendant la Premiere Guerre mondiale, elle ne reprit que plus tard a Milan. L’hebdomadaire reservait une place importante aux articles de formation religieuse et morale. Des rubriques importantes etaient reservees aux informations sur le marche du travail et les activites des divers centres que l’Opera Assistenza avait creees en Europe. La presse socialiste etait tres diffusee. Partout on pouvait se procurer faci-lement VAvanti, quotidien du PSI (fonde a Rome en 1897), publie a partir de decembre 1926, sous forme reduite, a Paris et tire a environ 10.000 exemplaires. Toutefois, c’etait la presse anticlericale (tel YAsino) et la presse anarchique et revolutionnaire (tels Avanguardia Libertaria, La Terra, I’Intransigente, la Fa-villa, Combattiamo, L’Avvenire sociale, II Grido della folia, L’Agitazione, II Pen-siero) qui connaissaient la plus large diffusion. A la suite de la prise du pouvoir de Mussolini en 1922, l’orientation de la presse italienne a l’etranger se politise selon deux directions: d’une part, la presse antifasciste, fragmentee par opposition ideologique et par diversite relevant de la tactique de lutte contre le regime fasciste en plusieurs courants (socialiste maximalistes et reformistes, communistes, syndicalistes, republicans et militants de laLigue des droits de l’homme): d’autre part, la presse fasciste, expression du Secretariat general des »fasci« a l’etranger, et de la propagande fasciste en general. La presse en provenance de l’ltalie se reduit, depuis 1927, a la presse editee en Italie par le regime fasciste. La presse italienne editee a l’etranger etait concentree dans les deux principaux pays ou 1’opposition antifasciste avait im-plante sa presence et d’ou on developpait son action: Paris et Bruxelles. Des recherches menees sur l’histoire de la presse italienne a l’etranger il resulterait que dans les annees ’20 et ’30 le nombre des periodiques italiens a l’etranger avait depasse les 350 titres, la plus grande partie concentree en Europe, dont 230 (77%) en France. De ces dernier 52 (29%) etaient anarchiques; 49 (27%) communistes et dissidents de gauche; 19 socialistes (11%); 8 republicans (5%); 5 Justice et Liberte (3%); 23 journaux antifascistes divers (13%) et 10 de la presse syndicale (6%) (voir les Actes du Colloque »L’immigration italienne en France dans les annees vingt«, Paris, CEDEI, 1988). Dans cette periode nait aussi un hebdomadaire d’inspiration catholique emanant des Missions catholiques italiennes en France, II Corriere, edite et redige a Agen (France) de 1926 a 1941. L’hebdomadaire II Corriere etait dirige par un ancien membre de l’oeuvre Bonomelli qui fut souvent accusee, par le journal II Riscatto, edite a Bruxelles, porte-parole du communisme italien de Belgique, du Luxembourg, de la Sarre et de la Lorraine, de collusion avec le regime fasciste et de delation des militants communistes aupres des autorites italiennes. Le directeur du Corriere fut assas-sine par un anarchiste italien a Agen en 1943. Le premier numero de II Riscatto, »hebdomadaire pour la defense des ouvriers italiens immigres en Belgique« parut en 1926 et il fut edite jusqu’au debut de 1933. Le journal fut confisque a plusieurs reprises par la police et ses lecteurs etaient consideres comme subversifs. Entre 1922 et 1935 la presse italienne, editee en Italie et surtout dans les plus importants pays de 1’immigration italienne en Europe etait marquee par une grande divergence d’options politiques, meme a l’interieur de l’opposition antifasciste. Depuis 1935, les partis antifascistes retrouverent leur unite d’action face a la guerre d’Espagne et a l’intervention de Mussolini en Abyssinie. Le Congres des Italiens contre la guerre d’Afrique, qui eut lieu a Bruxelles les 12 et 13 octobre 1935, reunit environ 400 delegues de toutes tendances politiques, y compris les catholiques et les republicans. Ainsi naquit un »Front unique dans la lutte contre le fascisme et contre la guerre d’Abyssinie« qui amena les forces antifascistes a une collaboration politique et associative toujours plus grande. Cette volonte d’unite fut confirmee des les premiers mois de 1936, lors de l’apparition des Fronts populaires, puis en 1937 a l’occasion du rassemblement de toutes les forces antifascistes au sein de l’Union Populaire Italienne (UPI), qui avait ete constitute lors du Congres de Lyon »pour le pain, la paix et la liberte«. L’UPI eut son propre quotidien, La Voce degli Italiani (du 11 juillet 1937 au 26 aout 1939), et meme un bulletin interne. Cette volonte d’unite eclatera au cours de l’ete 1939 a l’occasion du pacte de non-agression germano-sovietique. La presse antifasciste n’avait pas le droit de cite. Elle etait souvent censuree et devait etre diffusee dans la clandestinite. Les periodiques antifascistes les plus connus outre Lo Stato operaio, qui existait depuis 1927 et qui arreta sa publication en 1939 - La Voce delle donne (1936), edite a Paris, La Voce repubblicana, edite depuis decembre 1937 a Annemasse (France) pendant la guerre d’Espagne, le Gri-do delpopolo (»eri du peuple«), edite a Paris jusqu’en 1937, et l’hebdomadaire de 1’Union Populaire Italienne (UPI), La Voce degli italiani, edite a Paris de 1937 a 1939. Benito Gallo, dans son ouvrage sur »Les italiens au Grand Duche de Luxembourg« (imprimerie Saint Paul, 1987), a publie la liste des principales bibliotheques qui possedent des periodiques de 1’emigration italienne pendant la periode fasciste, que nous reproduisons en note.1 ' Principales bibliotheques qui possedent les periodiques de l’emigration italienne: Bib-lioteca nazionale - Rome (collection complete de l’hebdomadaire 11 Legionario)', Isti-tuto G. Feltrinelli - Milan (collection complete du bimensuel Prometeo\ collection de Dans cette liste figurent les Archives du Centre d’Informations et d’Etu-des sur les Migrations Internationales de Paris (CIEMI), pour lequel l’auteur fait exclusivement mention de la collection complete qui est gardee de l’hebdoma-daire// Corriere (1926-1941). Benito Gallo, dans lememe ouvrage, dresse aussi une liste des nombreux journaux et periodiques edites en Europe dans la periode 1922-1945 en direction des emigres italiens, en donnant une repartition par cou-rant ideologique (journaux communistes, socialistes, antifascistes, anarchistes et republicans). Dans cette note d’archives nous avons cru utile de faire etat de 1’ensemble des documents concernant la presse qui sont conserves chez les archives du CIEMI, a Paris. Bien qu’il s’agisse souvent d’un recueil tres fragmentaire et lacuneux (par-fois il s’agit d’exemplaires uniques) nous estimons qu’il constitue une source d’information et de documentation toujours interessante pour les chercheurs.2 l’hebdomadaire II Riscatto du 30 octobre 1926 au 18 fevrier 1928; ensuite les numeros isoles: 3.3.1928, 2.9.1928, 17.3.1929, 23.6.1929, 20 numeros de 1’annee 1930, toute 1’annee 1931 et 9 numeros de l’annee 1932); Bibliotheque nationale suisse - Berne (collection complete du mensuel La Patria, de 1904 a 1914); Bibliotheque nationale -Paris (collection incompletes de plusieurs periodiques: L’Adunata dei refrattari, La Nuova Italia, L’Avanti, II Nuovo Avanti, II grido del popolo, Tribuna d’ltalia, etc.); Centre d’information et d’etudes sur les migrations internationales - Paris (collection complete de l’hebdomadaire II Corriere, 1926-1944, organe des Missions catholiques italiennes en Europe); Bibliotheque de documentation internationale contemporaine -Nanterre (collections incompletes de plusieurs periodiques: IlDovere, L’Asino, HRis-veglio anarchico, II Risveglio socialista anarchico, Italia, La defense des victimes du fascistne, Bollettino del Partito Socialista dei Lavoratori, La Lega L’Iniziativa, La voce delle donne, Dovere-agence, Germinal, La Difesa, L’Ordine nuovo, Battaglie sindacali, quaderni Giustizia e Liberta, Lo Stato operaio, La Liberia, L'ltalia del popolo, L’Esilio, Guerra di classe, L’Adunata dei refrattari, etc.); Bibliotheque de la Ville de Strasbourg (collection complete de l’hebdomadaire La Voce d’ltalia, 1925— 1927); Archives de la Bille de Bruxelles (serie de l’hebdomadaire II Riscatto du n° du 7 janvier 1928 au n° du 29 decembre 1930). 2 Pour la construction du cadre historique nous nous sommes surtout servi de l’ouvrage de Sand Fedele, Storie della Concentrazione Antifascista 1927-1934, Feltrinelli, Ed. Milan, 1976, 196 pp. et du recueil: France des etrangers, Presse et memoire, France des libertes, realise parl’association GENERIQUES, Editions Ouvrieres, Paris, 1990, 201 pp. LES JOURNAUX A COLLECTION COMPLETE OU COUVRANT DES PERIODES IMPORTANTES II Corriere »Settimanale italiano«. Direction: rue Grande Horloge, 57. Agen, France. Fonde a Agen (Lot-et-Garonne) en septembre 1926 par le pretre journaliste de Bergame (Italie) Mgr Eugenio Noradino Torricella, ex-secretaire de la Nonciatu-re Apostolique a Vienne (Autriche) pendant la premiere guerre mondiale, pro-moteur du Parti Polulaire dans sa region d’origine et aussi de Don Sturzo (fonda-teur du meme Parti), qu’il aida pendant son exil a Paris. L’hebdomadaire s’adressa surtout aux agriculteurs italiens dans le Sud-Ouest de la France, ou Mgr Torricella exer§ait son activite missionnaire, mais ayant des l’origine l’aspiration a devenir le journal non seulement des italiens en France mais de tous les italiens en Europe. Le sous-titre, de fait, a ete change d’abord en »hebdomadaire des italiens a l’etranger« (janvier-novembre 1929) pour ensuite (des novembre 1929 jusqu’a la mort tragique de son fondateur) en »organe des missions Catholiques Italiennes en Europe«. Mgr Torricella fut as-sassine le 7 janvier 1944 dans son bureau de redaction a Agen par deux anarchi-ques, Enzo Godeas et Enrico Zanel. Les archives CIEMI conservent la collection entiere de 1’hebdomadaire de 1926 au mois d’aout 1944. La publication du Corriere fut suspendue de juin 1940 a fevrier 1941 (periode de belligerence entre l’ltalie et la France) et l’heb-domadaire fut edite en format reduit de 1942 a 1944. Le Corriere constitue une source irrempla§able pour l’histoire des Missions Italiennes en France dans la periode successive a la dissolution de l’ceuvre de Mgr Bonomelli decretee par le sain Siege en 1928 et a la disparition qui s’en est ensuivie de l’hebdomadaire de l’oeuvre »La Patria«. La Nuova Italia (L 'Italie Nouvelle) Quotidien des Italiens en France. Direction: 31, Avenue de l’Opera, Paris. Premier Organe du »fascio« de Paris, a vocation nationale. Fonde en 1922, com-me hebdomadaire, par le journaliste Nicola Bonservizi, fondateur de l’organisa- tion fasciste a Paris ou depuis un certain temps il exerfait son activite et ou il fut assassine le 21 fevrier 1924. II est le plus connu et le plus diffuse des journaux fasci-stes en France: il tirait a 10.000/12.000 exemplaires au debut des annees trente. Les archives CIEMI conservent plusieurs annees du journal, dont certai-nes presque completes, mais avec des numeros souvent »coupes«. A partir d’oc-tobre 1940 jusqu’a septembre 1941 lejournalestparuaperiodicitehebdomadai-re. Les archives CIEMI conservent les exemplaires suivants: (1931) -382 /383 /411 (1932) -426 / 436 / 443 / 445-452 / 454^456 / 460^162 / 465 / 468^*71 / 473-476 (1933) -477 / 480-483 / 486—497 / 500 / 501 / 503 / 506 / 508 / 510 / 522 / 523 / 525 / 526 (1940) -878 / 880 / 881 / 882 / 885 (1941) -1-37 / 40 / 43-83 / 886-895 / 898-900 / 903-907 / 912-917 / 920- 923 (1942) -84 / 85 / 87-96 / 98-119 / 121-139 / 141-153 / 155-176 / 179-199 / 201-223 / 225-227 / 229-234 / 236-241 / 243-312 / 314-324 / 326-336 / 338-351 / 353-368 / 370-392 (1943) -1-5 / 7-21 /23-38 / 40-45 / 47-85 / 87 / 89 / 90 / 92-95 / 97-104 / 106-129/ 131 / 133-138/ 140-148/ 150-157/ 159-168/ 170-174/ 177-179 / 181 / 184-193 / 195-199 / 201 / 203-293 / 295-298 / 300 /393 (1944) -1-11 / 13-22 /24-103 / 105-192 // Legionario »Settimanale degli italiani all’estero«. Des janvier 1938 a l’ete 1939 avec le sous-titre »Bollettino dei Fasci italiani all’estero«. Fonde en 1923, il etait edite par le Secretariat General du Parti fasciste. Redaction: Via Giustiniani, 5. Rome (par la suite: Via Buoncompagni, 30. Rome). Les archives CIEMI conservent plusieurs annees, tout en bon etat, a partir de 1931 jusqu’a 1939. Numeros qui manquent pour la periode 1931-1937: (1931) -1/7 (1932) -9/ 14/ 15/ 17/30/38/39/40/42/47 (1933) -6/7/8/9/10/ 15/22/31 /35/40/41 /42/43/44 (1934) -1 / 10/ 13/16/ 19/29/30 (1935) -11 / 12/ 13 / 16/20/30/31 /39 (1936) -9 / 20 / 26 /30 / 37 / 38 / 39 (1937) -3/4/5/7/8/ 10/ 11 / 12/ 13/14/ 15/21 /23/25/26/27/28/ 29 / 30 / 32 / 34 / 35 De la periode 1938-1939 sont conserves seulement les numeros suivants: 1 /3 /5 /6/7 (1938) et26(1939). // Merlo (Le Merle) Sous-titre: »fischia e se ne infischia una volta alia settimana« (il siffle et il s’en fiche une fois par semaine). Direction et administration: 32, rue des Favorites, 75015 Paris. Feuille satirique denigratoire des exiles antifascistes. L’hebdo-madaire a ete fonde en 1934 a Paris par l’ex-antifasciste Alberto Giannini, direc-teur auparavant avec Alberto Cienca a Paris du Becco Giallo (le bee jaune), heb-domadaire satirique antifasciste, interdit en Italie, diffuse dans la periode »aven-tinienne« (lorsque l’opposition parlementaire au fascisme s’etait retiree sur le col Aventino a Rome). Suspendu en Italie, l’hebdomadaire avait repris la publication en France jusqu’en 1931, annee oil il cessa de paraitre. Quelques annees apres, en 1934, Alberto Giannini passa au service du regime fasciste, en com-men£ant la publication de l’hebdomadaire II Merlo. De cette collection, les archives du CIEMI conservent plusieurs numeros des annees 1936-1937, periode dans laquelle le regime fasciste vecut son apogee (victoire en Ethiopie et en Espagne et inefficacite des sanctions decretees contre l’ltalie par la Societe des Nations). Dans les archives sont conservees les numeros suivants : (1936) -85/98 / 109/ 116/ 128/ 130/ 132 (1937) -134/ 139/ 140/ 144/ 145/ 150/ 154/ 156/ 158/ 159/ 162/ 163/ 165/ 167/ 168/ 170/ 173 La voce degli italiani (La voix des italiens) Quotidien. Direction: 3, rue de Stockholm, 75008 Paris. Fonde a Paris en juillet 1937, quotidien de l’Unione Popolare Italiana (Union Populaire italien-ne), le nouveau organisme unitaire cree la meme annee par ce parti communiste italien visant a reunir au dela des militants antifascistes, tous ceux qui poursuiva- ient un programme de paix et de liberte, y compris les travailleur catholiques. Le quotidien etait tire a 27.000 exemplaires et il beneficiait de la collaboration des personnalites italiennes exilees a Paris, tels que Pietro Nenn, Luigi Campolonghi et des radicaux fran^ais. La voce degli italiani revet un interet particulier pour 1’etude de la politique de rapprochement aux catholiques du Parti communiste italien, surtout la fin de 1937 et courant 1938, lorsque le Parti communiste a poursuivi, sur la base du dissentiment entre catholiques et nazis la lutte rnenee par le fascisme contre 1’Action Catholique et 1’attitude critique de Pie XI contre le racisme fasciste. Dans les archives du CIEMI sont conserves seulement une douzaine de numeros, mais ayant un certain interet par les articles de Luigi Campolonghi concernant une enquete faite parmi les agriculteurs italiens du Languedoc et de la Gascogne: (1937) -1 /3 / 15 /30/ 34/35/36/38 /61 /69 (1938) -24/25 (1939) -142 La Liberta Hebdomadaire de la Confederation antifasciste, dirige par le socialiste C. Treves. Direction et Administration: 103 Faubourg Saint Denis, 75010 Paris. Fonde en 1927 (son tirage initial etait de 20.000 exemplaires) il parut jusqu’en 1934. A la Concentration antifasciste, fondee a Paris en 1927, dont l’objectif etait de rassembler les antifascistes non communistes, adhererent le »Parti socialiste maximaliste«, le parti socialiste unitaire, le parti republicain, la confederation du Travail, la Ligue italienne des droits de l’homme et, a partir de 1931, aussi le nouveau mouvement »Giustizia-Liberta« (Justice/ Liberte). La Concentration fut dissoute en mai 1934 apres deux ans de crise, due surtout au dissentiment entre le P.S.I. et le mouvement Justice et Liberte, a la mort de Turati en 1932, puis celle de Treves en 1933. Apres quatre mois d’existence, le journal tirait a quelques 15.500 exemplaires, chiffre qui tombe a 1.700 en 1928. Les numeros conserves dans les archives du CIEMI se referent aux annees de la crise de la Concentration, lorsque 1’hebdomadaire etait dirige par C. Treves (decede en juin 1933), qui avait maintenu le journal a un haut niveau culturel et politique, dans l’orientation politique traditionnelle reformiste favorable a la collaboration avec les forces democratiques-bourgeoises et hostiles a toute hypothese de rapprochement entre socialistes et communistes. Edite sans solution de continuity du lcr mai 1927 jusqu’a la dissolution de la Concentration, La Liberta est parue chaque semaine, en grand format de 4 pages (rarement de 6). Numeros conserves aux archives: (1932) -16 / 18-23 / 26-32 / 36-39 /41-45 / 47 (1933) -2-5/7/9/10/ 12-23/45 JOURNAUX DONT LES ARCHIVES CONSERVENT SEULEMENT QUELQUES NUMEROS La Tribune d’ltalie »Settimanale del tempo nostro« (Hebdomadaire de notre temps). Fonde a Paris en decembre 1937 (bilingue) par Alberto Giannini. Direction: 32, rue des Favorites, 75015 Paris. D’inspiration fasciste. Numeros existants: (1937) -1 (1938) -3 /4/5/7 / 8/9/ 12/ 17/ 18/ 19/20 La Voce d'Italia »Organe national de propagande et de collaboration franco-italienne«. Hebdomadaire d’inspiration fasciste, fonde a Paris en 1925. Administration et direction: 15, rue Jules Verne, 75011 Paris. Numeros existants: (fevrier-avril 1929) -6/10/14 L’Esilio (L’Exil) Periodique antifasciste fonde a Paris en 1930. Bimensuel. Redaction et Administration: 14, rue Malher, 75004 Paris. Numeros existants: (1934) -1 /2/3 Fraternite (Edizione italiana) Mensuel. Direction et Administration: 3, rue Monthalon, 75009 Paris. Les archives conservent deux numeros de 1937: 6 / 8. Le numero 6 est consacre a l’assassinat des freres Carlo et Nello Rosselli, perpetre le mois precedent. Fraternite »Organe de liaison entre les travailleurs fran§ais et immigres«. Mensuel fonde en 1936. Le mensuel reproduisait sous le titre une phrase de Clovis Hu-gues: »La France ne connait pas d’etrangers«. Numeros existants: (1936) -10 (1937) -20/22 (1938) -29 (1939) -34/36/37/38 La Voce de lie Donne (La Voix des Femmes) Revue mensuelle en langue italienne du Comite mondial des femmes con-tre la guerre et le fascisme. Direction et Administration. 25, rue d’Alsace, 75010 Paris. Fonde a Paris en 1936. Numeros existants: (1936) -1 /3 Giustizia e Liberta (Justice et Liberte) Fonde a Paris en 1934, organe officiel du mouvement ne dans la deuxie-me moitie de 1929 sous l’animation de Rosselli, Lussu et Tarchiani. Du journal est conserve un seul numero: (1935) -50 II risveglio italiano »Organo delle colonie italiane in Francia«. Hebdomadaire de quatre pages, en grand format, fonde a Paris en 1898. Direction: 10, rue Saulnier, 75009 Paris. A partir de 1920,1’hebdomadaire a commence a publier un supplement »L’ltalien de France«, dont le titre a par la suite change: »Reveil Italien«. Dans la periode dont les archives CIEMI conservent quelques numeros (1057 de 1921 et 1209, 1248 et 1253 de 1933), il en etait directeur, G. Padovani, animateur de la Ligue Franco-italienne. Des numeros conserves, il resulte que a Paris en 1921 existaient deux revues culturelles, 1’une intitulee »Etudes Italiennes«, editee par l’Union Intel-lectuelle Franco-italienne, aux editions E. Leroux, 28, rue Bonaparte, 75008 Paris et la »Nouvelle Revue d’ltalie«, publication mensuelle franco-italienne editee par la librairie Felix Alcan de Paris. Don Quichotte »Quotidien de 1’Action Latine«. Quotidien fonde a Marseille le 21 fevrier 1920 par le journaliste Luigi Campolonghi ex-correspondant de « II Secolo », journal liberal et anticlerical de Milan, tres repandu dans le milieu immigre italien en Europe, d’ou il avait demissionne apres l’arrivee du fascisme au pouvoir. La direction du journal fut transferee par la suite a Paris. Direction: 16, rue de la Tour d’Auvergne, Paris. Le seul numero du quotidien conserve aux archives du CIEMI (n°307 du 21 janvier 1921) est entierement en langue fran£aise, de quatre pages, longue-ment consacrees a 1’information de la communaute italienne. POROČILA IN RAZMIŠLJANJA REPORTS AND REFLECTIONS INŠTITUT ZA SLOVENSKO IZSELJENSTVO ZRC SAZU NA 50. JUBILEJNI KONVENCIJI AAASS Zvone Žigon Dr. Breda Čebulj Sajko, dr. Marina Lukšič - Hacin in mag. Zvone Žigon, raziskovalci na Inštitutu za slovensko izseljenstvo ZRC SAZU, so se septembra 19981 udeležili 30. nacionalne konvencije ob 50. obletnici AAASS, American Association for the Advancement of Slavic Studies (Ameriškega združenja za podporo slovanskih študij) v kraju Boca Raton na Floridi v Združenih državah Amerike. Konferenco je pripravila Southern Conference on Slavic Studies (Južna konferenca za slovanske študije), in sicer od 24. do 27. septembra, v hotelskem kompleksu Boca Raton. Slovenske predavatelje je podprla organizacija Society for Slovene Studies (Društvo za slovenske študije). Na programu konference je bilo navedenih kar 385 panelov - omizij z običajno tremi referenti, kar priča o velikosti in pomembnosti tega dogodka. Prevladovale so teme, povezane z zgodovino in aktualnimi procesi v Rusiji oziroma nekdanji Sovjetski zvezi, precej pa je bilo tudi panelov v zvezi z Ukrajino, balkanskimi državami in tudi (neslovansko) Madžarsko. Razpravljalcev je bilo zaradi hurikana George, kije divjal med Karibi in Florido ravno v času konference, sicer nekaj manj, večina predstavnikov iz Slovenije pa je kljub nenavadnim vremenskim razmeram sodelovala na svojih panelih.2 Raziskovalci z Inštituta za slovensko izseljenstvo so svoje raziskovanje predstavili na panelu 8-23 z naslovom Transformation of Ethnic Identity Among Slovene Immigrants (Spreminjanje etnične identitete med slovenskimi izseljen- 1 Poročilo je bilo zaradi časovne stiske nemogoče objaviti v prejšnji številki Dveh do-movin/Two Homelands. 2 Na konferenci so iz Slovenije med drugimi sodelovali še dr. Matjaž Klemenčič, dr. Andrej Vovko, mag. Vera Klopčič idr. ci). Naslovi posameznih referatov so bili: dr. Breda Čebulj Sajko, Ethnic Identity Among the First Generation of Australian Slovenes (Etnična identiteta pri prvi generaciji slovenskih izseljencev v Avstraliji); dr. Marina Lukšič - Hacin, Process of Resocialization and Ethnic Identity: The Case of Slovenes in Sweden (Resocializacija in etnična identiteta: primer Slovencev na Švedskem); mag. Zvone Žigon, Descendants of Slovene Immigrants in Argentina and Uruguay (Potomci slovenskih izseljencev v Argentini in Urugvaju). Vodja omizja je bil dr. David Stermole (MacDonald Colegiate Institute), uradna diskutantka pa dr. Frances Swyripa (University of Alberta, Canada). Dr. Breda Čebulj Sajko je poudarila pomen imigracije za usodo Avstralije, ki so jo v tem smislu oblikovali tudi slovenski izseljenci - v tej deželi naj bi jih živelo od 25.000 do 30.000. Tako kot drugi so bili tudi Slovenci močno podvrženi uradni avstralski imigracijski politiki, kije krojila način njihovega prilagajanja novemu kulturnemu okolju. Od sprva razmeroma enovite anglofonske kulture seje s prihodom priseljencev različnih narodnosti spremenila tudi etnična struktura avstralskega prebivalstva, kar je bilo vzrok za sprejem tolerantnejše imigracijske politike, imenovane multikulturalizem. Dr. Čebulj Sajko je etnično identiteto kot osebno in skupinsko identiteto raziskovala tudi s pomočjo avtobiografske metode, ki ji je v referatu posvetila razmeroma veliko pozornosti. Njeni informatorji (sogovorniki) so prišli v Avstralijo - večinoma na podoben način -v obdobju od 1947 do 1966, njihove življenjske zgodbe pa ne govorijo samo o njih, ampak tudi o okolju, s katerim so prihajali v stik. Pripadniki prve generacije so čedalje bolj usmerjeni k ohranjanju etnične identitete pri drugi generaciji, tako v okviru društvenih in verskih središč kot v družinskem življenju - pa čeprav seje izkazalo za dejstvo, da gre pri drugi generaciji v prvi vrsti za Avstralce in šele nato Slovence. Ugotavlja tudi, da so prav otroci eden od glavnih razlogov za stalno naselitev v Avstraliji, čeprav ostaja njihovo življenje tudi po taki odločitvi še vedno razdvojeno. Dr. Marina Lukšič - Hacin seje v svoji razpravi ukvarjala predvsem s procesom resocializacije v primeru prihoda izseljenca v novo družbeno okolje, v njenem primeru Slovencev na Švedsko. Avtorica je uvodoma označila proces resocializacije kot proces spreminjanja že izoblikovanih osebnosti, prisoten še posebej v sodobni kompleksni družbi, v kateri procesa primarne in sekundarne socializacije kot procesa prilagajanja družbenemu okolju ne zadoščata več. Še posebej to velja ob prehodu iz ene kulture v drugo, ko se mora že »izoblikovan« posameznik vnovič prilagajati novi dominantni družbi. Gre za spremembo odnosa do lastne etnične identitete, in to predvsem na individualni ravni. Velik del razprave je bil namenjen razčiščevanju pomenov teoretičnih pojmov, kot so npr. etničnost, identiteta itd., v konkretnejšem delu referata pa je avtorica predstavila svoje raziskovanje resocializacije v smislu transformacije etnične identitete med slovenskimi izseljenci na Švedskem, opravljeno v letu 1995. Razsikava je potekala predvsem v obliki globinskih intervjujev s predstavniki socializatorjev (družina, vrstniki, šola, mediji, vera). Referat je predstavil nekatere najznačilnejše ugotovitve, povezane s prihodom v švedsko kulturo in doživljanjem le-te ter z ohranjanjem slovenske etnične identitete. Ena od ugotovitev je tudi ta, da resocializacija osebo sicer preoblikuje, a nikoli ne v popolnosti, in to ne glede na zavestno težnjo posameznika. Tudi če posameznik noče imeti opravka s slovenstvom, je to del njega, vanj je »ujet«. Popolna etnična transformacija pri prvi generaciji torej ni možna. Mag. Zvone Žigon je svoje raziskovanje posvetil drugi generaciji oziroma načinom ohranjaja etnične identitete v izseljenstvu skozi rodove - v Argentini in Urugvaju. Njegovo raziskovanje je potekalo v obliki kombinacije globinskih intervjujev, opazovanja z udeležbo in popotniškega dnevnika z zabeleženimi opažanji, pa tudi s pomočjo dopisovanja. V svojem referatu je opozoril na razlike v modelu ohranjanja etnične identitete med izseljenci v Argentini in Urugvaju iz obdobja med svetovnima vojnama, ko je bilo naseljevanje neorganizirano in razpršeno, ter na povojni val politične emigracije, ki je v novo (argentinsko) okolje prispela razmeroma strnjena, na soočenje z novo kulturo pripravljena še iz begunskih taborišč v Italiji in Avstriji ter »opremljena« s številnimi intelektualci (učitelji, duhovniki, arhitekti...). Zaradi močnejšega društvenega življenja, trdno organiziranega sistema izobraževanja v slovenskem jeziku in kulturi, razmeroma močno navzoče endogamije in izrazite ideološke enovitosti je ta skupnost ostala precej odporna na asimilacijske vplive, kar se kaže pri drugi generaciji, ki skoraj v celoti tekoče govori slovenski jezik in zadnja leta postaja tudi nosilka ohranjanja slovenske etnične identitete v Argentini. Žigon je nanizal kvalitativno gibljivo lestvico ravni občutenja etnične identitete, od minimalnega vedenja o etničnem izvoru do odločitve za preselitev v primarno domovino oziroma domovino staršev. Glede druge generacije predvojnih izseljencev je avtor ugotovil, daje le-ta v dobršni meri že asimilirana, raven navzočnosti slovenske etnične identitete je precej drugačna, večinoma že brez slovenskega jezika. Raz-pravljalec je opozoril na dvojnost sekundarne in deloma že primarne socializacije, ki soji izpostavljeni potomci izseljencev, saj so razpeti med slovensko vzgojo v družini, sobotni slovenski šoli in cerkvi ter dominantno argentinsko (urugvajsko) okolje, množične medije, redno šolo itd. Po predstavitvi referatov vseh treh raziskovalcev se je razvila živahna razprava, v kateri so udeleženci - poleg številnih vprašanj za referente - pohvalili strokovno raven nastopov in samo tematiko ocenili kot izjemno zanimivo. Konferenco je spremljala močna razstavno-sejemska dejavnost, saj je bila v vhodni dvorani razstavljena strokovna literatura različnih družboslovnih znanstvenih ved, povezana s slovanskim prostorom oziroma kulturo. V času konference so se raziskovalci z Inštituta udeležili tudi redne skupščine Society for Slovene Studies. AVTOBIOGRAFSKA METODA (okrogla miza v okviru historičnega seminarja ZRC SAZU, 10. maj 1999) Breda Čebulj Sajko Historični seminar (vodja: mag. Metoda Kokole) že vrsto let deluje na Znanstvenoraziskovalnem centru Slovenske akademije znanosti in umetnosti (ZRC SAZU). V njegovih okvirih se srečujejo tuji in domači predavatelji z različnih raziskovalnih področij, ki v obliki predavanj prezentirajo zbranemu občinstvu svoje raziskovalno delo, različne poglede na različno tematiko ipd. Ker smo s strani organizatorjev seminarja dobili na Inštitutu za slovensko izseljenstvo pobudo za sodelovanje, se mi je rodila ideja o izvedbi okrogle mize na temo avtobiografska metoda. Tako smo v najlepšem spomladanskem mesecu organizirali pogovor o pri nas, lahko bi rekli, do sedaj teoretično slabo obravnavani omenjeni metodi dela, ki jo etnologi, pa tudi drugi raziskovalci, zavedno ali nezavedno pogosto uporabljamo pri svojem terenskem delu. Zaradi zanimivosti tematike, ki je izredno povezana z raziskovanjem izseljenstva, sem se odločila, da posnamemo in transkribiramo potek okrogle mize in ga v celoti objavimo v zadnji dvojni številki Glasnika Slovenskega etnološkega društva v letu 1999. Na tem mestu pa v skrajšani obliki, tj. v obliki »terenskega zapiska« raziskovalca, objavljam le nekatere povzetke celotnega poteka omenjenega pogovora. Naša »zgodba o avtobiografiji« ima naslednji potek: odšli smo na »teren« - v Malo dvorano ZRC SAZU - in vključili mikrofon ter pričeli s snemanjem pogovora o avtobiografski metodi s povabljenimi sogovorniki. Uvodne misli so bile namenjene predstavitvi nekaterih (predvsem v tujini) že znanih izkušenj z avtobiografsko metodo in uporabo avtobiografskih virov. Potem je stekel pogovor, izkazali so se različni pogledi in problemi v zvezi z osnovno temo: doma se že dlje časa ukvarjamo z zbiranjem avtobiografskih zgodb, vendar smo šele v zadnjem času začeli s sistematičnim delom na tem področju, ki ga skušamo osvetliti tudi z vidika teorije. Težko je opredeliti, kaj je sploh avtobiografija: ali je to že vsaka izgovorjena ali zapisana izjava informatorja (»delna avtobiografija«) ali neka strnjena zgodba poteka dogajanj v življenju posameznika - pripovedovalca, ali so to pisma, memoari, dnevniki... So pri samem procesu nastajanja pomembna vprašanja in navodila izpraševalca ali naj le-ta prepusti konstrukcijo življenjske zgodbe samemu pripovedovalcu? Vkolikor da, je informator ustvarjalen in ga lahko imamo za soavtorja raziskave. Kaj narediti z avtobiografskimi podatki? Potrebno jih je kritično ovrednotiti, jih primerjati z ostalimi razpoložljivimi viri in jih umestiti v kontekst zgodovinskega dogajanja, na katerega se veže določena pripoved. Kako umestiti pridobljene avtobiografske podatke v raziskavo? Odločitev je v rokah raziskovalca in njegove konstrukcije raziskave ter v zvezi s tem selekcioniranja avtobiografskih podatkov. Je to pravilen postopek ali se s tem »poškoduje« avtobiografski dokument? Vzoren primer uporabe avtobiografij je približno naslednji: objaviti življenjsko zgodbo v celoti in iz njene vsebine razložiti vlogo posameznika, njegove življenjske skupnosti in okolja v danem časovnem obdobju in zgodovinskem dogajanju. Življenjska zgodba, ki nam jo pripoveduje informator, mora imeti logično zaporedje nizanja dogodkov v življenju pripovedovalca. So v tej zgodbi prisotni vsi dogodki? V tej točki postane pripovedovalec selektor svojega življenja. Pove nam tista dejstva, ki so zanj pomembna. Pri tem obstaja možnost dodajanja, pretiravanja oziroma zamolčanja, odvzemanja snovi iz življenjske zgodbe posameznika po njegovi lastni presoji. Raziskovalca pri tem zanima vzrok tega pojava. Avtobiografska zgodba postane torej selektivna avtobiografija, selektivna s strani raziskovalca in s strani pripovedovalca. In kako je z resničnostjo, verodostojnostjo vsebin avtobiografskih zgodb? Sogovorniki so mnenja, daje osnovno vodilo reševanja tega problema opredelitev objektivne, če hočete »zgodovinske« resnice, ki služi kot skelet vsem ostalim subjektivnim resnicam, izrečenim v avtobiografskih pripovedih. Te so torej pojmovane kot osebne resnice, ki dopolnjujejo, zapolnjujejo ali zavračajo dano -občo priznano objektivnost in nam hkrati omogočajo »vpogled od znotraj« v neko kulturo. Pri tem se izkaže relativnost objektivnega, kije v končni fazi prav tako subjektivno - vmeščeno v določeno časovno obdobje in družbeno dogajanje. Zato v življenjskih zgodbah nima smisla iskati absolutne resnice, temveč le individualni pogled pripovedovalca na svet. Različnost in pestrost teh pogledov na predmet raziskovalčevega zanimanja nam v končni fazi osvetli določen zgodovinski trenutek. Zato je potrebno tudi objektivne vire preverjati s subjektivnimi. Avtobiografija je jezik določene kulture, saj v procesu prepoznavanja sa- mega sebe tako raziskovalec kot pripovedovalec prepoznavata druge. Ali obratno. Življenjska zgodba je zato zgodba o sebi in o drugih. Je proces, v katerem se konstituira identiteta (posameznika, skupine, etnije, države, kulture...), le-ta pa je med drugim v središču pozornosti raziskovalcev izseljenstva. Pogovor še vedno teče. Zaplete se pri načinu zapisovanja ustnih avtobiografij. Tega problema ne občuti tisti, ki sledi pripovedovalcu z vizualnimi sredstvi (kamera) beleženja njegove zgodbe. Ostali udeleženci okrogle mize, razen zgodovinarjev in literarnih zgodovinarjev, so postavljeni pred dileme: transkri-birati posnete pogovore v knjižnem ali pogovornem jeziku, objaviti tekst avtobiografije dobesedno ali selektivno, izogniti se pri tem »občutljivim«, »intimnim« — zaupnim — izpovednim delom pripovedi ali ne. To nas privede do problema manipulacije s tovrstnimi podatki in etike raziskovalca pri uporabi teh informacij v znanstvene namene, ki ne smejo prizadeti informatorja. Nasploh prevlada mnenje, daje potrebno pripovedovalca predčasno seznaniti z namenom raziskave in si za to pridobiti njegovo zaupanje in soglasje. Je potemtakem še potrebna avtorizacija zapisanega pogovora? Če da, koliko ostaja »popravljena« življenjska zgodba s strani njenega avtorja še pristna, originalna? Temu problemu se zopet izogne zapisovanje avtobiografskih zgodb z vizualno tehniko. In za konec: kako je pri nas s hranjenjem tovrstnega (osebnega) že zbranega gradiva in tistega, ki šele nastaja ali bo še nastalo? Za pretekla obdobja je delno arhivirano po ustreznih državnih inštitucijah in pri posameznikih. Pri slednjih nastopi problem dostopnosti in nenazadnje problem uničevanja že zapisanih avtobiografij. Tisto, kar nastaja danes neposredno na terenu, pa je zaenkrat še dokaj nesistematično zbiranje - odvisno od pobud - posameznih raziskovalcev, še posebno tistih, ki se ukvarjajo z raziskovanjem izseljenstva. Vendar se stvari premikajo na bolje. Prišli smo do konca in izklopili mikrofon. Stoje smo še dolgo ugotavljali, da ni pravil in ni enotnih zakonitosti nastajanja in oblikovanja življenjskih zgodb - in tako ni enega in edinega odgovora na vprašanje, kaj je avtobiografija in kaj je avtobiografska metoda. In, če dobro premislimo, je to prednost vseh nas, ki se s tem problemom ukvarjamo: iskanje odgovora nas sili k ustvarjalnosti, nas potiska v dvome, ki nas vodijo k napredku. Tudi tu nam namreč različnost subjektivnih pogledov na objektivno danost omogoča vpogled znanstvenih disciplin od znotraj - v same sebe. Slovenska etnologija je v zadnjem času v prepoznavanju same sebe v odnosu do raziskovanja avtobiografij naredila precejšen korak naprej. NEKAJ BESED O OBISKU INŠTITUTA POLONIJNY V KRAKOVU Breda Čebulj Sajko Na Inštitutu za slovensko izseljenstvo ZRC SAZU že četrto leto poteka projekt Dopolnjevanje in preučevanje virov in literature o slovenski emigracijski problematiki. Poleg tega se s svojim raznolikim gradivom Inštitut vključuje še v Program zbirk ZRC SAZU (oboje vodi na Inštitutu avtorica tega prispevka). Namen obojega je, poleg urejanja stare in zbiranja nove dokumentacije, ki jo v končni fazi hrani Inštitut, tudi navezovanje stikov med sodelavci Inštituta z raziskovalci ter dokumentalisti s sorodnih inštitucij po svetu. Dokaj utečene in po potrebi posameznikov občasno bolj ali manj pogoste vezi že tečejo v okviru slovenskega etničnega prostora, pravtako tudi s sodelavci v tujini, o čemer redno poročamo v našem letnem glasilu Bilten. V letošnjem letu pa smo še posebej uspešno navezah kontakte z raziskovalci Inštituta Polonijny (Inštituta Polonije), ki je del Jagiellonske univerze v Krakovu. V maju sem bila namreč gostja dr. Jana Lencznarowicza, zgodovinarja z omenjenega inštituta. Z njegovo pomočjo sem lahko spoznala raziskovalno delo in publikacije njegovih sodelavcev ter njihov dokumentacijski fond. Inštitut Polonijny je, podobno kot naš Inštitut, član Association of European Migration Institutions (Združenja evropskih migracijskih institucij) in je interdisciplinarni raziskovalni in pedagoški center, ustanovljen leta 1972. Še posebno od leta 1976 dalje seje v poljskem prostoru uveljavil kot najpomembnejša ustanova za raziskovanje poljske emigracijske problematike in poljske emigrantske literature. Njegovo ime »Polonijny« je sinonim za poljske etnične skupine, ki živijo po vsem svetu. Poleg raziskav opravljajo sodelavci Inštituta, ki so po strokah razdeljeni v več oddelkov, tudi pedagoško dejavnost: zgodovinarji, sociologi, literarni zgodovinarji in lingvisti predavajo tujim študentom poljskega jezika poljsko zgodovino in kulturo. Inštitut je do nedavnega imel svoje prostore v gra- du ob Visli v krakovskem predmestju Przegorzaly, kije danes v najemu ameriške družbe Motorola. To je spremenilo prostorsko situacijo Inštituta: danes se nahajajo v skromnih prostorih hotelske zgradbe, ki so sicer last Inštituta, vendar namenjeni tujim študentom in obiskovalcem. Svoje pisarne imajo le direktor Inštituta, prof. dr.WIadislav Miodunka, upravna služba Inštituta ter arhiv in knjižnica. V zgradbi hotela so tudi predavalnice. Vsi ostali zaposleni so bolj ali manj vezani na delo v svojem domačem okolju. Inštitut, ki zaposljuje 33 sodelavcev, ima trenutno štiri oddelke: oddelek za moderno lingvistiko (kadrovsko najmočnejši), oddelek za raziskovanje zgodovine mednarodnih migracij, oddelek za raziskovanje poljske literature v tujini, oddelek za sociologijo nacionalnosti in etničnosti in oddelek za raziskovanje poljske kulture v tujini. V zadnjih dveh oddelkih so zaposleni sociologi, lingvisti in filologi prevladujejo v prvem in tretjem oddelku, medtem ko so v drugem oddelku zaposleni zgodovinarji. Zgolj za primerjavo naj omenim, daje sorodnost v zastopanosti raziskovalcev iz posameznih znanstvenih disciplin med našim in »poljskim« inštitutom precejšnja: tudi pri nas pokrivamo raziskovanje migracij s podobnih vidikov (sociologija, antropologija, zgodovina, literarna zgodovina, etnologija), zato smo na srečanjih ob različnih priložnostih (predvsem na »portoroških« simpozijih v organizaciji našega Inštituta) hitro vzpostavili medsebojne kontakte. Ker sem bila gostja oddelka za raziskovanje zgodovine mednarodnih migracij, namenjam nekaj več besed posameznikom in njihovemu delu na tem oddelku: Prof. dr. Adam Walaszek, predstojnik, je poznavalec poljske emigracije v Združenih državah Amerike. Njegov interes je še posebej usmerjen v raziskovanje etnične zgodovine Združenih držav, zgodovine delavskega in socialnega gibanja v tem delu sveta, v kar umešča tudi svoja raziskovanja ameriških Poljakov. Prof. dr. Halina Florkowska-Frančic se posveča zgodovini poljske skupnosti v Švici in Franciji v 19. in 20. stoletju. V njenih publikacijah jo zanima tudi povezava med poljsko politično in ekonomsko emigracijo v Evropi in Ameriki pred letom 1918. Dr. Jan Lencznarowicz raziskuje splošne mednarodne migracijske tokove, v katere so bili vpeti Poljaki, prisilno poljsko emigracijo, še posebno pa poljsko etnično skupnost v Avstraliji. Mag. Janusz Pezda proučuje poljske izseljence v Franciji. Dr. Anna Reczynska se ukvarja z zgodovino Poljakov v Kanadi, zanima pa jo tudi položaj etničnih in nacionalnih manjšin v poljski zgodovini in kulturi. Dr. Andrzej Zi^ba je raziskovalec zgodovine vzhodne in centralne Evrope v 19. in 20. stoletju, še posebej Poljakov in Ukrajincev. Vsi zgodovinarji na Inštitutu so zelo plodni v svojem raziskovanju: svoja spoznanja publicirajo v samostojnih izdajah ali pa v okviru znanstvene periodike Przeglad Polonijny, Prače Polonijne in Prače Instytutu Polonijnego, ki izhajajo v okviru Jagiellonske univerze. Večino njihovih objav nam je krakovski inštitut podaril oziroma zamenjal za objave sodelavcev našega Inštituta. Hranimo jih v knjižnici in so na voljo uporabnikom. Inštitut Polonijny ima poleg knjižnice tudi skromen arhiv. V primerjavi z mnogoštevilno poljsko emigracijo bi obiskovalec pričakoval izredno obsežno arhivsko gradivo na tej centralni ustanovi za raziskovanje poljske diaspore, vendar ni tako: celotno gradivo je popisano v dveh zvezkih malega formata in obsega nekaj dokumentacije o izseljencih, ki živijo v Afriki, Avstraliji in Novi Zelandiji, Braziliji, Čilu, splošno v Evropi, v bivši Sovjetski zvezi, Kanadi, Mehiki, še posebej v nekaterih zahodnih, centralnih (tudi v Sloveniji) in vzhodnih evropskih državah ter, seveda, v Združenih državah Amerike. V tem pogledu je naš Inštitut v mnogo boljšem položaju. Petdnevni obisk je poleg omenjene izmenjave literature in pregleda arhiva prinesel tudi izmenjavo osebnih mnenj in pogledov na raziskovanje migracij, pa tudi snovanja načrtov za skupen projekt med obema inštitutoma. Do sedaj je naše sodelovanje potekalo predvsem v okviru obeh simpozijev, ki jih je, kot že povedano, organiziral naš Inštitut leta 1995 in 1998 v Portorožu (na prvem je sodeloval dr. Walaszek, na drugem pa dr. Florkowska-Frančič in dr. Lencznaro-wicz) ter v okviru AEMI, v prihodnje pa bo dr. Walaszek član uredniškega odbora naše znanstvene revije Dve domovini/Two Homelands, dr. Jan Lencznarowicz pa je bil v oktobru 1999 gost Historičnega seminarja ZRC, kjer je imel predavanje o poljski emigraciji. Kot ploden rezultat medsebojnega sodelovanja se je izkazala tudi skupna sekcija v zasedbi slovenskih-poljskih-srbskih raziskovalcev na 34. svetovnem kongresu v organizaciji Mednarodnega sociološkega inštituta (International Institute of Sociology) v Tel Avivu julija 1999. Naš projekt, ki sem ga omenila na začetku prispevka, se bo iztekel konec naslednjega leta. Prijavili bomo njegovo nadaljevanje, ki bo temeljilo na razširitvi in poglobitvi konkretnih povezav med nami in pomembnejšimi inštitucijami ter dokumentalističnimi centri po Evropi. Če nam bodo finančna sredstva dopuščala, nameravamo obiskati vsaj še nekatere izmed njih, saj so se osebne povezave izkazale za mnogo pristnejše in plodnejše kot pa kontaktiranje prek medijev sodobne elektronske družbe. LETNA KONFERENCA AEMI V ORGANIZACIJI INŠTITUTA ZA SLOVENSKO IZSELJENSTVO ZRC SAZU V PORTOROŽU, 29. september - 2. oktober 1999 Irena Gantar Godina Na redni letni konferenci AEMI (The Association of European Migration Institutions) so se zbrale vse članice Združenja razen članic iz Islandije in Aalan-da. Na zborovanju — prvi dan - sta bila sprejeta še dva člana, Institut za emigracije iz Zagreba in profesor loel Wurl kot individualni član iz IHRC (Immigration History Research Center, St. Paul, Minnesota). Inštitut za slovensko izseljenstvo ZRC SAZU je kot polnopravni član sodeloval pri volitvah novega predsednika AEMI; po živahni razpravi je bil potrjen statut združenja in predstavljeno nadaljnje delo oz. projekti AEMI. Naslednji dan je potekala okrogla miza »Tisk in izseljenstvo«-z uvodnima referatoma dr. Marjana Drnovška in dr. lanje Žitnik (oba z Inštituta za slovensko izseljenstvo ZRC SAZU). V razpravi je sodelovala večina udeležencev konference: iz Danske (Henning Bender, The Danish Emigration Archives, Aalborg), Švedske (prof. dr. Ulf Beijbom, The Swedish Emigrant Institute, Vaxjo), Norveške (Dina Tolfsby, The Norwegian-American Collection, Oslo, in Knut Djupedal, The Norwegian Emigrant Museum, Ottestad), Finske (prof. dr. Olavi Koivukangas, Institute of Migration, Turku), ZDA (prof. Joel Wurl, IHRC, St. Paul, Minnesota),- Severne Irske (prof. dr. Brian Lambkin, Centre for Migration Studies at the Ulster-American Folk Park, Omagh), Italije (Aurelio Giordano, Centro Italiano di Studi sull’Emigrazione, Tramonti) in Slovenije (dr. Janja Žitnik, ZRC SAZU, in prof. dr. Matjaž Klemenčič, Univerza v Mariboru). Razpravo je povezoval prof. dr. Adam Walaszek (Polonia Institute, Jagiellonian University, Krakov, Poljska). Razpravljalci so v sklepni besedi ugotovili, da so razprave o pomenu tiska pri preučevanju izseljenstva neizčrpna tema, da pa bi bilo potrebno podobno okroglo mizo ponoviti oz. jo še razširiti (tudi s prispevki izvene- vropskih razpravljavcev). Prispevki z okrogle mize so objavljeni v tej številki revije Dve domovini/Two Homelands. Pomemben del konference je bil tudi prikaz računalniške obdelave t.i. iskanja korenin: prikazi gospe Dine Tolfsby iz Norveške, prof. Rummerja iz ZDA in dr. Wolfganga Gramsa iz Oldenburga v Nemčiji so bili izjemno koristni tudi za slovenske raziskovalce izseljenstva. Srečanje članic AEMI v organizaciji slovenske članice, tj. Inštituta za slovensko izseljenstvo ZRC SAZU, je bilo vsestransko zelo uspešno, o čemer pričajo tudi odzivi samih udeležencev. BASIC INFORMATION ON THE AEMI MEMBER INSTITUTIONS AND PROJECTS Knut Djupedal The Association of European Migration Institutions (AEMI) was founded in 1991. One of the reasons for its founding, although not the only one, was to create a means by which member institutions could keep in touch with each other, pass on information among each other, and not the least, to create a forum through which one of its members - or the Association at large - could invite other members to join in cooperative trans-national projects within the field of migration. In keeping with this founding ideal, member institutions have initiated several trans-national projects, and invited othermember institutions to join them. In several cases, these projects received funding from the EU commission. One such project was the »Routes to the Roots« cultural tourism project, initiated in Germany in 1994. Another was the SEE-ME (Emigration History on CD-ROM) initiated in Northern Ireland in 1995. A third is the on-going »Scandinavian Roots -American Lives« Millenium Exhibition Project (1998-2000). All of these, and several others have involved at least three, and most often four or five, member institutions. In most cases, the projects would not have been possible had not AEMI existed as a means by which members could quickly and easily contact each other. At this last meeting in Portorož, the membership decided that AEMI itself would initiate three projects. Three institutions were each assigned the task of coordinating one of the three projects, and creating a working group for that project among the membership. Thus, the Finnish Migration Institute was assigned the task of looking into the number and kind of research projects within the field of migration, which are either under way or in planning throughout Europe, creating a working group for this work, and reporting their findings at the next meeting. The Research Center for Lower Saxons in the USA at the University of Oldenbourg was assigned the task of looking into the problems associated with digitalized emigrant lists, while the »Routes to the Roots« organization was assigned the task of creating a working group concerned with European cultural tourism. Member institutions were invited to join any - or all — of these three working groups. Also, the Finnish Migration Institute, the Swedish Migration Institute, and the Norwegian Emigrant Museum agreed to begin work on a common project concerning interviews with emigrants. All of these projects are designed with one thing in mind: to be trans-national, and indeed, pan-European. THE AEMI MEMBER INSTITUTIONS The Danish Emigration Archives (Det danske Udvandrerarkiv) Arkivstraede 1, RO.Box 1731, DK-9100 Aalborg, Denmark Ph.: (+45) 99 31 42 20; Fax: (+45) 98 10 22 48 Archives Department, Maritime Archives & Library, Merseyside Maritime Museum Albert Dock, Pier Head, Liverpool L3 4AQ, England Ph.: (+44) 151 478 4418; Fax: (+44) 151 478 4590 Institute of Migration, Finland (Siirtolaisuusinstituutti) Piispankatu 3, SF-20500 Turku, Finland Ph.: (+358) 2 2317 536; Fax: (+358) 2 2333 460 The Aland Islands’ Emigrant Institute Landskapsarkivet, Strandgatan 22, P.O.Box 60, FIN-22 101 Mariehamn, Aland Ph.: (+358) 18 25 104; Fax: (+358) 18 19 155 The North Frisian Emigrant Archive (Auswanderer-Archiv Nordfriesland) Nordfriisk Instituut, SiiderstraBe 30, D-25821 Bredstedt, Germany Ph.: (+49) 4671 2081; Fax: (+49) 4671 1333 The German Emigration Museum (Forderverein Deutsches Auswanderermu-seum) InselstraBe 6, D-27568 Bremerhaven, Germany Ph.: (+49) 471 490 96; Fax: (+49) 471 490 96 Historic Emigration Office, Tourismus-Zentrale Hamburg GmbH SteinstraBe 7, D-20095 Hamburg, Germany Ph.: (+49) 40300 51 282; Fax: (+49) 40300 51 220 Research Center Lower Saxons in the USA Institut fur Politikwissenschaft II, Carl von Ossietzky Universitat, Ammerlander HeerstraBe 115-118, Postfach 2503, D-26111 Oldenburg, Germany Ph.: (+49) 441 7982614/3059; Fax: (+49) 441 9706180 Routes to the Roots Babenend 127, D-26127 Oldenburg, Germany Ph.: (+49) 441 962 0433; Fax: (+49) 441 962 0434 The Icelandic Emigration Center 565 Hofsos, Iceland Ph.: (+354) 453 7935; Fax: (+354) 453 7936 Centro Italiano di Studi sull’Emigrazione Via Fontaniello 22,1-84010 Tramonti (SA), Italia Ph.: (+39) 089 876139; Fax: (+39) 089 876512 Centre de Documentation sur les Migrations Humaines (CMDH) Gare-Usines, L-3481 Dudelange, Luxembourg Ph.: (+352) 51 69 58 1; Fax: (+352) 51 69 58 5 The Ulster-American Folk Park Mellon Road, Castletown, Omagh, Co. Tyrone, BT78 5QY, N. Ireland Ph.: (+44) 1662 243292; Fax: (+44) 1662 242241 The Norwegian Emigrant Museum (Norsk Utvandrermuseum) Akershagan, N-2312 Ottestad, Norway Ph.: (+47) 62 57 48 50; Fax: (+47) 62 57 48 51 The Norwegian-American Collections, University Library Drammensveien 42, N-0242 Oslo, Norway Ph.: (+47) 22 85 91 67; Fax: (+47) 22 85 90 50 Fylkesarkivet i Sogn og Fjordane Fylkeshuset, N-5842 Leikanger, Norway Ph.: (+47) 57 65 61 00; Fax: (+47) 57 65 30 20 The Norwegian Emigration Center (Det norske utvandrersenteret) Strandkaien 31, N-4005 Stavanger, Norway Ph.: (+47) 51 53 88 60; Fax: (+47) 51 53 88 63 Polonia Institute, Jagiellonian University P-30-252 Krakow, ul. Jodlowa 13, Poland Ph.: (+48) 12 42 97 632; Fax: (+48) 12 42 99 351 The San Marino Emigrant’s Museum and Study Center (Museo dell ’Emigrante/ Centro Studi Permanente sull’Emigrazione) Antico Monastero di Santa Chiara, Contrada Omerelli 24, Repubblica di San Marino Citta 47890 Ph.: 378 0549 88 51 71; Fax: 378 0549 88 51 70 The Institute for Slovene Emigration Studies (Inštitut za slovensko izseljenstvo) Scientific Research Center of the Slovene Academy of Sciences and Arts SLO-IOOO Ljubljana, Gosposka 13, Slovenia Ph.: (+386) 61 1256 068; Fax: (+386) 61 1255 253, or (+386) 61 1257 802 The Swedish Emigrant Institute (Svenska Emigrantinstitutet) Vilhelm Mobergs gata 4, Box 201, S-351 04 Vaxjo 1, Sweden Ph.: (+46) 470 201 20; Fax: (+46) 470 394 16 34. SVETOVNI KONGRES MEDNARODNEGA SOCIOLOŠKEGA INŠTITUTA (Multiple Modernities in an Era of Globalization, Tel Aviv, Izrael, 11.-15. julij 1999) Breda Čebulj Sajko V juliju 1999, v času počitnic in sončnega poletja (11.-15. 7.), je v Tel Avivu v Izraelu potekal 34. svetovni kongres Mednarodnega sociološkega inštituta (International Institute of Sociology). Raznolikost udeležencev iz vsega sveta in iz različnih humanističnih in družboslovnih znanosti je med seboj povezovala vodilna tema kongresa Multiple Modernities in an Era of Globalization. Kljub temu, daje izredno pester in zgoščen program dajal prednost sociologom, smo v okviru vsakdanjih plenarnih in delovnih sekcij, na okroglih mizah in samostojnih predavanjih zelo pogosto poslušali tudi prispevke ekonomistov, pravnikov, demografov, politologov, antropologov, zgodovinarjev, etnologov, lingvistov, filozofov, psihologov, psihiatrov... 422 aktivno sodelujočih znanstvenikov je sodelovalo v 125 različnih sekcijah, ki so se po vsebini združevale v štiri osnovne tematske sklope: Language of Modernity, Multiple Modernities: Convergence and Divergence, Crossing the Millenium in The State of the Art. Sekcija Slavic Ethnic Groups and Migration, v kateri smo sodelovali etnologinja, zgodovinar in antropolog z Inštituta za slovensko izseljenstvo ZRC SAZU, zgodovinar z Inštituta Polonijny pri Jagiellonski univerzi v Krakovu ter etnologinja z Etnografskega inštitita SANU v Beogradu, je bila uvrščena v prvi omenjeni sklop. V predstavitvi prispevkov naše sekcije bi veljalo na kratko omeniti naslednje: naš osnovni namen je bil, predstaviti zgodovino in življenje slovenskih izseljencev pred in po drugi svetovni vojni v primerjavi s srbskim in poljskim izseljenstvom. Dr. Marjan Drnovšek je v svojem referatu Fewness of Slovenes and Economic Emigration osvetlil tri poglavitna obdobja v procesu izseljevanja naših ljudi: 1890-1924, 1920-1941 in 1965-1973 in pri tem izpostavil na eni strani maloštevilnost slovenskega prebivalstva ter vzroke za odhajanje Sloven- cev na tuje, na drugi strani pa najpogostejše smeri izseljevanja ter dejavnike privabljanja in restrikcije sprejemanja emigrantov v izseljenskih deželah. Mag. Zvone Žigon je v svojem prispevku Slovene Political Emigration in Argentina prikazal potek in nastajanje slovenske skupnosti v omenjenem delu Južne Amerike po drugi svetovni vojni ter poudaril več desetletij trajajočo homogenost te skupnosti, osnovano na enotnem, tj. političnem vzroku izselitve njenih pripadnikov iz domovine. Glede na formiranje Slovenije v samostojno državo s pluralističnim političnim sistemom v zadnjem desetletju pa, kot poudarja avtor, postopoma izginja politična konotacija slovenske emigracije v Argentini. Dr. Breda Čebulj Sajko, organizatorica in vodja omenjene sekcije, je s predstavitvijo izseljevanja Slovencev v Avstralijo pred in po drugi svetovni vojni {To Emigrate or to Stay? - Why Slovenes Emigrated to Australia) skušala opozoriti predvsem na dva različna pogleda na t.i. »zgodovinsko resnico«: prvi se kaže v luči zgodovinskih, ekonomskih, socialnih itd. dejstev, ki so v preteklosti pogojevala izseljevanje Slovencev v ta del sveta, in ga imenujemo »objektivni«; drugi pa izstopa iz samih pripovedi izseljencev, tj. avstralskih Slovencev, ki so v intervjujih spregovorili o svojem življenju, v katerem je ravno proces izseljevanja odločilno vplival na njihovo nadaljnjo življenjsko usodo. Imenujemo ga »subjektivni«. Mnogokrat se oba dopolnjujeta v prikazovanju poteka izseljevanja, velikokrat pa se tudi razhajata. Na ta način pride do veljave tudi »subjektivna resnica« posameznika, kije nenazadnje živi udeleženec nekega zgodovinskega trenutka. Dr. Jan Lencznarowicz seje v referatu The Myths of the Polish World War II Emigrants osredotočil na problem ohranjanja različnih »mitov« med poljsko emigracijo, razpršeno in mnogoštevilno prisotno po vsem svetu. Preko njih namreč opravičujejo smisel svojega obstoja v tujini in na nek način zanikajo nostalgično navezanost na domovino. Prikrivanje tovrstnih čustev v bistvu ostaja edini možni izhod v razdvojenosti izseljenca, ko le-ta ne vidi več prave možnosti za povratek v rojstni kraj. Zadnji prispevek v predstavljeni sekciji je napisala mag. Mirjana Pavlovič in nosi naslov The Intra-Ethnic Differences, Ethnic Identity of Serbs in Chicago. Zal se avtorica zaradi tedanjih vojnih razmer v Jugoslaviji ni mogla osebno udeležiti kongresa in smo referat v skrajšani obliki občinstvu sami prebrali. Vsebina govori o načinu oblikovanja etnične identitete kanadskih Srbov skozi več generacij. Glede na dolžino bivanja izseljencev v tujini ter njihovih medsebojnih generacijskih razlik se tovrstna identiteta manifestira znotraj skupnosti in v sami imigrantski družbi na različnih nivojih vsakdanjega življenja. Avtorica je pouda- 34. svetovni kongres Mednarodnega sociološkega inštituta... 217 rila, da gre v primeru Srbov v Chicagu za etnično identiteto kot skupinsko identiteto in je njeno izkazovanje dinamičen proces, ki sloni na objektivnih in subjektivnih, realnih in simboličnih dejavnikih. Migracijski tematiki je bilo namenjenih še nekaj sekcij: Migration and Citizenship; The Multiple Meanings of »Home«; Ethnicity and Migration; Media, Identities and Territories; Gender and Multi-Culturalism idr. V ospredju vsebine kongresa pa je bil izraelsko palestinski spor in posledice le-tega (židovska diaspora), o čemer je tekla beseda tudi na posebni okrogli mizi s palestinskim in izraelskim sogovornikom, organizirani na najstarejši židovski univerzi Hebrew University of Jeruzalem. Kongres, v katerega so organizatorji vključili tudi ogled Jeruzalema, je bil posebna izkušnja za slovenske udeležence: poleg vsebine referatov smo zainteresiranim slušateljem in ostalim sodelujočim na družabnih srečanjih pojasnjevali tudi vlogo današnje Slovenije v svetu in problematiko Balkana. Kot edini predstavniki ene izmed najmljaših držav na svetu smo na nek način doživeli tudi poslanstvo uveljavljanja slovenske državnosti in hkrati tudi naše znanosti na Bližnjem vzhodu. MED PREKMURSKIMI ROJAKI V BETLEHEMU V PENNSYLVANI JI Kratek zapis o delovnem in raziskovalnem obisku od 4. do 21. oktobra 1999 Mihael Kuzmič Leta 1979, torej točno pred dvajsetimi leti, sem prvič obiskal Betlehem v Pennsylvaniji in se srečal s prekmurskimi izseljenci. Prve generacije s samega začetka našega stoletja ni bilo več med njimi, toda njihovi potomci so še govorili staro, arhaično prekmurščino in so bili čustveno do neke mere navezani na stare kraje svojih staršev. Bogastvo njihovega narodnega čustvovanja, pestre verske, kulturne in literarne dejavnosti ter ohranjeni stari običaji so me tako prevzeli, da sem si začel delati zapiske. Kolikor je bilo možno, sem tudi zbral zapisana in ustna gradiva o njihovem življenju. Ob nekaj naslednjih obiskih sem še naprej zbiral gradivo za zgodovino tega segmenta slovenskega izseljenstva. Objavil sem številne članke in razprave. Delo bi rad zaokrožil, a je bilo vmes še nekaj vrzeli, ki bi jih lahko zapolnil samo s ponovnim obiskom Betlehema v Pennsylvaniji. Iz te potrebe seje rodila želja, ki se je z razumevanjem ZRC in Inštituta za slovensko izseljenstvo v Ljubljani tudi uresničila. Središče moje raziskovalne pozornosti je bilo priseljevanje slovenskih rojakov v Betlehem in okolico v času od leta 1893, ko seje priselil Jožef Prelec, do leta 1924. Doleta 1918 so se priseljevali iz županij Vas in Zala z zahodnega dela Madžarske, po letu 1919 pa iz Prekmurja v tedanji Kraljevini SHS in malo pozneje Jugoslaviji. Pozoren pa sem bil tudi na vsa koristna gradiva po letu 1924. Obiskal sem predvsem naslednje cerkve in ustanove: 1. St. John’s Windish Lutheran Church (Slovensko evangeličansko cerkev sv. Ivana) v Betlehemu. Pastor dr. Garry Langensiepen je pokazal veliko zanimanja za moje delo; v veliko pomoč sta mi bila tudi arhivar Frank Podleis-zek in tajnica Sheila Novak. Sistematično urejajo cerkvene arhive in knjižnico. Hranijo vse cerkvene knjige od leta 1910 dalje, velik del kartotek, korespondence. Večje število starih fotografij je dobro ohranjenih. Posebna dragocenost so ohranjene številke časopisa Szlobodna reics iz leta 1929 in Szlovenszke novine, ki so ga nasledile. Hranijo tudi večje število časopisa Amerikanszki Szlovencov Glasz, toda le iz obdobja proti koncu izhajanja, to je iz četrtega in petega desetletja. Pravo presenečenje pa je bilo odkritje prevodov številnih dramskih del, ki jih je uprizarjala dramska skupina v tridesetih letih. Najpomembnejši pisci in prevajalci dramskih tekstov v prekmurščini so bili Jožef Novak, Aleksander Polgar, Aleksander Kardoš in pastor dr. Ernest Stie-gler. Omenjeni pastorje napisal tudi roman v angleščini So they shall reap..., ki opisuje mesto in njegove prebivalce v prvih tridesetih letih tega stoletja. Glede na tematiko in privlačnost dogajanja bi ga bilo dobro prevesti in izdati v slovenščini in madžarščini. Dragoceno odkritje je tudi prekmursko-angleški slovar, ki ga je pripravil John Kucsan. Nekaj materialov sem fotokopiral, večino pa jih bodo mikrofilmali in bodo potem na voljo uporabnikom, kajti dokumenti so na tako starem in slabem papirju, da jih ni mogoče preslikavati. V zadnjih letih se je med prekmurskimi rojaki zelo obudila slovenska narodna zavest. Cerkev sv. Ivana ima vse možnosti, da postane z bogatim cerkvenim arhivom in knjižnico naj zanimivejši vzorec priseljenske nacionalne cerkve v Betlehemu — tako za ogled kot tudi za raziskovanje. 2. St. Joseph’s RC Church (Katoliška cerkev sv. Jožefa). Ustanovili so jo prekmurski katoliški izseljenci v drugem desetletju; od samega začetka jo vodijo frančiškani. Danes spada v okvir hrvaške frančiškanske kustodije. Župnik p. Joseph Galic je v Betlehemu šele dve leti in se v obilici pastoralnega dela še ni utegnil podrobneje seznaniti z arhivi in zgodovino župnije. Vseeno mi je dal precej koristnega in zanimivega gradiva, predvsem v obliki spomenic in priložnostnih jubilejnih publikacij. 3. St. John Kapistrano RC Church (Madžarska katoliška cerkev sv. Ivana Kapistrana). Ustanovljena je bila leta 1903. Do leta 1913 ji je pripadalo veliko slovenskih vernikov, potem so si zgradili svojo cerkev. Župnik Edward Bolez mi je dovolil pregled krstnih, poročnih in pogrebnih knjig za to obdobje. V njih je veliko prekmurskih priimkov z označbo krajev, od koder so prišli priseljenci v Ameriko. 4. Hungarian Evangelical Reformed Church (Madžarska kalvinska cerkev), v kateri je pastor Ronald Hari, potomec prekmurskih priseljencev. Tudi v cerkvenih knjigah te cerkve sem našel precej prekmurskih priimkov, kar lahko kaže na dejstvo, da so bili med prekmurskimi izseljenci tudi verniki kalvinske Med prekmurskimi rojaki v Betlehemu v Pennsylvaniji... 221 veroizpovedi - ali pa samo na praktičnost evangeličanskih vernikov, da so se vključili v najbližjo cerkev z najbližjim naukom. 5. Bethlehem Public Library (Betlehemska mestna knjižnica) ima poseben, skrbno varovan oddelek, ki ga imenujejo kar »Bethlehem room«. V njem so zbrane vse knjige in (mikrofilmano) gradivo, ki se nanašajo na zgodovino mesta. Priseljenci z vso njihovo pestro zgodovino so predstavljeni v glavnem toliko in tako, kakor so se sami predstavili. Slovenski priseljenci so omenjeni malokrat in še to obrobno. Predstavlja jih samo nekaj cerkvenih jubilejnih brošur. Pregledal sem City directories, kjer pa sem naletel na velik problem. Do leta 1919 so imeli priseljenci iz Madžarske v veliko primerih iste priimke, čeprav so bili različne narodnosti. Npr. priimke Kovač, Horvat, itd so imeli madžarski, slovenski in hrvaški priseljenci. Na tej osnovi torej ni možno identificirati vseh slovenskih priseljencev; šele pozneje, po letu 1921 so v primeru obrtnikov, trgovcev, mesarjev, gostilničarjev v slovenskih časopisih pri njihovih reklamah omenjali tudi njihovo narodnost. 6. Lehigh University Library ima dva oddelka. S Slovenci se po njihovem pregledu in evidenci do zdaj še ni nihče znanstveno ukvarjal. Moje raziskave so imele omejen časovni in tematski okvir, zato se nisem posebej posvetil narodnostnim, socialnim in dobrodelnim društvom v cerkvah in izven njih. Ravno tako ni bilo možno zbrati biografskih podatkov vseh tistih slovenskih rojakov na betlehemskem področju, ki bi si po svojem delu in vlogi zaslužili mesto v primernem biografskem pregledu pri njih v Ameriki ali pri nas v Sloveniji. Na koncu bi rad zapisal še nekaj opažanj s tega potovanja. Prekmurski rojaki so od preloma stoletja naprej prispevali ogromen delež k materialnemu, gospodarskemu, kulturnemu, verskemu in političnemu razvoju mesta Betlehema in okolice. Toda o tem razen njih samih skoraj nihče ničesar ne ve. Zato bi bilo potrebno njihovo dosedanje delo doma v Ameriki in sodelovanje s Slovenijo dvigniti na višjo strokovno in znanstveno raziskovalno raven. Pri tem želim opozoriti predvsem na tri možna izhodišča: a) V Betlehemu deluje že okrog devet let Združenje pobratenih mest Betlehem - Murska Sobota, ki je odločilno pripomoglo, da je bila leta 1996 podpisana v Betlehemu listina o pobratenju mest, v Murski Soboti pa je bila znova podpisana leta 1999. Podobno združenje ali društvo bi potrebovali tudi pri nas; v prihodnje bi usklajevalo obiske, akcije in projekte. b) Strokovna društva v Sloveniji, npr. zgodovinsko, slavistično - bi se lahko povezala z ustreznimi društvi v Betlehemu in pripravljala skupne seminar- je ali simpozije o temah s področja izseljenstva, ki sodijo na njihovo področje. Za zdaj lahko opazimo prve resne korake v to smer samo na cerkveno-teološkem področju med Senioratom Evangeličanske cerkve v Sloveniji in Evangeličansko teološko fakulteto v Philadelphiji v Pennsylvaniji. 3. Betlehem je univerzitetno mesto, čeprav le manjše, z okrog 5000 študenti. Sodelovanje med Univerzo Lehigh in slovenskima univerzama (ali vsaj nekaterimi fakultetami) bi lahko služilo ne le koristni izmenjavi profesorjev in študentov, temveč bi dolgoročno lahko pripomoglo k afirmaciji slovenskih izseljencev v tem predelu Pennsylvanije v strokovnih in znanstvenih krogih. Zanimanje in pripravljenost nekaterih betlehemskih intelektualcev za sodelovanje v tej smeri (Stephen Antalics, Frank Podlesizek, Ronald Hari, Karl Krueger idr.) je dober temelj za upanje, da se nam obeta učinkovitejše raziskovalno delo. PROMOCIJA SLOVENIJE, LOUISA ADAMIČA, IVANA CIMERMANA IN FRANA LEVSTIKA NA JAPONSKIH STRANEH INTERNETA Tine T. Kurent Profesor Shozo Tahara je začel prevajati knjige Louisa Adamiča v japonščino že leta 1980.' (Glej na prilogi 1 naslovnice na ovitkih Adamičevih knjig v japonščini pri založbi PMC Publications Inc., Chiyodaku Lidabashi 4-4-5, Panpian Hights 501, Tokyo, Japan.) Za Adamičevo stoletnico je pripravil za tisk devet njegovih knjig2 (priloga 2), toda ekonomska kriza na Daljnem vzhodu je zadela tudi tokijske založnike. Da bi svoje delo spravil v tisk, se trudi opozoriti domačo javnost prek Interneta na svoje delo in tako tudi na Slovenijo. Ko meje pred leti prosil za slovensko literaturo v angleščini, mi je Drago Jančar dal za Taharo svoja dela in brošuro Discover Slovenia. Slednjo je Tahara prevedel za japonsko publiko, medtem pa je naš Urad za informiranje RS že izdal svojo japonsko verzijo brošure. Poslal sem mu tudi druga dela, med drugim tudi Levstikovega Martina Krpana skupaj z lepimi ilustracijami Marijana Ama-liettija ter Boomerangs Ivana Cimermana. Ti dve deli sta Taharo očitno najbolj navdušili. Zakaj seje navdušil nad Adamičem, razlaga Tahara sam v avtobiografiji: »Petega maja 1980 sem naletel na Adamičevo knjigo The Native’s Return v domači prodajalni rabljenih knjig v Tokiu. Zelo močno meje ganila, ko sem jo bral ' T. Kurent, Louis Adamič na Japonskem, Zbornik občine Grosuplje, 16 (1990); isti, Še dve Adamičevi knjigi izbrani med priporočeno literaturo za knjižnice in šole po vsej Japonski, Zbornik občine Grosuplje, 17 (1992); isti, Shozo Tahara, Zbornik občine Grosuplje, 19 (1996); isti, Louis Adamič v japonščini, Rodna gruda, 1995, št. 8-9 (avg.-sept.). 2 T. Kurent, Za stoletnico rojstva - izbor Adamičevih knjig na Japonskem, Rodna gruda, 1996, št. 10. Ponatis v: Zbornik občine Grosuplje, 20 (1998). v svojem tokijskem stanovanju. Ta pisatelj je bil tedaj neznan na Japonskem, vendar je bila njegova knjiga zame resnično vznemirljiva, saj je bila napisana z vseh mogočih vidikov, s stališča politike, ekonomije, zgodovine, literature itd. Takoj sem naročil njegove knjige iz ZDA, vedno bolj so me prevzemale. Takrat sem že poznal knjigo Louis Adamic: A Check List, ki jo je napisal Henry A. Christian. Tako. Ni mi šlo v glavo, kako to, da tak pisatelj še ni znan na Japonskem.« (Rodna gruda, 1995, št. 8-9) Zakaj je Taharo prevzel Levstikov Martin Krpan, je razumljivo, saj gre za pripoved, da malo takih. Aforizmi, ki jih je Ivan Cimerman zbral v knjigo Bumerangi, ali Boomerangs po angleško, pa so Japoncem, vzgojenim v duhovnosti haiku poezije, bliže kot Evropejcem ali celo Američanom. Tahara mi o tem piše 27. marca 1999: »I thank you, too, for the suggestion of the English text of Martin Krpan and illustrations of Marijan Amalietti. The story strongly touched my heart. I think Adamic read it many times and learned from it very well. It seems to me, it is the core of Slovenian Culture or Slovenia. Amalietti got hold of its soul. Its soul inspires The Boomerangs too, I suppose. I want to know more and more about Krpan and Levstik himself and need any information of them for good translation. Last night, as reading The Eagle and the Roots, it occurs to me, that I want to hear directly from you about Adamic you met.« (pismo 21.2.1999) Ko je na Internetu našel stran o Adamiču (priloga 3), je sklenil narediti reklamo za svoje prevajanje še v japonščini. Poslal mi je vstopni naslov svoje homepage z dne 5. julija 1999 na Internetu z razlago, kako detajlno predstavlja Slovenijo in Adamiča ter razlaga Cimermanov Boomerangs in Levstikovega Martina Krpana. Pismu (priloga 4) je dodal post scriptum: »Louis’s books cannot go hidden from the world!« Poslal mi je tudi svoje 17 strani dolgo sporočilo, naslovljeno Louis Adamic in Japan, s tremi poglavji: To Louis Adamic’s Fans of the World! Louis Adamic Collection, Louis Adamic by Tine Kurent. Gre za japonski tekst z angleškim prevodom, da bomo tudi mi, ki ne znamo japonsko, vedeli, za kaj gre. (Verjamem, daje njegova japonščina boljša od njegove angleščine.) Ker je 17 strani le preveč za Dve domovini, prilagam samo prvo in zadnjo stran (prilogi 5 in 6). Taharova reklama je zanimiva ne le zaradi eksotične japonske pisave, ampak tudi kot prikaz, kako odločno se borijo »na odprtem trgu« za uspeh (tako bombastičnega poziva, kot je parafraza »Fans of the World!«, pri nas ne bi v raklamne namene zagrešil nihče), predvsem pa kot prikaz, da so Republiko Slovenijo, Louisa Adamiča in slovensko literaturo Japonci odkrili šele zdaj. PRILOGE Priloga 1: Naslovnice na ovitkih treh v japonščino prestavljenih knjig Louisa Adamiča, ki so izšle pri založbi PMC Publications Inc., Chiodaku Lida-bashi 4-4-5, Panpian Hights 501, Tokyo, Japan. Priloga 2: Seznam devetih Adamičevih knjig, ki so bile prevedene v japonščino in pripravljene za objavo v počastitev stoletnice Adamičevega rojstva. Tiskanje je preprečila ekonomska kriza, kije ravno takrat zadela tudi Japonsko. Priloga 3: Prof. Shozo Tahara sporoča, daje našel »Adamic homepage« na Internetu. Priloga 4: Najava obvestila o Louisu Adamiču na Internetu v japonščini z vstopnim naslovom http://www.synapse.ne.jp/~saitani/synapse-auto-page/. Priloga 5: Začetek 17 strani obsegajočega sporočila Louis Adamic in Japan v japonščini z angleškim prevodom. Priloga 6: Na zadnji strani sporočila je tudi najava o Taharovih japonskih prevodih knjige Boomerangs Ivana Cimermana, brošure Discover Slovenia in povesti Martin Krpan Frana Levstika. Louis Adamic 1898^-3-— ^2*7*7A Tl-iitL2»0 14 *T-7> 'J coSrBIfi. Pž¥. fcg-trhLfcfchlFSiSMI-Ai. 1931 .¥&&& L j -C—»HI*S: iSt/i h. rv>* >'^»'0>)>W35v«j(32¥). r««j(34¥). 'tunr/ 'J *j(38¥) t. »Eh LttO^e^-^ltSfSra^rtT:* fF£i**5{*. «K*fl5£*'jR#Sfvt v>Sr£ < WBl<-|Cil‘f.j(39¥)li40Sv>lil960. i95i ipa. A Young American with a Japanese Face MX'T/-7^ HJgjEHS? * A ;uC7) f L Itz Sv* IT A, W žHr 14 l!'F!i r- !I p: S'-X Louis Adamic : ifl,—Pansophy | ik JlS.coS^A- ŽJfiA 4 * 1 9 3 -f j=*. - -y--y s ^ fi .v?, ifi ir ni ji£ =e C Infvtfd uči'oy\] H • A - Ch \rl ste AVI C 1 D r(1^32) LcuA^h}t^_ Tki Jun^U C2) hj ( f^l) Dj/pa/h! fa- C 3 3 fWfflKa-^x^'y-fTWA^j Jkjt hJafij*1 s fZefuirn C4) r»S«»fcj I ir EL (IW, 34, 35-) X fcobinSovi - A pcAriit/lL STWJfU. / IH Lucas , ki^ oj- Balhcas C 5 D nsmoijLffii Gfirtf>v\<45t>ns C6D rAdi^o^rj C (j ) Cy-aAU C 7) r/rrV5M0Rj C i *1 ? ? ) Tlu. Houte fm. Ah.f!$,U£~ C 8) r&07*'Jrtj £ /? ? ) "ffly /)>ktKcd r9) r s* <&., OST CARDjfffa/2/ 'ffff '□I To Prt) j*. ft** Ku^C'vs./t X^v'IfU (2 , loo e Ljubija, SLOVEhJIA •f ^. JI ^ k-u VtH f Lest1 fouud Uc,/\dtxhi- ft,SUir-e.. £ pf&u te Vnet( ce h« S hčbU-pOf* hiL\rJt 't°o. A/«j. /Usfcsh\f<1fo^f *\rt fov- fffef*>^ * Dear Tine Kurent 6/7/1999 I have set up Louis Adamic homepage on the Intemet.The title is Louis Adamic in Japan.Now,under registration. I enclosed the English version—have added your article about Adamic on the Posta Slovenije,which is best I think. In Japanese version,I gave a full and detailed account of Introduction about Adamic,his collection and present condition in Japanese translation,his chronology. I did also a few explanation about The Boomerans.Discover Slovenia,Martin Krpan. My home page http://www.synapse.ne.jp/~saitani/synapse-auto-page/ p.s. “Louis books cannot go hidden from the world.”!! Yours sincerely Shozo Tahara ,f fMK ~fW C 'fj] . Jp Ci Louis Adamic in Japan £¥£ 0 (¥») ????*£??£ ??B (??«S) ikmm m ti L /KX • 7 Vi. y u y^-Tym# 07* v zft n. /M'* • 7 y % y BS? BJfSIEH /M"* • 7^5 y To Louis Adamič’ s fans of the world! English here and Japanese next LOUIS ADAMIC To Louis Adamic’s fans of the world! by Japanese translator Shozo Tahara I am a Japanese translator of Noted Slovenian-American author Louis Adamic. My first encounter with Adamic was his The Native’s Return at the secondhand bookstore in Tokyo as a graduate student. I was deeply moved by it though I have never heard his name. Then, I ordered his books from USA and was more and more possessed by his fascinating. I wondered why such a writer and his books was not kown in Japan. A few years later, I met the late Professor. HenryA. Christian of Rutgars University in New Jersey who was the main researcher of Adamic(Later, I have translated most of his papers or articles concerning Adamic). There, I found for the first time that his book was a bestseller and his International Conference and Symposium had been hold in both America and To Louis Adamic’s fans of the world! Louis Adamic Collection. Louis Adamic by Tine Kurent Christian,'What Elsg H^ve'You in.Mind ■?.’ Lopi s--Adamič and, H. L. Mencken, Menckeniana, no. 47 tFalT'1973): 1-^12; ■' SPECTRUM, 'Louis Adamic : His Life, Work, and Legacy'Immigration History Research Center-University of Minnesota; Carey Mcwilliams, The Education of Carey McWilliams (New York: Simonfe Scuster, 1978) ; Rudolph Vecoli, 'Louis Adamic and the Contemporary Search for Roots, The Journal of Ethnic Studies, 2 (1978):29-35 ; William C. Beyer, 'Louis Adamic and Common Grouqd, 1940-1949'; Fred Matthews 'Cultural Pluralism In Con text .-External' History, Philosophic Premise, And Theories Of Ethnicity In Modern America,' The Journal of Ethnic Studies 12:2 (Summer 1984 ):63-79 ; •. Robert F. Harney 'E Pluribus Unum:Louis Adamic And The Meaning Of Ethnic History,' The Journal of Ethnic Studies 14:1( 1986):29-46; Dictionary of American Biography 1951-1955 ( Scribners); Dictionary of Literary Biography. * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * — Xrf—A 7 v «£*©*£&< J THE BOOMERANGS by Ivan Cimraerman mSL-fetik O • tr— hUfcttttAI-J: -SlfcKAifc Lfca— fiSCV'Sffl, 'i: 3.-477. riaa>v't3.—$731=7 Aro^y-tv*,, m &5 «-S»^aKŽiXt'V'5ittŠC»^a 7a:=7#?bB©£3f„ 3 v It S ©3EliW S 7 K'K D-7W*>e.Ara«i*T?lii 2 0 0 stj^HSTiifcofcws# i >rv hJCO* mit* b DISCOVER SLOVENIA *ifž5fco^5Aofc. ®5fe. &?&. gSf. ^tTgi*^A*©SfeL*