26 S TUDIA MYTHOLOGICA SLAVICA 2023
7 – 85 | https://doi.org/10.3986/SMS20232601 | CC BY
An Ithyphallic Idol from the 
Monastery of St. Naum near Ohrid
Nikos Chausidis, Igor Eftimovski Nikos Chausidis, Igor Eftimovski
Članek predstavlja kamniti idol, ki se nahaja na dvorišču samostana sv. Nauma pri Ohridu. 
Odkrit je bil znotraj samostanskih meja oz. nekje v njegovi okolici, čas odkritja pa ni znan. 
Avtorja podajata opis spomenika, domneve o njegovi nekdanji podobi in analizo njegovih 
ikonografskih elementov s poudarkom na itifaličnosti in postavitvi rok. Članek skozi ana-
logije ocenjuje kronološko in kulturno pripadnost idola z argumenti v prid morebitnega 
pogansko-slovanskega značaja. Spomenik je interpretiran tudi v kontekstu mitološkega in 
verskega izročila regije, s poudarkom na lokalnem kultu sv. Nauma in legendi o tem, kako je 
vpregel medveda. V tej smeri so v članku predstavljeni tudi okoliški toponimi, ki vsebujejo 
pogansko-slovanske teonime, med katerimi prevladujejo tisti htonične narave. Dodelitev 
značilnosti idola je nato izpeljana na podlagi primerjave njegove ikonografije s področji 
sv. Nauma kot krščanskega naslednika upodobljenega lika: poljedelstvo, živinoreja, voda, 
obrt, trgovina, pa tudi zdravljenje, zlasti neplodnosti in mentalnih bolezni.
KLJUČNE BESEDE: kamniti idol, paleo-balkansko poganstvo, slovansko poganstvo, 
krščanstvo, folklorna tradicija, samostan sv. Nauma, Ohrid (Makedonija)
The article presents a stone idol located in the courtyard of the monastery of St. Naum near 
Ohrid, discovered within its boundaries or somewhere in its surroundings at an unknown date. 
The authors offer a description of the monument, assumptions about its former appearance, 
and an analysis of its iconographic elements, with an emphasis on ithyphallicity and the 
pose of the hands. Through analogies, the article assesses the chronological and cultural 
affiliation of the idol, with arguments in favor of its potential Pagan-Slavic character. The 
monument is also observed in context of the mythological and religious traditions of the 
region, with a focus on the local cult of St. Naum and the legend of how he yoked a bear. 
In that direction, presented in the article are also the surrounding toponyms that contain 
Pagan-Slavic theonyms, with a predominance of those of a chthonic nature. The attribution 
and character of the idol is then derived on the basis of comparing its iconography with the 
domains of St. Naum as the depicted character’s Christian successor: agriculture, livestock, 
water, crafts, trade, as well as healing, especially of childlessness and mental illness.
KEYWORDS: stone idol, Paleo-Balkan Paganism, Slavic Paganism, Christianity, folk 
traditions, St. Naum Monastery, Ohrid (Macedonia)
The famous monastery of St. Naum lies on the southeast shore of Lake Ohrid, 34 kilo-
metres from the city of Ohrid (T.XVIII: 1). It is located in attractive natural surroundings, 
where large springs emerge from the foot of Mount Galičica, their water forming a short 
riverbed and lagoon with two islets before flowing into the lake (T.I: 1, 2, 5). In the first 
hagiography of St. Naum they are called “исход Белаго Езера” (“the source of the White 
Lake/the source of Lake Ohrid”). Nowadays they are known as the springs of the Black 

NIKOS CHAUSIDIS, IGOR EFTIMOVSKI NIKOS CHAUSIDIS, IGOR EFTIMOVSKI 8 8 
Drin River because this river flows out at the opposite end of the lake, near the present 
day city of Struga (T.XVIII: 1). The monastery is located on the western edge of this 
natural complex, built on a rock that rises steeply above the lake (T.I: 1, 5). It consists 
of a central church dedicated to St. Naum (originally dedicated to the Holy Archangels), 
surrounded by living quarters and ancillary buildings. Written sources and archeological 
findings indicate that it was built in 900 or 905 CE by St. Naum of Ohrid, as a counterpart 
to the church of St. Panteleimon, erected in 893 CE in the city of Ohrid by St. Clement 
of Ohrid. These churches were built after Ss. Naum and Clement returned from the 
mission of Ss. Cyril and Methodius for the christianization and enliteration of the Slavs 
in Moravia and Pannonia. During Ottoman rule, Naum’s church was demolished, along 
with its later extensions, and the present temple was constructed in its place in the 17th 
and 18th centuries. According to archaeological research, the temple partially retained 
the plan of the old structure. Most of the ancillary monastery buildings are of a more 
recent date, built after the great fire that engulfed the complex in 1875. In the immediate 
vicinity of the monastery there are also three newer churches dedicated to the Virgin 
Mary (T.I: 3), St. Paraskeva (T.I: 4) and St. Athanasius (T.I: 5).
1
The subject of this study is a stone monument, now located in the monastery yard on 
a plinth near the northeast corner of the church (T.II). Doncho Petrovski, who has been 
working as the host of the monastery for more than 25 years, told us that the object was 
discovered during one of the monastery’s recent renovations. It was probably built into 
one of the ancillary buildings.
2
 According to the given statement and the absence of this 
object in the archaeological reports that refer to the named region, it can be concluded 
that it is a random find that was not discovered during archaeological excavations.
DESCRIPTION OF THE MONUMENT (T.II)
The monument consists of a block of olive-coloured sandstone carved into an approxi-
mately cylindrical shape, with a height of about 57 cm and a diameter of about 28 cm. 
On the front a sculpted relief depicts a human figure, while the other parts do not have 
any pictorial elements. Its surface shows traces of various secondary actions by man and 
nature, and is significantly eroded. Meanwhile, the rear and upper parts have traces of 
moss and lichen (T.II: 1, 2, 3, 5). On the back, there are some small lumps of weak mor-
tar that easily crumbles and falls off (T.II: 5), while on the front there are clearly visible 
traces of a white coating of lime (T.II: 4). The presence of mortar on the back supports the 
assumption that this side of the object was embedded in one of the monastery buildings, 
1
 On the monastery, the monastery church, the life and activity of St. Naum: Грозданов 2015; on the con-
struction of the church: Миљковиќ – Пепек 1985; on the ancillary buildings and the monastery’s more recent 
history: Целакоски 1985.
2
 We took the photos and carried out the observations and conversation with the host in July 2010. In 2019, 
the same person and Father Nectarios (the abbot of the church) told us that the monument was found in one 
of the warehouses of the monastery lodgings (information obtained by Dragan Taneski from the Institute and 
Museum in Ohrid).

AN ITHYPHALLIC IDOL FROM THE MONASTERY OF ST. NAUM NEAR OHRID AN ITHYPHALLIC IDOL FROM THE MONASTERY OF ST. NAUM NEAR OHRID 9 9 
while the lime coating could indicate that the sculpted relief side protruded from the face 
of the wall and was whitewashed together with it.
As we have mentioned, the front of the monument features a relief with a frontally 
depicted anthropomorphic figure. However, the true proportions of the human body and 
other principles of realism have not been respected (T.II: 4).
Upper part 
The artist dedicated much more attention to the head, which is disproportionate to the 
rest of the body, and is in fact as large as the figure’s entire torso (T.II: 4; T.XII: 1). It is 
modelled in the form of an egg-shaped segment executed in high relief, the eyes being 
in the form of shallow indentations (quite close to each other), the mouth is extremely 
small, and the nostrils continue into the nose whose present unimpressiveness seems to 
be due to the damage caused by erosion and mechanical action. The oversized cheeks 
are especially eye-catching, as they are completely fused with the chin, leaving the 
impression of a stout figure. The ears are executed in a particularly plastic manner, and 
above them a shallow horizontal ridge extends from one end of the forehead to the other. 
It could represent three different elements: a shallow hemispherical hat, a helmet, or hair 
cut as a flat horizontal edge. There are three circular indentations on the chin that are 
neither symmetrical nor equal in size, and obviously do not represent a facial element. 
In the place where the neck should be (it is completely absent), under the lower edge of 
the head, extends a protruding arched segment that could be identified with some item 
of clothing (scarf, roll-collar), or with jewellery (torc or other similar jewellery for the 
neck). The fact that on the left this segment does not end at the neck (it does not go behind 
it), but continues up to the ear, suggests it could symbolise a rope, i.e. a loop or noose.
Middle part
The arms begin below the above segment, and descend downwards from the barely 
perceptible shoulders. The left arm is shorter and slightly bent at the elbow, while the 
right one is a little longer and also slightly bent at the elbow (T.II: 4). Both arms end 
with stylized hands, each of which has five short little fingers. Between the arms we can 
recognize the contours of the torso, which gradually narrows as it extends downwards. 
Its surface is carved roughly and has no discernible details.
Lower part
The lower part of the monument, where the figure’s hands end, has two circular segments. 
One of them is preserved in full height, in the form of a clearly protruding hemisphere, 
while all that remains of the other is the base, probably due to the greater extent of erosion 
or some kind of mechanical damage (T.II: 3, 4, 6). Judging by the shape and position of 
these segments, it can be concluded that they represent testicles, and are quite enlarged 
in relation to the other parts of the body. Below these circular segments, the monument 

NIKOS CHAUSIDIS, IGOR EFTIMOVSKI NIKOS CHAUSIDIS, IGOR EFTIMOVSKI 10 10 
is significantly damaged, so it is impossible to make out what the lower part may have 
looked like.
Assumptions regarding the appearance of the lost lower part of the monument
If we agree that the two hemispherical protrusions represent testicles, it seems logical 
that they were accompanied by some kind of representation of a phallus, which was lost 
along with the lower part of the monument. This could potentially be indicated by the 
indentation between the testicles, which could be the result of it having broken off (T.II: 4). 
There are therefore two theories concerning the appearance of this organ, which must 
also have had oversized dimensions if it was proportionate with the testicles. The first 
theory posits that it was analogous to the whole monument, was sculpted in relief, and 
extended downwards (T.III: 4, 5). According to the second theory, it protruded forwards, 
surpassing the testicles (T.III: 6). However, we think that the soft structure of the sandstone 
from which the monument is carved would not have allowed it to have been modelled 
as a particularly elongated and thin segment. There are also two theories concerning the 
appearance of the lost lower part of the object. According to the first, the figure’s legs 
would have been represented here, probably in proportions and style that corresponded 
with the torso and the arms (T.III: 3). The second theory posits that nothing other than 
the phallus was depicted in this part (T.III: 4 – 6).
Unlike the monument’s vertex, which has a slightly concave surface and no traces 
of recent fracturing (T.II), the lower end has sharper edges, which indicate secondary 
fragmentation. This fact raises the question of the dimensions of the lost lower part and 
the original height of the entire object, and thus of its character, function, and manner 
of placement. If it is assumed that the object continued downwards at least as far as its 
preserved height today, then the monument was like a pillar (with some kind of symbolic 
function), which could have been planted in the ground or into some other surface (T.III: 
1, 3, 5, 6). According to the second theory, the lost part was not so long, whereby the 
supposed phallus in relief would have been partially buried in the ground, with certain 
symbolic implications (T.III: 4). If it is assumed that the object did not exceed the di-
mensions preserved today, then it would have represented a vertical stone block with a 
flat base adapted for being placed onto some horizontal platform or pedestal (T.III: 2).
The flat (or even slightly concave) surface of the vertex (T.II: 2 – 4) suggests it may 
have been adapted for performing rituals, for example libations, leaving offerings on its 
surface, or even for the sacrifice, i.e. the slaughter of small animals. For this assumption 
to be deemed acceptable, the monument should not exceed the optimal height for per-
forming these acts – somewhere between 80 and 120 cm (T.III: 1, 2).
DATING OF THE MONUMENT
We cannot yet present facts and observations (typological, stylistic, or coming from the 
exact sciences) that would ensure the monument’s precise dating. According to the first 

AN ITHYPHALLIC IDOL FROM THE MONASTERY OF ST. NAUM NEAR OHRID AN ITHYPHALLIC IDOL FROM THE MONASTERY OF ST. NAUM NEAR OHRID 11 11 
impression, its general form, the choice of material and the style of craftsmanship, are not 
typical of the ancient stone monuments in this part of the Balkans, created in the spirit of 
Hellenic, Hellenistic and Roman culture. The presence of accentuated genitalia suggests 
it is not of Christian origin. Hence, it seems more probable that this object dates back to 
either the prehistoric and protohistoric periods (approximately to the middle of the 1st 
millennium BCE), the Early Middle Ages (to the period of mass Christianization of the 
Slavs settled in this part of the Balkans), or to the folkloric traditions that date from the 
Late Middle Ages to the early 20th century. We will try to get closer to answering the 
question about the age of this monument based on the comparative analyses presented 
in the following chapters.
In one of our older works we quoted excerpts from a medieval source, allegedly 
from the old hagiography of St. Naum, in which it was said on two occasions that this 
saint refused to allow the Macedonian Slavs to venerate idols: “... Кумири бо камени и 
дрвени сут вештију (се нешта кои) не видјат, ни слишат ... еретици же не клањајутсја 
иконам, но кумири нарицајутсја” (Чаусидис 1994, 357).
3
 This quote would serve as 
excellent textual support for the medieval and probable pagan
4
 Slavic character of the 
idol from the monastery of St. Naum, if it did not turn out that its author mistakenly 
connected it with the hagiography of this saint.
5
 The quoted excerpts do indeed exist, 
however, not in the indicated hagiography, but in the work entitled “Treatise Against 
the Bogomils”, by Presbyter Cosmas, which dates back to between the 10th and 13th 
centuries: “Горше бо сѹт’ коумиръ глоухыихъ и слѣпыихъ: кѹмири бо камени и 
древѧни сѹще вещїю “не видѧт’, ни слышать”. Еретици же мысли ч(е)л(о)в(ѣ)
ч’скыя имѣюще, самовольствомъ ѡкамѧнѣша, не познаша истиннааго ѹченїа. 
Нѡ к бѣсомъ ли приложѫ я?”
6
 (They are worse than the deaf and blind idols: for idols 
are made of wood and stone – they cannot see, or hear. The heretics, instead, have the 
thoughts of humans. They voluntarily turned themselves to stone and did not learn the 
true teachings. But can they be compared with devils?).
These quotations can still be included in this study as a potential historical source 
that indirectly points to the presence of such pagan idols in the Ohrid region. The reason 
for this is given to us by the hypotheses put forward that this work originated in Western 
Macedonia or Albania, and even in Ohrid, within the circle of the Ohrid Literary School 
(Драгојловиќ 1982: 47–50; Велев 2011: 25–43; Чаусидис 2003: 320). If any of them 
are accepted, then these words in the book by Presbyter Cosmas could be the result of 
his real insight into such stone and wooden idols in the above regions. This would also 
3
 “Koumiri (idols) made of stone and wood are things that cannot see or hear ... the heretics do not bow to 
icons, but call them koumiri (idols)”.
4
 The use of the word “pagan” in this paper is not in any way intended to be derogatory, but is understood as 
“rural folk religion” (based on its etymological origin from the Latin pāgānus = rural, rustic).
5
 The sources were cited according to references from: Петровић 1970: 150 (newer edition: Петровић 1998, 
212).
6
 Велев 2011: 25–43 with presented bibliography, 55 (translation of the quote in Macedonian), 118 (quote in 
Old Slavonic); the term коумиръ in this work is used one more time, in the subsequent paragraph, when the 
author mentions that the heretics do not bow to icons, but call them idols (“ ... еретици же не кланѧют сѧ 
иконамъ, но коумиры наричають ѣ”).

NIKOS CHAUSIDIS, IGOR EFTIMOVSKI NIKOS CHAUSIDIS, IGOR EFTIMOVSKI 12 12 
be supported by other parts of his work, in which he corroborates his criticisms and re-
commendations with examples that he obviously experienced himself during his direct 
contacts and activities with believers and converted heretics (Велев 2011: 39). In this 
case, the use of the Old Slavic (pre-Christian) term коумиръ is also indicative, specifically 
as an equivalent of the Greek εἴδωλον, whose genesis leads to Alano-Ossetian templates 
(Львов 1967).
ICONOGRAPHIC ELEMENTS AND THEIR COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS
On this occasion we are not able to present analogies that would fully or largely correspond 
to the form and iconography of the monument from the monastery of St. Naum. However, 
such analogies can be presented in relation to the individual iconographic elements that 
are present on it. In this chapter we will conduct a comparative analysis that we think 
will contribute to elucidating the chronological and cultural affiliation of the object, as 
well as the nature, meaning and functions of the character represented on it.
a) General composition and pose of the figure (ithyphallic figure in 
a standing position with arms lowered towards the genitals)
 − Gra vestones from vuksanlekaj/vuksanlekići (t.iv)
As analogies closest to the objets from St. Naum in a morphological and geographical 
sense, we can consider the gravestones from the necropolis in Vuksanlekaj/Vuksanlekići 
near Tuzi in Montenegro, which date to the 17th and 18th centuries CE, and are associ-
ated with members of the Albanian ethnographic group known as the Malissori (T.IV: 1 
compare with 2 – 6).
7
 The similarity between them is detectable at the level of the pose of 
the represented human figures, but also in some other specific elements. This especially 
refers to the specific pose of their arms which are slightly bent at the elbows, lowered 
towards the abdomen and groin, and end with small spread palms. In some cases, the 
style is also similar to that of the Ohrid monument. In two cases, there is an elongated 
segment below the right arm that interferes with the phallus (T.IV: 2, 3), however prob-
ably not directly but indirectly - as a remnant of some older templates whose original 
meaning in the meantime may have been forgotten or even changed, perhaps in the sense 
of a knife, a sword scabbard or something else (Autoresh 2015: 34, 53). The similarity 
also refers to the depiction of the heads and torsos of the figures in different techniques, 
whereby the former are executed in a higher relief, while the latter are shallower. On one 
gravestone, a shallow rib shape protrudes from the forehead of the large figure, similarly 
to the Ohrid monument, which in this case could also denote a hat, helmet or a specific 
hairstyle (T.IV: 4 compare with 1).
A common component of the compared objects should be their vertical disposition 
and the stone as the material from which they are made. But we should also not neglect 
7
 On the gravestones: Bešlagić 1970; Autoresh 2015. 

AN ITHYPHALLIC IDOL FROM THE MONASTERY OF ST. NAUM NEAR OHRID AN ITHYPHALLIC IDOL FROM THE MONASTERY OF ST. NAUM NEAR OHRID 13 13 
the differences, given that the monuments from Vuksanlekaj/Vuksanlekići are not con-
ceptualized as cylindrical pillars but as stelae, i.e. vertically placed slabs. If the proposed 
parallels are accepted, then the mentioned similarities could indicate two local variations 
of some more general regional tradition, whereby the differences would be due to the 
significant geographical (and probably also chronological) distance between the compared 
objects. In this context, the monument from St. Naum gives the impression of an older 
(or at least more archaic) manifestation of this phenomenon, whereby it seems more 
probable that it did not have a funerary character, but was used as a cult object (“idol”) 
within the context of some kind of sacred space. However, the funerary character of the 
monuments from Vuksanlekaj/Vuksanlekići still suggests caution regarding the rejection 
of the possibility that the Ohrid monument also had a funerary character.
On this occasion, we leave open the question of how the Malissori, whose native area 
is the region of Malësia (northern Albania) and the southeastern edge of Montenegro, 
could fit into the indicated relations. They represent a group of several separate tribes 
that speak Albanian, have an Albanian identity, and are either Catholic or Muslim. How-
ever, as with all other Balkan ethnic groups, the history and ethnogenesis of this group 
is complex, debatable and burdened with various political and nationalistic tendencies. 
It is mainly polarized between theses about their purely Albanian (autochthonous Illy-
rian or Paleo-Balkan) or Slavic, and even specifically Serbian, origin (Durham 1909; 
Јовићевић 1923: 73–79). In our case, the presence of an area having the same name in 
the surroundings of the Ohrid region may be indicative. We are referring to the area of 
Malesia, located about twenty kilometres north of the northern shore of Lake Ohrid.
8
 − ancient fiGures of PriaPus (t.v)
In general terms, the same features also accompany the pictorial representations of the 
god Priapus and similar ancient deities that were usually depicted in a standing pose, 
with an erect and often oversized phallus. In some iconographic variants, the arms of the 
depicted character are lowered towards this organ (Dunleavy 2018; Stanković-Pešterac 
2017). The representation from the Ohrid monument cannot be directly related to these 
examples because they are executed in a more or less realistic style with harmonized (and 
even idealized) proportions, solid posture and a detailed depiction of all the elements 
of the human body (T.V: 2, 3, 5). The modest representations of this god in the form 
of miniature bronze figurines, mass-produced for the needs of the average population, 
resemble it more closely (T.V: 6, 7). In these objects, most often used as votive objects 
or amulets, the pose and proportions of the figure are not so perfect, while the details 
are frequently neglected. Although in such figurines the small schematic hands directed 
towards the hypertrophied and stylized phallus come to the fore much more (making 
them resemble the monument from St. Naum more closely), they still adhere to the true 
proportions and the real contours of the human figure.
8
 According to B. Rusić, the region’s name is Albanian (mal`esi, meaning hills), although it was not originally 
inhabited by an Albanian population (Русић 1953: 7–9).

NIKOS CHAUSIDIS, IGOR EFTIMOVSKI NIKOS CHAUSIDIS, IGOR EFTIMOVSKI 14 14 
 − relief from mariuPol and bronze amulets from eastern euroPe (t.vi)
A relief whose pose and other features are similar to the Ohrid monument can be found 
on a partially preserved stone stele discovered in a kurgan near the village of Pikuzy 
near Mariupol (northern shore of the Sea of Azov), dating to between the 5th and 7th 
centuries CE. (T.VI: 2, 3 compare with 1) (Швецов 1980). The similarities are in the 
arms of the depicted figure, i.e. their orientation towards the genitals, which in this case 
are also represented by an oversized phallus and testicles. There are also similarities in 
the form of the head – the full cheeks, small mouth, the line on the forehead, which in this 
case denotes the edge of a helmet or hat with a pointed top, as well as in the absence of a 
neck. Certain similarities can also be noticed in regards to the style of execution, which 
is characterized by a high degree of stylization of the figure. The pose of the depicted 
character and other basic features share similarities with a category of bronze objects 
(conditionally named amulets), shaped in the form of schematized male ithyphallic fig-
ures (T.VI: 11 – 13). They are found in the wider area of the Eurasian steppes (often in 
women’s and children’s graves), and date back to between the 4th and 8th centuries CE. 
They are associated with various ethnic groups from this area, mainly from the circle 
of Iranian-speaking ones (Sarmatians, Alans), with whose mediation they probably also 
reached the Northern Black Sea region from the northern Caucasus. Their presence in 
this region is confirmed by several such specimens, which probably also influenced the 
formation of the stele from Pikuzy.
9
 On this occasion, especially interesting to us are the 
more realistic versions of these objects, that are increasingly being discovered on the 
territory of Ukraine and neighboring countries (T.VI: 4 – 6). Judging by the form and 
style of execution, they show similarities with the appliques of the “Martynovka” type, 
which at the same time points to their somewhat younger dating (7th century CE) and 
probable relations with the Slavs, i.e. the Antes (compare with T.VI: 7, 8).
10
 In the search 
for the genesis of these traditions (which has not yet been resolved), we propose to also 
include older objects from the Caucasus and Iran (examples T.VI: 9, 10). Despite the 
significant chronological gap, connections are evident not only in the iconography, but 
also in their purpose (as pendants).
The notable similarity of the indicated finds with the idol from St. Naum can be 
justified by certain historical processes that took place between the Northern Black Sea 
region and the Central and Southern Balkans. We can consider the main component of 
this connection to be the Antes – a specific group of early Slavic tribes formed in Eastern 
Europe, whose ethnogenesis included a significant share belonging to the non-Slavic, i.e. 
Iranian-speaking populations, including the autochthonous ethnic groups of the North-
ern Black Sea region. This is also the reason behind their non-Slavic ethnonym Antes, 
which in the earliest sources refers to Iranian-speaking ethnic groups. It is thought that 
during the great migrations, precisely the tribes of this group settled the eastern parts of 
9
 Вдовченков 2010; Вдовченков 2019; Ковалевская 1983; Швецов 1980. 
10
 They have mainly been found during illegal excavations, without adequate information on the site of discovery 
and the archaeological context. Photographs of them have been posted on the websites of illegal excavators, 
while several have been collected in the monograph by A. N. Spasonykh (Спасёных 2020: 107–114 , 137, 
138, 269, 184). 

AN ITHYPHALLIC IDOL FROM THE MONASTERY OF ST. NAUM NEAR OHRID AN ITHYPHALLIC IDOL FROM THE MONASTERY OF ST. NAUM NEAR OHRID 15 15 
the Balkan Peninsula, as well as the regions of Macedonia and Greece.
11
 We can take 
two groups of finds from the above-mentioned parts of the Peninsula to be indicators of 
these movements. The first are the metal plaques from the Velestino hoard in Thessaly 
(T.X: 2 – 8), whose form clearly shows the same genetic line indicated above – starting 
with the oldest such examples from the Northern Caucasus (T.VI: 8), then the examples 
from the so-called Martynovka hoards (T.VI: 7, from the 6th century CE), all the way 
to the plaques from Velestino (T.X: 2 – 8, from the 7th-8th centuries CE) (Akhmedov 
2018; Щеглова 2010; Szmoniewski 2008). The second group consists of bronze amulets 
from the Komani - Kruja culture, represented by rich finds from the territories of Albania, 
Montenegro, Dalmatia, and the northern shoreline of Lake Ohrid. Of particular interest 
to us in this case are the rings that show an encircled human figure (T.VII: 1 from “St. 
Erasmus” near Ohrid and T.VII: 2 from Mati in Albania). Objects with an analogous 
form or iconography can be traced to the other two Eastern European areas: the North 
Caucasus (T.VII: 9 – 14) and medieval Russia (T.VII: 6 – 8), but also in the Pannonian 
region (T.VII: 3 – 5) (Чаусидис 1991; Чаусидис 1992; Ефтимовски 2020). The idol 
from St. Naum fits in well with this line. According to the appearance of the depicted 
figure, it comes close to the Caucasian (T.VI: 1 compare with 8, 11 – 13), the Martynovka 
(T.VI: 1 compare with 7, indirectly also with 4 – 6) and the Velestino analogies (T.X: 
2 – 8), while the place of discovery corresponds with the amulets from the Komani-Kruja 
culture (T.VII: 1, 2). The latter also show relations with the corresponding finds from the 
North Caucasus (T.VII: 9 – 14) and the Martynovka complex (T.VI: 7).
 − Meaning of the pose of the arMs In the three examples mentioned above (T.IV – T.VI), the position of the arms is particu-
larly eye-catching. In the latter two, as well as in the Ohrid monument, they are directed 
towards the genitals. This pose can allude to several different actions, and according to 
the details, it can also have several meanings. If the arms are only directed towards the 
genitals, they can have a primarily optical role to direct the observer’s view and attention 
towards these organs (T.V; T.VI). However, if the hands are placed on the phallus itself, 
they could indirectly indicate the act of masturbation or even the sexual act, i.e. using 
the hands to direct the phallus towards the vaginal opening. In the case of the Ohrid 
monument, the first option seems more probable (pointing to, and thus emphasizing the 
functions and meanings of the genitals), however, given the high degree of stylization, 
it should not be excluded that the sculptor and the statue’s users may have had in mind 
one of the other indicated meanings. Perhaps the lack of skill or other technical reasons 
meant these other meanings were not presented in a more explicit, and realistic way.
It is worth mentioning another example that is unusual in its character and form. It is 
an extremely archaic wooden object with a cult character (carbon-dated to the middle of 
11
 On these components in the ethnogenesis of the Antes and of the Slavs in general: Седов 1994, 277–279; 
Седов 1995, 80–84; Трубачев 2003, 49–53; Pleterski 1995, 550–552; Лома 1993; Vinski 1994; Чаусидис 
2003, 103–105; a skeptical approach towards the Slavic character of the Antes: Szmoniewski 2010; on the 
Iranian components in the Slavic pagan religion: Топоров 1989; Дудко 1991; Borissoff 2014; Чаусидис 2003, 
141–171.

NIKOS CHAUSIDIS, IGOR EFTIMOVSKI NIKOS CHAUSIDIS, IGOR EFTIMOVSKI 16 16 
the 1st millennium BCE), discovered in a bog at Broddenbjerg near Viborg (Denmark), 
which actually represents an adapted natural element, i.e. a set of three branches whose 
modification (and especially the modelling of a human head at the top) resulted in an 
ithyphallic figure (T.V: 4) (Johansen 1981; Broddenbjerg 2021). In this case, the phallus 
was accentuated using the opposite approach – by omitting the arms.
b) Elements in the area of the neck and head
 − a rched rib in the area of the neck We have already noted that the arched rib that extends below the head of the monument 
from St. Naum can be identified as an item of clothing or jewellery. In the first case, it 
could either be a scarf or a roll-collar that covers the neck, while in the second case - a 
torc or some other type of jewellery intended for this part of the body. This element is 
present in various cultures, but we will single out the examples that are associated with 
the Celts, Scythians and Slavs.
In the Celtic examples, this motif is depicted more specifically and more clearly than 
in the Ohrid idol, so there is no doubt that it represents a torc (T.VIII; T.X: 9 – 11 com-
pare with 1). However, the combination of the torc with ithyphallicity in certain Celtic 
examples imposes the need to carefully consider this potential genetic connection. The 
most interesting Celtic analogy is the anthropomorphic sculpture from Hirschlanden 
(Germany), which is made of limestone and dated to the Late Hallstatt period (6th–5th 
centuries BCE, T.VIII: 5). It depicts a life-size man wearing only a conical hat (possible 
reference to a glans penis?), a torc and a belt with a dagger. One of his arms is bent in 
the area of the chest, and the other on the abdomen. In the crotch area, a pair of testicles 
is depicted along with a phallus in relief that extends upwards, but its size is not over-
emphasised (Green 2004, 68–69; Karwowski 2012, 199; Hirschlanden 2021). Torcs 
are also a common element among the Celtic miniature ithyphallic bronze figurines. 
One such impressive example has been discovered at Prašník (Slovakia), which depicts 
an anthropomorphic figure with a torc, bent arms, two circlets in the area of the chest, 
testicles and a phallus extending upwards (T.VIII: 2, another similar specimen 3). The 
hermaphroditic character of the figure cannot be excluded if we take into account the 
circlets on the chest (breasts/nipples), and especially the oval indentation on the abdomen 
(opening into the womb equated with the vulva?) (similar solutions: Чаусидис 2020: 58, 
59; Т.3: 6). Another example worth mentioning is the bronze figurine from Oberleiserberg 
(Austria) which, unlike the previous ones, is characterized by hypertrophy of the phallus 
(T.VIII: 4). This figurine could also be treated as an anthropomorphized phallus, whereby 
the strongly stylized head symbolises a glans penis, while the torc takes on the role of a 
praeputium (Karwowski 2012). Based on archaeological and historical data, it is assumed 
that the torc had strong symbolic value in Celtic culture, denoting high military or social 
status, power, wealth and belonging to the community (Green 2004: 40–47). The torc 
is a common attribute in the representations of the Celtic mythical character known as 
Cernunnos – a deity with deer antlers, which is associated with the underworld, fertility, 
vegetation, animals and commerce (T.VIII: 6) (Bober 1951; Green 2004: 42–45, 177). 

AN ITHYPHALLIC IDOL FROM THE MONASTERY OF ST. NAUM NEAR OHRID AN ITHYPHALLIC IDOL FROM THE MONASTERY OF ST. NAUM NEAR OHRID 17 17 
To summarize the results of the above comparisons, we may conclude that Celtic 
figures have a higher degree of anthropomorphism (as opposed to columnarity), that there 
are differences in the pose of the hands, and the proportions of the phallus are realistic 
(with the exception of the last example T.VIII: 4). In opposition to this, the indicated 
comparisons gain in their significance if we take into account the confirmed presence in 
the Ohrid region of Celtic cultural elements dating to the Hellenistic period.
12
 However, it 
must be noted that these are incidental examples of graves with deposited Celtic weapons 
and military equipment, which do not necessarily indicate the presence in this region of 
some more integral forms of Celtic culture.
13
The Scythian analogies seem to correspond better because the indicated motif in their 
case, as in the monument from St. Naum, is indefinite, i.e. is not accompanied by any 
elements that would determine its more specific character (T.IX). They are represented 
by a rather numerous category of columnar stone monuments (so far numbering over 150 
specimens), spread over the territory of the North Black Sea region – from Dobrudja in 
the west to the North Caucasus in the east (T.IX: 2 – 8 compare with 1). They date from 
between the 7th and 3rd centuries BCE, and are associated mainly with the Scythians, but 
also with some other populations from this region. Several specimens have been found in 
situ, at the tops of burial mounds, which is why the prevailing opinion is that they were 
used as funerary monuments placed over the tombs of prominent individuals from the 
mentioned societies. The appendage to the necks of these monuments most commonly 
appears in a form quite similar to the Ohrid version, in the form of a thick, smooth and 
arched segment, but there are also examples where it is twisted, divided by transverse 
grooves or even duplicated. These parallels gain significance due to two other elements 
that are also present in the Ohrid monument. The first is the phallus and testicles which 
in some of these monuments are depicted in shallow relief under the belt of the portrayed 
character (T.IX: 2 – 4 compare with 1). The second is the arms, which are also lowered 
and often symmetrical, but the hands, unlike the Ohrid example, (with rare exceptions) 
do not cross the line of the belt (T.IX: 3 – 5 compare with 1).
14
Regarding the arched element at the neck, the Slavic analogies have shown themselves 
to be particularly indicative, especially the metal plaques from the Velestino hoard in 
Thessaly, which date back to the 7th and 8th centuries CE, and are associated with the 
Slavic tribe of the Belegezites whose presence in this region is confirmed by written 
sources relating to these centuries (T.X: 2 – 8 compare with 1).
15
 They have special sig-
nificance in our analyses due to their relative geographical proximity to the region from 
which the monument from St. Naum hails, their early medieval dating, and their Pagan 
12
 Guštin & Kuzman & Malenko 2011; Ardjanliev 2014; Guštin & Kuzman & Preložnik 2014.
13
 In specific cases, for example, they could be the graves of Celtic mercenaries or of locals who in some way 
gained possession of equipment typical of Celtic warriors.
14
 Overview and basic information: Ольховский и Евдокимов 1994; on the various poses of the arms: 
Ермоленко 2019.
15
 Monographic presentation of the hoard: Curta & Szmoniewski 2019; a critical look at the interpretations 
presented in the work: Chausidis 2019; iconography of the objects and interpretation of the depicted characters: 
Čausidis 2005.

NIKOS CHAUSIDIS, IGOR EFTIMOVSKI NIKOS CHAUSIDIS, IGOR EFTIMOVSKI 18 18 
Slavic character, if the arguments for such dating and ethnic affiliation of the Ohrid idol 
are accepted. It is especially important that the indicated element appears on many of 
the anthropomorphic or zooanthropomorphic figures from this hoard, showing that it is 
an important component, which in this case seems to have gained the status of a general, 
typical and recognizable feature of the style, i.e. the manner of pictorial depiction of 
these objects. In almost all cases, this element is divided into segments (compare with the 
Scythian examples - T.IX), which at the same time is also the key feature that distinguishes 
them from the monument from St. Naum. These are the specific plaques from this hoard 
on which the indicated motif can be found: the figure of a birth-giving woman (maybe a 
hermaphrodite with a pointed beard?) from whose crotch emerges a human head (T.X: 
2); the hybrid figure with the body of a human and the head of a wolf or other similar 
carnivorous animal (T.X: 3); the female figure with legs apart in movement, open genitals 
and a child on her lap, holding a stringed musical instrument in her hand (in this case 
the indicated element is in the form of a double rib – T.X: 4); the pair of human figures 
dressed in long garments, with large hats or hairstyles (T.X: 5); the winged female figure 
with a grotesque face, and arms in the orans posture (in this case it is not certain whether 
it is a special accessory on the neck or part of the radiant halo that surrounds the whole 
head) (T.X: 7); the lying figure (male or child) depicted at the front legs of a horse with 
a wide-open toothed muzzle (T.X: 8).
At this point we should also mention the frequent presence of real torcs in the grave 
inventories of the necropolises belonging to the aforementioned early medieval Komani–
Kruja culture, also confirmed on the northern shore of Lake Ohrid. Bronze torcs have been 
discovered at the sites of “St. Erasmus” near Ohrid (T.X: 12), and “Ciganski Grobišta” 
near the village of Radolišta (in the vicinity of Struga), in the 7th and 8th century burials 
that are associated with the indicated culture (Манева 2013: 1296–1298).
In the description of the monument from St. Naum, we pointed out that the arched seg-
ment that extends along the neck of the depicted character from the left rises towards the 
ear, indicating that it could represent a loop, i.e. noose. Such a possibility is also indicated 
by the ithyphallic folk parallels presented below (named “German”, “Little Man”, and other 
examples), given their pronounced sacrificial character and the presence of the Cosmic Axis 
in the function of a sacrificial pillar. As a paradigmatic example of the mythical characters 
of this type, we can point to the Germano-Nordic supreme god Odin, who sacrificed him-
self on the cosmic tree Yggdrasil by hanging and being pierced with a spear, in order to be 
resurrected after nine days and nights, to discover the secret of the magic runes.
16
 The same 
mythical paradigm was also behind numerous other mythical characters sacrificed on the 
Cosmic Tree or next to it, a significant portion of them also being ithyphallic, such as the 
one sitting on top of the “cluster pendants” from the Iron Age (T.XIV: 3 – 5; see further).
17
 
16
 (Hávamál, 140–141). One of Odin’s many names was also Hangatýr/Hangaguð, that is, the god of the 
hanged (Gylfaginning, 20; Skáldskaparmál, 1–2). According to interpretatio romana, Odin was identified with 
Mercury, i.e. Hermes, to whom the Germanics also offered human sacrifices (Tacitus, Germania, 9). See also 
Ellis Davidson 1990: 140–142 (on the connection of Odin with Mercury), 143–145 (on the sacrifice of Odin).
17
 On the god sacrificed on the Cosmic Axis, in context of the “cluster pendants”: Чаусидис 2017: 256–271; 
on hanging as a sacrificial act and execution: Чаусидис 2011: 48–51.

AN ITHYPHALLIC IDOL FROM THE MONASTERY OF ST. NAUM NEAR OHRID AN ITHYPHALLIC IDOL FROM THE MONASTERY OF ST. NAUM NEAR OHRID 19 19 
The Caucasian, Iranian (T.VI: 9, 10) and even medieval ithyphallic pendants from Eastern 
Europe (T.VI: 11 – 13), which were intended for hanging (on a chain or a rope), fit well 
in this concept, although they were not attached to the neck but to the ring formed on their 
back or occiput (Чаусидис 2011: 50, T.II: 6; Chausidis 2021: Ch.VI).
This mythologem also found its thisworldly manifestation in the real sacrificial rituals 
of archaic communities. In archaeological and historical terms, such traditions are best 
recorded among the Germanic and Nordic archaic communities, to whose mythology the 
aforementioned god Odin also belongs. Among the numerous naturally mummified bodies 
from the Iron Age found in the bogs of northwestern Europe, cases of ritual sacrifice 
have been discovered in which the dead (male and female) were first hanged and then 
thrown into the bog, with the rope still around their neck.
18
 In later times, we learn from 
the medieval author Adam of Bremen that in the sacred forest next to the great temple 
at Uppsala (Sweden), around the time of the vernal equinox, nine males of each species, 
including humans, were sacrificed by hanging (Adamus Bremensis, IV. 26–28). Another 
interesting account is found in the medieval chronicle Historia Norwegiæ, according to 
which the legendary Swedish king Domald, son of Wisbur, was hanged by the Swedes 
as a sacrifice to the goddess “Ceres”, in order to ensure a successful yield of the crops: 
“Cuius [Wisbur] filium Domald Sweones suspendentes pro fertilitate frugum Cereri 
hostiam obtulerunt” (Historia Norwegie, IX. 10).
The connection between the noted Germanic and Nordic examples, and the Ohrid 
ithyphallic idol (where we may have a combination of ithyphallism and hanging), is jus-
tified by a real phenomenon known as post-mortem erection. It most commonly occurs in 
individuals who have been executed or who commit suicide by hanging, and is thought 
to happen as a result of the pressure of the rope on the spinal cord or cerebellum of the 
hanged (Death erection 2021). In this context, all the above males who were hanged 
(mythical characters and sacrificed individuals) acquire the meaning of impregnators of 
the goddess of the chthonic realms (and of agriculture) who, by the act of hanging, were 
provided with a “posthumous” or “eternal” erection, as well as passage to her abode, in 
order to realize her impregnation. Although these traditions are best attested among the 
Germanic and Scandinavian archaic societies, the real basis on which they are founded 
and the other previously referenced examples indicate their much wider distribution.
 − d ivision in the area of the forehead As we have already mentioned, the segment formed at the top of the head of the monu-
ment from St. Naum, viewed through a realistic perspective, resembles a hemispherical 
hat, helmet or even hairstyle of the depicted character, cut on the forehead in a flat line 
18
 The most famous such examples are the so-called Tollund Man and Elling Woman (both dating to the 4th and 
3rd centuries BCE), discovered about 60 metres from each other in a bog near Silkeborg, Denmark (Vandkilde 
2004). According to P. V. Glob, such sacrifices were dedicated to the goddess Nerthus - Mother Earth (Glob 
1969). The same author connects the rope around the victim’s neck, as well as the cult of Nerthus, with the torc 
as a symbolic object (Glob 1969, 163–166). We learn from the Roman historian Tacitus that human sacrifices 
were indeed part of the cult of Nerthus, but he wrote that individuals were drowned in water, and does not say 
anything about hanging (Tacitus, Germania, 40).

NIKOS CHAUSIDIS, IGOR EFTIMOVSKI NIKOS CHAUSIDIS, IGOR EFTIMOVSKI 20 20 
(T.IX: 1). Unlike the previous one, it is an elementary and very common motif which 
therefore cannot have more significant value in this comparative analysis. Despite the 
many analogies from different periods and regions, on this occasion we can once again 
refer to an example from the Velestino plaques, which are geographically closest. This 
time it is the one depicting a profile of a galloping horseman, holding a sword and shield in 
his hands, on whose head stands out a similar segment which, as in the Ohrid monument, 
could bear the three indicated meanings (T.X: 6 compare with 1). A similar division of 
the vertex of the head, which most often resembles a hat, is also commonly present on 
the miniature Slavic idols from the territories of Russia and Poland (T.XI: 7 – 9, 13, 14 
compare with 1). It is formed most impressively and realistically on the Sheksna (T.XI: 
12) and the Zbruch idols (T.XI: 4). On the Sheksna idol it has the form of a hat that covers 
the head of the depicted character, while on the Zbruch idol it covers the heads of the 
four deities in its upper zone.
19
 − t he whole MonuMent as a personalized phallus 
The division at the top of the character’s head, as present on the monument from St. Naum, 
perceived on its own or especially in combination with the additional element at the neck, 
can also be observed through a symbolic perspective. This perception would be based on 
the identification of the entire figure of the depicted character with the phallus. (T.XI: 1). 
In this context, its head is equated with the glans penis, while the torso, and even the whole 
object represents the corpus of the male sexual organ. Regarding the specific monument, 
when applying this concept of the personalization of the phallus, we are encouraged by 
the presence of the testicles, and of course by the almost certain presence of the later 
lost phallus. In this context, the unusual shape of the head of the depicted character also 
makes sense – the fusion of the cheeks, chin and vertex into some kind of egg-shaped 
segment can be justified by the intention to bring it closer to the shape of the glans penis. 
We may also seek the reason for the division of the vertex, and especially for the arched 
segment at the neck, which in this case would suggest the praeputium penis. It is very 
likely that when the Ohrid monument was made and used, the proposed identification 
was not perceived by its users (or at least was not in the forefront), but was present as a 
remnant of some older templates. Thereby, the phallic meaning of the whole monument 
cannot be completely ruled out, given its verticality and cylindrical columnar shape.
The equalization of the male sexual organ with the whole male figure is one of the 
ways in which the personalization of the phallus is manifested: a phenomenon behind 
which, on the one hand, stands the intention to present the male genitalia as a separate 
entity and person with autonomous will, and on the other – the reduction of the man and 
his intentions and behaviors to the function of his genitals. Within the spheres of religion, 
these symbolic concepts are motivated by the need to deify the phallus, that is, to accentuate 
and personalize its functions into a special mythical character or deity. These processes 
and the specific pictorial approaches that accompany them have an archetypal character, 
i.e. they are common to all humankind, and are therefore present in various regions and 
19
 On the Sheksna idol: Седов 1982: 264, 298 – T.LXXV: 1; on the Zbruch idol: Рыбаков 1987: 236–251. 

AN ITHYPHALLIC IDOL FROM THE MONASTERY OF ST. NAUM NEAR OHRID AN ITHYPHALLIC IDOL FROM THE MONASTERY OF ST. NAUM NEAR OHRID 21 21 
various historical periods. Within the circle of the Indo-European populations, they are 
best represented in three cultures – the Late Bronze Age and Iron Age cultures of Iran 
(more specifically in the Luristan region T.XI: 10, 11), the cultures of Early Antiquity in 
the North Black Sea region (T.IX: 2 – 8), and the early medieval European cultures that 
are mainly associated with the Slavs (T.XI: 2 – 9, 12 – 15).
20
The already mentioned examples from the North Black Sea region are particularly 
interesting for us because they also possess pictorial elements that are present on the Ohrid 
monument (T.IX). The basic shape and composition of these columnar monuments is more 
or less reminiscent of the contours of the phallus. The torso of the depicted character is 
equated with the corpus of the phallus, the head represents the glans penis, while below 
it, at the neck, the mentioned division (collar, scarf, torc) coincides with the praeputium 
of the phallus. The older prototypes of these monuments can be traced back to the Bronze 
Age, to significantly wider territories, including the Balkan Peninsula (T.XVI: 7).
21
 D. 
S. Rayevskiy points to their cosmological symbolism, i.e. their identification with the 
Cosmic Pillar, the giant phallus, and with some macrocosmic anthropomorphic character 
whose figure, divided into three zones by the torc and the belt, coincides with the three 
levels of the universe. He links the raising of these objects with the deaths of rulers, as 
an act of re-establishing the cosmic order disturbed by their passing. It is important to 
note the identification of these pillars with the deceased king or prince, equated with the 
mythical ancestor (specifically the Scythian Targitay), represented as the Cosmic Pillar 
and a gigantic (macrocosmic) phallus, which justifies their appearance (Раевский 1983; 
Раевский 1985: 134–146).
In this group of monuments, the ones that are particularly important to us are those in 
which the male genital organ is depicted in addition to the monument’s phallic shape – as 
in the monument from Ohrid. The organ is depicted on the appropriate part of the body 
of the human figure, accompanied by testicles, but this time with realistic proportions 
(T.IX: 2 – 4 compare with 1).
The personalization of the phallus also occurs in some cult objects associated with 
the early medieval culture of the Slavs. We should first mention the monumental colum-
nar idols made of stone. In its purest form, this phenomenon is present in the already 
mentioned monument from the Sheksna River basin (Vologda Oblast, northwestern 
Russia – T.XI: 12), in which the hat most evidently represents the glans penis. It is also 
present in the idol from the riverbed of the Zbruch River (territory of present-day western 
Ukraine), whose basic contours also have the shape of a phallus, but this time modeled in 
the form of a four-sided pillar (T.XI: 4). Its surfaces bear relief representations of human 
figures denoting individual deities, arranged according to their position in the universe, 
which is divided vertically (tripartite) and horizontally (quadripartite). The heads of the 
20
 Our observations on this concept, with examples: Чаусидис 1994, 344–358; Chausidis 2021: Ch. VI.
21
 On the older specimens with a less pronounced phallic shape: Чаусидис 2017: 871–874 (with presented 
bibliography). On the geographically closest such example (from Thessaly): Чаусидис, 1993: 161–163 (al-
though the monument is now usually dated to the transitional period between the Bronze and the Iron Age, 
it is confusing that it also bears features close to the mentioned Scythian examples, but also to the medieval 
Slavic idols. Therefore, the possibility that it could date to a later period should not be fully rejected).

NIKOS CHAUSIDIS, IGOR EFTIMOVSKI NIKOS CHAUSIDIS, IGOR EFTIMOVSKI 22 22 
four deities in the upper zone are covered by a hemispherical segment that carries two 
meanings – on the one hand it represents a common hat, and on the other it is the glans 
penis of the macrocosmic phallus that extends through the three zones of the universe 
(graphic reconstruction – T.XI: 5) (Рыбаков 1987: 236–251). 
The second group of cult objects consists of miniature objects made of wood, bone 
or horn, with a reduced iconography, and whose phallic shape is complemented by one 
(T.XI: 7 – 9, 13 – 15) or several faces (T.XI: 2, 3). In this case too, the glans penis inter-
feres with the depicted heads or their hat (Чаусидис 1994: 348–350; Chausidis 2021: Ch. 
IX). In its purest form, this element is represented on the single-faced wooden objects 
from Staraya Russa (T.XI: 15) and Novgorod (T.XI: 14), while in the multi-faced ones, 
it appears on the wooden object from Svendborg (Denmark, 12th century CE – T.XI: 3), 
and in a slightly less transparent form on the specimen made of deer antler from Davina 
Kula near the village of Čučer, near Skopje (RN Macedonia, hypothetically dated to the 
9th-10th centuries CE – T.XI: 2).
22
 In this context we should also mention the wooden 
phallic object from Łęczyca (Poland), dating to the 12th century CE, whose upper half 
is shaped in the form of a human torso with a head, but without arms (T.XI: 6). The pur-
pose of the object is associated with wedding ceremonies, described in Russian medieval 
sources, during which the guests drank some kind of drink from a bucket, in which an 
object in the form of a phallus had previously been placed (“срамоту моужскою”).
23
c) Indentations in the area of the chin
Despite their marginality, the three indentations under the mouth of the Ohrid stone idol 
seem to be quite an interesting iconographic element (T.XII: 1). Their asymmetrical 
positioning and different sizes give reason to assume that they were not part of the orig-
inal idea behind the object, but were added later by a person who was not so skilled in 
working with stone. Since it is not possible to connect them with any real element of the 
anatomy of the human head, assumptions are made that they were indented for some kind 
of symbolic, ritual or technical reason, or perhaps even without any particular meaning, 
as a form of vandalism or defilement of the monument. The analogies that we present 
in the following paragraphs can nevertheless be considered to support the argument that 
the indentations had a clear function.
The first group of analogies consists of numerous prehistoric (primarily Eneolithic) 
ceramic figurines, mainly from the eastern parts of the Balkan Peninsula, which have 
several indentations in the same area under the mouth (T.XII: 4 – 6).We should also note 
the examples that are indented on the mouth itself, or those where the mouth is actually 
represented by such an opening (T.XII: 7, 8).
24
 V. Nikolov thinks they were a specific 
22
 Chausidis 2021: Ch. IX; on the object from Svendborg: Kajkowski & Szczepanik 2013: 56, 57, fig. 13; from 
Čučer: Maneva 2001.
23
 Concerning the object: Hensel 1964, Fig. 12; about the ritual and the sources: Клейн 2004: 372, 373; on 
this and other phallus shaped objects: Чаусидис 1994: 344.
24
 Examples: Hansen 2007 (Teil I), 239 – Abb. 1, (Teil II), Taf. 360: 1; 361; 366; 367: 1; 379: 1, 14; 414: 2 (with 
openings under the mouth); 393; 394; 403: 1; 416; 418: 1, 10; 432: 2, 4, 12; 442:1 (with openings on the mouth).

AN ITHYPHALLIC IDOL FROM THE MONASTERY OF ST. NAUM NEAR OHRID AN ITHYPHALLIC IDOL FROM THE MONASTERY OF ST. NAUM NEAR OHRID 23 23 
feature of male characters, probably with a higher social rank, but are also typical of female 
figurines interpreted as representations of the Mother Goddess (Николов 2006: 117, 118).
When making female ceramic figurines, various prehistoric cultures (Neolithic and 
later) inserted cereal grains in the wet clay before the figurines were dried and fired. This 
was obviously a ritual act of symbolically fertilizing the represented characters, equated 
with sowing seeds in the Earth Mother – represented by the female shape (woman – earth) 
and the material from which they were made (clay – earth) (Бибиков 1951; Рыбаков 
1981: 46, 48). Taking this into account, it seems that the openings on the chin or mouth 
of the finished (fired) figurines probably had a similar character. However, they were not 
only meant for implanting cereal grains (as a stimulus for growth), but also for ripe ears of 
cereal plants (as a product of growth). The question remains why they should be inserted 
precisely at the mouth. We will try to present the answer in the following paragraphs.
The same motif also appears on a category of medieval anthropomorphic bronze 
figurines that date to between the 8th and 10th centuries CE, which are widespread in 
Ukraine and Russia – north of the Black and Caspian Seas (T.XII: 2, 3). Despite the ab-
sence of definite facts, the cultural affiliation of these objects is usually associated with 
the Saltovo-Mayaki culture and the various nomadic peoples that existed in this region 
in the given period, and were mainly members of the Turkic-speaking group (Polovci, 
Tatars, Bulgars and Khazars). Theories about the Slavic origin of these finds have also 
been put forward, as well as assumptions about their relations with the Iranian or some 
other older cultures. The figurines depict a character with two or four faces, indicating his 
mythical nature.
25
 Unlike the monument from St. Naum, in these figurines the openings 
are not punctured under the mouth, but directly on it. Although in this case the motiva-
tion for this solution could have been technical – to make the mouth more striking or to 
emphasize that it is open with accentuated teeth, the previous prehistoric examples also 
suggest the possible symbolic meaning of this element.
Until recently, there was a widespread harvest time custom among the Eastern and 
Southern Slavs that involved making a ritual object called a “beard” from the last bundle 
of wheat. This was equated with or dedicated to various male and female characters with 
the identities of Christian saints, but also to some more archaic mythical characters (T.XI-
II: 2 – 4). In this case, we emphasise the variants in which the last bundle of wheat was 
intended to be a beard for a male mythical character (as “his beard”, i.e. as a “beard for 
him”). These characters can be grouped into three categories: not entirely specific sacral 
or mythical characters (grandfather, god, lord); characters with a Christian identity (St. 
Elijah, St. Nicholas, St. Spas, Christ, conditionally God, the Lord); characters with a Pagan 
Slavic identity (explicitly Veles-Volos, and conditionally also god, lord, grandfather). 
The threshing floor pillar was also often adorned with a “wheat beard” (photomontage 
T.XIII: 5), which implies some kind of more direct similarity with the Ohrid monument, 
bearing in mind its vertical, i.e. columnar form (Чаусидис 2005: 233–235; Чаусидис 
1994: 423, 424; Терновская 1995).
25
 Давыденко и Гриб 2009: 187–189, 198 (Рис. 2), 199 (Рис. 3: 1–4), 200 (Рис. 4: 1, 2). 

NIKOS CHAUSIDIS, IGOR EFTIMOVSKI NIKOS CHAUSIDIS, IGOR EFTIMOVSKI 24 24 
This ritual stems from the symbolic identification between plants and hairs, founded 
on the fact that both grow – plants from the earth and hairs on the bodies of humans and 
animals. In this case, the beard is chosen for its proximity to the mouth, which in the 
spheres of semiotics functions as a symbolic equivalent of the vulva – the place from 
which living beings are actually born. In cultures where it was believed that Mother 
Earth was responsible for the sprouting and growth of plants, the mechanism of this 
action was obvious – plants were born from her womb and genitals. However, in cases 
where the patron of the earth and agriculture was the male chthonic god, this concept 
could not work. Another concept was therefore introduced, according to which plants 
emerge from the mouth of this god (by disgorging/vomiting, which of course had to be 
preceded by the act of swallowing), or grow from his face, equated with the hairs of his 
beard, mustache, eyebrows, eyelashes and hair. Among the Slavs, but also more broad-
ly, these mythologems have also found their own pictorial manifestation – in mythical 
images depicting the head of a male character, supplemented by various phytomorphic 
motifs (spiral twigs, leaves, flowers and fruits), which either grow from his mouth or are 
metamorphosed from the hairs of his head (T.XIII: 6 – 10).
26
In view of these facts, we put forward the assumption that the three indentations 
under the mouth of the Ohrid monument could have occurred as a consequence of its 
ritual, seasonal adornment with a “wheat beard”. This would involve the wheat ears 
of the last harvested bundle being fixed to the indentations (photomontage T.XIII: 1). 
Given the shallowness of these indentations, the wheat had to be fixed with some kind 
of sticky substance, such as wax or resin. Two facts encourage us in this hypothetical 
reconstruction, the first of which is the columnar shape of the monument that resembles 
the threshing floor pillar, which was also adorned with a “beard” (T.XIII: 5 compare 
with 1). The second is its ithyphallicity, which would fit well with the identity of this 
character as a fertilizer, that is, a stimulator of all life processes, including the growth 
of vegetation in general and of wheat in particular. This means the depicted mythical 
character would invest his sexual potency in the sowing, sprouting, growth and ripening 
of the wheat, giving a logical justification as to why precisely it would be endowed with 
a “wheat beard”.
If we accept the possibility that the lower part of our idol was planted in the ground, 
and that a part of its lost hypertrophied phallus was also below ground level (T.III: 4), then 
this very procedure of insertion, or planting in the earth of the statue of a god, acquires 
eminent agrarian symbolism. Particularly as an act of hierogamy, that is, the penetration of 
the god’s phallus (or his whole figure equated with the phallus) into the earth (understood 
as a woman, goddess, or mother) (T.III: 3 – 6).
27
 In the following chapters we reference 
important arguments that support this meaning.
26
 Чаусидис 2005: 226–235 (on the symbolic concept), 236–240 (on the pictorial representations).
27
 On the procedures of ritual burial and planting ithyphallic and other figures into the ground: Велецкая 1984.

AN ITHYPHALLIC IDOL FROM THE MONASTERY OF ST. NAUM NEAR OHRID AN ITHYPHALLIC IDOL FROM THE MONASTERY OF ST. NAUM NEAR OHRID 25 25 
A DIACHRONIC OVERVIEW OF ITHYPHALLIC MYTHICAL CHARACTERS 
FROM THE OHRID REGION AND SURROUNDING AREAS
Regardless of the fact that the comparisons made in the previous chapters point more to 
the early medieval, and primarily the Slavic character of the monument from St. Naum, 
one should not rule out the possibility that its formation and the constitution of the cult 
that it represented, were influenced by the autochthonous traditions that encountered, 
and probably interacted with the Slavic communities that began to settle in this part of 
Macedonia in the 6th century CE. Therefore, we have decided to present in this chapter 
a summarized diachronic review of the archaeological finds from the Ohrid-Prespa re-
gion and its wider area, in which the central place is occupied by the male sexual organ.
a) Prehistory
We can consider the oldest such find (so far) to be the Late Neolithic or Eneolithic ceramic 
object from the site of Penelopa, which extends on the territory of the modern-day city of 
Ohrid (T.XIV: 9). It is shaped in the form of some kind of platform or small table (perhaps 
an altar or a sacrificial surface) on which an erect phallus with testicles rests obliquely.
28
 
As an even older example we can consider the ceramic phallus from the neighboring 
region of Pelagonia, discovered as an incidental find at one of the Neolithic sites in the 
vicinity of the village of Optičari (Bitola region) (T.XIV: 2). It is especially interesting 
to us because it is fashioned according to the indicated concept of personalization of 
the male sexual organ, which as a paradigm also stood at the basis of the idol from St. 
Naum (compare with T.IX; T.XI).
29
 The traditions of venerating an ithyphallic god in the 
Ohrid-Prespa region continued into the Iron Age, the best indicator of which is the bronze 
pendant discovered as a grave good in the necropolis of Kuç i Zi near Korça (Albania), 
thirty kilometres from the monastery of St. Naum (T.XVIII: 1). It depicts a man with a 
designated phallus and testicles, sitting in a fetal position on top of a vertical pillar and 
supplemented by numerous button-like extensions, which was associated with some kind 
of plant, probably with the meaning of Cosmic Tree, i.e. Tree of Life (T.XIV: 3, 4). In 
numerous similar specimens discovered in various parts of Macedonia, the phallus is also 
present at the lower end of the pillar shaped in the form of a glans penis, indicating the 
equation of the tree with the erect phallus (T.XIV: 5). These objects belong to the type 
of “cluster pendants” (part of the group of “Macedonian Bronzes”, 8th – 7th centuries 
BCE) that women wore in the area of the waist and hip, as amulets for protection and to 
stimulate the genital organs.
30
28
 Кузман 2013: 355 – Сл. 46, 356, Т.IV: 9; Чаусидис 2017: 204, 206 (Б26: 1). 
29
 Чаусидис 1994, 345 (T.LXXXII: 4), 347. There is also the possibility that it is a later (perhaps medieval) 
modification of a prehistoric object.
30
 Чаусидис 2017, in general on this type of pendants: 155–303, on the ithyphallic components: 196–208; on 
the cosmological aspects: 235–256.

NIKOS CHAUSIDIS, IGOR EFTIMOVSKI NIKOS CHAUSIDIS, IGOR EFTIMOVSKI 26 26 
b) Antiquity
Two bronze finds also indicate the veneration of ithyphallic characters in the Ohrid region 
in the ancient period. The first is a bronze statuette from Plaošnik, dating to the Hellenistic 
or Early Roman period, depicting an old male bearded character who represented Daedalus 
or more likely Silenus (T.XIV: 6). He is depicted in a pose somewhat similar to that of 
the character from the previous objects – without clothes, hairy, with naked genitals and 
with a waving cloak in the form of wings (Чаусидис 2012; Битракова Грозданова 2017: 
391–394). The second object is a miniature bronze herma from the Early Roman period 
in which one can sense the identification between the erect phallus and the accentuated 
nose – a concept that was quite widespread in antiquity (T.XV: 5) (Чаусидис 2017: 198, 
204, 205, Б25: 7; Кузман и Димитрова 2010, 81). Two ancient vessels with a spout 
in the form of an erect phallus have also been found on the territory of RN Macedonia. 
These were certainly used within the frames of some cult (probably from the circle of 
Dionysus) based on the deification of this organ. The first was discovered in the Hellenistic 
layers of the ancient town of Gortynia (near present-day Gevgelija – T.XIV: 8),
31
 while 
the second originates from the village of Istibanja near Štip, and dates back to the Late 
Roman period (4th century CE – T.XIV: 7) (Чаусидис 2017: 204 – Б25: 3). Finally, it 
is also worth mentioning a marble phallus from the Archaeological Museum in Skopje 
that is sculpted realistically and with realistic dimensions (the style suggests it dates 
from the Ancient period). However, the specific location of its discovery is unknown.
32
c) Middle Ages
Ithyphallic characters in Macedonia can be found even within the context of Christian 
iconography, as is the case with two figures that appear in the frescoes in the church 
of St. Demetrius at Marko’s Monastery (near Skopje, 14th century CE – T.XV: 8, 9). 
They are depicted in a crouching position and with an erect phallus, which makes them 
similar to the indicated examples from the Iron Age, the numerous ancient examples 
(most often identified with Silenus and Satyr), but also the figurine of “Daedalus” from 
Plaošnik (compare with T.XIV: 3 – 6). It should be noted that both figures are quite hairy, 
and one of them is zoomorphic or zooanthropomorphic, probably with the features of 
a monkey. The question remains open whether these unusual characters are the result 
of some older local traditions or whether they came from the “international” corpus of 
symbolic motifs that moved freely throughout Christendom in the medieval period, but 
had roots in much older pre-Christian traditions (Чаусидис 2017: 204, 221 /Б35: 6, 7/, 
222, 235; Мирковић 1974, Сл. 66, Сл. 67).
31
 Чаусидис 2017: 204 (Б25: 6); Fowler & Blazevska 1996: 21 – MN18.4.3. 
32
 The object was presented at the exhibition “Red Rooster - Black Hen: cults of fertility, rites, customs and 
beliefs” (Museum of Macedonia – Skopje, 2015).

AN ITHYPHALLIC IDOL FROM THE MONASTERY OF ST. NAUM NEAR OHRID AN ITHYPHALLIC IDOL FROM THE MONASTERY OF ST. NAUM NEAR OHRID 27 27 
d) Folkloric traditions
Unexpected as it may seem, male mythical characters with an accentuated sexual organ 
survived in the Balkans up until the mid 20th century, in parallel with the ethnography 
of the Slavic peoples (Macedonians, Bulgarians, Serbs), but also of the non-Slavic ones 
(Romanians, Moldavians). We are speaking of two phenomena that do not seem to be 
connected, except for the fact that they concern the fabrication and use of a male figurine 
with an oversized phallus. In both cases they were made by women, mainly from unfired 
clay, in the contexts of two completely different ritual traditions.
In Macedonia (the surroundings of Skopje) the figurines were called čoveče (little 
man) or domakjin na crepnite (host/husband of the crepnas; a crepna being a type of 
traditional earthenware dish for baking bread), and were made during the ritual proce-
dures of making bread baking moulds, mainly practised on the feast of St. Jeremiah. The 
figurine was in the shape of a man (twenty centimetres high) with an oversized phallus 
stuck on a large nail driven into the center of the largest baking dish. It was believed that 
it would keep this and all the other dishes from cracking during the process of drying 
(photomontage T.XV: 7). After new baking dishes and a new such figurine were made 
the following year, the old one was left in the attic or simply thrown away (Филиповић 
1951, 104, 147, 148; Чаусидис и Николов 2006: 99, 115, 125, 126). In the Kyustendil 
area (Pirin Macedonia, now in Bulgaria), this figurine was kept near the hearth, and placed 
in the baking mould to “sleep” during the night before the bread was kneaded (T.XV: 6) 
(Mesnil & Popova 2002: 247, 248, 250, 252). Analyses suggest that it is a remnant of a 
mythical character (in some cases perhaps of a theistic nature) whose fertile power was 
invested in the rising of the bread dough, implying its function as the “husband of the 
baking mould”, i.e. the “father of the bread”, and the identification of his semen with the 
yeast. His annual elimination refers to the sacrifice of the depicted character as a form 
of investing his vital force into the fertility of nature and the household. The functions 
indicated correspond well with the season in which these objects were made – in the spring 
when the earth and all of nature awaken (Чаусидис и Николов 2006; Чаусидис 2010а).
The second type of ithyphallic figurines, known as “German”, were also made of 
unfired clay, and were similar in shape and size to the previous ones. They too were 
made by women as part of a ritual of the same name, in which the figurine occupied the 
central place (T.XV: 2 – 4). The ritual was performed mainly incidentally - in the event 
of a prolonged drought, and consisted in the symbolic burial of the figurine, preceded by 
all the usual funeral procedures for the burial of a real deceased person: mourning and a 
vigil over the figurine of German, complete with candles. The figurine was then carried 
in procession through the village, laid in a coffin or on a bier, and then buried in the field 
or, more commonly, broken and scattered over the fields or thrown into water. Songs 
have also been recorded that speak of German having “died for want of rain” (“умрел 
од суша за киша”), or that he was instructed to go to heaven and plead to God for rain. 
The ritual bearing this name is mainly observed in certain parts of Bulgaria (Герман / 
German) and Serbia (Ђерман, Џерман / Gjerman, Djerman), and with other names also in 
Romania (Kaloyan, Skaloyan), Moldova (Trayan), and among the Eastern Slavs (Ярило, 

NIKOS CHAUSIDIS, IGOR EFTIMOVSKI NIKOS CHAUSIDIS, IGOR EFTIMOVSKI 28 28 
Горюн / Yarilo, Goryun). In some South Slavic regions, a character with the same name, 
and the same or similar functions, is also found in magical chants (“basmi” / “baenja”), 
which are mainly aimed at controlling atmospheric phenomena.
33
The “German” ritual has not survived in the folk traditions from the territory of 
Macedonia, but we may consider an indirect argument for its former existence in this 
region to be the presence of this character in magical folk chants and toponymy. It is 
quite significant that such a toponym (the village of German/Agios Germanos) is located 
on the southeastern shore of Lake Prespa, at a distance of fifty kilometres from the mon-
astery of St. Naum (T.XVIII: 1), although in this specific case the name of the village 
could have come from the old village church dedicated to the Christian saint of the same 
name (Пјанка 1970: 132, 135, 217). However, we think that the first option is supported 
by other examples from Macedonia where such a toponym refers to a larger area (such 
as Mount German in the Kumanovo region), and is not accompanied by any Christian 
building dedicated to this saint. The ithyphallicity of German’s figurine rules out the 
possibility that it was created by folklorising the Christian saint of the same name. It is 
just the opposite – the cult of the saint was built upon the pagan character and even took 
over its functions in connection with the control of atmospheric phenomena.
Although these are two different rituals, the male principle (represented by the ithy-
phallic figurine) appears as a common component in both. In the first case it operates on a 
mesocosmic and microcosmic level (in the production of bread, and earlier probably more 
broadly in the fertility of the household and the family), while in the second it operates 
on a macrocosmic level (in the fertility of nature producing a successful yield in the fields 
and crops grown). Certain macrocosmic aspects can also be recognized in the case of the 
“Little Man”, especially in the act of throwing it away or leaving it in the attic (return, 
sacrifice), which corresponds to the analogous “burial” of German. This meaning can also 
be discerned in the planting of the “Little Man” on the nail driven into the centre of the 
baking dish, which also acquires the meaning of his sacrifice on the Cosmic Pillar that ris-
es in the center of the universe (T.XV: 7 compare with T.XIV: 3 – 5). This interpretation 
corresponds well with the macrocosmic aspects of the baking dish (crepna) and the large 
metal lid (vršnik) placed on it. In everyday language and in some Macedonian legends 
these are equated with the cosmos, the dish representing the Earth’s plate, while the metal 
lid is the celestial dome. A common component linking the two rites is also the feast day 
of St. Jeremiah because the name of this saint contains the same root that is also inherent 
in the name German (Чаусидис и Николов 2006: 115–126; Чаусидис 2010а: 98–104).
In our previous studies we have put forward several hypotheses about the origin of 
this character, and have come to the conclusion that it represents an extremely archaic 
phenomenon that shows relations with both Slavic and Paleo-Balkan traditions. At the 
base of the name, i.e. the theonym, German, lays the root ger-, jer-, jar-, yer-, yar-, in 
which one can recognise the universal life force that stimulates, i.e. drives the productive 
power of the female elements (earth, woman, hearth/oven, vessel for the preparation of 
33
 Чаусидис и Николов 2006: 114–116 (with presented bibliography); Чаусидис 1994: 359–365; Чаусидис 
2010а; Кабакова и Седакова 1995.

AN ITHYPHALLIC IDOL FROM THE MONASTERY OF ST. NAUM NEAR OHRID AN ITHYPHALLIC IDOL FROM THE MONASTERY OF ST. NAUM NEAR OHRID 29 29 
food). The same root is contained in the lexemes that denote: heat (Serbian: јара / jara), 
the summer part of the year (Polish: jar; German: Jahr; Proto-Germanic: jēran; Avestan: 
yārə; PIE: *yóh₁r̥), young man, lover (Serbian: јаран / jaran), erotic fire, passion (Serbian: 
јарич / jarič), mating of animals (Bulgarian. яри се / yari se), male animal (Macedoni-
an: јарец / jarec), yeast (Serbian and Croatian: đermo/germa). It is also present in the 
theonyms of some Slavic (Yarilo, Yarovit) and ancient Mediterannean deities (Hermes 
/ Doric: Herman, Heracles) with an accentuated masculine character.
34
ARGUMENTS IN SUPPORT OF THE MONUMENT’S PAGAN SLA VIC 
AFFILIATION
The presented parallels for the monument from the monastery of St. Naum and the dia-
chronic overview of similar ithyphallic representations from the surrounding Macedonian 
regions indicate the immediate proximity of this find to examples relating to Slavic culture. 
In this chapter we will present some further facts, which we believe provide additional 
arguments in support of this view.
We think that primarily it is worth mentioning a medieval source from the 11th century 
that speaks explicitly about the veneration of idols among the Slavs in Macedonia. It is 
an episode from the Hagiography of George the Hagiorite, which describes in detail how 
the saint destroyed the marble idol of a goddess venerated by the “Bulgarians who call 
themselves Slavs”, living in the locality of Livadia near Thessaloniki.
35
No stone objects with the character of monumental idols whose appearance or 
documented archeological context could be unambiguously defined as Slavic have 
yet been found on the territory of the Southern Slavs. In academic literature, however, 
such a possibility is discussed in connection with the following finds: the multi-headed 
(three- or four-headed) idol from Vaćane near Bribir (Croatia) (T.XVI: 2) (Чаусидис 
1994: 465–471; Čausidis 2005: 440–443; Гарашанин 1961; Goss 2009); the four-sided 
stone idol from the village of Plavna near Negotin (Serbia) (T.XVI: 6, height 183 cm) 
(Чаусидис 1994, 476, 477; Гарашанин 1961, 70); the aforementioned stone monument 
from Gunitza (Thessaly) (T.XVI: 7) (Чаусидис 1993: 161–163; Чаусидис 1994, 93, 356, 
481; Гарашанин 1961: 69). We should pay particular attention to the cylindrical stone 
object with three human heads from the church of St. Helena and St. Mary Magdalene 
at Magdalensberg (Štalenska gora, Carinthia, Austria) (T.XVI: 8, 9) (Kahl 2005, 38). It 
shares three important similarities with the idol from St. Naum – it is currently located in 
a Christian building, the heads are similarly modelled (T.XVI: 8, 9 compare with 1), and 
both have a recipient that was obviously intended for offering sacrificial gifts (similar, 
but much more distinctly shaped than the slight indentation in the Ohrid idol).
34
 In more detail on these and other examples: Чаусидис 1994: 228, 365, 447–449; Чаусидис 2010а: 94, 100; 
Иванов и Топоров 1974: 214, 215.
35
 Чаусидис 1994: 27, 28 (with presented bibliography), an overview of other such historical sources and 
folklore traditions relating to the Southern Slavs: 356–358.

NIKOS CHAUSIDIS, IGOR EFTIMOVSKI NIKOS CHAUSIDIS, IGOR EFTIMOVSKI 30 30 
The Ohrid monument is also close to some medieval idols (with a greater or lesser 
degree of probability defined as Slavic) in terms of its appearance. We are thinking of the 
contrast between the head, sculpted in high relief, and the body, which is modelled in a quite 
shallow relief. In this respect, we should pay special attention to the idol from Zbruch (T.XI: 
4 compare with 1), and the idols from Negotin and Olsztyn (T.XVI: 6, 5 compare with 1).
If we accept the striking similarities between this monument and the tombstones 
from Vuksanlekaj/Vuksanlekići (T.IV), then the supposed Slavic components in these 
tombstones could be due to the possible participation of some Slavic element in the 
ethnographic group (the Malissori) behind these monuments. Alternatively, they may 
simply be the result of cultural influence.
If we agree with the possibility (which in our opinion is the most probable) that the 
ithyphallic idol from the monastery of St. Naum represented a deity whose theonym 
contained the root jar/yar/ger, then this assumption could be supported by some histor-
ical sources that mention cult objects of Slavic gods whose theonym contains the same 
root. Among the Western Slavs, for example, that would be Gerovit or Yarovit (Latin: 
Gerovitus, Herovith) who was venerated in Havelsberg and Wolgast (Wologošč), and 
was specifically honored in the spring as a god of war and vegetation (Profantova & 
Profant 2000: 89, 90). In Russia there are two legends about the existence of idols of 
such deities: Yarilo (Ярило) and Yarun (Ярун). According to the first, an idol of Yarilo 
stood on the Poklonnaya gora (Поклонная гора/ Hill of Worshipful Submission) near 
Galich-Mersky, where the feast of Yarilki was celebrated en masse until the end of the 
19th century. The second example refers to Yarunovaya gora (Яруновая гора / Hill of 
Yarun) near Suzdal, where an idol of Yarun stood at the junction of two local streams, 
and where a church was later built (Золотов 1985: 235).
The indicated example from Magdalensberg (T.XVI: 8, 9) raises the question of how 
the monument from St. Naum came to be within the circle of the monastery, probably 
built into one of its buildings, with a visible front side. It turns out that this was not a 
rare phenomenon, which also occurred with other such objects. It is worth mentioning 
two examples that relate to Pagan Slavic cult monuments. The first is a relief depicting 
a human figure holding a rhyton, embedded in a church in Altenkirchen on the island of 
Rügen (Germany) (T.XVI: 4). The figure’s appearance matches the idol of the god Svan-
tovit, which stood in his temple located on this island in the town of Arkona. According 
to the descriptions, this figure also held a rhyton. The second example is a columnar, 
four-headed stone idol set into the top of the dome of the church in Plaveč near Znojmo 
(Czech Republic – T.XVI: 3) (Plichta 1974; Pleterski 2011: 128, 131). The position of 
these two examples does not indicate improvisation and the use of old objects as ordi-
nary construction material or as indeterminate decorative elements from the past. On the 
contrary, they indicate respect for the objects and a desire to give them a worthy place 
in the context of the new Christian building. These actions reflect how much the people 
who built the churches valued these objects, so much so that they wanted to incorporate 
them in some way into the newly accepted religion.
The next source, however, shows that this was not only a spontaneous reaction of the 
faithful who had previously venerated these objects, but also a strategy of the Church 

AN ITHYPHALLIC IDOL FROM THE MONASTERY OF ST. NAUM NEAR OHRID AN ITHYPHALLIC IDOL FROM THE MONASTERY OF ST. NAUM NEAR OHRID 31 31 
Fathers cunningly planned in advance for a more successful conversion of the pagans 
and to make them their gradually abandon the worship of the old gods. This is the letter 
written by Pope Gregory I (the Great, 590-604 CE) to Abbot Mellitus, who was preparing 
to accompany St. Augustine of Canterbury on a mission to England in 597 CE:
“Tell Augustine that he should be no means destroy the temples of the gods 
but rather the idols within those temples. Let him, after he has purified 
them with holy water, place altars and relics of the saints in them. For, if 
those temples are well built, they should be converted from the worship 
of demons to the service of the true God. Thus, seeing that their places of 
worship are not destroyed, the people will banish error from their hearts and 
come to places familiar and dear to them in acknowledgement and worship 
of the true God. Further, since it has been their custom to slaughter oxen in 
sacrifice, they should receive some solemnity in exchange. Let them there-
fore, on the day of the dedication of their churches, or on the feast of the 
martyrs whose relics are preserved in them, build themselves huts around 
their one-time temples and celebrate the occasion with religious feasting. 
They will sacrifice and eat the animals not any more as an offering to the 
devil, but for the glory of God to whom, as the giver of all things, they 
will give thanks for having been satiated. Thus, if they are not deprived of 
all exterior joys, they will more easily taste the interior ones. For surely it 
is impossible to efface all at once everything from their strong minds, just 
as, when one wishes to condition that she should be permitted to practice 
her religion with the bishop, Luidhard, who was sent with her to preserve 
the faith” (Epistola 76: PL 77: 1215–1216; Gregory 2021). 
It is not impossible that St. Naum acted according to the same principles. As the Ohrid 
idol was probably not kept in a temple, i.e. in a closed building, but in an outdoor cultic 
area under the open sky, he may have decided to bring it into the circle of the monastery 
in order to lure its worshippers inside and perform their pagan rites alongside it. Later, 
when Christianity had prevailed, the idol lost its former cultic significance and was 
incorporated into one of the monastery buildings as a “memento of the old traditions”.
THE IDOL FROM THE MONASTERY OF ST. NAUM IN THE CONTEXT 
OF OTHER MYTHOLOGICAL AND CULTIC TRADITIONS FROM THE 
SURROUNDING REGION
In this chapter we will try to observe the monument from the monastery of St. Naum in 
the context of the narrower and broader ambient in which it was found. In doing so, we 
will consider the legends and toponyms from the Ohrid-Prespa region and its surround-
ings, which contain certain mythological and religious content that could be associated 
with the idol.

NIKOS CHAUSIDIS, IGOR EFTIMOVSKI NIKOS CHAUSIDIS, IGOR EFTIMOVSKI 32 32 
a) Legend of how St. Naum harnessed a bear to a yoke
In the church of the monastery of St. Naum, more precisely in the chapel where the tomb 
of its founder and patron is located, there are frescoes of the saint’s hagiographic cycle 
that were painted in 1800 CE. One of them depicts a two-wheeled cart with a harnessed 
ox and a carnivorous animal, next to which St. Naum of Ohrid stands holding the neck 
of an animal, the same as the latter, but this time standing on its hind legs (T.XVII: 8) 
(Грозданов 2015: 144–149). As we will see below, this is one of the saint’s miracles in 
which he harnessed a bear to a yoke, in place of an ox that it had previously eaten. Other 
representations of this scene have been preserved elsewhere in the monastery. In more 
recent times, a similar composition was created above the entrance to the monastery, and 
accounts by some visitors in the first decades of the 20th century mention another similar 
image located elsewhere on the premises. The oldest depiction of this scene appears on 
an icon from the iconostasis of the monastery church, dated to 1711 CE, on which the 
scene of the bear harnessed to a cart is depicted next to the legs of the two saints from 
Ohrid – St. Naum and St. Clement (T.XVII: 4). It can also be seen in a simpler form on 
a stone slab in the courtyard of the monastery. The relief depicts only the two animals 
harnessed to a yoke (T.XVII: 1). According to available information, it was previously 
located on the bridge (built in 1828 CE) under which the water from the springs of the 
Black Drin River flows into the lake (T.I: 5). The miracle of St. Naum depicted in these 
compositions was also evoked by a stuffed bearskin, which was displayed in the large 
hallway of the monastery lodgings until the First World War.
36
 The special significance 
of this scene is indicated by its presence on several monastery seals. On the more recent 
seals, the animals are also shown pulling a cart (T.XVII: 3, from 1774 CE), while on the 
oldest seal they are pulling a plough (T.XVII: 2, from the 17th century CE) (Грозданов 
2015: 213–219; Целакоски 1983; Миљковиќ – Пепек 1987). The scene can also be 
seen on several icons from different parts of Macedonia, and further afield (Ohrid, Bi-
tola, Prilep, Belgrade), where the figure of St. Naum is accompanied by scenes from his 
hagiographic cycle, the model for which can be found in the copperplate made by H. 
Žefarović in 1743 in Vienna (T.XVII: 5, 6) (Грозданов 2015: 186–189; Matičetov 1987: 
176, 177; Јовановић 1959).
Two theories have been advanced concerning the history of this miracle. According 
to the first, its absence from the hagiographies of St. Naum (as well as the absence of 
some of his other miracles) points to an origin in other Christian texts. A canon in honour 
of St. Naum, written in the 13th century CE by the Archbishop of Ohrid, Constantine 
Kabasilas, which states that the saint managed to harness a “wild beast” in a field belon-
ging to the Church, is usually taken as evidence to support the first theory. This account 
is interpreted as a metaphor in which the pagan-heathens are identified with wild beasts, 
and their harnessing in the Church field symbolises their baptism and admission into the 
Christian Church. C. Grozdanov has expressed the opinion that the legend of the bear 
36
 Грозданов 2015: 118–120; Целакоски 1983, 14; Целакоски 1985: 31, 32; Matičetov 1987: 177, 178. 

AN ITHYPHALLIC IDOL FROM THE MONASTERY OF ST. NAUM NEAR OHRID AN ITHYPHALLIC IDOL FROM THE MONASTERY OF ST. NAUM NEAR OHRID 33 33 
being harnessed to a plough arose in the Ottoman period as a result of the “other” (he 
probably meant literal) interpretation of this metaphor.
37
We consider the second theory, according to which this miracle has no historical-lit-
erary basis but is based on the legends and other popular traditions of the population of 
the surrounding region, to be more credible. Due to their exceptional importance and 
popularity, these traditions had to gradually “spill over” into local Christian traditions.
38
 
In this context, the words of Constantine Kabasilas may be seen as an early attempt by 
the Church Fathers to integrate these traditions into the local cult of St. Naum, which 
indicates their existence in the Middle Ages.
The oldest legend of this kind in Macedonia was recorded by K. Shapkarev in the 
second half of the 19th century, and it talks about a man from the vicinity of the monastery 
who complained to St. Naum that a bear had eaten one of the two oxen he was using to 
plough the fields. The saint solved the problem by harnessing the bear to the yoke, in the 
place of the ox it had devoured, and ordered it to pull the plough with the remaining ox 
(Шапкарев 1976: 127–128). Several more variants were recorded in the following years, 
in which the basic plot remains the same.
39
 Although the similarity of this legend to the 
pictorial examples is obvious, their difference should also be noted. With the exception 
of the oldest seal from the monastery of St. Naum (T.XVII: 2), and the lost painting that 
hung in its ancillary premises, all the other examples depict a cart attached to the yoke 
(T.XVII: 3, 4 – 6, 8). While the legend speaks of a plough, the relief plate depicts only 
the pair of animals harnessed to a yoke, without showing what they are pulling (T.XVII: 
1). We will try to answer this question in the following chapters.
This scene has been the subject of research by many scholars, but it is the works by 
M. Matičetov and V. Živančević that deserve special attention.
The first author focused on finding other such traditions in Europe and the Middle East 
that can be traced back as far as the 6th century CE. He listed over 30 examples (often the 
bear is replaced by a wolf, and sometimes by a lion or dragon) in the form of miracles, 
recorded in the hagiographies of various local saints, or featured in the accompanying 
pictorial illustrations. There are even more examples of analogous acts present in folklore, 
usually as stories and legends categorized in appropriate databases (under the number 
AT 1910) (Aarne & Thompson 1961: 514). Such traditions have also been recorded in 
the neighbouring Balkan countries of Greece (region near Olympus), Bulgaria (Sofia, 
Varna) and Serbia (Матичетов 1975; Matičetov 1987).
V. Živančević directed his research to uncover the mythical-religious aspects of this 
act. Based on comparisons with other corresponding traditions, he concluded that this 
37
 Discussion on this issue: Грозданов 2015: 145, 216. This miracle was also included in the long “service” 
for St. Naum’s feast day, which includes the sentence „звѣры ти оукрутилъ еси“ (“you tamed the beast”): 
Лавров 1907 (cited according to Matičetov 1987, 178 and footnote 35).
38
 This theory is supported by the large volume of comparative material collected by M. Matičetov and other 
researchers (see below), which points to the archetypal character of this phenomenon and its widespread pres-
ence in Europe, and also the Middle East.
39
 Саздов 1985 (with presented bibliography); Целакоски 1997: 49–54, a variant with harnessing to a cart 
instead of a plough 50, 51; Ристески 2005: 111–114, 161–163, a cart instead of a plough 114, a variant with 
a wolf harnessed to a plough 115. 

NIKOS CHAUSIDIS, IGOR EFTIMOVSKI NIKOS CHAUSIDIS, IGOR EFTIMOVSKI 34 34 
legend is a reflection of an archaic custom once present in this region and further afield, 
in which a bear (certainly domesticated) was harnessed to a plough during the first ritual 
ploughing of the fields. The author sees the essence of this act in the transposition of 
the wild animal’s vital force into the ploughed field. He thinks that the bear in the ritual 
appears as a sacred animal, and even as a theriomorphic epiphany of the Slavic chthonic 
god Veles.
40
 The same concept also applies to two other ritual activities. One of them 
involves making magic circles around the settlement by ploughing in the event of mass 
livestock deaths. In some parts of Russia, a bear’s head was carried during the ploughing 
(alternated with an icon of St. Blaise) (Успенский 1982: 99, 100). The other ritual involves 
men wearing special winter costumes (for example, “kurenti”, “kukeri”, “djamalari” and 
“mečkari”) harnessing and pulling a plough. In these cases, the presence of the “wild” and 
“animalistic” is manifested through their furry costumes and animal masks (examples: 
Живанчевић 1963: 57; Teržan 2001; Валенцова 2004). 
Building upon the observations of the abovementioned authors, we continued our 
search for other traditions from the immediate and wider surroundings of the monastery 
of St. Naum that would support the above interpretations (Чаусидис 1994: 396–400). 
We thinks some of them could help reveal the chronological and cultural affiliation of the 
idol from the monastery of St. Naum, identify the character it represented, and determine 
its nature and functions.
b) Surrounding toponyms with a Pagan Slavic character
The Slavic affiliation of the monument from St. Naum is also indicated by the rich top-
onymy of the surrounding region. There are several examples that indicate certain Pagan 
Slavic or other non-Christian mythical-religious traditions. The first of these traditions 
include the toponyms around Lake Ohrid and Lake Prespa, some examples showing 
connections with the epiphanies of the Slavic chthonic deities, also manifested in the 
etymology of their theonyms. The significant number of such toponyms may also be 
seen as the result of the environment itself, i.e. the presence of lakes whose large water 
surfaces emphasise the chthonic aspects.
 − v eles The village of Velestovo lies above the eastern shore of Lake Ohrid, on the slopes of 
Mount Galičica. North of it lies the village of Velgošti, and in the background of the 
lake’s northern shore there is a village called Velešta. All three names may be connected 
with the theonym Veles.
41
 Similar toponyms are also present in other parts of the Bal-
40
 Живанчевић 1963; other authors have also referred to these legends: Matić 1972: 144, 145; Ilić 1988: 210, 332.
41
 Our assumptions about the indicated meaning, with similar parallels: Чаусидис 1994: 395–398; on the 
archaic Slavic features of the toponym Velgošti: Илиевски 1988: 450. Also worth mentioning is the fact that 
sources mention a cult place and idol of the god Gerovit/Yarovit at the locality of Wolgast/Wologošč on the 
Baltic coast (Ebbo, III. 7; Herbordus, II. 39, III. 4; Helmold, I. 38), which could etymologically correspond to 
the village of Velgošti near Ohrid. Furthermore, on the banks of the Drin, opposite the mouth of the Valbona, 
there was a similar toponym, Radogošta, in the Middle Ages, which coincides with the name of the god Ra-
dogost, mentioned in the medieval sources referring to the Polabian Slavs (Лома 1991: 321, 322).

AN ITHYPHALLIC IDOL FROM THE MONASTERY OF ST. NAUM NEAR OHRID AN ITHYPHALLIC IDOL FROM THE MONASTERY OF ST. NAUM NEAR OHRID 35 35 
kans, for example, in Serbia there are the hill and village of Veles (western Serbia), and 
the village of Velesnica (on the Danube, near Kladovo), while in Montenegro there is a 
village called Velestovo (Кулишић 1998, 85). We should also mention several exam-
ples from Thessaly, a region which in the Early Middle Ages was settled by the Slavic 
Belegezites (Velesi, Velesjotes, Velesnikon, and Velestinon). Velestinon was already 
mentioned above as the place where the Early Slavic metal plaques with depictions of 
various mythical characters were discovered (T.X).
42
 In Russia, similar names (Volosovo, 
Velesovo) referred to places that appeared to stand out from the surroundings and were 
once probably associated with the god Volos/Veles (Рыбаков 1987: 137).
 − t rigla v On Mount Galičica, rising above the village of Konjsko near Ohrid (twenty kilometres 
north of the monastery of St. Naum), there is a peak called Truglaš. This name is con-
sidered to be a local dialectal variant of Triglav, which is a pagan Slavic theonym that 
appears in medieval sources and other traditions. Apart from its profane meaning (a hill 
with three peaks), this toponym can also be a theonym denoting a mythical character – a 
deity with three heads.
43
 This is clearly and explicitly confirmed in the medieval sources 
that refer to the Western Slavs, specifically in the form “triglous”, which is even more 
similar to the Ohrid example (Monachus Prieflingensis, II. 11; Dynda 2014: 58–59, 
footnote 5). Among the Southern Slavs, this god is referred to by numerous toponyms, 
often accompanied by appropriate legends, and especially through various mythical 
characters with similar names recorded in folklore, all of which are based on the word 
meaning three or threefold (Trojan/Trajan, Troglava Arapina). This god is also present 
in archaeological material, such as objects or figures with three anthropomorphic heads 
or faces (examples T.XVIII: 3, 4). The analyses carried out so far have shown that this 
god is usually a chthonic character with an ambivalent nature, whose domain includes 
various spheres of activity (fertility, animals, wealth, death, the dead), and corresponds 
to the analogous type of Indo-European deities (Чаусидис 2005: 241–269; Chausidis 
2021: Ch. IX).
 − c rnobog /c hernobog North of Lake Ohrid, near the village of Bajramovci (vicinity of Debar), there is a village 
called Crnoboci. Together with the village of Crnobuki near Bitola (referred to as Crno-
boki in older documents), it can be associated with Crnobog (“Black God”) – another 
theonym and epiphany of a Slavic chthonic god (Čausidis 2009: 86–91; Чаусидис 1994: 
398). There are numerous indications that following the Christianisation of the Slavs (as 
well as other populations), their chthonic gods were identified with the devil. In addition 
to many concrete indications, this is also clearly suggested by some written documents. 
42
 On this and other toponyms in Thessaly with the same root: Чаусидис 1993: 163–166.
43
 Илиевски 1988: 451; in the topographic map of SFR Yugoslavia (Kruševo-3, 1: 50 000, from the year 
1958) the toponym is denoted as Truglajš. Concerning the Slavic god Triglav and his analogies and pictorial 
representations: Чаусидис 1994: 391–393; Чаусидис 2005: 241–260. 

NIKOS CHAUSIDIS, IGOR EFTIMOVSKI NIKOS CHAUSIDIS, IGOR EFTIMOVSKI 36 36 
Helmold says the Slavs believed in the good and the evil god: “... in their language, they 
call the evil god Diabol [Devil] or Zcerneboch [Crnobog/Chernobog]” (Helmold, I. 52; 
Гейщор 1986: 132). This dualistically structured arrangement is also manifested in 
Slavic toponymy through the presence of pairs of toponyms containing the names of the 
above gods (or their equivalents), situated opposite each other, on either side of a river or 
stream (Čausidis 2009: 86–88; Чаусидис 2003: 141, 142, with presented bibliography). 
We have made an assumption about the presence of such a pair in the fresco composition 
of “The Harrowing of Hell” from the church of the Holy Mother of God Eleusa in the 
monastery of Veljusa (near Strumica, Macedonia, 11th century CE). Instead of just one 
figure (the devil) under the gates of hell, there are depicted two – one with light skin and 
the other with dark skin (Čausidis 2009: 88–91). In this context, the toponyms whose 
name means black-headed and which are located in the wider area are of particular 
interest to us: the village of Černoglave (Черноглаве) near Berat (Albania), the village 
of Černoglav (Черноглав) near Serres in Greece (Станковска 2002: 425, 426), and 
Tzernoglavos, mentioned in 1071 CE near the monastery of Vatopedi on Mount Athos 
(Pavlikianov 2015: 670). They could be related to the theonym Chernoglav/Crnoglav 
(“Black-Headed”) or some of its specific epiphanies, since the Western Slavs mention a 
god with this name (Tiarnoglofi in Jasmund on the island of Rügen) whose statue had a 
silver beard (Knytlinga Saga; Profantova & Profant 2000: 60).
 − t he d evil Helmold’s account suggests a fairly early contamination of the character of the Slavic 
chthonic god (specifically Crnobog) with the devil. This phenomenon is also indicated 
by other facts. Some written sources from the 15th and 17th centuries indicate that for 
the Czechs, Veles was a synonym for an evil spirit, a demon and the devil.
44
 A Russian 
account from the 19th century, which is based on an older text, describes the destruction 
of the cult and sanctuary of the pagan god Volos in Yaroslavl. Volos is identified with 
the devil and with the bes/bies in numerous places (Иванов и Топоров 1974: 55–66; 
Чаусидис 2003: 268). These facts give us reason to include the name of the medieval 
town of Devol in our research (Old Slavic: Дѣволъ). It was first mentioned in the second 
half of the 9th century and its diocese actually included the monastery of St. Naum.
Although the exact location of the town has not yet been confirmed, there is no doubt 
it was located in the area of the same name that stretched south of Lakes Ohrid and Prespa 
(T.XVIII: 1). Byzantine sources confirm that this town’s name was associated with the 
meaning of devil, as its name is transcribed in Greek as Diabolis (Διάβολις), or appears 
as Selasforos (Σελασφόρος), meaning light bearer, which is the Greek equivalent of the 
Latin Lucifer.
45
 However, this toponym was recorded in the same region much earlier, in 
the form Δαυλία/Δηβολία (Ptolemy, III, 12, 23), as the name of an Illyrian town in the 
44
 Успенский 1982: 57; Живанчевић 1963: 41; Иванов и Топоров 1974: 56, 57; Чаусидис 2003: 268.
45
 On these and various other versions of the toponym noted in the sources and for the proposed locations of 
the city: Бело и Дамо 2009: 232, 233; Филипоски 2011а: 409–414; Девол 2021; Томоски 1975; Томоски, 
1999: 294–296, 398–410. 

AN ITHYPHALLIC IDOL FROM THE MONASTERY OF ST. NAUM NEAR OHRID AN ITHYPHALLIC IDOL FROM THE MONASTERY OF ST. NAUM NEAR OHRID 37 37 
region of the Apsos River, while a similar toponym is also observed in Phocis (Δαυλίσ), as 
well as in Δαύλης.
46
 Regardless of the Greek etymology of διάβολος, this lexeme cannot be 
taken as the basis for the medieval toponyms Дѣволъ and Διάβολις, but as their secondary 
reconceptualisation. It has been suggested that it first referred to the local river (ποταμος 
Διαβολεως), so in that context its root is sought in the Thracian *dhāw – ulē, connected with 
the meanings of river and river flow.
47
 We suggest that a Paeonian lexeme should also be 
included in these examinations, firstly because of the proximity of this region to Paeonia, 
and also because of the considerable distance from Thrace and its cultural influences. We 
have in mind the theonym Dyalos (variants Dryalus, Δρύαλοσ), which is presented in the 
Lexicon of Hesychius as the “Paeonian Dionysus”, and is also confirmed as a theonym by 
epigraphic monuments found in Kilkis (Greek part of Macedonia), and in the ancient city 
of Stobi (RN Macedonia) (in the second case as Dyalis).
48
 This would also be supported 
by the presence in this part of the Balkans of another medieval settlement (most probably 
a town) named Devol, located in the very centre of former Paeonia (see below). Such an 
interpretation would also be supported by other facts, primarily the frequent identification 
of the pagan Dionysus with the Christian Διάβολος, based on their pronounced chthonic 
character, whereby the Paeonian variant would be even more interesting because of its greater 
phonetic proximity to the Christian term.
49
 One could also include the Thracian mythical 
character Daba/Dava and the Phrygian Davos (a lame deity - wolf) in these comparisons. 
The latter may be considered a possible link to the Greek and Latin Διάβολος/Diabolus 
via the Semitic Dava - ol (meaning Dava-god/Evil god). All the above gives reason to 
incorporate in this analysis the Slavic theonym Dajbog/Dažbog, especially through the 
South Slavic Dabog and Hromi Dabo (a mythical character with accentuated chthonic 
features) (Драгојловиќ и Стојчевска-Антиќ 1990: 57–61; Чаусидис 2003: 149).
A second argument would be the presence in the Devol region (T.XVIII: 1) of the 
toponym Božigrad, i.e. “God’s Town” (present-day Miras),
50
 which could be considered 
a Slavic translation of the ancient toponym, if the assumption were accepted that it was 
based on the above or other similar Paleo-Balkan theonym.
51
 This hypothesis becomes 
46
 Бело и Дамо 2009: 232; Топоров 1964: 54 (with several similar toponyms in the Baltic region).
47
 Бело и Дамо 2009: 232, 233 (and other etymologies); Конески 1991: 94. 
48
 (Hesychius Alexandrinus, Lexicon); Чаусидис 2017, 265, with presented bibliography.
49
 According to the archeological data discovered so far, the cult of Dionysus was particularly strong in the 
Ohrid-Prespa region: Битракова Грозданова 2017: 339–354 (in Ohrid); Ефтимовски 2017: 41–43 (in Prespa).
50
 On Božigrad (with a different interpretation): Бело и Дамо 2009: 234–237.
51
 In the Ohrid-Prespa region there are also other toponyms that contain elements of a chthonic character (for 
all the toponyms mentioned see T.XVIII: 1). The Slavic ones include the name of Mount Galičica, which 
separates the two lakes. The root gal is connected to the meanings black/dark. The same meaning is also 
borne by its peaks Čemerec (above the village of Skrebatno), Crn Kamen (above the village of Peštani) and 
the locality Temnono. An analogous meaning is also contained in Tomoros, the name of another of its peaks, 
based on the Paleo-Balkan root with the same meaning, also contained in the name of the Tomorr mountain 
massif, the Tomorica River (a tributary of the Devol River), and the region of the same name, all of which lie 
between the rivers Devol and Osum. There are also two toponyms whose names contain the meaning of devil: 
Vragoj Gumenja near the village of Elšani, on the west side of Galičica, and Čerti Kamen/Čertov Kamen, on 
its opposite side – near the village of Stenje in Prespa (Илиевски 1988: 418–420, 441, 442, 443, 448, 449, 
451, 452); on Čerti Kamen/Čertov Kamen: Ефтимовски 2018: 131, 132.

NIKOS CHAUSIDIS, IGOR EFTIMOVSKI NIKOS CHAUSIDIS, IGOR EFTIMOVSKI 38 38 
more likely if we consider that the name Devol has the root dev-, i.e. div- as the basis of 
numerous Indo-European theonyms. In Macedonia, toponyms with this root are quite 
common (most often associated with old towns or rocks), and are frequently reconcep-
tualised to mean virgin or girl (Devin Grad, Devikj, Devin Kamen). Also pertinent to 
this context is a variant of the story, recorded in Serbia, about the harnessing of a wild 
animal to a yoke. The protagonist is a mythical character named Div who comes to the 
mountain, catches the wolves that ate someone’s oxen, and harnesses them in their place 
to pull his cart (Matičetov 1987: 185).
The Slavic Triglav, represented in our case by the toponym Truglash, fits well into the 
interactions between the Christian devil and the Slavic chthonic gods. We are referring 
here to the folkloric and esoteric pictorial traditions in which the devil was depicted with 
three heads, i.e. three faces, among other things (example T.XVIII: 2). The reason for 
such an appearance should not be sought only in his treatment as a counterpart (perhaps 
even heretical) of the Holy Trinity, but also of the pagan chthonic gods with three heads 
(T.XVIII: 2 compare with 3, 4) (Sastre Vázquez 1994).
All the above, observed in a broader geographical and chronological context, points 
to the mutual interaction between the spiritual cultures of various populations that have 
existed in this region for centuries. There are indications that the strongly rooted tradi-
tions of veneration of chthonic deities, developed in pre-Roman and probably also in 
Roman times, faded in the early Christian period, and were refreshed after the settlement 
of the Slavs. However, this was followed by the replacement or reconceptualisation of 
old sacral toponyms with new ones, based on the names of the respective Slavic deities 
and mythical characters.
It is quite unusual in a Christian culture for a settlement, especially a town with the 
status of a regional centre and the seat of a bishopric, to be named after the most negative 
and hated character in Christianity – Devol, the devil. It is obvious that it was motivated 
by some factor that could not be ignored and avoided. In addition to the above, two other 
arguments support the fact that the Slavs recognised their chthonic god (most probably 
Veles or Crnobog) in the toponym Devol. The first is the presence in medieval Macedo-
nia of another settlement (probably a town) with the same name – the above-mentioned 
Devol – in the area of Raec (near Kavadarci), indicating that this is not a coincidence, 
but a phenomenon that was more widespread in this part of the Balkans.
52
 The second 
argument is the name of another Macedonian medieval town, perhaps the only one in 
the Slavic world, which completely coincides with the theonym of a Pagan Slavic deity. 
We are speaking about the town of Veles whose name can be traced in sources from the 
first decades of the 11th century, up to the present day.
53
 The town probably got its name 
from the strong and enduring pagan traditions (for example, the presence of a significant 
52
 It refers to the former town of Želišta, which the Turks called “Devol - kasabasi” (Радовановић 1924: 177, 
214, 515); assumptions and discussions about the location and topography of the medieval town of Devol in 
Raec: Микулчиќ 1983; Томоски, 1999: 407, 408; Аџиевски 1987.
53
 On the sources, location and topography of the town: Микулчиќ 1985. The second example would be the city 
of Volos in Thessaly, if its genesis were not problematic (first mentioned as Γόλος, and only later as Βόλος): 
Чаусидис 1993: 165.

AN ITHYPHALLIC IDOL FROM THE MONASTERY OF ST. NAUM NEAR OHRID AN ITHYPHALLIC IDOL FROM THE MONASTERY OF ST. NAUM NEAR OHRID 39 39 
cultic place dedicated to this god), and then managed to preserve it throughout the Middle 
Ages. In the meantime, the toponym’s original pagan meaning was forgotten (see below).
The toponym Devol appears in two other geographical names in the broader area 
of the town of Devol in present-day Albania. These are the Devol River and the region 
of the same name that stretched along its course, south of Lakes Ohrid and Prespa 
(T.XVIII: 1). If we accept the hypothesis that Devol is the old Balkan equivalent of 
the Christian Devil and of the Slavic chthonic god (Veles), and take into account that 
the domains of the latter, in addition to the earth and the underworld, also included the 
earthly waters, then it is also possible that the toponym Devol first referred to the river, 
and was only later used as a name for the town and the wider region (Конески 1991: 
94–96; Бело и Дамо 2009: 232). The other two Macedonian examples referenced above 
also have a similar topography. The medieval town of Veles has a mystical setting with 
rocks and caves, right next to the Vardar River. The hill on the opposite bank (today 
known as St. Elijah, until recently without a church, but with a significant cultic site) 
was probably dedicated to the Slavic thunderer Perun – the opponent of Veles.
54
 The 
medieval town of Devol in Reac (fifty kilometres from the previous one) also has a 
similar setting, next to a river and at the entrance into a mystical gorge with steep cliffs 
and caves (Микулчиќ 1983).
If we agree that the idol from the monastery of St. Naum represented a pagan deity, 
and that after Christianisation it was identified with the devil, then we could seek traces 
of this process in one of the legends about St. Naum. It is a very unusual (and of course 
fragmentary) legend in which the devil put a curse on St. Naum so he would never die, 
and he responded by turning the devil into stone. Then St. Naum asked the people: “Do 
you know in which church the devil has been turned into stone?” After they told him, 
he revived the devil, and later died himself (Целакоски 1997: 150). Perhaps the “stone 
devil in the church” is precisely the stone idol that is the subject of our study?
c) Stone pillars on Mount Galičica
In front of the newly built church in the village of Ljubaništa (2 km north of the monastery 
of St. Naum), there is a cylindrical stone pillar about 1.5 m high, with a slightly narrowed 
upper part and a flattened top (T.XVIII: 6). According to the villagers, it has always been 
in this place, ten metres from its current location. They also say that similar stone pillars, 
some of them cut in half, are found at several locations on Mount Galičica. Although 
there is no information about the nature and purpose of these objects, assumptions have 
been made that they are old milestones (Чубриќ 2006). Such an interpretation cannot be 
ruled out, although the object from Ljubaništa is made of rough stone, with an uneven 
surface and no markings, which is not typical of the Roman milestones that have also been 
discovered in this region. They could therefore be roadside markers or some other kind 
of markers from before or after Roman times. We should therefore not completely rule 
54
 On the cultic objects in and around the medieval town, and arguments in favour of the Veles - Perun oppo-
sition, separated in this case by the Vardar River: Чаусидис 1994: 395, 396, 441.

NIKOS CHAUSIDIS, IGOR EFTIMOVSKI NIKOS CHAUSIDIS, IGOR EFTIMOVSKI 40 40 
out the possible cultic nature of these objects, regardless of whether it was their original 
purpose, or if it was acquired later as a result of their reconceptualisation.
BOGOMIL AND OTHER DUALISTIC IMPLICATIONS
The region that is home to the monastery of St. Naum appears in some medieval written 
sources as the centre of heretical movements. Some researchers are studying why St. 
Clement and St. Naum were sent from Preslav to this very region after they returned from 
the Moravian and Pannonian mission. They say this happened because it was believed 
that thanks to the authority and experience gained in the course of these missions, the 
two men were the best candidates to successfully deal with this challenge. Although it 
is commonly thought that the Bogomil heresy dominated in the indicated region, some 
in-depth studies suggests that behind this label were in fact the heretical teachings of the 
Messalians, Cathars and Novatians (Чаусидис 2003: 118–123, 309–317, with presented 
bibliography). In our previous research we have tried to highlight some pictorial rep-
resentations in the Christian temples of the Ohrid region that either directly or indirectly 
point to the presence of the dualistic heresy in this region, including the church of the 
St. Naum monastery (Чаусидис 2003: 287–292). The importance of this task within the 
mission of the saints is also reflected in the traditions associated with St. Naum. We are 
speaking of another scene from his already mentioned hagiographic cycle, executed as 
a fresco composition or as part of an icon, depicting a confrontation between St. Naum 
and the Bogomils, which is explicitly indicated by the appropriate signature “St. Naum 
persecuted by the Bogomils” (T.XVIII: 5) (Чаусидис 2003: 291, 292).
These observations lead us to the question: what was actually meant by the term 
heresy in the written sources that often refer to the Ohrid-Prespa region? Did it refer 
only to the above heretical teachings, or could it also include the pagan traditions of the 
Slavs and even of some other populations present in this region? Our observations so 
far show that this dichotomy was not so pronounced and decisive in the Middle Ages 
because the prohibition, persecution and repression of the two phenomena by the church 
meant they were both considered to be negative manifestations that had to be destroyed 
or suppressed to the margins of society. This status, and the absence of more serious 
internal dogmatic and institutional means of control, encouraged the rapprochement of 
the two phenomena, i.e. the mixing of some of their traditions. We are primarily refer-
ring here to the use of the pagan Slavic mythical-symbolic system for a more receptive 
(metaphorical and narrative) presentation of the complex and abstract heretical dogmas 
to ordinary uneducated believers (Чаусидис 2003: 133–139).
There are still debates in academic circles regarding the parallel existence of dualism in 
the original pagan religion of the Slavs and in the Bogomil teachings which they are believed 
to have adopted after settling in the Balkans. Although in some older theories, Pagan Slavic 
dualism is even seen as a trigger of Bogomilism, according to more recent observations its 
role is reduced only to creating an affinity for the adoption of the heresy, whose origins in the 
Near East are not in doubt (Чаусидис 2003: 91–113). In this sense, we can again consider 

AN ITHYPHALLIC IDOL FROM THE MONASTERY OF ST. NAUM NEAR OHRID AN ITHYPHALLIC IDOL FROM THE MONASTERY OF ST. NAUM NEAR OHRID 41 41 
the account by Helmold that the Slavs believed in two gods with complementary qualities to 
be particularly paradigmatic. This in turn is a fundamental feature of most heretical teachings 
(Чаусидис 2003: 141). This conceptual structure can be sensed in the medieval sources 
that refer to the Eastern Slavs,
55
 and also in the folkloric traditions of the Southern Slavs.
56
In this case, what is important for us are the dualistic teachings in which the opponent 
of the good God is not some minor figure whose importance amounts to emphasising the 
goodness, value and power of the positive God, but those in which he has the same rank as 
the latter, and is even surrounded by certain forms of veneration, referred to in the sources 
as “devil worship” (Чаусидис 2003: 267–269, 314, 315). This gives us another possible 
justification for the existence of the toponym “Devol”, according to which its emergence and 
survival throughout the centuries could be due not only to the traditions of Paleo-Balkan and 
Slavic paganism, but also the teachings of dualistic heresies from this part of the Peninsula.
ASSUMPTIONS REGARDING THE ATTRIBUTION OF THE CHARACTER 
DEPICTED ON THE IDOL FROM THE MONASTERY OF ST. NAUM
a) Attributes and functions of the Slavic chthonic god
The noted legend about the harnessing of the bear, and the toponyms from the Ohrid-Prespa 
region and its wider surroundings, point to a possible connection between the idol from 
the monastery of St. Naum and the Slavic chthonic god, who may have been represented 
in this case by the theonym Veles. In several historical sources, he is accompanied by 
the epithet “скотји бог” (“livestock god”), which is interpreted in two ways that need 
not be mutually exclusive. According to the first, he was the patron of animals (wild 
and domestic), as indicated by numerous traditions in Slavic folklore. According to the 
second, this epithet is a reflection of his animalistic appearance, i.e. this god’s therio-
morphic epiphanies, supported by numerous arguments (folkloric and from the spheres 
of medieval pictoriality) in which the dominant place is occupied precisely by the bear.
57
 
In this context, the presence of the same animal in the legend about St. Naum gains sig-
nificance. Quite logically, it appears in a secondary (Christianised and degraded) form, 
as a representative of the negative principle. Building upon the ritual paradigms of this 
action, which consisted in investing the bear’s enormous vital force (and that of the god 
it represented) into the ploughed field, the meaning of this procedure can be sought in the 
identification of the plough with the phallus, whereby the act of ploughing acquires the 
55
 “Два суть бози: единъ небесный, другой во аде” (“There are two gods: one is heavenly, the other is in 
hell”) (Густынская летопись (Hustynja chronicle), contents referring to 1070 CE).
56
 “Кад јунаци рујно вино пише, / не спомињу Бога јединога, / већ спомињу ђавола немилога, / ... 
бештимаше Бога јединога, / од стра Бога слушати не мореш!” (“When heroes drink red wine, / they do not 
mention the only God, / but mention the devil unpleasant, / ... cursing the only God, / you do not have to listen 
to God out of fear!”) (Archive of Vuk Karadžić, song “Марко Краљевић и цар Стефан” (“Prince Marko and 
Tsar Stefan”).
57
 Sources, their interpretations and relations with the bear: Живанчевић 1963: 46–50; Рыбаков 1981: 421–431; 
Успенский 1982: 85–89; Иванов и Топоров 1974: 47–50, 57–61.

NIKOS CHAUSIDIS, IGOR EFTIMOVSKI NIKOS CHAUSIDIS, IGOR EFTIMOVSKI 42 42 
meaning of hierogamy, that is, sexual intercourse between the harnessed teriomorphic 
god and the Earth Goddess.
58
 The idol from the monastery of St. Naum can also find 
its place in the framework of this mythical paradigm, due to its pronounced ithyphallic 
appearance that is emphasised on several levels: by the presence of a human figure with 
oversized testicles and phallus; the accentuation of the genitals by the arms of the figure 
being directed towards them; by the contours of the monument, which allude to an erect 
phallus whose glans penis is depicted as a human head; by planting into the ground of 
the idol and perhaps of the phallus of the represented character.
In this context, one should ask why, contrary to the folk legends, the plough is not 
present in the frescoes and icons depicting the miracle of St. Naum, but has been replaced 
by a two-wheeled cart. This could be because the church fathers wanted to avoid giving 
legitimacy to the mentioned pagan rituals of harnessing a bear to a plough, which seem 
to have still been performed in the region at the time, by keeping this detail out of official 
ecclesiastical images.
b) The overlapping functions of St. Naum and his supposed Pagan Slavic predecessor
It is not impossible that in inheriting the cult role of his pagan predecessors, St. Naum 
also had to accept some of their domains of action. This is indicated by the overlapping 
of some of the saint’s miraculous functions with those of the Slavic god Veles that refer 
to agriculture, livestock, water, commerce and healing.
59
 − a griculture and livestock These domains are clearly presented in the elaborated legend about St. Naum harness-
ing a bear to a plough. In addition to the already mentioned arguments that support the 
overlapping of functions with the god Veles, one can take the functions of St. Blaise, a 
Christian saint who appears in Slavic folklore (and beyond) as the patron and protector of 
livestock, and who also has a similar name (Живанчевић 1963). The presence of some 
other pre-Christian mythical character in the place of St. Naum (and of some other saints) 
is indicated by the other legends of the same type in which Дядо Господ/Grandfather 
God (around Sofia), or Div (Serbia) appears as the bear’s tamer. Meanwhile, the devil 
appears in the role of the harnessed animal (compare T.XVII: 7). The latter is particularly 
interesting, given the chthonic aspects of the legend and other traditions in the area of 
the monastery (Matičetov 1987: 173, 174, 181, 182, 184, 185).
 − w ater In a legend recorded by the Miladinov brothers, St. Naum is presented as the keeper of 
the keys to the springs that fill Lake Ohrid. If fully opened, they would flood the entire 
Ohrid and Struga Valley. This is reflected in another story in which he punishes a woman 
58
 On ploughing as a symbolic sexual act: Чаусидис 2008: 15–20.
59
 On overlaps between the character and cult of St. Clement of Ohrid and the older gods venerated at Plaošnik 
in Ohrid: Чаусидис 2012: 79, 80; Chausidis 2020: 154.

AN ITHYPHALLIC IDOL FROM THE MONASTERY OF ST. NAUM NEAR OHRID AN ITHYPHALLIC IDOL FROM THE MONASTERY OF ST. NAUM NEAR OHRID 43 43 
who wanted to measure the depth of the lake (Миладиновци 1983: 502–503; Саздов 
1985: 118; Целакоски 1997: 145). The function of lord of water is typical for chthonic 
gods whose domains of action include not only the earth and the underworld, but also the 
earthly waters (springs, streams, rivers, swamps, lakes and seas) (Элиаде 1999, Глава 
V). Such functions are also attributed to Veles and his other Slavic chthonic equivalents 
(Иванов и Топоров 1974: 40–47; Успенский 1982: 81–84). The connection between St. 
Naum’s domain and that of one of his pagan chthonic predecessors is also indicated by 
the various local legends refering to the dragon, i.e. the lamya that lives in Lake Ohrid. 
In this context, the legend that speaks of the saint’s function as controller of the sources 
of the Black Drin River is particularly interesting. According to this legend, the springs 
were created during a confrontation with St. Naum, when the lamya made a hole under 
Mount Galičica so water from the neighbouring Lake Prespa could flow into Lake Ohrid 
(Лафазановски 2002: 3; Целакоски 1997: 103; Ристески 2005: 80). This parallel is a 
serious indicator of the same identity of the three mythical characters, who are all lords of 
this river source: the chthonic dragon as the zoomorphic patron of water; Veles, Crnobog 
and Triglav as Pagan Slavic deities; and St. Naum as their Christian successor.
60
 − c oMMerce and craftsManship In folk tradition, St. Naum of Ohrid also figures as the patron of craftsmen and mer-
chants (Филипоски 2011б: 170). There are clear indications that the Slavic god Veles 
bore the same functions. In Kiev, the kapyshche (cult place) of Volos was not in the same 
place as that of the other gods (“на Княжеской Горе”, i.e. at the Princely Hill, next to the 
ruler’s palace), but at Podil, i.e. the Lower City (“на торговом Подоле”), at the trading 
ports on the Pochaina River. There are indications that in Pskov it was located at the city 
market (“на Торгу”), where a church dedicated to his Christian substitute St. Blaise was 
later built. It is even said that when the Russian-Byzantine treaties were concluded in 
the 10th century CE, the Russian princes swore by Perun (“Перуном богом своим”), 
while the merchants swore by Volos (“Волосом скотием богом”).
61
 Finally, even today 
in the South Slavic languages the lexeme стока/stoka (Russian: скот) means livestock, 
but also goods intended for sale.
 − h ealing In the hagiography of St. Naum, and also in folk traditions, the saint is portrayed as a 
healer who had the power to cure various (especially spiritual, i.e. mental) illnesses 
(Филипоски 2011б: 168, 170; Филдишевски и Тунтев 1985). This is also indicated 
by the dedication of the monastery church to the Holy Archangels, given that churches 
dedicated to the Holy Archangels were usually built next to large springs whose water 
60
 Other folk traditions about the dragon or lamya in Lake Ohrid: Лафазановски 2002; Чаусидис 1994: 399, 
400; older ancient traditions: Чаусидис 2010б: 166–171; Чаусидис 2005: 225, on the connection between 
the dragon and the chthonic god: 209–225. In this legend, the phenomenon of fusion or identification of the 
dragonslayer with the dragon occurs, in this case represented by St. Naum.
61
 Рыбаков 1987: 417–421, 427; Рыбаков 1981: 431, 422; assumptions about a similar topographic arrangement 
in Varoš - Prilep (RN Macedonia): Чаусидис 1994: 400–402. 

NIKOS CHAUSIDIS, IGOR EFTIMOVSKI NIKOS CHAUSIDIS, IGOR EFTIMOVSKI 44 44 
was believed to have the power to heal the mentally ill (Грозданов 2015: 11). In various 
spheres of folk culture one can identify elements that point to the same function of Volos/
Veles, also based mainly on the healing properties of water (Успенский 1982: 64–70). 
In Russia, there are several locations with a dominant stone or rock that was used for 
healing, which academic circles connect with Veles (Седов 1998). A Russian document 
from 1420 CE states that during a great epidemic, the citizens of Pskov decided to find 
and excavate the foundations of the original church (built upon the cult site of Volos), 
believing that by doing so they would be able to overcome the disease (Рыбаков 1987: 
419, 420). This function would not only be specific to the Slavic chthonic god but also 
to most other similar figures, at least among the Indo-European populations, because it 
is quite logical for the god of the underworld, who is at the same time the lord of death, 
to also be the master of the illnesses that cause it.
The chthonic aspects are also contained in the power of St. Naum to treat spiritual, 
i.e. mental illnesses, and this is particularly emphasised in written sources and legends 
(Филипоски 2011б: 168, 170; Филдишевски и Тунтев 1985). This aspect is present 
in the definitions of these illnesses in archaic cultures, and even in Christianity. In 
Slavic languages it is implicit in words (e.g.: Macedonian: беснило/besnilo, збеснат/
zbesnat; Serbian and Croation: bijesan; Russian: бешенный/bešenyj) based on the 
Proto-Slavic root *bes (a demonic character with negative symbolism), at the core 
of which stands the meaning of fear and horror (Skok 1974: bijes). These elements 
determine the cause and essence of the mental illnesses that were thought to have been 
caused by the possession of man by some kind of demonic character – bes/bies, who 
did not have to bear only a “Christian” nature (devil), but also an older Pagan one. 
If we take into account that the best healer of an illness is the one who caused it, i.e. 
its creator and master, then it also follows that the healer of “madness” was Bes/Bies 
himself – the former chthonic god.
In folk tradition, St. Naum is also presented as a healer of infertility (Филипоски 
2011б: 170; Целакоски 1997: 79, 80; Ристески 2005: 86–88). This function is more 
directly related to the monument that is the subject of our study, as it has an accentuated 
ithyphallicity. This component points to the possibility that its venerators visited this idol 
and the location where it was placed in order to end their childlessness through some 
ritual and magical acts, i.e. to conceive and have offspring of their own. In addition to the 
usual offerings and sacrifices, they may also have left some of their clothes or jewellery 
next to the idol, as is still practiced in Macedonia today in locations with similar features 
(water, sacred stones).
62
 Given the global phallic shape of the idol, it is not impossible 
that more obscene acts were also performed on it, with allusions to sexual intercourse 
through which the depicted god would ensure conception. A direct paradigm for such 
immediate physical contact of women with the idol, is the ritual that was performed 
in the cult cave of Mal Zmeоvets (meaning “Small Dragon’s Lair”) near the village of 
Dren (Demir Kapija, RN Macedonia), during which women without offspring left their 
62
 For example, Govedarov Kamen ( “Cattleman’s Stone”) near Peširovo (Sveti Nikole) and Crn Kamen (“Black 
Stone”) near the medieval town of Veles (Поповска 2012: 47, 72, 78, 127–129, 151, 152, 190).

AN ITHYPHALLIC IDOL FROM THE MONASTERY OF ST. NAUM NEAR OHRID AN ITHYPHALLIC IDOL FROM THE MONASTERY OF ST. NAUM NEAR OHRID 45 45 
underwear beside the vertical phallus-like stalagmites, but also sat on them believing this 
would help them conceive.
63
CLOSING REMARKS
Based on the referenced material and the proposed interpretations, can it be concluded 
that the ithyphallic idol from the monastery of St. Naum represented the Slavic chthonic 
god Veles, i.e. Volos, Crnobog or Triglav?
Although some of the presented data does indicate such a possibility, this conclusion 
cannot be decisively confirmed. Ithyphallic gods often personify the male fertilising 
power on its own, without any connection with the chthonic realms or some other cos-
mic elements. When connections nevertheless exist, they usually refer to some celestial 
elements, for example the sun, specifically by identifying the male fertilising power with 
the heat and light which, radiating from this celestial body, stimulates the earth’s fertility. 
In other cases, this function is also attributed to thunder, i.e. lightning, or to rain, once 
again understood as celestial rather than chthonic elements. However, this option cannot 
be ruled out, given the absence of any rules and patterns in the constitution of a particular 
mythical character or deity, and its functions and domains. Although ithyphallicity is 
in principle personalised in a separate category of deities, it can become an attribute of 
any male deity, expressing one of his domains of action, equated with the functions of 
his sexual organs. In the case of the supreme god, this would be his role as creator of 
the universe or of man, or the function of a Cosmic Pillar on which the whole universe 
rests (T.XI: 4, 5). In the case of the Sun-God, it can symbolise the productive heat that 
awakens nature, while for war deities it symbolises their aggression and militancy (the 
best illustration of both functions is the West Slavic god Gerovit/Yarovit). Regarding the 
gods of the earth, the underworld and the earthly waters, the accentuation of the genitals 
may reflect the chthonic forces contained in the water and the earth that are responsible 
for the fertility of nature and the sprouting of vegetation.
In our case, there may also have been two separate male deities whose theonyms left 
traces in the local toponymy. It could either have been a chthonic god (Veles, Crnobog), 
or a deity representing the male fertilising power, whose theonym may have contained 
the root ger or jar/yar (German, Yaro, Yarilo, Yarovit). It is not excluded that both 
deities were venerated in the same cultic space, perhaps on the very site of the current 
monastery of St. Naum or in the picturesque natural environment around the springs 
of the Black Drin River. It is possible that these two characters were in some kind of 
mutual relationship, whereby the chthonic god (of an older age) figured as the father of 
the younger ithyphallic god. Over time, the two characters could also have merged, i.e. 
one could have assimilated the other, although not completely, but only in some of his 
63
 Chausidis 2020: 159 (the ritual has been recorded in the last decades of the 20th century); on other, primarily 
ancient, archaeological traces of cultic activities in this and the neighboring cave (Golem Zmeоvets, meaning 
“Large Dragon’s Lair”): 160–162.

NIKOS CHAUSIDIS, IGOR EFTIMOVSKI NIKOS CHAUSIDIS, IGOR EFTIMOVSKI 46 46 
aspects, in order to acquire the other character’s theonym while maintaining their own 
appearance. We cannot therefore rule out the possibility that the idol (which undoubted-
ly looks like an ithyphallic god) was venerated under the theonym of the chthonic god 
(Veles or Crnobog).
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njegova ikonografija, simbolika i obredno-magiski karakter. Glasnik odjeljenja umjetnosti 
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kultni predmeti od Tesalija II. Godišen zbornik na Filozofskiot fakultet 20 (46), 159–178.]

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na slikata. Skopje: List.]
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simbolizacija i mitologizacija na kosmosot vo likovniot medium, T.1 (tekst) i T.2 (likovni 
prilozi i katalog). Skopje: Nikos Čausidis]
Чаусидис, Никос, 2008: Обредот како трансмисија меѓу половите нагони и работата. 
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производње хлеба. Петровић, Сретен (уред.) Етнокултуролошки зборник 14, 89–112. 
(Summary: The Father of Bread. Male Aspects of Yeast and Other Elements of Ritual Pro-
duction of Bread) [Čausidis, Nikos, 2010: Otac hleba. Muški aspekti kvasca i drugi elementi 
obredne proizvodnje hleba. Petrović, Sreten (ured.) Etnokulturološki zbornik 14, 89–112.]
Чаусидис, Никос, 2010б: Требенишките кратери и митот за Кадмо и Хармонија. Macedoniae 
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Чаусидис, Никос, 2011: Љуљашка и љуљање између обреда, игре и уметности. Жунић, Драган 
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Between Rite, Play and Art) [Čausidis, Nikos, 2011: Ljuljaška i ljuljanje između obreda, 
igre i umetnosti. Žunić, Dragan (ured.), Tradicionalna estetska kultura: Igra. Niš: Centar 
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Чаусидис, Никос 2012: Бронзената статуета на „Дедал“ од Плаошник во Охрид – семиотички 
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Statue of Daedalus From Plaošnik in Ohrid – Semiotic Interpretations) [Čausidis, Nikos 
2012: Bronzenata statueta na „Dedal“ od Plaošnik vo Ohrid – semiotički interpretacii, 
Patrimonium.MK 10, 59–94.]
Чаусидис, Никос 2017: Македонските бронзи и митологијата и религијата на железнодобните 
заедници од Средниот Балкан. Скопје: Центар за истражување на предисторијата, 
2017. – 1192. (електронско издание) (Summary: Nikos Chausidis
Macedonian bronzes and the religion and mythology of Iron Age communities in the Central Balkans. 
Skopje: CPR - Center for prehistoric research, 2017). [Čausidis, Nikos 2017: Makedonskite 
bronzi i mitologijata i religijata na železnodobnite zaednici od Sredniot Balkan. Skopje: 
Centar za istražuvanje na predistorijata, 2017. – 1192. (elektronsko izdanie)]
Чаусидис, Никос, 2020: Жена и ромб. По повод позата на нозете на Богородица во Оплакувањето 
Христово од Нерези. Фолклористика 5/2. Београд, 2020, 53–89. (Summary: N. Chausidis, 
Woman and Rhombus: Regarding the Virgin Mary’s Legs Posture in the Painting of The 
Lamentation of Christ in the Nerezi Monastery) [Čausidis, Nikos, 2020: Žena i romb. Po 
povod pozata na nozete na Bogorodica vo Oplakuvanjeto Hristovo od Nerezi. Folkloristika 
5/2. Beograd, 2020, 53–89.]

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Чубриќ, Драган, 2006: Тајната на Галичица. Вест (14-15 јануари 2006 г). Скопје, 30–31. 
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AN ITHYPHALLIC IDOL FROM THE MONASTERY OF ST. NAUM NEAR OHRID AN ITHYPHALLIC IDOL FROM THE MONASTERY OF ST. NAUM NEAR OHRID 61 61 
CATALOGUE OF ILLUSTRATIONS
T.I
Monastery of St. Naum and the springs of the Black Drin River: 1. View of the monastery 
from the northwest <http://www.hotel-stnaum.com.mk/> (06.05.2021); 2. Springs of the 
Black Drin River <https://www.pinterest.com/pin/111182684526228163/> (06.05.2021); 
3. Church of the Virgin Mary <https://www.fotocommunity.de/photo/sv-bogorodica-iz-
vori-crni-drim-ristovskich/20177954> (06.05.2021); 4. Building above one of the springs 
dedicated to St. Paraskeva <https://ohridpress.com.mk/?p=123681> (06.05.2021); 5. Plan 
of the complex of the Black Drin River springs <https://www.google.com/maps/place/
Monastery+of+St.+Naum/@40.910318,20.7404396,15.75z/data=!4m5!3m4!1s0x0:0x-
527f1a786822494d!8m2!3d40.9138726!4d20.7406172> (06.05.2021). 
T.II
Stone monument from the St. Naum monastery yard. 1. Photo: D. Taneski; 2-6. Photo: 
N. Chausidis.
T.III
Stone monument from the St. Naum monastery yard. 1-6. Variants of the possible ap-
pearance and proportions of the idol and its original placement (photos and drawings: 
N. Chausidis). 
T.IV
1. Stone monument from the St. Naum monastery yard. One of the possible reconstructions 
of the lost lower part (photo and drawing: N. Chausidis); 2-6. Tombstones, 17th-18th 
centuries CE (?), Vuksanlekaj/Vuksanlekići, Tuzi, Montenegro (van Twillert 2017).
T.V
1. Stone monument from the St. Naum monastery yard. One of the possible reconstructions 
of the lost lower part (photo and drawing: N. Chausidis); 2. Bronze figurine of Priapus, 
Roman period, unknown site (Votive Priapus 2021); 3. Ceramic figurine of Priapus, 
ancient period, Ephesus Archaeological Museum in Izmir, Turkey (Priapus 2021); 4. 
Wooden ithyphallic figure, 6th century BCE, Broddenbjerg, near Viborg, Denmark, 
National Museum, Copenhagen (Museum Silkeborg 2021); 5. Bronze Tintinnabulum, 
Roman period, Naples Archaeological Museum, Italy (Bronze Tintinnabulum 2021); 6. 
Bronze figurine, Roman period, Cawood, North Yorkshire, United Kingdom (Worrell & 
Pearce 2014, 406 - Fig. 5); 7. Lead alloy figurine, Roman period, Leicestershire, United 
Kingdom (Roman lead 2021). 
T.VI
1. Stone monument from the St. Naum monastery yard. One of the possible reconstructions 
of the lost lower part (photo and drawing: N. Chausidis); 2, 3. Motif from a stone stele, 
5th-7th centuries CE, Pikuzy, Mariupol (Zhdanov), Pryazovia, Ukraine (Швецов 1980, 

NIKOS CHAUSIDIS, IGOR EFTIMOVSKI NIKOS CHAUSIDIS, IGOR EFTIMOVSKI 62 62 
269 - а, б); 4, 5, 6. Bronze figurines-amulets, Early Middle Ages, unknown sites, Eastern 
Europe (Спасёных 2020, 112); 7. Silver applique, 6th-7th centuries, Martynovka, Cherkasy 
Oblast, Ukraine (Akhmedov 2018, 514 – Fig.7: 2); 8. Silver applique, Early Middle Ages, 
Peregradnaya, Urup District, Karachay-Cherkess Republic (Akhmedov 2018, 509 – Fig.4: 
5); 9. Bronze pendant in the form of an ithyphallic figure, Iron Age, 6th-5th centuries BCE, 
Kazbek, Georgia (Находки 2020). 10. Bronze pendant in the form of an ithyphallic figure, 
7th-6th centuries BCE, Luristan, Iran (Ithyphallic figure 2020); 11, 12, 13. Bronze pendants, 
Early Middle Ages, North Caucasus (Ковалевская 1983, 44 - Рис.1: 1-3).
T.VII
Openwork bronze pendants. 1. 7th-8th centuries CE, St. Erasmus - Ohrid, RN Mace-
donia (Павловска 2012, 129); 2. 7th - 8th century CE, Derjan, Mati, Albania (Kurti 
1971, 272 – Fig. 1); 3, 4. Early Middle Ages, Hungary (Popović 1984, 239 – Fig. 34); 
5. Early Middle Ages, Tiszafüred, Hungary (Garam 1995, Taf. 230: 7); 6. Early Middle 
Ages, Eastern Europe (Спасёных 2020, 72: Г); 7. Early Middle Ages, Eastern Europe 
(Спасёных 2020, 115: Б); 9-14. Early Middle Ages, North Caucasus (Ковалевская 1983, 
44 - Рис.1: 9, 15, 10, 11, 14, 12); 8. Bronze belt distributor, Early Middle Ages, Eastern 
Europe (Спасёных 2020, 72: Б) 
T.VIII
1. Stone monument from the St. Naum monastery yard. One of the possible reconstruc-
tions of the lost lower part (photo and drawing: N. Chausidis); 2. Bronze figurine, La 
Tène culture, Prašník, Slovakia (Karwowski 2012, 206 – Pl.1: 10); 3. Bronze figurine, 
La Tène culture, Domèvre-en-Haye, Lorraine, France (Karwowski 2012, 208 – Pl.3: 1); 
4. Bronze figurine, La Tène culture, Oberleiserberg, Bezirk Korneuburg, Austria (Kar-
wowski 2012, 190 – Fig. 2); 5. Monumental stone statue, 5th century BCE, Hirschlanden, 
Baden-Württemberg, Germany (Die schöne 2021); 6. Motif from a silver cauldron, Late 
La Tène period, Gundestrup, Denmark (Cernunnos 2021).
T.IX
1. Stone monument from the St. Naum monastery yard. One of the possible reconstruc-
tions of the lost lower part (photo and drawing: N. Chausidis). Stone sculptures (idols), 
Scythian culture (7th - 3rd centuries BCE): 2. Novovasilyevka, Ukraine (Ольховский и 
Евдокимов 1994, 98 – Илл. 10); 3. Sibioara, Romania (Ольховский и Евдокимов 1994, 
89 – Илл. 1); 4. Manychskaya, Russia (Ольховский и Евдокимов 1994, 177 – Илл. 89); 
5. Ol’khovchik, Ukraine (Ольховский и Евдокимов 1994, 136 – Илл. 81); 6. Semeniv-
ka, Ukraine (Ольховский и Евдокимов 1994, 126 – Илл. 38: 72). 7. Prydniprovs’ke, 
Ukraine (Ольховский и Евдокимов 1994, 135 – Илл. 47: 80); 8. Kiev Museum, Kiev, 
Ukraine (Ольховский и Евдокимов 1994, 128 – Илл. 40: 73).
T.X
1. Stone monument from the St. Naum monastery yard. One of the possible reconstruc-
tions of the lost lower part (photo and drawing: N. Chausidis).

AN ITHYPHALLIC IDOL FROM THE MONASTERY OF ST. NAUM NEAR OHRID AN ITHYPHALLIC IDOL FROM THE MONASTERY OF ST. NAUM NEAR OHRID 63 63 
Lead plaques, 7th-8th centuries CE, Velestino, Thessaly, Greece, Princeton University Art 
Museum: 2. (Woman in Childbirth 2021); 3. (Cynocephalus 2021); 4. (Woman Running 
2021); 5. (Two Women 2021); 7. (Winged female 202.); 8. Detail of the plaque (Animal 
2021); 6. Bronze plaque, 7th-8th centuries CE, Velestino, Thessaly (Čausidis 2005, 438 – 
T.I: 2); 9. Stone sculpture, Celtic culture, Mšecké Žehrovice, Czech Republic (Prehistoric 
2021); 10. Stone sculpture (detail), Celtic culture, Euffigneix, France (Celtic stone 2021); 
11. Gallo-Roman statue of a Gallic warrior (detail), Vachères, Alpes-de-Haute-Provence, 
France (Torc 2021); 12. Bronze torc, 7th-8th centuries CE, “St. Erasmus” - Ohrid, RN 
Macedonia (Санев и др. 1980, 111 – кат. бр. 599).
T.XI
1. Stone monument from the St. Naum monastery yard. One of the possible reconstructions 
of the lost lower part (photo and drawing: N. Chausidis); 2. Object made of deer antler, 
Middle Ages, Davina Kula, Čučer, Skopje, RN Macedonia (Maneva 2001, back cover 
of the journal); 3. Wooden object, 12th century CE, Svendborg, Denmark (Halla 2020); 
4, 5. Stone idol, circa 10th century CE, Husiatyn, valley of the Zbruch River, Ternopil 
Oblast, Ukraine, drawing with and without interior details, Kraków Archaeological Mu-
seum, Poland (drawing: Чаусидис 1994, 475 – T. CIX: 2, according to published photos: 
Lenczyk 1964, T. II; T. III; Рыбаков 1987, Рис. 50; 51); 6. Phallus-shaped object, wood, 
12th century CE, Łęczyca, Poland (Гейщор 1986, 202 – Обр. 22); 7. Figurine carved in 
horn, Middle Ages, Merseburg, Germany (Váňa 1983, 99); 8. Wooden figurine, Middle 
Ages, Novgorod, Russia (Рыбаков 1987, 500 – Рис. 83); 9. Wooden figurine, Middle 
Ages, Novgorod, Russia (Рыбаков 1987, 500 – Рис. 83); 10. Bronze standard (detail), 
8th-7th centuries BCE, Luristan, Iran, Louvre Museum (Idoles tubulaires 2020); 11. 
Bronze standard (detail), 8th-7th centuries BCE, Luristan, Iran, Collection Godard: 122 
(de Waele 1982, 104 – Fig. 84); 12. Stone idol, Middle Ages, bank of the Sheksna Riv-
er, Vologda Oblast, Russia (Шекснинский 2021); 13. Wooden figurine, Middle Ages, 
Opole, Poland (Hensel 1964, Fig. 14); 14. Wooden object, Middle Ages, Novgorod, 
Russia (Колчин et al 1985, 109: 206); 15. Wooden phallus-shaped object, 11th century 
CE, Staraya Russa, Novgorod Oblast, Russia (Рыбаков 1981, 41).
T.XII
1. Stone monument from the St. Naum monastery yard, upper part with depiction of the 
head (photo: N. Chausidis); 2. Bronze figurine, Middle Ages, Staraya Ryazan’, Russia 
(Рязанский идол 2020); 3. Bronze figurine, Middle Ages, Yaremovka, Izium Raion, 
Ukraine (Давыденко и Гриб 2009, 198 – Рис. 2); 4. Head of a ceramic figurine, Late 
Chalcolithic, Dinja, Haskovo, Bulgaria (Николов 2006, 118); 5. Ceramic vessel with two 
human faces, Neolithic, Căscioarele, Călărași County, Romania (Hansen 2007, Tel II, Taf. 
414: 2); 6. Head of a ceramic figurine, Chalcolithic, Kubrat, Razgrad Province, Bulgaria 
(Hansen 2007, Tel II, Taf. 366); 7. Ceramic figurine, Chalcolithic, Căscioarele, Călărași 
County, Romania (Hansen 2007, Tel II, Taf. 418: 10); 8. Marble figurine, Chalcolithic, 
Sulica, Haskovo, Bulgaria (Hansen 2007, Tel II, Taf. 367: 3).

NIKOS CHAUSIDIS, IGOR EFTIMOVSKI NIKOS CHAUSIDIS, IGOR EFTIMOVSKI 64 64 
T.XIII
1. Stone monument from the St. Naum monastery yard. Possible purpose of the indentations 
on the chin (photography and photomontage: N. Chausidis). 2. “Wheat beard”, ethnography, 
Bulgaria (Сламата 2021); 3. “God’s beard”, ethnography, National Museum Zrenjanin, 
Serbia (Božiju bradu 2021); 4. “Wheat beard”, ethnography, Bulgaria (August 2021); 5. 
Pillar of a threshing floor adorned with a “beard” (photomontage: N. Chausidis); 6. Relief 
in stone, Middle Ages (?), Leskovica, Štip, RN Macedonia (Јанакиевски 1998, 18 – Сл. 
9); 7. Manuscript decoration (detail), 14th century CE, Novgorod, Russia (Голейзовский 
1983, 218 - Рис. 107); 8. Depiction on an amulet, Middle Ages, Preslav, Bulgaria (Рашев 
1984, 132 – Обр. 3: а); 9. Motif on stone sculptures, 12th century CE, church of the 
Studenica Monastery, Serbia (Магловски 1982, 20 – Сл. 6); 10. Motif on a belt buckle, 
Early Middle Ages, Dombóvár, Tolna, Hungary (Anabaldi & Werner 1963, Taf. 42: 3).
T.XIV
1. Stone monument from the St. Naum monastery yard. One of the possible reconstructions 
of the lost lower part (photo and drawing: N. Chausidis); 2. Ceramic figurine, Neolithic 
(?), Optičari, Bitola (collection of M. Malbašić, Bitola), RN Macedonia (Чаусидис 1994, 
345 – T.LXXXII: 4); 3, 4. Bronze pendant, detail, Iron Age (7th-6th centuries BCE), Kuç 
i Zi, Korçë, Albania (Shqip. Arkeologike 1971, 48); 5. Bronze pendant, detail, Iron Age 
(7th-6th centuries BCE), unknown site, Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, United Kingdom 
(Vickers 1977, 20 – Fig. I: 2); 6. Bronze statuette, Hellenistic or Early Roman period, 
Plaošnik, Ohrid, RN Macedonia (Чаусидис 2017, 227 – Б38: 7); 7. Ceramic vessel with 
phallus-shaped spout (replica cast according to the original), 4th century CE, Gorica 
- Slatina, Istibanja, Štip, RN Macedonia (photo: Mitko Šterjov, Institute and Museum - 
Štip); 8. Ceramic vessel, Hellenistic period, Vardarski Rid, Gevgelija, RN Macedonia 
(Fowler & Blazevska 1996, 21 – MN18.4.3); 9. Ceramic object in the form of a phallus, 
Late Neolithic - Eneolithic, Penelopa, Ohrid, RN Macedonia (Кузман 2013, IV: 9).
T.XV
1. Stone monument from the St. Naum monastery yard. One of the possible reconstructions 
of the lost lower part (photo and drawing: N. Chausidis); 2, 3. Clay figurines (“German”), 
ethnography, Lukovit region, Bulgaria (Костовъ 1913, 111 – Обр. 91а, 110 – Обр. 90а); 
4. Clay figurine (“German”), ethnography, Purilchevo, Mihailovgrad, Bulgaria (Mikov 
1990, Fig. 8); 5. Bronze statuette, Early Roman period, Ohrid, RN Macedonia (Кузман и 
Димитрова 2010, 81); 6. Clay figurine, ethnography, Kyustendil region, Bulgaria (Mesnil 
& Popova 2002, 248 – Fig. 2); 7. Clay figurine (“Little Man”), ethnography, Kučevište, 
Skopje, RN Macedonia (Филиповић 1951, Сл. 44; photomontage: Чаусидис и Николов 
2006, 151 – T.II: 1); 8, 9. Frescoes, 14th century CE, church of St. Demetrius, “Marko’s 
Monastery”, Sušica, Skopje, RN Macedonia (Мирковић 1974, Сл. 67, Сл. 66).
T.XVI
1. Stone monument from the St. Naum monastery yard. One of the possible reconstruc-
tions of the lost lower part (photo and drawing: N. Chausidis); 2. Stone idol, Middle 

AN ITHYPHALLIC IDOL FROM THE MONASTERY OF ST. NAUM NEAR OHRID AN ITHYPHALLIC IDOL FROM THE MONASTERY OF ST. NAUM NEAR OHRID 65 65 
Ages (?), Bribir, Vaćani, Dalmatia (Milošević 2011, 57 – Sl. 39); 3. Stone Idol, 7th-8th 
centuries CE, spolia in the circular church in Plaveč, Moravia (Studia mythologica slavica 
7, 2004, back cover of the journal); 4. Stone relief, Middle Ages, spolia in the church in 
Altenkirchen, island of Rügen, Germany (Аркона 2021); 5. Stone Idol, Middle Ages, 
Olsztyn, Poland (Бабы 2021); 6. Stone columnar statue, Early Middle Ages (?), Plavne, 
Negotin, Serbia (Possible 2021); 7. Stone stele/idol, Prehistory/Early Middle Ages (?), 
Soufli, Gounitsa, Larissa, Greece (Prehist. Settlements 2021); 8, 9. Stone recipient, Middle 
Ages (?), Church of St. Helen and St. Mary Magdalene, Magdalensberg/Štalenska gora, 
Carinthia, Austria (Studia Mythologia Slavica 16. Ljubljana, 2013, back cover of the 
journal; detail: Magdalensberg 2021).
T.XVII
1. Stone relief slab, 1829 CE, St. Naum monastery yard, Ohrid, RN Macedonia (photo: 
N. Chausidis); 2. Seal of the monastery of St. Naum, 17th century CE, National Church 
Museum of History and Archaeology of the Holy Synod - Sofia, Bulgaria (Целакоски 
1985, 31); 3. Seal of the monastery of St. Naum, 1774 CE (Целакоски 1983, 15 – Сл. 
2); 4. Icon of St. Clement and St. Naum, 1711 CE, iconostasis of the church in the mon-
astery of St. Naum, Ohrid, detail with the harnessing of the bear (Целакоски 1997, 47); 
5. Graphic print, hagiographic cycle of St. Naum, a copy according to the original of H. 
Žefarović, 1849 CE (Грозданов 2015, 257); 6. Graphic print (copperplate), hagiographic 
cycle of St. Naum, H. Žefarović, Vienna, 1743 CE (Matičetov 1987, 177 – Sl. 13); 7. 
Illustration from a book, Ljubljana, 1913 (Matičetov 1987, 182 – Sl. 16); 8. Fresco, 1800 
CE, chapel of the church in the monastery of St. Naum, Ohrid (Грозданов 2015, 144).
T.XVIII
1. Some toponyms in the Ohrid-Prespa region and the Devol area (N. Chausidis; I. Efti-
movski); 2. Miniature “Trinity of Evil”, 15th century CE, France (Chevalier & Gheerbrant 
1987, 709); 3. Fibula, Early Middle Ages, unknown site, private collection in the United 
Kingdom (Спасёных 2020, 54, 69); 4. Three sides of the lower zone of the stone idol 
from the Zbruch River, Middle Ages, Ternopil Oblast, Ukraine, Kraków Archaeological 
Museum, Poland (drawing: Чаусидис 1994, 475 – T. CIX: 2, according to published 
photos: Lenczyk 1964, T. II; T. III; Рыбаков 1987, Рис. 50; 51); 5. Scene from the icon 
“St. Naum - life and miracles”, circa 1780 CE, church of St. Nikola Gerakomija, Ohrid, 
photo: Museums of Macedonia - Skopje (Чаусидис 2003, T.LVI); 6. Stone pillar in front 
of the new church in the village of Ljubaništa, Ohrid (Чубриќ 2006, 31).

NIKOS CHAUSIDIS, IGOR EFTIMOVSKI NIKOS CHAUSIDIS, IGOR EFTIMOVSKI 66 66 
ITIFALIČNI KAMENI IDOL IZ SAMOSTANA SV. NAUM KOD OHRIDA
nikos Čausidis, iGor eftimovski
Članak je posvećen kamenom idolu koji se danas nalazi u dvorištu samostana 
sv. Naum kod Ohrida, pronađenog u nepoznato vrijeme u blizini ovog objekta 
ili njegovoj neposrednoj okolini. Najprije je dat opis spomenika, pretpostavke o 
izgledu njegovog izgubljenog donjeg djela, nekadašnjoj visini i dataciji. Slijedi 
analiza njegove ikonografije, kroz primjenu semiotičke i komparativne metode, i 
to najprije na razini globalne kompozicije i poze figure. Kao ikonografske paralele 
itifaličnosti, stojeće poze i ruku spuštenih ka genitalijama, priloženi su nadgrobni 
spomenici iz Vuksanlekića (17-18. st., Crna Gora), antički likovi Prijapa, reljef 
iz Mariopulja (5-7. st., sjeverna obala Azovskog Mora) te ranosrednjovjekov-
ni brončani amuleti iz Istočne Europe. Detaljnije je obrađena poza ruku (kao 
naglašavanje itifaličnosti), lučno rebro u predjelu vrata (tokvez, praeputium ili 
omča za vješala) i brazda u predjelu čela (rub kape ili glavića penisa). Na kraju, 
kroz odgovarajuće paralele, razmatra se opcija tretiranja cjelog spomenika kao 
personaliziranog falusa. Istim pristupom obrađena su i udubljenja u predjelu 
brade, uz mogućnost da su u njih ritualno nadjevani klasovi prvog požnjevenog 
snopa. Unatoč tome što su se usporedbe više odnosile na ranosrednjovjekovni i 
prije svega na slavenski karakter spomenika, proveden je i dijakronijski pregled 
itifaličkih mitskih likova iz Ohrida i okolnih regiona. Kroz priložene paralele iz 
prapovijesti, antike, srednjeg vijeka i folklora, razmatra se moguća interakcija 
autohtonih tradicija sa tradicijama slavenskih zajednica nastanjenih na ovim 
prostorima u ranom srednjem vijeku. Na temelju prethodnih analiza, usporedbi s 
odgovarajućim slavenskim primjerima i pisanim izvorima koji govore o idolima 
kod Slavena, a posebno kod Južnih Slavena, procenjeni su argumenti u prilog 
pogansko-slavenskog karaktera idola iz samostana sv. Naum.
Drugi dio članka posvećen je sagledavanju idola u kontekstu drugih mitoloških 
i kultnih predaja iz okolne regije. Pritom se posebna pozornost posvećuje lokalnoj 
tradiciji o tome kako je sv. Naum ujarmio medvjeda, za kaznu jer je pojeo vola 
koji je vukao plug. Analizom verbalnih formi predanja (sačuvanih u folkloru) i 
njegovih vizualnih manifestacija (freske, ikone, pečat manastira) ukazano je na 
predhrišćanski karakter ove mitologeme, čija prisutnost u Ohridu i široj regiji se 
može pratiti unazad sve do srednjeg vijeka. Osvrćući se na dosadašnja istraživanja 
ovih predaja, ukazano je na njihov htonski i agrarni predznak te na interakciju 
lika sveca sa starijim poganskim predajama toga kraja. U pravcu otkrivanja šireg 
konteksta spomenika, prikazano je nekoliko primjera toponimije područja oko 
Ohridskog i Prespoanskog jezera, koji sadrže teonime poganskih slavenskih bo-
žanstava, pri čemu posebno prevladavaju oni s htonskim predznakom, i to Veles, 
Triglav, Crnobog, a posredno i đavao. Pozornost je posvećena na nekoliko kame-
nih stupova lociranih na planini Galičici, u čijem se podnožju nalazi samostan, 
uz pretpostavke o njihovoj mogućoj rekontekstualizaciji – od drevnih graničnih 
markera do svetih kamenova. Kroz semiotičku i komparativnu analizu imena 

AN ITHYPHALLIC IDOL FROM THE MONASTERY OF ST. NAUM NEAR OHRID AN ITHYPHALLIC IDOL FROM THE MONASTERY OF ST. NAUM NEAR OHRID 67 67 
poznatog srednjovjekovnog grada Devol lociranog jugozapadno od samostana 
sv. Naum, sugerira se na njegov mogući odnos s imenima navedenih pogansko-
-slavenskih htonskih bogova. S obzirom na široku rasprostranjenost bogumilstva i 
drugih dualističkih doktrina u Ohridskom regionu, potvrđenih u srednjovjekovnim 
izvorima, razmatraju se i moguće heretičke implikacije analiziranih tradicija. 
U posljednjem poglavlju iznose se hipoteze o atribuciji lika prikazanog na 
idolu iz samostana sv. Naum, na temelju usporedbe njegove ikonografije s dome-
nima patrona ovog samostana sadržanim u navedenim predajama i vjerovanjima 
lokalnog stanovništva. Riječ je o sljedećim sferama i funkcijama: zemljoradnja, 
stočarstvo i općenito životinje (kroz upregnuće medvjeda u plug od strane sveca); 
zemaljske vode (čuvar je ključeva od izvora koji pune Ohridsko jezero); obrt i 
trgovina (zaštitnik je obrtnika i trgovaca); liječenje (iscjelitelj je, pre svega bez-
djetnosti i duševnih bolesti). Pokazalo se da se većina ovih domena odnosi na 
htonske sfere i plodnost, te da korespondira s ikonografijom idola i funkcijama 
dobivenim na temelju njegovih semiotičkih i komparativnih istraživanja. Činjenica 
da ti atributi i funkcije odgovaraju domenama htonskih bogova (općenito, kao i 
slavenskih), ukazuje na mogućnost da je takav karakter imao i mitski lik koji je 
na njemu predstavljen. U tom kontekstu, podudaranje funkcija sv. Nauma s onima 
kod idola upućuje na proces njihova preuzimanja kod prvog od nekog njegovog 
predpostavljenog pogansko-slavenskog prethodnika – pojava potvrđena u mnogim 
drugim sličnim situacijama.
Nikos Chausidis, PhD, Full Professor, University of “Ss. Cyril and Methodius” 
- Skopje, Faculty of Philosophy, Institute of Art History and Archaeology, 
Blvd. Goce Delcev 9a, MK-1000 Skopje, nikos@fzf.ukim.edu.mk
Igor Eftimovski, MA, PhD Candidate, University of “Ss. Cyril and Methodius” 
- Skopje, Faculty of Philosophy, Institute of Art History and Archaeology,  
Blvd. Goce Delcev 9a, MK-1000 Skopje, eftimovskii@gmail.com

NIKOS CHAUSIDIS, IGOR EFTIMOVSKI NIKOS CHAUSIDIS, IGOR EFTIMOVSKI 68 68 
T.I

AN ITHYPHALLIC IDOL FROM THE MONASTERY OF ST. NAUM NEAR OHRID AN ITHYPHALLIC IDOL FROM THE MONASTERY OF ST. NAUM NEAR OHRID 69 69 
T.II

NIKOS CHAUSIDIS, IGOR EFTIMOVSKI NIKOS CHAUSIDIS, IGOR EFTIMOVSKI 70 70 
T.III

AN ITHYPHALLIC IDOL FROM THE MONASTERY OF ST. NAUM NEAR OHRID AN ITHYPHALLIC IDOL FROM THE MONASTERY OF ST. NAUM NEAR OHRID 71 71 
T.IV

NIKOS CHAUSIDIS, IGOR EFTIMOVSKI NIKOS CHAUSIDIS, IGOR EFTIMOVSKI 72 72 
T.V

AN ITHYPHALLIC IDOL FROM THE MONASTERY OF ST. NAUM NEAR OHRID AN ITHYPHALLIC IDOL FROM THE MONASTERY OF ST. NAUM NEAR OHRID 73 73 
T.VI

NIKOS CHAUSIDIS, IGOR EFTIMOVSKI NIKOS CHAUSIDIS, IGOR EFTIMOVSKI 74 74 
T.VII

AN ITHYPHALLIC IDOL FROM THE MONASTERY OF ST. NAUM NEAR OHRID AN ITHYPHALLIC IDOL FROM THE MONASTERY OF ST. NAUM NEAR OHRID 75 75 
T.VIII

NIKOS CHAUSIDIS, IGOR EFTIMOVSKI NIKOS CHAUSIDIS, IGOR EFTIMOVSKI 76 76 
T.IX

AN ITHYPHALLIC IDOL FROM THE MONASTERY OF ST. NAUM NEAR OHRID AN ITHYPHALLIC IDOL FROM THE MONASTERY OF ST. NAUM NEAR OHRID 77 77 
T.X

NIKOS CHAUSIDIS, IGOR EFTIMOVSKI NIKOS CHAUSIDIS, IGOR EFTIMOVSKI 78 78 
T.XI

AN ITHYPHALLIC IDOL FROM THE MONASTERY OF ST. NAUM NEAR OHRID AN ITHYPHALLIC IDOL FROM THE MONASTERY OF ST. NAUM NEAR OHRID 79 79 
T.XII

NIKOS CHAUSIDIS, IGOR EFTIMOVSKI NIKOS CHAUSIDIS, IGOR EFTIMOVSKI 80 80 
T.XIII

AN ITHYPHALLIC IDOL FROM THE MONASTERY OF ST. NAUM NEAR OHRID AN ITHYPHALLIC IDOL FROM THE MONASTERY OF ST. NAUM NEAR OHRID 81 81 
T.XIV

NIKOS CHAUSIDIS, IGOR EFTIMOVSKI NIKOS CHAUSIDIS, IGOR EFTIMOVSKI 82 82 
T.XV

AN ITHYPHALLIC IDOL FROM THE MONASTERY OF ST. NAUM NEAR OHRID AN ITHYPHALLIC IDOL FROM THE MONASTERY OF ST. NAUM NEAR OHRID 83 83 
T.XVI

NIKOS CHAUSIDIS, IGOR EFTIMOVSKI NIKOS CHAUSIDIS, IGOR EFTIMOVSKI 84 84 
T.XVII

AN ITHYPHALLIC IDOL FROM THE MONASTERY OF ST. NAUM NEAR OHRID AN ITHYPHALLIC IDOL FROM THE MONASTERY OF ST. NAUM NEAR OHRID 85 85 
T.XVIII