A N ESSAY o n COLONIZATION, PARTICULARLY APPLIED TO THE WESTERN COAST of AFRICA, with some free thoughts on cultivation and commerce; also brief descriptions OF THE COLONIES ALREADY FORMED, OR ATTEMPTED, IN AFRICA, including those of SIERRA LEONA and BULAMA, BY C. B. WADSTROM. PART SECOND. Muftfated with a Nautical Map (from Lat. 50 30' to Lat. 140 N.J and other Plates. LONDON: PRINTED FOR THE AUTHOR, BY DARTON AND JIARVEY, G R AC EC UURC H - ST R E ET. MDCCXCV, AUTHORS quoted hi this WORK. Ad ANSON, Voyage au Senegal, § 49, 88. Andcrfon, Dr. (of Edinburgh) his periodical paper, the Bee, § 750. Annual Regifter for 1779. § 331. Anonymous, Danifh author, Die Handlung vcrfchiedener Vulker auf der Kufte von Guinea und in Weftindien. Copenhagen, 1758, O&avo. Atlas rnaritimus et commercials, § 70, 199, 274. Bell's General Directions for preferving Health atS. Leona, § 335. Benyowflcy, Count dc, his Memoirs and Travels, § 276 &frp Blackftone's Commentaries on the Laws of England, § 330. Blane's Observation! on the Difeafes of Seamen, § 93&« Brown's Hiftory of Jamaica, § 802 note, 871. Buchannan, Rev. Mr. J. L. his Account of the Hebrides, § 750. Bolt's Confederations on Indian Affairs, § 213, 315. Buckoi, Reifen na Indien, § 315, Button's Hiftoire Naturellc, §235. Cath. II. Imp. de Ruff. Inflit. pour un Nouv. Code de Loix, J 750. Chafteilux's Travels in America, § 263 note, 598. Clarkfon's EfTay on the Slavery and Commerce of the Human Species, § 704, 783. Clarkfon's EfTay on the Impolicy of the Slave Trade, § 706, 724. Clarkfon's Kfiay on the Inefficiency of Regulation as applied to the Slave-trade, § 706. Das Merkwurdigfte aus den beften Befchriebungen von Cap, § 300. Demanet, Nouvelle Hifloire de l'Afrique Francaile, § 235, 529. Dickfon's Letters on Slavery, $ 745, 77c. Douglas's Hiftory of New England, § i¥.o. Edwards's Hiftory of the Britifh W. Indies, § 136, 325. Ellis's Hiftory of Coffee, $ 69. Elucidations of African Geography, by the African Aflbciation, § 1 15 note, 505. Encyclopaedia Britannica, 3d. edition, § 199. Ferner, Bengt, Difcourfe in the Stockholm Academy of Sciences, § 42. Border's Voyage round the World, § 146, 221,/^. 235, 300 &fi-q. Fothergill's Works, § 330, 596. Franklin's Life and Effays, § 133, 141, 670, 702. Glas's Hiftory of the Canary Iflands, § 251 c5 ftq. Grand Pierre, Relation de divers Voyages dans l'Afrique, l'Amerique, &c. § 975. Hill's Naval Hiftory, § 325. Hiftory of the Pirates. Hook's Philofophical Experiments and Obfervations, § 651 &fej. Hume's Effays. lfert's Letter's to his Father, § 80. ]oranfon's C. L. Tabeller om mott, mold och wigt, /(to. Stockholm, 1777. dime's, Lord, his Sketches of the Hiftory of Man, § 29, 751. Labat, Nouvelle Relation de l'Afrique occidentale, § 71, 115, 325, 528, 534, 946. Lind's EfTay on the Difeafes of Europeans in Hot Climates, § 45, 46, 52, 73, 75, 693, 997, Linnaei So, Plant. l'Art de la Teinturc, Dickfon's Fafciculum, &c. § 25H. Long's Hiftory of Jamaica, § 84, 136, 135-, 180, 184, 325, 635, 702, 753, 936. Lowitz, in Monthly Review Appendix, Vol, 1 2, p. 606, § 54. Mitthews's Voyage to Sierra Leona, § 115, 339. Mer&zell, Befchreibnng von Cap de Bonne Efperance, § zo, 300. Minutes of Evidence before the Houfe of Commons, relative to the Slave-trade, pnjfim. Ivlofcly's Treatife on Tropical Difeafes, § 956. Montcfquieu, Efprit dc Loix, § 635, 702. Moore's Travels into tlic Inland parts of Africa, j 669, 78?. Mortimer's Commercial'Dictionary, § 199, 300 v/tf. Mun caller, Lord, his Sketches of the Hillory of the Slave-trade. New Account of Afta and Africa, 1785. New Jrrufalem Magazine, N<\ IV. § 621, 693. Nordmlkiold, (Ulric) afhandling om nyttan for Sverigc af handel och Nybyggen i Indiern* och pi Africa, 8vo. Stockholm, 1776, § 693, 977. Ogilby's Account of Africa, §693. Plan of a free Community in Africa, independent of Europe, § 194, 606. Poftlethwayt's Commercial Dictionary, § 2, 69, 70,'180, 199, 32c. Primatt's EfTay on the Duty of Mercy, &c. to Brute Animals, §131. Price on Annuities. Purchas's Pilgrim, § 693. Ramfay's EfTays on the Treatment, &c. of African flavcs, §704. Rafk's, Reile bcfkrivclfe til og fra Guinea, § 974. Raynal, Hiltoire philofophique et politique, &c. § 99. Reafons for eilablifhing the colony of Georgia, § 107, 180, 195, 196. Report of the Britifh Privy Council Relative to the Slave-trade, pajjim. Report of the Affembly of Barbadoes Relative to the Slave-trade, § 702. Robert, Gcographie Naturelle, § 269 Roberdbn's Hiftory of Scotland, § 339. Robertfou's Hiftory of Charles V. § 937. Robertfon'l Hiltory of America, § 4, 579. Sefftrom's Memoir in the Acts of the Royal Academy of Sciences at Stockholm, § 84. 8harp on Congregational Courts, 166, 191. Sharp, Sketch of Temporary regulations for S. Leona, § 84, 190, 740, 978. Sheffield, Lord, his Obfcrvations on the Commerce of America, § 268 Smeathman's Account of the Termites (wood ants or bug-a-bugs) in the Philof. Tranf. 1781. § 6z, 82, 650. Smith, Dr. A. his Wealth of Nations, § 112, 117, 135, 180. Smith, W. Efq. his Voyage to Guinea, § 676. Snelgravc's Account of Guinea, §676. Sparrman's Voyage to the Cape of Good Hope, § 300. Tableau Gen ral de Commerce, % 199, 369. Temple, Sir W. his ObL-rvations on Holland, § 112. TiHeman's, Bcrctning om det Landfkab Guinea, § 973. Treatife on the Trade of Great Britain by an African Merchant, § 70. Wadftrom's Obfcrvations on the Slave-trade, &c. § 483. Walker's Geography, § 741 Water's Newfte Erdkunde, Sec. § 269. Weft's BriJag til Befkrivelfe over St. Croix, § 46, 59, 976, 980. Wilfon's Kffcfk of Hot Climates on Vegetable and Animal Bodies, § 6^5. Winterbotham's View of the United States of America. Zimmerman, Profefibr.at Brunfwkk. even faid by one Green, who was in England in 1791, and c HrA p- 'who always lived with them, that in the two fuccceding 1_1^_> years, he did not think above five or fix died, out of near 200, living in the fame town. By very flight tillage, and a vail increafe of poultry, thefe fettlers, though far from being mdufhious, maintained themfelves, and polTeiTed a fmall and increafing property, when a circumftance, not neceilary to be detailed, entirely difperfed them, to the number of tiieir difper- 180 or 200, who left their plantations and a great quantity of poultry *. 336. Mr. Falconbridge, who arrived about a year after, found 48 of them living together. But fome had gone to the W. Indies, others to England, and the reft feared they would all be made flaves. Mr. F. brought them to Fora Bay, about a mile and a half from their former townf. Sixteen foon joined them from other parts.—Before Mr. F. left them, (in June 1791) they had cleared and planted about four Englifh acres of land; and, on the whole, he thought they would fupport themfelves, as before their dif-perfion, with very little labour. Of thofe 64 fettlers, 39 Were black men, 19 black women, and 6 white women. The men feemed determined to defend themfelves, were Warmly attached to the fociety who fent them out, but flill *n general turbulent and diforderly. 337. The climate is much the fame, in point of heat, as ciimat* that of the Well Indies; but there is a very cool fea-breeze * See in the Append. Notes, &c, rcfpeBing S. Leona and Bulama, Note C. + See in the Append. Notes, See. refpetting S. Leona and Bulama, Note D. c OI* chat. on the higher grounds; and, in the mountainous parts, it rs s_ v- _, believed, the air is very temperate. Fora Bay is lefs sifona Le" healthy than the firft fettlement; but it may be queftioned whether a more healthful fpot than either may not be fe-lettcd.—The information of Mr. Falconbridge confirms the opinion of Lieut. Matthews, in his late publication, as well as that of geographers.—f'. I believe/' fays Lieut. M. " that Sierra Leona, if properly cleared and cultivated, would be equal in falubrity, and fuperior in cultivation, to any of the 1 Hands in the Weft Indies*/' 330. The population on the coaft, appears to be incon-fiderable, and is chiefly on the river fide, where are feveral towns of fcarcely more than fifty houfes each. A chief, who is a principal flave-trader, generally prefides in every town, fubordinate to King Naimbanna, who lives on Ro-banna, a fmall ifland, between the Englifh flave-factory at Bance ifland, and the French one at Gambia ifland. On Robanna are about fifty inhabitants, dependents of the king, who is of a peaceable difpofition, and generally re-fpectod and obeyed. His territory is faid to reach three days journey up the country, being much more populous inland; but neither the extent of his country, nor the nature of his jurifdiction, feem to be afcertained. His title is elective; but his eldcft fon, now in England (1791) would be likely to fucceed; as the electing chiefs generally follow hereditary fucceflion* * Voy, to S. Leona, p. 21.—For fome fimilar accounts, which I have collected of that part of the coaft of Africa, fee in the Append. Notes, &c. refpecting S. Leona and Bulama, Note E. 339- In Population and government. 339. In religion and morals the natives are wholly unin-ftructed. Perpetual -feuds feem to prevail between families, once hoflile, and their defcendants; and to carry each other off for flaves is a common retaliation*. They are generally pagans, without prieils, worfhip or ftated rites. They are polygamies; but their marriage is not indiiTolu-ble, and they give their children no education. They have fome fuperftitions, chiefly about witchcraft; but in general have no religious prejudices, and appear extremely defirous of all European improvements. One of the chiefs fent his fon to Bifligos, 300 miles off, to learn to read and write: for there is no fehooling nearer than the Portuguefe fettle-ments. Mr. Elliot, King Naimbanna's black fecretary, was educated in England, through the kindnefs of Mr. Gran-ville Sharp, and has excited a great defire of education among the king's children. 340. The king fent one fon to France for inflruction, another is under a Mandingo teacher, a Mahometan. The eldeft, John Frederick, jufl before Mr. Falconbridge went out, had agreed to give 3 flaves to a Guinea captain for a paiTage to Jamaica, and thence to England, with a view of obtaining ufeful knowledge. But the king's confidence in Mr. F, induced him, notwith(landing llrong remonllrances CHAP. XI. y--v--> Sierra leona. Religion and morals. Nativesdcfir-ous or improvement. K. Naimban-na fen lis one fon to Fn. and another to Eng. for education. * " A vindictive fpirk prevailed among moll nations before the introduction of Chriffianity, or civilization. Dr. Robertfon obferves, that formerly in Scotland, whofe prefent inhabitants are not behind any of their neighbours, in the practice of the ChrifLian virtues, " quarrels were tranfmittcd from father to fon, and under the name of deadly feuds, fubfiftcd for many generations, with unmitigated rancour." HtBt. of Scotland, Vol. I, p. 40, edit. 1781. Though the Africans are vindictive l<> their enemies, Lieut. Matthews obferves, that to their friends they are hofpitablc a"d kind, and that he received fuch treatment from them, in the time of the utmoft difirefs, as he could have expected only from his beft and nearefl friends." againft c ha p. againft trufting him in the company's fhip, to fend him to t\ltl_j London, with a letter requefting Mr. Gran. Sharp to direct Si erk a Le- education. The kiner and his fon ardently defire to ref- on a. . v ■• cue their country from it's ignorance and wretchednefs; and to put an end to the flave-trade, the evils of which they deplore.—The following is an extract of King Naimbanna's letter to Mr. Sharp. 341. " It has been told that thefe people (the free fettlers fromEngland) would in time drive me by force of arms, back in the country, and take my ports from me. I have received feveral accounts, from factories and captains of fhips, againft the lettlement, which I took no notice of, as I conceived it was, in my opinion, fpite or envy that they had againft their living in the country; but have ferved them in any little requeft they afked of me, and have endeavoured to keep peace between them and my people, and alfo among themfelves, by fettling a great many difquiets between them. It was pleafure to do it, as I thought they would become ufeful to us all in this country, by teaching us things we know not; and common reafon muft tell, that the moll ignorant people in the world would be glad to fee their country made good, if they had idea how it might be done. And again I muft let you know, that if there were no other reafon for my wifhing for the welfare of the fettlement, I ihould do it, that there might be a flop put to the horrid depredations that are fo often committed in this country, by all countries that come here to trade." He then fpeaks of the carrying off fome of his own relations for flaves, which we fhall mention in another part of this report. He adds, " as to the fettlers, I could only wifh that you will fend me over one worthy of taking the care and command of the place, then you need not be afraid of their profper- ing in this country. ■ Mr. Falconbridge during his time c P. out here, I approved much. I ever was partial to the peo- \_l^J._> pie of Great Britain, for which caufe I have put up with a S"iJ*#L* great deal of infults from them, more than I ihould from any other country.—My fon, I hope you will take care of him, and let him have his own ways in nothing, but what you think right yourfelf." 312. Accordingly, the directors, in behalf of their con-ftituents, undertook to have King Naimbanna's fon, who Was 24 years of age, educated at the company's expenfe. And they exprefled great fatisfacfion in reflecting, that, if it fhould plcafe God to prolong his life, he appeared likely, from his abilities and difpofition, to be inflrumental in introducing knowledge and civilization into Africa, and in cementing a confidential union between the colony and the natives. 343. The following general account of the produce of Cultivation Sierra Leona, was fubmitted to the general court, &c*. 344. Befides trading to Sierra Leona, for it's own produce, it appears that a coafting trade, and, through the rivers, which are more numerous near it than any other portion of Africa, an inland trade may be eflablifhed, in fmall vciTels which may depofit the produce of other parts of Africa at Sierra Leona. 345. The flave-trade is decreafing very much at Sierra Bute of die Leona, the price of flaves having rifen to 25 or/30 ftcr. flavc'trade' * Sec in the Append. Notes, &c. refpecling S. Leona and Bulama, Note F,— alfo Chap. V, viz. that on " Produce.'* each; each ; and not above 1000 are now annually exported from (his river. They are chiefly brought down through a chain of factories, but not through the company's ground, and a great many are children. The kings and chiefs trade in flaves; but the principal traders are the French and Englifh factors. It is cuftomary to credit the black factors who either travel themfelves, or deal with other factors ftuoprns dill farther up, with European goods (chiefly gun-powder rivSwith ar|d fpirits) and, if they fail in bringing the flipulated f*^u' ld ^avcs* *-hcy are made flaves themfelves; or, if they do not return in a certain time, any one of their families are taken. King Naimbanna's fon mentions this as a prevailing cuftom. The fudden, vindictive temper of the natives feems alfo to promote this traffic. (See § 339 note.) If a domeltic flave is impertinent, he is fold. The children of fuch are occa-fionally fold alfo. But, with rich traders, this is not common : for domeftic flaves are diftinct. from thofe for trade, doing little, and being much indulged. King Naimbanna has 120 of thefe, who give him half their earnings, and are much attached to him. It is a point of honour never to forgive injuries; fo that families will feize one another for flaves, as opportunity offers, for many generations (See § 339 note.) This practice, however, though partly owing to revenge, may be chiefly afcribcd to the want of efficient government. The offences, real or imputed, which are punifhed with flavery, are chiefly adultery and witchcraft. Suicide of 346. King Naimbanna's fon gives a dreadful account of the anguifh and defpair of the flaves brought down to the coaft. Unlefs fecured, they will flrike or flab any perfon who approaches them. It is common for them to cut their own throats, or otherwife deflroy themfelves. He is per- fuaded, flaves. fuaded, he has known above an hundred commit filicide, c y ?- before they could be got into the (hips. l.—,-% ,347. That kidnapping prevails at Sierra Leona, the di- S,e0r*aaLe~ re&ors have received undeniable proofs ; and, if they had not, feveral circumftanccs clearly imply that the practice is not uncommon. The inhabitants, to a great di(lance up the country, all go armed with guns and large knives. The very women are armed with knives. When King Naimbanna's fon has gone up to ScaiTus, he dared not to go to reft, unlefs in a fecure place, left he fhould be furprifed in his lleep. The people in the little towns on the river, leave the wood growing clofe to the houfes, for refuge, in cafe of attack, as they told Mr. Falconbridge, who has feen the ruins of two towns which, among others, were broken up by Cleveland, a great mulatto flave-trader * who was educated at Liverpool. 348. Mr. Falconbridge one day heard a great ftiout, and Kidnapping, rmmediatcly afterwards, the report of a gun. Fearing an attack, he inftantly armed forty fettlers, and haftened with them to the fpot. He found three Mandingoes and two °ther men, tying the hands of a man, who was fhricking bitterly, He had been caught, in coming from an interior town, and the fhout and firing were expreflions of joy on the occafion. Mr. F. prudently reftrained his feelings, which prompted him to refcue the poor captive; telling them that, if he had been one of his men, he fhould have Put them all to the bayonet. Green, now in England (ifygt) was one of Mr. F's. armed party. 349. One of the fettlers, ftraggling one day a little way Inftancc*.' from their town, was feized and fold by King Jammy, who * At ihe neighbouring I. of Bananas. C. B. W% lives C XL P* ^VCS tW° m^es he^ow* The fettlers, in return, feized one \_of Jammy's people. A difpute enfued, in which one man S,lioNA.LE" was ^^led; but it was terminated, by King Naimbanna's mediation, each party giving up his prifoner. The pretext for this outrage, was a charge of adultery againft another fettler. 350. Signior Domingo, chief of the town oppofite King Jammy's, fuddcnly fold one of his wives to a Frenchman, without any imputation. The young woman had called on Mrs. Falconbridge the day before, quite unfufpicious, and at her liberty. 351. King Naimbanna, in his letter to Mr. Sharp, after mentioning " the horrid depredations committed here by all the countries that come here to trade," fays, " There are three diftant relations of mine now in the Weft Indies, carried away by one Capt. Cox, captain of a Danifh fhip. Their names are Corpro, Banna and Morbour. Thefe were taken out of my river Sierra Leona. I know not how to get them back. I never hurt or deprived any perfon of their right or property, or withheld from them what is their due. So I only let you know of thefe lads, that there will be an account taken of them, one day or another." 352. King Naimbanna's fon relates, that a coufin of his father's, named Jack Rodney, was afked to pilot a flave-fhip down from Bance ifland. He begged to be put on fhore at Robanna ; but the captain refufed, faying he would land him at the river's mouth, inftcad of which, he carried him to Jamaica. As he fpoke good Englilh, he obtained feveral interviews with the governor of that ifland, and was recovered by a fhip which brought a letter concerning him from Sierra Leona. 353- Bar' 353. Barbicr Borro, who married King Naimbanna's c 9 A p. aunt, was feized by Harry, an infamous trader, and fold to i._ - — 1 Cleveland, the mulatto merchant before mentioned, and to SltJ^iLl!* whom Harry alfo fold his own father, Nankedabar. But the old man redeemed himfclf, by felling twenty-two of his domeftics. The reft were fo terrified, that they all ran away from him, and are now (1791) living among the mountains of Sierra Leona. Harry, after this, falling into debt, was fold for a flave himfelf, his father being unable or unwilling to redeem him. 354. The .directors having ftatcd the natural advantages A refpefta-of Sierra Leona, and it's prefent miferable condition, ob- ScntS? ferve that they have not merely to eftablifh a commercial *dh°n> and factory, but that, to introduce civilization, cultivation and a fafe trade, the company muft provide for thefecurity of the perfons and property of the colonifts. The directors therefore refolved, that three or four veftels fhould fail at once, with fuch a number of people as will be able to protect, and affift each other; and with goods for trade, and for the fupplyof the colony. Both reafon and paft experience fhow, that a feeble attempt to fet up a colony, or a new trade, at fuch a place as Sierra Leona, is not fo likely to profper, as one on a larger fcale, carrying out a ftrong body of people, and fupported by a capital fo large as may imply a determination to perfift. Befides the general fecurity arifing from a refpectable eftablifhment, the directors are alfo of opinion that greater profits may be expected from a large, than a narrow undertaking.—The expenfe of protecting a factory, and of demurrage to fhips trading about for fcattered African produce, has been fo heavy, that the great advantage D of C H\t ? °^ barter, nas PcrnaPs been not more than fufticient to re- ,__pay the trader his high charges, and leave him the ordinary bn?oNA.lE profit of trade. Hence appears the advantage of introducing a great degree of cultivation on one fpot, by means of a great body of confumers, and of floring a large, rather than a fmall, quantity of goods (for the Handing expenfe, in both cafes, will be nearly equal) befides promoting quicker Tales and returns, than have yet been made in the African trade.—To attain thefe objects, a confiderable capital appears indifpenfable; on the whole, the directors think, not lefs than ^100,000 fterling*.—They will now give fome account of their late proceedings, of the plan they propofe to adopt, and of the probable fources of profit t. Council, &c 355. Five veffels, one of them armed with 20 guns, have fan f«r skna failed for Sierra Leona, and two more are ready. On board thefe fhips have failed a council for the government of the colony, and the management of the company's affairs; a number of artificers and other fervants of the trompany; Laudable Ibme foldiers, and a very few Englifh fettlers. The ditficul-"hafiTcolo ly °^ at once accommodating them, unhealthinefs before Kifo!"*5 the land is cleared, the danger of difcontent and irregularity, before the eftablifhment could be formed ; and the difficulty, in a prefs of other bufinefs, of examining, with due care, the characters of thofe who offered to go out as colonifts, all * This was extended to ^1,50,000 fler. at the fubfequent general court, ■f " The directors, in their report of the 19th of Oft. 1791, had here inferted what information they could then give. But the following is now fubllituted as a more correct account of their proceedings, fince it includes alfo the fubfiance of a report read to the general court on the 8th of February 1791."—Note in the 2d Edition of the Report, from which this abridgment is taken. confpired confpired to make the directors difcourage any, but a few c ha p. felecl Englifh fettlers, from going out at prefent. They \__-* have alfo mofliy refufed a paflage to blacks, obferving that thofe who lived in London were generally far from being regular and induftrious*. One of the chief dangers to the colony might be the halty intrufion of loofe, idle or extravagant Europeans, impatient of lubordination, and fo poor as to make them burden fome to the company.—The difficulty indeed of finding Europeans who can work in Africa, in the fun, without injuring their health, has made the directors think it their duty to difcourage labourers going from hence; and they trull to the natives, or the free American blacks who, as will be hereafter mentioned, are expected immediately to arrive.—Perfons indeed of fome property, and artificers, both of good charafter, will probably after the fir it rains, be confidered as a valuable acquifition. But the directors wifh the proprietors and the public to conflder it as a fundamental principle, that no perfons (hall go out in their (hips, or refide, in their diflrict, without the authority of the directors, who purpofe always to examine their characters, as in the cafe of their own fervants. The directors difelaim every idea, that the colony will be a receptacle for perfons of doubtful character, and bad connections. On the maintenance of good order, very much depends the comfort of every refpeclable individual, whom they have induced to fettle there, and irftked the whole well-being of the colony. 356. From the nature and extent of this undertaking, the Expend cxpenfes mull be great. In procuring the A& of Parliament, extraordinary charges of the outfet, provifions, fhip- Sce in the Append. Notes, &c. refpefting S. Leona and Bulama, Not* G. D 2 ping, xi. C-r--I Sie r ra Leon a. p* ping, buildings and eftablifhment at home and abroad, for the fir ft year, above ^30,000 has been ftated, as likely to be funk.—The annual eftablifhmcnt confifts of the falaries of the fuperintendant and council of Sierra Leona, of a militia, of a fmall Handing military defence, the falaries of managers of plantations, the charges of commerce and cultivation, and of management at home, altogether amounting, on the pre-fent fcale, to about £jooo. (Economy 357. Notwithftanding the magnitude of this fum, the di-h«bcenflu- reftors have keen ftudious of ceconomy. For fervices abroad, they have given no more than their nature, and the necelTary qualifications, demanded. In the home charges, they have been equally ccconomical, confining them to things abfolutely necelTary. A houfe has been engaged as the feat of their bufinefs.—Such part of the fubferibers* capital as was unemployed, has been fafely placed out at intereft. Council to 358. The fuperintendant and council, were particularly IJuTrights, instructed to fecure to all blacks and people of colour, at niborciina- Sierra Leona, equal rights and equal treatment, in all re-tion,religion fpects, with whites. They will be tried by jury, as well and tolera- as an(j council are defired to allot to the blacks employments fuited to their prefent abilities, and to afford them every opportunity of cultivating their talents. All practicable means of maintaining fubordination are directed to be ufed; and the council are efpecially inftructed to promote religion and morals, by fupporting public wor-fhip and the due obfervance of the Sabbath, and by the in-ftrudion of the people, and the education of children. But no perfon is to be prevented from performing or attending religious worfhip in whatever place, time or manner he thinks fit, or from peaceably inculcating his own religious opinions. 359- °r- 359. Orders have been given, in chufing the fcite of a c H a p. town, to confider health as the firft object: the hrft town . Xlm . to be called Free-town. Articles for building and cultiva- Sie*r>Le- r on a. tion have been fent out, behdes the cargoes for profecuting TowttnameJ tne company s commerce. 360. It is eafy to forefee that the firfL difficulties to be McuMeisto expected muft arife from the tranfition of the colonifts to a K c*v^ hot climate, clearing the country, want of accommodation, efpecially in the firft rains, and the uncertainty of obtaining fufficient provifions on the fpot. Thefe difficulties are the greater from their coming together, and at the very out-fet. The directors have anxioufly laboured to provide againft them, not only as fuccefs muft materially depend on furmounting them ; but alfo as an act. of juftice to thofe who have embarked themfelves and their families, on the faith of the company's protection. The expenfe of acting thus has been great, but it was indifpenfable ; and the directors are perfuaded that a fmall capital would not have carried the defign, through it's firft difficult and unproductive ftages, leaving a fufficient fund for trade and cultivation. It is hoped that, by the late extenfion of capital, and what is farther to be expected, the undertaking may fur-mount even unforefeen difficulties; and that fteady perfe-verance will fix a colony, and eftablifh civilization, cultivation and commerce in Africa. The directors having reported to the general court of proprietors, that the whole capital of ^150,000 was already fubferibed, they were em- Company's powered to enlarge the fubferiptions to any fum under caPlla1' ^500,000, the capital limited by the act of incorporation. 361. For acquainting the princes and chiefs, and the natives in general, with the company's views, and to counter-aft ° ?xiA P a^ roifreprefentations, the directors propofe fending over I_this printed declaration. Sl"^Lt" 362. " The Sierra Leona company, eftablifhed by the The com pa- Britifh Parliament, do hereby declare, that they will fend !wn totho*" out goods from England, and take all kinds of African pro-mtives. duce in exchange; that they will not deal in flaves themfelves, nor allow of any Oave-trade on their ground. They will always have a large flore of Europeans goods for fale. and a force fufficient to defend it. They wifh always to keep peace, and will make no war, unlefs they are firft attacked; but they will fuller no one to be ill treated on their ground, nor to be feized and carried off into flavery j but will themfelves punifh their own people for any crimes fairly proved to have been committed by them. Black and white fettlers will all be equally governed, and will have their perfons and property fecured, according to the laws of Great Britain, Schools for reading, writing, and accounts, will be fet up by the company, who will be ready to receive and inftrucl the children of fuch natives as (hall be willing to put them under their care *.w Thcirfourccs 363. The probable fources of the company's profit appear «f profit. ^ oe—Firft, A land-revenue from quit-rents, and from a gradually increafing tax on the produce of their diftrict, and which, though fmall at firft, may be reafonably expected to become important.—Secondly, The profits from lands referved by the company, to be either cultivated on their own account, or let or diftributed hereafter.—Thirdly, Profits of the company's trade with Sierra Leona and it's neighbourhood, and alfo with the interior parts of Africa. * See in the Append. Notes, &c, refpefting S, Leona and Bulama, Note H. 364. From 364. From the foregoing account, it muft appear, that the c **_a p. directors are endeavouring, in the outfct, rather to lay the u—,-» foundation of the happinefs of Africa, and of future pro- S|E0RJ*( F" iperity to the company, than to grafp at any premature advantages. But they truft that they are not too fanguinc in looking forward to confiderable and growing profits, re Halting from, and connected with, the increafing profperity of the country under their jurifdiclion. post scrip sr. 365. Many of the proprietors, ballotted for on the 20th of Intention of Dec. 1790, having become members, merely from an idea thlsl>,s' of the benevolence of the undertaking, are ftill imperfectly acquainted with it's object. The directors therefore refolv- ed to fend each of them a copy of the foregoing report, adding a few particulars which, being drawn up with a different view, it did not contain, alfo an important article of intelligence which they could not then ftate with certainty. 366. The leading object of the company was to fubfti- The camp* tutc, for that difgraceful traffic which has too long fubfifted, ny's objeft' a fair commerce with Africa, and all the blelTings which might be expected to attend it.—Confiderable advantages appeared hereby likely to refult to G. Britain; not only from our obtaining feveral commodities cheaper ; but alfo from opening a market for Britifh manufactures, to the increafing demands of which it is difficult to affign a limit. 367. From this connection, Africa was likely to derive Bene{\ts the ftill more important benefits of religion, morality and Africa-civilization. To accomplifh thefe purpofes, it was ne-ceffary for the company to poffefs a tract of land, as a repo- fitory ts to c n a p. fitory for their goods, and which the Africans might i_l^J_i cultivate in peace, fecure from the ravages of the flave- Sn'nra i,e- trade. It had been afcertained, beyond a doubt, that the "> n a, climate and foil of Africa were admirably fuited to the growth of fugar, fpices, coffee, cotton, indigo, rice, and every other fpecies of tropical produce. The company propofed to inftruct the natives to raife thefe articles, and to fet them the example, by a fpirited cultivation, on it's own account: and the peninfula of Sierra Leona, one of the healthiefl and moft fertile fpots on the coaft, has been felected for the experiment*. Trade and a ogg. Directions have been given and fmall veffels dif- fugar planta- u . . n r tion ordered patched, to the company s commercial agent, to pulh for-to be begun. warQt a tracie, in a mode prefcribed, in the prefent produce of Africa.—Meafures are taken for cultivating, on the company's account, the moft profitable tropical produce. In particular, a perfon of long experience in the Weft Indies, has been ordered to begin a fugar-plantation. Mineraiogift The directors have befides engaged a mineralogift engaged. (Mr. A. Nordenfkiold) and a botanifl, (Mr. A. Afzelius) both of great ability, to go out and explore the company's diftrict, and the vicinity, for new articles of commercef. And, in general, the proprietors may be affured that the directors will vigoroufly promote the advantage of their conftituents; being perfuaded that their interefts and thofe of Africa are the fame, n directors, 370. The company's affairs are to be managed by thir-E and teen directors, annually elected, for that purpofe J. The votes. * See m the Append, Notes, &c. refpecling S. Leona and Bulama, Note E. + See in the Append. Notes, &c, rel'pc6Ung S. Leona and Bulama,Note I. ± See in the Append, Notes, &c. refpecling S. Leona and Bulama, Note L com company's capital, limited to £500,000, is divided into £50 c ^j* p-each. Members are to have votes, according to the num- u—M—/ bers of their fhares, in a fixed proportion, and to a certain Sieo^a.le" extent: every one pofTefling one or two fhare or fhares, and no more, is entitled to one vote ; of three or four fhares, and no more, to two votes; of five, fix or feven fhares, and no more, to three votes ; of eight or nine fhares, and no more, to four votes; and of ten or more fhares to five votes. A member may hold any number of fhares; but no one is to be entitled to more than five votes. 371. A true account of the debts, credits and capital of Accounts to the company, figned by the Chairman, Deputy Chairman bePubhlhcd* and five other Directors, is to be annually publifhed, in the London gazette. 372. The act of incorporation authorizes the Company to Dircaomml make bye-laws ; and it has been, in confequence, ordained fe^anuto that no Dire&or fhall be concerned in any contract, relating ^eilofces» to the Company's bufinefs; or, directly or indirectly, take any fee, prefent or reward; as alfo that no fervant of the Company fhall, directly or indirectly, take any fee, prefent or reward, other than fuch as fliall have been duly eftablifh-ed by the Directors. 373. Laftly, it may be proper to mention, what, but for Mcmbersau-fome enquiries on this head, the Directors would have lyfortheir" deemed it almoft fuperfluous to declare, that no member is fiures-anfwerable, farther than to the amount of his particular fhare or fhares, for any debts the Company may contract. 374. The article of intelligence above referred to, (fee § Nov* Scotia 365) refpects a valuable acceflion of inhabitants the colony S^**" is about to receive. It confifts of a number of free black families, a part of many who, at the clofe of the American War, were carried from the United States to Nova Scotia, m which province they were promifed lands. The Direc- £ tors tors can hardly fpeak, without referve, on this fubject. Suffice it to fay, that the rigour of the climate, with the degradation and ill treatment thefe poor people experienced, after many of them had bled for Great Britain, inducing them to wifh for a change of fituation, they deputed a black man of their number, to come over and lay their cafe before the Britifh Miniftry; and, in confequence of his exprefs folicitations, in which the Directors concurred, it was fettled, that as many of them as chofe, fhould be conveyed to Sierra Leona, at the cxpenfe of Government. The Directors are happy in declaring, from the accounts of a perfon, on whom they can entirely rely, that, under many difadvantages, they have proved themfelves a fober, orderly fet of people, from whofe domeftic habits, ability and difpofition to labour for their families, much maybe hoped*. —As thefe people were obvioufly to be preferred to Europeans, for a new African colony, the Directors have not yet much encouraged fettlers to go from hence. But they have fent out the requifite artificers, and the members of their civil government, and of their other eftablifhments. which win 375* The Directors are daily more convinced, that a large make a large capital is to be wifhed for, and that it may even be defire- c.ipital ne- ceffary. able to extend it far beyond the limits already fuggefted. It would be tedious to enumerate their reafons, and fome of them have been before touched on; but it may not be amifs to intimate, that the approaching large and fudden population of the colony, by the Nova Scotia blacks, however ultimately advantageous, muft greatly increafe the Company's prefent difburfements; for, inftead of providing for a trifling factory, they muft, at once, incur the * Sea in the Append. Notes, &c, refpc&ing S. Leona and Bulama, Note L. charges charges of planting a confiderable colony, and form their C3 K A E eftabliiTiments on a proportionable fcale. y^j^l^j 376. The Directors truft, however, that the Proprietors s,£^!' will not be fo far influenced by the defire of adding to their Capital, as to admit into their body any perfons, on whom they cannot rely for fincere attachment to the funda^ rnental principles of the inflitution: nor can the Directors entertain an apprehenfion, left the funds of the company fhould in any degree fall fhort, from the obfervance of this falutary caution. They cannot doubt but that a plan founded on fuch principles, and directed to fuch ends, will readily obtain, in an age and a country like ours, whatever fupport it may require. The number, already great, is daily increafing, of thofe who feel for the wrongs of Africa, and are eager to difcover fome mode of com-penfating to her for the injuries fhe has fo long been fuftaining at our hands.—Whatever may have been un-juftly urged againft any other meafure that has been brought forward, under this impreffion, no one can object to the undertaking of the Sierra Leona company. Even confidered in relation to the abolition of the flave-trade, it's operation, though flow, is unqueflionably fure. Though it may not at once cut up by the roots this inhuman traffic, it tends to divert the ftream that waters it, and deftroy the principles from which it derives its nutriment. Filled with thefe animating ideas, the Directors grudge not the great pains they have taken, in the execution of their important truft; nor will they at all relax in their exertions. It is their joy and their comfort to be thus employed : they are thankful for being allowed to be the inftrumcnts of the goodnefs of Providence, in the communication of fuch great and extenfive benefits. Already they anticipate E 2 the « SlKRRA Lb ONA. c ha p. the happy effects of their labours. They look forward with delight to that joyful period, when, by the influence of the Company's meafures, and the efficacy of its example, the continent of Africa fhall have been refcued from her prefent ftate of darknefs and mifery, and fhall exhibit a far different fcene, of light and knowledge, and civilization and order, and peaceful induitry, and domef-tic comfort. The following is an Abridgment of the " Sid fiance of the Report delivered by the Court of Directors of the Sierra Leona Company to the General Court of Proprietors, on the 2jth of March 1794." Licut.ciark- 077. The Dire6tors having concurred with tho black fon offers to 9ff _ °. . condua the man deputed by the Nova Scotian free negroes, in applying fronilN.°Seo- to His Majefly's Miniflers for a paffage for them, at the ex-tiato s. Lc- penfe Qf Government, and having obtained a favourable an-fwer (fee § 374) they immediately availed themfelves of the fervices of Lieut. Clarkfon, who very handfomely offered to go to Nova Scotia, to fuperintend the collecting and carrying over fuch free blacks as might wifh to migrate to Sierra Leona*. The terms on which the Company engaged to receive them into the colony were contained in a printed declaration, of which the following is a copy : The compa- 378. " The Sierra Leona Company, willing to receive in-t?on\lfpea-~ to their colony fuch free blacks as are able to produce to ing them. tne jr agents, Lieut. Clarkfon, of His Majefty's navy, and Mr. Lawrence Hartfhorn, of Halifax, or either of them, fatisfac-tory teftimonials of their character, (more particularly as to honefty, fobriety and induftry) think it proper to notify, in an explicit manner, upon what terms they will receive at Sierra Leona, thofe who bring with them written certifi- * See in the Append. Notes, &c. refpecting S. Leona and Bulama, Note M, cates cates of approbation from either of the faid agents, which c p* certificate they are hereby refpecrively authorized to grant j-^—» or withhold at difcretion.—It is therefore declared by the ilE0RKR*LE' Company, that every free black, upon producing fuch a certificate, fhall have a grant of not lefs than twenty acres of land for himfelf, ten for his wife, and five for every child, upon fuch terms, and fubjecf, to fuch charges and obligations, with a view to the general profperity of the Company, as fhall hereafter be fettled by the Company, in refpecf. to the grants of land to be made by them to all fettlers, whether black or white.—That for all ffores and provifions, &c. fupplied from the Company's warehouses, the Company fhall receive an equitable compenfation, according to fixed rules, extending to blacks and whites indifcri-minately.—That the civil, military, perfonal, and commercial right and duties of blacks and whites fhall be the fame, and fecured in the fame manner.—And for the full affur-ance of perfonal protection from flavery to all fuch black fettlers, the Company have fubjoined a claufe contained in the A61 of Parliament, whereby they are incorporated, viz. " " Provided alfo, and be it further enacted, that it fhall not be lawful for the faid Company, either directly or indirectly, by itfelf or themfelves, or by the agents or fervants of the faid Company, or other-wife, howfoever, to deal or traffic in the buying or felling of flaves, or in any manner whatever to have, hold, appropriate or employ any per fon or perfons in a flate of flavery in the fervice of the faid Company." " *' Given under our hands, London, the fecond day of Auguft, 1791. Hen&y c p- Henry Thornton, Chairman __-v-!—i Phil. Sansom, D. Chairman Joseph Hardcastle 3"o*kf'*m Charles Middleton Thomas Clarkson William Wilberforce Vickeris Taylor Granville Sharp William Sanford John Kingston Thomas Eld red Samuel Parker George Wolff " N. B. For the convenience of thofe who are poffeffed of property which they cannot difpofe of before their departure, the Company will authorize an agent, who, on receiving from any proprietor a fufficient power for that pur-pofe, fhall fell the fame for his benefit, and remit the pur-chafe money, through the hands of the Company, to fuch proprietor at Siena Leona." 1196 Nov* 379- The Nova Scotians willing to embark for Sierra wming to ' Leona, proved, to the furprize of the Diretlors, to be no t^bTraifccf fewer than 1196. So large an acceffion of people could to£23s,28o. not but have important confequcnces, and give a new turn to the whole undertaking.—The dire6tors firft attended to their immediate wants; at the fame time propofing to raife the capital to £^235,280, a confiderable part of it having been fubfcribed, after the intelligence from Nova Scotia was received. whites from 380. The firft veffel fent by the Company from England, Eng,and* reached S. Leona, Feb. 1792, and fhe was foon followed by two others. By thefe fhips, there went out 40 Company's fcrvants and artificers, upon falaries, 10 colonifts, 16 fol-diers, and above 30 women and children—all whites. n3i Nova 381. In March 1792, 16 veffels arrived at S. Leona from scotians ar- Scotia, with lisi blacks, many of them labouring under on*. Mortal- the effetts of a fever, contracted in Halifax, of which 65 ityonboard. died on the pafrage. Mr. Clarkfon, whofe humanity had xi. v-—,—> Si e r r a L fc-oka. had led him to embark on board the hofpital fhip, had alfo c HVTA p« narrowly efcaped with his life, from a violent attack of the fame diforder. He was extremely weak and ill, when he landed at S. Leona, and he recovered very flowly. 382. After a delay of two or three weeks, arifing from a N. Scotians palaver (or council) of the natives, which ended favoura- &c?r an ' bly, the fpot where the blacks, firft fent from London, had fettled, was thought the belt for the intended colony. In a few weeks more, the fcite of the town was cleared by the N. Scotians, and the furveyor having marked out the ftreets, each began to build for himfelf a temporary hut, of the country materials; but fome were floored with deals from hence (fee § 83 etfeq.) To this work they applied molt eagerly, fearing that they fhould be overtaken by the rains, which might be expected, in lefs than two months. Phe town, agreeable to inftruction, was named Freetown. 383. The Directors, anxious to fhelter the colonifts from Honfcframes the firft rains, thought it their duty to buy and fend out the ' °u * fhip York, of 850 tons, which, being fitted up for their accommodation, was loaded with frames of houfes, building Materials and various ftores. They confidered, that, be- fides carrying out a large cargo, fhe might accommodate the fick, and thofe whofe houfes were unnnifhed, and flight afterwards ferve as a ftore. Having been driven hack by a ftorm, fhe arrived too late to be of much ufe in the fickly feafon : but Ihe was very ufeful afterwards, as a ftore and floating factory, in loading and unloading other vcfTels, and by accommodating many fervants of the Company. 384. The precautions of the Directors, and the early and Mortality, hberal fupplies they fent out, unhappily did not prevent moltion.m a con- xl ^ ■'»" - s i e r i*. a L e on a. c *ytA P' a confiderable mortality, in the firfl rains. They began in the third week of May; many houfes, including the ftore-houfe, were unfinifbed; the Company's fervants, efpeciaily the lower ones, and the foldiers were accommodated extremely ill; and the Englifh colonifts were lead of all prepared for the rainy feafon. Perhaps the high health which generally prevailed before the rains, by creating too much confidence in the climate, efpeciaily among the Europeans, might caufe fome flacknefs in the preparations. noT^aUot- 3^5* From this general view of the flow progrefs of the w& colony, it is obvious that no attempt could yet have been made to mark out the promifed lots of land, building having engrofted nearly the whole attention both of the Nova Scotians, and of the Company's fervants; nor had any trade worth notice been yet begun; though, by the advice of the Company's commercial agent, fome goods for trade had been fent out by the very firft fhips. Governor qgg. Antecedent to this period, and during the firft three and council , -rini-^-t m J difagree, or four important months, a mifunderltanding had prevailed between the governor and council; and the ftibfequent calamity was partly owing to their inefliciency. Eight of the 'principal fervants had been nominated a council, and the inferior officers had been enjoined to pay the fame obedience to their orders, which they owed to the Court of Direct.ors. The office of governor having become vacant, Mr. Clarkfon, who had given great fatisfa&ion by his conduct, in N. Scotia, was requefted to fill the fituation, till a fucceffor ihould be appointed, and he had the carting vote in the council. Confequent 387. Alarmed by the want of order and energy, betrayed atkfon'ap' even hy the firft accounts, the Direaors adopted the tempo-pointed foie rarv expedient of throwing the whole refponfibility on Mr. governor. J ;* 0 r jL r Clarkfon, Mr. Clarkfon, permitting him to affume the whole power. c ^A p* Whether they erred, in dividing the authority among fo many t.—-v-—i as eight perfons,or, whether the blame lay with the governor Sii1on g* and council, it is not perhaps material now to canvas. The Directors acquit the acting counfellors of wilful neglect, except one, not originally appointed by them, but retained, on account of his knowledge of the country. His intoxication, idlenefs and irregularity, with the inaccuracy of his information, were among the caufes of the firft colonial and commercial difficulties. To the neglect of this perfon (whom indeed, it was the duty of the governor and council to control) it was chiefly owing, that the colony was not fupplied with frefh provifions, before the fickly feafon. The fhips were not employed for this purpofe, as was directed; and the original inffructions to the governor and council, drawn up by the Directors and read to the Proprietors, received little or no confideration, till long after this period. Confufion in the accounts, in the Itores, in the government, in the information fent home, and in every operation, aggravated the dillrefs of the fickly feafon, and the confequent mortality. 388. The Directors, without perfonal views, think it their duty to declare their impartial opinion of the caufes of the diftreffes and difficulties of the colony, which having been at their height in the firft rainy feafon, they think it proper to defcribe particularly, both the antecedent ftate of things and this calamitous period itfelf. The contraft between the firft and fecond rainy feafon, will by no means difcredit the undertaking. 389. The ficknefs was the moft fevere at the beginning of the rains. About 800 blacks were laid up at one time, and dTfrrefs^and very few paffed through the feafon without indifpofition. confu^»- F The CHAP. XI. Sierra Leon a. The diitreff-ed Bulama colonifts hofpitably, but not permanently, received, at S. Leona—the reasons. The diforder was the fever common to hot climates. It affected, in different degrees, the whites and blacks, almofl indif-criminately ; but proved much the moft fatal to the former, efpeciaily to thofe on fhore, whofe mortality was once fuch as might have excited fears, about the practicability of the whole undertaking, in perfons unacquainted with the cir-cumftances.—In the height of the ficknefs, all the medical men, but one, were laid up; fo that a few chief fervants only could be properly attended. The ftore-keepers, living in a damp ware-houfe, were the firft victims; and hence, con-fufion in delivering the ftores. No retail-fhop had yet been fet up, nor any money-medium eftabhfhed*. The doors of the ltore-houfe were continually crowded; but neither food nor phyfic, though the Directors had fent a fufliciency of both, were properly diftributed. The huts were very fmall, many damp, and a few unfinifhedf. Depreflion of fpirits generally prevailed, produced a total helplefsnefs, in fome cafes, and greatly aggravated the diforder in all. (See § 91.)—Without anticipating the fubjecf of health, it may be obferved here, that almoft half the whites living on fhore, and nearly one tenth of the N. Scotian blacks, were carried off, in this dreadful feafon. 390. While the colony was juft emerging from this dif-trefs, a fhip arrived from Bulama, with a great number of paffengers, many of them extremely fick, who defired to be received into the colony. The Directors had declined pro-pofals made to them, in England, by many perfons who went to Bulama. For they conceived, that fuccefs materially de- * See in the Append. Notes, &c. rcfpe&ing S. Leona and Bulama, Note N. t and, i apprehend, (ituated on the ground, without any elevation. See § 84. C. B- W" pended Sifrr a Leona. pended on excluding all Europeans, thofe excepted who, be- c p* ing in the pay of the Company, were entirely fubjecf to c them. They feared that even a few independent coloniih, of an improper cajt, might endanger the colony, by corrupting the people, by difobeying government, and by exciting difcontent; and that, if, for fuch caufes, they fhould be excluded from the colony, they might refort (efpeciaily if they had left debts in England) to improper courfes among the natives, perhaps turning Have-traders at laff.—By fuch confider-ations, the Directors had been determined to exclude, for the prefent, all Europeans, except a very few. They had alfo enquired, very ftricily, into the character and circumflances of their fervants, letting none go to S. Leona who left debts in England. But the principle of thefe important rules mull have been given up, if the Bulama people, unknown as they were to the S. Leona Company, fhould be received there. The Directors had previoufly inftructed the Governor and Council, to give every afliftance to the Bulama colony; but, if they fhould leave Bulama, and come to S. Leona, not to allow them permanently to fettle there. The government of S. Leona accordingly declined receiving the paffengers from Bulama into the colony; but, after accommodating the fick for a fhort time, on fhore, they fupplied them with a few neceffaries, and with a veffel to aflift in bringing them to England, as their own Ihip, the Calypfo, was extremely crowded*. 391. And here it may be proper to mention that if either Company the Bulama Company, or any other fimilar inllitution, fhould ail anempts hereafter attempt to form colonies in Africa, with a view to Afr£a|l*e civilization, the Directors will gladly encourage fuch under- * See in the Append. Notes, &c. refpefting S. Leona and Bulama, No 1 k O. takings 3§ COLONTES INT AFRTCA, ON c p* takings, as far as they can, without too much expenfe, and \-j--> frefh hazard to their own colony; and they are well per- s,£ona Li" fuaded that the Proprietors, fuperior to every narrow jea- loufy, and having the general benefit of Africa at heart, agree with them in this fentiment. Difficulties 392. The chief object of the S. Leona government, after hSEiXo' tne hcknefs abated, was the d-iflribution of the lands, which Directorsea- t}iev found more difficult than was expected. They could gcr to effect 7 , .......... r J it. not, at once, give each individual his lot or 20 acres, the lands on the water-fide, or within a reafonable difiance of Freetown, being infufficient. Even the labour of cutting paths, and meafuring fo large a tract, would have been too great for one feafon. The N. Scotians were fo fenfible of ihis, that they agreed to accept 4 acre lots for the prefent, of which,however, they were very eager to have immediate pofleflion. The Directors, and the colonial government, were not lefs earneft than they, to effect this work. They were bound by the fpiritof the promifes made in N. Scotia; urged by the importunities of the colonifts; and influenced by ceconomy, to attempt a fpeedy diftribution of the land; fince each colonifl either received provifions, till his 1 >t of ground was given him, or elfe was empolyed under the Company, when perhaps there was no great call for his fer-vices. provifmns 393. The order of the Directors, refpeciing provifions, extended only to an allowance for a fpcrified time, for the N. Scotians, the Company's fervants, and the few Englilh colonifts : namely, 3 months full allowance, equal to the common army rations, and 3 months half allowance. But the government, conceiving that the motives for this gratuity, and the equity, and even neccflity, of the cafe, required an exten-fion of it, continued it to thofe who were kept out of their 4 acre allowed. acre lots, and were not employed by the Company. The Di- c if A p. re6lors, though aware of this great cxpenfe, on confidering ,__, the circumstances, could not refufe their acquicfcence. 8,1 Le~ 304. The importance of a fpeedy allotment of the lands 4 acre lots r r-L-u diltributcd. was felt fo flrongly, that the Company s lurveyor of buildings (their land-furvcyor having returned to England, from ill health) fpiritedly attempted the work, with a party of Nova Scotians, even before the rains were over j but was repeatedly Hopped by ficknefs Almoft all the next dry feafon was confumed in diltributing the four acre lots ; though very great exertions were made, by a large party. 395. The Directors are forry that the land near the town Lands on has proved not fo good as they had been led, by every in- betwtW*" formation, to expect. Lieut. Matthews's description is far rK:iItown-more favourable than observation on that/pot juftifies. To this ierious difappointment. maybe afcribed, many difficulties and many unexpected charges. As the air, water and landing-place at Freetown, are certainly the heft which can he found, it can hardly fail to be the chief place of trade j though other parts, at a moderate diltance, efpeciaily on the the oppofite more, will be the belt for cultivation. 396. The improvement of the landing-place, the erecting Public buiid-°f a church, a hofpital, warehoufes and other buildings, of ing**" , which the frames went from hence, the fencing and cultivating of a garden of experiment, and fome meafures lor defence, have alfo constantly occupied a body of the N. Scotians, at a very great expenfe. No fort, however, has hecn thought neceffary. 397- In the fecond dry feafon, the colony feems to have c 405. " That the Court confidcr the petition of the Nova ^—,—j Scotians, as hafty, and the facts therein mentioned, as *" chiefly founded on miflake and mifinformation.-That *^£tKe it appears to have been drawn up and agreed to at a time thereon, when the unfortunate delay of the Company's fhips, through the breaking out of the war, had occafioned fome temporary diftrefs and diffatisfaction, which fome defigning per fon or perfons, then in the colony, may have contributed to increafe.—The Court are of opinion, therefore, that, through the arrival of the large fupplies, lately fent from hence, and the continued care and attention of the governor and council to the interefts of the colony, every material caufe of diflatisfaclion will have ceafed before the arrival of thefe refolutions at Sierra Leona. As it is undoubtedly the intereft of the colonifls, fo the Directors truft., it will alfo be their general wifh, to promote harmony, and to difcountc-nance all factious attempts to difcredit the government of. Sierra Leona, fmce, on their due obedience to government, tinder the blefling of Providence, their happinefs, their liberty, and perhaps their very lives, depend. It is on this ground that the Directors carneftly exhort the general body of Nova Scotians, both as freemen and as Chriitians, to difcourage all unreafonable difcontent, to pay refpe6f and obedience to the government, and if, contrary to the Directors' expectations, any aclual grievances fhould exift at the time of receiving this refblution, the Court of Directors recommend it to the Nova Scotians, temperately to represent the cafe to the governor and council. But if they Should hereafter conceive it to be neceffary to prefer their complaints hither, that they will, in fuch cafe, previoufly acquaint the governor and council with the purport of them, in order that the Court may receive their fentiments G 2 there- c ii a p. thereupon, and may thus have the whole of the fubject at ^J^-L^j once before them." s?eona lf 4°^* 1 nc delegates, on the above refolution, made a very Cohfequent hafty remonftrance, which indicated the fame vehemence (trance. and diiicfpcct to the Court of Directors, which had occa-lionally been fhown to the government at Sierra Leona. After fome more interviews with the Directors, during a farther detention of about two months, in which they received a fmall allowance for fubfiftence, they fet fail, apparently very well difpofed to the Company. 407. The preceding facts, efpeciaily the laft, may have fuggefted to the proprietors the difficulty the Directors have had, to fatisfy the N. Scotians, on the one hand, and to avoid profufe expenfe, on the other. Indeed fuch have been the trouble and expenfe caufed by the N. Scotians, that the general expediency of introducing them into the colony, may have been doubted. It feems neceffary, therefore, to ftate the advantages and difadvantages of that meafure. Difadvtn- 408. The charge of it has certainly been very great; for ce?ein°fthe tnc Company's eilablifhment has been unavoidably enlarg-N. Scotians. ed,in proportion to the number of colonifts; the fhips have been neceifarily employed for their ufe ; the grant of provifions may be eftimated at ^20,000; expenfe has been incurred in diftributing their lands; and lofs, by employing more of them than were always wanted, and that at wages which, though complained of, were at lealt double thofe given to the natives, who yet are nearly equal to the N. Scotians at common labour, though incapable of fome neceffary kinds of work at which the N. Scotians are tolerably expert.--Of thefe, which are the principal charges, no juft eftimate could be previoufly formed; not only from the nature of them, but from the unexpected num- number of N. Scotians who embarked, and the delays and c ^ A p-difappointments which followed. When the Directors in- i—-v—» vited thefe colonifts, they unavoidably acted on probabili- SltQNRA.LE" ties: though aware of incalculable circumftances, their prompt decifion was indifpenfable. They thought it prudent to make the promifes before ftated ; and, on the faith of which, the N. Scotians have croffed the feas. But the Directors fairly avow, that, befides a literal compliance with them, they confider themfelves morally obliged not to let the colonifts fuffcr any extremities, which the Company can relieve, till they can derive fupport from their lands, or from fome other means. Hence they have never hefitated to fend out fuch goods, as they had reafon to believe ftrictly neceffary; leaving it to the difcretion of the government to credit the colonifts with fuch neceffaries.-Had the land round Freetown been as fruitful as was defcribed, and had the N. Scotians been as manageable and induftrious as they Were reprefented, and, for fome time, appeared to be, the charges attending them would certainly have been lefs, and the advantages greater. 409. Yet, under every difficulty and difappointment, the Advantage!, advantages of the migration of this body of colonifts have been important; but more fo to themfelves, and to Africa, than to the proprietors. A quicker improvement in point of health, from the extenfion of the town, and of cultivation ; a greater facility in inducing valuable men to go out; a farther extenfion of the Company's reputation in Africa, and a quicker progrefs in civilization; but, above all, a far greater fecurity againft holtile attacks—all thefe advantages evidently belong to a large, rather than a fmall, undertaking: and, if there be no danger that the funds, which may properly be deftined to the eftablifhment of the colo- Sierra Leona. colony, mould be prematurely exhaufted, it can fcarcely be denied, that fo powerful a body of colonifts, muft afford a fuperior profpect of ultimate fuccefs. 410. In difcharging their important truft, the Directors have endeavoured to praftife that ceconomy which is connected with found policy, and fubftantial juftice,—to the Proprietors; to their fervants; and to the colonifts. statement of 411. In the following ftatement, though the fum total of penf'iT " the expenfes of the colony can hardly fail to be tolerably correct, yet many particulars, from the caufes ftated, are merely taken from cftimatc. EXPENSES incurred in ejlablifliing theCOLONY. Charges antecedent to the incorporation of the Company, confiding chiefly of two fmall velfels, fent to explore the country. -£'. 1200 Charges of incorporation • - - - 6^0 Charges of home eftablifhment, viz. JFurniture and repairs of the S. Leona Houfe - 450 Houfekceper's falary, coals, candles, rent, and taxes, &c. for about two years, to Chiiftmas 1793. " 74,5 Printing, advcrtifing, poflagc, books, &c. for about 2 years, to ditto - 850 Officers and clerks falaries to ditto - - - 1480 -' 3525 Educatingandclothingnativesfentto England, and their paffages, about ., . 300 Charges of the eftablifhment at S. Leona, viz. Temporary allowance of provifions to all the Company's fervants, and expenfe of the table of the governor, botaniit and mincralo-gilt, &c. eilimatcd at 3250 Paffageof fervants and artificers out and home, eflimaicd at - 3000 Their travelling expenfes and other charges in England - - 380 Amount of falaries to S. Leona fervants, for about two years, to Chriftmas 1793 - - 7500 - 16130 2 200,5 Incidental £, £. C H A P. Brought forward . . • 22003 XI. Incidental expenfes in the colony, viz. Sieon1Le" Medicines, furgical inftruments, books and ftationary, &c. - * l63° Equipment of botanifl and mineralogiff, - 4°° 1 reftnts to chiefs, expenfes of palavers, &c. - - " 15°° 1 v - 353° °utfit and Maintenance of SHIPPING employed for the proteftion, and accommodation of the colony, and in collecting provifions, &c. about - 17840 Provifions to the colonifts, before they were put into poffeffion of then-lands, cltimatedat ------- 20000 Lodes and gratuities in England, confining chiefly of funis advanced to the Co mpany's fervants, which were not recovered, through their dying or retiring from the fervice, and of gratuities paid according to the terms of the Company's engagement, to the near relations of the deceafed * 1245 SUPPOSED EXPENSE in ESTABLISHING the COLONY - 64620 To which add the lofs of the fhip York, eftimated at And other loffes by robbery, damage through expol'ure to the cli- 1,5000 mate, and articles that proved unlerviceable - - 3°°° - 18000 SUPPOSED EXPENSE of ESTABLISHING the COLONY, the £. 82620 LOSS INCLUDED - ----- ____ The CAPITAL STOCK of the Company is - i". 23,5280 The interelt rccei ved thereon is 7Dl9 Making together 2^2899 From winch, if the above fum ot 81620 be taken, There remains £. 160279, to be accounted for, which is done in the following manner: DE \D STOCK at S. LEONA, which, though Mated as part of the of the Company, is not to be confidercd as convertible bearing a value equal to it's coft, confifting of buildings, lands, &C. at S. Leona. Buildings belonging to the Company, viz. C< at S. Leona, of a church, warehoufc, range of (hops, two hof- £> Petals, two dwelling-houles, and four canvas houfes, lent trom England, about - - - . Lo». at S. Leona, of materials for finishing the buildings, VW. nricKs, (ieals, fcantlings, ike. about - - * ™_ 8430 * I pttftme, that no M*rj has beta paid to the fcotanift, or to the mmeralogill in his Uf« ttflM ; "* bj a Ongle fkrthiBg as L as 1 Irate underftood, been yet g.vcn to the dfafftd widow ami « -Phans of the latter; though he may be kid, with lome propriety, to have lacnhcecl his valuable ,lle m the Company's ferrice. See $ 400 and the note on it. C. D. H . CHAP. _ Brought forward - 8430 XI. Putting together the buildings fent out, and erection of other build- -,— ' ings for the Company's fervants, about - 3300 Sierra Le- Improving the landing place, making a wharf, roads, and fundry oka- public works, about ----- 3000 A large crane, lire engines, &c. - - . 70,5 Furniture for the governor, phyfician, and chaplain . . ^0o Lands, viz. Purchafeof landsat S, Leona, and cultivation on the Company'saccount 17^0 Allotment of lands to the N. Scotians, on which a rent is referved to the Company, about • 2,500 Articles for defence, viz. Anns, ammunition, and other articles - • . 2joo Labour and conflruction of works of defence - - sooo about------- 4250 4.5°° 24683 Tolal Dead Stock £, Capital in Trade, viz. African produce in England, cltimatedat - - icoo Cargoes of three veffels now on their palfage out £. 16900 Deduct for goods not paid for - 10400 6500 Goods at S. Leona, or on board veffels on the coaft - - 7900 Value of dollars in the colony, about ... 1000 Debts due from the colonifts to the Company, much the greater part of which is expe&ed to be recovered, about - - 2000 Prefent efiimated value ot the Company's (hipping - 9000 Total capital now invefted in trade - - —— 2740O Property belonging to the Company placed at intereft, &c. viz. £. s. d. Placed at intereft in the Royal Bank of Scotland .- - 39000 o o At MeMYs, Barnctt and Co's the bankers, &c. 151 10 9 --——39>o"i 10 9 Invefted in 4 per cent confols. Bank Ann. 1,5140 o o In India bills and bonds - - 23108 12 8 In Navy and victualling bills - - 3°733 *6 7 -■— 69042 9 Total property at intereft and in public fecuritics -1_ Total remaining effects of the Company, the dead flock at S. Leona included ...... 412. Such is the prefent (late of the Company's funds, c and of the expenfes, which lad, certainly very far exceed i__^1 every expectation, owing to the above-mentioned unfore- s,eq^> feen caufes, which it may be proper to recapitulate, and Expenfes bring into one point of view.—lft. The inefficiency of the Sty*'** original council, which occafioned great irregularity, and, it is feared, much prodigality and wafte.—2. The fatal fick-nefsofthe firft rains, which fufpended induftry and greatly aggravated expenfe.—3. The badnefs of the foil near the town, which, by denying prefent fupport, has thrown that expenfe on the Company.—4. The burning of the York.— •5. The war, which has rendered additional protection ne-ccilary; has raifed the coft of European goods; increafed the expenfe of living at S. Leona; prevented the expected decreafe in the price of labour \ and enhanced the charge of necelTary public works. To the war are alfo to be afcribed the long and expenfive detention of fome of the veffels; the difficulty of procuring, and the increafed expenfe of maintaining and paying, fiiilors; and the uncertainty of intelligence caufed by the war has been not only a pecuniary disadvantage, but a very material inconvenience. 413. The charge of/\ 20,000 for provifions, and that of Vnuarei £• 17,840 for maintenance of Company's mips, in the pro- fcnms" tection and ufe of the colony, have greatly exceeded expectation. But the former has now entirely, and the latter very nearly, ceafed. The Directors are alio ufing their belt endeavours to confine all the expenfes to the trade, cultivation, and annual eflablifhment of the Company ; an object ■"^'hich, they truft, is nearly effefted; for, while the chief difficulties of the colony are fubfiding, the Company's burden is ceafing. .414. On reviewing the part, the Directors own that fome JI things, ° IxiA ?* tn*nSSj na(* ^cy ^een more experienced, might have been v^L^_i conducted more frugally and advantageoufly. But-many *£a;LE* or tfte occurrences, no human wifdom could have forefeen Colonization or controlled; and they attribute many deliverances of the co arduous. lony, not to the care of thofe whom the Proprietors have fet over it, but to that Providence alone, which has protected it. From part experience, they may look forward to farther difficulties, impoffible to be provided againft; for colonization has, in general, been far more arduous, hazardous and ex-penfive, than the undertakers at firft believed. (See § 276 ft feq. and 303 et feq.) The Directors, therefore, indulge no expectations of rapid, uninterrupted fuccefs; yet, from the gradual advances of the colony, in the midft of difficulties, they arc not without fuch hopes of it's eftablifhment and future profperity, as encourage them fteadily and chearfully to perfevere ; but they are confeious, that, after all poffiblc attention, the event is at the fupreme difpofal of Him who can fufpend, obftruct or fruftrate the beft fchemes of men, or can crown them with the moft fignal fuccefs. 415. The caufes of the mortality at S. Leona have been already mentioned. (See § 384, 389.) The following arc fome of the particulars refpecting it.—The Company's upper fervants, who went out the firft year, were 26, including eight counsellors, a chaplain, feveral medical men, a fecre-tary, (Mr. J. Strand *) an accountant and others, all well accommodated. Of this clafs, only four have died, and the deaths of only two can be properly charged to the climate. —Of lower fervants, fuch as clerks, ovcrfcers, artificers, Mortality ftated. * See in the Append, Notes, &c. refpecling S. Leona and Bulama, Note S. Sec. &c. there went out 59, including their families. Many of c [l ?- them were often expofed to the rains; feveral were intern- --1 perate; they were in general ill lodged; and, from the fick- S'"«i, nefs of the furgeons, they could have but little medical attendance : hence no lefs than 20 died.—Of fettlers, including their families, there went out 18, and no fewer than 13 died. Some of them were very intemperate, and their fituation was, in all refpecls, worfe than the lad clafs.—Of foldiers .16 went out, almoft all intemperate, and, circumdanced as they were, in other refpecls, it is not furprizing that 11 ihould have died.—In all, 119 perfons went out, the fir 11 year, of whom 57 died.—The foldiers and \rhite colonifts, with (heir families, having either died or returned home, the whites, in the fecond year, were reduced to about 40, of whom only 4 or 5 have died.—The deaths in the Company's fhips are not here included; for they were not always at S. Leona; nor.has any compleat return on this fubjett been made. But, from information received from moft of the fhips, between 20 and 30 may have died, on board them all. The feamen employed have feldom exceeded 140 or 150; fo that their mortality may have been 7 or 8 per cent per annum*. 416. The N. Scotians, who arrived at S. Leona in 1792, That of the were 1131, many of them lingering under the remains of a " . * fever, which had carried off a few of their original number in N. Scotia, and 65 more on the paifage. Of 1131 landed, 40 died in a few weeks after, from the fame fever. The reft then became very healthy, and fo continued till the almoft * From evidence of the f ah fiance of the mufler-rolls of the Liverpool and Biiflol flavc-fhips, infertcd in the Report of His Majeflv's 1'iivy Council, it appears that « 4080 feamen, who formed the crews of 112 fhips, 858, or 2 t percent, died in one v°vage.-—See in the Append. Notes, &c. refpeaingS. Leona and Jkilama, Nor>;T. H 2 univcrfal univerfal ficknefs of the firft rains, when 98 of them died, —In the three moft unhealthful months of the fecond rainy feafon, for the account extends not to the whole year, their deaths did not exceed five. 417. The Company's phyfician ftates, in his report of the 14th Oct. 1793, That though the ficknefs and mortality this year have been comparatively fmall; yet that the rainy months have been, as ufual, more fickly than all the preceding ; that the N. Scotians have experienced, in the rains, confiderable indifpofition, but generally with trifling complaints ; that they now feem fo accuftomed to the climate, that there is little reafon to fear any great mortality among them; that there are not many wtiofe health is precarious; that few villages, perhaps in England, can fhow more fine children; that, in this period, fevers have been pretty frequent among the whites; but that the fick lift is on the de-creafe, and it is hoped they will all recover; and that the want of flour has, this year, been ferioufly felt by the healthy, much more by the fick.—The difpatches of the 26th Dec. give a much more favourable bill of health, and ftate the mortality to be as before-mentioned. 418. The grcateft mortality having been among the white fettlers, the foldiers, and the lower fervants and artificers, the Directors reflect: with fatisfaction, that, inftead of urging any of thefe to go out, they refufed many of each clafs, whom they were importuned to fend, and were fcarcely prevailed on to carry out thofe who went—a reluctance, which gave umbrage to feveral who were eager to become African colonifts, and partly, perhaps, gave rife to the Bulama Company.—Their indifpofition to enlarge the number of foldiers, whofe mortality was next in magnitude to that of the fettlers, caufed the relignation of one or two chief fervants fervants, and drew a rcmonftrance from feveral gentle- chap. men who purpofed adventuring out. Aware alfo of the probable evils even of their fmall military eftablifhment, Sie^a.lb" they recalled the foldiers, when aflured of the peaceablenefs of the natives; but the order arrived too late.—So fenfible were the Directors of the dangers to which the artificers were expofed (moft of whom, from an accident at fea, were not likely to arrive, till the eve of the rains) that they offered to difchargc many of them in England, to indemnify them for lofs of time, and to add fome gratuity. Of this offer, a few accepted, but many, including all who had families, were determined to make the voyage. This detail will not only fliow that the Directors were far from prefling thofe to go out, who have run the great ri(k of their lives; but will alfo point out the extreme danger, to which perfons are expofed on arriving in a tropical climate, unprovided with proper lodging and f ubfiftence, or who are likely to fall into intemperance. 419. The Directors, having thus endeavoured to give an Nor the en-impartial account of the health of the colony, leave it's cha- mate* ratter, in this refpect, to red on the fimple evidence of the above facts. They know of no reafon why the climate of S. Leona fhould prove eventually worfe, than thofe of other tropical colonics, of which the healthfulnefs is now undif-puted; for fome of thefe were more fatal to the firft colonifts, than S. Leona has yet proved. It feems therefore very probable, that, as cultivation and accommodation improve, the health of the colony, will gradually amend, as has been always experienced in fimilar cafes *. * See in the Append. Notes, &c. refpe&ing S. Leona and Bulama, Note U. 420. On 420. On the fubject of trade, the Directors have rather to mention the orders given, and the fteps taken, than to report much actual progrefs. Though an affortment of goods for trade was lent out, in the firit (hips, by advice of the commercial agent, who knew the coaft well, and who took charge of them; yet he made no eifort to difpofe of them. Many of them remained on board, during the rains. Even many goods intended for immediate ufe, were not delivered out of the fhips, till after this period. And it is feared, that, from this perfon's mifconducf, added to the inefficiency of the Council, and the confequent confufion, while many were lofing their lives, the Company's property was dilli-pated. This irregularity was aggravated, by the illnefs of almoft every per fon employed in the commercial department. The chief ftore-keeper was obliged, by ficknefs, to return home; the chief accountant died, as did the chief commercial agent, already mentioned, without rendering up any regular accounts: feveral inferior florc-keepers funk under fevere duty; and their fucceffors, the prefent bookkeeper excepted, were little acquainted with mercantile bu-finefs. 421. Thus the Directors, who did every tiling that depended on them to fecure punctuality, from the very inili-tution of the colony, are deprived of the means of examining into the application of all the firft cargoes; and, although one of the Counfellors laboured to efhiblifh proper bookkeeping, his efforts were frullratedby the burning of all the molt material books of the colony, on board the York. It will not excite furprizc, that the Directors were How 19 fending out goods for trade, when confufion was known to prevail in the colony, and when the commercial fervants, who had died or returned, were not replaced. - The prefent commercial commercial agent, however, carried out a large afTortment, c " A p* fuited to that market. A great part of them were immedi- <__s,--/ ately fent down the coaft, in the Company's fmall veffels: SlFQNRA.Lb" the reft, as above ftated, were deftroyed with the York. 422. The Company have now one fhip of 380 tons, ano- Company'* ther of 200, and ten veffels each from 35 to 120 tons. One ,ppms' of the fhips is likely to be ufed as a ftore-fhip, inftead of the York, and the other in carrying goods to and from S. Leona; all the fmaller veffels being chiefly engaged in collecting produce on the coaft, and conveying it to the colony, as the depot.—Various caufes led the Directors, at firft, to buy, rather than charter, veffels; but the vaft expenfe attending their larger fhips, has difinclined them from farther pur-chafes of this fort. Moft of the heavy expenfes of the Shipping, enhanced, as they were, by the war, are charged in the account, to the colony, not to the Company's trade. &ut all the fmaller veffels have been fome time on trading voyages, as is alfo one of the fhips, the other being ufed at S. Leona for protection, and as a ftore-fhip. 423. The government, with a view to collect produce, Company^ have eftablifhcd fome fmall factories, chiefly on the neigh- UJtonc's,Scc' houring rivers, and for a trifling expenfe. The French ftave-factory at Gambia (ifland) a few miles above Freetown, and commanding one branch of the river S. Leona, has lately been abandoned. Various other openings have occurred, details of which will not be expected; and, though, for the reafons ftated, African produce amounting only to a few thoufand pounds has come home, yet, in noway do the government ftate their profpects to have more improved, than in commercial openings towards the end of the laft year, when the declenfion of the flave-trade, from the flagnation of credit in England, was very vifiblc on the C *xiA P* ^C C0a^* But on tlie Volition of that traffic, the com-u—^—1 mencement of a confiderable trade in African produce sieon\a.Le" may be expected. When the natives fhall find, that nothing but the produce of their land and labour will be received for European goods, that difpofition to cultivation, for adequate encouragement, which they have already fhown, will be confirmed ; and it is natural to expect that thofe plans of induftry will be adopted, of which S. Leona will have fet the example. 424. Even the limitation of the flave-trade might promote African induftry, and, of courfe, the views of the Company. As yet, they labour under difadvantages which, they truft, will not always be impofed on thofe who refufe to unite a traffic in their fellow creatures with a trade in produce. They alfo willingly fuffer fome prefent lofs, by furnifhing articles rather better, and fomewhat different in kind, from thofe generally fent to Africa; and, in many refpe&s, they have endeavoured to purify the dreadfully corrupt African trade. They have reftrained, or abolifhed, the prefents of rum to the chiefs. They truft alfo they have gone to the root of another evil, by introducing a confiderable quantity of coin into the colony, thus fubftituting the plain and certain medium of dollars, in place of the former one of bars *, which having been a medium of calculation that was extremely variable and confuf-ed, and merely nominal, has occafioned much trouble and difpute, and given the opportunity of practifing perpetual frauds in the African commcrccT. On the whole, the Di* * The word bar implied originally a bar ot iron, which was one of the moft common articles of commerce, and might be worth 3s. fler. + See in the Append, Notes, &c. refpecting S. Leona and Bulama, Note W. rec- rectors have reafon to hope that they have acquired fome c 11 * ?- credit in Africa, by the principles of the undertaking, the <-,—j quality of the goods, and the fairnefs of their fervants; llJJA*1,E" and, though their progrefs may appear flow, they truil they have laid fome foundation for an advantageous commerce. 425. Cultivation may be divided into two kinds, that on Cultiva-the Company's account, and that of the N. Scotians or the natives.—The Directors, agreeable to their original plan of cultivation, on their own account, fent out three managers w. Indian (or planters) and feveral overfeers ufed to tropical cultiva- and overfeers tion. The diftreffes of the firft rainy feafon, induced one ,ntroduced* of the planters to return to the W. Indies. Many of the overfeers died : of the two remaining planters, one was, for fome time, preparing a cotton plantation near Freetown; but, as he returned to England, and the land was much wanted, the undertaking is fufpended, and a few N. Scotians, whofe land proved very barren, have the temporary ufe of this fertile fpot, on which they have raifed corps of various ufeful articles. 426. When the foil around Freetown was found worfe a plantation than was expected, the remaining planter*, with his ufual Can«. &c. ardent and laudable zeal, having viewed the foil down ^SJ^ly the coaft, along the river, and in the interior country, re- Indian plan, ported that he had found extremely good land on the opposite fide of the river, and offered to fettle there among the natives, and to attempt, with their help alone, a regular plantation. A mile fquare of land (640 acres) was accordingly rented, without difficulty, from its chief for £16 a year; * Mr. James Watt, formerly planter in Dominica. I and chap, and about thirty Grumettas*, or free native labourers, were ; j j got together. Their firft work was to build a houfe for Sn kraLe- foe manager. They next cleared the land of wood, which entirely covered it, and proceeded to hoe the ground, and to plant it with fugar-canes, cotton, rice and other vegetables. Their wages were four or five bars a month; but,as the valuing of the bars produced fome altercation, the price of three dollars a month, or about 3s. 6d. a week, is now fubftituted. They are alfo found with about a pint and a half of rice, and two or three ounces of meat, daily. They are called to work by the blowing of a horn, which is heard in the fmall neighbouring towns where they refide; and, if they are on the fpot, as they ufually are, at the pre-cife time expected, namely fun-rife, they receive a fmall glafs of rum, which it is intended, however, to commute for a trifle of money. The work under the eye of one of the better fort of natives, while the planter directs their general operations, fees them often from his window, and walks occafionally among them. They go to dinner (which is dreffed for them in the manager's houfe) and is the only meal they take during their day's work, at eleven o'clock, and return at one, and work till funfet, when they have another fmall glafs of rum, but they drink only water at their meals. Their labour is thought equal to about two thirds of a common day's work in this country, and is tolerably fteady, though they fhow no great exertion in it. Their number and regularity have fcarcely varied for above a year, except in their abfenting themfelves for a week or two, at the approach of the rains, to work on their own * Grumetta 1 underftand to be a Portuguefe word, fignifying a failor's fer-\ant. C, B. W. plantations, plantations, an interruption which, it is thought, may in fu- chap ture be prevented. k^^L^j 427. When thofe natives receive their wages, which they Sie0rnrJLe" claim on the day after the new moon, they fend to Free- S^^" town to fell the dollars*, as they term it, which they do for proved by it. cloathing and houfehold utenfils ; for it does not appear that they apply them to any bad ufe. They may now be diftin-guifhed from mofl other natives by additional cloathing; they wear hats and jackets, which the others generally do not, and their trowfers are of a better quality. They are evidently difpofed to copy the Europeans; though they have as yet adopted but a fmall part of their cloathing, furniture and mode of living. On Sunday's they are taught to abftain from work, and attend a Nova Scotia preacher, who, in the week, teaches feveral native children. 428. The firft year, they put into cultivation about 15 Canes dam-acres of land, of which about 12 were planted with alter- hu^bugl* Hate rows of rice and cotton. A nurfery of fugar-canes has alfo been planted, and, on the whole, advances; but the ants, or bugabugs, have damaged it much. It is fuppofed, however, that this obftacle to the growth of fugar-canes will ceafe, when the roots of the trees, which partly fup-port the ants, fhall have rotted f. 429. Though little differences may have occafionally Link differ-arifen between the manager and the native labourers ; yet, nuna-On the whole, the Company's credit has been much im- %?r and na-proved in that part, and many proofs have occurred ol the advances that may be made in civilization, if this object fhould be purfued, and the fame fyftem confiderably ex- * Sec in the Append. Notei, &c. refpecling S. Leona and Bulama, Note W. + See in the Append. Notes, &c. refpecting S. Leona and Bulama, Note X. 12 tended. chap, tended. Several towns near the Company's plantation -T- _j are very much increafed, by the natives who work for the sibona Le company, and by many others. The natives are alfo more Vetpopula- difpofed than before, to fettle on the fides of the river. A vttTJSdn " fenfe of fecurity gains ground, and they are lefs averfe to advance. tne fafa round their towns being cut down, which they always confidered as affording a refuge againft being fur-prized and made Haves. The difficulty indeed of landing on the Bullom fhore, by leffening European intercourfe, has rendered the natives lefs violent, and kept them more fober and induftrious than their oppofite neighbours. They are generally difpofed to enter into the views of the government of Sierra Leona, and give little credit to the flave-traders, who tell them that the Company have injurious defigns. One of them makes it a principle neither to Natives dc- fell, nor to keep a flave. They appear to defire a fecond piTmadon.nd plantation, for which their king has lately ceded another fquare mile of land. In a fmall garden of experiment, near Freetown, many native plants and feeds are attentively cultivated, under the eye of an able botanift (See § 369) from whofe labours fome future benefits may be expected to the Company, or colony, as well as to the fcience he profefles. The Directors, with His Majcfty's permiflion, have obtained from the royal gardens at Kew, fome valuable tropical plants, efpeciaily that important one, the bread-fruit tree. 430. They cannot yet report any confiderable progrefs in cultivation, either by the Nova Scotians, or the natives on their own account. Much of the induftry of the colonifts has been applied to the building of the town, of which Freetown fome description may be proper. It is fituated on a dry and rather elevated fpot, on the fouth fide of the river, and occupies between 70 and 80 acres, it's length being about one •one third of a mile, and it's breath nearly the fame. It c ^ A p* contains near 400 houfes, each having one twelfth of an e-—,-* acre annexed, on which a few vegetables are raifed. There SlE^, E" are nine ftreets, running from N. W. to S. E. and three crofs ftreets, and they are 80 feet wide, except one, which runs within 50 feet of the river, and which is 160 feet wide. (See the Plan Plate II.) In the broad ftreet are almoft all the public buildings, confiding of a church, near the middle, capable of containing 800 people; a governor's houfe and offices; a large ftore-houfe, under which, and the governor's houfe, there are brick ftore-cellars; a large hofpital, and 6 or 8 other wooden houfes, offices and (hops, occupied by the Company's fervants. The frames of all thefe buildings went from England, as alfo four canvas houfes, or rather rooms *. One public building is composed of the country materials; but this and the canvas houfes are decaying, while all the other buildings, being framed of wood prepared in England, feem likely to laft for fome years. The houfes of the colonifts were at firft inferior, but are now far fuperior, to thofe of the natives. A few have been repaired and enlarged; but moft of them have been rebuilt, their general fcite having been changed by the government. Indeed the firft huts of the Nova Sco- aud houfet. tians were merely temporary, wattled, plaiftered with clay, and thatched with long grafs. On an average, they might be about 18 feet by 12, and the labour might be worth 40 millings.—The fides and floors of the prefent houfes (for they are all floored) are of country timber; and, to exclude damp, they are raifed a foot or two from the ground. (See § 84.) Many are already roofed with boards or fhingles, * See in the Append. Notes, &c. refpecling S. Leona and Bulama, Note Y. as c a p. as ail of them are intended to be ; but moft of them, for the i—l,-_i prefent, are thatched. Only a few have chimneys; yet, s'£ona Le during the rains, a fire is commonly ufed, the fmoke iffu-ing through the thatch, or by the door and windows. They are generally from 20 to 30 feet long, from 12 to 15 wide ; are moftly divided into two rooms, and the average coft of each, for building and materials, may be about ^10. Town land* 431. Of the land immediately furrounding the town, a portion has been referved to the Company. This, exclu-five of the remote parts direcily fouth, where the referved land has no boundary, but the diftant one prefcribed in the grant, may be about 200 acres. Part of it is the land before mentioned, that was intended for a cotton plantation, but now occupied by the N. Scotians. Only a fmall part of thefe 200 acres is cultivated; but the whole was early cleared, which * doubtlefs promoted the healthinefs of the colony ; and the prudent refervation of this land may hereafter be found of importance, efpeciaily in enlarging the town, if neceffary.—The lots given to the Nova Scotians lie on the S. E. of Freetown, all the weftern diftrict being pof-feffed by the natives, and the fouthern being thought too mountainous for prefent cultivation. The neareft of thefe lots is about £ of a mile from the town, and the molt diftant about 2% miles. They occupy in all, about 4 fquare miles, or 2560 acres, and are each of them acceffible by a path 10 feet broad, cut with great labour and expenfe. Only a few of the lots neareft the town have been yet tolerably cleared and cultivated. * with the elevation of the houfel, mentioned in the preceding $ 340. C. B. W\ 342. To 432. To excite emulation in culture, the government c a p. gave premiums, the firft year, to thofe colonifts who raifed <_ —w— / the moft rice, yams, eddoes, cabbages, Indian corn and cot- Sieo**.le" ton, reflectively. All the premiums amounted to about Premiums C 1 it r rrni'or cul»va- £ ioo, and they appeared to have fo good an effect, that tion. they are intended to be repeated in the fecond feafon, with a few variations, fuggefted by the firft year'*, experience. (See § 301, 302.) 433. Of the progrefs of cultivation among the natives, it Cultivation can hardly be expected that much can yet be faid. Indeed fluctuating, the fize of their plantations has varied fo much annually, that any appearance of their increafing induftry, in one feafon, fhould not be too confidently afcribed, either to the new demands of the colonifts, or to the Company's example. Rice, the chief crop on the coaft, has varied in price, from 40 (hill, per ton, to no lefs than ^25, or even ^30. This is partly owing to the difference of feafons, but ftill rnore to the inability of the Africans to compute the probable demand; a plentiful year fometimes betraying them into neglect of cultivation, and a fcarce one feldom failing to produce fuperfluous cultivation, the next year. 434. The eftablifhment of a commercial factory on the Fafory it© Coaft, to form contracts with the natives, to obferve the ex- piTs produce tent of cultivation, and to buy up the furplus produce for of natlvcs-exportation, will tend, as the Directors truft, to excite a rnore regular induftry, and gradually to produce the moft Jniportant confequences. 435. Under this head, the Directors will fpeak of the co- CYmVii> Gonial government; of the character of the colonifts; of civilization, with- the miferable ftate to which the Africans have been been reduced by their intercourfe with the Europeans; concluding with an account of the fteps taken to introduce Chriftianity and civilization among the natives, of whofe capacity and docility fome fatisfaclory information will be given. 436. The Directors have yet received no exprefs powers from Parliament, for governing Sierra Leona. They have confidered, as they were bound, that the Britifh conftitu-lion, as far as it applies to the circumftances, is of courfe transferred thither, and equally to black and to white colonifts. The Nova Scotia blacks, though polTeffing very little knowledge of the Britifh laws, have acted as jurymen, one of the Company's chief fervants always being the judge. The punifhments have been mild, rather pecuniary than corporal: the verdicts have been generally very juft, and, on the whole, the Nova Scotians, as jurymen, have proved the propriety and prudence of extending to them a privilege which they fo much value. It may be prefumed, that the acquaintance with Britifh law gained by the Nova Scotians, in the periodical feffions of the peace, will improve their minds, and, in conjunction with other kinds of knowledge, operate as an auxiliary to civilization. 437. To introduce internal police, every ten houfe-holders have been inftructed to chufe annually a tithing-man, and every ten tithing-men a hundredor (fee § 1671 101.) Of the lalt there are three, anfwering to about 300 houfeholders in the colony. The hundredors are confult-ed by the government, in cafes which concern the intercfts of the Nova Scotians. 438. The defence of the colony is neceffarily entrusted to the Nova Scotians alfo. Their arms are always ready; and, though their courage has not been actually tried, their alacrity Sierra Leona. alacrity, in moments of fuppofed danger, has been more than once experienced. Moft, of them, indeed, carried arms in the late war, and fome have been praciifed in firing the great guns mounted for the colony's defence. 430. The Directors, convinced that the ftate of mind and Spirit of the 1 in r government. local circumflances of the governed, muft be confidered in forming any plan of government, have hitherto advifed the governor and council to proceed gradually, to follow experience, as much as poflible, and to remedy every evil as it arofe, rather than to form at once, any confiderable code of new local inftitutions.—The Directors think it fufficient to touch here on the general principles of government, the trial of offences, and the colonial police and defence, refort-ed to, up to this period : they do not with now to give any opinion of thofe meafures, which it may be proper to give Hereafter, on this important fubjecl. 440. The general conduct of the Company's fervants has General clia-bcen fober, moral and exemplary. The fuperior ones cfpc- company's^ cially, appear to have promoted Chriftianity and morality, Servants, both by their manner of exercifing their public trulls, and by their private influence and example. From the labours of the clergymen, the colony has derived fervices highly important, in every point of view.—In fpeaking thus favourably of their own fervants, the Directors, of courfe, except thofe of whom any implications of a contrary character are mentioned in this report; and they alfo, except a few, who are not individually alluded to. They have been the rnoft difappointcd in the lower overfeers of whom it was difficult to get any thorough knowledge, at the time of engaging them, on account of their having refided in the W. Indies : of the individuals of this clafs, who originally went °ut, none now remain in the colony. The court will not K wonder* C *xiA V' 'won^cr> m ^P^e °^ tne mo^ cautious choice of perfons v__-v-^j fent out, fome few, among fuch a number, mould have £ifona.Le" kecn found grofsly immoral. But there is reafon to think, that the regular fervants, chargeable with direct immorality, have been very few : and it is pleafing to obferve that decent manners, and a reluctance to difgrace fo good a caufe, appear now to pervade the eftablifhment. of the n. 441. The character of the N. Scotia blacks, who may be faid to constitute the colony, it will be proper fully to de-fcribe. Some judgment may be formed of their morals, from the offences which have come before the periodical feflions of the peace. The highcfl have been adultery and petty theft. From thofe vices which come lefs under legal cognizance, they are, in fome refpects, remarkably free. Marriage being general among them, the evils attending it's dilute arc, in a great mcafure, avoided. Drunkennefs and fwearing they are by no means addicted to. Their attention to the Sabbath is great; they then abftain entirely from work, drefs in very good (and fome in very gay) attire, and repair with their children to church, where their deportment is reprcfented to be ftrikingly decent and ferious. which ism 442. From this fketch it appears, that the Nova Scotians fupTriorw ' are fuperior to the generality of the fame clafs in England, lower Erg- m tne practice of the duties mentioned ; but this is certain-m- ly the moft favourable view of them. To give a juft idea of their character, it may be proper to notice their religion, and fome of their peculiar difpofitions and prejudices, efpeciaily refpecting the Company ; and then to view their paft circumftances.-Befides being punctual in their worfhip, many of them poffefs much regard to religion, in other refpects. But it is natural to imagine, that, in fuch a number a number, almoft all claiming to be thought Chriftians, fome will have very inadequate or enthufiaftic notions; a few perhaps may be hypocrites; while many, even with defective knowledge, may be confiftent and fincere Chriftians. There are five or fix black preachers, of their own body, "who have confiderable influence; and the difcipline they prcferve in their little congregations, is fuppofed to have contributed much to maintain general morality among them. 443. In commanding their tempers, many of the N. Scotians moft eminently fail. They have often appeared very hafty in their judgments, and vehement in all their difpofi-tions. Their early violence occafionally gave ferious anxiety to the government. It appeared in vociferation, fomc-times in the ftreets, and in marked expreifions of contumely rudely and publicly uttered againft the Company's chief fervants. Symptoiis of ambition alfo appeared in one or two popular individuals. This violence was ordinarily confined to a very few ; but a degree of it occahonally infected more, and the forward individuals then grew eager to dictate, in the name of the whole. This turbulence has certainly been the grcateft difcredit to the character of the colony. The Directors truft that it has now confiderably fubfided ; yet they have thought it proper to fend out orders, that, if any individuals fhould pcrlift in comnlaining againft the government, they fhould be dehred to take an opportunity, which will be afforded them, of returning to N. Scotia.—Their unreafonable eftimation of their own rncrits, and their inadequate fenfe of the obligations they owe the Company, is another defect in feveral of their characters. All this is combined, indeed, with the mifconcep-tions of the more forward, concerning their rights as frec-rnen, and the nature of their claims on the Company. K 2 444. When 68 COLONIES IN africa, ON c ha p. 444. When the governor and council difrnifTed one of ,_J_1 them, for difrefpecl to his fuperiors, a number of them for- s'f0n1Le anally applied to have a law eftablifhed, that no Nova Sco-Theiruni*. tian working for the Company fhould in future be turned claims. off, unlcfs after a verdict by a jury of his peers. Allowing, at lafl, that a part of the Company's own land near the fhore, fhould be referved for public ufes, (fee § 398) fome of them conceded the point, by faying, that they would oblige the Company with the piece of land. Their claims for an increafe of wages, and for a reduction in the price of articles fold at the Company's flore, were very unreafon-able; for their wages were then 2s. 6d. per day; and the price of the goods (after paying prime coif, charges and intereft) only afforded the Company a profit of about 10 per * cent*. It i9 worthy of remark, that they ufually prefer thefe and all their other claims, though matters of contract between the two parties, emphatically as freemen. If 6d. be not added to their wages, they declare that they fhall con-fider themfelves treated as flaves. If the governor be not difmiffed, for having ordered water to be mixed with the rum, before it is fold (which, on enquiry, it was proved he did merely to bring it to fair market proof) it is intimated that the colony is going to be reduced to flavery. Thefe expreffions are often hafty, are fometimes retracted, and, in whatever name they may be urged, fhould never be charged on the whole body. But they are fpecimens of the reafonings the government has often had to combat, and may tend to mow the propriety of the conduct of the Directors, in endeavouring to compofc the minds of the colonics, by giving a favourable idea of the Company's gene- * See in the Append. Notes, &c. rcfpefiing S. Leona and Bulama, Note Z. ral ral difpofition towards them, rather than attempting to fa- c *L A p-tisfy them, by reiterated and unreafonable conceflions. u.—***** Their complaints amount in effect, to this; that the Company SlE^, 8; gain unreafonable profits at their expenfe; for they have uniformly required the points difputed to be fettled in fome way that would be favourable to them, and unfavourable to the Company's finances. 445. It has been ftated, that out of about ^240,000 capi- Sum hid out tal, above ^80,000 have been already fpent upon the colo- i0ny. ny; and, if the dead flock be included (as moll of it may) above £'100,000 (fee § 302.) If the Company's views had been as interefted as fome of the N. Scotians infinuate, and if they had merely eftablifhed a trading factory, a fourth of this fum might have fufficed; and about £*8o,ooo (cxclufive of the expenfe of their tranfit, paid by Government) might: have been faved. Thefe fa£ls prove the unreafonablcnefs-of thofe N. Scotians, who complain of the Company's illibe-rality. Advantages, poflibly outweighing all expenfes, have accrued from their migration. But thefe have not been advantages to the Company as traders, but as founders of the S. Leona colony, the eftablifhment of which hath been chiefl)»owing to the N. Scotians. This fum of ^80,000 (one third of the Company's capital) has, therefore, been the price paid for the civilization now begun in Africa; it has been facrificed to that caufe which the Company confidcr as their own, the caufe of Chriftianity and Freedom and Civilization among the Africans ; to the caufe, more particularly, of thefe very N. Scotians and their pofterity. 446. Another defect in the character of many of the N. N. Scotians Scotians, is their jcaloufy and fufpicion, efpeciaily in their whFto^Iid intercourse with whites. They have all profeffed, indeed, wh>'- to think favourably of the intentions and principles of the Directors, Sj e r r a Lt on a. Directors, who therefore hope that they will readily acqui-efce in the decifions of the Court. But few fervants have efcaped their unreafonable fufpicion; yet great allowance will be made for this unpleafant feature in their character, if their pall (offerings be confidered, and the injuflice they formerly received, and are habituated to expect, from whites. Thai faults 447. In cilimating, indeed, the whole character of the N. owMgtofU. ^cot|anSj their pall condition ought not to be overlooked. It fhould be remembered, that all of them were once Haves; that, like others in the fame ftate, they were probably little rcflrained in many branches of morals, not regularly married, deflitutc of parental and fcholaflic tuition; and, in fhort, that no one thought it his duty, to inflruct them in religion or morality. Their faculties were then degraded, their opportunities of knowledge fmall, and they had little inducement to cultivate their intellects. Doubtlefs they ftrongly felt their hardfhips; but they probably knew little of the true nature of civil rights; and, we may fuppofe, often counfounded the unavoidable evils of life, and the punifhments, needful in fociety, with the ills impofed by arbitrary power; for accurate difcrimination can figrufy little to men involved in hopelefs capivity. To the want of fuch difcrimination, and not to any moral or intellectual defect;, much of their unreafonablenefs, and fome of the ab-furdefl of their claims, are obvioufly to be traced. And, conhdering how often the advocates for fervitudc have, on their part, confounded flavery, and all it's enormities, with the neceffary evils of life, and the reflraints of civil fociety, it need not excite furprife, if emancipated flaves, acling alfo under the bias of felf-interefl, fhould feem to labour under, afimilar dulncfs and inaccuracy of underflanding. This no argu- 448. There is fome reafon to fuppofe that their fervitude /,wj?-man- m* harfher, than that of North America generally is; for cipation. they they were a portion of thofe flaves who, in the lafl war, ran c ]* A p- away from their matters and took refuge in the King's army, y__,___i a condud to which, it would feem, the worft treated would SlEo* a.Lk' be the moft difpofed. If this prefumption of ill treatment (confirmed as it is, by the (offerings which a few of them recite) fliould be thought too derogatory from the fuppofed bumanity of American mafters, it feems then fair to conclude, on the other hand, that they were the leafl fenfible of mild treatment, the leafl attached to their mafters, and the moft prone to difcontent. On either fuppofition, the N. Scotians may be faid to furnifh a lefs favourable fpeci-men of emancipated flaves, than may generally be hoped for. It is hardly neceffary to remark, how very unfavourable their fteps towards freedom will appear, if compared with thofe of flaves prudently emancipated; to whom liberty, having been promifed, to prepare them for it, might be granted, after a certain period, as the reward of merit; or rnight be conferred gradually, as local circumflanccs might recommend; privilege after privilege being added, as their diligence advanced, and as their property and intereft, in rnaintaining focial order, fhould increafe. 449. But to return : the Nova Scotian blacks, having been PaH circum-born in North America, of African parents or anccflors (a scotUus! N' few imported Africans excepted, who, as they fay, were kidnapped in their infancy) having paffed moft of their lives in flavery, probably worfe than ordinary, "and having then emancipated themfelves, in the way mentioned, they fulfilled, as loyalifts, the proclamations of the Britifh generals. Their inftrucHon appears to have been chiefly, or entirely, acquired fince their emancipation; for a few put themfelves to fchool,to attain religious knowledge, or to improve their condition; and thefe are now the preachers and fchool-ma- ilers CHAP. XI. Sierra Leon a. flcrs of the colony. After various fcenes, in following the fortunes of the Britifh army, often expoiing themfelves in battle, as the wounds of feveral teflify, and always getting credit for courage, though not fo uniformly for fome other virtues; being confiderably thinned by death and difperfion (a portion of them being fuppofed to have fallen into the hands of the Americans) the reft were brought to N. Scotia, at the peace, to receive, in common with the white loyalifts, the provifions and lands, promifed in the proclamations. They ftate that they obtained rations of provifions, but not to the extent they expected j that the white loyalifts having engrofted all the valuable lands, they got, in general, only fmall town-lots of little ufe; and that they were not admitted to the ufual privileges of Britifh fubjects, nor, particularly, to trial by jury. Thefe injuries, and the rigour of the climate of N. Scotia, induced them, as has been ftated ( § 374-) t0 fcnd a delegate of their own body, to feek re-drefs from the Britifh Government. Their recep. 450. When Mr. Clarkfon appeared in N. Scotia, as the Company's Company's agent, and ftated, in feveral public meetings of propofais. t}ie free blacks, the propofals of the Company, and the offer of a free paflage to S. Leona, made by Government, they expreffed at once the moft lively joy, that they were about to be emancipated from a fituation which they almoft confi-dered as a fecond fervitude. Their eagernefs to migrate appears to have rendered Mr. Clarkfon fo much the more careful in guarding them againft unreafonable expectations. No allowance even of provifions, after their arrival, was promifed; and the necefiity of fubfifting on their lots of land, was urged on them univcrfally. But thefe declarations re-preffed not their ardour: they fold haftily, and for trifling prices, fuch of their little effects as could not eafily be tranfported; transported; a few who had property affifted others to pay c rJrA v- their debts; and feveral, who were heads of families, under- i—1^1_____i took to fupport the younger and more unprotected females, to whom no paffage was granted, except on this condition. They waited at Halifax for the fhips, feveral weeks in tents, where, being expo fed to much fevere weather, they contracted ficknefs. In Jan. 1793, they failed, after adopting every meafure fuggcfted for preferving order in the voyage, having thus far fhewn gratitude and obedience to Mr. Clarkfon and to the Company. And, when their fubfequent conduct is confidered in connection with their pad circum-ltances, though fome expectations, excited by a few firft appearances, may have been difappointed, their character may be faid to turn out as favourably, on the whole, as could be reafonably expected. Indeed a few of thofe emancipated flaves have afforded a moft favourable fpecimen of the African character, on whofe difpofitions Chriflianity hath bad a moft benigrr influence, and who have been, on all oc-cafions humble and contented, the zealous friends of order and of peace. 451. Let it, therefore, be carefully remembered, that They ought every thing faid againft the character of the N. Scotians, muft rafhiy cea-oe underftood with various exceptions and limitations ; and fured* that, the turbulence of fome, and the unrcafonabienefs and jealoufy of many of them, arc more or lefs to be looked for, in any body of men, who have been fo unfavourably circumstanced. Their faults are not incident to them as blacks, but as men. And who will fay, that, if he had ftruggled through a like fuccelfion of vexations, hardfhips and difap-pointments, his character would not have been marked by the fame prejudices and untoward difpofitions, which belong to fome of the prefent colonifts of S. Leona*? * Sec in the Append. Notes, &c. refpe&ing S. Leona and Bulama, Note X.. L 452. The C P ^ governor and council, as has been Mated, are v.—,-1 endeavouring, as foon as poflible, to fettle them on their own o*L lands; by cultivating which, there is reafon to think that, like the former colonifts, now living at Granville town, they may fubfifl comfortably. And if, by the blefling of Provi-provifion for dencc, their families, fubflancc and general profperity fhould lenaace, go- incrcafc, it can hardly be doubted, that they will edimate b£Sn?d more ju Illy their obligations to the Company—But it is important to obferve that, both with a view to their own hap-pinefs, and the Company's great object, of civilizing Africa, they fhould not be left without inflruclors from hence, nor without a government of Europeans*.—Their children, ^vho arc about 300, all go to fchool, and are faid to learn quite as faff as European children; though, till lately, they had not very proper mailers. The Directors propofe to fpare no pains nor expenfe, to maintain this important part of their eftablifhment on the beft footing, and to this object, they will direct the peculiar attention of the government. For to this rifing generation of well educated blacks, they chiefly look for the gradual improvement of the colony. To them alfo, it feems not prefumptuous to hope, that the more diftant and even interior parts of Africa, may one day owe Chriflianity, knowledge and civilization. v natives. Ma-ve.trade 453- The progrefs, obftructions, andprofpeets of civiliza-_ifs hin- tjon amongr the natives, are matters fo very interefting, that drance to ci- o . / ° iii/.ation of the Directors need not apologize for entering into them freely and particularly. And here the Slave-trade comes directly under conlidcration. But, waving all argument on * For a time only, i prcftime. (Sec § 443) C. B. W. thi3 Ibis beaten topic, they conceive they (ball do more exact and ample juflice to it, by (imply relating what has paffed under the view of their fervants abroad, and by enumerat- '"J^11' ingafew ilrong, but authentic facts.—As a proof of the in-fecurity of the natives, it has been already Hated that even the king of S. Leona, though peaceable and uncommonly refpcctcdt had, in three feparate inftances, been bereft of his o ,vn relations by the flave-trade. Some other fpecific cafes of kidnapping were alfo ftated in the laft report, particularly one inftance which fell under the immediate obfejrvation of the Company's agent and another perfon, then both in England. (See § 348,351.)—The truth and accuracy of the following extracts have been eftablifhed by the united tclti-mony of fome of the Company's chief fervants; and all the quotations were written by one of them, always about the time, generally on the day, and often at the very hour, when the converfations paffed, or the obfervations were made 45 j. Of the mulatto trader who depopulated the towns Recent &a» fouih of S. Leona, (fee § 347.) and whofe death has been rclivciin* lf-brought about, as is fuppofed, by the natives, the following information has been received; and it is prefaced by intelligence, nearly to the fame purport, from another quarter. * The Directors, for obvious rcafons, do not think proper to print the nam s of d\ the perfons or places fpoken of in the journal, and other documents, whence they make the quotations; and they (hall therefore generally defcribe them by fome cir-niniloaition: they fhall ufe a few other trifling liberties with the language, taking on a . Devaluations of ■ flave-trader. Iniquity of a judge fet up by him. -March 1793. A flave trader named- Kidil.ipj'ii:g ■" ■ has alfo mentioned, from his own knowledge, the late mulatto trader's devaflations. He fays he lent goods to every inferior chiet who requeued them, and if the chief was flow in payment, he would arm 2 or 300 of his grumcttas who, being officered by white deferters from the fhips, were fent to furprize his debtor's towns. In this way he depopulated all the country from Cape S. Leona to the Sherbro. To favc himfelf from the general indignation, he formed a purrah (or confederacy) by which he united the kings and principal chiefs, engaged in the flave-trade, to defend each other. (2.)--A chief told me, that his town was attacked by this.mulatto, fome other chiefs, and an American vefTel then waiting for flaves, that, after a flout refinance, his town was taken and deflroyed; but that he and moft of his people efcaped to a neighbouring ifland, whence they occafionally attacked their enemy, on the main land: he faid he once took 40 of them, whom he fold as flaves. 455. A principal fervant of the Company, when on a vifit to thefe parts, adds the following information. A flave of this mulatto chief, fet up by him as the judge in his own diftricl, is now5 become too powerful to be tbwarted; much court is paid him by the flave-tradcrs. It is faid, he praclifes terrible cruelties, and that accufations are multiplied. A neighbouring chief, who was with us on board the cutter, declined going with us on fhore, with llrong indignation againft this man, apprehending that, if he came within reach, he mould fcarcely efcapc him.—We faw a number of creeks, along the river, too narrow to admit above a canoe at once. At the heads of moft of thefe creeks are towns, which were placed there in the time of this mulatto chief, becaufc fuch lituations favoured an efcapc, before an attack could be made. A fubordinate chief, at whofe town we landed, conlelled that fuch had been his motive for chuiing fo difficult a fpot. 456. The two countries nearelt to the S. Leona (or Tim-many) diftricton the north, are the Mandingo and the Sufee countries: the Foulah country is farther off. Some information will be given from each. (1.) -Nov. Two chiefs from the neareft towns to Freetown dined with me. They both allowed the frequency of kidnapping, among the Sufees and Mandingoes: one of them had been an eye-witnefs ot it. As to the Foulahs, he fays, it is univer-fally allowed, that they make war for the fole purpofe of procuring flaves; and that in bringing (laves to mai ket, the Foulahs arc often attacked by free-booters who infelt the country, between the coafl and their country, and who rob people and make flaves of them; fo that it is not unufual for the fame man who fold others as flaves, to be fold in a few weeks to the fame factory. [1.) Nov. (2.)-Nov. A trader, from the Sufee country, related the following anecdote, of which he had been an eye-witnefs. The chief of Quiaport river attacked the chief ot Bowrah, and taking fome prifoners, fold them to the Britilh factory north Sihrra Lk-of Sierra Leona. The chief of Bowrah, in his turn, defeated the other chief, and ona. made many prifoners: with thefe he redeemed his own people from the factory, and War. who obliged him, however, to pay two for one. (3.) Feb. 1794. An intelligent mulatto hidy, miftrefs of a large Mandingo Confequent town, called at the colony. She has been in England, and her Englifh name is irdVcurity Sc Mifs B. Heard. She faid fhe dilliked the flave-trade, for it kept her in conflant terror, and fhe never knew, when fhe lay down at night, but fhe might be affaffinat-ed before morning. She faid there had been no wars in the interior country to her's for fome time, and that wars do not happen, when Haves are not wanted. (4.) In the Mandingo andSufee countries, kidnapping is very frequent. Child- Children flo* ren are often kidnapped, by people of a neighbouring, or even of the lame village.— ^en> &c« A pcrfon who has lived feveral years in the Mandingo country, told me that mothers there always fhut up or watch their children at night.—Slave-traders and kidnappers there, bargain for and convey away the flaves in the night, and none of the natives around are permitted to fee them. Many natives and traders confirm this account. A chief faclor attributed the frequency of kidnapping among the Maa-dingocs to their head men getting in debt to the Europeans, and being then confined by them ; in which cafe, their people were obliged to kidnap fome perfon to "edeem them. (5.) A chief, on an upper branch of this river, who is confidercdas refpeaable, \^tc$ Crita has given us this information refpecling the S. Leona trade. The people inland, courage dc-he fays, go to war to make flaves; there being no great demand now, they do not Prcdatioiw. make war. Whites often encourage palavers, promifing dailies (prcfents of liquor) M the convicts are fold to them; and they give ammunition to both parties at war. Formerly this happened very often. He told me he was at war five years, and a Britifb llave-trader furnifhed both him and his enemies with powder; and, that he often waylaid and fold 11 rangers, to buy arms. But he fays this was " a bad thing" and juilified only by felf-defence: and had there been no Davedaclories, he would n0t have done fo. But lately, the inhabitants being much diminifhed, and their wars interrupting remoter trade, the factors have endeavoured to preferve peace, to fecurc the people inland a free palfagc down. For fome years there have been no wars in his part, but almoft all the Haves have been brought from inland.—He faid it was not uncommon for head men, who wanted goods, to hint to their wives lo enfnarc men in adultery, who were fold to the factories, on the accufation of thefe Women. (6.) Two intelligent native flavc-traders inform us that kidnapping is general ynjand peo-*' among the bujli men" (the inland people) that the coaft people not unufually pie taken by navel torceorfraud. C IT A P. travel into the interior, and lie in wait lor flrao-rrlers; and that almofl all the flavcS brought Iroin a dillance were taken by force or fraud. SihiiM Le- It hath been obferved, that fome of the blacks from ONA* N. Scotia were originally Africans, and that many of thefe vrt uJe wcrc» as they fay, kidnapped when young. It hath been ftond to his found that three were almoll from the vicinity of S. Leo-Lcoiu.aC b' to** one of them from S. Leona itfelf, as he ufed to mention at fea. When landed, he found himfelf nearly on the f>ot whence he had been carried olT, and where, he fays, a wpqaaji feized him and fold him to an American flavc-fhip, about 15 years before. IJe recollected the way to his native town, which was only two or three miles oil; but, for a time, he dreaded the parting from his companions, to vifit it. Not long after, Handing with them among the tents, a party of natives paid them a vifit of cu-riofity. An elderly native woman feemed much affected at the fight of this N. Scotian, and fpoke to her companions with much agitation. At length Ihe ran up to him and embraced him : fhe proved to be his own mother. His father was now dead: the parents had never difcovered any trace of their child. The female thief remains unknown, and the impunity of the captain, even if difcovered, is but too obvious: nor is it probable that, if the kidnapper had been known by the boy kidnapped, his redemption and the puniflnnent of the criminal would have followed. Having once committed her prey to the hold of a ilave-fhip, difcovery teems to have been impollible.—The Directors cannot but obfervc, that this incident affords an il-luflratien of the Have-trade equally applicable to flaves kidnapped on the coaft and farther inland. 458. S. Leona has indeed had her towns laid waflc, and her inhabitants carried oft* by the flave-trade. But by the fame J fame traffic her mountains have gained a few forlorn c p- Wretches who have been driven thither, and who dread the «__r very fight of their fellow creatures. Other cafes, not un-like that about to be noticed, have" been indiftinctly heard w; but the following is fo clearly afcertained, as to de-ferve infertion.—About five or fix years ago, a Danifh flave-veiTcl in the river was cut off by the flaves. The head-man of the neighbouring fhore happening to favour their cfcape, they made their way to the mountains, and Slave-trade there built a town, which is about four or five miles from tivcT^othe" Freetown, and where they flill rcfide. But fo jealous arc moumains* they faid to be of flrangers, that they permit them not to approach, and even watch the avenues of their town. This intelligence was received from a chiefs fon, Who communicated feveral other pieces of the information juft ftated. Two fervants of the Company, in confcquencc, have lately penetrated to this retreat, called the Defertcr s town. They fucceeded in getting into it, without much moleflation, and have authenticated the above facts. They tearnt alfo that thefe deferters were at firft about 100; but that, by death and kidnapping, they arc now reduced to about 80. A complaint was preferred, againft the headman who favoured their efcapc, to the mulatto trader already fpoken of, as judge. The plaintiff, it is commonly fuppofed, fold his chance of recovery to the judge before the trial: certain it is, that the head-man, with all the people of his town, were fentenced to be fold as flaves, and all of them that were caught were fold accordingly, except the head-man, who was fome time a prifoncr, and now lives near Freetown. 459. The preceding facts happened-before the formation More recent of the colony : the following, which are more recent, will fliew * c h a p. fhew the fourccs of the flave-trade, near S. Leona, for the i_ i two lad years, and the private mifery, drunkennefs and SiE«ra Le- murc|cr which it has caufed. Feb. 1793. A native of fome confequence applied for the governor's affiftance in redeeming his daughter, whom a creditor of his had juft feized and fold to a flave-fhip lying off Freetown. The governor offered her price, either in goods of money, to the Have-captain, who refufed both, obferving that flaves were now difficult to be got, and muft not be cafily parted with ; and that, as the girl feemed a favouiite, he ought to have two flaves for her; but that, in compliment to the governor, he would give her up for one prime Have. He added, that he had been much affected at an interview between her and her father, who had been on boaid that morning to lee her; but, he remarked again, that flaves were fcarce. The governor, under all the circumltances, could not farther interefere. But the father went in quell uf a Have, whom he feems not to have been able eafily to get: for he did not return till long after, when the fhip was gone. 460. The two following are inftances of the decifions of " the chiefs, in fuppofed cafes of adultery between their wives and inferior natives. Condemna- (O One °^ our fchool-maflers brought to me a native, who implored our pro-tionsfor al- teftion, having j Lift efcaped from the chief of the neareft town, who had confined, !^rf °d atiU*~ am* tnreatcne<' to fell him, for adultery with one ol his wives, unlefs lie would pay down a fum, which he could not command. He curfed the ttave-fa£tory as the caufe of his mifery, and declared himfelt innocent. Here the chief, like feveral others who will be mentioned, acted by his own Angle authority, and feems not to have been amenable to any fupcrior for his judgment, between himfeif and the people of his town. (2.) A native of S. Leona who has lived many years as a grumctta (or free labourer) at a neighbouring European Qavf-fatlqiy, has been lold, on a charge of adultery with one of the European flave faftor's wives. The European fold him to a flave-fhip, avowing this as his reafon, without even the form of a trial. 461. The following is a finking fpcciir.cn of African juftice. men toafhc- ^n onc °* tllc neareft rive/s there is a chief and an European flave-faftor in one tor, ordering town. The king, in his cups, talked of flogging the flave-factor, and would aclu-him to be ajjy jnve rr^e jlis pc0pjc do it, if the f'aclor had not got to his own houfe, and °ZgC< ' barricaded tery, Chief fells 2 Unleaded it. He demanded fatisfaftion of the king when fober, who by way of C HA P. xt reparation, fold him two of his people. J 462. The natural alliance between drunkennefs and the Sierra Lr-flave-trade will alfo be exhibited by the fubfequent occurrence, (fee§ 21). --Six or feven of the neareft chiefs renewed their applications for rum: their Drunkennefs perfeverance is aftonifhing. By way of forcing us to#comply, one of them faid he would go and pawn his brother to the flave-faclory, for liquor. But the governor was firm, and explained to them his motive for refufal. They faid, there was no palaver (or caufe of quarrel) but they were evidently chagrined. Having, however, dined with us, they were brought into tolerable humour, and I hope thefe applications for rum will at length ceafe. 463. The following accounts, the Direftors deem too important, to be withheld. (1.) A number of black mariners has been hired by fome French fhips trading on prce blacks 'his coaft. Six of the fhips have been captured, and the black failors, amounting to taken in though free men and receiving wages, have been all fold as flaves, a mulatto juufoj child excepted. It is painful to witnefs fuch acts. Why are not the French fea-mcn put up to auftion alfo ? Or why is this difference between blacks and whites ? 1 he French failors were at war with us, and are not fold; but the blacks are fent to lhe flave-faclory and fold at public auction, with the goods that formed the cargo. Qne or two of them were free men of this neighbourhood, and fome not only free, but fons of chiefs; one of them fon of the king of Sallum. Indeed the Britifh flave-factor who bought them, was fo good as to fay, he would not fend them off, fo that their friends might redeem them with other flaves when they thought fit. I arn difpofed to believe him; yet it is dreadful to think of the contempt of juftice nerc At firft 1 would not believe what I heard on this fubjeft; but I faw them ■knocked down my fell, at about £20 a piece. (2-)--Another French fhip has been taken, by a different captor, and three or •OUT Free natives found on board, have been fold to the neighbouring flave-faclory. rcmonftrated with the captain, on the impropriety of felling free people. He admitted it, but faid he muft receive money for their ranfom, or he could not Pai't with them. We offered him money, but he then faid, No, he muft have flaves *°r them, as he wanted flaves, and they muft be four foot four inches high. (3-) Several free women, left as pledges on board a French fhip, which was captured, were alfo fold. The captain of the Britifh privateer, which took the 4hip, Was formerly a flave-trader.—Moft of the free people, thus fold by the feveral Captors, being natives of the neighbourhood, were eventually redeemed. But the M captors CHAP, captors feem to have profited by their fale, and not to have promoted their redemp-XI. tion. SibaraLb- 464. The difgufl which will be raifed by the next flory, of which four different evidences are mentioned, feems not a fufficient reafon for withholding it; efpeciaily as it exhibits another fource of the flave-trade. MftO tried by —A grumctta (free labourer) was accufed of theft, by his mailer, a Britifh trader, dies ^ his fa- a^tl'e wav to norlh. The labourer demanded to be tried by the red water (which mily made is fufpe&ed to be poifonous) and the cffc6l of which is fuperflitioufly fuppofed to flaves. determine innocence or guilt. The trader, after fome time, confentcd. The king' of the country was fummoncd and appeared, with all his family and attendants. Preliminaries being adjufled, the poor man drank one draught, fwelled and foon felt down dead, his belly hurtling. The king then folemnly gave fentence againft him, and condemned all his family to flavery, who were fei/ed and fold. During the trial, two men with clubs Hood on each fide of the accufed, ready to knock out his brains, at the appearance of the fymptoms to which the natives attach guilt. The white trader, juft mentioned, is confidercd very much as an African chief, by the natives of this part. 465. The following anecdote mows the degree of fupcr-flitious ignorance in which the natives are immerfed. Witchcraft. -A man jn a neighbouring town has been fold on the charge of having, by witchcraft, changed hirnfelf into a leopard, ami of having, in that fhape, carried oil fome fowls and goats, from the town of the neareft chief to us. 466. The fucceeding relation fhows the extreme horror which fome of the natives feel at being fent into flavery. Manderang- -A free native mariner, on board our fhip, Providence, feeing fome rice come rriind" by on ^oar^ ^roin tne fa^0IT *n Sherbro, while he faw no goods given in exchange fear of being was dreadfully terrified left he fhould be fold for a Have, in barter for the rice, fold. Fuu 0f tn;s perfuafion, when the factor from the fhore was ftepping on board, be endeavoured to flab him, but miffing his aim, he leapt over-board. After fome difficulty he was recovered, and being afked the reafon of his conduct, he explained it in the way jufl mentioned. He flill fhowed the greatcit fear, and declared he would rather die than be fold as a flave. As it was feared he might commit fa'" cide, his hands were bound; but, on his intreaty, and promife to be quiet, they were, in a little while, loofed. At midnight, he got into a canoe along fide, and drifted down the ftream, to a town at the river's mouth, where hc was fei/.cd and put in irons; but on application to a friendly chief, he got his liberty. The idea of flavery having entirely poffeflcd his brain, he foon after jumped overboard, an was given up for drowned. But getting on fhore, he was again recovered, and was CHAP. hrought to Freetown, where hc is now employed. The phyficians think the tenor ^ of flavery mull have caufed fome derangement of his intellects, which may occa- {Jum^i^ honally return, in fome fmall degree. He is now much attached to the Company, on a. and happy in their fcrvice. His friends fay his mind was never in the leafl difor- dered, before this fright. 467. The next occurrences come from an eye-witnefs of them. Their dates are various. (i.)-1 have been to day on board a large flave-fhip in the river, with 2,50 Sceneson flaves. The men were chained in pairs; the women were kept apart. The young hoard jj.*vc" flaves were chearfu!; but the old ones were much call down. At meals they are obliged to lhout, and to clap their hands, for exercife, before they begin to cat. I could then fee fhame and indignation in the faces of thofe more advanced in years. One woman, who fpoke a little Englifh, begged me to carry her home. She faid (hc was from the oppofite fhore of the river to Freetown, that her hufband had fold her for debt, and that fhe had left a child behind her: at the mention of the child, fhe wept. (2.)-1 was this morning again on board a flave-fhip, where I faw a woman who had been newly fold, and who feemed to have been weeping. On afking her the reafon, flic pointed to the milk flowing from her breads, and intimated that fhe had been torn from her unweaned infant, which the captain confirmed. She was from one of the towns neareft us; and faid fhe had been fold for being faucy to the queen of it. (3.)--In the neighbouring flavc-yard, I faw a man about 35 years old in irons. He was a Mahometan, and could read and write Arabick. He was occafionally noify; fometimcs he would fing a melancholy fong, then \\>i would utter an carncft prayer, and then would obferve a dead filence. This 11 range conduct, I was told, was from his ftrong feelings, on having been put, for the firft time, in irons, the day before. As we pa!Jed, he cried aloud to us, and endeavoured to hold up his irons to our view, which he (truck very expreffively with his hand, the tear ftarting in his eye. He feemed, by his manner, to be demanding the caufe of his confinement. (4.) An American flave-captain has been telling us that hc loft a very fine flave, a few days ago, by the"fulks*'—" The man (faid he) was a Mahometan, uncommon- well made, and feemed to be a perfon of confequence. When he firft came on hoard, hc was very much call down; but, finding that I allowed him to walk at large, he grew more eafy. When my flaves became numerous, I put him in irons, like the reft, on which he loft his fpirits irrecoverably. He complained of a pain at his heart, and would not eat. The ufaal ?neans were tried, but in vain ; for he rejected food altogether, except when I flood by and made him eat. I offered him the beft things in the fhip, and left nothing untried; for I had fet my heart on faving him. Ma I am C H A P. I am fure, he would have brought mc 300 dollars in the W. Indies; but nothing t__™ would do. He faid, from the firft, hc was determined to die, and fo he did, after Sierra Le- lingering 0 days. I affurc you, gentlemen, I felt very forry; for I dare fay, I loft 300 oka. dollars by his death, and to fuch a man as me, that is a very heavy lofs. 468. The following dialogues fhow how plainly the enormities of the flave-trade are acknowledged, fometimes even by the perpetrators; and that the Europeans, by familiarity with thofe enormities, have been brought to tolerate them, to accommodate their feelings to them, and to fubflitute, for the real principles of juftice, a morality of their own—a morality, however, which, difavowing fome horrible atrocities, is only a more deliberate fyftem of injuflice, cruelty and oppreflion. Shocking ex- I fhall give the fubftance of a converfation with an Englifh flave-faflor, who has cefles, encou- Jived fome years a little way to the fouth, and is well acquainted with all the practices reoeai!s^ and °^tuc ftave-tra^e' The fa£tor, having mentioned the mulatto trader, (of whofe ravages for what? the Proprietors have heard fo much) as a very gentleman-like, well educated, fen-fible and rcfpe&able kind of man ; I was induced to afk, whether he had not been guilty of many excelfes all around.—Exceffes! No. He would make war fometimes on the head-men that owed him jufl debts, and fell fome of their people, if he could catch them; or he might perhaps carry off the inhabitants of a town, when the king or father of it gave him exprefs permillion. He was a good man on the whole, and a man of humanity ; for hc did not (bed all the blood he might, nor fell every one he had a right to fell. For inftance, the chiei now living near Freetown, and all his generation, were adjudged to be his property ; but the chief himfelf has never yet been fold, which is a mere act of forbearance in the mulatto-trader. But I con- fider the fentence ftill in force againft him.-Did not the mulatto trader order an attack on the neighbouring ifland, whert the proprietor was killed in defending himfelf, and do not the friends of the proprietor conftder this as an aft of great injuf- tice?-The proprietor well deferved to be attacked; for there is reafon to think he was then intending to attack the mulatto trader.-1 undcrfland this affair is not over, and that the fucceffors of this proprietor, intend to retaliate on the fucccfl'ors of the mulatto chief, when they have an opportunity.-1 believe they do { but it ill becomes them to queition the mulatto chief's conduct; for they fhould confider how much worfe things their own father did. For example, the old man has been known to fail up a river, with fome large craft, to land at a town under a great fhow of friendfhip. He has has then made a fpeech to the head-men and people, remarking how fhamefully all former traders had ufed then-, and that he was come to trade fairly fairly with them, as friends and hrothers. Hc has then opened a puncheon or two C HAP. °f rum, and invited them to fit round and drink. At night, when he had got them ' thoroughly drunk, hc has given the fignal to his people in the craft, who have fccured Sierk a Lb- all the party in fetters, and fold every one worth purchafing to fome flave-fhip, all OKA* the while waiting at the river's mouth. (See $ 21.) This old proprietor did many fuch things. But the mulatto trader never ufed treachery, nor attacked a town without reafon; but the other plundered without diftin&ion.—Does the mulatto trader's fucceffor recover debts by the fame means that he ufed?—Aro, he is too ea/y. •—Is it not unpleafant to carry on a trade fo full of enormities, as you defcribe the onlytoobtain flave-trade to be ?—It is no doubt a bad trade, but it is very profitable. I hate it, and MONE2. Would get out of it to-morrow, if I knew of one in which I could get the famemoney*. 469. The following converfation occurred with a flave-captain, who furpaffes moll others in effrontery and hardnefs of difpofition. The exhibition of the moral effects of this traffic on the Europeans, in the opinion of the Dire61ors, outweighs every objection to the recital of thefe dialogues. 7-A flave-veffel, which has waited fome time in the neighbouring river, ar- Tanyaring rived here. The captain complains bitterly of this detention, obferving that, if he deieribed. had been well manned, he would not have allowed the trader hc dealt with to detain him thus; for that he would have carried off fome of the people from a large town near which his veffel lay.—I afked him if this was common.—O, not at all uncommon (faid he) we do it every day on the Gold Coaft. We call it "panyaring." If a native there does not pay fpeedily, you man your boat towards evening, and bid your failors go to any town, no matter whether your debtor's town or not, and catch as many people as they can. If your debtbc large, it may be necelfary to " catch1' two towns. After this, your debtor will foon complcat his number of flaves.—But what if he fhould not?—Why then we carry our prifoners away, to be fure.—But t& this proper?—Neceffity has no law; befides panyaring is country law.—Did you ever recover debts, in this way?—Aye, many a time, and I hope to do fo again. I With we had the fame law here that we have on the Gold Coaft, or that the old nutlatto trader was alive. He was a fine fellow for bufinefs: he never caufed any delay. But the prefent man is afraid to make a haul of the people: he wants a proper fpirit.—How do you contrive to guard your flaves, with your flender crew ? — ■ put them all in leg-irons; and if thefe be not enough, why then I hand-cuff them; tf hand-cuffs be too little, I put a collar round their neck, with a chain locked to a ring-bolt on the deck; if one chain won't do, I put two, and if two won't do, I put three; you may truft me for that.-He afteiwards very gravely allured me, that * See Notes refpeaing s. Leona and Bulama, Note W. alfo § 14-1, Qu. VII. XII. XVI. XLVI. he CHAP, he never knew any cruelties committed.—But arc not thefe things cruelties? —O . no, thefe arc not cruelties: they are matters of courfe ; there's no carrying on the SierraLe- *ra*e without them. on a. ^jQt That the flave-trade fometimes brings fudden de-ftruction on thofe immediately* engaged in it, and that no feverities can prevent thefe dreadful evils, the following accounts of the cutting off of flave-fhips, all in the neighbourhood of S. Leona, and moll of them recent, will fufli-ciently tcflify. Slavc-flup -1 have juft heard that an American brig, commanded by captain--, cut off. wno i undeifland was outlawed in England, has been cut off by the Haves, 7 or H leagues, north of Cape S. Leona. A tingle flave began the attack, rufhed into the cabin, laid open the captain's face and bread with an axe, and feverely wounded a a palfenger. As the teamen made no refinance, they were permitted to go off, with the wounded, in the boat. The captain died. The lhip was retaken by a Liverpool veiled, after an encounter in which fome of the flaves were killed. 471. It is but candid to premife to the following account, (1.) that the extraordinary war here fpoken of, appears not to have arifen out of the flave-trade.—The Directors cannot approve the pride and difdain of life which feem to have actuated the captive chief, who headed one of the infurrec-tions, about to be mentioned. The impoflibility of preventing fuch bloody fcenes, not the motives of the aclors, is the point to be illuflratcd. One or two other recent inftances, fimilar to the following, have been mentioned to the Court; but the particulars have not been tranfmitted. F.loodyinfur- (*■)--1 havc £ot collfldcrablc Kg*" into the hiftory of Mahady, the famous rections. Mahometan prophet, who appeared in thefe parts, with an immenfe concourfe of followers, about three years ago. When he was killed, his generals contended for the maftery, and one of them, being taken by his antagonifl, was immediately fold to a French flave-fhip, lying off a factory near S. Leona. There he behaved with a fullen dignity, and, even in chains, addreffed his fellow flaves, in his wonted tone of authority. I heard this from a flave-trader, who had feen him both as a great chief 01 general, and as a prifoner on board a flave-fhip. The flave-trader, and the captive chief, mutually recognized each other. On the fame day, when the flave-trader was on board, it happened that the chief was permitted to walk on deck, with* put om his tetters. No fooner had the captain and his fi tends fat down to dinner than C H^A P. a fignal was given. The flaves rofe to a man, knocked off each other's fetters, and, t^ _^ * _f headed by the chief, attacked the barricade. But they failed. The guns were Sierra Le~ pointed at them, fome were killed, many leaped into the fea, and the infurreclion 0l*A* was quelled. The captain enquiring for the ringleader, the chief came boldly forward and avowed that he was the man; that he wifhed to give liberty to all the Haves on board; that he regretted his defeat on their account; but that, as to himfelf, he was well fatisfied with the profpect of immediately obtaining, what he termed his-own liberty. The captain hung him up inftantly to the yard-arm. (2.) A vefl'el brought an account of the cutting off of a Bofton flave-fhip, by about 40 Haves. Being only fingle-ironed, they cut to pieces the fecond mate and a teaman on deck, while the captain and moft of the crew were below. They then attacked the cabin; but, being unable to force the door, they pointed the guns at it. The captain and the crew then furrendercd, on condition that their lives fhould be fpared, and the fhip given them, when they fhould have navigated her into fome place, whence the flaves might efcape. The captain and the chief mate, however^ were killed; but the men were fpared to navigate the fhip. In fleering towards a neighbouring river, (he ran aground. Three feamen were fent in the boat, to drop an anchor aftern; but, pulling to the fhore, they brought a flave-trader, with as many hands as he could get, in an armed fchooner. An obflinate engagement enfuing, the flave-trader had 3 men killed and 4 wounded. The flaves having expended their ammunition, formed a raft, on which they got on fhore; and, on taking poffeffion of the fhip, it was founcf that feveral of them had alfo fallen. Of the flaves who got on fhore, fome wete immediately killed; the reft, being 18, were at length overpowered by the natives, whom the noife of the firing had collected, and were fold againfor flaves. 472. The following is a (ketch of the origin, progrefs and Some ac-end of an European flave-trader, who lately died at an ormond.T ifland near S. Leona, and who feems to have attained to a JE^Sr. degree of ferocity and hardnefs of heart, proportionate to his fuccefs in that bloody traffic. As he appears to have neither friend nor connection left, the Directors need not conceal his name, which was Ormond. lie went from England, about 35 years ago, as a cabin-boy to a ffave-fhip, and was retained, as anaffiftant at a flave-factory on S. Leona river. There he acquired a knowledge, which qualified him for fetiing up a flave-facloty afterwards for himfelf, in a neighbouring part towards the north, and, though unable to write or read, he became fo expert a flave-trader, that he realized, as is fupp'ofed, about /\o,ooo. His cruelties were almofl incredible. Two perfons who fecm to have had good means if C H A P. of information, give the following account of them.—One of them, who lived for fome time near Ormond, faid he knew it to be a fact, that he ufed to tie Hones to SifrraLe- the necks of his unfaleable flaves, and drown them in the river, during the night; oka. and that his cruelty was not confined to blacks; for, being offended by a white agent, one Chriftmas day, when drinking freely with fome company, he made his flaves tie up the European, and gave him, with his own hands, 400 lafhes, from which he died in a few days.—The other perfon allowed his general character for barbarity, and added that he was told by an eyc-witnefs, that Ormond having caught a black wife of his in a criminal converfation with one of his flaves, he burnt them both to death with a tar-barrel. This favage had attained to the fame truft with the Afiicans, in witchcraft and grifgris, or charms, and was fubject to filly, fuperllitious fears Providence having permitted this man to become an abandoned and fuccefs-ful Have trader, was pleated alfo to allow him to experience a revetfe of fortune. A few years ago, having loft his health, he went to the Iile de Los, for the fake of feaairand medical help, leaving his affairs under the care ot a mulatto who was his fon. Happening to have recently dellroyed one of the towns of the Bagos, who furround his factory, they took this opportunity to retaliate, Ormond's Haves, having been little attached to him, favoured the Bagos, and the place being t:»kcn, they fhared the plunder. The buildings were all burnt, and the goods in them, amounting, it is faid, to the value of \i or 1300 flaves (near ^30,000 fter.) were either deftroyed or carried away. Young Ormond and all his adherents were put to death. Old Ormond lived to hear the news; but died in about a month after.— The character of this man exhibits an inflance of the great influence of the flave-trade in depraving the human heart. It alfo mows what crimes have been perpetrated with impunity, by Britifh fubje6ts, in Africa; and what in-flruments Great Britain has ufed, in carrying on this deteft-able commerce.—The Directors, however, did not impute equal atrocities to the generality of flavc-traders. Yet they think it right to add, that other inftances might, if neceffary, have been given, of very nearly the fame guilt and cruelty. Account of 473. Of the direct hindrance of the flave-trade to the ci-^hfetSon vilization of Africa, the difperfion of the,firft colony of free S0ll2wt blacks, affords an interefling, and indeed rather a difcourag-ing, inflance. (See § 335O The circumftances which led to that event are as follow: A chief THE PRINCIPLES OF HUM A N* I T V.—BRITISH. 8} A chief living wiihin half a mile of Freetown (which is on the fpot, where the C HAP tree blacks from London originally fettled, § 382) had loft, as he affirms, two per-h">nsof his town, by the depredations of an American fl.tve-captain, and had been Sic bp. a. Lk waiting for an opportunity of retaliating on fome veffel from that country. This oka. opportunity occurring, he attacked the boat of an American fhip, paffmg up the ri-ycr, and plundered her, killing her crew, confifling of three or four men, except °ne, who cfcaped with the news to the flave-factory, whither the boat was going, fhe fact; r, confulting with the officers of a frigate then in the river, rcfolvcd to Avenge the outrage. After two or three flays, in which fome vain attempts were made to induce the chief to come on board the frigate, the Have-factor, with a lieu. fcnant and a body ot Britifh failors and marines, fet out to the chief's town, two nee blacks from the new coiony being their guides, a fervice to which, they fay, they were compelled. On the approach of this armed body, the chief and his peo pie fled, and the town was plundered and burnt. But the party, returning in the evening, were fired on, from among the bullies. A fkirmifh enfued, in which Jome natives arc faid to have fallen on the one fide, and the lieutenant and a fer-jeant of marines, were killed on the other, a few alfo being llightiy wounded. The chief, after this, often vowed farther retaliation: but happily, the principal object of his rage, the llave-fafjlor, foon after quitted the coaft. The lafctorv, which is on art • Hand at fome diftance in the river, and well fortified, fuffered little from the confe-quences of thefe outrages; but they were fatal to the unprotected colony. A palaver of the chiefs was called, who, following the African mode of wild retaliation, determined to burn the town of the colonifts, becaufe two individuals belonging to it were among the hollile party. This dreadful fentence was executed within three days. It is but jnft to fav, that the flave-factory afforded feveral of the colonifts a temporary protection and fupport, in the firft preffure ol their diftrefs. 474. This recital deferves notice, not only as an expla- Slave-trade nation of the difperfion of the firfl Sierra Leona colony, tbrea,en,s c- i- ; Jm* very colonv but as a fpecimen of one of the kinds of danger to which withfimlir every new colony in Africa mud be more or lefs expofed, dai£tr^ "while furrounded by the flave-trade. An outrage is, or is fuppofed to be, committed by a Have-captain; the natives blindly and bloodily retaliate ; the flave-factory interferes; and the adjoining little colony is involved in the confe-quences. Such accidents are inherent in the flave-trade ; they grow out of it's ordinary enormities ; they accord with it's unjufl and ferocious fpi rit: for the indifcriminate N feizure c ha p. fcizure of each other, is the very lelfon daily taught the t _; Africans by the Europeans, who difcourage no violence or Sib^raL*" atrocity, that promifes to extend their traflick; and who, as far as the Directors are informed, are not accuflomed to decline buying any man, on the ground of his having been unjuflly feized. Indeed more than one inflance might be pointed out, in which this fame flave-factory has knowingly purchafed freemen, from perfons who they knew had no fhadow of right to fell them. But the Directors with not to reflect on anyone flave-factory; for they believe the cuftorn is general; each fa6lor perhaps pleading that, if he fhould fcruple to make fuch purchafes, others would not; or, if they did, the captains, without the intervention of a factory, would buy the people fo rejected. And indeed the Have-factors can fcarcely be infenfible of the great diminution which their trade might fuffer, from admitting the principle of inquiring, how the flaves offered for fale were procured. But, whatever be the fophifms by which the flave-dealers juflify the encouragement of mutual outrages among the natives, it cannot be furprifing if they themfelves, or whites vifiting the coafl, or any neighbouring European colony, fhould occafionally feel the effects of diffufing thefe principles of injuftice.—The Court having heard the caufes of the difperfion of the firft colony, will not wonder at the anxiety of the Directors to provide againft the fame danger, nor at the eagernefs they have already expreffed to enlarge the number of colonifts, and to form at once a refpectable eftablifhment. (§ 354.) Some of the 475. Another proof of the danger, with which the flave-iuld&fdd! trade threatens any neighbouring colony, is afforded by the annexed relation. Some Some time before the cftablilhment of the prefent Company, a Britifh flave-fac- C H A P. tor, then in S. Leona river, but lately removed, feized live of the firft colonifts, on XI. the ground of his having been wronged by one of their body, fomewhere at a dif- s«g« tariceon the coaft, where he was navigating a vcfl'cl belonging to this flave-faclor, ona. who faid the country law warranted this mode of redrefs. But he afterwards was induced to releafe three ol them, thinking the other two, on confideration, afforded that recompenfe for his lofs which was proper, on the principles of African juftice. 1 hcfe two men, it was admitted, had no connection with the defaulter, nor any means of catching him (for he had run from the fhip, when fhe was fome hundred miles from the colony) and whofe onlv crime was that they had formerly lived ki the fame town with him. Yet they were kept in chains, by this Britilh flave-trader, and then fold to a flave-captain, who was on the point of failing; when a Mahometan chief, who happened to come from the interior country, took com- Exemplary paffion on them, advanced about Ao fter. for their redemption, and fent them humanity of tl Chief home. The fame chief having lately fent a favourite free boy, with a mellage to a faftor to whom hc was in debt, the boy was feized by way of payment. The chief, half diffracted, came to S. Leona, and endeavoured to trace the child from factory to factory. At length he called at Freetown, mentioned his prefent poverty, and the affliction which had brought him to the coaft, and modeftly afked for ♦he £qo which he had formerly paid for the redemption of the two freemen of Granville town. The governor and council very carefully inveftigated the cafe, and found the main fafts were prccifely as has been ftated. The^jo were repaid to the chief, by the Company, in confequence of this invelligation. 476. The Directors have reafon to think that feveral One of the others of this firft unprotected colony, were fold and carri- f^tt?-11* ed off. One is believed to have been kidnapped by a naPPer* neighbouring black trader; and another turned kidnapper himfelf. But the natives, whom he had feized and fold, were recovered by the Company's intervention, and the kidnapper was corporally punifhed. Some are alfo faid to have been fold, for crimes charged againft them. But all thefe incidents (except the detection and punifh-ment of the kidnapper) happened before the formation of the prefent colony. 477. The infecurity of travellers, by preventing a free communication with the interior country, is another hin- N 2 dranee ° H\f r" France t0 ^e v*ews °^ ^C Company. This opens a wide ' field for reflection. It appears, from many recent invefli-S'c>N4 U gations, that the people of the coaft, are far more barbarous than thofe of the interior; that, while the population to-infeemky of wards the fea, is very thin, and the intercourfe dangerous, hom flave- there are found farther inland, many confiderable towns, tents'raland *ome °^ wmcn» m tnc veIT neart °^ An'ica> are fuppofed to intercourfe. carry on much internal trade, and to have made rip fmall progrefs in civilization. The interefls of the Company, therefore, and the benefit both of Africa and Europe, render fome connection with the interior of this vafl continent, a de Arable object. But here again, the flave-trade banefully interpofes. The general insecurity, anarchy and drunkennefs which it hath introduced; but, above all, perhaps, a dread of the machinations of the flave-traders, who, by a chain of factories, have much influence in the interior, and, by their almoft entire empire of the coalt, may be confidered as holding the key of Africa—thefe cir-cumllances formidably obflruct every liberal attempt to dif-cover and introduce, a mutually advantageous intercourfe with the interior of Africa, exemplified 478. The proprietors are already informed 400) that, denlioST" m tlie veiT infancy of the colony, the Company's mineraf-unhappycafe 0gift attempted to penetrate into the country round S. Leona. He was a man who to fome impatience, joined a very ardent mind, a love of knowledge, and great perfonal re-fpectability, and profeflional experience. He went out to extend his difcoveries, having voluntarily offered his fer-vices to the Company, taking no falary, but limply flipu-lating, that, if any profits mould arife from his refearches, he mould have the fhare which mineralogifts are commonly allowed, and that the Company fhould pay the expenfe5 penfes of his paifage, and living, at S. Leona.-This fir ft e lJ * p adventurer from S. Leona, on a journey of difcovery, was, i-*—> as before ftated, attacked and plundered by a native chief, S,EJNRAA, E" and returned in fo deplorable a condition, that he appears to have died from vexation and hardfhip. It would not have been unreafonable to fufpe£t, that the flave-trade had imparted ferocity to this chief, even if his pofitive conned ion with flave traders had not been proved. But the fame chief has fince attacked another fervant of the Coirr-pany, at the inftigation of a French flave-trader, who told him that a fhip of the S. Leona Company had been equipped, to make war on all the French flave-factories in his territories. On the veffel's arrival, the natives were alarmed; but the peaceable conduct of the captain, who merely went up to buy rice, foon allayed their fears. The chief, however, being very drunk, met with the captain and affaulted him. The people then tore off his clothes, drag>-ged him to another town about two miles off, and there kept him prifoner. When the chief grew fober, he ordered the captain to be fet free, and made him fome prefents, by way of compenfation—The Directors will not add here, any more obfcrvations on the hindrances of the flave-trade to the Company's views ; as the fubject will ne-ceffarily recur, in fpeaking of the fteps taken to promote civilization. But the importance of the fubject feems to deferve recapitulation. 479. It appears then, that the chief fources of the flave- Sourcewfifce trade are debts, wars, crimes and kidnapping. Debts, in this cafe, may not, on the firft view, appear very dreadful; Debt but the preceding facts put together, exhibit fuch a fcene of wickednefs and mifery, as a flight invefligation would not have fuggeftcd.-If an African contract a debt, another flave-trade recapitulated. C Hxt P otner Pcr^on commonly pays the penalty, and the flave- v_1^1^ trader carries off a wife or a child of the debtor, or perhaps an inhabitant of the fame town, or fome flranger who had fought protection there. In one cafe, as has been fliown, a child is torn from it's father by a debtor, and the flave-captain fails, before the parent can bring a fubflitute, ■(§ 459.) A wife is fold by her hufband, for a debt, and is feen weeping in a flave-fhip, for her infant left behind, (§ 467.) A free boy, fent with a meffage, is feized for his principal's debt, anct is carried off, before he can be redeemed, 475.) Among other colonifls who were captured, two are fold for the debt of a townfman, who runs away from his captain, on another part of the coaft, 475.) —In other views, the cuftom of felling men for debt, appears (till more dreadful. The flave-traders appear to encourage the chiefs to contract, debts, for the fake of the confequent right of feizure. The very large credits, which, being incompatible with ordinary commerce, feem peculiar to the flave-trade, form, perhaps, one of it's main pillars ; for fome fa6ts that have appeared at S. Leona, unequivocally fhew, that liberal credit legalizes all kinds ol enormities. It ferves equally to fubject. a country to a flave-factor, or to fecure di(patch to a flave-fhip. By thefe credits, the mulatto trader acquired his power over the chiefs, and depopulated the whole country around him, without violating the cuftoms of Africa, or forfeiting his character, as a " good man and man of humanity? 468.) It is plain, that flave-captains, coming to trade on the coaft, may make the fame ufe of this fyftem of credit. By diftributing part of their goods among the chiefs, they eftablifh a claim to feize both them and their people: and, if their crews be flrong enough (§ 469) they need not wait long for their cargo; go; for they have only to refort to the country law of pany- c A p« tiring, ( ^ 469.) In the Mandingo country alfo, it has been -* fhown, that debts caufe kidnapping; for chiefs getting SlEJNRAAk" into debt to Europeans are put into confinement; and hence their people are obliged to kidnap, to redeem them ( § 456.) In fhort, no proceeding of the S. Leona Company has fo much offended the chiefs, as the refufal of the ufual African credit. 480. War alfo might feem, on a fuperficial view, to rank Wara. with the leafl objectionable fources of the flave-trade. But, when viewed more clofely, it is feen to involve the moft horrible enormity. The Africans, afraid to live detached, congregate into towns, under the protection of fome chief, whom they commonly call their father. He, being corrupted by liquor, is largely credited by the flave-factor, who, on this ground makes war on the people. Some are killed, and many more taken and fold as flaves, and thus the chief's debt is paid. Such were precifely the numerous little wars of the great mulatto trader, againft all the inferior chiefs around him. From thefe wars others fpring, and a long train of hoftilities follows. A chief efcapes from the mulatto trader, with the refidue of his people, to an ifland: thence he carries on a vindictive, predatory war; taking 40 prifoners at once, from the mulatto-trader, who would not be ilow to retaliate; and the flave-trade gets farther victims from each fide (§ 454.) Some of thefe petty wars feem eminently productive. The chief of Quiaport attacks the chief of Bowrah, and fends his prifoners to the flave-factory. The latter gathers all his ftrength, and feizes double the number from the former; for he is obliged to redeem his people by paying two for one ( § 456.) Nor are thefe fmaller wars die only productive ones. Every great nation near Sierra Leona, c N A p" Leona, has been involved in war by the flave-trade. The ^—,--; female mulatto owns, that the Mandingoes have no wars, *** €- ^vnen {]aves are not m demand, (§456.) The foulahs, fays another evidence, are well known to go to war folely to get flaves ( § 456.) " The people directly inland, adds another chief, go to war for flaves. Our country being very much depopulated, and the paflage of flaves from remote parts being hindered by wars, the flavc-factors have lately ■endeavoured to prevent them, and the adjacent .country to S. Leona, begins to be at peace." ( § 456.) unmet, rea 1 48 r. Crimes, real or imputed, are another chief caufe of or imputed. flaverv. adultery is one of the highefl. A native chief, in one cafe, ( § 460.) and an European chief in another ( § 460 ) -fells an inferior African on fuch a charge; both by their own .arbitrary will, and evidently for their own emolument. And here, let the drunkennefs and depravity of the chiefs, who are thus judges in their own caufe, be confidcred; let the African polygamy be added \ nor let the remark of a native trader be forgotten, that it is common for chiefs, who want goods, to hint to their wives, to encourage adultery-Many of the other crimes have been fo flight, and fuch the lnjuftice of the judges, that the decifions aggravate the horror excited by this traffic. A whole town, the chief except-cd, isenflaved, for letting fome runaway flaves pafs to the mountains, ( § 458,) A woman from the next town, is torn from her unweaned child and fold, merely for impertinence, ( % 467.) Two men are fold by a chief, to com-penfate for his having, in his drunkennefs, ordered a flave-trader to be flogged, ( § 461.) A man is fold for having changed himfelf into a leopard, ( § 465.) The whole family of another is fold for his fuppofed theft, after he had been poifoned with red water, ( § 464.) The mulatto-trader's trader's fetting up a flave as a judge, the growing power of c ?* this judge, the court paid to him by the flave-traders, and die dread of coming near him, are alfo to be remembered. 0*a. 482. The inflances given of kidnapping are numerous. A Kidnapping. Nova Scotian, formerly kidnapped from S. Leona, on landing there is recognized by his mother, ( § 457-) Relations of the king of S. Leona are carried off, at three different times, by kidnappers, ( § 351.) The Company's agent falls in with a party of natives, in the very act. of kidnapping, ( § 348.) A free colonifl from England is kidnapped. Another turns kidnapper himfelf; but is detected and punifhccl, by the governor and council,"( § 476.) No lefs than three Britifh commanders are infected with the contagion, and fell, without fcruple, the free mariners found on board French prizes. In one of thefe inftances, 19 freemen were fold, many of them fons of chiefs, ( § 463.) In a fecond 3 or 4 others, in fpite of the remonflrances of the Sierra Leona government. In a third 4 women left on board as pawns, ( § ibid.) The numbers in the Defert-er's town are reduced, partly by kidnapping, ( § 458 ) Free-booters infeft the parts between the coafl and the Fou-lah country; fo that he who brings down flaves is often kidnapped on his return, and fold to the fame factory where he had been .felling others, (§456.) In the Sufee country, kidnapping is frequent. In the Mandingo country, mothers dare not truil their children out of their fight, after fun-fet, for fear of kidnappers, ( § 456.) The reafonsof it's prevalence arc debts; impunity, from the facility of felling the victims ; and wars, ( § 479 el feq.) A chief owns that in a 5 years war, he ufed to waylay and kidnap paffengers; but fays it was a bad thing, jultified only by the ncceflity of having fomething to give to the flave-factories for aminuni- O tion. <___.—_/ Sj ekk a Leona. c h_ a p. tionj 456.) We may add the extraordinary ravages of the proprietor of a neighbouring ifland, who fwept away the people of whole towns, when he had intoxicated them, and of whofe indifcriminate ravages even the ilave-factor complained. This account 483. Thefe are the four Sources of the flave-trade near i (na-but S. Leona; nor do the Directors conceive that any confidcr-m^cmnot a^c number have been obtained from thefe parts, by lefs be very dif- exceptionable means. Indeed it is reafonable to prefume, ferent. A . . 1 that at a. Leona, many atrocities have been perpetrated Secretly, or at leafl; concealed from the Company's fervants. The preceding account, indeed, only refpeets the flaves from near S. Leona, not the general body fold in S. Leona river, moll of whom are brought from the interior. But the Directors conceive that no one can fairly affume, that the cafe of inland flaves differs eflentially from that of flaves from the coaft: the injustice and treachery practifed in taking them, and their confequent wretchednefs, can hardly fail to be fome what fimilar, in whatever part of Africa fuch Scenes take place *. 8o,oocffavcs 484. Let then this aggregate of mifery be contemplated; annually iet jt be remembered, that the above is but a famblc of the dragged • 1 • 1 a * from Africa, manner in which EIGHTY THOUSAND men are annually iKVarhiousb°ve dragged from Africa by the civilized Europeans, efpeciaily means. ^ ^ Britifh: let all the concomitant enormities, the blood fpilt in wars, in cutting off flave-fnips, in acts of fuicide on board, and in fanguinary vengeance on fhore, be borne in mind: let the drunkennefs, the treachery, the unnatural * That the flave-trade is carried on by firnilar means, and is attended with fimilar fcenes, on the coafl from Senegal to Gambia, and alfo about 800 miles up the former river, maybe fecn in my* " Obfcrvations on the Slave-trade, Sec." 8vo. London printed 1789. C. B. W. fale Sale of wives and children, for debt and for liquor, let the c Hia p. depravity communicated,as by contagion, to Britilh captains, «_ -t— y failors and factors, and the atrocities to which fome of them s,e**aLe-have beentranfported, be recollected; above all, let the Hop put to the civilization of one fourth of the globe, and the guilt of hindering that light of revelation, which has fo long fhone on Britain, from fhining on the inhabitants of that vafl continent, be added to the account: let the miferies of Africa be contrafled with the bletfings which might have refultcd from a contrary conduct in G. Britain, and from the introduction of Chriflianity and European knowledge, and- from that promotion of induftry which is the fure refult of an honelt, innocent and peaceful commerce,—Let all thefe considerations be put together, and the evil of the Slave-trade will indeed appear enormous; it's hindrance to civilization, *nd it's hoftility to every principle profefled by the S. Leona Company, become abundantly evident; and the profpects of civilization about to be ftated will appear important, not only from their immediate confequences, but from their evincing the practicability of revcrling the cruel fyftem which yet prevails in Africa. 485. The fubverfion of the flave-trade was one leading Sick flave Motive in the in ft i tut ion of the Company 5 and it is one of c«ived« 5. *hc objects to which thofe who manage it's affairs, profefs Leona-that their befl endeavours fhall be directed. But they truft that they fhall not allow their dctefiation of that trade, to degenerate into ill-will to thofe engaged in it; and they feel pe-c u liar fa t i s fact i o n i n ob fe r v i n g, th at the i r government abroad, however their zeal for it's abolition may have been excited the fecnes they have witneffed, have never ufed either Vlolent or underhand means to promote this object; having ^cither forcibly interrupted the flave-traders nor irritated the O 2 ■ natives C II A P. XI. i>--v-' 81 ex k aLt- on a, French flave-fatf or protegee! it S. Leona. natives or the Nova Scotians againft them; nor have they encouraged failors who thought themfelves cruelly ufed, or flaves, in the (hips or factories, to defcrt to the colony. Indeed the governor and council have been peculiarly moderate, in fome trying cafes; labouring to promote peace, to compofe differences and to prevent private vengeance. They have been juft towards the Have-traders, and have given them proofs of humanity and kindnefs. They have entertained many fick Europeans from the flave-fhips, whom the known falubrity of the air, or the expectation of good medical advice have attracted to Freetown, and who have been lodged in the town, at the Company's expenfe, or gratuitoufly received into the hofpital.--Their impartiality appeared, when a complaint having been made againft fome natives by the flave-captain, whofe cruelties on board, and feizure of the natives on fhore, appear from his converfation before recited, the governor and council induced the neighbouring head-man to obtain a hearing of the cafe. But the accufed natives exculpated themfelves, the flave-captain being wholly to blame. 486. The following is an inflance of the protection afforded to a flave-trader, by the governor and council, and of their prudent care to prevent the outrages of the flave-trade from taking place on the Company's diflrict. It has been ftated that an European Slave-factor fold a free native, in his Service, without the Sorm oS a trial, on a charge of adultery with one oS his wives, ( § 460.) This Sale gave riSe to the outrage now to be deScribed. A neighbouring French flave-faclor having landed on the colony, a native accufed him of having wrongfully fold a free grumetta (his brother) who had fcrved him faithfully, many years. The native collared the Frenchman, threatening to drag him to a neighbouring town, that the difpute might be fettled. I refcucd him, with fome difficulty, being determined to forbid all fuch atts on our ground. But while wailfl I was getting a boat, to convey him out of the colony, he fell again into the C H A P. hands of the fame natives. By help of the governor and another principal fervant ol the Company, I refcucd him again, and he got fafely to his velfel. He was fo Simka L»-terrificd, that bethought us all his enemies, and begged that we would kill him our- ona. fejvfcs, and not give up to the favages. 1 feared the interference of the N. Scotians, many of whom beheld this fcene; but they behaved very well; though their feelings leaned flrongly to the fide of the natives. I told them that, before any (franker fhould be forced from our diftrift, we were rcfolved that we ourfelvcs would be carried off, and this language retrained them very much. The next Sunday, our clergyman noticed from the pulpit, how unbecoming it would be if any flrangcr, how-ever, culpable, who had come to the colony for protection, fhould be feized in it: of this the N. Scotians approved. On complaining to the chief of the native who collared the Frenchman, he apologized, and affined mo that no fuch out race fhould be committed in future. Soon after this, the Frenchman reported, that the aflault of the native had been inftigated by us. He was certainly fo terrified at the afiault, that he might not have been a judge of what paffed. Befidcs, as a flave. trader, hc would be prejudiced againft us. But, I think, I would again fuhmit to fuch calumny, rather than let any violence be committed on our ground. 487. This fame flave-trader, foon after his own refcue, I lis ingrati-inftigated the drunken chief to affault one of the Compa- tu °' ny's captains (§> 478.) Though the governor and council have acted upon the pacific principles recommended by the Directors, fome inftances of the Company's interference with the intcrefts of the Have-traders may have been interpreted into acts of hoflility. 488. To the following incident, it is neceffary to premise, that the legislatures of the Northern States of America have prohibited the flave-trade, in certain cafes, under heavy penalties. An American fhip arriving in S. Leona river, the fupercargo, who fecrns to have Americans known little of the Company's principles, went haftily to the governor and council clandeftinely and offered them his cargo, for a cargo of Uaves, faying he would take no other arti- traae^toiurh cles, and hoped they would foon favour him with the (laves he wanted,-A couu- prohibited. fellor afked him how the American laws flood, re ("petting this trade.--He faid that, where he came fiom, it was prohibited, under forfeiture of the (hip and/^toco penalty on the captain. " But, added he, nobody will inform.''—Indeed, Sir, replied the counsellor, I myfelf fhall inform, if none elfe will.—I hope Sir, you will not da C H A P. do fo'unfiiendly'a thing.—I would rather prevent evil than punifli it, (faid the ^ counfcllor) and I warn you, that if you carry a finglc (lave from this coaft, you fhall SiekraLe- find an information lodged againft you in America.—The fupercargo then faid, he on a. was not in earneft, and that he really abhorred the llave-trade. • which the 489. This fhip quitted the river, immediately, to the taking itcps obvious prejudice of the (lave-faclories there.—The Direc-to prevent. tors received from S. Leona, a lift of all the American Ships, which have tranfgreffed the laws of that country, and are taking meafures for conveying to the feveral legislatures, whofe authority hath been inSulted, Sufficient evidence of the circumftances tending to the conviction and punifhment of the offenders. Ccmpanygc- 4™ Another Step of the Directors to limit the exceffes rcroufJy re- , - A B . „ . foive to re- of the flave-trade, may be worthy ot mention. The in-dcemiiaves, foraiatjon 0f tne fa]c 0r tjie frec mariners found in the French prizes, came accompanied with an intimation of the doubts of the Company's fervants abroad, whether they ought to have redeemed thofe injured men. It was thought that the price paid for their liberty might be recovered in England, by an action againft the Britifh fubjects who fold them. On the other hand, the expenfe of fending wit-rieffes from Africa, the danger of failing in fome point of legal evidence, and the many uncertainties of fuch a bufi-nefs, were fo obvious, that, on the whole, the governor and council were afraid of adopting this Step. But the Directors, on considering the advantages oS avowing their determination to interfere in Suture caSes of this fort, thought it right to fend inftru6tions, that if, in certain Specified cafes, any neighbouring native fhould be unjuftly fold, either to or by a Britifh fubject, the governor and council were to pay the price of fuch perfons redemption, if no other means of liberating him mould be afforded. This intelligence Si err a Leona, THE PRINCIPLES OF HUM A NITYy—B R IT ISI-J. 10g gence is faid to have been fatisfa&ory to feveral of the c p-neighbouring chiefs. 491. The obftacles of the flave-trade to the Company's defigns will farther appear in defcribing their direct efforts to fet on foot plans of cultivation and induftry, and to pre- and to conci-pare the way for the introduction of Chriflianity and civilization. One of the moft effectual means of promoting thefe objects mud obvioufly be, by gaining over fome principal kings or chiefs to this great caufe. (fee § 130.) If any chief pofTeiTed of fertile land, and having grumettas under him, could be perfuaded to employ them in regular cultivation, under the direction of an European planter-, if he could be induced to entertain a fchool-maiter or million-. ary, a friendly intercourfe, alfo, fubfifting between fuch chief and the Sierra Leona government; it can hardly be doubted that civilization would rapidly advance. 492. Among the obltacles to the adoption of any plan of SI.trade,ob-cultivation by the kings or chiefs, near S. Leona, it has vatfon^by*-been flatcd that they univerfally deal in flaves. By the £*Profits* fame traffic alfo many private flave-traders have become chiefs : the difference between a chief or king, who is alfo a flave-trader, and a flave-trader who has raifed himfelf into a chief, being principally that the king is the lefs powerful of the two, and is commonly alfo in debt, and fubfer-vient, to an European factory; whereas the flave-trader is often rich and independent, having many chiefs in his debt, and therefore, fubject to him. It is obvious that neither kings leagued with a Have-factor, nor chiefs become rich by the flave-trade, can generally be expected to patronize induftry and reformation of manners. This traffic, indeed, prefents profits often fo eafy and tempting, that babits of labour feem not likely to prevail till it fhall ceafe. —On C lxt ?* —°n Lne otncr nanc*» tne flave-trade hath initiated ihe na- —f—j tives into the ufe of European goods, fome of which they £££ confider even as necelfaries. This tafte may, therefore, be (butiti.asin- expected to flimulate induftry, as foon as ever the produce taWftfr Ru- of the land and labour of Africa fhall be required, for ro^angooj*) £uropean g00ds, inflead of her inhabitants themfelves, SGet/ea.) by it's large 4qo The large credits given in the flave-trade alfo credits *-Zr^j oppofe any fuclden dereliction of it ; fince they render it very difficult for chiefs who might be difpofed to favour cultivation, to call in their capital, bygrcundiefs aqa. The prejudices which many chiefs at firft imbibed prejudices. • n i r j i n i i • • * agamlt the Company, form another obltacie to cultivation. They feem to have been taught to believe, that the Company were to be the general diflurbers of the peace, by changing the cufloms of Africa; that they intended to deprive the chiefs of their power, and, in the end, of their territories; and to encourage flaves to defert their mafters and take refuge in the colony. It is obvious, however, that this impediment is merely temporary, chiefs See. 495. Thefe obftacles were expected to oppofe, and have expefte?to in fact: more or lefs oppofed, all the Company's attempts to company's intereft the African chiefs in plans of civilization and in-ri«m. duflry ; but, though many of them ftill operate, they have, in feveral inftances, been happily overcome. The means by which this has been effected are eafily explained. Firft, a few natives of fome confequence, the fucceffors of de-ecafed. flave-traders, are growing lefs fond of that dangerous traffic,by which their property was originally acquired. Among fuch the Company may be expected to make pro-felytes. Other chiefs may be thrown into diftrefs by the flave-trade; may lofe a near relation by it; or poflibly having SlER-ra L t. ona. having been redeemed from a flave-fhip themfelves, may 0 Hx^ Pt be affected by narrowly efcaping the fate to which they have too often configned others. And circumflances have already occurred, which give hopes of gaining fuch per-Ions. Others again may be led, partly by higher principles, to contemplate the miferics brought by the flave-trade on their country, and, if a fair opening be afforded, and the Sacrifice be not too great, may become favourers of order and induftry. Laftly, fome chiefs, ftruck with the improvements at Freetown, or having, perhaps, vifited England, may return animated with a defire to impart the bleflings they have witneffed, who may be induced, poffibly by embracing Chrillianity, to Hand forward as promoters of civilization, and friends of the Company. That one or other of thefe principles has actually operated on the minds of feveral very confiderable chiefs, will appear—firft from a quotation from the journal of one of the Company's fervants already often reforted to, and which defcribes an interview with a neighbouring chief, about a year after the inilitution of the colony. Harm" heard ol" this chief's prejudices again this, 1 firft cxpre fled to him my fear An in (lance, .i -i e ■ c i -ii ,r i i ■ £■ YoungC leave that our engagements in the careol our infant colony, might have ailordcd time ior iarups «n»ju- Jiitt-icflcd men to fpread reports againft us; that it was true we were not friends to dices remoy-»he llavc-tradc, hut that we wifhed peaceably to draw the natives from it, by fetting before them other fourccs of wealth. Though civil, he was, at firft, Car from cordial, lie allowed that we had many enemies, and that hc had been alarmed for his properly. I then explained feveral parts of our conduft, which I found had been grofsly inifrep;efented; affuring him particularly, that it was not our purpofc to decoy flaves from their mafters (as he had been told) and that, if we did not feize and deliver them up, yet we would neither flicker, nor employ them. I offered education, at Sierra Leona, to any of his young people, and hinted that a feminary might he fet up at his own place. I then urged him to fet his grumettas to cultivation, calculated and fet before him the advantages hc would derive from having his lauds covered with cotton and coffee, inftcad of their being depopulated by the flave-trade. He was very iuouifitivc about this plan, and appeared rather to approve it; but V doubted CHAP, doubted whether he: fhould find a market for bis produce. I anfwered that wc would ' agree to take it, at a certain price. He was fatisfied with my explanation, and Sierra Le- wifhed the Company fuccefs. I afterwards viewed fome of his land, which is ex- on a. cellent: cotton grows abundantly, and the true indigo is feen in feveral places. 496. *The Directors have the fatisfaction of adding, that, and he be- by recent advices, this perfons difpofition to quit the flave-vourabie to trade appears to be ftrengthened, and that he has actually cultivation, taken fome meafures for commencing cultivation. He has been retarded from adopting the Company's fuggeftions, by his outflanding debts, which it has been difficult to collect, except in flaves; by the alluring profits of the flave-trade ; and by his temporary prejudices againft the Company, (fee § 492 ct feq.) But his known humanity and liberality, and perhaps the late reduction of the demand for flaves, from the war, and the failure of credit here, feem at length to have operated on him fo effectually, as to incline him to favour cultivation.—From what has been faid, it may be pre fumed that this refpectable African, when he followed the flave-trade, would exercife as much humanity as could be reconciled to fuch a traffic; and that he would probably confine his purchafes to flaves from a didance, giving protection to the people around him. The truth of this prefumption appears from the cenfures of the flave-traders. his humanity He is the very man who made the Britifh flave-captain wait fo long for flaves, being " afraid to make a haul of the people' as the " fine fellow" (the mulatto chief) his predecef-for ufed to do; and whofe town, therefore, the captain faid he would have feized *f if he had been well manned," in order, doubtlefs, to teach this African (f a proper fpirit." His incapacity for the flave-trade has been alfo intimated by a Britifh factor, who being afked, " Does the mulatto trader's fucceffor recover debts by the fame means (laying wafte C H A P, XI. Sierra Leon a . ^vafle his debtor's towns) that he ufed," replied " No he is too eafyf (See § 368, 369.) In the journal fent home, a no lefs honourable teftimony of this African, and of the peace and fecurity he has introduced, is implied in the words of a third Britifh flave-fatlor, who dwelt on a neighbouring ifland. " I remember the time" faid he " when, if I fent a grumetta up the country, With goods equal in value to one flave, I was fure to have him back with two flaves in return, within fix days: but it will now take as many weeks to get the fame number, and yet Haves are dearer than ever." 497. The Company owe their fuccefs, in this diflrict, partly to the war *, and partly to the remembrance of the ravages of the mulatto trader. They owe a fimilar benefit to the experience of the bitter effects of the flave-trade, in the following recent cafe,—The Mahometan chief, whofe humane, modefr. and difinterefled conduct has been mentioned (§ 475) made the following obfervations. He faid, he had been taught to look on the colony with jcaloufy, and had there- Humane Ma fore hitherto kept aloof; but that recent misfortunes, brought on him by the machi- ^°.n^tai^ nations of flavc-traders, fome of which he related, added to what he had lately learnt ceiVcd. of our conduct, had "made him fufpeft the truth of what he hud heard, and that hc was come to have his doubts cleared up. He earncftly entreated my afliflance, in recovering his intimate friend, Famarah, a diftinguifhed chief carried 01F the coaft, fome time ago, as a flave. He alfo fpoke to me of the free boy whom he had jult loll, and to induce me to exertion in recovering both captives, hc named his redemption of our free colonifts, for which, he faid, the Have-traders had blamed, as well as laughed at him. Though I could give him little hopes of recovering either of tin-captives, hc was plcafcd, on the whole, with his vifit. Hc was particularly gratified by feeing our fchools. " If I were younger, faid he, I fhould flay here ; but, as it is, I fhall fend my children." Hc alfo fpoke of his having been driven, by the arts of a Britifh flave-trader, to the necefTity of quitting his native place; but faid that he lived now in a country affording fome produce, which he fhould be happy to collect for us. His converfation and manners intereftcd me much. He is about 60 years old, of a good and benevolent appearance. His mind, which is naturally fe- * The interruption of the flave-trade by the prefent European war is here evidently meant. C. B. W. P 2 gacious, gaciom, being now bowed down by misfortunes, is the more open to impreffions aiTainf! the Have-trade, and I truft we (hall attach him to us. ___ >.y sierkaLf- 408. The Directors will next acid a very encouraging ac-QKAm count of an interview with another chief. Chief' of the I waited on the chief of this river,, who is faid to have great influence over the river in alecs three neighbouring kimrs, and to have nominated them all. I was furprifed by the^ moft gener- & . . r , r ' Ous offers* appearance of a man about 90 years old, flill fenfible and aftivc. I acquainted hirrr with the motives of my vifit, and the principles of the Company. Hc very readily allured me, that he would protect our traders, and favour us in the cuflom of his river. He promifed to fend one of his boys to-the colony lor education, and to vifit it himfelf, the next dry feafon. Hc alfo offered protection to a. miffionary, or fchool matter, and to make his fituation comfortable. I have met with no native more liberal in his views, or clear in his ideal or convcrfation. He has wonderfully diverted himfelf of African prejudices and fuperilitions, and reprobates the cuf-tom of facrificing to the devil, who, faid he, " muft be himfelf a creature of God.'* Though occafionally engaged in the flave-trade, he-rejoices in the profpecl. of it's abolition. Some years ago, his town was deftroyed by the mulatto Have-trader, and many of his people carried off: he ftill waits for an opportunity, of revenge.— We had propofed to him to build on an ifland of his, a faclory and a rice-houfe, verting in us the right of po'Iefhon, and that he fhould furnifh a planter, whom we might fend, labourers to clear and plant the whole. I think it likely that our pro-pofal will be accepted, and a magazine may be fixed for the produce of the neighbourhood, which is very rich in rice, flock and camwood. A fchoolmafter, or mif-fionary, would find a confiderable population, if the cultivation fhould proceed with fpirit, and would be within one or two hours diftanee of feveral of the largeft villages in thefe parts. 499. A very favourable fpecimen of the African character, and a moit pleafing proof of the practicability of introducing European improvements, are afforded by the following incident. Chief from Five ™tlves lately arrlvecl, in a ^ip of our's, from the Gambia. One of them, the Gambia, jfamed Cuddy, is a chief and principal trader there. His figure is very prepoffeffing. ».ca1ous for He £ wen. ma ny's officers, as well as of the colonifts, during the 14 days he fpent at my houfe. It was pleafing to obferve him contemplating whatever he faw, with the view of turning, -r a XL j"g «t to his country's advantage. He has been afhduoufly endeavouring to prevail C li on fome of the N. Scotia blacks, to go with him to the Gambia, to infhutt his const- trymen, and has induced a good carpente.- to go, who is to build him a houfe and Sierra Le- make him ploughs and hufbartdry u;cn(ils, ind alio looms; for Cuddy has it much ?»*. * heart to introduce the broad loom among his people. Another man is to embark with him, who underftands ploughing, and can make mingles, &c. Cuddy has long been partial to the Company, has always been kind to their fervants, when in the Gambia, and has built, on the Floop fide of I hat river, a little town, which he has named Sierra Leona. Being curious in natural productions, he fhowed our botanifr. feveral dying plants growing here, particularly a tree ufed in the Gambia, lor making tndigo more durable. 500. The Directors will next offer fome information rela- intcraftiDg ... .... f1 . expedition to tivc to the interior country, gained in a journey lately made the interior, into a large neighbouring kingdom *.—The governor and council having been informed by fome of the Foulahs +, a powerful nation to the N.E. of S. Leona, that their king de-fired to form an intercourfe with the colony, two gentlemen m the Company's fervice, offered to attempt to penetrate, through a large, and as yet unknown country, to his capitalj. Sailing accordingly, to the Rio Nunez, they obtained inter- * The account of this expedition, and much other matter, in this and the preceding chap, were not inferted in the Report read to the Proprietors. Advices from S. Leona, of the 6th Sep. 1794, had been received at time of fending this Report to tfte prefs, which have furnifhed much additional intelligence. Their recent accounts are, in almoft every refpecl, more favourable than any preceding. They convey, neverthelefs, information of a difturbance in the colony, from the violence °f fome of the moft difaffected N. Scotians. But the ringleaders had been taken UP, or had left the colony, the utmoft tranquillity prevailed when the laft difpatchss came away, which were dated 7 or 8 weeks after the tumult, and the government are perfuaded that there is no reafon to fear any permanent or material ill conferences. + There feem to be feveral independent tribes or nations of Foulahs, of which tliis. *s probably one of the moft confiderable. t Mr. James Watt, already fpoken of (formerly manager of the cftate of George *We, Efq. M. P. in Dominica) and Mr. Wintcrbottom, brother to Dr. Wintcrbot-torn, phyfician to the colony. preterm C U\i ? Prctcrs anc* guides at Kocundy, a confiderable way up that «_ * river, and then fet out on foot, in a party of about twenty sieona.Le perfons. They mention, with much thankfulnefs, their obligations to fome ilave-traders, efpeciaily to a mulatto trader near Kocundy. Shortly after leaving Rio Nunez, they found that a confiderable intercourfe fubfifted between the interior country, and the upper parts of the river; for 5 or 600 Foulahs were often feen in a day, carrying on their backs great loads of rice and ivory, to be exchanged for fait. In the numerous fucccfiive towns, generally diftant 6, 8 or 10 miles, the travellers were always moft hofpitably re* ceivcd; the inhabitants having been agreeably furprized at the fight of white men, of whom none had ever been feen even a few day's journey from the coaft. After travelling 16 days, through a country barren in many parts, but fruitful in others, and remarkably full of cattle, and after palling 2 or 3 fmall rivers, one of them faid to empty itfelf into the Gambia, they arrived at Laby, a town about 200 miles, almoft due eaft, from Kocundy. Here they fpent 3 or 4 days, being moil cordially received by the chief who is fub-ordinate to the king of the Foulahs. Laby is about 2~ miles in circumference, and is fuppofed to contain not lefs than 5000 people. From Laby, they proceeded, in another week, 72 miles farther inland, to Teembo, the capital of the Foulah kingdom, experiencing every where the fame hofpitality. r.ovem- 501. During'14 days which they palled in Teembo, they nunt.nnteof ft COnverfed, through their interpreters, with the king, civilisation,, 9 i » ,H sec. ftc with a per fon who acts as deputy in his ab fence, and witn many other principal pel fons, This kingdom is about350 miles long, from £*» to W. and about 200 miles broad, from N. toS. The king is very arbitrary, in many points, and he opens or fhuts up the markets and channels of trade, julf a!? lie he plcafes. Teembo may contain about 7000 inhabitants; c and the fuperiority of all thefe interior people, to thofe on ^ the coaft, is great, in moil branches of civilization. The S houfes here, at Laby and fome other places, are occafionally fpoken of in the journals as very good. The filver ornaments, worn by fome of the chief women, "are faid to be equal in value to £20. At Laby and Teembo, they work in iron, filver, wood and leather, and weave narrow cloths. The chief men have books, generally on divinity or law; and reading is common, there being fchools in almoft every town. Horfes are commonly ufed by the chief people, who often ride out for amufement; and the king invited the two itrangers to fee a fpecies of horfe-race. The foil is generally ftony; much of it is pafture : in fome parts, rice is cultivated, chiefly by the women, the men, many of whom'are Haves, carrying away the produce on their backs. The foil is dry; about one third of it is faid to be extremely fertile, and the climate is thought very good. The nights and rnornings were fometimes cold, and the thermometer * was once as low as 51 °, at\ pad 5 in the morning; but it rofe to near go° at noon. The religion is Mahomctanifm, and there are many mofques; but neither priefts nor people feem to bave much bigotry, though they fail not to obferve the Mahometan rites, praying five times a day. The king's pu-mfhments are arbitrary and fevere, efpeciaily for difrefpeel to his own authority; but it appears that no Foulahs are ever fold as flaves, for debts or crimes, and kidnapping fel-dom occurs. Till lately, however, the Foulahs dealt very confidcrably in flaves, to procure whom they avowedly go to war. Their religion affords them an apology for this horrible injuflicc, by permitting them to deftroy all infidels, * Farcnheit's a term Si 1 r.ra Leona. Foulahs make war to get flaves. King difpofed to abandon the Jlave-trade. Religious warn. a term which Teems to include all their neighbours. Our travellers loft no opportunity of reprobating thefe wars, and of inculcating the principles of the Company, as appears from the following extract from one of the journals. (i.) In the morning, I had a vitit from the deputy king, who told me with a blocking degree of opennefs, that the folc object ol their wars was to procure Haves, as they could not obtain European goods without Haves, and they could get (laves without righting for them. I mentioned rice, ivory and cattle; but he faid, the t.ii'ioiies would not fnrnilh them with guns, powder and cloth, which he conli-detfed as the chief articles, for any thing except (laves. I told him that, by a trade in produce, they might become rich, without goirfg to war for (laves, which muft certainly offend 'hat God, to whom they prayed five times a day. ** But the people*on whom we make war, returned he, never pray to God; we do not go to w.u Wl th people who give God Almighty fet vice." In an interview with the king himfelf, the following con-verfation occurred. (2!) After Hating the views of the Company, I took the liberty of remarking, how wicked it was for one nation to deftroy another. If thefe people, faid I, have not fo much knowledge as you, you mould inflruft them. There were prefent, the king, the head pried and the chict minifter, and they ftill fullered me to proceed without Interruption; 1 was furprized at their attention. They all acknowledged the truth of what I faid, and the king obferved, that, if he could get guns, powder and everv hing elfe he wanted, for ivory, rice and cattle, he would foon have dono with the (lave-tradc. I lold him, that, if once the Africans knew the S. Leona Company perfectly, I was fure wars would ceafc. They all laid, they believed fo too* The next day, a convcrfation occurred to this effect. (g.) I waited on a head man, by his defire. I found him writing, but hc quickly laid afide his work. I had much convcrfation with him, (imilar to what 1 held with the king the night before, Hc defended for fome time, then religious wars,but at laft admitted that they muft be difpleahng to God. lie ftill faid, however, that their book defircd them to make war on nations that would not do God fervice. 1 replied, that there might be many good things in their book ; but that I was fure the devil had put in that pafTage : God was io good And merciful that he muft hate men who deftroyed their fellow creatures. He hrupled not to fay, that if the Foulahs could get the goods they wanted without war, he would then believe that going to war offended God : but, faid hc, if we cannot get thefe things without war, God cannot be angry with us for going to war, efpeciaily as it is fo in our book. Another Another circumilance, more lamentable than any of the c p preceding, mull be added here.. i-r—- (4.) The king's deputy, after Hating that the Foulahs made war, folcly to get l£p*^ E Haves, (aid alfo, '« that the old men, and old women, zoho were captured in thefe wars, and who were known to be unfaleable, were put to death." Thefe are the words in Mr. Unfaleable Watt's journal: that of Mr. Winterbottom reprcfents the king's deputy as faying fejjf that they " cut the throats" of the elder captives; and mentions, that when this jahgi cruelty was condemned, he replied, that it was not fo cruel as letting them ftarve to death, adding, that their enemies would not fcruple to do the fame. See § 509. 502. That this additional and enormous* evil is directly but rateable chargeable on the flave-trade, thefe quotations feem to not bTkiiled, evince: and that no fimilar effufion of blood can be fuppofed JS^Jj^ to happen, even among the fame people, in the cafe oi* able- «wd-bodied flaves, returned or withheld for want of a market, the following circumfiances clearly prove.—It has been ftated, "that the war with France fuddenly checked the flave-trade on the coaft. It appears, from the journals of this expedition, that The influence of the European war was as ftrong in the interior. The wars of European Teembo ecafed about this period: flaves at the fea-fide fell from 160 to 120 bars. war checks The king of the Foulahs, to bring the flave-traders to terms, forba*de his fubjefts to J"^"^ ^avc" carry flaves down till 160 bars Ihould be again offered ; and the confequence of the flaves being thus withheld (except a few fmuggled ones] was that the Foulah county had become full of them *. 503. It has been ftated ( § 456.) that the Foulahs were often feized by freebooters, in returning from the factories to which they had been carrying the captives, taken in their predatory wars. This fact, is confirmed by the following incident, among others of the kind that occurred in this journey. An old man called on the travellers at Teembo, and begged them to enquire after Kidnapping his fon, who with fix others, fome of them related to the king, had been feized, in in the inte-rcturning from Rio Pongos, about four years ago. They had been fold to the Bri- rior* fcfh (lave-faclor at the Hies de Los, and, immediately fhippedoiT to the W. Indies, * The journal intimatci, though not very diftin&ly, that they were put to work. q except CHAP, except one, who was recovered by the Foulah king. The old man faid, he would "** willingly pay any ranfom for his fon *. I alfured him, the writer of the journal Lfrtfcijriir* adds, that the governor of S. Leona would feel almoft as much plcafurc in reftoring ONAt his fon, as he could in receiving him, and that we fhould fpare no pains in the enquiry. At hearing this, the old man's eye's gliftened, and he left me, blcfling both the governor and myfelf, and affuring me that he fhould pray for me. Foulah king 504. The Directors have the fatisfaction of obferving, that iiough 2cc tne two travellers appear, by the propriety of their conduct, and by their declarations of the principles of the Company, .to have ingratiated themfelves much with the natives, efpeciaily the chief people. The king, being afked, Whether he would encourage any European to fettle near him, with a view to cultivation, readily anfwered, that he would furnifh him with land, and cattle and men, for the purpofe. Much converfation palled at different times, concerning the introduction of the plough, of which no one had ever heard in the Foulah country. The king of Laby offered to fend a fon to England for education, and a principal pried feemed willing to do the fame. Diligent enquiry was made at Laby and Teembo, concerning the road to Tombucfoo, an interior town, fuppofed of the firft magnitude, to which fome adventurers from the African AlTociation have attempted to Route to penetrate, (See § 327.) It was faid, at Laby, that a free T^2S communication fubfifled with Tombucfoo, though diftant no lefs than a four month's journey; fix kingdoms intervening between the Foulah country and that of the king of Tombuctoo, namely Belia, Bouriah, Manda, Segoo, Soofun-doo, and Genah. This laft, the neareft kingdom to Tombuctoo, and that of Tombu&oo itfelf, were fpoken of as richer than any of the reft. The city of Cafhna feemed to be * Two of the perfons fold bore the name of Omar, another is called Hamadoo, and another iarrie. Two others are mentioned under the name of Hamodoo, ont of whom was the fon of this eld man. The Directors have introduced their names, to promote their redemption. known THIS PRINCIPLES OF HUMANITY.—BRITISH. H5 known at Laby; but the route was defcribed as hazardous. c p 505. From Teembo, the Company's fervants returned by |-^—^ a different,'and rather more dangerous path. But, by the Sxbon*.le" king's command, they were efcorted by a body of Foulahs, amounting, for part of the journey, to 5 or 600. When this incidents on_ body arrived on the borders of the Sufee country, a fufpi- the travels cion arofe, on the part of the Sufees, that the Foulahs were to s> Leoiuu come to attack them, on pretence of conducting white men to the coaft. But the latter removed the fufpicion, fhowing that they had goods and flaves with them; and at a meeting " of the Sufee chiefs, it was determined, not only that the travellers and their party fhould be permitted to pafs to Sierra Leona, but alfo that the path, which former wars had fhut, ihould become permanently open. Four or five confiderable perfons from the Foulah, and other kings, with their fuite came to Freetown, with the white travellers, palled a lew days there, arranged fome commercial plans, and returned highly gratified by their vifit. It has fince been learnt, that when the Foulahs got back to thc borders of their own kingdom, their countrymen, who came to meet them, were fo much interefted with what had been heard and feen at S. Leona, that the convcrfation lafted till day-break*, 506. The fuccefs of this journey has fuggc(ted a more im- intended portant one, on which one of the above mentioned travel- T0mbucto<». lers, and another fervant of the Company were, by the .laft accounts, likely foon to enter. Their main object will be *o penetrate to Tombuctoo, probably by the Foulah country. If they fhould reach Tombuctoo, it will depend on the information they will there receive, whether they return to * Ste the route of the travellers, as traced on the large map, at the end of this work.—For the route of Major Houghton in 1791, fee " Elucidations of the African Geography," published by the Atiican AlVociation. Q 2 Teembo Si f. r. r ,\ Le on a. ■Ill) COLONIES tW AFRICA/ ON c ii a p. Teembo and S. Leona, or fliall go towards the Gambia, or through thc continent to the Mediterranean. 507. Since the damnation of the demand for flaves, wars have ceafed near S. Leona, and in other parts of the coaft. V/nrs cc.ife That refpefiable chief Cuddy, from the diftant river Gambia, ( § 499.) mention-#kh the^ C(]} when at Freetown, that there were now no wars in any part near him, and that the few flaves fold there, whofe number was daily diminifhing, came horn the remote country of Gallam. He added, " What fhould a man go to war for now? There is nothing to make pcop'e go to war: no price for flaves—no fhip 10 take Lhem — HP goods to give for them ! Suppofe fhips come plenty, aye, then people go to war again." Slave trade 508. The declenfion of the flave-trade near S. Leona, ap-near's^Leo- Pears to nave been very great. The governor and council na- fuppofe that not above | of the ufual number of flaves are now carried off the adjacent coaft. The French flave-factory, and an individual Britifh flave-factor, have removed from S. Leona river. The Have-factory in the Ifle de Los, is on the point of being given up; and that on Bance Ifland, the only one remaining either in or near S. Leona river, is thought to apply more than formerly to the collection of produce, and has begun a cotton plantation, worked by natives, and which the Company's inflitution appears to have fuggefted. A flave-factor, of the name of Wilkinfon, declared that he would quit thc trade, and transfer his property (amounting to about £2,000) to Freetown, offering to conform to the laws, if permitted to fettle there. But he is fince dead. 509. The governor and council have taken fome pains to enquire What has been done with flaves withheld or returned, for want of purchafers, and what would probably be their fate on a total abolition of the flave-trade iJ Kefufed A. resectable chief bom Fort Logo, an upper branch of S. Leona river, being Haves put to afked if refilled Haves were killed, anfwered " No, never in Port Logo j we carry work. them home* and make them work"—-But will they not run away ?-If they do, vvc can't help that, we can't kill them. If a man is too old to fell, he is too old to do you THE PRINCIPLES OF HUM ANIT Y.—-BRITISH. H') you harm; what (houUl you kill him for?—Did you ever fee ahy refuted flaves CHAP killed?—No: I am an old man, hut I never faw that : if they do that in another XL country, 1 don't know that." Sierra Le (2.) Two other intelligent native traders, from the interior, mentioned thc great on a. numbers of flaves now confined on the coalt for purchafers: one trader had no fewer than 200. Being afked why they were not fet to cut wood, plant rice,&c. they replied that there might be danger of infurrection from employing fo many, and that they mud firft. be difperfed ; betides, there had been no encouragement to cut camwood: they could not tell what our commercial agent, who was gone down the coaft, rmght be able to effect in this refpefcf. They obferved that, if the flave-trade continued at a hand, no more flaves would come from the bulh (inland) and indeed that tew came now. They faid that the Haves would certainly not be put to death; for that nobody was ever put to death, except in war, or for crimes. (3.) A white faftor alfo fays that fcarce any flaves have been bought, for a year pait, between C.'Vergoand C. Mount, from the traders on the coaft infilling that the price mould be reduced £\o or £ 12; ajid that the natives, in confequence, had lately withheld their flaves entirely, and had fet them to cultivate rice, efpeciaily in the Sufee and Mandingo countries. 510. The accounts given of feveral natives, who have been General cha-peculiarly inftrumental in forwarding the Company's views, African*. °ught not to be confidered as k fample of the common African character. So far as the Directors are enabled to judge, the Africans, in general, are extremely fuperftitious. Their Saperitition. belief in witchcraft, incantations and charms, fubjects them to grofs impolitions, and leads them to acts of cruelty and mjuilice. Some learn many additional fuperltitions, from the numerous travelling Mahometan priefls, who trade in charms. The natives of S. Leona, and all the adjacent-parts, occafionally facrifice to the devil. They believe in a God; but they appear to render him no flated worfhip. They have fome vague notions of a future flate; but their faith feems to have little influence on their practice. Polygamy Polygamyy is every where common, and the fpirit of retaliation and re- Retal,atlon* venge may be confidered as univerfaL One of the molt enlightened chiefs, already mentioned, was. waiting to're- venge » c H A P. XL v.--,-' Si unit a Lr.- ok a • vcnge an injury he had received many years before, not from die object of his vengeance, but from his predeccffor. The moil amiable character perhaps met with in the Foulah country, after allowing Chriflianity to be good in many re-fpecls, exprefsly objected to the forgiving of injuries, as a virtue unattainable, and therefore not to be required. The African character is various, fome nations appearing more ciafty, fome more uncivilized, than others: nor can thefe differences be always traced, either to the flave-trade or to local circumllances. The fuperiority of the Foulahs, and their great hofpitality have already fufficiently appeared; but, on the other hand, the natives of the coafl in general, efpeciaily thofe near the flave-factories, are much given to i liquor, fufpicious of whites, crafty, favage and ferocious: they are faid alfo to be felfifh, unreafonable and encroaching.—They are, however, generally grateful for benefits received; they have much natural affection and feeling; though occafionally violent, they are not unmanageable; and the energies of their minds (which the cutting off of flave^ fhips fhow to be very flrong § 471-) though turned Sts yet to wrong objects, are capable no doubt of a better direction. Eager for: re- They appear eager for knowledge and religious improve-pavement" ment, and readily invite the teachers of Chriilianity. But this readinefs, though it affords ample encouragement to miffionaries, is obvioufly owing rather to emulation and ambition, than to any approbation to Chriilianity, of which they are yet ignorant. They admit the wickednefs of the flave-trade, as much as that of any other criminal practice, purfuing it for it's profits, contrary to fome glimmering light of confeience, if not in direct defiance of conviction.—' A few circumflances will illuflrate certain points in the character of thc Africans. To begin with a brief account of Drunkennefs Gratitude. Affection. TVi Approve the llave-trade. of the confequences of the injurious charge of poifon, on the death of King Naimbanna's fon, (fee § 401.) (1.) The black who made this fuggeflion, had crofTed the fca with King Nairn- ^j^f hauna's fon, and had been otTcnded by the captain's urging him to do duty as a failor. He had feen the captain give the deceafed fome medicine, which produced a trifling ficknefs of flomach; and it is fuppofed his ill-will may have fuggefted fuf- Palaver on the picions of the captain, which, after his arrival, were rafhly communicated to the Naimbanua"! relations of the deceafed. The dead body was immediately delivered to a fkilful fon* necromancer, and being placed erect, was fucceffively afked, Whether the S. Leona Company—the governor—the phyfician—or a fervant of the Company who attended the patient, had caufcd his death p The corpfe continuing motionlcfs, it was then afked, Whether the captain was guilty ? on which it was faid to have nodded affent. A threatening letter was now written, in the name of the relations, to thc governor and council, afking compenfation for the murder; but it was handfomely intimated, that it was not the Company, but fome of the Have-captains who were fuppofed to have inltigatcd the Company's fervant, to put the king's fon to death. The governor and council refilled this claim, but were obliged to permit the calling of a palaver, at which a great concourfe of armed natives attended. Thc debate was folemnly opened, in the name of the mother of the deceafed, by a neighbouring-chief, who fpoke in the Timmany language (Hopping to let each fentence be interpreted) to nearly this efTecL-That the queert had no palaver againft: the Company, nor the governor, nor feveral others named; but that the queen had a palaver againft. the captain who had poifoned her fon with a cup of tea, at fea; and that Hie demanded 600 bars (near/^ioo) which, if fent her immediately, would prevent her making war on the Company, and would terminate thc palaver. It was added that, if the captain denied the crime, now clearly proved, he muft. be fent up to the queen's town to fland his trial, by drinking red water, according to thc Timmany laws*. 1 he captain felt fome emotion at the laft article ; but a loud laugh among the natives mowed that they did not expect the captain's compliance. _ The governor and council infilled on calling evidence on the (pot, when the black accufer explained away all his infinuations. The captain's innocence was eftablilhed by many other wit-neffes; the natives became alhamed of their conduct; and, the next day, thc queen * This confifts in making the fufpecled'peifon drink a quantity of water fuppofed to be poifoned. If he be affe&ed, as he often is, in the way confidered to imply guilt, his brains are knocked out on the fpot. But he often dies immediately from the poifon, as in the cafe mentioned § 464. In either cafc, all his family are fold as (laves. Natives of the higher clafs are faid often to furvive thefe trials, ?nd it is fuppofed they find means to prevent the poifonous ingredient from being put into thc water. came C II A P. came to Freetown, profetfed the utmofl confidence in thc governor and council, and defired them to take another Ton under their caret, fiikrha Le- (2r) ^ 's m,teafy to conceive how their imaginations have been filled with ridi-ona. culous extravagancies. They believe that one of the illands in the river would fink, if the king of thc neighbouring fhore were to land on it. It is fuppofed, that Ridiculous another ifland higher up, is the habitation of a legion of devils, and that if any man fyfwrftitton*. tan.v 0rf flom it the leaf of a tree, his boat would fink, and he would be drowned J. in. The following quotation prefents a lamentable pic-tine of extraordinary fupcrflttion and ignorance in thc headman of a neighbouring town. Popirti black 1 waited on him and found him at dinner, along with a chief of the upper coun-chkt offers to tfy! an(i a Mahometan prieft, who is now making grifgris (charms) for him and Uniltianity. the neighbouring chiefs, and ain fling at their facrifices to the devil. After dinner the headman produced his mafs-book, and prayed devoutly fome time. He ex-prelfed great concern that he had not met with a popifh confeffor for fome years; but told me that he had left orders, that at his death, two of his Haves fhould be fent to St. Jago, to urge thc Romifh prieft there to fmooth his way to heaven. He doubts no more of the power of an abfolution, than of his exiflenee, and he appears well acquainted with all the Romifh fuperditions ; but his tenets arc ilrangcly difguifed with the idolatory of his country. He expreffed much anxiety to promote the gof-pel in Africa, offering to engage in any plan tha't would promote it, and propofed to give a houfe and land to a fchoolmafler, and to protect him. He fhowed a confei-oufnefs of the criminality of the flave-trade, " What more, faid he, have I to do with the flave-trade : it is time that I fhould leave it off, and fettle my account with God. I am old, and ought to think only of heaven." 512. The fucceeding extracts will confirm fome points already touched on, and will fhow the defire of inftruction which prevails among the natives, and the good under-Handing between them and the Company. Mandingo la- (*0 Tlie mulatto lad? cnfluirefl much, when at the colony 456 (3,) about the dy mocked at ftale of the flaves in the W. Indies, and was much affWied at hearing that flaverV rkverjf13" defcended to the children of the flaves fent from Africa. She added « you muff f The Direftors'wifh not fail in acknowledging any inftanre of friendly conducl in the flave-fa&o-ries towards the Company. They are therefore defiroUl of remarking, that, on occafion nf the injurious charge againft their captain, they were befriended by the agent of the neighbouring Britifh Have* faclory; and they take this occafion of adding, that they have in general experienced every civility* from the proprietors of flave-fa&ories rejident in England, I See in thc Append. Notes refuting S. Leona and Bulama, Note Y. think flunk me very bad; for I have jr.ft taken two flaves to the factory, where I have left CHAP, them; but I wilh 1 could give up thc trade altogether." ^__ It appears that the travellers who went to the Foulah Sierra ti-country, profited much by her civility, their route on returning having lain through her town. She is learning the Arabick language, in order to extend her influence. (2.) Some of the chiefs who came to Freetown, to the palaver (fee § 510) were Chiefs encou-carried to the fchoolf, and were much pleafed at fo novel a fight as g or 400 child- 13^c Cl°° *' ren, at their books. A headman of fuperior information, began immediately to treat with one of the teachers to go up the country, to inftrutt the youth of his town. Some other applications, almoft exactly fimilar, are mentioned. (3.) Three or four N. Scotians, fettled up the river, have large plantations of Colonifts, rice, land having been given them gratuitoufly by the natives. One of them can (Lmrim ' °' read, and a native, who came down to Freetown, has been taught by him to read a little alfo. 513. The following extract from the official letter of the governor and council, mows thc meafures they have taken to inftrucr. the natives. (1.) You will fee, by the directions given to thc mafters of our vefTels, that we Chiefs fend have miffed no opportunity of inviting all the chiefs of the neighbouring coaft, to jw-^,!0 fend their fons hither for education, and the invitation has been uniformly well re- fchooL ceived. A chief in thc Rio Nunez has already fent his fon hither, and feveral oihers onlv wait the approaching dry feafon to accept our O fieri. In the towns of the chiefs, in this river, with whom we are connected, there are few children fit for fchool; thefe few are with us, and fome of them confiderably improve in reading. We are promifed many more from thc chiefs in the Bunch and Kokelle, the upper branches of this river, and who are to come, the next dry feafon. We had anticipated your advice rcfpccYing a fchool at the plantation on the Bullom fhore, a teacher re-fides there with his family, both as miflionary and fchoolmaftcr j and the labourers already univcrfally abftain from work on Sunday. The Directors underfland, that there are now in the Above40 fchools at Freetown, about 20 native children in all, many of them fons of chiefs. Above the fame number of native R children Si e r r a L f. • on a. children arc under inftruclion, on the Bullom ihoir. 514. The following very unhappy incident, (hows thc remarkable confidence of one of the natives, in the Company. A chief's fon Soon after the war with France commenced, fome fiiells were prepaiing for the jic^dcntly ^ acting engineer, who ordered a N. Scotian,working under him, to dry them by thc fire. father's good Having done thus, thc man proceeded in the fnrveyor (or engineer's) abfence, to load fenfe and re- them, and a fpark having got into one of them, it hurft as he was filling it, and killed Agnation. jjim, anci the fon of a neighbouring chief, left hut a few days before for education. His father was fent for, who, though affected, was tpuite refigned. Some of his words are faid to be nearly thefe.—Gentlemen, he was my only fon. I thought to have had him with you for his good ; but God hath thought otherwife. I fee it was an accident; I do not blame you. Be not concerned about it's happening here: had God wifhed him to live, hc would have lived. To fhow you that I feel no ill will, 1 lhall fend you my daughter, to be educated. 515. A very fatisfaclory proof of the friendfhip of the natives to thc Company, fhall now be added. Natives turn Two flrange velfels, fufpefted to be French, having appeared in fight, the fame ott* ^ defend kjng or c^jgf u,no caufed the difperfion of the firft colony, and alfo fet on foot the palaver which impeded the former eftablifhment ol the prefent, fent a party to aflift the governor and council, with a meffage that he was following with a further force, ajid that, if neceffary, he would raife thc country in the colony's defence. When the velfels were found friendly, being French prizes, the natives departed, faying, Well, your friends are our friends, and your enemies our enemies. The Directors have the fatisfaciion of adding, that the Company have hitherto been on very friendly terms with the furrounding natives in general. ]. H. Naim. 516. To the preceding information, refpecting the gene-fi«fiacom- ra* difpofition of the natives, the Directors will join fome ing^to Eng. obfervations on the character of an African who was, for 18 months, under their care in England.-The late John Henry Naimbanna*, fon of the former king of S. Leona, when * I underftand, he affumed the name of Henry, as a killing remembrance of the gratitude he owed, both on his own account and that of his countrv, to Henry" Thornton Efq. M. P. the worthy, liberal and difmtereftcd Chairman of the Court of Directors. C. B. U\ at ter. at tlic fuppofed age of 24, was induced, by the fugge(lions c A p« of one of the firft black colonifts from London, to deter- 1-,-» mine on coming to England for education; intending to SlEoNAA.Lt" commit himfelf to the liberality of an Englifh gentleman, to whom that free black owed fome fchooling. (fee § 339.) He was on the point of agreeing to give three flaves to a flave-captain, for his paffage, through the W. Indies hither, when a fhip fent out by the Company, to explore the country, arrived in the river. Being brought by this fhip to England, he was placed under the care of two clergymen fucceffively, who have furnifhed moft of following information concerning him. 517. A defire of knowledge predominated in his charac- His character. He continually urged his teachers to prolong the time of inftruclion. He was grateful to every one who affifted him in his ftudies, regretted the being led into any company which interrupted them ; and, when left to himfelf, he read not lefs than 8 or 10 hours of the day. Though the difadvantages of the long neglect, of his mind Were apparent, he porfelTed very good natural fenfe. He had alfo the faculty of diftinguifhing characters, and his mind, as might be expected, readily received imprcflions from thofe of whom he had a good opinion. With few advantages of perfon, his manners were uncommonly pleafing, courteous and even delicate, and his. difpofition was kind and affectionate. All his feelings were quick, and his temper occafionally warm. A degree of jealoufy alfo entered into his character. In particular, he was indifpofed to anfwer the queftions of ftrangers, refpe&ing his own country; for he fufpected they meant to draw unfavourable comparifons between England and S. Leona. He R 2 would C P. If A M. S--s-' Si r :(ka Leon a. His patriot-ilia. His improvement morals, &c. would therefore, (urn the conversation by remarking, that the attainments of a country, fo neglected as S. Leona had hitherto been, was not to be fuppofed worthy of convcrfation in G. Britain.—The following anecdote will ihow his extreme fcnfibility, when the honour of his country was touched, and will account for his peculiar jealoufy on that head.-—A perfon having been mentioned, who, he under-Hood, had made a public aifcrtion very degrading to the African character, he broke out into fome vindictive language againft this perfon. Being immediately reminded of the Ghriflian duty of forgiving his enemies, he anfwercd nearly as follows, " If a man," faid he " fhould rob me of my money, I can forgive him ; if a man fhould (hoot at me, or try to flab me, I can forgive him; if a man fhould fell me and all my family to a flave-fhip, fo that we fhould pafs all the reft of our days in flavery in the W. Indies, I cah forgive him; but (added he, rifing from his feat, with much emotion) if a man takes away the charafter of the people of my country, I never can forgive him." Being afked why hc would not forgive thofe who took away the character of his countrymen, he replied, " If a man fhould try to kill me, or fhould fell me and my family for flaves, he would do an injury to as many as he might kill or fell; but if any one takes away the characler of black people, that man injures black people all over thc world ; and, when he has once taken away their character, there is nothing which he may not do to black people ever after. That man for inflance, will beat black men, and fay, O, it is only a black man, why fhould not I beat him ? That man will make flaves of black people ; for when he has taken away their chara£ler; he will fa)', O, they arc only black people, why fhould not I make them flaves ? That man will take away all the people of Africa, if hc can catch them ; and, if you afk him, But why do you take away all thefe people? he will lav, (), they are only black people, they are not like white people, why fhould not I take them ? That is thc reafon why I cannot forgive the man who takes away the characler of the people of my country." 518. His improvement in England was in all refpects confiderable. Though, when he arrived, he knew but little Englifli, he learnt, in the 18 months he paffed here, to read very fluently, and to write a letter, without much difficulty- on a, ly. When he firft landed, he had moft of the peculiarities c A r. which have been afcribed to the Africans in general. He »_,_j believed in witchcraft, and had no idea of forgiving injuries. He had even endeavoured, when in Africa, " to make himfelf," as he expreffed it, " as proud as he could." Before he left England, pride and revenge were become odious to him ; his belief in witchcraft had entirely left him, and he appeared fearful refpecling his own future conduct.. His morals were pure; even at S. Leona, hc had carefully abflained from drunkennefs, and in England hc fhewed a ftrong abhorrence of profanenefs and every kind of vice; as appeared, more particularly about thc time of his departure, from feveral flriking fads. He paid great refpect to the teachers of Chriflianity, whom he wifhed much to invite to his country; he had the utmofl reverence for the Scriptures, with which he had become very converfant; he dif-courfed, on religious fubjects, with much opennefs and fim-plicity ; and was free from enthufiafm. He appeared to be improving, in all refpccls, when the news of his father, K. Naimbanna's, death, called him fuddenly to S. Leona. The deplorable Hate of his country, when he left it, with the change in his own difpofitions and views, miift have fug-gelled to his mind many new duties, and have excited peculiar anxiety, when he was on the eve of his return. A few days before his embarkation, he converfed much with fome of his friends, concerning the conduct, which it would be his duty to adopt at S. Leona, and it appeared that there was no perfonal facrifice which, if Chriflian;ty required it, he was not prepared to make.--The following extract from the difpatches of the governor and council defcribe fome occurrences during his paffage, and give an account of his death. A fervant CHAP. XI. SierkaLe- on a. The circum-death. 7"wo fun"; of chicfi now in Fnglaml. Sum of this ttport. A fervant of the Company, who was in the fame fhip, fa\s, he left Plymouth })■■ f*re&ors 10 embrace the opportunities which will arife of extending commerce, of funnelling plans of cultivation to the chiefs, and of cltab-lifhing fchools, and promoting Chriilianity, as far as the Company's influence may reach. 524. The Directors truft that, all the circumltances ftated in this report being duly weighed, they fhall not be thought to have failed effentially in the requifite exertions, or to have made an improper ufe of the confidence of the proprietors. The anxiety of the Directors, and indeed their labour, have been occafionally confiderable; but thefe have been amply compenfated by reflections on the magnitude of their caufe, and by the continually improving profpect of being able, by the bleffing of Providence, to lay fome foundation for the future happinefs of a continent, which has hitherto derived nothing but mifery from it's intercourfe with Great Britain. (See § 376.) ,52,5. To the Report (of which the foregoing, I truft, will be found a circumftan-tial and faithful abridgment,) the Directors have fubjoined the fubftance of two reports of Mr. Afzelius, their botanift, rcfpecling the natural productions of S. Leona, and which I intend to infert in the Appendix to this work*. 526. I had Capt. Thompfon's plan of S. Leona engraved; but on confidcriug how inceflantly that gentleman, however able, was engaged, during his fhort flay there, I was induced to prefer the plan publilhed by thc Directors, from the fketch of Governor Dawes, which, however, I believe that gentlemen does not authorise as perfectly accurate : And I went to the expenfe, of altering the plate accordingly-I hope it will now be found an ufeful auxiliary to the large map, in illuflrating t"e correfponding parts of this work. 527. When the foregoing Abridgment was nearly printed off, intelligence vras received that, in Sept. laft (1794) when the colony at S. Leona was in a very thriv- • See Notes retpecVmg S. Leona and Bulama, Note A A. »ng ftate, a fquadron of French men of war arrived in the river, feized the fhips and ftorcs, and deftroyed all the buildings belonging to the Company. I cannot now flop ^ 'heprefs; neither have I fpirits to enquire into the melancholy particulars; but I SierraI intend to collc£t them, with all pofTiblc fidelity, and to give them a place in the Ap- 0NA* pendix *. In the mean time, I lhall infert an account of the Rate of the colony, in May 1794, by my accurate friend Mr. Afzelius, and which, as far as I have learnt, is Perfectly defcriptivc of its remarkable improvement, at a period preceding this moft lamentable cataflrophc. It will alfo fervc to illuflratc a part of the foregoing abridged report. Extrafl of a Letter from Mr. A. Afzelius, to Baron Silverhjelm, Secretary to the Stuedifli Eviboffy in London, dated Freetown, May j1, 170.}. u I thrive now much better at S. Leona, than I did before. Indeed not only my- Mr Aue'nn-* felf, but the whole colony begins now to flourifh, under our fcnfiblc leaders. It's ™u oi tUe advancement, during my abfence, is affonifliing. We have now a regular town of at Icaft 200 houfes, fome of them very decent; but, as yet, the ftreets arc fomcwhat obftru&cd by the roots of trees. The land is cleared of wood, for feveral miles around the town, and in many places cultivated, which has rendered the climate fo falubrious that, at this moment, there is not one fick in the whole colony, confiding of 1^00 perfons; and the deaths, during my abfence, did not amount to 20. The fame of the colony begins now to fpread throughout Africa ; and we had lately an embaffy from the powerful nation of the Foulahs, whofe king reigns over feveral millions of fubje£ts, and whofe land flows with milk and honey, &c. Such , ls the account of two of our officers who were fent to open a friendly intercourfe **lth this great prince, and who were the firft Europeans ever feen in Teembo, his Metropolis. I am now fo well feafoned to this climate, that I am almoft determined, « I live till next year, to undertake an expedition through the whole of this unknown part of the globe, an entcrprize which no man has yet performed, but I no k>nger entertain any doubt that it is practicable." • See in the AjipenJ. Notts, kc. refpe&ing S. Leona ml Bulama, Note BB. s BULAMA. CHAP. XI. _ BULAMA. on of Bulama. Recommended 528. The ifland of Bulama, in die mouth of the large and iwe,0by't0 beautiful Rio Grande, was recommended to the French M. e rue, g0vernrnentj as a proper fpot for a colony, by M. de la Brue, Director General of the French Senegal Company, who vi-fited the Ifland, in the year 1700, and defcribed it minutely*, a fecond time c2q. A fimilar proportion was made to the French mi- by M. Dema- ,° J F net. niftry, by the Abbe Demanet, who refided for fome time, on the adjacent coaft, and has given a map of Bulama and Rio Grande, in his Nouv. Hift. de l'Afr. Franc. 2 vol. i2rno. publifhed in 1767, in which he fpeaks of that Ifland, in the following words. (Vol. I. p. 211.) His defcripti- " The entrance of the Channel, between the Ifland of Bulama and the Peninfula of Biafaras, is a great league broad, (3 nautical miles, or about ^{ Englifh miles.) On the (bores, which are pretty high, thc fea beats with the more violence, as the flood tide is very rapid. In the entiance, viz. between the E. point of thc Ifland of Formofa, or Warang, and the W. point of Biafaras, there are only from 2 to 7 fathoms of water; fo that to avoid the fhelves, which contract the channel confider-ably, it will be neceffary to keep exactly in thc middle of it, till the N. E. point of Bulama has been gained, where the anchorage is excellentT. From thence to the S. E. point, the anchorage is every where good, even for large fhips; when the tide is known, and the advantages or disadvantages it may caufe in fltuations, where a very flrong current, rendered uncertain and irregular by the violent conflict of the two oppofite tides, makes it neceffary to come to an anchor, in order to ferine the ground already gained. The anchorage is excellent from the N. E. point * Relat. de l'Afrique Occident, par Labat. Vol. V. pag. 91. & 14.1. t The author feems here to mean the channel between the Ifland of Areas and the Biafara coaft* If fo, his account of the foundings may be pretty near the truth. But it will not apply to the channel which extends in length from Formofa to the W. end of Biafaras. (See the map.) The truth is, that the foundings, &c. on that part of the coaft, were not then fo minutely furveyed as they have bt-cn flnce j though they are by no means, yet to bt iwjlicitly re/ted on, to W that of the S. E., where there are from 12 to 20 fathoms of water; the ground C H A P. muddy and f ree from rocks. There is, in fhort, an excellent harbour, for all forts °f veffels. The fhore of Bulama is level and covered with large trees, and the Bulama. 'Hand prefents a mod beautiful landfcape.—The land rifes almoft imperceptibly, lor about 2 leagues from the fhore, to thc foot of the high grounds in the centre of ™e ifland. Thefe are all covered with fine large trees, and might be cafily cuU tivated.—In thc numerous vallies among thefe eminences, there are many rivulets °t very good water.—The S. point is a natural meadow, where the pa flu rage is excellent. This ifland is ten leagues in length from E. to W. ,5 in breadth from to S. and about 30 in circumference. France may form there a confiderable eftablifhment for all forts of commerce ; for the ifland being fertile, will furnifli all the ncceffaries of life, and plenty of timber, even for large fhips. This ifland might become a convenient emporium for European and African commodities, particularly for fuch as might be produced on the fpot, viz. fugar, rum, cacao, indigo, cotton, coffee, roucou, and in general all the objects of thc rich and important commerce with the W. Indian iflands; for here all thefe commodities would grow almoft fpon-taneoufly, The foil is furpiifingly fertile; the air here is much more falubrious 'lian on any other part of this coaft. The black inhabitants are partly Chriftians, and partly Idolaters and Mahometans. The natives of Biffao, who at prefent poffefs the ifland, having expelled the Biafaras, will willingly co-operate with the Europeans in making fuch eftablifhments as it might be proper to form oti this •Hand. In Ihort, every thing concurs to facilitate the fuccefs of one of thc grandefj defigns that could be formed by any European nation*," 530. M. * The above is a pretty good general defcription of Bulama 1 but from his manner of mentioning the rivulets, it would feem that the Abbe vitited the ifland during the rains, or fhortly after their Ct^tion; and his account of its extent appears to be merely conjefttifal. It is true that the whole of it has never been regularly furveyed ; but Mr. Beaver's profelfional experience and ability, may be fai>ly fuppofed to have rendered him more competent than the Abbe, to deliver an opinion on fucli* fuhjec1, efpeciaily as he furveyed the whole eaftern end of the iiland, and thc channel which divide* f«>m the Biafara coaft. According to Mr. Beaver, then, the ifland of Bulama is between 17 and 18 Englim miles in length, and from 4. to 5 in breadth, at the eaft end. He found the lat. of it's centre to be u* N. long, is" W. from the meridian of London.—The land in general riles gradually Awards the centre of the ifland, to between 60 and 100 feet above the level of the tea. The fn»H hill, on which the Blockhoufe is fituated, rifes to nearly the fame elevation.—The landing is remarkably eafy and fafe, there being no furge. The tide ebbs and flows regularly ; and fpring tides rifc 16 feet. See the map, plate III.—From Mr. Beaver's daily obfcrvations at noon, between the 20th July, 1792, and the 28th April, 179?, it appears that the medium heat was |jf«f Farenheit's fcale, in which the range of the mercury was from 74-" to 96°' «eept that -it once rbfe to ^o0, in a calm which intervened between the N. E. breeze in thc morning, and the S. W. bm* io s x thc c ii a p. ^go. M. Demanet .proceeds to defcribe the articles of commerce, with which the adjacent continent abounds. Dulama. pje mentions further, that the Rio Grande, in the mouth of which Bulama is fituated, is navigable above 150 leagues, and finifhes with the following remarkable expreffion. ' It is mortifying to fee countries fo fine as thefe, fo rich and luxuriant, fo well adapted for commerce, and fo advantageous for the fubflflence of a colony, totally abandoned and neglected.* a third time 531. This beautiful ifland was in 1787, during my flay by mi. Bar. jL7rance^ pr0pfed a third time to that government as proper for a colony, by a Mr. Barber, an Englifhman then re-fiding at Havre de Grace, with whom I had much convcrfation, and whofe knowledge of that part of the coaft, was at leafl equal to that of any man I ever met with : and had not the French revolution taken place, a colonial expedition to Bulama would certainly have been undertaken, by order of the Government of that nation. Btttlt'icoio. rq2. But, this " little paradife," as Mr. Beaver calls it in aiitunderta. foifi laft difpatcheS from Bulama, appears to have been re-Engiifli. e fcrved for a people better acquainted with the commercial utility of ultramarine eftabliftiments, I mean the Englifli nation; for, in the beginning of the year 1792, above £§000 were raifed by fubfeription, which enabled the afternoon, of the 19th Feb. 1793. The difference between the meridian heat and that of the morning and evening, is from ao* to 300.—Oft. 13d 1791, hail of the fize of a pin's head fell for two mi-rutes ; but not a cloud was to be feen during this phoenomenon. The mercury then flood at $5°. The wind was at N, %, in the morning, and at S. W. in the evening.—The rains fet in about the end of May, or the beginning of June, and continue till O&. or Nov. They do not fall every day ; lor there are many intervals of clear weather. In the firft and laft months, the fliowers are neither very frequent nor very violent > but fometimes, on the other hand, tliey refemble torrents, efpeciaily about the middle of the feafon. — In the beginning and clofe of the rainy feafon, the air is frequently pari" fied by thofe ftrong gales called tornadoes, which fcldom laft above an hour, aud are eafily fore feen. But hurricanes, which are fometimes fo deftruiUve in the W« Indies, are unknown in this climate. 275 perfons to fail from London (in three fhips) with a view to form a colony on the ifland of Bulama*. 533. Preparatory to this expedition, various papers and propofals, fome of them, perhaps, rather haflily drawn up, Were printed and circulated. But, as moft of them were afterwards altered, it feems unneceflary to quote them ; and * fhall therefore proceed to lay before the reader, an Abridgment of the Rfort of the Inflitution, Proceedings, Pre-fent State, and Future Purpofes of the Bulama Affociation, as laid before a General Meeting of the Subfcribers, at the Globe Tavern, in Craven Street, on Turf day, the 11 th Dec. 1792, by Paul Le Mesurier, Esq. M.P. Sir John Riggs Miller, James KirkpaTrick, Esq. Bart. Moses Ximenes, Esq. £)avid Scott, Esq. M. P. George Hartwell, Esq. Truflees of the faid Affociation. 534. Towards the end of the year 1791, feveral gentle- AObciatior ^en formed themfelves into a fociety, for endeavouring to 17911 cUablifh a colony, on or near the coaft of Africa, and fixed *My fituation in England was fuch, at that time, as to enable me to apply my Pcrfonal knowledge of Africa, to the benefit of this undertaking. When the fub-fcr'ption was propofed in Manchefter, where I then refided, I had the fatisfa£lion to fee my reprefcntations of the nature and object of the enterprize fo much attended l°» that I believe, any reafonable fum might, in confequence, have been raif-cd >n Lancafhire and Yorkfhire alone, from whence many perfons came to take mX opinion, before they fubferibed. But after about /'3000 had been c0tltri-^utcd in that quarter, I was induced by the uncertainty of the enterprize, and the 'klicacy with which that uncertainty infpired me, to recommend a ceflation ot the fubferiptions, till the undertaking had been fairly fet on foot. For I thought that the Manchester fubferiptions added to thofe of London, would then be fufficient to defray the expenfes of the firft elfay, efpeciaily on the fmall fcale which appeared to the moft eligible; and the eventual fuccefs of which, I thought, would not fail to bring forward more fubferibers to fupport the undertaking in its maturer itages. on c Hjf r- on the illand of Bulama, at the mouth of Rio Grande, as a i__' y~,_j place fit for their joint purpofes of cultivation and com- Uulama. merce. Among other defcriptions, oral arid hiilorical, that of the Sicur de la Brue, particularly contributed to fix their influenced by choice on Bulama *. iciivtiUn."1 c" 535. The truflees have the fatisfaclion of informing the meeting, that they have found La Brue's defcription tolerably accurate, upon the whole ; and they think they can rea-fonably join him in opinion, as to the eafy culture of the valuable productions he enumerates, and the facility of trading with the neighbouring natives. 536. The views of thofe concerned, having been thus directed to a particular fpot, the next object, of the gentlemen, who then conducted the bufinefs, was to devife the means of defraying expenfes; and, after feveral meetings, they refolved to receive fubferiptions on the following terms, viz. "Original terms of lubi'crip- ^37. (i.J That each fubferiber, willing to become a colonift, fhould receive, as foon as poflible, after the purchafe and polfeflion of the territory, a grant of ,500 acres for/30, payable before the embarkation, and in that proportion for iewer or more acres, as far as 2000 i. (2.) That each non-refident purchafcr of land, fhould have a grant of ^00 acres for£60, and in that proportion, for fewer or more acres. (3.) That the lands of purchafers (hall be allotted in the fame manner, and at the fame time, as the lots of colonifls; the fcite of the town, and the town-lots to colonifts and purchafers, excepted. * In the correfponding part of the Report, follows La Baie's defcription of Bulama (published in 1700) which very much agrees with that above extracted from Dcmanet, publilhed in 1767, an(1 which I have preferred, becaufe it is much later than La Brue's > and I dare fay, it would have been alfo preferred by the truflees, if they had happened to meet with it. C. B. IV. f As it was not certain, that Bulama, in particular, could be purchafed, it was agreed that if »* could not, or if the colonills, after having formed a temporary fettlcmcnt, fhould think proper to abandon it, the engagements were to be undcrftood to extend to any other fpot, that it might be elm-fen by the colonifts, on or near the coaft of Africa; all the concerns and engagements of the purchsl-ers of lands, and of the colonifts, to be thereto transferred* (4.) That •ion. . (-}.) That each purchafcr fhall have one acre within the town, for erecting CHAP, "ores, &c* XI* (5.) That all lands which fhould not be fubferibed for, or granted to purchafers, Bulama,, or given to yeomen t, on the day of thc failing of thc expedition, fhould be confider-ed to belong to purchafers and original colonics, according to the proportions fubferibed for by colonifts, or granted to purchafers; provided fuch purchafers did not renounce their right, to be fo expreffed in their grants; and that fuch furplus land Ihould not be cultivated as a joint concern, but be left till fold or divided, favc *nd except 35,000 acres of the faid furplus land, to be exempted from fuch falc or divifion, to accommodate future colonifts J. (6.) That every perfon, entitled to 125 acres, or upwards, fhould have a right to obtain a grant for a colonill, on the referved land, in the proportion of 30 acres to each individual, lor every 100 acres fo fubferibed for by him, provided no expenfe to the colony be thereby incurred. (7.) That every purchafcr of land be allowed to fend out an agent to fuperin-tend his interefts, through whom hc fhall have liberty to cultivate or not, traffic or not, as he may think fit, and be legally competent to any act which a colonift may do; except that he be not permitted to draw goods from thc public flore for the purchafe of labour |[. (8.) That no power in the colony be competent to levy any tax on the uncultivated property of abfentees, which fhall not equally affec"l the property of colonifts.'* *-__ * It was afterwards agreed, that the town lots of the colonifts ftiould be in the proportion of one-tenth of their land, provided fuch lots exceed not 100 acres. , T To induce labourers and yeomen to embark, and become colonifts, every married man was, at the fame time, offered 40 acres of land for himfelf, 20 for his wife, and 10 for each child, provided fuch grants exceeded not 100 acres, to one family ; and to every unmarried yeoman, or labourer, 40 acres. X. The claufe reftri&ing the colonifts from cultivating the furplus land, before it was allotted, was introduced to prevent the abfentee purchafers, from becoming liable to a joint refponfibility with the c°lonifts, for any debts they might contract. In order farther to exonerate the abfentee purchafers, ar» advertifement was publifhed in the London Gazette, &c. to the following purport, viz. "BULAMA COLONY. " Notice is hereby given, That the fubferibing colonijh are alone refponfible for articles purchafed, and expenfes incurred, by the Affociation, and that the purchafers of land from the colonifts, are not liable to any refponfibility whatever; alfo that the fubferibing colonifts do not intend to have any deal-lngs upon credit, or any joint commercial concerns, beyond the amount of the firft inveftment: and ah whom it may concern are defned not to credit any perfons whatever, in the name, and on the faith of the Affociation." No. 103, Hatton Garden, Feb. 9th. 179*. (Signed) J. HERIOT, Sec. U Sec in the Append. Notes, Sec, refpetting S. Leona and Bulama, Note C C. alfo § 180, 181. 538. Pre* C H\iA P* ^vevious to tnc publication of the preceding terms, i^-l^_; the fociety's intentions were refpectfully fubmitted to the Bulama. prjme Minifler *. In a few weeks, near £9000 were fub-i'9000rub- fcribed and paid in; and a committee of fubfcribers imtne- Icribedj goods _ ■ bought, coio- diately boueht a confiderable invcflment of merchandize mils engaged, J 0 ^iStd ap ^or Purcna^nc>» from tne neighbouring natives, the property of Bulama, for the purpofes of trade, and for the hire of labourers. The committee, at the fame time, "engaged a number of yeomen and labourers to go out from Englandf," chartered two velfels of about 300 tuns each, and purchafed a (loop of 34 tuns. On board of thefe were (hipped an ample fupply of ftores, provifions, arms and ammunition, for the ufe of the colonifts.— II. II. Dalrymple, Ffq. John Young, Efq. Francis Brodie, Efq* Sir William Halton, Bart. Charles Drake, Efq. John King, Efq. John Paiba, Efq. Philip Beaver, Efq, Richard Hancorne, Efq* Peter Clutterbuck, Efq. Robert Dobbin, Efq. and Nicholas Bayly, Efq. Ifaac Ximines, Efq. were appointed to manage the affairs of the Society abroad; and P. LeMefurier, M.P. Efq.Lord Mayor of London, 179b Sir J. R. Miller, Bart. George Hartwell, Efq. David Scott, Efq. M. P. and James Kirkpalrick, Efq. Mofes Ximenes, Efq. Truflees for the concern in England. The veffels finally failed from Spithead, on the nth of April; but having been feparated, in a florm, the Calypfo, after touching at Tene- * See in thc Append. Notes, &c. refpecting S. Leona and Bulama, Note DD« t Sgc in the Append. Notes, &c. refpecling S. Leona and Bulama, Note E E. rife rife and Goree, arrived firft at Bulama, about the end of c p- May. Mr. Dalrymple, having landed 30 men, intended to \--,—j Wait for the Hankey, on board of which was the inveftment BuLAMA> for purchafing the ifland, and trading with the natives. In the interval, an event happened, fatal to fome individuals, °ut, in it's confequences, beneficial to the fociety*. 539. The Canabacs, inhabiting a neighbouring ifland. and JJJjftLJ; to whom Bulama belonged, having been prepoffeffed againft Canabac*. the Society, landed a party on the ifland. Afterlurking fome days in the woods, on the 3d of June, they took advantage of Mr. Dalrymple's abfence, who had gone with four men, to explore the ifland, and furprifing the remaining colonifts, killed five men and one woman, mortally wounded two men, and carried off four women and three children. Upon this, Mr. Dalrymple judged it prudent to draw off his men, and to proceed to the Portuguefe fettlement on the neighbouring ifland of Bilfao, where he found the Hankey and the Beggar's Bennifon, fafely arrived, after having touched at Tenerife and St. Jago. ,540. The Portuguefe at Biflao received them with great CoUtifU well kindnefs, and aflilted by Mr. Sylva de Cordofa, a Portuguefe pomiguefc. merchant, they difpatched a (loop to the Canabacs, for the women and children they had carried off, and who were Prifoners well brought back in perfect, health, having been, in every re- naba«.y fpecf, well treated t. 541. On the 10th of June the king of the Papels, who re- Tnnfaaioni udes on the ifland of Biffao, fent a meffage by his brother to purehaVof * trie fettlers, of which the following is an explanation. Buhnn' * Sec in the Append. Notes, &c. refpecung S. Leona and Bulama, Note F F. + scc In the App. Notes, &c. refpea. S. Leona and Bulama, Note G G/N07,15. T (1.) The (i.) The King of the Papels fent to me; he told me, he was given to>underhand, that you wanted to fettle; but the Portuguefe would not allow you to fettle EulamaT' ncre- ^ut 11 1$ not as tne)' cm-^e- The King of the Papels wants to knowr whether the country belongs to them? The king wifhes much you would fettle K. of Paper* here, though he doth not know what terms- you may have come upon. He wifhes induge. much you may fettle here, though the Roman Catholics wifh you to go elfcwhere. Thc king wifhes you would let him know any part you would like to pitch upon> provided you could agree, and come upon good teems, as at this time, they wrote fome other government was here. He has fent his cane as a proof of his fidelity and attachment. Yefterday, don't you recolleft my hailing for a boat ? There were then Papels on fhore from the king to fettle this affair, as they fay themfelves, that the inhabitants of BifTao do not wifh for any other company but themfelves; but it is as 1, the King of Papels, chufe. You may depend on the king's word, as he declares he is ready to take up any caufe againft the Portuguefe, that may hinder you from landing on any place you may wilh to fettle on. This is the bufinefs thofe Papels arc upon, to know if you are willing to buy any ground, from the point as far down as you pleafe. You may rely the King of Papels will proteft. If you do mean to purchafe the ground, I will go on fhore with you to the king's to-morrow, and mow you thc ground. T. BIRCHALL, Interpreter. Received on Board the Hankey, the 10th oj June. Anfwer. (2.) To this mefJage Mr. Dalrymple returned the following anfwer, viz. M The Britifh fettlers, now at Biffao, gratefully return thanks to the King of the Papels, for his hofpitable offer of a fettlement in his dominions; but as they are de-firous of avoiding all occaiions of offence to their friends the Portuguefe, that may tend to weaken the firm and faithful alliance that has long fubfifted between their refpective fovcreigns; and, as the object of thefe fettlers is to make an eftablifhnieflt elfewhere, that cannot interfere betwixt the claims or interefts of any European power, they beg leave refpeclfully to decline the invitation, at the fame time profeffing their wilh to remain on terms ol perpetual amity and alliance with the King of the Papels, and his fubje&s, and in peace and friendfhip with all men. " Signed for myfelf and the reft of the fettlers, on board the fhip Hankey, " June 11, 1792." " H. H. DALRYMPLE." 542. The friendly difpofltion of the Canabacs being now afcertained, the fhips returned to Bulama, from whence Meflrs* THE PRINCIPLES OF HUMANITY.—BRITISH. |£ MefTrs. Beaver and Dobbin were fent to Canabac, where c ux^ ? they readily fucceeded in purchafing Bulama for 473 bars, agreeable to the Deed of Ceffion; executed by the kings of BuLAMA-that nation, of which the following is a copy, viz. (,3-) " Deed of Ceffion of the Ifland of Bulama, by the Kings Jalonun and Bcllchore, to the Britifi Colonifls." " Whereas certain perfons, fubiefcls of the King of Great Britain, conduced by Conveyance 0 ot Jjulama, H. H. Dalrymple, J. Young, Sir William Halton, Bart. J. King, Philip Beaver, Peter Clutterbirck, Francis Brodie, Charles Drake, J. Paiba, Richard Hancorne, Robert Dobbin, Ifaac Ximenes, and Nicholas Bayley, Efqrs. as a committee to manage their affairs, having arrived on the windward coaft of Africa, adjacent to the river Grande ; and thc faid committee having invelled P. Beaver and R. Dobbin, Efcprs. two of their members, with full power to treat with, ant purchafe from, us our Ifland of Bulama: we the Kings of Canabac, being fully convinced of the pacific and jufl difpofition of the faid perfons, and of thc great reciprocal benefits which will refult from an European colony being ellablifh-cd in our neighbourhood, and being defirous of manifefling our friendfhip and ai-fcEtion to the King of Great Britain and his fnbjetfs; do hereby, in confidcration °f four hundred and feventy three bars of goods by us received, for ever cede and relincpuifh to the faid King of Great Britain, ail fovercignty over the Ifland of bulama, which fovercignty our anccflors have acquired by conqueft, and have cver fince maintained undifputed in peace." " We do further folemnly guarantee to the faid perfons, their heirs, and afhgns, againil all enemies whatever, the full and peaceful poflefhon of the faid ifland; ar'd, by thefe prefents, do hind ourfelves and our fubjeefs to aid and aflilt them i!gainfl all their enemies whatever; and the fame lhall have all the force of a firm a,id faithful treaty of dc fenfive alliance between the kin^ of Great Britain and ourfelves: and, together with the iiland aforefaid, we do relinquifh all claim to any future treaty, fubfidy, or compofuion whatever." " And of all the premifed conditions, we, the two parties, do bind ourfelves to l"e mutual observance, in the pretence, and in the name of the Omnipotent God truth and juilicc, and the avenger of perfidy; and we have hereunto fet our hands, this 29th of June, 1792. **i Beaver. 1 his his * ■ Beaver. \ Doijbin. j Jalorum x King. Bellchore £3r King +. Mark Mark 1 Captain Moore, wlio ai'tcrwLrds brouglit home Mr. Beaver's important dilpatchcs of March 16, J793> f'gned this p-iper, at a witnefs. T 2 543. It c ha p. £43. It having been alfo deemed expedient to purchafe ; the Ifland of Areas, and the adjacent land on the continent, Bulama. app}jcation was made for that purpofe to the kings of Ghi-nala, who very readily, and in confideration of three hun* dred bars paid them, ceded the fame to His Britannic MajefTy, as appears by the deed executed by the faid kings, of which the following is a copy, viz. (3O " &™ of Ceffion, the King of Ghinala to the Britijh SettLrs of the Bulama Affociation. Conveyance of " Whereas certain perfons, fubjefts of the King of Great Britain, conducted by Great Bula- pj^jip Beaver, J. Munden, Charles Aberdein, and J. Reynolds, Efqrs. as a com-niittee to manage their affairs, having arrived upon the windward Coaft of Africa, adjacent to the Rio Grande, and the faid Committee, having invefted Mr. Philip Beaver with full power to treat with and purchafe from us certain land adjacent to the faid river, we, the Kings of Ghinala, and the Rio Grande, being fully convinced of thc pacific and juft difpofition of the faid perfons, and of the great reciprocal benefits that will rcfult from an European colony eftablifhed in our neighbourhood ; and withal being defirous of manifefting our diftmguifhed friendship and affection for the King of Great Britain, and his fubjefts; do hereby, in confideration of the value of three hundred bars of goods, by us this day received, for ever cede and relinquifh to the King of Great Britain, all fovercignty over our territories lying to thc fouthward or weftward of a line extended from Ghinala, Weft N. Weft, until it reach the fea, together with the ifland, and all other iflands whatever, adjacent to the aforefaid territories*; which fovercignty our anccftors have enjoyed from time immemorial: We do further folemnly guarantee to the faid perfons, their heirs and ailigns, againft all enemies whatever, the full and peaceable polfeflion of the faid territories and iflands aforementioned ; and by thefe prcfents, do bind ourfelves and fubje&s to aid and aflift them againft all their enemies whatever ; and the fame fhall have all the force of a firm and faithful treaty of alliance between the King of Great Britain and ourfelves: and, together with the territories and iflands aforefaid, we do relinquilh all claim to any future tribute, fubfidy, or compofition whatever; and of all thepremifed conditions, we the two parties do bind ourfelves to the mutual obfervance, in the prefence of, and in the name of, the Omnipotent God of truth and juilicc, and avenger of perfidy: in wituefs whereof, we have hereunto fet our hands this 3d day of Auguft, in the year of our Lord, one thuufand feven hundred and ninety-two. P. Beavf.r. "1 his his Wit. J. W.Pabia./ Nioban a X King. Matchore $T Kingt. Mark Mark * See the large Map at the end of this work. # See in thc Append. Nous, &c. rcfpefting S. Leona and Bulama, Note H H. 544- XI. v—-s—. Bulama, PorTcfilon taken in His 544. Pofleffion was taken of thefe purchafes, in His c *^TA p-Majeltys name, and the fhip Hankey and the floop were left at Bulama, with 49 men, 13 women and 25 children, abundantly fupplied with provifions, (lores, plantation tools a.nd goods for the payment of labour.—The whole Brit-MaJfft>,< under the conduct of Philip Beaver, Efq. a lieutenant in die royal navy. 545. Some of the fociety quitted the fhip at Biffao, and Different d«r- , .. . n filiations ot" others went to America and the Welt Indies. I he relt, the coioniiu. dreading the rainy feafon, refolved to return to England, in the Calypfo, and firft to proceed to S. Leona, hoping to find there, accommodation for fome of their number, who wifhed to return to Bulama, at the ceffation of the rains. But, from the want of accommodation and provifions at Sierra Leona, added to the protraction of the voyage, dif- eafe was generated on board the Calypfo, and many deaths took place, which probably would not have happened, had the fhip returned from Bulama directly to England*. 546. Of the 275 colonifts who embarked, 6 died on Mortality out board the Calypfo and 3 on board the Hankey, in the voyage outward; 8 were killed; 13 died on the coaft; and 42 on board the Calypfo, in the paffage home from Sierra Leona. Some of the deaths, on the coaft, were owing to drinking, and the reft to fevers, contracted at Biffao, before the purchafe of Bulama; for we are fo far happy, as to be able to affert with truth, that not one death can be attributed W the climate of Bulama^* * See \ 390, and the Note thereon. + See in the App. Notes, &c. refpeft. S. Leona and Bulama, Note G G No, 1, 9. 547. The C XJA P* T^ie ^yP^0 returnec^ on the 14th. Nov. 1792, in 9 1_^—t weeks, from Sierra Leona, with between 80 and 90 of the Bulama. coionif|s> Anc[ tne truftees, confidering that, from the un-^jjj^a paralleled length of her paffage, the colonifts remaining at colliw"1 thc Bulama, would probably be mortified at not hearing from England; and, being informed that a man of war would foon fail for Africa, immediately applied to the Lords of the Admiralty, who were pleafed to order Commodore Dod, of the Charon, to vifit Bulama, and to give the colonifts every affiftance confident with His Majefty's fervice. Reifoasfor ^48. The fubfcriptions, it has been already obfcrvcd, additional *■ ' * T\ iubiaiptions. amounted to near £gooo. The amount of the charges is about 10,000; not that there is a balance of ^1000 againft the concern; for it's effects are much more than adequate to the laft fum ; nor would there have been any immediate call for money, fo nearly was the expenfe of the firft expedition eftimated, had not the voyages of the Calypfo and the Hankey been unexpectedly protracted. But the truf-tees had anticipated the want of farther fupplics, (1.) for foliciting an Ad of Parliament,—(2.) for conveying to the fubfcribers their lands,—and (3) for future fupport to the colony, and propofed to the General Meeting, (1.) That a fubfcription be opened for a participation of thc benefits to arife from the Iflands of Bulama and Areas*, and a part of the adjacent coafl, at the mouth of the Rio Grande, all purchafed by the Alfociation ; at the rate of £50 for every 200 acres, and not lefs to be fubferibed. (2.) That the fubferiptions remain unappropriated, till a charter, or an ASi of Parliament, be obtained; except a fum adequate to the payment of the balance * Mr. Beaver, in his letter from Bulama of the 10th 0£l. 1793, fays, « People mould not f>c taught to believe that the Ifle of Areas is of any value ; for, I believe, no water has ever yet been i'ound upon it. Betides it is very iinall and niaifhy, and environed with mangroves that extend ■ great way. The other purchafe, I think much more valuable than people are aware of." See the M.ip, Plate II. owing' owing on the firft expedition, to the fupply of Bulama with ftores, aud to the CHAP. iulicitation of a charter*. ,. * 549- To thefe proportions the General Meeting una- Buuma, fiimoully confented, and a fubfcription is now opened for 0,000, to profecute the prefent plan. 550. In corroboration of the preceding account of the climate and foil of Bulama, and the probability of eflablifh-*ng cultivation and commerce on and near that Ifland t, the following extracts are adduced from letters, to the truflees From Mr. Dalrymple1 s, to the Truflees, dated the. jth of November, 1792. *' At Goree, I had frequent converfations with Mr. St. Jean, fon of a former governor, who informed me that his father had often vifited Bulama, and that he, (governor St. Jean) confidered it as the moft eligible place, on the coal! of Africa, for a colony; aud, in confequence of that opinion, had endeavoured to prevail 011 the French Senegal company to purchafe that ifland. As at the time I quitted Bu-^'na, none of us had failed round it, I cannot exa£lly afcertain it's dimenfions; but 1 fuppofe it to be about 25 miles in length, and 20 in breadth. The middle part of u confifls ot fmall hills, none of which are more than 100 feet above the fea. Thefe hills are covered with very large trees, with little underwood; and yams,. edoes, and other tropical roots, grow in great abundance, under the fhade. The north end of the ifland is one continued Savannah, covered with longgrafs, Vlt-h a few trees interfperfed, but without any rocks or ftones, The foil of *his plain is deep and rich ; and in order to cultivate it, it is only nrcelfary to fet * The difparity between thefe terms, and the original ones, will not, it is prefumed, be thought Ereater than is juftified by the difference of circumtlances. Originally, even the fmalleft fuccefs was 'xtremely doubtful. It is now certain, that a valuable territory has been fairly purchalal, and taken, P°ffejfion of. In compenfation of the advanced price, the right to a lot in or near the town, the right u Ending a fettler to have 30 acres gratis, and a fhare in the neat profits of lands to be fold in future **"'n fhort, all the collateral advantages of the firft purchafers, are underltood to extend equally to luklcribers, except indeed a priority of allotment of land in favour of the former, which from me fteps already taken, and. engagements made, is become unavoidable.—The land purchafed appears 0 be at leaft 4,00,000 acres, of which about 110,000 are fubferibed for. t The Ifland of Bulama is one in an Archipelago, known by the name of the BifTaos, or BifTagos, ^Hed by the ancients the Helperides. Few of thefe fine iflands are inhabited at prefent, owing to e ravages made by the flave-trade in their population. + I have taken the liberty fomewhat to abridge the language of thefe extracts, carefully retaining < fenfe, and every material circumitance. C. B. W, fire C H A P. fire to the grafs, after which the plough may be immediately ufed. Horfes are cheap; the be0 may be purchafed at Goree for ll. 10s. a head; and cattle, in an>' Bulama. number, may be had, within a few miles of Bulama, at io or 12s, a head. Hence cultivation might be carried on at a fmall cxpence; efpeciaily as the Papels and Biafaras may be hired for a great bar (about $ or 6s.) per month. " On the fouth-eaft end of the ifland, there is one of the finefl bavs in the world. The land is here covered with wood, and there are great varieties of excellent timber for cabinetwork and furniture, alfo dying woods, &c. There are buffaloes and elephants on the ifland, and the feas abound with filh." From a Letter to the Truflees, dated Bulama, iHt/i July, 1792, andfignedby \l?J~rs. Dalrymple, Young, King, Paiba, Brodit, Drake, Munden, Reynolds, liancorne, Ximenes, Beaver, Aberdcin, and Cluttcrbuck. *' We find the air remarkably falubrious, and the climate of the coaft, as far as we have been, beyond expectation temperate: the channel, called the Biflaos entrance, is fpacious and fafe : the harbour in which we live is, in the opinion of our nautical people, the beft they ever faw, and capable of containing the whole Britilh navy: the channel to it being fufficient for the largeft fhips. " The people have been employed in fifhing with the feines. This has proved a fuccefsful and falubrious labour*. This fituation is admirably calculated both for inland and maritime commerce. The fhore, riling gradually from the ftrand, extends to a plain that affords a commodious fcite for a town. There is frclh water in thc vicinity; whether fupplied by the rains or the fprings, remains to be afcer-tainedf: but from the concurrent teftimony of thofe who have penetrated into the ifland, it contains many flrcams. The illand appears to be between 5 and 0 leagues in length, and as much in the broadeft part. The foil, as far as we have feen, is a red loam, and fo luxuriant, that the garden feeds we fowed came up vigor* oufly in two days. The ifland, we learn from the gentlemen who have explored it, hasextenfive favannahs of a deep black mould. The animals we have feen are buffaloes, deer, antelopes, wild hogs, monkies, and tigers. We have alfo feen frequent and palpable vcfligcs of elephants, and have found the fkeleton of one. The Bijugas of Canabac often come over to Bulama, to hunt and cultivate, but there are no inhabitants fettled on it. Had we not been unavoidably interrupted, we are perfuaded that we fhould have been flickered, and have had our grounds prepared before thc rains fet in* • Tliey took at one haul of the feine, as much as fupplied the whole fettlement (three hundred in number, Including the fhips companies) with a good and hearty meal, f An entry is made in the public journal of the colony on the 29th of July, that many fpring* were on that day difcovered, within the diftartce of a mile from the fhip. We ^Ve fhould have laboured with that cheerfulnefs which the alluring profpe£r. of the CHAP, landiscalculatedto infpire. Butfew enterprizes fucc.ced in all their extent, and though ^l. °urs has failed in part, we have abundant reafon to think, that if the colony be fea- 'b^ma"' fonably fupported, there will be fecured to it a rapid and permanent eilablifliment." From Mejfrs. Beaver, Munden, Aberdcin, and Reynolds, to the Truflees, dated Bulama, jtli Augufl, 1792. 11 We have now to enter on a fubject of great importance to all concerned. Having learned that there might be a poflibility of purchafing the oppofite ifland belonging to thc kings of Ghinala, (a diflrifJt of the Biafara country,) who were formerly the fovcreigns of Bulama, but driven from it by their more warlike neighbours the Canabacs, it was thought advifeable that Mr. Beaver fhould proceed with the floop up the Rio Grande, to negociatc the bufinefs, which he accompli(hed in a manner far beyond our moll fanguine expectations. The original Treaty, No. IV. accompanies this (§543) ; and we beg to refer you to thc following copy of his letter from Ghinala, lor a further explanation. 1 Gentlemen, 'Finding the fhore, called the Greater Bulama, not an ifland, it was my intention to return without purchafing it*: but, at my firft interview with the two kings of this country, they claimed Bulama, having, as they faid, inherited it ffom their anccftors. As I know there is fome juflicc in their claim, I thought it ah-folutely neceffary to ftop and fatisfy them, and I expc£l them on board every minute, to talk the palaver. ' Now conceiving it to be a favourable opportunity, when purchafing Bulama, to purchafe alfo the adjacent fhore, which I think may be done for very little more valuc, I fhall endeavour to buy all the uninhabited land which lies between them &nd us; that is, all thc territory fonth of a line drawn from this place to Goly, which territory you will fee is bounded to the E. by Ghinala creek, to the S. by thc Rio ^landc, and to the W. by a branch of the fea, which feparates it from Biffao*. The fides, bounded by Ghinala Creek and the Rio Grande, are elevated and cleared in many places, forming a chain of tine bays and creeks, with deep water, through their whole extent. Should our colony flourifh, which I have no reafon to doubt, this will be found an invaluable acquifition, as there is no one part of its banks where ■ town may not be built, with every advantage for commerce. I hope to leave this pWc in two days, and to bring with me rehefhmcnts for the fick. • lam, Gentlemen, your moft obedient humble fervant, Ghinala, 2d Aug. 1792. ' P. BEAVER,* *« the Gentlemen of the Committc, on board the Hankey, Bulama. * bee the large Map. u » We CHAP. " Wc congratulate you, Gentlemen, and all concerned, on the poffeflion of a ™ country equally fertile, and much larger than Bulama, together with thecellioiiof But.\ma. l,ult *fl*na" M'om tne Biafaras, as well as the Canabacs, thc only nation that could claim it, for a fum not exceeding 351. flerling.—The rains have not yet proved h> terrible, as we were taught to believe; and our fick lift has been owing rather to thc imprudence of individuals, than to thc climate. Every opportunity has been embraced of procuring frefh provifions, of which the colony flood much in need; for, though the ifland abounds with buffaloes and deer, we are too few, and too bufv, (in planting and building) to fend parties to kill them, and Mr. Beaver will fail for Biffao to-morrow, to contract with Mr. Cordoza, for a regular fupply. *« P. S. We conceive that, (if neceffary,) a large fum may be raifed by the newly purchafed land, but wc wifh it may not be fold under forty fliillings an acre.'* Extrael of a LetUr from Mr. George Fielder, to Colonel Kirkpalrick. tl The ifland is well wooded and watered round the coafls, and the inland parts entirely clear, except the fmall divifions of trees, which form the exa£t appearance of fields, and their fences in England. It abounds with buffaloes, elephants, deer, Guinea fowls, pigeons, &c. and, on the whole, feveral gentlemen, well acquainted with the Weft-Indies, judge it fuperior to any of thc Weft-India iflands. I have enjoyed uninterrupted health fince I left England. " I have the honour to be, &c. " GEORGE FIELDER.'* Extrael of another Letter of Mr. Fielder's, dated S.E. End of Bulama, July %d, 1792. '* Some of us furveyed part of the ifland, which we found covered with wood all round, and for about two miles inward ; but within the woods is open land, covered with high grafs, and divided into fmall fields by narrow ridges of high trees, like hedges in England. The foil is a rich black mould, feveral feet deep, and capable of producing any thing ; the woods abound with Guinea fowls, doves, and other fmall birds; alfo with elephants, and the Afiatic buffalo; and are intcrfperfed with fmall fprings of fine water; in fhort, Mr. Aberdein, who has lived in the Eaft and Weft Indies, fays it is the fineft ifland he ever faw, and that it is fuperior in foil and water to any of the Weft India iflands. " I have lived principally on the fruits, of which there are abundance of a very fine flavour, have worked hard, and never was better in my life.—My conftitution perfeClly agrees with the climate, having undergone as much fatigue as any; and though the rainy feafon has fet in thefc three weeks, I am yet as well as ever I was in England : and my hopes are fanguine of our fuccefs, from the excellence of the foil foil and water ; there being feveral thoufand acres perfe£tly clear, and partly cul- CHAP, tivated by thc Bifagoas.—There are on the coall people called Grumettas, who » work for thc Portuguefe, and other Europeans, at the rate of 6s. 8d. a month in UulaKIa«j goods.—We bought oxen of his people (the PapclsJ at the rate of about one Guinea each in goods, and many cheaper." Extract of a Letter from Mr. Francis Donnelly, to James Mangles, Efquire, dated Eaf Harbour of Bulama, l'St/i July, 1792. " Many of the Subfcribcrs return to Europe to difpatch more fhips, and to obtain a charter.—Some of thc interior part of the iflarid Is a clear and beautiful pafluragc, where there has been millet, and other grain cultivated, about two thou-fand acres in one fpot, and many mote Savannahs, equally good; fuppofed 40,000 acres of excellent clear land. Thc appearance of thc ifland is really beautiful beyond defcription, with woods of valuable timber, plants, and fruits of different forts; wild yams, and cafada in abundance: litilc difficulty will be found in clearing thc wood lands. It is worthy remark, that no brambles, &c. annoy us in going through the woods; the land could be ploughed with facility, thefe not being any iloncs. In fhort, every appearance infpircs the hope of our being able (by proper exertions) to cflablifh an advantageous fcttlcmcnt here. We hope moft finccrcly, that the fhiflell attention may be paid to the character and abilities of the tradef-men and labourers next fent out; wc find that the lands can be cultivated with cafe and fafety by European labourers.—Our provifions come on apace. It is expected 'be rains will continue till September.—The climate is pleafant, not intenfely hot any time of the day; thc morning and evening I think as moderate as the climate of * England. My health is perfcttly re-eftablilhed; and thc voyage and thc climate agree very well with my conftitution." An Abridgment of the Report, xcJiich the Truflees of the Bu+ lama Affociation intend to lay before the next General Mdet-ing of the Subfcribcrs, and with a M. S. Copy of which f have been favoured. 551. The Truflees of the Bulama Aflbciation, purfuant to the directions of the General Meeting at thc Manfion-houfe, June 25th, 1794, proceed to lay before the members, the U 2 tranfactions c 1{xlA R tranfaclions at Bulama, as Hated by Mr. Philip Beaver in his 1—lyJ—t letters, and fince confirmed by him in perfon*. jeiolama. 552 From tne 2d Aug< I7^2j to wh;ch the firft repore The Hankey brings down the proceedings at Bulama, nothing; material i.:iv<.s Mr. vi 1 1 r Beaver with occurred there, till the 22a Nov. following, when the fhip »niy 20 Hankey failed from thence, leaving Mr. Beaver as chief of the colony, with about 20 men (including the crew of the iloop Beggar's Bennifon) 4 women and 4 children. 553. Immediately on the Ilankey's departure, it was re-Bijugas me.ii- ported, that the Bijugas meditated an attack. As the ru-taieanuttae . xnQm was not without foundation, wc cannot wonder at it's cafiing a damp on the fpirits of the colonifts; but it is mortifying to add, that even the heroic example of Mr. Beaver, was ineffectual in recovering them from this panic. * " Bulama Association, " At a general meeting of the fubferibers to this Affociation, convened by public advertifement, at the Manfion-houfe, London, the 25th June, 1794, The Right Honourable Paul Le Mcfurier, Efq. M. P. Lord Mayor, in the Chair. " Rffulved unanimoujly, " That thc thanks ol" this Meeting be given to Philip Beaver, Efq. Lieutenant in the Royal Navy, late chief of the fettlemcnt on thc ifland of Bulama, for the ability, zeal, aftivity, and pcrfeverancc, with which, under many difficulties, he conduced the affairs of that fettlemcnt, and for his conftant attention to the intcrclls of thc Affociation; and to affure Mr. Beaver that thc members of this Affociation will ever hold his fervices in grateful remembrance." 11 That a gold medal be prefented to Mr. Beaver, exprcflive of the fenfe entertained by the Affociation, of his very meritorious fervices." " That the thanks of this meeting be given to Mr. John Hood, for the fpirit and Tcfolution with which he fupportcd Mr. Beaver, during thc whole of his flay at Bulama, and that he be afTured the Affociation will ever gratefully remember his fervices.' " That thefe refolutions be fairly tranferibed, figncd by the Chairman, and rc-fpeclively delivered to Mr. Beaver and Mr. Hood, and that they be publifhcd in fome of the daily papers." A true Extract from the Minutes. I. K. MALLESON, Secretary. 554- Mri 554. Mr. Beaver's firft object was to give fecurity to the c *L£ p* people, by compleating the block-houfe, begun before the 1--—' Hankey failed. The ftrong hold formed a quadrangle of ULAMA* 116 feet by 115, and contained two ftore-houfes 53 feet by 14 each, a governor's houfe, and fmall houfes fufficient for a K^^f** confiderable number of people. Mr. Beaver, with the help of two, and fometimes three, colonifts, compleated the logging, by the 28th Nov. There were four gates into the quadrangle, one on each fide,, fecured by Tambours; and as* the logging, though mufquet proof, was but 6 feet high, Mr. Beaver began to board the upper 6 feet of the outer wall, which, with the fame afliftance, he finifhed on the 21ft Dec. (See plate IV.) 555. At this time, a general defpondency prevailed, and p^!^;^ fuch was the ficknefs, that, on the 30th Nov. every man fakneA, except Mr. Beaver, and everv woman and child, was ill. (See § 84, 86, 91.) From the iff Dec. to the 21 ft, there died 9 men, 3 women,and 1 child, being nearly half of the colony. 556. To add to this calamity, Bellchore, one of the kings ftfpjcfan yU of Canabac, remarkable for his exploits and his treachery, nJiitf * having heard of the departure of the Hankey, loft no time in vifiting the colony. On the morning of the 5th Dec. he was feen coming round the point, wich two canoes. Mr. Beaver immediately beat to arms, faluted him, and loaded the great guns with grape-fhot. By this time, Bellchore had landed, and marched up in battle array, at the head of 32 well appointed men, to within 40 yards of the eaft gate, where he halted. Mr. Beaver's whole force then confifled of only 4 colonifts, whom he could not call well, and 7 gru-aiettas. Having placed twocentinels at each gate, with orders to kill the firft man who fhould attempt to enter by force, Mr. Beaver went out to meet Bellchore, who knew and C \i ? anc* embraccd him very cordially. As the only defence of t-,-' the place was a cannon covering each gate, of which the Bi- A *' jugas were much afraid, Mr. Beaver informed Bellchore that hc never admitted any one into the fquarc; but that he would give up to his people thc grumettas' hut, which were under a large tree, and that he himfelf would live with him in his tent, which was pitched a little way without the gate. Appearing contented, after he had dined with Mr. Beaver, he begged to be admitted into thc block-houfe, in which he was gratified, and then returned to his own people. A grumctta foon after reported to Mr. Beaver, that he heard Bellchore fay to his men, That moft of the white men were dead, that thofe living were all fick, except the captain, and that they were his people whenever he pleafed j that hc put them there, and whenever he chofe could take them away; adding that they iccrc his chickens, an expreflion which Bellchore applies to the Biafaras, to Cignify the eafe with which he takes them. ttriucv,alarms ncH. This alarming language induced Mr. Beaver to di-the toioiiits. vide his frnall force into two watches, 2 colonifts and 3 grumettas in each. One watch was commanded by himfelf, and the other by Johnftone, a grumetta; for not one of the colonifts was well enough to execute the order with vigour. Mr. Beaver took other precautions, and, refolving to pcrifh rather than yield, he took out the heads of two barrels of powder, and kept a match burning between them all night, iignifying to the colonifts, that there was no alternative between preferring the place, or blowing up himfelf and them* Only one of the floop's crew then remained, and he was on board, with orders to fire into the huts, if be fhould hear the report of two mufquets. The night paficd quietly; but two of the people were much worfe in the morning, from the the cold dews and the fatigue of watching; and two of the c ^ a p. grumettas, ft ill lefs able than the whites, to bear fuch hard- »_ -.-_/■ fhips, were taken ill. BuuUAt zxS. Mr. Beaver, feeing his force thus diminifh, intimated Mr. Beaver „ , ■ i -i i t i g^s mi ot- to Bellchore, in the morning, that " there was much work them. to do; that the people would not attend to it while his men were on the ifland ; that he would be happy, if he would flay with him, and fend his men away." Bellchore, paufing, replied, " My fon has reafon: I fee that you have a great deal to do, and we are in your way—we will depart." Mr. Beaver made him fome handfome prefents, and he quitted the ifland an hour before dark. Bellchore undoubtedly came to act with hoftility or peace, according to the weaknefs or ftrength he might obferve; and it muft be attributed folely to the prefence of mind, firmnefs and vigilance of Mr. Beaver, that this alarming vifit terminated fo happily. 559. He was employed in putting the place in a ftate of tffcecdbi* defence, till the 11th Dec. when the grumettas, dreading tr(m« another vifit from the Bijugas, determined to leave the colo- ndi' ny. Mr. Beaver told them, that every man in the ifland was free to go where he pleafed; that they had voluntarily come to work for him, and that he would not detain them a minute againft their inclination; adding, that though he Wanted a few grumettas, if they did not like their fituation, they might depart in thc firft boat. Accordingly, a canoe arriving on the 14th, they were paid their wages, and all Went away, except Johnftonc and another grumetta, who remained to afhft in navigating the pinnace to Biffao, in queft of more men. Mr. Beaver alfo permitted Harrifon, one of the colonifts, to depart in the pinnace, agreeably to his maxim, 11 never to afk a man to ftay in the ifland, who wi flied c HA ?. wifhed to leave it." * When the pinnace left Bulama, l—L^~L-_; there remained with Mr. Beaver only one man, fit for duty. Bu i,am a. They fleptin the eaft gate-way, having the fick, 7 in number, in the adjoining birth, to be ready to a£t in a body, in cafe of an emergency. In this critical fituation, hourly expecting another vifit from the Bijugas, they remained till the 21ft, when a Biffao canoe arrived with five grumettas, " a cargo/* (as Mr. Beaver calls it) " more valuable than gold." The whole colony was then fcarcely able to dig a grave. The grumettas were immediately fet to perform that duty, for two fubfcribers who had died in the morning. The lofs of one of them, Mr. Aberdein, was feverely felt. Of that gentleman, Mr. Beaver writes thus: "In him the Affociation loft one of it's be ft members, the king loft a good fubject, the weak loft an advocate, fociety loft an ornament, and I loft a friend. He was unfortunate in this world: may he be happy in thc next." Another vifit 560. On the 27th, Johnftone returned in the pinnace, Intact, * with 18 grumettas, 3 women and 2 children, among whom were all who had before left the colony, except one. This proved to be a very feafonable reinforcement; for, on the fecond day after, two Bijuga canoes arrived, with two fons of Jalorum, the other king of Canabac, and about 40 men. Mr. Beaver faluted them, kept under arms, and giving thc men the outfide huts,as when Bellchore was there, kept Jalorum's fons with him. In the middle of the next night, they departed, owing to one of the men having, in difcharg- * " On thc contrary," adds Mr. B. 11 when the Hankey left us, I advifed them all to go home; for fo many lazy and cowaidly people were never, before, I believe, collected together, in fo fmall a number."-Sce in thc Append. Notes, &c. refpecling S. Leona and Bulama, Not*; G G. No. 8, 16. ing ing his piece, accidentally lodged a ball in the foot of an- chap. other. t—i^~; 561. Till Jan. ift, 1793, the colony was employed in BuLAMA-finilhing the upper part of the outer wall of the block- Employment, houfe, in logging the tambours, and in making plaifter for the logging. On this day, they began to fet up the inner polls for the houfes, on the north fide, and to dig up the roots of the trees, cut down during the rains. 562. Jan. 3d, a cutter arrived from S. Leona, bound to Mr. B aver Biffao, for flock; and the mailer reporting that falted, as SawithpnJri-well as frefh, provifions, were wanted at that colony, Mr. fl0Ils' Beaver fent them 10 barrels of pork, and 6 tierces of beef, promifing 5 bullocks, if a fufficient number could not be procured at Biffao *. 563. Jan. 4th, Mr. Beaver was informed, by a Biffao CanOe, Man of war that a fhip bound to Bulama, with a number of colonifts on mt board, had got on fome fhoals between that ifland and Areas, and wanted a pilot. He therefore went, in the two-oared boat, to conduct her in, leaving the block-houfe with a ftrong band of grumettas, and ftricf injun6tions to Mr. Hood, the only furviving fubferiber, to prefcrve good order and a ftrict, watch. On the 8th, he found the fhip, which was the Scorpion floop of war, having orders from the admiralty, to give every poffible affiftance at Bulama, and to report to them the ftate of the colony. She had not been in any danger, but had only got into the wrong channel, and the captain, not thinking it prudent to proceed, had, fince Mr. Beaver's leaving the block-houfe, fent his boat thither, for the neceffary information, and which returned an hour before he got on board. * See in the Append. Notes, &c. rcfpc&ing S, Leona and Bulama, Note G G. No. 2,12. X 564. Had chap. Had not Mr. Beaver joined the Scorpion when he L-lv—f did, Capt. Ferris would immediately have returned to his Bulama. commofj0re, at C. Roxo. Mr. Beaver's vifit was therefore i^'ts fortunate, as it prevented the captain from returning with-man of war. out vihting Bulama, when he might have faid, and very properly, that there was not water for large fhips. His mi (lake was owing to a very bad chart. Mr. Beaver obferves, that " the charts are all erroneous; but the one publifhed by Sayer, in Fleet flteet, with draughts and obfcrvations by Woodville, is thc befl, and it is fufficient for the purpofes of navigation *." Formidable 565. The officer from the Scorpion, faid that, at day-vifitotteBi- ijgjltj wnen nc landed at the block-houfe, he faw 12 canoes clofe to the S. W. point of the harbour, and that they immediately retired to the other fide. This intelligence made Mr. Beaver very uneafy, as he had never feen above two canoes there, and that very feldom. He was indeed convinced, that they were Bijuga canoes, and on a hoflile errand. But perverfe winds prevented his return till the 10th, when the Scorpion anchored before the block-houfe, having, the preceding day, fpoke with an Englifh merchantman, commanded by Mr. Moore, who piloted the expedi- * At this place, in the original Report, the Truflees have been plcafed to introduce a note, expre(Ting their approbation of thc large map at the end of this work, as well as of the author's general exertions in the caufe of the Africans. Were hc infehfjble of thc kind attention paid to him, in this inflance, he would be unworthy of it. He certainly has fpared no pains or expenfe, to render his map the befh upon thc whole, hitherto publifhed. Yet he would by no means be underflood to offer it to the public, as incapable of improvement, being fenfible how much remains to be done, before our geographical and nautical knowledge of that coait is compleat. See the remarks on the map itfelf. tion tion, when Bulama was purchafcd. He was bound to Biflao, c lr A and faid he fnould, in three weeks at far theft, fail for 1^_/ England. Mr. Hood corroborated thc account of the BuLAMA-Scorpion's officer; and faid that they thought the block-houfe in great danger, and had been under arms ever fincc the 5 th. ,566. On the nth, the fort faluted thc Scorpion, which Capr.ofma* Y 7 *■ or war inultei 1 bein the intcrcfl* oi the infant colony. C. B. 575- But 575. But the Truflees omitted nothing that depended on c £ r- them, towards the relief of the colony. One of the fhips « _{ belonging to the Sierra Leona Company having been then £uLAMAi ready to fail, application was made to The Honourable the s- Leona Co. t~i r • A r 1 1 1 • n • kiruily criier <^ourt of Directors of that Company, to order their fhip (thc the Felicity to t'ecility) to touch at Bulama, which was granted with the ma, with tup-greateit readinefs and liberality. (See § 391.) A fupply ' Was accordingly fent by this fhip, with a credit to Mr. Beaver, on the officers of the Sierra Leona Company, for any articles he might want, to the amount of £100, and affurances of farther fupplies of ftores, and an additional number of colonifts. 576. Thc Subfcribers, however, having a general meeting, empowered the Truflees to raife 10 percent, on the fub-fcriptions, for relieving the colony, the fum of^403 :5 : o was collected, including £"140 remitted from Manchefler, and Orenter fnp-jf 144 paid by the fix Truflees. An affortment of cloathing, medicines, provifions and ammunition was accordingly put on board the fhip John, Capt. Clouflon, who engaged, for £150, to land the ftores at Bulama, together with fuch paf-fengers as might come on board. The Truflees offered every reafonable encouragement to good men to embark as colonifts, and fix were engaged ; but, from the bad accounts in- Coionifti pw- O o ' » vented by the duftrioufly propagated againft the colony, only one man, calumny tro.* a black, had the courage to embark. The John was cleared at the cuftom-houfe, in June 1793; but, having been obliged, from the war, and her having provifions on board, to wait for convoy, it unfortunately happened that fhe did not finally fail till October *. French flying fquadrons and * The prefent war, fo injurious to the S. Leona colony, contributed to the entire ruin of that of Bulama. I (hall afterwards notice the baneful effctts of war. On the Swedifh defign to form a colony in Africa. C. B* IV. Y contrary plies Cent j but did not arrive in time. going out. c HXIA p- contrary winds prevented the convoy, the Diadem of 64 u 1 guns, from getting fooner out of the Channel. The fupply" Bulama. fiajt to Bulama, by the Felicity and the John, amount- ed to ^387 : 17:8, including freight and primage. 577. We now return to Mr. Beaver's tranfactions at Bulama, fubfequent to the 16th March, 1793. The Fecility brought a letter from him to the Truflees, dated July 24th. He writes that, fince the 15th March, he had been particu-Lnndscieatcd, larly employed in the tedious and laborious work of grub-buiidingi.' bing up roots ; that he had made fome enclofures, and was making more ; that he had built two houfes, each 34 feet by 21, one for the fick, and the other, divided into three, for the grumettas, (fee plate IV.) No material occurrence had taken place ; and the refl of thc letter, being confined to thc flatc of the colony, it will be belt to give it nearly in Hens and his own words. " With hens and goats I am plentifully goals in plen- n n • *>• ftocked, and, in a few days, I fhall have cattle in abund- ance. All our garden feeds, that came out laft year, throve very well ; but, from our cattle breaking though the hedge, and our building afterwards over a great part of the garden, every thing in it was deflroyed. This feafon, our European feeds, which are not only old (at leaft 3 or 4 years) but European and mouldy, could not be expected to produce. Some few I utJet thrivS" have procured from Biffao, and they do very well. Oranges, limes, pawpaws, malaguetta, goavas, ground-nuts, yams, Guinea corn and cotton thrive to admiration—-Towards the end of the dry feafon, moft of the rivulets near us dried up ; but the fpring whence we have always taken our water, though it was never dry, yielded not more water, at it's loweft ebb, than would fupply 50 men. About two miles from us, there is a run of water fufficient for at leaft 2000 fouls, and it is alfo convenient for watering fhips. I am I am induced to think that there are many other fpringS c HXIA p near us; as, for the laft 3 months of the dry feafon, ele- v_—»-» phants were continually fwimming acrofs the river, from ",1jAM the Biafara to this fhore; but I never yet faw one fwim from this ifland to the oppofite land. This I can only account for, by fuppofing that, on this fide, there is plenty of water, and, on the other, little or none. One of thefe fleets of elephants I attacked, and killed two. The probof-cis is excellent food.-The rains, which fet in between 7 and 8 weeks ago, are much rnore violent this feafon, than the laft, and have damaged fome of our ftores. I have therefore been obliged to cover our wooden roof with thatch, which, for fecurity from fire, I fhall take off at the commencement of the dry feafon. Wooden roofs * will never keep out the rains in this country." 578. At this time, Mr. Beaver had with him 23 grumet- Number of tas, 5 women and 1 boy, as many as he wifhed for, with the labourcr< Europeans he had; but, had the number of the latter been increafed, he would have employed 100 of the former, and he was, at any time, fure of obtaining double the number.— He had then 27hhds. of bread, 46 bis. of pork and 33 tierces of beef. But the bread was very bad, and the falted provifions fpoiling, which had induced him to receive 10 bis. of s- LeoM Co* pork which the Sierra Leona Company had generoufly or- Fomifli 10 bis dered the captain of the Felicity to deliver him, if he defired it.—The goods with which Mr. Beaver paid the grumettas, "were then nearly exhaufted; but he had about 3001b. of * Mr. Beaver mull here mean boarded roofs; for fhinglcs, or thin pieces of board, in the form of tiles or flatcs, make excellent roofs in any climate; and I am allured, are very commonly ufed in all parts of the W. Indies. Their only dif-advantagc is their being combullible; but they are much lefs fo than thatch. C. B. IF. Y 2 ivory pork. ° *XIA ?* lvo*y* which ne mcant to exchange, with fome trading v-J—i veflel., for cloth.—Mr. Beaver concludes this interefting let- Bulama. ter obferving, that he could defend the place againft Colony deftn- any force of the natives; that the ifland only wanted colo- fibk, and only J J wanted men. riifls ; that, to fuch as would come out, fuccefs was certain; that, with one tenth of the fupport given to the Sierra Leona colony, he could ere now have eafily acquired lands fufficient to maintain 500,000 fouls : that the Biafaras often re- Biaferai, &«. quefled him to build at or near Ghinala; and that a fimilar invite Mr. T. * b. to build, invitation had come from Bulola, about 70 miles up the Rio Grande, but that, having neither goods nor (European) men, he was tied down to a few acres, and was inactive from neccffity, not from inclination*. 57£. In Sept. a cutter belonging to the Sierra Leona Com~ pany went to Biffao; and by her Mr. Beaver received tea, fugar and molaffes. From the great damps, owing to the want of medical afTiftance, dry and elevated houfes, and proper drains to carry off the water, accumulated by incef-fant rains, the colony was then very fickly. They were indeed fo reduced as to be obliged to have the mate of the floop to act. as cook,not another man,either on fhore or on board being then equal to the tank. On the 20th Sept. the men, obferving that the time when they were to expecl the veffel with new colonifts had elapfed, and their fpirits having been de-prelfed by ficknefs, all agreed to quit the colony, when they Mr.b. rooths couldr. Mr. Beaver, with his ufual fpirit and prefence of coioniL mind, told them that the time in which the veffel was expected, had barely elapfed j that the might have been detained by * See in the Append. Notes, Sec. refpe&ing S. Leona and Bulama, Note G G, No. 5, 8, 10. f See in the Append, Notes, &c. refpefting S. Leona and Bulama, Note G G, No. 11. contrary H A P. XI. contrary winds, or might then be refitting, after a gale, in fome harbour; but that, if they would flay fix months longer, they would undoubtedly be reinforced*." To thispropofi- ULA^* tion they affented: Mr. Beaver concluded that the veffel Was taken; but hoped that, by Feb. or March, he would receive fuccour. Fie then found fome difficulty in engaging grumettas; for the prime articles with which he paid them were exhaufled, and he could offer them nothing but powder or tobacco. 580. While in anxious expectation of a reinforcement, a report was received from Biffao that the Bijugas meditated a formidable attack. This rumour operated fo flrongly on the minds of the colonifts, now enfeebled by ficknefs, that, on the night of the 22d. Oft. the mate (then commander) of the floop, and another man ran away with the boat. Mr. Beaver the lefs regarded this lofs, as he had ftill two white men left who, he hoped, would remain till more arrived. Two days after this defer tion, a Mr. Lawrence, a factor in the Rio Nunez, touched at Bulama, in his way to Bulola. The next day he failed, and as to return in a week to Bulama, and thence to fail for Biffao. Four days after his departure, the colonifts delivered to Mr. Beaver a written requeft, that he would not only permit them to Butthey;pen leave the ifland, but that he would leave it with them, intfon "0m" The latter requeft he pofitively refufed, and, again fuccced- kuvcBubma-ed in perfuading them not to urge the former. But, ir} days after, Lawrence not having returned, they delivered * The refemblance of" Mr. Beaver's fituation, at this trying junfture, to that of Columbus, in the voyage, in which he difcovered America, is too finking to efcapc *he notice of intelligent readers. May the magnanimous perfeverance of this able officer, infpire the fupporters of this undertaking with fimilar zeal! May his fuccefs ke equal, and his reward fuperior to thofe of the difcovcror oi the new world] (See Robeitfon's Hill, of America.) him C JxiA P* ^'P3 a **cconc^ PaPer> exhorting him to confider their dan- -v*_i gerous fituation, and fignifying their refolution to feek their Bulama. own fyfey^ DV quitting the iiland, as foon as poffible, Mr. Beaver, repeatedly and earneilly expoflulated with the people on ■" the folly of leaving a place where they had laboured fo hard, at a time when all difficulties were over," But finding that fuch was their pofitive determination, he Mr. b. reluc- Was under the painful neceffity of yielding*. " I did not H^iai'oni!' quit the ifland," to ufe his own words, in his letter from S. Leona, of Jan. 19th, 1794, "becaufe I could not keep it; for I might ftill have retained 20 grumettas with me in the block-houfe, a number fufficient to maintain fuch a flronghold not only againft the Bijugas, but all the Iilandcrs of Africat. But their pay would have been much. They would not have wrought; and inftead of labourers, I fhould have been paying 20 mafters, who would befides have plundered me. The cutter too, I muft inevitably have loft, having no mooring-chains, nor a fingle man to take care of her." To preferve her, therefore, and the remaining ftores, Mr. Beaver con* fented to carry the people to S. Leona; and, by letter, hc chartered Lawrence's fchooner for that colony, to carry the goods which the cutter could not contain. He fent Mr-Hood to Biffao to inform the governor of his refolution; and tranfmittcd to Jalorum and Bellchore, kings Canabac, Matchore, king of Rio Grande and Woody Toorey, queen of Bulola, prefents of 20 bars each, informing them that he was going home, but fhould return after the next rains. Mr.b.arrives 581. Mr. Beaver having fhipped almoft all the goods, in SuopS'of three fmall veffels, on the 29th Nov. " had," as he fays, " the the undertaking. * See in the App. Notes, &c. refpeft. S. Leona and Bulama, Note G G. No. f* fSee in the App. Notes, &c. refpeft. S, Leona and Bulama,Note GG, No. 9' mortification mortification to fee that fpot abandoned, which the labour c A F* of a year and a week (from the Hankey's departure) had i-,—j rendered a little paradife." Dec. 23d, he arrived at Sierra BuLAMA" Leona, where he fold the floop Beggar's Bennifon and the goods. " The hofpitality and attention," fays he, in his letter of the 19th Jan. 1794, " which I have experienced from Mr. Dawes, the Governor, Mr. Macauley, the Lieut. Governor, and all the gentlemen of the colony, demand my grateful acknowledgments The Governor and Council kindly gave him and Mr. Hood, a pafTage to England, where they arrived in May 1794, with a few hundred pounds, " the only remains of ^10,000 raifed to colonize Bulama. Yet," fays Mr. Beaver, " the fcheme cannot be called a bad one. I have a better opinion of it now, than ever I had; and am confident that a very finull portion of induilry and perfe-verance on Bulama, will anfwer the expectations of our mod fancruinc fubferibers. We have not mifearried, but we have been unfortunate, Sec." See his letter from S. Leona, of 19th Jan. 1794. 582. Having thus finifhcd the hiftory of this firft at- SupPii«ar-tempt to form a colony at Bulama, we muft add, that alSAK*. the John, which failed in October, got to Biffao about a Ctt*um# month after the evacuation ; and finding a letter from Mr. Beaver, advihng any fhip that might arrive, to return home, Capt. Cloufton fold a part of the goods at Biffao and the C.de Verdiflands,andinveftcd their value in fait, with which and the remaining goods he arrived at Corke, where they are now felling for account of the Affociation. * I foci the greatefl fatisfa&ion in joining Mr, Beaver in a fimilar acknowledgment to Mr. Dawes, to whofe liberal communications I owe feveral intcrelling particulars in this work, efpeciaily in the maps. Though I have not the happinefs of Mr. Ma cauley's acquaintance, I have been fo fortunate as to procure, and have takers the liberty to infert, fome of his valuable remarks. 583. The CHAP. XI. \--,-' B V l a m a . 583. The Truflees will now give a general flate men t of thc accounts of the Affociation. Dr.. General Mate- To the amount of outfit, Sec. to merit of ac- the 7th June, 1792, paid, is counts. To paid fincc> ilc[„ht o{ fl,lps to 2.1ft Aug. 1792 To balance of Do. of the Calypfo paid -• . - To Ditto Ditto, of the Hankey, paid To hills drawn on the Truftees, anxl fmall charges » Cr. By fale of 42,000 acres to £7155 12 10 purchafers . - £5040 0 By Do. of 41,875 Do. to colonifts 2512 10 897 o o By extra fubferiptiuns of colonifts, after time - - - 15 o 633 o o By (lamps on grants received - 13 16 By lubfcriptions railed by the 640 o o Truftees - - . 13364 By advances made by Do. - 619 9 0 10 £953s J9 10 The affets of the Affociation, as laid before the general meeting, on the 25th of June, 1794, are as follow, viz. By value of (loop, &c. to be remitted from S. Leona £300 0 0 By Cadi in the hands of the Lord Mayor (Paul Le Mefuricr, Efq.) 234 H 5 By Do. in the bank of England - - 77 9 6 By Do. in the hands of Meflrs. Biddulph and Co. 93 18 6 By Do. in the hands of J. K. Mallifon 4 7 2 By effimate of goods at Corke - 1,50 0 0 By Do. of books, and furvcying inflruments 20 0 0 By debts due in Africa - - zo9 9 11 By debts due of no value, or not afccrtainable - - 140 7 6" 7 0 Debts owing by the Affociation - * • 360 6 9 Balance, in favour of the Affociation * - • £9™ 0 3 Truftees-op\- 584. The Truflees having now fulfilled, as well as they tore under- Can, the direct.ions of the General Meeting, refpetting pad g" proceedings, are now to give " their opinion as to the probability of future fuccefs." By this, they underhand that the General Meeting wifh to know, What would be the probable expenfe of colonizing Bulama, and how the fan16 could could be raifed.—And here the Truflees mud take for grant- c *^.a p. ed, that a charter from His Majefly, fanclioned by Parlia- i__v-l ^ ment, will be obtained; for, without fuch authority, they BuLAMA-could not recommend a renewal of the colony. 585. Suppofing then a charter obtained, the fcale of the ui**m* undertaking will much depend on thc flate of Europe, at commended, the time; if, during war, the Truflees would recommend a fmall fcale ; and they have Mr. Beaver's opinion, in his letter of the 10th Oct. 1793, that 20 Europeans, would at firft be fuflicient, namely, a governor, a flore-keeper, two furgeons, a furveyor and his afliflant, with 14 labourers, who fhould have regular pay, keep guard, if neceffary, overlook the native labourers, accompany or head them in cxcurfions through the ifland, &c *. To thefe whites, 50 natives might be attached (and we know that any number may be hired) who fhould perform all the hard labour of building and clearing land, this having been one chief caufe of the mortality of the former colonifts t. It might be proper alfo to encourage fome proprietors of lands to go over. About 50 feem an eligible number, who might have a free paffage, and an allowance of provifions, for the firlt. year. None but healthy, fober, induflrious men of a proper age, fhould be permitted to go, nor any (fpeculating) " merchants or traders J." They fhould be advifed to hire at leafl one native labourer each: and thus, barring accidents on the paffage, the governor would enter upon his charge with 70 Europeans * See in thc App. Notes, &c. refpcH. S. Leo. and Bula. Note GG. No. 6, 8, 10. t Sec in the App. Notes, &c. refpccl. S. Leo. and Bula. Note G G. No. 1,3, 8, \6. t I am happy to find that thc opinion of the Truflees fo perfectly agrees with 'toy own. Z and C ^xiA P" ant* 100 nat*ves' a ftrength fufficient for defence, as well as v^-v-^_i to erect buildings and clear land for future colonifts*. II u l a m a. ^86\ As the Truftees are inclined to think that an undcr- D taking, on this frnall fcale, will be moft generally agreeable, EA^ttu1 ex- they will confine their eflimate to it's probable expenfe.—■ If the war continue, they think it will be necelTary to purchafe fall failingpackets. of between 70 and 100 tons, of which three may be fufficient for the firft expedition. £> Thefe, copper-bottomed and fitted tor fea, may cod about£1200 each 3600 Wages ol g men for each will be about £162 per month, or for 6 months 972 Infurance out and home, 20 per cent on £5000 . . - 1000 Goods for trade ----- 1000 Arms and ammunition, about ^oo Dry and wc-t provifions, for twelve months - 2000 Plantation and building tools, feeds, &c. - . 100O Salaries for one year for Governor £300, Store-keeper £200, two Surgeons / 400, Surveyor and allffiant / 400, and 14 others £.±o each, is t - i860 Calh to pay port charges, ike. - - ^00 Expenfes at home - - - 500 Total eflimated expenfe - - - ^12,932 Means of de- 587. The means of defraying this and all future expenfe, aymgit. obvioufly to ai ife from the fale of lands, of which mil- lions of acres may be advantageoufly purchafed. Befides Bulama ifland, and the large diflricf., called Great Bulama, purchafed by Mr. Beaver, and which, together, may contain 500,000 acres, he might, with equal eafe, have bought the * See in the Append. Notes &c. refpc&ing S. Leona and Bulama, Note G G. No 14. f In my opinion all thefe falaries fhould be doubled ; for it cannot be expefted that men of real worth and ability, will*cl:earfullj enter on the laborious duties of a new undertaking, in a new and untried climate, for incomes which, (except thofe of the labourers,) are fcarcely equal to what fucn men can obtain at home. In particular, I think £300 a year for a Governor, £400 for tivo furgeons. by far too little for perfons, on whofe abilities and exertions, under Providence, the fuccefs of a new colony, in a great meaiure, depends. See § 115, 127. oppofite oppofite ihoreof the Rio Grande, and the valuable territory C H>* p. of Ghinala, and, in fhort, any lands belonging to the Papels <_1^-—> and Biafaras that he chofe. (See the large map.) It is BuLA*A-therefore perfectly within bounds to calculate that 1,000,000 of acres may be bought by the AfTociation, and fold again to Europeans, which at £60 for 500 acres (the reafonable rate of the iirfl fubfcription, fee § 180, n.) would raife £i 20,000 fter. a fum which the Truftees deem amply fufficient to colonize any lands which His Majefly may, by his charter, be pleafed to authorize the Affociation to purchafe *. 588. The Truftees are farther of opinion, that if an expe- Lands awd dition, on the fmall fcale they have pointed out, fhould be tteS!&ni£ thought advifable, and fhould fucceed, thc lands fhould be otw,*e"r-divided at the beginning of the fecond year, and thc proprietors be called upon to locate their purchafes. ( § 181.) The furveyors will then have had fufficient time to make fuch furveys, as will be neceffary for the divifion of the lands: and it is obvious, that the fooner this takes place, the fooner may a vigorous cultivation be expected to commence. 589. The Truftees are fully warranted in entertaining the Tm^cs-opi. moft favourable opinion of Bulama and it's neighbourhood. S^of Bu*° ' They are convinced that the country, when cleared, will be lanu* healthful for Europeans; that the foil is rich; that, even in it's prefent neglected flate, the country abounds with valuable woods, plants, fruits and animals, with a great variety of fpices ; that the harbours arc excellent and fwarm with hfh; that the native tribes are few, and, except the Bijugas, friendly; and the Rio Grande, and other navigable rivers in the neighbourhood, afford a profpeel of opening a moft advantageous commerce with the interior parts of Africa. * See in the Append. Notes, &c. rcfpe6ting S. Leona and Bulaina, Note II H. Z 2 590. It c: nXIA P' 59°- ^ ol^y remains f°r the Truflees to apologize for the length of this report, and to befpeak the fame candour and regard to truth in judging of it, which have guided them in dif charging the delicate talk of it's compilation. O the above (abridged) Report, and the notes and Bulama papCVS m the appendix therewith connected, I have only to add, that a petition for a charter to incorporate the Bulama Affociation, has been prepared, and will, no doubt, be communicated to thc Britifh Miniflry, as foon as circumflances feem to promife fuccefs to the application. But, in the prefent poilure of public affairs, Miniflers are of courfe fo much occupied in concerns of a more pre fling nature, that they cannot rcafonably be expected to con fide r this propofition with that collected attention which it deferves, and which, it may be hoped, the return of peace will fhortly enable them to beftow on this and fimilar fubjects. African fafti ^g2. As to that part of the Appendix which relates to Sierra iiiiu'i. pub Leona and Bulama, I would obferve, that it contains every paper and document, which can with propriety be given to the world, at this time, from my African colle6tion, the whole contents of which I hope to be, one day, at full liberty to communicate to the public. Not wifhing to excite expectations which I have not fome profpect of gratifying, I can only lay, at prefent, that I have long been, and now am, engaged in collecting every kind of information refpecling Africa; and that, when all obltacles to publication are removed, I may be able to contribute my fhare towards convincing the Europeans of the value of that neglected quarter of the globe. 593. From what has been Mated in the four foregoing (abridged) Reports, refpecting thc Britifh colonies at Sierra Leona Leona and Bulama, every intelligent and candid reader will c 11 & p« eaiily collect, that the leading principle, inbothundertakings, u_ «yw has been a fincere defire to communicate to the injured nations of Africa, thc bleflings of civilization. Not that mer- cwifeitftto cantile confiderations have been entirely excluded. The oty£of fa reader will perhaps trace a few ideas of this kind, which, like JJJiJjSk,, tares among the wheat, have intruded into both inflitutions. But he will alfo difcover that, far from having been fullered to predominate, they have been, on every occafion, rendered as fubfervient to the generous views of both the Affociations, as circumftances would permit, lie will candidly remember too, that the minds of the prefent generation of Europeans have been fo entirely pecuniarizccL (if I may venture to coin a word) that no enterprize, cruite free Thep«fctM from the bafe alloy of mercantile fpeculation, can be expect*- Erapcn? ed fuddenly to be undertaken. So violent a tranfition CUNIARIZE0 could fcarcely be permanently beneficial, and might ultimately be very injurious. Social improvement is, in it's nature, progreflive, and though it's advancement may not be perceptible to vulgar eyes, the philofopher will trace it by comparing the prefent with the pafl; and the Chriflian will reft fatisfied, that every real improvement which, in the courfe of Providence, has once been begun, will in due time, arrive at perfection. 594. Some perfons, I know, who are apt to doubt the exiftence of difinterefted motives, becaufe, perhaps, they do not feel them ftirring in their own bofoms, have not fcruplcd to attribute to the promoters of the grand enterprizes we have been defcribing, thc fame felhfh views which actuate all commercial adventurers. I believe few of my readers will fufpect me of partiality to commercial fpeculation: feveral of C *X1 P* °^tuem know riiat * have been jealoufly watching the rife, i___„--1 progrefs and objects of thefe interelling enterprizes; and, fo .fully am I convinced of the general purity of the motives N.mesofsuh- which actuated the Directors of the S. Leona Company, the lcribera to r j ' African coio- Truftees of the Bulama Affociation, and the Subscribers to mzauon. both, that I cannot deny myfelf the pleafure of adorning my Append, with their refpeciable names. I wifh it were in my power to convey them to the moft diftant regions, and to nations yet unborn. But I can at leaft indulge the pleafing hope, that their meritorious exertions will be attended with the refpeclful imitation of their cotemporaries, the grateful remembrance of poflerilyt and above all, with the blcfjing of Providence. I am fure I cannot better employ the remainder of this page, than by refpeftfully fubinitting W the benevolent in general, efpeciaily to the promoters of African colonization, the following A refpeciable tradefman in this metropolis, whole imprudent zeal in the Bulama undertaking, h*d filled his mind with high expectations of immediate fuccefs, embarked for that Ifland, with his wife and three unmarried daughters, and his and their whole property, leaving behind him two daughters married in London. The disappointment oi'fucb expectations, added to the hardfliips and loftes he experienced, in the unfortunate cataflrophc which befel the colony, preyed fo much on his health and ipirits, that he died at S. Leona, fhortly after the Calypfo arrived there. ( § 545.) Having loir their protector and their property, the difconfolate females returned to England, filled with anxious cares refpefling their future fubfiftence. They have fince ftruggled hard to maintain themfelves by needlework, which their good education both enabled and difpofed them to execute. But, unfortunately* they have never been able to procure a regular fupply of this kind of employment. While fubfifling thus precarioufly, fometimes with, and fometimes almoft without, the neceffarics of life, the hufband of the eldeil married daughter was imprifoned for debt, and, after languiftiing for 10 weeks in the Fleet prifon, in a damp cellar, laid with flag-(tones, and crowded with 8 other perfons, he expired in a galloping conjunction. The hufband of the other married daughter, who was his 1'urety, has lately been alfo arretted, and is now confined. Thus, to this difconfolate family are now added, the two married daughters, with their two children. In fhort, thefe fix helplefs females and two infants, are now pining with want, in the houfe adjoining to that in which I Jive. Thofe who are difpofed to relieve them with money or needle-work, may receive fuller information refpecling their cafe, from DaRTON and Harvey, No. 55, Gracechurch-ftreet. N.B. I was unwilling to commit the above to the prefs, till I had fully fatisfied myfelf of the truth of thi3 ftatement. But, in addition to other enquiries, I have fmce viewed the wretched apartment above mentioned, and was informed by the perfon who attends it, that the debtors confined in it> a'* generally feized with a galloping confumption, which foon carries them off. (See § 197.) DANISH DANISH. Aq«JJ apim. 595' While thc flave-tracle was under a tedious and hitherto ineffectual inveftigation in thc Britilh Parliament, the Danifh Government,convinced, by a much fhorter enquiry, of it's impolicy and barbarity, determined that their part of it fhould be abolifhed in the year 1802: and, preparatory to this meafure, they refolved forthwith to open their African ports to all nations, and to eftablifh a colony in fome eligible part of that country*. 596. Dr. Ifert may be regarded as thc founder of this Dr. ifert Danifh colony t. He had accumulated a mafs of - informa- colony, tion refpecling Africa, which appeared fo interetting to the Danifh miniftry, that they fent him out to make obferva-tions on the country. Having made a very fatisfactory report, he was then empowered to look out for the moft * See His Danifh Majefty's Edi£t, of the 7th November, 1792. t It is worthy of" remark, that medical men have contributed much to remove the prejudices which have fo long obftrucled the civilization of Africa, by the ufeful obfcrvations which their liberal education enabled them to make. Not that we can fuppofe the do£lors of" the flavc-fhips to be generally men of liberal education. But it is certain, that feveral excellent furgeons and phyficians, have vifitcd thc coaft in this difagrecable fituation,and that others have gone there to increafe their fund of natural knowledge.—Van Riebeck, a furgcon, founded the colony at the Cape of Good Hope, and Doftors Lind, Smeathman, Sparrman, Ifert, Trotter and Palconbridge have all recommended the eftablifhment of colonies in Africa—Dr. Fothergill's cx-tenfive information fuggefted to him the fame meafure; though, I believe, he never vifited that part of the world, eligible eligible fituation for a colony, and even to make the experiment, if he judged it advifable or pra£ticable. This was juft the enterprize in which, above all others, the doctor wifhed to be employed. He intended to make his firft attempt on a large and beautiful ifland in the river Volta. But, having been oppofcd by the natives, or rather by the influence of the-white flave-tradcrs, he was induced to look out for a more fecure fituation, among the mountains of Aquapim (which he had before vifited) 10 Danifh miles (60 Englifh) above Area, about the fame di fiance from thc weflern bank of the Volta, which is navigable to the latitude of the colony, and about 5 Danifh miles from the river Pony, which is only navigable for canoes. Such a fituation cannot be fuppofed very convenient for commerce. But this difadvantage, if it be a difadvantage, is more than compenfated by the falubrity of the air; and the fertility of the foil appears, from the fuccefs with which cultivation, particularly that of Guinea corn, millet and cotton, has been already attended.—It may be worth while to remark, that the Caboceer, or chief, at Aquapim, ceded as much territory as the colony at prefent occupies, or might hereafter occupy, for a monthly quit rent of 8 rix-dollars, or about 16s. flerling. 597. The Danifh miniflry, purfuant to their general plan of eradicating the flave-trade and introducing civilization, feem determined to fupport this eftablifhment. Among other colonifts whom they have fent out, and who continue very healthy at Aquapim, is a fkilful farmer who has gone there to introduce the plough, and there is little doubt but he will fucceed. 598. Unfortunately, however, that kind of mercenary cultivation which prevails in the Well Indian iflands, has not Mot been excluded from this eftablifhment; for the Danifh government has thought it advifable to permit a few flaves to be fent from Chriftianfburg to perform that hard labour Aq~uapim* which would injure the health of the unfeafoned Europe- Colonybegua J 1 with flaves ans. But it is to be hoped they will be recalled to Chriflianfburg, when thc colony fhall have furmounted the firfb difficulties; and, in 1802, the year fixed for the termination of the Danifh flave-trade, their fyffem of flavery will probably undergo fome reform. It muff indeed be allowed, that if focial and political evils are once tolerated, even in the fmallcit degree, there is danger that they may take fo firm a root, as not to be eafity eradicated, efpeciaily out of colonies very diftant from the feat of government. But perfons who, from contemplating the enormities of perfonal flavery, juflly dread it's introduction, will remember, that many of it's evils are moderated by the vigilant fuperintendance of an arbitrary government; efpeciaily when adminiftered fo ably and faithfully, as that of Denmark is acknowledged to be, at prefent, by the great and humane Count Bernfdorff *. 599. Dr. Ifert's indefatigable exertions having unfortunately terminated in his death, Lieut. Colonel Roer, who to great botanical knowledge, adds much experience in W. Indian cultivation, was appointed to fucceed him ; but I know not whether he has yet arrived at Aquapim.—M. Biorn, the Governor General of the Danifh fettlments on the coaft, * I hope I need not caution my readers againft fuppofing that I mean to juftify arbitrary power, which I abhor. I only ftate the fa£r, that flaves are more mode-lately treated by mafters who are themfelves rcflraincd by arbitrary power, than by free mailers, whofe bad paffions arc not under fuch control. (See Hume's Effays,) Accordingly, Chattel lux, in his Travels in America, reckons the Spaniards and Portuguefe the moft humane mailers, thc Danes fomewhat more rigorous, the French WO!* rigorous ftill, and the Englifh and Dutch the moft rigorous of all, A a who c h^a p. wn0 pafTcci through London, in Auguft 1793, on his way i_ home from Africa, where hc had refided above twenty Aqjiaju*. years^ allured me, that the colony was in as great forward-nets as could be expected. He added that it was the more likely to fucceed, as the fpot, which he had vifited himfelf* is one of the moft fertile in that part of Africa, that the native inhabitants are of the belt difpofitions, and, above aM* that the country, at that diftance inland, is much more falubrious than any part on or near the coaft, (fee § 80.)— Dr. Ifert, in his letters to his father, publifhed in 1788, fays the natives of Aquapim, where hc afterwards fixed this colony,live in a ftate of focial harmony, which infpired him with the idea of paradifaical happinefs and fimplicity; and that the foil yields them moft luxuriant crops, with very little labour*. * I expected lo be enabled, by the letters of fome refpeftablc correfpondents, at Copenhagen, to give a fuller account of thc Danifh Colony at Aquapim; but the unaccountable and unprecedented detention of the mails from Hamburgh, 23 of which are now due, has deprived my work of the benefit of thofe communications. ^ they arrive, however, before the Appendix is printed off, I fhall certainly give them a place in it. While the foregoing imperfect fketch of the Danifh colony was in the prefs, I was fortunate enough to difcover another fource of intelligence ; having been informed that M. Moe and M. Hanfon, two gentlemen of ability, fent by the Danifi1 Government, to the Gold Coaft, to inveftigate fome affairs of national importance, had arrived at Dublin, and were fhortly expected in London. Such additional information refpe£ling the Danifh colony as they may think proper to communicate fhall be inferted in the Appendix, if not printed off before they come to London. SUPPLE- CHAP. XI. V-,-' Supplement. SUPPLEMENT TO CHAP. XL SWEDISH DESIGN or ATTEMPT. 600. Although the execution of the Swedifh defign of forming a Colony in Africa, has not hitherto been carried farther than the exploration of fome part of that continent; yet, as I can take upon me to affirm, that it originated in the pureft and moft difinterefted motives, and had for it's object, the advancement of the happinefs of mankind, fome account of it feems to deferve a place, at leaft as a fupple-ment, in a chapter, fet apart for brief hiftories of fimilar inftitutions. 601. Some members of a Society, formed for the pur- Meeting at pofe of diifufing thofe principles, and that fpecies of ui^^T5' civilization, which appeared to them beft calculated to promote focial order and happinefs, met at Norkioping, in Sweden, in the year 1779. 602. Among other matters which were confidered on that occafion, was an objection commonly made to emigration in general, namely, That as all reforms ought to originate in our own bofoms, fo colonies or affociations might be formed within Europe itfelf, where watte land and degenerate morals too much abound, and from which, as from the A a 2 heart c * r- heart in individuals, the vital principles of philanthrope \_—i might be propelled to the mod diftant extremities. ^uInV.' 6°3- A investigation of this momentous fubject, led them to a firm conviction, that though feveral of the prepare to fent European governments even fhould be difpofed to form a new 1 o I Community, grant, yet not one of them could fecure and guarantee, to a little community, however ufeful, (exifting in their dominions as a Status in Statu,) the privilege of enacting their own laws, of coining their own money and of exemption from imprifonment for debt. (§ 142, Qu. 51.) privileges which appeared to form an indifpenfable part of their plan.—For being placed, as it were, in the great current of the prevailing felfifh principles and fluctating politics of Europe, it was eafy to fee, that what fuch a community might build up to-day, was liable to be fwept away to-morrow. 604. The gentlemen, therefore, foon agreed that the chaos of jarring interefts, involved in the prefent politics, finances and commerce of Europe, oppofed a formidable obitacle to their defign : and they were clearly of opinion, that the only meafure which promifed any reafonable hopes ok fuccefs, would be the eftablifhment of a new community, out of Eu- fome where out of Europe, in the original organization of x°m which, fuch regulations might be adopted, as would effectually exclude every political, financial and mercantile principle, which was not deemed confiftent with the happinefs of mankind. But the queftion was, to what part of the habitable globe they were to turn their views?—Though many large tracts of Alia and America were unoccupied, few of them were unclaimed, and ftill fewer were within a convenient diftance of Europe.—To the weftern coaft of Africa alone, thefe weighty objections did not apply.— Abounding with tradls, neither occupied nor claimed by European and in Africa. European powers, fufhciently near to Europe to afford an c u, A p-injant fociety the advantages of her foftering care, yet fuffi- \_ -f _y ciently remote to place a nature community beyond the ^Ji1" reach of her influence, particularly, her commercial influence:—in thefe refpeefs, the Coaft jufl mentioned appeared the beft adapted for the propofed undertaking. 605. Such were the general confiderations, which among Their opt. others, directed the hopes of thefe gentlemen to the we (tern S°byDe» coaft of Africa; and farther enquiry convinced them, that, Maicll;u8, upon the whole, their plan would be more eafily practicable in that, than in any other, quarter of the globe. Their opinion was particularly influenced by thc Chev. Des Marchais' interefting Voyage to the Coaft of Guinea, made by order of the French Government, fome paffages of which, together with extracts from other authors, not generally known, I have confidered fo much connected with this Work, that I have inferted them in the Appendix*. 606. It was concluded then, that there was a probable profpecf of eflablifhing in Africa, with little oppofition, either from European claims or from the natives, a colony on their own principles, which might ferve as a bafis for a new and free community. In order, therefore, to give the reader an idea of their plan, I fhall here infert the general principles on which they propofed to form their affociationf. * See in the Appendix, Documents, Sec. refpecling the SweJifh Colonial Defign, No. i. + The following articles are general articles, there being no room for particular explanations, "Whicli indeed would not be very amufing to moft readers. It is alio necelTary to obierve, that various «iicuinftunces occafioned various little deviations to be afterwards made trom the articles inferted at p. 45 ft feq. of a «« Plan for a free Community, Sec. printed in 178^, and which were found applicable t« a later period. Outlines Supple- hl e n t. the Elan. CHAP. XI. ' Outlines of a Plan for forming an Affociation, in order to eflablijh a new and free Community out of Europe, and beyond thc fphere of it's political, financial and (efpeciaily) commercial influence. (1.) A certain number of friends to this undertaking (fay 10 heads of families) Outline of to aflemble, in order to make choice of members to form the firft elements of this new community. Each of thefe 10, to recommend 9 others, and the whole 100 fo chofen, to fele£l from among themfelves a certain number, (fay 40 families) to embark. (2.) A committee to be chofen to provide for the embarkation, and to manage all the concerns of the community, (fee the whole of Chap, IX. and particularly § 179-) This committee to be furniftied with maps and every other neceffary information. (3.) This whole Affociation to divide themfelves into three Claffes, viz. PRODUCTORS, MANUFACTURERS and MERCHANTS, (See § 194 f.} Their political influence in the community to be in a certain definite proportion (fay Produftors to have 12 votes, Manufactures 8, and Merchants 4.) (4.) To prevent all undue influence, the rcprefentatives in the Legiflature to be ballotted for by each head of a family feparately, and without alfembling for fuch purpofe. [5.) When the (40) families have determined to embark, they are to give up a certain part of their property to fuch public ufe, (§ 170) as maybe found proper by the committee mentioned in article 2d. (3.) In order that no prejudice may arife to that country, from which one or more of thefe (40) families may emigrate, all the 100 heads of families are to bind themfelves as fureties, that fuch property of thofe individuals as may be employed in this undertaking, fhall be reitored to that country from which he removes, within a flipulated term of years, together with a certain annual intereft. (7,) This new community to make an agreement with thofe nations, where they* f The prefent European communities appear to be all more or lefs infected with prejudices, not eafily eradicated, arifmg from the unnatural clarification of Mates into Nobility, Clergy, Burghers, Peafantt, Sec. The whole community except the two firft claffes, are called Roturiers in Franc*' Comment ir» G. Britain, and Ofrelfe, (that i« UNSAFE) in Sweden. Thefe diftinctions appear to have encouraged pride and idlenels in the firft chifs, bigotry and intolerance in the fecond, mort'y purfuits and an artificial credit in the third, and to have increafed the mifery and poverty of the whole hit c!;Us, who form, however, the greateft part of the ftate. ON THE PRINCIPLES OF HUMANITY.—SWEDISH. It-are going to eftablifh themfelves, and which agreement, for the fafety of both C H A parties, (hall not be inconfilicnt with any of the articles herein mentioned*. *^*' (8-) Perfons of any nation, who maybe difpofed to emigrate on thefe conditions, Supple may apply to any ol the members in the committee, mentioned in the 2d article, m&nt. from whom they may receive all neceffary information ; and, upon fatisf)ing the committee, refpecling their characters, may fubferibe the Social Contracts (fee § 152 it Jeq.) and receive certificates of their having become members of the communityt. (9.) The government of the community to be organized, from the very beginning, according to fuch fyflem, as they may adopt among themfelves, (fee \ 179,) and to be changeable or permanent, agreeable to the determination, of the community, (fee alfo § 154 and 171.) (10.) That the Chiefs in every Department of Government, be anfwerable to, and checked by, the whole Community, in the execution of it's will. In like manner, the under/landing of the Members of the Community, relative to thc public happinef>, to be enlightened by the knowledge and example of the government; and, if thefe prove ineffectual, the evils arifing from error to be checked by thc ex-jffing laws;};. (11.) All the Members wifhing to emigrate, who poTefs property, and are unacquainted with the commodities neceffary to be procured, may depofit fuch property in the hands of the Committee (Art. 2.) who will give fecurity for the application thereof, according to the proprietor's defire, confident with the regulations agreed upon. Members not rending in that country where thc embarkation may take place, and not able to be prefent till near the time of the failing of the expedition, may impower the Committe, or any number of the Affociation, to tranfacl; their tone cms, and to vote in their behalf. (12.) All humane perfons of property who may be inclined to contribute to thc formation of a capital, for thc fupport of this undertaking, may depofit fuch fums as they think proper with the Committee, for which they will receive a bond, figned by all the 100 members. By this bond the fubferibing members will oblige them. * The emigrating colonics to agree about a trail of land fufticient for the maintenance of an in-creafing community. 196.) •f With rel'pecl to the cautious choice of the colonifts, fee § I, 115. is8, 14.5, 355, 398, 404, 408, 446, 476, 551; note, 570 note, 571 note,—and without ligning fuch contracts no body ty embark. J That nothing may obltru£l the improvement of the underftandjiig, it is here meant that every individual may ipeak, write or print whatever he thinks proper, fubjcil to no other icftraint than thc known laws cxilting before fuch fpeech or publication. For the fame reafon, it is farther meant that news papers and other prints, calculated to diffule public information, fttall be circulated, and the foliage of letters defrayed, at the expenfe of the public, felves, CHAP, felves, in behalf of the whole community, to pay a certain annual intereft till the whole principal is difcharged, which, however, muft not be done before the expir-Supple- atlon °^ 10 >'ears» after the arrival of the colonifts on thc fpot fixed on. In the fame m £ nt» bond, the community fhall bind themfelves, after the expiration of the 10 years, be-fides paying principal and intereft of the fums advanced, to convey and make over to the lenders, a certain quantity of cultivated land, as a gratification, for every fum (fay^~iooo) with which the undertaking may have been affiftcd in its infancy. (13.) Differences arifing among members of thc affociation to be decided by the arbitration of 12 perfons, chofen equally of each party, till other regulations may be agreed upon; and any difference, that may arifc between the community and other communities or nations, to be decided, it polfible, in a fimilar manner. (14.} As foon as this community increafes to 100 families above 10,000, they are to purchafe more land, in order to fettle a frefh community, upon the fame principle. (15.) That all kinds of private monopoly fhall be excluded; or, if any monopoly be allowed, it fhall refide in thc community, and be exercifed by thc government. Con-fequently coining, hitherto monopolized, will be in the power of every individual. (16.) That no individual in this new community, fhall ever be liable to be arretted for credit given to him. (17.) That there (hall be in this community, public checks to prevent any individual from employing his property in any manner that maybe found deftru6tivc of, or inconfiftent with, good morals. (16.) It is the defign of this plan, that our free community fhall be erc&ed in Africa, coiifequently among the negro nations; not for any of the bafer purpofes of ufurping dominion over them, difluvbing their peace, enflaving their perfons, or debauching their manners; but for the nobler purpofes of civilizing, and gradually incorporating them into our community, by every gentle means, as by regular marriages, the education of their children, &c. It will therefore become the indifpenfi-ble duty of every member to fparc no pains for promoting this beneficial purpofe, particularly by educating one or more of their children, under control of the whole community. Oppofitionof 607. The more the local fituation of the intended tbeflave-trwk cojony was confidered, the more the gentlemen were perfuaded that no part of the weftern coafi; of Africa, would admit of being peopled by a body of men a£tu* ated by principles, which, in their view, promifed to eradicate corruption, unlefs the flave-trade, the chief commerce purfued in thofe regions, could be removed to fuch a diflance from the fpot where the colony might be fixed, as as would fccurc it from all future intruiion of that formid- c HK^ p able enemy. 608. The rcfult of thefe deliberations, (in which I Had thc MtN T. honour to afliit) was a refolution to explore that part of the weflcrn coaft of Africa to which our attention was directed. But the execution of this plan was, at that time, retarded by the American war which, though it threatened ruin to fome of the parties engaged in it, relieved Africa, by interrupting the flave-trade, and has fince appeared to be the harbinger of an event which, it may be hoped, will terminate in real and rational liberty in Europe. Yet this obflacle, though then infurmountable, never induced us for a moment to lofe light of our object.. 609. Previous to that period U. Nordenfkiold, (a brother of t he King of the late A. Nordenfkiold, fee § 400) a zealous and well in- achirterto+o formed traveller, had publifhed an intereltingtreatife * on the fubje6t. of the prefent work, and which, feafbnably fupportcd by his influence and activity, at the Court of Stockholm, promoted the bufinefs fo far as to induce His late Swedifh Ma-jefty to grant a charter to 40 families to emigrate to the weft-em coaft of Africa. By this deed, they were empowered to organize their own government, to enact, their own laws, and to eflablifh a fociety in all refpecis independent on Europe, and even of Sweden itfelf, by which, however, they were to be protected, during the infant Hate of their community. The only conditions annexed to thefe privileges were, that the Society fhould defray every expenfe attending their expedition and eftablifhment; and fhould abflain from all infringement on the territories poffeffed, or claimed by every other European powerf. But thefe preparatory * See in the Append. Documents, &c. refpeft. thc Swedifh colonial defign, No. 1. + The obflacle mentioned in the note to § ,599, namely, the detention of the mails, puts it out of my power to prefent the reader with a copy of this lingular charter, us alfo of feveral other documents relative this Swedifh undertaking. B b , fleps, Su i'ple-m B n T, c h A p. ftcps, however important, could, in fact, avail but little, fca a._j while no fyilematical plan had been deviled for carrying thc fcheme into execution, and while the two moft powerful, not to fay the moft enlightened, European nations (France and Great Britain,) were tinging the ocean wi th human blood, and, in various ways, preventing the intended enterprize. pinn for 610. Knowing, however, that the eminent mercantile jewingfo1 jloure Gf m. Chauvell of Havre de Grace, was embarking in various enterprifes to Africa, we offered to engage in an expedition to that part of the world, on his account; and accordingly he drew up a plan for exploring the interior parts of Africa, which was communicated to us *. But, as we foon found, that M. Chauvell had no other end in view than the difcovery of gold, the fole objefl of the merchant's purfuit, and that his plan was better accommodated to thefinancial interefts of Guftavus III. than to our particular object, it was immediately laid before the Senator Baron Lilljencrantz, then Secretary of State in Sweden. But though it did not excite in us any very fanguine expectations; yet, by keeping alive the attention of the Swedifh miniftry, it contributed to give rife to a more interefting enterprize; and no time was loft in calling for the co-operation of feveral friends to our defign in different countries, and applications were even made to certain governments Theauthofs 611. At length Providence was pleafed to grant me mrtei a ncarer approach to the bourne of my wifhes, by giving me an apportunity of embarking, on a voyage fo long meditated and fo anxioufly defired. . For, having again petitioned His Swedifh Majefly, he was pleafed to favour my views, not only by granting me leave of abfence from nvf * See in the Append. Documents, &c. refpeft, the Swedifh colonial defign, No. »• public e public office, but alfo to interefl himfelf in my behalf with c " A p* the Court ol France. i__,-* 612. It may here be obferved, that Guflavus III. in JJJJi*" granting the Charter before mentioned, obeyed a kind of Warm and generous impulfe which indeed feemed congenial to his character, and often operated inftantaneoufly and obj«a»ofthe vifibly on his conduct. But without any difrepect to His aES. ° Majefty's memory, I may venture to add, that when he came to confider the proportion coolly, he allowed fome private intereft to blend itfelf with his generofity; for it was very apparent that one of his views, in giving hisconfent to, and encouraging, this expedition, was the difcovei y of natural productions, efpeciaily gold, which, it is well known, His Majefty efteemed above all the curiofities in the three kingdoms of nature. Hence it was, that thofe able naturalifls, Dr. Sparrman and the Chevalier Capt. Arrhenius, were alfo ordered on the expedition. But, had His Majefty's great natural talents been more engaged in promoting the happinefs of mankind, than the partial inte-rcfls of the fycophants who furrounded him, he would probably have paid lefs attention to metallic difcoveries, and more to the original object of the undertaking; the fuccefs of which, however, would have affigned to that unfortunate monarch a fingularly diflinguifhed place among the benefactors of the human race.—But the truth is, that thc King loved gold, my worthy companions loved natural fci-ence, and I loved colonization. It muft be confeffed too, that fo warmly did we profecute our refpe6tive • purfuits, that a phlegmatic obferver would not perhaps have fcru-pled to pronounce each of us an enthufiatt in his way • efpeciaily if he had known that we had alio ferioufly de- B b 2 termined c it a r. termined on an attempt to traverfe the continent, and to re* v.-.„._; turn home by the eaftern coafl of Africa. sment!" 613. Animated by our different profpe&s, we left Sweden, in May 1787, and our journey to Paris, through Denmark, Germany and a part of France, we took every opportunity of collecting fuch kinds of information as had any connection with our undertaking. Though our reception at Paris, Difficulties in fully anfwercd the expectations we had formed from the minted!"" letters of introduction with which we had been favoured; yet we foon began to feel the effects of an exclufive commerce, in the felnfh fpirit which actuated the Senegal company, in common with all other monopolies, and which very much retarded our bufinefs in that capital. This cir-cumllance the Swedifh ambaffador,Baron Stael vonHolftein, had but too much reafon to remember from the repeated applications he had occafion to make to the miniftry, in our behalf. To our difficulties in Paris I may add thofe we afterwards experienced at Havre de Grace. Thefe formidable obftacles, however, were at length removed by the Mare-chal de Caltries, then minilter at war and of the colonies, who exprefsly ordered the directors not only to give us a paffage, but to infhruct their agents on the coaft, to give us every poffible afliftance, and to place all the expenfe to the account of government. He, at the fame time, furnifhed us with fimilar orders to the fuperintendants of thofe French factories, on the coaft of Guinea, which were independ-ant of the Senegal company, and to the confuls at Sallee, and other places on the coaft of Barbary *. Thus, after fome delay, unavoidable perhaps in fuch bufinefs, our * See in the Appendix, Documents, &c. refpecling the Swediih colonial defign, No. 3, 4 & 6- views views were promoted with that liberality which certainly C h a k foi Tns an amiable feature in the national characler of the - - j French. SupPLE ——r--* m e nt. 614. All our difficulties in Europe, having been happily furmounted or eluded, we failed from Havre de Grace in Aug. 1787, in a fhip belonging to the French Senegal company ; and arrived at the coaft, at the end of the rainy feafon. Arrival in We intended to touch firft at Senegal; but, from the low- nefs of the coaft, the ftrength of the currents, and perhaps the ignorance of the captain, we miffed the entrance of the river. We therefore proceeded to the Ifland of Goree, where we delivered our difpatches, from the Marechal de Caftries, M. de Malfherber and others, to the Chevalier de Boufilers, then Governor of French Africa, and who, I muft gratefully acknowledge, received us in a manner that needs not be explained to thofe who are acquainted with the amiable characler and various accomplishments of a man who does real honour to his country, and to civilized fociety. 615. During our flay at Goree, we made feveral CXCUr- Dlfappoint-fions to different parts of thc adjacent continent, and met EXeir, with many whites, negroes and mulattocs, who were ex- cw tremely well acquainted with the whole coaft, and fome whofe knowledge extended to very diftant parts of the interior country. The Che v. de Bou filers promifed us a veffel, in which we might furvey the whole coaft, and particularly S. Leona, where he had been himfelf, and which he defcribed as one of the moft beautiful places he ever faw. But, to our great mortification, thefe agreeable expectations were difappointed, by events which it was impoffible for us to forefee or control.—(1.) Unfortunately for us, our worthy benefactor, (for fo I may well call him) the Chev. de Boufflers, refigned his government and returned to France; and with . him • S u r p j. t c H A p- him every idea of liberality feemed to have departed from ^__Goree: for (2.) After this inaufpicious event, we were very uncivilly treated by the agents of the Senegal company, who would neither grant us a veffel to proceed along the coaft, nor furnifh us, as they were ordered, with thofe goods which they well knew were abfolutely neceffary, for our propofed journey into the interior parts. (3.) A French corvette which arrived at Goree, brought the difagreeable news, that hoftilities had commenced between Great Britain and France. Though this report afterwards proved to be ground-lefs, it greatly increafed the difficulties in our arrangements with M. Blanchau, the new governor. (4.) The general war, which the moft powerful negro nations were provoked, by the oppreffive monopoly exercifed by the Senegal company, to declare againft the French, rendered it impoffible for us to penetrate to the interior, through the extenlive maritime territories of thofe juftly irritated princes*. 616. Controled by thefe irrefiftible caufes, we were obliged Europe. tQ return to Europe, and to content ourfelves with thofe ob-fervations on the adjacent coaft,and that intelligence refpecling remoter parts, which our opportunities enabled us to make and to collect; and which, though not foextenfive as we wifhed, afforded my fellow travellers no mean fpecimensof the natural treafures of Africa, and fully convinced me of * The late Senegal company of France, had contrived to obtain perhaps the rnoft extenfive privileges ever enjoyed, by any fimilar eftablifhment. Every article from which a mercantile profit could be fqucezed, not excepting the natural curiofi-ties of the country, fell under their gripe. As an inflance, I may mention that I could not get a parrot, without it's palling through thc hands of the company's agents, in fhort, fuch was their unconfcionablc rapacity, as not only to roufc the vengeance of thc negro nations, but alfo to excite the filcnt but deep felt rcfent-ment of the mulattocs ol Goree and Senegal, whofe very exiflence depended . on their commerce with the neighbouring continent. the Rt-tuiii to the practicability of eftablifhing European colonies,on feveral c & p» parts of that coaft. u—.f-—; 617. Of all the places we vifited, Cape Verd appeared to mb«tV Die the moft eligible fituation for a new colony*. The natural advantages of this promontory, are indeed fo numerous, that nothing but the general inattention to Africa, which has c. Verd, &c. fo long prevailed in Europe, can account for the neglect: of cEwtSn. fuch a fituation. (See § 2 et feq.) Being nearly furrounded by the fea, and abounding with bold elevations, and rich vallies, watered with excellent fprings, it is undoubtedly as healthful, fertile and defenfible, as any part of that coaft, within a convenient diftance from Europe. Befides an eafy intercourfe with Europe, this Cape has an advantage altogether peculiar to itfelf, in the vicinity of thc cleanly, airy and healthful town of Goree, where the colonifts might be well accommodated, till they could erect houfes on the adjacent continent, and from the fame town the colony might derive occafional affiftance, during the delicate period of it's infancy. But political confiderations forbade me to cherifh any hope of forming a colony at Cape Verd. The French had twice purchafed that whole peninfula, from King Darnel, for that exprefs purpofet". The laft bargain was made by the * I might have obferved, in the text, that Joal, Portuda], Cape Rouge, and one or two other places which I vifited, are all more or lefs proper for colonies. But it may be neceffary to add, that the whole country adjacent to Fort Louis, in the river Senegal, is fo unfavourable to health, as to be an unpleafant, not to fay an un-fafe, habitation for Europeans. See § 80, 97. + The neceffity of fometimes re-purchafing the fame traft of land from the negro princes, may arife, from their fimple idea of property, which appears to depend intirely on immediate occupancy. If the purchafer do not refide on the land, and cultivate it, they conclude that, having no ufc for it, he has given it up, and confequently c 11 a p. t]ie Chew deBoulflers himfelf, the liberality of whofe fenti- t_^_i mcnts led me to think that he would have countenanced ' our fchemc, if the communication of it to him had been then proper. But, in Unci conformity with the terms of the King of Sweden's charter, I directed all my views and enquired to places neither occupied, nor claimed, by any European power, of which there were feveral about Cape Mount and Cape Mefurado. I alfo thought it my duty to fubmit the remit of my obfcrvations and enquiries to that monarch, in the firft inflance. But, in cafe he fhould not accede to fuch proportions as our Society might, in confequence, make, ;md which I feared would be the cafe, my intention was to recommend to them an application to the Court of France, through the Chev. de BoufRers, for permiflion to eflablifh a colony at Cape Verd, on the principles of our affociation. 618. Having thus given a fhort fketch of our expedition, the attention I owe to a certain clafs of my readers, induces me to flate briefly, the caufes which have obliged me to remain fo long in England, and which I hope, will convince thofe worthy perfons, that I have never, for a moment, forgotten the great end and aim of all my labours.—(1.) One of thofe caufes has been anticipated in the introduction (p. 2.) in which I obferved, that Dr. Sparrman and myfelf, on coming to London, were fummoned to attend the Privy Council) where we were examined (as I was afterwards, in a Com-, mitteeof the Houfe of Commons) refpecling the flave-trade, the abolition of which has been agitated fo long, and apparently to fo little purpofe, in the Britifh Parliament.-— confequently that it reverts to the former occupier, or proprietor;—or (2.) from tl'e unfaithfulnefs or ignorance of the interpreter who affifts in making the agreement, whence thc prince may miftake the price paid, for a periodical prefent;—or (3.) tr°m the mere forgctfuhiefs of the negroes, who do not record fuch tranfactions. (2.) About Caufet of the author'« ttay in England. (2.) About the fame time, an Affociation was formed in Lon- c W A p* don, for exploring the interior parts of Africa, a defign in ^——/ ^vhichtheknowledgeacquiredbyDr. Sparrman,inhis former Smkn',!" travels in another part of that continent, was found of great ufe*.—(3.) The fame period was diltinguifhed by the commencement of the colony at S. Leona, for which Mr. G. Sharp was fitting out a veffel, at his own expenfe, when I arrived in London.—(4.) The emancipation by purchafe, of a fon of the King of Mefurado, from his pretended friend, and which I had then the happinefs to effect, in London, feemed likely to induce his father, to favour the eftablifhment of our intended colony in his territories +.—(5 ) In cafe fuch of our fociety as might determine to emigrate, fhould chufe to form a part of the new colony at S. Leona, Mr. Sharp endeavoured to facilitate their reception, by recommending it to the colo-nitls to referve lots of land for them J. 619. Thefe nearly cotemporary events certainly afforded, The author** upon the whole, no unpromifing profpe6ls of obtaining cf- Fp7a«Eg££ fectual fupport to our plan, in Great Britain, where fcience, land' liberality and wealth feemed to confpire with a laudable z^ai to promote philanthropic undertakings. At leafl it will be acknowledged, that I had much greater reafon to hope * Sec the Refohttions of thc " Affociation for promoting the Difcovcry of the J'Hnior parts cf Africa," dated June 9th, 1788. + See in the Append. Notes, &c. refpefting S. Leona and Bulama, Note Z. | In the fame recommendation, Mr. Sharp included the King of Mefurado's foil, to whom, it was obvious, a little poffeffion at S. Leona might prove ferviceablc. Nor was it improbable, that Mr. Sharp's grand defign might be advanced, by giving fend and privileges at S. Leona, to an African who was receiving his education in England, and was likely one day, to pofTcfs both lands and power, at Cape Mefurado, ar>d thus might be able to promote civilization in two parts of the coaft, at the fame time. C c for Supple-mi; n f i c HyA p- for fupport in this, than in my native, country, where the j abfurd war with Ruflia was abforbing the attention, the treafure, and the blood of a nation then fuffering under the influence of ruinous councils*. Nor were my hopes ill founded, though they have hitherto been deferred; for my applications to the Britifh Miniflry, were fb C1fect.11-ally fupported by perfons of the firft refpectability, that, in 3789, a veffel was ordered to be equipped, for an expedition to difcovcr the moll proper fituations for colonies, on the Weflern coafl of Africa. 620. The command of this veffel was, undoubtedly with great propriety, conferred on Captain Roberts of the * I am lorry to obfcrvc, that I myfelf have, in more than one inflance, been made the dupe of fuch councils. In particular, in the year 17^4, I was font to Sotlingen in Weftphtrlia, by order of the late King of Sweden, to engage fword-cutlers to come over to that country. M. Sandels, counfellor of the board P» mines, who was at thc head of this political, or rather warlike,manceuvre, hinted to me, in confidence, that thc King even then, (viz. fo early as 1774,) meditated an attack on Rufha, and was determined to have fwords made in Sweden, without the knowledge or afliftencc of any other European power. Young and inexperienced in court machinations, I was prevailed on to undertake this bufinefs, without being well apprized of the hazard to which I expofed myfelf. For, after engaging fome cutlers, I found that a flavifh law in that place, prohibited thofe poor creatures from endeavouring to belter their condition, by emigrating to other countries. ■ was therefore arretted, and confined for feveral weeks in the citadel of Duffeldoi !• But this did not make me abandon my object, in which I at lafl fucceeded fo well, that I brought over with me 27 perfons, who were eftablifhed at Efkilftuna in Sweden, where their deltructive manufacture is now carried on, in a* great perfect ion as at Sollingen, an acquifition to my country, which I now blufh to have been thc inftrumcnt of introducing ; and, for which I have nothing but the inexperience 0* youth, and miflakcn notions of patriotifm and honour, to offer in excufe. When engaging therefore with Guftavus III. in the African expedition, I ought to have recollected how little reafon I had to depend on the philanthropy of a monarch inverted with unlimited power, and befet, as he was, on all fides, by wicked and intcrcflcd courtiers. Royal ■ Royal Navy, whofe nautical education under the great c £ p# Cook, whom he accompanied in his voyages round the *--—\ world, eminently qualified him for fuch an undertaking. I uilr,* had the daily fatisfaction of feeing the equipment proceed, under thc able infpecHon of Capt. Roberts, when a mcrcan- pi%t*u*ad r by a tlueat- tile difpute about a paltry cargo of fkins, purchafed by a enedwarWitfc Britilh fhip on a barbarous coaft, claimed (forfooth) by Spain, had nearly ended in a war between the two nations. Ridiculous as was the caufe of this contelt, it's confequences to my fcheme were ferious ; for the fhip having been equipped, Capt. Roberts waited a confiderable time for orders ; and, after all, I had the mortification to fee him commanded to proceed on a fccret expedition, which I had every reafon to believe, was connected with this Nootka Sound bufinefs. (fee § 324.) From the year 1790, to the commencement of the prefent war, the peace of Europe was too precarious for me to hope for attention to any application on this fubject.; and the deilroying fword muft be fheathed, before I can rationally think of renewing them*. Thus has this undertaking been four feveral times interrupted by preparation for, * When in Africa, I was much (truck with thc inclination I every where obferved among the negroes, to fpin and weave cotton; and was often furpri/.ed at their perfeverance under all the difadvantages which attend imperfect machinery. I brought home, however, one of their fimple looms, and feveral fpecimens of their cloth, of different qualities, fome of which are even elegant enough, to have convinced every Engliih manufacturer, who has feen them, that the fabricators want nothing but inftruction and encouragement, to make them excellent arti/.ans. As 1 had hopes of returning one day to Africa, I thought I could not better employ that time, during which I was obliged to wait for the final determination of the Britifh Government, than in endeavouring to obtain a competent knowledge ol the cotton manufacture. Accordingly, I entered into that, bufinefs at Manchefler; and, I truft, the knowledge of it I there acquired, has qualified me, in one refpect, to contribute to give the natives of Africa, that inftruction, which has hitherto been denied them by civilized nations. C c 2 or chap, or the actual ravages of war, that fcourge of the human fpe-j^J^l^ cies, that invariable diflurber of every enterprize, calculated Supple- to advance their moral improvement, or their foeial hap-.pinels. yet not hope- 621 .Yet I do not think thefe difcouragements, fhould make me defpair of the ultimate fuccefs of the propofed plan; though it mufl be confeffed that, in any preceding century, fuch a plan would probably have been regarded as an inflance of enthufiafm, approaching to infanity. But the cruel reign of prejudice, efpeciaily refpecling the war-fyftem, appears to be drawingfaft to a period, and mankind are apparently advancing to a new and exalted degree of improvement. Thofe great, yet fimple truths, which craft and ignorance have hitherto concealed^ begin to be unveiled by a light,, which, though occafionally intercepted by lowering clouds,, feems deflined to difplay Social Harmony, in all her lovely proportions, to the admiring and obedient nations. APPENDIX APPENDIX, Containing explanatory Notes, Quotations and Original Documents; fome of zvhuh, had the Author obtained them fooner, would have been, with more Propriety, in~ ferted in the Body of the Work. Sub/lance of two Letters add re/fed to Dr. Knowles, of London, on the Productions and Colonization of Africa. By Dr. Henry Smeathman. See ^.62. Sir, 621. rT',0 pofterity it may perhaps appear extraordinary, that the Europeans fhould for near 200 years, have carried on a brifk trade with Africa for little elfe but flaves. A fhort reflection on the fituation of Africa mufl certainly countenance this opinion. It lies in climates, which in thc other continents produce the richefl materials of commerce: and it's produ6lions are actually fimilar. Ihe principal are gold, ivory, dying wood, gums, honey, wax, ambergreafe, &c. and probably there are few of the riches of the eaflern or wcflern heinifpheres which may not be found in this middle region. 622. This is not mere conjecture. 1 have, by obfcrvations made in a 4 years p^j^ fefidence, a moral certainty, that on a proper plan, a molt lucrative, fafe aud honourable traffic may be carried on to that quarter, from Europe. The Grain Coaft, hom it's fertility in rice, would, if a proper vent was opened, in a few years produce of that commodity alone, and the fineft in the world, an immenfe quantity. And nothing is wanted but encouragement, to procure great quantities of cotton, as fine as the E. Indian,and tobacco as the Brazilian; alfo fugar and a fpecies of indigo infinitely fuperior to that of the weft, and various drugs, fome peculiar to Africa, others the ufual refult of induftry in thofe climates. Among the former we may reckon various gums, fpices, and woods; and of the latter the fpirit of fweet potatoes, wild' grapes, &c. from which I have made excellent brandy, various kinds of flax and licmp, Appendix, hemp, Sec. To thefe may be added palm oil, equal to olive oil, for food and Vta—"~~v ' other purpofes; and of which an infinite quantity may be got merely by collecting the fruits or nuts, and boiling them. The coaft abounds with fifh and turtle, and would be an excellent fituation for a whale fithery. But an enumeration of it's various productions would be tedious. Tendency of 62^. My plan would tend to emancipate and to civili/.c every year, fome thou* plmK fands of flaves, to dry up one great foarce of that diabolical commerce: and if not to produce liberty to the Haves in the W. Indies, at leaft to meliorate their fituation* Thc flopping fome fource would not only encreafe the price of ffaves, but alarm the W. India planters, left they fhould foon have no frefh fupply. This would make them rnore tender of thofe they already poffefs. And of this be affurcd, the planters will always buy flaves as long as they can calculate, that each will, in 7 or 10 years, repay his price. If fuch a plan would be agreeable to the fociety of Frien ds, I fhould have pleafure in laying it before them, and to difclofc, under a promife of fecrefy, the latent hinge on which it will affuredly fucceed. If. they mould find rny propofals expedient, I will gladly dedicate thc chief part of my future life to the carrying them into execution. 624. I conceived this project in Africa, where an induflrious cultivation of the foil, with various excurfions, made me well acquainted with the genius, cufloms, agriculture, trade and arts of the natives. My flay in the W. Indies was with a view to inform myfelf of tropical cultivation, previous to my return to Africa. J-accomplifhed my intention, and have fince, by ftudying various branches of philo-fophy and ufeful arts, qualified myfelf ftill further. 62,5. By the enclofed letter you will fee, I had, previous to your fpeakingto nic on the flave-trade, begun to feek out a method of executing my plan. Mr. Wilding is my particular friend, and though engaged in the flave-trade, is in other refpefts a man of great fenfe, honour and candor. But I fhould be glad to have no connection with any concerned in the flave-trade, and therefore, if no gentleman, in your truly refpectable fociety, will take it up, I have been advifed to make overtures to a foreign power.-*—I am, &c. H. S\1E ATIIMAtf. "-specceeoy~r. from Other trials, more exa£t, afforded very large proportions; fo that here we fpent 20 5,h>' 0 . 1 1 -r Above nib. days; and, plying hard our work, in that time had gotten 12 pounds Iroy, five 5 oz. gold got ounces, two penny-weights, 15 grains, of good gold. 111 20 Ja>'s" 667. M March the 31ft, our materials wafting apace, I was willing to try further, here beginning our gieatefl toil; for, often in a day, we were conftrained to ftrip ourl felves, Appendix, felves, and leap into water, with main flrength to force our boats and the flats. ' ~* ~ -' Nor was this our greater! affliction ; for thc river water fmells fo fwcet and mulkVi Riverfhnllow, that wc could not drink of it, nor drefs our meat with it; and, as wc conceive, h) water bad. reafon of thc abundance of crocodiles, which have the fame fcent. 668. " April the 7th, we perceived the in-fall of a fmall river fouth, the current quick, the land all rocky and mountainous, and, in the filence ol the night, coul" hear the noife, perfectly, of a great fall of waters; and before the mouth of it, aI1' chored that night. 669. " In the morning, into that we put, and came as near the fall as wc well could' Our water failed; but our indefatigable induftry overcame all difficulties; tor, what 1 could not by water, I did attempt by land: where arriving, I found the long expected end of our moft toilfomc aud iong voyage; for, I believe, never any boat, nor any Chriftians, have been fo high in that river, as we. Here, upon the firft Gold in an trial I made, the exceed of gold was fo much, that I was furprifed with joy and altomflung admiration: however, here I was refolvcd to lav down my ftaff; and to that end, quantity. ' 11 , 1 if the firft thing I did, was to go the boat; and, about a league and a hau thence, I found wood. Here we prattifed to turn colliers, and laded our fmall boat with as much as fhe could well carryback; we went and fell to work, for which I hope (to God alone be praife) none of the company hath caufe to repent, • for the great pains and labour he took, though we chofe the worft time of the year almoft, the waters being then at the very loweft; but had we gone immediately after the rains, which is June, July and Auguft, or before the waters were fallen fo low, we had been free from much of that trouble, at fords and falls, by having water ■enough to carry us over. *' At thc end of the paper are thefe words. V Transcribed verbatim from a paper manufcript, lent me by Mr. Fr. Lodwich Octob. 2, 1693, by ft R. Hook. ** This paper (which I have here publiftied exactly as I found it) I not long fince lent to a perloii of great quality, for the fervice of the African Company (then fetting out for an expedition into th"ie parts) and 1 hope it hath, or will prove as much for their benefit, as my withes are. The papcl fetalis to have been written by one that had gotten great riches, in King Charles the lid's time, by his progrefs up the river Gambay 1 and hi» descriptions of the openings, and turnings of the Gambay* the inlets of other rivers into it, the adjacent mountains, &c. may be a good guide to undertakers, l'°vV to find out the place, where our author met with gold, even to fatiety. Who he was, can fcatce be known, he conjuring his friend, Mr. Lodwick (to whom I conceive this letter was addreffed) to thc greateft fecrecy, being, I fuppofe, afraid to be known, or talked of, left he mould be commanded avvay» by the King and government, upon another expedition, from that peaceable and fatisfaclory retirement he enjoyed, after his acquifition of fufficient wealth. W. Deiuiam." The above curious paper is inferted in F. Moore's « Travels into the inland Parts of Africa.'" Bi'1 he does not fay from whence he copied it; and has not mentioned the year, (1693) nor the names of Lodwick, Hook, or Dcrham. C. B. W. From Extratlsfrom Br. Franklin's FJfays, 21 j Appendix . From Dr. Franklin's " EJfay on Luxury, Idlenefs and Indujlry" in his letter to B. Vaughan, Efq. written in 1784. Franklin's Works, Vol. 11. p. 133. See § 36, 37. 670. " I have not vet thought of a remedy for luxury. I am not fure that in a . . Innocent lux-, great flate it is capable of a remedy ; nor that the evil is in itfclf always fo great as ury promotes it is reprefented. Suppofe we include in the definition of luxury all unneceffary indu»ry. expence, and then let us confider whether laws to prevent fuch expence are poffi-blc to be executed in a great country, and whether, if they could be executed, our people generally would be happier, or even richer. Is not the hope of being one day able to purchafe and enjoy luxuries, a great fpur to labour and induftry ? May not luxury therefore produce more than it confumes, if, without fuch a fpur, people would be, as they are naturally enough inclined to be, lazy and indolent ? To this purpofe I remember a circumftance. The fkipper of a fhallop, employed between Cape-May and Philadelphia, had done us fome fmall fervice, for which he rcfufed to be paid. My wife underftanding that he had a daughter, fent her a prefent of a ncw-fafhioned Cap. Three years after, this ikipper being at mv houfe with an old farmer of Cape-May, his paflenger, he mentioned the cap, and how much his daughter had been pleafed with it. " But (faid he) it proved a dear cap to our congregation."—" How fo ?'*—" When my daughter appeared with it at meeting, it was fo much admired, that all the girls refolved to get fuch caps from Philadelphia ; and my wife and I computed that the whole could not have coft lefs than a hundred pounds."—" True (faid the farmer,) but you do not tell all the fto-ry. I think the cap was neverthelcfs an advantage to us; for it was the firft thing that put our girls upon knitting worfted mittens for fale at Philadelphia, that they might have wherewithal to buy caps and ribbons there; and you know that that induftry has continued, and is likely to continue and increafe to a much greater value, and anfwer better purpofes."—Upon the whole, I was more reconciled to this little piece of luxury, fince not only the girls were made happier by having fine caps, but the Philadelphians by the fupply of warm mittens. Ff From 218 Extratlsfrom Dr. Franklins Effays. Appendix. From Dr. Franklins F/fay, entitled " Precautions to be uftd by thofe who are about to undertake a long Sea Voyage." Franklins Works, Vol. II. p. 128. See § 141. Navigation} 671. " When navigation is employed only for tranfporting neceffary provifions when uietul St from one COuntry, where, they abound, to another where they are wanting; when when noxious. _ 1 . . . by this it prevents famines, which were fo frequent and fo fatal before it was invented and became fo common; we cannot help confidering it as one of thofe arts which contribute moll to the happinefs ot mankind,—But when it is employed to tranfport things of no utility, or articles merely of luxury, it is then uncertain whether the advantages refulting from it are fufficient to counterbalance the misfortunes it occafions, by expofingthc lives of fo many individuals upon the vaft ocean. And when it is ufed to plunder veffels and tranfport flaves, it is evidently only the dreadful means of increafing thofe calamities which afllict. human nature, 672. One is aftonifhed to think on the number of veffels and men who are daily expofed in going to bring tea from*China, coffee from Arabia, and fugar and tobacco from America; all commodities which our anccflors lived very well without. The fugar-trade employs nearly a thoufand velfels; and that of tobacco almoft the fame number. With regard to the utility of tobacco, little can be faid: and, with regard to fugar, how much more meritorious would it be to facrificc thc momentary pleafurc which wc receive from drinking it once or twice a-day in our tea, than to encourage the numberlefs cruelties that are continually exercifed, in order to procure it us ? Sugar may be 673. A celebrated French moralifl faid, that, when he confidered the wars which laultobeting- foment in Africa to pet negroes, the great number who of courfe perifh in thefe edwith human . . . . blood; wars ; the multitude of thofe wretches who die in their paffage, by difeafe, bad air, and bad provifions; and laftly, how many perifh by the cruel treatment they meet with in a flate of flavery; when he faw a bit of fugar, he could not help imagining it to be covered with fpots of human blood. But, had he added to thefe confidera-tions thc wars which we carry on againft one another, to take and retake the iflands that produce this commodity, he would not have feen the fugar [imp\yJpolted with blood, hc would have beheld it entirely tinged with it. dearer in Paxil 674. Thefe wars make the maritime powers ot Europe, and the inhabitants of T'1 ^™V°ien **ar*s am* London, pay much dearer for their fugar than thofe of Vienna, though na, they are almoft three hundred leagues diftant from the fea. A pound of fugar, in- deed, cofis the former not only thc price which thev give for it, but alfo what they pay in taxes, necelfary to fupport thofe fleets and armies which ferve to defend and protect, the countries that produce it. Appendix. Notes and Documents, refpecling S. LEONA and BULAMA. V, tm^md Note A. See § 330. 675.1 have already given fome inftances ot the defire of improvement which Africans de-animatcs the Africans, and have mentioned with the refpeet it deferves, ihe manly f'rous of im-and humane policy of an African chief, in afferting his independence on the Provemen ' whites, in prohibiting the flave-trade, &c. (See § 16, 23, 30, 147, 497 el feq.) But notwithftanding thefe inftances, and the very numerous proofs of African genius and docility, contained in the Evidence before the Britifh Privy Council and Houfe of Commons, as well as in the Reportsof the S. Leona Directors, fome perfons may ftill entertain that kind oi doubt on this head, which, even in well difpofed minds, often arifes from involuntary prejudice. Such perfons will be furprifed to find that an overture for civilizing Africa fhould have come from a prince of that country, and efpeciaily from one of thofe prince* whofe barbarity, having been firft purpofely exaggerated, has been largely infifted on, bv fome fclf-contraditlory flave merchants, as an argument for their traffic. (See Lord Muncafter's Sketches of the Hiftory of the Slave-trade.) 676. It appears, however, that about the year 1726, after that great, and confe- Colony pro-quently bloody, conqueror, Trudo Audati, King of Dahomy, had fubjugated the Africa^hief maritime kingdoms of Ardrah and Whydah, he fent Bulfinch Lambe, a fervant of in 17*6, the Englifh African Company, whom in 1724, he had made prifoner at Ardrah, to the Court of Great Britain, to propofe thc eftablifhment of a Britilh colony in his dominions. Lambe, it feems, was the firft white man Trudo had ever feen, and he was fo charmed with his accounts of the arts and policy of Europe, that, thinking to make him inftrumental in introducing them into his own country, he had endeavoured, for above two years, to attach him to his interefts,by a profufion of favours. On Lambe's departure,the kingprefented him with anumberof flavcsand320 ounces of gold. In order to know whether Lambe's accounts of England were true, he fent along with him a negro, called Tom, whom he had alfo taken at Ardrah, who was a man of addrefs, fpoke good Englifh and was to return with Lambe. The latter, how- but fruffrated ever, like a true flave-dealer, fold poor Tom in Maryland. He afterwards traded hy a ' 1 1 captain s vil- among the W. Indian iflands till 1728, when he heard at Antigua, that Capt. hiny. Snelgrave had faid, that the king, notwithftanding his long abfence, ftill fpoke of him with regard. He then went to Maryland and redeemed Tom, whom hc brought to London, in 1731. There he found Capt. Snelgrave who told him that, after fo long and unaccountable an abfence, it would be imprudent in him to return to Dahomy. Thinking, however, to profit by Tom's addrefs and his own, Lambe had the impudence to announce him, under the title of " His Excellency Adomo Oroonoko Tomo, ambaffador from His Majefty Trudo Audati, King of Dahomy, Ardrah and Whidah." In this character, Tom delivered to King George II. his credentials, which having been referred to the Lords of Trade, F f 2 were Appendix. were declared fpurious; as well they might, lor Lambe had drawn them up in London. Capt. Snelgrave, however, having explained the whole matter, HI" Excellency Adomo Oroonoko Tomo had his titles docked, and was reduced to plain Tom; but having been Hill looked upon as a perfon actually fent by the King of Dahomy, though in a very humble flation, he was not a little noticed by thc great. After fpending fome time in viewing thc curiohties and enjoying the amufements of London, (fee § 146 n.) he became impatient to return home, and having received fome confiderable prefents for thc King his mailer, he was fent over in His Majefty's fhip the Tiger, Capt. Berkley; but Lambe did not think proper to accompany him. The king received the prefents vcrv courtcoufly, and made a valuable return; but it never reached England, for Capt. Berkley, not having had time or patience to wait for a meflenger from the inland country of Dahomy, had failed before the King's prefent reached the coaft.—See Smith's Voyage to Guinea, p. 83, 12,5, French tranflation, and Snclgrave's Account of Guinea, p. 9, 78, French tranflation. Moft of the firft colonifts of S. Leona an abandoned crew. Provided with ;.i ccft'arits by Government, :.:.d with com-ioits by Mr. Sharp. Note B. See § 334. 677. During the American war, many negroes entered on board the Britifh fhips of war, or repaired to the Britifh ftandard, and were formed into regiments ot rangers ; and they generally behaved well, both by fea and land. At die peace in J783, part of them, as well as of the white loyalifts, were conveyed to the Bahama iflands, part to Nova Scotia, and others to G. Britain, chiefly to London. Thefe laft, having been indigent, unemployed, defpifed and forlon, foon added to the vices of common foldiers and failors thofe of the numerous beggars who, notwithftanding the prodigious funis levied for maintaining the poor, difgrace the police of this capital. Such, together with a few whites, chiefly flrumpets, were the firft colonifts of S. Leona! Their fubfequent conduct was fuch as might naturally be expected from perfons of their defcription. But it was neceffary they fhould be lent fomewhere, and be no longer fuffered to infeft the ftreets of London. 678. Accordingly tranfports, provifions, tools, arms, &c. having been furnifhed by the Britifh Government, many of the black poor embarked, in thc river Thames before Chriftmas 1786; and, by confinement and living entirely on fait provifions, they began to be fickly, even before they left the river. Others delayed going on board till Jan. and Feb. 1787; having been deterred by an apprehenfion that they were to be fent to Botany Bay; for fhips with convicts on board then lay at Porif-mouth, where the fhips for S. Leona were alfo to wait for orders. Many having pawned their cloaths, refufed to go on board till they were redeemed. Mr. Granville Sharp, however, not only took up their pawns, at his own expenfe, but alfo furnifhed them with many comforts, in addition to the necelTarics allowed by Government, On ' 679. On arriving at Portfmouth (20th Feb. 1787) it was found that, of 700 blacks Appfndix. who offered themfelves, only 441 had embarked on board the three tranfports v- —' appointed to receive them. On the 22d Feb. they failed from Portfmouth, under Sail, under command of Capt. Thompfon of His Majefty's floop the Nautilus; but, hjrviriC CaptThomp-1 .... r ,. , 'on> Their been immediately feparated by a ftoim, they did not all rendezvous at Plymouth numbers and till the 19th March. Thus the belt part of the feafon was loft; and many of the S^blid "* poor people had been on board above three months, and were very fickly. The rum fuinifhed for their comfort proved their grcatefl bane. Many were daily intoxicated, by drinking their whole day's allowance at once—an irregularity which, with fait provifions, and a fituation rather crowded, increafed the ficknefs fo much, that above 50 had died before they reached Plymouth. The rum alfo cauled mutinous behaviour, for which 24 were difcharged; and 23 ran away. But, having received fome recruits, 411 finally failed from Plymouth, on the yth of April 1787, and having experienced the mortality ftated in § 334, the furvivors arrived at S. Leona on thc 9th of May. 680. After feveral conferences with King Tom, Capt. Thompfon obtained his Land allotted, pcrmillion for the black poor to land, which they began to do on the 141b. Divine, ^'J'^ llie fervice was performed on fhore, on the Sunday following, and a fuitable fermou would not preached by the Rev. Mr. Frazer, Chaplain to thc colony. But very few of WW ' the colonifts feemed to pay any attention to the fervice, or to the duties inculcated. As Capt. T. could not learn who was the true poffcflor of the land, the purchafe was not compleated till the 12th of July, when thc grant was ratified by King Naimbanna, his vaflal King Tom, &c. Lots of land, of one acre each, were next drawn for, the fcite of the town chofen, and a ffore-houfe founded. But no fooner were thefe meafures, taken than thc worthleffnefs of the colonifts (if they deferved the name) began to appear. The immediate profpect of labour produced it's ufuai 1 effects on indolent and depraved difpofitions. Jnlfead ol that harmonious exertion which their critical fituation demanded, lazinefs, turbulence and licentioufuefs of every kind fo entirely pervaded this wretched crew, that fcarccly a man of them could be prevailed on to work ftcadilv, in building the hut that was to fhclter him, or even to affift in landing thc provifions by which hc was to be fupportcd. The rains fet in on the 28th of June, and the mortality became dreadful : yet the infatuated furvivors perfifled in their exceflcs. 681. On thc 12th of July, Mr. Irwin, the agcnt-condu&ordicd, leaving the whole Store houfe weight of the undertaking on Capt. Thompfon, whofe well-directed, animated and jty'd^!^*'" humane exertions might have been attended with the beft effects, if the people from bad huts, themfelves had heartily co-operated. By the 25th of July, he got the florc-houle finifhed, and the provifions and ftores landed from one of the tranfports (another which had but few ftores on board having before failed.) The rains now became fo violent, that it was impofftble to ftir out with comfort, or even fafety. The huts Appendix, huts of the colonifts were neither wind nor water-tight, which increafed thc mor-—tality fo much that, though in June only 9 died, no fewer than 42 were carried off in July. Such was the general diftrefs and indolence, that the remaining tranfport, which had in the greateft quantity of ftores, was not cleared and ready to fail till the 21 ft of Auguft. Neciflity 0- 682. Her departure brought the colonifts to fome fenfe of their condition ; for lonUb^o C°" tney tnen Painty ^aw tuat> without exertion, they muft inevitably perifh, when plant. their prefent flock of provifions fhould be exhaufted. In the intervals of fair weather, therefore, they began to plant rice, Jndian corn, &c. which throve very well. Stock was very fcarce and dear; yet fome of them had poultry in their yards, which they had brought with their fpare cloaths, &c. and others had faveda a part of their weekly allowance of provifions; for feveral individuals had all along been induflrious and temperate. Provifions&c. 683. By the 13th of Sep. the provifions, the cloathing, tools, &c. were entirely finally ferved ferve(j out t0 t]lc colonifts, and, on that day, the arms and ammunition were fent on out, . . . fhore. From the mortality which had taken place, there remained feveral furplus articles which Capt. Thompfon ftored on fhore as public property, for the benefit of the community. Capt. T. 684. On the 16th of Sep. (1787) Capt. Thompfon, in the Nautilus, failed from leaves S. Le- t| colony, which mortality and defertion, chiefly the former, had reduced to 276 ona. Colony 31 . ' ' ' ' reduced to 276 perfons, namely 212 black men, 30 black women, 5 white men and 29 white women. Capt. Thompfon having witnelfed the reformation which the failing of the tranfports and the approach of his own departure had wrought in the poor people, was not without hopes of their final fuccefs; for he confidered that the furvivors were then feafoned to the climate, and that neceftity would oblige them to plant the ground and to build comfortable houfes in the approaching dry feafon. But, by Capt. 685. Moft of the above particulars are extracted from the journal of Mr. T. D- T's care, his yVoodin, kept on board the Nautilus; and fome of the moft material of them were IMP lott but . one man. confirmed by Capt. Thompfon, in his evidence before the H. of Commons (Minutes of Evidence on the flave-trade 1790, p. 171.) It is a remarkable fact, that the Nautilus, furrounded as fhe was by the ravages of death, for above 4 months, loft only one man, the reft of the (hip's company enjoying perfect health, though confined entirely to fait provifions, and on a ftation where a flave-fhip would moft probably have loft the greater part of her crew. This circumftancc muft fure-ly be admitted as a proof, not only of Capt. T's prudent care, but that the mortality on (bore was not fo much owing to the climate, as to want of Jhelter, and to intem-.perance which had debilitated many of the poor wretches, long before they faw S. ■ Leona. This, however, is far from being the only inflance of King's fhips being Bad water. perfectly healthy on the coaft of Africa (fee § 78.)—Mr. Woodin mentions bad water as a frequent caufe of difeafe on thc coaft, and affirms that, in two former voyages he made, made, " the water lower down the coaft, gave the people Guinea-worms, fome of Appendix. which did not appear out of the flefh for 8 months after leaving Africa. Thefe, "v——' continues he, " the company of the Nautilus were not troubled with, and is a convincing proof that S. Leona is the moft eligible fituation on the coaft for a fettle-ment, having plcmy of wood and excellent water." (Sce^ 52.) 686. In March, 1788, the Rev. Mr. Frazcr returned, on account of ill health. Be- TnMar. 1788, fore his departure, many of the colonifts had fold their mufkets, ike. for rum. The healthy, but ficknefs had entirely ceafed: but fo many had emigrated to the flave-factories, &c. many kidemi--as to reduce the number of the colonifts to 130, whom he left in perfect, health, he himfelf having been then the only fick perfon amo;ig them. The emigration he attributed partly to the ficklcnefs of the people, and partly to* the want of live flock, which even thc more induflrious, who remained, were too poor to purchafe, 687. In May 1788, Mr. Granville Sharp chartered a veffel of 16a tons, at his own Mr. Sharp expenfe, in which he fhipped two months provifions for £0 perfons who had cu- f ",? ve . 1 ... , to relieve the gaged to go out, with cloathing, arms, tools, &c. and a fum of money to buy live colony} Hock on the coaft. On Mr. Sharp's application, Government furnilhcd £200 fler. more, for the purchafe of flock. On the 6th of June, the velfels failed wilh 39 perfons onboard, the reft having deferted. Thc veffel touched at St. Jago, one of the Cape de Verd Iflands, and did not arrive at S. Leona till the 6th of Aug. But the captain, who was alfo the owner of the veffel, took in no live flock at Saint Jago, or any where elfe; but, contrary to his own exprefs contract, he delivered to the colonifts goods to the value of a certain number of cattle. Thofe goods he doubtlcfs car- but the cap-ried out with him from England, in the way of a job, a fpecies offrugality which the |ai,] deceives captain certainly had as good a right to praflife as any other man. He appears indeed to have made a profitable job of this whole bufinefs. My reafons for faying fo are, jft, His being owner, as well as captain, of this chartered veffel. 2dly, Thc unconfaonablc length of his voyage outwards. gclly, His having goods ready, cut and dry, to deliver in lieu of cattle ; for it is not likely that he carried thofe goods from England for any other purpofc, as he well knew the poor colonifls were unable to pay for them. 4thly, Part of the money intrufledto him was Government-money, which was alone a ftrong temptation to a job. ^thly, I have heard perfons of ftritr. veracity, well acquainted with this whole bufinefs, declare that Capt. T—1-r a6lcd as a_. Thus did an unprincipled fellow dare to fruftrate the benevolent intentions, not only of Mr. Sharp, but of the Britifh Government itfelf.—I have been well informed that this expedition alone coft Mr. Sharp between ,5 and^6oo fler. exclufive of the ^200 given by Government, and of 150 guineas, fent him by a Worthy perfon whofe name, if I could difcover it, fhould accompany that of his friend; for, I think, all fuch examples ought to be made public, for the imitation of the rich, and the confequent comfoit of thc poor. Mr. Sharp, I know, is ot a different opinion; but, fioin the nature of thc tranfactions, his genciolity, on this and fimilar occafion s, Appendix. Many colo-nitt emigrate, z luId as flaves. Man of war ordered to call at S. Leona. St. George's Bay Co. afterwards in-corporateil into S. Leona Co. occafions, could not be concealed: and, indeed, 1 knew moft of the circutnftances of this expedition, at the time, having been often on board the vefle", while fhe lay m the Thames, and having taken care to inform myfelf of the refult of this bufinefs. 688. By a letter from Mr. Weaver, the Chief Magi 11 rate, dated S. Leona April 23d. 1788, which arrived after, Capt. T—1-r had failed, it appeared that moft of the colonifts had then emigrated, fome to the flave-factories, and others on board flavc-fhips; alfo that King Tom, prefumingon theweaknefsof thc remainder(whofe numbers Mr. Weaver did not fpecify) had fold two of them for flaves, and threatened to fell more. The furgeons and other whites, tempted by large falaries, had entered into thc fervice of the flave-merehants, at.the neighbouring factories. This difagreeable tntclf tigence, Mr. Sharp immediately communicated, by letter, to Mr. Pitt, requeuing that directions might be given to thc captain of the fhip of war, then under orders for the coaft, to reprefent to King Tom the impropriety of his behaviour, and to Secure the people from farther injury. Orders to this effect were accordingly given to the captain.-But I am forry that thc want of materials prevents me from pur- ■fuing this narrative. 689.1 think, however, I ought not to omit that, previous to the incorporation of the prefent S. Leona Company of Act of Parliament, in 179-1,. a number of gentlemen, anxious to promote the civilization of Africa, which, from the Report of the Britilh Privy Council, feemed very practicable, and to collect thc furviving, and really inolf defcrving colonills, had affociated, under the name of " the St. George's Bay Company." Of the minute made at their firft meeting, the following is a copy. 690. " At a meeting of the Gentlemen difpofed to encourage a free trade to St. George's Harbour, on the coall of Africa, held this 17th of Feb. 1790. Prefent, Mr. Alderman Clark, in the chair, Mr. Pritzler, Mr. Granville Sharp, Mr. Hardcaflle, Mr. H. Thornton, Mr. W. Sharp, Mr. Corfbie, Mr. Geo. Sharp, Mr. Heyman, Mr. Wilberforce. Mr. Alderman Le Mcfurier, Mr. Morlaud, Mr. R. Hunter, {per proxy,) Mr. Rayner, Mr. Ludlam, Mr. Whitbread, Mr. Sanfom, Mr. W. Moore. Members abfent, Mr. Shaw, Mr. J. Philips, Mr. Vic keris Taylor*. * Several of the above gentlemen were chofen Directors of the S. Leona Company, Oct. 19 1791. (See § 333.) Indeed the S. Leona Co. was formed out of the St. George's Bay Co. or rather, it is the fame affociation, incorporated (for 31 years) under a different name. « RESOLVED. (1.) " RESOLVED, That thc erection of a Company, for thepurpofe of opening Appendix. and cftablifhing a trade in the natural productions of Africa, to thc Free Settle- • V merit in St. George's Harbour, is a meafure highly proper." (2.) " RESOLVED, that the thanks of the Meeting be given to Mr. Sharp, for the pains he has taken in the bufinefs: and he is hereby requelted to take to his afiift- Refolutions* 2ncc, fuch profeffional and other advice, as he may find necelTary to thc project." " In cafe the propofed eftablifhment mould take place, we agree to take the fhares of £50 each, fet down againfI our relpeci i ve names. Shares. Shares. • Granville Sharp .............2 Philip San Tom............... 1 W. Sharp.................. 2 William Moore............. l II. Clark...................2 Jof. Reyner ................ t W. Wilberforce, Efq. (by letter, W. Long, for Robert Hunter___ 1 'fhares not fpecified.) Mr. Prit/.ler (per W. Ludlam) 1 S. Whithread...............4 W. Ludlam ........-....... 1 H. Thornton ...............2 Ab. Harman (per Mr. Whitbread) 2 Jof. Hardcaflle.............. 2 H. Hey man (by letter)........ t Jof. Corfbie ................ 1 Geo. Sharp................. 1 V Thefe undermentioned gentlemen were not prefent; but they have fignified their defire to fubfcribc, viz. Mr. Alderman Le Mefurier, W. Morland, Efq. Mr. J. Phillips, Mr. Jo. Shaw, and Mr. Vickeris Taylor." Note C. See § 335, 473. 691. Thc circumflances attending the breaking up of the firft colony at S. Leona, Situation of in Nov. 1789, are ftated in the fecond report of the Directors, (fee § 473.)—The ^^J*** colonifts having loft their houfes and their little property, took immediate refuge in difperfion* Bob's lll.md, belonging to thc faftorv at Bance Ifland, where, however, they do not appear to have remained long. Mr. Alex. Kennedy, in a letter " to the St. George's Bay Company," dated Bance Ifland, Feb. 9th, 1791, writes thus concerning them; " Some fettlers paid me a vifit laft week. When I gave them ,Mr. Granville Sharp's letter, they feemed very much overjoyed; and the thoughts of not being forgot in England feemed to give new life to them. About 30 of them live at Pa Bofou's, about 12 miles above Bance Ifland, and a few live and fometimes work on Bance Ifland. The others are fcattcred up and down thc country. I cannot get any exaft account how many there are, &c. I have been up where they live, and 1 undcrfland, the chief, Pa Bofon, expea.s a confiderable prefent for the time they have been living with him. They bear a very bad character among the flave-mer-chants here; but I am rather apt to believe it is not fo bad as they fay ; for I faw every thing very regular; and they have a kind of church where they fay prayers every Sundav, and fing the pfalms very well. I attended, when there, pcrfonally, with fuch of my people as were with me, and they all feemed to pay great attention." G g Without Appendix. —Without obtruding my own reafonings concerning their character, I cannot help ,L- f* 1 obferving.that fuch an account of them as the foregoing might naturally be expected, after repeated calamities had carried off the incorrigibly vicious and improvident, and doubtlefs had alfo improved the furvivors. Befides, flrong necefhfy would at length effectually recommend the examples of thofe who had all along been regular and induflrious. Note D. See § 336. Mr. Falcon. 692. At the palaver held on this occafion, Mr. Falconbridge, in behalf of the St. bridge fixes George's Bay Company, repurchafed, from King Naimbanna, and the fubordinate them at Gran. ° , , , t~ n n i . i i • i i , <■ . . ville town. chiefs, for goods worth about / 30 fler. all the land which had formerly been pur- chafed by Capt. Thompfon. But it was agreed that the colonifts fhould not build on the former fpot. Mr. F. therefore took poffefhon of a village, confifting of 15 or 16 good huts, which the natives had recently abandoned, from a notion of it's being haunted; and he rightly thought that their fuperflitious fears would tend to prevent their hoflile attempts, efpeciaily in the night. In about 4 weeks, he erected fome additional huts, and a houfe in which he depofited the ftores and ammunition he had brought out for the relief of thc colonifts. But, nottrufting to the honour of the natives of the place, he regularly appointed a guard every night. This new village he named Granville Town, in honour of it's benefactor Granville Sharp, Efq. Note E. See § 337, 367. Accounts of 693. Lieut. Matthews is not the only author who has given a favourable opinion the climate of 0f the climate of S. Leona.—Old Purchas (Vol. I. p. 44.} gave a good account of that place, from the obfervations of a Mr. Finch, made in 1607.—In Ogilby's Africa, printed in 1670, we read that 11 Serre Lions, according to Jarrick, many take for the healthfulleft place in all Guinea," and that " the air is better for a man's health, than, in many places of Europe, &c."—" We fhall only mention," fays Dr. Lind, *' the high hills of S. Leona, upon whofe fummits the air is clear and ferene, while thick mifts and noifome vapours overfpread the lower grounds: yet, even at this place, the Englifh inhabit a low valley, merely for the benefit of a fpring of good water, the carriage of which, to any part of that hill, might be eafily performed by Haves," (Dif. of hotClim. p. 158.)—-And if by flaves, why not by freemen, efpeciaily blacks ? for I do not believe that the Doctor would have recommended any labour that could injure either freemen or flaves. Is it not probable that the benefit of trade, (which the Doctor elfewhere alludes to as the caufe of the unhealthfnl fituauons of 44 trading fa£tories," (fee § 75,) may have partly dictated this moft abfurd and pernicious choice of the Englifh rcfiding, in his time, at Sierra Leona? And may we not hope that fuch preference of trade to health, is now at an end, in that river ?—But farther: Mr. U. Nordenfkiold, brother of the gentleman of that name who lately died at S. Leona, among other places in Africa proper for colonization, ation, mentions C. Mefurado, C. Monte, Rio Sherbro and Bance Ifland, in Sierra Appendix* Leona river. " Treatifc on the Utility of Commerce and Colonization in both the '-"' "V— Indies and in Africa, Stockholm, 1776."—Sir Geo, Young of the Navy has a good opinion of the climate of S. Leona, efpeciaily (like Dr. Lind) of the higher ground^; and, before the black poor failed in 1787, he gave Capt. Thompfon, of His Majefty's floop Nautilus, particular directions where to place thc town.—That excellent man, Mr, Harry Gandy of Briffol, who made two voyages to S. Leona, where he remained a confiderable time, writes thus: " Gambia is a much deeper river, yet for want of a harbour near the fea and good water, it is, on thefe accounts, rather inconvenient; and, though fome other parts of the coaft may juftly boafl of their feveral beauties, richnefs and fertility, yet, for want of a good river, a fafe harbour and fine water, they can, for colonies, by no means ftand in competition with Sierra Leona; which has alfo this concomitant advantage, beyond a leeward fituation, or any near the line, that being fo far to windward, a paffage from thence, (viz. S. Leona,) to England, might be made in half the time that is commonly done from the Gold and Slave Coafls." See his letter of the 3d Dec. 1788, in the N, Jerufalem Mag. No. IV. —See alfo the opinion of Mr. Woodin in NoteB.—Thus it appears, that the gentlemen concerned had very good reafons for chufing S» Leona as a proper place for a new colony; for it is natural to fuppofe, they confulted moft of the above authorities, and perhaps others which I may not have feen. But unfortunately, the intemperance of many of the firft colonifts, and the hardfhips fuffercd by them all, from the want of proper fhelter and food, were fuch as no human conflitutions could with-ftand, in any climate whatsoever. Note F. See § 343. 694. The moft ufeful products of that portion of Africa which 1 have included in the map, as the beft adapted for colonization, have been already enumerated. S. Leona is a part of that tract of country; and an abridgement of thofe paragraphs of the report which defcribe it's productions, would be littfe elfe than a repetition of all or moft of the contents of the fifth chapter, to which, therefore, I beg leave to refer the reader—alfo to Note B B. Note G. See § 335. . 695. The blacks living in London are generally profligate, bccaufe uninflructed, CWrt, of the and vitiated by flavery: for many of them were once flaves of the moft worthlefs g^fligacyof defcription, namely the idle and fuperfluous domeftic, and the gamblers and thieves London? who infeft the towns in the W. Indies. There are fevere laws againft carrying, or enticing, flaves from the Iflands, without the knowledge of their owners. Yet fome of thofe fellows contrive to conceal themfelves, or are concealed by others on board fhips on the point of failing; a better fort come to attend children and fick perfons on board, and others are brought by their mafters, in the way of parade. Many of G g 2 them, Appf ndi.w them, naturally enough, hut perhaps without fufficient reflection, prefer " a crufl of —' —-' bread and liberty," in Old England, to eafe, plenty and flavery in the W. Indies. For, excepting the too frequent excclfes of capricious, tyrannical, or drunken owners, the treatment of fuch flaves is as good as that of the truly ufeful field-negroes is bad. In London, being friendlefs and dcfpifed, on account of their complexion, and too many ol them being really incapable of any ufeful occupation, they fink into abject poverty, and foon become St. Giles's black-birds. Unhappily molt of the fir ft colonifls of S. Leona, complcatly anfwered this description, before they embarked; though their original circumflauces were different. (Sec note A.) 'j fie Directors, therefore, did right in rejecting a new embarkation of Juch London blacks; and it is to be hoped, they will always adhere to their refolution of ftritily examining the characters of thofe, ot whatever complexion, whom they fend out as colonifts. See § 127, ct feq. and, above all, § 301. Note H. See § 362. Firft terms 696. The Directors alfo publifhed a paper entitled " Terms of the Sierra Leona offered to co- Company, to all fuch Settlers as fhall fail from England, within three months from S.'Leonii'co! the date hereof, in order to go to Sierra Leona." Of this paper, which is dated Nov. 3d, 1791, it docs not feem neceffary to give more than an abridgment, which I fhall do, by copying its marginal contents, (1.) " Each fettler to have twenty acres of land for himfelf, ten for his wife, and five for every child." Mines, &c. referved for the Company. (2.) " No rent on the land to be charged till mjdfummer 1792. A quit-rent of one fhilling per acre to be then paid for two years. A tax, not exceeding two per cent on the produce, to be chargeable for the next three years, and afterwards a tax of four per cent." (Sec § 193.) (3.) " A fettler, by depofiting fifty pounds for each ten acres, may have, befides his own proper lot, as far as forty additional acres, and fhall have ftores from the Company to the amount of his depofit." (4.) " Every fuch fettler to be carried out at the Company's expenfe. To have three months allowance of provifions, and three month's half allowance,, and baggage, if lefs than one ton, to be carried free of freight." (5.) " Lots to be forfeited, except thofe of women and children, if one-third is not cleared in two years, and two-thirds in three years. The clearing of lots of women and children, muft, after three years, be proceeded upon, according to the fame rate of progrefs." (6.) " No one to buy more than 20 acres, in the town diftrict, till three-fourths of his land is cleared." (7.) " Settlers to give /50 fecurity for their pafTage, and to be allowed thereupon, to borrow /"30 worth of goods, from the Company's itores." * (8.) " Paf- (8.) " Paffige-money out never to be called ior, if the fettler Hays 12 months, Appendix. nor paffage money home, if the fettler or his wife is obliged to return on account of '- "' health." (9.) " The fettler may pay/50 in money, if hepleafes, inflead of giving a joint bond for it: the/^o fo paid, to be returned him at the end of one year." (10.) " Bond, or payment of £50 to be difpenfed with in the cafe of artificers and Imlbandmen well recommended, and in fimilar cafes, at the difcretion of thc Directors." (it.) "Houfes to be built by the Company, each fettler paying ten per cent rent, or purchafing his houfe at prime colt." (12.) m Settlers to aflifl jointly in clearing the ground for the town, or to pay a commutation in money." (13.) " The Company to fell goods to the fettlers at a profit of 10 per cent." (14.) " The Company to buy the produce of the fettlers, or to convey it for them at 2| per cent, commiffion, and cuftomary charges, giving them a credit for two-thirds of the value." (15.) " No duty on articles imported or exported, ever to exceed B§ per cent." Note I. See § 369 697. It gives me no fmall fatisfaction to find that fome attention has been paid to t-hefemy very able and worthy countrymen; efpeciaily as I had thc honour to introduce them both, as well as the late Mr. Strand, another Swede, to the acquaintance of fome of the Directors; and this I did at their own particular defire. Mr. Nor-denlkiold and Mr. Strand, while they lived, did the credit I expected, to the character given of them, a character which Mr. Afzelius Hill fupports, with honour to himfelf and fatisfaction to the Company* Note K. See (j 370. 698. In the very outfet, the whole undertaking at Sierra Leona was in great Danger of danger of being ruined by the fecret efforts of flave-merchants, and flave-hold- enfmie?10 tFie 0 0 1 1 • colony becom- ers, to get their friends into the Direction. Had they fucceeded, they would ing Direc\ora> doubtlefs have proceeded in a manner very analogous to thc too common practice °f Mortgagees-in-poffeffion of Weft Indian ellates, and who frequently refide in England. Such a gentleman, by moans of a proper agent, has perhaps buildings erected which arc not immediately neceffary, and, in fhort, increafing expenfe by various methods which I have not room to detail, at thc fame time, neglecting the crops, he, in a few years, makes an eftate his own; while tfte unfortunate owner, in an ifland perhaps where few of the refiding planters can help one another, hath not *be means of contending at law with his powerful oppreffor, nor even dares to murmur, for fear of cxafperating him and making things: worfc. By fuch arts, are mo ft of Appendix, of the fuddenly overgrown Weil Indian fortunes accumulated. 11 y fimilar means, —' would IV. Indian Directors have conducted the affairs of thc S. Leona Company. They would have appointed proper agents, to make a teint of cultivation and com* mercc. Thefe agents would have defignedly tailed; and yet would have made it appear, perhaps by witnelles examined on oath, (fee \ 185.) that they had in vain exhaufled all their ingenuity and induftry in the fervice. to be avoided 699. In order, therefore, to exclude for ever ail forts of enemies to this eftablifh- by giving the menf en]j,rhtened and induflrious colonifts fhouid be encouraged to go out, and b# colonilts a > 9 C thire in the allowed to take part in their government, and to give their votes at the election or government. ^ TJire£lor«. For annual elections, by the fubferibers independent of the colonics, as prafctifedat prefent, cxpofe the undertaking more or lefs, at every new election, to the machinations of it's enemies, who, in fpite of every precaution, may fucceed a* laft, and then the ruin of the colony will be fealed. The prefent fyftem lodges the whole power in the Directors, who refide in Europe, and whofe orders the Governor and Council in the colony are bound to obey. The colonifts can only petition or remonftrate; and remonllranees are commonly generated in, and feldom fail to iucreafe, ill humour. Having no other means of defence againft incroachment and opprcllion, it appears to me, that the colonifts muft inevitably be ruined or crufhed, if ever a majority of the Directors, (which Heaven avert!) fhould be ignorant of, or adverfe to, their real intcrclls. But in my humble opinion, fome fuch conflitution as I propofed at § 181 etfeq. would have greatly tended to fecure the colony from fuch ferious dangers. Indeed, when I confider, that, befides the dangers juft mentioned,the prefent Directors may be removed by death and other caufes, and that it is poffible, they may be fucceeded by perfons lefs difpofed, or lefs qualified, to watch over and promote the iuterefts of the colony—I fay, when I confider thefe circumflances, 1 certainly do wifh, and even hope, that the colonifts may obtain the exercife of the undoubted right of every free community, to elect their own government; and that this government and the Court of Dire6tors may be incorporated into one body. For, as the interefts of the colonifts and fubferibers, are, or ought to be, the fame, their reprefentatives ought not to be feparated. Sec § 181, 182, 183. Note L. See § 374. tlldkwtf 70O' 1 have already mentioned that, at the peace of 1783, many white and b'^Ameri- black American loyalifts were conveyed to G. Britain, the Bahamas, and Nova can oya 1 s. ^^.^ ^ alf0 went to Jamaica and other W. Indian iflands; and, I believe fome to Canada, and other places. The fate of the blacks who came to England, has been noticed, {Aplpcnd. Note B.) Their brethren in the Bahamas fared far worfe. The laws of thofe Iflands, like the other flave-laws, prefume all blacks to be flaves, unlefs they can prove the contrary, and admit not their evidence againfi white men. Henc* free blacks are very often reduced to flavery, efpeciaily in the more more extenfive colonics, by unprincipled whites; for fuch have only to fwear to their property in any free negro, who cannot produce formal proof of his freedom, and he becomes ipjofaflo\\\t flave of the fwearer. Two very notorious inllances of this practice, in Jamaica, one of them in thc cafe of the wife and children of a Jniquitoufly free black loyalifl, from Carolina, were ftated in evidence to the Houfe of Com- reduced to fLa, mous, by Capt. Giles of the 19th regiment of loot, who humanely interfered, and lucceeded in a public trial, attended with much trouble and expenfe, the greater part of which, by the way, I am well inlormed, he never was repaid. In the other cafe, Major Neibit of the fame regiment, after a fimilar trial, delivered a free woman from a white villain who had feized her as his {lave. And, but for the interpo-fition of thofe worthy officers, thefe women and children, though really free, would, like many other Ireeblacks, have been retained in flavery. (Min. Lvid. 179 J, p. 105.) 701. In Bahama this iniquity waspractifed by the white loyalifts againft the black ones, to fuch a degree, that thc late worthy Governor Maxwell was obliged to take public notice of it, a ftcp which rendered him extremely unpopular, among the guilty, and was ultimately ineffectual. The white loyalifts carried the fame di(poll lion with them to Nova Scotia ; but I have not fpecifically learnt that they proceeded to fuch flagrant exceffes. The di/'pojition, however, they certainly fhowed, and even indulged, to a certain extent. In particular, they in feveral inftances, deprived the blacks of the houfes they had built, and the lands they had cleared ; and, at laft removed many of them to an inhofpitable part of that inhofpitable country, fo very diftant from any market, that it was impracticable for them to fell their produce, and to procure necelfaries. In fhort, a Chief Juflicc declared publicly from the bench, That the climate of Nova Scotia was too cold for whites to fubfift there 1 without the help of flaves,—a very fignificant hint to the blacks, what they were to expect. The fact is, that men who have once been fuffered to indulge in the practice of flavery, muft flill have flaves. The W. Indian iflands are too hot, and Nova Scotia too cold, for them to do without auxiliaries, whom tlie pride and lazinefs generated by flavery, have rendered necefTary to their very exiftence. 702. Among other writers, Montefquieu, in his Spirit of Laws, and D-r. Franklin, slavery ener-in his Thoughts on the peopling of Countries, have noticed the tendency of flavery to vaUs and cor_ vitiate the minds of mafters, as well as flaves. I have been ferioufly affured, that it rU^ is common in the W. Indies to defcribe thc diflrefs of a ruined planter by faying, 41 Poor man he has but one negro left to'bring him a pail of water," an expreflion which, in the phrafeology of that country, fignifies the deepeft diflrefs. And indeed it muft be no fmall hardfhip to be fuddenly deprived of the attendance of 20 domeftic flaves, or even double the number, who, Mr. Long affures us, are not un-ufualin a Jamaica family. Hift. of Jam. Vol. II. p. 281. By comparing account No. 3 in the Privy Council's Report, Part IV. with the Report or Anfwersof the Barbadoes Ailetubly, we find that on an average, every white man, woman and child. Al•■>f»HW <■ child, rich and poor, in that Ifland, keeps a domeflic flave in waiting!--Thefe —v——' }acts, I prefuine, require not the aid of arguments to prove the ncccflity of absolutely excluding from every colony, the practice of flavery which, in every view, hath been lo deilruclive of the peace, the profperity, the morals and the happinefs ol the old. Account of the abolition of the ll.ive-tradc Note M. See § 337. 703. 1 fhc-uld be inexcufable, were I to omit this opportunity of paving my iitth' tribute of lefpecl to the diflinguifhed merit of thofe worthy brothers, the Rev. Mr. Thomas Clarkfon, A. M. and John Clarkfon, Efq. Lieutenant in the Britifb Navy. 704. In order to appreciate the extent and importance of their fervices, it niii^it not be ami ft to enter a little into the hiflory of the grand and important queilion of the Abolition of the Slave-trade. But my limits will fcarccly permit me to mention the public and hazardous expostulations of George Fox, the founder 6* the refpeclable left of Quakers, with the planters of Barbadoes, where, in defiance of perfecution, hc preached againft flavery, in 1670: or the early and humane labours of Morgan Goodwyn, or thofe of Woolman and Bcne/et, Whitfield and Wefley; and Mr. Sharp's valuable exertions have been already hinted at (fee Note B.) I muft therefore content myfelf with obfervirfg, that, in 178.], the late Rev. Mr» James Ram fay, Vicar of Teflon, in Kent, publifhed his excellent " EfTay on the Treatment and Converfion of African Slaves, in the Britifh Sugar Colonics. This work was the rcfult of the worthy author's perfonal obfervation, during a long relidence in the W.Indies; and, although it rather extenuated than exaggerated, the horrors of flavery; yet it very much alarmed the planters, whofe retainers, Ht order to deflroy it's effect, attempted to ruin the reputation of the author. 1>^U they were difappointedj for Mr. Ramfay's character was too well eftablifhed to fuller any permanent injury from their attacks, and their clamour excited that very enquiry which they fo much dreaded. Mr. Ramfay, in his various replies, fo ably maintained his ground, as to make on the public mind, a very confiderable imprcf-fion in favour of his caufe; and in 1785, the Univerfity of Cambridge, to the application of whofe eminent learning the liberties of mankind have, at various times, been fo much indebted, propofed a quoflion refpecling the flavery and commerce of the human fpecies. This produced a Latin eflay on the fubject, from Mr. Thomas Clarkfon, which was honoured with thc firft prize of the Univerfity, for that year: aud of which hc foon after publifhed an Englifh tranflation. 70,5. About that time, Mr. Wilberforce, one of the Members for Yorkfho'e, appears to have formed his refolution of introducing the fubject into the Britifh Parliament, of which he is fo diflinguifhed an ornament. This noble defign, which he Notes, &c. refpcEling S. Leona and Bulama,—Note N. he has fince profecutcd with fuch ability and perfevcrance, I believe, was firll fug- AirHttDix. gefled to his mind by the work of Mr, Clarkfon, who was his cotemporary at the ^--v—■—' Univerfity; and the formation of the Society for the Aboliiion of the Slave-trade can be dilr.in6t.ly traced to the fame excellent publication. 706. The merit of a performance thus diflinguifhed, and thus perfuafive, may be Mr. T. fuppofed to have been great; and it is but doing it juftice to fay, that it has always 1 **" preferved a decided fuperiority over all the numerous tracts which fucceeded it. His next works were " An EfTay on the Impolicy of the Slave-trade," and another on " the Inefficiency of Regulation as applied to the Slave-trade" both which contain a moft valuable fund of information, then entirely new, but which, as well as Mr. Ramfay's writings, has fince been fully confirmed by the Evidence delivered before the Britifh Legislature. But Mr. Clarkfon's active benevolence was not fatisfied with merely writing in favour of the Abolition. His unremitting exertions, fometimes attended with great perfonal hazard, primarily contributed to drag into light the dark fecrets of this horrid myftery of iniquity ; and, it is to be hoped, will ultimately contribute to it's annihilation. 707. His amiable and worthy brother all along participated, more or lefs, in his and thofe of labours; and, when the tranfit of the Nova Scotia blacks to Sierra Leona was re- folved upon,he generoufiy offered his fervices to the Company, or rather to Government; though hc was perfectly aware of the difficulty of the undertaking. The manner in which hc performed it, is mentioned by the Directors in terms of approbation ; and indeed it would have been very difficult for them to difcover a perfon, whofe amiable manners and ftritt integrity, fo eminently qualified for uniting the minds, and fatisfying the fcruples, of a fet of men who had but too much reafon to diftruil the profelfions of white men. His fubfequent conduct, in the more delicate tafk of governing a mixed multitude, during a period of awful mortality and alarming difcontent, appears to me, very meritorious, and fo difinterefted, that I verily believe the only reward to which he looked (certainly the beft he ever received) was " the nature of which they would have kept out of fight, as being themfelves com- pofed of (iron) the moll ufeful of all metallic commodities. They would therefore have tended to keep thc production of commodities conflantly in the view of both the natives and the colonills. But, perhaps, it would not be yet too late to change the colonial money fyflem, before the felfiih fpirit, encouraged by European money, has entirely debauched the minds of innocent Africans. 737. It is evident that the Company willies to eflablifh a certain credit in the co- Credit natural Iony;and that is as right and neceffary as that they fhould endeavour to give a and artificial, proper energy and firmnefs to the colonial government. All that I wifh to obierve is, that they cannot be too much on their guard againfl the introduction of an ar rt-FieiAL credit, which will as certainly end in an unlimited credit, as the invefti-ture of the colonial government with an unchecked POWek, will terminate in defpotifm. * I do not mean that kind of luxury, which a man produces by means of bis own labour or induftry, either for the necefTarics, the convenitnees, or the enjoyments of life, but inch luxuries only as are procured by means of money. f It has been hitherto conlclfed, that abufes and tyrannyfpring from an arbitrary or unchecked hoxver of governing, and I think it is not lets certain, that an arbitrary or unchecked [outer of dif-pojing of wealth leads to abufes of another kind. Both terminate in a fpicies of perfonal flavery. To prove this affcrtion, plcmyof inftances might be produced. 3 737- Appendix. 738. " But as the valuing of the bars produced fome altercation, the price of 3 '———•* dollars a month, or about ys. 6d. a week, is now fubjlituted." ( § 426.J Price, depend- To what has been faid, I need only add here, this fimple queilion.—Is it pof-tSSot)SSJi libit to fix the price of any article whatever, without deranging thc natural proportion between commodities, which arifes from the natural and variable want and demand of them, in a community? Three objec- 739. J fnal] pafs over feveral other parts of both the Reports, which are connected turns an w vviL11 money matters. But, before I difniifs the fubjett, it may be proper to add a few words to juftify and elucidate fome opinions advanced in the firft part of this work. For, as men at this day commonly inter their objections and arguments, on fuch fubjects, from facts and particulars, and cannot be expected to contemplate the (civil evils) caufes of diforder in the communities of the prefent age, from the fame identical point of view, I may very naturally fuppofe that the following objections will be made to the opinions implied in § 142, qu, XXXVII, LI. j[t.) It mav be afked, How bufinefs can be conduced in fociety, without credit, that is to Jay, without coined money f 740.1 anfwer, that fuch credit, being only anartificial credit, oughttobeentirely ba-nifhed and removed; but not that kind of credit which is founded on a real knowledge of ufeful ability and aclivityof men. This laft kind of credit, which maybe manifefted in any form whatever, may be fafely fubftituted for money, and will never difturb or diminifh any bufinefs of real utility in fociety *. An induflrious, active, and ufeful fanner, for example, will be known and accredited by his labourers; a tradef-man or a manufacturer by his cuflorners, and the merchant by thofe who entruft him with their orders for fupplying their wants t. Thus a character for ability, induftry, fobriety and integrity, is the true flandard for all natural credit, which needs not the barbarous and impolitic fupport of arrefls and imprifonments for debt; but directly tends to encourage the excellent moral qualities on which it is founded. In a word, artificial credit tends to diflolve, or enjlave, civil fociety; and natural credit to confolidatc and improve it. (2.) If gold and filver, were to circulate according to their weight and flandard, zuould not many be impojed upon by baj'e metals? 741. But are not gold and filver, even at this day, bought and fold, in every pof-fible fhape, both ftamped and unflamped, and confequently are not bafe metals current, even on the prefent fyflem ?—It is true, that if money were altered from coin (or credit) to weight and flandard, the buyer would be obliged to examine the * If the reader will confult Mr. Sharp's " Sketch of temporary Regulations for S. Leona," he will find that a currency of any extent, and for the largcft community, may be moft advantagcoufly founded on day labour, regiftered in a public bank. •f In the prefent order of things, however, the contrary is the cafe. quality quality of the commodity rather, more minutely than he does at prefent. Such Appendix. examination is, indeed, now, in a great meafure, out of the queflion; as the buyer, 1 - -" 1 like a creditor, depends on the artificial laws enacted to relieve and protect; him, in all cafes*. 742. Rut on the natural fyflem of weight and flandard, every able, and of courfe, accredited affayer would become a natural banker; or the banker, from an ignorant money-holder, would be obliged to become a feientific affayer of gold and filver; and his note would be taken in payment, within the circle of his connections, as money, and it's validity or eftimation would be proportioned to the natural credit fuch an affayer had obtained. (3.) If there were no/peculation commerce, how would focieties he provided with neajfaries ? (See $ 114.) 743. I anfwer, that all fpeculation, in articles of the firft neceffity, ought, in a well regulated community, to make a part of the duty of the government: or, if that fhould be found difficult or impracticable, a commiifion-cominerce might eafi-ly be organized fo univerfally, that, from the mofl diftant individuals, orders might be conveyed from one commiffion tradefinan to another, even to the laft commiffiort merchant. All thefe might in fuch cafe obtain a decent and Jecure living, proportioned to their different degrees of trouble and rifk. This commercial fyflem, indeed, might eafily be introduced even into our prefent focieties; fince all kinds of property may be effectually fecured by the eftablifhed modes of infur. ance. 744. A reprefentation of the filver and copper coin, introduced into the colony Weight ami c c t ■ ■ r j • .1 1 «»„„ denominations of S. Leona, is inferted in thc large Map. ols Leoua Fig. 1, reprefents the Dollar, which is called a Cent piece. coin. Fig. 2, the half Dollar or half Cent. Fig. 3, the 20 Cent, and Fig. 4, the 10 Cent. Fig. 5, the copper coin of which 100 makes one Dollar* One Dollar contains 400 grains of pure filver. 100 coined copper Cent pieces weigh 3th. * This would certainly be a very great, and, I mould think, a very proper check on Speculation commerce, which at prefent hurries on bufinefs with the tumultuous celerity of a hunting match. One man pufhes another, he a third and fo on, whether they can bear pufhing or not, with fuch disorderly eagernets that many tumble and trip up others, while the leaft deferring often (hare the greateft prizes in this mercantile fcramble. In the mean time, intellectual improvement, and every other kind of improvement, perfonal, domeftic or focial, is entirely neglected: for when a man's whole time and attention are engroffed by one low fordid purfuit, every nobler purpofe of his being muft be overlooked. ~Set alfo that txccllcnt work, JValkcfs Geography, Second Edition, »795> § 150. Note Appendix. '——^—' Note X. i. See $ 425 etfeq. 743. If the reader has given that attention, which the fubject fo well deferves, to what is faid on cultivation (from § 131 to 140 inclufive) he will not fuppofe rne a very warm admirer of the fyftem adopted; or rather, I would fain hope, only under trial, at S. Leona. The part of my book jull quoted, which touches on culti-Cultivation at vation, was printed feveral weeks before I had an opportunity of perilling the arti-(imihr'to the c*e on tne ^ame fubjeft, m tne fecond report of the Directors (fee § 425 et feq.) and W. Indian. at which, I confefs, I was both grieved and furprized. I was grieved at obferving fo much fimilarity between thc fyftem of cultivation adopted, or tried, at S. Leona and that practifed in the Sugar I Hands: and I was furprifed that any thing like an imitation of that mercantile fyftem of cultivation fhould be tolerated at S. Leona, after it's oppreflive confequenccs to the unhappy flaves on fugar eftates, in the W, Indies, had fo clearly appeared in evidence, before the Britifh Privy Council and Houfe ot Commons*. The fimilarity which I lament, appears in the following particulars: (1.) As on Weft Indian fugar eftates, the grumettas, on the Company's plantation, have a ftated, though certainly a more liberal, allowance of provifions; and their dinner is drelfed for them in the manager's houfe, as for weakly negroes, and for children on moft plantations in ihe fugar iflands. This mode will lave time; but I much doubt if it will tend to improve the natives in the arts of houfchoU ceconomy. * That oppreffion is infeparable from the prefent mode of cultivating the fugar cane in the W. Indies, appears by inference from Long's Hift. of Jamaica, and explicitly in Dickfon's Letters on Slavery. This laft writer (p. 23) particularly defcribes the manner in which the cane-holes are dug and the dung diftributed. ** I have feen," fays he, " land lined off into fquare fpaccs 4 feet each way, which I believe, is the general rule in Barbadoes. The cane-holes, therefore, may be about 3 feet fquare, and 7 or 8 inches deep, with a fpace or «' diftance" between each, and another fpace or M bank''' at right angles to the diftance, to receive the mould. The holes are dug, with hoes, by the flavtfs, in a row, with the driver at one end, to preferve the line. They begin and finifli a row of thefe holes as nearly at the fame inftants as poffible ; fo that this equal talk muft be performed in the fume lime, by a number of people who it is next to impoflible, (hould be all equally ftrongand dexterous,"—" The weak, therefore, from the very nature of this mode of turning up the foil, muft nccejfarily be oppreffed. The driver is often obliged to fet fuch negroes as cannot keep up with the reft, to work, in a Separate corner by themfelves ; but I am ferry to lay he too often firft tries the effect of flogging."-" In attributing dung, each negro carries on his (or her) head a balket full of it, the driver with his whip bringing up the rear of the gang. Here then, is another equal tafk, to be performed in an equal time, by people of unequal Strength. In diftributing dung, therefore, as well as in holing, the weak are unavoidably oppreffed."-" In this work, the negroes have no help at all from cattle or implements of hufbandry, the hoc and the bafket only excepted." &c--The bafkets are all of the Same Size; infomuch that a dung-bafket has become a kind of meafure for potatoes, Sec. as a traft-bafket, which is much larger, is for other things. (2.) They m Notes-, &c. refpecling & Leona and Bulama.—Note X. 1. 249 7.16. (2.) They are called to work in the morning by the blowing of a horn.—On Appendix. fome W. Indian plantations a fhell is ufed for this purpofe, and on others a bell. ( v~ " Shell-blow," as the flaves call it, roufes them about 4 o'clock. In half an hour Labourers on after, more or lefs, the driver fallics forth bawling «« Turn out! Turn out!" at the tne.CVs PJ*°" ' * 0 tations cunt fame time loudly fmacking his cowfkin, which he fmartly applies to thc naked bodies out with a of thofe who come too late into the field.—May no W. Indian overfeer or negro- llorn' driver*,ever find means to fubftitutc a flogging for the dram, now given at S. Leona!! 747. (3.) They work under the immediate eye of one of thc better fort of natives, while and work un-theplanter diretls their general operations, fees them often from his window and walks ^a P,antci s occafionally among them,"—If, for " one of the better fort of natives," an overfeer, or driver, with his whip, fhould ever Ileal into the fields of S. Leona, and whether or not fuch an event is to be dreaded wc fhall prefcntly fee, then this paffage might be indifferently applied to that colony or to the W. Indies. But, in the Sputhern flates of America, thc negroes have certain talks afligncd them, which when they have finifhed, they are at liberty to fifh, hunt, work in their own grounds, or amufe themfelves for thc reft of the day. In this way, they do more work and perform it fooner, better and more chearfully, without the fuperintendance of a driver than the negroes in thc W. Indies who drudge all day long, not only under the eye, but literally under the whip, of the driver. A Mr. Douglas, fome few years ago, carried 60 negroes from Carolina to Jamaica, where he continued his talk work, with the fame fuccefs as in America; but as things now ftand in the W. Indies, improvements cannot be introduced without much difficulty. (See Min. Evid. 1790 p. 183, and 1791 p. 218, 250.) I am, therefore, clearly of" opinion, that tafk work, or rather piece-work, would tend, much more than day-labour, to call forth the activity of the native Africans, and confequently to promote their improvement: and I would fain hope that as foon as thc grumettas on thc Company's plantation become tolerably expert, that piece-work will be afligncd them, inftead of drowfy, lifelcfs day-labour. 748. (4.) The company's labourers appear to be employed from fun rife to fun fet, from fun-rife except about I hours for dinner, and, as I am told, a fhort fpace for prayers, which cep"about "i" may be about equal to the break faff-time allowed to thc flaves in the W. Indies, hours. 1 hus the former feem to be employed nearly as many hours as the latter arc, out of crop. I fay nearly; for thc latter are generally obliged to M picA** ft bundle of grafs, and to carry it to the cattle on the penns, and thus are deprived of a great part of their dinner-time; and at night they have to ferve the cattle With a fecond bundle of grafs, which they can feldom do till a confiderable llme after fun-fet. This is out of crop; but in crop-time, which lafls 4 or * Thefe words are very often ufed fynonymoufly in Barbadoes and the other windward iflands, wbere the chief of an ettate is generally called the Manager. But in Jamaica commonly called the Overfeer. K k £ months Appendix. 5 months in the year, the W. Indian flaves are obliged, after their hard work 'v- in the day, to continue their labours in the mill and boiling-houfe, every fecond or third night, according to the flrength of the gang. Thus I would by no means iufiuuatc that the negroes on the Company's plantation are yet wrought fo hard, or for fo many hours, as thofe on W. Indian fugar eftates. But it is to be remembered that in the W. Indies, no other improvement than that of the matter's pro^em iS fo much as pretended to; whereas at S. Leona, the focial and intellectual improve* mcnt of the natives is the declared end and aim of the whole eftablifhment. 10hour*daily 749- Now I think it may fairly be quellioned, whether the 10 hours daily, labour, tow though moderate, labour, performed bv the Company's negroes, under a tropical much in a trj- 0 • , pi 1 1 • -t n. . uical climate, lun, be compatible with any conhderable improvement, either by inftruction or ftu- dy, or by what, in one view, is equally improving, I mean, attention to their own little concerns in the houfe, in the field, or at the market or other focial meeting. 471 n.) In my opinion, the Creator has put this matter out of doubt, by furnifhing the tropical regions, not only with a prof ufion of almoft (pontaneous vegetable food, hut with gourds, calabafhes and other elegant, vegetable velfels to put it in. In Europe, before corn can be ufed, it mult be threfhed out, winnowed, kill-dried, fhclled, ground, tilted and baked. In Africa, mofl of thefe operations are unncceffary; and when the maize is ripening, a hungry man may go and pluck two or three ears of it and roafl them for his flipper. Yams, fweet potatoes and other roots require not much labour, and the numerous and excellent fruits fcarccly any. Were it neceffary to corroborate this argument, I would only afk any man who has been, for any length of time, obliged to labour or bufllc under a tropical fun for 10 hours every day in the week, except Sundays, whether, in the evenings, he felt himfclt molt difpofed to make an addition to his day's work, or to go to fleep ? Dr. Smeai'unan, who was as a6tive as mofl men, and as well acquainted with tropical climates, I am pretty fure, would have fent fuch a man to bed; for, in the plan be publifhed, he propofed only 8 hours labour for 5 days in the week, 6 hours on Sa» turdays, and thc Sabbath to be fet apart, as it now very properly is at S. Leona, for reft and inftruction. (See § 648, No. 13.) Upon the whole then, I cannot but think that 10 hours daily labour, in that climate, is more than what is compatible with any confiderable improvement in the labourers, efpeciaily when I recollect that this labour is dull, mechanical day-labour, in the fuccefs of which the labourer is only indirectly interefted, through his wages, and not direclly, by reaping the produce for his own behoof. 750. (fj.) "Their number and regularity have fcarcely varied for above a year, except in their abfenting them fives for a week or two, at the approach of the rains, to work on their own plantations, an interruption which it is thought may in future be prevented"—Here I am conftrained to acknowledge, that if thc W. Indians forced or encouraged their negroes to work on their own grounds, on any other day than Sunday, 3 I fhould I fhould certainly, in fo far, prefer their fyflem to that of S. Leona. But encour- Appendix. age, or rather force them, to this work, thc W. Indians certainly do; and I never v——v —' heard that the}- reckoned it an interruption to the plantation work. The truth is, that this paffage, combined with the reft of § 4'6, ftrongly excites my jcaloufy for Africa, and raifes in my mind very unpleafant fenfations; for I cannot but think that Civilization it betrays a greater regard to thc Company's planting concerns, than to the civiliza- cannot a,tl- c . . ' ,r r 1 . vance where tion of thc natives. I allow that the abfence ot the native labourers from the Compa- labourers are ny's plantations at the approach of the rains, or the planting feafon, may be incon- P°* JJ2l venient to the Company. But is the abfence of the native labourers, from their own little plantations, at the fame period, no inconvenience to them ? In countries where rents arc paid by perfonal fervice, thc abfence of thc vaffals, in feed time and harveft, is doubtlefs inconvenient to the landlord. But the inconvenience felt by the poor vaffal, when he lofes his feed-time, or when his little crop rots upon the ground, while witfi a heavy heart, he is performing his landlord's work, the haughty landlord little regards*. Now it is impoffible that civilization can profper where perfonal fervice, or any other fyftem, that tends to Ieffen the labourer's interelt in the produce of his own toil, generally prevails. This is evident from the rude ftate of thofe countries where fuch fyftems are ftill adhered tot. And, without fuf-pecting that any fyflem obflructive of civilization is defignedly meant to be introduced into S. Leona, I will venture to fay, that, while the native labourers are confined fo clofely to day-labour, as to prevent them entirely from tilling portions of land for their own immediate advantage, their civilization will advance but flowly. For wherein does civilization (exclufive, I mean, of higher confiderations) confift, but in fuch an improvement of the intellect, as enables a man to conduct his own s affairs to the befl advantage, and to interchange good offices with his neighbours. But how can a man learn to conduct his own affairs who has, properly fpeaking, no affairs of his own to conduct; who is roufed from his morning flumbers, by an over-feer'shorn; who labour's almoft all day under his eye, and is fed with food ready dreffed from his kitchen; who has little time to look after his family, and ftill lefs to fpend in neighbourly intercourfe \ ? In fhort, how can any fet of beings be expect- * I mention perfonal fervice merely for illuftration, without intending any invidious reference to S. Leona; particularly as I am forry to fay that fuch fervice is very frequently abufed in my own native country Sweden.»-I had always fuppofed that this kind of perfonal fervice had lieen long annihilated in one European kingdom at leaft. But I was miftaken j for I have been credibly informed that, whatever the law may be, the praclice ftill cxifts in two counties in the North of Scotland—not to mention the wretched degradation of the poor Scalags in the Hebrides.—See a very well written paper in a periodical work entitled the Bee, publifhed at Edinburgh, by the able, intelligent and patriotic Dr. James Anderfon—alfo the Rev. Mr. Buchannan's account of the Hebrides, lately publifhed. f Even the Emprefs of Ruflia, defpot as fhe is, fanetioncd, and perhaps dictated, this noble fentence " L'agriculturenepounajamais profperer la oil Tagricultcur ne pofTede rien en propre." Agriculture can never ftourifli in a country where the hufbandman has no property--Cath.II. Imp. de Ruff. Inft. p. 83. i; The time, fays a great philofopher, which a country mechanic fpends in going from one job to another, is what prevents him from degenerating into a brute. i2i.) K k 2 ed \ Appendix. cd to improve, if they have little or no fcope for the exercife of their faculties, and ~" if every avenue, which directly leads to focial or intellectual improvement, be, in a great meafure, (hut againft them ? exemplified in 751. Lord Kaimcs fomewhere obferves, that on public roads being carried nufaaure,"13" through fome of the lefs improved parts of Scotland, the neighbouring cottagers were feen gradually to transfer the regularity, neatnefs and patient labour with which they faw the work conducted, fucceffivcly into their gardens and little fpots ol land, their cottages, their furniture, and their apparel; infomuch that at laft the improvement reached their very minds. But, I apprehend, this falutary progreflion could not have taken place, if thofe cottagers had had no property of their own except money, no gardens, or fpots of land, nor any time to cultivate them. Had Ins Lordlhip, however, lived but a few years longer, he would have had thc mortification of feeing this laft cafe, and it's confequcnccs, verified in fome parts of his native rand. He would have feen multitudes of males and females, promifeuoufly crowded into certain modern manufactories; cloathed indeed in cottons, inftead of their homegrown and home-fpun linens and woollens; drinking tea inftead of butter-milk, and whifky inftead of water or fmall-beer; eating, perhaps, wheaten bread inftead of oaten bread and potatoes; and, above all, ttie very children earning fo much money, as to render them completely independent ot their parents, and confequently not very well prepared for focial reflraints. But I fear he would have looked in vain, for the wonted bloom of health or blufh of innocence on their faces, or for that fobriety, intelligence and decency, which diflinguifhed the converfation and behaviour of their immediate progenitors. His Lordfhip would have found, however, that they con-fume and fabricate a great many excifeable commodities; that their labour, though deftructive of their health and morals, caufes a great circulation of money; and tfiat thus, in a financial and commercial view, they fulfil what fome politicians feem to confider as the great ends of their creation*, and in that of 752< Now every fugar plantation, in the W. Indies, is no other than a great ma-fugar. nufactory, in which 2 or 300 people arc collected, and avowedly confidered and treated as mere pafiive implements of labour, that have no intereft whatever in the produce ; and this is one caufe of the ignorance, vice and diforder which prevail in the W. Indies. In this refpect, therefore, the fimilarity of the Company's plantation at S. Leona, to a W. Indian one, is likely, if continued, to lead to very bad confequcnccs. But 1 would fain hope, that when the culture of fugar comes to be * The evils here hinted at, are perhaps not fo explicitly ftated, in the ftatiftical account of Scotland, as could be wifhed. But their introduction is well remembered, and much lamented by many worthy and truly patriotic perfons in that country.-In Manchtfter, the evils alluded to are of longer Handing, and more inveterate. To enumerate inftances would' be endtefs ; but 1 (hall mention one, which fell within my own notice. I knew a workmen there, who, when trade was brifk, earned bis guinea a day by cutting furtians. He regularly worked 4. days in the week,and, accompanied by his wife, fpent the reft of his time, and all hi* money in the neighbouring public houfe. ferioufly ferioufly purfued at S. Leona, fome fuch plan as the annexed one defcribed, by Mr. Appendix. Botham, which interefls the labourers in the produce, and does not collect and keep T_ ~f together fuch numbers of them, will be finally adopted by the Company. 7.53. (6.) In the W. Indies, there is an incellant conflict between the managers and Differences the flaves, the former being interefled in getting as much labour done, and the latter n^^and lain doing as little, as poffible. At S. Leona too, it appears that " little, differences may bouwn at S. have occafionally ariftn letween the manager and thc native la' ourers."—Far be it from me, to infinuate there is any prefent danger of fuch differences, being fettled in the forcible W. Indian mode. I have too good an opinion of the prefent governor and council, efpeciaily of him who conducts the plantation, to harbour fuch a thought. Still I cannot diffemble the fact, that fome gentlemen at S. Leona, have for years, been accuftomed to fee the mode alluded to p rati i fed in the W. Indies ; and we all know the tailing force of education and habit, as well as the general frailty of human nature, when urged by flrong temptation *. 7.54. (7.) I come now to what I think by far the ilrongeft objection to the prefent Extreme dan-mode of cultivation at S. Leona, namely, the handle that it may one day afford to de- Jutdian^fyfteai figning men, for thc introduction of Weft Indian abufes.—In truth, the S. Leona be'ng corn-plan already fo nearly refembles thc W. Indian, that if any future governor and council P'eateti thtre* could find means to withdraw the pittance of wages from the labourers, and to flip the whip into the hand of the overfeer, the two fyItems would not only be fimilar, but actually the fame. And indeed there arc too many rcafons to fear, that the W. Indian fyftem may, at fome future, convenient time, be really compleated in Jthatill -fated colony. A flrong tendency to abufc, has ever invariably prevailed in provinces diftant, as S. Leona is, from the feat of fupreme Government, a truth exemplified in all the * Britifh fugar colonies; in one inflance fo recently as 12 or 13 years ago, when a governor, in open defiance of all law, wreftcd a confiderable fum of money from a certain ancient and rcfpcctable W. Indian colony, confifling of 18 or 20,000 white people, * The accounts I have uniformly heard of Mr. W. are highly favourable to that gentleman's general character, particularly for humanity. It is not denied, that a confiderable number of men, who well deferve the fame character, prefule over YV. Indian plantations. But I own it fomewhat furprifed me, to find the Directors expreffing difappointment in the character of the lower overfeers, ( § 449-) whole general depravity has been fo often mentioned as one caufe of the fufferings of the poor flaves. Without Stocking the reader with their numerous babaritics, ftated in evidence, I fhall refer him, for their general characler, to Beckford's Hift. of Jamaica, printed in 17S8, but which I have not now at hand. Mr. Long, however, tells 11s, that " many of them are the very dregs of the three kingdoms that ** they have commonly more vices, and milch fewer good qualities, than the flaves over whom they are fet in authority }" in particular, that '* they exhibit detcftablc pictures of drunkennefs," for which reafon he advifes their « rum to be ferved out to them ready mixed with water." Hilt, of Jamaica, Vol. II. p. 289, 409, 471. many Appendix, many of them men of properly, education, and knowledge of the world*. Thearts k--Y J by which W. Indian attoruics or agents, and managers or overfeers, defraud and ruin abfentee planters, are too numerous and intricate to be here particularly explained, if not too well known to need explanation t. Now if thefe things can, and very often do happen, to the property of individuals, whofe all is at flake, what fecurity can there be, that fimilar arts fhall not be employed in defrauding a joint flock company, where the fhare of each partner, is too fmall to intereft him much in it's fuccefs? Or, which is more to the purpofe, what fecurity can the unreprefnted colonifls have, againft; thc completion of the W. Indian plan, already begun at Sierra Leona? Indeed, when I confider the various caufes which may call the prefent Direclors from their benevolent labours; that they may be fucceeded by men lefs attentive or lefs difintcrefled; that future Subfcribers may become more indifferent than the prefent, to the grand objects of the inflitution, and lefs inquifitive as to it's management; that the affairs of the Company will naturally become more and more complex, and that the accounts fent home may be dejignedly perplexed (one of the W. Indian arts,) that the governor and council may find it to be their intereft to * It is however but juftice to the memory of the then Miniltry to fay, that this governor was recalled, with evident marks of disapprobation, not to fay difgrace. f " If we judge from experience, and the common conduct of Managers, in the abfence of the Proprietors, an eftate yields not half as much when the owner is abfent, as when he is living on the fpot." Anfwer to the 53d qu. of the Britifh Priry Council, by Governor Orde of Dominica. See alfo the Anf. of Lieut. Governor Matthew of Grenada to the fame query, with many fimilar paffage* in that valuable body of information, and in Min. Evid. before the Houfe of Commons.—Mr. Long very explicitly defcribes one grand caufe of thefe enormous defalcations. « It is well known, fays he, " that a great many eftates of different abfentees, and lying in diftant parts of the ifland, are often given up to the charge of one agent only, who cannot poffibly refide at them all, or vilit them very frequently. Matters are then left to the difcretion of overfeers, whofe chief aim it is, to raife to themfelves a character as able planters, by increafing the produce of the refpe&ive eftates ;" (on which produce a law of the ifland ordains, that their patrons, the attornies or agents, (hall be paid a commiflion of 6 per cent.) " This is too frequently attempted, by forcing the negroes to labour beyond their abilities. Of courfe they drop off, and if not recruited inceffantly, the gentleman fteals away, like a rat from a barn in flames, and carries the credit of great planterfhip and vaft crops in in his hand, to obtain advanced wages from fome new employer," (very often an attorney) " in another diltrict of the ifland. The abfentees are too often deceived, who meafure the condition of their properties by the large remittances fent home for one or two years, without adverting to the heavy lofles fuftained in the production of them ; and they find too late their incomes fuddenly abridge^* and the fmews of their eftates wafted far below their expectation." Ilift. of Jamaica, Vol. II. p. 4°6" " While by imprudent exertions, there may be a vifible incrcafe of crop, perhaps to 4- or £500 annual value, there is, at the fame time an annual decreafe of working negroes, to more than double that value." Arjf. by a Planter of 1068 acres in Barbadoes, in fupp. to the Privy Council** Report, p. 3;. force, force, inftead of paying, the labourers; that not fo much as a private letter can be Appendix. fent to England without their knowledge; and that the colonifts, being without re- 1— v" — prcfentation, will be without remedy*—I fay, when I confider all thefe circum-ftances, not as an airy train of poflibililies, but as events which feldom fail to happen in fimilar cafes, I cannot help exprefTing my tears, that, at fome future period, the labourers mav come to be paid their wages, with zokips and chains, and thus the 6nithing ftroke be given to the w. Indian fyftem at S. Leona. 7,7.3. I have no faith to find with any of the articles planted, except the fugar-canc, D-pIorable ef-flie cultivation of which is unqueftionably too laborious for any new colony ; clpe- f^^J^ chilly for a new colony, intended to civilize a rude people, whom the fight of fuch tivation. exertion as is neceffary on a fugar plantation, would be apt to difguft with regular labour. Indeed, the cultivation of fugar engroffes fo much attention and labour, that I am clear, it fhould never be attempted, on any fyftem, till a colony abound with people, and cattle, and food for both. (See §72711.) The premature introduction of that plant into the Britifh colonies, efpeciaily into the Ceded Iflands, about 30 years ago, deftroyed fuch multitudes of flaves and cattle, in Dominica particularly, that it has been clearly proved, no capital was ever, upon the whole, fo difadvantageoufly employed, as that veiled by the Britifh in w. Indian cftates+. In fhort, in no age or country, was ever avarice more compleatly difappointed, or humanity more fhock-ingly outraged, than in the flattering but ill-judged introduction of the fugar cane into all or moft of the Britifh W. Indian Iflands, efpeciaily the Ceded Iflands. It has indeed been a root of bitternefs to thofe colonies; and it's premature and forced cultivation has, within our own memory, fwept mafters and flaves, the opprelfors and the oppreffed, into one common grave. It was difficult for me to fuppofe, that the Direclors were uninformed of thefe deplorable farts, or would fuffer themfelves to be milled by the alluring eftimates which thc w. Indians fo well know how to fabricate, when they wifh to difpofe advantageoufly of a lofing property*. My aftonifh-ment therefore was great, when I was ferioufly allured, that acompleat apparatus for making fugar, had been fent to S. Leona, by one of the firft fhips. 756. W * I hope what I have laid refpecling representation, may not be mifmulerftood. I only mean, that colonifts, who are fufficiently enlightened to form a proper judgement of their own focial interelts, fliould chufe reprefentatives. (*S;cj § 161, II. 699.) + This has been irrefragably demonftrated, from the data of the prefent planters, and of their predc-ceflais, in Mr. Ramfay's Anfwers to Objections againft the Abolition of the Slave-trade, and in a feries of effays figned Terenttus, publifhed in Wood fall's Diary, in May, 1789. X In fuch eftimates, the apparent profits of large crops are explicitly ftated ; but the loffes, if mentioned at all, are too often couched in general terms, from which perfons inexperienced in W. Indian affairs, can draw no juft conclufion. Yet the loffes are at leaft as capable of explicit ftattment as the profits. Thus fome eftates require 6 new negroes, others s, and olhere even jo or more, to keep up the Appkndjx. 7^6. If this ]afl meafure was dictated, as I am perfuaded it was, by a wifh to fupply l~ ~'v • the humane demand for fugar raifed by freemen, the motivewas laudable and excellent, but the attempt was neverthelels premature; and fo, I will venture to fay, it was confidered, by a few of the Direclors, who, though quite unconnected with the W. Indies, are known to be particularly well informed refpecling the laborious culture and manufacluie of fugar, but who, I prefume, were in the minority when this refolution was taken. The author 7^7. Having thus taken the liberty to ftate my chief objections to thc plan of cul-auoTheTplan tlvat»on introduced, or under trial, at S. Leona, it may be expected that I fhould offer my fentiments refpecling the plan which ought to be adopted. This I fhall do, with all the deference juffly due to gentlemen of whofe good intentions I am fo fully convinced, (fee § 329, 593, 594.} I fhall do this the more readily too, as I believe the plan of cultivation is not fo far advanced, or fo unalterably fixed, a* not to admit of any change or modification which the Directors may deem expedient. Or, if my hints, which (exclufivc of the Batavian plan of cultivating fugar, inferted below,) are few and fimple, fhould not have the good fortune to be attended to by thc Directors, they may perhaps be ufeful to others who may hereafter attempt cultivation in Africa. Defires of a 7^8. It appears to me then, that all human exertions are excited by human defires, benotai*"° orwants.natural or artificial,and confequentlythat real civilization is belt promoted by ami gratified iai fing and properly directing, the defires or wants of a rude people. (See §33,708.) with innocent ...... r . . , , , r , , , . . luxuries. When every individual ot a community can, independently ot others, exchange his labour for the articles he wants, hcis then happyand free. Inothcr words, the happinefs and liberty of the individual depend on the opportunities he has of ufing his own perfonal refources, to procure necefTaries or luxuries. (See § 734 n.) Hence, I think, it follows, that, if we intend to make a rude people happy, by training them to the innocent habits of civilized life, wc fhould firft enquire, whether they defire, or feel the want of thofe articles, which in the civilized world, are thought abfolutely neceffary to comfortable fubfiflence. If theydo not, thofe defires fhould, in the firft place, be excited; and this being done, fome innocent luxuries fhould be exhibited to their view, for obtaining which they have no other means than their labour. (See § 36, gang, and a proportionable number of cattle. I am happy, however, to add, that a confiderable number of eftates require no new negroes j but fuch feldom or never come into the market, becaufethe humanity and prudence of their proprietors and managers, precludes the grand caufe of the ruin ot thofe eftates, namely, the deftruition of the negroes. Whether fomething of the obfeurity alluded to, doe9 not appear in the eltimates given by certain W. Indian hiltorians, let thofe, who are capable, judge. Vet certain it is, that large crops have been made and even fworn to, purpofely to enhance the price of eftates offered for fale, and on fuch crops fome W. Indian eftimates are evidently founded. But neither affidavits nor eftimates, contain any account of the negroes murdered, by producing fuch forced crops, nor of the cattle deftroyed by conveying them to the (hipping places.—See the note, p. 354- 37, 670.) New articles of cultivation, or a more vigorous profcculion of the old, Apfemdix. fhould, at the fame time, be encouraged ; fo that they may always have objects on _r which to exert their activity, in order to procure the offered luxury. 759. The firft thing, therefore, to be encouraged in a new African colony, fand through the colony among the furrounding natives,) is thc raifing of an abundance of provifions, provender, and cattle. This point being gained, which, upon every fyflem, muft be the foundation of all folid improvement, fome new luxury might he introduced, and thc cultivation ot cotton, ginger, coffee, or other eafily raifed article for exportation, at the fame time, encouraged by premiums (if neceffary,; confifting ot the new luxury. 760. I have already intimated the neceflity of engaging the co-operation of thc Native chiefi native chiefs, in the great work of civilization. Though the colony at S. Leona is 10 conciil-not fo clofely connected with thofe chiefs, as I think could be wifhed, ( § 130.) yet the Directors feem greatly and juflly to value their friendfhip, and it is pleafing to obferve their fuccefs in cultivating it. ( § 495, et feq.) They appear indeed to be fo ready to adopt the improvements they fee at Freetown, that, if'they Jliould not be, in the jirjl inflance, frightened or di/gufled at obferving the intolerable manual labour attending the W. Indian mode of cultivating the fugar-cane, there cannot be a doubt, that the S. Leona government, by encouraging cultivators and artifts irom the colon)', to go and live with fuch chiefs as Cuddy, ( § 499.) will fucceed in gradually reconciling the natives to all forts of regular induftry—Provifions of all Provifions, kinds, and alfo cotton and ginger, may be raifed by any man of common fenfe, even eallly if he had never before feen them planted. That they require lefs labour than fimilar ' ' * articles in Europe,has been already mentioned ; and the bare fight of the plants will point out, how they are to be treated. Thus I think any man who has feen thc potato planted in Britain, where it is exotic, may, if he pleafe, raife yams, eddoes, fwect potatoes, ground nuts, ginger, &c. in Africa, where thofe roots are indigenous. The culture of Indian and Guinea corn, is as fimplc as that of pcafe and beans in England. Plantains and bananas, are certainly as eafily raifed in Africa, as cabbages and greens are in Europe. Oranges, limes, cocoa-nuts, &c. &c. require far lefs attention, than any kind of fruit in this part of the world. And, had there been any myflery in the cultivation of cotton, we fhould not have feen it fo fuddenly fupplant fugar, as it lately did, in feveral W. Indian iflands; efpeciaily in Barbadocs, where, after thc fugar-works were deftroyed by thc hurricane in 1780, cotton was planted with great fuccefs, by many perfons who had never before attempted it. Thus every kind of provifions, and even fome articles for exportation, may certainly be cultivated, without thc tuition of W. Indian artijls*: and their culture may be carried * If any man fhould doubt his ability to raife cotton, ginger, and even coffee, without any particular courfe off inftiuclion, lie may look into Mr. Long's Hill, of Jamaica, and Edwards's Hilt, off L 1 the Appendix, carried on by manual labour, till the roots of the trees are removed, and till cattle ' 1 can be raifed to draw the plough, alio provender 761- I* the natural grafs fhould not afford fufficient or proper food for the cattle, Guinea-grafs, Scotch-grafs, and other kinds, may be raifed by hand, as in the Well Indies. Thefe, with the blades ol' Indian and Guinea corn, potato vines, the leaves and flocks, or trunks, of plantain and banana trees, not to mention cane-tops, fupport cattle fo well, that were they cultivated with proper care, in the fugar-iflands, the negroes would not be much.harraffed with grafs-picking ; efpeciaily as the artificial grafl'es, and the blades of Indian and Guinea corn, may be converted into hav, as in fome parts of Jamaica, where they alfo cure the wire grafs and th/- fnur grafs, which when green, the cattle will not tafle *. but not fugar, 762. Sugar, indigo, and one or two lefs confiderable articles, are the only tropical indigo, &c. productions that require any great art or experience, either in the cultivation or the manufacture. As to indigo, the manufacture of it is fo deflrurtive to human life, that I would as foon think ol introducing the plague into any country. But when the fugar-cane comes to be cultivated, fome inftruction from a perfon well fkilled in the boiling of fugar, and the diftillation of rum, will be abfolutely neceffary. I fhould think that fuch inftruction might be obtained from fome perfon pofleffing the proper qualifications, of humble profpects and a manageable difpofition, who might be fent out in a fubordinate flation. In order to prevent bribery, and to intereft him in the undertaking, he fhould have a liberal fhare of the neat produce. But by no means fhould he be intrulted with difcrctionary power, in any fhape; for, however low his education and condition, and however fubmiffive he may be to white fuperiors, he has moft probably been habituated to defpife every man with a black fkin, and to abufe his authority, in fome land of flavery, where authority, though frequently abufed, muft be fupported ; and where the fuperiors on eftates, though ever fo well difpofed, have too much on their hands to attend minutely, to the complaints of every individual flave. the Brit. Col. in the W. Indies, where, to gratify the curiojity of European readers, the cultivation of thefe articles, among others which require a far more complex procefs, is defcribed. Several other books and pamphlets contain fimilar defcriptions. But the culture of provifions of all kinds, is reckoned too plain a bufmefs to require particular cxplanat ion.—By Mr. Beaver's planting and gardening journal now before me, it appears that he was very fuccefsful in railing Indian corn, yams, ground-nuts, pine-apples, bananas, oranges, limes, goavas and pepper. He not only raifed, but dreffed and eat cafTada, which is rather a delicate procefs. Cotton alfo throve with him to admiration. Yet a knowledge of planting cannot be added to that gentleman's other excellent qualifications. In his journal he not only declares his total ignorance of cultivation, but (hows it, by (owing feveral European feeds, which could never yet be brought to thrive within the tropics j but others failed from being mutty. # borne of the natural grafs, in the Savannahs, yields 4 tons of hay annually.—Long, Vol. I. p. 453. 763. Thus 763. Thus I have endeavoured to clear the way for the introduction of thc fugar- Appendix. cane, the fuccefsful cultivation of which, at S. Leona, I will venture to fay, I am as '~ anxious to promote as any one member ol thc Company. But, in order to infure When fugar the fuccefs of that important fpecies of agriculture, I wifh it to be introduced with !lunik.1 be. . 0 introduced. due precaution and preparation, and profecuted in fuch a manner as may improve and preferve, inllead of deftroying, as it has uniformly done in the W. Indies, the morals, the happinefs and the lives of the poor labourers. I muft, therefore, repeat my opinion, that, after the cultivation of provifions, provender, cotton, ginger, coffee, and perhaps fome other ?ninorJiaples*, fhall have taken firm root, after cattle fhall abound—in fhort after the colony fhall, by the blefting of Providence, have become populous, and, in all refpects vigorous and flourifhing—then, it appears to me, but not before, may the cultivation ot thc fugar cane be lately introduced, and profecuted by thc following method pra6lifed near Batavia, and at Bcncoolen (but not in Bengal, fee § 139.) jVfr. Botham on the cultivation of a Sugar Plantation at Batavia and Bencoolen. From Abridg,Min. Evid. before the Houfe of Commons, J791, p. 133, See alfo Privy Councils Report, Part III. 764. " Having been two years in the Englifh and French W. India iflands, and Cultivation of fince conducted fugar eftates in thc E. Indies; it may be defirable to know that S^r ei^tts fugar, better and cheaper than that in our iflands, and alfo arrack, are produced ' in the E. Indies, by the labour of free people. China, Bengal, and thc coaft of Malabar, produce quantities of fugar and fpirits; but, as the moft confiderable fit- * gar eftates arc near Batavia, I fhall explain the improved mode of conducting thofe eftates. The proprietor is generally a rich Dutchman, who has built on it fub-flantial works. He rents thc cftate (fay of 300 or more acres) to a Chinefe, who lives on and fupcrintends it, and who re-lets it to free men, in parcels of or 60, on condition that they fhall plant it in canes for fo much for every pecul, (133-Jlb.) of fugar produced. The fuperintendant collecls people from the adjacent villages to take off his crop. One fet of lafk-men, with their carts and buffaloes, cut the canes, carry them to the mill and grind them. A fecond fet boil them. A third clay and bafket them for market, all at fo much per pecul. 765. " Thus thc renter knows with certainty what every pecul will coft him. He ny n.ce ja. has no unneceffary expence, for when crop is over, the tafk-men go home, and, for bourers, 7 months in thc year, there only remain on the eftate the cane planters, preparing the next crop. By dividing the labour, it is cheaper and better done. Only clayed fugars are made at Batavia, which are equal to the belt from the W. Indies, and • So called in the Weft Indies, in contradiftinftion to Sugar. Ll2 fold alfo at Em-cookn. Plough arid o-iher implement* ultd. 260 Notes, refpecling &e. S. Leona and Bulama,—Note X. r. fold at 18s. per pecul* The Shabander exacts a dollar per pecul on all fugar exported. The price of common labour is from 9 to tod per day. But the talk-men gain confiderably more; not only from extra work, but from being confidered artifls in their feveral branches. They do not make fpirits on the fugar eftates; the mo-laffes and Hammings are fent for fale to Batavia, where one dilfillery may buy the produce of 100 eflates. Here is a vafl faving in making fpirits; not as in the W. Indies, a diflillery for each eflate. Arrack is fold at Batavia at about 8d, per gallon; the proof of the fpirit is about 5 tenths. 766, " After fpending two years in the Weft Indies, I returned to the Eafl in 1776, and in the laft war conducted fugar works at Bencoolen, in Sumatra, on neatly the fame principles as the Dutch; I confined my cxpenccs to what they had done, allowing for the unavoidable charges, on a new and fole undertaking. 767. " Thc cane is cultivated to the utmoft perfection at Batavia. The hoe, almoft the fole implement of the Weft, is there fcarcely ufed; the lands are well ploughed by a light plough with a fingle buffalo; a drill is then ploughed, and a perfon, with two bafkets filled with cane plants, fufpended to a flick acrofs his fhoulders, drops plants into the furrow alternately lrom each bafket, covering them at the fame time with earth with his feet. Young canes arc kept often ploughed as a weeding, and the hoc is ufed to weed round ttie plant when very young; but of this there is little need, if the land has been fufficiently ploughed. When the cane is ready to earth up, the fpace between thc rows is ploughed deep, thc cane-tops tied up, and with an inftrurnent like a fhovel, with teeth at the bottom, a fpade-handle, and two cords fixed to the body of the fhovel, ending by a wooden handle for a purchafe, is ufed by two perfons to earth up thc cane, thc flrongcfl holding the handle of thc fhovel, preffingit into the ploughed earth, while the other on the oppofite fide of the plant, by a jerk of the cord, draws up to the plant, all thc earth that the plough had loofencd. Two perfons, with this inftrurnent, will earth up more canes in the day than 10 negroes with hoes. The canes in India are much higher earthed than in the Well Indies; in moifl foils, they, with little labour, earth them as high as the knee, at once making a dry bed for the cane, and a drain for the water. Waruifnflure 768. " The improvement in making the cane into fugar, at Batavia, keeps pace ot the Sugar. withthat in its culture: evaporation being in proportion to the furface, their boilers have as much of it as poflible. The cane juice is tempered and boiled to a fyrup ; it is then thrown into vats, which hold one boiling, there fprinkled with water, to fubfide its foul parts. After Handing fix hours, it is let off by 3 pegs of different heights, into a copper with one fire ; it is tempered again, and reduced to fugar, by a gentle fire; it granulates, and the boiler clipping a wand into the copper, ftrikes it on the fide, then drops the fugar remaining on it, into a cup of water, fcrapes it up with his thumb nail, and can judge to a nicety of the fugar's being properly boiled. The vats I mentioned are placed all at the left end of a fet of coppers. After running ning off, for boiling all that is clear, the reft is drained on the outfide of the boil- Appendix. ing-houfe; what is fine is put into the copper for fugar, the lees kept for diftilling. "* 769. " Claying of fugar is as in the W. Indies. The cane trafh is not, as in our iflands, carried into fheds, where it lofes much of its flrength before it is ufed ; but is laid out immediately to dry, then made into faggots, fet up in cocks, and ufed immediately when dry ; hence its force of fire is much greater, and the carrying it to and from the trafh-houfe is faved. 770. " The culture of the cane in the Weft Indies is in it's i fancy. Many altera- W. Indian tions ate to be made, expenfes, and human labour leffened; the hoe, now ufed to Fu!,"r*2?B . n • in us infancy, turn up foils of different texture, is ol one conftruction, cheap and very light; fo that the negro, without any help from its weight, digs up the earth, (and the cane roots, on replanting) by the fevereft exertion. In the Eall, we plough up the cane roots.-Having experienced the difference of labourers for profit, and labourers from force, I can aflert, that the favings by the former are very confiderable. 771. " The Weft India planter, for his own intereft, fhould give more labour to IWtobt beaft, and lefs to man; a larger portion.of his eftate ought to be in pafture. When ,mPlom1, practicable, canes fhould be carried to the mill, and cane tops and grafs to the flock, in waggons; thc cuftom of making a hard-worked negro get a bundle of grafs twice a day, abolifhed; and in fhort a total change take place ol the miferable management in our Weft India iflands. By this means lollowing, as near as poflible, the Eaft India mode, confolidating the diflilleries, I do fuppofc our fugar iflands might be better worked than they now are, by two-thirds, or indeed one-half of the prefent force. Let it be confidered, how much labour is loft by the perfons oveifeeing thc forced labourer, which is faved when he works for his own profit. I have ' ftated, with the ftrickft veracity, a plain matter of fact—that fugar eftates can be worked cheaper by free perfons than flaves.—Whether the flave-trade can be abolifhed, and thc blacks freed, is for thc confideration of Parliament. In my judgment, thefe defirablc purpofes, may be effected without materially injuring the W.India planter. He has but to improve his culture, and fell en human labour, and thc progeny of the prefent blacks will anfwer every purpofe of working Weft India eftates. 772. " The flaves in thc French iflands, appeared to he better cloathed, better fed, French ne-and better behaved, than in the Britifh: and their being well fed is chiefly owing to the French planter putting a great proportion of his ellate in provifions. Who- Biiii/h, and titer it might or might not be ultimately for the intereft oi the Britifh planter, and wliy' the benefit of his flaves, if he were to allot to provifions, more of the land now deflined to fugar, is a queftion that can only be decided by experiment in the different iflands, as the fame anfwer to it would not fuit each. In iflands that feldom fait in rains, it is no doubt for the planter's intereft, to facrifice a part of the ground Appendix, ground allotted for fugar, to provifions; as thefe feed his negroes better than any v. _< jjy Q1 0thcr provifions imported; but in iflands fubject to droughts, I do not think the planter can, without materially lelfening his crop of fugar, give up any portion of ground to provifions."—Thus far Mr. Botham. Amodificati- 773* The grand principle of the foregoing plan, is the direct and immediate in-011 of Mr. B's tcreft with which it animates every individual, concerned in it's execution. This rljl>* principle being flriclly adhered to, the adaptation of the plan iff If to local circum- flanccs, indeed, mujl be left to thofe who are befl acquainted with thofe circum-fiances. This /uppofes fome tittle modif cations which will always be found neceffary in reducing to practice any generalJyjlcm. It is with great diffidence, that I would venture to mention any fpecific deviation, from a plan propofed by a gentleman who hagS fo fully experienced it's practical utility. But it feems worthy of confideration, Whether the colonills and the natives, at S. Leona, might not be flill more interelled in the produce, if they were encouraged to cultivate thc fugar-cane on their own lands; and, as their property may not at firji be very adequate to the erection of filch expenlive buildings as mills, boiling-houles, curing-houfes and ftill-houfes; Whether the Company might not build thofe works in convenient fituations, to take off the crops of all the little furrounding planters, they paying thc Company a certain proportion of the produce*. This mode is now occafionally practifed in Barbadocs, by a few of the fmall proprietors, whofp pin res, as they are called, are fulficiently near to fugar-works.—I am aware, however, of fome objections to the general adoption of this modification of the Batavian' plan. The firfl is, The difficulty of fettling, among feveral independent proprietors, the quantity of canes to be planted by each; fo that the whole fhall not exceed that quantity which the works are calculated to take olf and manufacture, in due time; for canes are always damaged, and fometimes almoft wholly loft, being left too long Handing in the field.—But the quantity of canes to be planted, might be previoufly agreed upon by the planters themfelves, in proportion to the cane-land po tie fled by each. Thc fecond objection is, that, as each of the planters will have a feries of cane-fields, of the fame ages reflectively, and which ought to be cut at or near the fame time, fome differences might arife as to their turns at thc mill, &ct. But all fuch equal pretentions are very eafily determined by lot. Thc Third, is the difficulty or trouble, * Whether cattle-mills, wind-mills, or water-mills fliall be ufed, will of courfe, depend on fituation, and other chcum (lances. , f The canes in the fame tract, are planted at or about the falling of good (bowers of rain, which, in molt of the fugar iflands, are very unequal and partial. But many eftatss in St. Domingo and tome in Jamaica have bocn watered, with very great advantage, from the neighbouring rivers|; and fuch eltates may thus be faid, in fome meafure, to have the feafons at their command. Long's Hilt. Vol. Ii p. 45+ and Vul- II. p. 156.—A gentleman lately fent out a fire-engine to his eftate, with a great length ol leathern pipe, to be ufed in watering the cane-fields from an adjoining brook, I have not learnt trouble, of keeping the produce of three, four or more planters diftin£t and fepa- Appendix. rate. But this might, perhaps, be obviated, by marking the pots, jars and hogfheads y--v——' of each individual, as the facksare at many corn-mills in Europe. If thefe objections, however, and others which may occur, fhould prove too flrong for this modification of the plan defcribed by Mr. Botham, I fhall readily give it up. My only view in propofing it is to increafe the labourer's intereft in the quantity and quality of the produce, the true principle ot all natural and ufeful cultivation in every part of the world. 774. The gradual and cautious introduction of the fugar-cane, above recom- French and mended, was fuergefted by thc fuccefs with which that mode was a61ually attended ii',tli. 476. cunning Appendix, cunning enough to obtain pcrmiflion of Mr. Sharp, under pretence of cftablifhirtg [--' liimfelfat the new colony, to get a free paffage for himfelf and his negro to S. Leona, whence his paffage to the Well Indies was cafy. The author 786. The companion I felt for the fituation of this unfortunate youth, and the h?n>o!X''e!n ProiPe&' by reltoring him to his father, of furthering my favourite plan of civilizing Afiica, the moll effectual means for abolilhing thc Slave-trade, made me the lefs helitate to refcuc him from his bafe lhackles: I therefore redeemed him: this was done in prcfence of the Rev. Mr. Ramsay, Mr. T. Clak^son, and Mr. R. PHILLIPS, OB the 6th of May, 1788, for 20I. fler.—I then placed him at Mr. Dempller's academy, at Mitcham in Surry, to he inflrutted in the firft rudiments ot Chriilianity, into which he was regularly baptized on the 25th Dec. 1788. At this fchool he like wife had fuch education as his faculties were capable of receiving.— Hc indeed proved obedient and pliable, but he was not gifted by nature with any extraordinary parts. He made, however, a tolerable proficiency in reading and writing, and (hewed a great defire for agriculture. Though pretty much accuflomed to European manners, he feemed Lo retain an unconquerable propenfity to return to his former habits ot Simplicity, in his native country, where hc knew he wo uld hud a mode of life more fuitablc to his talte. Hi* death. 787. Mr. G. Sharp promifed to ufe Ins endeavours to procure him a free paffage to his own country, but various incidents retarded and prevented this gentleman's kind intentions, till he was taken ill, at Mr. Dempller's fchool, by fleeping one evening on the damp grafs. This indifpofition foon ended in a gallopping consumption, which battled the power ot medicine, and he died, in Oct. 1790, in my own houfe, aged, as near as I could guefs, about 18 or 20. 788. I cannot but mention the generofity of three gentlemen, who happened to hear of the cafe of this unfortunate youth, and fent me towards his fupport, thc allowing fums refpettively : Mr. WlLEERFORCE................£20 o o The Rev. Mr. Giskorne............ 5 5° Mr. Pennant.................... 1 1 o fothat his redemption,, fchooling, cloathing, medicine, &c. exclufive of thefe contributions, during the time he was under my care, (a{ years) did not cofl me more than £6y 10s. ^d. But, though it pleafed Providence to call him hence, I never fhall regret this expenditure. 789. It may be faid, that I need not have purchafed the liberty of this unhappy youth, as he was free the injlant. he landed on the lhitijh Jhore. (See § 330.) But it ought to be remembered, that the bell laws are often rendered expenfive, and even ultimately ineffectual, by thc many arts which lawyers and other defigning men prac-tifc, to elude them. Befides, though the law feems to be againft perfonal or individual flavery in this country, the merchant who dares openly avow himfelf as a dealer in human human fefli, is not only protected In his iniquity, but enjoys all the rights of honefl Appendix people, not excepting that ot fitting upon a jury, even in the moft ferious criminal ^——*v—— cafes, from which, however, the dealers in the flefJi of animals axe. excluded*. But put a defpot into a free countiy, zohere there is a focial check upon his aclions, and he is no longer a defpot: and put afave-mer chant into a country where induflry and ability, and not money, are theftandards of credit, and he is no longer a Jlave-mer chant. 700. This leads me back to the principles advanced in feveral parts of this work, refpecling perfonal flavery, in our prefent European communities, efpeciaily in thofe where commerce is carried on to any extent. +. 791. I confider the abufed power of governing to have generated that kind of flavery, which, for the fake of diflinclion, I call Political Slavery; and that which arifes from the abufed power of money, I think I may fairly call Mercantile Slavery. The firft, which has reference to a pcrfon's fituation with refpect to the community, feems to be, in fome degree, guarded againft, in this Ifland, by the general principles of thc Britifh conftitution, as well as by particular ftatutes. But the fecond kind, which has reference to a perfon's fituation, with refpect to the intcrefls of individuals, and which is alfo perfonal, inafmuch as an individual can not only be arretted for debt, but actually flarved to death in a gaol, (fee § 594, note.) appears to me not to have been hitherto fully confidered, at leaft not by the majority of thofe whofe province it is to rectify the evil; for the humane exertions of Lord Moira, Mr. Grey and fome other refpectable members of both Houfes of the Britifh Parliament, have hitherto been unfuccefsful. (See § 14a, qu. LI.) * To this companion, between a butcher and a flave-merchant, it may be objected, that the former carries on his bufinel's within the reach, and very properly under the protection, of the Englifh laws; whereas a part only of the bufinefs of the latter is confined to England, the reft being tran fatted partly in Africa, which is out of the reach of Englifh laws, and partly in the W. Indian Iflands, the laws of which, however, their charters ilipulate, (hall not be repugnant to the laws of England. But the queftion is, Whether a fet of men, who by their mercantile operations, violate all laws, in any foreign part of the world, ought to be allowed to live among honefl people, in a civilized community, calling itfelf fret* To put the cafe in a more (hiking light, I would alk, Whether any legillature ought to give it's protection to a fet of men, who fhould make it a trade to fit out fhips, under it's jui ifdiiSlion, in order to catch and kill human beings, and fait up their ilefh at O'Talicite, and carry it to New-Zealand, to be fold to the Cannibals ? ♦ I ufe the term perfonal flavery in a more extenfive fenfe than ordinary, for the truth is, lam not fatisfied with the dittinftion of flavery, as commonly divided into political and perfonal. They are both ftiicily perfonal} for perfons alone can be flaves in any fenfe. Note Appendix. '-*v——* Note A A. Mr. Af/.e- 792* At § 525, I fignified my intention of inferting in this Appendix, the " Sub- lines account ftance q| two Reports" from Mr. Afzelius, Subjoined to the Report of the Direc-productions. tors; but interefting materials have fo unexpectedly multiplied on my hands, that I find I can only afford room for the following Abridgment of an Account of the Natural Piodutiions of S. Leona *. Sheep hogs. goats, ANIMALS. Oxen & afles. 703. Cattle thrive well, and even grow fat, but not fo commonly as in Europe. A number of bulls, oxen and cows graze in the favannahs.—Some few afles, fent to thc colony, are ufed in labour, and do not fuffer by the climate ; but are not equal to mules. 794. Sheep change their wool into hair. They fuffer from the heat, are commonly lean, and do not increafe much. But goats and hogs are very prolific, and as fine and large as in any other countries. The colony is fufficiently flocked with thefe animals. 79,5. Porcupines, wild hogs, fquirrels and antelopes, may alfo be claffed among the animals found at S. Leona proper for food. The fkin of the latter appears to be proper for gloves. 796. The beafls of prey are lions, leopards, hyaenas, mufk cats, and many kinds of weafels, which laft are very deflructive to poultry. The fkins of fome of thefe might be of ufc in a commercial view. There are two fpecies of mufk cats at S. Leona, the civet and the zibet cat. 797. The Japanzee or Chimpanzee, common in the mountains of S. Leona, re (enables man more than even the Ourang Outang. Ol two brought to the colony, one died foon; the other, being older, lived fome months. He was nearly 2 feet high, but their full flaturc is nearly *$ feet. He was covered with black * Having already bellowed a Chap, (the 5th.) cm natural productions, I certainly would not fwell my work with any thing more on the fubject, if I did not think the defcriptions of fo able a 11:1-turalift as Mr. Afzelius, infinitely more worthy of attention than any thing I can pretend to write on the fubject. The reader, however, will obferve, that the memoir, of which I here offer him an abridgment, is itfelf given by the Directors, only as " The fubftance" of two reports from Mr. A. I have not feen thofe reports ; but, from that gentleman's known caution and accuracy, I may venture to fay, that they were not intended for publication, in any fhape j efpeciaily, as I know how difficult it is for a perfon to exprefs himfelf accurately in a foreign language, which the Englifh is to Mr. A. as well as to myfelf, 1 believe, I may pronounce them to have been mere popular defcriptions, intended for the ufe ol gentlemen concerned in the S. Leona undertaking, who could not well be fuppofed minutely con-vcrfant in the technical language and arrangement of natural hiftory. The learned reader, therefore, will not fuppofe Mr. A's two original repcrts, ftill lefs their fubllance, and leaft of all, this Abridgment of their Sub/lame, to be fpecimeus of Mr. A's profeflitnal abilities. 3 hair, Antelopes Sec. Lions, &c. Japanzee. tiair, long and thick on the back, but fhort and thin on the bread and belly. His Appendix. face was bare ; his hands and his head refembled thofe of an old black man, except *" * that the hair on his head was flraight. He ate, drank, flept and fat at table, like a human being. At firft he crept on all fours, on the out fide of his hands; but, when grown larger, hc endeavoured to go erect, fupporting himfelf by a flick. He was melancholy, but always good-natured. This ape, although not entirely unknown in Europe, has ufually been confounded with other apes. 798. Of thefe the Directors have as yet received no perfect, account. A fpe- Birds, cies of crane is mentioned, which becomes very tame, and is reckoned very good food. Fowls multiply amazingly. Ducks thrive; but geefe and turkies have not anfwered expectation. 799. Green, hawk's bill, or loggerhead, turtles, are very common, and fome- Amphibious times of an immenfc fize. Frefh water turtles, and land turtles, are alfo found, animals,&c. the latter in abundance ; and it is thought that they might be imported into England to good profit. Crocodiles, or alligators, of a non-defciipt fpecies, 10 or 12 feet in length, have been found; and lizards of fix fpecies, among which are the Guana and thc Camcleon. Snakes are almofl innumerable ; they haunt the houfes in the night in fcarch of poultry ; the largelt yet difcovered meafurcd 18 feet, which did not prove venemous. 800. The infects are very numerous. The moft remarkable are the termites, Infects, Sec (commonly called wood-ants, or bug-a-bugs) which deflroy wooden houfes and fences ; ants, which devour provifions ; cockroaches and crickets, which deftroy clothes, linen and leather; mufquitoes, fand-flies, fcorpions, tarantulas and centipedes; alfo wild bees, which furnifh plenty of wax and honey. The vermes are little known; the barnacles are very large, and injurious to velfels not copper-bottomed. 801. Fifties are in great variety, both in the fea and thc river. The fpermaceti Fiflics, &c. whale has been occafionally found at S. Leona, but oftcner down the coaft. Befides the whale, the fhark, ffinging-ray and porpoife, there are eels, horfe-mackarel, tarpoons, cavillos, mullets, fnappers, yellowtails, old-maids, tenpounders, and fome other fiflics; all of which, except the eels and tenpounders, are efieemed fine eating. Oyfters are found in great abundance, and another fhell fifh, which the natives eat. Among the Zoophiles, none is more worthy of notice than thc common fponge, which covers all the fandy beaches of the river, particularly on the Bullom fhore, and would fetch a high price in G. Britain. VEGETABLES. 802. (1.) Rice is the chief plant cultivated at S. Leona, and the flaple of the country. Rice. The lower clafs of the natives fubfiit almoft entirely upon it. Although it ptof- N n pers Appendix, pers bed. in fwamps, it will thrive alfo on elevated land ; but, like other aquatics, it *- '~ grows fmaller and thinner, though the grain is better. Of this quality is the rice on the eminences ol S. Leona, while on the plains of the Bulloni Ihore, and other fuch trails, it grows as luxtuiantly as in Carolina, and it cleaned with equal care, it would be equally white; but at prefent, through the negligence of the natives, both the rice intended for confumption, and for trade, retains part of the browniih rind. The rice fields arc prepared during the dry feafon, aud receive the feed in the tornado feafon, antecedent to the rains ; but the feafons varying, the time for lowing is irregular. In the year 1792, rice was fown in June, and reaped in Oct. Cafladti 2< This conflitutes, after rice, the chief food of the inhabitants, and it's culture requires time and care. It fucceeds bed in fandy, open places. In 3 or 4 months after planting, the roots grow fit tor ufc. The natives do not reap the whole at once, but dig up a few roots as they want them; but, before the fucceeding rains, they clear thc field, never extending their plantations beyond the fuppofed exigencies of a fingle year. The natives fometimes make cakes of calfada, which though dry, are well taded and extremely white; they alfo boil or road this article. A kind of ale might poflibly be prepared from it, as is done by the Arawafks of Surinam*. to "be cauti- * As no part of houfehold ceconomy requires fo much care and caution a? the preparation of Caf-cully ufed, fada, fome further account of it cannot fail to be acceptable to fuch of my readers, as may have occafion to refide in any new tropical colony.—Dr. Browne mentions two fpecies of that plant, which are ufed in the Sugar Iflands as food; and which he thus defcribes.-alATROPiiA4. Foliis pal- matis pentadaclylibus, radice conko-oblongd, came fubladledJ"-11 ** Jatropha, Foliis pahnatis, lobis lanceolatis, levibus integerrimis." " Linn. Sp. PI.—The Cajfava, Cafjada or CajJ'adar.—The juice of the root is fweetifh, but more or Ufs of a deleterious, or puiibnous, nature, both trefli and in the putrid ftate.—But, however, unwholefome or violent, the rough juice may be lounti, immediately alter it is expreffed, &c, it has been lately difcovered by an ingenious gentleman, who has praclifed many years in the warm parts of America, that a little mint water and fait of wormwood will calm the moft violent fymptoms that arife on taking it; and prevent all bad confequences, even in the human fpecies, if it be but timely adfniniflered.-" Iatropha 5. Foliis palmatis, lobis incertis, radice ob- longa, funic ulo ^,fr> QT3y ;n particular, in his letter to one of his friends in London, dated the french 1 1 Cquadnm. " Ruinf of Freetown, Oct. 18th, 1794,11 and which I have juft feen, mentions every material fact contained in the foregoing extract. He adds, that " the largeft French fhip carried 50 guns, and the two frigates 32 guns each." But it would appear, that they were fo ill found, and the feamen fo difbrderly, that he goes on to fay, " I am confident that two Englifh frigates would have taken their whole force" (namely the foregoing fhips, with two armed brigs, and fome veiTcls of inferior confideration.) " It rather furprizes us, that this coaft Ihould be fo neglected, Government not having a velfel ol any kind in this quarter of the world. So the French no doubt had learnt, which caufed their coming here. However, for my own part, I do not find room to blame the French fo much, as thofe who are at the head of Lnglifh affahs, for the evils that have befallen us."—" You muft not imagine," ' adds hc, " becaufc we have been taken by the French, and have had our houfes burnt, that wc arc flceping in the woods, or that we are ftarving for want of victuals. No: we have houfes yet, the governor having hired fome of the beft of the fettlers'houfes, for the officers and himfelf; no*r, whilft vie have fhecp and goats for fending for, no very great difiance, can we be fuppofed to be famifhing." Mr. G. having been captured in a veffel at fome diftance from Freetown, fays, " I flept on board one of the frigates, where I muft acknowledge being well treated; fo much fo, the captain offered mc his own bed." This gentleman alfo writes, that notwithftanding his paft hardfhips, hc had enjoyed uninterrupted health ; and that he was about to accompany Mr. Watt in an attempt to penetrate to Tombuctoo. Moft probably, therefore, thofe entcrprizing gentlemen have, ere now, entered on that intercfting and arduous journey. 821. From Mr. Padenheim's letter to C. Grill, Efq. the Swedifh Conful General, in London, it additionally appears, that an American flave-captain, of thc name a of of Newell, who had thought himfelf affronted by the Governor, had perfuaded the Appendix. French to attack the colony, alluring them of a very great booty. Hence I think —f it is fair to conclude, that the hopes of plunder operated fo powerfully on the French incited • to attack the minds of thc French failors, that their commanders found it impofhble to reftrain colony. them, cither from attacking thc colony, or from plundering it*. PROCEEDINGS at a GENERAL COURT of PROPRIETORS of the S. LEONA COMPANY, held at the Paul's-Head Tavern, in Cateaton-street, Feb. 26th, 179,5. That I ?nay omit nothing that tends to give my readers an impartial, though I acknowledge, a very general, view of this inter ejling fubjeel, I Jliall now lay before them fome Account of thefe Proceedings. 822. Mr. H. Thornton, the Chairman of the Court of Directors, took the Chair, and read the journal tranfmitted by the Governor and Council at S. Leona, relative to the hue tranl'actions of the French at that place; and he concluded with reading various remarks made by thc Directors thereupon. 823. [This journal contained fo full and circumftantial an account of the attack upon the colony, that the; wading of it took up above three hours. 1 have not room even for an abridgment of this detai}, a circ.imitauce the lefs to be regretted, as the Directors have jull publifhed a very faithful Abridgment of it, under the title of " Subtlancc of the Report of the Court of Directors, Sec. Feb. 16th, i 795 i which came rather too late into my hands. Betides, I really could not offer the rcadei a better uimmary, than the above extracts from the letters of Mr. Afzelius, Mr. Gray, and Mr. Pa-denheim; for I am happy to fay, that, in a general view, thofe extracts and every other account that has come to my knowledge, perfectly agree with the journal and the " Subltance," of it, of wKkh two (or perhaps more) editions have been publifhed |-;fo that the reader can eafdy make thc companion. (rpon tluj whole, it feems as unneceffary, as it is impracticable, for me to infert more than the follow-ino- abr'ulgmint of the concluding remarks of the Direclors. See «• bubllance," Sec. from p. 16, to thc end.] 824. " It appears, that in about three weeks after the departure of the French sicknefs and " from S. Leona, an almoft univerfal ficknefs prevailed among the whites, the con- ddheiyor " fequence of the exertions of fome, and the fufferings of others, at thc crifis. The dues, Sec. " want of medical attendance, (the phy fician and both the furgeons being ill, one of V the latter of whom died) and improper food and accommodations, aggravated the 11 diforder, which, as in the firft fickly feafon, was fatal, almofl cxchifivcly, to the " lower Europeans. The definition of the medicines was now mofl fevcrely felt, as " appears from the Governor himfelf, after a fit of fever, refraining from taking bark, " left he fhould confume too much of the fmall remaining quantity. The Directors *' mention with concern, that, of thc 120 failors firft put on fhore at S. Leona, by * Having mentioned Mr. Padcnheim, I cannot but add Mr. Beaver's opinion of this gentleman, ^r jjcav , That he did not know any perfon at S. Leona, while he was there, who had done more effential fervice opinion of Mr. to the colony, than Mr. Padenheim. A tellimony fo honourable, from fo excellent and impartial a P.idtnhtim. judge as Mr. B. is, efpeciaily of this kind of merit, convinces me that Mr. P. muft indeed be a valuable member of thc colony. t Printed by J. Phillips, George Yard, Lombard-(licet, «' the Appendix. (* the French, 80 havealready died. The Governor dates, that tliey never, in any \-— —' " ftagC of the public diflrefs, wanted at leaft a regular meal of rice; and thc Directors " are perfuaded, that no practicable ineafurcs of prudence or humanity have been ** neglected, cither refpecling thefe, or any other refugees from llave-fhips, who from time to time, have been caft on the clemency of the S, Leona government. Favourable 825. 41 Before the date of the laft difpatches, the ficknefs is faid, in fome degree, cjrcumftwice*. iQ ^ ^fated. ^he healthy feafon was approaching; and a very fcafonablc, though " probably an inadequate, fupply of articles much wanted, had been juil bought from 11 the captain of a chartered veffel fent out by the Directors. Company's 826. " The whole lofs of the Company, on this occafion, may be computed at raioLn ftock "/'4°.ooo, exclufivc of the buildings deflroyed, which coft about £ 15,000; but " their value having been much lefs, fuch of them as will now be thought necef-" fary, will probably be rebuilt for 2 or/^ooo. About 8 or/"oooo have been laid V out on works of defence, roads, a landing place, a wharf, and thc allotment and " cultivation of lands. The whole remaining property of thc Company, exclufive of " the 8or/"oooo dead ftock jull mentioned, the Directors compute at about/85,000. Company's 82;. " The Company's fmall veffels, trading on thc coaft, were not infurcd; for i'mall veffels " the monthly premium, required on them, was thought unreafonably high. The Jbonfnot"in0" " value of each veffel and cargo feldom exceeded 2 or £$oco; and the capture of fo lured,and why «« many of them at once,on differcntparts of the coaft, was not confidered as a proba-" ble event. Thc Company's large fhip, the Harpy, with her cargo, wasmoflly in- V lured. But the infurance of goods on lhore, againft infurrections and foreign " enemies, were found to becxprefsly excepted in thc policies of thc only Company " that underwrites goods on fhore, in diftant countries. Good tflTefts 8r• 8. " The governor and council flate that fome good effects may be confidered hkelyto reiult ag r^CLilting from this calamity. They obferve, that it has convinced the N. Sco-niity, 44 tians of their folly, in having contended for the ground neareft the river, and iu " neglecting the more diftant and mountainous parts. They even remark, that thc 44 improvement in the mountains, during the enfuing dry feafon, feems likely to 44 counterbalance the damage done to thc town*. Thus an opportunity is faid to be afforded * I have tuft been favoured with a paper, which makes me think that fugar will never be among the productions of thofe mountains; though it may be hoped the Bullom fhore will, in due time, afford a fupply of that commodity. This paper juftifks feveral of my remarks on the cultivation of the Company's plantation; fo that had I been in potleflion of it when I drew up Note X. 1, I could h^e rendered that hrjlj and general outline lets unworthy of the reader's attention: for I could have exemplified fome of my realbnings with fails which prove that fymplomsof the spirit of fugar (peculation had actually appeared at S. Leona. But I muft add, that nothing has come to my knowledge to jollify a fuppoGtion that the Directors were ever actuated by that fpirit. They fent out indeed the proper implements for manufacturing fugar 1 but I have good authority to fay, that iu this initance, they " afforded of difmiffing from the Company's fervice, a number of N. Scotians, Appendix, " whom the governor and council had long been in vain endeavouring to fix on l_ *" ~ " their farms. The experience of the internal refources of the colony is mentioned m as very important. Thc colony has been left many weeks, deflitute of almoil every " European article; much of the live-flock and all the boats and (hipping deflroyed; *' and yet no want of neceffary food, nor any other evil, than what has been men- *' tioned, has enfued. The governor and council mention that they intend to " erett only One confiderable flore, a large dwelling houfe and a church, all of 11 country materials. Thc laft was fo far advanced, that public worfhip was to be M performed in it, the Sunday after the date of the difpatches. Mcafures were alfo " taken for erecting a building on the Bullom fhore for additional fecurity. 829. " On thc arrival of thc difpatches, the Directors loft no time in fending out Supplies im- * two fmall velfels with an aflortmcnt of neceflarics. They alfo fhipped a few ma- !Ted,aJcly,. a / u n fhipped. Mr. %< tcrial articles on board the Amy (now the Company's only large fhip,) which had Dawes returns " already in her a few goods for trade. Some perfons engaged in the Company's toS* Lcona* '* fervice, (the number of whom, on receiving tho above intelligence, was reduced,) »' arc alfo gone out in her: and among them Mr. Dawes, who having been two years ** governor of the colony, had returned to England. His health and the circum- " (lances of his family had induced him to think of leaving the Company's fervice; u but, when informed of a tumult having taken place (§443.) at S. Leona, his " zeal in the Company's caufe led him again to offer his fervices. The late more " ferious calamity, and the indifpofition of the acting Governor, Mr. Macaulay, rendered Mr. Dawes's prefence fo defirable, that the Directors thought it their duty to accept this gentleman's offer. 830. " Thc Directors propofe to reduce within very narrow limits the Com- Contraction of *' pany's future rifk in Africa; and they alfo hope to reduce their general ex- *heComp«ny*« " penfes. The faving from removing many colonifls to their farms has been men- U1C an* " tioned. The contra6lion of the Company's trade will be accompanied by a cor-«« relponding abatement of charges. The diminution of (hipping will leffen one " thief fource of expenfe. Iu confcquencc of the lute loffes, only one fmall veffel " has been purchafed, the intended plan of trade not requiring more, and thofe " frequent fupplics on which the colony depended at firft, being no longer neceffary. 831. " The Directors will here repeat, that however prolperous the N. Scotians N. Scotians *' may become, the great ends of the inftitution are not likely to be gained, unlefs wtnt hwroft-t 41 they fhall be furnifhed with European inllructors and governors. The untoward they were miffed, by perfons, who, with the beft intentions, have unfortunately been drawn into the dangerous vortex of W. Indian fpeculation. The fugar apparatus, which was never fet up or uH-J lay rotting and confuming with ruff, till it received the t$Uf de grace from the lUjuge hammeis- of the I'"itnch ; and there is Icarcely a fugar-cane now growing at S. Leona. difpofition A"hf.nimx. " difpofiti»n of too many of them, though it may be thought to make them lcf. "~ « worthy of afliftance, proves, however, the importance of affording them the ,k means of inftruction, and an intelligent and protetting government; and it fhould " be remembered that 300 of their children, befides thofe of the natives, arc now " under thc Company's care. When the influence of thc S. Leona government " over many powerful chiefs, of whofe attachment feveral frefh proofs have been "given, on the late trying occafion; when the ufes of that influence, the Com-" pany's progrefs in the interior, and all the other profpects of civilization formerly Directors de- 44 ftated are recollected, the Directors arc perluadcd, that thc proprietors, under termined to «, their former iinnieirion, will rejoice at hearing that no events that have vet hap-perfevere. J . ' . " pened have fhaken the refolution of thc Directors to profecutc this great caule, " with unabated zeal. Slave-trade 832. " I he flave-trade, which, notwithftanding the wrar, had in fome meafure re-" ceived a confiderable blow from the French fquadron. The whole property cap-44 tured and dcllroved bv it, is computed at ^400,000, moft of which, was engaged " in that pernicious traffic. Some commercial advantages, as well as an increafe of *' the Company's influence, may poflibly refult from this deflruction of European 44 property on the coaft. Humanity and 833. " The Directors cannot but repeat, that they truft for the caufe ofhumani-dritfob^* " l'V*nonoLU" °* Great Britain, and the intercfts of the Company, that the termina-" tion of the flave-trade is approaching, and they reflect with fatisfaction, that the " maintenance of an eftablifhment in Africa, for aiding the natural progrefs of ci-41 vilization, and for promoting Real Commerce, may hereafter prove material, not 41 only to the proprietors, but as a matter of national policy. 83.1. " Thc Directors have thus ftated the grounds on which they are encouraged M to perfevere. They fhall endeavour to contract both the rifk and the expenfes V of the Company, on the principles flatecT; at the fame time purfuing their main » object, in fuch a way as not to relinquifh thc commercial advantages they have 41 gained, nor iu any degree to fufpend the meafurcs ncceilary to promote the unin-11 terrupted progrefs of civilization." 835. The report having thus been read, a motion was made and feconded, that the thanks of the meeting fhould be given to the Directors, for the indefatigable pains they had taken, in promoting thc ends of the inflitution. This motion patted unanimoully. 836. A gentleman, (Mr. Friend,) rofe, and addreffing the chair, rcqueftcd the Directors to inform thc meeting, Whether a report now in circulation was true, That, on the fifl Jetting out of the colony, the French Convention had intimated to the Dire ft or s their good wiflies towards the iujlitution, that it xoould not in any way impede it's progrefs, and requejled to have a lift of the flaps employed in the fervice of the Company, that proper orders might he ij/ucd tjjucd to thc commanders of flips of war of every kind, not to molft the fame, hut Appendix. to protetl them to the ulmojl of thar power*. Upon thc anfwer given to this qucf-tion, a refolution might be entered into, probably tending, not only to alleviate our prefent calamity, but to prevent the repetition of a fimilar injury in future. 837. The Chairman rofe and explained to the Meeting, the nature of the commu- The Chair-nication alluded to; thata Mr. Stone, when in Paris, having a particular connection ^XBjjJ11 with a committee of the Convention, had mentioned the S. Leona undertaking, and had been authorized by one of their committees to write to the Direclors, requeuing a full account of the defign of the inflitution and the names ot thc fhips employed in their fervice, and to allure them of the good wifhes of the committee, to fo noble an undertaking.—This account was confirmed alfo, in another part of the debate, by Mr. Wilberforce who ftated, that in confequence of Mr. Stone's communication to them, they had waited upon Lord Grenville, the Secretary of State, and by his per-iniflion, had given to Mr. Stone, when in England, a lift of the fhips to be by him communicated to the National Convention, and as he was thoroughlyacquainted with the nature of the inflitution, defired him to reprefent it in its proper colours+. 838. Mr. Frend teflified his fatisfaction with the information from the chair, as debate takes it gave him hopes that the Meeting would come to a refolution to enter into a better p,aCt'* communication with the French Convention, Hating to it, that our inflitution was founded on thc general principles of humanity ; and as the French nation were the avowed advocates of thefe principles, it could not be fuppofed, that they would fane-tion any mcafurcs in direct oppofition to the happinefs and liberty of the Africans. 839. To this it was objected by a gentleman, that the traitorous correfpondene'e bill was an infurmountable obflacle to fuch a communication. 840. Mr. Frend replied, that, he was not fo well acquainted with mercantile-affairs, as the gentleman who fpoke laft ; but he underftood, that very lately, funis of * During the laft war, the like generous protection was givert by the French Miniliry, to the celebrated Captain Cook, and alfo to the (hips liberally lint by the Briiifh Government, with fupplies for the fuffercrs by thc great hurricane at Barbadoesand Jamaica, in 1780. f As I confider this fubject of great importance, efpeciaily refpecling the future indulgence of the French to the colony, I have taken much pains to inveftigate it. Among other inquires, I aiked Mi. Thomas Clarkfon, who was then in the Direction, Whether he did not think, with me, that as the colony was of a peculiar nature, inftituted entirely for the benefit of mankind, and unconnected either with mercantile concerns or national quarrels, there was no neceffity of laying the generous pr< pofal of the French before the Britifh Miniftry. With that franknefs which characterizes this friend of the human race Mr. CI urkfon replied, That he was fo muchof my opinion, that the oppofition he met with in fup-porting it, in the Court of Directors, (an oppofition undoubtedly dictated by the belt motives,) was one of the chief caufes which induced him to refign his feat among that refpectable body. He added, that be had, however, the fatisfaction to find that feveral of the Directors joined him in opinion; although the majority thought the affair ought to be laid before the Miniftry. P p money Appendix, money had been remitted under the function of Miniflry, by houfes in the city, to y- " —' perfons in the enemy's country. 841. This was anfwered by an obfervation, that fuch remittances related not to the traitorous correspondence bill, but to the bill for preventing money belonging to foreigners, to be fent out of the kingdom. Mr. Frend urged, that it was of little confequence to what bill thefe remittances related, fince the fa 61 wasallowed, that perfons, in the city, were permitted to correfpond with Others in thc enemy's country; and, in fact, it would be abfurd to fuppofe, that the governors of this country had not the power to fend a flag of truce into France, or 10 enter into any carte! for the exchange of prifoners. IT is intended refolution did not imply a correspondence with thc enemy, without the function of Government. All that is intended was, that the Director's fhould wait upon the Governors of this country, to flate to them the lunation of the S. Leona Company, the hopes they entertained of the French Convention, and to requeft pcrmiflion to fend over fome perfon to the National Convention, to negociate on the means of fecuring the future tranquillity of the colony. The attack 84a. Upon this, adefultory convcrfation took place.—It was urged that the fub-b^t^FV^nch Je<^ waso^ to° delicate a nature, to be debuted in the prefent critical times; that the Convention. Company muft not Hand too forward, when there were hopes of great fupport from our own Government.—Among this and other matters, an interefting account was given by Mr. Inglis, one of the Directors, of the attack upon the colony, in which it was affirmed, that this attack was not made by the orders ot the French Convention, but by a company of privateers, which probably made no difference between this and the flave-fcttlements on the coafl, This account was confirmed by feveral other perfons. Mr. Inglis faid, that he had this information from a captain latelyarriv-ed,who was at that time at S. Leona. This captain fays, that feveral flave-merchants of Bourdeaux and I/Orient, had fitted out fome brigs and cutters, to run down the whole coaft, with which they were very much acquainted, in order to deftroy the Englifh flave-fa61ories, and upon requefl to the Convention, had obtained one two decker, which they had equipped at their own expence. 843. Mr. Frend expreffed his fatisfa6iion, at hearing that the calamity was not owing to the National Convention. He conceived therefore that he had now better grounds for making his motion. 844. The chairman obferved here, that as there had been a motion made and fe-conded, another could not be made till that was difpofed of. Upon which the motion of thanks to the Directors was read, aud patted unanimoufly. Mr. Frend's 845. This bufinefs being dilpatched, \, r. Frend begged leave to fuggeft, that he had motion. heard no fulhcicnt reafons why he fhould not move, That the Direclors be requejled to take fachjteps asjhall appear to them proper, for opening a communication with the Trench Notes, &c. refpeEling S. Leona and, Btdarna.—Note BB. 291 French Convention, for thc purpqfe of infilling, m future, the tranquillity of the Appendix. colony.-This was feconded by Mr. Audley. m-P-' 846. Upon this the chairman got Up, by requeft, and propofed that the Meet. Adjournment ing fhould be adjourned, proofed, 847. Mr. Frend fhewed fome furprile at tllis propofal, and begged leave to ob-ferve, that a motion had been regularly made and feconded; and therefore he did not fee the propriety of adjourning, till the fubject; had been regularly di feu fled. 848. Several perfons, from different quarters, teflified the fame opinion, by calling but not carrf. ~ . cd., out, go on, go on. J 849. Mr. Wilbcrforce expreffed his wifh, that the queilion might be fairly agitated. 850. Several perfons now declared their opinions on the matter before them. Some expreffed their wifhes, that a negociation might be entered into. Some expreffed their fears, that, in the prefent times, it would not be prudent to make a refolution upon the fubject; but that it would be better to leave the Directors to act according to their belt judgment, and the apparent wifhes of the meeting. 851. Mr. Frend here obferved, that he was by no means defirous of obtruding a The matter refolution, which might in any ways tend to thwart the object which hc and all the leFt t0 the Di" ... ■ . re c\ors Company had in view, namely, the civilization of the Africans, by the profperity of the riling colony; and it would be fufficient, from the converfation that had taken place, that the Directors were now informed of the defires of the Company, and were left to act in this as in many other cafes, to the bcfl of their difcrction. 852. Here this matter dropped, and after a little paufe, Mr. Frend got up and" obferved, that he feared one point had been forgotten, in the interefling debate which had taken up fo much of the attention of the Meeting, and begged leave therefore to move, that the report, which had been read from the chair,flwuld be publiflied arid circulated. 853. This motion was feconded; but was oppofed from different quarters, on the grounds, that it contained many minute details, not fit lor the public eye; that there tverc exprellions, which might give offence to the French nation, and that it would be better to leave it to the difcretion of the Directors. 854. Others obferved, that people iu the country were much interefled in this fubject; that they had dwelt on the calling of the prefent Meeting, aud would be greatly difappointed, if they were not favoured with the means of information; and that many who had heard it read in a curfory manner, might wifh to perufeit at their leifure. . 855. Mr. Frend apologized for rifing fo often, and begged leave only to obferve alfo the print-to all the objeefions made to thc printing of the report, that he would leave the cor- ing °*the re" rection of it to the judgment of the Directors; and that they fhould be defired to P°U* print it in the manner leafl offenfive to any one, and in the belt mode for the information of thc Company at large. P P 2 856. Mr. Appendix. 856. Mr. Inglis faid, there would he foon a General Meeting, and fuggefted, that ■ ~ ' it might be better to defer the printing of the report, till the annual report was made, to which this report might be added. 8,57. Mr. Frend replied, that as this report contained fo much important matter, hc could not confent to the delay; and mull beg leave, that the motion for printing it immediately might be propofed. Upon this it was read from the chair, and paired with a very great majority. Thanks to the 858. A vote of thanks to the chairman was then palled, for his conduct during chairman. the Meeting; after which a gentleman rofe, and made a fpeech oi confiderable length, which could be heard only by the perfons neareft the chair, and which did not end in anv motion. The Meeting was then adjpurned. At a General Meeting of the Proprietors of the S. Leona Company, the 261I1 of March, 1795. 8,59. The chairman (Mr. Thornton,) having taken the chair, the refolutions of the laft Meeting were read and confirmed, o 860. The chairman defired to know, whether any perfon had any thing to pro-« pofe, and after a fhort paufc, Mr. Frend Mr. Frend rofe, and ftated, that he had taken the liberty at the laft Meeting, C^tt^be" °^ug?e^'nS tne propriety of taking fome flops, both to gain redrefs from the fent to the French Convention, for their late attack, and to prevent fimilar calamities in future, convention. SjnCe that time, he had more maturely confidered the fubject, and was confirmed in his opinion, from what had tranfpired at the laft Meeting, that there were very good grounds to expect, that, on a proper application to the French Convention, the affaiis of the colony might be put, upon a very refpefctablc looting. That fuch application might be confidered indeed by fome perfons, as unneceffary or improper; but, if we took a view of the fituation of thc Company, and of the country at large, there would appear no profpects of future fuccefs, unlcfs the colony could be preferved, for which there were neither fufficient capital, nor warlike preparations. As to the latter, the Company was founded upon better principles, than the politics of war, and could expect fuccefs, only by the ftation which it held, in the good opinion 'of it's neighbours. That little fupport could be expected from the Britilh Government, was evident from thc late ravages along the coaft of Africa, the prcfervation of which was not a fufficient object to a minifter, and the fituation of the colonv, rendered it liable at all times, to fall an eafy prey to a flight invafion. " On thefe grounds," faid he, " we muft, if we expert that our colony fhould fucceed, look forward to gain thc benevolence of the power moft capable of injuring us. And, if it fhould appear, that the Convention were likely to liften to our requeft, could a proper peifon be fent over to negociate with it, we were fortunate at prefent, to fee among 3 us us a gentieman, whom every perfon would allow to be fully competent for the Appendix. undertaking, and whofe writings, then on the table, proved him to have not only the ~» intereft of Africa, but of all mankind, at heart. From having travelled in Africa, and being firmly united with the Company, in it's views of enlightening the inhabitants, lie could explain to the Convention, the real nature of the Company, and being the fubject. of a neutral power, he could do it with thc greater propriety and effect. A meafure of this fort was not to be undertaken, without thc approbation of our own Government, and an application muft be made for it's confent. He fhould therefore beg leave to propofe the two following Refolutions. ift, Refolded, that an application be made to Government, for permiffion to fend a perfon over to Hispropofi-France, to negociate with the French Convention, on bufinefs relating folely to the concerns of the tions Company in Africa, and on the feas. 2d, Refotved, that if Government fhould not object to this meafure, Mr. Wadstrom be appointed to lay before the- National Convention of France, an account of the inltitution of the S. Leona Company, and the loffes fuftained by it, from the late attack of a French fquadron, fuppofed to have acted without the knowledge or approbation of the Convention*. 861. Thefe * As the above proportions were brought forward by a gentleman, to whom I made no application for this purpofe, an explanation of the circumfbnee may not be improper.—After my grief and fur-prize, at the calamity which had befallen the colony, had partly fubfided, I began to confider, Whether it might not be poffible for me, to contribute to it's reparation. The plan contained in the following addrefs foon prefented itfelf to my mind, and, after mature confideration, I thought it my duty to fubmit it to the General Meeting, which had then been called to deliberate on this melancholy fubject. The mode of bringing forward my plan, which feemed to me to promife moft fuccefs, was to requeft, that James Martin, Efq. M. P. a fubferiber, whofe philanthropy, patriotifm, candour, and independent fpirit, are defervedly refpected by all parties, would be fo good as to read it in the Genera! Meeting. This Mr. Martin very obligingly agreed to do, provided it fhould be in his power to attend. But fome bufinefs having intervened to prevent him, Mr. Frend's enlightened zeal in this great caufe, feems to have prompted him to bring forward the above propofitions, rather than fo favourable an opportunity of difcufling them, in a full meeting, fhould be loft. ADDRESS to the GENERAL MEETING of the SUBSCRIBERS to the SIERRA LEONA COMPANY. Gentlemen, Having, at your laft Meeting, with InexprefTible concern, heard the dreadful Report read, concerning the late unexpected attack upon the colony of S. Leona, by the French, I feel myfelf too fenfibly interefted in the prefcrvation and object of the colony, not to offer, on this critical occafion, the refult of that experience, which I have obtained, by having been hitherto incefiantly, and not unfortunately, employed, in the caufe of opprifled Africa. Not to occupy your time unnecefT.rily, I will endeavour, gentlemen, in a few words, to lay before you a plan, in the execution of which, I flatter myfelf that I may ftill be rendered ufeful to the caufe of humanity, and the Company be effcntially benefitted, in the prefent precarious fituation ol their colony. There is reafon, gentlemen, to bel leve, that if a proper reprefentation of the real object and p'incip'e of the S. Leona Company, together with a full and impartial account, of the late furprize and attack «f the colony, were laid fairly before the National Convention, by fome perfon not Immediately con- cerni-d ApFfcNniK. 86l. Thefe rcfoluti ns were feconded by Mr. Higbmore, who enlarged on the v— ~/~—' propriety ol the application, particularly as it was brought forward in fuch a manner as could not offend anv party. dcbutcJ, and 862. Mr. Elliot objected to thc meafure, as interfering with the Government at home, to which he did not fee how we could confidently apply; fince all intercourfe, between the two dates, was forbidden. But he admitted, that, it the meafure fhould be adopted, Mr. Wadilrom was a very proper perfon to carry it into execution. objected to 863. Several others objected very flrongly to thc refolutions, chiefly on the grounds, that it would be indelicate to apply to the Minifler; that an affair of this fort fhould be left entirely to the Directors, who would undoubtedly manage it with thc greatell propriety; and that the Company was affembled to chufe Directors, and not to tranfact any other bufinefs, which indeed would be improperly introduced. 864. On the other hand, it was contended, that this was the proper mode of bringing forward a queflion, in which the Company was fomuch interefled; that, with refpect to the future Direclors, they were not at prefent known, and therefore no flight could be meant to them; that the great end of all thefe Meetings, was to give an opportunity to individuals, to fuggefl what might be for the general good, and to keep up a proper intercourfe between the Directors and thc Company. 86,5. Mr. Frend obferved, that he rofe in confequence of the chairman's requeft to all fubferibers, to bring forward any meafure which they might have to propofe. 866. Mr. Granville Sharp hoped, that no difference might appear upon this queflion, and, for the fake of thc inflitution, that Mr. Frend, whofe motives he doubted not were founded on thc belt principles, would confent to withdraw his motion, and another perfon fuggefled the propriety ot fome amendment to it. 867. Mr. Frend faid that his fole view was, to fuggefl what appeared to him mofl beneficial to the Company; and that, if the end was obtained by any mode whatever, in which the Meeting agreed, it was the fame to him, whether his refolu- cerned in the undertaking, fecurity might be obtained, againft the repetition of fuch a cataftrophe, and probably fome compilation might be offered for the injury already fuitained. The proper defign of the colony, as it refpeas the annihilation of the flave-trade, and the enlightening of Africa, ought therefore to be laid before the Convention, together with an account of the recent events, ib contrary to the interefts of humanity at large, and which mult be prefumed to have been the confequence of a compleat ignorance, of the real intention of the colony, in the fquadron which fo unfortunately ruined it. Being the fubject of a neutral power; having been likewife, throughout my life, actively engaged in the caufe ; and preXuming myfelf qualified, in fome degree, from my experience and knowledge, in what concerns the interefts of Africa ; I fliould be happy, if, by my perfonal fervice with the Fiench Convention, I could contribute to the welfare of the Company, and through it, to the happinefs of the inhabitants of a great continent. tions tions were entirely withdrawn, or amended by any other perfon, fo as to meet the Appendix. willies of the Company. ^--v -* 068. The withdrawing and the amending of the refolutions were oppofed in a and rejeaed. defultory convcrfation, and at lalt the firft refolution was propofed, and on a Ihew of hands, there appeared to be a very fmall majority againft it. Of courfe the fecond refolution was not put to the vote. 869. This bufinefs being fettled, Mr. Williams, Solicitor and Secretary to the Election of Court of Direclors, got up and faid, it has been propofed and feconded, that iwwDire&c*r» Hi Thornton, Efq. (the prefent chairman) be the chairman for the next year, requeuing thofe who were for the motion to hold up their hands, which being done, thofe ol a contrary opinion were delircd to hold up their hands. No hand was held up, and the chairman was declared elected. Mr. Williams then repeated nearly the fame words for thc next candidate in his lift, and proceeded in this way till all the thirteen Directors were unanimoufiy re-elected, except one, who having re-figned, another gentleman (Mr. Hunter) was chofen in his room. Note CC. See § 537, No. 7, alfo § 180, 181. 870. It is fomewhat curious that both the S. Leona and thc Bulama AfTocia- impolitic editions fhould have been betrayed into tranjatlantic errors, in their agricultural con- ditionpuUiih- ° ed l>y the Bu- lama AtTocLa- * The following, as far as I have been able to learn, is the lateft intelligence received from S. Leona. tion. I apprehend it was inferted, by authority of the Direclors, in the Daily Advcrtifcr of Friday, May aoth, 1795, ^rom which P:iPer I have copied it. w On Monday laft difpatches were received from Sierra-Leona, dated the 14th of March, by which it appears, that the colony had materially recovered from the effects of the late depredations of the French, although no fupplies had fince that time arrived from England: a cargo of neceflaries hud, however, been purchafed from an American (hip which called there. Great aud fuccefsful exertions had been made by the fettlers in opening and cultivating new farms, as well as in puftiing their trade with the neighbouring parts. A delegate from the fociety of the Friends of the Blacks, in Rhode IHand, (a black man of intelligence) had arrived at Freetown, with whom it was agreed, that about 10 or 12 free black families, from Rhode Ifland, mould be permitted to migrate to Sierra Leona j proper teftimonials of their character being given. The utmoft harmony prevailed in the colony, and the neighbouring natives continued to fhew the molt friendly difpolition. Some deaths had happened foon after the departure of the French, in confttpunce of the hardships which were then fufivred ; but both the blacks and whites were in general reftored to good health, before the date of the difpatches, and all the neceffary buildings were nearly finifhed.-Fhe Company's (hip, the Amy, was met at fea within two days fail of Sierra Leona, which carried out a fupply of neceflaries and feveral paftlngcrs, among whom was Mr. Dawes, who is returned to the colony as Governor." The fame conveyance alfo brought fome interefting accounts of a journey, partly by land, partly by water, made by Mr. Watt and Mr. Gray, to the river Cazamanca, and thc adjacent country. The particulars I have not been able to learn ; but I have been lucky enough to procure their route, which the reader will find traced on the large map. ccrns. Appendix, cerns. Whatever may have caufed this remarkable coincidence, I fcnmle not to _* _ predict that the effects would be deplorable; for, if the W. Indian mode of cultivation fhould be eftablifhed at S. Leona, the labouters would become fpiritlefs, hopc-lefs, abject drudges; and, if land-monopoly, managed by agents, fhould be an article of the conflitution of Bulama, thc colony would contain in it's vitals the principle of it's own decay or ruin.—The condition quoted (§ 537, No. 7) if ultimately adopted, would be neither more nor lefs than a pcrmiflion to a few greedy fpcculators in Europe, to make their fortunes, by obftrutling the population, the making of roads, thc means of defence, the improvement of the foil, and confequently of the climate; in a word, by cramping, in every poffible way, the progrefs of the colony. For how can any colony thrive, if monied drones, living in a diftant part of the world, be fuf-fered toveft funis of money in it's land, for the notorious purpofe of letting it lie wafle, till the rcfident colonifts, by cultivating the furrounding country, fhall have ftamped a new value on this defert, which the fpeculator, or his heirs, can then leifurely fell at an exorbitant profit ? Probably fug- 0*71. The condition jufl mentioned appears to me fo glaringly abfurd and impolitic, geftt'd by ionic t]iat j Cilnnot hclp fufpectinQ- that fome fpeculator in American orW. Indian lands has American, . . - found means to elude the vigilance of the Truflees, and to toift it in among the terms of the Bulama Affociation. But, having already touched on this fubje£l (§ 180, 181) I have only room to obferve, that I can now add another refpectablc authority to thofe I there cited : I mean, that of the learned Dr. Browne of Jamaica, who very properly expofes the folly and injufticcof this practice. (Civil and Nat. Hift. of it's effects cx- Jamaica printed 1789, p. 12.) As an inflance, he mentions a tract in St. James's pa-Jamaica^ *'1 rifh, held by about 120 monopolifts, though nearly equal in extent to Barbadoes, where land-monopoly never prevailed, and which, in 1676, was peopled by about 70,000 whites and 80,000 blacks. It ftill contains about 100,000 of both complexions, and the population of Jamaica exceeds not 300,000; fo that the little Ifland of Barbadoes maybe faid to contain about one-third of the population of the cxtcufivc Ifland of Jamaica, on a furface equal to that which, in thc latter, is hc-hl by about 120 monopolifts! and would rii- 872. The application to Bulama is eafy. That ifland may be nearly equal in ex-in Bulama. ^ ^ one-third of Barbadoes. Now the queflion is limply this : Whether it would be moft defirable that it fhould be occupied by 40,000 or 50,000 inhabitants, or by 40 or 50 monopolifts, or rather their agents, who perhaps may conde-fcend, when it fuits them, to fell thc land for double or triple the price it coft them ? But I prefume enough has been faid, to convince every impartial man that the condition in queflion is compleat'ly repugnant to the intereft of any colony, whether confidered 2s a diftinct community, or as an eftablifhment intended to promote the civilization of thc natives in it's vicinity. Note Notts, &c. refpecling S. Leona and Bulama.—Note DD and EE. 297 Appendix. Note DD. Sec § ,538. u—»— 873 It is to be lamented that fo many interruptions concurred to retard the firft Sailing of the Bulama expedition; fince the oreat mortality was chiefly to be afcribed to the fhips Bulama fxf*-, . , r r a ... (In ion ret.iid- arriving on the coaft in the rainy fealon. Among other cauics oi this delay, we ed, by the are to reckon the interferenceof the Miniftry, who, when thc fhips were waiting at t^^c* Portfmouth for a fair wind, fent an order to detain them, till certain articles in the conftitution, or agreement of the colonifts, were renounced. This circumftance obliged Mr. Dalrymple to return to London, which was attended with confiderable lofs of time. Had thc leading object of this undertaking been commerce, efpeciaily monopoly, this expedition would, no doubt, have fallen immediately within the province of the Minifter. But feeing that it was undertaken for a purpofe little, if at all, connected cither with commerce or finance, I fhould think the Miniftry might as well have permitted them to go out unnoticed. My reafons for entertaining this opinion, I have already hinted at, § 837 note. Note E E. Sec § 538. 874. I fear that many, I do not fay all, of the Bulama colonifts but ill deferved Bad chancer the refpcBable name of Yeomen, or the humble, but creditable, appellation of La- °f die general, bourers. The yeomanry, or the middle clafs of country people, arc juflly account- UmacolotuiU; ed the moft virtuous members, and the moft liable fupport, of every community. "How far the generality of the Bulama colonifts anfwered this defcription, may be collected from Mr. Beaver's account of them. (Sec thc extracts from his letters in Note G G.) But he excepts Mr. Aberdeen, Mr. Hood and a good number of other perfons, whofe excellent example, in every refpect, could not have failed to operate powerfully on any fet of beings not wholly loft to every fenfe of fhameand decency. 875. The truth is, and I am grieved to obferve, that this undertaking was hurried through it's firft ftages, with a precipitancy, which but ill accorded with thc prudence and caution neceffary to fuch a defign ; efpeciaily with the moft delicate part of it, the choice of colonifts. See" § 127 et Jeq. 301 n.—Mr. Beaver was alfo very unfortunate in his grumettas; but not in the choice of them ; for his fituation precluded every idea of choice, and hc was obliged to take fuch as he could get. " You will fee," fays he, in the letter laft quoted, 44 by the open lift, No, 12, that many have been difcharged for attempting to flab others, a common crime amonj them ; and one fourth of my grumettas have been here, for having committed murder, on the Ifland of Biffao."—Thus, in the character of this vile crew of idlers, drunkards, cowards and affaffins, white and black, wc already fee a caufe of failure, which even the fortitude and perfeverance of a Beaver, aided by thc virtuous cooperation of fome worthy colonifts, could not poifibly counteract. Q q Note ■ Appendix. '--v-' -Note F F. See § 538. Bulama colo- 8/6\ Among the many misfortunes which befel the firft Bulama expedition, we nilb attacked, mlifd affign the chief place to the fatal mifunderilanding, mentioned in the text. 1 interpreter. call it a mifunderilanding; becaufe it appears to have been entirely owing to the want of an interpreter, to explain the pacific views of the colonifts to the native princes, who, not being able to diftinguifli them from invaders, of courfe, attacked them. To obtain an interpreter was Mr. Dalrymple's chief reafon for calling at Goree. Having myfelf experienced the good offices of feveral refpectable inhabitants of that place, I had reafon to believe I could iacilitate Mr. D's good reception there. I therefore gave him a letter, of which I infert the following copy, as a proof that I always underftood the Jute objeff. of this undertaking, like that of S. Leona, to be the civilization of the natives. A Monfieur h Chevalier de Bianchau, Gouverneur a Goree, & a Monfieur d" Aigremont, Commif-faire ordonnatcur du Rot a Goree. Mattel: eft er le 29 de Few. 1792. Messieurs, La gencrofite et l'hofpitnlite, avec les quelles, moi & mes compagtlOIM de voyage, le Dr. Sparrman & le Capit. Arrhenius, fumes recti! de vous, Meflieurs, me font efperer, que je puis hardiment profiter de la prefente occafion pour vous temoigner nia vive reconnoiffance et gratitude des civilites dont vous m'avus comblc, Be en meme terns pour introduire et recommender a vos bonnet ctes ceux de mes amis, qui vont s'cta. blir fur la cote d'Afrique principalement Monfieur Dalrymple. Ce n'cll qu'un vrais et noble tranfport pour riiuinanite, qui les a engages a s'expatrier, et a courir les dangers ferieux, aux quels les expole Fenterprife courageufe dc chercher un azile dans quelque endroit fur la dite cote, pour le feul ct grand objet de civilifer les pauvres babitans de l'Afrique ; objet fi digne de notre fiecle et de la noble fenfibilite de votre coeur. J'ai etudie trop long terns le fond du caractere Francois pour ne pas etre perfuade, que cette nation eft douee des premieres qualites qui font l'homme civilife ; e'eft a dire, la fenfibilite hu-rnaine et la compafTion pour la partie fouffrante de notre race} ou un amour decide pour tout ce que To the Chevalier de Elanchau, Governor of Goree, and to Mr. d'Aigremont, the King's regulating Commifary at Goree. Mancbefter the xytb of Feb, 1792. Gentlemen, The generous hofpitality with which you received Dr. Sparrman, Capt. Arrhenius and myfelf, give me reafon to hope that I may venture to take this opportunity of teftifying my lively gratitude for your many civilities, and of recommending to your good offices my friends, who are about to form an eftablifhmtnt on thc coaft of Africa, efpeciaily Mr. Dalrymple. Nothing but a noble zeal for the caufe of humanity prompts them to expatriate themfelves, and to face the dangers attending a ft arch for an afylum, on fome part of the coaft, for the fole and grand object of civilizing the poor natives Africa—an object worthy of our age, and of the generous feelings of your hearts. Having long ftudied the character of the French, I am perfuaded that they are endowed with thebeft qualities which diftinguifh civilized man, namely a humane fcnfibility, companion for the fullering part of our fpecies, and a warm regard for all the means of promoting human happinefs. The tjui petit rend re Fhomme heureux. Audi, Mef-fieurs, le monde entier fera un jour 1'eloge de tuus ceux qui auront contribue anx fucccs d'un projet,*auffi grand et auffi noble que celui, entre-pris par ces amis de rhumanite, et l'hilloire elle memc fignaliiera toutes les anecdotes qui l'accompagneront. Je me flatte que ces hcrosde I'humanite ont le fiecle, la philofophie et tons les grands cceurs en leur favcurj en coniequencc, vous ne pouves que les bien acccuillir, et dans cctte efperance non douteufe, J'ai riionneur d'etre, Sec. The world, Gentlemen, will one day dojujlicj Aiu'P.noix. to the conduct of thofe, who fliall have contributed —t - m4 to the fuccefs of the great and noble enterprize of thefe friends of mankind, the events of which hiftory will record. I flatter myfelf that thefe zealous philanthropies will have the {pint of the age, philofophy, and every heroic ir.ind in their favour; confequently I cannot doubt but. you will receive them well, in which hope, I have the honour to be, &c. 877. At Goree, Mr. Dalrymple was advifed by M, St. Jean, a merchant of that place, to put into the river Gambia, where hc could not fail to find fome perfon difpofed and qualified to accompany him, as an interpreter. But Mr. D. was pre-vented from taking this falutary precaution, by the dilfention which prevailed among the members of council on board the Calypfo, and which, I have been credibly informed, was chiefly excited by the violent conduct of Mr. Hancornc. Thus thwarted and difappointed in a meafure, fo abfolutely neceffary, and feeing no probability of harmony being reftored among his affiliates, we are not to wonder if Mr. D. refolvcd to abandon an undertaking, in which he had embarked from the pure 11 motives; but which it was no longer in his power to promote in thc manner, he wifhed. Note GG. See § 540, ,54,5, 562, 568, ,570, 578, ,579, 580, 585, 587. 878. In this Note, which will be unavoidably long, I fhall give extra£ls from Mr. Beaver's le'ttcrs and other original papers, reflecting thc Bulama undertaking. Extracls from Mr. Beaver's letters from Bulama to the Truflees of the Affociation, dated the 22d Nov. 1792. 879. (l.J " The great mortality mufl certainly be attributed to the great labour Mortality at and fatigue, attendant on thofe who firft attempt to fettle a colony, aud the neceffi- Bulamaowing ty we were reduced to of working in the rains, in order to have a fort to defend, and not toThe' cli-and a houfe to cover us. At thc beginning of the dry feafon, when we expected mate" the fhip was to leave us, had we been flrong enough to have worked but little, and that during the intervals of the rains, I really think but few would have died. But with little flrength, we found it neceffary to work from morn to night, except when the rains poured like torrents, and by thefe wc were often caught, when going Q q 2 in ■ Appendix, in ihe boat, either on board or on fhore. Thc climate I really think a good one, —' and it is reckoned, by all the traders, the healthieft fpot on thc coaft. Provifions in 880. (2.) " My vifit to Bifhoa has enabled me to kill .a bullock for the colony pknty. every week, befides fowls which I have occafionally ferved out to the fick. Land cleared. 8b 1. (3.) " Notwithftanding the decreafe of Our numbers, and thc generally long fick lifts, we have been able to clear about 12 acres of ground, on the crown of a hill. f verifl " rdb " ' am ^eterrnmen' to flay, fliould my fervant only remain with me, till lution, I hear from you ; and then, if you abandon the colony, I fhall reft fatisfied- with having done all that man could do for it's fuccefs. founded on $$83. f - \ " With refpect to our profpects, I am more and more convinced, that conviction. the colony, if at all fupported, will* fucceed. We want a reinforcement of men, and we fhould have them foon; but not fuch as the laft. They fhould be carpen-ters, blackfmiths and bricklayers, men accullomed to labour—not fuch as wc I Sunken brought out» habituated to drunkennefs, idlenefs and all the vices of thc capital; profligates, moft of whom came here in dread of punilhuient, for crimes committed againft their country's laws; and let them be bound by articles to a certain duty, for a limited time, before they are entitled to any lands. Cultivation 884. (6.) " Send us a furveyor, and thefe lands may inftantly be put into Cultivation. and trade. t,o^ u -pnc merchants of Biffao already look to this, for a fupply of En- glifh goods, which they abfolutely cannot do without. Colonifts,able g"6. « Jf yOU have any new fubferibers, let them not come out, unlefs they to birelabour- . . . ers. if credit- can afford to hire 2 or 3 grumettas to clear their grounds. Thofe who can do this, #d» for a time, can;e out with a certainty of it's anfwering. And to fupply thefe new adven-lions, may be turers with provifions, it would anfwer very well to any one to fend a fmall veffel fareoffuccefs. to America, and let her bring hither beef, pork, flour, fifli and lumber*. With thefe articles give credit to the planter, and I will infure his being able to pay his debts, at the end of the ad year, and have a tolerable income, in 5 or 6 years. Let men, I fay, who can afford to hue grumettas, and merchants who chufe to fet up aftore, and trade for ivory, wax, &c. come out, and I will anfwer for their fuccefs. But, with fuch labourers, and fuch fubferibers as we brought out, the fineft country, with the greateft advantages, would never flourilh. I have to requeft, gentlemen, that you will not delay informing us, whether another embarkation is to take place or not; as 1 fhall wait with anxiety to know the fate of my endeavouis -tor this infant colony." * Mr. B. evidently means, till the lands can be brought into cultivation. from Appendix. * * * * —v-t From Mr. Beaver's letter, dated Bulama, i6tk March, 1793. £87. (9.) " The good people of England need not be afraid of coming out.- Colony pre- They will find a fort ready to protect them. They need not be much afraid of SnmJ^ the climate: I think it a healthy one. They need not run the rifk of clearing a fpot habitants, of ground to build on : I have already as much cleared as a large town would cover. They need not work, as we were obliged to do, for a covering or defence, either when it rains, or in the heat ol the fun; lor I will (helter them. They need not be frightened; for I will infurc their fatety. In fhort, they need not be expofed to any of the inconveniences which we have experienced, and therefore I think it fair to fuppofe, that few of them will die.—.—In another part of this letter he fays, Thofe who may hereafter come out, will find a fort ready to protect them ; and if we hold it till then (and I think that, at this inllant, I could refill the united force of Africa) we furely fhall be able to hold it, when reinforced. In Ihort, had I 25 Europeans here, I would make the Bijugas fear me," ike. 888. (10.) " The molt neceffary man, in the next embarkation, is a furveyor. Surveyor, &c. The people already think it hard, that they have no ground of their own to work wanted« upon. The next is afurgeon, and the third, I think, a clergyman.—I will not give vou my own opinion, but that of Capt. Moore (who carries thefe difpatches) of the Value of the prefent value of this place. I put to him the following queilion. Suppofe I Itock^tB^Ua-Ihouldwifh to fell this block-houfe, with the ftores, ammunition and whatever elfe >»a. it contains, together with the cutter and a few acres of ground round the houfe, fup. pole 300, to the proprietors of the Ifles de Los, or any company of merchants who may chufe to fettle themfelves, or other people here, for the purpofe of trade, what would he it's value? He anfwered ^10,000 at leaft. I afked him what he conceived, from prefent appearances, land, taken one part with another, might be worth, in this idand, per acre? He anfwered £\ fieri*. Unlefs he is very wide from the mark indeed, Gentlemen, I think Lhis ifland worth keeping. When Commercial once you are firmly fettled here, you may command, without a profpett of a rival, l1,oii1e^s' the whole trade of the many navigable rivers and creeks, between the rivers Gambia and Nunez. Wax and ivory are the principle articles. Matchore, one of the kin^s of the Rio Grande, was iiere the other day. He brought me wax and ivory, which 1 bought. He begged that I would fend the cutter to Ghinala to purchafe more. He faid that his houfe was full, and that he kept it for me. The wax and ivory I have difpofed of, for the more ufeful articles of cloth and linens, to pay the grumettas their wages. * The purchafers of uncleared land in the Ceded iflands, paid £3**3 Fr acre. See $ 1&0 note. Awzxvvx. 889. {it*) " As I have not heard from you, Gentlemen, fince we left England, ^—"~~v--' it is impofliblc for me to guefs what mcafures you propofe purfuing, for the luture The long fi- colonizing this ifland." See § 570. TnCft°_ 031. " The ground on which the block-houfe ftands, I conceive to be elevated Soil, about fifty feet above the high water-mark. I believe that I have not feen any foil ron thc ifland but what is very good ! at leaft, thofe feeds which I have lodged in it's boforn, have always come up with great flrength and vigour. Thofe who uu-derftand better than myfelf the qualities ot the earth, are lavifh in its praife. 932. " Cotton, I -kn6w, will do here very well; for, in the garden, 1 "have many Produce, very flrong plants of it; and I have not a doubt Qifugar and e.o/Jr.e fuccecding as well. In the driefl times we have had fufficient water for our colony; therefore, 1 fearched not for more; but am inclined to think there is plenty on the ifland. Windwills, I am confident, will anfwer well. I have only to add, that I much wifh for that day, when this colony lhall be flcengthcned by •yourfeff, or any of your friends; for, on your arrival, Sir, the fuccefs of our enterprise will no longer be confidered problematical," &c. * * * # if 933. " Return of the Deaths of the BuTdma Adventurers, by J. Young, Ffq. Mn Wvn, Ch'd. 0 2 I 0 1 % DieJ pi'ilbners at Canabac .....................%................. 1 I O 0 4- •t. 1 z 5 Died after the flap arrived at her moorings in the river ....... 1 T "«4 45 9 IO " Return of thc Living. 4 s 3 z 0 '«> 16 Left at Biflba at their own mpidt, or failed for America 3 •S 3 0 14 Toe it their paffage from Sierra Leona in the other veffels ......... 9 1 4- R5 Arrived at London in the Calypfo ............ ......... 37 3z it 6 +6 a3 " State of the Colony at Bulama. %j At the time when the Calvpfo left the ifland \ I 5 Abftrafct account of the. Bulama culo-nills. * '« Of the 9 perfons who died at Kiilama, not one contracted his fever there, but all of thein at Biffoa except thofe who brought their difeafes frem England. Of the remaining number, many caught the fevef ;lt S. Leona, through intemperance, many others from the relaxation caviled by living fo fonn- on fait provilion, without any thing to correct it's effects; fome on board the Calypfo, Beyer having beeu on more from the time they left England, which wits 8 months. The co.dl fever is of the intermittent kind, and not infectious. a S f g7 ,\t appendix. 034.. The following Statement I have carefully extracted'from Mr. Btuver's Lift tranfmittcd to Km "y" ■-' the Trujieef* Mm Tfi,,i. CJ>U. 27 At Bulama, when the Calypfo failed according to % 544 which agrees with the . foregoing ftatement of Mr. Young .............................. 49 13 25 6 Returned from S. Leona, 6th Oct. 1792.........................,....... a 3 * 53 51 16 26 Ofthefe, 19 To return in the Hankey, to England, by the W. Indies............ 12 3 4- 3 Run...........................................-.............---- 3 o p 19 Alive in the colony at Bulama, 22c! Nov. 1792 .................. 19 6 4 Died at Bulama, from the time the Calypfo fitted to 22^ Nov. 1792, viz. .26 Fever................................................................. 12 5 9 1 Fever and flux........................................................... 1 o o 2 Confumption........................................................... 1 i o 1 Lunacy ......................,...................................... 1 0 0 1 Mortified hand......................................................... 1 o o 1 Drowned ..........................,................................... 1 o o 1 Worms............................................................ 1 o o 2 Complication of diforders .............................................. z 0 0 1 Hooping cough.................................................... o o t 4 Diforder not fpceified in Mr. Beaver's lifts ............................. , 0 . , 40 23 6 11 93,5. I am forry that I have not been able to procure data fufficient to enable me to remedy the defects of Mr. V's ftatement, which feems to apply partly to thc colonifts on board the Calypfo, and partly to thc whole colony ; nor to bring down the ftatement, taken from Mr. Beaver's lifts, to Nov. 29th, 1793, when he evacuated Bulama. Mortality 93^' * thought it my duty to give a fair abflracl of the papers Before me, without great, but not attempting to conceal the great mortality which they unhappily exhibit; but peculiar? « wj,j^ as wc]l as the mortality at S. Leona, is fufficiently accounted for, in thc four foregoing (abridged] reports, independently of any peculiar malignity of climate. To prove that neither of thofe colonial undertakings have been attended with any peculiar fatality, it was my intention (if I had had room, as I have not) to give fome account of thc mortality, diforders and difaflers which attended the firft formation of almoft every European colony, both in North America and the W. Indies. I allude particularly to Canada, New England, Virginia, W. Florida, Jamaica, Surinam and Cayenne; fome of which countries, however, arc now found to be as healthful as any in the known world.*. That they were not fo to the firft colonifts * See the^ ift Vol. of Winterbotbam's View of the United Slates of America. Dr. Lind's EiT. on the Diieafes in hot Climates, 4th. edit. p. 89, 99. Dr. Bl.me's Obf. on the Difeafes incident to S; nun colonifts, appears to have been principally owing to the following caufes.— 1 ft, The Arrr.Nruv. overbearing fpirit of commerce.—2clly, Inexperience in the means of preferving '- —4~ health in new aud untried climates.—^dly, The fixing, for the fake of commerce, on fwampy fpots, and other improper fituations. See § 75.—4thly, The want of proper food, and of proper framed houfes, ready to be fet up when they landed. See ^ 84.--,5thly,Exceflive labour, in building houfes and clearing lands.--6thly,Theunf'ea-foncd colonifts not taking thc Utile care of themfelves which was in their power.— ythly, Their diforderly and debauched livesandirregular hours.—8thly, The want of proper medicines, and of medicinal men experienced in the difeafes of different cli-mates.-9t.hly, The want of firmnefsand unanimity among the immediate leaders, who, of courfe were incapable of prefeipviug order among the colonifts.-. tothly, Thc general inexperience or felfifhnefs of thofe who managed the concerns of fuch undertak iugs in Europe. • Note HH. 1. See § ,543. 937. I fear fome people will laugh at the rude fignaturcs of thefe African kings: Ignorince mi for a deed from a black prince having been lately read in a Houfe of eminence, in cicot ami mo- Weftminftcr: when the reader concluded with " his mark," a horfe-laugh was voci- (,leni ■miniMitiry. . 0 lators. ferated b)' fome individuals to whom that fpecies of utterance is fo natural, that on a former occafion they could not reprefs it even on hearing a recital, which drew tears from many or moft of the audience. For the information of perfons who cannot boaft of fuch qualifications, and opportunities of improvement, I fubjoin thisquotation.— "Several charters flill remain, where Kings affix fgnum crucis, manu propria, pro in noratione literarum (the fignofthc crofs, with their own hands, becaufe of their ignorance of letters.) From this is derived thc phrafe offgning a paper. In*the ninth century, Herbaud, Comes Palatii, though fupremc judge of the empire, could not write his name. So late as thc fourteenth century, Du Gucfclin, conilablc of France, the greatcft man in the flate, and one of the gleateft men of his age, could neither men. Dr. Motley's Trearhe on tropical Difeafes, and Long"s Hilt, of Jamaica paftim. From this laft author, i cannot help tranferibing one paffage which fliows that the mortality which attended fome* attempts to colonize" certain wane lands, in that cxtcnfive illand, was owing to the very fame caufes which unfortunately prevailed at r. Leona and Bulama. " Several poor adventurers," fays Mr. Long, Vol. i. p. 426, " came at different times, from Europe to Jamaica, and among the relt, a colony of Palatines. They hail the charge of their paffage defrayed, and were fublifted till they arrived on the lands ajjigned to them, wlsich they found hi wildernefs, the trees for the moft part of ft u-pendous bulk and not one acre cleared. Deflitute of habitations as well as of land prepared for culture, their time was necefjarily firft taken up with building houfes and felling trees. The labour and hard/hips they had to flruggle with were much too fevere for perfons j uft come from Europe. Most of them un?, i>, the reft difperfed, raid not one of thefe families (as I am iold)fuccecdvde> S f 2 read Appendix, read nor write. The greater part of the clergy were not many degrees fuperior in fci-u ' cnee to the laity. Many dignified ecclefiaflics could not fuhfcribe the canons of thofe councils at which they fat as members." Robcrtfon's Hilt, of Charles V. Vol. I. p. 232.—It were cafy to (how, that extreme ignorance prevailed in many parts ot Europe, at a very late period, and that, in feveral parts of it, extreme ignorance prevails at this hour. Rut enough has been faid to prove that the auceftors of thc prelent Europeans were, in no refpect, fuperior to other barbarians. Note H H. 2. See § 387. E. Indian full- 938. There can be no doubt, but that a number of respectable fubferibers will come {bribers to the forWard, as foon as a charter fhall he obtained: and I have the fatisfaction to mention Bulatna undertaking, that Colonel Kirkpatrick, ftated at the laft General Meeting at the Manfion-houfe, that he had lately received information from his agents at Fort George, that " they were about tcTadvertifc thc plan of the Bulama affociation, in the Madras Courier, for raifing a fum not exceeding £5000, in aid of the fubfcription; that they meant to give their own names to it; and that, if it did not fill at that presidency, they would nub- Jifh it in the Bengal papers, where there could be little doubt of it's fucceeding." Some farther accounts of the DanifJi colony at Aquapim. See. § 599. 939. Sjhcc the fketch of the Danifh colony, in Africa, was printed off, I have fortunatclv met with Me If. Moe and Hanfon, who were fo good as to communicate to me feveral intcrefling particulars refpefting that part of the world, moft ot which are contained in the following intercfting letter from Mr. Moe. Sir, 940. " I fhould have been glad, if I could have anfwered your queries refpefting the Gold Coaft, particularly thc Danifh colony, now eftablifhed at Aquapim. But having been in Africa yourfelf, you cannot but know, how difficult it is for perfons, unconnected with the Slave trade, to obtain information concerning.it. This trade abforbs fo much of the attention and activity of thc Europeans in that part of the world, that it is only the merchant who can come into it's fecrcts. 941. " During a flay of 14 months on the Gold Coaft, I had quite different objects in view; and ficknefs, which never fails to meet Europeans there, took up great part of my time. I have, however, the fatisfaction of acquainting you, that I have been in Aquapim, and have feen the late Capt. Ifert's colonial eflablifhment at that place*'. It is fituated on a high and mountainous tract of land; but fo dif- * M. Moe mentioned to me in converiation, that the late Dr. Ifert was made captain, in conference of his great exertions to eflablifh the new colony. lant tant from navigation, that it appear! to me very inconvenient for commerce*. Appendix. But, for the re(l, I have good reafon to think, that the foil, air and water are all very good. There are but few Europeans; but they were in the bed ftateof health,* during my flay among them. Mr. Flint, who till the arrival of Lieut. Co!, von Rohn, takes care of this infant colony, has eflablilhcd another fimilar one at the foot of the mountains, nearer to Acra ; and I faw growing at both places, a confiderable quantity of cotton-trees and mai/.e, all of which flourifhcd and throve very well. The dry and wet feafons are not fo diflin£t at Aquapim, as near the coafl; for rains tail there in all the other months of the year, as well as in the rainy feafon. 942. " I obferved that, near the Danifh forts at Rio Volta, Printzcnflein and Quitta, the commanders of thofe places and a certain merchant have begun to plant cotton, fugar-canes, diilerent kinds of garden fluffs, fuch as greens, fweat peas, &c. 943. " In the the neighbourhood of Chriflianfburg, at Acra, an old, refpcclable negro, a native of Dunco, at a confiderable diitance up in the interior part, has eftablifhed himfelf on a foliiary fpot, and has planted large fields with cotton, maize and various kinds of provifions and garden fluffs. By his intelligent and laborious' cultivation, he has diflinguilhed himfelf fo much, that he is now come into great repute. He raifes fuch quantities of provifions, that hc fupplies not only Chrii-tianfburg, hut alfo mofl of the neighbouring negro villages. 944. " Thc fhip, in which my worthy colleague and myfelf returned to Europe, being loff, together wilh ail our papers, we with fome difficulty reached Ireland ; a circumllance which will fufficiently account for our not being able to fulfil our own wifhes by fatisfying all your enquiries. London, 25th March, 179,3. " I am, &c. " H. Moe." 945. I have only to add a circumflance, which M. Moe told me, but which he has forgotten to mention in the above letter, namely, That Mr. Finn's fiffer, with the fame zeal for thc civilization of Africa, by which Mrs. Dubois has done fo much honour to thc fex 782,)Jias accompanied her brother to Aquapim, with a view to inflrucl the negro women in needle-work, fpinning cotton and other parts of female induflry; and that fhe has already made very confiderable progrefs m this laudable and benevolent undertaking. * The reader may funpo.'e that I am not very much concerned at this circmnfiance, whicli'l think rather m favour 01 a new ana innocent colcny. Documents, ArrtNMXt v--,-' C, Mefurado affords good fuppliei for Slipping. Anchorage good. The king's reception ot of Cncv. Des Marchais. C. Mefurado ddcribcd, alio the river Documents, CBc. refpecling the Swedifi colonial Defign, No. 1. See § 60,5. Defcription of Cape Mefurado. Abridgment of the Chevalier De? Marchais' Defcription of Cape Mefurado% from the Account of his Voyages to Guinea and Cayenne, A. D. 1725, 1726, and 1727, by Order of the French Government. See Lab at's Cotleclion, Vol. I. page 93, et fea. Paris, 1746. 946. Almoft every vcfte!, after leaving Cape Mount, touches at Cape Mefurado. They are obliged to call at this laft Cape, for wood and water, to ferve them while they remain at the factory at Whidah, where the water is indifferent, and difficult of accefs. Another reafon is, that the natives at Whidah, looking upon trees ot every kind, as a fpecies of divinities, will neither cut them down themfelves, nor allow other people to do it. In the third place, rice, maize, or Indian corn, fowls, fheep, goats, and even oxen, are in greater plenty at Mefurado, than at Whidah. 947. The courfe from C. Mount to C, Mefurado, is S. E. and, when thc wind is unfavourable, E. ^ S. the diftancc 18 leagues. The coaft is clear, and the anchorage every where good. If the wind be contrary, it will be proper to anchor: if there be a calm, for fecurity againft the currents, you muft alfo come to, and wait for the land breezes in thc night, which arc generally fair. Thc author had his patience exercifed in this fhort paffage, which, though often made in 6 hours, coft him 6 days; and, unlefs he had anchored, the contrary winds and currents would have carried him back. On thc 9th Dec. 1724, he anchored half a league from C. Mefurado, in 11 fathoms, muddy bottom, mixed with fand and broken fhells. 948. A canoe immediately came off to him. Hc was heartily welcomed by the natives, who had long known and cfleemcd him. Thc king being informed of his arrival, fent the Grand Marabou to invite him on fhore, and accordingly he landed the next morning. The king, who was waiting at the river fide, embraced him very cordially, and gave him the belt reception, of which the princes in that country are capable. The king ordered water, wood and provifions to be carried on board. The cattle, fheep, goats, and fowls, are abundant. <)49. C. Mefurado is a detached mountain, ftecp and high towards thc fea; but lefs fo on thc land fide. The fummit forms a level plain, the foil of which is better than what is generally found in fuch fituations. On the call is an extenfive bay, bordered by a good and uniform foil, which is bounded by hills of a moderate elevation, covered with large trees. On thc weft is another great bay, which receives the river Mefurado. V5°' Cape points to the S. E. It's lat. is 6° 34' N. long. 5° 37' from the meridian of Tenerifc. On thc eaft, a long fpit of land feparates the fea from a baton, fon, (flague d'eauj formed by the R. Mefurado, and a fmaller one which joins it. They navigate this lair, in their canoes, 6 or 7 leagues at low water, and double the tlillancc at high water. The water is always fait, or at leafl brackifh; but it is full of filh. Thc courfe of the great River (Mefurado) is N. W. for 17 or 18 leagues, afterwards N. E. but it's length is unknown. They called for one of his fiibjects," who allured the Chcv. Des Marchais, that he had gone up this river in his canoe, for 3 moons, when he came to a great river, whence it proceeded, which runs from E. to w. on-which there are rich and powerful nations, who drive a great trade in gold, ivory, and Haves. The Mefurado runs through fine countries ; but is fo rapid, that thofe who have laboured 3 months in afeending it, may return in 18 days. Thc negroes call the rich country, where their river originates, Alum, that is, the country of gold. 951. In thc great bafon (plaque d'eauj jufl mentioned, are two iflands, a fmafl The king one at the mouth of thc little river, and a larger at that of the great river. This laft th*-r 0 Lliev. an il- ls called the king's ifland, though he never refides there ; but fome of his flaves raife land, and cattle and poultry on it, for his ufe. Thc king gave this ifland to thc Chev. and vc- £tk on'™. ** ry much preffed him to fettle on it. It is never overflowed, even by the great annual inundations, which, as in the Niger, take place in July, Aug. and Sep. This illand is 2 leagues long, and | of a league broad. It's foil is excellent, as appears from the fize and height of the trees, which alfo evince it's depth. The winds which blow without intcrmiffion, from the N. the E. and N. E. render it's air very temperate. Thc only inconvenience it labours under, is the want of frefh water, which muft fie brought from the fprings on the continent. But thefe are at no great diflauce, and are very abundant. 95'-'. The tide flows 20 leagues up the Mefurado, at the equinoxes, and 8 or 9, Tide and during thc reft of the year. Iu July, Aug. and Sep. the water is brackifh only 3 watei'« leagues up, owing to the rapidity of the ftream in thefe months; but 4, or 5 leagues up, thc water is perfectly fweet. 953. The king who reigned in 1724, was called Captain Peter, a name which has ThekWcall-long been common to thc kings ot Mefurado. When dealing with the Dutch etlCapLFlrlwi, and Englifh, both parties take every precaution againft roguery. They are armed, Dutch and hoftagesarc exchanged, and mutual caution is obferved.—The French, on the con- Englifli dif-trary, trade there, without the leaft fufpicion. They put themfelves in their power, beloved. 'UR gO on board their fhips without fear, and, on all occafions, manifeft the moft friendly difpofitions towards them. Thc French deal with them as with old and faithful friends, go on fhore unarmed, commit their perfons and effects to their difcretion, aud never had any reafon to repent of this confidence. 954. The religion of the natives of Mefurado is a kind of idolatry, ill imdcrflood, Natives not and blended with a number of fupcrflitions, to which, however few of them arc hi- '''S'01*1'-goted. They eafily ediange the objedt of thcif worfhip, and confider their Fe/ijhes only t i. -— — f Country populous, be-cauie there is little (lave trade. Chancier of the natives. Their houlls. Their women, good wives and mothers. only as a kind of houfchold funiiiure. The fun is the moft general object of their adoration; but it is a voluntary worfhip, and attended with no magnificent ceremonies, 955. In thc fpace of a few leagues, arc many large villages, fwarming with children. They praclifc polygamy, and their women are very prolific. Befides, as thofe people deal no larther in Haves, than by felling their convicted criminals to the Europeans, the country is not depopulated like thofe in which the princes continually traffic in their fubjc&s. The purity of the air, the goodnefs of the water, and the abundance ot every neccflary of life, all contribute to people this country. 936. The natives are of a large fize, flrong and well proportioned. Their mien is bold and martial; and their neighbours have often experienced their intrepidity, as well as thofe Europeans who attempted to injure them. They pofteTs genius, think juftly, fpeak correctly, perfectly know their own interefts, and, like their ancient friends the Kormansl recommend themfelves with addrefs, and even with po-litcnefs. Their lands are carefully cultivated, they do every thing with order and regularity, and they labour vigoroufly when they chufe, which, unfortunately, is not fo often as could be wifhed. Intereft llimulates them flrongly ; and they are fond of gain, without appearing fo. Their frieudfhip is conflant; yet their friends muft beware of making free with their wives, of whom they arc very jealous. But they are not fe delicate with refpetl to their daughters, who have an unbounded liberty, which is fo far from impeding their marriage, that a man is pleafed at finding that a woman has given proofs of fertility, efpeciaily as the prefents of her lovers make fornc amends for that which hc is obliged to give her parents, when he marries her. They tenderly love their children; and a fure and quick way to gain their fricndlhip, is to carefs their little ones, and to make them trifling prefents. 957. Their houfes are very neat. 1 heir kitchens are lomewhat elevated above thc ground, and of a fquare or oblong figure; three fides are walled up, and the fourth fide is left open, being that from which the wind docs not commonly blow. They place their pots in a row, and cement them together with a kind of fat, red clav, which, without any mixture of lime, makes a flrong and durable morter. Their bed-chambers are raifed three feet above the ground. 1 his would feem to indicate that the country is mailhy, or fometimes inundated. But this is by no means the cafe. The foil is dry, and they take care to build their houfes beyond the reach of the greatelf floods. But experience hath taught them, that this elevation contributes to health, by fecuring them from the damps caufed by the copious dews, in houfes not fo elevated. 958. The women work in the fields, and kindly affift one another. They bring up their children with great care, and have no other object than to plcafe their lull-bands.—Whata noble example to thofe who are inclined to followit.—Why fhall we be obliged to contemplate this at fuch a diftance ? Why traverfe the ocean to find it ? 939' Plan of a Colony at Cape Mefurado. g % t 959. The extent of King Peter's dominions,* towards thc N. and N. E. is u.u Appkndix. well known; but, from thc number ot his troops, there is'reafon to believe it con- l~ fiderable. The caflern boundary is the river Junco, about 20 leagues from Cape t[f-,, Mefurado, and the wcflcru is a little river about halfway from Cape Mount. M-7« 960. The whole country is extremely fertile. The natives have gold among Product them; but whether found in this country, or brought thither in the courfe of trade, abuuJ'llt* is not precifcly known. Thc country produces fine red wood, and a variety of other beautiful and valuable woods. Sugar-canes, indigo, and cotton, grow without cultivation. The tobacco would be excellent, if the negroes wire flullul iu curing it. Elephants, and confequently ivory, arc more numerous than the natives wifh; for thofe cumbrous animals very much injure their corn fields, tiotwithflanding thc hedges and ditches with which they fo carelully fence them. The frequent attacks of lions and tigers, hinder not their cattle from multiplying rapidly; and their trees arc laden wilh fruit, in fpite of the nufchiel done to them by the monkey tribes. In a woid, it is a rich and plentiful country, and well fituatcd for commerce, which might be carried on here to any extent, by a nation beloved like the French; for no nation mufl think of eflabltfldng thtmfelves here by force. The Chev. Des Marchais has propofed a plan for forming a colony at C. Mefurado, which (fays his able editor, Father Labat) appears to mc fo promifing and advantageous, that I think it my duty to lay it before the public. Plan of a Colony at Cape Mefurado. 961. It has already been remarked, that King Peter gave to thc Chev. Des Mar- Ci>. Des itfar- chais, the largelt of the little Iflands at the mouth of the river Mefurado, and had chai* J-*1***" ° , . tcceptinjj an very much urged him to fettle upon it. That gentleman had it not in his power to hlami omr«d accept this offer, not knowing whether it would be agreeable to the Company. He ^["Jf U'e therefore declined it, giving the king fuch reafons as he could prudently communicate; for an entire difclofure of his fentiments on the matter, might have raifed fuf-picions in the mind of that Prince, who is extremely jealous of his liberty, and of that of his people. 962. It is certain that this little ifland is well fituatcd, and might eafily be put Advantage into a flate of defence; that the foil is excellent; that the want of frefh water might oi liluui-be fupplied by ciftcrns; that it lies iu thc very centre of all the trade, that can he carried on by the river Mefurado; that the provifions produced on it, and the filh which furround it, would maintain the European inhabitants a confiderable time*, even fuppofing thc negroes fhould take it into their heads to befiege it, or to reduce it by famine, 963. But it muft be owned, that this little ifland is a great way from thc entrance [t*< dJ&d-ot thc bafon, (jlaque d'eauj by which alone a communication can be kept up with raBtafe*- T t European APPEND!*. European {hipping; fo that this cotony would he in the power of the negroes, who ^——v--' couhl fhut un the entrance when they pleafed. The want of frefh water is a confiderable objection, which could not be removed fo eafily as may be imagined; and Europeans fettled among negroes, ought always to be majlets of the ingrefs and egtefs, to andjrom their habitations. The king of- 964- Captain Peter, finding that the Chev. Des Marchais was not fatisfied with fen the Cher. tne |[u]e ifland, told him to fearch for a place which he thought more proper for a th?country he colony, and he would chearfully put him in polfeflion of if.—On receiving this chofe to alfurance, the Chevalier took a view of the country; hut found no place better fuited to his purpofe, than thc Cape itfelf, the fummit of which is a level plain, about IK- prefer* the 4000 Paces in circuit. The foil is good and fome trees grow on it. This eminence C^pe itfelf, Si effectually commands the road, or rather the roads; for the eaftern bay will fhelter e en i n. ^ yefj'el, iu a cafe of difficulty; though the befl and mofl fecure anchorage is in the weftern, at thc foot of thc Cape, and within a mufquct-fhot of the fhore. There is good holding ground, in 8 or 10 fathoms, between the Cape and the mouth of the river or baton f/lae/ue d'eau.J A bar runs along this bay, before thc river's mouth, which, in Ionic plates, is dangerous; but it is eafily got over by thofe who are accuf-tomed to it, and who know ihe proper time. This bar, however, is fcarcely perceptible at thc foot of the Cape, in the angle which it makes with thc continent. At this is a village, and a large perennial fpring of water, which is light, keeps well, and is eafily filled and brought on board. It ifTues from a rock, more than half way up the hill, whence it falls in a cafcade, into a bafon which it has formed, whence it runs into the fea. Here the cafks are filled, and the boats come near enough to take them on board without difficulty or danger. jtrn;2h- -H, 965. From this account it is evident, that thofe in poffefTiorl of the elevated plat-fortified with form might, by fortifying themfelves, and making a proper road, defend the (hipping " ' at the foot of the hill, and command the fpring of water, and the entrance into their factory, even if the negroes fhould block it up on the land fide, an.! with little 9u(>- The expenfe ot a fortified factory, or even of a fort, would not be great, expenfe* Clay fit for bricks, abounds every where, and even ftone proper for afhlar work. Buiiding timber grows on the fpot; and the common country provifions are extremely cheap. Except wine, brandy, and wheat flour, which the Company muft fupply, every thing elfe is to be had on thc fpot. Beef, mutton, goats, and hogs, colt little, and game abounds. Antelopes and deer graze quietly with the tame cattle in the meadows. There are many fpecies of birds. The bafon, the two rivers, and the fea, alford plenty of fifh and turtles. No river on the coafl is fo much frequented by fca-horf'es as the Mefurado. Thc flefh of thefe animals is good food, and their teeth, which are whiter and harder than thofe of the elephant, are fcarce and dear. (Sec § 30-.) 967. The following is a lift of fuch goods as might be bought for the propofed trade and eftablifhment, at the prefent prices in France. Brandy in kegs for Gunpowder - . Trade-guns - . S.vords Dutch knives Striped linen Blue Salempoum (Eift Indian) Glafs ware, of all forts Glafs beads Livrcs. 4000 3000 2000 1000 500 5000 2000 3000 1000 Cowries • Brafs pans ■ Pewter plates and pots Iron bars, flat and fhort Coral India calicoes Gun flints Li vies. Brought up »i 500 7000 4.300 3000 - » 1000 1000 aooo « 200 Gocds proper for a factory at Mefurado. Carry up 21,500 (at £1500 fter.) Livres 40,000 068. Befides this expenfe, annual prefents muft be made to the three neareft kings, namely, of Cape Mount, ot Cape Mefurado, and another who lives fome davs' journey inland, in order to keep them ftcady to the Company's interefts. Thefe presents muft be left to the difcretion of the factors, who muft remember that the negroes are importunate beggars, whofe demands muft not be too eafily complied with, and who ought to be regularly paid for their fervices. The firft Expenfes of a Faftory, Livres. Anfiu d prefents to the kings. The equipment of a veflel European and country provifions for 40 men, refiding at the failory Utenfds and arms 'or the failory 11 Guns, 8 pounders, &c. 12 Swivels - » Veffels from 25 to 30 tons each 50000 12000 4000 3600 1200 10,000 Livres. Brought up 80800 6 Months falary for 40 Company's fervants 6610 Prefents for the kings - - 3000 For 40 negroes, hired for the fervice of the failory - 3000 Materials for building - - 1000 Finl expenfe Of fettlerpeut. Livrcs 94,410 (at ad.=r=£3540 7s. 6d. fter.) -— Carry up So.Soo The Employments and yearly Salaries of the Officers. The Direaor (or Faaor) yearly The Chaplain 2 Clerks, each 600 livres A Surgeon - A Store-keeper x j Soldiers at 9 livres each per month A Gunner - 2 Mafters of vclTeh, 500 each Livres. 3000 600 1200 600 600 1620 500 1000 Livres. Brought up 9120 10 Sailors, 18 livres each per month - 2160 Salaries of officers. 2 Mafons, 300 livres each A Blackimith A Cooper A Carpenter -A Cook 600 300 300 400 240 Carry up 9120 T t e at 9d.=£4 9! fter. Livres 13,1 jo 969. By Apvenimx. p6o. By thefe three flatements it appears, that the expenfe of fettling thc factory, -*> ' including Ihips, boats, provifions, and wages for one year, will not exceed 147,530 livres; (==£'$,532 7s. 6d. Iter.) and that this expenfe will continually diminifh, inaf» much as that of the velfels, the buildings, &c. would not be annually repeated. Ibottomed V7°- 11,e two vcn"els would ira(le along fhore, as is the practice of thc Englifh tw,rs toi i!k- and other nations. But as the fand-banks would prevent them from going up the which would river, it would be necclfary to ufe flat-bottomed boats for this purpofe; for we are be important. fcjfo-re(jv tnat when the water is loweft, there is never lefs than 2 feet, which would be fufficient for fuch craft. The commerce of the river would undoubtedly be very advantageous. We fhould find out where the negroes get their gold, and perhaps might difcover mines of that, or of other metals. We fhould buy captives and? ptoduce from the firft hands, and hence our profits would be furer and greater. And when the inland negroes and merchants fhould be certain of always finding an aflort-incut of goods at the fa£lory, they would frequent it eagerly, and we fhould foon en-grofs all the European trade on that coaft. AH Eowpe- 971. " Such," continues Labat, "is the fcheme which I propofe to the Com-am, except the panV( f'rom the Chev. Des Marchais. It is lurprifing that they confine themfelves tjuire gar- to the trade in flaves at Whidah, while other nations are indifferent about this rilons" traffic, and principally attend to that of gold and ivory, dying woods and other va- • luable productions of the country. Their profits are immenfe, notwithftanding the prodigious expenfe of ftipporting garrifons, without which, thc natives, who can fcarcely endure them, would long ago have driven them from the country. The French need not be at the fame expenfe: for they are every where beloved. The natives cageily court them, and would always be ready to defend them againft any other Europeans, who might attempt to diflurb their commerce*. River St. An- 972. At p. 166, et feq. the author defcribes the river St. Andrew, whofe fertile drew alio pro- kgjjj-g produce provifions of all kinds in abundance, " and wild fugar-canes, larger, ay'. ° fwectcr, and more juicy, than thofe cultivated in the W. Indies, from which large crops of fugar might be made, which are now deflroyed by the elephants." He gives it as his opinion, that a fettlement might be advantageoufly formed on that river; efpeciaily as there is at its mouth a natural fortrefs, on a high peninfula of table-land, fimilar to that at Mefurado. He fays, a colony there would not be ex-penfive, as thc country abounds much with ground provifions and live ftock, which are fo very cheap, that a fine ox may be bought for a dozen of two-penny knives, and other things in proportion. Thus, fays he, (p. 174.) there is " no danger of want of provifions, which has ruined fo many of our colonial enterprizes, and hath caufed * I had many convcrfations with the htc dpt. Norris of Liverpool, concerning Africa in general, and Mefurado and it's vicinity In particular J and I muft fay, that his account of that part of the coaft, agreed, in moft refpeds, with the foregoing defcription of Des Marchais. *2 the the death of fo many people, both in the iflands and the continent of America. Appeis. (See § 755-) I'1 tills plentiful country, a colony cannot be reduced to famine."— '-- In fhort, this firfl volume of Labat's Collection, which contains the voyages of the Chevalier Des Marchais, appears to me fo interefling, that 1 wonder it has not been tranflated into Englifh. ***** No. 1. See y 609. Extratls from various Authors who havezvritten concerning Africa in general, and particularly of the Coajl of Guinea, which may be ufeful in colonial undertakings in that part ofthe wot Id. E. Tillemans Defcription of the Coafl of Guinea, printed 1697, 973. Page 38. " On the whole Coaft down to Cape Palmas, the beft feafons Ext rail ft for commerce are from December to May, during which time the weather is pretty Till«oan. good." P. 1^3- " The worfl feafon to go between the Iflands of Cape Verd and the coaft, is in Sept. and Oct. the weather being then very calm, with variable winds." P.. 155. " It is to be obferved, that in the rainy feafons, which are in April, May and June, from Sierra Leona all the way down to Tefiic, one ought not to approach nearer the coaft than about 6 Englifh miles, as very ftrong winds, tornadoes and fhowers of rain may be expected." P. 1,56. During thefe months, as well as in Feb. the natives are not fond of vifiting the fhips, it being too cold." P. 1,57. " In returning to Europe up the coaft, obferve to fail by the fea-wind every 6 hours, and every other 6 hours by the land wind, to anchor. The current fets to the fhore all the way down the coaft." P. 159. " In the large river Gaboon is an exceeding fine and fertile Ifland, called Prince Ifland, recommended flrongly by the author for a colony." Jf. Reifk's Defcripticn of the Coafl of Guinea, 1754. 974 • fagc 46. " A fugar plantation was eftablifhed 9 Englifh miles from thc Fort Extracts ft of Butra, 1707 ; but was difcouraged by the flave trade." P. 80. " Plenty of gold Kafk. mi the country above Cape Mount and Cape Mefurado." P, 82 and 150. " Alfo at Aqu'imbo." P. 185. " Tfie moft diligent and active negroes are a little above Acra. P. 186. " The rainy feafons are more regular in the interior part of the country." P. 197. " Very ftormy weather is never to be found upon the whole coafl." Account Grand Pierre. 1 * * # * Account of various Voyages to Africa and America by P. Grand Pierre. 1726. Extraele from 975. Page 134. This author thus defcribes Rio Scftos.—** My ambition is, to be powerful and rich enough to fit out a large fleet, filled with able and intelligent people, to make a concrueft of this fine country and change it's nature, by introducing the be ft focial laws and religious knowledge. I cannot comprehend why fimilar grand fchemes -are not undertaken by our princes, who, in other refpeels, arc fo intoxicated with the love of glory and honour. Nothing would appear to me more glorious than the execution of fuch noble and humane undertakings. Account of the commerce carried on by different nations zoith the Coaft of Guinea, as alfo <■! defcription of the. Dan fit Ifland of Sta. Croix, in the W. Indies, printed at Copenhagen, 17,58. tti from 976. Page 38. " It is to be obferved that thc negroes of the Windward Coaft are nymous ,ulUllt> wc.}| difpofed, and very friendly, inafmuch as Europeans among them, even in their cottages, arc much fafcr than on the Gold Coaft, though protected by forts mounting 30 or 40 cannon. Befides that the Windward Coaft is very delightful and agreeable, as alfo much more fertile and productive. Many Englifh captains have been fo high'y captivated by the beautiful fituations and fertility of this part of the coaft, that they have fixed themfelves on five or fix different places, on fpots which they have probably before vifited, and after unloading their cargoes, they have delivered their fhips to the care of the mate, telling him, You may nozo return and give my be!} compliments to all my flips bxvners. Several of them have lived there marry years, in the greateft happinefs, and are even become very rich, &c. P. 116 et feq. " Calculation of cxpenccs on a fugar plantation, which however, appears to be far from cor reel." See § 7,55. Treatife on the Utility of Commerce and Colonization, in both the Indies and in Afiica,by Ulnc Nordenfkiold, 1776. Oclavo*. r*trafta from 977' PdSc 9- " Thc expenfe of eftabliii.ing a colony will certainly not be fo IAlric Nortlen- great as many people imagine, unlefs the leading adventurers fpeculate with a view of forming their own immediate fortune at the expence of the colony, which unfortunately has been very often thc cafe." P. 10. " Salaries fhould be paid in goods, and not in money. * All merchants in a colony fhould only be allowed to carry on fkiol.. * This refpe&able author, a brother of thc late Mr. A. Nordenfkiold, fee § 400, ana Note Rj feems to have owed many of his excellent propofitions to the Moravians, whole pure and difmteretttd conduct does fo much credit to chriilianity and to human nature. a com- a commiffion-trade. A fufficient number of perfons, who are particularly acquaint- Appendix. ed with natural hiftory, fhould be engaged in a new colony, in order to encourage ^-"N~ J every kind of natural production. The colonifts ought to be connected together in true focial order, and of courfe to find their own happinefs in the iucreafe of their colony." P. II. " By the example of the French, the author fhows that the heft fecurity againft any infurreQion of the natives is to behave well towards them, and that this has much better effect than thc ftrongeft forts or numbers of foldiers. In order to avoid all kinds of ufurpation, thc author propofes to ftudy and obferve a ftricl attention and maintenance of the laws, regulations and connections ufed among the natives themfelves." P. 12. " France, during the reign of Lewis XIV. in 1685, framed a particular law for the negroes in thc W. Indies formed on humane principles." P. 13. *' The author quotes various examples of colonization, and gives it as his opinion, that in order effectually to promote a colony, the Directors of it fhould poffefs property both in Europe and upon the fpot, in order to prevent, as much as poflihle, the interference of mercantile fpeculation. He alfo ftrongly recommends great caution in thc choice of the firft fettlers, and advifes, in the beginning, to have only a few, but well chofen characters." P. 29. " The Dutch were once inclined to ellablifh fugar plantations on the Coaft of Guinea, and actually began to clear the land with 200 negroes; but, being foon aware that this undertaking would be hurtful to the flave-trade, and to the trade in gold-duft, they abandoned it." P. 38. 41 Among the feveral places the author propofes for colonization, are Cape Mefurado, Cape Monte, Rio Sheibro, Bance Ifland in Sicira Leona river, &c." P. 41. " He recommends the Coaft of Guinea to be explored by fome of the difciples of the great Linnaeus." P. 47. " The Dutch African Company (under the fanftion of their government) cleat i8j,ooo Guilders per Ann." P. 49. " In order to preferve bat ley, an article of great ufe for a colon}-, the author propofes to pound it with fait." P. 58 to 63. '* Are feveral interefting tables with calculations for fettling a colony with different numbers of people-* txpenccs, &.c. Sketch of Temporary Regulations for the intended Settlement near Sie/ra To an, 3d, Edition,by Granville Sharp, 1'fq. 1788. 978. Page 1. The old Englifh fyflem of frank-pledge, or free furetyfhip, \... :, ., , given by all houfeholdcrs for themfelves and each other, is recommended very h-Uii>' highly in a new colony, and is certainly of the grcateft importance. P. £ and 7. Civil and military government, in a very fimple and eafy manner, propofed on the ancient fyftem. P. 8. The author feems to admit of apprenticefhips m the new colony. P. 11. Encouragement for indented fervants for obtaining their liberty fooner than the term firft aggreed on." P. 14. A moil excellent pro- poJal A v f e a n i x. V---v--' pofal that free labour fhould be made the flandard or means, by which all kinds of commodities in the community might be mc-anned, inflcad of monev. P. Be ft means for controlling or checking the credit of eveiy individual and thus preventing abufes. P. 28. Excellent means for excluding flaves from the thc community. P. 38. Inflitution of a public exchequer or bank founded upon day labour, and appears to be of the greatell importance in fupporting real and practical focial liberty, provided it be brought into a fyllematical form. P. 59. Day labour to form a flandard in refpect to value from cultivating thc earth. Every indented fervant to fign a certain number of days labour in the year, at thc exchequer, as a tax, which forms a public revenue. Divifion oi day labour into hours and minutes. 979. It were 10 be wilhed that thc ingenious author had propofed an equal tax of day labour upon every individual; but, at page 69, hc makes a further remark with refpect to the rich and wealthy, whom hc wifhes to be taxed according to their inactivity, which, it is plain, would be a very difficult, if not an impollible, tafk. P. 63 and 64. Means propofed for knowing every ones debts in the community. P. 64. Value of day-labour currency reduced into Englifh money. P. 81 and 8a. Utility of frankpledge. Extraft from Wert.Climate. Ctioice of colonifts* Philanthropic undertaking of the Danifh government. Exlra&s from " A Defcription of Sta. Croix, with a fort Viexo of the Iflands of St. Thomas, Tortola, Spanifli-town and Crab Ifland, by II, Weft." Printed in Danifh, at Copenhagen, 1793. 980. Page 18. Thc climate is generally reckoned very favourable lor white children, till in their feventh or eighth year. 981. At P. 55, the author laments the unhappy confequences of being carelefs in thc choice of colonifts; and then endeavouring to counteract their bad examples, by feuding out enthufiaftic mifhonaries. He fays farther, that, when England fent her numerous convicts to America, Dr. Franklin knew of no better way of fhewing the gratitude of the colonies to the mother country, than by returning the fame number of rattle-fnakes to be nurfed and multiplied in the royal botanical garden at Kcw. Franklin's moral is appofitc and flrong. P. 73. The author calculates the yearly expenfe of maintaining the flaves at 25 Danifh rix-dollats each*. 982. P. 96. He mentions, with the grcatcft refpect, Lieut. Col. von Rohr, who, after having fludied tropical climates for thirty fix years with great attention and ability, has lately, in his fifty ninth year undertaken a voyage to Guinea, by order of the Danifh government, for what fpecific purpofe, the author does not fay; but it appears, from his further expreflions, that this voyage forms a part of one of the * The proportion of the Danifh rix-dollar to the Englifh crown, in pure filver, is as 540^. to S79xhc* See Jiiranfon Tabellcr, 4to, 1777. mofl moflphilanthropic undertakings that any government was ever engaged in. (See Appendix. § <599« 941-) 105- The author propofes a plan for the benefit of the negroes in St. '•■ '">"* Croix, to be tried on a fingle plantation, to the proprietor of which a loan for the purpofe may be made by Government. This plan contains many valuable hints. 983. At p. 113, the author juilly obferves, that " enthufiafls only, and not wife similarity be-flatefmen and true judges of mankind, will think of doing violence to nature, and tw**n*h"dren bunging children or negroes, who in lo many refpetts refemble one another, at once to apprehend abftract ideas. Enthufiafls alone will expect that thofe who can underftand their obvious rights, will alfo find out their duties as chriftians, hufibands, fathers, fervants, citizens, proprietors, &c." P. 11,5. It is undeniable that lawgivers ought not to indulge themfelves in one fingle cruelty, and that the fafety of the fubject; ought not to depend on the occafional characler of the fuperior, but on the true protection of the laws. 984. P. 129. On the one hand, nothing works upon the negroe9 more than be- Management nevolence and encouragement; and, on the other, nothing is more neceffary than otthc»eSro«-punifhment, or the fear of it, to ftimulate their exertions. Thc whole art of managing them confifts in knowing when and how to apply thefe oppofite modes of treatment. Nor am I miftaken, when I believe that chaftifement would be lefs frequent, but more fevere and juft, were the fentence and execution »t it left to a jury of old and worthy negroes. P. 13;. The conduct of the whites is ol ferious confequence, even in fpcaking or dropping inuendoes. P. 137. The author mentions jealotify as a frequent caufe of the diffblution of thc conne6tion between negro men and women. This delicate fubject. appears to deferve the inveftigation of the clergy, in every regular community. 985. In order to lay a foundation tor a nearer incorporation of the negroes with Incorporation the body of the ftate, and to prevent the atrocities which accompany the hideous whhfhebd-man-tradc on the coaft of Africa, the Government (of Denmark) has limited it's ex- dv ot th« ftate iftence to ten years, ending in 1802. 986. P. 150. The author very judicioufly propofes, that no colonial regulation Colonialregu-fhould be formed in a mother country which has not firft been fent out, propofed, Iutlons» acknowledged and approved of by thc colonifts. 987. P. 170. He points out the unfortunate confequcnccs of introducing much Bad confe- . « . • . 1 tri- quences or money into a colony. P. 171. Speculation trade, or monopoly, very liuritul in a money> colony. P. 189. The author laments the deterioration of the coined currency, by thc introdu6lion of Birmingham counterfeits, which is not to be prevented. P.190. Uf-ing the tickets of refponfible people for the fake of change was inconvenient, from it's not being brought to perpeclion. P. 195. The weighing of fpecie is more juft, lefs deceitful, and more conformable to the practife of the ancients. 988. P. 17 J. The author mentions that the crops at St. Croix fail regularly every Crops, third year. Does not this feem to prove, that thc cultivation of African produce in that ifland, is not natural, but forced and artificial? U u 989. Appendix. 989. P. 174 to 183. He eftimates the annual expenfe of a decent family in St. —v-J Croix, at 4040, and lhatot a fingle ma 1 ;n 2*00 Danifh Rix-dollars. 990. P. 221. St. Croix, being 7 Danifh (about 40 Englifh) miles in length, and 1 Danifh (about 6 Englifh,) in breadth, produced, in 1788, a very productive year, 24,000 hogfheads of fugar*.—P. 226. The number of Haves in St. Croix, of both fexes, and above 12 years of age, is 17,040.—P. 229. The"foil of the level parts of St. Croix (is not liable to be walhed away by the rains, and although ihallow, is mofl excellent for fugar, Health, 99t. P- 256. The cold bath, before fun-rife, fortifies the nerves, and fur- nilhes flrength for the day's bufinefs. Horfeexercife flrengthens a weak flomach, aud the pungent red pepper whets the appetite. Caftor-oil, Peruvian-bark, old Madeira wine and opium are fimple weapons againft the common difeafes. Could it well be believed by any European phyfician, that, in order to bring a dying perfon to life again, it was neceffary to make him f'wallow 45 bottles of old Madeira and 7 bottles of burnt brandy in 9 days? Climate. 992« ^* 2<57> m fpeaking of the climate, the author has the following words; " and although the firft abode of a European in a warm climate, is not altogether ** pleafing or comfortable, ftill, cuftom, connections and a way of living nearer 1o " the order of nature, will foon compenfate to him for the artful pleafures of Eu-" rope, provided his conftitution be not totally averfc to the climate; that he enjoys " the neceflaries and conveniences ot life; and that he has not placed his whole enjoyment in exercifing fuch kinds of fcience, as local circumftances, moral and " phyfical, cannot allow." * In order to fhew, (merely to fatisfy the reader's curiofity,) what quantity of fugar may be produced by a certain number of labourers, the following facls, taken from obftl vations on the Jamaica plantations, may ferve as examples.—The calculation (hews how many negroes in each of the'following parimes are required to make 100 hogfheads of fugar, each 14 cwt. In the County of Middlefex. St. Catharines 171, St. Dorothy 200, St. Thomas in the Vale 180, St. John 168, Clarendon 127, Vere .138, St. Ann 200, St. Mary 150. Total 1334 In the County of Surry. Port Royal 250, St. Andrews 162, St. David 172, St. Thomas in the eaft 120, Portland 182, St. George 158. Total 1044 In the C. |f Cornwall. St. Elizabeth 204, Weft morel. 141, Hanover 142, St. James's. 132. Total 619 So that, in Jamaica, the production of every 1800 hhds. requires negroes 2997 In other words, on an average of the whole ifland of Jamaica, every 5 negroes produce 3 hhds. of fugar, (each 14 cwt.) In the parifh ol Port Royal, twice as many negroes are required to produce 100 hhds. as in the' parith of St. Thomas in the Eaft. The aftonifhing disparities in this ftatement, are owing to differences of foil, rains, &c. within the fame ifland. And the proportionable diJparity of expenfe, (in railing grof produce) is a convincing proof of the difficulty, or the impofiibility, of eflimating for pi-attical purpofes, the neat prof ts, (if any) of fugar eftates, in the whole W. Indies. Sec Long's Hift. of Jamaica, Vol. 2, p. 438 ; and § 755, note, and 774. M. Chauvets Plan for exploring Africa.—No. 2. 331 993- ^'3*5' The author points oiK methods for preferring plants.—P. 345, He Avr-KNnix. defcribes the flourifhing flate of European garden vegetables, as peas, cauliflower, &c.—fays, the milk is rich and well tailed, and the but'.-r delicate. 994. P. 263. The author, after touching on the prefent flate of commercial politics in Europe, concludes his excellent work with thefe remarkable words. " J believe, that the JVeJl Indian ijlands are at their zenith, with refpect to the int-refl of, andfubmifjion to, Europe," -----j No. 2. See | 610. Plan for exploring Africa, by M. Chauvel, Swedifli Confab Genera/, at Havre de Grace, drawn up in 1784. 995. The following paper was, at M. Chauvel's requeft, tranfmittcd to thc author M. Chauvel by his partner Nicol Keinicke, Efq. who has fince fucceeded him, as Swedifh Con- J^wMw^ ful General at Havre de Grace. M. Chauvel, true to his mercantile principles, fixes ^ hi"'. his attention entirely on gold, neglecting all the other hints and propofals ; though the application, to which the following is an anfwer, related chiefly to the cultivation of theland, and the exploration of the interior country. Gold was barely mentioned as one of thc articles it afforded, and not a word was faid of the flave-trade. 996. " In anfwer to thc propofal of the two Swedifh Gentlemen, who wifh to vifit Africa, to fearch for gold mines, the Sieur Chauvel, Conful General of Sweden, begs leave to ftatc the particulars which have come to his knowledge. He has carried on an extenfive commerce to thc Gold Coaft, and he lias juft fent thither two very intelligent captains, in addition to his agents, who have refided many years in that country; and they think that Kalienaut and Natacon, near Fort St. Jofeph in Galam, on the river Senegal, are the molt proper places to fearch for gold. The following are the grounds of his opinion. 997. 14 M. David, Director Genera! of thc Senegal Company, returning to France M. David's in 1741, prevailed on the Company to profecute a plan he had formerly propofed, ^"faiTthe refpecting the mines at Galam*. Accordingly, after trying fome bags of earth goldmines, which lie had brought home, thc Directors rcfolved upon a fecond attempt. The Sr. David was himfelf empowered to go to Galam, and to take the proper meafurcs tor the propofed fearch. On viewing the country, he eftablifhed fome factories; and, after fatisfy ing himfelf of thc richnefs of thc mines, he returned to the principal factory, and fent the Sieur dc la Rrue to Galam, to execute thc plan. In thc mean time, thc war of 1744 broke out. M.David was fentto the Iflc of France, and La Brue fucceeded him as Diretlor General of Senegal. Other objects engaged the Compa- * M. David was ftill alive when I was in Paris in 1787, and a very aged man. Though I called on him feveral times, I was not fo fortunate as to fee him. But my fellow travtlkr, Di. bparrman, had a good deal of intirefting converl'ation with him. U u b nv's Appendix, ny's attention till the peace. Yet the plan was not abandoned. The factories efla-[— n- * bliflied by M. David, aL Bambouc and Boudou, were kept up. The Sieur Auuenac, Governor of Fort St. Jofeph in Galam, went in 1756^0 Kelienaut and Natacou, where new mines were difcovered, which, finding to be rich and abundant, he fent to the Director of the Company at Paris, ores (des minerauxj fo rich in gold, that feveral , of them yielded 3 and 4 drams. The Sr. Auffenac obferved in one of his memoirs, that the deeper the mines were dug, the richer they were found ; and he Hated, as the refult of all the attempts, that, alter paying all expenfes, there remained a profit, of between 40 and 50 per cent; and that this profit would be greatly augmented, be-caufe all preparatory expenfes were paid, and need not be repeated. The taking ol Senegal in 1758, put an end to this bufinefs. - The Englifh, indeed, fent out an artifl who died at Galam ; and fuch has fince been the unfettled Hate of that country, that no farther attempts have been made. (See \ 70, 651, et feq *.) Expenfe of the 998. " The Sieur Chauvel is lo much convinced, that two perfons of fkill would expedition, eajj|y clifcover this precious metal in that country, that he hereby propofes to equip a velfel of between 100 and 1,50 tons burden, which ought not to draw more than nine feet water, when loaded. She ought to be well Iheathed, to prevent the worm, common in thofe hot climates, from damaging her bottom. Such a velfel, well equipped and furnifhed with one year's provifions, would colt from 25 to 30,000 livres Tour-Tiois. It would be proper to put on board this veffel, goods to the value of 60 or 70,000 livres; fo that the whole expedition would coll from 90 to 100,000 livres. The Sieur Chauvel will defray one half of this expenfe, if the two gentlemen, or their friends, will furnifh the other half, and it'sobjccls 999. " If the gentlemen confent to this condition, the management of the bufinefs muff be committed to the Sr. Chauvel, who will addrefs a memorial to the Minifler * The fate of the miners fent from England, is mentioned by Dr. Lind, in his Eftay on the Dit-rafes of hot CI.mates, p. 40, where, on the authority of a medical gentleman, he gives a lamentable account of (he lol's of lives, in the palfage of 6 weeks, up the river, againft the ftreamj and alio of the mortality at the little fort fituated on it's banks, above 700 miles from the fea. During the inundations, this fort is Unrounded by the waters of the river, and during the reft of the year, by a large ex-lent of mud and ftime. It is no wonder then, that in fuch a navigation, and fuch a fituation, the mortality was enormous. But I beg leave to obferve, that, as my fellow travellers and myfelf intended to have gone to Galam, if we had not heen prevented, ( § 615.) we made very particular enquiries re-fpciting that place, and the journey thither. We were affured by feveral perfons at Goree, and particularly by a refpeftable French officer who had twice vifited Galam, that the journey by land is attended with little mortality, and that the mountains, where the gold is found, at a moderate diftance from the oozy banks of the river, are blefled with a healthful air. I was told, at the fame time, of a French officer, who had lived many years among the natives at Galam, and that he was fo well pleafed with his fituation, that he reje&ed fome very tempting ofRrs made him by the Senegal Company, only to come down and acquaint them with the nature of the country, and the beft mode of cultivating a commercial intercourfe with the natives. 8 of M. Chauvel's Plan for exploring Africa. 333 of the Marine, to obtain thc protection neceftary for fuch an undertaking, the fuccels Appendix. of which will be the more certain, as it will embrace two objects—firft, the difco-very of mines;—and, fccondly, trading with the natives, while the gentlemen refide on the fpot; fo that, in cafe they fhould not fucceed in their refearches, (which I hold to be impoffible,) their expenfes might be defrayed by the following operations. iooo. " The veffel ought to be ready to fail in May; fo that they may be up- Trade com-on the coaft in June and July, to take advantage of a fort of convoys which the na- uog fcheme. tives fit out, at that time of the year for Galam*. And, inftead of coming down the river, with thc annual floods, as is the practife of thofe whofe only objeel is trade, the veffel would remain at Galam, and trade in ivory, gold and flaves. Thefe articles, though not very abundant, are yet in fuflicient plenty to employ advantage-oufly the time in which the gentlemen will be making their refearches. jooi."A very fmall number of men will fuffice to navigate the veffel to Senegal, which is commonly performed in 3 or 4 weeks. On arriving at Fort Louis, it will be advifable to take on board a reinforcement of the natives, who are excellent failors. 1002. " To prevent difputes with the natives, it will be neceffary to obtain fome of the king's fons as hoflages, (which is never reiufed) and to detain them, till the bufinefs be finifhed. 1003. " The gentlemen need not carry any attendants with them; for negroes are eafily hired in the country, to perform every kind of labour. Befides the negroes purchafed in the courfe of trade may be employed in the moft laborious work. 1004. " Thegentlemen being able, as there is no room to doubt, to fulfil the object of their voyage, by the difcovery of the mines, would remain to purfue their refearches, while the veffel, having finilhed her bufinefs, would proceed with the negroes to St. Domingo, and return with produce to Havre. And to fupply the gentlemen with neceflaries, M. Chauvel,on receiving advice from them,would difpatch a veflel to them, if needful: or they might be fupplied by the fhips belonging to a company to whom the king has granted an excluftve charter for the gum trade, and, who of courfe will have many fhips going and coming to and from that part of the world. 1005. " If the foregoing propofals meet with the approbation of thegentlemen, an Conditions agreement to the following purport may be figned by thefe gentlemen, and by ^^Q^abyej M. Keinicke, in behalf of D. Chauvel and fon. joob. " We, the underwritten refiding at and Dd. Chauvel and fon, Merchants in Havre, in whofe behalf M. N. Rcinicke will ligu thefe prefents, have mutually agreed upon the following articles. * M. Chauvel her? means the convoy which annually tVill from Fort Louis, up the Senegal, during the inundations, and which, in fome years, conlills of 50 or 60 veflels, large and fmall. / * 1007. (i°.) " The Sieurs D. Chauvel and fon, fhall fit out a velfel of fuch fize as may appear to them proper lor trading in the river Senegal, and the forts and rivei s thereon depending. 1008. (2°.j " The Sieur Chauvel and fon are hereby empowered, to purchafe fuch goods as they may think fuitable, for the cargo of the faid veffel. 1009. (30.) " The propofed plan of operation, after arriving at Senegal, is to hire black failors, and to take one ot the king's fons as a hollage, who fhall remain at Senegal, while they proceed to fearch for mines, and to trade in flaves, ivory and gold-du ft. 1010. (4°.) " Meflieurs arc hereby authorized to remain as long as they think it convenient, for thc difcovering of mines, and thc veffel, when fhe fhall have finifhed her trade, fhall proceed to St. Domingo with the flaves, and return with produce to Havre, whence fhe fhall be immediately difpatch-ed to Senegal with fuch articles as the gentlemen may requeft to be fent them: and the fame veffel, if they think proper, fhall attend them upon other difcovcries, of which they fhall be bound to give notice to the Sr. Chauvel, when they fend for the goods which they may want. ion. (5°-) " While the velfel remains at Senegal, or is on her voyage to St. Domingo and Havre, and back to Senegal, if Meflieurs fhould be in want of any European articles, the Sr. Chauvel and fon, on receiving advice thereof, will take care to fend them out by the firft opportunity j or, if they are of great importance, will even difpatch another velfel with them. t012. (6°.) " It is computed that the cargo and outfit will coft from 90 to 100,000 livres, of which one half fhall be on account of the Sieurs Chauvel, and the other half on account of Meflieurs who, on figning this agreement, fhall direct fome houfe in Stockholm, Hamburg, Amflerdam or London, to make reimbu lenient. 1013. (70.) "All the tranfattions refpe&ing the fhip and cargo, the difcovery of mines, and the expenfe thereof, as well as the profits winch may refult therefrom, fhall be I an account of Meff. and the other of Meff. Chauvel. 1014. (8°.) " The management of thc whole bufinefs, in Europe, fhall be entirely committed to thc Srs. D. Chauvel and fon, not only the outfit of the veffel, and the purchafe of the cargo, but the fale of the returns; and Meflieurs oblige themfelves to remit to them all the gold and other minerals refill ting from their refearches, and which the Srs. Chauvel aud fon bind themfelves to fell, and to apply one half of the neat proceeds, agreeable to the order of Meff. 1015. (tj°.) m The velfel fhall be under the orders ot Meflieurs who may conduct her to an\ place where they chufe to make refearches; but the trade in flaves, gold-dull and ivory fhall be entrufted to thc captain. Explanatory Letters,—No. 3. 335 1016. (lo°.) " If Mcffieurs do not underftand French, they Appendix. may carry with them a young man to act as interpreter and clerk, at the expenfe of v— thc concern, D. CuAuvELand son. No. 3. See $613. Liters explaining various Difficulties in the Execution of our Undertaking, and how they were to be removed; alfo fiezoing with what Zeal and Generoftty the Swedifi Ambaffador, (Baron de StaelJ and the French Mm fler, (Marechal de Cafries,) promoted our Views. M. Le Baron de Stael d'Hol/lein. Paris, le ia Aoflt, 1787* Monsieur L'Ambassadeur, La Compagnie s'etoit empreflee d'offiir j'es fervices les plus etendus a M. M. de Sparrman, Arrhenius, et Wadftrom. Les ordres qu'elle a recus depuis, a ce fujet, de M. le M»«. de Calhies, et U recommendation que vous lui avez fait l'honneur de lui addrefl'cr, font autant la recompenfe de fon zele, que des motifs de devoir et d'encouragement. Elle a eu plufieurs conferences avec ces favants fur les moyens de rendre leur voyage de Tintciieur de l'Afrique, auffi fur et le moms penible qu'il ftra poflible. Us trou-verent dans les comptoirs, et auprei des agents de la Compagnie, les refeignemens, le fecours, les refources que la colonic petit comporter; et en attendant ils feront traites avec beaucoup de dil-tinction dans le navire qui va les tranfporter au Senegal. La Compagnie fe feliclte infiniment d'avoir une pareille occafion de temoigner a votrc Excellence combien elle defire de lui etre agreable. Je fuis, avec refpect, Monsieur L'Ambassadeur, Sec. Fraisse, Ad*. Et,,r. Par procuration de la Compagnie du Senegal. Baron StAel von Htfein. Paris, Aug. ia, 1787. Sir, THE Company anxio.ufly wifh to TheCompi-offcr the moft cxtenfive fervices to Melfirs. Span- ny's anfwer to man, Arrhenius, and Wadftrom. The order they -*ar# de Stael* have received on that head, from the Marechal de Caftries, and the recommendation which you have done them thc honour to addrefs to them, at once recompenfe their zeal, and are motives for their activity. Thc Company had many conferences with thofe learned gentlemen, refpecling the means of rendering their journey into the interior, as fe-cure and cafy as poflible. They will find at thc factories, and with the Company's agents, the directions, afliltance, and refources, which the fet-tlemeutscan afford; and, in the mean time, they will he treated with great attention on board the fhip which is to convey them to Senegal. The Company is extremely happy in having this opportunity of fhewing your Excellency how much they defire to be agreeable to you.* I am, with refpect, Your Excellency's, Sec. Eraisse, Ailing Director. For the Senegal Company. Appendix. No. 4. See § 613. M. Le Baron de Stael d'Holjleitt. Monsieur L'Ambassadeur, The Compa- VOUS me faltes l'honneur de me ny excui'e mai'quer, que M. Miftral, Intendant de la Ma-tliemielves to ^ au R difficultc de laifler cmbarqiier ' M. M. Arrhenius et Wadftrom. La Compagnie n'y a aucune part, puifqu'elle a donne ordre a fes adminiftrateurs au Havre, d'accorder le palTage gratis, a ces naturaliftes, aufli qu'a M. Sparrman. Je penfe, Monfieur, que ce que j'ai de mieux a taire e'eft d'envoyer a Havre, la lettre originate par laquelle M. le Marechal de Caftries a lecoin-mande a la Compagnie ces trois voyageurs, fans exception ; et neanmoins je vais ecriie a ce Mi-niftre, pour le fupplier de faire ("avoir fes intentions a M. Miftral inceflamment a ce fujet. J'ai vu dans les bureaux, fa decifion donnee fur une lettre de M. de Malefherbes, qui ne lui recom-mandoit que M. Sparrman. C'eft la-deftus que les commis auront fait la lettre minifterielle, pour ordonner au bureau de clafles du Havre, que ce Docteur futembarque au fraix du rot j et ils auront ignore qu'il avoit deux compagnons. Votre Excellence peut-etre perfuadee, que ces deux compagnons auront au moins, inceflamment la per-miffion de s'embarquer. Quant au fraix de leur paffage, la compagnie en recevra le rembourfe-ment du miniftre, ft ce font les intentions: mais elle ne le demandera point, parce qu'elle eft ties flattee de pouvoir contribuer de fon mieux a des voyages aufli interetfants. Je fuis, avec refpect, &c. Fraisse, Adr. Dtur. Par procuration de la Compagnie du Senegal, Baron Siael von Holjlein. Sir, YOU do me the honour to obferve, that M. Miftral, Intrndant of the Marine at Havre, objects to the embarkation of Meflrs. Arrhenius and Wadftrom. This was no fault ot the Company, who have ordered their managers at Havre, to give a paffage gratis, to-thefe natu-ralifts, as well as to M. Sparrman. I think, Sir, I had beft fend to Havre the original letter, in which the Mar/hal de Caftries, hath recommended to the Company thofe three travellers, without exception j and I will, moreover, write to that minifter, to make his intentions on that fubject known immediately to M. Miftral. I have feen in the office his determination, in a letter to M. de Malefherbes, which recommended M. Sparrman only. In confequence, the clerks, in writing the minifter's letter, ordering the office of the department of Havre, to give the Doctor a palTage at the king's expenfe, did not know he had two companions. Your Excellency may reft aftured that the two other gentlemen fhall have immediate permiffion to embark. As to the expenfe of their paffage, the Company will receive it from the minifter, if fuch be his intention. But they will never afk for it, being much gratified by having it in their power to contribute to their utmoft, to voyages of this interefting nature, I am, with refpect, ice. Fraisse, Afting Direftor. For the Senegal Company. Explanatory Letters.—-No. 5 and 6* 337 No. i5» See § 613. Appendix. M. le Baron de Stael d'Holflein, a Veriailles, le 29 Juillet, 1787. COLONIES. On a ecrit aux Adminiftrateurs de la Compagnie en favcur de Sieurs Sparrman, Arrhenius, et Wadftrom. Monsieur, J'ai recti la nouvelle lettre, que vous m'avez fait l'honneur tie m'ecrirc, le i6dece mois, a l'occafion de Meff. Sparrman, Arrhenius, et Wadftrom, qui ft propofent de voyager en Afrique. Ce n'eft en effet qu'avec des marchan-difes que Ton parvient a traiter avec les habitans de ce continent; mais comme ils pourroieht eprou-ver des difficultes a cet cgard, fur la partie des cotes entre le Cap Blanc et le Cap Verd, dont la traite eft refervee a la Compagnie du Senegal, j'ai ecrit conformement a voo d^firee, a cette Compagnie, pour les faire lever. Je ne doute pas qu'elle ne fe prete, autant qu'il dependra d'elle a procurer aux Srs. Sparrman, Arrhenius, et Wadftrom, toutes les facilites neceffaires pour le fucces de leur voyage. J'ai l'honneur d'etre, avec un ties fincere at-tachement, Monfieur, votre ties humble, et tres obeiffant ferviteur, Le Mal. de Castries. Baron Stael njon Holjleln. Verfailles, 29 July, 1787. COLONIES. The Directors of the Company have alfo been written to in favour of Meff. Sparrman, Arrhenius, and Wadftrom. Sir, I have been honoured with a frefh letter Obftaclcs to from you, on the 16th inft. in behalf of Meff. filing in c i'vii i'.. 1 ie- hparrman, Arrhenius, and Wadftrom, who with moved. to fail for Africa. They can only trade with the natives, by means of goods. But, as they may meet with fome difficulties, in this refpect, on the coaft between Cape Blanco and C:.ps Verd, the trade of which is referved for the Senegal Company, I have, agreeable to your requeft, written to the Company, to remove thofe difficulties. And I doubt not that they will be ready to contribute every thing within their province, to the fuccefs of the voyage of thofe gentlemen. I have the honour to be, with fincere attachment, Sir, your moft obedient, and moft humble fervant, Le Mal. de Caitries, No. 6. Sec § (113. M. Go-ury. A Verfailles, le 7 Juillet, 1787. JUDA En favcur dc MrfTYs. de Sparrman, Arrhenius, et Wadftrom. CETTF, lettre, Monfieur, vous fera remife par Miff, de Sparrman, Arrhenius, et Wadftrom, Sut.lois, qui fe rendent en Afrique pour fe livrer a des recherches relatives a l'hiftoire naturelle. Si par une fuite du plan de leur voyages, ce* Meflieurs M. Goury, Verfailles, 7 July, 1787, WHIDAH. In favour of McfTVs. Sp.,rrman, Arrhenius, and Wadftrom. THIS letter, Sir, will be delivered to you by Letters of Meffrs. Sparrman, Arrhenius, and Wadftrom, introduction. Swedes, who come to Africa, to make refearches in natural hiftory. It in the profecution of their plan, thore gentlemen fhould call at Whidah, you Xx win Appendix. Meffiuirs pnfTent a Juda, vous voudres bien lent will of courfe do every thing in your power to <_ —-v~- -J procurer tomes les facilites qui dtpendront de facilitate the fuccefsful accompliflnncnt of their vous, pour qu'ils puiffent remplir avec fucces object. Tobjea de leur rccherches. Je fuis, Sec. I am, See. Le MAL. de Castries. Le Max. p£ Castries. 1017. We were furnifhed with fimilar letters to the following perfons, viz. Monfieur Valliere, Vice Conful, Charge des affaires du Confulat it Tripoly. Monfieur du Chateauncuf, Conful General, Charge des affaires du Roy, aupres du Bey a Tunis. Monfieur du Rocher, Conful General, Charge des affaires du Roy, aupres de l'Empcreur de Maroc, a Sales. Monfieur de Kerey, Conful General, Charge des affaires du Roy, aupres du Deyr a Alger. Monfieur le Dire&eur du Comptoir d'Amakou, fur la Cote d'Or, Monfieur le Direclcur du Comptoir de Gambia, a l'entree de la Riviere dc Serra-Lionnc. No. 7. See § 618. (5.) Extract of a Letter, to the worthy Inhabitants of the Province of Freedom, on the Mountains of Sierra Leona, dated Lcadenhall Street, London, 16th May, 1788, by Granville Sharp, Efq. Mr. Sharp ge- 1018. AS I have thus incurred a very great expence, not only this year, but alfo neroufly re- on your firfl embarkation laft year, without the leafl view of any private intcrcfl to land* to be myfelf, but rather for a general good, in promoting a jufl and honourable trade in given gratis, African productions, in contradiflinclion to the abominable Stave trade: alfo for thc peculiar advantage of) ourfelves, I trull you will be fo fenfible of this, that you will not deny my earneft rcqucll to you, as a favour to my/elf, that you will readily admit all the perfons that are now paffengers on boaiJ the Miro, people of colour as well as white, together with the captain, mates, and fuch of the feamen as defire it, to an equalfhare with yourfelvcs in the fettlement, gratis, agreeable to what is propofed in page 122 of the Additional Regulations, even if the Miro fhould unfortunately be delayed from arriving at the fettlement, within 12 months from the firfl eftablifhment. The 12 months will expire on the 12th of the next month; for I fee by an extract: from thc log-book of the Nautilus, that thc lots were drawn on the 12th July, 1787; and though the Miro was chartered on the 23d April, 1788, time enough for her arrival within the firfl year, yet fo many unforefeen delays have happened, that there is a probability that fhe may not reach your fettlement, till after the commencement 2 of of the fecond year fince your eftablifhment; neverthelefs, I rely on your friendfhip, Appendix. that you will fulfil my requeft, in granting lots gratis to the paffengers, &c. in thc T ~ Miro, and, (as thc rainy feafon will probably be fet in,) that you will receive them into your houfes, and afford them the beft accommodations you can give, with afliltance to procure fhelter alfo for their goods, cattle, and fowls, and to aid them in erecting houfes for themfelves, as foon as the weather will permit. 1019. 1 muft likewife requeft that you will lay out a free lot, and caufe it to be re- to feveral En-giftcred, and referved for the Rev. Mr. Thomas Clarkfon, a gentleman who has f^w ind ne" eminently dillinguifhed himfelf by feveral excellent publications, as an able, fire- Br«s! nuous, and fuccefsful advocate, for the liberty and natural rights of the negroes, and who, at prefent, is prevented from joining the fettlement^ by his continued indefatigable exertions in the fame juft caufe, as a Member of the Society for the Abolition of the Slave Trade; to which fociety a continuance of his affi (lance is at prefent in-difpenfibly neceffary. 1020. Alfo a lot, to be laid out, regiflered, and referved, in like manner, for William Sydney Smith, Efq. Poft Captain of thc Royal Navy, and another for John Spencer Smith, Efq. Page of Honour to Her Majefty thc Queen,—alfo a lot regif-tered and referved, for Lieut. John Clarkfon of the Royal Navy, (brother to the Rev. Mr. Clarkfon, above mentioned,) a gentleman everyway qualified to render you very effential fervice, as a meriihei of yoiu fiee community, whenever he may arrive. 1021. Alfo a referved lot for Mr. Peter Naffau, fon of Petci King of Mefurado, who had entered hiinfclf as a paffenger in this fhip ; but afterwards was prevailed onto f lav fome time longer in England,, on account of education: and for Mr. William Johnfon, a mulatto, who redeemed him (Mr. Peter Naffau; from flavery in the Well Indies. (See § 784, etfeq.) 1022. Alfo for Henry Martin Burrozos, a poor negro, whom I faved this year from flavery (with another man,) by a writ of Habeas Corpus, from on board a Honduras fhip, and whofe legs (which were mortified with cold and hardfhip) have been lately cut off in St. Bartholomew's hofpital.—Alfo for William fames, a black man, lately arrived at Briftol, from New York, who is ftrongly recommended to me for his abilities; but he cannot have time to arrive here before the fhip fails.—Alfo for Henry Byron who was this day fent on fhore from on board thc Miro, on account of ficknefs. 1023. Alfo for thc undernamed 12 Swedifh gentlemen of rank, great learning, and alfo to i? abilities, feveral of them members of univerfitics, and philofophers, who propofe *»edifli g: e 2 Clementi, Muzie, Mr. Broadwood's Great P.. re tey-finet 4 Clements, J.efq. Portland Place 5 Clemitfon, Ja efq. Sxviibin s-lane 2 Coad, Jofeph, 41, Beevctr-Jirect Gdden Jquare i Coad,Mrs. Elea. Narrow-all, Lamb. 2 Cobb,James,efq. Eaft India houje 2 Cock, Charles, Great Dunmow, Eff. 2 Cock, Mifs Elizabeth, Ditto 2 Cock, Mifs Mary, Ditto 2 Cocks, Mrs. Eliz. Adon, Middlefex l Cocks, Thomas Sommer, efq. Downing ftreet i Cohen, Levy, Bevis Marks, St. Mary Axe Cohen, Samuel, Ditto Cole, Charles, efq. Egham, Surry Collett, Ifaac, Buth Collier, Mary, Plymouth Collinfon, Edw. efq. Lombard J?. Collinfon, J. Gravel-lane, Southw Coltman, Mifs E. Neworks, Leicef. 1 Coltman, John, LJcefir 3 Comber, Rev. William, Kir by Moorfide, near Helmftey Yorks. 2 Compton, John, Portfmouth Common, Hampjhire 2 Compton, Spencer ,Clapton,Hackney 1 Compton, Thomas, efq. Ditto 1 Conftable, Marmaduke, efq. Wmf. fand, mar Beverly 2 Conyngham,Burton,cfq.y«-w}'«ft. 3 Cook, David, Trump ftreet 1 Cooke, Rev. James, Whin-Lyon Yard, Oxford ftreet 1 Cookfon, Rev. Chrift. Stamford 2 Cookfon, Rev. William, Fomcett near Long S/etton, Norfolk \ Coole, Benjamin, St. Peterjlntrg 1 Coope, John, jun. Oxbom-Jlreet Whitechapel 3 Cooper, John, Hinckley, Lcicefterftp. 1 Cornwall, J. efq. Portland Place 10 Corrie, John, Vauxhall 1 Corrie, Richard, U'elluigborougb 3 Y y z Corfbie, Jofeph, Duckfoot-lane 10 Colby, Sir Henry, Harley-ftreet 4 Cotton, Henry Calveley, efq. Ditto 5 Cotton, James, jun. Rumford % Coverdale,Nornfon,efq. Sbadwell z Cowcll, George, Waier-lant 1 Cow ell, John, Ditto 1 Cowley, John, Caieaton-ftreet 2 Cowper, Char. elq. Middle-Temple 1 Cowper, David, 117, Lower Thames-Jlreet Z Cowper, Edward, Borough 2 Cowper, Mils Era. Hinckley, Lcic. i Cox,Leader,efq. Brixton Caufeway 2 Cox, Mrs. Mary, Ditto 1 Cox, Thomas, It ijlnch, Camb. 6 Coxhcad,Th.efq. M.P. Great Her- mitage-Jl. St. George's in the Eaft z Cracklow,Azxon,7'oob.y-jl. Southw. 2 Cracklow, Henry, Ditto 2 Cracroft, John, efq. Hacktborn,near Lincoln I Crafton, Robert, Coleman Jlreet 3 Crane, Mrs. Sarah, Enfteld 1 Craven, John, Buckle-ftreet,Goodman' s-jields 3 Crawfhay, Richard, efq. Upper Thames-Jlreet 2 Cremer, George, 93, Holhorn-hill i Crefwell, Henry, Billingsgate 5 Crifp, Sam. efq. Hartford, Herts. 2 Crompton, Gilbert, efq. York r Crompton, Mrs.Hannah, Chipham 2 Crofs, Robert, Exeter 1 Crofle, J. N.Hull 1 Croucher, John, Hay market 1 Crump, Jofeph, efq. New Bread-Jl. 5 Culme, John, efq. Plymouth i C'uiliffe, Mifs Margaret Eliza, New Norfolk Jlreet 1 Cunliffc, Lady Mary, Ditto 1 Cunningham,Jo. 33, St. fames-/}. 1 Cure, Cupel, efq. Great George- ftreit, Wejtmmjter 3 Curling, Daniel, Cu/tom-bouje 1 Curling, J elle, Parudife-roix, Ro- tberhitl.e 2 Curling, John, Princes''-Jlreet,ditto 1 Curling, Robert, 1 Carrie, William, efq. EuftHorfiey, Surry 2 D. Daintry, Michael, dc\..Leek, Staff. 1 Dale, David, Glujgow 5 Dalton, Mrs. Elizab. Stanmo>e Mi .titiejex 1 Danby, Wm. efq. Svcinton, 7~o>ks. 2 Darwin, Erafmus, Derby 1 Davidfon, Ebenezer, 5 hames-Jlreet 1 Davidfon, John, Navy Office 3 Davie*, Davies, William, 9, Serle-ftreet, Lincoln* s-inn-fields Davies, John, Wood-ftreet Davies, Timothy, Bond-jlreet Davifon, Alex. efq. Harpur-ftreet Davifon, Tho. efq. Egham, Surry Davy, Samuel, Crediton, Devons. Davy, William, Ditto Daw, Win. efq. Elm-court, Temple Dawfon, Mifs Alice, Gower-Jtreet z Dewfon, Benj. Walcot Parade, Bath 1 Dawfbn, Mifs Ifabella, Gower-Ji. 2 Dawfon, Mifs Martha, Ditto 2 Deacon, James, efq. James-ftrett WejiminJ'ter 6 Dean, George, 1 i, Fifti-ftreet-hill 2 Dearden, John.efq. Hollyns, near Halifax ^ 1 Debaufre,Jofeph,efq. OldBroad-f. 2 De Bons, Henry, 7, Wormwood-ft. 7 De Grave, Charles, 59, St. Mar- tins le Grand Delap, Char. Penrith, Cumberland Denman, Dr Tho. Burlin^tcti-Jt. Dennis, Ad. Clements'Aane, Lotn- bard-ftreet Deformcaivx, James Lewis, Pearl- ftreet, Spitaljields Dettman, George, Virginia-ftreet Dettman, Jofeph, Betts-freet, Rat-cliff-Highway 2 Devves, Matthew, Chipping Norton i Dewes, Robert, efq. Coal Harbour 1 Dewey, James,.V^W-/^"""* 3 Dickenfon, Mifs E. Truro, Cornw. 2 Digby, Knelm,efq. 6, Welbeck-ft. 2 Digby, Robert, Vice Admiral, Harley-ftreet 2 Digby, The Hon. Stephen, Wel- beck-ftrett c Digby, Wriftefley, efq. Mcrreden, Warivick/hire 1i Dillingham, Bampton Gurdon, efq. Norfolk i Dirs, Carflon, Wellclofe-fquare 2 Dixon, Rev. Jo. Tuddington. Bed- fordjhire i Dixon, Jofeph Harrifon, efq. 17, Ckeap/ide Dixon, Marcus, London-ft. Dixon, Richard, Hartford End near Feljled, Effex Dixon, Robert, Feljled, Effex Dixon, Win. Mead Place, Lambeth 3 Dods, Robert, efq. Hajlar-Hofpital Go/port l Dolben, Mrs. Ann, Finedon near Wellingborough 1 Dolben, Ladv Charlotte, Abing- don-ftreet, Wefiminjler ] Dolben, Sir Wm. Bart. M.P. ditto 1 Donaldfon, Wm. efq. at Childs and Co. Temple-bar Dore, Rev. James, at Keened, efq. Walworlb Dornford, T. Philpot-lane Dorrien, George, efq. Finch-lane Dorrien, Thomas, efq. ditto Dorvillejo. jun.efq. Neie 3 Free, Peter, efq. Broad Jl. Buildings 3 Freeman, Sam. Flower, efq. Mark lane 3 Freeman, Tho. Edwards, efq. Sack- I'ille Jl. Viecaddly c French, Andrew, efq. Copthallco. 6 French, Dr. Hugh, Rathboneplace 3 French, Mrs. Judith, Ditto 1 Frend, Rev. Wm. JeJtU College, Cambriage j Frewen, Rev. E. Co/cbepJer z Frilby, Charles, Mark lane 1 fryer, J. QueenSg. Bloomfury 3 Fuller, Benj. Clementsc. Milk Jlreu 5 Fuller, Wm. efq. Lombard ft.. 3 Fuller, Wm. Meff. Child's, and Co. Temple Bar 1 Gadefley, Rev. Tho. Bedford 1 Gainfborough, Right Hon. Thc Earl of, Cavendijh Square z Gambier, Sam. efq. Shenley hill, Herts 5 Garlics, Lord Vifcount, Charles A. St. James's ft. 2 Gardiner, Col. Tho. Hampton court Green, Middlefex Garland, Tho. lilnchcjlcr flveet Ganat, Fr efq. Old Swan Gaviller, Geo. Virginia ft. Gatakcr, Tho. efq. Princes ft. Gazaam, Wm. junr. Cambridge Gazely, J. S. GY. Q_. Jl. Lincolns inn Jields Gee, Rev. Rich. Hot ham, Torijh. Gcaft, Rich. efq. / lythe hall, neat-coal bill, Warwickshire Gibbons, Tho. feh. Treafury Gibbons, Jo. Ch;>. Ditto Gibbons, Mrs. Mary Ditto Gibbs, Rev. Phil. Plymouth Gihhs, James, Walbroo't Gibby, Rev. Jn. Win.'erfoi, Lincoln 2 Gibfon, Rev. G. CarlijleHo. L amb.\ G ihfon, J a. efq. Leadenhall ft. 2 Gibfon, W. Pcntonpi. Ijlington 2 Gill, Ja. Size lane 1 Gill, j n. efq. Savil row, Walu orth 2 Giles, Dan. efq one of the Directors of the Lank of Eng end 2 Giles, Jn. efq. G'eaiwich z Gilborne, Rev.'1 ho. Yoxalllodge, near Litchfield 5 Gilborne, Mis. Mary Ditto 2 Glaifter, Sam. BijhopfgateJ't. 2 Glegg, Jn. Witbington, near Knuts- jord, Clhejhiie 2 Glencrofs, Ja. Plymouth dock, Dein-Jields l Levett, William, Hull l Levy, Zach. Broad-ft, B tildings 5 Lewis, Edw. Upper Thame <-ftreet 3 Lewis, Mrs. Hannah, 16, BiJhopJ- gate-flreef, within i Lewis, J. St. Paul's-C'wrcb Yard 10 Lewis, Thomas, efq. Gower-jlreet 5 Leycefter, Ralph, efq. ILilCro-ve near Bagjbo', Surry 5 Licvrre, Rev. Peter, Church-Jlreet, D.'pt/ord i Lilckindey, George, Pafon-ftreet, Ejl Smithfield 1 Lindo, Mofes, jun. 30, Leadenb-Jl. 2 Liller, Daniel, H.ickney 5 Li vins, George, efq. Bedford 10 Lloyd, Mifs Ann, 7ah 2 Lloyd, Daniel, Bjwldown, near Uley, Gloucefterjhire 2 Lloyd, Sir Edward, Bart. l.o*«er Seymour./lreet 2 Lloyd, Gamaliel, efq. Bury, Stiff. 2 Lloyd, Nathan. Lly, Gloucejiirjh. 2 Lloyd, Sam. Merchant, Lower Thames-ftreet io Lloyd, William, Ditto 10 Lock, John, Fijb-ftreet-hill 1 Lock, Rev. Robert, Newark 1 Lockwood, Tho. efq. Mortimer- Jlreet, Cuvenlijhfquare 4 Loggcn, Tho. B finghall-ftrcet 1 Loin is, R"v. Hen, Cbippingnarton 3 London, Dr. B. Porteus, Biihop of, St. fames'i-Jquard 1 Longridge, Mic. Sunderland, Dd-Jt. 1 Mafon, Rev. William, Yd 2 Mather, Jo. Martin's-!. Cannon ft. « Mather, Benj. Wellingborough, Northamptonjhire z Matthew, Rev. Anthony Stephen, Rath bene Place 2 Matthews, George, Chipfi ignorton Z Matthews, Mrs. Mary, Ditto \ M.md, Jam. Jo. efq. P luce's fq, i Maver, Jo. efq. Fo* O\ diiary- court, N t hr.ias lane i Mi\\v, ]> \ Gai ftorcugb, Liucol Jb. 4 May, John, efq. MuLeu. Efcx 1 Mayelltone, Ja. Ci cw, Mtnories 1 Maynard, Tho. t S, H.1.on garden i Maynard, Th. efq. th.xn.h.ul, S tl. 2 Mayow, Winnel Mayow, Sydenham i Mav.zanti, Ferdinand, 4,Tiulf.elJ- fl eet, Qxfprd Mi Art 3 Meggitt, John, // ; k / /.', Torks 1 Mellifh, John, efq. #iJbopfgatpfi, $ Meliifli, William, efq. Ditto 3 Meller, John, Ca i n Printer, Le- vensbolm, near M tncbefter i Mercer, Wm. efq. Bafinghall-ft. 1 Mcftaer, Peter Everitt, efq. ij% 5 Mills, John, C Lbrjttr 3 Mills, Wm. efq. S ratfirdPlare jo Milner, Jof. 73, A'idirmanbury 3 Milues, James, efq. Wakefield S Milnea, Rich. Slater, efq. M. P. Picadilly 5 Milnc:.j gUk Milncs, Mrs. Rachel, ~ 6 Milncs, James, jun. efq. Thorn Hottje, Wakefield z Milnes, Mrs. Mary Ann, Ditto Z Minfhull, William, Snowhill i Mitchell, George, Deptford 3 Mitchell, Wm. efq. .'rinces-fquare i Mitchell, Wm. efq. Boothtown Hal/fax 2 Mitchell, Capt. William, at Mr. IViijh's, Navy Office 2 Mitchell, John, efq. Chelfea 1 Mitton, Henry, efq. BirchinAane 6 Moiling, Fred, efq. Dowgafe-hdl 8 Moncrieff, R. Scott, efq. Glajgow i Monckton, Hon. Kdw. M. P. Upper Grofii'cuor-ftrcet io Montague, Matthew, efq. M. P. Mauchefter-jquare 2 Montague, Charles, Guildhall 2 Moored Edward, efq. Stockwell 1 Moore, George, Hoxton 1 Moore, William, Ludgate-ftrect 3 Moore, Peter, efq. Queen-fquare, Wejlminfter 3 Moore, Rev. Jo. Appleby^ Leicef. 1 Moore, John, Leicefter 1 Moore, John, jun. Ditto 3 Moore, Mifs Elizabeth, Ditto t Moore, Mifs Ann, Ditto 1 More, Mifs Hannah, Bath 1 Moreton, Wm. efq. Clement's-lane 2 Morin, Mrs. Ann Salome, 26, .Sherrard-i/reet i Morland, William, efq. Pallmall 6 Morley, William, efq. Broad-ft. 2 Morley, Win. jun. Broad ftreet Buildings i Morris, Thomas, efq. Camberwell 3 Morris, John, Nottingham 2 Morrit, Mrs. Frances, Tori 1 Morton, A ehibald, Wellitigbo- rough, NorthamptonftAre 3 Morton, Mrs. Frances, Rev. Dr. Pre war's, Colchefter 2 Mucklow, Horatio, Cuftom-houfe 1 Mimcaiter, Lord,M. P. Raven- glafs, Cumberland % Mannings, Chr. efq. Kingfton i Mufgrave, Peete, Cambridge 10 N. Xaimbannn, Prince Henry Granville, Son of King Naimbanna, Sierra Leona I Nautes, Henry, efq. Broad-flreet 2 Nufh,Sir Stephen, Briftol % Nafh, William, Royfton, Herts. 1 Natali.Jof. Charles/?. Horfleydown 6 K cal e, J a mes, S/. Paul's Ch. 7 if, t Scale, Mifi Leonara Mary Ann, Luton, Bdfcrdjhire 3 Neale, Mifs'Henrietta, Ditto 1 Neale, John, St, Paul's Ch. Yd. 4 Neate, John, Devizes, Wiltft.tre 2 Nelfon, Mrs. Elizabeth, Beverley 1 Nelbitt, Thomas, Bank of England 1 Newbald, Robert, Rotherhithe I Newberry, Mrs. Rachael, Southampton-row, Blocmjbury 1 Newnham, Tho. efq. Bedford-row 4 Newton, John, Copt hall-court 4 Newton, Rev. Jo. Coleman Jlreet Buildings j Newton, Rev. Sam. Thorp, near Norwich j Nichols, Benjamin, Tower-flreet 3 Nicholls, M ifs Sarah, Kidderminjler 1 Nicholfon, Jofeph, Philadelphia z Nickling, James, Botolph-lane 10 Nind, Benjainin, Great Prtf.et-ft. t Nifbett, Samuel, I fin;gt en 1 Nixon, John, efq. Cateaton-ftreet l Norden, Abr. Walthamftow, Effex 1 Nottidge, Thomas, Backing, Effex 1 Nourfe, Jofeph, ITelbtck-ftreet 2 O. Oakley, Wm. Cburch-ftreet, St. John's, Sauthwark 2 Ogburn, Rich. Bi/hopsfgate-Jlreet within 1 Ogle, John Ogle, Bridlington Key 2 Oldham, James Oldham, Holborn 6 Olding, John, efq. Comhill 3 Ommaney, Edward, efq. Bloamf- bury-fquare 1 o Onley, Rev.Ch. Stirted Hall, Effiex 2 Orange, John Baptift, Turner's Hill, Chelhunt 3 Ofborn, Wm. M. D. Hamver-fq. 2 Othcn, Ifaac, Lombard jlreet 1 Ovcrend, Jofhua, Hull * \ P. Pack, Richard, Upper Thames-ft. 3 Pad man, Tfaac, jun. Broad-Jlreet Buildings 2 Painter, William, Briftol 2 Palefke, Lewis, Amcrica-fquare ro Paley, Richard, Leeds 5 Palmer, Wm. efq. Chlppingnorton 5 Panter, William, St. Dunflans-hill 3 Pares, Mifs Mary, Leicefter 2 Pares, Mrs. Ditto 1 Parker, David, efq. King's Mews 5 Parker, George, Tipton, Staffordjk. 2 Parker, John Kennct, Princes'-fq. 1 Parker, Jofeph, efq. Mcttingbam, near Bunp-ctv i Parker, Mifs Phillis, Flett-ftreet 1 3 A Parker, Sam. efq. New Bridge-/!. 1-5 Parker, William, Fleet-ftreet $ Parkinfon, John, fen. Racquet-court, Fleet-ftreet I Parkinfon, John, jnn. Ditto 1 Parnell, Rt. Hon. Sir John, Bart. Dublin 2 Parry, Ifaac, Deptford 3 Parfons, Win, efq. Princes-fireet Haito ver-Jquare 1 Pafley, John, efq. Jeffrey's-fquare St. Mary Axe ' 5 Patten, John, Canr.on-ft. Oxford l Pattefon, Rev. Henry, Coney Wefi ton, near Thetjord 4 Pattefon, Mrs. Maitha, Norwich 2 Pattifon, John, Glafgow 1 Pattifon, Jofeph, M.uden, Effex I Pattifon, John, efq. Norwich 2 Pattle, Thomas, efq. Lime-Jh-tet I Panlin, John, Chelfea 1 Paxton, Chr. efq. Aiderfgate-fit. t Payne, Michael, Leicefter \ Pead, B. Broadjl. Buildings 1 Pead, Mifs Ann, ////// t Peakc, George, Leicefter 2 Pcarfale, Nicholas, Kidderminjler 9 Pearfon, James, efq. Bafinghalljl. t Pearfon, Michael, Spitai-Jquare 1 Peckard, Rev. Dr. Peter, Magdalen College, Cambridge 2 Pcckover, Edm. Bradford, Yorkjh. 3 Peckover, Jonathan, 11 ifibecb, Cambridge/hire 3 Picrfe, Hen. efq. M. P. Bcdale 7 'orkftAre 2 Pell Albert, efq. Temple 3 Pcrring, John, Throgmorton-J}. \ Perry, Philip, efq. Blackwall 4 Peters, George, efq. Old Beth- lem, Broad-Jlreet 4 Phene, Nicholas, SS, London-wall 1 Phillips, Rev. Nathaniel, Palf- grave, near Dfs, Suffolk z Philipfon, Nicholas, Maidenhead 2 Phillips, Tho. efq. l.§ek, Stajordjh. t Phipps, Jonathan Wathen, efq. Walbrook \ Phyn, James, efq. Mark-lane 1 Pickering, Thomas, Dailington 4 Pickford, Tho. 4, Martin'>-lane Cannon-ftrtet c; Piefchell, Charles, Size-lane | Pilliner, James, George-ft. Weftmin. 1 Pingo, Benj. efq. Herald's College i Pingo,Walter,;/ o/tenham high-erf 3 Pitt, Thomas, efq. Wimpole-ftre,t 5 Pitt, William Morton, efq. Mi P. Arlin^ton-ft, eet 1 o Piatt, Mils Jane, Mr. Champion, Wmchcjler Jlreet 5 Piatt, Piatt, Thomas, Stamford-ft. Surry 6 Plowes, John, efq. Leeds, Yorjhire I Rummer, Rob. Walfingbam, Norf. Plumb trc, Jo, efq. Fredville, Kent Plyinley, Rev. Jof. Languor, Salop Polhill, Charles, efq. Chipftead- place, Kent Poihill, Mrs. Elizabeth, Ditto Pollard, William, Swtthin's-lattc Popham, Col. Win. Dover-fireet Popkm, John, cf.j. Coytrehene, Glamorgan/hire 2 Porter, Jofeph, efq. Hatton Garden 3 Poltlethwaithe, Rev, Tho. D. D. Mailer of Trinity College, Camb. 6 Potter, Samuel, Milk-jlreet 3 Pottinger,Chr. efq. Stock Exchange 5 Potts, Charles, efq. Chejler 4 Powell, Dav. jun. Great St. Helens I Powell, Baden, jun. efq. Little St. Llelcn's Powell, John Clark, efq. Ditto Powell, J a. efq. Croxvn-c. Broad-ft. Pratt, Charles, Lawn, South Lamb. Pratt, John, Ditto Pratt, John, jun. Ditto Pratt, jof. Stephen, efq. Woid- houfe Grove, near Bradford, Vorks 4 Preh\ Edward, efq. York Prefton, Mrs. Jane, Miles's-lane Cannon-flreet Pretton, Thomas, Ditto Price, Charles, Snowhdl Price, John, Leicjhr Price, Jofeph, efq. Stratton-jlreet, Piccadilly Price, Robert, Milk-flreet Price, Thomas, Leadenhall-Jlreet Prickett, Jofeph, Hull Prideaux:, John, efq. Ditto Prideaux, Tho. efq. Ditto Prime, Richard, Bucklcrjbury Prinfep, John, efq, Burnetts, Hoare, and Co. 4 Pringle, Wm. efq. Rathbone-place 20 Pritzler, Theophilus, efq. Well- chfe-fquare 1 Pryce, Edward, Bucklerfbury 2 Pryce, Tho. General Pfl Office I Puddicombe, Rev. John Newell, Dulwich College 3 Puddicombe, Rev. Thomas, Rumford, Effex Pugh, David Heron, Peckham Pagb, Jofeph, Threadntedle-jlreet Puller, Mrs. Mary, Cranbourn-ft Leicefter-felds Puller, Mifs Mary, Ditto Pulley, Jofeph, Stock Exchange Pyndar, Rev. Reginald, Hadfor Houfe, near Droit with, Worcefter 5 Roberts,%ev. W. H. D.D R. Loughborough Houfe, Surry Raby, Alen, Steel Yard 1 I 2 1 *7 3 2 1 1 1 i 2 Raby, George, Ditto z Racketr, Rev. Thomas, Spetijbury 1 Rae, John, efq. Augel-c. Throg- morton-ttreet \ Raikes, Tho. efq. New Broad-ft. 3 Randall, Edward, Cambridge 2 Raper, Mrs. Ellen, 1, Wigmorc-ft. 1 Rapcr, Matthew, efq. Stratford-pi. ■{ Rallatl, Rev. William, Ne Rathbone, William, Liverpool 2 Ravenfcroft, Edw. efq. Harlcy-ft. 6 Raw, Matthew, Lombard-ftreet I Rawdon, William, Cheapjide 1 Rawliags, Tho. Padjtow, Cornw. i Rawlings, Wm. Ditto 1 Rawlinfon, William, F.iday-ftreet 2 Raw fon, Samuel, Hal fax 3 Rawfon, William, Corbet-court, Gracechurch-ftreet 3 Ray, Rev. Orbel, Toftock, Suffolk 2 Raybould, Tho. Broad-ft. Ratdiff 2 Rea, John* Minories 1 Reddal, Richard Ambrofe, efq. Wooburn, Bedfordjhire l Reeve, Edw. Upper Bro k-ftreet 3 Reeve, Mifs Frances, Ditto z Reeve, Jofeph, Canter bun fquare 2 Remington, John, Mi k-fircet 10 Rennard, Jofeph, Hull 2 Re veil, George, Princes-ft. Man- fton-houfe 1 Reymes, Sam. Friday-ftreet 2 Rcyner, Jof. efq. Ducksfoot-lane 10 Reynolds, Forfter, efq. Carjloalton 2 Reynolds, Wm. Ketley, near Shif- nal, Shropjhire 3 Reynolds, Wm. Folkeftone, Kent 1 Richard, Sam. K ng's-road, Chelfea 4 Richards, John, jun. Leicefter 1 Richard fon, Hannah, Hull 1 Richardfon, John, efq. Upper Wimpole-ftreet 1 o Richardfon, Jo. efq. Pitfour, Perth r Richardfon, Thomas, Carlton, near Hull, Yorkjhire x Rickards^ Rev. Robert, Lantnf. . fent, Glamorgan y Rickards, Thomas, efq. Clapton 4 Ridley, John, Princes-fuare 2 Ridldale, William, Mr. Reyner's, Duchfoot-lane 2 Rigby,'Edward, Norwich e Ripley, John Richard, Lawrence Pouut.tey lane 2 Roberts, Daniel, efq. Chatham-pl. I Roberts, Henry, fen. Long Mari- ton, Gloucejierjhire j Roberts, Hen. jun. Clapton, Glouc. 1 Robins, John. Stoke Newington I Robinfon, Charles, St. George's- row, St. George's-fields I Robinfon, John, Hull 2 Robinfon, Rev. John, Wdbornc, near Kirby Moorfide 1 Robfon, John, Chamberlain, New Ormondftrect 5 Robfon, Robert, Royal Exchange $ Rodwell, Thomas, Craven-frcet I Roebuck, John, efq. St. Mary Hill 3 Rogers, Charles, efq. College of Phyjicians, Warwick Aatn 3 Rogers, John, efq. Turlington Lodge, near Wtncanton i Rogers, Samuel, eiq. Freeman s- court, Curtthdl % Rofe, Mifs Frances, Dorking, Surry I Rofe, Richard, Ditto 1 Rofe, Rev. Wm. Lucas, Daventry 2 Rofs, Abraham, Tokeuhoitf Yard l Rofs, Mrs. Henrietta, Rojfit, near Mont row I Rofs, Hercules, efq. Ditto 2 Rofs, James Tyrell, Crown-ftreet, Wejiminfter \ Rofs, William, Ditto \ Roffcr, Richard, Cheapjide \ Rovvcrofr, Thomas, Li me-fir eet 2 Rowe, John, New River Office 1 Rowe, Rev. John, Shrewjbury i Rowe, Mifs Sarah, Carmarthen t Royds, Jerem. efq. Bucklertbury 20 Rumfey, Hen. jun. Chjham, Bucks I Ruilel, Mifs Sarah Gill, Saville- row, Walworth 2 Rutland, William, Bijhopsgate-fr. f- Rutt, John Towel, Thames-Jtreet \0 Button, Thomas, Charin^-crofs I Ryder, Rt. Hon. jJudlcy, M.P. Par k-ftreet 1 s. Sage, Edw. efq. Cheapfide r Salloway, Sam. St. JohnsJh South. 2 Salmon, Rev. Rcdor of Carfler, Norfolk Salte, William, Poultry Sainler, Herman, St. Andrews hill Sanford, Wm. efq. New Boudjl. Sanfom, Phil. efq. London jl. Sargeant, Edw. jun. Grove Houfe, MUf End * Sargeant, Edward, jun. Circus, Minories 3 Sargeant, Geo. Edw. 77, Longncre I Sargeant, Jo. Queen jl. Lincolns inn ft. I Sarney, Joliah, BijhopfgateJl. 2 Satchell, Mifs Eliz. Limehoufe » Savage, Savage, Mifs Ann, Kenftngton Savage, Jof. efq. Bijh.pjgate ft, without Savill, Jof. Backing, Effex Savill, William, Heydoa fq. Sawrey, Miles, Plymouth Schneider, Jo. Nicholaus, Holhorn i Scliol-field, Rev. Radcliffe, Bir- minyham I Scholey, Geo. efq. Old Swan I Schooling, Jas. 44, BijhopfgateJl. within 1 Schroder, Herman, 9, College hill 2 Scotney, Benj. efq. 46, Gowcrfl. 2 Scott, Claude, efq. Gowerjl, 1 o Scott, Geo. Hatton Garden 2 Scott, Hugh, efq. Hurley Ji. 2 Scott, Jo. efq. Strand 3 Scott, Rob. efq. WimpoleJl. 6 Scott, R. Woodcome, near Huddersfi. 4 Scott, Tbo. Ludgate hill 2 Seale, David, Peckham, Surry 2 Scaly, Jo. OrnamentalJlone manufactory, Lambeth I Searlc, Jas. Cheapjide 3 Seeker, Roger, Newington Butts 2 Sccretan, Fred. Sam. Watbroqk, 1 Sells, Ed. jun. 49 JBankjide,Soufhw: 1 Sergeant, W. Meltn^ Lincolnjhire 2 Sharp, Geo. o,^ ,'Threadnerdle J}. c Sharp, Gran. efq. Garden c. Temple^ Sharp, Wm. Fit I ham 5 Shaw, fas. Margaret Jl, Ca-vendfJj fquare 1 Shaw, Jo. Kino ft. Cheapfide I1 Shaw, Rev. Will. Enfield 2 Shears, Jas. Fleet Market I Shelton, 'TJbo. Sjfious h. Old Bailey 3 Shepherd, Rev. H. Beverley, Yorkf, 2 Shepherd, Wm. Lambs Conduit pi. I Sheppard, Edw. Bafinghalljl. 2 Sheppard, Tho. Ditto 1 Shore, Bohum, efq. Meerfbrook, mar Shffield 2 Shore, nm. efq. Ttitto 2 Shore, Sam. jun. efq. Norton hall, near Sheffield 2 Shores, Wm. 71, theatre 1 Short. Barth. efq. Lothbury \ Shuttleworth, H. Baynes Ludgate jl, 2 • Sibbald, Geo. efq. Hurley ft. 1 Sibley, Mi's Mary, Cheapfide \ Sibley, Mifs Sarin, Ditto 1 Sikes, Jo. Diftaff lane 3 Simeon, Rev. Ch. Kings Col. Cam. 2 Simpfon, Rev. Dav. Macclesfield, Chejhirc 2 Simpfon, Ja*1. Wame, Lime ft. ' 2 S i mpfon, j oft n, / full 2 Simpfon, W. Woolcy, Difs, Norf, j Skirrow, Wm. Borough High Jl. 3 Skrimfhire, Win. Wijbcch 3 Slack, Tho. efq. Mr. Sikes, Diftaff lane 3 Slade, Dan. Three Crownc. Borough 3 Slade, Mifs Eliz. Rye, Suffix Slade, Mifs Mary, Dit'tj Slann, Jas. Bright, 7, Cheapfide Slater, Adam, efq. Chfterjield Sloman, Win. Deptford Smales, Rich. Walworth Smalley, Cornwall, efq. Kings Arms yard \O Smalley, Wm. W.fircb, Cambridgef.z Smart, Rich. efq. Lambs Conduitft. 2 Smith, Drummond, efq. Graftoujl. 2 Smith, Fran. efq. Norwich I Smith, Jas. Ed. M. D. Marlborough Jl. j Smith, jas. Fijhftreet hill 4 Smith, Jas. Norwich I Smith, Jo. Fred. Wakefield,YoAjh. 1 Smith, Rev. Jo. Gee, at Meff'. Kelt's, aud Co. Norwich 2 Smith, Jo. Cirenfter 3 Smith, jo. Red Lion ft. Whitechapel 1 Smith, jo. Warwick lane 1 Smith, Jofa. efq. M. P. Great George ft. Weftmiujler 2 Smith, If. Margaret /I. Weftmiujler 1 Smith, Martin Fred. 21, Pautou Jl. Haymarhet 2 Smith, Mrs. Piercefield, MonmoiithJ.X Smith, Rob. efq. M. P. Hemalls, Herts. 1 Smith, Rob.efq. 1 Smith, Rob. Church hill, Oxfordf. 1 Smith, S?.m. efq. M. P. Welljbrd, Nottingham/hire 3 Smith, Rev. Dr. Sam. Prebendary, Wejlmiufter Smith, Tho. efq. Grays Inn Smith, Tho. Rochfler Smith, Tho. Bridge Jl. Smith, Tho. WoodroolTe, efq. Great St. Helens Smith, Wildman, Fredericks place Smith, Will. efq. M. P. Clapham, Surry 6 Smith, Wm. Stochwellft. Greenw. 2 Smithus, Hen. Clink Jl. Southwark 1 Smith, Chrillopher, Northampton 10 Smyth, Jo. efq. Brut on jl. I Sneyd, Ed. fen. efq. Lichfield, Stafford/hire 2 Sncyci, Jo. efq. Bellmont, Staffordf. 4 Solly, Rich. efq. St. Mary Axe 1 Sowerby, Jo. efq. Hatton Garden c Spa ike, Jof. Bank 1 Sparrow, Rev. Bencc, Baker jl. Port man fq. l Spear, Rob. efq. Manchefter 2 Spencer, Rt. Hon. Jo. Earl, St. James's place 2 Spencer, Jo. Fenchnrch Ji. \ Speanger, Jo. efq. Symonds Inn 2 Stanhope, Walter^ Spencer, efq. Cannon hall, near Barnjly, Yorkf. 4 Stanhope, Mrs. Mary Spencer, Ditto 2 Stanifortll, Ch. Broad ft. Buildings 3 Stansfield, Tim. Upper Thames ft. 10 Statham, Samuel, Nottingham 2 Steel, Dav. Union row, Minories I Steele, Jof. efq. 'Lower hill 1 Steele, jof. Finjbury fq. 1 Stephens, Merret, Ghuceftcr 2 Stevens, Sir Phil. Bart. M. P. Admiralty e Stephcnfon, Rich. Swanland, Hull i Steven, Rob. Upper Thames Jl. 2 Stevenfon, Jof. efq. Botolph lane io Stewart, Edw. efq. Aldermanbury 5 Stewart, Jo. Tiffin, 13, Grace-church ft. 1 Stiff, Tho. New ft. Coveut Garden 4 Sdllingfleet, Rev. J. Hoiham, near Market Weighton, Yorkjh. 2 Stokes, Ed. efq. Melton Mowbray, Leicejlerjhire 4 Stokes, Ed. Maior, jun. efq. Ditto 1 Stokes, Henry, Friday ft. \ Stonard,Nathen. Bromley, Middlej. \ Stone, Jo. 230, High Holhorn I Stone, Jo. Harford,efq. Hackney 3 Stonehoufe, Jo. efq. Manchefter 1 Stonehoufe, Geo. Brent Knoll, near Bridgtwater, Somerfetjh, 10 Storace, Step. Rathboneplace 1 Storey, Rob. efq. Bedford'fq. 3 Stott, Ely, 5, Pump c. Temple 1 Stovin, Jas. efq. 2 Stovin, Mrs. Theodofia, Carr Houfe, near Doncafter 2 Stracey, Randolph, Whitechapel ro.i Strangman, Mifs Ann, Leek,Staf- fordjhire 1 Stratton, Geo. efq. Great Tew, near Henjlon, Oxford c Stratton, Gibfon, and Schonberg, Leadenhallft. 3 Stratton, Sam. jun. efq. Ditto 2 Stratton, Tho. efq. Hackney 2 Strickland, Ed. Fijh ft, hill 2 Strode, Jo. efq. South hill, Shepton Mallet ..< 2 Stubbing, Rob. H,don, near Hull 1 Stuckey, Geo. efq. Hackney College 3 Stuckey, Sam. efq. Langport, Somer. 3 Stutfield, Cha. 154, Ratcliff high way 1 Styleman, Kicho. Norwich 3 Sutton, Benj. Leicefter , 2 Sutton, Sutton, Efiz. Charterhoufe fq. Sutton, Jas. Devizes Sutton, Jo. Stock Exchange Sutton, Mifs Martha, Devizes, Wilts. Sutton, Mifs Sarah, Ditto Sutton, Rob. Manftnn Houfe ft. Sutton, Will. efq. Canterbury fq. Swainc, Rob. Crofs hill, Halifax Swale, Jo. efq. Charlotte ft. Bloomjb. 3 Swan, Will. Wigan, Laucajhire 1 Sykes, SirChriftopher, Bart. Sled-more Yorkshire IO Sykcs, Jof. efq. ////// 4 Sykes, Mrs. Weft Ella, Yorkjhire 1 Sykes, Mifs Mary Ann, Ditto 2 Syins, James Rcnat, Pudding lane 1 T. Tabor, Rob. efq. Hythe, Colchejicr 2 Tailcr, Jo. Bayly, 7f'oedbridge, SttJ. 2 Tayler, Rev. Tho. Eevjis place, Ormond ft. 3 Taylor, Benj. Sutton, St. Edmunds, near Wijhech Taylor, Ed. Farmer, Chkkttell, Claverlty, Salop Taylor, Gawan, Scarborough Taylor, Geo. Alderfon.efq. Boive near Create bridge Taylor, Jo. efq. Birmingham Taylor, Jo. efq. Stctlyard Taylor, Jof. efq. Lynn, Norfolk Taylor, Ifa^c, Bjhopfgateft.without 1 Taylor, Meadows, elq. Dijs, Norf. Taylor, Sam. efq. Hattmgarden Taylor, Vickeri;, efq. Great St* Helens Taylor, Walter, efq. Southampton Taylor, Win. efq. Greenwich Taylor, Wm. jun. Norwich Templeman, Mrs. Gather. Size I, Templeman, Thomas, Ditto to Tcrrington, John, Hull 1 Tcrrington, Wm. Newington Butt! 2 Terry,""Rich. Hull 1 Thcfegar, Auguftus, General Prjl Office 3 Thcmpfen, Achic fon, efq. Newry, Inland 4 Thorn; fon, Jas. Dyers buildings, Hoi. 1 Thoinpfon, Jo. efq. Croydon, Surry 1 Thomplon, Ifaac, Crojs lane^St. Mary's hill Thompfon, Ifaac, jun. Ditto Thompfon, Rev. Clapham '\ hompfon, Tho. efq. Hull Thompfon, Wm. Leeds Thompfon, V\ m. Hull, Yorkjhire Tl omfon, Win.efq. Birds buddings, ljliugton Thorn, Abraham, Hackney 1 Thornton, Henry, efq. M. P. Kings arms yard e% Thornton, jo. King James's fairs, Shadwell 3 Thornton, Rich. Horjleydown 8 Thornton, Rob. efq. flf. P. Clap-ham, Surry 18 Thornton, Sam. efq. M. P. Ditto 6 Thorold, Mrs. Frances, Gnmjhy, Lincolnjhire 2 Thorold, Mrs. Mary, EJampftrad 2 Thorp, Abr. 76. bjhopfgate ft. \ Thorpe, Anthony, Ytri 2 Tibbits, Rich. Milk ft, t ? Tickcll, Wm. Bath 5 Tigh.Rob. Stearne,efq. ClamAlle L Age, near Andover 4 Tigncombe, Jo. efq. Plymouth 3 Tiler, John, Bow lane I Tilfley, William, A\>wgateft. 1 Tindall, Jas. Scarborough 2 Tingcoinbe, Jonathan, Plymouth 2 Tolcien, Han. Gotlieb, Bedjordft. Coven t gardt n \ Tomkins, Benj. Upper Thames ft. 1 Turner, Jofa. Leeds 1 Turner, Tho. efq. Hhll I Turner, Tho. Derby I Turncy, Wm. Wood ft. Cheapjide » Tutin, WTilliam, Birmingham l Twining, Jo. Effix ft. 3 Twining, Rich. Ditto } Tylee, John, Devizes z Tyler, Rev. Will. Partney, Lincoln. Z V. Valpy, Rev. Dav. Reaifseg 1 Vaux, Edw. efq. ■Auftin h,iars 4 Venn, Edw. Botx) la>ie, Cheapfide 1 \rincent, Zelophehad Wyeth, Little St. Thomas Apojlfe t Vivian, Jo. efq. TatfAdc. Temple 5 Vulliamy, Lewis, LeMO*ft. Good- man's jields w. Tomkins, Jo. Wm. Vicinal ling Of. 1 Tomkins, Jo. Abingdon 1 Tomkins, Jof. efq. Ditto 2 Tomkins, Wm. efq. Ditto % Tomkins, Wm. jun. efq. Ditto 2 Toogood, Wm. efq, Shcrbom, Dorjetjhtre 2 Toplis, Jo. efq. Workjworth, Dcrb.z Torkington, James, Stamford 1 Torkington, William, Ditto 3 Towgood, Jo. efq, Clements I. 10 Towgood, Matt. Stock Exchange 5 Towgood, Wm. efq. Bread Jl. 10 Towle, Jof. Borough Highjl. \ Town fend, Rich. 18, Eenchurch ft. i Townley, Jas. efq. Doilors Commons 3 Townfend, Edw. 47, Lime jl. 1 Friggc, Capt. Jo. Berth 1 rrimbey, J o.efq. QueenJl. Cbeapf. i o Trimmer. Jas. Botolph lane 10 Trttton, Jo.Hinton, efq. Lombard ft.\ Trump, Tho. Paradijeft, Rot her- hithe 1 Trye, Cb. Brandon, Ghucefter 3 Tucker, Tho. 20, Somerft ft. Whitechntel I Tuffen, Jo. Furnell, Lower Thames ft. I Tulk, Jo. Aug. efq. Sloan ft. Knighjhridge 3 Tupper, Jo. Efifha, Gtternfy 2 Turnbull, Jo. efq. Devonjhuefq. 2 Turner, Rev. Baptitf. Noel, Den-ton, Lincolnjhire 2 Tumer^Dorothy, Limchoufe 1 Waddington, Jo. Minories 3 Wadftrom, Ch. B. Manchefter 1 WagftatTe, Jo. Norwich 1 Wainman, Rev. Rich. B. A. Boddington, Nortkamptonjb. 1 ainman, W ill.efq. Cnrhead, eire-*vrn, Yorkjh. Waldron, Jo. Bank of England V.'allfbrd, Jo. Towi'r Dock Walford, Jo. /.////,- WinchfttrJl. Walford, Luke Wm. Ditto Walker, Jo. Brick lane Walker, Jona. elq. Eernham,near Rotherhnm Walker, Jof. efq. Eajlwood, near Ditto Walker, Jofa. tfq. Cliftr>n, near Ditto Walker, Rich. efq. Manchefter Walker, Rich, at Mr. Willis's, Bo, 0 ugh Walker, Rob. Labour in -vain hill Walker, Sam. efq. Marlborough, near Rotherham Walker, Tho. Holms, near Ditto Walker, Tho. efq. Red/and, Bnftol z Walker, Tho. efq. Manchfler $ Walker, Wm. Gravel I. Houndidifch $ Walker, Wm. Upper Charlotte Jl. Portland place 3 Wallis, Peter, Trump ft. I Walrond, Mifs Eliz. Fryer, Extterl Walfh, Francis, Bank of England Walton, Jo. Church I. WLiUchapel Walton, Pearfon, .-, Mrs. Ann, Macctsfield, Che/hire 1 Wr;>u:.,'.ion, William,efq. Hadley, Mi v.'./.v 3 Wyatt, Rob. Coleman ft. 2 Wvvi.M, Rev. Chrillophcr, Burton hail, T'irkjhire 2 V. Yardley, Samuel, Sbrtwjbury 1 Yaiker, John, ciq. Dei wfkireft. Queen fq. 1 Yates, Rev. Jo. Toxtetb Park, Liv. 2 Yeibury, John, jun. Gracehur ch ft. I Young, Sir Geo. Great RnffielJi. Bloo/r, Ihury 5 Young, Jofhua, 51, New jlairs, Rotherhithe * Young. Will. HarlcyJl. 3 7 be 354 Prudent Mode of elecling the firfl Subfcribcrs to the S. L. Comp. _ ._ j The following Refutations, fiozu what laudable care the original fubferibers look to prevent the. intrufion of improper perfons into the Company, But their humane intention could not be executed, on account of the impoffibdity of obliging perfons who would afterwards become poffeff'ed of f)'tares, as heirs, &c. to difpofe of them in a manner fuilable to the original plan. Befides the unemployed part of the Com-party's capital could fcarcely be expetlcd to be always adequate to the purchafe of the fhares, which would thus be continually falling in, andfor which it would not at all limes be eafy to find proper purchafers. But it is fubmi(ted, Whether this difficulty ?nif'ht not have been avoided, if every fubferiber, in cafe of his death, Gc, had vefled the right of dfpofing of his ftares in the remaining original fubferibers, who might have been empowered to exercife that right, as long as a certain number of themt (fay ) fhould remain. And in all probability, the objeel of the inflitution zo o ul d have been fecured, long before the original fubferibers would have been reduced to fo fmall a number. (See \ 60S, Art. 1. Plan.) 1026. (Abridgment.)—At a General Court, held at thc King's Head Tavern in thc Poultry, on Wednefday, 30th November, 1791.—Read a Report of the Court of Direclors, propofing that, from thc increafe of thc Company's affairs, many Proprietors wilh thc fum of £"',50,000 to be added to the Company's capital. Resolved, /-o,coo to (1.) That not lefs than £",50,000 be added to the £"100,000, voted at the lafl be railed. court. 1 (2.) That every fubfcription be paid at one payment, within a month after the date of a circular letter, from thc Directors, calling for the fame. Howfubfcrib- (3.) That every Proprietor of a fhare, be at liberty to recommend, in perfon at crs are to be t^-s jvIoctinjT, or by letter to the Secretary, on or before Dec. tqth, Proprietors for recommended, . °' , - , , j; . , , . 1 ,, his proportion ot thc new marcs; he declaring the perfon lie recommends to be well affect1 ed to the Company's objefls, and to intend holding his fhares, on Ins own account. [N. B. Every Proprietor of a fhare may recommend for nineteen new fhares in the whole.] and balloted (4.) That the new Proprietors recommended fhall be balloted for on the 20th ior' Dec. at a ballot to be kept open from 12 to 5 o'clock ; and that agreeable to a refo* lution of the laft General Court, one third of the balloters fhall exclude. (5.) That the right of recommending new Proprietors for the deficiency remaining, after the 13th Dec. fhall hc divided equally among the prefent Proprietors, w'no flial! be informed, by letter, ot his tardier fhare of recommendations. (6.) That every Proprietor fill up this his farther fhare of recommendations by a letter to the Secretary, on or before the iff of Feb. and that a farther ballot, of new Proprietors, Hull be taken the bHh of Feb. 2 (7.) That (7.) That fo much of thc £'1,50,000 as fhall not be filled up on thc if! of Feb. may Appendix. he filled up by the exifling Proprietors, either by their taking additional fhares on, p^~^r7*' their own account, or by their recommending new Proprietors, until the whole to recommend c . , r ,. , Subfcriber** deficiency be fupplied. (8.) That, in cafe the capital fhould be increafed beyond £"150,000, the right of according to taking additional fhares fhall be diflributed as equally as poffible among the then Proprietors, in proportion to their fhares; and, if any of them fhall decline taking the fhares due to them, the right of recommendation fhall be diftributed among them on the fame principle of equality. (9.) That the annexed letter be the future form of recommending new members, Form of re-■ t 1 1 a r> f c «. commenda- viz.— ' I bog to recommend A. 1>. 01 for Shares, tlon> and C. D. of for Shares, in the flock of thc Sierra Leona Company, believing they are well afetled to the objecls jor which the Company is ejlablijhed; and that they take the faid flock on their own account. Abridgment of the Acl of Parliament, incorporating the Sierra Leona Company. 1790. 1027. THE Preamble flates, inter alia, that a commercial intercourfe with the interior countries of Africa, would be highly beneficial to the manufactories of Gieat Britain ; that thofe interior countries have not yet been explored by Europeans; that fuch undertakings require a confiderable capital joint flock; that the parties fhould be poffeffed of fome diflrict on the coafl, where they may fecurcly depofit their property; that a fociety.bas been already formed, and confiderable fums fubferibed; but that they are apprehenfive of legal difficulties in recovering debts, &c. unlefs they are regularly incorporated: it is therefore ena6lcd that the fubferibers {who are enumerated in the acl) and thofe who may become fuch, be incorporated under the name of the S. Leona Company, and have a.common feal. II. Thc Company may purchafe lands, not exceeding thc annual value of £2000, and may alfo fell thc fame. III. Thc Company may raife a joint flock, not exceeding £^500,000 by fubferip-tions from members of the Company or other perfons, in fhares of£^o each. IV. Subfcribcrs to have an intereft in the capital joint flock, according to the amount of their fubferiptions; and to be rcfponfible to thc Company's creditois, to that amount, but not farther. Sec § 373. V. The Company not to borrow money, except by a fubfcription for fhares. VI. The Company not to deal in or have flaves. g B 2 VII. Appendix. VII. Thirteen perfons to be chofen by thc members, from among themfelves, v——v— —; to be called a Court of Directors, to manage the Company's affairs. VIII. Thc firfl election of Directors to be made in July, 1791 ; and every fub-fequent election fhall be made between the iff of Jan. and the a ft of April yearly ; and they fhall continue Directors till their fucceflors be fworn into office. IX. Fourteen days' notice of the time of chufing Direclors, to be publifhed in thc London Gazette. X. Thc Directors, at their firft Meeting, to chufe out of their own number a chairman and a deputy chairman, who fhall continue in office, till the fuccecding Directors be fworn in. XI. In cafe of the death, or other avoidance of office, of any of the Directors, on 14 days' notice in the London Gazette, the members of the Company to meet, and chufe a fucceffor or fucceflors, who fhall continue in office, till the fuccecding Directors he fworn in. XI J. The fame rule, mutatis mutandis, to be obferved by the Directors, in chufing a chairman or deputy chairman, in cafe of death, ckc. XIII. Elections and bufinefs in General Courts, to be determined by the majority of votes. XIV. Members of the Company, in General Courts, to have votes, according to thc number of their fhares, namely, 1 or 2 fhares entitles a member to 1 vote; 3 or 4 fhares to 2 votes; 5, 6, or 7 fhares, to 3 votes; 8 or 9 fhares to 4 votes; 10 or more fhares to 5 votes, and no member fhall give more than 5 votes. XV. Directors to take an oath to give their belt advice and afliltance in thc con-ccrnsofthc Company,andto demean themfelves faithfully andhoneflly in theiroffice. XVI. No perfon to have a vote in the election of Directors, or making of bye-laws, but proprietors in their own right, and not in truft. XVII. Where joint proprietors hold a fhare or fhares, the perfon whofe name Hands firft in the Company's books, fhall vote. XVIII. Quakers to make folemn affirmations inftead of the oaths required. XIX. No perfon to be chofen a Director, unlefs poffeffed, in his own right, of one fhare at leaft in the faid capital joint flock. XX. Every Director to take an oath that hc poffeffes, in his own right, one (hare at leaft. X XI. Oaths to be taken by Directors, to be adminiftercd by the Lord Mayor, or any Aidcrman of London, orby any two or more Directors who fhall have been firfl fworn. XXII. In cafe any perfon chofen Director, refufe or neglect to qualify or take the office, a new election to be made. XXIII. Court of Directors, or the majority, (thc Chairman or deputy Chairman being always one) may meet when, and where convenient, may fummon General 1 Courts Courts when they fee caufe; and, in all cafes not provided for by this act, or by the Appendix. bye-laws agreed upon by the General Court, they may act as they think meet. l- -~ XXIV. Directors may appoint Subcommittees to tranfact bufinefs. XXV. The Secretary to be chofen by the Court of Direclors, to receive notice of his election, and to take an oath ot fidelity to the Company, which is to be ad-minifiered by the Direclors. XXVI. Notice to be given to perfons appointed agents or fervants to the Company. XXVII. Directors to adminiiler to agents or fervants, an oath of fidelity to the Company. XXVIII. Secretary, agent, or fervant, neglecting or refuting, for 40 days after receiving notice, to take the oath, vacates his office. XXIX. Members of the Company may meet at any convenient time and place, to chufe Directors, make bye-laws, &c. Such Meeting (the Chairman or deputy Chairman to be always one, except in cafes hereafter mentioned) fhall be called a General Court of the Company. XXX. One General Court in a Year at the leaft to be called, by the Court of Directors. XXXI. In cafes of failure to call them by thc Court of Directors, any 5 of their fuccelfors may call a General Court in the month of May next enfuing. XXXII. On a written requifition from any 9 or more members, at any time, the Directors fhall call a General Court, within 20 days. In cafe of rcfufal, the faid 9 or more members, on 14 days' notice in the London Gazette, may fummon a General Meeting, and appoint one of themfelves chairman, and may hear any complaint againft any Director or Directors. In cafe he or they fhall not clear him or themfelves, then, within 20 days, (notice being publifhed as aforefaid) another General Court fhall meet and determine thc matter, and may remove fuch Director or Directors, and elect one or more Directors in his or their place. XXXIII. The General Meeting may make bye-laws and inflict penalties, fo tluft the fame be not repugnant to thc laws of the realm, The penalties to be applied to the ufe of the Company. XXXIV. Firft General Court to be held in July, 1791. XXXV. Chairman to have the calling vote, when the number of votes is equal, either in a General Court, or in a Court of Directors. XXXVI. A Court of Directors, to be held at leaft every month; and, if the Chairman or deputy Chairman neglect or refute to call fuch Court, then 5 or more Directors, on reafonab'e notice in thc London Gazette, may fummon the faid Court. XXXVII. The Chairman or deputy Chairman, within 2 hours after thc Meeting of thc Directors, fending notice of their inability to attend, the other Members may proceed to bufinefs without them. XXXVIII. Books by the name of " The Ledger of the Capital Joint Stock of the Sierra Leona Company," and " Thc Transfer-book of the Sierra Leona Company," AppEN-mx. pany,"' to be kept, fworn to by the accomptant, il' required ; and, from time to time, ■ ---J to lie open tor infpeciion. XXXIX. Shares to be transfcrrablc by an entry in the transfer-book, figned by the party, to this effect.. I A. B. dotransfer and affign unto C. D. his executors, adminiftrators, and Affigns, my Share or Shares [as the cafe may be~] in the Capital Joint Stock of the Sierra Leona Company, and all benefit ariling therefrom. Witncfs my hand, this Day of in the Year of our Loid Or, by his attorney, to this effect I A. B. by virtue of a Letter of Attorney from C. D. dated the Day of in Year ot our Lord do in the name and on thc behalf of thc (aid C, D. transfer and affign unto E. F. his executors, adminiftrators, and affigns, the Share or Shares of the faid C D. in the Capital Joint Stock of thc Sierra LeonaCom* puny, and all benefit arifing therefrom. Witnefs my Hand, the Day of in the Year of our Lord XL. No perfon to claim as executor, ad mi nil! rat or, or devifec, without producing the probate or letters of adminiftration, of which a memorandum mult be entered in the transfer-book, which lhall lie open for infpeciion, without tee. XLI. For preventing doubts with refpect to the credit of the Companv, an account of their debts, credits, and capital, figned by the Chairman, deputy Chairman and £ other Dirctlors, fhall be publilhed in the London Gazette in April, every year. XLII. The Directors to appoint officers and fervants, continue them while they think fit, and eftabli'h their falaries. XI III. Shares in the Capital Joint Stock to be deemed perfonal cftate. XLI V. His Majefly impowered to grant, and the Company to hold, the cxclufive right of fuch part of the Peninfula of Sierra Leona, as may be vcfted in His M.ijelly, by grant or purchafe from the native kings; and the Company empowered to pur-ohafc, if they think fit, the reft of that peninfula, from the native kings, Sec. XLV. The fhips of the African merchants, may, as heretofore, anchor in Sierra Leona and Camaranca rivers, may build temporary tents and huts on fhore, and may purchafe from the natives, ivory, wax, camwood, and provifions, fire-wood and water, without any new charge. XLVI. Proceedings, in purfuance of this aft, not to be quafhed or vacated for want of form. XLVII. Actions for things done in purfuance of this act, to be brought within 6 months after the fact. The defendant may plead thc general iffue, and give this act in evidence, and then the jury fhaii find for thc defendant, or the Court of Seffion in ♦Scotland fhall difmifs the f it, and the defendant have treble cofls. XLVIII. The duration of this act, and confequently of ihe Sieira Leona Company, limited to 31 years from the firft day of July, 1791. XLIX. This act to be deemed a public act. LIST (§ 1028.) LIST OF THE ORIGINAL SUBSCRIBERS TO THE ASSOCIATION FORMED IN 17^, FOR CULTIVATING the island of bulama; AND BY THAT MEANS PROMOTING THE CIVILIZATION of AFRICA. This fubfcription was raifed in London and Manchefter, upon lands to be purchafed, from the native chiefs of the I/land of Bulama, and the adjacent parts of the continent. Abfentee Subfcribers paid £60 per 500 acres, and Coionift Subfcribers £30 per 500 acres :—8680 acres were to be given gratis to the governor and the other officers who were to conduit the firft expedition. The figures annexed to the names denote the number of acres fubferibed for. The names marked with aftcrifks come under the Manchefter fubfcription. Abfentee Subfcribers 500 250 500 125 500 500 500 250 500 500 250 5co •Afzelius, Dr. Adam, Up/a/, Sweden * AI fop, George, Manchefter •Baker, Thomas, efq. Ditto Banbury, W. efq. \66,BiJhopgate without •Barton, Henry, Manchefter •Bateman, Thomas, Ditto •Retry, Jeremiah, StoJport •Ih'uns, Jofhua, Manchefter •Birch, So. Ditto •Birch, ScKoteii Ditto Clew, Win. High Lords Court, Crutchcd Fryars •Broadhurfl, John, Manchefter Campbell, Heft. 1 2, Newcaftle ft .Strand Z50 Cock, Ambrofe Hindc, 65, L. Shadwell 250 ♦Collin, John, Stockport 500 •Cooper, Thomas, eft]. Manchefter 500 •Cooper, William, Leeds 250 Coflctt, William, efq. 500 Cotton, Jof. Exchequer, Chigwell, Effex 125 Denham, Thomas, 500 Dickenfon, S. 31, Stanhopeft. Clare Mar.250 Dickenfon, Thomas, 250 •Dodgfon, J. Manchefter 250 Douglas, Hon. Dunbar, at Couts Trotter's, Somerfet place tOOO *Doxon, James, Manchefter 12 CO •Dunderdalc, David, Leeds 500 or Purchafers of Land. Duppa, Mrs. Sarah, * Eden fo r, J ohn, Manchefter * Eden for, Wm. Johnfon, Ditto I CI kins, Randolph, Etheridge, John, fen. Hoxton Etheridge, John, jun. Ditto •Fielding, John, Manchefter Fletcher, Henry, 184, Wapping •Fogg, Ralph, Manchefter •Fogg, Thomas S. Ditto Frogley, Bartho.efq. 28, Winchcfterft. *Gce, Robert, Stockport Gibbens, John, 3, City Road Goodwin, Dav. 6c, Lower Shadwell Goring, Charles, Gration, Thomas, Norton Fa/gate •Hanfon, Jofeph, Manchefter Harrifon, Wm. efq. Bread ft. Hart well, Geo. efq - Navy Office 2 co 2JO 500 250 1*5 125 250 250 500 250 i2c 500 500 250 500 500 2000 Hayne, Win* 3, Broadway, Blackfriars 25O Ilcywood, Geo. Manchtfler •Hilton, Thomas, Ditto Hopkins, Jofhua, efq. Elder ft. Norton Falgate •Inkerfole, Jofeph, Leicefter •Jackfon, John, Mancbtfttr •Jackfon, ]ohn,Leiafier •johanfen, Andrew, Tftad, in Sweden 500 500 i*5 250 500 500 250 •Jowett, •Jowett, Benj. Leeds 500 •Ray, Benj. and Sons, Ditto 500 *Kay, Benj. junr. Ditto . 500 Kcyfer, AfTur and Cohan, Sam. Revis Maris, St. Mary Axe 5co Kirkpatrick, J.S. efq. x^Jfohnjl. Adelp.i 250 I.angdale, J a. 16, 'Tabernacle rbHii I 2 5 LeMefurier, Paul,efq. M. P. Walbrook 1750 Locke, John, jlreet hill 250 Loufada, Em. Barah, jun. efq. 36, iVy Jl. Rathbone place 250 *Lupton, Jonathan, Leeds 250 Lopes, M. 250 M angles, J a. efq. 272, Wafping 250 Miller, Sir J. Riggs, Bart. , 1750 •Mitchel, William, Manchejler 500 Mocatt^, Jacob, 250 Montefiorn, Sam. Vita, ManjellJl. Good- fnansfelds 150 Morgan, F. L. 250 Mullens, Wm. 26, BariltU Buildings 500 Paiba, Roland, Garraivay's CojJ'ee houfe I 2 5 Parker, Ifaac, Putney, Surry 250 Pearce, Wm. 12, Hovulaud Jl. 12c Phillips, Ifaac, 27, City road 1 25 •Phillips, John, junr. Manchtjlcr 500 ♦Phillips, Robert, Ditto 1000 •Phillips, George, Ditto 1000 •Phillips, Thomas, and Co. Ditto 1000 •Phillips, Chritlopher, t'allifax 250 •Preilon, Thomas. Manchtjlcr 500 Reed, Shakefpeare, 250 •Recs, C. G. Manchejler 250 •Rces, P. L. 250 Rcid, R. efq atPaul leMfurier's, Walbr.2zq •Rob::its, Rich, efq Mauchijler 500 •Rofs, Jofeph, Brijlol 250 Rickets, John, 2co •Salmon, Jofhua, Whitlenham, Manchejler 250 •Sanders, George, Whitby 500 Scott, Dav. M. P. Upper HarleyJl. 1750 Secatan, Fred. Sam. efq. 6, Walbrook 2 50 Sherwood, John, 76, Z>r«>j AnM 1 25 •Sidgreavcs, Ja. Manchejler 250 •Slater, William, * 250 Smith, Nathan. Knightflridge 500 Sncyd, Tho. i S, Hertjordjl. May fair 250 Sneyd, Ralph, Ditto 250 •Sotheby John, Mancl flsr 12$ •Stanley, C.'iarlcs. /).///? 250 •Stopford, Mifs Jane, Sf-> kport ■ 250 •Sykes, William, MaucLjler 500 Symcoe, John, i c, Oakley-/I reef, Lam- beth, Suny 2 ck3 Texcira, Abraham 250 Tulk, John, Aug. 21, SloaneJlreet, Knightjotidge zco Vial, G. W/c8, Wheelcr-ft. Stutelfelds 1 2c. •VVadllrom, Mrs. Ulrica,Manchefter 500 Wainwright, Charles, S-.. George's Turnpike, Ejl 121; Walker, Jofeph, efq. Doclors' Commons 250 Walker, Rev. Wm. 31, S.anhoieJlreet CAaremarket 250 •Walker, Mifs Charlotte, S ockport 250 •Wardle, James, Muuehcfter 500 Watts, Ja. 16, Tabernacle -row, Ciy-rotid 1 2 c Webb, Samuel, 71, Grub ftreet 250 Webber, James, h A'nkjhat 500 •Webller, Robert, Whitby 500 Whitewood, Peter, 2, Old Burlington-jl. 25,0 Wilfon, Giffin, elq. 10, Lincoln s-it.n, Keiv-jqn:ptcn-jl. Soho 12$ Woodburn, Mrs. Jane, Peterjha/n, Surry 250 Wootton, Jo. 12, While's-al. Coletnan-J). 125 •Worthington, Thomas, Manchejler 250 Ximenes, Abr. Garraway's C'j/ee-boufe 12C Ximencs, Mof efq. 30, Upper Gowtrfl.tooo Young, William, liar ley-jlreet 500 Colonifl, Subfcribers to the Bulama Affociation, and whofailed for that If and on the firft Expedition, in 1792. Aberdeen, C. E. 250 •Afzelius, Dr. Adam, Utfafa, in Sweden 500 Ahlelund, Adolpb, from Stvtdt* 500 Ballard, William Edward, 2$° Banfield, William, 500 Bant, Mr?. Anna, 125 Bant, Mifs Ann, 500 Bant, Mifs Elizabeth, 500 Bant, Mils Millefent, ceo Bayley, Nicholas, $co Beaver, Philip, efq. Lieut, iu the Na-vy 1000 Bollock, Robert C. S°° Brodie, Francis, zoco Burdet, Henry, 2CO CUtttcibuek,- Peter, 1 500 Cut wood, John, 1000 Curry, Abraham, 500 Dobbin, Robert, ioco Drake to the Bulama Affociation. 361 Drake, Charles, 1500 Donnelly, Francis, 500 •Raiser, Timothy, 2000 Fielder and Butler, 1250 Finhy, Juft ice, 125 F'ynn, Thomas, 1000 Ford, Richard, 500 Freeman, Jofeph, 500 Gandcll, John Strathen, 500 Hancorne, Richard, 500 Marl'v, John, 500 Haltpn. Sir W. 500 Hood, John, 250 Keyburn, George, 75° King,John, 5°° Laivlefs, John, 500 Lom>botham, BulkHey Thomas, 500 Malli.-foi, John Kennedy, 500 Maifack, Charles T. icoo Me ten If) Hicks, 500 Metcalf, William, 500 Mont fiore, Jofli. S°° Morfe, John, 250 Munden, John, Neild, Richard Cloudefley, 'Nordenfkiold, Auguft. FtnL O/.anne, Thomas, Paiba, John William, Paiba, John, Parny, Henry, Percira, Benjamin, Pereira, Mordet, Price, Dolphin, Pullen, W. Reynolds, John, Robinfon, Charles, Seaton, R. Sherwood, Charles, Smith, William, Sparks, Thomas, Squire, John, Ward, Richard Samuel, Webfter, Robert, Wightman, Daniel, Ximcnes, Ifaac, Young, J. 500 ArPEN nix. I 250 L-r-—' we Jen 500 I OOO 500 icoo 500 1000 500 500 12s 2cco ^oo 5OO 5OO 625 25O 25O 2JO I0OO 2 50 75O COO Lands granted gratis, before thc Expedition failed. Dalrymple, H. II. efq. GiVtr.nr Ba t, W. efq. Bailed J. Surgeon licnot, John, efq. Secretary 500 500 500 Marlton, Benjamin, Swveyor Rowe, John, Surgeon Williams, Oie'/ej.)—not to be attributed to the climate, § 546. -Ship of war ordered to aflift the colony, § 547.-Reafons for additional fubferi prions, § 548.—Letters defciiptive of the foil, climate, &c. § 550.—Mr. Beaver left with 20 men, § 552.—Vote of thanks, Sec. to him and Mr. Hood, ib. note.-Bijugas meditate an attack, § 553.—Block-houfe, &c. erected, § 554.—General defpondency and ficknefs, § 555.—Vifit of the Canabacs, § 556,—which alarms and harrafies the colonifts, § 557.—Colony extremely weak,§ 5 59.-Another vifit of thc Canabacs, §560. -Mr. Beaver aftifts S. Leona with provifions, § 562 .-Ship of war approaches Bulama § 563,—miffed by bad charts § 564.—Vifit of Bijugas, § 565.-Capt. of man of war mufters the colony. His kindnefs, § c66.-Bijugas, though 150 flrong, retreat and why, § 567.—Land cleared and ready for the plough, § 568.—Capt. Moore quarrels with the Portug. and detains Mr. Beaver's difpatches, which ruins the colony, § 570.—Harmony between thc colony and it's neighbours, § 572.-Hankey, falfely reported to have the plague, is put under quarantine, § 573,-which prevails application for a charter, § 574. S. Leona Comp. kindly orders the Felicity to call at Bulama with fupplics, § 575__Greater fupplies fent, but arrived not in time, § 576".-Lands cleared, &c. Hens and goats in plcn- tv, European and tropical vegetables thrive, § 577.-Number of labourers, § 578.-S. Leona Comp. generoufly fumifh 10 barrels of pork, ib.-colony only wanted men, ib.—Biafaras invite Mr. Beaver to build a town, ib.-Mr. Beaver fooths the impatient colonifts, ^ -jg.-who perfift in their intention to leave Bulama, § 5S0.-Mr. B. reluctantly yields, and why, ib.--arrives at S. Leona: his opinion of the Bulama undertaking, § 581.- Supplies arrive a month after the evacution, § 582.-Statement of accounts, § 583.- ---Truftees' opinion of a future undertaking, § 584,-if in war, a fmall one recommended, § 585,-eltimated expenfe, § 586,-means of defraying it, § 587.-Lands to be devtded in the beginning of the 2d. year, § 588.-Truftees' opinion of foil, &c. of Bulama, ^ [j3g.-Petition for a charter prepared, § 591--African facts not yet publifhed, § 592. -Civilization the great object of thc Britifh colonies in Africa, § 593.-Prefent Europeans pecunlarixed, ib--Names of fubferibers to African colonization, § 594.--A cafe of real and preffing diflrefs, ib. Aquapim. Danifli. Dr. Ifert, a German gentleman, founds this colony, § 596.-Danifh government fupport it,§ 597,-Slaves temporarily introduced, § 598.-Dr. Ifert dies and Lieut. Col. Rohrs is appointed to fuccecd him, § 599--Gov. Biorn's account of the colony, ib. Swedifli Defign or Attempt. Meeting at Norktoping, in 1779, § 601,•-propofe to form a new community, in Africa, §603,604.—Their opinion confirmed by Des Marchais, Sec. 605.—Outline of their plan, § 606. § 606.-New clarification cf the community, independent of all feudal ideas, ibid. No. 3 note. —Oppofition of the flave-trade, § 607.—King of Sweden grants a charter to 40 families, § 609. -M. Chauvel's plan for fearching for gold, § 610.-The author's petition granted, § 61 1.—Objects of the author's voy. to Africa, § 612.-Difficulties in France furmounted, § 613.—Arrival in Africa, § 614.—Chev. de Bouflier's excellent character, ib.—The author's excurfions, § 615.—Difappointmcnts, and their caufes, ib.—French Senegal Company rapacious, ib. note.—Return to Europe, § 616.—C. Verd eligible for colonization, § 617.— Caufes of the author's flay in England, $ 618—Promifing afpect of his object, § 619;—was led into great danger by minifterial artifice in Sweden, ib. note;—is engaged by the Eritiflr miniftry to go to Africa, and a veflel equipped, ,b.—is difappointed in England by a threatened war with Spain, § 620;—enters into die cotton manufacture, and why, ib. note.—His prefent hopes, § 621. APPENDIX. Containing Notes, Quotations, and Documents, fome of which, had they been fooner obtained, might have been more properly inferlcd in thc Body of the Work. Dr. Smeathman's Letters refpecling Africa. Produce, § 622, 627.—Tendency of thc Doctor's plan, § 623, et y^.—Government and ftatc of the flaves, § 628—Why traders become chiefs, $ 629. —Free fociety might eafily be formed, ^.—Cultivation and trade, § 632. — Natives unite their exertions in certain inftances, § 633,—their character mifreprcfented, § 635,—and might be improved, § 636.—Cuftoms againft induftry, § 637.—Might be reformed by good laws, § 63S.-Wh.itj tradefmen, Sec. to be chofen as colonifts, § 640.—Alfo free blacks from thc W. Indies, § 641.—A mixed people eafily formed into a fociety, § 642.—Propofed fituation, % 643.—Seeds, Sec. to be carried out, ib.—Prefcrvation of health, 646.—Heads of the Doctor's plan, 648.—His letter? among the valuable MSS. of Dr. Lettfom, § 650 —His difintcrcftcd fpirit of enterprise, ib. 41 Tranfcript of a Paper of a Quantity of Gold, up the R+ver Gambay, in 1693." Publifhed by the Rev. W. Dcrhani, F. R. S. in 1726. The quantity of gold great, § 651.—Directions refpecting the boat and chemical apparatus, § 652.—Marks to find the place, § 656.—Sca-horfcs and crocodiles troublefome, § 659.— 63 gr. gold from 51b. fand, Sec. § 666.—Above 1 2lb. 5 oz. got in 20 days, ib.—River (hallow, water bad, § 667.—Gold in an aftonifhing quantity, § 669. From Dr. Franklin s Fffays on Luxury, Innocent luxury promotes induftry, § 670.—Navigation, when ufeful and when noxious, § 671.—Sugar may be faid to be tinged with human blood, $ 673.—Dearer in Paris and London than in Vienna, 674. (See §268.) Notes and Documents refpecling S. Leona and Bulama. Note A —Culony propofed by an Afr. king, in 1726, § 676.—Fruiiratcd by a Aave-cap^ tain's vilainv, ib. Note B.—Firft colonifts of S. Leona moftly profligates, § 677.—Provided with neceflaries by Government, and with comforts by Mr. Sharp, § 678.—Their mortality in England; fail under Capt. Thompfon, § 679.—Would not work, § 680.—Mortality from bad huts, §681.—Obliged to plant, § 682.—Capt. T's fhip loft but one man, § 685.—Bad water do.vft the coaft, ib.—Excellent water at S. Leon,., ib.-Mr. Sharp fends a veffel to relieve the colony, § 687,—but the captain deceives him, ib.—Many colonifts emigrate, 2 fold as flaves, M. of W. Ordered to call at S. L. § 688.—St. George's Bay Co. incorporated as S. L. Co. § 689.—Firft minutes of the former, § 690. NoteQ.—Situation of the colonifts after their difperfion, § 691. Note D.—Mr. Falconbridge fixes them at Granville town, § 692. Note E.—Account?, old and new, of the climate, &c. of S. Leona, proving that the gentlemen concerned had very good reafons for fixing the colony there, § 693. Note F.—'Fhe author paffes over the article Produce, in the report, becaufe he has already bellowed a chap, (the 5th,) on that fubject, § 694, (See alfo § 622, and 792, et Jeq.) Note G.—Caufes of the general profligacy of blacks in London, § 695. Note IL—Firft terms offered to colonifts by thc S. Leona Company, § 696. Note I.—The author acknowledges the attention which thc Directors have paid to fome gentlemen whom he recommended to them, § 697. Note K.—Danger of the colony's enemies becoming Directors, § 69S;-may be avoided by giving the colonifts a fhare in the government, § 699. Note L.—111 ufagc of black American loyalifts, § 700;-iniquitoufly enflaved, by unprincipled whites fwcaring to a property in them, ib--Slavery corrupts mafters, § 702; ■ proved by the crowds of ufclefs black domeftics kept in Jamaica and Barbadoes, ib. NoteNl.—Sketch of thehift. of the queflion of the Abolition of the Slave-trade, § 704;-• and of the writings and exertions of Mr. T. Clarkfon and Mr. J. Clarkfon in that great caufe, § 706. Jhte N.—Public fample-room, in a new colony, recommended, § 708. Kate O.—Bulama colonifts wjftied not to intrude at S. Leona, § 710.—Many of them profligates, fome of them perfons of rcfpeclability, §711. Note p.—Mr. Dawes, Mr. Watt, and Mr. Macauley, how employed before they went to S. Leona, § 7 12. Note —Is a reference to Note BB. Note R.—Reafons for inferring fome account of Mr. Nordenfkiold's expedition and death, 714.—His ficknefs before he embarked, &c. § 715.—Some account of his expedition up the country, § 716--His goods flolen, ib.-Hc is taken illand dies, § 717.-Who it wa9 that probably ftole his goods, § 718.-He received no falary, and his widow and children no provifion, §720.-Yet Dr. B.'s widow was provided for, ib. note.—The authoi's letter to the Direclors on that fubject, ib. Note^.—Mr. Strands death and character, § 721. Note CONTENTS OF PART THE SECOND. 'Note T.—Enormous mortality of feamen in the flave-trade, as teftified by the mutter-rolls, $ 723 ;—compared with thc fmall mortality of the feamen employed by theS. Leona Co. §724. Note. U.—Climates improve by cultivation, § 725. Note W.—Reafons for rcfumiog the confideration of money, § 726.-Caufes for increafing the N. Scotian's wages, § 727.-Artificial and natural civilization defined, ib. note.-• Bars confufed to the whites, as money is to the blacks, § 728.-European money would injure the Africans, § 729.--They fell the dollars, § 731.-European money a luxury, § 7^3 ;-which tends toenflave mankind, § 734.-Derivation of perfonal flavery, § 735, note.—Real iron bars have not that tendency, § 736.—Credit natural and artificial, § 737-—- Price depending on demand cannot be fixed, § 738.-How bufinefs can be conducted in fociety, without credit, § 740.—That thc circulation of gold and filver, according to their weight and flandard, would caufe no impofition, § 741__Check on fpeculation commerce, ib. note.—Societies might be provided, without the aid of fpeculation commerce, § 743. —-Weight and denominations of S. Leona coin, § 744. (See the errata.) Note X. 1. — S. Leona cultivation fimilar to the W. Indian, § 745.—Labourers called out with a horn, work under a planter's eye, &c. § 746, etfeq.—Ten hours daily labour too much in a tropical climate, § 749.—Civilization cannot advance where labourers are not interefted in produce, § 750.-Evils attending the cotton manufacture, § 751;-and that of fugar, ^ 7P,_Little differences between manager and labourers at S. Leona, § 753.-General character of lower overfeers in the W. Indies, ib. note.--Extreme danger of the W. Indian fyflem being complcatcd at S. Leona, § 754.—Caufes of the ruin of W. Indian ettates, ib. note. . Deplorable effects of forcing fugar cultivation, $ 755-'-Delufivc eftimates framed by the W. Indians to impofe on the credulous,/£. note.—Another plan recommended, § 757.— A rude people to be led to activity by innocent luxuries, § 758.—[Native chiefs to be conciliated, § 760.—Provifions eafily raifed, ib.—alfo provender, § 761 ;-but not fugar, indigo, <&c. § 762.-When fugar fhould be introduced, § 763.-Mr. Botham's account of the cultivation of fugar eftates, by free labourers near Batavia, &c. § 764, et fq.—A modification of Mr. B's plan recommended, § 773.—French and Britifli modes of cftablifhing fugar eftates, § 774.-Britifh unprofitable, ib. Note X. 2.—Character of the N. Scotians fairly and ably drawn by the Directors, § 755 but their claims, drc. fhould be inveftigated, § 776. Note Y. 1.—Canvas houfes foon decayed, § 778.—Mr. Dubois's merit and fervices, ib. No:c Y. 2.—Oracle near C. Palmas, § 779. Note Z. i.—The S. Leona Company's profits, § 780. Note Z. 2.—Additional anecdotes of J. H. Naimbanna, §782;—and of the famous negro job Ben Solomon, § 783 ;—who while in England wrote a copy of the Alcoran from memory, jl,——-Account of a kidnapped African prince who arrived in England in 1788, § 784.- A mercantile fpeculation in his perfon, § 785.—The author frees him from his bondage, § 786. —His character and death, § 787.—Slavedealers can fit upon a jury, but no butchers, § 789, and note.-Political and Mercantile Slavery defined, § 791, et fq. Note A A.—Mr. Afzelius's account of the animal and vegetable productions of S. Leona, §792, ft Jeq--Caution againft thc danger of a rafh and indiscriminate ufe of Caffada, § 802, note. Note BB.—Mr. Afzelius's account of the late tranfactions of the French at S. Leona, § 804. -Colony, profperous, before the attack, ib.-attacked, and after fome firing, fubmits, § 806.—Moft of the colonifts fled, § 807.—The colony plundered, &c. § 808.—Mr. Afzelius's loffes, § 809—Prizes taken, § 810.—The fquadron fails, § 811 —Sicknefs but no want, § Si2.—Mr. Afzelius's peculiar misfortunes, § 813.— Ihe French fquadron feem ignorant of the object of the colony, § 815-—Mr. Afzelius's own remarks, § 816.—Mr. Afzelius though a Swede, was plundered, § 817.—Agreement of the publick and private accounts of this affair § 819, etfeq.—French incited to this attack, § 821.—Mr. Beaver's opinon of Mr. Paden-heim, ib. note.—Proceedings at a General Meeting of the S. Leona Comp. reflecting the French attack, § 822.—Sicknefs and want of medicines, § 824,—favourable circumftances, § 825.—Comp. lofs and remaining ftock, § 826.—Small veffels and goods on fhore not in-fured, and why, § 827.—Good effects expected from the calamity, § 828.—Sugar apparatus deflroyed by the French, ib. note.—Supplies fhipped and Mr. Dawes returns to the colony, § 829.—Contraction of the Company's plan, § 830.—N. Scotians want inftructors, § 831.— Directors determine to perfevere, ib.—Slave-trade checked by the French, § 832.—Civilization the Company's chief object, § 833.—Offer of the French Convention to fpare the colony, &c. § 836.—'Fhe chairman explains this matter, § 837.—Opinion of Mr. Tho. Clarkfon and thc other Directors refpecling it, ib. note.—Debate, § 838, etfeq.—Attack not authorized by the French Convention, § 842.—Mr. Fiend's motion, § 845.—The matter left to the Directors, § 851.—Proceedings at another General Meeting, on this fubject, § 839.—Mr. F. propofes a delegate to be fent to the French Convention, § 860.--The part the author took in this bufinefi, and his intended addrefs, to thc General Meeting, ib. note.—Mr. F's proportions debated on and rejected, § 862, etfeq.—Election of new Directors, § 869.—Letters dated March 14th, 1795. ft ate the recovery of the colony, after the late difafter, ib. note.—Mr. Watt and Mr. Winterbottom's new journey, ib. Note C C. Impolitic condition propofed by the Bulama Affociation, § 870,—it's effects in Jamaica, \ 871,—would ruin Bulama, § 872. NoteDD.—Sailing of the Bulama expedition retarded by the Miniftry, § 873. Note E E.—Bad character of the generality of the Bulama colonifts, § 874. Note FF. — Bulama colonifts attacked by the natives, for want of an interpreter, § 876.— The author's letter to the Governor of Goree, in favour of Mr. Dalrymple, Sec. ib.—Mr. D. prevented from getting an interpreter, by the obftinacy of the council, § 877. 'Note G G.--Mortality at Bulama owing to fatigue, Sec. not to the climate, § 879. __Provifions in plenty, § 880.——12 acres of land cleared, § 881.--Mr. Beaver's perfeverance, founded on^conviction, § 882.--Colonifts moftly profligates, § 883.--- Cultivation and trade, § 884.---Colonifts able to hire labourers, if credited with provifions, may be fure of fuccefs, § 886.—Colony prepared for new inhabitants, § 8S7.—Value of land and ftock at Bulama, § 888.—Commercial profpects, ib.—Long filence of the Truftees, § 889.—Plenty of game, $ 890. — Colony wants but men, § 891—Diflntereftednefs of Mr. Beaver, § 892—Vicinity abounds with eligible fituations, § 893.—Colony wants nothing, § 894.—Colonifts will vigoroufly cultivate their oiou land only, § 896.—Number that ought to embark, and when, <§ 897.—No women or female children fhould go out, Sec. 898. —Grumettas fhould be protected, their difpofltion, &c. § 899.—Church, fchool, &c. § 900. — Security and profperity at little expenfe, § 901.—£3000 thrown away at firft, § 902. Mr. Beaver's opinion of the late failure, and future fuccefs at Bulama, § 904.—Caufes of failure, lft, Vices of the colonifts. 2d, Arriving in the rains. 3d, Want of (belter, § 905, et feq. -Caufes of radical errors, § 9o9.-Probability of future fuccefs, § 9 ro,-becaufe the foil and fituation for trade are excellent, gn,etfq—Fine timber, &c. § 914.—Climate and productions, 915, etfeq. 924,——Lands purchafed, § 920.-Mortality not owing to the climate, § 922,—which is better than that of S. Leona, § 923.—Important particulars ascertained, £ 925.—Nothing wanting but a charter, § 926.—Natives pacific, § 927.—Abltract account of the Bulama colonifts, § 933. —Mortality great but not peculiarly fo, § 936.—Attempt to colonize wafte lanJs in Jamaica, abortive irom the fame caufes which prevailed at S. Leona and Bulama, ib, note. Note H 1L 1.-Ignorance and rudenefs of fome ancient and modern legiflators, § 937. NoteHH. 2.-E. Indian fubferibers to the Bulama undertaking, § 938. Farther Account of the Danifli colony, at Aquapim. It's fituation inconvenient for commerce, J 9.^.1,-but healthful, ib.—another eolonyefta- blifhed near it, ib.-rains more regular than near the coaft, ib.-and cotton and maize flouriih, ib.--A negro from Dunco, an induflrious and fuccefiful cultivator, § 943.-A Daniih lady (Mifs Flint) has accompanied her brother to Aquapim, and is fuccefsfully in- -ilrucling the negro women in needle work, fpinning cotton, &c. § 945. Documents refpecling the Swedifh Colonial Defign. No. r. Defcription of Cape Mefurado, — affords good fupplies for fhipping, § 946,—and good anchorage, § 947.—The king's reception of the Chev. des Marchais, § 948. —C. Mefu-rado defcribed, § 949,—alfo the river, § 950.—The K. gives Des Marchais an ifland, and prefleshimto fettle on it, § 951.-Tide and water, § 952.—Dutch and Englifh diftruiled,. French beloved, § 953.—Natives not bigoted, § 954. —Country populous, becaufe flave-trade fmall, § 955.—Character of natives, § 956,—their houfes, § 957,—their women good wives-and mothers, § 958.—Extent of king Peter's territories, § 959.—Whole country fertile and produce abundant, § 960.—Advantages of this Ifland offered to Des Marchais, § 962.—It's difadvantages, § 963.—Des Marchais prefers the Cape itfelf, and why, § 964.—It might be advantageoufly fortified, § 965,—and at little expenfe, § 966.—-Goods proper for Mefurado, § 967.—Annual prefents to the kings, § 968.—Firft expenfe, ib.—Officers falaries, ib.- Flat bottomed boats for the river trade recommended, § 970.—All Europeans, except French, require garrifons, § 971. R. St. Andrew alfo proper for a colony, § 972. Ex trails from various Writers concerning W. Coajl of Africa, &c. Extracts from Tilleman, § 973,—from Rafk, § 974,—from Grand Pierre, § 975,—from an anonymous writer, § 976,—from U. Nordenfkiold, § 977,—from G. Sharp, § 978,—from Weft.—Climate and choice of colonifts, § 980, 992.—(Dr. Franklin's) opinion of new colo-nifls, § 981..-Philanthropy of the Danifh Government, § 982.—Similarity between children and negroes, § 983.-Management of negro flaves, § 984,-incorporation of them into the flate in 1S02, §985.—Colonial regulations, §906.——Bad coftfequences of money, §987,. § 9S7.-Crops, health and climate, § 988, etfeq.—In Jamaica, every 5 negroes are computed to raife ghhdt. fugar, § 990, note. No. 2. Plan for exploring Africa, by M. Chauvel, Swedifi Conful General, at Havre de Grace, drawn up in 1784. M. Chauvel miftakes the propofals made to him. § 995.--M. David's exertions for opening the gold mines, § 997.-The climate of Galam, ib. note.-Expenfe of the expedition, S 998,-and it's objects, § 999.—Trade combined with the mining fcheme, $ 1000, No. 3. Letters explaining various difficulties in thc execution of the author's un* dertaking, Sc. Letter from the acting Director of thc Senegal Co. to the Swedifh AmbafTador, the Baron de Stael.-(4.) From the fame to the fame.--(5.) From the French Minifter, the Mare- fchal dc Caftries to the Baron de Stael.-(6.) From the fame to M. Goury at Whidah, to M. Vallicre, Vice Conful at Tripoly, &c. No. 7. Exlrafl of a Letter, from Granville Sharp, Efq. to the Inhabitants of the Province of Freedom, at Sierra Leona. Mr. S. generoufly recommends lands to be given gratis, § 101 8,--to feveral Eng. gentleman and negroes, § 1019,——alfo to u Swedifh gentlemen, § 1023,—his reafons, § 1024. Reafons for infer ting Lifts of the S. Leona and Bulama Sub- fcribers, § 1025. LIST of the original Subfcribers to the S. Leona Company, inflituted for promoting the civilization of Africa.—Prudent mode of electing the firft Subfcribers of the S. Leona Company. £50,000 to be added to the joint ftock, § 1026.-How fubferibers were to be recommended, No. 3,-and balloted for, No. 4.-Proprietors to recommend Subfcribers according to their fhares, No. 7 and 8.-Form of recommendation, No. 9.—The Act of Parliament for incorporating the S. Leona Company, in XLIX Articles, § 1027. LIST cf ihe original Subfcribers to the Affociation for Cultivating the Ifland of Bulama, and by that means promoting the civilization of Africa, § 1028.-Abfentee Subfcribers. Colonift Subfcribers.-Subferiptions raifed in London.-Ditto in Manchefter. VALUABLE MANUSCRIPTS.—Dr. Smeathman's collection of journals and MSS. ^ 1029;—are fpeaking proofs of the Dr's. ability and zeal, § 1030.—His obfervations on the thermometer, § L031.—An interefting MSS. refpecling colonization, § 1032.—Anecdote refpecling Dr. u's characler, § 1034. CURIOUS ANECDOTE, refpeaing the firft velTel for difcovery fitted out from N. America, § 1035 ;—wbich purchafed a fine trail of land fit for colonization, § 1036. ADVERTISEMENT.—The author's reafons for his delay.—Recommends a periodical publication reflecting Africa to all fubferibers, &c. 3 ADVERTISEMENT. THE author is forry to find himfelf under thc ncceffity of fintfhing this fecond part, as he did the firfl, wlHi fome apology to the fubferibers for the delay of it's publication, beyond the time propofed. One caufe Gf thjs delay, was the unexpected increafe of interefling matter which the reader will find, by looking into the Appendix, muft have been excluded, had the work bell publifhed fooner. For fome other valuable information he has waited, and he is forry to add, too much in vain. He alludes particulary to the journal of Mr. Watt and Mr. Winterbottom, when they penetrated to the capital of the Foulahs, in 1794, Tnc- perufal of this important document was promt fed to the author by feveral of the Directors. But, he prefumcs, unavoidable caufes have prevented them from favouring him with this communication. It's interefling nature, he hopes, will juflify his waiting thus long; but the attention he owes to his refpeftable fubferibers forbids him to wait any longer. Having mentioned the communication of papers, he hopes hc may be permitted to obferve, that, from what he has undcrflood, a monthly publication, containing all the intelligence received by the fuperintendams of colonial undertakings in Africa, in it's original form and words, would be extremely acceptable to many or moft of the Proprietors; not to mention numbers of other perfons who wilh to extend their imperfect knowledge ot Africa. The increafed fize and expenfe of the work, will account for thc increafe of thc price to non fubferibers. The fkctch of the Sierra Leona harbour, publifhed in the laft report of the Directors, did not come into the author's hands, till he had had an engraving of it executed from other authorities. But confidcring that of the Directors as the moft authentic, and having been favoured with fome additional improvements, the author had the firfl engravingerazed from the plate, and the prefentone fub-llitutcd in it's place. This unforeseen expenfe, however, was trifling, compared with that of inferting a circumftantial abridgment of the 2d interefling, but unexpectedly voluminous, Report of the S. Leona Directors, together wilh the recent matter, and the note§ therewith connected. In fhort, non fubferibers cannot be furpiizedat the increafe ol price to them, when they are informed that inftead of 30 or 35 fhects of middle-fized print, theacceffion of unexpected, but important matter, has fwell-cd the work to nearly 80 fheets, a great part printed with fmall types. The increafe of the work, while palling through the profs, will not be fuppofed very favourable to that cool and cautious refearch which is fo neceffary to preclude error,— 1 ADVERTISEMENT. error,—if indeed error can be precluded from any confiderable work, filled with multifarious materials, depending entirely on human teflimony, and on probable reafon-ings. It is hoped, therefore, that intelligent readers, who*re always the moft indulgent, critics, will make a candid allowance for any miflakes which may not be noticed among thc errata; efpeciaily as the author will thankfully receive any corrections, and will readily anfwer any qucftions, relating to this publication, if addreffed to him, pojl-paid, at Darton and Harvey's, No. ^5, Gracechmch-flrcet. N. B. Mr, John Clarkfon, to whofe generous breaft cold refcrvc is a ftranger, has kindly favoured the author with 6 different views of S. Leona, viz. 1. View of Free Town in the River of Serra Lioa 2. View of Granville Bay and part of the Town. 3. View of King Naimbannas Town in the Ifland of Robanna. 4. S. W. View of thc Hofpital on Savoy Poitit. ,5. View of the Englifh Slave Factory on Bcnfe Ifland, taken from the Ifland of TafTa. 6. View cf the French Slave Factory at Gambia Ifland. Thofe views do great credit to the ingenuity of Mr. J. Becket, who drew them on the fpot. Had the author received them iu time, he is not fure that thc expenfe would have prevented him from embellifhing his work with them. But, at prefent he can only offer them to thc public, engraved by fubfcription, at one guinea and a half, for the 'fix. And, in order that the public may be able to judge whether the views are worthy of attention, they are left for infpeciion with Mr. Edwards, Book-feiler, in Pallmall, where fubferiptions are received. Should the number of fub-ftiiptions prove fufficient to defray the expenfe, the drawings will be immediately pat into the hands of a very able arti.ft. 0 A LIST ov SUBSCRIBERS to this WORK. A. Copies Adams, Minifter Plenipotentiary from the United States of America to the Republick of Holland ........................'1 Afzelius, John, Profejfor ofChemiftry at ihe Univerfity of Upjala ..................... i Afzelius, Adam, Dr. a native of Sweden, Traveller in Africa as Natural Philofopher i Almeida, Chevalier d', Portuguefe Ambaf fador, London ...........................••■ i Alitromcr, Baron Patrick, Chevalier d', Counfellor of the Board of Commerce in Sweden ...............•.................••• i Arfvidfon, Charles, Counfellor of the Board of Commerce iu Sweden .................. i Arfvidfon, Nicholas, efq. Gothenburg j Arrhenius, C. A. Chev. Captain of the Swedifh Artillery, Stockholm .........«•• i Arrowfmith, A. efq. Charles-ft. Sobo-fjuare i Afh, John, Leeds.................. i Afp, P. O. Chevalier von, Swediftj Ambaf-fador at Conftantinople .......*............. i Averhoff, J. P. Chevalier d', Swedifh Conful General at Hamburgh ........•............ i Auker, Chamberlain to the King of Denmark, Chrijliauia, Norway •........•»■- i B. Bahrman, P. E. efq. Gothenburg............ i Baker, Rev. Dr. 60, Lowct Grofvcnor-ftrect 1 Banks, Sir Jofeph, Knight of the Bath, Soho-fuare................................. i Barclay, Robert, efq. Clapham ............ 1 Barrel], Jofeph, efq. Bofton, N.America ... 3 Copies Barrcll, Colborn, a native of N. America, American Agent, No. 24, Threadncedle-ft. i Barthelcmon, F. H. eTq. a native of France, Vauxhall .................................... i Batty, Dr. Great Marlborougb-ftreet ...... i Beaufoy, H. efq. M. P. George's-ftreet, Mre(lminfter ................................. i Beaver, P. efq. Lieut, in the Navy, Conduiior of the new Colony at Bulama, Portfmouth 3 Beckett, efq. Madeira...................... 1 Belcher, W. efq. 78, Bajingball-ftreet 1 Berndes, P. B. Captain of the Swcdijh Artillery, Stockholm .....f..................... 1 Binns, John, Leeds ................ \ Birchall, Samuel, Leeds.............. 1 Bjornberg, N. efq. Gothenburg ............ 1 BJair, Thomas, efq. Dublin ............... 1 Blair, William, efq. Ditto .................. 1 Bland, Jofeph, efq. Mincing-lane ............ 1 Bolts, Colonel, a native of Holland, No. 46. Upper Marrybonne-ftrett, London ......... 1 Bonde, Baron de, Lord of the Bed-chamber to ihe King of Sweden, Aide de Camp General, Colonel and Knight of the Order of the Sword .............................. i Bonde, G. Count de, of Sdfstaholm, in Sweden..................................,, j Bonde, F. Count de, of Kjcttfdtter, in Sweden .......• • •.......................... ^ Boultbee, W. efq. 9, Billher-% uare ...... 1 Boydell, efq. Alderman, Cheapfide ...... r Brahelin, J. P. efq. Stockholm ............ 1 Brahe, Billc, Chamberlain, Copenhagen ... 1 Branditriim, J. S. efq. Swedifh Conful, Hull r Brahelin- Copies Erahelin, efq. a native of Sweden, If and of Bartholomy •............................• Brafier, John, efq. one of the Direclors of the S. Leona Company, Camberwell Bremer, L. the Rev. ReSor to the Danijh Church, Wellclofe-fqnare .................. Brenner, efq. Copenhagen .......«.........■ Brunbeck, J. efq. Alderman, Norkjoping BULAMA ASSOCIATION .... >• i i C. Carnegie, David, efq. Gothenburg ......... i Chalmers, Charles, efq. a native of Sweden, Lime-ftreet ♦..................•............. I Chalmers, James, efq. Supercargo, in the fervice of the Swedijh E. India Company, Canton, China .............................. I Chalmers, Wm. efq. one of the Direclors of the Swedijh E. India Company, Gothenburg 1 Clark, William, jun. Liverpool • •••........ 2 Clarkfon^Thomas,efq.Pw;7/A, Wejtmorland i Clarkfon, J. efq. Lieut, in the Navy, Purfleet l Clafon, D. J. native of Denmark, Jury- ftreet.....................•.................. i Colier, Dr. Manchefter ..................... i Collctt, John, efq. G.riftiania, Norway I Collin, Rev. Deacon of the five Swedijh Congregations in Penfylvania, N. America i Cowie, Robert, efq. Lime-ftreet ............ i Crofby, efq. Camberwell ••.......•........ I D. Dacvcl, Fr. Ludw, Captain in the corps of Engineers, in Sweden •«•••............. i Dalrymple, Alex. efq. High -ftreet, Mary bone 1 Dalrymple, H. H. efq. Conductor of the frft Expedition to Bulama.........•........ i Daws, Jo. efq. Bolton LancaftAre •••••• 30 De Geer, Baron J.J. Chevalier, Chamberlain to the King, Einfpong, Sweden ...... 2 Dickfon, W. efq. London.................. j Dinwidie and Dinvidie, Manchefter ...... 2 Djurberg, Dan. Profejfor in the Geography, Stockholm...................'1 Copies Dodd, efq. Comhill...................... 1 Dommer, George, efq. Hanover, in Germany i Dubb, Dr. Gothenburg...................■■ \ Durham, Hon. Dr. Shutc Barrington, Lord Bijhop of.................................... 1 E. Eberftein, Chriftian, efq. HSgJto, Sweden 1 Eberffein, jun. efq. Ncrkioping, Sweden i Elliot, The Hon. E. J. efq. M. P. one of the Direclors of thc S. L. Co. Dawing-Jl. i Empfon, William,, of FricUey ........a...... 1 Engeftrom, Chev. von, Swedijh Ambaffa- dor, Cumberland-place .....■.............«• 2 Engeftrom, Guftaf, von,. Counfellor of the Mineral College, iu Sweden, Stockholm ••■ i Engeftrom, Adolph, von, Member of the Mineral College, iu Sweden, Stockholm • •» Euries, jun. efq. Havre de Grace ......... F. Falck, P. efq. Stockholm -................... Ferber, efq. Paris ........................... Ferber, efq. Paris •.......................... Fcrner, Bengt, Chevalier, Counfellor of the King's Chancery, Stockholm ............... Fiellman, S. Secretary to the King of Sweden, Stockholm ..........•............. Fifcherftrom, J. Intendcnt of the Board of (Economy, Stockholm.............. Fock, Baron, of Robeck, Sweden....... Forfter, Charles, efq. Hamburg............ Fofter, Jofeph, efq. Bromley-hall ......... Fulfh, F.. F. Swedifh Conful General at Marfeillcs.................... . . Frcdenheim, C. F. Chev. Counfellor of the King's Chancery in Sweden.......... Prober^, Andrew, Gottcnhurg......... G. Gahn, J. G. Member of the Board of Mines, Fahlun, Sweden.................. Gahn, H.J. Swedijh Conful General, Cadiz Gahn, Henry, M. D. Stockholm............ Gartz, Clacs, Secretary to tie King, Stockholm Gey.e Copies Ceyer, B. R. Chief Director ofthe Effay Office in Sweden................. 1 Cloerfelt, Ifaac, Swedijh Conful General at E'feneur........................ 1 Goodew, efq. Deptford............ 1 Gories, efq. Stockholm ...........•.......... 2 Grant, Charles, efq. one of the Direclors of thc S. Leona Co. Batterfea Rife ......... 8 Graues, Th. efq. Captain Briftol..... i Greaves, efq. Honiton, Devonfhirc ......... I Green, Sir William................ 1 Grill, Joh. Abraham, Chev. one of the Direlcrs of the Swedijh E. India Company , Stockholm.................. i Grill, Claes, efq. Swedijh Conful General in London, Mincing-lane ............... IOO Grill, A. U. efq. Stockholm .............•••• 2 Guflavus Vafla, a native of Africa ...... I H. Hanfen. L. J. Copenhagen............ i Hall, Jofeph, efq. Gothenburg ............... i Hallencreutz, J. Eng. Chief of the Mines in Swe.Jen ........................ i Hardcaftle, Jof. efq. DuckfcntA. Tbames-ft. a ITardford, Trtimrnen, efq. Limehoufe ...... i Harman, Abraham, efq. Stoke Newington i Harman, Barney, efq. Ditto ............... i Harrifon, George, efq. Bullbcad-paffage, Wood-ftreet ................................. I Hartwell, George, efq. on? of the Truflees to the Bulama Affociation, Na vy Office...... i ITarwood, H. efq. Portfmouth ........ i Ilafkins, H. efq. Bnftol ..................... i ITaffelgren, Conrad, efq. Amsterdam ...... i Hay, S.I. a natbve of Denmark, Chamber- P*.......................................... 1 Ileathcote, Jo. efq. Dean-ftreet, Sim .... i llcrmelin Baron S, G. Counfellor of the Mineral CAlcge, in Srwc.eu.......... i Ileykenlkiuld, Chrift. Captain Txe in Sweden..........„.............. i Copies Hjclm, R. Ji Tf'ayer Central, and Member of the Mineral College, in Sweden ......... 1 Hoare, Henry, erq. Mitcham ...........• ioo Holterman, Martin, vies* Gothenburg ••••>■ I Howard, W. efq. Old-jlreet ............... I I. Jacobi, Baron, Prufflan Ambaffador, in London ....................................... I Jacobs, efq. Riga, in Livonia ............... i Janfon, Edward, Stoke Newitigton ......... i Jenour, Jofhua, efq. Chigwcll-row, Effex i Inglis, John, efq. one of the Direclors of the S. Leona Company, Mark-lane • •••........ i Innis, Robert, efq. Gothenburg ............ i Johanfen, Chriftian, efq. Alderman, Ef- kilftuna, Sweden ................. i Johnfon, Edward, efq. Mile-end-road ... 2 Inijo, Chevalier d', Secretary to the Spanijh Ambaffy in London •••..................••» \ K. Kalling, Count de, L'uutenant-Colonel, Norkjoping, Sweden................ t Kampe, Carl, Secretary and Librarian to the King of Sweden................ X Kantzau, J. A, Swedijh Conful General at Lijbon .»....................... i Kay, Benjamin, efq. Leeds............ i Kingfton, John, efq. one of the Direclors of the S. Leona Company, New Broad-ftreet t Kirkpatrick, James, efq. one of the Truftees of the Bnlam.i Affcciation, Holy dale, Kent t Klingftrom, C. G. Captain, Stockholm i Kcinig, C. G. Secretary to the King and to the Swediftj Ambajfy at Lifbon ••••........ \ Kufel, efq. a native of Sweden, Hull ...... i L. Le Mefurier, Paul, efq. M. P. one of the Truftees of the Bulama Affociation, Walbrook •...................................... 5 Leffe, Anders, efq, Gothenburg............ i Lettfom, Subfcriber, Copies Lettfom, Pr. Samhook-lhufe ............... i Leyonankar.Chev. Admiral in the Swedifi Navy, Charljcroon, Sweden ........ I Licdbecki E. G. efq. Stockholm ......... i Lilljencrantz, Baron Svcn, Governor, Hef- felbyhohn, Swedtti................ i Liudahl, Olof, efq. one of the Direclors of ihe Swedifi E. India Co. Norkioping • • > i Lindahl, P. jun. efq. Norkioping, Sweden i Liungberg, Counfellor of ihe Board of Commerce, Copenhagen ................ i Lifter, Daniel, efq. Hackney.......... i Lopes, efq. Lifbon................... i Low, David, Gothenburg.................... i Lucadou, Peter, efq. Broad-freet....... i Ludlam, W. efq. l^j/ccn-Jlreet ............... 1 M. Macmurdo, E. L. efq. OldforJ . -...... x M'Donnel, efq. Dublin..................... i Maguire, Daniel, efq. Dublin ............... i Martin, efq. M. P. Dowuing-Jir. London I Martin, E. Profefor of the Roy. Acad, of Painting, Stockholm................ i Martin, FreJ. efq. Stockholm.......... i Mathcw, Mrs. Rathhone-place *.............. i May, thc Rev. Mr................. i Miller, Sir J. R. Bart. M. P. one of tee Truflees to the Bulama Affociation ......... i Minten, Johan, efq. Gothenburg ............ i Mitchel, David, efq. Gothenburg............ i Mohamed, Raif, (Effendy,) Secretary to the Ambafyefthe Sublime Port, to the King of Great Britain......■.......... 1 Moe, J. efq. Copenhagen ............ t Molikc, Count de, Lieutenant in the Danifh Navy, Copenhagen........................ i N. • NilTen, Eric, efq. Gothenburg ............... I Nirl'er, Rev. S. C ReAcr of the Swedijh Church, Prince's-fpuare .................. i 's Names, Cop'n Norberg, C. A. Counfellor of the Board of Commerce, at Copenhagen....... Nordenfkiold, Otto, II. Chev. Admiral of the Swedijh Navy, Charljcroon ........ • Nordenfkiold, Chev. Adolph, Colonel of the Engineers, Frugard, Finland............... Nordenfki'dd, Ulric, Chamberlain t3 the King of Sweden, Stockholm ............... Nordenfkiold, Charles Frederick, Secretary to the King of Sweden, and to the Swedijh Ambafjy, at Hamburg ........«............ Nohrlfcdt, efq. Norkioping, Sweden ......... NORTHERN SOCIETY, Cateaton jl. o. OdeliHerna, Chev. Captain of the Swcdip Ariiilery...................... Oter.lalil, J. O. efq. Gothenburg ......... Oterdahl, P. efq. Ditto ..................... Oxenfliema, C. G. Baron d', Swedijh Ambaffador, at Lijbm ................... P. Park, Mungo, efq. Traveller in Africa, as Natural Philoffher ..................... Parker, Sam. efq. one the Direthrs of thc Sierra Leona Company, Clapham ......... Pauli, A. W. Swedijh Conful, at Lybcck ••• Payne, William, of Frickley ............. . Pcil, efq. Stockholm................. Pihl, A. Supetintendant of thc Copper Mine of Fablun, in Sweden.............. Ply inky, Rev. Archdeacon, Lognor, Salop Pohlheimer, A. Superintendant of the Mines, in Sweden, Landj'crona ..................... Prieftley, the Rev. Dr. Jof. Philadelphia frineep, Jo. efq. on: of the Direclors of ihe Sierra Leona Company, St. Mary Axe Quiff, B. Anderfon, Counfellor of the Mineral College, in Sweden ............... R. Copies Ramel, Baron otto, Major, Maltejholm, Sweden.................--..... * Rainsford, Chev. Lieut. Gen. at Gibraltar i Rantzau, Count de, Copenhagen........1 Rappe, Baron, C. Wexio, Sweden i Rathbone, efq. of Green Bank, Liverpool 2 Reaftone, Rev. P. Acklom, Barlhrougb, Derby/hire................................. i Rehners, Alet. Gotlenburg .................. 1 Reinicke, Nich. Swedijh Conful General, at Havre de Grace.............>............. 1 Reyucr, efq. Dnckifoot-lane, Cauuon-ftreet I Rinman, Guff., efq. EJhilfiuna, Sweden ••• I Rinman, Carl. efq. ditto ditto ••■ i Roberls, Richard efq. Manchefter ......... I Robfahm, C. one of the Commiffaries of the Swedijh Bank, StockhAt/i............ i Redes, Cornelius Heathcote, efq. Bttrl- b rough-Hall, DcrbvftAre............I Rt'k fend Sprang r, Jo. Symond't-Inn iead Whatlf y,W. d-c. Cannon Jl read White, Wm. tulham tend Wolff, Mil* Maitha Ann ft id Worley, If lac, (htapfide rtad Wright,]M.H'tUcloJ't fq. 1 (hare rtid Plump tc, Jo. Fttdvjil'e, Ktnt The author perhaps fhould alfo note, as errata, the words common people, better fort of people, Sec. in fhort, every exprefiion which may have efcaped him tending to exalt or deprefs the human fpecies, from any confiderarion of outward circumflanccs ; and, in fo doing, he claims the indulgence due i oreigner, who receives or picks up certain phraks without entirely entering into their full fignilication. The better fort of people are thofe who are frugal in their ex-penccs, and confeientioufly apply their time and poftefliens to the good of fociety, and it is to be regretted that thc oppofite character ts common. Directions to the Bookbinder. All the plates to be placed at the end of the work, in the following order, Plate I. The Colonial Houfe. Plate II. The Harbour of Sierra Leona. Plate HI. The Ifland of Bulama. Plate IV. Thc Buildings at Bulama. Plate V. The Slave Ship. Plate VI. The large Map. Plate VII. is inferted below the Letter-prefs, at the end of the Second Part. Perfons who chufe to purchafe the Plates coloured, either with or without thc Work, may be fupplied with them, by applying at Darton and Har.vey*s, No. 55, Gracechurch-ilreet. Explanation. a. Ihe ground on which the House istolx erected k which ought to he covered with a (out ot cement or mortar. to prevent the ascent tirsfrimt the t.'ai th ^ A small trench which may he nnulc all round the House Huough a huh water .ihoidd he txmstantty iinuiiii/, it the Situation admit of it to permit Ants k other \lnsccts from, entering the House . r ./Wars on which the dwetli/n/Hons, shoidd he raised to a proper delation nhovt thc ,/roiiiid ill order to give a tree ciivulation ot'Air underneath .to carry off the Vitpours ,'lhese pillars may be covered with bricks Kf/laistrrrditfound'necessary. i\..iFire I'ro m .note than which the Smoke rises thnmgh the op,nin,/in tin top of the Hoot' | '/hi Hool olodonbt, .lik-c Ihe tloor.in older to an; ,i / 'rec en eolation to the ^Air k rentier the roof, k conseefuently e/ie mom . cool t' 'Hie Stairs tidie wound up.ill order to render the house a plaie of detente .in e i.i tie, e; "t\ . parlictdarh 1,1 th, ni^ht time p. f attains to let-down on the side tin Son enteis but mo\,ahle Venetian Hinds aee p/efera 1,1, \\i A (all/cry covered hy the p/o/e.tmg roof of the house all round.in order to keep off the Siuishine To At' Jolm/istus Invention I lone added no apparatus which I hint seen tie i/uently used in Germany lorblowing their furnaces.in Situations white tliey have water falls.Hut when that advantage is wanlini/ a sufficient i/nantity of water tor coolin,/ a House i/utv easilf I; i,u,,.l Ai a pump 1 Is a tister/i from which the water toll., throutfll the pipe k full of holt s b\ ulndi /In III elite/ i v i., lot, e,l downwards l\ tin v/oli/lf de.ne/tf , l'the wattr. into thc close turret I Hie water da.dung on tin has. 'lis in i.\ broken into troth i" falls into the lower part of the barrel nwherne it runs ott b\ tlte hole o and i/iuy then supply the above mentioned trench li Uu- Air l hy winch I/' dolian.itn. pipe i| under the earth /.. finntshid with a constant xttiam ol Air which iis,i7ulmg through his pip, i •peeail itself in Ins an reservoir* fc continues its ascent throiufh hts side pipes t Ihe cool purified Air thus thit vt / til by these pipes .being specifically heal in than the Ail in ■room ,,hseends towai,ls the floor,*e takes phi,< ol tin- taimed Air who), constantly ascends fill it c.icapclr\ llu y ,„,,,/i, FLATK I . A. An Elevation of a TEMPORARY HOUSE 11 Fox tlie Explana - .--'■'■ * ■ .. \ n»if\ sei- J lib- WW .lt>n \.vsi:\s IlorsK, 7i/'/■<;/ 11 Di-oivr \. I . j& ■' >£• G ALIN A S 1/1. XS 1X1. . 1 a /> jjnlry triples li\V > I, A Gentle ttscenAt r/eareelf^fTree., «&■ f.—w,'Mf Gentle cucent* .V // ft,'/ ////,.if (/,■r,t .ecuirtttent. The //ar/tota' \ howeier it not ,ro tfoofi .eu/e us H'lietr M'.'Heaver i /ur-/ .irfffe/nenf li situtifioll of' f/te present settlement k where.l/'/ieiiyrA /**/ e/rctett t/te temporary Iftii/dtittf, It it „ dry. etntlUd, \ /lealtfuid spot, widi .irrenit spnittps «f t.nrtivt/ tenter tit its i■■/'< C. ./« /stand of'fo acres of e/eittted /.and . I> '/'his place almost I Hint with Mungnnes. tlry at low water, hut near AM «7//Vv: .iwn/if fe/Jels ttui v ,/o up . ^V. rVtr Ay///-/ ///c htt/hest 1'ltHsl title to be tthotit 10 ol'/och: in the Mt or if tret. which will lie partieularlv uselid tor ereotim/ ofMills X-Ship Hocks Observation* ,a tlte blwul o, * Uuliuna by P Heaver !•'.><,'. X W /tree;,-g Mont/is in t/ir i'ettr XI: '.Win,/ iu Xov.'and /lec^fvery cold. No ILiniMttriis. The mitts A;/m A.-etid with Tornadoes-.which ultlio'they seldom last uiwe Jail fan hour, ate very violent ill the hetpinnititf of'the setutfi . The rains .eet in t/te end of May otbci/tiiii/ny of'Jtttie k titiLh nhout the et*/ of October, The end ot' tin tuifiv season not atiAtdt/ilid 'The /,'ta.e at llidattui not to he twnpnttti n/t/i ehaee at the RioXunez where the sim is not to he .ceen ./ hours ,i/fer itt rfrt/ief. 3o R TO G /< 41 x i) i: ix N A I.O O S 'LA MM iy/ii/'i/cH (font /stye rfflt lAJl'^l fhttiev 'vfitl'M fai/tftti/t/f i/u'ij/A l'J.)ijWt(/Ji'N/.'' Citpt.(lkf.vl 'die ffiUifccpim'L tthoir all /.'//an' er.Ah/f who ttytde ,i'S/ceioh itfifc^H'A'de. r.t.i/eru /.nin •-of the ffiatitl' (i>tjether with Jiie opposite t-ouUtucni, ':• lul-h.d/cd as the .let directs Sep: r"ip,j be<.'lt.ll"ad,,ln-tii r i *4 '■Plttti ,•//''/{/;/; roux . The r1 ^ 3 j x.. „ hm, Stave Fti Observations Willi ha/fi, milt of/iilif X oftap, Surra /.earn Hospital t'oinl s/kus e/earo/'nny other /hint Sloe Sue X tioui (dpi Surra I.,-olio yon ate sure to to,/' i leur of l/o Mnltlle ilrouin/ in -fathoms wo/,, /■'reetow/i is I'lilll in tb Jar, lion of /.'X /: an,/ KS W. t'onuiiiauivtnfhy tiifuniti /.J.I.Oilier. T 4. . "Jul 44^ 'n nr. /.u/iil resent/ to t/ie inhabitants at' l\i Miyuoifs '/own C (oilipinv's /inanition wil/i Mana,pt Home Ctitinarv X'c. ont/ie Ititllv/n S/n. (>n rite Islam/ of /■ti/iibia there was lately n l'renc/i Slave lottor%' but it is iiom' iihtiin/onetl. U/tUKI' 4. - s$m U, y6'7e A'i '/'//a< ,i/.w»/f ,/if/hs /bom that insert,./m the rr/mrt ol"the /litretor.e m JWtie pirtn-tittne i/t whte/i / /hire lb/low,,/ themrreetiotts ,-/'. Il'/hui,., ,„„/ „l' tap/ i'/other Hiit.il/lffiil/', «v no rn/uhir survey of t/lie har/uv/r ha. ever hern nuuie.it itttn sean-e/r be o-ujiposri/ stiff hfent/y iiceu rate .for iiatttiea/ purposes-. 3* *4 v Siyi-s'ii i. o /0 til t'eirpenters J/oe/e Apprara/n-e ot' Cape Sirrrn l.eoi t/i/t'. It mi/e.i L(t8'\>dAr.Lott'. llo./steou, . U. deration k Section of die Bt'ockhoux |HU|BB|B|||||||B|Ba m m m WM -\ I'liin i,ti,/y, ir/neh hove a/reildv been itireute,/at Itidanta In' the enteipeixm,/ Spirit ami p-mrveni/nr of J/'' Hifiirr, oho hod die eoitiuoe of renniinin,/ itu-tf the ,p\o/cst dillieidltes up,,, the Ishtttd ill on/er to sc.;,re it for the Sii/o-eri/vrs till liuthee supp>it CKtM it sn/p/,,,/ lioin Isiiop |x In the ifanin neir left ,/touinii, ii/mi .1T'/ieaeev ipeU*tl tne Mand.Orange./.un* j ,t' tofton fives atnat S00 o/'eoeh .a ten' f'epfier, Jh/Himt .* f'Ontii 'lirrs.aitni tuo plots of' Plantains X' /luii/iiiatsiin/ one loop He,/o/' /meapp/es. //e/lad also plniitn/ X'snrol vunivis aniim/ re,pftibles wlndi throve very well,e,nypi ■ iftne l.iiiopun seeds u/oc/i were nionl-h X never on tie up . n/tho t/iev ihiiee very wdl or the tieti/h/k'itri/ii/ Tortmnie.ee Jttrfemenf . X If. Field Clr.ttnl X- itt<-/"»'f>/ Feet ,,\\ House li'V I•liinicttu.i I'a mi }'nt\l llof'iti,/ X It', held -to J0 ehe.1 us the.lei directs Sep >'t'Upti tft CH 15 1 * Mi/in/.,! ;/'«•; itfctnr before ifie /louse if (ominous. Wadstrvnts Efsin ott Celom'mitott ,. 4fz. DESCRIPTION of a SLAVE SHIP • • The flave-trade has been mentioned in this work as one of the chief obftruaions to the civilization of Africa (§4- etfeq. 20 et Jet,.) and the nefanoai and bloody method ofProe .ring flave. is defcribed, from the Report of the DireAor. of the S. Leona Company (§ 453 etfeq.) But the conveyance of the Haves from Africa to he W Indies com monl y called the middle pafage, not being fo immediately conned with the plan of thi. work, has only been mentioned in general terms. As fome ex-pl.natb "however, of this part of that horrible traffic, will probably be acceptable to the reader, the author infcrta th.a plan fefl.on and defcnpt.on of a Have flup. fi t p b"a ed in the fame form, in London, ,789. The proprietors have favoured htm with the original plate ; and the only liberty he has taken, has been to mfttt the fianre ZSL mg an infurreaion on board a Have fhip, taken from a fketch which, with the explanation annexed, wa, eommumcated to Inn, at Goree in 7jjr. . (F« an ,?cTn^ f«§ 470- In other refpefti the plate i. unaltered* and thi. defcnpUon i. taken Virion from the fiift edition m 17*j, ,, A men- tioned. THE Plan and Sections annexed exhibit a flave fhip with the flaves flowed.* In order to give a reprefentation ot the trade again fl which no complaint of exaggeration could be brought by thofe concerned in it, the Brooks is here defcribed, a fhip well known in the trade, and the firfl mentioned in the report delivered to the Houfe of Commons by Captain Parrey, who was fent to Liverpool by Government to take the dimenfions of the fhips employed in the African flave-trade from that port. The plans and lections are on a fcale of the 8th ol an inch to a foot. dimensions of the ship. Feet 100 *5 Inches o ♦ 5 +r> 25 46 6 13 2S 6 28 23 28 6 xo 12 33 *9 ■4 6 16 6 if, 6 •n flaves are there is bedding. Length of the Loiver Deck, gratings and bulk-heads included at A A Breadth of Beam on the Loiver Deck infide, BB ... Depth of Hold, ooo from ceiling to ceiling -Height between deckl from derk to deck -Length of the Mens Room, CC on the lower deck Breadth of the Men's Room, CC on the lower deck Length of the Platforms, DD in the men's room -Breadth of the Platforms in the men's room on each fide Ltngth of the Hoy's Room, EE - Breadth of the Boy's Room • Breadth of PI itforms, FF in boys room Length of Women"s Room, GG - • Breadth of Women's Room - - Length of Platforms, IIEI in women's room Breadth of Platforms, in women's room Length of the Gun Room, II on the lower deck Breadth of the Gun Room on the lower deck Length of the garter Deck, KK - Breadth of ihe Quarter Deck .... Length of the Cabin, LL -Height of the Cabin - Length of the Half Deck, MM - - - Height of the Half Deck -Length of tlie Platforms, NN on the half deck Breadth of the Platforms 011 the half deck - - Upper deck, PP Nominal tonnage — — 297 Suppoled tonnage, by meafureinent, 310 Number of feamen — 45 The number ot Haves which this veffel actually carried, appears ftom the accounts given to Captain Parrey by the flave-mcrchants themfelves, as follows: Men — — 351 *> ZjT Z ~ "l\ ™ 6., Girls —■ — 41 J The room allowed to each defcription of flaves in this plan, is: To the Men 6 feet by 1 foot 4. inches. Women 5 feet 10 inches by 1 foot 4. inch«s. Boys 5 feet by 1 foot a inches* Girls 4. feet 6 inches by 1 foot. With this allowance of room the utmofl number that can be flowed in a veffel of the dimenfion of thc Brooks, is as follows (being the number -exhibited in thc plan, and is 1 j to a ton) viz. t On the Men—on the lower deck, at CC Ditto on the platform of ditto, CC DD .Boys-lower deck EE - Ditto—platfoitn FF — Women—lower deck, GG — Ditto—platform, HH — Women half deck, MM — Platform, ditto, NN — Gii Is Gun room, II — Aaually carried, 351 90 127 4-1 General total 4.82 609 The principal difference is in thc men. It muft be obferved, that the men from whom infurreclions arc to be feared, are kept continually in irons, and mull be flowed in the room allotted for them, which is ot a more fecure conflruftion than the reft. In this fhip the number of men aaually carried, was - 351 The number of men ftated in ihe plan at 1 foot 4. inches each 190 Difference 161 As the fhip on this plan would flow 42 women, boys and girls in the places here allotted them more than fhe did carry, fuppofing that num-her of men taken from the men's room, and placed in their ftead, this •will reduce* the number of men to 309 in the men's room ; ot courfe the room allowed them, inftead of being 16 inches, as in the plan, was in reality only 10 inches each; but if the whole number 351 were flowed in the men's room, they had only 9 inches each to lay in. The men, therefore, inftead of lying on their backs, were placed, as is ufual in full fhips, on their fides, or on each other. In which laft fituation they arc not untrcquently found dead in the morning. Thc longitudinal feet ion, fig. I. fhews the manner in which the flaves were placed on all the decks and platforms, which is alfo further illuf-trated by the tranfverfe fettions, fig. II. and III. By which it appears, that the height between the decks is ,) feet 8 inches, which, allowing 12 inches for thc platform and its bearers, makes the height between the decks and the platform 2 feet 9 inches; but the beams and their knees, with the carl ill gs, taking 4 inches on an average, this fpace is unequally divided, and above or under the platforms cannot be eltimatcd at more than 2 feet 7 inches ; fo that the Haves cannot, when placed either on or under the platform, relieve themfelves by fitting up; the very Ihort one's excepted, nor can they, except on board the larger vcflels. The average of nine veffels meafured by Captain Parrey, being moflly large fhips, was only 5 feet 2 inches. The height of the Venus between ht. The Rev. Mr. Clarkfon, in his admirable treatifeon the Impolicy ot the Trade, has proved, from the moft inconteftable authority, that lo tar from being a nurfery, it has been conflantly and regulaily a grave tor out feamen ; for that in this traffic only, a greater proportion of »lt/l Perijh in on t year, than in alt the other trades of Great Britain in Two years. Befides the time (pent on the coaft to complete th eir cargoes, which fometimes lafls feveral months, thc Haves are from fix to eight weeks on their paH'age from thence to the Weft Iil».,es- Now let any perfon refleft on the fituation of a number of thefe de voted people, thus managed and thus cranked together, and he muft think it dreadful, even under every favourable circumftance ot a humane captain, an able furgeon, fine wcatftfr> and a fhort paflage. But when to a long paffage are added, inhuman treatment, fcanty and bad provifions, and rough weather, their condition155 miferable beyond defcription. So deftrudive is this traffic in fdsg l'ncumftances, particularly in bad weather, when the Haves are kept bgow, and the gratings covered with tarpawlings, that a fchooner, WW* carried only 140 Haves, meeting with a gale of wind which lifted eighteen hours, no lefs than flaves j)ei ilhcd in that fmall fpace ot time. As then the inhumanity of this trade ttlf l)c univerfally admitted and lamented, people would do well to confider, that u does not often tall to the lot ol individuals, to have an opportunity ot performing lo important, a moral, and religious duty, as that of endeavouring to put an end to a praaice, which may, without exaggeration, be ilyled one ot the grtaUj evils at this day exijling upon the eaith. * Falconbiidge's Account of the Sl^ Trade, P»g«3«. % N. 1J. i his delciptmn of a (lave fhip was tint publifhed before the ads of parliament tor regulating the (towage of Have fhips ^'^bers whichI the Brooks aftualll the advocates for the continuance of the flave-trade, that it is no longer true ; and this objeaion is well founded, as far as relates l° th* one h.,|f 0f tnc liaJf tleck. (M) carried. But it remains to be nearly an exnd reprefentation of a (Live (hip freighted ngreeably to the provifions of the ads, which <1'!' jdivifion fhould be made at XX be appropriated to the ufe of the feamen. By this regulation, theielore, not fo many women by 30 could be taken into the halt deCk> a Fig. I. VI. and VII. and the fpace Z would then be occupied by Ihe failors. _ , hv theail for the firft 201 tons, 7 A veffel of her tonnage (320) is allowed by me * _ J 3 3 S The fhip is here reprefented to carry Dedua the women excluded from thc half deck The number then on the plan will be 482 30 45* at 5 to 3 tons For the remaining 119 tons, at j per ton Number allowed by the ails "454- 1C atis n t ft L SuppJfi'nVthet'efore the half of" the half deck to be cleared for the reception"of the tailors, the Brookes would be allowed, by thefe t:an are here re- prefent ed, ami then 45 feamen would be penniucd to occupy the fpace here allowed lu ju women, flowed as they au lepi'eient ja Fig. }• **t ' atlJ V1U 011 tllc hall deck and its pLtivirus. LoncTitu.de W. Iroui London l3 j TTie'VaTUatios set in at t/ut part ttie kei/innimj u g of June, and du miny * -! .. * 7 .5 /,_^ r. ST Mary s 22j Season.bit bafuvu/uj _i— ' JILl.IFHEE , fhe.toil rami kchv. yitstttntt/echief bitsine/r. fii/hifxamU tor irtuohon milh | The atuntrv rotuid Jilkthee prettv hnttzhv (ajnistwy much Mahogarty fc so nrvditctive that I they mip 5 art)crops in the rear. Rir. (Ia.ytbia Coolest ,< 'Jmilthuffstason from ieqetvnnif ofDer. tilfthe, end of Feb. Rains ftxrtl June till Oct, with SfVuntkl Ai^.iSepp^ Oct tstiAatltnr tediTn^roue~ ^'\^of TbrruMWk&i jfantJoar) fofiivfhii Mutriamdi ^.Ihuidevndd 5 _ ^/'oolicotuix . -' ST Anns A 8 J S 7 * *,ant -% 7 J,, Son Ground m 0 p u ft .f heetrt Oaxe 0 Stain de liihmitl -1-9 Grem Oaze et S Hard* fand JiladtOaxe 0, 8 7^W crxntif \Tlie .\ Ert£e of the ShoaJI^? - \ M A H WKkoCrando uui Ltt.u'Af'X. ; \kJLe lentt nmml them in lPi3 S. "airrvintf th ll toij fathoms Jo *S>r ■I .The Tide of fj>h rwu yerr stnvuf over the flats ^W"* _ r ir kmidiin the titan' trtakxn du Kbb runs i ^H'tvSk the flood h' try X '"o J The Tide rues t2 feet at full k chtvtae J -Jsi«rp.t ails or du Coast iti Dee. Jan X' Ftb. -; I ■ » Shew the qenerai'direction of du Tide* k also of 1 theCvnxnLs Ib. du beqinfof Star, to the end <*'Xov. -T^Kom.RguresoWtoarA" tune of lugtrwater atXew orhdlMoon . f*^ tTintiJieltshorrt w ,2* { Canapac / . XJinuTaUonvnf. f ,/ to/ Sailing- remarks communicated to the Editor bv the Officers of the S k x i: l C'° at U.w KM tm grace . Yj8"j. WW. /rt'tti i''f/>f X!'/iftrt'ftf fo fftr dutitmct of 6b Leaguer, iti -i/tr beammna cf'fJtr/'f/tr Chtrmt dr& ton-tini* i/ie SJT. // //i-cfeitMif ft// f/ie ff/t/ ti/'./ft/t/tt/f-r it? t/mtiftt,i'/trA- //// t/tr rta/ <>/' April Jltiftntin/ /rt'ftt ft'//*- S!'fi/nr/it tit demntf Jtt ti>trC t>/M7Tft/ t/litf ft I l/lt's pt/et/f A- t/lf /flti'tlh/f Of' litpr /iii/ttt/or t/tr Ibtrtptttpi' t,r ,ett/>/t'rf fo it e?ref'd'rt'vprtrtt f/tr litnmt .rets fit t/tr S E. Tftvftiwt/ o/tfipr /i/u/tro it sett to t/tr SJEScJSSJS. Afetrit/i .to initc/t I'/fdrttrr t/utt if t/tr fottst s/tott/t/ fir i/mvirtri/ etir Aarit/tttot' ni/l /w ofi/iyrt/ to twt WSW.i* t/tr lotit/kt/s m ort/rr to avoid t/tr S/iclrr.r to f/tr fittiliti/r o/'/cf." JciXufkt- tr/tir/t he ntttv mt/nr tt/otr ,r,//rA' oppnuir/t ttrtirrr to t/tr loaetl all'l/tr WitY dmn . Thr.rr rrtttijr/-A- s/tott/i/ fir seriotts/r attrtn/n/ to 'or all the HTW.part of1thr foart ofll/nrti ir yetteralfi- jo yen- fan-thai the (titiil titiiiit'l fir d'ertt till f/tr Wttp ittyoi h i/tr atrmtt | Wprr/a/A' thtri/tt/ tt oatm if too near fo frm/r /hvtt it /tt am ' *<>t\Y/tiptvfiTk on t/iir itt/taetiitafifr .r/to/r the rnti\r are i/mem/lr /)/ - /nun/em/ or made .r/arrr fiv thr J/oor.r. / 2 Ma. I to, i-' .Jcrorr/atcjt It>Ai'Jleaters accountcr^..: ti » there is no Chart of" lite part mthtti dti-t tine to fie drprrnieil on . dry banhSy, g I $ at Ion iratrr"^ m /liinlTtrhtd'^birahs at half tide its " -----------7.-,----- 24 faialrr' Reprcsentatioii or the Corv introduced into the s 11. K it \ LEONA Colmnr. [See S 406, 4*4, joff LStcf. of this teark.\ IOO A Hollar ■■. h lav una 400 arum of pire SUrer. AFRICA fine yreenish Sonet 22 26 26 ttrrwn Sand Shells k' Stones zJ >9 '7 tt R-feronces m * Ohms (See > sis. rim I riot tticfK'Har \ ria-dieAallMtae Fiij.A.rfir 20 lint/litre t'ia. 4 the to lent piece forrxK tr ftp. i> one lint pieer JOO at'which milking une/Mtar »ei/hjt& Xi. ihe irrense tr hath the Siteer t-Copper (tune si/intor- to (fiatot'Fiq Fuj.3 IIS)* J'uj. S Ala Seat H-itt pertt.tpe he Htintnf : ■ -i. 1J" 1 iiii.i iinilfttalong-, itrmt/htih>t be impnyer In adopt tin.■ /loppy desiepi inrenint t>y Aflledoxnood thai zeahr/nvruitnf tt theuittoitunale ftmh eeruanmo ~/w nan Ifu t.tite ha. been % .are hhefy P beeoine more hmjeruomr than ihe Calais mn to Gr nsitu/n be oof soon preptirett 1™ u . : . — ....is • ~i_— . ^ j_____\ JViQm a.*.- iM.r-«nenn —*' ihr ittightHmniia oouiwies SC lee i 6" of'this leneH *•» un indeed seremt obrwuj and wyen't reasons tor rtJiern, Z^,dte/iiuftf*f /hv" ,hr "P"uy * inomiamuig Has numerous body af men af "^-Z.-ZT-^ —~~2 £?Z fradeZtKii inanu^etorer.' and kibsueers art so much dutrtfied:.ii duFdaaji */xn*d when nwm mdiistrie-t.' xt „„, tfuv mytii be ennwami » fbmi rfwwfe urn a eoton pauntul been tuTied he Mill > "'4"r''H^^or fit*** otoer eonuenml to du cAmaelee uiut--— - — ■ chajarise uiut toustuuiiati .,■/.;.„:.. SaiiLiiiha Jt,o wU firm a bo.trof *Jmfcmtd leintixai w^natf^S^dJin Cape, Of Good Hope '"Ti^ '^^''L^fiud i^Thair been impudent m admit the yn^'^^SnJS!!^ r men train «^f*^'*<>r' ~* J^."?^ .nrrSr otsue* ha/h pnrahtfe'. Hm«Useem therein that ai trefent taiend a form form /yenehm/n "Onoerty to rrmet - j-•-------*--J . fit SUfTI tUiMl « i 11 i ■ ■ - " " vmsraMr IP MIT us frTp ant It, who wemrnt tr^dm "Sl.eona.m i^OJ ^J^Jihle inTinew ct&nr,,Hgtti *.be aeantd Co fgf uufoeturuUe eei/owerirr,enfo<''t^bl ieaorretifVr lo thenuepisanl P'O'" ^ ^ J{MO perhapsitnughebe poisible withdue .„■ ttaSe number emtmhd oh such an fjtptobtwn ihtidd ^'^^ m tl// eztrutt each 11 p/on atbhe lede of^jf to stir each or-J-"™_ 31283559 815773 /ill'. (LlATflfA ioiribtlviii/a Xuii.bar) JfolTv/hii Mittticonrti ____^ Coolest A hetttlftisttsaiMn from Arv/rj//i/*j of Per til/the end of Feb. Rains tixni June nna^.mtk^rr\Hind diy.iSefi,^ Oct utthtaanv dtvigsroas- l6r 7 Oft"," fsfd YauhnaixM> R&plc ahmn outrn-ltthalftdn SOO Miles up thi>-River abcutlarwmavo ira deltphtfiil ■yuntrv afonoidbiq mthprovisions. JtatRne v not ttdtaatni here^ not bcina liked bv the J/a?n''•■>'. The viUtiaes are inhabited bv ah honest hospitable people, dieir /mores are provuM with radvw hinds ofttwsehohi Fttrtahtre k 'c. Harry Gitidyd^itstiV. JlUlkoeoncta People ctdl'-^t Aatney iitttivatr ksell'a(/rent tpumtitv of Rice. Kiufgorbactory ^ Junkwrnda oomev I CiireFttcbn Slave Itirtiirv llAMBARA prOttucrw Cold dust k like t/ie hntsdonis of CorrLF. a' Bambook , mm-estintj to slave dealers. Jatbfi is spoken in all these Cottntries Mac a v let. MA.VDI.VGOJZS trade 2 Months Jdutnev all abnq the Ru. (ntmtna, their tancptfuie being spoken as atnerallv in Africa as French in Eitnrpe;ptraddafh> bevond Bombard. MACAVFFA'. Own Arable could be qatficrrd hereabouts were thr Xecjroes encouraged to this anploATnmt Barry Ca/ufi/ k CaptrAtartin af Bristol. JhJdtaboe fttrt AAutiwonda -J'orr Aiadkatia o h Mutanti o Fool itonda Med ijva thscoremfbv Jfaiorffcntnhhm rjCfi jBa/Trmvttht fall been this lath ^y- /lubo.\>nd.i '* 4 jrj fort of Fad S UovJxieAirr fotiiuti-on.io Solemn . r o Htirdaii MnitnHtiita MA X I Jabo rf y 1 i*> MaJo Town ot'tantor Maa/ina \: 1UTI C.JL . M. IP tfltttit/trf fi'l' I/tr tt.tr til' LCTNIAL IXI)ERTAK1XGS on tlie W.Coast of AFRICA /hw, Lat.50.3o7<>.LatJ4°.N /'VV At '/'■/<','/ir)/// m fl AM) THE OF v/ Bogs IslaTfOSi S~s i-> ^t^etiitvit/ajjt/ 1 Caiial>ac ±tY"iu Tatto rnnifL I e. " \ (. Vdtagt J l|*yj 14 /*■ "■ * y .'o ; *' rfjQ .Jcrontttttt loM'Jleavers account -IfarefT' there is no Chtvi of the part within dnt lute to he depended on Jf.rnei il/Y banks' at wm tratrr .IfJtVnbcr 'mm " j7ank~h'ttiiUi^brraks af hair tide iti mm u j8 la fd ^Jtmtnaf^l^ Hache rio Vr.VA'/' v^t /y to , ■ Ijt \ « 0 fiortat flank\ ib $ # £u,.l -11. H HA Leona Colom-/(/• Mork.) AFRICA fine greenish Sand 22 t6 9 •28 Jl Jo iC p*nv \ / Kf.l Ten- barren Country ~~ to (pijydifRiter t £■ ' 'from Kaexaidv. g - > tcijifan fiieerSo vantt bnact^-^■ ^fitod* i-nrient run* at'the >e*lr.of J or .f utiles in Lean hour. i (i ti.'u.i du tint f'otdah 'A'neii .* Jit .for * * , , 6krotmtsj?reired bv MA. Ifxrlti^ stavizr Siefra Leona thcifZt/nYS mm ttahottt .f Jitvs Jburnev f*vm ^"^|^«/v^'wnSi^»4' the I. River ^tvabia^ . _ — '5Miles front Utaiso finer ttrte This Gwt /ias been drawn firwi the mart mtfhmtic Giants Maps $:descriptions of die Jomeiv/ierc near this place, in the Tear^cS, m f/iai'e ofDanriUe. fieltin, Jdanson.nenumet, f,es7muv/itiis, JCorrts, Maltha's a great auandty ^^W^^-V^^'^'''^' (V7d comersa/^m* uiih ™peetahle persons who hare resided o ■' - ■ sm j- *c^^*, on the toastparn'ruhrr/v /Horn Erg'Govertwr of the.Danish Settlements, ice a memo//-m die J^da^op/tim^^.i/i^/tte/rittf/fa T S r , ^r¥'*mL7:''1^ZZS j;';1k' \ //If. Ito/rvmple EstjrPJiettrerft/sarfy'A. Af\e/iu»;an eminentJiotantst,c/n oasvwtlfs&ns' a/ Cftr /sr/e rt&ttsyrs// ss /CetwfrMn.1' ''> 'i V7 ^r/C .V -^m^a^. .ft ' . ; • ,~"^^K/V'r)i'^ bv die S.Leona C.-Cantttxcof'theIfankev\ who remained aril ultima IWtblished bv JirDe/ha/fi FR.S\ London lisb, paaetrf r\( ' ■. r %^ i sz. i _ / ' t™y Vf» f ^sssz^A^e fhfm^ where it appears dun die nrttrr ^^^-:^^/^ ''^jW W^^/ter of the Editor ^ imotrnadcni actpum/ bv htm, sttarh ofJtetods tMmfrt\J$*i^^ >w?f/„ pcsSrmed inyears 1J8J k-tj881^ omri^ k 2 /sennv^ofOold fivm the sand* f3e «/W«^^rt^!^w' */^./^p/ at the eapenee of their late Majesties theKinqsefr ^qjjuantitv of Gold, that he does not ehuse to mend/tm ^p^nr^/ars\^rhc ' ejcperimmet are recanted rei/a/a/tv in aJourtud kej Tlie above W thd Line.t repress nt the Route cd W** t t k MR Mountain \v I s t e It bottom firowrt Sand .fbslls k' Stimes rho rolloiviKginformatioji was coilecfrd bv M?Bm>1!K when an the Coast. ./// the Stares IhhojIiI from dieFoidatis tire firisimersof fiar. v The f'oaia/is tuid the Mifidifh/oes iur. Ifidiofrietaus. and do not heiiere in witthrtrid. Those nations nerer fimsrrri,■ as the Mtuulinaxies are considered tir under the protection iS die Foulahs. -' -* The Mandinqoes arepnyierlc itinerant men-fuoUs, tfirv .tell Iron k Mares to thr lactones oa die ftXunez kc.ivide.rrh,uuje 'liihaav kdolddutt with the foulahs - J j. iv. lor daw. 7her trinleuith many distanr nations,Mid tvm qo as far S.astiitfraria . -' The fbuhhscan raise /6.000 horse, ativi fiouff learning. ,- ) > ^ s Tlie torts ofjxmte of'thenasioiis with whom the tbutahsgo to war, are buitt of country bricks .stn>nfdtnr journey Tiler wereererr uhere »eltre.rimi .md...if'uy am ducted mini one place 6> another trail their ■' iqqo.r 'diet' gore presents ui return tor ptesents Titer linJ chiettron nee and stewed beet', wtudi drypeam rent in the Fear Tumble AbjIraasirOb'KTVBtinHs on the 'I'hcrmamrtrr made bv Sifts f" W< -rr k Itotmb o ttom. on thete journey fix from fell SAto April z3?iJQ&. Hour, [I " l|HI# 'jI'M7?, JSm bMomiiy 5/ 7> S9 Sliuto .1 6H , Si oDifti ... . So OS aVoon . | .66 . \.gj . Littemuon ai , k O ; * / litatpAC ^ _ajl™* 3 . • tl tiro i ' ' a number - ■■ of lilbgcr "^TJOOOrt'a larae Town Fine fields * ^ TrHX£AJ9WH k' 'River, the airrent^iiiilrp:i,o,ii~~' [jfL " -tpades Teembiv on die Itfi. dut. 8 miles, 'Rtiufiicr ->S rani<■ btvad't ; feet liecp. ~£)l i j fatycTown ' j >y/w/ watert/by tKourow oa* ----:-■—-:-— The following ait the Nations hiring betneen FOULAH k TOMBl'CTDO rath died- Trade " horn thc Journal < > f M TTSo Ji? Wi xte rho ttom 10 tied S.uut mmm) bos ef Stones like eld mettrt fir it jijtoth the fbtiltilts X- their enemies ate always atpetter irith the Aftuuliiupwj', jJamts »'m/Counmei Nam. > ot'tlie Kingi l'rodut* o mmrrt.'f tuhom they nm/iot do without. 20 Red Sand » ah Shciit At a Seal wUl perhaps be na/itnt for the Bulama iimlrrtaldng' it might not be improper tt aabpt j thuhappy design inrentni by Aim edorwcKid that zealous and rapectatde friend to the afoiidon \ cf the Stare trade. lie had a ' considerable number oTIhrsy Unfair made ui his beautifuf composition: and dirtrihuteif aratis to main'of the friends to tha grand cause. ~9p ABYSIVL' -^1 Cfsuardnt t Ihiipido 0 Sfoiambic C de Carre ntcs T of France Deuigoo liar Hint* /(VTolo.vizi.vo MJDAO.isc.iR iu i'date :ias been cvnrulkd aiuutamu plan lor prortdtna tor thr unfortunate Trench eetug runts who.it an ■turn be not soon prepared tor them.are likeir to btoune iturr burdensome than the kwaluU teeer to Gr ___un a*r tht.imtnan iw See i 6" or'dus mek fhtrrarr uuieed jenrul ebnous and urgent rtasotu for erhern) 0K MltanH amntnes rstteudlr £rwtand thorn the escpener of riuutuassung thu lusmerous bode of 'urn-of period nfun mam- mdustnous irafcsrrxn. mamdaetiotr.. and labourers art sr. much disireped . As dufdiean depauuttus beta askad he »til cetuiu-e K> saaa.sl rttat tlur might be enmuvgtd to form umuehes into a /tootle '■ m*w. JL.t..J_ Jl IJy«'Kulaea»<-»r •>* aorrciible In thcmselro and pracntahte m a new colony,ought to begreuuxl todum mtlorcunate frenchmen ctihSttdorxswfi an d^ionjbittd not-be Itfi than doOO pcenapr if might bt potsddc with due .r.onortw to \ a pan at the rait ofjf to sttr each or^f loo ooO in alt. t *s4 Wf"as' isles l>f/loss V * ■Jim. MAX I) J X C 0 Co i' x rit r Foula Belia Ron rest M Hilda S etfoo Soosandop 0 e tiah Totnhuctoo Aliitianice Sadoo Stares. Ivory. Rice. Cattle Miimadoo lion runia I Mil ISO.'ut Mkiitda Alba ft | Slaves, (told, trorv. Hive, CtUtie fold. A'i'/v. Slates, ilax,tattle tis abore ! Ii° If La* o" math lioid here D° Stiti more rich .ilit.Cuiw, ibbatTo.t'ltith. fine tinuit Mi Tobacco. Si/rrr, Sheds. Beads StJt.Sdrer. 'fybaCiV , Cloth. (b/ali.Beatis a* n? j smati liitutp t uynrmTtimi rj ^ c told that Md is procured from nt. j J\,,,koo dietanodom .^'Uoi'HI.Mr.dAm/ 7 dare /otinter from Teemboo. rf ~ rhs Tekmhoo r. f at the foot afa hill ~' >~. tooo houses r* /titnlccr OmaivS' f'Ti ■°Audtottii,/, • .i residence f'bmJations 1 'ithit, h'ooiltta a ' Jhu tit S ttetdeep oveetloM.t m nutty setuons Ifiinration of' ■ Hi tila/aies sttrrotmdeii tuti rrtdeep the claietit2 knees to in ft tie ertloM.t m nutty jmii Ttlieo hinfe Town finer ^ Country Svs o a corxtry 23 I IRV^Lil A mall Town f* FOULAH CorXTRT jdtamb] lia last Foulah Town , FOUKICAEIA TA.MH.V'o/t'KJA [t^dkbeautituU (buntry f lft^|^gS5S?S^ sCevelRoaii 4» / 400 » A iinnf" |(l , <>^f*i . » nielhrelhiigs.TJinunoSayou .».'!'»'" i ^' v,HlV ---■--- -jh^ET:. f^'- - -?fi£S-. tor Sei-.tr. superior aichore of.ilimdmees. hest Aloiaittuns seen on the whole joiuricv. ftnla f%df",'f natdiiig ~* roulatis pfatr' Good Road Aiiuidai.pi Tamiso. t'Wyuigia Uigh AkiinSun f.imytl / Sierra lEOYA oh A" t4 A Ilka' the coast abounils trim latttigiushed Vutetutocs, it does rwt appear that any Hirttiguafrs hare been noticetf.tn file a*rotuits W'-1 rnn'.t vet pubfitttnt ; that at Oran euetptld ill . .to. on. die tiarbtuy coast, when dir.floors luAittymJta/v Utifi of ehe ocetiston , luismcepfittti inVrsrgifnf to f arrre the Spanisfi inyrinm /rim their auintiy, strut the tiro stight .mtry\ K and Iron idteii it rnttv be worth irhile to work -' -it. T/u Ore is rertainlv tuinvic/ the driest and tic/te.rt of its hind. dr.. J'lax of the Tirvrs of TKKMBOO 'WL.YTKRBO References ■Alimanees Dwell a I j the Ktnq b file Alosgue c Omars Jfweiluig d Omars another ing, e Prune .ituiistrr f Kings I 'ncie g' Aiunado Sainbdr h Kings Brothers i Duto Ditto «1a 4 3 id Si A SI RYE Y of thc C O A ST //tvwCape Sierra Letwa to JenkimTLwit on Slierbro island , /'t;bTJ)awes/iYr(i)i'('/7ftV'()/,S.Leoiia. ami Lieut..>/"Marines . t-atS-'Jo false .lack Ryan A ooiiipaiit>n if tide Siorcx Mp the suntr titter of Coast on the foztge MnMw 7 7ft the ulterior part oftheIbinitrv. there are a peiple who withtthiir them selves* n'vmi att commimimiitvi trtdi the nations bonteri/uj on dies/tore; tuid what t/tev entjaoe in commerce, irhich they do ammallv, thei' comer t/ieir t/ooiZs rt' ferritin aim? itnd there leave diem. The people beloH' brfruj theft' tjootls to thr same spot titui.patvdling t/mn out atxmdfng to die supposed itttitr of air articfor found, the\' retire when thr former teatrrt and tttvept or nyerr the btttyath . Thus the nude is cttrried on in mutual cwifidence, n'ithottt personal intrreounre. Chad th la Tondi vtdGarrnor <>/' Goree^ut i~b6, tmd .rrreral other Oenftrho hit visited thesepirts. n/sured the Edttnr of dus fart ditrina hd shrv at Goree . ^M^^/j a .i a n \'The rurtotion /./•.•/. thc Wind mud tcGoltl toasts', is {supposed to incrrtise about 1 Jkyrtt in Oar - Years to So 4S 6c TAHI.F. sheering wherein Authors ddtcrtn die Latitudes of various pitta's \WO% dus part tf die CGist. D'Awilw. mm ***** WW" 15 —-. ltio Nunez, Sorth Sltore Bulama. Ha nh Jhttre Ditto..... A'cuth .Thrre Portuguese Jlilsao A'outh Rir. Sl Domingo Aorth . Cape Koxto South Cape S1. Marv .Worth I i3.. l5 Such distu)tvettiftit between authors of reputation ptrnts lum- tar nt titr ret ttom trrtiituv SIBlujs U.Mootuc 10 . 1J ii. a ------ IW Kditoi has been faiwtrrd fo AoO^DA LKTMncApC aGendemiui to whom natigatuvi Oijreathtttldebatdfa his accurate K md1,10.1. Hue osranttes, wdh the hdlnring .tad/hartal' itistanatc of 'die tiiaivamcr ot our best Charts. Tn Say y. r's (ittart, die crates' of the 1 f \jjf Sf. Tlimnn ■ is laid down in E. ton to, o tixm die yStnk.lt On-cnwicb . But t'ap.VwxtY. an able narit/atof j in the smite of the K. lnd. Conipf ( trout whotrdiHirtuilaitheMtwiA Charlotte 1 ^ in ijgA.atui othermoteruits MUDALRXMl'l.t'' 1 * / is now prtpariry a Chart of the W-toaSn of Africa found the same in ___ ditnTrtur Jit the Charts represent the ttutanor of the same Island fmm Crhlmas much aeraterthan drrallv is Cafe Met nt bo 40 "All tn-. part abounds wtth Cold Oieralr fJrs Mirehais 40 At this place it was proposed bv the Cha r Pes Marvhuis I to the Firtuh Qovm IW'I Wtt to establish a tiipriv which j if mkfhr fiase fnmrd oftptnt importance the pktre beirig (APE ME'Ll'RADO ptt/riatlairh' hcalttn'. ptntuciive of many iiiitalde.1rtieles I ami inhahiteti tn a pinurahle and' tjood kditiofptvpte. (See S tpti) IcSctj j , 10 j7 ^ 20 At'}*peMexumdo die triittv season uirjSt begun in ihe endofAlttv. In amend from ibMiv *> the etui of June the g 'tornados nige tmd die nans beqin tnJubtvntituiinij to the § ^- ^HiapOctober. 'FluTornado time begins rapJtaty ah ut fhe jj C^j^cd'Afav rofitmuintj trail ttetirv showers to the bymnittj tel htaiut ^ the wbtd tp-nenillv FlS E ihe raxti amtiniur to the md of Septr I -...T?r°"rl of October heitkf stmetittm very dear. 4IJ the rtt/hnitton | js dispatched ehtrintp the lass rainy months. -At •1 12 lo Longitude W. from Lnnduu to t\ihhs?vd as the Jet Streets. Oct fl"fjgj In- C/i ftadstrom 588393 79999