STUDIA MYTHOLOGICA SLAVICA IX 2006 ZNANSTVENORAZISKOVALNI CENTER SLOVENSKE AKADEMIJE ZNANOSTI IN UMETNOSTI INŠTITUT ZA SLOVENSKO NARODOPISJE, LJUBLJANA, SLOVENIJA UNIVERSITÁ DEGLI STUDI DI UDINE DIPARTIMENTO DI LINGUE E CIVILTÁ DELL' EUROPA CENTRO-ORIENTALE, UDINE, ITALIA LJUBLJANA 2006 ZALOŽBA Z R C Studia mythologica Slavica ISSN 1408-6271 Uredniški svet / Consiglio di redazione / Advisiory Board Natka Badurina (Universita degli Studi di Udine), Nikos Čausidis (Univerzitet Sv. Kirii i Metodi, Skopje), Roberto Dapit (Universita degli Studi di Udine), Pietro U. Dini (Universita degli Studi di Pisa), Remo Faccani (Universita degli Studi di Udine), Stefano Garzonio (Universita degli Studi di Pisa), Larisa Fialkova (University of Haifa), Janina Kursite (Universitate Riga, Letonija), tAndrzej Litwornia (Universita degli Studi di Udine), Nijole Laurinkiene (Lietuviq literatures ir tautosakos institutas Vilnius, Litva), Mirjam Mencej (Univerza v Ljubljani), Ljubinko Radenkovic (SANU, Beograd), Leszek Pawel Slupecki (Instytut Archeologii PAN, Warszava), Zmago Šmitek (Univerza v Ljubljani), Svetlana Tolstaja (Institut slavjanovedenija Rossijskoj Akademii Nauk, Moskva), Giorgio Ziffer (Universita degli Studi di Udine) Uredništvo / Redazione / Editorial Board Monika Kropej (odgovorna urednica/curatrice/Editor-in-Chief) ZRC SAZU, Inštitut za slovensko narodopisje, Novi trg 2, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenija E-mail: monika@zrc-sazu.si Nikolai Mikhailov (odgovorni urednik/curatore/Editor-in-Chief) Universita degli Studi di Udine, Dipartimento di Lingue e Civilta dell' Europa Centro- Orientale Via Zanon 6, 33100 Udine E-mail: gintautas.mikalojus@virgilio.it Vlado Nartnik, ZRC SAZU, Inštitut za slovenski jezik Frana Ramovša, Novi trg 2, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenia E-mail: vlado@zrc-sazu.si Andrej Pleterski, ZRC SAZU, Inštitut za arheologijo, Novi trg 2, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenia E-mail: pleterski@zrc-sazu.si Izdajata / Pubblicato da / Published by Znanstvenoraziskovalni center Slovenske akademije znanosti in umetnosti, Inštitut za slovensko narodopisje, Ljubljana, Slovenija in / e / and Universita degli Studi di Udine, Dipartimento di Lingue e Civilta dell' Europa Centro-Orientale, Udine, Italia Spletna stran / Sito internet / Website http://sms.zrc-sazu.si/ Izhaja s podporo Agencije za raziskovalno dejavnost RS / Publicato con il sostegno finanziario di Agenzia per la ricerca scientifica della Republica di Slovenia / Published with the support of the Slovenian Research Agency Studia mythologica Slavica is included in the following databases: Ulrich's International Periodicals Directory; MLA Bibliography; Sachkatalog der Bibliothek - RGK des DAI; IBZ; FRANCIS; HJG (The History Journals Guide) Slika na zadnji strani ovitka: Kamna »tročana«, Police, Slovenija Fotografia sul retro della copertina: Due pietri di »tročan«, Police, Slovenia Back cover Photo: Two stones of »tročan«, Police, Slovenia Tisk / Stampato da / Printed by Tiskarna Ljubljana, d.d. Vsebina Indice Contents IN MEMORIAM Vladimir Nikolajevič Toporov, 5. 7. 1928 - 12. 12. 2005.....................................................7 Necrologio di Andrzej Litwornia, 5. 10. 1943 - 16. 3. 2006............................................. 11 SLOVANSKA MITOLOGIJA. VIRI IN REKONSTRUKCIJE.........................................13 MITOLOGIA SLAVA. FONTI E RICOSTRUZIONI........................................................13 SLAVIC MYTHOLOGY. SOURCES AND RECONSTRUCTIONS...............................13 George Indruszewski and Jon Godal: Maritime skills and astronomic knowledge in the Viking Age Baltic Sea...........................................................................................15 Andrej Pleterski: Poliški tročan...........................................................................................41 Rrn;e HayMOB: CagoT, ne^KaTa u KyKaTa bo cuM6onu^Ka pe^a^uja co MaTKaTa u ^eHaTa (HeonuTCKu npegnomKu u eTHorpa^cKu uM^^uKa^uu)........59 Hukoc Haycuguc, ropgaH Hukohob: ^enHa u BpmHUK. MuTonomKO - ceMU0TUHKa aHanu3a......................................................................................................97 SEMIOTIČNE INTERPRETACIJE LJUDSKEGA IZROČILA.....................................161 INTERPRETAZIONI SEMIOTICHE DELLA TRADIZIONE POPOLARE..............161 SEMIOTIC INTERPRETATIONS OF LANGUAGE AND TRADITION...................161 Emily Lyle: A Structure for the Gods: The Indo-European Pantheon Reconsidered 163 Suzana Marjanic: Witches' zoopsychonavigations and the astral broom in the worlds of Croatian legends as (possible) aspects of shamanistic techniques of ecstasy (and trance)..................................................................................................169 Mirjam Mencej: »Ja, tam je en takšen, ko zna.« Vedeževalci - nasprotniki čarovnic na slovenskem podeželju.................................................................................................... 203 Muxaun Eb3hmh: flepeBO ^OTeH^ua^bHbix MupoB.......................................................225 TaTbHHa A. AranKuHa: Cro^eTuKa BOcTOHHOcnaBAHCKux 3aroBopoB b nocTaBuTenbHOM acneKTe (3aroBopbi ot 3onoTHuKa u 6one3Hen ^uBOTa)........243 SODOBNA MITOLOGIJA.................................................................................................277 MITOLOGIA CONTEMPORANEA................................................................................277 CONTEMPORARY MYTHOLOGY................................................................................277 Larisa Fialkova and Maria N. Yelenevskaya: How to Outsmart the System: Immigrants' Trickster Stories.............................................................................................................. 279 PSIHOLOŠKA INTERPRETACIJA LJUDSKEGA IZROČILA.....................................297 INTERPRETAZIONE PSIHOLOGICA DELLA TRADIZIONE POPOLARE........... 297 PSYCHOLOGICAL INTERPRETATION OF FOLK NARRATIVE............................297 Zuzana Profantova: Plurima mortis imago......................................................................299 RAZVOJ RAZISKOVALNIH METOD IN DISKUSIJA.................................................321 SVILUPPO DEI METODI DI RICERCA E DISCUSSIONE.........................................321 DEVELOPMENT OF RESEARCHMETHODS AND DISCUSSION..........................321 Nikolai Mikhailov: Slovanski teonim Henillo/Honidlo in baltski Goniglis Dziewos... 323 Matej Župančič: Prispevek k opredelitvi in dataciji prostorskega križa na Gradišču pri Krkavčah v istrski Sloveniji....................................................................................327 Andrej Pleterski: Odgovor na kritiko datacije prostorskega križa s krkavškim Kamnom..........................................................................................................................335 RECENZIJE IN POROČILA O KNJIGAH......................................................................339 RECENSIONES ET SEGNALAZIONI DEI LIBRI.........................................................339 BOOK REVIEWS.................................................................................................................339 Zmago Šmitek in Aneta Svetieva (ur.): Post-Yugoslav Lifeworlds. Between Tradition and Modernity. (Boštjan Kravanja)...........................................341 GRADIVO.............................................................................................................................343 MATERIALE ......................................................................................................................... 343 MATERIAL...........................................................................................................................343 Joža Čop: O Črnem biku ali Čarnem juncu..................................................................... 345 IN MEMORIAM Vladimir Nikolajevič Toporov 5. 7. 1928 - 12. 12. 2005 Vladimir Nikolajevič Toporov, foto: Juozas Budraitis Ni naključje, da obsega strnjeni popis Rusko-slovenskih odnosov kar 22 strani 10. zvezka Enciklopedije Slovenije iz leta 1996. Ko pa je leta 1998 začela izhajati revija Studia mythologica Slavica, se je od ruskih imen, ki jih popis ni zajel, na čelu rubrike Slovanska mitologija - viri in rekonstrukcija znašlo tudi ime 70-letnega akademika svetovnega slovesa Vladimira N. Toporova kot avtorja prispevka z naslovom Nekatera vprašanja proučevanja slovanske mitologije. It is no coincidence that the summary of the relations between Russia and Slovenia, published in the tenth volume of the 1996 Slovene Encyclopedia, contains as many as twenty-two pages. Two years later, in 1998, when the Studia Mythologica Slavica review first came out, a name that had not been mentioned in the Slovene Encyclopedia appeared at the head of the Slavic Mythology - Sources section. This was the name of seventy-year-old Russian academician Vladimir N. Toporov, who 7 Leta 2002, ko je v knjižni obliki izšel slovenskiprevod dveh poglavij Toporovove knjige Predzgodovina književnosti pri Slovanih (Poskus rekonstrukcije) iz leta 1998, je njen avtor za rubriko Semiotične interpretacije ljudskega izročila v naši reviji prispeval tudi obsežno razpravo z naslovom K interpretaciji nekaterih motivov ruskih otroških iger v luči osnovnega mita. To seveda nista prvi pričevanji To-porovlje vključenosti v slovenistiko. Že leta 1958 sta se namreč v Slavistični reviji pojavili njegovi notici pod naslovom Sloveni-ca, ki sta bili dve od njegovih prvih treh ali štirih objavljenih besedil. Le da je Toporov slovenščino poglobljeno upošteval že v kandidatski disertaciji z naslovom Lokativ v slovanskih jezikih, ki jo je zagovarjal leta 1955 in je kot monografija izšla leta 1961. Vladimir Nikolajevič Toporov se je rodil 5. 7. 1928 v Moskvi. Po končanju filo-loške fakultete Moskovske državne univerze je začel delati na Inštitutu za slavistiko Ruske akademije znanosti in na njem vztrajal vse življenje. Leta 1990, petnajst let pred svojo smrtjo 5. 12. 2005, je postal član Akademije znanosti. Njegovo delovno področje je bilo izredno široko. Ukvarjal se je s primer-jalnozgodovinskim jezikoslovjem (indo-evropeistiko), z literarno vedo (problemi strukture besedila, vprašanji poetike), s folkloro in mitologijo (etnojezikovnimi tradicijami). Napisal je 30 knjig ter več ko 1500 razprav. Raznoterost njegovih monografij kažejo recimo naslovi Ahmatova in Dante (1972), K rekonstrukciji indoevropskega obreda (1982), Enej: mož usode (1993), Mit. Obred. Simbol. Podoba (1995), Svetost in svetniki v ruski duhovni kulturi (1998) ter Peterburško besedilo ruske literature (2003). Sodeloval je pri urejanju revij, kakor so Voprosy jazykoznanija, Etimologija, Linguistica Baltica, International Journal of Poetics, Kodikas, Proverbium in Arbor Mundi. 8 wrote an article titled Certain Questions of Slavic Mythology Research. The Slovene translation of two chapters of Toporov's book Pre-History of Slavic Literature (Attempt at Reconstruction), which was printed in 1998, was published in book form in 2002. Toporov was also author of an extensive treatise on children's games, Interpretation of Certain Motifs in Russian Children's Games Within the Basic Myth, which was printed in the Semiotic Interpretations of Folk Heritage section in Studia Mythologica Slavica. The above-mentioned texts were by no means Toporov's only ties with Slovene studies. As early as 1958, Slavistična revija published two items under the title Sloveni-ca; they were among Toporov's first three of four published texts. Yet this was not his first encounter with the Slovene language. In his doctoral thesis Locative in Slavic Languages, defended in 1955 and published as a monograph in 1961, Toporov discussed the Slovene language as well. Vladimir Nikolajevič Toporov was born on July 5, 1928 in Moscow and graduated from the Faculty of Philology of Moscow State University. His first post - and the one he retired from - was at the Institute of Slavistics of the Russian Academy of Science. In 1990, fifteen years before his death on 5. December 2005, he became member of the Academy of Science. Toporov's professional interest covered a number of topics. He researched historical and comparative linguistics (IndoEuropeistics), literary science (text structure, poetics), folklore, and mythology (ethno linguistic traditions). His opus contains 30 books and more than 1500 papers. His monographic works examine a variety of subjects, as can be seen from some of their titles: Akhmatova and Dante (1972); On the Reconstruction of Indo-European Ritual (1982); Aeneas: Man of Destiny (1993); Myth. Ritual. Symbol. Image Bil je eden od ustanoviteljev mo-skovsko-tartujske semiotične šole in ji je tudi predsedoval po smrti Jurija Lotmana. S svojim delom in pogledi je žel priznanja po vsem svetu. Postal je član Evropske akademije, Semiotičnega društva ZDA, Mednarodnega semiotičnega društva, častni član Letonske akademije znanosti in častni doktor Vilnjuške univerze. Med njegovimi častnimi priznanji je bila Sovjetska državna nagrada (1990), ki jo je zavrnil v znamenje protestazoperrepresivnopolitiko sovjetske uprave v Litvi, prva Solženicinova nagrada (1998) in nagrada Andreja Belega za humanistične raziskave (2004). Vlado Nartnik (1995); Holiness and Saints in Russian Spiritual Culture (1998); and The Petersburg Text of Russian Literature (2003). He was on editorial boards of Vosprosy jazykoz-nanija, Etimologija, Linguistica Baltica, International Journal of Poetics, Kodikas, Proverbium, and Arbor Mundi. V. N. Toporov was one of the founders of the Tartu-Moscow School of Semiotics, and after the death of Jurij Lotman served as its president. His work had earned him worldwide recognition. He became member of the European Academy, of the Semiotic Society of America, of the International Semiotic Society, honorary member of the Latvian Academy, and Honorary Doctor of Vilnius University. Among other awards, in 1990 he received the Soviet State Award, which he promptly rejected to express protest against the repressive politics of the Soviet administration in Lithuania, the first Solzhenitsin Award (1998), and the Andrei Bely Humanistic Research Award in 2004. Vlado Nartnik 9 Necrologio di Andrzej Litwornia 5. 10. 1943 - 16. 3. 2006 Il 16 marzo 2006 é scomparso dopo una lunga malattia il prof. Andrzej Litwornia, membro del Consiglio di redazione di questa rivista. Dal 1992 il professor Litwornia teneva la cattedra di Lingua e letteratura polacca presso il Dipartimento di Lingue e civiltà dell'Europa centro-orientale (in precedenza Istituto di Lingue e letterature del-l'Europa orientale). Nato a Tarnów nel 1943, Andrzej Litwornia si era formato presso l'Università di Wroclaw, università alla quale doveva rimanere legato anche dopo il suo definitivo trasferimento in Italia. Sotto la guida di uno dei maggiori specialisti della letteratura polacca e in particolare di quella barocca, Czeslaw Hernas, Litwornia vi conseguí il dottorato con un lavoro sul poeta barocco (o tardo-rinascimentale) Sebastian Grabowiecki, che avrebbe visto la luce qualche anno dopo con il titolo Sebastian Gra-bowiecki. Zarys monograficzny, Wroclaw-Warszawa-Kraków-Gdansk, IBL PAN, 1976 ("Studia Staropolskie" t. 46); fin dalla seconda metà degli anni sessanta vi aveva mosso del resto i primi passi della sua carriera accademica presso la Cattedra di letteratura polacca, fino a diventare vicedirettore dell'Instytut Filologii Polskiej (1974-1978). Dopo una breve esperienza didattica in Lituania presso l'Istituto pedagogico di Vilnius, Andrzej Litwornia divenne lettore di scambio internazionale all'Università di Roma "La Sapienza" (1979-1984), dove nell'anno accademico 1984-1985 fu professore a contratto. Rientrato nel frattempo a Wroclaw, nel 1990 Litwornia torno di nuovo in Italia, questa volta in veste di lettore di scambio all'Università di Firenze, dove resto fino a quando 11 vinse il concorso di professore associato all'Universita di Udine. Nella sede udinese Andrzej Litwornia ha dunque lavorato con grande impegno e dedizione per quasi quindici anni, ricoprendo tra l'altro varie cariche di grande importanza, come per es. la direzione del Centro linguistico e audiovisivi (Clav) da lui mantenuta dal 1998 al 2004. Studioso dai vasti interessi e dalla formidabile erudizione, come testimonia la sua ampia e ramificata bibliografía, Andrzej Litwornia avrebbe trovato nella presenza di Roma nella cultura polacca a cavallo tra Cinque e Seicento un nuovo terreno d'indagi-ne a lui particolarmente congeniale, sul quale far convergere i suoi molteplici interessi letterari, e poi storici e culturali in senso lato: frutto di tali ricerche e la bella raccolta di saggi W Rzymie zwyciezonym Rzym niezwyciezony. Spory o Wieczne Miasto (15751630), Warszawa, IBL PAN, 2003 ("Studia Staropolskie. Series Nova", III [LIX]). Lo studioso doveva tuttavia riuscire a vedere pubblicati anche i risultati addirittura di altre due ricerche che lo avevano impegnato per lunghi anni, e incentrate una sulla fortuna di Dante in Polonia, „Dantego któz si§ odwazy tlumaczyc". Studia o recepcji Dantego w Polsce, Warszawa, IBL PAN, 2005 ("Studia Staropolskie. Series Nova", X [LXVI]), l'altra su Mickiewicz a Roma, Rzym Mickiewicza. Poeta nad Tybrem, 1829 - 1831, Warszawa 2005.). Sono, queste, due ricerche che nella loro complementaria riflettono nella maniera piu evidente il duplice ruolo che nel corso degli anni Andrzej Litwornia era venuto ad assumere con crescente passione e impegno, e cioe quello di diffusore della cultura polacca in Italia, ma anche di quella italiana in Polonia; un ruolo che svolse tra l'altro anche in qualita di ispiratore di una serie di documentari televisivi dedicati alla cultura polacca, vista soprattutto nei suoi legami con quella italiana. Emblematica della sua inesausta curiosita come anche dell'amore per la sua nuova patria d'elezione e infine anche l'ampia antologia sui diari e i resoconti dedicati al Friuli Venezia Giulia da viag-giatori polacchi fra Cinque e Ottocento, apprestata in collaborazione con L. Burello, La porta d'Italia. Diari e viaggiatori polacchi in Friuli-Venezia Giulia dal XVI al XIX secolo, Udine, Forum, 2000. Questo breve, sintetico ricordo del prof. Andrzej Litwornia risulterebbe gravemente incompleto se non contenesse almeno un accenno alla sua straordinaria biblioteca (comprendente anche una ricca collezione di monete e di stampe), una della piu ricche raccolte polonistiche europee fuori dalla Polonia, che era strumento preziosissi-mo per le sue ricerche, ma che con grande generosita era egualmente sempre aperta e a disposizione di amici, colleghi e, last not least, studenti. Perché anche l'amore per i libri faceva tutt'uno in Andrzej con l'amore per la sua professione - intesa qui non solo come lavoro ma anche come vocazione - di docente universitario e di studioso. Giorgio Ziffer 12 SLOVANSKA MITOLOGIJA VIRI IN REKONSTRUKCIJE MITOLOGIA SLAVA FONTI E RICOSTRUZIONI SLAVIC MYTHOLOGY SOURCES AND RECONSTRUCTIONS Maritime skills and astronomic knowledge in the Viking Age Baltic Sea George Indruszewski (Viking Ship Museum, Roskilde, Denmark) and Jon Godal (Rissa, Norway) The issue of orientation at sea is discussed in relationship to archaeological, historical, linguistic information and new data obtained from experimental archaeology. The Viking Age sailors, regardless of their ethnic affiliation prowled the Baltic Sea with their ships, orienting themselves after celestial bodies such as the sun and the North Star. The vocabulary of most Slavic languages contains terms referring to time count and spatial orientation points in relationship to the position of the sun. The archaeological evidence, most specifically the discovery of an 11th century incised wooden disc, seems to reinforce the impression that astronomic orientation was used during and after the Viking Age Baltic Sea in the creation of mental, cognitive maps that served to orient sailors in a largely illiterate society. Orientation at sea: theory and practice The issue of orientation was never an easy subject even nowadays with the advance of satellite-based positioning systems and other radio- or sound-based navigation instruments. This change, however, does not make any easier the task of defining what navigation is, especially when it comes to navigation in the age of the Vikings. Modern navigation places an ever-increasing reliance on radar, satellite receivers, radio communication, and other means to steer ships that become bigger, faster, and more prone to disaster in and out of the trafficked deep-sea navigation lanes. For modern sailors, navigation has become an exact science, where the classic method of dead-reckoning is sophisticatedly computerized to the extreme, and where the formula 'range of estimated outcomes' is replaced by the motto 'secured navigation'. According to type and scope, there are different kinds of navigation: celestial navigation, pilotage (where the navigator makes heavily use of landmarks and navigational aides such as lighthouses,buoys,beacons,etc),dead reckoning (DR),waypoint navigation,position fixing, radio navigation (for automated navigation systems) and radar/sonar navigation. The first three kinds are rooted in mankind's seafaring history, while the rest is basically the scientific output of our modern times. Worth to note here, that the name dead reckoning (DR) coming to us from Elizabethan times implies a contrast between the instruments used for navigation: the 'dead' navigation with map and compass, as opposed to the 'live' navigation with the help of celestial bodies, mainly the Sun, the North Star, and the Moon.1 As mankind developed more technology, the trend seems to have been towards an increased 1 'Dead' may also have derived from 'deduced', but the word 'dead' was and is used commonly. For navigation knowledge at the end of the Middle Age period and onwards see Waters 1958: 39-77. For definitions of 'DR' see 15 Maritime skills and astronomic knowledge in the Viking Age Baltic Sea reliance on the 'dead' method of navigation. Therefore, it is perhaps no wonder why in the modern process of education, young navigators start with the mastering of dead reckoning navigation method, strongly backed by other modern navigation types, and only thereafter they pass to a 'higher' level of instruction, the celestial or astronomic navigation.2 But before our times, navigation was not a science it was an art. It was the art of applying a multifaceted knowledge, a techno-scientific knowledge3, to the practical task of leading a vessel from its departure point to destination on a selected route. It was the exclusive and unique skill of a Viking Age styrimadr, who 'carved the sea with the prow'.4 In scientific terms, navigation was and is 'the process of determining and maintaining a course or trajectory to a goal location'5 or the 'art of directing ships in any waters.'6 This implies determination of position and direction of travel any time anywhere. The problem, thus, for both scientists and the larger public, was and still is how this illiterate helmsman, often fulfilling the captain's role on board, was able to 'carve the sea' so that his ship not only reached the planned destination, but, through repetition, it gave also birth to sea routes and shipping lanes. Since the successful Atlantic crossing in 1893 of the Gokstad ship copy, the Viking, a vast amount of writing was spent on Viking Age navigation, and several theoretical currents were profiled over the published and unpublished material. These theoretical constructs, though, do not necessarily contradict each other, and they may even run in parallel by describing complementary features of Viking Age navigation. A wooden disc found in 1948, in the ruins of the Benedictine Convent from Uu-nartoq, Greenland constituted the event that triggered the formation of a main current of opinion within the research field of early medieval navigation (fig. 1). C. Solver's interpretation in 1953 of the find, as the remnant of a sundial was supported and furthered mainly by T. Ramskou, C. Roslund, and S. Thirslund.7 The mainstay of their arguments was to prove that the Uunartoq's wooden disc was a Viking Age navigation instrument that was successfully employed in direction finding on the open seas. In addition to that, T. Ramskou published several times his arguments regarding Viking Age navigation, which in a nutshell, state that the Vikings mastered non-instrumental, coastal navigation where bearings on land and local knowledge were the main prerequisites for successful voyages.8 For Ramskou, Wulfstan's voyage, like Ohthere's, was a de facto coastal sailing.9 With the Mixter 1979: 136-139. For practical limitations of DR navigation see S0lver & Marcus 1958: 18-34. For details see http://www.wordiq.com/definition/Dead_reckoning. 2 A good example is given by the education system employed by the Danish Seafaring Authority (S0fartssty-relsen), which divides these two levels into two patent-earning categories: skipper of the 3rd rank, followed by skipper of the 1st rank. For details see http://www.fritidssejler.dk/. Nevertheless, Mixter (1979: 142) in his Primer of Navigation points that experience based on astronomic navigation 'cannot be taught in books'. 3 As Schiffer & Skibo (1987: 592-622) pointed out, the term techno-science includes among the products of technology, those facts drawn from the interaction with material matters and which constitute a prescriptive mental body of knowledge. This knowledge is learned through personal experience and shared with others. 4 This sentence is characteristic of skaldic stances depicting the headway of a ship. For details see Jesch 2001: 177. 5 Franz & Mallot 2000 at http://www.wordiq.com/definition/Navigation_research 6 Mixter 1979: 1; also the Webster's Revised Unabridged Dictionary defines navigation as 'the science or art of conducting ships or vessels from one place to another, including, more especially, the method of determining a ship's position, course, distance passed over, etc., [..].' 7 Thirslund 1995, 1999 8 Ramskou 1969: 39-74, 1982: 14-50 9 Ramskou 1982: 39-40 16 George Indruszewski (Viking Ship Museum, Roskilde, Denmark) and Jon Godal (Rissa, Norway) advent of deep- sea voyages to the North Atlantic islands this knowledge, according to Ramskou, expanded to include the use of instruments, such as the wooden sundial (from Uunartoq) and the solarsteinn (the polarizing crystal) mentioned in St. Olaf's Saga from the 13th c. AD.10 A. L. Binns supported in 1972 the idea of instrumental navigation by presenting the so-called 'Canterbury Portable Sundial', a metal rectangle with holes and abbreviated Latin letters, tentatively dated in early 11th century, as a reliable proof of Viking Age navigation instrumental aids.11 Another proponent of instrumental navigation is S. Larsen, who rejected most navigational instruments, with the exception of the wind-vane who helped the 'Vikings' in addition to their astronomic navigation (sun mostly).12 L. Karlsen follows nowadays his predecessors in earnest, when he, in his book, explains practically 'how the Vikings used their amazing sunstones and other techniques to cross the open ocean'.13 For all purposes, one can call the mentioned proponents and their theories, as the 'school of thought' of Viking Age instrumental navigation. Their arguments were in principle based on practical interpretation of archaeological evidence. In 1953, G. J. Marcus continued H. Falk's position14 when he strongly advocated a non-instrumental navigation in the Viking Age.15 The Viking navigator was educated within a strong oral tradition encompassing all the knowledge needed to steer a ship to its destination; this knowledge included reckoning bearings on land, celestial navigation, and the observation of natural phenomena at sea. In this way, the Viking helmsman was able to deila œttir that is to distinguish the airts and steer the course. E. G. R. Taylor's book, printed for the first time in 1956, provided a thorough presentation of navigation knowledge at a global level that went back to the Phoenician times.16 For the Norsemen and the Irish, Taylor reserved an entire chapter titled 'Navigation without compass or chart' where she appealed to historical sources ranging from Dicuil's 9th 10 For discussion on the solarsteinn see Ramskou 1969: 59-79, 1982: 21-29, also a comprehensive survey in Schnall 1975: 92-114. 11 Binns 1972: 23-34 12 Larsen 1975:52-60 13 Karlsen 2003 14 Falk 1912: 15-23 15 Marcus 1953: 112-131. Like Haasum later, he erroneously uses the term 'dead reckoning' in describing the process of spatial orientation at sea. He, nevertheless, alternates it with 'reckoning', which is acceptable from a theoretical point of view. 16 Taylor 1958: 65-85 17 Fig. 1. The Uunartoq disc fragment (after Thirslund 1987: 38). Sl. 1: Odlomek lesenega diska iz Uunartoqa (po Thirslundu 1987: 38). Maritime skills and astronomic knowledge in the Viking Age Baltic Sea century De Mensura Orbis Terrarum to the early 13th century King's Mirror (Konungs Skuggsja) in order to argue for an astronomic, non-instrumental navigation type used in the Viking Age Northern Europe. S. Haasum published her thesis in 1974 where besides her negative arguments about the ability of Viking ships in sailing to windward the navigation theme occupied quite a central place. After stating that the Vikings did not use compass, wind-vanes or any other instruments, she erroneously described their use of celestial bodies, landmarks, and other seascape features for orientation and way-finding at sea as 'dod rackning'.17 U. Schnall published in 1975 a comprehensive survey of historical sources about Viking Age navigation where each issue pertaining to both instrumental and non-instrumental navigation was approached from an analytic perspective. After strongly disqualifying the arguments for instrumental navigation, the author proposed coastal navigation as the main type of knowledge 'at work' in Viking Age Northern Europe, knowledge that was supplied by crude astronomic orientation for deep-sea navigation.18 The sum of these publications give thus an idea of the other theoretical construct built through the critical analysis of medieval written sources, mainly the saga literature. The main idea of this construct was the omnipresence and omnipotence of non-instrumental navigation in Viking Age Northern Europe. In 1983, O. Crumlin-Pedersen pioneered a specific theoretical construct in the ongoing discussion about Wulfstan's navigation, namely the idea of sounding navigation, where the ship would follow a pre-selected bathymetric line (in this case, the author chose the -10 and -20 m depth lines respectively) that would run along the southern Baltic coastline from the mouth of the Schlei to the mouth of the Vistula.19 In other words, the author argued that the orientation system for the Viking Age navigator was below the waterline and not above it, and that coastal sailing was the main type of navigation knowledge for that period. Besides these three main currents of opinion, there are some other thoughts that embrace or reject more than one of the aforementioned theoretical constructs. A. E. Christensen, for example, strongly favors non-instrumental navigation in the Viking Age, but also points out that navigation by soundings is of little help along the Norwegian coastlines, since the abrupt changes of sea bottom depths are detected too late to help in steering the course of a vessel.20 J. H. P Barfod, in his defining notes on navigation, has practically embraced all theoretical constructs, by mentioning the non-instrumental, instrumental, and the sounding as types of navigation knowledge available to the Vikings.21 A peculiar place is occupied by M. Vinner who drew on his practical experience in sailing copies of early medieval vessels, when he argued that Viking Age navigation can be dealt in two co-existing parts: a 'natural' navigation type where human senses and intuition are used to develop an instant orientation system, and an instrumental type of navigation ranging from Floki's ravens22 to the late medieval solar stone from Albuen, on 17 Haasum 1974: 97 18 Schnall 1975: 181-183 19 Crumlin-Pedersen 1983: 42-43 20 Christensen 1993: 155 21 Barfod 1967: 260-263 22 Hagland 2002: 37 18 George Indruszewski (Viking Ship Museum, Roskilde, Denmark) and Jon Godal (Rissa, Norway) the Lolland island. For him, though, the most important element in navigation was the human sense of spatial orientation, called by him the 'cognitive instinct'.23 Spatial orientation in early medieval times In its own narration, Wulfstan's geography is a maritime orientation system with the ship as the central point. He does not orient the coastlines and islands in relation to each other, but in relation to the ship. This system contrasts with Alfred's Orosius own orientation system(s) (Korhammer 1985: 251-269), and is unique also in the historical sources in general. And paradoxically, but not unexpected, it levers the least amount of error in terms of cardinal directions. When Wulfstan said that the islands that belong or accepted Danish suzerainty are left on the port side, and that Weonodland was on starboard all the way until the Vistula Mouth, there is no room for error in interpreting that his ship was actually eastbound, and that he sailed on a rough course line from west to east. In addition, Wulfstan's account uses the language of cardinal points: the Elbing comes from the East, the Vistula from the South, and then the Elbing or the Vistula flows into the sea West and North. Thus, Wulfstan's travel account includes all cardinal points, and moreover and in contrast with the rest of Alfred's Orosius, it actually corresponds with the 9th century geophysical settings in the Vistula Lagoon as reconstructed recently by M. Kasprzycka (Kasprzycka 1999: 148-151). Needless to say that parallels are found in the Skaldic Corpus if one wishes to use them (Jesch 2001: 134, 174-175, 176). But, was this really the navigator's system of orientation while on board that sailing ship? One can deduce from the Wulfstan's text that the horizon was divided at least in four parts: the heading of the ship, the point of departure lagged behind, and the two sides of the vessel, port and starboard. This primary division of the horizon line could have been furthered by the next four directions (northeast and -west, southeast and -west), and in this manner, one arises at a total of eight direction points identical with the eight Old Norse cardinal points (clockwise these are nordr, landnordr, austr, landsudr, sudr, utsudr, vestr, utnordr), or the eight winds from the later King's Mirror (Konungs Skuggsja). This kind of reasoning is very tempting, especially when one knows that it reverberates in a vast literature that supports it. However, there are two major objections besides the fact that the text does not refer to these points directly. The first is the 'Scandinavian' origin of the eight-point directional system. As Taylor mentioned a long time ago, the eight-point directional system was known since the Classical times in the Mediterranean (Taylor 1958: 7-8) and so it is quite possible that this system was 'imported' in Northern Europe through the works of literate monks. One important aspect, neglected by those seeing only Viking Age roots in saga literature, is the fact that this literature was written after the Scandinavian societies were imbued by Christian horizons of knowledge, which mediated actually the Classical World knowledge and values into the local cultural realm (Hollander 1962: 18-19). A quick look into the Classical World meteorology convinces almost immediately that the Ancient World knew not only about the horizon division into 12 equal parts (Aristotle's description) but also used this division to define Mediterranean wind-roses, such as the 2nd to 3rd c. BC marble anemoscope from Rome (Taub 2003: 105-108) (fig. 2). The other 23 Winner 1998: 1-40 19 Maritime skills and astronomic knowledge in the Viking Age Baltic Sea objection point was explained by M. Korhammer in 1985, and sets quite clearly Ohthere's orientation system in terms of sectors or arcs of horizon instead of directional points (Korhammer 1985: 251-269). If this is the situation, and saga and other Norse literature are utterly 'contaminated' by Southern European knowledge, then what is there left for a reconstruction of a Viking Age orientation system? The most 'risk-free' avenue is by way of mythological and linguistic research combined with first-hand ethnographical knowledge. For all practical reasons, Scandinavia Fig. 2. Classical World's wind-rose according to Aristotle (after Taub 2003: 105, fig 3.2). Sl. 2. Aristotelova veternica klasičnega sveta (po Taubu 2003: 105, sl. 3-2). remains a region where warm and cold are not only life-bearing sensual perceptions, but also matters of life and death. For Scandinavians (no ethnic connotation here) South (as a fixed direction) was where the Sun was at its highest and warmest during summer time, and from this point one could be deriving thus the first orientation axis (North-South). It is probably not incidental that in the Scandinavian mythology, the primordial chaos, Ginnungagap, was actually a world divided between the icy North and the glowing South. And looking at the geographical 'arrangement' of the Norwegian and Danish coastlines, this directional axis makes more sense, since it defines (not in the modern acceptation of accuracy) the direction in which one can travel and communicate with others (from north to south and vice versa). Finally, there is the etymological explanation of cardinal 20 George Indruszewski (Viking Ship Museum, Roskilde, Denmark) and Jon Godal (Rissa, Norway) points, which clearly distinguishes the relationship South-Sun among the other cardinal points. Literally east is the point on the horizon where the sun rises. It comes from the Indo-European base aus which has a dual meaning of 'east' and 'dawn.' It is also the name of the prehistoric Germanic peoples dawn goddess, Austron, whose festival occurred in the spring. In Old English she was called Eastre, and is the origin of the English Easter. The Greek word for east is eos. It is not known for certain where north came from, but it has been suggested that its origin is nertru, which means 'left' in an extinct language of Italy known as Oscan-Umbrian. The underlying meaning is that north is 'to the left as one faces the rising sun'. Nord in German, Swedish and Danish stands for 'north' while the Irish 'north' was based on tuaisceart, clé meaning left. South comes from the Germanic suntha, and may have been derived from the base of sunnon or 'sun' - in which case south would literally mean 'region of the sun, side on which the sun appears.' This represents the direction to the right of the observer as the sun at sunrise. Descended from the Indo-European wes, west is literally the direction in which the sun goes 'down.' This also produced the Latin vesper and the Greek hesperos or 'evening' and is related to the Sanskrit avas or 'down' (http://www.jesusisamyth.net/glossary.html and Falk & Torp 1996: 875). As mentioned before, historical studies are of limited use when searching for the origin of navigation knowledge, and it may be we will never know exactly how much navigation knowledge is due to orally-transmitted tradition and how much came from the Mediterranean-based knowledge. Nonetheless, these sources could be regarded as measures of reflectance of several key issues, such as the notion of measuring time. Time in the Viking Age was related seemingly to the sun movement, and there are words where the meaning signify both time and direction (to the sun). Although late, medieval written sources mention two concrete occasions when measuring the altitude was done ad hoc by using whatever was available at hand, without prejudicing the accuracy of the measurement: The first mention was made in the 12th century Icelandic Grâgâs Law Then the sun is a handle high if a man is standing on a beach when sea is middle between ebb and flow looking the sun on her way down. If it looks as if a spear is placed under the sun so far that a man can reach it and the point of the spear just reach the lower edge of the sun, but the lower end of the handle goes down to the sea surface if the sky is clear.24 The second mention comes from Greenland where an expedition sailed in 1266 to the bottom of the ocean (Nœss 1954). Three days on the way south from the bottom of the ocean (that means the edge of the permanent polar ice) a crew on a six oared boat reached Kroksfjardarheidr on the 25th July: It came ice on the sea at night, but sun was shining day and night and was not higher when in south that if a man was laying crosswise the boat and his head with the board, the shadow of the board nearest the sun would fall in his face. At midnight the sun was as high as home in (nearest?) settlement when it is in northwest.25 These accounts indicate how early navigators measured the sun altitudes, established bearings and directions according to the sun, counted time and probably also north-south 24 Translated by J. Godal from the Icelandic Grâgâs Law. 25 Translated by J. Godal. 21 Maritime skills and astronomic knowledge in the Viking Age Baltic Sea distances by using simple devices available on hand, in this case the spear and the boat's side. Thus it seems that the time-direction concept is older than the information provided by early medieval written sources, taking different meanings already in Old Norse language. The concept seems to have been born as a practical matter, because when following the sun during the day one automatically recognizes the altitude as well. The day is at its highest, hogstdags in New Norse and hadegi in Old Norse, and one sings about sprouting of the sun in east. A similar situation is perceived when looking at the Baltic Slavs, who used for orientation seemingly East and West as major cardinal points, and the diurnal trajectory of the sun. Until today, some of the major Slavic languages hold for the engl. 'west' terms that define actually sunset (Pol. za-chod, Cz. zapadni, Rus. 3anadHuU, hsorb. zapadny) or evening (Cz. večerni, hserb. nawjecorny), while for the engl. 'east' there are terms depicting rise, sunrise, dawn (Pol. wschod, Cz. vychod, Rus. BocmouHuU, hsorb. wuchodny) or morning (hsorb. naranši, rami). If east and west are similar or identical in most modern Slavic languages, not the same can be said about the other two cardinal points. For languages other than Polish, 'north' is Cz. sever, Rus. CeeepHuu, Fig. 3. The solstice orientation of the 4-faced Slavic deities as proposed by Kot- hsorb sewjer and larczyk (Kotlarczyk 1993: 62, fig. 2). , ,, . j Sl. 3. Solsticijska usmeritev štiriobraznih slovanskih božanstev kot jo predlaga south is Cz. jlh, Kotlarczyk (Kotlarczyk 1993: 62, sl. 2). Rus. foMHUU, 22 George Indruszewski (Viking Ship Museum, Roskilde, Denmark) and Jon Godal (Rissa, Norway) hsorb. juho, južno. In Polish, though, the word 'poinoc' means 'midnight' which is to be related to the other important celestial body, the North Star (Pol. Gwiazda Poinocna). The North Star, is named in the Czech language after its direction pointing, to the North (Cz. Polarka, Severka). Besides that, 'south' is Pol. poiudnie, which is a composite term between pol, the half, mid-, and dnia, the day, literally means the time of the day when the sun is at its zenith and points towards the geographic south. The orientation system was rooted, as in the Scandinavian case, in Slavic mythology. Saxo Grammaticus' Svantevit (Swiatowit) from Arkona and the statue of Swiatowit26 from Zbrucz each had 4 faces/heads that can be related to the sun position at the summer and winter solstices (fig. 3).27 J. Kotlarczyk's interpretation seems all the more convincing if the statue of Svantevit is placed in its original location in the temple from Arkona. The temple, recently identified during the salvage excavations carried out several years ago, was located somewhat in the middle of the fortified compound, but had a clear view of at least 180° horizon line (due to erosion, the area today is in the immediate vicinity of the edge of the high cliff). From this location both sunrise and sunset could have been observed in relation to the sea horizon. It is interesting to note, that the temple and the fortified compound at Arkona faced the open Baltic Sea towards northeast, and in days with clear skies, the location of the Bornholm Island (situated at about 92 km or 50 Nmi from Arkona) can be seen as a cloud formation at the horizon line (fig. 4). If we take into account that an early medieval Arab historical source informs that holes were made in the walls of Slavic temples so that the Sun could be observed during Fig. 4. Arkona. Sl. 4. Arkona. its diurnal journey in the skies28, then it is apparent that Arkona's temple could not have been better positioned for such solar observations. From this perspective, one can perceive Arkona's temple as a marine sanctuary related not only to the movement of celestial 26 The connection of this deity with the sun & the sky is present in all Slavic cultures. In the Baltic Slav mythology the sun-deity appears under the name of Swiatowit, Triglav, Jarowit, while in other Slavic cultures he is known under the name Swarog, Swarozyc (Lat. Zuarasiz). L. Niederle even found an etymological link between these last names and the indo-european names svar meaning sun, and svargas meaning sky. For details see Jedlicki 1953:346-348. 27 Kotlarczyk (1993: 56-64) makes the point by setting each of the carved faces towards that azimuth the sunrise or sundown has during the two annual solstices. 28 Kotlarczyk 1993: 61. Al-Massudi informs about holes in Slavic temples for observing the sunrays. 23 Maritime skills and astronomic knowledge in the Viking Age Baltic Sea bodies but also to the sea. Thus, the spatial orientation system in the early medieval times can be reconstructed as being based on at least four directional points corresponding to modern cardinal points, points which nevertheless were parts of horizon sectors, or arcs. Time measurement Another important element in the orientation system was how time was measured. Reckoning time after Sun, Moon, and star movements is as old as the beginning of the history of mankind. These celestial bodies were closely observed and their diurnal/nocturnal movements well recorded, especially by the priests, Christians and pagans alike. The periods of light and darkness were divided by Greek and Romans, as well as by other people, in twelve equal parts (Healy 1999: 361). The parts, however, were not equivalent with one hour. To facilitate time calculation, sundials, water-clocks, star clocks, and shadow-tables spread from the Near East throughout the Antique World throughout the centuries, especially during the pax romana period.29 They were used to assess the position of the sun in relation to the observer, who could afterwards divide the horizon in four equal parts along the two major axes: the east-west decumanus, and the north-south kardo (Chouquer & Favory 1992: 65, 68-76). This allowed the observer to work with a combined notion of time and spatial orientation, without having to use the accuracy of modern time division and spatial orientation. Since the advent of the Greek method of time computation, the diurnal/nocturnal periods were divided in eight equal parts, three hours each. As in the case with the medieval saga literature, this method of dividing the day and night in 3-hours blocks was spread throughout Europe, being common not only in Viking Age Scandinavia30 but also in the British Isles31 and throughout Northern Europe. This method might have been used by Wulfstan and in spite that his account stops at 'days and nights', it actually tells us that that his sailing time was divided according to the Earth's cyclical rotation. This issue is, however, intrinsically related to the combined time-distance concept, and how was this concept practically measured. The nautical heritage in Scandinavia has the Danish uge s0s and the Old Norse viku sjofar translated directly into English week at sea. The ON. viku is etymologically related to inlet (Nor. vik) and departure (Nor. vike). As in the case of Nor. Lid, here too there are several meanings such as: shifting, time, and distance. The meaning distance probably came from the time accounted for, and in this case viku sjofar reflects a combined time-distance concept similar to Nor. d0gr sigling ('day sailing') and Nor. d0gr haf ('day at sea'). Translated in modern parlance, that would correspond to expressions such as a day walk or one hour by car. 'Day sailing' on the coast of Norway tends to account as double the 'day rowing', that being about 72 Nm distance. Discussions about distances and about distance-time concept were carried out by several 29 For details of sundials and other time-measuring devices see Schaldach 1998. 30 Falk (1912: 189) citing from the mythical Volsungasaga (12) and the later (10th to 12th c.) Fornmanna Sogur (IV, 381) stated that the eykt (corresponding to three hour-blocs) was the main time division in Viking Age Scandinavia without detailing how this came into being, and without mention of Southern European time measurement systems. Karlsen (2003: 115, 189-190) uses basic Old Icelandic dictionaries and also the King's Mirror to name the Old Norse division of time: midn&tti, otta, midur morgunn, dagmal, hadegi, eykt (non), midaftan, nattmal. 31 The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle notes that in AD 795 a moon eclipse occurred between three o'clock in the morning and dawn (http://sunsite.berkeley.edu/OMACL/Anglo/part2.html) 24 George Indruszewski (Viking Ship Museum, Roskilde, Denmark) and Jon Godal (Rissa, Norway) authors, including A. N^ss and R. Morcken (Morcken 1977). Not going into details, it is necessary to stress here the difficulty of reading medieval sailing information dealing with the combined time-distance concept, because one has to conclude how much it is about time, how much it is about distance or how much it is about both. One short example illustrates this problem: Ohthere said that his voyage along the Norwegian coast from his home place to Sciringesheal lasted 30 days. If one accounts for 36 Nm travelled each day, then the total sums up to 1080 Nm, which leads us to figure a route between Tonsberg (near Sciringesheal) and the northern border of growing grain at that time - on western part of Kvaloya in Trams. Here we are left wondering if he was accounting for distance when talking about time. The main point illustrated here though, is not the distance itself, but the way of thinking in that period. There is a time-distance concept based on a speed assessed as normal. For scientists and other modern-minded persons this is a problem, since the well-known mathematical relationship between speed, distance and time cannot be applied here. In addition, distance was difficult to measure on the open sea at that time. Today, modern sailors use the clock and other devices to calculate the speed, but the mechanical measuring of time is quite a new feature in the history of navigation. Cognitive mapping Besides these astronomically-based methods of spatial and time orientation systems, Wulfstan offers in his account plenty of geographic information, which ought to be related to the process of DRAWING A MENTAL MAP OF THE ROUTING. This passage is important, particularly because it strives to describe in few words the geographical sense of the world, the accuracy of spatial distances and perspectives reflected in an early medieval cognition, and besides all the image of the 'mental map' of the Baltic Sea and the surrounding lands that guided Wulfstan (or the navigator in his account) to safe arrival in Truso.32 The process of drawing such a map, based on existing knowledge, can be described here as a sequential chain: 1. The first task is to recognize peculiar features from the surrounding sea- and landscape as one sailed out of the port at Hxdum. Vital for the recognition process is the shape, the location, and the timing each specific feature has within the visual field of the observer. A major role is played here by weather (visibility) and time of observation (day, night). 2. The second step is to transform these land- or seamarks into points of sailing or bearings. For example, the cliff at 135 m high (Queen's Throne) on the Mon Island is visible in good weather from 20 km offshore distance, thus being an excellent bearing 'due north' for vessels hugging the eastern coast of Falster.33 In the same manner, the high cliff at St^vn, on Sj ffilland, was a visible bearing 'due west' for vessels crossing the Baltic from Scania to Rügen (fig. 5).34 32 For medieval manuscript depictions of 'mental maps' and seafaring perceptions, see J. Flatman, Medieval Perceptions of Maritime Space, http://www.arch.cam.ac.uk/%7Efcs22/register.htm. 33 For practical observations with the Skuldelev 1 replica, Ottar, in the summer of 2004 see Englert & Ossowski report, Wismar Seminar September 2004, in press. 34 This observation was taken by the author during sailing with Nidhugfrom Scania to Hiddensee in the summer of 1999. 25 Maritime skills and astronomic knowledge in the Viking Age Baltic Sea Fig. 5. A 'birds-eye view' towards Scania on a 3D model of Wulfstan's routing in the Western Baltic region. Sl. 5. Pogled na Skanijo s ptičje perspektive na 3D modelu Wulfstanove trase na področju zahodnega Baltika. 3. The next step is to insert these points of sailing into a more complex and general orientation system based on objective (astronomic observation) and subjective (human instinct) inferences. This system had to be reliable to such an extent, as to enable the navigator to reach the same or nearly-identical result repetitively. 4. The last step is passing the information in a kind of 'mode of transmission' to another person, be it the helmsman from the second watch, or simply the one who would inherit the task of steering ships on that particular route. In Wulfstan's account, we have actually a changed version of the last step, since his narration has come to be written by a learned scribe from Alfred's entourage. In spite of this added difficulty, one can try to trace back the 'mental map' of the region. Thus, the account states clearly two main seascapes: the area which practically could have been seen from the sailing ship, that is the actual sailing area, and the 'beyond the sailing horizon' area which was not visible but was known to be there. The very existence of this latter part in the historical account is a secure sign that Wulfstan (the navigator) was depicting to Alfred's scribe from his own 'mental map' of the Baltic region. He did not and could not see More, Blekinge, Oland and Gotland from the deck of his ship, but he knew they were there somewhere on the port side, north of his route (step 3). Going further back (step 2), one can reasonably assume for all practical purposes that for each mentioned 'land' the navigator had some specific bearings, not mentioned in the text, which nevertheless were used in praxis. Navigation method The navigation method and type can be deduced first of all from the historical sources, and especially from the comparison between Ottar' and Wulfstan's accounts in 26 George Indruszewski (Viking Ship Museum, Roskilde, Denmark) and Jon Godal (Rissa, Norway) Fig. 6. Astronomical night sailing and direction-finding. Sl. 6. Astronomsko usmerjanje med nočno plovbo. Alfred's Orosius. There are two types of navigation mentioned in the text: coastal navigation with night-stopping (Ottar's account on sailing along the Norwegian coastlines), and non-stop navigation (Wulfstan's account). The account of Wulfstan, in fact, stresses this by repeating in the text that the ship wxs ealne weg sailing. Here, we have one of the earliest and clearest informations that Viking Age voyages were not only pure coastal navigation no matter how often this method was practiced. Another important piece of information hidden in Alfred's text is the expression yrnende under segle, which occurs in two more instances throughout the Anglo-Saxon Corpus, once under an entry for year 1046 and a second time in a poem.35 In both instances the combination of these words means actually driving the ship by sail only, and most importantly running it before the wind. Thus, in our case, one can venture to say that Wulfstan (the navigator) was actually implying that his ship was running with the westerlies under the sail all the way out to the Vistula Mouth Area. This information and the fact that sailing was carried out by day and by night points actually not only to the method of navigation but also to the route Wulfstan may have chosen to sail to destination. By day, he was probably orienting himself after the Sun, the visible landmarks, and other navigational signs known to him, and by night he was using the North Star as a fixed celestial point from which a horizon heading could be deduced in order to position/orient the ship in relation to the four cardinal directions (fig. 6). 35 J. Bately, pers. comm. Roskilde, September 2004. 27 Maritime skills and astronomic knowledge in the Viking Age Baltic Sea Navigation aids: the wooden disc from Wolin Navigation aids found in the archaeological context are very rare, but a recently-found artefact from Wolin seems to posses the attributes of a sundial. Archaeological excavations carried out on the path of the present bridge that by-passes the town of Wolin unearthed in the summer of 2000 a wooden disc at about 2 m ground depth (Stanislawski 2001: 163). The peat and vegetation layer that contained the artefact covered also the remains of two residential structures and remains of shore reinforcements. The double pole-layer of the shore reinforcements showed signs of a wattle construction onto which fragments of ship planks were laid. The first residential structure displayed vertical rows of poles as main structural wall components. The filling between two occupational levels marked by clayish floors contained ceramic sherds of the Menkendorf type, osteological remains of mammals and fish, ship-related fragments (parts of a ships bow, fragments of ship planks, framing treenails, repair laths with rivets), a cultic wooden figurine, fish floats, one Saxon coin, a wooden disc with incised lines, and other metal, wooden, and textile artefacts (Stanislawski 2001: 164). The wood used in the construction of the house and that used in the shoreline reinforcement was dated dendrochronologically to between 935 ± 7 and 1011 ± 9/8 AD, while the secondarily-used ship planks were dated to between 938 ± 7 and 995 ± 9/7 AD (Stanislawski 2000: 164). The dating ranges seem, thus to converge quite well, showing the beginning of the construction before the first half of the 10th c. AD, continued afterwards towards the end of that century into the beginning of the 11th c. AD. The author concluded on the basis of the dendrochronological dating that the house and the shoreline reinforcements were built at the end of the 10th and beginning of the 11th c. AD. The presence of ashes and the thickness of layer nr. 4 made him to assume an occupational period for the entire first half of the 11th c. AD ended by the historically-mentioned attack on Wolin by the Danish king Magnus the Good in 1043 AD. The presence of a Saxon coin, dated to the end of the first half of the 11th c., together Fig. 7. The wooden disc from Wolin (after Stanislawski 2001: 172-173, figs. 5.7-5.8). Sl. 7. Lesen disk iz Wolina (po Stanislawskem 2001: 172-173, sl. 5.7-5.8). 28 George Indruszewski (Viking Ship Museum, Roskilde, Denmark) and Jon Godal (Rissa, Norway) with an ornamented fibula (Ringerike style) in the same layer nr. 4 were further arguments for the selection of the end of first half of the 11th c. as the probable date for the wooden disc (Stanislawski 2001: 164-165). The wooden disc, thus, can be said to post-date this dating range, being used after all probabilities within the first half of the 11th c. AD. The fact that the investigator preferred to date the wooden disc at the end of the first half of the 11th c. AD is to be seen as a purely archaeological dating, marking the end of the use of the artefact rather than the time span when the artefact itself was actively used. After consulting several specialists from Sweden and Denmark, B. Stanislawski cautiously interpreted the find as a possible sundial, although he concluded that the main aim of his article was the presentation of the unusual artefact that may become the topic of further analysis and scholarly interest in the future (Stanislawski 2001: 174). The wooden disc, made of oak, has a diameter of ca 8.3 cm, a thickness of about 0.9 cm (fig. 7). Its irregular circular shape seems to have been more the result of deposition circumstances, than of deliberate wood-carving. The disc has a central hole of about 1 cm diameter that cuts through the disc surface. Both faces show lines of irregular width incised into the disc surface. On one face, named by the investigator face A, there are two concentric circles, the space between them being divided by twenty-four separator lines. The lines can be classified in short- and long-lines; the short ones do not trespass the limits of the inner circle. There is an apparent pattern, where long-lines seem to encompass the shorter ones. However, this pattern is broken in four distinct locations, placed seemingly in opposite directions (up and down, left and right). Stanislawski drew a line through the longest long-line and interpreted it as a gnomon line for equinox time (late March and October). In the same time, he arbitrarily took a long line as the southern indicator and a short line as a northern indicator. He further divided the other face of the wooden disc, designated as face B, in compass degrees and established a short inner line intersected by two shorter lines as the 'north pointer'. On this face, the concentric circles are replaced by a large circle drawn along the disc edges. Triangle apexes were constructed inside this circle by incising shorter oblique lines that join each other in a seemingly regular pattern. There are twelve of such small triangles within the larger circle, but their pattern seems disturbed in at least three locations. The most characteristic line, however, on this face, is a curved line that unites the edges of the large circle, the middle of the curved line being tangential to the centre-hole of the disc. This line was interpreted as a gnomon line for the 60° N latitude (Stanislawski 2001: 173). The most convincing argument for interpreting the Wolin-wooden disc as a sundial comes from a small experiment with replicating and using the artefact, experiment which was carried out in the summer of2004 on the island of M0n. Four wooden discs have been set up for this experiment, three 'blanks' and the copy of the Wolin artefact (face B only) 29 Fig. 8. The replica of the 11th century sundial from Wolin. Sl. 8. Kopija lesene sončne ure iz Wolina. Maritime skills and astronomic knowledge in the Viking Age Baltic Sea (fig. 8). In addition, the bandwidth of a wooden sundial marked at Haithabu, Germany in the same time period was used as a control device. The three blank discs had their central pin set at different heights: the first disc had the pin at 0.6 cm height above the disc face; the second disc had the pin at 0.8 cm above the disc face and the third disc had the pin at 1 cm above the disc face. The experiment was carried out as detailed below: 5:53 am - set up the discs at even intervals and levelled with the sea surface. 6:05 am - set up disc nr. 1: 4: 0.3 cm pin height - marked shadow at both times - shadow on disc nr. 4 is fully on the disc face - shadow on discs nos. 1, 2, 3 is still on the edge 6:20 am - sun azimuth: 75° N - set Wolin copy and Haithabu discs 7:00 am - marked shadow on all discs - sun azimuth: 81° N 7:30 am - on theWolin disc-copy the pointer end is at intersection between the curve of the gnomon shade and the first zigzag line to west 8:00 am - marked shadow length on all discs - the shadow length touches now the range line drawn on the Haithabu disc - sun azimuth: 93° N This incised sign (above) cannot be a 'North pointer' for the Wolinian disc-copy. If oriented to point North, then the line shown below does not point to East. The pin shadow jumps over to the 'northern' side of the curve. 9:00 am - marked shadow length on all discs - Wolin disc is asymmetric: shrinkage and deformation seems to have taken their toll after more than 1000 years in the wet ground - sun azimuth: 95° N 10:00 am - marked shadow length on all discs - sun azimuth: 116° N 11:00 am - marked shadow length on all discs - sun azimuth: 119° N - Wolin disc-copy has the end of the shadow right on the incised curved line - disc nr. 4 has shadow in the edge of the hole 30 George Indruszewski (Viking Ship Museum, Roskilde, Denmark) and Jon Godal (Rissa, Norway) 12:00 am - marked shadow length on discs nos. 1-3 - Wolin disc-copy has shadow on incised curved line - sun azimuth: 150° N 1:00 pm - marked shadow length on discs nos. 1-3 - Wolin disc-copy has shadow on incised curved line - the shadow on disc nr. 4 is in the pin-hole - sun azimuth: 177° N The tip of the pin shadow was marked, thus, on all blank discs in the same timing sequence. That enabled the drawing of radial lines of sight through all the shadow points before noon (fig. 9). These points were, afterwards, united through a continuous line and the discs were partitioned by a permanent North-South axis (fig. 10). The last step in the construction of the experimental sundial was the extension of the gnomon line on the other shadow points in the afternoon, and the marking of daytime hours at the end of each radial line (fig. 11). The experiment has shown further that there is a relationship between the pin height (H) and its diameter (D). If pin height is less than pin diameter HD (1.7 cm>0.5 cm) (the case of the Haithabu disc), then the shadow will trespass the disc edges. The optimal height of the pin was shown to be at 1 cm for a pin diameter D of 0.5 cm. From this relationship, there is the ratio H - D of 2:1 or lower. Based on these considerations, one can analyse further the wooden disc from Wolin. The Wolin disc has a hole with a diameter of 1.1 cm, but for the dimensions of the disc (diameter of 10.9 cm) this hole-diameter is too large since the pin ought to have been as high as its diameter in order for the shadow to be kept out of the pin's hole. But it could not have been too tall in order not to trespass the disc edges. The only possible explanation is that the diameter of the centre-hole on the Wolin disc shows the diameter of the base of the pin and not the diameter of its pointer end. The experiment has shown that the curved line on face B of the Wolin disc corresponds with the trail of a gnomon shade for the 55° N latitude for the month of July. The time of the year corresponds with earlier estimates, but the latitude has changed. The curved line on face B of the Wolin disc is a gnomon curve that matches a solar band at the end of July on or around 55° N latitude. This confirms that: 1. the disc is a sundial 2. the disc has been manufactured and used in the Baltic and possibly the North Sea for non-stop voyages on the same latitude. 3. the 12 tacks on the face A could be orientation marks which divide the horizon in 4 quarters each with 2 bearing tacks within major cardinal points. In this case, the 12 tacks carved along the edge of the disc might, represent sectors of horizon. The experiment points also to another interesting detail. Observations for this experiment were made at the position of 54° 57.921 latitude N and 12° 33.157 longitude E. The 55° N latitude line, which crosses not far from this point, has an interesting geographic incidence with known historical places related to navigation and seafaring (fig. 12). 31 Maritime skills and astronomic knowledge in the Viking Age Baltic Sea Figs. 9-11. Sequential steps in replicating a sundial for the 55 ° N latitude. Sl. 9-11. Zaporedni koraki posnemanja sončne ure pri 55° severne geografske širine. 32 The line passes through the mouth of Tyne on the eastern coast of England, through Aabenraa, Svendborg on the southeastern coastline of Fyn, Vordinborg on Sjaeland, M0n, the southernmost tip of Bornholm, it crosses just above the Sambian landspit, and touches the Dniepr River near Smolensk. All these areas are connected with seafaring activity both in the Viking Age and in the Middle Age. Some activity can be ascribed to the Scandinavian Vikings, but it should be stressed here that not all Viking Age seafaring activity needs to be connected to ethnic Scandinavians. The Newcastle upon Tyne lies south of the Holy Island, an area that witnessed the earliest documented piratical activity ascribed to the Northmen, the people from Scandinavia. The monastery at Lindisfarne, located on this island, experienced towards the end of the 8th c. AD the destructive action of Viking piratical actions, and the whole region was within the action range of the Viking fleets reaching the British isles. In the Danish archipelago, both Svendborg and Vordinborg became during the High Middle Ages strategic locations from which offensive actions were taken against the Wendish Vikings. The isle of M0n is one of the Danish isles where Wendish settlements were established. On Bornholm, which constituted a landmark for the Baltic shipping on the east-west axis at all times, the latitude line passes just south of the southernmost tip of the island where a concentration of Viking Age settlements and burial grounds with Slavic artefacts have been excavated (excavations at and near Gr0dby). The line passes also along the Sambian landspit, which was a landmark for reaching the rich amber grounds of the pagan Prussians, while Smolensk is well-known for its trading importance in the early medieval times. Its Viking Age predecessor was the settlement complex from Gnezdovo with its ten burial grounds ex- George Indruszewski (Viking Ship Museum, Roskilde, Denmark) and Jon Godal (Rissa, Norway) Fig. 12. The 55° N latitude line across Northern Europe. Sl. 12. Črta 55° severne geografske širine po severni Evropi. hibiting thousands of burial mounds. Stalsberg counted at least one hundred burials with Scandinavian grave goods, half of which she counted as Scandinavian. Among these, she included a simplified list of eleven graves with incinerated graved-boats, all dated to the 10th c. AD (Stalsberg 1999: 437, 444-448). Although it is not certain that the dead incinerated with or in these boats were ethnic Scandinavians, the simple presence of these features point to the multifaceted cultural environment at the Upper Dniepr in those times. Coupled with this, one should note that the Dniepr was the main 'highway' for voyages headed towards the Black Sea and the magnificent Byzantine capital, Constantinople. The 55° N latitude line, thus, seems to be rather vital for communication and transport where navigation played a major role on the east-west axis on both the Northern and the Baltic Sea, as well as on mainland Russia. Thus, a sundial fashioned for this latitude should not be seen as an exquisite article since long-distance sailing actually depended on making as less contact with land as practically possible. The sundial from Wolin should be seen also in the context of other finds in order to give an idea about the possibility of instrumental navigation in the Viking Age Baltic Sea area. These finds, all made in the Oder Mouth area consists of : 1. the miniature wind-vane from Menzlin dated approximately to the 10th c. AD (Lamm 2002: 57-63). 2. Adam of Bremen's olla vulcani, the unique 'lighthouse' from Wolin running on 'Greek fire' dated to the 11th c. AD is an example on how night navigation might have been made safer in the Southern Baltic (Filipowiak 1985: 91-102).36 These two finds coupled with the wooden sundial from Wolin, seem to point again to the importance of the Oder Mouth Area for the navigation and long-distance seafaring in the Viking Age. In addition, these finds altogether indicate that navigation in that period 36 For its navigational purpose, see Indruszewski 2004: 110. 33 Maritime skills and astronomic knowledge in the Viking Age Baltic Sea Fig. 13. The Stenkyrka runic stone (after Lindquist 1941, fig. 97). Sl. 13. Runski kamen iz Stenkyrke (po Lindquistu 1941, sl. 97). was an art based on human senses and cognitive estimates of an orientation system that took advantage of stored knowledge about celestial bodies, landmarks, and other navigational benchmarks employed at sea or during inland navigation. Conclusion The progress made in navigation and spatial orientation ought be related directly to the progress made in the introduction and performance of sailing technology in the Central Baltic area from the 8th c. AD onwards. The unique ship representations carved on the Gotland runic stones stand as a conclusive argument. The windvane from Stenkyrka Smiss 1 (fig. 13), the bowline from Larbro St. Hammars 1 and Hejnum Riddare, the tacking boom depicted in Klinte Hunninge 1, and the general trend in the sail aspect ratio Ar are all indicative of the technological development that happened sometime between the 8th and the 10th c. AD (Indruszewski 2001: 261-269). Although the dating of these ship representations still remains a debatable issue, they clearly show that navigation and sailing in the Viking Age Baltic Sea were greatly influenced by the introduction of sail as a major method of propulsion. In other words, the discovery of a sundial in Wolin matches in terms of navigation the progress made by the introduction and the use of sail in sailing, both items being indispensable for long-range travel at sea. It seems that the 8th 34 George Indruszewski (Viking Ship Museum, Roskilde, Denmark) and Jon Godal (Rissa, Norway) Fig. 14. Metal disc from Ile de Groix (after Müller-Wille 1970: 192). Sl. 14. Kovinski disk z Ile de Groixa (po Müller-Willeju 1970: 192). through the 10th c. AD was the period when long-distance sailing transformed the Baltic Sea into a veritable communication and transportation hub. This trend does not seem specific only to the Baltic, but can be also perceived from everywhere around Europe, starting with the Byzantine and Arab seafaring in the Mediterranean and ending with the Viking raiding and conquest in the British Isles, Normandy and Ireland. The seafaring activity in the latter area has left also traces similar to that found in Wolin. The best example comes from the Gulf of Biscay, specifically from the He de Groix. Besides the incinerated ship-remains of hundreds of rivets and nails from the 10th century burial ground, the isle came to be known also for the discovery of a metal disc (Müller-Wille 1970: 192) that presumably represents a sundial with four concentric circles symbolizing the sun at different positions during its diurnal trajectory (fig. 14). These artifacts come to complete an entire range of archaeological artifacts,historical information,and linguistic evidence that point altogether that Slavs, Scandinavians, Balts, and other people engaged in long-distance travel on sea and land during and after the Viking Age (8th through 11th c. AD) possessed a multifaceted knowledge of their natural environment including the movement of stars 35 Maritime skills and astronomic knowledge in the Viking Age Baltic Sea and of the sun. This knowledge left seemingly imprints in the mythological and supernatural beliefs, as well as in the mundane vocabulary of modern languages. People of that time were more inclined to use the natural means at their disposition to orient themselves spatially than the modern man and the scholarly circles of today like to think of. In fact, the use of the sun during the daylight and of the stars during the night time for marking time and spatial location continued throughout the Middle Age up to the modern times, when sundials were displaced by clocks and other time-keeping devices. In this respect, it is perhaps not incidental that Olaus Magnus'es historical information from the mid 16th century on the use of the magnetic compass in Northern Europe is utterly confusing (Seaver 2001: 235-254), since it reverberates a situation when Late Medieval navigators were relying more on their sundials for orientation at sea than on the 'relatively-new' magnetic compass. Bibliography Barfod, J. H. 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Jesch, J. 2001: Ship and men in the late Viking Age: the vocabulary of runic inscriptions and skaldic verse. Woodbridge. 36 George Indruszewski (Viking Ship Museum, Roskilde, Denmark) and Jon Godal (Rissa, Norway) Karlsen, L. K. 2003: Secrets of the Viking Navigators. How the Vikings used their amazing sunstones and other techniques to cross the open ocean. Seattle. Kasprzycka, M. 1999: Tlo paleogeograficzne osadnictwa Zulaw Elbl^skich w pierwszym tysi^clecia naszej ery. In P. Urbanczyk (ed.) Adalbertus - Tio kulturowo/geograficzne wyprawy misyjnej sw. Wojciecha na pogranicze polsko-pruskie. Warszawa, 7-185. Korhammer, M. 1985: The orientation system in the Old English Orosius: shifted or not? In N. Lapidge & H. Gueuss (eds.) Learning and Literature in Anglo-Saxon England. Cambridge, 251-269. Kotlarczyk, J. 1993: W poszukiwaniu genezy wielotwarzowych wyobrazen Swiatowita, Swiatowita, Rujewita i innych. In M. Kwapinski & H. Paner, Wierzenia przedchrze-scijanskie na ziemiach polskich. 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London and New York. Taylor, E. G. R. 1958: The Haven-Finding Art - A History of Navigation from Odysseus to Captain Cook. London. Thirslund, S. Trnk af Navigationens historie - Fra oldtiden til 1530. Helsingor. Thirslund, S. 1995: Viking Navigation. Humleb^k. 37 Maritime skills and astronomic knowledge in the Viking Age Baltic Sea Wagnkilde, H. 2001: Slawische Relikte in Bornholmer Gräbern aus der Zeit der Einführung des Christentums im 11. Jahrhundert, in C. Lübke (ed.) Zwischen Reric und Bornhöved. Die Beziehungen zwischen den Dänen und ihren slawischen Nachbarn vom 9. bis ins 13. Jahrhundert, Stuttgart, 57-77. Waters, D. W. 1958: The Art of Navigation in England in Elizabethan and Early Stuart Times. London. Winner, M. 1998: Kompendium i Vikingetidens Navigation. Roskilde. Manual for use in the Museums Course Centre. Unpublished. Roskilde 38 George Indruszewski (Viking Ship Museum, Roskilde, Denmark) and Jon Godal (Rissa, Norway) Pomorske spretnosti in zvezdoslovno vedenje v vikinškem času na Baltiku George Indruszewski (Viking Ship Museum, Roskilde, Denmark) and Jon Godal (Rissa, Norway) Človekovo prostorsko orientacijo na morju v zgodnjem srednjem veku severne Evrope so v večini 20. stol. z večjim ali manjšim uspehom premlevali znova in znova. Širok spekter hipotez in rešitev so ponujali tako mornarji kot zgodovinarji, arheologi, ladjedelci in drugi zainteresirani znanstveniki. Vrteli so se predvsem okoli sprejetja ali zavrnitve navigacije z inštrumenti, glede na uporabo znamenj v pokrajini in nebesnih teles za določanje položaja in iskanje smeri na morju. Leta 1948 so v Uunartoqu na Grenlandiji našli leseni disk z gravurami (sl. 1). Nekateri raziskovalci in mornarji so ga razlagali kot sončno uro. To je sprožilo ostro debato. Taka razlaga je odprla možnosti za drugačen pogled na orientacijo na morju. Članek prikazuje orientacijo na morju v povezavi z arheološkimi, zgodovinskimi, jezikoslovnimi podatki in novimi spoznanji, ki jih je prispevala eksperimentalna arheologija. Morjeplovci iz vikinških časov so se ne glede na etično pripadnost s svojimi ladjami klatili po Baltiku in se orientirali s pomočjo nebesnih teles, kot sta sonce in Severnica. Besedišče večine skandinavskih in slovanskih jezikov obsega izraze, ki se nanašajo na merjenje časa in na točke, ki omogočajo orientacijo v prostoru glede na položaj sonca, kar nakazuje, da so zgodnjesrednjeveški mornarji uporabljali enovito predstavo o prostoru in času, ki je danes skoraj povsem zatonila v pozabo. To "skrito" vedenje se odraža tudi v arheoloških najdbah, ki se navezujejo na poganska verovanja baltskih Slovanov, posebno na prostoru najpomembnejšega svetišča v Arkoni (sl. 4) na Rugnu. Njegova lega kaže, da je bil njegov kultni pomen neločljivo povezan z določeno ravnijo zvezdoslovnega vedenja,ki je v vsakdanjem življenju lahko služilo tudi plovbi na velike razdalje. Uporabo zvezdoslovnega vedenja nakazujejo tudi skandinavski poznosrednjeveški zgodovinski viri, za katere se zdi, da predstavljajo mešanico evropsko-krščanskega vedenja o orientaciji v prostoru in času ter zgodnejšega izročila, ki odseva v mitološki temi Ginnungagapa, prvobitega kaosa. Arheološki dokazi, še posebej odkritje graviranega lesenega diska iz 11. stol. v zgod-njesrednjeveškem trgovskem središču v Wolinu na Poljskem (sl. 7), krepijo vtis, da so tako v vikinšem času kot po njem na Baltiku uporabljali astronomsko orientacijo in z njo ustvarjali duševne, miselne zemljevide, ki so pomagali mornarjem v sicer večinoma nepismeni skupnosti, da so se znašli. Disk je postal predmet proučevanja leta 2004, ko so izdelali kopijo in jo preizkusili na danskem otoku Mon. Članek opisuje rezultat poskusa (sl. 8-11), in kaže, da leseno ploščico iz Wolina v resnici lahko razlagamo kot sončno uro, ki so jo uporabljali pri navigaciji vzdolž 55° severne geografske širine (sl. 12). Ta vzporednik je prikazan, ker zajema področje, kjer so delovali Vikingi - oznako avtor uporablja kot opisno in ne etnično ime - večino vikinškega obdobja (8. do 11. stol.). 39 Poliški tročan Andrej Pleterski The Police village is situated in western Slovenia. Folklore and select characteristic toponyms communicate important spatial points. Their distribution demonstrates a well-considered arrangement of space, which may also be linked with the symbolic arrangement of the village region. The present day level of experience enables a comprehension dealing with spatial ideograms. The presented ideograms from the village Police are an expression of the age-old belief in three fundamental forces of nature (heaven-sun-fire, earth, water = trocan, the principle of a triad). The localities Roglca (=earth), Sv. Ivan in Sebrelje (=sun), and the Stribabe stones in Police (=water) compose the Major Trocan. The stones Stribabe in the middle of the Police field represent the Minor Trocan. A processional pathway enables a synthesis of the entire folklore, which until today remained preserved in mere fragments. They facilitate the reconstruction of two legends. The first clarifies the cycle of the seasons, while the second sets order to chaos in the instance of a natural disaster (drought, flood). Slika 1. Police in poliško polje s severozahoda. Figure 1. Police and the Police field from the northwest. 41 Poliški tročan 1. IZHODIŠČA Vas Police na Cerkljanskem leži na naravni polici vrh grebena med strugama potokov Poličnica in Sjaunk (Slika 1), ki se izlivata v Idrijco. Ta polica je južni obronek hriba Degarnik, ki se dviga nad vasjo in jo ščiti pred severnimi vetrovi. Rekonstrukcija posestnega razvoja Polic, katerega sledovi so se ohranili v Franciscejskem katastru iz 1826, je omogočila rekonstruirati zgodovinsko dogajanje v vaškem prostoru. Pokazala je, da sta se sedanje polje in vas začela razvijati že v zgodnjem srednjem veku, najkasneje v 9. stoletju. Najstarejše polje leži najbližje vasi, najpozneje v 10. st. so ga razširili proti jugovzhodu (Pleterski 2006). Ljudsko izročilo (Flego 2006) in nekatera značilna ledinska imena opozarjajo na pomembne prostorske točke. Njihova razporeditev kaže strogo premišljeno ureditev prostora. Prav ta premišljenost pa nam omogoča povezati v celoto izročilo, ki se je sicer do danes ohranilo samo v drobcih. En del izročila se nanaša na zgodovino vasi, ki sega daleč v davnino, in daje izjemno zanimiv vpogled tudi v način slovanske naselitve v zgodnjem srednjem veku (Pleterski 2006). Drugi del izročila je mogoče povezati s skrbno domišljeno,simbolno ureditvijo vaškega prostora. Današnja stopnja poznavanja omogoča razumevanje, po katerem imamo opraviti s prostorskimi ideogrami. V modernem času, ki je tako naklonjen klasificiranju vseh vrst, je ustaljeno tudi razlikovanje med pisnimi in ustnimi kulturami. Prve naj bi ohranjale svojo tradicijo pisno, druge ustno. V nasprotju s tem mnenjem želim v nadaljevanju utemeljiti trditev, da tudi "ustna kultura" pozna zapisovanje svojih misli in da pri tem kot eno od sredstev uporablja prostor, da torej na nek način piše s prostorom. Uporablja ga na najmanj dva načina. Prvi je, da misli vpenja na prostorske točke, ki postanejo memotehnično pomagalo. Takih zapisov ne moremo prebrati, ko ni več skupnosti, ki jih je ustvarila. Drugi način je, da misel zapisuje s prostorskimi ideogrami. Te pa je kot vsak zapis mogoče prebrati tudi po tem, ko ni več "piscev". Povezava med prostorom in izročilom pa pomeni tudi to, da spreminjanje in uničevanje prostora spreminja in uničuje tudi izročilo ter prostorske zapise. Zato je pomembna sestavina vojne uničevanje nasprotnikovih svetih krajev. Videli bomo, da so predstavljeni ideogrami izraz starega verovanja o treh temeljnih silah narave (neba-sonca-ognja, zemlje, vode), ki jih ljudje pomagajo vzdrževati v ravnovesju z vrsto obrednih dejanj. To verovanje je bilo mogoče zaslediti že na različnih mestih (Pleterski 1995; 1996; Pleterski, Belak 2004, 52-54 ; Pleterski, Mareš 2003, 9-13). "Učeno rekonstrukcijo" pa sedaj s strukturnim ujemanjem potrjuje osupljivo cerkljansko izročilo o tročanu, ki ga je v svojih zapiskih rešil Pavel Medvešček (2006). 2. IZROČILO Cerkljansko izročilo o tročanu "Ko je Aldo Trnovec učiteljeval v Zakojci v letih 1958-1959, je večkrat zašel tudi v Zakojško grapo, kjer je spoznal gospodarja Muščeve kmetije Janeza Krivica, rojenega leta 1899. Ko je ta nameraval orati, se je čudil kamnu, ki je stal na sredi neke njive. Gospodar je najprej ročno okopal zemljo okoli njega, drugo pa preoral. Ko mu je učitelj predlagal, naj moteči kamen odstrani, je odgovoril, da tega ne bo storil. Zakaj ne, pa ni bil pripravljen razlagati, češ da bo to hišno skrivnost zaupal le sinu, pa še njemu na smrtni postelji, kot so to počeli pred njim njegovi predniki. Leta 1965 pa je Janez Obid iz Bukovega povedal: 42 Andrej Pleterski "Moj oče, ded in praded so od časov, ko so tu še tlačanili, prenašali izročilo o tročanu, ki je takrat pomenil tudi način življenja. Ko so se odločili, da bodo postavili hišo, kaščo in hlev, so najprej poiskali tri kamne. Dva so uporabili za temelj, tretjega pa so imeli za binkl - varuha, ki so ga varovali kot skrivnost, saj je zanj vedel le gospodar - graditelj, ki je na smrtni postelji povedal bodočemu gospodarju, kje je. Tročan je bil vedno v znamenju ognja (sonca), vode in zemlje. Prenekatero kmetijo je pobralo, ker se je vedenje o hišnem tročanu izgubilo ali pa so ga celo iz nevednosti uničili. Kmetije, hiša, kašča, hlev, kozolec ali čebelnjak so bili vedno grajeni v tročanu. Tudi v sadovnjaku so sadili po tem pravilu. Če to ni bilo mogoče, so to storili s posevki. Baje je imela vsaka kmetija takrat svoj binkel, vendar le ognjenega, vodenega ali zemljenega. Marija Hojsak, prav tako iz Bukovega, je bila mnenja, da so vraže okoli tročana ohranili le zaostali in v vraže zaverovani ljudje. Predvidevala je, da je bilo teh le še nekaj. Vsi pa so menda živeli pod Poreznom,ki je skupaj z Otavnikom in Robijo tvoril veliki tročan. Kot ji je pripovedovala mati, so v njenem otroštvu tudi drevesa in poljščine razvrščali po sončnem, vodenem in zemljenem znamenju. Če jo spomin ne vara, spadajo v sončnega ajda, jablana in vino, v zemljenega bob, češplja in mleko, v vodenega pa repa, tepka in studenčnica. Nekateri pa so poznati tudi take binkle, ki so padli z lune takrat, ko je bil lunin krajec obrnjen navzdol proti zemlji, in je potem čez kakšen dan mrknil v črni mlaj. Podrobnosti o tem pa ne ve, ker so bili tisti kamni zelo iskani in cenjeni, še posebno pri tistih, ki so prerokovali. Oni, ki so kaj vedeli o tročanu, so bili prepričani, da imajo Muščevi voden binkel, saj imajo v Zakojški grapi največ vode. Če bi ga odstranili, bi morda presahnil potok. Tako so vsaj verjeli staroverci. Zadnji gospodar Janez Krivic, ki je še živel z zemljo in z vsemi starimi navadami, je leta 1971 umrl na svojem domu. Ob njegovi postelji ni bilo sina, ki bi mu lahko zaupal skrivnost kamna sredi njive, tako so z njim stari časi za vedno potonili. K sreči pa se včasih poti spominov ne končajo v pozabi. [V letih 1959-1998 pripovedovali: Aldo Trnovec, rojen 1938, Šempeter pri Gorici; Janez Obid, rojen 1901, Pri Jernejetu, Bukovo; Marija Hojsak, rojena 1897, Pri Flandru, Laharnar - Bukovo; Ivan Mavrič, rojen 1889, Pri Maurču, Žabže - Bukovo; Veronika Brišar, rojena 1911, v Osojah, Zakojca.]" (Medvešček 2006) Roglca Neki domačin iz Laharn, zaselka v dolini ob poti proti Kojci, se je pozno ponoči vračal peš iz Cerknega."U Klapih" [pod Roglco] po Želinu mu prične slediti temna postava. Prestrašen začne hiteti, postava pa za njim. Nato začne teči, večkrat menja smer teka, enkrat po levem robu poti, drugič po desnem, vendar mu spremljevalec vedno sledi. Ko pride do Reke, se pred križnim znamenjem prekriža. Tedaj sliši za seboj, kako je nekaj štr-bunknilo v vodo, spremljevalec - bil je to sam hudič - se je namreč pognal v Idrijco. Hiti prestrašen naprej in ko pride domov, mu je od vsakega lasu curljal znoj. Vendar ni prišel k sebi in je po kakem dnevu umrl (Flego 2006). Sv. Ivan v Šebreljah Prvi naseljenci - takrat še pogani - so po ustnem iztročilu imeli na skrajnem severnem delu planote majhen tempelj, kjer so častili boga Sonca. Danes je na tistem mestu 43 Poliški tročan podružnična cerkev sv. Janeza Kresnika. Nad glavno oltarno sliko je na modrem polju napis: JANES KRESNIK (Pagon-Ogarev 1976, 12-13). Cerkvica sv. Ivana je bila leta 1763 po odredbi cesarja Jožefa II. porušena. Po nekaj več kot sto letih so prebivalci cerkvico popolnoma obnovili in nad vhodna vrata zapisali letnico obnove: 1870. Ker so bili stroški obnove veliki, sta takratni župnik in župan sestavila posebno prošnjo vernikom za pomoč: «Preblagi čitatel! Več stoletij je stala na samotni Šebreljski višini cerkvica sv. Ivana Krstnika s pokopališčem vred, na katerim več tisuč umrlih s 6 duhovnim pastirjem v krilju hladne matere zemlje spi, v letu 1763 podrta inu zelo pozabljena. Sporočuje se, da od te dobe opustilne cerkvice večji del slabe letine dotičnim prebivalcem dohajajo, in da se mnogokrat natim svetiščem razne svitlobe vidijo. [Podčrtal A.P.] Z teh in drugih vzrokov, posebno pa zavoljo pokopališča, je ondašne prebivalce prebudila sv. Ivanu Krstniku zopet cerkvico sezidati. Ker pa stroški že nad 3000 segajo, domača moč je oslabela, cerkvica še brez oltarja, strop brez glavov, torej vljudno prosimo, pridite katoliški bratje častilci in častilke sv. Ivana na pomoč, tudi sv. Ivana pomoč Vam ne bo izostala. V Šebreljeneh 18 dne grudna 1870. Andre Kacin, župnik. Andre Mlakar, župan, po meni: Juri Lapanja» (Pagon-Ogarev 1976, 13-14). Ob menjavi tlaka so bili 1994 v zahodnem delu cerkve odkriti stavbni ostanki starejše enako usmerjene cerkvene stavbe in razmetane človeške kosti. «Tik ob zidu v severni ladji cerkve je v črni ilovici še v prvotni legi ležal skelet otroka. Tu so bili odkriti tudi odlomki časovno neopredeljene lončenine (sivo-črna lončenina, izdelana na lončarskem veretenu)» (Bratina 1999). Ivan Turk (Inštitut za arheologijo ZRC SAZU) je ob topografskem obhodu leta 1997 našel zunaj cerkvenega obzidja, v izkopani zemlji za jarek strelovoda, zahodno od cerkve okov iz bronaste pločevine, dolg 5,6 cm (slika 2). Še 5 m zunaj obzidja so bile človeške kosti. Jarek je bil približno 30 cm globok. Na okovu je upodobljena svetniška postava in jo lahko okvirno postavimo v čas romanike. Verjetna je misel, da gre za okov knjižnih platnic in s tem za morebitno potrditev zgornjega podatka o pokopih duhovnikov. Izročilo v Policah (Slika 3) Krasn Ruob. Skalnat rob, izpod katerega izvira potok Sjaunk. Njegovo ime je morda mogoče povezovati z besedama kras in kres. Kras = II krog, obod, vrsta kače; litavsko kreipti: sukati obračati; rusko krest: vstajenje. III. lep, vrsta kače, barva, barva ognja. Kres = kavzativ h *knsnoti - oživljati, vstati od mrtvih, možna primerjava z litavskim krai-pyti: sukati, obračati (Bezlaj 1982, 82, 90.). I-1 Na Dalejn Sjaunk se nanaša nenavadno izročilo o prisotnosti merjasca, ki kotali krožnik: "deuje suene taler tace" (Flego 2006). I-2 Na Trateh, kraju nad vasjo v smeri proti "Kuotlam", na križišču štirih poti, se ponoči dva srnjaka borita z rogovi, zato se sliši pokanje in vidi iskrenje (Flego 2006). I-3 Kar sem slišala, da je bila vas zelo obljudena, pa da je prišla ena bolezen, kuga so dejali. So pa eden za drugim pomrli. Le eden je ostal pa je hodil rjut tja na Žubršk, tja v en 44 Slika 2. Sv. Ivan v Šebreljah. Okov iz bronaste pločevine. Figure 2. Sv. Ivan in Šebrelje. Belt plate made of bronze sheet metal. Andrej Pleterski Slika 3. Police. Prostorske točke z izročilom. I-1 - Sjaunk, I-2 - Na Trateh, I-3 - Žubršk, I-4 - Pad Urtem, I-5 - Urtača, I-6 - poliška cerkev, I-7 - Štribabe, I-8 - presahli studenec. (osnova: Franciscejski kataster iz 1823. Državni arhiv v Trstu / Archivio di Stato di Trieste). Figure 3. Police. Spatial points with folklore. I-1 - Sjaunk, I-2 - Na Trateh, I-3 - Žubršk, I-4 - Pad Urtem, I-5 - Urtača, I-6 - the Police church, I-7 - Štribabe, I-8 - the drained spring (basis: Franciscan cadastre from 1823. National Archives in Trieste-Trst / Archivio di Stato di Trieste-Trst). grič. Potem so pa prišli Cigani gor po dolini in so ga vprašali, zakaj rjove. In je dejal: "Jaz sem pokopal vse do zadnjega. Kdo bo pa mene, ko bom umrl?" So dejali: "Bomo pa mi drugi poskrbeli za vas." In potlej so ti Cigani ostali tu. Po tistem, so dejali, da sta dva priimka še sedaj tu v vasi, Makuc in pa Božič, da bi bila obstala od tiste ciganske rodovine. Tako so govorili, potlej, če je res, pa ne vem. [Pripovedovala v Policah 1989 Francka Makuc] (Fonetično poknjižen narečni zapis iz objave: Raziskovalna naloga Police. - Osnovna šola, spomenik NOB, Cerkno 1989, 9) I-4 Pri neki hiši v vasi je bila za deklo ženska, ki se je obnašala čudno. Ko je nosila kosilo koscem v "Bile Patuče", odročno in zelo strmo senožet pod Degarnikom, je, na- 45 Poliški tročan mesto da bi hodila po stezi, kar tekala po robu tamkajšnjih prepadov. Vaščani so jo dolžili tudi, da povzroča točo. Zato so jo sklenili pokončati. Prijeli so jo in odvedli na travnik "Pad Urtem" pod zahodnim robom vasi, ob poti, ki pelje k zaselku Laze v dolini Idrijce. Tu so za vsak njen ud privezali vola in dali živalim ukaz, da povlečejo. Na tak način so jo razčetverili. Njene ostanke so nato vlekli naprej po poti za Laze in pokopali v manjši grapi ob stezi, ki na levi strani poti pelje do poliške cerkve. Po tej poti so hodili k maši v Police prebivalci zaselka Laze. Kraj domnevnega pokopa čarovnice se torej nahaja južno pod poliškim poljem okoli 150 m od cerkve pod dolino z imenom Urtača (Flego 2006). I-5 Urtača je globoka dolina, 100 m južno od poliške cerkve. Na zahodni in južni strani strmo pada v grapo, ki se po "Dalin" spušča proti Lazam ob Idrijci. Pravijo, da je nastala ob nekem izrednem deževju in povodnji, ko je zemeljski usad odnesel del poliškega polja in tudi kraj, kjer je bila pokopana čarovnica, v grapo [Frančiška Makuc, 1927, po pripovedovanju Andreja Makuca, 1903 - 1979]. (Flego 2006) I-6 Po izročilu naj bi prvotno nameravali [Marijino] cerkev zgraditi na Homcu, malem griču, ki stoji ob vhodu v vas. Po izročilu naj bi na prostoru, kjer stoji današnja cerkev, stala nekoč cerkev"neke druge vere". Do dobe pred drugo svetovno vojno so ob veliki suši prirejali procesije v Police tako iz Bukovega kot iz Šentviške Gore. Daleč naokrog je bila poliška cerkev znana kot "cerkev za dež". Pravili so, da kdor se udeleži procesije, mora vzeti s seboj dežnik. (Flego 2006) I-7 Po ustnem izročilu naj bi se po površini današnjega polja razprostiral nekoč gozd in skale. Slednje naj bi bile podobne tisti, ki stoji danes, čeprav poškodovana, ob kapelici na polju. Danes še obstoječa skala je služila do nedavnega kot mesto za počivanje s košem na poti iz polja proti vasi. Na skali sta še danes vidna dva večja in dva manjša vseka, ki sta služila za počivanje s košem, zato imenujejo kamen tudi "Pačiuauc". Izročilo o obstoju gozda na Polju ima svojo oporo tudi v toponimu "U Luogu", ki ga nosi parcela v neposredni bližini kamna. Kapelica je bila zgrajena leta 1899, kot razberemo iz letnice, ki je vklesana na skali, na kateri je bila sezidana. Prej je stal na tem mestu lesen križ. Starejši, sicer danes že redki vaščani, še zmeraj imenujejo kraj "Pr Križu", medtem ko ostali pa „Pr Kapjel" (Flego 2006). [Tročan] Slišala sem že za podobne kamne, toda pozabila sem njihova imena. Vem, da je Jožef Laharnar nekoč povedal zgodbo o treh kamnih - babah, ki še danes stojijo ob poljski poti vzhodno od vasi. Zdi se mi, da je takrat tudi rekel, da so kapelico postavili ob njih zato, da bi uničili moč ciganske štribabe [Frančiška Kacin, rojena 1899, Police 1970] (Medvešček 2006). I-8 Vaščanom je dobro znan studenec Na Bleku. Nahaja se vzhodno od vasi na desnem bregu Poličnice pod stezo, ki pelje v dolino v Laharn ali na Reko. Posebno v vročih poletnih mesecih ob košnji so hodili vaščani po hladno vodo k izviru. Po izročilu naj bi se nekoč ta izvir nahajal na Zajčevem vrtu, to pomeni med današnjo hišo št. 5 "Pr Zajcu" in cesto, ki pelje v vas. Ker pa so takrat z vodo izvira domači "Pr Zajcu" prali usrane plenice je ta usahnil in začel teči Na Bleku, kjer je danes (Flego 2006). 3. KAMNI (ŠTRI)BABE - opis Sredi vaškega polja stoji ob zahodnem robu poti vpadljiva naravna skala iz apnenca, ki je visoka približno 1 m, 1,5 m dolga in do 1,3 m široka. 2004 so mu odbili vzhodno stranico. Na severni strani ima vklesano do 30 cm široko polico sedeža, ki ga 46 Andrej Pleterski Slika 4. Police. Kamen sredi polja. Risbe stanja 2005 in fotografija stanja iz 1977 (Foto: Stanko Flego): a - pogled z vrha, b - južna stran, c - severna stran, č - puščica kaže razpoko, po kateri so odbili del Kamna, d - zahodna stran, e - vzhodna stran. Figure 4. Police. Stone amidst a field. Drawing of circumstances in 2005 and photo of circumstances in 1977 (Photo: Stanko Flego): a - from the top, b - south side, c - north side, č - crack in the stone, where it was damaged later, d - west side, e - east side. domačini imenujejo „Ta velk počivauc". Podobna, nižja, nekoliko ožja in bistveno manj izrazita polica je tudi na južni strani (Slika 4) in nosi ime „Ta mihn počivauc". 3 m jugovzhodno preko poti je drugi kamen - vrh žive skale v ovalu s premerom približno 2 m, katere vrh se vzpenja do 0,5 m visoko iz okolne ravnine. Na njej je večinoma travna ruša, na sredini pa stoji na umetno zravnanem in odbitem vrhu zidana kapela. Med 47 Poliški tročan Slika 5. Police. Kamen s kapelo: a - pogled z vrha, b - zahodna stran. Figure 5. Police. Stone with chapel: a - from the top, b - west side. kapelo in cestnim robom je vidna gola skala, z odklesanim vrhom in izklesano kvadratno vdolbino, ki je najverjetneje služila kot stojišče lesenemu križu. V vdolbini je v beton, ki pokriva zadnjo steno vdolbine, vpisana letnica 1899, ki pomeni leto gradnje kapele. Dno vdolbine je bilo 16. VI. 2005 zapolnjeno s peskom. V njem je bil dvojni obroč iz železne žice, zapognjen železen kavelj z ostro konico ter nekaj odlomkov malte. Te najdbe je mogoče 48 Andrej Pleterski povezovati z gradnjo ali obnovo kapele. Poleg tega je bil v vdolbini tudi del rožnega venca iz bronaste(?) žice in koščenih jagod. Na mestu, kjer skala prehaja pod pot, je vanjo vrezana kolesnica (Slika 5). Približno 20 m severneje je ob zahodnem robu poti s travo prerasla grbina, zadnji ostanek tretjega kamna (Slika 6). 4. PROSTOR Prostorske osi (Slika 7) Najbolj očitna je prostorska os, ki se začne pri vaškem studencu Lašk. Od tod gre črta preko prostora presahlega studenca, preko Kamna sredi polja, Marijine cerkve in se nadaljuje do cerkve sv. Ivana na Šebreljah. Naslednja os se začenja v dolini Sjaunk, teče preko grička Žubršk in Kamna sredi polja ter sega do vrha Roglca pod vasjo Ravne nad Cerknim. Njena vzporednica skozi Marijino cerkev je os druge širitve polja (Slika 8). Tretja os ima začetek na grbini „Na Gamil" v vasi. Preko vzhodne polovice grbine vodi sveže vkopana dovozno pot. V preseku je vidna stara jama, ki je zapolnjena z zemljo in kamenjem. Os poteka preko Kamna in se konča na robu najstarejšega polja, ki ga deli na dve polovici. S prejšnjo osjo tvori obredni kot (Pleterski, Belak 2004, 52-54) približno 22°. Merska ureditev (Slika 9) Razdalja med sedanjo Marijino cerkvijo in Kamnom ob kapelici sredi polja je približno 180 m, razmik med obema vzporednicama proti Roglci pa 90 m. Slednjo razdaljo bomo imeli za mersko enoto vaškega prostora. Razdalja med jamo "Na Gamil" in Kamnom je 270 m ali tri merske enote in na isti osi do konca najstarejšega polja je še enkrat 180 m ali dve merski enoti. Pravokotnica na to os prav tako meri 180 m. Prvotno polje je torej dolgo 360 m in 180 m široko, v njegovem središču stojijo Štribabe. 49 Slika 6. Police. Trije kamni Štribabe. Figure 6. Police. The three Štribabe stones. Poliški tročan Slika 7. Police. Tri osi vaškega prostora. Figure 7. Police. The three axes of the village area. Pot (Slika 10) Pot, ki poteka skozi vas in polje, navidezno nerazumno vijuga. Če nanjo položimo vse tri vaške osi, vijuge dobijo pomen. Prilegajo se osem. Posamezni deli poti ležijo na oseh ali vzporedno z njimi. Trikot (Slika 11) Sv. Ivan na Šebreljah, Kamen na poliškem polju in Roglca pod ravnami tvorijo obredni kot (Pleterski, Belak 2004, 52-54) približno 24°, z vrhom pri Roglci. 5. RAZPRAVA Izročilo o tročanu nam je v veliko pomoč. Roglca spada v skupino imen tipa Rog, Rogla, Rogatec, ki označujejo mesto božanstva zemlje, podzemlja, teme (pozneje krščanskega hudiča). Izročilo o temni pošasti U Klapih tako razlago potrjuje. Sv. Ivan, ki po izročilu stoji na mestu starodavnega svetišča, je zamenjal božanstvo sonca. To potrjuje tudi ime Kresnika, ki je najmočnejši v času poletnega sončnega obrata. 50 Andrej Pleterski Slika 8. Police. Prostorska os, ki povezuje Police z Roglco, in njive mlajše izkrčenega polja. Figure 8. Police. The spatial axis connecting Police with Roglca, and the range of a newly cleared field. S tem se ujema tudi ime potoka pod njim - Sjaunca, ki z imenom govori o svetlobi. Če ga vzporedimo s štajersko Sevnico z nemškim imenom Lichtenwald, je očitno, da tamkajšnji grb z drevesom in dvema ptičema (Otorepec 1988,177-178) kaže svetovno drevo svetlobe s soncem in mesecem. Ta dva namreč v upodobitvah na istem strukturnem mestu nadomeščata ptiča (prim.: Čausidis 1994, Tabla XXXV: 11, 17, 23). Procesije za dež k poliški Mariji nedvoumno kažejo, da je poliški prostor povezan z vodo. Ni nepomembno, da Police obdajajo trije studenci: Kuotle (izvir Sjaunka), Lašk in Na Bleku. Vsi trije so posredno ali neposredno povezani s prostorskimi osmi. Pomen izvira Na Bleku pa kažejo tudi tamkajšnje najdbe drobiža iz polpretekle dobe ter bronasta okrasna zaponka in železna sulična ost (Flego 2006). Trikot Roglca - Sv. Ivan - poliške Štribabe je veliki tročan: Roglca = zemlja, Sv. Ivan = sonce, Štribabe = voda. Poliške prostorske osi vpenjajo vaški prostor v veliki tročan. Trije kamni sredi poliškega polja - Štribabe so očitno mali vaški tročan. Preko njih se križajo prostorske osi in v tem smislu so hkrati tudi osrednja podporna os vaškega sveta. In če vemo, da so se starodavna ustoličevanja poglavarjev dogajala v središču skupnosti, ki so jo zastopali (Banaszkiewicz 1991), potem kamnita sedeža Štribab mnogo manj pomenita 51 Poliški tročan Slika 9. Police. Merska ureditev najstarejšega polja in vasi. Figure 9. Police. Modulated arrangement of the oldest field and the village. počivališče na poti s polja, ampak mnogo bolj del strukture, kakršna je nekoč stala tudi na Sveškem polju/Zollfeld na Koroškem in služila v obredih ustoličevanja koroških knezov (prim.: Pleterski 1997, 7-23). Lahko se celo spogledujemo z mislijo, da so pri Štribabah nekoč ustoličevali "cerkljanskega" župana. Pri merski ureditvi Polic je opazno, da gre za mnogokratnike razdalje 30 m. Našli smo jo tudi pri urejanju prostora v Pragi na Češkem, kjer je bilo mogoče ugotoviti, da gre za staro daljinsko mero provazec - vrv. Tam je bil prostor urejen s pomočjo mnogokratnikov 2, 3, 5 - mitoloških števil in prvih treh praštevil. Tudi v Policah je tako. Prvotni poliški prostor vasi in polja je dolg 450 m, kar je (30 (= 2 x 3 x 5) x 3 x 5) m in širok 180 m, kar je (30 (=2 x 3 x 5) x 2 x 3) m. Prilagajanje vaške poti prostorskim osem in s tem (protistavnima?) členoma tročana - soncu (Perunu?) in zemlji (Velesu?) nakazuje, da gre za procesijsko pot, kjer so se med hojo obračali na posamezne prostorske točke in tudi tako preigravali obredne dogodke, ki so bili potrebni za dober potek leta. V tej luči postane zanimiva tudi zgodba o čarovnici in pot, po kateri so jo vlekli. Podatka, da je Urtača nastala šele po tem, ko so čarovnico že pokopali (I-5), hkrati pa Urtačo upošteva že širitev polja proti jugovzhodu, kažeta, da 52 Andrej Pleterski Slika 10. Police. Glavna vaška pot in prostorske osi. Figure 10. Police. The main village road and the spatial axis. 53 Poliški tročan razčetverjenje čarovnice leži v mitski preteklosti. Da gre torej za mitsko čarovnico, pot njenega pogreba pa je prav tako procesijska pot. Obe procesijski poti je mogoče povezati s pomočjo drugih vaških poti v krožno pot. Ta pa nam poveže drobce mitskega izročila v celoletni ciklus. Zaslutiti je dve zgodbi. Sestavljajo ju pripovedni odlomki, ki so se ohranili v povezavi s posameznimi prostorskimi točkami. Verjetni manjkajoči deli so navedeni v oglatih oklepajih. Obe zgodbi se začneta pri Štribabah (I-7). V nadaljevanju je predstavljena prva diskusijska skica rekonstrukcije, ki v bodočnosti zahteva podrobnejšo obdelavo, že v tem trenutku pa kaže sestavine starodavnega mita (prim.: Toporov 2002), ki je pojasnjeval tek letnih časov in urejal vdor kaotičnih razmer. prostor Štribabe Zajčev vrt Na Trateh Dalejn Sjaunk Krasn Ruob oznaka I-8 I-2 I-1 izročilo ženska pere otroške plenice, voda presahne srnjaka se ponoči borita, pokanje in iskrenje divja svinja taka okroglo ploščo (etimološka rekonstrukcija) ognjena kača vstane od mrtvih zgodba Baba pere, voda presahne [otroka-sonca ni več, nastane tema] v temi dvoboj rogatih živali z bliskanjem in grmenjem divja svinja prikotali [sončno] ploščo sonce vstane od mrtvih približni čas jesen zima pomlad poletje Pri prvi (Slika 12) zaradi dejanja (babe?) presahne voda (I-8), [ki nosi sonce?]. [Nastopi] tema, v kateri pride do dvoboja rogatih živali (I-2). [Njegova posledica je], da divja svinja prikotali [sončno] ploščo. Sonce-ognjena kača spet oživi (Krasn Ruob).- Da kresno sonce, če ga opazujemo z Roglce, zahaja nekako nad Krasnim ruobom, ne more biti zgolj naključje. Poleg tega se v strukturo vklapljata tudi potok in dolina Sjaunk, nedvomno z istim pomenom kot šebreljska Sjaunca (glej zgoraj) - kot prostor svetlobe. Pranje, ki pomeni udarjanje (Bezlaj 1995, 104), je povsem očitno dvoboj, zaradi katerega presahne voda. Zmaga enega nasprotnika nad drugim namreč zapre vodo. Nočni dvoboj srnjakov je drugi dvoboj, na drugem kraju in zato tudi v drugem času. Ta dvoboj mora imeti obraten izid, da se vzpostavi ravnovesje. Vodo pač odpre, da prinese sonce. Zgodba se očitno dogaja skozi celo leto in se stalno ponavlja, o čemer priča nedovršnost: srnjaka se borita, svinja tače. prostor Štribabe Zajčev vrt Pad Urtem Urtača poliška cerkev oznaka I-8 I-4 I-5 I-6 izročilo Baba ženska pere, voda presahne voli razčetve-rijo čarovnico začne deževati, nastane čarovnico po- plaz, ki odnese čarov- kopljejo nico zgodba Baba pere, voda presahne voli ubijejo Babo Babo zakopljejo, začne deževati, prekomerni dež izniči njen grob 54 Andrej Pleterski Slika 12. Police. Prizorišča procesijske poti v ciklusu letnih časov. Figure 12. Police. Scenes of the processional pathway through the cycle of seasons. Zdi se, da se tudi druga zgodba (Slika 13) začne podobno, pri Štribabah (I-7). Zaradi dejanja (zmage) Babe presahne voda (I-8), [nastopi suša]. Babo ubijejo (I-4) voli (rogata žival). Babo pokopljejo (I-5), nato začne deževati (I-6). Njen grob (I-4) pozneje izgine. Štribaba je seveda štriga baba, torej čarovnica, v bistvu ista, ki jo je potrebno pozneje ubiti. Ker je po zmagi v dvoboju zaprla vodo, pač nastopi suša in šele njena smrt vodo osvobodi. Zato začne deževati. Ker pa je mrtva, dež ne preneha. Izginutje njenega groba v bistvu pomeni njeno oživitev, da se ravnovesje spet vzpostavi. Zgodba je strukturno zelo podobna prejšnji. Prav tako imamo dva dvoboja z nasprotnim učinkom, deloma nastopajo iste sile. Vendar je razlika v večini prizorišč. Pri prvi zgodbi se vzpostavi svetlobno ravnovesje, v drugi vremensko. Dejanja druge zgodbe so opisana kot enkratno dejanje, kar morda nakazuje, da se ni dogajala redno, ampak samo v primeru izjemne suše ali morda celo dežja. 55 Poliški tročan Slika 13. Police. Prizorišča procesijske poti v času vremenskih neprilik. Figure 13. Police. Scenes of the processional pathway in times of natural disaster. Procesije k poliški cerkvi (I-6), bi bile lahko prežitek starodavnega obreda. Štribabe pa se tako kažejo kot gospodarice vremena in vode. Predstavljati si je mogoče, da so po opisani poti hodile procesije, bodisi v skladu s prvo zgodbo redno (morda večkrat letno) v določenih koledarskih trenutkih leta, ali izredno v skladu z drugo zgodbo, kadar je bila potreba zaradi neprimernega vremena ali drugih nesreč. Pri tem so igrali dejanja obrednega dogajanja na obrednih mestih. Spomin na te postaje se je ohranil do danes. Raziskava Polic nikakor še ni končana. Morda se celo šele začenja. Možna so še nova odkritja izročila, nove topografske ugotovitve, nove arheološke najdbe. Takrat bodo mogoči tudi popravki in dopolnitve zgornjih izpeljav. 56 Andrej Pleterski Literatura Banaszkiewicz, Jacek 1991, Entre la description historiographique et le schéma structurel. L'image de la communauté tribale: l'exemple des Lučane dans la Chronica Bohemo-rum de Kosmas vers 1125. - [v:] L'historiographie médiévale en Europe, Paris 29 mars-1er avril 1989, 165-175. Bezlaj, France 1982, Etimološki slovar slovenskega jezika II. - Ljubljana. Bezlaj, France 1995, Etimološki slovar slovenskega jezika III. - Ljubljana. Bratina, Patricija 1999 (2001), 198 Šebrelje. - Varstvo spomenikov 38, Poročila, 121122. Čausidis, HayeMflMe, Hmkoc 1994, MMTCKMTe chmkm Ha Jy^HMTe CnoBeHM. - CKonje. Flego, Stanko 2006, Poliške zgodbe. Ustno izročilo iz vasi Police pri Cerknem. - Idrijski razgledi 51/1, v tisku. Medvešček, Pavel 2006, Let v Lunino senco - pripovedi o starih verovanjih. - Nova Gorica, v tisku. Otorepec, Božo 1988, Srednjeveški pečati in grbi mest in trgov na Slovenskem. - Ljubljana. Pagon-Ogarev, Andrej 1976, Šebrelje skozi stoletja. - Ljubljana. Pleterski, Andrej 1995, The trinity concept in the Slavonic ideological system and the Slavonic spatial measurement system. - Swiatowit 40, 113-143. Pleterski, Andrej 1996, Strukture tridelne ideologije v prostoru pri Slovanih. - Zgodovinski časopis 50, 163-185. Pleterski, Andrej 1997,Mitska stvarnost koroških knežjih kamnov. - Zbirka Zgodovinskega časopisa 17, Ljubljana. Pleterski, Andrej 2006, Police na Tolminskem - prva "ciganska" vas na Slovenskem? - Vo- jetov Zbornik, Ljubljana (v pripravi). Pleterski, Andrej - Belak, Mateja 2004, Structures in the area of Lauterhofen in Bavaria. - Studia mythologica Slavica 7, 43-61. Pleterski, Andrej - Mareš, Jiri J. 2003, Astronomische Grundlagen einiger frühmittelalterlichen Kultstellen in Praha. - Studia mythologica Slavica 6, 9-35. Toporov, Vladimir 2002, Predzgodovina književnosti pri Slovanih. - Zbirka Županičeva knjižnica 9, Ljubljana. V svet Polic me je pripeljalo vztrajno prigovarjanje in spodbujanje Stanka Flega. Dolgujem mu gradivo, opozorila na arheološke najdbe ter vodstvo in spremljanje pri mojih terenskih ogledih. Upam, da se mu bom z zgornjim spisom vsaj malo oddolžil. Hvala tudi Mateji Belak za zavzeto izdelavo priloženih slik, Benjaminu Štularju za tridimenzionalni model pokrajine, Tamari Korošec Lavrič za risbe kamnov, Dragici Knific Lunder za risbo okova, Ljupču Risteskemu za konstruktivne pripombe k rekonstrukciji mitske zgodbe, Pavlu Medveščku, ki mi je pomagal s svojimi zapiski, in Silvu Torkarju, ki je potrpežljivo prenašal moja spraševanja. Del raziskave je nastal v okviru projekta V6-0978 "Historični principi urejanja prostora na Slovenskem in opredelitev pravil za urejanje prostora v sodobnosti", katerega naročnik je Ministrstvo za okolje in prostor R Slovenije, sofinancer pa Agencija za raziskovalno dejavnost R Slovenije. 57 Poliski trocan "Trocan" in village Police Andrej Pleterski The Police village (figure 1) is situated in western Slovenia. The present day field and village began to develop already during the Early Middle Ages, during the 9th century at the latest. The oldest part of the field lies closest to the village, and by the 10th century at the latest, it expanded southeastwards. Some folklore refers to the history of the village and entertains an intriguing point of view also concerning the type of Slavic settlement during the Early Middle Ages (Pleterski 2006). Folklore (Flego 2006; Medvescek 2006) and select characteristic toponyms communicate important spatial points (figure 3). Their distribution demonstrates a well-considered arrangement of space (figures 7-11), which may also be linked with the symbolic arrangement of the village region. The present day level of experience enables a comprehension dealing with spatial ideograms. In modern times, which are so well disposed to all types of classifications, the differentiation between written and oral cultures is also sound. The former supposedly perpetuate their tradition in writing, while the latter viva voce. Contrary to this point of view, this contribution argues the statement that »oral culture« also knows how to record its thoughts and that it uses space as one of its means. That is to say, it uses space to write. It uses it in at least two ways. The first is by anchoring thoughts into spatial points, which then become memo-technical instruments. Such records are impossible to read now with the community that created it being extinct. The second manner entails writing the thought using spatial ideograms. These of course, as any record, are readable also when there are no longer any »writers«. The connection between space and folklore also means that the changing and destruction of space hence changes and destroys the folklore and recordings in space. The presented ideograms from the village Police are an expression of the age-old belief in three fundamental forces of nature (heaven-sun-fire, earth, water), which humans help to maintain in balance by carrying out a series of ceremonial deeds. This faith is discernible already in several places (Pleterski 1995; 1996; Pleterski, Belak 2004, 52-54; Pleterski, Mares 2003, 9-13). »Learned reconstruction« now in combination with structural accordance, confirms the astonishing folklore from Cerkno about 'Trocan'. According to this legend, Trocan (=the principle of a triad) once signified a way of life. Trocan was always signified by fire (the sun), water and earth, which were illustrated in several ways: three stones, three different trees, three different plants, three different fluids. Buckwheat, the apple tree and wine represented the sun sign, while the earth sign was symbolized by the broad bean, the plum tree and milk, and the water sign by the turnip, the must pear tree and spring water. The localities Roglca (=earth), Sv. Ivan in Sebrelje (=sun), and the Stribabe stones in Police (=water) compose the Major Trocan (figure 11). The stones Stribabe in the middle of the Police field (figure 6) represent the Minor Trocan. At the same time, the latter also form the supporting axis of the village microcosms. Three main space axes intersect upon them (figure 7) thus anchoring the field area into the Major Trocan. The main village road runs through the settlement and field congruent with these axes (figure 10), which also suggests it to be a processional pathway. It enables a synthesis (figures 12, 13) of the entire folklore, which until today remained preserved in mere fragments. They facilitate the reconstruction of two legends. The first clarifies the cycle of the seasons, while the second sets order to chaos in the instance of a natural disaster (drought, flood). 58 CagoT, nenKaTa m KyKaTa bo cMM6onMHKa pe^a^Mja co MaTKaTa m ^eHaTa (HeonMTCKM npegnomKM m eTHorpa^CKM MM^^MKa^MM) row Hayuoe Because of their similar shape and function the dishes, the oven, and the house were viewed during the Neolithic and later in prehistory as parallels to certain features of the female body. Some dishes and ceramic models of ovens and houses bore painted, carved, or affixed motifs with exaggerated female attributes. Since the inside of these objects closely resembled the womb, the dishes and oven models were often used as coffins for newborn babies and children. Adults and children alike were frequently buried in certain parts of the house. These ritual acts whose origin probably dates to prehistory have parallels in the traditions of the Balkans. They are connected with traditional burial and calendar customs related to the house and family, and with etymological significance of different receptacles for everyday and ritual use. Bo MHory KynTypu mupyM cBeTOT, cagoT, neHKaTa u KyKaTa ce 3aMucneHM KaKO o6jeKTM kom bo ce6e cogpxaT eneMeHTM Ha HOBeKOBOTO Teno. OHa mTO hub ru o6egu-HyBa e BHaTpemHuoT npocTop bo Koj ce HaoraaT HneHOBMTe Ha ceMejcTBOTO, xpaHaTa 3a hmb u HaMMpHM^MTe noTpe6Hu 3a Taa ga ce nogroTBu. BugejKu ceKoja og oBue KOMno-HeHTu 6una nogegHaKBo BaxHa, ce oHeKyBano TOKMy TaKBuoT npocTop ga npugoHece bo ogpxyBaaeTo Ha 3aegHM^Ta. 3aToa, cagoT, neHKaTa u KyKaTa, bo o6peguTe ce HecTo TpeTupaHu KaKO o6jeKTM kom ru MMaaT oco6MHMTe Ha xeHcKMTe pogunHM opraHu. Og hmb ce oHeKyBano ga ro aKyMynupaaT u uHKy6upaaT OHa mTo BHaTpe ce Haora, KaKO 6u ce obo3moxmho mctoto „ga ce pogu" bo goBoneH 6poj. HaMMpHM^MTe, xpaHaTa u goMaKuHMTe 6une M3egHaHeHM co cy^cTaH^MjaTa Koja ce Haora bo yTepycoT, na ot-TyKa bo apxauHHMTe KynTypu, o6jeKTMTe bo kom Taa cy^cTaH^Mja „npecTojyBa", 6une M3pa6oTyBaHu bo ^opMa Ha xeHcKo Teno. BaKBuoT „xeHcKu KapaKTep", napanenHo er3ucTupajKu bo HeKonKy cerMeHTu Ha HeonMTcKMTe penurucKu TpagM^MM, 6un nogeg-HaKBo npucyTeH bo c^epaTa Ha o6peguTe 3a o6e36egyBaae Ha 6narococToj6aTa, KaKO u bo oHue, Bp3aHu 3a KynTOT koh noHMHaTMTe. BugejKu HeonuTOT e BpeMe bo Koe ce ymTe He nocTojaT numaHu M3BopM,BaKBMTe pena^MM Mery cagoT, neHKaTa u KyKaTa u3ucKyBaaT HaTaMomHu aHanu3u u napanenu. Bo Taa cMucna KaKO HajnorogHu ce jaByBaaT eTHorpa^cKMTe u3Bopu og cnoBeHcKuoT u 6anKaHcKuoT ^onKnop, bo kom ce ymTe cBexo ce 3aHyBaHu o6pegHMTe aKTMBHoc-tm, MomHe cnuHHM Ha oHue og HeonuTOT. 3aToa u bo oBoj Tpyg Ke ce HanpaBM o6ug, BaKBMOT ^onKnopeH MaTepujan ga ce ucKopucTM bo gBa acneKTa: - og egHa cTpaHa, bo oTKpuBaaeTo Ha „xmbmot KOHTeKcT" Ha HeonuTcKaTa gyxoBHa KynTypa, u og gpyra - bo 6apaaeTo Ha „ucTopucKMTe KopeHu" Ha cnoBeHcKMTe u 6anKaHcKMTe ^onKnopHM TpagM^MM. 59 CagoT, neHKaTa u KyKaTa bo cuMÓonuHKa pena^uja co MaTKaTa u xeHaTa I. HeOHMTCKM aHTpOnOMOp^HM CagOBM KoHn;unupaH KaKo npegMeT bo Koj Ke ce HyBaaT cypoBUHUTe HeonxogHu 3a ogpxyBaae Ha xubotot, ho c^aTeH u KaKo MeguyM npeKy Koj Ke ce o6jacHaT npu-huhcko - nocneguHHUTe ^aKTopu Ha pereHepaTUBHaTa noruKa, cagoT aBT0MaTCKu ce „eTa6nupa" KaKo nocpegHUK Mery ceKojgHeBHaTa er3ucTeHn;uja u penurucKUTe Hanena Ha ogpegeHa KynTypa. OTTyKa, He cnynajHo, bo roneM 6poj KynTypu og npaucTopujaTa na cè go coBpeMeHUTe ^onKnopHu Tpagun;uu, ce u3pa6oTyBaaT cagoBu kou, HacTpaHa og HUBHU0T aM6anaxeH KapaKTep, uMaaT u ^yHKn;uja ga noconaT koh ogpegeHu mutc-Ko - penurucKu acneKTu. 3aToa, Ha cagoBUTe ce cnuKaHu unu MogenupaHu opHaMeHTu, MUTCKU nuK0Bu u cn;eHu co n;en ga ce onpegMeTaT penurucKUTe y6egyBaaa u MUTCKUTe npeTCTaBu u BoegHo Tue ga ce npu6nuxaT go cBecTa u ay60nuTCTB0T0 Ha H0BeK0T. Bp3aHu 3a o6enexjaTa Ha ogpegeHa penurucKa npegnomKa, Ha HeKou og cagoBUTe um ce npugaBaaT ^yHKn;uu KapaKTepucTUHHu 3a H0BeK0B0T0 Teno. Ha Toj HaHUH, 0Bue ca-goBu go6uBaaT ^opMa Koja noTceTyBa Ha cTunu3upaHa ^urypa Ha H0BeK, unu naK Ha HeKou og hub ce npeTCTaByBaaT u gpyruTe aHaT0MCKu KapaKTepucTUKu kou acon;upaaT Ha Her0B0T0 Teno. MeryToa, uHTepecHo e mT0 Ha 3HaHUTenH0 noroneM 6poj og 0Bue T.H. aHTponoMop^Hu cagoBu, ce npucyTHu cnen;u^uHHu xeHCKu aTpu6yTu. floKonKy ce 3eMe npegBug geKa Kaj MHory Hapogu, npon;ecuTe bo npupogaTa ce o6jacHeTu T0KMy npeKy ogpegeHu ^yHKn;uu Ha xeHCK0T0 Teno, Toram Mo»e ga ce B0CTaH0Bu npuHUHaTa 3a co3gaBaaeTo Ha oBoj Bug cagoBu. CaM0T0 npucycTBo Ha BaKBUTe cagoBu bo KynTypu kou BpeMeHCKu u npocTopHo He ce 6nucKu, yKaxyBa Ha Toa geKa bo HUBHaTa 0CH0Ba CT0U apxeTun, Koj coceM noruHHo ja o6jacHyBan npupogaTa Ha cagoT u oco6eHo Ha 0Ha mT0 ce Haora bo Hero. AHTponoMop^HUTe cagoBu ce HajpaHo KoHCTaTupaHu bo BpeMeTo Ha HeonuT0T. Ho, KaKo mT0 hubhuot ugeeH KoHTeKCT ce 3ajaKHyBa, TaKa u Tue bo cnegHUTe enoxu ja npomupyBaaT cBojaTa ^yHKn;uja u npuMeHa, na gypu u bo ^onKnopHUTe Tpagun;uu Kaj cnoBeHCKUTe Hapogu u noKpaj npoMeHaTa Ha ^opMaTa ycneBaaT bo cBouTe Ha3UBu u o6peguTe ga ru 3agpxaT „xeHCKUTe KapaKTepucTUKu".1 Moxe6u, T0KMy bo penaTUB-Ho coBpeMeHaTa eTUMonorujaTa Ha 0Bue cagoBu, Mo»e ga ce 3a6enexaT BucTUHCKUTe „xeHCKu" oco6uhu Ha cagoT kou 6ea caMo HaBecTyBaHu og T.H.„HeMu" apxeonomKu Ha-ogu. 3aToa bo oBoj Tpyg HajroneMo BHUMaHue Ke ce nocBeTu Ha BpeMeTo Kora e 3aHHaTa nojaBaTa Ha ^eMUHU3upaae Ha cagoT, unu n0K0HKpeTH0 K0HKpeTH0 - Ha HeonuTCKUTe aHTponoMop^Hu cagoBu, co noce6eH aKn;eHT Ha 0Hue npoHajgeHu bo P. MaKegoHuja. HacTpaHa og Boo6uHaeHaTa cagoBa npogyKn;uja, bo TeK0T Ha HeonuT0T 0Bue cagoBu go6uBaaT U3rneg KapaKTepucTUHeH 3a aHTponoMop^HaTa nnacTUKa. CTaHyBa 360p 3a npegMeTu kou bo ce6e ru cogpxaT ^yHKn;uoHanHocTa u ^opMaTa Ha cagoT, ho u BU3yenHUTe eneMeHTu Ha KynTHaTa cKynnTypa, nopagu mT0 u ce HapeKyBaaT aHTpo-noMop^Hu cagoBu. Bo HajroneMuoT 6poj og npuMepuTe, 0Bue npegMeTu coceM Hanu-KyBaaT Ha npeno3HaTnuBUTe aM^opecTu cagoBu. MeryToa, co annuKan;uu, BpexyBaae unu cnuKaae Ha KepaMUKaTa bo npegenoT Ha BpaT0T, ce nocTurHyBaaT aHTponoMop^-HUTe n;pTu, co mT0 Tue ce ogBojyBaaT og Boo6uHaeHuoT U3rneg Ha aM^opecTUTe cagoBu. OBaa pa3nuKa cé noBeKe ce noTeHn;upa, TaKa mT0 Ha cagoBUTe ce gogaBaaT ropHu u gonHu eKCTpeMUTeTu, cTOManuaa, gojKu unu ocTaHaTu genoBu og H0BeK0B0T0 Teno. Ha 1 Haycuguc H., 2006, (bo uctuob 6poj) 60 rou,e HayMoe Toj HanuH, Tue co TeKOT Ha BpeMeTo, nocTeneHO npeMuHyBaaT bo goMeHOT Ha ^urypa-TMBHaTa nnacTuKa, npu Toa ce ymTe 3agp:yBajKu ru aM6ana:HuTe cBojcTBa Ha yTunu-TapHaTa KepaMUKa. Co ogpegeHu Bapuja^uu, npucycTBOTO Ha aHTponoMop^HuTe cagoBu e gujaxpoHucKu perucTpupaHo HaceKage bo npaucTopujaTa u coBpeMeHUTe apxaunHu nneMeHCKU 3aegHU^u u Toa bo pena^uja og Jy:Ha AMepuKa go KuHa u og 3anagHa A^-puKa u Bhuckuot Mctok go ceBepoT Ha EBpona.2 Bo paHuTe ^a3u ce jaByBaaT nopeTKo, ho Mo:e ga ce 3a6ene:u geKa HuBHaTa KOH^eHTpa^uja 3HanuTenHo ce 3roneMyBa bo TeKoT Ha go^HUOT HeonuT, oco6eHo bo peruoHoT Ha JyroucTonHa u ^HTpanHa EBpona, uaKo bo ogpegeHa Mepa BaKBuTe cagoBu ce npucyTHu u bo ocTaHaTuTe npaucTopuc-ku nepuogu /T.I; T.III:6; T.IV; T.V:2,4,5; T.VI:10,11,12; T.VII/. Bo uctuot nepuog, Tue ce u3pa6oTyBaaT u bo paMKuTe Ha HeonuTcKuTe KynTypHu rpynu og nogpanjeTo Ha MaKegoHuja. MaKo 3acera ce npucyTHu e bo Man 6poj, cenaK Bp3 ocHOBa Ha ny6nuKy-BaHuoT MaTepujan, Mo:e ga ce ge^uHupaaT ogpegeHu o6ene:ja Ha oBue c^e^u^UHHU KepaMunKu npegMeTu. a) AHTponoMop^HM cagoBM og HeonMTCKMTe HacenÖM bo ceBepoMCTo^HMOT gen Ha MaKegoHuja Bo HajroneM 6poj, npucycTBOTo Ha aHTponoMop^HuTe cagoBu, 3a :an necTo ^parMeHTupaHu, e Haj3a6ene:uTenHa bo HeonuTcKuTe Hacen6u og uctohhuot gen Ha P. MaKegoHuja, mTo He 3Hanu geKa nocne ny6nuKyBaaeTo Ha apxeonomKuoT MaTepujan, hubhoto npucycTBo He Moxe ga ce oneKyBa u bo ocTaHaTuTe peruoHu. Og gpyra cTpaHa, npeg ce 3apagu cKpoMHuTe UH^opMa^uu u unycTpa^uu og nocTapuTe ^y6nuKa^uu, He Moxe co curypHocT ga ce yTBpgu ganu HaBucTuHa cTaHyBa 36op 3a ^parneHTu og aHTponoMop^Hu cagoBu, unu naK 3a genoBu Ha KynTHaTa nnacTuKa og TunoT„6o:^u - KyKu".3 OBoj Bug ^urypuHu, bo BpeMe Ha u3gaBaaeTo Ha HeKou og ^y6nuKa^uuTe ce ymTe He 6une no3HaTu KaKo 3ace6eH Tun, TaKa mTo B3aeMHuTe cnunHocTu goBene go hubho Memaae.3aToa,Bo oBoj Tpyg Ke 6ugaT KopucTeHu UHTep^peTa^uuTe Ha aBTopuTe, npuToa ocTaBajKu npocTop 3a hubho HaTaMomHo peBugupaae u peuHTepnpeTupaae. 3acera, BaKOB Tun npegMeTu e KOHcTaTupaH bo ^ogo^He:HUTe HeonuTcKu ^a3u Ha noKanuTeTOT Kaj AM3a6eroBo (CBeTu HuKone), noToa Ha „CrpaHaTa" - AH^en^u (CrpyMu^), „CnaTuHa" - 3eneHuKOBo (CKonje), „KaHnu Haup" - flaMjaH (PagoBum) u egHa BapujaHTa Ha oBoj Tun og noKanuTeTOT„BpmHuK" - TapuH^u (fflrun).4 MaKo ^par-MeHTupaHu, npeg ce 3apagu cTuncKuTe cnunHocTu, cuTe ocBeH npuMepoT og BpmHuK, BneryBaaT bo ocHOBHaTa Tunonoruja Ha aM^opecTuTe cagoBu. 2 Gamacchio P. et al., 2005, 92-95; Hessler P., 2003, 67; Pollard G., 1983, 18, sl. 6; Boas F. , 1955, 85, 116, 117; Adam L., T. 18; Müller - Karpe H., 1968, T. 60, T. 63; Gimbutas M., 1989, 57 3 OBoj Tun Ha HeonuTcKa KynTHa nnacTuKa 3acera e eBugeHTupaH caMo bo paMKuTe Ha AM3a6eroBo - BpmHun-KaTa u BenymKo - nopoguHcKaTa rpyna og P. MaKegoHuja. Ce pa6oTu 3a cKynnTypu bo ^opMa Ha :eHcKo Teno, kou bo gonHuoT gen HaMecTo 6egpa unu HO3e uMaaT MogenupaHa KyKa. HecTaTa nojaBa Ha oBue Moge-nu bo HeonuTcKuTe KyKu, KaKo u uKOHorpa^cKuTe cnunHocTu co KynTHuTe ^urypuHu, 3acera HaBegyBa Ha hubhuot penuruo3eH KapaKTep. 4 CuTe HaBegeHu noKanuTeTu ce bo P. MaKegoHuja. 61 CagoT, neHKaTa u KyKaTa bo cuMÓonuHKa pena^uja co MaTKaTa u xeHaTa - AHTponoMop^HM cagoBM og AM3a6er0B0 (CBeTM HwKone) Ha oBoj noKanuTeT ce npoHajgeHM ^parneHTM og 6 aHTponoMop^HM cagoBM. HajcoHyBaHuoT og hmb e t.h. „nuToc" Koj cnopeg MCTpaxyBaHoT e gaTupaH bo IV - Ta (gon;Ho HeonuTcKa) ^a3a Ha oBaa Hacen6a. Bo ropHuoT gen, Ha BpaToT og cagoT, nog annunupaHMTe Beru ce BpexaHM poM6ougHM ohm, gogeKa bo gonHuoT gen, Ha cToMaKoT ce BpexaHM „V" neHTM,ucnonHeTM co n;pBeHa 6oja,mTo BoegHo npeTcTaByBa peTKocT 3a oBoj TMn cagoBM og nomupoKuoT peruoH Ha BanKaHoT /T.I:8/.5 CnegHuoT ^pameHT e co noManu guMeH3uu, penje^Ho M3BegeHu Beru m 6ageMec-TM ohm /T.II:2/. CnuHHM Ha Hero ce gBa ^parneHTa, mcto TaKa co 6ageMecTM ohm, ho co noTeHKo MogenupaHM Beru /T.II:7/. 3a pa3nuKa og hmb, Ha ^parneHTOT co KaT. 6p. 53 MMa BpexaHM gBa pega Beru co 6ena MHKpycTan;uja, KaKo m KpyxHo o6nuKyBaHM ohm /T.II:5/.6 Bo jaMa Koja He e co curypHocT gaTupaHa, a 3a Koja ce npeTnocTaByBa geKa e og nopaHMTe ^a3M Ha Hacen6aTa e oTKpueH m egeH ^parneHT Ha aHTponoMop^eH cag co penje^Ho M3BegeHu Beru m KpyxHM ohm. MHTepecHo e Toa mTo Hag BeruTe ce HacnuKaHu HeKonKy tohkm co TeMHa Ka^eHa 6oja /T.II:3/.7 - AHTponoMop^HM cagoBM og „CTpaHaTa" - AHre^M (CTpyMM^) Og oBoj noKanuTeT noTeKHyBaaT gBa ^parneHTa og kom egHuoT My npunara Ha aHTponoMop^eH cag, gogeKa gpyruoT ce npeTnocTaByBa geKa e gen og KanaK. M gBaTa, MMaaT cnuHHM guMeH3uu, co Toa mTo oHoj og npoconoMop^HuoT KanaK MMa BpexaHM ohm m He3HaHMTenHo ucnaKHaTM Beru, gogeKa Ha oHoj og cagoT, oHMTe m BeruTe My ce BpexaHM. Kaj o6aTa, hocot e McnaKHaT /T.II:4,6/. noKpaj oBue ^parneHTM e npoHajgeH m gen og cag co HeBoo6uHaeHa ^opMa, Ha Huj cToMaK e nnacTMHHo M3BegeHa paKa co HeTupu npcTM.8 - AHTponoMop^eH cag og „ KaHHM Haup" - flaMjaH (PagoBum) MaKo He e ny6nuKyBaH bo M3BemTauTe og MCKonyBaaaTa, cenaK og npunoxeHaTa ^oTorpa^uja bo ApxeonomKaTa KapTa Ha MaKegoHuja, Moxe ga ce 3a6enexu geKa cTa-HyBa 36op 3a ^parneHT og aHTponoMop^eH cag Ha Koj ce annunupaHu HeBoo6uHaeHM ymuBa bo ropHuoT gen og rnaBaTa, KaKo m 6ageMecTu ohm m hoc Ha nun;eTo.9 MeryToa bo npegenoT nog rpaguTe, npu peKoHCTpyKn;ujaTa e gogageH HecoogBeTeH ^pameHT og gpyr KepaMMHKu npegMeT, TaKa mTo ce go6uBa BneHaToK geKa ce pa6oTu 3a Haog co HeTMnMHHa KoHCTpyKU^uja. - AHTponoMop^eH cag (?) og „CnaTMHa" - 3eneHMKoBo (CKonje) Og oBoj noKanuTeT ce npoHajgeHM HeKonKy ^parneHTM og cagoBM co npeTCTaBa Ha HoBeHKo nun;e, og kom e ny6nuKyBaH caMo egeH.10 CTaHyBa 36op 3a ^pameHT co nnacTMHHo M3BegeHM ohm, Beru m hoc, gaTupaH og aBTopoT „bo noMnaguoT HeonuT".11 MaKo Toj ru cogpxu eneMeHTMTe Ha aHTponoMo^pHMTe cagoBM, cenaK He Tpe6a ga ce MCKny- 5 Gimbutas M., 1976, 240,241, sl. 209 6 Gimbutas M., 1976; 229 - 231, sl. 194 7 Gimbutas M.,1976; 215, 217, sl. 160 8 CaHeB B. - CTaMeHoBa M., 1989, 21 9 CaHeB B., 1996, 325 10 Galovic R.,1964, 11 - 29 11 TanoBMh P., 1964, 144, T., 5, 5 62 rou,e HayMoe hu MOXHOCTa ga npunaran u Ha cKynnTypuTe og TunoT „6o:*^u - KyKu", 6ugejKu bo BpeMeTo Ha ny6nuKyBaaeT0 Ha oBoj Haog, BaKBUTe KynTHu npegMeTu ce ymTe He 6une no3HaTU KaKo 3ace6eH Tun /T.II:2/. - AHTponoMop^eH cag og „BpmHMK" - TapMH^M (fflTMn) OBoj cag, 3aHyBaH bo ^nocT, oTCTanyBa og Boo6uHaeHaTa Tunonoruja Ha aHTpo-noMop^HuTe cagoBu. Bo Hero e cogpxaHa caMo gonHaTa nonoBuHa og xeHcKoTo Teno, co ucTaKHaTa cTeaTonuruja bo npegenoT Ha 6egpaTa, mTo BoegHo npeTcTaByBa peTKocT 3a aHTponoMop^HuTe cagoBu. Ha cuBaTa nonupaHa noBpmuHa ce Bgna6eHu 4 hu3u Ha xopu3oHTanHu paMHu u ^UK - ^k opHaMeHTu kou ro o6BuBaaT ^nuoT cag /T.IV:1/. Og gpyra cTpaHa, npu 0TKpuBaaeT0 Ha HaogoT (Koj cnopeg ucTpaxyBanuTe npunara Ha IV-a xopu3oHT), bo Hero e npoHajgeHa Hu3a og 157 nepnu, cocTaBeHa og mKonKu u nonxaBHuaa, KaKo u egHa Mana nepna co ^pBeHa 6oja.12 OBa ceKaKo yKaxyBa Ha Toa geKa cagoT ja 3ary6un cBojaTa npBuHHa HaMeHa 3a cKnagupaae Ha npexpaM6eHu npo-gyKTu u go6un HoBa ^yH^uja Koja BneryBa bo c^epaTa Ha ecTeTcKoTo unu KynTHoTo. 6) CeMaHTM^KMOT KapaKTep Ha aHTponoMop^HMTe cagoBM BaKBaTa BpcKa Mery aM^opecTuTe cagoBu u aTpu6yTuTe og H0BeK0B0T0 Teno, noc-TaBeHu Ha hub, cyrepupa HeKonKy xunoTe3u kou 6u Moxene ga ja o6jacHaT ugejaTa npo-u3ne3eHa og o6enexjaTa u cuM6onuKaTa Ha oBoj c^e^u^UHeH Bug npegMeTu. npeg ce Tpe6a ga ce ^0TeH^upa 3oHcKaTa nogeneHocT Ha cagoBuTe. Bo ropHaTa 3oHa, bo npegenoT Ha BpaToT, ceKoram ce npuKaxyBaaT eneMeHTu og H0BeK0B0T0 nu^ u Toa HajnecTo ce KopucTu BeKe yTBpgeHa, npeno3HaTnuBa uK0H0rpa^>uja co Koja ce ucTaKHyBaaT caMo onuTe, BeruTe u hocot. 3acera, npeTcTaBaTa Ha ycHu u ymu, 3apagu He^nocHaTa 3aHy-BaHocT Ha cagoBuTe, He Moxe ga ce eBugeHTupa, ho cnopeg aHanoruuTe co cnuHHuTe cagoBu og ocTaHaTuTe HeonuTcKu KynTypu, Tue ce MomHe peTKu unu coceM oTcycTBy-BaaT. EguHcTBeHo Ha npuMepoKoT og AM3a6eroBo /T.I:8/, bo gonHuoT gen Ha BpaToT ce 3a6enexyBa penje^Ho u3BegeHa naHHa nuHuja Koja cnopeg ucTpaxyBanoT Ha oBoj noKa-nuTeT ce uHTepnpeTupa KaKo repgaH.13 HeMa goBonHu UHgu^uu 3a opHaMeHTuKaTa Ha gonHaTa 3oHa, KojamTo ^nocHo ro on^aKa cToMaKoT Ha cagoT. Og gocera eguHcTBeHu-ot ^nocHo peKoHcTpyupaH arnponoMop^eH cag (npeTxogHo cnoMeHaTuoT og AM3a-6eroBo), Moxe ga ce npeTnocTaBu geKa u bo gonHuoT gen 6une npuKaxaHu opHaMeHTu co ogpegeHa cuM6onuKa. Cnopeg cnuHHuTe npuMepu og cocegHuTe peruoHu, oBaa 30Ha HajnecTo ocTaHyBa npa3Ha unu naK, nopeTKo, Ha Hea ce a^nu^upaHU pa^ u gojKu. OTTyKa npou3neryBa geKa bo HeonuToT, oBoj Tun cagoBu 6une K0H^u^upaHU KaKo xeHcKo Teno, Kaj Koe, noKpaj cyrecTuBHaTa o6na ^opMa ce KoH^HTpupaHu u HeKonKy aTpu6yTu Ha nnogHocTa. MaKo og HaBegeHuTe ^parneHTupaHu npuMepu TemKo Moxe ga ce 3aKnyHu geKa cTaHyBa 36op 3a cagoBu co npeTcTaBa Ha xeHcKo Teno, cenaK, cnopeg HeKonKyTe 3aHyBaHu Haogu og oBoj Tun, KaKo u aHanoruuTe co cuHxpoHuTe KynTHu cKynnTypu, MoxaT ga ce goHecaT HeKonKy 3aKnyH0^u kou ogaT bo npunor Ha oBue xunoTe3u. CeKaKo npeg ce, Mopa ga ce ucTaKHe geKa cTaHyBa 36op 3a cagoBu co penurucKu KapaKTep, kou bo ce6e cogpxaT ogpegeHu ctuhcku o6enexja u cum6ohu 12 rapamaHuH M. - TapamaHuH fl., 1961, 24, cn. 33 u 34 13 Gimbutas M.,1976, 240,241 63 CagoT, neHKaTa u KyKaTa bo cuMÓonuHKa pena^uja co MaTKaTa u xeHaTa mTo ja o6jacHyBaaT HUBHaTa ^opMa, npunagHocTa koh „:eHCKaTa c^epa", KaKo u eBeH-TyanHaTa KynTHa ^yHKD;uja. 3a ga ce cornega HUBHaTa ceMaHTUKa bo n;enocT, HeonxogHo e ga ce npuno:aT 3ace6Hu cTuncKo - cuM6onuHKu aHanu3u Ha gBeTe 30hu. - DiaBa-ropHa 30Ha HajMHory og npuno:eHUTe npuMepu npunaraaT Ha ropHuoT gen og cagoBUTe, na 3aToa u npBUHHUTe - ochobhu KOHCTaTan;uu npou3neryBaaT TOKMy og oBaa 3OHa /T.II/. Mery hub HajHecTo ce cpeTHyBaaT ^parneHTu co aHTponoMop^Hu n;pTu Ha nun;eT0 kou cnopeg ogpegeHu HayHHun;u, Mo:e6u HeocHOBaHo, 6ea uHTepnpeTupaHu u KaKo 300-Mop^Hu T.e co nTUHju o6ene:ja.14 Bo oBoj cnyHaj Mopa ga ce noTeHn;upa uKOHorpa^-cKaTa cnuHHocT Ha npuno:eHUTe Haogu co nuKOBHaTa npeTCTaBa Ha ropHuoT gen og „6o:un;uTe - KyKu" /T.III:1-4/. MMeHo, bo o6aTa cnyHau cTaHyBa 360p 3a peHucu ugeH-tuhho u3BegeHu KapaKTepucTUKu Ha nun;eT0 (ohu, Beru u hoc). CKopo co curypHocT Mo:e ga ce TBpgu geKa ce pa6oTu 3a HeonuTCKu, cTa6unH0 ocMucneH meMaTU3upaH KOHn;enT bo npeTCTaByBaaeTo Ha HOBeKOBOTo nun;e. Toj nogegHaKBo ce npuMeHyBan, KaKo bo goMeHOT Ha aHTponoMop^HUTe cagoBu u MogenuTe Ha „6o:un;uTe - KyKu", TaKa u Kaj cuTHaTa KynTHa nnacTUKa og cpegHuoT u gon;HuoT HeonuT.15 Ha cKynnTypuTe og TunoT „6o:un;u - KyKu", noKpaj npeTCTaBaTa Ha nun;eT0, bo gonHuoT gen og TenoTo Ha ^urypaTa ce MogenupaHu gojKu, pan;e unu cTOMaHe, mTo coceM jacHo cyrepupa Ha eneMeHTUTe og HOBeKOBOTo Teno. OTTyKa, npou3neryBa geKa u Ha ^pameHTUTe og aM-^opecTUTe cagoBu,Bo npegenoT Ha BpaTOT ce pyguMeHTupaHo npuKa:aHu o6ene:ja Ha HOBeHKo nun;e. - CTOMaK I KOHKOBM - gOHHa 30Ha KaKo mTo cyrepupa u caMaTa ^opMa Ha cagoT, noruHHo Mo:e ga ce HaceTu geKa bo HeroBaTa gonHa nonoBUHa ce npeTCTaBeHu Hu:uTe genoBu og HOBeKOBOTo Teno t. e. npegenoT Ha a6g0MeH0T u gonHUTe eKCTpeMUTeTu. Ha Toj HaHUH, cnuKaHUTe opHaMeHTu Ha aHTponoMop^HuoT cag og AM3a6eroBo coceM jacHo ce BKnonyBaaT bo cuM6onuH-KUTe 3HaHeaa Ha oBue genoBu og TenoTo. Ha HeroBuoT CTOMaK ce u3BegeHu MynTun-nun;upaHu „V" motubu kou ce uHTepnpeTupaHu KaKo pan;e unu naK KaKo cuM6onu kou cnopeg Hame Mucneae, HeocHOBaHo ce Bp3yBaaT 3a KOHn;enTOT „6o:un;a - nTun^".16 Kaj ^urypuHUTe, KaKo u Kaj HeKou aHTponoMop^Hu cagoBu og ^HTpanHa u Jyro - uctoh-Ha EBpona, pan;eTe HecTo naTu ce HacoHeHu TOKMy koh cTOMaKOT, ogHocHo ny6uHHuoT gen.17 MeryToa, bo HamuoB cnyHaj, cnuKaHUTe motubu bo ropHuoT gen ^opMupaaT Tpu-aronHUK, Koj bo apxauHHUTe KynTypu, oco6eHo HeonuTCKUTe, ru 03HaHyBan penpogyK-TUBHUTe opraHu Ha :eHaTa. OTTyKa npou3neryBa u ugejaTa Ha oBoj motub KaKo cuM6on Ha nnogHocTa u u306uncTB0T0,18 mTo BoegHo coogBeTCTByBa co HeroBaTa no3un;uja Ha oHoj gen og cagoT Kage BcymHocT ce cKnagupaHu xpaHaTa T.e. HaMupHun;uTe / T.I:8/. 14 Gimbutas M., 1989, 51 - 57, u HaTaMy 15 Cnopegu ru unycTpa^uuTe og oBoj Tpyg co npuMepuTe og: Grbic M. et al., 1960, T. VIII, 1 - 3, TapamaHUH M. u gp., 1971, cn. 71, 75; Kopome^ n. - Kopome^ J., 1973, T. XI, 11; Gimbutas M., 1976, cn. 148, 151, 169; CaHeB u gp., 1976, cn. 144, 237; KonumTpKOBCKa - HacTeBa M., 2005, cn. 10, 39, 40 - 44, 47, 49 - 51, 53, 54 16 Gimbutas M., 1989, 7, 9 17 Bugu npuMepu bo KonumTpKOBCKa - HacTeBa M., 2005, cn. 1, 3, 5, 7, 11, 26, 58; bo Gimbutas M. 1989, cn. 18, 40, 42, 50, 61, 83, 149, 217 - 220, 383 18 Chevalier J.,2003, 715; Lampic M., 1999, 146; Haycuguc H., 2005, 99; Gimbutas M. 1989, 237 - 239 64 rou,e HayMoe Bo Toj KOHTeKCT, npuMepoT og BpmHMK HanonHo ro noTBpgyBa KoH^nroT 3a ocMucnyBaae Ha cagoT KaKo xeHcKa ^urypa. Ha Hero ce npeTcraBeHu caMo gonHu-Te genoBu og TenoTo, npu mTo e HaMepHo u3ocTaBeH BeHe^OT u BpaToT Ha cagoT, a co Toa u npeTcTaBaTa Ha TOBeKoBoTo nu^ u ropHuTe eKcTpeMMTeTM /T.IV:1/. He cnynajHo, o6hmkot u u3rnegoT Ha cagoT ce KoH^HTpupaHu caMo Ha 6egpaTa T.e. mupoKUTe Kon-kobu, npeKy kou, noKpaj ^yH^uoHanHocTa Ha cagoBaTa ^opMa, ce ucTaKHaTu u ap-xau^HuTe aTpu6yTu Ha nnogHocTa. MHTepecHo e mTo BHuMaTenHaTa u3pa6oTKa u uh-BeHTapoT cogpxaH bo oBoj cag, yKaxyBaaT Ha Toa geKa Toj HeMan aM6anaxeH KapaKTep 3a cKnagupaae xpaHa u Te^HocTu 3a ceKojgHeBHa ynoTpe6a. npoHajgeHuoT repgaH bo Hero, cyrepupa geKa Toj 6un KopucTeH 3a qyBaae npegMeTu HoceHu Ha TenoTo nopagu KynTHa HaMeHa unu KaKo yKpac. Bo MaKegoHuja ce gocera oTKpueHu HeKonKy cnu^Hu repgaHu, MeryToa 3acera He e ^OTeH^upaH KoHTeKcToT bo Koj ce HajgeHu, HuTy naK hub-HaTa puTyanHa HaMeHa. MeryToa, MaTepujanoT og Koj e HanpaBeH oBoj repgaH (mKonKu u nonxaBu) u noKpaj Toa mTo e norogeH 3a necHa o6pa6oTKa, cenaK co ce6e noBneKyBa u ogpegeHu cuM6onu^Ku 3Haneaa. MMeHo, Kaj apxau^HuTe Hapogu, mKonKuTe, 3apagu cpeguHaTa og Koja noTeKHyBaaT (Boga) u HuBHaTa ^opMa, ^yH^uoHupane KaKo cum-6onu Ha „xeHcKoTo" u Ha nnogHocTa,19 gogeKa nonxaBoT (bo oBoj cnynaj BepojaTHo ce pa6oTu 3a peneH Bug) u noKpaj Toa mTo e Bp3aH 3a ceKcyanHaTa t. e. pereHepaTuBHaTa cuM6onuKa (h. 3. Boga / cny3aBocT + ^opMa = yTepyc) ru o3HanyBa u ^uKnuHHUTe npo-^cu.20 Og gpyra cTpaHa, gen og Bgna6eHuTe opHaMeHTu Ha oBoj cag ce u3BegeHu bo ^opMa Ha ^UK - ^k neHTa, mTo ceKaKo noBTopHo ru ^OTeH^upa ^uKnuHHUTe gBuxeaa u BogaTa, npeKy kou ce npeno3HaBaaT eneMeHTuTe Ha xeHcKuoT ^puH^u^. Mctuot op-HaMeHT, u3BegeH bo aHanoraa TexHuKa u nocTaBeH ugeHTu^Ho Ha 6egpagaTa, ce cpeT-HyBa u Ha cKynnTypaTa og ManeBo (EepoBo, P. MaKegoHuja).21 Bo ogpegeHa Mepa, oBue ceMaHTu^Ku cnu^HocTu, KaKo u BpcKaTa Mery o6pegHoTo TpryBaae co mKonKu u puTy-anHoTo Kpmeae Ha cKynnTypuTe (mTo ce 3a6enexyBa u Kaj ^urypuHaTa og ManeBo) ru cTaBaaT o6aTa npegMeTu bo c^epaTa Ha KynTHoTo.22 MHTepecHo e Toa mTo BaKBu npuMepu Ha cagoBu - cKynnTypu (KaKo oHoj og BpmHuK) uaKo He bo roneM 6poj, ce cpeTHyBaaT u bo gpyru HeonuTcKu KynTypu, mTo 3HanuTenHo ja ^OTeH^upa BaxHocTa Ha 6egpaTa KaKo cuM6onu^Ku eneMeHT. CaMoTo Kpmeae Ha eKcTpeMuTeTuTe Kaj MuHujaTypHuTe xeHcKu ^urypuHu, KaKo u npoMuc-neHoTo ancTpaxupaae Ha ocTaHaTuoT gen og TenoTo, jacHo yKaxyBa geKa bo hub ce KoH^HTpupaHu cKopo cuTe cBojcTBa Ha xeHcKaTa pereHepaTuBHa npupoga. 3aToa, Ha oBue cagoBu MomHe qecro ce 3a6enexyBaaT KoHTypu Ha xeHcKoTo Teno, npeTcTaBeHo go nanoKoT, npu mTo Haj3a6enexnuBa e cTeaTonurujaTa Ha KonKoBuTe, gen Ha cagoT bo Koj ce BcymHocT cMecTeHu xpaHaTa unu Te^HocTuTe /T.IV:1-6/. 19 Chevalier J., 2003, 679 20 Tpecugep y., 2001, 201; Chevalier J., 2003, 546 21 Cnopegu ru unycTpa^uuTe 17 u 27 bo: KonumTpKoBcKa - HacTeBa M., 2005 22 3a TpryBaaeTo co mKonKu Bugu ro npuMepoT Ha ManuHoBcKu (Chevalier J. 2003, 679, 4); 3a puTyanHoTo Kpmeae u nocpegyBaaeTo: HayMoB r., 2005-6 65 CagoT, neHKaTa u KyKaTa bo cuMÓonuHKa pena^uja co MaTKaTa u xeHaTa b) AHTp0n0M0p^HM0T cag u ^eHCKOTO Teno KaKO cmm6ohm 3a cno3HaBa»e Ha yHMBep3anHMTe pereHepaTMBHM npo^cM TprayBajKM og eneMeHTuTe Ha ropHaTa 30Ha u B3aeMHuTe cnuHHocTu, Moxe ga ce npeTnocTaBH geKa u HeonuTcKuTe aHTponoMop^Hu cagoBu u „6o:*:un;uTe - KyKu" 6une nepn;unupaHu aHanorao - KaKo HoBeKoBo Teno. CTaHyBa 36op 3a meMaTu3upaH cucTeM npeKy Koj HajnoruHHo ce u3pa3yBana ^yHKn;uoHanHocTa Ha xeHcKuTe aTpu6yTu Bp3aHu 3a nnogHocTa. MMeHo bo ropHaTa 3oHa, bo npegenoT Ha pen;unueHTOT ogHocHo BpaToT Ha cagoT, ce npeTcTaBeHu eneMeHTuTe Ha ugeHTuTeToT t. e. nun;eTo. OBue eneMeHTu Ha-nonHo ogroBapaaT co uKoHorpa^cKaTa cnuHHocT Ha nun;eTo u ropHaTa nonoBuHa og Te-noTo Kaj MogenuTe Ha„6oxuuuTe - KyKu". fflro ce ogHecyBa go gonHaTa 3oHa, Ha Mecro-to KagemTo ce Haora cToMaKoT Ha cagoT, Kaj 6oxun;uTe e nocTaBeH MogenoT Ha KyKaTa T.e. u bo gBaTa cnyHau npocTopoT Kage ce aKyMynupa ogpegeHa xuBoTHa eHepruja. Og BeKe cnoMeHaTuTe aHanoruu co aHTponoMop^HuTe cagoBu og gpyruTe Heo-nuTcKu KynTypu, KaKo u no3un;ujaTa Ha pan;eTe Ha HeKou og hub, Moxe ga ce 3aKnyHu geKa u Kaj gBaTa Tuna npegMeTu e npeTcTaBeHa cKopo ugeHTuHHa nonox6a Ha pan;eTe. nocTaBeHu bo npegenoT Ha a6goMeHToT ogHocHo KonKoBuTe, pan;eTe noBTopHo ru no-conyBaaT penpogyKTuBHuTe opraHu u MecToTo KagemTo npuMapHo ce HyBa u HeryBa xubotot.23 Og TyKa npou3neryBa u oHaa 3amTuTHuHKa no3a Ha MogenuTe Ha „6oxuuu-Te - KyKu", co n;en ga ce Ha3HaHu c^epaTa bo Koja Tue HajcunHo ro ocTBapyBaaT hubhuot MaTpoHaneH KapaKTep. 3a BpcKaTa Mery oBue gBa Tuna npegMeTu roBopaT u gBaTa npuMepa og HeonuTc-KuTe noKanuTeTu HaBgap u Ka3aHn^K bo Byrapuja. MaKo oBue noKanuTeTu u3neryBaaT HagBop og geHemHuTe rpaHun;u Ha P. MaKegoHuja, cenaK npeg ce 3apagu cnuHHocTuTe bo MaTepujanHaTa KynTypa, Moxe ga ce cTaBaT bo ogpegeHa Kopenan;uja co rope HaBegeHuTe Haogu. CTaHyBa 36op 3a aHTponoMop^Hu cagoBu huu ycTja ce 3aTBopeHu, npu mTo e ocTaBeHa caMo Mana gynKa bo cpeguHaTa /T.V:4, 5/.24 OBoj gen Ha cagoT coceM HanuKyBa Ha TeMeTo Ha rnaBuTe og „6oxuuuTe - KyKu", mTo og egHa cTpaHa jacHo yKa-xyBa Ha oBoj npegMeT KaKo npeogHa ^opMa Mery aHTponoMop^Hure cagoBu u MogenuTe Ha „6oxuuuTe - KyKu" /cnopegu co T.III:2,3/. CeKaKo, cagoT u noHaTaMy ja 3agpxan cBojaTa aM6anaxHa ^yHKn;uja MeryToa,uaKo ganeKy og u3BopumTeTo Ha MaKegoHcKuTe Mogenu Ha 6oxun;u, Toj cenaK cogpxen cTuncKu o6enexja kou ogene bo npunor Ha koh-uenToT 3a cagoT KaKo 6oxecTBeHo xeHcKo Teno. BaKBu npuMepu Ha TpaHc^opMuparae Ha „6oxuuaTa - KyKa" bo cag ce cpeTHy-BaaT u bo ocTaHaTuTe HeonuTcKu KynTypu Ha BanKaHoT, KaKo u bo caMaTa AM3a6eroBo - BpmHuHKa rpyna, ogHocHo Hej3uHuTe nogon;HexHu ^a3u. Ha noKanuTeToT Pagajn;e bo Cp6uja e npoHajgeH cag Koj ucto KaKo u oHoj og Ka3aHn^K, bo ropHuoT gen e MogenupaH bo o6nuK Ha HoBeHKo nun;e /T.III:6/.25 M HeroBoTo ycTje e noKpueHo, ho e ocraBeH u Man ueHTpaneH oTBop Koj HanuKyBa Ha oHue og TeMuaaTa Ha „6oxuuuTe - KyKu". MeryToa, bo gonHaTa nonoBuHa, co HarnacyBaaeTo Ha arnuTe, oBoj cag ja ry6u KpyxHaTa ocho-Ba, nocTeneHo go6uBajKu KapaKTepucTuKu Ha HeTBpTecTuoT Mogen Ha KyKaTa, npeno3-HaTnuBa 3a rope HaBegeHuTe 6oxun;u. CnuneH e u npuMepoT og ByTMup, Kage gonHuoT gen HanonHo HanuKyBa Ha uenocHo 3aTBopeH Mogen Ha KyKa, gogeKa ropHuoT gen jacHo 23 3a gujaxpoHucKuoT KoHTuHyuTeT Ha oBaa no3a: Haycuguc H., 1994, 89 24 reoprueB r., 1974, 7, cn. 5; Hoxag^ueB C., 2004, 408, cn. 20; TogopoBa X. - BancoB M., 1993, 214, 215 25 Gimbutas M., 1976, 38 66 rou,e HayMoe ce M3flBojyBa co ^unuHgpuHHUor BpaT Ha Koj ce chocho 3aHeMapeHM ^pruTC Ha nu^-to.26 OpHaMeHTMTe Bpe:aHu Ha BpaToT, KaKo u oHue nocraBeHu Ha nonoBuHaTa, ogaT bo npunor Ha :eHcKuTe o6ene:ja Ha oBoj npegMeT /T.III:5/. fflro ce ogHecyBa go caMaTa AM3a6eroBo - BpmHu^Ka rpyna,BaKBu ^parneHTupaHu Mogenu ce oTKpueHu Ha noKanu-TeToT „CnaTUHa" Kaj 3eneHuKoBo /T.III:7,9/. Ha egHuoT og hub, aKBaTUHKUTe ^UK - ^k opHaMeHTu ce Bpe:aHu bo gonHaTa nonoBuHa (Koja e u eguHcTBeHo 3anyBaHa),gogeKa Ha gpyruoT, HaMecTo oBaa geKopa^uja ce 3a6ene:yBa Bpe:yBaae Ha opHaMeHTu bo ^opMa Ha gnaHKa co npcTu.27 MaKo chuhhu cagoBu ce cpeTHyBaaT u bo MnunuHap (Typ^uja) u Kypuno (Byrapuja) /T.III:8/,28 cenaK He Tpe6a ga ce ucKnynu Mo:Hocra geKa npuMepu-Te og 3eneHuKoBo 6u Mo:ene ga 6ugar KOH^u^upaHU KaKo npeogHu ^opMu Mery oBue cagoBu u „6o:^utc - KyKu", unu naK ga ru npeTcTaByBane caMuTe Mogenu og TunoT „6o:u^ - KyKa". npuMepu Ha TaKBu Mogenu, co chocho unu genyMHo 3aTBopeH goneH gen, ce oTKpueHu Ha noKanuTeTuTe Kaj MpmeB^u u CyBogon (P. MaKegoHuja) /T.III:3,4/. CuBe npeTxogHo cnoMHaTu npuMepu, uaKo bo HegoBoneH 6poj, cenaK roBopaT 3a Toa geKa ugejHuoT KoH^rn- 3a Mogenupaae 6un 3aegHuHKu 3a aHTponoMop^HuTe cagoBu u 3a „6o:^utc - KyKu". Be3 pa3nuKa Ha xpoHonomKuoT pacnopeg, egHaTa Kepa-MM^Ka ^opMa u npeTxogena Ha gpyraTa unu naK napanenHo er3ucTupane bo paMKuTe Ha AM3a6eroBo - BpmHu^KaTa rpyna,TaKa mTo npeTxogHo unu ^ogo^Ha ce co3gan aManraM Koj ru o6eguHyBan u gBeTe ^opMu. BugejKu 3acera, KynTHuTe npegMeTu og TunoT „6o- - KyKa" ce no3HaTu caMo bo paMKuTe Ha AM3a6eroBo - BpmHu^KaTa u BenymKo - nopoguHcKaTa rpyna, bo3mo:ho e oBa hubho cnojyBaae co ^opMaTa Ha aHTponoMop-^huot cag ga ce cnynuno ToKMy Ha TepuTopujaTa og oBue HeonuTcKu rpynu, 3a HaTaMy ga ce npomupu bo KynTypuTe og ceBepHuTe peruoHu. MeryToa, 6e3 pa3nuKa Ha jagpoTo u ^paB^ure Ha npocTupaae Ha oBaa ^opMa, Haj6uTHo e mTo co cnojyBaaeTo Ha aHTpo-noMop^HuoT cag u MogenoT Ha „6o:u^ - KyKa" ce u3egHanuna u ugejaTa Koja 3ace6Ho, ho napanenHo eraucTupana bo oBue npegMeTu. MMeHo, oHa mTo cum6ohuhku ro 3acTa-nyBaaT cagoT KaKo aM6ana:eH npegMeT u c^e^u^UHHUor Mogen Ha 6o:u^Ta, ugejHo e Bp3aHo 3a penpogyKTuBHuoT u anoTponejcKu KapaKTep Ha :eHcKaTa npupoga. MHTepecHo e Toa mTo oBaa pena^uja noMery cagoT, :eHaTa u KyKaTa er3ucTupa u Ha hubo Ha opHaMeHTu. MMeHo, roneM 6poj opHaMeHTu npucyTHu Ha cagoBuTe, ce HacnuKaHu unu Bpe:aHu u Ha HeonuTcKuTe KynTHu ^urypuHu, sugHaTa geKopa^uja Ha KyKuTe, KaKo u Ha sugoBuTe og MuHujaTypHuTe Mogenu Ha KyKu. Ha noKanuTeToT Gorzsa og HeonuTcKaTa KynTypa „Tuca", sugHuTe noBpmuHu 6une geKopupaHu co mo-tubu ugeHTuHHu co oHue Ha cagoBuTe u aHTponoMop^HuTe ^urypuHu. Ha uctuot no-KanuTeT, bo Hacen6aTa e oTKpueHo u norpe6yBaae Ha geTe bo aHTponoMop^eH cag,29 mTo HanonHo, npeKy ^yHepapHuTe o6pegu, ru o6jacHyBa BpcKuTe Mery cuM6onuHHuoT pereHepaTuBeH KapaKTep Ha KyKaTa u cagoT, 3a mTo u ^ogo^Ha Ke cTaHe 36op. BaKBaTa npaKTuKa Ha opHaMeHTanHo ogHocHo ugejHo npeTcTaByBaae Ha :eHcKu-Te acneKTu u ^yH^uu npeKy reoMeTpucKu motubu, ce cpeTHyBa u bo ocTaHaTuTe cer-MeHTu Ha cagoBaTa npogy^uja. noKpaj rope HaBegeHuTe aHTponoMop^Hu cagoBu, bo TeKoT Ha cpegHuoT HeonuT ce u3pa6oTyBaaT u aM^opecTu cagoBu kou npeg cé 3apagu ugeHTuHHuoT o6huk co aHTponoMop^HuTe cagoBu, KaKo u opHaMeHTuTe co ancTpaKTHo 26 Hoernes M., 1925, 281 27 ranoBuh P., 1964, 143; TapamaHuH M. - CnacoBcKa r., 1976, 107 28 Bugu ru npuMepuTe bo Ozdogan M. - Ba^gelen N.,1999, 167, cn. 18; Todorova H., 2003, 319, cn. 10 a 29 Hodder I., 1990, 52, 62, 63; BtMBapoB K., 2003, 217 67 CagoT, neHKaTa u KyKaTa bo cuMÓonuHKa pena^uja co MaTKaTa u xeHaTa u3pa3eHa xeHCKa cuM6onuKa, BepojaTHo ja HaBecTyBaaT ugejaTa 3a K0Hn;unupan>eT0 u u3pa6oTyBaaeTo Ha cagoBUTe co noTeHn;upaHu, peanHu eneMeHTu Ha HOBeKOBOTo Teno. Bo npuMepuTe og AM3a6eroBo - BpmHUHKaTa rpyna, KaKo u bo oHue og ocTaHaTUTe peruoHu, Ha MeBOT og cagoT unu naK Ha KopeHOT og BpaTOT ce HacnuKaHu reoMeTpucKu opHaMeHTu Kou Boo6uHaeHo ce Bp3yBaaT 3a xeHCKUTe reHUTanuu /T.V:1-3/.30 Og gpyra cTpaHa, HacnpoTu oBue TunoBu Ha HeonuTCKu cagoBu, bo uctuot nepuog ce u3pa6oTy-BaaT u nexapu co opHaMeHTu Kou noKpaj „xeHCKaTa" cuM6onuKa, My gaBaaT u kocmo-nomKu KapaKTep Ha cagoT.31 Tpe6a ga ce HanoMeHe geKa HeKou og oBue opHaMeHTu, no HeTupu MuneHuyMu, noBTopHo bo MaKegoHuja Ke ce nojaBaT Ha cnuKaHUTe cagoBu og npeogHuoT nepuog Mery 6p0H3eH0T0 u xene3H0T0 BpeMe /T.VII:3/. CeKaKo, ocTaHyBa gucKyTa6unH0 ganu oBue opHaMeHTu, noKpaj BpeMeHCKUTe u KynTypHUTe pa3nuKu u HaTaMy Ke ja 3agpxaT ^yHKn;ujaTa Ha eneMeHTu Kou ru noTeHn;upaaT xeHCKUTe oco6u-Hu Ha cagoT. MaKo cTaHyBa 360p 3a npeogHuoT nepuog og KpajoT Ha BTopuoT MuneHuyM npeg H.e. cenaK He Tpe6a ga ce ucKnyHu MoXHocTa geKa bo oBue cagoBu e npucyTeH cnuHeH KOHn;enT, oco6eHo aKo ce 3eMe npegBug geKa Ha HeKou og hub, bo ^opMaTa, jacHo ce 3a6enexyBaaT o6enexja Ha nocTapuTe aHTponoMop^Hu cagoBu /T.VII:3/. Bo ceKoj cnyHaj, u3pa6oTKaTa Ha aHTponoMop^HUTe cagoBu He 3aBpmyBa co KpajoT Ha HeonuTOT, TyKy Tue npogonxyBaaT ga er3ucTupaT bo HapegHUTe npegucTo-pucKu nepuogu. KaKo mTo cBegoHaT npuMepuTe npoHajgeHu bo MaKegoHuja, YHrapuja, repMaHuja u Typn;uja, oBue cnen;u^uHHu cagoBu HaoraaT cBoja npuMeHa u bo eHeonuTOT, KaKo u bo ^yHepapHUTe o6pegu og 6p0H3eH0T0 u xene3H0T0 go6a /T.I:1, 9; T.VI:10-12; T.VII:1-3,5,9/. CeKaKo, He Tpe6a ga ce u30CTaBu geKa u gen og xene3Hogo6HUTe MeTanHu cagHUfta og TunoT „MaKegoHCKu 6poH3u", bo ce6e cogpxaT cTunu3upaHu npeTCTaBu Ha xeHCK0T0 Teno bo no3un;uja Ha opaHT, goTonKy mTo HeKou og hub uMaaT oHeBugHu uKOHorpa^cKu cnuHHocTu u co xanmTaTCKuoT cag og Marz (YHrapuja).32 r) MwTonomKO - oöpegHM MaHM$ecTa^MM MaKo acon;ujaTUBHo, cagoT KaKo xeHCKu pereHepaTUBeH cyncTUTyT ce 3a6enexy-Ba u bo 3anumaHUTe mutobu og CTapuoT BeK u nogonpexHUTe enoxu. Bo HeKonKy og hub, ogepegeHu mutcku nuKOBu unu 6oxecTBa ce paraaT unu naK npepogyBaaT TOKMy og cag. Moxe6u, bo caMOTo gejcTBo He e onumaHa ^opMaTa unu ^yHKn;ujaTa Ha cagoT, ho HUHOT npeKy Koj ce noBp3yBaaT cagoT u co3gaBafteTo Ha 60xecTB0T0, coceM jacHo yKaxyBa Ha HeroBOTo u3egHanyBaae co yTepycoT. TaKa, bo Maxa6xapaTa, mutckuot nuK flpoHa e co3gageH Ha Toj HaHUH mTo BxapagBaja, co6na3HeT og rpuTacu, cBoeTo ceMe ro uc^pnun bo cag og Koj BcymHocT flpoHa e pogeH. CnuHHa cuTyan;uja ce cpeT-HyBa u bo PurBegaTa, Kage cKopo ugeHTUHHo ce co3gaBa u 6oroT CKaHga, 3aHHaT bo cag (KaHa) og cTpaHa Ha 6oroBUTe MuTpa u BapyHa. Bo egeH gpyr mut, Kaj uHgujaHn;uTe og JyxHa AMepuKa, ce roBopu 3a geBojKa Koja poguna cag, nogon;Ha npeTBopeH bo mom-He.33 KapaKTepucTUHHo 3a oBue mutobu e Toa mTo og cagoT, Koj HecnopHo ja ocTBapyBa 30 noonmupHo 3a KapaKTepoT Ha aHTponoMop^HUTe cagoBu og AM3a6eroBo - BpmHUHKaTa rpyna: HayMOB r., 2006 (bo neHaT) 31 HayMOB r., 2004, 60 - 62; HayMOB r., 2005 a, 76 32 3a ceMaHTUKaTa Ha „MaKegoHCKUTe 6poH3u": Haycuguc H., 1988, 72, T. I ; 3a npuMepoKOT og Marz cnopegu co T. VII: 2 33 Mapa3OB M., 1992, 242, 243 68 rou,e HayMoe ^yH^ujaTa Ha MaTKa, u3neryBaaT ogHocHo ce paraaT MamKu nuK0Bu. He cnynajHo u bo EneBcuHcKUTe MucTepuu, AgoHuc u 03upuc (u noKpaj Toa mT0 npBUHHo He ce pogeHu bo cagoBu), cBoeTo noBTopHo parafe ro peanu3upaaT npeKy Be^eTa^ujaTa KojamTo U3-neryBa og cagoT. fflTo ce ogHecyBa go KynT0T Ha AgoHuc, bo ATUHa ce u3pa6oTyBane „AgoHucoBu rpaguHu" - cagoBu bo kou ce cagene 6unKu mT0 6pry pacTaT, kou noToa ce ocTaBane bo u3BopuTe.34 Kaj gpeBHUTe XeneHu, cagoT ce goBegyBan bo 6nucKa BpcKa u co u3rnegoT u ^yH^ujaTa Ha :eHcKUTe rpagu, npu mT0 gypu ce BepyBano geKa u npBaTa naTepa e o6nuKyBaHa cnopeg gojKaTa Ha EneHa.35 npeKy 0Bue mutobu, og egHa cTpaHa ce yKa:yBa Ha M0KTa Ha 6o:ecTBaTa nocTojaHo ga ce npepogyBaaT, a og gpy-ra cTpaHa ce ^0TeH^upa u c^e^u^UHH0cTa Ha cagoT KaKo MecTo bo Koe napanenHo ce UHU^upa, co3gaBa u ogp:yBa :ubotot, ho BoegHo u KaKo MecTo npeKy Koe ogpegeHu mutcku nuK0Bu ycneBaaT ga ce pereHepupaaT. C^aTeH KaKo o6jeKT bo Koj ucT0BpeMeH0 ce aKyMynupaaT ogpegeHu Kpy^ujanHU cy^cTaH^u u cypoBUHu, cagoT Kaj pa3nuHHu KynTypu u bo pa3nuHHu nepuogu ce go-Ben go hubo Ha geu^UKa^uja. AHanorHo 3Haneae, Toj hocu u bo MHguja, Kage bo He-K0U noKanHu ja3u^u nocToene u c^e^u^UHHU 36opoBu kou 03HanyBane Bo:u^-cag (Ha ja3UK0T TaMyny - Kumbattal, Ha caHcKpuT - Kumbahamata, Ha ja3UK0T KaHHapa - Garigadevara). M TyKa ce 3a6ene:eHu cnuHHu rogumHu o6pegu bo kou, cag Koj ja npeTcTaByBa Bo:u^Ta ce hocu bo npo^cuja, ce ocTaBa Tpu geHa cpeg ceno, a noToa ce u3HecyBa og cenoTo u ce Kpmu. Bo:^u - cagoBu ce cnoMHyBaaT u bo MUTonorujaTa Ha XaHaH^UTe.36 M3egHanyBafteT0 Ha cagoT co :eHa ogHocHo co HeKaKBa MUTcKa :eHa, e npucyT-Ho bo ogpegeHu o6pegu KapaKTepucTUHHu 3a jyro - 3anagHU0T gen Ha MaKegoHuja, KaKo u 3a HeKou cBag6eHu o6unau npucyTHu Kaj jy:HocnoBeHcKUTe Hapogu.37 MMeHo, bo PeceH u ocTaHaTUTe MecTa og npecna (MaKegoHuja), 3a MBaHgeH - geH0T Ha M0MUTe, ce npaKTUKyBan o6pegoT „MBaHKa", Kora geBojKUTe nogroTByBaaT KyKna („HeBecTa"), HanpaBeHa og geKopupaH KepaMUHKu cag. 3a BpeMe Ha n0gr0T0BKaTa, bo cagoT - Teno ce cTaBa „no HemTo 3a 3gpaBje", a noToa Bp3 Hero o6paTHo ce nocTaByBa u Bp3yBa gpyr cag Koj ja npeTcTaByBa rnaBaTa Ha 0Baa KyKna. OTKaKo Ke ce ^opMupa TenoTo Ha KyK-naTa, ce npucTanyBa koh Hej3UH0 geKopupaae u o6neKyBaae (ce npaBu Koca, ce ^pTaaT 0HU, Hoc, Beru, ycTa u ymu). noToa 3anowyBa npo^cujaTa, Kora ce u36upa geBojKa Koja Ha rnaBa Ke ja hocu „MBaHKaTa". Ha KpajoT KyKnaTa ce pacTypa u BogaTa og Hea o6pegHo ce npcKa u nue.38 KapaKTepucTUHHo 3a oBoj o6peg e Toa mT0 Toj ro noTBpgy-Ba geu^u^upafteT0 Ha cagoT bo cymTecTBo Koe Tpe6a ga o6e36egu HeKaK0B 6narogeT Ha 3aegHu^Ta. CaM0T0 cTaBaae Ha HemTa „3a 3gpaBje", npcKaaeTo co BogaTa, KaKo u Haj6uTHaTa Hej3UHa ^yH^uja noBp3aHa co cnojyBaaeTo Ha MoMHuaaTa u geBojKu T.e. HUBHa ^ogo^He:Ha cBag6a,yKa:yBaaT Ha Hej3UHaTa mok ga ro TpaHc^opMupa 0Ha mT0 e bo Hea u BoegHo ga npugoHece bo npogon:yBaaeTo Ha :ubotot.39 34 Haycuguc H., 2006; Neuman E., 1963, 162, 163 35 Mapa30B M., 1992, 243 36 3a uHgucKUTe Tpag^uu: Elijade M., 1984, 342; 3a xaHacKUTe: TopgoH C., 1977, 224, 225. 37 Haycuguc H., 2006; Bugu u norope bo tckctot, nornaBje III 38 KucenuH0B r. a., 1942, 52 - 54; Haycuguc H., 1988, 73 39 M3egHaqyBafteTo Ha cagoT co :eHaTa T.e. HeBecTaTa, e npucytho u bo gpyru HapogHu oômau: Haycuguc H., 2006 69 CagoT, neHKaTa u KyKaTa bo cuMÓonuHKa pena^uja co MaTKaTa u xeHaTa Oco6eHo uHTepecHo e mT0 eneMeHTUTe Ha oBoj o6peg, uK0H0rpa^cKu MomaT ga ce eBugeHTupaaT u nopaHo, bo KepaMUHKUTe cagoBu og npaucTopucKUTe enoxu. CTaHyBa 360p 3a roneM 6poj aHTponoMop^Hu cagoBu og gonH0HeonuTCKuoT nepuog, Ha K0U 3ace6H0 ce MogenupaHu u nogonHa cnoeHu, TenoTo u rnaBaTa /T.VII:7-9/. Ha TenoTo, ogHocHo Ha caMuoT cag ce BpemaHu unu MogenupaHu eneMeHTu Ha meHCK0T0 Teno, gogeKa rnaBaTa e cocTaBeHa og npoconoMop^eH KanaK Koj ro noKpuBa cagoT. HeKoram, KaKo Kaj npuMepoT og yHrapuja, rnaBaTa Ha cagoT 6una u3pa6oTeHa bo ^opMa Ha rpHe, gogeKa BaKBu cnuHHu npeTCTaBu, co rpHuaa Ha rnaBaTa u paneTe ce npoHajgeHu u nogonHa bo Tpoja /T.VII:7-9/. BuTHaTa ynora Ha cagoT bo o6pegHUTe nponecuu, ce HaBecTyBa u bo nogonHem-HUTe ^a3u Ha n0KanuTeT0T Xanunap (Typnuja), Kage HeKou og aHTponoMop^HUTe ca-goBu bo paneTe gpmaT rpHe unu HUHuja /T.VII:5/. Cnopeg uK0H0rpa^cKUTe o6enemja, K0U aHanorHo BneryBaaT bo g0MeH0T Ha KynTHaTa nnacTUKa, Mome ga ce npeTnocTaBu geKa cagoT bo paneTe Ha 6omunaTa uMan KoHKpeTHa o6pegHo - MarucKa ^yHKnuja. OBaa cunHa BpcKa Mery meHaTa u cagoT, ce MaHu^ecTupana u bo egHa o6paTHo - npo-nopnuoHanHa cuTyanuja, Kora Ha uctuot noKanuTeT, Kaj ogpegeHu nnuTKu rpHuaa ce cnuKaaT KoHTypuTe Ha meHCKa ^urypa, BepojaTHo 6omuna /T.V:6/. MeryToa, 0Baa BpcKa Mome ga 6uge c^aTeHa u bo egHa gpyra penanuja Koja He BneryBa nenocHo bo KoTeKCT Ha pereHepaTUBHaTa ynora Ha cagoT, TyKy bo uHunuparaeTo Ha ogpegeHu cnyHyBaaa u aTMoc^epcKu nojaBu. MMeHo, Kaj HeKou 6anKaHCKu Hapogu e no3HaT o6pegoT Ha„cnymTaae" unu„Mon3eae Ha MeceHUHaTa",B0 Koj,meHa - MarocHuna co noMom Ha cag HanonHeT co Boga, ycneBa ga ja „pe^neKTupa" MeceHUHaTa, gony Ha 3eMjaTa. no3HaTu ce u gpyru BaKBu o6pegu npeKy kou ce npegu3BUKyBan gomg.40 g) ETMMonomKM napanenw noBp3aHM co »eHCKMTe oöene^ja Ha cagoT Kaj HeKonKy Hapogu og cnoBeHcKuoT apean, u3pa6oTKaTa Ha HeKou cagoBu u o6-peguTe Bp3aHu 3a hub 6une bo g0MeH0T Ha meHCKUTe aKTUBHocTu bo 3agHunaTa. Og TyKa u ynoraTa Ha cagoT bo ceKojgHeBHuoT muB0T 6una ocMucneHa npeKy cnenu^uH-HUTe ^yHKnuu Ha meHCK0T0 Teno. BaKBUTe oco6uhu, KaKo u bo npaucTopujaTa, TaKa u Kaj coBpeMeHUTe Hapogu, uMane 3a nen - cagoT xoMeonaTCKu ga ro peanu3upa unu umu-Tupa oHa mTo ce cnyHyBano BHaTpe Bo cToMaKoT Ha meHaTa. Ha Toj HaHuH ce BepyBano geKa 0Ha mT0 ce Haora BHaTpe bo cagoT (T.e.xpaHaTa KaKo cymTUHa Ha er3ucTeHnujaTa), Toj Ke ro uHKy6upa goBonHo gonro 3a ga ce o6e36egu n0CT0jaH0T0 npucycTBo Ha cync-TaHnuuTe kou npugoHecyBaaT bo ogpmyBaaeTo Ha 3aegHunaTa. npuToa u caMuoT npo-nec Ha HUBHaTa u3pa6oTKa uMan 3agaHa ga ro uHunupa oBoj ^epTunuTapeH KapaKTep Ha cagoT. BapaaeTo Ha norogHa 3eMja T.e. rnuHa, nepuogoT u HaHUHoT Ha Hej3UH0T0 Konarae, KaKo u 3aBpmHUTe nocTanKu Ha Mogenupaae u neHerae, 6une npocnegeHu co o6pegu kou ja uMane T0KMy Taa ^yHKnuja ga ro „cTUMynupaaT" cagoT 3a ga Mome go-BonHo ga aKyMynupa u „pogu". 3aToa, oBoj meHCKu KapaKTep Ha cagoT ce 3agpman u bo HeKonKyTe Ha3UBu kou ce ogHecyBane T0KMy Ha HUBHaTa ^yHKnuja u kou BoegHo ru o6jacHyBane cnuHHocTUTe Ha cagoT co meHCKuoT reHUTaneH npocTop.41 40 3a oBue o6pegu: Haycuguc H., 2005, 367, 368 41 OnmupHo 3a u3pa6oTKaTa, TunonorujaTa, MarucKUTe u penurucKUTe eneMeHTu Ha KepaMUHKUTe cagoBu u HUBHUTe uMuaa: Haycuguc H., 2006; OununoBuh C. M., 1951, 125 - 153; ToMuh n., 1976, 45 - 80; flpo6aaK0Buh M. B. u gp., 1936, 5 - 53 70 rou,e HayMoe Og oco6eHo 3Haneae e Toa mTO bo HeKonKy cagoBu ^opMM, no3HaTM bo Ha-pogHaTa KynTypa Ha CnoBeHMTe, ce 3anyBaHM Ha3MBM kom roBopaT 3a eTMMonomKaTa BpcKa Mery cagoT u aHaToMujaTa Ha xeHcKoTo Teno. MMeHo, 3a6enexaHM ce HeKonKy npuMepu og cnoBeHcKuoT ja3uneH apean, Kage ce ocTBapuna gupeKTHa unu nocpegHa HgeHTH^HKa^Hja Mery Ha3MBMTe kom ce ogHecyBaaT Ha ogpegeHM cagoBu u pogunHM-Te opraHu Ha xeHaTa. TaKBu ce Ha3MBMTe Ha cnegHMTe cagoBu: noneu,, Kapnu^, deMa, hokbu, ma3, 6ouea, Ko6a, kom MMane mupoKa npuMeHa bo ceKojgHeBHuoT xmbot.42 MMuaaTa Ha cnoMHaTMTe cagoBu noKaxyBaaT geKa bo ^yH^ujaTa u ^opMaTa Ha oBue npegMeTu e BHeceHa noruKaTa Ha„xeHcKMTe aKTMBHocTu". roneM gen og hmb HeMa-aT gupeKTHa o6pegHa npuMeHa (uaKo Tue HenocpegHo ce BHeceHu bo 6pojHu o6pegu), ho Moxe6u ToKMy npeKy Ha3MBMTe co nogna6oKu u nocTapu ja3MHHM KopeHu, ru MMaaT 3anyBaHo cBouTe HeKoramHu ceMaHTMHKM o6enexja. CeKaKo, BaKBMTe 3Haneaa MoxaT ga ce oneKyBaaT u bo MMuaaTa Ha gpyru cagoBu kom HaTaMy 6u Tpe6ano ga nognexaT Ha coogBeTHa eTMMonomKo - ceMaHTMHKa aHanu3a. floKonKy ce 3eMe npegBug geKa bo roneM 6poj roBopHu nogpanja og cnoBeHcKuoT apean ce KopucTaT pa3Hu neKceMu 3a MMeHyBaae Ha mctm cagoBu, Toram Moxe ga ce oneKyBa geKa oBue MaTpoHanHu 3Haneaa Ha cagoT cé ymTe er3ucTupaaT bo noapxauHHMTe gujaneKTHu ^opMM. Kora ce roBopu 3a oco6MHMTe Ha cagoBaTa KepaMMKa, MHory necTo bo apxeonom-KaTa npaKca ce KopucTaT TepMMHM kom ru noBp3yBaaT genoBMTe Ha cagoT co genoBMTe Ha HoBeKoBoTo Teno. 3aToa bo o6eMHaTa apxeonomKa nuTepaTypa, ogpegeHu eneMeHTu Ha cagoBMTe, aBTopuTe ru onumyBaaT KaKo: MeB, paMo, BpaT T.e. rpno, ycTje, Hora (go-KonKy ce pa6oTu 3a nexap) mth. npuToa, coceM jacHu ce aco^Mja^MMTe co TOBeKoBa-Ta aHaToMuja T.e. TenecHaTa KOHCTMTy^Mja, Koja ro onpegenyBa cagoT, BugeH u c^aTeH KaKo Mano TOBeKoBo Teno. OTTyKa npou3neryBa geKa cagoT, HagBop og cBojoT puTyaneH KoHTeKcT, og eTMMonomKu u BM3yeneH acneKT, ce ymTe ru 3anyBan cBouTe aHTponoMop-^hm eneMeHTu. II. norpe6yBa»eTO KaKo n0BT0pH0 paraje npeg cé 3apagu cepuo3HocTa Ha cmpthmot hmh, norpe6yBaaeTo Kaj pa3Hu KynTypu ce peanu3upano npeKy cTa6unHo yTBpgeHu rpo6Hu ^opMM. Boo6unae-ho ce npuMeHyBane HeKonKy ochobhm BugoBu Ha ^yHepapHuoT puTyan, MaHM^ec-TupaH npeKy MHxyMa^Mja unu KpeMa^Mja Ha noKojHMKoT bo KoHKpeTeH npocTop (rpo6Ha jaMa, ogaja, ypHa, u t.h.). O6jacHyBajKu ro ogHocoT Ha 3aegHM^Ta koh nonuHa-tmot, oBoj puTyan ja onpegMeTyBan Bep6aTa bo nocTojaHocTa T.e. Be^HocTa Ha xmbotot. 3aToa,nyreTo og6uBajKu ja ^aTanHocTa Ha cmpthmot hmh, ce HageBane geKa npeKy bhm-MaTenHo nonoxyBaae bo 3eMjaTa, Ke My oBo3MoxaT Ha noKojHMKoT ga ro ogpxu xu-botot bo HeKoja gpyra ^opMa. Ha Toj HanuH ce M3pa6oTyBane c^e^M^MHHM o6jeKTM bo kom nonuHaTuoT ce nerayBan, cegHyBan unu cnanyBan, KaKo 6u ro npogonxun cBojoT BeneH coh, unu naK noBTopHo 6u ce pogun. OTTyKa cagoBMTe, ne^KMTe u KyKMTe 6une KOH^M^MpaHM KaKo KoHKpeTeH „BeHepuneH npocTop" bo Koj 6u ce ocTBapyBane He-kom og oBue ^yH^uu. 42 3a eTMMonorujaTa Ha rope HaBegeHMTe cagoBu: Haycuguc H., 2006 71 CagoT, ne^KaTa u KyKaTa bo cuMÓonmKa pena^uja co MaTKaTa u ^eHaTa a) Cag - MaTKa - norpeöyBaae bo cag MaKo He oco6eHo necTo, cenaK, cKopo bo cuTe HeonuTcKu KynTypu ce cpeTHyBa norpe6yBaae Ha gen;a bo cag. OBoj o6unaj BepojaTHo noTeKHyBa og ^eBaHT u noToa ce mupu bo 6nucK0ucT0HHUTe HeonuTcKu KynTypu „Hasuna" u „Tell Soto" /T.V:11-12/. Ha en0HUMHU0T noKanuTeT Tell Soto ce oTKpueHu gypu 6 norpe6yBaaa bo cag, gogeKa Ha ocTaHaTUTe noKanuTeTu Tell Hazna (og uctuot peruoH), Kösk Hüyük u Pinarbasi - Bor og ^HTpaftHa AHaTonuja, oBoj 6poj ce HaManyBa.43 MHTepecHo e mT0 0Baa npaKTUKa e npucyTHa gypu u bo HeonuTcKaTa KynTypa Jomon bo JanoHuja, Kage Ha n0KanuTeT0T Cugumo, bo cagoBUTe 6une norpe6yBaHu caMo gen;a.44 Bo HapegHUTe HeonuTcKu ^a3u, 0Baa Tpagun;uja, ce npeHecyBa og Mana A3uja koh BanKaHoT, npu mT0 ce 3a6ene^yBaaT gBe ^opMu Ha norpe6yBaae bo cag - uHxyMuja u KpeMan;uja. Ha BanKaHcKuoT nonyocTpoB, 0Baa nojaBa e MomHe peTKa, TaKa mT0 3acera ce npoHajgeHu caMo oKony neT norpe6yBaaa bo cag, noBeKeTo perucTpupaHu Ha noKa-nuTeTUTe Kaj KoBaneBo, PaKUT0B0 u A3MaK bo Byrapuja /T.V:7,9/.45 Bo MaKegoHuja ce gocera oTKpueHu 6e3ManKy gBaeceT geTcKu norpe6yBaaa og kou caMo egHo e eBugeH-TupaHo KaKo norpe6yBaae bo cag. CTaHyBa 360p 3a npuMepoT og AM3a6eroBo, Kage bo cag co oTKpmeHu pa^Ku u gH0 e npoHajgeHo HoBopogeme Ha B03pacT og 4 - 6 Hegenu.46 MHTepecHo e mT0 cagoT He npunara Ha Boo6unaeHaTa Tunonoruja u HaMepHo e omTe-TeH 3a ga Mo»e ga ro npuMu bo ce6e H0B0pegqeT0 /T.VI:7,8/. MeryToa, npu u36opoT Ha cagoT u ceKyHgapH0T0 gejcTByBaae Bp3 Hero, ce BHUMaBano HeroBuoT o6nuK ga aco-n;upa Ha ^eHcKuoT yTepyc. 3aToa u He e cnynajHo mT0 norpe6yBaaeTo e u3BpmeH0 co nocTaByBaae Ha cagoT HaonaKy, ogHocHo co 0TKpmeH0T0 gH0 Harope, KaKo 6u Mo^en BpaToT Ha cagoT, Koj BepojaTHo ro npeTcTaByBan BaruHanHuoT KaHan, ga 6uge HaconeH Hagony koh 3eMjaTa. BaKBaTa no3un;uja Ha cagoT cuM6onuHKu 6u Tpe6ano ga ro npu-Ka^e n0BT0pH0T0 paraae Ha geTeTo bo 3eMjaTa, og Kage ce BepyBano geKa noTeKHyBa u ^ubotot. Ha HeKou HaoranumTa e K0HcTaTupaH0 norpe6yBaae Ha noKojHun;uTe bo jaMUTe og kou ce ucKonyBana rnuHaTa. OBoj o6unaj Mo^en ga ce TeMenu Ha BepyBaaeTo geKa caMaTa cypoBUHa og Koja ce npaBu KepaMUKaTa (rnuHaTa), ru cogp^u uctu-Te pogunHu oco6uhu oco6uhu KaKo u no^BaTa.47 Bo 0Baa cMucna, puTyanoT og Am-3a6eroBo, o6jacHyBajKu ja BpcKaTa Mery ^uB0T0TB0pHU0T acneKT Ha cagoT u 3eMjaTa og Koja cagoT ce npaBu, bo ce6e ro cogp^u n;enoKynHuoT pereHepaTUBeH eHTUTeT Ha norpe6yBaaeTo. Og gpyra cTpaHa, oBoj yTepaneH KapaKTep Ha cagoT Mo»e ga ce 3a6ene^u u Ha ^opManHo hubo. 3a Toa roBopu rpHeTo, npoHajgeHo Ha n0KanuTeT0T Bp6jaHcKa HyKa, 6nu3y npunen (P. MaKegoHuja).48 HeroBuoT oTBop T.e. ycTje e o6nuKyBaHo bo ^opMa Ha ^eHcKu nonoB opraH, mT0 ceKaKo, yKa^yBa geKa u ocTaHaTuoT gen 6un 3aMucneH KaKo gen og pogunHUTe opraHu /T.VI:4,5/. MaKo HeMan npuMeHa bo ^yHepaHUTe puTyanu, cenaK oBoj cag, u bo ceKojgHeBHaTa ynoTpe6a, Mo^en cuM6onuHKu ga ro MaHu^ecTupa 43 Bačvarov K., 2004, 153 44 Votson V., 1965, 85, 101, sl. 16 45 BïflBapoB K., 2003, 60, 72, 78; Bačvarov K., 2004, 153; PagymeBa u gp., 2002, 35, 150, 151 46 Gimbutas M., 1976, 396 47 BiflBapoB K., 2003, 142 48 TeMenKoBcKu fl. - MUTKOCKU A., 2005, 43, T. XI 72 rou,e HayMoe cBojoT ^0TeH^ujan 3a uHKy6upaae. Ha Toj HaHUH u Toj, KaKo u npuMepoT og AM3a6e-roBo, bo paMKUTe Ha HeonuTCKaTa 3aegHu^, cBojaTa yTunuTapHa HaMeHa HeKoram 6u Moxen ga ja 3aMeHu co ^yHepapHa. BaKBaTa TpaHC^opMa^uja Ha yTunuTapHuoT cag bo puTyaneH (K0HKpeTH0 ko-pucTeH 3a norpe6yBaae), 6una npucyTHa u bo 6nucK0ucT0HHUTe HeonuTCKu KynTypu. Ha n0KanuTeT0T Tell Soto, bo egH0 og 6-Te norpe6yBaaa bo cag, n0HUHaT0T0 geTe e nonoxeHo bo KepaMUHKa Tencuja Koja HanuKyBa Ha ^pe^HUTe og 6anKaHCKU0T ^onK-nop /T.V:12/. MaKo bo oBoj puTyan Moxe ga ce 3a6enexu ceKyHgapH0T0 KopucTeae Ha ^pe^HaTa, cenaK Tpe6a ga ce HanoMeHe geKa Ha BanKaHoT cé go cpeguHaTa Ha 20 BeK, u3pa6oTKaTa u npuMeHaTa Ha BaKBUTe cagoBu co ce6e noBneKyBane roneM 6poj o6pegHo - MarucKu aKTUBHocTu. npuToa cé ymTe ocTaHyBa gucKyTa6unH0, ganu u ocTaHaTUTe cagoBu bo kou ce Bpmeno norpe6yBaae, npeg puTyanoT, 6une KopucTeHu caMo bo yTu-nuTapHu ^nu.49 - KpeMMpaHM ocTaTo^M nono^eHM bo cag TaKBuoT MaTpoHaneH huh Ha norpe6yBaae bo cagoBu, ocBeH bo ^opMa Ha UHxyMa^uja e npuMeHeT u bo cnynau Ha cnanyBaae Ha ^0K0jHU^UTe /T.V:8/. M noKpaj Toa mT0 ce BepyBano geKa co KpeMa^ujaTa, gymaTa Ke ogu Ha He6o, cenaK nyreTo Be-pyBane otu MaTepujanHUTe 0CTaT0^u og TenoTo Ha n0K0jHUK0T Tpe6a ga ce 3anyBaaT bo cagoBu bo kou Ke My ce obo3moxu u Ha TenoTo noBTopHo ga ce pogu. Bo TeK0T Ha HeonuToT, nonoxyBaaeTo Ha KpeMupaHUTe 0CTaT0^u bo cag 6un penaTUBHo HecT ^y-HepapeH puTyan, eBugeHTupaH Ha 6pojHu noKanuTeTu og Jyr0-ucT0HHa EBpona: A3MaK (Byrapuja), BuHHa - Beno Bpgo, Bpma^ (Cp6uja), rop3a (yHrapuja), cegyM caga bo Cy^-nu Maryna u gypu cegyMgeceT npuMepu bo nnaTeja Maryna 3apKy (o6aTa bo ^p^uja). MeryToa, uHTepecHo e mT0 KpeMa^ujaTa e npucyTHa u bo cagoBu - ypHu, kou uMaaT Ha3HaHeHu kohuhhu rpagu, co mT0 coceM jacHo ce yKaxyBano Ha hubhuot xeHCKu Ka-paKTep.50 M noKpaj Boo6uHaeHUTe HegeKopupaHu nocMpTHu cagoBu, kou ce KapaKTe-pucTUHHu 3a KpeMa^ujaTa og 6p0H3eH0T0T0 go6a Ha BanKaH0T,BaKBUTe„^eMUHU3upa-Hu ypHu" ce ynoTpe6yBane u ^ogo^Ha bo npaucTopujaTa og CpegHa u 3anagHa EBpona, KaKo u bo 6poH3eHogo6HUTe KynTypu og 3anagHa AHagonuja u ErejcKuoT peruoH /T.I:1; T.VI:10-12; T.VII:4/. Tpagu^ujaTa Ha norpe6yBaa e bo ypHu, gononHeTu co eneMeHTu og xeHCK0T0 Teno npogonxuna u bo ETpypuja, Kora Tue 3a nocnegeH naT bo CTapuoT BeK Ke ce KopucTaT KaKo HecT ^yHepapeH uHBeHTap. ypHu bo ^opMa Ha xeHCKa ^urypa ce KoHCTaTupaHu go cKopo Kaj coBpeMeHUTe apxauHHu 3aegHU^u - K0HKpeTH0 bo A^puKa, ho u gpyru peruoHu og cBeT0T.51 Tpagu^ujaTa Ha norpe6yBaaeTo bo cagoBu, ocBeH bo 0Hue co aHTponoMop-^hu eneMeHTu, KopucTu u gpyru BugoBu KepaMUHKu npegMeTu. CTaHyBa 360p 3a KpeMa^ujaTa bo ypHu co ^opMa Ha KyKa, no3HaTu Ha npaucTopucKUTe noKanuTeTu og BnucKuoT Mctok, KpuT, MTanuja, repMaHuja, flaHCKa, fflBegcKa, na gypu u bo KynTy-puTe og nepy.52 Moxe6u bo ^opMaTa Ha ypHUTe - KyKu BoonmTo He ce 3a6enexyBa TunonomKo - cuM6onuHKaTa KoHTypa Ha cagoT, ho goKonKy ce 3eMe npegBug geKa gon- 49 OnmupHo 3a u3pa6oTKaTa u 3HaHefteTo Ha ^pe^HaTa: Haycuguc H., 2006; K0HKpeTH0 3a norpeóyBafteTo bo Tell Soto: B^HBapoB K., 2003, 159, cn. 3 50 BtHBapoB K., 2003, 141, 142 51 Gimbutas M., 1989, 191; Hoernes M., 1925, 361, 527, 531; Adam. L, 1963, T. 18 52 Neuman E., 1963, 163, 164 73 CagoT, neHKaTa u KyKaTa bo cuM6onuHKa pena^uja co MaTKaTa u >eHaTa Haxa 30Ha Ha cagox ro npexcxaByBa ucxoxo 0Ha mxo e 3acxaneH0 u bo gonHuox gen Ha „6o:^uxe - KyKu" x.e. caMaxa KyKa KaKo pereHepaxuBeH npocxop, xoram HecoMHeHo u Mogenox Ha ypHa - KyKa ru cogp:en ucxuxe 0Hue acneKxu kou ce BxeMeneHu bo ypHama - cad,6ugejKu o6exe uMane 3a ^n ga ro npogon:ax„:uBoxox" Ha noKojHUKox. 3axoa bo ypHuxe - KyKu og A3op, M3paen, ce 303gan0 u3egHanyBaae Ha oBoj K0H^nx xaKa mxo, Ha BpBox og 0Bue Mogenu ce a^nu^upaHU u Bpe:aHu eneMeHxu Ha nu^xo, KapaKxe-pucxuHHu 3a HeonuxcKuxe ^urypuHu /T.VI:3,6,9 cnopegu co T.III:1-3/.53 MaKo HaBugyM ganeKy og ugejaxa 3a ^eMUHU3upaHuox cag KaKo ypHa, cenaK u 0Bue Mogenu Ha KyKu BneryBaax bo KoHxeKcx Ha rpo6Hu^xa, c^axeHa KaKo :eHcK0 xeno og Koe noHaxaMy xpe6a ga ce npepogu KpeMupaHaxa uHguBugya. flypu u ga ce HagBop og oBoj K0H^nx, ypHuxe - KyKu uMaax 3a ^n ga ro cuM6onu3upaax KoHxuHyuxexox Ha :uboxhuox ^UK-nyc Koj Mo:e6u bo gyxoBHa cMucna, noBxopHo ce ogBUBan nog 3aKpunaxa Ha ogpegeHo 6o:ecxBo. MaKo npocxopHo u xpoHonomKu MHory noganeKy, cenaK, Mogenuxe og xu-nox „6o:u^ - KyKa" yKa:yBaax Ha xoa geKa KyKaTa, KaKo gen og xenoxo Ha HeKaKBo MaKpoKocMUHKo 6o:ecxBo, nocxojaHo 6una bo goMeHox Ha Hej3UHuxe aKxuBHocxu, na oxxyKa, cé mxo ce cnyHyBano bo KyKaxa, 6uno 3amxuxeH0 ogHocHo 6uno „nog Hag3op" Ha 6o:u^xa. - norpeöyBaae bo nuTocu u jaMu 3a CKnagupaae ^mto BpcKaxa Mery :eHcKoxoxo xeno, cagox u norpe6yBaaexo e npucyxHa u bo :uxoxo KaKo cpegumHa cuM6onuHKa xoHKa Koja ru o6eguHyBa nnogHocxa, e^3UcxeH^ujaxa u pe^eHepa^ujaxa. Bo pa3Hu Kynxypu og npaucxopujaxa go geHec, nHeHu^xa, jaHMeHox u :uxoxo - Boonmxo, ce cypoBUHu kou uHxeH3UBH0 ce KopucxeHu bo ucxpaHaxa u cKnagupaHu bo roneMu aM6ana:Hu cagoBu. Ho ucxo xaKa, xue 6une ynoxpe6yBaHu u bo norpe6Huxe puxyanu, xaKa mxo noHUHaxuox ce nocunyBan co jaHMeH unu bo Hero-Ba Hecx ce npaBeno „koäubo" og nHeHu^. Og xyKa, cMexaMe geKa He e cnyHajHo mxo nuxocuxe (KopucxeHu KaKo cKnagumxa 3a ^panuu u buho) ce BKonyBane bo 3eMjaxa u KaKo cagoBu 3a norpe6yBaae Ha ^0K0jHU^uxe. OBaa nojaBa, 3eMa roneM 3aMaB bo 6poH3eHogo6Huxe Kynxypu og MaKegoHuja u ocxaHaxuxe peruoHu Ha BanKaHox. npeg ga 6uge gen og ceKojgHeBHuox goMameH uHBeHxap, nuxocox npBeHcxBeHo ce Kopuc-xen 3a norpe6yBaaa.54 OBa He u3HeHagyBa 6ugejKu u noHUHaxuox bo nuxocox, KaKo u :uxoxo, xpe6an noBxopHo ga „HUKHe" u xoa og cagox Koj HanuKyBan Ha yxepyc. 3axoa, BKonyBaaexo Ha cKnagumHuox cag u caMuox HeroB o6nuK ac0^ujaxuBH0 6une Bp3aHu 3a cuM6onuKaxa Ha noHBaxa KaKo yxpo6a Ha MajKaxa - 3eMja. flypu u bo 6poH3eHoxo BpeMe, npaKxuKaxa Ha norpe6yBaae bo 3eMja 6una npuMeHexa u Kaj ^0K0jHU^ux nono-:eHu bo e3rpneHa no3a, KapaKxepucxuHHa u 3a Mnagoxo KaMeHo BpeMe. OBaa pena^uja ogu go xaMy mxo ymxe bo Heonuxox, ^0K0jHU^uxe ce norpe6yBaHu bo cunocu x.e. jaMu 3a cKnagupaae Ha 3pHecxu cypoBUHu (:uxo, jaHMeH, nHeHu^). HeKou og hub ce Haorane bo paMKuxe Ha caMaxa KyKa, mxo gononHuxenHo ja o6jacHyBa ceMaHxuKaxa Ha puxyanHuox huh.55 Bo npunor Ha oBoj c^e^u^UHeH puxyan Ha norpe6yBaae bo jaMa 3a :uxo, ogu u egHa rpyna npegMexu kou 6une KoHcxpyupaHu 3a HyBaae Ha ^panuuxe. MMeHo, bo BHaxpemHocxa Ha HeonuxcKuxe KyKu og Typ^uja ce npoHajgeHu roneMu aH- 53 Cnopegu npuMepu bo Hoernes M., 1925, T. 108: 9, 11, 14 i gp.; 54 Neuman E., 1963, 162, 163; 3a norpeóyBaaaTa bo nuTocu og P. MaKegoHuja: MuTpeBcKu fl., 1997, 288 - 290, 300; MuTpeBcKu fl., 2001, 21, 25 (geTe bo nuToc) 55 B^HBapoB K., 2003, 142; Hodder I., 1990, 51; Mellart J., 1975, 35 74 rou,e HayMoe TponoMop^HM rnuHeHu cunocu, gononHeTu co eneMeHTu Ha xeHcKoTo Teno kom jacHo noTceTyBaaT Ha cnuHHuTe ^urypanHu cagoBu og YHrapuja u repMaHuja /T.IV:7-9/.56 M3egHaHyBaaeTo Ha xeHcKoToTo Teno co cKnagumHuoT npocTop 3a xuto, ro Hagonon-HyBa pereHepaTUBHuoT KapaKTep Ha jaMaTa 3a norpe6yBaae, bo Koja noKojHUKoT uMan uct „TpeTMaH" KaKo u xutoto Koe cuMÖonuHHo ce HyBano bo yTpo6aTa Ha xeHaTa. Og cunocoT - jaMa u cunocoT - cag ce oHeKyBano ga ro 3aHyBaaT oHa mTo e bo hub cTaBeHo u co Toa ga npugoHecaT koh ogpxyBaaeTo Ha e^3ucTeH^ujaTa u KoHTuHyuTeToT Ha egHa 3aegHu^: og ^panuuTe 6u ce nogroTBuna xpaHaTa, gogeKa noHuHaTuoT noBTopHo 6u ce BpaTun bo KyKaTa og Koja 3aMuHan T.e. „gyxoBHo", nocrojaHo 6u npecTojyBan bo Hea. Og TyKa, uaKo uHgupeKTHo, cagoT ogHocHo HeroBuTe xeHcKu KapaKTepucTuKu, noBTopHo ce goBegyBaaT bo 6nucKa BpcKa co uHKy6a^ujaTa u noBTopHoTo paraae. nopa-gu Toa, cagoBuTe 3a KBaceae u neHeae Ha ne6oT (kou geHec ce HapeKyBaaT „Kapnu^u", „hokbu" u ,flpenHu"), gypu u bo HeonuToT 6une KopucTeHu 3a norpe6yBaae Ha ge^. Bo Toj cnyHaj, noKojHuKoT T.e. geTeTo 6uno ugeHTu^uKyBaHo co 3pHoTo Koe noBTopHo Ke „u3pTu" og yTpo6aTa Ha 3eMjaTa / MajKaTa. BaKBoTo 3HaHeae Ha roneMuTe cKnagumHu cagoBu Moxe ga ce 6apa u bo coBpe-MeHuTe ^onKnopHu Tpagu^uu, Ha npuMep o6pegHuTe aKTuBHocTu bo kou, rpemHuTe u 6onHuTe nyre 6une BHecyBaHu bo 6ypuaa (6ohbu), co ^n „ga ce pogaT no BTop naT", unu bo KoHKpeTHa cMucna ga ce ucHucTaT og rpeBoT unu ga o3gpaBaT. Bo cnoBeHcKuTe Tpagu^uu, gypu nocToen o6uHaj, nyreTo bo ogMuHaTa cTapocT ga ce y6uBaaT bo 6ype.57 - ETHOrpa^CKM MMnHMKa^M npaKTuKaTa Ha norpe6yBaae bo cag u gpyru npegMeTu kou cuM6onu3upaaT MaT-Ka, co ce6e noBneKyBa u HeKonKy eTHorpa^cKu napanenu. Bo oKonuHaTa Ha Y>ku^ (Cp6uja), oTKaKo geTeTo Ke ce pogeno,HeKonKy HacoBu ce ocTaBano ga nexu Ha 3eMja, Ha cnaMa unu ceHo. noToa ce cTaBano bo nynKa („KoneBKa") Koja bo gujaneKTuTe og Toj peruoH ce HapeKyBana„6emuKa».58 CaMoTo uMe Ha o6jeKToT Kage HoBopogeHHeTo npecTojyBa (npeKy pena^ujaTa „6emuKa = MoHeH Meyp"), ce no-ucToBeTyBa co npocTopoT Ha a6goMeHoT bo Koj ce cMeTano geKa ce HaoraaT u xeHcKuTe reHuTanuu. OTTyKa, He e cnyHajHo mTo nynKaTa (Koja uMa 3a ^n ga ro HyBa, 3arpee u ycnoKou geTeTo) ro hocu uMeTo Ha aHaToMcKuoT npocTop, npegogpegeH ga ru oct-BapyBa ucTuTe ^yH^uu (u3BoupHo Moxe6u pogunHuoT Meyp oKony 6e6eTo). floKon-Ky bo ^aMunujaTa Kage geTeTo ce para HeMa „6emuKa" Toram, gogeKa Taa ce HanpaBu, geTeTo ce HyBano bo cagoBu, uMeHyBaHu KaKo Kapnu^u („Kapnu^") kou u o6pegHo u eTHMonomKu noBTopHo ce Bp3yBaaT 3a npegenoT Ha xeHcKuTe reHuTanuu.59 Bo uc-tuot peruoH, goKonKy geTeTo noHuHeno, Toa ce Hoceno go rpo6oT bo nynKa Koja nocne norpe6yBaaeTo ce npeBpTyBana.60 Kaj HeKou Hapogu bo ^Ha ropa u EocHa ce npaKTu-KyBan cnuHeH o6peg, npu Koj, npeg norpe6oT Ha geTeTo bo nynKaTa, bo Hea ce ocTaBan oTBop „3a ga Mo>e MajKaTa (noBTopHo) ga pogu".61 56 Özdogan M. - Dede Y., 1998, 148, 149, cn. 1; Hodder I., 1990, 62, cn. 3.4 57 3a o6pegHoTo„npepogyBaae" bo 6ohbu u jaMu: Elijade M., 2004, 105; 3a y6uBaaeTo Ha cTap^uTe: Bene^Kaja H. H., 1996, 108 58 EnarojeBuh H., 1984, 224, 225 59 3a eTuMonorujaTa Ha cagoBuTe („6emuKa" u „Kapnu^"): Haycuguc H., 2006 60 EnarojeBuh H., 1984, 237 61 Ho3aHoBa r., 1989, 27 75 CagoT, neHKaTa u KyKaTa bo cuM6onuHKa pena^uja co MaTKaTa u >eHaTa Bo 0Baa cMucna ce uHTepecHu gpeBHoeruneTcKUTe Tpagu^uu Kage gpB0T0 hyle, (KopucTeHo 3a u3pa6oTKa Ha capK0^a3u) 6uno 3aMucnyBaH0 KaKo „MajKa - nynKa", a bo ucto BpeMe u KaKo „MajKa Ha cMpTTa".62 OBa u3egHaHyBaae Ha cMpTTa co paraaeTo goBeno go Toa, rpo6HaTa KoHcTpy^uja, KaKo u cagoT, ga ce ocMucnyBa KaKo gen og xeHcK0T0 Teno Koj Ke ro UHU^upa n0BT0pH0T0 paraae. Bo TeK0T Ha HeonuT0T u bo ^ogo^HexHUTe ^a3u Ha 3anagH0 - eBponcKaTa npaucTopuja ce npoHajgeHu MeranuTcKu ^po6HU^u bo kou Bne30T 6un 3aMucneH KaKo 6oxecTBeHa BaruHa, npu mT0 BHecyBaaeTo Ha n0HUHaTU0T bo Hea go6uBa 3HaHeae Ha huh Ha HeroBa „UM^pe^Ha^uja" (noBTopHo BHecyBaae bo yTpo6a). Bo ManTa, Cu^unuja, CapguHuja, CeBepo-3anagHa MpcKa, repMaHuja, fflBegcKa u Cp6uja, ^po6HU^UTe ogHocHo rpo-6oBUTe 6une KoHcTpyupaHu bo ^opMa Ha BynBa u yTepyc, unu naK uMane KoHTypu ugeHTUHHu co 0Hue Ha ^eHcKUTe KepaMUHKu ^urypuHu.63 MHTepecHo e mT0 bo HeonuT0T,HacTpaHa og Boo6uHaeHaTa UHxyMa^uja bo 3rpHe-Ha nono^6a unu bo cag, ge^Ta ce norpe6yBane 3aBUTKaHu bo poro3UHa (BpeKa) u TKae-HUHa, 3a mT0 cBegoHaT norpe6yBaaaTa og ^eneHcKu Bup u KoBaHeBo.64 OBaa puTyanHa npaKTUKa noBTopHo ogu bo KoHTeKcT Ha norpe6yBaaeTo KaKo M0MeHT Ha pe^eHepa^uja, co Toa mT0 bo oBoj cnyHaj, Top6aTa 6una 3aMucneHa KaKo 3aMeHa 3a KomynKaTa, ogHocHo o6BUBKaTa bo Koja geTeTo npecTojyBa bo yTpo6aTa Ha MajKaTa. Bo HeKou 6anKaHcKu peruoHu,nocne nopogyBaaeTo, 0TKaK0 Ke ce u3Bagu KomynKaTa, Taa ce TpeTupana KaKo KynTeH npegMeT Koj hocu 3HaHeae Ha „Konuja / 6nu3HaK" (6u gogane u beojHuk) Ha H0B0p0geH0T0T0 geTe. 3aToa, Taa unu nanoHHaTa BpBKa ce HyBane Ha noce6Ho, Hegoc-TanHo MecTo bo KyKaTa, ce Bp3yBane 3a „MaTUHaaK"-0T, egHa og HoceHKUTe rpegu bo KyKaTa, unu naK ce KopucTene KaKo aMajnuja KojamTo Ke ro HyBa geTeTo.65 flo cpeguHaTa Ha 20 BeK, Ha BanKaHoT, Kaj CapaKaHaHUTe nocToena npaKTUKa, MpTBopogeHUTe ge^ ga ce norpe6yBaaT bo Top6a. 3a Taa ^n, geTeTo ce cTaBano bo Ko^Ha BpeKa nonHa co con u ce Bp3yBana tohho Hag nocTenaTa Ha poguTenuTe, KagemTo cToena oKony 40 geHa. 3a Toa BpeMe, MajKaTa BoonmTo He u3neryBana og goMa u ceKoj geH ucnumyBana KpcT Ha 3eMjaTa. no oBoj nepuog, geTeTo ce norpe6yBano bo HeKoj gen og KyKaTa, npu mT0 ce nocunyBano co jaHMeH u Boga. BaKBUTe BepyBaaa Kaj CapaKaHaHUTe u BnacuTe ogene go TaMy mT0 nocne nopogyBaaeTo, KomynKaTa He ce ^pnana, TyKy ce 3aKonyBana T.e. „BpaKana" bo 3eMjaTa, KaKo 6u ce co3gan hob ^ubot.66 CnuHHu BepyBaaa nocToene u Kaj HapoguTe og MHgoHe3uja, Kage KomynKaTa ce „norpe6yBana" Ha K0HKpeTH0 MecTo, Ha ucToHHaTa cTpaHa og KyKaTa, ac0^ujaTUBH0 Bp3aHa 3a ^ubotot u u3rpejcoH^To.67 6) norpeöyBaae bo u noKpaj ne^Ka MaKo HaBugyM ganeKy og apxeonomKuoT KoHTeKcT, Tpe6a ga ce HanoMeHe geKa gen og norpe6yBaaaTa bo cagoBu 6une BpmeHu noKpaj neHKUTe unu orHumTaTa bo KyKuTe. npuMepuTe og EjHaH, A3MaK, CaM0B0geHe, Aruoc neTpoc u ^eneHcKu Bup noTBpgyBaaT geKa KpeMa^ujaTa u UHxyMa^ujaTa bo u 6e3 cag, 6une bo HeKaK0B coogHoc 62 Neuman E., 1963, 243, 244 63 Gimbutas M., 1989, 153, 154; Bačvarov K., 2004, 152, Harding A. F., 2000, 110, cn. 3.11: 1, 2, 4 64 Borič D. - Stefanovič S., 2004, 539; Bačvarov K., 2004, 153 65 BnarojeBuh H., 1984, 220; Borič D., Stefanovič S., 2004, 542 66 ÄHToHujeBuh fl., 1982, 61, 134 67 Borič D. - Stefanovič S., 2004, 542; 3a ogHocoT Top6a - MaTKa: Haycuguc H., 2006. 76 rou,e HayMoe co ^opMaTa m cMM6onuHHaTa ^yHKn;uja Ha goMamHaTa neHKa m orHumTeTo.68 npucyc-TBOTO Ha geTCKMTe norpe6yBaaa oKony oBoj npocTop, HaBegyBaaT m Ha eTHonomKMTe napanenu kom goHeKage ro o6jacHyBaaT M36opoT Ha oBaa no3un;Mja. MMeHo, bo Cp6uja, a BepojaTHo m bo gpyru KpaeBu og cBeTOT, HOBopogeHHuaaTa ce nerayBane bo nynKMTe („6emuKu"), a noToa ce nocTaByBane Kpaj orHumTeTo unu naK, Kpaj neHKMTe 3a neHeae KepaMMHKM cagoBM.69 norpe6yBaaeTo Ha gen;aTa bo MCTaTa noKan;uja, ceKaKo 6m Tpe6a-no ga ce npoTonKyBa KaKo MecTo Ha Koe, MpTBMTe 6e6uaa m nocne cMpTTa Tpe6ano ga ce „rpeaT" Kpaj M3BopoT Ha TonnuHa. MeryToa, HeKonKy apxeonomKM ^aKTM, KaKo m roneM 6poj HapogHM npuKa3HM,yKaxyBaaT Ha nogna6oKMTe ceMaHTMHKu 3HaHeaa Ha neHKaTa, napanenHo M3egHaHeHu co cagoT m MaTKaTa. Ha noKanuTeTOT Curmatura bo PoMaHuja, e oTKpueHo norpe6yBaae Ha geTe BHaT-pe, bo caMaTa neHKa /T.V:11/. OBoj cnyHaj, bo KOHTeKCT Ha norpe6yBaaeTo bo cagoBM m jaMM 3a XMTO, noBTopHo 6m Tpe6ano ga ja onpegenu neHKaTa KaKo yTepyc. Bo npu-nor Ha oBoj KOHn;enT, ogu m xpTBeHMKOT npoHajgeH bo Màrtèly, YHrapuja, o6nuKyBaH TaKa mTo, bo mcto BpeMe HanuKyBa m Ha HeonuTCKa neHKa, ho m Ha MaTKa T.e. cTOMaK co noTeHn;upaH nanoK /T.VI:1,2/. CuM60nMHH0T0 naneae T.e. y6uBaae Ha gen;aTa bo neHKa Moxe ga ce cnegu bo xeneHCKaTa MMTonoruja, xpMCTMjaHCKaTa MKOHorpa^uja og aHTMKaTa, cpegHMOT BeK, na gypu m bo MHory6pojHMTe MaKegoHCKM HapogHM npuKa3HM. Bo KaTaKOM6uTe, KaKo m bo nogon^exHMTe xpucTujaHCKM xpaMOBM og XI - XIV BeK, Ha ^pecKMTe ce cnuKaHM cn;eHMTe Ha „TpuTe EBpeu bo neHKa". Bo hmb ce npeTCTaBeHM Tpu MOMHuaa KaKo bo no3a Ha opaHT ropaT bo neHKa (Bugu HaTaMy 3a xpTByBaaeTo gen;a bo HecT Ha Monox). Ho, 6narogapeHue Ha apxaHrenoT, HMTy egHo og hmb HeMa ga yMpe, Ha Toj HaHMH goKaxyBajKM ja HenoKonen6nuBaTa Bepa bo cnaceHueTo. ropejKM bo neHKaTa, Tue Ke ce TpaHc^opMupaaT, a noToa KaKo 6ecMpTHM Ke ce BO3HecaT Ha He6o. BaKOB Bug TpaHc^opMan;uja Ha ^pneHOTo geTe bo neHKa, ce 3a6enexyBa m bo HeKou npuKa3HM og MaKegoHuja. Bo hmb ce pacKaxyBa 3a gen;a kom HaBogHo 6une neHeHM 3a ga MoxaT cTapn^MTe ga 03gpaBaT, xpaHejKM ce co hmb. MMa npuMepu Kora Tue bo ^ypHMTe ce„no3-naTyBane" unu cTaHyBane noMygpu, mTo og gpyra cTpaHa, HaBegyBa m Ha ogpegeHM anxeMMCKM npon;ecu. Ako 3eMeMe npegBug geKa Ha oBoj HaHMH, gen;aTa bo „^ypHMTe" ce npepogyBane bo gpyra nocynTunHa ^opMa, Toram neHKMTe ro go6uBaaT 3HaHeaeT0 Ha gen og xeHCKMTe reHMTanuu. SaToa m He e cnyHajHo mTo bo anxeMucKMTe npon;ecu, KaKo m bo eBponcKaTa MeTanypmKa TepMMHonoruja, neHKaTa HecTo ce HapeKyBa „MaTKa". Bo ogpegeHM KynTypu, oBaa penan;uja Mery ^ypHaTa T.e. neHKaTa m MajHMHaTa yTpo6a 6una TonKy cunHa mTo KOBaHKMTe neHKM ce M3pa6oTyBane co ruHeKOMop^HM KOHTypu, npu mTo, cogpxuHaTa bo hmb (oco6eHo pacToneHuoT MeTan) ro go6uBan 3HaHeaeT0 Ha eM-6puoH.70 nog nogoT Ha egHa MeTanyprucKa pa6oTunHun;a bo ByHegon (XpBaTCKa) og npe-MMHOT Ha HeonuTOT KOH enoxaTa Ha MeTanuTe, e oTKpueHa rpo6Hun;a co 5 gen;a og kom 4 6e6uaa. Bo A^puKa,pa3HM o6pegu ja ogpa3yBaaT oBaa ugeHTM^MKanuja: - rpageae MeTanyprucKa neHKa Ha MecTo Kage e cnaneHo npegBpeMe pogeHo 6e6e; - ^pnaae bo neH- 68 Sa npuMepuTe og A3MaK, CaMOBogeHe m Aruoc neTpoc bo BtHBapoB K., 2003, 60, 88, 184; 3a norpeôyBa-aaTa Ha ge^a m BO3pacHM og HeneHCKM Bup bo Borič D. - Stefanovič S., 2004, 533, 541 69 BnarojeBuh H., 1984, 225 70 Gimbutas M., 1989: 3a MogenoT Ha neHKaTa: 148, cn. 228; 3a norpeôyBaaeTo bo neHKa: 150, 151, cn. 223; 3a c^eHaTa co TpuTe eBpeu: raôenuh C., 1991, 87; 3a HapogHMTe npuKa3HM m anxeMMCKo - MeTanypmKaTa TepMMHonoruja: CTojaHOBuh H., 1999, 186, 187 77 CagoT, neHKaTa u KyKaTa bo cuM6onuHKa pena^uja co MaTKaTa u >eHaTa KMTe Ha gen og nocTenKaTa, 3a nogo6po ogBuBaae Ha MeTanypmKuoT npon;ec.71 Bo oBaa cMucna Tpe6a ga ce cnoMHe u xaHaHCKuoT 6or Monox, Ha Huj ugon, o6nuKyBaH bo Bug Ha neHKa, bo ^eHuKuja, nanecTuHa u KapTaruHa My ce ^pTByBane gen;a. Cnopeg XepogoT (3, 37) u ApucTo^aH (Av. 436), rpn;uTe, 6nucKy go oraumTaTa cTaBane Manu yyyecTu cTaTyu cnuHHu Ha Xe^ecr (yyye = geTe).72 OBa ru o6jacHyBa MoTuBuTe 3omTo u bo cno-BeHcKuTe HapogHu BepyBaaa, MuTcKuTe yyyuaa bo KyKuTe HecTo ^uBeaT ToKMy nog neHKaTa unu orHumTeTo, 3ag oyaKoT unu nog nogoT (cnopeg npegaHujaTa cegyM napa TaKBu yyyuaa Mo^aT ga ce nuKHaT bo neHKa unu bo ge^a). Ha u3egHaHyBaaeTo Ha neH-KaTa co ^eHcKuTe reHuTanu yKa^yBa o6uHajoT,yHecHun;uTe Ha cBag6aTa, Mery gpyroTo, ga ja KpmaT goMamHaTa neHKa goKonKy ce noKa^e geKa HeBecTaTa He e geBun;a.73 Cum-6onuHKuoT ogHoc „Bapeae / neHeae = ycoBpmyBaae" e ogpa3eH bo uHuH;ujan;ucKuTe o6pegu, pacnpocTpaHeTu bo 6pojHu apxauHHu KynTypu hu3 cBeToT, npu kou MnaguTe ce nogno^yBaaT Ha cuM6onuHKo „Bapeae" unu „neHeae" (bo peanHa unu cuM6onuHKa neHKa, unu cag), co n;en ga ce ycoBpmaT, ogHocHo ga npeMuHaT bo c^epaTa Ha Bo3pacHu-Te. TparuTe Ha oBue ogHocu u o6pegu ce 3aHyBane u bo HapaTuBHuTe ^opMu Ha mutot, bo kou MnaguTe jyHan;u, nocne BapeaeTo bo Ka3aH unu neHeaeTo bo neHKa ce 3go6uBa-aT co HaTnpupogHu cBojcTBa (aHTuHKu mutobu 3a fleMo^oH u Axun).74 Bo oBue npuMepu, neHKaTa u cagoT ru coeguHyBa HuBHaTa BpcKa co ^eHcKuTe reHuTanuu. MaKo, bo cBojaTa ocHoBHa ^yHKH;uja Tue ce pa3nuHHu, cenaK bo hub no-gegHaKBo e BTeMeneHa noruKaTa npeKy Koja, apxauHHaTa cBecT ru c^aTuna TajHuTe npuHH;unu: nonemoK, 3auemoK, pacmeme, co3peBame, ycoBprnyBawe, kou nogegHaKBo ce ogHecyBane He caMo Ha HoBeKoT, TyKy u Ha ne6oT, rnuHaTa unu 6aKapoT. ToKMy npeKy ^yHKH;ujaTa Ha MaTKaTa u norpe6yBaaeTo bo oBue Hej3uHu cyncTuTyTu, HoBeKoT ycne-Ba og egHa cTpaHa ga ja cno3Hae„^uBaTa npupoga Ha MaTepujaTa" u og gpyra - 6ecMpT-HocTTa Ha uHguBugyuTe nono^eHu BHaTpe, bo HuBHaTa „yTpo6a". b) norpeöyBaae nog KyKa norpe6yBaaeTo bo cag, noKpaj neHKaTa u bo Hea, ce o6eguHyBaaT bo ymTe egHa npocTopHa n;enuHa Koja noBTopHo e 3acTanHuK Ha ^hckuot npuHH;un. MMeHo, u bo gBaTa cnyHau, norpe6HuoT puTyan ce npaKTyBan bo BHaTpemHocTa Ha caMaTa KyKa. HajroneM 6poj og norpe6yBaaaTa bo cag, KaKo u oHue noKpaj neHKaTa ce oTKpueHu nog nogoT Ha ucTpa^yBaHuTe HeonuTcKu ^uBeanumTa. roneM gen og cagoBuTe u uh-xyMupaHuTe 3rpHeHu norpe6yBaaa, bo cKopo cuTe HeonuTcKu KynTypu Ha BanKaHoT ce KoHu;eHTpupaHu oKony neHKaTa unu orHumTeTo. Bo MaKegoHuja, ocBeH bo AM3a6ero-bo, uHxyMan;uja Ha geTe nog KyKa e KoHcTaTupaHa u bo Mayapu (CKonje), KaKo u egHa Bo3pacHa uHguBugya bo BpmHuK (fflrun). Bo HeneHcKu Bup, nog 19 ^uBeanumTa, ce 3aKonaHu gypu HeTupueceTuHa 6e6uaa. Og ucKonyBaaaTa bo Typn;uja, rpn;uja, Cp6uja u XpBaTcKa, puTyanHu norpe6yBaaa og oBoj Bug ce oTKpueHu bo Kpg^anu, KapaHoBo, 71 3a ByHegoncKuoT Haog: Durman A., 2004, 27, 28; 3a a^puKaHcKuTe Tpag^uu: Elijade M., 1983, 71-77; Neumann E., 1963, 46, 285,286. Moähu ce pena^uu co rope cnoMHaToTo HeonuTcKo norpe6yBaae bo 6nu3uHa Ha neHKa. 72 3a Monox: Janicijevic J., 1986, 87, 312, 313; Chevalier J. - Gheerbrant A., 2003, 414, 415; 3a rpHKuoT o6uHaj: Durman A., 2000, 51. 73 Hugepne H., 1956, 2, 3a uyuuaaTa: 470-473, 3a KpmeaeTo Ha neHKaTa: 36. 74 Prop V. J., 1990, 154-161. 78 rou,e HayMoe ManK npecnaBeu, E3epo, Ka3aHn^K, HaTan XyjyK, Xayunap, ^uKupTene, MaKpu, Ke^a-noBpuco, Tonone, nenenaHe, CrapHeBo, fflamuHn;u, Buhkobu;u u t.h. MHTepecHo e mT0 bo paHuoT HeonuT, bo paMKUTe Ha KyKaTa, HecTo Ha ucto MecTo, 3aegH0 ce norpe6yBaaT MajKa u geTe. OBa HaBegyBa Ha o6uHajoT, 3a6enexeH Kaj 6anKaHCKUTe Hapogu, cnopeg Koj, npu cMpT Ha MajKaTa 3a BpeMe Ha nopogyBaaeTo, co Hea ce norpe6yBa u HOBopo-geH0T0 geTe, noKpaj Toa mT0 e xubo. CnuHHu ^yHepapHu puTyanu ce eBugeHTupaHu u Kaj ocTaHaTUTe 6anKaHCKu Hapogu, KaKo u Kaj: ManopycuTe, EcKUMUTe, nneMuaaTa og Hob 3enaHg, MHgoHe3uja, A^puKa, o6nacTa Ha AMa30H, a u nopaHo - bo BpeMeTo Ha aH-TUKaTa (Kaj rpn;uTe u puMjaHUTe). TaMy BcymHocT 3anoHHyBa ga ce pa3BUBa napu3M0T T.e. KynToT koh npegn;uTe, 3a kou ce BepyBano geKa geKa npecTojyBaaT nog KyKaTa. OBoj KynT koh npeguuTe, u BepyBaaaTa geKa Tue ce HaoraaT nog nparoT, er3ucTupa cé ymTe bo 6pojHu eBponcKu nogpaHja (Bp3aHu 3a pa3Hu npa3Hun;u u npocnaBu). HeKage ce cMeTano geKa nparoT He Tpe6a ga ce gonpe (cTanHe) 3a ga He ce B03HeMupaT npegn;uTe, unu naK cnpoTUBHo, Toj HaMepHo ce 6aKHyBan u cTanHyBan, KaKo 6u ce ocTBapun koh-TaKT co npeguuTe, ogHocHo co „cBeTOT" bo Koj Tue ce HaoraaT. Kaj Ma3ypuTe bo noncKa ce BepyBano geKa, goKonKy HeKpcTeH0T0T0 geTe ce norpe6a nog nparoT, Toram HeMy Mo»e ga My ce Hapegu ga cTaHe „Kno6yK" Koj Ke um hocu 6oraTCTBo Ha goMaKuHUTe. OTTyKa, u npeTxogHo cnoMeHaTUTe npuMepu co yyyuaaTa cMecTeHu Kpaj orHumTaTa unu nog nogoT, ogaT bo jacHa penan;uja co n03UTUBHU0T e^eKT og TpaHc^opMan;ujaTa Ha noHUHaTUTe gen;a, norpe6aHu 6nu3y nparoT unu oraumTeTo.75 MMa u npuMepu Kora noHUHaTUTe gen;a, ce norpe6yBaaT He caMo Kaj neHKaTa u nparoT, TyKy u bo ocTaHaTUTe genoBu Ha KyKaTa (HecTo go unu nog caMUTe sugoBu unu 6nu3y KyKaTa). OBaa npaKTUKa ro uHun;upa npamaaeTo, 3omTo T0KMy bo KyKaTa ce cny-HyBa norpe6HuoT puTyan u 3omTo bo Hea ce 3aKonyBaHu caMo ogpegeHu uHguBugyu? fflro ce ogHecyBa go norpe6yBaaeTo Ha H0BopogeHHuaa u gen;a, Tpe6a ga ce Ha-noMeHe geKa bo BpeMeTo Ha HeonuT0T, cMpTHocTTa Ha gen;aTa 6una MHory roneMa. Bo AM3a6eroBo og 34 - Te oTKpueHu cKeneTu, gypu 50 % ce gen;a u cKopo 15 % jyBeHunu.76 BucoKaTa cTanKa Ha cMpTHocT, curypHo uHun;upana, 3aegHun;aTa ga npe3eMe HeKaKBu MepKu 3a 3anupaae Ha 0Baa nojaBa. Mery gpyroTo, 6ugejKu KyKaTa BeKe npeTxogHo 6una ge^uHupaHa KaKo npocTop co KoHKpeTHu MaTpoHanHu 3HaHeaa, He cnyHajHo 6una u36paHa u KaKo MecTo bo Koe Ke ce norpe6aaT gen;aTa. Ho, co 0Baa uHTepnpeTan;uja ce oTBopaaT ymTe gBe npamaaa: 3omTo T0KMy KyKaTa e norogHa 3a cuM6nonuHKo norpe6yBaae u 3omTo cuTe gen;a He ce norpe6yBane bo paMKUTe Ha KyKaTa? MaKo KaKo ogroBop Ha 0Bue npamaaa MoxaT ga ce noHygaT MHory eTHorpa^cKu napanenu, cenaK 3a npuMep Ke nocoHUMe caMo egHa KoHKpeTHa npaKTUKa, npucyTHa bo noBeKe cnoBeH-CKU nogpaHja. MMeHo, bo nepuog Ha roneMa cMpTHocT Kaj gen;aTa, 3a ga ja 3anpe 0Baa nojaBa, ^aMunujaTa ce pemaBana,n0cnegH0T0 noHUHaTo geTe ga ro norpe6a nog KyKaTa. Ha Toj HaHUH ce BepyBano geKa geTeTo, 3amTUTeH0 og KyKaTa u goMaKuHUTe, noBTopHo Ke ce BpaTu bo Hea. Moxe6u 3aToa,BaKBUTe norpe6yBaaa, HecTo ce non;upane bo cBeTu- 75 3a norpe6yBaaeTo bg P. MaKegoHuja: CaHeB, 1995, 31; rapamaHUH M. - TapamaHUH fl., 1961, 15, 16; 3a HeneHCKu Bup:Borič D. - Stefanovič S., 2004, 532, 533; 3a HeonuTCKUTe npuMepu og Jyro - ucTGHHa Eb-pona: B^HBapoB K., 2003, 142;Hodder I., 1990, 51, 72; Stankovič S., 1992, 69, 70, 71, 73; Borič D., Stefanovič S., 2004, 540 u pe^epe^uTe Ha ucTaTa cTpaHa; 3a eTHGrpa^cKUTe u aHTUHKUTe npuMepu, KaKG u 3a na-pu3MGT: HajKaHGBuh B., 1985, 194 - 202; Hugepne H., 1956, 86, 88; Bg^b B., 2001, 207 - 211; TpyxenKa E., 1930, 4 - 7; Mikov L. - Lozanova G., 1996, 44; BnarojeBuh H., 1984, 237, 238 76 Gimbutas M., 1976, 410 79 CagoT, neHKaTa u KyKaTa bo cuM6onuHKa pena^uja co MaTKaTa u >eHaTa OT aron Ha KyKaTa, nog npo3opoT, a bo HeKou cnyHau u nog KpeBeTOT Ha conpy:Hun;uTe. CKopo ugeHTUHHa nocTanKa ce npaKTUKyBana u npu HecTo yMupaae Ha BO3pacHUTe. Bo Toj cnyHaj ce 3eMano rpaHHe u ce ^pnano npeKy KyKaTa. Ha MecTOTo Kage Toa Ke nagHe-no ce norpe6yBan noKojHUKOT. MHaKy, KaKo 3aMeHa 3a uHxyMupaH0T0 norpe6yBaae bo KyKaTa, ce npucTanyBano koh Mepeae Ha noHUHaTuoT co KOHen;, 3a noToa, K0Hen;0T unu HeroBUTe hoktu ga ce 3aKonaaT nog KyKaTa.77 MHory6pojHUTe npuMepu u napanenu Mery HeonuTCKUTe u cnoBeHCKUTe T.e. 6an-KaHCKUTe norpe6yBaaa nog KyKa, bo KOHTeKCT Ha oBoj Tpyg, ro goBegyBaaT go npuMap-Ho 3HaHeae ocMucnyBaaeTo Ha KyKaTa KaKo ^yHepapeH npocTop u Hej3UHaTa Mo:Ha ugeHTu^uKan;uja co cagoT, a npeKy Hero u co MaTKaTa. Og norope HaBegeHUTe KOMna-pan;uu, Mo:e ga ce 3aKnyHu geKa ugejHaTa ocHOBa Ha aHTponoMop^HUTe cagoBu e bo cunHa Kopenan;uja co cuM6onuHKuoT KOHn;enT Ha„6o:un;aTa - KyKa",Bp3 mTo ce TeMenu u BpcKaTa Mery norpe6yBaaeTo bo cagoBu u bo :uBeanumTa. floKonKy ce 3eMe npegBug coogHocoT Mery gonHaTa 3OHa Ha aHTponoMop^HuoT cag (HeroBuoT MeB) u KocMonom-Ko - MaTpoHanHaTa cuM6onuKa Ha KyKaTa, Toram Ke ce 3a6ene:u geKa u gBaTa KOHn;enTa ce o6eguHeTu bo ^urypaTa Ha „6o:un;aTa - KyKa". Bo Toj cnyHaj 6o:un;aTa, KaKo Bp3 KyKaTa, TaKa u bo ogHoc Ha caMuoT cag ja ocTBapyBa cBojaTa 6a3UHHa ^yHKn;uja Ha 3amTUTHUK Ha ceTo 0Ha mTo ce Haora bo hub. Ha Toj HaHUH noKojHUKOT bo cagoT u oHoj Koj e norpe6aH bo KyKaTa, uMaaT nogegHaKOB „TpeTMaH" bo yTpo6aTa Ha 6o:un;aTa. Bo o6aTa cnyHau, Tue ce nocTaBeHu bo Hej3UHU0T yTepyc, og Kage nogon;Ha 6u Tpe6ano noBTopHo ga ce pogaT. CuM60nuHK0T0 u3egHaHyBaae Ha :eHaTa u KyKaTa Mo:e ga ce TeMenu He caMo Ha 6uonomKUTe, TyKy u Ha con;ujanHUTe u cTonaHCKUTe KOMnoHeHTu. Koh KyKaTa noBeKe rpaBUTupana :eHaTa. Taa ro ogp:yBana orHOT, ro nogroTByBana jageaeTo, TaMy ro parana u BocnuTyBana nogMnagoKOT, nopagu mTo, 6uno noruHHo Ha KyKaTa ga u ce gagaT :eHCKu cBojcTBa u o6paTHo - :eHaTa ga ce u3egHaHu co KyKaTa.78 Bo npunor Ha 0Ba roBopaT 6pojHUTe eTHorpa^cKu npuMepu. Kaj nneMeTo BaKa bo ^HTpanHa A^pu-Ka, :eHUTe ja uMaaT ogroBopHocTa ga ru u3rpagaT Konu6uTe, Kou naTeM, uMaaT o6na ^opMa, HanuK Ha cTOMaK.79 noTeHn;upajKu ru cBouTe Haj6uTHu ^yHKn;uu bo paMKUTe Ha naTpujapxanHaTa 3aegHun;a, :eHaTa T.e. cBeKpBaTa Kaj HeKou coBpeMeHu 6anKaHCKu Hapogu e oHaa Koja ce noucTOBeTyBa co KyKaTa. npuToa, bo 6pojHu o6pegu u aKTUBHoc-Tu Bp3aHu 3a o6BpcKUTe oKony goMOT, cBeKpBaTa e Taa Koja ru uMana Hagne:H0CTUTe oKony npuMaaeTo Ha „HOBUTe" HneHOBu bo KyKaTa, Taa ja Hocena ceTa ogroBopHocT oKony ogp:yBaaeTo Ha :ubotot u xurueHaTa (T.e. 3gpaBjeTo). BoegHo, Taa e oHaa Koja ja „HyBa" caMaTa KyKa. EgHocTaBHo, cBeKpBaTa e c^aTeHa KaKo KyKa bo co:eTa cMucna, nopagu mTo Mery nyreTo og 6anKaHCKUTe npocTopu go geHec ce KopucTu MaKcuMaTa: „KyKaTa He noHUBa Bp3 3eMjaTa, TyKy Bp3 :eHaTa".80 McTUTe oBue :eHu T.e. cBeKpBUTe, 3a BpeMe Ha cnen;u^uHHu ^aMunujapHu o6uHau, uMane 3agaHa, npeKy ogpegeHu cum-6onuHKu nocTanKu, concTBeHaTa „nnogHocT" ga ja npeHecaT Ha HUBHUTe 3aMeHUHKu (cHaaTa T.e. conpyraTa Ha cBojoT cuh).81 Ha Toj HaHUH bo cBepKTBUTe, KaKo u bo Heo- 77 HajKaHOBuh B., 1985, 201; Mikov L. - Lozanova G., 1996, 37 - 48 78 Sa ^eMUHU3a^uja Ha KyKaTa: Hacycuguc H., 1996, 37 - 52 79 Basilov V., Bernt K., Bernt R. M gp., 1986, 94 80 ManemeBuh M., 1995, 181, 182 81 Sa 06pegH0T0 npeHecyBaae Ha ogroBopHocTUTe u nnogHocTa og cBeKpBa Ha cHaa bo ManemeBuh M., 1995, 178 - 180 80 rou,e HayMoe nuTCKMTe 6o»^m, ce oBonnoTyBaaT m ^yH^uuTe Ha KOHTMHyupaHo ogpxyBaae Ha npuopuTeTMTe bo 3aegHM^Ta, ho m KOHCTaHTHOTo npogonxyBaae Ha pogoT. * * * ToKMy npeKy ynoraTa Ha MajKaTa - cBeKpBa, MoxaT ga ce M3BegaT 3aKnyH0^M m 3a BpcKMTe Mery HeonuTCKMTe aHTponoMop^HM cagoBM m „6o:*^MTe - KyKu" kom MMaaT oHeBugHM MKOHorpa^cKM cnuHHocTM. 3apagu cKopo ugeHTMHHUTe ^yH^uu Ha cagoT - MaTKa m 6oxM^Ta - pogunKa, HMBHUTe ynoru ce ucnpenneTeHM bo egeH yHM^M^MpaH nuK Ha 6oxecTBo Koe bo mcto BpeMe para m HyBa. Ho, KaKo mTo BugoBMe npeTxogHo Bp3 ocHOBa Ha apxeonomKMTe m eTHoipa^cKUTe ^0gaT0^M, cagoT caMMOT bo ce6e ru cogpxu oBue gBe cymTecTBeHM KapaKTepucTMKu, TaKa mTo He ce MCKnynyBa MoXHocTa, Kaj kohk-peTHMTe npuMepu og He onuTOT, Toj ga npeTCTaByBa 3ace6H0 6oxecTBo, ogHocHo „6o:*:m^ - cag". M cnopeg cBojaTa npaKTMHHa HaMeHa, ho m cnopeg cuM6onuHKMTe ^yH^uu, cagoT, 3aegH0 co neHKaTa m KyKaTa, ce ^oKycupaaT bo egeH eguHCTBeH eHTMTeT - „xeHa - pogunKa - MajKa", HajBepojaTHo MaHM^ecTupaH bo HeKaKOB ceon^aTeH mmtckm nuK unu 6oxecTBo. OBaa MOKHa cuM6onuHKa 6a3a, bo pena^Mja co TpagM^M0HanHM0T 3eMjogencKo - cTOHap-CKM HaHMH Ha e^3MCTeH^Mja, e ycnoB 3a „npexuByBaaeTo" Ha oBue gpeBHM TpagM^MM bo ja3MKOT, BepyBaaaTa m o6peguTe Ha coBpeMeHMTe cnoBeHCKM m 6anKaHCKu ^o^yna^MM. BwönMorpa^Mja AHTOHujeBuñ fl., 1982, O6pegu m o6uHaju 6anKaHCKux cTOHapa, Beorpag BnarojeBuñ H., 1984, Oóuuaju y ee3u ca pofyeweM, MeHudóoM u cMphy y mumoeoyxuu-kom, noMeMKüM u KocjepuhKüM Kpajy, DiacHMK eTHorpa^cKor My3eja 48, 209 - 310, Beorpag Bo^b B., 2001, yno^ama Ha npa^om eo oóunaume Kaj MaKeôo^ume, MaKegoHCKu ^on- Knop 58/59, 207 - 211, CKonje B^HBapoB K., 2003, HeonuTHM norpe6anHM o6pegu, Co^ua BacuneBa M., 2005, Kage e HameTo MMHaTo?, BuTona Bene^Kaja H. 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B. u gp., 1936, npuno3u npoynaBaay Hame HapogHe KepaMUKe, Be-orpag KucenuHoB r. a., 1942, MeaHKa, B^nrapcKu Hapog 2, 52 - 55, CKonje KonumTpK0BcKa - HacTeBa M., 1999, AHmponoMop$Hu u 3ooMop$Hu ifimypuHu od eHeo- numcKuom nepuod, Macedoniae Acta Archaeologica 15, 25 - 32, CKonje KonumTpK0BcKa - HacTeBa M., 2005, npaucTopucKUTe gaMu og MaKegoHuja (KaTanor), CKonje Kopome^ n. - Kopome^ J., 1973, npegucTopucKa Hacen6a BapyTHu^, npunen ^03aH0Ba r., 1989, Oco6eHocmu Ha o6pedume npu no^pe6aHue Ha deu,a y WMHume cnaen-hu e Kpan Ha XIX u Hananomo Ha XX e., BnrapcKa eTHorpa^uja 1, 17 - 30, Co^ua ManemeBuñ M., 1995, Oôhoc ceeKpee u cHaxey ceaô6eHoMpumy any, Etho - KynTyponomKu 36opHUK 3a npoynaBaae KynType ucToHHe Cp6uje u cycegHux o6nacTu, CBpaur Mapa30B M., 1992, Mut, puTyan u u3KycTB0 y TpaKUTe, Co^ua MuTpeBcKu fl., 1997, npoToucTopucKUTe 3aegHU^u bo MaKegoHuja, CKonje MuTpeBcKu fl., 2001, CTapoMaKegoHcKuoT rpag Ha BapgapcKu Pug, CKonje HayM0B r., 2004, HeonuTcKa opHaMeHTUKa, gunnoMcKa pa6oTa, CKonje HayM0B r., 2005 a, HeonumcKu cnuKaHu opHaMeHmu, KynTypeH :ubot 3, 66 - 77, CKonje HayM0B r., 2005 6, HeonumcKu nuHmadepu, nuHTagepa 1, (bo neHaT) HayM0B r., 2006, CeMaHmuKama Ha HeonumcKume aHmponoMop$Hu cadoeu, 36opHUK Ha My3ejoT Ha MaKegoHuja 3, CKonje, (bo neHaT) Hugepne 1956, CnaBaHcKue gpeBHocTu, MocKBa PagyHHeBa A., Mu^H0Ba B., Ta^B M. u gp., 2002, HeonuTHo cenum;Te go rpag PaKUTo- Bo, Pa3KonKu u npoynaBaHua XXIX, Co^ua CaHeB B., 1988, HeonumcKomo ceemunuume od TyM6a eo May.apu, CKoncKo, Macedoniae Acta Archaeologica 9, 9 - 30, CKonje CaHeB B., 1995, Heonumom u HeonumcKume Kynmypu eo MaKedoHuja, ^UBunu3a^uu Ha noHBaTa Ha MaKegoHuja, 21 - 46, CKonje CaHeB B., 1996, KaHnu Haup - BojK0B^u, flaMjaH, PagoBum, ApxeonomKa KapTa II, CKonje CaHeB B. - CuMocKa fl. - KuTaHocKu B. - Cap:ocKu C., 1976, npaucTopuja bo MaKegoHuja (KaTanor), CKonje 1976 CaHeB B. - CTaMeHoBa M., 1989, HeonumcKa Hacen6a „CmpaHama» eo ceno Amenu,u, 36opHUK Ha TpygoBu, 9 - 63, CrpyMu^ CT0jaH0BuK 1999, Cnapa^Mocom u aHmponouKau,uja 36upKe Hapo^Ho^ ^pH^ap- cmea, DiacHUK eTHorpa^cKor My3eja 39 - 40, 45 - 83, Beorpag Tpecugep y., 2001, PeHHUK Ha cuM6onu, CKonje TpyxenKa H., 1930, HapmaM u KpcHa cnaea, DiacHUK cKoncKor HayHHor gpymTBa, cena-paT, CKonje 82 rou,e HayMoe OununoBufr C. 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L., 1963, Primitivna Umetnost, Beograd Bačvarov K., 2004, The Birth - Giving Pot: Neolithic jar burials in Southeast Europe, Prehistoric Thrace, Sofia - Stara Zagora Basilov V., Bernt K., Bernt R. i dr., 1986, Atlas Čovečanstva, Beograd Bilbija M., 1986, Cerje, neolitsko naselje, Arheološki Pregled 1985, 35 - 36, Ljubljana Boas F., 1955, Primitive Art, New York Borič D. - Stefanovič S., 2004, Birth and death: infant burials from Vlasac and Lepenski Vir, Antiquity 78, 526 - 546 Chevalier J. - Gheerbrant A., 2003, Rječnik simbola, Banja Luka Durman A., 2000, Vučedolski orion i najstariji europski kalendar, Zagreb Durman A., 2004, Vučedolski hromi bog, Vukovar Elijade M., 1983, Kovači i alkemičari, Zagreb Elijade M., 1984, Joga, besmrtnost i sloboda, Beograd Elijade M., 2004, Sveto i profano, Beograd Galovic R.,1964, Neue Funde der Starčevo - Kultur in Mittelserbien und Makedonien, Bericht der Römisch - Germanischen Kommission 43 - 44, Berlin Gamacchio P. - Geoffroy Schneiter B. - Barreto C. - Mulassano L., 2005, Brasile: archaeo- logia del presente, Archeo 6 (244), 82 - 103, Milano Gimbutas M., 1976, Neolithic Macedonia, Los Angeles Gimbutas M., 1989, The Language of the Goddess, London Grbic M. - Mačkic P. - Šandor N. - Simoska D. - Stalio B., 1960, Porodin, Bitolj Harding A. 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XLV, 37 - 48, Beograd Müller - Karpe H., 1968, Handbuch Der Vorgeschichte, München Neumann E., 1963, The Great Mother, New York Nikolov V. - Grigorova K. - Sirakova E., 1992, Die Ausgrabungen in der frühneolithichen Siedlung von Sofia - Slatina, Bulgarien, in den Jahren 1985 - 1988, Acta Praehistorica et Archaeologica, 221 - 233, Berlin Özdogan M. - Dede Y., 1998, An Antropomorphic Vessel from Toptepe, James Harvey Gaul - In Memoriam, 143 - 151, Sofia Özdogan M. - Ba^gelen N., 1999, Neolithic in Turkey (plates), Istanbul Pavuk J., 1981, Umenie a život doby kamennej, Tatran Pollard G., 1983, The Prehistory of NW Argentina, Journal of Field Archaeology 10 (1), 11 - 32, Boston Praistorija jugoslavenskih zemalja II, neolit, Sarajevo 1979 Prop V. J., 1990, Historijski korijeni bajke, Sarajevo Stankovič S., 1992, Sakralna mesta i predmeti u starijeneolitskim kulturama Centralno - balkanskog područja, doktorska disertacija, Beograd Todorova H., 2003, Prehistory of Bulgaria, Recent Research in the Prehistory of the Balkans (ed. Gramenos D. V.), Thessaloniki Votson V., 1965, Ko su bili stari Ainui?, Isčezle civilizacije (ed. Edvard Bekon), Beograd The vessel, oven and house in symbolical relation with the womb and women - neolithic bases and ethnographic implications Goce Naumov The vessel, oven and house, although apparently different in their shape and use, are still unified in several functional aspects, connected with their anthropomorphic character. In addition, because of the nature of absorbing, their inner space is equalized with the features of the female regenerative organs i.e. the womb. Therefore, on these objects are usually painted, incised or applied different types of ornaments and motifs, by which, the parts of the female body and their symbological meaning are designated. It is worth underlining that these feminine features are equally perceived in praehis-tory, but also in the contemporary folklore of the Slavic population in the Balkans. Thus, information separately received from archaeological and ethnological researches, is mutually correlated: in addition to explaining the continuance and reminiscence of peculiar praehistorical phenomena, they also reveal the deep roots of several Slavic rites and practices from the XIX and XX century. In Neolithic, beside the usual production of vessels, there were also made the so called anthropomorphic vessels with designated human face, hands, breasts or ornaments which associate with the female genitalia i.e. female body (T. I). The most used examples of anthropomorphic vessels are from the archaeological sites in R. Macedonia 84 rou,e HayMoe (T. II), as stressing to their continuation, and there are some ethnographical parallels made with peculiar rites from the south-west parts of the same region. There is a recently practiced rite called "Ivanki", in which a vessel is decorated with characteristics of a woman, and afterwards is carried in procession through the village by young, unmarried girls. This kind of equalizing of the vessel with a concrete deity or with the place in form of a vessel where the deities are born, is perceived in the mythology and rituals of many cultures throughout the world. Because of that, there is a posibility, that similar religious concepts may also been present in the Neolithic anthropomorphic vessels. This is supported by the fact that these Neolithic vessels have an almost identical iconography to that of the "goddess - house" - cult sculptures, characteristic for Neolithic cultures on the territory of R. Macedonia (T.III:1-4). It is quite interesting that the lower part of the vessel, the same as the one of the "goddess - house" (i.e. its model of the house) is in close relation to the female birth-giving organs. In the frames of the same Neolithic cultures, synchronically, burials of infants were practised in the vessels and the houses (T.V:7-10,12). Separately, in specific parts of the house, mature individuals were also buried. The "fetus" position of the deceased, the same as in the example with an intentionally broken vessel from Amzabegovo (R. Macedonia) (T.VI:7,8), indicates that, in the context of funeral rituals, the vessel and house were both perceived as a womb. Surely, this symbolical character, previously or afterwards, was spread to the other functions of the vessel, but also to a few other significances of the house. It is worth mentioning that the burials in the house and vessel are often practiced near the home oven or sometimes beneath/inside the oven (T.V:11). This funeral context, like its daily use, brings the oven in to relation with the vessel and house, i.e. with their symbolical regenerative features. Starting with the burial inside the oven, remainings from this practice are preserved in many Macedonian stories where the main fabula is "the throwing" of children inside the oven, i.e. their transformation as a result of this action. As far as concerns the funeral ritual done inside the house, with certain variations, it has been practiced among few Slavic populations. But even when it seems that this practice is lost, there are ritual substitutes which associate to this archaic custom. Thus, in some Slavic areas, in order to stop the huge mortality of the infants, the last deceased child was buried in the sacred corner of the house, beneath the threshold or window and sometimes even below the bed of the parents. Similar rites are also practiced in moments of great mortality of the adults, when they are buried next to the house. In many cases, as a substitute for direct burial beneath the house, the deceased would be laid down on the floor, measured with thread and then, the thread or his nails would be buried on the same spot. The equalisation of the women with the house and vessel is also perceived on the linguistical level. In the Serbian linguistic area, the mature woman (because of her part in the maintenance of the home), is sometimes called "a house". Even in rites connected with production of certain ceramic vessels, the same as in their names, they are still perceived as objects with female/feminine features. Therefore, the genesis of these linguistic and ritual phenomena that can be traced in praehistorical concepts of the vessel's feminisation - despite the huge chronological gap - seems to have been preserved in the Slavic and Balkan folklore. 85 CagoT, neHKaTa u KyKaTa bo cuM6onuHKa pena^uja co MaTKaTa u >eHaTa Ta6na I: 1. AHTponoMop^eH cag og Lemnos, ^p^uja, Gimbutas M., 1989, 191, cn. 292: 1 2. AHTponoMop^eH cag og Svodina, HemKa, Pavuk J., 1981, 39, cn. 24 3. AHTponoMop^eH cag og Ráckeve, yHrapuja, Gimbutas M., 1989, 39, cn. 66 4. AHTponoMop^eH cag og Sultana, PoMaHuja, Gimbutas M., 1989, 207, cn. 327 5. AHTponoMop^eH cag og Vidra, PoMaHuja, Müller - Karpe H., 1968, T. 177: 11 6. AHTponoMop^eH cag og Orlavat, Cp6uja, Gimbutas M., 1989, 48, cn. 83 7. AHTponoMop^eH cag og Bekasmegyer, yHrapuja, Gimbutas M., 1989, 22, cn. 35 8. AHTponoMop^eH cag og AM3a6eroBo, P. MaKegoHuja, Gimbutas M., 1976, 241, cn. 209 9. AHTponoMop^eH cag og Xayunap, Typ^uja, Mellart J., 1970, 525, cn. 1 Ta6na II: 1. ^parneHT og aHTponoMop^eH cag, AM3a6eroBo, P. MaKegoHuja, Gimbutas M., 1976, 230, cn. 191 2. ^parneHT og aHTponoMop^eH cag, 3eneHUK0B0, P. MaKegoHuja, Galovic R.,1964, T. 17: 3 3. ^parneHT og aHTponoMop^eH cag, AM3a6eroBo, P. MaKegoHuja, Gimbutas M., 1976, 217, cn. 160 4. ^parneHT og aHTponoMop^eH cag, AH^en^u, P. MaKegoHuja, CaHeB B. - Gra- MeHOBa M., 1989, T. VI: 7 5. ^parMeHT og aHTponoMop^eH cag, AM3a6eroBo, P. MaKegoHuja, Gimbutas M., 1976, 231, 194 6. ^parneHT og aHTponoMop^eH cag, AH^en^u, P. MaKegoHuja, CaHeB B. - Gra- MeHOBa M., 1989, T. VI: 5 7. ^parneHT og aHTponoMop^eH cag, AM3a6eroBo, P. MaKegoHuja, Gimbutas M., 1976, 230, cn. 189, 190 Ta6na III: 1. Mogen Ha „6oxu^ - KyKa" og Mayapu, P. MaKegoHuja, KonwmTpKOBCKa - Ha- cTeBa M., 2005, 58, cn. 42 2. Mogen Ha „6oxu^ - KyKa" og nopoguH, P. MaKegoHuja, KonwmTpKOBCKa - HacTeBa M., 2005, 59, cn. 43 3. Mogen Ha „6oxu^ - KyKa" og CyBogon, P. MaKegoHuja, KonwmTpKOBCKa - Ha- cTeBa M., 2005, 61, cn. 45 4. Mogen Ha „6oxu^ - KyKa" og MpmeB^u, P. MaKegoHuja, KonumTpKOBcKa - HacTeBa M., 2005, 64, cn. 48 5. KepaMUHen cag og ByTMup, BocHa u Xep^roBUHa, Hoernes M., 1925, 281 6. AHTponoMop^eH cag og Pagaj^, Cp6uja, Gimbutas M., 1989, 38, cn. 62 7. Mogen Ha „6oxu^ - KyKa" og 3eneHUK0B0, P. MaKegoHuja, Praistorija..., 1979, T. XXXVII: 7 8. KepaMUHen cag og Kypuno, Byrapuja, Todorova H., 2003, 319, 10 a 9. Mogen Ha „6oxu^ - KyKa" og 3eneHUK0B0, P. MaKegoHuja, Praistorija..., 1979, T. XXXVII: 8 86 rou,e HayMoe Ta6ia IV: 1. AHTponoMop^eH cag og BpmHuK, P. MaKegoHuja, Praistorija..., T. XIV: 1 2. AHTponoMop^eH cag og flpeHoBa^ Cp6uja, Gimbutas M., 1989, 104, cn. 171 3. AHTponoMop^Ha cKynnTypa og floraa BparaeBuHa,Cp6uja, Karmanski S.,2005, T. II: 1 4. AHTponoMop^eH cag og Gorzsa, yHrapuja, Müller - Karpe H., 1968, T. 186: 1 5. AHTponoMop^eH cag og PaKuToBo, Byrapuja, PagyH^eBa A. m gp., HacnoBHa Kopu^ 6. AHTponoMop^eH cag og Svodina, HemKa, Pavuk J., 1981, 39, 24 7. AHTponoMop^eH cag og Erfurt, repMaHuja, Müller - Karpe H., 1968, T. 223: 13 8. AHTponoMop^eH cag og Kökenydomb, yHrapuja, Müller - Karpe H., 1968, T. 186: 13 9. AHTponoMop^eH cunoc og TonTene, Typ^uja, Özdogan M. - Dede Y., 1998, 144, cn. 1 Ta6ia V: 1. AM^opecT cag og Mayapu, P. MaKegoHuja, Haycwgwc H., 1995, 37, cn. 13 2. AHTponoMop^eH cag og rpagemHu^, Byrapuja, TogopoBa X. - BaräcoB M., 1993, cn. 446 (bo Ta6nuTe) 3. KepaMuneH cag og Xayunap, Typ^uja, Mellart J., 1970, 423, cn. 5 4. AHTponoMop^eH cag og HaBgap, Byrapuja, TogopoBa X. - BaräcoB M., 1993, cn. 29 (bo Ta6nuTe) 5. AHTponoMop^eH cag og Ka3aHnbK, Byrapuja, TogopoBa X. - BaräcoB M., 1993, 215, cn. 204 6. KepaMM^eH cag og Xayunap, Typ^uja, Mellart J., 1970, 319, cn. 9 7. norpe6yBarae bo cag, PaKuToBo, Byrapuja, Bacvarov K., 2004, 158, cn. 1: 1 8. KpeMupaHu ocTaTo^u bo cag, Plateia Magoula Zarkou, ^p^uja, Bacvarov K., 2004, 160, cn. 4: 1 9. norpe6yBarae bo cag, KoBaneBo, Byrapuja, Bacvarov K., 2004, 158, cn. 1: 2 10. norpe6yBarae bo cag Teil Soto/Tell Hazna (?), BnucKu Mctok, Bacvarov K., 2004, 159, cn. 3 11. norpe6yBarae bo ne^Ka og Curmatura, PoMaHuja, Gimbutas M., 1989, 151, cn. 233 12. norpe6yBarae bo ^pe^Ha, Tell Soto/Tell Hazna (?), BnucKu Mctok, Bacvarov K., 2004, 159, cn. 3 Ta6ia VI: 1. Mogen Ha ne^Ka - MaTKa og Martely, yHrapuja, Gimbutas M., 1989, 148, cn. 228 2. Mogen Ha ne^Ka - MaTKa og Martely, yHrapuja, Gimbutas M., 1989, 148, cn. 228 (gpyra ^o3u^uja) 3. Mogen Ha KyKa - ypHa og Azor, M3paen, Müller - Karpe H., 1968, T. 108: 14 4. KepaMuneH cag og Bp6jaHcKa HyKa, P. MaKegoHuja, TeMeiKoBCKM fl. - Mmtko-ckm A., 2005, 43, T. XI 5. KepaMuneH cag og Bp6jaHcKa HyKa, P. MaKegoHuja, TeMeiKoBCKM fl. - Mmtko-ckm A., 2005, 43, T. XI (gpyra ^o3u^uja) 87 CagoT, neHKaTa u KyKaTa bo cuM6onuHKa pena^uja co MaTKaTa u >eHaTa 6. Mogen Ha KyKa - ypHa og Azor, M3paen, Müller - Karpe H., 1968, T. 108: 11 7. norpe6yBaae bo cag - MaTKa og AM3a6eroBo, P. MaKegoHuja, CaHeB B. m gp., 1976, cn. 42 8. norpe6yBaae bo uctuot cag - MaTKa og AM3a6eroBo, P. MaKegoHuja, Gimbutas M., 1976, 397, cn. 242 (gpyra ^O3u^uja) 9. Mogen Ha KyKa - ypHa og Azor, M3paen, Müller - Karpe H., 1968, T. 108: 9 10. AHTponoMop^Ha ypHa og Center, yHrapuja, Gimbutas M., 1989, 191, cn. 291 11. AHTponoMop^Ha ypHa og Tpoja, Typ^uja, Gimbutas M., 1989, 191, cn. 292: 2 12. AHTponoMop^Ha ypHa og Pomerania, noncKa, Gimbutas M., 1989, 245, cn. 383: 2 Ta6na VII: 1. AHTponoMop^eH cag og MaHacTup, P. MaKegoHuja, KonwmTpKOBCKa - HacTe-Ba M. 2005, 97, cn. 81 2. AHTponoMop^eH cag og Marz, YHrapuja, Hoernes M., 1925, 483, cn. 1 3. AHTponoMop^eH cag og Capaj, P. MaKegoHuja, BacwneBa M., 2005, 62 4. AHTponoMop^Ha ypHa og Hoch - Redlau, TepMaHuja, Hoernes M., 1925, 531, cn. 6 5. AHTponoMop^eH cag og Xayunap, Typ^uja, Mellart J., 1970, 525, cn. 2 6. AHTponoMop^Ha cKynnTypa og Gumelnita, PoMaHuja, Müller - Karpe H., 1968, T. 178: C 7. AHTponoMop^eH cag og Szombately, yHrapuja, Gimbutas M., 1989, 37, cn. 61 8. AHTponoMop^eH cag og BuHHa, Cp6uja, Gimbutas M., 1989, 52, cn. 88 9. AHTponoMop^eH cag og Tpoja, Typ^uja, Hoernes M., 1925, 361, cn. 7 88 rou,e HayMoe T. I 89 CagoT, ne^KaTa u KyKaTa bo cuM6onmKa pena^uja co MaTKaTa u xeHaTa 91 CagoT, neHKaTa m KyKaxa bo cMMÓonMHKa pena^Mja co MaxKaxa m xeHaxa rou,e HayMoe CagoT, ne^KaTa u KyKaTa bo cuM6onmKa pena^uja co MaTKaTa u xeHaTa rou,e HayMoe T. VII 95 ^pe^ha m bpmhuk. mmtonomko - cemmotmhka ahanm3a Hukoc Haycuduc, ropdan Hukohob The paper focuses on the semiotic function of the crepna (bread baking dish) and the vrshnik (its cover). These traditional clay dishes were characteristic of the Balkans. Examined are several topics: the form of the crepna, which is reminiscent of the female body and therefore connected with a number of ritual magic procedures; female symbolism of the crepna; the crepna - dish - uterus - woman relation; and analogies and etymologies from Slavic languages. In popular tradition and phraseology, the crepna denotes earth while the vrshnik indicates the sky covering the earth. Examined is the custom in which a male effigy is placed on a peg wedged in the center of the crepna. The function of the male figurine was to protect the earthenware dish during the drying process. By employing semiotic and comparative analyses, and in relation with the mythological German, the author investigates the role of German and his implicit function as fecundator, mediator, and god sacrificed on the cosmic axis. The paper then looks at medieval Slavic, Indo-European, and worldwide parallels in art. One of the symbolic postulates is the analogy between the making of bread (kneading, leavening, baking) and the growth of a baby inside its mother's womb. In this respect, the crepna dish attains the character of the uterus - the mother of the bread and earth. The yeast represents the father of the bread, and the sperm means the rain. TepMMHOT ^enna unu nodnu^a, o3HanyBa KpymHa Tencuja, M3pa6oTeHa og Hen-ponucTeHa rnuHa, gononHeTa co pa3Hu gpyru gogaTo^u og opraHCKo u HeopraHCKo no-TeKno /T.I:4-6; T.II:1/. M3BopHo ce u3pa6oTyBana Ha MomHe apxauneH HanuH: ce Moge-nupana co cno6ogHa paKa u no cymeaeTo ce nenena Ha oTBopeHo orHumTe (HeKage, ^pe^HUTe BoonmTo He ce nenene). Ce ynoTpe6yBana TaKa mTo, HajnpBo Ke ce 3arpeena Ha orHumTe, noToa bo Hea Ke ce cTaBena xpaHaTa u Ke ce noKpuena co gpyra, ucto TaKa 3arpeaHa ^pe^Ha unu co epwnuK T.e. can - nonyc^epuneH KanaK, u3pa6oTeH Ha cnuneH HanuH - og rnuHa, unu naK og MeTan /¿nunenu npuMepu T.I:1-3/. Bo ^pe^HaTa, HajnecTo ce nenen ne6, gpyru npou3Bogu og TecTo, ho u coceM nouHaKBa xpaHa.1 HeonxogHo e ga ce HanoMeHe geKa Tpagu^uoHanHaTa u3pa6oTKa Ha ^pe^HUTe, BneryBa bo c^epaTa Ha meHcKuTe npou3BogcTBeHu gejHocTu, bo Koja ce go HeogaM-Ha, 6une 3anyBaHu 6pojHu o6pegHo-MarucKu aKTuBHocTu u BepyBaaa. CTaHyBa 36op 3a ucKnynuTenHo apxaunHa gejHocT, Ha mTo ynaTyBa oTcycTBoTo bo Hea Ha jacHa gu^epeH^uja^uja Mery o6pegHoTo u yTunuTapHoTo. Ce go cpeguHaTa Ha 20. BeK, bo ^HTpanHuoT u ucTonHuoT BanKaH, ^pe^Hu cMeene ga u3pa6oTyBaaT rnaBHo meHu, npu Ochobhu ^ogaTo^u u Ha3uBu: M. C. Oununcrnuh, ®eHcKa KepaMuKa ... ; n. ToMuh, ^eny^e ... ; B. Ba6uK, MaTepujanHaTa ... , 298-306; B. Babic, Crepulja ... ; C. flaBKQBa - foprueBa, Og MaKegoHcKaTa ... . 97 ^pe^Ha u BpmHMK. MuTonomKO - ceMHOTHHKa aHanu3a mTO HeKage OBa ce ogHecyBano Ha ymTe ^oc^e^H^HHeH gen og hub (geBojKH, ogHOCHO geBH^H; MaxeHH xeHu; xeHH koh BeKe npaBene ^pe^HH Kora 6une geBojKu) IT.I-A5I. npu Toa, ynecHUHKHTe Ha OBoj o6pegHO-npou3BogcTBeH hhh Mopane ga ucnonHyBa-aT u gpyru ycnoBu. EgeH og hhb e HHBHaTa „HucTOTa", c^aTeHa bo HeKonKy acneKTu: - ga 6ugaT ucKaneHu; - ga HocaT HucTa, HajHecTO npa3HHHHa o6neKa; - ga He ce bo ^a3a Ha MeHCTpya^Hja; - ga He ce 6peMeHu; - ga ancTHHHpane og nonoB aKT npeg hhhot Ha npaBeaeTO ^pe^HH; - ga HeMane cKopemeH gonup co noKojHHK. npu ra3eaeTO Ha rnu-HaTa 3a ^pe^HH, xeHHTe ro npe^pnane 3gonHumTeTO Mery HO3eTe 3a ga ru cKpujaT re-HHTanuuTe og rnuHaTa, T.e. 3eMjaTa. Bo 6pojHH cnyHau, npu H3pa6oTKaTa Ha cagoBHTe, He 6uno noxenHO (na gypu u 3a6paHeTo) npucycTBOTO Ha Maxu, u Toa He caMO Ha BO3-pacHHTe, TyKy u Ha MamKHTe ge^. ^enHH ce npaBene Ha ogpegeH geH bo roguHaTa (HajnecTO egeH, ho HeKage u bo gBa, na u noBeKe TepMHHH). Bo ^HTpanHHOT u hctoh-hhot BanKaH HajHecTO Toa e npa3HHKOT Cb. EpeMuja (npBa nonoBHHa Ha Maj), unu naK geH-gBa npeg u nocne Hero. Bo TeKOT Ha cuTe o6pegHO-npou3BogcTBeHu nocTanKu, ro-neMa ynora urpan ^pHH^H^OT Ha HenapHocT (HenapeH 6poj H3pa6oTyBaHu; Meceae Ha rnuHaTa bo HenapeH 6poj naTu; H3pa6oTKa Ha HenapeH 6poj ^pe^HH hth.).2 BaKBOTO xeHcKO puTyanu3upaHO npou3BogcTBO Ha ^pe^HH e oco6eHO go6po eBu-geHTupaHO bo eTHorpa^cKHTe TpagH^HH og MaKegoHuja, (BKnyHHTenHO co Hej3HHHTe nogpanja koh geHec BneryBaaT bo ^paHH^HTe Ha cocegHHTe gpxaBu),noToa bo Byrapuja u bo genoBu Ha Cp6uja, Kocobo, ^Ha ropa, An6aHuja u PoMaHuja. 3anagHaTa rpaHH^ Ha OBOj apean ogu og Benrpag, npeKy KparyeBa^ nogpanjaTa 3anagHO og CjeHH^ u Bujeno noae, koh HuKmuK, ^Tuae u HaTaMy go fly6poBHHHKa ^yna.3 ^enHaTa KaKO ^opMa Ha KepaMHHKH cag ce nojaByBa ymTe bo HeonuoT, a npo-gonxyBa ga er3ucTupa u bo HapegHHTe npegucTopucKu nepuogu InpuMep, co dodadeHU mpu Ho^apKU T.I:7I.4 Ho, TyKa npHKaxaHHTe eTHorpa^cKu TpagH^HH 3a ^p^eHaTa, Kyn-TyponomKu ce Bp3yBaaT 3a cpegHHOT BeK u HenocpegHO 3a gocenyBaaeTO Ha cnoBeHc-KHTe ^o^yna^HH Ha BanKaHOT bo paHHOT cpegeH BeK. M noKpaj Toa mTO HeKOu ucTpa-xyBanu HacTojyBane reHe3aTa Ha ^pe^HaTa ga ja noBp3aT co KynTypaTa Ha 6anKaHcKHTe CTapocegen^H, OBaa Teopuja TemKO ce apryMeHTupa nopagu Toa mTO BaKBH cagoBH He ce KOHcTaTupaHH Ha BanKaHOT, HenocpegHO go gocenyBaaeTO Ha CnoBeHHTe (bo paM-KHTe Ha go^HopHMCKaTa, T.e. paHOBH3aHTucKa KynTypa). Bo npunor Ha Toa roBopu u cnoBeHcKOTO noTeKno Ha Ha3HBHTe Ha ^pe^HaTa, u Toa He caMO bo paMKHTe Ha cnoBeH-cKHTe, TyKy u bo HecnoBeHcKHTe ja3H^H og 6anKaHcKHOT apean.5 HenocpegeH noBog Ha OBa ucTpaxyBaae e egHa o6pegHa aKTHBHocT, noBp3aHa co H3pa6oTKaTa Ha ^pe^HH, eBugeHTupaHa Ha nogpanjeTO Ha MaKegoHuja bo TeKOT Ha npBaTa nonoBHHa u cpeguHaTa Ha 20. BeK. 3a6enexeHa e og cpncKHOT eTHonor M. C. OununoBHK, bo HeroBaTa MOHorpa^uja nocBeTeHa Ha xeHcKaTa KepaMHKa Kaj BanKaHc-KHTe Hapogu. TyKa, aBTopoT HaBegyBa nogaTOK Koj bo 1932 roguHa ro go6un og cBojaTa yneHHHKa Bepa fopreBHK - KnuHKOBa (^ogo^Ha ucTaKHaT MaKegoHcKH eTHonor) cnopeg 2 M. C. OununoBuh, ®eHcKa KepaMHKa ... , 125-142; n. ToMuh, ^pe^y^e ... , 43, 44. 3 n. ToMuh, ^eny^e ... , 46, 47. 4 HeonuTcKH npuMepu og MaKegoHuja: M. Gimbutas, Neolithic ... , 119, 120 - Fig. 66, 129 - Fig. 79; B. CaHeB, M. CTaMeHOBa, HeonuTcKa ... , 17 (AH^en^H Kaj CTyMH^a); Porodin ... , 38, T.VI: 3 (nopoguH Kaj BuTona). 5 3a reHe3aTa, pacnpocTpaHeTocTa Ha ^pe^HaTa u 3a Hej3HHHTe nocTapu BapujaHTu: B. Ba6uK, MaTepujanHa-Ta ... , 298-306; 101 - 111; B. Babic, Crepulja ... , 101 - 105; n. ToMuh, ^eny^e ... , 47, 48, 52; M. C. Oununo-Buh, ®eHcKa KepaMHKa ... , 24-26; 3a Ha3HBHTe: C. flaBKOBa - foprueBa, Og MaKegoHcKaTa ... . 98 Hukoc Haycuôuc, Uopàan HuKonoB Koj, bo cenaTa og CKoncKa ^Ha ropa, npu u3pa6oTKaTa Ha ^pe^HU, Ha npBaTa mT0 Ke ce u3Mogenupana, ce 3a6ogyBan mene3eH KnuHe^ u Ha Hero, og Kan ce o^opMyBa-na ^urypuHa Ha H0BeK. Ce BepyBano geKa Taa Ke ru HyBa ocTaHaTuTe ^pe^HU og ypoK u og nyKaae. npu npoBepKaTa Ha oBoj nogaT0K, aBTopoT go3Han geKa bo BpeMeTo Ha HeroBuTe ucTpamyBaaa, oBoj o6unaj noBeKe He ce npaKTuKyBan, a cnopeg ceKaBaaaTa Ha MemTaHuTe, go npBaTa cBeTcKa BojHa (1914-1918 r.) u HeKonKy roguHu ^ogo^Ha, ce u3BegyBan bo cenoTo KyneBumTe (CKoncKa ^Ha ropa). HenocpegHu UH^opMa^uu 3a oBoj o6peg ce go6ueHu og meHuTe bo 0Ba ceno kou bo MnagocTa u3pa6oTyBane BaKBu ^urypu (bo cenoTo HapeKyBaHu „TOBene"). Bo 1950 roguHa, egHa meHa og KyneBumTe (Ahí a ycoBa), Ha UHU^ujaTUBa Ha ®ununoBuK, u3pa6oTuna TaKBa ^urypa (BucuHa 23,5 cm) Koja npuKamyBana Mam co Ha3HaneHu reHuTanuu IT.lV.l; peKoncmpy^uja na ^nama cumya^ja, 3aedno co ^ennama T.ll.lI. ^urypuHaTa e npeHeceHa bo ETHorpa^cKu-0T My3ej bo Benrpag, a bo HaBegeHaTa M0H0rpa^uja e goKyMeHTupaHa co ^oTorpa^uja. McTpamyBanoT HanoMHyBa geKa goToram HuKage Ha gpyro MecTo He 3a6eneman BaK0B o6unaj.6 fla ru u3gBouMe cera cuTe oggenHu eneMeHTu (nocTanKu, npaBuna, BepyBaaa) BKnyneHu bo oBoj huh: 7 - Co orneg Ha Toa mT0 bo egHa KaMnaaa ce u3pa6oTyBane ogegHam no HeKonKy ^pe^HU, Tpe6a ga ce Harnacu geKa cnoMHaTaTa nocTanKa ce npaBena caMo bo ogHoc Ha egHa og hub. Toa e 0Haa ^pe^Ha Koja 6una ogHanpeg 3aMucneHa KaKo npBa, nopagu mT0 uMana u noroneMu guMeH3uu og gpyruTe. - Ha gH0T0 og ^pe^HaTa, bo Hej3uHuoT ^HTap, BepTuKanHo ce 3a6ogyBan mene-3eH KnuHe^ - Ha 3agHuoT gen og KnuHe^0T, bo uctuot MaTepujan og Koj ce u3pa6oTyBana ^pe^HaTa, ce Mogenupana ^urypuHa Ha H0BeK (HapeKyBaHa „TOBene"), nocTaBeH BepTuKanHo, 3a ga „ru rnega" ocTaHaTuTe ^pe^HU IT.ll.1I. rnuHaTa og Koja ce npaBena, He ce Memana co cnaMa, TyKy co KynuHa. Ha KpajoT, ^urypaTa ce npeMaHKyBana co pa3MaTeHa 6anera, ho He ce nenena, TyKy caMo ce cymena. - ^urypaTa ce npaBena co KoHKpeTHa ^n - KaKo MarucKa 3amTuTa Ha ^pe^HUTe u3pa6oTeHu bo ucTaTa KaMnaaa, ogHocHo 3a Taa ga ru HyBa og ypoK u og omTeTyBaaa bo TeK0T Ha hubhoto cymeae. ^yH^ujaTa Ha ^urypaTa e jacHo anocTpo^upaHa co Toa mT0 ce HapeKyBana „goMaKuH Ha ^pe^HUTe", mT0 Tpe6ana ga „ru rnega" ^pe^HUTe u no BepyBaaeTo geKa Taa „ru HyBa" (uM^nu^UTH0 og nyKaae). - ^enHaTa Ha Koja cToena ^urypaTa, He 6uno nomenHo (ocBeH npu „roneMa HeBoaa") ga ce KopucTu bo TeK0T Ha roguHaTa, ce gogeKa cnegHaTa ce30Ha He ce u3pa-6oTaT gpyru ^pe^HU. Ke ce ynoTpe6ena caMo gonKonKy bo Taa KyKa BeKe HeMano gpyru ynoTpe6nuBu ^pe^HU. - ,HoBeneTo" Koe cnegHaTa roguHa Ke ja goneKano H0BaTa KaMnaaa Ha npaBeae ^pe^HU, ce cMeTano geKa ja 3aBpmuno cBojaTa gonmHocT u noBeKe He 6uno noTpe6Ho. Bo HeKou KyKu,HeroBaTa ^urypa egHocTaBHo ce ^pnana,yHumTyBana,Ho bo gpyru 6una ocTaBaHa Ha TaBaH. OgpegeHu u3BecryBaaa go6ueHu bo 1951 roguHa og cenoTo Hynep (bo cocegcTBo Ha KyneBumTe), noKamyBaaT geKa BaKBuTe ^urypu He ce gaBane HagBop og KyKaTa, nopagu BepyBaaeTo geKa Toa Ke npegu3BuKa cMpT Ha HeKoro og Taa KyKa. 6 M. C. OununoBuh, ®eHOKa KepaMuKa ... , 104, 147,148, ^oTorpa^uja Ha cn. 44. 7 3a cuTe nogony HaBegeHu eneMeHTu: M. C. OununoBuh, ®eHcKa KepaMuKa ... , 104, 147, 148. 99 ^pe^Ha m BpmHMK. MuTonomKo - ceMMOTMHKa aHanM3a CuBe rope HaBegeHM gejcTBuja He npeTCTaByBaaT HMKaKOB ucKnyHOK, TyKy caMO egeH cerMeHT unu MaHM^ecTa^Mja Ha nOmupOKMOT KOMnneKc cnuHHM o6pegHo-Maruc-km nocTanKM, nOBp3aHu co ^pe^HMTe. OTTyKa u HameBO ucTpa:*:yBarae Ha o6uHajoT Ha npaBerae „HOBeHe", ogHocHo oTKpuBaaeTo Ha HerOBaTa cMucna, MOpaBMe ga rO BTeMe-nuMe Bp3 egHo nomupoKo aHanM3upaae Ha gyxoBHMTe acneKTM Ha ^nuoT ^eHOMeH. Ha KpajoT, Toa pe3ynTupame co npoMeHa Ha npBMHHaTa KOH^e^^Mja Ha oBoj Tpyg, Koj ru HagMMHa paMKMTe Ha KOHKpeTHMOT o6peg u HaBne3e bo ucTpa^yBaaeTo Ha rno6anHaTa ceMMOTMKa / cuM6onuKa Ha ^pe^HaTa u BpmHMKOT. OBoj nomupoK npuog ro 3anoHHyBaMe co HeKou MarucKo-anoTponejcKM acneKTM Ha ^pe^HaTa, kom MMaaT 3HaHaeH ygen u bo pa36upaaeTo Ha cuM6onuKaTa Ha ^pe^HaTa, na u KapaKTepoT u ^yH^ujaTa Ha ^urypaTa Ha „HOBeHeTo". I. MArMCKO-AnOTPOnEJCKM ACnEKTM HA ^EnHATA ^eHMTe He gonymTane ^pe^HMTe ga ce rnegaaT gogeKa Tue ce cymaT. nocToena npaKca, mTOM bo egHa ^pe^Ha Ke ce ucneHe ne6, oTToram Taa ga ce ogp^yBa bo HucTa cocToj6a, ga He ce ocTaBa, HMTy ga ce ^pna Ha HeHucTo MecTo, a ocBeH Toa, ce cMeTano 3a rpeB ga ce cegHe Ha Hea. Bo 3anagHa Byrapuja ce BepyBano geKa „anaTa" (nom geMOH co M3rneg Ha 3Mej) ro y6uBa „3MejoT" (go6ap geMOH), ygupajKu ro co ^pe^Ha unu co napne og ^pe^Ha. nopagu Toa, Kora rpMeno, ^pe^Ha He ce ocTaBana HagBop, TyKy ce BHecyBana bo KyKaTa. Bo mctmot peruoH, ^pe^HaTa cny^ena bo MarucKMOT o6peg Ha „cuMHyBaae" T.e. „Mon3eae Ha MeceHMHaTa", Koj ce cocToen bo ornegyBaae Ha MeceHM-HaTa bo ^pe^Ha HanonHeTa co Boga. HeKage, npaB og ucTonHeHa ^pe^Ha ce KopucTen KaKo neK unu npo^unaKca 3a ogpegeHM 6onecTM Kaj nyfeTo u go6uTOKOT. PogunKMTe naK, nuene Boga og ^pe^Ha, 3a nonecHo ga ce nopogaT. ^enHaTa 6una BKnyHeHa u bo norpe6HMTe o6uHau (oco6eHo KaKo nocTanKa Ha Hej3MHo o6pegHo Kpmeae).8 BocwneK. MarucKaTa T.e. anoTponejcKa 3amTMTa Ha ^pe^HMTe (3a BpeMe Ha hmb-hoto cymeae u noToa), bo HeKou peruoHM ce ocTBapyBana npeKy KMTeae Ha roTOBMTe ^pe^HM co 6ocuneK (nopeHe, MaKegoHuja), unu 3a6ogyBaae bo cpeguHaTa cTpyK og 6ocuneK (^ecKOBa^ Cp6uja) /peKOHcmpy^uja T.I:4/.9 K^MHe^ / ^ene30. npu M3pa6oTKaTa Ha ^pe^HM, Tue HecTo ce cTaBane bo HeKaKOB KoHTeKcT co :«ene3OTo. Ha Bep6anHo hmbo ce cnopegyBane unu ugeHTM^MKyBane co ^e-ne3OTo,gogeKa Ha npegMeTHo hmbo ce cTaBane bo KOHTaKT co pa3HM ^ene3HM npegMeTM (npeg ce oHue og orHumTeTo). Bo oKonuHaTa Ha CKonje u gpyru peruoHM, bo ^pe^HMTe (HeKage caMO bo npBaTa) ce 3a6ogyBan ^ene3eH KnMHe^ Koj TaKa ce ocTaBan npeKy hok, unu ce gogeKa Tue He ce ucymene. Bo ceno ^BaH (MaKegoHuja), ^pe^HMTe ce gonupane co KnuHe^ 3a ga 6ugaT ^pcTM.10 OBue nocTanKM ce TeMenaT Ha Tpu acneKTM Ha ^ene3o-to. Cnopeg npBMOT, Toa e napaguma 3a ^pcTMHa u ucTpajHocT (6a3upaHo Ha peanHaTa ^BpcTMHa Ha oBoj MeTan). Cnopeg BTopuoT, og6paM6eHaTa ^yH^uja Ha ^ene3OTo ce 8 M. C. OununoBuh, ®eHcKa KepaMMKa ... , 150-153; 3a o6pegoT: „cuMHyBaae Ha MeceHMHaTa": H. Haycuguc, KocMonomKM ... , 221, 282, 355, 367. 9 M. C. OununoBMh, ®eHcKa KepaMMKa ... , 148; 3a MarucKMOT KapaKTep Ha 6ocuneKOT: B. HajKaHOBuh, O Maruju ... , 117-124; B. HajKaHOBuh, PeHHMK ... , 41-49. 10 M. C. OununoBMh, ®eHcKa KepaMMKa ... , 143, 146, 147 (aBTopoT cMeTa geKa anoTponejcKaTa ynora Ha Knu-He^OT goaf a og caMOTo ®ene3o, Koe bo HapogHMTe BepyBaaa ^urypupa KaKo HenpujaTen Ha nomuTe cunu m Ha geMoHuTe). 100 HUKOC Haycuduc, ropdaH HUKOHOB gonxu Ha HeroBaTa ynoTpe6a bo M3pa6oTKaTa Ha opy:xje,a TpeTuoT - HeroBuTe pena^uu co orHOT (ycBuTyBaae, KoBaae, ucKpeae, ogHocHo „paraae" Ha xene3oTo bo oraH).11 nepgyB, nepymKa. Bo oKonuHaTa Ha nupoT (Cp6uja), no MogenupaaeTo Ha ^pe^HaTa, Ha Hej3uHoTo gHo, co npcT ce Bgna6HyBan KpcT /T.I:4,9/, npu mTo, Ha npe-ceKoT og HeroBUTe Kpa^u ce 3a6ogyBana nepymKa, gogeKa bo oKonuHaTa Ha feBrenuja (P. MaKegoHuja) - nepgyB og KoKomKUHo Kpuno (He u og onamKaTa, 6ugejKu ce cMeTa-no geKa He e „hucto"). Cnopeg ucKa3uTe og cKoncKaTa oKonuHa (CKoncKa ^Ha ropa, BnaTuja, KapmujaK u ropHo ^ucune), nepymKaTa ce cTaBana „3a Maruu", ogHocHo 3a ^pe^HaTa ga He ce cKpmu unu „yponu". HeKage, npucycTBoTo unu gonupoT co nepgyB 6uno co ^n, ^pe^HUTe ga 6ugaT „necHu KaKo nepgyB".12 HyK. Bo feBrenucKuoT peruoH, ho u bo Kocobo, noKpaj nepgyBoT 3a6ogeH bo ^pe^HUTe ce cTaBana u rnaBu^Ka nyK, 3a Tue ga He nyKaaT u ga He 6ugaT ypeKHaTu. nopagu ucTuTe npunuHu, bo ^eBan u TeMHufr, roToBuTe ^pe^HU ce npeMa^KyBane co nyK. OBaa ^yH^uja Ha nyKoT e go6po no3HaTa u ce 6a3upa Ha HeroBuoT onmT anoTponejcKu KapaKTep, cunHo 3acTaneH bo 6anKaHcKuTe HapogHu Tpagu^uu.13 KpcT. HepeTKo, ^pe^HUTe ce gononHyBaHu co egHocTaBHu opHaMeHTu, og kou anconyTHo goMuHupaaT KpcToBugHuTe. Ce B^pTyBane co npcT, gogeKa ^pe^HaTa cé ymTe 6una BnaxHa, TaKa mTo Toj ce oTucHyBan u Bp3 ne6oT mTo Ke ce ucnenen bo TaK-BaTa ^pe^Ha /T.I:4,9/. OaKToT mTo bo egeH uct peruoH ce jaByBaaT u opHaMeHTupaHu u HeopHaMeHTupaHu ^pe^HU, roBopu geKa He ce pa6oTu 3a o6Bp3eH eneMeHT. nocTojaT pa3Hu onpaBgyBaaa 3a npucycTBoTo Ha KpcToT Ha ^pe^HaTa. Bo ropHo ^jkobo, cena-HuTe Benene geKa KpcToT ce cTaBa „3a Maruja" T.e. ^pe^HUTe ga He ce KpmaT; bo Mup-KOB^u (CKoncKa ^Ha ropa) - 3a ga ja qyBa ^pe^HaTa; bo oKonuHaTa Ha Bpaae - 3a Taa ga He ce ypeKHe. Bo Cp6uja ce cMeTano geKa KpcToT og ^pe^HaTa ro mTuTu ne6oT u KyKaTa, a cnu^Ho u bo TopHa n^uaa ce Beneno geKa Toj e TyKa „3a ga ce KpcTu ne6oT". Bo npunor Ha o6pegHuoT, a He geKopaTuBeH KapaKTep Ha KpcToT, ynaTyBa ^ktot mTo bo oKonuHaTa Ha CKonje, Toj ce B^pTyBan caMo Ha npBaTa ^pe^Ha. KpcToT e eBugeHTupaH He caMo Kaj xpucTujaHcKoTo HaceneHue, TyKy u Kaj MycnuMaHuTe (PagoBum, Manem, nopene, oKonuHa Ha KpymeBo, oKonuHa Ha npu3peH, Kocobo, nunepu, Kynu u oko-nuHa Ha BepaH). KoHcTaTupaH e u Ha cpegHoBeKoBHuTe ^pe^HU (gaTupaHu bo 15 - 16. BeK). OcBeH o6uhhuot HeTupuKpaK KpcT, HeKage (Ha npuMep, Ha CKoncKa ^Ha ropa) e 3a6enexeH u KpcT co ocyM Kpa^u /T.I:10/ u KpcT og npenneTeHu 6paHoBugHu nuHuu /T.I:11/. Bo Tanu^HuK (MaKegoHuja), KpcToT ro B^pTyBane geBojKu kou 6une BTacaHu 3a Maxeae. 3a6enexeHu ce u o6unau Ha npeKpcTyBaae Ha roToBa ^pe^Ha (co Mama unu HeKoj gpyr xene3eH npegMeT) u Toa npu Hej3uHoTo npBo KopucTeae.14 MomHe e BepojaTHa npeTxpucTujaHcKaTa reHe3a Ha oBoj motub, Koj ^ogo^Ha 6un BKnoneH u pe-uHTepnpeTupaH bo xpucTujaHcKuoT cucTeM (3a oBa nogeTanHo Ke roBopuMe HaTaMy). nanoK. Bo HeKou peruoHu, bo ^HTapoT Ha gHoTo og ^pe^HaTa ce npaBeno Mano Bgna6HyBaae unu npo6ueH oTBop /T.I:4,8/, Koe bo HeKou cnynau Moxeno ga cnyxu u 11 3a 3Ha^eaeTo Ha xene3oTo bo cnoBeHcKaTa HapogHa KynTypa: CnaBaHcKue gpeBHocTu ... 2, 198-201; T. Bpa-xuhobcku, Pe^HuK ... , 167-168; 3a KnuHe^OT: CnaBaHcKue gpeBHocTu ... 1, 493,494. 12 M. C. OununoBuh, ®eHcKa KepaMuKa ... , 146,148. 13 M. C. OununoBuh, ®eHcKa KepaMuKa ... , 148. 3a 3Ha^eaeTo Ha nyKoT: B. HajKaHoBuh, Pe^HuK ... , 25-32; T. BpaxuHoBcKu, Pe^HuK ... , 261,262. 14 M. C. OununoBuh, ®eHcKa KepaMuKa ... , 140, 144,145,148,149; n. ToMuh, ^eny^e ... , 44,48; npuMep Ha KpcT B^pTaH Ha cpegHoBeKoBHu ^pe^Hu: B. Babic, Crepulja ... , 105 - cn.4 101 ^pe^Ha u BpmHUK. MuxonomKo - ceMuoxu^Ka aHanu3a 3a noguraae Ha 3arpeaHaTa ^pe^Ha (co noMom Ha KyKa). HeKage, Tue ce HapeKyBane „nanoK", a TaK0B Ha3UB Hoceno u ucnamyBaaeTo Ha ne6oT mT0 Ke ce ucnenen bo BaKBa ^pe^Ha. nocToene pa3Hu BepyBaaa bo BpcKa co jageaeTo Ha oBoj „nanoK". Ce cMeTano geKa oHoj mT0 Ke ro U3ege (HajnecTo ge^Ta), nocTojaHo Ke ro najaT Kynuaa, unu Ke 6uge KacHaT og Kyne.15 OBoj cuM6onuHKu eneMeHT, Ha BanKaHoT Mo»e ga ce cnegu ce go npegucTopujaTa. npu ucKonyBaaeTo Ha HeonuTcKUTe KyKu og oBoj peruoH (K0HKpeTH0 og MaKegoHuja), HepeTHo bo hub ce HaoraaT rnuHeHu Mogenu Ha Kpy^Hu nernuaa, Ha nuja ropHa cTpaHa, bo ^HTapoT e pegoBHo (co npcT?) BTucHaTa gnanKa, Koja ucTpa^y-BanuTe ja TonKyBaaT KaKo nanoK (3a oBoj motub, Bugu HaTaMy).16 floceramHUTe ucTpa^yBanu (M. C. ®ununoBuK,fl. MapuH0B),Bp3 0cH0Ba Ha 0Bue u 6pojHu gpyru ^eH0MeHu, ro ucTaKHyBaaT caKpanHuoT u HeMaTepujaneH acneKT Ha ^pe^HaTa, HacnpoTu Hej3UHaTa npaKTUHHa I yTunuTapHa HaMeHa. Cnopeg HUB,BaKBU0T KapaKTep goara: - nopagu 6pojHUTe o6pegHo-MarucKu aKTUBHocTu co kou e npugpy-^eH0 Hej3UH0T0 npou3BogcTBo. - nopagu Toa mT0 Taa ce npaBena og 3eMja, mT0 caMaTa no ce6e npeTcTaByBa caKpaneH eneMeHT. - nopagu Toa mT0 e bo HenocpegHa BpcKa co orHumTeTo, Koe e ucto TaKa Ba^eH u cunHo caKpanu3upaH eneMeHT. KaKo u ga e, ^pe^HaTa e oKpy^eHa co noce6Ho nonuTyBaae, TaKa mT0 u caMaTa no ce6e npeTcTaByBa caKpaneH u MarucKu o6jeKT. Bo Taa cMucna e MomHe uHguKaTUBeH ^aKT0T mT0 ^pe^HaTa npBeHcTBeHo ce KopucTena 3a neneae Ha KynTHu ne6oBu. M3Bop-Ho, Taa Hocena u cuneH ceMeeH KapaKTep. Ce npou3BegyBana bo ceMejcTB0T0, T.e. KyKaTa u peTKo ro HanymTana oBoj Kpyr. Boo6unaeHo He ce npogaBana, He ce gaBana HUTy ce nogapyBana,a npu no3ajMu^ Mopana cuM6onuHHo ga 6uge K0MneH3upaHa co He3Hanu-TenHa napuHHa HagoKHaga. Bo HeKou peruoHu, cMeena ga ce no3ajMu caMo HeKopucTeHa ^pe^Ha. Ce cMeTano geKa Hej3UH0T0 u3HecyBaaeT0 3Hanu u u3HecyBaae Ha cpeKaTa u 6narococToj6aTa og KyKaTa u ceMejcTB0T0. Ha BaKBuoT KapaKTep yKa^yBa u o6unajoT, npu geneae Ha KyKHaTa 3agpyra, ^pe^HUTe (3aegH0 co ocTaHaTUTe KepaMUHKu cagoBu), ga He ce genaT, TyKy ga ocTaHyBaaT bo KyKaTa, ogHocHo bo noceg Ha oHoj mT0 Ke ^uBee bo Hea. 3a6ene^eHu ce u 3a6paHu, ^pe^HaTa ga ce npeHecyBa „npeKy Boga".17 II. CEMMOTMKA I CMMEOHMKA HA ^EnHATA M BPOHMKOT CMeTaMe geKa TyKa npuKa^aHUTe Tpagu^uu, a u ^nuoT o6pegHo-npou3Bog-cTBeH KoMnneKc noBp3aH co ^pe^HaTa u BpmHUKoT bo rno6anHu paMKu, Mo»e ga ce o6jacHu gonKonKy Tue ce cornegaaT og gBa, B3aeMH0 MomHe npoTKaeHu cuM6onuHKu unu ceMuoTUHKu acneKTu. - ^enHaTa bo pena^uja co TenoTo u 6uonomKUTe ^yH^uu Ha ^eHaTa. - ^enHaTa u BpmHUKoT, bo pena^uja co MUTcKUTe npeTcTaBu 3a BceneHaTa. 15 M. C. OununoBuh, ®eHOKa KepaMUKa ... , 152; n. ToMuh, ^eny^e ... , 49. M bo aHXu^Kuxe u npegucxopu-cKuxe Kynxypu, Ky^exo e BKny^eHo bo o6pegHuxe aKXuBHocxu oKony nano^Haxa BpBKa u Boonmxo - no-paraaexo Ha ^eHaxa (M. Hoti, Prethistorijski ... , 107, 10S). 16 M. Bilbija, Kult kruha ... . 17 M. C. OununoBuh, ®eHOKa KepaMUKa ... , 149-153; fl. MapuHoB, HapogHa ... , 64, 192, 624-626; J. Tpu^yH0B-cku, rpH^apcxBo ... . 102 Hukoc Haycuduc, ropdaH Hukohqb 1. ^enHa - MaTKa - «eHa CuM6onunKaTa BpcKa Mery ^pe^HaTa u xeHaTa ce 6a3upa Bp3 ^yH^uoHanHaTa pena^uja Mery ^pe^HaTa u MaTKaTa, KaKo npocmopu, m.e. eneMenmu eo Kou ce co30aea, pacme u ceycoepwyea nemmo - bo xeHaTa geTeTo, a bo ^pe^HaTa ne6oT. Bo cnoBeHc-KUTe Tpagu^uu u nomupoKo ce no3HaTu 6pojHu ^eH0MeHu kou HenocpegHo unu noc-pegHo ja goKaxyBaaT 0Baa pena^uja. a) ^pe^Ha - cag - MaTKa - ^enHa - hokbh 3a HameTo ucTpaxyBaae Ha 0Baa pena^uja ce oco6eHo uHTepecHu Tpagu^uuTe noBp3aHu co noKBume (no3HaTu Mery gpyroTo u nog Ha3UBUTe Kapnuu,a, dexa, KBamnn) - gpBeHu cagoBu kou, KaKo u ^pe^HUTe, bo 6pojHu Tpagu^U0HanHU KynTypu 6une noB-p3aHu co ne6oT, ogHocHo HaMeHeTu 3a HeroBo Meceae u nyBaae npeg neneaeTo, Kora Toj ce KBacen u noToa ce ocTaBan ga HapacHe. OBaa BpcKa, MomHe jacHo ja ogpa3yBa cnoBeHcKuoT Ha3UB Ha 0Bue npegMeTu (Kapnu^), Koj noKaxyBa eBugeHTHa cuM6onun-Ka BpcKa co Kapnuu,ama, KaKo gen og xeHcK0T0 Teno bo Koj pacTe ^eTycoT. Og egeH gpyr acneKT, 0Ba ro noTBpgyBaaT ucTonHocnoBeHcKUTe ^onKnopHu Tpagu^uu bo kou, 0Bue npegMeTu (HapeneHu dexa), Hajnecro ce npaBene og xencKO dpBO (gpBja nue uMe e bo xeHcKu pog ho u bo HapogHaTa KynTypa 6une TpeTupaHu KaKo xeHcKu), unu naK, ce BepyBano geKa bo BaKBUTe „xeHcKu gexu", ne6oT nogo6po cTacyBa. noBeKe o6unau, Ha eKc^nu^UTeH HanuH ro noKaxyBaaT HarnaceHuoT xeHcKu acneKT Ha 0Bue npegMeTu, a co Toa u ceKcyanHuoT K0H^nT bo TonKyBaaeTo Ha co3gaBaaeTo Ha ne6oT T.e. Her0B0T0 pacTeae. Kaj McTonHUTe CnoBeHu, gexaTa ce KUTena co ^pBeH xeHcKu nojac; nog Hea ce cTaBana xeHcKa o6neKa, a Hag Hea - MamKa o6neKa unu MamKa Kana (= cuM6onunKu KouTyc). floKonKy egHa gexa, nopagu ogpegeHu npunuHu BeKe He ^yH^uoHupana go6-po (bo Hea ne6oT go6po He pacTen), nopagu „nonpaBaae" Ha cocToj6aTa, bo gexaTa ce npaBena gynKa bo Koja ce 3anyKyBan KnuH og MamKo gpBo, nuj BumoK noToa ce cenen. AcneKT0T Ha KouTyc Mo»e ga ce ugeHTu^uKyBa u npeKy: - o6peguTe Ha 3a6ogyBaae ho» bo ^HTapoT Ha gexaTa; - o6pegoT Ha cegHyBaae neTen bo Hea; - Hej3UH0 ocTaBaae HagBop, 3 a ga ro goneKa u3rpeB0T Ha coh^to (cMeTaMe geKa ho»ot, neTenoT u coh^to, bo 0Bue nocTanKu ce 3acTa^HU^u Ha MamKuoT ^puH^u^). KaKo u ^pe^HUTe, u 0Bue npegMeTu 6une oKpyxeHu co HarnaceHa caKpanHocT u nonuT: - He ce ocTaBane Ha He-nucTo MecTo, TyKy necTo cToene bo cBeTuoT - ,flpBeH" aron Ha KyKaTa; - gypu u goKonKy 6une goTpaeHu, He ce ^pnane Ha ry6pumTe unu bo oraH. Pena^uuTe co ^pe^HaTa ru no-KaxyBaaT u gpyru o6unau u BepyBaaa: - u gexaTa, KaKo u ^pe^HaTa, ce npoTpuBana co nyK 3a ga ^yH^uoHupa nogo6po; - ce cTaBana bo KoHTaKT (oBoj naT Kageae) co nepgy-Bu, 3a ne6oT bo Hea ga 6uge neceH KaKo nepgyB; - 3a6paHeT0 6uno Taa ga ce no3ajMyBa, ga ce 3acTaHe unu cegHe Ha Hea (ocBeH bo ogpegeHu o6pegHu ^nu). M gexaTa, KaKo u ^pe^HaTa ja ycnoByBa u npoBepyBa geBcTBeHocTa: - o6pegoT Ha cegHyBaae Ha HeBecTa-Ta Ha gexa ce npenopanyBan caMo goKonKy Taa 6una geBu^.18 18 3a oBue ^0gaT0^u: CnaBaHcKue gpeBHocTu ... 2, 35, 45-49. 3a MamKUTe u »eHcKUTe gpBja T.e. pacTeHuja: H. M. ToncToM, ^3mk ... , 333-338; M. Elijade, Kovači ... , 33-37; 3a MamKuoT / ^anyceH acneKT Ha neTenoT: A. HoMa. „neTnuh" ... . 103 ^pe^Ha u BpmHUK. MuxonomKo - ceMuoxu^Ka aHanu3a - HMHrMBMCTM^KM ^aKTM TparuTe Ha gpeBHaTa u apxeTHncKa cuM6onu^Ka pena^uja Mery HaBegeHure npeg-MeTu (u nomupoKo, Ha cagoT) u xeHCKHTe pogunHu opraHu, e MeMopupaHa bo HeKOu 36opoBH og cnoBeHCKuTe ja3u^u.CraHyBa 36op 3a TepMuHu kou ce ogHecyBaaT Ha MaTKa-Ta,reHuTanuuTe u nomupoKaTa 3oHa Ha TenoTo Kage ce cMecTeHu oBue opraHu,Kou noKa-xyBaaT bucok cTeneH Ha 6huckoct unu eKBuBaneHTHocT co Ha3uBuTe 3a HeKou cagoBu. ^OHe^ - HOHO. Bo eTuMonomKuTe peHHu^u Ha cnoBeHcKuTe ja3u^u, reHe3aTa Ha jyxHocnoBoeHcKuoT 36op noHe^ (npacnoB. *lonbcb) ce onpegenyBa KaKo HejacHa, npu mTo ce npaBaT o6ugu 3a HeroBo noBp3yBaae co rp^KuTe u naTuHcKuTe TepMuHu 3a cagoBu: Aqvoa (gpBeHo KopuTo, aHanorHo u aHrnoc. lanu); AeKoa, lanx (3gena). Ce npeTnocTaByBa geKa cTaHyBa 36op 3a Mnaga jyxHocnoBeHcKa unu 6anKaHcKa 3aeMKa (eKBuBaneHT 3a npacn. *gbnn; cTapocn. ^p^>He^b) og poMaHcKo noTeKno (pyM. olana -roneMo rpHe).19 Bo KoHTeKcT Ha HamuoT koh^ht Ha ugeHTu^uKa^uja Ha cagoBuTe co pogunHuTe opraHu Ha xeHaTa, hu ce huhu BpegHa 3a gucKycuja BpcKaTa Ha oBoj 36op co TepMuHoT n0H0, no3HaT bo noBeKeTo cnoBeHcKu ja3u^u. Bo hub, Toj ru o3HanyBa npeg ce xeHcKuTe reHuTanuu, ogHocHo pogunHuTe opraHu, c^aTeHu bo KoHKpeTHa cMucna (KaKo BynBa, MaTKa, ny6u^Ha 3oHa), ho u bo nomupoKa - KaKo gen og TenoTo bo Koj ce Tue cMecTeHu (goneH gen Ha Top3oTo, cToMaK, yTpo6a, cKyT). Ce npegnara peKoHcTpy^ujaTa: *lono < *log-sno, koh uctuot KopeH KaKo u *log, lože, ložesna (yTe-pyc). nocpegHo, co oBoj 36op ce o3HanyBaaT u gpyru genoBu Ha TenoTo, kou cnopeg cBojoT u3rneg unu ^yH^uja (npuMaae T.e. Hoceae HemTo bo ce6e) anygupaaT Ha xeH-cKuTe reHuTanuu (na3yBa, on^aT Ha pa^Te, rpcT T.e. namKa HanpaBeHa co gnaHKuTe). MaKo coMHuTenHo, bo HamuoT cnynaj Mo»e ga 6uge uHTepecHo u 6yrapcKoTo nam -KaKo MecTo Kage nexu xutoto Koe e noKoceHo, ho ce ymTe He e Bp3aHo.20 Bo oBaa nuHa go6po ce BKnonyBa u *luna, KaKo 6anTo-cnoBeHcKu, cecnoBeHcKu u npacnoBeHcKu TepMuH 3a MecenuHa, c^aTeHa KaKo He6ecKo Teno.21 BpcKaTa Ha MecenuHaTa u xeHcKuTe reHuTanuu, Mo»e go6po ga ce onpaBga npeKy uHTep^epeH^ujaTa Ha MeceneBure MeHu co MeHcTpyanHuoT ^uKnyc kou, Bp3 ocHoBa Ha npoHajgeHu apxeonomKu Haogu, 6une HyMepu^Ku cnegeHu, ymTe bo naneonuTcKuoT nepuog.22 Kapnu^. BeKe HanoMHaBMe geKa bo jyxHocnoBeHcKuTe ja3u^u, oBoj KaKo u npeTxogHuoT TepMuH ce ogHecyBa Ha gBaTa BeKe HaBegeHu acneKTu. Og egHa cTpaHa, ro o3HanyBa genoT og TenoTo bo Koj ce cMecTeHu reHuTanHuTe opraHu (goneH gen Ha Top3oTo, KonKoBu, 6egpa) u og gpyra, Ha3uB e 3a pa3Hu BugoBu cagoBu, u oBoj naT rnaB-ho u3pa6oTeHu og gpBo. Hajnecro ce pa6oTu 3a u3gonxeHu u nonnuTKu cagoBu, bo Bug Ha KopuTo, u3gna6eHu bo egHo napne gpBo unu cKnoneHu og gacKu (BapujaHTu: Kapnu^a, KapnaBa). HajnecTo ce HaMeHeTu 3a Meceae u KBaceae Ha ne6oT, nogroToB-Ka Ha KajMaK u gpyru Mne^Hu npou3Bogu, xpaHeae u noeae Ha go6uroKoT, unu KaKo 19 O. H. Tpy6aneB, ^TUMono^unecKUM ... , (*lonbcb); P. Skok, Etimologijski ... , (lonac); BinrapcKu eTuMon ... , (noneu,; mpne). 20 O. H. Tpy6aneB, ^TUMono^unecKUM ... , (*lono); BinrapcKu eTuMon ... , (nono). 21 P. Skok, Etimologijski ... , (luna); O. H. Tpy6aneB, ^TUMono^unecKUM ... , (*luna; cTapocnoBeHcKu noyna). Mo®e6u, bo oBaa cMucna 3acny®yBa BHuMaHue u pena^ujaTa Mery ¿pneu, u *grana / *grarn / *granb, bo KoHTeKcT Ha 3HaneaaTapacmeme, co3peBame, encnamuja, umame (3a nocnegHuBe TepMuHu, Bugu: O. H. Tpy6aneB, ^TUMono^unecKUM ... ). 22 B. A. OponoB, Hucna ... , 125-146. 104 Hukoc Haycuduc, ropdaH HuKonoB nereH 3a 3aMMBaae. TaKBM npuMepu ce 3a6enexeHM bo Cp6uja, XpBaTcKa, Byrapuja u MaKegoHuja. Co oBoj Ha3MB ce HapeKyBaaT u gpyru npegMeTM kom „HocaT bo ce6e Hem-to": - MepKa 3a xmto; - bo HeKou cpncKu u xpBaTcKM roBopu Kapnu^ 3Hanu u naMe^ - bo KycTeHguncKo, TaKa ce HapeKyBan gpBeHuoT gen og cegnoTo; - bo HeKou 6yrapcKu roBopu, KKpnHMKa 3Hanu nynamKa; - goneH gen Ha rycnu (bo Bug Ha 3ao6neHa, gpBeHa 3gena, noKpueHa co Koxa). Ha „MaKpoKocMMHKo" T.e. reoMop^onomKo hmbo, Kapnu^ o3HanyBa TepeH bo Bug Ha M3gonxeHa gonuHa T.e. KoTnuHa (^opMupaHa oKony peKa unu noToK) Koja e oTBopeHa bo gonHuoT Kpaj.23 reHe3aTa Ha HaBegeHMBe TepMMHM, mct-paxyBanuTe ja Bp3yBaaT 3a repMaHcKoTo Karle u kar (cag, naHM^), npe3eMeHo u bo po-MaHcKuoT, KaKo carlita (KonaHKa, Kopura;e).24 Bo HamuoT cnynaj e oco6eHo BaxHo mTo co oBoj TepMMH, noKpaj reHMTanHaTa 3oHa Ha TenoTo, ce o3HanyBaaT u gpBeHMTe cagoBu (hokbm), bo kom ce KBacen u HapacHyBan ne6oT. Bo Taa cMucna, cMeTaMe geKa Moxe ga 6uge MHTepeceH u TepMMHoT KapnuK, Koj, bo pycKuoT u HeKou gpyru cnoBeHcKu ja3M^M (noncKu karelek, karlyc, karzelek), o3HanyBa geTe u / unu yyye, ho m yyyecTM mmtckm nuKoBu co KapaKTep Ha npanyre (aHanorao u bo repMaHcKuoT karal, karl 3Hanu geTe). Bo TyKa npegnoxeHuoT KoHTeKcT, oBoj TepMMH 6u Moxen ga ce npoTonKyBa KaKo „oHoj Koj e bo / og Kapnu^Ta", unu o6paTHo, Kapnu^ - KaKo MecTo Kage ce Haora „KapnuK" T.e. geTe. Bo cnoBeHcKMTe npegaHuja, yyyuaaTa necTo ce no^MpaaT nog 3eMja, nog no-goT Ha KyKaTa, oKony unu bo ne^KaTa, ho m bo gexaTa - gpBeH cag 3a Meceae Ha ne6oT, aHanoreH Ha Kapnu^Ta (Bugu HaTaMy).25 Ta3. Bo pycKuoT ja3MK, oBoj 36op ce ogHecyBa Ha ucTMTe gBe BeKe HaBegeHM 3Haneaa: - Kapnu^, KaKo goneH gen og Top3oTo; - cag, HajnecTo bo ^opMa Ha nereH.26 Eo^Ba, 6o^Ka. Co pa3HM BapujaHTM Ha oBue Ha3MBM, bo cnoBeHcKMTe ja3M^M ce o3HanyBa noroneM gpBeH cag T.e. 6ype (MaK. óauBa, 6yr. 6wBa, cpxp. óanBa, cnoB. backa, pyc. u yKp. 6ouKa, nem. becka, becva, non. beczka). OBue BapujaHTM ce cMeTaaT 3a gepuBaTM Ha cTapocnoBeHcKMTe *b^cy, *b^cve < *b^kve, kom naK, og cBoja cTpaHa ce noBp3yBaaT (HeKage u reHeTcKu) co aHanorHM repMaHcKM u naTMHcKM TepMMHM. Ha ^yH^uoHanHo hmbo (KaKo o6jeKT Koj npuMa HemTo bo ce6e) e MHTepeceH u MaK. 6oBua, 6yr. óoxna, KaKo TepMMH 3a nnaTHo bo Koe e co6paHa u Bp3aHa o6neKa (TypcKa 3aeMKa, Moxe6u co MHgoeBponcKo T.e. nepcucKo noTeKno). Ha TenecHo hmbo, aHanorHM TepMMHM ru o3HanyBaaT eneMeHTMTe Ha o6neKaTa, a nocpegHo u Ha opraHMTe bo reHMTanHaTa 3oHa (cToMaK, nojac, Ho3e): MaK. u 6yr. óenBu - nopanu, manBapu; pyc. u yKp. óeneBa, óeniBKa - nojac, peMeH, neHTa, BpBKa. MaKo co moxho MTancKo unu rp^Ko noTeKno, mh-TepecHo e u 6yr. 6o^a, bo 3Haneae Ha Begpo 3a MneKo, ho m ge6ena xeHa (uHguKaTMBHo e u cnoB. boca - TMKBa; *bocina - ucnaKHaTMHa; aHrn. bucket - Ko^a; cTaporepM. buch -cToMaK). HagBop og c^epaTa Ha TenoTo u apTe^aKTMTe, oBue KopeHM ru HaoraMe bo gBa TepMMHM. npBuoT e pyc. 6o^a^a / 6o^a^ / 6a^e^ - bo 3Haneae Ha gna6HaTMHa bo 3eMjaTa unu jaMa bo KopuToTo Ha peKaTa, kom ce ucnonHeTM co Boga. BTopo e MaK. 6aBna, 6yr. u pyc. 6axna, bo 3Haneae Ha 3enemyKoBa u oBomHa rpaguHa (3aeMKa og Typ. bahge, co nepcucKo noTeKno). C^epaTa Ha cToMaKoT, a nocpegHo u reHMTanuuTe u no^BaTa, 23 B^nrapcKM eTMMon ... , (Kapnuu,a, K^pnamKa); PenHMK cpncKoxpBaTcKor ... , (KapnaBa, Kapnuu,a); Rjecnik hrvatskoga ... , (karlica); 3a ^eHcKMTe acneKTM Ha 6pogoT T.e. naMe^oT: H. Haycuguc, KocMonomKM ... , 197, 198. 24 P. Skok, Etimologijski ... , (karlica); BtnrapcKM eTMMon ... , (Kapnuu,a). 25 M. OacMep, ^TMMono^MqecKMM ... , (KapnuK); Bugu u CnaBaHcKue gpeBHocTM ... , 2, 470-473. 26 M. OacMep, ^TMMono^MqecKMM ... , (ma3). 105 ^pe^Ha u BpmHUK. MuxonomKo - ceMuoxu^Ka aHanu3a ru o6eguHyBa rnaronoT *bociti se / *box^teti, Koj ogpa3yBa Tonopeae, npneae, 6yjHo pacTeae, 36yBHyBaae, u3o6uncTBo.27 BemiiKa, 6emuK. Bo cpnxpB. u MaKeg. ja3uK, TepMuHoT óemuKa, a bo pyc. óemuxa, o3HanyBa Meyp, u Toa: - MoneH Meyp Kaj TOBeKoT u XMBoTHMTe; - Bo3gymeH Meyp bo Te-hoto Ha pu6uTe; - Meyp co onHa, bo 3agHuoT gen Ha BapeHoTo jaj^; - Meyp npu Bpueae Ha BogaTa; - Meyp og canyHu^; - Meyp Ha KoxaTa (nnycKaBe^, otok. npu Toa, oBue Tep-muhu ce Bp3yBaaT (gypu u reHeTcKu) co poM. u Mong. basica, besica, ogHocHo naT. vessica (co ucto unu chuhho 3Haneae). Ho, óemuKa unu óemuK (xunoKopucHuK óema), bo He-kou roBopu og Cp6uja, BocHa u Byrapuja, ucto TaKa o3HanyBa u geTcKa nynKa (Haj^ecro gpBeHa, bo Bug Ha KopuTo). npu Toa e MomHe uHguKaTuBHo mTo oBoj TepMuH, u noKpaj cnu^HocTa co npeTxogHuoT ce onpegenyBa KaKo Typ^u3aM, co ocMaHcKo noTeKno (Typ. be§ik - bo 3Haneae Ha nynKa). CMeTaMe geKa, HacnpoTu pa3nuHHoTo noTeKno, u oBue KaKo u npeTxogHuTe TyKa o6pa6oTeHu TepMuHu ru o6eguHyBa ceMaHHuKaTa pena^uja „xeHa - MaTKa - cag" (bo cnynajoB nynKa). Ha Toa 6u ynaTyBane HeKonKy apryMeHTu u xunoTe3u. Bo Kocobo u MeToxuja, npugaBKaTa óemuhHa, ce ogHecyBa Ha 6peMeHa xeHa, mTo Moxe ga uM^nu^upa pena^uja Mery 6e6eTo bo nynKaTa u ^eTycoT bo MaTKaTa, npu mTo 6emu-KaTa Moxe ga ce ogHecyBa Ha mohhuot Meyp KaKo eKBuBaneHT Ha MaTKaTa, unu naK - ymTe noBepojaTHo - Ha KomynKama T.e. BogeHuoT Meyp bo Koj pacre ^eTycoT u Ha nocmenKa-ma (nna^HTa). CaKpanu3upaHuoT ceMejHo - pogoBcKu KapaKTep Ha 6emuKaTa - nynKa u Hej3uHaTa pena^uja co gpyruTe, TyKa o6pa6oTeHu cagoBu, ro noTBpgyBaaT gBa ^aKTu: - KaKo u ^pe^HaTa u gexaTa, Taa He cMee ga ce no3ajMyBa; - goKonKy bo KyKaTa HeMano TaKBa nynKa,HoBopogeHHeTo 6uno nerayBaHo bo Kopum;e,Kapnu^ unu bo hokbu. Bo He-kou cpncKu roBopu, TepMuHoT óemuKa, o3HanyBa u nnuTKa u TecHa 6pa3ga, HaMeHeTa 3a cageae KoMnup, mTo (KaKo u bo npeTxogHuTe u HapegHu npuMepu) ro ogpa3yBa MaKpo-kocmuhkuot pogunHo - nnogoHoceH acneKT Ha oBoj TepMuH,ogHocHo ugeHTu^uKa^ujaTa Ha xeHcKuTe reHuTanuu co ogpegeHu gnanKu T.e. oTBopu bo 3eMjaTa.28 fle^a. KaKo mTo BugoBMe, bo HeKou cnoBeHcKu ja3u^u, oBoj Ha3uB o3HanyBa pa3-hu no ^opMa cagoBu, HajnecTo u3pa6oTeHu og gpBo, a HaMeHeTu 3a MneKo, Macno u oco6eHo 3a Meceae u KBaceae Ha ne6oT. HeKage, oBoj TepMuH ce npeHen u Ha caMaTa cogpxuHa mTo ce Haorana bo gexaTa (3aMeceHo TecTo, Bug jageae og MneKo, Boga u KBace^. OBoj Ha3uB, npeKy ^opMaTa *dez-ja, ce cTaBa bo pena^uja co gpeBHouHguc-koto deht (6paH). Bo KoHTeKcT co pacTeaeTo Ha ne6oT bo BaKBuTe cagoBu, ce nuHaT bo3moxhu pena^uuTe co *dega / *degr>; *deg^ljb, *deglb, *degnoti (cuna, pacTeae, uTaae u oco6eHo - eKcnaH3uja, ycoBpmyBaae, nogo6pyBaae). He ce ucKnyneHu u ogpegeHu nonoBu KOHOTa^uu: ^e^HO, ^e^no = Mnen (ceMe) og pu6a; ^e^ne^, ^x^ne^ = MaxjaK og pu6a; ^e^a, dma = KoxeH nojac, peMeH (nojac = MaTKa, reHuTanuu?).29 Hokbm, HahBe. npeTcTaByBa jyxHocnoBeHcKu eKBuBaneHT 3a dexa u Kapnu^ (3acTaneH u bo noncKuoT, KaKo niecka), Koj o3HanyBa gpBeH cag, u3gna6eH og egHo gpBo unu cocTaBeH og gacKu, HepeTKo nocTaBeH Ha HorapKu. Cnyxen npeg cé bo npo^coT 27 BtnrapcKu eTuMon ... , (óaxua, óohkü, óvnea, óeveu, óoxva, óou¡a); M. OacMep, ^TUMono^mecKUM ... , (6üh-Ka, óouaza, óeveea); O. H. Tpyóa^eB, ^TUMono^mecKUM ... , (*baceg, *bocina, *bociti se, *boxtoteti). 28 P. Skok, Etimologijski ... , (besika); M. OacMep, ^TUMono^mecKUM ... , (óemuxa). BtnrapcKu eTuMon ... , (óemuK); Pe^HuK cpncKoxpBaTcKor ... , (óemuKa, óemuK, óemuKuu,a); H. BnarojeBuh, Oómaju ... , 225. 3a MarucKuTe acneKTu Ha KomynKama u nocmenKama: A. A. nnoTHuKoBa, „Pyóame^Ka" ... , 158 - 164. 29 3a oggenHuTe TepMuHu (6e3 TyKa npegno^eHuTe rnoóanHu BpcKu): O. H. Tpyóa^eB, ^TUMono^mecKUM ... , (deza, dega, degtljb, deg(^)no, degnoti). Bugu u: Slownik praslowianski ... , (deza). 106 Hukoc Haycuduc, ropdaH Hukohqb Ha M3pa6oTKa Ha ne6oT (Meceae, KBaceae, pacTeae npeg neneaeTo), ho m KaKO cag 3a gpyru ^yH^uu. Mo^HMTe pena^MM co nnogoHocHMTe Ha xeHaTa, Tpe6a ga ce 6apaaT bo TepMUHoT nahBerna, KaKO norpgeH Ha3MB 3a ge6ena xeHa co mMpoKM 6okobm m Moxe6M, bo ynoTpe6aTa KaKo MMe Ha neTen m KoKomKa (nahBap, nahBapa). Ce Bp3yBa 3a cTapocn. nbštvy, Koe e bo pena^Mja co repMaHCKoTo Nachen (KopuTo) m naTMH. navis (6pog, Kopa6).30 KaKo m bo npeTxogHMTe cnynau, ce pa6oTM 3a pa3HM o6jeKTM kom (KaKo m rneHcKUTe pogunHM opraHu) „HocaT bo ce6e HemTo". Ce npamyBaMe, ganu UMa MecTo, bo paMKUTe Ha TyKa npuMeHeTuoT KoHTeKcT (oco6eHo naTUH. navis = naMe^ ho Morne6u U3BopHo m gpBeH cag), 3a noBp3yBaae Ha oBue 36opoBU co TepMUHoT neBecma? Ko6a, Ko6wna. Bo noBeKe cnoBeHcKU ja3M^M, BapMja^MMTe Ha oBue TepMUHU ce BKnyneHU bo Ha3UBUTe Ha pa3HU cagoBU (u bo oboj cnyHaj,HajqecTo gpBeHU u co oBanHa ^opMa), co ceKaKBa HaMeHa (oTTyKa, Ha npuMep e u Ka6en, Ka6nuu,a, Koifia). Mcto TaKa, cogprnaH e u bo Ha3UBUTe 3a pa3HU nneTeHU KomeBU, ho m Top6u (kufa, cofa, og Kage, Mery gpyroTo goara u Ky$ep). 03HanyBaaT u npocTop T.e. rnuBeanumTe 3a mMBoTHMTe (Ko6aua - KaKo Ka^e3, KoKomapHUK, mTana, cBMBapHUK, Mana co6a, ho m nTM^je rae3-go). TepMUHoT Ko6una, Mery gpyroTo o3HanyBa u Knyna 3a ocygeHM^M, gogeKa Ko6en - Bug Ha cTon. M oBue npegMeTU ru Bp3yBa HUBHaTa mynnuBocT u ^ktot mTo HocaT bo ce6e HemTo (gypu u KoHKpeTHo - xmbothm m nyre). CogpxaHM ce u bo Ha3UBUTe 3a ne6 (cnoBeHcKUTe: Kono6, Kono6an, rp^KoTo KoAAafioc;), ho m 3a BapeHa meHM^ (kokubo). BuonomKaTa T.e. pogunHaTa KoMnoHeHTa Ha oboj KopeH e cogpxaHa bo TepMHoT Ko6una (xeHKa og kob), Koj bo ogpegeHU cnynau u BapujaHTM ce ogHecyBa u Ha xeHKU og gpy-ru xmbothm, ho m Ha xeHa BoonmTo (non. kobieta - xeHa, geBojKa). Bo oBoj KoHTeKcT e UHTepeceH u rnaronoT KBauu, Koj e bo pena^Mja co un-Ky6a^uja, a nopagu BpcKaTa co nogMnagoKoT - u Konu6ent (nynKa 3a 6e6uaa). KaKo u bo cnynajoT Mery Kapnu^ -KapnuK m TyKa e Mo»Ha ucTaTa BpcKa: Koča / Kočana (MaTKa / cag) u kobolda (Ha3UB 3a goMamHU yyyecTU gyxoBU, 3a6enexeH Kaj 3anagHUTe CnoBeHu).31 Bu 6uno UHTepecHo, bo oBaa cMucna ga ce npoynaT pena^MMTe co go6po no3HaTuoT ^purucKM TeoHUM Km-6ena / Ky6a6a (co cTapo6anKaHcKo T.e. 6purucKo noTeKno), Koj ce ogHecyBa Ha 6oxm^ co KapaKTep Ha MajKa - PogunKa.32 CuM6onuHKaTa pena^Mja „MaTKa - cag 3a npou3BogcTBo Ha ne6" e MM^nM^MTHO npucyTHa m bo HeKou jyxHocnoBeHcKU HapogHU TpagM^MM, noBp3aHU co o6pegHUTe ne6oBU, hmbhoto cuM6onuHKo 3HaneaeTe m Ha3UBUTe. TaKBU ce Ha npuMep o6pegHUTe ne6oBM„MnageH^M",KOM bo ogpegeHU genoBU Ha geHemHa Byrapuja ce U3pa6oTyBaaT bo BpeMe Ha ucTouMeHuoT npa3HUK, ogpxyBaH bo TeKoT Ha Mece^ MapT. OTKaKo Ke ce 3a-Mecu (oKony 4 nacoT HayTpo) m HapacHe, TecToTo ce genu Ha 40 egHaKBU genoBU, og kom noToa ce npaBaT 3ace6HU nemufta kom m co cBojoT M3rneg Ha 6e6e, noBueHo bo neneHa, ro onpaBgyBaaT HaBegeHuoT Ha3MB (MnageHe^ = geTe / 6e6e).33 MMaMe MHgM^MM 3a npucycTBo Ha oBue cuM6onuHKM pena^MM m bo gpyru ja3M^M. TaKoB e Ha npuMep cnynajoT co aHrnucKuoT, Kage 6peMeHocTa Ha xeHaTa MeTa^opuHHo 30 Pe^HMK cpncKoxpBaTcKor ... , (nahBa - HaheBa); P. Skok, Etimologijski ... , (nacve). 31 P. Skok, Etimologijski ... , (koba, kobača); F. Slawski, Slownik etymologiczny ... , (kobiala - kobielič)t M. Oac-Mep, ^TMMono^MMecKMM ... , (Ko6una, Kono6, Kono6aH, Konu6enb); F. Bezlaj, Etimološki ... , (kobel, kobila). 3a gyxoT kobalda: CnaBaHcKue gpeBHocTM ... 2, 470. 32 nnuTKM 3ao6neHM cagoBM, M3gna6eHM og gpBo ce KoHcTaTupaHM ymTe Ha HajcTapuTe HeonuTcKM noKanuTe-tm (npuMepu og HaTan Xuyx bo Mana A3uja: J. Mellaart, Čatal Huyuk ... , Fig. 55:1, 2; Pl. 105-108). 33 B. KapTaneBa, TpagM^MOHHMaT ... , 44. 107 ^pe^Ha u BpmHMK. MuTonomKO - ceMUOTUHKa aHanu3a ce O3HaHyBa co ^pa3aTa „to have a bun in the oven" - Koja 6yKBanHO 3HaHU „da ce uma 3euuuKa (Konaue, neme) bo neuKama (pepHama)"3 - ApxeonomKM ^aKTM TparuTe Ha ugeHTU^UKa^ujaTa Mery cagoT u MaTKaTa, T.e. ^eHaTa, ce MaHU^ec-Tupane u bo gpyruTe c^epu Ha KynTypaTa. Og egHa cTpaHa Toa e U3rnegoT Ha cagoBUTe, kom ymTe og HeonuTcKUOT nepuog 6une o6nuKyBaHU bo Bug Ha ^urypa Ha ^eHa, unu bo ^opMa Ha ^eHcKu reHUTanuu (BynBa, MaTKa). Og gpyra - cTaHyBa 36op 3a o6pegu (koh-cTaTupaHu co apxeonomKUTe ucKonyBaaa) npu kom, bo cagoBu ce nono^yBaHu ge^ bo ^03u^uja Ha ^eTyc. CagoBMTe bo ^opMa Ha «eHCKa ^urypa, MaTKa mhm BynBa. BaKBu cagoBu, oco-6eHo HecTO ce jaByBaaT bo HeonuTcKUOT nepuog. TyKa uMaMe npuMepu Kora cagoT ro 3agp^yBa cBojoT ^yH^uoHaneH o6nuK, npu mTo ^eHcKaTa KoMnoHeHTa e 3acTaneHa npeKy npeTcTaBaTa Ha HOBeHKU nuK, npuKa^aH bo ropHuoT gen (nog BeHe^OT Ha cagoT), a HeKoram u npeKy gBe ucnannyBaaa bo ropHuoT gen Ha cTOMaKOT, kom O3HanyBaaT gojKu. MaKO nopeTKO, no3HaTu ce u npuMepu Kage cagoT ja npeTcTaByBa caMO gonHaTa nonoBUHa Ha ^eHcKOTO Teno, co cTOMaKOT KonoBUTe u HO3eTe /T.III:6,7/. MMa u cagoBu 3a Kou ce npeTnocTaByBa geKa, co cBojoT o6nuK UMane 3a ^n ga ja npeTcTaBaT ^opMaTa Ha MaTKaTa unu naK, hmbhmot otbop Tpe6ano ga anygupa Ha BynBa. OBaa cuM6onuHKa ugeHTU^UKa^uja Morena ga 6uge KogupaHa u npeKy pa3HU nuKOBHU motubu (cnuKU unu ugeorpaMM co ^eHcKO 3Haneae) Bpe^aHU unu HacnuKaHU Ha sugoBUTe Ha cagoT.35 Bo KOHTeKcT Ha TyKa o6pa6oTeHUTe ^pe^HU, MO^aT ga 6ugaT UHTepecHU u KuKnagc-KUTe KynTHU npegMeTU o^opMeHU bo Bug Ha nnuTKU „Tencuu" unu „TaBu", co Kpy^eH Kopnyc u gBe paHKU /T.III:1-4/. HuBHaTa ocHOBa e o6nuKyBaHa bo Bug Ha cxeMaTU3U-paHa ^eHcKa ^urypa, npuKa^aHa og nojacoT Hagony, co HarnaceHU 3ao6neHU KonKO-bu u cManeHU HO3e. ^^hckmot KapaKTep e oco6eHO a^eHTupaH npeKy npeTcTaBaTa Ha BynBa, npucyTHa Ha HeKOu ^puMepo^u. Bpe^aHaTa opHaMeHTUKa Ha HeKOu BaKBu cagoBu ynaTyBa Ha MaKpoKocMUHKUOT KapaKTep Ha npuKa^aHaTa ^eHcKa ^urypa T.e. Hej3UHOTO U3egHaqyBaae co MajKaTa - 3eMja (npeTcTaBa Ha Mope co 6paHOBU u nar a bo npegenoT Ha a6goMeHOT; rpaHHuaa noKpaj BynBaTa /T.III:1/). ^yKcy3HaTa U3pa6oTKa Ha OBue npegMeTU ja OT^pna MO^HocTa 3a HUBHa eBeHTyanHa ynoTpe6a KaKO cagoBu 3a roTBeae, kom 6une gupeKTHO bo KOHTaKT co orHOT, ho He ro ucKnynyBa KopucTeaeTO KaKO cagoBu co HeKaKBa gpyra (oco6eHO KynTHa) HaMeHa. Bo KOHTeKcT Ha norope npu-Ka^aHUTe Te3U u ^eHcKUOT U3rneg Ha OBue cagoBu, He 6u ja ucKnynune MO^HocTa geKa ce pa6oTeno 3a hokbu, ogHocHO cagoBu bo kom TecTOTO, nocne KBaceaeTO ce ocTaBano ga HapacHe. OTKpueHU ce u otuhhu ho nogna6oKU cagoBu, kom HajBepojaTHO cny^ene KaKO Ka^a^M /T.III:5/. CygejKu cnopeg o6nuKOT, Tue KaKO u BpmHUKOT, 6u Morene ga ja cuM6onu3upaaT He6ecKaTa KanoTa mTo ro noKpuBana cagoT - 3acTanHUK Ha 3eMjaTa.36 34 M. Bilbija, Kult kruha ... . 35 fleTanHO 3a OBa Bugu r. HayMOB, CagoT ... , (cTaTuja bo uctuob 36opHUK). EgeH BaKOB cag og yHrapuja, u noKpaj roneMUTe cnuHHocTM, M. ruM6yTac He ro ugeHTU^UKyBa gupeKTHO co MaTKaTa, TyKy KaKO neHKa 3a ne6, ho npeKy npuKa^aHMOT nanoK, cenaK ro noBp3yBa co cTOMaKOT Ha 6peMeHaTa Bo®u^a (M. Gimbutas, The Language ... , 148, Fig. 228); B. A. Pbi6aKOB, ^3. gp. CnaBaH ... , 167-173; 3a 6poH3eHU aMyneTU bo Bug Ha MMHujaTypHM aHTponoMop^M3upaHU cagoBu og ®ene3HOTO BpeMe bo MaKegoHuja: H. Haycuguc, Cum-6onuKaTa ... , 71-78. 108 HUKOC Haycuduc, ropdaH HUKOHOB norpeöaHM unu ^pTByBaHu bo cagoBu. BaKBu Haogu ce KoHcTaTupaHu Ha HeonMTCKMTe u HapegHuTe npegucTopucKu noKanuTeTu og EanKaHoT, EnucKuoT Mctok u nomupoKo, npu mTo ge^Ta ce HajnecTo nocTaBeHu bo no3a Ha ^eTyc. BaKBaTa noc-TanKa Moxena ga 6uge MoTuBupaHa og norpe6yBaaeTo Ha BeKe nonuHaToTo geTe, unu naK og HeroBoTo HaMepHo y6uBaae, ogHocHo xpTByBaae.37 ypHM u norpeÖHM nuTocu. CuM6onunKaTa pena^Mja MaTKa / pogunKa = cag He e BKnyneHa caMo bo c^epaTa Ha geTcKMTe xpTByBaaa u norpe6yBaaa,TyKy bo HapegHMTe nepuogu e MaHu^ecTupaHa u hu3 ypHuTe, HaMeHeTu 3a KpeMupaHuTe nocMpTHu ocTa-To^M Ha Bo3pacHu ^oKojHM^M, KaKo u roneMuTe norpe6Hu cagoBu (nuTocu) KopucTeHu 3a MHxyMa^Mja. OBoj acneKT e cogpxaH u bo HeKou cnoBeHcKu npegaHuja Kage ce HaBe-gyBa o6unajoT, nyreTo bo ogMuHaTa cTapocT ga ce y6uBaaT bo 6ype.38 - OöpegHu Tpagu^uu BaKBu ^opMu Ha MgeHTM^MKa^Mja Mery cagoT u xeHaTa T.e. 6oxM^aTa ce jaByBaaT u bo puTyanuTe, og kou egeH e 3a6enexeH u bo MaKegoHuja. CTaHyBa 36op 3a o6pegoT „MBaHKa" bo Koj, geBojKu nonHaT Ha u3Bop Kyn co Boga, Koro noToa ro o6neKyBaaT KaKo HeBecTa. no HoceaeTo bo npo^cuja u npeHoKyBaaeTo Ha oTBopeH npocTop, KyKnaTa ce pacTypa, a BogaTa ce KopucTu 3a o6pegHo npcKaae u nueae.39 TaKBo 3Haneae, cagoT hocu u bo HeKou o6pegu bo MHguja, Kage nocroene u c^e^M^MnHM 36opoBu kou o3Ha-nyBane Eoxu^-cag.40 Bo jyxHocnoBeHcKuTe cBag6eHu o6unau, Ha pa3Hu HanuHu cagoT ja 3acTanyBan HeBecTaTa,na gypu u KoHKpeTHo Hej3uHuTe reHuTanuu (Bugu HaTaMy). MomHe eKcnnu-^MTHo,Toa e ogpa3eHo bo o6unajoT,nocne npBaTa 6panHa hok poguTenuTe Ha HeBecTaTa ga 6ugaT nocnyxeHu co ^pBeHa paKuja, cTaBeHa bo cag nue rpno e 3aTHaTo co ja6onKo (= nnog bo yTpo6aTa). npu Toa, cagoT ce 3aBuTKyBan bo KomynaTa Ha HeBecTaTa (HoceHa 3a BpeMe Ha npBaTa 6panHa hok) u ce yKpacyBan co Hej3uHuoT repgaH.41 6) ^pe^Ha - ne^Ka - MaTKa CornegaHo og ^opManeH u ^yH^uoHaneH acneKT, u nenKaTa T.e. ^ypHaTa ce egeH Bug cagoBu kou, KaKo u MaTKaTa, npuMaaT bo ce6e ogpegeHu cogpxuHu u ru npeT-BopaaT bo ycoBpmeHu MaTepuu. Toa e nenKaTa 3a neneae ne6 u gpyru BugoBu xpaHa, MeTanyprucKaTa nenKa u nenKaTa 3a KepaMuKa. Og npegucTopujaTa go coBpeMeHuoT ^onKnop, bo pa3Hu genoBu Ha nnaHeTaBa ce 3anyBaHu 6pojHu npuMepu kou ja goKaxy-BaaT oBaa cuM6onunKa pena^Mja.42 36 Ochobhu ^ogaro^M 3a oBoj Tun npegMera: R. Higgins, Minoan ... , 54, 55 (aBTopoT ru onumyBa KaKo npeT-cTaBu Ha MaTKa); M. Gimbutas, The Language ... , 101-102; gpyru npuMepu: H. Muller-Karpe, Handbuch ... , III, Taf. 362: 1-8. 3a KocMonomKaTa uKoHorpa^uja Ha oBue cagoBu: H. Haycuguc, KocMonomKu ... , 150,151. 37 fleTanHo 3a oBue Haogu: r. HayMoB, CagoT ... . 38 3a ypHuTe u norpe6HuTe nuTocu: r. HayMoB, CagoT ... ; 3a y6uBaaeTo Ha crap^Mre: H. H. Bene^Kaja, Mho-ro6oxanKa ... , 108 (bo oBoj o6unaj, aBTopoT ro 6apa onpaBgyBaaeTo 3a npecTojoT Ha rpnKuoT ^uno3o^ fluoreH bo 6ype). 39 r. KucenuHoB, MBaHKa ... , 52 - 55. Bugu u: r. HayMoB, CagoT ... ; H. Haycuguc, CuM6onuKaTa ... , 72,73. 40 fleTanHo 3a oBue Haogu: r. HayMoB, CagoT ... . 41 E. C. y3eHeBa, „EinBa ... , 154. 42 Bugu r. HayMoB, CagoT ... . 109 ^pe^Ha u BpmHUK. MuxonomKo - ceMuoxu^Ka aHanu3a *** CornegyBajKu ru bo BaK0B KoHTeKCT TyKa npuKamaHUTe Tpagu^uu 3a ^pe^HaTa, CTaHyBa jacHa ncuxonomKo - M0TUBa^ucKaTa nuHuja Koja CToena 3ag meHCKuoT K0Mn-neKC Ha 06pegH0-MarucK0T0 npou3BogcTBo u KopucTeaeTo Ha ^pe^HUTe, u Toa KaKo npodoMMeHue Ha ôuonowKume $yH^uu Ha MeHama eo c$epume Ha npou3eodcmeo-mo u ucxpaHama. OBoj 6uonomKu acneKT e HajHenocpegHo ogpa3eH bo HeKou nocTan-Ku npu 06pegH0T0 npou3BogcTBo Ha ^pe^HUTe. fleBCTBeHoCT. fleBCTBeHocTa e egeH og ycnoBUTe, meHUTe ga 3anonHaT ga npo-u3BegyBaaT ^pe^HU. Toa Mome ga UM^nu^upa geKa Tue, co npaBeaeTo Ha ^pe^HaTa (K0HKpeTH0 - Ha npBaTa ^pe^Ha), ja uHBecTupaaT T.e.TpaHcnoHupaaT concTBeHaTa geB-CTBeHocT (T.e. HenoTpomeHaTa nnogoHoCHa cuna) bo Hea, TaKa mT0 Taa ce npeTBopa bo egeH Bug enu^aHuja Ha HUBHaTa MaTKa, unu rno6anHo - HUBHaTa meHCKocT, ogHocHo pogunHUTe ^yH^uu. Bo 0Baa CMucna Mome ga ce o6jacHu u a^eHTupaHuoT caKpaneH KapaKTep Ha npBaTa og ^pe^HUTe, u3pa6oTeHu bo egHa KaMnaaa. OTTyKa u bo o6unajoT og KyneBumTe, „noBene" ce CTaBa caMo Ha npBaTa ^pe^Ha. Bo egeH ucKa3 (go6ueH og Mam bo flpaneBo Kaj CKonje) ce npaBu gupeKTHa napanena Mery „nyKHaTUTe" (ge^no-pupaHu) meHu u nyKHaTUTe ^pe^HU,mT0 ja UM^nu^upa pena^ujaTa: ,^ena (ôeecmeeHa) MeHa - ^na (HenyKHama) ^enHa". OBue 3Haneaa ru ogpa3yBaaT u o6unauTe, HegeBC-TBeHocTa Ha HeBecTaTa unu nuH0T Ha Hej3UHaTa ge^nopa^uja, bo TeK0T Ha CBag6eHaTa ^peM0Huja ga ce noKamyBa npeKy Bep6anH0 u3egHanyBaae co CKpemeHuoT cag, npeKy o6pegHo Kpmeae Ha cag unu npeKy cnymeae Ha rocTUTe bo cagoBu co gynHaTo gH0.43 BaKB0T0 3Haneae, um gaBa Ha ^pe^HUTe KapaKTep Ha eneMeHTu kou npunaraaT Ha KyKaTa, pogoT, ceMejcTB0T0 u ^yH^uoHupaaT caMo bo Tue paMKu. Bo oBoj KoHTeKCT, gaBaaeTo ^pe^Ha bo gpyra KyKa 6u 3Haneno ogneBaae Ha nnogHocTa og KyKaTa u ceMejcTB0T0, na gypu u npoMuCKyuTeT. KaKo mT0 BugoBMe, 0Bue KBanu^uKaTUBu MomaT ga ce ogHecyBaaT u Ha gemaTa. OgpegeH ogHoc Mery ^pe^HaTa u meHaTa, T.e. Hej3UHUTe reHUTanuu, e ogpa3eH u bo HapegHUTe gBa o6unau noBp3aHu co 0Bue cagoBu: - meHUTe npu ra3eaeT0 Ha rnuHa-Ta 3a ^pe^HU, ru coKpuBaaT 0Bue opraHu npeg rnuHaTa (= 3eMja); - pogunKu nujaT Boga og ^pe^Ha 3a nonecHo ga ce nopogaT. OpHaMeHTM. Pena^ujaTa ,^penHa - meHa - 3eMja", Mome ga ce 6apa u bo HeKou op-HaMeHTu kou ce B^pTyBane bo ^pe^HUTe. TyKa uMaMe npegBug gBa. EgHuoT og hub e poM-6ot, Koj uaKo peTK0,e eBugeHTupaH KaKo motub Ha gH0T0 og ^pe^HUTe. Bo HeKou cnynau, CTaHyBa 360p 3a poM6 co BnumaH KpcT, gogeKa bo gpyru - Mpema og kocu mpa^ypu kou ^opMupaaT none og poM6oBu /T.I:12/. ^£hckuot KapaKTep Ha oBoj motub geTanHo ro o6pa3nomuBMe Ha gpyro MecTo u Toa: - bo pena^uja co arnecTaTa enunca co 3amuneHu nonoBu, KaKo ugeorpaM Ha BynBa; - co neTupuaronHUK0T, KaKo apxeTuncKa cnuKa, T.e. ugeorpaM Ha 3eMH0T0 hubo Ha BceneHaTa.44 BTopuoT motub, M. C. ^ununoBuK, ro onu-myBa KaKo 6yKBa„^". floceramHUTe aHanu3u ynaTyBaaT geKa 6u Momeno ga ce pa6oTu 3a ugeorpaM Koj HacTaHan co CTunu3a^uja u cxeMaTU3a^uja Ha motubot Ha meHa, npuKama- 43 3a nogaT0K0T og flpaneBo: M. C. OununoBuh, ®eHCKa KepaMUKa ... , 138; 3a ^UTupaHUTe CBag6eHu o6unau u BoonmTo, 3a geBCTBeHocTa bo cnoBeHCKUTe HapogHu Tpag^uu: CnaBaHCKue gpeBHocTu ... 2, 35,36; E. C. y3eHeBa, „BinBa ... , 146, 148, 152, 153; 3a cagoBUTe co oTKpmeHo gHo: B. A. ybneHCKUM, OunonoranecKue ... , 151. 44 H. Haycuguc, KocMonomKu ... , 93-130. 110 HUKOC Haycuduc, ropdaH HUKOHOB Ha bo nopogunHa no3a, co pamMpeHM pa^ m Ho3e, bo MOMeHTOT Kora nnogoT M3neryBa og Hej3MHaTa yTpo6a. nocTojaT XMnoTe3M geKa ToKMy og c^epaTa Ha mmtot m MarujaTa, oBoj ugeorpaM HaBneron, m bo KupuncKoTo nucMo, KaKo 6yKBa Koja, Mery gpyroTo, ctom Ha HenoTo Ha gBa 36opa, cymTecTBeHM 3a c^epaTa 3a Koja roBopuMe (Mena m Mueom), ho m Ha gBeTe Haj^peKBeHTHM 3ooMop^HM enu^aHMM Ha xeHaTa m 3eMjaTa (Maôa, MenKa).45 ^HTpanHa gnanKa mhm otbop bo ^enHaTa. Ha xeHcKuoT acneKT Ha ^pe^HaTa ynaTyBa m ^HTpanHaTa gnanKa unu ManuoT oTBop bo Hej3MHoTo gHo, Koj ocBeH cBouTe npaKTMHHM ^yH^uu, MMan m ogpegeHu cmm6ohmhkm 3Haneaa /T.I:4,8/. MMa MHgM^MM, geKa bo HaBegeHuoT KoHTeKCT, Toj Moxen ga ro npeTCTaByBa ^HTapoT T.e. jagpoTo Ha .flpenHaTa-xeHa", T.e. oTBopoT bo Hej3MHaTa yTpo6a (BynBa, MaTKa). OcBeH HaBegeHMTe cBag6eHu o6uHau, Ha BaKBoTo 3Haneae ynaTyBa m Ha3MBoT „nanoK", Koj ce ogHecyBa Ha oBoj oTBop bo ^pe^HaTa, m oco6eHo - Ha ucnaKHyBaaeTo Koe Ke ce nojaBu Ha ne6oT, ucneneH bo BaKBa ^pe^Ha. OBoj ogHoc hocm bo ce6e jacHu pena^MM Mery ^pe^HaTa m xeHaTa, Koj 6u Moxen ga ce npuKaxe hm3 cnegHaTa noruHKa meMa: ^enHa: gnanKa / oTBop Ha cpeguHaTa ne6: HeroBo co3gaBaae, ^opMupaae, pacTeae bo ^pe^HaTa McnanqyBaae bo ^eHTapoT Ha ne6oT: Tpara Ha HeroBaTa BpcKa co oTBopoT bo ^pe^HaTa ^eHa: reHMTaneH oTBop / BynBa, MaTKa geTe: HeroBo co3gaBaae, ^opMM -paae, pacTeae bo MajKaTa nanoK / McnanqyBaae bo ^eHTapoT Ha geTeTo: Tpar Ha HeroBaTa BpcKa co yTpo6aTa Ha MajKaTa Ha oBoj ogHoc Moxe ga My ce gogage m MaKpokocmmhkmot, bo Koj ^pe^HaTa 6u ce M3egHanuna co 3eMjaTa, npu mTo ^eTycoT unu ne6oT 6u Moxen ga ce noucToBeTu co pacTeHujaTa, ho m noBTopHo co HoBeKoT. OBoj acneKT Moxe ga ce unycTpupa co npu-MepoT 3a6enexeH Kaj HapogoT EaM6apa (3anagHa A^puKa), Kage nanoHHaTa BpBKa ce HapeKyBa „TMKBMHa BpBKa", npu mTo ce cMeTa geKa Toa e KopeH npeKy Koj HoBeHKoTo cymTecTBo e noBp3aHo co MajKaTa-3eMja, nopagu HeroBo co3peBaae.46 OBoj npuMep ru aKTyenu3upa MaKp oko cMMHKMTe acneKTu Ha nanoKoT (KaKo „nanoK Ha cBeToT"), 3a kom Ke roBopuMe HaTaMy. 2. OgHoc Mery ^pe^HaTa m ^MrypaTa Ha „qoBeqeTo" a) 3a6ogyBa»e HeKaKOB eneMeHT bo ^enHaTa (= KOMTyc) BugoBMe geKa ^HTpanHaTa gnanKa unu oTBop bo gHoTo Ha ^pe^HaTa ce npaBu TaKa mTo, co npcT unu co HeKoj gpyr M3gonxeH npegMeT, Ke ce npuTucHe BnaxHaTa 45 H. Haycuguc, KocMonomKM ... , 135-137, 162, 163; 3a xa6aTa: 165-167; 3a xenKaTa: 167, 168. 3a motmbot bo Bug Ha 6yKBaTa „®", Bugu m: H. Haycuguc, no noBog ... ; Ha cpegHoBeKoBHuoT HaKMT: E. A. PbiôaKoB, ^3. gp. Pycu ... , 703, 704; Ha HapogHMTe Be3oBM: H. Mmkob, EyKBonogoÔHM ... , 37, 38. 46 J. Chevalier, A. Gheerbrant, Rjecnik ... , 543. 111 ^pe^Ha u BpmHMK. MuTonomKo - ceMuoTuHKa aHanu3a rnuHa /T.I:8/. Ha oBoj huh, necTo My npeTxogeno B^pTyBafte Ha KpcT npeKy ^noTo Kpy^HO gHO Ha ^pe^HaTa /T.I:4,9/. rope HaBegeHuTe BpcKu Ha oBoj OTBop co «eHcKuTe reHuTanuu, noBneKyBaaT pena^uu Mery huhot Ha HeroBoTo gymeae u KouTycoT, npu mTo npcToT unu HeKoj gpyr u3gon:«eH npegMeT co Koj Toa ce peanu3upa, ro go6uBa 3HaneaeTo Ha ^anyc. TaKBoTo 3Haneae Mo^eÔM Haja^eHTupaHo ro 3acTanyBan Knu-He^T, nopagu Hu3a cbom pena^uu co ^anycoT (eneMeHT og :«ene3o Koe e napagurMa 3a KaTeropMMTe og „MamKaTa c^epa", KaKo mTo ce: „TBpgo", „He6ecKo", „oraeHo", „ocTpo", „Koe mTo BneryBa / npogupa"). BaKBuoT cumöohuhku huh, u3BopHo Mo^en ga 6uge MoTUBupaH og Te^HeeaeTo, ^pe^HaTa „ga ce onnogu", 3a noToa bo Hea ycnemHo ga ce co3gaBaaT ne6oBuTe. Cnu^Hu o6pegHo-MarucKu gejcTBuja, Kaj McTOHHuTe CnoBeHu ce npaKTuKyBane u bo ogHoc Ha gpBeHaTa ge^a, bo nuj ^HTap ce 3a6ogyBan ho«. OBue nocTanKu ce u3BegyBane bo gBe npurogu - bo TeKoT Ha cBag6eHuTe o6pegu u bo cnynau Kora bo ge«aTa ne6oT He co3peBan go6po.47 KaKo u bo HamuoT cnynaj, bo paMKuTe Ha cBag6eHuTe o6pegu, Ha 3a6ogyBaaeTo My npeTxogeno npeKpcTyBaae Ha ge«aTa (oBoj naT, npeKy HeTupuTe cBeKu nocTaBeHu Ha KpaeBuTe og gBaTa Hej3uHu gujaMeTpu). KaKo mTo BugoBMe, ge«aTa bo Koja He 3peen go6po ne6oT, ce nonpaBana npeKy 3a6ogyBaae bo Hea Ha KnuH og MamKo gpBo (eKBuBaneHT Ha «ene3HuoT KnuHe^. BaKBoTo 3Haneae Ha gnanKaTa unu oTBopoT bo ^pe^HaTa ro noTBpgyBaaT nocTanKuTe Ha o3HanyBaae Ha HegeBcTBeHocTa Ha HeBecTaTa. KaKo mTo BugoBMe, Toa Mery gpyroTo ce npaBeno TaKa mTo pogHuHuTe Ha HeBecTaTa, bo TeKoT Ha cBag6eHuTe ro36u 6une nocny«yBaHu co nujanoK bo cagoBu co gynHaTo gHo. npu Toa, oBoj oTBop ce 3aTHyBan co npcT (=^anyc) Koj npu cny^eaeTo ce u3BneKyBan, TaKa mTo nujanoKoT ucTeKyBan Bp3 nocny«eHuTe. HegeBcTBeHocTa Ha HeBecTaTa (a HeKage u huhot Ha Hej3uHaTa ge^nopa^uja npu npBa-Ta 6pa^Ha hok), ce o3HanyBana u npeKy npaBeae gynKa bo ne6oT unu noranaTa (u HeKou gpyru jageaa).48 Bo cnynajoT co ^urypaTa Ha „noBeneTo" og KyneBumTe, oBoj ceKcyaneH Kog e u3pa3eH ymTe ^oeKc^nu^UTHO. KnuHe^OT ce cnojyBa ToKMy co reHuTanHaTa 3oHa Ha ^urypaTa, mTo My gaBa 3Haneae Ha ^anyc, nuj BpB e BOBneneH bo ^HTapoT Ha ^pe^-HaTa /T.II:1/, Kage no BageaeTo Ha KnuHe^T ocTaHyBan oTBop, Koj KaKo mTo BugoBMe, u uHaKy e necT Ha ^pe^HUTe. CuBe rope cnoMHaTu eneMeHTu, Ha ^urypaTa u gaBaaT KapaKTep Ha mutcku nuK 3ag huu npo^unaKTuHKu ^yH^uu (ga ru nyBa ^pe^HUTe) HeKoram cToena u ynoraTa Ha hubhu onnogyBan. Ce huhu geKa oBa 3Haneae e KogupaHo npeKy ymTe egeH enuTeT Ha „noBeneTo", uMeHyBaHo u KaKo „goMaKuH Ha ^pe^HUTe", mTo My gaBa 3Haneae Ha HeKaKOB mutcku nuK T.e. 6o«ecTBo Koe ^yH^uoHupa KaKo „conpyr Ha ^pe^HUTe", Koj ja noTTuKHyBa HuBHaTa mok ga ro co3gaBaaT ne6oT. Bo npu-nor Ha oBoj ogHoc roBopu u neeaeTo cBag6apcKu necHu bo TeKOT Ha KonaaeTo rnuHa u HeKou gpyru ^a3u og u3pa6oTKaTa Ha ^pe^HUTe.49 47 CnaBaHCKue gpeBHocTu ... 2, 36. Pe^a^MjaTa ho® = ^anyc bo paMKMTe Ha 6anKaHcKaTa HapogHa KynTy-pa, Hajgo6po ja ogpa3yBa egHo npaBuno (3a6ene®eHo Ha noHeToKoT og MMHaTuoT BeK, bo oKonuHaTa Ha feBrenuja), cnopeg Koe ce cMeTano 3a HaBpega Ha goMaKuHoT u noHu®yBaae T.e. Hanag Bp3 HecTTa Ha ®eH-ckmot gen og HeroBoTo ceMejcTBo, aKo npu goMamHa Becen6a, HeKoj og npucyTHMTe MamKM rocTM u3BneHe ho® og nojac u ro 3a6oge bo goMamHoTo orHumTe (C. TaHoBuh, OrHumTa ... , 130); 3a pena^MjaTa o^Humme - eyma - MamKa: H. Haycuguc, KyKaTa ... , 44, 45; H. Haycuguc, KocMonomKu ... , 99. 48 CnaBaHcKue gpeBHocTu ... 2, 36; E. C. y3eHeBa, „BtHBa ... , 146,148, 152, 153. 49 npuMepu Ha BaKBu cBag6apcKu necHu: fl. MapuHoB, HapogHa ... , 625. M geHec, bo MaKegoHcKuoT ja3uK, TepMuHoT „goMaKuH" u „goMaKuHKa", ocBeH gpyruTe 3HaHeaa nogpa36upa u „conpyr" / „conpyra" (3. Myp-rocKu, PeHHuK Ha MaKeg. ... , 161). 112 Hukoc Haycuduc, ropdaH Hukohqb MuTonoreMaTa 3a onnogyBaaeTo Ha cagoT, KaKO ycnoB 3a co3gaBaaeTo Ha neóoT e MHory ^0eKc^nu^uTH0 u3pa3eHa bo oópeguTe u BepyBaaaTa noBp3aHu co KBaceaeTo Ha neóoT, ocTBapyBaHo bo gpBeHuoT eKBuBaneHT Ha ^pe^HaTa - gexaTa, bo Koja npeg neHeaeTo, neóoT ce 3aKBacyBan u ce ocTaBan ga HapacHe. Bo HeKou cnoBeHcKu Tpagu-^uu, KBace^T eKc^nu^uTH0 ce HapeKyBan „TaTKo Ha neóoT", unu Ha gpyru nocpegHu HanuHu ce ugeHTu^uKyBan co MamKuoT ^puH^u^. nopagu BaKBoTo 3HaHeae, Toj uMan BaxHo MecTo u bo cBagóeHuTe oópegu (KaKo eneMeHT Koj Tpeóa ga ja noTTuKHe nnog-HocTa Ha co^pyxHu^uTe). nocpegHo, uctuot KOH^nT e ogpa3eH u bo oóuHauTe ga ce ancTuHupa og nonoBa aKTuBHocT Ha geHoT Ha 3aKBacyBaaeTo Ha neóoT unu geH npeg Toa. MucTepujaTa Ha KBace^0T u HeroBaTa HeoójacHuBa moK ga ro „3roneMyBa neóoT", uMana MHory 3aegHuHKo co MamKuoT ^aKTop (cnepMaTa) u HeroBaTa ynora bo co3gaBaaeTo Ha geTeTo. OóeTe MaTepuu BneryBane bo npo^coT Ha co3gaBaaeTo co 3aHeMapnuBo KonuHecTBo Ha HeKaKBa HeyrnegHa, ho HeonxogHa MaTepuja, Koja npe-Ky ogpegeH TauHcTBeH u bo nojaBHuoT cBeT HeMaHu^ecTupaH npo^c, ro ycnoByBa-na co3gaBaaeTo T.e. pacTeaeTo. Ha HajeneMeHTapHo, ho ucTOBpeMeHo u HajcoBpmeHo ^uno3o^cKo-e3OTepuHHo hubo, oBaa MucTepuja ja ogpa3yBa TepMuHOT „npuuuna", Koj bo HeKou yKpauHcKu gujaneKTu npeTcTaByBa apxauHeH Ha3uB 3a KBace^0T. nocTojaT jacHu ugHu^uu geKa KBace^T u oBaa HeroBa mok, óune nepcoHanu3upaHu bo ogpegeH mutcku nuK, Ha mTo nocpegHo yKaxyBaaT oópeguTe Ha ^uKnuHH0 „oÓHOByBaae Ha KBace^T", ogHocHo roTBeaeTo Ha hob - „Mnag KBace^'.50 3eMajKu npegBug geKa oBaa nocTanKa, Kaj McTOHHuTe CnoBeHu ce noBTopyBana ^uKnuHH0 (ceKoja nponeT Ha „BenuKu HeTBpTOK" - npeg BenurgeH), hu ce HaMeTHyBa MoXHocTa ga ru noBp3eMe u u3egHanuMe oBue Tpagu^uu co huhot Ha u3paóoTKaTa Ha ^pe^HUTe, a bo Tue paMKu u Ha MamKaTa ^urypuHa, peanu3upaHu HajHecTo bo uctuot nepuog og roguHaTa. Bo Toj cnyHaj, HameTo „HOBeHe" óu Moxene ga ro pa3óepeMe He caMo KaKO „HyBap Ha ^pe^Hu-Te", u hubhu „conpyr" u „onnogyBaH", TyKy u KaKO „TaTKo Ha neóoT" - mutcku nuK Koj ja uHKapHupa cunaTa („npuHuHaTa") mTo ro npegu3BuKyBa pacTeaeTo T.e. co3gaBaaeTo Ha neóoT. MMa uHgu^uu u 3a MaKpoKocMuHKuTe enu^aHuu Ha oBoj nuK (bo pena^uja co MonaaTa u rpoMOT, coh^to, orHOT, goxgoT u BereTaTuBHaTa cuna Ha pacTeHujaTa), 3a kou Ke roBopuMe bo HapegHuTe rnaBu. HaBegeHuTe MamKu nnogoHocHu ^yH^uu, Ha eguHcTBeHaTa no3HaTa ^urypa Ha „HOBeHeTo" og KyHeBumTe,uaKo gucKpeTHo, cenaK ce Ha3HaHeHu u bo nuKOBHuoT Megu-yM, npeKy ronoTo Teno Ha MamKaTa ^urypa u npeTcTaBeHuTe reHuTanuu. Ho, bo uctoh-HuTe nogpaHja Ha BanKaHOT, bo ogpegeHu peruoHu Ha Byrapuja e 3aHyBaH egeH gpyr oó-pegeH KOMnneKc, Kage ce u3paóoTyBaaT aHanorHu MamKu ^urypu, co ymTe nou3pa3eHu reHuTanuu, ho HaMeHeTu 3a nouHaKBa ^n. CraHyBa 3óop 3a oópegoT „repMaH", Koj bo noBeKe HaBpaTu e eBugeHTupaH Ha nogpaHjeTo Ha Byrapuja u Cpóuja, noHHyBajKu og KpajoT Ha 19. BeK, na ce go cpeguHaTa Ha 20. BeK /6y^apcKU npuMepu T.IV:2-10; T.V:8,9/. noBeKe oóenexja Ha oBoj oópeg ynaTyBaaT Ha HeKaKBu, MomHe HenocpegHu BpcKu Mery nuKOT Ha repMaH u „HyBapoT Ha ^pe^HUTe". 50 3a TepMuHOT „npuvuHa": CnaBaHcKue gpeBHocTu ... 2, 252. flo geHec, bo coBpeMeHaTa ypóaHa KynTypa npe-^uBean TepMuHOT „^ub KBace^' (Koj ce npogaBa bo HeTBpTecTu MeKu napHuaa), bo 0^03u^uja co„cyBuoT" unu „BemTaHKu" KBace^ (bo Bug Ha npamoK naKyBaH bo KecuHKu). 113 ^pe^Ha u BpmHUK. MuxonomKo - ceMuoxu^Ka aHanu3a 6) OöpegoT „repMaH" Bo cnynaj Ha gonroTpajHa cyma, a HeKage u bo ogHanpeg onpegeneH geH, ce npaBu ^urypa Ha Max (npeTcraBeH KaKo MoM^e unu crape^, Koj ce HapeKyBa repMaH. KaKo u bo cnynajoT co „TOBeneTo" u ^pe^HUTe, ^urypaTa npeg cé ja npaBaT xeHu (HeKage caMo geBU^u unu geBojnuaa mTo cé ymTe HeMaaT MeHcTpyanHu ^UKnycu), kou Tpe-6a ga ce „huctu", ga ce bo npB 6paK u ga HeMaaT noKojHUK bo ceMejcTBoTo. ^urypaTa HajnecTo ce u3pa6oTyBa og HeneneHa rnuHa /T.IV:2-4,5-10; T.V:8,9/, a noHeKoram u og gpBo /T.IV:5/, Kprnuaa unu cnaMa, Boo6unaeHo bo BucuHa go 50 cm. yHecHU^UTe ja nerayBaaT Ha mTu^ /T.IV.3/, bo gpBeH KoB^er unu Ha KepaMuga /T. V:8.9/, ja noKpuBaa-aT co ^eKe u nanaT cBeKu. HaTaMy, co Hea ce nocTanyBa KaKo co buctuhcku noKojHUK, ogHocHo cnegyBaaT cuTe eneMeHTu og o6unajoT noBp3aH co norpe6yBaaeTo. repMaH ce onnaKyBa, HoKe ce 6gee Hag HeroBoTo "Teno" (HeKage Toj ce ocTaBan ga nexu Ha TaBaH), a noToa, caHganeTo T.e. HocunKaTa co ^urypaTa ce hocu bo npo^cuja, Koja HajnecTo ce ogBUBa Kpaj HUBUTe u rpaguHUTe. noToa, Taa ce 3aKonyBa, HajnecTo Ha HeKoe MecTo noKpaj Boga (peneH unu e3epcKu 6per), unu naK ce ^pna bo BogaTa. Bo HeKou cnynau, rpo6oT (BegHam unu ^ogo^Ha) ce npenuBa co Boga. noToa ce npaBu Tpne3a bo necT Ha "yMpeHuoT". 3a BpeMe Ha onnaKyBaaeTo u cnpoBogoT, ce neaT necHu bo kou repMaH ce onnaKyBa. HajnecTa e ^pa3aTa: "Oj, repMaHe, repMaHe! I yMpen repMaH og cyma 3a Kuma". ^nuoT puTyan, rnaBHo ro BogaT xeHu unu geBojKu, npu mTo ^peMoHujaTa HajnecTo hocu ceMeeH unu pogoBcKu KapaKTep, a nopeTKo ce cnpoBegyBa Ha hubo Ha ^noTo ceno. O6pegoT u mutckuot nuK, nog oBa uMe e 3anyBaH bo genoBu Ha Byrapuja u Cp6uja (KaKo repMaH, RepMaH, yepMaH), gogeKa bo ugeHTUHHa unu cnuHHa ^opMa, ho co gpyro uMe e no3HaT u Kaj PoMaH^UTe (KaKo KanojaH T.e. CKanojaH), Kaj MongaB^UTe (TpajaH) u McToHHUTe CnoBeHu (.Apuno, ToproH). repMaH e npucyTeH u bo 6acHUTe, T.e. 6aeaaTa, ucto TaKa HaMeHeTu 3a MarucKo KoHTponupaae Ha aTMoc^epcKUTe nojaBu (rpag, HeBpeMe, goxg, cyma).51 MaKo oBoj o6peg e eBugeHTupaH u bo Cp6uja, rnuHeHu ^urypuHu Ha repMaH TaMy He ce goKyMeHTupaHu npeKy ^oTorpa^uja unu ^pTex. Bo npunor Ha cBojaTa cTaTuja 3a repMaH, C. 3eneBuK ja npunoxun ToKMy ^oTorpa^ujaTa Ha „TOBeneTo" og KyneBumTe, 6e3 ga HaBege geKa ce pa6oTu 3a ^urypa BKnyneHa bo coceM gpyr o6peg.52 noTTUKHaTu og oBa He^pe^U3H0CT, a He3ano3HaeHu co MoHorpa^ujaTa Ha ^ununoBuK, bo HamuTe nopaHemHu ucTpaxyBaaa, oBaa ^urypa ja cTaBaBMe bo UM^nu^UTHa pena^uja co o6-pegoT repMaH, KaKo eBeHTyaneH npuMep og Cp6uja.53 51 Ochobhu ^ogaxo^u 3a o6pegox u coogBexHa nuxepaxypa: CnaBaHcKue gpeBHocxu ... 1, 498 - 500; H. Haycuguc, MuxcKuxe ... , 359 - 365; H. Mukob, AHxponoMop^Ha ... , 185 - 197; M. BeHoBcKa, OtmHocx ... , 235 - 255; C. TemeB, Oómau ... , 348 - 350; H. H. Bene^Kaa, .3braecKaa ... , 77 - 80; C. 3e^eBuh, repMaH ... , 249 - 263. 3a Japuno Kaj Mcxo^Huxe CnoBeHu: ^. B. noMepaH^Ba, .punKu ... , 127 - 130; C. H. Koctobt., KynxixT. ... , 114, 115, 117; xparu Kaj JyxHuxe CnoBeHu: M. C. OununoBuh, Tpa^Ku ... , 109 - 130. 52 C. 3e^eBuh, repMaH ... , 250, Cn. 1. Ooxorpa^ujaxa e curHupaHa KaKo „npuMepaK 3eM^aHor ugona U3 Ex-Horpa^cKor My3eja y Beorpagy (ch. CBexnaHa YcKoKoBUBuh)". He e jacHo 3omxo aBxopox He ru HaBegyBa ge^ugH0 UH^opMa^uuxe 3a noxeKnoxo u KapaKxepox Ha npegMexox, Hacnpoxu xoa mxo e curypHo geKa 3a hub 6un uH^opMupaH. 53 H. Haycuguc, MuxcKuxe ..., 359 - 365; H. Haycuguc, TeaxponomKu ... , 196 - 199. 114 Hukoc Haycuôuc, UopàaH Hukohob b) Pe^a^MM Mery repMaH u „qoBeqeTo" OneBugHo e geKa bo cnynajoT co o6pegoT „repMaH". cTaHyBa 360p 3a MomHe gpeB-Hu Tpagu^uu bo kou. hu3 BeKoBUTe. egeH npeKy gpyr ce HaTanoxune HeKonKy. Mery ce6e npoTKaeHu mutcko - cuM6onuHKu Mogenu u MexaHU3Mu. kou ro ocMucnyBane 06-pegoT u ja o6e36egyBane HeroBaTa „genoTBopHocx". Pena^uuTe Mery ^urypuTe Ha repMaH og Byrapuja u „TOBeneTo" og CKoncKo ce cBegyBaaT Ha cnegH0T0 /cnopedu T.IV:1 co2-1Q u co T.V:8,9/. Bo o6aTa cnynau ce pa6oTu 3a cxaTyeTu u3pa6oTeHu og HeneneHa rnuHa. co cnuHHu guMeH3uu u co Ha3HaneH ^a-nyc. Bo gBaTa cnynau. u3pa6oTKaTa Ha ^urypuHUTe u u3Beg6aTa Ha o6peguTe. rnaBHo ru BogaT xeHu unu geBojKu. npu mT0 o6pegoT HajnecTo hocu ceMeeH unu pogoBcKu KapaKTep. Bo o6aTa cnynau ^urypaTa ce Hocena Ha TaBaH (Bugu HaTaMy). Bo noBeKeTo og 6yrapcKUTe npuMepu. ^anycoT Ha repMaH e npeguMeH3uoHupaH mT0 He Moxe ga ce noTBpgu bo cnynajoT Ha „TOBeneTo". MMeHo. Bp3 6a3a Ha gocTanHUTe ^oTorpa^uu He e jacHo ganu ManuoT u3gonxeH cerMeHT Mery HeroBUTe H03e ro npeTcTaByBa ^nuoT He-roB ^anyc unu e Toa caMo 0cTaT0K og noroneM nonoB opraH Koj ^ogo^Ha 6un oTKpmeH /T.IV:1/. Bo ceKoj cnynaj. 3HaHeaeT0 Ha npeguMeH3uoHupaHuoT ^anyc. Kaj ^urypaTa og KyneBumTe ronpe3enKnuHe^T Koj u3neryBan ogHej3UHUTe npenoHu /peKoHcmpy^uja: T.II:1/. KaKo mT0 BugoBMe. bo npunor Ha 0Ba ogu ceMU0TUKaTa Ha xene30T0. KnuHe^0T u KnuHoT. KaKo u gnanKaTa og ^pe^HaTa bo Koja Toj ce 3a6uBan (u3egHaneHa co BynBa). Ha 6pojHu ^urypuHu Ha repMaH e a^eHTupaH u nan0K0T /T.IV:6,8,1Q/. mT0 nocpegHo - bo pena^uja co „nan0K0T Ha ne6oT" neneH bo ^pe^HaTa. ro onpegenyBa „TOBeneTo" He caMo KaKo „conpyr". TyKy u KaKo „cuh Ha ^pe^HaTa". n0T0HH0 Ha MajKaTa-3eMja mT0 Taa ja 3acTanyBa. EgeH ^aKT roBopu bo npunor Ha Toa geKa u 6e3UMeHaTa ^urypa og KyneBumTe. KaKo u gpyruTe. ^ogo^Ha 3a6opaBeHu „nyBapu Ha ^pe^HUTe" og MaKegoHuja u ^ht-panHuoT BanKaH.HeKoram Moxene ga ro HocaT uMeTo repMaH unu HeKoja HeroBa cnuHHa BapujaHTa. Ha Toa ynaTyBa ^aKT0T mT0 bo HajroneMuoT 6poj cnynau. nogroTByBaaeTo Ha ^pe^HUTe u u3pa6oTKaTa Ha BaKBu ^urypu ce u3BegyBane Ha npa3HUK0T Cb. EpeMuja. cBeTUTen nue uMe noKaxyBa jacHu pena^uu co repMaH (Bugu ja meMaTa). X e p M e c J e p e M u j a r e p M a H J a p u n o BugoBMe geKa ^pe^HU HajnecTo ce npaBene egHam rogumHo - Ha ogpegeH geH u Toa HajnecTo Ha Cb. EpeMuja. unu naK geH - gBa npeg unu nocne Hero. HeKage uMa noroneMu oTcTanyBaaa og oBoj npa3HUK (u go 7 geHa) u ogpegeHo npu6nuxyBaae Ha TepMUHoT K0H fyproBgeH. Bo gpyru cnynau. ce uHcucTupano. u3pa6oTKaTa Ha ^pe^HUTe ga 3anoHHe Ha nonHa unu Mnaga MecenuHa. unu bo KoHKpeTeH geH og ceg-Mu^Ta. HeKage (Kaj MycnuMaHUTe). Ha geH0T Cb. EpeMuja caMo ce Konana 3eMja 3a ^pe^HU. gogeKa caMaTa HUBHa u3pa6oTKa ce ogBUBana HaeceH. 3a6enexeHu ce u gpyru TepMUHu 3a 0Bue aKTUBHocTu - bo nepuogoT Ha neT0T0 u eceHTa. OnpaBgyBaaaTa 3a TeMnupaaeTo Ha u3pa6oTKaTa Ha ^pe^HU 3a npa3HUK0T Cb. EpeMuja ce 6apaaT Ha HeKonKy cTpaHu. Ce cMeTano geKa geH0T Cb. EpeMuja e npa3HUK Koj ce ogHecyBa Ha ^pe^Ha u BpmHUK. MuxonomKo - ceMuoxu^Ka aHanu3a 3eMjaTa u 3MMMTe. Toj geH ce H3BegyBane o6pegu 3a roHeHeae Ha 3MuuTe. BugejKu ^pe^HHTe ce H3pa6oTyBaaT og rnuHa T.e. 3eMja, ce BepyBano geKa nopagu Toa, Tue Ke 6ugaT KBanuTeTHH u Ke TpajaT. Og acneKT Ha xpucTujaHCTBoTo, onpaBgyBaaa Ha oBaa BpcKa ce 6apane bo npegaHueTo og Bu6nujaTa, cnopeg Koe, npopoK EpeMuja cKpmun rnuHeH cag Kora ro npopeKHyBan ypuBaaeTo Ha EpycanuM.54 HacnpoTu oBue onpaBgyBaaa, jacHo e geKa ^urypuTe Ha repMaH (oco6eHo ^a-nycougHHTe og Byrapuja), He Mo^ene u3BopHo ga ro npuKa^yBaaT xpucTujaHcKuoT cBeTHTen Cb. repMaH, co orneg Ha HuBHaTa ronoTuja u npuKa^aHuTe (na gypu u npegu-MeH3uoHupaHu) nonoBH opraHu. MHory e noBepojaTHa Mo^HocTa geKa cTaHyBa 36op 3a naraHcKu nuK Koj ce H3egHanun co oBoj cBeTuTen (a nocpegHo u co Cb. EpeMuja), nopagu cnuHHocTa Ha HuBHuTe HMuaa u 6nucKocTa Ha TepMuHuTe bo kou ce cnaBen hubhuot geH (Cb. repMaH - Mery 12 u 25 Maj; Cb. EpeMuja - Mery 1 u 14 Maj). Bo ocho-BaTa Ha uMeTo repMaH ne^u KopeHoT germ / herm,Koj KOHH^HgHpa co craporpHKoTo (a BepojaTHo u cTapo6anKaHcKoTo u HHgoeBponcKo) herma, co 3Haneae Ha ^anyc, mTo e bo jacHa pena^Hja co HarnaceHHTe nonoBH aTpu6yTH Ha npuKa^aHHTe ^urypuHH. Ha npB norneg, oBue otu^hocth, bo pena^Hja co xeneHcKuoT XepMec, ynaTyBaaT Ha aH-THHKaTa unu cTapo6anKaHcKaTa reHe3a Ha repMaH.55 OBaa xunoTe3a ja penaTHBH3upa ^aKToT mTo nuK, cnuneH Ha repMaH e eBugeHTupaH u Kaj McToHHHTe CnoBeHH (u3pa6o-TyBaH bo Bug Ha KyKna, og rnuHa, og opraHcKH MaTepujanu unu KaKo MacKupaH TOBeK - ynecHHK bo nponeTHHTe o6pegu). ro hoch HMeTo Japuno, bo Koe e hcto TaKa cogp^aH gen, ogHocHo BapujaHTa Ha cnoMHaTuoT KopeH (¿ep - xep - jep - jap), eBugeHTupaH u bo HeKonKy naraHocnoBeHcKH TeoHHMH (repoBum, JapoBum, Japyn), noTBpgeHH bo cpegHo-BeKoBHHTe numaHH H3Bopu koh ce ogHecyBaaT Ha 3anagHHTe u McToHHHTe CnoBeHH. M Kaj nocnegHHBe HMuaa, Mo^e ga ce HaceTH MamKuoT T.e. HTH^anuHKH acneKT, u Toa bo pena^HjaTa co KopeHoT jap, npucyTeH KaKo npoKpeaTHBeH / eHepreTcKH eneMeHT bo Tpu c^epu: - ^HBoTHHcKaTa (jape- TOBeKoBaTa (japaH, Mnag, jyHaK; japocm - raeB, Bo36yga); - MaKpoKocMHHKaTa (japa KaKo neTo, T.e. Tonon, nnogeH nepuog og roguHaTa). TyKa, og ^yH^uoHaneH u KaneHgapcKH acneKT, go6po ce BKnonyBa u Cb. Teopruj / Cb. Jypuj.56 Ha pena^HjaTa Mery nuKoT repMaH u „HoBeneTo", ynaTyBaaT u HeKou gpyru hhb-hh ^yH^uu mTo Ke 6ugaT o6pa6oTeHH bo paMKHTe Ha cnegHuoT - KocMonomKH acneKT og ceMuoTHKaTa Ha ^pe^HaTa u BpmHHKoT. MaKo bo TeoHHMHTe Ha HHgoeBponcKHTe mhtckh nuKoBH co HaBegeHHTe MamKH u HTH^anuHKH o6ene»:ja e necTo cogp^aH KopeHoT co 3Haneae HoBeK, uaM, hh ce hhhh noBepojaTHo geKa Ha3HBoT „TOBene" 3a6ene^eH bo cenaTa og CKoncKa ^Ha ropa HMa go^He^HO noTeKno u HacTaHan KaKo nnog Ha 3a6paHaTa ga ce H3roBaTa bhcthhckoto 54 3a npa3HHKoT h pena^HHTe co npou3BogcTBoTo Ha ^pe^HH: M. C. OununoBuh, ®eHcKa KepaMHKa ... , 130 - 135; fl. MapuHoB, HapogHa ... , 623 - 627; co^eTo, 3a npa3HHKoT „EpeMuja", co npuno^em nuTepaTypa: CnaBaHcKue gpeBHocTH ... 2, 390 - 392; npegaHueTo 3a npopoK EpeMuja: M. Mojcuh, O H3pagu ... , 48. 55 Bo oBaa cMucna, a bo pena^Hja co TepMHHoT npuHuna, KaKo Ha3HB 3a KBa^coT, e HHTepecHo h rp^KoTo eppa - bo 3Ha^eae Ha npuHuna (y3poK), u3Bop Ha Hemmo, bo cny^ajoB - bo BpcKa co MamKHTe acneKTH Ha oBoj KopeH cogp^aHH h bo TeoHHMoT XepMec (Eppyí). MHTepecHH ce h HeKonKy aHrnucKH 36opoBH co KopeHoT germ, koh o3Ha^yBaaT ,pKyne^ unu nocpegHo - eMÓpuoH, onnogyBaae, HHKHyBaae. 56 nogeTanHo 3a oBa: C. H. Koctobt., KynTtTT. ... , 114 - 115, 122, 123; H. Haycuguc, MuTcKHTe ... , 364 - 370, 446 - 453. 3a pena^HHTe Mery Japuno h HTancKuoT Mapc: S. Zogovic, M. Bogeski, Slicnosti ... , 9 - 12 (bo oBoj KoHTeKcT, 3acny®yBa BHHMaHue cnmHuoT KopeH Ha TeoHHMoT Japuno h oHoj Ha gpeBHorp^KuoT Apee). 3a Japuno h Cb. Jypuj: B. B. MBaHoB, B. H. TonopoB, MccnegoBaHua ... , 180 - 216. 116 Hukoc Haycuduc, ropdaH Hukohqb UMe Ha npuKamaHuoT caKpanM3MpaH nMK. HajBepojaTHo Taa ce cnynuna nog BnujaHue Ha xpMCTMjaHCTBOTo.MomeÓM npegM3MBMKaHo,HajnpBo co M3egHaHyBaaeTo Ha M3B0pHM0T TeoHMM Ha oBoj mmtckm nMK co MMeTo Ha cBeTMTenoT repMaH, a noToa m nopagu Hecno-MBocTa Ha HeroBMoT BynrapeH M3rneg co npeTcTaBMTe 3a oBoj cBeTMTen. npucycTBoTo Ha mctmob nMK m TeoHMM bo o6pegHoTo npoM3BogcTBo Ha ^pe^HMTe, npegM3BMKano HgeHTH^HKa^Hja co Cb. EpeMuja - egeH gpyr cBeTMTen que MMe m geH Ha npa3HyBaae, mcto TaKa ce noKnonyBane co oHMe Ha MamKMoT MTM^anuHKU 6or. 3. ^enHaTa u BpmHMKOT KaKO kocmoc Cnopeg MaTepujanoT og Koj ce M3pa6oTyBa (rnMHa), ^pe^HaTa ja npeTcTaByBa m 3acTanyBa 3eMjaTa, c^aTeHa KaKo kocmmhkm eneMeHT m KocMMHKa 3oHa. npocTopHM-ot acneKT Ha ^pe^HaTa, Ha MomHe eneMeHTapHo hubo ro ogpa3yBa m Hej3MHMoT Ha-3mb no^Hu^a /T.I:4-6/, KaKo m Ha3MBoT epwHUK Koj ce ogHecyBan Ha gpyruoT cag co Koj Taa ce noKnonyBana /T.I:1-3/. TepMMHoT noduu^a, goara og nod Koj bo cnoBeHcKM-Te ja3M^M ce KopucTM KaKo npegnor 3a o3HanyBaae Ha HemTo mTo e cTaBeHo oggony (npacn. *pad'b, *pada), noToa KaKo o3HaKa 3a no^Ba, 3eMja, TepuTopuja (nem. púda, cno-Ban. poda) m KaKo goneH gen T.e. gHo Ha HemTo (nod T.e. namoc Ha KyKa, ne^Ka m th.). nocnegHoBo 3Haneae go6uBa onpaBgyBaae bo gBa acneKTM. npBMoT e cMM6onMHKaTa MgeHTM^MKa^Mja Ha KyKaTa m MaKpoKocMocoT (npucyTHa bo noBeKeTo apxaMHHM Kyn-Typu Ha ^naTa nnaHeTa), npu mTo KyKHMoT nog ce M3egHanyBa co 3eMjaTa, a noKpu-bot - co He6oTo. MgeHTM^MKa^MjaTa nog = 3eMja go6uBa bo 3Haneae m co orneg Ha ^aKToT mTo nogoBMTe Ha apxaMHHMTe cnoBeHcKM m 6anKaHcKM KyKu HajnecTo HeMane o6nora, ogHocHo - ^aKTMHKM 6une M3egHaneHM co caMaTa no^Ba, unu naK 6une M3pa6o-TyBaHM og gpyru MaTepujanu (gpBo, KaMeH), ho npeMa^KaHM co rnMHa T.e. 3eMja (cpn. m xpB. podnica - gacKa co Koja e HemTo nonogeHo / naTocaHo). Og gpyra cTpaHa, Ha-3mbot BpmnuK npeTcTaByBa M3BegeHKa og MMeHKaTa BpB (npacn. *v^rch^), KojamTo bo o^o3M^Mja co nod o3HanyBa HemTo mTo e Hajrope, T.e. HajBMcoKo.57 CoceM eKc^HM^MTHo, cMM6onMHKaTa pena^Mja ,^penHa = 3eMHo hubo Ha Bcene-HaTa", „BpmHMK = He6o", ja ogpa3yBaaT HeKou npuKa3HM, npegaHuja, raTaHKM m ^pa3M, 3anyBaHM bo jy^HocnoBeHcKuoT ^onKnop. Bo egHa TaKBa npuKa3Ha, oBaa MaKpoKoc-MMHKa npocTopHa cTpyKTypa e peanu3upaHa bo Bug Ha KocMoroHMcKM mmt: „Kora ja HanpaBMn rocnog 3eMaaTa, conpBo 6una nnocKaTa. nocne HanpaBMn He-6oto m Knan Ha 3eMaaTa 3ropa KaKo BpmHMK Hag ^pe^Ha. Kora Bugen (...), 3eMaaBa 6una noroneMa og He6oTo. flyMan gyMan m M3gyMan. Ja BaTMn co o6eTe pa^ 3eMaaTa m ja npuTMcHan og cMTe cTpaHM 3a ga ja 36epu, ga gojgMT TpKanecTa. Ja npuTucHan og egHa cTpaHa, a og gpyraTa cTpaHa ro Knan He6oTo 3ropa; gomno TaMaM m ro cTaBMn KaKo mTo cu ro rnegaMe cera Hag Hac."58 57 C. flaBKüBa - foprueBa, Og MaKegoHcKaTa ... , 311,312. 3a cMMÓonmKaTa pena^Mja „KyKa = MaKpoKocMoc" m „nog = 3eMHo hubo Ha BceneHaTa": H. Haycuguc, KyKaTa ... . 58 ^MTaT: E. Ha^a3aHoBcKM, MaKegoHcKMTe ... , 43, 44. Bugu m: M. TeoprueBa BtnrapcKa ... , 13; M. Teoprae-Ba, HapogeH ... , 458, 460; M. BeHoBcKa-GtÓKoBa, 3MeaT ... , 146, 147. TnoóanHo 3a oBoj kocmmhkm Mogen: T. B. ^MBbaH, flBM^eHMe ... , 25-30. 3HaneaeTo Ha kocmoc ro hocm m nMTaTa (A. KanoaHoB, CTapoótn-rapcKoTo ... , 208). M bo XMHgyucTM^KaTa KynTypa, TaBaTa MMa aHanorHo KocMonomKo 3Ha^eae (r. KepHc, Ouno3o^uja ... , 65). TeHepanHo 3a oBoj Tun npeTcTaBM Ha BceneHaTa: H. Haycuguc, KocMonomKM ... , 19, 26, 27, 318. 117 ^pe^Ha u BpmHUK. MuxonomKo - ceMuoxu^Ka aHanu3a McTaTa pena^uja UM^nu^UTH0 ja ogpa3yBa u ^pa3aTa „»emKo, KaKo nog BpmHUK", Koja 03HanyBa ucKnynuTenHo Tonno BpeMe.59 O6aTa eneMeHTu og oBoj Mogen,penpe3eHTupaaT npeTcTaBu 3a KpyxHUTe pa6oBu Ha cBeT0T. Pena^ujaTa e coBpmeHa u Ha hubo Ha MaTepujanuTe, na gypu u Ha peanHu-Te ^yH^uu Ha ceKoj og eneMeHTUTe mT0 ro conuHyBaaT oBoj cucTeM 3a n0gr0T0BKa Ha xpaHa. ^enHaTa - 3eMja e u3pa6oTeHa og rnuHa (= 3eMja), npu mT0 u peanHo, bo cucTeM0T ynecTByBa bo KoHTeKcT Ha xeHcKuoT ^puH^u^ (ro npuMa u „hocu" bo ce6e MaTepujanH0T0 T.e TecT0T0),H0 ucto TaKa My o6e36egyBa pacT u ycoBpmyBaae (neneae Ha ne6oT,mTo cuM6onunKu uHTep^epupa co pacT0T u pa3BojoT Ha geTeTo bo MajnuHaTa yTpo6a unu Ha pacTeHujaTa bo 3eMjaTa). BpmHUK0T - He6o, noKpaj KepaMUKaTa, ce U3pa-6oTyBan u og MeTanu (cnopeg MUTcKUTe npeTcTaBu = He6ecKu eneMeHTu), a Ha ropHaTa KocMunKa 30Ha anygupa He caMo co cBojoT nonyc^epuneH o6nuK, TyKy u co Toa mT0, bo peanHaTa ^yH^uja Ha cucTeM0T ynecTByBa npeKy 3paneaeT0 Ha eHepreTcKaTa K0Mn0-HeHTa (MamKu ^puH^u^), ogHocHo TonnuHaTa Koja goaf a og xapTa nocTaBeHa Hag Hero (= coh^ u gpyru He6ecKu nojaBu). HajcTapaTa MaHU^ecTa^uja Ha oBoj mutcku Mogen Mo»eMe ga ja ugeHTu^uKyBa-Me bo purBegcKUTe xumhu, bo kou kocmocot e npeTcTaBeH npeKy gBa caga, cBpTeHu co oTBopuTe egeH koh gpyr /cnopedu T.VI:1/.60 Bo HeKou 6anKaHcKu nogpanja (Ha npuMep bo CTur, McTonHa Cp6uja),HaMecT0 bo ^pe^Ha, ne6oT ce nenen Ha neTBpTecTa nnona BKonaHa bo nogoT Ha KyKaTa, noKpaj or-HumTeTo. Taa ce u3pa6oTyBana og KaMeH unu og HeneneHa rnuHa, co guMeH3uu HemTo noManu og MeTap u ge6enuHa og 5-6 cm).61 HeTBpTecTaTa ^opMa Ha 0Bue nnonu, cor-negaHa og KocMonomKu acneKT, uHTep^epupa co npeTcTaBUTe 3a neTBpTecTuoT o6nuK Ha 3eMjaTa, npu mT0, bo K0M6uHa^uja co nonyc^epunHuoT BpmHUK, nocTaBeH Hag Hea, go6po 6u ce BKnonyBan bo Ky6unHo-nonyc^epunHuoT Mogen Ha BceneHaTa /cnopedu ja peKoncmpy^ujama na T.VI:11 co KocMonomKume Modenu 2,6,10/.62 a) BpmHUK - He6o BpmHUK0T e egeH Bug MacuBeH KanaK Ha ^pe^HaTa, Koj uMa nonyc^epunHa unu KoHycecTa ^opMa (u TexuHa go 25 kg). KaKo u ^pe^HaTa ce u3pa6oTyBan og neneHa unu cymeHa rnuHa, co ge6enu sugoBu, kou Ha BpB0T ^opMupane munecT unu 3apaMHeT BpB. TyKa ce Haof an TyHenecT oTBop unu HaneneHa gpxanKa,npeKy Koja ycBUTeHU0T BpmHUK ce ^aKan co HeKaKBa KyKa u ce noguran og orHumTeTo /T.I:1-3/. KaKo u ^pe^HUTe, ce u3pa6oTyBan Tpagu^uoHanH0 - bo KpyroT Ha xeHcKUTe 06pegH0-np0U3B0TcTBeHu aK-tubhoctu, a HeKage u og cTpaHa Ha npo^ecuoHanHu 3aHaeTnuu. no npBaTa cBeTcKa BojHa, rnuHeHUTe BpmHU^u rnaBHo npecTaHane ga ce KopucTaT, no mT0 6une 3aMeHe-Tu co MeTanHu (npeg cé og xene3o). Bo CKoncKo u MapuoBo (P. MaKegoHuja) u nocne BTopaTa cBeTcKa BojHa, rnuHeHUTe BpmHU^u cé ymTe 6une bo ynoTpe6a. MMa nogpanja, Kage ne6oT He ce cTaBan bo ^pe^Ha, TyKy ce nenen caMo nog rnuHeH BpmHUK.63 59 3. MyprocKu, PenHUK Ha MaKeg. ... , (BpmHUK). 60 H. B. BparuHcKaa, He6o ... , 207. 61 n. ® nexpoBuh, O HapogHoj ... , 31,32, Cn. 15. 62 3a KyóunHo-nonyc^epunHuox Mogen Ha BceneHaTa: H. Haycuguc, KocMonomKu ... , 32 - 35. 63 HeKage, HaMecxo egHa gpmKa, BpmHUKox uMan nexupu gynKu unu gBe cxpaHunHu gp»anKu HU3 kou 6una npoBneneHa »u^ (n. ToMuh, ^eny^e ... , 45 - 52). 118 Hukoc Haycuduc, ropdaH Hukohqb Bo HeKou peruoHu, ropHaTa cTpaHa Ha BpmHU^UTe ce yKpacyBana co koh^ht-punHu KpyroBu, B^pTaHU co npcT bo cBexaTa rnuHa IT.I:1; T.VI:11I. BpmHU^UTe U3-pa6oTyBaHu og 3aHaeTnuuTe, ucto TaKa 6une gononHeTu co KOH^mpunHu KpyroBu, ho oBoj naT, ucnaKHaTu bo Bug Ha pe6pa, kou uMane u cBoja ^yH^uja - ga ja 3agpxaT xapTa u nenenTa mTo Ha hub ce Ha^pnane.64 BpexaHUTe KOH^HTpunHu KpyroBu, co orneg Ha hubhuot He^yH^uoHaneH KapaKTep, bo pena^uja co He6ecKOTo 3Haneae Ha BpmHUKOT, 6u Moxene ga ce npoTonKyBaaT KaKo uKOHorpa^cKu eneMeHTu. KoHKpeT-Ho, 6u cTaHyBano 36op 3a o3HaKu Ha pacnneHeTocTa Ha „He6ecKaTa KanoTa" Ha noBeKe 3OHU, ogHocHo noBeKe „He6a", HapegeHu egHo Hag gpyro, mTo e go6po noTBpgeHo bo jyxHocnoBeHcKUTe HapogHu Tpagu^uu, ho u rno6anHo bo cBeTcKu paMKu Icnopedu T.VI:11 co uôeanHume Moôenu 3,4I. AHanorHo pacnneHyBaae Ha He6oTo bo koh^ht-punHu KpyroBu ce cnegu u bo 6pojHu gBoguMeH3uoHanHu nuKOBHu npeTcTaBu, og npegucTopujaTa, cTapuoT u cpegHuoT BeK IT.VI:5,7-91.65 - BpmHMKOT KaKo Kana u nymna og ja^ Ha BanKaHOT ce 3anyBaHu npegaHuja bo kou BpmHUKOT e npeTcTaBeH KaKo „faBonoBa Kana". Motubot Ha BpmHUK Koj e cTaBeH Ha rnaBa e 3a6enexeH u bo Hapog-HUTe necHu og MaKegoHuja („ ... Ta y3ea ropeH BpmHUK, I Ta Knage Ha rnaBaTa"; „ ... Ha pa^u My Tue nyTu c^u^u, I Ha rnaBa My yropeH BpmHUK").66 3eMajKu ja npegBug eKBUBa-neHTHocTa Ha ^pe^HaTa u gexaTa, bo oBaa cMucna Moxe ga 6uge uHTepeceH uctohhoc-noBeHcKuoT o6unaj, bo HeKou npurogu, Hag gexaTa ga ce cTaBa MamKa Kana. KoHenHo, bo npunor Ha oBaa cuM6onunKa pena^uja ogu u ^pa3aTa „nog He6ecKaTa Kana", go6po no3HaTa bo noBeKe cnoBeHcKu ja3u^u, KaKo eKBUBaneHT 3a He6ecKuoT cBog T.e. Kynona. OBue geTanu hu gaBaaT npunuHa, u bo TonKyBaaeTo Ha BpmHUKOT ga ro BKnynuMe mutckuot repMaH. M oBoj nuK, cnopeg npegaHujaTa u u3rnegoT Ha HeroBUTe ^urypu, 6un 3aMucnyBaH co Kana Ha rnaBaTa u Toa HajnecTo nonyc^epunHa IT.IV:2,3,9,10; T. V:9I. Cnopeg HeKou noKanHu TonKyBaaa, „KanaTa" Ha repMaH, HanpaBeHa og napne ^pHO oBno Kp3Ho, ce u3egHanyBana co o6na^UTe (o6na^u = He6o). Bo ogpegeHu peruoHu, ^urypaTa Ha repMaH 6una gononHyBaHa co Kana, HanpaBeHa og nymna Ha BenurgeHcKo jaj^ (HeKage KOHKpeTHo - og npBOTo npa3HunHo BenurgeHcKo ja^).67 nocnegHuoB eneMeHT UM^nu^upa pena^uu co KocMoroHucKUTe mutobu, u KOHKpeTHo - oHue bo kou cBeTOT ce co3gaBa og jaj^, npu mTo ropHaTa nonoBUHa og jaj^BaTa nymna ce u3egHanyBa co He6ecKuoT cBog, gogeKa gonHaTa - co HuXHUTe 3ohu Ha BceneHaTa Icnopedu T.VI:1I. OaKTOT mTo ropHaTa nonoBUHa Ha nymnaTa (= He6o) ctou Ha rnaBaTa Ha repMaH, UM^nu^upa MoXHa pena^uja co egHa KaTeropuja kocmo-roHucKu mutobu bo kou, bo HepacnneHeTaTa xaoTunHa BceneHa (bo HamuoT cnynaj npeTcTaBeHa KaKo jaj^) ce 3anHyBa mutcko cymTecTBo, Koe npeKy cBoeTo eHopMHo pacTeae ru noTucHyBa, pa3gBojyBa u ogganenyBa gBeTe HeroBu nonoBUHu (= nono-BUHKU og jaj^BaTa nymna), npu mTo gonHaTa ocTaHyBa nog HeroBUTe HO3e (3eMja), 64 n. ToMuh, ^eny^e ... , 47, 50. 65 3a pacnneHyBaaeTo Ha He6oTo u OBue npuMepu: H. Haycuguc, KocMonomKu ... , 58, 59, 324, 325. 66 3a „faBonoBaTa Kana": n. ToMuh, ^pe^y^e ... , 43; 3a MaKegoHcKUTe necHu: C. flaBKOBa - foprueBa, Og Ma-KegoHcKaTa ... , 312. 67 3a KanaTa u Hej3UHOTo u3egHanyBaae co o6na^UTe: H. Mukob, AHTponoMop^Ha ... , 189, 190; 3a KanaTa og nymna Ha ja^e u Hej3UHUTe 3Haneaa: M. BeHOBcKa, CTmHocT ... , 240, 241; C. H. Koctobt, KynTTTT ... , 108. 119 ^pe^Ha u BpmHUK. MuxonomKo - ceMuoxu^Ka aHanu3a gogeKa ropHaTa - Hag HeroBaTa rnaBa (He6o). Bo HajapxauHHMTe BaKBM mmtobm, oBaa ^yH^uja ja ocTBapyBa npuMopgujanHuoT nuK co o6enexja Ha MaKpoKocMMHKM yuH, Koj Mery gpyroTo ja cuM6onu3upa u ocKaTa, ogHocHo cTon6oT Ha cBeToT. Bo KMHecKMTe KocMoroHucKM mmtobm, oBaa ^yH^uja My e gogeneHa Ha npeonpeóoKom (^aw-^y) Koj Ha MucTuneH HaHMH ce 3aHHan bo npa-xaocoT, npeTcTaBeH npeKy kocmmhkoto jaj^. Ot-KaKo ro pacnyKan, ce nocTaBun Mery HeroBMTe genoBM (3eMjaTa u He6oTo) u 3anoHHan ga pacTe (ceKoj geH no 2 MeTpu), TaKa mTo bo TeKoT Ha 18.000 roguHM, M3pacHan bo bm-coHMHa og 50.000 km (cnopeg KMHecKMTe npeTcTaBM, Toa e pacTojaHueTo Mery 3eMjaTa u He6oTo). Bo gpeBHouHgucKuoT mmt, Mnópa - oTKaKo ucnuBa coMa, pacTe go ruraH-tckm pa3Mepu, noTucHyBajKu ru He6oTo u 3eMjaTa - egHo HacnpoTM gpyro. M bo xe-TMTcKMTe mmtobm, gMCTaH^MpafteTo Ha 3eMjaTa u He6oTo ce ocTBapyBa cy^ecuBHo, co pacTeaeTo Ha mmtckmot nuK yóenypu. flpeBHorpHKuoT naHgaH Ha oBue nuKoBM e Epoc (bo Huj TeoHMM e cogpxaH rope o6pa6oTeHuoT KopeH xep / ^ep / jap), pogeH mcto TaKa bo npuMopgujanHoTo ja^ og Huja nymna Ke ce co3gage He6oTo u 3eMjaTa.68 OBoj mmt Moxe ga ce 6apa bo MKoHorpa^cKMTe motmbm og mapaHMTe BenurgeHcKM jaj^ og yKpa-MHa u Byrapuja /T.V:6,7/. CTaHyBa 36op 3a aHTponoMop^HM ^urypu kom ce npoTeraaT no HagonxHaTa ocKa Ha jaj^To,npu mTo, bo yKpauHcKuoT npuMep /T. V:7/, cnoMHaTuoT mmt Moxe ga e KogupaH bo 3paHecraTa rnaBa Ha oBoj nuK (= coh^) m HeroBuoT Ha3MB „nroguHa" (= HoBeHumTe / yuH?), gogeKa bo 6yrapcKuoT /T. V:6/, bo gBaTa npeKpcTeHM Kpyra nocTaBeHM Hag rnaBaTa u nog Ho3eTe Ha ^urypaTa (= He6o u 3eMja?).69 6) CMM6OHM Ha „^HTapoT Ha CBeTOT" u Ha „KocMM^KaTa ocKa" npu egeH BaKoB KocMonomKM norneg koh ^pe^HaTa u BpmHMKoT, KnMHe^oT, Koj He TaKa peTKo ce 3a6ogyBan bo ^HTapoT Ha ^pe^HaTa, ro go6uBa 3HaHeaeTo Ha ocKa u cTon6 Ha cBeToT,Koj bo gpeBHMTe u apxauHHM mmtckm cucTeMM ce nojaByBa bo ^yH^uja Ha npugpxyBan Ha He6oTo u ocKa no Koja ce ogBMBa KOMyHMKa^MjaTa Mery KocMMHKMTe 3ohm. TaKa, Kaj HapoguTe og EBpoa3uja (oco6eHo Hej3MHMTe ceBepHM genoBu), ce 3a6e-nexeHM BepyBaaa geKa KpyxHoTo He6o poTupa oKony roneM KnuHe^ nocTaBeH KaKo ^HTpanHa ocKa bo BceneHaTa, HajnecTo M3egHaneH co nonapHaTa SBe3ga u co „nano-kot Ha cBeToT". Bo upaHcKaTa MMTonoruja, Taa ce HapeKyBana „Mex-u Majan acMan" („KnMHe^ bo cpeguHaTa Ha He6oTo"). TaKBM BepyBaaa, Mery gpyroTo ce 3a6enexeHM u bo noncKa.70 OBoj aKcujaneH cuM6on, HecTo ce MaHM^ecTupa u bo ^MToMop^M3upaH o6nuK - KaKo Kocmmhko gpBo. Bo cnyHajoT co ^pe^HMTe, oBaa BapujaHTa Moxena eBeH-TyanHo ga 6uge KogupaHa npeKy KMTKaTa og 6ocuneK unu gpyru pacTeHuja (na u nepgy-bot), 3a6ogyBaHM bo ^HTapoT Ha ^pe^HaTa, nopagu MarucKM npuHMHM /T.l:4/. no3Ha-tm hm ce u npuMepu Kage motmb Ha cTunu3upaHo gpBo 6un BpexyBaH bo caMaTa ^pe^Ha /T.l:14/.71 AKcujanHoTo Kogupaae Moxe ga ce ugeHTM^MKyBa u bo B^pTyBafteTO KpcT Ha gHoTo og ^pe^HaTa /T.l:4,9/ u ^ktot mTo npuKaxaHMTe npegMeTM ce Ha6ogyBane 68 3a KUHecKU0T: fl. Eogge, Mh^h ... , 383, 384, 388; B. E. HaprneB, CKynbmypa ... , 40-42; 3a yóenypu: r. r. rioTepóoK, XeTTCKaa ... , 188; 3a HHgucKuoT npuMep: R. Cavendish, T. O. Ling, Mitologija ... , 26. 3a Epoc: fl. CpejoBuh, A. ^pMaHOBuh, PenHHK ... , 145,146. OnmTO 3a OBue mhtobh: H. Haycuguc, KocMuonomKH ... , 21, 364, 365. M rp^KHTe fluocKypu ce paraaT og jaj^. 69 3a KocMonomKHTe HKoHorpa^cKu mothbh Ha mapaHHTe jaj^a: Hhkoc Haycuguc, KocMonomKH ... , 87 - 89. 70 M. flpe3geH, Mu^onoraa ... , 344; CnaBaHCKue gpeBHocTH ... 2, 118, 494; 71 M. C. OununoBuh, ®eHCKa KepaMHKa ... , 24 - Cn.15. 120 Hukoc Haycuduc, ropdaH Hukohqb ToKMy Ha npeceKoT Ha HeroBuTe Kpa^u. HacnpoTu xpucTujaHcKuTe any3uu, Mo^eMe ga 6ugeMe curypHu geKa B^pTyBafteTO KpcT Ha gHoTo, uMano KapaKTep Ha huh Ha npoc-TopHo ge^uHupaae u K0CMU3a^uja Ha ^pe^HaTa, ogHocHo u3egHanyBaae co 3eMjaTa u o3HanyBaae Ha neTupuTe cTpaHu Ha 3eMjaTa T.e. cBeTOT /T.I:4,9 cnopedu co T.VI:4/. BTopaTa npunuHa 6una, npeKy nocTaByBaaeTo Ha OBue xopu3OHTanHu HacoKu, ga ce onpegenu ^nmapom na ^ennama u Toj ga ce noucTOBeTu co ^nmapom na 3eMjama, oónocno ceemom.72 He cTaHyBa 36op 3a ancrpaKTeH nouM, TyKy 3a eneMeHT Koj bo pa3-hu KynTypu, ce u3egHanyBan co peanHu unu 3aMucneHu o6jeKTu (jaMa, nemTepa, 6yHap, 6e3gHa ...). Oco6eHo MOKHa bo oBaa cMucna 6una cuM6onu^KaTa ugeHTu^uKa^uja Ha ^eHTapoT Ha 3eMjaTa co yTpo6aTa Ha Bo»:u^Ta - 3eMja, Hej3uHaTa MaTKa unu ymTe no-KOHKpeTHo - co BynBaTa, c^aTeHa KaKo BugnuB oTBop og Koj npou3neryBaaT 6narogaTu-Te mTo ru para 3eMjaTa, ho u oTBop Koj Bogu bo nog3MjeTo, ru ronTa ^0K0jHu^uTe u ceTo oHa mTo e ^pTByBaHo bo Hej3uHa necT.73 BaKBOTo 3Haneae Ha ^HTpanHaTa gnanKa bo ^pe^HaTa, ce cnegu u bo nocTapuTe enoxu. Bo HeonuTcKuoT nepuog, Ha BanKaHOT ce cpeKaBaaT cagoBu (oco6eHo nexapu), bo nuja namKa, Ha gHoTo e o3HaneH ^HTapoT, bo Bug Ha Mano Bgna6nyBaae. M bo aH-TuKaTa ce no3HaTu nnuTKu cagoBu (^ujanu), co u3BopHo KynTHa HaMeHa, Ha kou 6un o3HaneH ^HTapoT (oM^anoc), oBoj naT onpegenyBaH KaKo „nanoK".74 ^HTpanHuoT ot-Bop Ha ^pe^HaTa, bo pena^uja co ucnannyBaaeTo mTo Toj ro ^opMupa Ha ne6oT (Hape-KyBaH „nanoK"), cornegaH og MaKpoKocMu^Ku acneKT uHTep^epupa co ymTe egeH mut-cku eneMeHT - „nanoKOT Ha cBeTOT", c^aTeH KaKo caKpanu3upaH ^HTap Ha BceneHaTa (o3HanyBaH co cBeTu KaMeaa, cBeTu ctoh6obu), npeKy Koj ce ocTBapyBa K0MyHUKa^uja Mery 3eMjaTa, He6oTo u nog3eMjeTo, Mery nyreTo u 6oroBuTe. npucyTeH e bo pa3Hu KynTypu: - Kaj CeMuTcKuTe Hapogu Toa e Bemun - cBeT KaMeH, nonuTyBaH Kaj EBpeuTe u Kaj ApanuTe, ymTe npeg npopoKOT; - Kaj aHTu^KuTe ^p^u, Toa e oM$anoc - nanoKOT Ha cBeTOT, no^upaH bo cpegumTeTo Ha 3eMjaTa (o3HaneH co 6en KaMeH, nocTaBeH bo cBeTunumTeTo flen^u), 3a Koj ce Bp3yBan u oTBop mTo Bogen bo nog3eMjeTo; - cnu^Hu KynTHu o6jeKTu nocToene u Kaj PuMjaHuTe (Umbilicus mundi), ErunKaHuTe (Benóen) u Kaj KenTuTe. Bo BegcKuTe Tpagu^uu, nanoKOT Ha cBeTOT e npucyTeH bo MuTOBuTe u o6peguTe. Bp3 „nanoKOT Ha Heco3gageHuoT" ce Haora „'pKyne^0T Ha cBeTOBuTe". Og nanoKOT Ha BumHy, neraaT Ha npBo6uTHuoT oKeaH, HuKHyBa noTocoT, KaKo cum6oh Ha MaHu^ecTupaHuoT yHuBep3yM. Bo BegcKuTe o6pegu, Toj ce MaHu^ecTupa npeKy npaK-TuKaTa, cBeTuoT oraH u ^pTBeHuKOT ga ce nocTaByBaaT Ha cum6ohuhkuot „nanoK Ha cBeTOT", Koj bo BpeMeHcKa cMucna ro cuM6onu3upa„noneTOKOT Ha BceneHaTa". nanoKOT uMa roneMo 3Haneae u bo jorucTu^KuTe TexHuKu, KaKo TOHKa Ha ugeHTu^uKa^uja Mery MaKpoKocMocoT u MuKpoKocMocoT (caMuoT joruH). Kaj ceBepHuTe Hapogu, „nanoKOT Ha cBeTOT" ce Bp3yBa 3a nonapHaTa SBe3ga, Koja u peanHo ce go^uByBa KaKo „nanoK Ha He6oTo" (^HTpanHa HenogBu^Ha 3Be3ga, oKony Koja poTupaaT gpyruTe cosBe3guja).75 KaKo mTo BugoBMe, KnuHe^T 3a6ogeH bo ^HTapoT Ha ^pe^HaTa Mo«e ga uMa gBe 3Haneaa: 72 H. Haycuguc, KocMonomKu ... , 17, 18, 22, 23, 102 - 107. 73 H. Haycuguc, KocMonomKU ... , 39, 57, 58, 78, 96, 99, 107, 205, 227. 74 3a HeonMTCKMTe nexapu: fl. 3gpaBKOBCKu, CpegeH ... , 104, 141; 3a aHTOTHUTe cagoBu: M. Mapa30B, Xygo^e-cTBeHu ... , 143. 75 J. Chevalier, A. Gheerbrant, Rjecnik ... , 37,38, 454,455; Mu^bi Hap. ... T. 2, 350. 121 ^pe^Ha u BpmHUK. MuTonomKo - ceMuoTUHKa aHanu3a - ®anyc Ha npuKaxaHaTa ^urypa - CTon6 Ha Koj e nocTaBeHa ^urypaTa Og hub npou3neryBaaT gBa koh^otu Ha KocMonomKaTa cuM6onuKa Ha ^pe^HaTa, K0U Ke ru npeTCTaBUMe bo HapegHUTe nacycu. b) MamKMOT hmk (= „qoBeqeTo"), bo xweporaMMja co MajKaTa-3eMja (= ^enHa) KaKo mT0 BeKe peK0BMe, cnopeg npB0T0 3HaHeae, KnuHe^T ro cuM6onu3upa ^anycoT Ha npuKaxaHuoT MamKu nuK, Koj co BpB0T npogupa bo ^pe^HaTa, ogHocHo bo oTBopoT BTucHaT bo Hej3UHU0T ^HTap, mTo ja cuM6onu3upa BynBaTa Ha MajKaTa-3eMja. Bo egeH BaK0B KoHTeKCT, ^nuoT o6peg Ha u3pa6oTKa Ha ^pe^HaTa, Hej3UH0T0 npeKpcTyBaae, 03HaHyBaaeT0 Ha ^HTapoT u ocKaTa, KaKo u nocTaByBaaeTo Ha ^u-rypaTa Bp3 Hea, Mo»e ga hocu jacHu o6enexja Ha KocMoroHuja, Koja ^uHumupa co xueporaMuja Mery „H0BeHeT0" (He6o) u ^pe^HaTa (= 3eMja): - Meceae Ha rnuHaTa = npuMopgujaneH xaoc; Memaae Ha npaeneMeHTUTe (3eMja u Boga). - Mogenupaae Ha ^pe^HaTa = co3gaBaae Ha 3eMjaTa,onpegenyBaae Ha Hej3UHUTe pa6oBu. - npeKpcTyBaae Ha ^pe^HaTa = opueHTa^uja, onpegenyBaae Ha cTpaHUTe Ha 3eMjaTa T.e. cBeT0T. - nocTaByBaae Ha KnuHe^T unu HeKoj gpyr BepTUKaneH eneMeHT bo ^rnpan-HU0T oTBop Ha ^pe^HaTa = onpegenyBaae Ha ^HTapoT Ha 3eMjaTa u nocTaByBaae Ha KocMUHKaTa ocKa. - Co3gaBaae Ha MamKuoT nuK og uctuot MaTepujan = co3gaBaae Ha cuhot u con-pyroT Ha MajKaTa-3eMja. - 3a6ogyBaae Ha KnuHe^0T co ^urypaTa, bo ^HTapoT Ha ^pe^HaTa=xueporaMuja T.e. nonoB KoHTaKT Ha MamKuoT nuK co MajKaTa - 3eMja /T.II:1/, KaKo ycnoB 3a Hej3UHaTa nnogHocT u 3a co3gaBaaeTo Ha gpyruTe kocmuhku eneMeHTu (ne6oT, xpaHaTa, H0BeK0T ...). r) MamKMOT hmk (= „qoBeqeTo") »pTByBaH Ha Kocmm^kmot ctohö (= KHMHe^T) Cnopeg BTopuoT acneKT, KnuHe^0T Ha Koj e npu^pcTeHo „H0BeHeT0", Mo»e ga ce npoTonKyBa KaKo „Cron6 Ha cBeT0T", Ha Huj BpB ce Haora npuKaxaHuoT nuK. OBaa MUTonomKa napagurMa (MamKu mutcku nuK T.e. 6oxecTBo, n0^upaH0 Ha BpB0T og koc-muhkuot cTon6 unu gpBo) e MomHe pacnpocTpaHeTa bo KpyroT Ha uHgoeBponcKUTe KynTypu u nomupoKo. ^ukot og BpB0T Ha cTon6oT unu gpB0T0 hocu HeKonKy 3HaHeaa u ^yH^uu. Bor-MegwjaTop. HajHecTo, Toa e 6or Koj K0MyHU^upa co KocMUHKUTe 30hu (3eMja - He6o, 3eMja - nog3eMje), TaKa mT0 npeHecyBa Mery hub pa3Hu eneMeHTu u nopaKu, nopagu mT0 HecTo e u3egHaHeH co maMaHUTe kou naTyBaaT HU3 KocMUHKUTe 30hu. Bo paMKUTe Ha o6pegoT repMaH (oco6eHo HeKou HeroBu,go6po goKyMeHTupaHu poMaHCKu BapujaHTu), Ha oBoj nuK jacHo My ce npenopaHyBa ga ogu Kaj 6ora u ga ro u3Monu 3a goxg („KanojeHe jeHe / Odu Ha He6omo u no6apaj / ffa ce omBopam nopmume, / ffa ce nymmam àoMÔoBume, / ffa menam KaKo peKu, / ffewe u HoKe, / ffa nopacHe nemHuHa-ma"). M bo gpyru o6pegu og cnoBeHCKuoT KoMnneKc e MomHe uHTeH3UBH0 npucyTeH 122 Hukoc Haycuduc, ropdaH Hukohqb acneKTOT Ha ucnpaKawe npamenuK na„onoj CBem".76 Bo egHa necHa og Eyrapuja Koja ce nee npeg „KonegHoTo gpBo" e npeTCTaBeHa o6paTHaTa BapujaHTa, bo Koja Toa ce u3eg-HaHyBa co Kocmuhkoto gpBo (co KopeH go 3eMja, rpaHKu go He6o) no Koe Ke cne3e Ha 3eMja „MnaguoT 6or".77 HoBopogeH 6or. Bo apxauHHuTe KynTypu, nocToen ogpegeH cTeneH Ha u3egHa-HeHocT Ha ^0K0jHu^uTe u ge^Ta (oco6eHo HepogeHuTe unu TyKymTo pogeHuTe), nopagu BepyBaaaTa geKa Tue goaraaT og „oHoj cBeT". OTTyKa, uMa npuMepu Kage oBaa KaTeropuja nuKoBu ce npuKaxyBa Ha Kocmuhkuot cTon6 bo cegeHKa no3a, Koja nopagu nogurHaTuTe u cBuTKaHu Ho3e u pa^, anygupa Ha no3aTa Ha ^eTycoT (=„3aHeToK Ha hob xubot"). BaKBaTa ^O3u^uja, HecTo KoM6uHupaHa co ^anyc bo epe^uja, ro ogpa-3yBa KapaKTepoT Ha oBoj nuK KaKo cuh Ha MajKaTa - 3eMja, ho ucToBpeMeHo u KaKo Hej3uH conpyr, na u KaKo noKojHuK (Bugu ro cnegHuoT nacyc u HaTaMy).78 M bo HeKou BapujaHTu Ha o6pegoT repMaH u Japuno, oBoj nuK e eK^nu^uTHO npeTcTaBeH KaKo mom-He unu geTe /T.IV:2,4-7/.79 Bor Koj yMupa. noBeKe o6enexja Ha nuKoBuTe og BpBoT Ha cTon6oT unu gpBoTo, hub ru u3egHanyBaaT co KaTeropujaTa„HexuBu" unu KoHKpeTHo - co ^0K0jHu^uTe kou, KaKo u maMaHuTe, ce bo cocToj6a ga ce gBuxaT hu3 KocMuHKuTe 3ohu. Ha BaKBuoT Ka-paKTep Moxe ga ynaTyBa cnoMHaTaTa no3a Ha ^eTyc, aKo 3eMeMe npegBug geKa bo npe-gucTopucKuTe enoxu (a bo ogpegeHu genoBu Ha cBeToT u ^ogo^Ha), bo Taa no3a 6une norpe6yBaHu ^0K0jHu^uTe (hubho BpaKaae bo MajKaTa-3eMja, bo no3a Ha ^eTyc, 3a Taa noBTopHo ga ru oxuBee u nopogu). OBoj KapaKTep, bo o6pegoT repMaH e npucyTeH npeKy 6pojHu KoHKpeTHu nocTanKu Ha norpe6yBaae Ha ucTouMeHuoT nuK, a uMnnu-^uTHO u npeKy HeroBoTo npeTcTaByBaae He caMo KaKo momhc, TyKy u KaKo cTape^ T.e. gego /T.IV:8-10/.80 ^pTByBaH 6or. NuKoBuTe nocTaBeHu Ha BpBoT og cTon6oT unu gpBoTo, ce oco6e-ho HecTo xpTByBaHu, co ^n, npeKy oBue cuM6onu Ha KocMuHKaTa ocKa ga gocneaT bo gpyruTe cBeToBu, 3a ga ja ocTBapaT 3agaHaTa nopagu Koja ce xpTByBaHu, u Toa: - KaKo gap Koj Ke ru oMunocTuBu 6oroBuTe. - KaKo ^nacHu^u kou Ke ja npeHecaT go hub nopaKaTa Ha nyreTo. - KaKo uHBecTu^uja Ha HeKoj eneMeHT unu KaTeropuja, cogpxaHu bo hub (xubot, MnagocT, nnogHocT). OBaa MuTcKa napagurMa ctou bo ocHoBaTa Ha pa3Hu o6pegu Ha xpTByBarae nyre, Ka3HyBaae unu e^3eKy^uja Ha ^pecTa^Hu^uTe unu 3apo6eHu^uTe, cnpoBegyBaHa Ha pa3Hu o6jeKTu, KOH^u^upaHu bo Bug Ha BepTuKanHu cTon6oBu. EecunKaTa, KpcToT 3a pacnHyBaae, na gypu u „cTon6oT Ha cpaMoT" u „TpKanoTo 3a MaHeae" ce gpBja u / unu cTon6oBu, npeKy kou Ka3HeTuTe Tpe6ane ga oTugaT Ha oHoj cBeT. KoHeHHo, cTon6 e u K0ne^0T Ha Koj ce Ha6uBane Ka3HyBaHuTe. Bo nocnegHuoB cnynaj uMaMe napagurMa Koja, cnopeg Bu3yenHuTe acneKTu, Moxe6u Hajgo6po coogBeTcTByBa Ha KOHCTena^ujaTa co „HoBeneTo", HacageHo Ha BepTuKanHuoT KnuHe^ /cnopedu T.II:1 co T.VII:2,3/. 76 ^uTaT: H. H. Bene^Kaa, PyguMeHTbi ... , 91; C. H. Koctobt, KynTTTT ... , 113. 3a ucnpaKamemo na „onoj CBem": H. H. Bene^Kaja, MHoro6oxaHKa ... , 41 - 151. 77 M. BacuneBa, Konega ... , 15, 17. 78 H. Haycuguc, CuM6onuKaTa ... , 83; H. Haycuguc, Mutckutc ... , 359-365. 79 Ha npuMep: C. IeHHeB, O6unau ... , 348, 349; C. H. Koctobt, KynTTTT ... , 114. 80 3a repMaH KaKo cTape^ C. IeHHeB, O6unau ... , 349. 123 ^pe^Ha u BpmHUK. MuxonomKG - ceMuoxuHKa aHanu3a CygejKu cnopeg 0Bue TonKyBaaa, „H0BeHeT0" og KyneBumTe 6u Moreno ga ro npeTCTaByBa He caMo cBeTuoT 6paK, TyKy u ÄpTByBaaeTo Ha MamKuoT mutcku nuK, KaKo ycnoB 3a co3gaBaaeTo Ha cBeT0T. M bo oBoj cnynaj, BaKB0T0 TonKyBaae noBTo-poHo hu ce huhu gocTa BepojaTHo, 6ugejKu K0UH^ugupa co o6pegoT repMaH, Kage e npunuHHo jacHo geKa rnaBHuoT MamKu nuK yMupa (HeroBaTa ^urypa ce norpe6yBa, ce ^pna bo Boga), 3a co Toa ga ce npegu3BUKa go^g. OBa e TpaHcnapeHTHo npeTCTaBe-Ho bo o6pegHUTe necHu, Kage ce Benu „yMpen repMaH od cyma 3a Kuma".8 npucyTHu ce u eneMeHTu kou HenocpegHo ynaTyBaaT Ha TpaHC^03U^ujaTa Ha repMaH u Her0B0T0 Teno bo Be^eTa^uja. HeroBUTe norpe6Hu npo^cuu HajnecTo ce gBu^ene HU3 nonuaaTa u rpaguHUTe, a bo HeKou cnynau, HeroBaTa ^urypa ce pacKpmyBana u ce pac^pnana HU3 HUBaTa. McT0HH0cn0BeHCKU0T Japuno ce norpe6yBan bo noneTo. Bo egHa necHa 3a KanojaH (BapujaHTa Ha repMaH), jacHo ce anocTpo^upa oBoj KapaKTep („Epame, 6pame KanojaHe, I Hue me no^pe6yeaMe I He 3a da ^Huem, I TyKy 3a da 3a3eneHum).S2 g) MamKuoT nuK („qoBeqeTo") KaKo ^epcoHU$UKa^uja Ha KoCMu^KUTe eneMeHTu u KaTeropuu CornegaH Ha MaKpoKocMUHKo HUB0,nuK0T Ha„H0BeHeT0" Mo»e ga ce u3egHaHu co HeKonKy kocmuhku eneMeHTu kou bo cnynajoB ro HocaT KapaKTepoT Ha MaKpoKOcMUHKu Manufiecma^u na MawKuom npun^n. Bo pa3BueHUTe MUTCKo-penurucKu cucTeMu, 0Bue acneKTu ce Mefyce6H0 npoTKaeHu (KaKo Ha npuMep, bo cnynajoT co ArHu u Epoc). Bo egeH gegyKTUBeH npucTan, hub MG»eMe ga ru ugeHTu^uKyBaMe u Kaj „H0BeHeT0" u HeroBUTe ogHocu co ^pe^HaTa, npu mTo 0TcycTB0T0 Ha goBonHo eKC^nu^UTHU apry-MeHTu, noBTopHo Ke ro K0MneH3upaMe npeKy pena^uuTe Mefy „H0BeHeT0" u repMaH og egHa, u Mefy ^pe^HaTa u ge^aTa og gpyra cTpaHa: - He6o u HeöecKa CBeTnuHa. He6oTo unu n0T0HH0 - He6ecKaTa cBeTnuHa, bo ap-xauHHUTe KynTypu HecTo hocu KapaKTep Ha MaKpoKocMUHKa enu^aHuja Ha MamKaTa nnogoHocHa cuna, na u n0K0HKpeTH0 - Ha cnepMaTa. npu Toa, 6enaTa gHeBHa CBeTnuHa ce TpeTupa KaKo 3ace6eH eneMeHT, He3aBuceH og coHHeBaTa CBeTnuHa, Koj Mefy gpy-roTo e bo pena^uja co 6enaTa CBeTnuHa Ha MonaaTa, ho u co 6enaTa 6oja Ha cnepMaTa. 3eMajKu ro 0Ba npegBug, bo BpcKa co HamaTa TeMa 6u Moreno ga ce anocTpo^upa BeKe HaBegeH0T0 BepyBaae geKa Hajgo6pa ge^a e 0Haa Koja e HanpaBeHa og gpBo Ha jacuKa bo Koja ygpun rpoM. Bo 0Baa cuTya^uja, ygapoT Ha rp0M0T T.e. MonaaTa (MamKu eneMeHT) bo gpB0T0 („^eHCKo" cnopeg CBojoT Ha3UB u KapaKTep), ce u3egHanyBa co xueporaMujaTa, Koja ce 3eMa KaKo ycnoB 3a pogunHaTa ^yH^uja Ha ge^aTa, ynoTpe6e-Ha bo cTacyBaaeTo Ha ne6oT.83 - CoHHeBaTa TonnuHa u CBeTnuHa. Bo ucT0HH0cn0BeHCKUTe o6uHau, M0KTa Ha ge^aTa ce nonpaBana TaKa mTo Taa ce ocTaBana HagBop, 3a ga ro goneKa u3rpeB0T Ha np0neTH0T0 coh^. M onnaKyBaaeTo Ha Japuno (eKBUBaneHT Ha repMaH) 3anoHHyBa no 3aofaaeTo Ha coh^to.84 81 C. reHHeB, 06uHau ... , 349, 350; C. H. Kgctgbt, KynxTTT ... , 109 (uMa u GÓpaxHu npuMepu: „... od Kuma 3a cyrna"). 82 ^uxax: H. H. Bene^Kaa, PyguMeHXbi ... , 91; H. H. Bene^Kaa, ^3biHecKaa ... , 79, 80; 3a norpe6yBaaeTo Ha Japuno BG noneTo: C. H. Koctobt, KynxTTT ... , 112. 83 3a GBa: M. Elijade, Okultizam ... , 141-183; H. Haycuguc, MuxcKuxe ... , 448-454. 84 3a ge^axa: CnaBaHCKue gpeBHGcxu ... 2, 47, 3a Japuno: C. H. Koctobt, KynxTTT ... , 112. 124 Hukoc Haycuduc, ropdaH Hukohqb - OraH. OBoj eneMeHT He ro a^eHTupaMe noceóHo, co orneg Ha Toa mTo ^pe^-HaTa, Hu3 noBeKeTo og cBouTe acneKTu Ha co3gaBaae, nocToeae u ^yH^uoHupaae e HenocpegHo Bp3aHa 3a orHOT. noKpaj yTunuTapHuTe guMeH3uu Ha oBaa BpcKa, 3aóene-xeHu ce u ogpegeHu MarucKu KOHTaKTu Ha ^pe^HaTa co OrHOT unu co eneMeHTuTe Ha orHumTeTo (oópegHo Kageae, gonup co MamaTa, co orHumHuoT npeKnag u co gpyruTe eneMeHTu Ha orHumTeTo).85 - He6ecKM Bogu T.e. go^g. KaKO mTo BugoBMe, bo npo^coT Ha co3gaBaaeTo Ha neóoT, MamKaTa - onnogyBaHKa KOMnoHeHTa ce óa3upa Bp3 u3egHaHyBaaeTo Ha KBace-^0T co cnepMaTa (KBace^0T e „TaTKo Ha neóoT"). Ha MaKpoKocMuHKo hubo, oBue eneMeHTu uHTep^epupaaT co goxgoT, c^aTeH KaKO cnepMa Ha HeKoj og HeóecKuTe óoroBu. OBaa pena^uja e jacHo ogpa3eHa hu3 ^aKTOT mTo bo HeKou ucTOHHocnoBeHcKu roBopu, KBace^0T ce HapeKyBa „Kuma",mTo bo jyxHocnoBeHcKuTe ja3u^u 3HaHu goxg. Ha oBa ynaTyBaaT u HeKou fyproBgeHcKu oópegu (eBugeHTupaHu bo Byrapuja) bo kou, óe3geT-hu xeHu, paHo HayTpo, Ha nuBaguTe ce TpKanane ronu no pocaTa 3a ga 3aHHaT, unu naK coóupane poca 3a ga „^aTaT KBac" 3a Meceae neó.86 OBaa BpcKa óu Moxena necHo ga ce oójacHu npeKy gBa rnaronu, huu KopeHu ce cogpxaHu u bo Ha3uBuTe 3a KBace^ u 3a düMÓ. OóaTa rnaronu 03HaHyBaaT HaTonyBaae co TeHHocT: - KucHeae: Kuma (goxg); Kuma (KBace^ - KBaceae: goxgoT ja KBacu (HaTonyBa u onnogyBa) 3eMjaTa; KBac, KBa^c (ro Ha-TonyBa u „onnogyBa" ópamHOTo). BpcKaTa Ha repMaH u goxgoT (KaKO ^aKTop Ha onnogyBaae Ha 3eMjaTa) e coceM jacHo Ha3HaHeHa hu3 pa3HuTe eneMeHTu og HeroBuoT oópeg.87 - ^MK^MqHMOT (KaneHgapcKM) m pogoBCKUoT (ceMeeH) acneKT Ha „qoBeqeTo". Bo ^aKTuTe npe3eHTupaHu og M. C. ^ununoBuK e jacHo anocTpo^upaH ^uKnuHH0-BpeMeHcKuoT, KaneHgapcKuoT unu K0HKpeTH0 - rogumHuoT acneKT Ha „HOBeHeTo". Ot-KaKo Ke ce HanpaBu, HeroBaTa ^urypa ce HyBa hu3 ^naTa roguHa, cé gogeKa ugHaTa roguHa, npu cnegHaTa KaMnaaa Ha u3paóoTKa Ha ^pe^Hu, He ce HanpaBu gpyra. Co Toa, naHcKaTa ^urypa ja 3aBpmyBa cBojaTa ynora u ce yHumTyBa, ogHocHo ce ocTaBa Ha TaBaHOT Mery rpeguTe („y 3aBany Me^y rpegaMa"). TonKyBaaaTa Ha B. HajKaHOBuK, Koj goMamHuoT TaBaH ro onpegenyBa KaKO npecTojyBanumTe Ha noHuHaTuTe ^peg^u u xtohcku npocTop, ^ununoBuK ru 3eMa KaKO apryMeHT bo npunor Ha Toa geKa u ^u-rypaTa Ha „HOBeHeTo" e BcymHocT ugon Koj ru uHKapHupa gymuTe Ha ^peg^uTe. Bo npunor Ha 0Ba, Toj ru HaBegyBa u3BecTyBaaaTa goóueHu bo 1951 roguHa, og ceno HyHep (bo cocegcTBo Ha KyHeBumTe), cnopeg Koe TaKBuTe ^urypuHu He ce gaBane HagBop og KyKaTa, nopagu BepyBaaeTo geKa Ke yMpe HeKoj og Toa ceMejcTBo.88 CornacyBajKu ce bo rnoóanHu paMKu co OBaa uHTep^peTa^uja, bo npunor Ha Hea HaBegyBaMe ymTe HeKou apryMeHTu. Bo HeKou nogpaHja Ha Byrapuja, u ^urypuHaTa Ha repMaH ce ocTaBana Ha TaBaH (bo HeKou cnyHau, noKpaj Hero Mopano ga uMa u Hama Boga). Cnopeg HeKou BepyBaaa, Toa ce npaBeno 3a Toj ga óuge ónucKy go oóna^uTe, 3a oTTaMy ga ru goHece bo cenoTo. 85 M. C. OununoBuh, ®eHcKa KepaMuKa ... , 149,150. 86 3a KBace^0T HapeKyBaH „Kuma": CnaBaHcKue gpeBHocTu ... 2, 252-254; 3a oópeguTe co poca: A. KanoaHOB, CTapoótnrapcKOTO ... , 101. 87 C. H. Koctobt., KynTT.TT. ... , 120. 88 M. C. OununoBuh, ®eHcKa KepaMuKa ... , 147, 148; 3a TaBaHOT KaKO xtohcku npocTop u npecTojyBanumTe Ha ^peg^uTe: B. HajKaHOBuh, O Maruju ... , 60-73 (cTaTuja „CBeKpBa Ha TaBaHy"). 125 ^pe^Ha m BpmHUK. MuTonomKO - ceMUOTU^Ka aHanu3a HeKage e 3a6enexeHa u xeHcKa ^urypuHa, KaKo naHgaH Ha rnuHeHuoT repMaH, Koja mcto TaKa ce ocTaBana Ha TaBaH, rnaBHo 3a ga 6paHu og rpag. Ce npaBena bo Bug Ha KyKna, og rpaHKa Ha pogHo gpBo u Kpnu, a ce HapeKyBana EedoKuja unu Pocu^.S9 Kaj HeKou cu6upcKu Hapogu (K0HKpeTH0 XaHTMTe), cé go MUHaTU0T BeK eraucTU-pan o6unajoT, ceKoj HOBeK ga uMa cBoja „UTTapMa" - cegumTe Ha HeroBaTa gyma, npeT-cTaBeHo npeKy HeKoe xmbotho unu HeroB gen (cymeHa xa6a, rymTep, KapnuHHa KocKa og noc ...). TaKBuoT ^eTum, 3aBUTKaH bo Kpnu, unu nuKHaT bo caHgane, ce ocraBan Ha TaBaHoT, Kage nocTeneHo ce pacnaran.90 Cpeg gpBeHuoT uHBeHTap npoHajgeH npu apxeonomKMTe ucKonyBaaa Ha cpeg-H0BeK0BHUTe cnoBeHcKu KyKu og nogpanjeTO Ha Pycuja u noncKa, ce jaByBa u egHa KaTeropuja Manu cTaTyeTu og pe36apeH0 gpBo, o6nuKyBaHu bo Bug Ha aHTponoMop^u-3upaH ^anyc /T. V:1,2,4,5/. nocTojaT Te3u geKa ce pa6oTu 3a goMamHu ugonu bo kom 6un uHKapHupaH ceMejHuoT npegoK, ogHocHo gymaTa T.e. nnogoHocHaTa cuna Ha MamKUTe ^peg^M og Toj pog.91 HarnaceHUTe MamKU o6enexja u orpaHuneHMOT ceMeeH KapaKTep Ha „noBeneTo" og CKoncKa ^Ha ropa, bo KoHTeKcT Ha npunoxeHUBe K0M^apa^MM, hm gaBaaT 3 a npaBo ga npeTnocTaBUMe geKa, noKpaj HaBegeHUTe HenocpegHU ^yH^uu co ^pe^HMTe, HeroBaTa ^urypa Moxena ga ro 3acTanyBa u oBoj rno6aneH MamKU acneKT Ha ceMejcTB0T0. 3a pa3nuKa og OununoBuK u HajKaHOBuK, bo oBoj cnynaj cMe cKnoHU TaBaHoT ga ro npoTonKyBaMe He TonKy KaKo 30Ha Ha xtohckoto (n0g3eMH0T0), TyKy KaKo npeTcTaB-hmk Ha„oHoj cBeT", Koj bo pena^MjaTa„KpoB = He6o" noBeKe KopecnoHgupa co pajoT (bo cnoBeHcKUTe ja3M^M U3BopHo HapeKyBaH „upen" /„Bbipun"), no^MpaH bo ropHUTe 30hm Ha BceneHaTa unu Ha Hej3UHUTe pa6oBU.92 OaKTUTe npunoxeHM og cTpaHa Ha M. C. OununoBuK MM^nM^MpaaT Te3a geKa„no-BeneTo", Moxeno ga ro UHKapHupa u rogumHuoT ^MKnyc, c^aTeH bo cBojaTa BpeMeHcKa m I unu BereTaTUBHa guMeH3uja. Toa ro cuM6onu3upano 6u0n0mK0T0 BpeMe T.e. 6oroT - MHKapHa^Mja Ha BereTaTUBHaTa roguHa, Koj HanponeT ce para, neT0T0 u eceHTa pacTe m co3peBa, a koh KpajoT Ha roguHaTa yMupa, KaKo ycnoB - cnegHaTa nponeT noBTopHo ga oxuBee m ga ce pogu. M bo paMKUTe Ha oBoj acneKT e MOXHa BpcKaTa Ha „noBeneTo" co repMaH, nuja cMpT bo o6peguTe e 0cH0BeH npegycnoB 3a nnogoHocHUoT goxg Koj Ke ro npegu3BUKa pacT0T Ha Be^eTa^MjaTa. Bo 0Baa cMucna ce UHTepecHU HaBegeHUTe o6pegHU necHU bo kom jacHo ce Benu geKa Toj He e norpe6aH 3a ga rHue, TyKy ga 3a3eneHU. Hacnpo-tm MH^MgeHTHM0T KapaKTep Ha o6pegoT repMaH (HeroBo U3BegyBaae bo cnynaj Ha cyma), cenaK Toj rnaBHo ce npaKTUKyBan HanponeT, a Toa 3Hanu - bo nepuogoT Ha 6ygeaeT0 Ha Be^eTa^Mja (oKony fyproBgeH, na ce go neTpoBgeH, unu naK Ha ogpegeH geH, 6poeH bo ogHoc Ha BenurgeH).93 Bo 0Baa cMucna, a bo BpcKa co ^MKnMHH0T0 „3aMUHyBaae" Ha „H0BeneT0" Ha TaBaH, e UHTepecHo ga noTceTUMe Ha cnoBeHcKUTe u 6anKaHcKUTe hobo-rogumHM BepyBaaa bo kom, Ha noneTOKOT og roguHaTa, cBeTuoT nuK (Boxmk m HeroBUTe eKBMBaneHTu), BneryBa bo KyKaTa ogrope - og TaBaHoT unu hm3 oyaKOT. 89 H. Mmkgb, ArnponoMop^Ha ... , 188-191, 197 (xeHcKaTa 4>urypa ocTaHyBana 3aceKoram Ha TaBaHGT). 90 3. n. CoKonoBa, HaxogKU ... , 143-154. 91 npuMepu, amnorau, MHTep^peTa^MM m nuTepaTypa 3a GBue npegMeTU. H. Haycuguc, Mmtckmtc ... , 348353; W. Filipowiak, Wolinska ... ; ; B. A. PbióaKGB, ^3. gp. Pycu ... , 496-501. EgeH TaKGB KepaMU^KU npegMeT (xpoHonomKU HeonpegeneH) e npoHajgeH m bo OKonuHaTa Ha BuTona /T.V:3/. 92 CnaBaHcKue gpeBHocTU ... 2, 422, 423; B. A. WcneHcKUM, OunonormecKue ... , 59,60, 144-146. 93 H. H. Bene^Kaa, ^3braecKaa ... , 78,79; M o6pegoT Japuno ce U3BegyBan koh koh KpajoT Ha anpun (C. H. KocTOBt, KynT^T^ ... , 114). 126 Hukoc Haycuduc, ropdaH HuKonoB r) KoMnapaTMBHa aHanM3a Ako ce cornacuMe geKa KnuHe^T Ha Koj ce o^opMyBana ^urypuHaTa Ha „noBe-neTo" ja cuM6onu3upan „KocMunKaTa ocKa" T.e. „cTon6oT Ha cBeToT" unu „kocmmhkoto gpBo", Toram KaKo aHanoruu 3a OBOj nuK MomeMe ga npunomuMe HeKonKy 6omecTBa, mmtckm nuKoBu m gpyru TpagM^MM og pa3Hu genoBu Ha cBeTOT. Bo hmb, oBaa MMTcKa npeTcTaBa e MaHu^ecTupaHa bo hmkobhmot MeguyM (bo Bug Ha MMTcKa cnuKa), bo Bep-6anHuoT (3annmaHH unu M3roBopeHM mmtobm) m bo a^uoHuoT MeguyM (bo Bug Ha pa3-hm o6pegHu gejcTBuja). Bo npogonmeHue HaBegyBaMe HeKou og oBue nuKoBu, npu mTo, bo 3a6enemKMTe anocrpo^upaMe Ha HeKou otmhhoctm co „HoBeneTo" og KyneBumTe u co repMaH KaKo HeroB xunoTeTuneH eKBMBaneHT. - CnoBeHCKM TpagM^MM ApxeonomKM npegMeTu. Bo CeBepHMTe peruoHu Ha TepMaHuja, noncKa u CeBe-po3anagHa Pycuja ce npoHajgeHu HeKonKy MMHMjaTypHM npegMeTu, u3neaHu bo MeTan, kom cogpmaT npeTcTaBa, no cBojaTa MKoHorpa^cKa, na u KOM^O3M^MCKa cTpyKTypa MomHe 6nucKa Ha ^urypaTa og KyneBumTe, goKonKy Taa ce cornega 3aegHo co KnuHe-^OT Ha Koj 6una nocTaBeHa /cnopedu T.II:1 co 4-8/. Co orneg Ha Toa, KaKo u cnoBeHc-KaTa npunagHocT Ha 6apeM HeKou og oBue npegMeTu, hmb TyKa Ke ru TpeTupaMe KaKo HajHenocpegHu napanenu 3a HameTo „noBene", nopagu mTo mm o6paKaMe u noce6Ho BHMMaHMe.94 npBuoT npuMepoK noTeKHyBa og HoBropog, M3neaH e og onoBo (BucuHa 7,5 cm), ce gaTupa bo 12. BeK, a ce onpegenyBa (6e3 oco6eH cucTeM Ha apryMeHTupaae) KaKo KynTeH npegMeT Koj HaBogHo ro npuKamyBan naraHocnoBeHcKuoT 6or nepyH /T.II:5/. CygejKu cnopeg MecToTo Ha Haoraae u nomupoKUTe cTuncKo-TexHonomKu o6enemja, Toj ce Bp3yBa 3a cpegHoBeKoBHMTe cnoBeHcKu KynTypu og oBoj peruoH.95 OnoBeH npegMeT, MomHe cnuneH Ha npeTxogHuoT, gaTupaH bo mctmot BeK, e npoHajgeH u bo Opole, noncKa /T.II:4/.96 Ha nogpanjeTo Ha TepMaHuja u noncKa ce oTKpueHu ymTe Tpu Me-TanHu npegMeTu kom, cnopeg cBojaTa ocHoBHa MKoHorpa^cKa cTpyKTypa ce cnuHHu Ha npeTxogHMTe. Ce gaTupaaT paMKoBHo bo 10 - 12. BeK, npu mTo ce cMeTa geKa cnymene KaKo onKoBu 3a KaHuu (T.e. ^yTponu) Ha HomeBu. noTeKHyBaaT og Oldenburg /T.II:6/ u Schwedt /T.II:7/ (CeBepHa TepMaHuja), KaKo u og Brzesc Kujawsky (Kaj Wfoclawek, noncKa /T.II:8/), a ce npoHajgeHu bo KynTypHMTe cnoeBu Ha Hacen6uTe, unu KaKo rpo6Hu npuno3u.97 3aegHMHKo o6enemje Ha neTTe Haogu e BepTMKanHMoT cTomep, Ha nuj BpB e npeTcTaBeHa noBenKa ^urypa, Koja bo neTupuTe cnynau, Bp3 ocHoBa Ha npMKamaHMTe MycTaKu e og MamKu non (neTBpTaTa e npeTcTaBeHa bo KoHTypa). Bo npBuoT cnynaj /T.II:5/, cTomepoT uMa jacHu ^mtomop^hm o6enemja (koco nocTaBeHu rpaHnuaa), mTo 94 HaoranumTaTa og nogpanjeTo Ha noncKa u repMaHuja, bo rnoôanHu paMKu BneryBaaT bo TepuTopuuTe mTo bo cpegHuoT BeK 6une HaceneHu co nymMnKUTe Cp6u u noMepaHcKMTe CnoBeHu. 95 M. B. CegoBa, WBenupHbie ... , 75,76; B. B. CegoB, BocTonHbie ... , 266, 286; T. fl. naHoBa, O Ha3HaneHuu ... , 94, 95. 96 B. Gediga, Relikty ... , 105. 97 Ochobhm ^ogaTO^M, ogpegeHu TonKyBaaa Ha uKoHorpa^ujaTa Ha npegMeTMTe u hmbho noBp3yBaae co HeKou naraHocnoBeHcKu u gpyru TeoHMMM: I. Gabriel, Hof- und Sakralkultur ... , 161-171, 184 - 194. 127 ^pe^Ha m BpmHMK. MMT0n0mK0 - ceMMOTMHKa aHanM3a bo KOHTeKCT Ha TyKa npMKaxaHMTe mmtobm 6m Moxeno ga ce npoTonKyBa KaKO Koc-mmhko gpBO, Ha Huj BpB ce Haora aHTp0n0M0p^HM0T nuK, HajBepojaTHO co KapaKTep Ha 6oxecTB0. Kaj BTopuoT npuMep /T.II:4/, HaMecTO „rpaHKMTe" CToxepoT e MpexecTO ucmpa^upaH, gogeKa Kaj TpeTMOT, Ha Hero HeMa HMKaKBM BHaTpemHu eneMeHTu TaKa mTO He nocTOM moxhoct 3a n0K0HpeTH0 ugeHTM^MKyBaae Ha HeroBaTa peanHa napa-gurMa (ocBeH KaKO Kocmmhkm CTon6 unu Moxe6u KaKO mTaKu) /T.II:6/. Kaj HeTBpTMOT (a nocpegHO u neTTMOT) npuMepoK /T.II:7,8/, CToxepoT e ^opMupaH bo Bug Ha HM3a og 7 unu 8 po3eTM, kom bo egHMOT cnyHaj HanuKyBaaT Ha conapHM gucKOBM (ucnaKHaTM Kpy-roBM, OKpyxeHM co 3paHecT0 nocTaBeHM ^pTKM). BaKBaTa K0HCTena^Mja, bo pena^Mja co npuMepoKOT og HoBropog, ynaTyBa Ha HeKaKBO M3egHaHyBaae Ha Kocmmhkoto gpBO co coh^to u cBeTnuHaTa. OnpaBgyBaae 3a OBaa BpcKa HaoraMe bo MMTonoreMaTa 3a „flpBOTO Ha CBeTnuHaTa", Koe ro CMM6onu3upa gHeBHOTO He6o, ucnonHeTO co CBeTnoc-HMTe 3pa^M, M3egHaneHM co rpaHKMTe og HeroBaTa KpomHa.98 ,D,0K0nKy nuKOT og CTon-6ot ce M3egHaHM co maMaHOT, bo OBOj cnyHaj MoxaT ga 6ugaT MHTepecHM cu6upcKMTe npegaHuja 3a maMaHMTe kom naTyBaaT Ha OHOj CBeT no namom no Koj ce öbumu coH^mo unu oöpamm od m^o.99 TpuTe nocnegHM npegMeTM MMaaT HeKOM 3aegHMHKM K0Mn0HeHTM. npBO, Toa e rpynaTa og xmbothm, nocTaBeHM Ha CToxepoT /T.II:6,8/, kom bo egHMOT cnyHaj ce kom-6uHupaHM co HOBeHKM ^urypu (Bugu nogony). BTopaTa K0Mn0HeHTa e TpojHaTa pacHne-HeTOCT Ha gonHMOT gen og CToxepoT, Koja Ha npuMepoT og Brzesc Kujawsky u Schwedt /T.II:7,8/ e coceM egHOCTaBHa, gogeKa Kaj OHOj og Oldenburg /T.II:6/, o^opMeHa bo Bug Ha nap xmbotmhckm np0T0MM u HOBeHKa unu xuBOTMHCKa rnaBa nocTaBeHa Mery hmb. Bo npBMTe gBa cnyHau /T.II:7,8/, 6m Moxeno ga ce pa6oTM 3a HeKaKOB pacTMTeneH motmb Koj BepojaTHO ro Kogupan K0peH0T Ha Kocmmhkoto gpBO, gogeKa bo BTopuoT /T.II:6/, 6m Moxeno ga CTaHyBa 360p 3a npeTCTaBa Ha xtohckmot 6or (M0xe6u HeroBaTa TpornaBa 300-aHTp0n0M0p^Ha xunocTa3a), Koj bo MMTOBMTe ce no^Mpa TOKMy bo KopeaaTa Ha kocmmhkoto gpBO.100 npucycTBOTO Ha x0pu30HTanHMTe unu Kocu ^pTM, bo OBOj goneH gen og npegMeTMTe, CMe CKnoHM ga ro npoTonKyBaMe KaKO Kogupaae Ha 3eMHMTe Bogu. Ha npuMepoKOT og Brzesc Kujawsky, a MM^nM^MTH0 u Ha OHOj og Schwedt, HOBeH-kmot nuK Ha BpBOT e npeTCTaBeH caMO og nonoBMHaTa Harope, mTO MM^nM^Mpa geKa gonHMOT gen Ha Her0B0T0 Teno e CToneH T.e. M3egHaHeH co caMMOT CTOxep /T.II:7,8/. Toa e 3HaK 3a npo^CMTe Ha CMM6onuHKa MgeHTM^MKa^MjaTa Ha npuKaxaHMOT nuK co Koc-mmhkmot CToxep, mTO e jacHO M3pa3eH0 bo gpyruTe BapujaHTM Ha OBOj Tun mmtckm cnu-km /cpedHoBeKoBHU npuMepu od EanKarnm: T.II:2,3/.101 Ha npuMepoKOT og Oldenburg, CToxepoT e gononHeT co gBe, peHucu CMMeTpuHHM K0M^03M^MM, cocTaBeHM og nap xmbothm u ^HTpanHa HOBeHKa ^urypa Mery hmb /T.II:6/. HuBHaTa pa3nuHHa no3a Ha pa^Te (egHam cnymTeHM Ha nojacoT, a gpyr naT KpeHaTM Kpaj rnaBaTa), cornegaHa bo TyKa npegnoxeHMOT KOCMonomKM KOHTeKCT 6u Moxene ga ynaTyBaaT Ha gBe cnpoTMB-CTaBeHM ^a3M og HeKoj npo^c (pacT - onaraae, M3rpeB - 3ane3, nponeT - neTO, xmbot - CMpT ...). CMeTaMe geKa OBue eneMeHTu, KaKO u pmtmmhho pacnopegeHMTe xmbothm 98 CBeTnocHaTa KOMnoHeHTa Ha Kocmmhkoto gpBO e npucyTHa m bo HeroBMTe Ha3MBM (JaceH, Mrgpacun). Bugu: H. Haycuguc, KocMonomKM ... , 313-316, 399, 400; B. H. TonopoB, flpeBO MupoBoe ... , 398 - 406; P. KyK, flpBO ... , 196 - 198; A. A^aHacbeB, nOTMHecKMe ... , I, 122-125; N. Nodilo, Stara ... , 155-160. 99 A. O. Ahmcmmob, KocMonoruHecKue ... , 57, 58. 1003a TpornaBMOT 300-aHTp0n0M0p^eH xtohckm nuK: H. Haycuguc, KocMonomKM ... , 244 - 249. 1013a OBOj MKOHorpa^CKM Tun: H. Haycuguc, KocMonomKM ... , 365, 366. 128 Hukoc Haycuduc, ropdaH Hukohqb Ha npuMep0K0T og Brzesc Kujawsky /T.II:8/. KogupaaT HeKaK0B guHaMUHKu acneKT Ha cnuKaTa. Koj oHeBugHo 6un bo g0MeH0T Ha npuKaxaHuoT mutcku nuK (gBuxeae Ha coH^To. BereTaTUBHu unu rno6anHo - BpeMeHCKu ^UKnycu).102 OBue BpeMeHCKo^uK-nuHHu ^yH^uu. bo HamuoT cnynaj 6u 6une bo pena^uja co ^UKnuHH0T0 npaBeae u oT^pnarae Ha „HOBeHeTo" og KyneBumTe. KaKo u co 06pegH0T0 norpe6yBaae Ha ^ury-puTe Ha repMaH. 3a pa3nuKa og nocnegHUTe Tpu 0nK0Bu. onoBHUTe npegMeTu og Opole u HoBro-pog uMane n0UHaK0B KapaKTep /T.II:4,5/. Ce huhu geKa Tue. npeKy gonHuoT gen (genyM-Ho oTKpmeH). 6une HacageHu Ha BpB0T og HeKaK0B u3gonxeH npegMeT. M0xe6u gpBeH cTan co KapaKTep Ha puTyaneH xe3on. Bo npunor Ha pacnpocTpaHeTocTa Ha 0Baa MUTCKa cnuKa bo EBponcKuoT cpegeH BeK. Moxe ga ce 3eMe npucycTB0T0 Ha cnuHHu motubu bo KpyroT Ha MUHujaTypHUTe geKopa^uu Ha paKonucHu KHuru. gaTupaHu rnaBHo bo 13 - 14. BeK /T.X:1-4,6/. BpB0T Ha cTon6oT. HeKage gononHeT co pacTUTenHu eneMeHTu. TyKa ce TpaHc^opMupa bo HOBeH-Ka ^urypa. Koja e HajnecTo npuKaxaHa og nonoBUHaTa Harope u nocTaBeHa bo pa3Hu no3u u recT0Bu.103 ETHorpa^uja. TyKa npuKaxaHaTa MUTCKa cnuKa e npucyTHa bo HeKonKy o6pegu. eBugeHTupaHu bo cnoBeHCKuoT u 6anKaHCKU0T ^onKnop. npBuoT og hub e Bp3aH 3a Ta-KaHapeneH0T0 „MajcKo gpBo" u ce cocTou bo o6uHajoT (3a6enexeH bo ucTOHHocnoBeHc-KU0T apean). ge^Ta ga ce KanyBaaT Ha 0Bue caKpanu3upaHu o6jeKTu /T. VII:1/. BTopuoT cnara bo KaTeropujaTa noKnagHu o6pegu bo Kou.Mery gpyroTo 6una BKnyneHa cnegHaTa „UHCTana^uja": Ha cpeguHaTa og egHa roneMa ToBapHa caHKa. noKpaj 0CTaHaT0T0. ce nocTaByBan BepTUKaneH gpBeH cTon6. bo BucuHa og 9-10 apmuHu (6-7 MeTpu). Ha Koj ce ^uKcupano TpKano u 3a Hero ce Bp3yBano cTpamuno. nocTaBeHo bo cegeHKa no3a /cnopedu co noôony cnoMHamume npedMemu Ha T.VIII:1-4/.3a6enexeHu ce u BapujaHTu. bo kou Ha TpKanoTo 6un KanyBaH Max. OgHocoT Ha gpB0T0 T.e. cTon6oT u HOBeKOT. nocTaBeH Ha BpB0T. bo o6aTa cnynau ce TonKyBa KaKo cMpT Ha npucyTHUTe nuK0Bu u HUBH0 ucnpaKaae Ha„oHoj cBeT".co nocpeTCTBo Ha KocMUHKaTa ocKa.104 MaKo. TpKanoTo nocTaBeHo Ha BpB0T og cTon6oT HajnecTo ce TonKyBa KaKo conapeH cuM6on. noBeKe cMe cKnoHu. bo 0Baa cuTya^uja ga ro onpegenuMe KaKo 3acTanHUK Ha He6oTo u Hero-BUTe ^UKnuHH0-guHaMUHKU acneKTu. co mT0 ^nocHo ce 3aoKpyxyBa u cn0MHaT0T0 TonKyBaae - KaKo npucycTBo Ha npuKaxaHuoT nuK Ha „oHoj cBeT". c^aTeH K0HKpeTH0 KaKo He6o I paj T.e. „upuj".105 ParaaeTo Ha MnaguoT 6or (ogHocHo peuHKapHKa^ujaTa Ha cTapuoT 6or) og gpBo-To unu Ha gpB0T0. ce nojaByBa bo gejcTBujaTa Ha jyxHocnoBeHCKUTe o6pegu og 3um-CKU0T KoMnneKc. u3BegyBaHu og cTpaHa Ha MacKupaHu gpyxuHu. Bo egHa 6yrapcKa 102CnuHHu xonKyBaaa Ha GBue motubu gaBa u I. Gabriel (Hof- und Sakralkultur ... . 190). 3a cuMexpuHHuxe 3GG - aHTponoMop4>Hu KGM^G3U^UU CG HaBegeHuxe nG3u Ha ^HxpanHaxa ^urypa: H. Haycuguc. Mux-cKuxe ... . 123 - 149; 307 - 328; H. Haycuguc. KocMonomKu ... . 405 - 407; B. A. PbióaKGB. ^3. gp. CnaBaH ... . 511-527; 3a conapHuoT ^UKnyc. npexcxaBeH npeKy Mynxu^nu^upaHU xubgxhu: H. Haycuguc. MuxcKuxe ... . 275 - 283; H. Haycuguc. KocMonomKu ... . 339 - 341. 103J. Baltrušaitis. Fantastični ... . 102 - 104. 104H. H. Bene^Kaja, MHGrGÓGxaHKa ... . 107-113. 195 (KaKo aHanoruja Ha MajcKUGX GÓuHaj. aBXGpox ro cnGM-HyBa o6pegoT 3a6enexeH bg CyMaxpa npu Koj. cxap^u ce KaHyBane Ha BpB og bucgkg gpBG u noxoa oxxaMy 6une ucxpecyBaHu); CnaBaHCKue gpeBHGcxu ... 2. 366. 367. 1053a HeóecKGXG 3HaHeae Ha xpKanoxo: H. Haycuguc. KocMonomKu. 321. 322. 330. 371. 412-414. 129 ^pe^Ha h BpmHMK. MuTonomKo - ceMuoTHHKa aHanu3a BapujaHTa Ha oBoj o6peg („KyKepu" / „KyKoB geH"), cpeg MacKupaHHTe rnaBHH nuKoBH e npucyTeH „cTape^oT" u „6a6aTa", Koja bo Komu^Ta hoch 6e6e (BOHÖpa^Ho unu Hego-HoceHo), HanpaBeHo og gpBo. Para^eTo Ha oBa 6e6e, „6a6aTa" ro HH^eHupa TaKa mTo ce KanyBa Ha gpBo u TaMy, og cBoeTo 3gonHumTe nymTa Mane Koe ocTaHaTHTe yHecHH^H gony ro goneKyBaaT Ha pacnHaTo nnaTHo. MaKo KapaKTepoT u noTeKnoTo Ha oBoj mothb ce noBp3yBaaT co aHTHHKHTe KynTHH TpagH^HH (3eBc, Kopa, ^hohhc), TyKa npuno:e-HHTe npuMepu ynaTyBaaT u Ha nomupoKa, ogHocHo noyHHBep3anHa reHe3a.106 - repMaHCKa MMTonoraja (o^mh) Bo cTaporepMaHcKHTe naraHcKu TpagH^HH, Ha BpBoT og kocmhhkoto gpBo ce Haoran cKaHguHaBcKuoT OguH u HeroBuoT repMaHcKu eKBHBaneHT BoTaH / BogaH.107 HeroBoTo HMe ce noBp3yBa co maMaHcKaTa eKcTaTHHHocT, noeTcKaTa BgaxHoBeHocT, u MarucKaTa cuna. Toj e cMpTeH 6or. Ce npuHecyBa ce6e cu bo :pTBa, TaKa mTo ce npo6o-gyBa co concTBeHoTo Konje (KoHe^Ho Ke 3aruHe bo gBo6ojoT co mhtckhot BonK ^eHpup). HaTaMy, geBeT geHa u geBeT hokh buch o6eceH Ha Kocmhhkoto gpBo Mrgpacun, nocne mTo, ja yTonyBa cBojaTa :eg co cBemTeHuoT Meg, go6ueH og yuHoT BenTopH, og Koro ru go6uBa u pyHHTe (nucMeHu 3Ha^H - HocuTenu Ha MygpocTa). OBue gejcTBuja ce Bp3yBaaT co maMaHcKHTe acneKTu Ha OguH, oco6eHo a^eHTupaHH bo cKaHguHaBcKuoT apean. Bo npunor Ha Toa ogu gejcTBueTo 3a HeroBoTo naTyBaae bo Xen - nog3eMHoTo ^pcTBo Ha MpTBHTe. OguH ynecTByBa bo KocMoreHe3aTa u aHTponoreHe3aTa (Toj e npegoK Ha aHrno-caKcoHcKHTe BnageTenu). no3HaT e no gBe uMuaa T.e. enuTeTu: „TaTKo Ha ceTo" u „bh-cok". MMa egHo oko, ho HacnpoTu Toa, rnega H3BoHpegHo u e BHgoBHT.108 Cnopeg HeKou o6ene:ja, bo oBaa cMucna e HHTepeceH u XajMganp, repMaHcKu mhtckh nuK Koj e chh Ha OguH (KaKo u Bangep, HeroB cHH-gBojHHK, eKBHBaneHT u HHKapHa^Hja). ^HBee Ha BpB Ha pug h cBupu Ha Bonme6Ha Tpy6a.109 Toj e u geMoH Ha cBeTcKoTo gpBo Ha TepMaHure. - AgoHMC AgoHuc e 6o:ecTBo co ^hhkhcko - cupucKo - BaBunoHcKo noTeKno, nuj KynT 6un ^ogo^Ha npu^aTeH u bo aHTHHKa ^p^Hja.110 Bo egeH mht 3a AgoHuc, pacKa:aH bo Cupuja og Anonogop (3, 14, 4) u bo MeTaMop^o3HTe Ha OBuguj (10, 300, 708), ce Ka-:yBa KaKo Mupa - MajKaTa Ha AgoHuc, oTKaKo 3a6peMeHuna og cBojoT TaTKo, nopagu HH^cTyo3HaTa BpcKa 6una Ka3HeTa TaKa mTo e npeTBopeHa bo gpBo. Ha geBeTTuoT Mece^ gpBoTo ce pacnyKHano u og Hero ce pogun AgoHuc. OTToram, egHaTa TpeTHHa og roguHaTa, Toj ja noMHHyBan gony co 6o:u^Ta nepce^oHa, BTopaTa TpeTHHa rope co A^poguTa / AcTapTa, gogeKa TpeTaTa - Kage mTo caKa. OTKaKo ApTeMuga npaKa Benap 106M. BeHeguKoB, Pa^gaHeTo ... , 224, 225. 107Ochobhu ^aKTu Ha oBoj 6or: Mh^h Hap. ... T.2, 241, 242 („Havamal", 138 /Ka^yBaaa Ha Bo3BumeHuoT/; „CTapa Ega"); A. Cermanovic, D. Srejovic, Leksikon ... , 389-391; M. M. ^mkohob, ApxauHecKue ... , 126129. 108OBa KOHH^HgHpa co „HoBeHeTo", Koe ru HarnegyBa („ru na3u") ^pe^HHTe. Bo HeKou nogpaHja Ha Byrapuja, h ^urypaTa Ha TepMaH ce npuKa^yBana co egHo oko, npu mTo ce Beneno geKa oBa eguHCTBeHo oko (h bo-onmTo, oHHTe Ha repMaH) „na3aT og rpag" (H. Mhkob, ArnponoMop4>Ha ... , 188,189,191,192,197). 1093a XajMganp: V. Matic, Psihoanaliza ... , 148, 149. CBupaHH ce u gpyruTe, nogony npuno^eHu mhtckh nuKo- BH. 1103a npuno^eHHTe ^aKTu: Mh^h Hap. ... T. 1, 56-49; fl. CpejoBuh, A. ^pMaHoBuh, PeHHHK ... , 7,8; 130 HUKOC Haycuduc, ropdaH HUKOHOB Koj cmptho ro paHyBa, A^poguTa ro onnaKyBa, npeTBopajKu ro bo ^eT. Og HeroBaTa KpB pacTaT ^pBeHu po3M u cacu. KynToT Ha AgoHuc eraucTupan bo OeHUKuja, Cupuja, EruneT, Kunap, Pogoc u Te36oc, a og 5. BeK npeg H.e. ce nonuTyBan u bo KoHTUHeHTan-Ha ^p^uja. Bo Pum goara bo nocnegHuoT BeK og peny6nuKaHcKuoT nepuog. Bo Aproc e 3a6enexeH o6unaj npu Koj, xeHu ro onnaKyBane AguoHuca bo noceÓHu 3gaHuja. Bo ATuHa u Cukuoh, Ha geHoT Ha oBoj 6or, Ha KpoBoBuTe og KyKuTe, xeHUTe rnnoxyBane u onnaKyBane gpBeHu KyKnu Ha AgoHuc kou noToa 6une norpe6yBaHu (= ^urypa Ha „noBeneTo" unu Ha repMaH, ocTaBaHu Ha TaBaH). Bo ATuHa, 3aegHo co mptbuot 6or, bo u3BopuTe ce ^pnane u „AgoHucoBure rpaguHu" - cagoBu bo kou 6une HacageHu 6unKu mTo 6pry pacTaT. Bo AneKcaHgpuja, cTaTya Ha AgoHuc ce noTonyBana b Mope (= HeroBo BpaKaae bo ^pctboto Ha MpTBuTe, aHanorao Ha noTonyBaaeTo Ha repMaH). Cnopeg u3BopuTe Moxe ga ce 3aKnynu geKa AgoHuc (KaKo u repMaH u „noBeneTo") ro cnaBene u ro npaBene cyeBepHuTe xeHu, npu mTo HeroBuTe cKynnTypu He 6une ^pcTu u MoHy-MeHTanHu, TyKy co HeTpaeH T.e. o6pegeH KapaKTep. - OpwrwcKa MMTonorwja (Atmc, ArgucT, Mapcuja) floKonKy ce cornacuMe co npegnoxeHoTo TonKyBaae geKa KnuHe^T Ha Koj e Haca-geHo „noBeneTo" og KyneBumTe ro npeTcTaByBa HeroBuoT ^anyc, u3egHaneH co OcKaTa Ha cBeToT u KocMunKoTo gpBo, Toram bo oBue K0M^apa^uu MoxeMe ga ro BKnynuMe u ^purucKuoT Amuc, ogHocHo A^^ucm. KaKo u bo gpyruTe npuMepu, cTaHyBa 36op 3a KaTeropujaTa mutcku nuKoBu, nuja cMpT e uHBecTupaHa bo reHe3aTa Ha HeKou KocMun-ku eneMeHTu. Bo HeKonKyTe Bep3uu Ha mutot (cnopeg naycaHuj, ApHo6uj ...), ArgucT ogHocHo Atuc e KacTpupaH, npu mTo og HeroBuTe reHuTanuu unu og HuBHaTa KpB pacTe 6ageMoBo gpBo unu gpBo Ha KanuHKa, nuj nnog, bo gonup co cKyToT Ha HeKoja geBojKa npegu3BuKyBa Hej3uHo 3anHyBaae. flpBoTo (oBoj naT 6op) ce nojaByBa u npu cMpTTa Ha Atuc, HeKage KaKo gpBo nog Koe Ke ce cnynu HeroBaTa cMpT, a HeKage u KaKo gpBo bo Koe Toj nocne cMpTTa Ke ce npeo6pa3u. Bo Toj KoHTeKcT e uHTepecHa u puMcKaTa BapujaHTa Ha nponeTHuTe o6pegu bo necT Ha Atuc, npu kou, bo npo^cuja ce Hoceno cBemTeHo gpBo, nue cTe6no 6uno npeBp3aHo co BonHeHu npeBpcKu u HaKuTeHo co BeH-^u. Ha cpeguHaTa og cTe6noTo 6una npuBp3aHa cTaTyeTa Ha MoMne, Koja HajBepojaTHo ro npuKaxyBana caMuoT Atuc. Bo cupucKuTe BapujaHTu Ha oBoj o6peg, Ha KpajoT og ^peMoHujaTa, cTaTyeTaTa ce 3aKonyBana b 3eMja.m Bo oBue mutobu ce nojaByBa u Mapcuja, ^purucKu mutcku nuK (KaTeropu3upaH KaKo caTup), Koj cogpxu HeKou og cymTecTBeHuTe aTpu6yTu Ha Atuc, nopagu mTo mo-xeMe ga ro TpeTupaMe KaKo xunocTa3a Ha oBoj 6or. Mapcuja e cBupan bo ^nejTa Koj ja 3a6aByBan Ku6ena gogeKa Taa xanena no yMpeHuoT Atuc. ropg Ha cBojaTa BemTuHa, Toj ro npegu3BuKan AnonoHa Ha HaTnpeBap bo My3u^upafte. Ho oTKaKo 6un nopa3eH, AnonoH Ke ro Bp3e (o6ecu) 3a egeH 6op u Ke My ja ogepe KoxaTa (unu Ke My ro pacnapnu TenoTo). M bo oBoj cnynaj, HeroBaTa xuBoTHa cuna (KpB), 3aegHo co con3uTe Ha HeroBuTe nonuTyBanu, Ke ce TpaHcnoHupa bo npupogaTa, oBoj naT KaKo peKunKa HapeneHa no HeroBoTo uMe.112 ln3a u3BopuTe (Paus., VII, 17, 10 u HaTaMy; Arnob.,): mh^h Hap. ... T. 1, 56-49; fl. CpejoBuh, A. ^pMaHoBuh, PenHUK ... , 7,8; Dz. Dz. Frejzer, Zlatna ... , rnaBa XXXIV; XXXV; P. KyK, flpBo ... , 193. 112Dz. Dz. Frejzer, Zlatna ... , rnaBa XXXVI; fl. CpejoBuh, A. ^pMaHoBuh, PenHUK ... , 246, 247; mh^h Hap. ... T.2, 120. 131 ^pe^Ha u BpmHUK. MuxonomKo - ceMuoxu^Ka aHanu3a CoBpeMeHaTa HayKa, geHec HMa yBug npeg cé bo go^He^HHTe aHTHHKH nuKoBHH MaHH^ecTa^HH Ha cnoMHaTHTe ^purucKH mhtobh, bo koh KocMonomKHTe u MarucKH acneKTH ce coceM MapruHanH3upaHH Ha cMeTKa Ha aHTponoMop^HUTe u HapaTHBHHTe. Ho cenaK, ce hhhh geKa TaKBH Tparu Mo^aT ga ce 6apaaT cpeg apxeonomKHTe Haogu oTKpueHH Ha ^eHTpanHHOT BanKaH - npaTaTKoBHHaTa og Koja, bo TeKoT Ha 2. MuneHH-yM, BpuruTe ce npecenune bo Mana A3uja, Kage bo HapegHuoT nepuog Ke ja o^opMaT ^purucKaTa KynTypa u ^o^yna^Hja.113 CTaHyBa 36op 3a egHa KaTeropuja MHHujaTypHH 6poH3eHH npegMeTH (HaKHT, aMyneTu) koh ce gaTupaaT bo :«ene3H0T0 BpeMe (7 - 6. BeK npeg H.e.), a ce HaoraaT KaKo npuno3H bo rpo6oBHTe, no^HpaHH bo npegenoT Ha Kapnu^Ta Ha ^0K0jHH^HTe (ce hhhh, rnaBHo ^eHu). KynTyponomKH ce Bp3yBaaaT 3a aHTHHKuoT Hapog ^ajoH^H (cnopeg HeKou Teopuu u 3a aHTHHKHTe MaKegoH^H), nuja eTHoreHe3a hcto TaKa e noBp3aHa co BpuruTe.114 npegMeTHTe HMaaT H3gon^eHa ^opMa, npu mTo hhbhhot Kopnyc e bo Bug Ha ^HTpaneH cTo^ep / ocKa, og Koja cTpaHHHHo, bo neTupu HacoKH ce HH^aT HeKonKy pe-goBH H3pacT0^H co Kpy^Ho cnnecKaHa rnaBa /T. VIII:1-4/. Ha BpBoT,KaKo u Ha ocHoBaTa, ocKaTa 3BpmyBa co xopu3oHTanHH Kpy^HH nno^KH, og koh Hag ropHaTa e npuKa^aHa cegHaTa TOBe^Ka ^urypa, co noguraaTH KoneHa, nognaKTeHH pa^ u gnaHKH go6nu^e-hh u cnoeHH co nu^To. flen og ^pHMepo^HTe (nocTapuTe), ce neaHH u nogeTanHo H3Be-geHH /T.VIII:1,2, demanu -5,6/,gogeKa noHoBHTe ce H3pa6oTeHH noegHocTaBHo, gypu u og ^B^ecTo cBueH nuM, npu mTo ^urypaTa e bo roneMa Mepa cTunu3upaHa /T.VIII:3,4, demam -7/. no cBojaTa geTanHa H3pa6oTKa u cé ymTe go6po 3anyBaHHTe eneMeHTH Ha ^urypaTa, noce6Ho ce ucTaKHyBa npHBp3oKoT og Ku^i Zi (An6aHuja), Koj e BoegHo u KnyneH 3a pa3jacHyBaaeT0 Ha KapaKTepoT u cuM6onuKaTa Ha oBue npegMeTH /T. VIII:1, demam 5/. Ha oBoj npuMepoK ce rnega epeKTupaHuoT ^anyc Ha ^urypaTa, gogeKa gBeTe HeroBH gnaHKH gp^aT 3ao6neH u H3gon^eH npegMeT, Koj e cnoeH co nu^To (gyBa^KH My3HHKH ucHTpyMeHT unu cag?). HeKonKy geTanu go3BonyBaaT ga ru cnopegHMe oBue npeTcTaBH co rope cnoMHaTHTe ^purucKH, ho h gpyruTe TyKa npeTcTaBeHH mhtobh. BepTHKanHuoT cTo^ep, Ha nuj BpB cegu npuKa^aHuoT nuK, Mo^e ga ro hoch 3HaneaeT0 Ha KocMHHKaTaTa ocKa. CrpaHHHHHTe ucnycTH, bo oBaa cMucna 6u ro Hocene 3HaneaeT0 Ha rpaHKHTe Ha Kocmhhkoto gpBo unu npe^KHTe Ha cTon6oT, HaMeHeTH 3a ucKanyBaae. Mo^e6u, H3rnegoT Ha HamuoT pacnneHeT cTo^ep He npeTcTaByBa Henoc-pegHa CTHnH3a^Hja Ha gpBo, TyKy penaTHBHo peanucTuneH npHKa3 Ha HeKaKoB KynTeH o6jeKT, o^opMeH bo Bug Ha cTon6 co npe^KH, Koj ro npeTcTaByBan Kocmhhkoto gpBo.115 Ha napagurMaTHHHuoT npHMep og Ku^i Zi, cegHaTuoT 6or e npuKa^aH co ^a-nyc bo epe^uja /T.VIII:5/, mTo co orneg Ha KynTypHaTa npunagHocT Ha npegMeTHTe, ro Bp3yBa 3a Athc h ArgucT, nuja nonoBocT e HarnaceHa npeKy HHBHaTa ^yH^uja Ha onnogyBanu, KaKo u hhhot Ha hhbhoto KacTpupaae. flonHuoT gen og oBue npegMeTH 3aBpmyBa nonyTonnecTo, mTo Ha ^nuoT cTo^ep My gaBa H3rneg Ha ^anyc /T. VIII:3,4/. 113E. neTpoBa, BpuruTe ... . 1143a oBue npegMeTH: fl. MuTpeBcKH, flegenu ... , 55, 56, 72; 3a HHBHaTa eTHo-KynTypHa npunagHocT: fl. Mh-TpeBcKH, npoToucTopucKHTe ... , 202 - 205, 222 - 228; HnycTpa^HH: 3. BugeBcKH, MaKegoHcKH ... , KaT. 6p. 100-105. 115TaKa, Ha npuMep, „maMaHcKoTo gpBo" Kaj cuóupcKHTe JaKyTH, BcymHocT npeTcTaByBano bhcok cTan, Koj gononHeT co npe^KH, ^yH^uoHupan KaKo cKana 3a Ka^yBaae (V. J. Prop, Historijski ... , 324, 325). Bo egeH pacKa3 Ha nonueH, Koj ce ogHecyBa Ha cKauTe, ce cnoMHyBaaT cnrnHH cTonóoBH koh BogaT go He6oTo:„cpe-6peHH cTonóoBH bo xpaMoBHTe" h HeKaKoB „cTon6 co geceT cTananKu", Koj Bogu go He6oTo (M. Mapa30B, BuguMuaT ... , 117). 132 Hukoc Haycuduc, ropdaH Hukohqb M3egHanyBafteT0 Ha Kocmuhkuot cTon6 unu Kocmuhkoto gpBo co ^hobckuot / MaK-poKocMMHKM ^anyc Ha 60mecTB0T0, ucto TaKa Mo»e ga ce noBp3e co mmtot 3a Atmc / Argucruc, hmm reHuTanuu ce npeTBopaaT bo gpBo Ha 6ageM unu KanuHKa, npu mTo npucycTB0T0 Ha hmbhmot nnog bo meHcKuoT cKyT, npegM3BMKyBa 3aHHyBaae. ®anyc-hoto 3Haneae Ha oBue npegMeTu gaBa onpaBgyBaae 3a hmbhoto npucycTBo bo meHc-KMTe rpo6oBM u Toa KoHKpeTHo - nocTaBeHM bo 3oHaTa Ha Kapnu^Ta Ha noKojHuHKuTe (HajBepojaTHo KaKo anoTponeoHu unu MarucKu noggpmyBanu Ha HuBHaTa nnogHocT). npuKamaHuoT nuK, bo pa^Te gpmu HeKaKoB npegMeT Koj e gonpeH go ycTaTa. Mery gpyroTo, 6u Moreno ga ce pa6oTM 3a gyBa^Ku uHcTpyMeHT, mTo oBoj nuK ro 36nu-myBa co ^purucKuoT Mapcuja Koj e cBupan Ha ^pyna, a yMupa o6eceH Ha gpBo. 3rpne-HaTa no3a Ha nuK0T, bo pena^Mja co no3aTa Ha ^eTycoT, ce noBp3yBa co TyKa npuKa-maHuTe mutobu, nocBeTeHu Ha cMpTTa Ha 6oroT, ho u HeroBoTo noBTopHo parage. Bo oBaa cMuna MomaT ga ce HaBegaT 6pojHu napanenu og XeneHcKuoT Kpyr u og MTanuja (ETpypuja, Pum), Kage bo aHanorao 3rpneHa no3a ce npuKamyBaaT pa3Hu nuKoBu (naH, npujan, CaTup),Kou ce ucto TaKa uTu^anuHKu, cBupaT Ha gyBa^Ku uHcTpyMeHT u / unu nujaT og HeKaKoB cag /cnopedu co T.VIII:5 co 8, 10-12/. flen og hub ce yyyuaa (yyye -geTe - eM6puoH), ho u CTap^M, mTo (KaKo u bo cnynajoT co repMaH) ja ogpa3yBa HuBHaTa ^MKnMHHa e^3MCTeH^Mja (cTape^ - cMpT - npenopogyBaae bo geTe - yyye). MeTanHa ^urypa co aHanorHu o6enemja (3rpneHa no3a u ^anyc bo epe^uja) e npoHajgeHa u bo KpyroT Ha cpegHoBeKoBHuTe repMaHcKu KynTypu og CKaHguHaBuja /T. VIII:9/. MaKo ce ugeHTu^uKyBa co 6oroT ®pej,116 TyKa npuKamaHuTe aHanoruu He ja ucKnynyBaaT MomHocTa ga ce pa6oTu u 3a OguH / BoTaH. - ETpypuja npegMeTu co uK0H0rpa^uja cnu^Ha Ha npeTxogHuTe, ce MomHe Tunu^Hu 3a eT-pypcKaTa KynTypa. Og nopaHuoT nepuog (KynTypa „Vilanova"), BHuMaHueTo ro npuB-neKyBa egeH npegMeT, nuj BepTuKaneH cTomep e ucto TaKa pacnneHeT co nonpe^Hu, Harope u3BueHu rpaHKu /T.IX:2, demam 1/. M TyKa, Ha BpBoT ctou tobe^Ka ^urypa, oBoj naT co meHcKu o6enemja, u co cag Ha rnaBaTa. no3HaTu ce u npuMepu co HeKonKy aHT-ponoMop^Hu nu^, cBpTeHu Ha pa3Hu crpaHu /T.X:7/. Bo ^0g0^HemHM0T nepuog, cpeg eTpypcKuTe MeTanHu KynTHu npegMeTu ce ucTaKHyBaaT neaHu cTon6oBugHu KagunHu-^M (thymateria) u KaHgena6pu, nocTaBeHu Ha Tpu HorapKu, gononHeTu co pa3Hu pacTu-TenHu,3ooMop^Hu u aHTponoMop^Hu gogaT0^M /T.IX:3-8/. BpcKaTa co TyKa o6pa6oTe-HaTa MuTcKa cnuKa ce BocnocTaByBa npeKy npucycTBoTo Ha TOBe^Ku ^urypu, Hajnecro nocTaBeHu bo ocHoBaTa Ha BaKBuTe cTon6oBu /T.IX:3-6/, unu Ha hubhuot BpB/T.IX:7,8/. HanuHoT Ha pacnneHyBaae Ha HeKou og cTomepuTe, ynaTyBa Ha hubhuot pacTuTeneH KapaKTep (= Kocmuhko gpBo), na gypu u HeKaKBu gane^Hu BpcKu co mene3Hogo6HuTe npegMeTu og ^HTpanHuoT BanKaH /cnopedu ^u ducKoBudnume dodamo^ od T.IX:3,5 u T. VIII:1/. noKpaj gpyruTe o6enemja, KocMonomKuoT KapaKTep Ha oBue npegMeTu jacHo ro npe3eHTupaaT HuBHuTe HorapKu, necTo o6nuKyBaHu bo Bug Ha muBoTuHcKu menu kou ra3aT Bp3 menKa unu ma6a (= Knacu^uKaTopu Ha XToHcKuTe 30hu Ha BceneHaTa).117 116R. Cavendish, T. O. Ling, Mitologija ... , 184. 117HeKonKy npuMepu Ha BaKBu npegMeTu: O. J. Brendel, Etruscan ... , 90, 91, 216, 217 - 219, 298 - 300, 332 -334. 133 ^pe^Ha u BpmHUK. MuxonomKo - ceMuoxu^Ka aHanu3a OurypuTe, BKnoneHu bo ^nopanu3upaHuoT cToxep, bo HeKou npuMepu HocaT jacHu o6enexja Ha Mnago M0MHe unu Ha CuneH (Koj, KaKo u bo npeTxogHuoT cnynaj, Hane-Ba I nue nujanoK), mTo ru cTaBa bo noHenocpegHa pena^uja co ^purucKuoT Atuc u Mapcuja u npegMeTUTe og MaKegoHuja /cnopedu T.IXco T.VIII.1-4/.OBaa^0TeH^ujanHa 6anKaHCK0 - Manoa3ucKo - eTpypcKa pena^uja, Moxe ga uMa u HenocpegHu ucTopucKu onpaBgyBaaa, bo nuHujaTa Ha Mu^pa^uu (^HTpaneH BanKaH - Mana A3uja - BanKaH -AneHUHCKu nonyocTpoB), Koja ce ogBUBana bo TeK0T Ha BTopuoT u n0HeT0K0T Ha npBu-0T MuneHuyM og cTapaTa epa.118 McTuoT 6a3uneH cuM6onuHKo - uK0H0rpa^cKu K0H^nT, Ha AneHUHCKU0T nony-ocTpoB Moxe ga ce cnegu ce go puMCKuoT ^pcKu nepuog, u Toa npeKy TpuyM^anHUTe cTon6oBu, KaKo oHoj Ha TpajaH u Ha MapKo Aypenuj /T.XI:3/. BnageTenoT, Huja cTaTya u3BopHo cToena Ha BpB0T og 0Bue cTon6oBu, cnopeg cBojaTa ^yH^uja Ha„TaTK0 Ha Ha-pogoT" e bo pena^uja co TyKa o6pa6oTeHaTa KaTeropuja mutcku nuK0Bu kou, ucto TaKa, ro HocaT npeg cé 3HaHeaeT0 Ha podoHananHuu,u u npapodumenu Ha pogoT T.e. eTHocoT. - MHgwja Bo gpeBHUTe xuHgyucTUHKu Tpagu^uu, noBeKe 6oroBu ce noBp3aHu co pacTeHujaTa mTo HocaT 3Haqeae Ha Kocmuhkoto gpBo. ArHu e pogeH bo gpB0T0, KaKo „eM6puoH Ha 6unKUTe" u noToa pa3MHoxeH npeKy pacTeHujaTa. Og ^anycoT Ha BumHy u3neryBa noTocoB ^eT. Bo MHguja, ceKoj Byga (a BepojaTHo npeg Toa u ceKoj mTo 6un BgaxHoBeH co gyx), uMan cBoe noce6Ho gpBo co Koe 6una noBp3aHa HeroBaTa moK, Ha-peKyBaHa bodhitaru - gpBo Ha MygpocTa I gpBo Ha B0nme6cTB0T0.119 - cm6mp (maMaHM3aM) CnuKaTa Ha H0BeK Koj ce KanyBa unu npecTojyBa Ha BpB0T og Kocmuhkuot cTon6 unu Kocmuhkoto gpBo e oco6eHo a^eHTupaHa bo maMaHCKUTe Tpagu^uu, HU3 noBeKe genoBu Ha cBeT0T /npuMep Ha rnauamKu ^meM T.XI:1/. OneBugHo, cTanyBa 360p 3a apxeTuncKu cuM6onuHKu Mogen Koj ru aKTyenu3upa pa3BojHUTe acneKTu Ha H0BeK0BaTa ncuxa, H0BeK0B0T0 TexHeeae 3a eKCTpaxupaae Ha gyx0BH0T0 og TenecHo-To, 3a KoHTaKT co HegocTanHUTe 30hu Ha BceneHaTa u UHTeH^uja, npeKy gyxoBeH Hanop ga ru KoHTponupa u MeHyBa HacTaHUTe u cocToj6uTe bo MaTepujanHuoT cBeT. Cnopeg cu6upcKUTe maMaHCKu mutobu, maMaHCKaTa gyma „xapnu" pogeHa og xuBoTUHCKaTa MajKa, gyxoBUTe - ^peg^u ja cMecTyBaaT bo xene3Ha nynKa Koja noToa ja o6ecyBaaT Ha cBeT0T0 gpBo - mypy. Ha Toj HaHUH, Taa go6uBa HoBeHKu ^pTU Ha maMaH-H0BeK.120 Bo cTe6naTa u KpomHUTe Ha gpBjaTa ce Bpmene norpe6yBaaa u Toa KaKo Ha o6uh-hu nyre, TaKa u Ha noce6HUTe - KaKo mTo ce CBemTeHU^UTe u maMaHUTe (TaKBu npuMe-pu Mery gpyroTo, ce 3acBegoHeHu bo KpyroT Ha Yrpo-^uHCKUTe ^o^yna^uu). Ce Bepy-Bano geKa maMaHUTe Tpe6a ga ce norpe6aHu Ha gpB0T0, 3aToa mTo Ha Hero u ce pogune, unu naK, 3a ga MoxaT npeKy gpB0T0 ga uMaaT npucTan koh He6oTo u koh nog3eMjeTo. 118E. nexpoBa, Bpuruxe ... , 164-174. 1193a ArHu: A. Durman, Vučedolski ... , 16; 3a BumHy: J. Chevalier, A. Gheerbrant, Rječnik ... , 356; 3a gpBoxo Ha Byga: V. J. Prop, Historijski ... , 324,325. 120A. O. Ahucumob, KocMonoruHecKue ... , 45; onmxo 3a maMaHuxe u kocmuhkoto gpBo: M. Elijade, Šamanizam ... , 149-214. 134 Hukoc Haycuduc, ropdaH HuKonoB KaKo mTo peKoBMe, oBaa MMTcKa napaguma ctom m 3ag nocTanKMTe Ha 6eceae nyfe Ha gpBja, pacnpocTpaHeTM bo EBpona, A3uja u gpyru genoBM Ha cBeToT, KaKo nocTanKM Ha Ka3HyBaae Ha ^pecTa^HM^MTe. HeKage ce cMeTano geKa co Toa, BaKa Ka3HeTMTe, HeMa ga gocneaT HMTy bo nog3eMjeTo HMTy Ha He6o, TyKy BeHHo Ke ocTaHaT Bp3aHM 3a gpBo-to.121 CMeTaMe geKa nuKoBHaTa MaHM^ecTa^Mja Ha cnoMHaTMTe npeTcTaBM MoxeMe ga ja 6apaMe Ha egeH maMaHcKM TanaH Koj My npunafan Ha cm6mpckmot Hapog Ce^Kynu /T. Vll:5 demam 4/. He nafa nog coMHex geKa Ha ^noTo KpyxHo none og TanaHoT e npuKaxaHa egHa KocMonomKa npeTcTaBa, co 3eMHaTa 3oHa bo gonHuoT gen u coh^to co MeceHMHaTa bo ropHuoT. Bo ^HTapoT Ha K0M^03M^MjaTa ce npoTera BepTMKaneH cerMeHT, gononHeT co HeKonKy Kpa^M, Koj bo ^y6nMKa^MjaTa 3a oBoj npegMeT ce ugeH-TM^MKyBa KaKo HeKaKoB „nereHgapeH rymTep co cegyM napa Ho3e".122 CMeTaMe geKa, bo KoHTeKcT Ha ocTaHaTMTe TyKa npeTcTaBeHM mmtckm npeTcTaBM u cnuKM, MMa MecTo u 3a gpyro TonKyBaae cnopeg Koe oBoj eneMeHT 6u ro npuKaxyBan kocmmhkoto gpBo, Ha Huj BpB ce Haofa ^urypa Ha HoBeK (6or, maMaH?), bo no3a co pamupeHM Ho3e, MomHe cnuHHa Ha „HoBeHeTo" og KyHeBumTe /cnopedu T.Vll:4 co T.ll:1/. OBa TonKyBaae He ro ucKnyHyBa npegxogHoTo, goKonKy o6eTe 6u ce onpegenune KaKo pa3HM MKoHorpa^cKM cnoeBM Ha cnuKaTa, kom Moxene ga er3ucTupaaT napanenHo bo pa3HM KynTypHo-reor-pa^cKM unu xpoHonomKM nyHKToBM. flypu e MoxHa u cuM6onuHKaTa MgeHTM^MKa^Mja Ha kocmmhkokoto gpBo co HeKaKoB ^hobckm rymTep, hmm MynTM^nM^MpaHM Ho3e 6u ru Kogupane cegyMTe xopu3oHTM Ha BceneHaTa. OMHo-yrpM Kaj ^MHo-yrpucKMTe MopgBMj^M, Ha BpBoT og Kocmmhkoto gpBo cegaT Tpu 6ora (HumKa, HuKona-na3 u HopoB-na3), kom oTTaMy ja pa3genyBaaT cyg6uHaTa u cpeKaTa. Kaj ^MHo-yrpucKuoT Hapog MaH^M e 3a6enexeH o6uHajoT, bo myMcKMTe cBeTunumTa, 3a cTe6noTo Ha cBemTeHMTe gpBja ga ce ^MKcupaaT KyKnu og Kpnu kom ru npeTcTaByBa-ne 6oroBMTe. Bo egeH TaKoB npuMep, Ha egHa 6pe3a 6una nocTaBeHa KyKnaTa Ha TopyM-m;aHb (xeHaTa Ha HyMM-TopyM) u noKpaj Hea npuBp3aHa ^urypa Ha Mup-cycHe-xyM (cmh Ha TopyM-nbir). Kaj cu6upcKcuTe JaKyTM, Ha BpBoT og kocmmhkoto gpBo (hm3 hmm rpaHKM TeHe cBeTnuHa) e cegumTeTo Ha 6oroT Au-TojoH.123 CnuHHM KynTHM o6jeKTM bo Bug Ha KynTeH cTon6, co aHTponoMop^eH mmtckm nuK nocTaBeH Ha BpBoT e HecT Kaj ceBepHoaMepuKaHcKMTe MHgMjaH^M /npuMep T.X:8/. KuHa (flyH-BaH-xyH) Bo gpeBHoKMHecKaTa MMTonoruja, flyH-BaH-xyH e npeTcTaBeH KaKo „rocnogap Ha mctokot". Ce noHMTyBan KaKo egeH og BpxoBHMTe 6oroBM, noKpoBMTenu Ha 6ecMpTHM-Te. HeroBMTe nuKoBHM npeTcTaBM, cnopeg cBojaTa cTpyKTypa coogBecTByBaaT Ha TyKa npuKaxaHuoT Tun cnuKM. M3o6pa3eH e KaKo cegu Ha BpBoT Ha HeKaKoB cTon6oBugeH o6jeKT (BpB Ha nnaHMHa, HajBepojaTHo KocMMHKaTa nnaHMHa Kya-nya), npugpyxeH 121B. neTpyxuH, MM^M ... , 51, 52. 122C. B. MBaHoB. MaTepuanM ... , 72, 73. 123B. neTpyxuH, mm^m ... , 334, 363; P. KyK, flpBo ... , 191. 135 ^pe^Ha m BpmHMK. MuTonomKo - ceMMOTMHKa aHanM3a co CBOMTe m^oBugHM cnyruHKM (kom ro nogroTByBaaT MeneMOT Ha 6ecMpTHocTa) m 3MejoT, npuKaxaH bo nogHoxjeTo Ha cnuKaTa /T. VII:6/. Moxeóu bo npunor Ha BaKBuoT KapaKTep Ha flyH-BaH-xyH ogu u HeroBuoT enuTeT „KHe3 Ha gpBoTo".124 XpMCTMjaHCTBO CnuKaTa Ha noBeK,nocTaBeH Ha cTon6 unu gpBo e npucyTHa u bo xpucrujacTBOTo. CuTe KpuTepuyMu Ha OBaa KOM^O3M^Mja ru 3agoBonyBa npeTcTaBaTa Ha XpucToc, pac-nHaT Ha KpcTOT Ha PonroTa. npunuHMTe u MOTMBMTe 3a nojaBaTa u BKopeHyBaaeTo Ha OBaa cnuKa, Tpe6a ga ce 6apaaT Ha gBe cTpaHu. Og egHa cTpaHa e mctopmckmot HacTaH Ha XpucTOBOTo pacnHyBaae, Koj ce 6a3upa Ha pmmckmot o6unaj BTeMeneH Ha rope HaBe-geHMTe apxeTuncKu mmtcko - cuM6onuHKM Mogenu, cnopeg Koj ^pecTa^HM^MTe ce Ka3-HyBane npeKy hmbho nocTaByBaae Ha bmcokm gpBeHu cTon6oBu (bo cnynajoB gononHe-tm u co egHa xopu3OHTanHa rpega). OBoj peaneH HacTaH, ymTe egHam MHTep^epupan co ucTMTe cuM6onuHKM Mogenu, ho cera Ha hmbo Ha caMMOT nuK Ha XpucToc, Koj npeKy HeKonKy cbom o6enexja u ^yH^uu ce M3egHanyBa co rope noconeHaTa KaTeropuja mmt-ckm nuKOBu. npeg ce, Toj e no3MTMBeH nuK Koj TparunHo ruHe (xpTByBaH e) 3a go6poTo Ha noBemTBOTo u rno6anHo - Ha BceneHaTa. HeroBaTa cMpT e ycnoB 3a cnac Ha nyreTo, a bo naunKMTe c^epu u Ha npupogaTa (HeroBOTo Teno u eHepruja ce TpaHcnoHupaaT bo xuBOTHa cuna, Koja goBegyBa go noBTopHo 6ygeae Ha npupogaTa, Be^eTa^MjaTa, 3anHyBaaeTo,BocKpecHyBaaeTo ...). Ha gBeTe,TyKa npunoxeHM cpegHOBeKOBHu cnuKu og MTanuja e eKC^nM^MTHO M3pa3eH oBoj apxeTuncKu acneKT Ha PacneTueTo, npuKaxa-Ho KaKo pacnHyBaae Ha XpucToc He Ha KpcT, TyKy Ha gpBo /T.XI:5,6/. ManHuoT u gonroTpaeH npecToj Ha BpBOT og cTon6oT unu gpBoTo, necTo goBe-gyBa go cTeKHyBaae unu ycoBpmyBaae Ha HeKou cnoco6HocTM u go6necTu Ha nyreTo u 6oroBMTe. BucejKu geBeT geHOHOKuja Ha Kocmmhkoto gpBo, OguH ru oco3HaBa pyHMTe (HocuTenu Ha MygpocTa). KanyBajKu ce Ha Kocmmhkmot cTon6 unu Kocmmhkoto gpBo, maMaHMTe cTeKHyBaaT mok ga nenaT, ga npopeKHyBaaT u ga KOMyHM^MpaaT co 6oroBM-Te. Cnopeg rope cnoMHaTMTe HaBogu Ha ^yKujaH u nonueH, Moxe ga ce 3aKnynu geKa u bo aHTMKaTa, npeg HeKou xpaMOBu cToene orpoMHu cTon6oBu Ha kom, bo TeKOT Ha npa3 -HM^MTe, CBemTeHM^MTe ce KanyBane u npecTojyBane Ha hmb co geHOBu - bo pa3roBop co 6oroBMTe. Og OBue ^aKTu e eBugeHTHo geKa u Xpmctoboto cTpagaae Ha KpcTOT e ycnoB 3a HagMMHyBaae Ha HeroBaTa 3eMcKa npupoga u BneryBaae bo c^epaTa Ha caKpanHo-To. Bo oBoj KOHTeKcT Moxe nogo6po ga ce pa36epe u TpagM^MjaTa Ha xpucTujaHcKOTo cmonnnurnmBO - nocTanKa npu Koja xpMcTMjaHcKMTe gyxoBHM^M, nopagu penurucKu npunuHu, nogonro BpeMe npecTojyBane bo ocaMeHocT, Ha BpBOBMTe og bmcokm cTon6o-bm, coceM M3onupaHu og cBeTOT. ^MKOBHMTe npeTcTaBM Ha OBue cBeTUTenu - cTonnHM-^M, Bnerne u bo MKOHorpa^cKMTe nporpaMM Ha xpMcTMjaHcKMTe xpaMOBu og BM3aHTMc-KaTa c^epa /npuMepu T.XI:2,4/.12S Ce noKaxyBa geKa oBoj o6unaj He ce nojaBun ex nihilo, TyKy caMo ru npogonxun TyKa npuKaxaHMTe gpeBHM npeTxpucTujaHcKM TpagM^MM, aganTupajKu ru Ha xpucTujaHcKaTa ugeonoruja. 114Mm^h Hap. ... T.1, 410, 411. 125Ochobhm nogai^u m nuTepaTypa 3a CTon^HM^MTe: M. M. ^opfeBuh, Cbctm CTon^HM^M ... . 136 HUKOC Haycuduc, ropdaH HUKOHOB Bo rpagoBUTe Ha cpegHa u 3anagHa EBpona, bo TeKOT Ha cpegHuoT BeK, na u no-go^Ha, Ha nnomTaguTe, MocToBUTe u HeKou gpyru jaBHu o6jeKTu cToene cTon6oBu, Ha nuj BpB 6un npeTCTaBeH HeKoj cBeTUTen (Boo6unaeHo naTpoHOT Ha rpagoT). 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B. CegoBa, MBenupHbie ... , M. B. CegoBa, MBenupHbie u3genua gpeBHero HoBro- poga, MocKBa, 1981. - M. CenuBaHOB, floKTopaT ... , M. CenuBaHOB, floKTopaT nocBeTeH Ha YKpauHcKaTa Ha- pogHa opHaMeHTMKa (paKonuc) - Shqiperia ark. ... , Shqiperia arkeologike, Tirana, 1971. - P. Skok, Etimologijski ... , P. Skok, Etimologijski rječnik hrvatskoga ili srpskoga jezika, Zagreb, 1974. - CnaBHHcKue gpeBHocTU ... 1, 2, CnaBHHcKue gpeBHocTU ^THonoHrBucTUHecKUM cnoBapb), MocKBa, Tom 1: 1995; Tom 2: 1999. - F. Slawski, Slownik etymologiczny ... , F. Slawski, Slownik etymologiczny jezyka pol- skiego, Krakow. - Slownik praslowianski ... , Slownik praslowianski, Wroclaw - Warszawa - Krakow - Gdansk. - 3. n. CoKonoBa, HaxogKU ... , 3. n. CoKonoBa, HaxogKU b ffiumuHrax (KynbT narymKU u yropcKaa npo6neMa), CoBeTcKaa ^THO^pa^ufl, MocKBa, 1975 / 6, 143 - 154. - fl. CpejoBuh, A. ^pMaHOBuh, PeHHUK ... , fl. CpejoBuh, A. ^pMaHOBuh, PeHHUK rpHKe u puMcKe MMTonoruje, Beorpag, 1987. - H. Stierling, The Roman ... , H. Stierling, The Roman Empire, Vol.1, Koln, 1996. - A. Stipčevic, Kultni ... , A. Stipčevic, Kultni simboli kod Ilira - grada i prilozi sistematiz- aciji, Sarajevo, 1981. - D. Strong, Etrurski ... , D. Strong, Etrurski problem, // Isčezle civilizacije, Beograd, 1965, 169 - 200. - C. TaHOBuh, OrHumTa ... , C. TaHOBuh, OrHumTa u "guMHU^u" U3 OKonuHe ^eB^enuje, TnacHUK cKoncKor HayHHor gpymTBa, XXI, CKonje, 1940, 123 - 136. - H. M. Toncron, #3biK ... , H. M. ToncTon, #3biK u HapogHaa KynbTypa (OHepKU no cna- bhhckom Mu^onoruu u ^THonuH^BUcTUKe), MocKBa, 1995. - n. ToMuh, ^enyae ... , n. ToMuh, ^enyae u BpmHU^u y ceBepoucTOHHoj Cp6uju (ca ocBpTOM Ha OBe cygoBe u y gpyruM KpajeBUMa JyrocnaBuje),rnacHUK eTHorpa^cKor My3eja, 33, Beorpag, 1970, 43-54. - n. ToMuh, TunonomKO ... , n. ToMuh, TunonomKO-TepMUHonomKa Knacu^UKa^uja 36upKe HapogHor rpHHapcTBa, TnacHUK eTHorpa^cKor My3eja, 39-40, Beorpag, 1976, 45 - 83. 142 HUKOC Haycuduc, ropdaH HUKOHOB - B. H. 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Bene^Kafl, PyguMeHTH ... , PyguMeHTH MHgoeBponencKMX u gpeBHe6anKaHCKux puTyanoB b cnaBAHo - 6anKaHCKon o6pbgHocTM MegMa^MM cun npupogH, MaKe-goHCKM ^onKnop, 23, CKonje, 1979, 87 - 100. - H.H.Bene^afl,,33biHecKafl ...,H.H.Bene^aa,,33biHecKafl cuMBonuKa arn-ponoMop^Hon puTyanbHon cKynbnTypbi, // KynbTypa u ucKyccTBo cpegeHeBeKoBoro ropoga, MocKBa, 1984, 76 - 90. - M. BeHeguKoB, PaxgaHeTo ... , M. BeHeguKoB, PaxgaHeTo Ha 6oroBeTe, Co^ua, 1992. - 3. BugeBcKM, MaKegoHcKM ... , 3. BugeBcKM, MaKegoHcKM 6poH3M, CKonje, 2003. - J. Vlčkova, Enciklopedie ... , J. Vlčkova, Enciklopedie mytologie, germanskych a sever- skych narodu, Praha 1999. - T. BpaxuHoBcKM, Pe^HMK ... , T. BpaxuHoBcKM, Pe^HMK Ha HapogHaTa MMTonoruja Ha MaKegoH^MTe, CKonje, 2000. - fl. 3gpaBKoBcKM, CpegeH ... , fl. 3gpaBKoBcKM, CpegeH HeonuT bo ropHoBapgapcKuoT peruoH (paKonuc Ha MarucTepcKM Tpyg, og6paHeT Ha ®mho3o^ckmot ^aKynTeT bo CKonje, 2003 roguHa) - C. 3eneBuh, TepMaH ... , C. 3eqeBufr, TepMaH - o6uqaj 3a go6ujaae unu cnpenaBaae Kume, rnacHMK eTHorpa^cKor My3eja, 39 - 40, Beorpag, 1976, 249 - 263. - S. Zogovic, M. Bogeski, Sličnosti ... , S. Zogovic, M. Bogeski, Sličnosti i razlike u obredi- ma, funkcijama i kultu izmedu Marsa i Jarila, Etnoantropološki problemi, 7, Beograd, 1990, 9 - 14. 143 ^pe^ha u bpmhUk. mutonomko - cemUotUHka ahanu3a Crepna and vrshnik. Mythological - semiotic analysis Nikos Chausidis, Gordan Nikolov In the territory of central and eastern Balkans traditional female production of crepna (a shallow clay vessel intended, above all, for baking bread /Pl.I:4-6; Pl. II: 1/) and vrshnik (a hemispheric or conic vessel for covering a crepna /Pl.1:1-3) was still in practice in the mid-20th century. The production of these vessels was most frequently focused around the feast of St. Jeremiah (between May 1st and 14th). Numerous ritual and magical elements have been observed in their production, as related with the ritual purity of women: at the moment of making crepna, women were supposed to be bathed, to wear clean clothes, not to have their period, to have abstained from sexual intercourse and not to have had recent contact with a deceased person. Especially important for this process was the virginity. Namely, the tradition was that a woman would make her first crepna while she was still a virgin. Various norms and taboos have been documented, associated with digging clay and treading it (e.g., squeezing the skirt between the legs for a woman to hide her genitals from the clay, i.e., the earth). Production and use of crepnas were also related with many other magical acts and beliefs (fumigating with garlic, adorning with feathers and basil /Pl.I:4/, touching with pieces from the hearth, engraving ornaments /Pl.I:9-14/). Particularly interesting is the act of making a male clay figurine (with indicated phallus), which used to be stuck on a nail fixed in the centre of the first crepna /Pl.IV:1; reconstruction: Pl.II:1/. Information on this rite was documented by M. S. Filipovic in 1932 regarding the villages of Kuceviste and Cucer near Skopje. The rite itself was for the last time performed in the 1910's. The figurine was called "covece" ("little man"). It used to be placed on the first-made crepna and left there, allegedly to keep that one and the other crepnas from cracking during the process of drying (the only preserved specimen was made upon order by the researcher and it is now in possession of the Ethnographic Museum in Belgrade /Pl.IV:1/). After that the crepna would be kept in the house (on the attic) for a whole year, till the following campaign of making crepnas, when a new one would be made and the old one thrown away. Although no similar practice has been observed elsewhere, traditions are known in Bulgaria (and some other Balkan areas) concerning production of figurines in similar form, size and material, bearing itiphallic features. It refers to figurines of the mythical god German used in the rituals for controlling precipitation (invoking and stopping rainfalls, as well as stopping hail) /Pl.IV:2-10; Pl.V:8,9/. There are numerous associations between these figurines and the "little man" and they pertain to: - the season of their production (in both cases, April and May); - the names (the term German shows various linguistic relations with the name of the feast, i.e., Saint Jeremiah); the itiphallic connotation of both figurines, which, considering the incompatibility with the Christian Saint German, can only be explained as secondary Christanization of some Balkan-Slavic model (Hermes / herm = phallus?). The act of ritual sticking of this figurine in the crepna acquires the meaning of coitus, i.e. hierogamy, taking into consideration the phallic symbolism of the nail and the association of the central hole of the crepna with vulva /Pl.I:4,8/. Many rituals, traditions and etymologies preserved in the Slavic folklore indicate that the "little man" represented the male principle symbolizing the "secret power" contained in the yeast, which provided for the growth of bread (within Eastern Slavs also called "the father of bread" and "reason" ("pricina"). On the other hand, crepna acquired the character 144 HUKOC Haycuduc, ropdaH HUKOHOB of a womb that provides for the bread to grow and mature, in favour of which there are direct or indirect arguments. The direct ones are the already mentioned female components in the ritual bread-making, as well as the central swelling of the bread baked in crepnas, which was called "navel" ("papok"). Among the indirect arguments mentioned herewith are numerous traditions from different periods and geographic areas that show explicit symbolic identification of the vessel with woman's body and her womb. Special consideration has been given to several names of vessels (used mostly for leaving the dough to grow with the yeast and for baking bread), which in various Slavic languages and dialects show direct or indirect associations (semantic, and etymological) with female genitals (lonec / lono, karlica, taz, nocvi, deza, bocka / bocva, koba / kobila, besik / besika). Then follows the research of the macro-cosmic nature of crepna and vrshnik preserved in many traditions, tales and in the South Slavic phraseology, in which crepna is being identified with earth and vrshnik with the sky. In one Macedonian tale God created the world from a crepna and the sky from a vrshnik with which he covered it /models of this: Pl.VI/. In this context the stages of making crepna are equated with the phases of cosmogony: - mixing of the clay = mixing of the prime elements (earth and water); -modeling of the clay = creation of the earth and shaping up its edge; - applying a cross = defining the cardinal points of the earth, i.e., the world /Pl.I:4,9/; - sticking a nail or other vertical element in the central hole of the crepna = defining the centre of the earth and laying the cosmic axis /Pl.I:4,8,9; Pl.II:1/; - modeling of the male figurine = creating of the son, i.e., the husband of the Mother-Earth. In this mythical-cosmological concept, sticking of a nail and a figurine in the centre of crepna acquires the meaning of hierogamy, i.e., sexual contact of the male mythical figure with Mother-Earth /Pl.II:1/, as condition for her fertility and for creation of other cosmic elements (bread, food, man ...). In a macrocosmic constellation like this the figurine of the"little man"from Kuceviste in relation with the mentioned figure of German acquires several mythical meanings and functions. He is, above all, inseminizer, the male fertilizing power that makes the bread grow, having been identified with the heavenly light, the sun heat, the life fire and the rain, which are the prerequisites for the fruitfulness of the earth. The emphasized family and generic nature of the two rites ("German" and making crepnas) point to the "little man" as incarnation of the male "gens" of the community in which they were being practised as factor of its continuity. Placed at the peak of the Cosmic axis, it (analogous to German) bears the character of a mediator, a go-between transferring elements and information between cosmic zones (earth and sky, people and gods). Finally, due to the central position and the cyclic year-long existence, the "little man" conveys the concept of "sacrificed god", whose life is being repeatedly invested in the creating of the world, in the appearance of fruitful components, cyclic movement of time and the welfare of people (functions explicitly confirmed in the mythical figure of German). In that sense they perfectly fit in the well known category of similar mythical characters and ritual traditions preserved within the Slavic medieval cultures /Pl.II/ and folklore in the Indo-European complex and more widely (Odin / Votan, Adonis, Atis, Agdist, Marsija, shamanism, executions of perpetrators at various "stakes", the Christian stilatism, ending with Christ and his crucifixion on the cross) /Pl.VII-Pl.XI/. 145 ^pe^Ha m BpmHMK. MuTonomKo - ceMMOTMHKa aHanM3a T.I. 1,2,3. KepaMMHKu BpmHM^M, eTHorpa^uja, BanKaH (cnopeg CKM^M: n. ToMuh, Tuno- nomKO ... , 50 - T.II: 3,4, 5). 4. ^enHa HaKMTeHa co 6ocuneK (peKOHcTpy^uja cnopeg onuc Kaj: M. C. ^ununo- Buh, ^eHcKa KepaMMKa ... ). 5,6. ^enHM, cpegeH BeK, ,D,e6pemTe, npunen, P. MaKegoHuja (B. Ba6uK, MaTepujan- HaTa ... , 301 - cn.82: 1,2). 7. KepaMMHKu cag bo Bug Ha ^pe^Ha co HorapKu, HeonuT, nopoguH, BuTona, P. MaKegoHuja (Porodin ... , T.VI:3). 8-14. Motmbm B^pTaHM Ha gHoTo og ^pe^HMTe (cnopeg onucu u CKM^M Kaj: M. C. ^ununoBuh, ^eHcKa KepaMMKa ... , 22 - Cn.11; 23 - Cn.13; 24 - Cn.15; 149 -Cn.47). 15. Mogenupaae Ha ^pe^Ha, MMpKOB^M, CKonje (M. C. ^ununoBuh, ^eHcKa KepaMMKa ... , Cn.29). T.II. 1. DiMHeHa ^urypa „HOBeHe" (peKOHcTpy^uja Ha aBTeHTMHHaTa CMTya^Mja), eTHorpa^uja, KyHeBumTe, CKonje (^oTorpa^uja Ha ^urypaTa: M. C. ^ununoBuh, ^eHcKa KepaMMKa ... , Cn. 44). 2. Motmb BrpaBupaH Bp3 npcTeH (geTaa og nocnoxeHa KOM^O3M^Mja), 12-13. BeK, ^emje, Cp6uja (B. PagojKOBuh, HaKMT ... , 101: 48, Cn. 37). 3. Penje^ Bp3 KaMeHeH Hagrpo6eH cnoMeHMK, go^H cpegeH - hob BeK, Kynpec, BocHa. (Š. Bešlagic, Kupres ... , 51 - Sl. 29). 4. MeTaneH npegMeT, 12. BeK, Opole, noncKa (B. Gediga, Relikty ... , 105 - Ryc. 10). 5. MeTaneH npegMeT, 12. BeK, HoBropog, Pycuja (M. B. CegoBa, ^BenupHwe ... , 176 - Puc.75). 6. MeTanHa a^nMKa^Mja, cpegeH BeK, Oldenburg, TepMaHuja (I. Gabriel, Hof- und Sakralkultur ... , 186 - Abb.33:1). 7. MeTanHa a^nMKa^Mja, cpegeH BeK, Schwedt, TepMaHuja (I. Gabriel, Hof- und Sakralkultur ... , 186 - Abb.33:1). 8. MeTanHa a^nMKa^Mja, cpegeH BeK, Brzesc Kujawsky, Wloclawek, noncKa (I. Gabriel, Hof- und Sakralkultur ... , 186 - Abb.33:2). T.III. 1-5. KynTHM npegMeTM og KepaMMKa, 3. MuneHuyM npeg H.e., KuKnagcKa KynTypa, Cupoc, ^uja. H. Müller-Karpe, Handbuch ... , III, Taf. 362: 3,5,8,9. 6. AHTponoMop^eH KepaMMHKu cag, HeonuT, flpeHOBa^ CBeTO3apeBo, Cp6uja. M. Gimbutas, The Language ... , 104 - Fig. 171. 7. AHTponoMop^eH KepaMMHKu cag, HeonuT, BpmHMK, TapMH^M, fflrun, P. MaKe-goHuja. Praistorija Jugosl. ... , Tom II, T. XIV: 1a, b. T.IV. 1. DiMHeHa ^urypa „HOBeHe", KyHeBumTe, CKonje (^oto: M. C. ^ununoBuh, ^eHcKa KepaMMKa ... , Cn.44). 2,8-10. rnuHeHM ^urypu Ha repMaH, eTHorpa^uja, ^kobmtcko, Byrapuja (C. Koctob^, KynT^T^ ... , 110,111 - 06p. 90,91). 146 HUKOC Haycuduc, ropdaH HUKOHOB 3. DiMHeHa ^urypa Ha repMaH,eTHorpa^uja,nypnuHeBo,MuxaMnoBrpag,Eyrapuja (L. Mikov, Anthropomorphic ... , 180 - Fig. 8). 4. DiMHeHa ^urypa Ha repMaH, eTHorpa^uja, flp^HOBe^ Pa3'brpag, Eyrapuja (L. Mikov, Anthropomorphic ... , 180 - Fig. 10). 5. ^urypa Ha KanojaH (gpBeHa?), eTHorpa^uja, PoMaHuja / MongoBa? (H. H. Be-^e^Kafl, PyguMeHTbi ... , 96). 6. DiuHeHa ^urypa Ha repMaH, eTHorpa^uja,flo6pyya, Eyrapuja (E^n. Hap. KynTy-pa ... , 06p.89). 7. riuHeHa ^urypa Ha repMaH, eTHorpa^uja, Pa3rpagcKo, Eyrapuja (ETHorp. Ha Ew ... , 96). T.V I,4,5. flpBeHu ^urypuHu, cpegeH BeK, HoBropog, Pycuja (E. A. Pbi6aKoB, A3. gp. Pycu ... , 500 - Puc. 83). 2. flpBeHa ^urypuHa, cpegeH BeK, Opole, noicKa (W. Hensel, Early ... , Fig14). 3. KepaMu^Ka ^urypuHa, HeonpegeieHa gaTa^uja, OnTunapu, EuTona, P. MaKegoHuja (Kone^uja Ha M. Man6amuK og EuTona, Heny6nuKyBaHo). 6. BeiurgeHCKo jaj^, eTHorpa^uja, Eyrapuja Mukob, M3o6pa3uTenHu ... , 205: 5-a). 7. BeiurgeHCKo jaj^, eTHorpa^uja, yKpauHa (M. CenuBanoB, floKTopaT ... , cnoB-HUK: T. LXI). 8. rnuHeHa ^urypa Ha repMaH nocTaBeHa Ha KepaMuga, eTHorpa^uja, ^^aBaHOB^u, EepKOBu^, Eyrapuja (L. Mikov, Anthropomorphic ... , 179 - Fig. 6). 9. DmHeHa ^urypa Ha repMaH nocTaBeHa Ha KepaMuga u HaKuTeHa co ^eKe, eTHorpa^uja, Eyrapuja (CnaBAHcKue gpeBHocTu ... 1, 499). T.VI 1-4. TpoguMeH3uoHanHu Mogenu Ha BceneHaTa (H. Haycuguc, KocMonomKu ... , A5; A6): 1. C^epuneH Mogen. 2. Ky6uHHo-c^epuneH Mogen. 3. BepTuKanHo pac-nneHyBaae Ha He6oTo u 3eMjaTa. 4. Xopu3OHTanHo pacnneHyBaae Ha He6oTo u 3eMjaTa cnopeg koh^htpuhhuot koh^ot. 5. EpoH3eH npuBp3OK, «ene3Ho BpeMe, Crvljevica Planina, Mostar, Xep^roBuHa (A. Stipčevic, Kultni ... , T. III: 2). 6. flujarpaM Ha „Kocmuhkoto gpBo" u Ha gpyruTe KocMonomKu eneMeHTu (P. KyK, flpBo ... , 188). 7. neTporau^, 6poh3obo / «ene3Ho BpeMe, fflBegcKa (J. Vlčkova, Enciklopedie ... , 205-f). 8. 9. MeTanHu nnoHKu, 3. MuneHuyM npeg H.e., HnameH, Kpaj6pe^je Ha e3epoTo CeBaH, EpMeHuja (M. Kšica, Vypravy ... , 284). 10. Moruna gononHeTa co KaMeHu KOHcTpy^uu, npegucTopuja, Sjoborg, flaHcKa (Z. Krzak, Swieta gora ... , 118: Ryc. 6). II. BpmHuK nocTaBeH Bp3 nnona 3a neneae ne6, eTHorpa^uja, peKOHcTpy^uja Ha cuTya^ujaTa (cnopeg u^ycTpa^uu Kaj: n. ^ neTpoBuh, O HapogHoj ... , 31, 32, Cn.15; n. ToMuh, TunonomKo ... , 50 - T.II). 147 ^pe^Ha u BpmHUK. MuxonomKo - ceMuoxu^Ka aHanu3a T.VII 1. 06pegHo KanyBaae Ha ge^Ta no„MajcKO gpBo",eTHorpa^uja, McTOHHa EBpona (H. H. Bene^aja, MHoroöo^a^Ka ... , 184). 2, 3. E^3eKy^HH npeKy HaÖHBaae Ha Kon, cpegHoBeKoBHH rpaBypu. 4, 5. ^HKoBHa npeTCTaBa HacnuKaHa Ha maMaHCKH TanaH, eTHorpa^uja Ha HapogoT Ce^Kynu, Cu6up (C. B. MBaHoB, MaTepuanH ... , 73 - Phc.59). 6. Mothb og penje^, gpeBHoKHHecKa KynTypa, 2. BeK H.e., MHaa, ^poBHH^Hja fflaagyH, KuHa (Mh^h Hap. ... T.1, 410). T.VIII 1-7. EpoH3eHH KynTHH npegMeTH,^ene3Ho BpeMe: 1,5. Ku^i Zi, An6aHuja (Shqiperia ark. ... , 48). 2,6. Cto6h, TpagcKo, P. MaKegoHuja (M. MuKynnuK, HeKou ... , 224 - Fig.4). 3. flegenu, BanagHoBo, P. MaKegoHuja (fl. MuTpeBcKH, flegenu ... , T. VI: 4). 4,7. MaKegoHHja. 8. Mothb og MoHeTa, gpeBHorp^Ka KynTypa, 5. BeK npeg H.e., HaKcoc, CH^HnHja (E. Lucie - Smith, Erotizam ... , 19 - Sl.14). 9. EpoH3eHa ^urypuHa, 11. BeK, fflBegcKa. (R. Cavendish, T. O. Ling, Mitologija ... , 184). 10,11. KananeHH TepaKoTHH ^urypuHH, gpeBHorp^Ka KynTypa 6. BeK npeg H.e. (S. Mollard - Besques, Catalogue ... , Pl. L/B540; Pl. L/B539). 12. EpoH3eHa ^urypuHa, eTpypcKa KynTypa, 5. BeK npeg H.e. (S. Perowne, Rimska ... , 10). T.IX 1,2. EpoH3eH KynTeH npegMeT, ^ene3Ho BpeMe, Vetulonia, MTanuja (O. J. Brendel, Etruscan ... , 91 - Fig. 60; M. Hoernes, Urgeschichte ... , 499 - Abb. 9). 3-8. EpoH3eHH KynTHH npegMeTH (KagHnHH^H, KaHgena6pu), eTpypcKa KynTypa, 6 - 4. BeK npeg H.e. MTanuja: 3,4. Vulci; 6. Todi (O. J. Brendel, Etruscan ... , Fig.144, 217, 218, 258; D. Strong, Etrurski ... , 199 - Sl. 17,18; Klasična razdoblja .... , /II/, 60). T.X 1-4,6. Mothbh og cpegHoBeKoBHH paKonucu, 12-14 BeK, 3anagHa EBpona (J. Baltrušaitis, Fantastični ... , 104 - Sl. 81). 5. EgHa og cTpaHHTe Ha KaMeHuoT ugon og peKaTa 36pyn, cpegeH BeK, yKpauHa, geHec bo ApxeonomKuoT My3ej bo KpaKoB, noncKa ^pTe»:: H. Haycuguc, Koc-MonomKH ... , fl38:3, (cnopeg ^oTorpa^uu ny6nuKyBaHH Kaj: G. Lenczyk, Swia-tovid ... , T. II, T. III; E. A. Pbi6aKoB, £3. gp. Pycu ... , Puc. 50, 51). 7. EpoH3eH KynTeH npegMeT, ^ene3Ho BpeMe, Vetulonia, MTanuja (M. Hoernes, Urgeschichte ... , 499 - Abb. 8). 8. KynTHH npegMeTH,HnycTpa^Hja Ha o6peg Ha ceBepHo-aMepuKaHcKHTe Mandan - MHgHjaH^H, 19. BeK (J. Campbell The Way ... , 231 - Fig. 402). 148 Hukoc Haycuôuc, ropdaH Hukohob T.XI 1. Mana Ha naTyBaaeTo Ha maMaH0T Hm Kocmuhkoto gpBo, ^pTem Ha^pTaH og maMaH, AnTaj (J. Campbell The Way ... , 158 - Fig. 276). 2. CTonnHUK HacnuKaH Hag cTon6oT og nposopcKaTa 6u^opa, 14. BeK, "KpaaeBa ^pKBa", MaHacTup CTygeHU^, Cp6uja (r. Ba6ufr, KpaaeBa ... , 240 - T.VIII). 3. TpuyM^aneH cTon6 Ha uMnepaTopoT TpajaH, PuMCKa ^UBunu3a^uja, 2. BeK, Pum. (H. Stierling, The Roman ... , 128). 4. ^pecKa co npeTCTaBa Ha CTonnHUK, nocTBusaHTucKu nepuog, xpaM Ha Cb. fluoHucuj, CBeTa ropa (lepa ^ovr| ... , 509). 5. ^pecKa, cpegeH BeK, MTanuja. (C. G. Jung, Čovjek ... , 80). ó. CnuKa Ha Pasino da Guido, 14. BeK, MTanuja (Mh^h Hap. ... T.1, 405). 149 ^pe^Ha u BpmHUK. MuxonomKG - ceMuoxuHKa aHanu3a 150 Hukoc Haycuduc, ropdaH Hukohob T. VIII 151 ^pe^Ha u BpmHUK. MuxonomKo - ceMuoxu^Ka aHanu3a 152 Hukoc Haycuduc, ropdaH Hukohob T. VIII 153 ^pe^Ha u BpmHUK. MuxonomKo - ceMuoxu^Ka aHanu3a 154 Hukoc Haycuduc, ropdaH Hukohob T. VIII 155 ^pe^Ha u BpmHUK. MuxonomKG - ceMuoxuHKa aHanœa T. VII 156 T. VIII Hukoc Haycuduc, ropdaH Hukohob 5 6 7 8 157 ^pe^Ha u BpmHUK. MuxonomKo - ceMuoxu^Ka aHanu3a 158 Hukoc Haycuduc, ropdaH HuKonoB 159 ^pe^Ha u BpmHUK. MuTonomKo - ceMUoTUHKa aHanu3a 160 semiotične interpretacije ljudskega izročila interpretazioni semiotiche della tradizione popolare semiotic interpretations of language and tradition A Structure for the Gods: The Indo-European Pantheon Reconsidered Emily Lyle This article suggests that we can possibly reach a fuller understanding of the Indo-European pantheon by positing a prehistoric state when a tenfold set of gods had places in a structure of space and time and social organisation. The place of kingship is especially complex but it is suggested that eight of the deities (including two goddesses) can be categorised in terms of three pairs of dualities. Ideas that I have had for some time (see Lyle 1990; forthcoming "Importance") are beginning to penetrate into the scholarship on mythology, although still rather slowly, and it seems appropriate at this point to invite discussion of them in the Slavic context. Nowhere in the Indo-European world do we have a coherent system of gods but my view is that it is possible to postulate such a system as having once existed in prehistory. It was very likely in decay even in the oral period and the arrival of writing would have been inimical to it. It is an interesting fact that it is actually rather difficult to convey a total cosmological scheme in writing, and that is our task at the present day if we want to envisage the possibility that the pantheon was a coherent grouping of gods that made sense in an original setting thousands of years ago and retained its mythic power long after it had fragmented. We can expect that the names we have for gods in most branches of the Indo-European language and culture family will be many more than can be accommodated in a relatively compact structure. We have to allow for duplications and the splitting off of aspects of a deity as separate divine figures. At the same time, we can expect that there will be gaps when we try to match the set of major gods in any one branch with an overall schema. There is likely to have been loss in the course of time, and possibly also two or more gods that were once separate will have been amalgamated into a single one that is conceived of as especially powerful. The task of arriving at an overall system might seem hopeless and it has certainly not been possible to posit one through working back from the historical evidence in the different branches of the Indo-European in the absence of a theory about how the gods fitted into a total cosmology. There has been structural work done in the past in the Indo-European area and we are indebted especially to Georges Dumézil for a lifetime of work (see Littleton 1982), without which the current advances would not have been possible. We are also indebted to the anthropologist, N. J. Allen, for pointing out that the structures that Dumézil elicited from texts indicate that we are dealing with the remnants of a primitive classification system (Allen 2000: 62-63). Once we acknowledge this, we can begin to work from the other end and make theoretical statements that would apply to a postulated state in prehistory. 163 A Structure for the Gods: The Indo-European Pantheon Reconsidered The remnants scattered throughout the Indo-European area are very rich and clearly much attention was paid to the ritual use of space and time, and so we can safely posit a cosmology that enclosed human beings and supernatural beings in a spatio-temporal framework. The ritual year has recently become a focus for research and I will take up some points about time below but I will start with space, which I will consider first simply on the horizontal plane. In a universal schema deriving from the sense of the upright human body we are aware of four directions reaching out from a centre, and this centre may or may not be given expression as a separate, fifth, place. Into this neat schema of four or five places comes the anomalous and puzzling Indo-European emphasis on tripartite division. Dumézil simply thought that there were two different systems (1973: 9) but Rees and Rees (1961: 118133) , Allen and I have attempted to co-ordinate them. I shall give my own solution here. The first point I wish to make is that we can only begin to understand a system that includes a valuing of both three and four/five by admitting that it is complex. Dumézil's thinking in this area was not confined to simple "functional" figures (representing his three "functions" of the sacred, physical force and prosperity/fertility) but also posited additional trifunctional figures - a king god and a goddess. Daniel Dubuisson recognised a fivefold scheme like this too and also argued, as others have done, that there are light and dark aspects of the functional and trifunctional positions (Dubuisson 1985). This gives us not simply the five positions called for by considering the fuller set of the horizontal divisions of space but a set of ten. I argue that this is the total number of major gods in the pantheon and that they can be placed in this spatial pattern. Kingship is widely associated with the centre and there is little difficulty in placing the trifunctional king figures here. The goddesses I understand as having the third place in the sequence of four running round the four directions, but this is perhaps more problematic and I would like to consider the matter of sequence in vertical as well as horizontal space. Because of the force of gravity, we are inclined to take the top as the beginning and I understand the equivalent of the four directions to be, in vertical space, the four layers of: heaven, the space between heaven and earth (atmosphere), earth, and sea in that order. It will be no surprise, then, that I see the female as in the position that corresponds to earth. We can lay out the set of ten as a single string of numbered items (Figure 1) and, as I first suggested this treatment at a conference in Edinburgh in 2005, it can be referred to as the Edinburgh reference set. The first of each pair is the light component and the second the dark one. The identifications in terms of Dumézil's functions are given above and the identifications in my terms are given below. When we come to the identifications in my terms, the kings in the centre are distinctly different from the rest and do not fall under the pattern that I suggest for the other gods. I argue that the eight other gods are definable as different combinations of three characteristics. This may seem too calculated but it just makes precise a number of features of the gods that have been recognised in myth and cult. It has, for example, been quite customary to talk about "sky gods" and "chthonic gods" and "old gods" and "young gods". Let us discuss the "old gods" first since they can be considered to form a set of their own in the beginning of time before the "young gods" came into existence (cf. Lyle 1990; 1995; forthcoming "Narrative"): These are the dark components in the series (excluding the dark king). I understand them as gods that can be identified with the layers of the universe, including the primal goddess located at the level of the earth. Two of them belong to the above and two to the below, and it is quite relevant here to look at categories from 164 Emily Lyle Ancient Greece, where the above corresponds to the hot and the below to the cold (Lyle 1990; 1995). Ancient Greek philosophy cross-cut these categories with a second duality of the dry and the wet, and I think we can see the four old gods as corresponding to the four elements, although discussion of the four components takes its own direction in philosophy so that the elements are not normally listed in the order that would be appropriate to the layers of the universe: air, fire, earth and water. It may be relevant here to mention a set of cosmological figures in Old Norse literature that Jon Hnefill Adalsteinsson writes about in this way (1998: 30-31) for it is interesting to observe that, in this grouping of elemental figures, one of the four is female. ^gir, the god or giant of the sea, and Hr^svelgr, the god or giant of the wind are not the only jotnar who represent the elements in the Old Norse world picture. One can also mention the giant Surtr, who is the representative of fire. Some scholars have also wished to see the fourth element, earth, in the shape of the giant Gymir, the father of Gerdr who was won over by Freyr. In Old Norse belief, however, Jordin or Earth was early on connected to Odinn, who became her husband, and to Lorr who is known as "Jardar burr", the son of Earth, and was considered to be their son. The "old gods" sequence runs as shown in Table 1. The opposition hot/cold (A) is given first and the opposition dry/wet (B) is given second, with the hot and dry called + and the cold and wet called -. In a third opposition already implied (C) all the old gods are the dark (-) part of a light/dark opposition. A B + - + + - + C hot and wet and dark hot and dry and dark cold and dry and dark cold and wet and dark heaven atmosphere earth air fire earth water How are we to see these components in relation to time? I am pleased to say that Nikita I. Tolstoy independently of my own studies has shown that the cycle of the year corresponds to the cycle of the 24-hour day and that both are cross-cut by two dualities (Tolstoy 1997; 2002; cf. Lyle 2006). I would put them in correspondence with what has just been discussed and say that the halves that run from midwinter to midsummer and from midnight to noon and back belong to the hot/cold series of oppositions (A) and that the summer/winter and day/night (as period between sunset and sunrise) oppositions belong to the dry/wet series (B). We will not be surprised, however, to find that there is an extra complexity in the system. The period of the twelve days around midwinter and a corresponding period in the night (which I would define as between last light and first light) seems to be the dark part in the light/dark opposition (C) of which the light part is the whole of the rest of the year. The period of the twelve days, then, would be dedicated to the old gods and be strongly associated with danger and death and reversal while the rest of the year would relate to the young gods. Why should we think that names would identify gods more securely than the triple categories proposed here? Of course, we relate to named beings as to human friends and enemies but we have to be careful not to reify the gods and say that such-and-such a named 165 A Structure for the Gods: The Indo-European Pantheon Reconsidered god has such-and-such characteristics and takes part in such-and-such specific activities. Very often, all we can safely say is that a named god is called upon in cult at a specific place and time or that a named god acts in a particular way in a story told in a particular century in a particular language. There is no desire to replace what can be learned from cult and narrative, but I hope we can begin now to put that information together with definitions of gods who are old or young, of the above or the below and of the summer or the winter (to take certain aspects of their dualities), and that can be related to divisions of space and points in the ritual year. The period of the twelve days, then, would be dedicated to the old gods and be strongly associated with danger and death and reversal, while the rest of the year would relate to the young gods (excepting the dark king). Although I have accepted Dumézil's notion of the functions and built from that, I should add that in many ways my approach to them differs from his. I see the possibility that, in the prehistoric period, the concept of physical force was attached to young men, the concept of prosperity/fertility to mature men, and the concept of the sacred to old men in a society that operated an age-grade system (1997; 2001). I also find that two of the keys that Dumézil used to unlock the system of the pantheon - the Mitanni treaty with its Indic names of gods and Adam of Bremen's account of the Uppsala temple with its Norse names - were misinterpreted by him (2004; submitted), and that we cannot place any reliance at all on his placement of gods within the structure, although the threefold structure itself does hold up well under examination. We really have to start again and it could be an exciting time for comparative mythology as we unfold the layers of meaning in the light of the suggested paradigm. Once we discard Dumézil's interpretation of the triads in the keys he used, we can probably agree that the central figure in each of them - Indra in the one case and Thor in the other - are both powerful thunder-and-lightning gods and are also likely to be in the role of king as is the thun-der-and-lightning Greek god, Zeus. In the Baltic context, Perkùnas, whose name means thunder, was the sole god in the thirteenth-century Lithuanian shrine found under the 166 Emily Lyle cathedral in Vilnius (Laurinkiené 1996: 81-86, English thesis abstract 15-16), and I take it that as the king figure he represented the totality. In the Slavic context, the equivalent figure that I would identify as the king is Perun (cf. Kropej 2003: 126-131). I think this may strike scholars as a natural interpretation, but time will tell whether this is the case and whether it is possible to build up a Slavic structure centred on the king that is in keeping with a total Indo-European tenfold pantheon that draws on all branches of our wide-ranging tradition and relates to concepts of space, time and social organisation that were current in prehistory. References Allen, N. J. 2000 Categories and Classifications: Maussian Reflections on the Social. New York and Oxford: Berghahn Books. Adalsteinsson, Jon Hnefill 1998: A Piece of Horse Liver: Myth, Ritual and Folklore in Old Icelandic Sources. Reykjavik: Haskolautgafan. Dubuisson, Daniel 1985: Matériaux pour une typologie des structures trifonctionnelles. L'Homme 93, 105-121. Dumézil, Georges 1973: The Destiny of a King. Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press. Kropej, Monika 2003: Cosmology and Deities in Slovene Folk Narrative and Song Tradition. Studia Mythologica Slavica 6, 121-148. Laurinkiené, Nijolé 1996: Senovés lietuviq dievas: Perkunas [Old Lithuanian Gods: Perkunas.] With English summary. Tautosakos darbai IV (XI). Vilnius: Lietuvi^ literatùros ir tautosakos institutas. Littleton, C. Scott 1982: The New Comparative Mythology: An Anthropological Assessment of the Work of George Dumézil. 3rd ed. Berkeley, Los Angeles, and London: University of California Press. Lyle, Emily 1990: Archaic Cosmos: Polarity, Space and Time. Edinburgh: Polygon. Lyle, Emily 1995: Modeling Feature and Mark in Old-World Cosmology. Semiotica 106, 171-185. Lyle, Emily 1997: Age Grades, Age Classes and Alternate Succession: A restatement of the basis at the societal level of Indo-European symbolic partition. Emania 16, 63-71. Lyle, Emily, tr. Aude Le Borgne 2001: Grades d'âge, classes d'âge et succession alternée: Nouvelles vues sur l'origine des partitions symboliques indo-européennes au niveau sociétal. Ollodagos 16, 111-145. Lyle, Emily 2004: Which Triad? : A Critique and Development of Dumézil's Tripartite Structure. Revue de l'histoire des religions 221, 5-21. Lyle, Emily 2006: The Question of the Ritual Year and the Answers to It. In Mifsud-Chircop, George, ed., The Ritual Year. First International Conference of the SIEF Working Group in association with the Department of Maltese, University of Malta Junior College Msida, Malta, ed. George Mifsud-Chircop, pp. 373-381. Malta: Publishers Enterprises Group (PEG) Ltd. Lyle, Emily forthcoming "Narrative": Narrative Form and the Structure of Myth. Paper presented at the 14th Congress of the International Society for Folk Narrative Research. Electronic Journal of Folklore (Tartu). 167 A Structure for the Gods: The Indo-European Pantheon Reconsidered Lyle, Emily forthcoming "Importance": The Importance of the Prehistory of Indo-European Structures for Indo-European Studies. Journal of Indo-European Studies. Lyle, Emily submitted: Gods and Men in a Temporal Triad in Scandinavian Sources. Temenos. Rees, Alwyn and Brinley Rees 1961: Celtic Heritage: Ancient Tradition in Ireland and Wales. London: Thames and Hudson. Tolstoy, Nikita I. 1997: "Vremeni magicheskiy krug." In Logicheskij analizjazyka: Jazyk i vrem-ja (Logical Analysis of Language: Language and Time), ed. Nina Arutjunova, pp. 17-22. Moscow: Indrik Tolstoy, Nikita I. 2002: The Magic Circle of Time. Cosmos 18, 193-206. Struktura za bogove. Ponoven pretres indoevropskega panteona. Emily Lyle Do novih spoznanj o indoevropskem panteonu bi bilo mogoče priti ob predpostavki prazgodovinskega stanja, v katerem je bil desetdelen niz bogov umeščen v strukturo časa, prostora in socialne organizacije. Posebno obsežno je vprašanje kraljevanja. Avtorica je mnenja, da lahko osem od teh desetih božanstev, med katerimi sta tudi dve boginji, razporedimo v kategorijo treh dualnih parov. 168 Witches' zoopsychonavigations and the astral broom in the worlds of Croatian legends as (possible) aspects of shamanistic techniques of ecstasy (and trance) Suzana Marjanic I shall attempt to interpret witches' zoopsychonavigations in the worlds of Croatian legends as (possible) aspects of shamanistic techniques of ecstasy (and trance), in the framework of which I shall be trying to designate the concept of zoopsychonavigation as the border of permeation between shamanistic ecstatic experiences and the witches' experience of lethargy. In addition to the above concept of zoopsychonavigation, I establish equally possible contacts between witchcraft and shamanism on the basis of the mythem about the mutual agon between shamans as well as between witches, the distinctive features of their birth (for example, their birth in a caul), the axis mundi topos - the mythic geography of mountains and trees (the parallelism between the shamanistic tree and the fairies' tree), the use of hallucinogenic plants that have been noted in the practices mentioned, as well as the light-enhanced hypostases of the witches' bodies in the context of Eliade's attribution of the shaman as "a master over fire". Taking as a starting-point the book Mythic Images and Shamanism: A Perspective on Kalevala Poetry in which Anna-Leena Siikala, emphasises, among other points, that "shamanism is not a religion, but rather a complex of rites and beliefs existing within different religions",1 I shall consider witches' zoopsychonavigations in the worlds of Croatian legends as (possible) aspects of shamanistic techniques of ecstasy (and trance). In this framework, I try to designate zoopsychonavigation as the border of permeation between shamanistic ecstatic experience and the witches' experience of lethargy. I shall be endeavouring in the possible search in question to achieve a theoretical peaceful and active co-existence between two contradictory concepts - Klaniczay's hypothetical concept of a transition from shamanism to another belief system dominated by witchcraft2 and Gustav Henningsen's contradictory concept, which assumes that European witchcraft developed out of a shamanistic system of which it was an "important and integrated part".3 I admit The article was prepared for the journal Studia ethnologica Croatica (Vol. 17, 2006) in the Croatian language, and was written for the conference Shamanism: a Theoretical Construct or a Living Tradition, organised by the Department of Ethnology and Cultural Anthropology of the Faculty of Arts in Zagreb and the Department of Ethnology and Cultural Anthropology of the Faculty of Arts in Ljubljana, held in Motovun in Istria on 25 June 2004. 1 Siikala 2002: 43. 2 Klaniczay 1984: 413, 415. 3 Henningsen 1991/1992: 301. One should also emphasise here the research done by Eva Pocs, who shows that the roots of witchcraft - thinking of the witchcraft of Central and South-eastern Europe - lie in so-called European shamanism. In other words, this author sets forth from Eliade's differential guidelines on shamanism in the broad sense and on central shamanism - the shamanism of Siberia and Central Asia (Pocs 1999: 13-14). 169 Witches' zoopsychonavigations and the astral broom in the worlds of Croatian legends that the assertion in question is somewhat paradoxical, due to the fact that the figure of the paradox nevertheless continues to be, it seems to me, a fundamental poetic figure of witchcraft imaginings within the framework of the European witchcraft studies concept.4 The psychoanalytical paradigm or "comprehending mental illness similarly to comprehending witches"5 To start with,let us briefly scrutinise certain joint paradigms within which witchcraft and shamanism are incorporated, in the framework of which I shall place the emphasis on the psychoanalytical paradigm. For example, numerous scholarly disciplines - folklore research, ethnology, anthropology, archaeology, gender studies, history, performance studies, psychology, religious studies6 - are interested in shamanism, and equally in witchcraft. Shamanism and witchcraft are also equally linked by their use as terms; in other words, the term shaman is used in anthropology partly in order to avoid the sensationalist or negative connotation of the term witch and witch-doctor.7 Points of contiguity are revealed, of course, in psychoanalytical paradigms, since psychopathological phenomena are often attributed to the abstract figures of the shaman and the witch.8 Shamanism as a "mental disturbance" (mainly in connection with schizophrenia and epilepsy) - or to use the more precise syntagm - a state with symptoms of mental suffering, was also interpreted, beside other ethnographers, by Ake Ohlmarks,the last investigator to favour explaining shamanism by Arctic hysteria, by his differentiating definition of Arctic and sub-Arctic shamanism, concluding that shamanism is an exclusively Arctic phenomenon that emerges under the influence of the cosmic environment on the mental instability of inhabitants of polar regions. Namely, according to his interpretation, for example, excessively cold, long nights, desert solitude, and a lack of vitamins affect the nervous system of Arctic inhabitants, causing either Arctic hysteria (meryak, menerik) or shamanic trance.9 However, Eliade stresses that similar psychopathic phenomena - including cataleptic trance (separation of the soul from the body) - are actually found everywhere (geographically).10 4 Concerning the paradox of solving the shaman enigma cf. Harvey 2003: 1-3. 5 Szasz 1982: 17. 6 Cf. Harvey 2003: 1. 7 Harner 1976a: XI. 8 On the criticism of psychoanalytical interpretations which attributed psychopathological phenomena to witches through the claim that witches were mentally disturbed women, whose illness neither well-intentioned Inquisitors nor great ignoramuses managed to diagnose cf. Szasz 1982: 111. As stated by Penelope Shuttle and Peter Redgrove, we are speaking of 9 million menstrual murders, since the proportion of executed women in relation to men in the witch hunts was in a ratio of 100:1 (Shuttle, Redgrove 2002: 192, 197). Beside the psychoanalytical paradigm, the abstract figures of the shaman and of the witch are also in the same way linked by the inquisitorial methods of the Christian missionaries, who were not indulgent towards the shamans either, almost completely rooting out shamanism during the 19th century: for example, "it was even a crime to possess a drum, but some trance techniques managed to exist" (Stutley 2003: 65). 9 Eliade 1974: 24. On fasting as a type of physical mortification resorted to by early aspirants to spirituality from the aspect that undernourished persons usually suffer from neuroses, depression, hypochondria and anxiety, and visions cf. Huxley 2001:142-146. Similarly, Anna Reid adds that Siberian shamans undertake soul-journeys in a state of trance, which they achieve through dance, fasting, or the ingestion of hallucinogenic plants (Reid 2003:5). For example, Tokarev quotes numerous ethnographic sources that also interpret shamans as persons with a tendency towards epilepsy (Tokarev 1978: 291). 10 Eliade 1974: 27. 170 Suzana Marjanic Within the framework of the deeper stages of altered states of consciousness that are attributed to shamans and witches, the two most powerful forms of hallucinogenic experience are manifested in transformations into animals and a sense of floating,11 which, as I will explain later, I comprehend as zoopsychonavigations. In this respect, Richard Noll uses the term shamanistic state of consciousness (consequently, in the above context - a more specific term than altered states of consciousness) - which he adopts from the book The Way of the Shaman (1980) by Michael J. Harner - thus denoting that which anthropologists call a séance, trance, or ecstasy, thereby negating the psychopathological interpretation of shamanism, emphasising its psychotherapeutic techniques.12 Here, of course, we must return to the points of contact and differences between psychoanalysis and shamanism - or in Lévi-Strauss' definition: "In the schizophrenic cure the healer performs the actions and the patient produces his myth; in the shamanistic cure the healer supplies the myth and the patient performs the actions."13 Points of contiguity between shamanism and psychology are also realised in ecops-ychology (the conjunction between psychological and ecological paradigms), which is practised today, for example, by Leslie Gray, an ecopsychologist and shamanistic consultant, on the path of Theodor Roszak's book The Voice of the Earth (1992).14 In the same way, the points of contact between witchcraft and shamanism are effectuated today in neo-shamanism, which encompasses three paradigms - Wicca, Dru-idism and Paganism - since, for example, some adherents of Wicca designate their own religion as "Shamanic Wicca", "Shamanic Craft" and "Wiccan-shamanism",15 just as Tanya Luhrmann does, and representatives of Wicca often state that it derives from pre-historic European shamanism.16 This idea has been extensively popularised by the Egyptologist, Margaret Murray, who stressed in her book The Witch Cult in Western Europe (1921) that the victims of witchcraft courts practised the survivals of pagan religion,17 whose followers worshipped Cernunnos, the horned god (a Gallic deity whose name covers the meaning the one who has the top of the skull like a stag).18 He was known in Rome under the name Janus, or Dianus, while Frazer described him in the first chapters of The Golden Bough. Murray explained that Diana was in fact the female form of that name (Janus Dianus) and figured throughout Europe as the leader of the witches, so that the cult was called the Di-anic Cult.19 In studying the possible correspondence between witchcraft and shamanism, I had access, of course, to the book, The Spiral Dance, by Starhawk, one of the best-known contemporary witches, who states that the religion of witches is a shaman religion and, 11 Dowson, Porr 2001: 171. 12 Noll 1983: 443-444. Richard Noll's terminological intervention in the shamanistic state of consciousness ties in with Eliade's aphoristic explication: "(...) though the shaman is, among other things, a magician, not every magician can properly be termed a shaman" (Eliade 1974: 5). 13 Lévi-Strauss 1963: 201. 14 Cf. Gray http. and Leslie Gray's interview, in which she explains that ecopsychology has its roots in shamanism (Gray 1995: 172-182). 15 Wallis 2001: 214. 16 Luhrmann 1989: 134, 329. 17 Cf. Wallis 2001: 214-215. 18 Chevalier, Gheerbrant 1987: 228. 19 Cf. Eliade 1981: 99. 171 Witches' zoopsychonavigations and the astral broom in the worlds of Croatian legends as such, allocates spiritual value to ecstasy.20 For example, Marina Milicevic Bradac links the very figure of the horned deity, Cernunnos, with the ideosphere of shamanism, establishing identification between the shaman drum and the stag that leads shamans into the other world.21 In that way, invoking Eliade, she states that the drum is an essential part of shaman equipment and that, the Yakuts and Buryats, for example, believe that the drum in question leads into astral journeys and call it the shaman's horse (a horse is also painted on the Altaic drum). If the drum is made of roebuck skin (as among Karagases and Soyots) then they call it the shaman's roebuck, or, as among certain Mongol tribes, it is called the black stag.22 Shamanistic and witches' agon and the light-enhanced antisacrum of the witches' body In the context of legends about krsniks,23 dominated by the mythem of their struggles (agon) with striguns (wizards) in animal form (for example, in battles between the krsnik as a white dog, a white cat, a dappled ox, and a strigun/wizard in the form of a black dog, a black cat, or a black ox),24 Maja Boskovic-Stulli points out that Eliade mentions only in passing the shaman's combativeness; "in certain Siberian traditions shamans are believed to challenge one another constantly in animal form".25 Continuing the foregoing statement, Eliade adds: "What is fundamental and universal is the shaman's struggle against what we could call 'the powers of evil'", while, in another place in his book on shamanism, he mentions that the shamans engage in struggles between themselves in the form of animals and, if a shaman's alter ego should come to grief in the conflict, then the shaman soon also dies. In addition, Eliade attributes the foregoing mythem as being extremely frequent in shamanistic belief and folklore.26 20 Starhawk 2000: 30. Cf. the computer drawing of Witchdance (2001) (http://ratko.20m.com/ira/veduta_files/slika9.htm) and the painting The Witches' Dance (1994) (http://ratko.20m.com/ira/veduta_files/slika12.htm) by the artist Krešimira Gojanovic. The Witches' Dance painting is also on the cover of the Croatian translation of the book The Spiral Dance by Starhawk (translated by Lidija Zafirovic). 21 Milicevic Bradač 2002: 31. 22 Cf. Eliade 1974: 173-174. Cf. the picture of the Tungusic shaman drum that the shaman strikes in order to catch hold of spirits and enter into an ecstatic state: "The edge of the drum skin is decorated with pictures of reindeer and the handle of the drum stick is carved into the shape of an animal's head" (Lissner 1961: photo 102). Or, as Hoppal stated, the shaman drum figured as a means of ecstatic transport and "it is not accidental that the ever-quickening drum beat resembled the drumming of horses' hooves. Apart from the drum the shamans used horse-head tipped sticks during their 'journeys'" (Hoppal 1993: 190). 23 On krsnik cf., for example, the study by Maja Boškovic-Stulli (2003) and the study by Zmago Šmitek (1998). 24 Boškovic-Stulli 1962: 531. Andrija Bartulin notes that dead krsniks fight with kudlaks (vampires) on the island of Cres, and zoometa-morphosise at the same time into cats, dogs, sheep, oxen and horses (Bartulin 1898: 267). Reporting on the island of Krk and the township of Kastav, Milčetic stated that kudlaks and krsniks can transform into all sorts of animals, most frequently into pigs, oxen and horses: "The kudlak is usually black, while the krsnik is white or mottled in colour" (Milčetic 1896: 224). Here it would seem necessary to explain the term kudlak. Namely, according to beliefs in Istria and the immediately neighbouring regions, the kudlak (ukedlak) is a vještac, strigo, or strigon (wizard) during his lifetime, but becomes a vukodlak (kudlak) in the sense of a vampire only after death (Boškovic-Stulli 2003: 20). 25 Cf. Eliade 1974: 509, Boškovic-Stulli 2003: 19. 26 Eliade 1974: 94-95. 172 Suzana Marjanic The mythem about the mutual battles between the shamans can be partly placed in parallel with the mythem ofthe battles between witches and wizards, which Maja Boskovic-Stulli underscores as having been noted in the territory of Dalmatia, where witches and wizards fight between themselves, largely in the clouds when, for example, they usually fly in the form of ravens, with one group defending their village, whilst the other attacks it.27 At the same time, mutual conflict is also characteristic to moguts as village protectors since, according to the belief that each individual area has its own mogut, and that they do battle in the clouds in the form of various animals (for example, the conflict between the reddish pig and the mottled one), and, as to the victor, "his state is more bountiful and fertile".2 For example, M. Boskovic-Stulli defines the core of the legend about the battle of two viscuns (wizards) in "a tempest", in the forms of a black and a white ox, as an archaic tradition "about people with the hallmarks of shamans and the function of local (clan) protectors", drawing attention to the fact that viscaks, stri(n)guns, vremenjaks, and nagro-mants are "polyvalent, so that they can both harm and help".29 Within the framework of the above ethical polyvalence of witches and wizards, I would draw attention to Eliade's explanation of the specialisation among individual nations between "white" and "black" shamans, within which it is not always simple to define the difference.30 In other words, he emphasises how the difference is clearly expressed among the Buryat who differentiate "white" (sagani bo) and "black" shamans (karain bo), the first of which have relations with the gods, and the second with spirits. They are also differentiated iconographically: the robes of the white shamans are white, while the others wear blue. Here he also mentions that the mythology itself of the Buryat expresses clear dualism and the fact that the bipartition of the shamans could be a secondary and even quite late phenomenon, deriving perhaps from Iranian influence or from negative evaluations of chthonic and "infernal" hierophanies which with time, of course, started to denote "demonic" powers.31 In the same way, he underscores how shamanism among the Yakut people involves a vague "dualism", since the Yakut shaman can serve in equal measure the upper and lower (the gods "below") gods, "for this 'bis below' does not always mean 'evil spirits'". He goes on to provide the example from Altaic shamanism in which female shamans are always black, because they never effectuate the way to heaven.32 There is more on the possible dualistic interpretation of the mentioned mythem regarding the conflict between two mythical beings in Croatian oral tradition. Namely, Petar Simunovic (Brae. Guide Around the Island, 1972) interpreted the above legend about the battle between two viscuns (wizards) in a tempest, in the form of a black and white ox, 27 Boskovic-Stulli 1991: 148. M. Boskovic-Stulli points out that the opponents in the battles in the Istrian and Croatian Littoral region (Hrvatsko primorje) are clearly ethically differentiated: the noble krsniks fight against the wicked wizards and witches, largely in animal forms (Boskovic-Stulli 1991: 149). 28 Chloupek 1953: 246. The most frequent version of the origins of the mogut is noted in the belief that if "a woman is pregnant for seven years (while some say nine), then she will give birth to a mogut" (ibid.: 241). The mogut is the village guardian on whom the produce of the land depends "and that is why the mogut contrives the weather". Drago Chloupek interprets the mogut as the agathodaimon who takes care of his village, helps the sick and defends his area from alien moguts. 29 Boskovic-Stulli 1975: 106, No. 85, ibid.: 148 (cf. Boskovic-Stulli 1991: 148). 30 Eliade 1974: 184. 31 ibid.: 185-186. 32 ibid.: 188-189. 173 Witches' zoopsychonavigations and the astral broom in the worlds of Croatian legends...... by the dualistic interpretation personifying the good and evil spirit, as a survival of Early Slavic dualistic belief "that was vital among the Croats when they came to Brae from the pagan region around the Neretva (River) during the 7th century".33 On the trail of the shaman as "a master over fire" (M. Eliade),34 texts/legends speak of the glimmering hypostases (the sparks and glittering effects) of witches' bodies that are linked with their ornithological myth - a matter of an illuminated antisacrum (to use Rudolf Otto's term), light of the darkness, due to the manner in which they are shown in the ethics and poetics of the folklore imaginary.35 Since this is a case of verticalism (an ascent), the rising of the soul is connected with glimmering-fiery effects, but since witches are incorporated in the folklore imaginary of the light of the darkness, the epiphanies of the witches' lights produce lunar and stellar light. The connection between the witches' epiphanies mentioned and the light-enhanced modifications can be linked with the concept according to which the human soul is "fiery in nature", as Nodilo mentions in the concept of his own "pneumatology" or, more precisely - it figures as "a spark that flew off the celestial fire", concluding how the fiery genesis of the soul is not known in the Christian concept of the soul.36 It is also possible to demarcate between mythological and ecstatic interpretations of the witch personage in the same way that Zmago Smitek fixed the boundaries between the mythological and ecstatic of the (Slovenian) kresnik, in the framework of which he takes as his starting point Ginzburg's definition of ecstatic cults tied in with archaic Eurasian shamanism.37 Let us take a brief look at one 19th -century mythological interpretation of the witch personage, according to Natko Nodilo. Namely, in the Day/Night and Summer/ Winter cosmological dualism, Nodilo defines Night as a masculine form, and Winter - as an old hag.3S Nodilo finds confirmation for the driving out of the Winter hag in the Spring 33 Cf. Boskovic-Stulli 1975: 149. M. Boskovic-Stulli refutes Radoslav Katicic's thesis that suggests that the roots of the myth about the duel between the Thunderer/Perun and the Dragon/Veles (Boskovic-Stulli 1997: 77, Boskovic-Stulli 2003: 32-34) can be detected in legend from the island of Brac. Namely, the author in question stresses that, in reviewing the above thesis, one would have also to take into consideration how a change could have come about in the roles between the personage of Perun's pestilential opponent, the Dragon (Snake), and the later Balkan beneficent protector, the Dragon (Snake), who protects from the malevolent enemy, the hala or lamja (also dragons) (Boskovic-Stulli 2003: 34). Perhaps the solution to this enigma lies in the claim that there is an absence of division in the natural religions into (ethical) good and evil deities, since (each) deity possesses good and evil (cosmic) aspects (cf. Nodilo 1981: 451). 34 In any case, shamans are more than mere "masters over fire" (Eliade providing on this track a comparison with devils in European folk beliefs), but can incorporate the spirit of fire and throw flames from the mouth, nose and their entire bodies during séances (Eliade 1974: 474). 35 Cf. Marjanic 2002: 242-243 on individual examples of legend that testify to the connection between witches and glimmering hypostases. For instance, there are examples of viskas (witches) from the village of Ivcevic Kosa who fly on brooms to Klek Mountain on the eve of St George's Day: "There is talk among the common folk that bright sparks can be seen in the air on that night, and that these are the viskas journeying to Klek" (Hecimovic-Seselja 1985:195). Cf. Mirjam Mencej's text (2004), in which the author points out that the glittering light-effects phenomena, which are linked with the souls of the dead in the popular beliefs of the Slavs and peoples throughout most of Europe, are sometimes also interpreted as (nocturnal) witches in the region of Slovenia and in other Slavic cultures. 36 Nodilo 1981: 536-537. I have written more extensively on Nodilo's concept of the World Tree (arbor mundi), with which he also tried to link the mythem of the fiery genesis of the soul (cf. Marjanic 2004). 37 Smitek 1998: 97. 38 Nodilo 1981: 142-143, cf. Marjanic 2003. Cf. Nodilo 1981: 59-61, 192, 216 on Nodilo's polysemy of the Evil of winter horrors in the figures of Mora/Vada 174 Suzana Marjanic (March) customs of the western and south-western Slavs, when they carried out of the village a puppet personifying Morana/Death (Mora, Morana, Morena - the deity of Winter and Death), in the figuration of an old woman, in order to drown her (smother her) or saw her up (cutting up the hag).39 Regarding the belief that when storm clouds are fired upon, witches are "hit, and fall to the earth from the clouds", Nodilo writes that he is not sure whether this belief about witches stemmed from Mediaeval demonology or whether this was a case of an original Indo-European meteorological belief. For that reason, he said, he had omitted witches from his study.40 In other words, the traces of this belief about the stormy activity of witches in folk meteorology are found in the Rigveda (II, 20, 7).41 Let us look at the notation of a legend from the island of Zlarin about the alleged stormy activity of witches. The legend was written down and published under the title "They Shot Into the Tempest" and states that the army, shooting at a sudden storm, killed an old woman who - as she said in her dying agony - was supposed to destroy by hailstorms vineyards. This is her interpretation from the narration in question: "I was /.../ in that tempest, I was sent. I was sent there, I myself wouldn't have wanted to I was sent so that we destroy by hailstorm the vineyards /.../ belonging to this one and that one - depending on who hated whom."42 Zoopsychonavigation In the framework of the above attempt to resolve the points of contact between the abstract figures of shaman and witch, I shall try to designate the border of permeation between shamanistic ecstatic experiences and the witches' experience of lethargy through the concept of zoopsychonavigation. If we observe the concept of the shape-shifting of the soul during the temporary death of supernatural persons and mythical beings, which could be referred to as catalepsy, taking as our example a particular legend or, more precisely, a collocutor's view of a neighbour who was allegedly a mora, and who was obviously in a state of lethargy in which the pulse and breathing were virtually imperceptible: "And I called her (name), (tried to) move her, pushed her, pulled at her. All for nothing. As dead as dead can be. Upon my word, I was frightened."43 With the notion of zoopsychonavigation (psychonavigation of the soul in an animal existence), on the one hand, I observe zoom-etempsychosis (shape-shifting of the soul into an animal form) that takes place in the experience of lethargy among supernatural persons and mythical beings, due to the fact that metempsychosis demands a transgression through death - as a temporary death.44 In the (Kavga) - Ruga (Baba Ruga), who are linked with the aspect of the wind and the isomorphism of the broom as the terrifying weapon of the winter monster. 39 Nodilo 1981: 59, 286. On Morana's (the aged virgin Mara) death, which occurs after the burning/burying of the Carnival puppet (Poklad, Fasnik) cf. Belaj 1998: 323-324. 40 Nodilo 1981: 396-397. 41 ibid.: 397, 408. 42 Marks 1980: 265, No. 48, italics S. M. 43 Kutlesa 1993: 386, italics S.M. 44 Chevalier, Gheerbrant 1987: 401 175 Witches' zoopsychonavigations and the astral broom in the worlds of Croatian legends same way, I take the term zoopsychonavigation also to mean witch zoometamorphoses,45 as well as riding (flying) on the backs of animals (theriomorphic vehicles) by which, for example, witches hover in the air (the binomial anatomy/iconography of the Woman-Animal)46 and, of course, incubus-like riding on men (shared by fairies and witches).47 I have already mentioned that Thomas A. Dowson and Martin Porr stress that transformations into animals and a sense of floating is usually a hallucinogenic experience of deeper stages of altered states of consciousness.48 Zoopsychonavigation is, of course, also shared by shamans whose souls manifest themselves as animal shapes. In other words, shamanistic imitation of the movements and voices of animals denotes taking possession of the helping, tutelary spirits - the moment at which the shaman transforms into an animal - as is also achieved when they put on a mask or - as Eliade notes - one could speak of the shaman's new identity due to the fact that he becomes an animal-spirit and speaks, sings or flies like an animal or bird. What definitely seems important to me here is Eliade's claim: "From the most distant times almost all animals have been conceived either as psychopomps that accompany the soul into the beyond or as the dead person's new form."49 And further, when the shaman participates in the manner of becoming an animal, he establishes a situation which had existed in illo tempore when there had been a connection between the human and the animal world. The tutelary animal makes it possible for the shaman to transfigure into an animal, just as it figures as his double, his alter ego, "the shaman's soul", ("the soul in animal form"), or "the life soul".50 Shamanistic animal metamorphosis and riding on the backs of animals symbolically expresses ecstasy: temporary death is designated by the exiting of the soul from the body in an animal form.51 Eliade concluded that symbols "in relation to 'flight', and the 45 M. Boskovic-Stulli differentiates three types of witch transformations into animals: when they fly in the clouds; when they fight between themselves or with krsniks; and when their spirit emerges, assuming animal form (Boskovic-Stulli 1991: 151). J. Lulic noted that, according to beliefs on the island of Dugi Otok, strigas possess a wide range of transformation possibilities - for example, from zoometamorphosis (into snakes, hens, cats, sheep, goats) to metamorphosis into objects (sieves) and natural phenomena (such as the wind) (Lulic 1993: 363). 46 When it is said that Isis "rides on a sow", in sacred or visionary language that means that she is riding on her fertile instincts, which include her so-called swinishness of menstruation. Namely, female genitals were called "the swine" in Greek and Latin (Shuttle, Redgrove 2002: 230). 471 wrote about fairies and witches and their incubus-like riding on men in texts in 2002 and 2004. Namely, individual narrations indicate that both witches and fairies also ride on men in their nocturnal riding, using them as horses, where the witches in this gallop assume the role of the incubus (Lat. incubare - to lie upon; those who lie upon: devils in male form), while the male who assumes the passive, that is to say - feminine role of the succubus (Lat. succubare - to lie below, to lie beneath someone, by which the position of the female in the act of love is described: they who lie below, the devil in female form) is in a state of ecstasy - a stupefaction of the consciousness. At the same time, the hypomorphic binomial horse (man) - witch is also present in the imaginary about fairies, which choose the best horse (man) to ride. 48 Dowson, Porr 2001: 171. 49 Eliade 1974:93. 50 ibid.: 94. Triinu Ojamaa (1997:1) differentiates three methods of zoomorphic and ornithomorphic transformation in Siberian shamanism: objective transformation (for example, costumes symbolize a certain animal or a bird); sounding transformation (imitating sounds made by animals and birds, where the author adds that the Ostyaks have songs that denote animals and birds, but do not contain sounding imitation, regarding that as degrading for said animals and birds [cf.. Ojamaa 1997:6]); and expressive transformations (imitating the movements of animals and birds which could be "rhythmless movements, such as the turn of the body, and the wave of the hand etc., pantomime, or dances"). 51 Ginzburg 1991: 172. 176 Suzana Marjanic 'riding' or the 'speed' of shamans, are figurative expressions for ecstasy, that is, for mystical journeys undertaken by superhuman means and in regions inaccessible to mankind".52 In the same way, Ginzburg explains in the book The Night Battles (I benandanti, 1966) that the trance, journeys on the backs of animals into the other world or in animal forms that ensure fertility, and participation in processions of the dead, create the pattern that evokes shamanistic rites.53 Claude Lecouteux points out that the zoomorphic soul is an archaic pagan conception characteristic to shamanistic peoples.54 Namely, the essence of Lecouteux's book Witches, Werewolves, and Fairies: Shapeshifters and Astral Doubles in the Middles Ages (1992) is comprised of the hypothesis that we do indeed have Doubles, usually two - one material and one physical, the former having the capability of taking on an animal form or retaining a human form, while the other Double is spiritual and psychic, and also possesses the possibility of metamorphosis, but this manifests itself mainly in dreams. The (binomial) Doubles referred to above are able to reach the other world - "or any place whatsoever in this world - in one or another of their forms" - during sleep, or a trance or catalepsy.55 Let us pause fora momentonthe point ofthe witch's andmora'szoopsychonavigation.56 The witch's (as well as the moras)57 astral, Hesperian, nyctomorphic activity is designated by transformation of the soul, separation of the soul from the body, where the body (of the woman - mora, witch) remains in the bed, while the soul achieves zoometempsychosis, with the mora and the witch figure as the psychonavigating Woman-Animal, the animal in the female (the animal as a shape-shifted soul). This is a case of the alter ego, the spiritual twin of the archetypical personage of I (Woman), of the brief nyctomorphic zoomaterialisation of the soul: the soul assumes the form of an animal, which will also be maintained in the etymological proximity of the Latin words anima and animalis.58 Night is the time when her (the witch's, the mora's) animal transformation takes place, while she returns to the body (the bed) of the Woman when morning comes. In the framework of the witches' zoometempsychosis - which is included in tantric experiences and Siddhi power59 linked 52 Eliade 1974: 174. 53 Ginzburg 2001: 123. Cf. the sketch by the Dutch researcher Nicolaas (Nicolaes, Nicholas) Witsen dating from 1705, which depicts a shaman (of the Siberian Evenki tribe) as half-man half-animal. Apart from being dressed in the fur of an animal, he has bear claws, wears tall horns on his head, and holds a drum in one hand and a clapper/rattle in the other (cf. Milicevic Bradac 2002: 29). 54 Lecouteux 2003: 51. 55 ibid.: 147-148. Claude Lecouteux finds the roots of the shape-shifting of the soul in shamanistic concepts of the soul and interprets astral Doubles - witches, werewolves and fairies - in a really attractive and simple manner. Namely, Lecouteux points out that the term soul is not at all justified in the cited concept of the free soul (Freiseele) of the witch, werewolf and fairy, and that it is much more appropriate to use the term animus and/or if we want to be precise - the term Double or alter ego (Lecouteux 2003:103). Cf. Marjanic 2004a on folklore conceptualisations of the soul. 56 I wrote about this in more detail in 1999 and 2002 texts. 57 Just briefly to remind readers that, according to individual Croatian popular beliefs, only a young female can be a mora - or as the collocutors put it more juicily, a broad - but when she weds, she then becomes a witch. Namely, in some regions, for example, in Veli Iz (a settlement on the Island of Iz), the terms striga and mora have the same meaning (cf. IEF MS 1195: 3). 58 Viskovic 1996:57 59 Mauss 1982: 101 177 Witches' zoopsychonavigations and the astral broom in the worlds of Croatian legends with shamanistic ecstasies and in the context of Eliade's remark on how, where the symbolics of flying and the mythology of the bird-soul are concerned, what is in question is universal magic60 - it is believed that they can pass through every aperture on a house in Hesperian psychonavigation (in spirito), while the dominant conviction is the belief in the possibility of their passing through a keyhole.61 For example, Mijat Stojanovic noted that a spirit-vjedina comes out of the sleeping witch's body, while the body remains dead (temporary death) in the body (the body-bed): "When the first cocks crow and thus start to greet the dawn, there, a vjedina comes back, and once again enters the body." Otherwise, a vjedina who is left without a body-habitat-wrapping remains dangerous,62 and if the body of such a woman (a witch) turns upside-down in bed, her spirit/soul is incapable of achieving the return into the body-bed.63 Zoometempsychosis into a fly, which is attributed in legends to moras, witches and krsniks, through the activities of authoritative power (in Sloterdijk's definition) of ecclesiastical authorities and folk ethics, is diabolised when moras and witches are in question, but is regarded from the aspect of its supernatural features when zoometempsychosis applies to krsniks. Similar ethical differentiation of the cited animistic conceptions64 was also realised in the process of folk imagination of witches' zoometamorphoses that were diab-olised, while the zoometamorphoses of krsniks,65 attained in psychonavigational struggles for a fertile year (such facilitators include "other analogous beings ranging from Slovenia to Montenegro", for example, obilnjaks, brgants, kombals, vedomacs, moguts, veds, vrimen-jaks/vremenjaks, viscaks, legromants/nagromants, vjedogonjas/jedogonjas, stuhas, zduhacs) were understood as being fructiferous.66 Let us look, for example, at the zoometempsychosis of a Woman/mora (the soul) into a cat.67 Psychonavigation of a mora in the form of a cat68 summons up symbolisation 60 Eliade 1974: 481 61 For example, Vladimir Ardalic (1917: 306) noted down that the people of the Bukovica region believed that witches can enter through a keyhole and that they largely transform "into flying things, such as birds of every kind, and into black hens and turkeys". The witches' zoometamorphoses referred to are linked with the orni-thomorphic symbolics of shamanism. Cf. legends about witches and warlocks in the clouds in ornithomorphic form - according to Boskovic-Stulli (1991:148), as eagles and ravens. This is the matrix legend of cloud-flying witches and warlocks, who bring stormy weather and hail, in the framework of which M. Boskovic-Stulli (ibid.) adds that "they encompass a motif from deeply archaic times, which is foreign to theological thought about witches". 62 Stojanovic 1852: 384 63 Zecevic 1981: 10 64 Boskovic-Stulli 1959: 223. 65 M. Boskovic-Stulli emphasises that the wanderings of the krsnik's spirit are mentioned much more rarely than is the case in legends about the warlock or witch (Boskovic-Stulli 1991:150). But let us, nevertheless, take a look at a notation that testifies to the wanderings of the krsnik's spirit: "They say that prior to the grisnjak (the krsnik) starts to fight with the strigas, he falls asleep lying on his back and a large, black fly, which they call the 'parina' comes out of his mouth - and then he goes to fight as far as the ninth border/i onda ide tuci se cak na deveti konfin (Ital. konfin. - boundary stone; border, boundary line) (Ziza 1913: 192). 66 Boskovic-Stulli 2003: 20-21. 67 I wrote in more detail about the mora's zoopsychonavigations as a cat, fly or moth in a 1999 text. To take a look at a fragment of a particular legend: "And that Mada would lie down normally at night, and would then be absent. Her child would cry, and her husband would call out to her. But she looked as if she were dead." According to this narration, her husband would place her head in the position of her legs, and in the morning at dawn, "when the cocks crowed, a fly would come and buzz around the room". Of course, according to the narrative matrix about moras and in this case about a witch's zoopsychonavigation, the fly (the materialisation of the soul) could not enter the body "until the head was back in its place, and the legs as 178 Suzana Marjanic of the lunar and nyctomorphic animal that suffered most because of demonically denoted apantomancy in witch hunts, although it set out on its historical journey as a sacred Egyptian animal in the cult of the Goddess of the Moon Bast/et.69 Otherwise, the English words puss/pussy derive from the theonym Pasht, as the alternative name for Bastet/Bast - the Egyptian goddess who was revered in the form of a cat.70 Can this animal, which shared the common destiny of witches at the stake,71 be placed in the archetypical imaginary in parallelism with the animal, spiritual assistants of the shaman?72 Pennethorne Hughes pointed out that the popular etymology of the archaic word cat, meaning a stick, may have become confused with the animal, and, in faulty interpretation, substituted by the animal - the cat.73 Let us take a brief look at the shaman's animal helpers. While the shaman can have numerous guardian spirits in human form, he possesses only one spirit helper representing each species of animal, which Uno Harva calls the soul-animal. On his journey to the supernatural, the shaman's soul takes the form of this sort of animal helper.74 Now we come briefly to the materialisation of the soul as a butterfly. According to Nodilo's concept of pneumatology, the soul among the Slavs figures as a bird,75 while it was a butterfly among the ancient Greeks (Gk. psyche - soul, butterfly). Nodilo assumed that the deeper historical beginnings of the soul-butterfly should, nevertheless, be sought for in Lithuanian beliefs, where the soul was conceived as both a bird and a butterfly (moth): "When a moth enters a house and flies around a candle, Lithuanian women say that someone has died and that that person's soul is making its rounds (Grimm, Deutsche Myth., s. 692)."76 Moving on from this belief, Nodilo adds that the conception of the butterfly-soul belongs to the Indo-European matrix. Milan Budimir established that the terms vjestica (witch) and vukodlak were also used for the Death's Head moths (Acherontia atropos) that fly around light at night, and that the similar small moth is called a witch (vjestica), while the conception of the soul of a departed forebear in the form of a moth (Seelenschmetterling), which is know from the Minoan epoch, had "an essential role in that semantic evolution".77 The belief that the moth was a herald of death, and sometimes the countenance of death, derived from the concept of the moth as the deceased's soul.78 they were. And then the fly would enter into her, and only then would she respond. And then they knew that she was a witch. And her husband gave her a sound beating" (Boskovic-Stulli, Marks 2002: 511, No. 68). Jakov Mikac wrote that he had noted a belief in Brest in Istria that strigas cannot be seen because "they transform into a spirit, a fly, a mouse, a hair etc." (Mikac 1934: 196) and how domestic animals can often become strigas and vukodlaks (ibid.: 197). Or: the spirit can exit the body in the form of a fly (Milcetic 1896: 236). 68 Cf., for example, Boskovic-Stulli 1959: 143, No. 139, Milcetic 1896: 236, Pederin 1976: 282, No. 15. 69 Douglas Hill reminds readers how, during the time of witch hunts, pets - cats, squirrels, spiders, mice and frogs - could be declared to be the witches' demons "particularly if an old woman was in question who lived alone and kept animals to keep her company" (Hill 1998: 38). Cf. the connection between cats and witches according to Boskovic-Stulli, Marks 2002: 510-511, No. 67. 70 Sax 2001: 58. 71 ibid.: 60. 72 Cf. Musi 1997: 15. 73 Hughes 1975: 156. 74 Siikala 2002: 234. 75 Although the conception of the soul in the form of a bird is widely disseminated in Christian literature, Lecou-teux states that the zoomorphic soul is an archaic conception characteristic to shamanistic peoples (Lecouteux 2003: 51). 76 Nodilo 1981: 509. 77 Budimir 1966: 272. 78 Gura 1997: 487. 179 Witches' zoopsychonavigations and the astral broom in the worlds of Croatian legends One should add that the Church initially opposed the popular beliefs about the flights of Hesperian women, this being testified to by the Canon Episcopi (around the year 900) that came down against the popular belief according to which malevolent women "with the pagan goddess Diana and a large band of women ride upon animals during the night hours and travel across great distances in the wee hours of the night".79 The Canon Episcopi explicitly states that this is a lie and that the unfaithful women experience the cited psychonavigation in their sleep, and definitely not when they are awake. Consequently, it is notable that this Church document refutes the realistic basis of the conception of night flight by women-sorceresses and that of the bewitched transformation of one creature into another. However, 13th and 14th century Inquisitors managed to cast aside this document,80 and declared the Truth to be quite the opposite - anyone who did not believe in the reality of the Hesperian acts referred to was also negating the ostensible "Truth" of the Church. The witches' psychonavigational broom Within the framework of the witches' psychonavigational astral riding, the astral broom - which they usually choose as their astral and psychic vehicle in the attainment of the ecstasy technique - can be seen as an isomorphism of a phallomorphic applicator for the hallucinogenic ointment made from an atropine-containing plant, and as an isomorphism of the shaman's horse-headed stick (with a horse-head shaped handle), used by the Buryat shamans in their ecstatic dances. In any case, it is called the horse (and is not unlike the handle of the witches' broom) and figures as some sort of hobby-horse,81 upon which the shaman rides, travelling into the other world or, in Eliade's definition - the symbolic "riding" expressed the departure from the body, the "mystic death" of the shaman. It should be mentioned that Ginzburg stresses that the suggestion that the dances and seasonal ceremonies should be interpreted as a derivation of shamanistic rituals, on the basis of elements such as, for example, the use of the stick with the horse's head (the hobby-horse), does not seem to be sufficiently well-founded.82 A modern witch called Gwydion defines the belief that witches fly on brooms as an obvious instance of misunderstanding of the magical-poetic codes that indicate shamanistic ecstasy and visionary flight of the spirit.83 That is probably so since, according to individual Croatian popular beliefs, witches do not achieve ecstatic take-off by means of their brooms, but leave them in their beds as an alter ego.84 In the distant year of 1846, Luka Ilic Oriovčanin published the belief according to which witches rubbed fairy (vilonjska) ointment in their armpits and on the soles of their feet prior to their flying out of the window, 79 Bayer 1982: 63. 80 ibid.:64-65, cf. Levack 1995: 46-48. 81 On this point, the horse-headed sticks are called "horses" by the Buryat, while the drum of the Altaic shamans is called also called "horse"; cf. Eliade 1974: 175, 407-408, 467 (cf. Chevalier, Gheerbrant 1987: 272). The Buryat sticks can represent a horse, a snake or a human being, each one of which is used for a particular type of astral journey, either as a symbol of authority and mastery, or as a weapon for punishing offenders (Stutley 2003: 48). 82 Ginzburg 1991: 195. 83 Gwydion 1994: 58. 84 However, M. Boskovic-Stulli pointed out that a weak echo of the international theological conception from the witch trials has been retained in Croatia, the one that witches fly to their covens at night, leaving an object (a broom, for example) in their place in their houses (Boskovic-Stulli 1991: 150). 180 Suzana Marjanic and left their broom in their place in the bed before achieving psychonavigation.85 Divna Zecevic noted a legend in Remete (an outer suburb of Zagreb) that led her to believe that the broom was a prop, but also a synonym for sorceresses (coprnice) and sorcerers (coprnjaci), "so that it replaced the woman in the bed and made her visible and present to her husband, even when she was on a nocturnal trip on Sljeme"86 (the highest peak of the Medvednica Mountain Range near Zagreb). Still, there are numerous legends testifying to witches' psychonavigations on brooms or some other astral and psychic vehicle.87 In any case, we need only to recall Mephistopheles' intriguing question to Faust: Wouldn't you like to have a broomstick? (J. W. Goethe: Faust, 3835). One also finds riding on theriomorphic vehicles in shamanism. For example, there is one particular segment of the shamanistic ritual among the Altaics: a few steps away from the tent (the yurt) there stands a scarecrow in the shape of a goose that the shaman straddles and then waves his arms as if flying, while his song is about flying above white and blue clouds, and how he climbs up into the heavens on this bird.88 The text entitled Broomstick History (http.), which achieves cyber-flight in the Internet imaginary of the witch's broom, indicates that the broom-stick denoted tantric erotic sitting to the witches, which would connote the symbolisation of the phallic divinity of the broom. Riding on a broom, similarly to the above-mentioned fairy/witch riding on a horse, can denote the erotic, feminine active position that was often denounced as perversion, in which the male was in the position or perhaps the role of a horse. The witch's position on the broom is described erotically and picturesquely by the verb to ride and its variants to mount, to straddle (the broom), and to spread one's legs, which conjure up the iconogram of sexual practice. I would also like to refer to Roheim's interpretation of shamanistic ecstasy, in which he could not resist the temptation to explain in the Freudian manner the shamanistic flight and ascent (ascensus):"(...) a flying dream is a dream about the erection, that is, the body represents the phallus in such dreams. Our hypothetical conclusion would be that the dream about flying is the nucleus of shamanism."189 And while wings (krila i okrilje) were allocated to fairies as an ornithomorphic aid in psychonavigation, verticalism, and the angelisation of eroticism (cf. Marjanic 2004), an astral vehicle in the form of a naturalistic phallusoid broom-handle (or stallion) pertained to the witches. In addition to the fact that Croatian witches - or, perhaps more appropriately - witches in Croatia, flew on brooms, they could also achieve psychonavigation on other vehicles, while the following astral aids are usually noted in legends: cherry wood brooms,90 shafts, T-shaped windlasses, spindles,91 ravulje (dracevile - two-pronged bramble forks), billhooks, mortars (stupa, avan),92 churns (a narrow, tall wooden vessel in which butter was churned)93 and, for example, even fire pokers, barrels, and tubs,94 85 Ilic Oriovčanin 1846: 291. 86 Zečevic 1995: 79. 87 Cf., for example, Deželic 1863: 219. 88 Eliade 1974: 191-192. 89 Cf. ibid.: 225. 90 Cf. Jardas 1957: 104. 91 Cf. Lovrenčevic 1969-1970: 88. 92 For tales and beliefs on how Baba Jaga and witches ride or fly on mortars that symbolise the female principle and are often shown with pestles, symbolising the male principle, cf. Toporkov 2001: 517, 545. 93 Cf. IEF MS 172: 136, No. 12. 94 Cf. Boškovic-Stulli, Marks 2002: 510-511, No, 67. 181 Witches' zoopsychonavigations and the astral broom in the worlds of Croatian legends...... along with noted animal psychonavigation vehicles - for example, male goats.95 It should be stressed at this juncture that the witches in Croatian oral legends also choose animals as astral vehicles, in addition to the above, while the horse figures as the most frequently mentioned theriomorphic vehicle or, as in Kompolje - the aforementioned male goat. The notion of the witches' psycho/navigation on brooms/broomsticks, hoes and shovels probably emerged from archaic rituals in which the dancers used tools with long handles as wooden horses. 96 In order to avoid confusion - the broom's triangle was located in front of the witch's vulva in flight, although the brushy part of the broom was usually also located behind the witch's buttocks in iconographic depictions of the Hollywood imagination. For example, in Goya's picturesque imagination of witches' flight (Fine Teacher!, Capricho 68, 1797-1798),97 there are two naked witches with long, flowing hair seated on one broom, where the broom's triangle is turned forward; an old witch is in the role of leader of the astral navigation. However, in the Harry Potter cycle of films, Harry is shown riding on a broom whose brushy triangle is behind the young rider. Kevin Carlyon, a British White Witches high priest, criticised this film imagination as lacking authenticity since "woodcuts from the 16th and 17th centuries show broomsticks being ridden with the brush part in the front" of its levitating rider.98 The broom that has the function of cleaning, chasing away and destroying the old (thus, also the unclean) by new (pure) forces is the symbol of the revolutionary corrective, since, just as the broom clears away dirt and rubbish (where material cleaning is involved), the broom in the metaphorical sense also projects spiritual cleansing, by which, as Marijan Stojkovic tells us - in the article "Room-dust, rubbish, broom and rubbish dump" from 1935, which to date is the only Croatian study on symbolisation and the imagination of the broom and the rubbish dump - "(it) sweeps or sweeps away evil, the malevolent spirit, misfortune, spells, disease and death; that is a ritual and magical cleansing".99 Through its structure, the broom unites the male principle - the phallic symbol upon which the witch rides-flies - and the female principle of the triangular (delta-shaped) apex, and in that way symbolically demonstrates the antithesis between the pure (phallic handle in the hands) and the impure, dangerous (female triangle of the sweeping broom).100 Another interpretation that is near to the foregoing is the one in which symbolisation of male pubic hairs, as the regenerative symbol of fertility and re-birth, are read off from the phallusoid handle in the broom's triangular brush. Natko Nodilo pointed out - unfortunately, without citing his source - that the broom was reputed as the warlike symbol of winter, the "terrible weapon of the wintry behemoth"101 among Indo-European peoples. As with witches, for whom the broom is their astral vehicle, the broom is also an attribute of the mora (admittedly, here it is a 95 Grcevic 2000: 503. 96 Hill 1998:10. In addition, as Margaret A. Murray reported, witches in the Middle East rode on palm branches (Murray 1970: 89). 97 Cf.. Buchholtz 1999:82 (cf. Fig. No. 2). 98 Davis 2001, http. 99 Stojkovic 1935: 25. 100Radenkovic 1996: 150-151. 101Nodilo 1981:61. 182 Suzana Marjanic matter of the broom as an apotropaic against the moras influence), which is symbolically linked with the aspect of flight and wind. I would remind readers of the fact that the Mesopotamian (Babylonian-Assyrian) name of the archedemon Lilitu (the Assyrian storm demon) denotes the spirit of the wind,102 with which one aspect of the mora's and the witch's identity card is connected. In Southern Slavic folk beliefs, the broom is often denoted as an apotropaic against the mora and the witch, with a significant instruction that it is necessary to turn the broom upside-down behind the door, which intensifies its apotropaic power: "driving out Evil with Evil".103 Or there is Nodilo's mythological interpretation: when a broom is turned upside-down behind a door, it overturns the Aryan weapon and insignia of the avaricious and gluttonous M/mora and the storm-borne Ruga, and thus thwarts their activity.104 The astral broom, a significant iconographic instrument in the witch's demonic technique, is read off either in the symbolism of a purifying (material and spiritual) corrective, or in Nodilo's definition - as a warlike symbol of wintry horrors (stormy seas), or in the context of tantric copulation; the shaft, the T-shaped winch, and the spindle - which is connected with spinning and weaving techniques - links witches with the goddesses of destiny (weaving); two-pronged bramble forks and the billhook - as agricultural tools - place witches in the context of the vegetation cycle; the mortar and pestle and the churn - as utensils associated with the preparation of Good - give her the role of bread-winner of the family; while the poker links the role of the witch with the cult of the hearth, as the sacred place where the witch/old woman, as guardian of the holy fire/the hearth, practices the pagan (village, peasant) religion/magic, since traditional witchcraft relates to the cult of vegetation and livestock fertility. Mircea Eliade drew attention to the gynaecomorphic symbolics of the hearth (the hearth = the vulva) as the seat of fire and that fire or the divine (spiritual) fire is of "demonic" origin "since, according to certain ancient beliefs, it comes about through sorcery in the sexual organ of the witch".105 Apart from that, the hearth in Croatian oral literary legends about witches is shown to be the place where our demonic flyers keep their flying balm.106 For example, Ivan Milcetic noted on the Island of Krk that viske/strige (witches) rub themselves with balm that they store in a pot below the hearth,107 before they take to the air. A legend from the area of Bukovica tells of an old witch who stripped naked; she picked up a staff and struck with it "on the left-hand hearth trestle by the fire and (started) enticing as if she was tempting a ram before her. When a small pot the size of a walnut emerged, the old woman smeared (the contents) all over her from head to toe and said: 'Not of wood nor of stone, but under the walnut-tree below Promina'" (one of the mountains in the Dinaric Mountain Range - the highest peak at 1146m).108 Such imaginings about witches' balm are (largely) linked with the hearth cult (lararium) that figures as the seat 102Graves, Patai 1969:67. 103Stojkovic 1935:28. 104Cf. Nodilo 1981:59-61,192. 105Eliade 1983: 40, 214. 106Lecouteux stressed that there were three traditions in witches' flight: flight with animals (which became entrenched around the year 1000); with the aid of satanic balm; and fantastic riding on a stick, "a tradition that grew to include a broomstick" (Lecouteux 2003: 84-85). 107Milcetic 1896: 233. 108Ardalic 1917: 306. 183 Witches' zoopsychonavigations and the astral broom in the worlds of Croatian legends of the clan's home idols, the souls of forebears.109 In the regions of the Southern Slavs sacrifices in the form of human blood were made to the hearth trestle (prijeklad, zaklad, konj, nadzak - the rack against which the logs were leaned)110 as the clan idol, according to which the future was foretold, depending on whether the blood boiled or not. It was taken as an unfortunate sign for the clan if the blood boiled; they then abandoned the house and the hearth trestle-idol.111 Linking the witches' balm in folklore imaginings with the hearth topos can be denoted as a survival of pagan religions, that were practiced particularly by older (in the sense of: more skilful, experienced) women (old women, hag witches). Briefly about apotropaic birth in a caul Another fact linking shamans with some of our mythical beings and supernatural persons is birth in a caul; for example, as the future shaman is determined at birth among the Jurak-Samoyeds in Siberia. In other words, children who come into the world in a caul are predestined to become shamans, and those born with the caul covering the head only will become lesser shamans.112 Claude Lecouteux pointed out that ancient Scandinavian literature, because of the triad conception of the soul - fylgja, hamr and hugr (by which the ancient Scandinavians and the Germanic people termed that which Christians denoted with the concept of the soul) can help us in understanding the concept of ecstatic travel. If we examine briefly these concepts of the soul: fylgja, fylgjur (daimon, genius) is a psychic, spiritual Double of an individual with a guardianship role, "one who follows, the female follower", who can leave a person during sleep and at the moment of death, while her dominant nature is animal.113 Hamr (hama in Old English) remains with the body as a physical double right up until the corpse is completely decomposed, and is thus, in this sense, related to the shamanistic soul of bones.114 Hugr (anima mundi, mana), as the third component of the soul in Scandinavian pneumatology, corresponds with the Latin concepts of animus and spiritus, and can also denote the Greek concept of nous, "faculty of thought, mind, intelligence", just as it figures as mens.115 The Early Norwegian verb fylgja - as Claude Lecouteux shows, writing out his register of the meanings of this term - means to follow, and also has the physiological meaning of the placenta - the membrane that follows the delivery of a newborn.116 Invoking Ginzburg's interpretation that hamr (one of the soul concepts in Scandinavian "pneumatology"), covering in Norwegian the meanings of "skin", "Double", and "caul", Claude Lecouteux, similarly to Ginzburg, established a profound link between 109Vukanovic 1971: 174. Cf. Marjanic 2002: 234-238 for some examples which testify to the cited coupling of the hearth - sorceresses' balm. 110Cf. IEF 1127: 18. 111Vukanovic 1971: 188-189. 112Eliade 1974: 16 (cf. Ginzburg 2001: 123). Eliade (1981: 108) reports that, according to popular beliefs in Romania, strigoi are born in a caul and, when they reach maturity, they put it on and become invisible. Lecouteux refers to the belief that persons who are born in a caul have second sight (Lecouteux 2003: 126). 113Cf. Raudvere 2002:98 on the animal and feminine fylgja. 114Lecouteux 2003: 45-47. 115ibid.: 49. 116ibid.: 68, 97. 184 Suzana Marjanic the caul - a portion of the foetal membrane (amnion, amnios) that certain babies have on their heads when they come into the world - and nocturnal flights.117 According to Croatian legends, moras and witches are born in a bloody/red caul (a red or black bladder),118 while krsniks (similarly to zduhacs, for example)119 in an ethically white caul.120 Maja Boskovic-Stulli mentions that the colour of the caul is irrelevant in certain regions, but that, particularly in Istria and neighbouring areas, because of polarisation into krsniks and strigons, the colour and type of caul are of utmost importance.121 For example, the red caul is entered into the embryological mythologem of the genesis of a mora and gynaecophobia has structured the belief on the ways in which a mora is born: a baby girl born in a red caul was fated and gynaecomorphologi-cally predestined to become a mora.122 The genesis of a mora could be prevented if the bloody caul was destroyed immediately after birth - it was to be burnt or buried, which people were loath to do because it was believed that the caul was a human being's alter ego and so, the birth of a baby girl in a bloody caul was announced to everyone.123 The caul would be taken outside the house and the midwife would shout loudly that a little girl in a bloody caul had been born in that house; this was done to hinder the development of her demonic powers.124 If a baby girl was born in a white caul (in a normal birth, 117ibid.:95-96. It is worth noting here that individual interpretations ignore the difference between the placenta (posteljica) and the caul (kosuljica). The caul, which is located under the decidua membrane, is wrapped around the foetus itself (Sucic 1943: 68). Still, Tihomir Dordevic also gave some synonyms for kosuljica (caul) in individual Southern Slavic regions, including the lexeme posteljica (placenta) (Dordevic 1941: 89). Cf. Plotnikova 1999 and 2001: 291, Schneeweis 2005: 78, for positive and negative meanings attributed to being born in a caul, and also about its colour. 118Cf. Boskovic-Stulli 1991: 149. 119Cf. Boskovic-Stulli 1953: 336. Zduhacs are found in legends from Bosnia and Herzegovina and Montenegro. 120For example, cf. the legend which speaks of how the strigo is born in a black bladder, and the krsnik in a white caul (kosulja) that is like a net, while a child born in such a caul has to wear it under its arm - the caul has to be sewn in under its armpit (Boskovic-Stulli 1959:148, No. 157, Boskovic-Stulli 2003: 14). Bartulin described the krsnik's caul according to beliefs on Cres: they are born "wearing a thin net of milk like a shirt (a caul), which should be given to the child in some sort of soup so that it drinks it, they usually give it in coffee" (Bartulin 1898: 267). Milcetic noted down that the skrstnik or krstnik (in Vrbnik and Spincic) is born "under a small cap ofskin.They dry out this cap and give it to the child so that it eats itwith some food" (Milcetic 1896:225). Branko Fucic noted down a belief from the island of Cres that the krsnik is born "in a caul, a placenta, while the mrkodlak (is born) with 'a cap on its head, part of the amniotic sack (amnion)!", and, according to this belief, the krsnik must drink his caul, which gives him special powers (MS IEF 1142: 1, italics S.M.). There is an interesting instruction in legends about the birth of krsniks, which says that the caul should be sewn in under the skin of the armpit, while the armpit topos also appears in oral poetry about the children/sons of dragons (zmajevita djeca), who are born with wings below their armpits (Zecevic 1978:39). Cf. certain other legends about the birth of krsniks - according to Mikac 1934: 195, MS IEF 118: 55, Ziza 1913: 192, MS IEF 88:22,23, MS IEF 118: 54, Boskovic-Stulli 2003: 28. Cf. Marjanic 1999:60—2 on beliefs connected with the birth of moras in cauls. 121Boskovic-Stulli 1975a: 219. For example, in some beliefs its colour is not at all crucial in becoming a Hesperian creature: "If a female is born in a caul, she becomes a mora" (Milcetic 1896: 236). 122Cf. Marjanic 1999: 60-62. 123Zecevic 1981: 146. 124MS IEF 1608: 17, No. 33. According to beliefs on the islands of Brac and Hvar, a striga (stringa) was born in a black caul so that it was necessary that the midwife (the baba) take the child out onto the house threshold as soon as it was born and call out three times: "A viscica (witch) has been born,/ But not a witch,/ Rather a real little girl", or: "A viscun (wizard) has been born,/ But not a wizard, rather a real young man" (Caric 1897: 710). 185 Witches' zoopsychonavigations and the astral broom in the worlds of Croatian legends a birth without difficulties, the uterine side of the afterbirth is a shining greyish-white in colour), it was believed that she would be fortunate: "(...) but I think in an ordinary caul, that's what they say, the one born like that is happier. But I don't believe that because I was born in one."125 Namely, both the birth of a krsnik and mora, and strigons and strigas in Istria, like moras and witches in the Dalmatian regions, were loudly announced; Maja Boskovic-Stulli identified the lack of logic in this practice, since it was believed that a krsnik could die or lose his powers if his identity was uncovered. This author concluded that the announcement of the krsnik's birth became customary analogously with that of the strigon.126 Consequently, particular attention was paid if a child was born in a caul. In other words, in rare cases a child is born wrapped in the birth membrane - the caul; a child born in this way has less chances for survival, but if it does survive, that means that it is stronger than other children. In such cases, popular beliefs are grouped either around the birth in a caul or its colour, and in that way the mystic link between the caul and the child are revealed.127 Axis mundi - the mythic geography of mountains and trees Folklore conceptions about the witches' and fairies' trees as their meeting places can be approximated to the concept of the World Tree as the topos of the soul.128 Moving on to the following (possible) point of contact between witchcraft and shamanism, they are also linked by mythic geography - mountains and trees that figure as the axis mundi, the Centre of the World,129 while the customary witches' tree in Southern Slavic oral literary legends is the walnut-tree.130 In Konavle, however, witches gather in hollow olive-trees and underneath walnut-trees.131 Related to the trials of witches in Croatia, Ivan Tkalcic mentioned that witches gathered under oak trees, but rarely under linden trees.132 Josip Kotarski noted down a belief from Lobor that witches hold their covens at night on Good Friday, where they have a table in a spruce that has no crown.133 Mountains are designated as the gathering places of witches' power (the mountain peaks), in Eliade's definition cosmic peaks, and trees (arbor mundi), these being Earthly centres-protuberances (axis mundi) that establish contact between the celestial and the terrestrial world.134 The cited mythic geography has been preserved in the witches' magical verbal formulae (the verbal symbol of the ritual) that witches utter after they have 125MS IEF 1608:17, No. 33. 126Boskovic-Stulli 1975a: 219. 127Trebjesanin 2000:85, 87. 128Veleckaja 1996: 36-37, cf. Marjanic 2004a: 233-239 on the concept of the World Tree as a topos of the soul. 129Eliade 1974: 12-127, 269-274, 477-482, cf. Cica 2002: 89-90. 130Zecevic 1981: 141, cf. Marjanic 2002: 235. Establishing that ecstatic ascent into the Heavens was often replaced ritually by symbolically climbing up into a tree, and Zoran Cica came to the conclusion that fairies in the world of legends were usually located under the following fairies' trees - the oak, elm, pear, and hawthorn or under a holly tree (zapis) (Cica 2002: 89-90, 95), while Dusan Bandic mentioned that the oak, elm, pear, hawthorn, mulberry, and holly tree (zapis) figure as fairy trees (Bandic 1980: 244-245). 131Bogdan-Bijelic 1907: 307. 132Tkalcic 1891: 25. 133Kotarski 1918: 50. 134Eliade 1974: 266-269. 186 Suzana Marjanic rubbed themselves with balm, which is the concluding magical act through which they achieve astral navigation: "To Biokovo under the walnut tree";135 "- Not of wood nor of stone, but to Muc under the walnut tree",136 or, as this formula is uttered on the island of Brae: "Not of wood nor of stone,/ But into the field (polje) under the walnut tree."137 Apart from these mythic oronyms, there is also mention, of course, of Medvednica/ Sljeme,138 Klek,139 Arsanj (probably Harsany Mountain in Hungary) and Pulja.140 And while Maja Boskovic-Stulli deciphers the toponym Pulja as Puglia in southern Italy, Slobodan Zeeevic defines it as Pula (the coastal town of Pula) due to the legendary walnut tree, but according to Caric's notation, as the above-mentioned example shows, what is in question is a field (polje). Pulja usually appears as a zoopsychonavigational topos for witches in Dalmatia,141 on the island of Lastovo, for example, where a belief existed that witches came together on the eve of the saints' days of St John and St Peter and went to a walnut tree on Pulja; "they come together there and later return and do damage". In the same way, when jumping over the holiday bonfires, the verbal symbol of the ritual was incanted: "'In the name of God and St John (or Peter) let the witches burn wherever they be!' or 'In the name of God and St Peter may the witches' manda burn!' (Manda is a coarse expression meaning female genitals, and there is also the expression 'You manda!' with the aforesaid meaning)."142 We can find this explanation in another legend, also from Lastovo, in which the collocutor, Petar Lesic (son of Pavle) (born 1916) says: "When jumping over the fire, one speaks. Women there, when they jump over the fire, usually don't wear any panties. And then they say: - In the name of God and St Peter, may it burn up among the witches... hop! - over the fire."143 Or, in the modified version on the island of Koreula: "In the name of the Father and St Vid, may the witches' 'cunts' burn up!".144 Eliade underscored that the ecstatic journey of shamans always takes place near to the Axis/Centre (the World Tree), which evokes a three-storied cosmology - the Earth with the Celestial World above and the Netherworld below, and how the Buryats call the shamanistic birch "the Guardian of the Door" (udesi-burkhan), since it opens the 135Boskovic-Stulli 1967-1968: 405, No. 8. 136Boskovic-Stulli 1993: 293-294, No. 175. 137Caric 1897: 711, italics S.M. Cf. Dordevic 1953: 33-34 for witch psychonavigational formulae. 138Zecevic 1995: 79, 96. 139Bayer 1982:242, 572. 140About Pulja, cf. for example, the legend according to Marks 1980: 267, No. 52. Antun Pavic noted that fairies frequently gather on hills such as Papuk and Brizovo Polje, but largely on Harsanj that is located in the middle of the Baranja region (Pavic 1852: 342). Cf. the legend containing the witch psychonavigational formula "Not on a log nor on a stump, but straight to Arsanj" according to Boskovic-Stulli 1963:293-295, No. 149. Cf. Jardas's notation on strigas (witches) in the Kastav region (Jardas 1957: 102). 141Cf. Boskovic-Stulli 1991: 135, Zecevic 1981: 142. For example, Marijan Livijo noted down the belief from Veli Iz (a settlement on the Island of Iz) that "they used to come to Pula or even further, as far as Africa. They could also come in a cloud and cause thunder, hail, rain and storms" (MS IEF 1195: 4). In addition to the mentioned Pula form, M. Livijo also noted the form Pulja (ibid.: 6). Kadcic did not define Pulja geographically, but only wrote: "Because there were so many walnut trees, and large ones at that, in Pulja. Witches often go there" (Kadcic 1859: 332). 142MS IEF 959: 20-21. 143MS IEF 1218: 69, No. 50. 144MS IEF 783: 11. 187 Witches' zoopsychonavigations and the astral broom in the worlds of Croatian legends entry to the Heavens145 for the shaman. The shamanist birch in Altaic shamanism symbolises the World Tree, which is located in the centre of the universe, the cosmic axis that connects the Sky, the Earth and the Netherworld, while the seven, nine or twelve notches (tapty) represent the Heavens, the celestial planes.146 Due to the permeation between witch and shaman cosmology in the context of the axis mundi mythem,147 it is obvious that this type of cosmology is not limited to the shamanist context. Thus, this reveals another link, as Zoran Cica demonstrated in his book The Vilenica and the Vilenjak: the Destiny of a Pre-Christian Cult in the Period of Witch Persecution (2002), showing the link between the vilenica and shamanistic phenomenology, while pointing out that this does not also suggest the shamanistic character of the phenomenon in the narrow sense.148 The author carries through an extremely interesting comparison in observation of the ecstatic cult of vilenica and vilenjak in the context of Euro-Asian shamanistic practice, examining, for instance, the shamanistic ecstasy technique (astral journeying) and the mythic geography of mountains and trees (os sacrum) in the initiation of the vilenica (ascensus to a tree as the venue of the initiation process, ecstasy, and establishing a relationship with spiritual/astral beings) and the vilenjak (for example, ecstatic ascensus to a mountain, conferring power). In Siberian shamanistic mythology, the axis mundi figures largely as a white birch (Betula alba) that is planted in the centre of the roundyurt (tent) during the shaman initiation ceremonies and reaches up to the opening in the top of the tent, which represents the Door of Heaven or the Sun, through which the shamans depart from the Cosmos into the Axis of the Polar Star.149 In this connection, Zmago Smitek mentioned that fairytales with the motif of climbing into a tree are definitely connected with the concept of the Euro-Asian shamanistic tree and/or with the concept of the World Tree (os sacrum), which is also known among the Indo-Europeans.150 Otherwise, the shamans' drums are made from the bark of the World Tree, and from its trunk or branches.151 Hallucinogens and psychonavigation Researching the role of hallucinogens in European witchcraft and in shamanism, Michael J. Harner concluded that these two magical practices were mutually linked with psychotropic drugs, and that they largely used plants from the order Solanaceae (the potato family) - thorn apple (Datura), mandrake, henbane (Hyoscyamus), and Deadly Nightshade or belladonna.152 For example, the latter (L. Atropa belladonna), was processed together with other ingredients from other plants from the Solanaceae order for the so-called magical balm, which was rubbed in to the mucous membrane around the 145Eliade 1974: 194. 146ibid. L.L. Abaeva did research on the role of the tree cult among the Mongol peoples (the Mongols, Kal-mics, and Buryats), charting the transformation of the World Tree - World Mountain concept of the archaic world-view into the shaman's tree and, finally, into the shaman's stick (cf. Hoppal 1993a: 278). 147Cf. Cica 2002: 90. 148ibid.: 86-87. 149Chevalier, Gheerbrant 1987: 62. 150Smitek 1999: 184. 151Cf. Bowker 1998:181, Vitebsky 1995: 81. 152Harner 1976: 128. 188 Suzana Marjanic genitals, on the forehead and under the arms in order to attain a feeling of intoxication.153 Thomas S. Szasz mentioned the fact that sorceresses had once been called Good Women or Lovely Lady - Bella Dona, thus, by the name of their remedy that is still used today in pharmacopoeia.154 Apart from these psychoactive plants, hemlock and aconite/monk-shood, which also contain powerful psychoactive alkaloids,155 were used as well. The folklorist Will-Erich Peuckert explained in his interpretation of the broom that the cited psychonavigational vehicle was used as an applicator for lubricating the sensitive vaginal membrane with hallucinogens that contained atropine, which induced the feeling of flying.156 Consequently, in addition to rubbing their bodies with ointment, and rubbing it into their skin, which made possible its absorption into the bloodstream, they also used it on their vehicles - brooms, spindles, sticks, benches...157 According to one particular Mediaeval recipe, Peuckert mixed a witch balm from thorn apple, henbane and Deadly Nightshade, which he rubbed into his armpits and onto his forehead. He described the twenty-four-hour-long state of intoxication and deep sleep with images: "wild hellish riding, intoxication with love, fantastic flights into eternity, and a fort surround by disfigured, grotesque creatures".158 The witches' balm in the worlds of Southern Slavic legends, as well as in the theological instrumentary, was sometimes diabolised. Namely, according to Southern Slavic legends, it was believed that the witch brewed her balm by cooking the outcome of her coupling with the Devil, and by boiling up human blood and fat... It was also believed that the ointment was made of nail cuttings, the remnants of the foreskin removed in the circumcision of male children, and from pubic hair.159 Harner underscored the fact that he does not claim that hallucinogenic plants were used in all shamanistic practices,160 while, in Eliade's opinion, the use of narcotics as an ecstatic stimulant represents a vulgarisation of shaman tradition: "(... ) the use of narcotics is, rather, indicative of the decadence of an ecstasy technique or of its extension to 'lower' peoples or social groups" and that the use of narcotics (tobacco.) is a relatively new phenomenon in the far North-East.161 I would remind readers that Gordon R. Wasson in his study Divine Mushroom of Immortality (1968) examined the 153Schaffner 1999: 49. Deadly Nightshade (variously known as luda trava, vucja tresnja, norica, L. Atropa belladonna), one of the most poisonous plants found in the South-Slavic regions: "When someone is deceived and eats its sweetish berries, then, according to what witnesses say, that person formally becomes insane, walking as if he/she has gone amok and talking all kinds of nonsense. When more of those berries are eaten, then they cause a type of rabies with hallucinations, paralysis, unconsciousness and uncontrolled body movements. Then the people say: 'he blundered into a witches dance' (vrzino kolo), or 'he suddenly went mad'" (Kazimirovic 1986: 174). 154Szasz 1982: 101. 155Plant 2004: 104. 156According to Petersdorff 2001: 162, cf. Plant 2004: 105. 157Hruskovec 1998: 31-32. 158According to Petersdorff 2001: 162. 159Cf. Zecevic 1981: 141. For several examples of Croatian oral literary legends which have witches' balm as their theme, cf. Marjanic 2002. For example, Johannes Hartlieb (Das Buch aller verbotenen Künste, des Aberglaubens und der Zauberei, 1456) even gives the name of the witches' psychonavigational ointment (ugentum Pharelis) (cf. Bayer 1982: 357). Following Hartlieb, Lecouteux writes the name of the balm as unguentum Pharelis (Lecouteux 2003:84). 160Harner 1976: XV. 161Eliade 1974: 477, cf. McKenna, McKenna 1994: 15. 189 Witches' zoopsychonavigations and the astral broom in the worlds of Croatian legends essential role of the Amanita muscaria mushroom in Siberian shamanism.162 Elio Schae-chter pointed out that this mushroom, whose pileus is red on top with white scaling, is found in children's picture-books and that it not only hallucinogenic but also toxic.163 In an ironic tone, Sadie Plant added that one of the most permanent embodiments of the archaic shamanistic journeys visits the world once a year as Santa Claus who, dressed in red and white, flies through the expanses of the heavens in a sleigh pulled along by reindeer and brings gifts from the other world.164 Shamans of the northern Asian regions consume the Toadstool, the Amanita muscaria, which is often found beside the roots of the birch or the fir tree - thus, those very trees that they use as the axis mundi.165 Some hold the opinion that it is that mushroom - which was infamous in the past and was called the mushroom of the insane and the throne of toads (or T/toadstool) - which could be the puzzling plant used in making soma according to the Vedic hymns and/or the haoma according to the Iranian Avesta. The ethnomycologist Wasson mentions that the description of soma in the Rigveda as breasts splattered with milk corresponds with the description of the Amanita muscaria.166 Let us look at another frequent motif concerning moras' and witches' psychonavigations. For example, it was said in Luka on the Island of Dugi Otok that the strigas (witches) arrived by boat from Italy, and, when it drew near to Luka, the boat would transform into an egg-shell and the oars into bird feathers, while legends have also been noted down about strigas travelling in an egg-shell.167 Another belief from Veli Iz (a settlement on the Island of Iz) speaks of strigas who travelled "in an egg-shell and rowed with matches for oars with 162Cf. McKenna, McKenna 1994: 15, Plant 2004: 106. M. Hoppal mentions that the mushroom Amanita muscaria (fly agaric, mad mushroom) is used in witchcraft and not only in shamanism, when love-inducing magic potions are in question. He adds that milk serves as a powerful detoxicant to counteract the impact of fly agaric, which could be linked with the legend that speaks of the witches stealing milk in village communities (Hoppal 1992: 159). Cf. examples of fantastic descriptions of witches stealing milk according to Boskovic-Stulli 1991: 129. This author points out that spoiling and taking milk from other peoples' cows was a typical injurious procedure that was transposed from popular magic into the theological concept of witchcraft, and was preserved in folk beliefs right up to very recent times (ibid.), while, for example, certain theological conceptions, particularly those about witches' meetings, transposed from learned to oral tradition (ibid.: 126). In Kompolje it was believed that witches' ointment was, in fact, butter made from stolen milk, while particularly good butter was that made by witches who "melted it down from milk stolen from women who were nursing babies" (Grcevic 2000: 503). For example, I. Tkalcic wrote in relation to trials of witches in Croatia that, according to the cited "testimonies", witches like to take the milk of other peoples' cows on farms (Tkalcic 1891: 7). Writing about Brest, J. Mikac mentioned that, according to beliefs, strigas could take a cow's milk "in such a way that they would throw an opta (a yarn rope) over the cow's back and milk her into a sieve, while the milk from the sieve would go to the striga's house" (Mikac 1934: 199). For example, V. Fortunic wrote about the mushroom called vjesticine rigotine (witches' vomit) by the people as being "whitish-red, in the shape of a dome (...). It is said that witches gather in that hole because there are such mushrooms there (the ones called witches' vomit by the people)" (MS. IEF 192: 12). 163Schaechter 1998: 190. 164Plant 2004: 107. Or, we can recall the Smurfs, those small blue creatures with white caps (only Papa Smurf has a red cap), who live in houses made of mushrooms, and possess magic powers. 165Chevalier, Gheerbrant 1987: 62. Ginzburg added that, apart from the Altaics, the Siberian peoples used the toadstool, while the practice in question was implemented especially by the shamans in achieving ecstasy (Ginzburg 1991: 305). 166Viskovic 2001: 365, 489. 167Lulic 1993: 364. 190 Suzana Marjanic a stroke covering one hundred miles".168 Another belief was: that "witches and moras could cross the sea in only an egg-shell",169 while an apotropaic defence from the nyctomorphic activities was that the victim of their attack could escape, because the Hesperian beings in question could not cross the sea - other than in an egg-shell. The imaginary Lilliputian image and dreams about moras and witches floating on the sea in a walnut- or egg-shell170 are psychosymbols of Gulliver-type searches for enclosure in one's own shell (room) from fear of night as the time of dark thoughts171 and miniature moras (Tom Thumb creatures) in their animalistic Hesperian activities. Sadie Plant drew attention to the fact that one of the best known effects of the Amanita muscaria is a feeling that one is growing or reducing in size, which has a key role, for example, in Carroll's Alice in Wonderland while - as is known - Lewis Carroll had access to several studies on the Amanita muscaria mushroom, and probably to the mushroom itself.172 Let us pause for a moment at an apotropaic against the negative activities of moras and witches.173 Namely, in addition to the broom turned upside-down behind the door as an apotropaic against witches and moras, other objects such as fine and coarse sieves can also serve this purpose, because they have so many holes, "while the popular belief is that witches and moras cannot move forward, cannot do anything or inflict any harm, before they count all the holes on the fine and coarse sieves". The sieve is also part of the witches' instrumentary as well as being an attribute of moras who like to ride in them through the air: "This conception was arrived at through the fact that somebody saw similarity between a storm cloud and the shape of a sieve, which lets water pass through; in a similar way, a storm cloud was conceived as a broom, that sweeps everything before it; and the derivation from that was that witches on brooms rode in the clouds or that they ride in a sieve through the air."174 Perhaps the fairytale elements of the journeys of moras and witches in walnut-shells or egg-shells and in sieves could also be linked with shamanistic journeys. Namely, Mihaly Hoppal mentions the fact that, in the Hungarian belief system, some very characteristic features of shamanism were preserved in the form of the drum=sieve=boat equation, while he commences this parallelism with an indication of how the Hungarian shaman, the taltos, is linked with the sieve (coarse sieve).175 Consequently, in the (possible) comparisons between witchcraft and shamanism given above, I stress the point that we are speaking only of possible points of contact, since Gustav Henningsen has emphasised that shamanism is not appropriate for explaining witchcraft as these are, in fact, diverse ecstatic cults and variations of lethargy.176 168MS IEF 1195: 4, 5. 169Milcetic 1896: 286. 170Boskovic-Stulli 1959: 220. 171Cf. Durand 1991: 221. 172Plant 2004: 107. 173I wrote in more detail about apotropaics against mora activities in the text "Apotropaics Against the Mora as a Female-Nyctomorphic Demon" (1999). 174Stojkovic 1929: 51-53. 175Hoppal 1992: 164. Cf. the earlier quoted part of the legend according to Mikac 1934:199 where the link was established in the folklore imaginary about witches stealing milk with the aid of a sieve. 176Henningsen 1991/1992: 301-302. Cf. systematisation of the inducing of shamanistic altered states of consciousness according to Hoppal 1993: 185. 191 Witches' zoopsychonavigations and the astral broom in the worlds of Croatian legends Something should be added here about the terms trance and ecstasy. For example, Merete Demant Jakobsen points out that the terms trance and ecstasy are used indiscriminately and that Louise Backman and Ake Hultkranz claims that the term ecstasy is being used by students of religion and ethnology, while the term trance is being used by psychopathologists and parapsychologists.177 Still, Dragoslav Antonijevic, follows Gilbert Rouget's distinction between ecstasy and trance, emphasising that the use of trance indicates movement, noise, society, crisis, sensory over-stimulation, and amnesia, with the exclusion of hallucinations; in ecstasy - it is a matter of immobility, silence, the absence of crisis states and sensory over-stimulation, and hallucinations, which means that witch psychonavigation would have the characteristics of ecstasy, while their nyc-tomorphic gatherings (the ritual covens) would indicate the structure of trance.178 Still, it is not, unfortunately, possible to establish the parallelism between the abstract figures of the shaman and the witch on the level of the shaman's role as a healer. Namely, Croatian legends very rarely indicate healer practice among witches. However, let us look at one case that reveals a witch also in that role. For example, writing about Praputnik, J. Bujanovic noted that one witch (whom we will denote as being ethically white) fended off the evil spells of an (ethically black) witch: "He was healed by another witch with the aid of prayers, and he had to jump over a hoe, an axe, a rake, a shovel, and some boards and other things, into which the witch blew and prayed over them, crossing herself."179 Briefly and in conclusion: the translation of shamanism and witchcraft in art, politics, and cultural tourism... I would close the case of transference of shamanistic patterns into other spheres today with the example of shamanism in art - in music as technoshamanism1S0 and, of course, in the fine arts, in expressive painting, and in performance art.181 For example, Joseph Beuys incorporated the shamanism dimension into both his life story and his artistic work, and, later, he expanded the shaman role into his own role as political leader, ecology activist and spiritual-artistic educator.182 Namely, he flew in the Crimea war zone as a member of the German army during World War II and was shot down there in 1943 by Soviet artillery. Tartars found him in the wreck of his Junkers 87 and restored him to health, while the encounter with Tartar shamanistic culture became an initial element in his works. During the healing process, the Tartar shamans rubbed fat over his body and wrapped him in felt, and Beuys remained permanently dedicated in his works to the felt 177Jakobsen 1999: 17; cf. ibid.: 10. 178Antonijevic 1990: 9. 179Bujanovic 1896: 234. 180This term was coined by Frazer Clark in 1987, describing the role of the DJ at a rave (cf. Harvey 2003a: 305). 181I shall not, unfortunately, be going into detail about this transgression of shamanism, but would recommend Robert J. Wallis's excellent book Shamans/Neo-Shamans, which researches the transition of shamanism from its autochthonic context to Western contextualisation from the 1960s, which is all part of the globalisation process (Wallis 2003:58), revealing how the processes of democratisation, and the spread of capitalism and Western values have also had an influence on shamanism, "but it would be naive to contrast traditional- and neo-Shamanism in terms of the West doing all the transformation" (ibid.: 207). 182Cf. Suvakovic 1999: 336. 192 Suzana Marjanic and fat elements of the shaman process.183 For example, in the shaman action Coyote: I Like America and America Likes Me (1974) he tried to establish contact with the mythical animal of the Native Americans - the coyote - as a symbolisation of the America that had disappeared during the settlers' expansion to the West. A Texas coyote named Little John took part in the cited action; Beuys spent four days with him (May 23 to 26) in the René Block Gallery in New York, trying to establish mutual alteration of Nature. His daily rituals included a series of interactions with the coyote, for example, he spoke with the coyote,184 acquainted him with objects - felt, a walking stick, gloves, an electric torch and the Wall Street Journal, a symbol of the American God Mammon (the paper was delivered every day), while Little John tore at it with his feet and urinated on it. Namely, the floor was covered in straw and then, during the exhibition, with copies of the Wall Street Journal.185 According to Beuys, the Coyote was an "American" action, the "coyote complex", which reflected the history of the persecution of the Native Americans as well as "the whole relationship between the United States and Europe".186 During the action, Beuys produced primary/archaic sounds and minimal music; he also fell to the floor as if in a trance. He imitated neophyte procedures that Mircea Eliade had described in his study about shaman ecstasy techniques.187 The study is about the procedure among the Schuswap, a tribe of the Salish family in the interior of British Columbia. The aforementioned shamanistic initiation sometimes lasts for years, until the novice dreams "that the animal he desired for his guardian spirit appeared to him and promised him its help. As soon as it appeared the novice fell down in a swoon: (...) If an animal initiates the novice it teaches him his language. One shaman in Nicola Valley is said to speak 'coyote language' in his incantations."188 The director of the Ogulin Tourist Board, Ankica Puskaric, made an excellent translation with her colleagues of legends about witchcraft, and founded a festival called The Festival of Witches and Fairies. So, for those who would like to participate in some merry casting of spells - the First Festival of Witches and Fairies was held on Friday, June 13, 2003 on Klek Mountain, and the three main conditions for joining the Witches' Sisterhood were - a cheerful nature, your own birch broom, and a licence for riding on the aid in question.189 Instead of actual psychonavigation, of course, the Klek sorceresses competed 183Borer 2003: 285. 184Davvetas 2003: 173. 185Lamarche-Vadel 2003: 121. 186Cf. Goldberg 2001: 151. 187Cf. Jacobs http. 188Eliade 1974: 100. For example, shamanism in contemporary Croatian visual arts practice is noticeable in the work of Vladimir Dodig Trokut (cf. 2002), Josip Zanki, Marijan Crtalic (cf. 2004), Damir Stojnic (cf. 2006). Cf. the critical interpretations of using the coyote Little John in Beuys's action I Like America and America Likes Me according to Steve Baker (2003) and Damir Stojnic (2006). The aforementioned artist Kresimira Gojanovic (cf. note No. 20), for example, gave a dance performance art as part of the multimedia project Teatar i mit (Theatre and Myth) at the Gavella Theatre (Zagreb) in 2000 (the project was conceived and produced by: Bojan Gagic and Josip Zanki). The theme of the performance art was natural femininity (points of contact between Nature and female feelings) and a return to white witchcraft (Wicca) in touch with the forces/energies of Nature. 189In my opinion, since the contemporary Wicca are drawn near to the ecofeministic, and thus, the animalistic paradigm, the organisers of this manifestation could perhaps have avoided the elements in which the 193 Witches' zoopsychonavigations and the astral broom in the worlds of Croatian legends with each other in a witches' alka (a ring-tilting game), a witches' races with pedalos, witches' beach volleyball, witches' balot (Mediterranean bowls), soccer, and belotte (a card game)...190 The fact that shamanism is also applicable to the political powers-that-be was testified to in the recent case in which a shaman applied to carry out the ritual purification of the Russian State Duma (parliament) building and to drive out the evil spirits drawn to it by the negative energy of political debates. Namely, the Government allegedly hired him to come from Siberia for that purpose. The shaman and mystic, Toizin Bergenov, announced that he would come to Moscow in June when "the spirit of the Sun is exceptionally powerful". The building was last purified in 1994, when it was decontaminated by representatives of the Russian Orthodox Church.191 References cited Antonijevic, Dragoslav (1990): Ritualni trans. SANU, Beograd. Ardalic, Vladimir (1917): Vile i vještice (Bukovica u Dalmaciji). Zbornik za narodni život i običaje Južnih Slavena, 22:302-311, Zagreb. Baker, Steve. 2003. "Sloughing the Human". In: ed. Cary Wolfe, Zooontologies: The Question of the Animal, 146-164. Bandic, Dušan (1980): Tabu u tradicionalnoj kulturi Srba. BIGZ, Beograd. Bartulin, Andrija (1898): Cres. Vjerovanja. Zbornik za narodni život i običaje Južnih Slavena, 3:[Ljudi po smrti, str. 267-269], Zagreb. Bayer, Vladimir (1982): Ugovor s davlom. Procesi protiv čarobnjaka u Evropi a napose u Hrvatskoj. 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Žiža, Stjepan (1913): Grišnjak (Iz Istre). Zbornik za narodni život i običaje Južnih Slave-na, 18/1: 192, Zagreb. 200 Suzana Marjanic Manuscripts (Institute of Ethnology and Folklore Research, Zagreb) IEF MS 88. Bonifačic Rožin, Nikola 1952. Hrvatske narodne pjesme, priče i običaji iz ko-tara Poreč i okolice Rovinja. IEF MS 118. Bonifačic Rožin, Nikola. 1953. Hrvatski narodni običaji, pjesme, priče iz ko-tara Pazin. IEF MS 172. Boškovic-Stulli, Maja. 1954. Folklorna grada iz Banije. Narodne pjesme, priče, običaji i drugo iz Banije, 1. IEF MS 192. Fortunic, Vlaho. 1937. Iz narodne folklore o morama i vješticama te o urocima i vukodlacima. IEF MS 783. Bonifačic Rožin, Nikola. 1966. Folklorna grada otoka Korčule. IEF MS 959. Milicevic, Josip. 1977. Etnološka grada Lastova. IEF MS 1127. Buljan, Ante. 1985. Opis običaja rodnog kraja Sinja, Imocki, Vrljika, Livna kao i pripadajuče okoline. IEF MS 1142. Fučic, Branko. 1985. Zapisi narodnih predaja (vjerovanja) sa Cresa 1951. IEF MS 1195. Livijo, Marijan. 1986. Običaji životnog ciklusa i godišnji običaji, predaje, ka-zivanja i vjerovanja u Velom Ižu 1986. g. IEF MS 1218. Marks, Ljiljana. 1981. Predaje i ostala kazivanja s Lastova. IEF MS 1608. Marjanic, Suzana. 1997. Folklorna grada s poluotoka Pelješca (mitološke / demonološke/, povijesne i etiološke predaje). 201 Witches' zoopsychonavigations and the astral broom in the worlds of Croatian legends Vještičje zoopsihonavigacije i astralna metla u svjetovima hrvatskih predaja kao (moguci) aspekti šamanističke tehnike ekstaze (i transa) Suzana Marjanič Polazeci od knjige Mythic Images and Shamanism: A Perspective on Kalevala Poetry (2002) u kojoj Anna-Leena Siikala, izmedu ostaloga, apostrofira da šamanizam nije religija vec kompleks obreda i vjerovanja u različitim religijama, vještičje zoopsihonavigacije u svjetovima hrvatskih predaja interpretiramo kao (moguce) aspekte šamanske tehnike ekstaze (i transa), u okviru čega pojmom zoopsihonavigacija nastojimo imenovati granicu prožimanja šamanskih ekstatičkih iskustava i vještičjih iskustava letargije. Pod pojmom zoopsihonavigacija (psihonavigacija duše u animalnoj egzistenciji), s jedne strane, pro-matramo zoometempsihoze (drugotvorenja duše u animalnom obličju) koje se odvijaju u iskustvima letargije nadnaravnih osoba i mitskih bica, s obzirom da metempsihoza za-htijeva transgresiju preko smrti - privremenu smrt. U okviru navedenoga koncepta zoo/ psihonavigacije promatramo i vještičju astralnu metlu koja se može interpretirati kao izo-morfizam falomorfnoga aplikatora koji se podmazivao mastima što sadrže atropin, i kao izomorfizam šamanskoga konjskoga štapa (s ručkom u obliku konjske glave), što ga burjatski šamani rabe u ekstatičkim plesovima, koji se, uostalom, i naziva konj (a nije bez sli-čnosti s drškom vještičje metle), te figurira kao neka vrsta hobby-horsea, na kojemu šaman jašuči, putuje u drugi svijet - ili Eliadeovim odredenjem simboličko "jahanje" izražavalo je napuštanje tijela, "mističku smrt" šamana. Jednako tako pod pojmom zoopsihonavigacija razumijevamo i vještičje zoometamorfoze, kao i jahanje (let) na životinjama (teriomorfna vozila) kojima, primjerice, vještice lebde u zraku (riječ je o binomnoj anatomiji/ikonografiji Žena-Životinja) i, naravno, inkubna jahanja na muškarcima (koje dijele vile i vještice). Primjerice, zoometempsihoza u muhu, koja je predajno pridana morama, vješti-cama i krsnicima, potezima moči na vlasti (u Sloterdijkovu odredenju) eklezijastičkih autoriteta i pučkom etikom dijabolizirana je kada je riječ o morama i vješticama, a kada je pripisana krsnicima, promatra se u nadnaravnim svojstvima. Slična se etička diferen-cijacija ostvarila i u procesu pučke imaginacije o vještičjim zoometamorfozama koje su dijabolizirane, dok zoometamorfoze krsnika koje ostvaruju u psihonavigacijskim boje-vima za rodnu godinu (u plodotvorne zaštitnike ulaze, primjerice, i obilnjaki, brganti, kombali, vedomci, moguti, vedi, vrimenjaci/vremenjaci, višcaci, legromanti/nagroman-ti, vjedogonje/jedogonje, stuhe, zduhači) razumijevane su kao plodotvorne. Pored navedenoga koncepta zoopsihonavigacije, moguci dodiri izmedu vještičar-stva i šamanizma uspostavljeni su i na temelju mitema o šamanskom kao i vještičjem medusobnom agonu, osebujnoga rodenja (rodenja u košuljici), toposa axis mundi - mit-ska geografija planina i stabala (paralelizam izmedu šamanskoga stabla i vještičjega/vilin-skoga stabla), uporabom halucinogenih biljaka kao i svjetlosnim hipostazama vještičjega tijela u kontekstu Eliadeove atribucije šamana kao "gospodara vatre". 202 »Ja, tam je en takšen, ko zna.« Vedeževalci -nasprotniki čarovnic na slovenskem podeželju Mirjam Mencej The article focuses on the soothsayers who functioned as counterwitches, and were consulted in the case of witch assault. Analyzed are the reasons why people enlisted the help of a soothsayer; their location; their sex structure; techniques and implements they had used; procedure phases required to nullify the evil curse (confirmation of witch assault, identification of the witch, nullification of the curse, and eventual reversing of the curse and revenge upon the witch); their payment; and people's attitude toward them. Kadar so ljudje na podeželju vzhodne Slovenije, kjer smo raziskovali čarovništvo, menili, da so žrtve čarovniškega napada, so imeli tri možnosti: če so našli škodljivi predmet ali razkrinkali čarovnico v podobi krastače, so lahko pri obrambni metodi zajemali iz skupnega korpusa znanja o tem, kako se ubraniti pred napadom (prim. Mencej 2003). Če takšnega predmeta ali živali niso našli oz. čarovnica ni bila znana, vendar pa so po nesrečah, ki so jih doletele, sklepali (ali pa so jih o tem poučili drugi), da ima ta vendarle svoje prste vmes, so si lahko izbrali možnost, da se obrnejo po pomoč k specialistom, ki so bili za boj proti čarovnicam posebej usposobljeni. En tip religioznih specialistov, na katere se je žrtev lahko obrnila v takem primeru, so bili duhovniki, lokalne cerkvene avtoritete, ki so, verjetno brez vedenja višjih avtoritet, opravljali blagoslove kmetij, zemljišč, ki naj bi te zaščitili pred čarovnicami. Največkrat pa so se ljudje po pomoč pred čarovniškim napadom obračali na specializirane nasprotnike čarovnic. Na našem območju so bili tisti, ki so pomagali v primeru suma, da gre za čarovništvo, vedeževalci (oz. »šlogarji«, kot so jih tu imenovali). To dejavnost so vedeževalci očitno opravljali obenem z vedeževanjem, pri čemer je bilo verjetno, če sodimo po imenu, vedeževanje njihovo primarno delo oz. je bilo odkrivanje čarovnic pravzaprav razumljeno kot aspekt vedeževanja. Čarovnice so pogosto identificirane in tako dejansko priklicane v življenje prav prek svojih nasprotnikov. Čarovniški diskurz je konstituiran v trikotniku najbolj vpletenih posameznikov: žrtve, čarovnice in specialista - nasprotnika čarovnic (Blecourt 1999: 154). Mnogi raziskovalci so posebej poudarjali odločilno vlogo nasprotnikov čarovnic v čarovniških obtožbah (npr. Kruse 1951). Pomembna vloga, ki so jo v čarovniških obtožbah odigrali nasprotniki čarovnic, je razvidna že iz sodnih spisov v čarovniških procesih v času lova na čarovnice, pa tudi iz etnoloških zapisov z evropskega podeželja v 20. stoletju (Macfarlene 1970; Kruse 1951; Schock 1978: 132-145; Favret-Saada 1980 idr.). V primerjavi s pripovedmi o lastnih izkušnjah s čarovnicami so priznanja o odhodu pripovedovalca ali njihovega znanca, sorodnika itd., o katerem pripovedujejo, po pomoč k nasprotniku čarovnic relativno redka. Toda to gotovo ne more biti povsem 203 »Ja, tam je en takšen, ko zna.« Vedeževalci - nasprotniki čarovnic na slovenskem podeželju pravilna slika, saj ljudje večkrat omenjajo, da so npr. na nekem območju vsi hodili k določenemu vedeževalcu, drugod pa, da so hodili k drugemu ipd. Očitno je bilo obiskovanje takih specialistov na našem območju precej množično razširjeno. Razlog za molk o lastnem obisku morda vsaj deloma leži v dvojni vlogi teh specialistov in njihovi sposobnosti oz. občasni praksi, da maleficium vrnejo storilcu, ki je največkrat sosed - s tem bi namreč lahko tvegali poslabšanje medsosedskih odnosov. Vendar pa se kljub temu ne zdi verjetno, da bi ti obiski potekali tako na skrivaj kot na območju Alto Minho na Portugalskem, kjer so se ljudje na obisk k vedeževalcu, da jih sosedje ne bi opazili, odpravljali ponoči (Pina-Cabral 1986: 190). Ker za večino teh obiskov vemo iz pripovedi znancev tistih, ki so se napotili k vedeževalcu, se je informacija očitno širila dalje, če že ne pred obiskom, pa gotovo po njem; včasih pa sta se na tak obisk napotili celo po dve sosedi skupaj ipd. Razlogi za odhod k nasprotniku čarovnic Kljub skupnemu znanju o metodah obrambe proti čarovnicam je bil odhod k specialistu v določenih primerih očitno potreben. Daleč najpogosteje navedeni vzrok za obisk nasprotnika čarovnic je bilo umiranje, bolehanje, neješčost živine oz. svinj in nemlečnost krav, kar je gotovo pokazatelj pomembne vloge, ki so jo imele te živali v gospodarstvu na tem območju. Takšne težave so pripovedovalci kot razlog za obisk vedeževalca navedli v večini primerov. Le v posameznih primerih so omenjali druge nesreče: žitne molje; željo, da bi vedeževalec prekinil odnos sina z dekletom, ki je izhajala iz družine z reputacijo čarovnikov; bolezen vnuka, ki naj bi ga povzročila soseda - čarovnica; krajo; ali moževo pretepanje žene. Včasih so odšli k takšnemu specialistu zgolj z namenom, da bi izvedeli kaj o svoji prihodnosti, se pravi, da v tem primeru ta ni opravljal svoje vloge identifikatorja in nasprotnika čarovnic, ampak zgolj vlogo vedeževalca. Pri odhodu k vedeževalcu je bil odločilni dejavnik predvsem dolgotrajnost nesreč: prašiči »vedno« poginjajo, živina »nikoli« ne uspeva, »dlje časa« je pri hiši vse narobe...1 Seveda pa je »dolgotrajnost« relativna: če krava ni dajala mleka, od katerega so bili življenjsko odvisni, so se ljudje lahko odpravili k vedeževalcu že po nekaj dneh: I: Enkrat je..., ko so tudi, je mama moja pripovedovala, da je, so imeli pri eni hiši bolne prašiče, in to kar iz leta v leto. Pol je šla pa tista gospodinja, je šla k enemu vedeževalcu. (72) S: Šlogarji? A to so bli tudi v vasi šlogarji? I: A ne, to smo pa, dol, tu dol pri Krškem so hodili k enim. To se reče, da tam dol, to je bilo res, gor v Z. se reče. Tam gor je, svinje so crkavale, pa crkavale, pa je fertig. Zdaj pa, kateri trdno to veruje, da je res, je res. Kateri pa nič ne veruješ, se ti pa ne uresniči. In to je živa resnica, ne. Ja, ja. Pol je pa šel tu dol, je rekel: »Kar poglejte, kaj imate vi kosti notri pod, notri pod podnom, pod štalo. Pa nož je notri,« je rekel. »Tisto ven dajte,« je rekel. S: To je ta šlogar rekel? I: Ja. Pol je pa šel domov, pa je pogledal, pa je res. Pa je tisto ven vzel, pa je bilo dobro. (122) 1 Podobno ugotavlja v Franciji Favret-Saada (1980: 6). 204 Mirjam Mencej Razlog za sum, da je na delu čarovnica, in za odhod k vedeževalcu je tudi zaporedje različnih, na videz nepovezanih nesreč, ki zadenejo človeka. Kot ugotavlja Favret-Saada v Franciji, so kmetje ločevali med dvema vrstama bolezni: običajnimi nesrečami in nenavadnimi ponovitvami - če nekdo umre, bankrotira, zboli ... to še ni nujno pomenilo, da je v ozadju čarovništvo. Čarovniški napad se kaže v nizu nesreč, ki doletijo človeka, čeprav na različnih področjih. Ko se to zgodi, se človek obrne h kvalificiranim ljudem z dvojno prošnjo: s prošnjo po interpretaciji in po zdravljenju (Favret-Saada 1980: 6). I: Prej so znale, prej so znale /nerazumljivo/, kako so to znale. Naša je bila ena ženska, nedaleč od nas, v K., vasi je bila doma. Pa je prišla k nam, mi smo imeli mlin, ona je v mlin prinesla zmleti, ne, koruzo ali pa ječmen, kar je že imela /.../. Ko je tista prišla k hiši... je neki zacoprala, da je bilo vse narobe. Ali so mama kokoš nasadili, ali je krota med jajci crknila, ali so vsi piščeti in /nerazumljivo/, ali je pri hiši naredila kaj. Da res je zapodila, to so pa videli, ko smo še bili mali otroci, da ko je šla mimo štale /nerazumljivo/, je nekaj zapodila v ograjo, ko smo imeli ograjo. Ko mi smo prašiče k ograji spuščali, ne, poleti, in pol so nam tri prašiči crknili, in to je, nekaj, nekaj je bilo narobe. Pol so šli pa mama, so šli pa mama k šlogarci /.../ (73) Nadaljnji razlog, ki je spodbudil ljudi k obisku vedeževalca, je verjetno tudi prepričanje ljudi, da je le na tak način mogoče opraviti tudi z moralnimi vzroki bolezni, izkoreniniti bolezen in druge nesreče »v samem izvoru« (prim. Pina-Cabral 1986: 187; Favret-Saada 1980: 6). Poleg tega je imela seansa pri vedeževalcu gotovo tudi neke vrste terapevtsko vrednost (prim. Favret-Saada 1980: 8), deloma pa je na odhod k specialistu verjetno vplivala tudi preprosto radovednost, ki jo je spodbudila reputacija posameznega vedeževalca, govorice, ki so krožile o njem - vendar pa lahko o tem le ugibamo. Lokacija Natančne podatke, tj. ime in kraj bivanja vedeževalca, so nam naši sogovorniki le redko povedali. Tudi v Franciji so ime vedeževalcev ljudje skrbno skrivali (Favret-Saada 1980: 31), enako na Češkem (Blecourt 1990: 184) in na Portugalskem (Pina-Cabral 1986: 190). Trdili so, da se imena specialista (kadar je šlo za lastne obiske) ne spominjajo več, saj je od tedaj, ko so bili pri njem oni ali njihovi znanci, v glavnem minilo že veliko časa ali pa je bil ta že pokojen. Ker so največkrat pripovedovali o obisku znancev, je bil v takem primeru v ospredju pripovedovalčevega fokusa seveda dogodek, ne pa natančna lokacija in podatki o tej osebi. Daleč najbolj prevladujočo vlogo v odkrivanju čarovnic na tem območju je imel, po pripovedih sodeč, zlasti en, morda dva vedeževalca. Za prvega vemo z gotovostjo, saj so ga ljudje večkrat omenjali. Živel je »na Kranjskem«2, ena informatorka je povedala tudi natančneje, da je živel na Gomilskem, se pravi precej zunaj meja območja, na katerem smo delali raziskavo. Pisal naj bi se Gomulšek (oz. Gomilšek ali Gomivšek)3. Trije informatorji izrecno govorijo o Gomilšku s Kranjskega, štirje nadaljnji informatorji pa omenjajo neko- 2 »Kranjska« pomeni ljudem na tem območju vse, kar je na drugi strani Save. 3 Ljudje so njegov priimek izgovarjali na različne načine. Morda pa to sploh ni bil priimek, ampak samo vzdevek po kraju, v katerem je prebival. 205 »Ja, tam je en takšen, ko zna.« Vedeževalci - nasprotniki čarovnic na slovenskem podeželju ga, ki je živel na Kranjskem. Tehnike, ki jih je uporabljal, so zelo različne in po drugi strani tako klasične, da je na podlagi teh nemogoče z gotovostjo identificirati specialista. Nekaj naših sogovornikov je odšlo na konzultacije k vedeževalcem tudi na Hrvaško. Čeprav so ti vedeževalci delovali zunaj meja našega območja (vmes je bila celo nekdanja republiška, zdaj državna meja), pa so bili vendarle manj oddaljeni od njega kot vedeževa-lec z Gomilskega, saj je bila meja v neposredni bližini. Nihče od vedeževalcev, na katere se je obračalo največ ljudi, torej ni živel na območju, kjer smo opravljali raziskavo. Tendenco ljudi, da si izberejo vedeževalca oz. nasprotnika čarovnic zunaj svojega območja, izza določene meje, se pravi zunaj mreže znancev in svojega teritorija, so opazili tudi mnogi raziskovalci drugod po Evropi (Blecourt 1999: 184, 204; Favret-Saada 1980: 20; Pina-Cabral 1986: 192; prim. tudi Schock 133-5). Fav-ret-Saada navaja celo primer, ko so se vaščani zavedli, da je v njihovi vasi živel zelo znan nasprotnik čarovnic, šele na njegovem pogrebu, ki se ga je udeležila ogromna množica njegovih nekdanjih strank, ki so prihajale od vsepovsod, le iz njegove vasi ne (Favret-Saada 1980: 57). Pred približno pol stoletja, ko je poljski etnolog Obrembski raziskoval območje Poreča v Makedoniji, so se ljudje s tega območja obračali po pomoč predvsem na hodžo iz Striganišta in na svetnico iz Železne reke, na celotnem območju Poreča pa ni bilo nobenega pomembnejšega vedeževalca (Obrembski 2001: 73-4). Kadar se ljudje niso odločili za daljše potovanje na Kranjsko in/oz. na Gumilsko ali na Hrvaško, so se obračali na manj pomembne vedeževalce4, pri čemer je igrala pri izbiri vedeževalca določeno vlogo tudi geografska oddaljenost. V takšnih primerih so ljudje izbirali specialiste predvsem v bližnjih krajih, kar se zdi razumljivo, saj se je večina informatorjev odpravila na pot peš. Vendar pa po drugi strani nikoli nismo naleteli na primer, da bi si izbrali specialista iz svojega kraja, celo če je iz pripovedi ljudi od drugod razvidno, da je tam živel vedeževalec. Poleg stacioniranih specialistov, h katerim so se ljudje napotili po pomoč, pa so poznali na tem območju še poseben podtip specialistov, ki so hodili od hiše do hiše in ponujali svoj e usluge: predvsem vedeževanj e in uničevanje ško dljivega čarovniškega predmeta. Ti so prihajali prvenstveno s Hrvaške, morda zato, ker je bil standard v Sloveniji višji ali pa so tu iskali dodatne stranke; nekaj je bilo tudi Romov. Včasih jim je ta dejavnost pomenila postranski zaslužek, večinoma pa je bila to njihova glavna dejavnost. Naši sogovorniki so omenjali tri ženske in tri moške potujoče šlogarje. Spol Medtem ko so kot obtoženke čarovništva izrazito prevladovale ženske, pa je ta slika pri nasprotnikih čarovnic precej drugačna. Naši informatorji oz. njihovi znanci ali sorodniki, o katerih so nam pripovedovali, da so odšli k vedeževalcu, so se v sedemnajstih primerih obrnili na žensko, v štirinajstih pa na moškega. Če ne upoštevamo primerov, v katerih lahko na podlagi lokacije in delno tehnike, ki so jih uporabljali, domnevamo, da 4 Pripovedovalci so za vedeževalce, za katere so pripovedovali, da so se nanje obrnili po pomoč pred čarovnico, v glavnem trdili, da so že umrli, tako da ni bilo mogoče pričakovati, da bi lahko še odkrili sled za njimi. Le dva sogovornika sta pripovedovala o situaciji, ki se je dogodila pred sedmimi oz. desetimi leti. 206 Mirjam Mencej gre za iste specialiste, je bilo najverjetneje govora o petih moških vedeževalcih in sedmih ali osmih ženskah vedeževalkah5. Tu gre seveda le za opisane primere, kar pa v resnici ni zanesljiva slika tega, koliko vedeževalcev je dejansko delovalo na tem območju v času, ki se ga naša raziskava dotika (tj. približno čas od srede do konca 20.st.). Kljub vsemu pa je opazen procentualen porast moških v primeri z osebami, obtoženimi čarovništva, ki so praviloma ženske in je med njimi moških komajda za vzorec. Podobna slika se kaže tudi iz raziskav čarovništva drugod po Evropi. V Alto Minho na Portugalskem so bile čarovnice vedno ženske, nasprotniki pa so bili lahko ženske ali moški (Pina-Cabral 1986). Inge Schock ugotavlja, da je večina nasprotnikov čarovnic v jugozahodni Nemčiji moških (Schock 1978: 141); iz madžarskih sojenj čarovnicam je prav tako razvidno, da je bila večina čarovnic žensk, nasprotnikov čarovnic pa moških (Domotor 1978: 185) itd. Tehnike in pripomočki za vedeževanje Vedeževalci so v svojih seansah pogosto uporabljali več različnih tehnik. Poleg tega so imele tehnike različen namen in so jih verjetno izbirali tudi glede na to, ali so hoteli le izničiti škodo ali pa so imeli pri tem namen tudi identificirati krivca (kadar prvo ni impliciralo drugega) in mu vrniti škodo. Žal pripovedovalci redko opisujejo tehnike vedeževalcev, saj je bil v ospredju njihovega interesa predvsem ugoden razplet situacije, tj. konec nesreč in (včasih še) identifikacija krivca (ter redkeje tudi vrnitev čara oz. maščevanje povzročitelju nesreč). Morda ti tudi dejansko niso vedno uporabljali neke na zunaj prepoznavne tehnike, kot je npr. vedeževanje iz kart, fižola, branje iz knjige ipd. Ker so vedeževalci in vedeževalke le redko imenovani, tudi ni mogoče z gotovostjo vedeti, kdaj ljudje pripovedujejo o isti osebi, zato se naša statistika tehnik nanaša le na opisane primere. Največkrat, v petih primerih, je omenjeno vedeževanje iz kart, ki pa se v dveh primerih povezuje z branjem iz »knjige«. Knjiga je vsega skupaj omenjena trikrat. Edini vedeževalec, ki ga je bilo mogoče identificirati po imenu, Gumilšek, si je pri vedeževanju očitno pomagal s »knjigo« in kartami. Za kakšno knjigo in karte je šlo, ne vemo, čeprav lahko predvidevamo, da je šlo za isto knjigo, kot so jo na tem območju pripisovali čarovnicam, tj. Kolomonov žegen6. Toda medtem ko so vaške čarovnike in čarovnice izrecno obtoževali, da imajo v lasti Kolomon, v zvezi z vedeževalci to ime za knjigo ni bilo nikoli omenjeno. Enkrat samkrat je omenjeno še »vedeževanje na robček«, ki pa ni bilo namenjeno odpravi maleficiuma, ampak zgolj napovedi prihodnosti, in enkrat »vedeževanje na fižol« - gre za zelo star način vedeževanja z bobom, fižolom, redkeje tudi s koruzo (prim. Moszynski 1967: 379-382), prav tako namenjen le napovedovanju prihodnosti. V enem primeru je vedeževalec pri identifikaciji čarovnice uporabil vodo in v enem ogledalo, ki pa je imelo v bistvu enako vlogo kot voda - v obeh se je namreč lahko pokazal krivec, čarovnik oz. čarovnica, kriv(a) za nevšečnosti, ki so doletele osebo, ki se je na vedeževalca obrnila po pomoč (glej v nadaljevanju). 5 Vedeževalko iz B., ki jo omenjata dva informatorja, sem štela za isto osebo, a možno je tudi, da sta v kraju B. dejansko delovali dve različni ženski. 6 Tudi glavni vir znanja vedeževalk na severnem Portugalskem je bila čarovniška knjiga Knjiga sv. Ciprijana, iz katere so se naučile vedeževati z igralnimi kartami (Pina-Cabral 1986: 192). 207 »Ja, tam je en takšen, ko zna.« Vedeževalci - nasprotniki čarovnic na slovenskem podeželju Vedeževalski postopek Iz pričevanj ljudi o njihovih obiskih ali obiskih njihovih sorodnikov, znancev pri vedeževalcu lahko izluščimo vsaj glavne elemente, če že ne vseh detajlov njegovega postopka. Vedeževalec je najprej potrdil, da gre res za čarovnijo oz. da je na delu čarovnica; zatem je lahko čarovnico identificiral oz. dal napotke za njeno identifikacijo; izničil zli čar ali dal napotke oz. predmete za njegovo izničenje; ter (na željo stranke) čarovnici lahko tudi vrnil škodo oz. čar. Vrstni red seveda ni bil nujno vedno tak. En element postopka je pogosto impliciral drugega, vsi koraki pa niso bili vedno nujno potrebni. Prvi korak je bil seveda nepogrešljiv - čeprav ni bil nujno ekspliciten, pa je bila implicitna pritrditev, da je na delu čarovnica, predpogoj za ves nadaljnji postopek. Tretji korak (izničenje čara) je bil pravzaprav razlog, zaradi katerega so ljudje obiskovali vedeževal-ca ter kot tak prav tako absolutno potreben. Drugi (identifikacija čarovnice) in četrti korak (maščevanje) nista bila obvezno prisotna, sta pa bila praviloma implicirana že v postopku izničenja čara. Morda najpopolnejši opis obiska pri vedeževalcu, iz katerega so jasno razvidne pravzaprav vse faze njegovega postopka, razkriva naslednji pogovor: I: No, tole bom pa povedala. To je bila pa resnica, ki sem jo jaz doživela. Pri nas doma smo imeli, ne bom rekla, koliko prašičev tistikrat, ampak vsi so zboleli. S: Zakaj? I: Zakaj? Ja, nič nismo vedeli, zakaj. Drugače pa to je bilo okrog štirinštiridesetega, petinštiridesetega leta, pa so vsi zboleli in jaz sem šla k eni taki ženski. Jaz sem šla k eni tisti ženski, pa sem iz tistih prašičev par ščetin, tisto, kar imajo gor, ne, tiste dlake, sem popipala, pa sem nesla s seboj, pa sem šla k tisti ženski. In ko pridem jaz notri k tisti ženski, mlada, tistikrat sem bila mlada dekle, pa ko ona mene pogleda, pa je rekla: »O, deklica, ti pa nisi prišla zaradi ljubezni vprašati, ti si pa prišla po zdravila.« Ko sam jaz stopila notri, pa je ona to meni rekla. Pol jaz jo kar gledam, pa sem rekla: »Ja, res.« Pol je malo sem pa tja obrnila se, pa pravi: »Tule se usedi.« Pa sem se usedla, no takole, ona pa nasproti mene, pol pa neko knjigo pred sebe dene, pa tisto malo obrne, pa pravi: »Pri vas je pa žival bolna.« »Ja,« sem rekla, »res je.« Pa je rekla: »Daj mi to, kar si prinesla s seboj!« Jaz sem pa imela to v enem papirčku zavito, pa v žepu, pa ji dam. Pa ji dam, pol pa ona to gleda, pa kaj jaz vem še kaj, pa se je menila tako bolj potiho, pol je pa rekla: »Vse prašiče imate bolne, pa tudi vam bojo pocrkali.« »Ja,« sem rekla. »Pa ni nobene pomoči za to?« Pa je rekla: »Ja, bomo poskusili.« In je prinesla pa karte, igralne karte take, na mizo. In pol pa tiste karte on vse razloži, razloži po mizi, pa mi je rekla točno tako: »Vaša hiša stoji sredi vasi.« Pa sem rekla: »Ja.« Pravi: »In tale, ki je vam to naredila,« pravi, »to je pa ženska, pa prav v sorodu ste si.« Pol pa je še tiste karte premetavala, pa pravi: »In to po moških ste si v sorodu,« je rekla, »v bližnem sorodstvu sta si.« In sem rekla: »Res.« In pravi: »Ta hiška pa stoji malo desno od vaše, na enemu hribčku, pa nedaleč od vas.« Pravi: »Bi se spomnila, kdo je to?« »Ja,« sem rekla, »se spomnim in res smo si v sorodu in vse.« In ona tiste karte gleda pa je rekla, pravi: »Ona je bolj visoka ženska, pa bolj temne polti.« Pravi: »Ja, ta je vam to naredila.« In pol sem pa jaz rekla, da bi samo prosila, če bi se dalo pomagati, ozdraviti to. Je rekla: »Se bi dalo.« Pravi: »Se bo dalo, samo če boš tako naredila, kot bom jaz rekla.« Sem rekla: »Bom.« Pol je pa rekla: »V redu.« Pol je pa dala v en papir nekega praha. Kaj je bilo, ne vem. Pol v drug papir mi je dala spet en prah. Pol je pa rekla: »Ko pridete domov, pa ko se bo naredil mrak, pa dajte, če imate krušno peč, tisti pleh, ko zaprete peč, ko nehate kuriti /opisuje pleh/; na tisti pleh dajte, trikrat vza- 208 Mirjam Mencej mite ognja pa denite gor na tisti pleh tale prah, potrosite polovico po tistem ognju, pa iti po svinjaku sem pa tja. Pa če kdo pride tisti moment, pa da se bo kdo htel pogovarjati, sploh ne spregovoriti. Pol ono polovico pa notri k svinjam dati.« Pol to smo vse naredili. Pa je rekla: »Pol tisti ta drug prah, ki je bil v drugem papirju, pa morate na njihovo zemljo /dati/, pa narediti, ampak to si dobro zapomnite, narediti z enim takim dletvam /opisuje dleto/, in s tistim narediti takole od sebe tri križe, bog obvaruj, da pa narediš k sebi! Pol pa prah notri potrosite tudi tako, spet od sebe tam.« Pol pa pravi: »Čez tri ali štiri dni pa pridi povedat, kaj bo.« Mi smo to vse naredili še tisti večer. In drug dan so bile svinje že čisto drugačne, so že vstale, prej pa ležale, ko so bile crkaste. In so že vstale, začele jesti in čez tri dni so bile, kot da nič ni bilo hudega. In ona je mene tu vprašala dol tudi, če jaz želim, da bi ona to odvrnila od nas, pa da bi unim živad pocrkala namesto nas. Sem rekla: „Jaz tega ne želim, jaz samo to želim, da bi pri nas ostala ozdravela.« In je ozdravela. In tisti večer je prišel tisti človek k nam, samo da je že bilo prepozno, da smo to mi že vse naredili. Tako čisto nepričakovano je prišel mimo, pa se pogovarjat. S: To je bil mož od te ženske, za katero je ona mislila, da.... ? I: Ženska je to naredila. S: Ampak prišel je pa njen mož? I: Ja, je pa njen mož. Da bom pa še to povedala, ta mož je bil pa brat od mojega ateta. In to vam pa rečem, da to sem pa verjela. Pol ko sem videla, da je to točno vse. In ko mene ta ženska ni poznala, bila je pa tu doma blizu, dol, ko se je reklo P.S., to se zdaj reče S. P. /opisuje, kje ta kraj je/. S: Je imela v hiši kaj nenavadnega? I: Eno kletko je imela prosto, v drugi je imela pa petelina. Bila je pa hudo stara, drugače pa hudo taka prijazna ženska. In veliko so hodili zaradi zdravja in marsikomu je pomagala. Samo zdaj je že štirintrideset let, kar je umrla. S: Kako ste ji pa rekli? I: To pa ne bi vedela, ker je bilo to od nas dve ure daleč. S: Pa je ona veljala za coprnico ali ne? I: Ja, za tako je veljala. Da je to znala narediti. S tistih kart je uganila prihodnost. S: In kaj ste ji rekli, da je vedeževalka, coprnica, šlogarica....? I: Ja, mi smo rekli šlogarca. (36) Faze vedeževalčevega postopka Iz pripovedi naših sogovornikov o obisku vedeževalcev je bilo mogoče izluščiti naslednje faze njegovega postopka: Potrditev, da je težava posledica čarovniškega dejanja Ta element je izrecno omenjen v pripovedih le dvakrat, seveda pa je, kot že rečeno, implicitno prisoten tudi v vseh drugih primerih opisa postopka. Eksplicitno avtentiziranje težav kot posledic čara pa ni bil nujni del postopka, saj je zadoščalo, da je ves nadaljnji postopek proti čarovnici tako predpostavko v ozadju že impliciral. I: Dekle, ne, je vnuka... tako dolgo je, pred sedmimi leti se je to zgodilo. Ga je gor povabila na kavico, pa ga objemala. /.../ Drug dan je bilo njemu slabo... »Pa meni je slabo.«/ga oponaša/ Potem pa so ga začela kolena boleti, potem pa prsti.. Je rekel: »Mama, jaz sem pa 209 »Ja, tam je en takšen, ko zna.« Vedeževalci - nasprotniki čarovnic na slovenskem podeželju bolan, prsti me tiščijo,« Pa se je motal, pa šel /nerazumljivo/ dol k vedeževalki. Pa je rekla: »Kaj te boli? /To/ je narejeno.« S: Kaj je rekla? I: Da je narejeno. Da je narejeno. (29) Identifikacija čarovnice Kot vemo iz literature, je nasprotnik čarovnic navadno igral ključno vlogo pri identifikaciji čarovnice. Identifikacija je bil eden bistvenih elementov vedeževalčevega postopka - da je bila čarovnica lahko nevtralizirana, je morala biti najprej identificirana (Mathisen 1993: 20; Kruse 1951: 31, 34). Verjetno prav zato v primerih, ko je bila škoda odkrita, ko je torej imela »obliko« (bodisi v obliki nastavljenega jajca, kosti, blatne kepe ipd.), odhod k vedeževalcu ni bil nujno potreben, saj je žrtev napada sama lahko izničila čar in /oz. identificirala čarovnico. Mnoge pripovedi bi lahko, če bi jih „brali« dobesedno, ustvarjale vtis, da so ljudje za identiteto čarovnice vedeli že pred odhodom k vedeževalcu, da torej identifikacija (razen kot potrditev njihovih sumov) ni bila potrebna. Toda ali pripoved, ki jo pripovedovalec začne na naslednji način: Imeli smo sosedo, ki je bila čarovnica ... Naredila je, da krava ni več dajala mleka ali da so svinje bolehale ... Potem smo šli k vedeževalcu, ki je rekel, kaj naj storimo ... Ko smo to storili, je bilo vse dobro ..., res pomeni, da je naš sogovornik že pred odhodom k vedeževalcu vedel, da je za njihove težave kriva prav ta soseda? Ali pa se je pripoved, pripovedovana retrospektivno, začela s stališča rekonstrukcije dogajanja sicer na napačnem, s stališča posameznikove obnove dogodkov pa na logičnem koncu: da je torej sedaj, ko je ta že vedel, da je bila njegovih težav kriva prav ta in ta oseba, pripoved začel z razkritjem identitete čarovnice - povzročiteljice njegovih težav? Ta druga možnost se zdi zelo verjetna in v vseh takšnih pripovedih je opis postopka identifikacije izpuščen. Vedeževalec je imel pri identifikaciji čarovnice na splošno dve možnosti: posamezen korak je lahko izvedel sam oz. njegova stranka že v teku postopka, lahko pa je dal svoji stranki natančne napotke (in včasih predmete, npr. prah, mazilo ipd.), kako naj postopek opravi sama po vrnitvi domov. Identifikacija čarovnice v teku postopka Kadar je vedeževalec oz. njegov pacient čarovnico identificiral že v teku postopka, je lahko uporabljal tehniko, ki je bila izrecno namenjena identifikaciji. Gre za tehniko, kjer žrtev v ogledalu ali vodi (v škafu)7 spozna obraz tistega, ki ji želi škoditi. To tehniko sta, kot lahko z gotovostjo trdimo na podlagi pripovedi, uporabljala vsaj dva vedeže-valca: eden, ki je uporabljal škaf vode, v katerem se je prikazala podoba domnevnega čarovnika, in drugi (s Hrvaške), ki je svojim strankam pokazal ogledalo8, v katerem so lahko ugledale čarovnico, krivo za škodo, ki se jim dogaja. 7 Prim. poročilo o coprniku s Kranjskega, ki v ogledalu pokaže obraz coprnice, ki naj bi začarala kravo, da ni dajala mleka (Sl. Gospodar VII, 1873, št. 26 (10. julij), 224, iz Braslovč), oz. obraz coprnika, ki je začaral, da so poginjale svinje (Slovenski gospodar IX, 1875, št. 36 (2. sept.), 294, iz Savinjske doline. 8 Prim. Pomen vode kot mesta »vstopa« na drugi svet ter paralele med vodo in ogledalom v Sartori 1908: 363-4; Mencej 1997: 134. 210 Mirjam Mencej I: No, veliko so se pogovarjali,... ti moški o vojni pa o vsem, kako so bili v vojskah, pa to ...pa tudi so pravili k tule, v /nerazumljivo/ B., prek S. gor, je tudi sredi hoste je bil eden moški, ki je znal na karte šlogat, ampak so rekli, da tisti je pa ... I1:... vedel, kaj dela. I: Da tisti je pa res tudi znal marsikaj. Da je en šel tudi k njemu... je imel tudi take sosede bolj dobre, ne, pa je šel pol k njemu, pa tistemu karte kažejo vse, pol je pa rekel tako, je rekel: »Soseda se varuj ..., ki se ti strašno dobro dela, samo bi te pa vtopil tudi v žlici vode... V takem gostem naselju je bil doma, potem pa ni vedel, kateri sosed je, ne,... je bil pa strašno radoveden pa živčen potem, /.../ potem pa le še dreza v tistega moškega, pol pa pravi: »Ja tako, če boš tiho, pa boš držal besedo, ti ga bom pokazal... kdo je,« je rekel. »Kako ga boš ti meni pokazal?« je rekel. »Počakaj, da boš videl!« Pa je prinesel škaf, velik škaf vode, pa eno ogledalo zraven je postavil /.../, je rekel: »Zdaj pa tako: poglej v to ogledalo, poglej v ta škaf!« Zdaj pa seveda, ko je v ogledalo pogledal, je videl sebe, v škafu je pa videl tistega soseda. No, to so pravili, da je bilo res, da v škafu je pa videl tistega soseda, no, in je bil tako nervozen pa tako živčen, je rekel: »Zato ker si ti tako nesramen, tako se mi dobrega delaš, pa tako hvaležnega se mi delaš,« je rekel: »Na, prasica!« Pa je vzel pištolo iz žepa ven, pa je ustrelil notri v škaf. In dejansko so rekli, da je bil tisti človek doma mrtev... Ja, tako, tako so vsaj, tako so vsaj pravili, da je bilo res. S: Kdaj je bilo to? I: Še v stari Jugoslaviji... Tako so pravili. (25) S: Kako se je pa temu reklu, ki je bil proti coprnicam? I: Temu so rekli coperjak. S: A je bil dober za ljudi? I: Je bil pa dober za ljudi, pa pomagal je. Čarovnica se ga je bala. Brihten je bil, pa je v špeglu, v ogledalu je kaj pokazal. S: A on je imel ogledalo? I: Ogledalo, pa /je/pokazal: Ta ti je naredil! (34) Ta tehnika ni izjemna: omenjena je v Franciji (Devlin 1987: 109), Nemčiji (Schock 1978: 112), na Irskem (Jenkins 1991: 320), poznajo jo v angleški folklori (Briggs 1991: 683-5; prim. tudi 722-3). Opazovanje odsevov na vodi v posodi (lekanomancija) in v vodnjakih (hidromancija) je bila vedeževalska praksa pravzaprav že na Bližnjem vzhodu, v grški in rimski antiki (Hand 1981: xxviii-xxix; Harmening 1979: 214-5). Voda kot prostor za vedeževanje je znana tudi iz mnogih tehnik vedeževanja v teku koledarskega leta, npr. pred ivanjem (prim. Navratil 1887: 99 ). Ker sta moč in reputacija nasprotnika čarovnic v veliki meri gotovo temeljili na zgodbah, ki so jih o njem širili njegovi klienti (prim. Blecourt 1990: 186), ni nemogoče, da so ti širjenje takšnih „neverjetnih« zgodb sami spodbujali ali pa si jih celo sami izmislili, seveda na podlagi tradicijskih verovanj in zgodb, znanih na tem območju. Kadar je bila čarovnica identificirana že v teku seanse pri vedeževalcu, je bolj ali manj očitno, da je žrtev čarovniškega napada prej vsaj že domnevala, kdo je čarovnica, in je vedeževalec le spretno »tipal« ter pri tem izrabljal vnaprejšnje sume ljudi, ki so ga obiskovali. Način, da vedeževalec odgovarja na vprašanja strank z nejasnimi odgovori, ki omogočajo, da dokončno identifikacijo opravi stranka sama, je bila standardna praksa vedeževalcev (Devlin 1987: 109). »Realni namen vedeževalske seanse ni ta,« meni Favret- 211 »Ja, tam je en takšen, ko zna.« Vedeževalci - nasprotniki čarovnic na slovenskem podeželju Saada, »da bi moral vedeževalec uganiti, kdo je čarovnica, temveč da pacient sam prevzame nalogo, da ugane, kdo je, in jo imenuje.« (Favret-Saada 1980: 51). To je očitno tudi iz že zgoraj navedene pripovedi o obisku pri vedeževalki: I: In pol pa tiste karte on vse razloži, razloži po mizi, pa mi je rekla točno tako: »Vaša hiša stoji sredi vasi. Pa sem rekla: »Ja.« Pravi: »In tale, ki je vam to naredila,« pravi, »to je pa ženska, pa prav v sorodu ste si.« Pol pa je še tiste karte premetavala, pa pravi: »In to po moških ste si v sorodu,« je rekla, »v bližnjem sorodstvu sta si.« In sem rekla: »Res.« In pravi: »Ta hiška pa stoji malo desno od vaše, na enemu hribčku, pa nedaleč od vas.« Pravi: »Bi se spomnila, kdo je to?« »Ja,« sem rekla, »se spomnim in res smo si v sorodu in vse.« (36) Sicer pa vedeževalec pri identifikaciji ni imel težke naloge, saj skoraj ni mogel zgrešiti, če je kot čarovnico identificiral soseda, oz. natančneje: sosedo. Vsekakor je šlo praviloma vedno za bližnjo sosedo (oz. soseda), v večini primerov je šlo za žensko, moški je bil osumljen le v redkih primerih. I: Je ena pri naši hiši rožmarin kradla, pa je vse sorte že bilo, pa je šel od tega /pokaže na F./ ata je šel na Hrvaško, tam je bil pa eden moški, ki je znal to. Pa je prišel tja dol, pa je povedal, je rekel: »Vaša soseda to dela.« Pa je dal nekakšno stvar, da mora še pred sončnim zahodom priti domov. Dal mu je nekakšnega dračja in pol je prišel domov in naj zakuri tisto. Je rekel: »Tista ženska, vaša soseda bo čisto meherave roke imela.« In jih je imela. (34) I: In taku so hirale /svinje/, da so poginile. Tako. /..../ Potem je pa ena vedeževalka očetu rekla, da to vam je sosed napravil, ne... Bližnji sosed. (29) Včasih so ljudje odšli k specialistu tudi zgolj z namenom, da jim pomaga izničiti zli čar oz. zlo delovanje čarovnice, glede same identitete čarovnice pa so si že bili na jasnem. V nekaterih primerih je vedeževalec za izničenje moči čarovnice celo potreboval kos njenega oblačila, njen las ipd., kar seveda predpostavlja dejstvo, da o sami identiteti čarovnice ni bilo nobenega dvoma (čeprav je mogoče, da sta bila včasih v takšnih primerih opravljena dva obiska pri vedeževalcu: prvi, v katerem je ta čarovnico identificiral, in drugi, v katerem je izničil njeno moč). V temelju dejanj specialistov magije, ki so pri svojih postopkih proti čarovničinemu čaru uporabljali stvari, ki so pripadale ali osumljenemu povzročitelju škode (obleko, lase...) ali pa neposredni žrtvi njenih dejanj - navadno živalim (npr. ščetine), leži magijska predstava, da so vse stvari v kozmosu povezane. Ker so ti predmeti pripadali krivcu oz. so bili z njim povezani prek njihovega čara, je bila to pot za njihovo razkrinkanje in uničenje zlega čara: I: So pa šli v S., k eni taki, da je šlogala, ne. Pol je pa ona rekla, da morajo prinesti eno fliko od tistih, ne. Imeli so pa včasih tista strašila, saj ste to slišali, ne? Pol so pa mati tako gledali, da je legel tak mrak, da se ni videlo. Pa so videli tisto strašilo, pa so eno flikco odrezali, ko so vedeli, da je od tistega dedija, ne. Pa so nesli tu notri. Ona pa je to zavila nek, tako so mi povedali, kot bom jaz povedala, ne. So zavila tak, tako kot en tak čisti povštr-ček. Pa je rekla, da morajo denar s seboj nesti. In od tistega niso bili nikdar več tepeni. S.: To jim je povedala ta šlogarca? 212 Mirjam Mencej I.: Ja, to jim je povedala šlogarca. Je rekla: „Tole nosite zmerom s seboj, pa ne boste tepeni.« Pa če oni so to verovali, pa je to bilo res, ne. /smeh/ To pa ne vem. Tako so meni povedali, tako pa jaz povem. (66) I: Zdaj pa, če češ... Zdaj pa, da bo lahko odpravila, ti moraš dobiti las od nje... Ne, pol pa tako to izgleda, gleda, da je bil..., ko je las spipal, da je res odpravila. Deset tisoč je ena taka rezidentna zadeva, ne. Pol je pa rekla, če čete, lahko vrnete... Deset tisoč sem dala, sem rekla: Ne, to pa naj bo /nerazumljivo./ Hvala bogu, da si odpravil, da ti je dobro, uno bo pa že Bog poračunal. S: In potem je bilo dobro? I: Ja, tak je bilo dobro. S: Kaj je pa naredila s tem lasom, vi veste? I: Ne, to jaz ne vem /nerazumljivo/. To pomaga za odpraviti, pomaga naj tudi božje stvari. (29) Naknadna identifikacija čarovnice po vedeževalčevih navodilih Vendar vedeževalec čarovnice v teku seanse največkrat ni skušal identificirati (niti s pomočjo žrtve ne), temveč je identifikacijo raje v celoti prenesel na žrtev po končanem postopku. Druga možnost identifikacije čarovnice, ki jo je lahko izbral vedeževalec, je bila, da je dal stranki natančna navodila, kako naj sama izvede postopek, s katerim bo ob prihodu domov identificirala coprnico. To je bila navadno prva oseba, ki je prišla na obisk oz. si nekaj sposodit po tem, ko se je stranka vrnila z obiska pri vedeževalcu, ali po tem, ko je po vedeževalčevih navodilih odkopala zakopani predmet, potresla prah na določeno mesto, namazala živino z mastjo ipd. I: Jaz vem en primer povedat, ko mi je moja stara mama povedala. Da je bil en Kranjc na Gorenjskem. En možakar, skoraj tak, da je šlogar ali coprnik, ne. In tisti je znal vse sorte. Pa so hodile ženske do njega, če so bile svinje bolne... Pa je dal tako mast za mazati. Pol so se pa zmenile - moja stara mat pa take naivne ženske, ne. Pa še ena, ki so si bile zelo dobre. Poj pa je res dal vsaki cekar, pa so si dale masti, nekakšne, kaj jaz vem. Polje pa bilo rečeno, katera bo prva prišla k hiši, da tisto bodo pa lahko ugotovili, da je coprnica, ne. Svinje so bolehale, pa je že kakšna bolezen prišla. In moja stara mama je pa zgubila tisto mast, ne. In je letela vjutro na vse zgodaj, da še ne bi ona porabila vso mast, da bi jo odstopila. In ona jo je marš nagnala, je rekla: »Ti si tista coprnica! «/....//smeh/ Ja, pred so si bile tako dobre in vse, pol jo je nagnala in rekla: »No, saj je rekel, da katera bo prva prihitela!« Mama pa je letela, ne, zjutraj, da še bo dobila kaj tiste masti, da ne bo ona pomazala vse po svinjah. /smeh/ Naivni so bili zelo, ne, ljudje. (67) Očitno je, da so se vedeževalci pri tem naslanjali na tehnike izničenja čara in obenem identifikacije in/ali vrnitve čara oz. škode, ki so bile na tem območju nekakšno skupno, splošno znanje. Gre za znanje o tem, kako ravnati z zakopanimi predmeti, zlasti jajci. Največkrat je vedeževalec ljudem svetoval, naj kopljejo pod pragom, v hlevu ipd., kjer bodo našli namerno zakopan predmet, in ta predmet (ali kaj drugega - npr. čarov-ničina oblačila) zatem sežgejo. To dejanje prisili čarovnico, da takoj prihiti na prizorišče dejanja (identifikacija!), ker »jo peče«, ker »se duši«, ker se »matra« ipd. (vrnitev čara oz. škode - maščevanje!). V enem primeru je vedeževalec svetoval celo, naj krastačo 213 »Ja, tam je en takšen, ko zna.« Vedeževalci - nasprotniki čarovnic na slovenskem podeželju (coprnico) nabodejo na vile - tudi v tem primeru naj bi coprnica v bolečinah prihitela tja. Skratka, večinoma gre za iste tehnike oz. postopke, ki so jih ljudje, kadar so našli zakopan predmet, izvedli sami, brez pomoči vedeževalca, saj je bil ta postopek znan bolj ali manj vsem oz. se je vedno našel kdo, ki jim je povedal, kako ravnati v takšnem primeru, ter jih tako uvedel v kolektivno tradicijo, znano na tem območju. Edini primer, ko dejansko ni bilo niti eksplicitno niti implicitno omenjeno, da bi žrtev s pomočjo vedeževalca ali po njegovih napotkih skušala identificirati čarovnico (pa tudi ne, da bi že vnaprej poznala identiteto čarovnice), se navezuje na potujočega nasprotnika čarovnic. Ta je zgolj izničil zli predmet, ne pa tudi identificiral storilca: I: Je rekel pol, ti pa pride en dan, se tam na križpotki vrti en moški, je rekel: Kaj pa luta? I....I Pa se vrti, vrti, vrti nekoliko.... Pol pa: »Vi ste pa nasrečni!« »Bejži, je rekel, kaj /boš/ ti meni rekel, Ida semI nesrečen! Kaj pa ti veš, ti tega nisi videl!« »O ste, ste,« pravi. I...I Je rekel: »Sreča, da sem vino kupil prej, pa tobak,« je rekel. Je rekel: »Sem še imel šeststo dinarjev, samo da je bilo precej ga, ne. Ena mala krava, ne.« Je rekel: »Pol pa seveda, I...I smo morali dati ves denar, kolikor ga je bilo, vse na mizo, toliko kolikor smo ga imeli.« Pa on je dal, mama pa ni dala. Pravi: »Dajte denar na mizo, pravi!« Pol je pa baba zajavkala. Pravi: »Ja, vi ga imate, pa ga nočete dati!,« ne, pravi. Pa una baba je pa začela jokati pa to. Je rekel: »Vsega.« Pa vsega, ne. Pol pa je on se slekel do pasa, škarjice v roke, je rekel, no vidite. pa je šel v njeno, v njeno spalnico, pa odrezal, razrezal tuhno, pa perje. Pa je rekel: »Vidite me, da nimam čist nič. Pa je prinesel eno tako kepo ven. S: Česa? A: Blata. Notri v tistem blatu, v tistem blatu je bilo pa vsega. Perje, žima..., take stvari, ne. Je rekel: »Evo vam, tu vam je tisto.« Je vzel tisto ven, kaj jaz vem, kaj pa je tisto, je razbil s sekiro. Denar je pobral pa šel, ne. Je rekel: »Eno prase sem še imel v štali, pa tako malo....« Je rekel štiristo kil je imel pol. Pa skrovčičev, mi pravimo skrovčiči, ne, tako, ko se samo vali, tam pa nič ne rihtaš. Je rekel: »Tega je bilo polno dvorišče,« je rekel. »Da je prišel čez eno leto, še enkrat toliko bi mu dal!« (27) Zakaj v takšnih primerih identifikacija ni bila potrebna? Vsaj v tem primeru, ko je nasprotnik čarovnic našel blatno kepo v pernici (čarovniški predmet) in jo razsekal, je razlog ta, da v primeru, ko je čar otipljiv, zadošča že, da se ta predmet uniči, kajti s tem se obenem posredno uniči tudi čarovnica. Po drugi strani se s psihološkega in socialnega aspekta zdi, da so bili ti potujoči vedeževalci bolj ranljivi kot znani vedeževalci, h katerim so se ljudje sami odpravljali po pomoč. Znašli so se v tujem okolju, sami so ponujali svoje usluge in jih ni »varovala« reputacija, ki so jo imeli stacionirani vedeže-valci - zato bi bil poskus identifikacije čarovnice veliko bolj tvegan, kot pa je bilo to, da so najverjetneje sami skrivaj nastavili domnevno čarovniški predmet in ga potem zmagoslavno »našli« ter uničili. Izničenje čara oz. zlega predmeta Vedeževalec je praktično v vseh primerih, o katerih so nam ljudje pripovedovali, postopek izničenja škodljivega predmeta oz. čara prenesel na stranko: tej je dal navodila, 214 Mirjam Mencej kako ravnati, da bo čar uničen, ali pa ji je dal zdravila oz. predmete, ki naj bi pomagali proti čarovničinemu škodljivemu čaru. Kadar je vedeževalec ugotovil oz. sklepal, da je za strankine težave kriv zakopan predmet, je tej pogosto naročil, da mora tak predmet odkopati in ga zatem odnesti na mejo osebi, ki ga je nastavila, ali pa ga sežgati. Posledica tega dejanja je bil pogosto prihod coprnice in s tem tudi njena identifikacija. I: ....so prašiči zmerom bolehal in pol je pa šla ona dol k eni vedeževalki, pa je rekla: »Kaj je to, da mi prašiči kar bolehajo, vsak cajt mi zbolijo.« Pol je pa ona rekla: »Tam imate eno sosedo, ko je vam nekaj naredila,« je rekla, »tam poglejte, pri svinjakih, pri pragu ali pa kje, so zakopane kosti, svinjske kosti. In tiste kosti vi, boste jih našla, jih odkopajte in jih nesite tam na mejo k tisti ženski«. (43) Precej pogosto vedeževalci preprosto predpišejo zdravila, največkrat mazilo ali prah, ki naj bi ga žrtve posule okoli hleva, svinjaka, na mejo z ozemljem sosede, ki jim je naredila škodo, ali pa naj bi ga posuli na žareče oglje in z njim pokadili okoli hleva oz. svinjakov. V primerih, ko je vedeževalec stranki izročil neke vrste zdravila, npr. prah, ki naj ga pokadi okoli staj, ali mazilo, s katerim naj namaže bolne živali, sicer ne moremo govoriti o izničenju čara oz. škode, temveč bolj o nekakšnem protiukrepu, katerega posledica pa je bilo pravzaprav nevtraliziranj e zlega čara oz. škode. Pogosto je bilo potrebno to podarjeno dračje, prah ipd. tudi vreči v ogenj, ga sežgati ali pa ga nastaviti osumljencem. I: En možakar, skoraj tak, da je šlogar ali coprnik, ne. In tisti je znal vse sorte. Pa so hodile ženske do njega, če so bile svinje bolne... Pa je dal tako mast za mazati. Pol so se pa zmenile; moja stara mat pa tak naivne ženske, ne. Pa še ena, ki so si bile zelo dobre. Poj pa je res dal vsaki cekar, pa so si dale masti, nekakšne, kaj jaz vem. Pol je pa bilo rečeno, katera bo prva prišla k hiši, da tisto bodo pa lahko ugotovili, da je coprnica, ne. (76) Vsaj v nekaterih primerih, ko so vedeževalci svojim strankam dali mast in prah, bi lahko domnevali, da je šlo morda za neke vrste domačih zdravil proti boleznim živali in da so bili vedeževalci obenem tudi zeliščarji, ljudski zdravilci. Postopek uničenja čara, kot smo videli, pogosto implicira identifikacijo oziroma gre za sinhroni dejanji: medtem ali takoj po tem, ko bo uničen čarovniški predmet (npr. odkopan ali sežgan nastavljeni predmet) ali izvedeno protidejanje (npr. pokaditev okoli svinjaka ipd.), se bo prikazala coprnica in bo tako identificirana. V nekaterih pripovedih identifikacija čarovnice v postopku protiukrepa ni omenjena eksplicitno, ampak bolj sramežljivo: ko bodo sežgali nastavljeni predmet, bo prišel „nekdo«, s katerim ne smejo spregovoriti, potem bo vse dobro ipd. Samo na podlagi drugih primerov vemo, da je ta »nekdo« tu v resnici osumljen čarovniškega dejanja. Drugi del procedure, prihod čarovnice, sicer ni vedno prisoten, je pa pogost: coprnica bo prišla, ker jo »matra«, »peče« ... V takšnih primerih je, tako kot pri sežigu jajc, ponovno posebej poudarjena prepoved govorjenja s čarovnico. Če človek ne bo spregovoril s coprnico, ki prihiti s kakršnimkoli izgovorom že, bo čarovnija izgubila moč in coprnica bo premagana. Edinkrat, ko se je vedeževalec sam lotil uničenja čarovniškega predmeta, je šlo za potujočega »šlogarja«. V pernici žrtve čarovništva je našel kepo iz blata, v kateri je bilo 215 »Ja, tam je en takšen, ko zna.« Vedeževalci - nasprotniki čarovnic na slovenskem podeželju perje, žima idr. in predmet spoznal kot čarovniški predmet, ki je bil vzrok za pogin živali na kmetiji. Potem ko je predmet razsekal s sekiro, je živina spet uspevala (prim. spredaj citat 27). Vrnitev škode oz. maščevanje čarovnici Identifikacija in obenem izničenje čara pogosto implicira tudi maščevanje čarovnici - vsi ti elementi so lahko hkratna dejanja oz. jih je pogosto težko ločiti med seboj. Ženska prihiti na prizorišče sežiganja jajca (identifikacija čarovnice), ker jo boli, peče (maščevanje) in če človek tedaj ne spregovori z njo, bo njena moč izničena (izničenje čara) oz. se bo v takem primeru »scvrla od bolečin« in umrla (maščevanje) ... Ženska na primer, ki je sosedom kradla rožmarin, je dobila mehurje po rokah po tem, ko so ti sežgali dračje, ki jim ga je dal vedeževalec - obtoženka je bila v tem primeru sicer najverjetneje znana že pred odhodom k specialistu, a vendar ta postopek implicira tako identifikacijo (čarovnico identificirajo prav po mehurjih na rokah) kot maščevanje (opekline jo pečejo). Maščevanje sosedi, ki po dejanju maščevanja umre, je obenem tudi najbolj učinkovito izničenje njenega zlega delovanja, saj je izvor zla enkrat za vselej dokončno odpravljen, obenem pa je prav s svojo smrtjo identificirana kot čarovnica, kriva za težave sosedov. Tako je kmalu za tem, ko je gospodinja, ki ji je živina ves čas poginjala, po navodilih vedeževalke zabodla bucike v srce poginule živali ter ga obesila v dimnik, kar naj bi odpravilo zli čar, umrla soseda, ki je bila tako prepoznana kot čarovnica: I: Je bila ena ženska pri nas hudobna. Da je pri njih čisto in čisto skozi vsa živad crkavala, ne. In kakor so kravo vkup davali, pa je začela bledeti, crknila, prašiči ... vse je pocrkalo. Pa kaj je zdaj to, pa kaj je to, ne? Živinozdravnik čisto in čisto nič ni pomagal. Da je to ona zacoprala. In je rekla, da pol so pa šli, so vsak vzeli šlafco, pa da so šli k eni taki coprnici ali ciganki ali kaj vem, in da je rekla, da ta prva živad, ko bo crknila, da naj jo razrežejo, pa naj vzamejo srce ven, pa naj ga dajo v hladilnik, pa šestnajst ali koliko buck navzkriž zapičijo noter. In da tista ženska, ki je to ..., da se bo nekaj z njo naredilo. In je rekla, da je crknil veliki prašič jim, ne, kmalu /potem/, ko so šli tja, ta veliki prašič... I1: ...umrlo je, umrl... I: Ja, prašič je crknil in je, in so pa tisto tam naredili in je rekla: Zakaj, je rekla, je soseda umrla? Nikdar več nič. To je, to je bilo zdajle deset let /kar je/ M. to pripovedovala, deset let, kar je pripovedavala, pa nikdar več ni nobena živad crknila. S: Kdo ji je dal ta napotek? I1: Ena v Zagrebu da ji je rekla. Si: Ena vedeževalka? I: Ja, ja. I: In je rekla, da so to naredili in je rekla in pol je pa umrla, ne. I1: Kaj pa, ko so imeli iz buck, buckic enajst križev... I: Štirinajst? I1: Osemnajst buckic na vsaki hiši, ja. I: Ja, pa v dimnik vse, je rekla, in je umrla. S: In so to naredili vse tu? I: Ja, in so to naredili in je tista ženska umrla. Je rekla: Nikdar več ne bo živad po-crkala. 216 Mirjam Mencej S: Od kod pa je bila ta ženska? I: Ta ženska je pa umrla... S: Tu okrog ali tam dol? I: Ne, ne, tule gor proti K. da je bila. Zelo verna, zelo verna in je rekla, da je ona je vzela enega moža, ki ga je imela ena druga rada, za moža, ne. Ampak on je pa ni maral. I1: Stare. I: Ja, ona je bila pa, kaj jaz vem, kako je to bilo, je tista ženska, da je skozi potem je pa tista ženska coprnica, so rekli. In da, ona je bila pa tako, da je bila taka verna, pa tako, da ni bila hudobna, pa da je bila bolj /nerazumljivo/ da ji pač niso mogli nič, da je videla eno takšno ... je pa tako na živad, ne, je pa čisto na živad naravnana bila, ne, ne vem koliko let, ne. (53) Ta postopek je na našem območju sicer povsem netipičen. Vedeževalka iz Zagreba, ki je sosedi naše sogovornice dala navodila zanj, najverjetneje ni bila zelo znana ljudem na tem območju, saj je omenjena le v tem primeru, poleg tega pa se je pripoved nanašala na dogodek izpred desetih let, kar pomeni, da spada v relativno poznejše obdobje kot večina drugih. Podobne opise najdemo marsikje po svetu: tako na primer na francoskem podeželju v 19. stoletju (Devlin 1987: 110-1) in še vsaj v sedemdesetih letih 20. stoletja (Fav-ret-Saada 1980: 4, 66-7, 74), v obliki zgodb v Angliji (Briggs 1991: 633-4), omenjeni so v sojenjih čarovnicam v Angliji (Macfarlene 1970: 4), v Somersetu (Tongue 1963: 323) itd. Toda vsaj iz nekaj pogovorov je razvidno, da je vedeževalec včasih tudi izrecno ponudil stranki, da škodo vrne nazaj čarovnici, ki jo je povzročila. Stranka je lahko ponudbo sprejela ali pa jo odklonila. Vsi naši sogovorniki, ki so omenjali to možnost, so seveda trdili, da so takšno ponudbo zavrnili: I: In ona je mene tu vprašala tudi, če jaz želim, da bi ona to odvrnila od nas, pa da bi unim živadpocrkala namesto nam. Sem rekla: »Jaz tega ne želim, jaz samo to želim, da bi pri nas ostala ozdravela.« (36) I: In taku so hirale /svinje/, da so poginile. Tako. /..../ Potem je pa ena vedeževalka očetu rekla, da to vam je sosed napravil, ne... Bližnji sosed. Je rekla: »Ja, lahko vrnete, če hočete.« Je pa bil tudi globoko veren, je rekel: »Ne, ne bi to rad imel na vesti, bo že Bog poračunal vse to.« (29) Molk V vseh primerih, ne glede na to, ali je šlo za postopek z zdravilom, ki ga podari ve-deževalec, za sežig ali odkop čarovniškega predmeta ali pa za nabadanje krastače na vile, je drugi del postopka - prihod coprnice in prepoved govorjenja z njo - tipičen: s tem se bo coprnica izdala, saj bo prisiljena prihiteti na mesto dejanja ter bo na vsak način hotela spregovoriti z ljudmi, da bi se tako odrešila bolečin. Njena moč bo uničena šele, če ne bo dobila nobenega odgovora. Že pri ravnanju z zakopanim predmetom (sežig ipd.) smo se srečali z zahtevo po molku (prim. Mencej 2003) oz. s strogo prepovedjo komunikacije z osebo, ki se prikaže v tistem trenutku in je torej identificirana za čarovnico. Enaka navodila, v katerih je prepovedan kakršenkoli verbalni kontakt z osumljenko, je dal tudi vedeževalec ljudem, kadar so morali po njegovih navodilih doma sami identificirati čarovnico. 217 »Ja, tam je en takšen, ko zna.« Vedeževalci - nasprotniki čarovnic na slovenskem podeželju I: Enkrat je mama moja pripovedovala, da so imeli pri eni hiši bolne prašiče, in to kar iz leta v leto. Potem je šla pa tista gospodinja, je šla k enemu vedeževalcu, ne, in ji je rekel, da pod tistim pragom od tiste štale bo pa našla en predmet, ne. In tisti predmet, ko boste tisti predmet odstranila, bo prišla ena ženska k vam ali moški, zdaj ne vem. V glavnem, ena oseba bo prišla k vam in ne smete vi s tisto osebo spregovoriti. In pravi: Če boste vi s tisto osebo spregovorila, zdaj se ne spomnim, ali z moškim ali z žensko, vam ne bo to nič koristilo. Pravi: Če pa vi s tem ne boste spregovorili, bo pa to. In je bilo res. In točno vem, da je prišla ena z vasi, ena ženska k njim in se je tako pogovarjala in pogovarjala in pogovarjala in ta gospodinja ni hotela nič slišati in kar stran je šla. In je bila zelo užaljena, ker je pokl tudi ona morala oditi brez uspeha, ne. In je pokl, od tistega cajta, je bilo pa vse v redu, so bili pa prašiči kar naprej zdravi, ne. Kot da je neki bilo podtaknjeno, ne. (72) Ta zahteva po zatisnjenju, zapolnjenju oz. zaprtju vseh možnih kanalov, prek katerih bi lahko prihajalo do komunikacije, se kaže na več različnih načinov in v različnih fazah postopka - tako med izvajanjem postopka, ki poteka po vedeževalčevih navodilih (npr. medtem ko oseba kadi okoli staj - v tem primeru gre za prepoved, da bi jo kdo videl, se pravi za prepoved vizualnega kontakta), kot v trenutku, ko domnevna čarovnica prihiti na mesto, kjer izvajajo ta postopek, in z njo ne smejo spregovoriti. Na ta napotek prepovedi verbalne komunikacije smo na terenu neštetokrat naleteli: če je žrtev v tem odločilnem trenutku sposobna ne spregovoriti z identificirano osebo, je njena moč izničena. V nasprotnem primeru je ta »odrešena«, kot pravijo. To pa pomeni dvoje: da kazen (bolečina) ni bila uspešna oz. ni bila dovolj temeljita, in po drugi strani, da je storilec ohranil moč za izvajanje nadaljnjih zlih dejanj. Zdi se, da bi verbalna komunikacija dopustila možnost vdora moči coprnice v telo človeka oz. možnost vpliva njenega čara na človekovo telo. Favret-Saada pojasnuje ta element postopka, ki ga je v francoski pokrajini Bocage, kot rečeno, vodil nasprotnik čarovnic, takole: »Zakaj se je treba v takšnem trenutku izogibati kontakta s čarovnikom (ne govoriti, se ga ne dotakniti, ga ne spustiti v hišo)? Zato da bi metaforični kontakt, vzpostavljen v ritualu, imel popoln učinek. Kajti vsak materialni kontakt bi pomenil komunikacijo, se pravi odprl to, kar se je metaforični kontakt trudil zapreti, zatesniti.« (Favret-Saada 1980: 74). Če so komunikacijski kanali, ki vodijo do človeka ali njegove lastnine (npr. hiše, hleva), odprti (prek verbalne ali vizualne komunikacije), se zli čar (škoda) lahko »umesti« v človeka in njegovo lastnino. Zato ljudje skrbno zapirajo vrata, okna, ne spustijo v hišo osumljene osebe, ji ničesar ne posodijo (kajti tudi dar je oblika komunikacije) ipd., kajti le če so ti kanali zaprti, se čar lahko vrne nazaj čarovnici oz. osebi, ki ga je poslala, ona pa nima več moči nad drugimi. Plačilo Plačilo vedeževalcem za njihove usluge je bila največkrat hrana (mast, jajca itd.), in ne denar9: S: Kako so se zahvalili temu coprnjaku? I: Ja, neki mu je dal. Vse sorte so mu nosili, mast. (34) 9 To je potrdila tudi edina vedeževalka, ki smo jo intervjuvali spomladi leta 2004. 218 Mirjam Mencej Žal vprašanje o plačilu največkrat ni bilo postavljeno, zato velja biti v sklepanju previden. Edino za eno vedeževalko vemo z gotovostjo, da je za svoje delo zahtevala - za tedanje in celo sedanje razmere - precej visoko vsoto denarja, 10 tisoč tolarjev. Potujoči vedeževalci so dobili za svoje usluge običajno le jesti in piti. Samo za enega potujočega vedeževalca vemo, da je zahteval ves denar, ki so ga imeli pri hiši, preden se je lotil dela. Odnos do nasprotnikov čarovnic Duhovna moč ali znanje, dostop do nadnaravnega, onstranskega, znanje magijskih postopkov so stvari, ki so v nekaterih življenjskih situacijah sicer cenjene, a so obenem ljudje nanje vedno gledali kot na potencialno nevarne: kdor zna delati dobro, zna delati tudi slabo. Človek, ki ima moč, da premaga čarovničin maleficium, ima moč tudi, da tak maleficium sam stori. To prepričanje je gotovo vplivalo na dvoumen odnos ljudi do nasprotnikov čarovnic. Po drugi strani je od zgodnjega novega veka, to je od časa lova na čarovnice dalje, bela magija (med katero sodi med drugim tudi vedeževanje, ki je bila ena glavnih dejavnosti nasprotnikov čarovnic) veljala za zlo, ki je mogoče le s pomočjo pakta s hudičem (Larner 1984: 7). Zato iz zgodovine čarovništva vemo, da so bili mnogi nasprotniki čarovnic obsojeni skupaj s čarovnicami, proti katerim so se sami borili. Ambivalenten odnos do njih se kaže na primer v občasnem imenovanju takšnih specialistov »coprnica«, »coprjak«, »ta glavna čarovnica« ipd.: S: Če so pa hotele kakšni sosedi škodovati, so pa kaj naredile? I: Je živad bila bolna, svinje in živina. Je tu un na Hrvaškem (v S.) rekel: Ti je zakopala nekaj pred svinjakom, v gnoj. Pol so pa to našli. S: In kaj so našli? I: Kosti, kjer so svinje bile. I1: So našli na njivi jajca, notri v zemlji, pa so rekli, da je cuprnca bila. I: Ja res, samo jaz tega ne verjamem. S: Kaj so pa s temi kostmi in jajcem naredili? I: Ja, zažgati so morali. To je vse tisti povedal, ki je bil proti. S: Kako se je pa temu rekli, ki je bil proti coprnicam? I: Temu so rekli coperjak. (34) Ali pa so o njih govorili z istimi izrazi, kot so govorili o coprnicah - da »nekaj znajo«: I: Ja, jaz ne vem. To so cuprniki bili, ko so imeli svojo moč. Kaj so delali, ti je nastavil kakšne stvari, živadi je dal kaj takega, da so pol bile bolne, ali ljudem, tako da so pol, da niso bili..., to je nastavljeno bilo. Pol so pa iskali spet: »Ja, tam je en takšen, ko zna.« Pa si moral nekakšno stvar, nekaj prinesti, kakšne stvore, kakšne svoje, kakšne štiklce, kakšne svoje krpe, da je imel od svojega obleke, da mu je dal, da je v tistem pol un našel neko zdravilo proti, da je tisto pol prinesel domov, pa je tam nastavil, ja pa je tisto pol pomagalo, če ni, nisi smel z unim v stik priti, ko je prišel okol iskat nalašč, da bi se spregovoril z njim, pol bi pa tisto nič ne pomagalo. (50) Po drugi strani pa naj bi ti nasprotniki čarovnic po pripovedih naših sogovornikov sodeč tudi aktivno izvajali črno magijo: lahko so pomagali, a tudi škodili. Kot 219 »Ja, tam je en takšen, ko zna.« Vedeževalci - nasprotniki čarovnic na slovenskem podeželju opozarja Blécourt, je sicer na neki način že njihova sposobnost začarati čarovnico pravzaprav maleficium (Blécourt 1999: 153). Moč »belih čarovnic« je mogoče uporabiti tudi v nesocialne namene (Pina-Cabral 1986: 190-1). I: Je ena pri naši hiši rožmarin kradla, pa je vse sorte že bilo, pa je šel, od tega ata je šel na Hrvaško, tam je bil pa eden moški, ki je znal to. Pa je prišel tja dol, pa je povedal, je rekel: »Vaša soseda to dela.« Pa je dal nekakšno stvar, da mora še pred sončnim zahodom priti domov. Dal mu je nekakšnega dračja in pol je prišel domov in naj zakuri tisto. Je rekel: »Tista ženska, vaša soseda bo čisto meherave roke imela.« In jih je imela. I1: Drugi dan bo imela take spuščaje po rokah, tista žena, ki je to ukradla. I2: Pa veste, kaj je še naredil, hudič? Je naštimal, tam na Hrvaškem, una krava ni nič dojila, jo je on podojil. I: Pa da je namesto mleka kri tekla. Bil je eden na P., pa od tod dol so k enemu na Hrvaško hodili. I2: Ki je kontro delal. Tako kot zdaj Peterle pa Bajuk. /smeh/(34) Ambivalentno vlogo so pripisovali celo najbolj slovitemu vedeževalcu na tem območju, vedeževalcu Gumilšku: I: Bili so pa tudi tule na Gomulskem /razlaga, kje je Gomulsko/, in tam dol na tistem bregu so bili G. so se pisali, in med vojsko so jih razgnali. In k tistim so hudo dolgo hodili stari ljudje. Je pa eden sin od njih šel v Nemčijo med vojsko in je imel očeta in mater tam. Tisti je pa po vojski prišel pa nazaj v Slovenijo živet. Jaz pa tam, kjer sem bila doma, sem veliko volne prela. In za tistega moškega sem jaz tudi naredila zokne in pulover volnen in je on povedaval, da on še marsikaj zna narediti. Je rekel, da ga je en toliko pretreslo, ko so oča po-kapali v Nemčiji. In ko so notri spustili trugo v jamo, da je tak strašen vihar nastal, da sploh ni mogel duhovnik prebrati tisto, kar ima. Da je tak vihar bil, da je kar raztrgal knjigo in da je duhovnik zaprl knjigo in jo tiščal skupaj in kar tako molil. Ko je bil pa pogreb končan, je rekel duhovnik, da če je kdo od bližnjih sorodnikov na pogrebu. Je rekel, pa da se je on sam oglasil. Pa je vprašal duhovnik, kaj je, pa je rekel, da je sin. Pa je vprašal duhovnik, kaj je bil po poklicu. Je pa rekel, pa sem povedal. S: Kaj je pa rekel? I: Ja, je rekel, veroval je v take stvari in tudi ljudem je pomagal. Ja, en teden so za dobro prosili, en teden za slabo. Je rekel, da je njega to en toliko pretreslo, da on tudi ve, jaz vem veliko, ampak ne bi šel ne enim ne dobro ne hudo narediti. (36) Ambivalenten odnos do nasprotnikov čarovnic je mogoče zaslediti tudi drugod po Evropi. V Alto Minho je bil po mnenju Pina-Cabrala razlog, da so se ljudje k takemu specialistu vedno napotili skrivaj, prepričanje, da se njegova moč lahko uporabi tudi v nesocialne namene, za napad na bližnje (Pina-Cabral 1986: 190). Schiffmannova opozarja, da ista oseba na Poljskem lahko uporablja tehniko tako pozitivno kot negativno (Schiffmann 1987: 148). Skandinavski nasprotnik čarovnic je lahko tako začaral kot tudi ozdravil. Ponekod so občasno celo prosili nasprotnika čarovnic, da bi odpravil svoj lastni urok (Blécourt 1999: 187). Veliko madžarskih čarovnikov na podeželju je bilo doma tako v črni kot v beli magiji in kot piše Dômôtôrjeva, je pogosto težko dognati, kdo je pravzaprav deloval pozitivno oz. kdo negativno (Dômôtôr 1978). 220 Mirjam Mencej Toda čeprav so torej obstajale mnoge situacije, ko ljudem ni preostalo drugega, kot da se kljub »nevarnosti« odpravijo po pomoč k nasprotnikom čarovnic, pa so obstajale tudi situacije, v katerih se nikoli niso odpravili k takšnemu specialistu. Tako na primer niso odšli k njim po pomoč ob nočnih doživetjih (pojav lučk, izguba ali blokada poti ...), za katere so sicer prav tako dolžili čarovnice. V takšnih primerih so uporabili ritualizira-ne obrazce, geste itd. (npr. preklinjanje, uriniranje, prekrižanje ipd.), ki so bili del fonda splošnega znanja o tem, kako se ubraniti pred nočnimi čarovnicami. Kadar so pripisovali škodo pri živini zlemu pogledu ali hvaljenju, prav tako niso odšli k specialistu, enako niso, kot že rečeno, odšli k specialistom ob odkritju zakopanih jajc ali kadar so našli v bližini hiše krastačo - čarovnico, pač pa so v tem primeru protidejanje izvedli sami, zajemajoč pri tem prav tako iz korpusa skupnega znanja o obrambnih metodah. A kadar sta bila čarovnica ali njen »podaljšek« - škodljivi predmet neznana, je bil odhod k vedeževalcu potreben, saj je edino ta zmogel identificirati čarovnico, izničiti njeno zlo delovanje ter se ji po potrebi maščevati. Literatura Blecourt Willem de 1999: The Witch, her Victim, the Unwitcher and the Researcher: The Continued Existence of Traditional Witchcraft. V: Bengt Ankarloo, Stuart Clark, Witchcraft and Magic in Europe: The Twentieth Century, The Athlone History of Witchcraft and Magic in Europe Vol. 6, 141-219, London: The Athlone Press. Briggs Katharine M. 1991 (1. izdaja 1970, 1971): A Dictionary of British Folk-Tales in the English Language, Part B: Folk Legends, London and New York: Routledge. Devlin Judith 1987: The Superstitious Mind, French Peasants and the Supernatural in the Nineteenth Century, New Haven and London: Yale University Press. Dömötör Tekla 1978: The Cunning Folk in English and Hungarian Witch Trials; V: Newall Venetia (ur.), Folklore Studies in the Twentieth Century, Proceedings of the Centenary Conference of the Folklore Society, Suffolk: D.S.Brewer, str. 183-187. Favret-Saada Jeanne 1980: Deadly Words, Witchcraft in the Bocage, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Hand Wayland D., Casetta Anna, Thiedermann Sandra B. (ur.) 1981: Popular Beliefs and Superstitions, A Compendium of American Folklore, From the Ohio Collection of Ne-wbell Niles Puckett, Vol. 1, Boston: G.K.Hall and Company. Harmening Dieter 1979: Superstitio, Überlieferungs- und theoriegeschichtliche Untersuchungen zur kirchlich-theologischen Aberglaubensliteratur des Mittelalters, Berlin: Erich Scmidt Verlag. Jenkins Richard P. 1991: Witches and Fairies: Supernatural Aggression and Deviance Among the Irish Peasantry. V: Narvaez Peter (ur.), The Good People, New Fairylore Essays, New York & London: Garland Publishing Inc., 302-335. Kruse Johann 1951: Hexen unter uns? Magie und Zauberglauben in unserer Zeit, Hamburg: Verlag Hamburgische Bücherei. Larner Christina 1984: Witchcraft and Religion, The Politics of Popular Belief (edited and foreword by Alan Macfarlane), Oxford, New York: Basil Blackwell. Macfarlane Alan 1970: Witchcraft in Tudor and Stuart England, A regional and comparative study, London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. 221 »Ja, tam je en takšen, ko zna.« Vedeževalci - nasprotniki čarovnic na slovenskem podeželju Mathisen Stein R. 1993: North Norwegian Folk Legends about the Secret Knowledge of the Magic Experts, Arv 49, 19-27. Mencej Mirjam 1997: Pomen vode v predstavah starih Slovanov o posmrtnem življenju in šegah ob smrti, Ljubljana: Slovensko etnološko društvo. Mencej Mirjam 2003: Zakopavanje predmetov. Magična dejanja v ruralnem okolju vzhodne Slovenije, Etnolog 13, Ljubljana, 411-433. Moszynski Kazimierz 1967: Kultura ludowa Slowian II., Kultura duchova, Warszawa: Ksi^žka i Wiedza. Navratil Jože 1887: Slovenske narodne vraže in prazne vere, Letopis Matice slovenske. Obrembski Jozef, Makedonski etnosociološki studii II., Skopje: 2001. Pina-Cabral de Joäo 1986: Sons of Adam, Daughters of Eve, The Peasant Worldview of Alto Minho, Oxford: Claredon Press. Sartori Paul 1908: Das Wasser im Totengebrauche, Zeitschrift des Vereins für Volkskunde 18, 354-378. Schiffmann Aldona Christina 1987: The witch and crime: The persecution of witches in twentieth-century Poland, Arv 43, 147-165. Schöck Inge 1978: Hexenglaube in der Gegenwart, Empirische Untersuchungen in Südwestdeutschland, Tübingen: Tübinger Vereinigung für Volkskunde. Tongue R.L. 1963: Some Notes on Modern Somerset Witch-Lore, Folklore 74, 321-325. 222 Mirjam Mencej »Yeah, there's someone who 'knows'.« Soothsayers as Counterwitches in Rural Slovenia. Mirjam Mencej Whenever they thought that they had been subjected to witch assault people living in the rural part of northeast Slovenia could seek aid from a specialist. Those who were skilled in this matter were the vedeževalci, the soothsayers. Since they also practiced divination, their name indicates that divination was their primary occupation while witch detecting was but an aspect of divination. By far the most frequent reason to visit the soothsayer, involved the livestock: unable to eat, dying or sickly cattle or pigs, and cows who could not produce milk. One of the most crucial factors that induced villagers to seek help from a soothsayer was the duration of these calamities, or a series of seemingly unrelated accidents. According to information obtained by interviewing the local population there had been only one, or two at the most, such prominent soothsayers. Since a certain name had been mentioned several times, his identity is certain. The man lived in Gomilsko, far beyond our fieldwork research area. Several of the informants had even consulted a soothsayer in Croatia. None of the soothsayers who had been contacted most frequently lived in the area of our research. If people had decided not to take the long journey to Gomilsko or to Croatia, they called upon less eminent soothsayers living in the vicinity. This is understandable since most of those seeking professional advice had to do so on foot. On the other hand, none of the informants ever mentioned that people had turned to a soothsayer from their own village, even if such a person had lived in the same village. There were also soothsayers, mostly from Croatia, who called door to door. While most of those who were accused of witchcraft were female, soothsayers were either men or women. Out of thirty-one cases mentioned by the informants, seventeen were women and fourteen men. The techniques used in séances were diverse. In five instances informants mentioned that the soothsayer had used cards, and in two instances this had been in combination with reading "the book". The book was mentioned three times. Although it is uncertain which cards or book had been consulted it may be presumed that the book in question was the same one presumably used by the witches of that area, the Kolomonov žegen, a magic book. In one instance, the soothsayer used water and in another a mirror, both of which had the same function: they could reflect the face of a witch or wizard responsible for the damage. The procedure of discovering the witch was as follows. The soothsayer first confirmed that it was indeed the work of a witch. Next, he or she identified the witch, or gave instructions for identification. Then he or she nullified the evil curse or gave directions or objects that would do so. Lastly, the soothsayer could reverse the curse upon the witch if the client desired it. These phases did not necessarily follow each other in precisely that order. One element of the procedure often implied another, and not all the steps were required. Needless to say, the first one was indispensable. Although not necessarily explicit, the confirmation that that had indeed been the work of witches was prerequisite for subsequent steps. The third one, the nullification of the curse, was absolutelly necessary, as it had been the primary reason why people had decided to seek 223 »Ja, tam je en takšen, ko zna.« Vedeževalci - nasprotniki čarovnic na slovenskem podeželju help in the first place. The second and the fourth steps, identification and revenge, were as a rule implied already in the process of destroying the evil curse and were therefore not absolutely necessary. Soothsayers were usually paid in-kind. Most frequently, they were given food products such as lard or eggs, but not money. Spiritual power, comprehension, access to the supernatural, and the knowledge of magic were gifts that in certain situations were valued and looked upon benevolently. Yet they were always potentially dangerous: whoever could perform good deeds was also able to conjure evil ones. People believed that the person who possessed the power to overcome a witch's maleficium also has the power to commit it. This conviction certainly produced an ambivalent attitude toward the soothsayers. Proofs of that were the terms periodically used for them: sorceress, sorcerer, the head witch, etc. Informants were certain that the soothsayers had also practiced black magic. They could help, but they could also harm. In some cases, people had never consulted a soothsayer, for instance when at nighttime they encountered certain phenomena such as small lights, loss of orientation, or were suddenly faced with an obstruction and unable to proceed. It was believed that these were likewise the work of witches. If farm animals had became diseased because of, according to the popular belief, the evil eye or evil praise, or if a toad (witch) or an egg buried in the soil were found in the vicinity the counteraction was performed by the people themselves. They performed defensive procedures that were part of popular knowledge. Only if the offending witch, or the implement she had used for her curse, had been unknown, the aid of a soothsayer was needed. The soothsayer was the only one who could identify the culprit, repeal the damage, and, if it was desired, take revenge and reverse the wrongdoing. 224 flepebü ^oteh^ma^bhbix mmpüb n n Muxaun Ee3nuH Setting out from the fundamental works of V N. Toporov on the structure of the mythopoetic thought, the author of the paper focuses on texts where the World Tree represents a "moment" of the cosmogony process, preceding and preparing the apparition of the world in its actual form. To define its cosmogonic function, the author introduces the concept "Tree of Potential Worlds", for it contains the potential elements realized by a demiurgic intervention. An analogous funct ion to that of the "pre-existent body" containing the potential elements, have the "Cosmic Egg" and the "World Mountain". This primary cosmogonic function of the World Tree explains, according to the author, its cosmologic function as the structural principle of the world. KocMonorwa gepeBa MupoBoe gepeBo go cux nop paccMaTpuBanocb rnaBHbiM 06pa30M b kocmoho-rMHecKOM nnaHe KaK «o6pa3, Bonnom;arom;uM yHuBepcanbHyro KOH^e^^uK> Mupa»1. 3HaHMTenbHo MeHee pacKpbiTon ocTaeTca KOcMO^OHu^ecKaH rfy/HKu;uH MupoBoro ge-peBa. M b caMoM gene, ero BepTuKanbHaa crpyKTypa, oTMenaa nocnegoBaTenbHocTb MMpoBHX ypoBHeM - HMXHMM, CpegHMM u BepXHMM -, yKa3bIBaeT Ha oCHoBHHe Mo-MeHTH K0CM0^0Hu^ecK0^0 npo^cca, ugym;ero ot HananbHon CKpumocmu (KopHu) k MaKCMManbHon omKpumocmu (manKa BeTBen)2. CornacHo Teo^oHuu recuoga, b Hanane 6bin Xaoc, a 3a hum aBunacb rea-3eMnfl, poguBmaa ypaHa-He6o (Th. 116-117, 126-127). B pe3ynbTaTe KocMoroHuu Xaoc KaK 6bi pacnagaeTca, nneHUTca, cTaHoBuca ^neMeHTOM 6onee mupoKon cucTeMbi, KoTopyro moxho 6bino 6bi onpegenuTb KaK cucmeMy depeBa. B ganbHenmeM o Xaoce He roBopuT-ca, a TonbKo o TapTape u BenuKon 6e3gHe (chasma meg'. Th. 740). Oco6o 3HanuTeneH o6-pa3 3anerarom;ux Hag TapTapoM KopHen 3eMnu u Mopa (ges rhizai ... kai ... thalasses. Th. 728)3. 3gecb hbho coxpaHaeTca ocTaTOHHbm ^neMeHT 6onee mupoKoro npegcTaBneHua TonopoB 1987, c. 398. BapuaHTbi MupoBoro gepeBa, b kotopom Bepxy cooTBeTcTByroT KopHM, cnegyeT, gyMaeTca, OTHOcMTb k «60-toctobckum». Apxau^Haa XTOHmecKaa KocMoroHua 3gecb nepeBopa^MBaeTca, gepeBO cTaHOBMTca cmmbo-iom m Bonno^eHueM a6co7iK>THoro 6oxecTBeHHoro Havana: «HaBepxy (ee) KopeHb, BHM3y - BeTBM, ^T0 Be^-Haa CM0K0BHM^a. ^T0 MMCToe, ^T0 BpaxMaH, ^T0 30BeTca 6eccMepTHbiM. B ^T0M yTBepxgeHMM Bce Mupbi, hmkto He BbixogMT 3a ero npegenbi. noucTMHe, ^T0 - To» (KaTxa ynaHMmaga I, 3, 1; ^MT. no: ynaHumagbi 1991). B n0cneg0BaTenbH0CTM poxgeHMM TapTap cnegyeT HenocpegcTBeHHO 3a XaocoM m reeM. M xoTa o TapTape roBopMTca KaK o 3apogMBmMMca b nedpax (mucho) 3eMnu, Ha ^T0M Ha^anbHOM CTagMM KOCMoroHM^ecKoro npo^cca oh BnoiHe cnuBaeTca c nepBo6e3gHoM m TOibKO b «nocTKocMoroHM^ecKMM nepuog» npuo6peTaeT 225 flepeBO ^0TeH^ManbHbIX MupoB o nepBodepeBe, npopocTarom;eM Hepe3 Tpu KocMunecKue c^epbi. «KopHM» KaK 6m no-BMcaroT Had (huperthen) 6e3gH0M-TapTap0M. ^TOT o6pa3 nogBoguT HenocpegcTBeHHO k KpunamoMy depeBy ^epeKuga u3 Cupoca4. Oho, KaK u KopHu b Teo^oHuu recuoga, noBucaeT Hag 6e3gH0M, npegBapaeT u nogroTaBnuBaeT co3gaHue BceneHHOM, aBnaeTca MaTepuanoM, u3 KOToporo co3garoTca KOcMunecKue o6^eKTb5. MupoBoe gepeBO,TaKuM o6pa3OM, cogep^uT b ce6e nomeH^amHue ^neMeHmu, K0T0pbie npu cBoeM ocbo6o^-geHuu (npu nocpegcTBe cpy6aHua unu pacmenneHua) opraHu3yroTca 6oraMu KaK Bem;-HO-npocTpaHcTBeHHHM KOcMOc. B ^TMX u gpyrux TeKcTax, o K0T0pbix 6ygeT ugTu penb Hu^e, MupoBoe gepeBO BbcTynaeT KaK MOMeHm b KocMoroHunecKOM nponecce. Mo^ho ga^e cKa3aTb, hto He gepeBO ecTb pe3ynbTaT KocMoroHuu, a KocMoroHua - pe3ynbTaT pocTa gepeBa, t. e. ge-peBO He npocTO pacTeT BMecTe c MupoM, a pa3pacmaemcH go Mupa, cTaHOBuTca MupoM6, u ^0^T0My oho ecTb ogHOBpeMeHHO ero ^Hmp u onopa. ^OTeH^Ma^bHwe MMpw B Cmapmeu ^dde HacToamee MupoBoe cocToaHue onpegenaeTca no 0TH0me-Huro k gepeBy: Niu man ek heima, / niu ividjur, // mjotvid mxran, / fyr mold nedan (Voluspa B 02)7. fleBaTb KopHen o6o3HanaroT doKocMo^oHu^ecKoe cocmoHHue, 0gHaK0 ocTaeTca 6e3 pa3^acHeHua, b KaKOM OTHomeHuu ohu HaxogaTca c geBaTbro MupaMu. B Ka66anucTuHecK0M KocMoroHuu "the ten Sefiroth constitute the mystical Tree of God or tree of divine power each representing a branch whose common root is unknowable. But En-Sof is not only the hidden Root of all Roots, it is also the sap of the tree; every branch representing an attribute, exists not by itself but by virtue of En-Sof, the hidden God. And this tree of God is also, as it were, the skeleton of the universe; it grows throughout the whole of creation and spreads its branches through all its ramifications. All c^e^M^MMecKyro ^yH^uro Mecma 3aKnmueHua XTOHmecKux TuTaHOB (Hes. Th. 716-725) u, KaK mo«ho npegnono^uTb, gpyrux onacHbix qygoBum, c KOTopbiMu 6opaTca onuMnuncKue 6oru u repou. no stom npuTOHe, Hago gyMaTb, TapTap OKpy^aeTca MedHou cmeHou (Th. 726), Bbigenaacb TaKuM 06pa30M u3 BenuKOM 6e3gHbi, c KOTopon nepBOHa^anbHO cnuBaeTca. 4 OepeKug u3 Cupoca - gpeBHerpe^ecKun 4>unoco^, ^uBmui b cepeguHe 6 b. go h. a.. Oh 6bin nepBMM, KaK nepegaeT fluoreH HaapTcKuM, kto nucan o npupoge u 6orax (I, 11). CBugeTenbcTBa o ®u3Hu u y^e-Huu OepeKuga co6paHM b: Schibli 1990. 5 TonopoB 1971, c. 31. 3gecb ^MTMpyeTca TeKcT u3 PuzBedu, b kotopom gepeBO aBnaeTca MamepuanoM, u3 ko-Toporo 6oru cTpoaT BceneHHyro: «mto 3to 3a gepeBO (MaTepuan), mto sto 3a gepeBO (pacTeHue); u3 KOToporo ohu BbiTecanu He6o u 3eMnro?» (X, 31, 7). flepeBO cTaHOBuTca 06pa30M brahman a, ho c nonHbiM ocHOBa-HueM, cnegya 3a B. H. TonopoBMM, mo*ho npegnono^uTb, mto Mematf>opu3au,uH gepeBa ecTb pe3ynbTaT puTyanbHOM o6pa6oTKu npegmecTByromux TpagM^MM, b KOTOpbix gepeBO BbicTynano b cBoeM nonHOM o6t-eMe u peanbHocTu. 6 Cp. o KocMu^ecKOM noToce KaK BapuaHTe MupoBoro gepeBa: «no Mepe pocTa Tbica^enenecTKOBoro noToca pacTeT BceneHHaa; nenecTKu garoT Ha^ano ropaM, xonMaM, peKaM, gonuHaM» (TonopoB 1988, c. 71). 7 flocnoBHbiM nepeBog: «geBaTb noMHro a MupoB, / geBaTb KopHen, // Mepbi gpeBO 3HaMeHuToe / nog 3eMnen BHu3y». Cp. TaK^e ynoMuHaHue geBaTu MupoB b BudeHuu rrnnbBu: «A BenuKaHmy Xenb OguH Hu3Bepr b Hu^nbxeMM u nocTaBun ee BnageTb geBaTbro MupaMu (niu heimum), ga6bi OHa gaBana npuroT y ce6a BceM, kto k Hen nocnaH, a sto nrogu yMepmue ot 6one3HeM unu ot cTapocTu» (Mnagmaa 3gga 1970, c. 31). «fleBaTb MupoB» HaxogaTca 3gecb b gByx pa3nmHbix KOHTeKcTax: b goKocMoroHu^ecKOM (b npopuu,aHuu BenbBu) u nocTKocMoroHu^ecKOM (b BudeHuu rrnnbBu). B stom nocnegHeM cny^ae niu heimum cnegoBano 6m nepeBO-guTb He KaK «geBaTb MupoB», a KaK «geBaTb noceneHun», mto BnonHe cornacoBMBanocb 6m c apxamecKuMu npegcTaBneHuaMu o CTpaHe cMepTu, rge Ka^goMy onpegeneHHOM Knaccy MepTBe^0B cooTBeTcTByeT onpe-geneHHaa o6nacTb unu noceneHue. Cp., HanpuMep, onucaHue CTpaHM cMepTu y Beprunua (Aen. VI). 226 Muxaun Ee3nuH mundane and created things exist only because something of the power of the Sefiroth lives and acts in them"8. Sefiroth MoryT paccMaTpuBaTbca KaK Mupu, KOTOpbie 6omecTBeHHoe gepeBo op-raHU3yeT b eduHyw KocMocucmeMy. Mupbi, KoTopbie cym;ecTByroT do depeBa, He cocTaB-naroT cucTeMM, b cuny nero ohm aBnaroTca He gencTBuTenbHMMu, a nomeHU,uanbHUMu MupaMu. Ho nTo npegcTaBnaroT u3 ce6a ^Tu «^OTeH^uanbHMe Mnpbi»? Po^geHMe auna B 3aK0Hax MaHy goKocMoroHunecKoe cocToaHue npegcTaBnaeTca cnegyrom;uM o6pa3oM: <^tot [Mup] HeBegoMMM, HeonpegenuMbin, HegocTynHbin gna pa3yMa, Heno-3HaBaeMMM, KaK 6m coBepmeHHo norpymeHHbin b coh, 6bin TbMon. Torga 6omecTBeH-HMn CaMocym;un HeBuguMbin [ho] genarom;un [Bce] ^TO - BenuKue ^neMeHTM u nponee -BuguMMMu, npoaBnarom;un ^Hep^uro, noaBunca, pacceuBaa TbMy [...] Bo3HaMepuB-mncb npou3BecTu u3 cBoero Tena pa3nunHMe cym;ecTBa, oh BHanane coTBopun BogM u b hux ucnycTun cBoe ceMa. Oho cTano 3onoTMM a^oM, no 6necKy paBHMM conH^y; b HeM oh caM pogunca [KaK] EpaxMa, npapoguTenb Bcero Mupa» (I, 5-9)9. BogM 3gecb ^yH^uoHupyroT KaK noHo, b KoTopoM co3peBaeT ceMa 6ora. Cym;e-cTBeHHo, nTo co3peBaeT oho KaK hu^o, cogepmam;ee b ce6e 6ora-geMuypra10. B koc-MoroHuu ^epeKuga u3 Cupoca «3ac (Zanta) 6bin Bcerga, a TaKme XpoHoc u XToHua (Chronon kai Chthonian) - nepBMe Tpu Hanana [...] XpoHoc cgenan u3 cBoero ceMeHu (gonoy) oroHb, Bo3gyx u Bogy (pyr kai pneyma kai hydor), TponHyro npupogy (triplen ... fysin) [...] u3 KoTopMx nocne Toro, KaK ohu 6binu pa3Mem;eHM b naTu BnaguHax (mychois)11, npou3omno gpyroe MHoronucneHHoe noKoneHue (genean) 6oroB, Ha3MBa-eMoe [noKoneHueM] naTu BnaguH (pentemychon) unu naTu MupoB (pentekosmon)»12. Mychoi, b KoTopMx pomgaroTca 6oru, TunonorunecKu cooTBeTcTByro 3onomoMy hu^, b KoTopoM pomgaeTca 6or-geMuypr EpaxMa13. noKa3aTenbHo oTomgecTBneHue naTu muchoi c naTbro MupaMu, nTo no3BonaeT paccMaTpuBaTb nocnegHue KaK cBoero poga «nycToTM», o6pa3oBaBmueca b 6ecnpocTpaHcTBeHHon cnnomHocTu. 8 Scholem 1977, p. 214-215. 9 3aKOHbi MaHy 1992. 10 O KocMMMecKOM aM^ cm.: TonopoB 1981. 11 B eg. m. mychos, TaMHoe MecTO, TaMHMK, gHO, rny6uHa, noHO, Hegpa. 12 Schibli 1990, fr. 60. 13 3onomoMy xüu,y, M3 KOToporo po^gaeTca 6or-geMuypr EpaxMa, cooTBeTCTByeT BbipacTaro^uM M3 Tena Bum-Hy 3onomoü nomoc, BHyTpu KOToporo BOccegaeT 6o^-TBope^ EpaxMa (TonopoB 1988, c. 71). Hotoc 3gecb co-BMe^aeT b ce6e ^yH^uu aM^a u gepeBa. PacKanbiBaa aM^o, EpaxMa M3 gByx ero nonoBMHOK co3gaeT «He6o u 3eMnro, Me^gy hmmm aTMoc^epy, BoceMb cTpaH cBeTa u BeMHoe MecTonpe6biBaHue Bog» (3aKOHU MaHy I, 13). Arnnora^HbiM o6pa3OM nenecTKu noToca reHepupyroT ^neMeHTbI Mupo3gaHua: ropbi, peKu, gonuHbi. ^M^o m gepeBO-noToc nogroTaBnuBaroT kocmotohmki stricto sensu. ^TO apxeTunu^ecKoe OTHomeHue Me^gy aM^OM m gepeBOM 3aMeMaTenbHO unnrocTpupyeT ^opMa noToca (Nelumbo nucifera) b nepuog co3peBaHua nnoga. flnuHHHM tohkmm cTe6enb («gepeBo») yBeHMMBaeTca nnogoM («aM^OM»), mmck^mm ^opMy nony-c^epbi (4>ur. 1), nnocKMM cpe3 KoTopoM yTbiKaH KpyrnbiMu ManeHbKMMM BnaguHaMu, cogep^a^MMM b ce6e no 3epHy. ^Ta c^epu^ecKaa nnocKocTb c pa3Me^eHHbiMu b reoMeTpmecKOM nopagKe HumaMu Bbi3biBaeT b naMaTu TaK^e mychoi OepeKuga. flyMaeTca, mto MMeHHO ^Ta c^epu^ecKaa «reoMeTpua» nnoga noToca gon^Ha 6bina oco6eHHO nopa3MTb MM^o^o^TMMecKoe co3HaHue, b KoTopoM ^TOT ecTecTBeHHbiM ^BeTOK Bbipoc go pa3MepoB KocMMMecKoro cuMBona. 227 flepeBO ^0TeH^ManbHbIX MupoB Our. 1. nnog noToca (Nelumbo nucifera) 06pa3OBaHMe nycToro npocTpaHCTBa, TaKMM 06pa30M, HBnaeTca ycnoBueM gna Havana reHepaTMBHoro npon;ecca Ha Bcex ero ypoBHax - ot 6oroB go ^neMeHTapHbx opraHU3MOB. «nycTOTb» o6pa3yroTca b 6ecnpocmpaHcmBeHHom, no OTHomeHuro k ko-TopoMy ohm HBnaroTca npoTMBopenueM, u ^0^T0My HOBbie npocTpaHcTBeHHbie 06-pa3OBaHMH 3aKnroqaroTca b ntyo. np0CTpaHCTB0 aM^a PaccMOTpeHue nHTM «nycTOT-BnaguH» (mychoi) KaK cBoero poga hu^bux npo-cmpaHcmB no3BonaeT yTOHHMTb noHHTMe «noTeHnuanbHoro Mupa». B MM^e ocTpo-Ba Nauru (ocTpoBa Gilbert)14 nycToe npocTpaHcTBO cogep^MTca b paKOBMHe-HMn;e. KocMMHecKoe npocTpaHcTBO co BceM cbomm cogep:«MMbiM co3gaeTca BHyTpu paKO-BMHb. 3acny^MBaeT oco6oro BHMMaHua cnegyrom;ee 06cT0HTenbcTB0: b KOHn;e cBoeM geMuypruHecKOM geaTenbHocTM nepB060^ecTB0 Apeon^Han ca^aeT «gepeBO, koto-poe npoM3Beno MHoro nnogoB u ot KOToporo npoucxogaT TaK^e nTun;bi»15, M3 Hero mo^ho 3aKnroHMTb, hto gepeBO HBnaeTca 0cm0B0M, Ha KOTopoM yKpennaeTca cotbo-peHHbM Mup u 6narogapa KOTopoMy oh nonynaeT BHyTpeHHroro ycT0MHMB0cTb. CooTBeTcTBue KopHeM Mrrgpacuna b npopu^Huu BentBU MupaM no3BonaeT, no HameMy MHeHuro, OTO^gecTBMTb KopeHb c noTeHn;uanbHbiM MupoM, a npopocTaHMe KopHH paccMaTpuBaTb KaK npopocTaHMe Mupa, nepexogam;ero M3 noTeHn;uanbHoro coctohhmh b aKTyanbHoe. BenbBa noMHum noTeHn;uanbHbie Mupbi, t. e. goKocMoroHM-HecKoe cocTOHHue, b KOTopoM Mupb (unu 3aKnroneHHHe b aMn;eBbix nycTOTax-Bnagu-Hax cogep^aHua) 3pewm KaK ceMeHa16. OHa noMHMT He nycTbie 6e3gBM^HHe Hegpa, a umo-mo, u ^T0 hto-to HanonHeHO rpo3HbiM 6po3^eHueM, pe3ynbTaTOM KOToporo gon^Ha cTaTb gpaMa po^geHMH Mupa. 14 Pettazzoni 1990, p. 156. 15 Ibid., p. 158. 16 Cp. HM^o, KOTopoe nopo^gaeT 3MeM b op^MHecKOM KocMoroHMM, c Haxoga^MMca b HeM «MHO^ecTBOM ce-mhh BcHKoro poga (pantoion spermaton to plethos)» u 6oroM-geMuyproM (Colli 1990, p. 280). 228 Muxaun Ee3nuH ConHe^Hoe gepeBo B KMTancKOM Mu^onoruu cym;ecTByeT npegaHue o TyTOBOM gepeBe ifiycan (Fu Sang), Ha kotopom noKoaTca gecaTb conH^7. flepeBo ifiycan HaxoguTca Ha B0CT0Ke, t. e. npegcTaBnaeT HaqanbHbm nyHKT, oTKyga conH^ noonepegHo oTnpaBnaroTca b nyTb no He6ocKnoHy. OKaHMMBaa cbom nyTb Ha 3anage, «gexypHoe» conH^ caguTca Ha gepeBo pyo (Ruo), oTKyga no nog3eMHoMy BogHoMy nyTM (^enTOMy mctomhu-Ky, oToxgecTBnaeMOMy c MupoM cMepTu) oho nepenpaBnaeTca o6paTHo Ha boctok18. npeÓHBaHMe gecaTM conH^ Ha gepeBe npegcTaBnaeT napagoKc. Bo-nepBbix, noneMy gecaTb? Bo-BTopbix, noneMy Ha gepeBe? AHanoruHHbiH Bonpoc moxho 3agaTb b ot-HomeHMM nucna 12: noneMy 12 Meca^B acco^MMpyroTca c 12 cy^baMU gepeBa unu 12 rae3gaMM Ha HeM? Moxho npegnonoxuTb, mto HeKOTopbie nucna, KaK, HanpuMep, 9, 10 unu 12, MMeroT 6onbmyro cKnoHHocTb k ^opMupoBaHuro onpegeneHHoro apxemu-nunecKo¿o o6pa3a, b gaHHoM cnynae, gepeBa unu cBa3aHHbix c hum o6,beKTOB19. flpyru-mm cnoBaMM, uucno-apxemun Bbi6upaeT gna cBoero Bonnom;eHua cooTBeTcTByrom;MM o6pa3, KoTopHM moxho onpegenuTb KaK apxemunuuecKuü b tom Mepe, b KaKOM oh peanu3yeT 6e3Ó6pa3Hbiñ u cBepxBpeMeHHbiñ apxeTun. Hucna 9 u 10, peanu3yacb b o6-pa3e-cuMBone gepeBa b ^ggMHecKOM u Ka66anucTMHecKOH KocMoroHuax20, npegcTaB-naroT, no HameMy MHeHuro, cucTeMy ^OTeH^ManbHbIx MupoB, rge gepeBo ecTb cnoco6 opzanma^u ^TMx MupoB KaK eguHOM u ^yH^uoHanbHon cucreMbi. OcraBnaa b cTopoHe BcaKoro poga «ecTecTBeHHbie» (a noceMy gocTaTOMHo co-MHMTenbHHe) o6^acHeHua «^eHOMeHa» gecaTu conH^ («nTM^i-conH^»),noKoam;Mxca Ha gepeBe, moxho npegnonoxuTb, mto m b KMTancKOM Mu^e mh MMeeM geno c depeeom nomeuu,uanbnux uupoe, KoTopoe KaK 6h pa3gBauBaeTca Ha gBa gepeBa - ifiycan u py-o21. ^OTeH^ManbHHM xapaKTep «Mupa gepeBa» moxho ycMoTpeTb TaKxe b gepeBe, Ha KoTopoM npe6HBaroT gymu b oxugaHUM 3eMHoro poxgeHua22. flepeBo KaK pe3epByap 6oxecTBeHHHX ^Hep^MM npegcTaBneHo b gpeBHeeruneTcKUx M3o6paxeHMax cuKoMopa, b BeTBax KoToporo HaxoguTca 6oruHa, garom;aa MenoBeKy num;y 6eccMepTua23. CnegyeT npegnonoxuTb,HTo mctomhmkom 6eccMepTHHX ^Hep^MM gepeBo aBnaeTca b cuny cbocm coeguHeHHocTM c ^OTeH^ManbHbIMM MupaMM. M b caMoM gene, ^TM Mupbi - ero KopHU, KoTopHe ero nuTaroT. 17 Mctomhmkm Mu^a cm. b: Allan 1991, pp. 27-39; TaKxe: Pm^tmh 1987, cc. 653-654. 18 Allan 1991, p. 39. 19 O Mucnax b apxamHbix KynbTypax cm.: TonopoB 1980, cc. 3-58. 20 B KaóóanucTuqecKOM kocmotohmm BecKOHe^Hbin Bor (En-Sof) SMaHupyeT 10 ce^upoT, KoTopHe o6pa3yroT Ero MucTM^ecKoe Teno-gepeBo (Scholem 1977, pp. 212-214). 21 O^eBugHa geMuypra^ecKaa ocHOBa MM^a o gecaTM conH^ax: "once in the time of Yao the ten suns came out together, their great heat threatening to destroy the World until Yao ordered Archer Yi to shoot nine of them" (Allan 1991, p.36). C6uBaHue con^ MMeeT 3gecb 3HaMeHue ycTpaHeHua u36umounux 3nemen-moe, KoTopHe npenaTcTByroT co3gaHuro eguHOM kocmocmctcmh. B gpyrux TpagM^Max sto - qygoBM^e, c KoTopHM 6opeTca repon. HygoBM^e 3aKpHBaeT unu norno^aeT Bogbi xm3hm. ÁHanormHbm pe3ynbTaT MMeeT ogHOBpeMeHHoe npucyTcTBue gecaTM conH^ b cuny Mero cóuBaHue «numHux» conH^ cTaHOBMTca geMuyprmecKMM aKTOM, b pe3ynbTaTe KoToporo co3gaeTca HacToa^un Mup. Kaxgoe conH^ npegcTaB-naeT omdenbnuü (^OTeH^ManbHHM) Mup, u noaTOMy «c6uBaHue» moxho MHTepnpeTupoBaTb TaKxe KaK cnuxnue gecaTM conH^MupoB b ogHo Mupo-conH^. ^TO nocnegHee npegnonoxeHue He npoTMBopeMUT nepBOMy: u b tom m gpyroM cny^ae peMb ugeT o pa36noKupoeanuu co3gaBmenca KpaMHe onacHon cuTya-^MM, m noaTOMy Tpe6yeTca SKcTpeManbHoe BMemaTenbcTBo 6ora-geMuypra unu ero alter ego - repoa. 22 Eliade 1991, pp. 294-295. 23 Cook 1974, fig. 11. 229 flepeBO ^0TeH^ManbHbIX MupoB B 6u6neMcKOM KOCMoroHMM nepBOHaHanbHoe cocroaHue 3eMnu onpegenaeTca KaK tohu va-vohu («6e3BugHa u nycTa». Bmt 1, 2). Cn0B0 tohu ^TMMono^MHecKM cBa3a-Ho co cn0B0M t'hom («6e3gHa»). nepBonpocTpaHCTBO unu npocTpaHCTBO, b kotopom aKTyanu3yroTca KocMoroHMHecKue npon;eccbi, Ka66anucTbi onpegenaroT KaK Olam Ha-Tohu («Mup xaoca»)24. B KocMoroHMM recuoga 3eMna npuHMMaeT cBoro HacToam;yro ^opMy He cpa3y nocne Bbixoga M3 Xaoca, a nocne Toro, KaK OHa poxgaeT He6o, ropbi u Mope (Th. 126-132) u o6pa3yeTca OTKpbiToe KocMMHecKoe npocTpaHcTBO b pe3ynb-TaTe OTgeneHua 3eMnu ot He6a25. AHanoruHHaa cuTyan;MM npucyTcTByeT u b 6u6neH-ckoh KocMoroHuu: HaHanbHMH xaoTMHecKuH xapaKTep 3eMnu moxho MHTepnpeTupo-BaTb KaK cnegcTBue ee npe6biBaHua b xaoTMHecKOM (He3am;Mm;eHHOM) nepBo6biraoM npocTpaHcTBe unu KaK yKa3aHue Ha noTeHD;uanbHbiM xapaKTep 3eMnu, KOTopbiH OHa uMena b Hauane, t. e. go KocMoroHUHecKoH opraHM3an;MM pacceaHHbix no nepBo6biT-HOMy xaocy noTeHn;uanbHbix MupoB. C ^T0M tohkm 3peHua mecTb gHeH TBopeHua mo-ryT paccMaTpuBaTbca KaK co3gaHue noTeHn;uanbHbix MupoB, KOTopbie coeguHaroTca b eguHMH Mup cegbMoro gHa, b KOTopbiH Bor «noHun ot Bcex gen Cboux» (Bmt. 2, 3). «OTgbix Bora» moxho uHTepnpeTupoBaTb KaK yKa3aHue Ha coBepmuBmeeca - xoTa u b ugeanbHOM nnaHe - cnuaHue MupoB. B nnaHe peanbHOM - KaK y recuoga unu b KMTaHcKOM Mu^e o gecaTu conHn;ax - BO3HuKaeT npennmcmBue, KOTopoe repoH-ge-Muypr gonxeH ycTpaHuTb, c6uBaa numHue conHn;a unu BcTynaa b 6opb6y co 3MeeM. MMpw-ny3wpM B noTeHuuanbHMx Mupax 3peroT ceMeHa^neMeHTbi 6ygym;ero Mupa. OgHaKO caMu no ce6e ohu He b cocToaHuu nepeHTM u3 noTeHuuanbHoro cocToaHua b aKTyanbHoe u o6pa3OBaTb eguHyro KocMocucTeMy, b cuny Hero ohu aBnaroTca KpaHHe HeycTOHHMBbi-mu. BumHy roBopuT MHgpe: «Hto KacaeTca MupoB, KOTopbie bo BcaKMH MOMeHT cy-m;ecTByro>T oguH nogne gpyroro, Ka^gaH u3 hux cogepxuT ogHoro BpaxMy u ogHoro MHgpy. Kto cMor 6h cocHuTaTb ux? [...] HanonHaa BHemHee npocTpaHcTBO, 6e3 KOHn;a noaBnaroTca u ucHe3aroT Mupbi. nogo6HO xpynKuM Kopa6nuKaM, nnaBaroT ohu no hm-ctmm u 6e3goHHbM BogaM, cocTaBnarom;MM Teno BumHy. M3 Bcex nop ^T0^0 Tena bh-xoguT, KaK ny3bipeK, Mup u cpa3y xe ucHe3aeT»26. CxogHoH MeTa^opoH nonb3yroTca Ka66anucTH, cpaBHuBaa Mupbi c ucKpaMu, ko-Topbie BHceKaeT Kyrom;MM xene3O Ky3Hen;27. CpaBHeHue MupoB c ny3bipaMM unu ucKpaMu nogHepKuBaeT HeycToHHMBocTb BO3HMKarom;Mx MupoB, ux u3onupoBaHHocTb, ot-cyTcTBue KaKoH-nu6o cucTeMaTMHecKOH cBa3u Mexgy humu. flyMaeTca, hto peHb 3gecb ugeT He o geHcTBMTenbHbix Mupax, a o nomeH^antHux, KOTopbie, BbiHga bo «BHemHee npocTpaHcTBO», He cyMenu co3gaTb eguHOH MupocucTeMbi, u ^0^T0My, nogo6HO ny3bi-paM unu ucKpaM, ucHe3nu, egBa noaBuBmucb. 24 Scholem 1977, p. 266. 25 OTgeneHue 3eMnu ot He6a coBepmaeTca b ^opMe KacTpa^MM ypaHa. Cp. aHanoraHHbiM xyppuTcKMH mm^ o 6ore He6a AHy. KyMap6u, cpaxaacb c AHy, OTKycHBaeT eMy MyxcKyro cuny, nocne Hero AHy B3MbiBaeT b BHcoKoe He6o m genaeTca HeBuguMHM, t. e. cTaHOBMTca He6oM, OTgeneHHHM ot 3eMnu (Hym, ynaBmaa c He6a 1977, cc. 115-116). 26 Zimmer 1993, p. 16. 27 Scholem 1989, p. 122. 230 Muxaun Ee3nuH 3HaMeHaTenbH0, hto ^0TeH^ManbHHe MMpbi-ny3bipM BHxogaT U3 mena Eo^a. Mygpe^ MapKaHgea, 0Ka3HBmucb b Tene BumHy, CTpaHCTByeT no ugeanbHoMy yTpo6H0My Mupy, KoTopHM Bor cogepxuT b ce6e KaK apxeTun BpeMeHHHx MupoB. noHHTMfl «BHyTpeHHero npocTpaHcTBa», t. e. npocTpaHCTBa b Tene Bora, u «BHemHero npocTpaHcTBa», t. e. npocTpaHCTBa BHe Tena Bora, no3BonaroT paccMaTpuBaTb «Teno» u «gepeBo» KaK gBa Tuna op^aHM3a^MM ^0TeH^ManbHHx MupoB. Bo BHyTpeHHeM npo-CTpaHCTBe MupH opraHM3yroTca KaK «Teno», aBnaroTca ero «KneTKaMu». Bo BHemHeM npocTpaHCTBe MupH opraHM3yroTca KaK «gepeBo». B pe3ynbTaTe KocMoroHMHecKoro «cgBura» Teno KaK 6h eueopanueaemcn, BHgenaa M3 ce6a MupH-KneTKu, u TpaHc^op-MupyeTca b gepeBo, KoTopoe ygepxuBaeT b ce6e ^TM MupH, He no3Bonaa mm pa30M-Tucb b pacKpHBmeMca Xaoce. nepBHM KocMororoHUHecKUM aKT, TaKMM o6pa3oM, coctomt b npeo6pa3oBaHuu BHyTpeHHero npocTpaHCTBa bo BHemHee, KoTopoe He ecTb eqe npocTpaHCTBo stricto se-nsu,a «pa3ynnoTHeHHHM» Xaoc28,3anonHarom;MMca ucxogam;uMM u3 Tena Bora MupaMu-ny3HpaMu. ^TM nocnegHue b cuny cBoeM xpynKocTu u Hacbim;eHHocTM xaoTunecKoro nepBonpocTpaHcTBa onacHHMu ^neMeHTaMM «nonaroTca». B tot M0MeHT,K0rga KaKoMy-to KonunecTBy MupoB ygaeTca co3gaTb o6m;yro cucTeMy ^Hep^o^MpKynMpoBaHMa,MMpH npuo6peTaroT oTHocMTenbHyro ycT0MHMB0cTb.B03M0XH0 cym;ecTB0Banu KaKue-To gpy-rue ^opMH op^aHM3a^MM ^0TeH^ManbHHx MupoB, ho Bce ohm, 3a ucKnroneHueM «gepe-Ba», oKa3anucb HeycToMHUBHMu, u ^0^T0My noru6nu b MeTa^M3MHecKMx KaTacTpo^ax, o KoTopHx coxpaHaeTca apxemununecKan naunmt b npegcTaBneHuax o nepuogune-ckom ru6enu MupoB. KpwnaToe gepeBO 06pa3 KpHnaToro gepeBa (hypópteros drys) y ^epeKuga, no yTBepxgeHuro fflu6nu, He MMeeT napannenu «gaxe b 6oraToM Mu^onorunecKoM TpagM^MM BnuxHe-ro BocToKa u BocToKa»29. ^T0 yTBepxgeHue He coBceM KoppeKTHo. 06pa3 KpHnaToro gepeBa MMeeTca, no KpaMHeM Mepe, b ogHoM MM^0^0^TMHecK0M TpagM^MM - ocTpoBa 3bh, m npuT0M He b KanecTBe «penuKTa», a TpagM^M0HH0^0 M0TMBa. Penb ugeT 06 aKceccyape TeaTpa TeHeM no Ha3BaHuro kekayon («gepeBo») unu gunungan («ropa»)30. nogBemeHHHM Ha tohkom mecTe, kekayon noMem;aeTca b ^HTpe ^KpaHa, Ha KoTopHM ^poe^MpyroTCfl TeHu KyKon. CuMBonunecKoe cogepxaHue kekayon'a ^KC^nM^MpyeTca M3o6paxeHHHM Ha HeM KpunamuM öepeeom. Oco6hm MHTepec npegcTaBnaeT Bapu-aHT KpHnaToro gepeBa c xmbothhmm (^ur. 2). Ha HuxHeM ypoBHe HaxogaTca cTunu3obaHHHe nog BeTBu xmbothhc. Ha BeT-Bax TpeTbero u neTBepToro ypoBHeM cugaT o6e3baHH. nog hmxhmmm BeTBaMu cTBon KaK 6h B3gyBaeTca, u ot ^T0M B3gyT0M Hacru oTxoguT BeepoM gB0MH0M pag KpH-nbeB. 3a ypoBHeM KpHnbeB cnegyeT ypoBeHb KopHa, no o6euM cTopoHaM KoToporo pacnonararoTca xuBoTHHe. Boo6m;e Bce gepeBo npou3BoguT BnenaTneHue KaK0M-T0 nygecH0M nTM^i, BeTBu KoToporo - KpHnba, a KopHu - xboct. 28 O Xaoce KaK nepBMMHoÄ yTpo6e cm.: MuxaMnoB 1989, cc. 75-80. 29 Schibli 1990, p. 73. 30 O aBaHcKoM TeaTpe TeHeM cm.: Indonesia 1988, pp. 485-487. Kekayon u gunungan Bocnpou3BogaTca b: Cook 1974, fig. 21, 129. 231 flepeBo ^0TeH^Ma^bHbIx MupoB Our. 2. Kekayon c «mbothmmm b KopHax ^HTpanbHbiM ^neMeHT0M gpyroro BapuaHTa (^ur. 3) aBnaroTca gBepu, ot koto-pbix oTxoguT AB0MH0M pag KpbinbeB. no o6euM cTopoHaM gBepu, ynepmucb K0neH0M b BepxHroro cTyneHbKy, ctoht gBa qygoBum;Hbix cTpaxa c rpoMagHbiMU KpuBbiMu Me-naMu. Ha BeTBax, no o6e cTopoHbi ot ronoBbi qygoBum;a c KAHKaMu b n;eHTpe cTBona, cugaT gBe o6e3bHHH, noxoxue Ha neMypoB, hto em;e 6onee nognepKUBaeT hohhoh m xT0HUHecKuñ xapaKTep gepeBa. 3aKpyneHHbie BeTBu oKaHHUBaroTca nnogaMM, b n;eH-Tpe K0T0pHx cnoBHo 6h cBeTUTca oroHeK. ^T0T BapuaHT «gepeBa c gBepbMM» moxho onpegenuTb KaK xpaMOBUü, t. e. u3o6paxaro^un xpaM-gepeBo, Ha hto gononHMTenb-Ho yKa3biBaroT TpoñHoñ pag cTyneHen, Begym;ux k gBepu, u cTpaxu c MenaMU no o6euM ot Hee cTopoHaM31. KpbinaTbie gBepu xapaKTepu3yroT xpaM Sendangdunur Ha ABe32. Kpbinba 3gecb aBnaroTca npuHagnexHocTbro He gBepu, a depeBa, K0Topoe xpaM cuMBonu3upyeT33. Bxoga nepe3 KpbinaTyro gBepb b xpaM, HenoBeK Bxoôun b depeBO. Ho HT0 3HanuT Boûmu b depeBO? M b KaKoe gepeBo oh Bxogun? B TeaTpe TeHeñ b Hakane npegcTaBneHua npou3Hocunucb 3 aKnuHaHua u KyKnbi ucnonHanu TaHen; gepeBa xu3-hm, UMeBmuñ cBoen TeMon TBopeHue Mupa, MyxHUHbi u «ch^mhh, b K0T0pbix Bor BgHxaeT xu3Hb34, t. e. depeBO-kekayon npegcTaBnano ^oh gna pa3BopaHUBaBmenca nepeg 3puTeneM MupoBon gpaMbi. CxogHoe 3HaneHue, KaK moxho npegnonoxuTb, KpbinaToe gepeBo UMeno y Oepe-Kuga, npegcTaBnaa KOCMO^OHU^ecKyw cmpyKmypy, Ha 0cH0BaHUu K0Topon co3gaeTca HacToam;aa MupocucTeMa. Hau6onee npuMenaTenbHbiM ^neMeHT0M ^Toñ cTpyKTypbi 31 Cp. KaMeHHHe cKynbnTypbi xpaM0Bbix cTpa^eM Ha ocTpoBe ABa (Boisselier 1986, pp. 256, 271). 32 Cook 1974, fig. 128. 33 Cp. MHguMcKUM xpaM b cTBone ruraHTcKoro gepeBa nyagrodha (Cook 1974, fig. 64, 93). 34 Indonesia 1988, p. 485. 232 Muxaun Ee3nuH Our. 3. Kekayon C gBepbMu HBnHroTCH Kpuntn. no MHeHuro fflu6nu, «KpbinbH HBnHroTCH CpegCTBoM, C noMoqbœ KoToporo 3eMnH-gepeBo noggepxuBaeT Ce6a b npoCTpaHCTBe»35. «npoCTpaHCTBo» b gaHHoM Cnynae He CaMbiM KoppeKTHbiM TepMUH, ho BCe xe nynme, neM «nyCToTa» unu «Bo3gyx». flepeBo KaK ^opMa op^aHU3a^uu BCeneHHon gonxHo uMeTb npoCTpaHCTBo b Ce6e, a He BHe Ce6a. KaK u BHyTpeHHee npoCTpaHCTBo «H^a», oho uMeeT ^0TeH^u-anbHMM xapaKTep, peanu3yHCb KaK oTKpbiToe KoCMuneCKoe npoCTpaHCTBo no Mepe CBoero paCnpoCTpaHeHUH bo BHemHee «npoCTpaHCTBo» XaoCa, Ha hto yKa3MBaeT CBH3b gepeBa He TonbKo C KpbinbHMu, ho TaKxe C noKpueanoM. O gepeBe C noKpMBanoM roBopuTCH b gByx ^pameHTax OepeKuga: "[...] ton Zena kai ten Chthoníen kai ton en toytois Eröta, kai ten Ophionéôs génesin kai ten theön machen kai to déndron kai ton péplon" («[...] 3eBC u Xtohmh, u ^poT Mexgy HUMU, poxgeHue O^uoHeH, 6uTBa 6oroB, gepeBo u nennoC»); "[...] hypópteros drys kai to ep' ayte pepoikilménon faros" («[...] KpbinaToe gepeBo u Ha HeM BbimuToe no-KpbiBano»)36. Bo BTopoM ^parneHTe KpbinbH u noKpMBano HBnHroTCH gByeguHMMu ^neMeHTaMu gepeBa, hto no3BonaeT CgenaTb npegnonoxeHue o gononHUTenbHoCTu KpMHbeB u noKpMBana. Moxho TaKxe npegnonoxuTb, hto ^Mnupu^ecKUM oCHoBa-HueM gna CoeguHeHUH gepeBa u KpbinbeB HBnaeTCH ment, 3am;um;arom;aH ot «paC-KaneHHoro» BHemHero npoCTpaHCTBa. B gaHHoM Cnynae penb ugeT o nepBo6biraoM xaoTuneCKoM npoCTpaHCTBe, ogHaKo apxemununecKan no¿uKa o6pa3a oCTaeTCH Heu3-MeHHoM b tom CMMCne, hto ^M^upuHecKoe oCTaeTCH BTopuHHMM no oTHomeHUro K MeTa^u3uneCKoMy. nepBo6biraoe npoCTpaHCTBo eCTb onacHoe b Cuny CBoen HaCM- 35 Schibli 1990, p. 73. AHanora^Horo MHeHUH npugepxuBaeTCH BeCT: «KpbinbH npegnonararoT, mto gepeBo-BCeneHHaH CaMo CeÓH noggepxuBaeT b npoCTpaHCTBe» (West 1993, p. 96). 36 Schibli 1990, fr. 73, 76. 233 flepeBO ^0TeH^ManbHbIX MupoB ^eHHOCTM HenpocTpaHCTBeHHMMM ^neMeHTaMu, yceaHHocTu «HepHbiMu gbipaMu», b KOTopbix Mcne3aeT bchkmm npocTpaHCTBeHHMM oó^eKT. M ^0^T0My nro6aa npocTpaH-CTBeHHaa CTpyKTypa, co3gaBaeMaa b ^T0M nepBo6biraoM npocTpaHCTBe, HyxgaeTca b 3a^MTHOM cucTeMe, KOTopaa no3Bonuna 6bi en BbigepxaTb Hanop HenpocTpaHCTBeH-Hbx «npoBanoB». ^T0M 3am;uTHOM cucTeMon cTaHOBaTca Kpuntn u noKpuBano37. KocMoroHMa OepeKMga CoxpaHMBmMe ^parneHTbi no3BonaroT HaMeTUTb cnegyrom;yro cxeMy Koc-MoroHMM ^epeKuga. B Hakane (BepHee, go BcaKoro Habana) Be^HO npe6biBaroT Tpu 6oxecTBa: 3ac, XpoHOc u XTOHua. KocMoroHMHecKMM npon;ecc HanuHaeTca c Toro MOMeHTa, Korga XpoHOc genuT cBoe ceMa Ha Tpu ^neMeHTa - oroHb, BO3gyx u Bogy, KOTopbie noMe^aeT b naTu «BnaguHax» (mychoí). OTOxecTBneHue naTu BnaguH c na-Tbro MupaMu no3BonaeT cgenaTb npegnonoxeHue, hto «gpyron MHoronucneHHbiñ pog 6oroB» (pollen állen genean theön)38 nepcoHu^un;upyeT apxemununecKue ^neMeHmu 6ygym;eñ BceneHHon, KOTopbie «co3peBaroT» b naTu Mupax-BnaguHax no pody ux39. flanbHenmun npon;ecc gonxeH 6bin 3aBepmuTbca co6upaHueM OTgeneHHbix gpyr ot gpyra noTeHn;uanbHbix MupoB b eduHyw cucmeMy, hto ocym;ecTBnaeTca b ^opMe Kpbi-naToro gepeBa. KocMoroHunecKun 6paK 3aca u Xtohuu, b cBoro onepegb, gonxeH 6bin npeo6pa3OBaTb ^Ty cucTeMy noTeHn;uanbHbix MupoB b caMogocTaTOHHbiñ u caMopa3-BuBarom;uñca kocmoc: "eis Eröta metabeblesthai ton Día méllonta demioyrgeín, hóti de ton kósmon ek tön enantiön synistas eis homologían kai filian egage kai taytóteta päsin enéspeire kai hén0sin ten di' holön diekoysan" («b ^poca npeBpaTunca 3eBc, co6paB-mucb TBopuTb, n0T0My hto, coeguHaa, kocmoc ot npoTuBononoxHocTen k cornacuro u gpyx6e npuBoguT, bo BceM nonaraa nogo6ue u eguHcTBO»)40. Co3gaHHMe XpoHocoM ^neMeHTM 3eBc-3ac aKTyanu3yeT npu nocpegcTBe Koc-MoroHunecKoro 6paKa c XTOHuen. BbimuToe noKpbiBano MOxeT paccMaTpuBaTbca KaK o6pa3 geMuyprunecKOM geaTenbHocTu 3aca. B ^T0M KocMoroHunecKOM KOHTeKcTe no-nynaeT cBoe o6ocHOBaHue npegnonaraeMoe BecTOM TOxgecTBO cBage6Horo noKpbiBa-na u noKpbiBana Ha KpbinaTOM gepeBe41. 3gecb bo3moxho npegnonoxuTb cnegyrom;yro nocnegoBaTenbHocTb: 3aBepmarom;uM MOMeHTOM geMuyprunecKon geaTenbHocTu 3aca cTaHOBuTca cBam;eHHbin 6paK c XTOHuen, b pe3yTbTaTe KOToporo co3gaeTca mu-poBoe noKpuBano, t. e. Mup b cBoen HacToam;en («BbimuTon») ^opMe42. B ^T0M cnynae ecTecTBeHHbM 06pa30M pemaeTca Bonpoc o npucyTcTBuu BbimuToro noKpbiBana Ha KprnnaTOM gepeBe. OTHomeHue KpbinaToro gepeBa c noKpbiBanoM moxho npegcTa-BuTb KaK OTHomeHue gByx MupoBbix cocToaHun, rge nocnegHee npegcTaBnaeT co- 37 Cp. 3a^uTHyro 4>yH^uro KpbinbeB Bora b Bu6nuu: «nepbaMu cboumu oceHuT Te6a, u nog KpbinbaMu Ero 6ygemb 6e3onaceH» (ncan. 90, 4). 38 Schibli 1990, fr. 60. 39 B KocMoroHuu 3aKonoB Many 6or-geMuypr BpaxMa co3gaeT u3 gByx nonoBuHOK 3onoToro a^a, b koto-poM oh pogunca, He6o u 3eMnro, a u3 cBoero Tena Bce cy^ecTBa (I, 8-16). Pe^b 3gecb, gyMaeTca, ugeT He o co3gaHuu MaTepuanbHoro KocMoca, a apxemunuMecKux 3neMenmoB, KOTopbie cTaHOBaTca ero ugeanbHbiM ocHOBaHueM, nogoÓHO Sefiroth b Ka66ane. 3Ta xe TeMa gBonHoro TBopeHua - apxemunu^ecKo^o u Mame-puanbHo^o - npucyTcTByeT b KocMoroHuu gaaKOB MxHoro BopHeo (cm. Huxe). 40 Schibli 1990, fr. 72. 41 West 1993, p. 59. 42 Cp. KocMmecKun nna^ Mcugbi y Anynea (Met. XI, 3-4). 234 Muxaun Ee3nuH BepmuBmeeca cnuaHue nomen^anbnux MupoB gepeBa b peamnuu Mup noKpHBana. BamHTHe Ha noKpHBane u3o6paxeHua 3eMnu, OreHoca u xunum; OreHoca mo^ho MHTepnpeTMpoBaTb KaK o6o3HaneHua cpegHero Mupa (3eMnu) u pa3nuHHbix ypoBHeM HuxHero Mupa43. OTcyTCTBue BepxHero (He6ecHoro) Mupa MoxeT 06'bacHaTbca co-6biTuaMu, K0T0pbie cnegyroT 3a KocMoroHunecKuM 6paKOM 3aca u Xtohuu: "ton Zena kai ten Chthonien kai ton en toytois Erota, kai ten Ophioneos genesin kai ten theon machen kai to dendron kai ton peplon" («3ac u XTOHua u ^poc Mexgy humu, u poxge-Hue O^uoHea u 6uTBa 6oroB, u gepeBO u noKpHBano»)44. OneBugHa cBa3b Ophioneus c ophis45. PoxgeHue O^uoHea cnegyeT 3a coo6m;eHueM o nro6Bu 3aca u Xtohuu, hto no3BonaeT npegnonoxuTb, hto oh 6bin ux coBMecTHHM nopoxgeHueM46. 3MeM cuMBonu3upyeT cuny conpomuenenun K0cM0r0HuHecK0My npo^ccy47. KocMoroHuHecKuM 6paK 3aca u Xtohuu gonxeH 6bin 6h uMeTb cboum KOHeHHHM pe3ynbTaT0M 06pa30BaHue eguHOM KocMocucTeMH. BamuToe noKpHBano cumbo-nu3upyeT coBepmuBmueca cnuaHue b eguHyro cucTeMy ^0TeH^uanbHbIx MupoB ge-peBa. CoeguHeHue noKpHBana c gepeBOM moxho pacccMaTpuBaTb KaK yKa3aHue Ha npennmcmeue, KOTopoe BcTpeHaeT npo^cc cnuaHua ^0TeH^uanbHHx MupoB. Cneg-cTBueM u 0gH0BpeMeHH0 npunuHOM ^T0^0 npenaTcTBua cTaHOBuTca poxgeHue 3Mea-O^uoHea, paBH03HaHH0e b gaHHOM cnyHae npeBpam;eHuro gepeBa b 3Mea48. 43 O6 Ogenos KaK apxauHecKOM unu 330TepuHecK0M ^opMe Okeanos cm.: Schibli 1990, p. 14, n. 2. CBoe TeHe-Hue OKeaH HaHuHaeT b huxhcm Mupe u «TeHeT Hepe3 HepHyro HOHb» (Th. 788). Moxho npegnonoxuTb, hto «xunu^a OreHoca» o6o3HaHaroT ypoeHu, Hepe3 KOTopbie npoxoguT OKeaH go cBoero BHxoga b ot-KpblTOe MupOBOe npOcTpaHcTBO. 44 Schibli 1990, fr. 73. 45 O6 O^uoHee KaK 6ore-3Mee cm.: Schibli 1990, pp. 93-103. 46 «Mh He 3HaeM, kto 6binu poguTenu O^uoHea. Bbino 6h, KOHeHHO, pucKOBaHHO 3aKnroHuTb, hto umu 6binu 3ac u XTOHua Ha tom ocHOBaHuu, hto MaKcuM roBopuT o ero poxgeHuu nocne ucTopuu ux nro6-bu. TeM He MeHee, rea He 6bina 6h Henogxoga^en MaTepbro gna 6ora-3Mea, poxgeHHoro c yHacTueM unu 6e3 yHacTua MyxcKoro 6oxecTBa» (West 1993, p. 53). B nonb3y npegnonoxeHua BecTa moxho 6bino 6h npuBecTu gaHHbie u3 pa3nuHHbix Mu^onoaraHecKux Tpagu^UM o nopoxgeHuu KocMoroHuHecKu-mu 6oxecTBaMu KaK He6ecHHx 6oroB, TaK u xtohuhcckux HygoBu^. B Teo^oHuu Tecuoga rea poxgaeT SpuHHuM u ruraHTOB (185); ot coeguHeHua Teu co cboum chhom noHTOM poxgaroTca OopKuM u KeTO (237-238), ot KOTopbix poxgaroTca rpau, roproHH, ExMgHa, cTpamHHM 3MeM. BaxHO OTMeTuTb, hto Bce 3tu HygoBu^HHe nopoxgeHua uMeroT MecTO nocne KacTpa^uu ypaHa, t. e. nocne Toro, KaK HaHanbHHM KocMoroHuHecKuM npo^cc nepenaMHBaeTca, nonyHaa vydoeuw,Hoe HanpaeneHue, KynbMUHa^U0HHHM nyHKTOM KOToporo cTaHOBuTca TuTaHOMaxua. no aHanoruHHoM cxeMe cTpouTca aKKagcKaa kocmoto-HuHecKaa noaMa CjHyMa 3num. npapoguTenbHu^ 6oroB TuaMaT nocne y6uMcTBa 6ora nepBo6biTHbix Bog Ancy cTaHOBuTca poguTenbH^en cTpamHHx HygoBu^, c KOTopHMu BcTynaroT b 6opb6y ee npaMHe noTOMKu, 6oru-ycTpouTenu BceneHHOM. 47 KeMnep 1986, cc. 29-30. 48 CBa3b gepeBa co 3MeeM nonyHaeT cBoe nonHoe 3HaHeHue b KOHTeKcTe «ochobhoto Mu^a». PeKOHcTpy^uro Mu^a cm. b: MBaHOB, TonopoB 1974. Oco6o noKa3aTeneH BapuaHT, b kotopomt 3MeM npaHeTca nog gepeBOM, nocne Hero 6or rpo3H ygapaeT MonHueM no gepeBy, cxuraa ero. 3MeM 3gecb KaK 6h cnuBaeTca c gepeBOM. Pa3pymeHue gepeBa cTaHOBuTca paBH03HaHHHM y6uMcTBy 3Mea, uMea cboum pe3ynbTaT0M ocBo6oxgeHue 3aKnroHeHHHx b gepeBe Bog. B Mu^e uHgen^B KyHa Ha BepxymKe conaHoro gepeBa HaxogaTca Boga, pbi6bi, xuBOTHHe, nra^i u pacTeHua. 3aMeHaTenbH0, hto gepeBO OTgenaeTca ot 06naK0B, t. e oho pacTeT cBepxy u ero KopHu coBnagaroT c manKOM. nocne nageHua gepeBa b pe3ynbTaTe OTgeneHua ero BeTBeM ot 06naK0B o6pa3yroTca Mopa u nrogu co6uparoT paHee HegocTynHHe gna hux nnogH (Pettazzoni 1991, pp. 133-134). 3tot mu^ MoxeT paccMaTpuBaTbca KaK ogHa u3 peanu3a^UM apxeTuna «OTgeneHua 3eMnu ot He6a», a gepeBO - KaK fiannoc. Cpe3aHue gepeBa, KaK u y6uMcTB0 3Mea, npupaBHuBaeTca 3gecb k geMuypruHe-cKOMy aKTy, BHaBnaa ogHOBpeMeHHO ^0TeH^uanbHHM xapaKTep nepBogepeBa. O ToxgecTBe gepeBa u HygoBu^a, oxpaHaro^ero gepeBO, cm.: Yevzlin 1999, pp. 113-138. 235 flepeBO ^OTeH^Ma^bHbIX MupoB fflanKa MaxaTanw B KanecTBe BapuaHTa depeBa nomenu,uanbHUx MupoB (a TaK:e Kpunamo^o de-peBa) mo^ho paccMaTpMBaTb depeBO MU3HU b Mu^onoruu gaaKOB ro:Horo BopHeo. CornacHO KOMMeHTaTopy, «gepeBO :u3Hu npegcTaBnaeT 6o:ecTB0 b ero nonHOTe. Ero nnogbi u KopHu ABn^roTca gapaMu 6o:ecTBa nrogaM. flepeBO :u3Hu B0cnp0u3B0-guTca b o6pagax npu noMoqn yKpameHHoro TKaHbro mecTa, KOTopbiM yKa3MBaeT Ha HeóecHMM u My:cK0M acneKT 6o:ecTBa, a TKaHb - Ha hu:hum u :eHcKuM»49. CnegyeT OTMeTMTb npegcTaBneHue o gepeBe KaK o ^opMe aBneHua 6o:ecTBa unu mene 6o^a. B ^T0M 0TH0meHuu gepeBO :u3Hu gaaKOB apxemununecKu coBnagaeT c Ka66anucTu-necKUM gepeBOM Sefiroth, b ^opMe KOToporo 6ecK0HeHHMM Bor (En-Sof) aBnaeT Ce6a Mupy, cTaHOBacb ero ugeanbHMM 0cH0BaHueM. OTHomeHue «Tena» u «Mupa» nonynaeT nonHOTy cBoero cogep:aHua b Ka66anu-cTunecKOM npegcTaBneHuu o TeoroHunecKOM u K0cM0r0HuHecK0M npo^ccax KaK dByx ypOBHHX eguHoro npo^cca caMonpoaBneHua Bora50. B pe3ynbTaTe TeoroHunecKoro npo^cca co3gaeTca «Teno», KOTopoe 3aTeM pacHneHfleTca u opraHu3yeTca KaK «gepe-bo». OTHomeHua «Tena u gepeBa», TaKuM 06pa30M, mo«ho npegcTaBuTb KaK 0TH0me-hhh «cMemeHHocTu u pa3geneHHocTu». BbiBegeHHbie u3 «cMemaHHoro» Tena ^neMeHTM opraHu3yroTca KaK depeBO, ocym;ecTBnafl TaKuM 06pa30M nepexog ot eguHcTBa Tena k KOcMu^ecKOM MHO^ecTBeHHOcTu51. B Mu^onoruu gaaKOB KocMoroHunecKaa ^yH^ua gepeBa BbicTynaeT Ha nepBMM nnaH. flepeBO 3gecb coBnagaeT c TenoM, co6uparom;uM b ce6e ^0TeH^uanbHMe ^neMeHTM KocMoca. floKocMoroHunecKoe cocToaHue onucbiBaeTca KaK npe6biBaHue bcakom Bem;u b rpoMagHOM nacTu BogHoro 3Mea52. CornacHO KOMMeHTaTopy, «3Men ecTb o6pa3 nepBO-6biraoro OKeaHa, u b cBoro onepegb, Mu^unecKun o6pa3 BenuKoro 6ora-TBop^ Ma-xaTanM»53. KocMoroHunecKun npo^cc pa3BopaquBaeTca KaK BUBedeHue ^neMeHT0B u3 BHyTpeHHero npocTpaHcTBa («nacTu») 3Mea bo BHemHee KocMoroHunecKoe npocTpaH-ctbo. B pe3ynbTaTe cTonKHOBeHua Me:gy gByMA ropaMu, nogHHBmuMuca u3 nacTu 3Mea, o6pa3yroTca He6o, ropbi, nyHa u conH^54, t. e. 0cH0BHbie KocMunecKue o6^eKTM, K0T0pMe, 0gHaK0, He cocTaBnaroT eguHOM KocMocucTeMM, a cym;ecTByroT KaK OTgenb-HHe «Mupbi^neMeHTbi».npegnono:*:eHue o HananbHMX ^Ta^ax KocMoroHunecKoro npo- 49 Pettazzoni 1990, p. 130, n. 4. ^TOT yKpameHHbiM TKaHbro mecT cooTBeTCTByeT gepeBy c noKpbiBanoM y OepeKuga, a TaK®e kekayon'y b aBaHcKoM TeaTpe TeHeM. B cny^ae kekayona u mecTa c TKaHbro mo®ho roBopuTb o BapuaHTHocTu gByx ^TMx npegMeTOB, yKa3brcaro^eM Ha Ha^anbHbiM puTyanbHMM xapaKTep TaK®e u kekayona. 50 Scholem 1977, p. 222. 51 Cp.: "the stream of divine life takes its course and flows through all the Sefiroth and through all hidden reality, until at last it falls into the 'great sea' of Shekhinah, in which God unfolds His totality" (Scholem 1977, p. 216). npu nocpegcTBe gepeBa Sefiroth peanu3yeTca nepexog ot goKocMoroHu^ecKoro En-Sof k TBapHOMy Mupy. B Sefiroth BecKoHe^HbiM Bor KaK 6m pac^neHaeT caMoro ce6a Ha oTgenbHbie «aTpu6yTbi», KoTopbie cTaHoBaTca ugeanbHMMu apxemunmecKuuu sneueHmauu gna Hu®HeM MaTepuanbHoM c^epbi. AHano-ruMHHM o6pa3oM b uHguMcKux KocMoroHuax nepexog ot 6ecTenecHoro goKocMoroHu^ecKoro 6o®ecTBa k TBapHoMy MHo®ecTBeHHoMy KocMocy ocy^ecTBnaeTca npu nocpegcTBe mena, t. e. Teno KaK u gepeBo ^yHK^MOHMpyroT KaK npomeMymouHuü 3nemeHm, KoTopMM no Mepe pa3BMTMa KocMoroHu^ecKoro npo-^ecca npeo6pa3yeTca b apxemunuuecKym cmpyKmypy Mupo3gaHua. 52 Pettazzoni 1990, p. 128. 53 Ibid., p. 128, n. 2. 54 Ibid., p. 129. 236 Muxaun Ee3nuH ^cca KaK npo^ccao6pa30BaHua ^0TeH^uanbHMIx unu apxeTununecKux ^neMeHT0B Ha-xoguT, KaK HaM KameTca, nogTBepmgeHue b gB0nH0M unu game tpomhom coTBopeHuu KocMunecKux 06,beKT0B. 1) ropM, nyHa u conH^ o6pa3yroTca u3 ucKp-MonHun, BHmegmux u3 cTonKHyB-muxca rop. 2) 3eMna u xoämh o6pa3yroTca u3 ceper 6oruHu flmaTMi, BMimegmen u3 nepBo6MiTHoro oKeaHa. CornacHo KoMMeHTaTopy, «He roBopuTca acHo, KaKuM 06-pa3oM 6mmu co3gaHMi conH^, nyHa, ogHaKo aBcTByeT, hto u3 ocTaBmuxca nacTen MaTepuu, u3 K0Topon 6mmu coTBopeHMi conH^ u nyHa, 6mmu 06pa30BaHMi gpyrue ^^eMeHTM»55, T. e. 3eMna u xonMMi. M b caMoM gene, 6onee neM noru^Ho 6mmo 6m npegnonomuTb, hto u3 caM0^eT0B-ceper, K0T0pMie 6oruHa flmaTa KugaeT KBepxy, Bo3HuKaroT nyHa u conH^, a u3 ocTaTKoB - 3eMna u xonMM56. TaKuM o6pa3oM, b nepBMM pa3 3eMna, ropM, nyHa u cohh^ B03HuKaroT u3 ucKp, a bo BTopon pa3 - u3 caM0^BeT0B 6oruHu flmaTMi57. 3) BepxoBHMM 6or MaxaTana BMecTe c KuKup neTaK co3gaeT 3eMnro58. Cym;e-cTBeHHM HeK0T0pMe «cTpaHHocTu» ^T0^0 BToporo coTBopeHua 3eMnu (unu game Tpe-Tbero, ecnu 06pa30BaHue «ropHMix BepmuH 3eMnu» b pe3ynbTaTe cT0nKH0BeHua Memgy gByMa ropaMu, nogHaBmuMuca u3 nacTu BogHoro 3Mea, paccMaTpuBaTb KaK nepBoe). ^enaa co3gaTb 3eMnro, MaxaTana BHanane HanonHaeT nnog gepeBa samatuan 3eMnen, a n0T0M co3gaeT 0cTp0B0K 6e3 KaKon-nu6o BuguMon cBa3u co cboumu npegMigym;uMu gencTBuaMu. Hago gyMaTb, hto BHanane MaxaTana co3gaeT nomeH^anbHuû ^neMeHm, K0T0pbiM b ganbHenmeM geMuyprunecK0M npo^cce peanu3yeTca KaK 3eMna b ee Ha-cToam;en peanbHoû ^opMe. Co3gaHue HacToam;en KocMocucTeMM npegBapaeTca KocMoroHunecKuM 6paK0M MaxaTanM u 6omecTBeHHon geBM flmaTMi, nogHaBmenca u3 nepBo6MiTHMix Bog HumHe-ro Mupa. BMecTe ohu co3garoT npegK0B nenoBenecKoro poga, a TaKme p0g0HananbHuK0B nrogen59. ^T0 nocnegHee o6cToaTenbcTBo no3BonaeT npegnonomuTb, hto b pe3ynbTaTe KocMoroHunecKoro 6paKa MaxaTanM u flmaTMi co3garoTca He KocMunecKue o6^eKTM unu peanbHMe nrogu, a nomeH^anbHue ^neMeHmu-apxemunu, KoTopMe 3aTeM peanu-3yroTca npu nocpegcTBe gepeBa, Ha hto yKa3MBaeT cnegyrom;ee geMuyprunecKoe gen-cTBue MaxaTanM: oh nogHuMaeT cBoro manKy, K0T0paa npeBpam;aeTca b gepeBo mu3Hu. noKa3aTenbHo, hto TpaHc^opMa^ua manKu npoucxoguT Ha MocTy60. flepeBo KaK 6m noBucaeT Hag nepBo6MTHMMu BogaMu, t. e. aBnaeTca KpunamuM, noggepmuBaa ce6a c noMom;bro KpMnbeB, KaK u gepeBo y ^epeKuga, b nepB06MTH0M npocTpaHcTBe. 55 Ibid., 129, n. 4. 56 Cp.: «Ohu [caM0^BeTM flmaTMi] npeBpaTunucb b 3eMnro, K0T0paa ecTb u3numeK nyHM, u xonMM, KoTopMe ecTb ocTaToK conHe^Horo gucKa» (Pettazzoni 1990, p. 129). 57 BoruHa flmaTa MomeT ÓMiTb conocTaBneHa c cynpyron BumHy óoruHen fflpu, K0T0paa noaBunacb npu naxTaHuu oKeaHa (Maxa6papaTa I, 16, 32-40). BepxoBHMM 6or MaxaTana uMeeT TaKme Bce qepTM cxog-cTBa c BumHy. MHguncKue BnuaHua Ha kocmotohuki gaaK0B o^eBugHM, ho KaK u Bce 3auMcTB0BaHua, ohu npeTepneBaroT TpaHc^opMa^uro b ^py^0m Mu^onosTmecKoM KoHTeKcTe. 58 Pettazzoni 1990, p. 133. 59 Ibid., 130. 60 «BomecTBeHHaa flmaTa nogHanacb u3 nepBoÓMiTHMix Bog HumHero Mupa, npomna no MocTy, yceaHH0My meM^ymuHaMu, u nomna HaBcTpe^y MaxaTane» (Pettazzoni 1990, p. 130). fleMuyprmecKue gencTBua co-BepmaroTca Ha MocTy, noBucmuM Hag nepBoÓMTHMM 0KeaH0M. Cp. amnoru^Hoe TBopeHue «Ha MocTy» b an0HcK0M K0cM0r0HmecK0M MH^e: «ToT^ac cTynunu gBa 6ora-ycTpouTena Ha HeóecHMin nnaBy^un moct u cTanu norpymaTb cBoe gparo^HHoe Konbe b xna6b nog moctom u KpyroBpa^aTb ero, BM3MBaa 6ypneHue» 237 flepeBo ^0TeH^ManbHbIx MupoB M3 ucKp, npoM3BegeHHbix CTonKHOBeHMeM gByx rop, KpoMe 3eMnu u rop, 06-pa3yroTca coKpoBum;a MaxaTanbi, KoTopbie npuHuMaroT ^opMy 3onoTon manKM He-6ecHoro 6ora, yKpameHHon conHn;eM61. ConHe^Haa cuMBonuKa no3BonaeT paccMa-TpuBaTb manKy MaxaTanbi KaK nepByro ^opMy opraHM3a^MM noTeHn;uanbHbix MupoB («BTopoe» conHn;e o6pa3yeTca M3 ceper 6omHbi fl^aTH nočne ee Bbixoga M3 nepBo-6bTHoro oKeaHa). npeBpam;eHue manKM b gepeBo oTMenaeT coBepmuBmeeca kocmo-roHMHecKoe coeguHeHue My^čKoro u ^eHčKoro 6o^ecTB, yKa3biBaa TaK^e Ha nepe-xog k ^py^ou ^opMe opraHM3an;uM MupoB, kohč^hhm pe3ynbTaT0M KoTopon gon:«Ho 6bino cTaTb o6pa3oBaHue HacToam;en KocMocucTeMbi. Ho MMeHHo b ^T0M nyHKTe npo-n;ecc 6noKupyemcn, b pe3ynbTaTe nero gepeBo pa3pymaeTca gByMa nTun;aMu-Hocopo-raMM, b K0T0pbix npeBpam;aro>Ta 6oru-geMuypru62. B geMCTBMTenbHocTu npoucxoguT He pa3pymeHue gepeBa, a ero pacw,enneHue c n;enbro ocBo6o^geHMH 3aKnroHeHHbix b HeM ^neMeHT0B, KoTopbie npuHuMaroT ^opMy My^HMHH u «ch^mhh, Mopa, peKM, pogoHananbHMKoB nneMeHHbix rpynn u ux ^eH63. Pa3yMeeTca, pe^b ugeT He o peanb-Hbx ^^eMeHTax 3eMnu, KoTopon em;e HeT, a o noTeHn;uanbHbix. Bce ^TM ^neMeHTbI y^e noaBnanucb ogHa^gH b pe3ynbTaTe cT0nKH0BeHua rop, KocMoroHunecKoro 6paKa MaxaTanbi u fl^aTH, a 3aTeM KaK 6bi cKpbinucb b gepeBe u Tenepb gna čBoero ocbo-6o^geHua Hy^garoTca b cnen;uanbH0M BMemaTenbčTBe 6oroB-geMuyproB, ho y^e He b ux nepBoHananbHon ^opMe, a b ifoopMe nmu^ b K0T0pbix ohu npeBpam;aroTca. TaKuM o6pa3oM, noTeHn;uanbHbie ^neMeHTbI BceneHHon co3garoTca HenocpegcTBeHHo 6oraMu-geMuypraMu, ho aKTyanu3upyroTca ^py^uMU 6o^ecTBeHHHMu cym;ecTBaMu, b gaHHoM cnynae, nTun^Mu, KoTopbie nepeBogaT KocMoroHunecKun npon;ecc Ha aH-TponoroHuHecKuM ypoBeHb64. M3 y3noB gepeBa, KoTopbie ygaparoT KnroBoM nTun;bi-Hocopom, noaBnaroTca My^nuHa u ^eH^uHa u nnbiByT - Ka^gHM b čBoen nogKe, ^enTon u nepHon, 06-pa30BaHH^ix ot m;enoK gepeBa, - no nepBo6biraomy 0KeaHy. ^TM nogKu mo^ho pac-cMaTpuBaTb KaK BapuaHT ann;a, 3aKnronarom;ero b ce6e noTeHn;uanbHbie ^neMeHTbi. «$opMa nogKu», noaBuBmenca nocne pa3pymeHua «^opMbi gepeBa», cTaHoBuTca ^opMon, HenocpegcTBeHHo npegmecTByrom;en co3gaHuro HacToam;en KocMocucTeMH. B tot MoMeHT, Korga nogKu nocne 6ecK0He^H0r0 nnaBaHua no nepBo6biraomy 0KeaHy npucTaroT k 3eMne, cogep^am^eca b Hen noTeHn;uanbHbie ^neMeHTbi, 6narogapa coe- (Kog3uKu 1974, cc. 418-419). B pe3ynbTaTe KpyroBpa^eHua o6pa3yeTca ocTpoB, Ha KoTopoM, cxoga c MocTa, ^eHcKoe u My®cKoe 6o®ecTBa B03gBuraroT cTonn u BcTynaroT b cBa^eHHbin 6paK nocne Toro, KaK o6xogaT ero. CTonn Mo^eT paccMaTpuBaTbca KaK BapuaHT gepeBa, npou3pacTaHue KoToporo ot-Me^aeT MoMemb geMuypraMecKoro npo^cca, yBeH^uBaro^ero cBa^eHHHM 6paK0M KocMoroHuMecKux 6o®ecTB. flepeBo-cTonn, nogroTaBnuBaa KocMoroHu^ecKun 6paK, cTaHoBuTca TaK^e cuMBonoM ero pe-anM3a^MM. y gepeBa coBepmaeTca coeguHeHue AgaMa u EBa, npegcTaBneHHoe KaK noegaHue 3anpeTHoro nnoga. B HeM aBHo npornagbiBaeT cxeMa KocMoroHuqecKoro 6paKa, noKonbKy uMeeT cboum cnegcTBueM HoBoe MupoBoe cocToaHue, xoTa u o^HuBaeTca HeraTuBHo. 61 Pettazzoni 1990, p. 129. 62 C caMoro Ha^ana MaxaTana npegcTaBnaeTca b ^opMe ^TM^bi-H0copo^a (Pettazzoni 1990, p. 130), KoTopaa b gaHHoM K0cM0r0HuqecK0M KoHTeKcTe Mo^eT paccMaTpuBaTbca KaK geMuypruMecKaa ^opMa BepxoB-Horo 6ora. O ^TM^ax-geMMyp^ax cm.: MBaHoB, TonopoB 1988, cc. 346-347. 3aTeM coo6^aroTca gBe Bepcuu npoucxo®geHua ^TM^bI-H0copo^a - u3 MonHun u u3 KuH^ana MaxaTanM (Pettazzoni 1990, p. 131). B 3tom nocnegHeM cny^ae yTo^HaeTca, mto KuH^an npeBpaTunca b ^TM^y-H0copo^a caMU,a, t. e. oh ecTb alter ego MaxaTanM. Amnora^Hoe npegnono^eHue mo«ho cgenaTb u b oTHomeHuu ^TM^M-H0copo^a caMKu KaK alter ego 6oruHu fl^aTM. 63 Pettazzoni 1990, p. 132. 64 O ^TM^ax KaK nepBonpegKax nrogen cm.: MBaHoB, TonopoB 1988, c. 347. 238 Muxaun Ee3nuH guHeHuro MyxcKoro Havana c xeHcKuM, aKTyanu3upyroTca KaK peanbHbie peKu, ropM, pacTeHua, XMBOTHMe u nrogu. B ^T0M OTHomeHMM nogKa gaaKoB coBnagaeT no cBoeM KocMoroHuHecKoM ^yH^uu c KoBHeroM, b KOTopoM MaHy nocne ru6enu BceneHHoM nepeBO3MT Hepe3 MupoBbie BogM «cymHocTu u ceMa Bcex xubmx cymecTB»65. B tot MoMeHT, Korga «KoBHer MupoB» npucTaeT k 3eMne, nogHaBmeMca nocpegu nepBo6biT-hmx Bog, nepeBo3HUK cTaHoBuTca geMuyproM, ycTpauBarom;uM Ha ^T0M 3m6kom ocho-Be BceneHHyro, nodeuMnyw u nenodeuMnyw. flepeBO KaK apxeTun BcenpucyTcTBue MupoBoro gepeBa gaxe b TeKcTax, KoTopbie k HeMy no Bugu-moctu He HMeKT HenocpegcTBeHHoro oTHomeHua, no3BonaeT roBopuTb o gepeBe KaK o KnwueeoM apxemunuuecKOM ^neMeHme Mu^0^0^TUHecK0M cucTeMM. B 6u6neMcKoM KocMoroHuu npou3pacTaHue gepeBa xu3Hu oTMeHaeT 3aBepmarom;uM geMuypruHe-ckum aKT Bora-TBop^. HenocpegcTBeHHo MupoBoe gepeBo npucyTcTByeT TonbKo bo BTopoM Bepcuu coTBopeHua Mupa (Bmt. 2) u oTcyTcTByeT 3puTenbHo b nepBoM (Bmt. 1). B nepBoM Bepcuu oho npegcTaBnaeT ugeanbHyro guaxpoHunecKyro cTpyKTypy tbo-peHua, bo BTopoM cTaHoBuTca cBoero poga «y3noM», b KoTopoM co6uparoTca u yKpe-nnaroTca hutu Mupo3gaHua. flepeBo 3gecb yxe He xubotbophmM ^HTp TBopeHua, a ToHKa, b KoTopoM npoucxoguT xmoHma^n coTBopeHHoro Mupa, o HeM cBugeTenb-cTByeT npucyTcTBue 3Mea. B paccMoTpeHHMx BMme TeKcTax gepeBo npegcTaBnaeTca KaK ogHa u3 ^opM bo-nnomeHua goKocMoroHuHecKoro 6oxecTBa. flepeBo u ropa, coBnagaa ^yH^uoHanbHo b KocMonoruHecKoM nnaHe,B KocMoroHuHecKux TeKcTax npegcTaBnaroT gBa nocnegoBa-TenbHMx MoMeHTa geMuypruHecKoro npo^cca. B uHguMcKoM KocMoroHuHecKoM Mu^e 6oru u acypM npucnoca6nuBaroT ropy MaHgapy gna naxTaHua nepBo6biraoro oKeaHa. BpameHue ropM BM3MBaeT BocnnaMeHeHue gepeBbeB,pacTym;ux Ha ero BepmuHe,nocne Hero «b BogM oKeaHa noTeKnu pa3HopogHbie BbigeneHua u3 MoryHux gepeBbeB, a TaKxe MHoxecTBo cokob TpaB. MMeHHo ot nuTba Tex cokob, HageneHHbix 6eccMepTHoM cunoM, a TaKxe ot ucTeHeHua 3onoTa 6oru gocTurnu 6eccMepTua»66. B ^T0M TeKcTe, no HameMy MHeHuro, ^uKcupyeTca MoMeHT TpaHc^opMa^uu ropM b gepeBo67, KoTopoe HaHuHaeT ucToHaTb 6eccMepTHMe coku, cTaHoBacb uctohhukom KocMuHecKux ^Hep^uM. M geM-cTBuTenbHo,nocne Toro,KaK ropa gocTuraeT MaKcuManbHoro nyHKTa cBoero BpameHua u HaHuHaeT BMgenaTb coku, npoucxoguT TpaHc^opMa^ua BogM oKeaHa (oHa nocnego-BaTenbHo npeBpamaeTca b MonoKo, a noToM b c6uToe Macno), u3 KoTopMx BMxogaT Meca^ u gpyrue 6oru, cuMBonu3upyrom;ue KocMuHecKue HaHana. CxogHaa cuTya^ua npucyTcTByeT b KocMoroHuHecKoM Mu^e gaaKoB. BHaHane nogMMaeTca Hag BogaMu nepBo6bTHoro oKeaHa 3onoTaa ropa c BoccegaromuM Ha ee BepmuHe 6oroM-geMuyproM MaxaTanoM b ^opMe nTu^i-Hocopora. 3aTeM ero manKa npeBpamaeTca b gepeBo xu3Hu, t. e. u 3gecb moxho npegnonoxuTb TpaHc^opMa^uro 65 O'Flaherty 1975, p. 184. Cp. TaK^e KoBHer Hoa, b KoTopoM nepeBo3aTca u3 ogHoro aoHa b gpyroM Bce ®u-BMe cymecTBa. Mo^ho npegnono^uTb, hto Hom b KaHecTBe cBoero npoToTuna uMen geMuypra, KoTopMM npu BMxoge u3 aM^a-K0BHe^a nepeBogun cogep^aBmueca b HeM noTe^uanbHbie aneMeHTM b peanbHMe KocMuHecKue o6teKTbi u cymecTBa. 66 Maxa6xapaTa 1992, c. 79. 67 O cBa3u KaMHa c gepeBoM cm.: MBaHoB, TonopoB 1974, cc. 80-81. 239 flepeBo ^OTeH^uanbHbIx MupoB ropbi b gepeBo, u3 KOToporo 3aTeM BbiBogaTca KocMunecKue o6^eKTH. ^TO BbBege-Hue npuHUMaeT ^opMy pa3pyrneHUH depeBa, b pe3ynbTaTe KOToporo BO3HUKaeT Bce-neHHaa b CBoeM HacToam;eM Buge. Mup co3gaeTca Ha MecTe, rge cToano gepeBo, gna KOToporo oho cnyxuT MaTepuanoM. flepeBa 6onbme HeT. EcTb no BuguMocTu TonbKo Mup, 6e3 gepeBa, 6e3 n;eHTpa, 6e3 cBoero Co3gaTena. M TeM He MeHee, coxpaHaeTca BocnoMUHaHue o tom BpeMeHu, Korga 6bino TonbKo flepeBo, b BeTBax KOToporo boc-cegan Bor-geMuypr, Bgpyr nogHaBmunca u BocnapuBmun Hag nu^M 6e3dHU. Rmepaiypz. 3aKOHb MaHy. nepeBog C. fl. ^^bMaHOBuna. M. 1992. MBaHOB, B. B., TonopoB, B. H.: MccnegoBaHua b o6nacTu cnaBaHcKux gpeBHocTen. M. 1974. MBaHOB, B. B., TonopoB, B. H.: n™n;bi. // Mh^h HapogoB Mupa. T. 2. M. 1988. Kennep, B. Tpygbi no BeguncKon Mu^onoruu. M. 1986. Kog3UKu. // flHeBHaa 3Be3ga. Boctohhmm anbMaHax. Bbin. BTopon. M. 1974. ^yHa, ynaBmaa c He6a. flpeBHaa nuTepaTypa Manon A3uu. nepeBog c gpeBHeManoa- 3uaTcKux a3HKOB Ban. Bc. uBaHOBa. M. 1977. Maxa6xapaTa. AgunapBa. nepeBog B. M. KanbaHOBa. M. 1992. MuxannoB, H. A.: rpenecKun KocMonorunecKun mh^ b «TeoroHuu» recuoga. flunnoM- Haa pa6oTa. M. 1989. Mnagmaa ^gga. nepeBog O. A. CMupHun;Kon. M. 1970. Ph^thh, B. KuTancKaa Mu^onorua. // Mh^h HapogoB Mupa. T. 1. M. 1987. TonopoB, B. H.: O cTpyKType HeKOTopbix apxaunecKux TeKcTOB, coothocumhx c koh-n;enn;uen «MupoBoro gepeBa». // TpygH no 3HaKOBbiM cucTeMaM. TapTy 1971/5. TonopoB, B. H.: O nucnoBHx Mogenax b apxaunHHx TeKcTax. // CrpyKTypa TeKcTa. M. 1980. TonopoB, B. H.: K peKOHcTpyKn;uu Mu^a o mupobom ann;e (Ha MaTepuane pyccKux cKa-3ok). // Michigan Slavic Materials. No.15. Reading in Soviet Semiotics (Russian Texts). Ann Arbor 1981. TonopoB, B. H.: flpeBo MupoBoe. // Mh^h HapogoB Mupa. T. 1. M. 1987. TonopoB, B. H.: ^otoc. // Mh^h HapogoB Mupa. T. 1. M. 1987. ynaHumagH. nepeBog c caHcKpuTa A. CbipKUHa. M. 1991. Allan, Sara: The Shape of the Turtle. N.Y. 1991. Boisselier, J.: Il sud-est asiatico. Torino 1986. Colli, Giorgio: La sapienza greca. I. Milano 1990. Cook, Roger: The Tree of Life. Image for the Cosmos. London 1974. Eliade, Mircea: Lo sciamanesimo e le tecniche dell'estasi. Roma 1991. Indonesia. // The Cambridge Guide to World Theatre. Edited by M. Banham. Cambridge 1988. O'Flaherty, Wendy Doniger: Hindu Myths. A Source book translated from the Sanskrit. Penguin Books 1975. Pettazzoni, Raffaele: Miti e leggende. In principio. Miti delle otrigini. Torino 1990. Pettazzoni, Raffaele: Miti e leggende. Quando le cose erano vive. Miti della natura. Torino 1991. 240 Muxaun Ee3nuH Schibli, Hermann S.: Pherekydes of Syros. Oxford 1990. Scholem, Gershom: Major Trends in Jewish Mysticism. N.Y. 1977. Scholem, Gershom: La Cabala. Roma 1989. West, M. L.: La filosofía greca arcaica e l'Oriente. Bologna 1993. Yevzlin, Michael: El jardín de los monstruos. Para una interpretación mitosemiótica. Madrid 1999. Zimmer, Heinrich: Miti e simboli dell'India. Milano 1993. 241 flepeBO ^OTeH^Ma^bHbIX MupoB Drevo potencialnih svetov Mihail Jevzlin Izhajajoč iz temeljnih del V. N. Toporova, ki obravnavajo strukturo mitopoetske misli, članek obravnava tekste, v katerih Svetovno drevo prestavlja določen "trenutek" v kozmogonskem procesu. Ta trenutek se odvija pred stvarjenjem sveta v njegovi sedanji obliki in pripravlja okoliščine za to stvarjenje. Da bi definiral njegovo kozmogonsko funkcijo, avtor predlaga koncept "drevesa potencialnih svetov". Drevo potencialnih svetov namrečvsebuje tiste potencialne prvin e,ki sopotrebne za stvariteljskointervencijo.Podob-no funkcijo "predobstojne" snovi, ki vsebuje iste potencialne elemente, imata Kozmično jajce in Svetovna gora. Avtor je mnenja, da ta osnovna kozmogonska funkcija svetovnega drevesa pojasnjuje njegovo kozmološko funkcijo strukturalnega temelja sveta. 242 cro^etmka boctohhocnabflhckmx 3ar0b0p0b b c0n0ctabmtenbh0m acnekte (3ar0b0pw 0t 30h0thmka m 60he3hem ^mb0ta) Tambnna A. A^anKUHa /Comparative Analysis of East Slavic Charms for the Uterus and the Body/ By employing comparative analysis, the author investigates the basic motifs of approximately 180 Russian, Ukrainian and Byelorussian charms for the ascent of the uterus, their variations, terminology, and ritual context. The author traces the history of the main topics and motifs of these charms in Slavic folklore and in the written tradition, the connections with apocryphal prayers, many of which were translated from Greek originals and rooted in the ancient magical traditions. 3aroBopbi ot 3onomHUKa othochtch k nucny Hau6onee uHTepecHbix, gaBHo npu-BneKaBmux k ce6e BHuMaHue u BMecTe c TeM go cux nop HegocTaTo^Ho myqeHHbix ^pameHTOB BocToHHocnaBHHcKoro 3aroBopHoro yHMBepcyMa. Cno^MBmaacfl cuTy-a^uH, no Bcen BuguMocTu, o6iHcHHeTcH TeM, hto HapogHbie 3aroBopbi ot 3onoTHuKa o6mhho Bbi3biBanu uHTepec He cTonbKo caMu no ce6e, cKonbKo 6narogapH cbh3u ^Tux 3aroBopoB c rpenecKUMu 3aKnuHaHuHMu u gpeBHecnaBHHcKuMu anoKpu^unecKuMu MonuTBaMu ot «giHbi» (fl'LHA) '. 3a npomegmue nonTopa BeKa noHBunocb HecKonbKo 3HanuTenbHHX pa6oT,nocBHm;eHHbix Ha3BaHHon TeMe u BHecmux cym;ecTBeHHbm BKnag b ee npogBu^eHue (no xogy cTaTbu mm He pa3 6ygeM o6pam;aTbcH k hum). AnoKpu^unecKue MonuTBbi ot «giHbi» BnepBbie BcTpenaroTcH b gpeBHecnaBHH-ckom khu^hoctu XI b. B CuHancKoM ^Bxono^uyMe (rnaronunecKoM Tpe6HuKe) cogep-^utch MonuTBa «o u36aBneHbu gbHe HenoBeKy»: «r(ocnog)u X(pucT)e B(o)^e Hami, noMunoyu HenoBeKa cero, Binurom;aaro giHoro, e^e uMaTi HoroTi 130 Ti, He geu eMoy naKocTu, hu pyKaMa, hu HoraMa, hu BceMoy Tenecu, Hi Bi eguHoM(i) (M)ecTe nH3u ciBuBimu ch» (Nahtigal 1942, s. 83-84). ynoMuHaHuH ^TOM 6one3Hu u 3aroBopbi ot Hee uMeroTca u b pHge pyKonucen 6onee no3gHero BpeMeHu (cm. ux o63op: CoKonoB 1895, c. 135-137; PageHKoBufr 1998, c. 190-191) 2. HecKonbKo MonuTB «ot giHbi», B3HTbie u3 pyccKoro pyKonucHoro Tpe6HuKa XV-XVI bb., ony6nuKoBaHH M. nop^upbeBbiM b 1891 r. HeMano cBegeHun o6 ^TOM Hegyre u cnoco6ax u36aBneHuH ot Hero cogep^uTcH b nepeBogHHx nene6HuKax u Megu^uHCKux KogeKcax npeuMym;ecTBeHHo XVII b. (u3 co6paHun yHgonbcKoro, nucKapeBa, u3 XogomcKon pyKonucu, XunaHgapcKoro KogeK-ca u mh. gp.), npuneM TepMuH «giHa» ucnonb3yeTcH b hux oneHb mupoKo, b ochobhom b 3HaneHuu »^hckom 6one3Hu unu npu ee onucaHuu. 1 nog ^TMM cnoBOM noHMManacb MaTKa, a TaK^e geMoH-Hegyr, ee nopa^aBmun. 2 ynoMMHaHMa o «gtHe» b ro^HocnaBaHCKMX pyKonucax TaK^e goBonbHo MacTbi, cp.: «Od dni, kada bi prijela človeka» (cpegu pe^nTOB U3 xopB. npMMopba, U3 pyKonucu XV b.) (Strohal 1910, s. 130), a TaK^e b: Kačanovskij, s. 153; no pyKonucu XVI b. CaBUHa MomcTbipa b ,^a^Ma^uu. 243 CroxeTuKa BocronHocnaBaHcKux 3aroBopoB b conocTaBuTenbHOM acneKTe Oco6oe BHMMaHMe ^TUM anoKpu^unecKuM MonuTBaM ygeneHo b pa6oTax M. M. CoKonoBa 1889 u 1895 rr. flBe ero 6onbmue cTaTbu 6binu nocBam;eHbi He Tonb-ko caMMM ^TUM MonuTBaM u napannenaM k hum, 3a^uKcupoBaHHbiM b nene6HuKax u no3gHux BocronHocnaBaHcKux 3aroBopax, ho npexge Bcero cbh3hm ^Tux MonuTB c HagnucaMu Ha rpenecKux u gpeBHecnaBaHcKux aMyneTax-3MeeBuKax — Bu3aHTuMcKux u gpeBHepyccKux Kpyrnbix nogBecKax-MeganbOHax (b ochobhom MeTannunecKux), co-BMem;arom;ux Ha o6eux cboux cTopoHax xpucTuaHcKue cuMBonbi u geMOHunecKuM o6pa3 c ucxogam;uMu ot Hero 3MeaMu (Tun Megy3H roproHbi), nuTyprunecKue BO33BaHua u MarunecKue 3aKnaTba. ^Tu MarunecKue 3aKnaTba Ha Bu3aHTuMcKux u gpeBHepyccKux aMyneTax (HanucaHHbie Bcerga no-rpenecKu) o6pam;eHbi k HeKoMy geMoHy (?6one3-hu), Ha3HBaeMoMy «'Yarepa» 'MaTKa; 6one3Hb MaTKu'. Hagnucb Ha ogHoM u3 Hau6onee gpeBHux 3MeeBuKoB (Ha TaK Ha3HBaeMOM nepHuroBcKoM rpuBHe XI b.) rnacuT: «'Yarepa ^.eXav-q, [MeXavw^evrj, ws elXveaai Kal (bs SpaKwv uvpl^eis Kal (bs Xewv ¡¡pvyaoi Kal (bs apviov kol^ov (KOi^eiaai)» [MaTu^ nepHaa, nonepHenaa, KaK 3MeM, th Bbembca, u, KaK gpaKoH, cBu^emb, u, KaK neB, panumb, u, KaK arHeHoK, cnumb (cnu)] ^ut. no: CoKonoB 1895, c. 135). Ha gpeBHepyccKux 3MeeBuKax cooTBeTcTByrom;ux gpeBHepyccKux (Herpe-necKux) 3aKnaTuM He 3a^uKcupoBaHo, ho tot ^aKT, nTo Ha oTgenbHHx gpeBHepyccKux 3MeeBuKax pagoM c u3o6paxeHueM geMoHunecKoro 3MeeBugHoro o6pa3a MoxeT 6biTb nponuTaHa Hagnucb flLHA (HepHe^B, HuKonaeBa 1991, cm. Ta6n. XV, c. 74-75), no3Bo-naeT uccnegoBaTenaM BugeTb b ^TOM 3MeeBugHOM KOM^O3u^uu u3o6paxeHue geMoHa 6one3Hu, Ha3HBaeMoro fl'LHA, u npunucHBaTb eMy Te cBoMcTBa u KanecTBa, KOTopae onucbiBaroTca b ^uTupoBaHHOM Bame 3aKnaTuu (BuTbca, KaK 3MeM, panaTb, KaK neB). OTgenbHbie motubh ^T0^0 rpenecKoro 3aKnaTua, KaK noKa3an M. CoKonoB, BcTpenaroTca u b gpeBHepyccKux anoKpu^unecKux MonuTBax ot fl^HH, nacTunHo noBToparoTca u b gpyrux gpeBHepyccKux anoKpu^unecKux MonuTBax, b nacTHocTu, b MonuTBax ot HexuTa u b CucuHueBOM MonuTBe, a TaKxe b tom unu uhom cTeneHu — b BocTonHocnaBaHcKux 3aroBopax 6onee no3gHero BpeMeHu. HaKOHe^ M. M. CoKonoB o6paTun BHuMaHue u Ha to, nTo rpenecKue 3aKnuHaHua, o6pam;eHHbie k ^r|tpa, T.e. k 'MaTKe unu nopa3uBmeMy ee Hegyry, 6nu3Kue rpenecKuM HagnucaM Ha 3MeeBuKax u gpeBHepyccKuM anoKpu^unecKuM MonuTBaM, cogepxaTca b eruneTcKux nanupycax III-IV bb.h^.B HacToam;uM MOMeHTHaM u3BecTHo eguHcTBeHHoe TaKoe rpenecKoe 3aKnuHaHue, ^po^uTupoBaHHoe M. M. CoKonoBHM u Bocnpou3BegeH-Hoe b aHrnuMcKOM nepeBoge b coBpeMeHHOM u3gaHuu rpenecKux TeKcTOB c eruneTcKux nanupycoB (The Greek Magical Papyri. PGM VII.260-271): «npoTuB BbicTynneHua Ma-tu^i. 3aKnuHaro Te6a, MaTu^y... BO3BpaTuTbca Ha MecTo u He yKnoHaTbca hu b npaByro nacTb pe6ep, hu b neByro nacTb pe6ep u He KycaTb b cepg^, KaK co6aKa, — ho BcraHb u ocTaBaMca Ha cboux Mecrax...» (CoKonoB 1895, c. 137; nepeBog M. M. CoKonoBa). B ^noM uccnegoBaHue CoKonoBa oxBaTuno 6onbmoM Kopnyc gpeBHepyccKux Ma-runecKux u 3aKnuHaTenbHbix TeKcTOB, a cgenaHHbie um BHBoga Kacanucb c6nuxeHua «ucTepa» u «g^HH» KaK 6one3HeM u BH3HBaroqux ux geMOHOB c gpyruMu geMOHaMu u HegyraMu, npexge Bcero c TaKuMu, KaK HexuT u runny. nocne M. M. CoKonoBa BHuMaHue k ^TUM MarunecKuM 3aKnuHaHuaM 6binu cBa-3aHo b ochobhom c u3yneHueM gpeBHepyccKux u Bu3aHTuMcKux 3MeeBuKOB u oKa3anocb b BegeHuu apxeonoroB u uctopukob ucKyccTBa 3. flna ^onbKnopucTuKu xe ^Ta TeMa 3 HuTepaTypy Bonpoca cm. b: HuKonaeBa, HepHe^0B 1991; nepecegoB 2004. 244 TambXHa A. A^anKUHa gonroe BpeMa ocTaBanacb HeaKTyanbHoM.EguHcTBeHHMM ucKnroneHMeM oKa3anacb,no-xanyn, noHBHBmascfl b 1998 r. cTaTba M3BecTHoro cep6cKoro yneHoro PageHKoBuna «fl'LHA — cTapoe cnaBAHcKoe Ha3BaHue 6one3HM», b KoTopon 6bina cgenaHa nonbiTKa paccMOTpeTb boctohho- m roxHocnaBHHCKMe 3aroBopHbie TeKcTH ot 6one3HM, Ha3HBa-eMon fl'LHA, b pagy cBegeHun, nonepnHyTbix npeuMym;ecTBeHHo M3 anoKpu^MHecKux MonuTB. B KoHTeKCTe ^TMX u paga gpyrux pa6oT ^nb Harnero uccnegoBaHua BuguTca b ToM, HTo6bI CocpegoToHMTb BHMMaHMe UMeHHo Ha BoCToHHoCnaBHHCKMX 3aroBopax, MX cxoxgeHuax c npegmecTByrom;eM pyKonucHon an0Kpu^MHecK0M TpagM^MeM, paBHo KaK u Ha mx oTnuHMHX ot nocnegHen. flna ^T0^0 HaM npegcTouT: 1) no bo3moxhoctm nonHo oxBaTMTb Becb Kopnyc B0cT0HH0cnaBHHcKMX 3aroBopoB ot 6one3Hen xeHCKux geTopogHHX opraHoB, a TaKxe XMBoTa u xenygKa; 2) npuBne^b conocTaBMTenbHMM roxHo- u 3anagHocnaBHHCKMM MaTepuan, HacKonbKo ^T0 B03M0XH0; 3) BbiABMTb Kopnyc ochobhmx motmbob m ^opMyn, xapaKTepHbix gna ^TMX 3aroBopoB; 4) cpaBHMTb ^TM motmbh c rpenecKMMM u gpeBHepyccKMMM 3aKnuHaHua ot «ucTepbi»-«gHbi», BbiABMTb mx nocToaHHHe motmbh m ^opMynbi u ycTaHoBMTb rpaHM^i cxoxgeHMM c boctohhoc-naBHHcKMMM 3aroBopaMM; 5) npocneguTb pa3BMTue B0cT0HH0cnaBHHcK0M 3aroBopHon TpagM^MM b Hacru, oTHocam;eMcfl k ^TMM 3aroBopaM, u onpegenuTb, b KaKon Mepe Boc-ToHHocnaBHHcKue 3aroBopH ot 3onoTHMKa o6a3aHH cbomm npoucxoxgeHueM rpene-ckmm m gpeBHepyccKMM 3aKnMHaHuaM ot «ucTepbi»-«gHbi». CrpeMacb oxBaTMTb MaTepuan b MaKcuManbHo nonHoM 06'beMe, mh 0T6upanu 3aroBopH, opueHTupyacb He Ha KnroneBoe cnoBo gpeBHecnaBAHcKMX anoKpu^MHecKux MonuTB (fl'LHA),KaK ^T0 cgenan PageHKoBMH,a Ha mx ^yH^uro,T.e. ynuTHBanu mupoKMM Kpyr B0cT0HH0cnaBHHcKMX 3aroBopoB ot 6one3Hen BHyTpeHHMX opraHoB,npexge Bcero xeHcKMX,a TaKxe xenygKa u XMBoTa Boo6m;e. BMecTe c TeM, mh, ecTecTBeHHo, o6pam;anu oco6oe BHMMaHMe Ha TepMMHH, pogcTBeHHHe TeM, hto MMenucb b rpenecKMX u gpeBHepyccKMX 3 aKnuHaHuax u MonuTBax. Ha^HeM c neKcuKM, onucHBarom;eM ^TM 6one3HM. B GrapocnaBHHcKoM cnoBape gna cnoBa «g^Ha» rpenecKue cooTBeTcTBua McKnroHaroTcfl,caMo cnoBo nepeBoguTca KaK «nogarpa»,a b KaHecTBeMnnrocTpa^MM npuBoguTca ^po^MTMpBoaHHHM HaMM ^parneHT CuHancKoro Tpe6HMKa XI b. no MaTepuanaM cnoBapa Cpe3HeBcKoro, b gpeBHepyccKoM cnoBo «g^Ha» MMeno 3HaneHMH: 1) MaTKa; 2) 6onb b XMBoTe; 3) nogarpa (Cpe3HeBcKun 1, c. 767). Ha6nrogeHua M. M.CoKonoBa, cgenaHHHM mm Ha ocHoBaHuu M3yHeHUH ano-Kpu^MHecKMX TeKcToB,rpenecKMX Hagnucen Ha 3MeeBMKax,peK0MeHga^MM nene6HMK0B u gpyrux MaTepuanoB, 6nu3KM cnoBapro Cpe3HeBcKoro. no CoKonoBy, fl'LHA — ^T0 1) MaTM^, MaTKa, qpeBo, xenygoK, T.e. HeKun BHyTpeHHun opraH; 2) 6one3Hb ^TMX opraHoB unu Boo6m;e Taxenaa BHyTpeHHaa 6one3Hb, a TaKxe 3) geM0HunecK0e cym;ecTB0, ^Ty 6one3Hb BH3HBarom;ee (CoKonoB 1895, c. 138). B B0cT0HH0cnaBHHcKMX 3aroBopax XIX-XX bb., a TaKxe b BocroHHocnaBflHcKMX guaneKTax onucaHHHe gpeBHepyccKMM cnoBoM fl'LHA opraHH nenoBenecKoro Tena u mx 6one3HM nonynunu HecKonbKo rpynn Ha3BaHun, pa3nuHarom;Mxcfl cBoen ceMaHTune-ck0m M0TMBa^MeH. — Bo-nepBHX, ^T0 ^TMMono^MHecKM cBH3aHHHe co cnoBoM fl^HA TepMMHH Tuna doHHUK, doHHU^ (PoMaHoB, c. 58-59, 6en.; Pa3yM0BcKaa, c. 263, 265, ncK0B.), búa, dnu^ (3opÍ, c. 117, BMHHM^), ÓHUW,e («30n0THMK, BblMgM M3 ^T0^0 gHM^a», ^p0^eHK0, N° 69, goHcK.) — 'MaTKa', 'onym;eHue MaTKu', 'onyxonb b o6nacTM XMBoTa'; 245 CroxeTuKa BocronHocnaBaHcKux 3aroBopoB b conocTaBuTenbHOM acneKTe — Bo-BTopHX, TepMUHH, npaMo yKa3biBarom;ue Ha MaTKy, Tuna MamKa, Mamorn-HUK, Mamuu,a (goHCK., 6en.), cp. TaKxe cep6. MamepuHa '6one3Hb', non. macica 'MaTKa; 6onb BHyTpeHHocTen; cna3M xenygKa', gp.-pyc. MampUKa 'MaTKa' (u3 nene6HUKa XVII b. — CoKonoB 1895, c. 139), rpen. ^-qrpa 'MaTKa, yTpo6a'; — B-TpeTbux,TepMUH 3onomHUK, 3onomHUw (6en.,ro.- u 3-pyc.,yKp.-nonec.), uMe-ro^MM oneHb mupoKun cneKTp 3HaneHun: MaTKa (CPHr); 3a6oneBaHua MaTKu nocne pogoB (CPHr; CnoB. Mar., c. 13); KumenHUK (CPHr), guapea, cna6ocTb KumenHUKa (E3 1898/5, c. 147); 6onb b xuB0Te (Co6onb 1893, c. 145); nynonHaa rpbixa (B0^aH0BCKUM 1895, c. 500); cpbiB xuB0Ta, pacTaxeHue, TpaBMa MHm^ 6promHon nonocTu, o6binHo ot Taxenon pa6oTbi unu nogHATua TaxecTu (npo^HKo, c. 98-99); — B-neTBepTbix, Ha yKpauHe mupoKo pacnpocTpaHeH TepMUH Bpa3/ypa3 'onym;e-Hue, CMem;eHue unu uHoe HenpaBunbHoe nonoxeHue MaTKu nocne pogoB' (^eKCuKa no-necba, c. 27); pexe — gpyrue Hegyru unu cpbiB BHyTpeHHux 0praH0B'. Oxnunue ^T0^0 TepMUHa ot Tpex Ha3BaHHHX BHme neKCunecKux rpynn coctout b tom, nxo TepMUH Bpa3 nam;e o6o3HanaeT co6cTBeHHo Hegyr, a He opraH nenoBeKa. 3HaneHua, npunucbiBaeMbie ^TUM TepMUHaM (öohhuk, MamKa, 3onomHUK, Bpa3), pacnpocTpaHaroTca nopon u Ha gpyrue, b ochobhom cuMnT0MaTunecKue u ^TUono^u-necKue Ha3BaHua HegyroB, conpoBoxgaeMHX cunbHHMu 6onaMu b xuB0Te: 3aBoû, 3a-BUHa, 3aBUHb^H, yB^po^, BepemHUHëK 'cna3Mbi u B3gyTue xuB0Ta; a^^eHgu^UT'; nopyxa '6onb b xuB0Te ot HaTyru unu npHXKa', BUTe6., 3.-pyc. paruszenie, nadpuy 'B03Mym;e-Hue 3onoTHUKa, K0T0pbin cpHBaeTca c MecTa u nepegBuraeTca no BceMy Teny, oco6eHHo no koctam u xuB0Ty; cnynaeTca ot pogoB, Taxenon pa6oTH u nogHaTua TaxecTen'; noÔHUMaK, nyduMaK'cpbiB xuB0Ta ot nogHATua TaxecTu' 4; 6a6uty, co(h)hmhu^ u gp. B HapogH0Megu^UHCK0M TepMUHonoruu mupoKo pa3BUTa cuhohumua, u n0T0My, KaK nacTo u 6HBaeT, pa3Hbie Ha3BaHua ogHon u Ton xe 6one3Hu MoryT cocym;ecTB0BaTb b paMKax ogHoro TeKCTa unu puTyana 3aroBopa. BuguMo, cuhohumua npuBoguT u k noaBneHue cocTaBHHX HauMeH0BaHun Tuna 3onommM,a-doHHuu,a, doHmnaK-3anamm-hok, 3onomHUHëK-BepemHUHëK, naôuMauKy-3anamHiuKy u gp. flo6aBUM, nT0, KaK gpeB-HepyccKue TeKCTH, TaK u coBpeMeHHbie 3aroBopbi MoryT 6biTb o6pam;eHbi HanpaMyro k 6onbH0My opraHy unu nacTu Tena: xuB0Ty, xenygKy, nyny u T.g., cp. b C0BpeMeHH0M 3aroBope: «nyn-nyn, hu maTucb, nyn, Ha MecTa cxaHaBucb» (HTKnO 2, c. 502, ncK0B.), c.-pyc. copBamb c nyna, copBamb nyn (flanb), unu b nene6HUKe U3 co6p. yHgonbCKoro: «xenyTne, neMy ma T0Mumb u pBemb, aKu neB^? cnu, ako Tene^^» (CoKonoB 1895, c. 137). MccnegoBaTenu yxe o6pam;anu BHUMaHue Ha to, nT0 Bce nepenucneHHbie Ha3Ba-Hua 0TH0CATCA k 6one3HAM He TonbKo xeHCKUM, ho u MyxcKUM. OgHaKo onupaacb Ha gpeBHepyccKue CBugeTenbCTBa oTHocuTenbHo 3HaneHun cnoBa fl'LHA, a TaKxe Ha Boc-TonHocnaBAHCKue 3aroBopbi XIX-XX bb., moxho c 6onbmon gonen yBepeHHocTu roBo-puTb o tom, nT0 gna Ha3BaHua 3onomHUK nepBunHHM ABnaeTca o6o3HaneHue uMeHHo xeHCKoro geTopogHoro opraHa u ero 6one3Hen, a BTopunHHMu — Ha3BaHua 6one3Hen xuBoTa u xenygKa. TaKUM 06pa30M, Ha gaHHbin M0MeHT mh MoxeM roBopuTb o Tpex BbiaBneHHbix cxoxgeHuax Mexgy rpenecKUMu u gpeBHepyccKUMu 3aKnuHaHuaMu ot «ucTepbi»- 4 nodnuMaK — Ha3BaHue 6one3Hu, aKxyanu3upyro^ee gBe npoTUBononoxHbie Be^u: c ogHon cxopoHH, cno-co6 neneHua (nogHUMaxb xubox npu ero ony^eHuu), c gpyron — npunuHy 6one3Hu — nogHaxue xaxecxu, u3-3a Koxopon npoucxogux ony^eHue BHyxpeHHux 0praH0B. 246 TambXHa A. A^anKUHa «g^HM», C OgHOM CTOpOHM, u BOCTOnHOCnaBHHCKuMu 3ar0B0paMM OT 3OnOTHuKa/Bpa3a — c gpyron. nepBoe — cxogcTBO ^yH^un ^Tux TeKCTOB, npegHa3HaneHHbix gna nene-hhh 6one3Hen MaTKu (a TaKme 6one3Hen muBOTa). BTopoe — nacTunHoe coBnageHue TepMuHonoruu ^T0^0 Hegyra (flLHA ~ óohhuk). M TpeTbe — to, nTO b o6omx cnynaax gna neneHua ucnonb3OBanucb 3aKnuHaTenbHbie TeKCTM. B gpyrux cnaBHHCKux H3biKax TepMuH +dna, KaK noKa3an PageHKOBufr, u3Be-CTeH B HeCKOnbKO MHMX 3HaneHuHX. KpaTKO o6o6^MM u3BeCTHbie HaM CBegeHMfl, OT-Hocam;uecfl k 3anaflHHM u k»hhm cnaBHHaM. Bo-nepBbix,TepMuHOM +dna u npou3BogHMMu ot Hero o6binHO Ha3biBaroT He MaT-Ky u ee 6one3Hu, a 6one3Hu Tuna apTpuTa unu nogarpbi, a TaKme caMbie pa3Hbie Heomu-gaHHO BO3HuKarom;ue Ha Tene nenoBeKa (Ha pyKax, Horax, ronoBe) HapocTM u onyxonu, cp. nem. u non. dna 'nogarpa' (cp.: BenbMe3OBa, No 119), 6onr. ótua, dawb (KnunoBe) (ko¿ü new,o mBpdo ce nadmne y p&Kama [Korga nTO-TO TBepgoe noflBnaeTCfl Ha pyKe] — To-gopoBa-nuproBa, c. 369, 428; PageHKOBufr 1998, c. 193). C ^TUM nocnegHuM 3HaneHueM 6onrapcKue gaHHMe o6^eguHaeT u BOCTonHOcep6cKoe CBugeTenbCTBO o tom, nTO daña O3HanaeT xpam;eBugHoe «3epHO», Haxogam;eecfl b nogrpygKe HeKOTopbix pbi6, KOTopoe «eH^uHH garoT geTHM ot nnana (PageHKOBufr 1998, c. 192). ^Tu cmmütomh b CBoro one-pegb pogHHT romHO- u 3anagHOcnaBHHCKue gaHHMe c BOCTOnHOcnaBflHCKuMu, othoch-^hmhch yme He k 3onomnuKy/Bpa3y, a k 6one3Hu ¿pu3t/¿puMa unu Kuna, O3Hanarom;ux TaKue me HapocTM u onyxonu, noHBnflrom;uecfl Ha pa3Hbix nacrax Tena. Ha3BaHue ¿prnt/ ¿puMa, 6onee Bcero xapaKTepHoe gna ^T0^0 Hegyra, no-BuguMOMy, cuMnTOMaTunecKu M0TuBup0BaH0 ocTpMMu 6onHMu,ero conpoBomgarom;uMu.BocTonHOcnaBflHCKuM Kop-nyc TeKCTOB, OTHOcam;uxcfl k ^TOM 6one3Hu, g0CTaT0nH0 o6^éMeH. Mm He nnaHupyeM paccMaTpuBaTb ero ^nuKOM, a numb orpaHunuMCH HeKOTopMMu MOTuBaMu, 6nu3KuMu TeM, nTO BCTpenaroTCH b 3aroBopax ot 3onoTHuKa/Bpa3a. O pogeTBeHHoeTu ¿prnu/¿pu-mu u 3onomnuKa/Bpa3a CBugeTenbCTByeT u tot ^aKT, nTO cep6cKoe cn0B0 ¿puMa O3Ha-naeT menygonHyro 6one3Hb; Bug gu3eHTepuu (PageHKOBufr, c. 194). Bo-btopmx, no MaTepuanaM PageHKOBuna, y cep6oB, MaKegoH^B u 6onrap, TaK me KaK u y 6onrap u 3anagHMx cnaBHH, u3BecTHM OTgenbHbie CBugeTenbCTBa o Hapog-hmx cnoco6ax neneHua od dany, od bne (KnunoBe) — 6one3Hu He coBceM hchom ^Tuo-noruu u cuMnTOMaTuKu u T.g. (TaM me, c. 192-193), ho TeM He MeHee g0B0nbH0 nacTO BCTpenaro^eMCH, c pa3BuTon cucTeMon HapogHbix cnoco6oB neneHua. OgHaKO o6m;uM gna ^Tux romHOcnaBHHCKux gaHHMx ABn^eTCH to, nTO 3a6oneBaHuH, o KOTopbix ugeT penb, nacTO CBH3aHbi c geTCKuM nnaneM: ^TO BbipamaeTCH b tom, nTO 6one3Hb, uMeHy-eMaa +dna, BO3HuKaeT KaK pe3ynbTaT geTCKoro nnana u KpuKa, Korga y pe6eHKa, no-BuguMOMy, BO3HuKaeT nynonHaa unu naxoBaa rpbima (Ko¿amo dememo ce nodyBa). ^TO gaeT 0CH0BaHue npuBnenb k paccMOTpeHuro TaKme u BOCTOnHOcnaBflHCKue 3aroBopM ot ^puMu (BO3HuKaro^en nacTO KaK pe3ynbTaT HaTymHoro KpuKa u nnana) — pa3yMeeTCH, He b nonHOM o6^eMe, a Bbi6oponHO, no Mepe Heo6xoguMOCTu. B-TpeTbux, uMeeT CMbicn o6paTuTb BHuMaHue u Ha HeKOTopbie 6one3Hu, uMero-m;ue y cnaBHH gpyrue Ha3BaHuH, ho cxogHyro cuMnTOMaTuKy, — 6onu b muBOTe u me-nygKe. TaK,y 6onrap ^nbin Kopnyc 3aroBopHbix TeKCOB u MarunecKux npaKTuK Ha3MBa-eTCH 3a nynaK,3apa3Bum n&n (TogopoBa-nuproBa, c. 403-405), cp. pyc. nynpa3Bmancn. ^TO 6one3Hu npeuMy^ecTBeHHO geTCKue, TaKme 3anacTyro CBH3aHHMe nu6o c guapeen, nu6o c HanpameHueM muBOTa KaK pe3ynbTaTOM cunbHoro u gonroro nnana u b uTore c Ton me rpbimen (cp. TaKme cxogcTBO cnoco6oB neneHuH ^TOH 6one3Hu c neneHueM 247 Cro^eTMKa BociOTHocnaBaHcKux 3aroBopoB b conocTaBUTenbHoM acneKTe rpbmu, HanpuMep, npaKTMKy cTaBMTb Ha nynoK HarpeTbin ropmoK). y nonaKoB M3-BecTeH TepMUH macica 'MaTKa; 6onb BHyTpeHHocTen; cna3M :«enygKa' (He6^eroBCKaa-BapTMMHCKaa 2005, c. 312), a TaK^e gocTaToHHo pegKue 3aroBopbi ot ^T0^0 Hegyra, cp. TaK^e ro^HocnaBHHcKMe TepMMHbi Tuna MamepuHa, 03Haqarom;Me HeKyro 6one3Hb 5. 3aroBopbi ot 3onoTHMKa/Bpa3a BcTpenaroTca y boctohhmx cnaBHH He noBceMecT-ho. Ohm M3BecTHH b ro^Ho- m 3anagHopyccKux, 6enopyccKux m yKpauHcKux o6nacrax, b to BpeMH KaK Ha 6onbmen nacTu Poccuu (b ceBepHoM u ^HTpanbHoM peruoHax) mx npaKTunecKu HeT. Ha HacToam;MM MoMeHT HaM M3BecTHo oKono 185 TeKcToB ot 3onoT-HMKa/Bpa3a u gp., gBe TpeTu KoTopbix npuxoguTca Ha Benopyccuro, a ogHa TpeTb — Ha yKpauHy, ro^Ho- u 3anagHopyccKue o6nacru. roBopa o cro^eTMKe 3aroBopoB ot 3onoTHMKa/Bpa3a, npuxoguTca npu3HaTb, hto ^TM 3aroBopbi He cnumKoM pa3Hoo6pa3HM. 3HanuTenbHoe MecTo b hmx 3aHMMaroT Boc-ToHHocnaBHHcKue nonu^yH^uoHanbHbie M0TMBbi,BX0gam;Me b TaK Ha3biBaeMbm yHu -BepcanbHbiM Tun nene6Hbix 3aroBopoB, cpegu KoTopbix: — motmb «mctohhmkm m npunuHbi Hegyra», b KoTopoM cpegu gpyrux o6m;epac-npocTpaHeHHHX npunuH 6one3Hu Ha3biBaroTca u c^e^M^MHecKMe MMeHHo gna 3onoT-HMKa: pogbi u nog^eM TH^ecTen, cp.: «3anamHuK, 3anamHuuKy... ^a^o mu cxad3uyca, W mu c xadu, ^u mu 3 edu, ^ mu 3 Mam^uHa^o nopaMd3eHHH» (n3, N 587, roMen.); <^u mu c Ma^bHoea napawdeHHX, 6a^bKoea naMurnneHHH» (n3, N 588, roMen.); <^u mu c xodu, ^ mu c edu, ^ mu c nydy, ^ mu c nad He My» (n3, N 589, roMen.); — motmb «Hegyry B036paHHeTca npunuHHTb Bpeg Teny HenoBeKa, MynuTb ero», K0T0pbiM TaK^e ucnbiTbiBaeT Ha ce6e BnuaHue ^yH^uu 3aroBopa (3onoTHMK KaK 6o-ne3Hb, npuHUHHro^aa 6onb BHyTpeHHMM opraHaM), cp.: «mym mo6i He nopomu, He ko-nomu, do cnuHU He npunadamu i nid ^pydu He nidnupamu» (CnoB.Mar., c. 64, ^uT0Mup.); «y uepecno He ynmau, y cnuHe He npunaday, nad cepd^ He nadnmay, y 6ok He ynaday» (n3, Na 589, roMen.); — motmbm otcmhkm Hegyra b ganeKue nycTMHHMe MecTa, Tyga, rge Hegyra ^geT nup u oTgbix. M3pegKa b 3aroBopax ot 3onoTHMKa/Bpa3a BcrpenaroTca TaK^e motmb pacno3Ha-BaHua Hegyra, ^opMynM HeB03M0^H0r0, TpagM^M0HHMe cpaBHMTenbHMe o6opoTM, motmb Mu^onorunecKoro ^HTpa u HeKoTopMe gpyrue nonu^yH^uoHanbHMe motmbm B0cT0HH0cnaBHHcK0r0 3aroBopHoro yHMBepcyMa. BMecTe c TeM, 06^eKT0M Hamero uccnegoBaHua cTaHeT ^aKTunecKu eguHcTBeH-HHH cro^eTHHM TMn B0cT0HH0cnaBHHcKMX 3ar0B0p0B, 0th0ch^mmch MMeHH0 K 30H0T-HMKy/Bpa3y, t.k. b Hero BxogaT npaKTunecKu Bce c^e^M^MHecKMe motmbm, cBH3aHHMe c ^TMMM Ha3BaHMHMu 6one3Hen (goHHMK/3onoTHUK/Bpa3 u gp.). npuBegeM b KanecTBe npuMepa HecKonbKo MaKcuManbHo nonHMX TeKcToB ^T0^0 cro^eTHoro Tuna: «Bpa3UKy, Miu 6pamuKy, npomy me6e pa3, npomy me6e dea, npomy me6e u mpu: ^o^o mu po3^HieaecH, W,o 3 Micup 3pymuecx? Idu co6i Ha MicmeuKo, Cmam y ceoe KpicneuKo, ffe me6e xpecmunu, de me6e iMeHyeanu, ffe me6e Eomum MupoM Mupoeanu. rodi mo6i xodumu, ^odi mo6i 6nydumu, rodi mo6i 6inyw Kicmt ^pu3mu, 5 O pa3Hoo6pa3Hbix m goBonbHo 6hm3kmx B0cT0MH0cnaB3HcKMM 6anTMMcKux (npe^ge Bcero naTbimcKux, a TaK^e hmtobckmx) napannenax k uccnegyeMbiM 3aroBopaM cm.: Cokohob 1895; 3aBbanoBa 2005. 248 TambXHa A. A^anKUHa HepBoHyw KpoB numu i cep^ coKpyuamu. Bxe mu HaxoduBcx, Bxe mu Ha6nyduB-cx... Iuna Boxa Mamu... Bpa3a Ha Mi^e nocmaHoBnxmu...» (yHM, c. 93, bo-nMH.); «Wna Mamepb Boxa 3onomuM MocmouKoM c 3onomow namepu^rn do p.B. u.p. 3onomHUK nonpaBnxmb, Ha Mecmo nocmaBnxmb. 3onomHuue, do6puû uenoBi-ue! CmaHb Ha Mecme, Ha 3onomoM Kpucne, ^de me6x Mamu nopoduna, Boxux Mamepb ocmaHoBuna. TaM me6e cmoxmb u He 6onemu, nopo¿u He 3acmynamb, KpoBu He numu, xenmoû Kocmu HenoMumb, xun He cyuiumb...» (MaxHuKOB 1893, c. 128, Emck); «3onomHuuKy-nonKoBHuuKy, Ha uëM mu ycxoduncx — mu Ha numbu, mu Ha ede, hu Ha cnaHHu, mu Ha ¿ynxHbu, mu Ha BaxKoM y3MeuaHbu. noKynb mu xoduB, 3a cepw cMoKmaB, nod ^pydu BopouaB, Bopoma 3aKnadaB, 6oKa nodnupaB, noKynb x me6x BnpauuBana, yzoBapuBana, Ha MecmeuKo ycmaHoBuna, caM Mcyc Xpucmoc, cxdb Ha 3onomoe KpecneuKo, a mu, 3onomHUK, Ha cBoë MecmeuKo ycmaHoBucx, ^de MaMKa nopoduna, ¿de 6a6Ka noxoduna, MecmeuKo yKa3ana u nynoK 3aBX3ana, maM me6e numbë u edeme, cMauHoeyxuBaHbe, Becënoe ¿ynxHbe. no xuBomy He xodumb, xuBoma He nyuumb, nod cep^ He nodBopauuBamb, Bopoma He 3acnoHxmb. npouy me6x, 3onomHUK, Ha Mecmo cmynamb, uacaMu, MUHymaMu U3 Mecma He cocmy-namb u emo¿o u.p. He omow,amb» (TaaMH., No 367, roMen.). PaccMOTpuM nocnegoBaTenbHO ocHOBHbie rpynnbi motubob, cocTaBnaromue uc-cnegyeMMM croxeTHMM Tun. Mm Bbigenunu neTbipe TaKue rpynnbi 6. 1. Oôhmk m 0C06eHH0CTM noBegeHMH. 06mhho 3aroBopM, npuHagnexam;ue uHTepecyrom;eMy Hac croxeTHOMy Tuny, HanuHaroTca c npaMoro o6pam;eHua k 3onoT-HuKy/Bpa3y. B BocTOHHocnaBHHcKux 3aroBopax u HapogHOMep^uHcKux BepoBaHuax u peKOMeHp^uax HeT onucaHua 3onomHUKa/Bpa3a KaK geMOHa 6one3Hu. Bce, hto mm MOxeM cKa3aTb o HeM, ocHOBaHO Ha aHanu3e ^onbKnopHbix (3aroBopHMx) motubob. TeM He MeHee, ynuTMBaa, hto ucropunecKu, cornacHO KOH^e^^uu M.M.CoKonoBa — PageHKOBuqa,3a o6pa3OM 3onoTHuKa/Bpa3a npocMaTpuBaeTca geMOHunecKun (3Meeno-Ao6hmm) o6pa3 «MuTpM»-«ucTepM»-«g^HM» rpenecKux u gpeBHepyccKux 3aKnuHaHun, caMO npegcTaBneHue o6 u3BecTHOM ypoBHe ^epcoHu^uKa^uu 6one3Hu b uccnegyeMbix 3aroBopax, KaK HaM KaxeTca, uMeeT npaBO Ha cym;ecTB0BaHue. la. ^uHHocTHaa xapaKTepucTuKa 3onoTHuKa/Bpa3a, ocHOBaHHaa Ha o6m;e^onb-KnopHMx npueMax ^epcoHu^uKa^uu, goBonbHO pa3H006pa3Ha. — 3onoTHuK/Bpa3 nonynaeT b 3aroBopax uMeHa co6cTBeHHMe «Bpa3e-ffeM'xHe, Bpa3e-PoMaHe!» (3opi, c. 101, buhhu^); «3onomHu^K, Boxuû ^noBe^K, äkumhuhok» (n3, No 595, roMen.); raBpunKa (PoMaHOB, c. 56, No 13, roMen.); — KaK cnegyeT u3 o6pam;eHun k HeMy, 3onoTHuK/Bpa3 HagenaeTca bmcokum co-^uanbHMM cTaTycoM (naH, BnagMKO, ypagHuK KHH3b, ^pb, nonKOBHuK): «3onomHUK, BxnuKuû naH» (PoMaHOB, c. 62, No 46, roMen.); «Bpa3e, Bpa3ouKy, npeMydpuû naHouKy» (3opi, c. 107, buhhu^); «3onomHuuKy, KpacHuû naHuuKy» (n3aM, No 58, KueB.); «mu, 3onomHuuKy, mu KpacHuû naHuuKy» (3opi c. 114, KueB.); «Tu, 3anamHiKy... mym ux6e MamKa pad3ina, XHa x ux6eyMaynxna, naHHaw Ha3uBana» (3aM., No 790, muhck.); «Bpa3-Bpa3uw,e, Boxe-noMoxuw^e» (3opi, c. 105, KupoBorpag.); «Bpa3ouKy... BnadouKy» (n3, No 600, poBeH.); «A mu nadrnMauKy, Boxu ypadmuKy» (3aM., No 789, muhck.); «Bpa3y, 6 ^Tu MeTMpe rpynnb motubob o6o3HaqeHbi b TeKcTe apaôcKuMu ^u^paMu; KOHKpeTHMe mgtubm b paMKax KaxgoM u3 rpynn — cooTBeTcTByro^eM ^u^poM u ôyKBOM naTuHcKoro an^aBuTa. 249 CroxeTuKa BocronHocnaBaHcKux 3aroBopoB b conocTaBuTenbHOM acneKTe nixi KHH3W» (n3aM, No 63, poBeH.); «3onomHÍHKy-nonKOBHÍHKy» (TaaMH., No 367, roMen.); «3onomHUK-3onomHuuoK, nomnonKOBHUHOK» (n3, No 313, roMen.); «3onomHUK, pyccKuü Wpb» (EapaHOB 1999, c. 737, pa3aH.); — 3aroBopM yKa3HBaroT Ha ero pogcTBeHHbie oTHomeHua c Hen0BeK0M — oh npuxoguTca mm ópaTOM unu gaxe om;oM: «Bpa3e-6pame» (CnoB.Mar., c. 65, xuTOMup.); «Bpa3UKy, míü 6pamuKy» (yHM, c. 93, BonbiH.); «3anamHÍHaHbKa-6pam» (TaaMH., No 340, roMen.); «Bpa3UHbKO, Myü 6am^HbKO» (n3, No 601, ópecT.); — b oópam;eHuax k HeMy ucnonb3yroTca yMMnocTMBMTenbHbie ^opMynbi: «3onom-HUKy-3onomHUHKy, do6puü HonoBÍHKy» (CnoB.Mar., c. 64, xuTOMup.); «Bpa3-Bpa3uw,e, do6puü HonoBÍHUw,e» (CnoB.Mar., c. 64, nepKac.); «3onomHuueHKy, 6omuü HonoBÍHeHbKy» (yHM, c. 93, xuTOMup.); «^opo^oü 3onomHUK» (ManKOB, No 50, HOBropog.). B3HTbie BMecTe, ^Tu motubh oTBenaroT TaKOMy pacnpocTpaHeHHOMy b ^onb-Knope aBneHuro, KaK npo3ononea, a KOHKpeTHo — ^epcoHu^uKa^ua, T.e. npegcTaB-neHue oó^eKTa b aHTp0n0M0p^H0M Buge 7. B 3aroBopax ot 3onoTHuKa/Bpa3a aKTUBHo ucnonb3yroTca He TonbKo TaKue H3HKOBHe cpegcTBa peanu3a^uu ^T0^0 aBneHua, KaK rnaronbi aKTUBHoro gencTBua (Tuna noüdu, B03bMU, BcmaHb u T.g.), cooTHocuMbie no ceMaHTUKe c ogymeBneHHbiMu cy^ecTBUTenbHHMu, ho npexge Bcero pa3Hooópa3Hbie npunoxeHua (b ^opMe nuHHoro uMeHu, TepMUHOB pogcTBa, HauMeHOBaHuñ TUTyna u C0^uanbH0^0 cTaTyca u gp.), onpegenarom;ue oó^eKT ^epcoHu^uKa^uu. 3aMeTuM, hto nepenucneHHHe motubh, ^opMupyrom;ue ^epcoHu^u^upoBaHHbIH oópa3 3onoTHu-Ka/Bpa3a, ^aKTunecKu aBnaroTca B0cT0HH0cnaBaHcK0H ^onbKnopHon H0Ba^ueñ, u He BcTpenaroTca hu b rpenecKux, hu b gpeBHepyccKux TeKcTax, Kacarom;uxca «ucTepbi»-«MuTpbi»-«g'bHbi». 1b. OgHoñ u3 BaxHHx ceMaHTunecKux xapaKTepucTuK 3onomHUKa¡Bpa3a aBnaeT-ca npu3HaK 3onomoü. npexge Bcero, b oópam;eHuax uMa-Ha3BaHue 3onomHUKHage-naeTca pagoM TaBTonorunecKux ^^uTeT0B (b ^opMe onpegeneHuñ u npunoxeHun), cp.: 3onomHUK 3onomucmuü; 3onomHuü-3onomHuue! (TaaMH., No 356, 357); 3onomuü 3onom-huhok, 3onomuü HOHOBeHOK (n3, No 582, roMen.); 3anamHÍK 3anamu, mBoü po^ 3anamu (3aM., No 788, BuTeó.). npu3HaK 3onomoü pacnpocTpaHaeTca TaKxe u Ha Te xe o p r a h h u nacTu Tena (MaTKy, nyn), KOTopbie uMeroT gpyrue Ha3BaHua: 3onomoü óohhuk (Po-MaHOB, c. 58, No 23, MoruneB.); doHHUK-doHwmeHKa, 3onomanMaKymeHKa (Pa3yMOBcKaa, c. 265), «.. ^eóe Ma^u Hapog3una, Ha 3onomoM Kpecne nocaguna, nod nynKOM, nod 3ono-muM Kny6KOM» (n3, No 595, roMen.) u T.g. KpoMe Toro, npu3HaKOM 3onomoü b 3aroBopax oTMenaroTca pa3Hooópa3Hbie npegMeTbi,uMerom;ue oTHomeHue k ogHouMeHHoñ 6one3-hu. B 3aroBopax ot 3onoTHuKa 3onomnMU Ha3HBaroTca: npexge Bcero u Hauóonee no-cnegoBaTenbHo — Kpecno, b KOTopoe ycaxuBaroT 3onoTHuK, yroBapuBaa ero nepecTaTb ópoguTb no Teny u HañTu ceóe MecTo, He MynuTb nenoBeKa («3anamHÍHOK, 3anamHÍHOK, Bomu HanaBeHaK, cmaHb Ha CBae Mecma y 3anamoe Kp^cna», 3aM., No 783); a TaKxe moct, no KOTopoMy ugeT 3onoTHuK (3aM., No 798); 3aMKu u Knronu, kotophmu 3aMHKa-roT 3onoTHuK (3aM., No 800, 801); Kuñ, kotophm nognupaeTca 3onoTHuK (3aM., No 813), u gpyrue npegMeTbi: «ffarn mo6u numu, üucmu, H0B0e Kpuc^^Ko, 3onomyw MucoHKy, cup^6p^Hyw noM^HKy, ^opo^^e CHudaHHuHKo, Hanuücn, Haüucn, da ü nud nynKOM cnamu nonoMuücH» (n3, No 601, ópecT.); «ManeHbKuü 30n0mHUH0K, y un6e m 3onomuü kob-naHOK — Ka^cn, Banucn, y CBoe Mecmo nocmaHOBUcn» (PoMaHOB, c. 62, No 47, roMen.). 7 06 3TOM ABneHuu b 3aroBopax cm. c^e^uanbHo: HepenaHOBa 1979. 250 TambXHa A. A^anKUHa no noBogy uMeH0BaHua MaTKu 30n0mHUK0M BbiCKa3aH0 HecKonbKo cyxgeHun. fl. A. BapaHoB CHUTaeT, hto npunucbiBaeMbin MaTKe npu3HaK 3onomoû o6ycnoBneH bh-cokum caKpanbHHM u co^uanbHbIM CTaTycoM «^HTpa», b gaHH0M cnynae — MaTKu: «neKceMa MamKa, — numeT fl. A. BapaHoB, — ceMaHTunecKu CBa3aHa c ugeen onopbi, ochobh, ucToHHUKa, geneHua. Bce ^TU 3HaneHua CBoguMbi k o6m;eMy 3HaMeHaTenro — k K0H^nTy ^HTpa, HenocpegcTBeHHo yqacTByrom;eMy b aKTe TBopeHua u o6nagarom;eMy Bbicmen ^HHocTbro. B ^T0M oTHomeHuu noKa3aTenbHo ycT0MHUB0e noMeieHue 3onoT-HUKa b 3aroBopHHX TeKCTax Ha 3onoToe Kpecno, KpbInb^o, 3onoTon KaMeHb, aBnaroiu-eca yHUBepcanbHHMu cuMBonaMu ^HTpa Mupa...» (BapaHoB 1999, c. 742). KpoMe Toro, BapaHoB yKa3HBaeT u Ha Tpagu^uoHHoe gna Mu^onorunecKux B033peHun BocnpuaTue 3onoTa KaK aTpu6yTa uHoro, «HuXHero», Mupa, hto, no ero MHeHuro, yBa3biBaeT Ha-3BaHue 3onomHUK c TepMUHaMu Tuna d&Ha, ôohhuk, 03Haqarom;uMu He^To, Haxogaiee-ca BHU3y. no MHeHuro xe B. A. ycneHCKoro, b uMeH0BaHuu MaTKu 30n0mHUK0M MoxeT CKa3HBaTbca ycT0MHUBaa gna Tpagu^uoHH0M KynbTypbi C00THeceHH0CTb nnogopogua u nnogoBUTocTu c 6oraTCTB0M (ycneHCKun 1982, c. 150-151), TaKxe b CBa3u c npuHag-nexHocTbro 3onoTa u 6oraTCTBa k «uH0My», HuXHeMy Mupy. He ocnapuBaa ^TUx cyxgeHun, BnonHe cnpaBegnuBbix, KaK HaM KaxeTca, TeM He MeHee 3aMeTUM, hto npu3HaK 3onomoû b 3aroBopax ot 3onomHUKa, paBHo KaK u caMo ^T0 Ha3BaHue xeHCKoro geTopogHoro opraHa u ero 6one3Hu, b KaKon-To Mepe MoxeT oTpaxaTb Tpagu^uro ^B^eMUCTUHecK0^0 HauMeH0BaHua aBneHun, npuHagnexaiux k c^epe TenecHoro HU3a 8 unu CBa3aHHbix c neM-T0 HenucTbiM, cp. pyc. Ha3BaHue acce-HU3aTopa 3onomapb, B0CT0HH0cnaBaHCKUM TepMUH 3onomyxa KaK Ha3BaHue KoxHoro 3a6oneBaHuaMu, conpoBoxgarom;eroca noaBneHueM xapaKTepHbix CTpynbeB u Cbinu, a TaKxe cnoBa 3onomymHan, 3onomHU^ KaK TunuHHbie gna 6enopyccKux 3aroBopoB ^^u-TeTH gpyrux koxhhx 6one3Hen, b nacTHocTu CKynbi (HapbiBa). npegnaraeMoe noHUMa-Hue TepMUHa 3onomHUK b CBoro onepegb TaKxe c6nuxaeT ^T0T TepMUH c Ha3BaHuaMu Tuna d&Ha ~ ôohhuk, BHyTpeHHaa ^opMa K0T0pbix o6pam;eHa k TeMe HU3a. 3aMeTUM, HT0 U ^T0T M0TUB (c00THeCeHH0CTb MaTKU C CeMaHTUHeCKUM npU3Ha-K0M 3onomoü) He 6bin u3BecTeH rpenecKUM u gpeBHecnaBaHCKUM TeKCTaM. le. BMecTe c TeM ogHa 0C06eHH0CTb BHemHero o6nuKa «MUTpbi»-«ucTepbi»-«g^HH»,u3BecTHaa no rpenecKUM u gpeBHepyccKUM 3aKnuHaHuaM,Bce-TaKu nonynuna b no3gHenmeH 3aroBopHon Tpagu^uu mupoKoe pa3BUTue. M M. M. CoKonoB, u T. Pa-geHK0BUH o6paianu BHUMaHue Ha to, hto, cyga no cpegHeBeK0BHM TeKCTaM, k nucny oTnuHUTenbHHx CB0MCTB rpenecKon «ucTepbi» u gpeBHepyccK0M «g^HH» oTHocunacb ux 3MeeBugH0CTb, 3MeeM0p^H0CTb. O6 ^T0M CBugeTenbCTByroT npexge Bcero onuca-Hua «ucTepbi» b rpenecKux 3aKnaTuax: «MaTu^ nepHaa, nonepHenaa, KaK 3 m en, TH Bbembca, u, KaK gpaK0H, CBuiiemb, u, KaK neB, pbinumb, u, KaK arHeH0K, cnumb (cnu)» ^ut. no: CoKonoB 1895, c. 135), a TaKxe o6pam;eHHbie k «gïHe» npegnucaHua «CBUTbca» u «CKpyTUTbca», cp. b caM0M gpeBHeM TeKCTe MonuTBH ot «gïHbi»: «.. .hï bï eguH0M(ï) (M)ecTe na3u cïBUBïmu ca» (Nahtigal 1942, s. 83-84). OneHb 6nu3Ka k ^T0My caM0My gpeBHeMy cnaBaHCK0My TeKCTy MonuTBa cepeguHH XIV b. U3 roxHocna-BaHCKoro Tpe6HUKa U3 npunena, nacTUHHo 0ny6nuK0BaHH0r0 T. KoBaneBuneM: «Mo-nuTBa ot gHoy nnoBeKoy. BnagHKo, rocnogu, Mcoyce XpucTe noMunoyu BbnuemTaro cerogHoro, axe uMaTb HoroTb 150, Hegeu nnoBeKy ceMoy naKocTUTu: hu poyKaMa, hu 8 O CBa3u yTpoÔH u nog3eMHoro Mupa cm.: BapaHoB, MagneBCKaa 1999, c. 115. 251 CroxeTHKa BocTOHHocnaBaHcKHX 3aroBopoB b conocTaBHTenbHOM acneKTe HoraMa, hh BceMoy Tenecu ero, Hb ne3H CBMBmM ce Ha CBOMb Mec(Te)» (Kovačevic 1878, s. 279) 9. B cnyxe6HHKe c Tpe6HHKOM (no pyK. XVII B. Co^hhckoh 6u6nuoTeKH N° 861) cogepxuTca cnegyrom;aa MonuTBa ot «g^HH» c TeM xe mothbom: «MonuTBa ot flbHbi. BnuBmyroca gbHy axe HMaT HoroT 168 He gen naKocTH HenoBeKoy ceMy uMapeK^ hh pyKaMa hh HoraMa hh BceMy Tenecu ero. ho hh3h cbubiehcm Ha eguHoM Me-cTe» (AnMa3OB 1900, c. 121-122; n. 202o6.). TaK xe h b pyccKoM pyKonucHoM Tpe6HHKe XV-XVI bb. roBopuTca: «Bnumuca (?) gHe axe HMart hototb 170. He geu naKocTH pa6y Boxuro HMapeK^. hh pyKaMa hh HoraMa. hh BceMy Teny ero, ho na3H cBHBmuc eneHe MecTe» (nop^upbeB 1891, c. 10). npuBegeM Hau6onee HHTepecHHe, Ha Ham B3rnag, npuMepbi H3 BocTOHHocnaBaH-ckhx 3aroBopoB, oTHacTH nogTBepxgarom;He npegcTaBneHHe o 3MeeMop^HocTH dr>Hu/ 3onomHUKa/Bpa3a/ôp., a TaKxe HeKOTopHX cMexHbix h 6nu3Kux HegyroB. B ^T0H cBa3H 3acnyxuBaeT BHHMaHua BcTpeHarom;eeca HHorga b 3aroBopax ot ^THX 6one3Hen HMa Muxauna ApxaHrena KaK 3Mee6op^. HanoMHHM, hto TaKoBa ero ponb b AnoKanun-cuce, rge Muxaun ApxaHren npegcTaeT no6eguTeneM gpaKoHa 10; b gpeBHecnaBaHcKon BpaneBanbHon MonuTBe an. naBna ot yKyca 3Men (rge, b HacTHocTH, paccKa3HBaeTca coh, b KoTopoM k naBny npuxoguT apxaHren Muxaun h gaeT eMy KHury, KoTopaa npu-gacT naBny h gpyruM cTpaxgym;HM cuny He 6oaTbca yKycoB 3Men), a TaKxe b boctoh-HocnaBaHcKux 3aroBopax ot yKyca 3Men,rge HMeHHo ^TOT cBaTon BHcTynaeT ochobhhm npoTHBHHKoM 3Men h 3am;uTHHKOM HenoBeKa. B HHTepecyro^eM Hac acneKTe ^TO HMa noaBnaeTca b ogHOM H3 onoHe^KHX 3aroBopoB ot rpHxu. B HeM k Muxauny ApxaHre-ny TpuxgH o6pam;aroTca c npocb6on nocnaTb cBoero Ko6ena, coKona h KOHa BHHyTb 29 rpbix (3aTonTaTb, BHpBaTb, 3anaxaTb, BHKycaTb h T.g.), a b 3aKnroHeHHH TaKaa xe npocb6a agpecyeTca h caMOMy cBaTOMy: «...CaMMuxaun Apxamen, ^po3HUû HeôecHuû BoeBoda, nodoÛMucb u Bum y p.B.u.p. Bce 29 ^puM... Mene30M Mene3HUM b 3eMnw Bom-khu, umo6u me 3nue-nuxue ^pUMu bo BeKu no^u6nu y p.B.u.p.» (Kype^ N° 173). Mothb npurBoxgeHua k 3eMne rpHxu «xene3OM xene3HHM» npaMo cooTHocuTca c hkoho-rpa^unecKHM o6pa3OM nopaxeHua KonbeM 3Mea/gpaKOHa. 06pa3 apxaHrena Muxauna npuMenaTeneH b TaKux 3aroBopax eqe h noTOMy,HTo H3o6paxeHue ^T0^0 cBaToro HMe-eTca Ha OgHOM H3 HKOHorpa^HHecKux BapuaHTOB nu^Bon cTopoHH 3MeeBHKOB (Hhko-naeBa, HepHe^0B 1991, c. 30). TeMa 3MeeBugHocTH Hegyra, nopaxarom;ero BHyTpeHHue opraHH HenoBeKa, ok-Ka3uoHanbHo npegcTaBneHa h b pegKOM pyccKOM 3aroBope ot rpHxu, rge 3Meen Ha-3HBaroT caMy rpbixy, npoHHKaromyro b HenoBeKa h Mynarom;yK> ero: «rpu3b^pu3u^, KpacHan deBu^, / rde mu xoduna, ^^e mu ^ynnna? / — M xoduna, n ^ynnna / no MxaM, no 6onomaM, / rpu3ana ^Hunue Konodu. / — Bpeuib, 3Meuw,a, Bpeuib, npoKnnman, / Tu He xoduna no MxaM, no 6onomaM, / Tu He ^pU3ana ^Hunue Konodu. / Tu xoduna no MonodëHcKoMy meny/Mapu3anaMonodëHcKoe meno./ OmcmaHb, 3Men, omcmaHb, npoKnnman...» (HTKnO 2, c. 7, ot rpHxu, ncKOB.). BnpoHeM, gaHHHH KOHKpeTHHH cnyHan He6e3ycnoBeH, h b ^T0M KOHTeKcTe cnoBo 3Men MoxeT 6HTb npocTo nenopaTHBOM. B BocTOHHocnaBaHcKux 3aroBopax npucyTcTByroT h 6onee KocBeHHHe gaHHHe, B HacTHOcTH, OTHOcHTenbHO cnOco6HOcTH 3OnOTHHKa/Bpa3a cBOpaHHBaTbca H cKpyHH- 9 O HeTHnuHHocTH 3Toro cnoBa gna roxHocnaBaHcKon khhxhocth roBopuT tot ^aKT, hto nyônuKaTop mo-nuTBH, He noHaB cnoBo «gHoy» h oTHoca «cerogHoro» k omuÔKe nepenucHHKa, npegnoxun b KaHecTBe ero «npaBunbHoro» HanucaHua «cero geMOHoro», nocHHTaB cnoBo «geMOHa» ^opMon xeH. p. cnoBa «geMOH». 10 «M npou3omna Ha He6e BOHHa: Muxaun h ÂHrenbi ero BoeBanu npoTHB gpaKOHa...» (OTKp 12:7). 252 TambXHa A. A^anKUHa BaTbca: «M3 KymóuKa y KymóuoK ucKauàûca y Kny6óuoK, y Kny6óuoK ucKauàûca u do nyna npueumâûcn» (n3, No 600, poBeH.), «Kpymica, eepmica, Ha eopozi cKpymica, od u.p. ouuenica» (n3aM, No 71, «uT0Mup.); a TaK«e — o ero oKpyrnon ^opMe (KoMoueK~Kny6o-uek) u cnoco6HocTu nepeKamueambcx/Kamumbcx: «3anaTHiH0K,3ana^HbKi Kny6onaK» (TaaMH., No 368, roMen.); «3anamHiuoK-naHiuoK, 3anamu KaMouaK» (3aM., No 823, bu-Te6.); «cmaHb y ZHX3d3euKa, 6yÔ3b, xk xeuKa» (3aM., No 793, BUTe6.); «x6nauKaM Ka^cx» (TaaMH., No 340, roMen.); «3onomo x6nouKo no Mueomy Kauanocx» (n3, No 586, roMen.); «Saeorn, M^HUcx (npoûdu. — T.A), ^^p^3 dopozy n^p^Komuecx u eodu Hanuecx» (n3, No 607, BonbiH.); «caôoeuM x6nouKoM noKa^cx, Ha Mueo^ ocmaHoeucx» (P0MaH0B, c. 59, No 27, MoruneB.); «euKa^cx ^apomuHKaw» (TaaMH., No 342, roMen.); «Komucx zopomu-Horn» (CnoB.Mar., c. 64, «uT0Mup.). Cpegu cep6cKux 3aroBopoB ot 6one3Hen HeacHon ^TUono^uu u cuMnT0MaTUKu, Ho uMerom;ux, TeM He MeHee, cxogHbie c B0cT0HH0cnaBaHcKUMu Ha3BaHua (daH, Mame-puHa), ^TUM 6one3HaM npunucbiBaeTca Ta «e 3MeeMop^HocTb, hto u 3onoTHUKy/Bpa3y, a TaK«e gpeBHepyccKon «gHe» u rpenecKon «ucTepe». Cp. cep6cKun 3aroBop «og gaHy» (?): «ffarn ôaHu^, ceujaj znaeu^ KaKo 3Muja pudoeKa — nod KaMeH» [flaHo, gaHu-cBen ronoBy, KaK 3Mea pugoBKa — nog KaMeHb] (PageHK0Bufr, No 452, boct. Cep6ua); «og MaTepuHe» (?): «CmaH', MamepuHa MajKo, u no 6ozy MajKo! Caeu ceoje mpaKo-ee, Ka' MajKa 6o^opo^u^a ceoje enacoee! M npuje 'ajde mu y mynmu 6ok, oH^e mu je ocmaeuo zocnoduH 6oz da ocmaeum ceoj 6on, da joj mena He Mpmeum, da joj mena He KuHum... Tu He ey^u ce Ka' 3MujypuHa, u He mmanaj Me Ka Ma6ypuHa...» (PageHK0Bufr, No 414, ,^anMa^ua, cp. b ^T0M TeKcTe conocTaBneHue «MaTKu» c «a6on, u3BecTHoe mupoKo 3a paMKaMu uccnegyeMbix TeKcT0B — u no BoTUBaM 11, u no ^noMy pagy Mu^onorunecKux cro«eT0B 12). BMecTe c TeM b uHTepecyrom;eM Hac Kopnyce TeKcT0B motub cBopanuBaHua/cBu-BaHua/cKpynuBaHua M0«eT oTHocuTbca He k MaTKe=3onoTHUKy, a npocTo k nyny (npo-u3Bogam;eMy BnenaraeHue Kny6Ka unu y3enKa) u nynoBUHe (3aBa3biBaeMon nocne po-goB). TaK, b nene6HUKe XVII b. U3 co6p. yHgonbcKoro (No 696; CoKonoB 1895, c. 137) co-gep«uTca onucaHue neneHua u npuBoguTca TeKcT 3aroBopa, HUTaeMoro b cnynae, «am;e y kobo gHa BnagyT b nagBeu, cupe nyn He BoccTaHeT», uHane roBopa, ecnu y nenoBeKa cnynanocb onym;eHue MaTKu BnnoTb go naxoBon o6nacTu (nagBeu — 6egpa, c^e^uanb-Ho — naxoBaa o6nacTb), unu ot Hanpa«eHua npoucxoguno onym;eHue BHyTpeHHux 0praH0B. Hto6m nocTaBUTb nyn («ubot, MaTKy) Ha MecTo, nuTanu cnegyrom;uM TeKcT, rge npegnucaHue «cBepHyTbca u o6BopoTUTbca» o6pam;eHo He k HeKoeMy Heu3BecTH0-My Hegyry(=?geM0Hy=0praHy), a k nyny: «.. .n0M03u MHe, Bocnogu, cocnaTu nyna cero Ha cBoe MecTo. yMonKHUTe a BepHuca, nyn, aKu menKoBt cKo6yneK^, ot cboux Bcex «un, cBepHuca, aKu bo nbHaHyro KygenKy, u o6BopoTuca, KaKt Macno, b o p o t u -c a ceMeHHoe b noconoH a MacnaHy roMynKy, b MacnaHoe cygHo, u TaKt cBepHuca, nyn, Ha cBoe MecTo, Ha nepBoe rHe3go, u He ucxog co cTapor cBoer Mecra u U3 rHe3ga HUKygb u go cMepTu y pa6a 6o«ua uMapeKt». M xoTa oTgenbHbie ^parneHTbi ^T0^0 TeKcTa HacTonbKo TeMHbi, HT0 He noggaroTca ageKBaTH0My noHUMaHuro, TeM He MeHee o6m;aa ero UHTeH^ua BbiHUTbiBaeTca y«e U3 nepe^Ha rnaronoB, b HeM ucnonb30BaH- 11 B CnoBeHuu, XopBaruu u Cep6uu «eH^uHbi npuHocunu b xpaM botubm b Buge «a6bi, u3o6pa«aBmeM MarKy, mto6m noKa3arb, 06 u^eneHuu KaKoro opraHa oHu npocar (Cfl 1, c. 443). 12 nogpoÓHee o conocraBneHuu MarKu c «a6on cm. b cr. fl.A.BapaH0Ba (1999), a raK«e: BapaHoB, MagneBcKaa 1999. 253 CroxeTuKa BOcTO^HOcnaBaHCKux 3aroBGpoB b conocTaBuTenbHGM acneKTe hhx: BepHucn~cBepHucn~o6Bopomucn~Bopomucn~ cBepHucn. OcHOBaHHHn Ha urpe 3Ha-HeHun ogHOKopeHHHX cnoB cBepHymbcn/BepHymbcn~Bopomumbcn, TeKCT Ha^neH Ha to,hto6h npuHyguTb «nyn» cBepHyTbca/cKpyTuTbca u BepHyTbca Ha cBoe MecTO. Mgea cBopanuBaHua/cKpynuBaHua noggepxuBaeTca b TeKCTe u Ha npegMeTHOM ypoBHe, cp. b ^TOM TeKCTe cnoBa, o6o3HaHarom;ue cKpyneHHbie, cKaTaHHHe unu KpyrnHe npegMeTH u cooTBeTCTByrom;ue BugH gBuxeHua: ^oMona 'kom, KaTHm'; noconoH 'gBuxeHue no Kpy-ry', nbHXHan KyôenbKa (cKpyneHHaa HuTb), uienKoB cKo6yneK > cKo6a 'He^TO corHyToe, a 6ygynu menKOBHM — u cBopanuBaeMoe' (no CoKonoBy — Kny6oneK), a TaKxe zm30o, cydHo ('nocyga'). B ^TOM KOHTeKCTe npuMenaTenbHO, hto b BOcTOHHOcnaBaHCKux 3aro-Bopax nyn uHorga Ha3HBaroT Kny6KoM: «..^e6e Ma^ Hapod3una, Ha 3onomoM Kpecne nocaduna, nod nynKoM, nod 3onomuM Kny6KoM» (n3, No 595, roMen.). y 6onrap, KaK mh yxe ynoMuHanu, u3BecTHH 3aroBopH, KoTopHe HuTaroTca 3a nynaK, 3a pa3Bum rnn, cp. pyc. nyn pa3BX3ancn 13. ^TO 6one3Hu npeuMym;ecTBeHH0 geT-cKue, conpoBOxgaeMbie cunbHHMu 6onaMu b xenygKe u xuB0Te,B cBoro onepegb cnpo-BO^upoBaHHHMU guapeen unu qpe3MepHHM HanpaxeHueM bo BpeMa nnana. B ^TOM cnynae nmanu 3aroBopH, hto6h «nyn 3aBunca» o6paTHo: «ropa ca pa3BuBa, naK Ha MBaHa nyna My ce 3aBuBa» [^ec pa3BuBaeTca, a nynoK y MBaHa 3aBuBaeTca] (C6Hy 1890/3, c. 147). B HeKOTopHX 3aroBopax BCTpenaroTca npaMbie yKa3aHua Ha «3MeuH0CTb» Hegyra, BH3biBarom;ero ^TU cumotomh, a TaKxe, ecTecTBeHHO, motubh cBuBaHua/3a-BuBaHua nyna: «Ha rnn Kon da 3a6ueM, 3Mun da ympeneM, Ha MapuHa rnn da 3aBueM» [flaBanTe b nyn Kon 3a6beM, 3Mero yrpo6uM, MapuHe nyn 3aBbeM] (TogopoBa-nuproBa, No 520); «K&Kmo cn Bunm MepaB'mu b Hu6emo, m^û da ca buü Ha MBaH rnna. K&Kmo ca Bunm nunnama nped MaÛKa cu, nped KBanKama, m&û da ca buü Ha MBaH rnn» [KaK BbroTca xypaBnu b He6e, TaK nycTb BbeTca nyn y MBaHa. KaK BbroTca ^innaTa BOKpyr MaTepu cBoen, BOKpyr Kypu^i, TaK nycTb BbeTca nyn y MBaHa] (TaM xe, No 521). B onucaHuax u TepMuHonoruu HegyroB, cBa3aHHHX c guc^yH^uen xenygKa u xuBOTa, motub cBopanuBaHua/cKpynuBaHua MOxeT cooTHOcuTbca c cuMnTOMaTuKon ^TUX 3a6oneBaHun, TOHHee c cunbHHMu 6onaMu b pa3HHX o6nacTax yTpo6bi, xapaK-Tepu3yeMHMu o6hhho KaK cKpynuBaHue/BUBopanuBaHue, cp. pyc. 3aBopom kuuok, MuBom/KuuKu Kpymum ^to 0C06eHH0 npuMenaTenbHO, ynuTHBaa ^opMy KumoK, «noggarom;uxca» cKpynuBaHuro/cBopanuBaHuro), Ko¿o-mo BUBopanuBaem/cKpymuno. no-BuguMOMy, uMeHHO ^T0T KOMnneKc cuMnTOMOB u ner b 0CH0By MHoronucneHHHX Ha3BaHun HegyroB, Bbipaxarom;uxca b cunbHHX BHyTpeHHux 6onax: 3aBoû, 3aBuHa, 3a-BUHb^x, yB^pod, BepemHunëK 'cna3MH u B3gyTue xuBOTa; a^^eHgu^UT'. 1d. npuBegeHHHe BHme npuMepH 3MeeBugH0CTu «ucTepH»-«giHH» KaK 6ygT0 6h coBnagaroT c ux nocnegoBaTenbHHMu cpaBHeHuaMu c xubothhmu, cogepxam;uMuca b rpenecKux u gpeBHecnaBaHCKux TeKCTax, cp.: «eÇopKÎÇœ ue[nqTpav... ^iqSè anoSiq^iqs els T-qv KapSîav œs Kvœv...» [3aKnuHaro Te6a, MaTU^y. He KycaTb b cepg^, KaK co6aKa...] (CoKonoB 1895, c. 137; rpenecKoe 3aKnuHaHue c eruneTCKux nanupycoB III-IV bb.); «MaTu^ nepHaa, nonepHenaa... KaK neB, pHHumb.» ^ut. no: CoKonoB 1895, c. 135, gpeBHepyccKun 3MeeBuK XII b.); «MonuTBa ot gHH. 3aKnuHaro Ta. hto pHKaemu aKO neBi, aKO Boni a^umu. aKO K03num;e B03birpaemuc...» (nop^upbeB 1891, c. 10; pyc. 13 Ha3BaHua 6oneBHX o^y^eHun b o6nacTu nyna (npou3BogHHe gt +Bumb) cpogHu pyc. guan. HauMeHOBa-Huro cycTaBHHX co^neHeHun (npegnneMba,3anacTba) saBembrnhaBumbrn,a ux n0BpexgeHuM,c0np0B0xga-eMHX cunbHon 6onbro, — pa3BuBaHueM (cp.: ecnupa3oBbemcxpyKa, m.e. 3a6onum cBX3KapynHoû Kucmu...) — ^ypaBneB 2005, c. 841. 254 TambXHa A. A^anKUHa pyKonMCHbiM TpeÓHMK XV-XVI bb.); «xenyT^e, neMy mh TOMumb u pBemb, aKu neB^?» (CoKonoB 1895, c. 137, neneÓHMK XVII b. m3 co6p. YHgonbcKoro). OgHaKo ^Ta nepTa npaKTMHecKM He Hamna pa3BuTun b no3gHen BocTOHHocnaBHHcKon Tpap^MM, cp. egBa nu He eguHCTBeHHoe ucKnroneHue b yKpauHcKOM 3aroBope ot Bpa3a: «He Konu, hk 6apan, HepeBu, hk 6y¿aü. Kono nyna mo6i cmonmu, He Konomu, HepeBÍmu... £k BÍn a6o KÍHb, b nny¿ 3anpmamu, hí 3aduuKu, hí xpunomu He Mamu» (3opi, c. 106, buhhu^). ^TOT, npnMo cKaxeM, He6oraTbiM MaTepuan gaeT ocHOBaHue gnn HeKOTopbix pa3-MbimneHUM, npaBga, He coBceM ^unonorunecKoro xapaKTepa. A uMeHHo: ecnu cyMMu-poBaTb ynoMuHaeMMe gencTBun xubothmx, to bmhchutch, hto ^Tu cpaBHeHun xapaK-Tepu3yroT He cTonbKo xubothmx, cKonbKo cuMnToMaTuKy onpegeneHHMx 6one3Hen. OgHa nacTb rnaronoB onucMBaeT 6oneBMe cMMnToMH BHyTpeHHux 6one3Hen (Kycamb, moMumt, pBamb, Konomb), a gpyran — 3ByKOBMe (puuamb, puKamb, peBemb, Bumb), TaKxe nacTo conpoBoxgarom;ue xenygoHHo-KumeHHbie paccTponcTBa, cp. pyc. MuBom ypnum, b MuBome 6ypnum, dyua c Bo¿om pa3¿oBapuBaem 'o6 oTpMxKe', 6onr. Ma6u mu K&epKam b cmoMaxa 'o6 ypnaHuu b xuBOTe' (cp. b cbh3u c o6pa3oM MaTKu-xa6bi). 1e. HaKOHe^ em;e oguH motub, othoch^umch k o6nuKy «ucTepM»/«g,BHM», — ^TO «BonocaTocTb» geMOHa-Hegyra, BMHuTMBaeMan KaK u3 MonuTB: «MonuTBa ot gHM. 3aKnuHaro th Botom^ «hbhmi HepBneHaa u nepHan. BnacM u Horra cBH3aHa ot 3 aH-ren^...» 14 (nop^upbeB 1891, c. 10; pyc. pyKonucHMn Tpe6HuK XV-XVI bb.), TaK u u3 u3o6paxeHun Ha aMyneTax-3MeeBuKax (Tun roproHM Megy3M — c BonocaMu-3MenMu BoKpyr nu^) 15. Cym;ecTByeT HeKOTopan (BnponeM, BecbMa Manan) BeponTHocTb Toro, hto ^TOT npu3HaK geMOHa 6one3Hu nepemen u Ha 3onoTHuK, cp. b 3aroBopax: «y¿apaBaw 3anamHÍHKa c po3HUMÍ BanacKaMÍ: i 3 pycuMÍ, i 3 nopHUMÍ, i 3 6enuMÍ» (3aM., N° 782, ro-Men.; xoth cKopee b ^TOM nepe^He nogpa3yMeBaroTcH nrogu c BonocaMu pa3Horo ^eTa, Hexenu co6cTBeHHo 3onoTHuK) unu «Iuoy 3anamHÍK na 3anamoMy Macmy; cnycKay cBae kocu na cupoü mpaBe» (3aM., N° 798, BuTe6.; BnonHe bo3moxho, ogHaKo, hto ^TOT TeKcT HaBeHH o6pa3OM gpyron 6one3Hu, a uMeHHo KonTyHa). 2. OyH^MOHanbHOCTb. flo cux nop pe^b mna o BHemHeM o6nuKe 3onoTHuKa/ Bpa3a u gpyrux ero nu^HocTHMX xapaKTepucTuKax. KaK ux npogonxeHue b 3aroBopax uHTpecyrom;ero Hac croxeTHoro Tuna noHBnnroTcH motubm, yKa3MBarom;ue Ha noBege-Hue/gencTBuH 3onoTHuKa/Bpa3a. ^Tu motubm, KaK npuHHTo b nuTepaType nocnegHux neT 16, mm 6ygeM Ha3MBaTb ^yH^uHMu geMOHa-Hegyra, noHuMan nog ^TUM cnoBOM gen-ctbuh u oco6eHHocTu noBegeHun Hegyra, npnMo HanpaBneHHMe Ha nenoBeKa (o6mhho BpegoHocHMe, ho ^OTeH^uanbHO TaKxe u 6narogeTenbHMe) unu no KpaMHen Mepe TeM unu uhmm o6pa3OM ero 3aTparuBarom;ue. 2a. B pa6oTax, nocBHm;eHHbix uccnegyeMMM TecTaM, He pa3 ynoMuHanocb o tom, hto rnaBHon oco6eHHocTbro noBegeHun 3onoTHuKa, HaHocnm;ero Bpeg nenoBeKy, HBnn-eTcn ero nogBM^HoeTb. Bo-nepBMx, ^TO HanpnMyro c^opMynupoBaHo b nene6HuKax XVII b., rge 6one3HeHHMe cmmütomh cBH3MBaroTcH He c caMon «gHon» KaK TaKOBOH, a co cnynaflMu ee gBuxeHun unu cMe^eHua: «Enen u3 ropKux Murganen nonb3yeT HeMo-neM xeHcKuM, y koux gHa gBuxeTcn»,«Am;eyxeHM gHa gBurHeTcn ukrpygeM 14 O ceMaHTuKe cBH3aHHMx Bonoc b oxpaHuTenbHüM Maruu cm.: HuKonaeBa, HepHe^OB 1991, c. 35-36. 15 O BonocaTocTu geMOHOB-6one3HeM b rpe^ecKux 3aKnuHaHuax ot gpyrux 6one3Heft cm.: CoKonoB 1895, c. 157. 16 O6 3tom cm. xoth 6m: BuHorpagoBa, ToncTaa 2000, c. 48; HeBKueBcKaa 1999, c. 254-255. 255 CK»eTMKa BocToqHocnaBaHcKMX 3aroBopoB b conocTaBMTenbHOM acneKTe nogongeTca...», «Am;e gHo b «eH^HHe flBH^eTca ot MecTa Ha MecTO...» u T.g. (CoKonoB 1895, c. 138); «Am;e b kom gHa xoguT...» (KoTKOBa 1991, c. 179). B0-BT0pbIX, ^TO cBoMcTBo — «...nogBM^HocTb „3OnOTHMKa", KOTOpblM MO»eT rynflTb, cagMTbca, xoguTb, no»MTbcfl» (BapaHOB 1999, c. 738), — np^Mo BbiHMTbiBaeTca M3 Boc-TOHHocnaBHHcKMX 3aroBopoB,rge k 3onomHUKy o6pam;aroTca c Tpe6oBaHueM/npocb6oM «He xoguTb», a TaK»e M3 ^pa3eonoruu, onucMB aromen »enygoHHo-KumeHHbie pac-cTpoHcTBa: pyc. KocTpoM. 3onomHUK xodum, pyc. MUBom pa3omencn 'o npo6neMax c km-meHHMKOM'. B caMux 3aroBopax motmb «gBM»eHMfl» 3onoTHMKa/Bpa3a,npuHMHflrom;ero Bpeg u 6onb nenoBeKy, mupoKo npegcTaBneH pagoM rnaronoB — Bopowumbcx, ÓBmambcx, cxo-dumb c Mecma, 6yHmoBamb, ópuKambcn, cKaKamb, xodumb, B3mpambcn, Ha6nydumbcn, HaxodumbCH ('MHoro xoguTb'), cuHOHMMMHecKu onucMBaro^ux ^T0 cocroflHue b ^opMe Bonpoca, Tpe6oBaHMH unu npegnucaHMH, cm. npuMepM: «w,o mym Bopymumcn» (3opi, c. 101, bmhhm^); «hu mu 3ñHKaBCH, hu mu nodBU-^aBCH» (3opi, c. 106, bmhhm^); «Ho^o mu cxoóubcx, Ho^o 3ÓyHmoBaBcm (yHM, c. 93, »MTOMup.); «w,o6 bíh He 6yHmyBaB, He 6pUKaB, He cKaKaB» (3opi, c. 103, KueB.); «mo6i no MUBomí He xodumu» (3opi, c. 104, bmhhm^; «BMe mu HaxoduBcx, BMe mu Ha6nyduBCH» (yHM, c. 93, BonMH.); «^o^o mu 3a6yBcx, 3 cBo^o Micma 3BanuBcn?» (3opi, c. 109, bmhhm^); «Ha^o m mu ycxaÓ3ÍycH, Ha^o m mu fouupaycm (TaHMH., N° 338, roMen.); «Ha^o mu ycxad3Íycx, Ha^o mu y36ymaBaycH» (TaHMH., N° 359, roMen.). noHMMaHue npupogbi 3onoTHMKa KaK nogBu^Horo opraHa xopomo c^opMynu-poBaHo y B.H. npo^HKo: «3onoTHMK b Ka»goM HenoBeKe, oh gaeT o ce6e 3HaTb, Korga nenoBeK copBan »mbot, unu ocTynunca, unu npbirayn oTKonb-To, unu npunogHan npo-tmb ce6a TH^enoe. M Kyga ^T0T 3onoTHMK nongeT: nog cepg^ — cMepTb, a b 6ok nongeT — Hory oTo6beT. TaKMM o6pa3OM, b HapogHon MegM^MHe 3onoTHMK — ^T0 oco6mh opraH, HageneHHMM co6cTBeHHon BoneM,no Ton unu mhom npunuHe noKugarom;MM cBoe MecTO b nenoBenecKOM opraHM3Me u TeM caMMM nogBeprarom;MM »M3Hb onacHocTu...» (npo^HKo, c. 98-99). 2b. ^Ta nogBu^HocTb opraHa npuBoguT k TOMy, hto «MMTpa»-«McTepa»-«gbHa»-«3onoTHMK/Bpa3» 3axBaTMBaeT cbomm nepegBu^eHueM 6onbmyro nacTb yTpo6bi ne-noBeKa, npwqMHflfl óoRb pa3HWM qacTAM Tena u BHyTpeHHMM opraHaM. y>Ke b rpe-necKOM 3aKnuHaHuu III-IV b. ot «MMTpM», comegmen co cBoero MecTa, Tpe6oBanu «p-qSé KÁidyvai els to Se£iov -nXep&v p¿pos, p-qSé els to apiurepov -nXevp&v p¿pos, p-qSé anoSiq^Tqs els T-qv KapSíav bs kvmv...» [He yKnoHHTbcH hm b npaByro nacTb pe6ep, hm b neByro nacTb pe6ep u He KycaTb b cepg^, KaK co6aKa ...] (CoKonoB 1895, c. 137). no3>e, y>e b gpeBHepyccKux TeKcTax, npoHBunocb aHanoruHHoe noHMMaHue ^T0^0 Hegyra KaK cBoero poga «MHoropyKoro» geMOHa, cnoco6Horo 0gH0BpeMeHH0 npoHMKaTb b pa3HMe nacTM u opraHM nenoBenecKoro Tena u npuHMHHTb mm 6onb, cp. b anoKpu^MHecKOM mo-nuTBe: «^ho nroTa 6o ecu npenioTa. npocTepTa ecu no bch oygbi qenoBeKaa. npoKnHTa ecu. u TpeKnHTa ecu» (nop^upbeB 1891, c. 10; pyc. pyKonucHMM Tpe6HMK XV-XVI bb.) unu >e b TaKOM onucaHuu «g^HM»: «^Ha aKM MonHMMHOMy nogo6cTBy nogo6am;Mcfl cKopocTb MMeeTb u Bb Bce BXoguT u rope, u gony, u b >unM, u nneHbi, u b koctm. e >e Ta gHa aKM Boga TOHKa u 3na^Ha» (CoKonoB 1895, c. 147, pyc. pyKonucb XV b.). B ^enoM TaKoe noHMMaHue «MexaHM3Ma gencTBMH» ^T0^0 geMOHa oTBenaeT anoKpu^unecKOMy onucaHuro «gbHM», MMero^en 130, 150 unu 256 TambXHa A. A^anKUHa 170 Horren, KaxgHn M3 kotophx, KaK gonycTMMo npegnonoxuTb, aBnaeTca mctohhm-kom 6ohm. ^TOT motmb nonyHun caMoe mupoKoe pa3BMTue b Kopnyce BocToHHocnaBaHcKux 3aroBopoB ot 3onoTHMKa/Bpa3a. KaK u b npuBegeHHoM BHme rpeHecKoM 3aroBope, motmb ^TOT o6pen ^opMy npegynpexgeHua/3anpeTa,agpecyeMoro 3onoTHMKy/Bpa3y: «He genan Toro-To / Te6e He genaTb Toro-To». Cpegu HacTen Tena u opraHoB, Ha KoTopbie pacnpocTpaHaeTca Bpeg, npuHMHaeMHn 3onoTHMKoM/Bpa3oM, 3aroBop Ham;e Bcero Ha-3HBaeT rpygb, 6oKa, cepg^, cnuHy, KpecTe^ (^oacHM^y, yKp. KpuMÍ), hto b ^hom onu-cHBaeT cuMnToMaTMKy pa3Hoo6pa3HHx 6one3Hen BHyTpeHHux opraHoB, cp.: «He nopomu mo6í na KUWKax, b KpuM He Bnadamu, cnuny He py6amu, BÍKHa 17 He 3acmynamu» (3opi, c. 107, bmhhm^); «b KpÍMÍ He Bnadamu í nyd cep^ He nyd-Bepmamu» (3opi, c. 114, KueB.); «do cepu^ He mopKamu í do cnuHu He Bpaw,amu» (CnoB.Mar., c. 63, xuToMup.); «mym mo6í He nopomu, He Konomu, do cnuHu He npunadamu í níd ^pydu He nídnupamu» (CnoB.Mar., c. 64, xuToMup.); «y MuBomí He 6ypuamb» (CnoB.Mar., c. 65, xuToMup.); «no MUBomu He xodumu, cepu^ Mo^o He cyrnumu» (ManuHKa, N° 30, KueB.); «nopo^ÍB (noporaMu Ha3HBaroTca y xeHm;uH HeKoTopbie koctm. — npuMeu. co6up.) He 3acmynamu, KpuMa He nynamu, ^onoBU He nanumu, cepu^ He nyóumu» (KoponeHKo, c. 277, HepHoMop.); «He xodu no mu-Bomy» (npo^HKo, N° 75, goHcK.). C ^TMMM onucaHMAMu oTHacTu conocTaBMM u pegKun nonbcKun 3aroBop ot 6o-ne3Hu MaTKu u cna3MoB xenygKa, rge gencTBue Hegyra cpaBHMBaeTca c nyHaMM, pac-xogam;uMuca b pa3HHe cTopoHH nogo6Ho 3MeeBugHHM BonocaM roproHH Megy3H Ha 3MeeBMKax-aMyneTax: «Macíco! Czemu síg przecíwíia Ipromíeníe rozpuscíia — cerwone, zíelone, bíoie I biawe» [MaTM^! HeMy conpoTMBnanacb u nyHM pacnycTuna — KpacHHe, 3eneHHe, 6enHe u rony6bie] (Kotula 1976, s. 251). TaKoe aKTMBHoe pa3BMTMe MoTMBa aBnaeTca, KaK HaM KaxeTca, cnegcTBueM Tpa-gM^M0HH0n gna 3aroBopa TeHgeH^MM k Tm;aTenbHon pa3pa6oTKe cuMnToMaTMHecKon cocTaBnarom;en Ton unu mhom 6one3HM (Hapagy c gpyruMM KoMnoHeHTaMM 3aroBopHoro puTyana u TeKcTa, TaKMMM KaK npuHMHH u mctohhmkm Hegyra, HacTM Tena, M3 kotophx Hegyr M3roHaeTca,u T.g.),gocraToHHo tohho oTpaxarom;en u onucHBarom;en oco6eHHo-ctm Kaxgon KoHKpeTHon 6one3HM (BcnoMHMM, HanpuMep, ^eToBHe ^^MTeTH koxhhx 6one3Hen, yKa3HBarom;Me Ha ux xapaKTepHHe npoaBneHua). M3pegKa Bpeg, npuHMHaeMHn 3ohothmkom, pacnpocTpaHaeTca Ha KoHeHHocTM: «Th x Konem y Haxb^H, th x Konem y pyHH^i» (3aM., N° 808, mmhck.), hto, BnpoHeM, HaxoguT ycToMHMByro napannenb b anoKpu^unecKMx MonuTBax: «MonuTBa ot gHoy nnoBeKoy... Hegeu HnoBeKy ceMoy naKocTMTu: hm poyKaMa, hm HoraMa, hm BceMoy Tenecu ero» (Kovacevic 1878, s. 279); «MonuTBa ot gbHH. BnuBmyroca gbHy axe MMaTHoroT 168 He gen naKocTM HenoBeKoy ceMy HMapeKi hm pyKaMa hm HoraMa hm BceMy Tenecu ero.» (AnMa3oB 1900, c. 121-122; Cnyxe6HMK c Tpe6-hmkom, no pyK. XVII b. Co^mmckom 6u6nuoTeKM N° 861, n. 202o6.) u gp. 3HanuTenbHaa nacTb BocToHHocnaBaHcKux 3aroBopoB ot 3onoTHMKa/Bpa3a cbm-geTenbcTByeT o tom, hto peanbHHM o6^eKToM ux Bo3gencTBua 6Hna MMeHHo MaTKa, a HegyroM, ot KoToporo neHunucb c noMoqtB ^TMx 3aroBopoB, — onym;eHue MaTKM. 17 Bepoarao, bíkho b gaHHOM cny^ae 03Ha^aeT n0H0 mhm pogoBbie nyTU, cp. pyc. oóbraaM bo BpeMa pogoB ot-KpMBaTb b goMe He to7ibko gBepu, ho u oKHa (Ma3anoBa 1999, c. 106). 257 CromeTuKa B0cT0MH0cnaBaHcKux 3aroBopoB b c0n0cTaBuTenbH0M acneKTe B nonb3y TaKoro cymgeHua roBopaT He0gH0KpaTH0 BcTpeqaromueca b 3aroBopax u 06-pam;eHHMe k 3onoTHuKy/Bpa3y npegnucaHua «He onycKaTbca bhu3». flna o6o3HaMeHua ^T0^0 TenecHoro «Hu3a» meHcKoro opraHu3Ma 3aroBop ucnonb3yeT mupoKun pag aHa-ToMunecKux cuhohumob: upeBo, upecno, hoho, hu3, ôho, ndpo u ux npou3BogHMx, 060-3Hanaro^ux b tom Mucne u meHcKun geTopogHMM opraH, cp. Tpe6oBaHue «He onycKaTbca bhu3» b nepeMHe gpyrux npegnucaHun, agpecyeMMx 3onoTHuKy/Bpa3y: «nid ^py^u He nidnupamu, 6okîb He 3aKnadamu, e uepeeo He e'Ï3Mamu» (CnoB.Mar., c. 64, muT0Mup.); «na c^p^u He Kaneub^b... 6aKoB He 3aKnada^, y uapocna He yxM^Ma^b» (TaaMH., N° 257, roMen.; cp. to me: n3, N° 595); «y nepecno He ynK^aü, y cnuHe He npunaday, nad cepd^ He nadnmay, y 6ok He ynaday» (n3, N° 589, roMen.); «B nepëcna He ene3aü, 6okob He 3aKnadaû, nod ^pyd3u He nodnupaû, nod cepd^ He nodKnadaû» (n3, N° 593, roMen.); «nid ^pydbMu He nidBepmamu, i ^pu3b6ow He ^pu3mu, i e HU3 He ecmynamu, i b bîkho He 3a^nHdamu» (3opi, c. 104, buhhu^; «nyd ^pydi He nad6ÎBaû, y 6okî He yBapauaû, Ha HÍ3 He ccxdaü» (n3aM, N° 70, roMen.); «nad ^pyd3i He nadnipaû, 6aKoy He pacnipaû, Ha HÍ3 He anadaü» (TaaMH., N° 358, roMen.); «umo6u y p.E.u.p.... He 6oneno u He weMuno, bhu3 He cny^anocb u He oKaMeHeno» (MaMK0B, N° 50, HoBropog.); «emoMy doHHuKy y óbiHU 18 He y cmyna^b, nom 6oku He nomnupa^ u cep^ He Hyd3u^» (P0MaH0B, N° 23, c. 58); «y moho He yna-^a^b, y 6oKa He nodnupa^, nod ^pyd3b He nodBopoua^, Ha œp^ He Hanma^» (n3, N° 580, roMen.); «nyd ^pydu He nydnipami, do cnÎHu He npinadami, y 6oKy He nydnipami, y x^ep^x He ynadami» (n3aM, N° 61, muT0Mup.). 3. noBegeHue qenoBeKa no oTHomeHMM k Hegyry-geMoHy. nocKonbKy, KaK mm TonbKo mto noKa3anu, nogBumHocTb 3onoTHuKa/Bpa3a pac^HuBaeTca KaK rnaBHaa npuquHa gocTaBnaeMon um 6onu, to ochobhom npamaTunecKon MHTeH^MeM 3aroBo-poB 0T 3onoTHuKa/Bpa3a 0Ka3MBaeTca agpecoBaHHoe eMy Tpe6oBaHue/npegnucaHue 0cTaH0BuTbca, BepHyTbca Ha MecTo, T.e. b 6onee o6m;eM cMMcne — Bo3spa^eHue opraHa b nono*eHHoe eMy Mecio u ygep^aHue TaM. ^T0 npegnucaHue, BMpameHHoe npemge Bcero rnaronaMu, uMeroqHMu 3HaMeHue 'cToaTb'u '0cTaH0BuTbca' (Bcmamb, cmamb, cmonmb, ocmamBumbcn, cmaBumb, ocmaHaBnuBamb, BcmaBnnmb u gp.), pogHuT 3aroBopM ot 3onoTHuKa/Bpa3a c orpoMHMM KopnycoM TeKcT0B Ha ocTa-HoBneHue KpoBu, cp. ucnonb30BaHue nepequcneHHMx rnaronoB b KaMecTBe HapogHo-MegM^MHCKMX TepMuHoB: Ha Mecmo 3onomHuKa nocmaBnnmb (MamHuKoB 1893, c. 128, Emck); 3onomHuKa Ha Mecmo cmamBnn^ (n3, N° 593, roMen.); nocmaHoBumu mubo-ma Ha muc^i (n3, N° 602, 6pecT.); BcmaBnHmu/BcmaHoBnnmu ~ BcmaHoBumu Bpa3/3o-nomHuK, Bpa3 nocmamBnnmu (yHM, c. 93, BonMH.), 3anamHÎKa acmaHaynnw (3aM., N° 813). KpoMe hux, ^aKTunecKu b Tex me 3HaMeHuax ynoTpe6naroTca u gpyrue TepMu- HM: — +nocunamb: nocunamu Bpa3 Ha Mi^e, nocunamu Bpa3 nod nyn; — +6pamb, nod6upamb: Bpa3 nod6ipamu (n3, N° 600, poBeH.; 3opi, c. 105; Ka6aK0-Ba 2001, c. 75), MuBoma Bu6upamb (Co6onb 1893, c. 145, Ky6aH.); 18 KaK oTMeMaeT A. O. ®ypaBneB, TaKue 3HaMeHua xapaKTepHM gna ceMaHTuKu cnaB. +dno u ero npou3Bo-gHMx, cp. H.-nym. deno 'ny3o; 6proxo; menygoK (y cK0Ta', Mem. guan. dena 'menygoK cBuHbu', non. guan. dyno '6proxo muB0THoro', onoHe^ dHuwe npaMaa KumKa, MaTKa' u gp. (®ypaBneB 2005, c. 868). 258 TambXHa A. A^anKUHa — +nodmmuBamb nodHUMamb: Bpa3 nidmmamu (3opi, c. 106); Bpa3a do nyna nid-mmamu (3opi, c. 106, buhhu^); MUBoma nodHamu (n3, N° 605, bohmh.); 3onomHUK nodHamb; — a TaK^e: 3onomHUK nonpaBnamb, 3onomHUKa HanpaBimu (Ka6aKoBa 2001, c. 75), 3onomHUKa o6epmamU, 3onomHiKa 3HiMamU (n3aM, N° 61, ^uToMup.) u gp. KaK BugHo u3 npuBegeHHHx npuMepoB, b ochobhom ^T0 gencTBuH He cumbohu-HecKue, a Ham;e npaKTunecKue, 0TH0cHm;uecH k o6nacTu HapogHon Megu^uHM (b tom Hucne nocnepogoBon), b KoTopon mupoKoe pacnpocTpaHeHue nonyHunu npueMH cTa-BuTb/nogHuMaTb/BnpaBHHTb/nocbinaTb ^ubot Ha MecTo 19. B onucaHuHx, conyTcTBy-rom;ux ^y6nuKa^uHM 3aroBopoB ot 3onoTHuKa/Bpa3a, HeogHoKpaTHo yKa3HBanocb Ha to, hto HTeHue 3aroBopa Hag 6onbHHM conpoBo^ganocb norna^uBaHueM ^uBoTa no HacoBon cTpenKe unu cHu3y BBepx, nerKuM nogaBnuBaHueM ^uBoTa b o6nacTu nynKa u T.g. no^anyn, HuKaKon gpyron Hegyr (3a ucKnroneHueM, Mo^eT 6biTb, TonbKo BHBuxa) He ^p0B0^up0Ban b HapogHon Megu^uHe boctohhmx cnaBHH cTonb aKTuBHoro ^u3une-cKoro KoHTaKTa 6onbHoro c pyKaMu 3HaxapH. 3a. KnroneBHM gnH 3aroBopoB HBnHeTcH agpecoBaHHbin 3onoTHuKy/Bpa3y 3anpeT gBuraTbcH, TporaTbcH c MecTa, BHpa^eHHHM o6mhho b ^opMe npegnwcaHMA cTaTb/ ocTaHOBMTbca Ha CBoeM MecTe / B03BpaTMTbca Ha CBoe MecTo. ^T0 npegnucaHue, o6i-eguHHrom;ee gBe ceMH — «cToHTb» u «cBoe MecTo», He TonbKo b oHepegHon pa3 yKa3HBa-eT Ha nogBu^HocTb 3onoTHuKa KaK ocHoBHyro npunuHy 6one3Hu, ho u aKTyanu3upyeT cTonb HeManoBa^Hbin acneKT noHuMaHuH ^Tuono^uu ^T0^0 Hegyra, KaK to, hto 3onoT-huk Ha caM0M gene HBnHeTcH He cTonbKo 6one3Hbro KaK TaK0B0n, cKonbKo 6onbHHM (noBpe^geHHHM) BHyTpeHHuM opraHoM, no oTHomeHuro k KoTopoMy MHorue Marune-cKue cnoco6b neneHuH (npe^ge Bcero cuMBonunecKoe u3rHaHue) npocTo HenpuMeHu-mh. Motub ycTaHoBneHuH «giHbi» Ha «cBoeM MecTe» BnepBbie BcTpenaeTcH, Ka^eTcH, b nene6HuKax XVII b., rge coo6m;aeTcH, hto nocne npuMeHeHuH HeKoTopbix nene6HHx cpegcTB (ecnu y ^eH^uH «gHa gBu^eTcH») «gHa cTaHeT Ha cBoeM cyqecTBeH-hom MecTe», «MaTpuKa cTaHeT bo cBoeM MecTe» (Cokohob 1895, c. 138). B 3aroBopax ^e caMHn npocron cnynan — ^T0 npHMoe agpecoBaHHoe 3onoTHu-Ky/Bpa3y npegnucaHue nocTynuTb Tpe6yeMHM 06pa30M: «uyKau CBamo Mec^HKa 3 MaKaBa 3epHemKa, d3e up6e Maty napad3ina» (3aM., N° 795, roMen.); «...omutyu, pa3utyu cBoe bopozoe Mecmo. BcmaHb Ha Hezo...» (flo-6poBonbcKaH 2001, c. 98, BnaguMup.); «BepHi ca, Ha Me^a cmaHb» (3aM., N° 787, roMen.); «Bpa3-Bpa3uw,e... cmaHb co6i aK Bpa3, cmaHb co6i Ha MicmeHKy, Ha 3ene-hom npUcmonoHKy...» (3opi, c. 105, KupoBorpag.); «ffHa u dHUty i Bci cboi cecmputy, 3-nid noMeHKU Bcmynimbca, Ha cBoe Mi^e cmaHoBimbca... w,o6 mo6i 6yno nezKo b MUBomi» (3opi, c. 117); «mU... y U.p. MiBome Ha cbouom Mec^HKe ocmaBauca» (n3aM, N° 67, roMen.); «Kp^nac^w yKpanica, Ha cBoe Mecma acmaHaBica» (TaHMH., N° 366, roMen.); «cmaHb mu y pod3UMoM Mecb^» (PoMaHoB, c. 60, N° 38, roMen.). O KaKoM ^e Mecme ugeT peHb b 3aroBopax ot 3onoTHuKa/Bpa3a? KoHeHHo, caM 3aroBop Ha ^T0T Bonpoc He oTBenaeT: Mecmo npocTo Ha3HBaeTcH cboum, b eguHuHHbix cnynaHx — poduMUM, dopozuM. TeM He MeHee egBa nu nog ^TUM chobom b 3aroBopax uMeeTcH b Bugy TonbKo'nacTb npocrpaHcTBa, npegHa3HaneHHaH gnH Hero- unu Koro-n.'. 19 TaK, 06HKH0BeHue npaBumb MUBom npaKTuKoBanocb He TonbKo b nocnepogoBon nepuog, ho u no oTHomeHuro k 6epeMeHHHM ^eH^uHaM «c ^nbro yno^uTb pe6eHKa Ha MecTo, ecnu oh cgBuHyncH ot TH^enoft pa6o-th» (C6. MaTepuanoB gnH onucaHuH MecTHocTen u nneMeH KaBKa3a. Tucjwiuc, 1893. T. 16. C. 20, Ky6aH. o6n.). 259 CroxeTuKa BGCTGHHGcnaBaHCKux 3arGBGpoB b cGnGCTaBuTenbHGM acneKTe CKopee ecTb cMbicn o6paTuTb BHuMaHue Ha TaKue 3HaHeHua B.-cnaB. +Mecmo, KaK 'no-cTenb, noxe; cKaMba, cTyn', nerKO yBa3biBaeMbie c motubom ycaxuBaHua 3onoTHuKa «b 3onoToe Kpecno» (o co6cTBeHHO Kpecne cm. HeMHoro Huxe); a TaKxe Ha 3HaHeHua ^T0^0 cnoBa, npaMO cBa3aHHbie c TeMOM poxgeHua, — 'nna^HTa, nocneg', 'xeHCKue reHuTa-nuu' u gp., Ha hto yKa3HBan b HegaBHeM pa6oTe B.H. TonopoB: «y^uTbiBaa TaKue 060-3HaneHua KOHKpeTHoro noKyca poxgeHua, KaK geTopogHoe MecTO, pogunbHoe Mec t o, xeHCKoe m e c t o, uHorga gaxe npocTO MecTO^ unu MamKa, „xeHCKaa yTpo6a, HepeBO, Ta HacTb, b KOTopoM BHHamuBaeTca geTeHbim', — nucan oh, — He npuxoguTca yguBnaTbca MHoroHucneHHHM npuMepaM napannenu3Ma u u30M0p^u3Ma Mexgy Heno-BeKOM u MupoM, BceneHHOM...» (TonopoB 2004, c. 89). TaKuM 06pa30M, «c b o e m e c t o », Kyga 3aroBop cTpeMuTca BepHyTb 3onoTHuK, acco^MMpyeTca npexge Bcero c xeHCKOM yTpo6oM KaK mupoKO noHuMaeMHM «noKycoM poxgeHua» HenoBeKa. M xoTa b 6onbmuHCTBe 3aroBopoB ^T0 caMoe «cBoe MecTO» aHaTOMunecKu He koh-KpeTu3upyeTca, ogHaKO b HeKOTopbix cnyHaax oho aBHO noKanu3yeTca «OKono nyna» KaK cepeguHH xuBOTa u cBoero poga cuMBonunecKoro ^HTpa nenoBenecKoro Tena, hto BHpaxaeTca b cooTBeTCTByrom^x npegnucaHuax: «cmaHb co6i Kono nyna» (yHM, c. 92, xuTOMup.); «.Kono nyna mo6i cmoHmU» (3opi, c. 106, buhhu^); «w,o6 eiH nid nyn Ha ceoeMicw cmae» (3opi, c. 103, KueB.); «ycmaHb nid nynoM, hk nid 3eneHUM dy6oM» (CnoB.Mar., c. 64, HepKac.); «a menepb CHÖb co6i nid dy6KoM, nid 3eneHeHbKUM nynKoM» (yHM, c. 92, KueB.); «cmaHb mU Ha Mecmb^HKo, Ha nynoee KpecneuKo» (n3aM, N° 67, roMen.); «Ha ceaëMecw cma-Haeicb, meaë Mecb^uKa, 3anamoe Kp^cbne^Ka eaKpy¿ nynKa, eaKpy¿ MueamKa» (TaaMH., N° 363, roMen.); «Ha ceaë Mecw cmaHaeicn He HiM^û, He eum^û nyna» (3aM., N° 779, MoruneB.). B ^noM page cnynaeB Tpe6oBaHue «cTaTb Ha cBoeM MecTe» ocnoxHaeTca u ycyry-6naeTca b 3aroBopax TpagM^M0HHHMM ^opMynaMu cpaBHeHua, npuneM HeKOTopaa ux nacTb yKa3HBaeT CKopee Ha npeBeHTuBHHM xapaKTep 3aroBopa, npu3BaHHoro y6epeHb 3onoTHuK ot noKugaHua «cBoero MecTa»: «äk cmoUm yrnaK (deepHoû cmoHK. — T.A.) Ha Mecme, rno6 maK 3onomHUK cmoxy Ha Mecme» (n3, N° 594, roMen.); «Ihk EoMaû Mama^^u 3 ^pKayKi He 6uxad3iw 20, maK 3anamHiuKy 3 Mecma He cxad3iw» (3aM., N° 813, muhck.); «äk AdaMy 3 Eeaû 3 paw He 6uxad3iw 21, maK emaMy 3anamHiKy na Mueamy He xad3iw, He 6ymaeaw i Kp^nKa Ha ceaiM Me^euKy cman^» (3aM., N° 814, roMen.); «äk dp^ey KnëHy na necy He xad3iw, nicmaM He nxma^, maK y U.p. 3anamHiKy na Mueamy He xad3iw» (3aM., N° 824, BuTe6.); b to BpeMa KaK gpyraa HacTb 3aroBopHbix ^opMyn uMeeT OHeBugHO nene6HHM xapaKTep u Ha^neHa uMeHHO Ha B03Bpam;eHue 3onoTHuKa Ha MecTo: «äk 6ue y d3X6U^i, maK cmaHb y Monod3U^i» (PoMaHOB, c. 59, N° 30, BuTe6.) 22; «KpenKo 6xpë3Ka Ha KopHU cmoU^, maK cmaHb 3onomHUK Ha cboum Mecbw Kpxmeû» (PoMaHOB, c. 59, N° 30, BuTe6.); «äk ^pXpUcmoc cidae Ha npU3b-6i [3aBanuHKe. — T. A. ], maK y p.E.U.p. cmaHb, MUeim, Ha Mi^e» (CnoB.Mar., c. 63, xuTOMup.); «cmaHb Ha Mec^i, hk coKan y ^Hmd3e» (3aM., N° 810, BuTe6.). 20 BepoaTHO, peHb ugeT g6 GgHGM u3 BGropogu^Hbix ukgh. 21 T.e., CKopee Bcero, uMeeTca b Bugy GnTaTuB: «KaK AgaMy c Ebgm u3 paa 6h He BbixoguTb, TaK 6h u 3onGT-HuKy no xuBGTy He xoguTb...». 22 BepoaTHG, 3TG noxenaHue, htg6h y xeH^uHH MaTKa 6bna TaKGM xe 3gopGBGM, KaK y e^e He poxaBmeM geBymKu. 260 TambXHa A. A^anKUHa ycTaHOBneHue 3onoTHuKa MomeT MeTa^opunecKu conocTaBnHTbCH u c noBegeHu-eM He6ecHMx CBeTun u 3Be3g, cp.: «Rk na neóeManad3ÍuoK, 3opKÍ i óanauunKÍ Kpy¿ cBemy xod3xw, pacxod3n^a i na cBae Mecw cmanoBH^n, maK i mu, 3anamnÍuoK, xad3Í, pac-xad3Ícn, cBaü¿o Mecw nÍnbnyücn» (3aM., No 779, MoruneB.). AHanorunHbie KoeMonorunecKue motubm yme BeTpenanueb HaM b 3aroBopax ot bm-Buxa u KpoBOTeneHufl,KOTOpbie,KaK u 3aroBopbi ot 3 onoTHuKa/Bpa3a, cbh3 aHM c Mu^ono-^TunecKUM ynogo6neHueM MuKpo- u MaKpoKOCMa,Tena nenoBeKa u ycTponcTBaBceneHHon, c BOccTaHOBneHueM ^nocraocTu Tena u BceneHHon.Ecnu b npo^cce pogoB npoucxoguno CBoero poga pacnageHue Tena pomeHu^i, ero pacKpbiTue, no3BonHBmee pe6eHKy bmmtu Ha CBeT,TO nocnepogoBbie o^epa^uu (coBepmaeMbie rnaBHMM o6pa3OM noBuTyxon) 6binu HanpaBneHM Ha BOccTaHOBneHue Tena pomeHu^i, ero co6upaHue,ycTaHOBneHue opraHOB Ha MecTO, a TaKme Ha ero «3aKpbiBaHue». Motub «BOccTaHOBneHuH», KaK OTMenaeT T. ro. BnacKuHa,xapaKTepeH gnH 3aroBopHbix TeKCTOB OKOHnaHuH poguHHoro o6paga y BOCTon-hmx cnaBHH, TaKux, HanpuMep, KaK: «.. .Ta 3aKnagan 6onKu, ge 6ynu cuhu n gonKu», «Cpa-CTaMCH, Hu3ymKa, cycTaB b cycTaB, TonbKO x... M'ecTO ocTaBb» (BnacKuHa 2001, c. 76) 23. noMHMO 3HaxapH, ocym;ecTBnflrom;ero ^nuTenbCKue ^yH^uu, cy6^eKTOM «bo-gBopeHuH» 3onoTHuKa o6paTHO Ha ero MecTO MoryT BMCTynaTb caKpanbHbie nu^ (Bor, Boropogu^ u CBHTbie): «maóe Bqmüh Mamb amBaduna, na Mecma cmaBuna» (npo^HKO, No 147, goHCK.); «Irnna BoMa Mamu... Bpa3a na MÍ^e nocmanoBnnmu» (yHM, c. 93, BonbiH.); «Io-cu$ cBnmuü umob, 3onomnuK 3a pyuKy bíb, na MÍcmÍ cmanoBuB, na npecmonu cmy-naB, rocnoda Bo¿a npoxaB: cmanb Me mu na MÍcmÍ na cboím cmanoBuwÍ, de moóÍ Xpucmoc no3BonuB cmonmu» (KoponeHKO, c. 277, nepHOMop.); «Xad3Ína Ma^p BoMan na ny¿aM 3nnenuM, nacÍna 3anamnÍK pyKaMÍ du na Mecma u.p. cmaBÍna» (TaHMH., No 360, roMen.) 24. Peme b ^TOM ponu BMCTynaroT poguTenu 6onbHoro: «(M.p. omw u Mamepu) na nncouKy ¿ynnnÍ, 3anamnÍuoK na Mecw ycmaynnnÍ. 3a-namnÍuoK, mu na Mnne He cnaÓ3XBaücx, a naBepx naduMaücn, na Mec^HKa ycmaB-nnücn» (TaHMH., No 364, roMen.). CrpeMneHue ocTaHOBuTb u yTuxoMupuTb 3onoTHuK/Bpa3 BbipamaeTCH u pegKuM npegnucaHueM «nenb cnaTb»: «HaeMcn, nanÍcn da ü cnamu noMÍcn» (n3aM, No 67, roMen.); «maM maóe nacedemÍcn, maM maóe naneMamÍcn» (n3aM, No 59, roMen.), HaxogH-m;eM goBonbHO ycTonnuByro napannenb b rpenecKux u gpeBHecnaBHHCKux TeKCTax, rge 6onbHon opraH nenoBeKa cpaBHuBaeTCH c araeHKOM: «MaTu^ nepHaH, nonepHenaa... KaK HrHeHOK, cnumb (cnu)»^ut. no: CoKonoB 1895, c. 135, Hagnucb Ha 3MeeBuKe XII b.); «flHOnroTa 6o ecu npenroTa... cnu hko arHH cnago ...» (nop^upbeB 1891, c. 10; pyc. pyKonucHbin Tpe6HuK XV-XVI bb.); «menyTne, neMy mh TOMumb u pBemb... cnu, hko Tene^^» (nene6HuK XVII b. u3 co6p. yHgonbCKoro; CoKonoB 1895, c. 137). C TeMon CHa, BO3MomHO, CBH3aHM u ynoMuHaeMbie b nonbCKux 3aroBopax OTCbinKu «macicy» Ha nogymKu u nome (Toeppen 1892, No 10, 36). 23 3aroBopbi ot 3onoTHuKa HaxogaT u gpyrue napannenu b 3aroBopax ot BMBuxa, cp. ^parMeHT 3aroBopa ot 3onoTHuKa, gocnoBHO noBToparo^uM ochobhüm motub 3aroBopoB ot BMBuxa «^una3aMuny, KpoB do KpoBÍ, cycmaB do cycmaBa — Bce na MÍcu,e nocmaB» (CnoB.Mar., c. 63, muTOMup.); to me: npo^HKO, No 67. 24 Cp. eguHCTBeHHbin u3BecTHMn HaM ceBepHopyccKun 3aroBop ot 3onoTHuKa c cunbHO ucKameHHMM motu-bom: «Cmanb mu na cboím Mecmy, XpucmoBoM Kpecmy, bo cboím MecmeHKe, b XpucmoBoM KpecmuHKe, co cboum MunbeM» (P33, No 1540, bhtck.). 261 CroxeruKa BocroHHocnaBHHcKMX 3aroBopoB b conocraBMrenbHOM acneKTe Xoth, KaK mh yxe roBopunu, npaMbix aHanorun MOTMBy ycTaHOBneHua 3onoTHu-Ka Ha MecTO B kixho- m 3anagHocnaBAHcKux 3aroBopax mh, bo bchkom cnyHae noKa, He HaxoguM, TeM He MeHee BuguTca bo3moxhhm yKa3aTb Ha 6onee ganeKue cooTBeTcTBua m npexge Bcero Ha HeKOTopbie 6onrapcKue 3arc>Bopbi ot ucnyra, KOTopbin 6onrapbi Ha-3HBaKT o6pbHymo cpb^ 'nepeBepHyToe cepg^ = Mcnyr'. CHMTanocb, hto ecnu pe6e-hok nnaHeT, ^TO 3HaHMT, hto oh Hero-To ucnyrancfl m «My üe cap^my u3MeacmeaHy om cmpaxa!» [y Hero cepp^e cMecTMnocb ot cTpaxa!]. B ^TOM cnyHae BeHepoM MaTb unu 6a6Ka, ctoh Ha nopore m gepxa pe6eHKa 3a Horu bhm3 ronoBon, nogHMManM ero BBepx, Tpuxgbi npou3Hoca: «CnoaHU,e Ha 6oap^, coapw Ha Meacmy», hto6h «cepô^ Bcmano Ha Mecmo» (Ohmkob 1890, c. 171), cp. TaKxe: «Cbp^ Ha Mncmo, KOKOMKa Ha nezano, Ha ezpuw,e, mpeBa Ha none u pu6a $ Mope» [Cepp^e Ha Mecre, Kypbi Ha HacecTe, ob^i b OBHapHe, TpaBa Ha none m pbi6a b Mope] (nonoB A. 1889, c. 80); «M3Mecmuno ce cpb^ om KyneuKo anarn, om KomeuKo MnyneHe, om MeneuKo peBaHe, om BbneuKo BueHe, om KpaBeuKo MyneHe, om kohcko pumaHe, om nomoHcKu meBHu^, om nwôcKu onuqu, om 3nu ycmu^, om nouu pbnuu,u. CbH^ ce u3Mew,a, cbp^ ce HaMew,a, cb^e ce u3Mew,a, c&p^ ce HaMew,a, cbnu,e ce u3Mecmu, cbp^ ce HaMecmu!» [CMecTMnocb cepp^e ot co6aHbero yKyca, ot KomaHbero MayKaHba, ot MegBexbero peBa, ot BonHbero boa, ot KopoBbero MbiHaHMA, ot KOHcKoro naraHua, (...?), ot rna3 nrogcKux, ot 3nbix h3h-kob, ot nnoxux pyK. ConH^ nepeMem;aeTca, cepp^e B03Bpam;aeTca (Ha MecTo), conH^ nepeMem;aeTca, cepg^ B03Bpam;aeTca, conH^ nepeMecTunocb, cepg^ BO3BpaTMnocb!] (B^nrapcKM ^onKnop, 1980, N° 4, c. 107). npuMeHaTenbHO, hto m b gpyrux cnaBAHcKux A3biKax m BepoBaHuax MMeHHO cepg-Hapagy c 30n0THMK0M=MaTK0n — npegcraeT nogBuxHbiM opraHOM, cnoco6HbiM «nepeMem;aTbca BHyTpu Tena m gaxe BbixoguTb 3a ero npegenbi» (ToncTaa 2005, c. 55), cp. TaKue BbipaxeHua, KaK pyc. cepô^ He Ha Mecme, cepô^ b nnmKu yuno, mozo u ¿nndu cepô^ BucKonum, cepô^ omouno, omxodnuBoe cepô^ ('o npeKpam;eHuu raeBa'). B MHTepecyrom;eM Hac acneKTe TaKxe o6pam;aeT Ha ce6a BHMMaHne napannenn3M cepô^ — cepô^BUHa — cepeduHa — ympo6a, rge cepô^ noHUMaeTca mnpe, HeM koh-KpeTHHn opraH u cKopee ABnaeTca cmhohmmom ympo6u B006m;e. no flanro, «...Hapog HepegKO cepô^M 30BeT noxeHKy, nognoxeHKy, nogrpygHyro BnagnHy, noBnme xenygKa, rge 6promHon M03r, 6onbmoe cnneTeHbe HepBOB... Bem;ecTBeHH0, cepô^ npMHMMa-eT MHorga 3HaHeHbe: HyTpo, Hegpo, yTpo6a, cpegoTOHue, HyTpoBaa cpeguHa». B gpy-rux cnaBHHcKux A3biKax cn0B0 «cepg^» TaKxe MOxeT 03HaHaTb He T0nbK0 co6cTBeH-HO «cepg^», ho m MHbie BHyTpeHHue opraHbi, cp. yKp. Ha mw,o cep6onr. Ha ¿nadm cpb^, cep6. Ha ¿nadm cp^ 'HaTO^aK, rge cpb^ 'cepg^e' m 'xmbot' (cp. pyc. Ha mow,uü MUBom 'HaTom;aK'). B cbh3m c napannenu3M0M ympo6u m cepôw Bbi3biBaeT MHTepec BcTpeHaro^eeca b pyccKux pyKonucHHX 3aroBopax (He b 3aroBopax ot 3onoTHMKa!) BbipaxeHue «Ma-TepuHcKoe cepg^e». «MaTepuHcKoe cepg^ gaeT o6pa3 3a^u^eHHoro npocTpaHcTBa; ^T0 cnoBocoHeTaHue o6o3HaHaeT 3gecb, BepoaTHO, He T0nbK0 caMO cepg^e, cK0nbK0 MaTepuHcKyro yTpo6y, b KOTopon cy6^eKT 3aroBopa xenaeT yKpHTbca ot xu3HeHHHX HeB3rog... B KOHTeKcTe HapogHon TpagM^MM „MaTepuHcKoe cepg^e" hbho yKa3HBaeT Ha poxgarom;ee n0H0 pogHon MaTepu. cynuT HenoBeK xenaHHoe yKpHTue ot HeB3rog, c6nuxaacb TeM caMHM c MaTepuHcKon yTpo6on» (TonopKOB 2005, c. 138-139). M xoth mh He pemunucb 6h b o6pa3e «MaTepuHcKoro cepg^a» HanpaMyro BugeTb «poxgaro^ee n0H0», T.e. matrix, ho ^Ta aHanorua, KOHeHHO xe, HanpamuBaeTca. 262 TambXHa A. A^anKUHa TaKUM 06pa30M, xoTa, KaK mh yxe roBopunu, npaMHx aHanoroB 3onomHUKy/ epa3y b cnaBHHCKux 3aroBopax mh He BCTpenaeM, TeM He MeHee caMo npegcTaBneHue o Hanunuu b nenoBeKe BHyTpeHHero opraHa, ^u3unecKu unu ^M0^U0HanbH0 ce6a npo-aBnarom;ero u n0T0My Tpe6yrom;ero cBoero poga ycMupeHua u B03Bpam;eHua Ha «cBoe MecTo», b to m nucne u MarunecKUMu cpegcTBaMu, no Bcen BepoaTHocTu, 6bino He nyx-go cnaBAHCKUM HapogHHM BepoBaHuaM. 3aa. ycTonnuBHM npogonxeHueM oTCHnaHua 3onoTHUKa/Bpa3a «Ha cBoe MecTo» aBnaeTca ycaxuBaHue/ycTaH0BneHue 3onoTHUKa b 3onoToe Kpecno. B paMKax paccMaTpuBaeMoro croxeTHoro Tuna ^opMyna «3onoTHUK, cagb Ha cBoe MecTo b 3onoToe Kpecno», Bo-nepBHx, coxpaHaeT nopa3UTenbHyro ycTonnuBocTb u, Bo-BTopHx, npegcTaBneHa MaKcuManbHoe KonunecTBo pa3: «cxöb co6i Ha Micty, Ha 3onomiM Kpicni» (3opi, c. 104, buhhu^); «cmaHb Ha ceoeMy MicmeHKy, 3onomiM KpicneHKy, Ha nyxoeux noöywKax» (3opi, c. 107); «nmaû mu Ha ceoÏM Micty, Ha 3onomiM KpuceneHKy» (3opi, c. 109, buhhu^; «3onomHuKy, 3onom-HuKy, udu cu6u Ha ceoe MucmeHKo, Ha 3onomee KpecneHKo» (B0^aH0BCKUM 1895, c. 500, xuToMup.); «cmaHb co6i Ha Micty, Ha 3onomoMy Kpicni» (CnoB.Mar., c. 65, xuToMup.); «cmaHb co6u Ha ceoëMMucmeHKy, Ha 3onomoM KpecneHKy» (ManuHKa, N° 30, KueB.); «cxôb co6i Ha Mic^HKy, Ha 3onomoMy KpicneHKy» (yHM, c. 92, KueB.); «cxÔ3b mu Ha ceaëMec^HKa, Ha 3anamóe KpécnuHKa» (n3, N° 596, roMen.); «cmaHb co6e Ha Mec^HKy, Ha 3onomoM Kp^cneHKy» (TaaMH., N° 337, roMen.); «HaûcbeeHrna MamoHKa 6e¿na, nocbnernana, Ha Mecmo epa3 HacmaHoynnna. Boxa Mami no pa-eHKy xodina, 3onomo¿o Kpecna myKana. 3onomee Kpecno, nnx, epa3, Ha ceoe Mecmo» (n3aM, N° 65, 6pecT.); «ty6e MamKa napaÔ3una, Ha 3anamoM Kpecne nacaÔ3una» (n3, N° 589, roMen.); «3onomHUK-3onomHUw,e, euûôu c ^mo^o ÔHUw,a, cmaHb Ha ceoe Mecmo, e 3onomoe Kpecno, u cudu Ha Mecme, e 3onomoM Kpecne» (npo^HKo, N° 69, goHCK.); «ecmaHb Ha Mecme, ^pb Ha Kpecne» (BapaH0B 1999, c. 737, pa3aH.); «cmaHb mu Ha Mecme, Ha ôeeuHbeM Kpecne» (Co6onb 1893, c. 145, Ky6aH.); «ud3u Ha Muc^HKo, Ha Ma^pUHo Kp^cnuHKo» (n3, N° 584, roMen.). CnoBo «Kpecno» uHorga 3aMeHaeTca Ha gpyrue,6nu3Kue no 3BynaHuro u nogxoga-m;ue no cMHcny (Kpecno/KpecT/KpHnb^o/^He3go): «Idu co6i HaMicmeHKo, Ha 3onome KpuneHKo» (CnoB.Mar., c. 63, xuToMup.); «cmaHb Ha ceoe Mi^e, Ha 3onomi xpecmu» (CnoB.Mar., c. 64, xuToMup.); «cmaHb mu ceaw MecmaHKy, Ha 3anamoM Kp^cmaHKy» (TaaMH., N° 355, roMen.); «ecmaHb Ha Mecmo Ha cepe6pHHoM Kpecme, Kocmb Ha Kocmb, cycmae Ha cycmae» (npo^HKo, N° 67, goHCK.); «ffoHHUK-ôoHwmeHKa, 3onoman MaKymeHKa! CmaHb Ha ceoe MecmeHKo e 3onomoe ZHe3ÔeHKo» (Pa3yM0BCKaa, c. 265, ncK0B.). OTHocuTenbHo noaBneHua b paMKax uccnegyeMoro croxeTHoro Tuna TaKoro ot-HocuTenbHo no3gHero cnoBa, KaK Kpecno 25, B. H. npo^HKo BHCKa3an, Ka3anocb 6h, BnonHe 060CH0BaHH0e cyxgeHue o ero BTopunHocTu. «.. .nonaraeM,— nucan oh,— hto Kpecno noaBunocb Ha MecTe cTaporo cnoBa Hpecna 'noacHu^, KpecTe^ unu 0KpyxH0CTb Tena Hag Ta30M'» (npo^HKo, c. 99). OgHaKo HeK0T0pbie o6cToaTenbCTBa He no3BonaroT ^nuK0M goBepuTbca ^T0My cyxgeHuro. ' CnoBo Kpecno BnepBbie ^uKcupyeTca b pyccKoM a3HKe c XVI b., ga u to KpanHe pegKo (CnoBapb pyccKoro a3HKa XI-XVII BB.). 263 CroxeTMKa BccroHHccnaBaHcKux 3aroBopoB b ccnccTaBUTenbHOM acneKTe Hto6m npoacHMTb Hamy TOHKy 3peHua,He06x0guM0 eqe pa3 ^po^MTMpoBaTb ot-pbiBOK M3 rpeHecKoro 3aroBopa III-IV bb. c eruneTCKoro nanupyca («npoTMB BHcTy-nneHMa MaTM^i»), 3aroBopa, b cBoe BpeMa ^p0^MTMp0BaHH0^0 M. M. CoKonoBHM m mm xe, n0-BMgMM0My, nepeBegeHHoro: «e^opKL^œ ue ¿-qTpav anoKarauTad-^vai ev rfi eSpa, ¿yOe kAW^vm els to Se£iov nAevpœv ¡¿epos, ¿yoe eis to apiuTepov nAevpœv ¡¿epos, ¿yoe anooyçys eis Tyv Kapoiav œs Kvœv, aXXa uTaÔTi Kal ¿¿vois ev yœpois lOiois...» [3aKnuHaro Te6a, MaTM^y... B03Bpa-TMTbca Ha MecTO u He yKnoHaTbca hm b npaByro HacTb pe6ep, hm b neByro HacTb pe6ep u He KycaTb b cepg^, KaK co6aKa, — ho BcTaHb u ocTaBanca Ha cbomx MecTax...j (Co-KonoB 1895, c. 137). npu 6nuxanmeM paccMOTpeHuu Hame BHMMaHMe npuBneKno 0gH0 o6cToaTenb-ctbo. fleno b tom, hto b nepeBoge M. CoKonoBa gBaxgH BcTpeHaeTca cn0B0 «Mecro» (B03BpamumbCHHaMecmo «anoKaTauTadyvai ev Ty eOpa» u ocmaBaucn Ha cbouxMecmax «¿evois ev x^pois lOiois»), b to BpeMa KaK b rpeHecKOM opuruHane cnoBa He noBToparoT-ca.npoaHanu3upoBaB 3HaHeHue o6omx ynoTpe6neHHbix b 3aroBope rpeHecKux cnoB,Mbi o6Hapyxunu, hto rpeH. eOpa, ucn0nb30BaHH0e b nepBOM cnyHae, 03HaHaeT He npocTO «MecTO», a MMeeT ^nbin pag 3HaHeHun, cpegu K0T0pbix nepBbiM cnoBapu (gpeBHe- u HOBorpenecKoro a3biKa) Ha3HBaroT 'ceganum;e, cugeHbe, Kpecno, cryn, cKaMba', 'noHeT-Hoe MecTo', 'npecTon', 'cegnoBMHy (y nomagu'), T.e. Bce to, Ha HeM cugaT. ^0^T0My mh npegn0n0xunu,HT0 cooTBeTcTByromun OTpHBOK ^T0^0 rpeHecKoro 3aroBopa noruHHee 6bino 6h HMTaTb KaK «B03BpaTMTbca (B0ccTaH0BMTbca) Ha cugeHbe/cTyn/Kpecno». K Ta-KOMy npoHTeHuro TeKcTa Hac cKnoHunu u HeKOTopbie gpyrue o6cToaTenbcTBa. npexge Bcero, tot ^aKT, hto aHanoruHHoe npoHTeHue 6bino npegnoxeHO b yn0MaHyT0M BHme aHrn0a3HHH0M u3gaHuu rpeHecKux 3aroBopoB M3 eruneTcKux nanupycoB (The Greek Magical Papyri, p. 124): TaM b nepBOM cnyHae ucn0nb30Ban0cb cn0B0 seat: «return again to your seat», rge seat 'cugeHbe, cTyn, MecTO b TpaHcnopTe, b TeaTpe', b bo BTopoM — place. M, KpoMe Toro, ^T0 npoHTeHue 6bino npoguKTOBaHO OTHacTu u TeM, hto gna crapo-cnaBaHcKoro a3HKa «MecTO» b KaHecTBe cooTBeTcTBun rpeH. eOpa o6hhho He gaeTca, a ucnonb3yroTca gpyrue cnoBa. TaKMM 06pa30M, KaK HaM KaxeTca, MMeroTca Bcero ocHOBaHuua gna Toro, hto6h yKa3aTb Ha ^T0T rpeHecKun TeKcT KaK Ha nepBOMcTOHHMK (b ganeKon peTpocneKTMBe) B0cT0HH0cnaBaHcKMx 3aroBopoB, ucnHTaBmux Ha ce6e BnuaHue b tom Hucne u 6onee no3gHux rpeHecKux 3aKnuHaHun, a TaKxe gpeBHepyccKux anoKpu^MHecKux MonuTB. Moxho npegnonoxuTb, hto npu nepeBoge rpeHecKoro 3aKnuHaHua Ha cnaBaHcKun a3HK (ecnu TaK0B0n ^^M3og, KOHeHHO xe, MMen MecTo) 6bino yHTeHO ^T0 0cH0BH0e 3HaHeHue rpeH. eOpa, KOTopoe b B0cT0HH0cnaBaHcKMx 3aroBopax b KOHeHHOM MTore npeBpaTunocb b Kpecno. flna noHMMaHua noruKM 3aroBopa (KaK rpeHecKoro, TaK u boc-T0HH0cnaBaHcKMx) MMeeT, BepoaTHO, 3HaHeHue u to, hto gna rpeH. eOpa (03HaHarom;ee npegMeT, Ha kotopom cugaT) aKTyanbHHMM 0Ka3anucb b tom Hucne u TaKue 3HaHeHua, KaK 'ocHOBaHue, HM3' m '3agHaa HacTb Tena', B03HMKmue KaK pe3ynbTaT MeTOHMMMHecKO-ro nepeHoca. B ^T0H cBa3M HecnyHaeH, no-BuguMOMy, tot ^aKT, hto B0cT0HH0cnaBaHcKMe 3a-roBopH (b KaHecTBe MecTa, b KOTopoe ohm «cTpeMaTca» ycaguTb 3onoTHMK) Ha3HBa-roT MMeHHO «Kpecno» (pyc. Kpecno(a), 6en. Kp^cna, yKp. Kpicno). CnoBapHHe MaTepua-nH cBugeTenbcTByroT, hto coBpeMeHHoe 3HaHeHue ^T0^0 cnoBa b B0cT0HH0cnaBaHcKMx a3HKax ('npegMeT Me6enu') ecTb pe3ynbTaT gocTaTOHHO cnoxHoro nyTM pa3BMTua. B 264 Tambma A. AzannuHa KanecTBe nepBu^Horo cnoBapu yKa3biBaroT TaKue 3HaneHua, KaK 'paMOHHaa KOHCTpyK-^Ma', 'cTaHuHa', 'nneTeHKa' u, b nacTHocTu, 'noBymKa gna nru^, '3BeH0 orpagbi', 'gpoBHu, po3BanbHu', '3agHaa nneTeHaa cnuHKa Teneru' u T.n. M3 ^TMX 3HaHeHun pa3Bunucb npo-Me>yT0HHbie,K0rga npou3BogHbie ot kreslo/kréslo cnoBa 03Haqanu He nro6oe cugeHbe,a KaKoe-To oco6oe, KOHKpeTHoe cugeHbe b n0B03Ke, caHax, nepeg npanKOM, 6opTHM^Koe cugeHbe, cugeHbe b nogKe, cugeHbe, Ha KOTopoM 3aKpennanu pe6eHKa Ha cnuHe MaTepu bo BpeMa noneBbix pa6oT, u T.g. y>Ke u3 ^TMX np0Me:»yT0HHbix 3HaHeHun, no gaHHbiM ^CC.3, u B03HuKn0 coBpeMeHHoe '0C060 ygo6Hoe cugeHbe (co cnuHKon u nognoKOT-HuKaMu)' 0CC.3 12, c. 127-129). flna Bbi6opa cnoBa «Kpecno» y BocTOHHocnaBaHCKux (npe>ge Bcero yKpauHCKux u 6enopyccKux) 3aroBopoB 6bino, BuguMo, u em;e ogHo ocHOBaHue. fleno b tom, hto b page 3anagHopyccKux, 6enopyccKux u yKpauHCKo-no-neccKux roBopoB +Kpecno o3Hanano TaK>e conpuKacarom;yroca c cugeHbeM nacTb oge>-gbi (npeuMy^ecTBeHHHo My>cKux mTaHOB) unu (KaK u y rpen. eSpa unu aHrn. seat) — cooTBeTCTByro^yro nacTb TynoBum;a, cp. TaKue 3HaneHua cnoBa +Kpecno, KaK '3agHaa nacTb mTaHOB, 'pa3pe3 b mTaHax cnepegu u C3agu', 'nacTb mTaHOB, rge cxogaTca mTa-huhh, MOTHa', 'mupuHKa', 'KnuH, KOTopbin BCTaBnaeTca b 3agHroro nacTb mTaHOB, 'Ta3 nenoBeKa', 'npoMe>HocTb Me>gy 3agHuMu HoraMu >uBOTHoro' 0CC3 12, c. 127-128; ^CBM 5, c. 140; ECyM 3, c. 98). TaKuM 06pa30M, Mb nonaraeM, hto Bbi6op yKpauHCKuMu u 6enopyccKuMu 3aro-BopaMu uMeHHo cnoBa «Kpecno» (KaK BocTOHHocnaBaHCKun «oTBeT» u ogHOBpeMeHHo nepeBog rpen. eSpa) 6bin o6ycnoBneH, Bo-nepBbix, guaneKTHbiM 3HaneHueM 'c^e^Manb-Hoe, oco6oe cugeHbe' (neM u aBnanacb yTpo6a gna 3onoTHuKa/Bpa3a), a Bo-BTopbix, oneBugHOM cBa3bro oTgenbHbix BTopu^Hbix 3HaHeHun cnoBa +Kpecno c TeMon TenecHoro Hu3a. BecbMa BepoaTHo u to, hto, KaK gonycKan B. H. npo^HKo, b cnoBe «Kpecno» mo>ho BugeTb u 0T3ByK B.-cnaB. u(e)pecna(o) 'noacHu^, noac, KpecTe^ na>Ku'. 3b. flpyrae geMCTBMH b oiHomeHHH 3onoTHMKa/Bpa3a. MHorga b oTHomeHuu 3onoTHuKa npaKTuKyroTca u co6cTBeHHo CMMBonwqecKMe geMCTBMH, BnponeM, TaK>e HanpaBneHHHe Ha ero noKanM3a^Mro,o^paHMHMBarom;Me B03M0>H0CTb ero «nepegBu>e-Hua», «pacnpocTpaHeHua», cp. TaKon npuMep: «W^ayKoeuM WHypouKaM nadnepaxucn, 3anamuMi 3aMKaMi 3aMKHicn, y MaKaea 3epHeûKa cuûÔ3icn i híkohí 6onbm He pa3eicn» (3aM., N° 800, muhck.); «CaÔ3icb Ha ceaiM Mec^i y 3anamuiM Kp^cne Ha 3anamuiM 3a-MouKy, Ha wayKoeuM nancoHKy, 3aMKHicn, 3aeHxucH, Ha 6oxaû noMauu, Ha MaiM cnoee acmaHaeicb i MiHicb» (3aM., N° 823, BuTe6.). Cpegu TaKux cuMBonunecKux gencTBun BbigenaeTca HecKonbKo ocHOBHbix. Bo-nepBbix, 3aMbKaHue 3onoTHuKa: «Tym Mamup Boxa xoôuna u me6e ecmarneuna, KnwuaMu npuMuKana, 3 mucun He nycKana» (B0^aH0BCKMM 1895, c. 500, >uTOMup.); «ecmaHb, co6i, ecmameucb... 3onomuMu KnwuaMu 3aMKHucb» (yHM, c. 92, >uTOMup.); «caMa 6pana 3aMKi cp^6-huh, 3anamuMi KnwuaMi 3aMuKana, 3anamHiKa Ha 3anamoe Kp^cna caxana» (Ta-aMH., N° 354, roMen.); «MamKa... 3anamuM 3aMKoM 3aMKHyna» (TaaMH., 365), cp. yKp. npuiMbiKamu KnwuaMu 3onomHuK (Bo^hobckum 1895, c. 500, >uTOMup.). Bo-BTopbx, orpa>geHue, onepnuBaHue 3onoTHuKa: «3anamuM muHaM o6Ka^cb» (TaaMH., N° 339); «HopHuM MaKaM a6eeûcn, ceamo Mec^HKa 6epa¿icm (TaaMH., 341); «Macx^M a6zapaÔ3icb, 36ë3ÔaMi a6caÖ3icb» (TaaMH., N° 365); «de me6e Mamb nopoöuna, coHbKoM o6¿opoduna, Mecn^M nodnepa-3ana, noyKoeHuuKoM Ha3ueana» (n3, N° 583, roMen.). 265 CromeTuKa B0cT0MH0cnaBaHcKux 3aroBopoB b c0n0cTaBuTenbH0M acneKTe B-TpeTbux, o6BH3MBaHue/ononcMBaHue 3onoTHuKa (xuBOTa) (KaK Ba-puaHT npegbigym;ero gencTBun): «Xoduna Mamip Boxa no He6y, uobkobí uHypi cyKana, 3onomHuKa o6epmana» (3opi, c. 114, KueB.); «BcmaHb, co6i, BcmaHoBucb, 3onomuM noxcoM nepeBXMucb» (yHM, c. 92, xuTOMup.); «yB^po^... uoükobím noxcouKoM nodnepexucx» (n3aM, N° 66, 6pecT.); «me6x MamKa poxana, 3onomow HÍmouKaü nydBX3ana» (n3aM, N° 67, roMen.); «Iuoy 3anamHÍKMocmaM... 3anamuM noxcaM nadnepa3aycx» (TanMH., N° 356, roMen.); «uopHuM uoyKaM nadBXMucb» (TanMH., N° 339, roMen.); «uayKo-bum noxcaM nadnepaxucx» (TanMH., N° 341, roMen.); <^x6e MamKa pad3Ína, nyn-kom aKpyxuna» (TanMH., N° 342, roMen.); «uayKoBuM uHypKoM a6uHypaBana» (TanMH., N° 365). ^Tu Tpu MOTuBa — 3aMMKaHue, orpaxgeHue u ononcMBaHue 3onoTHuKa/Bpa3a — garoT ocHOBaHue gnn Toro, hto BugeTb b KanecTBe o6^eKTa cooTBeTcTByrom;ux 3a-roBopoB He cTonbKo BHyTpeHHun opraH (MaTKy), cKonbKo co6cTBeHHo 6one3Hb, no ot-HomeHuro k KOTopon npuMeHnroTcn anoTponeunecKue MepM BO3gencTBun u KOTopyro cTpeMHTcn TaK unu uHane u3onupoBaTb. M, HaKOHe^ B-neTBepTMx, npuBH3MBaHue 3onoTHuKa/Bpa3a k MecTy, cBH3MBaHue, nepeBH3MBaHue, hto b KOTopbm pa3 aKTyanu3upyeT motub nynoBuHM, KOTopon pe6eHOK npuBX3aH k MaTepu u KOTopyro cBX3uBawm, nepeBX3uBawm nocne nepepe3aHun: «ty6e MamKa podxana, 3onomoü HumauKaü nod^X3ana. Tu om m^ü HumauKu He ompuBaüca, y ühhuhom mubo^ Ha cBoeMMu^uuKy ocmaBaüca» (n3, N° 581, roMen.); «Te6xMamKapoxana, 3onomow HÍmouKaü nydBX3ana. Tu od mué HÍmouKÍ He odpuBaücx, y u.p. xÍBome Ha cboüom Mé^euKe ocmaBaücx» (n3aM, N° 67, roMen.); «A ^nepb x ^6eyBo3Hana, Ha Mecmo npuBX3ana» (n3, N° 597, roMen.); «maM ufl6e MamKa padxana, moHKaü HÍmKaü 3BX3ana» (3aM., N° 787, roMen.). O6m;eKynbTypHan ceMaHTuKa ^Tux geMcTBuM,mupoKo npaKTuKyeMbix bo MHorux o6nacTnx Maruu 26, no3BonneT ycMOTpeTb b hux anoTponeunecKun cMbicn, Ha^neH-HocTb Ha u3BecTHyro u3onH^uro onacHoro o6^eKTa (koum b gaHHOM cnynae HBnneTcn 3onoTHuK/Bpa3) bo umh 6narononynuH ^a^ueHTa (nenoBeKa). 4. rge pogMnca, TaM u npMrogMnca. KaK mm yxe ynoMuHanu, gnn o6o3HaneHun TenecHoro «Hu3a» xeHcKoro opraHu3Ma,yTpo6bi,B KOTopon «xoguT/HaxoguTcn» 3onoT-huk, 3aroBop ucnonb3yeT mupoKun png aHaTOMunecKux cuhohumob, TaKux KaK upeBo, upecno, noHo, hu3, óho, xdpo, b ^noM cooTBeTcTByrom;ux npegcTaBneHuro o «noKyce 3a-naTun». OgHOBpeMeHHo b Tex xe 3aroBopax MecTo, b kotopom HagnexuT ocTaHOBuTbcn 3onoTHuKy u Kyga ero HopoBHT ycaguTb,onucMBaeTcn KaK «noKyc poxgeHun» 3onoTHu-Ka. ^Tu motubm 3aroBopoB ot 3onoTHuKa/Bpa3a, noxanyn, 6onee gpyrux ero ^neMeH-tob, oTnunaroT BocTOHHocnaBHHcKue TeKcTM ot ux rpenecKux u gpeBHepyccKux nepBo-uctohhukob u noTOMy 3acnyxuBaroT oco6oro paccMOTpeHun 27. MTaK, 3onoTHuK/Bpa3 npu3MBaroT BepHyTbcn Tyga, rge ero 3anan oTe^ poguna MaTb,npuHnna (3a6a6una,nepepe3ana u nepeBH3ana nynoBuHy) 6a6Ka-noBuTyxa,oKpe- 26 O ceMaHTuKe arax geftcTBuM cm. nogpoÓHee: HeBKueBcKaa 2002. 27 O6unbHoe ^uTupoBaHue arax 4>parMeHTOB (o6T.eguHeHHbix TeMon «npoucxoxgeHue 3onoTHuKa/Bpa3a») oóycnoBneHo bmcokom MacTüTHocTbro cooTBeTcTByro^ux motubob u ux BapbupoBaHueM. 266 TambXHa A. A^anKUHa CTun (BBen b Bepy) CBaieHHUK u KpecTHbie poguTenu. B pe3ynbTaTe Bcex ^TUx cornaco-BaHHHx gencTBun ceMbu u co^uyMa 3onoTHUK/Bpa3 noaBnaeTca Ha CBeT u «onpegena-eTca k MecTy»: «hk w6e mamKa camBapuy, hk w6e MamKa paÔ3ina, npuëMHaH 6a6Ka npuHiMana i Ha Mecma nacaÖ3ina i ^Be^KaM a6caÖ3ina, KapawoK npuwuBina;hk ty6e xpocHaH MamKa nad xpocm Hacina, xpocHu 6a^Ka y xpawuoHyw Bepy yBad3iy i Ha Mecma nacaÔ3iy» (3aM., N° 811, BUTe6.); «hk mH6e Mamu poduna, Ha 3onomoM Kpecnu ca-duna y KpacHHHbKoM KoBnauKy, y woBKoBHHbKoû wanou^i» (P0MaH0B, c. 55, N° 10, roMen.); «T^6^ 6ambKo comBopuB, a Mamu Bpoduna, a 6a6a nyna BbH3ana u m^6^ muc^yKa3ana, u uspBoHUM noHcoM nodnopa3ana... M^^ mu poduBcH, maM mu u ocmaHoBuca» (n3, N° 600, poBeH.); «A^e^ ^6e camBapuy, Eoz ca3Ôay, Ma^ cnapaÖ3una, Ha M^cma nacaÖ3una. Ea6Ka nyn nampe3aya, Ha cBa^ M^cma npuBa-3aya» (n3, N° 596, roMen.); «Ea^Ka ufl6e camBapuy, Maty ufl6e napadwana, Kpoy Ha ufl6e npaniBana. Xpuw^HaH Ma^ Had xpacmoM ufl6e Ö3HpMana... 3anamuM Kanb^M a6zapadxana» (3aM., c. 504, komm. k N° 804, roMen.); «Ö3e 6a6Ka 3a6a6ina, a KyMu 3aKyMini, a nanu 3axpucwni» (3aM., c. 504, komm. k N° 804, muhck.); «Tu, raBpunKa... 6a6Ka 3a6a6una, KyMa 3axpucmuna, Ha ceû cBem nycmuna, He BHnena hu 6onemb, hu ^opemb» (P0MaH0B, c. 56, N° 13, roMen.); «A^e^ camBapuy, Ma^ paÖ3ina, 3anamHiK Ha Me^e nacaÖ3ina» (TaaMH., N° 339, roMen.); «^6e mamKa nacaÖ3iy, ufl6e MamKa paÖ3ina, Ha 3anamoe Kp^cne^Ka nacaÖ3ina» (TaaMH., N° 368, roMen.); «ty6eMamKapaÔ3ina, nynKoM aKpywuna, ^6e 6a^Ka nauuHay, Ha ^^mu cBem nacnay» (TaaMH., N° 342, roMen.); «^6eMamKapaÖ3ina, nynKoM a6Kpywuna, ufl6e 6a^Ka nauuHay, Ha emu cBem nycKay» (3aM., N° 796, roMen.); «deMamKa no-powdana, a 6a6Ka Ha MicmeuKy nocmaHoBnHna» (3opi, c. 105, KupoBorpag.); «Pa6a Eowaza u.p. padwana, 3anamHiKa He Hapywana. ÄHa pa6a Eowaza u.p. paÖ3ina, Ha 3anamoe Kp^cna^Ka caÖ3ina» (TaaMH., N° 355, roMen.); <^h6e Maty HapaÖ3ina, ufl6e Mecmo yKa3ana» (TaaMH., N° 357, roMen.), «de Mami nopodina, maM me6e no-nowina» (n3aM, N° 61, xuToMup.); «Te6eMamKapowana, Ha cBoeMecmeuKo cawa-na» (n3aM, N° 70 roMen.); «Ha cupoû 3HMne MamKa HapaÖ3ina, 6a6Ka na6a6ina, wayKoBUM wHypKoM a6wHypaBana, 3anamuM 3aMKoM 3aMKHyna» (TaaMH., N° 365, roMen.); «zde MaMKa nopoduna, ^de 6a6Ka noxoduna, MecmeuKo yKa3ana u nynoK 3aBH3ana» (TaaMH., N° 367, roMen.); «maM 6a6a nynouoK 3B'H3ana, mo6i MicmeuKo noKa3ana» (CnoB. Mar., c. 63, xuToMup.); «de 6a6a nyny Bûa3ana, maM mo6e Mecb-W yKa3ana» (n3aM, N° 57, poBeH.); «Ea6Ka nyn 3aBH3ana, 3anamHiKa Ha Mecma ycmaynHna» (TaaMH., N° 338, roMen.); «Ea6a nyn 3aBH3ana i Mecmo noKa3Bana» (TaaMH., N° 361); «Tym 6a6a nyna 3aBbH3ana, ^6e Mecmo yKa3ana» (n3, N° 594, roMen.); «^6e 6a6a 6a6ina, KyMa Kpac^na du Ha Mecma 3anamHiK cmaHaBina» (TaaMH., N° 360); «de me6e xpecmunu, de me6e iMeHyBanu, de me6e Eomum MUpoM MUpoBanu» (yHM, c. 93, BonbiH.); «de me6e 3a6a6inu, KyMU noxpucmunu» (n3aM, N° 58, KueB.); «zde mu poduncH, zde mu KpecmuncH» (npo^HKo, N° 68, goHCK.). npeuMyiecTBeHHo b yKpauHCKux 3aroBopax ceMenHoe u co^uanbHoe Habano, ynacTByroiee b cygb6e 3onoTHUKa, gononHaeTca unu gaxe 3aMeHaeTca BMemaTenb-CTB0M BHcmux cun, no Bone K0T0pHx oh noaBnaeTca Ha CBeT. 3onoTHUK/Bpa3 npu3H-BaroT BepHyTbca Ha to MecTo: «de 6a6a nyny 3aB'rnana, Mamu XpucmoBa míc^hko noKa3ana» (yHM, c. 92, KueB.); «de me6e npecBHmaH Eozopoduufl mpboxpyuHUufl cmaBuna» (CnoB.Mar., c. 267 CroxexuKa BocToHHocnaBaHcKux 3aroBopoB b conocxaBuxenbHoM acneKxe 64, xuToMup.); «cxôb mu na cBOëMy Mîcmî... ^de me6e caM Rocnodb Eoz nocaduB c anocmonaMu» (Hy6., c. 130, yKp.); «de mo6î Xpucmoc no3BonuB cmoxmu» (Kopo-neHKo, c. 277, HepHoMop.); «A mu, 3onomnuue, Eomu nonoBîne, me6e Eoxa Mamep Kñune na mo Mîcmo, ^de npecBxmax Eozopoôu^ Mucyca Xpucma napOMÔana, maM me6e ocmanoBnxnayp.E.u.p.» (Podbereski, s. 74, yKp.); «cmanb na Mecmo, ^de me6e rocnoàb nocmaBun» (npo^HKo, N° 72, goHCK.); «na cBaë Me^a cmanaBîcx, XKoe ma6e racnod3b Eoz naKa3ay» (3aM., N° 779). Mhhmu cnoBaMu, 3onoTHUK/Bpa3 npu3HBaroT BCTaTb Ha «CBoe», T.e. ucxogHoe, MecTo, BepHyTbca Tyga, rge oh pogunca, npuBneKaa ero b tom Hucne u paccKa3aMu o Tom, KaK eMy 6ygeT xopomo TaM: «3onomHUHKy-3onomnuHKy, Eomuû uonoBUUKy, ud3u na cBoë Mecmo, na 3onomoe Kp^cno, Ô3e 6a^KO comBOpuy, a Ma^ cnopaÔ3una, a 6a6a nyna 3aBX3ana. TaM mo6e nu^nne, maM mo6e ed3enne, maM mo6e ^o6p^e y¿ow,enne, a mym mo6e neMa nu nu^HbH, nu eÔ3enx, nu ôo6pozo y¿ow,ennx, nu nyxoBux noôymoK, nu 6enux nu-po¿oy» (n3, N° 591, roMen.); «3onomoû donnuK, cxpe6penuû ôohhhuk, cmanb mu y nyne... mym mBoë mxc^hko, hk conoB&rn ZHX3Ô3euKo; mym mBOu ôomu, mBOu xopOMu, mym mBoë KpacyBanbnx» (P0MaH0B, c. 58, N° 23) 28. TaKUM 06pa30M, BKnroHeHHHe b uccnegyeMHe 3aroBopH «paccKa3H» 06 «ucto-puu» 3onoTHUKa, b 06a3aTenbH0M nopagKe npoxogam;ero Hepe3 Bce nonoxeHHHe eMy no xu3HeHH0My OT;eHapuro ^Ta^H poxgeHua u paHHen co^uanu3a^uu, npecnegyroT, KaK HaM KaxeTca, BnonHe noHaTHyro ^nb: ohu yKa3HBaroT Ha npegonpegeneHHocTb «cygb6H» 3onoTHUKa, gonxHoro en 6ecnpeKocnoBHo nogHUHaTbca. CMHcn ^TUx «pac-cKa30B» b tom, hto6h 3acTaBUTb 3onoTHUK ocTaBaTbca TaM, rge oh 6bin 3aHaT, poxgeH, cnenëHaT, Kpem;eH u Boo6m;e — Bnym;eH b Mup, cp. pyc. Muña ma cmopona, ^de nynoK pe3an (flanb, s.v. nyn). Ham;e Bcero, KaK mh Bugenu, ^Ta MHcnb BHpaxeHa b 3aroBopax «HappaTUBHo» (Hepe3 ^TU caMHe «paccKa3H»), ogHaKo uHorga 0Ha BHCKa3HBaeTca u npaMo, HenocpegcTBeHHo, cp.: «TaM mBoe Mecmo, ^de mu poôuncx, maM u KOpenucb» (npo^HKo, N° 78, goHCK.); «rde mu napaÔ3uyca, mmo6 na cBaeMecmo 3Bapa^yca» (n3, N° 589, roMen.). MccnegyeMHM motub (b TaK0M ero noHUMaHuu) HeoxugaHHo yBoguT Hac ot boc-npuaTua 3onoTHUKa/Bpa3a KaK Hegyra unu 6onbHoro opraHa. Mh BuguM, hto b 3Ha-HUTenbHoM no o6^eMy Kopnyce TeKCToB «ucTopua 3onoTHUKa» «npoHUTHBaeTca» KaK ucTopua HenoBeKa. OTHacTu ^T0 npuBoguT k ugeHTU^UKa^uu 3onoTHUKa/Bpa3a c Tonb-Ko hto poguBmuMca pe6eHK0M u b ^noM aKTyanu3upyeT TeMy pogoB, a yxe Hepe3 Hee B03Bpam;aeT Hac k TeMe MaTKu KaK geTopogHoro opraHa. Moxho npegnonoxuTb TaKxe, hto b ^T0M KoHTeKCTe HecnyHanHHM 0Ka3HBaeTca u HacToe Ha3HBaHue 3onoTHUKa/Bpa-3a «6paT0M» (T.e. poxgeHHHM MaTepbro TaK xe, KaK u cy6^eKT 3aroBopa). Ochobhom na^oc nocHna, agpecyeMoro 3onoTHUKy/Bpa3y, — tot, hto cH3ManbCTBa BHymaeTca u pe6eHKy: rge pogunca, TaM u npurogunca. 28 nogoÔHoe pa3Buxue xunoBoro 3aroBopHoro MoxuBa «yxogu, 6one3Hb, xyga, rge xe6e 6ygex xopomo, rge xe6a xgyx nup u oxgHx» goBonbHo napagoKcanbHo. Begb o6hhho axox moxub cnegyex b 3aroBopax cpa3y nocne oxcHnKu Hegyra b ganeKue, nycxHHHHe Mecxa. Mmchho gna Toro, hto6h oxocnaxb noganbme 6o-ne3Hb, ee «3aBneKarox, npuMaHUBarox» onucaHueM Toro, KaK en xaM 6ygex xopomo. OgHaKo 3aroBopH ox 3onoxHUKa/Bpa3a y xBepxgarox o6paxHoe: nonacxb b axo 6narocnoBeHHoe Mecxo moxho, numb BepHyBmucb b neHaxH. 268 Tambana A. A¿anKuna 3onoTHUK/Bpa3 acco^uupyeTCH u c nynoM: b 3aroBopax, KaK mh Bugenu, 3onoT-HUK cTpeMHTca BepHyTb b ^HTp yTpo6bi, «nog nynoK» («nax nyg nynoHKOM, hk y neci nyg neHbOHKOM» — n3aM, No 69, 6pecT.), a b 06pagH0CTu — nynoBUHy u nna^HTy 3a-KanHBaroT b goMe unu b TaK Ha3HBaeM0M poguMOM MecTe (T.e. uMeHHO b tom MecTe, rge npoxogunu pogbi), hto6h HenoBeKa THHyno Tyga, rge OHa 3aKonaHa («uge Mon nynoK, TaM Mon goMOK», «g3e tboh nynoBUHa 3aKonaHa, Tygbi Te6a u ^He» — Ka6aK0Ba 2001, c. 93), HTO b ^noM co3gaeT cucTeMy B3auMHoro npuTaxeHua HenoBeKa, ero opraHOB u OTTopraeMHX HacTen Tena (nynoBUHbi, nna^HTbi), c ogHon cTopoHH, u MecTa ero poxgeHua, k KOTopoMy oh «npuBH3aH» nynoBUHon, — c gpyron. B KOHTeKCTe xe boct.-cnaB. +Mecmo'nna^HTa'agpecyeMbin 3onoTHUKy/Bpa3y npu3HB «cecTb Ha cBoe Mecmo» TaKxe BH3HBaeT gononHUTenbHbie «pogunbHbie» acco^ua^uu c TeMon 6epeMeHH0CTu, pogoB, BnpaBneHUH xuBOTa, onym;eHua MaTKu u BceM conpaxeHHbiM c Hen KopnycoM npegcTaBneHun. BocnpuHTue 3onoTHUKa KaK pe6eHKa b 3HaHUTenbHon Mepe ocHOBaHO u Ha tom, HTO no OTHomeHuro k yTpo6e 3onoTHUK 0Ka3biBaeTca ee «cogepxuMbiM», cBoero poga BHyTpeHHUM ^neMeHT0M 29, Haxogam;uMca BHyTpu xeHCKoro noHa. noHUMaHue 3onoT-HUKa KaK pe6eHKa HaxoguT KOcBeHHbie napannenu b HeKOTopHX h3hkobhx gaHHHX, b nocnegHue rogbi cTaBmux npegMeTOM uccnegoBaHua B.H.TonopoBa u A.O.^ypaBneBa. fleno b tom, HTO «y BOcTOHHOcnaBHHCKux guaneKTHHX cnoB c KopHeM dem- (dumenoK, ôemenum, ôemum, demKa u gp.) OTMeHaroTca 3HaHeHua 'He6onbmon cpy6 unu am;uK Ha gHe Konog^...', '(^HTpanbHaa) HacTb nneTeHon noBbimKu gna pbi6bi...', 'geTanb pbi-6onoBHoro cHapaga, BCTaBnaeMaa BHyTpb'. .. u nog.» (^ypaBneB 2005, c. 431). B to xe BpeMH cnoBa c KopHeM Mam- o6o3HaHaroT no npeuMym;ecTBy «HeKyro Hecym;yro koh-cTpy^uro, onopy, KOTopon Bce gepxuTca u pa3BUBaeTca — ot poga nrogcKoro u u36h go caMoro „MecTa" b npo^cce ero pocTa, pacnpocTpaHeHua-pacmupeHua» (TonopoB 2004, c. 92). Mhmmu cnoBaMu, ^HTpanbHaa u OTHOcuTenbHO He6onbmaa (ho npu ^T0M Hau-6onee BaxHaa) HacTb 6onee KpynHon cucTeMH (KOHCTpy^uu, eMKOcTu u T.n.), pacno-noxeHHaa BHyTpu/nog nocnegHen, ocMbicnaeTca b H3HKe KaK ee «geTeHbim» — Bepo-HTHee Bcero, no aHaTOMUHecKon aHanoruu c MaTepuHCKon yTpo6on u nnogoM BHyTpu Hee. TaK xe u 3onoTHUK — Haxoga^unca BHyTpu HenoBeHecKon yTpo6bi — b KOHeHHOM uTore BOcnpuHUMaeTCH KaK ee npou3BogHoe, T.e. KaK nnog < pe6eH0K 30. ^ro6onbiTH0, HTO b ^TH0^pa^UHecKUx onucaHuax 3onoTHUKa ^T0T opraH — b coctohhuu 6one3HeH-Horo B036yxgeHUH — MoxeT npaMO cBH3biBaTbca c pe6eHK0M: b BUTe6cK0M ucTOHHUKe roBopuTCH, HTO nocne pogoB unu nogHHTUH TaxecTen «zaïatnik duchom uznimajecca», T.e. pa3gyBaeTca, goxoga cboumu pa3MepaMu go BenuHUHH ronoBH HOBopoxgeHHoro (Werenko 1896, s. 112). OgHOBpeMeHHO cogepxam;eeca b 3aroBopax yKa3aHue Ha co^uanu3a^uro 3onoT-HUKa/Bpa3a (pogunu, KpecTunu, 6a6unu, MupoM MupoBanu u T.n.) b u3BecTH0M cMHcne 29 npuMeHaxenbHG, htg 3to cbgmctbg 3onomnuKa He Gcxanocb He 3aMeHeHHbiM b c^e^uanbHGM xepMUHG-noruu. TaK, xepMUH 3onomnuK ucnonb3yexca b xexHUKe, rge gh G3HaHaex nogBuxHbiM aneMeHx cucxeMH ynpaBneHua xennGBHM unu MexaHUHecKUM npo^ccGM, Haxoga^uMca BHyxpu axon cucxeMH'. 30 Cp. xaKxe npuBegeHHoe A. O. ®ypaBneBbiM HGBropog. 3onomnuK 'MaxKa (x.e. ^HxpanbHaa Hacxb. — T.A. ) HeBoga' (®ypaBneB 2005, c. 432) u a^eHxupGBaHHGe B.H.TonopoBbiM pyc. Mamuu,a KaK 'cepeguHa, rnaB-Haa, GCHGBHaa Hacxb Hero-n.' (TonopoB 2004, c. 92, 96), KOTopbie yKa3HBarox Ha «SKBunGKanbHGcxb» u «3K-Bu^yH^uGHanbHGcxb» cnGB c KGpHHMu dem- u Mam-b 3HaHeHuu '6a3a, GCHGBa, GceBaa, ^HxpanbHaa unu rnaBHaa Hacxb'. 269 CroxexuKa BocToHHocnaBaHcKux 3aroBopoB b conocxaBuxenbHoM acneKxe Mo^eT paccMaTpuBaTbca KaK 3HaK ero npuHagne^HocTM Mupy nrogen m n0T0My KaK 3a-nor m rapaHTua ero 6e3onacHocTu/3gopoBba/6narononyHua, cm. pa3pa6oTKy onno3M-^HH nenoeeK - HenenoeeK, Kpew^eHuû - HeKpew,eHuû, ôontHoû - 3Ôopoeuû, ceoû - nyMoû B 6onrapcKMX m BocroHHocnaBaHcKMX 3aroBopax: «Ty My 6aa, My ^u Hanpamu U3 nycmy ^ope, demy cy Mnadu hu eernaeym, demy ôba^ hu Kpymmaeym ... Tau uuy eduHe i nu-iHe, nu a uupoc Hy KpycmocyHy, npum Bo^y npedadeHy, cyc Bomu noeyi ynaceHo» [TaK 6ygeT 3aroBapuBaTb, oTnpaBMT mx (KnuHe) B nycTon nec, rge MonogMX He BeHHaroT, rge geTen He KpecTaT... TaM ecTb ega m nuTbe, a u.p. MupoM noMa3aH, Kpem;eH, Bory nepe-gaH, Bo^bMM noBoeM o6bmt] (C6Hy 1893/9, c. 139, 6onr. 3aroBop «ot 6onen B HM^Hen nacTM ^MBoTa unu naxy (3a KnuHe)»); «Didu, didu Zaliskij... u tebesyn Zaliskij, kostianyj, derewianyj, a u mene doczka rozdena, chreszczena, molytwena u.p.» (Talko-Hryncewicz, s. 136-137, No 3, ot 6eccoHHM^i). HeK0T0pwe MTora. BocToHHocnaBaHcKue 3aroBopM ot 3onoTHMKa/Bpa3a b 3a-nucax XIX-XX bb., cTonb MHoroHucneHHMe u, Ka3anocb 6m, gocTaToHHo no3gHue, Ha caMoM gene — KaK mm, Bcneg 3a M.M.Cokohobmm m PageHKoBMHeM, nMTanucb no-Ka3aTb b HameM uccnegoBaHuu, — b KoHeHHoM MTore BocxogaT k oTgenbHMM MoTMBaM rpenecKMX 3 aKnuHaHun ot «ucTepM»-«MMTpM». ^TM rpenecKue 3aKnuHaHua 6Mnu Boc-npuHHTM gpeBHecnaBHHcKMMM anoKpu^MHecKMMM MonuTBaMM, KoTopMe b cBoro one-pegb, BepoaTHo, nonanu b HapogHyro cpegy, a y^e b Hen c TeneHueM BpeMeHM c^opMM-poBanucb BocToHHocnaBHHcKue 3aroBopM ot 3onoTHMKa/Bpa3a, gomegmue go Harnux gHen. TaK b BocToHHocnaBaHcKoM 3aroBopHoM yHMBepcyMe coeguHucb «aBToxToHHaa» ^onbKnopHaa TpagM^Ma, xpucTuaHcKaa nucbMeHHocTb u aHTMHHaa KynbTypa b ee bm-3aHTMMcKoM «pega^uu» (ToncTon 1998, c. 430). roBopa o6 ^TMX ucToHHMKax coBpeMeHHMX 3aroBopoB ot 3onoTHMKa,Henb3a o6on-tm BHMMaHueM, KaK HaM Ka^eTca, gBa onpegenarom;MX MoMeHTa. Bo-nepBMX, b boctoh-HocnaBHHcKMX 3aroBopax XIX-XX bb. c nopa3MTenbHon ToHHocTbro Bocnpou3BogaTca Tpu ochobhmx MoTMBa rpeHecKoro 3aKnuHaHua III-IV bb.: 1) «yca^MBaHue 3onoTHM-Ka», BMpa^eHHoe TaKMM, Ka3anocb 6m, no3gHMM gna BocToHHocnaBaHcKMX h3mkob cno-bom, KaK «Kpecno»; 2) 3anpeT npuHMHaTb Bpeg pa3HMM HacTaM yTpo6M; 3) Tpe6oBaHue ocTaBaTbca Ha «cBoeM MecTe», — numb HacTMHHo noBToparomueca noToM b rpenecKMX 3aKnuHaHuax Ha 3MeeBMKax u gpeBHepyccKux anoKpu^MHecKux MonuTBax. Bot ^TM Tpu MoTMBa: rpenecKoe 3aKnuHaHue BocToHHocnaBaHcKue 3aroBopM e^opKL^œ u€ ¡-qrpav.. .ànoKaTaadyvai ev rfîeSpa 3aKnuHaro Te6a, MaTM^y... BoccTaHoBuTbca Ha cugeHuu/Kpecne 3onoTHMK, cTaHb... Ha 3onoToM Kpecne (3aKnuHaro Te6a...) He yKnoHaTbca hm b npaByro HacTb pe6ep, hm b neByro HacTb pe6ep «TyT To6i He nopoTM, He KonoTM, go cnuHM He npunagaTM i nig rpygu He nignupaTM» //1 \ / •> / 10/ arauiri Kai ¡evois ev yœpois tototj... BcTaTb m ocTaBanca Ha cbomx MecTax cTaHb ce6e Ha cBoeM MecTe 270 TambXHa A. A^anKUHa BTopbiM M0MeHT0M, cym;ecTBeHHbiM gnH BocToHHocnaBHHcKux 3aroBopoB ot 30-noTHuKa, ogHaKo coxpaHuBmuMcH b hux cKopee b Buge rnyxux u HeMoTuBupoBaHHMx HaMeKoB, «nepe^uTKoB», HBnHeTcH 3MeeMop^HocTb 3onoTHuKa/Bpa3a, cTonb HpKo u MHoronnaHoBo npegcTaBneHHaH b rpeHecKux HagnucHx Ha 3MeeBuKax u gpeBHepyccKux TeKcTax, ho npu ^T0M Heu3BecTHaH rpeHecKoMy 3aKnuHaHuro III-IV bb. Hto ^e Kaca-eTcH ocTanbHHx coBnageHun, to ohu, xoth u uMeroT MecTo, Ha caM0M gene Mano hto onpegenHroT b coBpeMeHHbix 3aroBopax. B nonb3y BbicKa3aHHon tohku 3peHuH (o HanuHuu TeKcTa/cro^eTa-nepBoucToH-HuKa 31) roBopHT, ogHaKo, He TonbKo ^Tu noHTu gocnoBHbie coBnageHuH, ho TaK^e u nopa3uTenbHoe eguHcTBo Bcero Kopnyca BocToHHocnaBHHcKux 3aroBopoB ot 3onoTHu-Ka/Bpa3a, 6e3 Tpyga cBoguMoro, KaK mm Mornu y6eguTbcH, k ogHoMy cro^eTHoMy Tuny. HanoMHuM, hto Kopnyc 3aroBopoB ot 3onoTHuKa/Bpa3a npegcTaBneH noHTu 200 TeK-ctobmmu pe^pe3eHTa^uHMu, peanu3yrom;uMu ogHy eguHu^y cro^eTa. nocnegyrom;ee ^e pa3BuTue BocToHHocnaBHHcKux 3aroBopoB (o6ycnoBuBmee ux coBpeMeHHHn o6huk u othuhuh ot nepBoucToHHuKa) coctohho npe^ge Bcero b ^onbKnopu3a^uu ^Tux 3aroBopoB, 3aKnroHaBmencH, Bo-nepBbix, b ^epcoHu^uKa^uu 3onoTHuKa/Bpa3a u npuo6peTeHuu um uMeHu, a TaK^e pHga co^uanbHMx u huhhoct-hmx xapaKTepucTuK, a Bo-BTopbix, b HacTuHHoM, ho goBonbHo nocnegoBaTenbHoM ynogo6neHuu 3onoTHuKa (KaK BHyTpeHHero opraHa, HaxogHm;erocH b Hu^Hen HacTu ^uB0Ta) pe6eHKy (npoucxogHm;eMy u3 Ton ^e HacTu ^eHcKon yTpo6bi). ^T0 ynogo-6neHue He TonbKo cnoco6cTB0Bano ^epcoHu^uKa^uu 3onoTHuKa/Bpa3a, ho u no3Bo-nuno 3aroBopy BbicTpouTb «geTcKyro 6uorpa^uro» 3onoTHuKa u b K0HeHH0M uTore peanu30BaTb cBoro nparMaTuHecKyro ycTaHoBKy — npuBH3aTb 3onoTHuK k «noKycy ero po^geHuH», yTpo6e, MaTKe. npMHATWe COKpa^eHMfl AnMa30B 1900 — AnMa3oB A. M. 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H. flyxoBHaa KynbTypa goHcKux Ka3aKOB. 3aroBopM, o6epe-ru, HapogHaH MegM^MHa, noBepbH, npuMeTM. P0cT0B-Ha-fl0Hy, 1998. PageHKOBuñ — PadeHKOBuh R>. HapogHe 6acMe u 6ajaaa. Hum; npumTMHa; Kparyje-Ba^ 1982. PageHKOBuñ 1998 — PadeHKOBuh R>. flbHa — cTapu cnoBeHcKM Ha3MB jegHe 6onecTM // CnoBo u KynbTypa. naMHTM Hmkmtm Mnbuna ToncToro. M., 1998. T. 2. C. 190197. Pa3yMOBcKaH — Pa3yMOBCKan E. H. CoBpeMeHHaH 3aroBopHaH TpagM^Mfl HeKOTopMX panoHOB PyccKoro ceBepo-3anaga (no noneBMM MaTepuanaM 1973-1988 rr.) // PyccKaH ^onbKnop. Cn6., 1993. T. 27. C. 257-273. P33 — PyccKue 3aroBopM u 3aKnuHaHMH. MaTepuanM ^onbKnopHMX ^KC^egM^Mn 1953-1993 rr. / nog peg. npo^eccopa B. n. AHMKMHa. Mry, 1998. PoMaHOB — PoMaHOB E. P. BenopyccKun c6opHMK. BuTe6cK, 1891. Bbin. 5. C6Hy — C6opHMK 3a HapogHM yMOTBopeHMH, HayKa u KHM>HMHa. Co^mh. Cfl 1 — CnaBHHcKue gpeBHocTM. ^THonMH^BMCTMHecKMn cnoBapb. M., 1995. T. 1. CnoB. Mar. — CnoBecHa Maris yKparnfrB. Km'íb, 1998. Co6onb 1893 — Co6onb M. 3aMeTKM o 6one3HHX, 3aMenaeMMX b ct. Ky6aHcKon, u o MecT-hmx cpegcTBax npoTMB hmx // C6opHMK MaTepuanoB gnH onucaHMH MecTHocTen u nneMeH KaBKa3a. Tu^nuc, 1893. T. 16. OTg. 2. C. 142-146. CoKonoB 1889 — CoKonoB M. M. AnoKpu^MHecKun MaTepuan gnH o6bHcHeHMH aMyne-tob, Ha3MBaeMMX 3MeeBMKaMM // ^ypHan MuHucTepcTBa HapogHoro npocBem;e-HMH. 1889. T. 263. OTg. 2. C. 339-368. CoKonoB 1895 — CoKonoB M.M. HoBMn MaTepuan gnH o6bHcHeHMH aMyneTOB, Ha3MBa-eMMX 3MeeBMKaMM // GpeBHocTM: Tp. CnaB. kommccmm MMn. Mock. apxeon. o-Ba. 1895. T. 1. C. 134-202. Cpe3HeBcKun 1 — Cpe3HeBCKUü M. M. MaTepuanM gnH cnoBapa gpeBHepyccKoro H3MKa no nucbMeHHMM naMHTHMKaM. Cn6., 1893. T. 1. CPHr — CnoBapb pyccKux HapogHMX roBopoB. M.; 1965-. BMn. 1-. CTapocnaBHHcKun cnoBapb — CTapocnaBHHcKun cnoBapb (no pyKonucHM X-XI bb.) / nog peg. P. M. ^nTnuH, P. BenepKM u ^. BnaroBon. M., 1999. TaHMH. — TaaMH^M 3aMoyHara cnoBa / yKnag. ffl^nHepa, B. C. 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A. ^BneHue npo3ononeu u H3biKoBbie cpegcTBa ero peanM3a^MM b 3aroBopax u 3aKnMHaHMflx // M3hk maHpoB pyccKoro ^onbKnopa. neTpo3aBogcK, 1979. C. 4-12. Hy6. — Hy6uHCKuU n. n. Tpygbi ^TH0^pa^MHecK0-CTaTMCTMHecK0M ^KC^egM^MM b 3a-nagHopyccKMM Kpan. Cn6., 1872. T. 1, Bbin. 1. OurnKoB 1890 — Wumkob Cm. H. EaaHua, BpanyBaHua, neKyBaHua. Ot Ax^p-Hene-6mmcko // C6Hy 1890. kh. 2. C. 170-171. ^CEM — ^THMana^iHHH cnoyHiK 6enapycKan mobm / P^g. B.y. MapTbiHay. MiHCK, 1978-. T.1-. ^CC.3 — ^TMMono^MHecKMH cnoBapb cnaBHHCKux h3mkob. npacnaBHHCKUM neKcune-ckmm ^oHg. M. Kačanovskij 1881 — Kačanovskij V. Apokrifne molitve, gatanja i priče // Starine. Zagreb, 1881. T. 13. S. 150-161. Kotula 1976 — Kotula Fr. Znaki przeszlosci. Warszawa, 1976. Kovačevic 1878 — Kovačevic Lj. Nekoliko priloga staroj srpskoj književnosti // Starine, 1878, knj. 10. Nahtigal 1942 — Nahtigal R. Euchologium Sinaiticum. Starocerkvenoslovanski glagolski spomenik. Ljubljana, 1942. II. del. Podbereski — Podbereski A.Materially do demonologii ludu Ukrainskiego // ZWAK, 1880. T. 4. S. 3-82. Strohal 1910 — Strohal R. Folkloristički prilozi iz starije hrvatske knjige // ZNŽO, 1910. Knj. 15, sv. 1. S. 120-160. Talko-Hryncewicz — Talko-Hryncewicz J. Zarysy lecznictwa ludowego na Rusi poludniowej. Krakow, 1893. Toeppen 1892 — Toeppen M. Wierzenia Mazurskie // Wisla. 1892. T. 6. S. 391-420. The Greek Magical Papyri — The Greek Magical Papyri in Translation, Including the Demotic Spells / Edited by Dieter Betz. 2nd ed. Chicago; London, 1992. Werenko 1896 — Werenko F. Przyczynek do lecznictwa ludowego // Materialy antropo-logiczno-archeologiczne i etnograficzne. Krakow, 1896. T. 1. S. 99-228. 274 TambXHa A. A^anKUHa Motivika vzhodnoslovanskih zagovorov v primerjalnem aspektu (zagovori za dvig maternice in telo) Tatjana A. Agapkina Avtorica s pomočjo primerjalne analize raziskuje glavne motive v približno sto-osemdesetih ruskih, ukrajinskih in beloruskih zagovorih za dvig maternice in telo. Zanimajo jo njihove variante, terminologija in obredni kontekst. Zasleduje zgodovino njihove motivike v slovanski folklori in v pisanih virih in njihovo povezavo z apokrifnimi molitvami. Mnoge od teh molitev, ki koreninijo v starodavnem magičnem izročilu, so bile prevedene iz grščine. 275 sodobna mitologija mitologia contemporanea contemporary mythology How to Outsmart the System: Immigrants' Trickster Stories Larisa Fialkova and Maria N. Yelenevskaya* This essay investigates attitudes to the law on the part of immigrants from the former Soviet Union to Israel and concerns the problems at the crossroads of legal anthropology, folklore, and immigration studies. Brought up in a totalitarian state, Soviet citizens were not law-abiding. The law was seen as an instrument of suppression used by the state against an individual. Circumventing it was considered to be both moral and justified. Immigration has not led to a change in legal consciousness or behavioral strategies. Trickster stories in which narrators bending the law are presented as heroes are of high tellability and form a distinctive genre of immigrants' folklore. The essay is based on face-to-face interviews conducted by the authors and analyzes historical, folkloric and literary roots of the immigrants' nonchalant attitude to the law. Focusing on twin stories narrated by participants of the same events we show selectivity of memory and the first stages of folklorization of personal narratives. Introduction This essay focuses on legal consciousness and custom law as they are reflected in the personal narratives which we collected from immigrants from the countries of the former Soviet Union (FSU) in Israel. Russian-speaking Israelis can be regarded as a community with its own subculture. Like any other subculture it is on the periphery of society and is largely closed to outsiders. Immigrants from the FSU are distinguished by strong conviction that high educational level and affinity with Russian culture, considered to be an integral part of European culture, entitles them to a much higher social status than what they have attained to date. The vast majority of the group's members are determined to preserve the language and culture of their country of origin and to reproduce a familiar way of life, including leisure activities, cuisine, holidays, and so on. In addition, ex-Soviets have a distinctive attitude to law formed back in the USSR. Interdisciplinary ties between law and anthropology were established over a century ago. Social scientists working at the interface of these disciplines have investigated the relationship of law and society, in particular, the way in which legal categories shape, reflect, or transcend the categories of society at large. Yet as Riles remarks, legal scholarship still almost universally operates in the realm of generalized assumptions without precise consideration of how ideas or fragments of ideas migrate across the boundary that distinguishes law from everyday life. Therefore, a critical ethnographic consideration The research reported here is a joint project. The authors alternate priority of authorship in their publications. 279 How to Outsmart the System: Immigrants' Trickster Stories of the cross-fertilization between law and anthropology reveals some surprising insights about the way in which ideas move among disciplines and, in particular, about how social categories come to be translated into the language of law (Riles 1994: 600-601). This task lies within the domain of legal anthropology. Definitions of legal anthropology differ,but as Nixon remarks, everybody agrees that it seeks to illuminate the ordering of human society (http://www.indiana.edu/~wanthro/ legal.htm, 10 June 2005). This discipline investigates the ways law, including custom law, operates in various cultures and analyzes concepts of justice as related to politics, religion, social life, economics and ethics. It studies how law influences society, and how society in its turn influences law. In the 1990s, experts in legal anthropology called for greater attention to interdisciplinary scholarship that would take into account advances in linguistics, narratology, and studies of transnationalism. Our investigation follows the latter trend as it is at the crossroads of legal anthropology, folklore, and immigration studies. The Russian researcherV. Bocharov points out that ethnographic investigations form the first stage in studying the custom law of subcultures in modern society. They begin with the study of customs, myths, symbols, and rituals of the group (Bocharov 1999:13). It is important to note that in our material custom law emerges not as a custom sanctioned and approved by the state, but as a combination of mental and behavioral models aiming at resisting the state's pressure and preserving the group's integrity. Material Material for this essay was drawn from two sets of interviews: 27 narratives were taken from 17 interviews, which were conducted in 1999-2003 and dedicated to various issues of migration. In 2005 we supplemented this sample with six focused interviews that yielded 10 more stories. In all we analyzed 38 narratives recorded from 23 subjects. Four plots appear twice, since we interviewed pairs of participants on the same events. Each interview was recorded separately to prevent the narrators from influencing each other's versions. Besides interviews, we analyzed material from the Russian-language press in Israel. Immigrants' newspapers regularly publish readers' letters seeking legal advice and lawyers' answers to these queries. Quite often papers publish stories about cheating; in some of them immigrants feature as perpetrators, in others as victims. In addition, advertising supplements occasionally post ads which offer illegal or semi-legal services, such as signing guarantees for bank loans, helping to obtain an American "green card" or re-emigrate to Canada by circumventing legal channels, and so on. Our third source of data was the Russian-Israeli Internet site called "Klub fraerov' (patsies' club) created by an immigrant for fellow-immigrants to share experiences and avoid becoming victims of swindling (http://frayerclub.narod.ru/index.htm 27 May 2005). The materials of this site have a folkloric nature: anonymous contributions are welcome, and no documentary proof of the posted stories is required. The stories that we recorded are related to the pre-emigration experience in the FSU and life after immigration. Our sample includes 12 stories about violation of customs regulations on the part of both emigrants and customs officials of the FSU; three narratives tell of forging documents to conceal ethnicity, four give accounts of false testimony, and two are about obtaining permission to emigrate without the consent of close relatives, which was a violation of the Soviet law. Out of six stories about bribes four are related to 280 Larisa Fialkova and Maria N. Yelenevskaya customs control, and one to the bribing of a municipal official in order to accelerate marriage registration in the Soviet period. One narrative tells us about bribing instructors of an Israeli program for immigrant youth for non-reporting that a participant found a parttime job which violated the rules. Five immigrants told us how they had become victims of swindling in Israel. Three informants reported that in the FSU they had applied for emigration using invitations from non-existent Israeli relatives, and nine plots do not fall under the categories we have mentioned. The list of plots we have already enumerated shows that we are concerned with sensitive issues. How can researchers obtain such stories? Obviously, a great deal of trust on the part of the subjects is needed. Since we are members of the same reference group as our informants, most of the interviewees were convinced that we could understand the circumstances and motives that made them violate the law. They probably would not have opened up had they not been sure we identified with their motives for deviant behavior. The second reason is that among ex-Soviets irrespective of whether they reside in the FSU, Israel, Germany, or the U.S., trickster stories are of high tellability1. If the audience is trusted, they are told with a lot of spicy and mischievous details. Law and Swindling in Traditional Folklore and Russian Literature In traditional folklore the figure of the trickster appears in three main genres: trickster myths, swindler and fool's novellas, and animal novellas (see, Aarne and Thompson 1964: AT 1675, AT 1526; AT 1-299; Jason 1975: 42, 48). The most ancient of the three is the trickster myth, found in North and South American, African, Greek, Slavic, and Norse folktales. A trickster is defined as a god, goddess, spirit, human hero, or anthropomorphic animal who breaks the rules of the gods or nature, sometimes maliciously, (for example, Loki) but usually with ultimately positive effects. Often, the rule-breaking takes the form of tricks (e.g., Eris) or thievery. Tricksters can be cunning or foolish or both; they are often very funny even when considered sacred or performing important cultural tasks (http:// en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Trickster, 14 November 2005). An important feature of trickster tales is that they are ironic arenas in which corporeality and transcendence, the individual and society, meaning and the absurd, are mediated and celebrated http://www.infoplease.com/ce6/ent/A0849406.html, 14 Nov. 2005. There is no clear-cut distinction between fool narratives and hero-tales of 'native cunning' elevated to levels of 'Creator's helper' or 'messenger', and between the trickster and the culture hero (see, e.g., http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Trickster, 14 Nov. 2005; http://www. pantheon.org/areas/folklore/folklore/articles.html, 14 Nov. 2005). Meletinskii points out that jocular and novella-type folktales have evolved from archaic mythological tales about forefathers—culture heroes and their demonic-comic doubles, mythological tricksters. He emphasizes that along with "active" stupidity, jocular folktales portray "passive" stupidity; that is, simpletons' are easy to con and cheat. They are credulous of tall stories told by any trickster or swindler. Many jocular folktales glorify tricksters and jeer at the gullible. An asymmetry, however, is evident and is closely associated with particular social connotations. In most cases 1 In the course of fieldwork we also recorded narratives by ex-Soviets who immigrated to Germany and the USA. The motifs and attitudes in these stories are similar to those analyzed in this article. 281 How to Outsmart the System: Immigrants' Trickster Stories smart thieves and mischievous prankstersenjoypositive evaluation,particularly,when their marks are landowners, serf owners, and priests. Notably, these tales express admiration of the trickster's smartness, creativity, and inventiveness. The comic effect of the situation is essential, but the social status of the victim is important (E. M. Meletinskii http://www. ruthenia.ru/folklore/meletinsky14.htm, 14 Nov. 2005). Social aspects of trickster tales can be found as early as ancient mythology. The hero, a human or an animal, is praised when he steals for the sake of the tribe but not when he violates rules of his own collective, attacks its members, or achieves profit at their expense (see Meletinskii 1979: 144-178). In the Russian swindler novella, the hero invariably belongs to underprivileged classes. The social orientation of the Russian version of the swindler tale is evident when compared with similar plots in other cultures. In the Russian tale the social motifs are in the foreground while in versions known in other languages they are subdued. The hero of the Russian tale is a soldier who has served 25 years in the army, a peasant boy, a priest's servant, and other characters juxtaposed to the tsar, the nobility, and the clergy. They are socially inferior to the "masters" but surpass them in wit. Whatever turn the plot might take, the social roles remain stable (Moldavskii 1979: 6). Trickster stories and the theme of cheating are well-represented in Russian folklorelike novellas that became popular in the 17th century. They described in admiration the boldness and wit of the smart swindler who cannot hope to achieve a worthy position in the society by honest means and so will plunge into shameless adventures. In the 18th century the strengthening of Christianity and the development of culture constrained amoral and mischievous behavior and its poeticized description. The emergence of romanticism later that century relaxed moral limitations, but in the 19th century admiration of mischievous characters remained on the periphery, and writers refrained from praising swindling (Egorov 2002). Folk attitudes to law and justice are reflected in proverbs. The most authoritative collection of Russian proverbs by Vladimir Dal' has several sections which deal with law, truth, justice, and courts. Some of them are maxims that served to regulate relations between the state and its citizens, community and individuals, landowners and serfs, and so on. But many evaluate the legal system ruling in tsarist Russia. These proverbs cluster in different compartments, such as "Law", "Departmental Court", "Court—Truth", "CourtExtortion", and others (Dal' 1957: 169-175; 245-246). Although some show respect for law and praise law abiding citizens, the overwhelming majority expresses acute distrust of law, and especially of judges. They are suspected of bribe-taking, pettifogging, and bending the law as they please. These proverbs reflect pessimism of a simple man convinced that without connections or money he would not find justice in court. Here are some examples of proverbs illustrating these points: Zakon kak pautina—shershen'proskochet, a mukha uviaznet. (Laws catch flies but let hornets go free). Zakon, chto dyshlo—kuda povernesh, tuda i vyshlo. (The law is like a shaft—whichever way you turn it, you are shafted). Sudeiskie vorota bez serebra ne otkryvaiutsia. (A judge's doors open only to silver). 282 Larisa Fialkova and Maria N. Yelenevskaya Sudiam to i polezno, chto im v karman polezlo. (What's good for the judge is what's good for his pocket). (see English equivalents in Mertvago 1995) Distrustful attitudes to law intensified in the Soviet period as a result of Stalin's massive purges when millions of people disappeared in the camps without public trials. In post-Stalin's era the court was still viewed not as the place to seek for justice and settle disagreements but as the state's tool of suppression and an institution corroded by corruption. Old Attitudes in the New Surroundings Analyzing immigrants'trickster stories we should bear in mind that different groups may resort to different types of tricks depending on the circumstances characterizing the group's situation. Thus Sharon Halevi, who studied trickster stories in the American colonial South, distinguished three categories into which the narratives fell: didactic tricks, humiliating tricks, and perpetrating tricks. The latter became a means of self-preservation and protecting property (Halevi 2004). In terms of this taxonomy, all narratives in our sample belong to the perpetrator type and can be divided into the following subcategories: preservation of the self and family (forging ethnicity, emigrating without close relatives' permission); preservation of the other (giving false evidence in court); preservation of family property and property of the other (violating the law of customs and cheating on taxes). Working on this project we did not analyze such issues as tax evasion and illegal working by welfare recipients (see Fialkova 2005). Nor did we deal with the mass violation of the precepts of Judaism prohibiting Jews to work on Sabbath and religious festivals or eating non-kosher food. All these phenomena existed in Israel before the big wave of immigration of the 1990s, but then non-kosher stores and restaurants were mostly in the Arab sector. Today, Russian non-kosher businesses successfully compete with their Arab counterparts, and in some sense challenge the Jewish nature of the state (see Yelenevskaya and Fialkova 2005: 163-168). Immigrants'attitude to various types of law violations is different. When they recall how they cheated the customs our informants were convinced they were right and saw their own behavior as the only means available to them to protect family property from inhuman Soviet laws, and maliciousness and greed of the officials. Confessing to tax evasion and attempts to forge documents, particularly those proving ethnicity and thus entitling Soviet Jews to emigration, perpetrators are aware of wrongdoing. Yet, they justify their behavior on the grounds of intolarable financial circumstances or attempts to improve their children's lot. Finally, secular immigrants' attitude to violations of the religious law is nonchalant, since this type of law is completely rejected by many ex-Soviets brought up as militant atheists. Our narrators had no qualms describing how they managed to circumvent rules and laws, and they perceived any successes in these violations as little triumphs over the subversive system rather than deviant behavior. In the literature on attitudes to law no behavior is considered per se and universally deviant (Cohen 1959: 463). The term refers to conduct that departs significantly from norms. "It cannot be described in abstract terms but must be related to the norms that are socially defined as appropriate and morally binding for people occupying various statuses" 283 How to Outsmart the System: Immigrants' Trickster Stories (Merton 1961: 723-724 cited from Jessor et al. 1968: 23). The common element of various definitions of deviant behavior is that deviance is not something intrinsic to the behavior itself. The socially defined criterion of evaluation is shared expectations about what behavior is appropriate and what behavior does not accord with social norms in each particular situation. (Jessor et al. 1968: 24) As we showed in the previous section, the folk attitude to law in Russia demonstrates lack of trust. This is rooted in history, and its core is the balance of power between the state and the peasant community, and later society as a whole. The Russian ethnologist Svetlana Lurie observes that in pre-revolutionary Russia there were no regular or consistent relations between the state and members of society. The state in reality differed significantly from what it purported to be. It ignored the community, and the community, in turn, ignored the state by organizing its own life according to the laws that it had created. The community often confronted representatives of power when conflicts arose (Lurie 1997, downloaded in December 2005). This lack of coherence might be one explanation of why the notions of law and morals are disconnected in Russian culture; moreover, justice is considered to be more important than truth (see, e.g., Lebedeva 1999; Lurie 1997; Stepanov 2001; Znakov 1997). Our informants had learned not to trust law or the state. And as Guboglo put it, a lack of trust is critical in the attitude to law since it leads to the supremacy of power over it. Ethical norms erode or are destroyed completely, while agreements and mutual obligations become valueless (Guboglo 2003: 215). Even after moving to another country immigrants often perceive the law as an instrument of oppression, and its violation as a right and moral action (Markowitz 1993: 202-210). Israeli sociologists have noticed that immigrants from the FSU are more tolerant of "white collar" crimes than veteran Israelis. However, when answering structured questions or participating in sociological surveys which include questions about the subjects' readiness to report violations of that sort, they made general statements without referring to their own experience and practices (see Al-Haj and Leshem 2000: 51-53). According to Rothman, even if respondents to structured questionnaires were asked what they would do in a hypothetical situation, one would not necessarily know what they would do if actually confronted with such situations. Choices made in hypothetical dilemmas may tell us little about respondents' actual behavior (Rothman 1980: 107). In the interviews that we recorded, people disclosed facts of their own life, thus becoming vulnerable. As we have mentioned, such stories are usually shared with members of one's own group, who are expected to understand that evading the law is a means of survival or a compensation for being an outcast (Tice et al. 2002: 175-187). Like the so-called "pardon tales" they turn the crime (or rather violation of the law) into a story (Davis, 1987: 1-6), yet in our case the aim is not to plead for forgiveness but to entertain the audience. Personal narrative research always deals with the exposure of the sensitive aspects of the self. The researcher becomes responsible to the subjects for not violating trust. This responsibility increases exponentially when interviewees talk about the violation of the law and the moral norms prevailing in society (Miller 2000: 83). Luckily for us, the sample we collected contains no stories about crime or behavior threatening people's lives. Had it been otherwise we would have faced a serious moral dilemma. Another ethical problem that emerged during the fieldwork was that many informants were convinced that we shared their views and sentiments entirely, including their attitude to the law. Like other 284 Larisa Fialkova and Maria N. Yelenevskaya immigrant researchers investigating their own group, we found ourselves in limbo between the Israeli establishment and the immigrant community. Trust and solidarity were poisedready to evaporate the moment our interviewees suspected we were serving them, the state. This suspiciousness was particularly strong among members of the older generation. Some of the narratives we analyze concern the abuse of power. But although they cannot be classified as trickster stories, they are important for us because they show how the mechanism of power works and what triggers people to cheat the system. How to justify bending the law As noted, our sample includes four plots told by different participants in the same events which we will quote and analyze in this section. We chose these narratives because they show selectivity of narrators' memory and the first phase of the folklorization process. Valeria, 70 I remember how we... In N. we had a collection of medals and we were anxious to take it out when we decided to emigrate. We could not take the medals as a whole collection. And so we sent them in postal parcels to different addresses in Israel. A kilo each, and that's how we sent them. We had a medal dedicated to Pushkin, a medal by sculptor Skudnov, included in catalogs... Well, he is quite famous. We weren't allowed to take that medal because it was issued to celebrate Pushkin's centenary. But we were so eager to keep it. And so I thought, "Too bad if this medal gets lost, but the hell with it. Nothing ventured, nothing gained." So I put it into a regular postal parcel and wrote in the accompanying letter: A medal: "Pushkin". And that's how it reached us. Raia, 48 My second story is about taking medals out of the country. These were old medals. We had a collection. And, in fact, it is allowed to take out medals as individual pieces. But it is prohibited to take out collections. My parents sent them as if they were gifts in postal parcels; there were about 30-40 parcels, not heavier than one kilo each. They were addressed to three friends in Israel. One address was in Jerusalem, another in Tel Aviv, and the last one was in Haifa. And when we came [to Israel], we picked them up, and then it turned out that all the parcels sent to Tel Aviv and Haifa reached the addressees while hardly any of those sent to Jerusalem arrived. Then we searched for them and some were tracked somewhere near Munich. But some others were lost. Some of the medals, rare ones, were issued in the 19th century and it was forbidden to send them abroad. And so I took them out when I came to N. as a guest. I put them into a small children's backpack carried by my daughter. I had an answer ready in case they were be discovered [by the customs]. I would say that I'd bought them in the market on Andreevskii descent [a street in the narrator's home-town] and had no idea whether they were valuable or forbidden for sending abroad. This is my second story. Even in these short narratives a mother and a daughter emphasize various aspects of the events. Valeria reads numismatic catalogs and knows every piece of her family collection. She remembers the dates when each medal was issued, she knows in whose honor 285 How to Outsmart the System: Immigrants' Trickster Stories the medals were produced and to which memorable events they were dedicated. She singles out one of the most valuable pieces of the collection and tells the interviewer how she pretended ignorance. When filling out a postal form she did not lie in describing the medal, because, indeed, it was dedicated to Pushkin. She did not falsify the date when it was issued; she merely omitted it. Thus a medal that had the status of an antique piece was sent as a contemporary piece. We can infer that for Valeria it was a daring act, and she drew strength by referring to folk wisdom. She invented a way to downplay the significance of the "gift" and displays satisfaction that the trick worked. The safe arrival of this particular medal seems more important to her than the loss of some others, which she does not even mention. Raia, on the other hand, does not evince familiarity with individual pieces of the family collection. Like her mother she does not doubt the wisdom of sending the collection. Her short narrative is divided into two parts: the first is told in the third person and focuses on the technicalities. She reveals how and where the medals were sent. She indicates which parcels arrived safely and which were lost and where they were found. But her real involvement in transporting the medals emerges in the second part of the story, when it was her turn to bend the law. Her strategy was similar to her mother's: pretending ignorance. She risked more though, because having items forbidden for taking outside the country in her luggage she could betray herself by fear, and in case of failure would have faced an unpleasant scene at the customs. Note that Raia's narrative is part of a longer interview. We recorded four of her stories, three of which dealt with customs, and one with court evidence in Israel. Raia structured each narrative as a separate story with a number in the introduction and a concluding sentence (e.g.,"This is how I became a smuggler"). Natalia, 57 It was in November 1990. Quite a few friends and relatives are leaving for America and Israel. I didn't see off as many friends as some other people I know, but still many acquaintances from Ukraine and Georgia came to Moscow to register their [emigration] papers. And my mom and I witnessed all the dramas, and anxieties, and hurt feelings (pause). We saw all these heart attacks and tears, and a general mess. And most of the émigrés were reasonably well-to-do. I never saw off very wealthy or really rich people, but neither were the people I saw off poor. All of them had something they wanted to take out [illegally], and so they tried to cheat and sometimes they succeeded and sometimes they failed. And only twice in my life did I see off my friends...One was going to Italy. She had no property at all. She was going to join her fiancé and was eight months pregnant, and they [the customs] had taken her wedding band, no, not the wedding band, but the engagement ring given by her fiancé. It was a terrible tragedy, and still today I cannot make sense of it. I couldn't do anything then. I managed to send her that ring many years later... Oh, and one other friend, my very best, my closest friend ... she didn't have anything either. On her last day [before emigration] she bought a splendid leather jacket, the first one in her life. We carefully examined it, we checked many times whether it looked real smart, and we bought a couple of other garments too. And besides this, she had nothing else except bitter, piercing, sad and happy memories of N. and of everyone she'd left there. And finally we come for the customs examination. You know, when I saw off my relatives I knew that they had something, something that was in excess [of what was allowed by customs regulations], and something hidden, and something had probably 286 Larisa Fialkova and Maria N. Yelenevskaya been already sent [with other emigrants]. I would be worried how they would pass [customs control], but in this particular case there was nothing to be worried about. Because she really had NOTHING. The only anxieties were related to parting. And all of a sudden a petty man, in his petty position decided to show how much power he had been given at the expense of my friend. And probably he had previously done that at the expense of many other people. And how did he search this poor girl! Inside and out, from top to bottom, over and over again. And it wouldn't be such a big deal if it hadn't been for the fact that the only thing that he did find was her father's watch. Katias father had passed away a long time ago. He was very dear to her. As far as I remember the watch didn't even work but the memory was powerful, not fake, and very important for the heart. The watch was confiscated. No, it wasn't confiscated, but Katia was told to leave it behind, the watch and some other trifles. And (pause), Katia went back and gave these things to me. And there was something else, I don't remember now, but it was really something completely unimportant, something like a sandwich or something else that couldn't be taken across the border. And the paradox of the situation was that not a single customs officer, including this particular one, none of them was on guard to defend interests of the country. And he was not alert to prevent valuables being taken out. He was simply a petty man who felt he was big and significant carrying out his terrible mission. As soon as he did carry it out, the interests of the country no longer bothered him, and the paradox of the situation was that we were allowed to come close to each other again and say goodbye once more. We couldn't even dream this would be possible. And when after all this horror, humiliation and pain Kat'ka realized she could come and kiss me once more, neither she nor I knew what would happen. But anger, I am not frequently possessed with anger but then it simply boiled over in me. I know there are moments in my life when I am capable of anything! Just at that very moment, all of a sudden I remembered that I had the watch! It wasn't important just to give it back to her but to prove something to them! And taking her hand in mine, I shoved the watch up her sleeve and whispered... I remember the first thing I said clearly, but don't remember at all what else I said then. I said, "Hold it, Kat'ka!" And then I said something else, something angry and revengeful. Something of the sort: "Damn them all!" Something of the sort, you know, slogan-type, and revengeful. And I felt relieved. And I had the feeling that it was some kind of a plot, and there was a belief that whatever you say, they couldn't take us with bare hands. Ekaterina, 53 Naturally, when we decided to leave we were thinking of how to take out valuables. Well, we didn't have real valuables, but those were objects that were dear as memories about the family and the people who had passed away. Well, besides, it was very difficult to take out old books because books published before 1945 were simply prohibited for sending them abroad. We had a big collection of books from the Academia publishers that had come out before 1945. And I remember how I gave them away to acquaintances, and I didn't know whether I would ever be able to come [to Russia] again. And so I had to leave many of my favorite books. I remember a scene in the Public Library, where we had to bring books and photographs for inspection and a permit for taking them out. There was a woman there who was terribly upset because she wasn't allowed to take out a photograph of her son wearing a school uniform. The old [Soviet] school uniform looked like the pre-revolutionary Russian school uniform. And the inspector, a young woman, became stubborn. She didn't know that such a uniform had existed [in Soviet times], and refused point blank to give a permit. The 287 How to Outsmart the System: Immigrants' Trickster Stories most... the most honest people, who had never even dreamt of cheating, indulged in it before departure. I know someone, a person of advanced age, a Ph.D. and a professor. She took apart her pearl necklace, interspersed real pearls with fake ones and decorated her cardigan with this mixture. It was fashionable then, you know, woolen cardigans decorated with pearls were all the rage (pause). And this is what happened to me when I was crossing the border. I had gold earrings, a pendant and a gold watch. These were not antiques, but Soviet-made objects. But apparently their total value was higher than what it was allowed to take out. And the customs officer, a woman, said, "Well, you'll have to leave something behind. Choose what". I wanted to leave the earrings, but she said, "No-no-no! Leave the watch". Fortunately, my friend was there to see me off. So I went back and gave it to her over the barrier, I mean the watch. Then it turned out that my luggage was overweight, so I had to take out some things out of the bag. I took out a blanket, a hair-dryer, and again handed it to her over the barrier. And when I gave these things to her, she took hold of my hand and put the watch into it. And so I crossed [the border] holding this watch and violating customs rules. I experienced the exhilaration of real triumph: I managed to outsmart the system at least in something. Natalia is the only narrator in our sample who is not an emigrant and lives in Moscow. While immigrants recall the episodes of departure, her repertoire of stories linked to emigration focuses on seeing her friends and relatives off. Natalia combined two stories in her narrative, and although the first one does not have a double, we could not separate the two because structurally they form one whole united by an introduction. Furthermore, they are related to the same conflict between Soviet authorities and the individual and form a unit in the composition. Natalia juxtaposes her two friends and all the other emigrants who tried to violate customs rules. She emphasizes that both her friends were very poor and had nothing to hide from the customs. This is important for her because she wants to show how unfair it was that out of all the others it was these two who were "caught" with the one and only one valuable object each of them possessed. In both cases the value was more symbolic than monetary. This is why Natalia mentions that the watch did not work. The narrator does not conceal her acute dislike of the system. Note that she opposes herself and her friends to the invisible but malicious "them". She is convinced that customs officers' vigilance has nothing to do with conscientiousness but only with conceit and petty pride in their own power. Although both episodes are reminiscences of the events that took place over a decade before,Natalia is full of emotions recalling the two events which she still perceives as a "tragedy" that triggered "horror", "pain", "humiliation" and anger that "boils over". In both cases she was to be the caretaker of the returned valuables and is proud to have passed them back to the owners. Ekaterina's narrative also includes three story lines: providing books and photographs for inspection, hiding real pearls among the fake beads, and finally, the twinned story about the watch. Like Natalia, she claims that virtually no emigrant left the USSR without breaking customs rules, and emphasizes that people were particularly eager to take out objects having symbolic value. Like Natalia, Ekaterina dwells on the lack of professionalism in the actions of the officials. Her memories of the episode with the watch, however, deviate significantly from Natalia's. First, it is the gender of the customs officer; secondly it is the reason why the two friends could come closely into contact again, and finally, it is the details of how the watch was secretly handed back to her. More importantly, Ekaterina's perception of the events is much less emotional than Natalia's. She doesn't 288 Larisa Fialkova and Maria N. Yelenevskaya mention humiliation or anger. Nor does she confirm that her luggage was thoroughly searched. Nothing in her narrative indicates that, indeed, she was extremely poor at the time of emigration. Above all, she does not even hint that the watch belonged to her father or was a family heirloom. But both narrators are united in the feeling of triumph and revenge that they experienced when they managed to "outsmart the system". Roman, 75 This is about an incident which I always recall with a smile. Someone very close to me asked to do something that seemed very simple. It was necessary to testify in the rabbinate that her friend, a Jew, was to get married to someone who was also Jewish. And I had to testify that I had been acquainted with that woman in the town where she had lived before emigration and that I knew the young man and that he had also lived in the same town. I also had to say that I knew that their parents were indeed Jewish. I went to the rabbinate and received a hearty welcome. They started talking to me, and what is interesting is that they started speaking Yiddish. And I replied in Yiddish. The rabbi obviously respected me for this, and further, well, it was simply a conversation between two men who could understand each other. That's it. Raia, 48 This is a story of false evidence, or to be more precise, a story of how Ipersuaded my own father to give false evidence. It was like this. A friend of mine from N. had to prove that she was Jewish. And Jewish she was. I knew her still in N., and I knew her rather well too. In fact, it was enough to look at her to realize she was Jewish [laughs]. You would never find a more typical Jew. But something in her mother's papers, well, her nationality wasn't indicated. There was a period in the Soviet Union when there was no entry for nationality on the birth certificate. And she asked me to go to the rabbinate together with her to testify that she's Jewish. I promised I would, but when the day to do it approached, she called me, confused and frustrated, and said I wasn't right for the task, because only men can testify. She was extremely upset, and all of a sudden an idea occurred to me: "Wait, I'll ask my dad." My dad had never met her. I went up to him and said, "Look, my friend Marina is begging to go to the rabbinate with her and testify she's Jewish, but my testimony is no good, because they don't allow women's testimony. Can you do it?" And he said, "Sure." Marina came to pick him up. He saw her for the first time in his life then. He came to the rabbinate with her and testified with a lot of confidence that she's Jewish. Well, after all it was no lie. She IS Jewish. We asked Roman for an interview because we had heard him tell this story on various occasions among friends. Roman is a good storyteller and he relished telling of his mischief. He agreed to the interview albeit not enthusiastically. To our regret, the recorded version was stripped of juicy details and proved to be much drier and poorer in details than those we had heard before. Moreover, Roman did his best to disguise the fact of false evidence, although he hadn't been at all ashamed of saying it at all in the absence of the tape recorder. Unlike him, the second narrator, his daughter, was frank and revealed a couple of details missing from Roman's narrative. First, Roman failed to mention that he had become involved in problematic activities through his daughter, and our pledge of anonymity did little to reduce his vigilance. Apparently, he was not at all worried about himself but he wanted to protect his daughter from whatever trouble might arise and so 289 How to Outsmart the System: Immigrants' Trickster Stories disguised her as "someone very close to me." Secondly, he "forgot" to mention that he had first met the girl for whom he was going to testify only on the way to the rabbinate. Thirdly, Roman's daughter Raia, who knew the couple well, had no recollection of the necessity to testify for the girl's fiancé. Neither could she recall that the young man had come from the same town. And finally, Roman didn't mention that the reason for his daughter's request was related to gender issues, namely women's inequality in the religious court. Note that Raia says that her friend looked like a typical Jew, which is a decisive factor for her to prove the woman's ethnicity. This is not a chance remark but a widespread stereotype that still prevails among former Soviets. Even after years spent in Israel and exposure to the Jewish tradition, the knowledge that it is not the phenotype that makes a person Jewish remains on the periphery of consciousness, and in spontaneous narration habitual attitudes dominate. Another interesting detail emerging from Roman's story is that according to him, his credentials as a witness in the rabbinate were proven by his ability to speak Yiddish. Since many elderly immigrants from the FSU have not manage to master Hebrew, Yiddish remains the only language in which they can communicate with members of the receiving society. We don't know whether the rabbi chose Yiddish as the most likely means of communication or whether, indeed, it was an additional means of verifying Roman's own Jewishness, and in effect the validity of his testimony. The second incident of false evidence is also related to ethnic issues. Ekaterina, 53 This happened a year after I immigrated. My husband and I "acquired" a foster son. This was the son of a fellow-student of mine, we were at school together. He [the foster son] came to Israel alone. He had fallen in love with a girl and [pause] followed her when she emigrated. And we tried to help him in whatever we could, and so did the girl's mother. He often stayed overnight at her place and sometimes at ours. His father is Jewish, but his mother is Russian. And he was afraid that he would have problems because it wasn't clear what they would write in his teudat zeut (Hebrew for ID). One day, the girl's mother called and said, "You know, Katia, Serezha wants to be circumcised but first he must, first someone has to confirm he is Jewish". I said, "I will", and we went to see the Rabbi. We told him enthusiastically that we knew Serezhas family and that it was an excellent family! This is what we emphasized: the family was good. He [the rabbi] was watching us with curiosity, that is, how we displayed all our emotions and passions. He asked questions about the boy's mother but we said we were not very well acquainted with the mother although knew the father very well. Some time later Serezha was circumcised and he stayed at our place after the procedure. Later, when he went to pick up his teudat zeut it turned out he was registered—after all, he was not registered as Jewish. Well, my husband said, "Do you realize that you have become a false witness? Besides, your evidence was not worth anything since you are women". But we were convinced we were doing the right thing. The young fellow came here all alone, and things are hard for him, and one has to see to all the necessary conditions... at least there shouldn't be any obstacles preventing him from starting a new life in Israel. Valentina, 59 Valentina: By that time Serezha had already been circumcised, but still, he sort of wasn't Jewish because his mother is Russian. And we thought there would be complications 290 Larisa Fialkova and Maria N. Yelenevskaya for him because of this, although now it is clear that people live very well without it and have no complications. But then we were really scared and wanted to help him. We decided that we would testify that I, er, knew his relatives back in Leningrad, and ... my mother knew... [inaudible]. I remember we had invented a whole story to prove that his mother's Jewish. And we were concerned only about one thing: we wanted it to go smoothly. Naturally, we had no qualms of consciousness because we were FURIOUS that a person was turned into an outcast, we were really furious. [inaudible] I remember that we were going to the synagogue in the state of elation, we were [inaudible] we were in a very good mood. I don't remember at all who I spoke to, to some rabbi I guess. Interviewer: Do you remember where it was? Valentina: Well, it was in that big synagogue in Haifa in a beautiful place (we omit the name of the area to preserve anonymity), I liked the place very much. Well, they treated us very nicely, everything was fine, we... As far as I remember I said that the kid had come to Israel alone, that he's such a... that it is necessary to help him because he is completely alone here [inaudible], and that I know his parents although he is not my relative, that is it's as if ...Well, it is essential that he should get help and settle down properly. Interviewer: And what was the end of this whole story? For him, I mean. Valentina: Well, as far as I remember it ended well. [pause] You know what... I don't really remember. I think his Jewishness was confirmed. (Looks at the interviewer with a question in her eyes, but the interviewer shakes her head.) No? It wasn't!? Oh, really? I thought it had been confirmed. (...) Could they have really failed to confirm Serezhkas Jewishness? You know what, yes, I remember now, yes, he [the rabbi], said that he [Sergei)] should be circumcised and then everything would be fine. Sure, you are Jewish, and that's it! And it was sort of a confirmation that he's Jewish. (...) But I must say it didn't really do any harm. (...) Interviewer: No, it didn't. Valentina: And he lives a normal life here and feels o.k....I want to add something on the subject of law. Our amuta (Hebrew, voluntary organization) is the only island in the whole world of injustice. We sometimes try to., we try to adhere to law and we try to act. Well, say, when they catch, sales people, that is, we try to catch salespeople in the act and make them do things according to the law; on the other hand on some occasions we try to bypass the law, because the law is so idiotic, so cruel, so absurd... Even Israelis, you know, and we together with them try to circumvent the law in order to help people. (...) And there are cases, very complex cases when a person finds herself in a terrible situation, absolutely terrible and all because of the stupid law. Well, you know what I mean. Like in the previous pair of stories, here we have two versions differing in some relevant details. First, the two stories deviate in the sequence of events. Ekaterina indicates that false testimony was indispensable for circumcision, while Valentina starts her story by saying that it had happened after the circumcision. Since the career of the young man for whom our subjects gave false evidence proved to be very successful, Valentina forgot that the testimony had proven useless. When the interviewer, who had heard Ekaterina's story first, betrayed herself by showing that Valentina's memory might be failing her, she reconstructed the events more accurately. Valentina is open in admitting to giving false testimony. She elaborates on how the story of the relationship was invented. Ekaterina, on the other hand, does not openly divulge the fact of lying. She emphasizes her friendship with the young man's father as if this were the proof of his wife's Jewishness. After the two 291 How to Outsmart the System: Immigrants' Trickster Stories interviews we met Ekaterina again and asked without a tape recorder whether she had done it deliberately or unconsciously. She tried to analyze her own motives and admitted that she wasn't sure. This leads us to believe that it was done semi-consciously, out of habit to conform to the norm. Contrary to three episodes in the six narratives quoted earlier, in the last one the trick failed. False evidence proved useless. But since none of the participants was punished, and since the young man's integration was not affected, Valentina's and Ekaterina's narratives radiate cheerfulness and optimism. The motif that is common to the four stories about false evidence is the narrators' conviction that their behavior was moral. They were expressing solidarity with a"friend in need", thus proving once more that in Russian culture fairness is more important than the truth. In the first case, the participants thought that it was unfair that women's testimony was not accepted. In the second, the subjects thought it unfair that a young man who had the courage to start a new life in Israel all alone without family support should suffer discrimination. We are not sure that these stories would meet with sympathy from veteran Israelis. Fake Jewishness of immigrants from the FSU is a sensitive issue in the formal and informal Israeli discourse. Israeli society welcomes potential immigrants but finds it hard to tolerate the actual ones, especially when the latter do not meet Halachic criteria, or societal expectations, such as willingness to assimilate and readiness to mount the social ladder slowly instead of competing vigorously against veterans. For many immigrants ethnicity is a sensitive issue, because people feel they suffered discrimination in the USSR, irrespective of their being Halachically Jewish. As mentioned earlier, immigrants from the FSU are primarily secular and do not perceive religious law as real law. Rather they see the parallel between religious law and Soviet bureaucracy. Readiness to make concessions works for"good"people. If documents are forged by thieves, prostitutes, or people known to be dishonest in other ways, most immigrants are unlikely to show sympathy. So the law is not perceived as an abstract category but is highly personalized. The specific feature of immigrant groups is that they find themselves at the intersection of rules and laws: people's mentality is dominated by the situation in the country of origin while the consequences of behavior are affected by the laws and practices of the receiving society. Conclusions All the narratives quoted in this essay, with the exception of Roman's, preserve the spirit of traditional trickster stories. They are novella-like personal narratives in which narrators act as heroes showing off their mischievous experiences and daring exploits. None of them cheated individuals but all were duping the system. Immigration has not changed the attitude to the state that has evolved in Russian culture: they still feel it is a relationship of confrontation requiring defense on their part. As is typical of Russian folk tradition, contemporary tricksters justify their duplicitous behavior by the weakness of their own social position or of the people on whose behalf they act. Stories of this type do not trigger criticism from in-group audiences; just the opposite—listeners usually express solidarity and start telling similar stories to enjoy the status of the hero themselves. The analysis of "twin" stories confirms that recollections of past events are not static or fixed. As the Russian semiotician Viacheslav Ivanov points out, the real gift of human memory is not in passive memorizing but in creative reproduction (Ivanov 1998: 571). 292 Larisa Fialkova and Maria N. Yelenevskaya Remembering is selective, it depends on the narrator's agenda, and on his/her role in the events. Sometimes the significance of this role is inflated, but sometimes an attempt is made to downplay it. In addition, audience expectations always affect the storyteller. Contemporary personal narratives with elements of trickster stories are rooted in the tradition and enrich it. The types of tricks change, but the social aspects, and the key features of the plots, remain the same. References Aarne, Antti and Thomson, Stith (1964) The Types of the Folktale: A Classification and Bibliography. Helsinki: FFC No. 3. Al-Haj, Majid, and Leshem, Elazar (2000) Immigrants from the Former Soviet Union in Israel: Ten years later. A research report, Haifa. Bocharov, V. V. (1999) Antropologia prava: antropologicheskie i iuridicheskie aspekty (Anthropology of Law: Anthropological and Judicial Aspects, in Russian). In No-vikova, N. I. and Tishkov, V. A. (eds.), Chelovek i pravo. Kniga o letnei shkolepo iuridicheskoi antropologii. Moskva http://www.jurant.ru/rus_index.html Cohen, Albert K. (1959) The Study of Social Disorganization and Deviant Behavior. In ROBERT K. Merton, Leonard BROOM, and Leonard S. COTTRELL, Jr. (eds.), Sociology Today: Problems and Prospects. New York: Basic Books, 461-484. Dal', Vladimir (1957) Poslovitsy russkogo naroda (Proverbs of the Russian People, in Russian). Moskva: Gosudarstvennoe izdatel'stvo khudozhestvennoi literatury. Davis, Natalie Zemon (1987) Fiction in the Archives: Pardon Tales and Their Tellers in Sixteenth-Century France. Cambridge: Polity Press. Egorov, B. F. (2002) Tema obmana v russkoi literature (The Theme of Deceit in Russian Literature, in Russian). In N.V. Serebrennikov (ed.), Vremia i tekst. Istoriko-litera-turnyi sbornik. Sankt Peterburg: Akademicheskii proekt, 13-17. Fialkova, Larisa (2005) The Experience of Adaptation in the Narratives of "Russian"- Israeli Women. Diasporas, 1: 19-47. Guboglo, M. N. (2003) Russkii iazyk i tolerantnost' (The Russian Language and Tolerance, in Russian). Moskva: Staryi sad. Halevi, Sharon (2004) Trick or Tale? The Theory and Practice of Being a Trickster in the Colonial South. An unpublished presentation at a conference on "African Influences on American Culture." The Center for the Study of the United States, University of Haifa, Haifa, Israel. Ivanov, Viacheslav (1998). Nechet i chet. Asimmetria mozga i dinamika znakovykh system (Odd and Even. Brain Asymmetry and Dynamics of Semiotic Systems, in Russian). In: Izbrannye trudypo semiotike i istorii kul'tury, vol. 1. Moskva: Iazyki russkoi kul'tury: 381-602. Jason, Heda (1975) Ethnopoetics: Multilingual Terminology. Jerusalem: Israel Ethnographic Society. Jessor, Richard, Graves, Theodor D., Hanson, Robert C. and Jessor, Shirley, L. (1968) Society, Personality, and Deviant Behavior: A Study of a Tri-Ethnic Community. New York, Chicago, San Francisco, Atlanta, Dallas, Montreal, Toronto, London: Holt Rinehard and Winston, Inc. 293 How to Outsmart the System: Immigrants' Trickster Stories Lebedeva, Nadezhda (1999) Vvedenie v etnicheskuiu i kross-kul'turnuiu psikhologiu (Ethnic and Cross-Cultural Psychology: An Introduction, in Russian). Moskva: Kluch-S. Lurie, Svetlana (1997) Istoricheskaia etnologia: Uchebnoe posobie dlia vuzov (Historical Ethnology: Textbook for Universities, in Russian) Moskva: http://svlourie.narod. ru/hist-ethnology/ Markowitz, F. (1993) A Community in Spite of Itself: Soviet Jewish Émigrés in New York. Washington, London: Smithsonian Institution Press. Meletinskii, E. M. (1979) Paleoaziatskii mifologicheskii epos (Paleo-Asian Mythological Epic Literature, in Russian). Moskva: Nauka, Glavnaia redaktsia vostochnoi liter-atury. Mertvago, Peter (1995) The Comparative Russian-English Dictionary of Russian Proverbs and Sayings. New York: Hippocrene Books. Miller, Robert L. (2000) Researching Life Stories and Family Stories. London: Sage. Moldavskii, Dmitrii (1979) Introduction. In D. Moldavskii (compiler and annotator) The Russian Satirical Tale. Leningrad: Khudozhestvennaia Literatura, 5-23. Riles, Annelise (1994) Representing In-Between: Law, Anthropology, and the Rhetoric of Interdisciplinarity. University of Illinois Law Review, 3: 597-650. Rothman, Golda R. (1980) The Relationship between Moral Judgment and Moral Behavior. In Myra Windmiller, Nadine Lambert, Elliot Turiel (eds.), Moral Development and Socialization. Boston: Allyn and Bacon, 107-127. Stepanov, Yu. S. (2001) Zakon (The Law, in Russian). In Yu. S. Stepanov Konstanty: Slovar' russkoi kul'tury. Izdanie 2-e, ispr. i dop. Moskva: Akademicheskii Proekt, 571-600. Ice, Dianne M., TWENGE, Jean M., and SCHMEICHEL, Brandon J. (2002) Threatened Selves: The Effects of Social Exclusion on Prosocial and Antisocial Behavior. In Joseph P. Forgas and Kipling D. Williams (eds.), The Social Self: Cognitive, Interpersonal, and Intergroup Perspectives. New York, London, Hove: Psychology Press, 175-187. Yelenevskaya, Maria N., and Fialkova, Larisa (2005) Russkaia ulitsa v evreiskoi strane. Issledovanie fol'klora emigrantov 1990-kh v Izraile (The Russian Street in the Jewish State: Investigation into the Folklore of Immigrants of the 1990s to Israel, in two volumes, in Russian). Moscow: Russian Academy of Sciences, Institute of Ethnology and Anthropology named after N.N. Miklukho-Maklai. Znakov, V. V. (1997) Ponimanie pravdy i lzhi v russkoi istoriko-kul'turnoi traditsii (The Notions of Truth and Lie in Russian Historical and Cultural Tradition, in Russian). In N.M. Lebedeva (ed.), Etnicheskaia psikhologia i obschestvo. Moskva: Institut Etnologii i Antropologii RAN, 119-125. 294 Larisa Fialkova and Maria N. Yelenevskaya Wie man das System austrickst: Immigranten erzählen Larisa Fialkova and Maria N. Yelenevskaya Dieser Aufsatz beschäftigt sich mit dem legalen Bewusstsein und dem gebräuchlichen Recht, wie es sich in den persönlichen Erzählungen von Immigranten aus der vormaligen Sovietunion (FSU) widerspiegelt, die wir in Israel gesammelt haben. Die russischsprechenden Israelis bilden eine eigene Gemeinschaft mit der ihr eigenen Subkultur, und sind entschlossen ihre Sprache und Lebensgewohnheiten, die sie aus ihren Ursprungsländern mitgebracht haben, zu erhalten und so die gewohnten Lebensformen zu reproduzieren. Unter den verschiedenen Denk- und Gesinnungsmustern, die in der FSU geformt wurden, befindet sich auch ihre Einstellung zu Recht und Gesetz. Sovietische Bürger sind in einem totalitären System aufgewachsen, und gerade deswegen fühlten sie sich an die Gesetze nicht besonders gebunden. Gesetze wurden als Mittel der Repression des Staates gegenüber den Individuen verstanden. Gesetze zu umgehen wurde da als moralisch richtig und berechtigt betrachtet. Die Immigration in andere Länder hat nicht zur Veränderung des legalen Bewusstseins oder der Verhaltensstrategien geführt. Geschichten von Schelmereien, in welchen der rechtsbeugende Erzähler als Held dargestellt wird, haben grossen erzählwert und bilden ein charakteristisches Genre der Immigranten folklore. Dieser Aufsatz gründet sich auf direkten Befragungen,welche wir selber durchgeführt haben,und die sich auf die persönlichen Erfahrungen der Befragten unmittelbar vor der Emigration aus der FSU, und unmittelbar nach der Immigration nach Israel bezogen. Wir untersuchen die historischen, volkskundlichen und literarischen Wurzeln der non-chalanten Einstellung der Immigranten zu Recht und Gesetz. Die soziale Ausrichtung der russischen Varianten von Schelmengeschichten und Sprichwörtern zum Thema Recht und Gesetz spiegeln den Konflikt zwischen Staat und Gemeinschaft wieder. Soziale Motive stehen hier stark im Vordergrund. Alle Erzählmuster in den von uns analysierten Interviews erzählen von Gesetzesbrechern und können in folgende drei Unterkategorien eingeteilt werden:Schutz und Erhaltung des Selbst und der Familie; Schutz und Erhaltung des Anderen; Schutz und Erhaltung von Familieneigentum oder Eigentum von anderen. Die Erzählungen der Immigranten,die wir in diesem Aufsatz zitieren, erhalten den Geist von althergebrachten Schelmen- und Betrügergeschichten. Es handelt sich um romanhafte persönliche Erzählformen, in welchen der Erzähler als Held agiert, der seine Schelmenerfahrungen und wagemutigen Erfolge hervorhebt. Keiner hat seine Mitmenschen betrogen, aber alle haben das System dupiert. Die Immigration hat ihre Einstellung zum Staat, wie sie in der russischen Kultur entwickelt wurde, nicht verändert: sie fühlen sich noch immer mit dem Staat im Konfrontationszustand, der von ihnen Verteidigungsmassnahmen erfordert. Auch die zeitgenössichen Schelmen rechtfertigen ihr zweideutiges Verhalten durch die Schwäche ihrer eigenen sozialen Stellung oder der Stellung der Personen, für die sie etwas unternehmen, genau wie dies auch typisch für die russischen Volkshelden ist. Geschichten dieser Art erwecken keine Kritik von seiten der Zuhörer, ganz im Gegenteil, die Zuhörer zeigen Solidarität und beginnen von selbst ähnliche Geschichten zu erzählen, damit auch sie in den Genuss des Heldseins kommen. Die spezielle Situation der Immigranten zeichnet sich dadurch aus, dass sie sich am Kreuzungspunkt 295 How to Outsmart the System: Immigrants' Trickster Stories von Regeln und Gesetz befinden: Die Mentalität dieser Menschen wird durch ihre Situation im Ursprungsland immer noch beherrscht, während die Konsequenzen ihres Verhaltens von Gesetz und Praxis des Aufnahmelandes bestimmt werden. Indem wir uns auf Parallelerzählungen, welche von verschiedenen Teilnehmern der selben Ereignisse erzählt werden, konzentrieren, können wir die Selektivität der Erinnerung aufzeigen, und die ersten Stadien des Übergangs von persönlicher Erzählung in Folklore festmachen. 296 psiholoska interpretacija ljudskega izrocila interpretazione psihologica della tradizione popolare psychological interpretation of folk narrative Plurima mortis imago Zuzana Profantova o n CO /The image of multiple death/ The author of this contribution presents the image of death in genres of the Slovak folklore. She focuses her attention on the signs of death in a traditional environment with special attention paid to the omens and signs of death in dreams. She is looking for analogies in folkloristic materials with C. Jung's hypotheses about dreams and with M.Eliade's theory of rituals. The image of death as a bride, which on a symbolic level means an initiation, is the dominant feature for the entire body of the material. The image of the white bride- death has an archetypal character. Der Mensch ist das einzige Wesen, von dem wir wissen, dass es sich nicht nur um Selbsterhaltung bemüht und biologisch bedingte Mechanismen zur Abwendung des Todes verwendet, sondern auch vom Tod als dem unabwendbar kommenden Ende der eigenen Existenz auf dieser Welt weiß. In dem Bewusstsein seiner selbst, in dem er sich als ein bestimmtes Ich sieht, das sich von allem anderen unterscheidet und selbständig vor diesem Anderen steht, weiß er um seine eigene Zeitlichkeit. Das heißt, der Mensch lebt nicht wie ein Tier in der Gegenwart des gegebenen Augenblicks, sondern er muss die Möglichkeiten und die Last seiner Vergangenheit aktiv meistern. Gleichzeitig geht er einer stets offenen und unentschiedenen Zukunft entgegen. Diese ist durch eine „tödliche Gewissheit", nämlich den Tod begrenzt. Die einfachste Definition des Todes bietet das Kleine Enzyklopädische Wörterbuch (Maly encyklopedicky slovnik), 1972 auf Seite 112 : Tod, mors - Erlöschen des Organismus als Ganzes, dauerhafter, irreversibler Stillstand allen Geschehens im Körper (biologischer Tod), natürliche Folge des Lebens (physiologischer Tod). Das Wörterbuch der slowakischen Sprache IV. (Slovnik slovenskeho jazyka IV.), 1964 führt auf Seite 129 an: Tod...1. Ende, Erlöschen des Lebens, vollständiger Stillstand aller Lebensäußerungen, vor allem des Menschen... 2. Erlöschen des Lebens personifiziert in bestimmten Gestalten (Knochenmann (Skelett) mit der Sense u.Ä.), Tödin... 3. dichterisch - Verderben, Vernichtung, Erlöschen, Ende von etwas. Das sind materialistische Definitionen. Die idealistische Weltanschauung und der Glaube betrachten das Phänomen Tod anders. Die Entstehung von religiösen Vorstellungen legte in Tausenden von Jahren eine lange Entwicklung zurück. Um aber eine Stellung zum Tod beziehen zu können, muss man ihn akzeptieren, zur Kenntnis nehmen. Aus phylogenetischer Sicht setzt die Entstehung des Bewusstseins des eigenen Todes und die Herauskristallisierung der Beziehungen zu ihm bereits eine bestimmte Entwicklungsstufe der Gesellschaft, der Beziehungen des Menschen zur Natur, und vor allem das Selbstbewusstsein des Menschen als eines souveränen, autonomen, in der Gemeinschaft von Menschen lebenden Wesens voraus, das aber gleichzeitig diese Ge- 299 Plurima mortis imago sellschaft durch den Tod verlassen kann und auf der anderen Seite auch verlassen muss. Das Wissen um die eigene Sterblichkeit führt den Menschen zur Ausbildung von Haltungen zu dieser Tatsache. Von sich zu wissen, bedeutet stets, von seiner Zeitlichkeit, seiner Vergänglichkeit zu wissen. Das Wissen von der Zeitlichkeit impliziert das Wissen vom Tod. Der Tod ist allzeit gegenwärtig, wenn auch im Zustand der Verdrängung, d.h. den Tod nicht zu beachten oder zu bagatellisieren. Die menschliche Existenz jedoch wird stets projektiert und gelebt am Horizont des Wissens um den Tod. Im menschlichen Leben ist der Tod eine Frage, und der Tod wiederum stellt eine Frage an das Leben selbst. Das Wissen um die eigene Sterblichkeit ließ den Menschen Einstellungen zu dieser Tatsache entwickeln. Historisch sind drei Haupteinstellungen zu unterscheiden: 1. Die Überwindung des Todes durch emotional-rationale Mittel der verschiedenen Religionen und den Glauben an ein Leben nach dem Tod (religiöse Einstellung). 2. Die Überwindung des Todes durch Flucht vor ihm. (Der Mensch versucht sich des aufdringlichen Gedankens durch sein ständiges Verdrängen zu entledigen, und flieht so scheinbar vor diesem Gedanken, er denkt nicht an den Tod! (obwohl er von ihm weiß)). Diese Einstellung repräsentiert der Ausspruch Epikurs: „Wenn wir sind, ist der Tod nicht. Wenn der Tod ist, sind wir nicht." 3. Die außerreligiöse psychische Überwindung des Todes (Wissen um seine Sterblichkeit und sich mit diesem Gedanken abfinden zu können). Diese Einstellung kann man eine „philosophische" nennen, weil sie ein bestimmtes außerreligiöses Verständnis von Tod und Leben voraussetzt. (STEINDL, R.: 1987, 26). C. G. Jung charakterisiert das Leben als einen energetischen Prozess, der wie jeder andere irreversibel und daher eindeutig auf ein Ziel ausgerichtet ist. Und dieses Ziel ist der Zustand von Ruhe und Frieden. Jeder Prozess ist letztlich nur die anfängliche Störung des sozusagen ewigen Zustandes der Ruhe, der fortwährend nach Wiederherstellung strebt. Das Leben ist etwas Teleologisches par ecellence, es ist als solches das Hinsteuern zu einem Ziel, und der lebende Körper ist ein System von Zweckmäßigkeiten, die um ihre Erfüllung bemüht sind. Das Ende eines jeden Prozesses ist sein Ziel. (JUNG, C. G.:1994, 108) Über die Jahrtausende begleiteten diesen Prozess Furcht, Beklommenheit und Angst, und das in einem unterschiedlichen, historisch determinierten Maße. Seit jeher spürt der Mensch Unruhe, Scheu, Furcht und Angst vor dem Unbekannten. Und auch die Gefühle aus dem eigenen klinischen Tod sind für diejenigen, die ihn überlebt haben, schwer zu beschreiben und häufig unfassbar. Mit dem Faktum Tod sind die Menschen ausgesöhnt, aber niemand weiß wirklich, was danach folgt. Zwar verlangt der mythische Mensch „weiter zu gehen", aber der wissenschaftlich verantwortliche kann das nicht zulassen. C. G. Jung konstatiert, dass der Mythos eine unverzichtbare und notwendige Zwischenstufe zwischen dem Unbewussten und der bewussten Erkenntnis ist. „Es ist sicher, dass das Unbewusste mehr weiß als das Bewusste, aber das ist ein Wissen besonderer Art, ein Wissen über die Ewigkeit, zumeist ohne Beziehung zu jenem „Hier" und „Jetzt", ohne Rücksicht auf die Sprache unseres Verstandes. Nur wenn wir seiner Aussage Gelegenheit geben, sich zu amplifizieren, gelangt sie in die Reichweite unseres Verstandes und der neue Aspekt wird für uns wahrnehmbar... Und wenn es nicht möglich ist, einen gültigen Beweis für das Weiterleben der Seele nach dem Tod zu erbringen, gibt es dennoch Erlebnisse, die 300 Zuzana Profantovä den Menschen zum Nachdenken anregen. Ich verstehe sie als Hinweise, ohne mir anzumaßen, ihnen die Bedeutung von Erkenntnissen zuzuschreiben." (JUNG, C. G.: 1994, 267) Der Tod wird in der Geschichte und den Religionen von der Position des Ichs - und von der Position der Seele dargestellt. Im ersten Fall ist es eine Katastrophe, eine Strafe, als ob böse Kräfte den Menschen töten würden. Der vollständige, dauernde und irreparable Verlust des Bewusstseins, das physische Ereignis, aber auch das psychische, - der Mensch ist isoliert, alle Wege zurück sind ihm versperrt, was bleibt, ist Stille, Dunkelheit, Kälte. Es gibt keine Barmherzigkeit. Aber aus einer anderen Sicht ist der Tod ein freudiges Ereignis. Sub specie aeternitas, er ist die H o c h z e i t, das Mysterium Coniunctionis. (JUNG, C. G.:1986, 270) Die Seele erlangt sozusagen Ganzheit und gewinnt ihre andere Hälfte. An griechischen Sarkophagen wurde dieses freudige Element durch Tänzerinnen dargestellt, an etruskischen Gräbern durch Gastmähler. Der tschechische Ethnograph des vorigen Jahrhunderts, C. Zibrt, führt zahlreiche ähnliche Beispiele aus polnischen Gebieten des 8. Jahrhunderts an. Aus westeuropäischen Quellen ist der Bericht im Capitulae von 785 über das slawische Bestattungsbrauchtum und Gastmähler an den Gräbern bemerkenswert. Auch der in Litauen lebende polnische Priester Jan Manecius (Maletius) beschrieb 1551 u.a. Rituale und Gastmähler für die Seelen der Verstorbenen. (ZiBRT, C.: 1894, 24) Schon die alten Slawen personifizierten den Tod. Der allgemein verbreitete Frühjahrsbrauch des Tragens und Tötens der Morena - einer Stofffigurine, die den Tod, den Tod des Winters versinnbildlicht und vergegenständlicht, ist bis heute ein Relikt - Ma-muria Veturia. Nicht auszuschließen ist auch die Ansicht, die E. Horväthovä anführt, dass auch die alten Slawen ursprünglich junge Mädchen oder Burschen opferten, was als das wertvollste Opfer für die Götter galt, das im Sinne der Magie der Ähnlichkeit fungieren, die Lebensfähigkeit und Wiederbelebung der Natur unterstützen sollte. In Lauf der Entwicklung wurden die menschlichen Wesen durch eine Figurine ersetzt, die mit dem Winter und seiner Tötung identifiziert wurde. Ihre Vernichtung sollte das Ende des Winters herbeiführen, aber auch vieler Tode, die der Winter und mit ihm die Nahrungsknappheit und tödliche Erkrankungen verursacht hatten. In der Slowakei, wo dieser Brauch noch besteht, wird heute die Morena am „Todessonntag" (in manchen Regionen auch Palmsonntag genannt) hinausgetragen. Schon die Benennung Todessonntag hat symbolischen Charakter und viele Aberglauben hängen mit ihm zusammen, z. B.: Kto seje na Smrtnu nedelu, tomu sa urodia na poli smeti. [Wer am Todessonntag sät, der erntet Unrat auf dem Feld]. Die anschaulichste Variante des Todes - des Winters ist aus der Zipser Ortschaft Kluknava erhalten geblieben, wo die weibliche Figurine Smertka = Tödin genannt wurde. Kinder und Frauen sangen, wenn sie sie durch das Dorf trugen: /.../ Ide Smertka s küdelü /.../ Es geht die Tödin aus Werg na tü Smrtnü nedelu. an diesem Todessonntag um. A ty mäj, kraväm daj Und du, lieber Mai, gib den Kühen A na voly a na kone und vergiss die Ochsen nezapominaj /.../ und Pferde nicht /.../ (HORVÄTHOVÄ 1986:160) Ebenda führt E. Horväthovä auch an, dass die Mädchen in Lopej eine Tödin trugen, die ganz in W e i ß gekleidet war, was bei den alten Slawen die ursprüngliche Farbe der Trauer war. Und wenn sie eine alte Frau trafen, sangen sie: 301 Plurima mortis imago /.../ Smrt' nesieme, na koho nesieme? /.../ Wir tragen den Tod, zu wem tragen wir ihn? Na staru /.../ ( meno ženy ). Zur alten /.../ (Name der Frau). Schließlich warfen sie den Tod in den Fluss. Der Tod ist in der slowakischen Kultur allgemein, nicht nur der traditionellen Volkskultur personifiziert als Tödin - ein dämonisches Wesen mit Bezug zu eschatologi-schen Vorstellungen. So kommt er in der Literatur, der bildenden Kunst, in traditionellen Ritualen und Brauchtum vor, tritt aber als Akteur und auch als Thema in vielen Folkloregenres auf (Märchen, dämonologische Erzählungen, Brauchtumslieder, Abschiednahme von einem Toten, Parömien, Rätsel, Anekdoten) auf. Der Tod fungierte allgemein mit Benennungen wie Smrtka = Tödin, tetka Smrt = Tantchen Tod, kmotra Smrt = Gevatter Tod. Das Aussprechen seines Namens wurde aus Angst, ihn damit herbeizurufen, häufig tabuisiert und umschreibend ausgedrückt, mit Hilfe von Zeichen z. B. Sensenmann, Der mit der Sense, der Böse, der Hässliche u.Ä. Die meist verbreitete Vorstellung vom Tod ist die Darstellung als weibliches Wesen - ödin - in Weiß gekleidet, mit einem weißen Tuch verhüllt. Diese Vorstellung hat einen slawischen Urgrund. Später, im Zusammenhang mit biblischen Szenen, erweiterte sich die Vorstellung vom Tod, der das Leben „mäht". Meist mit einer Sense, Sichel, in Böhmen mit einer Harke oder einem Zweig ausgestattet, dessen Berührung den Betreffenden für immer entschlafen lässt. Die Ikonographie erfasst auch das Bild des apokalyptischen Reiters oder das Bild des Todes als jagenden Schützen. Zur Zeit des Barocks in der Slowakei taucht das Bild des Todes als Knochenmann - mit oder ohne Sense - auf, was sich in der Sprache in dem semantischen Parallelismus Der Tod hat eine Sense, kein Beil äußerte. Die barocke Metaphorik, vor allem bei der Abschiednahme von einem Toten, ist wesentlich reicher. Hier tritt der Tod in der Darstellung als Gast, als Bote, als Besucher, als Braut usw. auf. Ein solches Material steht uns in der handschriftlichen Sammlung geistiger Lieder, Lobgesänge und Psalme zur Verfügung, die 1903 von Jozef Mach aus Medzev (Metzenseifen) aufgezeichnet wurde. Z. B. in Ina piesen k odejiti mrtvemu (Anderes Abschiedslied für den Toten): - Marš, Marš, Marš, Marš , (Marsch, Marsch, Marsch, Marsch) tritt der Tod als „Kriegsherrin" auf: /.../ Smutni žalostni hlas, kvileniplaču zas, o moji verniprätele, však vidite, že len smutne mna rozvedla s vami, tä vojenskä pani. /.../ Traurige klagende Stimme, Wehgeschrei wiederum, oh, meine treuen Freunde, ihr seht ja, dass sie, die Kriegsherrin, mich von euch geschieden hat. Im Dialoglied Pisni Inej o Smrti (Ein anderes Lied vom Tod) tritt der Tod als Schütze auf: /.../ Krest'ane rozmili sa zastavte, o straslivej /.../ Ihr lieben Christen haltet ein, zu smrti posluchajte, hören von dem furchtbaren Tod, jak jest hroznä, a odpornä, wie schrecklich und widerwärtig er ist kazdemu cloveku jiste, jista /.../ jedem Menschen gewiss, /.../ 302 Zuzana Profantovä /.../ Čo pak si mislela smrt' mä milä, že si mna /.../ mladeho umorila, mohlas jiti na staršiho, prhnati svo strelu srdce jeho, und der Tod antwortet: Mne jest nini mladi jako stari, každi zloži Kosti sve na märi, cisar i pän take Kniže, každeho umorim, ked' čas pride /.../ /.../Was hast du, mein lieber Tod dir denn dabei gedacht, dass du mich /.../ jungen Mann getötet hast, du hättest zu einem älteren gehen, mit deinem Schuss sein Herz durchboren können. Für mich ist Jung wie Alt, jeder wird seine Gebeine auf die Bahre legen, Kaiser und Herr, ebenso der Fürst, jeden töte ich, wenn die Zeit gekommen ist /... / Ina pisen o hodnosti sveckej (Ein anderes Lied von der weltlichen Würde) charakterisiert die grundlegenden invarianten Eigenschaften des Todes: /.../ Maj bohactvivšeho sveta, smrti sa nevikupiš, maj vimluvnosti oratoruv, smrti sa nevimluviš, Smrt' okusit mosiš, čo maš všecko stratiš, Smrti sa nevikupiš... /.../ Neb kdo sa kolvek narodil, smrt mosi podstupiti, ten prehorki a prehrozni, ma každi kalich piti, smrt bere stareho, nepatri mladeho, prijma k sebe každeho. Und hast du auch die Reichtümer der ganzen Welt, vom Tod kaufst du dich nicht frei, und besitzt du auch die Beredsamkeit der Oratoren, den Tod redest du nicht aus. Den Tod musst du erfahren, was du besitzt, alles wirst du verlieren, Vom Tod kaufst du dich nicht frei. /.../ Denn, wer immer geboren wurde, den Tod muss er erleiden, den bitteren und schrecklichen Kelch soll jeder trinken, der Tod holt den Alten, sieht den Jungen nicht, nimmt jeden bei sich auf. Emotional besonders eindrucksvoll, auf einem makaberen Dialog begründet, ist Pisen o neznamem host'ovi aneb smrti (das Lied vom unbekannten Gast oder Tod). Der Charakter der meisten handschriftlichen Sammlungen der Trauerpsalmen, Lieder, Abschiedslieder, die häufig eine epische Grundlage haben, ist geprägt durch das Kunstschaffen vor allem des Barock. Sie sind in der liturgischen Sprache geschrieben, stilistisch, aber auch weltanschaulich. Sie gehen von der christlichen Lehre, ihren Normen und Werten aus. Die für diese Zeit charakteristische Hyperbolisierung des Todes hatte einen Einfluss auf den Volksbrauch. Pompa funebris - typisch für höhere Gesellschaftsschichten, transformierte sich in das volkstümliche Milieu und fand Eingang im Volkssynkretismus des Begräbnisrituals. Die Abschiedslieder, Lieder, Psalmen und Totenklage (Weinen) wurden zu einem untrennbaren Bestandteil u.a. als Ausdruck der Würde und Repräsentativität 303 Plurima mortis imago des Rituals. Daneben transponierten sich in die Folklore und Volkssprache einige Bilder des Todes und seiner invarianten Eigenschaften in einer verstärkten,hyperbolisierten Gestalt - Unerbittlichkeit, Unbestechlichkeit, Unabwendbarkeit, der Tod - als Akteur, der nicht diskriminiert - Alter, Geschlecht, Sozialstatus des Menschen, sondern vereint und nivelliert. Während der Tod im Volksmilieu als natürlicher Bestandteil des Lebens, als Stillstand in der Existenz des Menschen und natürlicher Übergang, Initiation ins „Jenseits" verstanden wurde, schrieb man dem Tod im Barock viele abschreckende Eigenschaften zu wie - schrecklich, unerbittlich, grausam, böse, schmerzlich usw. Das Thema Tod kommt in der Folklore der Slowakei in fast allen Genres vor. In Prosadarstellungen (Märchen, dämonologischen Darstellungen, Erzählungen aus dem Leben) tritt der Tod meist als eine w e i ß gekleidete alte Frau auf, wobei ihre Eigenschaften variieren. Sie kann zum Beispiel groß, dürr, ausgemergelt sein, sie kann die Größe verändern - aus einer riesigen in eine winzige, sie kann in Gestalt eines Kindes auftreten, sie ist meist hässlich, zahnlos, großzahnig, sie kann das Gewicht ändern, niemand entkommt ihr, man kann sie nicht überlisten, und auch wenn, dann nur vorübergehend. Im 21. Jahrhundert besteht diese Vorstellung weiter, aber der Tod nimmt gleichwertig, vor allem in Erzählungen des Aberglaubens, die Gestalt einer Frau in Schwarz an, es gibt sogar einige Aufzeichnungen aus einem rezenten Material der anthropomorphisier-ten Gestalt des Todes als Mann. In neuzeitlichen persönlichen Erzählungen nimmt er häufig vor allem unbestimmte Dimensionen an, wie Informanten anführen, z. B. „so etwas", „ein Dunst", „etwas, was in die Höhe aufsteigt und sich dann verliert" u.Ä. In den Sagen (Märchen) von Pavol Dobsinsky aus dem Jahr 1861, im Märchen vom Gevatter Tod ( ATH 332 ) ist der Tod so dargestellt: ...der Scheitel kahl, statt der Augen Gruben, dass eine Faust hineinpasst, statt der Nase nur ein Loch inmitten des Gesichts, die Zähne wie Pfähle, der Hals nur wie ein Federkiel, die Rippen nackt, die Beine wie zwei Stök-ke, in der langen Hand eine scharfe Sense - und das ganze Skelett, sobald es sich bewegt, klappern die Knochen so, als wollten sie auf einen Haufen zusammenfallen.... Das Motiv des Todes als Braut ist vor allem in Abschiedsritualen junger Burschen verbreitet, so wie das aus „cechmistrovskepohrabne vinse a reci v Trenciansku"(den zunftmeisterlichen Grab wünschen und Reden im Trentschiner Land) von J. Eudovit Holuby in Rozmouväni mlädence se smrti (Gespräche des Jünglings mit dem Tod) (HOLUBY 1906: 89-92) erhalten ist, die wir in dreizehn Varianten aufgezeichnet haben, wo der Tod die Braut in We iß ist. In dem makaberen Dialog sagt der Tod: /.../ Položim te do postele Na cmiteri pri kostele. Mladenečku, jen se polož, Mlady, silny, sve kosti zlož! Postelem ti mekke peri, Mezi hroby na cinteri. Budem tvoja žena mlada, Ved te ja mam velmi rada! /.../ /.../ Ich lege dich ins Bett Auf dem Kirchhof. Jüngling, leg dich ruhig nieder, Du junger, starker, leg deine Gebeine nieder! Ich bereite dir ein weiches Federbett, Zwischen den Gräbern auf dem Friedhof. Ich werde deine junge Frau sein, Denn ich habe dich sehr gern! /... / 304 Zuzana Profantovä Das Bild des Todes als Braut und seiner Eigenschaften kann man deutlich aus folgender Textvariante entnehmen Smrt' si nahovära mlädenca (Der Tod wirbt um den Jüngling): Kdo klope na dvere, kto ide k näm, Či je to panenka a či je pän? Nie je to panenka, ani je pän, Je to Smrt' straslivä, tä ide k näm. Dävam jej stoličku: Na, sadni si, Zdaleka si prišla, ustatä si. Wer klopft an die Tür, wer kommt zu uns, Ist es die Jungfrau oder der Herr? Es ist nicht die Jungfrau, auch nicht der Herr. Es ist der schreckliche Tod, der zu uns kommt. Ich gebe ihm einen Stuhl: Na, setz dich, Von weither bist du gekommen, müde bist du. Nechcem ja sedeti, ani stati, Ich will nicht sitzen, auch nicht stehen, Pre koho prisla som, toho musim brati. Wen ich holen gekommen bin, den muss ich auch mitnehmen. Pre teba mladenec, uz sa aj ber, Dich, Jüngling, mach dich bereit, Od svojich pribuznych sa odober! Verabschiede dich von deinen Lieben! A ja s Tebou nejdem, chcem sa zeniti, Aber ich werde nicht mit Dir gehen, ich will heiraten, Ten svoj stav mlädenecky chcem Meinen Junggesellenstand, den will ich ändern. premeniti. Ked sa Ty chceš ženit, vezmi si mna, Od hlavi po päty celä biela. Družbovia Ti budu ryl, motyka, tie leštianske zvony tvä muzika. Wenn Du heiraten willst, nimm mich, Von Kopf bis Fuß bin ich ganz weiß. Die Brautführer werden Dir Spaten und Hacke, die Glocken von Lestina deine Musik sein. Jaj kočiši moji, zapriahajte, do šireho sveta, utekajte! Ach, liebe Kutscher, spannet ein, eilt rasch davon, in die weite Welt! Možeš ty utekat vo dne v noci, Aj tak ty neminieš sa mojej kosy. Možeš ty utekat za pol roka, A mne je to iba na pol kroka. Možeš ty utekat za dva roky U mna je to iba na dva kroki. Du kannst Tag und Nacht laufen, Meiner Sense entgehst du sowieso nicht. Du kannst ein halbes Jahr laufen, Und für mich ist das nur ein halber Schritt. Du kannst zwei Jahre laufen Bei mir sind es nur zwei Schritte. In die Gruppe der Balladen mit einem personifizierten Aktant - dem Tod, gehört auch die Ballade mit dem Titel Starä žena privoläva Smrt, ked sa jej zjavi, vyhovära sa. (Die alte Frau ruft nach dem Tod, als er ihr erscheint, redet sie sich heraus). Den Charakter der Balladen-, Lieder- und Prosatexte könnten wir auf einer allgemeinen Entwicklungslinie beginnend von den primären mythologisch-phantastischen Vorstellungen und Zeichen in Texten bis hin zu den späteren, heutigen folklore-"realisti-schen" Bildern des Todes charakterisieren. Die Darstellungsweisen und die Konventionen der phantastischen Darstellung bestehen in Erzählungen häufig weiter, was eine psychologisch natürliche Saturation des menschlichen Bedürfnisses nach Kontakt mit dem Ge- 305 Plurima mortis imago heimnisvollen, Übernatürlichen, Numinosen ist, wobei die historisch-konkrete Motivation im Falle des Todes nicht erlischt. In manchen Texten, z. B. Erzählungen aus dem Leben vergegenwärtigt der Tod das Moment des Phantastischen, Unvorstellbaren und als Aktant erfüllt er eine u.a. auch weltanschauliche - religiöse und philosophische Funktion. Es tauchen Unterschiede in der Art der Darstellung auf - häufig auch bei Bewahrung des Stoffes, der ideellen Einstellung und der Funktion, was man als Gattungstransformation verstehen kann. Das Symbolische des mythologischen Denkens, der religiösen Vorstellungen und des Glaubens an ein Leben nach dem Tod, aber auch der Formen des gesellschaftlichen Lebens in der Vergangenheit, schaffen in den Erzählungen Spannung und Kontrast, und potenzieren das Moment des Geheimnisvollen des Todesphänomens. Eine invariante Funktion des Todes ist seine Ankunft - Erscheinung, als Zeichen des bevorstehenden Todes. Der Tod ist das Zeichen des Todes! In Prosatexten gehen dieser Tatsache folgende Tatsachen voraus: Der Tod lässt sich auf dem Rücken tragen, er lässt sich auf dem Wagen fahren, er setzt auf einem weißen Tuch über den Fluss, er befiehlt Hausschuhe für ihn zu nähen, er trägt Masern, Schüttelfrost in das Dorf, er schlägt (den Jüngling, Brautführer, Schankwirt) mit einem Holzscheit auf den Kopf, er bohrt den Bohrer in den Kopf, er schlägt Hänflinge, gibt verschiedene Zeichen, dass er kommt, warnt und gibt den Zeitpunkt des Todes an, er veröffentlicht die Art der Genesung von einer Krankheit (Erzählung über 3 Tode). Der Tod war und ist allgegenwärtig, deshalb versuchten Menschen durch Beobachtung herauszufinden, was ihm vorausgeht. Wenn der Tod sich ankündigt, was seine sich nähernde Anwesenheit voraussagt. Der Tod kündigte sich im traditionellen Umfeld der Slowakei schon bei der Geburt eines Kindes an, das lange Haare hatte. Wenn ein Kind zeitgleich mit dem Ausheben eines Grabes im Dorf geboren wurde oder wenn man es am Tauftag wusch. Den Tod sagte die Begegnung zweier Bräute am Hochzeitstag voraus oder wenn der Braut- zug einem Trauerzug begegnete (Begegnung mit dem Toten). Auch wer von den Jungvermählten in der Hochzeitsnacht als erster einschlief, der sollte auch als erster sterben. (Analogieprinzip - Hochzeit (Initiation) - Tod (Initiation - Schlaf = Tod). Im traditionellen Umfeld glaubte und glaubt man an eine Verbindung der Toten mit den Lebenden. Die Erscheinung eines toten Vorfahren signalisierte die Nähe des Todes. Ebenso ungewöhnliche Vorkommnisse wie: Das Herabfallen eines Bildes von der Wand, das Knarren von Möbeln oder Holzbalken im Haus, das Verlöschen einer Kerze von selbst (Kerze - Licht - Lebenssymbol), das Stehenbleiben der Uhr (Leben = Zeit). Nach dem Kausalitätsprinzip funktionierte der Glaube, dass jemand stirbt, wenn er das Geräusch des Totengräber- oder Tischlergerätes gehört hat. Wenn ein Kranker einen Lufthauch, Luftzug wahrnahm, glaubte er an die Anwesenheit des Todes. Allgemein vertraute man den Äußerungen von Tieren, die den herannahenden Tod mit ihren Sinnen erspüren konnten. Ein heulender Hund, ein „Todesvogel" - Käuzchen, Eule, Henne, Hahn, Taube, Krähe - Rabe, der in der Nähe des Hauses fliegt, ein Pferd, das ohne Grund stehen bleibt und den Kopf hängen lässt, ein Maulwurf, der eine vom Haus wegführende Furche gräbt, ein Nachtfalter - Totenkopf im Raum - das alles signalisierte den herannahenden Tod. Ein Bereich der authentischen Erkenntnis war die übernatürliche Welt der Magie und des Glaubens, die zu einem gemeinsamen zyklischen Kreislauf mit dem Natürlichen, dem Erklärbaren verbunden war. Die heidnische sensuelle Nähe des Menschen und der Natur wurde durch die christliche Weltanschauung gestört, die verkündete, dass alles von Gott gelenkt sei, dass alles, 306 Zuzana Profantovä was mit Mensch und Natur geschieht, die Konsequenz des göttlichen Willens sei. Die menschliche Weltanschauung war alibistisch, sie vertraute der Bestechlichkeit und Umkehrbarkeit des Schicksals und auch des Todes. Dazu sollten Opfer, Versprechungen, Gebete dienen. Obwohl gilt, dass „du weder den Tag noch die Stunde kennst", kann man bis tief in die Vergangenheit das Bemühen der Menschen nachvollziehen - den Tod aufgrund verschiedener Zeichen, Vorahnungen,Empfindungen bzw. Träume vorauszusehen. In der Vergangenheit lebten die Menschen in einer engen Symbiose mit der Natur und verfolgten den kausalen Zusammenhang von Erscheinungen, der sich über Generationen formierte und tradiert wurde. Am nächsten waren sichtbare, atmosphärische Erscheinungen: Wenn ein Stern vom Himmel fällt, dann stirbt jemand (das Licht - das Symbol des Lebens erlischt). Stürme und starke Winde werden in Verbindung mit einem Gehängten genannt. „Wenn es zum Fest der Unschuldigen Kinder regnet - werden viele Kinder sterben", besagt eine Bauernregel (Regen, Wasser, Feuchtigkeit - Okeanos - Nähe des Todes). Nach dem Prinzip der Nachahmungsmagie glaubte man an die Parallele des Todes eines Menschen - mit dem Vertrocknen von Pflanzen, Kräutern - Myrte (Trauerpflanze), Rosmarin (Hochzeitspflanze /Brautschmuck), aber auch von Bäumen. (Die Slawen glauben, dass die Seelen der Toten in den Bäumen wohnen). Auch nach dem Ausgraben eines Baumes sollte, gewissermaßen heraufbeschworen, parallel ein Todesfall in der Familie folgen (aufgrund der Ähnlichkeit - Tod - für den Tod des Baumes). Als unfehlbare Vorhersager des Todes galten die veränderte Physiognomie eines Menschen oder einige körperliche Merkmale, etwa eine spitz gewordene Nase, eingefallene Augen (visuelles Tendieren zur Darstellung des Skeletts - des Knochenmannes = Tod, ein identisch fungierendes Bild in der Folklore). Es hieß auch, dass, wenn ein Mensch erschaudert, „der Tod ihn umgangen hat", und wer einen Meineid schwört, den erwartet ein frühzeitiger Tod, in den Intentionen des Ausspruchs „Gerecht ist nur der Tod". Auch der Kontakt mit einem Toten oder Gegenständen, die im physischen Kontakt mit ihm waren, sollten den Tod anlocken, nach dem Prinzip der kontagiösen Magie. Deshalb goss man das Wasser, mit dem der Tote gewaschen wurde, „das tote Wasser" - hinter das Haus, und man vergrub auch die Sachen, in denen ein Mensch gestorben war. Auch der Kehricht in dem Zimmer, in dem sich der Tote befand, wurde unter den Sarg gekehrt und erst hinausgetragen, nachdem der Tote bestattet worden war. Damit hängt auch der Heiligabend- und Weihnachtsbrauch zusammen, den Kehricht in dieser Zeit nicht auszukehren, weil man glaubte, dass die Seelen der Toten anwesend sind und es ihnen Schaden zufügen würde, wenn man den Kehricht während dieser Zeit auskehren würde. Auf das Analogieprinzip gründete sich auch das Verbot für Wöchnerinnen und Schwangere - über einen toten Körper zu steigen und eine Leiche anzusehen - „Sie würde sich aus den Augen verlieren". Die Drohung von Tod und Sterben war im traditionellen Milieu der Slowakei vor allem bei Jahresfesten gegenwärtig. Eine Todesdrohung beim Heiligabendmahl waren in dem aufgeschnittenen Apfel die Kernchen in Form eines Kreuzes (kirchliches Symbol), oder auch ein innen fauliger Apfel (Fäule - Zeichen des sich zersetzenden Körpers im Grab). Und man glaubte an viele weitere Indizien, die den bevorstehenden Tod ankündigten. Ein eigenes Kapitel bilden die Träume und die Vorzeichen des Todes in Träumen bzw. wie der Tod und seine Indizien in Träumen erscheinen. 307 Plurima mortis imago Schon im Altertum gab es Menschen, die von der Bedeutung der Träume überzeugt waren und auch sog. fachkundige Deuter ihres Sinnes. Ich habe versucht, Analogien von Bildern, Vorzeichen des Todes zu Bildern im Folklorematerial zu finden. Schon der biblische Joseph gilt als Traumdeuter. Aus dem Wachstum von Kühen in einem Traum sagte er sieben reiche und sieben arme Jahre voraus. Es gab Träume, die als seherisch galten, und andere, die als Bilder erfüllter Sehnsüchte und Wünsche gedeutet wurden. Um die altertümlichen Deuter zu begreifen, müssen wir uns in ihre Weltanschauung von vor über 2000 Jahren hineinversetzen. Wie M. Cernousek in seinem Buch „Sen a sneni" (Traum und Träumen), 1988, anführt, kannte und erahnte die altertümliche Kosmogonie das Universum, und sein Bestandteil war auch die Welt der Menschen - veranschaulicht durch eine Folge von konzentrischen Kreisen, die sich von der Mitte her in Zeit und Raum entfernten, d. h. vom Zentrum der bekannten und rationalen Welt, über die Zeus waltete. An entfernteren Orten vom Epizentrum breiteten sich die Länder der Barbaren mit eigenen, andersgearteten Bräuchen aus, und noch weiter entfernt vom Zentrum - mythische Länder, wo phantastische Wesen und Dämonen lebten und wirkten. Jenseits dieser Gebiete war Okeanos - die damalige Grenze der bekannten Welt. Und jenseits des weiten Raumes des Okeanos lag eine „Anti-Welt", das Reich der Toten. In dieser uralten und mythischen Geographie waren die Träume an den Außenrändern der realen Welt untergebracht. Während des Schlafes konnten die Träume bis zu den gewöhnlichen Sterblichen in der bekannten Welt vordringen, allerdings nur durch Zeus, den Herrscher der bekannten Welt, oder durch andere Götter aus dem griechischen Pantheon. Während einerseits die Träume klar und verständlich sein konnten, pflegten sie auch unklar und unverständlich zu sein. Sie galten aber als Botschaft der Götter. Nach der orphischen Lehre war das erste Prinzip des Kosmos - Chronos - die Zeit, aus der das Urchaos erstand, welches das Unendliche symbolisierte, und der Äther, der die Endlichkeit und Grenze symbolisierte. Das Chaos war von der Nacht umgeben, die nicht nur dem To d (Thanatos), sondern auch dem Schlaf, dessen Gott Hypnos war, die mythologische Geburt gab. Und Hypnos wiederum gebar den Gott der Träume, seinen Sohn Morpheus. Morpheus ist derjenige, der uns im Schlaf in seine Arme nimmt. Die alten Griechen wurden von Träumen „besucht". Die Träume waren auch Boten, die Nachrichten überbrachten. Diese dienten als Informationen, die nicht immer klar, häufig sogar absurd waren. Es war kein Zufall, dass der Beschützer der Nachrichtenboten Hermes war, der die Seelen der Toten in die Unterwelt begleitete. Hermes ging auf seinem Wege stets durch die Siedlung der Träume d e m i o s o n e i r - o n, die sich an der Grenze der erkennbaren Welt befand. Hermes war der Beschützer und Garant dieser Botschaften - Informationen in den Träumen. Unter seinen Schutz stellten sich auch die ersten griechischen Traumdeuter - oneirokritikoi. Sie mussten entscheiden, ob die Sprache des Traumes wörtlich oder symbolisch war. So fungierten theorematische Träume, die ausdrückten, was wie eintreten soll, und a l l e g o r i s c h e Träume, die Dinge und Ereignisse bildlich andeuteten, in denen Parallelen zwischen den Traumbildern und der Wirklichkeit gezogen werden konnten. Mit der Traumkategorisierung befassten sich z. B. Macrobius und Herodot. Bei den alten Israeliten schliefen Traumdeuter auf Friedhöfen, um der Welt der Ahnen näher zu sein, was die Eingebung von seherischen Bilder unterstützen sollte. Man glaubte nämlich, dass das Jenseits Dinge künftiger Ereignisse übermitteln könnte. Bei anderen Völkern war es wichtig, einen Hypnosezustand zu erreichen durch das Wirken von Priestern, 308 Zuzana Profantovä Schamanen oder eingeborenen Zauberern. Das Totenreich galt als geeigneter Raum für die Kommunikation mit überirdischen Kräften, an die wir häufig bis heute glauben. In alten Zivilisationen verhalfen dazu auch psychotrope Stoffe - Haschisch, Opium und andere Halluzinogene. Das Nicht-Bewusstsein - d. h. Schlaf und Tod brachte z.B. He-raklit in einen Zusammenhang mit der mythologischen Existenz der Seele im Wasser (an den Ufern des Okeanos). Das Wasser taucht in der Beziehung zum Tod auch in den volkstümlichen Symbolen und Darstellungen auf, was in mir seine urtümliche mythologische Bedeutung in der Beziehung zum Tod evoziert bzw. zum Weg der Seelen ins Jenseits über das Wasser (Okeanos). So zum Beispiel in der slowakischen volkstümlichen Darstellung, wenn der personifizierte Tod auf einem weißen Leintuch den Fluss überquert (Übergang = die Initiation, über das Wasser, auf dem Wasser evoziert in mir Charon, den Fährmann der Seelen), was wir bei etwas Phantasie als ein klassisches Mythologem ansehen können. Bei Aristoteles ist der Traum nicht das Vorzeichen künftiger Ereignisse, sondern das Signal künftiger Krankheiten. Bei Hippokrates hatte die Trauminterpretation diagnostischen Charakter; sie diente medizinischen Zwecken. Skepsis zum seherischen Charakter von Träumen äußerte schon Cicero, aber auch viele anderen Forscher im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert. Aber beispielsweise Marcus Tullius, so wie C. G. Jung, beschreibt eigene Träume, in denen Bilder - Zeichen auftauchten und die einen seherischen Charakter hatten. Ein sehr bedeutender Traumforscher war Artemidoros aus Daldis, dessen „Traumbuch" Jahrhunderte überdauerte, und bis heute gibt es eine ansehnliche Sammlung von Traumdeutungen vom Ende der antiken Kultur. Womit ich mich identifiziere, das ist die These von Artemis, dass „Träume Bedeutungssymbole zusammenfügen". Mit solchen Symbolen oder Merkmalen, Anzeichen, Vorzeichen sind Traumbücher bis in die Gegenwart angefüllt. Das unikale mittelalterliche Traumbuch von 1550 von Vaclav Hajek aus Libocany erwähnt Č. Zibrt, ein tschechischer Ethnograph des vergangenen Jahrhunderts, der 1908 seine Neuauflage in Prag vorbereitete. Er schreibt dazu: „Kein Wunder, dass ich auf den Spuren von der volkstümlichen Überlieferung bis hin zu den Bücherquellen immer wieder zur Hauptquelle gelangt bin, aus der unser Volk schöpfte, nämlich Hajeks Traumbuch. Die Lektüre dieses Traumbuchs belehrt uns trefflich darüber, welche Ansichten die Alten zu vielerlei Dingen hatten, wie hier bei Deutungen der psychologische Gesichtspunkt wirkte und welchen Einfluss die Symbolik auf sie hatte." (ZiBRT, Č.:1894, 131) Die meisten Traumbücher können wir jedoch als Anhäufung degenerierter Aberglauben ansehen, obwohl wir auch bestimmte ständig wiederlehrende Bilder und Symbole finden. Die Romantik kam wieder auf die Träume als einer inspirativen Erkenntnisquelle zurück. C. G. Curus, K. J. Erben konstatierten im Zusammenhang mit Balladen, Novalis, K. A. Scherner, G. H. Schubert, J. Paul und andere eindeutig, dass in den Träumen die gleichen Symbole vorkommen wie in den Kreationen des Volksschaffens, der Folklore. Wir haben nicht nur die Symbolik der Träume mit dem Märchen verglichen, sondern auch auf einige Analogien der Traumausdrücke und Volkslieder hingewiesen. K. A. Scherner schnitt die Frage der Traumsymbolik an, wobei viele seiner Schlussfolgerungen gerade die Labilität dieses Problems bestätigen. Träume muss man vor allem intiuitiv und individuell verstehen. Träume stellen eine archaische Sprache dar, die tief im menschlichen Denken kodierte natürliche Analogien verwendet. Es ist eine ähnliche Ausdrucksart, wie wir sie allgemein in Mythen, Märchen, in der Folklore vorfinden. C. G. Jung, als ob inspiriert durch den 309 Plurima mortis imago romantischen Zugang zu Träumen im 19. Jahrhundert, konstatiert, dass der Traum ein schöpferisches Spiel der Andeutung, des Vergleichs, des Symbols und der poetischen Abkürzung ist, und dass er vor allem eine Kompensationsfunktion besitzt. Der Traum stellt die primäre Art und Weise dar, wie das Unbewusste sich in symbolischer und bildlicher Form ausdrückt, in dem natürlichen Bestreben, das gestörte Gleichgewicht, infolge einer einseitigen Betonung der bewussten Tätigkeit im Wachzustand, auszugleichen, wiederherzustellen. Wichtig ist, was und wie der Mensch im Traum empfindet. Der Traum dreht sich in der Regel um ein Problem des Individuums, ein Problem, zu dem er naturgemäß eine bestimmte bewusste Haltung einnimmt, das er bewusst zu lösen bestrebt ist. Alle Träume betreffen die Person, die träumt und ihre innersten Erlebnisse. ( JUNG, C. G.:1994, 157) Hier möchte ich meinen Exkurs in die psychologische Theorie der Träume beenden. Die Frage lautet: Wie sind die Träume vom Tod? Wie wird der Tod in den Träumen dargestellt. Welches sind seine Anzeichen? Welche Parallelen finden wir in den Bildern der Folkloredarstellungen? Welches sind die Gefühle des Individuums beim Erleben und Interpretieren eines Traumes? Diese letzte Frage kann ich sofort beantworten. Die Gefühle sind stets beklemmend, unangenehm, voller Besorgnis und Angst. Weil allgemein anerkannte und über Jahrhunderte bestätigte Bilder, Zeichen existieren, die allgemein als Kennzeichen des Todes angesehen werden und die als seherisch-prognostisch gelten. Wir können sie interpretieren und, wenn wir sie im Traum gesehen haben, antizipieren wir den Tod. Sie drängen uns eine böse Vorahnung auf, und wir sind in der Spannung der Erwartung, ob das tatsächlich passieren wird. Bei etwas logischer Überlegung sind sie nichts Rätselhaftes oder Übernatürliches (oder müssen es nicht sein), sie haben einen spezifischen prädikativen Charakter. Ihr Wesen beruht in der antizipierenden Kombination von Wahrscheinlichkeiten, die in der Zukunft eintreten können, aber auch nicht müssen. C. G. Jung konstatierte, dass die These, dass Träume nur verdrängte erfüllte Wünsche seien, längst überwunden ist. Gewiss, es gibt auch solche, aber es sind auch Befürchtungen, beunruhigende Bilder, die sie veranschaulichen. Träume können unerbittliche Wahrheiten, philosophische Sentenzen, Illusionen, wilde Phantasien, Erinnerungen, Pläne, Antizipationen, ja selbst telepatische Visionen, irrationale Erlebnisse und wer weiß, was sonst noch, sein. (JUNG, C. G.:1996, 56) Träume sind eine Reaktion auf unsere bewusste Haltung. Es existieren hier psychologische Kompensationen, häufig sehr entfernte, aber jeder Mensch repräsentiert in einem gewissen Sinne die ganze Menschheit und ihre Geschichte. Und was in der Menschheitsgeschichte im Großen möglich war, das braucht im gegebenen Fall jedes Individuum. Für primitive Menschen hatten und haben Träume einen unvergleichlich höheren Wert als für die Menschen der Hochkulturen. Sie reden nicht nur über sie, sondern sie sind für sie so wichtig, dass sie diese kaum von der Realität unterscheiden. Aber auch viele kultivierte und gebildete Menschen schreiben den Träumen eine seltsame Bedeutung zu, gerade wegen ihres wirkungsvollen, suggestiven Charakters. Diese Besonderheit bestimmter Träume führt dann dazu, dass sie häufig als Eingebungen angesehen werden. Auch C. G. Jung räumte ein, dass Träume häufig Antizipationen sind, die jedoch bei einer rein kausalen Betrachtung ihren Sinn völlig verlieren. (JUNG, C. G.: 1996, 58) Bei der Konstatierung der prospektiven Funktion, konstatiert er auch eine vorläufige Kombination von Wahrscheinlichkeiten, wo zum Beispiel unterschwellige Erinnerungen und Anti- 310 Zuzana Profantovä zipationen eine große Rolle spielen. Er führt auch an, dass für den Traum charakteristisch ist, dass er sich fast nie in logisch abstrakter Weise ausdrückt, sondern stets in der Sprache der Parabeln, der Gleichnisse. In der Slowakei wurde der Traumanalyse in der Ethnologie bislang kein Augenmerk gewidmet, aber die polnische Folkloristin S. Niebrzegowska ordnet die Träume zu den Folkloregattungen. In dem Material, das ich bei Feldforschungen gewinnen konnte, können wir den bekannten Aberglauben - Vorzeichen und Anzeichen des Todes beobachten, wie sie Bestandteil des menschlichen Bewusstseins, des sozialen Gedächtnisses und im Prozess des Träumens in Traumbildern in das Unbewusste der Individuen transformiert werden. „Wenn man träumt, dass ein Vorder- oder Backenzahn ausfällt, stirbt jemand aus der Familie" (Jackulicova, 1928, Budokovce). „Wenn man von Holz träumt, Tod und Kummer!" (Olexik, 1923, Budkovce) „Wenn man von einem Kind träumt, egal, ob es im Traum spielt oder ob es jemand im Arm hält, ist das nicht gut." „Wenn man von der Hochzeit träumt oder viele Menschen sieht, ist das auch ein schlechtes Omen". Auf die Frage, was in dem Fall zu tun sei, antwortete die Informantin: „Oh Gott, was wird, wenn man so etwas träumt? (Befürchtung) Ich sehe viele, sie winken sogar noch. Dann bete ich, auch in der Kirche. Warum habe ich so etwas geträumt, ich stelle doch immer Weihwasser und das Kreuz auf den Tisch". (Schutz vor bösen Kräften) (Kovacova, 1911, Imel' Kreis Komarno, Forschung T. Buzekova 1991) Über die Interpretation von Träumen spricht auch der Informant K. Miskovic, 1917: „Es war wesentlich, was und wann man träumte. Wenn man träumte, dass jemand in der Familie gestorben war, bedeutete das Tod, aber nicht in der eigenen Familie. Träume wurden auch umgekehrt ausgedeutet, d. h., wenn ein Mensch im Traum etwas sah, bedeutete es das gerade Gegenteil. Träume von einem neuen Haus, Hochzeit, Kind bedeuteten Tod." (Imel', Kr. Komarno, 1991) Aus der Forschung von 1991: „Er sollte zur Arbeit gehen (der Nachbar, der Ehemann von Frau J.), an jenem letzten Morgen hatte er geträumt, dass ihn ein weißes Pferd jagte und er nicht vor ihm weglaufen konnte. Und als er schon oben am Ufer angelangt war, da kehrte er von hier noch einmal zurück, um seiner Frau zu sagen, sie solle gut aufpassen, denn sie hatten fünf kleine Kinder. Und dass sie auf die Kinder aufpassen sollte, damit ihnen nichts passiert, denn er hätte so einen Traum gehabt, und es sei kein guter Traum gewesen. - Und auf dem Heimweg von der Arbeit tötete ihn ein Auto. Ihn. Sodass alles in Erfüllung gegangen ist, denn das weiße Pferd, das ist der Tod. Von dem weißen Pferd kommt es. Oder ein Holzbalken. Wenn ich von Holzbalken träume, dann weiß ich hundertprozentig, dass jemand stirbt. Wenn sie Holzstücke fahren, dann bedeutet das eine Leiche." (1991, 70 Jahre, Frau) (Klarer Zusammenhang mit dem Sarg, oder auch Holz -Bäume - bei den alten Slawen der Sitz der Seelen). C. G. Jung erzählt seinen Traum: „Etwas Ähnliches habe ich vor dem Tod einer Verwandten meiner Frau erlebt. Damals schien es mir, dass das Bett meiner Frau eine tiefe Grube mit gemauerten Wänden war. Es war ein Grab und es erinnerte mich irgendwie an ein antikes Grab. Da vernahm ich einen tiefen Seufzer, wie wenn jemand den Geist aufgibt. Die Gestalt, die meiner Frau ähnelte, richtete sich auf im Grab und entschwebte. Sie trug ein weißes Gewand, in dem eigenartige, schwarze Zeichen eingewebt waren. Ich erwachte, weckte meine Frau und blickte auf die Uhr. Es war drei Uhr morgens. Der Traum war so seltsam, dass ich mir sofort dachte, er könnte einen Sterbefall ankündigen. Um sieben Uhr kam die Nachricht, dass die Cousine meiner Frau um drei Uhr gestorben war." (JUNG, C. G.:1994, 260). 311 Plurima mortis imago *** Sind meine eigenen subjektiven Deutungen vielleicht durch ethnologisches Wissen und Verstehen beinflusst? Ich bin eine ethnologisch gebildete Wissenschaftlerin mit einer materialistischen Weltanschauung, die verdächtig ins Wanken gerät, aus begreiflichen Gründen. Ich weiß, was Magie, was Aberglaube ist, ich kenne die Vorzeichen des Todes. Ist die symbolische Sprache meiner Träume ein Mythologem oder ist sie die Folge meines Wissens? Mythologeme sind Wissen und Bestandteil des kollektiven und sozialen Gedächtnisses. „Am 15. 2. 2004 war mein 85-jähriger Vater beinahe verbrannt. Die Ärzte konstatierten Verbrennungen dritten Grades und gaben ihm 20% Überlebenschancen. Von da an lebe ich, schlafe ich ein und stehe auf mit dem Gefühl der Beklemmung und Angst, und erschrecke fast bei jedem Telefonklingeln.... Ich träumte von meiner verstorbenen Tante, der Schwester meines Vaters. Ich sah sie im Schlaf, in der Dunkelheit, wie sie ihre Hand nach mir ausstreckt und mit ängstlicher Stimme wiederholt meinen Taufnamen ruft. Am Morgen wachte ich auf und ich fühlte mich schrecklich. Danach hatte ich einen anderen Traum, in dem ich eine Braut sah, ganz in Weiß, das war ich, aber ich sah mein Gesicht nicht. Im Traum war ich mir bewusst, dass ich das bin... Bald darauf träumte ich einen Traum, dass ich ein ganz kleines, w e i ß gekleidetes Kind in den Armen hielt... Später folgte ein Traum, dass mir der obere Seitenzahn herausfiel, ich selbst nahm ihn heraus. Schon im Traum hatte ich eine böse Vorahnung... Dann geschah es, dass eine Kachel mit der Aufschrift Shalom, die mein Sohn einmal von einem Israelbesuch mitgebracht hatte, auf den Boden gefallen, aber nicht zerbrochen war.... Danach folgte eine Serie von Träumen über ein Haus, bald war es ein Haus ohne Fenster, dann wiederum tauschte ich die Wohnung gegen eine kleinere und beengtere, nur einmal war es eine exklusive Wohnung, allerdings in einem alten sanierungsbedürftigen Haus... Meinem Vater heilten die Wunden einer dreifachen Hauttransplantation wunderbar. Er ist ans Bett gefesselt und immobil. Er hat eine spitze Nase und eingefallene Augen. Er lebt, aber das Leben entweicht zusehends aus ihm... Wir alle wissen, dass er sterben wird. Ich weiß, dass der Tod nahe ist. Ich kann meine Träume rational begründen und auch interpretieren, obwohl ich kein Psychoanalytiker bin, und ich weiß offenbar auch, warum ich sie geträumt habe. Ich vertraue Jungs „Unbewusstem" bzw. „meinem Unterbewusstsein". Sind meine Träume prospektiv oder nicht? Alles weist darauf hin, dass ich das nicht lösen werde, und ich habe auch gar nicht solche Ambitionen. Sicherlich sind sie es auch, denn mein Vater wird früher oder später sterben, aber was C. G. Jung angelangt, er wusste offenbar nicht, wann die Verwandte seiner Frau sterben wird, zumindest erwähnt er es nicht, und auch der Mann, dem im Traum ein weißes Pferd erschienen war, wusste nicht, dass ihn ein Auto überfahren würde. War es Zufall? Ist das Leben eine kausale Zufallskette oder programmiert? C. G. Jung sagt, dass ein isolierter undurchsichtiger Traum selten zumindest mit einiger Sicherheit interpretiert werden kann. Relative Sicherheit gewinnt die Deutung erst bei einer Serie von Träumen. Offenbar steuert meine Traumserie zu einer eindeutigen Auslegung hin, und auch zu der reellen Tatsache, die zweifellos eintreten wird, nur weiß ich nicht, wann. Ich komme noch einmal auf die allgemein gültigen Todesvorzeichen im traditionellen Volksmilieu und auf die Bilder zurück, die in der slowakischen Folklore vorkommen. Nicht in Frage zu stellen ist die weiße Farbe. S. Niebrzegowska nennt in ihrer Publikati- 312 Zuzana Profantovä on „Polski sennik ludowi", 1996, als Vorzeichen des Todes in Träumen - weiße Blumen, ein weißes Pferd, eine weiße Tischdecke, ein weißes Bett, ein weißes Laken, ein weißer Rock und andere. Auch in slowakischen publizierten Traumbüchern, aber auch in volkstümlichen Traumdarstellungen ist das die Braut (in Weiß), die Geburt eines Kindes oder das weiß gekleidete Kind. In Folkloredarstellungen, Prosa und Liedern, ist der Tod als Frau in We iß, personifiziert, in einem weißen Laken (auch der Tod in Schwarz - der heutigen Farbe der Trauer, der Knochenmann, der auch weitere invariante Merkmale besitzt - alt, hässlich, er kann zahnlos sein oder große Zähne haben, er hat keine Nase, er kann blind, stumm, kalt sein, er ist schnell, er kann eine Sense haben usw.) Er kann auch in einer zoomorphen Gestalt erscheinen, als weißes Tier - als Hase, Katze, Gans oder Ziege. Das gilt in der Slowakei auch in Träumen. Die weiße Farbe ist eindeutig das Merkmal, Symbol des Todes - des Sterbens und auch des Todes in personifizierter Gestalt. In diesem Zusammenhang interessierte mich das „Szenarium des Initiationstodes", das M. Eliade in der Arbeit „Iniciace, rituäly, tajemne spolecnosti, mysticke zrozeni" (Initiation, Rituale, geheimnisvolle Gesellschaften, mystisches Entstehen), 2004, anführt, wo er ein Zitat Herbart Wards aus der Arbeit W. Jensens und Bastians in „Die deutsche Expedition und die Loangoküste" von 1875 anführt. Und zwar: „Die Rituale des Initiationstodes erlangen eine beträchtliche Breite und häufig werden daraus echte dramatische Szenarien. Im Kongo und an den Ufern des Loango trinken Jungen zwischen zehn und zwölf Jahren ein Getränk, nach dem sie das Bewusstsein verlieren (Schlaf - Parallele des Todes, Tod - als „ewiger Schlaf"). Danach werden sie in den Dschungel getragen, um beschnitten zu werden. Bastian berichtet uns, wie sie im „Haus der Fetische" begraben sind und nach ihrem Erwachen scheinen sie ihr früheres Leben vergessen zu haben. Während ihrer Isolierung im Dschungel werden sie weiß bemalt (was gewiss das Zeichen dessen ist, dass aus ihnen Phantome, Trugbilder geworden sind), und fortan genießen sie das Recht, zu stehlen, sie werden in die geheimen Traditionen des Stammes eingeführt und erlernen eine neue Sprache." ( ELIADE, M.: 2004, 57 ). M. Eliade interpretiert hier die weiße Farbe als Farbe der Phantome, aber wie wir wissen, war die weiße Farbe in der Vergangenheit bei den Slawen die Farbe der Trauer (die Trauerkleidung war weiß). Wir können die weiße Farbe auch im Zusammenhang mit dem Tod als Braut interpretieren. Zugleich ist sie auch die Farbe der Festlichkeit, der Freude, der Unschuld, und Reinheit, aber auch der I n i t i a t i o n, die Farbe des Übergangsrituals. Die Konnotation w e i ß e Farbe - wird in solchen Trauminterpretationen bestätigt, in denen sie als Farbe explizit Gegenständen zugeschrieben wird, und ihr Erscheinen (wie schon erwähnt) entscheidet über ihre Interpretation und auch ihre axiologische Potenz. Weiß symbolisiert auch die Fruchtbarkeit (Muttermilch ist weiß, auch Zusammenhang mit dem Neugeborenen, dem Kleinkind in Träumen). Hier kommt auch die symbolische Opposition Weiß - Schwarz, Tag -Nacht, Leben - Tod zur Anwendung. Hingegen ist die schwarze Farbe in der mythischen volkstümlichen Symbolik u. a. mit der Nacht, dem physischen Tod, dem Grab, dem dunklen Leben im Jenseits, dem Raum der negativen Kräfte verbunden. Die weiße Farbe wird in der Slowakei auch als symbolischer Triumph des Geistes über den Körper angesehen. Der Problematik der Existenz der Seele, ihrer Wanderung in die Unterwelt, ihrer Darstellung in der slowakischen Folklore habe ich mich an anderer Stelle gewidmet. (PROFANTOVÄ, Z.:2001, 128-147) Die Gestalt der Weißen Frau - des Geistes, des erscheinenden Phantoms, das die Vorankündigung des Todes bedeutet, korreliert mit der Deutung C. G. Jungs, auch der 313 Plurima mortis imago tschechischen Psychiater V. Vondracka und F. Holub, und im slowakischen Material erscheint sie vor allem in historischen Sagen, aber auch in dämonologischen Überlieferungen. Im Folklorematerial ist das bereits erwähnte Motiv des Todes als Braut Die Analyse von Traumbildern im Vergleich mit den Bildern in der Folklore gestattet in einem gewissen Maße die Ansicht auszusprechen, dass die Sinndeutung von Bildern nicht immer arbitral ist. Allerdings haben das, was bezeichnet wird (Signifiant, z.B. das Traumbild), und das, was es bedeutet (Signifié - Interpretation, Deutung) eine gewisse Abhängigkeit. Die Abhängigkeiten sind konvergent mit den Mechanismen, die in der Rede, Sprache, im Denken und Handeln fungieren und finden eine Begründung auf der Grundlage sprachlicher und kultureller Darstellungen. Die Regularität - die Regelmäßigkeit in den Trauminterpretationen untersuchten in ihren Arbeiten viele Wissenschaftler, so zum Beispiel. K. Moszinski, N. I. Tolstoj, J. Bartminski, S. Niebrzegowska und andere. Aufgrund von Analysen meiner Vorgänger erlaube ich mir zu summieren, dass die Deutungen, Interpretationen von Träumen begründet sind vor allem auf: 1) dem Prinzip der Identität von Bild und Deutung, 2) dem Prinzip des Gegensatzes (wie das auch einige Informanten, aber auch Psychologen erklären), 3) dem Prinzip der Ähnlichkeit, Verwandtschaft, die die polnische Folkloristin S. Niebrzegowska in die a) lexikalisch-phonetische Gruppe, Bild und Interpretationen gliedert, aber aus meiner Sicht ist b) die Ähnlichkeit bzw. Verwandtschaft im semantischen und kognitiven Sinne viel prinzipieller. Die genannten Autoren führen auch das Prinzip 4) der Metonymie von Bild und Interpretation, 5) das Prinzip der Verallgemeinerung, das mit der unmittelbaren Bewertung von Bild und Interpretation zusammenhängt, und als letzten Typus 6) das Prinzip der kombinierten Motivation an (d.h. Kombination verschiedener Ausgangspunkte) an. (NIEBRZEGOWSKA, S.:1996, 58) Ausgehend von den Regeln in der Bewertung der Vorstellungen, Bilder und ihrer Deutungen, neige ich zu den bekannten Arbeiten europäischer Semiotiker, die aufgrund der binären Oppositionen s a k r a l - profan ihre Ausgangsmatrix schufen, die zur Identifizierung der Objekte der Welt in den in der Folklore vorkommenden Oppositionen dient. Diese können wir in der Beziehung zum Thema bzw. Motiv des Todes folgendermaßen charakterisieren: 1) als allgemeines Glück - Unglück, Leben - To d, und in diesem Zusammenhang 2) als Gegensätze verbunden mit räumlichen Gegensätzen Himmel - Erde, Erde - Unterwelt sowie 3) als Gegensätze verbunden mit der Zeit, der Farbe und den Elementen - Nacht - Tag, Winter - Sommer, Kälte - Wärme, dunkel - hell = weiß-schwarz. Aber auch als Gegensätze im gesellschaftlichen Charakter - eigen - fremd, nah - fern, weiblich- männlich, Nachfahre - Vorfahre. (NIEBRZEGOWSKA, S.: 1996, 93) Alle diese binären Antinomien können wir sowohl negativ als auch positiv wahrnehmen. Im konkreten Material kann das durch die eigentliche Wahl der Worte, aber auch der Zeichen, Begriffe, Symbole interpretiert werden. Die Weiße Frau zum Beispiel kann 314 Zuzana Profantovä gut sein, jedoch im Zusammenhang mit dem Tod - ist sie negativ. Die Braut (weiß) - d.h. die Unschuld, Reinheit, aber auch Initiation, die im Zusammenhang mit dem Tod - im Traum, im balladesken Liedermaterial oder im sozialen Kontext - bei der Begegnung zweier Bräute am Hochzeitstag, eine negative Konnotation hat. Das Pferd hat alle positiven Konnotationen im Volksmilieu, aber im Zusammenhang mit dem Tod bedeutet es Unglück. Bleibt es stehen und senkt den Kopf - bedeutet es, das jemand stirbt. Erscheint es im Traum weiß, ist es das Vorzeichen des Todes. Der herausgefallene Zahn (weiß) - hat einen visuellen Zusammenhang mit dem zahnlosen oder„Zähne zeigenden, grinsenden", personifizierten Tod oder Knochenmann. Hier fungiert auch ein Worttabu. Der „zähne zeigende, grinsende Tod, der Tod als „der Böse". Die Menschen sprachen seinen Namen nicht aus, denn sie glaubten, dass sie ihn damit herbeiriefen. Dasselbe gilt vom Sehen eines Toten im Traum oder von der Begegnung mit einem Toten - seinem Trugbild in dä-monologischen Darstellungen. Es bedeutet stets Trugbild, Zeichen und hat eine negative Konnotation („Schwierigkeiten, Unglück, Verlust, etwas Ungutes, Tod"). S. Niebrzegowska führt an, dass „symbolische Träume solche sind, aufgrund derer die Person, die träumt,künftige Ereignisse vorhersieht (prophetische,seherische Träume), oder auch solche, deren Inhalt eben nur durch die Realisierung der definierten Ereignisse verstanden wird (erfüllte Träume). (NIEBRZEGOWSKA, S.:1996,130) Ich habe als Beispiele Träume angeführt, die sich erfüllt haben (und in meinem „Traumfall" werden sie wohl bald in Erfüllung gehen)... Zum Schluss meiner Betrachtung, die ich nicht als endgültig betrachte und mit der ich nur an meine vorherigen Studien anknüpfe, möchte ich feststellen, dass Zeichen, Wahrzeichen, Vorahnungen, Vorzeichen, Bilder bzw. Symbole, Teil unseres Bewusstseins sind, das, wie sich zeigt, mythische Wurzeln hat und im sozialen Gedächtnis und im individuellen Bewusstsein und im Unbewussten (Unterbewusstsein) eng miteinander verbunden ist. Vorstellungen, Symbole in Träumen, korrelieren eng mit den Bildern in Folkloredarstellungen, wo sie sprachlich benannt und definiert sind und zwar sowohl in der Vergangenheit, als auch in dem heutigen rezenten Material. Bildern, Symbolen begegnen wir in unserem Leben gerade so, wie wir Dingen, Ereignissen oder Menschen begegnen. Das alles sind zweifellos Tatsachen unseres eigenen Lebens. Es sind keine unwirklichen Bilder, es sind nur Bilder, die etwas darstellen, was uns als unwirklich erscheint. Wir brauchen Bilder, um zu verstehen und zu sehen. Aber wenn wir diese Bilder identifizieren können, - jene, die in unseren Kulturen entstehen, wechseln und wieder zurückkehren, und wenn (und wie) wir jene von ihnen unterscheiden können, die im gegebenen Augenblick ihre implizite Bedeutung haben oder uns erneut verloren gehen, um anderen Raum zu geben, können wir etwas aus unseren geheimen oder transparenten Beklemmungen, Ängsten oder auch Freuden, oder Erwartungen erfassen. Sie sind es, die das Erleben unseres Lebens einfach mitbestimmen und definieren. Wir sind einfach in der Lage, die Wandlungen von Leben und Tod, ihren Wechsel zu enthüllen und häufig sind wir uns dessen gar nicht bewusst. Träume, Vorzeichen, Zeichen und Erzählungen darüber, runden ab und schaffen eine völlig neue, unerwartete Wirklichkeit, die uns stets überrascht. Der Traum überschreitet nicht die Grenze dessen, was ich sehen kann, sondern die Grenzen dessen, was wir fähig sind zu denken. (PETRJCEK, M. jr.:1993, 13) Wir sind einfach undurchsichtig, und an sich nicht erkennbar, wie immer wir uns darum bemühen. Symbole, als Urgrundlage unserer Kultur ermöglichen es uns nur, in uns und unsere menschliche Vergangenheit mittels bestimmter Bilder hineinzuse- 315 Plurima mortis imago hen. Alles das ist undurchsichtig, so wie wir selbst, und obwohl ungern, muss ich mit den Worten des Klassikers zugeben, dass wir nicht fähig sind, unser Geistiges vollkommen zu röntgen. „Unser Ich ist nicht Herr in seinem Haus." Nachtrag Den gegenwärtigen Text sandte ich der Redaktion am Sonntag, den 4. 6. 2006. In der Nacht desselben Tages fuhr ich zu einem Studienaufenthalt nach Moskau. Am Dienstag, den 6.6. 2006, hatte ich einen Traum. (Ist schon dieses Datum magisch?). Ich träumte von einem Kind mit einem faltigen Gesicht, wie dehydriert, wie ein Greis. Kinder, die im Schoß der Mutter übertragen werden, werden gewöhnlich mit dem Gesicht eines „Greises" geboren. Dieses Kind im Traum war das Kind meines älteren Sohnes, der mit seiner Freundin lebt. Doch von einem Spaziergang brachte es im Kinderwagen meine Nichte, die auch im Alter einer potentiellen Mutter ist. Das Kind hatte aufgeblasene Backen, als habe es den Mund mit etwas vollgestopft. Ich sagte zu ihm, es solle mir mal zeigen, was es im Mund hat. Da öffnete sich vor mir ein riesiger Mund, mit drei Zahnprothesen am Gaumen, wie sie alte Menschen tragen. Sie waren in Dreieckform angeordnet. Ich erschrak heftig im Traum. Zähne von Prothesen fletschten mich an! Das Kind schloss den Mund und sagte: „Mein Bauch tut weh". Was mich sehr überraschte, denn es war erst ein paar Wochen alt, wo Kinder ja noch nicht sprechen können. Das Kind war sichtlich ungewaschen. Am Morgen wurde ich wach und vergegenwärtigte mir meinen Traum. Es war ein furchtbar unangenehmes Gefühl und ich begann den Traum zu deuten. Alles hatte seine Logik. Meinem Vater, den ich zu Hause ließ, ging es geraume Zeit schon immer schlechter, und in letzter Zeit wollte er auch schon nicht mehr essen. Er aß so 3-4 Happen als Hauptspeise. Um ehrlich zu sein, ich war schon mit einem ziemlich unguten Gefühl aus Bratislava abgereist. Am Donnerstag, den 8.6. 2006, fuhr ich vom Hotel aus mit der Metro in das Moskauer Institut. Mir wurde beinahe physisch schlecht, als ich auf einer Bank in der Metro 3 schwarz gekleidete Frauen, mit verhüllten Köpfen erblickte. Zwei versuchten eine ältere Frau zu trösten, die wohl weinte. Offenbar waren sie auf dem Weg zu einer Beerdigung. In diesem Moment fiel mir die Erzählung von den drei Toden, die den Tod bringen, ein. Das war am Donnerstag. Am Sonnabend Abend telefonierte mein Mann, dass man meinen Vater ins Krankenhaus gebracht hatte. Dass er große Magenschmerzen habe, erbräche und dehydriert sei. In der Nacht vom Sonnabend zum Sonntag wurde ich wach, ich weiß gar nicht, wieso. Und ich war schrecklich hungrig. Ich ging zum Hotelkühlschrank und nahm mir einen Kartoffelsalat in einem Becher heraus. Als ich diesen öffnen wollte, schnellte er mir irgendwie aus der Hand und der Inhalt verstreute sich auf dem Teppich. Ich habe nicht mal gekostet. Am Morgen rief mein Mann an, dass Vater im Krankenhaus Infusionen bekomme und ich bat ihn, nach ihm zu sehen. Ich ging zu einer Kreml-Besichtigung. Um zwölf Uhr mittags rief mich mein Mann an. Als ich seine Nummer auf dem Display sah, hatte ich definitiv eine schlechte Vorahnung. Sie war richtig. Mein Vater war gegen Morgen gestorben... Was ist noch hinzuzufügen? Ich bin mir nicht sicher... 316 Zuzana Profantovä Literatur und Quellen Burlasova, S. (1998): Katalog slovenskych narativnych piesni. Typenindex Slowakischer Erzähllieder. Teil 1-3. Etnologicke studie 2-4. Bratislava. Botik, J. (2001), (Ed.): Obyčajove tradicie pri umrti a pochovavani na Slovensku. S osobitym zretel'om na etnicku a konfesionalnu mnohotvarnosf. [Brauchtumstraditionen beim Sterben und Beerdigen in der Slowakei. Mit besonderer Berücksichtigung der ethnischen und konfessionellen Vielfalt.] Muzea a etnika. Bratislava. Cicero, M. T. (1976): Tuskulske hovory [Gespräche in Tusculum]. Anticka knihovna. Bd. 32. Svoboda, Praha. Černoušek, M. (1988): Sen a sneni. [Traum und Träumen.] Horizont. Praha. Eliade, M. (2004): Iniciace, ritualy, tajne společnosti, mysticka zrozeni. [Initiationen, Rituale, geheimnisvolle Gesellschaften, mystische Entstehung.] Computer Press. Brno. Horvathova, E. (1986): Rok vo zvykoch našho ludu. [Ein Jahr im Brauchtum unseres Volkes.] Jung, C. G. (1994): Duše moderniho človeka. [Die Seele des modernen Menschen.] Atlantis. Brno. Jung, C. G.: (1995): Človek a duše. [Mensch und Seele.] Z celeho dila 1905-1961 vybrala a vydala Jolande Jacobi. [Eine Auswahl aus dem Gesamtwerk von 1905-1961 von Jolande Jacobi.] Walter-Verlag A.G. Olten 1971. 1. Ausgabe Psychologische Betrachtungen, Rascher, Zürich, 1945. Übersetzt von K. Polocek, A. Bernaškova, L. Betak, J. Vaškova. Academia. Praha. Krekovičova, E. (1993): Barokovy obraz smrti-nevesty vo folklore alebo putovanie jednej jarmočnej balady. [Das barocke Bild des Todes als Braut in der Folkklore oder Wanderung einer Jahrmarktballade.] In: Narodopisne informacie, 1, 20-30. Navratilova, L. (2004): Narozeni a smrt v česke lidove kulture. [Geburt und Tod in der tschechischen Volkskultur.] Vyšehrad. Praha. Niebrzegowska,S. (1996): Polski sennik ludowy. [Polnisches volkstümliches Traumbuch.] Institut Filologii Polskiej Universitetu Marii Curie-Sklodowskiej. Literatura-Lingwistyka, Nr.3. Wydawnictwo Universitetu MCS, Lublin. Petriček, M. jr. (1994): Duše moderniho človeka. [Die Seele des modernen Menschen] Atlantis. Brno. Pohrebny kancional Jozefa Macha. [Grabliederbuch von Jozef Mach] (1997): Zusammengestellt von Zora Vanovičova. Pramene k tradičnej ludovej kulture Slovenska III. Zväzok. [Quellen zur traditionellen Volkskultur der Slowakei III. Bd.]. Bratislava. Profantova, Z. (2001): Obraz smrti v slovenskom folklore. [Bild des Todes in der slowakischen Folklore.] Slovenska kresfanska a svetska kultura. Zostavila Jana Skladana. Veda, Vydavatel'stvo Slovenskej Akademie vied. Bratislava, 107-116. Profantova, Z. (1998): Jezykovi obraz smierci na Slowacii. [Das sprachliche Bild des Todes in der Slowakei.] In: Etnoligvistyka. Problemy jezyka a kultury, 9/10, Lublin. Profantova, Z: (1997): Semantic Gesture of Death (Between 317 Plurima mortis imago Ethnolinguistics and Paremiology). In: Zuzana Profantová: Little Fishes are Sweet. Selected Writings on Proverbs. Národopisny ústav SAV. Bratislava, 85-104. Profantová, Z. (2000): La muerte en la paremiologia slovaca. In: Trabajos de Lexicografia y Fraseologia Contrastivas. (Eds.) Antonio Pamies Bertrán, Juan de Dias Lugrue Durán. Serie Collectae, Publicato per método editiones y Granada lingvistica, Granada, 209-224. Profantová, Z. (2001): Obraz smrti v slovenskom folklore. [Bild des Todes in der slowakischen Folklore.] Slovenská kresíanská a svetská kultúra. Herausgegeben von Jana Skladaná. Veda, Vydavatel'stvo Slovenskej Akadémie vied. Bratislava, 107-116. Steindl, R. (1987): Kontinuita života. [Kontinuität des Lebens.] Praha. Vondrácek, V. - F. Holub (1993): Fantastické a magické z hlediska psychiatrie. [Das Phantastische und Magische aus der Sicht der Psychiatrie.] 1968, 1972. 3. Ausgabe, Columbus, Bratislava. Zíbrt, Č. (1894): Seznam povér a zvyklostí pohanskych z VlII.véku. [Verzeichnis von heidnischen Aberglauben und Bräuchen aus dem VIII. Jahrhundert.] Nákladem České Akademie Císare Františka Jozefa pro vedy, slovesnost a uméní. Praha. 318 Zuzana Profantovä Podoba mnohotvárnej smrti Zuzana Profantová Smrf - večne aktuálna téma. Znamenia, znaky a symboly v tradičnej ludovej kultúre na Slovensku sa ničim nevymykajú zo slovanského, európskeho, či indoeurópskeho pra-základu. V materiály uvažujeme o mytologémach. Smrf predpovedalo stretnutie dvoch neviest počas svadobného dña, alebo ked' svadobny sprievod stretol pohrebny. (Stretnutie s mrtvym). Tiež, kto z mladomanželov zaspal počas svadobnej noci prvy, ten mal aj prvy zomrief.( princip analógie- svadba-(iniciácia) -smrf ( iniciácia- spánok-smrf). V tradičnom prostredi sa verilo, a veri- v spojenie mrtvych so živymi. Početné znamenia signalizovali blizkosf smrti. Taktiež nezvyčajné udalosti. Tiež sny, ktoré predpovedajú smrf predstavujú archaicky jazyk, ktory použiva prirodzené analógie hlboko zakódova-né v ludskom mysleni. Je to podobny sposob vyjadrovania, aky nachádzame v mytoch, rozprávkach, folklóre všeobecne. C.G.Jung, akoby inspirovany romantickym pritupom k snom v 19. storoči, konštatuje, že sen je tvorivá hra náznaku, prirovnania, symbolu a poetickej skratky, a má najmá kompenzačnú funkciu. Znamenia smrti v snoch: biele kve-ty, biely koñ, biely obrus, biela postel, biela plachta, biela sukña, a dalšie. V slovenskych publikovanych snároch, ale aj ludovych podanich snov je to tiež nevesta (v bielom), tiež narodenie diefafa, alebo diefa oblečen v bielom. Vo folklórnych podania, prozaickych aj piesñovych, je smrf perzonifikovaná ako žena v bielom, v bielej plachte (tiež smrf v čiernom - v s^asnej farbe smútku , kostlivec, a má aj dalšie invariantné znaky - stará, škaredá, može byf bezzubá alebo s velkymi zubami, nemá nos, može byf slepá, nemá, stu-dená, je rychla, može maf aj kosu, atd'.). Tiež sa može ukázaf v zoomorfnej podobe, ako biele zviera- zajac, mačka, hus, koza. Toto plati na Slovensku aj v snoch. Biela farba je jednoznačne priznakom, symbolom smrti- úmrtia a aj Smrti- personifikovanej postavy. M. Eliade tu interpretuje bielu farbu, ako farbu prizrakov, ale ako vieme, biela farba bola v minulosti u Slovanov farbou smútku (sm&očny odev bol biely). Bielu farbu si može-me interpretovaf aj v súvislosti so smrfou- nevestou. Zároveñ je to aj farba sviatočnosti, radosti, nevinnosti, čistoty, ale aj iniciácie, farba prechodového rituálu. Konotácia biela farba- je potvrdená v takych interpretáciách snov, v ktorych sa prejavuje ako farba explicitne pripisaná predmetom, a jej zjavenie sa (ako som už spomenula), rozhoduje o jej interpretácii a aj jej axiologickej potencii. Biela symbolizuje tiež plodnosf (mater-ské mlieko je biele, tiež súvislosf s novorodencom, malym diefafom v snoch). Taktiež sa tu uplatñuje symbolická opozicia biela - čierna, deñ - noc, život - smrf. Naopak, čierna farba v mytickej, a aj tradičnej ludovej symbolike je o.i. spájaná s nocou, fyzickou smrfou, hrobom, temnym záhrobnym životom, priestorom negativnych sil. Biela farba je na Slovensku považovaM tiež za symbolicky triumf ducha nad telom. Vychádzajúc z pravidiel v hodnoteni predstáv, obrazov a ich vykladov, prikláñam sa k známym prácam európskch semiotikov, ktori na základe binárnch opozicii sakrálny - profánny, vytvorili ich vychodiskovú matricu, ktorá služi k identifikácii objektov sveta v opoziciách premietanych vo folklóre, ktoré možeme charakterizovaf vo vzfahu k téme, resp. motivu smrti 1) ako všeobec^ šfastie - nešfastie, život - a smrf, a v tejto súvislosti 2) protiklady spáté s protikladmi priestorovymi nebo - zem, zem - podzemie, ako aj 3) potiklady spáté sčasom, farbou aživlami, noc - deñ, zima - leto, chlad - teplo, tmavy - svetly = biely - čierny. Ale tiež protiklady v 319 Plurima mortis imago spoločenskom charaktere: svoj - cudzi, blizky - daleky, žensky - mužsky, potomok - predok. Všetky tieto binarne antinomie možeme vnimaf aj ako negativne, aj ako pozitivne. V konkrétnom materialy,je to možnč interpretovaf samotnym vyjadrenim slov, ale aj znakov pojmov, symbolov. 320 razvoj raziskovalnih metod in diskusija sviluppo dei metodi di ricerca e discussione development of research methods and discussion Slovanski teonim Henillo/Honidlo in baltski Goniglis Dziewos n Nikolai Mikhailov When comparing the Slavic teonym Henillo/Honidlo (Thietmar, Knauthe), which is presumably of Slavic origin, with the Baltic Goniglis (Stryjkowski) the author arrived at a conclusion that is somewhat different from the one provided by Leszek Moszynski. Rather than being entirely contrary, it supplements and adds to Moszynskis interpretation. V zadnjem času se pogosto vračamo k temi »kabinetne mitologije«, to je k delom kronistov in znanstvenikov 16.-18. stol., ki so v svojih razpravah poskušali zgraditi slovanske in baltske panteone, včasih pa tudi mešane balto-slovanske sezname božanstev. Na začetku 20. stol. so bila dela »kabinetne mitologije« zelo močno kritizirana. Največji skeptik je bil tedaj poljski mitolog A. Brückner, ki je v delih kronistov-mitologov res našel veliko napak in nelogičnih trditev. Toda treba je poudariti, da te napake zgodnjih mitologov ne predstavljajo želje fantazirati, nekaj izmisliti in profanirati znanstveno disciplino, ampak so sad nekaterih nesporazumov, slabega obvladanja baltskih in slovanskih jezikov ter poskusov rekonstruirati panteone po starogrškem vzorcu. Dandanes je jasno, da ne gre za namero nekako zmotiti bralca, ampak za prehod od vloge kronista, ki samo fiksira tradicijo, k vlogi znanstvenika, ki poskuša to zapisano tradicijo klasificirati in razložiti. Znanstveni značaj tega namena potrjujejo številne opombe, ki se opirajo na zgodnjejše vire. Težnja po rekonstrukciji t.i.. „mešanih" panteonov se opira na dejstvo, da kabinetni mitologi zelo pogosto ne razlikujejo baltskega in slovanskega izročila ter vključujejo v krog slovanske mitologij e pruska, litovska in sploh vrsto baltskih božanstev. To je razvidno tudi na jezikovni ravni v nekaterih delih prvih filologov, za katere so baltski jeziki slovanski (gl. o tem dela italijanskega baltista P.U. Dinija, ki se ukvarja z baltsko lingvistično historiografijo). Posledice tega so tudi napačne ljudske etimologije, ki jih pogosto srečamo v razpravah kabinetnih mitologov. Zdi se, da je zdaj po eni strani naloga sodobnih znanstvenikov izločiti v »kabinetnem« mitološkem gradivu slovanski in baltski del ter po drugi strani poskusiti najti tudi pravilne baltsko-slovanske vzporednice,ki naj bi pričale o določenih reliktih balto-slovan-ske jezikovne, pa tudi mitološke zveze. V svojem prispevku predlagamo poskus analize ene balto-slovanske mitološke iz-oglose. Ne bomo vztrajali, da je ta analiza edino pravilna, ali obstaja v njen prid več argumentov. V svoji Kroniki srednjeveški kronist Thietmarus Merseburgensis (Thietmar Mer-seburški, Dittmar) omenja božanstvo Henill. Poljski jezikoslovec L. Moszynski domneva, da to ni teonim, ampak napačno interpretirana oblika svn. henne ali hane >Henne< »eine 323 Slovanski teonim Henillo/Honidlo in baltski Goniglis Dziewos hölzerne Figur, die auf der Spitze irgendeines mit dem Gesellschafts- oder Geisteleben verbundenen Gegenstandes ausgeschnitzt wird« (Moszynski 1992, 82-85; 1995). Taka razlaga je mogoča, toda poznejši viri nam predlagajo nove možnosti za interpretacijo te besede. V svojem spisui iz l. 1762 protestanski duhovnik Christian Knauthe navaja v seznamu lužiških božanstev na 9. mestu teonim Henillo / Honidlo, citirajoč Thietmarja: »HENILLO f . HONIDLO, honju, ich treibe weg, halte zurück Honidlo korrupte Hennil. War der Sorberwenden in Laufitz, Meiffen, Thüringen, Wache- und Ruhegott, welches über jedes Wirthes Haus, des Nachts, Wache hielt und verfchafte, dafz die Innwohner ungestört ruhen konnten. Dittmar fagt L. 7. daf feine Figur gewefen ein Stecken, worauf eine Hand, welche einen eifernen Rinken hielt: und berichtet anbey, dafz die Sorben den Götzen verehret« (Knauthe 1767 / 1980, podrobnejšo analizo tega fragmenta gl. Mikhailov 1995). Precej očitno je, da je imel Knauthe vsaj dva vira, ki sta omogočila vključitev Honidla v njegov srbolužičanski panteon: Thietmarja in verjetno A. Frenzla. Torej najbolj skeptična hipoteza o izviru Honidla bi bila ta, da je Honidlo izmišljen lik ali napačno interpretirana beseda. Nejasnost Honidla je zvečana z ljudsko etimologijo, ki se na prvi pogled zdi napačna, če pa si ogledamo druge hipoteze, je lahko intuitivno sprejemljiva. Omenimo še, da predstavlja seznam Christiana Knautha ravno mešani panteon, v katerega so vključena tudi baltska božanstva (navajamo vsa v Knauthovi ortografiji): Protimpus, Occopirnus, Schwaixtixius / Zwiczius, Worskaitus / Schweibra-tus, Antympus, Pilvitus, Pergrubius, Curcho / Gorcho, Puscetus, Auschwitus, Picollus, Barstukai / Marcopetae. Druga božanstva panteona so slovanskega porekla. Sam Knauthe ne loči baltskega in slovanskega elementa. Zanj je vse lužiškosrbsko. Mogoče je, da spada Honidlo tudi med baltske bogove, če bomo upoštevali tudi druge vire. V razpravi Poljaka Stryjkowskega (1582) najdemo litovsko božanstvo Goniglis Dziewos, ki je bog gozda in pastirjev, zaščitnik živine in pašnikov (BRMŠ II 2001, 513): »13. Goniglis Dziewos, pasterski bog lesny, ktore Grekowie i Rzymianie Satiros Fau-nosque zwali; temu jajca konskie, wolowe, kozlowe i inszego bydla stroje ofiarowali, kiedy ich walaszyli albo trzebili, a palili one ofiary pastuchowie na jakim wielkim k tenu obra-nym kamieniu, mowi^c: Jak ten kamien twardy, niemy i nieruszaj^cy si§, tak tež, o Dziewie musu Goniglis! wilcy i wszyscy drapiežni zwierze niechaj si§ nie mog^ ruscyc, aby bydlu naszemu, twojej obronie zleconemu, szkodzic nie mogli.« Na podlagi tega teonima se da rekonstruirati ime litovskega božanstva Goniglis / Ganiklis / Ganyklis / Goniklis, cf. lit. ganyti 'pasti živino', ganyklä 'pašnik', stsl. gnati (Beresnevičius 2001, 88-89; Dunduliene 2004, 188-189; etimologijo balt. *gan- gl. To-porov 1979, 151). Povezavo Honidla z baltskim izročilom potrjujejo tudi podatki Karla Haupta (Haupt 1862, 13, št. 11): »Honidlo oder Hennil (der Wächter, Führer) wurde von lausitzischen Wenden als Schutzgott verehrt. Der Hirt des Ortes ging mit einem Stabe, an dessen oberem Ende eine Hand befestigt war, welche einen eisernen Ring umklammerte, von Haus zu Haus, und rief an jeder Thüre: Wache, Hennil, wache! Dieser Umzug wurde mit Schmausereien gefeiert. Noch jetzt heisst bei den Wenden ein Hirtenstab. Vor Kurzem noch pflegten sie sich gegenseitig zuzurufen: ich werde dir den Honidlo in's Haus schicken, ohne sagen zu können, was sie damit meinten«. Potem že v opombah piše Haupt: »Der Feldschutzgott ward auch in Litthauen verehrt. Dort hiess er Gonidlo.« Glavna Hauptova informacija se skoraj nedvomno opira na Thietmarja, A. Frenc-la in na že močno spremenjeno folklorno tradicijo, kar je zelo važno za rehabilitacijo »kabinetne mitologije«. To pomeni, da se je v ljudskem lužiškem izročilu še ohranil spo- 324 Nikolai Mikhailov min na Hennila / Honidla, kar precej prepričljivo priča, da to božanstvo ni le izmišljotina. Legenda deloma potrjuje tudi zaključke Moszynskega (sakralni predmet, v našem primeru - palica z roko na koncu). Po drugi strani pa nismo našli vira za opombo o litovskem Gonidlu. In prav to je glavni problem za sprejetje hipoteze poljskega znanstvenika. Treba je analizirati prehod Hennila v Honidla in nato domnevno povezavo Honidla z litovskim Goniglisom. To je lahko slučajno, vendar tudi ni izključeno, da gre za neki baltoslovanski arhetipski lik, ki se je realiziral tako v poznejši slovanski, kakor tudi v baltski (litovski) tradiciji. Vsekakor je očitna povezava te mitske podobe s funkcijo varstva ljudi, živine in življenjskega prostora. Literatura Beresnevičius, G. 2001, Trumpas lietuviq ir prüsq kalbos žodynas, Vilnius. BRMŠ II 2001, Baltq religijos ir mitologijos šaltiniai, II tomas, Vilnius. Dunduliene, P. 2004, Senoves lietuviq religijos klausimu (1969), Lietuviq mitologija, 3 tomas, Vilnius: 180-215. Haupt, Karl 1862, Sagenbuch der Lausitz von Karl Haupt. Erster Teil: das Geisterreich, Leipzig. Knauthe, Chr. 1767/1980, Derer Oberlausitzer Sorberwenden umständliche Kirchengeschichte, herausgegeben von R. Olesch, Köln - Wien. Mikhailov, N. 1995, Das „gemischte" slavisch-baltische Pantheon von Christian Knauthe, „Res Balticae", 1: 115-139. Moszynski, L. 1992, Die vorkristliche Religion der Slaven im Lichte der slawischen Sprachwissenschaft, Köln - Weimar - Wien. Moszynski, L. 1995, Thietmars slavische Etymologien, Analecta indoevropaea cracovien-sia Ioannis Safarewicz memoriae dicata, edenda curavit W. Smoczynski, Cracovia: 264-277. Toporov, V. 1979, Prusskij jazyk. Slovar', E-H, Moskva. 325 Slovanski teonim Henillo/Honidlo in baltski Goniglis Dziewos Il teonimo slavo Henillo/Honidlo e il baltico Goniglis Dziewos Nikolai Mikhailov Lo studioso polacco L. Moszynski suppone che il nome Henill menzionato per la prima volta da Thietmar Merseburgensis, non sia il teonimo slavo e, tanto meno quello baltico, perché proviene dal medio basso tedesco henne o hane, una specie di una figura sacrale di legno che si metteva nella parte superiore di un qualche oggetto sacro. Pero nella cronica di Stryjkowski troviamo la divinita lituana Goniglis che ha piu o meno le stesse funzioni di Henill / Honidlo / Gonidlo. L'ipotesi di Moszynski non puo essere respinta completamente, ma Tevidente coincidenza e somiglianza dei nomi e in grado di portare ad altre spiegazioni di questa analogia teonimica balto-slava. 326 Prispevek k opredelitvi in dataciji prostorskega križa na Gradišču pri Krkavčah v istrski Sloveniji Matej Župančič The author analyses the recent attempt to date the spatial cross in Gradišče near Krkavče in Istrian Slovenia made by J. Puhar and A. Pleterski. Their attempt relies on analogies, primarily that from Prague, assuming the existence of Sv. Križ (Holy Cross) Church near Gradišče and the erroneous attribution of the patron of Sv. Štefan (St. Stephen) Church near Gradišče. In conclusion, the author touches upon the discovery of the milestone of Emperor Titus near Krkavče and the association of the relief in Gradišče to the god Mitra by prof. F. Zerri. Poskus interpretacije prostora pri Krkavčah, ki sta ga predstavila Jana Puhar in Andrej Pleterski, temelji na razporeditvi 4 cerkva v širši okolici osrednje točke. Ne le to, pač pa tudi kronološka stratigrafija, ki sta jo nakazala, nas spodbuja k razmisleku. Povzetek njunih sklepov in hkrati povzetek njunega metodološkega približevanja k zbirki podatkov, ki sta jih zbrala na terenu in v literaturi, poskušamo prikazati v naslednjih točkah. 1. Osrednja točka prostorskih konotacij obravnavanega terena je Gradišče pri Hribu oziroma mesto postavitve dvostranskega reliefa - Kamna - na obrobju Gradišča. 2. Na tem mestu je moč slišati zvonjenje od treh cerkva v širši okolici. 3. Mesto postavitve reliefa je odigravalo določeno vlogo v obredju procesije. Reliefni kamen ima (naj bi imel v preteklosti) določeno moč pri ozdravitvah oziroma pri plodnosti. Na zahodnem reliefu sta razpoznavna falus in vulva. 4. Vsebina prostora okoli Gradišča in Kamna naj bi izražala bodisi zmago dobrega nad zlim bodisi obratno, ali pa kombinacijo obeh principov. 5. V kombinaciji z nekaterimi sakralnimi objekti se povezovalne linije med njimi in Kamnom sekajo pri Kamnu pod pravim kotom. 6. Če te linije zamejimo z najbližjimi cerkvami, uzremo na zemljevidu latinski križ, zasukan za polovico pravega kota od smeri sever-jug. 7. Skoraj identično situacijo glede usmeritve križa avtorja prepoznata v Pragi, delno tudi drugod. 8. Nastanek krkavškega križa avtorja datirata po arheoloških ostankih cerkve sv. Štefana in analogijah v 12. stoletje, torej naj bi reliefni Kamen stal na približno istem mestu že poprej. V pričujočem tekstu se bomo posvetili le dataciji, ki jo avtorja predlagata za nastanek križa. Po ugotovitvi, da jima razpoložljivi podatki o Kamnu in prostorskem križu ne morejo razložiti, katera od možnosti glede vloge Kamna (zmaga dobrega nad zlim ali 327 Prispevek k opredelitvi in dataciji prostorskega križa na Gradišču pri Krkavčah v istrski Sloveniji obratno ali kombinacija obeh principov) bi obveljala, se odločita, da so v nekem trenutku s postavitvijo okolnih cerkva v križ in z zvonjenjem zvonov skušali tedanji prebivalci zmanjšati nezaželene moči Gradišča in Kamna. V razpravi ta trenutek opredelita v 12. stoletje, zelo oprezno pa se izjasnita glede naročnika del. Po njunem ni mogel biti nižji po rangu od koprskega škofa, lahko pa da je bil celo sam oglejski patriarh. Seveda je nedvomen njun sklep, da je pred postavitvijo prostorskega križa na Gradišču že stal »moteči« Kamen. Za datacijo nastanka križa jima služijo analogije, dopolnilno ime za isto cerkev ter usmeritev in ime cerkve sv. Štefana. Prepričljive analogije s prostorskim križem najdeta že v 7. st. na bajuvarskih grobiščih Altenerding in Lauterhofen (Pleterski 2003, sl. 286; Pleterski, Belak 2004, Fig. 4), pa tudi v pisnih virih 11. in 12. stoletja (Puhar, Pleterski 2005, 67) za skupine cerkva, zlasti v mestih. Kot avtorja ugotavljata, omenjene skupine cerkva ne stoje povsem geometrijsko pravilno. Ob tem navajata še posebno prepričljiv primer iz Prage, kjer se vezne črte seče-jo skoraj natančno pravokotno. Na sečišču stoji cerkev sv. Križa. Usmeritev in razmerja krakov križa so skoraj identični kot v krkavškem primeru. Ko navajata krkavški primer, se posebej ustavita ob izginuli cerkvi sv. Štefana ob poti iz Krkavč proti Pučam (Naldini 1700, 420). Kardinal A. Valier leta 1579 nekoliko nejasno našteva med cerkvami pri Krkavčah tudi cerkev sv. Štefana in cerkev sv. Mavra in Štefana.1 Na sicer odlični vojaški avstrijski karti iz leta 18042 (Rajšp, Trpin 1997) je na tem področju cerkev označena kot S. Croce in ne kot Sv. Štefan: ta izjema je več kot dobrodošla za upoštevanje praške analogije. V razpravi tudi poudarita, da je cerkev sv. Štefana nastala pred postavitvijo prostorskega križa in pred dopolnilnim poimenovanjem po sv. Križu. Ko bi bila nastala po istem programu kot prostorski križ, bi jo postavili natančno na Gradišče, vodilno poimenovanje pa bi ne bilo po sv. Štefanu. Vloga prostorskega križa pri Krkavčah je po avtorjih strukturirana okoli Gradišča oziroma Kamna predvsem z namenom, da utiša »nezaželene« moči. A kdaj se je to zgodilo? Ostanke cerkve sv. Štefana papeža južno od današnjega pokopališča je Vinko Šribar delno izkopal3 in tudi prepričljivo opredelil v 14. stoletje (Šribar 1956, 67; 1957ab; 1967), medtem ko J. Puhar in A. Pleterski arhitekturo še dodatno datirata po prostorski orientaciji zidov z azimutom 55°. To naj bi bila smer vzhajajočega oziroma zahajajočega božičnega sonca, praktično enako kot tudi 26. decembra, ko je dan sv. Štefana (Puhar, Pleterski 2005, 68).4 Usmerjanje cerkva proti geografskemu vzhodu bi se naj začelo v 12. stoletju, prej je veljalo datumsko usmerjanje. Po avtorjih so v obdobju med okoli 1125 in začetkom 13. stoletja cerkve že usmerjene bolj ali manj proti vzhodu, pozneje pa postajajo odkloni spet bolj pogosti. Avtorja se pri dataciji cerkve odločita za zgodnejšo varianto, to je, da je zasnova cerkve sv. Štefana z usmeritvijo po božičnem soncu nastala pred 12. stoletjem. Šele pozneje, ob nastanku ali po nastanku prostorskega križa s štirimi cerkvami, je dobila dodatno ime po sv. Križu. Kamen bi tako stal v območju Gradišča že prej, torej pred 12. stoletjem. 1 A. Lavrič (1986, 103, in op. 155-156) domneva, da leži prva cerkev ob Dragonji, druga z dvema zavetnikoma pa naj bi bila cerkev, sicer poznana kot sv. Maver. Dopuščam, da se je Valierju zapisalo in je treba "dvojno" poimenovanje razvezati v dve cerkvi. 2 Avtorja pomotoma navajata letnico 1797. 3 Izkopavanja dr. J. Kastelica je na terenu vodil V. Šribar (Vilhar 1953). 4 Avtorja na str. 65 sicer zapišeta, da gre za Štefana papeža. 328 Matej Župančič Dokazovanje se zdi v več pogledih šibko. Konotacija s sv. Križem je pozna in kljub verodostojnosti karte nekoliko neverjetna, usmeritev po zavetnikovem dnevu in posledična datacija pred 12. stoletje pa napačna. Zavetnik cerkve je drug sv. Štefan, mučenec in papež, ki ne goduje takoj po Božiču, pač pa 2. avgusta. Škof P. Naldini našteva cerkve v okolici Krkavč v opisu (svoje) koprske škofije (Naldini 1700, 419-420): »... Le prime sono di Santo Steffano Protomartire alle sponde della Dragogna, di S. Mauro Abbate sul Colle a fronte del Castello, e di S. Steffano Papa, e Martire su la strada di Puzzole.« Trdim, da je treba, glede na zanesljivost vira opustiti svetniško atribucijo in datiranje obeh avtorjev. Tako ostaja v veliki meri zgraditev prostorskega križa nedatirana, vsaj ne s pomočjo arhitekture oziroma usmeritve cerkve sv. Štefana, mučenca in papeža. Cerkev drugega Štefana, prvomučenca, stoji na koncu JZ podaljška prostorskega križa ob Dragonji. Sklepanje, da je Kamen s spornimi močmi stal na Gradišču že pred postavitvijo prostorskega križa, postaja z datacijskimi nedorečenostmi še bolj nezanesljivo. Tudi zdravilno zvonjenje pred 13. stoletjem ni dosti verjetno, se pa je lahko uglasilo v trio v poznejših časih. Ne glede na datacijo »po izgradnji Sv. Štefana« avtorja pripisujeta izgradnjo križa koprskim škofom 12. stoletja, torej jo postavljata v čas nastanka tudi praške strukture. Tržaško-koprski oziroma koprski škofje 12. stoletja (Mihelič 2005, 36: Ditmar, Artvik, Bernard, Ulrik, sin Štefana iz Devina, Aldigerij, Alderik ...) so bili vsaj od srede 12. stoletja zaposleni z izgradnjo stolnice v Kopru. Veliko posvetilno in gradbeno aktivnost na podeželju izkaže šele škof Absalon v začetku 13. stoletja, ki posveti tudi bližnji cerkvi sv. Jurija v Pomjanu in sv. Marije v Šmarjah, komaj uro hoda stran. Vendar s tem že uhajamo iz zastavljenih okvirov. Za zaključek le dve omembi: odkritje miljnika cesarja Tita pri Krkavčah.5 Posledično je v igri prav potek rimske ceste mimo Gradišča, ki je nato dolga stoletja tudi odrejala prostorske vrednote območja (Župančič 2005) in celo izoblikovanje šavrinskega dialekta slovenskega jezika (Crevatin 2005, 8). Preblisk: »Dio Mithra!« danes žal že pokojnega prof. Federica Zerrija ob pogledu na oba reliefa, posebej vzhodnega, na Kamnu, ob njegovem obisku v Istri, pa nalaga nove interpretacije. Zaradi njegove prerane smrti ni prišlo do objave. Literatura / Sources: Crevatin, Franco 2005, Predgovor / Prefazione, v/in: Cossutta, Rada, Crevatin, Franco, Slovenski dialektološki leksikalni atlas slovenske Istre (SDLA-SI) I, Koper, 5-8. Lavrič, Ana 1986, Vizitacijsko poročilo Agostina Valiera o Koprski škofiji iz leta 1579 = Istriae visitatio apostolica 1579, visitatio iustinopolitana Augustini Valerii, Ljubljana. Mihelič, Darja 2005, Revizija kronologije cerkvenih dostojanstvenikov na Primorskem. - Zgodovinski časopis 59, 1/2, Ljubljana, 23-44. Naldini, Paolo 1700, Corografia ecclesiastica o' sia Descrittione della citta, e della diocesi di Giustinopoli, detto volgarmente Capo d' Istria. In Venezia. 5 Na tem mestu moram popraviti svojo napačno atribucijo miljnika Vespazijanu (Župančič 2005) in se zahvaljujem kologama F. Mainardis in C. Zaccariju za popravek. 329 Prispevek k opredelitvi in dataciji prostorskega križa na Gradišču pri Krkavčah v istrski Sloveniji Pleterski, Andrej 2003, Struktur des Gräberfeldes Altenerding, v/in: Losert Hans, Pleterski Andrej, Altenerding in Oberbayern : Struktur des frühmittelalterlichen Gräberfeldes und "Ethnogenese" der Bajuwaren, Berlin - Ljubljana, Teil 2, 505-684 Pleterski, Andrej, Belak, Mateja 2004, Structures in the area of Lauterhofen in Bavaria - Strukture v prostoru Lauterhofna na Bavarskem. - Studia mythologica Slavica 7, 43-61. Puhar, Jana, Pleterski, Andrej 2005, Krkavški Kamen v ustnem izročilu in v sklopu obredne prostorske strukture. - Studia mythologica Slavica 8, Ljubljana, 57-74. Rajšp, Vincenc, Trpin, Drago 1997, Slovenija na vojaškem zemljevidu 1763-1787 (1804). (Josephinische Landesaufnahme 1763-1787 (1804) für das Gebiet der Republik Slowenien). Zvezek 3. Ljubljana. Šribar, Vinko 1956, Arheološko delo na Koprskem, v/in: Zbornik primorske založbe Lipa, Koper, 63-68. Šribar, Vinko 1957a, Arheološko izkopavanje v Krkavčah, Slovenski Jadran 42, 18. 10. 1957, 11. Šribar, Vinko 1957b, Še o arheološkem izkopavanju v Krkavčah, Slovenski Jadran 43, 18. 10. 1957, 6. Šribar, Vinko 1967, Skeletno plano grobišče na Hribu pri Krkavčah. - Arheološki vestnik 18, Ljubljana, 365-375. Vilhar, Srečko 1953, Arheološka raziskovanja na Koprskem (Društvena poročila (za 1952)), Istrski zgodovinski zbornik 1, Koper, 299-300. Župančič, Matej 2005, Il territorium caprense, la Via Flavia e il pluteo con decorazioni ad intreccio attorno all'800. - Acta Histriae 13,1, Koper, 225-236. A Contribution to the Definition and Dating of the Spatial Cross in Gradišče near Krkavče in Istrian Slovenia Matej Župančič The attempt at spatial interpretation of the area near Krkavče as presented by Jana Puhar and Andrej Pleterski is based on the spatial distribution of four surrounding churches from the central reference point, which may not necessarily yield an accurate result. A separate fact that calls for a re-consideration of their interpretation is the indicated chronological stratigraphy. Their conclusions as well as their methodological approach to the data collected through fieldwork and a study of literature are summarized in the following points. 1. The central point of spatial connotations of the examined area is Gradišče, near Hrib; i.e., the location of a two-sided relief - the 'Kamen' (Stone) - on the outskirts of Gradišče. 2. Bell tolls from three churches located in the surrounding area can be heard at this location. 3. The location where the relief was erected had a role in the rituals of the procession. The 'Kamen' relief has (or was supposed to have had in the past) healing powers and stimulates fertility. The western relief displays a phallus and a vulva. 330 Matej Župančič 4. The proximate area radiating from Gradišče and the 'Kamen' is considered to either represent the victory of good over evil, or vice versa, or a combination of both principles. 5. Combined with some sacral buildings, the lines linking the churches with the 'Kamen' intersect at its location at right angles. 6. If the length of these lines is delimited with the closest churches, a Latin cross appears on the map, turned by half a right angle from the north-south direction. 7. The two authors observed an almost identical situation regarding the orientation of the cross in Prague, and partly in other locations as well. 8. The origin of the Krkavče cross is dated according to archeological remains of Sv. Štefan Church and analogies to the 12th century - therefore, the relief 'Kamen' is supposed to have been standing approximately in the current location, only earlier. The present text exclusively focuses on the dating of the origin of the cross suggested by the two authors. After realizing that the available data on the 'Kamen' and the spatial cross are insufficient to provide a clear explanation for the role of the 'Kamen' (the victory of good over evil, or vice versa, or combination of both), the authors assumed that the construction of the surrounding churches in a cross-like shape and the bell tolls represented an attempt made by the local population at a defined moment to reduce the unwanted powers of Gradišče and the 'Kamen'. This moment is dated to the 12th century, yet the hypothesis regarding who might have ordered the construction remains highly tentative. In their opinion, he could not have been anybody of lower status than the Bishop of Koper and they suggest it might have been the Patriarch of Aquileia himself. The statement that the disturbing 'Kamen' had been standing there even before the construction of the spatial cross in Gradišče is not questioned. The dating that the two authors propose for the origin of the spatial cross relies on analogies, a supplementary denomination of Sv. Štefan Church mentioned earlier, as well as its orientation and name. Convincing analogies to the spatial cross were found as early as the 7th century in the Bajuvarian burial sites Altenerding and Lauterhofen (Pleterski 2003, Fig. 286; Pleterski, Belak 2004, Fig. 4), and written sources from the 11th and 12th centuries (Puhar, Pleterski 2005, 67) for groups of churches, especially in towns. As the authors assert these groups of churches are not positioned in entirely accurate geometrical relations, though a particularly convincing example presented is that from Prague where the linking lines intersect at nearly exact right angles. The intersecting point is the location of Holy Cross Church. The orientation and relations between the arms of the cross are identical to those found in the spatial cross of Krkavče. Analyzing the latter, the two authors highlight the role of the missing Sv. Štefan Church located along the way from Krkavče to Puče (Naldini 1700, 420). In 1579, Cardinal A. Valier somewhat uncertainly mentioned the churches of Sv. Štefan as well as Sv. Maver and Štefan (St. Maurus and St. Stephen) among the churches near Krkavče.6 An excellent Austrian military map from 18047 (Rajšp, Trpin 1997) de- 6 A. Lavrič (1986, 103 and notes 155-156) assumes that the former is the church lying along the Dragonja River and the latter, with two patrons, the church known as Sv. Maver Church. Valieri's slip of the pen might have caused the mistake and thus the 'double' denomination actually indicates two separate churches. 7 The authors cite the year 1797. 331 Prispevek k opredelitvi in dataciji prostorskega križa na Gradišču pri Krkavčah v istrski Sloveniji picts a church in this area called S. Croce (Holy Cross) and not Sv. Štefan, which provides an exception that is more than welcome to justify the analogy to the Prague cross. In the discussion the authors emphasize that the origins of Sv. Štefan Church can be dated to before the erection of the spatial cross and the supplementary denomination of Holy Cross. However, had it been constructed according to the same program as the spatial cross, it would have been located precisely in Gradišče while its main patron would not be St. Stephen. The authors also believe that the role of the spatial cross near Krkavče was to silence the 'unwanted' powers of Gradišče or the 'Kamen', and thus was structured such that they lay in the centre. But when did that happen? The remains of Sv. Štefan Church south from today's cemetery have been partly excavated8 by V. Šribar, who also reliably dated them to the 14th century (Šribar 1956, 67; 1957ab; 1967), while Puhar's and Pleterski's dating includes an additional element - the dating according to the spatial orientation of the walls at an azimuth of 55°, which is supposed to indicate the direction of the rising or setting Christmas sun, coinciding as well to the day of St. Stephen - 26th December - (Puhar, Pleterski 2005, 68).9 The practice of the orientation of churches toward the geographical east is supposed to have begun in the 12th century, while orientation by date had been used earlier. According to the two authors, as early as approximately between 1125 and the beginning of the 13th century the churches were oriented toward the east while deviations from this rule could be observed again more frequently in later periods. Dating the church, the authors opt for the earlier alternative - that construction of Sv. Štefan Church, oriented according to the Christmas sun, began before the 12th century. Only later, with the construction of the spatial cross with the four churches, or even later, was it given the additional name of Holy Cross. Therefore, the 'Kamen' would have been located in the Gradišče area even earlier, before the 12th century. Their discussion displays several weaknesses. The connotation related to the Holy Cross is late and despite the authenticity of the map somehow unlikely. In addition, the orientation by the day of the patron and consequent dating before the 12th century do not seem to be credible. The patron of the church is actually a different St. Stephen - the martyr and Pope - whose day is not immediately after Christmas, rather on 2nd August. Bishop P. Naldini lists the churches in the surrounding of Krkavče in the description of (his) Diocese of Koper (Naldini 1700, 419-420): "...Leprime sono di Santo Steffano Protomartire alle sponde della Dragogna, di S. Mauro Abbate sul Colle a fronte del Castello, e di S.Steffano Papa, e Martire su la strada di Puzzole." In my opinion, given the reliability of this source, the attribution of the patron and the dating suggested by the two authors should be dismissed. As a consequence, the construction of the spatial cross remains largely undated (at least by means of architecture or the orientation of the church of St. Stephen's, martyr and Pope). The church of the other Stephen, the first martyr, is located at the end of the southwestern prolongation of the spatial cross along the Dragonja River. Given the vagueness of the dating, the assumption that the 'Kamen' with its controversial powers had been standing in Gradišče even before the construction of the spatial cross becomes even more unreliable. Furthermore, the use of healing bell tolls before the 13th century is highly unlikely; they probably were tuned into a trio at a later time. 8 The field leader was V. Šribar, the responsible dr. J. Kastelic (Vilhar 1953). 9 The authors actually relate it to the name of St. Stephen the Pope on the page 65. 332 Matej Župančič Irrespective of the dating 'after the construction of Sv. Štefan', the authors attribute the construction of the cross to 12th century Koper bishops and hence date it to the time of the construction of the Prague structure. However, the Trieste-Koper and/or Koper bishops of the 12th century (Mihelič 2005, 36: Dietmarus, Artuichus, Warnardus, Odor-licus, filius Stephani de Duino, Aldigerius, Aldericus...) were - at least up to the mid-12th century - occupied with the construction of the Koper cathedral. Intense consecration and construction activities in the countryside were only performed by Bishop Absalon at the beginning of the 13th century, when two churches in the proximity - Sv. Jurij (St. George) in Pomjan and Sv. Marija (St. Mary) in Šmarje, only an hour away by walk - were consecrated. This, however, leads us astray from our purpose. In conclusion, I would like to add two comments: one refers to the discovery of the milestone of Emperor Titus near Krkavče10 that also draws the route of the Roman road past Gradišče. The road not only determined the spatial values of the area for many centuries (Župančič 2005) but also significantly contributed to the formation of the Šavrini dialect of the Slovene language (Crevatin 2005, 8). And finally, the insight: "Dio Mithra!" reached by the late prof. Federico Zerri after he had laid his eyes on both reliefs on the 'Kamen', in particular the east one, during his visit to Istria, provides new challenges for interpretation. Unfortunately, his premature death made publication of his thoughts and conjectures impossible. 10 At this point my erroneous attribution of the milestone to Emperor Vespasian (Župančič 2005) should be corrected and I would like to thank my colleagues F. Mainardis and C. Zaccaria for their help. 333 Odgovor na kritiko datacije prostorskega križa s krkavškim Kamnom Andrej Pleterski Kolega Matej Župančič večinoma zelo smiselno povzema sklepe najine razprave o krkavškem Kamnu. Najina prostorsko nekoliko nerodna umestitev razprave o času nastanka cerkve papeža sv. Štefana, takoj za retoričnim vprašanjem, kdaj je nastala prostorska struktura križa (Puhar, Pleterski 2005, 68), pa je kritika očitno zavedla k napačni trditvi v sklepu št. 8, da prostorski križ datirava tudi z arheološkimi ostanki cerkve papeža sv. Štefana. V resnici najina datacija temelji izključno in samo na primerjavi s prostorskim križem v Pragi, ki pa se zdi kritiku "še posebno prepričljiv". Prav tako ne vključujeva v da-tacijsko argumentacijo zvoka zvonov,ki potrjuje zgolj kultni pomen prostora.Nadalje sam priznava, da puščava vprašanje graditelja prostorskega križa odprto. Možnost, ki jo kritik ponuja s koprskim škofom Absalonom v začetku 13. st., bi se približno še ujela s časom dokončanja križa v Pragi v drugi polovici 12. stoletja. Tudi začetek 13. st. bi bil za nastanek krkavškega križa še sprejemljiv. Ni pa mi jasno kritikovo stališče do najinega sklepa, da je Kamen povzročil nastanek prostorskega križa in je torej stal že pred njegovo postavitvijo. Najprej namreč zapiše, da je ta sklep "nedvoumen",pozneje pa mu je "z datacijskimi nedorečenostmi še bolj nezanesljivo". Gre za preprosto vprašanje relativne kronologije: je bil Kamen postavljen zaradi križa, ali križ zaradi Kamna. Vsi podatki o Kamnu in srednjeveška ideologija križa govorijo za drugo možnost. Se kritik s tem strinja in ima samo pomisleke ob absolutni kronologiji? Vsekakor je na mestu njegovo opozorilo, da se astronomska smer zidov, ki jih je odkopal Vinko Šribar, ne ujema z godom papeža sv. Štefana. Kako to pojasniti? Natančen pregled Šribarjeve objave izkopavanj (Šribar 1967) pokaže samo to, da je naletel na najmanj dve, morda celo tri stavbe iz različnih časov, da je izkopal verjetno dve časovni skupini grobov, od katerih je ena mlajša od ne najmlajše stavbe. Pridatke v nekaterih grobovih je mogoče samo okvirno datirati v celotni razpon visokega in poznega srednjega veka. V ruševinski plasti je bila rimska opeka. Šribarjeva "prepričljiva" datacija v 14. st. je zgolj historična in temelji na goli trditvi, da so v 14. st. zgradili sosednjo farno cerkev v Krkavčah ter podružnici sv. Mavra in sv. Štefana mučenca ter trditvah, da odkriti ostanki pripadajo cerkvi sv. Štefana papeža in da je ta prav tako nastala v 14. stoletju (Šribar 1967, 372-373). Verjeti gre ljudskemu izročilu, da je tam nekje res stala cerkev sv. Štefana papeža, tudi je skoraj gotovo, da je Šribar odkril nekaj okolnih grobov. Povsem nejasno pa je, kaj so odkriti zidovi. Celo zgradbe iz rimske dobe niso nemogoče. Vsekakor bi bilo potrebno narediti muzejsko revizijo najdb in dokumentacije, še boljša pa bi bila revizijska izkopavanja. Brez tega je diskusija o cerkvi sv. Štefana papeža brez pomena. Kritika Mateja Župančiča tako poudarja potrebo po novih raziskavah. S čimer se lahko samo strinjamo. Argumentacije o Kamnu in prostorskem križu kritika ne spremi- 335 Odgovor na kritiko datacije prostorskega križa s krkavškim Kamnom nja, dodaja pa dobro misel o koprskem škofu Absalonu kot možnem "avtorju" prostorskega križa. Literatura: Puhar, Jana - Pleterski, Andrej 2005, Krkavški Kamen v ustnem izročilu in v sklopu obredne prostorske strukture. - Studia mythologica Slavica 8, Ljubljana, 57-74. Šribar, Vinko 1967, Skeletno plano grobišče na Hribu pri Krkavčah. - Arheološki vestnik 18, Ljubljana, 365-375. 336 Andrej Pleterski Response to the Critique Regarding the Dating of the Spatial Cross from the Krkavče Stone Andrej Pleterski My colleague Matej Župančič for the most part quite reasonably summarizes the resolutions from our discussion about the Krkavče Stone. Our spatially somewhat awkward positioning of the discussion concerning the time of origin of the Church of Sv. Štefan the Pope, that is directly after the rhetorical question regarding the origins of the spatial structure of the cross (Puhar, Pleterski 2005, 68), evidently misled the critic to an erroneous statement in the conclusion of no. 8: that we also date the spatial cross on the basis of the archaeological remains of the Church of Sv. Štefan the Pope. Our dating in fact is founded exclusively upon analogies with the spatial cross in Prague, which the critic finds to be »particularly convincing«. Furthermore, our dating argumentation does not include the bell tones, which merely confirm the cultic significance of the area. In the continuation, Župančič also acknowledges that our question of who built the spatial cross remains pending. The critic proffers the possibility of it being the Koper bishop Absalon in the beginning of the 13th century; this would approximately coincide with the time of the completion of the cross in Prague in the second half of the 12th century. The beginning of the 13th century would also be acceptable for the origins of the Krkavče cross. Nonetheless, the critic's opinion concerning our conclusion that the Stone occasioned the formation of the spatial cross and hence that the Stone stood prior to the erection of the cross, remains unclear. Initially the critic states the inference as »unequivocal«, and then later as »with dating insufficiencies, even more unreliable«. It is a simple matter of relative chronology: was the Stone erected because of the cross, or was the cross because of the Stone? All data concerning the Stone and the medieval ideology of the cross bespeak the latter explanation. So, does the critic concede and just have doubts regarding the absolute chronology? His cautioning that the astronomic direction of the walls excavated by Vinko Šribar does not coincide with the name day of the pope Sv. Štefan is by all means on the spot. What are the justifications for this? A detailed examination of Šribar's excavation publications (Šribar 1967) reveals only that he uncovered at least two, perhaps even three structures from various periods, and that he excavated probably two different chronological groups of graves, of which one is later than the not latest structure. The material finds discovered in select graves may only be approximately dated to the entire span of the High and Late Middle Ages. The layer of ruins comprised of Roman bricks. Šribars »convincing« dating to the 14th century is nothing more than historical. It is founded merely on the assertion that in the 14th century, the neighboring parish church in Krkavče was built, along with its subsidiaries Sv. Maver and Sv. Štefan the Martyrs, as well as the assertions that the discovered remains belong to the Church of Sv. Štefan the Pope and that it was also built in the 14th century. One is inclined to believe the popular folklore that the Church of Sv. Štefan the Pope truly did stand somewhere in the nearby vicinity. Furthermore, it is almost certain that Šribar did indeed uncover several graves in the nearby surroundings of the church. However, the nature of the discovered walls remains entirely undetermined. That they were elements of structures from the Roman period is not even altogether implausible. Unquestionably, a museological complete revision of the 337 Odgovor na kritiko datacije prostorskega križa s krkavškim Kamnom material finds and documentation - even more so of the excavations - would seem of great necessity. To further deliberate over the Church of Sv. Štefan the Pope is, without such an endeavor quite insignificant. The critique regarding Matej Župančič thus emphasizes the necessity for further investigation. One can only agree with this. The critique fails to prompt any alteration in the argumentation concerning the Stone and spatial cross; rather it puts forward a worthy consideration of the Koper bishop Absalon as a possible »author« of the spatial cross. 338 recenzije in poročila o knjigah recensiones et segnalazioni dei libri book reviews Zmago Šmitek in Aneta Svetieva (ur.): Post-Yugoslav Lifeworlds. Between Tradition and Modernity. Ljubljana, Filozofska fakulteta, Oddelek za etnologijo in kulturno antropologijo 2005, 207 str. Petnajsta knjiga v zbirki Županičeva knjižnica je rezultat triletnega sodelovanja med slovenskim in makedonskim oddelkom za etnologijo in antropologijo med letoma 2000 in 2002. Zbornik obsega 207 strani in poleg izčrpnega predgovora vsebuje deset člankov, kazalo imen in pojmov ter štirideset fotografij, ki jih je v Makedoniji posnel slovenski etnolog in fotograf Jože Rehberger Ogrin. Avtorji z Oddelka za etnologijo in kulturno antropologijo ljubljanske Filozofske fakultete ter skopskega Instituta za etnologijo in antropologijo so gradivo za prispevke zbirali v okviru projekta Tradicionalna kultura Slovenije in Makedonije, ki je bil zastavljen kot klasična in na podeželsko okolje orientirana raziskava. Vendar so rezultati v knjigi veliko bolj tematsko, metodološko in vsebinsko raznoliki, kot bi pričakovali od tovrstnega projekta. Poleg tradicionalne kulture, s katero so se bolj ukvarjali makedonski avtorji, sta med teksti mesto našli tudi dve komparativni analizi slovenske in makedonske ljudske kulture ter tri izbrane teme o sodobni Makedoniji, ki so jih prispevali slovenski avtorji. Pomembna odlika zbornika je izjemno bogastvo vsebin in podrobnosti, ki so bile pridobljene z etnografskim delom. Slednje tvori ogrodje večine prispevkov, predvsem pa tistih, ki se nanašajo na tradicionalno oziroma ljudsko kulturo makedonskih in slovenskih ruralnih območij. Kar polovica tekstov se ne glede na to, da so makedonski etnologi in antropologi v okviru projekta raziskovali predvsem na slovenskem Kozjanskem in Bizelj-skem, slovenski pa na območju makedonskega Poreča in Mariovega, nanaša eksplicitno na Poreče. To verjetno ni naključje. V Poreču je namreč v tridesetih letih 20. stoletja raziskoval tudi poljski antropolog Jozef Obrembski, katerega dela so nedavno izdali v Skopju (ur. Tanas Vražinovski). Na tem območju danes, tako kot na številnih drugih podeželskih območjih v Makedoniji, število prebivalcev hitro upada, prebivalstvo pa je tudi vse starejše, medtem ko kar tretjina makedonske populacije živi in dela v Skopju. V tem smislu so raziskave Poreča v zborniku zanimivo preverjanje starih gradiv, ki v drugačnih družbenih, političnih, religijskih, demografskih in nenazadnje etnoloških ter antropoloških okvirih pač pomenijo tudi drugačno vlogo koncepta ljudske kulture in folklore. Ljudska kultura in folklora danes nimata več tako angažirane vloge, kot sta jo imeli v času vzpona evropskega romantičnega nacionalizma v prvi polovici 19. stoletja, čeprav v slovenski in makedonski javnosti še vedno obstaj a zanimanje za kmečko prebivalstvo, ki naj bi živelo pristno in neokrnjeno življenje. Njegova kultura naj bi odsevala samobitnost naroda, torej naroda, ki se razvija sam, brez vpliva drugega in je v svojem bistvu izviren. Predstava o takem narodu je konstrukt, ki danes služi podeželskemu prebivalstvu kot sredstvo kulturnega upora proti neugodnim razmerjem moči, ki so jih prinesle družbeno politične in religijske spremembe. Med vrsticami pa se tovrstni konstrukti ohranjajo tudi pri določenem delu zbiranja, varovanja in promoviranja nacionalnih dediščin. Čeprav je koncept ljudske kulture in folklore v knjigi Post-Yugoslav Lifeworlds Between Tradition and Modernity redko obravnavan teoretično, zaznamo njegovo drugačno razumevanje predvsem skozi komparativni pristop k tovrstnim gradivom, ki je najbolj opazen v tekstih Zmaga Šmitka in Mirjam Mencej. Prvi piše o slovanski mitološki pokrajini in njeni rekonstrukciji iz toponimov, slednja pa o podobnostih in razlikah 341 v razumevanju čarovništva med Makedonijo (Porečem) in Slovenijo (Kozjanskim in Bizeljskim). Drugačen pristop se kaže tudi pri raziskovanju aplikativnih potencialov ljudske kulture v okvirih sodobne kulturne politike in menedžmenta v prispevku Petra Simoniča. Večina drugih tekstov se pogosto tematsko pokriva z gradivi Obrembskega, kar nenazadnje pomeni, da so številni prispevki iz tega segmenta zbornika gosto deskriptivni v najboljšem etnografskem smislu, žal pa nekaterim primanjkuje več kontek-stualizacije in komparativnosti. Slednje opazimo predvsem v prispevkih makedonskih kolegov in kolegic, ki bralcu razkrivajo podrobnosti o ljudskem pravu v Poreču ter položaju žensk na Bizeljskem in Kozjanskem (Aneta Svetieva), tradicionalnem oblačilnem videzu (Gorgi Zdravev), magijskih zdravilskih praksah in verovanjih (Ljupčo Risteski) ter govorici nagrobnikov in epitafov v Poreču (Mirjana Mirčevska). Jedro raziskav so avtorji poleg iz pisnih virov in literature skušali izluščiti predvsem iz tako imenovane lokalne oralne kulture, ki se kot nosilka tradicionalnih kulturnih vrednot od primera do primera drugače prilagaja sodobnim razmeram. Teksti tega segmenta zbornika tako pomenijo pogumen poskus obravnave podatkov, ki so še danes v laični, nekateri pa tudi v strokovni javnosti razumljeni zgolj v okviru romantično nacionalističnega čustvovanja. Menim, da se je zbornik tovrstnim pastem uspešno izognil prav s pestrostjo teoretičnih in metodoloških pristopov,z večdisciplinarnostjo in s komparativnim upoštevanjem sodobnih raziskav in teoretičnih dognanj. V knjigo so se uvrstile, sicer v manjši meri, ampak vendarle, tudi sodobne teme iz makedonske kulture. Obravnave kompleksnih sociokulturnih prostorov, kot so poslušalstva radijskih postaj Rajka Muršiča, družbeno politična ambivalentnost novih religijskih simbolov Boštjana Kravanje in že omenjene pozicije izvajanja kulturne politike ter menedžmenta Petra Simoniča, smiselno uravnotežijo predstavitev celote življenjskih svetov na dveh najbolj oddaljenih delih nekdanje Jugoslavije - v Sloveniji in Makedoniji. Avtorji bi se kaj hitro lahko znašli v imaginariju brezčasovne ruralne idile kot nosilke harmoničnih, naravnih in avtentičnih vrednot, diametrično nasprotne urbanemu univerzalizmu in moderni nacionalni državi, če ne bi zbornik pokrival tudi sočasnih plati makedonskega življenja. Slednje je razvidno tudi iz izbora reprezentativnih fotografij Jožeta Rehbergerja Ogrina, na katerih so poleg relevantnih elementov pokrajine in kulture upodobljeni predvsem ljudje, s katerimi so raziskovalci delali in se družili. Ostareli obrazi s fotografij nam namreč zelo neposredno odstirajo sodobno realnost makedonskega podeželja. Zbornik torej predstavlja skupno izkušnjo dveh različnih, pa vendar v marsičem podobnih kulturnih prostorov; ali kot pišeta avtorja in urednika tekstov Aneta Svetieva in Zmago Šmitek: »obe deželi se srečujeta s številnimi podobnimi izzivi in problemi: nacionalizem, multikulturalizem, identiteta, demografska evakuacija in ekonomska neenakost ruralnih območij, reforme na vseh področjih družbenega življenja ... Te procese bo zanimivo spremljati in primerjati tudi v prihodnosti. Priložnosti za plodno sodelovanje bo še veliko.« Presežna vrednost te knjige je še to, da je izšla v angleščini, kar jo približa mednarodni javnosti. To pa, upam, vzpostavlja vez med domnevnimi intelektualnimi centri in periferijami. Verjamem namreč, da prav tovrstne knjige vztrajno govorijo v prid domnevnih periferij. Boštjan Kravanja 342 gradivo materiale material O Črnem biku ali Čarnem juncu Lft Lft Joža Čop Spodnje Bohinjske gore se po pravem imenujejo Bukovske planine. Kadar so se možak' skupno s starim Oblačičem (Arhom), županom srenje Savice, pogovarjali v nedeljo popoldan pod stogom, so se pritoževali, da jih od vseh strani že od davnega stiskajo drugi, da sta bili cerkvi Sv. Janez in Sv. Duh (pravzaprav Sv. Trojica) bukovski, meja pa je šla v Staro Fužino za Vrtovinom po sredi Jezera čez Ukanc, koder je imela srenja tri manjše predplanine z imeni U Rožičovcu, U Mečižovcu in U Oblačičovcu. Po dobni planini sta bili še U Zagradcu« in U Strženeh, ki sta bili polanski. Ostalo je bilo »fežnarsko«, ki je mejilo na studorsko. Meja med Staro Fužino in Studorom je bila na velikem kamnu, ki je stal vzhodno od Židanove nekdanje kovačnice. Svet nad Črno goro (1606) in Konjskim vrhom (1879) je bil nekaj posebnega zaradi podnebja, rastlin in živali. Zalisc, Osredki, Črna prst (Ta vlika Črna gora 1844m), Četrt (1832 m) so veljali pri domačinih in tujcih kot rajski planinski svet. Povsod je bilo polno planinskega cvetja, in ko sem bil po vojni prvič in zadnjič na vrhu Črne prsti, je bilo tam polno dišečih murk, velikega svedrca ter planik, po skalovju pa burje, da se je bilo škoda kam usesti ali uleči. Sedel sem na kamnu onstran in tostran nekdanje meje in se oziral naokoli, s primorske strani se je čutilo kot dih z morja, s tal pa je dišalo po murkah, kakor da bi Zavrtanik imel tam gori svojo tovarno čokolade. Po pripovedovanju starih je to bil nekak rajski planinski svet, o katerem so obstojale raznovrstne pripovedi o doživljajih in rudnih zakladih. Sem gori so hodili le posamezni znanstveniki in zdravniki iz rudnikov in fužin. Vse to so vedno varovali. Ko sem bil prvič na planini Zalisc, sem imel dolgo palico z gamsovim rogom na koncu in tja gor sem privezal le tri vejice burje. Prve tri planike v življenju sem odtrgal po vojni na Črni prsti. Očanci so pravili, da so gori trgali v glavnem le nekaj malega burje, drugače pa le zdravilne rastline. Toda ko je bila zgrajena gori leta 1894 Orožnova koča in se je začel turizem, »so začeli gosposki ljudje trgati cele naročje rož,kakor bi doma imeli kako posebno vrsto boga, ki to na vso moč rado požira.« Še bolj množično pa se je to počelo po razširitvi koče in otvoritvi Bohinjske železnice leta 1906, ker je bil to izjemen planinski izlet za ljudi, ki še niso imeli priložnosti v enem dnevi priti z morj a v tako čudoviti planinski predel in se še istega dne po želji tudi vrniti nazaj na morje ali pa v kak drug turistični center ali mesto. Ko je stekla železnica, je nastajalo tudi vedno več primerov, da so na tem območju izkopavali rastline in kopali v iskanju zanimivih kamnin in raznih predmetov. Izkopavanja rastlin s koreninami ter kopanje in brskanje za predmeti pa se je vršilo tako po celem Bohinju že med gradnjo železnice, povečalo po prvi svetovni vojni, po drugi pa se razširilo prikrito v večjem obsegu tudi z raznimi pripomočki in inštrumenti. Bukovske gore so nekako na sredini med visoko planoto Komno na zahodu in Jelovico na vzhodu. Na tem območju je cela vrsta gorskih vrhov in med njimi znanih in skriv- 345 O Črnem biku ali Čarnem juncu nih prehodov ter predelov, o katerih je obstajalo veliko odkritih, še več pa skrivnostnih prikritih pripovedi, ki so se prenašale iz roda v rod le preko posameznikov v obrednem izročilu. Spodnja Polana pod planino Zalisc in pot v planino Zalisc Po mojem prepričanju je bila Spodnja Polana obredni kraj na prehodu dolinskega sveta (»Solzne doline«) v gornji svet (»Svete planine«), podobno kot je ta prehod pri stogu med spodnjim delom in petrom, ali pri stari hiši med hišo (izbo) in zgornjim delom (ispo z dero). Govor je o meji, črti, preko katere je prehod iz enega v nekaj drugega, ki je prvemu različno ali pa nasprotno in zaradi tega v nekakšnem sožitju, kakor je na primer zakonski jarem sožitje moškega in ženske, vprežni jarem ali »štanga« je sožitje vola in konja pri oranju. Pot v planino Zalisc je skupaj z živino vodila čez »Kamnic« ali »Jbr« čez potok »Str-tenico« na Žlan ter »Pod Luknjo« do višine okoli 900 do 1000 m, koder so imeli Polanci odcep za svojo planino »Osredki« (1.400 m, »Za Vosrešč«). Pot se je tam dvignila po robu našega bukovega bošta za nekako 100 m, nakar se je zavila proti vzhodu preko strmega pobočja Lisca vse dokler ni tega pobočja zmanjkalo in se je odprla jasa Polane pod planino. Pot preko Lisca se je nekoliko dvigovala, še najbolj na koncu pri dvigu na »Polanco«, s katere se je potem dvignila na rob planine, na katerem je bila Orožnova koča, planina sama s stanovi in »vokvom« pa je bila po spustu s tega roba. Spomnim se prvič te poti. Vodil sem telička - mladega bikca, ki ga je kot pravo domačo bohinjsko pasmo (rekli so »sorto«) izbral in preskrbel prav »Voblačičov voča«, ki je hotel vsaj na Bukovem »postaviti nazaj domačo trpežno sorto.« Na tega je »povoživ svojo roko« - kot je pravil in vedno ga je moral videti, ko je prišel mimo s palico v roki in se vedno vsedel na tnalco in tam »prefetvov« - to je govoril v to in ono smer ter prekriževal ("prepletvov") nogi. Tega junčka je nekako "dal meni v roče". Rekel je, da zato, kar me je krava Roža nabasala na roglje, ko sem bil še v sukenci, in se nisem poškodoval, ko me je zabrisala čez samo sebe. Rekel je, da je to poseben »cahn.« Vpeljal me je, da sem ga pasel blizu doma ob stezah v Župenku in mi s svojo palico pokazal, katere trave in rože naj mu prinašam v jasle. Ni pustil, da bi ga dali v srenjski »telečnek« v Mlako ali v našo ograjeno gmajno ob Šemenci. Na žalost je pozneje, ko starega Oblačiča ni bilo več in je ta junček postal od sile postaven in »brščb kravji fant od fare«, začel nanj pokladati svoje roke eden od mesarskih mešetarjev, kar je bilo vzrok, da so ga spremenili v vola Figaserja, kar je pa že druga posebno zanimiva zgodba. Junček je bil temnejše rdeče barve, kakor jo ima divji kostanj, bil je nizke postave, na moč živahen in okreten, vesel in priljuden ter žebotastih parkljev kakor gams. Tudi taka zelišča je jedel, ki jih je v skalovju Rod'nce vedno znal poiskati znameniti kozel Vrbaničovega Jurja, kozarja z Broda. Na Poljani smo počivali. Prvo so se odžejale v vokvu krave, nato ostali. Eden je stal ob tistem kamnu, mislim, da je bil sivolasi Rožičev Johan s Savice, ki se je spomnil starih, nakar so zmolili za njihov pokoj, za zdravje in srečo vseh živih in enako za živino, ki jo sedaj peljajo na planino »tri češene Marije« in to je bilo vse. Mislim, da jih je samo kakih pet klečalo na eno koleno, ostali so stali. Pot preko Lisca je bila znosna, dvig na Poljano me je zopet utrudil, da sem gledal navzgor in spraševal, koliko je še in, če ne bo že konca. Nad Poljano gori se mi je zdelo, da sega strmina še zelo visoko, bila je delno poraščena in sprva je šlo zelo težko, ko pa smo bili gori, sem pa rekel:«A, smo že tlele!« ker so se mi noge že zopet vključile v skupinsko hojo - nekakšno romanje. 346 Joža Čop Sedanja zgornja gozdna cesta preko Lisca poteka v višini 1100 m. Polana pod planino bo kakšnih 100 m višje. Planina »Zalisc« je v nagibu robu v smeri proti jugu, koder je v dno vókvo, stanovi pa so razporejeni v lahni brežini, ki ni tako strma, kakor je ona na severni strani, to je na Polani. Tedaj, ko sem bil z mladim júnckom ali bikcem - poznejšim volom »Figaserjem« - prvič na planini »Zalisc«, je tam stala povečana Orožnova koča. Oče je tedaj šel okoli koče obratno od sonca in jaz sem mu sledil z mladim bikcem čiste bohinjske pasme, ki je bil tedaj še teliček in tudi prvič na planini. Po kratkem počitku spodaj ob »vókvu« smo z očetom in bratom nadaljevali pot na Zgornjo Polanco. Tedaj smo namreč tja gori peljeli le štiri teleta. Očetu se je mudilo, ker je bilo treba čimprej postaviti streho tam gori, koder smo imeli staro pravico pod skalnim previsom. O starem obredju na Poljani so govorili že takrat, ko sem bil prvič tam z junčkom »ta práve bohinšče sórte«, vendar sem bil premlad in tudi preutrujen, da bi si kaj zapomnil. O tem mi je pozneje pravil oče po delih ob prilikah, ko se je spominjal te ali one reči, ali pa, ko je meni padel v glavo kak delček spomina, pa sem hotel vedeti, kam to sodi in kako je bilo s to rečjo v celoti. Povedal je sledeče: »Tam, koder stoji Orožnova koča na planini Zalisc je bil vógrad črnega junca Skoččrja, ki je bil v veliki časti. On je bil tam gori na vardi božjega sveta, ki je nad kamnom na Poljani. Vógrad je biv s kamnov na okroglo, to je breg voglov tako, kakor dela Urša na star način tri fláróneke pri mlinu. Na planino Zalisc so nas vodil Voblačičov Voča. Šli smo od doma, ko je bla še tmá. Zato je šla pred vočam ta zvoróásta dokler ni rátovo svetlo. Potlej so voča s svojo krivo pálco stopili naprvé pred zvončasto, ki je dobila za lon pest soli in hvalo s pobožanjem. Na Polan so voča stojé čakal ob kámno, da je prišla na Polano vsa čéda z ljudmi. Cakál' so pred kamnom stoje. Ko so bli vsi gori in se je žváv odžéjova in polégva, so stojé ob pálci imel' besédo, kod smo, da smo na mej' med sóvzno dolino mártranja, kódr nam je služiti, dévati in se potiti za zaslužene rájskega véčnega vesela. Pred nami pa se vzigúje rajski svet planin, koder ni in ne sme bit' nobene pregrehe v ničemer, še najmn pa v un^vánu svetá, ki je božji, ki ga ne moremo narediti, pokončamo pa ga vohká zlo hitro, pa z mávo mújo! Smo kókr na vráth, al' pa na božjem prágo, al' pa pred vúkno pétra, k'se mora vsákdo popréj umislit svojih del na kresáne, da gre sčisan v višavje. Nato je sedu na kámen in med prefetvánam nog, to je križanem ankrat leve, ankrat desne, obrnjen k l'dem in živin, ki je počiva pa prežvek^va moliv nekakšne stare litanije napré,l'djé pa so odgovárjal' na enáko vižo. Mo-liv' je napré zatégneno, ko'kr' bi pev. Eni so któál, drug' pa stal'. Našteval je vmes tudi zelo stare svetnike, tako svétga Lója pa svétga Jóla, kar sem si dobro zapomnil, ker so ta mladi mislili, da je to nekakšen >^mávc« in božja mast, drugo pa rajni stari Bjol, ki je biv zelo pobožen in so ženske videle cáhn, da je šou koj v nebesa, ko so ga djali v svéto vóle. Ko je bilo to opravljeno, je vstov, si pálco naslonil na ramo, ko se je obrnil k planini in dvignil obe roki, ostali pa so pokleknili vsaj na eno koleno in skušali ponavljati za njim stavek za stavkom neke zelo stare molitve, da bi vse nas - to je ludí in žvino spustil gori na planino Črni b'k Skočér, ki je na gvárdi božjega, to je svetega svetá, katerega déu je tudi planina in polánce in koder imajo majengo pvanvati, majariti, žvina pa se pasti brez poškodovanja božjega sveta. Prosijo razumevanje, ker drugače ne morejo preživeti ne sebe ne žváli, ker so stiske v sovzni dolini številne in hude, da málokdaj takó. Prosijo za dobro pašo, pravo vreme, zdravje pri l'deh in živini, zadostnih voda v vókvah in varstvo zoper strele, silovite vetrove in točo ter prežeče skalovje in prepadne jame.« 347 O Črnem biku ali Čarnem juncu Oče si je zapomnil nepopolno nekaj okrnjenih stavkov in besed raznih izvorov ter tudi take dudleto in nosnike, ki jih je še posebno pojoče zategnil v brenčeči »5n« in »en,« med temi tudi besedo ali vezavo »jenže« in »trapekus« ali »-kos« in kaj podobnega. Ko sem to pravil profesorju Maksu Miklavčiču, sta o tem razpravljala z dr. Antonom Breznikom. Ugotovila sta v besedilu dudlete, nosnike na »o« in »e« ter silno stare ostanke, ki sta jih delila na glagoljaški, zapadnoslovanski in lužiški izvor ter vpliv govora planin Severne Italije. Med sabo sta menila, da gre tu za nekak arheološki besedni kotlič večih dob in plasti, ki jih je potrebno še raziskovati. Menila sta, da so tu lahko še stari ostanki, ker je »trapeksa« predelano v »trapec,« v osnovi pa je to lahko »gostoljubna miza«, »oltar«, »žrtvenik« ali celo prestol Sonca. Razmere, ki so nastajale in vedno hitrejši osupljivi in nepredvideni dogodki v svetu, ki je bil na pragu nove še strašnejše svetovne vojne, je vsa prizadevanja v številne, tako zelo potrebne smeri, preprečila. Oče je še pravil, da so potem, ko so se vzdignili z živino na rob, to najprej »navižali s soljo« okoli vograda, kamor je navadno »ta zvončasta« sama šla, potem pa so se lotili dela pri stanovih in sirarci. Ko so delali na planini, je skupina odbranih fantov z gorjačami in palicami naskočila robovje z vpitjem, razsajanjem in tepeškanjem po skalovju. Z reška-njem in tepeškanjem, so preganjali Trapa ali Trjapa, to je Japlna. Ko so dosegli robovje planine, so se vrnili »naokrog«, to je »v zasuku s prepletom«. Po vrnitvi so fantje bili pogoščeni in šele takrat so po starem smeli odgnat teleta na Polance, ki so tri in vsaka ima »vokvo« (Spodnja, Srednja in Zgornja Polanca se dvigujejo iz dna planine v smeri Velike Črne gore). Če seštejemo to, kar sodi skupaj (Spodnja Polana, planina »Zalisc« in troje Polanc), dobimo sveto število »pet« (5, V). Že oče je pravil, da je bila razlika med pogonom izbranih fantov z gorjačami tedaj, ko je vodil odpravo v planino Zalisc stari Oblačič še tedaj, ko ni bilo Orožnovega doma, od tistega, ki je bil pozneje. Po tedanj em opisu je bilo pet izbranih fantov, ki so lazili in poletavali po nekakšnem prepletanju, udarjali so z gorjačami po skalah in robovju z začetno razmaknitvijo, napredovali poševno v bregove, kakor hitro se je prvi približal drugemu, da ga je dohitel, sta nehala udarjati in eden od njiju je prvi spremenil smer, da nista trčila skupaj. Ko so dosegli neko višino, se je prepletanje obrnilo postrani na vračanje v dno, koder so se vsi zbrali na nekakšni pogostitvi, seveda ob ognju. Pozneje pa je bila nekakšna parodija, pravi pogon ali preganjanje nečesa do trdega mraka in razgrajanja in novinec, ki je vzel resno ter zašel previsoko, je ostal osamljen. V mraku in nazadnje v temi je blodil nazaj v nižino, kamor so ga vabili klici za pogrešanim. Toda spodaj v temi jih je dobil s palico po riti ali hrbtu ob pojasnilu: »Ti si tisti trap, ki ga lovimo in iščemo! »V tem primeru je trap = zatrapanec, cepec. »Trap« v tej vrednosti je tudi v punco zatrapan fant, ali pa tele, ki zagleda nova vrata. Trap je bil tudi tisti, ki je ropotal s cokljami. Na tretji ali Zgornji Polanci ima posest Savica - Kamnje št. 15 (sedaj št. 1) zelo staro pravico do uporabe prostora pod skalnim previsom na Zgornji Polanci tam, kamor posije jutranje sonce. Pravili so, da posije jutranje sonce tja iz smeri vograda Skočerjevega. Jama ali skalni previs je v pobočju Kozjega hrbta, ki je vez med Črno prstjo (Veliko Čarno goro 1844 m) in Liscem (Liso goro 1649 m). Od Četrta (Šetrta 1832 m) ločijo ta hrbet Vrata. Dokler ni bilo Orožnove koče, je vse skupaj predstavljalo povezano enoto in četudi je prišel gori kak planinec, se je ta vključil v planino. S postavitvijo koče pa se je to zaradi razširitve planinstva na turizem razdvojilo, ker je postal v tem koncu turizem pomembnejši, 348 Joža Čop planšarstvo pa nekaj zastarelega in podrejenega. Spominjam se petero vokvov, od teh je prvi izginil tisti na Spodnji Poljani na dohodu - vsaj zadnje leto pred vojno se ga več ne spomnim. Bil je itak manjši in, ker ga niso vzdrževali, je izginil. Ostali štirje pa so še bili. Tisti od planine je bil nižje od stanov, ostali trije pa vsak na svoji Polanci. Izgovarjajo »tist' vokvo« v moški in ne srednji obliki. Takrat prvič je šel poleg očeta tudi starejši brat Janko, ki je imel drugo delo. Pomagal je pri prenosu drugim, nama pa se je pridružil, ko smo se napotili na Zgornjo Polanco. Jaz sem pazil na teleta in gledal, kako delata ter le včasih kaj poprijel. Oče je najprej pregledal, če je vse pod skalo zloženo in zavarovano, kakor je treba in o tem tudi podučil. Nato sta vse zložila izpod skale in razvrstila po tleh v bližini. Prvo se je lotil postavitve strehe za ognjišče, to je šopa s petimi trami v nekakšni pahljači. Ko je bilo to napravljeno, se je lotil večje strehe, ki je imela obliko daljšega pravo-kotnika. Tudi ta je imela pet šper - vendar vzporednih. Obe strehi sta imeli nekaj naklona semkaj od skale tako, da je bila streha oprta pod previsom in je prestrezala tudi tisto deževnico, ki bi jo veter vrgel ob skalo. Nekaj opor je bilo pod robom skale ali v odkrušku robu spodaj, nekaj pa je bilo tudi pripravnih skalnih stebrov, vse druge opore pa so morale biti lesene. Ogrodje je bilo treba postaviti trdno in povezati. Nato so bile gori razvrščene vrste skodel - to pa je bilo še zavarovano in obteženo s kamni. Predno sta pričela z delom, je oče pazil, da je bilo vse razvrščeno tako, kakor se je po vrsti rabilo. Potem je še podučil, da je treba podirat v obratnem redu in to po vrsti zložiti jeseni pod skalo ter zavarovati. Oče je povedal, kako je z bratoma pomagal pri razdiranju nekdanje Pantzove žičnice v Ukancu, nakar jim je bilo dovoljeno uporabiti les korpeljnov. Tega so ročno prenesli naokoli in ga uporabili na Bukovskih planinah. Po prenosu je vse lesovje zaznamoval s starim znakom fužine za jeklo - ||| in resonančen les - Za to je obstajalo bronasto kvadvo (=kladivo, podobno je še sedaj za žigosanje lesa), ki ga je nekdo odnesel. Zato je naredil obliko žiga iz debele bakrene žice, to segreval na ognju pod malo streho, ta znak pa vžigal v skodle. Ostali les je označil s tremi risi s sekiro ali žago. Znaku za skodle je pravil »deteljica Frtuna«, v resnici pa je bil to triglavski znak ženskega principa, ki je res "tripič" ribe Faronike ali Fortune, to je njenega repa. Lik je isti, kot je bil na starih gumbih (knofih) narodnih noš. O ajdih, Orožnovi koči in njeni vidnosti Leta 1894. so na ogradu ("pongradi", "pan-gradi") postavili Orožnovo kočo. Pred vojno je bilo kočo videti izpred naše in Ajdčove hiše (tedaj Kamnje št. 15 in št. 19). 349 O Črnem biku ali Čarnem juncu »Ajdči« so se pisali Repinc, živeli so v skladu z božjo naravo, vestno obdelovali njive, pleli travnike, pometali ulico in »carski dram« - tako je rekel neki žandar banovinski cesti - popravljali gozdna pota in celo staro rudarsko samotežno pot z Rodnce, koder so nakupili zemljišče Hlipove hiše iz Stare Fužine (nekdanjih starih Varlov, poznejših Gašpe-rinov). V letih pred drugo svetovno vojno so vso živino razen »vova« dajali v planino Za-lisc in eden njihove družine je bil celo poletje gori, skrbel za živino in delal (medel) maslo. Vsak drug dan so to nosili domov pa tudi mleko, ker je to bilo najbolj zdravo. Gospodar Bavant je večkrat rekel, da je v mleku krav iz gmajne megla pa bolezen. Slednje tudi drži. Bohinj je bil določen kot naravno zdravilišča glede jetike. Bolniki so hodili okoli in večkrat pljuvali kri med sprehajanjem po travnikih, rovtih in gmajnah. Ajdči so imeli dogovorjeno signalizacijo s planine Zalisc in to z ganka Orožnove koče. Izobešali so gori rjuho ali blago različnih barv. Doli so nosili tudi sirotko, puter pa so imeli zavit v sveže liste šavja in v prt. V »Ilustrirani zgodovini Slovencev« (MK 1999, str. 279) je fotografija prve Orožnove koče ob otvoritvi leta 1894. Zapisana je kota planine z imenom Lisec pri 1346 m. Slika prikazuje leseno kočo, ki ima spredaj verando na tri okna. Streha je brez šopa, je dvokapna, skodle pa so v šestih vrstah (2x3) na vsaki strani. Navadno je pri strehah na obrednih točkah na koncu šop, ki ga je pri lesenih strehah možno napraviti. Pri stanovih so ga opustili, ker so manjši in, ker je bilo vedno težje za primeren les, na območjih planin pa je bilo to še posebno važno. Posnetek na novo kočo je napravljen nekako z jugovzhodne strani proti Črni prsti. Važna je smer slemena, ker je to verjetna os nekdanjega obrednega »ograda«. O isti koči so bile izdane tudi barvaste razglednice z nasprotne, to je severne strani ter naslovom »Orožnova koča 1346 m - Triglav 2863 m« in to tako, da je Triglav prav na začetku slemena nad verando. Leta 1906 so Orožnovo kočo povečali, ker se je v zvezi z železnico povečal tujski promet. Izletniki iz Ljubljane, Jesenic, Gorice in Trsta so zato lahko bili v istem dnevu doma, na Črni prsti in v Orožnovi koči, ali pri Jezeru in slapu Savici. Med drugo svetovno vojno pozimi je koča pogorela. Po vojni so pravili, da se je gori na pohodu ustavila četa Prešernove brigade, ki je po odhodu vse pogasila s snegom, zagorelo pa da je pozneje zaradi vetra, stari pa so rekli, da bi na tistem svetem prostoru gori lahko bila kvečjemu kaka cerkvica, ne pa grešna koča in, da je požar verjetno bil po božji volji in prerokbi. Orožnovo kočo so morali imeti za nek ajdovski kraj, ker je bilo gori neko žegnanje z mašo in godbo, ki je igrala pri Orožnovi koči, kar se je videlo in slišalo doli v dolino. To je bilo v letih gospodarske, duhovne in politične stiske in trenj pred drugo svetovno vojno, ko je šlo vse na vse strani v ekstreme in so nastali časi, za katere je rekel gospodar Križa in Zečjega Gradca, »da so prišli cajti krivih prerokov, o katerih govori sveti Matevž, pa da dobiva laž vedno večjo vrednost, pošteno delo pa vedno manj. Zemljo, ki je božje delo, preklinjajo, namesto da bi jo obdelovali in bili na njej z veseljem in zahvalnostjo! Zmerej več je videti navadnih in kronanih oslov!« Bil je hud, ker je nekdo tudi za »Ajdča«, njegov Križ in Zajčji Gradec med vsem ostalim našteval, kaj vse je ajdovsko v Bohinju. Za »Ajdča« (Kamnje št. 19 - eden pa je v Češnjici podobno ob cesti) se je potem umirilo, ker so to bili verni ljudje, nadvse pridni in pošteni, zato nikakršni brezbožni Ajdje. Tudi je verjetno pomagala razlaga, da je hišno ime od »vojvoda«, verjetno pa presukano iz »Ajčija«, človeka, ki rad »ajčka« ali »ajčika«, ti pa res nimajo elektrike in hodijo s kuram spat. Glede »Križa« pa so se tisti, ki so delali 350 Joža Čop na Jesenicah, smejali in govorili:« Vsaka baba, vsak dedec ima pod križem ret, potlej bi morali tudi te žegnat!« Ko sem bil tik pred vojno na planini in hotel vedeti kaj več o prostoru, koder je tedaj še stala Orožnova koča, ter vedeti kaj več starega izročila o vsem tem, mi je star majar s palco zarisal sledeče like in rekel: »Vidiš - to je to, napre se pa sam brihtej!« In sem se res »brihtal«. Tisto, kar mi je zarisal, kar drži. Ni znal dopovedati z besedo. V resnici je to prikaz družitve dveh nasprotnih elementov, obredno bi to bila sveta poroka med Črnim ali Čarnim bogom in Črno boginjo - bikom Skočirjem in kravo Bauho. Beseda ali ime za »Črnega junca«, to je »Čarnega bika« v obliki Skočir, ki se je verjetno v starih časih prenesla na skupno veliko kmetijo »Skočer« in »Andrejevc« na Savici (leta 1826: Urb. No 935 Savica No 13 + Urb. No. 932 No 14), ki je bila zadolžena za vzdrževanje »obrednega vograda« na planini Zalisc ali mogoče celo za vodenje celotne planine, je lahko starega izvora, ker je v besedi staro jedro "kok" ali "kuk". Očetova pripoved o bohinjskem planšarstvu (Sestavljeno 2. februarja 1970) Oče Čop Janez je bil rojen leta 1887 na Kamnjah. To je bila stara železarska družina in rodbina, ki jo je Cojz poklical na delo v bohinjske fužine. Ded Jernej je bil rojen v Plavškem rovtu in je bil nadkovač v fužinah na Bistrici, ded po materini liniji pa je bil Andrej Rožič (24. 11. 1829 - 12. 4. 1883), ki je bil modelni mizar - mojster, risar in konstukter v isti tovarni. Oba sta bila delavska zaupnika in sodelovala pri sestavljanju in podpisovanju pravilnikov in delovnih redov Cojzovega podjetja. Iz zapuščine Andreja Rožiča so se ohranile edine skice in načrti nekdanjih Cojzovih fužin v Bohinju. Po uničenju fužin v Bohinju so se morali Čopi izseliti. Večina jih je odšla na Jesenice, [trije] celo v Zenico [in eden v Ameriko]. V Bohinju je ostal le Pavel, ki je tedensko hodil peš čez Pokljuko na delo na Jesenice, ob nedeljah pa se je vračal zopet k družini v Bohinj. Tedaj še ni bilo železnice. Pavel se je namreč priženil na Kamnje št. 15 (k »[Spodnjemu] Švigeljču«). Za ženo je namreč vzel Marijo Rožič, ki je bila edini živeči otrok Andreja Rožiča. O bohinjskem planšarstvu, kravjereji in ostalem je v dneh 28. do 30. I. 1970 povedal sledeče: "Pri hiši smo imeli krave s sledečimi imeni: Vejzejna (to je bila pridna krava), Seka, Bisterna, Liska. Slednja je bila zelo majhna krava, teleta smo dobili pri Oblačiču na Savici. Najraje je jedla plevel, posebno divji radič. Bila je skromna krava, imela je veliko mleka. Še najbolj je bila podobna nekdanjim bohinjskim kravam, ki so bile majhne. Z drugo domačo živino so jo vzeli Nemci, skozi Štenge pa jo je gnal tisti Jakopčev Korel, za katerega so pravili, da je cesarjev sin. 351 O Črnem biku ali Čarnem juncu Volu je bilo ime »Figaser« (=ki serje fige). To ime so mu dali drugi še kot teletu. Kot vol je imel navado, da jo je tudi s polnim vozom ubral za kočijo. Hotel se je enačiti s konji. Gospodje v kočijah so bili vedno zelo presenečeni, kadar je Figaser hitel za njimi, To je bilo smeha in splošne zabave! Na ime »Figaser« je razumel. Če je skočil čez plot, je bilo treba samo zavpiti njegovo ime malo bolj ostro pa se je pognal nazaj. Pri hiši smo imeli le bolj govejo živino, nekdaj tudi dve kozi. Eni od koz je bilo ime »Trakša.« Ker je most na hlev strm in, ker je pot do travnika na Senožetih in do gozdov strma, potem zaradi furenge lesa in drv, je bilo treba imeti pri hiši močnega vola. Dokler ni bilo take vožnje, smo imeli konje, kmalu po prvi vojni pa je bilo vse več težje furenge, zato je bilo treba napraviti vola. Včasih so rekli, da ni vsak za koze. Če hočeš kozo dobro pomozti, naredi takole: Obuj škornje, vsedi se kozi pod rep, kozje noge si zatakni za štibale, z zobmi jo primi za rep, z brado ji zamaši rit, potem molzi z obema rokama v žehtar, ki ga stiskaš z obema nogama! Za to opravilo ni vsak pripraven. Mora imeti tudi primerno brado in, če ima kdo tako brado, rečejo »Ta jo pa ima kot nalašč za kozjo r't!« Bistričani so oponašali Oblačičovega očeta s Savice, ki je vedno molil naprej ob raznih prilikah (pri procesijah, umrlih, na romanjih, ko so šle krave v gmajno ali planino), to nele navadne, ampak tudi druge zelo stare in včasih nerazumljive molitve. Molil je naprej s posebno pojočim glasom. Za stavek »Kje devica za nas rodiva!« so ga oponašali: »Kje devica u Seu rodiva!« (Opomba: Seu = Selo, to je travniško pobočje, ki pada z jugovzhoda proti Bistrici. To je sosednji predel Ajdovskemu gradcu in spomin na prvo slovansko naselitev v Bohinju.) Od silno starih molitev si je še zapomnil stavek: »Jbnži jezuh na nebesoh da bondet wola twoja!« Stari ljudje so pravili, da je molitev še od Sv. Cirila in Metoda. Krave ali koze je pasel čedenk. Pravijo, da čedenk pase čedo. Pomagal mu je tretiv-nek. Tretiniti se pravi pomagati pri paši in sirjenju. V Zgornji dolini pravijo »tretinek« in »tretinjek.« Tretinilo se je za vsako kravo po en dan, šlo je po vrstnem redu, če je eno leto zmanjkalo dni, so nadaljevali naslednje leto tam, kjer so poprej končali. Tretivneka je oskrbela hiša (dala svojega, ali najela poba drugod). Čednk in tretivnek sta dobila zajtrk, za s sabo pa hrano (kruh, klobaso, zasko, sadje). Vodo sta si preskrbela v gmajni, kjer so bili studenci. Studenca so pastirji posebej ograjevali in delali žlebove, da ni mogla krava do njih. Spodaj ograje je bila kotanja, kjer so lahko pile tudi krave. V petkih se ni smelo jesti mesnega, zato so že v čatrtkih porabili vso zasko in mesovje, kar je bilo predvideno za dva dni. V planinah je bilo zaradi tega v četrtkih tako zabeljeno, da so žganci kar plavali v masti in ocvirkih, poleg tega pa so majarji in čedniki pojedli v četrtek tudi suhega mesa (prekajenega surovega ali kuhanega) kar za dva dni, da so se podprli za naslednji dan, ki je bil post, a jih je čakalo naporno delo. Prepoved so spoštovali, ker je bilo tako ukazano. Bali se niso greha, ampak nesreč in hudega, v kar so vervali, da jih lahko zadene, ako se ne bodo ravnali po zapovedih in pridigah. Kjer ni bilo izvirov, so dobili deževnico v zajedah in kravjih štopnjah, v visokih planinah pa so tajali sneg ali led, ki so ga potegnili iz jam (taki jami pravijo »rupa«). V rupe so shranjevali tudi meso poškodovanih in zaklanih krav, v bolj skrite pa tudi odrte gamse. Pastir in tretivnek sta zvečer še jedla posebej. Gospodarji so v planino pošiljali »kešt« (moko, zabelo, sol, vžigalice, tobak, kašo in ješprenj ter krompir). Fižola in boba na planinah niso marali, posebno visokih, ker se jim ni hotel skuhati. Priložili so tudi vžigalice, tobak in cigarete (če pastir ali sirar oziroma majar ni kadil fajfe). Čednk je bil toraj v dolini in tudi po planinah. Ako ga ni bilo in je bila žival brez mleka, so jo zaganjali, potem pa jo po medsebojnem dogovoru hodili gledat od časa do 352 Joža Čop časa. Majar je le oskrboval krave v stajah, jih čistil in molzel, skrbel za mleko, sam sirir ali medel maslo. Vsaka večja planina je imela sirarco in sirarja. Temu je bilo treba pomagati. Vsak dan je eden majarjev pri njem tretinil. Čop Janez je majaril za Liscam leta 1900 in 1901. Sirar je bil Bleščkov Joža, en majar mu je pomagal pri sirjenju, en majar preskrbel drva za sirarco, ostali majarji delali zase. Čednk pa je bil Arh Andrej (stari Oblačič). V čredi je bilo 105 krav in čez 30 telet, poleg tega pa tudi okoli 15 prašičev, da so pojedli vso sirotko. Prašičem so kuhali tudi šavje in s tem tudi izboljševali planino. Takoje bilo tedaj Za Liscam okoli 10 do 12 ljudi (1 sirar, 1 čednk, ostali pa majarji in majarce). Vsak trop je imel po en močan zvonec, ki se je iz Za-lisca slišal včasih celo v dolino. Ko so prišle krave v planino, smo jih prvi dan zaprli v ograde in staje, da so se odpočile. Mi smo pospravljali in razporejali ter pripravljali stan in sirarco. Drugo jutro smo gnali krave v Plano. Tam je vodil molitev stari Oblačič. Molitev za duše, ki po gorah in vodah ter gošah vicajo, je bila obvezna. Prvi paši so bili prisotni vsi majarji. Tudi naslednji dan so šli majarji s kravami, vendar so se lotili vseh potov in steza. Očedili so pota in pobrali vse kamenje, ki so ga tja spravila neurja, plazovi in nalivi. Za pašo je veljal stari ustaljen red, to je, kdaj se žene v eno stran in kdaj v drugo ter, po kakšni vrsti in koliko časa na vsakem mestu, planci, pobočju ali polici. Stari majarji so znali tudi neko igro. Preganjali so zle duhove, letali s koli naokrog, udrihali vsepovsod, vpili, kričali, vihteli kole in udrihali z njimi po grmovju in kamenju. Ta igra se je razlezla zelo na široko in v njo so vpregli mlajše majarje, novince pa speljali zelo daleč v hribovje, potem pa se jim neopaženo umaknili in se spretno vrnili nazaj k stanovom. Tej igri so rekli »Gremo trapa lovit.« Novinci seveda niso vedeli, kaj je to, pa so ga lovili in podili s svojimi mladimi močmi zelo zagnano in v velike daljave. Tisti, ki je prišel zadnji ves upehan in onemogel k stanovom, je bil za vso drugo druščino »trap.« Kvanica = prednji prostor v stanu, ki je na planini. Tam je na eni strani svinjak, na drugi pa so zložena drva in dračje. Mogoče je to od »skladovnica.« Bohinjce je učil sirjenja Švicar Tomaž Hitz. Največ učencev je bilo s Savice in Broda. Bukovska srenja je tedaj zgradila novo mlekarno ali sirarco na Savici z namenom, da bi tam nastala mlekarska in sirarska šola, oblast tega ni podprla, ljudje z Zgornje doline so povdarjali, da imajo oni glavne in prave planine, torej kaj takega pristoja njim, Bistrica tudi, da je pri njih glavni kraj in središče Bohinja, pa je potem vse skupaj padlo v vodo. Pri Zgornjem Švigeljčo [Kamnje 36] so imeli krave, ki so se zelo dobro vedle. Zato so bile vodnice za vso čredo. Ko je bilo treba v planino, so postale nestrpne in, ko neko leto niso takoj odšli, ker niso bili stanovi pripravljeni, so jo te krave same popihale v planino. Nenadoma so se izgubile in tisti, ki so šli v planino pripravljat stanove in popravljat strehe na njih ter na stajah, so se zelo začudili, ko so dobili krave v planini. Bile so tako hitre, da so prišle pred njimi. Kravam je prijal planinski zrak, posebno pa prostost in planinska paša. Zato so tako rade v planinah. Kadar je bilo treba spraviti krave v planino, je bilo treba vedno pravilno postopati. Vse je bilo odvisno od sestava tropa ali čede. Čednik je vodil ali gnal »ta zvončasto« , mogoče edino še tisto, ki je bila po veljavi takoj za njo, potem pa je šel cel trop. Krave so se same razvrstile, če so bile vajene. Ako je hotela katera imeti neupravičeno prednost, jo je druga opozorila z rogli, če ni vmes posegel kateri bikov ali volov, ob hujših nesoglasjih pa majar. Zanimivo je klicala Oblačičova Špeva. Imela je čudno razklan ali počen glas. V planini je imela prašiče. Spustila jih je, ti pa so rili po šavju naokrog in se končno ustavili 353 O Črnem biku ali Čarnem juncu ob vokvu v kotanji »Spodnja Polanca« . Tam so rili in se valjali, pihali in prhali ter veselo krulili. Bilo je več kot deset minut daleč in vsi so menili, da bo prašiče težko spraviti nazaj. Tedaj pa je zaklicala Špeva s svojim preklanim glasom: »pojs, pojs, pojs...!« Prašiči so plahutali z ušesi in jo ucvrli s kruljenjem za glasom. Kaj hitro so bili pri stanovih. Čednk, majarji in tretivnek - vsi so klicali krave z zateglim glasom, vsak po svojem načinu, kakor so bile krave vajene in, kakor je bilo potrebno, da se je glas bolje slišal in razločneje odmeval v kotlinah in od skalnatih sten gorovja. Zvonca »ta zvončastih« krav so bila zelo velika in težka. Nekateri so bili tako veliki, da so bili že skoraj zvonovi in ne zvonci, saj so bili veliki ko žehtarji, v katere so majarji mozli. Zvonce so delali v Gorjah. Ker so bili težki, so jih majarji čez noč kravam snemali. Ko je majar mozel ta zvončasto kravo cele črede, je rajni Prangarjev Jaka ukradel zvonc, ki je bil snet. Previdno ga je prijel in šel z njim v mrak, potem pa začel z njim zvoniti, kot bi se krava pasla nekje ob robu kotline. Ko je majar Cengleč Lenart, ki je pravkar mozel kravo, zaslišal njen zvonec, je čisto pozabil, da ima kravo pred seboj, celo to, da ji je pravkar snel zvonec. Medtem ko jo je molzel, jo je klical in, ker ni pomagalo, je zgrabil žehtar in z njim togoten (=jezen, razdražen) priletel izpod stanu, kjer so bile krave. »Roža, Roža, Roža ... ti koder, kam boš šou!« Jaka je res po kravje pricingljal nazaj in vsi majarji so se smejali. Ko se je pojala Skočerjova krava, je tri leta star volič skočil celo na streho staje in je bila nevarnost, da se ta udere. Zato so pozneje dajali vole drugam. Pravi čednk ima krave tako navajene, da jim samo pravilno požvižga in pokliče ta zvončsto kravo (»Cika.. naaa.. naa.. Cika.. naa!«), pa pripelje trop z roba. Tudi pri paši po rovtih in travniki so se takoj obrnile, če si jim pravilno požvižgal, jih poklical po imenu ter jim zateglo zaklical po načinu, ki so ga bile vajene. Seveda jih je bilo treba tudi nagraditi s soljo in to po zaslugi. Nikdar pa nisi smel biti z živaljo krivičen in jo opehariti. Kdor je pri živali izgubil zaupanje, tega niso več ubogale. Ako so se nakatere krave pojale in ni bilo junca, je bila nevarnost, da poskočijo na čednka ali majarja in to čisto nenadoma od zadaj ter ga s svojo težo pomečkajo, zbijejo na tla in ga polomijo. Biografsko dopolnilo (Sestavljeno 25. V. 2006) Jernej Čop, rojen 28. VIII. 1819 v Plavškem Rovtu 55 (»Pri Štefonu«), poročen z Elizabeto Ravnik, rojeno 17. X. 1825 na Bistrici 66 (»Ivanova«), nadkovač vseh Cojzovih fužin. Stanoval v »Gospodovi novi hiši« (Bistrica 77, lastnina »Zois«), pozneje kupil hišo 57 ("Primček"), zato imel domače ime »Primček« ali »Ta mau Jern«. Jernej umrl 30. IV. 1899 na Bistrici 57, žena Liza istotam pred njim dne 12. II. 1890. Pavel Čop, sin Jerneja in Elizabete, rojen 25. I. 1855 v »Gospodovi novi hiši« (Bistrica 77), poročen z Marijo Rožič, hčerjo Andreja, rojeno 5. VII. 1864, dne 19. V. 1883. Marija umrla 10. VII. 1900. Pavel umrl 15. VI. 1912 (Kamnje 15). Pri hiši imajo original skupinske fotografije odlikovancev po končanem železniškem predoru z župnikom Pibrom v sredi. Pavel Čop sedi prvi na levi (glej tudi str. 104 v knjigi: T. Budkovič, »Vzpon Bohinja pred zatonom Avstro-Ogrske«, Celovec-Ljubljana-Dunaj 2004). Andrej Rožič, rojen 22. XI.1829, Kamnje 15, umrl istotam 12. IV. 1883, hodil v šolo pri Cojzovem gradu, nato v Celovec. Vodja modelne mizarne, mizarskih in tesarskih obra- 354 Joža Čop tov ter vodnih naprav Cojzovih fužin. Je sin Neže Žnidar (rojena 6. I. 1809) in Gregorja Rožiča (rojen 6. III. 1800) ter gospodar hiše Savica-Kamne 15, bivše tovorniške oštarije na Kamnjah in dveh mlinov in kovačij zgrajenih v ruševini fužine Šemine pod Rod'nco (1/3 kmetije 1849). O Andreju: A. Struna »Vodni pogoni na Slovenskem«, Ljubljana 1955, str. 358-359. »Oblačič« Savica 12 (kmetija), hišno ime po nekdanjih Oblakih. Župani srenje Savica (cela kmetija 1849). Hiša imela poseben županski štibelc s skrinjo arhivov, kar so mladi pokurili na grmadi v peči v času od 13. do 15. aprila 1941. Ob sporočilu z Bistrice, da Italijani preiskujejo hiše, podtikajo ob preiskavah patrone in papirje (slovenske, nemške in srbske) ter delajo sezname za selitev v italjanska taborišča zato, da bi v Bohinj naselili Italijane. Italijani so imeli že popolen seznam hiš z vsemi potrebnimi podatki o narodni, politični in verski pripadnosti ter odnosu do Italijanov. Gospodar 1826 Janez Arh Gospodar 1849 Gašper Arh, rojen 2. I. 1797 Češnjica 59 Kako so si sledili gospodarji in srenjski župani srenje Savica, bi se dalo ugotoviti. Zadnji župan Oblačič (Arh) je bil nizke čokate postave in se ga dobro spominjam, ker me je oče vzel s sabo, ko je v tisti njegovi pisarni z njim pregledoval papirje in mape. Ta se je tudi večkrat oglasil pri nas in vedno sedel na tnalco in med govoranco (»prefetvanam«) prekladal prekrižani nogi. S sinom Janezom, ki je od rojstva bil brez roke, gospodarjem pred zadnjo vojno in čebelarjem sta na skupinski fotografiji Bohinjcev, ki so šli na Dunaj, poklonit se cesarju Francu Jožefu pod vodstvom poslanca župnika Pibra Janeza. Pred zadnjo vojno je bil župan srenje Janez Žmitek p.d. »Pintar«, Kamnje 29. (Uredniški pripis. Zgornje besedilo je 12. IV. 2006 izzval obisk Toneta Cevca pri avtorju. 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