LjÍ v^eS Jo
January 2010
urnal
'/i
Lives J ournal
Ljubljana, Slovenia
2010 I 1
LiVeS Journal /Liberty, Verity, and Spirit/
Leto I, januar 2010 shtevilka 1
Izdajatelj revije
Naslov
GLAVNI UREDNIK UREDNISHTVO
REVIJA SRP
m.sh.1339427, d.sh.71461965, b.r. 10100-0038333910
i.a: http:// www.livesjournal.eu e.m: uredmshtvo@revijasrp.si e.m: editors@livesjournaLeu
Revija SRP, Prazhakova 13, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenija Ivo Antich
Lev Detela Damir Globochnik Matej Krajnc Iztok Vrhovec
LIVES JOURNAL je slovenska revija, ki nadaljuje in na novem nivoju povzema projekt Revije SRP: gre za nadaljevanje posebne publikacijske prakse (v tisku in na spletu) kot radikalno naravnanega preizkusa mozhnosti neodvisne umetnishke, esejistichne, znanstvene refleksije v geohistorichnem kontekstu in oblik identitete v njem, ter gre za inovacijo zlasti v smislu vzporednega slovensko-angleshkega zapisa, ki se odpira sledovom slovenstva kjer koli po svetu. Usmeritev publikacije s svojo obliko in s pomenskimi razsezhnostmi nakazuje tudi ime: zachetni chrki obeh besed sta kratica za Ljubljano (LJ), v angleshki besedi LiVeS pa so simetrichni soglasniki zachetnice istih treh vodilnih pojmov kot v slovenski besedi SRP (Svoboda — Resnica — Pogum / Liberty — Verity — Spirit).
ISSN 1855-8267
LiVeS Journal /Liberty, Verity, and Spirit/
Year I, January 2010 number 1
Publisher of review
Address
EDITOR IN CHIEF EDITORIAL BOARD
REVIJA SRP
m.sh.1339427, d.sh.71461965, b.r. 10100-0038333910
i.a: http:// www.livesjournal.eu e.m: uredmshtvo@revijasrp.si e.m: editors@livesjournaLeu
Revija SRP, Prazhakova 13, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenia Ivo Antich
Lev Detela Damir Globochnik Matej Krajnc Iztok Vrhovec
LIVES JOURNAL is a Slovenian review which continues on a new level and summarizes the project of Review SRP: a continuation of the special practice of publication (in print and online) as a radical examination of the possibilities of an independent-oriented art, essayistic, scientific reflection in geohistorical context and its forms of identity, and the innovation especially in the sense of parallel Slovenian-English writing, which is opened to the traces of Slovenian identity anywhere in the world. The orientation of publication is also suggested by the name with its form and dimensions of meaning: the initial letters of both words are an abbreviation for Ljubljana (LJ), and in English word LiVeS symmetrical consonants perform the initials of the same three leading concepts such as in Slovenian word SRP (Svoboda — Resnica — Pogum / Liberty — Verity — Spirit)
ISSN 1855-8267
Milena Merlak Lev Detela Herbert Kuhner Matej Krajnc Ivo Antich Matjazh Jarc Iztok Vrhovec Ivo Antich Damir Globochnik
Damir Globochnik Franc Vozelj
Chlovekov razvoj Rajko Shushtarshich
Za zgodovinski spomin Andrej Lenarchich Rako Shushtarshich
Iz zgodovinskega spomina Lucijan Vuga Jaka Jarc
Jaka Jarc
Vprashanja Mira Puc
Andrej Lenarchich
Vsebina
Brezverje	6
Duh in telo	8
Izenachenje	12
Zlizana preproga in druge pesmi	22
Senca	28
Nekaj kratkih dnevnishkih zapisov	30
Hinavec	44
Hladno mashchevanje	58
Najstarejsha javna fotografska zbirka v
Sloveniji	66
Homo	74
Likovna dela	80
Chloveshtvo bi se lahko drugache razvijalo	90
Sporazum o arbitrazhi	98
O dobrososedskih odnosih (med narodi) in narodovi samobitnosti
/Zavednim Slovencem, II/	114
Veneti v Troji	120
Moch in oblast opatinj v anglo-sashki
Angliji	146
Adaptacija De falsis diis in njene politichne
implikacije	168
Kako vam je ime?	182
Invekcije, korekcije, II	188
Milena Merlak Lev Detela Herbert Kuhner Matej Krajnc Ivo Antich Matjazh Jarc Iztok Vrhovec Ivo Antich Damir Globochnik
Damir Globochnik Franc Vozelj
Human development Rajko Shushtarshich
For historical memory Andrej Lenarchich Rajko Shushtarshich
From historical memory Lucijan Vuga Jaka Jarc
Jaka Jarc
Questions Mira Puc
Andrej Lenarchich
Index
Apostasy	7
The body severed from the soul	9
Even-handedness	13
Rugged carpet & other poems	23
Shadow	29
A few short notes from a diary	31
The hypocrite	45
Cold revenge	59
The oldest public photography collection in
Slovenia	67
Homo	75
Artworks	81
Mankind could have evolved differently	91
Arbitration agreement	99
On proper neighbourly relations (between
nations) and on a nation's sovereignty
/To patriotic Slovenes, II/	115
Veneti in Troy	121
How much power and authority did
abbesses exercise in Anglo-Saxon England	147
Adaptation of De Falsis Diis and its
political implications	169
What's your name?	183
Invections, corrections, II	189
Milena Merlak
BREZVERJE
KAJ JE POVEDALA NOCH
Dvigam se iz polnochi, dvigam na mrtvashkem odru dne, z iztegnjenimi rokami se dvigam po svetli vrvi mesechine, dvigam do samega meseca po charobno palico sanj, charam.
Svetli charovnik nochi charam chrna, mrtva okna v pojoche odseve zvezd, charam,
nezhni obeshenec mesechine, ki ga davi noch.
BREZVERJE
Oltarji so se porushili, utrgali so se zvonci, ki so vabili k darovanju, angeli so izgubili perutnice, razbila se je vechna luch.
Ostal je le krohotajoch odmev v prazni cerkvi in obledela freska nad ugaslim lestencem.
Ostala je zdolgochasena Herodiada, ki z rozhnim vencem lovi glavo Janeza Krstnika; ostal je na smrt trudni Judezh, ki sam prosi za pogubljenje.
Oblezhali so tezhki, prazni svechniki.
Milena Merlak
APOSTASY
WHAT NIGHT REVEALS
I raise myself out of midnight, raise myself onto the bier of day, with arms uplifted I raise myself, raise myself by bright moonbeams, I raise myself right up to the moon to fetch the magic wand of dreams and cast spells.
As bright sorcerer of night, in the singing reflection of stars, I form windows that are black and dead, casting spells and gently swaying on the gallows of moonlight, hanged by night.
APOSTASY
The altars have caved in.
Ropes holding churchbells
have been severed.
Wings have been torn from angels.
The eternal light has been snuffed out.
There's nothing left
but the echo of laughter
and the faded fresco
above the extinguished chandelier.
Everyone's gone but Herod's bored wife
searching for the Baptist's head
with her rosary in her hand
and a weary Judas
begging to be damned.
Heavy candlesticks with empty sockets lie on the ground. Translated from Slovenian by Herbert Kuhner
Lev Detela
DUH IN TELO
UMOR V ULICI MORGUE (Po Edgarju Allanu Poeju)
Pobesnele opice potrgajo vse verige, luchi ugasnejo, dzhungelsko rjovenje razsvetli noch. Zvezde trchijo ob cerkvene zvonike, krizhi in zlati petelini strashansko zazharijo, bliski udarijo z jasnega, vse je v pozharih.
Zvonovi she pritrkavajo, katedrale she gorijo. Pred oltarji pleshejo afrishke opice ocharljive obrede.
Glavna opica nabrusi britev. Vsa okna na hishah so odprta, ker je afrishko vroche.
V zadnjo sobo se slishi blazno zvonjenje. Glavna opica se plazi skozi sobane. Vsi lezhijo s prerezanimi vratovi pod baldahini, veter se lovi med zavesami in lestenci, krvava britev glavne opice zhari v pozharih.
Lev Detela
THE BODY SEVERED FROM THE SOUL
THE MURDERS IN THE RUE MORGUE (After Edgar Allan Poe)
Crazed apes break their chains.
The lights are extinguished.
Jungle cries illuminate the night.
The stars fly toward church spires.
Crosses and weather vanes glow gruesomely.
Lightning suddenly strikes.
Everything goes up in flames.
The bells are still ringing and the cathedrals still burning. Apes from Africa are performing magical rites.
The chief ape sharpens his razor. The windows are open. There is tropical heat.
A maddening pealing of bells comes from the last room. The chief ape sneaks down the hall. Everyone lies in bed with his throat slit. The blood-covered blade of the chief ape glows with fire.
DUH IN TELO
Zvecher se odlushchi glava od vratu,
kri rahlo teche,
to je lochitev duha in telesa.
Obglavljena glava telovadi na postelji,
njenih plesov ni mogoche preprechiti.
Ochi v glavi so chudno zhive.
Ta stvar misli zelo velike zadeve.
Telo je zhe davno ubito,
glava pa divja naprej.
Kri rahlo teche,
ker sta se lochila duh in telo.
THE BODY SEVERED FROM THE SOUL
In the evening the head frees itself from the neck. Blood trickles down.
The body has been severed from the soul.
The decapitated head tosses and turns in bed.
It's impossible to stop its dance.
There's an uncanny glow in the eyes
as if thoughts were racing through the brain.
The body has long been dead,
but the head continues its activity.
Blood trickles down
since the body has been severed from the soul. Translated from Slovenian by Herbert Kuhner
Herbert 'Kuhner
IZENACHENJE
IZENACHENJE Bila je napaka
Kajnova, ko je nameril kamen
v Abelovo glavo,
prav kot je bila napaka
Abelove glave,
da je ustavila
let kamna.
KRALJ TORT
Metternichu mati ni spekla torte
za njegov chetrti rojstni dan, ampak mu je kupila kuzhka, in shest tednov pozneje, da bi ga odvadila usmiljenja, mu je ukazala, naj ga utopi.
Metternich je odrastel
v zhenskomrznika;
sovrazhil je zhenske
in ljubil torte,
toda tezhava je v tem,
da je v nemshchini
torta zhenskega spola,
tako je za njegov shestdeseti rojstni dan
Franz Sacher
v kuhinji njegove palache
spekel zanj chokoladno torto,
ki naj bi bila moshkega spola:
Sacherjeva torta,
Kralj tort
(zahvaljujoch utopljenemu shchenetu).
Herbert Kuhner
EVEN-HANDEDNESS
EVEN-HANDEDNESS
It was a mistake
for Cain to aim a stone
at Abel's head
just as it was a mistake
for Abel's head
to interrupt
the stone's course.
THE KING OF CAKES
Metternich's mother didn't bake him a cake for his fourth birthday but she did buy him a puppy, and six weeks to the day, in order to purge him of pity, she ordered him to drown it.
Metternich grew up
to be a misogynist;
he hated women
and he loved cake,
but the trouble is
in German the gender
of cake is feminine,
so for his sixtieth birthday
he had Franz Sacher
of his palace kitchen
bake him a chocolate cake
that would be masculine:
the Sacher Torte,
the King of Cakes
(thanks to the drowned pup).
PRIMERNA ZASEDBA
Zavrnil sem,
da bi se nauchil verze,
da bi oblekel kostim
in shel na oder.
Poskushal sem se celo izogniti
blizhini gledalishcha,
toda nisem se mogel izogniti
igranju vloge,
ustvarjene zame.
Kritiki pishejo, da ustrezam T-ju in da ga nihche ne more igrati tako kot jaz.
Tezhava je v tem, da je moja vloga ista v vsaki igri. Bolan in utrujen sem, bolan na smrt od tega pochetja dan za dnem, leto za letom,
toda ne glede kako pogosto grem skoz to,
she nikoli nisem dobil slabe ocene. Pravijo,
da sem tako naraven, kakor da
sploh ne bi nastopal, temvech da le igram sebe.
Oseba, ki jo igram,
nikoli ne umre na odru ali za njim,
toda cheprav bi to storila,
bi jaz vstal
in se priklonil obchinstvu na klic pred zaveso in spet bi shel skoz to pri naslednji predstavi.
TYPE CAST
I refused
to learn my lines,
don my costume
and go onstage.
I even tried to avoid
the proximity of the theater
but I could not avoid
playing the role
created for me.
The critics write it fits me to a T and that no one could play it the way I do.
The trouble is
my role is the same
in every play.
I'm sick and tired,
sick to death
of doing it
day after day,
year in and year out,
but no matter how often
I go through it,
I never get bad reviews.
They say I'm so natural it's as if
I weren't acting at all but merely playing myself.
The character I play never dies onstage or off, but even if he did I'd have to get up and bow to the audience at the curtain call and go through it again at the next performance.
UCHENJE BITI CHIST To je tam,
kjer se uchish biti chist.
Nikoli nisem videl toliko pip in odtokov, toliko mila
in toliko shchetk za nohte.
Tam se mili in mili, riba in riba, krtachi in krtachi, drgne in drgne, sushi in sushi in brishe in brishe.
Ob vsaki prilozhnosti so vtikala vtaknjena, pipe odvite
in milo se radodarno uporablja.
Roke se umivajo in umivajo, dokler niso zdrgnjene in rdeche.
Tam se mili in mili, riba in riba, krtachi in krtachi, drgne in drgne, sushi in sushi in brishe in brishe.
Tam se umiva in umiva, tako veliko je umivanja, a tako malo ochishchenja.
LEARNING TO BE CLEAN
This is where
you learn to be clean.
I've never seen
so many faucets and sinks,
so much soap
and so many nail brushes.
There's soaping and soaping, scrubbing and scrubbing, brushing and brushing, rubbing and rubbing, drying and drying and wiping and wiping.
At every occasion
the plugs are put in,
the faucets are turned on
and soap is generously applied.
Hands are washed and washed until they're chaffed and red.
There's soaping and soaping, scrubbing and scrubbing, brushing and brushing, rubbing and rubbing drying and drying and wiping and wiping.
There's washing and washing, so much washing, but so little cleansing.
RUSHENJE VELIKANA
Za mojega prijatelja filmarja Fritza Kleibela
Ni preprosto zrushiti velikana, she posebno, che si majcen, a vseeno to lahko naredish, che si prekanjen in v druzhbi tvoje vrste.
Vse kar potrebujesh, je dovolj zaveznikov,
ki so tvoje velikosti,
chim vech jih je, tem bolje.
Liliputanci
so tako naredili z Guliverjem.
Privezali so ga k tlom, medtem ko je spal, to je v redu,
toda che vas je dovolj zraven,
lahko izvedete trik,
ko je buden,
brez nevarnosti zate
in za tiste, ki so na tvoji strani.
Vse kar morate storiti, je omejiti njegovo gibanje in ga zamotiti s trivialnostmi.
To bi morala biti lahka naloga za nekoga, ki ne potrebuje veliko prostora, tudi che je ta nekdo polovichnik, pritlikavec, pigmej.
Ko nekdo,
ki je drobcen,
dela z mnogimi drugimi,
ki so taki kot on,
lahko skupaj naredijo chudezhe.
Trik je
ukleniti velikana duhovno, tako da ne najde razloga za uporabo svoje mochi.
FELLING A GIANT
For my friend Fritz Kleibel the filmmaker
It's not easy to fell a giant,
especially if you're tiny,
but it can be done
if you are cunning
and you unite with your kind.
All you need is enough allies who are your size, the more, the better.
The Lilliputians did it with Gulliver.
They bound him down while he was asleep, which is fine,
but if there are enough of you, you can do the trick, while he is awake, with no danger to yourself and those who are on your side.
All you have to do is limit his movement and keep him occupied with trivialities.
That should be an easy task
for someone who doesn't
need much room,
even if that someone
is a half-pint, a midget, a pigmy.
When someone
who is minuscule
works with a lot of others
who are like him,
they can do wonders together.
The trick is
to corral a giant spiritually so that he doesn't find an excuse to use his strength.
Che tako storish,
lahko omejish njegovo gibanje
in vzdrzhujesh to omejitev,
dokler se njegova moch ne izchrpa
v senchnem boju
s svojo lastno senco
kot tudi s sencami
ostalih.
Naporen
poskus osredotochiti se na nejasne podobe, ki se primikajo in odmikajo, ne slabi le vida,
ampak zmehcha najtrshe mishice.
In na koncu bo velikan
voljna snov v tvojih rokah.
RELIGIJA
Jazz je religija, ampak to je lepa vera.
Verniki ne molijo skupaj, le poslushajo in igrajo skupaj.
Obstajajo, nedvomno, razlichne glasbene sekte, in pri tem je lahko nekaj fanatizma, toda ta se ne izrazha z nasiljem, temvech raje z glasbenimi inshtrumenti.
Prevod iz angleshchine Ivo Antich
HERBERT KUHNER se je rodil leta 1935 na Dunaju. Od leta 1939, ko se je izselil, je odrashchal in se sholal v ZDA. Od leta 1963 zhivi na Dunaju. Je avtor romanov, pesmi in iger ter je objavil shtevilne prevode poezije, med njimi Austrian Poetry Today (Schocken Books, New York, 1885) in If the Walls Between Us Were Made of Glass: Austrian Jewish Poetry (Verlag Der Apfel, Dunaj, 1992). Igra bobne in je avtor zbirke jazzovskih pesmi Swing Men and Women, ki jo je ilustriral avstrijski jazz kitarist Manfred Markowski. Trenutno Kuhner sodeluje z amerishkim pesnikom Georgeom Wallaceom pri zbirki Before the Storm, v kateri bodo zbrane pesmi Alterja Brodyja.
If you do that, you can limit his movement and keep limiting it until his strength is sapped from shadow boxing with his own shadow, as well as those of others.
The strain of trying to focus on blurry images
that assert and reassert themselves
not only impairs vision
but makes the toughest muscle flaccid.
And in the end the giant
will be putty in your hands.
A RELIGION
Jazz is a religion, but it's a nice religion.
The faithful don't pray together, they just listen or play together.
There are, to be sure,
various musical sects,
and there may be some fanaticism,
but it is not expressed by violence,
but rather on musical instruments.
HERBERT KUHNER was born in Vienna in 1935. He emigrated in 1939 and grew up and was educated in the United States. He has resided in Vienna since 1963. He is the author of novels, poetry, and plays and has published numerous volumes of poetry in translation, which include Austrian Poetry Today (Schocken Books, New York, 1985) and If the Walls Between Us Were Made of Glass: Austrian Jewish Poetry (Verlag Der Apfel, Vienna, 1992). Kuhner plays the drums and is author of a collection of jazz poems, Swing Men and Women, which has been illustrated by Austrian jazz guitarist Manfred Markowski. At present Kuhner is collaborating with American poet George Wallace on Before the Storm, an edition of the collected poems of Alter Brody.
Matej Krajnc
ZLIZANA PREPROGA IN DRUGE PESMI
MILOST
Odresheniki vstajajo, oktober se poslavlja z nekakshno chudno polnochjo, ki se vsevdilj ponavlja.
Odresheniki chakajo in bleda strast jih vezhe in zvok molitev je grenak in vse manj dalech sezhe.
ZLIZANA PREPROGA
Preproga zlizana na tleh, kochljivi dnevi shteti, ni pesmi vech, da bi jih pel, odhajajo soneti.
Iz zob bolshchi skopljeni los, iz ochi se tiho vliva, alibi, ki je kdaj she shtel, nich vech me ne pokriva.
Za zhivo mejo pa se jezh s filozofijo brati. Smetishchni Kant se ozre v ochi in jenja dezhevati ...
Matej Krajnc
RUGGED CARPET & OTHER POEMS
THE MERCY
The mercy gains, the Lord awakes It's midnight in October I never drank, I never smoked And yet, I'm not quite sober
The mercy gains, the Lord takes time To live and let us live And all the prayers left unsaid Are sentenced to deceive
THE RUGGED CARPET
A rugged carpet between my legs And no one left to spy on And no more songs to sing And no more beds to lie on
A dead stag between my teeth And a little rain outside my eyes No kleenex or fair weather No hardcore alibies
And yet it's crystal clear
And yet it leaves no question
The carpet never rolls
And stags are perfect for digestion
INICIALKE Kazhe, da
so kamni ob poti, kjer sem hodil, sklenili, da se ne bodo stopili.
In kazhe, da
so me vsa drevesa, ki sem jih posadil, zdaj prebolela.
In velike zachetnice zhivljenja so zdaj drobne chrke;
malce zagrenjene, a she vedno prekleto srechne.
STRIC
Sonce je zgodaj shlo na pot navzgor, moja pot pa je bila nekje vmes. To me ni motilo,
tega nisem nikoli vzel prevech zares.
Stric je prishel in me pobaral:
kako si kaj, nechak?
Imel je vso pravico do takih vprashanj,
bil je vpliven mozhak.
Odgovoril sem: dobri strichek, pojdi nekam, saj sam dobro vesh, kam! Ni mi zameril, samotarju, tudi on je svojchas zhe bil tam.
Naslednje popoldne je umrl. Pokopali smo ga z vojashkimi chastmi. Nekdo je pojedel zastavo na polovici droga. Vpliv je zamizhal na vse svoje ochi.
THE GREAT INITIALS OF LIFE It looks like
Every stone on this here path Refuses to melt
And it looks like
Every tree I have ever planted
Has now outloved me
And those great initials of life
Are just smallprints now
Bitter ones, but still goddamn lucky
THE GOOD UNCLE
Sun was well on his way up, I was well on my way somewhere in between, but I was never judged by that, I was always clean.
The good uncle came and wondered what's become of me? He had a right to ask me that, he was high society
I answered: my good uncle,
I have some mean words for you!
He didn't mind, I was a loner,
besides, he had so many other things to do
He died the next afternoon. He was buried in a high society way. Someone ate the flag afterwards. It had to be okay.
NAVADNA BARABA
Tako zhivim Zasmehovali so me in ponizhali
in mi oblatili dobro ime
A kljub temu bom prishel v nebesa
kot se tudi spodobi
Vmes pa bom navadna baraba
Tako to gre
SI OSAMLJENA? Si osamljena?
Porochila pravijo, da je nocoj v prometnih nesrechah umrlo 39 ljudi.
12 revezhev si je prerezalo grla s pripomochki, proti katerim so nozhi otroshka igracha. Si she vedno osamljena? Hm ...
Ne bi smela biti.
Saj te bo v sanjah vendar
preganjalo mnogo nesrechnih dush ...!
OPRAVILCE
Kdo svinchnike je razmetal? Je to zgolj shala mar, zgolj opravilce jutranje, zgolj nepomembna stvar?
Kdo mi v srce je strah vselil pred steno pokracano? She Belshacar je prebledel — kako bo shele z mano!
Priredba iz angleshchine Matej Krajnc
CARELESS SUMBITCH
That's how I keep going.
I've been buked
and I've been scorned
and my name's been scandalized
But I'm on my way to heaven anyhow
and rightly so,
with a lot of meanness in between. That's how I keep going.
ARE YOU LONESOME TONIGHT?
Are you lonesome tonight? The reports say that 39 people died In car accidents tonight
And 12 poor suckers slashed their throats with weapons
Mightier than knives
Are you still lonesome tonight?
Well ...
You shouldn't be. There'll be many souls To haunt you in your dreams
FAMOUS LITTLE TASK
Who left the pencils on my desk? Is this some kind of joke Or just a famous little task You did when you awoke?
Who filled my heart with fear of those Handwritings on the wall? Belshazzar has blood on his toes With no one left to call ...
Ivo Antich
SENCA
(haiku triptih)
Chlovek je stopil v lastno senco; ne najde vech poti iz nje.
Popotnik zaspi na soncu; prebudi se — v senci oblachka.
Golob stopica po svoji senci — vse do sence chloveka.
LiVeS Journal Ivo Antich
SHADOW
(haiku triptych)
A man has entered
in his own shadow; and now -
there is no way out.
A traveller asleep
in the sun; suddenly wakes
in the cloud's shadow.
Pigeon's minim steps in the shadow of itself — stop at man's shadow.
Translated from Slovenian by author
Matjazp Jarc
NEKAJ KRATKIH DNEVNISHKIH ZAPISOV
Svet, svetloba, svetost
2. 12. 2008 ob 08:48
To jutro sem se prebudil z mislijo, da je svet urejen popolno, toda jaz s tem nisem zadovoljen.
Vse gre naprej in se spreminja tako, da je ves chas vzpostavljeno ravnovesje med nasprotji. Celo velike naravne katastrofe, ki jih dozhivlja Zemlja, so samo hipne, z vidika Vesolja komaj opazne prekinitve tekochega ritma menjav in umirjene rasti planeta. Jaz pa chakam na veliko presenechenje.
Vsak dan me svetloba obdari z budnostjo, jaz pa bi spal. Ko je oblachno, hrepenim po jasnini, ko se stemni, si prizhigam luch. Ko je tishina, si zhelim ropota, in ko je hrupno, si mashim ushesa. Svetlobe se zavem shele, ko me zaslepi, in tedaj zamizhim.
Zhivljenje je svetinja, mene pa vznemirja smrt. Svetost bivanja razsvetljuje svet, toda jaz si ga hochem preoblikovati v nekaj drugega, boljshega. In tam, kjer je ustvarjena popolnost, v Naravi in v moji dushi, hochem spreminjati, dopolnjevati in izboljshevati, in imam srecho, da so moji poskusi z vidika sveta dovolj nepomembni. Ne glede na to pa sem si ustvaril svoj mali notranji svet, v katerem skusham vse dozhivljati po lastni volji. Najbrzh zato, ker moja volja in zhelje pri mojem spochetju sploh niso bile uposhtevane. In se vprasham, ali od tod izhaja moje nezadovoljstvo z zhivljenjem, kakrshno je? Od kod sicer zmotna pomisel, da sem pomanjkljivo bitje, ki ne zmore dojeti bistva sveta, popolnosti svetlobe in svetosti bivanja?
Tiha vojna
4. 12. 2008 ob 04:50
Sanjal sem tiho vojno. Sedeli smo pod kroshnjami, nadnje pa so nenadoma pridrseli neslishni helikopterji, transportna letala, oklepniki in tovornjaki. Vozili so lovce na lastnino.
Drseli so chez nas, letechi koloni ni bilo konca.
Pomislil sem, da potrebujejo veliko nove lastnine. Raznih vrednih stvari: kovin, kamenja, tekochin, zapisov, dragocenih predmetov, umetnin ... Pobili ali pa pregnali bodo sedanje lastnike, nalozhili tovore in chez chas preselili plen tja, od koder so prishli. Za sabo bodo pustili opustoshenje in olajshanje, da so odshli. Ostal pa bo tudi strah, da se spet kdaj vrnejo in znova uplenijo vse, kar bo tu medtem vrednega nastalo. Sledila bo delna pozaba. Zhivljenje bo teklo dalje, kopichili bomo novo lastnino.
Matjazp Jarc
A FEW SHORT NOTES FROMA A DIARY
World, Light, Holiness
2 December 2008, 8:48 AM
This morning I woke up thinking that the world is arranged perfectly - but I was not satisfied.
Everything progresses and changes maintaining the balance between opposites. From the Universe's point of view even great natural disasters suffered by the Earth are but fleeting, barely noticeable breaks in the fluent rhythm of revolutionary shifts and calm growth of the planet. And I am waiting for a great surprise. Each day light bestows awaking upon me, but I would sleep. When clouds fill the sky I yearn for a clear day, when it grows dark I turn on the light. In silence I wish for noise and when it is noisy I stop my ears. I only become aware of light when it blinds me and I am forced to close my eyes.
Life is sacred, to be cherished and I am excited by death. The world is illuminated by the holiness of being, but I would transform it into something different, something better. And where perfection has been created, both in Nature and in my soul, I would transform, supplement and improve. I am lucky that from the World's point of view my attempts are insignificant.
Still I have created my own little internal world in which I attempt to mould all my experiences corresponding to my will. Perhaps this is because my will and wishes were not taken into consideration when I was conceived. And I ask myself whether my discontentment with life as is hails perhaps from this very fact. Whence else hails the erroneous belief that I am a deficient being unable to grasp the essence of the world, the perfection of light and the holiness of existence?
Soundless War
4 December 2008, 4:50 AM
I dreamt of a soundless war. We sat beneath the trees and suddenly inaudible helicopters, transport airplanes, armoured vehicles and trucks slid by. They were carrying property hunters.
They glided over us, a flying column without end.
I thought to myself that they must be in need of vast new property. Various valuable goods: metals, stones, liquids, written records, valuables, artworks... They will kill or run off current owners, load the cargo and in time transport the plunder whence they came leaving behind devastation and relief that they left. Also remaining will be the fear they may one day return and loot all which would have been created in the meantime. This will be followed by partial oblivion. Life will go on, we shall accumulate new property.
Zakaj plenijo, sem se vprashal. Odgovor je bil preprost. Lastnina je zanje dragocena toliko, kot za nas, ki jo kopichimo zase. Che bi bila nam pomembna manj, bi bila tudi zanje manj zanimiva. In che je mi ne bi obravnavali kot lastnino, tudi njim ne bi predstavljala plena.
Pomislil sem, kaj vse je moja last. Koliko strasti je vezane na moje lastnishtvo. Hotenj, da bi imel vech, skrbi, da bi vse to izgubil. Premozhenje zhe v kali rojeva pohlep. Pohlep pa se odrazha v sovrashtvu in krutosti. In krutost v mashchevanju. Zhivljenje postane tiha vojna za lastnino.
Lastninjenje je ena od izhodishchnih chlovekovih zmot. Potrebujesh namrech samo prebivalishche, hrano in pijacho. In edino to je vredno spopada s plenilcem. Vse ostalo, kar ustvarish, je dobro zate in za druge. Kdor potrebuje to, kar ustvarish ti, naj to uzhiva, kot ti uzhivash tisto, kar ustvari on. Zhivljenje je bistveno bolj preprosto, kot smo si ga ljudje zapletli z ekonomijo. Z razlichnim vrednotenjem raznih snovi smo vzpostavili pojem lastnine, ki je zgradila okope med nashimi lastnishkimi interesi in okrepila nezaupanje med nami. Zdaj nismo vech prijatelji, razen v izjemnih primerih smo kvechjemu prijazni sovrazhniki. Ves chas v tihi vojni, ki pa mora obchasno tudi zarohneti, zabobneti in zaropotati.
Cheprav je reshitev tako zelo preprosta, pa se mi vchasih zazdi, da ne bomo nikoli nashli poti iz tega labirinta, v katerem smo se izgubili. Ampak chloveshtvo je na srecho she zelo mlado, odprte so skoraj vse mozhnosti, da se vojno stanje koncha.
Dojemanje mrtvosti
5. 12. 2008 ob 09:08
Vcheraj me je prijatelj, ki se pochasi zhe poslavlja od zhivljenja, vprashal, kaj mislim o smrti. Kaj se zgodi, ko umremo?
Tega zhiv chlovek ne more vedeti, lahko pa verjame v eno od mozhnih razlag. "Nich posebnega, " sem se zaslishal rechi, "tako bo, kot je bilo danes ponochi, ko si spal. S to razliko, da se pach ne bosh zbudil. Sanje pa zhe zdaj v glavnem pozabish, preden se jih spomnish."
Kje v sebi sem nashel ta odgovor, ne vem. Toda ne dvomim, da je pravilen. Vsako noch umrem in skoraj vsako jutro spet ozhivim.
"Jaz pa mislim, da ni tako," mi je odvrnil. "Obstaja neko pretakanje energij, ki je nad zhivljenjem in nad smrtjo. Gotovo ostane zavest v stiku z njim, ne vem, ali je to res zavest ali kaj, toda nekaj je. Sem pa zelo radoveden."
Saj, radovednost in strah! Oba izhajata iz nemochi chlovekovega uma, da bi dojel neznano. A kako naj um dojame neznano, che pa she znanega ne dojema v celoti? Kako naj dojamem energije in zakonitosti, ki so nad zhivljenjem in smrtjo, za chasa zhivljenja, ko je dojemanje she v polnem zamahu? Nedvomno lazhje, kot po smrti, ko um zaspi, bi si lahko mislil. Toda ni tako. Zhiv chlovek ne more dojeti tega, kar izkusi mrtvec.
"Why do they plunder?" I asked myself. The answer was simple. Property is as valuable to them as it is to us, who accumulate it for ourselves. If we cared less about it so would they. And if we did not consider it property they would not consider it prey.
I thought about all I deem my property. How many passions are tied to my ownership, desires for more, worries about losing it all. The bud of property itself already gives rise to greed. Greed materialises in hatred and cruelty. And cruelty brings revenge. Life becomes a silent war for property.
The concept of ownerships is one of man's fundamental blunders. All that is necessary is shelter, food and drink. These are the only things worth fighting with a looter. Everything else you create is good for you as well as others. Let him who needs what you create enjoy it as much as you do, as you enjoy that which he creates. Life is far simpler than complicated manmade economy may lead us to believe. Through diverse assessment of various matters we have created the concept of property which has built ramparts between our individual ownership interests and strengthened our mutual distrust. We are no longer friends now barring exceptional cases and even then we are but friendly enemies enveloped in a persisting silent war which must, from time to time, rage, rumble and rattle. Even though the solution is so incredibly simple it sometimes seems to me that we will never find our way out of this maze wherein we have lost our way. But fortunately mankind is young yet with every chance of ending this state of war.
Comprehension of the State of Death
5 December 2008, 9:08 AM
Yesterday a friend who is slowly taking leave of his life asked me what I thought of death. What happens when we die?
This is something a living person cannot know, but he can believe in one of the possible explanations.
"Nothing special," I heard myself say. "Iit will be as it was tonight when you slept. The only difference being that you will not wake. And even now you forget your dreams even before you remember them."
Where within myself I found this answer, I do not know. But I have no doubt it is correct. Every night I die and every morning I come alive again. "I think this is not the case," he replied. "There exists a flow of energies above life and death. Consciousness must surely remain in contact with them I do not know whether it is truly a consciousness or not, but it is something. I am very curious though." Exactly, curiosity and fear! They both stem from the human mind's incapability to comprehend the unknown. How could a mind comprehend the unknown if it doesn't even entirely comprehend the known?
How could it comprehend energies and laws that govern life and death when it is alive, a time when comprehension is in full fling? Undoubtedly more easily than after death, when the mind fades into sleep, I might imagine. But this is not the case. A living person cannot comprehend that which a dead person experiences.
Tako povzdigovani razum chloveka in njegova pamet sta visoko precenjena. Na njuno mesto pri bistvenih vprashanjih she prerada vstopi vera v Nekaj. Blizhje ko si smrti, bolj je neomajna. Cheprav je na svojem dnu, najvechkrat nezavedno, zrasla iz strahu pred Nichem. In — iz praznega strahu pred spanjem.
Kajti kogar ni strah zaspati, ta se ne boji dojemanja mrtvosti, ki je v bistvu zelo prijetna. To lahko povem iz lastnih izkushenj, saj zelo rad spim. Nimam pa tudi nich proti, che se enkrat za spremembo ne bi prebudil v postelji, ampak Nekje drugje. In che se ne bi samo Prebudil, temvech dobesedno Zbudil.
Vedno nov zachetek
6.	12. 2008 ob 09:01
Jutro je rojstvo svetlobe, izoblikovane v zhivo snov, ki se nenehno giblje in spreminja, pa cheprav neopazno. Celo v predmetih, ki jih prelije, se prebudijo nevidni delci in se znova zapodijo vsak po svoji poti. Vse, kar se je chez noch izgubilo v spanju, je spet tu, vsaj za spoznanje drugachno, kot je bilo she prejshnji vecher. Jutro spochne nov niz neponovljivih trenutkov, v katerih svetloba pleshe z doslej she neslishanimi zvoki. Zdi se, kot da noch she za hip ni pregrnila bivanja s tishino. Iz petja nerazumljene ptice se izlushchijo motivi chasa, samo sprva podobni zhe slishanim napevom, a vendar, v podrobnostih, povsem drugachni. Odprejo ti zakladnico novega dneva, v kateri si lahko po nedojemljivi milosti natochish she eno chasho zhivljenja.
In jutro prinese obet neprestanega ponavljanja, ki se — kakor vzdihi in izdihi vesolja — konchuje in vedno znova spet zachenja, v nedogled. V najtanjshem jutranjem zharku lahko zaznash obljubo, da bo ta tvoj obchutek vechnega rojevanja valoval s svetlobo do konca neskonchnosti. Do konca, ki ga ni.
Nevidne poti
7.	12. 2008 ob 05:43
Skozi prihodnost vodijo nevidne poti, ki ves chas ostajajo v njej. Kar koli se zgodi, je podobno koraku, ki hoche stopiti na eno teh poti, a se stopinja vedno odtisne tik za njo.
Shele te sledi zarishejo preteklost in povsem dolochljive smeri, v katere se je pomikalo neko bitje. Sedanjosti kakor da ni; je le stopanje na nedosegljivo pot prihodnosti, ki pa se ves chas umika vase in tako odpira prostor minevanju. Zhivljenje je samo prekratek hip med korakom in sledjo.
Prehojena pot je odsev poti, ki jih je bitje hotelo prehoditi. Shele v spominu na to gibanje se izrishejo razlike med tistim, kar je bitje hotelo, in tem, kar se mu je res zgodilo. Kajti dogodki sami se zgodijo prepochasi, da bi posegli v prihodnost, in prehitro, da bi lahko ostali v sedanjosti. Zato bitje ne ve tistega, kar bo, in ne razume tega, kar je. Vidi le to, kar je bilo.
The ever exalted human mind and intellect are greatly overrated. In fundamental matters they are all too eagerly replaced by the belief in Something. The closer one comes to death, the more steadfast the belief. Even though at the bottom line, most often, it has grown from fear of Nothing. And — from the empty fear of sleep.
For, he who does not fear sleep does not fear the perception of the state of death, which is in essence very pleasant. I speak from experience. I love sleeping. I also have nothing against one day not waking up in bed but Somewhere Else. Even more so if I not merely Woke, but literally Awakened.
Always a New Beginning
6	December 2008, 9:01 AM
Morning is the birth of light, formed into living matter, constantly moving and changing unnoticeably as it may. Even inside the things it covers, invisible particles awake and hurry anew each on their own path. All which has lost itself in sleep during the night is here again at least slightly different from what it was only the evening before.
Morning conceives a new series of irrecurable moments framing the yet unheard sounds of the dance of light. It seems as though the night never for a moment covered existence with silence. From the incomprehended bird's song motifs of time come to light; its melody only initially seemingly predictable but entirely different in detail. It opens up a treasury of a new day where it is possible, through incomprehensible mercy, to pour another chalice of life. And morning brings the hope of constant repetition that, like the inhales and exhales of the universe, infinitely ends and begins over and over again. In the thinnest of morning beams a promise is felt, that this feeling of eternal births will wallow with light until the end of eternity. Until the end which does not exist.
Invisible Paths
7	December 2008, 5:43 AM
There are invisible paths through the future that remain there always. Whatever happens is like a step on one of these paths but the footprint is always imprinted slightly behind it.
These footprints alone paint the past and the entirely determined directions in which a living being moved. It is as though the present does not exist; only stepping onto the unreachable path of the future exists. It continuously retreats into itself giving way to passing.
Life is but an only too fleeting moment between the step and the footprint. The path taken is the reflection of the path one intended to take. Only the memory of this movement reveals the differences between what the being wanted and what actually happened. For the moments themselves happen too slowly to reach in the future and too fast to remain in the present. And so the being does not know what will be and does not understand what is. It sees only what was.
Vse drsi v preteklost z neverjetno hitrostjo. Komaj kaj storish, da bi dosegel neki cilj, zhe je tvoje dejanje za tabo. Slutish, kaj bo, a ne vesh, kaj je, ker je medtem zhe bilo. In vse to se pochasi, a zagotovo utaplja v pozabi.
Zato je tudi resnichnost samo odsev tistega, kar bi lahko bila, che ne bi prej minila; bivanje pa je v vsej svoji nepopolnosti samo privid nechesa res velichastnega.
Konchni odgovor
10. 12. 2008 ob 08:50
Konchni odgovor je na koncu neskonchne poti.
Vse, kar ugotovim med potjo, je spremenljiva in minljiva pomisel. Odgovori, ki jih spotoma odkrijem, so le drobci resnice, v kateri bivam. Kar koli ustvarim, je samo korak naprej na poti v neznano. Ko tako odstiram tanchice malih skrivnosti, pa sem srechen, ker vem, da konca — ni.
Resnica
14. 12. 2008 ob 18:27
Resnica zasije le v luchi modrosti.
Resnice same po sebi ni, njena pojavnost se izlushchi shele iz chlovekovega dojemanja bivanja in njegovih zakonitosti. Zato chlovek venomer poustvarja resnico, tako da skusha vsakich znova obarvati njeno nevidnost in nedojemljivost z modrostjo, ki mu je od kdovekod kanila v duha.
Misel lahko zastavi vprashanje, obchutenje lahko zasluti odgovor, edino modrost pa ga zmore osvetliti, dojeti in izpovedati. Brez soja modrosti si chlovek sicer lahko odgovori na vprashanje, toda odgovor je neresnichen, iz njega nastala stvaritev pa vodi v utvaro.
Ljubezen
17. 12. 2008 ob 17:53
Ljubezen je bistvo svetlobe.
Svetlobo izpolnjujejo energija, vsebine, barve, podobe ... V njej zazharijo ideje, z njo so osmishljene misli in slutnje, vanjo se odenejo chustva, v njej plamtijo nagoni ... Vse, kar je lepo, se sveti v njej, in vse, kar je grdo, je osvetljeno z njeno lepoto. She nevidna se lesketa. Svetloba je bistvo zhivljenja.
Oblast
21. 12. 2008 ob 21:02
Oblast je udejanjena sposobnost odlochanja o povzrochanju ali preprechevanju dejstev in o nadzoru nad njimi, je uveljavljanje lastne volje in uravnavanje volje drugih bitij ... In oblast je prevladujocha sila, ki v dolochenem kontekstu s sabo prinese odgovornost za izvrshene namere ter njihove predvidene in nepredvidene posledice.
Everything glides into the past with incredible speed. As soon as you do something aimed at reaching a goal, your action is already behind you. You have an inkling as to what will be but you do not understand what is because, in the meantime, it already was. And all this slowly but surely fades into oblivion. This is why reality itself is nothing but a reflection of what it could have been if it would not pass before; existence, in all its imperfection, is but a vision of something truly magnificent.
Final Answer
10 December 2008, 8:50 AM
The final answer lay at the end of the endless path.
All I come to know on the path is a changing and fleeting thought. Answers I discover along the way are but minuscule parts of the reality I inhabit. Whatever I create is nothing but a step forward on the path into the unknown. When I unveil the small secrets I am happy, because I know — there is no end.
Truth
14 December 2008, 6:27 PM
Truth only shines in the light of wisdom.
Truth-in-itself does not exist, its manifestation only comes from man's perception of being and the laws that govern it. This is why man continuously recreates truth by trying over and over to colour its invisibility and incomprehensibility with wisdom that dropped into his spirit from who-knows-where. A thought may pose a question, a sensibility may have an inkling of the answer but wisdom alone can shed light on it, comprehend it, testify to it. Man may answer a question without the light of wisdom, but the answer is untrue and the creation that hails from it leads into illusion.
Love
17 December 2008, 5:53 PM Love is the essence of light.
Light is fulfilled by energy, content, colours, images... In it ideas glow alight, through it thoughts and premonitions are given meaning, in it emotions are clad, inside it instincts flame... All which is beautiful glows therein and all which is ugly is illuminated by its beauty. Even in invisibility it glistens. Light is the fundament of life.
Power
21 December 2008, 9:02 PM
Power is the materialised capability of deciding whether to cause or prevent occurrences and of the control over them. It is the enforcing of individual will and the regulation of the will of others.... And power is the predominant force that, in certain contexts, brings with it the responsibility for the executed intents and their foreseen and unforeseen consequences.
Je pa tudi nemoch, da bi oblastnik ravnal v nasprotju z zakoni nujnosti, ki jih vzpostavlja kozmichna oblast, najvishja od chloveku zaznavnih oblasti. Ona namrech dolocha najosnovnejshe vsebinske principe bivanja in nebivanja, gibanja, mirovanja in neprestanega spreminjanja vsega. Chlovek je v razmerju do nje nebogljeno bitje, ki sicer skusha posegati v njeno delovanje in se je polastiti v chim vechji meri, a mu to uspeva le v zanemarljivem obsegu. Celo najvishji kozmichni oblastnik, kolikor obstaja, jo lahko izvaja samo v okvirih, ki mu jih dolochi ona sama. Vsako nepopolno dejanje v zvezi z njenim izvrshevanjem se lahko izkazhe kot motnja v sicer popolni ureditvi vesoljnih pojavov. Zemeljska oblast se razteza le nad dogajanjem na nashem planetu in v njegovi blizhnji okolici. Njene bistvene naloge so v bistvu ves chas podrejene kozmichni nadoblasti, a so lahko vendarle bolj ali manj usodne za Zemljo in njene prebivalce. V njej se prepletajo razlichne vrste oblastnih volj, ki odlochajo o konkretnem dogajanju, vsaka na svojem podrochju. Njihove odlochitve so razpete med zhivljenje in smrt posameznih bitij ali skupin, v katere se ta bitja zdruzhujejo predvsem po volji kozmichnih nadoblasti oziroma po naravnih zakonih, ki so jih le-te vzpostavile na Zemlji.
Chloveshtvu, ki je le ena od mnogoterih vrst zhivih bitij na tem planetu, se zdi najvishja od vseh — politichna oblast. Ta je oblikovana v dinamichno strukturo medsebojnih razmerij med posameznimi ljudmi, ki so vanjo organizirani funkcionalno, glede na njihovo poreklo, realno moch, vrednostno oceno njihovega premozhenja ali pa marsikdaj celo njihovih sposobnosti modrega odlochanja o problematikah, s katerimi se soocha chloveshtvo oziroma njegovi posamezni deli. Politichno oblast uravnavajo projekcije kozmichnih in naravnih zakonitosti, precej povrshno prepisane v zakonike, predvsem pa sproti privzete in uporabljane neposredno iz tistega delchka primarnih virov, ki so politichnim oblastnikom sploh znani oziroma dosegljivi njihovemu umu. Odgovornost za svoje oblastnishko delovanje prevzemajo pred podaniki, ki jih lahko v najboljshem primeru nagradijo, v najslabshem pa pogubijo. Njihova vloga je — drugache od vloge kozmichnih oblasti — zgolj zachasna, sicer nekoliko podaljshana z zgodovinskimi zapisi, a nepreklicno minljiva.
Zemeljska bitja izvajamo oblast drugo nad drugim in nad stvarmi, ki si jih jemljemo v imetnishko posest, na razlichne nachine. Mnoge bivanjske vrste reshujejo zaplete, do katerih prihaja v teh razmerjih, z uporabo zakonov mochnejshega, na podlagi katerih neko bitje okrona spopad s svojo zmago in porazom nasprotnika. Iz tega dejstva pravzaprav izhaja najprimarnejsha oblastna odlochitev o nekem zapletu, ki sprozhi za nekoga ugodne, za drugega pa neugodne posledice. Ljudje pa smo v teku tisochletij iz nevidnih kozmichnih zakonikov prepisali v svoje knjige she nekatera nachela izvajanja pravosodne oblasti, ki stremijo k vzpostavljanju tako imenovanih pravichnih stanj.
It is also the incapacity of the sovereign to act in contradiction to the laws of necessity imposed by cosmic power, the highest of powers perceivable by man. Namely it is the one which determines the most basic principles of existence and non-existence, motion, stillness, and the constant mutation of everything. In comparison man is a frail creature that may try to intervene in its workings and appropriate it as much as he can but is only successful to a negligible extent. Even the highest cosmic sovereign, if he exists, may only carry it out in the frames it dictates. Each imperfect action in connection to the exacting of said power may prove to be a mere disturbance in an otherwise perfect order of universal events. Earthly power only reaches as far as the events taking place on our planet and its immediate surroundings. Its fundamental tasks are basically constantly subject to cosmic supremacy, but they can prove fatal for Earth and its inhabitants to a greater or smaller extent. In it various forms of domineering wills entwine that decide the actual events, each in their own field. Their decisions are stretched between life and death of individual beings or the groups they form mostly in keeping with the will of cosmic supremacies or, put in another way, according to laws of nature imposed on Earth by these supremacies.
Mankind, merely one of many life forms on this planet, deems political power to be the highest of all. It forms a dynamic structure of relationships between individual people who are organised functionally according to their origins, actual power, estimated value of their property or often even according to their capabilities of making wise decisions concerning matters facing mankind or its parts. Political power is regulated by projections of cosmic and natural laws quite negligently copied into law codes and, most of all by those accumulated by-the-way and used directly from that small part of primary sources that are actually known to political sovereigns and tangible by their minds. They take responsibility for their conduct before their subjects who may in the best case award them and ruin them in the worst. Their role is — unlike the role of cosmic power — merely temporary, slightly prolonged through historical records, but irrevocably transitory.
There are different ways in which we earthlings conduct power over each other and things we assume ownership over. Many species resolve complications which arise in these circumstances through the law of survival of the fittest based on which a being is instated through victory and the defeat of others. This fact is actually what gives rise to the most primary of decisions of power — that which triggers consequences that are to the benefit of some and detriment of others. Down the centuries mankind has also copied certain principles of exacting judicial power from the invisible cosmic law codes.
Pravichnost sama sicer v tovrstnih oblastnishkih odlochanjih ostaja le na ravni nachelne usmeritve in nedosegljivega cilja, a vendar se pravosodni oblastniki trudijo bolj ali manj uspeshno priblizhati se temu cilju in bolj ali manj dosledno uposhtevati sploshno sprejeto nachelno usmeritev. Ker je zavest o neizvedljivosti teh oblastnishkih nalog na popoln nachin obche sprejeta, pravosodnim oblastnikom obichajno ni potrebno odgovarjati za svoje neuspehe, medtem ko so njihova prizadevanja za chim bolj uchinkovito doseganje uspehov lahko sploshno nagrajena s sposhtovanjem in zaupanjem v pravosodno oblast. Che sta politichna in pravosodna oblast po svoji naravi izvajani funkcionalno, najvechkrat prek institucij, pa se vzpostavljajo najchistejsha medsebojna oblastvena razmerja med ljudmi prek njihovih neposrednih osebnih stikov oziroma skozi vsakodnevno komunikacijo. Ker na Svetu v tej sferi ne obstajajo zapisani obvezujochi kodeksi, ampak se oblast samodejno in usklajeno z naravnimi zakonitostmi porazdeljuje med posameznike, se neposredna oblastvena razmerja med ljudmi oblikujejo posledichno in povsem samostojno, pach glede na posamezne situacije, v katerih se srechujejo interesi, hotenja, chustva in/ali nagoni teh ljudi. Tako spontano nastala razmerja med posamezniki ustvarjajo prostor bolj ali manj popolne bivanjske skladnosti, katere posledice se izkazujejo v porazdelitvi zhivljenjskih vlog, ki jih nato posamezniki prevzemajo v posamichnih situacijah. Tu se odgovornost za spontane odlochitve odrazha zlasti v posledicah njihovih ravnanj, razpetih od odobravanja in zadovoljstva z oblikovanimi odlochitvami pa do mashchevalnosti in drugih raznovrstnih krutosti zaradi nesprejemljivosti teh odlochitev s strani prizadetih oseb. Najnizhj a, a za chloveka gotovo najpomembnejsha pa je oblast nad samim seboj. V igri vzpostavljanja te oblasti ima chlovek mozhnost dosechi skladnost s kozmichnimi, naravnimi in zemeljskimi zakonitostmi, po katerih se uravnavajo oblastveni principi. V procesu spoznavanja teh zakonitosti lahko chlovek sprejema take odlochitve za svoje ravnanje, ki mu odpirajo mozhnosti komuniciranja na vseh ravneh bivanja in nebivanja. Spoznanja, ki si jih lahko pridobi v tem procesu, ga hkrati priblizhujejo sferi najvishjega kozmichnega oblastnika in postavljajo na trdna tla najnizhjega zemeljskega podanika, ki zna sposhtovati utemeljene odlochitve in zavrniti povrshno skonstruirane nadomestke le-teh. Oblast nad samim seboj pa priblizha chloveku tudi spoznanje, da je kozmichna ureditev dovolj popolna zhe sama po sebi, brez njegovih poskusov poseganja v temeljne zakonitosti, ki vzdrzhujejo kozmichni red, z njim pa tudi skladnost chlovekovega duha z vsem, kar ga obdaja.
In mozhnost, da bo chlovek slej ko prej vzpostavil oblast nad samim seboj, zanika nujnost potrebe chloveshtva po tem, da bi v bolj ali manj daljni prihodnosti sploh she urejalo svoj mali, v Vesolju komaj zaznavni Svet s pomochjo zemeljskih oblasti. S tem pa tudi dodobra relativizira v tem chasu pretirano opevano pomembnost zemeljskih oblastnikov in z njo vred dolgorochno pomembnost pojma oblasti nasploh.
Kajti za zemeljska zhiva bitja so po kozmichnih in naravnih zakonih bistveno pomembnejshe druge vsebine.
These strive to establish the so called state of justice. In these decisions of power, justice itself usually remains at a level of a principal direction and an unattainable goal. Nevertheless, judicial rulers attempt to come as close as possible to it and to keep more or less consistently to the accepted principal direction. Consciousness of the impossibility of the realization of these tasks of power is completely generally accepted and so the men in power need not answer for their failures while their endeavours to have as many successes as possible may be generally rewarded with the respect and trust in judicial power.
If on one hand political and judicial powers are, by nature, exacted functionally, most frequently through institutions, then the purest relationships of power are formed among people through direct personal contact or everyday communication. Since there are no written binding codex in the World, but rather power is distributed among individuals automatically and in keeping with laws of nature, direct power relations are formed as a consequence and entirely autonomously, respective of individual situations where interests, desires, emotions and/or instincts of the people in question meet. These spontaneously developed relations between individuals create room for more or less perfect congruity of being — the consequences of which present themselves in the distribution of roles in life which are taken on by individuals in individual situations. In this the responsibility for spontaneous decisions is reflected above all in the consequences of their actions, spread between approval and contentment with the formed decisions and vengefulness — and other various cruelties — due to the unacceptable nature of these decisions for the persons affected.
The most basic — but also the most important is man's power over himself. In the game of establishing this power, man has a chance to achieve harmony with cosmic, natural, and earthly laws, according to which power principles are regulated. In the process of coming to understand these principles man can make such decisions for his actions as open possibilities for communication on all levels of existence and non-existence. Realisations which he accumulates through this process draw him higher, closer to the sphere of supreme cosmic ruler while at the same time putting him in his place as the lowest earthly subject, who knows how to respect founded decisions and reject its superficially constructed substitutes. Power over oneself also brings one closer to the comprehension that the cosmic order is perfect enough as is, without the attempts to intervene in the fundamental laws that keep cosmic order and with it the harmony of human spirit and all which surrounds it.
And the possibility that man may sooner or later establish power over himself negates the necessity of mankind's need to regulate its small world by means of earthly powers, in either the near or distant future; especially since it is hardly even noticeable in comparison to the vastness of the Universe. This also puts some perspective on the recently popular notion of the importance of earthly rulers and the long term significance of the concept of power in general. For all earthly creatures other substances are much more important in terms of cosmic laws and the laws of nature.
Nepremagljivo sonce
24. 12. 2008 ob 20:20
Starodavna pripoved govori o tem, kako mora sonchno bozhanstvo vsako noch premagati vladarico teme, da lahko naslednje jutro znova vzide in nas prebudi, kar je za nas zhivljenjskega pomena.
Vsako noch se spoprimeta na zhivljenje in smrt, dokler vladarica ne oblezhi pod neznosnimi dotiki zharkov, ki jo na dnu nochi razblinijo v shirno prostranstvo neba. In ko sonce spet zasije z vzhoda, lahko slishimo njeno neslishno dihanje, kajti vladarica zdaj pomirjena spi in sanja o tem, kako bo sonce nekoch za vselej utonilo v njenem objemu.
Vsak dan bolj zgodaj se dvigne iz tega sna, da potegne sonce k sebi, in vsakich je njun boj bolj neizprosen. Medtem ko se zharki izgubljajo v chrne globine, nashe zhivljenje miruje, v njem pa she komajda tli zhelja, da bi se nadaljevalo. Usodni spopad, ki ga nemo odsevajo zvezde, komajda she chutimo kot priblizhevanje odreshitve, ko bodo nashe nebo spet prebodla zharenja in ponovno osmislila nash	svet.
In sonchno bozhanstvo se vracha iz vladarichinih dvoran vedno pozneje. Njen objem je vse globlji, v njem se pochuti, kot da bi ga vase ovile preshirne rjuhe nochi, iz katerih se ne bo vech moglo izviti. Grozhnja smrti se mu zdi vse bolj podobna zaobljubi vechne ljubezni in smisel vrachanja nad obzorje sveta je zanj vse manj zavezujoch. A vendarle v zadnjem hipu vladarica vedno znova oblezhi, presunjena od svetlobe, sonchno bozhanstvo pa se spet — cheprav skoraj zhe sredi dneva — razpne nad nebo.
Dnevi so vse krajshi in nochi se vse shirshe raztezajo nad chas. Nash prostor je vse manjshi in upanje, da bi se sonce znova posvetilo nashi ljubezni, pochasi ugasha. Nekega temachnega dne pozabimo na molitev k sonchnemu bozhanstvu in zachnemo v srcih slaviti vladarico teme.
Tedaj pa se svetli bog znova zave svojega poslanstva. Nash strah pred vechnim koncem se stali v njegovi svetlobi in se zablesti v njej, ko z neustavljivim zharom prodira v srce temne vladarice. V vsakem kriku njene strashne nemochi se iz ochi sonchnega bozhanstva vanjo zabadajo zharki nashe vere v neskonchno moch ljubezni in volje do zhivljenja. In ona oblezhi pod vso to silo in se razblini v jutro mnogo prej kot prejshnji dan.
Dnevi so vse daljshi, v vse krajshih nocheh pa so izdihi smrti vse bolj podobni vdihom ljubezni. Z vzhodnega obzorja spet zapihajo sonchni vetrovi prerojenja in svet ponovno, dan za dnem zdrseva v prostore razzharjenih nochi, ki odsevajo vechno ljubezen do nashega nepremagljivega sonca.
Invincible Sun
24 December, 2008, 8:20 PM
An ancient tale relates that the Sun god must conquer the queen of darkness each night, so that it may rise the following morning and wake us — which is of vital importance to us.
Each night they battle to the death until the queen fall beneath the unendurable touches of sunbeams vanquishing her into the immense vastness of the sky. And when the Sun shines again from the east we can hear her inaudible breathing, for the queen now slumbers peacefully, dreaming of a day when the sun will drown forever in her embrace.
Each day she wakes from this dream a little earlier, pulling the Sun close and each time their battle is fiercer. While beams disappear in the black depths, our life stands still the wish to continue barely glimmering deep inside. The fatal engagement palely reflected by the stars is scarcely felt as the approaching of salvation — a time when our sky will again be pierced with rays and when our world will receive meaning once more.
And each day the Sun god returns from the queen's chambers a little later. Her embrace grows ever deeper, inside it he feels as though the sheets of night enveloped him in their embrace from which it will be unable to break free. The threat of death seems more and more alike to the promise of eternal love and the significance of returning to the world's horizon holds less and less obligation. But nevertheless at the last moment the queen is conquered, stricken by light. And the Sun god returns — even if only in the middle of the day — pitched above the sky. Days grow shorter and nights are cast over an ever wider time-span. Our space grows ever smaller and the hope that Sun will shine on our love again is slowly fading. On some dark day we forget to pray to the Sun god and begin praising the Queen of darkness in our hearts.
Then the bright god becomes aware of his mission once more. Our fear of eternal end melts in his light and glistens in it as it pierces the heart of the Queen of darkness with an unflinching glow. With each scream of her terrible powerlessness beams of our belief in the limitless power of love and of our will to live are cast at her through the gaze of the Sun god. And she is felled, now lying under all this might, and dissipates in the morning much sooner than she did the day before.
Days grow longer and longer, and in the ever shorter nights each exhale of death is more alike to the inhales of love. From the eastern horizon the Sun winds of rebirth blow once more, and the world glides again, day after day, in to the realms of luminous nights reflecting eternal love for our invincible Sun.
Translated from Slovenian by Jaka Jarc
I%tok Vrhovec
HINAVEC
Ko sem tisti vecher legel v posteljo, da bi zaspal, se mi je nenadoma zazdelo, da v sobi nisem sam. Narahlo sem se privzdignil in v kotu sobe zares opazil obrise nechesa, kar je spominjalo na chloveka. Prizhgal sem luch in zagledal prishleka, ki je bil podoben priletnemu moshkemu. »Pogosto me omenjash,« je dejal.
»Kdo, za boga, si pa ti?« sem vprashal precej nejevoljno.
»Hm ... « je dejal obotavljajoche, za hip pomolchal, potem pa precej teatralno nadaljeval: »Jaz sem Bog. In kraji, kamor me poshiljash, mi niso prav nich vshech.« »In zakaj, za boga, mi to razlagash?« sem izbruhnil. »In za povrh she sredi nochi?!« »Oh, ja ... « je zavzdihnil, »saj me je svarila, da tole ne bo prav nich preprosto.« »Me je svarila? O chem vendar govorish? Za masturbiranje s svojo bozhjastno glavo imash na voljo celo vesolje, ti pa pridesh ob enih zjutraj to pochet v mojo spalnico?!«
»Okej, okej,« je skushal biti pomirljiv. »Na Mundijevo sem mislil. Ona mi je rekla, da si z zhivci zhe precej na koncu in da bo zaradi tega vse skupaj precej tezhje, kot bi bilo sicer.«
»In zdaj bi mi moralo biti kaj bolj jasno?«
»Hm ... sem mislil, da jo vendar poznash — kaj nisi o njej ravno pred kratkim nekaj prebiral?«
Saj ni chudno, da se ob takemle bogu hudich mnozhi kot stekle podgane. Tip ochitno nima tri chiste.
»Za vas tu spodaj je zadolzhena gospa Mundijeva,« je spet poskusil. »Ga. Anima Mundi je njeno polno ime — zdaj ti bo morda vendarle kliknilo, o kom govorim. Jaz pa se v njen rajon, nacheloma, ne vmeshavam.«
»Ja — prevech zaposlen z vlogo velikega shefa, da bi se ukvarjal she s svojo telebanasto chredo, a?«
»Niste edini, jebat ga,« se je postavil v bran presenetljivo zemeljsko. »Prav zato sem to nalogo namenil njej. Jaz sem le nekakshen ... ravnatelj, ona pa ... nekakshna uchiteljica, vzgojiteljica — svetovalka, che hochesh.«
»In zakaj ta chudezhna svetnica — che hochesh — ni zmogla sama priti sem dol, a? Che sam nimash o nichemer — directement — nikakrshnega pojma?« Sledil je kratek premolk, ker je ochitno potreboval chas, da porezhe vozle svojih zameshtranih miselnih hudournikov. »Torej,« je potem konchno izdavil s pridihom nekakshne skoraj vznesene odlochnosti; vloge vsevedno distanciranega zdolgochasenezha se je ochitno prenazhrl, »prishel sem razchistit nekatere zadeve, o katerih si zhe predolgo razbijash glavo; menim, da je skrajni chas, da stopish na naslednjo stopnico.«
!%tok Vrhovec
THE HYPOCRITE
When I lay down to sleep that night, I suddenly felt I wasn't alone in the room. I
rose slightly, and in the corner of the room spotted the silhouette of something
that resembled a human being. I turned on the light and saw the intruder that
looked like an elderly man.
»You often mention me,« he said.
»Who in God's name are you?« I asked, rather irritated.
»Ehm...« he said hesitantly, was silent for a moment, and then continued rather theatrically: »I am God. And the places you mention along with my name I don't like at all.«
»And why in God's name are you telling me this?« I erupted. »And on top of it all in the middle of the night?«
»Well, yes...« he sighed, »she warned me this would not be easy at all.« »She warned me? What are you talking about? For onanism 1 with your epileptic head you have the entire Universe at your disposal, and you come to do it in my bedroom at one in the morning?!«
»Ok, Ok,« he tried to be reassuring. »I had Mundi in mind. She told me that you were at your wit's end and that it would all be more difficult than normally.« »And now I'm supposed to understand you better?«
»Ehm... I thought you knew her. Weren't you reading something about her recently?«
No wonder that, with a god like this, the devil multiplies like mad rats. This guy is obviously nuts.
»Mrs. Mundi is in charge of you down here,« he tried again. »Mrs. Anima Mundi is her full name; now it'll probably click for you who I'm talking about. As a matter of principle I don't usually interfere with her affairs.«
»Yes — too busy laying the big boss, aren't you, to deal with your blockhead herd, eh?«
»You're not the only ones, sod it,« he defended himself in surprisingly earthly manner. »This is why I chose her for the task. I am a kind of... head teacher, and she a kind of... teacher, educator — adviser, if you want.«
»And why couldn't this miraculous saint — if you want — come down here herself? If you — directement — haven't got a clue about anything?«
There was a short pause; he obviously needed some time to untie the knots of his intricate mental torrents. »Well,« he finally said with a hint of almost elated determination; he was obviously fed up with the role of the omniscient-distant bore. »I came to clear up some things you've been racking your brains about for too long; I think it's high time you took the next step.«
»Po mozhnosti spolzko in trhlo, kot je vechina teh tvojih kvaziveleumnih stvaritev, kaj?«
»Druge poti preprosto ni.«
»Pa pravljice o svobodni volji?!« sem spet vzrojil. »Le she ena od dobrohotnolazhnivih izmishljotin od zgoraj?«
»Ne glede na to, kako dolgo se obotavljash, tehtash, oklevash — skratka sprenevedash — bosh slej ko prej moral naprej,« je odgovarjal, ne da bi karkoli pojasnil. »In ti, mora, mi bosh razlagal, kaj se mora?! Pa kaj, za hudicha, mislish, da si v mojem lajfu, a?! In ne mi zdaj razlagat, kdo da si, saj sem si zapomnil, kaj si maloprej izbljunil. — Moral, moral ... in to naj bi bila ta tvoja prekleta svoboda?!« »No, ne ravno prekleta ...« je spet zamrmral s svojo ponebeshcheno cinichnostjo. »Pravzaprav v resnici nisi ravno popolnoma svoboden; si — pa nisi, tako nekako ...« »Si — pa nisi ... si — pa nisi,« sem s stisnjenimi zobmi krotovichil njegove bogokletne nedoslednosti. In vendar: saj che bi bilo kako drugache, che tale spachek ne bi bil tako neparadoksalno sprevrzhen, che bi se prilegal domishljavam, ki si jih o njem utvarja v chloveshko oslovino skrivajocha se ovchja svojat, potem seveda ne bi bilo tako, kot je. Chemu se torej sploh razburjam? Saj je natanko tak kot umoboli, ki mu jih pripisujejo: zmeden, pozabljiv, nedosleden, samovshechen, starikav fichkar. Vznemirjam se lahko kvechjemu zato, ker si v naivnem delu svoje domishljije predstavljam, da bi moral biti kaj vech.
»Paradoksi so pomembni, ker kazhejo na logichne kontradiktornosti v predpostavkah,« je zdaj z nekakshno vsiljivo zmagoslavnostjo izvrgel she eno svojih bozhjastnih skovank.
»A chesa boljshega od teh kvazi zen-budistichnih for se ne moresh spomniti? Velik in mochan — a hkrati majhen in nemochen; mogochen kot hrast, strashnim viharjem kljubujoch — a vendar kot krhki trs se upogibajoch: lepo te prosim! — daj, odracaj nazaj v svoj kvazisvet, mene pa pusti, da grem spat, jutri zjutraj moram vendar v sluzhbo! Kdo, za boga, te bo she vendar prenashal?« A se ni dal odracati.
»Skratka,« je ponovno poskusil z nekakshno napihnjeno svechanostjo, »poanta je v tem, da je — kot sem zhe omenil — za zhivljenje tu spodaj zadolzhena Mundijeva, ob tem, da priblizhno uposhteva moja, sploshna navodila — to so nekakshne smernice chloveshtvu.«
Che sem imel do sedaj o njem she kakshne nezavedne iluzije, so zdaj dokonchno izpuhtele. Morda danashnji vecher le ne bo popolna izguba chasa, kot sem sprva mislil. Kazhe, da mi bo vendarle dokonchno in za vselej postalo jasno, da je bog v resnici le nekakshen iztrosheni stari ocha, na katerega se lahko zanesesh priblizhno toliko, kot se na takshne modele pach lahko zanesesh — torej nikakor. Che hochesh karkoli opraviti, morash to storili sam, one pa ti bo pri tem, che zhe kaj, le v napoto.
»Ani M. je kot nekakshna — kako zhe pravite temu vi? — ja — kolektivno nezavedno, seveda z dodatkom njene lastne dushe,« je spet nadaljeval z natresanjem svojih drobencljavshchin.
»If possible, as slippery and as rickety as the majority of your brilliant creations, right?«
»There's simply no other way.«
»And what about the fairy-tales about the free will?!« I flew into a passion. »Another one of the well-meaning deceptions from above?«
»No matter for how long you hesitate, ponder, procrastinate — in short deceive yourself —, you'll have to go on sooner or later,« he answered without explaining anything.
»And you, nightmare! You'll tell me what I have to do?! What the hell do you think you are in my life, eh? — And don't you now go telling me who you are; I remembered what you blabbered about earlier. — Have to, have to... is this supposed to be your damn freedom?«
»Well, not exactly damned...« he mumbled again with his celestial cynicism. »In fact you're never really totally free; you are, and you aren't, that's how it is...« »You are, and you aren't... you are, and you aren't,« I was twisting around his blasphemous inconsistencies through clenched teeth. And yet: if it was any different, if this freak wasn't so non-paradoxically perverted, if he fitted the illusions held about him by the sheep passing for donkey-like humans, then things wouldn't be as they were. Why am I upset at all? He's exactly like the insanities ascribed to him: confused, forgetful, inconsistent, arrogant, elderly fart. I could only be upset for imagining, in the naive part of my imagination, that he's supposed to be something more.
»Paradoxes are important as they point to the logical inconsistencies in the hypotheses,« with a kind of intrusive triumph, he blurted out another one of his epileptic concoctions.
»Can't you think of anything better than these quasi Zen Buddhist ideas? Big and strong — yet small and helpless; strong as an oak, defying mighty storms — yet bending like a feeble reed; I beg you — hobble off back to your quasi world, and let me go to sleep, I have to go to work tomorrow morning! Who in God's name could put up with you?« »But he wasn't willing to hobble off.«
»In short,« he tried again with some pompous solemnity. »The point is that — as I
already mentioned — Mundi is in charge of life down here, but she's obliged to take
into account my general instructions — kind of guidelines for humanity.«
If I had still harboured some subconscious illusions about him, they definitely
faded now. Perhaps this night wasn't a total loss of time, as I first thought. It
seems it will finally and forever become clear to me that god is in fact a worn-out
old geezer, who you can count on approximately as much as on any similar old
bloke — that is, you can't count on him. If there's anything you want to do, you
have to do it yourself, and he will only get in the way, if anything at all.
»Ani M. is a kind of — what do you call it? — yes, collective subconscious, with a
touch of her own soul, of course,« he continued with his gibberish.
»Ki naj bi se priblizhno drzhala tvojih priblizhnih navodil o tem, kako priblizhno lomiti noge in vratove na tvojih nekako priblizhno trhlih stopnicah, ki nekako priblizhno vodijo priblizhno nekam, kam priblizhno tochno, pa nihche niti nekako priblizhno ne ve, kaj?« sem zdaj skoraj uzhival v navalu nenadnega in sproshchujochega sarkazma. »One je ustvaril nekaj priblizhno bebavega, ki obchasno pochne nekaj, chemur se priblizhno reche razmishljanje, chutenje in tako naprej — priblizhno nekaj torej, kar se skrbno nalaga v nekakshno shrambo tako imenovanega nezavednega; potem pa si najel tezgarico — frau Mundijevo — da to chorbo — po tvojih priblizhnih napotkih, priblizhno primerno zabeli s svojo kokoshjostjo.«
»Nekaj takega, ja,« se je hladno strinjal.
»In zdaj bivakirash tu, sredi mojega stanovanja, sredi moje nespeche nochi, goltash moj chas in prodajash osmrajeni zadah svojega zadushnega uma! E, postarinjeni poladolescent, dovolj je bilo! Marsh iz moje bajte! In to takoj, che bi rad odnesel to svojo skrivencheno faco vsaj nekako priblizhno celo!«
»Ampak, shtos je v tem,« je she kar vztrajal s svojo duhamorno mirnodushnostjo, »da temu ... sranju, kot mu pravish ti, ne moresh ubezhati, razumesh? Lahko se stokrat obesish, pa bo vse ostalo do milimetra isto.«
Zdaj je njegova odbijajocha pojava v mojih ocheh zadobila ogabno groteskne obrise. Nisem vech prenesel sevanja teh hinavsko srepechih zrkel, prisluha njegovih priskutnih, nichesar razjasnjujochih besedichenj; zagnal sem se v to grobljasto kreaturo in zachel udrihati po njej; zgrabil sem ga za lase in butnil ob zid, da je telebnil na pod; brcal sem in krichal, dokler nisem zadihan omagal; in ko so se mi povrnile mochi, sem vse skupaj ponovil. In potem she enkrat. Lezhecha gmota, ki se je she pravkar razglashala za vsevishnjo, je bila negibna. Brez misli sem zrl skozi okno v temno noch brez zvezd in brez lune. In potem — chez kakshno minuto, morda malce dlje — se je iznakazheno in okrvavljeno truplo premaknilo. Z rokama je poiskalo glavo in si jo namestilo na vrat, si naravnalo she preostale dele telesa na mesto, kamor po anatomskih pravilih priblizhno sodijo, potem pa sedlo na stol nasproti mene.
»Sem ti rekel, da nich ne pomaga,« je izdavil, kot da se ni zgodilo nich posebnega, in se ob tem, prvich tisti vecher, na shiroko zakrohotal. »Ah, ta tvoj sprejem ... ha, ha, ha ... ha, ha, ha, ha, ha ... Ponavadi me sprejmejo precej bolj sposhtljivo.« In se je rezhal in rezhal in hropel kot nekakshna trzajocha eksplozija bozhjastne noroglavosti.
»Ja — hinavsko klecheplazna sodrga je gotovo zmeraj nadvse usluzhno priliznjena in gonljivo ubogljiva.«
»No, ja, saj po svoje imash morda prav,« se je zachuda strinjal, »a da ne bova prevech zashla od najine teme.«
»A zdaj mi bosh pa spet razlagal, kaj naj razmishljam in o chem naj govorim, ali kaj?!« sem spet podivjal.
»Who is supposed to approximately follow your approximate instructions about how to break one's legs and neck on your approximately rotting stairs approximately leading approximately somewhere, but where approximately exactly, this nobody knows, not even approximately, right?« I almost enjoyed the outpour of sudden, relaxing sarcasm. »What's-his-name created something approximately idiotic that occasionally does something approximately called thinking, feeling and so on — approximately something that is carefully stored in the so-called subconscious; and then you hired that frau Mundi to — following your approximate instructions — approximately adequately season this stew with her chicken-like wisdom.« »Something like this, yes,« he coldly agreed.
»And now you're bivouacking here, in the middle of my apartment, in the middle of my sleepless night, wasting my time and selling me the stinking stench of your stale mind! Hey, you elderly adolescent, it's been enough! Get out of my house, and right away if you want to keep this crooked face of yours approximately in one piece!«
»But the point is,« he insisted with his tedious calm, »that you can't escape this... shit, as you call it, understand? You can hang yourself a hundred times, and everything will stay exactly the same.«
Now his repulsive appearance assumed grotesque features in my eyes. I could no longer stand the radiation of those hypocritical staring eyeballs, the sound of his odious incomprehensible gibberish; I flung myself at this grave-like creature and started punching; I grabbed at his hair, pushed him against the wall so that he flopped on the floor; I kicked and screamed until I was out of breath; and when I recovered my strength, I did it again. And then once more.
The lying mass, that moments ago declared itself the Almighty, was motionless. Thoughtless I stared through the window into the dark night without the stars and without the moon.
And then — perhaps a minute or so later — the disfigured and bloody corpse moved. It reached for the head with its hands and placed it on the neck, affixed other parts of the body where they anatomically approximately belonged, and sat on the chair facing me.
»I told you it didn't help,« he blurted out as if nothing special had happened, and, for the first time that night, laughed out loudly. »Ah, this reception of yours, hah hah hah..., hah hah hah... I'm usually received with much more respect.« And he laughed and laughed and panted like a jerking explosion of godly madness. »Yes — the hypocritical mob is almost always quite servile.«
»Well, yes, in a way you might be right,« he agreed to my surprise, »but we don't want to stray too far from our subject... «
»Are you going to tell me again what I'm supposed to think and what I'm supposed to talk about or what?« I flared up.
»A ti se bosh pa kar naprej takole ponavljal, ali kaj?!« je konchno povzdignil svoj
impotentni glas. »Saj vesh, kaj pravijo tisti, ki kaj vedo.«
»Da je ponavljanje vedno istih dejanj v upanju na drugachen izid ...«
»No?«
»Ja — norost.«
»No, vidish, saj vesh. A se pomena teh besed, kot kazhe, kljub vsemu premalo zavedash! Lahko porabiva she ves preostanek nochi in cel naslednji dan in she kakshnega povrh, che hochesh, pa bosh na koncu le she bolj utrujen in razdrazhljiv, kot si zhe, jaz pa she bolj v zaostanku z vsem, kar moram she postoriti.«
»Izbruhni torej she preostalo govno, ki si ga pritovoril v svojih razvlechenih chrevih.«
»Usodo si dolochate sami,« je izdavil z nekakshno neprikrito nestrpnostjo. »Lepo te prosim,« sem zavzdihnil, »a zdaj mi bosh pa s temi tuberkuloznimi prezhvechki polnil zhelodec?«
»Morda bi vendarle she za hip poslushal, in bosh o vsem skupaj sodil, ko koncham.«
»No, povej zhe,« sem dejal navelichano.
»Nekoch, ko sem bil she precej ... mlad, smo se igrali igro, ki je pri nas precej obichajna: Stvaritev sveta, ki sam od sebe obstajat' zna se imenuje. Se spreminjati, ohranjati, razmnozhevati in tako naprej, skratka, chim dlje — zhiveti.«
»Nekaj takega torej kot chredniki v belih haljah poskushajo z raznimi zhenijalnimi inzheniringi in podobnimi umozlomi, ne da bi pri tem opazili, da so njihove ure najstnishkega fantaziranja zhe zdavnaj mimo in bi bil zhe skrajni chas za kaj bolj primernega, kot je preganjanje brezumnih fantazmagorij.«
»No, ne chisto tako, cheprav je za okvire tegale najinega pogovora primera morda zadovoljiva.«
»Banditska fraternija zdolgochasenih otrochajev torej.« »Te zanima, kaj se je zgodilo, ali ne?« »Ko pa imam toliko izbire, kajne?«
»Torej — ustvarili smo marsikaj. Jaz, na primer, nekaj planetov, med njimi tudi tega, na katerem sva ravnokar, pa ljudi in podobno sharo. Kot vesh, je ena od osnovnih nalog vsakega dobrega sistema shranjevanje podatkov. Da se potem zna na podlagi njihove analize v novo nastalih situacijah inteligentno odlochiti in podobno.« »Recimo.«
»No, jaz sem se odlochil, da jih zapishem v nekakshen genski spomin — che hochesh, lahko to imenujemo tudi dusho, morda ti bo to blizhe. Zgodovina celotnega chloveshtva, vse, kar se je zgodilo do sedaj, je zapisana v njej.« »Pa si pomislil, da bi koga to sranje tudi nauchil brati?«
»No — ne pozabi, da gre tudi v vashem primeru za igro. Pri igrah pa, kot sam she predobro vesh, vechina izgubi.« »Kako, prosim?«
»And you? Are you going to keep repeating yourself like this or what?« he finally raised his impotent voice. »You know what those who know say?« »That repetition of the same actions in hope of a different outcome...« »Well?«
»Yes, madness.«
»So, you do know, you see? But, as it seems, you don't really realise the meaning of those words! We can spend the rest of the night and the whole of tomorrow and perhaps another day, if you want, and in the end you'll only be even more tired and irritable than you already are, and I'll be even more behindhand with everything I have to do.«
»So spit out the rest of the shit you carried along in your protracted guts.«
»You determine your fate yourselves,« he blurted out with badly concealed
impatience.
»Oh, please,« I sighed, »now you're going to fill my stomach with these consumptive cuds?«
»You might listen for a moment, don't you think? And you can judge everything
after I've finished.«
»Well, go on, say it,« I said wearily.
»Once upon a time, when I was quite... young, we played a game that is quite common where I come from. It's called Creation of the world that can exist on its own. That can change, sustain itself, procreate and so on, that is — live as long as possible.«
»Something like those herdsmen in white robes are trying to do with that genial engineering and similar nut-crackers, without noticing that the hours of their adolescent fantasizing are long past and it's high time they did something better than chasing senseless phantasmagoria.«
»No, not quite like that, although for within the limits of this conversation the
simile might be appropriate.«
»A bandit-like fraternity of fed up kids, that is.«
»Do you want to know what happened or not?«
»As if I had any choice!«
»Well — we created a lot of things. I, for instance, a couple of planets, among them the one we're on right now, and people and similar rubbish. As you know, one of the primary tasks of any good system is data storage. So that one can make intelligent decisions in new situations on the basis of their analysis, and things like that.« »For instance.«
»Well, I decided to encode the data in a kind of genetic memory — if you want, you can call it the soul, it might feel closer. The history of the entire humankind, everything that has happened up to now is imprinted into this memory.« »Have you ever thought you might teach someone how to decode this shit?« »Well, don't forget that in your case, too, everything is a game. And in games, as you very well know, most people lose.« »I beg your pardon?«
»Saj si slishal. — Igra se imenuje Kdo zna odkriti — deshifrirati, che hochesh — samega sebe.«
Spet me je pograbilo, da bi ga kresnil po njegovem vsevishnjem gobcu, a sem se nekako zadrzhal. Morda bom pa le she ujel kakshno uro spanja, che pustim, da se ta mora chimprej koncha.
»In zdaj se torej zdolgochaseno prekladate nekje nad oblaki in masirate vsak svojo Animo, ki naj bi se v dreku, ki ste ga spohali, znashla, kakor se ve in zna. Vi pa se ob vsem tem inteligentno hahljate in razpredate o tem, kako se, kljub ochitni zavozhenosti primera, vse skupaj vendarle zhe kar presenetljivo dolgo drzhi.« »Kot da ste vi kaj drugachni,« je odgovoril zamerljivo, ne da bi pri tem (seveda) spet karkoli pojasnil. »Izumljate tisoch in en nachin, kako unichiti vse, kar vsaj priblizhno spominja na zhivljenje. Kaj niso tudi to navadne pobalinske otrocharije?«
»Ochitno po navdihu svojih velikih bratov. — In to na bi torej bila ta vasha chudezhna, onetska zapushchina!«
»No, ja, smo, kar smo,« je, nekoch mali bandit, zdaj zhe zdavnaj pravi, odrasli kriminalec, neoporekajoche zavzdihnil. »Ampak tole tvoje nenehno razburjanje, shtekash, se ti preprosto ne izplacha. Uchinek je na dolgi lok priblizhno takshen kot prej, ko si se znesel nad mano. Lahko se do nezavesti trudish s prerazporejanjem atomov, ampak ti se bodo slej ko prej uredili na nachin, na katerega ti pach nimash ravno velikega vpliva. Edina koristna stvar, ki jo lahko naredish, je reshitev uganke, ki se skriva v tebi — da odkrijesh sam sebe, se deshifrirash, razumesh. Vsa jeza, bes in kar je she tega, te ne bodo pripeljali nikamor. Kot sem zhe rekel: na dolgi rok je, ne glede na to, ali si predsednik Stalingrada ali pa smetar v Rushah, tvoj vpliv na razporeditev atomov v vesolju zanemarljivo majhen, torej praktichno nichen. Lahko znorish, razstrelish ves planet, pa she kakshnega zraven, che hochesh — si se zhe kdaj zazrl tja gor in se vsaj priblizhno zamislil, kako velika je ta rech, a?! — pa bo to na dogajanje v njem imelo priblizhno tolikshen vpliv, kot ga ima kravje riganje na ostrino dzh-jev v Dzhevdzheliji. Kaj bi si na primer mislil o mravljincu, ki bi ti smrtno resno grozil, da bo razsul mravljishche, a? Ali pa se ti posmehoval, ker ne bi vedel, v katerem nadstropju spi njegova stara teta ali kdo je predvcherajshnjim nekaj minut po tretji uri zjutraj pohodil njegovega strica sredi gozda? A?«
»Jaz nisem ustvaril prekletih mravelj, ne prekletih smetishch, ne prekletega Stalingrada!«
»Zdaj pa zhe prenehaj tako slepo riti po teh svojih ozkotirnih trasishchih! Sam dobro vesh, da nobena primerjava ne zdrzhi, che zachnesh s kuhinjskim nozhem shariti po njenih mozhganih! Si morda pomislil na to, pri kakshnih vse svinjarijah sodelujesh sam? Zgolj s tem, da hodish v sluzhbo in plachujesh davke? Kakshne vse idiotologije s tem ohranjash, podpirash — pomagash razvijati?! A?« »Ampak kakorkoli obrachash stvari in se hochesh sprenevedati, jaz tega nisem zakuhal. Zaradi vashih abotnih igric sem se znashel tu, in ti — ki pravish, da si za to odgovoren — zdaj poskushash projicirati frustracije svojih otrochajskih vulgarnosti name.
»You heard me. — The game is called Who can discover — decipher, if you want — him- or herself.«
Once more I felt the temptation to strike his almighty face, but I resisted it somehow. I just might catch an hour or so of sleep if I let this nightmare end as soon as possible.
»And now you tediously lounge about somewhere above the clouds, each massaging his Anima who is supposed to fare as best she can in the shit you concocted. And you do nothing but intelligently grin and blabber on about how everything has managed to persist for quite long, despite the hopelessness of the case.«
»As if you were any different,« he answered peevishly, without explaining anything (of course). »You invent a thousand and one ways of how to destroy everything that even slightly resembles life. Isn't it just mere childish mischief?« »Obviously we're inspired by our big brothers. — And this is supposed to be this miraculous heritage of yours!«
»Well, yes, we are what we are,« this once little bandit, but now a true, grown-up criminal, sighed in agreement. »But this constant upsetting of yours, you understand, simply doesn't add up. In the long term the effect is approximately the same as was the effect of your attacking me just a while ago. You can kill yourself trying to rearrange atoms, but they will sooner or later arrange themselves in a way on which you have little influence. The only useful thing you can do is to solve the puzzle lurking within yourself — discover yourself, decipher yourself, understand? All your anger, rage and what-not won't get you anywhere. As I've already said: In the long term — regardless of whether you're the president of Stalingrad or a dustman in Rushe — your effect on the arrangement of atoms in the Universe is negligible, practically ziltch. You may go mad, blow up the whole planet and some others on top, if you want — have you ever looked up there and tried to imagine how big that thing is, eh?? — and yet this will have approximately the same effect as the belching of cows has on the sharpness of "dzh's" in Dzhevdzhelija. For instance, what would you think of an ant threatening with deadly seriousness to destroy the anthill, eh? Or of an ant making fun of you because you have no idea which floor its aunt is on or who stepped on its uncle in the middle of the forest the day before yesterday a few minutes after three in the morning? Eh??« »I didn't create the darn ants or the bloody garbage sites or damn Stalingrad!« »Would you stop burrowing so blindly through your narrow lines! You know very well that no comparison can persist if you start poking a knife into its brain. Have you ever thought what sorts of foul play you yourself take part in? Simply by having a job and paying taxes? What idiotologies you keep going and support, help develop? Eh?«
»But, no matter how you turn things round and try to play innocent, I didn't start these things. I found myself here because of your fatuous games, and you — who claim you're responsible for this — are now trying to project the frustrations of your childish vulgarities onto me.
Ker jih ne znash reshiti sam, zahtevash od drugih, da to storijo namesto tebe, in ti s tem pomagajo oprati prekleto vest! In mogoche to preurejanje atomov na dolgi rok res ne deluje ne vem kako trajno, ampak che ti spet malce predelam tole tvojo hinavsko faco ... si bom vsaj za hip ohladil zhivce. Mravlje tudi grizejo, tega se najbrzh she spomnish!«
»Okej, okej,« je pomirljivo iztegnil svoje skrivenchene shtrclje, »saj ne rechem, da po svoje nimash prav; a jaz sem vendarle prishel zato, da ti priblizhno namalam celotno sliko, ne pa da te zbombardiram z omejenostmi njenih neshtetih delov.« »Ta tvoja vechno prekleta priblizhnost! In da bo stvar she bolj zajebana, smo vsi bolj ali manj v istem dreku, ne glede na to, kako pametni, neumni, zatezheni, pokvarjeni, pokvecheni in ne vem, kaj she, smo. Vse skupaj se nalaga v tisto tvojo prekleto nezavedno kosharo, mi pa smo za vso svojo prekleto vechnost ujeti vanjo!«
»Se mi zdi, da si konchno le nekako dojel.«
»Tista svetovna klosharka potem ob tvojih priblizhnih napotkih stvar nekoliko premesha, doda kapljico usmrajenih dishavnic — in potem nas s tem licemerskim gnojem lepo nezavedno zalivata!«
»Ja, tako nekako,« se je prihuljeno muzal. »Ampak ne pozabi, da ta usodnost, kot jo morda tudi lahko imenujemo, ni nich drugega kot le celoten zapis vsega, kar se je do sedaj zgodilo. Kar vas — morda na zhalost — v dokaj usodni meri dolocha, da ste, kar ste. A vendar — kot sem zhe vechkrat povedal — ima prav vsak od vas mozhnost, da to presezhe.«
»In kaj je potem s tisto tvojo, tako jebeno, opevano chloveshko svobodo?« »Pravzaprav gre bolj za boj zanjo kot za karkoli drugega.«
»Prej za krvavo klanje, bi rekel jaz. Hormonsko neuravnovesheni um udejanji eno svojih pedobrezumij, potem pa iz varne razdalje opazuje, kaj se dogaja. Ampak tale beda tukaj si s temi tvojimi cinichnimi forami ne more prav nich pomagat!« »Vedno jih je bilo dovolj, ki so se nauchili brati edino pisavo, katere se je tu spodaj vredno nauchiti brati. Kako zelo se boste potrudili, dragi moj, pa je odvisno samo od vas, razumesh? Tako kot si se ti maloprej odlochil, da se znesesh nad mojim gobcem. In bi lahko udrihal po njem do konca svojega zhivljenja, che bi se ti tako zahotelo. In kaj bi s tem dosegel? Je to tisto, kar hochesh? Meni je popolnoma vseeno, shtekash, chlovechek? Meni chas ne pomeni popolnoma nich, ker ga imam, kolikor hochem. Che zhelim, ga obchutim na lastni kozhi, che hochem, oblike sploh nimam. Lahko chakam celo vechnost, pa se ne bom navelichal. Ali se bosh ukvarjal z razbijanjem moje ali katere druge njushke in koliko chasa bosh temu posvetil, je tvoja odlochitev. Jaz lahko atome preurejam, kakorkoli se mi zazdi in kadarkoli se mi zahoche, a se v te stvari nacheloma ne spushcham, ker me -zhal — zhe prekleto dolgochasijo. Che pa se nama z Mundijevo zazdi, da ste vendarle prevech skrenili, kapneva v kosharo nekaj kapljic najine vizije — in to je vse. Dobrota, zhalost, veselje, smeh, jeza, bes in kar je she tega, so zame le navadna morska pena! Vsa ta chustva in njihovi neshteti odtenki obstajajo le zato, da vse skupaj ni tako prekleto dolgochasno, razumesh?«
As you can't resolve them yourselves, you're demanding of others to do it for you and help you clear your damn conscience! And perhaps this rearranging of atoms is indeed not very permanent in the long run, but — if I once more change the make-up on your hypocritical face... I'll at least cool my nerves for an instant. Ants, too, bite, as you probably remember!«
»OK, OK,« he stretched his crooked limbs conciliatorily, »I don't say, in a way you're right; however, I came here to approximately paint the whole picture, and not to bombard you with the limitations of its infinite parts.«
»Your damn approximation! And to make things even worse, we're all more or less all in the same shit regardless of how smart, stupid, depressed, rotten, corrupt or I don't know what else we may be. Everything builds up in that darn subconscious basket of yours, and we're caught in it for your whole bloody eternity.« »I have a feeling you've finally got it.«
»And that world-class bag-lady follows your approximate instructions, mixes the whole thing up, adds a few drops of stinking herbs — and then the two of you subconsciously water us with this hypocritical manure!«
»Yes, in a manner of speaking,« he grinned sneakily. »But, don't forget that this fate, as we may call it, is nothing but the record of everything that has happened so far. This — perhaps unfortunately — really fatally defines you and makes you what you are. And yet — as I've repeated many times — every one of you has a possibility to transcend it.«
»And what happened to your darn and so celebrated human freedom?« »It's more a fight for freedom than anything else.«
»Bloody butchery, I'd say. The hormonally unstable mind manifests one of its insanities, and then observes what's going on from a safe distance. But this misery here can't make much use of your cynical ideas!«
»There have always been enough of those who learnt to read the only script worth reading down here. And it's up to you, my dear, what effort you'll invest to learn it, get it? Just as you a while ago decided to vent your rage on my face. And you could go on punching me till the end of your life, if you so decided. And what would you achieve? Is this what you want? It's all the same to me, get it, little man? Time means nothing to me, for I have as much of it as I want. If I so please I can feel it on my own skin, and if I choose so, I have no shape at all. I can wait for an eternity, and I won't get bored. Whether or not you'll spend your time smashing my face or anybody else's, and for how long you'll do it is your decision. I can rearrange the atoms any way and any time I please, but — as a matter of principle — I don't do these things, because they bloody bore me. And if Mundi and I feel that you've strayed too much, we let fall a few drops of our vision into the basket — and that's all. Goodness, sadness, joy, laughter, anger, rage and the rest — all this is just sea-foam for me. All these emotions and their numerous nuances exist only so that the whole thing is not so darn boring, you get it?«
»In potem? Kaj se zgodi, ko — che — chlovek razvozla to vasho prekleto zameshtranko?«
»Potem se za vedno reshi tega vrtca.« »Vrtca?«
»Ja, tole tu je vrtec chloveshkih dush. Za nas ste kot majhni otroci, ki bentijo in se jezijo in razburjajo in tozharijo, che jim kdo vzame igracho — povprechni zemljan prezhivi vse svoje zhivljenje v vrtcu.«
Zachelo se je svitati, utrujenost zaradi neprespane nochi me je navdala z nekakshnim omotichnim spokojem. Ledeni sij tega oholega vsemogochnezha pa je she vedno bolshchal vame enako vsiljivo kot zhe ves chas doslej. Ne glede na ves bes, ki prebiva v meni, sem le podgana v kletki. Misel, ki me je ponavadi le she bolj razbesnela, je imela tokrat name presenetljivo nasproten uchinek. Ja, lahko bi znova deformiral fiziognomijo tega brezchasnega diktatorja. A zakaj bi se z njim sploh she ukvarjal? Zakaj bi mu sploh she namenil tisochinko svojega chasa? Sama brezplodna potratnost. In kolikor sem se doumel, she kar nekaj chasa ne bom niti priblizhno brezchasen, da bi te svoje trenutke lahko razmetaval sem in tja tako oholo in brezbrizhno, kot je to pochel on. Ne, tega samozadostnega jedkavca bom chrtal iz seznama spremenljivk in ga uvrstil v smetnjak konstant, tega pa zakopal v gomilo pozabe. Moj edini smisel, moja edina naloga je najti pot iz tega obnorelega vrtca. Blishch vseh drugih idej in smislov ob tem zbledi. Ja, zdaj sem to videl tako prekleto jasno, da si bom najbrzh moral omisliti nova, obchutno debelejsha, sonchna ochala. Nenehno hlepenje po grmadenju in preurejanje atomov je tisti prekleti zakon norosti, ki ohranja pri zhivljenju to neskonchno preganjanje brezdushnih fantomov.
In po vrtcu? Prava shola? Pa kaj me briga! Vem le to, da se vse, kar se zachne, tudi koncha. Torej bo tudi vseh prekletih shol, vrtcev ali chesarkoli zhe, enkrat konec. In potem se bom s tem prevzetnim, samoljubnim izmechkom srechal ponovno. In takrat ne bom ponovil napake danashnje nochi. Ne, takrat se ne bom lotil preurejanja njegove sence; takrat se bom te prevzetne, brezchasne spake lotil z izsholano roko, in nobena brezchasna vechnost mu ne bo vech mogla priskochiti na pomoch.
»Zdaj je chas, da gresh,« sem dejal srepo. »In nekoch, ko bom zrasel, se bova ponovno srechala!«
»Da, zdaj je chas, da grem,« je zamrmral odsotno. »Danashnja uchna ura je pri kraju.« »She se bova srechala!«
»Da, she,« se je brezizrazno strinjal, potem pa je izginil.
Jaz pa sem ugasnil luch, legel v posteljo, in preden sem zaspal, me ni vech vznemirila niti ena sama, z njim povezana misel. Zdaj sem vedel, da bom razvozlal to govejshchashko skrivanko, potem pa — ja — potem mu bom tisti njegov hinavski gobec zares in za vselej razstavil v prafaktorje; in noben, she tako prekleto brezchasen dohtar ga niti v najbolj pijano navdahnjenih blodnjah ne bo vech znal spraviti vkup.
»And then? What happens when — if — a person solves this bloody puzzle of yours?«
»Then he or she is forever free of this kindergarten.« »Kindergarten?«
»Yes, this here is the kindergarten of human souls. You're like little children to us, complaining and raging and telling if somebody takes away their toy; an average earthling spends his or her entire life in kindergarten.«
It was dawning; the fatigue of the sleepless night filled me with some dizzy peace. But the icy shine of the arrogant almighty still stared at me with the same persistence. Regardless of the rage dwelling in me I'm just a rat in a cage. The thought that usually made me even angrier this time had a surprisingly opposite effect. Yes, I could once more deform the physiognomy of this timeless dictator. But why bother? Why would I dedicate to him a split second of my time? Useless waste of time. And, as far as I could gather, I won't be even approximately timeless for quite some time, so I can't waste my moments as arrogantly and carelessly as he does. No, I'll cut this self-complacent geezer from the list of variables and put him on the list of constants, and bury the list in the heap of oblivion. My only purpose, my only task is to find a way out of this insane kindergarten. The splendour of all other ideas and purposes fades. Yes, I suddenly saw this so damn clearly that I would probably have to get myself a pair of considerably thicker sunglasses. This constant desire to amass and rearrange the atoms is the damn law of insanity that keeps going this endless chase of soulless phantoms. And after kindergarten? Real school? I don't give a damn! I only know that everything that has a beginning has an end. And so these darn kindergartens, schools and what-not will eventually end. And then I'll meet this arrogant, self-loving scum again. And that time I won't repeat the mistakes of this night. No, that time I won't rearrange his shadow; I'll tackle this conceited timeless freak with a schooled hand, and no timeless eternity will come to his rescue. »Now it's time you went,« I said sharply. »And once, when I'm grown up, we'll meet again!«
»Yes, it's time I went,« he murmured absent-mindedly. »Today's lesson is over.« »We'll meet again!«
»Yes, again,« he agreed emptily, then disappeared.
And I switched off the light, lay into my bed, and before I went to sleep not a single thought related to him disturbed me. I knew I would eventually solve this puzzle, and then — yes — then I'll forever take to pieces his hypocritical face; and no darn timeless doctor will be able to put him together again, not even on the most drunkenly inspired trip.
1 Judah (according to the Old Testament) ordered his son Onan (the "grieving") to go to his brother's (widowed) wife Tamar. Onan did not want Tamar to conceive with him, so he "practiced contraception" and "spilled" his seed on the ground. This is why God slew him (Gen. 38:8-10). Onan (according to the traditional Jewish interpretation) therefore died because he was using the organ God intended for reproduction for unnatural purposes — for onanism.
Translated from Slovenian by Lili Potpara
Ivo Antich
HLADNO MASHCHEVANJE
Davorin Kumara, izredni asistent na oddelku za molekularno turbulenco na emonskem »Inshtitutu za frekvenchno kemofiziko«, je v svojem ne ravno osupljivo dolgem zhivljenju (v trenutku smrti mu je manjkalo pet dni do 213. rojstnega dneva) poblizhe spoznal dve — natanchneje recheno — skoraj dve zhenski. Prva se je imenovala Shpela-Rozamunda Cmok. Spoznala sta se na proslavi, ki jo je priredil eden od Davorinovih kolegov z inshtituta, ko je dosegel naslov dvojnega doktorja kemofizike. Shpela se na kemofiziko seveda ni prav nich spoznala, vsaj v znanstvenem smislu ne, saj je bila le ena od »tajnic za intimne zadeve«, kakrshnih je bilo na inshtitutu precej, tako da je bilo zadoshcheno razlichnim moshkim okusom. Znanstveniki, ki so delali na inshtitutu, so se glede na »intimne zadeve« dokaj jasno lochili v dve, priblizhno enako veliki skupini: eni (med temi je bilo najvech porochenih) so se posluzhevali uslug »posebnih tajnic« tudi med delovnim chasom, kar so z najvechjo intenzivnostjo pocheli med opazovanjem turbulenchnih reakcij na zebrastih zajcih s planeta Klangisarius, drugi (med temi je bilo najvech neporochenih) pa usluzhnih deklet skoraj opazili niso. V chasu, ko je spoznal Shpelo, je bil Davorin she novinec (na inshtitutu je delal shele sedemnajst let), vendar je kar precej razvidno spadal med neporochene in za »posebne tajnice« nezainteresirane usluzhbence. Vsak mladi novinec z diplomo FFKF (Fakulteta za frekvenchno kemofiziko) je namrech na inshtitutu najprej postal izredni asistent, che je seveda imel to komaj doumljivo srecho, da so ga sprejeli. S tega mesta je bilo najlazhe priti z brco v zadnjico (to je bilo uradno zmeraj pojasnjeno kot »doslednost v smislu 98674. chlena 875. poglavja 5432. zakonskega predosnutka o samopopravnem perfekcioniranju kadrovskih zadev«), napredovanje pa navadno ni bilo mozhno prvih dvajset let. Ker so bile kadrovske zadeve popolnoma v rokah predstojnikov posameznih oddelkov, je moral zlasti vsak novinec posebno natanchno preshtudirati svoje vedenje do shefa (zelo vazhno je bilo npr., da je imel zmeraj pri roki ogenj, chetudi ni bil kadilec). Novinci ali uradno »izredni asistenti« so bili namrech najbolj ranljivi in najbolj izpostavljeni razlichnim popadkom predstojnikov, razmerje med njimi pa je bilo na zunaj vidno zhe po tem, da so predstojniki novince tikali, v obratni smeri pa je bilo zapovedano onikanje. Ker je bilo Davorinu veliko do tega, da bi ostal na inshtitutu in da bi hkrati v okviru mozhnosti chim hitreje napredoval v rednega asistenta prve stopnje (od sto petnajstih), se je vestno drzhal vseh pravil in predpisov ter v glavnem zhivel le za svoje delo tako v sluzhbi kot v prostem chasu. Predvsem pa je skrbno pazil, da nikdar ni pokazal niti najmanjshega zanimanja za to, kdo je vrhovni shef inshtituta. Takshno zanimanje je bilo namrech skrajno nevarno za vsakega usluzhbenca inshtituta, she posebej pa seveda za novince. Vrhovnega shefa nihche ni poznal, niti predstojniki oddelkov ne, Davorin je le hierarhichno utrjene kolege slishal shushljati, da gre za nekega »profesionalnega izdelovalca zobotrebcev«, chesar si ni znal razlozhiti drugache, kot da gre verjetno za nekakshno delikatno metaforo, ki pomeni kdo ve kaj.
Ivo Antich
COLD REVENGE
In his not really breathtakingly long life (at the moment of death he was five days short of 213), Davorin Pickles, an associate professor at the department of molecular turbulence at the Emona "Institute for Frequency Chemo-Physics", came to thoroughly know two — or more precisely put — almost two women. The first one was called Shpela-Rosamunda Smack. They met at a party thrown by one of Davorin's friends from the institute, who had just received his second doctorate in chemo-physics. Shpela knew nothing about chemo-physics, for she was merely one of the "secretaries for intimate matters", one of many employed at the institute so that the various tastes of the men could be catered to. When it came to "intimate matters" scientist employed by the institute divided into two groups of approximately the same size: Some (the majority of whom were married) made use of the services of "special secretaries" also during working hours. They did so with incredible intensity while observing turbulence reactions on zebra-rabbits from the planet Klangisarius. To the others (the majority of whom were unmarried) the complaisant girls went almost unnoticed. When he met Shpela, Davorin was a novice (having been employed by the institute for a mere seventeen years), but his affiliation to the group of the unmarried and special girl-ignorant employees was clear. Every novice holding a FFCP (Faculty of Frequency Chemo-Physics) degree first became associate assistant if he was so incredibly lucky as to be accepted. The easiest way to move on from this position was by means of a kick in the behind (officially explained as "the consistency within the meaning of Article 98674 of Chapter 875 of the 5432 pre-draft of the Law on Self-Regulating Perfecting of Personnel Matters"). Advancement was usually not possible for the initial twenty years. Since all matters pertaining to personnel were dependent entirely on heads of individual departments, it was crucial that each novice thoroughly study their own conduct towards their boss. It was of te outmost important, for instance, to always keep a light close at hand, even for non smokers. Novices, officially referred to as "associate assistants" were the most vulnerable and most prone to be on the receiving end of various department heads' throes. The external manifestation of this relationship was mirrored in the habit of lax and informal addressing of assistants for whom strict regulatory formal behaviour was dictated. Because Davorin strongly wished to remain at the institute while advancing to the level of full assistant of the first grade (out of 115) as quickly as feasible, he sedulously kept to al rules and regulations and lived on the most part for his work both in the office and at home. Most of all, he vigilantly minded never to show the least bit of interest in who was the supreme head of the institute. Such an interest would prove most perilous for any institute employee, especially of course for novices. No one knew the supreme head, not even department heads. David had heard his hierarchically hardened colleagues whisper that the man is some sort of "professional toothpick manufacturer" which he took to be a sort of delicate metaphor, meaning who knows what.
Od proslave ob kolegovem doktoratu (mozh se je imenoval Pankracij Shpichnik) sta Davorinu ostali v spominu predvsem dve dozhivetji. Prvo je bilo povezano z novim doktorjem; ko se je proslava zhe spreminjala v vse bolj sproshcheno zabavo, je okajeni Shpichnik, chigar doktorsko disertacijo je neki novinec hvalil na zelo vsiljiv nachin, vzkipel:
»Drek pa taka znanost! Vsak nash znanstvenik si mora prej ali slej priznati, da se pri nas gremo le plonkanje tujih zastarelih odkritij! Veste, kaj vam povem? Moja disertacija v Zdruzhenih kraljevinah Zgornje Keramike ne bi zadostovala niti za maturitetno nalogo! Tako je to, fuj!« In je treshchil kozarec ob tla. Naslednjega jutra so ga nashli z velikim mesarskim nozhem skozi vrat pribitega na omaro v njegovi pisarni v inshtitutu. Usluzhbenci inshtituta so s strahom omenjali nekakshen »velikanski zobotrebec« in Davorin je shele chez chas dojel, da pri tem mislijo tisti nozh, ki je upihnil Shpichnika. Sicer pa v zvezi s to smrtjo ni bilo nikakrshne preiskave in zadeva je shla takoj v pozabo. Drugo, za Davorina she pomembnejshe dozhivetje pa je bila Shpela. Skozi tobachni dim, alkoholne hlape in vse bolj narashchajochi hrup je opazil njene velike rjave ochi, ki so kar naprej strmele vanj z neko nenavadno zgovornostjo in z vdano toplino, ki ga je spominjala na vlazhni pogled srne ali teleta. Potem je vse shlo po bliskovo: nedokonchan ples, dishecha poletna noch, dolgo, divje sopenje v visoki travi. Chez devet mesecev je bil Davorin Kumara Shpelin mozh in oche malega Marka.
II
»Tista cipica se je pa dobro znashla, ne?«
»Katero mislish?«
»Ma tisto Shpelo, Cmokovo...«
»Aja, saj res! Tisto preklo je ujela... tistega smotanega Davorina... Kako se zhe pishe? En chuden priimek ima... «
»Kumara... Hahaha! Res je prava kumara... s tistim nosom in ribjim frisom... hahaha...«
»Za punco je bil pa res zhe zadnji chas... Kot tajnica je odcvetela... Bila je tik pred tem, da jo premestijo med snazhilke...«
Davorin je ta dialog slishal med opravljanjem velike potrebe na stranishchu v inshtitutu. Tiho je sedel, zaklenjen v kabino, kolega pa sta onstran pregrade, ki ni segala do stropa, pri odprtih shkoljkah praznila mehurja. Davorinu se je zmrachilo pred ochmi in malo je manjkalo, da se ni onesvestil. S posebno muko se je zbral in pazil, da ne bi naredil niti najmanjshega shuma. She dolgo potem, ko sta kolega odshla iz stranishcha, je povsem otrpel sedel na shkoljki in topo buljil v vrata pred sabo. Prostashkih napisov in risb, ki so jih bila vrata polna in ki jih je drugache z zanimanjem prebiral, tokrat sploh ni zaznal. Edino, kar ga je na zunaj lochilo od kipa, je bilo to, da sta mu od chasa do chasa krchevito trznila spodnja cheljust in levo oko, kar se sicer ni zgodilo zhe vse od takrat, ko je kot otrok zagledal na podstreshni tram obeshenega ocheta.
The celebration of the colleague's second doctorate (The man's name was Pancras Pointer) left Davorin with the memories of two experiences. The first one was tied to the new doctor: when the celebration was turning into an increasingly relaxed party, the tipsy Dr Pointer, whose dissertation became a subject of some novices' very obtrusive praise, lost his temper: "I wipe my arse with such science! Each of our scientists must sooner or later admit to themselves that all we are doing here is copying obsolete discoveries of others! Let me tell you, my dissertation at the United Kingdoms of Upper Ceramica is not fit to be a secondary school diploma! That's how it is! Disgusting!" And he smashed his glass against the floor.
The following day they found him with a large cleaver through the throat nailed to a wardrobe in his office at the institute. The institute employees fearfully rumoured about a "gigantic toothpick" and it took Davorin some time before he realised they were referring to the knife that extinguished Pointer's life. Otherwise there was no investigation of the death and the matter was soon forgotten. The second experience which had an even bigger impact on Davorin was Shpela. Through cigarette smoke, alcohol fumes and increasing tumult he noticed her big brown eyes continuously glaring at him with unusual loquacity and devoted warmth reminiscent of a moist glare of a deer or calf. Afterwards events unfolded swiftly: an unfinished dance, a fragrant summer night, wild gasping in the high grass. Nine months later Davorin Pickles was Shpela's husband and little Mark's father.
II
"That harlot sure managed well for herself, didn't she?"
"Which one?"
"That Shpela, Smack... "
"Oh yes, she caught that beanpole... that numbskull, Davorin... What's his last name again? He has a weird last name... "
"Pickles.... Hahaha! He really is a proper pickle... With his nose and fish-face... Hahaha..."
"Well it was high time for her... She was past her prime as a secretary. They were just about to transfer her to the cleaning staff, don't you know..." Davorin overheard this exchange while relieving his bowels at the institute lavatory. He sat quietly, locked in the stall while his colleagues were emptying their bladders into the toilet bowls on the other side of the partition wall. Davorin saw red and came very near to fainting. He composed himself with great effort and took special care not to make the tiniest of sounds. Long after his colleagues had left the lavatory, he remained stiffly seated on the toilet, his empty stare fixed on the door in front of him. The vulgar writing filling the surface in his view which he normally read with great interest did not register with him this time. The only thing that distinguished him from a sculpture was a nervous tick of the left eye and sporadic contracting of the lower mandible. This had not occurred ever since he was a child and glimpsed his father hanging from a timber in the attic.
Poslej se je njegova edina misel, s katero se je zares intenzivno ukvarjal, imenovala: mashchevanje. Bil je kot urochen, v nekakshni chudni notranji vrochici, zaradi katere se mu je vchasih zazdelo, da se giblje skozi moraste sanje na dnu nekega neznanega, neskonchno velikega akvarija. Sploh ni opazil vech, da je Shpela vzorna zhena in mati, da mu tako rekoch lizhe roke kot vdana in zvesta zhival. Chim bolj pozorna je bila do njega, tem bolj zagrizeno jo je sovrazhil. Kar naprej mu je odmevalo po glavi: »Cipa! Kakshna fantastichno prevejana cipa! In ravno njega si je izbrala, njega, poshtenega bedaka! Seveda, koga pa drugega!« Shpela je opazila neko spremembo na mozhu, cheprav je bil Davorin sicer vedno dokaj okoren, redkobeseden in zamishljeno odsoten.
»Oh, ti moj ubozhec! Ali imash tezhave v sluzhbi?« ga je sprashevala sochutno, Davorinu pa se je zdelo, da govori z njim pokroviteljsko kot z malce prismojenim bolnim otrokom, ki bi bil brez nje izgubljen v velikem svetu, in to ga je v njegovem globoko skritem besu she bolj podzhigalo. Zadrzheval se je le zato, ker je imel v samozatajevanju dolgoletne izkushnje. Vendar ni gotovo, da se mu ne bi do konca zmeshalo, che ne bi videl filma »Hladno mashchevanje«. Redkokdaj je zavil v kino, tokrat pa ga je na poti iz sluzhbe pritegnil naslov, ki se mu je zdel prav njemu namenjeno, skrivnostno znamenje. Film je bil povprechna kriminalka in je na Davorina naredil vtis le z enim samim stavkom, ki ga je izgovoril glavni junak: »Mashchevanje mora biti hladno, che ne ti obtichi v zhelodcu.« Iz kina je odshel nenavadno pomirjen, skoraj razsvetljen. Seveda! Brezglavo mashchevanje je primitivizem, o kakrshnem je mogoche brati v chasopisni chrni kroniki: P. K je zaklal svojo zheno T. K., mater enajstih otrok, zaradi ljubosumja; po storjenem dejanju je skochil v Savo, a jo je preplaval in se na drugem bregu vrgel pod vlak... Rustikalni delirij! Intelektualec, diplomirani kemofizik, si vendar mora izmisliti kaj bolj briljantnega. Mashcheval se bo drastichno, a briljantno v tem smislu, da bo Shpeli dokazal, da je she zmeraj v bistvu chisto navadna porivachka, lajdra, ne pa vzorna zhena in mati, kakrshno po vsej sili hoche igrati, da bi prevarala mozha, okolico in sebe.
Ne da bi zheni kaj povedal, je prodal veliko zemljishche, ki ga je podedoval blizu ochetove rojstne vasi. Tisti kraji so postali privlachni za mestne vikendashe in cena zemljishch je skochila. Tako je lahko pomagal predstojniku svojega oddelka (mozh je bil tudi predsednik inshtitutne komisije za boj proti korupciji), ki je ravno v tistem chasu zhelel kupiti shportni astroplan, vendar mu je primanjkovalo denarja. Predstojnik se je Davorinu oddolzhil s tem, da je ugodil njegovi proshnji za enoletno shtipendijo v Zdruzhenih kraljestvih Zgornje Keramike. Davorin je bil zelo zadovoljen.
»Dvajsetega odpotujem za leto dni na kemofizikalni inshtitut v Krav-vardu v Zgornji Keramiki,« je kratko vrgel zheni tistega vechera, ko se je vrnil z uspeshnega sestanka s predstojnikom. Nato se je zachel razpravljati, da bi legel, pri tem pa je s pogledom oshinil zheno, ki je sedela v svoji postelji in v narochju drzhala neko knjigo. Nobene posebne spremembe ni opazil na njenem obrazu, le tiste velike rjave ochi so zrle vanj, kot da je prozoren.
From then on in he could think one thought only, and he thought it intensively, revenge. It was as if he were spellbound, in a sort of feverish nightmare at the bottom of an unknown endless aquarium. He forgot that Shpela was an exemplary wife and mother who, so to speak, licked at his palms like a devoted and loyal animal. The more attentive she was, the more his hate of her waxed. It kept ringing in his head: "Whore! What an incredibly shrewd whore! And she set her sights on him of all people, on him the honest idiot! Of course, who else!" Shpela noticed the change in her husband, even though Davorin was always slightly awkward, sparing of words, his thoughts elsewhere.
"Oh you poor dear! Tough day at work?" She enquired compassionately. To Davorin it sounded patronising, as though she were speaking to a rather underdeveloped ill child, who would lose is his way in the great big world, were it not for her guidance. This further incited his wrath. He only managed to keep a calm exterior because he had years of experience in keeping things bottled up. However it is not certain that he would not go raving mad were it not for a film he saw, entitled "Cold Revenge". He rarely found his way to the cinema but this time the title reeled him in on his way home from work. He took it to be a mysterious sign intended especially for him. It was a crime story of below average quality. The only thing that made an impression on Davorin was a single sentence uttered by the main protagonist: "Revenge is best served cold, otherwise it sticks in your stomach."
He was strangely calm, almost enlightened, when he left the cinema. Of course, thoughtless revenge is a primitive reaction one reads about in crime section of the news: "P.K. slaughtered his wife T.K., a mother of eleven, in a jealous rage; after committing this act he jumped into the river, swam it and threw himself in front of a train..." Rural delirium! An intellectual, a chemo-physicist with a degree ought to come up with something a bit more brilliant. His revenge will be drastic but brilliant in the sense that he will prove to Shpela that she remains an ordinary fucker, a tramp not an exemplary wife and mother she strives endlessly to portray in order to deceive her husband, her surroundings and herself. With no word to his wife he sold a large piece of land he had inherited near his father's native village. The place had become attractive to city folk who built their summer residences there, and so the price went up. Thus he was able to aid the head of his department (who was also the chairman of the institute commission for the fight against corruption) in purchasing a sports astroplane, for which he was short of funds. The head of department repaid Davorin by approving his request for a year's stipend in the Untited Kingdoms of Upper Ceramica. Davorin was extremely pleased. "On the twentieth I am leaving for a year to work at the chemo-physics department at Cow-ward in upper Ceramica," he informed his wife in passing on the night of his very successful meeting with the head of his department. Then he began to prepare for bed and caught a glimpse of his wife sitting up in her bed — some sort of book in her lap. He noticed no specific change in her face, only those big brown eyes glaring through him as though he were not there.
»Robot Jaka z nashega inshtituta ti bo pokosil travo v vrtu, popravil ograjo terase, prepleskal shrambo in ochistil bojler s spodnji kopalnici. Sem mu zhe vstavil program, le poklicati ga morash po telefonu, najbolje tedaj, ko bo Marko pri tvoji materi,« je she rekel in se chez glavo zavil z odejo.
»Le chakaj, programiral sem ga she za nekaj drugega,« si je mislil. »Za tisto, kar ti najbolj manjka, ampak midva sva opravila...«
V sobi je zavladala tishina. Shele chez chas se je oglasila zhena s chudno zamolklim glasom:
»Ljubi, ali verjamesh v selitve dush iz enega chloveka v drugega?« Vsako drugo vprashanje bi ga manj presenetilo in bi ga preslishal. Odmaknil je odejo z glave in se privzdignil na komolec. Zazrl se je v zheno, ki je proti njemu stegnila roko, v kateri je drzhala knjigo. Prebral je naslov: »Dokumentirana porochila o selitvah dush«.
Davorin ni segel po knjigi. Nekaj trenutkov je kazalo, da ne ve, kaj bi, nato pa je zanichljivo prhnil in se brez besede sunkovito zavil nazaj v odejo.
III
»Preberi no tale chlanek, Davy! Gotovo te bo zanimalo,« je rekla Stella in mu ponudila chasopis »Hew York Semit«.
»Za kaj pa gre?« je vprashal dokaj malomarno in si nataknil ochala. Nato je zachel brati chlanek, ki ga je Stella oznachila z rdechim svinchnikom: »V Emoni, glavnem mestu vojvodine Solovenije, je prejshnji teden prishlo do nenavadnega dogodka v hishi kemofizika Davorina Kumare. Homoidnega robota z imenom Jaka in kemofizikovo zheno Shpelo so nashli mrtva v tesnem ljubezenskem objemu. Robot je umrl zaradi prevelikega razburjenja, zhenska pa se je zadushila v njegovem silovitem objemu. Prvi so ju nashli sosedje, katerih pozornost je pritegnil strasten vrishch in hrup iz odprte spalnice poleg terase...« Dvignil je pogled in se zastrmel v zhensko.
»Zakaj pa naj bi me tole zanimalo?« je vprashal z nekoliko negotovim glasom. »Ti si Davorin Kumara, Davy,« je mirno rekla zhenska in se mu smehljala z velikimi rjavimi ochmi. »Ko si prishel v Zdruzhena kraljestva Zgornje Keramike, se nisi javil v inshtitutu, za katerega si dobil shtipendijo, temvech si od mafijcev kupil dokumente na ime sicilskega drzhavljana Davida Curame, nakar si se spletel z mano, da bi se porochila, ker pach le kot mozh rojene Keramicharke lahko dobish keramichno drzhavljanstvo...«
»Ti... ti... kako pa vse to vesh? Ti... tudi nisi...« je izdavil Davorin.
»Seveda, tudi jaz nisem Stella Hollboonk. Moje pravo ime je Stella-Rossamoonda
Mock. Te to ime mogoche na koga spominja?«
Njen glas se je Davorinu nenadoma zazdel grozljivo znan. Zachutil je, da se mu dvigajo lasje na glavi. Zavreshchal je, kot da je v njem zagorel silovit pozhar. Zakrilil je z rokami po zraku in v enem samem nenaravnem skoku planil od naslonjacha do okna. Nato so za njim le she zaplahutale zavese. Stellino stanovanje je bilo v 213. nadstropju.
"Jake the Robot from the institute will mow your lawn, fix the grate on the terrace, paint the pantry and clean the boiler in the downstairs bathroom. I have already programmed it, all you need do is call it on the phone. Best to do it when Mark is at your mother's," he added and pulled the covers over his head. "Just you wait, I programmed it to do something else as well," he thought to himself. "To do that which you need the most, but we are through..." The room was enveloped in silence. Only after a while the wife spoke with a strange hollow voice:
"Sweetheart, do you believe that souls migrate from one body to another?" He would ignore any other question, but this one was just too strange. He pulled the covers from his face and propped himself up on the elbows. He looked at his wife who was holding out her hand handing him a book. He read the title "Documented Reports on Soul Transmigration".
Davorin never reached for the book. For a few moments it looked as though he didn't know what to do, then he snorted contemptuously and, without a word, hastily wrapped himself back in the covers.
III
"Davy, read this article! I'm sure you'll be interested," said Stella and handed him the "Hew York Semite".
"What's it about?" he asked nonchalantly and put on his glasses. The he started reading the article Stella had marked in red:
"In Emona, the capital of the Duchy Solovenia, a strange occurrence took place at the house of the noted chemo-physicist Davorin Pickles. A homoid robot named Jake and the chemo-physicist's wife Shpela were found dead in a love embrace, The robot died from over-excitement while the woman was smothered to death in his impetuous embrace. The neighbours were the first to come upon the couple as they were drawn in by passionate screams and noises from the open bedroom next to the terrace... "
He looked up at his wife from behind the newspaper.
"Why would I be interested in this?" he asked with a slight air of uncertainty. "You are Davorin Pickles, Davy," his wife replied calmly and smiled with her big brown eyes. "When you came to the United Kingdoms of Upper Ceramica, you never reported at the institute where you were supposed to work, but instead bought documents from the mafia, in the name of a Sicilian citizen, David Curama, then you got me to marry you, since only a husband of a born Ceramican can receive Ceramican citizenship..."
"You... You... How do you know all this? You are.. also..." stuttered Davorin. "Of course, I am also not really Stella Holboonk. My real name is Shpela-Rosamunda Smack. Remind you of anyone?"
Suddenly her voice sounded terribly familiar. He felt the hair on the back of his head stand up. He screamed as though a brutal fire flamed up inside him. He waved his hands in the air and took a single unnatural leap from the armchair to the window. After this, only the curtains remained fluttering. Stella's apartment was on the 213th floor.
Translated from Slovenian by Jaka Jarc
Damir Globochnik
NAJSTAREJSHA JAVNA ZBIRKA FOTOGRAFIJ V
SLOVENIJI
Kabinet za slovensko fotografijo v Gorenjskem muzeju v Kranju
Kabinet slovenske fotografije je bil ustanovljen 28. novembra 1970. Pobudo, ki jo je v chlanku Moch fotografije: razmishljanje ob shestdesetletnici ustanovitve prvega slovenskega kluba fotografov-amaterjev (Gorenjski glas, priloga Snovanja, sht. 5, 25.11.1970) izrazil Marko Aljanchich, naj bi v rojstnemu mestu Janeza Puharja osnovali stalno zbirko izbranih del slovenske fotografije, je obravnaval kranjski fotoklub (FKK Janez Puhar) na slavnostni seji ob 60. obletnici prvega slovenskega amaterskega fotografskega drushtva v Kranju. Sklep o ustanovitvi Kabineta slovenske fotografije so istega dne pozdravili slovenski fotografi na posvetovanju ob XIII. republishki razstavi fotografije v avli Skupshchine obchine Kranj. Kranj se je tedaj lahko pohvalil z nekaj zgledno organiziranimi skupinskimi fotografskimi razstavami.
Marca 1971 je Kabinet priredil v pritlichju Preshernove hishe v Kranju prvo razstavo — retrospektivo Janeza Marenchicha (1914—2007), dobitnika gorenjske Preshernove nagrade v letu 1970. Marenchich je 50 razstavljenih fotografij podaril Kabinetu, kar je bil zachetek oblikovanja javne fotografske zbirke v Kranju.
Prve seje Kabineta 27. maja 1971 so se udelezhili: umetnostni zgodovinar in direktor Gorenjskega muzeja dr. Cene Avgushtin ter fotografi Marko Aljanchich, Stojan Kerbler, Tone Marchan, Janez Marenchich, Marjan Smerke in Alojzij Zhibert. V razpravi je bilo opredeljeno delovanje Kabineta. Stojan Kerbler je menil, da bi moral Kabinet zbirati tudi dokumentacijo o fotografiji, stare fotoaparate in druge predmete, literaturo o slovenski fotografiji ter kataloge in chasopisne izrezke. Janez Marenchich je zhelel, da Kabinet poskrbi za dela umrlih in starejshih avtorjev, zbirka Kabineta naj se dopolnjuje s fotografijami, ki bodo izbrane na razstavah, pozneje pa naj se zachne sistematichno zbiranje (po zapisniku prve seje Kabineta).
Kabinet je nastal z zheljo, da bi bila na enem mestu zbrana najboljsha dela slovenske fotografije. Med njegove temeljne naloge sodijo: pospeshevanje zanimanja za slovensko fotografijo, raziskovanje njene zgodovine, spremljanje fotografske dejavnosti, javna prezentacija fotografskih dosezhkov v obliki razstav, evidentiranje in zbiranje fotografij ter arhivskega in dokumentarnega gradiva s podrochja fotografije.
Damir Globochnik
THE OLDEST PUBLIC PHOTOGRAPHY COLLECTION
IN SLOVENIA
The Cabinet for Slovenian Photography at the Museum of Gorenjska in Kranj
The Cabinet for Slovenian Photography was established on November 28, 1970. The Kranj Photography Club (FKK Janez Puhar) discussed the initiative at the festival meeting during the 60th anniversary of the first Slovenian amateur photography association in Kranj, which Marko Aljanchich expressed in his article The Power of Photography: Reflection on the Sixtieth Anniversary of the Establishment of the First Slovenian Club of Amateur Photographers (Gorenjski glas, supplement Snovanja, No. 5, 25. Nov, 1970), namely, that a permanent collection of selected work of Slovenian photography should be established in the birth-place of Janez Puhar. The decision regarding the establishment of the Cabinet of Slovenian Photography was greeted the same day by Slovenian photographers at deliberation, organised at the 13th republic photography exhibition in the hall of the Kranj Municipality Assembly. By then, Kranj had already organised several exemplary group photography exhibitions.
In March 1971, the Cabinet organised the first exhibition — Janez Marenchich's Retrospective (1914-2007) on the ground floor of Presheren's House in Kranj. Janez Marenchich was awarded with the Presheren prize in 1970; he dedicated 50 exhibited photographs to the Cabinet, which was the start of the formation of public photographic exhibition in Kranj.
The first session of the Cabinet, held on May 27, 1971, included: Cene Avgushtin, PhD, art historian and Director of the Museum of Gorenjska, along with photographers Marko Aljanchich, Stojan Kerbler, Tone Marchan, Janez Marenchich, Marjan Smerke and Alojzij Zhibert. The meeting determined the Cabinet's operations. Stojan Kerbler suggested that the Cabinet should start an archive by collecting all documentation on photography, old photo cameras and other objects, literature on Slovenian photography and catalogues and newspaper clippings. Janez Marenchich requested that the Cabinet take care of the works of the deceased and senior authors, the Cabinet's collection should be supplemented with photographs selected at exhibitions and later on, systematic collecting should take place (extracted from the minutes of the Cabinet's first session).
The Cabinet was established with the wish that all the best work in Slovenian photography would be concentrated in one place. The Cabinet's main tasks include: promoting interest in Slovenian photography, exploring its history, following photographic activities, preparing public presentations of photographic achievements for exhibitions and documenting and collecting photos, archive and documentary materials in the field of photography.
Dr. Cene Avgushtin je delovanje Kabineta smiselno povezal z delovanjem muzeja. Kabinet je bil vkljuchen v galerijsko in muzejsko dejavnost, fotografska zbirka je postala nepogreshljiv del umetnostnozgodovinskega oddelka. Kabinet deluje pod okriljem muzeja (dalj chasa je imel neuradni status »permanentne akcije« muzeja), ki nudi strokovno in organizacijsko pomoch pod vodstvom dveh muzejskih svetovalcev in vodij galerijske dejavnosti — dr. Ceneta Avgushtina (od 1970 dalje) in dr. Damirja Globochnika (od 1991 dalje), ter razstavne termine in prostor v depojih in fototeki za fotografsko zbirko (vechina fotografske in dokumentarne zbirke Kabineta je bila shranjena v pisarni kustodiata za umetnostno zgodovino).
V akcijski skupini za izvajanje programa Kabineta so bili: Marko Aljanchich, dr. Cene Avgushtin, likovni kritik Aleksander Bassin, preuchevalec zgodovine slovenske fotografije mag. Mirko Kambich, Stojan Kerbler in Marjan Smerke, obchasno pa so bili k sodelovanju povabljeni she drugi. Biolog, strokovni pisec, urednik, mentor in prevajalec, fotograf in fotografski publicist Marko Aljanchich (1933—2007) je bil pobudnik in dolgoletni nepogreshljivi sodelavec Kabineta. Fotografsko gradivo starejshih obdobij je preuchil mag. Mirko Kambich, mlajsha obdobja pa neutrudni zbiralec fotografske dokumentacije Stojan Kerbler, ki je poskrbel tudi za vechino preslikav za pripravo nekaterih preglednih razstav.
Na samostojnih preglednih in retrospektivnih razstavah pod okriljem Kabineta so bili predstavljeni: Janez Marenchich (1971, 1983, 2000, 2004), Peter Kocjanchich (1971, 1972), Stojan Kerbler (1972, 2008), Marjan Pfeifer (1972), Tihomir Pinter (1973, 1978), Ivan Dvorshak (1974), Tone Marchan (1975), Tone Stojko (1976), Jozhe Mally (1977), Janko Skerlep (1977, 1993), Marjan Smerke (1977), Miroslav Zdovc (1980), Jozhe Kolosha-Kolosh (1980), Vlastja Simonchich (1992), Janez Koroshin (1995, 1998) in Jaka Chop (1998). Vsak povabljeni avtor je postal chastni chlan Kabineta.
Kabinet je priredil tudi razstave fotografskih skupin: Mariborski krog (1971), ljubljanska Foto grupa ShOLT (1972), Fotografska sekcija Drushtva oblikovalcev Slovenije (1976), Mlada generacija fotografov na Slovenskem (1989) idr. Na spominskih in posmrtnih razstavah so bile predstavljeni Janez Puhar (1974), Janko Branc in Slavko Smolej (1975), Fran Krashovec (1978) in Tone Marchan (1991). Bienalna razstava pejsazhne fotografije Pokrajina (od 1974 dalje), razstave Avtoportret v fotografiji (1977), Chas, v katerem zjivimo (1986), Portreti in obrazi v sodobni slovenski fotografiji (1987) ter 1 + 16 (1995) so bile namenjene shirshi popularizaciji delovanja Kabineta med fotografi. Leta 2004 je bila prirejena razstava ob 70-letnici Marka Aljanchicha, Marjana Kukca in Jurija Kurilla, leta 2007 razstava Shtudenti in shtudentke fotografije na prashki FAMU in letos razstava Pet generacij Fotografskega drushtva Janez Puhar iz Kranja.
Cene Avgushtin, PhD, reasonably connected the Cabinet's activities with the Museum of Gorenjska's operations. The Cabinet was included in gallery and museum activities and the photographic collection became an indispensable part of the art-history department. The Cabinet works within the scope of the museum (for some time the Cabinet was unofficially labelled as the museum's "permanent campaign"), which offers professional and organisational assistance to museum consultants and gallery managers Cene Avgushtin, PhD (since 1970) and Damir Globochnik, PhD (since 1991), as well as offering exhibition possibilities including space in depos as well as the space for a systematic photographic collection (the major part of the photographic and documentary collection of the Cabinet was kept at the office of custodian for art history).
The action group, which implemented the Cabinet's programme, included: Marko Aljanchich, Cene Avgushtin, PhD, art critic Aleksander Bassin, Mirko Kambich, MSc, and Slovenian photographic history researchers, Stojan Kerbler and Marjan Smerke; several others were also occasionally invited to cooperate. Biologist, professional writer, editor, mentor, translator, photographer and photographic publicist Marko Aljanchich (1933-2007) was the initiator of the Cabinet and was, for a long time, considered an indispensable member. Mirko Kambich, MSc, studied photographic material from early periods and Stojan Kerbler, a tireless collector of photography documentation, studied more recent periods as well as providing the majority of copies for the preparation of reviewing exhibitions.
The Cabinet organised various independent reviewing and retrospective exhibitions, where the following photographers were presented: Janez Marenchich (1971, 1983, 2000, 2004), Peter Kocjanchich (1971, 1972), Stojan Kerbler (1972, 2008), Marjan Pfeifer (1972), Tihomir Pinter (1973, 1978), Ivan Dvorshak (1974), Tone Marchan (1975), Tone Stojko (1976), Jozhe Mally (1977), Janko Skerlep (1977, 1993), Marjan Smerke (1977), Miroslav Zdovc (1980), Jozhe Kolosha -Kolosh (1980), Vlastja Simonchich (1992), Janez Koroshin (1995, 1998) and Jaka Chop (1998). Every invited artist became an honourable member of the Cabinet.
The Cabinet also organised exhibitions of photographic groups: Mariborski krog (1971), Foto grupa ShOLT of Ljubljana (1972), Photographic Section of the Designers Association of Slovenia, 1976), Young Photographers Generation in Slovenia, 1989 etc. Janez Puhar (1974), Janko Branc (1975), Slavko Smolej (1975), Fran Krashovec (1978) and Tone Marchan (1991) were presented at memorial and post-mortem exhibitions. The Biennial exhibition of landscape photography Landscape (since 1974), exhibitions Self-portrait in photography, 1977, Time, in which we live, 1986, Portraits and faces in modern Slovenian photography, 1987, and 1 + 16 (1996) were proposed for a greater popularisation of Cabinet's work among photographers. In 2004, an exhibition was organised at the 70th anniversary of Marko Aljanchich, Marjan Kukec and Jurij Kurillo and in 2007, the Cabinet organised the exhibition Students of Photography at FAMU, Prague; this same year, the Cabinet also organised the exhibition Five generations of Janez Puhar Photography Association from Kranj.
Po zaslugi tematskih razstav in kronoloshkih pregledov Razvoj fotografije na Slovenskem od 1840 do 1918 (1977), Slovenska fotografija med obema vojnama (1982), Socialna tematika v slovenski fotografiji med obema vojnama (1980), Likovni %nachcj fotografije med NOB (1980), Slovenska planinska fotografija v chasu med obema vojnama (1991) in pregledne razstave Razvojne poti slovenske fotografije 1945—1978 (1981, prenos v Cankarjev dom v Ljubljani, 1984), za katero so fotografi podarili vechino izmed razstavljenih fotografij, Kabinetu pripada eno pionirskih mest pri temeljnem vrednotenju in razstavnih predstavitvah zgodovinskega razvoja slovenske fotografije. Razstava Frana Krashovca in razstava Socialna tematika v slovenski fotografiji med obema vojnama sta bili na ogled v Salonu fotografije Foto-saveza Jugoslavije v Beogradu (1979 in 1981). Kabinet je z razstavami gostoval v Ajdovshchini, Celju, Ptuju, Radovljici, Novem Sadu in vechkrat v Ljubljani. Do leta 2004 so bile ob razstavah Kabineta slovenske fotografije pri Gorenjskem muzeju natisnjene zlozhenke in katalogi. Leta 2004 je Kabinet izdal fotografsko monografijo Janeza Marenchicha Fotografije / Photographs. Leta 2005 je ob razstavi Izbor iz zbirke KSF izshel drugi shtudijski zvezek Kabineta z izborom 112 fotografij.
Prva leta so bile dejavnosti Kabineta namenjene afirmaciji fotografije kot umetnishke zvrsti ter pospeshenemu zbiranju fotografij. Zbirka se je oblikovala z darili, odkupi in reprinti po originalnih negativih oziroma reprodukcijah objavljenih fotografij. Kabinet se je vechino chasa moral ubadati s tradicionalnim pomanjkanjem sredstev. Njegovo delovanje je bilo mogoche samo zaradi pozornosti fotografov, ki so opozarjali na ogrozheno fotografsko dedishchino ali darovali svoje fotografije, kataloge in drugo fotografsko dokumentacijo. Dobrshen del gradiva in fotografij v zbirki Kabineta je bil reshen pred pozabo ali unichenjem. Prve samostojne razstave v organizaciji Kabineta so ponovno opozorile na fotografe starejshe generacije.
Pobuda za nastanek Kabineta se je uresnichila ob podpori slovenskih fotografov, ki so delovali v razlichnih fotografskih drushtvih, zdruzhenjih ali klubih. Kronoloshka nit fotografske zbirke zato sega od fotografov-amaterjev, ki so bili organizirani v Fotoklubu Ljubljana in so v tridesetih letih preteklega stoletja dosegli vrsto uspehov na mednarodnih fotografskih prireditvah, do avtorjev, ki so v povojnem obdobju uveljavili nove tendence v fotografskem izrazu (npr. predstavniki Mariborskega kroga in Foto grupe ShOLT). Med mlajsho generacijo se povechuje delezh tistih, ki so si fotografsko izobrazbo pridobili na visokosholskih ustanovah v tujini. Prevladujejo fotografije, nastale v drugi polovici 20. stoletja.
The Cabinet has presented many theme exhibitions and chronological reviews: The Development of Photography in Slovenia from 1840 to 1918, 1977, Slovenian photography during the world wars, 1982, Social themes in Slovenian photography during the world wars, 1980, Art features of photography during the National Liberation War, 1980, Slovenian alpine photography during the world wars, 1991, and reviewing exhibitions Developmental orientations of Slovenian photography 1945-1978, 1981, transfer to Cankarjev dom in Ljubljana, 1984, for which photographers dedicated most exhibited photographs. Because of these many exhibitions, the Cabinet has been described as one of the pioneering elements in the elementary valuation and exhibition presentation of the historical development of Slovenian photography. Fran Krashovec's exhibition along with the exhibition Social Themes in Slovenian Photography During the World Wars were presented at the Foto-savez Jugoslavije Photography Salon in Belgrade (1979 and 1981). The Cabinet also hosted its exhibitions in Ajdovshchina, Celje, Ptuj, Radovljica, Novi Sad and several times in Ljubljana.
Until 2004, the Museum of Gorenjska published leaflets and catalogues at all the Cabinet's exhibitions. In 2004, the Cabinet issued a photographic monograph of Janez Marenchich — Fotografije/Photography. In 2005, the Cabinet's second study book, which included 112 photographs, was issued at the exhibition Selection from the Collection of the Cabinet of Slovenian Photography.
During its first years, the Cabinet tried to establish photography as an art form and promoted the collection of photographs. The beginning of the collection was formed with gifts, purchases and reprints of original negatives or reproductions of published photographs. For a majority of the time, the Cabinet had to cope with the usual lack of funds. Its operations were possible only because of photographers, who called to attention the endangerment of photographic documentation. Quite a large portion of materials and photographs in the Cabinet's collection was saved from loss or destruction. The first independent exhibitions organised by the Cabinet promoted photographers of older generation.
The initiative for establishing the Cabinet was realised with the support of Slovenian photographers, who operated in various photography associations, organisations and clubs. The chronological thread of the photographic collection therefore stretches from amateur photographers who were organised in Fotoklub Ljubljana and, during the nineteen thirties, achieved great success at international photography events, to artists who established new techniques in photography expression during the post-war period (e. g. representatives of Mariborski krog and Foto grupa ShOLT). Among photographers of the younger generation, the share of those who obtain photography education at colleges abroad is increasing. Photographs that emerged in the second half of the 20th century prevail.
V prihodnosti Kabinet nachrtuje digitalizacijo zbirke fotografij, retrospektivo Marka Aljanchicha, nove shtudijski zvezke o posameznih fotografih (Janku Brancu, Janku Skerlepu) ter generacijskih in organizacijskih skupinah (Fotoklub Ljubljana) idr.
Zbirka Kabineta slovenske fotografije je dostopna za shtudijske namene. Z zbirko Kabineta sem se po zaslugi dr. Ceneta Avgushtina seznanil zhe kmalu po prihodu na sluzhbeno mesto v Gorenjskem muzeju. Tedaj se je prichela inventarizacija fotografij. V inventarno knjigo je danes vpisanih 1093 fotografij razstavnega formata in reprintov, pri tem pa ni vshteta zapushchina, ki jo je Janko Skerlep volil Kabinetu (458 fotografij, 2580 negativov na steklenih ploshchah, 7549 negativov in kontaktnih kopij, 7391 diapozitivov). Zadnji veliki pridobitvi predstavljata zbirka 94 fotografij Stojana Kerblerja ter opus alpinistichne in popotnishke fotografije Staneta Klemenca. Fotografije sta podarila avtorja.
Kabinet slovenske fotografije dolguje svoj nastanek idealizmu. Pobudo zanj so dali fotografi, ki so zheleli, da bi Kabinet postal matichna ustanova slovenskih fotografov. Srechanja in pogovori s pomembnimi predstavniki nashe fotografije, seznanjanja z njihovo predanostjo fotografskemu zapisovanju in interpretiranju stvarnosti, z njihovo razgledanostjo, pozhrtvovalnostjo in osebno skromnostjo, prav tako pa z njihovimi spodbudnimi odzivi na fotografske razstave v Kranju in drugje — vse to mi je bilo zmeraj v strokovno zadoshchenje.
Fran Krashovec, Ljubljana v jeseni, 1930
In the future, the Cabinet plans to digitalise photographic collections including Marko Aljanchich's retrospective, new study books on individual photographers (Janko Branc, Janko Skerlep), generational and organisational groups (Ljubljana Photo Club), etc.
The Cabinet's collection is also available for study purposes. Thanks to Cene Avgushtin, PhD, I was acquainted with the collection soon after obtaining office in the Museum of Gorenjska. At this time, the process of inventorying photographs began. The inventory book now includes 1093 photographs of exhibition format and reprints; however, this number does not include the legacy that Janko Skerlep dedicated to the Cabinet (458 photographs, 2580 negatives on glass surfaces, 7549 negatives and contact copies, 7391 slides). The two latest acquisitions include 94 photographs by Stojan Kerbler and Stane Klemenc from their opus of alpine and travelling photography. Both artists donated their photographs.
The Cabinet of Slovenian Photography owes its establishment to idealism. Photographers who wanted an organisation which would act as a parent institution for Slovenian photographers also provided the initiative for the establishment of the Cabinet. Meeting and having discussions with important representatives of Slovenian photography, getting acquainted with their dedication to photography and interpretation of reality, intelligence, self-sacrifice and personal modesty and also with their incentive responses to photography exhibitions in Kranj and elsewhere have always presented me with professional satisfaction.
(transl. authorized by Damir Globochnik)
Photo: Fran Krashovec, Autumn in Ljubljana, 1930
Damir Globochnik
HOMO
Akademski slikar Franc Vozelj se je uveljavil kot eden najbolj zanimivih predstavnikov slovenskega figuralnega slikarstva. Obsezhen slikarski opus, ki se v strnjenem nizu poraja tri desetletja, izprichuje zaupanje v izpovedno moch klasichnih likovnih tem, kakrshni sta chloveshka figura in tihozhitje. Figuralika z modernistichnimi likovnimi inovacijami, do katere se je Franc Vozelj postopoma dokopal s pomochjo raznovrstnih vplivov (sholanje in slikarski opusi profesorjev na ljubljanski likovni akademiji, konstelacija likovne umetnosti konec sedemdesetih let preteklega stoletja, nekateri starejshi umetniki), v slovenskem slikarstvu okrog 1980 ni imela mnogo privrzhencev. Za aktualno je veljala »nova podoba«, vendar je Vozlja med smermi, ki so se spogledovale s postmodernizmom, zanimala samo oblika novodobnega ekspresionizma, po katerem pa se je lahko ozrl tudi k starejshim tujim in domachim zgledom (mdr. Francis Bacon, Vladimir Velichkovich, Marij Pregelj). Lahko bi dejali, da se je Vozelj odlochil za likovno pot, ki je bila glede vsebinskega izraza zmernejsha, vendar po formalni plati mnogo tehtnejsha.
Likovni opus Franca Vozlja lahko razdelimo v posamezne cikluse. Ikonografsko strogo opredeljen motiv (chloveshka figura) je namrech na njegovih slikah, risbah in kolazhih dozhivljal spremembe, ki segajo vse od analitichno-konstruktivno zasnovanega skupka kosti in telesnih delov, ki jih je zachela prekrivati muskulatura, do polnoplastichnega chloveshkega lika.
Pri ciklusu figuralnih kompozicij z naslovom Homo (lat. chlovek), ki ga je zachel slikati sredi devetdesetih let preteklega stoletja, likovni prostor obvladuje monumentalna chloveshka figura, ki je podana v klasichnih telesnih proporcih — podobno kot je to nekdaj bilo znachilno za renesanchno slikarstvo. Na Vozljevih kompozicijah je bilo mogoche razbrati odmeve na severnoitalijansko slikarstvo prve tretjine 16. stoletja, na dela velikih mojstrov beneshkega slikarstva, Coreggia ... To potrjuje znachilno melanholichno razpolozhenje, ki ga stopnjuje zamolkla, pridushena, v slikarskem smislu zhlahtna, kot s plemenito slikarsko patino prepojena barvna lestvica, v kateri prevladujejo rjavine inkarnata, okrasti in rdechkasti toni, sivine, olivno zelena in druge pretanjeno usklajene barve, ki jih tu in tam pozhivljajo barvni poudarki.
Vozljeve slike so postale pravcate shtudije gracioznega zhenskega in lepo grajenega moshkega telesa, prikazanega v premishljenih pozah, pregibih in zasukih. Iz figur je zachel sestavljati skupine figur, ki so vstopale v razlichne medsebojne odnose.
Damir Globochnik
HOMO
The Academy-qualified painter Franc Vozelj has become established as one of the most interesting representatives of Slovene figural painting. His extensive artistic opus, which encompasses an intense sequence of three decades, evinces a trust in the communicative power of the classical subjects of fine art, such as the human figure and still life.
The figural art with modernist innovations which Franc Vozelj gradually mastered on the basis of diverse influences (his education and the artistic opus of the professors at the Ljubljana fine art academy, the array of fine art at the end of the 1970s, certain older artists) had few adherents in Slovene painting around 1980. The »new image« was regarded as the current thing, yet of the orientations that flirted with postmodernism, Vozelj was interested only in a form of new age expressionism, whereby he was also able to look back to older foreign and local examples (such as Francis Bacon, Vladimir Velichkovich and Marij Pregelj). We could say that Vozelj opted for an artistic path which in terms of substantive expression was more moderate, yet formally had more gravitas. The artistic opus of Franc Vozelj can be divided into individual cycles. In his paintings, drawings and collages, the iconographically strictly defined motif (the human figure) has gone through changes that stretch from the analytically constructive collection of bones and body parts, which was starting to be covered by musculature, to the fully plastic human figure.
In the cycle of figural compositions entitled Homo (lat. man), which he started to paint in the middle of the 1990s, the painting space is dominated by a monumental human figure, which is portrayed in the classical physical proportions — similar to the once characteristic portrayals of Renaissance painting.
In Vozelj's compositions it was possible to detect the echoes of northern Italian painting from the first third of the 16th century, and of the work of the great masters of Venetian painting, Correggio ... This is confirmed by the typically melancholy mood, which is enhanced by a mute, stifled, in the painting sense noble, colour scale imbued with a noble artistic patina, which is dominated by the browns of natural skin colour, ochre and reddish tones, greys, olive green and other finely harmonised colours, which are enlivened here and there by colour emphases. Vozelj's paintings have become veritable studies of the gracious female and finely constructed male body, presented in considered poses, twists and contortions. From the figures he started to compose groups of figures, which entered into various mutual relations.
V	dobesednem pomenu lahko govorimo o »fiziognomiji« slik. Naslikana telesa so namrech njihovo osrednje prostorsko ogrodje. Definirajo in obvladujejo prostor. Padajo v prostor, vanj vstopajo ali iz njega izstopajo ... Razgibani, dinamichni akti so si kompozicijo podredili s svojim gibanjem, ki se lahko spremeni v zgovorno krchevito kretnjo ali pregib telesa. Figure v kaotichnost usode zhene neznana sila. Nosilci dinamichnih kompozicijskih napetosti so tudi mirujochi, med izvajanjem dolochenih gibov, v trenutku chasa kot v nekakshnem fotografskem posnetku zaustavljeni chloveshki liki.
Na prvi pogled se zdi se, da gre pri Vozljevem ateljejskem slikarstvu za hoteno kontemplativno distanco do sveta. Vendar se v shtudioznem pristopu do upodabljanja chloveshke figure ali figuralne skupine skriva zhelja po likovnem zajetju duhovne podobe chasa.
Vozljeve chloveshke figure si lahko razlagamo kot nosilce metaforichnih sporochil. Opazne so tudi reminiscence na heroichne in mitoloshke like (npr. tri gracije). Vsekakor pa jih lahko povezhemo z nekaterimi obchechloveshkimi vsebinami, npr. s prispodobo o posamezniku, ki se je gol, nezashchiten znashel v odtujenem okolju.
V	drzhah figur se odrazhajo njihova psihichna stanja. Chlovek je utesnjen, boriti se mora za svojo eksistenco in identiteto. Morda se zato obrazi in znamenja spola naslikanih figur izmikajo vidnemu polju, kompozicije pa so naslovljene zgolj z zaporednimi shtevilkami.
Zanimivo je, da so naslikana ozadja pri figuralnih kompozicijah vezana na principe abstraktnega likovnega izraza. Slikarjevo »preizkushanje razmerja med figuraliko in abstrakcijo« ni osredotocheno samo na stichishche med figuralnim likom in abstraktnim ozadjem. Celo posamezne partije oziroma detajli figur in tihozhitij delujejo kot abstraktna slika, kar velja tudi za kompozicije, pri katerih je Vozelj figure zachel razporejati pred konkretno ozadje (zid, skalna stena), na kar opozarjajo naslikane sence.
Na nekaterih delih slike je Vozelj upodobljena telesa dopolnil s chvrsto risbo. Pri tem rachuna na soouchinkovanje risarskih intervencij v podobi, ki jo prekrivajo slikarske partije. Slikar jih je oblikoval s postopnim polaganjem drobnih barvnih ploskev na povrshino platna. V barvne polje so vpeti tudi izrezani kosi chasnikov in chasopisov. Ti kolazhni dodatki so estetski znaki in odsevi chasa, ki mu umetnik pripada.
Poseben sklop Vozljevega likovnega delovanja so samostojni kolazhi manjshih formatov ter dela na papirju v tehniki grafita ali lavirane risbe, s katerimi se redkeje predstavlja na razstavah. Opozarjajo na eksaktno naravo njegovega likovnega nagovora.
In a literal sense we may speak of the »physiognomy« of the paintings. The painted bodies are indeed the main spatial framework of the paintings. They define and dominate the space. They fall into the space, enter into it or go out of it ... The restless, dynamic nudes have subordinated the composition to themselves through their movement, which can change into an eloquently spasmodic motion or turn of the body. An unknown force drives the figures into the chaos of fate. The bearers of the dynamic compositional tension are also still, during the execution of certain movements, at a moment in time like human figures captured in some kind of photograph.
We may interpret Vozelj's figures as the bearers of metaphorical messages. We may also observe reminiscences of heroic and mythological figures (e.g. the three Graces). In any event we may link them to certain universally human subjects, such as the allegory of the individual who finds himself naked and unprotected in an alien environment.
The poses of the figures indicate their psychological states. Man is hemmed in, and must struggle for his existence and identity. Perhaps for that reason the faces and indications of gender in the painted figures evade the visual field, and the compositions are titled only with sequence numbers.
Interestingly the painted backgrounds in the figural compositions are tied to the principles of abstract artistic expression. The painter's »testing of the relationship between figural art and abstraction« is not focused solely on the meeting point between the figure and the abstract background. Even individual areas or details of the figures and still lifes function as an abstract painting, which is also true of the compositions where Vozelj has started to distribute the figures before a specific background (a wall, a rock face), indicated by painted shadows. In some parts of the painting Vozelj has enhanced the depicted bodies with solid drawing. This involves the combined effect of the drawing interventions in the image, which is covered by painted areas. The painter formed them through the gradual application of tiny colour areas on the surface of the canvas. Cut out pieces of magazines and newspapers are also set in the colour fields. These collage additions are aesthetic signs and reflections of the time to which the artist belongs. A special section of Vozelj's art comprises independent collages of smaller format and works on paper in the technique of graphite or wash drawing, which he presents more rarely at exhibitions. They point to the exact nature of his artistic communication.
Ko so ob heroichni moshki figuri od srede devetdesetih let dalje vedno bolj prevladovali zhenski akti in je Vozelj posegel po toplejshi barvni lestvici, ni bilo mogoche vech spregledati chutnosti naslikanih aktov, njihovih lahkotnih drzh in gibov. Med upodobljenimi figurami so se zacheli nakazovati procesi komunikacije, zdi se, da so se zblizhale med seboj. Vech kompozicij, na katerih v paru nastopata moshki in zhenska, bi lahko povezali v skupino »erotichnih« slik, pri chemer pa velja opozoriti na decentno izrabo chutnih poudarkov. Vozelj je v obdobju 2001— 2006 slikal figuralne motive manjshih formatov. Sledili so diptihi in triptihi galerijskih formatov. Monumentalne figure so podane polnoplastichno, v vseh anatomskih podrobnostih, nekateri detajli so izrisani.
Cheprav se Franc Vozelj intenzivno posvecha motiviki cvetlichnih tihozhitij, se je z njimi shele v zadnjem chasu zachel predstavljati na razstavah. Na Vozljevih tihozhitjih ni predmetov, ki bi nas opozarjali na kratkotrajnost chlovekovega veka. Preprichljivo upodobljene rozhe v vazah, posodah, steklenice in druge predmete bolj kot prispodobe minljivosti (t.i. natura morta, tihozhitja tipa Vanitas) velja razumeti kot simbole lepote.
Tihozhitja so dozhivljala podoben razvoj kot figuralne kompozicije. Zaznamovana so z vsemi stalnicami Vozljevega likovnega rokopisa. Velja omeniti preprichljive slikarske poudarke, kolazh, sledove risbe, rahlo stilizacijo in geometrijsko razchlenjevanje ter iskanje skladnosti med motivom in ozadjem, temnejshi rob, ki zapira likovni prostor, podrejenost motiva strukturi slikarske ploskve in znachilno prelivanje barvnega tkiva, ki ga Vozelj dosega z virtuozno potezo chopicha.
When alongside the heroic male figure, female nudes became increasingly prevalent from the mid-1990s, and Vozelj delved into a warmer colour scale, it was no longer possible to overlook the sensuality of the painted nudes, or their easy poses and movements. Indications of processes of communication between the depicted figures started to appear, and it seemed that they were coming closer together. Several compositions, in which a man and woman appear as a couple, could be linked into a group of »erotic« paintings, where the decent use of sensory emphasis should be noted. In the period from 2001 to 2006 Vozelj painted figural motifs of smaller formats. These were followed by diptychs and triptychs of gallery formats. The monumental figures are portrayed semi-plastically, in all their anatomical detail, while certain details are drawn.
Although Franc Vozelj is focused intensively on motifs of floral still lifes, he has only recently started showing them at exhibitions. In Vozelj's still lifes there are no objects to remind us of the brevity of human life. The convincingly depicted flowers in vases, dishes, decanters and other objects should be understood less as allegories of transience (i.e. natura morta, still lifes of the Vanitas type) than as symbols of beauty.
Still lifes have undergone a similar development to that of figural composition. They are marked with all the constant features of Vozelj's artistic manuscript. Mention should be made of the convincing artistic emphases, collage, the traces of drawing, the gentle stylisation and geometric analysis, as well as the search for harmony between the motif and background, the darker margin, which closes the space of the painting, the subordination of the motif to the structure of the painter's surface and the characteristic fusing of colour, which Vozelj achieves through virtuoso brush strokes.
(transl. authorized by Damir Globochnik)
Franc Voze j
LIKOVNA DELA
1	Brez naslova I, 1984, olje, platno, 130 x 160 cm.
2	Brez naslova, 1992, meshana tehnika, 120 x 85 cm
3	Brez naslova 43, 1993, olje, platno, 160 x 100 cm
4	Homo, Stojecha 4, 1999, olje, platno, 160 x 120 cm
5	Homo, Stojechi 5, 1999, olje, platno, 155 x 120 cm
6	Homo, Sedecha 13, 1997, olje, platno, 75 x 75 cm
7	Homo, Sedecha 35, 2008, olje, platno, 75 x 75 cm
8	Homo, Tri + 1, 1996, olje, platno, 120 x 150 cm
Naslovnica
9	Homo, Sedechi 3, 1999, olje, platno, 80 x 80 cm Fotografije del: Miroslav Zdovc, Boris Gabershchik
FRANC VOZELJ, rojen 28.3.1954 v Kranju. Po konchani sholi za oblikovanje se je vpisal na Akademijo za likovno umetnost v Ljubljani, kjer je leta 1979 diplomiral na oddelku za slikarstvo. Leta 1981 je konchal podiplomski shtudij slikarstva pri prof. Janezu Berniku.
Doslej je imel preko 80 samostojnih razstav doma in v tujini, sodeloval pa je na vech kot 100 skupinskih razstavah. Med priznanji, ki jih je prejel za svoje delo, je velika Preshernova plaketa mesta Kranja za leto 1999. Ukvarja se s slikarstvom in oblikovanjem. Od leta 1980 je chlan Drushtva slovenskih likovnih umetnikov (DSLU). Zhivi in dela v Kranju kot samostojni umetnik.
Franc Voze j
ARTWORKS
1	Untitled I, 1984, oil on canvas, 130 x 160 cm.
2	Untitled, 1992, mixed technique, 120 x 85 cm
3	Untitled 43, 1993, oil on canvas, 160 x 100 cm
4	Homo, Standing upright 4, 1999, oil on canvas, 160 x 120 cm
5	Homo, Standing upright 5, 1999, oil on canvas, 155 x 120 cm
6	Homo, Sitting down 13, 1997, oil on canvas, 75 x 75 cm
7	Homo, Sitting down 35, 2008, oil on canvas, 75 x 75 cm
8	Homo, Three + 1, 1996, oil on canvas, 120 x 150 cm
Front page
9	Homo, Sitting down 3, 1999, oil on canvas, 80 x 80 cm
Photography of: Miroslav Zdovc, Boris Gabershchik
FRANC VOZELJ, born 28.3.1954 in Kranj. After the College of Design, he enrolled at the Academy of Fine Arts in Ljubljana, where in 1979 a degree in painting. In 1981 he completed postgraduate studies in painting prof. John Berniku.
So far, he had over 80 solo exhibitions at home and abroad, has participated in more than 100 group exhibitions. Among the awards that he received for his work, the vast Preshernova medal of Kranj in 1999.
It deals with the painting and design. Since 1980, the Slovenian member of the Society of Artists (ZDSLU). He lives and works in Kranj, as an independent artist.
Rajko Shushtarshich
CHLOVESHTVO BI SE LAHKO DRUGACHE RAZVIJALO
1. Chlovekov razvoj navadno razumemo kot kontinuum neprestane rasti, chlovek in z njim chloveshtvo naj bi se nenehno razvijala. Vendar zadeva nikakor ne gre po »chloveshki zamisli«, resnichnemu chlovekovemu razvoju — razvoju chloveshtva, naj je ta na videz she tako fascinanten, vidno nekaj (z)manjka, nekaj bistvenega smo zanemarili.
Tehnoloshki razvoj (orodij pa tudi orozhij) je dosegel za nas she do pred kratkim nesluteno raven. Danashnji chlovek se ozira chez meje planeta. Tega razvoja ne bom podrobneje opisoval, ker ga poznate bolje od mene. A naj omenim le nekaj zagat. Domnevam, da bi z obstojechim arzenalom orozhja lahko nekajkrat unichili zhivljenje na planetu, ali vsaj ljudi na njem. Chemu? Velike tezhave si lahko obetamo tudi od klimatskih sprememb. Z obstojecho prehrambeno industrijo bi lahko prehranili vech ljudi, kot jih sedaj zhivi na planetu. Seveda vseh ne bi nasitili, zato ne, ker siti potrebujejo lachne. Zakaj neki? Dandanes imamo oziroma potrebujemo na planetu kako milijardo lachnih in veliko, vedno vech brezposelnih. Razvoj medicine, posebej genetike, je tolikshen, da nekateri smrtniki hirajo v visoko starost, drugi, zopet peshchica, pa zhe sanjajo o svoji telesni nesmrtnosti. Le kaj bodo z njo? Brezumnemu chlovekovemu pochetju — brezumni produkciji, ki je njeni demiurgi evidentno ne obvladujejo, dasiravno tega nikoli ne bodo priznali, bi tezhko rekli razvoj. Nenehni linearni chlovekov razvoj je torej le iluzija ali kvechjemu brezumno hitenje chloveshtva svojemu koncu naproti.
Pa poglejmo she nekaj ochitnih nesorazmerij socialnega razvoja chloveshtva (socialnopolitichne in socialnoekonomske ter socialnoreligijske ureditve sistemov). Od starogrshkih vladavin (tiranij, oligarhij, demokracij) do danashnjih modernih vladavin nismo ravno veliko napredovali. She vedno imamo na planetu pester repertoar druzhbenih ureditev v mnogoterih kombinacijah: od totalitarnih ali posttotalitarnih sistemov do vladavin politichnih (ponekod she vojashkih) in pa kapitalskih ter verskih elit (tudi elementi teokratskih sistemov so v 21. stoletju she kako aktualni). Razviti moderni sistemi pa naj bi se domnevno razvili tako rekoch do popolnosti — do tolikanj opevane danashnje moderne demokracije — »reda svobode« in drugih chlovekovih pravic. Vendar bi skeptiki tej ureditvi prej rekli mediokracija kot pa demokracija. Chloveka (danashnji demos) sistemi obvladujejo predvsem z mnozhichnimi mediji, s propagandami treh predominantnih podsistemov: z ekonomsko, politichno in religijsko.
Rajko Shushtarshich
MANKIND COULD HAVE EVOLVED DIFFERENTLY
/HUMANITY COULD BE OTHERWISE DEVELOPED/
Usually the evolution of man is perceived as a continuum of constant growth. Man and Mankind are marked as constantly evolving. However this process does not follow man's perception. The true evolution of man — of mankind — always comes up short. Something vital has been neglected.
Development of technology (both tools of peace and war) has reached a level which was unimaginable until very recently. Today's man is looking outside the constrictions of our planet. I will not delve into a detailed description of this phenomena, because you know more about it than me. Let me merely mention a few quandaries. I assume that the existing weapons' arsenal would suffice to destroy life on our planet, or at least of people inhabiting it, a few times over. Why? The climatic change alone is expected to provide plenty of difficulties. The existing nutritional industry is capable of feeding more people than there presently exist on this planet. Of course we would not feed everyone, because the fed need the hungry. Why is that? Currently there are, or we need, about a billion hungry people and a great, ever increasing number of unemployed people. The development of medicine or genetics is so great that certain mortals languish into an incredibly old age, some — a very small few — even dream of immortality. What good will it do them? The foolish act of mindless reproduction which has evidently escaped its demiurges' control, as reluctant as they may be to admit it, can hardly be called evolution. Constant linear development of man is therefore merely an illusion or, at best, man's mindless hastening towards his own demise. Let us examine a few obvious inconsistencies of mankind's social development (socio-political, socio-economic and socio-religious system regulation). No great development in modern regimes can be detected in comparison to ancient Greek regimes (tyranny, oligarchy, democracy). The planet continues to be filled with a varied repertoire of social regimes in many combinations, ranging from totalitarian or post-totalitarian systems to regimes ruled by political (in places military) and financial and religious elites (Even elements of theocratic regimes are prominently represented in the 21st century). Developed modern systems are said to have developed to perfection such as the ever praised modern democracy, »order of freedom« and other human rights. However, a sceptic may dub it more a »mediocracy« than a democracy. The regimes rule man (modern day demos) foremost through mass media, propaganda by three main sub regimes: the economic, the political and the religious.
Vrednotni sistem socialnega razlikovanja — »segregacije« na nashem planetu je tako zakoreninjen, da lahko rechemo, da nam je zgodovinsko dolochen ali kar usojen. Vsakrshne zamisli, da bi ga presegli, so dokaj hitro propadle. Vechja socialna enakost, pomoch nerazvitim, medgeneracijska solidarnost in podobno so prazno govorjenje: bodisi utopija bodisi sistemska »rachunica«. Za moderne zemljane razvitega sveta zadoshchajo zhe trije artikli — statusni simboli, npr. hisha, vikend, avto, naj jih zhe imajo ali si jih (she)le zhele imeti, da jih vrednotni sistem socialne stratifikacije razvrsti v njim ustrezne socialne stratume. Tako she vedno velika vechina plebsa zhivi v suzhenjstvu. Napredek naj bi bil, da tako zhive prostovoljno, se pravi, da zhive v prostovoljnem suzhenjstvu. Takim ureditvam se, kot se to spodobi, nadene demokratichna legitimiteta in z njo legalna prisila — vladavine mochi. Mehanizem vzpostavitve in ohranjanja vladavine elit je tak, da so vladajochi vnaprej izvoljeni na demokratichnih volitvah, ker volivci vedo, koga morejo (oz. morajo) voliti; pravo izbiro jim posredujejo z volilno propagando prek medijev, ki jih seveda posedujejo (obvladujejo) elite. (Vech o tem v knjigi Traktat o Svobodi aH vrednote sistema *).
2. Ko gledamo z duhovnimi ochmi, lahko bi tudi rekli — z intuicijo, pa se nam chlovekov razvoj kazhe chisto drugache, kot nam to posredujejo moderni magi in nashi duhovni vodniki. Tako gledano, je chlovekov razvoj prej nazadovanje kot pa razvoj. Je to tako zaradi pozabe zgodovinskega spomina, izgube vednosti o razsezhnosti chlovekove duhovnosti, ki jo je imel zhe davno nekoch? Ali pa zaradi monopola religijskih institucij nad duhovnostjo? Naj bo eno ali drugo ali oboje, tako ali tako ne boste verjeli. Vendar mi pri tem razglabljanju ne gre za vero, ampak za zmozhnost preverjanja neposrednih dejstev zavesti z intuitivnim zrenjem. To zmozhnost ima vsak chlovek. Vera je nekoch — v gnostichnih spisih — pomenila gotovost iz spoznanja, gotovost intuicije uma, drugache recheno, intuitivna gotovost je bila vednost, ki je govorila sama zase.
Chlovekov duhovni razvoj bi bil gotovo drugachen, che bi si vech ljudi zhe dva tisoch let zastavljalo temeljna vprashanja o smislu chlovekovega bivanja — o smislu obstoja chloveshtva — in se orientiralo po obchih, tj. obchechloveshkih vrednotah, namesto po institucionalnih (institucionaliziranih vrednotah in normah). Ta vprashanja, ki porajajo mnogo drugih vprashanj, so: Kdo sem kot chlovek? Kaj sem (kot) chlovek? Zakaj sem chlovek? Kako sem chlovek? Odgovori na ta vprashanja so vsakich nekoliko drugachni, v tem je chlovekov duhovni razvoj. Danes pa nam ta vprashanja pomenijo nekaj chisto drugega. Ko se vprashamo »Kdo sem?« pomeni, da nas zanima »Kdo je kdo?« (Who is who?), tj. zanima nas vloga posameznika v hierarhiji institucije sistema. Podobno je pri vprashanju »Kaj sem?« Zanimajo nas predvsem denar in moch, pa slava, uspeh in prestizh chloveka, zreduciranega na vloge v hierarhiji sistema, skratka, utemeljevalne institucionalne vrednote.
The system of values of social differentiation — »segregation« is so firmly rooted Any and all ideas seeking to exceed it have failed relatively quickly. A greater social equality, aid to the undeveloped, inter-generational solidarity and the like are merely empty words: either utopia or the consequence of the regime's calculation. For modern earthlings of the developed world three articles — status symbols such as a house, weekend retreat, and car — whether owned or merely desired, suffice for a classification within the system of values of social stratification in to their individual classes. And so a large majority of the plebs continues to live in servitude. What evolution is understood to have brought is that they are serving by their own choosing that is to say that they live in voluntary servitude. Such regimes are, as is befitting, dressed up in legitimacy of democracy and with it legal coercion of the rule of power. The mechanism of establishing and preserving the rule of elites is achieved through electing representatives in advance at democratic elections where the voters know who they can — or must — vote for. They are provided with the right choice by the election propaganda through the media which are of course owned (controlled) by the elites. (More on this in the book Traktat of the freedom or the values of the system *).
2. When observing through the eyes of the spirit, or put differently, intuitively, evolution of man shows a different face than that presented by our modern mages and our spiritual guides. Human development seems more akin to regress than progress. Is this a consequence of the loss of our historical memory, the knowledge of the extent of man's spirituality of old? Or is it a consequence of the monopoly of religious institutions over spirituality? Be it the former, the latter or both, you will not believe. But this train of thought is not aimed at examining religion but rather at the capability of direct facts of consciousness through intuitive examination. This capability is given to all men. In times past Gnostic texts defined religion as certainty through comprehension — a certainty of intuitive reason. Put another way — intuitive certainty was knowledge that spoke for itself. Man's spiritual development would have certainly been different if, for the last two thousand years, more people were posing fundamental questions about the meaning of man's existence; origin of my asking themselves about the meaning of humanity's existence, orienting themselves by general humanity's values instead of institutionalized values and norms. These questions which give rise to many subsequent questions such as: Who am I as a man? What am I (as) a man? Why am I a man? How am I a man? Answers to these questions change each time and therein lay the evolution of man. When asking »Who am I?« we are actually interested in »Who is who?«, meaning that we are interested in the role of the individual in the hierarchy of the institution of the system. Similarly the question »What am I?« mostly denotes an interest in money, power, fame, success and prestige of man reduced to a role within the hierarchy of the system — in short — substantiative institutionalized values.
Bil pa je chlovek, ki je zhe davno nekoch prich(ev)al o duhovnosti tako, da je to za vechino danashnjih zemljanov she vedno nepojmljivo. Che nas katero prichevanje lahko resnichno fascinira, je to prichevanje tega chloveka, ki je prichal pred skoraj dva tisoch leti. Da se je njegovo prichevanje gnoze ohranilo, je zame resnichni chudezh.
A preden nadaljujem, se spodobi, da najprej povem nekaj o sebi, o izhodishchu svojega zrenja. Tezhko bi zase dejal, da sem veren, prej, da sem rojen skeptik, da nichesar ne verjamem, she sebi samemu ne. Najtezhje je verjeti sebi samemu — svoji intuiciji, che hochete. Metafiziko imam raje kot filozofijo; hermenevtika je chudovita metoda; gnoza pa je skrivnostna, skoraj nedoumljiva. Bistvo gnoze je vednost iz spoznavanja (ne vere), ta vednost je chudezh. Sam se venomer znova chudim temu, kar presega chlovekov razum in daje spoznanju posebno gotovost.
O njem in njegovem prichevanju pa tukaj le najnujnejshe:
—	Sporochilo Janezovega evangelija je v bistvu gnostichni tekst. Pisal (ali prepisal) ga je gnostik. Evangelij po Janezu je gnostichni evangelij, ki v resnici vsebuje dva evangelija. Tudi v kasnejshi redakciji (kanonizaciji) sv. Ireneja (Irenaeus, shkof iz Lugdunuma, Galija, ok. 130-202; zdaj Lyon, Francija) je bistvo tega sporochila ostalo nedoumljeno: spoznavanje boga — gnoza. Posebej pa to velja za prvo poglavje. Sicer ne bi ostal med shtirimi kanoniziranimi evangeliji.
—	Janez Krstnik ni bil le krstitelj z vodo, bil je Glasnik — uchitelj gnoze. Zgodba o Janezu Glasniku (Krstniku) — prvo poglavje Janezovega evangelija (uchenca, ki ga je Jezus ljubil) — je gnostichni evangelij Janeza Glasnika. V njem je zapisano bistvo gnoze tako, kot ga je uchil Janez Glasnik, prvi uchitelj evangelista Janeza. Za prvo poglavje Janezovega evangelija lahko torej rechemo, da je evangelij Janeza Glasnika.
Kasneje sem velikokrat premishljeval, se pravi, misel se mi je znova in znova vrachala k pomisleku o naslovu knjige Janezovo razodetje 2. Sem brez potrebe shifriral tudi naslov? Ali nisem s tem povzrochil samo nepotrebne zmede? Seveda ne zmede pri gnostikih. Danes bi bil naslov verjetno drugachen; she vedno sem v dvomu, pa ga bom navedel tudi v razlichici. Deshifriran naslov knjige bi bil Janezov gnostichni evangelij', naslov prvega poglavja pa Gnostichni evangelij Janeza Glasnika. Celoten Janezov evangelij je namrech gnostichni evangelij (edini med shtirimi kanoniziranimi — pravilneje petimi), ki vsebuje dva evangelija. Prvo poglavje v Janezovem evangeliju je Gnostichni evangelij Janeza Krstnika.
There was once a man who long ago testified about spirituality in a way that continues to elude the majority of earthlings to this day. If any testament can truly fascinate us it is the testament of this man from over two thousand years ago. The fact that his testament of gnosis was preserved seems to me a true miracle. But before I continue it befits that I first share something of myself, of the origin of my point of view. It would be hard for me to classify myself as a religious man.
I would sooner refer to myself as a born sceptic, believing nothing, not even myself. It is hardest to believe oneself — one's own intuition, if you will. I prefer metaphysics to philosophy: hermeneutics is a wonderful method; gnosis is mysterious almost incomprehensible. The essence of gnosis is the knowledge of cognizance (not faith), this knowledge is a miracle. I am ever anew astonished by that which exceeds man's reason and lends cognizance a special certainty.
Here I write only the most necessary about him and his testament:
—	the message of John's Gospel is in essence a Gnostic text. It was written (or copied) by a Gnostic. The Gospel according to John is a Gnostic gospel actually comprising two gospels. The later edition by St Irenaeus (a bishop from Lugdunum in Gallia around 130-202, now Lyon, France) remained ignorant of the fundament of this message: the cognisance of God — gnosis. This is especially true of the first chapter otherwise it would not persist among the four canonised gospels.
—	John the Baptist was more than merely a Baptist baptising with water. He was a herald — a teacher of gnosis. The story of John the Herald (Baptist) — the first chapter of the Gospel According to John (a pupil loved by Jesus) — is a Gnostic gospel of John the Herald. It contains the fundament of gnosis as taught by John the Herald, the first teacher of John the Evangelist. The first chapter of the Gospel According to John can therefore be dubbed the Gospel of John the Herald.
Later I have given ample thought, that is to say, my mind kept returning to my doubts concerning the title of the book John's Revelation 2. Had I needlessly encoded the title of the book as well? Did I not merely cause unnecessary confusion? Of course there was no confusion in the minds of Gnostics. Today the title would have probably been different, and since I continue to doubt I will cite the variant. The deciphered title of the book would be John's Gnostic Gospel, the title of the first chapter would be The Gnostic Gospel of John the Herald. The Gospel of John in its entirety is in fact a Gnostic Gospel (the only one of four, or in fact, five that have been canonized) to include two gospels. The first chapter of the Gospel According to John (a pupil loved by Jesus) — is a Gnostic gospel of John the Herald.
Zaman bi se trudili, che bi hoteli iz preostalih treh priznanih evangelijev (Markovega, Matejevega in Lukovega) razkriti gnozo, to je bistvo uchenja Jezusovega (njegov nazor — kaj je Nazarenchan pravzaprav uchil po spoznanju, ne po veri). Seveda je to za institucionalno cerkev nedoumljena ali nesprejemljiva, krivoverna trditev. Jezus iz Nazareta je v tem prichevanju gnostik — po dushi in nauku, che lahko tako rechemo. Za prvo poglavje Janezovega evangelija je ochitno, da je poseben evangelij — posebno razodetje. S pogromom gnostikov in pozhigom njihove zhive besede je institucionalna cerkev krshchanstvu odrezala korenine, iznichila zhivo bistvo v njem. Res velika shkoda za krshchanstvo in za vso chloveshko civilizacijo. Chloveshtvo bi se lahko drugache razvijalo.
1	Rajko Shushtarshich, Traktat o Svobodi ali vrednote sistema, Ljubljana (1992, 2001, 2006)
2	Rajko Shushtarshich, Janezovo razodetje ali O treh vrednotah; Janezovagnostichna evangelija, Ljubljana (1986, 1990, 1994, 2001, 2007).
All effort to find gnosis in any of the other three acknowledged gospels (Mark's, Matthew's and Luke's) would be in vain. These are the fundament of the teachings of Jesus of Nazareth (his views — of what he deemed by cognizance, not faith). Of course the institution of the Church does not understand nor can it accept such a heretic statement. Jesus of Nazareth of this testimony is a Gnostic both in spirit and teaching, if we may put it boldly. The first chapter of John's Gospel is obviously a gospel in its own right — a revelation in its own right. The persecution of Gnostics and the burning of their living word was a means by which the institution of Church cut Christianity by its roots and demolished its living fundament. This is truly to the detriment of Christianity and the entire human civilization. If things were different humanity may have evolved differently.
1	Rajko Shushtarshich, Traktat of the freedom or the values of the system, Ljubljana (1992, 2001, 2006)
2	Rajko Shushtarshich, John revelation Or about three values;]ohngnostic Ggospel , Ljubljana (1986, 1990, 1994, 2001, 2007)
Translated from Slovenian by Jaka Jarc
Andrej Lenarchich
SPORAZUM O ARBITRAZHI
Slovensko-hrvashke zadeve s podpisom she zdalech niso zakljuchene. Je sicer vse zelo natanchno vnaprej premishljeno in pripravljeno, vendar se pri ratifikaciji, chetudi se na obeh straneh izmikajo (pre)zahtevni ustavni vechini v parlamentu, lahko kaj zatakne. Igrarije vladajoche koalicije in opozicije z referendumi prav tako sodijo med orodja, ki jih je mogoche zlorabiti.
A vzemimo, da je sporazum tu in da bo tribunal takoj, ko Hrvashka podpishe pristop k Evropski skupnosti, zachel z delom in verjetno razmeroma hitro odlochil. Glede na to, da praktichne izkushnje in sploh vse, kar slovenska javnost ve o odnosih z juzhno sosedo, upravichuje misel, da se nikoli ne bo mogoche o nichemer dogovoriti neposredno med obema drzhavama, je vech kot ochitno edina mozhnost vsiljena odlochitev nekoga tretjega — ali arbitrazhnega tribunala ali kake mednarodne konference. Ker je o mednarodnih konferencah znano vsaj to, da se iz goshchave mnenj in interesov tezhko kaj prida izcimi, vse skupaj pa traja in traja, je razumno, da se odlochanje prepusti posebnemu tribunalu. Najbolj pozitivno pri tem je, da bo njegova odlochitev obvezna za obe drzhavi in bo tudi udejanjena.
Za slovensko politichno, posebej pa tudi za druzhbeno in drzhavnopolitichno sceno je znachilno popolno pomanjkanje drzhavotvornosti, pojmovna zmeda in odrekanje lastni dedishchini in identiteti. Tako je na prvi pogled ochitno, da nam tujci niso skoraj nichesar ukradli, le pobrali so, kar smo Slovenci zanemarili ali (za)pustili. In celo danes, po toliko desetletjih krutih izkushenj, she vedno hvalimo napachne korake.
Za ilustracijo:
Ko je avstrijski cesar, sicer oddavna (predvsem!) slovenski knez, Franc Jozhef, obiskal Celovec in je slishal slovensko govorico Matije Ziljskega, je pripomnil: »Kaj tu po slovensko?« In Ziljski je odlochno izjavil: »Ja, Slovenci od tu do Vladivostoka.« Seveda je bila izjava popolnoma neumestna, neresnichna in she zlasti shkodljiva. Le kateremu suverenu bi se ob taki izjavi ne najezhila »nacionalnovarnostna kozha«? In sploh bi bilo edino primerno, da bi gospod Ziljski rekel: »Seveda, od nekdaj, kakor ste od nekdaj vi nash izvoljeni knez.« Ali kaj podobnega. In nich drugache ni na primer z vedno tako slavljeno selitvijo lavantinskega shkofijskega sedezha iz Sht. Andrazha v Maribor.
Andre] Lenarchich
ARBITRATION AGREEMENT
It takes more than a signature to settle matters between Slovenia and Croatia. Everything has been thoroughly thought out and prepared in advance, but even though both sides are doing their best to elude the (overly) demanding supermajority, things can still get stuck in parliament. The referendum matches played between the ruling coalition and the opposition are tools often abused.
But let us assume that the agreement has been reached and that the tribunal will start working as soon as Croatia signs the treaty of accession to the European Union and reach its conclusion reasonably soon. Since practice as well as all the Slovenian public has experienced in terms of our relations to our southern neighbour has shown that direct discourse between the two countries will never yield any results, it becomes more than obvious that the only solution is a decision enforced by a third party — either an arbitrary tribunal or an international conference. Since it is a known fact at least that a muddle of opinions and interests expressed at international conferences rarely yield conclusions while the process tends to go on and on, it is reasonable to leave the decision up to a specialized tribunal. The most encouraging part is that its decision will be binding for both parties and will also be enacted.
Slovenian political as well as social and internal political scene is marked by an utter lack of any and all civic identity, a confusion of concepts and a renouncement of its own heritage and identity. Thus it is clear from the start that foreigners actually stole next to nothing from us — they merely picked up that which Slovenes have neglected or left. But still today, after many decades of cruel experience, we continue to sing praises to the wrong actions which we have undertaken.
To illustrate:
When the emperor of Austria, a long time (primarily!) Slovenian knez Franz Joseph visited Celovec (Klagenfurt) and heard Matija Majar from Zilli speak Slovenian, he remarked: "What, Slovenian is spoken here?" and Matija sternly replied: "Yes, Slovenes from here to Vladivostok!" Of course this statement was utterly misplaced, untrue and — most of all — detrimental. There is no sovereign whose 'national security' hair would not stand on end after hearing such a declaration. And in any case the only proper thing for Mr Majar to say would have been: "Of course, always has been, as you have always been our elected knez." or something along those lines. And the ever celebrated relocation of the see of the Levantine bishopric from St. Andrazh to Maribor is no different.
Zhe res, da se je vzpostavilo novo slovensko cerkveno sredishche, a zakaj je bilo treba hkrati prepustiti Celovec in Gradec nemshtvu? Zakaj, navsezadnje, slovenska politika ni znala odgovoriti na pritisk nemshkega nacionalizma in italijanskega iredentizma drugache, kot da je ideoloshko razdelila stanovalce slovenske domovine, vsem, ki niso trobili v en rog, odrekla celo pravico biti Slovenec, stanovanje, ki ga je napadla shovinistichna plesen sosedov, pa je raje zapustila, kot da bi ga dezinficirala? Namesto da bi slovenski shkofovski vrh podprl ustanovitev slovenske univerze, ki je bila zelo blizu uresnichenju v Trstu, takrat najvechjem slovenskem mestu, je visoki kler raje na dunajskem dvoru zmanipuliral, da so v cesarskem skladu zbrana sredstva porabili za cerkveno srednjo sholo. Seveda, tako nemshko kot slovensko elito je skrbelo, da bi nastalo prevech svobodomiselnih slovenskih intelektualcev. Lahko nastajajo, a le pod kontrolo ...
Ker je bilo na Slovenskem tudi vse politichno vrenje od pomladi narodov leta 1848, ko so se povsod drugod oblikovale nacionalne elite, strogo pod nadzorom in v sluzhbi nenapisanega »gentleman agreement« (slovenski Cerkvi religija, kultura in folklora, Dunaju pa oblast, vojska in diplomacija), je razpad tisochletne drzhavne skupnosti, v kateri so bile slovenske dezhele konstitutivni del z lastno mednarodnopravno subjektiviteto, zalotil Slovence drzhavotvorno popolnoma nepripravljene. Vsa energija se je desetletja troshila za ideoloshke boje, za odrivanje drugache mislechih in za preprichevanje ljudstva, da je podreditev Balkanu edina mozhnost za prezhivetje. Tako je vodilna slovenska elita Slovence pahnila s polozhaja konstitutivne nacije v velikem drzhavnem sistemu v balkanski ponor in jih razkosala v na smrt obsojene manjshine v shtirih tujih drzhavah. Tezhko bi tudi ugovarjali trditvi, da te vodilne slovenske sile nosijo zaradi tega vso odgovornost za vse katastrofe, pokole in izgube, ki so potem Slovence doletele v skoraj sto letih.
Ni nobeno chudo, da slovenska javnost nima razchishchenih osnovnih pojmov o svoji zgodovini in drzhavnosti. Iz drzhavnopravne subjektivitete slovenskih dezhel Koroshke, Primorske, Kranjske, Shtajerske smo se znali le norchevati, che smo jo sploh opazili. Le zakaj bi nam jo potem drugi ponujali oziroma bi je ne vzeli zase? Namesto da bi s »slovenske« strani odmevalo geslo Koroshka ena in nedeljiva!, je z njim po slovenskih buticah mlatil koroshki shvabski prihajach! In taka je zgodba ne le na Koroshkem, ne le danes oziroma sinochi, marvech povsod in vedno, kjer smo Slovenci doma. Ni bilo junaka, ki bi leta 1991 povzdignil glas, da je Primorska (Meranija, Küstenland, Litorale, Venezia Giulia) »ena in nedeljiva«, vedno slovenska dezhela, s svojo drzhavnostno legitimiteto, drzhavljani, teritorijem, mejo, pravom.
It is true that this action resulted in the establishment of a new Slovenian ecclesiastic centre, but why was it necessary for Celovec (KlagenfUrt) and Gradec (Graz) to be relinquished to Germanity? And finally, why was Slovenian leadership unable to respond to the pressure of German nationalism and Italian Irredentism in any other way but by ideologically dividing the inhabitants of Slovenian soil — going so far as to deny the right of Slovenian citizenship to those who would not chime in with the majority while abandoning their residences infested by the next door neighbour's mould of chauvinism rather than disinfecting it? Slovenian ecclesiastic leadership, instead of supporting the founding of a Slovenian University which was nearly realized in Trieste — at that time the biggest Slovenian city — preferred to spend the money accumulated in the emperor's church fund for an ecclesiastical high school. Naturally — both the German and Slovenian elites were concerned that it might result in an overabundance of free-thinking Slovenian intellectuals. It was acceptable they be bred but only in a controlled environment.
In 1848 when all other young national identities were being formed, all national rebirth in Slovenian lands was conducted under strict supervision and under the auspices of the unwritten gentlemen's agreement: religion, culture and folklore went to Slovenian Church while political power, military and diplomacy were conducted from Vienna. And so the disintegration of a thousand-year-old political entity, wherein Slovenian lands were a constitutive part and an internationally legally recognized entity, caught Slovenes by surprise and with no inkling of a national identity. For decades obscene amounts of energy have been wasted on ideological strife, for the suppression of free thinking and to persuade the people that subordination to the Balkans was the only way to survive. This was how the leading Slovenian elite thrust Slovenes from the position of a constitutive nation in a great stately system into a Balkan madness and hewed it into four minorities condemned to perish engorged by foreign countries. It would be hard to argue with the conclusion that these leading Slovenian elites carry the responsibility for all the catastrophes, massacres and losses incurred by the Slovenian people in the hundred years that followed.
It is no wonder that the Slovenian public has no inkling of even the most fundamental notions of its history and civic status. All we were able to do when it came to the legal national unity and identity of Slovenian lands (Carinthia, Primorska Region, Carniola and Styria) was to make light of it, if we were at all aware of it in the first place. So why would anybody offer it to us and not simply taking it for themselves? In the place of the slogan A single and indivisible Carinthia! resounding from the 'Slovenian' side it was yelled at Slovenes by the Carinthian Gerry newcomers! And this story is not limited to yesterday's Carinthia alone but occurs continuously and everywhere where Slovenes live. There was no hero who would raise his voice in the defence of a single and indivisible Primorska region (Meranija, Küstenland, Littorale, Venezia Giulia) — a land that has always belonged to Slovenia — with national legitimacy, citizens, territory, borders and law.
Seveda, le kako bi, saj ne o Primorski ne o »dezhelah« nihche ni smel nich vedeti. Che zhe kaj, je bilo treba o drzhavi vedeti, da kot ostanek burzhoazne ureditve dokonchno odmira. In ker so se pri osamosvojitvenih opravkih na vrh prigrebli skoraj izkljuchno uchenci te kardeljanske »znanosti«, ni chudno, da so raje trgovali z orozhjem, prepushchali sosedom teritorij in premozhenje ter »lovili svoj trenutek«, namesto da bi zavarovali nacionalne interese in ozemeljsko celovitost Primorske in drugih slovenskih dezhel, ki so se leta 1918 zdruzhile v SHS in kasnejsho Jugoslavijo, leta 1991 pa so, avtomatichno enake, kot so bile ob zdruzhitvi, tudi zapushchale skupno drzhavo.
Pomanjkanje (samo)zavesti ter indoktrinacija sta tako totalna, da noben glas razuma ne pride do veljave. Jugoslovanski shovinizem je zradiral she tisto, kar je po stoletnem »narodnozashchitnishkem« masakru ostalo: avtohtonost je postala psovka. Govoriti o venetskih recheh in karantanski drzhavi ni znanstveno. Pozaba je prekrila »turshke« vpade in herojski boj Slovencev za prezhivetje. Izginila je Soshka fronta in brezmejna junashtva Slovencev so pokopana s pobitimi. Praznino strokovnjashkih glav je zapolnila slama »druzhbenih ved«, ki ne le da nichesar ne vedo, temvech sploh nochejo vedeti nichesar o Sloveniji, slovenski drzhavni zgodovini, slovenskih drzhavah — dezhelah, o slovenskih mejah. Prav z olajshanjem sprejmejo vsako floskulo iz tujih ust, da se le izognejo nevarnosti, da bi po naravni logiki vendarle kdaj uganili — bleknili — kakshno pravo besedo.
Vse to in she mnogi drugi razlogi so botrovali nedrzhavotvornemu ravnanju odgovornih v odlochilnem chasu osamosvajanja. Diletantizem je ne opaziti, da je mednarodnopravna raven nekaj drugega kot drzhavna. V maniri krajevnih skupnosti so se lotili drzhavnih zadev. »Republiko« imajo she dandanashnji za »drzhavo«, saj se nikakor ne morejo lochiti od poimenovanja »republishki« za stvari, ki so »drzhavne«. Kot subjekt mednarodnega prava, kar je Slovenija postala, ko je 25. junija 1991 razglasila in uveljavila drzhavno suvereniteto, so se mirne dushe pogovarjali in dogovarjali ter sprejemali pod ustavnim naslovom kljuchne zaveze, na drugi strani mize je bil pa geografski pojem oziroma privatno podjetje nekega Tudjmana, saj je bila Hrvashka do 8. oktobra 1991, ko je razglasila in uveljavila svojo samostojnost, she del Jugoslavije. Funkcionarji in strokovnjaki nashe drzhave she danes tega niso opazili in seveda niti ne poskushajo razumeti, da noben dogovor na tako defektni, nelegalni in nelegitimni ravni ne velja nich niti ne obstaja. Toliko manj, ker nobenega tako sprejetega dokumenta niso po vzpostavitvi normalnega stanja — torej ko se je na drugi strani mize vendarle pojavil ustrezen subjekt — naknadno ratificirali, kot se spodobi in je v navadi.
But how could there be — when both Primorska and 'lands' were taboo topics, not even to be whispered about? If anything awareness would have to be raised about the fact that the state as a remnant of a bourgeois order was ultimately dying away. Most of the people that pushed themselves into the forefront parallel with the business of emancipation were followers of Kardelj's communist "science" and so it comes as no surprise that they preferred arms' dealing and leaving Slovenian territories and property to the neighbouring nations to chase after their "moment" to protecting the national interest and the territorial integrity of the Primorska region. The same goes for other Slovenian lands incorporated into the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (SHS) in 1918 and later Yugoslavia which they exited in approximately the same shape and size in 1991.
Indoctrination, lack of self-esteem and lack of self-awareness are so absolute that no voice of reason can break through. Yugoslav chauvinism eradicated what was left after a hundred years of the "national-protective" massacre: indigenousness became a curse word. It is not scientific to speak of the Veneti and Carantania. The "Turkish" raids and Slovene's heroic fight for survival have been buried into oblivion. The Socha front (Battles of the Isonzo) and the limitless heroic feats of Slovenes have been laid to rest together with the fallen soldiers. The emptiness of experts' heads has been filled with the straw of 'social sciences' which are not only ignorant of all things but also unwilling to know anything about Slovenia, the history of Slovenia as a country, Slovenian country-lands, Slovenian borders. They accept with a sigh of relief any word from a foreigner's mouth, all just so they can avoid the danger of (by natural state of things) actually guessing— blurting out — a correct word.
All of the above as well as many other factors contributed to the anti-statebuilding conduct of the responsible in the crucial times of Slovenian emancipation. It is an amateur's mistake to not notice the difference between the international and country's internal legal level. They went about stately matters in the same manner as matters pertaining to local communities. To this day some people think that a "Republic" and "Country" are homonyms.1 They are still unable to break away from dubbing stately affairs as "those of the republic". As a subject of international law, which is what Slovenia became on 25 June 1991 when it declared and established its independence, they continued to talk and consult and accept key obligations under the heading of the constitution sitting across from a geographic concept or private company of a certain Tudjman — for Croatia remained a part of Yugoslavia until 8 October 1991 when it finally declared and established its independence. Our country's officials and experts still haven't noticed this and they are of course not even trying to understand that any agreement reached on such a defective, illegal and illegitimate level is not the least bit valid nor does it exist. Even more so since none of these documents were ratified after the fact, as is proper and habitual, after the establishment of normal state — that is when a suitable subject finally did appear on the other side of the negotiating table.
Ker je iz navedenega razvidno, da je shlo za diletantizem in nekompetentnost odgovornih slovenskih funkcionarjev in drzhavnikov, je prav, da se tukaj osvetli ozadje z razlogi, zakaj sosednja nekdanja jugoslovanska republika ni uveljavila svoje suverenitete hkrati s Slovenijo. Nekako na pol skrivaj in sramezhljivo je le sprejela slabo prepisano kopijo slovenske izjave, potem pa vse skupaj skrila v predal. Seveda! Predsednik zveznega izvrshnega sveta je bil tudi Hrvat. In Tudjman je vedel: che Zagreb razglasi samostojnost, potem pa izpolni dogovor in ne ovira — torej spusti — JLA s svojega ozemlja nad suvereno Slovenijo, je avtomatichno agresor. Hrvashka se ne bi mogla izogniti vsem temu dejstvu ustrezajochim posledicam. Bila bi agresor in bi odgovarjala. To pa seveda spretnjakovichem nad Ilico nikakor ni ustrezalo — so pach imeli she druge rachune in so raje malo pochakali, med agresijo pa so na hitro ukradli she kaj vech od tistega, kar so zhe tako imeli namen ukrasti. Niso pa premeteni zlikovci rachunali, da se bo zgodil brionski moratorij, in ta jih je doletel v stanju jugoslovanske republike, Slovenijo pa v statusu subjekta mednarodnega prava. Shlamastika posebne vrste je seveda, da slovenski »drzhavniki« — v resnici trgovchichi z vrechami mark — teh dejstev niso znali ali hoteli ali smeli opaziti. Zato je Zagrebu uspelo prejadrati moratorijske mesece brez kake shkode. Res pa je, da zaradi tega prevarantstva kasneje niso smeli na to opozarjati in zahtevati sicer obichajnega naknadnega preverjanja vsega dotlej dogovorjenega. Tako so sprejeti dokumenti ostali neveljavni, neobstojechi, a — spet ! — Slovenci tega niso niti opazili. Raje so jadikovali o Piranskem zalivu in sosedom za denar slovenskih davkoplachevalcev gradili protipoplavne nasipe ob Muri.
Groteska posebne sorte je she en ne ravno nepomemben drobec iz neskonchne vrste dosezhkov prikoritene komsomolske kvazi elite, povezan s to pomursko epopejo. Ko je predsednik hrvashke vlade Sanader vzvisheno prishel pogledat, kaj neki ropotajo oni Kranjci tam ob Muri, ga je prichakal slovenski premier Jansha. In je meni nich tebi nich prisedel v avto predsednika druge drzhave, ki ga je lastnorochno, rezhech se, popeljal po (dotlej) slovenskem ozemlju. Seveda, le kaj naj se sanja uchencu kumrovshkega drzhavotvorja vsaj o protokolu, che zhe ne o suvereniteti ali celo o pojezdu!
Nevzdrzhno, docela protipravno stanje na slovensko-hrvashki meji je le she en klavrn dosezhek pomladne slane. Kolikshna bo namrech shkoda, ko se bodo odprli neporavnani rachuni skladishchnikov in trgovchichev med balkanskimi vojnami, je namrech prevech grozno zhe pomisliti. Ne nazadnje jih imamo kar nekaj za vratom v aktivni politiki. Kaj to pomeni, ni treba posebej razlagati. Zato je manj boleche razpravljati o zavozlani zadevi z mejo, chetudi gre za krucialne drzhavnopravne rechi in za odgovornost. In seveda je obstojechi problem dosezhek istih barvastih kalinov.
Since the above stated case makes it clear that it was a matter of dilettantism and incompetency of Slovenian officials and statesmen it is right that the background be illuminated here. The question is: what are the reasons as to why Slovenia's neighbouring Former Yugoslav republic did not establish its independence at the same time as Slovenia? In a kind of secretive and bashful way it received a poorly copied Slovenian declaration and then hid the whole thing in a drawer somewhere. Of course! The president of the Federal Executive Council was also Croatian. And Tudjman knew that if Croatia declares independence and then fulfils its previous agreement of letting the Yugoslav People's Army cross its territory into independent Slovenia that that makes it a co-aggressor. Afterwards there would be no way for Croatia to elude this fact and the consequences it would bring. It would have to answer for it. Of course this did not suit the clever fellows above Ilica at all. They had other plans and so they waited a bit longer and made use of the aggression to steal a bit more than they were already planning to steal. However, the shrewd bandits did not count on the occurrence of the Brioni Moratorium2 which caught up with them still as a Yugoslav republic while Slovenia was already a sovereign state recognized by international law. It is a quandary of a special sort that Slovenian "statesmen" — mere merchant boys carrying bags of deutschmarks — were incapable, unwilling or disallowed to notice this. And so it was possible for Zagreb to sail through the months of the moratorium unscathed. It is however true that this deception prevented them from later drawing attention by demanding additional verification of all which had been agreed upon up until that point. This is how the accepted documents remained invalid, nonexistent, but yet again! — Slovenes never noticed. They preferred to whine about the Gulf of Piran and construct anti-flood dams on Croatian soil at Mura paying for it by Slovenian tax-payers' money.
A grotesque in its own right, another not really unimportant fragment from an unending line of achievements of the aforementioned komsomolian quasi elite connected to this Mura epopee also deems mentioning. When the President of Croatian government Sanader superiorly came to have a look at what these Kranjci (derogative for Slovenes) are making all the fuss about, Slovenian Prime Minister Janez Jansha came to meet him. And just like that he sat in the car of another Country's President who then, grinning evilly, proceeded to drive him across (up until then) Slovenian territory. Of course what is a disciple of the Kumrovec (Tito's birthplace) school of state-building to know at least about protocol if not sovereignty or even poezd!
The intolerable and entirely unlawful state of things on the Slovenian-Croatian border is merely another wretched achievement of spring frost. It is too horrible to even contemplate the extent of the damage that will occur when outstanding warehousing and merchants' bills come to light. After all, we have quite a few of those pending in day-to-day politics. I don't feel the need to explain what I mean by that. And so it is less painful to discuss the tangled matters concerning the border, even though crucial stately matters and responsibilities are at stake. And of course the existing problem is an achievement of the same swindlers.
Po skoraj dveh desetletjih se je s podporo velesile, ki je imela veliko opravka z usodo Slovencev in slovenskih dezhel zhe na zachetku te »slovenske zgodbe« ob koncu prve svetovne vojne, zachelo novo poglavje. Aktualni slovensko-hrvashki sporazum o arbitrazhi je zachetek nepovratnega procesa, katerega rezultat bo zavezujoch in ga bosta morali obe strani pod mednarodnim pritiskom dokonchno vsrkati v svojo drzhavno realnost.
Danes, ko javnosti she niso poznane vse podrobnosti, zlasti zapisniki pogovorov predsednika Wilsona v Parizu s slovenskimi reprezentanti, posebno s knezoshkofom Jeglichem in z delegacijo, v kateri je bil tudi dr. Lambert Ehrlich, je tezhko verjeti, da je podoba takratnega dogajanja jasna in objektivna. Vsekakor pa je ochitno, da niti she taka pripravljenost velesile, kot je bila takrat Amerika, in njenega predsednika, da Sloveniji prizna drzhavno suvereniteto, ni mogla imeti uchinka, saj slovenska politika za kaj takega sploh ni bila pripravljena. V nasprotju na primer s Cheshko, za katero je Masaryk ves chas vojne intenzivno gradil doma in na tujem okolishchine, ki so potem same po sebi povedle Chehe v suvereno drzhavo, she vech — Slovencem podobno nerodne Slovake so dobili za povrh, medtem pa so slovenski politiki na ves glas razgrajali o »troedinem plemenu« in o »Jugoslaviji, edini reshitvi«. Seveda so se zli duhovi na Kaptolu in Grichu ter nad sotochjem Save in Donave nasladno hahljali. Bogata (za tamkajshnje razmere) in civilizirana slovenska chreda je sama rinila v njihov hlev. Nekaterim je bila celo odvech. A obsedenost kvazi narodnih zashchitnikov na Slovenskem je bila brezmejna. She srecha, da je predsednik Narodnega sveta v Ljubljani, Jozhef vitez Pogachnik, sporochil centralni vladi na Dunaju odlochitev Narodnega sveta, da prevzema vso oblast in upravo v slovenskih dezhelah, ki jih je taksativno nashtel: Primorska z Istro, Kranjska, slovenski del Koroshke in slovenski del Shtajerske. Tako vsaj poznamo pomembno resnico. Skladno z uradnim stalishchem dotedanjega suverena in centralne vlade glede razpada Avstrijskega cesarstva, je s tem, ko je dunajska vlada sporochilo akceptirala, Narodni svet postal suverena oblast v nashtetih slovenskih dezhelah oziroma njih delih. Tu se pojavi vprashanje: che je modra ljubljanska vlada znala omeniti celovito Primorsko (torej skupaj z Istro in Kvarnerskimi otoki), chemu je bilo treba vnaprej in kar na pamet govorichiti o »slovenskih delih« Koroshke in Shtajerske? Za vsako normalno vlado bi bilo glede na znane zgodovinske in dejanske okolishchine samo po sebi umevno, da nachelno sodijo pod oblast ljubljanskega Narodnega sveta vse slovenske dezhele kot celote. Che komu to ne bi ustrezalo, bi bil kasneje she vedno chas za ugotavljanje stanja in za legalne postopke razchishchevanja. Toda ne, politichni prvaki, ki so tedaj prevzeli odgovornost za usodo Slovencev in njihovih dezhel, so raje vnaprej razkosavali svoje dezhele; z grozhnjo, da bodo vse skupaj izrochili mrachnemu balkanskemu monarhu, pa so vzbudili ostro nasprotovanje celo mnogih etnichnih Slovencev, in to se je pri kasnejshem plebiscitu na Koroshkem tudi usodno mashchevalo. Od vechjega dela Shtajerske pa so se slovenski voditelji poslovili kar na hitro, chetudi celo v Gradcu ni bilo malo vnetih za »slovensko stvar«.
After nearly two decades a new chapter started with the support of the superpower that had much to do with the fate of Slovenes as early as World War I, at the beginning of this 'Slovenian tale'. The active Slovenian-Croatian arbitration agreement is the beginning of a non-reversible process the result of which will be binding and which both sides will be forced by international pressure to absorb into their individual stately reality.
Today when the general public is as yet unaware of all the details, most of all records of the talks between President Woodrow Wilson and Slovenian representatives — especially prince bishop Jeglich and the Paris delegation which also included Dr Lambert Ehrlich, it is hard to believe that our view of those occurrences can be clear and objective. It is absolutely evident that not even the greatest willingness of such a superpower as the USA (at the time) and its President to recognize Slovenian State as a sovereign nation could have no effect. Slovenian politics of the time was simply not prepared for such an occurrence. The Czech Republic was a different story. There Masaryk spent the entire war intensively building both at home and abroad to prepare the conditions which led the Czechs to an independent country, and more than that — they got to integrate Slovaks, so similar to Slovenes, as a bonus. While this was taking place Slovenian politicians yelled at the top of their lungs about the triple 'single tribe' and "Yugoslavia, the only solution'. Naturally the evil spirits on the Captol and the Hill and above the confluence of Sava and Danube were grinning viciously. The rich (from their point of view) and civilized Slovenian herd was entering their barn peacefully and of its own accord. Some even found this unneccessary. But the obsession of the so-called protectors of national interest knew no boundaries. Luckily the president of the National Council in Ljubljana, knight Jozhef Pogachnik informed the central government in Vienna of the National Council's decision to take over all the power and administration in Slovenian lands — which he then extensively enumerated: Primorska with Istria, Carniola, the Slovenian part of Carinthia, and so at least we now know the important truth. In keeping with the official position of the — up until then — sovereign and central government on the topic of the dissolution of the Austrian Empire, with the acceptance of this message by the government in Vienna, the National Council became the sovereign power in these Slovenian lands or their parts. The question that arises is: If the Ljubljana based government was able to mention the entire Primorska region (including Istria and the Kvarner Islands), why then was it necessary to keep going on about the "Slovenian parts" of Carinthia and Styria? Any normal government would take it for granted that in principle all Slovenian lands in their entirety would fall under the jurisdiction of the Ljubljana based National Council. If this would not suit everyone there would still be enough time later to clarify matters and start legal procedures accordingly. But no, the high politicians that took responsibility for the fate of Slovenes and their lands preferred to dismember their own lands; their threat of handing the whole thing over to the dark Balkanian monarch stirred up strong opposition even with native Slovenes which later proved a fatal blow to the plebiscite in Carinthia.3 It did not take Slovenian leaders long to abandon the larger part of Styria even though there was no shortage of interest in the "Slovenian affair" in Gradec (Graz).
Defetizem, kapitulanstvo, kolaborantsvo in kar je she nedrzhavotvornega smetja — to je krojilo usodo bornega preostanka Slovencev, ki jih je potem doletela she katastrofa druge svetovne vojne, kapitulacije, izgnanstva in genocidne morije. Jugoslavija je po zmagi sicer (pri)dobila skoraj vso dezhelo Primorsko, a slovenska uprava z njo ni vedela kaj pocheti in jo je vechji del brez komentarja prepustila hrvashkim uradnikom. Nobeno nakljuchje torej ni, da se je v osamosvojitvenem vrenju hrvashka uprava znashla na sredini Piranskega zaliva, ter ne le na desnem, marvech sedaj zhe tudi na levem bregu Mure, v podgorjanskih vaseh v Beli krajini in v snezhnishkih samotah. Celo vrh pravne stroke je uradno razglashal, da Slovenija ni pomorska drzhava, da nima izhoda na odprto morje in da je, skratka, teritorialno prikrajshana drzhava. O v nebo vpijochem dejstvu, da gre le za intelektualno in narodnozavedno prikrajshanost teh kvazistrokovnjakov, seveda ni govoril nihche.
Tako stanje se je sedaj znashlo na papirjih pripravljenega sporazuma o arbitrazhi, ki ima zadaj mochnega botra, da se po nakljuchju ne bi znova prevech zavozlalo.
Sporazum dolocha predmet in nachin odlochanja arbitrov. Predmet odlochanja je meja na morju in meja na kopnem (Tochka 3/1/a). Preprosto. Torej tribunal lahko odlocha o vsej meji, kakor se mu zahoche, dokler uposhteva osnovno pravilo, da razsoja na podlagi mednarodnega prava (Tochka 4/1/a). Hkrati mora tribunal odlochiti o stiku slovenskega teritorija z odprtim morjem in o rezhimu v akvatoriju (3/1/b/c) ter pri tem uposhtevati tudi nachelo pravichnosti/sorazmernosti in dobrososedskih odnosov (Tochka 3/1/b). To je vse, kar pishe glede tega. Pomeni pa, seveda, da mora Slovenija pokazati vsa tista dejstva in argumente, ki ustrezajo zahtevanemu kriteriju mednarodnega prava.
Temu kriteriju zanesljivo ne ustrezajo in v njegovi optiki nimajo prav nobenega uchinka republishke meje, obchinske meje, upravna obmochja, statistichni podatki, samoupravni dogovori, policijska nadzorna obmochja, trgovski obichaji in postopki, chesar vsega je polna silno draga in zajetna, a nichvredna (pravzaprav shkodljiva) Bela knjiga MZZ RS iz leta 2006. Prav tako nimajo nobenega pomena in uchinka dogovori, ki so bili sklenjeni enostransko (gl. Tochka 5. — po 25. juniju 1991 sploh noben enostranski akt); to velja za vse dogovore, ki jih je Demosova vlada sklenila ali sama sprejela glede na sosednjo jugoslovansko republiko Hrvashko. Ker Hrvashka tedaj ni bila subjekt mednarodnega prava, so tovrstni akti tako ali tako povsem brez pomena.
Na prvi pogled bi utegnila imeti dolochen pomen Badinterjeva arbitrarna odlochitev, da medrepublishka meja postane meddrzhavna meja. Ta odlochitev ima vsaj dve lepotni napaki:
Defeatism, capitulation, collaborationism and other rubbish averse to the building of the country was what determined the fate of the paltry remnants of Slovenes who then went on to suffer the catastrophes of World War II, capitulation, exile and the genocidal slaughter. The victorious Yugoslavia did in fact succeed in acquiring the entire land of Primorska but Slovenian administration had no idea what to do with it and so it simply and quietly handed it over to Croatian officials. It is therefore no coincidence that at the time of the tumult of emancipation the Croatian administration found itself in the middle of the Gulf of Piran and not only on the left but now also on the right bank of the Mura river in the villages under the Gorjanci range of Bela Krajina and under the Snezhnik hill. Even the topmost experts of the legal profession made official statements about Slovenia not being a maritime country — that it does not connect to international waters and that it is in short a territorially deprived country. The fact that these so called experts are intellectually and patriotically deprived was of course never mentioned.
This is the situation that now found its way to the documents of the prepared arbitration agreement, with a strong godfather standing in the background just in case things start getting too entangled again.
The agreement determines the object and the method of the arbiters' decision process. The objects of decision are the sea border and the land border (Point 3/1/a). Sounds simple. Therefore the tribunal has the power to decide the entire border however it sees fit as long as it makes its decision on the basis of international law (Point 4/1/a). At the same time the tribunal must decide on the matter of the contact of Slovenian territory with the international waters and on the regime in the aquatorium (3/1/b/c) while taking into account the principle of equity/proportionality and good relations between neighbours (Point 3/1/b). That's all it says. What this means is that Slovenia must present all facts and arguments that correspond to the demanded criteria of international law.
I am sure that republic borders,4 municipal borders, administrative precincts, statistical data, self-government agreements, police surveillance precincts, merchant custom and procedures do not correspond to these criteria nor do they have any bearing on its view. Filled with this data is the very expensive and thick but also worthless (actually harmful) Bela knjiga (White Book) of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs from 2006. Also meaningless and without effect are agreements reached unilaterally (above, point 5 — no unilateral act after 25 June 1991); this goes for all agreements reached or unilaterally accepted by the DEMOS government pertaining to the neighbouring Yugoslav Republic of Croatia. Since Croatia was not subject to international law at the time these acts are meaningless anyway.
At first glance Badinteri's arbitrary decision to use the border between the former Yugoslav republics may seem to have some merit. This decision however possesses at least two cosmetic faults:
1)	Helsinshka listina govori o nespremenjljivosti meddrzhavnih meja v Evropi. Dolocha postopke, ki so potrebni za eventualne spremembe. V slovensko-hrvashkem primeru nich od tega ni bilo sposhtovano.
2)	Govoriti o »republishki meji« znotraj enovite skupne drzhave, ko je republika geografski pojem, je eno, toda govoriti o »republishki meji«, ko gre za mejo med dvema drzhavnima subjektoma, pa je drugo. Znotraj enovite skupne drzhave so upravne razmejitve poljubne in razen upravnih nimajo drugih uchinkov. Ko pa naj bi postala »medrepublishka« razmejitev meddrzhavna, nastopijo she vse druge komponente — ozemeljska celovitost, zgodovinske danosti, volja prebivalstva itd.
Torej je evidentno, da Badinterjeva odlochitev ne pomeni avtomatichno meddrzhavne razmejitve po chrti, ki je upravno razmejevala dve lokalni upravi znotraj Jugoslavije. Toliko bolj zagotovo, che obstaja in je vsem na ocheh tisochletna meddrzhavna meja na chrti Reka — Kotoriba, ki so jo sposhtovali celo okupatorji med drugo svetovno vojno in niso dovolili svoji nacistichni ustashki zaveznici NDH, da bi s svojo oblastjo segla prek te meje. So pa zato toliko bolj besno zhe med vojno njene oborozhene tolpe vpadale chez mejo in morile slovensko prebivalstvo (npr. mnozhichni pomor vseh moshkih v Planini na Gorjancih), da o pobojih v hrvashkih koncentracijskih taborishchih in she povojnih pomorih v Istri ter med Dravo in Muro ne govorimo. To je potrebno povedati, da ne bo pozabljeno, da so Slovenci v omenjenih krajih s krvjo zapechatili slovenskost zadevne dezhele.
Torej niti Badinterjeva arbitrarna odlochitev ne ustreza kriteriju iz Tochke 4/1/a, kolikor seveda sploh posega v dejansko meddrzhavno mejo med Republiko Slovenijo in Republiko Hrvashko.
Podobno kot pri Badinterju velja tudi za t. i. Temeljno ustavno listino, ki ponavlja »republishko« floskulo; posebno she, ker je enostranska in zato povsem neveljavna, saj zadeva partnerja »prek mize«, ki ga ni! Ni namrech subjekta mednarodnega prava na drugi strani. Hrvashka takrat ni bila suverena drzhava in z njo ni bilo mogoche sklepati nikakrshnih meddrzhavno zavezujochih dogovorov in she manj kakrshne koli enostranske (samo)zaveze. Chetudi ustavne. Vse doslej nashteto torej ne izpolnjuje pogojev iz Tochke 4/1/a.
Edini argument, ki ima vse elemente meddrzhavnega znachaja, je meddrzhavna meja med slovenskimi dezhelami, ki so 1. decembra 1918 vstopile v SHS, in dotedanjo provinco znotraj Kraljevine Ogrske — Hrvashko. Ta meja je tisoch let in vech nesporno mednarodnopravno dejstvo z vsemi atributi, natanchno dolochena in zaznamovana na terenu. Leta 1918 je z vstopom slovenskih dezhel (po Trianonu se jim je pridruzhilo she Prekmurje do Drave, dotlej del Madzharske republike) v SHS / Jugoslavijo ta meja ostala nedotaknjena, a izven funkcije. Med okupacijo v chasu druge svetovne vojne je bila znova sama po sebi veljavna meja med NDH in okupiranimi slovenskimi dezhelami Prekmurje (z Medmurjem!), Shtajerska, Kranjska in Primorska do Reke (slednja je bila vrnjena v okvir Primorske — Venezia Giulia).
1)	The Helsinki Accord states that international borders in Europe are unalterable. It defines procedures needed for eventual changes. None of the above was taken into account in the Slovenian-Croatian case.
2)	To speak of a "border between republics" within a single united state when a republic is a geographic term5 is one thing, but to speak of a border between two stately subjects is another. Within a united single country administrative boundaries are variable and their effect is only administrative. But when this administrative boundary is to become an international border all other components come in to play, such as territorial integrity, historical facts, the will of the people etc.
It is therefore evident that Badinteri's decision does not automatically translate into an international demarcation following the line that divided two local administrative units within Yugoslavia. This is all the clearer if there exists and is obvious to all a thousand-year-old international boundary on the line running from Reka to Kotoriba, respected even by the occupying forces who did not allow its Nazi Ustashe ally — NDH (Indepedent State of Croatia — quisling state) to extend its power over this border. However the incursions of its armed bands over this border and the killing of Slovenian inhabitants already during the war were all the more vicious (for instance the mass murder of all males at Planina on Gorjanci), not to mention the killings in Croatian concentration camps and the slaughters in Istria and between the rivers Drava and Mura after the war. The fact that Slovenes in the mentioned places sealed the Slovene character of these lands with their blood mus certainly be mentioned here. Therefore Badinteri's arbitrary decision fails to meet the requirements from Point 4/1/a, even where it actually touches on the actual matter of international border between Slovenia and Croatia.
Similarly to Badinteri's document the so-called Fundamental Constitutional Charter also repeats the "republic" blunder and is also unilateral and hence entirely invalid. It concerns a partner "on the other side of the negotiation table" that does not exist! There is no subject to international law on the other side. Croatia was not a sovereign country at the time and it was impossible to reach any internationally binding agreements with it and even more so — any type of unilateral obligation (to self), not even a constitutional one. Therefore, everything we've examined thus far does not meet the requirements of Point 4/1/a.
The only argument that possesses all the elements of international character is the international border between the Slovenian lands that entered SHS on 1 December 1918 and the province of Croatia — until that point within the Kingdom of Hungary. For over a thousand years this border was a legally internationally undisputed fact with all the adjacent attributes — precisely defined and marked in the field. In 1918 when Slovenian lands joined SHS /Yugoslavia (after Trianon Prekmurje up to Drava was added which was prior to that a part of the Republic of Hungary) this border remained untouched, but had no functional use. During the occupation at the time of World War II it was again automatically used as the border between the NDH and the occupied Slovenian lands: Prekmurje (including Medmurje!), Styria, Carniola and the Primorska region reaching as far as Reka (the city itself was again included in the Primorska — Venezia Giulia).
Tudi po drugi svetovni vojni te meje ni spreminjal noben mednarodnopravni akt in je tako nedotaknjena dochakala razpad drzhave, ki je bila nastala z zdruzhitvijo slovenskih dezhel in drugih pokrajin. Katastrofalno, vendar povsem v skladu z izprichanimi navadami in ravnanji slovenskih kvazipolitikov in psevdodrzhavnikov, pa je dejstvo, da nikomur od pooblashchenih pri slovenski vladi, v parlamentu ali v politichnih strankah to preprosto razvidno, silno pomembno dejstvo ni padlo v ochi.
Danes je pred nami sporazum o arbitrazhi, ki konchno po sto letih postavlja na mizo slovenske drzhavotvorne argumente. Sporazum sicer pozno, a ne prepozno odpira mozhnost, da Slovenija popravi zamujeno. Ni mogoche obuditi mnozhice padlih in pomorjenih, ni mogoche povrniti brezmejne shkode in nadomestiti izgubljenih eksistenc, toda pred tribunal lahko postavimo tukaj opisano, preprosto, a dokonchno in edino resnico, ki jo mora uposhtevati. Le to resnico, saj nich drugega, kar bo hrvashka stran postavila predenj, nima mednarodnopravnih znachilnosti, ki jih zahteva Tochka 4/1/a.
Morda ni dalech od resnice, da je v Tochki 4/1/b poleg mednarodnega prava predvideno uposhtevanje pravichnosti/sorazmernosti in dobrososedstva predvsem zato, da prepotentnih sosedov, ki si domishljajo, da je vse, chesar se polakomnijo, avtomatichno njihovo, ne bi zadela kap, ko bo tribunal razglasil svojo dokonchno in zavezujocho odlochitev.
Mozhno je upanje, da bo tokrat velesila, ki je pred devetimi desetletji premalo pritisnila na mlahave narodnozashchitnishke diletante in ni dovolj pomagala nenavadni, a celo tudi zanjo (prim. Jefferson) dragoceni podalpski naciji, to zgodovinsko napako skushala popraviti.
(Ljubljana, 5. 11. 2009)
Even after World War II no act of international law altered this border and so it awaited — untouched — the dissolution of the state that came to be through a union of Slovenian lands and other regions. It is a catastrophe completely in keeping with the demonstrated customs and procedures exhibited by Slovenian so-called politicians and statesmen that all empowered government, parliamentary or party officials failed to notice this evident but utterly important fact.
Today we are facing the Arbitrary Agreement that is finally, after a hundred years, presenting Slovenian state-building arguments. Even though late, the agreement is presenting Slovenia with the opportunity to catch up and repair the damage. It is not possible to awaken the multitude of the fallen and murdered, to repair the immeasurable damage and replace the lost existences, but it is possible to present the tribunal with a simple but final and only truth which it must take into account. Only this truth, for nothing that it may receive from the Croatian side meets the demands of international law as defined in Point 4/1/a.
Perhaps Point 4/1/b apart from international law takes into account the principle of equity/proportionality and good relations between neighbours mostly so that the good neighbours, conceitedly believing that all they wish to gorge on automatically falls to them, do not suffer a stroke when the tribunal announces its final and binding decision.
It is possible to hope that this time the superpower that failed to exert enough pressure on the limp national-protectionist dilettantes, and to lend enough help to the unusual nation under the Alps valuable even to itself (ex. Jefferson), will try to mend this historical blunder.
(Ljubljana, 5 November, 2009)
1	The term republic was used in former Yugoslavia for individual units within the federation. (translator's note)
2	Part of the Brioni Agreement which framed the way the hostilities between Yugoslavia and Slovenia were stopped. (translator's note)
3	The 1920 Carinthian Plebiscite determined the final border between Austria and Slovenia, leaving half of the Carinthian Slovenians in Austria — to a degree by their own choosing. (translator's note)
4	Former Yugoslav republics (translator's note)
5	Yugoslav republic only had a degree of autonomy — courts, army, official language — the high court was in Belgrade, there was also a common economy, and most importantly all the republics were lead by a common governmental body — the central committee. (translator's note)
Translated from Slovenian by Jaka Jarc
Rajko Shushtarshich
O DOBROSOSEDSKIH ODNOSIH (MED NARODI) IN NARODOVI SAMOBITNOSTI
ZAVEDNIM SLOVENCEM (II)*
Dvomim, da smo se Slovenci kdaj v svoji zgodovini tolikokrat kot danes soochali s sintagmo »dobrososedski odnosi«. Poslushamo jo tako rekoch nenehno, v razlichnih zvezah in modalitetah. Ko se to dogaja kakemu narodu, se mu praviloma ne obeta nich dobrega. Chemu neki bi bilo sicer potrebno tovrstno pranje mozhganov? In kaj ta sintagma sploh pomeni — namrech taka, kot je aktualna (aktualizirana) dandanes? Gotovo je vsi ne pojmujemo enako. Nich hudega slutech, se je uho navadi, in chlovek si misli, da je samoumevna. Chez chas pa o njej sploh vech ne razmishlja, ker je zhe preprichan, in ravno takega potrebuje sistem s svojimi glasniki.
V dobi vizualnih komunikacij pa jo (sintagmo namrech) tudi vsi vidimo, spremljajo jo: prijazni nasmehi, stiski rok, objemi kljuchnih narodnih reprezentantov, skratka — predstava je ganljiva »za zjokat«. Vchasih pa je povsem drugachna, na primer dobrososedsko kazanje golih zadnjic hrvashkih ribichev v Piranskem zalivu; povedano z eno besedo — groteskna.
Ni tezhko uganiti, da sem v tem uvodu imel v mislih t. i. dobrososedske odnose med sosedama Slovenijo in Hrvashko. No, ne chisto dobesedno. Nisem ravno presunjen glede dobrih odnosov med omenjenima drzhavama (RS in RH). Bolj me zanimajo dobrososedski odnosi med sosednjima narodoma (Slovenci in Hrvati). Vendar naroda ne pojmujem tako, kot nam ga ponuja sistemska propaganda, za katero je narod le institucionalna tvorba, marvech po svoje, tj. narod kot svoboden subjekt. Naj se ponovim, kot zhe tolikokrat (resda vsakich zaman).1 Le dva subjekta poznam: eden je individuum, drugi je narod. Za oba subjekta je bistvena tako svojskost kot samobitnost ter svoboda (svobodna volja — smoodlochanje).
Glede odnosov med sosednjima narodoma, che jih ochistimo ideoloshke navlake, ne more biti nobenih tezhav. Ker je vsak narod po svojem bistvu (po naravi) subjekt, in to je lahko le, che priznava subjektiviteto drugim narodom, tudi sosednjim. Tak je obchi zakon! Toda narodi imajo tudi to nesrechno lastnost, da se radi pustijo voditi kot ovce, pri tem pa ne razpoznajo dobro svojega pastirja, a to niti ni chudno, saj pastirji venomer zamenjujejo drug drugega. Resnici na ljubo je torej treba priznati, da ovce brez ograje ne morejo dolgo zdrzhati.
Enako velja za dobre odnose med idividuumi; tudi pri tem ni zaznavnih tezhav, ker je vsak svojski kot subjekt, in to subjektiviteto priznava drugim individuumom, sicer ne bi bil subjekt.
Rajko Shushtarshich
ON PROPER NEIGHBOURLY RELATIONS (BETWEEN NATIONS) AND ON A NATION'S SOVEREIGNTY
TO PATRIOTIC SLOVENES (II)
I doubt that throughout our history Slovenes have ever heard the phrase "proper neighbourly relations" as frequently as now. It is constantly being tossed around in various contexts and modalities. When this starts to occur no good can come of it for the nation in question. Otherwise, what could possibly be the purpose of such brainwashing? And what does this phrase actually mean — used (and promulgated) in the way it is today? I'm sure we do not all understand it in the same way. None the wiser — the ear adopts it and we start taking the phrase at face value. As time passes we stop paying any mind to it whatsoever — having become convinced — and this is just how the system and its heralds like us.
In the age of visual communication we all see its (the phrase's) image: it is accompanied by friendly smiles, handshakes, hugs on the part of key national representatives. In short: the show is touching enough to "move us to tears". Sometimes however, it is entirely different. For example the neighbourly mooning of the Croatian fishermen in the Gulf of Piran is, in a word, grotesque. It is not at all difficult to discern that this introduction was aimed at proper neighbourly relations between the neighbouring countries Slovenia and Croatia. Well not exclusively. I am less than moved concerning proper relations between the two afore mentioned countries (Republic of Slovenia and Republic of Croatia). I am more interested in proper neighbourly relations between the neighbouring nations (Slovenes and Croatians). But I do not perceive a nation to be what system propaganda designates it — an institutional construct, but rather to me a nation is a free subject. At the risk of repeating myself, like so many times before (though in vain every time)1. There are only two subjects I recognize: the individual and the nation. Both are marked by the same key characteristics: Individuality and Sovereignty and Freedom (free will — self-determination).
Concerning the relations between bordering nations — once stripped of all nonsense the problems should cease, since every nation is (by nature) fundamentally a subject. This can only be if the same nation recognizes the subjective individuality of other nations including neighbouring ones. This is general law! But nations also share the unfortunate characteristic with sheep — which is, they like to be lead without special attention as to who is leading them. This is hardly surprising since the shepherds are constantly changing. The brutal truth is that sheep cannot hold out for very long without a fence. The same goes for relations among individuals; since each person is a specific individual and recognizes the subjective individuality to others there is no distinguishable issues.
Problemi med nami, kdaj pa kdaj tako veliki, da jih imamo za nepremostljive, cheprav v resnici niso taki, pa izvirajo drugod; koreninijo v nerazchishchenih pojmovanjih, natanchneje, v nashihpreprichanjih. Kajti kaj smo kot narod, smo bolj ali manj preprichani s silo ideologije, tj. s sredstvi njene politichne propagande. Danes tako, jutri drugache, kakor se vsakokratni politichni eliti zazdi primerno, ob dejstvu, da se »Oni« ravnajo po svojih vsakokratnih interesih, vkljuchujoch njihovo mednarodno prepletenost, ki je sistemska, naj-sistemska (glede pomena sintagme mednarodna prepletenost — v resnici je meddrzhavna, she tochneje: nadsistemska).
Gotovo je she danes tako, da narod — cheprav ni drzhavna tvorba — potrebuje dolochen institucionalni okvir, to je svojo drzhavo. Potem ko je uresnichena, pa se nam zgodi nekaj nedoumljivega. Drzhava za nas postane svetinja; na razvoj slovenske drzhavnosti smo zhe tako zelo ponosni, da si komaj upam izrechi kako grenko na njen rachun. Vendar pa o njej, se pravi o njeni (nashi) zgodovini ne smemo prav dosti vedeti, z izjemo tega seveda, kar nam servira vsakokratna uradna zgodovina, politika, ideologija. Ta konstrukt je tako zelo reduciran, da je sprejemljiv le za zozheno zavest. Chlovek s trohico zgodovinskega spomina ga ne more prebaviti. (Na to temo glej prispevek, namenjen zgodovinskemu spominu: Andrej Lenarchich, Sporazum o arbitrazhi )2
Zdaj pa k stvari.
Govoriti o uposhtevanju nachela pravichnosti (pa naj gre za pravno pojmovanje nachela ex aequo et bono ali shirshe pravichnosti kot obche/chloveshke vrednote) v primeru odnosov med RS in RH je skrajno naivno. Saj bo vsak neobremenjen poznavalec (ne pa ekspert) takoj uvidel, da dandanes v mednarodno uveljavljenih odnosih ni nikakrshne pravichnosti. Samovolja mochnejshih (zmagovitih) naj-sistemov je uveljavljena dosledno in povsod na planetu (kot suprasistemu). Dosledno se namrech uveljavlja shirjenje (ekspanzija) mochnejshih na rachun manjshih (shibkejshih). RH sicer ni kdo ve kako pomembna svetovna sila, vendar trenutno ali zachasno, kakor hochete, v dani konstelaciji sil velja kot »garant miru« na Balkanu. In nihche naj ne bi videl premene figur na shahovnici in njenega fashistichnega nasledstva NDH. Ekspanzija RH, uresnichevanje njenih sanj »velike Hrvatske« je »mednarodno« sprejemljiva, nepravichnost pri tem svetovne mochi niti najmanj ne moti.
Vendar bo vsak zaveden Slovenec, kolikor jih je sploh she preostalo po tolikshnih chistkah (etnichnem desetkanju) skozi stoletja, posebej she v zadnjem stoletju, zmogel rechi: NE! Morda nam vzamete s silo, z zunanjo premochjo (prisilo). A tega, kar hochete, vam ne priznamo, ne dajemo sporazumno, z nashim soglasjem nikoli! Tu ne gre le za sporazum glede meje, mejice, ki se nikogar, posebej v Evropi, ne tiche. Gre za nashe dostojanstvo naroda kot subjekta, ker che nam to nich ne pomeni, potem mi kot narod ne pomenimo nich. Smo le narod hlapcev. (Glej: O hlapchevstvu naroda)3
The issues we take with each other sometimes feel insurmountable to us, even though, in reality, they are not. They stem from elsewhere, rooted in un-clarified conceptions, our adopted beliefs. We are taught to feel a sense of belonging to a nation as a construct of ideology, by means of political propaganda. The manner changes from day to day, as the ever changing political elite deems fit, according to "Their" ever mutating interests. The latter are often tied to the elite's international ties, which are systemic and super-systemic. (Concerning the meaning of the phrase international ties — in truth between countries, it is more specifically supra-systemic). Surely the fact remains that a nation — even though itself not a construct of a country — continues to require a certain institutional frame i.e. its own country. After this is realized something incomprehensible befalls us. We begin perceiving the country as sacred; the pride of the development of Slovenian statehood has grown so great that we almost do not dare utter a word criticising it. But still we are not allowed to know much about it, that is to say, its (our) history, barring of course that which we are being served by individual official histories, politics, ideologies. This construct has been reduced to such an extent that it is only acceptable to a narrow mind. A person with any shred of historical memory cannot swallow it. (More on this in the text for historical memory: Andrej Lenarchich, Arbitration Agreement)2
Let us now get to the point.
In the case of relations between the Republic of Slovenia and Republic of Croatia it is almost naive to speak of regard for the principle of equity (be it in the legal sense of the principle ex mquo et bono or equity/justice in the wider sense as humanity's general value). Any unencumbered connoisseur (but not expert) will immediately comprehend that there is no such thing as justice in the internationally established relations today. The imposed will of the stronger (victorious) super-systems is consistently put into force throughout the planet (as supra-system), as the expansion of stronger over the smaller (weaker) is consistently put in effect. The Republic of Croatia is not a very important world power, but it is currently, or if you want temporarily, in the present balance of power, perceived as the guarantor of peace in the Balkans. No one is to notice the switch of the pieces on the chessboard (a symbol of Croatia, its image in the coat of arms) and the political successors of the NDH (Independent Country of Croatia — Ally to Nazi Germany in WWII). The expansion of the Republic of Croatia, the realization of the dream of "Great Croatia" is internationally acceptable — while the injustice does not bother the world powers in the least bit. And yet every patriotic Slovene, as many as there are left after centuries, the last century in particular, of ethnic purges (ethnic decimation), will be able to say: NO! You may take it by force with superior force hailing from abroad. But we will never concede to what you want, never give our consent! The issue is more than our miniscule border, the little line that is nobody's business, especially not other European countries'. The issue is our dignity, dignity of a nation as an individual subject. If we care nothing about this, than we as a nation mean nothing. We are a nation of serfs. (see: O hlashchevstvu naroda (Eng. On the Serfdom of a Nation)3.
Toda nashi vodniki, ki bodo vse storili le z vidika svojih interesov, bodo zdaj she mirno izigrali ljudsko voljo z diskreditiranjem (kompromitiranjem), tj. s prozornim izigravanjem referenduma. Skrajni dosezhek njihove pogajalske spretnosti in (ne)mochi pa je »kolikor se da priblizhati sporazumu Drnovshek-Rachan«, se pravi, vsaj priblizhati se veleizdaji iz leta 2001. Zanamcem bo nerazumljivo, kako so nashi vodniki lahko kaj takega storili, nas tako izdajalsko zastopali; a tako se to skozi vso slovensko zgodovino venomer ponavlja na sila podoben nachin. Vendar je to pot izdaja hujsha kot kadar koli prej. Namrech, nobena realna sila (kvechjemu umishljena) nas danes resno ne ogrozha tako, kot nas je v chasu obeh svetovnih vojn, ko je shlo za odkrito iznichenje naroda Slovencev. She nedavno, v chasu nacifashizma, je Führer grmel: »Naredite mi to dezhelo nemshko!« Fashisti so pili shampanjec, Slovenci pa ricinus (tudi na smrt, in to le zaradi petja slovenskih pesmi v gostilni). Kljub temu pa je nevarnost za Slovence velika, ker je potuhnjena, prikrita. »Ni centimetra svoje zemlje ne damo!« (I. Sanader) in »Slovence je treba dobro pritisnuti!« (S. Mesich) govorijo zdaj liderji dobrih sosedov, pri chemer dobro vedo, da ta zemlja ni njihova. Pa saj to ni pomembno, trenutno jo zasedajo.
Mi pa, zavedeni, preprichani, zaslepljeni, jim bomo to dovolili? Danes si besed Zasedena — okupirana slovenska drzhavna ozemlja she izrechi ne upamo. Seveda, kako bi potem lahko she govorili o dobrososedskih odnosih? Sosed nam hoche vzeti she zadnji zaliv, ki nam je preostal od (nekdaj) slovite slovenske pomorske dezhele, zapreti hoche dostop na odprto morje, hkrati pa nezhenirano govorichi o dobrososedskih odnosih. Navsezadnje naj sosedje tako govorijo, vendar pa nashi vodniki tega ne bi smeli poslushati brez sramu, che bi kaj dali nase, na svojo odgovornost do naroda (ne le do volivcev). Prvemu med prvimi (ki ima najvech mochi), tj. premierju Borutu Pahorju pa velja she posebej rechi: Ta sporazum o arbitrazhi ni dober, je zgodovinska izdaja slovenstva. Odgovornost pred narodom ostane v narodovem zgodovinskem spominu, ta je nekaj vech kot zgolj politichna odgovornost. Nevarnost nam preti od znotraj (od nas samih), od nashih voditeljev, kot je to vedno bilo v nashi zgodovini.
(Ljubljana, 13. novembra 2009)
* Rajko Shushtarshich, Zavednim Slovencem I, Revija SRP 91/92, junij 2009
1	Rajko Shushtarshich, Traktat o svobodi, Vrednote (supra)sistema X, O nacionalni identiteti, Ljubljana 1992; in Revija SRP 43/44, junij 2001
2	Andrej Lenarchich, Sporazum o arbitrazhi, Revija SRP 95/96, februar 2010; in Lives Journal 1, januar 2010
3	Rajko Shushtarshich, Traktat o svobodi, O hlapchevstvu naroda, Ljubljana 1992, in Revija SRP, 1/2, oktober 1993
But our leaders, who would do everything only for the realization of their own interests, will now play the will of the people through discrediting (and compromising), that is blatant abuse of the referendum. The crowning achievement of their skills and power(lessness) of negotiation is to come "as close to the old Drnovshek-Rachan Agreement as possible", that is to say at least come close to the treason of 2001. Our successors will not be able to understand how our leaders could have done it, represent us in such a treacherous manner; but this is what repeatedly and in a similar manner occurs throughout Slovenian history. This time, however, the treason is greater than ever before, as we are not threatened by any real (perhaps merely imaginary) force to the extent we were in the time of the World Wars when the Slovenian Nation was facing open anhilation. Not long ago, in the time of Nazi-Fascism the Führer thundered: "Make this land German again for me!"The fascists were drinking champagne while Slovenians were drinking castor oil (even to the death, merely for singing Slovenian songs in taverns). Nevertheless the danger Slovenes are facing today is great because it is insidious and hidden. "We will not yield a single centimetre of our land!" (I. Sanader — Croatian politician) and "Slovenians need to be pressed hard!" (S. Mesich — Croatian politician) are thoughts uttered by our good neighbours' leaders, knowing full well that this land does not belong to them. Well that does not matter, since they are occupying it.
And we, mislead, convinced, deceived, are to let them? Today we do not even dare use descriptions such as occupied Slovenian stately territories. How are we then to speak of proper neighbourly relations? Our neighbour wants to take the last remaining bay left of an once notable Slovenian maritime land. He would close off our access to international waters, all the while unashamedly prattling on about proper neighbourly relations. Well, let our neighbours prattler on, but it is our leaders who should not remain unashamed in hearing such talk — that is if they cared at all about their responsibility to their nation (not only voters). The first among them (the one with the most power), i.e. prime minister Borut Pahor, should be told: This Arbitration Agreement is no good. It is historical treason against all things Slovenian. The responsibility to the people stays in the nation's historical memory, it supersedes mere political responsibility. The danger is lurking from within (from our very selves), from our leaders, just as it has always been throughout our history.
(Ljubljana, November 13, 2009)
* Rajko Shushtarshich, Conscious Slovenes Revija SRP 91/92, junij 2009
1	Rajko Shushtarshich, Traktat of the freedom, Values of the (supra)system, X, About national identity, Ljubljana 2001; Revija SRP 43/44, junij 2001
2	Andrej Lenarchich, Arbitration agreement, Revija SRP 95/96, februar 2010; and Lives Journal 1, januar 2010
3	Rajko Shushtarshich, Traktat of the freedom, About servility of nation, Ljubljana, 1992, and Revija SRP, 1/2, oktober 1993
Translated from Slovenian by Jaka Jarc
Lucijan Vuga
VENETI V TROJI
SO HOMERJEVI VENETI — HETITI?
Zhgoche vprashanje: Chemu je Homer poimenoval svoj monumentalni ep Iliada in ne Troiada?
»Vse je bilo novo, tako da je lahko podiplomski shtudent spoznaval mozhnosti, za kakrshne bolj ustaljeni delavci (podchrtal in naslednja pripomba L. V.: med temi je tudi Reesov in Hawkingov mentor, univerzitetni profesor) niso imeli dovolj miselne prozhnosti. Pomembno dejstvo je, da je polozhaj, z eno ali dvema izjemama, she vedno tak.« (Iz spremne besede Stephena Hawkinga h knjigi Martina Reesa Pred zachetkom — Nashe in druga vesolja, Didakta, 2003) »Ne moremo govoriti o pravi in niti ne o pochezni bilanci. Nasprotno, za konec moramo postaviti vprashanja o problemih, s katerimi se bomo morali spopasti: to je ochitno znamenje nedokonchanosti te, kakor je nasploh z vsemi raziskavami. Kar se tiche venetshchine, bo treba revidirati njen jezikovni in zemljepisni polozhaj, potem ko je bil opushchen ilirski koncept: v prvi vrsti gre za problem, da Norik in Panonija nista bili galski.« (A. L. Prosdocimi v La lingua venetica — PEL, str. 258)
Homerjeva navedba (V)enetov v Iliadi:
»Bil Paflagoncem mozhemje Pilaimenes vodja mozhati, tam iz enetske zemlje, kjer divji mezgi se plodijo: ti so Kitoros imeli, zhiveli so v Sesamu mestu, kraj Partenaia reke prebivali v krasnih domovih, v Kromni, Aigalu, da, na strmih skalah eritinskih.« (Iliada B-II, 851, prevod A. Sovre, HOM S)
V Iliadi gre za spopad Grkov s Hetiti:
»... da se iz bogazkojskih klinopisov z gotovostjo sklepati na mochno ahajsko drzhavo v evropski Grchiji, katere kralji so skushali razshiriti svojo oblast tudi preko Male Azije in so tako prishli v konflikt s Hetiti — okoli 1200pr.n.sht. — in sluzhi za oporo izrochilu o vojnem pohodu Ahajcev zoper Trojo.«
(Forrer, v predgovoru A. Sovreta, Iliada, HOM S str. 13)
Trojansko vojno lahko gledamo kot enega zadnjih spopadov pred koncem hetitskega imperija...
»Antenor, ime heroja, ki se je s sinovi in z delom (V)enetov [po padcu Troje] naselil severno od deltastega izliva reke Pad v Jadransko morje in ustanovil Padovo, Patavium, je sinonim za (V)eneta...«
(Giuseppe Semerano, Le origini della cultura europea, Edit. L. S. Olschki, Firenze, 1984, str.810) Troja ali Ilion je hetitsko Vilusa, Vilios/Wilusiya = Wilusa= (W)ilios = (W)ilion = Ilion - Taruisa = Troia.
(J. Latacz in F. Starke, v J. Makkay, MAK str. 68 in drugi)
Lucjan Vuga
THE VENETI IN TROY
DO THE HOMER'S VENETI REFER IN FACT TO HITTITES?
The scorching question: Why is Homer's monumental epic called Iliad and not "Troiad'?
"Everything was new, and postgraduate students were able to recognize possibilities, which the more steady workers (underlined and the next note L. V.: including Rees's and Hawkings' menthors, university professors) lacked the mental nimbleness to comprehend. It is important to note that the situation, barring one or two exceptions, remains unchanged to-this-day." (From Stephen Hawkings' foreword to Martin Reese's Before the Beginning — Our Universe and Others, Simon & Schuster, 1997) "We can speak neither of proper nor approximate balance. On the contrary, in the end we must pose questions concerning problems we will have to face: this is an obvious sign of the unending nature of this research, as holds true for all research. As far as Veneti language is concerned, its linguistic and geographic position will have to be revised strating at the point when the Illyiric concept was abandoned: above all the problem is that Noricum and Pannonia were not Gallic." (A. L. Prosdocimi in La lingua venetica — PEL, p. 258)
Homer's mention of (V)eneti in the Iliad:
"The Paphlagonians followed Pylaemenes, shaggy, great-hearted, from the wild mule country of the Eneti — men who held Cytorus and Sesamus and had theirfamous homes on the Partheniusriverbanks at Cromna, Aegialus, and lofty Erythini."
(Homer, Iliad, transl. R. Fitzgerald, B-II, l. 850-255, Oxford University Press, Oxford 1974, pp: 41, 42.)
The Iliad is about the conflict between the Greeks and the Hittites:
"... From the Boga^koy cuneiform writings it is possible to infer a strong Achaean state on continental Greece, the kings of which tried to assume power also over Asia Minor and thus came into conflict with the Hittites — c. 1200 BC — which supports the oral tradition mentioning the Achaean military campaign against Troy."
(Forrer, in his foreword to A. Sovre's, Iliada, Druzhba Sv. Mohorja, Ljubljana 1942, p. 13.) The Trojan War can be viewed as one of the final conflicts immediately preceding the fall of the Hittite Empire...
"Antenor, the name of the hero who, with his sons and a part of the (V)Eneti tribe, settled the region north of the delta of the river Po (after the fall of Troy) and founded Padua, Patavium, is the synonym for '(V)Enet'..."
(Giuseppe Semerano, Le origini della cultura europea, Edit. L. S. Olschki, Firenze, 1984, str.810) Troy or Ilion in Hittite is Vilusa, Vilius/Wilusiya = Wilusa = (W)ilios = (W)ilion = Ilion — Taruisa = Troia. (J. Latacz in F. Starke, in J. Makkay, MAK p. 68 et. al.)
SPREMNA BESEDA
Davno, zhe predhomersko izrochilo sporocha, da so Trojancem prihiteli na pomoch tudi (V)eneti iz Paflagonije, to je dezhele ob Chrnem morju na severni obali Male Azije. Trojo so Grki po zavzetju pozhgali in s Trojanci niso bili milostni; med tistimi, ki jim je uspelo zbezhati, je bil preostanek Venetov, ti so pod vodstvom Antenorja prishli do obale severnega Jadrana in tam ustanovili svoja mesta, med katerimi je najbolj znana Padova. Ne glede na mitichnost tega sporochila je zgodovinsko izprichan obstoj jadranskih Venetov. So res prishli iz Male Azije, Anatolije? Veneti so nedvomno Indoevropejci, torej naj bi ti Indoevropejci prishli iz Anatolije! Tam pa so bili Indoevropejci tudi Hetiti in druga ljudstva. Ali so Veneti prishli v Benechijo na slepo, po nakljuchju, ali so zhe od prej vedeli za to dezhelo? Obstaja vrsta indicev in dokazov, da so chrnomorska in anatolska ljudstva imela zhe v davnini tesne stike s srednjo Evropo, Panonijo in Vzhodnimi Alpami po kopnem, po morju ter po Donavi in pritokih (temu naj bi pritrjevala tudi legenda o Argonavtih). Torej bi morali paflagonski Veneti zhe od prej poznati nashe kraje in bi se odpravili v zhe vnaprej znano smer in z dolochenim ciljem — v Benechijo, videti je da zato, ker so zhe od prej tod zhiveli Veneti, njihovi sorodniki ali celo prapredniki. Resne raziskave nakazujejo, da Veneti izvirajo iz Panonije (o tem Devoto, Oshtir in drugi). Che naj bi paflagonski Veneti osvojili Benechijo ob zgornjem Jadranu in jo trajno poselili, koga so izrinili in koliko jih je moralo priti, da bi jim kaj takega uspelo — nekaj sto, tisoch, deset tisoch ali neverjetnih sto tisoch...?!
Nobena obravnava Venetov ne more mimo dejstva, da je obstajal niz zgodovinskih ljudstev z imenom Veneti (ali ljudstev s podobnimi imeni, pri chemer eni zagovarjajo, da gre v takih primerih zgolj za razlichne pisave ene in iste osnovne oblike, drugi se s tem ne strinjajo in menijo, da so to poimenovanja za skupnosti povsem razlichnih ljudstev) na dalech narazen lezhechih koncih evrazijskega prostora. Naj jih zgolj nashtejemo po zgodovinskih virih, saj lahko bralec zve vech o tem she v mojih knjigah Jantarskapot, Davnina govori in Megalitski jeziki, ali pa v drugi, bogati literaturi. (1) Nam najblizhji in najbolj znani so bili jadranski Veneti, ki naj bi prishli pod vodstvom Antenorja, kot beremo pri antichnih piscih, potem ko jim je kot zaveznikom Trojancev uspelo pobegniti pred pokolom po grshkem zavzetju mesta, in so zhiveli na zgornjem koncu Jadranskega morja, nekako med reko Pad in Alpami, v notranjost pa tja do severno-italijanskih jezer, pri chemer ne smemo izpustiti niti obmochja zahodne Slovenije. Ti naj bi se postopoma asimilirali potem, ko jih je preplavil Rimski imperij. (2) Nich manj znani niso baltishki Veneti, ki so jih tako imenovali she dolgo v srednji vek in jih praviloma enachili s Slovani. Od tod naj bi izvirala she dandanashnja nemshka, avstrijska, skandinavska in madzharska oznaka Vend, Vindish ipd. za Slovana, Slovenca. (3) V antichnih virih so omenjeni tudi balkanski Veneti. (4) Manj razvpiti so Veneti iz Armorike, to je bila v antiki pokrajina ob Biskajskem zalivu; med drugimi jih omenja tudi Julij Cezar v svojih spisih o osvajanju zahodne Evrope.
FOREWORD
A long time ago, a tradition predating Homer relates that the Trojans were aided also by the (V)Eneti from Paphlagonia, a land by the black sea on the northern coast of Asia Minor. After the Greeks occupied Troy they burned it down and showed the Trojans no mercy; among those that succeeded in getting away there were remnants of the (V)Eneti who, lead by Antenor, reached the northern coast of the Adriatic Sea and founded their town-colonies there, the most noted of which is Padua. Irrespective of the mythical nature of this message the existence of the Adriatic Veneti is historically confirmed. Did they really come from Anatolia, Asia Minor? There is no doubt that Veneti were of Indo-European descent — and these Indo-Europeans had to have come from Anatolia! Hittites and other peoples there were Indo-European. Was it coincidence that the Veneti came to Veneto or did they know of this land beforehand? There are several indications and vast evidence that the peoples of the Black Sea and Anatolia were in close contact with Central Europe, Pannonia and Eastern Alps both by land and by sea as well as Danube and its tributaries (which is supported also by the Legend of the Argonauts). Therefore the Paphlagonian Veneti should have known of these parts beforehand and had probably set out in a direction and with an aim determined in advance — Veneto, seemingly because Veneti their relatives or even proto-ancestors inhabited it already. Unignorable research points to the possibility that Veneti stem from Pannonia (Devot, Oshtir et. al.). If Paphlagonian Veneti were to have conquered Veneto by the upper Adriatic Sea and permanently settle it, whom did they push out and how many of them had to have come in order to succeed in such an undertaking, a couple hundred, thousand, tens of thousands or even incredible hundreds of thousands?!
Any study of the Veneti must take into account the fact that there existed a series of historical peoples called Veneti (as well as peoples with similar names, where some argue that this is merely a case of various spellings of the same form, while others disagree and believe that it is a case of entirely different communities and peoples) spread among the far corners of Eurasian space. Let us merely enumerate them according to historical sources, for more detail see my other works: Jantarska pot, Davnina govori and Megalitski je%iki, as well as a plethora of other literature. (1) The closest and most well known to Slovenians were the Adriatic Veneti. Trojan allies, as is attested by many writers of Antiquity, who supposedly came in under the leadership of Antenor, after successfully escaping slaughter at the hands of the Greeks who have taken the city. They then inhabited the upper coast of the Adriatic Sea somewhere between the river Po and the Alps, their settlement extending as far inland as the lakes of Northern Italy including also a part of modern-day Western Slovenia. They are believed to have assimilated gradually after having been overrun by the Roman Empire. (2) No less noted are the Baltic Veneti, known by this name late into the middle ages and usually taken to be the same as Slavs. Their name is believed to have given rise to the current German, Austrian, Scandinavian and Hungarian word "Vend, Vindisch" et.sim. for Slavs, Slovene. (3) In antique sources there is also mention of the Balkan Veneti. (3) Less infamous are the Eneti from Armorica. In ancient times this was the name of the region next to the Bay of Biscay; among others mentioned also by Julius Caesar in his writings on the conquest of Western Europe.
(5) Dalje poznamo panonske Venete; prav ti, ne pa oni iz Troje, naj bi se po mnenju drugih zgodovinarjev in jezikoslovcev menda (delno?) preselili na Jadran zhe v drugem tisochletju pr.n.sht. (Devoto in drugi) (6) Obstaja nekaj znamenj o Venetih, Venetulanih, ki naj bi zhiveli v okolici Rima, (7) pa Veneti na obmochju Kavkaza in seveda ne smemo pozabiti (8) zhe najprej omenjenih zaveznikov Trojancev — Homerjevih Venetov iz Paflagonije, dezhele na obalah Chrnega morja v Mali Aziji, danashnji Turchiji. Marsikaj o tem in bolj podrobno sem zhe obravnaval v svojih dosedanjih knjigah in ne bi ponavljal drugega, kot le to, da do danashnjega dne potekajo ostre polemike, od kod so Veneti ter o njihovem izvoru, jeziku, sorodnosti z drugimi indoevropskimi skupinami itd.
V luchi sodobne zgodovinske teorije kontinuitete, ki izhaja iz tozadevne predpostavke, so danashnji evropski narodi zhe najkasneje v neolitiku (mlajshi kameni dobi) zhiveli na svojih sedanjih ozemljih, kar seveda velja tudi za Slovence, ki naj bi takrat naseljevali celotne Vzhodne Alpe do Shvice, Donave in onkraj nje, pri chemer naj bi bili Ladinci v predrimskem obdobju Italidi slavi%gati, kot se izrazha Mario Alinei, eden od tvorcev teorije kontinuitete (TK). Zato ne sme nikogar presenetiti, che sem pritegnil temu mnenju in obravnaval Venete kot neposredne prednike Slovencev.
Toda pri vsem tem ostajajo odprta mnoga temeljna in nerazreshena vprashanja, med katerimi je poglavitno, od kod sploh prihajajo Indoevropejci, che naj ne bi veljala teorija kontinuitete. Obstaja nad ducat znanstvenih teorij o njihovem izvoru, med katerimi TK gradi na kontinuteti, torej postavlja njihov izvor prav v Evropo, medtem ko so s podrochjem »plodnega polmeseca«, tj. z Mezopotamijo, obstajali tesni dvosmerni trgovski in kulturni stiki, pri chemer je seveda lahko prihajalo do migracij manjshega obsega, kakor se she danes selijo ljudje, ne da bi to pomenilo selitev celih ljudstev, ki jo TK — teorija kontinuitete odlochno zavracha. Prav v zadnjem chasu so razburkala strokovno in shirsho javnost senzacionalna odkritja, ki nujno terjajo novo interpretacijo naseljevanja Evrope in zlasti vloge Balkana ter centralne Evrope (predvsem shirshega obmochja Panonske nizhine). Najprej velja omeniti »megalitski observatorij Kokino« v Makedoniji, ki so ga odkrili v letu 2003 in ga uvrshchajo po starosti na chetrto mesto, takoj za Abu Simblom v Egiptu, Stonehengeom v Britaniji ter Angkor Watom v Kambodzhi. Zgrajen naj bi bil v neolitiku, mlajshi kameni dobi, na nadmorski vishini 1030 m na vrhu Tativec Kamena v blizhini Kumanova, kar je okoli 30 km severovzhodno od Skopja. Arheoloshke in astronomske analize so pokazale, da je bila ta tochka vechkrat ponovno naseljena, a zhe v zasnovi predstavlja megalitsko strukturo. Posebej vznemirja, da so na kamnih nashli posebne oznake, s katerimi so davni zvezdogledi spremljali premikanje Sonca in Lune, zlasti she ob solsticiju in enakonochju, ter celo Plejad. Na tem mestu so ob zhetvi in drugih pomembnih dogodkih opravljali daritve.
(5) Then there are the Pannonian Veneti. According to other historians and linguists it was they and not those from Troy who (partially?) settled the Adriatic coast as early as the second millennium BC (Devoto et.al.) (6) There are certain indications pointing to Veneti — Venetulani who supposedly lived in the countryside surrounding the ancient city of Rome. (7) Veneti based beneath the Caucasus mountain range. (8) And last but not least the afore mentioned Trojan allies — Homer's (V)Eneti from Paphlagonia, the land on the coast of the Black Sea, in Asia Minor, modern-day Turkey. I have dealt with most of these in more detail in my previous books and do not wish to repeat myself except for the fact, that to this day there are strong controversies surrounding the question of the origin of the Veneti and their language, their relation to other Indo-European groups etc.
In the light of contemporary historiography's theory of continuity stemming from its relative presupposition, the nations of today's Europe inhabited their respective territories already in the Neolithic (late stone age), and the same goes off course for Slovenes who supposedly inhabited the entire Eastern Alps as far as today's Switzerland, Danube and beyond. Additionally, the Ladini were supposed to be Italidi slavizZO-ti, according to Mario Alinei, one of the founders of the theory of continuity (TC). And so it should come as no surprise that I joined in this opinion and treat the Veneti as direct ancestors of Slovenes.
However, if the theory of continuity is valid, many fundamental issues remain unresolved, among them the question: Whence do the Indo-Europeans stem? Over a dozen theories deal with their origin, including TC which builds on continuity, setting their European beginnings at a time of close commercial and cultural bilateral contacts with the region of the Fertile Crescent, i.e. Mesopotamia. Of course individual migrations as we know them today were entirely possible, but those of individual people or groups and not entire nations. The latter is wholly rejected by TC, the continuity theory.
Just recently both expert circles and the wider public were stirred by sensational discoveries which demand a new interpretation of the settling of Europe and especially the role of the Balkans and Central Europe (above all the wider area of the Pannonian stage) played in this process.
Firstly notable is "the Kokino megalithic observatory" discovered in 2003 in Macedonia. It is deemed to be the fourth oldest of its kind in the world, right after Abu Simbel in Egypt, Stonehenge in Britain and Angkor Wat in Cambodia. It is thought to have been built in the Neolithic period, at 1030 metres above sea level, on the Tativec Kamen summit near Kumanovo, which is roughly 30 km northeast of Skopje. Archaeological and astronomic analyses have shown that this point had been settled many times but that its base is a megalithic structure. Further excitement followed the discovery of special markings by means of which the astronomers of old denoted the movement of the Sun and Moon especially at the solstice and equinox and even Pleiades. Here offerings were given at times of harvest and other important events.
Drugo najnovejshe odkritje, spet na Balkanu, je iz vasice Dabeno, vzhodno od Sofije, kjer so izkopali vech grobnic she neznane, a zelo bogate civilizacije, stare nad 4000 let. Do zdaj so spravili na dan vech kakor 15000 dragocenih grobnih pridatkov. Tako bogati pokopi iz zgodnje bronaste dobe niso neznanka, vendar so jih tokrat prvich odkrili na Balkanu, to uvrshcha najdbo med svetovna arheoloshka najdishcha. Ker gre za nedavna izkopavanja, she niso bile opravljene vse analize in chakajo arheologe she lepa presenechenja.
Tretja senzacija je prishla na dan poleti 2005, cheprav so arheologi na vzhodu Nemchije [to je na podrochju Luzhishkih Srbov, v blizhini Leipziga (Lipsko) ter Dresdna (Drazhdani)], na Cheshkem, Slovashkem in na severu Avstrije kopali zhe tri leta in nashli najstarejsho znano civilizacijo v Evropi (arheologi ji she niso dali imena), ki jo datirajo v 5. tisochletje pr.n.sht. (s tem bi bila za 2000 let starejsha od egipchanske), in je bila sposobna velikih gradbenih del. Gre za obmochje t.i. luzhishke kulture, ki jo nekateri znanstveniki pripisujejo Slovanom (gl. mojo knjigo Megalitski jeziki), z okoli 150 velikih templjev (nashli so nemalo glinenih figuric, iz katerih je mogoche sklepati na njihov kultni pomen) iz lesa in zemlje, s premerom do 150 m, ki so bili zgrajeni med leti 4800 in 4600 pr.n.sht. v sklopu takratnih naselbin; so torej starejshi od Stonehengea za okoli 2000 let! Po najdbah sodech, so prebivalci zhiveli v dolgih hishah in se prezhivljali predvsem z zhivinorejo. Dosedanje raziskave pa kazhejo, da so ljudje prishli sem s podrochja Srbije na severnem Balkanu oziroma iz jugovzhodne Panonije ter se (tako je videti?) po dveh stoletji vrnili na svoja prvotna selishcha, to pa pomeni veliko uganko. Razburjenje med strokovnjaki je veliko, saj kazhe, da bo treba radikalno spremeniti mnenje, da je izvor kulture v Mezopotamiji.
S temi odkritji se Balkan in centralna Evropa, po mojem mnenju, upravicheno uvrshchata med resne kandidate za pradomovino Indoevropejcev in, kot bomo videli, tudi Slovanov ter ne nazadnje Venetov, saj po dosedanjih teorijah ni negotov le izvor Indoevropejcev, marvech se negotovost logichno tako ali drugache raztegne na druge indoevropske narode, she posebej na Slovane in nich manj na Grke — od kod in kdaj so prishli na Balkan? Ker je Anatolija eno od torishch za iskanje izvora Indoevropejcev in obstajajo verodostojni dokumenti o tamkajshnjih indoevropskih Hetitih, za katere se prav tako ne ve zanesljivo od kod in kdaj so prishli v Malo Azijo (che niso bili tam od nekdaj, kot meni Colin Renfrew), je povsem na mestu vprashanje, v kakshnem odnosu so bili Homerjevi (V)eneti iz Paflagonije s Hetiti, ki so tam vzpostavili svoj imperij, pri chemer kazhe, da prav trojanska vojna pomeni odlochilni spopad med Hetiti in Grki za maloazijska ozemlja.
Ker so Veneti iz Paflagonije prihiteli na pomoch Trojancem v vojni proti Grkom, postane vznemirljivo preuchiti odnos med Hetiti in njihovimi neposrednimi sosedi paflagonskimi Veneti, zlasti she zato, ker naj bi po porazu in grshkem unichenju Troje zbezhali prezhiveli Veneti pod vodstvom Antenorja na severni Jadran. Ali so indoevropski Veneti kot Hetiti prishli v Anatolijo z Balkana? O tem govori ta knjiga.
The Second newest discovery, again in the Balkans, is in the village of Dabeno, east of Sofia where several tombs belonging to an unknown but very rich over 4000 year-old civilisation were uncovered. Over 15.000 precious burial artefacts have been unearthed so far. This type of rich burial is not uncommon for the early Bronze Age, but this is the first of its kind found in the Balkans, thus becoming one of the world's foremost archaeological finds. Since the excavations are recent, not all analyses have been performed and archaeologists can look forward to further splendid surprises.
The third sensation was unearthed in the summer of 2005. After three years of excavating in Eastern Germany [this area in the vicinity of Leipzig (Lipsko) and Dresden (Drazhdani), is populated by Lusatian Sorbs], Czech Republik, Slovakia and in the north of Austria, archaeologists found the oldest civilisation in Europe (as yet unnamed by the archaeologists). The civilisation dates back to the 5th millennium BC (making it 2000 years older than that of Ancient Egypt) and presents us with marvellous works of construction. The area in question is of Lusitan cultural prevalence, attributed to the Slavs by many scientists (as in my book Megalitskije%iki), containing roughly 150 large temples (several clay figurines, to which cult meaning can be attributed) constructed from wood and clay, 150 metres in diameter, built between 4800 and 4600 BC within the settlements of the time. Therefore they predate Stonehenge by circa 2000 years! Judging by these finds inhabitants lived in long narrow houses and mostly survived by means of husbandry. So far research has shown that people moved here from the area of modern-day Serbia in the Northern Balkans or, put another way, South-Eastern Pannonia and after two centuries (so it seems) returned to their original settlements— which is in itself a great mystery. All this has caused a great stir in the scientific community, for it seems that the belief that all culture originates in Mesopotamia will have to be altered.
In my opinion these discoveries place the Balkans and in fact entire Central Europe firmly among the candidates for the Proto-origin of Indo-Europeans and thus as we shall see, Slavs, and finally, the Veneti. According to existing theories it is not only the origin of Indo-Europeans that is now under scrutiny. The origin of other peoples has become uncertain as well, especially of Slavs as well as Greeks — how and when did they come to the Balkans? Since Anatolia is one of the main areas in the search for the origin of Indo-Europeans and since credible documents prove it was inhabited by Hittites, of whom it is also unclear when and how they came to Asia Minor (if they were not in fact, as Colin Renfew believes, always there), the question of the relation of Homer's (V)Eneti from Paphlagonia to the Hittites who built their empire there, seems perfectly reasonable. And with this in mind it seems that the Trojan War was itself a crucial fight between the Hittites and Greeks for territories of Asia Minor.
In view of the (V)Eneti from Paphlagonia coming to the Trojans' aid in their strife against the Greeks, it is a thrill to study the relations between the Hittites and their direct neighbours — the (V)Eneti of Paphlagonia, especially since the surviving (V)Eneti were to flee to the north of the Adriatic, lead by Antenor after the defeat and destruction of Troy. Did the Indo-European Veneti come to Anatolia from the Balkans as Hittites? This is what this book is about.
1. O chem pripoveduje Iliada in navedek o paflagonskih (V)enetih v Troji
Zakaj zachenjamo z Iliado?
Prvo omembo Enetov, ali paflagonskih Venetov, kakor so jih razpoznali skoraj vsi antichni pisci in sodobni raziskovalci, je najti prav v Homerjevi Iliadi, ki ne glede na vse kritichne obravnave le predstavlja dokaj bogat vir podatkov o svetu in dogajanjih pred vech kakor tremi tisochletji. Trojanska vojna, ki je predmet obravnave v Iliadi, naj bi se odvijala okoli leta 1200 pr.n.sht.
A Homer naj bi svoje delo po vsej verjetnosti ustvaril, po najzgodnejshi razlichici, kakshnih shtiristo let po vojni, morda pa she kasneje; torej po 9. st.pr.n.sht. Poskusi, da bi Homerja imeli kar za sodobnika usodnih dogajanj v Troji-Ilionu-Vilusi (ta imena najdemo v starih dokumentih), nimajo vech skoraj nikakrshne podpore v sodobnem zgodovinopisju.
Pomemben prichevalec iz antike je oche zgodovinopisja Herodot, ki je zhivel v 5. st.pr.n.sht.; tudi tega so skozi stoletja skrbno preuchevali in kritichno obdelovali njegove knjige, tako da danes obstajajo dobre kritichne izdaje njegovih spisov ter je mogoche z dokajshnjo zanesljivostjo lochiti »zrnje od plev«, zato pomeni Herodotova zapushchina vazhno osnovo za spoznavanje starega sveta. Kakshna shtiri stoletja po Herodotu je pisal Strabon, ki ga lahko jemljemo kot nekakshen nadaljnji mejnik v zgodovinopisju; zhivel je na prehodu iz dobe pred nashim shtetjem v chas po nashem shtetju.
Vsi ti mozhje so bili rojeni v Mali Aziji, kamor lahko pogojno vkljuchimo tudi Homerja, za katerega se ne ve, kje je bil rojen; nekateri mislijo, da je bil celo Trojanec.
Seveda poleg teh znamenitih mozh obstaja she vrsta drugih slovechih imen, vsi skupaj se dopolnjujejo, potrjujejo, popravljajo ali si tudi oporekajo, nihche pa ne
more mimo Homerjeve Iliade in Odiseje.
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Homerjeva Hlada sodi med najvechje umotvore chloveshtva, podobno kakor Sveto pismo, Vede, Mahabharata, Kodeks zakonov Manu, Paranasova knjiga, Ramajana, Jataka, Panchatantra, Zend-Avesta, Knjiga kraljev, kumranski zvitki, egipchanski hieroglifski napisi ipd. predstavlja vir vedenja o najstarejshih chasih. Mimo vsega pa ima lliada poleg zgodovinske tudi veliko umetnishko vrednost; njena skladna in smotrna zgradba naj bi dokazovala, da jo je res napisal en sam chlovek — genij, kakrshen se rodi na vsakih nekaj stoletji — cheprav se je pri tem oslanjal na starejshe vzore, kajti dvomov, ali je Homer v resnici zhivel, she do dandanes ni bilo mogoche povsem odpraviti; toda o tem v posebnem poglavju.
Obstaja na stotine razprav o Iliadi in Homerju, toda tukaj bo dovolj, che povzamem tisto, kar potrebujemo za nash namen, obshirneje pa se lahko bralec seznani bodisi v slovenski izdaji v prevodu Antona Sovreta (HOM S) ali v italijanskem prevodu Vincenza Montija (HOM M) — oboje navedeno v bibliografiji — ki sem ju uporabljal v dokajshnji meri; pa seveda tudi v katerem drugem od shtevilnih mednarodnih natisov.
1. What does the Iliad and the excerpt on Paphlagonian (V)Enetiin Troyrelate
Why do we start off with the Iliad?
The first mention of Heneti or Paphlagonian Veneti, as known by all ancient writers and modern researchers is to be found in Homer's Iliad, which in spite of all critical readings does present a rather rich source of information of a world and occurrences from over three millennia ago. The Trojan War which is the object of the Iliad is deemed to have occurred circa 1200 BC.
But Homer is believed to have composed his work circa 400 years after the fact, at the earliest. Perhaps even later; that is after the 9th century BC. Attempts to place Homer in the time of the fatal events of Troy-Illion,-Vilusa (these are the names found in ancient documents), have next to no basis in modern historiography.
An important witness from antiquity is Herodotus, the father of historiography who lived in the 5th century BC; he also has been studied and his works critically observed down the centuries, so that we now possess good critical publications of his writings. It is now possible, to a large extent, to winnow chaff from grain. Herodotus' legacy represents an important basis for the insight into the ancient world.
Strabonus can be viewed as a sort of a milestone denoting the next chapter in the development of historiography. He wrote roughly four centuries after Herodotus on the junction between BC and AD.
All these men were born in Asia Minor, by all accounts Homer as well, even though the location of his birth remains unknown. Some even believe him to be of Trojan decent.
Of course there are a number of other renowned names in addition to those mentioned above. All of them supplementing, corroborating, improving and also disagreeing with each other's views. But no one can ignore Homer's Iliad and
Odyssey.
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Homer's Iliad is one of the greatest works humanity possesses. Like the Holly Bible, the Vedas, Mahabhharata, The Laws of Manu The Book of Puranas, Ramayana, Jataka Tales, Panchatantra, Zend-Avesta, The Shahnameh (litteraly Book of Kings), Rolls of Qumran, various Egyptian hieroglyphic inscriptions et.sim. it is a source of knowledge of the oldest times. Above all else the Iliad's historical value is paired only by its artistic value. Its congruous and systematic composition points to a single author — a genius such as is born only once every couple of centuries — even though he may have been following older models. The doubts of whether or not such a man really existed have never really been entirely put to bed, but this will be a subject of an entirely specific chapter.
There are hundreds of papers on Iliad and on Homer, but at this juncture let it suffice for me to summarize what relates to our cause. The reader may further their knowledge with the Slovenian publication in the translation of Anton Sovre (HOM S) or in the Italian translation by Vincenzo Monti (HOM M) - both cited in the Bibliography. I have used both to a great extent. Of course there is a great deal more to be found in countless international publications.
Glede izvora »Grkov« (o tem poimenovanju bo she tekla beseda) je treba takoj opozoriti, da je she vedno veliko nejasnosti. Na primer sholska zgodovina popreproshcheno in zhe zaradi tega sporno uchi, da naj bi »Grki« prishli na Balkanski polotok okoli leta 1500 pr.n.sht. in se naselili v pokrajinah danashnje Grchije, na otokih v Egejskem in Jonskem morju ter na obrezhjih Male Azije. Prav tako lahko preberemo neustrezno navajanje, da je najstarejsha kultura, katere nosilci so bili »Grki«, znana pod imenom mikenska (1400 — 1100 pr.n.sht.). To kulturo naj bi unichili Dorci, ki so prishli v Grchijo okoli leta 1100 pr.n.sht.. Mikenski dobi sledi homerska ali herojska doba (1100 — 500 pr.n.sht.), ki jo poznamo samo iz legend in mitov: lliada in Odiseja, mit o argonavtih, razne pripovedke o herojih. Vse to je she vedno podvrzheno zelo poglobljenim raziskavam in ostrim polemikam, razhajanja pa she razpihujejo najnovejshe arheoloshke najdbe v sami Grchiji in v shirshem evro-azijskem prostoru, spricho chesar prihaja do reinterpretacij in novih temeljnih teorij. Za obdobje po letu 500 pr.n.sht. je zhe manj nesoglasij, obstaja chedalje vech podatkov in pisnih virov, dokumentov, tedaj so razpadle rodovne skupnosti starih »Grkov«, nastajala je razredna suzhnjeposestnishka druzhba in pojavijo se shtevilne drzhave-mesta, ki so se postopoma okrepila: Atene, Shparta, Tebe, Korint idr.
Prav nich ni gotovo, da so prishli okoli leta 1500 in she najmanj, da bi to bili »Grki«. Tudi ni soglasja, od kod so prishli niti kdo in v kakshnem zaporedju naj bi se priselil. Nich manj razprtij ni okoli vprashanja, kdo naj bi zhivel pred »Grki« na Balkanu, na Egejskih otokih in v Mali Aziji. Kako gleda sodobna kritichna znanost na vse to, torej na pojav Grkov?
V najnovejshi italijanski zgodovini v shestnajstih knjigah La storia izdani leta 2004 (STO 2, str. 54) omenjajo prastari mit, ki skusha razlozhiti etnichno enotnost grshkih ljudstev, izhajajoch od ochaka Helena, ki naj bi imel troje sinov: Ajola/Eola (Aiolos), prednika Eolcev, Dora, zachetnika Dorcev, in Ksuta (Xouthos) s sinovoma Ionom, njegovi potomci so Jonci, in Ahajem (Achaios), predhodnikom Ahajcev. V legendi je resnichno le to, da prazgodovina pozna shtiri plemena, v ostalem pa dejstva govore drugache. Zhe antichni pisci so shtiri dialekte skrchili na tri skupine: ajolsko, jonsko in dorsko, medtem ko so Ahajce stisnili v manjshe razprshene etnichne otochke na severnem Peloponezu in v juzhni Tesaliji. V nadaljevanju she preberemo, da naj bi Jonci med prvimi prishli na Balkanski polotok in Peloponez zhe v zachetku 2. tisochletja pr.n.sht., ko naj bi ga preplavili in se delno pomeshali z dotedanjimi prebivalci, te so imenovali Pelazgi. Za nekaj stoletij kasneje arehologija odkriva, da so se v chasu med 1600-1580 pr.n.sht. dogajale globoke spremembe, ki jih povezujejo s prihodom Ahajcev in za njimi she Eolcev, ko so potekali procesi asimilacije in preobrazhanja, iz chesar se je rodila mikenska civilizacija, za katero so znachilna utrjena mesta, znotraj katerih je bil kraljev (vanax — kralj) dvorec. V tem obdobju se tudi zhe zachne grshka ekspanzija v Sredozemlje. Zadnja etnichna skupina, ki je prishla na grshko ozemlje med 13.-12. st.pr.n.sht., so bili, tako je videti, Dorci, v okviru obsezhnih gibanj ljudstev na vzhodnem Sredozemlju.
Concerning the origin of "Greeks" (this term will also be examined further) I must immediately stress that there is a lot that has not been cleared up yet. The history taught in schools oversimplifies and thus disputably instructs that "Greeks" supposedly came to the Balkanian Peninsula circa 1500 BC and settled the regions of modern day Greece, the islands in the Aegean and Ionian sea, and the coast of Asia Minor. Also disputable is the teaching that the oldest culture born by "Greeks" is known as Mycenaean culture (1400 — 1100 BC). This culture was supposedly destroyed by the Dorians who came to Greece circa 1100 BC. Mycenaean Age is followed by Homerian or Heroic age (1100 — 500 BC), known only from Legends and Myths: the Iliad and the Odyssey, the myth of the Argonauts, various tales of heroes. All of the above is still the subject of detailed study and vast controversy and the disputes are continuously fuelled by ever new archaeological finds in Greece itself as well as in wider Eurasian space — resulting in ever new interpretations and fundamental theories. For the period after 500 BC there are fewer disputes, and there exists a greater amount of data and written source material and documents. By that time the lineage of ancient "Greeks" had become discontinued. A new slave-owning class society appears and several city-states (noXig) appear such as Athens, Sparta, Thebes, Corinth etc. which gradually grow to power. There is no certainty whatsoever to the fact that they came in circa 1500 and least of all that the "they" in question were "Greeks". There is also no concordance as to where they came from, or who and in what sequence it was that migrated. There is no less quarrelling about who was supposed to have lived in the Balkans, the Aegean and Asia Minor before the "Greeks".
How does modern science view all of the above — the appearance of Greeks? In the newest Italian History in sixteen volumes La Storia published in 2004 (STO 2, p. 54) there is mention of an ancient myth which attempts to explain the ethnic unity of Greek peoples, stemming from their forefather Hellen who had three sons: Aeolus (Aiolos) — the ancestor of Aeolians, Dorus who gave rise to the people of the Dorians, and Xuthus (Xouthos) the father of Ion, the founder of Ionians and Achaeus (Achaios) who gave rise to the Achaeans. The only thing that can be confirmed from this legend is the fact that pre-history knew four tribes; all the rest has been disproven by facts. Already the writers of Antiquity divided the dialects into three groups: Aeolian, Ionian and Dorian, while compressing the Achaians into smaller dispersed language islands in the North-Western Peloponnesus and Southern Thessaly. Further on we can read that Ionians were supposed to have been among the first to come to the Balkan Peninsula and the Peloponnesus already at the start of the second millennium BC, overflow it and partially mix with the local inhabitants — the Pelasgians. Archaeology uncovered that massive changes were occurring between 1600-1580 BC seemingly tied to the coming of the Achaeans and later Aeolians, denoting a time of assimilation and transformation that gave rise to the Mycenaean civilisation with its typical fortified settlements housing the king's palace (vanax — king). This era also marks the beginning of Greek expansion into the Mediterranean. The final ethnic group to come to the Greek area between the 13th and 12th centuries BC, it seems, were the Dorians, in the frame of the extensive migration of peoples in the Eastern Mediterranean.
Ob koncu 2. tisochletja pr.n.sht. so bili Jonci, kot kazhe, naseljeni v Atiki, Evboji, na Kikladih ter na jugozahodnih obalah Male Azije. Eolci so zasedli Tesalijo, Boiotijo in osrednji del Peloponeza, Arkadijo, se utrdili na otokih in na Lesbosu, od koder so tudi oni dosegli severozahodno nabrezhje Male Azije. Dorci so si prisvojili Epir, Ajtolijo, Fokido, pretezhni del Peloponeza in prodrli vse do Krete ter tudi oni do juzhnih obal Male Azije. Ta scenarij je narejen v skladu z veljano teorijo preseljevanj.
Colin Renfrew (REN/A, str. 69 in naprej) drugache povzema razvoj zhgochega vprashanja: Kdo so bili Grki? Antichni pisci so omenjali gibanja plemen na Grshkem, kar je zaznati tudi v narechjih. Med temi domnevnimi selitvami so na prvem mestu Dorci, ki so se prebili na jug, kasneje se Jonci razshirijo na otoke. Take so bile v preteklosti sploshne sheme, ki so obravnavale Grke kot indoevropsko skupino ljudstev, priseljeno na Balkan malo pred letom 1000 pr.n.sht. Zhe Schliemannova odkritja (ne glede na to, da nekateri she vedno namigujejo, da gre za »nameshcheno« najdbo) v Troji in Mikenah so razburkala zgodovinarsko srenjo, saj se datacije niso ujemale, shlo je za dokaj starejshe najdbe od predvidenih, izvirale so iz chasa okoli leta 1600 pr.n.sht. Zato se je takoj postavilo vprashanje o izvoru te civilizacije ter kako jo povezati z Grki, ki so nastopili po t.i. »mrachni dobi«. Kmalu se je pokazala Kreta kot kljuch za razvozlavanje uganke, za to ima neminljive zasluge Arthur Evans, ki se je lotil izkopavanj in je dolga leta preucheval skrivnostne (pretezhno kratke) napise iz chasa pred klasichnim grshkim alfabetom, ki jih je bilo mogoche najti na pechatih s Krete, a tudi s celine. Potem ko je Evans 1895 objavil svoje delo o kretskih piktogramih in predfenichanski pisavi, se je leta 1901 lotil she izkopavanj. Kmalu je naletel na dvorni arhiv glinastih ploshchic; podobne kraljevske arhive so zhe pred tem nashli v Mezopotamiji. Vendar pa so bile pisave povsem razlichne; da je bila stvar she bolj zapletena, so se na Evansovih kretskih ploshchicah pojavljale najmanj tri pisave. Postalo je ochitno, da se je kmalu po letu 2000 pr.n.sht. razvila pisava z znaki ali piktogrami, ki so jo poimenovali kretska hieroglifska pisava. Kasneje, okoli leta 1600 pr.n.sht., je bila postopoma nadomeshchena z drugo pisavo, ki so ji nadeli oznako linearna-A. Dasi dokaj podobna prejshnji pisavi, je tudi to doletela podobna usoda; nekako okoli leta 1450 pr.n.sht. je nastala linearna-B in prav v tej so bili dokumenti, ki jih je izgrebel zhe na zachetku izkopavanj. Evans je ob spominu na legende o kralju Minosu, vladarju Krete, in njegovi palachi v Knososu, poimenoval to predzgodovinsko kretsko civilizacijo — minojska. Med kasnejshimi izkopavanji na celini so tudi v Mikenah nashli napise v minojski linearni-B pisavi, toda najobsezhnejsha najdba je prishla na dan v Pilosu v zahodni Grchiji in izvira iz chasa okoli leta 1200 pr.n.sht. Pisava je vsebovala sedeminosemdeset znakov, torej ni bila alfabetska, niti ni bila pisava, v kateri ima vsaka beseda svoj znak, kot je najti v kitajskih pismenkah. Vse je kazalo, da imamo opraviti s silabichno, zlogovno pisavo. Mnozhici preuchevalcev nikakor ni uspelo razvozlati teh zapisov, shele arhitektu in ljubitelju starih kultur Anglezhu Michaelu Ventrisu je uspel bleshchech podvig: razbral je linearno-B pisavo.
It seems that by the end of the 2nd millennium BC the Ionians were settled in Attica, Euboea, the Cyclades and the south-western coasts of Asia Minor. The Aeolians have occupied Thessaly, Boeotia and central Peloponnesus, and Arcadia. They have consolidated their presence in the islands and Lesbos, from where they too were able to reach the north-western coasts of Asia Minor. Dorians appropriated Epirus, Aetolia, Phocis the larger part of Peloponnesus and advanced as far as Crete whence they also have reached the southern coasts of Asia Minor. This turn of events is reconstructed in keeping with the currently valid Theory of Migration.
Colin Renfrew (REN/A, p. 69 and further) has a different take on this burning question: Who were the Greeks? Ancient writers mentioned the migration of tribes in "Greece" which can be discerned also by dialects. Among these supposed migrations Dorians take the lead and battle their way south, later Ionians expand to the Islands. These were the general schemes that, in the past, dealt with Greeks as an Indo-European people migrating to the Balkans before 1000 BC. Schlieman's discoveries in Troy and Mycenae already shook the historical community (even though rumours of the find being counterfeit continue to be popular with some). The dates did not fit. The finds were much older than anticipated from before 1600 BC. And thus the question of the origins of this civilisation as well as the question of how to tie it to the Greeks of the time after the so called "dark era" came to the forefront. It soon became apparent that Crete held the key to solving this mystery. The credit for this goes to Arthur Evans who began excavations and spent years researching the mysterious (relatively short) inscriptions on the tablets from Crete but also the mainland from the time preceding the classical Greek alphabet. Evans published his work on the Pictograms and pre-Phoenician writing in 1895 and went on to excavate in 1901. He soon came across the court's archive of clay tablets, similar to those found in Mesopotamia. The writing was entirely different. To make things even more complicated the Evans' Crete tablets contained at least three different types of script. It became obvious that soon after 2000 BC a pictograph script had developed now dubbed Cretan Hieroglyphs. Later, circa 1600 BC it was slowly replaced with another writing system, dubbed Linear-A script. Even though similar to the former, this script came across a similar fate; around 1450 BC Linear-B script replaced it. The latter was the script of the documents he had excavated at the very beginning. Honouring the legend of king Minos, ruler of Crete and his palace in Knossos, Evans dubbed this civilisation of Crete — the Minoan Civilisation. During later excavations on the continent Mycenae also yielded inscriptions in Minoan linear-B script but the largest find came to light in Pilos in Western Greece and dates to circa 1200 BC. The script contained eighty-seven symbols and was therefore not alphabetical nor did every word receive it's own symbol, as is the case with Chinese sinography. Everything pointed to a syllabic script. The host of researchers did not succeed in unravelling the mystery of these writings. This splendid feat was finally accomplished by the architect and classical scholar Michael Ventris: he broke the code of Linear-B.
Toda presenechenje je shele sledilo. Ventrisu se je posrechilo, ker se je namenil brati neznane zapise na osnovi grshchine, in izkazalo se je, da gre res za neko obliko arhaichne grshchine, chemur so nekateri sprva silovito oporekali, drugi pa so to navdusheno pograbili in nadaljevali z delom; tako je Evansu stopil ob bok znani prazgodovinar John Chadwick. Od tod sledi, da je bila mikenska civilizacija zgolj celinska razlichica minojske civilizacije s Krete. Toda kako je mogoche, da so Minojci in Mikenci uporabljali grshki jezik?
Odgovor je morda v napisih v linearni-A pisavi, ki so jo uporabljali v najstarejshi palachi na Kreti vse do leta 1450 pr.n.sht., le v manjshi meri tudi na kopnem. Linearne-A pisave niso uspeli prebrati na osnovi grshchine in vse do danashnjega dne je ostala nerazvozlana, kljub temu, da so znaki silabarija precej podobni linearni-B pisavi, le toliko, da je mogoche ugibati, za katere glasove gre. Vendar kljub temu napisi, deshifrirani na ta nachin, niso razlozhljivi z nobenim znanim jezikom. Nekateri uchenjaki, med temi je treba posebej omeniti Cyrusa Gordona, so domnevali, da kretski minojski jezik, to je tisti, ki naj bi bil napisan z linearno-B pisavo, sodi med semitske jezike, a tudi to do danes ni obrodilo sadov. Med razlichnimi hipotezami je za nekatere dokaj verjetna tista, ki pravi, da so okoli 1450 pr.n.sht. zasedli Kreto Mikenci s celine, zavladali iz palache v Knososu in si prilagodili linearno-A pisavo za svojo mikensko grshchino v linearno-B pisavo, kar se je potem razshirilo tudi na kontinent in zato tudi najdbe v Pilosu. Vse to ima pomembne posledice za indoevropejske shtudije; Mikenci so zhe okoli leta 1400 pr.n.sht. govorili arhaichno grshchino, torej je to bil zhe poseben, izoblikovan jezik, izdvojen iz skupne indoevropejshchine.
Seveda s tem she vedno ni razresheno vprashanje, kakshen jezik — zapisan linearni-A pisavi — so govorili na Kreti pred prihodom grshkih Mikencev. In prav tako she nimamo odgovora, kakshen jezik so govorili skrivnostni Pelazgi, za katere so sami Grki trdili, da so zhiveli na tistem ozemlju pred njimi.
O Herodotu, ochetu zgodovinopisja, je treba rechi, da se je prvi lotil zgodovinskih, etnografskih in geografskih raziskovanj in vpeljal metodo avtopsije ali neposrednega opazovanja krajev, mest, spomenikov in dogodkov; to je dopolnjeval z obvestili od drugih izobrazhencev, popotnikov in prich pomembnih dogodkov, ki jih je preverjal, cheprav se she ni mogel povsem izogniti napakam in povzemanju starih mitov in pripovedk, hkrati pa je rad pretiraval, zlasti ko je shlo za Grke in grshke vojashke uspehe. Kljub svojemu inovativnemu pristopu pa je ostal otrok svojega chasa, dogodke razlaga she vedno z voljo bogov, vendar lochuje med tistim, kar je osebno videl in dozhivel, od onega, kar je zvedel od drugih, in she med temi razlikuje neposredne priche dogajanj od onih, ki so kaj zvedeli od tretjih oseb.
But the biggest surprise was yet to follow. Ventris owed his success to the fact that he began studying the unintelligible writings from the vantage point of Greek. As it turned out a sort of ancient Greek was indeed utilised. At first some argued against it while others grabbed at the opportunity with enthusiasm and continued the work he had started; soon a noted pre-historian John Chadwick took a place at Evan's side. This turn of events pointed to the conclusion that the Mycenaean civilisation was merely a continental variety of the Minoan civilisation from Crete. But how is it possible that Minoans and Mycenaeans both used the Greek language?
The answer lies perhaps in the writings in Linear-A used in the oldest palace on Crete and to a lesser extent also on the continent until as late as 1450 BC. LinearA script was not intelligible through the use of Greek and remains unsolved to-this-day even though the symbols of the syllabic script are akin to those of LinearB, in so far as the rough determination of the sounds they represent. However sounds deciphered in such a way are not intelligible in any known language. Some scholars, of which Cyrus Gordon deems special mention, believed that the Minoan language of Crete — the language written in Linear-B script, belongs among Semitic languages. But this venue has not yielded results yet either. Among various hypotheses some find credulity in the explanation that circa 1450 BC Crete was occupied by Mycenaeans from the continent who ruled from the palace in Knossos and adapted Linear-A script to their Mycenaean Greek — turning it into Linear-B, which then spread to the continent, resulting in the finds at Pilos. All this carries important consequences for Indo-European studies; Mycenaeans spoke archaic Greek as early as 1400 BC, and so we know this language to have already been specific, formed and separated from the common Indo-European by that time.
Of course this does not answer the question which language written in Linear-A script was spoken in Crete before the arrival of Greek Mycenaeans. We also have no answer to the question which language was spoken by the mysterious Pelasgians, told by the Greeks themselves to have inhabited the same territories before them.
It needs to be said that Herodotus the father of historiography was the first to attempt historical, ethnographical and geographical research and introduced the method of autopsy or direct observation of towns, cities, monuments and events; he supplemented it with reports of other educated persons, travellers and witnesses to important occurrences which he then verified: However even he was unable to completely avoid errors and recapitulations of old myths and tales, while at the same time enjoying exaggerations especially where Greeks and Greek military successes were concerned. Despite his innovative approach he remained a product of his own time, explaining events through the will of the gods, but he did discern that which he had seen and experienced from that which he had merely heard tell of. And even when it comes to the latter he distinguished between first hand witnesses and those who had themselves only heard tell of the occurrences in question.
Rodil se je v drugem desetletju 5. st.pr.n.sht. (npr. v Mali sploshni enciklopediji najdemo letnico ok. 484 pr.n.sht.) v Halikarnasu, mestu na jugozahodni obali Male Azije, takrat pod perzijsko nadvlado. Domovino je zapustil po propadli vstaji, ki je izbruhnila v mestu. Sprva se je zatekel na otok Samos, a se je vrnil v Halikarnas in se udelezhil izgona tirana Ligdamija — torej je bil politichno zelo dejaven. V naslednjih letih je veliko potoval in si pridobil obsezhno znanje; zdi se, da je zachel nastopati kot recitator svojih logoi.
Tako ga je zhe slavnega zanesla pot v Atene, kjer je bil na oblasti Periklej; tu se je spoprijateljil s Sofoklejem, ki mu je posvetil elegijo. Nemirni duh ga je nato gnal v atensko kolonijo Turi, mesto v Kalabriji na jugu Italije, ki jo je Periklej osnoval leta 444 pr.n.sht., in Herodot je postal njen meshchan. Od tam se je vrnil v Atene ravno pravi chas, da je bil pricha peloponeshke vojne in je lahko napisal svoje zhivljenjsko delo Zgodovina grshko-perzjskih vojn ali Historiai, ki je ostalo nedokonchano. Umrl je verjetno kmalu po letu 430 pr.n.sht., cheprav je najti tudi natanchnejshi podatek, da je to bilo shele 425 pr.n.sht. (npr. Mala sploshna enciklopedija).
Herodotove Historiai (zgodovina, zgodbe) so aleksandrijski gramatiki razdelili na devet knjig, ki so jih poimenovali po muzah. Delo se zachne s proemijem, ki orishe smotre raziskovanja in pripoveduje stare mite o sovrazhnosti med Grki in Barbari; nadaljuje se s sploshno zgodovino, zachenshi z najstarejshimi prigodami v kraljevini Lidiji, zatem predela veliko ekspanzijo perzijskega imperija in dospe do poraza Perzijcev v Mikalah ter grshke zasedbe Seksta v Helespontu leta 478 (ali 479) pr.n.sht. In prav tu, v opombah k Sovretovemu prevodu Herodotovih Zgodb (HER I, 56, opomba), preberemo: »Kajti Atenci so bili Pelasgi, kot porocha Herodot (HER VIII, 44), s tem so se radi ponashali, zlasti pred Shpartanci.« Kdo so bili Pelazgi, da so se Atenci z njimi hvalili?
To ni nepomembno vprashanje. Poskusov odgovoriti nanj je dokaj veliko. Na sploshno recheno, naj bi to bili praprebivalci Helade na severovzhodu Tesalije. O Pelazgih, Pelasgoi, pravi Strabon (XII, III, 5): »Na obali, ki sledi oni, poseljeni z Mariandyni, vse do reke Parthenios, tod stoji mesto Tieiona, pravijo, da je naseljeno s Kaukoni, drugi jih imenujejo Skiti, spet tretji jih prishtevajo k Makedoncem ali celo k Pelazgom; o tem ljudstvu Kaukonov smo zhe govorili.« Kalisten je v Pravilih bojevanja za stihom: »Kromna z Aigalosom in z vzpetinami Erithini,« vstavil naslednje: »vzorni sin Poliklesa je vodil Kaukone, s slovitimi domovanji v dezheli reke Parthenios« (povzeto po Iliadi II, 855 a-b). In Strabon she komentira: »Dejansko se razprostirajo od Herakleje in od Mariandynov vse do Leukozirov (Leukosyroi), ki jih imenujem Kapadokijci: rod Kaukonov na podrochju Tieiona pa do reke Parthenios in Eneti, ki imajo v lasti Kytoron na sosednjem ozemlju za Partheniosom; na podrochju Partheniosa so she Kaukoniti.«
He was born in the second decade of the fifth century BC (the term — circa 484 BC is frequently used) in Halicarnassus, a city on the south-western coast of Asia Minor, at that time ruled by Persians. He left his native land after an unsuccessful insurrection in his hometown. At first he found refuge on the island of Samos but returned to Halicarnassus and took part in the expulsion of the tyrant Tugdamme — therefore he was strongly politically active. In the following years he travelled extensively and attained a vast amount of knowledge; it seems that he began performing and reciting his logoi. Already renowned he came to Athens which was at that time ruled by Pericles; there he found a friend in Sofocles who dedicated one of his elegies to the historian. His restless spirit then took him to the Athenian colony of Thurii, a polis in Calabria in the south of Italy founded by Pericles in 444 BC and Herodotus became its citizen. From there he returned to Athens just in time to witness the Peloponnesian War and write his life's work The History of Greco-Persian Wars or The Histories, which remained unfinished. Most probably he died after 430 BC even though a more exact date of 425 is sometimes mentioned. Alexandrian grammaticists have divided Herodotus' Historiai (Histories) into nine books named after nine muses. The work starts off with a proemi depicting the purposes of research and relating old myths on animosities between Greeks and Barbaric peoples; it goes on to recount a general history beginning with the oldest adventures in the kingdom of Lydia. Then it tells of the great expansion of the Persian empire and comes to a halt at the Persian defeat at Mycale and the Greek occupation of Sestos in Hellespont in 478 (or 479) BC. And there in the footnotes to Sovre's Slovenian translation of Herodotus' Histories (HER I, 56, footnote), we read: "For Athenians were Pelasgians, as Herodotus reports, they liked to boast about this, especially to Spartans."
Who were Pelasgians, that Athenians would boast about being them? This is not an unimportant question. Attempted replies are plentiful. In general they were the proto-inhabitants of Hellas in the northwest of Thessaly. Pelasgians, Pelasgoi, are refered to by Strabo (XII, III, 5): "On the coast, following the one settled by Mariandyni all the way to river Parthenius stands the city of Tieiona, said to be inhabited by Cauconians (Kaukaum), called Scythians by others and others still think them Macedonians or even Pelasgians, these Cauconians have already been mentioned elsewhere."
In his Rules of Battle after the verse: "Cromna, Aegialus, and lofty Erithini." Callisthenes inserted the following: "Model son of Polycles lead Cauconians of noted land of river Partheinus." (Iliad, II, l. 855 a-b).
Strabo also comments: "In fact, the territory extends from Heraclea and Mariandyni all the way to Leukosyri (White Syrians) whom we call Capadocians. But the tribe of Cauconians in the region of Tieium extends to river Parthenius, that of the Heneti who hold Cytorum by the side of Parthenius. Even at present some Caucones still live by Parthenius. (STRABO, XII, III, 5)
In spet Strabon (XII, VIII, 4):
»Zlasti v chasu trojanske vojne in po njej je zaznati vdore in selitve, saj je barbare, pa tudi Grke, mikalo zasesti tuja ozemlja; toda to se je dogajalo tudi pred trojansko vojno: gre za plemena Pelazgov, Kaukonov in Lelegov. Govori se, da so nekdaj ti rodovi krizharili po mnogih krajih Evrope. Homer jih predstavlja kot zaveznike Trojancev, ne da bi povedal, da prihajajo z drugega brega, to je iz Evrope.« Po mnenju Strabona so torej prishli Pelazgi z evropske strani na pomoch Trojancem in so bili predgrshko ljudstvo na egejskem obmochju. Che bi strnili najrazlichnejshe domneve, bi lahko skepali, da so bili Pelazgi zelo staro, neindoevropsko ljudstvo na precejshnjem delu ozemlja okoli Mediterana in mogoche celo na dobrshnem delu Evrope. A ni povsem tako. Za ponazoritev naj navedem Giuseppa Sergija, ki je menil, da so Evropo naselili sodobni ljudje iz Afrike v treh vejah: Iberci prek severne Afrike na Iberski polotok, chez morje v Italijo Ligurci ter prek Blizhnjega vzhoda in Anatolije na Balkan Pelazgi; na slednje naj bi spominjalo tudi ime pokrajine Pelagonije (tako Semerano); takrat je tod zhe zhivel neandertalec... Tak scenarij davnih dogodkov vsaj v sploshnih okvirih potrjuje tudi genetik Bryan Sykes (Sedem Evinih hchera, The seven daughters of Eve, 2001); z uporabo genetske tehnike mitohondrijev, ki omogocha slediti chloveshkemu razvoju po zhenski liniji, je nashtel »sedem skupin ljudi«, simbolichno poimenovanih z zhenskimi imeni, to naj bi bile hipotetichno naslednice »prve zhenske« — Eve. Ob koncu paleolitika (pred nekako 45.000 — 40.000 leti) so bile na severu Iberskega polotoka v Baskiji skupina »Velda«, na jugozahodnem delu Francije ob Sredozemskem morju skupina »Helena«, v Liguriji »Tara«, na obmochju zahodne Slovenije »Katrine«, na jugu Grchije »Ursula«, na severni strani Kavkaza »Xenia« in ob zgornjem toku Evfrata »Jasmine«. Che bi s Pelazgi pogojno poimenovali vse te pra-Evropejce, potem bi obveljalo mnenje, da so bili Pelazgi po vsej Evropi, che pa naj bi zhe tvorili neko zaokrozheno skupino ljudi, potem so bili Pelazgi nasledniki »Ursule« v Grchiji.
Za nashe tokratno razmishljanje je velikega pomena, da je na podrochju jadranskih Venetov, v zahodni Sloveniji, obstajala samostojna skupina »Katrine«. V tistem chasu Jadranskega morja ni bilo; zaradi poledenitve je bila morska gladina tako nizka, da se je morje zajedalo le v manjshi del danashnjega juzhnega Jadrana, zato so imeli takratni ljudje skupine »Katrine« na voljo za lov in nabiranje obsezhno kotlino, iz katere so shtrlele vzpetine, ki so danashnji jadranski otoki. Sledila so desettisochletja relativno pochasnega razvoja in sobivanja z neandertalci, dokler ni nastopil konec ledene dobe z otoplitvijo nekako 10.000 let pr.n.sht., ko so se zhivljenjski pogoji tako izboljshali, da se je zachel hiter kulturni razvoj. Dogajanja she zdalech niso razjasnjena, to velja tudi za bronasto in zhelezno dobo. Zgodovina Grchije je posebej zanimiva tudi zato, ker se je sorazmerno zgodaj razvila pisava in imamo na voljo zgodnje dokumente.
And again Strabo (XII, VIII, 4):
"Now it was particularly in the time of the Trojan War and after that time that invasions and migrations took place, since at the same time both the barbarians and the Greeks felt an impulse to acquire possession of the countries of others; but this was also the case before the Trojan War, for there existed then the tribe of the Pelasgians, as did those of the Cauconians and Leleges. And, as I have said before, they wandered in ancient times over many regions of Europe. These tribes the poet makes the allies of the Trojans, but not as coming from the opposite mainland." So, according to Strabo it was Pelasgians who came from Europe to help the Trojans and it was they who were inhabited the Aegean before the Greeks. If these various suppositions are condensed we could conclude that Pelasgians were a very ancient non-Indo-European people occupying the larger part of the Mediterranean coast and perhaps even Europe. But this is not exactly the case. Let me quote Giuseppe Sergi who believed that Europe was populated by contemporary peoples from Africa in three waves: Iberians settling the Iberian peninsula via Northern Africa, Ligurians who came to Italy by sea, and Pelasgians coming to the Balkans via the Middle East and Anatolia; reminiscent of the latter is also the name of the Pelagonia Region (according to Semerano); at that time these territories were inhabited by the Neanderthals... The same scenario of ancient events is, at least in general, confirmed also by the geneticist Bryan Sykes (Sykes, B., The Seven Daughters of Eve: The Science That Reveals Our Genetic Ancestry, W.W. Norton, New York 2001.). By observing mitochondrial haplogroups he was able to follow the development of mankind following the female line and enumerate "seven groups of people", symbolically carrying women's names, these are the hypothetical successors of the "first woman" — Eve. By the end of the Palaeolithic period (roughly 45.000 — 40.000 years ago) there were these groups: "Velda" in the north of the Iberian Peninsula, in Basque country, "Helena" in the south-west of France, by the Mediterranean sea, "Tara" in Liguria, "Katrine" in today's Western Slovenia, "Ursula"in the south of Greece, "Xenia" on the north side of the Caucasus and "Jasmine" by the upper stream of Eufrates river.
If we were to dub all these proto-Europans - Pelasgians then the prevailing opinion would have to be that Pelasgians inhabited all of Europe. On the other hand, if they are to form a rounded group of people then Pelasgians would have to be the descendants of "Ursula" in Greece.
It is of great importance in terms of our current train of thought that the territory of the Adriatic Veneti in Western Slovenia was inhabited by an individual group of the descendants of "Katrine". At that time there was no Adriatic Sea, due to glacial freezing the sea level was so low that it only reached as far as the extreme south end of today's Adriatic which is why the descendants of "Katrine" of the time were able to hunt and gather throughout a vast basin with projecting elevations which are today the islands of the Adriatic. Tens of thousands of years of relatively slow development and cohabitation with Neanderthals followed, concluding with the warming which ended the Ice Age roughly 10.000 years BC. The improvement of the living conditions that followed resulted in a fast-paced cultural development. These occurrences are far from explained, and the same goes for the Iron and Bronze Ages. One of the main reasons why the history of Greece is especially interesting is a relatively early development of a script presenting us with early documents.
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Kot pravi Sovre, so tako Ahajci (Eolci) kakor Jonci zhe pred doselitvijo Dorcev poznali poseben sloj aojdov {aedov), pesnikov in obenem pevcev, ki so si v sluzhbi Muze sluzhili kruh, njihova zlata doba naj bi bila v 12. st.pr.n.sht., torej okoli trojanske vojne, kakorkoli jo pojmujemo, ali kot enkratni spopada ali dalj chasa trajajoche bitke za prevlado nad zahodno Malo Azijo. Takratna dogajanja so jim dajala obilo snovi za junashke balade, ki so jih prepevali na sprejemih in pojedinah velikashev, torej so to aristokratske zadeve. Kralji in plemenitashi so radi poslushali o junashkih dejanjih svojih prednikov in nich manj o svojih lastnih herojstvih, resnichnih ali namishljenih; to so znali pesniki lepo zaokrozhiti v svojih stihih ob spremljavi godala, da je bilo imenitnim poslushalcem chim prijetneje za uho, za kar so potem aojda tem bolje nagradili. Zato je mnenje dobrshnega dela raziskovalcev, da te pesmi niso prihajale iz naroda, ustvarjali so jih posamezniki, posebej izucheni mozhje, torej je to umetna stvaritev. Schasoma pa se je nashel »inovator« in stopil pred poslushalce brez forminge, to so nemara gusle, namesto njih pa je drzhal v rokah palico, kot je bil obichaj pri javnih govornikih. Posihmal so jih imenovali rapsode (v prvem delu besede je glagol rhaptein — seshivati; rapsod je bil torej mozh, ki je umel iz dane snovi »seshiti« pesem). S tem so se odprla vrata do epa; iz razgibanega, odsekanega in zgoshchenega pevchevega sloga, pogojenega z glasbeno spremljavo, se je mogel razviti mogochen, lagodno tekoch epski slog. Kakor so se ob Iliadi in po njej razvili ciklichni epi, tako je mogoche, da so bili krajshi epi zhe pred njo. Nihche ne more zatrdno vedeti, ali niso bili obsezhnejshi poskusi zhe pred Homerjem, saj se je v stoletjih marsikaj izgubilo, zlasti che uposhtevamo tedanje stanje zapisovanja in prepisovanja ter stoletja vmesnih nemirnih chasov. Homerski preuchevalci domnevajo vsaj dva taka mala epa, ki naj bi rabila kot osnova za Iliado in Odisejo: »pesem o srdu Ahila« in »pesem o vrnitvi Odiseja«; po mnenju H. Ruterja in vech angleshkih homerologov sta nastali zhe v 12. ali 11. st.pr.n.sht. pod vplivom trojanske vojne. Ko je dorski val preplavil Helado ter napravil konec ahajskemu gospostvu, so epa prenesli izseljenci v Malo Azijo kot dragocen zaklad, ki ga ni mogel ugrabiti noben sovrazhnik, ker je bil varno spravljen v spominu pevcev. Iliada stoji na zachetku grshkega slovstva, vendar ni njegov zachetek. Iz starejshe dobe grshkega pesnishtva, nekako iz chasa, ko je Odiseja dobila svojo dokonchno obliko, se je ohranil sloviti himnus delfskemu Apolonu, ki so ga stari pripisovali celo Homerju. V njem beremo o slepem mozhu, ki je prebival v skalnem Hiosu in chigar spevi so in ostajajo najlepshi. Na teh stihih sloni izrochilo, da je bil Homer slep, che zgodba ni nemara zgolj refleks slepote pevca Demodoka v Odiseji.
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According to Sovre both the Achaeans (Aeolians) as well as Ionians possessed a class of poets and singers called Aoides, who earned their living working for the Muse. Their golden age would be the 12th century BC which is around the time of the Trojan War, however we may choose to imagine it, be it as a single encounter or a lasting war for supremacy over Western Asia Minor. The events of the time supplied the poets with plenty of material for their heroic ballads which they then sung at receptions or feasts thrown by magnates, resulting in songs mostly on aristocrats. Kings and noblemen enjoyed hearing stories of heroic deeds performed by their ancestors almost as much as of their own, whether they be true or invented. The poets were skilled in coining verses accompanied by string instruments aiming to present as pleasant a sound for their audience as possible, for this would be the basis of the size of the reward the Aoides would receive afterwards. And this is why it is the opinion of the majority of researchers that these poems/songs do not stem from the people but rather from skilled individuals with specific training — making the poems artificial creations. From time to time an innovator would appear and stand before the audience not carrying a phorminx (a type of two-to-seven stringed intermediate between the lyre and kithara — translator's note) but rather a stick, as was the custom for public speakers. Thenceforth they were called rhapsodes (the first half of the word consists of the root of the word rhaptein-to sew together, rhapsodist was therefore one who could "stitch together" a poem). This opened the door to epic poetry; varied and condense poetic style based on musical accompaniment could now give rise to a grand, flowing epic style. As the Iliad gave rise to cyclical epic poetry, it is entirely possible that it was itself preceded by shorter epic narrative. Much has been lost to us through the centuries and no one can be certain that there were no extensive attempts before Homer, especially when taking into consideration the state of writing and copying of the time as well as the turbulent nature of the centuries that followed. Homeric scholarship surmises that at least two such shorter epic works served as a basis for the Iliad and Odyssey: "The Poem of the Wrath of Achilles" and "The Poem of the Return of Odysseus"; according to H. Ruter and a number of English Homeric scholars these two poems were created already in the 12th or 11th century BC inspired by the Trojan War. When the Dorian wave hit Hellas and put an end to Achaean supremacy the emigrants carried the poems to Asia Minor like a precious treasure which no enemy could pilfer because it was safely tucked away in the memory of the singer-poets. The Iliad may mark the dawn of Greek literature but it is not its beginning. Forged inthe age of ancient Greek poetry, roughly at the time when the Odyssey received its final shape, was the renowned Hymn to Apollo of Delphi, at one time even attributed to Homer himself. It mentions a blind man that resided on the rocky Ios and whose verses were and remain the most beautiful of all. This poem is the root of the belief that Homer was blind. Of course the story could also be alluding to Demodocus, Odyssey's blind poet.
Vsekakor pa ostaja eno od osrednjih in kljuchnih vprashanj, ali ima Hlada zgodovinsko jedro.
Po Schliemannovih in Dorpfeldovih arheoloshkih odkritjih imamo dolocheno podlago, da ahajsko junashko pripovedko dojemamo tako, kakor jo je razumeval ves stari svet do Herodota in Tukidida, namrech kot izrochilo o resnichnih zgodovinskih dogodkih.
Ker smo zhe omenili Tukidida, je treba dodati, da che imenujejo Herodota »ocheta zgodovinopisja«, potem je shele Tukidid dvignil zgodovino na najvishjo stopnjo, po njem je shlo spet samo navzdol. Okoli leta 950 je bizantinski leksikograf Suidas prvi opozoril na Tukidida in navedel nekaj zhivljenjepisnih podatkov o njem; da je bil rojen v atishki vasi Halimunt, kakshno poldrugo uro hoda od Aten okoli leta 460 pr.n.sht. Njegov oche Olor naj bi bil potomec trashkega kralja Olora, mati pa sorodnica vojskovodje Miltiada, torej je bil povezan z atensko aristokracijo in s kralji Trakije, kjer je imel rudnike zlata. Kot Antifonov uchenec je bil izsholan v kulturi Periklejeve dobe, sofistika pa ga je nauchila skeptichnega gledanja na religiozno-mitoloshko razumevanje sveta, kakrshnemu je podlegel Herodot, ter kritichnosti do tradicije in avtoritet. Kot dechek je poslushal Herodotova predavanja v Olimpiji, ki so ga tako prevzela, da se je odlochil iti po poti velikega misleca. Svoj najvechji dosezhek je dozhivel med 87. olimpiado; opisal je peloponeshko vojno med Peloponezhani in Atenci leta 424 pr.n.sht., med katero je poveljeval atenskemu brodovju ob obalah Trakije. Vendar ni bil uspeshen, Atenci so ga obdolzhili slabega poveljevanja ter ga v odsotnosti obsodili na smrt; temu se je izognil z dvajsetletnim izgnanstvom, ki ga je izkoristil za pripravljanje svojega najpomembnejshega dela, ki ga je uvrstilo za vselej v zakladnico chloveshke kulture: spisal je delo Peloponeshka vojna, ki ga imamo tudi v slovenshchini v prevodu Janeza Fashaleka. Shele ko so Lakedajmonci-Shpartanci leta 404 pr.n.sht. zavzeli Atene, se je vrnil domov in leta 411 umrl, ne da bi svoje veliko delo dokonchal. Kljub temu, da je bil Atenec, je objektivno in uravnotezheno opisoval tudi nasprotno stran, in prav po tem je izjemen v svojem chasu. V nadaljevanju bomo uporabljali tudi njegove podatke, da nam bodo pomagali
osvetliti dogajanja, ki nas zanimajo.
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Med pomembne vire sodijo tudi egipchanske listine in she posebej hetitske klinopisne ploshche, odkrite v Bogazkoju, ki so osvetlile zgodovino ljudstev v 14. in 12. st.pr.n.sht. na obalah Egejskega morja. Prebiranje teh ploshchic je vse prej kot lahko delo. Tako je le za nekatere nedvomno, da naj bi hetitska imenska oblika Ahhijawa pomenila Ahajce, Aharissijas pa naj bi ne bil nihche drug kakor Agamemnonov oche Atreus, v istih klinopisnih sporochilih imenovan kot neodvisni vladar poleg kraljev Egipta, Babilonije in Asirije. Kasneje bomo videli, koliko nejasnosti in pomislekov je she okoli tega. Zagovorniki se pri tem opirajo na to, da je bil Atrejev chastni naslov kuri-wanas, ki je mochno podoben epskemu koiranos »gospod, vladar«.
In any case the central question remains unanswered: Is the Iliad's core based on any sort of historical fact?
Schliemann and Dorpfeld's archaeological discoveries lend a certain basis for interpreting the Achaean heroic tale in the same way the entire ancient world up to Herodotus and Thucydides did, that is as a report of actual historic facts. While on the subject of Thucydides — if Herodotus was "the father of historiography" then it was Thucydides who elevated history to its highest degree. It all went downhill from there, again. Circa 950 the Byzantine lexicographer Suidas was the first to draw attention to Thucydides and cited a few biographical facts: that he was born in the Attican village of Halimous, about an hour and a half's walk from Athens circa 460 BC. His father Olorus was supposedly a descendant of the Thracian king Olorus while his mother was related to Miltiades the military chief. Therefore he was dynastically tied with the Athenian aristocracy and the kings of Thrace, where he owned goldmines. As Antiphon's pupil he was schooled in the arts of the age of Pericles, while receiving a sophist sceptical outlook on the religious and mythological understanding of the world to which Herodotus fell prey, as well as critical distance towards tradition and authority. As a young boy he heard to Herodotus speak in Olympia and became so taken by him that he decided to follow in the footsteps of the great thinker. He achieved the height of his career during the 87th Olympic Games; he described the Peloponnesian War of 424 BC between the Peloponnesians and Athenians during which he was the admiral of the Athenian fleet off the coast of Thrace. However he was not a very successful one, the Athenians accused him of poor leadership and, in exile, sentenced him to death. He escaped this fate and suffered exile for twenty years making use of this time for the preparation of his most important work which ensured his place in the treasury of human culture: he wrote The Peloponnesian War which also exists in Slovenian in the translation of Janez Fashalek. Only after the Lacedaemonians — Spartans conquered Athens in 404 BC was he able to return home. He died in 411 BC before he could finish his great work. Even though he was Athenian, his writing was objective and balanced towards both protagonists and it was this very quality that made him exceptional for his time.
In the future we will be using his data to help us shed light on the occurrences in
question.
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Important among the sources are also Egyptian documents and especially Hittite cuneiform tablets discovered in Bogazkoy that illuminated the history of the peoples inhabiting the Aegean in the 14th and 12th centuries. Reading these tablets is by no means an easy task. And so only a rare few have no doubt that the Hittite form of the name Ahhijawa denotes Achaeans and that Aharissijas was none other than Agamemnon's father Atreus, described by these same tablets as an independent ruler alongside the kings of Egypt, Babylonia and Assyria. Later we shall see just how many uncertainties and doubts there remain. Advocates found their defence on the fact that Atreius' honorary title kuri-wanas strongly resembles the epic koiranos "master, ruler".
Ker je vladal tudi nad otokoma Kosom in Rodosom, sta tadva, kakor nam porocha Hlada, pozneje Agamemnonu prispevala ladje in moshtvo za pohod zoper Trojo. Orientalist Forrer meni, da se da iz bogazköjskih hetitskih klinopisov z gotovostjo sklepati na mochno ahajsko drzhavo v evropski Grchiji, katere kralji so skushali razshiriti svojo oblast tudi prek Male Azije in so tako prishli v spor s Hetiti. To se je dogajalo v chasu okoli 1200 pr.n.sht., ko so bili dnevi hetitske drzhave zhe shteti; vse pa je bilo namenjeno izrochilu o vojnem pohodu Ahajcev proti Troji.
Lucijan Vuga (Solkan, 1939 - 2006), slovenski pisatelj, pesnik, dramatik, publicist, kibernetik, zgodovinar; magister znanosti in univerzitetni predavatelj, ob tem esejist shirokih interesov in izvirni raziskovalec pradavnine slovenske identitete. Od mladih let literarno ustvarjalen, pesmi in krajsho prozo objavlja v mnogih revijah, njegov najbolj markanten literarni dosezhek je zajetna »romansirana kronika« Hisha na meji (2003), izviren pogled na rodni obmejni bivanjski topos med slovanstvom in romanstvom skozi zadnji dve stoletji; drugi zgodovinski roman je Prah preteklosti (2006). Shtiri knjige so izshle tudi v elektronski Knfi%hmci Revije SRP : Hisha na meji (2002), Megalitski jeziki (2004), Prah preteklosti (2005), Veneti v Troji (2006). Avtor radijskih iger in drame Medeja (Revija SRP). Jantarska pot (2000), Davnina govori (2003), Megalitski jeziki (2004) in Veneti v Troji (2006) so mogochna knjizhna »kvadriga« kot rezultat polstoletnega »obrobnega«, tiho vztrajnega, znanstveno rigoroznega in esejistichno slikovitega raziskovanja jezikoslovno-arheoloshkih sledov slovenske (slovanske) kontinuitete. (Op. ur.)
Since he also ruled the islands Kos and Rhodos, these were, as the IHad relates, among those which later contributed ships and crews to Agamemnon's raid on Troy. Orientalist Forrer strongly believes that the Bogazkoy Hittite cuneiform inscriptions point to a strong Achaean state within European Greece, the kings of which attempted to spread their power also over Asia Minor and thus came at odds with the Hittites. These occurrences took place circa 1200 BC, when the Hittite state was already in steep decline and all was aimed at reporting on the Achaean military campaign against Troy.
Lucijan Vuga (Solkan, 1939 - 2006), Slovenian writer, poet, dramaticis, publicist, cyberneticist, historian, master of sciences and a university lecturer, essayist of vast curiosity and an original researcher of prehistory of Slovenian identity. From an early age creative writer, he publishes his prose and poetical work in a variety of journals, his most impressive literary achievemnt is the thick "romacised chronicle" Hisha na meji (The House on the Border) (2003), an original look at the topos of living on the border between the Slavic and the Romance for the last two centuries; the other of his historical novels is Prah preteklosti (the Dust of the Past) (2006). Four of his books were also published within the scope of the electronic Library of the SRP Journal : Hisha na meji (2002), Megalitski jeziki (2004), Prah preteklosti (2005), Veneti v Troji (2006). The author of radio plays and the dramatic work Medeja (Revija SRP). Jantarska pot (2000), Davnina govori (2003), Megalitski jeziki (2004) in Veneti v Troji (2006) are a mighty literary "quadriga" - a result of "marginal", silently persistent, scientifically rigorose and essayistically picturesque research of linguistic-archaeological traces of Slovenian (Slavic) continuity. (Editor's note)
Translated from Slovenian by Jaka Jarc
Jaka ]arc
MOCH IN OBLAST OPATINJ V ANGLO-SASHKI ANGLIJI V LETIH OK. 650 - OK. 850
Chas med sedmim in devetim stoletjem je bil v anglo-sashki Angliji zaznamovan predvsem z uvajanjem krshchanstva. Chetudi se zdi na prvi pogled to obdobje kratko, je izredno pomembno, saj je prav tedaj vloga kraljic prerasla okvire kraljevih zhena in mater kraljevih otrok.1 Postale so dovolj mogochne, da je lahko kasneje kraljica Aethelthryth na njih zgodovinsko utemeljila svoje regentstvo.2 To je chas, ko so prvi samostani zacheli tvoriti zvezno mrezho krshchanske administracije, ki je povezovala anglo-sashko Anglijo, chas, ko so zhenske pridobile nadzor nad zemljo, ustanavljale samostane, vladale kot mogochne opatinje, nakar so nenadoma vso to moch spet izgubile.
Zgodovinarji sledijo temu razvoju po shtevilnih virih. Najbolj opazni igralci v tej igri mochi in avtoritete so bili kralji, kraljice, opatinje in opati, menihi, nune in pobozhni posamezniki tako nizko na druzhbeni lestvici, kot je bil Caedmon. Vsi nastopajo v Historia ecclesiastica (Cerkvena zgodovina), ki jo je napisal Beda.3 Prav tako koristno je Aldhelmovo delo De virginitate (O devishkosti),4 cheprav le redko naravnost omenja oblast ali avtoriteto. Kljub temu ostaja dragocen vir podatkov o odnosih med enim od shkofov in dolocheno opatinjo, hkrati pa predstavlja temelje srednjeveshke teologije, ki je bila osnova vse cerkvene avtoritete. V resnici poudarja veliko pomembnost opatinj znotraj rastoche anglo-sashke Cerkve. Potreba po tem, da se opatinje pridruzhijo boju za krshchanstvo, je bila dovolj velika, da je zaradi nje nastalo dolgo prozno delo, ki je utemeljilo, zakaj je devishtvo (zaveza kasneje v zhivljenju, ko je nedolzhnost zhe izgubljena) poleg nedolzhnosti zadostovalo za vstop v sluzhbo Kristusa.
Nashe besedilo bo analiziralo vlogo opatinj pri vzpostavljanju krshchanske administrativne mrezhe. She zlasti bo obravnavalo avtoriteto, ki so jo imele, ter oblast, ki so jo izvajale. Ali je bilo dejstvo, da je vechina opatinj izvirala iz plemishkih vrst, pomembno pri dolochanju stopnje oblasti, ki so jo izvajale, in avtoritete, ki so jo imele? Kaj pa zemlja, najpomembnejshi dejavnik pri uveljavljanju oblasti v srednjem veku? Od kod je izvirala, kdo jo je dedoval? Stvari postanejo she bolj kompleksne, ko pridruzhimo she hierarhijo Cerkve in hierarhijo plemstva. Zemlja in druzhina sta bili seveda odlochujocha dejavnika pri vzpostavljanju avtoritete med oblastniki istega ranga kot na primer opatinja, a kar zadeva njene podlozhnike, podlozhnice in uchenke, je njena avtoriteta izhajala od Boga prek njenega devishkega in pobozhnega zhivljenja, kot je argumentiral Aldhelm.5 Posebna pozornost bo namenjena razmerju mochi med shkofi in opatinjami.
Jaka Jarc
HOW MUCH POWER AND AUTHORITY DID ABBESSES EXERCISE IN ANGLO-SAXON ENGLAND C. 650 - C. 850
Seventh-through ninth century in Anglo-Saxon England is a time of introducing Christianity. Even though at first glance the time span, with which this essay is concerned, seems short, it is within this very time span that queens turn from mere king's wives and bearers of royal children1 into powerful enough figures on which queen Aethelthryth can later base her power of regency.2 It is the time in which the first monasteries begun to form a net of Christianity over Anglo-Saxon England, a time when women gained control over land, built monasteries, ruled as powerful abbesses and then, suddenly, lost their power again.
Historians can trace this development in several sources. Most notably, the star actors of this play of power and authority: the kings and queens, abbesses, abbots, monks, nuns and pious individuals as low down the social ladder as Caedmon figure in Bede's Ecclesiastical history.3 Aldhelm's De virginitate 4 also proves useful; even though it rarely touches on either power or authority directly, it is a valuable source of information on the relationship between a specific bishop and an abbess and sheds light on medieval theology which is the basis for all ecclesiastic authority. In fact it demonstrates the great importance of abbesses in the growing Anglo-Saxon church. The need for them to join the struggle for Christianity was great enough to merit a long piece of prose asserting chastity next to virginity and explaining why chaste women may still serve Christ.
This text is going to analyze the role abbesses played in constructing a network of Christian administration. It will deal specifically with the authority they possessed and the power they exerted. Was the fact that most abbesses were of noble blood important in determining the degree of power they wielded and of the authority they possessed? What about the land, the number one factor in asserting power in the Middle Ages. Where did it come from, who inherited it? The complexity grows as we add up the hierarchy of the church and the hierarchy within the kingdom's nobility. Land and family were indeed factors in establishing an authoritative role among the abbess's peers but as far as her subordinates and pupils were concerned her authority hailed from God, according to Aldhelm5 by means of her chaste and pious life. I will draw attention to the relationship of power between Bishops and abbesses.
Pomembno vprashanje, ki bo prepletalo celotno besedilo, pa je, ali sta avtoriteta in moch prehajali na opatinje prek njihove plemenite krvi ali pa je nasprotno avtoriteta, ki so jo prejele od Boga, prehajala prek opatinj nazaj na njihove laichne sorodnice, she zlasti na kraljice.
Preden se lotimo tega vprashanja izvajanja oblasti in avtoritete, moramo najprej razjasniti, kako in zakaj se je polozhaj opatinje sploh pojavil in kaj je potegnil za seboj. Na prvih stopnjah utrjevanja tega polozhaja so najbolj pomembno vplivale kraljeve druzhine. Ni potreben poglobljen shtudij Historie Ecclesiastice,6 kajti na prvo omembo kralja, ki je dal posvetiti svojo hcher, naletimo praktichno takoj. Predvsem so samostane ustanavljale zhenske iz kraljevskih druzhin, a preden jim je bilo to dovoljeno, so morale kot nune shtudirati samostansko zhivljenje v drugih samostanih. Aethelthryth /.../ je vstopila v samostan opatinje Aebbe, /.../ kjerje prejela tanchico in nosho nun /..J1 in shele leto dni kasneje je postala opatinja. Ideja, da bi verske hishe vodile zhenske, she zdalech ni bila nova. Zhe v poganskih templjih rimskega imperija je bila taka praksa shiroko razshirjena.8 Pravzaprav imajo nune veliko skupnega z devicami vestalkami. Aldhelm je slednje omenil v De virginitate 9 v priliki o tem, kako je Chrysantius spreobrnil Dario, vestalko; pri tem je celo pel hvalo njenim dialektichnim sposobnostim. Slogovno je ta hvalospev izredno podoben slavospevu, ki ga je drugod namenil 'izjemno bogati besedni elokvenci' nun v pismih, ki jih je bil prejel od njih10 Vzporednic med vestalkami in nunami je dovolj za chisto posebno obravnavo.
Ideja o zhenski oblasti nad anglo-sashkimi samostani najverjetneje ni izhajala iz kakega trdozhivega obichaja rimske Britanije, prav tako bi tezhko utemeljili kakrshno koli neposredno zvezo s sochasnimi pravoslavnimi obichaji. Vech raziskav kazhe, da so ta obichaj prinesli na britansko otochje iz blizhnjih galskih samostanov v severni Galiji,11 zlasti iz Faeimoutiers-en-Brie, Chelles in Andelys-sur-Seine.12 Prav tja so prvi pokristjanjeni anglo-sashki kralji poshiljali svoje hchere oziroma so tja potovale njihove vdove in celo zhene (po svoji volji, vechkrat zaradi prepovedi lochitve). Tam so se nauchile pravil samostanskega zhivljenja in jih pozneje prinesle s seboj v novoustanovljene samostane v Angliji. Pred vprashanjem samostanskih pravil, od katerih nobeno anglo-sashko ni prezhivelo v zapisani obliki, se ustavimo pri vprashanju mochi bodochih opatinj, preden so prejele novi naziv. Kot pravi Meyer:
Ko je papezhh Gregor poslal prva pisma Berthi, zheni kralja Aethelberhta, jih je naslovil reginam anglorum (kraljici Anglov), zelo verjetno ne vedoch, da kraljice Anglov she niso dosegle vloge, ki bi se lahko primerjala z vlogo merovinshkih kraljic. Pravzaprav v domachem jeziku Anglo-Sasov v zgodnjem sedmem stoletju sploh ni obstajal ustrezen prevod tega izraza1 [Cwen (staroangleshko) prvotno pomeni »zhenska«, hlaefdige (staroangleshko) pa dama].14
Finally throughout the text I am going to argue that even though the royal bloodline played an important part in producing and affirming the authority and position of powerful abbesses it was their role in the spreading of Christianity that in the end rendered more power and authority to noble women, mostly the institution of queens.
Before we can tackle the question of exercising power and authority, we must deal with how and why the position of 'abbess' appeared and what it entailed. In the first stages of asserting their role it was the royal families that were of greatest importance. We needn't sift through Bede6 very long before we find the first mention of a king having his daughter consecrated. It was in fact primarily royal women that founded monasteries but not before they themselves have spent some time in training as nuns. Aethelthryth /.../ entered the monastery of the abbess Aebbe, /.../ receiving the veil and the habit of a nun / .../ 7 before she finally became an abbess in a year's time. The idea of women heading a religious house was not new. This was in fact quite a common occurrence in Roman pagan temples 8 and there is much nuns have in common with vestal virgins. Aldhelm mentioned them in his De virginitate 9 when relating the story of how Chrysantus converted Daria, a vestal virgin. He even went on to praise her dialectical skills. This praise is very similar to his praise of the 'extremely rich verbal eloquence of the letters he received from the nuns.10 There are so many similarities between vestals and nuns that a detailed separate study could be done on this alone.
The idea of women wielding power over Anglo-Saxon monasteries probably did not hail from some lingering Roman custom nor was it imported from the Orthodox Church. Everything points to the conclusion that it was brought over from the nearby northern Gallic monasteries11 in particular Faeimoutiers-en-Brie, Chelles and Andelys-sur-Seine12. In fact this was where the first kings sent their daughters or indeed as the case may be where the royal widows, and where even wives went (of their own accord perhaps due to the "no divorce" policy of the time), to be taught the rules of monastic life.
But before we tackle the question of these rules, of which none are preserved from Anglo-Saxon England, let us linger at the power of these royal women prior to their consecration. According to Meyer:
When Pope Gegory sent the initial letter to Bertha, wife of king Aethelberht, he addressed it to regina anglorum, very likely unaware that the queens of Angles did not yet achieve a political role to be compared with the Merovingian Queens. In fact there was no early seventh century vernacular equivalent for that term13. [Cwen (Old English) primarily meant woman, hlaefdige (Old English) primarily meant lady]14
A to ne pomeni, da je bilo enako tudi v drugi polovici sedmega stoletja. Kot pishe Beda (o sinodi v Whitbyju):
Kraljica Eanfled in njeni ljudje so tudi tako praznovali [veliko noch], kot je sama videla v Kentu ...(...), tako da je kralj zakjuchil s postom in zhe shtel velikonochno nedeljo, medtem ko so kraljica in njeni ljudje she vedno obhajali post in cvetno nedeljo15
Iz tega citata je jasno razvidno ne le, da je imela kraljica Eanfled lastno dvorno spremstvo, temvech da je premogla tudi vsaj nekaj avtonomije in mochi odlochanja. Tu je treba biti pozoren na to, da je bila zelo verjetno v posameznih kraljestvih moch kraljic razlichna. Kot je pojasnila Pauline Stafford,16 je bila velika razlika med obsegom mochi kraljic v Wessexu in kraljic v Merciji. Na Beda17 se lahko zanesemo vsaj glede tega, da so roke kraljevih hchera ponujali v skladu z dinastichnimi interesi; ob tem ne omenja, da bi hchere mnozhichno sodelovale pri teh odlochitvah, saj je bila njihova vloga mochno odvisna od patriarhalne druzhine. Edine redke izjeme so lahko dosegle najvech to, da so jih poslali v samostan, pa tudi ta obichaj verjetno ni prevladoval.
Tu nas najbolj zanimajo tiste kraljice, ki so kasneje postale opatinje. Ko so se vrnile s »treninga« v galskih samostanih, so najprej prejele naziv opatinj in shele nato dovoljenje za posvetitev samostanov; ti so bili navadno zgrajeni na zemljishchu, ki je pripadalo njihovim ochetom ali pokojnim mozhem.18 Njihove vloge pa so se zachele spreminjati, ko so dobile neodvisnost glede odlochanja o vsakdanjih zadevah v samostanu in s tem o lastnih zhivljenjih in zhivljenjih podrejenih, in sicer tako onih znotraj samostanskih zidov kot onih, ki so se bili priselili v blizhino samostana, da bi obdelovali zemljo in trgovali z novo mogochno ustanovo. Nich vech se ni njihova uradna naloga (neuradno so najverjetneje tudi kraljeve zhene ponekod, v posameznih primerih, enakovredno sodelovale) zachela in konchala z rojstvom kraljevih dedichev v interesu tkanja politichnih zvez med dinastijami.19 Postale so del vrhovnega vladajochega razreda. Vladale so nad lastnimi hishami, t. i. dvojnimi hishami, kjer so zhiveli in delali poleg zhensk tudi moshki.
Ker so bili dvojni samostani navadno zgrajeni 'dalech od kraljevskih dvorov, shkofovskih sedezhev, je verjetno, da so bili moshki nujni za zashchito proti prestopnikom in za tezhko fizichno delo. Morda so bili med njimi celo duhovniki, ki so spovedovali nune, vodili mashe in skrbeli za sakralne potrebe laichnega prebivalstva. In ne nazadnje so bili morda na tej stopnji odlochilni tudi chisto ekonomski razlogi.' 20 Moch zhenske nad moshkimi, ki se tu pojavi, je bila morda le praktichna reshitev problema. Sodobnikom se je to verjetno zdelo sprejemljivo iz raznih razlogov, med katerimi ni zanemarljiva kraljevska oblast opatinjine druzhine. V tem primeru je vprashanje oblasti in avtoritete vzporedno z druzhbenim polozhajem. Chetudi kraljica ni imela oblasti nad mozhem ali ochetom, je (kot smo videli) she vedno lahko vladala svojemu spremstvu. Kakor koli so sprejemljivost ureditve upravichili sodobniki, ostaja dejstvo, da so opatinje vladale prebivalstvu fevda opatije obeh spolov. To jasno kazhe tudi primer opatinje Seaxburh:21
But it is not prudent to conclude that this was still the case in the second half of the seventh century, as Bede writes (on the Synod at Whitby):
Queen Eanfled and her people also observed it [Easter] as she had seen it done in
Kent......, so that the King had finished the fast and was keeping Easter Sunday, while
the queen and herpeople were still in Lent and observing Palm Sunday15.
It is clear from this passage that not only did Queen Eanfled have her own court entourage, she possessed at the least some autonomous power over her own life as well. Even so, the degree of individual queens' power in different kingdoms varies; there was for example, as explained by Pauline Stafford,16 a big difference in the level of power of queens between Wessex and Mercia It is safe to rely on Bede17 at least insofar as the royal daughters' hands were given in marriage for dynastic purposes, with no mention of their consent; their role in this is far from independent It is hard to say how many actively protested or even succeeded in averting their designated marriage — a success no doubt followed by them being sent to the nearest monastery.
The queens we are especially concerned with, are the ones that went on to become abbesses. When they returned from their training at the monasteries of Francia, they were first consecrated abbesses and only then allowed built and found monasteries — on land usually owned by their fathers or deceased husbands.18 Their roles changed as they received new independence and with it new power over their own lives and the lives of those under their rule, both within the walls of the monastery as well as conceivably over those living on the lands attached to it. Their role was no longer to bear royal heirs and serve as threads in inter-dynastic politics.19 They were upgraded to the ruling class. They ruled their own houses — double houses — where their subordinates were both men and women. Since double monasteries were 'usually placed away from royal courts, bishop's sees it is likely men were needed for protection against trespassers and arduous manual labour. Some may have been priests taking nuns' confession, saying mass and providing for the sacramental needs of the lay population. And last but not least pure economic reasons might also have been a determining factor at this stage"20. The power of a woman over men occurring here might simply be a practical solution to a problem. To contemporaries it might have seemed acceptable for various reasons, not the least of them being the women's royal position. A question of power and authority in this case is relative to social standing, even if a queen couldn't exert direct power over her husband or father, she could have most likely still ruled over, for example, her own entourage. Whatever the reason, abbesses did in fact rule over male residents of their monastery, as demonstrated in the case tied to Seaxburg:21
Seaxburh, ki je nasledila svojo sestro Aethelthryth v opatiji Ely, je ukazala nekaterim izmed bratov, naj gredo iskat nekaj klad za izgradnjo Aethelthrythine grobnice. Besedilo ne dopushcha dvoma o spolu, poklicu in podrejeni poziciji bratov. Dotaknili smo se zhe pomembnega problema izvajanja oblasti in avtoritete opatinj: pravico ustanavljanja samostanov. Beda pishe, da je Sveta Aethelthryth
/.../ vstopila v samostan /.../ in od shkofa Wifrida prejela tanchico in nunsko opravo. Leto kasneje je tudi sama postala opatinja v okraju, imenovanem Ely, kjerje Zgradila samostan /... 22
Vrstni red dogodkov je jasno razviden: najprej so jo posvetili za opatinjo in shele nato je lahko zgradila samostan. Samostana torej ne more ustanoviti kar kdor koli (recimo plemich). Tisti, ki ustanavlja samostan, mora imeti, kot smo videli, dolocheno cerkveno avtoriteto. To, da je moral Aethelthryth posvetiti shkof, kazhe, da je imel oblast nad njo, in ko ji je predal polozhaj opatinje, ji je hkrati predajal dolochen delezh cerkvene avtoritete. V resnici je Aethelthryth, preden je ustanovila samostan, najprej prosila za shkofovo dovoljenje. A zadeve niso tako zelo preproste. Chetudi so shkofi teoretichno imeli cerkveno oblast nad opatinjo ali opatom, je stanje cerkvenih politichnih zadev, kasneje pa celo geografska lokacija angleshkim shkofom preprechevala to oblast tudi dejansko izvajati. To je she posebej veljalo v poznem sedmem stoletju, ko so bile, kot pishe Peter Hunter Blair,23 mnoge shkofije brez shkofov. Poleg tega tretji sklep sinode, ki jo je sklical nadshkof Theodore pri Hertfordu leta 673, pravi:
'Da se ne bo noben shkof na noben nachin vtikal v delovanje katerega koli samostana, posvechenega Bogu, niti ne bo s silo odtujil nobenega dela njegove lastnine.' 24
Beda v pismu,25 ki ga je pisal shkofu Egbertu, na dolgo in shiroko utemeljuje, da bi morali vzpostaviti polozhaj shkofa, ki bi imel oblast nad ostalimi shkofi. Hkrati dodaja, da bi morali v samostanih ustanavljati sedezhe novih shkofij. Ko izrazha svojo zadrzhanost glede stanja v samostanih, zraven bodochim zgodovinarjem nehote sporocha, da se je zgoraj omenjeni tretji sklep sinode pri Hertfordu26 tudi resnichno izvajal. Samostani so ochitno imeli veliko mero avtonomije, che celo shkofje niso ovirali njihove oblasti. Seveda so bile razlike med posameznimi primeri, vsaj nekatere opatinje so morale ubogati shkofe. Kot pishe Beda:
'Hilda je she celo leto ostala v kraljestvu vzhodnih Anglov, z namenom oditi na tuje; potem pa jo je shkof Aidan poklical domov /. . ./27
Seaxburg succeeding her sister Aethelthryth at Ely ordered some of the brothers to look for some blocks for the construction of Aethelthryth' s tomb.The passage leaves little doubt as to the men's gender, occupation or their subordinate position. We have previously touched on a very important issue regarding abbess's power and authority in practice: the ability to found monasteries. Bede writes that St. Aethelthryth
/.../ entered the monastery /.../ receiving the veil and the habit of a nun from bishop Wilfrid. A year after she was herself appointed abbess in a district called Ely, where she built a monastery /.../22
This passage is very clear on the order of occurrences: first she was consecrated abbess and only then proceeded to build a monastery. A monastery can therefore not be founded by just anyone, the person founding it, as we have seen must have some sort of ecclesiastical authority in order to do so. The fact that Aethelthryth had to be consecrated by a bishop, demonstrates that a bishop exerted power over her, and when consecrating her abbess he was at the same time relaying to her some degree of church's authority. Aethelthryth did in fact seek permission from the bishop before founding the monastery as well. Matters are however not black and white. Even though in theory bishops may have held ecclesiastical authority over an abbot or abbess, the state of ecclesiastical affairs and later even geographical location of Anglo-Saxon bishops made it hard for them to exert direct power. This was particularly true in the late seventh century at which time, according to Peter Hunter Blair23 many sees were in fact without bishops. Moreover, Canon III of the Synod held by Archbishop Theodore at Hertford dated at 673 states:
That no bishop shall in any way interfere with any monasteries dedicated to God nor take away forcibly any part of theirproperty'.24
Bede25 writes at length in his Letter to Bishop Egbert, to stress that a position of a single bishop should be instated who would assert power over others. In the same breath he suggests new sees be set up within monasteries, at which point he, by noting his reserves, gives away that the afore mentioned III. Canon of Hertford 26 was used in practice. It seems that monasteries were vastly independent from the central church if even bishops did not obstruct their power. However such a conclusion would be a generalization. Even though the monasteries might be exempt, some abbesses at least were still subordinates to bishops' power. For example Bede states:
'Hild continued a whole year in the kingdom of the East Angles with the intention of going abroad; but then bishop Aidan called her home/.../21
Kaj torej poleg pravice ustanavljanja samostanov (s shkofovim dovoljenjem) sodi pod tisto oblast, ki so jo tako »neovirano« izvajale opatinje, in kje se ta oblast koncha? V sedmem in osmem stoletju samostani she niso imeli uniformnih pravil, ki jih je kasneje prinesla benediktinska refoma, zato ni najlazhje poiskati skupnih imenovalcev, ki bi jih lahko posploshili na delovanje vechine samostanov. Hilda naj bi v Whitbyju ' namenila poseben poudarek vrlini kreposti, predanosti in devishkosti tako, da bi se priblizhala obichajem prvotne Cerkve, ko so imeli vsi ljudje vse rechi skupne in nihche nobene osebne lastnine'.28 Neka skupna pravila menishkega zhivljenja so znana iz galskih samostanov in najverjetneje so jih precej nespremenjena prenesli v novoustanovljene samostane na anglo-sashkih tleh; iz teh so verjetno izshle nove izobrazhene opatinje, ki so pravila dalje prenashale v novoustanovljene samostane itd. Spet Hilda:
/... / je bila imenovana za opatinjo samostana [Hartlepool] in tam nemudoma
prichela uvajati pravila bivanja, v vseh pogledih enaka tistim, ki se jih je bila nauchila
/.../29
Tovrstno verigo »hcherinskih« samostanov sestavljajo Coldingham, Ely, Sheppey, Hanbury, Threckingham, Weedon in Hoo. Ti samostani so med seboj povezani s sorodstveno verigo hchera kralja Anna.30 Zelo verjetno je tudi, da je obstajala poleg kronoloshke tudi sochasna vzporedna povezava: sestre so si gotovo pisale pisma in medsebojno vplivale na popravke, che zhe ne v pravilih, pa vsaj v vsakdanjem zhivljenju samostanov. Ko pa smo zhe pri pisni korespondenci, nikakor ne moremo zanemariti pisem med opatinjami in drugimi cerkvenimi uchenjaki, pach v stilu zhe omenjene Aldhelmove De Virginitate, Bedovega Pisma Egbertu ali pa znane Korespondence Boniface.31 Vpliv razlichnih dejavnikov je gotovo kompleksen, a pri pravilih cerkvene institucije je prichakovati tudi precejshnjo dogmatichno rigidnost. Alcuin32 naj bi skupnosti samostana Wearmouth-Jarrow povedal, da njihovi sveti ochetje pogosto obishchejo samostan in pri Bogu posredujejo za tiste, za katere vidijo, da se drzhijo pravil, ki so jih bili sami uvedli. Druzhinska linija opatinj v Elyju je vech kot le primer predaje in prilagoditve pravil; hkrati je dokaz, da je pri izbiri novih opatinj veliko vlogo odigrala tudi sorodstvena zveza (podobno kot pri plemishkih nazivih). Iz tega je mogoche sklepati, da shkofova posvetitev opatinje verjetno ni bila kaj vech kot le potrditev razmerja mochi. Tako tudi primer hchera kralja Anna jasno kazhe, da je samostan, ustanovljen na posesti plemicha, ostal tudi v sakralni oblasti njegove druzhine. She vech, tudi opatinja sama je imela besedo pri tem, kdo jo bo nasledil, kot je razvidno iz naslednjega primera:
But what falls under this power they are so "unhindered" to exert, apart from building monasteries? What does it entail exactly, and what limits it? The period of the seventh and eighth centuries precedes the monastic reform. It is therefore very hard to find common denominators in the way the monasteries of this time handled their internal affairs i.e. their rule. There is a slight mention of a semblance of a rule where Whitby is concerned in the description of the way Hild led her monastery as explained by Peter Hunter Blair: 'She [Hild] laid stress upon the virtue of righteousness, devotion and chastity, striving to follow the ways of the primitive church when all men had all things in common and none any private property'28. However no actual written rule of an Anglo-Saxon double house from that period survives. The monasteries' rules would probably be more alike in the cases where a future abbess having been educated in one monastery uses the same rule in her own monastery educating another future abbess who in turn brings the rule she had learned to her new post. For example, Hild,
/... / was appointed to rule the monastery [Hartlepool] and at once set about
establishing there a Rule of life in all respects like that which she had been taught /.../29
Another example may be constructed from the chain linking the monasteries at Coldingham, Ely, Sheppey, Hanbury, Threckingham, Weedon and Hoo, i.e. the bloodline of the daughters of King Anna.30 It is quite likely that there was a contemporary connection as well, that these kinswomen wrote letters to each other thus possibly influencing rules and regulations at each of their monasteries. The same goes for correspondence with other learned individuals in the fashion of Aldhelm's De virginitate, Bede's Letter to Egbert, or the Boniface correspondence31. It is no doubt wise to take account of the complexity of factors involved in forming a rule of a monastery; on the other hand there is a certain rigidness to be expected from a rule of an ecclesiastical institution It is easier for it to gain authority if it stays unchanged for a period of time. Alcuin32 is said to have told the community at Wearmouth-Jarrow that their holy fathers frequently revisit the monastery and intercede with God for those whom they find keeping the way of life that they had instituted. This might signify that the rule was much more unchangeable than depicted above. A comparison with rules of houses in Francia would perhaps be the best course of action if one was to try and infer what kind of rule the initial abbesses of Anglo-Saxon England promulgated.
The chain of abbesses at Ely is more than just an explanation of how a rule might get formed and modified, it is also proof that bloodlines were of vast importance in determining an abbess's successor. I have described the bishop's role in consecrating an abbess, but it seems that the act of consecration was little more than that of affirmation. In fact, as we can infer from the positions of the female descendents of King Anna, the position of abbess obviously at least some times stayed within the power of the family that owned the land where the monastery was built. Furthermore as the following example demonstrates, the abbess herself had the power to decide who was going to replace her:
'Cwenburh /.../ je prosila shkofa Wifrida, naj moli zanjo /... / za hcher, ki jo je mochno ljubila in ki jo je nameravala imenovati na svoje mesto za opatinjo.33 [podchrtal autor]
To je hkrati dodaten argument k tezi, da je shkof pogosto le potrdil opatinjo, ki je bila izbrana vnaprej. Obstaja celo primer nune Rrygith, ki je nadomeshchala opatinjo.34 Ko je izvedela za smrt opatinje Hild, je zbudila sestre in jim ukazala moliti. Opatinje so torej lahko v odsotnosti imenovale tudi svoje zachasne namestnice.
Notranja oblast je bila torej vsaj na videz neokrnjena, kaj pa oblast in avtoriteta opatinj zunaj samostanskih zidov? Izvajanje oblasti lahko razumemo shirshe kot le ukazovanje in prichakovanje ubogljivosti in pokornosti. Pri raziskovanju oblasti kraljic lahko opazimo neke vrste »indirektno« oblast, kot jo opisuje M. A. Meyer:
'Nezanemarjiva seksualna asimetrija, navzocha v obdobju anglo-sashke kulture, je bila delno uravnotezhena z manipulacijo, ki so jo zhenske izvajale prek osebnih in spolnih zvez, prek shtevila naslednikov, ki so jih rodile, in prestizha njihove druzhine — vse to so bila mogochna orozhja vpolitichnih arzenalih zhensk.'35
In kako se ta primer navezuje na neporochene opatinje, ki so se svoji seksualnosti odpovedale? Chetudi se morda nekatere pravzaprav niso v resnici odpovedovale spolnosti, je to tezhko posploshiti, zlasti za chas, ko je bil Bog v zavesti ljudi enako resnichen kot sonce na nebu. A prav tu lezhi bistvo, saj ko se zhenska odpove spolnosti v zameno za devishko zhivljenje in je deseksualizirana, s tem postane vech kot navadna zhenska; M. A. Meyer 36 pravi, da prerase stereotip shibkejshega spola ... Opatinje, ki niso mogle vech vihteti zhezla nasledstva in bodochih dinastichnih zvez, so torej to pomanjkljivost nadomestile z nechim novim — z avtoriteto Boga, iz katere so chrpale dejansko oblast. Najbolj znan primer opatinje, ki je imela vpliv na kralje, je Hild, katere nasvete 'so prosili kraji 31 Vchasih se zastavlja vprashanje, ali so bili ti kralji z njo v sorodu,38 a to zgornjega argumenta nikakor ne spreminja. Podobno je bila vplivna tudi Leoba, celo zunaj rojstne anglo-sashke Anglije:
'Kraljica Hildigard jo je ljubila, plemichi so jo sprejemali [v goste], shkofje so jo z velikim veseljem gostoljubno sprejemali'39
Posebno obliko tihega vpliva pa so opatinje izvajale tudi prek izobrazhevanja bodochih cerkvenih pomembnezhev: 'Iz Whitbyja je izshlo mnogo pomembnih shkofov'.40 Izobrazhevanje dechkov je prineslo opatinjam pasivno oblast oblikovanja bodochih umov, njihovega odnosa do zhensk na oblasti, hkrati pa dolgorochni vpliv na politichne odlochitve v prihodnosti.
Cwenburh. /.../ asked bishop Wilfrid to pray for her ' I . .. / on behalf of her daughter whom she loved greatly and had planned to make abbess in her place?'3 [my underscore]
This further confirms my deduction that an abbot may often have merely confirmed the position of an abbess after she has already been chosen. There is even an example of a nun, Frygith, standing in for the abbess.34 When she learns of Hild's death she rouses the sisters and orders them to prayer. Apart from naming successors they could apparently also relay their ecclesiastical authority to a nun of their choosing.
What of the abbesses' power and authority outside their monasteries? Exerting power is, in my opinion, more than simply ordering and receiving obedience. When dealing with power wielded by queens we come across something we might dub indirect power, one that M. A. Meyer35 describes in this passage:
The ostensible sexual asymmetry endemic in early Anglo-Saxon culture was partially balanced by women's manipulation of men through personal and sexual associations, the number and quality of the offspring they bore, and the prestige of their cognate kinfolk -allpotent weapons in women's political arsenals.
As far as this goes, even if we accept this reasoning, we must still take into account that abbesses differed from queens in that they relinquished their sexualities. Even though some may not have adhered to this rule, we must reasonably assume, that the majority of abbesses did, or did at least not use their sexuality to gain politically. Once a woman has relinquished her sexuality in favour of chastity (or virginity) she is no longer a mere woman, as M.A. Meyer36 puts it, she transcends 'the perceived weakness of their sex by becoming desexuali%ed...'
The bearing of this on the subject of exercising power and authority is that an abbess, no longer able to wield the sceptre of offspring and dynastic connectivity, might have filled this gap with something else, perhaps her ecclesiastical authority, and used the influence deriving from said authority to exert power. The most famous case of an abbess's influence on royalty is that of Hild, whose advice was 'sought out by kings'31. Whether they were her relatives or not38 makes has little bearing on the argument above. A similar amount of influence was exerted by Leoba, even outside her native Anglo-Saxon England:
'Queen Hildigard loved her, the nobles received her, the bishops welcomed her with joy'39
The abbesses exerted a different type of silent influence through educating future churchmen: 'From Whitby came a number of important bishops'40 - educating boys brought about a passive power, with it the abbesses and nuns were forming future minds and thus influencing the basis of their future decisions.
Zgoraj omenjeni tretji sklep sinode v Hertfordu lahko uporabimo kot razmejitev, ki oznachuje zachetek pravne neodvisnosti samostanov od zahtev shkofov. Pomembnejshe lochnice so tudi relevantni deli zakonov kralja Alfreda. V uvodu k tem zakonom podpisani Alfred trdi, da so njegovi zakoni 'tradicionalni tako po vsebini kot po izrazu'.41 Zakon sht. 8 predvideva denarno kompenzacijo za vsakogar, 'ki bi brez dovoljenja kralja ali shkofa odpeljal nuno iz samostana', pri tem pa je shla polovica kavcije v zhep 'shkofa ali gospoda, v chigar lasti je bil samostan'-42 Kot bi opatinje v Alfredovem Wessexu ne smele odlochati, s kom in kdaj lahko njim podrejena nuna odide (sicer taki odhodi niso bili v navadi). Zakon jasno prepushcha moch odlochitve kralju in shkofu. (Seveda kralj v teh zakonih nastopa predvsem zato, ker je v resnici odgovoren za vse, in prav zato je shlo tudi plachilo vechine kazni vsaj deloma neposredno v njegovo blagajno.) A kot je razvidno iz uvoda v anglo-sashki prevod Gregorjeve Pastoralne oskrbe,43 so bili samostani v tem chasu zhe brez reda in vodstva (med drugim posledica konstantnih vikinshkih vpadov). Tudi cerkveni uchenjaki naj bi bili tedaj manj izobrazheni kot v chasu Beda; morda so morali ponekod vskochiti shkofje prav zato, ker preprosto ni bilo dovolj sposobnih opatov in opatinj.
Kraljica morda res she ni bila niti anglo-sashki pojem, ko je papezh Gregor zachel novo pokristjanjevanje Britanije, a so kraljice in njihove hchere ustvarjale vech kot le dediche in dinastichne zveze. Nekatere med njimi so se izobrazhevale v samostanih v Galiji in so se vrachale z novim razumevanjem vere in kulture ter so nato ustanavljale centre, ki so skrbeli za razshirjanje in ohranjanje nove vednosti v pisani besedi. S posvechenjem in s pomochjo devishkosti so prejele versko in posvetno avtoriteto nad podlozhniki in celo nad vladarji. Ohranile so druzhinske politichne zveze, pa tudi druzhinsko linijo naslednic, ki jim prek kultov zhenskih svetnic lahko sledimo globoko v deseto stoletje.
Ko so se moshki ukvarjali predvsem s politiko in vojskovanjem, je bila vloga zhensk jasna, in prav razvoj samostanov je bil odlochilen za napredovanje vechje enakosti zhensk v politichni druzhbi. Morda je odgovor na vprashanje, koliko oblasti in avtoritete so imele opatinje: ne prav dosti. A che uposhtevamo obdobje 200 let (650-850), ni mogoche spregledati velikanskega premika. Opatinje so lahko ustanavljale in gradile samostane in samostanske cerkve, imenovale svoje namestnice in naslednice, odlochale o izvajanju samostanskih pravil ter izobrazhevale bodoche shkofe in opate. Kot uchenjakinje so imele avtoritativen vpliv nad shkofi in kralji ter so ukazovale lastnim podlozhnikom obeh spolov, do dolochene mere celo v naselbinah, ki so zrasle zunaj samostanskih zidov in kasneje postale pomembna mesta. Nominalno in simbolichno so seveda imeli vrhovno cerkveno oblast shkofi, a videli smo, da je bilo tako le redkokje tudi v resnici.
We have mentioned the council of Bishop Theodore at Hertford and the third canon. It might be suitable to use it as a marker denoting the beginning of legal independence of monasteries from bishops and their claims. The obvious markers are also the relevant parts of the laws of King Alfred. Alfred's laws were, as he claimed in his preface, 'traditional both in subject and expression'41 Alfred's law number eight stipulates compensation 'if anyone remove a nun from a nunnery without permission of the king or bishop' 42. It seems that abbesses in Wessex did not possess the power to allow their own nuns to be removed from the monastery. The law clearly limits this power to kings and bishops. However by this time the monasteries were in disarray, as is clearly stated in the 'preface to St Gregory's Pastoral care' 43. The clerics also seem to have become lacking in knowledge compared to those in the times of Bede. It therefore seems likely that, for lack of competent abbots and abbesses some monasteries were led by bishops at this time, especially in view of the stipulation of the law mentioned above, that half of the compensation goes to the king and half to the bishop or to the lord of the church in whose charge the nun. It is also likely that Alfred felt the needed to step in and set things right, as well as that he most likely had no opposition in doing so.
The queens might not have been powerful when pope Gregory set the re-Christianisation of Britannia in motion, yet they gave birth to more than just royal heirs and dynastic connections They became educated in Francia and came back to form centres of Christian education and preservation of culture. Through consecration and by means of virginity they received authority on many levels both among their peers and subordinates without entirely giving up their former lay way of life — they continued to be waited on by attendants, they were using the royal land and kept in contact with their royal families. It was these families that formed a line of successors to be traced through royal family saints' cults well into the tenth century.
The fact that men were occupied with politics and war, and women were initially thought to be of little use in these matters other than being married properly was a large factor in their evolution into secular power figures Perhaps in our terms the answer to the question in the title is - not much. But in the terms of the timeframe of 650-850 the amount of power they exerted was vast. After they were consecrated they had the power to build Monasteries and churches, name successors, decide on the rules of their monasteries and educate future bishops. They exerted authoritative influence over bishops and Kings, their flock of both genders and perhaps even over the population of settlements that sprung up outside the walls of these centres. Nominally this power was superseded by bishops but we have shown that it was rarely so in factual life and hinted that bishops also had respect and admiration for them.
Samostani so bili pravno zashchiteni pred zunanjimi posegi vse od sedmega stoletja pa do trenutka, ko so Alfredovi zakoni dolochili drugache. V Aldehlmovem duhu pa vemo, da je imela na njihovo avtoriteto in oblast velik vpliv tudi devishkost. Pot anglo-sashke plemkinje se je zachela s poroko in rojstvom potomca, a shele devishtvo (ali nedolzhnost, che je v samostan vstopila she kot otrok) je omogochalo preseganje te primarne vloge ter utemeljevalo neodvisnost, avtoriteto in izvajanje oblasti.
Bibliografija:
Aldhelm, Aldhelm the Prose Works, Michael Lapidge and Michael Herren (eds.), De virginitate, D. S. Brewer, (New Jersey, 1979).
Bede, Bede's Letter to Egbert, Judith McClure and Roger Collins (eds.), The Ecclesiastical History of the English People, the Greater Chronicle, Bede 's Letter to Egbert, (New York, 1999)A.
Bede, The Ecclesiastical History of the English People, Judith McClure and Roger Collins (eds.), The Ecclesiastical History of the English People, the Greater Chronicle, Bede 's Letter to Egbert, (New York, 1999) B.
Crossley-Holland K. (ed.), Alfred's Preface to St Gregory's Pastoral Care, The Anglo-Saxon World: an antholoogyy, (New York, 1999).
Cubitt C., Universal and Local Saints in Anglo-Saxon England, Alan Thacker and Richard Sharpe (eds.), Local Saints and Local Churches in the Early Medieval West, (Oxford, 2002).
Fell C., Women in Anglo-Saxon England; Christine Fell, Cecily Clark and Elizabeth Williams, Women in Anglo-Saxon England and the Impact of 1066, Basil Blackwell (London, 1984).
Fell C. E., Some Implications of the Boniface Correspondence; Helen Damico and Alexandra Hennessey (eds.), New Readings on Women in Old English Literature, (Bloomington and Indianapolis, 1990).
Fell C. E., Saint Aethelthryth: A Historical-Hagiographical Dichotomy Revisited;
Nottingham Medieval Studies, 38, (1994), 18-34.
Foot S., ch. 2: Religious Women in England Before the First Viking Age, Veiled Women I, the Disappearance of Nuns from Anglo-Saxon England, (Aldershot, 2000) A. Foot S., ch. 3: The Disappearance of the early Anglo-Saxon Nun, Veiled Women I, the Disappearance of Nuns from Anglo-Saxon England, (Aldershot, 2000) B. Hunter Blair P., Whitby as a Centre for Learning in the Seventh Century; Michael Lapidge and Helmut Gneuss (eds.), Learning and Literature in AngloSaxon England, Studies Presented to peter Clemoes on the Occasion of his Sixty-fifth Birthday, (Cambridge, 1985).
Their monasteries were legally exempt from outside meddling from the end of the seventh century until the time Alfred's laws stipulated differently There are many relevant matters left un-discussed. Aldhelm, if he could, would have us fill volumes on the relationship between Authority and Virginity and Chastity alone. A path of an Anglo-Saxon noblewoman started with marrying and bearing children and it was through chastity or, if she joined the monastery as a child, virginity that this role could be transcended, independence asserted, authority acquired and power exerted.
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1	Vech v M. A. Meyer, 'Queens, Converts and Conversion in Early Anglo-Saxon England', Revue Bénédictine, 109, (Maresdous, 1999), 90-116.
2	P. Stafford, 'The King's Wife in Wessex', in Helen Damico and Hennesey Olsen (eds.), New Readings on Women in Old English Literature, Indiana University Press, (Bloomington, 1990).
3	Bede, The Ecclesiastical History of the English People, ed. Judith McClure and Roger Collins, The Ecclesiastical History of the English People, the Greater Chronicle, Bede's Letter to Egbert, (New York, 1999). - from here on EH.
4	Aldhelm, Aldhelm: the Prose Works, ed. Michael Lapidge and Michael Herren, De virginitate (New Jersey, 1979). — from here on — Aldhelm, De virginitate.
5	ibid.
6	Bede, EH.
7	Bede, EH, IV, 19. p. 203.
8	Lisichar P. , Rimljani, Zagreb, 1971.
9	Aldhelm, De Virginitate, p. 97.
10	Aldhelm, De Virginitate, p. 51.
11	Bede, EH, III. 8, p. 122. —further reading in S. Foot. Veiled Women I, the Disappearance of Nuns From Anglo-Saxon England. (Aldershot. 2000). p. 49.
12	S. Foot, Veiled Women I, pp. 36-37.
13	M. A. Meyer, 'Queens, Convents and Conversion in Early Anglo-Saxon England', p. 93.
14	R. Marsden, Cambridge Old English Reader, (Cambridge, 2005), pp. 419, 450.
15	Bede, EH, III. 25, p. 153.
16	P. Stafford, 'The King's Wife in Wessex', in Helen Damico and Alexandra Hennesey Olsen (eds.), New Readings on Women in Old English Literature, (Bloomington and Inidianapolis, 1990), 56-57.
17	Bede, EH.
18	AEthelthryth je zgradila samostan Ely na zemlji, ki jo je prejela od prvega mozha Tonberhtu. — M. A. Meyer, 'Queens, Convents and Conversion in Early Anglo-Saxon England', p. 105.
19	M. A. Meyer, 'Queens, ...'
20	S. Foot, Veiled Women I, p. 48.
21	Bede, EH, p. 203.
22	Ibid.
23	P. Hunter Blair, 'Whitby as a Centre for Learning in the Seventh Century', M. Lapidge and H. Gneuss (eds.), Learning and Literature in Anglo-Saxon England, Studies Presented to peter Clemoes on the Occasion of his Sixty-fifth Birthday, (Cambridge, 1985), pp. 15-16.
24	Bede, EH, IV. 5, p. 181.
25	Bede, Bede's Letter to Egbert, pp. 349-50.
26	Bede, EH, IV. 5, p. 181.
27	Bede, EH, IV. 5, p. 210
28	P. Hunter Blair, 'Whitby as a Centre for Learning in the Seventh Century', p. 13.
29	Bede, EH, IV. 23, p. 211.
30	M. A. Meyer, 'Queens, Concents and Conversions in Early Anglo-Saxon England', p. 106. Referencing Bede, EH, IV. 19, and the Book of Ely in Liber Eliensis, E.O. Blake (ed.), Camden Society 3rd series, vol. 92, (London, 1962).
1	Further reading in M. A. Meyer, 'Queens, Converts and Conversion in Early Anglo-Saxon England', Revue Bénédictine, 109, (Maresdous, 1999), 90-116.
2	P. Stafford, 'The King's Wife in Wessex', in Helen Damico and Hennesey Olsen (eds.), New Readings on Women in Old English Literature, Indiana University Press, (Bloomington, 1990).
3	Bede, The Ecclesiastical History of the English People, ed. Judith McClure and Roger Collins, The Ecclesiastical History of the English People, the Greater Chronicle, Bede's Letter to Egbert, (New York, 1999). - from here on EH.
4	Aldhelm, Aldhelm: the Prose Works, ed. Michael Lapidge and Michael Herren, De virginitate (New Jersey, 1979). — from here on — Aldhelm, De virginitate.
5	ibid.
6	Bede, EH.
7	Bede, EH, IV, 19. p. 203.
8	Lisichar P. , Rimljani, Zagreb, 1971.
9	Aldhelm, De Virginitate, p. 97.
10	Aldhelm, De Virginitate, p. 51.
11	Bede, EH, III. 8, p. 122. —further reading in S. Foot. Veiled Women I, the Disappearance of Nuns From Anglo-Saxon England. (Aldershot. 2000). p. 49.
12	S. Foot, Veiled Women I, pp. 36-37.
13	M. A. Meyer, 'Queens, Convents and Conversion in Early Anglo-Saxon England', p. 93.
14	R. Marsden, Cambridge Old English Reader, (Cambridge, 2005), pp. 419, 450.
15	Bede, EH, III. 25, p. 153.
16	P. Stafford, 'The King's Wife in Wessex', in Helen Damico and Alexandra Hennesey Olsen (eds.), New Readings on Women in Old English Literature, (Bloomington and Inidianapolis, 1990), 56-57.
17	Bede, EH.
18	AEthelthryth built the monastery at Ely on the land she received from her first husband Tonberht.
— M. A. Meyer, 'Queens, Convents and Conversion in Early Anglo-Saxon England', p. 105.
19	paraphrasing M. A. Meyer, 'Queens, ... '
20	S. Foot, Veiled Women I, p. 48.
21	Bede, EH, p. 203.
22	Ibid.
23	P. Hunter Blair, 'Whitby as a Centre for Learning in the Seventh Century', M. Lapidge and H. Gneuss (eds.), Learning and Literature in Anglo-Saxon England, Studies Presented to peter Clemoes on the Occasion of his Sixty-fifth Birthday, (Cambridge, 1985), pp. 15-16.
24	Bede, EH, IV. 5, p. 181.
25	Bede, Bede's Letter to Egbert, pp. 349-50.
26	Bede, EH, IV. 5, p. 181.
27	Bede, EH, IV. 5, p. 210
28	P. Hunter Blair, 'Whitby as a Centre for Learning in the Seventh Century', p. 13.
29	Bede, EH, IV. 23, p. 211.
30	M. A. Meyer, 'Queens, Concents and Conversions in Early Anglo-Saxon England', p. 106. Referencing Bede, EH, IV. 19, and the Book of Ely in Liber Eliensis, E.O. Blake (ed.), Camden Society 3rd series, vol. 92, (London, 1962).
31	C. E. Fell, 'Some Implications of the Boniface Correspondence', Helen Damico and Alexandra Hennessey Olsen (eds.), New Readings on Women in Old English Literature, (Bloomington and Indianapolis, 1990).
32	C. Cubitt, 'Universal and Local Saints in Anglo-Saxon England', in Alan Thacker and Richard Sharpe (eds.), Local Saints and Local Churches in the Early Medieval West, (Oxford, 2002), p. 433, quoting Alcuin: The Bishops, Kings and Saints of York, ed. P. Godman, (Oxford, 1982).
33	Bede, EH, V. 3, p. 29.
34	Bede, EH, IV. 23 (21), p. 214.
35	M. A. Meyer, 'Queens, Concents and Conversions in Early Anglo-Saxon England', p. 91.
36	M. A. Meyer, 'Queens, Concents and Conversions in Early Anglo-Saxon England', pp. 9198, and P.E. Szarmach, 'Aelfric's Women Saints', in Helen Damico and Alexandra Hennessey Olsen (eds.), New Readings on Women in Old English Literature, (Bloomington and Indianapolis, 1990).
37	Bede, EH, IV. 23, p. 211.
38	M. A. Meyer, 'Queens, Concents and Conversions in Early Anglo-Saxon England', p. 91.
39	C. Fell, 'Women in Anglo-Saxon England', in Christine Fell, C. Clark and E. Williams,
Women in Anglo-Saxon England and the impact of 1066, (London, 1984), p 116.
40	Bede, EH, IV. 23, pp. 211-212.
41	P. Wormald, 'Alfred (848/9-899)', Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Sept. 2004; online edn. Oct. 2005 [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/183 , accessed 11 Dec. 2005]; C. Fell,
Women in Anglo-Saxon England, pp. 123-124.
42	C. Fell, Women in Anglo-Saxon England, p. 123.
43	K. Crossley-Holland (ed.), 'Alfred's Preface to St. Gregory's Pastoral Care', The Anglo-Saxon World: an anthology, (New York, 1999), pp. 218-220.
Prevod iz angleshchine avtor
31	C. E. Fell, 'Some Implications of the Boniface Correspondence', Helen Damico and Alexandra Hennessey Olsen (eds.), New Readings on Women in Old English Literature, (Bloomington and Indianapolis, 1990).
32	C. Cubitt, 'Universal and Local Saints in Anglo-Saxon England', in Alan Thacker and Richard Sharpe (eds.), Local Saints and Local Churches in the Early Medieval West, (Oxford, 2002), p. 433, quoting Alcuin: The Bishops, Kings and Saints of York, ed. P. Godman, (Oxford, 1982).
33	Bede, EH, V. 3, p. 29.
34	Bede, EH, IV. 23 (21), p. 214.
35	M. A. Meyer, 'Queens, Concents and Conversions in Early Anglo-Saxon England', p. 91.
36	M. A. Meyer, 'Queens, Concents and Conversions in Early Anglo-Saxon England', pp. 9798, and P.E. Szarmach, 'Aelfric's Women Saints', in Helen Damico and Alexandra Hennessey Olsen (eds.), New Readings on Women in Old English Literature, (Bloomington and Indianapolis, 1990).
37	Bede, EH, IV. 23, p. 211.
38	M. A. Meyer, 'Queens, Concents and Conversions in Early Anglo-Saxon England', p. 91.
39	C. Fell, 'Women in Anglo-Saxon England', in Christine Fell, C. Clark and E. Williams,
Women in Anglo-Saxon England and the impact of 1066, (London, 1984), p 116.
40	Bede, EH, IV. 23, pp. 211-212.
41	P. Wormald, 'Alfred (848/9-899)', Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Sept. 2004; online edn. Oct. 2005 [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/183 , accessed 11 Dec. 2005]; C. Fell, Women in Anglo-Saxon England, pp. 123-124.
42	C. Fell, Women in Anglo-Saxon England, p. 123.
43	K. Crossley-Holland (ed.), 'Alfred's Preface to St. Gregory's Pastoral Care', The Anglo-Saxon World: an anthology, (New York, 1999), pp. 218-220.
Jaka ]arc
ADAPTACIJA DE FALSIS DIIS IN NJENE POLITICHNE IMPLIKACIJE
Uvod
Ko je Wulfstan priredil Aelfricovo besedilo De falsis diis, je po eni strani vsebino okrnil, po drugi pa k njej dodal svoj pogled. Tak pristop k adaptaciji starejshih tekstov je bil zhe pred Wulfstanovim chasom znachilen za anglo-sashko Anglijo. Vechina besedil, za katera velja, da jih je predelal Alfred, je bila prirejena na enak nachin.1 Teologi so obravnavali vsebine, h katerim niso smeli dodajati lastnih pogledov. Zhe v chasih Beda Venerabilisa so vsebine utemeljevali s citiranjem prich, ustreznih po pomembnosti in priznanosti. Celo pravni red je temeljil na istem principu. Che so o chem prichale priche primernega stanu in v zadostnem shtevilu, je veljalo dejstvo, o katerem so prichale, za dokazano.3 Besedilo De falsis diis je chrpalo informacije iz mnogih besedil, ne da bi k njihovi vsebini dodajalo kar koli novega. A kljub temu je bilo s postopkom izbire ukrojeno po meri takratne druzhbe in chasa. To besedilo je bilo najverjetneje namenjeno laichnemu obchinstvu, saj gre za pridigo, pri tem pa je obravnavalo pomanjkanje moralnega ravnanja v druzhbi in je imelo dolocheno politichno agendo. Uredniki, ki so sestavljali tovrstna besedila, so lahko izbirali poudarke v skladu s svojimi politichnimi preprichanji ali z versko usmeritvijo, pri tem pa so seveda nujno morali izpushchati podatke, ki bi zmedli javnost, kateri je bilo besedilo namenjeno. Nash chlanek se ukvarja predvsem z dejstvi, ki so bila namenoma izpushchena. Prav besedilo De falsis diis nam nudi prilozhnost za opazovanje dveh stopenj adaptacije; prvo izpod peresa opata Aelfrica, ki je priredil besedilo Martina iz Brage De Correctione Rusticorum, in drugo, ki jo je po Aelfricovem besedilu priredil shkof Wulfstan. Podobno se bo chlanek poglobil tudi v naravo pridige v dveh stopnjah. Ko bomo natanchno obravnavali obe besedili drugo ob drugem, bomo opazovali, ali je bilo v desetem stoletju poganstvo res tako nevarno krshchanstvu, kot se zdi ob hitrem in povrshnem branju teh pridig. Ker je pri obravnavi tako stare snovi pomemben tudi sploshni kontekst, bo mestoma potrebno vkljuchiti tudi nekatera druga anglo-sashka besedila.
O enem pravem Bogu in pregreshni naravi chloveka
Namen evhemerizacije in demonizacije je bil postaviti poganska bozhanstva v kontekst krshchanske zgodovine. Ko je Aelfric napisal 'pa wurdon hi bepahte/ purh pone ealdan deofol pe Adam ar beswac,/ swa pat hi worhton wolice him godas,/ and pone Scyppendforsawonpe hy gescop to mannum' 3 in '[F]engon to wur5ianne/ mislice entas and men him to godum\ 4 je vkljuchil tako prvo kot drugo. Aelfric je poskushal vkljuchiti poganska bozhanstva v okvir krshchanske zgodovine z razlago, da so pogani, ki so chastili elemente, zachutili, da imajo premalo bogov, in so pach dodali nove — s chashchenjem zasluzhnih prednikov, ki so jim podelili bozhanski status.
Jaka Jarc
ADAPTATION OF DE FALSIS DIIS AND ITS POLITICAL IMPLICATIONS
Introduction
When Wulfstan adapted Aelfric's De Falsis Diis he both omitted text and added to it. This type of adaptation was typical of Anglo-Saxon England even before Wulfstan. Most works said to be reworked by Alfred were in fact adapted in a similar manner.1 Theologists were dealing with matter that was not to be expanded upon. As early as Bede's time the way to render authority to a text was through citing a witness of appropriate rank. Even the legal system was based on the same principle; if a number of witnesses attested to something, especially if they were of higher rank, the fact was considered proven.2 De Falsis Diis was drawing information from many texts and not adding anything to the subject matter. Nevertheless it was tailored to fit a society in a specific time-frame. It was intended for a lay audience while targeting issues such as the lack of morality and a political agenda. According to the take they had on Christianity or politics of their time the 'editors' used information that helped their cause, and omitted the knowledge which could confuse their public. It is these omissions that this essay is most concerned with. In dealing with De Falsis Diis we have an opportunity to observe two stages of adaptation; the first one done by Aelfric on the basis of Martin of Braga's De Correctione Rusticorum and the second by Wulfstan. Accordingly, the essay will try to deal with the matter of the sermon in two stages as well. Closely examining both texts it will try to prove that pagan beliefs were not as imminent a danger to Christianity as it can seem at first glance. In order to view the subject matter in the context of its time it will deal with some other Anglo-Saxon texts along the way.
One True God and the Wicked Ways of Man
Euhemerisation and demonisation are intended to put pagan deities into a context of a Christian history. In fact when Aelfric wrote 'pa wurdon hi bepahte/ purh pone ealdan deofol pe Adam ar beswac,/ swa pat hi worhton wolice him godas,/ and pone Scyppend forsawonpe hy gescop to mannum'. 3 and '[F]engon to wurHianne/ mislice entas and men him to godum' 4 he covered both. In trying to fit the pagan gods into a Christian history ^lfric reasoned that in fact the pagans, after already accepting the elements as their focus of worship, were not content to have so few gods and made more.
Zdi se, kot da s stalishcha krshchanskega enoboshtva velja, da chim vech bogov kdo chasti, bolj je greshen. Vzrok za to zmoto je Aelfric nashel v premajhni sposobnosti umevanja. Ko je besedilo priblizhno pol stoletja kasneje obdeloval Wulfstan, se v vprashanje motivacije za mnogoboshtvo in o hudichevi vlogi sploh ni spushchal. Celotno pridigo je obarval po svoje preprosto tako, da je pred zachetek dodal svoj stavek. Izhajal je iz trditve, da je se je malikovanje zachelo s hudichevim naukom. Kot bi skushal pojasniti nekaj, kar je Aelfric pozabil. Podobno je ravnal na mestu, kjer se besedilo poglobi v razlago o chashechenju sonca in lune. Wulfstan znova chuti potrebo poudariti pomembnost vloge, ki jo je odigral hudich. V nadaljnjem besedilu so Wulfstanovi dodatki bolj stilske kot pa vsebinske narave — bolj retorichne kot teoloshke, vse do tam, ko se je Aelfric dotaknil zgodovinskih prednikov, ki naj bi prek zgreshenega spomina pridobili bozhanske atribute. Aelfric namrech ni takoj podal kvalitativne moralne sodbe o teh ljudeh, raje je uporabil pridevnike, kot sta mihtige, egefulle,5 z izrazito pozitivnimi konotacijami, ter dodal, da chetudi so zhiveli sprijeno, so jih njihovi sodobniki sposhtovali. Wulfstan pa, nasprotno, takoj sezhe po mechu ostrih besed, z negativno inflamatorno retoriko seka po omenjenih mozheh: '[S]trece woruldmen heora agenum lustum fullice fulleodan'.6 Z rezilom meri bolj proti njihovemu groznemu zhivljenjskemu slogu kot proti samemu dejstvu, da so bili neverniki. Komentar, ki ga Wulfstan poda naravnost k temi poganstva ([HJeapenscipe ealles to wide swype gederede and gyt derep wide' ),7 je pravzaprav precej blazhji in spravljivejshi kot opis njihovih ogabnih zhivljenjskih razvad zgoraj. Tu velja posebej omeniti, da Wulfstan k samostalniku God (Bog) konsistentno dodaja pridevnik sopa (resnichni), s chimer si Aelfric sploh ni dal opraviti. Pa tudi Aelfric, ki slovi po svojem asketskem slogu, se ni obotavljal posechi po bolj barvitih pridevkih, ko je opisoval »resnichne osebe«, ki naj bi jih kasneje zmotno imeli za bogove. Tudi tu je mogoche zaslediti nejevoljo ob njihovem (z njegovega gledishcha) neciviliziranem zhivljenjskem slogu in obnashanju, a sled je rahla kot namig in manj bistvena za osnovno sporochilo besedila. Bolj deluje, kot da je Aelfric utemeljeval, zakaj je takshno chashchenje napachno. Aelfric je bil ochitno motiviran, da bi razlozhil napachnost poganskih verovanj. Posebej je obravnaval imena dni v tednu in njihov poganski izvor, prav tako malikovanje v neposrednem pomenu besede. Wulfstan pa je vso pozornost posvetil malikovanju in prav temu namenil najsrditejshe besede, ko je govoril o deifikaciji ljudi in o njihovih razvratnih ter incestoidnih razvadah. Ko je postavil zadnjo piko, sta iz besedila sijali dve bistvi, ki ju ni bilo mogoche zgreshiti: obstaja le en resnichni Bog in razvratno zhivljenje je hudicheva njiva.
Elementi
Ko je Aelfric pisal o chashchenju elementov, je izpustil razlago, zakaj so pogani chastili vodo. Ogenj, je razlozhil, so chastili zavoljo njegove nenadne vrochine, zemljo, ker vsakogar hrani. Kaj pa voda?
It seems as though in view of there only being one God the more gods one worships the more wicked one is. ^lfric argued that it was the lack of the power of reason that caused their error. Wulfstan leaves this motivation and the devil's role untouched in his version. He sets the tone for the sermon by adding a sentence at the very start, stating that that idolatry started through the devil's teaching. It seems that Wulfstan is clarifying that which ^lfric left un-clarified. This occurs again prior to the explanation of Sun and Moon worship. Again Wulfstan feels the need to re-state the devil's importance. In reworking the rest of the text he seems more concerned with embellishing and ornamenting the sermon's style than adding to its meaning until he gets to the part explaining those worshiping gods of old are in fact merely mistakenly worshiping great men of antiquity. ^lfric did not put a moral judgement on the men in question straight away; instead he used adjectives like mihtige, egefulle5 (which have a very positive connotation) and adds that even though they lived foully, they were respected by their contemporaries. Wulfstan, on the other hand, immediately reaches for the proverbial sword, hacking with negative and inflammatory rhetoric, such as: '[S]trece woruldmen heora agenum lustum fullice fulleodan'.6 The tip of the sword seems to be aimed more at their foul life-style than the actual existence of pagans. In fact the comment in Wulfstan's initial sentence dealing with paganism ([HJeapenscipe ealles to wide swypegederede andgyt derep wide'.7) is not nearly as dire as the description of the foul life style cited above. It is worth noting that he keeps adding the adjective sopa to the noun God which ^lfric didn't bother doing. ^lfric in fact did not mind using colourful adjectives once he started describing actual persons. It could stand to reason that he deemed the issue of foul living important. But the text does not make a strong point of it; ^lfric rather offered it as part of explanation as to why worshiping them was wrong. ^lfric was in fact motivated to explain the wrongfulness of pagan beliefs. He took the time to deal with the names of the week and their pagan origin as well as with idolatry in its literal sense. Wulfstan in turn is content to stick with idolatry especially as far as the life-style of the deified men goes. At the end two main points have been made: There is only one true God. And: Foul living is the devil's playground.
The Elements
When talking about worshipping the elements, ^lfric omitted an explanation as to why the people of old saw fit to worship water. Fire, explained ^lfric, was worshipped because of its sudden heat; earth because it nourishes all. But why water?
Seveda je mogoche, da je shlo za kakshen stilistichni preblisk, morda je skushal drzhati tempo pripovedi in z njim pozornost poslushalcev, morda je skushal le dvigniti napetost in prichakovanje, morda se mu z vidika oblikovalca besedila voda pach ni zdela bistvena. Celo che bi se potrudili verjeti tem za lase privlechenim argumentom, bi morali vsaj enako mero truda vlozhiti v povrshno razlago, zakaj je to izpustil tudi Wulfstan — pri tem pa sta bila oba znana po strashni natanchnosti. Wulfstan se poglobljeno ukvarja s precej manjshimi podrobnostmi. Posebej razlozhi na primer, da so poganski swa feawum Godum 8 tisti, ki swa hy ar hafdan 9 — in to je le eden od mnogih primerov, ko se mu je zdelo, da mora Aelfricov tekst podrobneje razlozhiti. V pesmi shtevilka II Poetichnih dialogov Salomona in Saturna, ki sta jo skoraj gotovo poznala oba, ima voda vlogo ochishchevalnega elementa. Namrech mistichnega elementa, ki je bil nadvse pomemben za krshchansko dojemanje sveta, saj voda ochishchuje in prerojeva ter seveda krshchuje — 'cristnati and clansaH cwicra manigo, wuldregewlitigaH'. 10 Tako Aelfric kot Wulfstan bi laichnemu obhinstvu tezhko argumentirala dvojnost narave elementov, po kateri je voda v krshchanskem sistemu idej pozitivna, drugod pa negativna — najlazhje je seveda tak element preprosto izpustiti. Z ognjem pa, zanimivo, nista imela nobenih tezhav. V prej omenjenih Pesnishkih dialogih Salomona in Saturna je ogenj predstavljen v njegovi dvojni naravi: dober je, dokler je omejen in ukrochen (lahko rechemo civiliziran), takrat predstavlja luch, che pa se osvobodi, postane pozhreshen unichevalec, vendar neizbezhno spet koncha ujet.11 A odgovor lezhi v naravi besedila: pridiga je namenjena neizobrazhenemu laichnemu poslushalstvu, pesnitev Salomon in Saturn pa obravnava vprashanja globlje narave in je bila po vsej verjetnosti namenjena zahtevnejshemu obchinstvu.12
V isti pesmi je pekel poln tako ognja kot vode. V drugem Wulfstanovem besedilu — Sermo Lupi — zasledimo pekel, ki je podoben suhemu in vrochemu peklu iz pesmi Genesis B, kjer ni sledu o vodi. V podobi, ki si jo je o peklu ustvaril slehernik, je bil ogenj ochitno simbol pekla, voda pa odreshitve. V prejshnjih sistemih verovanja je voda pomenila mejnik, ki je locheval pa tudi povezoval svetove — kot v pesnitvi Beowulf. Chetudi je v svetopisemski poplavi rabila Bogu kot orozhje za skorajda popolni veliki genocid, je bila za slehernika primarno povezana s krstom. Kot vidimo, je vprashanje narave vode v anglo-sashki krshchanski in predkrshchanski kulturi izredno kompleksno; zato Aelfric in Wulfstan z njo nista opravila v enem stavku, kot sta z ognjem in zemljo.
Stolp, Nimrod in Filistejci
Pri primerjanju s pesnitvijo Salomon in Saturn je she ena zanimivost: povezava med Nimrodom, babilonskim stolpom in velikani. Vse troje je vkljucheno tako v obeh adaptacijah De falsis diis (Wulfstanov naslov — De falsis deis)1 kot tudi v pesnitvi Salomon in Saturn1 Res je, da so v pesnitvi velikani imenovani kar Filistejci in da je bilo v srednjem veku popularno preprichanje, da je babilonski stolp zgradil Nimrod.
It may be possible that ^lfric omitted the explanation for reasons of a better prose style, perhaps to deliver a single point without sacrificing clarity or to build suspense, perhaps it may have seemed unimportant to him, unlikely as this is. This would not however explain how Wulfstan could have overlooked such a void in the text. After all he takes the time to deal with much simpler things, such as explaining that the pagans' swa feawum Godum 8 were the ones that swa hy mr hmfdan9 to note only one example of his meticulous explanations of points he deemed not clear enough in ^lfric's text. In the poem II of The Poetical Dialogues of Solomon and Saturn water is deemed a purifier. It is a highly Christian mystical element which cleanses and baptises. It: 'cristnati and clmnsaH cwicra manigo, wuldre gewlitigaS' 1 It has highly positive Christian connotations so neither ^lfric nor Wulfstan would wish to find a description diminishing water's worth. Interestingly they did not have a problem with fire. In Solomon and Saturn fire is good while contained. It represents light until it gets loose; then it becomes the devourer until it is inevitably contained again.11
In the same poem hell is also full of water as well as fire. But The Poetical Dialogues of Solomon and Saturn is an earlier work of a theosophical nature most probably known to both ^lfric as well as Wulfstan.12 ^lfric and Wulfstan are dealing with the lay public. If we follow Wulfstan's Sermo Lupi we see that the hell portrayed there is the same hot and dry hell we find in Genesis B.13 It is full of fire and heat and there is no sign of water. It seems that fire had collected enough negative publicity to become, at least to a layman, connected with hell. With water it was the other way around. It had been a barrier between worlds and home of strange creatures in the mind of the poet of Beowulfbut even though it was the instrument of God's will in the great flood, it carried with it connotations of Christian rebirth and cleanness. This issue is of course complex, as is usually the case with interpreting symbols in foreign societies mind-frames from centuries past, but it is a venue of thought that, if nothing else, deserves deeper study.
The Tower, Nimrod and the Philistines
While on the topic of Solomon and Saturn there is another detail to be pointed out: The connection between Nimrod and the tower of Babel and the Giants. They all star in the same respective roles both in De Falsis Deis14 and Solomon and Saturn.15 It is true that the giants in Solomon and Saturn go by the name "Philistines" and it must be taken into account that the notion that Nimrod had built the tower of Babel was very popular in the Middle Ages. These ideas were very complex and may have needed to be further explained to the laymen who were not educated in patristic literature. This is what ^lfric did to an extent and this is what Wulfstan took one step further.
Prav zato, pa tudi ker je bila teoloshka podlaga za razumevanje teh vsebin tako kompleksna, je Aelfric verjetno sklenil, da potrebujejo laiki, ki niso podkovani v patristichni literaturi, nekaj razlage; Wulfstan je shel she za stopnjo dlje. Vse kar je dishalo po kompleksnejshih vsebinah, je razlozhil. Vsako Aelfricovo simboliko, ki bi lahko vodila v nesporazum, je izpustil. Oba sta izpustila razlago narave elementa vode. Wulfstan je izpustil celo razlago imen dni v tednu, oba ne razlagata imen mesecev. Slednje je skushal zhe davno prej razlozhiti Beda v svojem delu De Temporum Katione.16 Nadvse verjetno je, da imena mesecev sploh niso bila vech pomembno vprashanje v Aelfricovem chasu, a po isti logiki imena dni morda niso bila pomembna v chasu Wulfstana. Kot smo videli, je zanj ostalo pomembno le she vprashanje razvratnega zhivljenjskega sloga, in to njegovih sodobnikov, ne le poganskih prednikov, s katerimi jih je enachil.
Danska in latinska imena
V obeh besedilih so bogovi najprej predstavljeni s svojimi latinskimi imeni in shele nato vzporedno z danskimi imeni. Saturn, Iove, Minerva, Venus, Mars, Mercurius so bogovi rimskega panteona. Prevajanje imen bogov je bilo v navadi zhe v rimskem imperiju. Eden od primerov je v Cezarjevem spisu De bello gallico,17 kjer so germanska (pa tudi keltska) bozhanstva vzporedna z rimskimi. Aelfric pochne isto, tako vsaj velja danes. Anglo-sashki germanski bogovi naj bi bili pozabljeni, danska imena, ki jih Aelfric nadeva rimskim bogovom, naj bi nashel le she v knjigah — Danci pa so v tem chasu she vedno vechinoma pogani. Wulfstan postopa enako, toda on je bil pricha nastanku danske drzhave na vzhodu lastnega britanskega otoka. She za chasa njegovega zhivljenja so se danski barbari navidezno prelevili v kristjane. Problem je bil she kako perech, in verjetno je Wulfstana prav ta problematika vzpodbujala v politichnem in pravnishkem delovanju.18 Najverjetneje je imel s pogani izkushnje iz prve roke, a po De falsis deis sodech, ga je bolj motilo pomanjkanje moralnih vrednot z vplivom hudicha kot pa poganstvo. Danski kralj Cnut je namrech prav takrat sprejel krshchanstvo ravno zato, da bi lazhje vladal svojim novim (krshchanskim) podlozhnikom. Eden od virov znanja za teologe anglo-sashke Anglije so bili grshki in zlasti rimski misleci. Zhe patristichni teksti so omenjali rimske bogove; kot smo rekli zgoraj, je bila najbolj veljavna tista utemeljitev, ki se je sklicevala na najvishje avtoritete, patristichni ochetje pa so bili med najvishjimi. Poleg tega je bil Rim v srednjeveshkem pojmovanju anglo-sashke Anglije zibelka krshchanstva in civilizacije. Kot pravi J. Gardner: »The tradition of Fulgentius's ideas on the true meaning of the Aneid and the myths he examined in his Mitologiarum, together with the high opinion men like Lactantius held of pagan insight, opened the way to a more sophisticated adoption of pagan insight«.19 Da bi Wulfstan nashel nachin, kako upravichiti rodovnike kraljev, ki so navadno segali do praprednika Wodena,20 je bilo najbolj modro vzporejati jih najprej z bolj sprejemljivimi, manj prisotnimi in manj nevarnimi rimskimi bogovi ter shele nato dodati danski panteon kot sekundarni sistem, torej kot posledico in ogledalo rimskega panteona. Tako je lahko elegantno zmanjshal pomembnost danskih bogov in jih neovirano spremenil v prednike iz necivilizirane davnine.
Every one of ^lfric's notions that could escape the general public's grasp was explained additionally by Wulfstan. Every symbolism that went too deep was omitted. Both skipped over the connotations of the symbol of water. And Wulfstan saw fit to omit the names of the week which ^lfric explained and they both in turn said nothing of the names of the months. Bede attempted to explain those a long time before in his De Temporum Ratione16. It is quite possible that month-naming was no longer a direct issue in the time of ^lfric but by the same line of reasoning it is possible that names of days are no longer an issue in the time of Wulfstan. As we have seen, for him the issue is the foul life-style of his contemporaries.
Danish and Roman Names
The Gods are first presented with their Latin names and only later paralleled by Danish names. Saturn, Jove, Minerva, Venus, Mars, Mercury are gods of the Grsco-Roman pantheon. The practice of translating gods' names went on as early as the times of the Roman Empire. When Cssar first wrote of Celtic and Germanic deities in his De Bello Gallico11 he already tried to parallel them with Roman deities. What ^lfric does is deemed to be the same kind of superimposition. He is apparently adding Danish names onto gods of which he has read in books. Wulfstan does the same, however, he has seen the rise of the Danes; he had the front row seat. He was faced with the problem of a large body of Danes who did not recognize the authority of the Church. It was this problem that made him turn again to politics and law.18 He must have seen paganism or at least heard of it but again it seems that he did not have first hand experience with the Germanic variety at least and in the sermon De Falsis Diis it is their lack of morals and the devil's teaching that is stressed.
On the other hand, Cnut in the time of Wulfstan became suddenly a pious Danish Christian king, no matter what his reasons, he no longer presented a threat to Wulfstan's faith. It is quite possible that Wulfstan saw the Roman names as less threatening. The patristic fathers made reference to Roman gods, and Rome in the medieval mind — was the beginning of Christianity, writing and civilization as they understood it. In the words of J. Gardner: "The tradition of Fulgentius's ideas on the true meaning of the ^neid and the myths he examined in his Mitologiarum, together with the high opinion men like Lactantius held of pagan insight, opened the way to a more sophisticated adoption of pagan insight".19 If he were to somehow excuse royal genealogies, which more often than not included Woden as a forefather,20 the sensible way was to first parallel them with the more acceptable, not to mention less present and dangerous Roman gods, and then introduce the Danish pantheon as secondary — a mere consequence and mirror to the Roman, rather than a self-standing occurrence. This way he could diminish its value.
Stopnja napachnosti
Zgodnejshi avtor, ki je pisal o latinskih lazhnih bogovih, je bil Martin iz Brage. David Johnson21 obravnava povezave med Martinom iz Brage in Aelfricom v zvezi z napachnimi bogovi in animizmom. Sklepa, da je le malo dvoma o tem, da je drugi predeloval besedilo prvega in da je bil Woden izpushchen zato, ker je bil pomemben del kraljevskih rodovnikov nekaterih Wulfstanovih kraljev. Tako je Aelfric postavil Saturna na vrh hierarhije bogov. Dorothy Bethrum22 verjame, da zato, ker je bil Saturn bolj popularen med Germani in ker naj bi tako Aelfric kot Wulfstan uporabljala Rabanusovo enciklopedijo. Kakor koli, ta premik je prvo znamenje, ki kazhe na to, da sta bila sploh seznanjena z germanskim poganstvom (vsaj Aelfric, Wulfstan pa je lahko povzel po njem, tudi che ni nich vedel). Celotni korpus anglo-sashkih pisanih virov vechinoma kar ignorira obstoj poganstva, najverjetneje zato, ker so vire pisali menihi, ki niso imeli nobenega interesa ohranjati spomin nanj. Sami prevodi imen pa seveda niso zadosten dokaz, da sta bila s poganstvom v dejanskem stiku. Zanimivo pa je, da obe verziji (tako Aefricova De falsis diis kot Wulfstanova De falsis deis) ugotavljata, da so Danci v zmoti, ker verjamejo, da je bil Iove (Jupiter)/ Eor sin Merkurja/ O9ina.23 To pa kazhe poseben vidik glede stopnje napachnosti. Pogani so se sicer tako ali tako motili, ampak Danci so se motili she bolj. Kako sta lahko tako mislila, zakaj sta dva visoka klerika razlikovala dve vrsti napachno verujochih? Lahko bi na hitro odgovorili, da je glede rimske mitologije drugache; kot smo videli, je ta bolje sprejeta v srednjeveshki krshchanski misli — in ta odgovor nam torej zadostuje. Kot smo zhe rekli, se Wulfstan ni prevech obremenjeval s samim napachnim verovanjem, predvsem se posvecha zgreshenim in nemoralnim zhivljenjskim slogom. Glede na namen njegove retorike bi bila taka razlaga pot vstran. Torej chetudi za Aelfrica ta preprosta razlaga lahko obvelja, je pri Wulfstanu mogocha she ena. Evhemerizem predvideva dolocheno zgodovino — ljudi in ne bogov. V politichnem smislu (in Wulfstan je bil dober politik) ni bilo nepomembno, chigava zgodovina je pravilna: anglo-sashko-krshchanska ali danska (she nedavno poganska). Cerkev je bila vedno politichna entiteta. Ko sta ugotovila, da so imeli latinski pogani iz predkrshchanske zgodovine, ki jo je Cerkev sprejela, bolj prav kot danski pogani, sta Aelfric in Wulfstan utrdila prvenstvo svojih anglo-sashkih prednikov in svojega lastnega pogleda na krshchanstvo, ki je zraslo iz njune zgodovine oziroma iz zgodovine, kot sta jo razlagala.
Narava poganske hierarhije bogov je bila fluidna, s krshchanskega gledishcha kaotichna24 (ciklichna, ne linearna). Aelfric in Wulfstan pa sta ohranila trezno glavo in sta zvito, s poudarkom na napachnosti danskega poganstva, utemeljila primat lastne tradicije. Danci so se bili priselili v Anglijo in nich ni kazalo, da bodo kam shli. Wulfstan je prezhivel njihovo vladavino in njegova dela so bila prisotna v mnogih izvodih;25 vse kazhe, da je svojo politichno in misijonarsko vlogo dobro opravljal, pri tem pa sta se anglo-sashki vpliv kakor tudi krshchanska vera ohranila, prevladujoch nad danskim vplivom vse do prihoda Normanov (1066).
The Level of 'Wrongness'
Another important author writing on Latin false gods was Martin of Braga. David Johnson21 compares Martin of Braga and Elfric in pertaining to the false gods as well as animism. Two of his conclusions are that there is little doubt that the latter was reworking the former and the separate conclusion that Woden was omitted and thus spared scrutiny because he was an important part of the genealogies of some of Wulfstan's kings. In pertaining to changes made: Elfric placed Saturn on top of the hierarchy. Dorothy Bethrum22 believes that this was the case because he was more popular with the Germanic pagans and because both Elfric and Wulfstan used Rabanus'Encyclopaedia. Be that as it may this is the first real sign, testifying to the fact that they were at all acquainted with Germanic paganism. The whole of the preserved Anglo-Saxon body of written materials in fact largely ignores its existence. The mere translation of names is however not proof enough of actual contact. Now comes the interesting part: both versions (Elfric's and Wulfstan's) of De Falsis Diis find that the Danes were wrong in believing that Jove / Eor was the son of Mercury / O8in.23 Now this introduces another interesting aspect of 'wrongness'. Pagans were wrong in the first place, but the Danes were even more wrong. How is this possible, why would a Christian distinguish between two types of pagans. The first answer to this question that springs to mind is that the old gods of Rome were not an immediate threat but the new ones were — as well as th afore mentioned respect for classical works (even pagan). However as we have already seen at least in Wulfstan's version, it was not the worship itself that was stressed in De Falsis Diis, but the lack of morals and humanity of the gods in question. The other possible answer is more practical in nature. Euhemerism implies a certain history. It is not a history of gods but one of mortal men. In a political sense it was not unimportant who had their history right; the Christians or the Danes. In fact the Church is and always has been a political entity. In determining that out of the two sorts of pagans: Latin pagans of the Christian history books and Danish pagans of the 'new variety' the pre-Christian ones were less wrong, Elfric and Wulfstan asserted the supremacy of their English predecessors and of the Christianity which grew out of their history or to put it another way: out of the history according to them.
As I said before, the superimposition of Latin gods' names onto Scandinavian ones was done by means of assigning names to attributes and positions in the hierarchy. Gods of pagan belief systems often changed positions in the hierarchy not only through time but also space. To a Christian this would seem like chaos and anarchy.24 Nevertheless Elfric and Wulfstan managed to keep a clear head and accentuate the 'wrongness' of the Danes over that of their Christian books. The Danes were a fact and they were there to stay as far as Wulfstan knew and he saw it as his mission to bring them under the jurisdiction of the Church and law. As the wide dissemination25 of his work accompanied by the fact that Danes soon became Christians testifies he may well have been an important part of the process.
Zakljuchek
Aelfricov De falsis diis je izhajal iz De Correctione Rusticorum Martina iz Brage. Ko je Aelfric je nachrtoval spis, je uposhteval politichno situacijo obdobja. Poganstvo je videl kot neposredno nevarnost za Cerkev in je chutil, da mora pridigati proti njemu. Najbolje, kot je mogel, je razlozhil svojim krshchanskim ovchicam, v katerih tochkah so se pogani motili, pri tem pa je uporabljal metode evhemerizacije, demonizacije in zanikanja animizma. Vzel si je chas in na primeru anglo-sashkih imen dni v tednu razlozhil stari sistem verovanja ter njegove pomanjkljivosti. Wulfstan je predelal prvi del Aelfricovega besedila in ga priredil tako, da je z isto vsebino, a z drugimi poudarki ustrezala njegovim namenom. Pridigal je proti razkroju druzhbenih moralnih vrednot in o edinosti Boga. Ni se omejil na kritiko poganstva, bolj je poudarjal neumnost Dancev, katerih zgodovino je treba popraviti. Kot je imel navado, je ostal zvest svojim nachelom o pravichnosti in zakonih ter morali, menech, da je nastopil chas, ko je treba odpraviti poltenost; to pa je bilo mogoche shele, ko poganstvo ni bilo vech neposredna nevarnost.
Bibliografija
Anlezark, D., 'The Fall of the Angels in Solomon and Saturn IF, in Kathryn Powell and Donald Scragg (eds.), Apocryphal Texts and Traditions in Anglo-Saxon England, D. S. Brewer, Cambridge, 2003, pp. 121-133.
Attenborough, L. (ed.), The Laws of the Earliest English Kings, (London, 1922). Bethurum, D., 'Wulfstan', E. G. Stanley (ed.), Continuations and Beginnings, (London, 1966), pp. 210-246.
Bethurum, D., The Homilies of Wulfstan, (Oxford, 1957). Branston, B., The Lost Gods of England, (London, 1957). Caesar, C. I., Galska vojna, (Maribor, 1970).
Foot, S., 'The Making of Angelcynn: English Identity Before the Norman
Conquest', Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, [vol.] VI (1996), 25-49.
Johnson, D. F., 'Euhemeristaion Versus Demonisation the Pagan Gods in ^lfric's
De Falsis Diis\ T. Hofstra et al. (ed.), Pagans and Christians (1992), pp. 35-69.
Gardner, J., The Construction of Christian Poetry in Old English, Southern Illinois
University Press, (London and Amsterdam, 1975).
Marsden, R. (ed.), Cambridge Old English Reader (Cambridge, 2005).
Menner, R. J. (ed.), The Poetical Dialogues of Solomon and Saturn (New York, 1941).
North, R., Heathen Gods in Old English Litterature (Cambridge, 1997).
Page, R. I., 'Anglo-Saxon Paganism - The Evidence of Bede', T. Hofstra et al.
(ed.), Pagans and Christians (1992), pp. 99-129.
Swanton, M., (ed.), The Anglo-Saxon Chronicles, Phoenix Press (London, 2000). Wilcox, J., 'The Dissemination of Wulfstan's Homilies: the Wulfstan Tradition in Eleventh Century Vernacular Preaching', C. Hicks (ed.), England in the Eleventh Century (Stamford, 1992).
Wilson, D., Anglo-Saxon Paganism (London, 1992).
Conclusion
De Falsis Diis was based on Martin of Braga's De Correctione Rusticorum. In reworking it ^lfric took into account the political situation of the times. He saw the pagan belief system as an imminent danger to the Church and sought to preach against it. He explained as best he could to his fellow Christians how and where pagans were wrong, making full use of euhemerisation, demonisation and diminishing of animism. He took the time to explain how the days of the week in Old English were a remnant of an old hierarchy of gods and this was his prerogative, to stop paganism from spreading. Wulfstan reworked the first part of his sermon and tailored it to his own prerogative. He preached against a foul lifestyle and of one true God. He did not emphasise heathenism, but rather the folly of the Danes whose history must be rewritten. In keeping with his partiality to law and morality he saw that the time has come to do away with foul lustfulness and this was only possible in a time where paganism was no longer an imminent threat.
Bibliography
Anlezark, D., 'The Fall of the Angels in Solomon and Saturn IF, in Kathryn Powell and Donald Scragg (eds.), Apocryphal Texts and Traditions in Anglo-Saxon England, D. S. Brewer, Cambridge 2003, pp. 121-133.
Attenborough, L. (ed.), The Laws of the Earliest English Kings, (London, 1922). Bethurum, D., 'Wulfstan', E. G. Stanley (ed.), Continuations and Beginnings, (London, 1966), pp. 210-246.
Bethurum, D., The Homilies of Wulfstan, (Oxford, 1957). Branston, B., The Lost Gods of England, (London, 1957). Caesar, C. I., Galska vojna, (Maribor 1970).
Foot, S., 'The Making of Angelcynn: English Identity Before the Norman Conquest',
Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, [vol.] VI (1996), 25-49.
Johnson, D. F., 'Euhemeristaion Versus Demonisation the Pagan Gods in ^lfric's De
Falsis Diis', T. Hofstra et al. (ed.), Pagans and Christians (1992), pp. 35-69.
Gardner, J., The Construction of Christian Poetry in Old English, Southern Illinois
University Press, (London and Amsterdam 1975).
Marsden, R. (ed.), Cambridge Old English Reader (Cambridge, 2005).
Menner, R. J. (ed.), The Poetical Dialogues of Solomon and Saturn (New York, 1941).
North, R., Heathen Gods in Old English Litterature (Cambridge, 1997).
Page, R. I., 'Anglo-Saxon Paganism - The Evidence of Bede', T. Hofstra et al. (ed.),
Pagans and Christians (1992), pp. 99-129.
Swanton, M., (ed.), The Anglo-Saxon Chronicles, Phoenix Press (London, 2000). Wilcox, J., 'The Dissemination of Wulfstan's Homilies: the Wulfstan Tradition in Eleventh Century Vernacular Preaching', C. Hicks (ed.), England in the Eleventh Century (Stamford, 1992).
Wilson, D., Anglo-Saxon Paganism (London, 1992).
1	S. Foot, 'The Making of Angelcynn: English Identity Before the Norman Conquest', Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, vol. VI, (1996), 25-49.
2	L. Attenborough (ed.), The Taws of the Earliest English Kings, (London, 1922).
3	^lfric, De Falsis Diis, in D. F. Johnson, 'Euhemeristaion Versus Demonisation the Pagan Gods in ^lfric's De Falsis Diis', T. Hofstra et al. (ed.), Pagans and Christians, (1992), p. 63, lines 78b-81. (appendix)
4	Ibid., p. 64, lines 100b-101
5	R. Marsden(ed.), Cambridge Old English Reader, (Cambridge, 2005), p. 206.
6	Ibid.
7	Ibid., p. 205.
8	Mfnc, De Falsis Diis, line 100
9	R. Marsden (ed.), Cambridge Old English Reader, p. 206, lines 27b, 28.
10	R. J. Menner (ed.), The Poetical Dialogues of Solomon and Saturn, (New York, 1941), p. 99, lines 387, 388.
11	Ibid., lines 402-408.
12	Ker so do danes prezhiveli kar trije rokopisi Dialogues of Solomon and Saturn je zel verjetno, da jih je bilo med 10 in 11. stoletjem she precej vech, she zlasti, ker so sorodna besedila zhanra dialogov v srednje-angleshkem obdobju mochno prisotna.
13	Obratno kot Christ and Satan — Exeter Book — 10- stoletje, omenja vode v peklu — vodilo v premislek, da poshasti v vodi v Beowulfu sodijo v posebe Anglo-sashki koncept pekla. Glej D., Anlezark, 'The Fall of the Angels in Solomon and Saturn IT, in Kathryn Powell and Donald Scragg (eds.), Apocryphal Texts and Traditions in Anglo-Saxon England, D. S. Brewer, Cambridge 2003, pp. 121-133.
14	R. Marsden, Cambridge Old English Reader, p. 205, line 5 (Aelfric: Latin diis — days, Wulfstan: Latin deis — gods)
15	R. J. Menner, Solomon and Saturn, p. 91, lines 205-210.
16	B. Branston, The Tost Gods of England, (London, 1957), pp. 41-43. and
R. I. Page, 'Anglo-Saxon Paganism - The Evidence of Bede', T. Hofstra et al. (ed.), Pagans and Christians, (1992), pp. 124-125.
17	C. I. Caesar, Galska vojna, (Maribor 1970), VI-18, 21.
18	D. Bethurum, 'Wulfstan', E. G. Stanley (ed.), Continuations and Beginnings, (London, 1966), pp. 210-246.
19	J. Gardner, The Construction of Christian Poetry in Old English, Southern Illinois University Press, (London and Amsterdam 1975), p.5.
20	M. Swanton (ed.), The Anglo-Saxon Chronicles, Phoenix Press (London, 2000), pp. 449, 547, 552, 560, 597, 626, 755, 855.
21	D. F. Johnson, 'Euhemerisation Versus Demonisation'.
22	D. Bethurum, The Homilies of Wulfstan, (Oxford, 1957), p. 336-337.
23	R. North and D. F. Johnson oba verjameta, da so bile Skandinavske oblike imen uporabljene zaradi ^lfricevih politichnih povezav in genealogij.
24	R. North, Heathen Gods in Old English Titterature, (Cambridge, 1997), p. 206.
25	J. Wilcox, 'The Dissemination of Wulfstan's Homilies: the Wulfstan Tradition in Eleventh Century Vernacular Preaching', C. Hicks (ed.), England in the Eleventh Century, (Stamford, 1992).
Prevod iz angleshchine avtor
1	S. Foot, 'The Making of Angelcynn: English Identity Before the Norman Conquest', Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, vol. VI, (1996), 25-49.
2	L. Attenborough (ed.), The Laws of the Earliest English Kings, (London, 1922).
3	Elfric, De Falsis Diis, in D. F. Johnson, 'Euhemeristaion Versus Demonisation the Pagan Gods in Elfric's De Falsis Diis', T. Hofstra et al. (ed.), Pagans and Christians, (1992), p. 63, lines 78b-81. (appendix)
4	Ibid., p. 64, lines 100b-101
5	R. Marsden(ed.), Cambridge Old English Reader, (Cambridge, 2005), p. 206.
6	Ibid.
7	Ibid., p. 205.
8	Elfric, De Falsis Diis, line 100
9	R. Marsden (ed.), Cambridge Old English Reader, p. 206, lines 27b, 28.
10	R. J. Menner (ed.), The Poetical Dialogues of Solomon and Saturn, (New York, 1941), p. 99, lines 387, 388.
11	Ibid., lines 402-408.
12	Since three manuscripts containing the Dialogues of Solomon and Saturn survived until the present it stands to reason there were more in existence in the 10th and 11th century, especially since the "dialogue" genre flourished in the middle English period.
13	as opposed to Christ and Satan — Exeter Book — 10th century work, which in fact mentions waters of Hell - this lead to a specific view of the monsters in Beowufbelonging to a specific Anglo-Saxon watery hell, see D., Anlezark, 'The Fall of the Angels in Solomon and Saturn II', in Kathryn Powell and Donald Scragg (eds.), Apocryphal Texts and Traditions in Anglo-Saxon England, D. S. Brewer, Cambridge 2003, pp. 121-133.
14	R. Marsden, Cambridge Old English Reader, p. 205, line 5 (Aelfric: Latin diis — days, Wulfstan: Latin deis — gods)
15	R. J. Menner, Solomon and Saturn, p. 91, lines 205-210.
16	B. Branston, The Lost Gods of England, (London, 1957), pp. 41-43. and
R. I. Page, 'Anglo-Saxon Paganism - The Evidence of Bede', T. Hofstra et al. (ed.), Pagans and Christians, (1992), pp. 124-125.
17	C. I. Caesar, Galska vojna, (Maribor 1970), VI-18, 21.
18	D. Bethurum, 'Wulfstan', E. G. Stanley (ed.), Continuations and Beginnings, (London, 1966), pp. 210-246.
19	J. Gardner, The Construction of Christian Poetry in Old English, Southern Illinois University Press, (London and Amsterdam 1975), p.5.
20	M. Swanton (ed.), The Anglo-Saxon Chronicles, Phoenix Press (London, 2000), pp. 449, 547, 552, 560, 597, 626, 755, 855.
21	D. F. Johnson, 'Euhemerisation Versus Demonisation'.
22	D. Bethurum, The Homilies of Wulfstan, (Oxford, 1957), p. 336-337.
23	R. North and D. F. Johnson both believe that the fact Scandinavian name-forms were used due to Elfric's political connections and their genealogies.
24	R. North, Heathen Gods in Old English Litterature, (Cambridge, 1997), p. 206.
25	J. Wilcox, 'The Dissemination of Wulfstan's Homilies: the Wulfstan Tradition in Eleventh Century Vernacular Preaching', C. Hicks (ed.), England in the Eleventh Century, (Stamford, 1992).
Mira Puc
KAKO VAM JE IME?
(Lojze Adamich — Louis Adamic [Edemik])
V eni svojih knjig z naslovom »What's Your Name?« (Kako vam je ime?) pripoveduje nash rojak svojim amerishkim bralcem, da je v njegovi "kranjski domovini (ali Sloveniji)« imelo njegovo ime nad chrko c streshico, takole: Adamich. »Izgovorilo se je,« pouchuje pisatelj svoje bralce, »Ah—damitch, z dolgima in polnima a-jema in z naglasom na srednjem zlogu, na koncu pa s cmokajochim: tch-ch-ch. Ime pomeni mali Adam ali Adamov sin, kar v slovenshchini ustreza imenu Adamson ali Adams.«
Kot mlad zelenec, pravi, si je prva leta v Zdruzhenih drzhavah zhelel, da bi se chimprej amerikaniziral, in je zato svoje ime pisal Adamich ali Adamitch ali celo Adamage, po nachinu kakor ga je vechina Americhanov izgovarjala. Toda nekako je bil ponosen na svoje staro ime, ki je doma predstavljalo shtevilno trdno druzhino; spominjalo ga je znanega skladatelja Adamicha in mladega Ivana Adamicha, ki ga je avstrijsko vojashtvo ubilo ob slovenskih nacionalnih demonstracijah v Ljubljani. Ivan Adamich je bil s svojo dramatichno smrtjo napravil velik vtis na domishljijo mladega izseljenca. Ko se je ta pozneje vpisal v amerishko armado, pravi, da je v spomin na junaka-muchenika zapisal na naborni poli svoje ime "Adamič" z velikansko streshico na ch-ju. Toda chrka "č" ni mogla prodreti v amerishko armado; vojashki pisar jo je preprosto ignoriral ali pa jo je imel za nakljuchno chachko s peresom. V armadi so napravili iz Adamicha Adamica; kot tak je nash rojak dobil tudi amerishko drzhavljanstvo in ostal Adamic. Americhani ga izgovarjajo "edemik", kar bi po nashe pomenilo "adamski". Z nekaj smeshnimi, nekaj resnimi zapletljaji nadaljuje pisatelj zgodbo o spremembi svojega imena, ki je v knjigi vkljuchena v problem chesto zelo bolechega stapljanja tujerodnih priseljencev z njihovo anglosashko okolico.
Na stotisoche tujerodnih priimkov se je ohranilo kljub nestrpnosti angleshkega jezika, kljub direktnim ali indirektnim zahtevam po spremembi imena in kljub osebnim in poklicnim tezhavam zaradi tega. Milijoni priseljencev in v Ameriki rojenih sinov in hchera tujerodnih starshev se pishejo she danes Mikolajczik, Wohlgemut, Vojvodic, Bartolini, Kikuči itd., cheprav bi jim bila najlazhja stvar na svetu, ime spremeniti; v nekaterih drzhavah ZDA se lahko kar sam preimenujesh, ne da bi moral zaradi tega na sodnijo. In vendnr navaja pisatelj neshteto primerov, da so se ljudje krchevito oklepali starega imena, cheprav zaradi tega niso dobili zaposlitve ali niso napredovali v svojem poklicu v dezheli, ki bi bila zaradi fantastichne meshanice svojega prebivalstva najmanj upravichena do rasizma, pa vendar koketira z anglosashko chistokrvnostjo.
Mira Puc
WHAT'S YOUR NAME?
(Lojze Adamich — Louis Adamic [Edemik])
In one of his books, entitled 'What's Your Name' our fellow countryman explains to his American readers that, back in his Carinthian native land (Slovenia), a caron above the letter 'c' formed a part of his name, like so: Adamich. "It was pronounced," the writer educates his readers, "Ah- damitch, with long full 'a'-s and an accented middle syllable — the word ending in a smacking: tch-ch-č. The name stands for little Adam or Adam's son, it is the Slovenian equivalent of the American 'Adamson' or 'Adams'."
He said that he spent the first couple of years in the USA, a young and green man, wishing to be Americanised as soon as possible, which is why he wrote his name inthe same way most American's pronounced it — 'Adamitch' or even 'Adamage'. Still he was proud of his family name, a name that stood for a large and strong family back home. It reminded him of the noted composer of the same family name as well as of the young Ivan Adamich who was killed by the Austrian military during Slovenian national demonstrations in Ljubljana. The latter's dramatic death had a strong impact on the young emigrant's imagination. Later — he tells — when he was enlisting in the American army, he put his name on the enlistment sheet with a huge caron: 'Adamič' in the hero's memory. But the letter 'č' could not penetrate the American armed forces; the military scribe simply ignored it or thought it an accidental jot of the pen. The armed forces transformed Adamich into Adamic; our fellow countryman received American citizenship under the same name and remained thereafter 'Adamic'. As Americans pronounce it, it could be understood as 'Adam-like'.
Through tell of a few funny and a few serious incidents the author continues the story of the change of his name. In the book this tale is paralleled with the problem of the often extremely painful immigrants' merging with their AngloSaxon surroundings.
Hundreds of thousands of foreign family names endured the intolerance of English unchanged, no matter the direct and indirect pressure to change and in spite of personal and professional hardships that ensued as a result. Millions of immigrants and American-born sons and daughters still spell their names: Mikolajczik, Wohlgemut, Vojvodic, Bartolini, Kikuči etc., even though it would be easiest for them to change the spelling. In some American states a name can be changed by individuals themselves — no courts involved. Nevertheless the author goes on to enumerate several examples of people clinging to their old family names, even when that meant they would not receive employment or did not advance in their careers — all this in a land which, with its fantastic blend of population, would be the last to merit nationalism, yet it continues to flirt with Anglo-Saxon pure-bloodedness.
Vmes nam avtor postrezhe z anekdoto.
Med vojno je v amerishki armadi sluzhil serzhant Hitler, ki je tiste chase pisalo o njem vse amerishko chasopisje. Zaradi svojega imena je moral marsikaj preslishati in svetovali so mu, naj ga spremeni. »Naj ga spremeni oni drugi Hitler!« je izjavil. V armadi so imeli takrat she enega Hitlerja, ki je bil sluchajno Zhid. Ta je dejal: »To je moje ime, do katerega imam vso pravico, Adolf pa je nima, zakaj pishe se Schicklgruber.«
Ime spremeniti ali ne spremeniti ga je samo del psiholoshke drzhavljanske vojne, ki se je zachela s pritokom priseljencev in ki najde vsak dan novega netiva v krchevitem obchutku negotovosti do domorodcev, ki muchi na novo priseljene skupine in poedince.
Kaj je ime? se vprashuje pisatelj. Beseda, ki sama po sebi nima nikakrshnega pomena. Za lastnika pa je vazhno iz razlogov, ki so po vechini popolnoma osebni in jih ni zmeraj mochi pojasniti z besedami.
»Zakaj sprememba imena shkodljivo vpliva, ne morem natanchno rechi,« pishe Adamich v svoji knjigi, »toda v zadnjih treh letih sem spet in spet naletel na to dejstvo pri svojih raziskovanjih. Neotipljivo je, daljno, primitivno, izpod ravni, kjer vlada pamet... Za mnoge ljudi je problem njihove istovetnosti nerazdruzhno povezan z mozhnostjo, da si sploh lahko najdejo svoj naravni prostor, svoje ustvarjalno ali produktivno mesto v svetu chloveshkih bitij. Zahteve jaza so mochne, nich manjshe niso zahteve druzhbe; in civilizatorichni proces navsezadnje ni nich drugega kakor iskanje ravnovesja med obema skrajnostima. Istovetnost imena z jazom sega dalech nazaj, she onkraj druzhine in narodnosti. Morda je to istovetenje podvrzheno vplivom spomina iz chasov, ko smo she bili vkljucheni v plemena; tu kajpada ne gre za nekakshne dejanske podrobnosti iz primitivne druzhbe, temvech za neko sploshno obchutje o pomembnosti lastnega imena — za neko iz roda v rod izrocheno, brezoblichno, she zmeraj delujocho usedlino. Primitivnemu chloveku, nam pripovedujejo antropologi, je ime zelo vazhno.« Naj bo temu kakor koli zhe, dejstvo je, da se mnogi oklepajo starega imena celo za ceno svojega obstoja in osebne sreche; mnogi, ki so ime spremenili, se chez leta in leta, gnani od chedalje hujshe notranje nezadovoljnosti, vrnejo k staremu imenu; mnogi tega ne store, toda nekaj v njih je razdejano in razkrojeno, kakor bi se bili z imenom odrekli tudi svojemu najglobljemu jazu. V knjigi najdemo vrsto primerov iz vsakdanjega amerishkega zhivljenja, dokumentov psiholoshkega pomena, nanizanih brez pravih literarnih pretenzij, cheprav so posamezne zgodbe novelistichno obdelane.
His narrative includes the following anecdote — during World War II a Hitler served as a sergeant in the American armed forces. All the American papers wrote about him at the time. On account of his name he was a target of many evil tongues. When he was advised to change his name he replied: "Let that other Hitler change his!" There was another soldier serving in the armed forces who was Jewish. He said: "This is my name which I am fully entitled to use. Adolf doesn't because his last name is Shicklgruber."
To change or not change the name is nothing but a part of a psychological civil war that begun with the influx of immigrants and which is daily rekindled from the spastic feeling of insecurity towards the native population which pests the newcomer groups and individuals.
"What's in a name?" asks the writer. The word in itself holds no meaning. But the proprietor deems it important for a number of reasons. These are mostly of an entirely personal nature and cannot always be explained in words. "I am unable to explain why exactly the change of a name as a harmful effect," writes Adamich, "but in the last three years of my research I came across this fact. It is intangible, removed, primitive, beneath the realm of intelligence... For many the issue of identity is intricately tied to the possibility of finding their natural place, their creative or productive place in the world of humans. The demands of the self are tough, the same goes for the demands of society; and in the end the process of civilisation is nothing but a search for equilibrium between the two extremes. Equation of the name and the self goes far back, beyond the family and nationality. Perhaps this equation is subject to the memory of the times when we were included in tribes. It is not a matter of actual details from a primitive society, but a general feeling of the importance of one's own name — a shapeless content passed down through generations that perseveres. As anthropologists tell us, the name is very important to the primitive man."
Whatever the case, the fact remains that many continue to cling on to their old names even thoug it cost them their existence and personal happiness; many who changed their names, after years of growing inner discontent, return to their old name; many do not, but something inside them is demolished and disintegrated, as though they, by discarding their name, discarded also their deepest self. The book contains many examples from everyday American life, documents of psychological meaning presented without literary pretensions even though individual stories are reworked into novelettes.
Cheprav se v civilizacijskem in kulturnem pogledu Zdruzhene drzhave vsepovsod prilagajajo anglosashkemu vzorcu, vendar o chloveshki kompoziciji dezhele, kakrshna je zdaj, ni mochi trditi, da bi delovala anglosashko. Tu imamo vso Evropo in v manjshem obsegu tudi druge celine, ki so se s svojim prebivalstvom razshirile v Ameriko.
To stanje dokazuje, kako smeshno je stalishche nekaterih starih priseljencev in zlasti voditeljev med njimi, ki nochejo priznati, da je njihova dezhela s svojim prebivalstvom samo odraz velikega dela sveta; zakaj prav v tem je njena najvechja slava in najgloblji vir mochi, pravi Adamich. Sleherni pritisk na neanglosashke elemente, naj se poanglezhijo bolj, kakor je najmanj treba, da se prilagode angleshkemu jeziku, ali naj se skrijejo za anglosashkimi etiketami, nasprotuje resnichnosti in je zato shkodljiv.
Kakor koli je zamotano vprashanje imen, misli pisatelj, da se v njem najbolj jasno odrazhajo velikanska in vendar komaj priznana kulturna trzanja v Zdruzhenih drzhavah. Novi rodovi se prichenjajo zavedati, da zhive v Zdruzhenih drzhavah ljudstva iz vsega sveta. To prebujanje, kakor mu pravi Adamich, je novo in ga je komaj zaznati v velikem labirintu kolektivne in individualne zavesti. V nekaterih priseljenih skupinah ga verjetno sploh she ni, drugod je bolj nagonsko kakor zavestno. Vendar je veliko mochi v njem. Adamich misli, da si bo nekaj chasa dajalo prvenstveno dushka v odporu proti stari zahtevi in zhelji po poanglezhenju "tujerodnih" imen, v katerem ne bo najti veliko razumnih razlogov, pach pa tem vech primitivnih predsodkov glede na imena.
Ljudem, ki radi prenaglo sodijo in ne lochijo vzrokov od posledic, se bo morda vso to zdelo nepomembno ali celo neamerishko. Toda vazhno bo. Na mochi, na vazhnosti novih tezhenj in novega spoznanja gradi Adamich svojo vero v pozitivne sile amerishkega ljudstva, zaradi katerih je preprichan, da bodo Zdruzhene drzhave prej ali slej krenile po poti naprednega razvoja.
Op. ur.: Chlanek je ponatis iz revije Novi svet, 1949, sht. 11, kjer je podpisan s kraticama M. P. Po podatkih bibliografskega oddelka NUK v Ljubljani gre za Miro Puc (pozneje Mihelich).
Even though in terms of culture and civilisation, the United States are adapting throughout to the Anglo-Saxon model, the human component of this land's composition today cannot be said to appear Anglo-Saxon. In this it includes the whole of Europe and to a smaller extent also other continents that lended America their people. This state is what makes the views of some old immigrants and especially their leaders, who will not admit that their land and its inhabitants are nothing but a reflection of a large part of the world. As Adamich puts it, this is its greatest glory and deepest source of power. Any pressure exerted over non-Anglo-Saxon elements to anglicise more than absolutely necessary in order to adapt to the English language, or to hide behind Anglo-Saxon labels is therefore detrimental.
According to the author, as complex as the issue of names may be, it clearly reflects the immense yet hardly acknowledged cultural twitching in the USA. New generations are starting to become aware that the United States are inhabited by nations from across the globe. This 'awakening', as Adamich calls it, is new and hardly perceivable in the vast labyrinth of the collective and the individual consciousness. It may yet be entirely lacking in some groups of immigrants while others may feel it on an instinctive level as opposed to conscious awareness of it. But it is a source of great power. Adamich believes that it will at first remain focused on rebelling against the old demand for Anglicisation of 'foreign native' names, where not many reasonable arguments will be employed, but rather more primitive prejudice in terms of names.
People who like to judge prematurely and cannot distinguish between cause and effect may find this entire matter insignificant or even un-American. But it will be important. The power and importance of the new inclinations and new recognition serve as building blocks on which Adamich builds his belief in the constructive powers of the Amercian people which convince him that the United States will sooner or later embark on a journey of advancing progress.
Editor's note: the article is a translation of a reprint from the Novi svet journal, 1949, no. 11, which the author signed with the acronym M.P. According to the biography department of the National University Library in Ljubljana the author was Miro Puc (later Mihelich).
Translated from Slovenian by Jaka Jarc
Andrej Lenarchich
INVEKCIJE, KOREKCIJE (II)
PROLOG O POSLUHU (za marsikaj)
Nekoch je bilo na svetu manj hrupno, pa so chisti glasovi in skladne harmonije razveseljevale tako uho kot duha. Dandanashnji je hrupa vsake vrste nagrmadenega toliko, da chlovek niti sebi ne (z)more vech prisluhniti. O blagozvochju in jasni harmoniji seveda ne ve vech dosti. She v hramih, nekdaj posvechenih blagoglasju, se najvechkrat shopiri "zanalashchhrup".
Pa vendar je bilo nekoch lepo. Vedelo se je, kaj pomeni imeti posluh. Ljudje so ga razvijali pri sebi in pri drugem, ga negovali, pilili, in znali uzhivati v charobnostih. Vedeli so, da pravzaprav vsak chlovek ima posluh, le nekateri zanemarjenega, drugi bolj negovanega. So pa vedno bili med mnozhico silno redki posamezniki, ki so imeli posebno razvit posluh, izjemen dar, da so popolnoma jasno razlochevali vse v svetu zvokov. Popolnoma natanchno so — chetudi niso videli pianista — lahko prepoznali in nashteli tudi dvajset razlichnih tonov, ki jih je strnjeno zaigral po klaviaturi. In manj obdarjeni s posluhom bi utegnili tako izjemno obdarjenim zavidati uzhitke in suverenost v svetu glasbe. A ni tako. "Obichajen" posluh, povprechen posluh, ki zabrishe tiste zadnje skrivnosti zvokov, ponuja poslushalcu vech ugodja. Glasba, pravzaprav izvedba, je zanj manj zahtevna. V njej je manj napak in smetja, vech ugodja. Nesrechnik, ki je obdarjen z absolutnim posluhom, kakor poimenujemo tak dar, pa malokdaj zgolj uzhiva pri poslushanju. Slishi prevech vsega, kar ne sodi zraven, ne najbolje uglashen je lahko celo ves orkester, da o posameznih instrumentih ali nerazpolozhenih izvajalcih niti ne govorimo. No, kot recheno, takih srechnih nesrechnezhev je bilo vedno komaj nekaj hkrati na vsem Planetu.
So pa she druge stvari, za katere je potreben posluh ali je ob njih dobro imeti vsaj povprechnega, che je absoluten prevech razgaljajoch in povzrocha obdarjenim tegobe. Je torej udobneje ostati nekje v povprechju.
Tezhave z nasho juzhno mejo in pravkar podpisani Sporazum o arbitrazhhi so aktualne zadeve, ki razkrivajo (che sodimo po objavljenih besedovanjih), da na tem podrochju vsaj tisti, ki se javno oglashajo, nimajo res nobenega posluha za "drzhavne rechi": tako moremo poimenovati te zadeve. Zhe s povprechnim (kaj shele z absolutnim!) posluhom je mogoche ugotoviti, da pri problemu meje med dvema drzhavama ne gre za etnichno podrochje, marvech za drzhavotvornost. Drzhavne rechi pach zahtevajo posluh za drzhavne rechi.
Andrej Lenarchich
INVECTIONS, CORRECTIONS (II)
PROLOGUE ON MUSICALITY (for many things)
Once the world was less noisy and so clear voices and congruous harmonies delighted both the ear and the eye. Today there is so much noise everywhere, that man cannot even give a listen to himself. Of course, there is very little he remembers of gentle sound and clear harmony. Even the houses that were once dedicated to melodiousness are now most frequently overrun by "noise-on-purpose".
And yet it was once nice. It was generally known what it means to have a musical ear. It was developed by some and in others, tended to, sharpened and here was recognition of the magical within it. People knew that everyone possesses it — but that it was neglected in some while others paid more attention to it. But always within the crowd, there were great individuals with an especially developed sense for music, an exceptional gift that enabled them to clearly distinguish all contained in the world of sounds. They were able to recognize and enumerate with complete precision — even though they did not see the pianist — even a cluster of twenty different tones he played. And less gifted may be tempted to envy the sovereignty and pleasures enjoyed by these incredibly gifted men. But no. "The common", the average musical ear that blurs those minute secrets of sound lends more pleasure. The music, or better put its execution, puts less of a strain on the listener. He perceives less mistakes and trash and receives more delight. The poor man, who is gifted with perfect pitch, as this gift is called, can only rarely purely enjoys listening. He hears too much of everything that does not belong, the tuning of entire orchestras can be slightly off, not to mention unturned individual instruments or performers on an off day. But as we said, there had always been a mere few of these poor people inhabiting the planet at any one time.
But there are other situations that demand musicality, at least an average one, if perfect pitch is too painful and causes difficulty. It is therefore more comfortable to remain average.
The problems tied to our southern border and the recently signed Arbitration Agreement are ongoing matters that divulge (judging by the wording published so far) that in this area at least those who speak publicly on these topics, have no ear for 'stately matters': this is what we must dub the matters at hand. A mere average ear (let alone perfect pitch) suffices to understand that the issue of a border between countries does not concern ethnic territories but statehood. Stately matters demand an ear for stately matters.
Kadar gre za meddrzhavne meje, je treba slishati in videti zgodovinska dejstva, suverenost, oblast, dezhele, teritorij, mejnike, strazharje, carinike, meddrzhavne pogodbe, tihotapce itd., ne pa ustvarjati kakofonijo s "socialistichnimi republikami", etnijami, folkloro, chustvi, pravljicharstvom — ali celo s proslulim "odmiranjem drzhave".
Che imamo vsaj kanec posluha za drzhavo in meddrzhavno pravo, potem jasno in razlochno opazimo edino dejstvo, ki izpolnjuje vse kriterije znamenitega Chlena 4 v Sporazumu o arbitrazhi in katerega sposhtovanje more vnesti v to okolje tako zheleno harmonijo sposhtovanja prava in chlovekovih pravic. To je meddrzhavna meja, ki je od nekdaj lochevala slovenske dezhele, ki so bile do razpada Avstro-Ogrske tudi drzhave, od province znotraj Kraljevine Ogrske, danes znane pod imenom Republika Hrvatska. Noben hrup ne preglasi resnice, ki jasno odmeva, da severno od pristanishcha Reke na skrajnem zahodnem delu omenjene meje in severno prek reke Drave od Zavrcha pa do sotochja Drave z Muro pod mestom Kotoriba na skrajnem vzhodu nikoli pred letom 1991 nobena hrvashka drzhava ali suvereni drzhavi podobna tvorba ni imela nikakrshnih drzhavnih ingerenc. Ta obmochja so bila vedno znotraj teritorija slovenskih dezhel, katerih drzhavnost priznava v zadnjem objavljenem intervjuju celo znameniti in uveljavljeni zgodovinar.
Resnichno popolnoma gluh (ne le brez posluha) za drzhavne rechi mora biti chlovek, ki ne opazi, da juzhni sosedi ni treba prav nich skrbeti, da bi ji kdor koli ukradel le eno ped njene "zemlje". Dokler ne bo vrnila nekaj sto milijonov nakradenih pedi tujega ozemlja, sploh ne.
(22. 11. 2009)
MEJASHENJE
Gledal Zhbogarjev nastop — pohvalim! Posebej sem zastrigel z ushesi, ker je v podtonu zazvenelo tisto, kar vedno trdim: NE MUDI SE NAM! PRITISKA ZAGREB! In: KAR KOLI SE DOGOVORI, MORA SPREJETI JAVNOST (torej ljudstvo).
She zlasti pozitivno je, da je odlochno pribil, da bo hrvashkemu kolegu povedal, da ni dobro, da se Hrvashka glede problemov, ki jih ima s pridruzhevanjem EU, izgovarja na Slovenijo in celo na zadeve z mejo. To je res primerno. Imel bo pa seveda poshastno tezhko delo, ker je Rupel vse totalno razsul. A pishem zlasti zaradi mnenja predstavnika italijanske manjshine Roberta Battellija. Ta je povedal nekaj, kar docela pritrjuje moji tezi, da je treba izhodishcha iskati v relevantnih zgodovinskih dejstvih. Opozoril je namrech, kako narobe je, da se stvari v zvezi z mejo postavlja skoraj izkljuchno na ETNICHNO osnovo.
Concerning international borders historical facts, sovereignty, power, lands, territories, boundaries, guards, customs officers, international treaties, smugglers etc. are what must be taken into account — and not create the cacophony using terms such as 'socialist republics', ethnicities, folklore, emotions, story-telling — or even 'dying of a country'.
If we possess even an ounce of an ear for the country and international law then we can clearly make out the only fact that meets the requirements of the notorious Article 4 of the Arbitration Agreement,, the respect for which may bring the desired harmony of respect for law and human rights to these surroundings. This is the international border that has forever divided Slovenian speaking lands that were once part of Austro-Hungary, and after its dissolution in my opinion became Countries from the province within the Kingdom of Hungary today the republic of Croatia. No noise will overshout the truth that clearly resounds, which is that from the Rijeka harbour at the westernmost point of the mentioned border, over the river Drava to Zavrch and the conflux of Mura and Drava under the town of Kotoriba at the far east never before 1991 any Croatian country nor a territory akin to a country ever possessed any stately powers. These territories have always formed a part of the territory of Slovenian lands, the sovereignty of which has been recognized even by a noted and acclaimed historian in his recent interview. A man must truly be deaf (not merely with no pitch) to stately matters, if he does not notice that the southern neighbour needs not worry in the least bit that anyone would steal even a foot of its "soil". Not until it returns a few hundred million stolen feet of foreign territory.
(22. 11. 2009)
BORDERING
I saw Minister of Foreign Affairs Zhbogar on tv — well done! I especially peeled my ears, because the undertone was clear — as I always say: WE ARE IN NO HURRY! ZAGREB IS PRESSURING US! And: WHATEVER IS AGGREED MUST BE ACCEPTED BY THE PUBLIC (meaning - the people). What especially inspires hope is his fervent addition that he will tell his Croatian counterpart that it is not good for Croatia to use Slovenia and the border issue as an excuse for its issues concerning accession to the EU. This is truly appropriate. Of course, the task ahead will be incredibly hard for him since Rupel demolished everything.
But I write especially because of the opinion of the representative of the Italian minority Robert Battelli. He stated something that entirely coincides with my hypothesis that the vantage point must be the relevant historical facts. He pointed out that it is entirely wrong to base the border almost exclusively on the basis of ETHNICITY.
Prav to je namrech resnichno katastrofalna napaka. Iz vech razlogov. Na enega naj pokazhem.
Kakor koli zhe gledamo na zgodbo 20. stoletja v zvezi z nami, z nasho drzhavnostjo in mejami, ni nobenega dvoma, da so se tiste spremembe, katerih generatorji so bili nashi sosedje, dogajale — in to dosledno v NASHO SHKODO — na shovinistichnih temeljih. To velja za vse: italijanska iredenta je sholski primer shovinistichnega besnila. Avstrijsko protislovensko nemshkutarjenje je unichilo polovico slovenskega prebivalstva na Koroshkem in Shtajerskem. Hrvashki fashistoidni shovinizem je v svojem epigonstvu in popolni neutemeljenosti sicer bolj bedna kreatura, zato pa nich manj podlo morilska. Grobovi tulijo. In vsi trije shovinizmi so she vedno gonilo aktualne politike vseh treh sosedov. V nasprotju z nashtetim pa na slovenski strani — pa naj to zveni she tako paradoksalno — ni bilo etnichno utemeljene nestrpnosti, kaj shele shovinizma. Zhe samo to, kar se je zgodilo, pripoveduje o tem: vsa slovenska ljudska in politichna energija je bila usmerjena v odpovedovanje lastni drzhavnosti in brez kakrshne koli misli na ozemeljsko ekspanzijo. Kot logichna posledica take drzhe (o tem glej moj tekst Slovenci — %hrtve nacifashistichnega ekspanzionizma sosedov, Revija SRP, 7980/2007) se je zgodilo, da je bila Slovenija leta 1918 namesto drzhavne afirmacije in oblikovanja prebivalstveno in ozemeljsko zaokrozhene drzhavne skupnosti prvich v zgodovini razkosana, prebivalstvo razprsheno v shtiri razlichne drzhave, gospodarsko in ozemeljsko pa docela osiromashena.
Dejstvo je torej, da geneza sedanje slovenske drzhave nikoli niti za trenutek ni imela nacionalistichnih, etnichno izkljuchevalnih znachilnosti. To jo v bistvenem popolnoma razlikuje od dogajanj pri omenjenih sosedah, posebej pri Hrvashki, katere nebrzdani shovinistichni nacionalizem, kot generator drzhavnosti, je svoj vrhunec dosegel shele v nashem chasu in zhe povzrochil grozovite posledice. NOB je s svojim protifashistichnim bojem prispeval k delni popravi velike krivice, ki je Slovenijo in Slovence zadela leta 1919. Stanje na obmochju Istre, Reke in Kvarnerja pa je ves chas od leta 1919 v taki ali drugachni obliki mirovalo pod okriljem jugoslovanske drzhave ter v okviru takih in drugachnih meddrzhavnih pogodb Jugoslavija — Italija.
Kar se administrativnega ozemlja RS znotraj Jugoslavije tiche, so bili vis-a-vis Italije vsi dogovori in pogodbe po letu 1991 privzeti na nivo odnosov RS — RI. Nich pa se v tem smislu ni zgodilo vis-a-vis Hrvashke.
Zanashanje na "obstojeche republishke meje" in na sklepe Badinterjeve arbitrazhe je neprimerno. Prvich, ker te meje nimajo same po sebi nobene mednarodnopravne konotacije, drugich pa, ker je juzhna soseda vse Badinterjeve sklepe mirno briskirala in sistematichno vzpostavljala drugachno stanje na terenu.
This is actually a truly a catastrophic mistake — for several reasons. Here is one: Whatever our view of the story of our statehood and borders in the 20th century, there can be no doubt that changes generated by our neighbours did in fact take place — and consistently to OUR DETRIMENT — on the basis of chauvinism. The same goes for everyone: the Italian irredentism is a textbook case of chauvinist fury. Austrian counter-Slovenian "germanistication" destroyed a half of Slovenian population in Slovenian Carinthia and Styria. The Croatian near fascist chauvinism in its mimicry and utterly without grounds is but a pathetic creature, but this does not make it any less murderous or vile. Graves are screaming. All three chauvinisms are still the driving force behind the factual politics of all three of Slovenia's neighbours.
In contrast to all of the above, the Slovenian side — as paradoxical as it may sound — there was not ethnically founded impatience, let alon chauvinism. The occurrences themselves testify to that. All of Slovenian popular and political energy was directed towards giving up statehood with not a thought of territorial expansion. In 1918 the logical consequence of such an attitude (more on this in my article: Slovenci — %hrtve nacifashistichnega ekspan^ionizma sosedov, Revija SRP, 7980/2007) was that Slovenia was for the first time territorially divided in four parts, distributed among four countries instead of receiving affirmation as a territorially whole country of a single people, economically and territorially impoverished to the greatest extent.
So it is a fact that the genesis of current Slovenian state never even for a moment possessed any nationalist, ethnically exclusive characteristics. This fundamentally distinguishes it from the neighbouring countries, especially Croatia where unbridled chauvinist nationalism was the main generator of statehood, and achieved its peak as late as in our times and caused terrifying consequences. The National Liberation Front of WWII Yugoslavia contributed to a partial writing of a great wrong that was done onto Slovenia and Slovenians in 1919. The state of things in Istria, Reka and the Kvarner Gulf remained more or less stagnant within the realm of Yugoslavia and various international agreements concerning itself and Italy.
All agreements concerning administrative territories of Yugoslavia in relation to Italy were transferred directly to Slovenia in 1991, but at the time no such thing was agreed between Slovenia and Croatia.
Relying on "existing borders between republics" and the conclusions of Badinter's arbitration has no merit. Firstly, these borders in themselves have no international legal connotations, and secondly, the southern neighbour simply ignored the above conclusions and systematically established a different situation on the ground.
Zato, in ker je ETNICHNO izhodishche v nachelu popolnoma napachno, v slovenski drzhavni misli pa sploh nikoli ni bilo prisotno, je torej nujno in neizogibno postaviti izhodishcha glede meje z juzhno sosedo na — kot je bilo zhe vechkrat omenjeno — zgodovinsko relevantna politichna dejstva, na meje, ki so bile meje slovenskih (politichno slovenskih!) dezhel in torej v obravnavanem primeru zunanje meje Avstrijskega cesarstva.
Ker morejo biti zgodovinsko upravichene meje Hrvashke vis-a-vis Slovenije v primeru, najbolj ugodnem za Slovenijo, kvechjemu meje Kraljevine Madzharske z Avstrijskim cesarstvom, je evidentno, da je v zvezi s Hrvashko mogoche govoriti o shovinistichnem ekspanzionizmu, saj si je ves chas od razpada KuK sistematichno prisvajala ozemlja, ki nikoli niso sodila v njen okvir — in to, kar se Slovenije tiche, na vsej chrti: od Drave do morja. Da je bil ta ekspanzionizem shovinistichen, dokazujejo slovenska trupla in zdesetkani odstotki Slovencev onkraj Kolpe in Sotle, na Reki, na otokih in v Istri. Danes pa Slovenci v ustavi RH seveda sploh niso vech ustavno priznani.
Dogajanja na drugih obmochjih republike Hrvashke med procesom razpada Jugoslavije, etnichno chishchenje in mnozhichni pomori, so le she dokaz vech, da gre za sistem.
Vse navedeno pove, da odnosov ni mogoche graditi na shovinizmu, na stanjih, ki niso mednarodnopravno sankcionirana, in s pozicij izvrshenih dejstev. Slovenija se mora trdno zavedati, da ni nastala na etnichno izkljuchujochih principih, da je bil njen nastanek in obstoj izkljuchno v znamenju krchevitega boja za obstanek pred brezobzirnim hlastanjem vseh sosedov po slovenski zemlji in dobrinah, da zhrtve in obsezhna, protipravno odvzeta ozemlja s strani juzhne sosede she nikoli doslej niso bila predmet resne, kompetentne in na mednarodnem pravu temeljeche presoje. Kaj shele pogajanj in dogovorov.
Na "mejno vprashanje med RS in RH" je torej treba gledati skozi to optiko. She posebej pa je nujno in neizogibno, da se o tem povprasha prizadete ljudi — prebivalce tistih delov slovenskih dezhel, ki si jih je protipravno prilastila juzhna soseda (najvech seveda po zaslugi nekompetentne slovenske politike).
(8. 11. 2009) ODPRTO PISMO (I)
Sposhtovani gospod profesor! V (pre)davno minulih dneh dragoceni sogovornik.
Z zadovoljstvom sem sledil Vashim intervencijam v zvezi s tretjo demontazho Slovenije v enem samem stoletju. To mi gotovo verjamete, saj poznate moja stalishcha in tudi gotovo veste, kdo "suflira" Plemenitemu.
Consequently, and because relying on ETHNICITY is a fundamentally missed approach never present in Slovenian state-forming thought, it is pivotal and unavoidable that the border in question be based — as mentioned several times — on historically relevant political facts, on borders that framed Slovenian (politically Slovenian!) lands — in the matter at hand — the outer borders of Austrian Empire. Since the historically founded borders between Slovenia in Croatia in best case scenario for Slovenia can only be borders between the Kingdom of Hungary and the Austrian Empire, it is evident that Croatia exhibits nothing but chauvinist expansionism. Ever since the dissolution of the Empire and Kingdom Croatia has been systematically occupying territories to which it had no historical claim. In pertaining to Slovenia on the line that connects the river Drava to the Sea. The chauvinist nature of this expansion is proven by Slovenian corpses and decimated percentages of Slovenian population beyond the rivers Kolpa and Sotla, in Reka and Istrian islands. Today Slovenian minorities are not even recognised by the constitution of the Republic of Croatia.
Occurrences in other territories of the Republic of Croatia during the dissolution of Yugoslavia including ethnic cleansing and mass slaughters are more proof to the systematic nature of their expansion.
All of the above points to the fact that relations cannot be built on chauvinism, on conditions which have not been sanctioned by international law and from the position after-the- accomplished-fact. Slovenia must be strongly aware that it was not created on principles of exclusive ethnicity but that its creation and existence are a consequence of a spasmodic fight for survival against unscrupulous snapping of all neighbours coveting Slovenian soil and goods; that casualties and vast territories illegally taken by the southern neighbour, have never been a matter of serious, competent thought based on international law, let alone of negotiations and agreements.
The question of the Slovenian-Croatian border must therefore be viewed with all this in mind. It is especially necessary and unavoidable that the people directly affected be consulted, the inhabitants of those parts of Slovenian lands that have been illegally obtained by Slovenia's southern neighbour (mostly through the incompetence of Slovenian politics).
(November 8, 2009) OPEN LETTER (I)
Respected professor! My valuable counterpart in discussions of days past (too)long ago.
I followed with contentment your interventions concerning the third disassembly of Slovenia in one single century. I am sure you believe me, for you know well my positions and I am sure you know who "whispers" in the Nobleman's (i.e. Plemeniti) ear.
Glede odprtih vprashanj vis-a-vis Hrvashke trdno stojim na stalishchih:
—	Z osamosvojitvijo smo se z notranjepolitichne ravni dvignili na mednarodnopolitichno in seveda tudi na mednarodnopravno. Veljajo torej drzhavnopravni fakti in ne vech lokalni, komunalni, administrativni.
—	Slovenija se ni lochila od Hrvashke, ker v trenutku (iz)lochitve na drugi strani Rechine-Kolpe-Sotle-Drave ni bilo nobene Hrvashke, marvech YU. Hrvashka je razglasila svojo (iz)lochitev shele 8. oktobra 1991. Uposhtevati je torej treba meddrzhavne meje, tiste, s katerimi je Slovenija (dezhele, ki jo sestavljajo) vstopila v SHS.
—	Na meddrzhavni, mednarodnopravni ravni "medrepublishke chrte" nimajo prav nobene veljave. Konkretno v zadevi SLO-CRO pa sploh ne, ker jih mednarodne mejne chrte iz leta 1918, ki nikoli niso bile ukinjene (so "pavzirale"), dalech nadkriljujejo po relevanci in upravichenosti kot podlaga za kakrshno koli odlochitev. Glede na to, da so pri prenagljenih Badinterjevih formulacijah imeli preveliko vlogo nelegalni razlogi, in ker je zadaj vech kot ochitno ekspanzionizem sosednje fashistoidne tvorbe, povrhu pa famozne "republishke meje" evidentno niso dolochene, sprejete, temvech so vir sporov in so vechkrat krshene — torej glede na vse to Badinter in "ustavne izjave" nimajo nobene tezhe. Niso "na mizi"! Na drzhavnopravni ravni, ki je od trenutka osamosvojitve naprej edina uposhtevanja vredna, je torej temeljno izhodishche za kakrshen koli pogovor stanje in meja iz leta 1918, se pravi chrta Rechina-Kolpa-Zhumberak-Sotla in Drava od Zavrcha do sotochja z Muro pod Kotoribo.
—	Poleg omenjenega izhodishcha, ki predpostavlja drzhavnopravno legitimiteto in ozemeljsko celovitost slovenskih dezhel — posebej she Primorske od Vrshicha do kvarnerskih otokov — je nujno sprozhiti tudi preiskavo z eventualno kazensko ovadbo zaradi zlochinov proti drzhavi, storjenih v vladi Lojzeta Peterleta in posebno o njegovem delovanju (izrochitev Istrskih zheleznic in premozhenja Zagrebu) ter o delu ministrov za obrambo, za zunanje zadeve in za notranje zadeve, ker niso:
—	ravnali skladno s svojim polozhajem in odgovornostjo;
—	niso zavarovali integritete in ozemeljske celovitosti tistih delov slovenskih dezhel, katerih status leta 1918 in kasneje ni bil mednarodnopravno posebej urejen.
—	Posebej je treba preiskati ravnanje obrambnega ministra Janeza Janshe, ker je med vojno za Slovenijo, ko je general Chad zaprl Zagrebu dostop do Reke in Istre, dopustil transport oklepnikov hrvashke vojske z bojnimi znamenji prek slovenskega ozemlja skozi Unec in Postojno v Istro.
On the open matters concerning Croatia I firmly believe that:
—	Slovenian independence elevated us from an internal political to an international political and legal entity. The facts in play are therefore no longer local, communal or administrative but stately.
—	Slovenia did not separate from Croatia, because at the moment of separation there was no Croatia on the other side of Rechina-Kolpa-Sotla-Drava demaractaion, but Yugoslavia. Croatia did not proclaim its separation until October 8, 1991. The international borders must therefore be taken into account, those border with which Slovenia (Slovenian lands) entered the S. H. S. (Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenians).
—	The demarcation lines between former republics have no international or legal value. In the Slo-Cro matter this is especially true because international borders from 1918 that were never revocated are far more relevant and legitimate as a basis for any type of decision. Since the rash Badinter formulations were based too much on illegitimate reasons, and since it has become all too obvious that they hailed from the fascistoid formation's expansionism. On top of that the borders between former republics are evidently not set and accepted but persistently remain the source of conflict and are often violated — and hence neither Badinter nor "oral declarations" hold no weight. They are not "on the table"! On the national legal level which is the only noteworthy level after the moment of declared independence, the fundamental premise for any discussion, state are 1918 borders, that is the line Rechina-Kolpa-Zhumberak-Sotla and Drava from Zavrch to the confluence with Mura under Kotoriba.
—	Apart from the premise above which presupposes national legal legitimacy and territorial integrity of Slovenian lands — especially Primorska extending from Vrshich to the Kvarner islands — it is also necessary that an inquiry be launched including an eventual criminal charges for crimes against the state during the government of Lojze Peterle and specifically concerning his actions (yielding of Istria Rail and properties to Zagreb) and the work of ministers of defence, foreign affairs and internal affairs for failing to:
—	act in accordance with their position and responsibilities
—	protect the integrity and territorial totality of those parts of Slovenian lands
the status of which was not specifically regulated in 1918 and after by
international law.
—	The actions of the then defence minister Janez Jansha must also be examined, as he, when during the war for Slovenia general Chad closed off the routes from Zagreb to Reka and Istria, allowed the transport of Croatian armoured vehicles carrying wartime designations, through Unec and Postojna into Istria.
Dragi in sposhtovani gospod profesor! Do helsinshkih sklepov je bilo mogoche meddrzhavne meje spreminjati ali z vojno ali z meddrzhavnimi dogovori na podlagi preskusa ljudske volje. Vojna je vsaj za sedaj ad acta kot sredstvo za spreminjanje meja. Ostaja pa imperativ, da brez preskusa ljudske volje in ustreznih mednarodnopravnih postopkov ni mogoche spreminjati meddrzhavnih meja. Ker je edina meja, ki je kadar koli lochevala slovenske dezhele od tistega, kar se danes imenuje Republika Hrvatska, vedno bila in ostaja meddrzhavna meja, je skladno s helsinshko listino ni mogoche spreminjati. Z osamosvojitvijo je avtomatichno stopila znova v veljavo, saj ni bila nikoli v nichemer spremenjena kot meddrzhavna meja. Ker so bila ozemlja dezhel obakraj te mejne chrte znotraj ene drzhavne skupnosti, namrech meja ni igrala svoje vloge. Jo je pa znova pridobila z razpadom skupne drzhave. Avtomatichno. In edino od te tochke naprej se slovenska politika sme pogovarjati, che komu to dejstvo ni vshech.
V luchi helsinshkih principov so bile pavshalne, arbitrarne in ad hoc odlochitve o meji — pa naj gre za Badinterjevo arbitrazho ali "Temeljno ustavno listino" — povsem brezpredmetne, saj niso izpolnjevale pomembnega pogoja: prizadetega prebivalstva ni nihche nich vprashal. Prizadeti prebivalci pravzaprav nikoli, odkar se je pred stoletjem zachelo norchevanje iz ljudi in zakonitosti, o nichemer, kar zadeva drzhavno mejo, o kateri je govor, niso dobili prilozhnosti izraziti svojo voljo. Seveda tudi ni bilo nobene tovrstne konference, kar je toliko hujshi problem, ker se je zgodila vojna, ki brez mirovne konference ne more biti konchana.
Glede na to, da noben del, ki se je leta 1918 vkljuchil v skupno drzhavo, danes nima urejenih medsebojnih meja (Makedonija se ni vkljuchila!), ni dvoma, da je ustrezna mednarodna (mirovna) konferenca neizogibna in nujna. Ne le zaradi temeljnih nachel zakonitosti in verodostojnosti, predvsem in zlasti tudi zato, ker ni mogoche dovoliti, da bi s sredstvi vojne in genocidnega etnichnega chishchenja pridobljena tuja ozemlja ostajala v lasti in posesti izvajalcev zlochinskih dejanj. To seveda velja v prvi vrsti (che ne edino) za Zagreb.
Absolutno nujno je torej, sposhtovani gospod profesor, takoj "ustaviti konje" in zacheti pripravljati mednarodno mirovno konferenco, sicer vojna v Jugoslaviji ni konchana; kar se pa nashih dezhel tiche, so v taki situaciji nenehno izpostavljene nevarnosti, da sosedje, s katerimi so mejashke zadeve sicer urejene, v imenu miru in stabilnosti sprozhijo za nas zelo neugodne procese.
Prav lepo vas pozdravljam. Ljubljana, 17. oktobra 2009
Dear and respected professor! Until the conclusions of Helsinki international borders could be changed by war or international agreements based on the examination of peoples' will. War is, for the time being at least, ad acta as a means to alter borders. But the imperative remains, that without the examination of the will of the people and suitable international legal procedures border may not be altered. Since the only border that ever divided Slovenian from what is today the Republic of Croatia, has always been and remains an international border, it (in accordance to the Helsinki Accords) cannot be altered. With the attainment of independence it automatically came back into force, for it was never atered as an international border. When the territories of lands were divided by a demarcation line within a single country entity, the border played no role. But with a dissolution of said country this border was reinstated — automatically. This is the only point of departure from which Slovenia can start discussions, if this fact is not to someone's liking.
In light of the Helsinki principles the overall, arbitrary and ad hoc decisions concerning the border — be it the Badinter arbitration or the "Fundamental Constitutional Charter" — are entirely superfluous. They did not fulfil an important condition: no one asked the affected population. In fact the affected population was never consulted, ever since the scoffing of people and legality began a century ago, about their take on the national border in question. Of course, no such conference took place, which is that much more problematic since there was a war that cannot be ended without a peace conference.
Since no part of the country constructed in 1918 has established borders today (Macedonia did not join!), there is no doubt that a corresponding international (peace) conference is unavoidable and necessary. Not merely because of the fundamental principles of legality and credibility, mostly and especially because it is not possible to allow that foreign soil acquired by means of war and genocide and ethnic cleansing remain in the possession of those who had committed these criminal acts. The first (if not only) entity in question is Zagreb. It is therefore absolutely necessary, respected professor, to "reign in the horses" and begin with preparations for an international peace conference, otherwise the Jugoslav war is not concluded; as far as our lands are concerned, with the situation at hand they are constantly exposed to the danger that the neighbours with which matters of border demarcation are fully settled, launch utterly disadvantageous action against us in the name of peace and stability.
With kindest regards. Ljubljana, October 17, 2009
SHE K SPORAZUMU O ARBITRAZHI
Prichujochi zapis se nanasha na premierov odgovor na poslansko vprashanje dne 16. 11. 2009. Premier je tokrat jasno povedal: "Za nas je presechni datum 1991". Opozicija govori o datumu nastanka zdruzhene drzhave, ki je razpadla. In kaj je razlika med 1918 in 1991?
Leta 1918 je bila med dezhelami, ki so pod vlado Narodnega sveta v Ljubljani vstopile v Kraljevino SHS, poznejsho Jugoslavijo, in drugimi pokrajinami nove drzhave natanchno dolochena in zaznamovana meddrzhavna meja, ki je do danashnjega dne nikoli noben akt v nichemer ni spremenil. Dokler sta bili na obeh straneh te meje federalni socialistichni republiki brez mednarodnopravne subjektivitete, meja ni imela svoje meddrzhavne vloge. Ta se je sama po sebi znova pokazala med drugo svetovno vojno, ko je nacistichni blok ustanovil t. i. Nezavisno Drzhavo Hrvatsko, in je bila v veljavi do sesutja te drzhavne tvorbe leta 1945. Seveda se je znova pojavila ob razpadu zvezne drzhave leta 1991, saj nekaj more razpasti le na tiste dele, iz katerih je nastalo. Zakaj takrat nihche ni hotel tega dejstva opaziti in she manj uposhtevati ter so odgovorni in ostali v odlochanje vpleteni ravnali v nasprotju z meddrzhavnim pravom, je posebno vprashanje. In to bi bilo zaradi dogodkov, ki so sledili, tudi usodno za Slovenijo, che bi ne bilo pravkar podpisanega sporazuma, da se odlochitev prepusti tretjemu subjektu — arbitrazhnemu tribunalu.
Sporazum namrech s svojo jasno dikcijo, opredelitvami in zahtevami nesporno derogira vsako dosedanjo odlochitev v zvezi z mejo. Niti z eno besedico (niti chlen, ki ga je s "presechnim datumom" v odgovoru ochitno imel v mislih premier, ne govori o tem) ni dolocheno, kje trenutno poteka meja med drzhavama. Zagotovo torej ne more veljati nobena dosedanja odlochitev — niti Badinterjeva niti ona iz "Temeljne ustavne listine". She najmanj pa kake fiksne ideje birokratov. Che pa velja katera od teh odlochitev, potem Sporazum o arbitra%hi ne more veljati, saj zavaja arbitre in obe stranki v postopku.
Ni nobenega dvoma, da lahko skladno s podpisanim sprazumom Tribunal sam in popolnoma po svoji volji, skladno z argumenti, ki ustrezajo nachelom in pravilom meddrzhavnega prava, odlochi o celotnem poteku meje tako na kopnem kot na morju. Che bi bil potek meje kjer koli in kakor koli vnaprej dolochen oziroma che bi bilo odlochanje Tribunala kakor koli omejeno, bi to v sporazumu moralo biti zapisano. A o tem ni niti besedice. Tribunal se mora ravnati po nachelih in pravilih international law (v angleshchini, da ne bo nesporazuma, kaj to pomeni!) in sme uposhtevati pri odlochitvah v zvezi z akvatorijem nachelo pravichnosti in dobrososedskih odnosov. Kje je tu mogoche opaziti kako Savudrijsko valo ali kakshen Drnovshek-Rachanov dimnik?
MORE ON THE ARBITRATION AGREEMENT
The text at hand relates to the prime minister's reply to the parliamentary question from November 16, 2009. The prime minister stated clearly: "For us the date of cut-off is 1991". The opposition speaks of the date of the creation of a common country which was dissolved. And what is the difference between 1918 and 1991?
In 1918 the border between lands which entered the "SHS" Kingdom, later Yugoslavia, lead by the government of the National Council in Ljubljana and other provinces of the new country was an accurately defined and demarcated international border which was never altered by any act. As long as both sides of this border were defined as socialist republics without international acclaim, the border played no international role. But when the NAZI bloc instated the so called Independent Country of Croatia during WWII, this changed and remained changed until the collapse of this stately construct in 1945. Of course this border resurfaced after the dissolution of the federal country (Yugoslavia) in 1991, for a federal state can only dissolve into parts from which it was constructed. Why no one wanted to notice this fact at the time not to mention take it into account, and why those responsible acted in contradiction to international law is a separate issue. This would be fatal for Slovenia were it not for the recently signed agreement to leave the decision up to a third uninterested party — the arbitration tribunal.
The agreement and its clear diction, definitions and demands indisputably nullify all previous decisions concerning the border. Not a single word (not even the article referred to by the prime minister's reply by "cut-off date" refers to it) defines where exactly the border between the countries runs at present. Certainly then, no decision adopted until now can hold — neither Badinter's nor the one form the "Fundamental Constitutional Charter" and especially not the idée-fixes of bureauocrats. If any of these decisions are valid then the Arbitration Agreement cannot be valid as it misleads the arbiters and both parties of the proceedings. There is no doubt that the Tribunal itself, in keeping with the signed agreement, can decide on its own accord bound with the arguments that correspond with the principles and regulations of international law, on the border both on land and sea. If the border would be in any way decided in advance or if the Tribunal's decision would be in any way hindered, this would have to have been clearly stated in the agreement. But there is no mention to that avail. The Tribunal must act in accordance with international law and may take into account the principle of equity and good neighbourly relations in pertaining to the aquatory. Where is there any Savudrija Vala or Drnovshek-Rachan chimney?
Gre izkljuchno za to, da more Tribunal zaradi dobrososedstva in pravichnosti modificirati katero od odlochitev, ki je sicer v skladu z nacheli in pravili international law. Samo za primer: Ker po teh nachelih in pravilih ni nobenega dvoma, da sodi Istra z otoki kot del celovite dezhele Primorske k Republiki Sloveniji, more Tribunal preprechiti kolaps v Zagrebu tako, da pomakne mejo kam vishje proti severu in s kakim dimnikom — tokrat hrvashkim! — omogochi Zagrebu da ima koshchek morske meje z Italijo.
Sporazum o arbitrazhi je torej lahko zgodovinski dosezhek, a le pod pogojem, da vlada v Memorandum zapishe edini argument, ki izpolnjuje v Chlenu 4 zapisani pogoj — to pa je meddrzhavna meja v chasu, ko je nastala Kraljevina SHS. Drugi akti in dejstva meddrzhavnega znachaja v zvezi z ozemljem danashnjih drzhav RS in RH se do leta 1991 tichejo izkljuchno drzhave Jugoslavije in drzhave Italije. Akti notranjega prava, upravne in administrativne odlochitve pa na meddrzhavni ravni nimajo nobene vloge. Lahko so pomembni, che ne obstaja noben dokument, ki ustreza zahtevi iz Sporazuma. Toda ta vech kot ochitno obstaja in Slovenija ga je dolzhna zapisati v Memorandum. Ne sme pa dodajati nobenih dejstev in aktov, ki pogoja iz Sporazuma ne izpolnjujejo, saj s tem po eni strani relativizira moch glavnega in edinega argumenta, po drugi strani pa legitimira argumente nasprotne strani, ki sicer v nobenem primeru ne izpolnjujejo zahteve iz Sporazuma.
In ne nazadnje: gospod premier je imel prav, ko je povedal, da je "za nas presechni datum 1991". Tako je! Leta 1991, ko sta obakraj vedno obstojeche meddrzhavne meje iz leta 1918 nastala nova subjekta meddrzhavnega prava, je ta meja znova postala relevantna. Povsem enako, kot je postala leta 1941, ko niti nacistichni botri novonastali tvorbi NDH niso dovolili, da bi posegla le milimeter na nikdar njeno slovensko ozemlje — ne na obmochju Istre z otoki, she manj prek Drave v Medmurju.
V zvezi s "presechnim datumom" torej ni niti najmanjshe nesloge, kakor je poskusil dopovedati prvi minister v svojem odgovoru. Ne! Nobene nesloge ni, vsi vemo in se zavedamo, da je presechni datum 1991, ko bi morali uveljaviti pred letom 1918 in med drugo svetovno vojno obstojecho meddrzhavno mejo, ki ustreza vsem kriterijem in nachelom meddrzhavnega prava.
Podpisani Sporazum o arbitrazhi je torej prilozhnost, da se konchno iznichi katastrofalno — celo zlochinsko — ravnanje komunistichnih in za njimi Demosovih oblastnikov, in da, sicer z zamudo, a vendarle, Republika Slovenija omogochi arbitrazhnemu tribunalu da razsodi v skladu z meddrzhavnim pravom. Zato pozivam, da vlada pripravi Memorandum, kakor je tu povedano.
(18. 11. 2009)
Te fact of the matter is that the Tribunal can modify decisions, otherwise in keeping with international legal principles and regulations, on the basis of good neighbourly relations and equity. For example: Since the principles and regulations in question leave no doubt that Istria and its islands as a part of integral land of Primorska belong to the Republic of Slovenia, the Tribunal is able to prevent a collapse in Zagreb by moving the border higher towards the north and through some chimney (this time Croatian) allows Zagreb to share a part of the maritime border with Italy.
The Arbitration Agreement can therefore be a historic achievement but only if the government includes the only argument that fulfils the condition of Article 4 — the international border from the time when the S. H. S. Kingdom was created in the memorandum. Other acts and facts of an international nature pertaining to the territories of today's countries of RS and RC from before 1991 regulated the border between the country of Yugoslavia and the country of Italy. Internal legal acts, administrative decisions have no bearing on the international level. They may be important, if there exists no other document that would fulfil demands of the Agreement. But such a document quite evidently exists and Slovenia has a responsibility to include it in the Memorandum. It may however not include any facts or acts that do not fulfil the condition of the Agreement, for this would on one hand relativise the power of the main and only argument and on the other hand legitimise the arguments of the adverse side, that in no way fulfils the demands of the Agreement.
Last but not least: mister prime minister was right in stating that "for us 1991 is the cut-off date". That is right! In 1991, when on both sides of the ever existing border of 1918 new subjects of international law were formed, this border became relevant again. In exactly the same way as it did in 1941 when not even the newly formed Nazi formation was allowed to step even an inch over the never-their Slovenian soil — not in Istria territory and islands and even less over the river Drava in Medmurje.
As far as the "cut-off' date there is no discord, as prime minister tried to argue in his reply. No! There is no discord, we all know and understand that the cut-off date is 1991, when the border valid in 1918 and during World War II that keeps to all the criteria and principles of international law would have to be instated. The signed Arbitration Agreement is therefore an opportunity to finally nullify the catastrophic — even criminal — actions of communist and afterwards Demos rulers and, be it late but nonetheless, for the Republic of Slovenia to enable the Arbitration Tribunal to arbitrate in keeping with international law. This is why I call for the government to prepare the Memorandum in the way I have explained.
(November 18, 2009)
Translated from Slovenian by Jaka Jarc
Svojskost LiVeS Journala — Revije SRP
Vodilo LiVeS Journala — Revije SRP so
tri vrednotne orientacije individua,
tega ne nepomembnega drobca v sistemu institucij.
Te vrednote so: Svoboda, Resnica, Pogum. Pomembne so, vsaka od njih posebej, pomembno je prezhemanje teh vrednot.
Tak namen ima tudi urednishtvo Revije SRP,
ki izhaja v posodobljenem prvotnem slovenskem chrkopisu bohorichici, katere utemeljitev predstavlja Zbornik 2001 Bohorichica.
Individuality of the LiVeS Journal
Guidelines of the LiVeS Journal are
the three values of the orientation of the individuum,
that irrelevant shred in the system of institutions.
These values are: Liberty (freedom), Verity (truth), and Spirit (courage) Each of them is important in its separate way, the infusion of these values is important.
This is also the intention of the LiVeS Journal editorial board,
which is published in an updated version of Bohorichica - the primary Slovenian alphabet,
the argumentation behind which is presented in Zbornik 2001 Bohorichica.
Sama ustvarjalnost in avtonomija, njuna utemeljenost v raziskovanju, nachelno in sploshno nista vprashljivi, nihche, skoraj nihche ne bo nasprotoval takim usmeritvam. Problem se pojavlja shele na konkretnem nivoju, kot tak je nerazviden in skrit ali zhe prikrit in s tem tezhko reshljiv. Problem ukinjanja ustvarjalnosti (in avtonomije) se kazhe v shtevilnih, a na videz nepomembnih malenkostih. Lahko jih ne vidimo ali pa se moramo spustiti na nivo konkretnosti, to je na nivo ukvarjanja z malenkostmi in postati malenkostni.
Institucija brez spomina je kakor podjetje brez knjigovodstva, mochni in mogochni v njej pochno, kar jih je volja, ker vse, kar pochno, utone v pozabljivi zavesti chasa.
a ne gre za chas, ampak za dejstva zavesti,
kjer chasa ni, je samo trajanje,
obche vrednote so neposredna dejstva zavesti,
vsakomur dojemljive, preverljive,
nihche jih chloveku ne more ne dati ne vzeti,
ne sistem ne institucija ne propaganda, tudi kulturna ne,
samo che to sam hoche, jih bo nashel
le v sebi, sebstvu svojem.
Creativity and autonomy themselves,
their justification in research,
are in principle and generally not questionable,
no one, or next to no one will oppose
such an orientation. It is not until concrete action is undertaken
that the problem will occur, and it is therefore
unevident and hidden or even already concealed
and thus difficult to solve.
The problem of abolishing creativity
(and autonomy) presents itself in numerous,
but seemingly irrelevant details.
We can either leave them undetected or
drop down to the tangible level, in other words —
become preoccupied with trifles —
and grow petty.
An institution with no memory
is like a company without accounting,
its strong and its mighty
do what they please,
because all they do is doomed to drown
in the forgetful awareness of time.
but it is not a matter of time, but a matter of the facts of awareness,
where time does not exist, there is only length,
general values are direct facts of awareness,
understandable to all, verifiable,
no one can bestow them or take them away,
neither system, nor institutions nor propaganda — not even a cultural one, only if one so desires, will one find them only within oneself, in one's own self.
OPOMBA UREDNISHTVA
LiVeS Journal (in Revija SRP): http://www.livesjournal.eu (http://www.revijasrp.si)
Internetna uporaba Revije SRP je brez omejitev; enako velja za LiVeS Journal, ki mu je z vzporedno dvojezichnostjo namenjena shirsha dostopnost, tudi za izseljenske korenine. Predvideno je, da bodo med novimi sodelavci tudi prevajalci, ki bodo postopoma dodajali prevode iz Revije SRP v »globalnem jeziku« (za globalni zgodovinski spomin), danes v angleshkem (britanskem ali amerishkem). Izvirnik vsakega teksta je avtorski unikat, prevodov pa je lahko vech, zato bo v internetni izdaji LJ kak prevod lahko tudi dodan k predhodnemu ali pa ga bo nadomestil.
EDITORIAL NOTE
LiVeS Journal (and Revija SRP): http://www.livesjournal.eu (http://www.revijasrp.si)
Internet use of Revija SRP is without limits; the same is valid for LiVeS Journal, for which the wider accessibility is intended by the means of two parallel languages, even to the roots of diasporas. It is expected that the new translators among the contributors gradually will add new translations of the texts from Revija SRP in the "global language" (for the global historical memory), today in English (British or American). Every original text is unique as a fact of authorship, but translations may be several, so in the Internet edition of LJ new translations also could be added to the preliminary ones, or those could be replaced.
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