East Asian Art in the Wake of the Vienna World’s Fair of 1873 Edited by Lukas Nickel Nataša Vampelj Suhadolnik East Asian Art in the Wake of the Vienna World’s Fair of 1873 Editors: Lukas Nickel and Nataša Vampelj Suhadolnik Reviewers: Beatrix Mecsi and Hans Bjarne Thomsen Proofreading: Abigail Graham and Josh Rocchio Technical Editor: Nina Kozinc Design: Jure Preglau Layout: Nana Martinčič Cover image: Main gate to the World’s Fair area in the Prater in 1873 (Data: György Klösz (1844–1913), 1873, photograph, 30.5×40.3 cm. Wien Museum Inv.-Nr. 56564/2, CC0. https://sammlung.wienmuseum.at/en/object/128210/) Published by: University of Ljubljana Press Issued by: University of Ljubljana Press, Faculty of Arts For the publisher: Gregor Majdič, rector of the University of Ljubljana For the issuer: Mojca Schlamberger Brezar, Dean of the Faculty of Arts, University of Ljubljana Printed by: Birografika Bori d.o.o. Ljubljana, 2024 First Edition Number of copies printed: 200 Price: 30 EUR This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 4.0 International License (except photographies). The book was published with generous support by the Slovenian Research and Innovation Agency and the University of Vienna. The book was created in the framework of the research project Orphaned Objects: Examining East Asian Objects outside Organised Collecting Practices In Slovenia (J6-3133) and the core research funding programme Asian Languages and Cultures (P6-0243), all funded by the Slovenian Research and Innovation Agency. First e-edition. Digital copy of the book is available on: https://ebooks.uni-lj.si/zalozbaul/ DOI: 10.4312/9789612975197 Kataložna zapisa o publikaciji (CIP) pripravili v Narodni in univerzitetni knjižnici v Ljubljani Tiskana knjiga COBISS.SI-ID=224124675 ISBN 978-961-297-520-3 E-knjiga COBISS.SI-ID 224089603 ISBN 978-961-297-519-7 (PDF) Contents Introduction 5 Lukas Nickel and Nataša Vampelj Suhadolnik Acknowledgements 11 PART 1: THE VIENNA WORLD’S FAIR AND EAST ASIA The Chinese Gallery at the Vienna World’s Fair of 1873 and Late Habsburg Exhibition Diplomacy 15 Lukas Nickel The Social Side of the Vienna World’s Fair: A New Perspective on Japan’s Participation, Networking, and Exhibit Management in 1873 45 Agnes Schwanzer Japan’s Policy and Preparatory Work for the Vienna World’s Fair in 1873 75 Bettina Zorn PART 2: COLLECTING EAST ASIA IN AUSTRIA-HUNGARY “Very Poorly Represented in the Museum”: East Asia in the Austrian Museum of Art and Industry under the Directorate of Rudolf Eitelberger 1864–1885 103 Johannes Wieninger Trieste and Asia: Overseas Ties of the Habsburg Port City (18th‒20th Centuries) 129 Michela Messina 3 The Influence of World’s Fairs on the Formation of Japanese and Chinese Collections in Bohemia and Moravia in the Late 19th Century 153 Filip Suchomel Missionaries as Museum Suppliers: Peter Baptist Turk (OFM) and His Collection in the Rudolfinum Museum in Ljubljana 179 Helena Motoh PART 3: SHAPING EAST ASIAN COLLECTIONS – CONTRIBUTION BY DIPLOMATS Josef Schwegel (1836–1914) and His Legacy: Vienna World’s Fair and its Connections to Slovenia 203 Tina Berdajs Ferenc Hopp, Josef Haas and the Making of the Moongate in the Ferenc Hopp Museum of Asiatic Arts, Budapest 217 Györgyi Fajcsák Eleonore Haas: The Lost Chinese Heritage in Mozirje 239 Barbara Trnovec and Nataša Vampelj Suhadolnik Contributors 281 Index 285 4 Introduction Lukas Nickel and Nataša Vampelj Suhadolnik W hen Vienna announced its intention to and political moves culminating in the Treaty of hold a World’s Fair starting on 1 May Versailles of 1871, Prussia had succeeded in form- 1873, many observers may have viewed ing a German national state under her rule that the city as an unlikely candidate to host such an in- excluded Austria. The multi-ethnic Dual Monar- ternational event. The first four World’s Fairs had chy had to find a new definition for itself that gave been staged in London and Paris, capitals seen by credit to the various non-Germanophone groups many as the main economic, political, and cultur- that formed the majority of its population and had al centres of Europe, and, as they led vast colonial started insisting on their national identities. While empires, of the world. Over the preceding centu- Britain and France, and more recently the German ries, both France and England had profited enor- empire, could justify a claim to be nation-states, re- mously from their far-reaching control of overseas cent history forced Austro-Hungary to redefine its territories, which allowed them to accumulate the self-understanding. wealth, influence, and status that had put them in The country managed to turn the apparent dis- the position to host a global fair. advantage into a promise. The empire had changed Austria-Hungary, though one of the largest Eu- its public image by embracing the diversity of its ropean states at the time, with a territory reaching population. A treaty forged in 1867 gave the Hun- from Galicia in modern-day Ukraine and Poland, garian kingdom far-reaching self-control. The two Transylvania in modern-day Romania, to the shores units pursued largely independent domestic pol- of the Mediterranean in modern-day Italy, had icies, sharing only the military, a foreign office, a much less global prestige. It was a fragile political ministry of finance, and the head of state. A con- structure that struggled to keep together the multi- stitution (Staatsgrundgesetz) for the non-Hun-tude of peoples, tongues, confessions, and traditions garian parts of the country guaranteed its citizens that composed its two main entities, the Austrian extensive civil rights and granted equality to all Empire and Hungarian Kingdom. The state held no the nationalities and languages of its ethnic groups colonies abroad, participated little in the lucrative ( Volksstämme).1 The seminal constitution followed long-distance trade, and had barely any political in- the demands of the 1848 revolution and laid the fluence beyond the borders of Europe. foundation for legislation well beyond the collapse What is more, the Dual Monarchy experienced of the imperial rule in 1918. an identity crisis. A few years before the exhibi- The process of redefinition was helped by the tion, the Habsburg ruling house had lost its nom- fact that the country lived through a period of inal rulership over the German states. With wars 1 Staatsgrundgesetz 1867, 396. 5 unprecedented economic growth. Railways began nomic benefits,3 the concession had a great symbol-crisscrossing the vast state, widespread industrialisa- ic value in placing the Austro-Hungarian Empire tion transformed the formerly agricultural economy, among the great imperial powers. and stock market shares offered huge returns. The Back in 1873, the spectacle of the World’s Fair city of Vienna razed its medieval ramparts to accom- was an attempt to reflect the reinvention of Aus- modate a fast-growing population and, by building tria-Hungary. The empire was able to present itself the grand boulevard Ring lined with hotels, banks, as a modern state that welcomed diversity and ben-museums, and offices, transformed itself into a mod- efited from its position between Europe and the ern metropolis. The term Gründerzeit (founder’s East. From the outset, the organisers placed a strong years) still today stands for a period of rapid urbani- emphasis on the inclusion of non-European states. sation and economic prosperity in Austria. The director of the exhibition, Wilhelm Freiherr The opening of the Suez Canal in 1869 held von Schwarz-Senborn (1816–1903), established in even more promise for Austria-Hungary as it put the directorate a special division to handle engage-the country into an advantageous position in the ment with Asian countries, the “Comité für den Ori-competition for trade between Europe and South ent und Ostasien”, headed by the experienced dip-and East Asia. The canal cut travel times from the lomat and consul general in Constantinople, Josef Mediterranean port of Trieste to Bombay by a Ritter von Schwegel (1836–1914). Its efforts were staggering 37 days, making it a journey of just 21 most successful in encouraging Turkey, Egypt, and days, turning the Austrian Lloyd into a fast-grow- Persia to supply extensive displays and spectacular ing global shipping company. The empire seized exhibition buildings. Morocco, Tunisia, Qing Chi-the opportunity the new transport links offered by na, and Meiji Japan participated in a World’s Fair deploying in 1869 the “Imperial Expedition to East for the first time. Asia and South America” under Admiral Anton The exhibition organisers showed particular in- Petz (1819–1885), a diplomatic mission that was to terest and pride in including East Asian states. A re- establish official diplomatic ties with China, Japan, port for American observers during the exhibition’s and Siam, and to secure regular consular services in planning phase supports this point: the original a range of countries.2 design of the exhibition grounds provided Japan After signing a trade agreement with China in and China on one side and the USA on the other September 1869, Austria-Hungary opened a con- with the same amount of space for displaying their sulate in Shanghai with diplomats responsible for exhibits—1,350 m2 each.4 Although the areas pro-China, Siam, and Japan. Over the following dec- vided to these countries changed later on, the initial ades, more and more Austro-Hungarian military allocation of equal space to East Asia on the one and merchant ships sailed into East Asia. In the ear- hand and the USA on the other clearly reflects the ly 20th century, the Dual Monarchy even secured Viennese intention to grant China and Japan excep-a small share in the division of the territory in the tional importance. Furthermore, the foreign minis- East China Sea between foreign imperialist powers. try made sure that its newly established represent- As a participant in the suppression of the Boxer Re- ative in China, the minister in residence Heinrich bellion (1899–1901) by eight foreign powers, Aus- Calice (1831–1912), urged the Qing government tria-Hungary was granted the right to a concession to arrange its own exhibition, rather than relying in the central part of the harbour city of Tianjin. on second-hand shows staged by Europeans as had Although the Lloyd failed to establish a direct ship- been the case in earlier World’s Fairs. When, after ping connection between the Austrian port of Tri- a slow start, the preparations turned fruitful and este and the Tianjin concession, and although the the amount of cargo announced from China went Tianjin concession did not generate any major eco- 3 Lee 2001, 86. 2 Grigorowicz 1978, 113; Scherzer 1872 and 1873. 4 Blake and Pettit 1873, 7. 6 beyond expectations, the exhibition directorate cial, though little acknowledged role in the sourcing willingly erected an extension to significantly ex- and shaping of East Asia collections in the late 19th pand the gallery space originally granted to China. century. Haas and his wife Eleonore’s (1866–1943) Japan proved itself more receptive to the Austrian contributions to collecting East Asian material for suggestions and proactively designed a spectacular the Dual Monarchy are now scattered across Slove-exhibition. Thrilled by the positive Japanese reac- nian, Hungarian, and Austrian institutions. tion, the organisers offered the country a gallery This volume is based on a project that brought more than three times the size of the ones for Persia together scholars from various parts of the former or Romania, plus an extensive outdoor area for the Austro-Hungarian Empire. It investigates the lega- construction of a Japanese landscape garden, a shop- cy of the World’s Fair for collecting East Asian art ping mall, and a Shintō shrine. in central Europe. Largely based on a grass-roots Since the World’s Fair was hampered from the investigation in archives and museums, it sheds outset by a stock market crash, a Cholera epidemic, new light on the strategies institutions and indi- adverse weather conditions, and severe delays in the viduals pursued in their quest to assemble material construction process, it turned out to be much less from China and Japan. The book is divided into lucrative and popular than expected. Still, the pub- three thematic sections that attempt to address the lic greeted the Japanese and Chinese presentations above-mentioned topics. It begins with a section with enthusiasm. The event became consequential dealing with the World’s Fair itself. The first paper, well beyond the closing ceremony in autumn 1873, by Lukas Nickel, examines in detail the process of as it helped generate broad interest in East Asian creating the Chinese pavilion, along with its fea-material culture. The Comité für den Orient und tures and design. He draws on correspondence be-Ostasien, which had developed plans during the tween diplomatic and political representatives of World’s Fair for a permanent institution informing China and Austria-Hungary, in particular Hein- the Austrian businesses and the public about prod- rich Calice (1831–1912), Robert Hart (1835– ucts, culture, and trade in Asia, founded an Orien- 1911), and Gustav Overbeck (1830–1894), as talisches Museum in July 1874.5 Other public collec- well as on contemporary photographs, catalogues, tions began to include East Asian material, some of and newspaper reports. The paper illustrates the which were derived from the World’s Fair. Private role played by the Qing government, Chinese of-collectors across the Dual Monarchy began assem- ficials, and some businessmen in the selection of bling material with the intention of building mu- artefacts to be exhibited and thus contributes to seums. Much of the newly arriving material came the century-long discourse on China’s agency in through Trieste, a city with long-standing connec- the pavilion’s orchestration. tions to China and Japan. The second paper, by Agnes Schwanzer, focus- Research conducted for this book shows that es on the Japanese participation in the fair and its much of the collecting practice was shaped by in- social gatherings. She highlights the skilful inter- dividual agents. One such person was Josef Haas action of the Japanese delegation with the Austri-(1847–1896), who learned Chinese as a young an political representatives, the fair’s organisers, consular officer in Hong Kong and later Shanghai, and the public, and demonstrates that the careful and went on to become a high-ranking diplomat of preparation for the exhibition and the selection of the Austro-Hungarian Empire to China and Korea. objects allowed Japan to present itself as a modern He contributed his expertise and several objects to country and facilitated the establishment of future the 1873 exhibition, and continued to play a cru- diplomatic and trade relations. Her paper is based on a comprehensive analysis of the press of the 5 Gruber et al 2018, 28; Ministerium für Cultus und Unter- time, as the major newspapers constantly report- richt, and Wilhelm von Werbecker 1902, 191–92; Gries- ed on various aspects of the fair. In addition, she mayr 1968. 7 analyses the correspondence of Archduke Rainer in the Dual Monarchy. She demonstrates that Tri-(1827–1913) and sheds light on the processes of este had a special position as one of the first cities dissemination and exchange of Japanese objects at to come into contact with East Asian cultures, a the fair. position facilitated by the founding of the Austri- Bettina Zorn continues the investigation into an Lloyd shipping company and the opening of the the background of the Japanese participation in Suez Canal. In the 19th century, when Austria-Hun-the Vienna World’s Fair. Basing her argument gary began to play an increasingly important role in within the historical context of the Meiji period, East Asia, almost everyone in Trieste owned an ob-the author identifies developments that influenced ject of Asian origin. the Japanese selection of objects for the 1873 fair Filip Suchomel examines how the Vienna by focusing on the perception and translation of World’s Fair triggered the establishment of the Western terms such as “art” or “museum”. For the first museum institutions on the other side of Aus-Japanese, the terminology was of great importance tro-Hungarian territory, in Bohemia and Moravia, as they had to ensure that the objects, products and at the end of the 19th century. His paper traces the other artefacts would meet the fair’s criteria. lively collecting activities of the middle and up- The second part of the volume examines the role per classes in Czech society, starting with the first the Vienna World’s Fair played in the dissemina- public Asian collection of Vojta Náprstek (1826– tion and promotion of ideas, concepts, and notions 1894), whose circle of friends was one of the most about East Asian cultures and societies in the ethni- important sources of information on Asian cul- cally, linguistically, and religiously diverse landscape tures, and continuing the establishment of further of the Dual Monarchy. It contains three papers that museums under of the fair. show the gradual emergence of East Asian material Helena Motoh analyses the correspondence in public museums or private collections. between the Franciscan missionary Peter Baptist The first paper, by Johannes Wieninger, exam- Turk (1874–1944), who was stationed in Wuhan ines the founding phase of today’s MAK—Museum in China in the early 20th century, and the direc-of Applied Arts in Vienna, then named the Impe- tor of the Carniolan Provincial Museum in Lju- rial-Royal Austrian Museum of Art and Industry bljana, in order to examine the missionary’s role in (k. k. Österreichisches Museum für Kunst und Indus- the acquisition of Chinese objects for this museum. trie). As the MAK houses one of the most extensive The correspondence sheds light on the perception collections of East Asian art and decorative arts in of East Asian objects and the distinction between Austria today, it is important to understand its ini- ethnographic and religious topics, as well as on the tial acquisition policy under its first director Rudolf institutions’ collection strategies. The author also Eitelberger (1817–1885). The author analyses Eitel- relates the correspondence to the inventory list and berger’s directives and policies at the museum and current holdings of the Slovene Ethnographic Mu-shows that his commitment to non-European top- seum (Ljubljana), and compares the collection with ics remained largely marginal, beyond his interest in other collections of Franciscan missionaries in Slo- Chinese enamel works. The author bases his investi- venia and neighbouring countries, in order to exam- gation on an examination of all extant records on ac- ine differences in the collecting agendas of museum quisitions of East Asian objects and books about East institutions and missionaries. Asia, as well as on exhibitions, talks, and publications The last part of the book traces the contribu- of the Eitelberger period, and provides a comprehen- tion diplomats made to the East Asian exhibitions sive list of his findings in historical order. at the fair and to East Asian material for various Michela Messina discusses the significance of museums and other institutions in Austria-Hunga-Trieste, Austria-Hungary’s most important trading ry. The first paper in this section, written by Tina port, for the dissemination of East Asian cultures Berdajs, deals with Josef Schwegel, the well-known 8 Austro-Hungarian diplomat and politician of Bibliography Slovene descent, who was appointed Head of the traces his role in readying the “Orient und Osta- Vienna Universal Exhibition, 1873 Made to the U.S. Centennial Commission. Committee for the Orient and East Asia, and Blake, William. P., and Henry Pettit. 1873. Reports on the sien” section at the fair. A particular focus lies on Philadelphia: McLaughlin researching the provenance of a Japanese lidded Griesmayr, Franz Seraph. 1968. “Das österreichische Brothers. cup that found its way into the ceramics collec- Handelsmuseum in Wien 1874-1918. Eine Darstel- tion of the National Museum of Slovenia as part of lung zur Förderung von Österreichs Handel und the curious case of the Chinese moon gate in the The second paper, by Györgyi Fajcsák, pursues keit bei der Entstehung Ethnographischer Sammlun- gen.” Archiv für Volkerkunde Wien 32: 101–26. garden of the Ferenc Hopp Museum of Asiatic Arts Gruber, Susanne, Michael Kiehn, Michael Götzinger, in Budapest. The moon gate was erected by Ferenc Andreas Rohatsch, Susanne Formanek, and Iri- na Dangl. 2018. “Erste nachweise für Objekte der objects exhibited at the fair in Vienna. 1918.” PhD diss., University of Vienna. Grigorowicz, Andreas. 1978. “Zufall und Notwendig-Schwegel’s legacy, and his connection to Japanese handelspolitischem Einfluß zwischen 1874 und the accompanying pictorial and written documents. Studien zur Wiener Geschichte 69 (71): 21–36. Haas further sourced and provided other garden Lee, Chinyun. 2001. “The Short Life of the Austrian items such as drum chairs and vases. This case study can be seen from the surviving correspondence and Wiener Weltausstellung 1873 in der Warenkunde- sammlung des technischen Museums Wien.” Hopp (1833−1919) with the help of Josef Haas, as Concession in Tianjin.” Azijske in afriške študije / clearly shows the important role Haas played in Asian and African Studies 5 (1-2): 74–92. Asian material in Austria-Hungary. von Werbecker, ed. 1902. Handbuch der Kunstpflege in Österreich. equipping public and private museums with East Ministerium für Cultus und Unterricht, and Wilhelm The last paper in this book, by Barbara Trno- Wien: Kaiserlich-königlicher Schul- vec and Nataša Vampelj Suhadolnik, reconstructs “Staatsgrundgesetz vom 21. Dezember 1867 über die all-buchverlag. the life of Eleonore Haas, the wife of Josef Haas, gemeinen Rechte der Staatsbürger für die im Reichs- based on archival material preserved in Celje and rathe vertretenen Königreiche und Länder”. 1886. in Shanghai for seven years (1889–1896) until Fachmännische Berichte über die österreichisch-ungarische Expedition nach Siam, China Haas’s death. She then travelled back to Austria und Japan. 1868–1871 . Stuttgart: Julius Maier. and in 1913 moved to Mozirje, a small town in ———. 1873. collecting activities. After her marriage, she lived Jahrgang 1867, 61. Stück: 389‒96. von Scherzer, Karl. 1872. Vienna, and examines her role in her husband’s Reichs-Gesetz-Blatt für das Kaiserthum Oesterreich Die k. u. k. österreichisch-ungarische Expe- northern Slovenia, where she lived until her death dition nach Indien, China, Siam und Japan 1868–71. in 1943. She brought a large collection with her, Stuttgart: Julius Maier. which was dispersed after her death. The authors trace the collection’s path using oral history and interviews, and attempt to characterize the Haas’s private collection. This book aims at highlighting the role the Vienna World’s Fair played in the spread of East Asian objects in Austria-Hungary. It draws on ar- chival material, correspondence, newspaper articles, inventories, and many other documents, most of which have been comprehensively analysed here for the first time. We hope you enjoy reading it. 9 Acknowledgements T his book grew out of the cooperation be- We are also very grateful to our peer reviewers Prof tween different scholars from various parts Dr Hans Bjarne Thomsen and Prof Dr Beatrix of the former Austro-Hungarian Empire. As Mecsi for their valuable comments and support part of the project East Asian Collections in Slove- for this book project. We would like to express our nia, we held a roundtable discussion entitled “Col- gratitude to Abigail Graham and Josh Rocchio for lecting East Asia under the Dual Monarchy and their thorough copy-editing work, Nina Kozinc Beyond: Alma K. Karlin and Fellow Travellers” for technical editing, and the publishing team at (2021) in collaboration with the Department of the University of Ljubljana Press (Faculty of Arts), Asian Studies (Faculty of Arts, University of Lju- especially Jure Preglau, whose help during the edit- bljana), the Institute of Art History (University ing process was indispensable in many ways. of Vienna), and the Celje Regional Museum. The In addition, we would like to express our sin- event, which accompanied the visiting exhibition cere gratitude to the Slovenian Research and Inno- on Alma M. Karlin at the Weltmuseum Wien, was vation Agency (ARIS), the University of Ljublja- followed by another workshop (2023) that fo- na, and the University of Vienna for their generous cussed on the impact of the Vienna World’s Fair financial support, which made the realisation of on the emergence of East Asian collections in Aus- this project possible. We would also like to thank tria-Hungary. The discussions that emerged at the many institutions for their permission to use the workshop continued to develop during the panel images in this book. We are likewise grateful for “East Asian Art in the Wake of the 1873 Vienna the financial support by the Slovenian Research World’s Fair: Collectors and Collection Biogra- and Innovation Agency (ARIS) as part of the re- phies in Central Europe at the late 19th and early search core funding Asian Languages and Cul-20th centuries”, presented at the EAAA conference tures (P6-0243) and the research project entitled in Ljubljana in September 2023, while various mo- Orphaned objects: Examining East Asian Objects bility patterns in Austria-Hungary were explored outside Organised Collecting Practices In Slovenia and presented at the EACS conference in Tallinn (J6-3133), which supported the events mentioned in August 2024. and made possible the research for the three papers As editors, we are grateful to all those who on collecting practices in Slovenia. Special thanks participated in these events. In particular, we are go to a group of 23 students from the University deeply indebted to the authors of this book, who of Vienna who, during the seminar “China auf der made remarkable contributions and were also ex- Wiener Weltausstellung” in 2022, discovered, as- traordinarily patient during the editorial process. sembled, and documented a wealth of information 11 on the Chinese gallery. We finally want to mention Alexandra Nachescu, M.A., who shared her exper- tise and diligently guided several project members into the unfathomable depths of the Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv. We are pleased to share this new research on the history of collecting with the academic community and all those interested in East Asian art, and hope that our readers will enjoy this book. Lukas Nickel and Nataša Vampelj Suhadolnik 12 Part 1 The Vienna World’s Fair and East Asia The Chinese Gallery at the Vienna World’s Fair of 1873 and Late Habsburg Exhibition Diplomacy Lukas Nickel T he Vienna World’s Fair (Weltausstellung) then investigate the character and composition of 1873 is often regarded as the first in- of the display and attempt a reconstruction of its ternational exhibition at which China layout, based on close examination of contempo- was formally represented. 1 The show certainly rary photographs, newspaper reports, and cata- constituted the largest and most comprehen- logues. Finally, it will make a fresh contribution sive display there had ever been of the art, in- to the century-long discourse around the extent dustry and natural produce of China. It was an to which the Chinese empire exercised agency event of enormous consequence, leading to the over the display, focusing on evidence that has of- establishment of public and private collections ten been overlooked, and arguing that, while the of Chinese material culture across Europe, and concept and contents of the exhibition relied al- shaping European perceptions of China during most exclusively on Europeans, the Chinese gov- the Gründerzeit years, a period of unprecedented ernment—at least retrospectively—did indeed economic growth and confidence. What is more, take ownership of the event. it arguably determined the Chinese approach to World’s Fairs for decades to come. This chapter takes a close look at the im- Vienna and the “Orient” portant event. Making use of hitherto little-re- garded diplomatic correspondence between the At the early World’s Fairs (beginning with the Austro-Hungarian representatives in Shanghai “Great Exhibition of the Works of Industry of All and Hong Kong, the Austro-Hungarian foreign Nations” in London in 1851, followed by exhibi- ministry, Chinese officials, and other actors, tions in Paris in 1855, London in 1862 and Paris preserved in archives in Vienna and Taipei, this in 1867) it cannot be said that presentations of text will first trace the process through which the Chinese material did not play a prominent role. exhibition came into being and capture the ac- Each of the four exhibitions included a “China tivities of the brains behind the show: Heinrich court”, “grande exposition chinoise” or “salon chi- Calice, Robert Hart and Gustav Overbeck. It will nois”. In 1851, a China gallery occupied a position right in the centre of London’s Crystal Palace, op- 1 Unless noted otherwise all translations in the text are by posite the main entrance. The fourth fair in Paris the author. As most documents used here have not yet been featured Chinese galleries in two separate spaces in transcribed and as the Kurrentschrift customary for 19th the Champs de Mars building, and a garden area century German handwriting is often difficult to decipher, consisting of several “chinoise” halls and pavilions all quotations from such documents shall be provided in both German transcription and English translation. 15 where Chinese persons served tea and staged the- population had expanded dramatically, numbering atre performances.2 In 19th-century Europe, an more than a million inhabitants by 1873.4 An ad-“Exposition Universelle” or “International Exhibi- ministrative compromise with the Hungarian part tion” true to its name inevitably required the pres- of the empire had brought about internal stability, ence of China. and a closer alliance with Germany had resulted The Qing imperial court, though, took no ac- in a more powerful political position in Europe. tive role in the first four World’s Fairs. In the case of Modern railway lines began to criss-cross the coun- the Paris exhibition of 1867, we know of a formal try, facilitating an increasing industrialisation. The notification that had been sent to China, which opening of the Suez Canal in 1869 and the quickly had resulted in little more than an imperial decree developing steam navigation had reduced trans- ordering the Superintendent-Ministers of Trade port costs and travel time to Asia considerably, and for the Northern Ports and Southern Ports ( Nan- promised to turn the Austrian port in the Medi- bei tongshang dachen 南北通商大臣) to inform terranean, Trieste, into a crucial hub for European their subordinates and local traders and producers trade with South and East Asia. of the Paris show, and offering tax exemptions for The director of the Weltausstellung, the dip-exhibits.3 No exhibitors from China had come for- lomat Wilhelm Freiherr von Schwarz-Senborn ward, however, so that it was not the Chinese gov- (1816–1903), a person who had a long experi- ernment but London and Paris merchants, collec- ence with World’s Fairs, placed great emphasis tors and diplomats with contacts to or knowledge on the proper inclusion of the states of the East.5 of East Asia who had furnished the stalls featuring Schwarz-Senborn established a special division trade goods and collectibles from China. As a re- for the Orient and East Asia in the directorate of sult, those exhibitions are often seen as projecting the fair, headed by the Austrian consul general in a China that was a construct of the European im- Constantinople, Josef Ritter von Schwegel (1836– agination, rather than offering actual insight into 1914). Schwarz-Senborn’s and Schwegel’s quest to Chinese contemporary industry and culture. involve additional countries met with impressive The organisers of the Weltausstellung in Vien- success. The exhibition attracted 35 participat- na in 1873 intended to run things differently. The ing nations, with “oriental” states such as Turkey, city, at the time, was re-inventing itself as a mod- Egypt and Persia supplying extensive displays and ern metropolis connecting western Europe and the grand exhibition buildings. Morocco and Tunisia Orient, a vague geographic term that included the attended an international exhibition for the first Balkans, Russia, northern Africa, and most of Asia. time. The opening of the Vienna World’s Fair took place The importance given to the East becomes after years of growing economic optimism and most apparent in the design of the monumental political aspiration in Vienna and across the Dual main gate to the exhibition grounds. Its pillars car- Monarchy. Vienna’s medieval ramparts had been ried the names and crests in laurel wreaths of 10 demolished and replaced by the grand boulevard nations. Among the countries the organisers chose Ring, from which rows of multi-storey apartment to promote at this exalted location, we find Turkey, blocks began sprawling in every direction. The Persia, and, on the lower right, Japan and China (figs. 1a and 1b). 2 Gubitosi 2023; Martin 2019. 3 Duchesne de Bellecourt (1867, 710, 714) indicated that the emperor had rejected the invitation, a claim that is not en- tirely correct. For the actions of the Chinese government re- 4 Wien Geschichte Wiki n.d. garding the 1867 exhibition see the letter from Prince Gong 5 Schwarz Senborn had served as “General-Commissär” of to Calice, 12 August 1872, HHSTA, 145, F34 S.R. Unless the Austrian exhibition at the London World’s Fair in 1862, otherwise noted, all letters referred to in this text come from and had been involved in the Paris exhibition of 1867, see this location in the Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv. Engel and Rotter (1873, 105). 16 Fig. 1a: György Klösz (1844–1913). Main gate to the World’s Fair area in the Prater with crest of China and Fig. 1b: The crests of Japan on the lower right, 1873, photograph, 30.5×40.3 cm. Wien Museum Inv.-Nr. 56564/2, CC0. https:// Turkey, Greece, Per- sammlung.wienmuseum.at/en/object/128210/ sia, China and Ja- pan, detail of fig. 1 a. China was a theme in multiple areas of the Carl Trau (1811–1887), and, apparently, by a Per-Weltausstellung. The Chinese gallery was located sian prince whose name unfortunately remains a at the eastern end of the gigantic Industriepalast mystery.7 Then there was the contribution of the (industrial palace) building, in a transept north of Cercle Oriental, an association of businessmen and the Längengalerie (long gallery) close to the east diplomats that aimed to promote trade with the gate (fig. 2). China and Japan were among the four countries of the East. The group had erected in the countries that contributed a quantity of material Prater a multi-storey building in a fanciful mixture to the “Pavillon des kleinen Kindes”, an addition- of architectural elements from Turkey, Persia and al exhibition on early learning housed in a pavil- China. It contained a coffee shop, a library, meet-ion north of the Industriepalast, and were given ing rooms, a translation and information office, one room each in the building.6 The “Pavillon des currency exchange facilities, and two exhibition Amateurs”, designed to present ancient arts and halls. Two rooms on the upper floors, decorated in crafts from private collections, included substan- a lavish Oriental fashion, were meant to serve rep-tial amounts of Chinese cloisonné and porcelain resentatives of Eastern countries as a pied-à-terre provided by two Viennese collectors, the indus- on the exhibition grounds.8 trialist Altgraf Hugo Karl Franz zu Salm-Reiffer- scheidt (1832–1890) and the owner of a tea shop, 7 Birnbacher 2023. For the collection of the “Persian prince and minister” in the pavilion, see Lind (1873, 308). 6 Stramm 1873, 1; General-Catalog 1873, 827. 8 General-Catalog 1873, 826–27. 17 Fig. 2: Carl Waage (1800–1873). The Industriepalast and the World’s Fair area in the Prater, 1873, lithography on paper, 19.8×26.8 cm. Wien Museum Inv.-Nr. 60231, CC0. https://sammlung.wienmuseum.at/objekt/472613/ This chapter will deal mainly with the show in Aloys Graf von Calice (1831–1912), who, at the the Industriepalast, which was the most represent- time, was travelling in East Asia as part of the Aus- ative and widely acknowledged exhibition of Chi- tro-Hungarian expedition to East Asia of 1868– nese products. 1871 and had assumed the role of consul general and provisional diplomatic agent in November 1869. As representative of the k.u.k.9 Foreign Ministry, Cal- Involving China ice was the highest-ranking Austrian diplomat in East Asia, and it became his task to approach the The actions that led to the installation of a grand governments of China, Japan and Siam regarding Chinese exhibition at the 1873 World’s Fair shall the World’s Fair. From April 1871, the ministry ap- be traced here in some detail as they have so far pointed Calice as Minister in Residence and consul been insufficiently understood. Previous research general in Shanghai, from where he was to develop has focused primarily on the agency of Chinese the k.u.k. consular service in these three countries.10 institutions and of some foreigners in the service Calice informed the Beijing authorities of the of the Chinese government. Files discovered in the plans for a World’s Fair very early, on 21 October train of events in much more detail, revealing it as 9 K.u.k. stood for kaiserlich und königlich, i.e. imperial and royal, as a marker of joint institutions of the two parts of the far more complex than commonly assumed. Austrian state archives allow us to reconstruct the To ensure the active participation of China and 10 For the complex process that led to the installation of Ca- Dual Monarchy, Austria and Hungary, from 1867 to 1918. Japan, Schwarz-Senborn contacted Heinrich Joseph lice, see Lehner (1995, 157–68); Goldinger (1957, 94); for the expedition, see Scherzer (1872, 1873). 18 1870, only a few months after the Austrian em- the Chinese nation would remain on the sidelines peror Franz Joseph I (1830–1916) had approved and not present a national show, as had been the the request to hold the exhibition.11 The first re- case in earlier international exhibitions. This was action was encouraging. The Chinese government still the case in early 1872, just a year before the wrote back almost immediately, on 26 October, opening ceremony of the Weltausstellung. In April, and agreed to Calice’s requests to make announce- the director, Schwarz-Senborn, intervened with ments regarding the show, encourage businesses to the Austro-Hungarian Foreign Ministry, urgent- participate, and to grant tariff exemptions to con- ly raising concerns about the lack of progress the tributors who might come forward.12 Chinese exhibition was making.15 The Chinese government charged the Zongli At the time of Schwarz-Senborn’s interven- Yamen 總理衙門, the ministry handling foreign tion, Calice, who had been formally installed in affairs, with the preparations. As had been the Shanghai as Minister in Residence of the Dual case in 1867, the ministry informed the Superin- Monarchy in November 1871, was promoting tendent-Ministers of Trade, who in turn notified the cause of the Weltausstellung in Japan and lat-the Customs Service and local officials about Vi- er Siam. After receiving the note on his return to ennese plans to hold an international exhibition, China in late Spring 1872, Calice launched into a instructing them “to make known to Chinese mer- flurry of activity. His first move was to approach chants and others concerned, that they will be at the governor-general of Guangdong and Guangxi, liberty to send whatever they may desire to exhibit Ruilin 瑞麟 (who held the office—a position also free of Export duty from the Treaty Ports”.13 The referred to as viceroy, Liangguang zongdu 兩廣 information moved down the bureaucratic ladder 總督—from 1865 to 1874) and other Chinese fairly quickly, but without much urgency. On 25 dignitaries from the region to ask them to submit November, for instance, the circuit intendant of their significant private art collections for display Shanghai made a public proclamation, and local in Vienna.16 He then pressed the new Foreign port commissioners received their first notices on Minister of Austria-Hungary, Gyula Andrássy 31 December 1870.14 (1823–1890), to grant free transport facilities for The proclamations failed to generate much in- submissions.17 He made the young interpreter of terest among the Chinese public, which was still the consulate, Josef Haas (1847–1896), translate little acquainted with the concept of international into Chinese and annotate the official Weltausstel-exhibitions, and officials hesitated over whether to lung programme and sent it to the imperial gov-get involved. While Japan grasped the opportuni- ernment and other officials.18 On 4 July alone, he ty to actively craft its image and shape how it was penned more than 50 letters in several languages perceived on an international stage, the Chinese to engage stakeholders across the country: firstly, government showed little ambition to take matters nine identical letters to the k.u.k. acting consuls in into its own hands. There was a clear danger that port cities along the Chinese coast, asking not only 11 Intentions to hold a Weltausstellung in Vienna were voiced 15 Letter from Schwarz-Senborn to k.u.k. foreign ministry, 9 from 1868. The Austrian emperor approved the request on April 1872. 24 May 1870. Engel and Rotter (1873, 4); Pemsel (1989, 16 Letter from Calice to Andrássy, 6 September 1872. 16–22). 12 For a discussion of the character of the notification and re- 18 On Haas, see the most concise notes in Führer (2001, 65, 17 Calice to Andrássy, 6 June 1872. ply, see Tsai Weipin (2022, 8–9). 67–68), based on Georg Lehner. Translation by Josef Haas: 13 Translation by Robert Hart in Letter to Calice, 5 July 1871. Aoguo gonghuitang wenjian Tongzhi shiyi nian si yue fanyi 14 See the translation of the proclamation by Josef Haas guanxiashi zuo 奥国公会堂文件同治十一年四月翻 10/H.P. (China), ex 1871, and the letter from Hart to Cali- 译官夏士作 ( The Documents of the Austrian World’s Fair, ce, 5 July 1871, quoting Circular 24 of 31 December 1870, Made by the Translator Haas in the 4th Month of the Year Inspectorate General of Customs. Tongzhi 11 (1872). 19 for exhibits but also for their support in the en- which he wrote during the trip, Calice refers to deavour to interest the local authorities in the ex- the last note he had received regarding the World’s hibition, even suggesting that the officials should Fair (following common practice in diplomatic turn to their superiors for further instructions.19 exchanges), giving the date as 26 October 1870, Apparently, he hoped that some pressure from be- the day the Yamen had sent the reply to the initial low might help convince officials in Beijing. On announcement.24 On this visit, Calice first went to the same day, 18 letters went out to missionaries in Tianjin to meet the powerful statesman Li Hong- many parts of China. The letters, some written in zhang (李鴻章, 1823–1901), at the time Superin-French and some in Italian, urged the missionar- tendent-minister of Trade for the northern ports ies to ask Chinese Christians to participate “in the and Viceroy of Zhili province, who was known as cause of progress and civilisation” in order to earn a promoter of modernisation who shaped much “sympathy from all who share an interest in their of China’s foreign policy. Unfortunately, there is pious work”. In most letters, Calice even included no record of this exchange, although we do have specific suggestions for exhibits of significance for details of meetings Calice held in Beijing with the the locality.20 He dispatched a copy of these letters influential prince Gong (恭親王 or Yixin 奕訢, to the French minister to China, François Henri 1833–1898) and other Zongli Yamen officials, in Louis de Geofroi (or Geofroy, 1822–1899).21 Still his detailed report to the k.u.k. foreign minister on 4 July, he contacted the Shanghai representa- and in two submissions to Gong dated 28 July and tives of eight maritime freight companies, enquir- 2 August 1872 (fig. 3). One submission contained ing about their willingness to transport exhibits a detailed elaboration of the Weltausstellung pro-for free or at a reduced cost.22 A few days later, he ject, its organisation, the provisions made for for- posted a request to the president of the Shanghai eign participants, and the benefits he saw in such chamber of commerce, suggesting that the cham- an enterprise.25 The texts further indicate that ber as an institution might take an active role in Calice urged Prince Gong and the Zongli Yamen arranging the exhibition.23 officials to follow the examples of Japan and other Later in the month, Calice travelled to Beijing countries in setting up a special national commis- to personally promote to the government the is- sion to arrange the Chinese exhibition in Vienna, sue of the Chinese presence at the Weltausstellung. and in sending a group of official representatives Apparently, there had been little communication to the Weltausstellung. He further asked for the on the matter between him and the Peking author- involvement of all provincial governors (viceroys) ities in the preceding two years. This is indicated in addition to the Superintendent-ministers of by the fact that, in the submission to the court Trade, and requested the establishment of central collecting points for submissions in Shanghai and 19 Letter from Calice to acting consuls in Kiukiang, Chefoo, Canton. Envisaging a grand show that included Tamsui, Taiwan, Newchang, Hankow, Amoy, Swatow and crucial resources and products of industry from Ningpo, 4 July 1872, across the entire empire, he even assembled and 20 Letter from Calice (in French) to Monseigneurs Dubart in presented to Gong a list that detailed desirable Chi-li, Languillat in Kiang-nan, Desflèches, Pinchon and items from each province of China, and suggest- Lepley in Sse-tchuen, Ponsot in Yün-nan, Lions in Koui- ed that the Chinese government itself should tcheau, Chauveau in Thibet, Bray in Kiangsi, Guierry in Tche-kiang, Bax in Mongolia, and (in Italian) to Monsei- contribute objects of imperial significance, such gneurs Navarro in Hu-nan, Zanoli in Hu-pe, Chiai in Shen- as newly published maps, weapons from the im- si, Monagassa in Shan-si, Cosi in Shan-tung, Tagliabue in perial armoury in Taiyanfoo, a throne and official Chi-li, Volonteri in Honan, 4 July 1872. 21 Calice to Geofroi, 4 July 1872. 22 Calice to freight companies, 4 July 1872. 24 Calice to Gong and ZLYM, 28 July 1872. 23 Calice to president of Shanghai Chamber of Commerce, 8 25 Calice to Gong, 28 July 1872. For the annotated transcript, July 1872. see Nickel 2023. 20 but had not so far taken any active role.27 On 4 July, Calice wrote to the CMCS’s long-serving head, the British Inspector General Robert Hart (1835–1911), with a request for samples and trade statistics that would fit section 7 of the official programme, which was “to show the international exchange of products, a representation of the com- merce and trade of the world”.28 Calice assumed correctly that the challenge of contributing to this particular theme of the world exhibition would capture the attention of the ca- pable administrator Hart. On 5 August, Hart re- plied: “I have the honor to state that the attempt will be made to give effect to your wish, but I am afraid that the shortness of the notice will interfere with the value and the completeness of the Cus- toms’ contribution.” He included in his letter a circular which he had distributed two days earlier to the port commissioners detailing his minute in- structions regarding the preparation for the show.29 Judging from the dates of the exchanges, Hart be- came active before Gong or the Zongli Yamen had a chance to react to Calice’s suggestions or issue any order to the CMCS. Somewhat sneakily, in his submission of 2 August, Calice asked Gong Fig. 3: Archival copy of letter from Calice to his imperial for permission to contact the CMCS, about four highness Prince Gong and their excellences the ministers weeks after he had actually approached Hart.30 of the Zongli Yamen, dated 2 August 1872, page 1. HHSTA, Still, while providing tentative answers to many 145, F34 S.R. Photograph by the author. of Calice’s requests, the Zongli Yamen seems to have been perfectly happy to cede responsibility for the chariot, and porcelain from the imperial factories exhibition to the CMCS.31 Calice’s initiative to in-in Jingdezhen.26 volve Hart proved to be consequential, as the pres- Calice’s main priority, however, was to involve entation that Hart assembled in Vienna became the the Chinese Maritime Customs Service (Da Qing blueprint for China’s participation in many interna- huangjia haiguan zong shuiwusi 大清皇家海關 tional exhibitions over the following decades.32 總稅務司, hereafter CMCS), the body that over- Robert Hart set out to accomplish his part in saw the administration of trade at the ports that the first official Chinese display at a World’s Fair allowed foreign vessels. At the time, the CMCS, which understood itself as China’s most advanced 27 Hart to Calice, 5 July 1871, quoting Circular 24 of 31 De- ministry, employed Western (mainly British) ex- cember 1870, Inspectorate General of Customs. pertise to generate duty and tax revenues for the 28 Calice to Hart, 4 July 1872. Chinese state. The CMCS had informed its local 29 Hart to Calice, 5 August 1872. offices about the Weltausstellung as early as 1870, 30 Calice to Gong and ZLYM, 2 August 1872. 31 Gong to Calice, 12 August 1872. 32 For a discussion of the role of the CMCS in later exhibi- 26 Calice to Gong and ZLYM, 28 July and 2 August 1872. tions, see Tsai Weipin (2022, 5–6). 21 with the utmost bureaucratic efficiency. Closely purposes38 and even human excrement.39 Other ex-following Calice’s suggestions and following to hibits which some visitors may have been surprised the letter the guidance given in section 7 of the to find in the Chinese gallery were watches and programme, he decided to arrange the exhibi- clocks produced in America and imported into tion around the fourteen harbour cities that wel- China,40 or a large set of samples of wool and cot-comed foreign trade at the time, planning for no ton fabrics made in Britain and other parts of Eu- less than an encyclopaedic collection of all goods rope, that had been shipped to Shanghai.41 Hart’s traded at each port (both imported and exported) plan was clearly an endeavour of scientific quality on board foreign vessels (the Customs Service had that aimed at visualising the state of Chinese trade little control over the local commerce on Chinese for the display of world trade announced in section ships). He required local CMCS representatives to 7 of the Viennese programme: a category, inciden- purchase samples of three groups of objects: items tally, with which few other countries bothered to imported from abroad, items exported abroad, and engage. Further, it certainly served to underline items traded along the Chinese coast, which were to his superiors and the public the efficiency and to be marked as classes A, B, and C respectively. importance of the CMCS.42 It stretches the imag-Each sample was to be listed in catalogues arranged ination, however, to envisage this material being according to the classification system published by exhibited as representative of China. the organisers of the Viennese World’s Fair. The In November 1872, following Calice’s sugges- catalogues would include the name of each ob- tion, Hart relieved the commissioner of the port ject in English, German and Chinese, comments of Canton, Edward Charles Bowra (1841–1874), on its “origin, nature or method of preparation” of his regular duties and ordered him to serve as and its various usages, as well as information on organiser of the CMCS show for Vienna.43 Bowra places of production and consumption, the value, realised that the assembly of trade samples, howev- and statistical trade data for the year 1871.33 Final- er complete and comprehensive it may have been, ly the commissioners added labels to each object might fail to form an attraction for the Viennese that contained some of the information from the audience. He thus created a fourth class of items catalogue. (next to goods imported from abroad, goods ex- Hart’s idea was to showcase “a complete set of ported overseas, and items shipped in coastal trade) specimens of the complete trade of each individ- whose purpose was not to illustrate trade statistics ual port”,34 which made his show something close but to give some insight into Chinese society and to a scientific and statistical enterprise visualising social environment at the specific port, a class D he the state of maritime trade of China. His collection called “Detached and Miscellaneous Specimens of included anything that was shipped in and out of Articles used in, or peculiar to the locality”.44 This the ports, ranging from established trade goods special class included, in the case of the Tientsin such as enamels, porcelains, wood-carvings, tea (Tianjin) port, locally used felt stockings and rain- and silks, to much more mundane objects such as proof reed coats, passenger and goods carts and coal and wood samples, silk waste,35 scrap paper,36 human hair,37 old copper coins used for medical 38 Port Catalogues 1873, 142. 39 Ibid., 146. 33 See the most thoughtful assessment of the Port Catalogues 40 Ibid., 280. in Tsai Weipin (2022). 41 Ibid., 180–86. 34 Circular by Robert Hart, quoted in The London and China 42 The significance of international exhibitions for the CMCS Telegraph 1873, suppl. 2. discusses Zhan Qinghua (2010, 83–86). 35 Port Catalogues 1873, 70. 43 Calice suggested Bowra in a letter to Hart, 15 September 36 Ibid., 474. 1872. On Bowra’s activities see Baird 2015. 37 Canton Catalogue 1873, 14. 44 Port Catalogues 1873, vii. 22 litters, a fire engine and a wheelbarrow, large sets that mattered, regarding the collectors’ items he of locally famous clay figurines showing popular felt forced to include with thinly veiled contempt. customs and theatre scenes, paintings on glass and In his introduction to the China Trade Statistics nautical and architectural models.45 Exhibits of discussed below, at least, he explained that: this class proved to be highly popular in Vienna. Many observers praised the technical ingenuity of The Chinese collection, under the letters D. the wheelbarrow, and the German journalist Julius E. and F. contains some attractive and inter- Rodenberg (1831–1914) spent much of his time esting articles, but it is under the letters A. in the gallery examining the figurines.46 Later in B. and C. that what is really valuable is to be the process, Hart and Bowra even deviated one found. Whoever desires to study the ‘inter- step further from the original plan. From January national exchange of products’ will do well 1873, they added classes E and F and authorised to cast an eye on that homely but complete commissioners “to receive and forward to Vienna array of samples and specimens, for, supple- curious or valuable miscellaneous objects” belong- mented by Catalogue and Special Statistics, ing to private owners,47 leading to the inclusion it will be found to explain the mutual wants of private collections of curios and antiquities in- which Foreign Countries and China in turn tended for the Exhibition des Amateurs (section feel and in turn supply, and also to indicate, 24, Objects of Fine Arts of the Past). The new sub- to some extent, the nature of the traffic kept missions included the famous antique collection of up between some important points in the Archdeacon John Henry Gray (1823–1890) for Empire itself. That the collection is but a the port of Canton, and the Shanghai port listed small contribution to be sent from China, 20 “Curios exhibited by R.H. Boyce, Esquire” (ap- is apparent; but it is to be remembered that parently Robert H. Boyce, an architect and survey- only one experiment has been attempted, or in the Works Department of the British Foreign namely, to assist in the illustration of ‘the Office who was active in China between 1867 and international exchange of products’.50 1900)48 in addition to 145 more “curios” collect- ed by a certain Shanghai banker named as Hoo The CMCS collected the exhibits in the ports of Taou-tai (see below), and items by G. C. Stent (the Shanghai and Canton and shipped them to Trieste. translator and employee of the Maritime Customs As the Austrian frigate Fasana that had been as- Service George Carter Stent, 1833–1884). More signed to take on board the cargo from Japan, China artworks were assigned to section 23, “Art applied and Siam proved too small, the shipment had to be to Religion”.49 split into various batches and transported by com- The inclusion of art and antiques promised to mercial steamers. Hart appointed a group of six em- make the exhibition much more palatable to a Eu- ployees—Charles Hannen (unknown dates), Emile ropean audience. Hart, however, even after the dis- de Champs (unknown dates), Edward Bangs Drew play had been installed in Vienna, remained stub- (1843–1924), Gustav Detring (1842–1913), Bow- bornly convinced that none but the trade samples ra and William Cartwright (unknown dates)—to of classes A to C had any scientific significance and take care of the shipment and the setting up of the that the contribution to section 7 was the only one exhibition in Vienna. He sent them with precise in- structions even regarding the uniforms they were to 45 Ibid., 34–37. have tailored in Vienna.51 46 Rodenberg 1873. Previous research based on the publications 47 Circular no 13 of 1872, quoted in Port Catalogues 1873, and notes left by the CMCS has concluded that VIII. 48 Port Catalogues 1873, 288. 50 China Trade Statistics 1873, 5. 49 Ibid., 296. 51 Tsai Weipin 2022, 18. 23 Robert Hart was the brain behind the Chinese Mongolian costumes, cutlery, pots, a shotgun, ar- exhibition in Vienna. The correspondence in the rows, wooden cups and two yurts, while the Hubei state archives, however, makes clear that it was mission provided local tobacco, cotton, silk, and Heinrich Calice’s vision that guided many of baste fibre samples as well as ordinary household Hart’s decisions. The idea that Hart might go be- utensils and jewellery55—thus giving an insight yond a mere presentation of the state of Chinese into everyday life in parts of China that were, at trade and include private collections, for instance, the time, little known to Europeans. came from Calice, after he received Archdeacon This second section included items supplied by Gray’s offer of his collection. It was Calice who had several individuals, notably the translator of the urged Hart to make Bowra a “special agent” for the Austrian embassy, Josef Haas, the Austrian con- CMCS Vienna exhibition, and to send a group sul Rudolf Schlick, and the silk inspector August of CMCS representatives to Vienna.52 Calice be- Mertens (dates for both unknown). Carl Heinrich friended Bowra early in the process, and appears to Bismarck (1839–1879), translator at the German have discussed with him frequently the design and embassy in Beijing, had sent samples of all stages of progress of the CMCS section of the exhibition, cloisonné-making, along with detailed descriptions giving advice and pointing out possible obstacles. of the manufacturing process. The General-Catalog Calice also remained in close contact with several listed one more, rather enigmatic, supplier, a cer- other CMCS port commissioners.53 He even put tain “Kia-li-che in Shanghai”.56 This may very well into Hart’s mind the idea of procuring a “magnif- be a transcription of Calice’s Chinese name Jia Li icent entrance gate” to the Chinese exhibition, al- Zhi 嘉理治, but it remains unclear why he would though what Calice envisaged was “a full frontis- disguise his own contributions in the official pub- piece of a Peking-shop” rather than the pailou (牌 lications. “Kia-li-che” provided collections of “or- 樓 )honorary gate that Hart finally had installed.54 dinary glass wares”, a “complete set” of wax and Although Hart largely accepted his advice, Cal- tallow candles, artificial flowers and a model of a ice did not leave the creation of the Chinese gallery Chinese mansion. solely in his hands and those of the CMCS. He A third section of the Chinese gallery was or- remained determined to present the products of ganised by the tradesman, adventurer and Austrian the art, industry and natural resources of the whole consul in Hong Kong, Gustav Ritter von Overbeck nation and procure an exhibition representative of (1830–1894).57 Overbeck had begun to prepare China, not just a display of trade goods handled in his presentation as early as October 1871.58 Ap-Treaty Ports, such as the CMCS was able to pro- parently, he was keen to take a leading role in the vide. To this end, in addition to the section assem- arrangement of the China exhibition. As he put it bled by Hart, Calice prepared a second section for in a letter in 1872, he was convinced “that one can- the Chinese pavilion. He continued to collect the not count on any kind of participation on the side submissions provided by the Christian missions of the Chinese trade and manufacturing circles as working in the interior of China, the Austrian con- exhibitors of national or industrial products”.59 sulates, and several other stakeholders. This group was shaped by what might be called an ethnograph- 55 General-Catalog 1873, 761. ic approach. The display that came together includ- 56 Ibid., 761–62. ed agricultural produce, staples and everyday prod- 57 Nachescu 2023; Lehner 1995, 95‒103. ucts that were of significance locally—missionaries 58 Schwarz-Senborn to Ministerium des Äusseren, 19 October from Inner Mongolia province, for instance, sent 1871. 59 “daß auf irgend eine Betheiligung des chinesischen Han- 52 Calice to Hart, 15 September 1872. dels- und Gewerbestandes, als Aussteller von Landes- und Industrieproducten, durchaus nicht zu rechnen ist.” Letter 53 Calice to Bowra, 12 September 1872. from Overbeck to Minister des kaiserlichen Hofes und des 54 Calice to Hart, 15 September 1872. Äusseren, 20 February 1872. 24 Overbeck had invited a diverse group of his formed the core of the Chinese display.62 In fact, business associates to contribute material. The what made the Chinese exhibition significant and contributors were foreign merchants who had rep- different from what had been attempted at previous resentations in mainland Chinese port cities or in World’s Fairs were the other displays—the ambi- Taiwan. Two, however, were not based in China tious trade exhibition by the CMCS and the more and bizarrely sent Japanese and Philippine goods comprehensive and ethnographic show by Calice. to the Chinese pavilion. In addition, Overbeck provided a large number of objects himself, no- tably various kinds of hardwood furniture, soap- What Did the Chinese Exhibition stone, ivory and lacquer objects, porcelain and Look Like? some maps and a series of paintings.60 Overbeck emblazoned the gate to the China In their original plans, the Vienna organisers had courtyard and several other entrances with his own placed the Chinese gallery in a part of the second- name in large letters, which contrasts starkly with to-last transept (No XII b) at the very eastern end of Calice’s presumed attempts to hide his name in the the Industriepalast, the most impressive building in-catalogues. His personal contributions centred on side the exhibition compound (fig. 2). The position Chinese products but also included objects of oth- of the gallery fitted the geographical approach taken er origin that were likely to attract European buy- in Vienna, which put Germany, as the state in the ers, such as lacquer boxes, teacups, and lamps made centre of Europe, in the Rotunda, France, Britain in Japan, paper from Korea and an Indian writing and the US in the western long gallery, and Austria, set. These observations suggest that for Overbeck, Hungary and “oriental” states such as Turkey, Per- desire for commercial gain and social recognition sia, Romania, Tunisia, Siam, China and Japan in the may have been a stronger incentive for participat- eastern long gallery. When it became clear that the ing in the Vienna World’s Fair than the wish to ap- large quantity of goods shipped from China would propriately represent Chinese culture. His stance not fit into the transept hall, the organisers decided calls to mind a comment made by the art histori- to cover part of the courtyard between the transept an Rudolf Eitelberger (1817–1885) in 1870 dur- of China and Persia and that of Japan with a roof, ing the run-up to the Weltausstellung: “Ambitious supported by two rows of cast iron columns and and vain men from all strata of society grow from conveniently lighted by large ceiling windows. the ground like mushrooms when there is talk of The last-minute remodelling of the exhibition a World’s Fair. One desires a title, the second an space and the late arrival of some shipments de- Order, and the third needs the advertisement a layed the installation of the specimens and forced World’s Fair offers for other purposes.”61 Indeed, the Chinese gallery to remain closed until well af- the items presented in Overbeck’s section were in- ter the official opening of the Weltausstellung on tended for sale, and before the exhibition had end- 1 May. The public were given access to the hall in ed he had lobbied successfully to be elevated to the the transept at some point in May 1873, and after rank of Freiherr (Baron). frantic preparations, the courtyard finally opened Overbeck’s section in the Chinese court fea- its doors on 11 June.63 tured prominently in newspaper reports and in the A ground plan of the Chinese exhibition has photographs of the Weltausstellung. Hence, some yet to be discovered, but a close examination of the contemporary journalists and modern researchers formed the impression that his contribution had 62 See, for instance, the extensive reports in the Tetschen-Boden- bacher Anzeiger (1873a; 1873b; 1873c), that do not even 60 Overbeck 1873, 30 and 49. acknowledge the installations by the CMCS and Calice, 61 Eitelberger 1871 28. I am grateful to Alexandra Nachescu and Pemsel (1989, 50). for pointing me to this text. 63 Wiener Weltausstellungs-Zeitung 1873, Supplement. 25 of the Siam exhibition, and a part of the Japanese OFFICE ROOMS exhibition (fig. 4). The main entrance to the Chinese gallery framed a tall, carved and partly gilt wooden gate- way, modelled on a traditional Chinese gate of Romania 牌樓 honour, the pailou (fig. 5). It featured green curved roofs with wide eaves and bracket sets, the circular symbol of yin and yang, a pair of curling COURTYARD dragons, and—in gold on red ground—the words “China” in Latin letters and Da Qing Guo 大清 國 in large Chinese characters. A fitting couplet Japan said to come from Confucius completed the as- Persia sembly. It read lai bai gong ye 來百工也 (“attract the skilled craftsmen”) and rou yuanren ye 柔遠人 也 “treat those distant from you with gentleness”): two phrases that were part of a longer sentence out- lining the proper virtues of rulers of states from the classic Zhongyong 中庸 (Doctrine of the Mean).65 At the time, hardly anyone in Vienna was able to Siam read Chinese, but design and characters sufficient- Siam Japan ly projected recognisable symbols of Chineseness Hawaii and marked the entrance as unmistakably Chinese. LÄNGENGALERIE The green flag of the CMCS crowned the gate. Turkey Three portals framed by yellow curtains led into the transept hall which contained the first part of Fig. 4: Tentative reconstruction of the Chinese space in the CMCS exhibition.66 the Industriepalast. Beige areas show the Chinese exhi- Photographs of the time provide a good idea of bition, dark beige areas indicate undocumented sections the layout of the hall. A long row of tables in the of the Chinese exhibition. Reconstruction by the author, sketch by Denise Gubitosi. centre, two rows of high glass-fronted cupboards topped by Chinese-style roofs and two more ta- photographs appears to make a tentative recon- ble rows along the walls formed four corridors struction feasible. The hall in the transept probably through which the audience could pass to inspect measured 15x25 m. The makeshift roof covered the exhibits. Porcelain vases, plates of monumen- about half the courtyard, measuring approximately tal dimensions, bronzes and tall models of pago- 30x37.5 m. The expansion added more than 1,100 m2 das crowded the tabletops. The cupboards seem to the exhibition, almost quadrupling the space to have contained thematic displays, with the first originally assigned to China.64 Smaller sections on two on the left displaying bolts of cloth, and the the southern side of the courtyard were ceded to last one on the right containing fans and wood the display cabinet of Hawaii, a cabinet and a table carvings. Large numbers of figurines stood under glass covers. Judging from the large number of 64 A ground plan of the Chinese exhibition has yet to be dis- enamels, porcelains and pagoda models, it appears covered, so my estimates of its size remain tentative. Judging that it was the collections of Archdeacon Gray and from a detailed examination of the photographs and a cal- other collectors that dominated this first room of culation of the outer dimensions of the Industriepalast , the hall in the transept measured 15x25 m. The makeshift roof covered about half the courtyard, measuring approximately 65 Translation by Robert Eno 2016, 32. 30x37.5 m. 66 Rodenberg 1875, 64–65. 26 Fig. 5: György Klösz (1844–1913). Honorary gate at entrance to CMCS transept, 1873, photograph, 9.8×14 cm. Wien Museum Inv.-Nr. 174005/8, CC0. https://sammlung.wienmuseum.at/objekt/343763/ Fig. 6: Michael Frankenstein (1843–1918). Wiener Photographen-Association, The CMCS transept seen from the north, 1873, photograph, 20×25.5 cm. Wien Museum Inv.-Nr. 78080/419, CC0. https://sammlung.wien- museum.at/objekt/1028604/ Fig. 7: Michael Frankenstein (1843–1918). Wiener Photographen-Association, North end of western nave of the Chinese court- yard with furniture and paintings belonging to the CMCS section, 1873, photograph, 20.4×25.4 cm. Wien Museum Inv.-Nr. 52334/16, CC0. https://sammlung.wienmuseum.at/objekt/422635/ the CMCS show. The six tall pagoda models on the goods, paper products such as artificial flowers and central table, at least, were part of Gray’s property fans, and assortments of brushes, ink and colour- (fig. 6).67 A portal to the right led into the court- ed paints. The CMCS show extended, according yard where the CMCS display continued. to one report, along the western nave towards the Two rows of cast-iron columns divided the north. The text speaks of assemblies of silk, leath- courtyard into three naves. While the central nave erware, and wood samples. The side nave may have appears on multiple photographs, much of the de- contained a whole group of tools and machines sign and content of the side naves remain unclear. mentioned in the General-Catalog but not visible The second part of the CMCS exhibition of trade in photographs, such as a plough, an irrigation ma- samples began opposite the doorway from the tran- chine, a water mill, a weaving loom and a spinning sept. Long tables presented seeds, plant samples, wheel.68 Some photographs show the northern end minerals and a collection of wood specimens. Oth- of this nave, featuring a large wooden bed, furni- ers showed all stages of tea and tobacco produc- ture, carpets, nautical models and a considerable tion, while cabinets to both sides featured leather number of drawings and paintings hanging from 67 Canton Catalogue 1873, 48. 68 General-Catalog 1873, 760. 28 Fig. 8: Wiener Photographen-Association, Central nave of the Chinese courtyard, seen from the north, 1873, photograph, 10.3×11.5 cm. Wien Museum Inv.-Nr. 174006/26, CC0. https://sammlung.wienmuseum.at/objekt/344070/ Fig. 9: Wiener Photographen-Association, Central nave of Chinese courtyard, seen from the south, 1873, photograph, 10.6×11.2 cm. Wien Museum Inv.-Nr. 174006/32, CC0. https://sammlung.wienmuseum.at/objekt/344082/ 29 makeshift walls (fig. 7). The Ningbo bed decorated the full show had actually opened. 72 Later, a more with carvings, inlay and drawings was certainly one critical observer called the CMCS exhibition of the bulkiest exhibits in the CMCS show. Appar- merely a collection of “interesting but unattractive ently it was part of Bowra’s property.69 treasures”.73 Robert Hart himself, however, who re- We do not know what proportion of the goods mained in Shanghai and learned about what had that the CMCS had collected at the ports and gone on in Vienna only through the reports sent by brought to Vienna was actually displayed. The the commissioners present in Austria, considered shipment from China was substantial—the num- the exhibition “a decided success”.74 ber of objects included in the almost 500 pages of No photographs or descriptions of the eastern the Port Catalogues of the Chinese Customs’ Collec- nave have survived, but the central nave of the tion at the Austro-Hungarian Universal Exhibition, Chinese courtyard building features in multiple 1873; To Illustrate the International Exchange of depictions (figs. 8 and 9). A dark, fancifully draped Products, published by Order of the Inspector Gener- curtain divided the large area into a northern and al of Chinese Maritime Customs, hereafter the Port a southern space. Calice’s section was assigned to Catalogues, cannot be precisely determined, but the northern part, although it is currently not pos- the port of Canton alone listed 279 entries, many sible to identify specific objects from his collection of which refer to whole sets of objects, plus a fur- on the photographs. A report speaks of cabinets ther 1,247 entries referring to the property of pri- showing artefacts and natural specimens along the vate owners.70 Even if the space originally assigned walls and in two additional rows of double-sided to China had been expanded considerably, we may glass cases parallel to it, plus displays of porcelain safely assume that the final exhibition showed only in the centre. It also mentions the presence of the a selection of the items shipped to Vienna. missionaries’ collections in showcases on the main Further, it remains unclear if the limited space wall; it remains unclear which wall that may have in the Industriepalast allowed a separate installa- been,75 but it is likely that the ordinary agricultural tion for each of the 14 Treaty Ports as originally tools placed on top of some cabinets and the small intended by Robert Hart. The General-Catalog objects visible inside (fig. 10) had been contributed and reports in newspapers, at least, do not refer to by the missionaries. One may speculate that large- fourteen distinct displays. The layout we can infer scale exhibits such as the two Mongolian yurts from the few detailed descriptions of the Chinese stood in the photographically undocumented east- galleries seems in fact to have been adjusted to the ern nave, or were not presented at all. order suggested in the Weltausstellung programme, The group of tables, armchairs and porcelain which had sorted all crafts and industries into 26 screens at the northern wall and the huge num- groups. Hence, tables presented wood samples, tea ber of vases on the tables in the centre of the and tobacco products, and showcases featured silk room probably belonged to Overbeck’s section. fabrics, leather goods, paper samples, brushes, pig- The lack of clear separation between Calice’s and ments and ink, as well as porcelain.71 In the end, Overbeck’s sections may result from the fact that the exhibition arranged by the CMCS received both had put the arrangement of the display into praise from some journalists, that is, at least before the hands of the same agent, the company Ge- brüder Schönberger, an emporium run by Hugo 70 For the 72 The London and China Telegraph 1873a, Supplement: 1. , see the discussion below, Baird 69 Port Catalogues 1873, 319. Port Catalogues (2011, 155‒59), and the excellent study by Tsai Weipin 73 The London and China Telegraph 1873b, 551. (2022, 20‒26). 74 Unpublished diary of Robert Hart, 22 July 1873, quoted in 71 Pitman 2002, 42. General-Catalog 1873, 757–61; Wiener Weltausstellungs-Zei- tung 1873, Beilage; Tetschen-Bodenbacher Anzeiger 1873c, 75 “China in der Weltausstellung” in Wiener Weltausstellungs-295–96. Zeitung 1873, Beilage. 30 Fig. 10: György Klösz (1844–1913). Wiener Photographen-Association, Northern side of the courtyard with the section ar- ranged by Calice, 1873, photograph, 10.6×11.2 cm. Wien Museum Inv.-Nr. 56729/4, CC0. https://sammlung.wienmuseum.at/ objekt/128374/ (1838–1900) und Victor (1844–1893) Schön- the outer edge of the Japanese exhibition. Over- berger. Victor Schönberger had participated in the beck’s section was dominated by a monumental 1869 Austro-Hungarian expedition to East Asia carved wooden bedstead, inlaid with ivory, that and South America and knew Calice and Over- was raised on a central platform, with steps lead- beck personally. The company was to handle the ing up to it on the northern and southern sides sale of Overbeck’s items after the exhibition, and (fig. 12). Assemblies of tables, chairs, carpets, soon made a name for itself as a leading trader in and cupboards were arranged to resemble living East Asian objects in Vienna.76 rooms at the four corners of the platform. Por- The bulk of the display assembled by Over- celain and enamel bowls, vases, pagoda models beck occupied the front part of the courtyard, and sculptures covered most of the tables as well that is, the southern area accessible through a as the remaining surfaces of the platform and the wide gate from the Turkish exhibition in the long stairs, making a decidedly crowded impression. gallery (fig. 11). The gate stood inside the court- Picture scrolls and framed paintings hung from yard, leaving space for a table and two cabinets the ceiling and makeshift walls were covered with containing the displays of Siam and Hawaii to curtains. Here we do not find any indication that the left. On the right-hand side, a curtain of Jap- the composition followed the groupings of the anese fabrics visible on the photograph indicates programme. One may imagine that, on the con- trary, the display was arranged so as to profile 76 Ibid. 31 Fig. 11: György Klösz (1844–1913). Entrance to the Chinese courtyard and the Overbeck section seen from the Turkish exhibi- tion in the long gallery, 1873, photograph, 9.8×13.8 cm, Wien Museum Inv.-Nr. 174005/54, CC0. https://sammlung.wienmu- seum.at/objekt/343914/ the various trading companies who had joined exhibition managers. Again, it is difficult to es- Overbeck’s section to enhance their business in tablish precise numbers of exhibits but it is appar- Europe. Regarding the furniture, one observer ent that the quantity of items sent from Asia was noted that it did not look genuinely Chinese, substantial. We have little information on the size but seemed to be adjusted to European taste, of Calice’s section and many of the 1,558 entries and claimed that the appearance of the objects in Overbeck’s Special Catalog refer to groups of suggested “some kind of middle ground between objects. The trading house Carlowitz und Com- Chinese and diverse European styles. The various pany from Canton alone provided two large and motifs overlap and create bastard products with a four small dark wood tables, a sofa, fourteen sometimes unpleasant, sometimes capricious and chairs, and four seats. Its vast collection of porce- interesting touch”.77 lain included 626 enamelled vases, some of which In setting up the show, the Schönbergers may were close to one metre tall, and 430 porcelain have faced the same challenge as the CMCS figurines.78 The photographs of the crowded cen- tral nave of the courtyard give the impression of a 77 “eine Art Mittelstufe zwischen chinesischem und mannig- shop salesroom rather than an exhibition present- fachem europäischen Style. Die verschiedenen Motive kreu- ing the natural resources and industry of a nation zen sich und bringen Bastardproducte hervor, die oft unan- genehm berühren, oft auch capriciös und interessant sind.” Tetschen-Bodenbacher Anzeiger 1873c, 307. 78 Overbeck 1873, 27–28; Lott 1874, 48. 32 Fig. 12: Michael Frankenstein (1843–1918). Wiener Photographen-Association, Platform with bedstead in the Overbeck sec- tion of the Chinese courtyard, 1873, photograph, 9.7×14 cm. Wien Museum Inv.-Nr. 174004/5, CC0. https://sammlung.wien- museum.at/objekt/347711/ to the world. In this regard, the Schönberger dis- Hart’s categorisation, the port from which the ob- play came close to what had been done at earlier ject originated, its number in the Port Catalogues, World’s Fairs.79 Rather bluntly, one unnamed ob- as well as its name and price. Some of these labels server described Overbeck’s Chinese exhibition are still extant. A lacquered cigar case now kept in as “a sort of bazaar, full of objects of curiosity and the Weltmuseum Wien was part of a consignment merit, illustrating the knick-knacks and minor of “Lacquered Ware” listed as number 137 from objects of art which enter into Chinese ordinary the port of Foochow (Fuzhou).81 Another pair of life”.80 examples, held in the Technische Museum Wien, The objects in each of the three sections bore are a figure of a bird made of painted charcoal that labels as well as markers that indicated if they had bears a label from Foochow82, and a small box con-been sold already. In the CMCS section, the exhib- taining a Guanyin figure made of the pith of the its had pre-printed labels in standardised format rice paper plant, Tetrapanax papyrifer, marked as that were partly filled out manually. They indicated no 5 of class D from the port of Amoy (Xiamen).83 the number of the group according to the World’s We do not know yet what kind of labels Calice’s Fair programme, a letter for the class according to 81 Port Catalogues 1873, 342, see Budweiser (2023, fig. 13). 79 Gubitosi 2023. 82 Hemmelmayer 2023. 80 The London and China Telegraph 1873b, 551. 83 Port Catalogues 1873, 399; see Kayal (2023). 33 suppliers employed, but we do have some of the concert presented music by Haydn, Mozart, Bee- labels that the contributors of Overbeck’s section thoven, Schubert, and the Donauwalzer. With an applied to their exhibits.84 audience of 1,700 invited guests, the “Chinesisches Some thought had been given to the protection Abschlusskonzert” on 4 November became the so- of the exhibits. Cords separated objects from the cial event of the season.90 areas that were accessible to visitors. Signs in four languages asked viewers not to touch the objects, an order given emphasis by the presence of an Aus- Catalogues trian security officer in the gallery.85 Financially, the Chinese show was apparently a The Wiener Weltausstellung surpassed its predeces-success. Rodenberg complained that many of the sors not just in size and ambition, but also in the more attractive exhibits bore signs reading “verkau- vast number of publications produced to docu- ft, Lord Dudley” even before the exhibition had ment the event. Many of the reports and catalogues officially opened.86 This label probably referred to contain valuable information on the Chinese gal- William Ward, 1st Earl of Dudley (1817–1885), lery. Most still await scientific scrutiny, but it may an exceptionally rich English mining magnate who be helpful at this point to make a few remarks on attended the opening of the show with his wife the publications. in early May.87 We do not have sales records from The most comprehensive publication of the Vienna, but Jennifer Pitman has shown from the Weltausstellung was the Officieller Ausstellungs-purchase receipts for the Centennial Exhibition in Be richt.91 The authors—more than one hundred Philadelphia of 1876— the next international ex- professionals, intellectuals and officials from all hibition in which the CMCS participated— that over Austria-Hungary—completed the last of its the Chinese sales in that year were significant:88 95 volumes only in 1878. Structured not by nation cloisonné and ceramics proved the most popular, but according to the sections and sub-sections of commanding the highest returns in absolute num- the programme, the series refers to Chinese contri- bers, while furniture virtually sold out. Most of the butions in almost every volume. jade items and half of the silk exhibits, on the other Then there was the Officieller General-Catalog. hand, had to be returned to China. Its more than 800 pages were arranged by country. In Vienna, the CMCS commission was in The information on the Chinese gallery is extreme- a position to donate the extraordinary sum of ly condensed, covering just eight pages.92 Still, the 10,000 Gulden, equivalent to 20,000 Weltausstel- catalogue is especially valuable as it lists the exhib- lung entry tickets or more than 130,000 Euro in its of the three sections of the Chinese show sep- modern money,89 for a concert at the prestigious arately, thus giving some insight into Calice’s sec- Musikverein. Directed and performed by the most tion for which no special catalogue was collated. acclaimed conductors and musicians such as the Robert Hart and the CMCS produced the exten- director of the Hofoper, Johann Herbeck (1831– sive catalogue mentioned above, the Port Catalogues. 1877), and Johann Strauss jun. (1855–1899), the One might be tempted to say that the Port Catalogues were the crucial output of the CMCS exercise, with 84 Grünsteidl 2023, fig. 2. the objects constituting more of an adjunct to the cat- 85 Rodenberg 1875, 72. alogue than a comprehensible exhibition. 86 Ibid., 73. 87 See the text by Agnes Schwanzer in this volume. 90 Pemsel 1989, 85; Riccobono 2023a; Neue Illustrierte Zei-88 Pitman 2002, 55. tung 1873, 4; Helm 1873. 89 For tentative valuations of the Gulden, see https://www. 91 For the types of publications during the Weltausstellung, see eurologisch.at/docroot/waehrungsrechner/#/ and https:// Pemsel (1989, 63–64). www.1133.at/document/view/id/475. 92 General-Catalog 1873, 757–65. 34 The 500-page Port Catalogues were published 1866.96 The catalogue was compiled by the CMCS only after the exhibition had ended, printed in clerk at Canton, the German sinologist Friedrich Shanghai with an introduction by Robert Hart Hirth (1845–1927) and printed in March 1873, dating from December 1873. A draft had been in very good time for the opening of the Vienna finished as early as January, and Bowra had been fair.97 It appears to be a tiré-à-part of the Canton tasked with editing it on his journey to Trieste and contribution to the Port Catalogues with compara-printing it in Vienna.93 This apparently did not ble contents, but presented in different format. As happen. During the exhibition, however, several none of the visitors to the exhibition mentioned visitors mentioned having seen a catalogue. This seeing this particular publication it remains unclear may refer to a manuscript that had been made if the book was distributed during the Weltausstel-available to the public.94 lung. Further, there is no indication if any other of The manuscript shown at the exhibition may the 14 ports had an individual catalogue printed. have been much more extensive than the printed Hart published another weighty monograph version available now. The journalist Julius Roden- for the Austro-Hungarian exhibition, namely, the berg used information he had found in the cata- 360-page China Trade Statistics of the Treaty Ports, logue manuscript provided in the Chinese gallery For the Period 1863–1872, Compiled for the Aus- as the basis for his detailed discussion of plays that tro-Hungarian Universal Exhibition, Vienna, 1873: were apparently performed by two sets of thea- To illustrate the International Exchange of Products tre figurines from Tianjin. The catalogue version (hereafter China Trade Statistics). The volume avail-printed in December 1873, however, reserves just able to the author of this chapter contained fore- a few terse lines for these objects, with no reference words by Robert Hart dated 25 July and 12 Decem- to any stage play.95 It is thus likely that Hart omit- ber 1873, suggesting that it was published only after ted or condensed some information when prepar- the exhibition had ended. Nevertheless, the fact that ing the Port Catalogues for print. Detring was able to send 24 copies of the China An additional catalogue has so far been largely Trade Statistics to the Austrian Foreign Ministry overlooked. The Catalogue of Articles Collected at from his Vienna office on 8 December indicates that the Port of Canton by Order of the Inspector General some volumes may have been printed earlier.98 of Customs, For Transmission to the Austro-Hun- A special catalogue for the second section ar- garian Exhibition of 1873 provides much of the ranged by Calice, however, never materialised, same information as the Canton section of the even though it had been announced in newspaper Port Catalogues, including the annex with a text on reports.99 Some missionaries and other contrib-“Sericulture de Canton” submitted by the German utors had prepared lists and contextual notes for company Arnhold, Karberg & Cie, a firm Jacob their submissions. The Catholic mission of East- Arnhold, Peter Karberg and Alexander Levysohn ern Tibet, for instance, added a “räsonierenden had established in Hong Kong and Canton in Catalog” which consul Schlick forwarded to Vi- enna.100 In the exhibition, though, viewers had to rely on the large labels visible in some of the 93 Schlick to Andrássy, 16 January 1873. 94 Rodenberg 1875, 71; The Times 1873, 5. 96 Smith 1994, passim. 95 Port Catalogues 1873, 35; Rodenberg 1875, 99‒107; Ricco- 97 Canton Catalogue 1873. bono 2023b. Some researchers misunderstood Rodenberg’s 98 Detring to Ministerium für Auswärtige Angelegenheiten, 8 writings as descriptions of plays performed inside the Chi- nese gallery (Kaminski 2011, 15), though there is no record tistical material available in the Cercle Oriental. December 1873; Löwenthal (1873, 36 and 44) refers to sta-of any theatre performances staged at the exhibition. In ad- dition to the Tianjin figurines, the Chinkiang (Zhenjiang in 99 Die Presse (1873a, Beilage: 9), for instance, announced the Jiangsu) port commissioner provided a model of a Chinese publication of the special catalogues for sections 1 and 2 “in theatre, which Rodenberg may have seen as well, see a few weeks time”. Port Catalogues (1873, 119). 100 Schlick to Andrássy, 16 January 1873. 35 photographs, and on the brief listings in the Offi- according to Calice: “We have considered the pro- cieller General-Catalog. posal and feel that we nurture the desire to partici- For the third section, Overbeck produced a pate in the matter at hand.” However, no concrete Special Catalog der chinesischen Ausstellung, III. action followed this positive note.104 Abtheilung. His catalogue, which was hastily col- Although the Wiener Weltausstellung was the lated, turned out to be the only one that came out first international exhibition in which—through more or less on time, becoming available just a few the participation of its Customs Office—China days after the opening of the Chinese courtyard on had some formal representation, the important 11 June 1873.101 event does appear to have taken place without much involvement of native Chinese. The persons responsible for the display were Europeans, even if How Chinese was the Chinese some of them worked in the service of the Chinese Exhibition? government. Most individual contributors, again, were foreigners, though all of them lived in East In current Austrian and German scholarship and Asia and knew China well.105 popular literature there is one recurrent piece of Again, there is no record of Chinese visitors at- misinformation regarding the World’s Fair in Vien- tending the fair—besides a certain Soan-pan, a Chi- na that needs correcting. Many texts claim that the nese assistant to one of the CMCS officers, who had Chinese emperor had turned down the Austrian handled the prayer- and calculating machines in the invitation to participate in the exhibition.102 The Chinese gallery and was mentioned by Julius Ro- only scholar who added a verifiable reference to denberg.106 We know of no commentaries in Chi-the claim is Jutta Pemsel in her landmark study Die nese publications of the time.107 The Chinese public Wiener Weltausstellung von 1873, but in the docu- began to take note of international shows abroad ment box in the Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv she only in 1876 when Chinese travellers first reported refers to, there is nothing among the hundreds of on the Philadelphia Centennial Exhibition. From handwritten notes it contains to substantiate this the 1890s, exhibitions became part of the Chinese assertion.103 What is more, the emperor was not political rhetoric, and it was at this time that ideas in the position to decline the invitation, as there of holding fairs on Chinese soil began to emerge.108 had been no formal invitation in the first place. As In 1910, shortly before the collapse of the Qing im- was common practice in World’s Fairs, the events perial house, China finally opened the first World’s were announced, but participation was not “by Fair of her own in Nanjing.109 invitation only”. Instead, the organisers expected nations to come forward and declare their willing- 104 “Wir sind mit uns zu Rathe gegangen und finden, daß wir ness to take part. Calice followed this procedure. den aufrichtigen Wunsch hegen, in der Sache mitzuwirken.” requested the passing on of information and the 105 For the question of whether the Chinese presence at the Vi- enna show can be regarded as a formal representation by the granting of tax exemptions, but there was no invi- He merely informed the Chinese government and Letter from Prince Gong to Calice, 12 August 1872. tation which China could choose to accept or de- 106 Rodenberg 1873. Chinese state, see also Wu Songdi (2009, 43–48). cline. In August 1872, after Calice personally urged 107 I rely here on the excellent study by Hyungju Hur (2012, the Zongli Yamen to direct the preparations of the 23–35). show, its directors and Prince Gong answered, 108 Hyungju Hur 2021, 23–36. For the Chinese presence in Philadelphia, see Pitman (2002). A list of international ex- hibitions and the modes of native Chinese participation 101 Overbeck 1873. therein is provided by Chao Yu-chih (1996, 289–94). 102 Payer 2009, 45; Kaminski 2011, 42; Gethmann and Eck- 109 The “ Nanyang quanye hui 南洋勸業會” (Exhibition of all hard 2023, 10. Trades of Nanyang) opened its doors on 5 June 1910. God- 103 Pemsel 1989, 50. ley 1978. 36 The apparent lack of interest in the 1873 Overbeck, on the other hand, in a blunt com- World’s Fair in Vienna among the Chinese govern- ment to the Austrian minister of Foreign Affairs, ment and public alike, despite all the efforts on the saw the reason for the Chinese inaction in a sense part of Austrian diplomats, generated some discus- of superiority he perceived in China: sion at the time. In a circular to his commission- ers, Hart expressed his fear that “on the Chinese The belief deeply rooted in people and gov- side, apathy, and, on the foreign, the difficulty of ernment in being superior on every level to doing anything considerable, will have severally anything foreign has so far frustrated any ef- tended to make a credible display impossible”.110 fort to introduce to China the world-shak- Prince Gong himself argued that rulers should not ing ideas of modern times. It would be a concern themselves with commercial matters of waste of energy to attempt to impress on the the lower classes. “It follows the nature of things Chinese ruling circles the importance and that the low-ranking professions of crafts and trade enormous significance of a national enter- should be at liberty to decide how to pursue their prise such as the Vienna World’s Fair for the businesses; the state whose sole task is ruling these cultural development of our time.114 people shall not interfere in their matters of busi- ness.”111 Calice noted in Gong a general ignorance This author argues, nevertheless, that the assump- regarding the benefit of competition in commer- tion that the Chinese gallery in the Weltausstellung cial—that is, non-literary—matters and quoted was merely an affair of foreigners—a stage simply him as saying: “If some other person has a bet- projecting European imagination rather than Chi- ter coat than I, fine, then he keeps his and I keep nese reality, as arguably had been the case in earlier mine.”112 Still, Calice was considerate enough to international exhibitions—is an oversimplifica- acknowledge that negative experiences with Euro- tion. In support of this argument, three points are pean powers in recent history, such as the plunder- submitted for consideration. ing of the Summer Palace in Beijing by French and First of all, the exhibitors were not exclusive- British troops in 1860, had an influence on Gong’s ly foreign. On the contrary, they included sev- position. In the same letter, he cites Gong’s answer eral prominent Chinese individuals: the Port to the French chargé d’affaires Henry de Bellonet Catalogues mentioned one “Shanghai banker (1831–1881) who had suggested China’s partic- Hoo Taou-tai” who sent a large consignment of ipation in the Exposition Universelle of 1867: high-quality porcelain, silks, and especially clois- “What? You want us to send valuable things to onné, of which Bowra said: “The collection sent to your exhibition? I gathered that since the plunder- Vienna is undoubtedly the largest and most com- ing of the Summer Palace you have more of the sort plete ever seen in Europe.”115 As daotai 道臺 refers in France than we have in China.”113 Sommerpalastes haben Sie mehr dergleichen in Frankreich 110 CMCS Circular No 4 of 1872. als wir in China.” Calice to Andrássy, 6 September 1872. 111 “Es liegt nun zwar in der Natur der Sache, daß es den un- 114 “An dem im Volke und Regierung festgewurzelten Glauben tergeordneten Gewerben der Handwerker und Handeltrei- an die eigene Ueberlegenheit, in jedweder Beziehung über benden überlaßen bleiben muß, über die Art und Weise, wie alles was der fremde angehört, scheiterte bisher jeder Ver- sie ihre Geschäfte betreiben wollen, selbstständig zu dispo- such, den weltbewegenden Ideen der Neuzeit in China Ein- niren, und daß der Staat, dem nur obliegt, diese Leute zu gang zu verschaffen, und würde es aus diesem Grunde auch regieren, sich mit den Erwerbverhältnißen derselben nicht verlorene Mühe sein, den chinesischen Regierungskrei- befaßen kann.” Gong to Calice, 12 August 1872. sen die Wichtigkeit und hohe Bedeutung für die Cultur- 112 “Wenn ein Anderer einen beßren Rock hat als ich, gut, so Entwicklung unserer Zeit eines solchen National-Unter- behält er den seinigen und ich den meinigen.” Calice to An- nehmens wie die Wiener-Weltausstellung begreiflich ma- drássy, 6 September 1872. chen zu wollen.” Overbeck to Minister des kaiserlichen 113 “Was? Sie begehren dass wir werthvolle Dinge zu Ihrer Hofes und des Äusseren, 20 February 1872. Ausstellung schicken? Ich dächte seit der Plünderung des 115 Bowra 1874, 719. 37 not to a first name but to the municipal position imagine that he would understand the potential of of Circuit Intendant and was more widely used as World’s Fairs.120 Three years later, at the Centennial an honorary address, the person in question has Exhibition in Philadelphia, Hu Guangyong (there so far proved difficult to identify. But there are spelling his name as Hu Kwang Yung) became one some clues. The transliterations Hu and Hoo are of the most successful exhibitors, and many of his essentially interchangeable, and in a letter, Bow- antiques ended up in American collections.121 ra calls the cloisonné and silks of a certain Hu a The second Chinese contributor was listed in “valuable—indeed unique—collection”. He also Calice’s section of the General-Catalog as “Shen complained that the value of Hu’s collection had Ping C’heng Tao-tai von Shanghai”. He provided mysteriously increased considerably in value on a collection of machines and utensils for silk pro- the 100-mile journey from Hangzhou to Shanghai, duction and a book on the silk industry.122 This was adding to Bowra’s financial risk, as he had person- probably the official and scholar Shen Bingcheng ally offered to grant security for the insurance of 沈秉成 (1823–1895) who served as daotai of the collection.116 In the same letter, Bowra calls Hu Shanghai from 1872–1875. He authored a mono- a man of “wealth, position, and liberality”. Sever- graph on sericulture, Essential Compilation of Silk-al letters by Bowra, Calice and Hart talk of Hoo’s worms and Mulberry Trees (Cansang jiyao 蠶桑輯 shrewd business skills and mention a business base 要)123 which may well be the book given to Calice in Hangzhou. An assessment by a British merchant and mentioned in his report. describes him more precisely as “the richest bank- The contemporary publications mention sev- er in China [and] the largest silk-cultivator in the eral other individuals with Chinese-sounding Central Provinces”.117 There was indeed a banker names which are more difficult to trace. The Can-surnamed Hoo or Hu who was fabulously rich, ran ton Catalogue describes a group of five screens and a network of banks in numerous cities including eight silk-embroidered pictures as the “property Hangzhou, had extensive business ties to foreign- of Look-Moong-Soong, one of the deputies of ers, and held (or purchased) official positions. It H.E. the Superintendent of Customs, Canton”, is likely that “Hoo Taou-tai” is the illustrious Hu a person who has so far proved unidentifiable.124 Guangyong 胡光墉, also known as Hu Xueyan 胡 His position in the CMCS hierarchy suggests 雪岩 (ca 1825–1885), a man with assets estimated that he may have been not just an exhibitor but at between 10 and 20 million Taels or 3.2 to 7.2 also one of the organisers of the show. The Port million British pounds.118 He traded in silk exten- Catalogues further list contributions by a certain sively until his manipulation of the silk market led Kuang Shin-hsing for Ningbo and Shin Shao- to the Shanghai banking crises and his own bank- ngan for Fuzhou.125 ruptcy in 1883.119 As he negotiated substantial secured by the revenues of the CMCS, he was cer- character of Gray’s and Hu’s contributions is elaborated in Baird (2015). tainly well acquainted with diplomats or foreign foreign loans for the Chinese government, often 120 For Hu Guangyong, see Paul Sheehan (2018, 42–51). The officials such as Calice or Hart, and it is easy to 121 Pitman 2002, passim. Pitman was the first to suggest that Hu had exhibited items in Vienna, though without citing the source of her information (ibid., 50). Shen Huifen (2004, 116 Bowra to Schlick, 3 February 1873. 110) adduced a quote from the leading Chinese newspaper 申報 Shunbao of 1 February 1875 indicating that Hu had 117 Letter from a certain E.C. Bourne of 9 September 1873, sent objects to Vienna. quoted in Baird 2015, 137. 122 General-Catalog 1873, 761; Port Catalogues 1873, 283; the 118 Li 1981, 88. This was between 32.5 and 65 million fl in book is mentioned only in a letter from Calice to Andrássy, Austrian currency at the time (see Canton Catalogue 1873, 6 September 1872. III), equating to between 456 and 912 million Euro in mod- 123 Shen Bingcheng 1871. ern money, according to https://finanzbildung.oenb.at/ docroot/waehrungsrechner/#/. 124 Canton Catalogue 1873, 46. 119 Li 1981, 88. 125 Port Catalogues 1873, 319, 351. 38 The General-Catalog refers to several Chinese that they felt it appropriate to inform the Aus- companies as contributors, such as the Canton sil- tro-Hungarian Minister in Residence of the matter versmith Hoa-Ching (active between 1820s and by providing him with a copy of the report.132 1880s) who had sent an ivory model of a boat, At first glance, the contents of the message ap- sandalwood chess boards and figures, and silver- pear fairly dry and unremarkable. The experienced ware,126 or the well-known Canton luxury dealer diplomat Calice, however, found it necessary to Leeching (active 1840s to 1880s) who exhibited dispatch a translation to the Austro-Hungarian for- silver and gold jewellery and ivory ornaments.127 eign minister Andrássy immediately after receipt, The Canton Catalogue included the Honam and pointing out the dramatically obvious: by sending Canton companies Hoa-Ching, Acum, Yut-Shing this letter in all its diplomatic decorum, the Chi- and Ushing under the section “Class E, property nese government took ownership of the CMCS ex- of various owners, for sale”.128 As Overbeck’s Spe- hibition, and formally accepted the CMCS officers cial-Catalogue lists Hoa-Ching and Leeching not who travelled to Vienna as representatives of China. independently, but as “Erzeuger” under the auspic- In an accompanying note, Calice explains “it pro- es of Carlowitz & Co, the flourishing trading house vides me with special satisfaction that the Chinese of the German merchant Richard von Carlowitz government has finally come out to formally adopt (1817–1886) in Canton,129 it remains unclear the measures at hand that were arranged with their whether they indeed took an active role as exhib- approval and their money.”133 itors. In some cases, the catalogues may have failed A final point is raised by a report in the news- to credit Chinese vendors clearly. The monumental paper Die Presse, according to which the Chinese bedstead in Overbeck’s section may represent such Imperial court awarded honours in March 1878 an instance. An identical (or, more probably, the to leading personalities of the Weltausstellung and same) bed was on sale at the Centennial Exhibition numerous persons who had been involved in the in Philadelphia three years later, marked as provid- creation of the Chinese display. Prince Gong an- ed by the Ningbo company Song Sing Kong.130 In nounced on the occasion of a talk given by Robert Vienna, the company (spelled Sung Sing-cung in Hart of the CMCS that the emperor of China had the Port Catalogues) had contributed some furni- awarded the Order of the Dragon to fifteen persons. ture as part of the Ningbo section.131 Among those honoured were Schwarz-Senborn, A second point with a bearing on the discussion Schwegel, and Calice for the first class; Scherzer, of agency is a curious letter that Prince Gong sent Hochstetter, Scala and a certain Karl von Werbeck to Calice in July 1873. In highly formal language, (probably Gustav Overbeck) for the second class, the prince and nine members of the Zongli Yamen and Hugo Schönberger for the third class. Gong (each of them mentioned by name and rank) ac- designated it “as a sign of acknowledgement for knowledge the receipt of a report by Robert Hart the special interest given to the Chinese empire regarding the measures he had taken in preparation during the Vienna World’s Fair of 1873”.134 As the of the Weltausstellung, and of a list of the CMCS Chinese government established its first formal representatives (all six mentioned by name) sent western-style diplomatic decoration, the Order of to Vienna. The prince and the Yamen officials add the Double Dragon, only in 1881, this may have 127 October 1873. General-Catalog 1873, 763. For the companies see Shen 133 “es gereicht mir daher zur besonderen Genugthuung, daß 126 132 See Calice’s account in letter from Calice to Andrássy, 23 General-Catalog 1873, 764; Overbeck 1873, 32. 128 die chinesische Regierung die in Rede stehenden Maßre- Canton Catalogue 1873, 45‒46. geln, welche mit ihrer Zustimmung und mit ihrem Gelde Huifen (2004, 110). 129 Mak 2005, 66; Overbeck 1873, 32. getroffen worden sind, nun auch nach Aussen hin formell 130 Pitman 2002, fig. 9. adoptirt hat.“ Calice to Andrássy, 23 October 1873. 131 Port Catalogues 1873, 319. 134 Die Presse 1878b, 9. 39 been a version of the early type of Dragon Order late in the process did the Zongli Yamen gradually that had been used since 1862.135 The early Dragon come to revise its stance and take some agency re- Order originally served as a medal honouring for- garding the Chinese presence in Vienna. eign soldiers for supporting the Qing government In 1872, confronted by dragging feet and an un- against internal uprisings such as the Tai ping rebel- willingness to get involved, and facing extreme time lion. The award to the Vienna organisers of 1878 pressure with less than a year to go before the open- appears to be the first known instance in which ing of the exhibition, Calice hatched a second plan China used this western practice as a diplomat- to bring a Chinese pavilion into being. He brought ic device. Furthermore, it indicates that five years together three parties with different agendas, that after the exhibition had closed its doors, the Chi- organised three largely independent sections in the nese government finally assumed some agency in Chinese gallery of the Industriepalast: the Chinese the first representation of China at a World’s Fair. Maritime Customs Service under Robert Hart, With the participation of Chinese contributors, which intended to accurately present the state of the official adoption of the exhibition, and the dip- trade in and out of the international ports of Chi- lomatic honours bestowed by the imperial court, na; a group of businessmen with connections to the the Chinese gallery at the 1873 Weltausstellung be- Austrian consul in Hong Kong, Gustav Overbeck, came, after all, a Chinese affair. providing merchandise for sale in Europe, and Cal- ice’s own group consisting of missionaries, lower level diplomats and private persons, whose function Conclusion was to give an insight into the products and natural resources of the vast empire beyond the port cities This article set out to trace the process whereby open to foreigners. Despite his decisive influence, the Chinese exhibition at the Vienna World’s Fair in the public-facing elements of the exhibition Cal- came into being. By demonstrating that the Aus- ice kept his role almost invisible and took care to tro-Hungarian Foreign Ministry saw it as its task refer all honours to the CMCS. to assure a broad presence of “oriental” and East The resulting show became so extensive that the Asian states at the event, it has shown that the Aus- area in the Industriepalast originally assigned to tro-Hungarian approach to the World’s Fair was China had to be significantly enlarged. This paper very different from what had been attempted at presents a tentative reconstruction of the space for earlier international exhibitions. the first time. To achieve the participation of China, the high- Calice managed to make the gallery the larg- est-ranking Austro-Hungarian diplomat in East est and most comprehensive show of Chinese Asia, the recently installed Minister in Residence raw materials, crafts, industrial products and art Heinrich Calice, employed all means available in works ever staged. It became widely acknowledged his diplomatic toolbox. His efforts were greeted and well received, and provided the seed of many with much hesitation, not only by the public and East Asian collections in Europe. One of Calice’s lower administration, who were not willing to take achievements, however, remained less visible: he an active role without clear instructions from cen- introduced the Chinese Customs Office, business- tral government, but also by the state representa- men such as Hu Guangyong and several trading tives who regarded the fair merely as a matter for houses to the concept of international exhibitions, merchants, seeing no reason to involve themselves and turned World’s Fairs into an issue the Chinese and direct the representation of China. Only very government had to take note of. The CMCS and many Chinese agents who first appeared at the Vi- 135 UBS AG 2008, 150; Chinese Medal Blog 2009. 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Wien Geschichte Wiki. n.d. “Bevölkerung.” https:// www.geschichtewiki.wien.gv.at/Bev%C3%B6lk- erung#Einwohner_.28Stadt_bzw._Innere_Stadt.29. 43 The Social Side of the Vienna World’s Fair: A New Perspective on Japan’s Participation, Networking, and Exhibit Management in 1873 Agnes Schwanzer I Introduction1 throughout the continent. But it also participated with the aim of establishing new economic ties and n the 19th century, industrialised nations used utilised its objects as a means of establishing con- World’s Fairs2 as a platform to showcase their tacts, as this text will show. own artistic and cultural successes through The purpose of this text is to illuminate the in- elaborate Fairs. But the exhibits were not the sole teraction of the Japanese delegation with the Aus- motivation for people to undertake the journey trian representatives and to demonstrate how the to such events. They attended these events with Japanese delegation prepared and utilised its ex- the intention of engaging with the organisers or hibits to the World’s Fair to advance the country’s making contacts with other participants in their industry, enriching its collections, and establishing professional fields. A significant aspect of such future diplomatic and trade connections. events was the role layed by those tasked with For this it is of interest how the delegation organising and presenting the Fair. Today, the in- of 72 people, led by Sano Tsunetami 佐野常民 fluence exerted by the host, the representatives of (1822–1902), was received in Vienna. With the countries and companies, and the visiting public help of extensive newspaper collections and archive is less tangible than that of objects originating materials, the author will put the involvement of from the Fairs that have since entered museum the Japanese officials in diplomatic and social collections. Therefore, this article will discuss the meetings and events held around the World’s Fair Japanese participation and its social gatherings at into more detailed terms. With these materials, it the Vienna World’s Fair. is possible to reconstruct the day-to-day activities In 1873, a prominent contribution came from of the Japanese delegations during the year 1873. Japan, whose newly established Meiji govern- This enables the tracing of their social interactions ment was participating in a World’s Fair for the and acquaintances with individual representatives first time. Japan presented a rich collection of ob- of Austro-Hungarian Monarchy and European jects on display. Its exhibits, displayed in Vienna, diplomats. were then subsequently distributed to institutions This reconstruction is made possible by the comprehensive coverage of the press in 1873, 1 I would like to thank my co-editor Lukas Nickel, Alexandra which resulted in a vast archive of newspaper cut-Nachescu, and the peer reviewers for the helpful and con-tings. Major newspapers provided extensive cover-structive feedback on this text. age of all aspects related to the Fair. Columns such 2 Historically, the term “Exhibition” or “Exposition” was al-as “Vom Weltausstellungsplatze” (From the World ways used in the official title from the first Great Exhibition in London 1851 until the first third of the 20th century. 45 Fig. 1: Adele Perlmutter (1845‒1941), Erzherzog Rainer Ferdinand von Österreich (1827‒1913), 1871, photography on supporting cardboard/albumen paper, 10,4 cm x 6,5 cm. Wien Museum, inv. no. 49804/304. 46 Exhibition Site)3 in the Neues Fremden-Blatt pro- relationships established in Vienna would come to vided daily accounts of the weather, events, festi- reap benefits for Japan after the end of the World’s vals, princely visitors, and daily visitor numbers. Fair. The reporters were on site, documenting the visits The final part will illuminate the processes be- of notable personalities, often noting which items hind the acquisition and exchange of Japanese Fair they inspected. The press also covered the numer- objects using the correspondence of Archduke ous evening events. These social reports, which Rainer. Japan used the objects as active exchange might today be dismissed as gossip columns, are of commodities for its cultural and political self-pro- value as historical material to make the period’s so- motion thereby attracting interested parties eager cial life more tangible.4 to secure Japanese products. Both the networks es- As our focus is on the interactions of the Jap- tablished by the Japanese and the Archduke’s per- anese delegation, especially with the representa- sonal dedication to the Museum of Art and Indus- tives of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy and the try played a more central role in the formation of people responsible for organising the Fair, the the Japanese collections in Vienna than previously first part of this study will introduce the organ- known. ising structure of the Austro-Hungarian World’s Ultimately, the success of World’s Fairs is not Fair. The personnel involved and the overarching only determined by the presentation of new in- and unifying role played by those “officially” rep- ventions or the final revenue from ticket sales, but resenting the World Exhibition Commission will also by the potential of social networks that can be be explained. The highest representatives of the established at the gathering. This study thus focus- Fair, Protector Archduke Karl Ludwig of Austria es on the social perspective of the event “World’s (1833–1896) and President Archduke Rainer of Fair”, which served as a platform for diplomats and Austria (1827–1913) (see fig. 1), as well as the collectors working with East Asia to establish con- First Palace Minister Prince Konstantin von Ho- tacts and how these relationships influenced the henlohe-Schillingfürst (1828–1896), and Vice exchange and inclusion of objects that are in mu- President of the World’s Fair, are of key importance seum collections today. for establishing the social character and therefore examining this aspect of the 1873 World’s Fair in Vienna in greater detail. The Fair’s Representative The second and main part attempts to situate Organisation, and the Social Spaces the Japanese in this social context. Reconstructing for the Foreign Guests the evening events they attended gives us insight into how Sano Tsunetami and other members of For a period of six months, from 1 May to 2 No- the Japanese delegation (fig. 2) introduced them- vember 1873, Vienna was perceived as a meet- selves to Vienna’s social and diplomatic circles. ing place for all participating nations. In order How they were received in Vienna in 1873 helps us to serve as an international platform, the World’s understand this personal dimension of the World’s Fair required a considerable number of personnel Fair, which was instrumental in facilitating the to organise, prepare for, and execute its ambitious exchange of object and forging new connections. programme. These tasks were the responsibility of This section will further demonstrate how the the Exhibition Directorate General (Generaldirec- tion), which was entrusted with the independent 3 All German to English translations were made by the management of the Fair’s undertakings.5 The or- author. ganisational apparatus for the World’s Fair under 4 This monopoly on reporting is the journalist’s subjective opinion and can bias the report in an overly negative or po- 5 Wiener Kommunal-Kalender und städtisches Jahrbuch 1874, sitive direction. 280. 47 Fig. 2: The Japanese exhibition commission at the Vienna World’s Fair, Studio Adele in Vienna, 1 January 1874. In the centre Sano Tsunetami 佐野常民 (1822–1902), Gottfried Wagener (1831–1892) to the left. Photography, private Alfred Moser (Moser 2019, 79). the leadership of Director General (k. k. Gen- East Asia. Department 18 was responsible for the eral-Director), Willhelm von Schwarz Senborn participation of foreign countries, while a separate (1816–1903), who was appointed in 1871, formed department, Department 19, was in charge of the committees and sub-committees and administered participation of the Orient and East Asia (Beteili-by the various departments and country commis- gung des Orients und Ost-Asiens). The latter was sions.6 The work for the World’s Fair was divided led by Consul General Josef von Schwegel (1836– into 20 departments.7 Starting with the depart- 1914). The consuls of the participating countries ments finance, construction, and space allocation, provided assistance to Schwegel. Heinrich von preparations were made in these departments. Calice (1831–1912), who had served as Gener- The organisers placed particular emphasis on al Consul in Shanghai and Minister in Residence the participation of countries of the “Orient” and since 1871, was responsible for overseeing the con- tributions of East Asian countries, namely China, 6 For the exhibition “[...] numerous other committees were Japan, and Siam.8 set up abroad and, in the kingdoms, and countries of the The organisational apparatus of the Exhibition tion, communicating transport conditions and space issues, Directorate General comprising several commit- monarchy. These acted as contacts for supplying the exhibi- but also for disseminating the programme. As a rule, these tees had a mainly representational counterpart organisations were already existing chambers of commerce in the Imperial Exhibition Commission (Kaiser-or trade whose members knew each other from meetings on liche Ausstellung-Commission ). The directorate joint political initiatives and participation in previous world and commission were assigned to different state exhibitions.” (Milchram 2014, 121) 7 Wiener Kommunal-Kalender und städtisches Jahrbuch 1874, 284. 8 Österreichisches Handelsmuseum 1900, 2–3. 48 representatives. Director Schwarz-Senborn was sentative and protector of the Austro-Hungarian formally subordinate to the Minister of Trade, Monarchy’s delegation at earlier and later World’s while Archduke Rainer was responsible to the Fairs.12 monarch. The Commission, formed by Protector, The other imperial appointee, President Arch- President, and several Vice-Presidents, was not duke Rainer, was the grand cousin of Emperor responsible for organizational decisions but for Franz Joseph.13 In 1857, the Emperor appointed social and representative tasks. Upon granting per- him Chairman of the Imperial Council and nom- mission for the Fair’s organisation, Emperor Franz inally Prime Minister between 1861 and 1865.14 Joseph I (1830–1916) appointed two members of He already had experience and connections that his closest circle as the project’s figureheads.9 His he could bring to the role as president and was brother Archduke Karl Ludwig was appointed also personally highly interested in science and Protector, while his cousin, Archduke Rainer, was education. In 1861, he was appointed Curator of appointed President of the Commission. Next to the Vienna Academy of Science. Following the at- Director Schwarz-Senborn, these two figures were tendance at the World’s Fair in London in 1862, the most prominent individuals connected to the he and Rudolf Eitelberger von Eldelberg (1817– forthcoming event. Together with eight vice presi- 1885) brought back the idea of establishing a mu- dents and 215 other representatives from authori- seum of applied arts, based on the model of the ties and institutions, they formed the Imperial Fair Kensington Museum (Victoria and Albert Muse- Commission, which served as “[…] the external um) in London. Together with Eitelberger, a Pro- representation of the [...] World Exhibition and fessor of Art History at the University of Vienna, for the consultation of general questions of prin- they founded the new Imperial Austrian Museum ciple concerning the Exhibition [...]”.10 Their roles of Art and Industry (k.k. Österreichisches Museum and tasks for the Fair were of a more social nature, für Kunst und Industrie, today known as Austri-namely establishing relationships and promoting an Museum of Applied Arts in Vienna) in 1863, the event. with Eitelberger as Director and Rainer as Pro- The highest-ranking representative, Protector tector.15 His appointment as president of the Fair Archduke Karl Ludwig, was the second younger was the optimal selection for the Emperor, given brother of Emperor Franz Joseph. He had a mil- his background in politics and scientific interests. itary career and served as governor of Tyrol and Rainer’s dual role as President of the World’s Fair Vorarlberg between 1850 and 1861. Thereafter he and Protector of the Museum of Art and Industry was no longer engaged in political duties, except for representing the Emperor on all official occa- and exhibitions, such as the Austrian Red Cross Society, the sions as representative of the Imperial House. This Geographical Society, the Lower Austrian Trade Associa- role earned him the title “Exhibition Archduke” tion, etc. For a complete list of the protectorates of Arch- duke Karl Ludwig, see Lindheim (1897, 373–76). After (Ausstellungs-Erzherzog).11 He served as the repre- the Vienna exhibition, he became Protector of the Oriental Museum, newly founded by the members of the Committee 9 Pemsel 1989, 19; Weltausstellung 1873 in Wien 1873, 18. Ostasien) with objects from the World Exbibition. Until its for the Orient and East Asia (Comite für den Orient und 10 “Zur Repräsentirung der mit der Allerhöchsten Entschlies- dissolution in 1907, this museum housed an extensive col- Mai 1873 in Wien im Prater zu eröffnenden Weltausstel- 12 Lindheim 1897, 239–65. lung nach Aussen und zur Berathung allgemeiner princi-sung vom 24. Mai 1870 Allergnädigst angeordneten, am 1. lection from the Near and Far East in Vienna. pieller, die Ausstellung betreffenden Fragen, […].” The proc- 13 Leopold II (1747–1792), was the grandfather of Arch- lamation of the Ministry of Trade of 29 September 1871, duke Rainer, and the great-grandfather of Emperor Franz Regierungsblatt Josef, so Rainer’s father and Franz Josef ’s grandfather were no. 111, announced the organisational stat- ute for the World Exhibition (in brothers. Compass finanzielles Jahr- buch 1873, 69; Weltausstellung 1873 Wien 1873, 21–24). 14 Österreichisches Biographisches Lexikon 1815–1950 1983, 11 395–96; Führmann 1985, 58–82. Österreichisches Biographisches Lexikon 1815–1950 1965, 240. He was Protector of countless associations, societies, 15 For more on this topic see Wieninger in this volume. 49 positioned him as a central figure within the so- § 16. […] He has the task of promoting and cial fabric of the World’s Fair as well as within developing the museum in all directions; he the activities and negotiations surrounding the appoints the members of the Board of the exchange of objects that occurred behind the Curators and the Correspondents, he or the scenes. This will be examined further in the third deputy appointed by him from the mem- part of this analysis. bers of the Board of the Curators chairs The roles of Protector and President lacked the meetings of the same, through him the concrete definitions of tasks within the organ- reports go to the Minister of State, and the isational statutes of the World’s Fair. Although decrees of the latter to the Director.18 the Presidents presided over committee sessions, they had no explicit authority to make decisions. As the press reported extensively about the Pro- Rainer exerted significant influence on the over- tector and President, they may serve as an example all conception of the World’s Fair, particularly to illustrate the importance of social encounters with regard to its role as an educational tool for and the complex webs of interactions between par- the public. The guiding principles of the Vienna ticipants World’s Fair. The responsibilities of Pro- Fair, namely “Culture and Education”, were high- tector and President included promoting the Fair ly promoted by Rainer. Through his initiative, 42 to the general public and to foreign countries,19 as lectures were held during the World’s Fair on the well as acting as the event’s highest representatives topics and materials presented by the participat- during the official opening on 1 May 1873, the ing nations.16 In a letter dated 20 March 1873, he award ceremony on 18 August,20 and the closing set forth his intentions, making reference to the ceremony on 1 November in the Rotunda. “Orient” as an example of an area where experts The Fair was officially inaugurated by Emperor were needed in order to capitalise on the World’s Franz Joseph in a ceremony held in the Rotunda at Fair for Austria’s industries: “The Oriental sec- the request of the Protector Karl Ludwig.21 Subse-tion, […] must be placed in the hands of a man quently, further speeches were delivered by Prime who knows the conditions, industries and com- Minister Adolf von Auersperg (1821–1885) and mercial interests there; […].”17 His position as Mayor of Vienna, Cajetan Felder (1814–1894).22 planning and organising the Fair. 18 Österreichisches Museum für Kunst und Industrie 1871, 30. “§ 16 Der Protector wird von Sr. Majestät dem Kaiser The role of the Protector for the Fair had a sym- president afforded him a high level of insight into ernannt. Er hat die Aufgabe, sich die Förderung und Ent- bolic function. The role of Protector in general was wicklung des Museums nach allen Richtungen hin angele- a common position in the 19th century, yet there gen sein zu lassen; er ernennt die Mitglieder des Curatori- is no consistent definition of its duties. In the case ums und die Coresspondenten, er oder der von ihm aus den of Archduke Rainer as Protector of the Museum of Mitgliedern des Curatoriums ernannte Stellvertreter führt den Vorsitz in den Sitzungen desselben, durch ihn gehen die Art and Industry, the museum’s founding statutes, Berichte an den Staatsminister und die Erlässe dieses Letz- from 1863, provide a more detailed delineation of teren an den Director.” his role: 19 In preparation to the Vienna Exhibition Archduke Karl Ludwig travelled to England, Germany, and Constantino- ple to promote the upcoming event (Pemsel 1989, 44–45). During such visits, for example to Constantinople in 1872, he oversaw the progress of the Turkish section’s organisa- 16 Pemsel 1989, 88; von Schwarz-Senborn 1873-1874, 3; Ös- tions and personally selected objects to send to Vienna and obtained assurance that his wishes were being fulfilled (von terreichisches Handelsmuseum 1900, 8. Schwarz-Senborn 1871-1872, 122/387). 17 Eitelberger Personalia Folder, Letter 20 March 1873, Inv. 20 Wiener Kommunal-Kalender und städtisches Jahrbuch 1874, 23.531. “Die orientalische Abtheilung z. B. muß in die 281. Hände eines Mannes gegeben werden der die dortigen Ver-21 Ibid., 294–97. hältniße, Industrien u Handels-Interessen kennt, dieselbe ist eine der Wichtigsten.” 22 Neues Wiener Tagblatt 1873b, 2–3. 50 Thereafter, the imperial couple, Emperor Franz Jo- the English Commissaire Mr. Owen [Phil- seph and Empress Elisabeth (1837–1898), togeth- ip Cunliffe-Owen] […], the Japanese Mr er with their guests, undertook a tour of the Fair Segizugawa [Sekikawa Akekiyo] and Com- halls, accompanied by Director Schwarz-Senborn ratz [Komatsu Terumori], the Egyptian and the archdukes. Professor Brugsch [Heinrich Brugsch], the This official guided tour through the Fair site Chinese Commissaire Mr. Dertino [Gustav was the first of dozens of comparable viewings Detring], […], and the Turkish Architect the protector and president had to conduct. They Mr. Montani [Pietro Montani], and many guided royal guests through the buildings and gar- more […]. 27 dens and introduced the exhibitors to them (fig. 3). The important and time-consuming task was As president Archduke Rainer was involved in of a private but still highly official nature. The list and informed on every detail of the preparations of of heads of state and monarchs visiting the Fair in the Fair and was therefore able to inform the royal Vienna was extensive. In 1873, the Shah of Persia/ guests about every aspect of the event. His detailed Iran, the Tsar of Russia, the Emperor of Germa- knowledge is evidenced by his correspondence ny, as well as the Queen of Spain, the Queen of with Rudolf Eitelberger, in which he also provided Greece, the Queen of Belgium, and the Empress of updates on the construction process and the status Germany, visited Vienna. Additionally, numerous of interior furnishings in the individual country pa- members of royal houses and the aristocracy stayed vilions.28 To facilitate inquiries regarding the pur-in the city over the summer, accompanied by their chase of objects from the Fair for the Museum of entourages.23 Art and Industry, he cultivated relationships with Rainer proceeded to undertake a series of the heads and experts of the country commissions. tours with the distinguished royal guests, includ- This will be further discussed in the final section.29 ing the King Viktor Emanuel II. (1820‒1878),24 During the course of the World’s Fair, a variety the Empress Augusta of the German Empire,25 of social events were held in Vienna on a weekly and the Nāser ad-Din, Shah of Persia/Iran on basis, including receptions, banquets, evening 2 August. Following this visit, Rainer and the gatherings, balls, operas, theatre performances, and Shah engaged in a conversation in the Persian concert evenings.30 Furthermore, fifteen congresses diary. 27 Neues Fremden-Blatt 1873g, 1. “[…] den englischen Kom- 26 missär Herrn Owen, […] die japanesischen Herren Segi- Protector and president fulfilled their duties House, as documented in the Shah’s personal zugaba und Chomatz, den egyptischen Herrn Professor even before the Fair opened. During the con- Brusch, den chinesischen Kommissär Herrn Detrino […] struction period, on 9 March, Archduke Rainer den türkischen Architekten Herrn Montani und viele An- and Director Schwarz-Senborn guided Emperor dere […].” Franz Joseph and his family on a site visit. Rainer 28 Eitelberger Personalia Folder Letter 8 April 1873, Inv. introduced foreign delegation members to them, 29 Eitelberger Personalia Folder Letter 21 May 1873, Inv. 23.532. including 23.530. 30 These lavish and extravagant evenings of society’s upper cir- 23 For a complete list of royal visitors, see cles were held during a time when the population was suf-Wiener Kommu- nal-Kalender und städtisches Jahrbuch fering the consequences of the stock market crash of 9 May (1874, 299–300). The court ceremonial required for them to be received 1873. Just a few days after the opening, this shattered the and escorted through the exhibition rooms by the highest optimism that had been fuelled before the exhibition. Ho- representatives, Emperor Franz Joseph, Director General tels and dedicated accommodations built for the event re- 24 private rental lacked paying guests, investing their savings Neues Fremden-Blatt 1873m, 4‒5. in vain and ultimately losing them. The prices for living ex- Schwarz-Senborn, and the Archdukes. mained empty. Citizens who had furnished their flats for 25 Neues Fremden-Blatt (Abendausgabe) 1873l, 1. penses and food hit these people particularly hard, as the 26 Nās.iraddīn Šāh 1874, 2–3. value of their real wages collapsed. The numbers of visitors 51 Fig. 3: Der Besuch des Schahs von Persien in der Weltausstellung, Persische Abtheilung. 1873, paper/woodblockprint, Allgemeine Illustrirte Weltausstellungs-Zeitung, 10. August 1873, Jg. 4, Nr. 11, p. 169. Wienbibliothek im Rathaus C-3961. 52 took place as part of the World’s Fair, encompassing for visiting foreign state guests.35 This placed him subjects such as patent law, coinage, internation- directly below Archduke Rainer in the Commis- al medical congresses, and the first International sion’s hierarchy and first of a total of eight Vice Congress of Art History.31 The social programme Presidents, ahead of Count Gyula Andrassy of the World’s Fair was notably diverse, offering a (1823–1890), the Minister of Foreign Affairs of valuable platform for networking between promi- the Monarchy. nent figures from diverse sectors, including indus- The social programme of events at the Imperial try and culture. Court was particularly busy during the early days The Imperial Court also prepared to receive of May. The opening gala dinner on 1 May was the an international audience, offering them an exten- first event in a series of similar occasions.36 Further sive programme of social events. The extant corre- dinners were hosted frequently by other members spondence, preserved in the State Archives, bears of the imperial household. In addition, the court witness to the meticulous preparations and the entertained royal visitors at luncheon gatherings organisational efforts made by the Austro-Hun- and dejeuners in the Kaiserpavillion. garian imperial court for the monarchs and heads All trips and visits were coordinated with the of state in Vienna.32 The accommodation of the Obersthofmeister’s Office under Prince Hohen- aristocrats and the entertainment programme lohe. A document entitled “Recapitulation of the were the responsibility of the First Palace Minister People Catered for at Larger Court Banquets and (Erster Obersthofmeister) Prince Konstantin von Court Parties” dated 22 November 1873 enumer- Hohenlohe-Schillingfürst (1828–1896). After a ates the number of people hosted by the court for military career, Hohenlohe was appointed First the entirety of the Fair, amounting to 43,519.37 Palace Minister in 1867 and was responsible for The organisational apparatus for the social activ- the administration of the imperial court’s proper- ities serves to illustrate the importance that was ties, staff, and household. His office held responsi- attached to this representational aspect of the bility for the buildings of the imperial court, which World’s Fair in Vienna. included the new Ringstrasse buildings being con- Beyond the events arranged for the top political structed at this time, such as the imperial museums echelons of visitors, there was a multitude of events and theatres, as well as the construction of the for wider social circles. Prince Hohenlohe, for in- World’s Fair buildings.33 stance, as First Palace Minister, and his wife Marie Hohenlohe was appointed Vice President of von Hohenlohe-Schillingfürst (1837–1920) host- the World’s Fair Commission with responsibil- ed, every Saturday in May and June 1873, soirees ity for foreign guests34 The Imperial Obersthof- meister’s Office saw to the accommodation, sent invitations to the court and to social events, and 35 Documents and correspondence on Organisation of the Im- perial Obersthofmeister’s Office are preserved at the Aus- arranged entertainment (including opera tickets) trian State Archives. See Neuere Zeremonialakten NZA 338–50. The aristocrats were housed in castles and palaces. Head Masters of Ceremonies (k.k. Ober-Ceremonienmeis- only recovered towards the end of the summer (Felder Per- ter) were assigned to them as organisers and coordinators 31 sonalia Folder 1887, 5–6, 13–14; Eigner 2014, 88–89; for their household, personal audiences, and evening invi- tations. Boxes were reserved for the guests in the Viennese Maryška 2014, 108–09; Breuss 2014, 158–162). theatres and opera houses. (Neuere Zeremonialakten NZA Wiener Kommunal-Kalender und städtisches Jahrbuch 1874, 338, WWA Vorbereitungen). 282. 36 For a complete list, see Wiener Kommunal-Kalender und 32 Neuere Zeremonialakten NZA 338–45. städtisches Jahrbuch (1874, 301–02). 33 Winkelhofer-Thyri 2013, 191–92. His contribution to cul- 37 Neuere Zeremonialakten NZA 350. This figure includes tural policy is under-explored to this day. the catering in the lodgings of the high nobility, their en- 34 Wiener Kommunal-Kalender und städtisches Jahrbuch tourage and servants. “Recapitulation über die bei größeren 1874, 281. Hoftafeln und Hoffesten beköstigten Personen.” 53 at the Palais Augarten.38 The Hohenlohes played a important to trace the activities of several other central role in Viennese social life, hosting a salon members of the Japanese Exhibition Commission and sponsoring artists. in 1873, which supported him in several ways. This The guest lists for these evenings in 1873 are includes, on the one hand, the Japanese delegation still extant in the Austrian State Archives. They members who arrived in Vienna to initiate prepa- are of interest because they demonstrate that these rations for the Fair and on the other the Europeans soirees were not only frequented by the Emperor whom Japan had employed as advisers for the Fair. and his guests, but also regularly by the exhibitors Apart from the Japanese exhibition commis- and diplomatic representatives of the exhibiting sion, another group of Japanese representatives was countries. In the following, we will focus on the present in Vienna in 1873 during the time of the Japanese delegation at these social events, and how exhibition. The ambassadors of the Iwakura Mis- promising the personal connections made at such sion, who had been traveling through the countries events were for Japan’s delegation members. of the West since 1871 to conclude new diplomatic treaties, also visited Vienna briefly at the time of the Fair. They were able to make direct use of the The Imperial Japanese Exhibition newly established networks of the Japanese Exhibi- Commission and Their Networking tion Commission in Vienna and establish impor- during the World’s Fair 1873 tant contacts. Sano Tsunetami was born in the province of The Vienna World’s Fair was Japan’s first partici- Saga and, by the Fair, had already achieved a varied pation at a World’s Fair, under the Meiji govern- career. Among other things, he studied archaeolo- ment. It is precisely this circumstance—the arrival gy and surgery, founded a school, and underwent of a group of people who previously had little or naval training. In 1867, he had already worked on no personal relationship with the host country and the commission for the Paris World’s Fair. During its social figures in society and spent about a year the preparations for the Vienna Fair, Sano sum- in Austria—that provides an interesting case study marised the key points for Japan’s participation in into Japan’s newly emerging relationships and the preparations for the event, in a Memorandum makes it an ideal subject for this social study. The on Exhibits for the Austrian Exposition (Okoku example of Japan should also be emphasised as a hakurankai shuppin ni kansuru ukagaisho 澳国博 country that prepared its appearance at the World’s 覧会出品に関する伺書)40: To create interest in Fair exceptionally well so as to present itself as a Japanese products, to determine the status of the “modern” nation and to gain future advantages European industry and acquire expertise in special- from the new contacts made. ised fields, to build up its own collection in Japan, The delegation of the Imperial Japanese Com- and to assess the value of Japanese products for ex- mission, appointed by the Japanese government, port. All to promote Japan’s overseas trade.41 Sano consisted of about 72 members.39 Sano Tsunetami brought his experience of international Fairs to Vi- 佐野常民 was the head of the delegation and enna and a clear idea of what Japan’s participation Minister in Residence to the Austro-Hungarian should achieve. Monarchy, and his activities during the Fair are The Japanese government appointed several Eu- of great importance for the presentation and the ropean consultants to assist with the organisation engagement of Japan in Vienna. In addition, it is of the Japanese exhibition part. These included the Siebold brothers, Alexander (1846–1911) and 38 3 May, 10 May, 17 May, 24 May, 14 June 1873 (Neuere Ze- remonialakten NZA 350). 40 Kutsuzawa 2018, 8. 39 Commission Impériale Japonaise 1873, 49–51, 77–84; 41 Published in French in Sano (1873, 58–59); “Summary” in Tanaka and Hirayama 1897, “Appendix”, 2, 4–9. Kutsuzawa (2018, 8). 54 Heinrich (1852–1908), and Gottfried Wagener introduced various state commissioners,49 includ-(1831–1892). Heinrich von Siebold assisted Min- ing Sekikawa Akekiyo and Komatsu Terumori ister Sano as an interpreter and, as we shall see, used from Japan to the imperial couple Franz Josef and his position to promote himself in the Japanese Elisabeth on the occasion of their first tour of the delegation’s newly established network of contacts. Fair’s site. This was the earliest traceable meeting of Several members of the Japanese delegation spoke the Emperor and Archduke Rainer with members German, French, or English,42 so that they were not of the Japanese delegation. dependent on Western advisers and translators. After this first meeting, Sekikawa and Komat- The main part of the Japanese Exhibition Com- su were invited to a banquet hosted by Archduke mission arrived in Vienna in March 1873. Two Karl Ludwig, on 15 March. Other guests includ- men, Sekikawa Akekiyo 開澤明清 (1843–1897) ed the Director General Baron Schwarz-Senborn, and Komatsu Terumori 小松焘盛 (1848–1893), the German Exhibition commissioners, the silk arrived in Vienna before the main delegation to manufacturer Joseph von Reckenschuß (1810– make initial preparations.43 Sekikawa Akekiyo left 1888), the president of the trade association and Japan on 1 December 1872 and arrived in January Austrian industrialist Baron Franz von Wertheim to start setting up the Japanese pavilion and the (1814–1883),50 governor of the Austrian Nation-accommodation of the members of the Imperial al Bank Baron Josef von Pipitz (1798–1877), and Japanese Exhibition Commission in Vienna.44 This an unidentified Exhibition commissioner for Chi- preparations included liaising with the Vienna na.51 The article in Neues Wiener Tagblatt gives press and providing the journalists and newspa- no details on the topics discussed at the meeting, pers with a pre-list of Japanese exhibits and articles but the people invited and, above all, their institu- about them.45 This became crucial to Japan’s im- tional positions suggest that one subject may have age in the press and certainly decisive for the later been further trade and relations of Austria-Hun- popularity of its commissioners and goods among gary and Germany with East Asia. Sekizawa and the Viennese public. Komatsu Terumori arrived in Komatsu had the task of receiving foreigners and February from Paris to support the preparations.46 investigating overseas trade.52 In this sense, the in-He studied medicine and law at the University of formal meeting with representatives of Austrian Heidelberg,47 was employed by the Ministry of companies may have advanced Japan’s economic Foreign Affairs, and later became a judge at the Su- ambitions. preme Court in Tokyo.48 He spoke German, which When Sano and the main part of the Japanese served to support Sekikawa. delegation arrived on 24 March,53 Sekizawa and Viennese newspapers reported several meet- Komatsu were already in close contact with the ings between Japanese commissioners and mem- press, the Exhibition management and representa- bers of the Austrian Exhibition Commission or tives of Austrian industry and commerce. Viennese the imperial family. As mentioned above, Di- rector Schwarz-Senborn and Archduke Rainer 49 Neues Fremden-Blatt 1873g, 1. 50 Baron Wertheim was among the initiators for the Exhibi- tion in Vienna. 42 Tanaka and Hirayama 1897, “Appendix”, 2. 51 Neues Wiener Tagblatt 1873a, 3. 43 Neues Fremden-Blatt 1873c, [2]; ibid., 1873f, [7]; ibid., 52 Tanaka and Hirayama 1897, “Appendix”, 2. 1873d, 5; ibid., 1873e, 5. 53 The Japanese exhibition commission, consisting of 70 peo- 44 Commission Impériale Japonaise 1873, 62. ple, embarked in Japan on 23 January 1873 with the exhi- 46 The French steamship Phase transported the cargo and Neues Fremden-Blatt 1873e, 5. landed in Trieste on 22 March 1873. In Trieste, the exhib- 45 Kutsuzawa, 2018, 9. bition goods (Commission Impériale Japonaise 1873, 63). 47 An article with a portrait of Komatsu appeared in the Allge- its were loaded onto the train and transported to Vienna, meine illustrierte Weltausstellungs-Zeitung 1873b, 159. where they finally arrived two days later, on 24 March (Neue 48 Japan Centre for Historical Records n.d. Freie Presse 1873a, 6). 55 Fig. 4: Franz Kollarz (Kolář), “Der Garten der Japanesen und dessen Eröffnung durch das österreichische Kaiserpaar” (The Japanese Garden and its Opening by the Imperial Couple); paper/woodblockprint, 39,4 cm x 29,6 cm. Illustration in Über Land und Meer, 15. Jg., Nr. 40, p. 784, 1873. Wien Museum inv. no. 209475. 56 newspapers announced the arrival of the Japanese press reports about the visit and the Imperial Fam- delegation and printed a list of names to intro- ily’s special act of attention prove Sano’s public re- duce the members to the Viennese public before lations strategy to be highly successful. their arrival. The delegation then moved into their On the evening of the opening day, Minister quarters in a building at Opernring54 and immedi- Sano and Commissioners Seikikawa and Komatsu ately began to set up the Exhibition pavilion and were invited to the gala dinner. In the magnificent the garden. Interactions with the people of Vienna ceremonial hall of the Hofburg, 165 people were took place at the Fair, at events such as the Citi- seated around a U-shaped table (fig. 5).60 The im-zen’s Ball on 17 April55 and during numerous visits perial family and the heads of state present were by the Japanese craftsmen and students to factories surrounded by the Austro-Hungarian aristocracy, and businesses in the Austro-Hungarian Monar- government representatives, and exhibitor com- chy,56 giving Japan a social and media presence that missioners. A four-course meal and a variety of the people of Vienna had not seen before. desserts were served and the evening was round- Shortly before the Fair’s opening, Minister ed off by a concert program consisting mainly of Sano was introduced to the Emperor Franz Josef Strauss.61 The surviving seating plan shows that on 28 April, with Alexander von Siebold acting as Minister Sano, Sekikawa, and Komatsu were seat- interpreter.57 It was probably during this meeting ed between the exhibition commission’s represent- that Sano invited the Emperor to visit the Japa- atives from Russia, Sweden, Norway, British India, nese garden on 5 May, for Japanese Children’s Day Italy, and Portugal. (Kodomo No Hi子供の日). So, the Emperor, the This introduction of the country commission- Empress, and their son, Archduke Rudolf (1858– ers at the table encouraged them to socialise with 1889), came to the garden and inspected the in- each other, from the very beginning of the Fair. stallation. Sano arranged for the Emperor and his And on occasions like this, new contacts were wife to be the first to cross the newly built stone quickly made in the highest circles of Viennese so- bridge and approach the Shinto shrine, which con- ciety. Mayor Felder, for example, sat next to Gustav tained replicas of the Three Sacred Treasures ( San- Detring (1842–1913), the Costumes Commis- shunoshinki 三種の神器), the imperial regalia of sioner for China.62 Felder recalled in his memoirs Japan.58 On her way back, the empress crossed the his acquaintance with the European represent- bridge alone, which provided a picturesque vista atives for China. “I was very interested in these for the accompanying journalists and sketchers. A gentlemen and was taught by them about many newspaper soon published the now famous illus- incorrect ideas that I still held about China’s coun- tration of the Empress crossing the stone bridge try and people, despite my emancipation from the in the garden (fig. 4).59 This illustration and many prejudices customary in the country.”63 54 Neues Wiener Tagblatt 1873d, 11. which the Emperor is the first to cross the bridge, and the 55 Neues Wiener Blatt 1873a, 4. perspective of the illustration in its spatial depiction of the 56 The educational program was also part of Japan’s prepa- Japanese Garden does not match the first crossing of the rations to gain knowledge of European Industry, scienc- bridge towards the Shinto shrine (left in the fig. 4). The il- es, political and administrative processes (Fux, Öster- lustration rather shows the company, led by the empress, on reichisch-Japanische Gesellschaft, and Österreichisches its way back. Museum für Angewandte Kunst 1973, 15). 60 Neuere Zeremonialakten NZA 350, Places arrangements for 57 the Gala-Dinner, Schönbrunn Palace on 1 May 1873. Neues Wiener Blatt 1873b, 4. 59 nung der Wiener-Weltausstellung am 1. Mai 1873, Dinner Über Land und Meer 1873, 785. The article (ibid., 792) de- Menu and Concert Program, 1. Mai 1873. 58 61 Neuere Zeremonialakten NZA 350, Gala-Diner bei Eröff- Neue Freie Presse 1873b, 7; Neues Wiener Blatt 1873c, 3. scribes the scene of the illustration as the moment of the opening of the bridge by the imperial couple, Empress Elis- 62 Neuere Zeremonialakten NZA 350. The guest list was abeth striding ahead and the Emperor following. Howev- published in Neues Fremden-Blatt 1873h, 3–4. er, this contradicts the reports in Austrian newspapers, in 63 Felder Personalia Folder 1887, 30. 57 Fig. 5: Seating Arrangements for the Gala-Dinner on 1 Mai 1873, Schönbrunn Palace. Austrian States Archives, Neuere Zeremonialakten, NAZ 350. Photograph by the author. 58 The opening dinner was a highly official meet- (1836–1905), Baron Wertheim, and Count Ed- ing with representatives of states and monarchs to mund Zichy (1811–1894). Various other repre- which Sano was invited. Another was the court sentatives of the foreign legations were also present. reception on 11 May, where all foreign exhibitors The handwritten guest list counts 401 people.65 were officially received by the Emperor and Em- Baron Siebold also attended for Japan the sec- press, including Sano and nine members of the ond reception on 10 May, along with Archduke Japanese delegation.64 Both events were formal Rainer, Trade Minister Anton Banhans (1825– ceremonies at the highest level of Viennese society, 1902) and Archduke Karl Ludwig. At the third and again an opportunity to network with other soiree, on 17 May, the Japanese commissioners groups of people or to deepen contacts, as all ex- were not present, but among the invited guests hibitors were invited to the event. were Baron von Gagern, Rudolf Eitelberger, Bar- Another platform for the Japanese delegation on Schwegel, Minister in Residence Calice, and members was found in the weekly soirees held by the “four Chinese commissaries”,66 who were not First Palace Minister Prince Hohnlohe-Schilling- mentioned by name in the handwritten guest list. fürst (1828–1896), which took place in a more The fourth soiree on 24 May was again attended by informal setting and were attended by a broad cir- Baron Gagern, Archduke Rainer and Archduchess cle of people. Exhibitors and representatives of the Marie, Count Edmund Zichy, and Princess Pauline Austro-Hungarian government and society were von Metternich (1836–1921). able to mingle more freely, and the Japanese repre- The soiree on 14 June saw a large Japanese pres- sentatives were often invited guests. ence: the members of the Iwakura mission, Iwakura To provide an insight into the frequency and Tomomi 岩倉 具視 (1825–1883), Ito Hirobumi status of the people who attended the Hohenlo- 伊藤 博文 (1841–1909), Yamagoutchi Naoyoshi he’s soirees, this text will present a selection from 山口尚芳 (1839–1894), Kurimoto Teijiro 栗本 the guest lists to dinners in May and June. In many 貞次郎 (1839–1881), and Ando Taro 安藤郎 ways, this selection of people was either in close (1846–1924), as well as two Japanese ambassadors contact with the Japanese delegation or involved in from London and Paris, Minister Sano, the Sie- the acquisition of objects from East Asia for public bold brothers Alexander and Heinrich, Minister in or private collections, some of which will be dis- Residence Calice, and the commissioners Komatsu cussed below. Terumori and Tanake Yoshio 田中芳男 (1838– The first of these weekly soirees, on the evening 1916). Archduke Rainer and his wife Archduchess of 3 May, was attended by the Emperor Franz Jo- Marie Karoline were also present.67 seph and Empress Elisabeth, Albert the Prince of Wales (1841–1910), Archduke Rainer and his 65 Neuere Zeremonialakten NZA 350, Empfänge bei S. D. wife Marie Karoline (1825–1915), Archduke Karl dem k. k. Ersten Oberhofmeister Fürsten zu Hohenlohe-Schil- lingsfürst 1873, 3 May . Ludwig, William Ward Earl of Dudley (1817– 66 Neuere Zeremonialakten NZA 350, Empfänge bei S. D. 1885) and his wife Georgina Countess of Dudley dem k. k. Ersten Oberhofmeister Fürsten zu Hohenlohe- (1846–1929), the American envoy John Jay Knox Schillingsfürst 1873, 17 May , “4 chinesische Commissäre“. Jr (1828–1892). Also present were Baron Max- See also Neues Fremden-Blatt (1873j, 2). Charles Hannen imilian von Gagern (1810–1889), uncle to the (1833–1922), Edward Bangs Drew (1843–1924), Edward Siebold brothers, along with Minister Sano and Charles Bowra (1841–1874) and Gustav Detring (1842– 1913) acted as official representatives for the Chinese sec- Delegation. Further guests from Austrian Hun- Wien anwesenden Mitglieder und Funktionäre ausländischer Regierungs-Commissionen, Wien, Kaiserl. Königl. Hof- u. garian society included Foreign Minister Count Baron Alex ander von Siebold from the Japanese tion. See: Weltausstellung 1873 Wien (1873); Liste der in Andrassy, Baron Nathaniel Meyer von Rothschild 67 Neuere Zeremonialakten NZA 350, Staatsdr, 6. Empfänge bei S. D. dem k. k. Ersten Oberhofmeister Fürsten zu Hohenlohe-Schil- 64 Neuere Zeremonialakten NZA 350. lingsfürst 1873, 24 May and 14 June 1873. 59 The Hohenlohe’s soirees, specially hosted for Iwakura was received by the Austro-Hungar- guests of the World’s Fair, provided a broad and ian Court with a similar degree of attention ac- informal framework for meeting a wide range of corded to princes and high-ranking guests from people in the first few weeks after the opening. European royal houses. Their programme in Vi- Here, Minister Sano had the opportunity to in- enna was relatively straightforward.71 They at-troduce himself to important representatives of tended official audiences with Emperor Franz Austria and other countries and to forge friendly Joseph and Foreign Minister Count Andrassy, relations for effective cooperation in the future.68 which formed the mission’s original purpose.72 In These examples show that, within a short period the evenings, they were invited to dinners at the of time, there were many interactions between Palace of Schönbrunn, to a party of the American the Fair’s representatives and organisers and the envoy John Jay Knox Jr. (1828–1892), and to a representatives of the visiting countries. The Jap- gala dinner hosted by Count Andrassy.73 On Sat-anese commissioners would have the opportuni- urday 14 June, they visited the World’s Fair dur- ty to encounter many of these people once again ing the daytime, then proceeded to the soirée of during the course of the exhibition, thereby fos- Prince Hohenlohe-Schillingfürst. Additionally, tering personal connections, a network that was they attended audiences with Crown Prince Ru- to facilitate and be manifested in the exchange of dolph and several archdukes.74 exhibition objects. During their stay and through their social con- nections, the Japanese delegation and the Iwaku- ra mission happened to meet Lorenz von Stein The Iwakura Mission Newly Made Contacts (1815–1890), a prominent German constitutional during the Vienna Fair law scholar. The Meiji government aimed to estab- lish a constitution based on the model of western The year 1873 was an important one in terms of states, for which the Prussian-German model of a Japan’s foreign relations. In addition to the Exhi- constitutional monarchy was regarded as prima- bition commissioners that travelled to the World’s ry. Later, Prime Minister Ito Hirobumi 伊藤 博 Fair, the ambassadors of the Iwakura Mission had 文 (1841–1909) brought in Lorenz von Stein as a been travelling to western countries since 1871. foreign advisor in the 1880s to help draft the Meiji During the first half of 1873, they visited various Constitution. cities in Europe. In June 1873, Iwakura Tomomi The Vienna fair provided the context in which and other members visited Vienna.69 The diplo- the first acquaintance between Lorenz von Stein matic mission’s purpose was the renegotiation of and the Japanese representatives was made. During Japan’s trade contracts with Western countries, the World’s Fair, the Siebold brothers’ uncle, Max- including Austria-Hungary,70 but it conveniently imilian von Gagern, hosted an open diplomatic coincided with the World’s Fair. salon every Monday and Thursday at his residence 68 Fux, Österreichisch-Japanische Gesellschaft, and Österrei- chisches Museum für Angewandte Kunst 1973, 14. 71 Neuere Zeremonialakten NZA 338, 339, 342. 69 The main part of the Iwakura-Mission stayed in Vienna between 4 June and 18 June 1873. See Kume and Pantzer 72 Kume and Pantzer 2002, 477–86; Lorenz 1944, 177. (2002, 283–350). A part of the group under Tanaka Fuji- 73 Neues Wiener Blatt 1873d, 3; ibid. 1873e, 3; ibid. 1873f, 3. maro 田中 不二麿 (1845–1909) arrived in Vienna as ear- 74 Kume and Pantzer 2002, 507. One notable distinction is 4–5), and another part of the Iwakura Mission under Kido ficial Imperial Court guests but were in Vienna for diplo- 木戸 Takayoshi 孝允 (1833–1877) stayed between 29 matic purposes. Therefore, their stay and daily schedule in ly as January (Neues Fremden-Blatt 1873a, [2]; ibid. 1873b, that the men of the Iwakura Mission members were not of- April and 5 May 1873, and was present at the Exhibition Vienna were not coordinated by the Obersthofmeister’s opening day. See Kido (1983, 318–22). Office but were managed independently by the Japanese 70 Kume and Pantzer 2002, XV. delegation. 60 in Landstrasse,75 which Lorenz von Stein frequent- Countess Andrassy.77 Concurrently, the Japanese ed. Gagern, a lawyer who had been in the Austrian pavilion and the gardens were visited by numerous civil service since 1855, had held various positions prominent members of royal families. in the Foreign Ministry, and was appointed Privy As the Viennese public was increasingly fas- Councillor in 1873. He was entrusted by Foreign cinated by Japanese culture and products, the Minister Count Andrassy with “[...] the social care Japanese delegation also put on social events, as- of foreign guests of distinction [...]”, as Reinhold suming the role of hosts for the Austro-Hungar- Lorenz explains.76 It seems reasonable to posit that ian Society, to express gratitude for the warm re- Gagern’s acquaintance with Sano and other Jap- ception they had received. On 25 October, Sano anese commissioners’ dates from Sano’s and the Tsunetami, who was then serving as Ambassador Siebold brothers’ arrival in Vienna, given that they to Austria-Hungary, hosted a dinner at the Hotel attended the soirees of Prince Hohenlohe together. Imperial in honour of Trade Minister Banhans No guest lists survive from the Gagern salons, but and Director Schwarz-Senborn, to which “[...] a it seems likely that the Japanese representatives also number of illustrious personalities from home and frequented this event. In the 1880s, Ito Hirobumi abroad with whom the Japanese Commission came visited Stein in Vienna again to seek his counsel in into contact during the duration of the World’s the drafting of the new Japanese constitution. Fair were also invited”.78 As was customary, official This example illustrates the formation of new toasts were proffered in honour of the monarchs, relationships through personal connections. Stein both Austrian and Japanese, and to the two guests was likely brought into contact with the Japanese of honour. ministers through his shared expertise with Ga- gern and Gagern’s familial relation to the Siebold The Minister [Sano] noted the great satis- brothers. faction with which the members of the Em- bassy were filled that they had found such an extremely friendly reception in Vienna, Aftermath of the Network Activity of the and it was a source of satisfaction to them, Japan Exhibition Commission especially through the establishment of the Committee for the Orient and East Asia, The extensive reporting in the daily newspapers, has to be able to take home with them the cer- facilitated the reconstruction of numerous meet- tainty that this was a place where they could ings held during the delegation’s tenure in Vienna. establish new business contacts and receive Sano was a regular attendee at social gatherings the most unselfish information on questions and musical performances, including those hosted of all kinds.79 for Empress Augusta of Germany and Count and 77 Neues Wiener Blatt 1873g, 2; Deutsche Zeitung 1873, 1–2. 75 Die Presse 1873, 7. 78 Neue Freie Presse 1873d, 5. “[…] eine Anzahl illustrer Per-76 Lorenz 1944, 184. “[…] der gesellschaftlichen Betreuung sönlichkeiten des In- und Auslandes geladen war, mit denen der auswärtigen Gäste von Rang […].” Fux, Österreichisch- die japanesische Commission während der Dauer der Welt- Japanische Gesellschaft, and Österreichisches Museum für ausstellung in Berührung kam.“ Angewandte Kunst 1973, 15; Hessische Biografie n.d. Ga- 79 Ibid. “Der Minister [Sano] constatirte die hohe Befriedi- gern was also active in the organisational apparatus of the gung, mit welcher es die Mitglieder der Botschaft erfüll- World Exhibition. In February 1872, he was elected chair- te, daß sie in Wien eine so überaus freundliche Aufnahme man of Department XIX—Civic Residence, for the partici- fanden, und er gereiche ihnen zu Genugthuung, besonders pation of the Orient (Die Neue Zeit: Olmüzer politische Zei- durch die Errichtung des Comités für den Orient und Ost- tung 1872, 6). He was therefore not only connected to East asien die Gewißheit mit nach Hause nehmen und dort wei- Asia through the professional choice of his nephews, but ter verbreiten zu können, daß hier ein Ort sei, wo sie neue also had a professional interest in the countries of the Asian Handelsverbindungen anknüpfen und über Fragen aller Art continent. die uneigennützigste Auskunft erhalten können.” 61 In his own words, Sano acknowledged the included Japanese arts and crafts specialities, such warm welcome he received and the new rela- as porcelain, lacquerware, and silk fabrics, as well tionships he established during the course of the as the finest Japanese tea.84 Fair. Following the successful networking of the Jap- To mark the conclusion of the World’s Fair anese Commission at the World’s Fair, a tragic in- on the evening of 1 November, a concert was cident occurred. In the early months of 1874, the held by the Japanese in their garden. At 4 PM, Japanese delegation departed from Vienna, having the official closure of the rotunda and Fair halls sold or exchanged all items from their Fair. They commenced. The Emperor, Director, President, only brought back with them the culturally im- and Protector conducted their final tours. The portant objects, and therefore not those for sale, foghorn sounded as an acoustic signal thereby such as the Golden Shachihoko ( Shachihoko hoko declaring the Fair complete. The Japanese gar- 鯱鉾), as well as products purchased from Europe. den, where a concert was held, was illuminated These were conveyed back to Japan on the ship by hundreds of lanterns and the festivities con- Nil, which had been loaded in Shanghai and was tinued well into the night.80 to ferry them to Tokyo. But shortly before reach- On 11 November, Minster Sano arranged a fi- ing its destination, off the Izu Peninsula, the Nil nal celebration in honour of the Emperor of Japan’s sank, along with most of its crew members and pas- birthday. The event, a banquet, featured five small sengers.85 The commission members were not on theatrical performances. Traditional Japanese music, board when the disaster took place on the night of dance, and plays were performed by Japanese artists 20 March 1874, in the form of a storm.86 However, in the rooms decorated with flags, flowers, and im- when the news reached Vienna, “The Japanese Ex- ages of the Emperor and Empress of Japan were also hibition Commission drowned”87 was the headline displayed.81 e.g. of the Neues Wiener Blatt on 3 April 1874. This Upon the conclusion of the Fair period, the was later revealed to be a false report. The “obitu- roles of guest and host were reversed, signifying ary”, written touchingly, albeit hastily, for the Japa- Japan’s reciprocation for the numerous initial nese and published alongside the headline, reflect- invitations they had received and the favourable ed the sympathy felt by the Viennese press and is reception by the people of Vienna. To conclude likely to have caused shock and sympathy among their participation at the Fair, the Japanese gov- some readers. In truth, the commission members ernment demonstrated its gratitude with gifts.82 were still alive, but the boxes full of exhibit items Swords and other valuable objects were present- had sunk. ed to those individuals who had rendered out- It is evident that Sano’s social activities in Vien- standing services to Japan. Among the recipients na, which had contributed to the popularity of the were the two highest representatives of the Fair, Japanese delegation, also facilitated the establish- Archdukes Karl Ludwig and Rainer,83 as well as ment of long-term amicable relations. Austria and Direktor Schwarz-Senborn and Consul Gener- England, among others, provided replacements for al Schwegel, head of Division 19 for the partic- the European products the Japanese delegation ipation of the Orient and East Asia. The gifts had taken with them for the purposes of advanc- ing their industry and enriching the collection of 80 the newly founded Tokyo National Museum. This Neues Wiener Blatt 1873h, 4. occurred over the course of 1874. A collection 81 Illustrirten Wiener Extrablatt 1873, 4. Article with detailed description of the listed performances. 82 In 1873, Japan did not yet have a national order but awarded 84 Neues Wiener Tagblatt (Abendblatt) 1873, [19]. gifts of honour. The change to honours by medals came with 85 Polak 2013, 117. the introduction of the Order of the Rising Sun in 1875. 86 Deutsche Zeitung 1874a, 1. 83 Tanaka and Hirayama 1897, 45–46. 87 Neues Wiener Blatt 1874, 3. 62 “[...] of agricultural equipment and machinery, international stage during the Fair, and the social as well as horticultural equipment [...]” was dis- gatherings provided opportunities to informally patched by the Austrian Ministry of Trade and the deepen networks with Austrian and foreign aristo- Ministry of Agriculture to Japan.88 In addition, the cratic families and politicians. artefacts recovered from the Nil in 1875, mainly The aforementioned groups of people—the objects that had withstood the effects of the seawa- first delegation members in Vienna Sekizawa and ter, were also incorporated into the Tokyo Nation- Komatsu, Minister Sano and the Siebold Broth- al Museum’s collections.89 ers, and the members of the Iwakura delegation— The Austrian government’s decision to assist the engaged in social interactions at various levels of country on the other side of the world following society and were able to gain the attention and the shipwreck and the loss of the objects was made approval of these groups. Sekizawa and Komatsu in light of their successful collaboration during proactively sought dialogue with representatives the World’s Fair. In the context of contemporary of Austro-Hungarian industry and commerce social interaction, this cannot be viewed without with the intention of disseminating information consideration of the contacts that Sano and his del- regarding Japan’s willingness to establish trade egation had made and cultivated within the Aus- relations at the earliest possible convenience. trian government during this time. The European Minister Sano approached the Emperor of Aus- representatives, among them trade minister Anton tria-Hungary at the first reception and persuaded Banhans, now perceived it as their duty to provide him to make a public appearance in the Japanese assistance in their newly forged friendship with the garden during the first days of the Fair. This has Japanese delegation members. The loss of the ship’s remained widely known to this day. At the soirees cargo, without a replacement from Europe, would of Prince Hohenlohe, Minister Sano and the men have resulted in a less successful outcome for Ja- of the Iwakura Mission frequently encountered pan following the World Exhibition, as one of the prominent figures from Austrian social circles, Japanese government’s aims was to learn from ad- integrating them into Vienna’s social fabric. Ulti- vanced European industry and use the machinery mately, their attendance at the diplomatic salons and technology that it had taken back to Japan to of Foreign Minister Count Andrassy and pre- modernise the country.90 sumably Gagern, who established the acquaint- Meetings between the representatives of the ance between Lorenz von Stein and Japanese Fair and the imperial family with the exhibitors delegation members, exemplifies a specific level were held on several occasions, particularly during of relations, materialized by their shared profes- the initial months of May and June. Sano, as the sional expertise. Viennese society was receptive to Minister in Residence and therefore highest repre- foreign visitors during the World’s Fair. The up- sentative of Japan in Vienna, frequented ceremo- per representatives of Austrian society extended nial receptions at the Austro-Hungarian court or a lavish welcome to their guests, facilitating their among representatives of other courts, such as the integration into the social circles. The Japanese Prince of Wales.91 The imperial house treated Japan delegation was swiftly embraced by these circles. (as a country that was new on the diplomatic stage) The unfortunate Nil accident paradoxically and Sano with the greatest decorum, and the Vien- provides evidence of the efficacy of the Japanese nese public welcomed the Japanese at many events. public relations efforts. Japan’s growing popularity Japan made efforts to establish a presence on the in Vienna, coupled with the delegation’s familiar- ity with European representatives, facilitated the 88 Deutsche Zeitung 1874b, 4; Neues Wiener Blatt 1875, 3. provision of replacements for the sunken goods 89 Polak 2013, 141. and laid the foundation for mutually beneficial fu-90 Kutsuzawa 2018, 7. ture trade relations with Japan. 91 Neues Fremden-Blatt 1873i, 2. 63 The Object Exchange between the Japan and appointed to introduce the techniques, Japanese Exhibition Commission and like porcelain production to visitors at the site.95 the Austrian Museum of Arts and The exchange of objects proved to be a benefi- Industry cial and efficient means of achieving the two key objectives of the Japanese government’s participa- One of Japan’s principal objectives at the Vienna tion in the World’s Fair: firstly, to present Japan World’s Fair was to secure European objects for the as a modern country seeking trade connections, newly founded Tokyo National Museum, to enrich and secondly, to obtain machinery and examples the museum’s collections. Rather than purchasing for further industrial development. Scala’s arti- them, Japan’s strategy was to exchange Japanese cle makes it clear that this exchange option was exhibits for European goods. In 1873 the Austri- available to all interested parties. Following the ex- an Museum of Art and Industry, obtained objects change, it was anticipated that both parties would from Japan under the direction of its founding di- emerge with beneficial new business relationships. rector Rudolph Eitelberger (1817–1885). Arch- The acquisition of objects for the Austrian Mu- duke Rainer played a significant, yet understudied seum of Art and Industry was driven by its protec- role in these acquisitions from the World’s Fair. tor, Archduke Rainer. He and the museum’s direc- Examining the Archduke’s letters and the newspa- tor, Rudolf Eitelberger (fig. 6), had established and per reports on his activities can lead to a more pro- expanded the museum. Numerous letters written found understanding of the acquisitions.92 by the Archduke have been preserved in Eitelber- The idea of an exchange of objects was first pub- ger’s estate, providing an insight into his involve- licised in an article by Arthur von Scala (1845– ment with the museum and his collaboration with 1909), who was Secretary of the Committee for Eitelberger, spanning the period from 1867 until the Orient and East Asia and later Director of the the death of Eitelberger in 1884. 96 Fourteen let-Oriental Museum, founded in 1874 after the Vien- ters, written between March and December, can na Fair, through the Committee members for the be dated to 1873, and the content of these letters Orient and East Asia.93 The Japanese proposal of an primarily revolves around the World’s Fair, in par- object exchange was published in the Internationale ticular detailing the most important contacts he Ausstellungs-Zeitung in the early days of May. In the made for purchasing objects for the museum. From article, Scala praised Gottfried Wagener (1831– his letters, it can be concluded that there was com- 1892) for proposing an exchange that would allow petition between European museums for acquiring Japan to obtain objects for the future Tokyo Nation- exhibit items, and that Japan’s objects were particu- al Museum.94 Gottfried Wagener was a European at- larly popular. taché of the Japanese commission. Originally from Germany, he was a natural scientist and technician; 95 Tanaka and Hirayama 1897, “Appendix”, 6. Wagner gave he relocated to Japan in 1868, where he taught sci- several lectures on Japanese production and industry as part of the world exhibition program. On 27 May he presented a ence and German. For the Vienna Fair, Wagener was lecture on the Japanese porcelain industry to the Geograph- tasked with examining the intended exhibits from ical Society of Vienna ( Neues Fremden-Blatt 1873k, 3). On 17 October 1873, he talked before the Lower Austrian Trade Association, for which he used the Japanese objects as 92 Rainer left no diary or memoirs. It was not until Dietlinde illustrative material (Neue Freie Presse, 16 October 1873d, Frühmann’s dissertation in 1985 that we received a better 6). Together with members of the Japanese delegation, he overview of the course of his life and, above all, his work as visited companies and facilities to explain the processes to Prime Minister and as a curator at the Academy of Sciences. the Japanese as an interpreter (Fremden-Blatt (Abend-Blatt) Frühmann only deals very little with its function as Protec- 1873, [30]). mann (1985). 96 Eitelberger Personalia Folder, Correspondence with Arch- tor of the Austrian Museum of Art and Industry. See Früh- duke Rainer 1864–1884. Unfortunately, the letters Eitel- 93 Österreichisches Handelsmuseum 1900, 13. berger sent to Rainer are missing, so only half of their corre-94 von Scala 1872, 2. spondence can be presented. 64 Fig. 6: Ludwig Angerer (photographer) (1827‒1879), Rudolf Eitelberger von Edelberg, Kunsthistoriker und erster Ordinarius für Kunstgeschichte an der Universität Wien, around 1860–1865. Photography on supporting cardboard/albumen paper, 9,2×5,8 cm. Wien Museum, inv. no. 102540/10. 65 It is evident that acquiring Japanese exhibit Siebold confirms Eitelberger Minister Sano’s items was one of the museum’s primary objectives interest and shared his informal agreement re- from its inception. Scala’s article arouses a desire garding an exchange of objects with the Austrian for Japanese objects, particularly given that they Museum. This letter refers to an earlier one, sent were available through exchange rather than solely by Eitelberger to Sano, in which he presumably through purchase. Rainer met with Heinrich von makes the museum’s official request. Unfortunate- Calice, Minister in Residence for China, Japan, ly, this, as well as the official agreement by Sano, is and Siam, and discussed potential acquisitions no longer preserved. But a letter Rainer sent to Ei- from the Japanese pavilion. Calice “[...] promised telberger on 18 July 1873 (fig.7) shows this agree- me everything, [...]”, he wrote to Eitelberger on 23 ment occurred. Rainer wrote more specifically that May.97 they must hurry choosing the desired objects. The next letter contained in Eitelberger’s es- tate concerning the Japanese objects was written I have spoken to the Japanese interpreter H. by Heinrich von Siebold to Eitelberger on 1 June Siebold. Go and see him so that you can tell 1873: him about the desirable objects for the mu- seum. Mr Sano wants to set up a museum in Only a few days after receiving your hon- Japan, so he wants to use his more valuable oured letter of the 19th of May did I have objects for exchange. He is mainly looking the opportunity to inform the Japanese for educational and technical objects. He Minister Sano of the wish of His Imperial has already received applications from Ger- Highness Archduke Rainer and yours to many, so there is no time to lose.99 enter into an exchange concerning the Jap- anese objects, as he has been suffering [an So, in the months May and June 1873, Direc- illness] for some time. tor Eitelberger and Archduke Rainer conducted I am now instructed to inform Your Excel- negotiations with Sano, the head of the Japanese lency that Mr Sano, taking great interest in Exhibition Commission, through Heinrich von the settlement of the matter in question, is Siebold. By early June, Eitelberger and Rainer had prepared to respond to your proposal later secured Sano’s agreement to the exchange of ob- with pleasure.98 jects. By mid-July, Eitelberger was able to select the objects for the museum himself. This letter provides further insight into the pro- 97 Eitelberger Personalia Folder, Letter 23 May 1873, Inv. cess of acquiring objects during the World’s Fair. 23.541 “[…] versprach mir Alles, […]”. A similar message Rainer had spoken directly to Heinrich von Sie- can be read in the letter of 26 May, concerning an assurance bold and thus was aware of Sano’s plans through his from the English head of department, Philip Cunliffe-Ow- firsthand account, as well as what kind of objects he en (1828–1894), the director of the Kensington Museum wanted in return, namely sample goods, devices, and (Eitelberger Personalia Folder, Letter 26 May 1873, Inv. machines. Furthermore, Rainer learned that there 23.540). 98 “Nach Empfang Ihres geehrten Schreibens vom 19.ten v. was competition between the countries to procure M. habe ich erst von einigen Tagen Gelegenheit gefunden den japanischen Minister Sano von dem Wunsche Sr. Kais. 99 “Mit dem japanischen Dolmetsch H. Siebold habe ich ge- Hohheit Erzherzog Rainer, und dem Ihrigen, in Betreff sprochen. Suchen Sie ihn auf, damit sie ihm die für das Mu- der japanischen Gegenstände einen Tausch einzugehen, in seum wünschenswerthen Gegenstände bezeichnen können. Kenntnis setzten können, da derselbe längere Zeit leidend. Mister Sano will in Japan ein Museum errichten, daher sei- Ich bin nun beauftragt Euer Hochwohlgeboren mitzuthei- ne werthvolleren Gegenstände zum Tausche verwenden. Er len daß Herr Sano in der Erledigung der in Rede stehenden sucht hauptsächlich Unterrichts u technische Gegenstände. Angelegenheit großes Interesse nehmend, mit Vergnügen Von Deutschland hat er bereits Anträge erhalten, es ist da- später auf Ihren Vorschlag einzugehen bereit ist.” (Eitelber- her keine Zeit zu verlieren.” (Eitelberger Personalia Folder, ger Personalia Folder, Letter 1 June 1873, Inv. 21.765) Letter 18 July 1873, Inv. 23.544) 66 Fig. 7: Archduke Rainer (1827‒1913). Letter to Rudolf Eitelberger von Edelberg, 18 July 1873; paper, Wienbibliothek im Rathaus, inv. no. 23.544. the exhibits for themselves. The precise nature of between the countries. Additionally, he ensured these offers and the extent to which the countries’ ex- the museum’s interests in the procurement of ex- hibition managers may have exploited this competi- hibits. Rainer’s dynamic approach, his consistent tive situation to their advantage remains unknown. engagement with the Fair, and his dedication to Japan’s active marketing of their objects as prod- fostering connections rendered him a highly effec- ucts of exchange with European products for the tive advocate for the Austrian Museum of Art and collection of the new museum in Tokyo reached Industry. Moreover, the Japanese commission was many people and was apparently so well received particularly accommodating to the host country, that a scramble for the best pieces ensued. Rainer’s presumably with plans for future relations in mind. letters demonstrate the necessity for rapid actions The Mittheilungen des Österreichischen Museums, to secure Japanese objects. Monatsschrift für Kunst und Gewerbe (Announce- This interaction shows also the important ments of the Austrian Museum, Monthly Journal position played by the President of the Fair. He for Arts and Crafts) immediately announced the frequently assumed the role of a mediator, facili- first acquisitions from the World’s Fair. In the July tating the establishment of favourable relations issue, we read about the acquired exhibits from 67 Japan and other countries, that Archduke Rainer which objects Japan received, the Ethnological had approached and described in his letters.100 His Museum of Berlin offers a complete example, in- lobbying efforts were therefore successful, and the cluding the objects that Japan received in exchange. first exhibit collections—comprising objects of art By employing the strategy of object exchange, and craft, particularly porcelains, lacquers, and tex- Minister Sano was able to bring many objects to Ja- tiles—were integrated into the museum collection pan for the new museum in Tokyo, eliminating the in July. Unfortunately, there are no known sources need for him to approach the institutions individu- currently indicating which objects Japan received in ally to request them. Like other exhibitors, the Jap- exchange from the Museum of Art and Industry. anese delegation wanted to learn and gain knowl- In October, the Neue Freie Presse published a edge through the platform of the World’s Fair. To list of private donors of various textile goods, tools achieve this goal, new knowledge and technology, for the production of textiles, or army equipment, and therefore products, tools, and machines, had that the Japanese won for their exchange. This list to be acquired to contribute to Japan’s industrial included Karl von Offermann (1850–1908), the development and their own museum collections. textile manufacturer from Brno101 (Czech Repub- Both could be achieved by means of Japan’s exhib- lic), Baron Wertheim, and others.102 its. Initially, they served as a presentation of Japan’s The Ethnological Museum of Berlin was simi- own country at the Fair and, later, by exchanging larly keen to participate in an object swap with the the same objects for European products, a cost-ef- Japanese delegation. Through the intermediary fective way of acquiring Western products was es- of Gottfried Wagener, the Ethnological Museum tablished. The plan Sano outlined at the beginning received an extensive collection of artefacts from was to generate strong public interest in Japanese the Ainu (the indigenous people of Hokkaido). In products and thus attract as many exchange part- return, it sent illustrations and photographs of ob- ners as possible. jects of applied art.103 The Japanese exhibits arrived To promote the objects, the future exported in Berlin in January 1874. The objects in return goods, and thereby their country, the Japanese del- were dispatched by the museum in July 1874.104 egation members required contacts and access to Since the object exchange between the Museum social spaces and events surrounding the World’s of Art and Industry and the Japanese Exhibition Fair. They attended various events or invited rele- Commission is not fully documented, it is unclear vant people to engage with them directly. Through their presence and active participation on the in- 100 Kaiserlich-Königliches Österreichisches Museum für Kunst ternational stage, they were able to gain support und Industrie 1873a, 409. See also the ibid. (1873b, 471), for their exchange initiative to facilitate trade links and annual report Jahresbericht des k.k. Österreichischen for the future of Japan. Museums für Kunst und Industrie für 1873 (1873, 23–24). This promotion of Japan and negotiations re- 101 The textile manufacturer Karl von Offermann (1850– 1908), from Brno, Czech Republic, was a member of the garding object acquisitions occurred concurrently, Moravian Trade Association. He purchased Exhibits form and, moreover, how the negotiating parties pre- 102 the Vienna World Exhibition and donated those to the new sented themselves also influenced the trajectory of Mährisches Gewerbemuseum ( Moravian Museum of Dec- future relationships, as evidenced by the example orative Arts, today part of the Moravska Gallery, Brno) in of Heinrich von Siebold. 1874. See Mährisches Gewerbemuseum (1874). The Mora- vian Museum opened in December 1873 and Archduke Heinrich von Siebold was to become an im- Rainer became protector ( Neues Fremden-Blatt 1873o, 4). portant collector of Japanese art for Austria and See also Husseiniová (2011, 90–93). Germany. For Sano and the delegation, he acted Neue Freie Presse 1873e, 2. primarily as an interpreter, a position he had al- 103 Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Ethologisches Museum, Ac- ready held in 1872, during the visit of the Austrian quisition Files 176/74. 104 Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Ethologisches Museum, Ac- quisition Files 1087/74, 1268/74. 68 Fig. 8: Heinrich von Siebold (1852‒1908). Letter to Rudolf Eitelberger von Edelberg, 1 June 1873, paper, Wienbibliothek im Rathaus, inv. no. 21.765. Minister in Residence Calice to Japan.105 In Vien- [Archduke Rainer’s] Museum. na, he handled the German language correspond- […] Heinrich von Siebold.106 (See fig. 8) ence of Minister Sano, which enabled him to act as an intermediary and thus establish links with Siebold capitalised on the numerous occasions European collections. when he was in attendance at both the Fair and The letter Heinrich von Siebold sent to Eitel- corollary social events to foster connections with berger on 1 June 1873 ends with his following offer: a broad range of people. As an interpreter work- ing on the negotiations for the objects, he was able As far as my own person is concerned, Your to present himself in a favourable light and make Highness may be convinced that it will be a a competent impression on the Austrians. His very special honour for me to make myself available at any time for the benefit of the 106 “Was meine eigene Person anbetrifft, so mögen Euer Hoch- high patronage of His Imperial Highness’s wohlgeboren überzeugt sein daß es mir zur ganz besonderen Ehre gereichen wird, mich dem Nutze der hohen Protektion Sr. Kais. Hoheit stehenden Museum, jeder Zeit zur Verfü- 105 To Siebold, see Hidaka, Zorn, Arakawa, and Weltmuseum gung zu stehen.” Eitelberger Personalia Folder, Letter Sie- Wien (2020, 19). bold 1 June 1873, Inv. 21764. 69 letter to Eitelberger provides an illustrative exam- utilisation of press media, the trading of goods, and ple of the social networking opportunities the Fair the forging of personal acquaintances. The Japanese provided. Siebold proactively sought to establish conducted their participation not only with a large a collaborative relationship with Eitelberger and selection of goods, but also by a considerable num- the museum, in order to work with them in the ber of delegation members, it sent. Japan presented further. Apparently satisfied with his assistance in itself as a state with the ability to combine cultur- the mediation of the objects, Archduke Rainer ap- al and economic interests, and to appear in Vienna pointed him correspondent to the museum in Oc- with a progressive and future-orientated mindset. tober 1873, while the Fair was still in progress.107 This appearance was perceived very positively by the population and was the reason for Japan’s successful contribution to the 1873 World’s Fair. Conclusion The potential for establishing new contacts and forging international networks, relationships, The Vienna Fair had fulfilled its purpose in terms and partnerships in specialist fields appears never of fostering social and diplomatic interactions. to have been greater in the 19th century than par- Through the event, both the foreign contributors ticularly at a World’s Fair. The Vienna World’s Fair and local institutions enriched their collections and provided Japan, the “newcomers”, with the ideal it enabled visitors and hosts to establish important platform to establish contacts and deepen and con- new contacts and conduct satisfying exchanges. solidate these over the course of the Fair, especial- The dual role of Archduke Rainer, serving as both ly with Austria-Hungary, but also with exhibitors the President of the World’s Fair and the Protector and guests from other countries. of the Museum of Art and Industry, exemplifies the The Emperor and the heads of state and repre- significance of social connections in the context sentatives of the exhibiting countries, who enlivened of negotiating exhibits. The social interactions be- the various events, were at the centre of social life. tween high-ranking Austro-Hungarian and Japa- Members of the foreign commissions also celebrated nese representatives, both at the Fair and in the eve- festivals and holidays specific to their culture in Vi- nings, occurred concurrently with the negotiations enna, hereby contributing country-specific additions for object exchanges. The opportunity to discuss to the evening programme. These spaces harboured these matters accelerated the settlement process. the social potential of the World’s Fairs, perhaps best Only two months passed between the initial request represented by the example of determined men such of the Austrian Museum of Art and Industry in May as Heinrich von Siebold, who presented themselves and the choice and delivery of Japanese objects in and strived for professional advancement. Without July. Considering the multiplicity of concurrent the World’s Fair as an occasion, without the social events in the first months of the Fair, and the consid- events and gatherings, and, without the salons of the erable number of countries from which the museum Viennese aristocracy or bourgeoisie, some encoun- acquired objects, the swiftness with which these ob- ters may have unfolded differently, or perhaps not at jects were relocated is noteworthy. The swaps were all, as the example of Japan shows. made possible this quickly through Japan’s active The purpose of a World’s Fair was not merely to self-promotion as represented by Sano, and the ac- showcase exhibit items, but also to promote interper- tive mediation service of Archduke Rainer. sonal relationships. Between an object’s unveiling at The establishment of trade relations with the one of the Fair’s pavilions and its acquisition by a mu- European continent was the driving idea for Japan’s seum stood a myriad of exchanges and interactions diplomatic efforts, which were facilitated by the between people. The importance of these human entanglements in the history of Austrian collections 107 Neues Wiener Tagblatt (Abendblatt) 1873c, 3; Neues Frem- remains a rich topic for further examination. den-Blatt (Abendausgabe) October 1873n, 2. 70 Archival Sources Kos, and Ralph Gleis, 158–65. Exhibition Cata- logue, Wien-Museum Karlsplatz, 15 Mai ‒ 28 Sep- Austrian State Archives tember 2014. Wien: Czernin. Commission Impériale Japonaise. 1873. Notice sur Neuere Zeremonialakten NZA 338–351 – Hofreisen, l‘Empire du Japon : et sur sa participation à l‘Expo-Ankunft und Aufenthalt höchster Gäste, Wiener sition universelle de Vienne. 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Okoku Hakurankai Sandō Milchram, Gerhard. 2014. “Erfolg und Wohltätig- Kiyō 澳国博覧会参同記要 (Austrian Exposition keit Netzwerke des jüdischen Großbürgertums.” Participation Record Summary). Tokio: Moriyama In Experiment Metropole: 1873: Wien und die Haruyong 森山春雍. Weltausstellung, edited by Wolfgang Kos, and Ralph von Lindheim, Alfred. 1897. Erzherzog Carl Ludwig: Gleis, 214–21. Exhibition Catalogue, Wien-Muse- 1833 ‒ 1896; ein Lebensbild. Wien: Hof- u. Staatsdr. um Karlsplatz, 15 Mai ‒ 28 September 2014. Wien: von Scala, Arthur. 1873. “Japan auf der Weltausstel- Czernin. lung.” Internationale Ausstellungs-Zeitung, 11 May Moser, Alfred. 2019. Von Ausse nach Japan. Die aben- 1873, 2. teuerlichen Reisen 1867–1877 des Fotografen Mi- von Schwarz-Senborn, Wilhelm, ed. 1871-1872. chael Moser. Pöllauberg: Living Edition, STRANA Weltausstellungs Correspondenz. Wien. Ges. m.b.H. ———, ed. 1873-1874. Das Athenaeum ein Gewer- Nās.iraddīn, Šāh. 1874. The Diary of H. M. the Shah of be-Museum und Fortbildungs-Institut in Wien. Ver- Persia [d.i. Nās.iraddīn Šāh] during His Tour Through lag des Athenaeum: Wien. Europe in a. D. 1873. London: Murray. Weltausstellung 1873 Wien. 1873. Officielle Docu-Österreichisches Biographisches Lexikon 1815–1950 mente: Weltausstellung 1873 in Wien. Wien: Kai- (ÖBL). 1965. “Karl Ludwig Joseph Maria Erzhg. serl.-Königl. Hof- u. Staatsdr. von Österr.” Vol. 3. Wien: Verlag der ÖAW. https:// Wiener Kommunal-Kalender und städtisches Jahrbuch. www.biographien.ac.at/oebl/oebl_K/Karl-Lud- 1874. Zweiter Jahrgang (Neue Folge). Zwölfter Jahr- wig_Joseph-Maria_1833_1896.xml. gang. Wien: Gerlach & Wiedling; Wien: Manz. 72 Winkelhofer-Thyri, Martina. 2013. “Prinz Constantin ———. 1873e. “Kleine Chronik. Orientalisches Muse- zu Hohenlohe-Schillingsfürst (1828–1896). Der um.” Neue Freie Presse, 27 October 1873, 2. große Unbekannte am Wiener Hof.” In Die Fami- Neues Fremden-Blatt. 1873a. “Angekommen. Hotel lie Hohenlohe. Eine europäische Dynastie im 19. und Lamm, Leopoldstadt.” Beilage des Neues Frem- 20. Jahrhundert, edited by Alma Hannig, and Mar- den-Blattes, 8 January 1873, no. 8, [2]. tina Winkelhofer-Thyri, 181–98. Köln: Böhlau. ———. 1873b. “Japanesen in Oesterreich.“ Neues Sano, Tsunetami. 1873. “Mémoir des travauc des com- Fremden-Blatt, 11 January 1873, 4–5. mission au japon.” In Notice sur l’Empire du Japon: ———. 1873c. “Angekommen. Hotel Lamm, Leo- et sur sa participation à l’Exposition universelle de poldstadt.” Beilage des Neues Fremden-Blattes, 24 Vienne, edited by Commission Impèrial Japonaise, January 1873, No. 23, [2]. 58‒61. Yokohama: Imprimerie de C. Lévy. ———. 1873d. “Weltausstellung 1873.” Neues Frem- den-Blatt, 26 January 1873, 5. ———. 1873e. “Weltausstellung.” Neues Frem- Newspaper Sources den-Blatt, 22 February 1873, 5. ———. 1873f. “Angekommen. Hotel Lamm, Leo- ANNO, Austian Newspapers Online. n.d. https:// poldstadt.” Beilage des Neues Fremden-Blatt, 23 Feb- Allgemeine illustrirte Weltausstellungs-Zeitung ———. 1873g. “Tagesneuigkeiten. Der Kaiser und die . 1873a. Kaiserin.” anno.onb.ac.at/. ruary 1873, No. 53, [7]. lung.” ———. 1873h. “Hoftafel.” Neues Fremden-Blatt, 3 Allgemeine illustrirte Weltausstellungs-Zei- May 1873, 3–4. “Der Besuch des Shah von Persien in der Weltaustel- Neues Fremden-Blatt, 10 March 1873, 1. Deutsche Zeitung Weltausstellungs-Zeitung Neues Fremden-Blatt, 5 May II (14): 159. 1873, 2. . 1873. “Tagesneuigkeiten. Die Soirée ——— . 1873j. “Tagesneuigkeiten. Dritte Soirée beim beim Grafen Andrassy.” Deutsche Zeitung , 30 June Fürsten Hohenlohe.” ——— ———. 1873i. “Tagesneuigkeiten. Fürstliche Gäste . 1873b. “T. Komatz.” Allgemaine illustrirte zur Weltausstellung.” tung, 10 August 1873, 4 (11): 169. Die Presse Neues Fremden-Blatt (Abend- . 1873. “Die Diplomatie im Salon.” Local-An- , 27 June 1873, 1. ausgabe) zeiger der „Presse“, Die Presse , Beilage, 15 July 1873, ———. 1873m. “Weltausstellung 1873. Besuch des 7. Königs Viktor Emanuel.” Neues Fremden-Blatt , 20. Die Neue Zeit: Olmüzer politische Zeitung. 1872. September 1873, 4–5. “Weltausstellung 1873. Wien am 3. Februar 1872.” ———. 1873n. “Tagesneuigkeiten. Personalnachricht- Die Neue Zeit: Olmüzer politische Zeitung, 8 Febru- en.” Neues Fremden-Blatt (Abendausgabe), 31 Octo- ary 1872, 6. ber 1873, 2. Illustrirten Wiener Extrablatt . 1873 , “Eine japanesische ——— . 1873o. “Personalnachrichten. Zum Re- Theater-Vorstellung in Wien.“ Illustrirten Wiener gierungs-Jubiläum Seiner Majestät des Kaisers.” ———. ‘Nil’.” ——— Deutsche Zeitung , 13 April 1874, 1. Gesellschaft.” Neues Fremden-Blatt, 30 May 1873, 3. 1874b. “Tagesneuigkeiten. Für Japan.” ———. 1873l. “Tagesneuigkeiten. Kaiserin Augusta in Deutsche Zeitung , 24 October 1874, 4. der Weltausstellung.” ——— 1873, 2. . 1874a. “Tagesneuigkeiten. Der Untergang des . 1873k. “Vereinsnachrichten. Die geographische 1873, 1–2. Neues Fremden-Blatt, 21 May Neue Freie Presse nachrichten.” Neues Wiener Blatt Neues Wie- Fremden-Blatt (Abend-Blatt) , 6 No- 19 April 1873, 4. ner Blatt, vember 1873, [30]. ———. 1873b. “Tageschronik. Hof-und Personal- . 1873a. “Kleine Chronik. Japanesen in nachrichten.” Fremden-Blatt Neues Fremden-Blatt, 19 November 1873, 4. . 1873. “Tagesneuigkeiten. Personal-. 1873a. “Tageschronik.” Extrablatt, 14 November 1873, 4. ——— Wien.” Neues Wiener Blatt, 30 April 1873, 4. Neue Freie Presse , 25 March 1873, 6. ——— . 1873c. “Tageschronik. Weltausstellung. Der . 1873b. “Kleine Chronik. Besuche in der Aus- Rundgang Ihrer-Majestäten und des Kronprinzen stellung.” Neue Freie Presse , 6 May 1873, 7. Rudolf.” Neues Wiener Blatt, 6 May 1873, 3. ——— . 1873c. “Vereins-Nachrichten. Niederösterrei- ———. 1873d. “Tageschronik. Zur Hoftafel.” Neues chischer Gewerbeverein.” Neue Freie Presse , 16 Oc- Wiener Blatt , 11 June 1873, 3. tober 1873, 6. ——— . 1873e. “Tageschronik. Ball beim amerika- ——— . 1873d. “Kleine Chronik. Von der japane- nischen Gesandten.” Neues Wiener Blatt, 12 June sischen Botschaft.” Neue Freie Presse , 26 October 1873, 3. 1873, 5. 73 ———. 1873f. “Tageschronik. Zu Ehren der japanesi- schen Botschaft.” Neues Wiener Blatt, 14 June 1873, 3. ———. 1873g. “Nachtrag. Festkonzert zu Ehren der Kaiserin Augusta.” Neues Wiener Blatt, 27 June 1873, 2. ———. 1873h. “Vom letzten Tage.” Neues Wiener Blatt, 3 November 1873, 4. ———. 1874. “Die japanesische Ausstellungs-Kom- mission ertrunken.” Neues Wiener Blatt, 3 April 1874, 3. ———. 1875. “Tageschronik. Oesterreich und Japan.” Neues Wiener Blatt, 5 February 1875, 3. Neues Wiener Tagblatt. 1873a. “Wiener Tagesbericht. Banquet.” Neues Wiener Tagblatt, 18 March 1873, 3. ———. 1873b. “Der erste Tag. Die Eröffnungs-Zere- moni.” Neues Wiener Tagblatt, 2 May 1873, 2–3. ———. 1873c. “Wiener Tagesbericht. Vom österreich- ischen Museum.” Neues Wiener Tagblatt (Abend- blatt), 31 October 1873, 3. ———. 1873d. “Lizitation einer großen Herrschafts-Wohnungs-Einrichtung.” [Advert] Neues Wiener Tagblatt, 9 November 1873, 11. Neues Wiener Tagblatt (Abendblatt). 1873. “Wiener Tagesbericht. Der Dank von Japan.” Neues Wiener Tagblatt (Abendblatt), 20 November 1873, [19]. Über Land und Meer. 1873. “Der Garten der Japanesen und dessen Eröffnung durch das österreichische Kaiserpaar (Illustration zur Wiener Weltausstel- lung).” Über Land und Meer 15 (40): 784‒92. Wien Museum Inv.-Nr. 209475, CC0 (https://sammlu- ng.wienmuseum.at/en/object/79573/). 74 Japan’s Policy and Preparatory Work for the Vienna World’s Fair in 1873 Bettina Zorn T Introduction of participating in an international event of this kind. The issue of translating Western terms like he Vienna World’s Fair1 in 1873 was the “art” and “museum” will be addressed. The termi- fifth world’s fair held and the first event nology was of great importance for the Japanese that Japan attended as a nation under the side, as it was necessary to ascertain which prod- Meiji Government (1868–1912). The concept of ucts, objects and items would meet the criteria set world’s fairs as product performance shows was out in the Vienna 1872 catalogue. This investiga- first introduced to Japan in the 19th century, af- tion will draw upon Japanese historical sources, ter the American navy had forced the country to with a view to establishing a correlation between abandon the national seclusion it had maintained these and surviving Japanese exhibits from the during the Edo period (1600–1868). With an un- 1873 Vienna World’s Fair. derstanding of the historical context at the outset of the Meiji period, as outlined in this article, it is possible to identify the trends influencing the One Idea Behind the Concept of Japanese selection of exhibits for the 1873 Vienna World’s Fairs World’s Fair, and the distinctive characteristics of the items chosen. A significant contribution was In the mid-19th century, the first world’s fair was made by the state-organised surveys and the Im- held in London under the motto “Great Exhibition perial Japanese commission for the realisation of of the Works of Industry of All Nations” (1851). the World’s Fair, which employed additional for- This was followed by further world’s fairs in 1855 eign advisers to convey European taste. The paper in Paris, 1862 again in London, and in 1867 for will discuss how the responsible party in Japan the second time in Paris. In May 1870, Emperor used various commissions to organise the prepa- Franz Joseph proclaimed and signed the following rations for the country’s participation in the 1873 decree: “I authorise that the organisation of an in- Vienna World’s Fair. It is important to note that ternational fair, opening in spring and dedicated the preparation time was relatively limited, and to the products of agriculture, industry and the that the Japanese players had no prior experience (visual and fine) arts in Vienna may be arranged.”2 1 The author prefers the term “exhibition” for 19th century 2 “Ich genehmige, dass die Abhaltung einer im Frühjahr 1873 world exhibitions to “fair”, which seems more suitable for 20th eröffnenden internationalen Ausstellung von Erzeugnissen century world’s fairs. The first international event in London der Landwirtschaft, der Industrie und der bildenden Küns- had, after all, been called the “Great Exhibition”. But for consis- te in Wien vorbereitet werde. Den Regierungen der frem- tency within this publication, the term “fair” is used. den Staaten ist von der beabsichtigten Ausstellung durch 75 In January 1871 Wilhelm Freiherr von (Ba- for industry, arts and crafts. This was beneficial to ron) Schwarz-Senborn (1816–1903) was ap- countries in East Asia, as well as Persia or Egypt.4 pointed General Director for the planning and In the latter half of the nineteenth century, the organising committee of the Vienna World’s aesthetic development of the arts and crafts, along Fair. As the head of a committee comprising with the artistic design of everyday objects, became over two hundred members, he was responsible a significant topic at world’s fairs. A state-spon- for the programme, guidelines and the spatial sored reform of the arts and crafts sector in Europe arrangements.3 led to the establishment of museums of decorative The phenomenon of world’s fairs was a con- arts.5 The objective of these establishments was to comitant of the age of industrialisation in Eu- cultivate a sense of aesthetic discernment6 (“guter rope. Since their institution, world’s fairs have Geschmack”) among both producers and consum- proved a forum for competition in terms of ers, thereby facilitating the sale of products both technological innovations, inventions and trade. domestically and internationally. The common From the mid-19th century, as the demand for thread linking these museums is that they were es- labour in urban areas grew and the population tablished following world’s fairs, at which their di- increased, neighbourhoods in large cities were rectors had bought and acquired exhibits for their demolished and replaced by high-density resi- collections.7 dential housing, and urban space expanded in The opening of the Vienna Fair at the begin- consequence. ning of May 1873 coincided with a significant Vienna was not spared the urban planning stock market crash and the outbreak of a cholera upheavals that had already swept through Euro- epidemic,8 with the result that there were fewer pean capitals. From the 1860s onwards, the city visitors and less income than had been anticipat- underwent a significant transformation, giving a ed. Despite these challenges, it can be argued that new appearance to many streets, such as the Ring- the Vienna World’s Fair served as a catalyst, accel- strasse boulevard with its newly erected magnifi- erating social, political and economic dynamics for cent and representative buildings. Vienna was ex- both the Dual Monarchy of Austria-Hungary and periencing rapid population growth due to labour the Japanese Empire. migration, promising economic and social rise for its residents. A sense of modernisation was in the air. Vienna celebrated the advent of a new era, something it had in common with the newly emerging nation in the East, the Japanese Empire of the Meiji period. The prominence of art and 4 Hollein and Wakita 2024, 8. culture alongside industry, commerce, and agri- 5 Early foundations of European museums for applied art in- culture had become a significant topic since the clude: South Kensington Museum founded in 1852, Lon- don; K.K. Österreichisches Museum für Kunst und Indus- civic educational awareness should be accorded founded in 1864 in Paris; Deutsches Gewerbemuseum zu Berlin founded in 1867; Bayrisches Gewerbemuseum in the same importance as trade and industry, and previous world’s fair in Paris. It was evident that trie founded in 1863 in Vienna; Musée des Arts décoratifs Nürnberg founded in 1869; Magyar Iparmüvészeti Múze- was also to be reflected in the conceptual frame- Leipzig founded in 1874; Kunstgewerbemuseum Hamburg founded in 1874; Kunstgewerbemuseum Zurich founded work developed in preparation for the world’s fair that it should also be showcased here. The idea um in Budapest founded in 1872; Kunstgewerbemuseum in Vienna. Art could be considered a stimulant 6 French products at that time set the standard for good taste. in 1875. 7 Museums of decorative art as well as trade museums (Ge- Meinen Minister des Äußeren unverweilt Mittheilung zu werbemuseen) acted as major buyers at world exhibitions. machen.” Quoted in Leemann (2014, 120). See Orosz (2014, 180). 3 See text by A. Schwanzer in this publication, pp. 45–74. 8 Plener 2014, 127. 76 Japan’s Knowledge of (World’s) Fairs task myself, rather than permit Japan to be unrep- 11 and Exhibitions resented.” Alcock himself had therefore chosen the Japanese items to be presented at the London It was through the Dutch East India Company, General Exhibition. VOC (Verenigde Oostindische Compagnie), The 1862 exhibition included over 600 pieces, which had a trade post on Dejima Island off the which a Japanese delegation touring the West on coast of Nagasaki, that Japan became aware of the a diplomatic mission observed were of poor quali- first “Great Exhibition of the Works of Industry ty, containing a mixture of Chinese and Japanese of All Nations” in the last decades of the self-im- objects in the same gallery.12 The Japanese experts posed seclusion which it had maintained for sev- expressed their dissatisfaction with the choice of eral centuries. In the summer of 1851, the Dutch, Japanese exhibits made by foreigners. At the two acting as Japan’s informants on the outside world, London exhibitions, in particular, the colonial told the shogun in their annual report on foreign powers assumed responsibility for the representa- affairs about the successful fair held in London. tion of goods and products for colonised regions The Dutch and British had sent some Japanese and states that did not correspond to Western im- exhibits to London without involving or inform- perialist ideas of independent and autonomous ing the Shogunate.9 The Shogunate was similarly states. Self-presentation and presentation by a sec- excluded from the 1862 exhibition in London, ond party are, of course, mutually exclusive. Nev- and as in the first London Exhibition, it was once ertheless, this practice continued to be applied for again Sir Rutherford Alcock (1809–1897), the some time; the representation of the Chinese Em- British envoy to Japan, who assembled the “Jap- pire on the stage of world’s fairs was essentially an anese Court” at the exhibition. Alcock, who be- interpretation as seen through foreign eyes. Once gan his diplomatic career in China between the Japan had come to realise this, she took steps to act years 1844 and 1856, arrived in Japan in 1858, in a self-determined manner. having been appointed British consul general. The Tokugawa shogunate (1600–1868) upheld In his book Art and Art Industries in Japan, pub- the policy of sakoku 鎖國, self-imposed isolation, lished in 1878 he recalls the circumstances under which prohibited foreigners from entering Japan. which he obtained objects in compliance with the The scope of exchange and trade was limited not instructions that followed the official announce- only in scale but also in extent, restricted exclusively ment of the great International Exhibition of to the Chinese Empire, the Ryukyu Kingdom, the 1862 in London. At the end of the Edo period, Korean Kingdom and the Dutch residing at the is- the government of Japan under the ruling elite of land of Dejima, off the coast of Nagasaki, Kyushu. the shogun and the daimyō, and still constrained The policy of national seclusion was brought to an by the Sakoku edict (Sakoku-rei 鎖国令) in force end in 1852/1853 when Commodore Matthew C. since 1638,10 deemed it unnecessary to engage in Perry of the United States Navy threatened Japan’s an international exchange of information regard- sovereignty through the use of gunboat diploma- ing national products. In the end, Alcock seizes cy. In the following year, 1854, Perry established the initiative: “Finding it thus impossible to count diplomatic relations with the shogunate with the upon co-operation or assistance from natives or intention of negotiating trade agreements. These foreigners in a work the importance of which was negotiations ultimately resulted in the Convention manifested to me, I determined to undertake the of Kanagawa, an unequal treaty for Japan. At this juncture, Japan began to encounter novel foreign 9 Hedinger 2011, 51. products. In his luggage, Perry had brought gifts 10 “Sakoku” meaning closed country (see below). The edict prohibited foreign missionary activities and imposed strict 11 Alcock 1878, 2. regulations on keeping foreign trade to a minimum, etc. 12 Hedinger 2011, 51. 77 with which he hoped to surprise and impress the to the one that the Prussians had negotiated with Japanese, in the form of a “full-sized industrial ex- Japan.16 hibition” including items such as The French Empire maintained cordial rela- tions with the Shogunate, while the British were printing presses, high-pressure pumps, on good terms with the Daimyō of the Satsuma mowing machines. Threshers, looms, mills and Chōshū domains (Kyushu). For the 1867 to spin cotton, […]. A railroad had been World’s Fair, the Shogun Tokugawa Yoshinobu brought, disassembled. Unpacked and in- 徳川 慶喜 (1837–1913) accepted an invitation spected now, there was the cute little loco- to Paris from the French government. He un- motive with tender, a fifty-person car tricked derscored the importance of participation for out in imperial luxury, and several miles of the Japanese by appointing his younger brother, rails. 13 Tokugawa Akitake 徳川 昭武 (1853–1910), as head of the Japanese delegation to Paris. Akitake These items had been presented by the United was only 15 years old at the time and had been ac- States at the 1851 London Great Exhibition. In companied by a group of high officials from Japan return, the Americans received items including and Alexander von Siebold (1846–1911) as in- paintings and lacquerware, which are still kept terpreter.17 The official presentation by the shogu-today in the collection of the National Museum nate focused on objects of arts and craftsmanship, of American History, Smithsonian Institution, for which they received 24 awards at the Paris Washington.14 World’s Fair. Delegations from the Satsuma, Saga In the following years, the shogunate was com- and Chōshū domains had independently sent pelled to enter into unequal treaties with Western their representatives to Paris, without informing colonial powers, as evidenced by their actions in the Japanese committee. They were allocated in- the Chinese Empire during the opium wars. The dividual pavilions apart from the main exhibition Netherlands, Russia, Great Britain and France hall. A third Japanese party at the Paris Fair was all signed unequal treaties with Japan in favour that of the Japanese merchant Shimizu Usaburō of themselves, followed by Portugal, Prussia, Bel- 清水卯三郎 (1829–1910) who exhibited a Japa-gium, Italy and Switzerland. nese tea house.18 As a consequence of the tensions The Swiss delegation arrived in Japan in 1863, a prevailing among the Japanese delegation, the time of inner political upheaval and the inevitable Japanese presentation in Paris ultimately resulted decline of the Tokugawa Shogunate.15 In order to in a spatial separation of the attending parties on attract attention, the Swiss resorted to an indus- the exhibition site. None of the locations desig- trial exhibition, a small display of various Swiss nated for the Japanese delegation at the exhibi- products (“petite exposition des divers produits de tion site had been designed by Japanese experts. l’industrie Suisse”), with the intention of impress- The 1867 Paris World’s Fair was the first at which ing Japan by the superiority of its industry. The country pavilions were presented under their own Swiss selected items that had been exhibited at the management,19 although this was not the case for 1862 London World’s Fair and had been awarded Japan. The delegations had not yet returned to prizes, including a stained glass painting. The Swiss Japan when, as a result of political instability, po- presented Japanese officials with Swiss knives and litical power shifted from the Shogun to the Japa- scissors or a stereoscope. Subsequently, in February nese Emperor, the Tennō 天皇. 1864 they were able to sign a treaty comparable 16 Hedinger 2011, 47. 13 Ibid., 34. 17 Ibid., 57. 14 See Print, GA (n.d.). 18 Ibid., 60. 15 Hammitzsch 1984, 448. 19 Wieninger 2024, 13. 78 Preparatory Work on the Japanese reference to the historical Chinese term bogu 博古, 21 Side and Definition of Terms “discourse on antiquities” and “studying the old”, an occupation to which nobles, scholars, Buddhist The participation in the Paris World’s Fair, the ex- monks and later also wealthy merchants devoted perience of foreign players acting as third-party pre- themselves. From today’s Western perspective, this senters, the shift in Japanese politics, and the threat preoccupation with valuable artefacts from antiqui- of foreign supremacy all led to a general weighing ty, bogu, can be regarded as a form of engagement up in Japan of the pros and cons of the adoption of with art, even though those involved at that time foreign ideas. Fairs played a key role here. Western did not speak of art as such. A research project cur- fairs held great fascination for Japan, and at the be- rently being carried out discusses terms such as bowu ginning of the 1870s, the idea was realised and put 博物 and meishu 美術 in the context of 19th-cen- into practice, with national fairs starting not only in tury China.22 Further research is needed to trace cities such as Kyoto and Tokyo but also in provincial the development of new terms based on traditional own needs. Due to the social upheaval from the Edo ing the mid-19th century, following the discourse of 23 history of ideas in 19th-century Europe. towns. The concept of the fair was tailored to Japan’s Chinese concepts and their adaptation in Japan dur- period to the Meiji period, which had brought major In con- social changes, new solutions for social issues needed trast, Japanese historians have highlighted the direct its own etiquette concerning rank, had disintegrat- as a neologism and the translation of the official Ger- 24 man version of the Vienna World’s Fair catalogue. to be found. The once powerful samurai elite, with link between the emergence of the neologism “art” ed, as had its supporters. Specialised professionals were unable to find any purchasers for their prod- ucts. The decline in demand for goods and services in various sectors, including metalworking, textile The Concept of Art—The Art of production, leatherworking, and others resulted Translation On “Art” in the unemployment of numerous craftspeople. Additionally, the loss of solvent clients and subse- It is crucial to acknowledge that the concept of quent bankruptcy of merchants further exacerbated “art” in East Asia, which originated in China as the economic downturn. In light of these develop- early as the 4th century, differs from the Western ments, it became evident that novel solutions were concept. In East Asia, the moral and emotional required. One potential solution was the establish- aspect of the “concept of art” is at least as impor- ments of fairs. A public notice in Kyoto announced tant as any aesthetic connotation of the term “art” that in Western countries fairs were being held of itself. This applies to China as well as Japan.25 An newly invented machines alongside antique instru- ability and excellence in writing is manifested in ments on which knowledge was based, leading to necessary to find an appropriate Japanese term for “Illustration of antiquities from the Xuanhe period” (Xuan- he bogu tu 宣和博古圖 ) by Wang Fu 王黼 (1079–1126) the new concept of fairs. In an attempt to convey inventions and subsequent profit.20 It was therefore 21 During the Song dynasty (960–1279) and later times the its essence, various translations were proposed, in- 22 At the 25th Biennal Conference 2024 of the European As- was well known. “exhibition”, or characters that referenced a Chinese 博物” and “Meishu 美树” was organised by Ornella De Ni- gris (Sienna University), Renata Vinci (University of Pal- concept cluding a phonetic transcription of the English term sociation for Chinese Studies a panel with the title “Bowu hakurankai 博覧会, which translates as ermo, Metche project) and Cheng Wen-Huei (National “accumulation of knowledge, erudition”. It is the Chengchi University). author’s assumption that the term hakurankai was 23 Hedinger 2011, 55. discussed among Japanese scholars, perhaps with 24 Suzuki 2022, 29. 25 For a general discussion on the Chinese theory of art, see 20 Hedinger 2011, 66. Lin (1967, 34). 79 calligraphy, painting and the expression of poetry, On Related Terms “Arts and Crafts” and is regarded as an indication of a cultivated per- sonality. For the Chinese art historian Teng Gu 縢 In addition to the inherent difficulty in translat- 固 (1901–1941) “art is seen as an expressive outlet ing the term “fine art”, the term “arts and crafts” for scholars in their spare time”.26 presented another challenge, namely, the need to In the 1870s, Japan was confronted with the convey the concept of applied craftmanship to an Western concept of art and the question: “What everyday item, excellently executed in (East) Asia is (fine) art?” or “What does art involve?” This for thousands of years in materials such as silk, discourse lasted for decades. On 25 May 1882, metal, ceramic or lacquerware. an article in the Japanese newspaper Tokyo Daily In this context, it is important to note the role News (Tōkyō nichinichi shinbun 東京日日新聞) played by Gottfried Wagener (1831–1892) in ad- stated: vising the Japanese commission responsible for the preparatory work for the 1873 World’s Fair. A sci- While the arts of Japan originated some entist trained in the fields of physics and geology, two thousand years ago, the term bijutsu he arrived in Japan in 1868 as a technical adviser. 美術 [fine arts] is of recent origin [having During his tenure in Japan, he became interested been coined] in 1872. Accordingly, people in the ceramic workshops at Arita, and in 1871 … are under the mistaken impression that was invited to Tokyo to teach physics and chemis- there is no fine art in our country …. What try. Wagener held Japanese traditional craftsman- Western thought calls the fine arts is simply ship and its products in such high regard that he that which is noble in air, beautiful in col- recommended that artistic craftwork bijutsu kōgei ours, elegant in form, harmonious in tone, 美術工芸 be exhibited. He considered the tech- admirable in meaning, tasteful in subject, nical aspect of artistic craftwork, of which Japan well proportioned, appropriately organised demonstrated its mastery to great effect, to be of … and while satisfying all these aspects is great importance.28 In his later reports, such as “The generally pleasing to the eye. It soothes the Tokyo Museum’s Report” ( Tōkyō hakubutsukan thoughts even as it excites the spirit … sup- hōkoku 東京博物館報告) and “The Art Museum pressing mean and ungenerous feelings in in Respect to Arts and Various Crafts” ( Geijut- the appreciator. Thus all the countries place su hyaku kō-jō bijutsu hakubutsukan ni-tsuki iteno great value on it, for its rise and fall also tells hōkoku 芸術百工上美術博物館ニ付イテノ報 the rise and fall of [nations].27 告) of 20 February 1875, he was to use the term ge- ijutsu bu 藝術部—(fine) arts, a term with conno- The discussion about the term “art” from the tations of artistic skills and craftmanship—along- point of view of East Asian experts continued side the term bijutsu hakubutskan 美術博物館 into the 20th century, seeking to differentiate the for art museum.29 Eastern definition from the Western one. It could It comes as no surprise that the classification of be seen as an attempt to legitimise the thousand- (typically) traditional Japanese products including year-old tradition and developments of art in East arts and crafts into the 26 groups specified by the Asia and to provide a counterpoint to the Western Austrian-Hungarian commission proved problem- perspective. atic. This argument can be illustrated by looking at the listings in the original German catalogue sent out prior to 1873 by the committee from Vienna: 26 Bush 1971, 1. 28 Tokyo National Museum n.d. 27 Satō 2011, 5. 29 National Archive of Japan 2021. 80 Group I. Mining and metallurgy (Bergbau mit seiner Einrichtung und seinen und Hüttenwesen) Geräthen) Group II. Agriculture and forestry, wine and Group XXI. National domestic industry (Na- fruit growing and horticulture, ag- tionale Hausindustrie) ricultural machinery (Land- und Group XXII. Presentation of the effectiveness Forstwirtschaft, Wein- und Obstbau of museums for decorative arts und Gartenbau, landwirtschaftliche (Darstellung der Wirksamkeit der Maschinen) Museen für Kunstgewerbe) Group III. Chemical industry (Chemische Group XXIII. Ecclesiastical art (Kirchliche Industrie) Kunst) Group IV. Food and beverages as industrial Group XXIV. Objects of art and decorative arts of production (Nahrungs- und Genuss- earlier times (Objekte der Kunst und mittel als Erzeugnisse der Industrie) Kunstgewerbe früherer Zeiten) Group V. Textile and clothing industry (Tex- Group XXV. Contemporary visual art (Bildende til- und Bekleidungs-Industrie) Kunst der Gegenwart) Group VI. Leather and rubber industry ( Le- Group XXVI. Education, teaching and training der- und Kautschuk-Industrie) systems (Erziehungs-, Unterrichts-, Group VII. Metal industry (Metall-Industrie) und Bildungswesen)30 Group VIII. Wood industry ( Holz-Industrie) Group IX. Industry of stone, clay and glassware The Viennese organiser thought that lacquer- (Stein-, Thon- und Glas-Industrie) ware of the highest quality, which was not known Group X. Haberdashery industry/mercery or commonly used in Europe, except among the (Kurzwaren-Industrie) European nobility, should most appropriately be Group XI. Paper industry (Papier-Fabrication) included in group X, “Haberdashery”. However, Group XII. Graphic arts and commercial draw- from a contemporary perspective, group XXIV, ing ( Graphische Künste und gewerb- objects of art and decorative arts of earlier times, liches Zeichnen) would be considered more suitable. Group X Group XIII. Mechanical engineering and means can be understood as a conglomeration of var- of transport ( Maschinenwesen und ious items. So far no archive material sheds light Transportmittel) on this problem. A tenuous argument could be Group XIV. Scientific instruments (Wissen- made that Group X was the most suitable group schaftliche Instrumente) to which the aforementioned object categories Group XV. Musical instruments (Musikalische could be assigned, certainly the easiest, according Instrumente) to the Viennese specification. Whereas alternative Group XVI. Army (Heereswesen) categorisations were available for items such as ce-Group XVII. Marines (Marinewesen) ramics, metal or textiles, none appeared to be suit-Group XVIII. Building and civil engineering (Bau- able for lacquerware, probably because of its rarity. und Civil-Ingenieurswesen) This was to change for later world’s fairs such as the Group XIX. The bourgeois house with inte- Centennial Exhibition in Philadelphia in 1876, rior furnishings and decorations when (Japanese) lacquerware became an impor- (Das bürgerliche Wohnhaus mit tant export commodity. seiner inneren Einrichtung und Japanese members of delegations to the West Ausschmückung) had observed that, in addition to new technical Group XX. The farmhouse with its furnishings inventions, knowledge of antique instruments was and equipment (Das Bauernhaus 30 Weltausstellung 1873 in Wien. 81 crucial for achieving progress and the economic 3. Stone arrowhead [sekido] and stone axe [rai-success associated with it. It was similarly apparent fu, literally, thunder god’s axe] section: stone that the concept of “art” would play a pivotal role arrowheads, stone axes, stone rods [hekire-at the forthcoming world’s fair in Vienna in 1873. kichin, literally, thunder god’s drum rods], Upon examination of the categorisation of the stone daggers, spoon-shaped scraper stones catalogue sent to each invited nation, it becomes [tengunomeshigai, literally, rice-spoon of the evident that the term “art” is referenced in several long-nosed goblin Tengu], etc. groups: Group XII “Graphic arts and commercial 4. Old mirror and old bell section: old mirrors, drawing”, Group XXII “Presentation of the effec- old bells, etc. tiveness of museums for decorative arts”. (Japan did 5. Copper32 vessel section: tei33[Ch. ding], not equip and supply this category, as in 1872 no shaku34[Ch. jue], and various other copper museum of decorative art existed in the country.) [and bronze] vessels. Group XXIII “Ecclesiastical art”, Group XXIV 6. Old roofing tile section: famous things [mei- “Objects of art and decorative arts of earlier times”, butsu] and old tiles in general regardless of and Group XXV “Contemporary visual art”. fame. 7. Weaponry section: swords, bows and arrows, banners used on the battle-field, helmets and The Importance of Ancient Artefacts armour, harnesses, ancient weapons made of bronze [ ka35, Ch. ge, and geki36, Ch. ji], pairs of The new legal and political structure set up at large and small swords [ daishō], guns, bullets, the beginning of the Meiji period saw the estab- drums used on the battlefield [senko], horns lishment of a number of ministries dealing with used on the battlefield, etc. cultural affairs.31 The Grand Council of State 8. Old calligraphy and painting section: things (dajōkan 太政官) had been the highest govern- of fame, portraiture, hanging scrolls, hand- ing body since 1868. The Ministry of the Imperi- scrolls, albums of exemplary calligraphy [te- al Household (kunai shō 宮内省), established in kagami], etc. 1869, the Ministry of Industry (kōbu shō 工部省), 9. Old book and old sutra section: books and established in 1870, and the Ministry of Education pictures concerned with the past, old wood- (monbu shō 文部省), established in 1871, oversaw block prints and old manuscripts, and other cultural activities. In the autumn of 1871, as the items, including popular novels [gesaku], pre-Meiji era reached its fourth year, a bureau of muse- dating the middle past [chūko] and therefore ums was established. On 23 May 1871, the Grand belonging to the ancients. Council of State issued a proclamation entitled, 10. Tablet section: hengaku tablets in shrines and “Preservation of Antique Vessels and Old Objects Buddhist temples, as well as tablets of calligra- from Various Regions” ( Koki kyūbutsu kaku chi- phy and paintings by notable persons. hō ni oite hozon 古器旧物各地方ニ於テ保存) 11. Musical instrument section: traverse flutes, (abbr. “Antique”). In all, 31 categories were identi- pan pipes [shō], recorders [hichiriki], bass fied by the state as worthy of preservation: drums, gongs [shōko], hand drums tapped 1. Ritual implement section: shields, arms, and 32 A better term would be bronze. other items used in Shinto rituals, etc. 33 鼎. A small side note here, as the article is about the adop- 2. Old jade and jewellery section: comma-shaped tion of concepts: Chinese bronze age vessels found their beads, cylindrical beads, glass, crystal, and the like. way as collectible items into Japanese collectors’ circles. 34 爵. 31 For an overview of organisations and ministries at the be- 35 戈. ginning of Meiji period see fig. 4 in Satō (2011, 51). 36 戟. 82 with sticks [kakko], transverse harps [sō], an- scales, measuring rods, dry and liquid meas- cient Japanese transverse harps [wagon], lutes ures, Japanese abacuses, and other ancient [biwa], transverse harps [shitsunokoto], masks, tools. and other objects such as noh costumes [saru- 27. Section of utensils used in tea ceremony, in- gaku] and instruments belonging to various cense-smelling ceremony, and flower arrange- dance and music practices. ments: charcoal brazier, tea kettle, and uten- 12. Bell inscription epitaph section, and ink rub- sils used in tea making such as bowls, utensils bings of exemplary calligraphy of the past used in incense-smelling ceremonies such as [hōjō, Ch. fatie]: old things, both famous and incense containers and incense burners, uten- not. sils used in flower arrangements such as flower 13. Seal section: ancient seals, etc. vases and flower vessel stands. 14. Stationery section: writing desks, ink slabs, 28. Amusement section: go board game, shogi carbon ink, brush racks, ink slab screens, etc. board game, sugoroku pachisi, kemari football, 15. Agricultural implement section: examples board games [yasasuguri], pitch-and toss with from ancient times. arrows and a pot [tōko], toy bows, throwing 16. Carpentry tool section: same as above. fans, poem cards [karuta], etc. 17. Carriage and palanquin section: carriages, 29. Section of toys for children such as hina dolls palanquins, bamboo palanquins, etc. and carp banners, other human figures: dolls 18. Furniture section: bedding furniture, screens, protecting small children [hōko, amagatsu], lanterns and candlesticks, keys and locks, dolls displayed for the girls’ festival [ hina], kitchen utensils, tableware, smoking utensils, wooden dolls, earthenware dolls, Nara dolls, etc. and others; and various toys for children’s play. 19. Textile section: old gold brocade, fabric frag- 30. Old Buddhist statues and implements section: ments from antiquity, etc. Buddhist statues, cylindrical containers of 20. Clothing and ornamentation section: official sutras, five ornaments for the altar consisting uniforms, daily clothes, mountain dwellers’ of an incense burner and a pair of flower vases clothes, clothes for women, hair ornaments and candlesticks, bells hung under the eaves at such as combs and hairpins, umbrellas and the four corners of a building roof [hōchaku], woven hats, raincoats, containers [inrō], purs- and other old Buddhist items. es [kinchaku], sandals and clogs, etc. 31. Fossil section: fossils of animals, bones, horns, 21. Leatherwork section: various kinds of leather and tusks of animals, seashells, etc. goods and old leather with dyed patterns. 22. Coins and paper money section: old gold, sil- The above objects are presented regardless of ver, and ancient coins, paper money, etc. their origin in or outside Japan, from the age of the 23. Metalwork section: various vessels and items gods [jindai] to the recent past.37 made of copper, brass, copper alloy with tin and lead [shakudō], bronze, pure gold [shi- The list aligns with the Japanese concept of kon], iron, tin, etc. valuable items, which provides a lens for examin- 24. Ceramic section: pottery and porcelain from ing preferred objects as art objects that fit into the various countries, etc. Viennese categories. In earlier times, private con- 25. Lacquerware section: various lacquerware ves- noisseurship had been known in East Asia for a sels decorated with sprinkled metal powder thousand years as one aspect of relating to precious [makie], lacquer inlaid with mother-of-pearl, red lacquer carvings [tsuishu, Ch. tihong], etc. 37 National Archive of Japan, 2016. The translation of catego- 26. Measurement tool section: balances, pairs of ries is cited from Suzuki (2022, 22, 23) on the discussion of kokikyūbutsu 古器旧物. 83 objects which in the West would have fallen under implements, comma-shaped beads, bronze wares, the category of “art” and/or “decorative art”. Tak- old seals, old coins, and the like”.41 These collec-ing the above-mentioned example of lacquerware tors’ items from archaeological periods such as of the highest quality in the case of “Antique”, cat- the Bronze Age and from historical periods had egory 25 is attributed to the lacquerware section. If also attracted a circle of connoisseurs in Japan for one were to apply the Western concept of art to the centuries, even though they might not have called Japanese “Antique” List, categories 2 to 13 listing their acquisitions an “art collection”. Once more, ritual items, old jade and jewellery, archaeological the close connection between diverse antique arte- stone weapons and tools, ancient mirrors and bells, facts, as classified in Japan, and the category that at bronze age vessels, ancient roof tiles, ancient weap- the Vienna World’s Fair would be classified under onry, old calligraphy and painting, old books and Group XXIV, objects of art and decorative arts of sutra, ritual tablets, musical performance items, an- earlier times, is evident, even though in the Japa- cient inscriptions as well as the categories 19 to 25 nese context the word “art” is not used. listing antique brocade fabric, clothing and orna- At the beginning of the Meiji period, however, mentation, traditional leatherwork, ancient coins, a state-sponsored initiative was launched to collect metalwork, ceramic and porcelain and lastly, lac- “data of things past”. It was precisely at the begin- querware, would fall under the Western category ning of the 1870s, shortly before the preparations of art and decorative art. Table 1 (below) illustrates for the Vienna World’s Fair, that a comprehensive the objects that fall into the categories outlined in programme of measures was initiated and imple- the Vienna exhibition catalogue. mented with the objective of collecting and pre- Since the Edo period, some individuals, for serving information on cultural heritage in Japan. example members of the leading ruling elite such However, the state organisation for the preser- as the daimyō families, scholars of traditional or vation and protection of antiquities and old objects Western studies, in particular rangaku 蘭学38, or was established with the intention of facilitating simply people, shrines or Buddhist temples with the modernisation of connoisseurship. In order means, had already taken up collecting activities. to qualify for state protection, it was thought, the One notable collector was Hosokawa Shigekata 細 objects in question needed to be categorised using 川 重賢 (1720–1785), the eighth head of the Ho- scientific and modern methods. The scientific meth- sokawa Daimyō family, who had a keen interest in ods employed included the recording of objects by the field of natural history and played a pivotal role location and owner, the documentation of objects in the formation of a comprehensive collection of with drawings and photographs, and the attempt to related material.39 Edward Sylvester Morse (1838– determine their age objectively. The objective was to 1925) in his book Japan Day by Day (1917) was ensure that the information obtained was accessible later to recall categories collected by the Japanese: to a wider circle of interested parties. Subsequently, “pottery, porcelain, coins, swords, kakemono (pic- a number of journals were established, including the tures), pieces of brocade, stone implements, and art magazine Kokka 國華, first published in 1889 roofing tiles. […] A few collected shells, corals, and still in circulation today. and the like”.40 The cartographer and antiquarian A decade earlier, in 1879, Sano Tsunetami 佐 Matsuura Takeshirō 松浦武四郎 (1818–1888) 野 常民 (1822–1902 ), a prominent Meiji gov-is also worth mentioning as a collector of “stone ernment politician (who will be discussed in more detail later), assumed a prominent role in the estab- 38 The character ran 蘭 is an abbreviation for oranda 和蘭 龍池会 lishment of the Ryūchi kai, the Association mean ing Holland, Netherlands. Rangaku 蘭学 means of the Dragon Pond, forerunner of the Japan Art Dutch learning. 39 Kaneko 2019, 16. 40 Morse 1917, 107. 41 Suzuki 2022, 128. 84 Association.42 Sano Tsunetami, who had already vis- in the Kanō school and developed a Western style ited the Paris World’s Fair in 1867 and the Vienna of painting named yōga 洋画, the architect Ka-World’s Fair in 1873, had become a highly experi- ichirō Kashiwagi 柏木貨一郎 (1841–1898), and enced expert trained in Western Learning. He was the photographer Yokoyama Matsusaburo 横山 松 receptive to novel concepts, including the Western 三郎 (1838–1884). On 27 May, the group depart-notion of “art”, which he encountered during his ed from Tokyo for an investigation of the shrines two visits to world’s fairs in Paris and Vienna. and temples located in Ise, Nara, Kyoto, Shiga and In May 1871, the government announced a pro- Mie. On 12 August, a noteworthy event occurred in gramme for the preservation of relics. From May Nara. With the agreement of the Nara prefectural to October of the following year, following a deci- office, officials in charge of temple affairs, and priests sion by the Ministry of Education, an inspection of the Tōdai-ji, the decision was made to break the and research project on treasures in shrines and old seal of the Imperial treasure house of the Tōdai-ji temples was initiated.43 This campaign was known Temple 東大寺 at the Shōsō-in 正倉院 in Nara as the jinshin kensa 壬申検査 or Jinshin survey for only the second time in its history. The Shōsō-in (abbr. “Jinshin Survey”) named after the calendric houses a collection of Buddhist artefacts, weaponry, period according to the Chinese sexagenary cycle. A clothing and accessories, musical instruments and prominent figure entrusted with the responsibility masks, official manuscripts and archive material, of conducting the inspection was Ninagawa Nori- which were in the possession of empress Kōmyō 光 tane 蜷川式胤 (1835–1882). His father had been 明 皇后 (701–760) and were subsequently trans-appointed to the Tōji Temple 東寺 in Kyōto, where ferred to the Tōdai-ji. Sketches of the items in the Ninagawa resided during his formative years. In collection, which had been stored in the Kensakuin 1869, Ninagawa Noritane was employed by the Mei- 羂索院 storehouse and opened for the first time in ji Government, and in 1872, he joined the Museum 1830, were made available to the public. The tenth Bureau of the Ministry of Education. He is regarded to the twenty-fourth volume of the “Jinshin Survey” as one of the principal figures in the establishment catalogue of temple and shrine treasures provide a of the Tokyo National Museum, which was founded meticulous record of the objects kept at Tōdai Tem- in 1872.44 The “Jinshin Survey” was led by officials ple in 1872, in the form of sketches, rubbings and from the Ministry of Education and experts in their text. Photographs and stereoscopic images were respective fields: notable figures included Machida appended to the report, which is currently kept at Hisanari 町田久成 (1838–1897), Uchida Masao Tokyo National Museum.45 内田 正雄 (1839–1876), the painter Takahashi Upon examination of the archive material from Yuichi 高橋 由一 (1828–1894) who had trained the “Jinshin Survey”, which enumerates the objects in accordance with their respective locations and 42 The Ryūchi kai in 1887 was renamed Nihon bijutsu kyōkai whose documentation includes rubbings of the 日本美術協会 “Japan Art Association”. objects’ details and photographic evidence, we en- 43 Suzuki 2022, 61. counter the familiar categorisation and grouping 44 Some exhibitions at the Tokyo National Museum had re- of objects. This includes photographs of build- cently been dedicated to Ninagawa Noritane’s work: the ings and architectural models, such as a series of survey of Edo Castle, the Photographs of Edo Castle , for in- stance, or the organisation of the Yushima Seido Exposi- three- and five-storey pagodas and a model of the tion in Tokyo, an important exhibition in the run-up to the Ise Shrine. The list of artefacts considered as “trea- and archive material are kept in the collection of Tokyo Na- sures” includes paintings, some of which are very preparation for the 1873 Vienna World Exhibition. Objects tional Museum: “Speaking to the Future Series, Historical old, ancient silver incense burners, ancient tiles, Records Compiled by Museum Founder, Ninagawa Nori- antique money, antique jade, and objects made of tane” (see Tokyo National Museum 2009), and “140th An- niversary Thematic Exhibitions: The Protection of Cultural Properties by the Museum Founder, Ninagawa Noritane” 45 “Jinshin Survey Catalogue of Temple and Shrine Treasures” (see Tokyo National Museum 2012). and “Shōsōin“, see E-Museum (n.d.a; n.d.b). 85 precious stones (quartz), ancient mirrors and bells, website,48 which records the exhibits sent by the masks and musical instruments such as flutes and Japanese Government to the 1873 Vienna World’s drums of various kinds. Furthermore, we find seals, Fair. The database contains 6,875 entries so far. The an assortment of weapons, including both short data set encompasses objects that are held in Vien- and long swords, garments, ritual implements, and nese museum collections and in public collections a variety of lacquerware vessels and ivory utensils, accessible worldwide. The official Japanese exhi- such as measures. bition catalogue, published in German,49 formed A comparison of the two cultural programmes, the basis and framework for the database, as no “Antique” and the “Jinshin Survey”, reveals the authorised Japanese version exists to date.50 All his-presence of object groups that are shared between torical and recent data are linked virtually, and fur- the two, including ritual implements, old jade and ther information regarding workshops, producers, jewellery, old paintings, ancient tiles, ancient mir- artists, and other pertinent information will be in- rors and bells, and so forth. corporated in the future. The database is available This preliminary work on the Japanese side in three languages: German, Japanese and English. enabled the start for official preparations for the A systematic examination of the list of “Antique”, Vienna World’s Fair. A comparison of the various reveals the existence of distinct groups of objects procedures and campaigns undertaken by the Mei- which can be aligned with the official “Catalog ji Government with the catalogue for the prepa- 1873”. For example: ration of the 1873 Vienna World’s Fair, as issued The object groups No 6: Old roofing tile section by the General Directorate of the Vienna World’s and No 7: Weaponry section: swords, bows and Fair,46 reveals significant overlaps and similarities arrows, etc. in “Antique” correspond to the group in content, particularly in the fields of art, his- XXIV in “Catalog 1873”: Nos 1–15 Two-handed torical objects and antiquities. From the Japanese swords, armour from ancient times, saddles, stir- perspective, it is evident that the 1873 catalogue rups, horse bridles from ancient times, etc. and No categories were populated with object groups from 46 Temple roof tiling from ancient times. earlier surveys (“Antique”, “Jinshin Survey”) that The sections No 8. Old calligraphy and paint- were deemed suitable. ings and No 9. Old books and old sutra of “An- tique” overlap with Nos 23–25 and 27–43 Paint- ings of famous painters from ancient times and Evidence in the Choice of Items for Nos 44 & 45, Relics from the temple of Kamakura the 1873 World’s Fair and Printed Buddhist texts, from group XXIV in “Catalog 1873”. A comparison of objects presented by the Japa- No 11 The Musical instrument section in “An- nese government at the Vienna World’s Fair, as tique” corresponds to group XV Musical instru- documented in the Catalogue of the Imperial Jap- ments Nos 1–31 in “Catalog 1873”. anese Exhibition in Vienna (Niho teikoku shuppin No 14. The Stationery section in “Antique” is mokuroku 日本帝國出品目錄) (abbr. “Catalog well represented in terms of photographs (fig. 1) 1873”)47 from 1873, reveals a striking correspond- accompanying “Catalog 1873”. ence with the lists in “Antique” and the “Jinshin museum Wien in Austria has been engaged in the Exhibition of 1873”, see Weltmuseum (n.d.a); “Japanese Exhibits at the Vienna World Exhibition 1873”, see Welt- creation of a database, accessible via the museum’s Survey”. Since spring 2022, a team at the Welt- 48 “Database of the Japanese Exhibits at the Vienna World museum (n.d.b); “Sammlung Weltausstellung Japan”, see Weltmusem (Wien n.d.c). 49 “Catalog 1873” 1873. 46 Weltausstellung 1873 in Wien 1873. 50 A wealth of historical archive and source material is avail- 47 “Catalog 1873” 1873. Some examples are given below. able at the Tokyo National Museum. 86 Fig. 1: Photo album accompanying “Catalog 1873”, “Assortiment pour ecrire” [sic]. Private ownership. Fig.2: Photo album accompanying “Catalog 1873”, “Cuir peint de Tokio et de Himedji et Ouvrage en cuir”. Private ownership. 87 No 19. and 20. The Textile section and the largest sent to Vienna, with 635 items.52 In subse-Clothing and ornament section in “Antique” cor- quent world’s fairs, Japanese lacquerware work was respond to one of the largest exhibit groups in allocated a dedicated space. “Catalog 1873”, group V Textile and clothing in- No 26, the Measurement tool section in “An- dustry, contributing a total of 1,674 exhibits to the tique”, corresponds to Group XIV of “Catalog Vienna World’s Fair. During the research phase of 1873”. This group includes scientific instruments the database project, it became clear that the trac- numbered 8–15: Collection of measuring rods, ing of the textiles was a major challenge. Only a few weights, dry and liquid measures, Japanese abacus- of the 1,674 textile items have so far been located. es, and other related items. No 21. The Leatherwork section in “Antique” No 27, the section of Utensils used in tea cer- corresponds to Group VI Leather industry, with 106 emonies, incense-smelling ceremonies, and flower items appearing in the “Catalog 1873”, where they are arrangements in “Antique” is well documented in also well illustrated with photographs (fig. 2). It is not the “Catalog 1873”,53 with written records in group clear to what extent the reference in “Antique” to the VII Metal industry, Nos 421–441, and group IV Metal work section (No 23) can be considered an Food and beverages as industrial production, Nos equivalent to the “Metal industry” (Group VII) in 332–462, as well as with the image shown in fig. 3. “Catalog 1873”, which comprises 748 items. While No 28. The Amusement section in “Antique” the majority of metalware manufacturers from Ja- includes various board games, which appear in pan are mentioned in the catalogue as contributing multiple groups in “Catalog 1873”, such as X, Hab- their goods to the Fair, we also hear of the private erdashery, Nos 168 and 189, and group XIX The collection of a prince from the Matsudeira clan 松 middle-class house with interior furnishings and 平氏 being exhibited in Vienna. This may also be decorations, Nos 35–40. a reference to the list No 23. in “Antique”. A com- No 29. Many items from the Toys for children prehensive analysis of the Japanese source material is section in “Antique” were exhibited at the World’s needed to answer this question. Fair, where a pavilion dedicated to the child was Another important category at the World’s Fair, constructed. In Nos 593–635 of group X in “Cat- Group IX, Industry of stone, clay and glassware alog 1873”, Haberdashery, toys, a variety of dolls (“Catalog 1873”), was undoubtedly driven by com- for the girls’ or boys’ festivals, spinning tops, and mercial considerations. 384 items appear in it from shuttlecocks are listed (fig. 4). List No 24. Ceramic section in the “Antique” survey. No 30, the Old Buddhist statues and imple- One category within “Antique” that proved dif- ments section in “Antique” is represented in group ficult to assign to a particular group at the Vienna XXIII, Ecclesiastical art, Nos 16–22 among others. World’s Fair was the No 25. Lacquerware section, There is as yet no definitive evidence that the which included objects decorated in various tra- final section of “Antique”, No 31, Fossils, was rep- ditional Japanese lacquerware techniques such as resented at the Vienna World’s Fair. It will be nec- maki-e 蒔絵. These were grouped together under essary to cross-check the Japanese archive material. Group X Haberdashery industry/mercery,51 un- The “Jinshin Survey” of 1872 also influenced likely as it might seem that this was an appropriate the selection of objects for the Vienna World’s Fair. place for the high-quality lacquerware items select- The photo album that accompanied the official ed by the Japanese. Be that as it may, we have been “Catalog 1873” presents a series of photographs able to add to the database several of the objects showcasing traditional architecture, including the surviving worldwide from this group, the third palace in Kyoto, a series on five-storied Pagodas, and a model of the Ise shrine (figs.5a, 5b, 5c). 51 Haberdashery/mercery is defined as a commercial establish- ment engaged in the import and trade of textiles, notions 52 Weltmuseum 2024a. (haberdashery), and other miscellaneous items. 53 Weltmuseum 2024b. 88 Fig. 3: Photo album accompanying “Catalog 1873”, “Fours et marmites dorés et d’argent pour faire du thé et Brule-parfin de shiakoudo”. Private ownership. Fig. 4: Photo album accompanying “Catalog 1873”, “Joujoues pour la fête de garcon et de fille”. Private ownership. 89 Fig. 5a: “Jinshin Survey”, stereoscope “Miniature of the Inner Shrine of Ise Jingū (Ise Grand Shrine)”. ColBase: Integrated Col- lections Database of the National Institutes for Cultural Heritage, Japan. https://emuseum.nich.go.jp/detail?content_base _id=100817&content_part_id=023&content_pict_id=0&langId=en&webView=0 Fig. 5b: “Jinshin survey”, stereoscope “Miniature of the Outer Shrine of Ise Jingū (Ise Grand Shrine)”. ColBase: Integrated Col- lections Database of the National Institutes for Cultural Heritage, Japan. https://emuseum.nich.go.jp/detail?langId=en& webView=0&content_base_id=100817&content_part_id=22&content_pict_id=1 90 Fig. 5c: Photo album accompanying “Catalog 1873”, “Modèles du temple de Daïdjuigou”. Private ownership. The contribution of Ninagawa Noritane is such as Heinrich von Siebold. Items from the Vi- noteworthy, too, as he was actively engaged in the enna World’s Fair groups XXIII Ecclesiastical art, documentation process for the “Jinshin Survey”. and XXIV Objects of art and decorative arts of In his capacity as an antiquarian, he amassed a col- earlier times, for example, could be used to illus- lection of artefacts that corresponded to the “An- trate this point. The collection of Weltmuseum tique” list. Prior to 1873, he was already in contact Wien contains gifts from Ninagawa to Heinrich with Heinrich von Siebold (1852–1908) and act- von Siebold, as well as gifts to other European mu- ed as an adviser to him. The young Siebold himself, seums via von Siebold, dating from 1874. A note like his brother Alexander, was a member of the concerning No 45 in group XXIV, for instance, Japanese committee that was responsible for pre- refers to the dispatch of a diminutive wooden pa- paring for the Vienna World’s Fair. As more recent goda bearing the dharani sutra 百万塔陀羅尼 research has demonstrated,54 Ninagawa Noritane hyakumantō darani,55 to the Vienna World’s Fair. deliberately selected historical or antique items This is one of the one million small three-story that he encountered during his studies and inves- pagodas dating from 770 commissioned by Em- tigations. He was closely involved, for instance, press Shōtoku 称徳天皇 (718–794) and stored in with the “Jinshin Survey” and, in particular, with different temples, including Tōdai-ji in Nara and the opening of the Shōsō-in, the Imperial treas- Hōryuji in Kyoto. Both temples were extensively ure house in Nara. It appears that Ninagawa had studied by Ninagawa during the “Jinshin Survey”. already indirectly assumed an active role as a medi- The small wooden pagoda with a dharani sutra, ator of Japanese culture for the West prior to 1873. (fig. 6), Inv. No 36871 at Weltmuseum Wien bears This is evidenced by his contact with foreigners 55 Weltmuseum Wien 2024c; “Catalog 1873”; in Japanese 54 Hidaka 2021, 189; Wakita 2021, 171. sources it is mentioned that this item comes from a museum. 91 Fig. 6: Diminutive pagoda, wood, dating from 770. KHM-Museumsverband, Weltmuseum Wien, Collection Heinrich von Siebold, Inv. No. 36871. 92 Fig. 7: Buddhist figure Shaka Nyorai 釈迦如来像, wood, lacquer, late Heian period. KHM-Museumsverband, Weltmuseum Wien, Collection Heinrich von Siebold, Inv. No. 36784. Photographer Clemens Radauer. 93 Table 1: Overview of Correlating Object Groups Found in “Antique”, “Jinshin Survey” and “Catalog 1873” “Antique” (1871) “Jinshin Survey” (1872) “Catalog 1873” 1. Ritual implement section Ritual Implements (Photo documen- Group XXIV (objects of art and tation) decorative arts of earlier times) 6. Old roofing tile section Old roof tiles (Document) Group XXIV (art) 7. Weaponry section Weapons (Photo document, album) Group XXIV (art) 8. Old calligraphy, etc. sect. Paintings (Rubbings, documentation) Group XXIV (art) 9. Old books and sutra sect. (Rubbings, documentation) Group XXIV (art) 11. Musical section Musical instruments (documenta- Group XV (Musical instruments) tion) 14. Stationery section Group X (Haberdashery) 18. Furniture section Group VIII, X (Haberdashery) 19. Textile section Garment (documentation) Group V 20. Clothing, etc. section Group V, X (Haberdashery) 21. Leatherwork Group VI 22. Coins etc. section Antique coins (documentation) Group XXIV (art) 23. Metalwork section Group VII 24. Ceramic section Group IX 25. Lacquerware section Lacquerware vessels (documentation) Group X (Haberdashery) 26. Measurement tool section Ivory utensils Group XIV 27. Ceremonial utensils sect. Ancient silver incense burner Group IV, VII 28. Amusement section (Rubbings, documentation) Group X, XIX 29. Children’s toy section Group X 30. Old Buddhist statue sect. (Rubbings, documentation) Group XXIII (ecclesiastical art) an inscription by Ninagawa: “Purchased in Kyoto of pagodas were removed from the Tōdai-ji tem- in Meiji 7 [1874], Ninagawa Noritane, Second ple (Nara) or the Hōryuji temple in Kyoto) dur- Residence, Tatsunokuchi Dōsan-chō, Tokyo”.56 ing the “Jinshin Survey”, “purchased” by Ninagawa It is not possible to prove that the small pagoda and presented to Heinrich von Siebold in 1874. In hyakumantō darani in the collection of Weltmuse- addition to the aforementioned items, Ninagawa um Wien is the same one that was exhibited in Vi- presented von Siebold with a number of other an- enna in 1873. Ninagawa might also have acquired tique objects. A small Buddhist figure of a standing the pagoda after the exhibits returned to Japan and Shaka Nyorai 釈迦如来像 with an inscription by presented it to Heinrich von Siebold with his in- Ninagawa was recently discovered at Weltmuseum scription. It is similarly conceivable that a number Wien, (fig. 7), Inv. No 36784. Originally owned by the powerful Taira clan 平氏 Heishi, it is be- 56 The inscription is read by Hidaka, Kaori and published in lieved to date from the end of the Heian period Hidaka (2021, 195). 94 (794–1185). This may also have belonged to cat- of the Japanese bourgeois—in this case, the former egory 30 in the Old Buddhist statues and imple- ruling—class. One strategy adopted by the com- ments section. Further research is required. mission, inspired by a proposal of Alexander von The tabular list below is designed to demon- Siebold, was to exhibit “Massive things” to attract strate once more the interconnectivity between the visitors’ attention.59 Among these “massive” ob-disparate campaign activities of 1871 and 1872 in jects on display were the golden shachihoko 鯱鉾, Japan and the assortment of objects showcased at a roof ridge end in the shape of a mythical fish-like the Vienna World’s Fair. animal, which the “Jinshin Survey” recorded as al- Finally, we shall take a look at the preparatory ready dismantled from the roof of Nagoya Castle work of the Japanese exhibition commission, as re- (fig. 8), papier-mâché replicas of the Great Buddha corded in the French-language catalogue, printed in of Kamakura, and the five-stored Pagoda of Yana- early January 1873 in Yokohama.57 In spring 1872, ka Tennōji Temple 天王寺Tokyo (fig. 9), a large meetings were held on a regular basis between the drum, and large lanterns:60 exhibits that proved to Imperial Japanese commission and foreign repre- be impressive and were well received by the Vien- sentatives like the Italian Minister Count Alessan- nese audience. dro Fè d’Ostiani (1825–1905), and members of The preliminary work carried out by Japanese the Austrian-Hungarian commission. To advertise officials in the early years of the Meiji Govern- the World’s Fair, members were dispatched to vari- ment for a World’s Fair, an event of both eco- ous locations throughout the country. On 30 June, nomic and political significance, proved to be the chancellor of the Ministry of Public Works, beneficial. The Vienna World’s Fair was the first Sano Tsunetami, became head of the Imperial Japa- international event in which Japan participat- nese commission for the Vienna World’s Fair. Sano ed, having analysed previous experiences, sought had himself attended the 1867 Paris World’s Fair advice from international experts and addressed accompanied by the young Alexander von Siebold the conceptual aspects of a world’s fair in a novel as interpreter. Gottfried Wagener, professor at the manner. Western Learning College Daigaku Nankō 大学 As a member of the Iwakura Mission, Kume 南校, was sent to Kyoto with members of the com- Kunitake 久米 邦武 (1839–1932) would discover mission, presumably to investigate local kilns and when he attended the event, that Japan’s contribu- choose ceramics for Vienna. We also know that it tion to the Vienna World’s Fair was highly praised was on Wagener’s advice that a set of lacquerware by visitors. He would later state that this was due interior furnishings was chosen to accompany the to the uniqueness of the products, such as textiles house model of a “warrior”, here a high-ranking and paper, and that the size of the precisely crafted samurai, a daimyō58 buke hinagata 武家雛形 for ceramics led to astonished looks.61 Group XIX “The bourgeois house with interior Japan’s contribution to the World’s Fair was furnishings and decorations”. The idea was to ena- officially acknowledged, with the country receiv- ble Viennese visitors to imagine a domestic interior ing numerous medals and awards for the products presented. A total of 198 medals and awards were 57 Recent research has shown that the French-language cata- bestowed upon Japan.62 The impact of Japan’s par- logue “Notice sur l’empire du Japon et sur sa participation ticipation at the Vienna World’s Fair was to be re- Commission Impériale Japonaise, Accompagnée d’un Al- flected in future developments and to yield a lively a l’Exposition Universelle de Vienne, 1873, Publiée par la bum Photographique, Yokohama, Imprimerie de C. Lévy, exchange in business, culture and politics. Imprimeur-Editeur 1873” was written by Gottfried Wage- ner as his obituary from 1893 in OAG-Mitteilungen re- 59 Katada 2019, 269. veals, see Ostasiatische Gesellschaft Tokyo (OAG) (1897, 60 Kinoshita 1993, 29. 361). 58 “Model of a Daimyo residency Weltmuseum 61 Pantzer 2002, 336. buke hinagata 武家雛形.” See Wien online collection 2017. 62 Hedinger 2011, 85. 95 Fig. 8: Photo album accompanying “Catalog 1873”, “Poisson de l’or”. Private ownership. Conclusion and old temples, the “Jinshin Survey”, the concept of objects designated as “art” in the West had ex- In advance of the Vienna World’s Fair, the Japanese isted for centuries in Japan as collectible items, re- delegation encountered the challenge of aligning ferred to as “treasures”. Western concepts with the appropriate Japanese The policy and preparatory work carried out terminology, particularly in the case of the term by the Japanese members for the 1873 Vienna “art”, which was perceived as a novel concept in Ja- World’s Fair proved to be successful, largely due pan. Prior to the preparatory work for the Vienna to the preliminary cultural protection measures World’s Fair, the German catalogue published by that were put in place by the new Meiji Govern- the Viennese committee had to be translated into ment. At this point in the investigation, some of Japanese. This was necessary in order to ensure that the objects classified under the category of “art” appropriate items were assigned to each of the 26 can be identified on the basis of images from the groups presented at the fair. As evidenced by the illustrated album or can be found in public collec- two surveys, “Preservation of Antique Vessels and tions. They are publicly available in the database old Objects from Various Regions” and the inspec- of Weltmuseum Wien. tion and research project on treasures in shrines 96 Fig. 9: Photo album accompanying “Catalog 1873”, “Modèle à 1/10 de la tour de Janaka à Tokio”. Private ownership. 97 Bibliography Kinoshita, Naoyuki 木下 直之. 1993. Bijutsu to iu misemono – Aburae jaya no jidai 美術という (Art as Spectacle— 見世物　油絵茶屋の時代 Alcock Sir, Rutherford. 1878. Art and Art Industries in Era of Spectacle Oil Painting Art Chaya ). Tokyo: Japan. London: Virtue and Co. Heibonsha. Bush, Susan, 1971. The Chinese Literati on Painting. Kos, Wolfgang, and Ralph Gleis, eds. 2014. Experiment Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press Metropole—1873: Wien und die Weltausstellung. Catalog der Kaiserlich Japanischen Ausstel-Wien: Wien Museum and Czernin Verlag. lung. 1873. 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Namely, it answers questions such as: primarily deal with Rudolf Eitelberger (1817– What significance did products from East Asia 1885), this institution’s first director. For more than have in the more than twenty years of Eitelberger’s twenty years, he was the “leader” of this museum directorate? What opportunities did this museum and determined its structures and working meth- offer a potentially interested audience to get infor- ods, many of which are still effective today. mation about East Asia and its productions? Dur- A museum’s expert staff is intensively involved ing Eitelberger’s era, i.e. the founding phase of the in its programme in that they are often asked to museum, was there a perceived need to include art develop and implement their own initiatives, but objects from East Asia in this “model collection”? the director has always set the central themes and It is important to take a detailed look at the Impe- made the final decisions—Viennese museums rial Royal Museum’s goals and activities. Inventories, function according to this system, and probably catalogues, book lists, and publications were reviewed many others as well. We can therefore speak of a line by line, which has never been done before in personally formed “Eitelberger era” within the pe- depth. In this way, a real and vivid picture of this time riod from the founding of the museum in 1863 un- opens up to us. The detailed list is preceded by a pres- til his death in 1885. entation of the ideas behind the museum’s founding The MAK or Museum of Applied Arts houses as well as references to the possibilities of including one of the most extensive collections of East Asian products from East Asia in the programme. art and decorative arts in the Germanophone world and beyond. We take for granted this mu- seum’s aim to present global connections in tech- The Founding of the Museum nology and art and make them visible. However, a museum’s concept is subject to constant change. The Austrian Museum of Art and Industry— Alignments grow and change over time, often now the Museum of Applied Art—in Vienna1 “revolutionary” ideas become stale and they are 1 Over time, the name of the museum has changed: The Im- perial-Royal Austrian Museum of Art and Industry (k. changed either slowly or sometimes even radically against the intentions of the founders. Formerly k. Österreichisches Museum für Kunst und Industrie), upon a decisive break. which opened in 1864, was subsequently known by the following names: Austrian Museum of Art and Industry 103 was founded in 1863 (declaration of intent) and contemplation, contemplation, and study in opened in 1864. Following several foreign models the freest and most liberal manner. That is the and also predecessor institutions with similar goals one purpose that this museum has to fulfill. in Austria itself, it was intended to be a “useful mu- Another purpose ... consists in the fact that ... seum” for the promotion of the quality and inter- to give the Austrian industrialists themselves national competitiveness of industrial products.2 the opportunity to exhibit particularly excel- Inspired by the Great London Exposition in lent objects. ... A space is to be created where 1862 and the South Kensington Museum Rudolf what is created by the Austrian industrialists Eitelberger projected a concept for a museum of is also seen by the Austrians.5 decorative arts in Vienna based on the model of this Museum in London. In 1864, it was finally The aim of this “Austrian Museum”, as it has opened under his leadership.3 been called since its foundation, was the creation In a lecture4 in the early summer of 1863, Ei- of a national institute for the promotion of the na- telberger outlined his museum concept and set out tional art industry. its goals: ... when we enter into this new museum, and We can study the technique independent- we see the old objects in it, these old objects ly and, like other nations, we can also build will not be exhibited for the sake of antiqui- on the great examples of past stylistic pe- ty; for because of their antiquity they belong riods. Hence it will be a question above all in a cabinet of antiquities, in an antiquarian that what we have, and as far as we have it, museum, but they are exhibited because of as complete and incomplete as it will be, be the art form, or because of the material, or established, arranged, made accessible to because of the technique. 6 (Österreichisches Museum für Kunst und Industrie, 1918– Eitelberger deliberately neglected the historical 1938), State Arts and Crafts Museum in Vienna (Staatli- aspect of objects in favour of timeless exemplars of trian Museum of Applied Arts (Österreichisches Museum 7 für angewandte Kunst, 1947–1990), MAK—Austrian Mu- ches Kunstgewerbemuseum in Wien, 1938–1947), Aus- technology and design. Just as Gottfried Semper (1803–1879) depicted antiquity as his ideal, for seum of Applied Arts, abbreviated as MAK. (MAK—Ös- Eitelberger it was the architecture and ornament of terreichisches Museum für angewandte Kunst; Kurzform, the Italian and French Renaissance, which is why MAK, ca. 1990–2018). Since 2018, the museum has been he acquired an extensive collection of ornamental known as the MAK—Museum of Applied Arts (MAK – engravings as early as 1863. Museum für angewandte Kunst). 8 2 Since the late 18th century, efforts to promote the na- It is thus also understandable that the museum’s tional art industry have been made throughout Europe. inventory entries omit time indications. And why, With regard to Austria, a few institutions are mentioned in the “exhibitions”, as they were listed monthly in incompletely: the 1807 Imperial Royal National Factory Products Cabinet in MKI ( Mittheilungen des k. k. Österreichischen Museum für Kunst und Industrie Vienna (k.k. National Fabriksprodukten-Kabinett); ), objects were ap- 1811 Joanneum in Graz, Museum and Educational parently put together without regard to type, ori- Institution; gin, or time of origin. 1835 General or Central Trade Producers Exhibition in As an example, a list of such an exhibition in the rooms of the Vienna Hofburg on the order of Emperor Franz I.; the year 1867 is quoted from MKI 2, no. 19: 329: 1838 Foundation of the “Austrian Trade Association” (Österreichischen Gewerbevereines), (from 1839 “Lower Austrian Trade Association”, (Niederösterre- 5 Ibid., 606. ichischer Gewerbeverein)). See Pokorny-Nagel (2000). 6 Ibid., 605. 3 Kernbauer and Pokorny-Nagel 2019. 7 Semper 1860-1863, vol.1, XV. 4 Eitelberger 1863a, 601–18. 8 Eitelberger 1863b, 689–94. 104 (Newly exhibited items.) March 13th: culture, and because they have the style of A tea service of Chinese porcelain with those ornaments, which has stood the test mounting of gold and enamel, property of of time for thousands of years, is still main- Count Waldstein; a landscape painting by tained today. That is why fashion is not so Marko, property of the Baron von Metz- dangerous in those countries, and fashion burg; a porcelain bowl and a wedding ring, does not exist, because the principle of art inscribed ‘Martino Luthero’, property of has not been corrupted by fashion ...10 Mrs. Krug of Nidda; two miniature portraits from the possession Eitelberger thus attested to a cultural standstill of Count Marasse; a bowl with reliefs of ter- in non-European countries, which could therefore racotta, Venetian, 16th century, property of hardly make a positive contribution to the further the Herrn Adamberger; the curvature of a development of art and industry. His remarks bronze pastoral with enamel, 12th century, raised doubts in advance as to whether he would property of St. Peter’s Abbey in Salzburg; also include Asian/East Asian works in his muse- a relief from the 12th century and a travel- um concept. ling altar with depictions from the Passion story in gilded silver and enamel, 15th cen- tury, property of the cathedral treasury in Gottfried Semper, the Theoretician Salzburg; Finally, the fifth series of glass objects des- Gottfried Semper (1803–1879) was the theoreti- tined for the Paris exhibition by the firm cian and Rudolf Eitelberger the practitioner who of J. & L. Lobmeyr and a cloth mosaic car- realized the idea of a new type of museum. Let us pet made by Franz Pekarek.—At the same therefore take a brief look at the writings of Got- time, a collection of woven fabrics and em- tfried Semper, who must be regarded as the medi- broideries from the museum’s collection ator between arts and crafts museums on the Euro- of fabric samples was presented, which are pean continent. used to illustrate the lectures of the Cus- Inspired by the first World’s Fair (Great Exhi- tos J. Falke on the history of weaving and bition of the Works of Industry of All Nations) embroidery.9 in London in 1851 and the subsequent South Kensington Museum, now the V&A Museum, In this lecture of 1863, Eitelberger felt com- he developed a concept for an “ideal museum” pelled to cite the “Orient” as an example with an during his stay in London (1850–1855), which, argumentation worthy of discussion—at least however, remained stuck in a manuscript that was from today’s point of view: not ready for printing. Semper’s original manu- script is apparently lost, but two copies exist; one We see this at every World’s Fair. Who will in the National Art Library at the V&A Museum, win the prize in terms of ornamentation at which is dated 1852, the same year as the original, the World’s Fair? If we wish to be frank and honest, we must say, above all, the nations 10 Eitelberger 1863a: 605. It is not clear whether Eitelberg- of the East, now semi-barbarous, or aban- er’s term “Orient” also included East, Southeast, and South doned from the height of civilization, and Asia. However, from the museum’s activities over the next twenty years, the more intensive study of the products of in their sunken state, they are in a certain tion is also paid to India, which explains the interest in acquiring the paintings from the Hamzanama. Over the respect the bearers of a thousand-year-old these Oriental nations because even today, Southwest and Central Asia can be observed. More atten- course of time, however, a large part of the Indian objects were given away/exchanged, so that the important group of 9 Eitelberger 1863b, 689–94. Hamzanama illustrations seems isolated today. 105 and the Viennese copy, which was probably rep- of the kind in stoneware, Tin, Silver, Glass, licated in 1855 after the London exemplar. In Crystal, and other Materials. The best man- 1867, Semper dedicated this copy to the muse- ufacturers of such Vessels were in Germany um; the donation was arranged by architect Josef and Belgium. Specimens in the German Zitek (1832–1909), who was associated with the Collections and everywhere. Viennese Museum.11 The Arabian Turkish & Indian Goblets Semper himself doubted that his “ideal muse- or Drinking Vessels for hot potions are um” could be realized: not flat on the bottom, and have separate stands or holders like Egg Cups, these … A Complete and Universal Collection stands are often tastefully chased & orna- must give, so to speak the longitudinal mented. The Chinese Vessels of this Class Section, the transverse Section, and the are well known, they have been the pro- plan of the entire Science of Culture; it totypes for our modern Tea and Coffee must show how things were done in all Cups …13 times; how they are done at present in all Countries of the earth; and why they are So Semper dared to look beyond Europe’s bor- done in one or another Way, according to ders from time to time. In 1860 and then again in Circumstances; it must give the history, 1863—during his stay in Zurich—Semper pub- the ethnography, and the Philosophy of lished his magnum opus The Style in the Techni- Culture. cal and Tectonic Arts or Practical Aesthetics.14 The … Such an ideal Collection will perhaps starting points for his reflections were textiles never be practicable, nor would it yet be and ceramics as well as tectonics in their original desirable to try it; but special Collections form. of whatever kind they may be, should be In the first part on textile art, Semper dealt considered as forming parts of this great with the structure of the Chinese house and its ideal Collection, and the System adopted ornamental decoration.15As a source for his reflec- for their Organization should be based tions, he cited a manuscript from the Bibliothèque upon this principle.12 Nationale in Paris, which he was apparently able to study during a stay on his escape to London: Es- To illustrate his ideas, he listed objects from col- say sur l’architecture Chinois, a two-volume, richly lections scattered throughout Europe. It is already illustrated work, dated around 1750–1760, appar- noticeable in this work that the historical compo- ently compiled by Jesuit missionaries and brought nent played a subordinate role. Objects from Asia to Europe.16 were mentioned only occasionally, without any In detailed drawings, the architectural structure discernible systematics. of the pagoda, residential house, and palace is de- For instance, the list under the topic “drinking picted, from the simplest tools to the richest room vessels” looks like this: decorations. In general, Semper describes Chinese ar- Goblets were the favourite forms for the chitecture as it was reported to him by the Drinking Vessels with the people of the missionaries. Northern and western Europe in the mid- dle ages. We have still a great many Vessels 13 Ibid., 181. 14 Semper 1860-1863. 11 Nicka 2007, 7–9; Noever 2007. 15 Ibid., vol.1, 241–56. 12 Noever 2007, 55. (The original English quotes by Gottfried 16 Essai sur l’architecture chinoise c. 1750‒1760. Semper cites Semper have been taken over without modifications.) yet another source for his studies: Chambers (1776). 106 In the second part, he devoted himself to ce- 1871, the so-called East Asia Expedition18 took ramics, whose artistic zenith he considered in the place and, during preparations for the expedition, European classical period. His view of Asia, on the Eitelberger showed interest in acquiring objects and, other hand, was unflattering: above all, photographs of them.19 ... Let us now turn our gaze back to those old- If this expedition is carried out, which can est Eastern cultures, where pottery had been hardly be doubted at present, it will touch guided from time immemorial into quite a countries whose arts and crafts activity is different course by the above-mentioned still relatively very poorly represented in the tools. The ancient invention of the potter’s museum, and in which that healthy sense wheel had brought about the negative effect of colour and form of ornamentation and of impoverishing and depreciating the pot- good taste in general has been preserved in tery, without a new idea of art. Pottery was all products, from the finest luxury work despised in Egypt, as well as probably also down to the ordinary objects of daily use, in Asia, and was practiced only by servants, the further development and naturalization it only served the need, or it created cheap of the Austrian Museum in the patriotic arts substitutes for precious magnificent objects and crafts is the focus of the efforts of the made of metal and precious stones. Here it Austrian Museum. acquired a thoroughly industrial tendency, The use of this expedition for the purposes and in this it achieved more than it had ever of the Austrian Empire Museums thus ap- attained, or even aspired to, with the Greeks. peared to be a matter of great importance, as But it was reserved for them to revive the a scarcely recurring opportunity to establish degraded art by the same instrument that, new and significant connections.20 handled by the barbarian slave hands (skill- ful but without real art), brought about its However, this much-heralded interest bore little decay. Unlike the barbarians, pottery was fruit. Only a few objects found their way into the a free art for the Greeks; they were held in collection and there were no exhibitions. The nu- such high esteem that medals were struck merous photographs by Wilhelm Burger (1844– for excellent potters and monuments were 1920), the expedition’s official photographer, still erected to them.17 provide insight into the prevailing interests in East Asia. Alongside numerous single prints, the muse- Semper’s view of the East was not unclouded by um’s library keeps the luxury album for Emperor prejudices; if he found an object that seemed to fit Franz Joseph, who donated it to the museum. into his argumentation, he mentioned it, but other- The next opportunity came just a few years lat- wise he concentrated on the Western art industry. er: many Asian countries were represented at the 18 Scherzer 1872. Missed Opportunities— 19 From the very beginning, a plaster workshop and a photo studio were planned in order to be able to document objects The Eitelberger Era 1864–1885 from other collections (see note 6). From 1863 to 1885, three major events occurred 20 Quoted from a letter dated 1 July 1868 from Rudolf Eitel- berger to the Ministry of Trade, archive of the MAK Mu- portunity to reorient itself, and in some cases even on 18 October 1868. On 18 October 1869, it ended with its departure from Yokohama Harbor. But some members the will to do so can be observed. From 1869 to that gave the Museum of Art and Industry the op- seum of Applied Arts. The expedition set off from Trieste of the delegation stayed in Japan fulfilling other duties and completing other journeys, returning to Vienna only in 17 Semper 1860-1863, vol. 2, 134. 1871. See Scherzer (1872). 107 Vienna World’s Fair in 1873 with numerous and precisely. In addition to the preponderance of varied objects and material samples. The museum European works of art, 63 numbers are described made purchases, but the majority of the acquisi- as Persian, Arabic, or Ottoman, and 275 (!) met- tions were donations from state commissions or alworks are listed as originating from Eastern, producers and dealers.21 Southeastern, and South Asian regions, mainly The museum did not take part in the World’s from China and Japan. Fair but held the first congress of art historians The largest lenders of the last group were Count with a focus on the Renaissance.22 Edmund Zichy with 90 objects, the art dealer Carl This openly shown lack of interest certainly Trau followed with 73 loans, 44 works were bor- contributed to the founding of the Oriental Muse- rowed from the Budapest Museum of Decorative um, which gave the Museum of Art and Industry a Arts, 18 objects were provided by Heinrich Sie- great and active competitor.23 bold, and 9 pieces came from the ethnographic Finally, in 1883, Heinrich Siebold (1852– cabinet of the Natural History Museum, from 1908) set up an exhibition of art industrial objects which today’s World Museum emerged in 1928.27 from Japan, wrote a small catalogue—and the mu- Not a single Asian object from the collection of seum only half-heartedly tried to acquire the ob- the Museum of Art and Industry was shown. jects—which was ultimately neglected “for budg- Since the late 1870s, Western European histo- etary reasons”.24 rians and artists have come together in various arts Around 1880, a veritable Japanese boom began and craft movements and have had an impact on in Europe’s most important cities, driven by artists the major cultural institutions with their efforts to and the antiquity trade.25 reform. The idea that united them was the theme The major museums of decorative arts, for ex- of “ornament”, which had been around since the ample in London and Hamburg, have long recog- World’s Fairs—Owen Jones’ (1809–1874) Gram-nized the importance of East Asian works for the mar of Ornaments (1856) was inspired by the 1851 further development of Western art, and even the Great Exhibition and opened up a new world for Museum of Decorative Arts in Budapest, which many artists; subsequently these ideas spread over was only founded in 1872 based on the Viennese Europe, but this development occurred much later model, was able to be one of the main lenders for in Vienna. the “historical bronze exhibition” with its East Eitelberger’s successors had to catch up, and Asian holdings in 1883. it was only under the directorate of Arthur Scala Especially the “Historische Bronze-Ausstel- (1845–1909) that a major contemporary step was lung” (Historical Bronze Exhibition) at the taken towards a reorientation determining the mu- Austrian Museum of Art and Industry attests to seum’s future through the takeover of the collec- the museum’s passivity. The detailed catalogue 26 tion of the Oriental Museum/Trade Museum and lists 1657 objects and describes them briefly but through a more active exhibiting policy. The mere fact that, with the help of the Ger- 21 Wieninger 2014. man and French art dealer S. Bing (1838–1905), 22 Murr 2022. The congress reports were published in the Mit- he organized Europe’s most extensive exhibition 23 Wieninger 2012. theilungen des k. k. Österreichischen Museums für Kunst und on Hokusai at the Museum for Art and Industry, ( Industrie MKI 8, no. 96 ‒ MKI 9, no 100). illustrates this long overdue turnaround. 28 There was a generational change in the staff and 24 The objects on display in 1883 are now in the collection of a change in the direction of art history and mu- the Weltmuseum; Siebold donated them to the Trademu- seum policy. As early as 1860, Gottfried Semper seum in 1892, from where they were transferred to today’s Weltmuseum Wien. Wieninger 2021a; 2021b. 25 Wieninger 2024. 27 Zorn 2005. 26 von Frimmel 1883. 28 Hirschler 1901. 108 hinted in the preface to The Style that there were the other teaching at the university, technical two groups of historians/art historians:29 one schools and the museum landscape.32 Eitelberger school he called the neo-Gothic, even romantic attended the 1862 World’s Fair in London and direction, including restoration approaches, whose came back with great enthusiasm for the idea of most important representatives were located in creating a national institute for the promotion of England and France, and the other, the so-called art and industry, along the lines of the Kensington classical school, which also included archaeology, Collection. was the more forward-facing. And, of course, he The engagement with non-European topics was saw himself as one of the main representatives of marginal under his leadership, with the museum’s this direction, and we can confidently count Eitel- interest limited to Western antiquity, Byzantium, berger among them too.30 and India, i.e. all “cradles of so-called classical cul- While the classical school dominated cultural ture”. East Asia is present in singular pieces, and life in the Germanophone world until the 1880s— Eitelberger was only half-heartedly involved in the Semper died at the age of 76 in 1879, Eitelberger donation of larger collections of Asian origin. Any at the age of 68 in 1885—in the 1890s, a much attempt to recognize a clear rhyme or reason in the younger generation took over, for whom Europe- few acquisitions or accepted donations fails. The an classicism, be it antiquity or the Renaissance, no most likely indication is that there was an interest longer held such a unique position. They looked to in Chinese enamel work for a short period. The England and France, where, certainly also under purchase of porcelain duplicates from the Dresden the influence of the world exhibitions but also of collection was a stroke of luck, but was not expand- colonialist activities, a more generous understand- ed by further acquisitions. ing of world art was already possible. It is characteristic of the Viennese situation that In 1897, the 52-year-old Arthur Scala moved the Museum of Art and Industry did not participate from the Trade Museum to the Museum of Art and in the Vienna World’s Fair in 1873, but instead Ei- Industry as director and, together with artists and telberger hosted the first international art historians’ students from the Kunstgewerbeschule (School congress to discuss museum-related problems. of Arts and Crafts), paved the way for reforms.31 However, the Vienna World’s Fair encouraged a With the acquisition of the majority of the collec- younger generation to look beyond the borders and tion of the Handelsmuseum, he also changed the enrich Viennese cultural life with non-European museum’s character and created the basis for the works. With the founding of the Oriental Museum acquisition and donations of further Asian collec- (later renamed the Trade Museum) in 1874, a more tions over the course of the 20th century. open institution emerged under the “guise” of pro- moting international industrial and trade relations. Conclusion 32 On this topic, see Semper’s introductuion in Der Stil (Sem-per 1860-1863, vol.1, XV). He describes three “schools” Semper and Eitelberger were both preferring classi- that look at art and architecture from different aspects: a) The Materialists, under the influence of the natural sci- cal art and architecture—one shaped architecture, ences and mathematics, which strives for “truth to materi- als“, an ideal of Western antiquity. 29 Semper 1860-1863, vol.1, XV. b) Historians, under the influence of art history and the an-tiquarian research. They are in favour to imitate art ideals of 30 In the same preface, Semper mentions “Three necessary long ago or foreign peoples with the most critical stylistic conditions of formal beauty: 1. Symmetry; 2. Proportional-fidelity. ity; 3. Direction”, which he derived from nature. Of course, c) The Schematists and Purists who are under the influence with these conditions of art and architecture, it is difficult of speculative philosophy. Semper considers this group to be to approach the art of East Asia (Semper 1860-1863, vol.1, insignificant, which is why for him the “materialists” (those XXIV). preferring classical art and architectur) and the “historians” 31 Wieninger, 2000. dominate the discussion in the 2nd half of the 19th century. 109 Although the young founding director Arthur von Falke, Jakob. 1885. “Rudolf von Eitelberger und das Österreichische Museum für Kunst und Industrie.” Scala did not have his own museum building, he Mittheilungen des k. k. Österreichischen Museum für took every opportunity to stage highly acclaimed Kunst und Industrie 1 (1): 2. exhibitions and brought new topics into art history Hirschler. E., ed. 1901. Katalog. Werke Hokusai‘s. K.k. (including with curators from the Museum of Art Oesterr. Museum für Kunst und Industrie. Wien: Kunsthandlung Hirschler. and Industry, e.g. Alois Riegl). He left the Handels- Katalog der Bibliothek des K. K. Österreichischen Muse- museum at exactly the right time and took over the ums für Kunst und Industrie . 1883. Wien: Selbstver- management of the Museum of Art and Industry. 33 lag des K. K. Österreichischen Museums. Even if it can be guessed from what has been Kernbauer, Eva, and Kathrin Pokorny-Nagel, eds. 2019. stated so far that Asia, especially East Asia, did not Rudolf Eitelberger von Edelberg: Netzwerker der play a major role in Eitelberger’s museum world, an Kunstwelt . Wien: Köln: Weimar: Böhlau Verlag. Mittheilungen des k. k. Österreichischen Museums für attempt will be made to list in detail and historical Kunst und Industrie (Monatsschrift für Kunst und order which objects were added to the collection, Kunstgewerbe) (MKI) . 1865. NF 1, no. 1 – 1885. 20, along with their sources, what was exhibited and no. 243. https://hauspublikationen.mak.at/viewer/ published, and what literature was added to the toc/1355387758001/. museum’s large library. Therefore, the following ———. 1886. NF 1, no. 1 – NF 12, no. 12. https:// lists are divided into five groups according to the hauspublikationen.mak.at/viewer/toc/135538 hibition, Publications, and Lectures. Murr, Beate. 2022. “Der erste kunstwissenschaftliche Kongress in Wien und seine Folgen für die Kon- activities of the museum: Collections, Library, Ex- 7758001/. servierung und Restaurierung.“ In Mitteilungen des Bibliography Berufsverbands Österreichischer Restauratorinnen und Restauratoren18: 204‒13. Wien: Selbstverlag. Nicka, Isabella. 2007. ‘“The First Elements of Human Chambers, William. 1776. Traité des édifices, meubles, Industry’: Eine Abschift von Gottfried Sempers habits, machines et ustensiles des Chinois: gravés sur Manuskript Practical Art in Metals and Hard Materi- les originaux dessinés à la Chine par M. Chambers, als im MAK Wien.” BA thesis, University of Vienna. architecte anglois. Compris une description de leurs Noever, Peter, ed. 2007. Gottfried Semper – The Ideal temples, maisons, jardins, etc. Paris. https://biblio- Museum: Practical Art in Metals and Hard Materi- theque-numerique.inha.fr/collection/item/5711- als. Wien: Schlebrügge. jardins-anglo-chinois-cahier-5bis. Pokorny-Nagel, Kathrin. 2000. “Zur Gründungs- Eitelberger, Rudolf. 1863a. “Über die Aufgabe des ös- geschichte des k.k. Österreichischen Museums terreichischen Museums für Kunst und Industrie.” für Kunst und Industrie.” In Kunst und Industrie. In Verhandlungen und Mittheilungen des nieder-ös- Die Anfänge des Museums für angewandte Kunst terreichischen Gewerbe-Vereins 1863 8: 601–18. in Wien, edited by Peter Noever, 52–89. Ostfil- Wien. https://books.google.at/books?id=_yiQBh- dern-Ruit: Hatje-Cantz Verlag. VpHHIC&printsec=frontcover&hl=de#v=onep- Scherzer, Karl. 1872. Fachmännische Berichte über age&q=601&f=true. die österreichisch-ungarische Expedition nach ———. 1863b. “Über die Enquete für das Österreichis- Siam, China und Japan (1868–1871). Stutt- che Museum und die Erwerbung der Ornament- gart: Verlag von Julius Maier. https://archive. stich-Sammlung.” In Verhandlungen und Mitthei- org/details/fachmnnischeber00schegoog/ lungen des nieder-österreichischen Gewerbe-Vereins mode/2up?view=theater. 1963 9: 689–94. Semper, Gottfried. 1860-1863. Der Stil in den technis-Essai sur l‘architecture chinoise. c. 1750–1760. Bib- chen und tektonischen Künsten, oder praktische Aes- liothèque nationale de France, département Es- thetik: ein Handbuch für Techniker, Künstler und tampes et photographie, RESERVE OE-13-PET Kunstfreunde. Frankfurt/München: Friedr. Bruck- FOL. https://heritage.bnf.fr/france-chine/fr/ mann‘s Verlag. https://digi.ub.uni-heidelberg.de/ essai-architecture-article. diglit/semper1860ga. von Frimmel, Theodor. 1883 “Foreword.” In Katalog 33 Wieninger 2000; 2012. der historischen Bronze-Ausstellung im k. k. österr. 110 Museum für Kunst und Industrie, III‒VIII. Wien: List of Activities Gerold. https://hauspublikationen.mak.at/viewer/ image/AC06633473/1/LOG_0000/; https://ar- Collection chive.org/details/katalogderhistor00frim. Wieninger, Johannes. 2000. “Er brachte viel Eigenar- tiges und notwendiges mit. Arthur von Scala als The inventories are compartmentalized by materi- Mittler zwischen Ost und West und die Grundle- als. From the founding of the museum until 1885, gung der Asiensammlung des heutigen Museums there are the following entries (approximate % of ———. 2005. “MAK-Austrian Museum of Applied für angewandte Kunst. 1868–1909.” In Kunst und total collection items given in parentheses): Industrie. Die Anfänge des Museums für angewandte BJ (Bijou/Jewellery): out of 986 objects, 25 from Kunst in Wien , edited by Peter Noever, 164–72. Os-East Asia (2.5%) tfildern-Ruit: Hatje-Cantz Verlag. BR (Bronze): out of 197 objects, 2 from East Asia Arts, Vienna.” In Japanese Collections in European (1%) Museums: Reports from the Toyota Foundation Sym- EI ( Eisen/iron): out of 370 objects, none from East ———. 2012. “Das Orientalische Museum in Wien, posium, Königswinter 2003, edited by Josef Kreiner, Asia 501‒07. Bonn: Bier’sche Verlagsanstalt. EM ( Email/ émail cloisonné): out of 131 objects, 25 from East Asia (23%) 1874–1906.” Vienne, porta Orientis. Austriaca. Cahiers universitaires d’information sur l‘Autriche GL ( Glas /glass): of 1514 objects, 62 from East 37: 143–60. Asia (4%) ———. 2014. “Die Asien-Sammlung im Österre-GO ( Gold, Edelmetalle /gold, precious metals): out ichischen Museum für Kunst und Industrie und of 630 objects, 63 from East Asia (10%) die Wiener Weltausstellung von 1873.” In Ge-H (Holzarbeiten/woodwork): out of 315 objects, burt der Massenkultur. Beiträge der Tagung des 7 from East Asia (2%) WGL-Forschungsprojektes „Wege in die Moderne. Weltausstellungen, Medien und Musik im 19. KE ( Keramik /ceramics): out of 3400 objects, 96 Jahrhundert“ … Anzeiger des Germanischen Na-from East Asia (3%) tionalmuseum , edited by Urlich Grossmann, and KI (Kunstblätter/prints and drawings): out of Roland Prügel, 30–37. Nürnberg: Verlag des Ger-3400 objects, 63 from East Asia (2%) manischen Nationalmuseums. KU ( Kupfer, Messing /copper, brass): out of 382 ———. 2021a. “Heinrich von Siebold’s Collections at objects, 13 from East Asia (3%) the MAK—Museum of Applied Arts, Vienna.” In LA ( Transmitters of Another Culture II. The Collection Lack /lacquer ware): of 121 objects, 53 from of Heinrich von Siebold , edited by Hidaka Kaori, East Asia (43%) Bettina Zorn, 207‒19. Tokyo: National Museum of LE ( Leder /leather): of 239 objects, 24 from East Japanese History. Asia (10%) ———. 2021b. “ Exhibition of Applied Art Objects from MAL ( Malerei /painting): out of 55 objects, one Japan : Extracts from Heinrich von Siebold’s 1883 from East Asia (1%) Catalogue.” In Transmitters of Another Culture II. The Collection of Heinrich von Siebold , edited by Hi-T ( Textilien /Textile): out of 4000 objects, 75 from daka Kaori, Bettina Zorn, 221‒43. Tokyo: National East Asia (1.8%) Museum of Japanese History. ———. 2024. “Networks of Enthusiasm for Japan.” In Collecting Asian Art. Cultural Politics and Transre- gional Networks in Twentieth-Century Central Eu- rope, edited by Markéta Hánová, Yuka Kadoi, and Si- mone Wille, 97‒100. Leuven: Leuven University Press. Zorn, Bettina. 2005. “Museum of Ethnology, Vien- na.” In Japanese Collections in European Museums: Reports from the Toyota Foundation Symposium, Königswinter 2003, edited by Josef Kreiner, 509–13. Bonn: Bier’sche Verlagsanstalt. 111 Not all objects are still in the collection, as there in which a wide variety of activities were archivally were several exchanges with other collections and noted. Lectures were written down in more exten- collectors. Some items were also discarded and sive contributions and were thus preserved. these are marked with the note “(null)”. The articles on East Asian objects, techniques, Since the inventories largely omit temporal in- and smaller exhibitions can usually be found in formation, it was not added to the list.34 the regular section “Kleinere Mitteilungen (Minor Communications)”, which in turn is divided into Library personal news, newly exhibited objects, and other news, also from friendly institutions. The library is considered the “backbone” of the museum. Of the approximately 8000 books ac- Lectures quired up until 1885, only 8 were on East Asian topics (approx. 0.1%). In October 1885, Jacob von Falke gave a lecture in 35 honour of the late director Rudolf Eitelberger and Exhibitions mentioned in the introduction that 220 public lec- tures had taken place in the course of the museum’s At the beginning, there were only a few exhibitions history. Of these, only four (-1.8%) were devoted to East Asian topics. 38 in the modern sense, the first of which were proba- bly “The Heraldic-Genealogical-Spragistic Exhibi- tion” of the “ADLER” association in 1878 and the List of Activities in Historical Order “Historical Bronze Exhibition” in 1883.36 However, there were continuous, almost week- 1864 ly, presentations of objects—”newly exhibited objects”—of various kinds, which were also listed Collection monthly in the EM 1 vase Chinese, purchased by Carl Trau (see fig. 1) MKI . According to these rubrics, the objects are listed here. It can be observed that many objects were exhibited and subsequently ac- Library quired for the collection. Alcock, Rutherford. 1862. Catalogue of Works of Indus- try and Art, Sent from Japan. London: Clowes. Publication Alcock, Rutherford. 1862. Specimens of Japanese Pa- pers, which the Extraordinary Ambassador to the Japanese Court, Mr. Ruttherford, Brought to Al- With the monthly issues of the Mittheilungen des cock at the London World Industrial Exhibition of k. k. Österreichischen Museum für Kunst und Indus- 1862. Gift of the Count of Hohenbruck (Arthur trie Adolf Schwäger von Hohenbruck). , 37 the museum created a periodical publication Alcock, Rutherford (attributed). 1862. Sample of Chi- 34 The preserved objects are available in the museum’s online nese papers (same layout as the sample book of Jap- database (https://sammlung.mak.at/en). anese papers). Gift of the Count of Hohenbruck 35 (Arthur Adolf Schwäger von Hohenbruck). Katalog der Bibliothek des K. K. Österreichischen Museums für Kunst und Industrie 1883. Under the chapter “Egypt, Orient, America”, 45 publications are listed. (The other data 1865 up to 1885 were provided to the author by the library’s staff.) In the private library of R. Eitelberger, which was incorpo- rated into the museum library, there are no publications on Collection East Asian topics. The library’s online catalogue: https:// search-mak.obvsg.at/primo-explore/search?vid=MAK. KE 109 Plate with coat of arms, Chinese, acquisition 36 von Frimmel 1883. unknown 37 Mittheilungen des k. k. Österreichischen Museums für Kunst und Industrie (Monatsschrift für Kunst und Kunstgewerbe). 38 Falke 1885. 112 Fig. 1: Basin, China, Wanli period (1573–1619). Bronze with émail cloisonné. MAK Inv. no: EM 1. Photo: © MAK/Nathan Murrell. KE 110 Smoker, Lion, acquisition unknown Library KE 111 – 128 Porcelain, Chinese, from the porcelain Jones, Owen. 1866. Examples of Chinese Ornament: Se- factory (k.k. Aerarial Porzellanmanufaktur, Vien- lected from Objects in the South Kensington Museum nese porcelain factory) and Other Collections. London: Gilbert. KE 299 Cup, China, porcelain factory (null) Julien, Stanislas. 1856. Histoire et fabrication de la por-KE 439 Tea Bowl, purchased from Carl Trau celaine chinoise et augmenté d’un Mémoire sur la KE 491 Mug, Chinese, purchased from Mrs. R. porcelaine du Japon. Trad. du japonais par J.(ohann Schloszau Joseph) Hoffmann. Paris: Mallet-Bachelier. KI 525 – KI 527 Photos of Chinese bronzes from the Edmund Zichy Collection 1867 1866 Collection GO 151 Damascened vessel, Chinese, acquisition Collection unknown KE 988 Pot, Chinese, acquisition unknown KE 492 Saucer, Japanese, porcelain factory (null) KE 1015, KE 1016 Two flowerpots, Chinese, pur-KE 655 – KE 677 Chinese and Japanese porcelain, por-chased from Emilie Allesch celain factory KE 1982, KE 1083 Two cups and saucers, Chinese, ac-BJ 9 Jewellery, Silver u Feathers, China, gift from Kraft quisition unknown (?) KE 1122 Bowl, Chinese, purchased from Spengel/ Donation of a Chinese house altar (so-called Josshouse) Munich from Shanghai. KE1201 – KE 1203 Porcelain, Chinese and Japanese, MKI 2, no. 15: 254 porcelain factory Has not been inventoried, (null) 113 KE 1907 Plate, Chinese, porcelain factory KE 1366 – KE 1383 Chinese and Japanese porcelain, BJ 11 Flower Holder Silver Filigree, Chinese, Paris Uni- purchased from the Japanese Museum, Dresden versal Exhibition T 1161 and T 1162 Two bandages, Japanese, Paris Uni- Library versal Exhibition Berg, Albert. 1864. Ansichten aus Japan, China und T1164 – T 1168 Five ribbons, Japanese, Paris Universal Siam. Die Preussische Expedition nach Ost-Asien. Exhibition ( Views from Japan, China, and Siam. The Prussian Purchase of printed and painted Chinese papers Expedition to East Asia). Berlin: Verlag der kgl. Ge-MKI 2, no. 18: 311 heimen Ober-Hofbuchdruckerei. First list of objects acquired at the Paris Universal um of Metallotechnics.” Gottfried Semper donates his manuscript “Ideal Muse- Exhibition (1867). MKI 3, no. 28: 83 MKI 2, no. 22: 387–88 Including: 16. Two bandages (all the same, silk knitted), Japanese Exhibition 18. Five ribbons of silk, Japanese Exhibition of Chinese and Japanese porcelain objects 21. Fans. Round Disc, Japanese MKI 3, no. 36: 259 22. Handkerchief. Silk, Chinese 23. Paper knife ivory, Chinese 1869 24. Flower holder silver filigree, Chinese Collection Library EM 29 Plate, Japanese, purchased at the Gasselich auction De Montblanc, Charles Descatons. 1867. EM 37 Vase, ancient Chinese, acquisition unknown Le Japon tel qu’il est GO 193 Vase, purchased from Karl Scherzer . Paris: Bertrand KE 1395 and KE 1395 Two bowls, Chinese, purchased Exhibitions from Carl Trau KE 1427 – KE1447 Chinese porcelain, acquisition A Chinese tea service with a mount of gold and enamel unknown from a private collection KE 1538 Brick, China Nangking, gift from Derobe, MKI 2, no. 19: 329 Dubois & Comp., Paris (null) Chinese and Indian works (ivory, mosaic, glass, etc.) KE 1922 – KE 1932 Porcelain objects China and Ja- from private collections pan, acquisition unknown MKI 2, no. 20: 345 LA 19 Plate, Japanese, purchased from Carl Trau Samples of Japanese color printing on paper” property LA 20 Box, Japanese, purchased from Carl Trau of Carl Trau LA 21 and LA 22 Two “sets for tea”, 7 and 13 pieces, MKI 2, no. 24: 424 purchased from Carl Trau LA 23 Writing Box, Japanese, purchased from Carl Trau Publications LA 24 Plate red, Chinese, purchased by Derobe, Dubois Japanese and Chinese porcelain at the Exhibition of the & Comp., Paris MKI 2, no. 20: 347 Japanese, acquisition unknown BJ 44 – BJ 46 rings, China, purchased in Singapore by Industrieverein in Graz. LE 45 – LE 48 Samples of colourful printed leather, Falke, Jacob. Die Epochen der Seidenindustrie (The Ep- Karl Scherzer ochs of the Silk Industry ). Gifts to the museum: a plate, Chinese lacquer work and MKI 2, no. 19: 321–25 a brick from the Porcelain Tower in Nangking (also 1868 mentioned under “Newly Exhibited Objects.” MKI 5, no. 50: 39) MKI 5, no. 50: 38 Collection EM 26 Vase hexagonal, Chinese, purchased from Carl Exhibition Trau Exhibition of Chinese and Japanese porcelain objects KE 1308 Bowl, Chinese, acquisition unknown from private collections ( MKI 4, no. 48: 502) 114 Publications Library East Asian Expedition Chambers, William. 1776. Traité des édifices, meubles, MKI 4, no. 40: 336 habits, machines et ustensiles des Chinois, ... compris From the East Asian Expedition une description de leurs temples, maisons, jardins, etc. MKI 4, no. 44: 424 Paris: Chez le Sieur Le Rouge From the East Asian Expedition Julien, Stanislas, and Paul Champion. 1869. Industries MKI 5, no. 49: 9 anciennes et modernes de l’empire chinois: d’après des From the East Asian Expedition notices trad. du chinois par Stanislas Julien et accom- MKI 5, no. 50: 40 pagnées de notices industrielles et scientifiques par From the East Asian Expedition Paul Champion. Paris: E. Lacroix MKI 5, no. 52: 81 Humbert-Droz, Aimé. 1870. Le Japon illustré: ouvrage contenant 476 vues, scènes, types, monuments et pay- 1870 sages. Paris: Hachette Collection Exhibitions BR 197 Girandole Japanese purchased, acquisition A group of Japanese bronze objects acquired by the East unknown Asian Expedition EM 39 Belt Buckle, Ancient Chinese, purchased from MKI 5, no. 52: 88 Expedition Enamel, porcelain, and lacquer objects from Java, Japan, EM 40, 41, 42 Bronze Vases from China, purchased and China from private collections. from Expedition Chinese chessboard made of ivory pieces ... from the EM 50 Bottle, ancient Chinese, gift from Archduke property of His Royal Highness Archduke Rudolf Rainer Japanese robes and embroidery, sent in by the East GO 135, 136 Two Swords with Scabbards, Japanese, Asian Expedition gift from Militzer (Millitzer) in Nagasaki MKI 5, no. 53: 111 GO 140, 141 Two Vases, Chinese, Purchased from Karl Japanese armour from private ownership Scherzer The gifts of the Mikado of Japan to His Majesty the Em- GO 147 Vase, Chinese, acquisition unknown peror and Empress KE 1542 – KE 1545 Ceramics Chinese, East Asia 30 pieces of Japanese bronze objects from private Expedition collections KE 1552 Two teapots, brown, Chinese, Expedition MKI 5, no. 55: 138 KE 1588 – 1599 Ceramics, Chinese and Japanese, Ex- Japanese fabric and Chinese fans, property of Arthur pedition, (partly null) Skala (Scala) KE 1610 Plate China, purchased from Millwich in MKI 5, no. 56: 156 Gröbming A group of vessels and utensils, old Chinese works of KE 1933 – KE 1938 Ceramics, Chinese and Japanese, different eras in émail cloisonné from the possession Expedition of the old count Salm KI 2146 Watercolour, depicting a vase by émail cloison- MKI 5, no. 57: 168 né from the private collection of the British envoy Two large round plates and two vases in the shape of ele- Sir Rutherford Alcock in Beijing (see fig. 2) phants, ancient Chinese cell enamel work, property ME 106 – ME 110 Altarpiece, candlestick, jugs, Chi- of Carl Trau (a “vase in the shape of an elephant” nese, purchased through the Ministry of Agricul- found its way into the museum’s collection via the ture (null) collection Exner, Inv. No. EM 475) ME 118 – ME 121 Vessels, Siamese, Chinese, by Karl MKI 5, no. 59: 212 Scherzer (null) Cabinet in which the Japanese commercial treaty was LA 39 Vessel, Japan, gift from Baron Eugen Ransonnet brought to Vienna, Japanese lacquerwork; two Jap- (null) anese swords; tobacco box of a Japanese noble man LA 40 Tea box ..., gift from Baron Eugen Ransonnet and other lacquerwork. A group of colossal Chinese LA 45 – LA 50 lacquer objects, Japan, gift from Mr. porcelain vases Millitzer (Militzer), Nagasaki MKI 6, no. 61: 259 T 1559 – T1581 Textiles, Chinese and Japanese, pur- A group of artificial flowers, modern Japanese works. chased from Expedition Japanese Terracotta Figurines 115 Fig. 2: Watercolour, Vase of émail cloisonné from the private collection of the British envoy Sir Rutherford Alcock in Beijing. Beijing(?), before 1869. MAK Inv. no: KI 2146. Photo: © MAK. 116 MKI 6, no. 62: 279 1872 A big group of Japanese paintings and wallpapers MKI 6, no. 63: 297 Collection KE 1972 Jug, Delft or China, purchased from Kun- Publications sthandlung Pickert in Nuremberg KE 1973 Jug set in gilt copper, China, purchased from Friedrich Lippmann. Eine Studie über chinesische Email-Kunsthandlung Pickert in Nuremberg Vasen, Teil 1 (A Study of Chinese Enamel Vases, Part KE 1985 Bowl, Chinese, purchased from Kuhn, 1 ). Munich MKI 5, no. 60: 213–21 Friedrich Lippmann. Eine Studie über chinesische Email-Vasen, Teil 2 (A Study of Chinese Enamel Vases, Part Library Feuillet de Conches, Félix. 1856. Les peintres européens 2 ). en Chine et les peintres chinois . Paris: Dubuisson. MKI 6, no. 61: 235–46 Friedrich Lippmann. Eine Studie über chinesische Email-Vasen, Teil 3 (Schluss) (A Study of Chinese Enamel Exhibitions Vases, Part 3 ). Addendum to the Catalogue of the Exhibition of Re-MKI 6, no. 63: 285–92 producing Drawing Arts Also published as a stand-alone publication by the mu-Chinese Woodblock Print “Harvest Scene” seum in the same year. MKI 7, no. 82: 149 Gallery II in the Museum 1871 (Includes Chinese and Japanese ceramics) MKI 7, no. 83: 162–63 Collection EM 53 Plate Chinese, purchased from Blum Publications EM 57 Tea kettle Chinese, purchased from Kunsthand- Ilg, Albert. Einiges über die Technik orientalischer Lack- lung Pickert, Nuremberg (null) arbeiten. größtenteils nach Berichten französischer KI 13660 Album with photographs of Siam, China, Missionare, Teil 1 (Notes on the Technique of Oriental and Japan by Wilhelm Burger, taken on the East Lacquer Work, Mostly Based on Reports from French Asia expedition of the “Imperial and Royal Mission Missionaries, Part 1). to East Asia” 1868–1871 MKI 7, no. 79: 74–77 Gift from His Majesty the Emperor (not inventoried Ilg, Albert. Einiges über die Technik orientalischer Lack- until 1883) (see fig. 3) arbeiten. größtenteils nach Berichten französischer T 1728 – T 1732 silk fabrics, Japanese, gift from His Missionare, Teil 2 (Notes on the technique of orien- Majesty the (Japanese) Emperor (Mikado) tal lacquer work, mostly based on reports from French missionaries, Part 2). Exhibitions MKI 7, no. 80: 92–99 Photographic album of the East Asian Expedition, MKI property of His Majesty the Emperor 1873 6, no. 66: 353 Samples of Japanese silk fabrics (brocade) which the Collection Taikun sent to His Majesty the Emperor; His Maj-BJ 90 – BJ 93 Eight pairs of shirt buttons, enamel, Japa-esty’s gift to the museum nese, purchased at the World’s Fair MKI 6, no. 67: 373 BJ 94 Bracelet with 8 balls, Japanese, purchased at the A Chinese Enamel Plate World’s Fair MKI 6, no. 68: 391 BJ 96 and BJ 98 Scarf rings, Japanese, purchased at the Étagère and cassette by lacquer, modern Chinese work; World’s Fair a pair of porcelain vases with lacquer painting, a few BJ 97 Two shirt buttons, Japanese, purchased at the larger ones completely covered with lacquer, Chi-World’s Fair nese, private property BJ 131 Filigree Pieces (Pendant), Chinese, purchased at MKI 6, no. 72: 471 the World’s Fair 117 Fig. 3: Wilhelm J. Burger: “Jakonin’s wife”. Photo, albumin print from the East Asian Expedition, 1868–1871. MAK Inv. no: KI 13660-32-11. Photo: © MAK. 118 Fig. 4: Writing box (suzuribako) with drawer. Japan, before 1873. Lacquer on wood (maki-e). MAK Inv. no: LA 69. Purchased from Heinrich Siebold at the Vienna World’s Fair (1873). Photo: © MAK/Aslan Kudrnofsky. BJ 132 – BJ 134 Brooches, Chinese, purchased at the H 309 Makeup box, Chinese, purchased at the World World’s Fair (null) Fair (null) EM 62 Two upper and lower shells with cell enamel, H 312 Small table, Chinese, purchased at the World’s Japan, purchased at the World’s Fair Fair (null) EM 63 Handle Vase with Cell Enamel, Japan, pur- H 313 Armchair, Chinese, purchased at the World’s chased at the World’s Fair Fair (null) EM 81 Table top with cell enamel, Chinese, purchased KE 2031 Teapot, Japanese, purchased at the World’s at the World’s Fair (null) Fair (null) EM 82 Two vases with cell enamel, Chinese, Purchased KE 2064 – 2069 Ceramic objects, Japanese, gifts from at the World’s Fair (null) the Japanese Commission at the World’s Fair (KE GO 249 Sword fittings (Fuchi and Kashira), Japanese, 2065 and KE 2068 null) acquisition unknown KE 2071 Porcelain plate with landscape (Fuji) in blue, GO 250 Bowl, Japanese, acquisition unknown (null) Japanese, gift from the Japanese Commission at the GO 251 34 Sword fittings (Fuchi and Kashira), Japan, World’s Fair acquired at the World’s Fair KE 2072 Picture with relief, God of Wealth, Japanese, GO 252 Knife (Kogatana) Japan, acquired at the gift from Heinrich Siebold (null) World’s Fair KE 2073 Porcelain Attachment, Japanese, gift from H 307 Box, Chinese, purchased at the World’s Fair Heinrich Siebold (null) LA 51 Can, Japanese, purchased at the World’s Fair H 308 Base, Chinese purchased at the World’s Fair 119 LA 56 Plate, circular (fan-shaped wall decoration), gift GO 300 Vase, Chinese, acquired at the World’s Fair from the Japanese Commission at the World’s Fair GO 301, 302, 303 Two bottles, one jug, Japanese, pur- LA 57 Sample of Japanese lacquer painting under glass chased at the World’s Fair (null) and frame, gift from the Japanese Commission at GO 308 Jug in the shape of a tree branch, Japanese, pur- the World’s Fair chased at the World’s Fair LA 69 Writing cassette, Japanese, purchased from GO 310 Mixed group of sword fittings, Japanese, gift Heinrich Siebold (from the World’s Fair) (see fig. 4) from Heinrich Siebold LA 70 Table (?) with cranes, Japanese, purchased from H 314, 315 Screens, Chinese, purchased at the World’s Heinrich Siebold (null) Fair (null) LA 71 Medicine box (Inro), Japanese, purchased from KE 2076 Bowl, Chinese, gift from Dr Pollak Heinrich Siebold KE 2085 Tea caddy, Chinese, gift from Dr Pollak La 72 Box, red lacquer, Japanese, purchased from Hein- KE 2086 Bowl, Chinese, gift from Dr Pollak rich Siebold (null) KE 2087 Bowl, Chinese, gift from Dr Pollak LA 73 Letterbox, Japanese, purchased from Heinrich KE 2089 Pot with ivory lid (tea box, Jap. chaire), Japa- Siebold nese, gift from Heinrich Siebold LA 74 Oblong box with the coat of arms of the emper- KE 2090 Bottle, Japanese, gift from Heinrich Siebold or, Japanese, purchased from Heinrich (null) Siebold (null) KE 2251 Vase with relief, Chinese, acquisition unknown T 2001 Yellow silk fabric, Chinese, gift from the World’s KE 2252 Vase blue and gold, Chinese, World’s Fair Fair KE 2253 Vase celadon, Chinese, World’s Fair T 2002 Red silk fabric, Chinese, gift from the World’s KE 2254 Vase celadon, Chinese, World’s Fair Fair (null) KE 2255 Vase scrawled, Chinese, World’s Fair T 2008 Japanese Brown Gold Brocade, gift from the KE 2256 Vase white and blue, Japanese, World’s Fair Japanese Commission at the World’s Fair KE 2257 Bowl Japanese, World’s Fair (null) T 2023 Japanese Pattern Book with Fabric Samples, gift KE 2258 – KE 2265 Chinese ceramic objects, World’s from the Japanese Commission at the World’s Fair Fair (see fig. 5) KE 2266 – KE 2270 Japanese ceramic objects, World’s Fair Publications KE 2278, KE 2279 Two bowls, Japanese, gift from Dr Pollak (null) Appointment of Heinrich v. Siebold as Correspondent of KE 2282 – KE 2286 Five bowls, Chinese, World’s Fair the Museum (KE 2283 null) MKI 8, no. 98: 504 ME 235 – 239 Pewter objects, Chinese, World’s Fair The Oriental Museum in Vienna (null) MKI 8, no. 99: 510‒11 LA 75 Can, ancient Japanese, purchased at the World’s Fair MKI su- 8, no. 99: 538 zuribako ), Japanese, purchased at the World’s Fair LA 81 Writing box in the form of a stringed instrument 1874 A Japanese saddle, Chinese table, carved screen walls the World’s Fair (null) LA 80 Writing box with bamboo decoration (Jap. Exhibitions La 78, LA 79 Two boxes, brown, Chinese, purchased at (Jap. koto), Japanese, purchased at the World’s Fair LA 82 Stand of colourful lacquer with porcelain pot, BJ 141, Four balls, iron with silver, Japanese, acquired at porcelain pot newly inventoried as KE 11115) LA 83 Lidded box with compass, Chinese, purchased at Collection Japanese purchased at the World’s Fair (Stand lost, BJ 149 Four damascened balls, Japanese, acquired at the the World’s Fair LE 69 Japanese leather saddle, gift from Heinrich Siebold LE 70 Blanket, finely openwork (cartridge), Japanese, Worl’s Fair BJ 142 Three balls, iron with gold, Japanese, acquired at the World’s Fair the World’s Fair GL 1939–1951 Glass objects, Japan, acquired at the acquired at the World’s Fair LE 71 – LE 76 Leather samples, Japanese, acquired at World’s Fair (null) the World’s Fair GO 299 Vase, Chinese, acquired at the World’s Fair 120 Fig. 5: Dish. Porcelain painted in cobalt blue under the glaze. China, Yuan dynasty (1279–1368), mid-14th century. MAK Inv. no: KE 2259. Purchased at the Vienna World’s Fair (1873). Foto: © MAK/Georg Mayer. Acquisitions at the World’s Fair Catalog der kaiserlich japanischen Ausstellung (Catalog MKI 9, no. 100: 23–24 of the Imperial Japanese Exposition). 1873. Wien: Japanese ceramic and metal goods, gift of Heinrich Verl. der Japanischen Ausstellungs-Commission. Siebold von Bavier, Ernst von. 1874. Japan‘s Seidenzucht, Seid- MKI 9, no. 102: 65 enhandel und Seiden-Industrie (Japan‘s Silk Farming, Siebold Heinrich: Little container (Jap. chaire) from Silk Trade, and Silk Industry). Zürich: Orell, Füssli. the Tscha No Yu Society MKI 9, no. 103: 77–79 Publication Oriental Museum Library MKI 9, no. 111: 256 von Overbeck, Gustav. 1873. Special-Catalog der chi-nesischen Ausstellung—Hongkong: III. Abtheilung: 1875 Boden-, Industrie- & Kunst-Produkte (Special Cata- partment: Soil, Industrial & Art Products log of the Chinese Exposition – Hong Kong: III. De- Collection Notice sur l’Empire du Japon et sur sa participation à Carl Trau EM 93, 94, 95 Three Bowls, Japan, purchased from Carl l’Exposition universelle de Vienne, 1873. 1873. Yo-Trau kohama: Imprimerie de C. Lévy. Schönberger. BJ 156 – BJ 158 Hairpins, Japanese, purchased from ). Wien: 121 LA 84 Plate, Japanese, purchased from Carl Trau KE 2660 and KE 2661 Two bowls, Japanese purchased La 85 and La 86 Two plates, Japanese, purchased from from Am... Ratoliska Carl Trau (null) LA 88 Irregular Shaped Box, Japanese, Purchased from LA 87 Cup, Japanese, purchased from Liebermann Liebermann (null) La 89 Box, red, Japanese, purchased from Liebermann T 2366 – T2372 Tableaux with samples of Japanese (null) fabrics, subsequently inventoried, acquisition LE 98 – LE 100 Papers, colourfully printed, Chinese, unknown acquisition unknown (newly inventoried under KI 14404) Library LE 101 – LE 110 Papers colourfully printed, Japanese, von Kudriaffsky, Eufemia. 1874. panion. London: Sampson Low, Marston, Low, & T 2802 Chinese lady’s slipper embroidered, gift from Searle. Mrs. Pick Japan – vier Vorträge T 2871 A pair of Chinese stockings, acquisition Palliser, Bury. 1875. The China Collector’s Pocket Com- (newly inventoried under KI 14403) acquisition unknown nebst einem Anhange japanischer Original-Predigten unknown (Japan—Four Lectures and an Appendix of Original T 2872 A pair of Chinese socks, acquisition unknown Japanese Sermons ). Wien: Wilhelm Braumüller. Exhibitions Exhibitions Chinese and Oriental gallantry objects Japanese wood carvings, private property MKI 10, no. 113: 294 MKI 11, no. 124: 19 Two Japanese bronze chandeliers Chinese and Japanese art industrial objects, lacquer Japanese Gold Lacquer Cassette and tortoiseshell work, porcelain, enamels, Miako MKI 10, no. 116: 354 lacquers, Satsuma porcelain, ivory carvings and 19 pieces of older Japanese sword guards (Jap. Tsuba), wallpaper paintings, large bronze figure of a Bud- property of Carl Trau dha, embroidered Chinese blanket, property of Mr. MKI 10, no. 117: 366 Liebermann MKI 11, no. 126: 60 The Oriental Museum in Vienna MKI 11, no. 127: 75 Collection of Chinese and Japanese art industrial ob-Publication Japanese enamel vases, property of the museum MKI 10, no. 117: 357–58 jects, property of Mr. Liebermann MKI 11, no. 129: 114 Lectures Two Japanese porcelain bowls from the 18th century Reg. Rat Exner (Wilhelm Franz Exner): “Technologis- MKI 11, no. 134: 203 ches aus Japan (Technological Things from Japan)” MKI 10, no. 122: 439 Publications “Summary of the lecture” Oriental Museum MKI 11, no. 127: 73 MKI 11, no. 124: 17–18 Japanese Recipes for Lacquer Work (According to an Orig-1876 inal Source) MKI 11, no. 133: 174–77 Collection EM 97 Mug, émail cloisonné, Chinese, purchased from Em 98, 99 Two vases, Chinese, purchased from Lieber-Liebermann, Vienna Lectures Wilhelm Franz Exner: “Technologisches aus Japan I mann, Vienna (Technological Things from Japan I)” KE 2558 Tea bowl, Japanese, purchased from Carl Trau MKI 11, no. 134: 184–99 KE 2559 Tea bowl, Japanese, purchased from Carl Trau Wilhelm Franz Exner: “Technologisches aus Japan II (null) (Technological things from Japan II) ” KE 2565 and KE 2566 Two vases Satsuma, Japanese, MKI 11, no. 135: 208–14 purchased from Liebermann 122 1877 Museum. A brief overview. Part II. Oriental ... and Japanese heraldic art, main exhibitors Collection Carl Trau, Edmund Zichy, and others GO 368 – 397 Mixed group of Tsuba, Japanese, pur- MKI 13, no. 153 (Beilage/Supplement) chased from Carl Trau GO 398 Can, Japanese, purchased from Carl Trau 1879 GO 410 – 413 Napkin rings, Japanese, purchased at KI 3023 277 Photographs and heliotypes from the Collection Posonyi’s auction (all null), Checken Pozsonyi? Berlin Kunstgewerbemuseum, including 10 photo- EM 113 Bowl, Japan, purchased from Carl Trau graphs of Chinese and Japanese objects, donation GO 451, 452 Two Vases, Japanese, gift from Baron T 3026 Chinese embroidery, purchased from Sigmund Hirsch Helbing in Munich GO 453 Tin, Japanese, gift from Baron Hirsch KE 2856 and KE 2857 Two vases, Japanese, acquired at the Paris Exhibition (null) Exhibitions Chinese porcelain from a private collection Library Japanese glass bottles decorated with metal and lacquer Le Japon: à l’Exposition universelle de 1878. 1: Géog- MKI 12, no. 138: 51 raphie et histoire du Japon; 2: Art, éducation et en- 30 Japanese Engravings in Iron seignement, industrie, productions, agriculture et MKI 12, no. 139: 66 horticultur. 1878. Paris: publ. sous la direction de la Eight different Japanese objects, property of Carl Trau Commission Impériale japonaise MKI 12, no. 142: 113 Lamp, Chinese Exhibition MKI 12, no. 146: 185 Japanese and Persian enamels, property of Edmund Zichy 1878 MKI 14, no. 167: 398 Collection Publications EM 114 Two vases, Japan, purchased at the Paris Chinesisches Glas im Kunstgewerbemuseum in Berlin exhibition (Sammlung von Brandt) EM 121 Two vases, Japan, gift of Baron Hirsch (possi- MKI 14, no. 168: 423 bly Baron Maurice de Hirsch) Tschudi Hugo: Die Kunst in Japan Teil I EM 122 Two lidded vases, Japan, gift from Baron (Art in Japan, part I) Hirsch (null) MKI 14, no.170: 450‒56 KE 2786 – KE 2790 Tea bowls, Chinese, purchased at Tschudi Hugo: Die Kunst in Japan Teil II (Schluss) the Keglevich auction (Art in Japan, part II) KE 2791 – KE 2795 Various bowls, Japanese, purchased MKI 14, no. 171: 475–79 at the Keglevich auction (null) Exhibitions 1880 “The Heraldic-Genealogical-Spherical Exhibition” of Collection Ernst v. Hartmann-Franzenshuld the Association “ADLER” in Vienna, opened on 17 GL 1473 – 1515 Glasses, China, purchased from the April 1878 in the rooms of the k. k. Oesterr. Muse- Kunstgewerbemuseum Berlin (mostly null) um. A brief overview. Part I. MAL 55 Panneau with fruits, watercolour painting, MKI Japanese, gift from the Prince of Liechtenstein (null) 13, no. 152 (Beilage/Supplement) Ernst v. Hartmann-Franzenshuld T 3319 – T 3333 Chinese silk fabrics (but they are Jap- “The heraldic-genealogical-spherical exhibition” of anese), from the Brandt Collection, procured by the the association “ADLER” in Vienna, opened on Berlin Gewerbemuseum (some null) 17 April 1878 in the rooms of the k. k. Oesterr. T 3348 and T 3349 Two large plates with Chinese em- broideries, acquisition unknown 123 Additions to the collection of older Chinese fabrics 1883 with gold paper MKI 15, no. 174: 55 Collection GO 582 Electroplate after Japanese original, purchased Exhibitions from Christofle Paris KE 3131 – KE 3142 Ceramic objects, Japanese, pur-Collection of older Chinese glasswork and silk fabrics, chased from the department store Ernst Wahliss property of the museum; Japanese ivory box, gift to (partly null) the museum KE 3147 Bowl, Chinese, purchased from Count Ed-MKI 15, no. 174: 54 mund Zichy Japanese objects in porcelain and lacquer, property of KE 3172 – KE 3175 Bowls, Satsuma, Japanese, pur-J. Becker chased from Carl Trau MKI 15, no. 177: 111 KI 4000 City Maps of Yedo and Yokohama Publications LA 117 – LA 119 Three plates with samples of old Jap- anese lacquer samples, gift from Heinrich Siebold Opening of the Oriental Museum MKI 15, no. 172: 17–18 Library 1881 Herdtle, Hermann. 1883. Ostasiatische Bronze- BJ 742, 743 Two brooches, Japanese, purchased from (East Asian Bronze Vessels and Utensils: A Con-Richard Bucher, London tribution to Morphology. For Study and Reproduc-GO 511 Business Card Holder, Japanese, Gift from the tion for the Art Industry and Commercial Schools ). Prince of Liechtenstein Wien: Hölder. GO 514 Vase, Japanese, purchased from Galerie Collection Gefässlehre. Zum Studium und zur Nachbildung für Kunstindustrie und gewerbliche Lehranstalten Gefäße und Geräthe in Umrissen: ein Beitrag zur Miethke Audsley, George Ashdown. 1882. The Ornamental Arts GO 515 Two vases, Japanese, purchased from Galerie of Japan. London: Sampson Low, Marston, Searle & Miethke Rivington. Gonse, Louis. 1883. GO 521 Business Card Holder, Japanese, gift from the L’ art japonais. Paris: Quantin. Prince of Liechtenstein KE 3051 Jug, Chinese, purchased from Schafranek Publications (null) Katalog der Bibliothek des K. K. Österreichischen 1882 December 1883 (Catalogue of the Library of the Imperial and Royal Austrian Museum of Art and Museums für Kunst und Industrie: Ausgegeben im Collection Industry). Katalog der historischen Bronze-Ausstellung im k. k. ös- EM 128 Bowl, Japan, purchased from Kohn (null) terr. Museum für Kunst und Industrie (Catalogue GO 543 – 547 Electroplates after Japanese originals, of the historical bronze exhibition in the k. k. österr. purchased from Christofle Paris (Go 544 and 547 Museum of Art and Industry). 1883. “Objekte aus null) Ostasien Kat., No. 1292–1567.” Wien: Verlag des KE 3121 and KE 3122 Two Vase, Chinese, Purchased k.k. Österreichischen Museums. https://hauspub- from Haas and Sons likationen.mak.at/viewer/image/AC06633473/1/ KE 3123 and KE 3124 Two pumpkin bottles, Japanese, LOG_0000/ (see fig. 6) purchased from Haas and Sons Review of Herdtle, Hermann. 1883. KE 3331 Bowl, Satsuma, Japanese, acquisition unknown MKI 18, no. 217: 523 KI 3940 10 Chinese paintings on rice paper, gift from Donation of Objects from the Exhibition Of Art-Industri- His Majesty the Emperor al Objects from Japan by Heinrich Siebold LA 111 – LA 116 Six plates with samples of lacquer MKI 18, no. 217: 525–26 work, Japanese, gift from Heinrich Siebold 124 Fig. 6: Victor Angerer (Photographer). Photography “Two Equestrian Statuettes, Japanese.” Catalogue number 1526, 1527 “Historical Bronzes” exhibition in 1883. On loan from Edmund Zichy, (the figures are Chinese). MAK Inv. no. KI 4207-6, Photo: © MAK. Exhibitions Library “Historische Bronze-Ausstellung im k.k. Österreichis- Bowes, James Lord. 1884. Japanese Enamels. Liverpool: chen Museum für Kunst und Industrie (Historical Marples & Co. Ltd. Bronze Exhibition” MKI 18, no. 208: 297–99 Japanese exhibition in Berlin 2. Kapitel Ostasien Publications “Exhibition of Art-Industrial Objects from Japan” (opening planned for 1 May MKI MKI 19, no. 228: 212 18, no. 214: 441–445 (see fig. 7) Rudolf Eitelberger: Explanations by Heinrich Siebold, owner of the objects 1885) The Export Museums 1884 MKI 19, no. 229: 228–29 Jakob Falke: The Oriental-Ceramic Exhibition at the Oriental Museum Part I Collection MKI 19, no. 231: 268–73 Ke 3350 Plate, Chinese, Gift from the Prince of Liechtenstein KI 4068 40 Photographs by Raimund Stillfried 125 Fig. 7: Page from Heinrich Siebold’s catalogue for his “Exhibition of Art-Industrial Objects from Japan” at the museum in 1883. MAK Archive. Photo: © MAK. 126 1885 “Japanese Enamel and Bronze Vessels Purchased at the Nuremberg Exhibition” (“International Exhibition Collection of Works of Precious Metals and Alloys”, Nurem- berg 1885) EM 130 Vase, Japanese, purchased at the exhibition in MKI 20, no. 243: 553 Nuremberg (“Internationale Ausstellung von Arbe- iten aus edlen Metallen und Legirungen (Interna- tional Exhibition of Works of Precious Metals and Lectures EM 131 Vase, Japanese, purchased at the exhibition in Jakob Falke: “Chinese and Japanese Porcelain” Alloys)”, Nuremberg 1885) GO 626 Incense burner, deer, Japanese, purchased from Bruno Bucher: “On Japanese Arts” 20, no. 242: 531 Nuremberg MKI 20, on. 232: 304 Engelsrath Vienna MKI GO 630 Bottle, Japanese, purchased at the exhibition in Nuremberg KE 3354 – KE 3356 Bowls, Chinese, acquisition unknown Library Gonse, Louis, Joseph Karabacek, and O(ctave) du Sar- tel. 1885. Sammlung von Abbildungen keramischer Objecte aus dem nahen und fernen Oriente (Collec- tion of illustrations of ceramic objects from the Near and Far Orient). Wien: Verl. d. Oriental. Museums. Kumsch, Emil. 1885. Japan-Album – Decorative japa- nische Handzeichnungen im Königlichen Kunstgew- erbe-Museum zu Dresden (Japan-Album‒Decorative Japanese hand drawings in the Royal Museum of Dec- orative Arts in Dresden). Leipzig: Hessling. Publications Jakob Falke. Die orientalisch-keramische Ausstellung im Orientalischen Museum. Besprechung Teil II (Schluss) (The Oriental-Ceramic Exhibition at the Oriental Museum. Review Part II). MKI 20, no. 232: 296–304 Hans Macht: Über Email und dessen Verwendung zu kunstgewerblichen Zwecken II (Schluss) Textfassung des Vortrages, Teil II zu chinesischen und japani- schen Arbeiten (On Émail Cloisonné and its Use for Arts and Crafts Part II. Text Version of the Lecture, part II on Chinese and Japanese works). MKI 20, no. 236: 398–406 Exhibitions “Chinese Celadon Bowls, property of Theodor Graf ” “Japanese Porcelain with European Silver Mount” MKI 20, no. 233: 327 127 Trieste and Asia: Overseas Ties of the Habsburg Port City (18th‒20th Centuries) Michela Messina The Museum of Oriental Art in Antiquity, founded in 1873. This new museum, Trieste which was inaugurated on 8 March 2001, is the first to be specifically dedicated to Oriental art in the Friuli-Venezia Giulia region and one of the few “Asia begins southeast of Vienna”.1 This phrase, existing in Italy. It is owned by the Municipality of attributed to Prince Metternich (1773–1859), Trieste and is part of the museum complex Civic highlights how the lands to the east of the Aus- Museums of History and Art, which documents tro-Hungarian Empire, which was geographically the history of the city since its foundation. The and historically on the border between Europe and Museum of Oriental Art is housed inside the eight- Asia, were seen by Europeans as a more or less far eenth century Palazzetto Leo, not far from the East, simultaneously menacing and attractive: a main square of Trieste, Piazza dell’Unità d’Italia. counterpart to a West which at that time consid- The artefacts that found their way to the nine- ered itself the only repository of civilization. teenth-century Museum varied in type, antiquity As a Free Port of the Habsburg monarchy from and quality: the interests of collectors depended the early 18th century, Trieste held a privileged posi- on their individual taste, economic possibilities tion as a docking port for goods and people, making and inclinations. The collection thus ranges from it one of the first places to have contact with East ethnography—souvenirs and curious objects— Asian cultures. We find concrete evidence of this to- to Chinese and Japanese porcelain, and Japanese day in the city’s Civic Museum of Oriental Art: by prints and weapons. While some items—such as the 19th century, almost everybody in Trieste pos- Japanese prints—have been considered of artistic sessed items of Asian provenance, even if we cannot interest since the beginning, others—such as the always call them “collectors”. The Zanella and Mor- collection of Chinese porcelain, today one of the purgo collections are the exception to the rule. most important Italian nuclei of Chinese export Encounters between these worlds were char- porcelain—have come to acquire value, thanks to acterised by fear and attraction. People transfer the confluence in the museum context with similar their desires onto what is new and unusual, and objects in thematic nuclei and to the new perspec- this is borne out by the collection of Trieste’s new tives provided by studies in the historical-cultural Museum of Oriental Art, which hosts the artistic, and anthropological fields. archaeological and ethnographic collections of In this essay, I intend to retrace the reasons Asian origin of the former Municipal Museum of why Trieste is one of the few Italian cities to host a Museum of Oriental Art, and the way in which 1 Augustat and Blumauer 2017, 91. 129 this is a direct expression of its history over the Kraljevica. By “the East” was meant the Levant: the last three centuries. It is a story of landings, jour- countries of Western Asia were to become the out- neys, geographical discoveries and trade, which ex- let and supply markets of the new Company. One plains why so many men and women acquired East of the privileges granted was in fact the monopoly Asian goods and later donated them to the local of trade with Turkey. By 1725, however, the Com- museum.2 pany was already facing a crisis; around 1740 its activity ceased.3 In 1722, sanction was given to the grant of the The Birth of the Free Port and an Compagnia imperiale e reale delle Indie (Imperial Austrian East India Company and Royal India Company), based in Ostend, in the Austrian Netherlands. The most important of To understand why Trieste is in the peculiar po- its provisions was a monopoly on trade with the sition of hosting a museum of this sort, we must East and West Indies and with Africa. In its first trace its relationship with the sea from the 18th years of activity, the Company achieved success century onwards. Here, Trieste and Austria-Hun- that exceeded even the most optimistic predic- gary were in a very different position from the con- tions. Above all, trade with China brought in sub- temporary maritime—and colonial—powers. In stantial profits. However, under pressure from the fact, Austria was not a colonial power at all: it did various shipping companies protected by the great not have long-lasting commercial companies such naval powers—the Netherlands and Britain—who as the British East India Company or the Dutch saw their economic interests being prejudiced, the VOC (Vereenigde Oostindische Compagnie or Company was soon forced to stop trading, and was Dutch East India Company) which from the 17th dissolved in 1731.4 century effectively established commercial—and It was not until the 1770s that the imperial gov- subsequently colonial—monopolies in India and ernment found another entry into the Asian mar- Indonesia respectively. ket. The first loads of Chinese goods arrived in Tri- The Habsburg Monarchy did not have coloni- este thanks to the vision and business acumen of an al ambitions in the strict sense, partly because its active British merchant of Dutch origin in India, internal economic development was insufficiently by name of William Bolts (1739–1808),5 who had robust and partly because its administration con- begun his career as an employee of the East India centrated on the attempt to keep many ethnic Company and later became an independent trad- groups together. Nevertheless, it was also in the er. He linked his name to a 1772 book, Considera-interests of the Monarchy to obtain a share of the tions on India Affairs, which detailed the East India international trade between Europe and East Asia. Company’s administration in Bengal. The Monarchy’s first venture in this direction In 1775, Bolts offered his services to the imperi- was as early as 1719, following the concession al government, proposing to re-establish Austrian of the Free Port, with the creation of the Com- trade with India from the Adriatic port of Trieste. pagnia per i commerci d’Oriente (Eastern Trade His proposal was accepted by the government of Company), which was then called the Imperiale Empress Maria Theresa, and 1776 saw the birth Compagnia Orientale privilegiata (Privileged Im- of the Compagnia delle Indie (India Company; or perial Oriental Company), whose field of activ- Compagnie des Indes), also called the Compagnia ity was to be focused principally on the Austrian coast and specifically on Trieste, Rijeka, Bakar and 3 Babudieri 1966, 22–23. 4 Space constraints prevent my telling the story of the com- 2 These topics have already been partially explored by me in pany and its demise in more detail. For further information, Messina (2019; 2021). Other fundamental sources are the see Babudieri (1966, 14–23). volumes Crusvar (2001) and Dénes at al. (2020). 5 Wanner 2012, 182. 130 Imperiale Asiatica di Trieste (Imperial Asian Com- October;9 he would have them framed in February pany of Trieste; or Compagnie Impériale Asiatique of the following year). Zinzendorf also writes that de Trieste) or Societé de Commerce d’Asie et d’Afrique some ladies who were friends of his had bought tea, (Asian and African Trading Company). The aim of ivory objects and ink (4 October) from the crew the new Company was to sell products of Austrian members of the ship, who had also offered for sale manufacture (fabrics, weapons and ammunition, “small Chinese statues and animal figures” (13 Oc- iron, copper, glass and precious fabrics) in the In- tober).10 Furthermore, the merchants of the city dies, without the need for foreign intermediaries, filled their warehouses with many Chinese goods and to supply Austria with foreign goods (coffee, such as “Nanjing silks […], lacquer, very heavy but indigo, sugar, silk, rhubarb, cotton, drugs and per- badly designed embroidered fabrics, […] furniture fumes from Arabia and fabrics from India), thus paper. The way of Chinese packaging is admirable ensuring that these Indian and Chinese products [...]” (23 November).11 were also marketed in Italy and in countries that Despite his many successes, Bolts’ enterprise had commercial connections with Trieste. This was loss-making, overall. In 1781, therefore, at an venture required substantial capital, which Bolts audience with Emperor Joseph II, Bolts and Pro- sought in the Austrian Netherlands (Belgium), li agreed to the transformation of their partner- finding it in Antwerp banker Charles Proli (1723– ship into a joint-stock company. On 27 August, 1786) and his associates. Despite the name of the the Compagnia Imperiale di Trieste e Anversa per Company, the first ship set sail from and returned il Commercio d’Asia (Imperial Company of Tri-to Livorno, and for several years, none called at Tri- este and Antwerp for Asian Commerce, or Société este on either leg of her voyage.6 Impériale pour le Commerce Asiatique de Trieste Nonetheless, we do have Bolts to thank for et d’Anvers) was founded, a joint-stock company the first docking of East Asian goods in Trieste: which focused on the tea trade in China, under on 23 or 30 September 1780, the Fürst Kaunitz, the direction of the Proli group. In an attempt to purchased by him in India, arrived in Trieste from gain space in this market, which promised to be Canton (Guangzhou), carrying the following profitable, Proli’s group sent five ships to Canton goods, as we read in a document from the Histori- (Guangzhou).12 However, things did not go as cal Archives of the Chamber of Commerce of Tri- hoped. In January 1785, the Company suspended este: “gelamine, Japon wood, cinchona root, pint all payments and shortly thereafter was declared papers, under-cups with black paint, linez [sic] bankrupt, taking the Proli bank with it. The fail- that is half-satin with flowers, embroidered polo- ure, which was sensational at the time, led Charles naises, coloured porcelain, turquoise porcelain”.7 de Proli to commit suicide, in 1786.13 The arrival of the Chinese goods aroused so much Bolts, who had already found himself bankrupt interest in the city that it was mentioned several in mid-1782, had no more capital to play with, but times by the governor of Trieste, Karl von Zinzen- he nevertheless managed to exploit his reputation dorf (1739–1813) in his diaries, between 3 and 24 as an expert in oriental trade in order to found a October 1780 and again on 14 and 23 November new joint-stock company in 1783, the Società tri-1780.8 As the Habsburg governor of Trieste, Karl estina (Triestine Company). In September 1783, von Zinzendorf met the captain of the ship, who the vessel Cobenzell armed by the Società triestina presented him with “three views of Canton, of Whampoa island and of Macau, painted in oil” (23 9 Ibid., 745. 10 Ibid., 747. 6 Gilibert 2003, 10. 11 Ibid., 765. 7 Babudieri 1966, 67 note 63; Babudieri 1989 , 232 note 9; 12 The logbook of one of them was recently discovered, see Ga- Gilibert 2003, 16. rofalo (2021). 8 Klingenstein, Faber and Trampus 2009, 742–51, 761, 765. 13 Babudieri 1966, 42, 44 note 20, 70. 131 left Trieste for Marseille, where she collected most / Dampfschiffahrtsgesellschaft des Österreichischen of her cargo. Having rounded the Cape of Good Lloyd (Austrian Lloyd Steam Navigation Com-Hope, she headed for the Malabar Coast in In- pany) of Trieste was set up, with the aim of con- dia, arriving in Bombay in August 1785, and then necting the port with regular lines served by Tri- set course for China. The Cobenzell left Canton este steamships with the territories of the Levant, (Guangzhou) on 23 January 1786 and returned to a natural expansion area for traffic of the Upper Trieste on 16 February 1786 loaded with “saltpetre Adriatic.17 [an essential element for the production of gun- In 1837, regular services to Constantinople and powder], tea, camphor, coffee, pepper and other Alexandria were inaugurated.18 The voyage of the merchandise”.14 paddle steamer Arciduca Lodovico to Constan- The sources are silent on the topic of far Eastern tinople, which began on 16 May 1837, was the first travel for a few decades, until we hear of the voy- for a Lloyd’s ship, sent to the Levant to announce age of the frigate S.M. Carolina, which left Trieste to the Governments and Agencies the beginning on 11 September 1820 to transport a diplomat to of steam navigation: after calling at the ports of Brazil—where Maria Leopoldina Josefa Carolina Ancona, Patras, Piraeus and Smyrna, she arrived in of Habsburg-Lorraine (1797–1826), daughter of Constantinople on 30 May 1837. In 1848, Lloyd Francis I, was queen—and sail on to China, carry- inaugurated the direct service to Alexandria, where ing a shipment of mercury, docking in Gibraltar, it linked up with the steamboats arriving from Rio de Janeiro, Cape Town, Batavia (Jakarta), Sin- Bombay, Calcutta and East Asia.19 gapore, Macau and Canton (Guangzhou). It was in Before 1869, however, the year of the inaugu- connection with this voyage that the first commer- ration of the Suez Canal, hardly any direct trade cial treaties were signed with the Chinese govern- took place between Trieste, India and China. Only ment. On 7 July 1822, the S.M. Carolina returned occasionally would a few foreign ships arrive to to Trieste, loaded with “oriental” objects, accord- unload or load goods destined for trade with those ing to the Trieste historian Giuseppe Caprin: an distant countries.20 The Trieste mercantile class event that caused the passion for Chinese style to was aware of this: the Deputation of the Trieste flourish in Trieste.15 Stock Exchange had once again been exploring the relevant mercantile opportunities, establishing in 1842 a Missione esploratrice del commercio nelle The Austrian Lloyd Company and the Indie Orientali per il Mar Rosso a spese dello Stabili- New Routes from Trieste mento di Consegna delle merci previa approvazione dell’eccelso Governo (Mission to explore trade in the As navigation changed with the introduction of East Indies for the Red Sea at the expense of the steam, resourceful private entrepreneurs were Delivery Establishment of goods subject to the ap- quick to take advantage of the new opportunities. proval of the exalted Government) which was en- Bankers and merchants such as Giovanni Gugliel- trusted to the Dane Peter Erichsen.21 mo Sartorio (1789–1871) and Carl Ludwig von In this context and in the same period—the Bruck (1798–1860) were among those who 1840s—the time was ripe for the establishment of founded the Società del Lloyd Austriaco / Öster- reichischer Lloyd (Austrian Lloyd Company) in 17 Il Lloyd 1938, 554; Crusvar 2001, 19; Museo del Turismo 16 1833, for insurance purposes. In 1836, the So-2006, 139. cietà di Navigazione a vapore del Lloyd Austriaco 18 Il Lloyd 1938, 89; Crusvar 2001, 27. 19 Brandi 1995-1996, 53‒54. 14 Ibid., 73; King 2011, 249. 20 Il Lloyd 1938, 338. 15 Caprin 1888, 98 note 1. 21 Babudieri 1966; Brandi 1995-1996, 34–37; Zanlorenzi 16 Crusvar 2001, 19. 2010. 132 a particular and pioneering commercial activity in first scientific expedition on a planetary scale of the Trieste: Adolf Wünsch’s shop, known as the Gabi- Austrian Imperial Navy (K. u. K. Kriegsmarine), netto cinese Wünsch (Wünsch Chinese Cabinet).22 and was to be of fundamental importance for the This opened in 1843 as a pastry shop on the city’s subsequent development of the scientific-explora- main street, Contrada del Corso (now Corso Ita- tory activities of the Austrian Navy. lia), and by 1847, according to Pacifico Valussi, it The three-masted frigate with mixed sail-steam housed objects from the Celestial Empire: propulsion, originally built as a military ship in the Venice arsenal, weighed anchor in Trieste on 20 China is fashionable, just as tea, opium and April 1857 and sailed through the Mediterranean even Chinese art are fashionable: therefore to the Atlantic, from Madeira to Rio de Janeiro and it is not to doubt whether even this class back, heading on towards Cape Town and across of readers will rush there spontaneously, as the Indian Ocean, via Ceylon (now Sri Lanka) and long as the shop windows continue to be Madras (now Chennai) in southern India, to the adorned with the works that have come to Nicobar Islands, Singapore, Manila (Philippines), us from the Celestial Empire.23 Hong Kong and Shanghai. The visits to the Far East took place between 8 January and 11 August Mentioned in city guides from the 1850s, the 1858. Sailing south, the Novara headed towards Wünsch shop was organised as follows: the refined the Solomon Islands, up to Australia (Sydney) pastry counter was located on the ground floor, and New Zealand, then eastwards in the Pacific to while on the first floor there was an exhibition Tahiti and southward again to Cape Horn. She re- room of East Asian objects with a sales cabinet. turned to Trieste on 26 August 1859.25 In March The collection, which contained a large variety of 1860, the “curiosities” collected during the trip Chinese, Indian and Japanese artistic and indus- were exhibited in Trieste; some of them are still trial objects, could be visited for the price of 20 in the city’s museums: naturalistic specimens from carantani, which would then be subtracted from the expedition are preserved today in the Civic the cost of any purchases. Archduke Ferdinand Museum of Natural History of Trieste.26 Maximilian of Habsburg (1832‒1867) frequented A few years earlier, in 1853, Japan had been the shop and purchased goods there between 1853 forced to open up to the West. However, it was too and 1863, and the store was such a feature that in early for Maximilian to travel to the Empire of the 1856 he took his brother, Emperor Franz Joseph, Rising Sun: relations between Japan and the USA, there during a visit to the city.24 the United Kingdom, France, Russia and the Neth- It is in this Archduke Maximilian, with his love erlands were first sanctioned by the Ansei treaties of travel and his curiosity about distant cultures, in 1858, and until 1867 Japan went through a long that we find the key man who influenced and em- and turbulent period of transition, from the sho- bedded the taste for the “exotic” in Trieste. The gunate to the imperial regime, which was restored voyage of the frigate Novara, a circumnavigation of to power in 1868: the change of government which the globe with diplomatic and scientific purposes, today is known as the “Meiji Restoration”. The rip- commissioned by him as admiral of the Austrian ple effect of these events made itself felt in Trieste, Navy (30 April 1857–26 August 1859), was the as we read in the Notice published in L’Osservatore triestino on 9 April 1856: “the respectable public 22 Crusvar 1998, 27–28, 34; Turina 2020, 114. and in particular lovers of curiosities from China 23 Valussi 1847. and Japan are warned that a batch of these objects 24 Adolf Wünsch died in Trieste at the end of 1890: the shop was closed and, two years later, the entire 25 The most recent book about the Novara expedition is Kos- Chinese Cabinet collection was auctioned in Vienna by Hugo Othmar Mi- mos (2024). ethke. See Katalog (1892). 26 Kosmos 2024, 162–63, 172–75. 133 Fig. 1: Eugenio Scomparini (Trieste 1845–1913), The Fabricci family, c. 1880, Oil on Canvas, 68,5 x 107 cm. Trieste, History and Art Museums, inv. CMSA 13/5279. in a beautiful assortment arrived here and is on 19th century: prominent among the meticulously sale at very low prices”.27 This short record in the depicted furnishings is a large Japanese porcelain local newspaper is a sign of the beginning of the vase, in Imari style from the manufacture of Arita, inflow—only a trickle, at this stage—of Japanese which rests on a table in the corner. It is very sim- items to Trieste and of the interest they aroused ilar to those belonging to Pasquale Revoltella and among the wealthy. still exhibited in the museum of the same name Thanks to coeval paintings, and the houses of (fig. 3). A similar arrangement appears in the Sar- the 19th-century Triestine bourgeoisie which are torio Civic Museum of Trieste: in Paolina’s living now preserved as museums (such as the Sartorio room there are still two large Satsuma porcelain and Morpurgo Museums), we can imagine the vases and two Chinese porcelain vases. interiors of the houses in Trieste at the time, dot- The house of Mario Morpurgo de Nilma ted with East Asian objects which allowed their (1867–1943) (fig. 2), now the Morpurgo Civ- owners to travel at least with their minds. The ic Museum, is an example—one might even say painting by Eugenio Scomparini (1845–1913) a fossil—of an upper-class residence in Trieste entitled The Fabricci family (ca. 1880) (fig. 1), for from the second half of the nineteenth century. example, shows an extraordinary cross-section of Although he never ventured to travel to distant an upper-class interior in Trieste at the end of the lands, Morpurgo was the main collector of East Asian art in Trieste, responsible for an important 27 Crusvar 1998, 24. 134 Fig. 2: House of Mario Morpurgo de Nilma, via M.R. Imbriani 5, Trieste. Studio, 1927, Trieste. History and Art Museums Photo Library, inv. F11017. Photograph by Pietro Opiglia. 135 collection of prints and surimono of Ukiyo-e. His rounded the Cape of Good Hope and stopped over studio housed the Japanese prints which are now in Singapore, Saigon (Ho Chi Minh City, Viet- exhibited at the Civic Museum of Oriental Art. nam), Macau, Hong Kong, Canton (Guangzhou) Unfortunately, his collection did not survive in and Shanghai. The Erzherzog Friedrich reached its entirety, since the transfer to the Municipal- Nagasaki on 6 September 1869, and the Donau ity which he had indicated in his last Will and on 16 September. On 6 October, they dropped testament of 1941 took place in 1943 during the anchor in Tokyo Bay. Exactly one year after their Second World War, in the shadow of the racial departure from Trieste, on 18 October 1869, the laws (Mario Morpurgo, although a convert to “Treaty of Friendship, Commerce and Navigation” Catholicism, was of Jewish origin). With Trieste between Japan and the Austro-Hungarian Monar- included in the Nazi Adriatisches Küstenland, the chy was signed, establishing the first official diplo- apartment was occupied by the SS in November matic relations between the two countries.29 1943; many artefacts that were raided at the time The signatory to the “Treaty” on behalf of the have been only partially recovered. Today, there Monarchy was Admiral Anton von Petz (1819– remain two large Chinese famille rose vases, while 1885) who had been directly appointed by Em- some porcelain pieces are exhibited in the Civic peror Franz Joseph as head of the expedition and Museum of Oriental Art. plenipotentiary ambassador. He ended his military career as Commander of the Maritime District of Trieste, where he died on 7 May 1885, being buried Trieste is the Gateway to Asia: in the local military cemetery. Diplomats, Archdukes and Noblemen Among the members of the expedition was Bar- Set Sail for Japan on Enrico de Calice or Heinrich von Calice (1831– 1912),30 a native of Gorizia. As consul general in In 1868, in emulation of the other Western powers China and Japan, he effectively became the first that were ratifying commercial treaties with Japan, representative of Austria-Hungary in Japan, where the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy sent an expedi- he remained until 1873. Before graduating in law tion to East Asia and South America, made up of and political science in Vienna, he had done a year the corvette S.M. Erzherzog Friedrich (launched of forensic practice at the Maritime Court of Tri- on 11 September 1857 in Venice), and the frigate este in 1853 and subsequently attended the Aus- S.M. Donau (launched on 20 November 1856 in trian Consular Academy at the Central Maritime Trieste). The departure of the two ships from Tri- Authority of Trieste, between 1855 and 1856. este took place on 18 October 1868;28 the aims of In preparation for the ratification of the Trea- the expedition were to negotiate commercial trea- ty, an official exchange of gifts had taken place, on ties suitable for a great European monarchy, to es- 16 October 1869, when the Japanese emperor re- tablish a consular service, both in East Asia (Siam/ ceived the Austro-Hungarian delegation in Tokyo. Thailand, China, Japan) and in South America, The most prestigious gifts were life-size Carrara and to collect “navigational”, scientific and ethno- marble statues of Franz Joseph and Elizabeth (Sisi) graphic information on these distant lands, to be and a Bösendorfer piano. In addition, the Japanese brought back for the benefit of Austrian citizens. were given an ornamental Hungarian saddle, Lob- The expedition went down in history as the “East meyr crystal vases, glass chalices and cups, a collec- Asian Expedition”. tion of coins from the Austro-Hungarian monar- Since the Suez Canal was not to open for an- chy, a camera and some photo albums, and scores other year, the ships passed through Gibraltar, of Austro-Hungarian songs. 28 Centro Regionale Studi di Storia militare antica e moderna 29 Dénes 2020, 31–32. Trieste 2010, 134–35. 30 Vidic 2017. 136 Fig. 3: Japan, Vase in Imari style, 19th century. Porcelain, overglaze polychrome Enamels, height 78 cm. Bequest of Pasquale Revoltella, 1872. Trieste, Revoltella Museum, inv. 1427. 137 The expedition left Japan on 4 November 1869, Rewarded by the Emperor Franz Joseph with the returning to the Mediterranean through the newly title of baron in 1867, Revoltella was able to see inaugurated Suez Canal. While the Donau contin- the first fruits of his sound advice in 1868, but his ued to South America, where further treaties were premature death on 8 September 1869 prevented signed, to return to Pula in March 1871, the Er- his witnessing the Canal’s completion. He was also zherzog Friedrich was forced to return to Trieste, interested in East Asian objects: today, in the col- after being damaged by a typhoon in the Canal.31 lections of the Revoltella Museum in Trieste, some Following the ratification of the Japanese-Aus- East Asian objects are still preserved, such as two trian treaty and other treaties by Emperor Franz pairs of Japanese porcelain vases in Imari style from Joseph on 8 June 1871, the corvette S.M. Fasana the Arita manufacture (inv. 1427-1428; inv. 1504- (launched on 22 January 1870 in Trieste, jewel of 1505) (fig. 3) and a pair of Japanese bronze vases the San Marco shipyard) was deputed to sail to (inv. 1474-1475). Some small Chinese-produced East Asia to Siam (now Thailand), China and Ja- ivory, lacquer and bronze objects are also on dis- pan to ratify the treaties.32 Having left Pula on 4 play in the library. It is not known how the bar- August 1871, she made the journey, thanks to the on acquired them, in particular the Japanese ones: opening of the Suez Canal, in the drastically re- he might have purchased them from the Wünsch duced time of three months: on 12 January 1872, shop or received them as a gift, perhaps from Arch- one day after disembarking in Yokohama, Enrico duke Maximilian himself, with whom he shared a de Calice delivered the ratified treaty in person to bond of friendship. the Meiji-Emperor. It was a solemn ceremony and, From the moment of the opening of the Suez above all, the first international agreement to bear Canal, Austrian Lloyd’s network of communica- the seal of the divine Tennō (天皇). At the same tion began to spread across the Far East: creating time, Japan was warmly invited to take part in the regular connections with Bombay (1873), Ceylon future Weltausstellung in Vienna. Despite some and Calcutta (1879), Singapore (1880), Hong doubts, the government accepted in February Kong (1880), Shanghai (1892), Kobe and Yokoha- 1872, convinced by the argument that it was the ma (1893). In 1878, agencies of the Company were right time to show the world how different Japan opened in Bombay (which became the main agen- was from China, and how much autonomy the na- cy in 1887), Calcutta, Madras and Colombo.34 tion enjoyed. From this period onwards, thanks to port ac- The opening of the Suez Canal on 17 Novem- tivity and Lloyd’s connections, Trieste regularly ber 1869, one month after the signing of the treaty dispatched goods and people to the East and wel- with Japan, represented a crucial turning point for comed them to Europe, starting with the items the development of trade between Trieste and the sent from Tokyo for the Vienna Weltausstellung of Far East. Trieste was a key partner in the project, 1873, which passed through the port of Trieste in through the work of entrepreneur and economist 1872.35 Pasquale Revoltella (1795–1869), who had invest- Although Japan had already participated in ed in the venture. Since 1864,33 he had been insist- the exhibitions in London in 1862 and in Paris ing on the need to open up trade with East Asia, in 1867, Vienna was where the new Meiji govern- urging the Viennese bureaucracy to explore new ment made its first official appearance, thus laying opportunities and to establish a diplomatic pres- the ground for the new way Japan wished to be ence in Siam (now Thailand), China and Japan. viewed from the outside. Japan had two objectives: to bring high-quality Japanese goods (particularly 31 Dénes 2020, 37. artisanal) to the attention of the entire world and 32 Centro Regionale Studi di Storia militare antica e moderna Trieste 2010, 136. 34 Brandi 1995-1996, 70. 33 Revoltella 1864. 35 Kutsuzawa 2018, 9; Turina 2020, 114. 138 thus increase exports, and to learn more about read travelogues about Japan, see images of the Western science and technology in order to adopt country, and marvel at the objects collected there. its methodologies in Japan. After the forced opening of the Japanese bor- The walls of the Japanese exposition were deco- ders, the European aristocracy and upper classes rated with purple fabrics and brightly coloured pa- began to extend their travels to take in the Land per lanterns. At the entrance, visitors were greeted of the Rising Sun, whether for economic purpos- by an enormous golden female dolphin, with the es, scientific research, cultural curiosity or simple tail extending upwards beyond her head, brought prestige.39 Trieste became the port of departure of from the south tower of Nagoya Castle; it was choice for these memorable journeys. It is remarka- surrounded by metal floor vases and bronze stat- ble how many of them can be associated with hold- ues of cranes,36 which we can imagine as similar ings in European museums. to the censer crane dating back to around 1880 in The first high-profile traveller to leave, on 16 the Museum of Oriental Art (inv. CMSA 41198). September 1887, was Enrico di Borbone-Parma, Japanese bronzes were particularly appreciated by Count of Bardi (1851–1905) who left Trieste, Western collectors, who had already had the op- accompanied by his wife and some friends, to un- portunity to admire them during the Universal dertake a “voyage around the world” of which Ja- Exhibition in Paris in 1867; furthermore cranes pan was to be one of the key stops.40 Arriving in like this were among the most common export the Japanese archipelago on 20 February 1889, he objects, often found in private collections of the made an eight-month stay, returning at the end of second half of the nineteenth century.37 Today, September 1889 with a vast collection of items pur- similar specimens are preserved at the Stibbert chased in the Far East, which became the founda- Museum in Florence, the Chiossone Museum in tional nucleus of today’s Museum of Oriental Art Genoa and the Musée Cernuschi in Paris. Trieste is in Venice. And it was precisely to Trieste that the no exception: the crane in the Museum of Oriental over 1,500 boxes with almost 30,000 objects were Art comes from the collection of Antonio Caccia sent, to remain in the city until the end of 1889, (1829–1893), a literary man, musician and collec- that is, until the prince decided to place the goods tor who at his death left numerous works of art to in the Vendramin Calergi palace in Venice.41 the Municipality of Trieste, today divided between A few years later, Archduke Franz Ferdinand the Civic Museums of History and Art and the Re- of Austria-Este (1863–1914) made an expedition voltella Museum. around the world on the cruiser Kaiserin Eli sabeth, Access to Japanese markets did not result in any sailing on 15 December 1892 from Trieste through particular increase in the Monarchy’s economy,38 the Suez Canal to the Indian Ocean, and on to Cey- but the opening of new trade routes, the opportu- lon and India. From Calcutta, the ship went on to nity for Austro-Hungarian citizens to visit Japan the Pacific via Singapore and Java and through the and the information and materials that reached the Torres Strait and the Thursday Islands. Between nations on the Danube from the Far East neverthe- May and June 1893, the Kaiserin Eli sabeth took less fuelled a growing interest in Japan. the heir to the throne to Australia, New Caledonia Although there were few Japanese visitors to the and the Southern Solomon Islands; after a stop in Monarchy (with the exception of the delegation to south-eastern New Guinea, she called at the Malu- the Weltausstellung of 1873), the real benefit of the ku Islands, Sarawak in Borneo, Singapore, Hong exposition was that the general public could now Kong, Guangzhou and Macau. On July 29, the expedition reached Nagasaki, whence the Austrian 36 Fajcsák 2020, 64–65. 37 I wish to thank Martina Becattini, curator of the Stibbert 39 Boscolo Marchi 2020, 188. Museum in Florence, for this useful information. 40 Ibid. 2020. 38 Dénes 2020, 37. 41 Ibid., 189. 139 cruiser returned to Trieste without her illustrious Arabia, he descended the western coast of India to passengers. For thirty-five days (29 July–5 Sep- Tellicherry, stopping at Bombay, Goa, New Goa, tember 1893), Franz Ferdinand and his entourage Pangjim and Karwar. In the places he visited and stayed in Japan, where Heinrich von Siebold, the even during the voyage, whenever the ship was in collector who had been the intermediary for many harbour, he collected plants and other specimens of Enrico di Borbone’s acquisitions four years ear- and took multiple notes to meet the commitment lier, was secretary of the Austrian legation.42 The he had made to study infectious diseases, flora and Archduke continued his journey on the steamer the natural world in India.46 He also went inland, Empress of China, stopping in Vancouver on the visiting the mountains of Coorg (now Kodagu dis- west coast of Canada,43 and returning to Le Havre trict) and Sattari. The petrified forest he found in on 19 October 1893. In addition to a vast num- the latter location not only made his name, but also ber of ethnographic objects, plants and animals, awoke in him a renewed interest in the paleo-eth- the expedition also brought home from this trip nological sciences, which he would later develop in more than 1,500 photographs and albums, now parallel with his botanical research (Marchesetti is preserved in the Photographic Collection of the in fact known chiefly for his research in the field Weltmuseum in Vienna.44 of prehistory and protohistory in Venezia Giulia and Istria; he went on to take responsibility for the first scientific contribution on the history of the Triestines on Board: Their Journeys Castellieri, the typical protohistoric settlements of and Their Stays in Asia Karst areas). On 10 April 1876 he set out for Eu- rope aboard the Ettore,47 and a few months later he These eminent travellers were not, however, the became director of the Natural History Museum. first to embark from Trieste for the Far East. From The subtle irony of his words in a letter from Jan- the ratification of the commercial treaty, in the uary 1876 shows something of how the Habsburg mid-1870s, up till the outbreak of the First World Empire was perceived: War, many Triestines found their way to Japan: rich bourgeois and businessmen, Lloyd’s officials, As soon as I have some time I want to write captains and crew members, such as on-board doc- a little article to make the position of an tors, thanks to whom the city’s museum collections Austrian in the Indies known and how well have been enriched with East Asian goods. Austria is known in those regions. At least The position of accredited on-board doctor by presenting myself as an Italian one knows gave those with medical qualifications unparal- which people I belong to, while saying here leled opportunities. For Carlo de Marchesetti that I am Austrian is almost as if one were to (1850–1926),45 a Triestine doctor, paleo-ethnolo- say I come from the Principality of Liech- gist and botanist, the voyage opened up research tenstein or from Hesse-Cassel.48 pathways that led to his becoming Director of the Natural History Museum of Trieste. On 1 Octo- It is perhaps salutary to reflect that these tiny ber 1875, Marchesetti set sail from Trieste on the states and the Habsburg Empire might have been Lloyd’s steamer Hungaria as ship’s doctor, officially tasked with studying endemic tropical diseases and 46 Marchesetti’s letter to Muzio de Tommasini, illegible loca- related therapies tion, 22 February 1876, Archive of Natural History Muse- in situ . After calling at Egypt and um of Trieste. 42 Ibid., 192. 47 Marchesetti’s letter to Muzio de Tommasini, Bombay, 10 April 1876, Archive of Natural History Museum of Trieste. 43 Schicklgruber 2017, 63–64. 48 Marchesetti’s letter to Muzio de Tommasini, Tellicherry, 44 Welt Museum Wien. n.d. 19 January 1876, Archive of Natural History Museum of 45 Moser 2015, 295, 307–08 note 6. Trieste. 140 Fig. 4: Tanjore [or Thanjavur], southern India, Reverse painting featuring Viṣṇu with his wife Lakṣmī, 19th century, Tempera on Glass, 35 x 25 cm. Purchase from Carlo de Marchesetti, 1 March 1881. Trieste, Museum of Oriental Art, inv. CMSA 14792. 141 much of a muchness in the Far East at this stage, na, Japan and India, along with coins and medals, before the diffusion of Austrian Lloyd, probably including Asian ones. Today, because of the lack of because of the Monarchy’s lack of interest in colo- original photographic documentation and the lim- nialist expansion. ited number of original labels or references marked In 1880, Marchesetti left Trieste again for his on the objects, only a fifth of those objects can be second expedition to the East, with the aim of ex- identified. Such matches as can be made are based panding the Museum’s collections. This trip, which on short, often very general descriptions. The collec- should have led him to Hong Kong, was less success- tion is basically heterogeneous, comprising a mix- ful than the first, however, because he was obliged ture of applied art and ethnographic objects, mostly to stop in Singapore (1881) with a serious illness.49 of Chinese and Japanese origin: vases and sculptures On 1 March 1881, Carlo de Marchesetti sold made of porcelain, metal, bone, ivory, tortoise shell to the Museum of Antiquities of Trieste about a and wood; weapons; musical instruments; clothing; hundred Chinese and Indian objects, evidently tapestry hangings; and furniture. collected during the two trips. Some of them, in- Carlo Zanella was based in Hong Kong on be- cluding notably six tempera reverse paintings on half of the Austrian Lloyd from 1884 to 1894, first glass depicting Indian divinities, made in Tanjore as assistant to the local agent and then as the prin- (Thanjavur) in southern India in the 19th centu- cipal agent in the Far East, with an interruption be- ry, are preserved in the Civic Museum of Oriental tween 1892 and 1893, when he was transferred to Art (inv. CMSA 14791-14796) (fig. 4). Again in Singapore. We know that he had started to gather 1881, Carlo de Marchesetti gave the speech Tri- East Asian objects thanks to a notice of auction of este e il commercio orientale (Trieste and Oriental the furnishings of his Singapore home, which took Trade), published in 1882, which reported on the place on 1 July 1893 and included “Japanese bric-a- first decade of trade with India since the opening of brac stands” and “wall scrolls”.53 After Hong Kong, the Suez Canal.50 Zanella spent some time in Bombay and retired in By contrast, the Triestine who was responsible 1896 or 1897. He died suddenly and premature- for the main nucleus of the collections of the Civic ly in Trieste on 23 April 1900. His obituary spoke Museum of Oriental Art (in particular the holdings of “an unobtrusive man, [who] endeared himself of Chinese silk and porcelain) spent a long time in to all with whom he came in contact. He [...] was the Far East and had the opportunity to assemble his himself of unusually wide and cultured reading.”54 own collection during his stay. This was Carlo Zanel- Let us not forget that—in the words of a poli- la (1853–1900),51 Lloyd’s agent in Hong Kong, tician of the time—the representatives of the Aus- Singapore and Bombay in the years when more trian Lloyd were regarded as deputy ambassadors and more routes to the East were being established. of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, enjoying the The original extent of his donation is documented same status as the British East India Company by a letter dated 9 July 1900 and by the so-called representatives. In some places in the East, Lloyd’s “Elenco degli oggetti componenti il legato del fu representatives were almost sovereign: effectively, Carlo Zanella. Giugno 1900” (List of Objects that envoys of a great foreign power.55 Make Up the Legacy of the Late Carlo Zanella. June The first real diplomat we know of is a person 1900), a list drafted by the director of the Museum, who contributed greatly to the building of rela- Alberto Puschi,52 of 1,005 objects, mostly from Chi- tionships between Trieste and Japan, namely the landowner and businessman Georg von Hütterott 49 Moser 2015, 295–96, 308 note 10. 50 Brandi 1995-1996, 70 note 21. 51 Messina 2019, 11–12. 53 The Singapore Free Press 1893. 52 Folder 54 The Straits Times 1900, 3. Elenchi doni. Legato Zanella , Archive of History and Art Museums, Trieste. 55 Museo del Turismo 2006, 138–39. 142 (1852–1910).56 In 1879, when he was only 27 Thanks to von Hütterott, a new “Treaty of years old, von Hütterott was appointed Honorary Friendship and Trade” between Japan and the Aus- Consul of Japan for Austria-Hungary, based in Tri- tro-Hungarian Empire was signed in 1897.60 He este, probably the first and certainly the youngest was also closely involved in the nine-day courtesy Japanese imperial consul in Europe (the consul in visit to Trieste and the Empire paid by a team of Venice was appointed in 1880). the Japanese navy in September 1907. The Tsuku- What qualified Georg von Hütterott for the post ba (14,000 t armoured cruiser) and the Chitose, was the two-year journey he had already made around two ships of the Imperial Japanese Navy, docked the world in 1874, through Calcutta, Ceylon, Singa- in the port of Trieste on the return leg of a cruise pore, Java, Canton and Hong Kong to Japan, where he to the United States and Europe, which took place made a protracted stay before continuing his journey between 1 April and 16 November 1907. The del- to the west coast of the United States. After crossing egation, commanded by Vice Admiral Ijuin Gorō North America, he participated in the International (1852–1921), had officially attended the James- Exhibition in Philadelphia as official representative of town Exposition, an international fair organised to the city of Trieste before his return home. commemorate the 300th anniversary of the foun- Just under ten years later, on 1 November 1883, dation of the colony of Virginia. After reaching von Hütterott and his wife Marie Henriette em- Trieste on 5 September, the guests were treated to barked for Japan on the Austrian Lloyd steamship excursions and banquets (at the Hotel de la Ville, Orion, reaching Nagasaki on New Year’s Day of Villa Necker, Villa Revoltella, Hotel Obelisco) and 1884. As well as travelling around the country, a concert by the Japanese imperial troupe, who the couple also dedicated themselves to the study performed almost exclusively Western music in the of the Japanese language. Their diaries and corre- Piazza Grande (now Piazza dell’Unità d’Italia). On spondence demonstrate how they had both been September 11, 1907, a delegation of the crews and captivated by the charm of a country in the midst the commander of the naval squadron went to Vi- of an industrial revolution, yet still largely linked enna to be received by Kaiser Franz Josef. to a feudal culture: a dedication to Japan that was Although Georg von Hütterott lived in Trieste even honoured by Emperor Meiji, who awarded until his death in 1910, what remains of the Japa- Georg the Kyokujitsu-shō (Order of the Rising Sun) nese collection he put together is today preserved in February 1885, on the grounds of his “commit- in the Museum of the City of Rovinj, in Istria, ment to the diffusion and dissemination of interest where he had begun to build a splendid estate on in Japanese culture”.57 During their time in Japan, the island of Sant’Andrea in 1890, and where his Hütterott compiled his study on the manufactur- widow and her youngest daughter Barbara moved ing of katanas and Japanese blades, of which he in 1927. This may explain why Trieste retains little was a passionate collector (dated “Tokio, Decem- memory of him, despite his great importance for ber 1884” and signed “Georg Hütterott, Kaiserlich the economic and industrial history of the city. In Japanischer Consul in Triest”),58 while his wife fact, it should not be forgotten that, at the end of kept a travel diary and wrote a sensitive analysis the 19th century, along with Adolf Wünsch and of the condition of Japanese women, entitled Die Vittorio Serravallo, he was among the main pro- Frau in Japan. They left Yokohama in January 1885 moters of the Società Austriaca di Pesca e Piscicol-and, after a two-month stop in Ceylon, returned to tura Marina (Austrian Society of Marine Fishing Trieste in May 1885.59 and Fish Farming), which was responsible for the establishment of a Fishing Museum which was the 56 Marić 2005, 6; Zanlorenzi 2006, 662. embryo of the current Maritime Museum.61 57 Zanlorenzi 2006, 675–76. 58 Hütterott 2005 [1884-1888]. 60 Zanlorenzi 2010, 424. 59 Marić 2005; Zanlorenzi 2010, 420. 61 Zanlorenzi 2007, 359. 143 The objects preserved in Rovinj represent only We know that Currò did in fact travel on with a part of the Georg von Hütterott collection.62 In his two companions; in May 1896 the three landed particular, nothing remains of the Japanese weap- in Honolulu and subsequently in San Francisco.66 ons section, with the exception of three bows and Vittorio Serravallo (1858–1929) is an interesting nineteen spears currently on display in the Civic character: a pharmacist and trader in goods im- Museum of Oriental Art in Trieste. These were do- ported from European colonies (such as coffee, nated by his widow to the Revoltella Museum in tea, spices, sugar, cocoa and chocolate). He was 1934 and were delivered to the Civic Museum of also the inventor of a new recipe for Ferrochina, History and Art of Trieste in 1962, passing to the a popular restorative tonic, which he called Vino Civic Museum of Oriental Art in 2001.63 di China ferruginoso Serravallo (Serravallo ferrugi- More information has recently come to light nous cinchona wine, prepared from cinchona bark about the background to another important col- from Borneo, Java and Sumatra, mixed with white lection, thanks to the discovery of a newspaper wine from Alcamo in Sicily). After opening a pro- article concerning the voyage round the world in duction plant in 1895, he created copious advertis- 1895–1896 of Baron Rosario Currò jr (1851– ing material to promote his product in every im- 1929),64 a rich philanthropist and Trieste-born aginable language, and used his contacts from the collector of Sicilian origin. Currò made important trip around the world to establish a vast worldwide bequests to the Revoltella Museum and the Muse- sales network.67 The plant was active until 1988. ums of History and Art: terracottas, Greek vases, Early in the twentieth century, another doc- Etruscan bronzes, Roman glass, coins and medals, tor followed in the footsteps of the doctor and historical chests, furniture, caskets, majolica, por- paleo-ethnologist Marchesetti. Francesco Isidoro celain, clocks, bas-reliefs, miniatures, weapons, Pepeu (1887–1971) who belonged to an eminent twenty-five painted tables and canvases, and ob- Trieste family of distinguished collectors, graduat- jects from the Far East. Japanese, Indian and a few ed in medicine in 1910 and embarked as a ship’s Chinese objects appear both in his legacy and in doctor on Lloyd’s steamships in the Middle East some previous donations to the Trieste civic mu- and East Asia. On one of his trips in 1912, he seums (fig. 5). His trip around the world followed stopped in Shanghai to visit his sister and brother- the route of Franz Ferdinand from a few years ear- in-law, a Lloyd’s Inspector, like Carlo Zanella. Four lier, with a stop in Japan. The departure is jokingly Chinese porcelain containers from the 18th centu- described as follows: ry, recently donated by his nephew Giancarlo Pe- peu to the Civic Museum of Oriental Art (fig. 6), Yesterday, in the afternoon, Messrs. Dr. Vit- bear witness to this journey.68 torio Serravallo and Francesco Pohlutka, Francesco Pepeu was an eclectic character: as i.r. Lieutenancy Advisor embarked on the well as an esteemed doctor, he was also a traveller, Lloyd’s steamship ‘Gisella’ to take a short passionate art collector and amateur photographer, trip ... which will last eight months. Those as evidenced by numerous donations to the Civic two gentlemen intend to visit India, Chi- Museums. The assets donated by his nephew in- na and Japan, then returning to Trieste via clude a large photographic corpus, today preserved America. Baron Rosario Currò boarded with them and wanted to accompany them 66 Honolulu Pacific Commercial Advertiser 1896, 1; The Ha- for a short walk ... all the way to India. waiian Gazette 1896, 8; The San Francisco Call 1896, 7. 65 67 Austrian Centre for Digital Humanities and Cultural Heri- 62 Marić 2005. tage n.d.; J. Serravallo (1913), which is a collection of adver- tisements and reviews of the Ferrochina Serravallo, in multi- 63 Zanlorenzi 2006, 689–91. ple languages. 64 Il Piccolo del Mattino 1895, 3. 68 Messina 2019, 140 cat. NE 3, NE 4; 142 cat. NE 6; 147 65 Ibid. cat. NE 13. 144 Fig. 5: Kyoto, Kinkōzan workshop, Awata-style Satsuma ware. Small baluster vase, last quarter of 19th-early 20th century, Earthenware, overglaze old and polychrome Enamels, height 15 cm, diameter 11 cm. Bequest of Rosario Currò, 24 June 1929. Trieste, Museum of Oriental Art, inv. CMSA 30011. 145 Fig. 6: China, Small “apple green” vase, Qing dynasty, late Qianlong period (1736–1795) or later. Porcelain, “apple green” copper oxide crackle Glaze, height 13,3 cm, diameter 10,8 cm, donated by Pepeu family, 29 September 2016. Trieste, Museum of Oriental Art, inv. CMSA 41148. 146 in the Photo Library, which also includes albums diurnal Japanese butterflies to the Natural History of travel photographs, the purpose of which was to Museum of Trieste (inv. L/L1 -L12). fix and preserve the memory of the places visited At the other end of the spectrum, Trieste collec- in the Far East, India and Africa. Unfortunately, tions are indebted to the response of turn-of-the- his youthful trip to China is not documented, but century visual artists to the Far East. Many felt— as his 1925 trip to India, again as a ship’s doctor, is Gauguin did—the call of distant lands. The painter immortalised in a series of photographs recording Amalia Goldmann Besso (1856–1932) was one of his journey from Delhi to Jaipur. These testify to these. During the world tour which she made in the his ethno-anthropological interest, focusing on company of her nephew, the journalist Salvatore people’s daily lives rather than on the stops of the Besso (1884–1912), she stopped in Japan in Au- Grand Tour, thus documenting the living condi- gust 1910 and stayed till early 1911, after crossing tions in India in the 1920s.69 Russia and China on the Trans-Siberian Railway.73 In the wake of the establishment of diplomat- During her stay in Tokyo, Goldmann Besso ic-economic relations with European states, the decided to take painting lessons from the master Japanese government hired selected outsiders, Hama, with whom she remained in contact by let- known as “o-yatoi gaikokujin” (お雇い外国人), ter, and whose tuition informed her “Impressions”, to take part in the great Meiji restoration by spend- small-format and quickly executed tablets, with ing a few years in Japan to work on improving the views of villages crossed with luminous brush- quality and competitiveness of their sector of ex- strokes, today preserved at the Marco Besso Foun- pertise in the newly formed Japanese economic dation in Rome. The Trieste museums do not pos- system. Amerigo Hofmann (1875–1945),70 for in- sess such works by Amalia Goldmann Besso, but stance, who graduated as a forestry engineer from on 8 September 1926, she donated the first three the Hochschule für Bodenkultur (High School for Japanese prints to the collections (inv. CMSA Soil Culture) in Vienna and is remembered as the SNR 1570, CMSA SNR 1571, CMSA SNR pioneer of Italian forestry, was invited to Japan in 1572, notably “Yokkaichi, Miegawa 四日市三重 his thirties in 1904 as Professor of Forestry Hy- 川” (Yokkaichi: Mie River) by Utagawa Hiroshige draulics at the University of Tokyo. He remained 歌川 広重 (ca. 1833–1834), which is part of the there until 1909, putting what he was teaching into series “Tōkaidō gojusan tsugi no uchi 東海道五 practice by successfully landscaping badlands in a 十三次” (The Series of the Fifty-three Stations of catchment basin not far from the city of Nagoya. the Tōkaidō) (fig. 7). Until then, the Trieste mu- Today the site is jealously preserved, with Hof- seum’s Japanese print collection had been slow to mann’s systematising work enclosed and held up as take shape. We hear only of the purchase of two an example in the Hofmann Work Memorial Park ehon by Katsushika Hokusai 葛飾 北斎 (1760— in Nagoya.71 During his stay in Japan the govern- 1849) in 1881, including volume III of “Fugaku ment also tasked Hofmann with various missions hyakkei 富嶽百景三編” (One Hundred Views of to Korea and Taiwan, then Japanese dependen- Mount Fuji), and of the receipt of prints from the cies, including the conduct of a census of Laurus painter Argio Orell, the greatest Trieste exponent camphora (camphor) plants in Taiwan. In 1913, he of Japonism and a collector of Japanese woodcuts, published Aus den Waldungen des Fernen Ostens as part of an exchange in the following year.74 (In the Woods of the Far East).72 He donated a cab- The painter Vittorio Bolaffio (1883–1931) inet containing a collection of 579 nocturnal and left Paris for Trieste in early 1912, having decid- ed to embark as a stoker on the Lloyd Triestino 69 Colecchia 2020. ships. Bolaffio was a pupil of Giovanni Fattori and 70 Gabbrielli 2005, 133–34. 71 Ibid., 134. 73 Spagnoletto 2020. 72 Hofmann 2013. 74 Zanlorenzi 2009. 147 Fig. 7: Utagawa Hiroshige (1797–1858), “Yokkaichi: Mie River” (Yokkaichi Miegawa 四日市 三重川), from “The Fifty-three Stations of the Tōkaidō Road” (Tōkaidō gojūsan tsugi no uchi 東海道五十三次之内), ca. 1833–1834, Color woodblock print (nishikie), 220 x 345 mm (ōban), donated by Amalia Goldmann Besso, 8 September 1926. Trieste, Museum of Oriental Art, inv. CMSA SNR 1571. a friend of Amedeo Modigliani who, in Paris in Grassi (1838–1904)76 who arrived in Siam (now 1910, had introduced him to the works of Matis- Thailand) from Koper in 1870, founded a con- se, Cézanne and Gauguin. From his first voyage, struction company which quickly earned the es- with stops in India, Java, Singapore and Japan, he teem of the royal family, and became Siam’s most brought back lively sketches of local life and port prolific architect of that era for twenty years. He scenes, as well as some paintings set in Singapore. had a Siamese-style family tomb built for his broth- The only one of these works preserved in Trieste is er Antonio in the cemetery of Koper. In 1883, he “La Cinesina” (Chinese Girl), formerly in the Ma- was joined by Giulio Stoelker (1856–1914), de- labotta collection and today owned by the Revolt- signer-builder from Trieste, and brother of Amalia ella Museum.75 The trip to the Far East was deci- Stoelker, Gioachino’s future wife. Both stayed in sive for the luminous rendering of Bolaffio’s works: Siam until 1893, planning the country’s first rail- the piercing light of midday or the polarised light way, across the Malay peninsula to Singapore. Gi- of sunsets over the sea would never abandon him ulio Stoelker’s great-grandson, Giulio Schizzi, has again. generously donated family photographs and docu- By “the Far East” travellers understood far more ments to the Photo Library of the Civic Museums than simply China, India or Japan. Gioachino De of History and Art of Trieste. 75 Gregorat 2017, 58–61. 76 Nalesini 1998. 148 Fig. 8: Japan, Satsuma ware, tea or coffee set, end of 19th century. Porcelain, overglaze gold and polychrome Enamels, donated by Sergio and Anna degli Ivanissevich, 18 September 2013. Trieste, Museum of Oriental Art, inv. CMSA 40309/a-b, 40310/a-b, 40311, 40312/a-f, 40313/a-f. One did not, however, have to be an archduke, clients their personal representation of exoticism. nobleman, doctor or commander to travel on Speaking of “games of mirrors”, let us conclude Lloyd’s ships to the Far East and return with ob- by recalling an engraving which shows the flip side jects of an exotic flavour. of this analysis: not only did Japan become known At the turn of the 20th century, nearly every in Trieste, but Trieste was also of consequence in Triestine who was at sea, from ship’s cooks to Japan. In the 6th volume of Yochi shiryaku (Out-Lloyd’s engine drivers, purchased souvenirs of the lines of World Geography or Short Description of the Far East—especially tea or coffee sets—for their World) by Uchida Masao 内田 正雄 (1839–1876), family, to the point where they are to be found published in Tokyo in 1871—the most used geog- in almost every house in Trieste (fig. 8). Lovingly raphy text in the early Meiji era, which was strong- preserved by descendants as precious memories, in ly influential in the opening of the Japanese to the some cases these objects were donated by enlight- world—we find a view of Trieste,77 among the eight ened heirs to the Civic Museum of Oriental Art, views dedicated to the Austro-Hungarian Empire. following its inauguration in 2001. If their artistic The only cities represented are Vienna, Trieste and value is often relative, their historical and anthro- Budapest, because at the time Trieste—now a me- pological interest is very high: these are mass-pro- dium-size city—was actually the fourth city of the duced porcelains, created for export and therefore empire, after Vienna, Budapest and Prague. designed to satisfy the image that the West had of Thanks to its status as a Free Port with- the East: applied art artefacts in which Japanese ar- in the Austro-Hungarian Empire, 18th- and tisans, in a dizzying game of mirrors, offered their 77 Ildikó Farkas 2020, 49. 149 19th-century Trieste was characterised as the priv- Babudieri, Fulvio. 1966. Trieste e gli interessi austriaci in Padova: Cedam. Asia nei secoli XVIII e XIX. ileged location for connections with Asia. While ———. 1989. “Le vicende della «Compagnia Asiatica di the first attempts to establish colonial-style trade Trieste».” Archeografo Triestino IV (XLIX): 217–34. in the nineteenth century were not commercial- Boscolo Marchi, Marta. 2020. “The Wondrous Collec- ly successful—although they allowed the arrival tion of Prince Henry of Bourbon: From his Journey of Chinese objects into the city which sparked to Japan to the Opening of the Museum of Oriental dation of a powerful shipping company such as The Skill and Soul of Craftsmen Give Birth to Japanese Beauty the curiosity of the wealthier citizens—the foun- Art in Venice.” In The Tradition of Edo Creativity: Austrian Lloyd and the opening of the Suez Ca- , edited by Ochiai Noriko, Tanaka Yuji, Sugi- yama Satoshi, and Tanaka Hiroko, 188–95. Tokyo: nal made a decisive difference: Trieste became the Edo Tokyo Museum, 08.02–05.04.2020. Published privileged port of call of the Empire for goods following the exhibition The Tradition of Edo Crea- Art is the mirror of this reality: far from being an i traffici con l’India. Merci, passeggeri, scambi tra “exotic” entity in the cultural ground of Trieste or Trieste e l’Oriente indiano.” MA Thesis, Università the result of the collecting passion of a particu- degli Studi di Trieste. larly keen, culturally up-to-date or economically Caprin, Giuseppe. 1888. I nostri nonni. Pagine della vita triestina 1800–1830. China and Japan. The Civic Museum of Oriental Japanese Beauty at the Edo Tokyo Museum, Tokyo. Brandi, Antonello. 1995-1996. “Il Lloyd triestino e and people from the Far East, in particular India, tivity: The Skill and Soul of Craftsmen Give Birth to economic situation enjoyed by the city. ...Con gli Asburgo sui mari del mondo. Uomini, navi, esplorazioni, missioni e scontri dal 1382 all’attentato di Sarajevo . Muggia, Centro Region- ale Studi di Storia militare antica e moderna Trieste, tion of the particular geographical, political and Centro Regionale Studi di Storia militare antica e mo- derna Trieste, ed. 2010. advantaged individual, it is the concrete reflec- Trieste: G. Caprin. Archival Sources 04.09.2010–19.09.2010. Published following the ex- Marchesetti’s letter to Muzio de Tommasini. Telli- , at the Centro Regionale Studi di Storia militare antica e moderna Trieste, Muggia. cherry, 19 January 1876. Colecchia, Claudia. 2020. “Il mondo in un fondo. Mul- Marchesetti’s letter to Muzio de Tommasini. Illegi- ticulturalità e triestinità nelle fotografie di France- Archive of Natural History Museum of Trieste navi, esplorazioni, missioni e scontri dal 1382 all’attenta- to di Sarajevo hibition ...Con gli Asburgo sui mari del mondo. Uomini, ble location, 22 February 1876. sco Pepeu conservate presso la Fototeca dei Civici Marchesetti’s letter to Muzio de Tommasini. Bom- Musei di Storia ed Arte di Trieste.” Archeografo Tri-bay, 10 April 1876. estino IV (LXXX): 253–325. Crusvar, Luisa. 1998. “Il segno del Giappone e le stam- Archive of History and Art Museums, Trieste pe dell’Ukiyo-e.” In Giappone: Stampe e surimono Folder Elenchi doni. Legato Zanella. Archive of ed Arte di Trieste dalla Collezione Orientale dei Civici Musei di Storia , edited by Luisa Crusvar, 16–90. History and Art Museums, Trieste. Trieste: Comune di Trieste-Assessorato alla Cultu- ra-Civici Musei di Storia ed Arte. Bibliography este. Trieste: Rotary Club Trieste. Dénes, Mirjam. 2020. “An Austro-Hungarian Expedi-———. 2001. Il Civico Museo d’Arte Orientale di Tri- Augustat, Claudia, and Reinhard Blumauer, eds. 2017. tion to Japan.” In Japonisme in the Austro-Hungarian In a Nutshell Piotr Spławski, and Toshio Watanabe, 27–41 . Wien: KHM-Museumsverband. Monarchy, edited by Mirjam Dénes, György Fajcsák, Austrian Centre for Digital Humanities and Cultural . 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Identities as Impacted by Japonisme in the Austro-Hun- 2006. Orient All Inclusive. Eine Reise ins Morgenland garian Monarchy.” In Japonisme in the Austro-Hungari- auf den Spuren der k.u.k. Monarchie. Un viaggio nelle an Monarchy, edited by Mirjam Dénes, György Fajcsák, terre di Levante sulle orme dell’Impero austroungarico. Piotr Spławski and Toshio Watanabe, 42‒55. Budapest: Merano: Museo del Turismo Castel Trauttmans- Ferenc Hopp Museum of Asiatic Arts. dorff-Touriseum, 01.04‒16.07.2006. Published fol- J. Serravallo, Trieste (Barcola). 1913. Trieste: Mosettig. lowing the exhibition Orient All Inclusive. Eine Reise Katalog der reichhaltingen Sammlung des verstorbenen ins Morgenland auf den Spuren der k.u.k. Monarchie. Herrn Adolf Wünsch in Triest enthaltend japani- Un viaggio nelle terre di Levante sulle orme dell’Impe- sche und chinesische Kunsterzeugnisse. Antiquitäten ro austroungarico at the Museo del Turismo Castel Gemälde Sculpturen. Versteigerung in Wien den 16. Trauttmansdorff-Touriseum, Merano. Mai 1892 und die folgenden Tage […]. 1892. Wien: Nalesini, Lucio. 1998. “Una tomba in stile siamese a Verlag von H.O.Miethke. Capodistria.” Atti del Centro di Ricerche Storiche di King, Robert J. 2011. “Heinrich Zimmermann and Rovigno 28: 505–27. the Proposed Voyage of the KKS Cobenzell to the Revoltella, Pasquale. 1864. La compartecipazione North West Coast in 1782–1783.” The Northern dell’Austria al commercio mondiale. Considerazioni e Mariner 21 (3): 235–62. proposte. Trieste: Tipografia del Lloyd austriaco. 151 San Francisco Call. 1896. The San Francisco Call, May 13, 1896: 7. Schicklgruber, Christian, ed. 2017. Weltmuseum Wien. Wien: KHM-Museumsverband. Singapore Free Press. 1893. The Singapore Free Press, June 24, 1893. Spagnoletto, Davide. 2020. “Amalia Goldmann Besso (1856–1929). Un’artista tra identità ebraica e im- pegno politico.” Archeografo Triestino IV (LXXX): 329–71. Straits Times. 1900. The Straits Times, June 5, 1900: 3. 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Zanlorenzi, Silvia. 2006. “ll giapponismo nella Belle Epoque asburgica. Il caso del Barone Georg Hüt- terott a Trieste e Rovigno.” Atti del Centro di Ricerche Storiche di Rovigno 36: 641–697. Zanlorenzi, Silvia. 2007. “Georg von Hütterott, giap- ponista e figura di spicco della vita economica e culturale triestina e rovignese.” Atti del Centro di Ricerche Storiche di Rovigno 37: 331–97. Zanlorenzi, Silvia. 2009. “Il giapponismo di Argio Orell, tra contesto internazionale ed esperienza individuale.” Archeografo Triestino IV (CXVII): 557–603. Zanlorenzi, Silvia. 2010. “Sulla via verso Oriente: nasci- ta e sviluppo delle rotte via mare da Trieste all’estre- mo oriente. Tra memorie personali e resoconti uffi- ciali.” Atti del Centro di Ricerche Storiche di Rovigno 40: 393–433. 152 The Influence of World’s Fairs on the Formation of Japanese and Chinese Collections in Bohemia and Moravia in the Late 19th Century Filip Suchomel T Introduction1 these distant lands. The opening of the Suez Canal in 1869 shortened travel times to remote areas of he World’s Fairs were an important milestone Asia, creating new opportunities for exploration. in the development of industry and society as Travel was in vogue, and journeys to distant a whole, as they inspired many industries and China and Japan, formerly within the reach of none crafts around the world to develop rapidly. This but the wealthiest noble families, were becoming was also the case in Bohemia and Moravia, in the more accessible, thanks to the introduction of di- lands of the Czech Crown, part of the Habsburg rect shipping connections by the Austrian Lloyd Monarchy. The exhibitions also prompted the cre- Company. Indeed, Lloyd demonstrated its success ation of the first industrial museums aimed at im- by erecting a stand-alone pavilion at the World’s proving the standards of art and design education Fair in Vienna with a sailing-ship mast on the roof, with regard to their applicability in industry. The which was certainly impossible to overlook. Close- first institution of this type, the South Kensington ly linked to this period was the development of the Museum, founded in 1852, served as an example Austro-Hungarian navy, which had the ambition of good practice, presenting not only historical to regularly “show its flag” in all the world’s major objects but also contemporary innovative prod- ports, including those in East Asia. Members of the ucts. The development of these activities and the navy played a very important role in the promo- search for new and unusual approaches stimulated tion of foreign cultures, bringing back from their an increased interest in distant regions, particularly voyages not only various souvenirs but also impor- East and Southeast Asia. India, China and Japan tant works of art, which later became part of the and the products they presented received unprec- emerging collections of many new museums. It is edented attention at world’s fairs from the begin- surprising how many such collections were created ning. Visitors to these exhibitions from Central in Bohemia and Moravia, even though this part of Europe also noticed other innovative approaches Cisleithania had no direct access to the sea. in the production and decoration of handicrafts The aim of this paper is to present the specific and works of art from East Asia, further deepening responses to the First World’s Fair in Bohemia and their interest in gaining a better understanding of Moravia, and to show how they helped to establish the first museum institutions there and what role 1 The present research was supported by the Czech Science objects of non-European origin played in these ac-Foundation Project: Circulation of knowledge as a ba-tivities. We will also focus on the specific role of sis for multiculturalism and its role in a transformation of the newly emerging museums in mediating the the Czech art Industry in the 1850s–1920s. Project No. 23-05248S. 153 knowledge of distant cultures in Czech territory at vases probably of Chinese (Japanese) origin, a Chi- the end of the 19th century. nese lantern, a fan or framed woodblocks of Japa- nese beauties.4 Even after the end of the exhibition, Náprstek kept up his educational activities, with a Vojta Náprstek and His Circle: view to introducing various industrial innovations Establishment of the First Public to a wide audience. In May 1863, he even held a Asian Collection in the Czech Lands special lecture on Japan on Střelecký Island, which he illustrated with real examples of Japanese arts Even in the case of the Czech lands, the World’s and crafts production.5 The success of the lecture Fairs played a significant role in introducing the was reported by Národní listy, the most important culture of distant countries. The first exhibitions, Czech periodical, whose editor described the at- at the Crystal Palace in London in 1851 and the mosphere in the hall as follows: Palais d’Industrie in Paris four years later, did not yet have a direct impact on the development of Then he [Náprstek] showed various objects Central Europe. However, the knowledge they – brought from Japan and donated to the made available led to significant innovations in Czech Industrial Museum, such as: metal the products of many Czech and Moravian tra- mirrors, various kinds of money, pipes from ditional producers.2 However, the International which even the ladies smoke, very fine to- Exhibition of 1862 in London certainly played bacco, which was immediately stuffed and a pivotal role in the thirst for new knowledge in smoked around the hall for the purpose the Czech environment. It was his visit to London of demonstrative teaching, to the general and the International Exhibition there that great- amusement of the audience. ly influenced the Czech ethnographer and patriot Vojta Náprstek (1826–1894) and strengthened And he continues: his interest in creating an institution similar to the Kensington Museum in Prague. After his return, The beautiful porcelain vessels, the tea in a he therefore organised the Industrial Exhibition solid cube, the exquisite yet cheap cloth for on Střelecký Island in Prague at the end of the the dresses, the artful embroidery on the same year, where he and his companions, especial- frames, the flowers of Japan, lent by the kind- ly Antonín Frič (1832–1913), exhibited some of ness of Mr. Fiala,6 the gardener, attracted the innovative objects he had collected during his universal attention … While Mr. Náprstek previous trip. The exhibition was a great success, and his numerous assistants were presenting attracting 9,992 visitors.3 the articles, many visitors were still looking The exhibition on the Střelecký Island mainly at the stereoscopes and at pictures of Japan presented objects brought by Vojta Náprstek di- and China, exhibited and displayed under rectly from London. In the photographs preserved the great gallery; these were from the collec- in the Náprstek Museum, we can identify, for ex- tion of the scholar Siebold...7 ample, a Chinese inlaid table with an architectural motif and a group of figures, porcelain vessels and 4 See inscription on the Náprstek museum photo coll. No. 2 Czech manufacturers had been successfully presenting 176.114. 5 Národní listy 1863. themselves at world’s fairs since the Great Exhibition in London in 1851, where, for example, 14 Czech companies 6 This is very likely to be Josef Fiala (1817–1884) or his participated in the glass sector alone. Knowledge gained brother Eduard Fiala the Elder (dates unknown), both artis- from other exhibitors was soon integrated into their own tic gardeners active in Prague in the 3rd quarter of the 19th production. See Mergl (2012, 149). century. 3 Kodym 1955, 58. 7 Národní listy 1863. 154 Fig. 1: Unknown photographer. Industrial Exhibition on Střelecký Island in Prague in 1862. Stereoscopic card, albumen print, 1862. Private collection. Náprstek did not hesitate to enliven the lec- (1828–1896), Otakar Breuer (1835–1893) or ture with the use of older pictorial material, which František Všetečka (1819–1903). Mentioned here came from the works of the German traveller and are, for example, a Japanese umbrella; a Chinese physician Philip Franz Siebold (1796–1866), who table inlaid with mother-of-pearl, a Chinese salon resided as a doctor of the Factory on the Dejima chandelier, Chinese trays, a Chinese box, a junk Island in Nagasaki in the 1820s.8 cage, Chinese vases, a lamp, porcelain plates, cups, The success of the first exhibition convinced a white and black pagoda, Chinese clay figures, Náprstek and his friends to organise a second In- Chinese ivory vases, Chinese fans, Chinese soap, dustrial Exhibition in the same place a year lat- baskets and others. A large collection of 60 most- er, where, in addition to technical achievements ly Chinese (but according to the photographs also such as sewing machines or refrigerators, they Japanese) objects including baskets, fans, porcelain also displayed a number of exhibits representing dishes, lacquerware, etc. was presented at the ex- the production of distant countries, including hibition by V. J. Löschner (?–?), a court merchant East Asia, which he had acquired through his in decorative goods and lamps whose shop was lo- educational activities, especially from among his cated in the U Sixtů House on Prague’s Old Town compatriots. Square.10 As can be seen in the photo, this exhibition in- The exhibits from these two exhibitions be- cluded examples of Japanese lacquer work and East came the basis for the establishment of the In- Asian porcelain. The exhibition catalogue contains dustrial Museum, now the Náprstek Museum a list of 4,019 items, including several from areas in Prague. The first steps towards its foundation outside Europe.9 The Chinese and Japanese prod- were taken as early as 1862, but the whole process ucts exhibited were not only from the collection of establishing the museum took a long time. Its of Vojta Náprstek, but were also supplied by oth- originally industrial character also changed later er contributors and donors—František Mráček on, when Náprstek increasingly turned his at- tention to objects from non-European countries, 8 Siebold 1832-1852. 9 Katalog 1863. 10 Woitschová 2018, 54 155 Fig. 2: Unknown photographer. The Second Industrial and School Exhibition on Střelecký Island in Prague in 1863. Albumen print, 1862. Private collection. including East Asia. Although Náprstek and his region around 1860, on which occasion, it seems, friends sought to officially establish the museum he also went to Japan, probably visiting Hakod- as early as 1863, they did not receive permission ate. He handed over the objects from this trip to from Vienna, and so their activities focused main- Náprstek in 1863, thus laying the foundations of ly on collecting objects.11 Initially, it was contacts the Japanese collection.12 Of the goods he collect-with Czech compatriots abroad that helped build ed, we can mention, for example, the Nagasaki the collection. Among the first exhibits record- medicine box decorated with lacquer and moth- ed in the museum’s inventories were also Japa- er-of-pearl, which has survived to the present day nese and Chinese goods, often examples of arts (see fig. 3). Other Japanese goods soon followed. and crafts or ethnographic material. One of the These included not only Japanese woodblock important donors in this area, for example, was František Mráček, a native of Central Moravia 12 The collection of František Mráček was exhibited in Olo- who visited far eastern Siberia and the Amur mouc in April 1863. It was probably one of the first special- ised exhibitions of Japanese and Chinese objects in Mora- 11 Ibid., 38. via. See Hánová (2008, 178). 156 Fig. 3: Case for porcelain medicine flasks. Wood covered in natural lacquer decorated in aogai, hiramakie, takamakie and nashiji techniques. Japan 1850s. Donated by František Mráček in 1863. Courtesy of the Náprstek Museum in Prague. prints—mostly of the period—but also examples the Betlémské Square. It is known that Náprstek of lacquer-decorated objects, fans, porcelain and also visited the World’s Fair in Vienna in Septem- contemporary ethnographical material. ber 1873, but unfortunately we do not know if he Since the official establishment of the muse- was impressed by it, although Klára Wotschová um was still pending, Náprstek supported the mentions that he was shopping there.14 Only a year education of the museum curator Alois Studnič- later, on 16 May 1874, Náprstek finally managed ka (1842–1927), whom he sent in 1865 to study to expand the temporary premises of the museum the exhibition strategies of British museums. Two and open them to the public for the first time on years later he also sent him to the World’s Fair in special days. The exhibitions were divided accord- Paris.13 The museum did not at first have a perma- ing to the geographical areas of origin of the ob- nent seat, and it was not until 1872 that Náprstek jects into three units called America, Africa, and managed to exhibit the objects collected so far in China and Japan.15 the premises of the family brewery in Prague on 14 Ibid., 44. 13 Woitschová 2018, 42. 15 Ibid., 46. 157 Náprstek was a proponent of innovation and A very important group among the people in- novelty and his aim was primarily to enlighten terested in Japanese and Chinese art who belonged Czech thinking in the social, economic and polit- to Vojta Náprstek’s circle of friends consisted of ical sense. That is why, in 1865, he was one of the artists, who had usually first encountered Japanese founders of the American Ladies’ Club,16 one of and Chinese products during their stays in western the first Czech associations ever, through which he metropoles, mostly in Paris. They met regularly and created a platform for the promotion of emancipa- often in Náprstek’s museum and in this way, a socie- tion, including the mediation of information from ty with a deep interest in foreign art, including that abroad, including from the Far East. Náprstek’s fas- of Japan and China, was naturally created.18 Zden-cination with East Asian cultures deepened over the ka Braunerová (1858–1934), who lived in Paris, years, and his collections of objects of Japanese and stands out among the Japanophile artists, as does Chinese provenance grew rapidly, thanks also to her friend, Julius Zeyer (1841–1901), a represent- the travellers whom Náprstek personally support- ative of poetic japonisme in Czech literature, who ed and whose activities he regularly followed and also surrounded himself with dozens of Japanese promoted. In the premises of his house U Halánků and Chinese artworks. Braunerová was influenced in Prague’s Old Town, representatives of the young by her visit to the World’s Fairs in Paris in 1878 and Czech intelligentsia, such as František Ladislav 1889.19 From her letter to Mrs. Náprstková writ-Rieger (1818–1903), František Palacký (1798– ten in February 1891 we learn that she regularly 1876), Jan Evangelista Purkyně (1787–1869) and visited the store of Samuel Bing.20 “I finally went Karolína Světlá (1830–1899), met, while the first to Bing’s a few days ago. He is known to have the Czech travellers Emil Holub (1847–1902), Enri- most beautiful art, even though it is very expensive. que Stanko Vráz (1860–1932), Otokar Feistmantel I was there once with Mr. Zeyer and we admired (1848–1891), Pavel Durdík (1843–1903), Vácslav the whole two-storey building crammed from top Stejskal (1851–1934) and Josef Kořenský (1847– to bottom with Japanese objects.”21 Braunerová’s 1938) often joined the company. It is thanks to love for Japanese art was born after her visit to the their activities that the museum’s collections grew, World’s Fair in Paris in 1878, when she was able although compromise was sometimes unavoidable. to admire the successful Japanese presentation, and In the 1880s, Náprstek was finally able to build a her interest in Japanese painting and woodblock special museum building to display all the exhib- prints continued later on.22 From the above note its that had been collected up to that point, and in Braunerová’s letter, however, we can deduce that in 1891, after all the collections had been moved for middle-class Czech collectors, Japanese prod- in, the Náprstek Industrial Museum was opened to ucts offered in specialised stores were often too the public.17 Thanks to the foresight of Náprstek, expensive, so that they probably had to settle for a who set up a foundation to finance the museum, cheaper alternative. to which he contributed part of his fortune, the museum was able to continue its activities after his 18 Let us mention at least the painters Antonín Chittussi death in 1894 and expand its collections. His wife, (1847–1891) and Zdenka Braunerová, who were regular Josefa Náprstková (1838–1907), also contributed guests at Náprstek’s house since 1880s. significantly. She took over the management of the 19 Šášinková 2013, 13. had the museum building rebuilt and enlarged and Paris, opened in 1884 and closed in 1894, being replaced by Maison de l’ Art Nouveau in December 1895, in the same its surroundings landscaped. museum and library after her husband’s death, and 20 Bing’s first store, called L’Art japonais, at 19 rue Chauchat, location but with entry from 22 rue de Provence. It is there- fore clear that Braunerová visited the L’Art japonais store. See Hánová (2008, 129). 16 Secká 2012. 21 See Hánová (2008, 12). 17 Woitschová 2018, 48. 22 Šášinková 2013, 13. 158 World’s Fair in Vienna and Reflection world conveniences made up for the somewhat of Asian Presentations in Bohemia constrained impression of the first opening day, and Moravia 1 May 1873, whose ceremony took place in a some- what complicated atmosphere. The day before, the The circle of Vojta Náprstek’s friends was undoubt- city had been paralysed by a strike of fiacres and the edly one of the main sources of information about metropolis thrown into traffic chaos.24 Moreover, distant lands and their cultures, but during the last although the magnificent exhibition grounds were third of the 19th century, information about the completed on time, many of the exhibits failed to East also filtered through by other means. The most be finally installed by 1 May, remaining packed in important of these is undoubtedly the World’s Fair crates as the goods were delivered late. Thus, a First in Vienna in 1873, the resonance of which rever- of May feature from the same periodical mentions berated throughout Austria-Hungary, including that “…. even the one hundredth (100th) piece the Czech lands. Let me quote an article published is not finished inside to this day and that ... what on 9 June 1873 in Národní listy, one of the most is finished so far is not worth an eye roll”.25 This important Czech daily newspapers at the time. fortunately did not apply to the Japanese exhibits, which were set up on time despite some difficulties. Not only Europe is represented here, but Moreover, just a few days after the opening of also America and Australia ... more impor- the exhibition, Austria-Hungary had to deal with tant is the representation of Asia and Africa, another cruel problem, namely, the crash of the Vi- or those countries, partly European, which enna Stock Exchange on 9 May 1873. The bubble we include under the name of ‘Orient’ or of false expansion, insolvencies and strange manip- East. ... But what is particularly outstanding ulations could no longer be sustained, and this dis- is what has been sent from Japan and Chi- tressing situation caused the collapse of several Vi- na; Japan in particular has taken pains to be ennese banks, causing a shortage of money on the represented as fully and worthily as possible. financial markets. Although the beginning of the To this end the Emperor of Japan arranged spectacular event was somewhat embarrassing, the for a special preliminary exhibition in his situation soon changed, because the exhibition, capital, ‘Jeddah’ last year. This, then, or an after its final completion, offered visitors a truly abundant selection of it, is to be found in extraordinary experience, among which we can Vienna, brought by sea by a journey of sev- undoubtedly include the Chinese and especially eral thousand miles …23 the Japanese section. These national presentations became very popular among visitors, thanks to With these words, in a column devoted to the the successful attractive exhibition concept. Soon, World’s Fair in Vienna in June 1873, a newspaper therefore, the abashed impressions from the first correspondent recorded his impression of the rep- days of the exhibition were completely obliterated resentation of China, and especially Japan, in lav- by new information about a unique exhibition ex- ishly conceived national presentations, which were perience, which had so far been unprecedented in unprecedented in Europe up to that time. the Habsburg Monarchy.26 It would seem, therefore, that a month after the The Czech media space was soon flooded with official opening of the exhibition, this part of the a number of new articles about these distant lands, Fair became one of the highlights of the whole ex- their history, culture, and art. It was Japan that hibition enterprise, known not only in the capital attracted the most attention with its spectacular of the monarchy but also in provincial Prague. The successful attractive presentation of novelties and 24 Národní listy 1873b. 25 Ibid. 23 Národní listy 1873a. 26 Národní listy 1873a. 159 presentation. In Národní listy, the prominent Czech The famous bazaar, at which original Japanese writer Jan Neruda (1834–1891)27 published a items could be purchased at affordable prices, was collection of six feuilletons titled simply “From located within the Japanese national presentation Japan”,28 in which he reported extensively on Japa- in the exterior part of the complex. This particu- nese history, customs and culture, and described in lar venue played an important part in promoting detail even parts of the Japanese exhibition itself. knowledge of Japanese culture, as the goods on It is thanks to Neruda that we can better under- offer allowed visitors to own a piece of the “real Ja- stand how the Central Europeans were impressed pan”, thus spreading awareness of unique products, not only by the presentation of Japanese realities including the more common mass-produced ones, that were completely unknown to them until then, to a wide range of buyers. It was here that items including unique examples of traditional buildings which would later become part of newly built art giving the impression of a Japanese city, and by the collections were purchased. characteristic Japanese garden, which was one of the most admired parts of the exterior exhibition, but also by their first meeting with the Japanese Establishment of Museums and craftsmen who built and prepared the exhibition Acquisition of Objects from the project in Vienna. Vienna World`s Fair in the Czech The exhibition section dedicated to tradi- Lands tional merchants’ buildings was also used for the actual sale of souvenirs of Japanese origin, which It is quite obvious that their visit to the World’s were among the most important items sold at the Fair triggered the need for important industrialists World’s Fair. It was in this way that the first items from Brno and Liberec to create an institution that from the exhibition found their way into Czech would help spread innovative ideas in their region and Moravian collections. Neruda, in the afore- as well. It is therefore no coincidence that the first mentioned set of articles, notes that in these spaces steps towards establishing museum institutions intended for the sale of souvenirs, in both cities were taken just a few days after the opening of the event in Vienna. From the outset, the exhibition visitors are now a teeming the strategy of both institutions was to document crowd. They are buying Japanese relics, por- good practice not only in European craftsmanship celain plates and buttons, bronze jugs of but also in works from distant countries, including strange forms, or at least an oval fan with China and Japan. In terms of Japanese craft, for a bamboo hoop and woven with bast fibre example, purchases from the bazaar mentioned ... They have had to wait quite a long time. above were undoubtedly significant among the in- The merchant had already opened once, but itial acquisitions, since they did not ruin the buy- our committee came and closed it again. ers financially and, on the contrary, allowed inter- He hadn’t paid the duty, and the poor man esting non-traditional production methods to be didn’t even know what the duty was ….29 shown.30 Although these exhibits were still few in num- ber in the first and second years after these two 27 Neruda was a prominent writer, pioneer of Czech critical museums were founded, it appears that the pres- realism, publicist, prose writer and poet. The most extensive entation of the East Asian countries at the Fair part of his work is connected with journalistic activities; had an important influence on the direction of he wrote more than 2,000 columns, including travel notes their collecting activities. It is undoubtedly worth from abroad. 28 Neruda 1873a; Neruda 1873b; Neruda 1873c; Neruda noting the fact that the members of the museum 1873d; Neruda 1873e; Neruda 1873f. 29 Neruda 1873c. 30 Suchomel and Palata 2000, 99–109; Suchomel 2024. 160 Fig. 4: Wan rice bowl with a lid. Wood covered in natural lacquer decorated in makie techniques. Japan 1850–1870. Courtesy of the North Bohemian Museum in Liberec. curatorial staff who were involved in the selection provenance, at least 17 Japanese objects, the same of objects for the newly established institutions number of Chinese objects and 3 Indian exhib- at the World’s Fair focused in great detail on ob- its.31 However, in reality, even the items classified jects of non-European provenance, especially, as Chinese in the records were actually of Japanese of course, from Japan and, to some extent, from temporary records, in 1873 the collections of mian Industrial Museum in Liberec at the World Exhibition in Vienna 1873 /for oriental collections/Inv. no. KŠ 26 – the Liberec Museum reportedly included, in ad- China and India. For example, according to con- 31 See Purchases by the Board of Directors of the North Bohe- 39, Š 180, 454, D 965, Š 383-385, Š 388, Š 390, Š 432–434, dition to a large number of objects of European KC 988, D 913, D 915, D 918, D 920-D924, D 912, D 919, D 967. 161 Fig. 5: Baskets. Bamboo splits. Japan and China, early 1870s. Courtesy of the North Bohemian Museum in Liberec. 162 Liberec, the inventory included eight examples of small lacquer works, among which, for example, were a wan-type bowl with a lid decorated with makie techniques, (see fig. 4) several bowls, most- ly of the kōgo type, and smaller trays and saucers, most of them again decorated with the makie tech- nique. Japanese hair pins were also part of this set, and an object of particular importance was a tsubo jar with a lid made of tin for storing tea, which was donated to the museum directly by the Japanese ex- hibition committee.32 The first purchase included a Japanese bronze washbasin with silver inlay, and a case embellished with bright-coloured paper.33 The products classified as Chinese but in re- ality, mostly Japanese, were mainly examples of smaller handicrafts made of bamboo or straw in the form of various boxes, bowls and baskets (see fig.5). The collection of Asian art in Liberec grew rapidly in the following years and was one of the most interesting in Bohemia at the time. In terms of the Japanese collections alone, the museum ac- quired over 200 exhibits during its first 30 years of existence.34 This became the core of the Asian collection, representing a very comprehensive col- lection of examples of contemporary material in particular, which was however also supplemented with the acquisition of older wares. The curators of the museums purchased the wares at western markets, most commonly by shopping from Sam- uel Bing in Paris, Holme and Co. in London or C. Smitz and Co. in Berlin. Among all the inter- esting acquisitions, we should point out at least a few, for example a deep bowl which was bought in London in 1884, decorated with enamel glaze with chrysanthemum patterns in the Kutani style, a four-sided vase or a lotus flower-shaped vase, all third quarter of the 19th century. Courtesy of the North 35 (see fig. 6). Bohemian Museum in Liberec. Fig. 6: Slim two-level vase. Stoneware. Japan, Kyoto, purchased from Samuel Bing in Paris a year earlier provenance. Although these were not exceptional 32 Suchomel and Palata 2000, 76. or unique works, but rather small examples of craft 33 Ibid., 101. production, their inclusion in the newly formed 34 For descriptions of Japanese objects in the North Bohemian collections was still of great importance for their Museum in Liberec, see Suchomel and Palata (2000, 119–40). direction in the following years. In the case of 35 Suchomel and Palata 2000. 163 Many exhibits were loaned to the collections books, weapons and their fittings and paintings on by Heinrich Liebieg (1839–1904), an important paper and silk. The museum curator at that time, local businessman who played a significant role in Wilhelm Daniel Vivié (1848–1919), took a great the foundation of the museum. Liebieg was also a interest in Asia and purposefully expanded the col-significant collector of arts and crafts from all over lections with Asian exhibits. He was aware of their the world, who left his entire collection to the mu- potential for the development of the local industry seum in 1904. As early as 1882, the collection was in Liberec and even offered these objects as an in-enriched by the addition of Japanese cloisonné of spiration to various interested local entrepreneurs. Nagoya production, including examples of more The objects of greatest interest were Japanese and modern Japanese ware produced by the Ozeki man- Chinese bronzes, porcelain and, significantly, vari- ufactory (fig. 7). Bronze wares and other metal work ous fabrics, given the importance of textile produc- were also seminal to the collection-creating process. tion to the Liberec region. The interest in Japanese The museum obtained examples of work by Kōmai, textiles is evidenced by the fact that the next major a Kyoto company, and a number of bronzes, most- display of Japanese art was the exhibition of Japa- ly from the collection of Heinrich Liebieg himself, nese katagami stencils opened in Liberec in 1893 by who also bought these works in Paris. Since Liberec Gustav Pazaurek (1865–1935) who had taken over was the centre of the textile and fashion jewellery as curator of the museum.37 industries, it is understandable that fabric samples The development of the museum’s Asian collec- and swatches and various small items of jewellery tions continued into the very early 20th century, such as hair accessories were also among the wares but began to decline after World War I. Sadly, in the obtained, as they could give new impulses for in- 1920s, a severe financial crisis forced the museum novation to local companies. A collection of sword to say goodbye to some of the exhibits from its col- guards, most of which were also collected before the lection. The board of trustees attempted to resolve end of the 19th century, might have also served as the complex situation by a way of a lottery in which an inspiration.36 some of the collection items served as a prizes. (For In addition to the creation of its own collection, example, a Japanese bronze washbasin with non-fer- the North Bohemian Museum has made the stag- rous metal inlays, also acquired in Vienna in 1873.) ing of special exhibitions, including presentations Moreover, in 1969, a large part of the collection of East Asian arts and crafts, central to its activities gathered from 1873 to the end of the 19th century from the beginning. As early as 1883, for example, (over 200 exhibits) which had been on long-term the museum presented a collection of Oriental arts loan to the Oriental Collection of the National Gal- and crafts on loan from the Oriental Museum in lery in Prague after World War II, with the aim of Vienna, which was headed by Henrich Liebieg’s uniting the most important Asian items under one brother-in-law Arthur von Scala (1845–1909). institution, was destroyed in a fire at the Benešov The exhibition featured Japanese porcelain, lac- nad Ploučnicí castle. The objects that survived the quer work, bamboo baskets, and leather products, fire remained permanently in the National Gallery’s among other Asian items, while various silk em- collections, including several objects acquired in broideries, filigree jewellery, metal objects, pewter Vienna. utensils and ceramics were presented from China. As at the Liberec museum, representatives of Throughout the period 1884–1886 the Liberec the newly established Brno Industrial Museum also museum organised a series of displays of its partial purchased several Asian works at the World’s Fair collection of Japanese (and sometimes Chinese) in Vienna; from inventory records, it is possible to bronzes, pottery, porcelain, lacquerware, carved identify a total of 8 Japanese and 3 Indian artefacts ivory sculptures, hair pins, bamboo baskets, pattern acquired in Vienna (see figs. 8 and 9), which were 36 Suchomel 2019, 323. 37 Suchomel and Palata 2000, 103. 164 Fig. 7: Three-legged incense burner with openwork body. Silver decorated with transparent and translucent enamels. Japan ca. 1885. Courtesy of the North Bohemian Museum in Liberec. 165 Fig. 8: Japanese objects acquired for the Museum of Applied Arts in Brno from the World Exhibition in Vienna in 1873. Courtesy of the Moravian Gallery in Brno. intended to document the development of crafts in sources. Among the important donors of the first distant destinations and help the further develop- Chinese and Japanese objects in Brno, Karl von Of- ment of craft production in Moravia, as the newly fermann (1820–1894), owner of textile factories and established Gewerbe Museum had as its main goal court supplier of military uniforms, who regularly the promotion of new forms in the art industry.38 participated in world exhibitions in London, Paris Even in this small collection, the largest compo- and Vienna, as a member of the expert juries, appears nent consisted of examples of lacquer work, espe- repeatedly in the inventory records.39 Offermann un-cially small bowls and jars of a similar character to doubtedly qualified as a progressive entrepreneur of those in the Liberec museum. These objects were the time, as he swiftly recognised the significance of complemented by several ceramic vessels, present- regular exhibition presentations in the context of the ing new trends in the decoration of stoneware and further development of industrial production, and porcelain in Japan. Although these Asian products therefore actively participated in both Austrian and were relatively modest in number, they formed the later Austro-Hungarian exhibition ventures.40 basis of the Asian collection in the Brno industrial museum, which continued to expand in the fol- 39 Suchomel 2024. acquired for the museum’s collections from other However, objects from the world’s fairs were also brother Theodor (1822–1892) actively participated in the museum’s development from the 1870s until their lowing years. 40 Karl Julius Josef von Offermann (1820–1894) and his deaths in the 1890s. For further details on the Offermann family’s other activities, see Šulová (1994) or Schmidtbau- 38 Suchomel 2024, 13. er (1978). 166 Fig. 9: Japanese baskets acquired for the Museum of Applied Arts in Brno from the Vienna World Fair in 1873. Courtesy of the Moravian Gallery in Brno. A year after the end of the World’s Fair, in 1874 in large numbers at the Japanese Bazaar and at the and 1875, Offermann donated to the museum in exhibition itself. His brother Theodor was also keen Brno a total of 32 objects which probably came to support the museum’s efforts, actively pursuing from his collecting activities at the Vienna Fair it- opportunities to develop and shape the museum’s self or at earlier events in which he had actively par- collections, including through the acquisition of ticipated.41 He was interested in specimens of Chi- new collections. nese fabrics, Chinese shoes, stockings and hats, and In the first years of the museum’s existence, we leather articles. A traditional Japanese fan or a Chi- also encounter other important donations which nese parasol were also part of this generous gift. Ex- most probably originated at the World’s Fair in Vi- amples of Japanese basketry, lacquerware, Chinese enna. Here we should mention the Chinese textile ceramics and a traditional Chinese pipe formed an screen42 demonstrating characteristic Chinese em-important part of his donation. In addition to the broidery and the exhibits donated by the Moravian Far East, however, the Middle East and Arabia are Association for the Promotion of Handicrafts, which also represented in this collection. It was the ele- again contained samples of East Asian fabrics or ex- gance of these art objects that captivated him at the amples of handicrafts from Arabic regions. Some of Vienna World’s Fair. Such examples were exhibited 42 See Moravian Gallery in Brno, inv. no. U117 purchased in 41 See Moravian Gallery in Brno, inv. nos. U581, U824, U826, 1873 from the Vienna exhibition. https://sbirky.moravs- U827, U831-840, U843-845, U848, U849, U851-854ab, ka-galerie.cz/dilo/CZE:MG.U_117. Accessed December 1, U856-859, U861-863, U1228-U1229. 2024. 167 these items were also added to the collections later, six years later, it presented the Brno public with yet as evidenced, for example, by the inventory entry for another demonstration of its non-European collec- subtle lace from the Syrian region which was pur- tion, albeit this time in a much more comprehensive chased at the World’s Fair, but not recorded as in the form. Instead of relying on a travelling exhibition museum’s possession until 1876.43 showcasing its metropolitan collections, the muse- The first ten years of the Brno Museum of Ap- um approached prominent dealers and collectors. plied Arts were thus marked by the addition to its In contrast to 1877, this show was supplemented by collections of Japanese and Chinese artefacts not a detailed catalogue46 equipped with itemised de-exceeding ca. 106 items—mainly examples of lac- scriptions of all exhibits on display. This reveals that querware, ceramics, bamboo and fine fabrics, which a total of 1,071 items were on show for public view- represented an important part of the emerging col- ing, which, in many cases, consisted of more than lection. Although purchases of East Asian objects one example, and whose compilation was made for the museum’s collections were modest, the first possible only by the considerable support given by major exhibition of non-European objects from the both public institutions and individuals who were Oriental Museum in Vienna presented at the muse- willing to loan their collections for display. The ex- um as early as 1877 was a great success. For example, hibits included textiles, lacquerware, ceramics and the Brünner Zeitung dated 12 April 1877 published porcelain, metalwork, bamboo weave work, objects the following: made of wood, and works of graphic art and paint- ing from the Far East from several private collectors. The travelling exhibition of the Oriental The show also included 164 items from the muse- Museum in Vienna features braids from Tu- um’s own collection. The 1883 Brno exhibition no nis, China, and Japan, Persian calico, fabrics doubt provided further impetus for the expansion from Tunis, Egypt, Turkey, China, and Ja- of the museum’s non-European art collections; the pan, uniforms from Turkey and Tunis, Jap- Japanese collection, for example, grew by almost anese fire-fighting suits (both fireproof and 120 exhibits between 1883 and 1900.47 While do- waterproof ), embroideries from China and nations from art collectors and dealers remained Egypt, Japan and Persia, edgings from Tunis essential, the majority of these new objects were and Japan, and lace from Smyrna. Further now being purposefully purchased by the museum, specimens include samples of Tunisian and giving the impression that the institution’s financial Chinese footwear and collections of lacquer- situation had stabilised. ware, porcelain, wood, and bronzes, as well But let us return to Vienna in 1873. Visiting the as items made of soapstone from China and World’s Fair was the cultural and social event of the Japan; also, a rich collection of paper from season and it is likely that many visitors took home China and Japan, and a vast collection of memories in the form of souvenirs. For example, if other commercial objects, assembled by His we look at some of the collections housed in former Excellency, Count Edmund Zichy [...].44 noblemen’s mansions in Bohemia, we can also find portance to the museum throughout the following East Asia ultimately remained of paramount im- displayed in smaller configurations at other museum exhibi- tions, often as gifts or loans from private collectors. Such was years, 45 as evidenced by the fact that in 1883, only the case, for instance, in 1881, when according to an article in the Mährisch-Schlesischer Correspondent , the museum ex- hibited a Japanese “Caffette [...] eine herrliche Arbeit japane- 43 See Moravian Gallery in Brno, inv. no. U1531. https://sbir- sischer Lackindustrie”, which had once again been donated to ky.moravska-galerie.cz/dilo/CZE:MG.U_1531. Accessed the museum by the dealer A. M. Mandl. Cf. Mährisch-Schle-December 1, 2024. sischer Correspondent (1881). 44 Brünner Zeitung 1877. 46 Catalog 1883. 45 However, items of non-European provenance were also 47 Suchomel 2024. 168 objects that come from visits to the Fair, as is evident, mentioned above draws the reader’s attention to the for example, in the basketry and papier-mâché works fact that “[...] for over ten years now, the renowned from the Richard Metternich (1829–1895) collection shop of Mr. A. M. Mandl has been offering a large housed at Kynžvart Castle and purchased in 1873.48 selection of Chinese and Japanese goods”.52 Mandl The Fair, which aroused strong interest through- was offering a variety of art objects of Japanese and out the monarchy, probably played a role in the Chinese provenance at his store during the early development of the activities of some Czech and 1870s, as the correspondent emphatically mentions: Moravian entrepreneurs. Let us remember at least Vilém Staněk (ca.1853–1893) (see fig.10), who Here one will find beautiful vases of various soon after 1873 opened his tea and alcoholic bev- shapes. Plates, bowls, flowerpots, tea sets, tea erages shop in Prague, in which, probably thanks bowls, artistically crafted baskets, boxes, jars, to the influence of the exhibition, he supplement- glove boxes, various lacquered and natural ed his product range with other trade goods from wood objects, teapots of all shapes and sizes, distant countries, including Japan and China. Dur- lamps and lanterns for both interior deco- ing his business trips abroad, he became interested ration and practical use. A true speciality to in the possibilities of importing East Asian goods remark upon are the Chinese and Japanese to Prague, including Japanese and Chinese hand- bronzes depicting a wide range of human icrafts. He then resold these goods from the late and animal characters, followed by cloisonné 1870s in a specialised shop in Prague on Vladislavo- enamel and, finally, figurines of carved ivory. va Street, which he regularly advertised in various This brief list, which affords but a cursory ac- Czech magazines.49 In the 1880s Staněk held several count of the abundant and exquisite collec- special sales exhibitions of his Chinese and Japanese tion of Asian wares which visitors to Mandl’s items, including bamboo items, embroidery, cot- Tea Shop may choose from, is sufficient to ton blankets, Japanese paper and paper products, attract the attention of the many lovers of tri- lacquerware, coloured photographs, Satsuma pot- fles and curiosities.53 tery, cloisonné, netsuke buttons, and embroidered screens, which, as advertised, were goods imported Mandl, who is later repeatedly referred to as directly from his own branch warehouses in Hong either the donor or the source of the Japanese and Kong and Yokohama.50 Chinese porcelain objects held in the Museum of However, Staněk’s company was not the first Applied Arts in Brno, was undoubtedly a significant business to import Japanese and Chinese goods driving force—in the current sense of the word, an into the Czech territory. In the South Moravian influencer—promoting interest in Asian cultures metropolis of Brno, Japanese and Chinese arts and among the general Brno public. His shop was per- crafts goods were already available before the estab- haps one of the first—if not the very first—in this lishment of the Museum of Applied Arts in Brno, country to spark a widespread interest in Asian from at least the early 1860s, when Adolf M. Mandl products and art pieces. Its success inspired the ac- (1831–?) opened a shop selling spirits, tea and exot- tivities of other Brno merchants in the late 1870s ic goods.51 While we cannot pinpoint the exact date and early 1880s.54 on which the shop first began to offer this range of Much as in Liberec or Brno, other museum art, it would appear likely to have been around the institutions were founded towards the end of the year 1863, or 1864 at the very latest, as the article 19th century, which also bought items of Japanese and Chinese art and craft for their fresh collections, 48 Suchomel 2025. 49 Štembera 1996. 52 Ibid. 50 Hánová 2008, 125. See also Národní listy (1889a; 1889b). 53 Ibid. 51 Suchomel 2024, 7. 54 Ibid. 169 Fig. 10: Emanuel Staněk. Advertising poster for Vilém Staněk’s shop in Prague. Colour lithograph 1888. Private collection. 170 both those of a historical character and contem- the museum was completely burnt down due to war porary works. In 1881, the museum in the small operations in 1945. Central Bohemian town of Čáslav acquired the Less important Asian collections were created collection of Josef Kaunický (1820–1908), origi- in other museum institutions, where the artefacts nally a local joiner who in 1850–1875 had worked were often acquired as special examples of excep- as a master of piano manufacture for Broadwood, a tional designs. Here we should not omit the Ji- London company.55 Kaunický was also influenced hočeské muzeum (South Bohemian Museum) in by visiting world exhibitions, where he became České Budějovice (founded 1877 as Stadtmuseum acquainted with the modern produce and tradi- in Budweis), the Jihomoravské muzeum (South tional cultures of distant countries such as China Moravian Museum) in Znojmo (founded 1878 as and Japan. We know that he personally visited Südmährisches Museum in Znaim), Regionální the World’s Fairs in London in 1862, Dublin in muzeum (the Regional Museum) in Teplice (Re-1865 and Paris in 1867, where he was able to en- gionalmuseum in Teplitz 1894), or Regionální counter the products of non-European nations on muzeum (the Regional Museum) in Děčín (found- a large scale.56 During his stay abroad he acquired ed in 1892 as the Stadtmuseum in Tätschen and some oriental wares and thereby created a compact opened to the public in 1908) and a number of oth- collection. However, he also made purchases in er small institutions where Japanese and Chinese Vilém Staněk’s shop selling oriental goods and tea objects made up a small, marginal and yet impor- in Prague. His collection eventually included con- tant component of the assets, that gave an idea of temporary Japanese wares, armour, lacquered and the art and crafts of these remote lands. wooden bowls, porcelain or bamboo wares, which Most of these institutions, however, did not were a regular component of Japanese collections expand their non-European collections during the at the time, making them mostly ethnographic 20th century. wares and not top works of art. In the late 1870s, 1880s and 1890s, other regional museums were created which, among other things, Opening of New Sea Routes to Asia as also bought goods of Japanese or Chinese origin. The a Further Impetus for Collecting East most important of these was the Západočeské muse- Asian Objects um v Plzni (the West Bohemian Museum in Pilsen), founded in 1878, which exhibited its first objects of If we talk about the beginnings of modern collecting Asian provenance in the first two years of its exist- of Japanese and Chinese objects in the Czech lands, ence. The museum collected Asian craft systematical- it is necessary to mention the first travellers who, ly until the First World War, creating a small, compre- thanks to new opportunities, were able to reach hensive collection, based on porcelain, lacquerware, countries that had been practically inaccessible only ivory, examples of weapons and their fittings, armour, a few decades earlier. It was the discovery of the pro- and Japanese woodblock prints. We should also men- peller and steam power and not least the shortening tion the Slezské muzeum v Opavě (Silesian Muse- of the route to Asia thanks to the Suez Canal that um in Opava / Das Schlesische Landesmuseum),57 enabled the quick development of maritime trans- founded in 1882, which also collected a very inter- port and with that also new possibilities of travel. esting set of Chinese and Japanese artefacts from the Representatives of the landed nobility would travel beginning. However, this collection was almost com- to the Far East and bring back interesting artefacts pletely destroyed during the Second World War, as which enriched their existing collections. It was, in fact, navy personnel who were among 55 Sajvera 2006, 38. the first to have the opportunity to learn in situ about 56 Suchomel 2019. the culture and customs of distant nations, and who 57 Schlesisches Landesmuseum für Kunst und Gewerbe. 171 Fig. 11: Unknown photographers. Costumes from China. A sheet from an album of Chinese photographs purchased by Heinrich Wawra in the early 1870s. Private collection. brought back from their travels the first more com- If we look at Erwin Dubský’s collection, which plete collections of various objects from the desti- is now housed in Lysice Castle, it is striking that nations they visited, especially after the Suez Canal the largest part of it consists of objects from Japan, was opened and travel to the Far East was greatly although the expedition also spent many days in simplified. Here it is necessary to mention the phy- Siam, China and the American continent. Why sician Heinrich Wawra von Fernsee (1831–1887), didn’t Dubský bring back objects from other parts who visited the Far East in the service of the navy in of the world in larger numbers? It seems that Jap- 1868–1869 aboard the frigate Donau and later pri- anese goods were greatly admired thanks to the vately in 1872–1873, and his colleague, Erwin Dub- fame of their successful presentation at the Vienna ský (1836–1909), who as first mate of the corvette Exhibition, whether they were traditional Japanese Erzherzog Friedrich took part in the round-the-world porcelain, lacquerware, cloisonné, woodcarvings or expedition of 1874–1876, during which the crew vis- various Japanese weapons (see fig.12). ited Southeast Asia, China and Japan. Among Waw- Although Dubský mentions the exhibition only ra’s collections, we should mention in particular the in passing in his diary of this trip, it is clear that, unique set of more than 500 historical photographs like most of his contemporaries, he also visited the that he purchased during his two trips to document World’s Fair. Seeing the Japanese exhibition proba-the geography of the places he visited, as well as the lo- bly influenced him greatly in his choice of souvenirs cal people and their customs. The collection contains during his travels.59 This is also evidenced by the photographs not only by Wilhelm Burger, the official mention of the Vienna exhibition in another trav- photographer of the 1868 Donau frigate expedition, elogue entitled Um die Erde: Reiseskizzen von der but also by a number of other photographers who op- Erd umseglung mit S. M. Corvette “Erzherzog Frie- erated studios in the Asian open ports (fig.11).58 drich” in den Jahren 1874, 1875 und 1876, published 58 Suchomel and Suchomelová 2011. 59 Suchomel 2022. 172 Fig. 12: Case and vases decorated with cloisonné technique. Japan early 1870s. Collection of Erwin Dubský, Lysice Castle. Courtesy of Lysice castle administrative office. in Vienna in 1878 by Josef Lehnert (1841–1896), We can see, then, that it was the Vienna World’s a colleague of Erwin Dubský from the crew of the Fair that was chiefly responsible for the growing corvette Erzherzog Friedrich.60 In connection with thirst in the Habsburg Monarchy for knowledge of the World’s Fair in Vienna, Lehnert mentions the ex- distant lands. Of greatest interest were the countries traordinary interest aroused among visitors by some of East Asia, China and, above all, Japan, whose of the foreign objects on display, such as Chinese presentation at the exhibition was very popular. carved ivory concentric balls or Japanese folding fans Influenced by their experiences at the World’s Fair, of the ogi type from Kyoto.61 All these references in the industrialist and representative of the Austri- contemporary literature confirm how strongly the an noble family Josef Doblhoff (1844–1928) and World’s Fair shaped the way distant countries were his friend, the painter Julius Blaas (1845–1922), ultimately perceived, and how it influenced the con- even set off for the Far East before the Fair ended temporary view of quality products from Japan. The in October 1873. In his diary, Tagebuchblätter von Japanese presentation at the Fair was certainly one of einer Reise nach Ostasien 1873–1874, which was the most attractive, and this awakened the interest published in book form shortly after his return to of Central Europeans in finding out more about this Europe, Doblhoff (1874/1875) notes that it was distant country. the Vienna exhibition that aroused his desire to explore new lands. Doblhoff mentions the World’s 60 Lehnert 1878. Fair several times in the book, and it is clear that 61 Lehnert 1878, 244 and 465. 173 Fig. 13: Vácslav Stejskal’s collection of Japanese and Chinese objects arranged in his villa in Hostomice pod Brdy in the 1930s. Private collection. 174 he was particularly impressed by the Far Eastern Japanese beauties and the arranged images depict- presentations.62 ing traditional Japanese crafts, customs or habits, An important figure associated with Japan, where Stillfried’s painterly training—which one and also with the presentation at the World’s Fair would not expect from a former Austrian army of- in Vienna, was the Czech-Austrian, Raimund von ficer—was fully evident. Thanks to the contacts he Stillfried-Ratenicz (1839–1911), who spent sever- made with compatriots, Stillfried’s photographs al years in Japan. This native of Chomutov in West have been preserved to this day in the collection Bohemia opened his own photographic studio in of Erwin Dubský at Lysice Castle and in the es- Yokohama in 1871 and made a significant contri- tate of Josef Doblhoff, now housed in Baden near bution to the development of Japanese photogra- Vienna. Stillfried’s pictures essentially served at phy.63 Even before the Vienna exhibition, he had that time to help Europeans better understand already made himself known by two significant ac- Japanese realities. This was also helped by their tivities that greatly influenced his subsequent suc- public presentation, for example at the exhibition cessful career running a major photographic stu- of Dubský’s collection from his round-the-world dio. First and foremost was the fact that he was the trip, and the 1876 display in Lysice, which became first to photograph the Emperor of Japan in Jan- a real attraction of the Moravian countryside. uary 1872.64 The main aim of this semi-illegal ac- Raimund Stillfried was something of a fixture for tivity was to monetise these unique images, which Austrian visitors to Japan, and so it is not surpris- caused a truly international scandal and forced the ing that we find information about meetings with Japanese authorities to commission official por- him in reports of other travellers, such as Richard traits of the then monarch and empress. Stillfried’s Drasche-Wartimberg (1850–1923) or Josef Zichy next major work was the first photographs of the (1841–1924) and Gustav (1852–1925) Zichy in indigenous Ainu people of Hokkaido, which doc- the mid-1870s.66 They, too, acquired Stillfried’s umented the very different indigenous culture of photographs for their collections, either in loose- the Japanese island.65 Stillfried played a key role leaf form or in albums, but here their collections in fostering connections between his homeland have not survived in their entirety. and distant Japan. Most Austrian visitors to Japan Speaking of travellers to the distant lands of at the time met him as a fellow countryman, and the Far East, we should also mention other repre- Doblhoff, Blaas, Dubský, Lehnert and, only a little sentatives of the Austro-Hungarian Navy. One of later, another aristocrat, Joseph Zichy, did so like- them was Václav Stejskal (1851–1934), a quarter- wise. Stillfried helped them get around in unfamil- master on the Aurora cruiser, who visited Japan in iar surroundings, and thanks to him, they all took 1888 and brought home a collection of over 500 larger sets of photographs that became the basis of items which he donated to the Náprstek Museum their collections of Japanese and Chinese art. in the 1930s.67 These were again wares common- Stillfried’s high-quality albumen images de- ly available in traditional “curioshops” in Yoko- picting Japan’s most famous sites were among hama or Tokyo, related to military nobility (ar- the top photographic works of their time. The mour, weapons), and also, for example, models of most interesting part of his work, however, was buildings, bamboo baskets, clothes, porcelain and undoubtedly the hand-coloured portraits of lacquerware. At the end of this survey of important Czech 62 Doblhoff 1874–1875. (Japan is described in the vol. 3, pp. and Moravian collectors of East Asian objects in the 1–174 with 3 photographs after oil paintings by Julius Blaas 19th century, we should not omit two other travel- done in Yokohama, March 1874.) lers associated with Vojta Náprstek (1826–1894). 63 Gartlan 2016. 64 Ibid., 72–103. 66 Suchomel 2023, 201. 65 Ibid., 104–41. 67 Suchomelová and Suchomel 2005. 175 These were Enrique Stanko Vráz (1860–1932), activities with goods from these distant lands, who donated a large collection of objects from Af- which increasingly found their way into Czech rica, America and Asia to the Náprstek museum, and Moravian households in the form of either supplemented by his unique photographs taken home accessories or souvenir fashion artefacts. in China and Korea in 1900, and, above all, Josef New specialised shops were established not only Kořenský (1847–1938), who was already well edu- in the Austrian capital itself, but also on the pe- cated about the Far East through regular meetings riphery—in Prague, Brno or Budapest—leading with Vojta Náprstek and his circle when he set off to a widespread interest in collecting foreign ar- on his journey. Náprstek even prepared a list of tefacts, which often amazed not only with their specific things that the museum was at that time noble, detailed precision workmanship, but also most interested in, for example samples of cloi- with exotic decor themes. The newly established sonné production. The black-and-white and the museums of applied arts in Liberec, Brno and hand-coloured photographs purchased through- Prague acquired not only examples of Europe- out his 1893–1894 round-the-world trip also an production, but also products from East Asia played a significant role in Kořenský’s collection. which were to become a source of inspiration for After his return to his homeland, the traveller used local production. As in Western Europe, trav- them during his extensive lecturing activities, so elogues of those who could visit distant places that the population not only in the large Czech became bestsellers in Austria-Hungary. It was and Moravian cities but also in the countryside during these business or sightseeing trips that the learned about Japan, China and other countries. first comprehensive collections from the Far East were assembled, which are still preserved in Bo- hemia and Moravia today, not only in the afore- Conclusion mentioned Náprstek Museum, but also in other public collections. The second half of the 19th century thus brought completely new impulses to the thirst for knowl- edge of non-European cultures in Bohemia and Bibliography Moravia, as elsewhere in Europe. The World’s Fairs, lands not only among manufacturers and trad- Catalog der am 10. Oktober 1883 im Mährischen Gewerbemuseum eröffneten Ori- ers, who found in the presentations incentives for entalischen Ausstellung . Brünn: Mährische new innovative steps, but also among the general Gewerbe-Museum. innovation, sparked increased interest in distant 12 April 1877, 335: 84. 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Praha: Národní muzeum. 178 Missionaries as Museum Suppliers: Peter Baptist Turk (OFM) and His Collection in the Rudolfinum Museum in Ljubljana Helena Motoh I Introduction1 the museum by the Franciscan Peter Baptist Turk (1874–1944) in 1912 and 1913. n the early decades of Slovenian museum institu- This chapter presents an analysis of recently tions, collecting non-European objects was part of discovered correspondence between this last mis- the agenda, but compared to their role models, the sionary and the director of the Provincial Muse- state institutions in Vienna, the 1821 established Es- um of Carniola – Rudolfinum, which reveals an tate Museum of Carniola2 in Ljubljana had no means example of the complex relationship between of systematically purchasing such collections. For missionaries as suppliers of artefacts and the mu- the first hundred years of its existence, the museum seum trying to become a representative provincial relied on outside help in procuring its non-Europe- institution. The chapter is organised into three an collections, with missionaries in North America, parts. In the first part, I present Turk’s life and Africa, and Asia turning out to be the most conven- writings to illustrate the intellectual background ient source for them. In the 19th century, the first in which his collecting practices were based. In two extensive non-European collections were sent to the second part, I analyse the correspondence the museum by missionaries Friderik Baraga (1797– between Turk and Josip Mantuani (1860–1933), 1868) from North America3 and Ignacij Knoblehar the director of the Rudolfinum. In the third part, (1819–1858) from Sudan,4 while the first extensive I match the correspondence with the outcome, collection of East Asian objects was supplied to based on the inventory lists and the collections in their current state as kept by the Slovene Eth- 1 The research for this paper was carried out as part of the nographic Museum in Ljubljana. I try to com- outside Organised Collecting Practices in Slovenia (2021– pare the Turk collection with similar Franciscan projects Orphaned Objects: Examining East Asian Objects 2024) (J6-3133) and Between a Mission and a Museum: missionary collections in Slovenia and today’s 2 The museum subsequently changed its name several times, Missionary Collections in Slovenia and their Significance To- neighbouring countries to determine whether day (2025–2027) (J6-60114), both funded by the Slovenian it is possible to pinpoint the difference between Research and Innovation Agency. collections constructed based on the agenda of a civil state institution and those collected by Fran- became Provincial Museum of Carniola – Rudolfinum in 1882 and then National Museum in 1921. In 1923, the Eth- ciscan missionaries for the purposes of missionary nographic Museum separated from the National Museum work and propaganda. Finally, the results of this and became its own institution. Today, the former is named analysis will be explored in order to identify some the National Museum of Slovenia, while the latter is the Slo- vene Ethnographic Museum. possible approaches to analysing missionary col- 3 Cf. Frelih (2010). lections and their relation to secular institutions. 4 Cf. Frelih (2009). 179 Peter Baptist Turk and His Writings city of Wuhan). Within a few months, he was sent to a missionary outpost in the Qizhou 蘄州 Peter Baptist Turk was born as Martin Turk on prefecture on the northern banks of the Yangzi 29 October 1874 in the small village of Toplice in River. In the following years, he moved several what is today southeastern Slovenia (at the time times to various smaller missionary stations east part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire). He joined and southeast of Hankou.11 He never returned to the Franciscan order5 at the age of 21 and spent Slovenia and died in Hankou in 1944, where he his noviciate year in Trsat (today part of the Cro- is also buried. atian port town of Rijeka).6 He was vested and Having been a missionary in and around given the name of Peter Baptist7 in 1895. In 1901, Hankou in the first half of the 20th century also during the third year of his subsequent theology contributed to the complex and turbulent expe- studies in Ljubljana, he met the visiting bish- rience Turk had as a foreign missionary there. op from China.8 Vincenzo Epifanio Carlassare Arriving in China in the aftermath of the Boxer (1884–1909)9, at the time a missionary bishop Rebellion, he witnessed the revolutionary move- in Hubei, made a stop at the Franciscan monas- ment and the events during the Wuchang upris- tery in Ljubljana on his way to Venice and Rome. ing,12 the battles of the Northern Expedition, the Meeting with Carlassare had a deciding impact fights between the Guomindang and the Com- on Turk, convincing him to finish his studies in munist units, and the events during WWII. In only three more months so as to depart for China the autumn of 1931, he was even kidnapped by as soon as possible. In early December 1901, he a communist group, held for ransom, and then travelled to Genova together with the lay broth- released after the sum of “1000 Chinese dollars” er Urban Žele.10 After a few days, they sailed off was paid by the diocese.13 to Asia and reached China a month later. Turk The turbulent times Peter Baptist Turk person- was appointed to the vicariate of East Hubei with ally lived through unfortunately also contribute three key centres: Wuchang 武昌, Hankou 漢口, to the difficulties in researching the details of his and Hanyang 漢陽 (today all merged into the life and work in China today. Reconstructing his biography is a challenge due to an almost virtual 5 By Turk’s time, the Franciscan mission in China already had absence of archival material. Because he died in a long history. The first attempts at launching a mission to China during the Second World War, his personal Chinese lands spanned back to the times of the Yuan dynas- belongings as well as any of his documents seem to ty, and organised mission started forming in the early Qing (17th century) and became the largest Roman Catholic have never reached the Ljubljana Franciscan mon- demann 2016, 1–46). The Slovenian Franciscans’ 20th-cen- 14 death of missionaries. missionary enterprise in China in the 19th century (cf. Tie- astery, as was the common practice following the tury missionary presence in China began with Peter Baptist On the other hand, Turk Turk (departed in 1901 to Hankou) and Veselko Kovač (de- 6 P. Angelik 1934, 306–07. parted in 1902 to Shandong province). 11 He reports on these in his letters, published in Cvetje z vrtov sv. Frančiška . Unfortunately, many place names are undeci-7 Unfortunately, no records on Martin Turk’s decision on his pherable from his rather vague phonetic transcriptions into monastic name are preserved, but the choice of “Peter Bap- Slovenian. He does seem to mention Luotian county, Xi- tist” seems by no means to be a random one: St. Peter the shui county, etc., so he must have stayed mostly in smaller Baptist was a Spanish-born Franciscan who ended his life as towns and villages on the northern side of the Yangzi River, a martyr crucified near Nagasaki and is considered part of downstream from today’s Wuhan. the so-called “Martyrs of Japan” (see https://www.saintben- 12 The Wuchang uprising was a rebellion against the Qing dy- edict.com/catholic-resources/the-japanese-martyrs/). nasty that happened in Wuchang, today a part of Wuhan, in 8 P. Angelik 1934, 306. October 1911 and began the revolution that overtrew the 9 The news about Carlassare’s visit were published in daily last Chinese imperial dynasty. newspapers (Slovenec 1901). More information on Carlas- 13 Cvetje z vrtov sv. Frančiška 1932, 15–16. sare cf. Catholic Hierarchy n.d. 14 For example, the belongings of fellow missionary in Hu- 10 P. Angelik 1934, 306. bei, Engelhard Avbelj, who died in 1928, arrived back in 180 was a prolific writer and a regular correspond- dangerous storms when travelling by boat, and the ent of the Slovenian Catholic press. Most of his hazardous mountain travels in a sedan,17 where he contributions, mainly in the form of letters, were was almost killed by his opium-smoking carriers. published in the Flowers from the Garden of Saint He talks about the conversions and the lives of Francis (Cvetje z vrtov sv. Frančiška), a Franciscan the converts, the methods he used when working journal that was issued monthly from 1890 to with the common people and when dealing with 1944. Not only Turk, but other Slovenian Francis- the “mandarins” or officials, and the difficulties can missionaries published their letters and texts he faced when trying to spread the gospel. He there, and missionary topics made an important frequently refers to an example of an especially part of the journal. His letters began being pub- troublesome mountainous missionary outpost of lished in 1906 and went on almost until his death, “Lo-tien” (probably 羅田 in northeastern Hubei with the last one published in 1942. The publica- province), virtually abandoned by the missionar- tion practice, which is evident from other similar ies since the local people killed two missionaries published missionary letters and texts,15 was that there.18 Andrew “Šu”,19 one of his most loyal Chi-the editors cut the missionaries’ longer letters into nese converts, is mentioned as the first missionary several parts and then published them in consec- who dared to return there after a long time. The utive journal issues, which sometimes caused a name Andrew Šu can later also be seen in relation considerable gap between the time the letters were to Turk’s collection, since he is personally listed as written and the time they were published. Some the donor of a few important pieces.20 It is also in-of the long delays and the anachronistic publica- teresting that Andrew Šu is mentioned in relation tion of newer letters before older ones could also to one of Turk’s fairly common topics: the relation be attributed to problems of long-distance postal of Catholic missionaries to other religions. He al- delivery. Turk’s first letter, published in 1906, for legedly transformed the pagoda in “Tun-san-chun” example, dates to February 1902, the first winter into a Catholic missionary outpost.21 Criticism of of his arrival to China. He was most prolific in his the corruption and debauchery among Buddhist writings in the first decade of his missionary work, monks (he uses the term “bonci”, i.e. “bonzes”) is and then again in the late 1920s and early 1930s, quite common in his writings as well.22 Turk does which coincided with the turbulent historical not fail to mention the Catholic missionaries’ com- events. Otherwise, he mostly kept to the standard petition, namely Protestant missionaries, and crit- longer letters sent once per year, often in Decem- icizes their rigidity to and distance from the com- ber or January, as some kind of a yearly report for mon people, which Turk saw as a result of their the journal’s readers, some of whom were also his wealth and aloof manners.23 The turbulent times donors. are also reflected in his writing, in which he com- Not at all surprisingly, he mostly focuses on a bines documentary style—trying to inform the Slo- detailed description of the practicalities of his mis- venian reader about the developments in China— sionary work. He keeps the reader informed about with some strategic reflections. These reflections his travels from one missionary post to the other, presenting in detail the hardships of such travel— 17 The published letter of the New Year 1907. the long distances he had to traverse on foot,16 18 The published letter of 24 January 1906. the 19 In the Slovenian text “Andrej Šu”; probably the Chinese sur- name was “Shu” or “Xu”. Ljubljana after his death and are now kept by the Franciscan monastery. 20 Cf. 1912/13 entries from the Inventory book of Rudolfi- 15 Cf. Jelnikar and Motoh (2021). seum, Ljubljana). num (kept in the Archive of the Slovene Ethnographic Mu- 16 The published letter of 24 January 1906. The letters are re- 21 The published letter of 8 January 1909. ferred to by dating provided in the letters. For bibliograph-22 See for example the published letter of 8 January 1909. ical information and the date of publication please refer to the bibliography list. 23 See for example the published letter of 8 January 1909. 181 can be seen most clearly in his assessments of the difficult to procure the necessary amounts of the reform movement in China—the movement of sacramental wine, the reason being that the Chi- Chinese intellectuals who advocated for political nese did not grow a lot of fruit-bearing trees and and societal reforms and wanted to modernise preferred to plant tea and grain crops.27 As part of Chinese society. Turk praises this movement for the explanation, he mentions the terrace system of having a common enemy in Confucianism and rice growing as one of the typical agricultural prac- other traditional religions, but is also sceptical of tices in China.28 Similarly, he mentions Chinese their critical attitude towards religion in general.24 rituals and habits especially when contradicting Turk’s writing interestingly reflects the compo- the Christian ones, but nevertheless explains them sition of his collection. The collection consists of rather precisely. He talks, for example, about the two large groups of objects: religious (Turk often standards of polite communication—how to meet simply calls them “idols”) and ethnographic. De- and greet people of different ranks, what etiquette spite dealing with non-Christian religions daily, and seating arrangements are followed at banquets, apart from the above-mentioned criticism of Bud- how the Chinese say the New Year’s greetings, and dhism, he rarely explores the original religions of what presents were customary.29 He also explains the communities he works with. When speaking in some detail the calendar system and the differ- of Buddhists, he interestingly mentions, that “they ence between the European and the Chinese New pray for long hours, immobile like a stone”.25 Inter- Year, and presents some of the traditional activities ested in non-Christian religions mostly per nega- related to the New Year’s celebrations (carrying the tionem, he often describes how successful he and dragon, fireworks, firecrackers, etc.).30 The funer-his fellow missionaries are in convincing the locals ary rites are also mentioned along with the mourn- to get rid of their “idols”. He even goes further ing practices, again comparing them to Christian to explain how the missionaries demonstratively traditions.31 In this and many other instances, Turk “throw the idols in the fire”26 if they caught their also focuses on a historically and anthropological- converts turning back to their worship in the time ly interesting topic of the hybrid practices of Chi- between two of the missionary’s visits. One can nese converts, e.g. by describing how they celebrate only speculate as to whether some of the numerous Christmas, how they bury their dead, etc. Some religious figurines amassed in the Turk collection other characteristics of the Chinese culture are also may have originated from these punitive displays mentioned, such as the insignia for official ranking of ideological power. Compared to scarce remarks (with the mandarin hat buttons),32 the practice of about religious practices and objects, the ethno- foot binding,33 and the street theatre shows.34 Turk graphic material, which is also well represented in also goes into detail in describing the opium smok- his collection, is described in more detail in Turk’s ing practices35 and it is evident from his writing writing. He writes extensively about the practices that in his missionary work he had first-hand expe- and habits of the Chinese. The ethnographic con- rience with the detrimental effects that opium use tent is more prevalent in his early letters, while in had on Chinese families and individuals. the latter ones it is overshadowed by the political situation and the war. 27 The published letter of 1 May 1926. His descriptions of the particular aspects of 28 The published letter of 8 March 1903. Chinese culture are often related to the practical 29 See ibid. and published letter of 25 August 1902. challenges he encountered. He goes, for exam- 30 The published letter of 7 February 1903. ple, into great length in explaining why it was so 31 The published letter of 25 August 1902. 32 The published letter of 8 March 1903. 24 The published letter of 19 January 1908. 33 The published letter of 4 February 1902. 25 The published letter of 4 February 1902. 34 The published letter of 7 February 1903. 26 The published letter of 27 July 1905. 35 The published letter of 24 January 1906. 182 Correspondence between the collecting specimens of local flora and fauna, estab- Missionary and the Museum Director lishing an in-house taxidermy workshop and joining the regional initiative to catch poisonous snakes. The distinction between ethnographic and religious The Carniolian ethnographical collection also topics also played an important part in the corre- grew under his lead, as he built up a small network spondence between Turk and the director of the of local suppliers who went around their villages Provincial Museum of Carniola, Josip Mantuani. to buy up examples of old traditional clothing, The surviving correspondence available to this day tools, furniture, etc.38 Mantuani’s reform of the consists of six letters, kept by the Slovenian Nation- museum largely followed Max Dvořák’s guidelines al Museum.36 Only one letter draft by director Josip for provincial museums and therefore emphasized Mantuani is preserved (dated 23 September 1912), the presentation of local history, ethnography, and along with five letters received from Turk (dated 31 natural environment.39 On the other hand, his ap-May, 3 September, 8 September, and 9 November proach to the non-European collections and ob- 1912, and 21 January 1913). There must have been jects was much less systematic. In the early 20th several letters sent by Mantuani to Turk, but their century, Rudolfinum already had a few non-Eu- drafts (or the letters received by the missionary) are ropean collections: most notably the larger col- unfortunately lost. In the first preserved letter by lections given to the museum by two prominent Turk, we see that the previous correspondence in missionaries. Friderik Baraga’s North American one or more letters by Mantuani (or via some other collection, which was first exhibited at the muse- way of communication, possibly a common corre- um in 1837, was followed in 1850 by a collection spondent) obviously revolved around Mantuani’s of objects from Sudan, sent by Ignacij Knoblehar. expressed wish for the missionary to help him by East Asia was underrepresented, with only a smaller sending “several idols and other things used by the number of individual porcelain pieces, which came Chinese pagans, for the museum”, or at least this was to the museum through private owners in Ljublja- how Turk summarized Mantuani’s wish in his earli- na.40 Interestingly, his decision to commission a est preserved letter. This wish can be seen in light of Chinese ethnographical collection was a unique the director’s general efforts to build up a compre- exception to his collecting policies, since it was vir- hensive collection for the Rudolfinum. tually omitted in his official plans and reports for Josip Mantuani, himself an art and music his- the museum41 and was not followed by any similar torian, took up the position of the director of the attempts to procure non-European collections.42 central museum institution of Carniola in 1909 and organising and sponsoring several similar undertak- tuani’s work at the museum can be found in the archive of the National Museum of Slovenia, as part of unsorted doc- ings. set upon completing its rather small collections by 38 A large number of letters documenting this phase of Man- 37 He was most active in building an archaeo- uments folders (labeled “Muzejski arhiv”) for the period logical collection—which can be traced throughout from 1909 onwards. the first years of his director’s mandate—by estab- 39 Mahnič 2016, 199–200. lishing connections with a large number of local 40 Cf. Berdajs (2020). priests and other lay archaeology enthusiasts who 41 Cf. Archive of the Republic of Slovenia. Mantuani, Josip started providing him with archaeological discov- (1912; 1922). eries found all over the territory of Carniola. He 42 Understanding Mantuani’s rather ambiguous actions in this did the same for the natural history collection by period would require further research, but his interest for East Asian objects, which did not fit with the general agen- da he followed, might have also been influenced by his per- sonal experience of museum institutions in Vienna, where 36 A short article on this correspondence was published by he started his studies shortly after the Vienna World’s Fair Mitja Potočnik (see Potočnik 2013). and where he then spent almost three decades of his life. The 37 For more information on Mantuani’s career as museum di- archival documents have so far unfortunately not revealed rector, cf. Stele (1933), and Höfler and Cerkovnik (2012). any explicit information on this connection. 183 His correspondence with Turk quickly goes as to whether the museum received the package beyond the simple task of providing “several idols from July that year. Along with these, he notes that and other things”. In his letter of 31 May 1912,43 he had sent an official’s hat, “used in summer by the Turk already responds with a demand for clearer officials during the imperial times”. A remark is of instructions, reminding Mantuani that “there are course included on the historical shift that was hap- countless types of idols” in China. The mission- pening right in front of the missionary’s eyes. After ary proposes that they both buy Henri Doré’s having witnessed the events of the Wuchang upris- Recherches sur les superstitions en Chine, a recent- ing, Turk penned this letter just half year after the ly published book series44 on the topic, that they last emperor abdicated. He notes that these types could then use in their communication, so that of hats “in use by the previous rulers, are complete- Mantuani could point out which types of “idols” ly rejected by the republican party”. At the end of he wanted and Turk could then find the correct the letter, Turk apologizes for the lower quality ones. In addition to that, Turk proposes providing everyday objects he sent by saying that “to fully un- “other Chinese things that could serve you and the derstand the Chinese habits and Chinese life, both other folklorists to better understand this weird the good and the bad should be observed”. Chinese nation”, as well as geological and natural By the end of the same month, on 23 Septem- history objects. In the closing part of the letter, he ber 1912, Mantuani, refers to the early September also asks for a clarification on how much the mu- letter by Turk, and responds that he had “unfortu- seum is willing to spend for the “idols”, reminding nately not yet received the package”. He continues Mantuani that the price greatly varies according to by expressing his wishes for the Chinese collection. the objects’ “artistic quality, material, and rarity”. “Anything will be very welcome”, he adds, “since He added that wooden idols could also be acquired we have nothing but a few broken parasols”. Most very cheap or even for free, but he doubted “that importantly, he continues, the museum was eager you would be satisfied with such wooden stuff for “folkloristic objects, either of religious or pro- of low artistic quality”. Judging from the collec- fane-cultural nature, e.g. idols, sacrificial vessels, tion acquired, as will be seen later, they must have images and woodcuts, amulets; then tools, perhaps achieved some type of compromise, since the col- some original weapons, ornaments, bones and lection of “idols” contains both a larger number of stones, cast images, clothes, etc.”. rudimentary wooden statues as well as a few higher Turk’s reply of 9 November 1912 again con- quality bronze and porcelain sculptures. firms his attempt to “willingly, out of gratitude for From the following two letters (a longer one the dear homeland, respond to his [Mantuani’s] on 3 pages and a very short one on 8 September wishes and the noble enthusiasm for the muse- 1912), we see that Turk obviously soon sent out a um’s scientific development”. Turk announces that smaller box of “idols and some other things”, as he he will, together with his fellow missionary, also a says in his letter of 3 September, where he enquires Slovenian, Engelhard Avbelj (1887–1928), send a larger shipment of objects at the beginning of the 43 All correspondence between Turk and Mantuani is kept as following year. In this letter, apart from Avbelj, part of unsorted documents in the folders “Muzejski arhiv” Turk also mentions the other fellow missionary from 1912/2 and 1913/1 in the archive of the National Mu- in Hankou, the Chinese convert Andrew Šu, who seum of Slovenia. owned a luxurious silk carpet and several honorary 44 The multiple part book series (Doré 1911) started to be published just the year before in the Jesuit workshops of officials’ baldachins. These objects, says Turk, could Zikawei (Xujiahui) in Shanghai. The Xujiahui Jesuit mis- also be a great addition to the museum collection. sionary centre had workshops that were connected to their The last document in the archive, written by orphanage and served as training facilities for the orphans Turk on 21 January 1913, is a list of twelve sent to obtain professional skills in woodcarving, painting, objects (including Andrew Šu’s silk carpet and sculpture, printing, metal work, etc. (cf. Ma 2018; Motoh 2020a; De Caro 2023). 184 two baldachins, along with “approx. 15 idols”, 2 The number of religious sculptures, those swords, an incense burner, chopsticks, a pipe, and that might be classified by Turk and Mantuani some other smaller objects). The old Rudolfinum as “idols”, is considerable: altogether 34 are listed inventory book, however, lists many more objects in the 1912/13 inventory list, and 30 can still be received from Peter Baptist Turk, so we can sup- found in the museum today. They vary greatly in pose that the other items were either contained in quality and artistic expression, which attests to the first mentioned shipment sent in the summer Turk’s previously quoted explanation in one of his of 1912, or were sent later, but the correspondence letters. By material, wooden sculptures prevail, and about them has not survived. these are mostly—but not exclusively—also more crudely shaped. Three of the religious sculptures are made in bronze47 and are cast and shaped with Between the Wish List and the more precision. All of them are also Buddhist, one Collection depicting Bodhisattva Avalokiteśvara/Guanyin (fig. 3), one depicting Śākyamuni Buddha, and the Based on the Rudolfinum inventory book entries third one probably depicting Buddha Amitabha. from 1912 and 1913, Turk sent back approximate- On the other hand, the larger array of wooden ly 120 objects, of which approximately 100 can figurines is much more diverse. There are several still be identified today.45 If tentatively looking for Buddhist figurines, but also typical characters of logic as to which objects went missing, we can see Daoist provenance and those venerated in folk that these were mostly smaller objects (jewellery, religion. We find for example, several examples of hairpins, chains) and fabric items (clothing, home Wenchang 文昌, the deity representing culture textiles), maybe due to the different systems of la- and literature (fig. 4), two examples of Songzi belling these types of objects (often the inventory Niang niang 送子娘娘, (a female fertility deity, numbers were not written on the objects them- often merged with the Guanyin image), a figure selves). The objects that remain in the collection of an alleged “deity of the Yangzi River”, etc. How are otherwise easy to recognize by the dual in- Turk labelled the sculptures tells us a lot about his ventory numbers46 clearly written on them, while understanding of Chinese religion. On one hand, many also have an attached cardboard tag with an he wrote the names of the deities on the objects attribution to Peter Baptist Turk. themselves or even pasted pieces of paper with Despite the missing part of the collection, the handwritten explanations onto them. This mu- existing array of objects still gives a very clear im- seum-intended approach also tells us that he was age of the result of Turk’s and Mantuani’s attempts. interested in the names and the use of those “idols”. The initial desired typology of items, suggested by On the wooden image of Songzi Niangniang for Turk and then more explicitly listed by Mantuani, example, he writes, “Goddess Sun-cè-njan-njan. is clearly reflected in the preserved collection and Pagan women go to her for marital happiness”. obviously even more in the Rudolfinum’s old in- Similarly, a wooden board relief of the Buddhist ventory list. guardian Weituo 韋馱 with a jewelled sword (figs. 5 and 6) is explained as “the idol Wei-t’ung (vej- 45 Approximate numbers are due to the differences in inven- thun). Carved into a wooden board, it is carried tory registrations—sometimes the same objects seem to be on the back of bonzes to chase the evil spirits out grouped and sometimes listed separately, which, along with of the pagan houses, they do this three times every 46 Most of the objects bear two inventory numbers: the origi-their very vague descriptions, makes the exact number al- year: in their first, seventh, and tenth month, on most impossible to reconstruct. the full moon”. nal Rudolfinum number and the new inventarisation num- ber they got after 1923 in the newly established Ethno- 47 Two more bronze “Buddha idols” are mentioned by the in- graphic Museum. ventory, but are now missing. 185 Fig. 1: Coal burner with inventory numbers and Turk’s explanation. Photo: Slovene Etnographic Museum. Fig. 2: An attached tag marking objects from Turk’s collection (the name is written wrong, Jan.(ez) instead of Peter). Photo: Slovene Etnographic Museum. 186 Fig. 3: Cast bronze sculpture of Avalokiteśvara/Guanyin. Photo: Slovene Etnographic Museum. 187 Fig. 4: Wooden sculpture of Wenchang. Photo: Slovene Etnographic Museum. 188 From his writing, however, it seems like the dis- From the listed examples, we can see that Turk tinction between the Buddhist and the Daoist re- put a lot of effort into presenting in at least some ligious practices—and their “idols” was not an im- detail China’s religious landscape as he knew it in portant one for Turk. It is difficult to say whether the region where he worked. The initial plan to use he distinguished between different traditions, while Doré’s book as a common guideline for purchase it does seem that for him the entirety of the pagan between Mantuani and Turk seems not to have practices was seen more as a continuum, also per- been realized or perhaps it was only Turk who was haps reflecting the fluid co-existence of different re- using it in his descriptions of the statues. The book ligious traditions and syncretic religious practices he is never mentioned again in their correspondence. encountered. He does identify Buddhist sculptures Another aspect of Turk’s collection of religious ob- to represent “idol Buda” (Buddha) and he names jects is however significant. As often the case with “Kvan-in” (Guanyin) figurines, but they seem to be missionary collections, Turk’s selection of objects— subsumed to the general category of “idols”. He talks inadvertently—preserves the religious reality of the about “bonci” (a Slovene derivative of “bonzes”) people he was working amongst, including the new both in his explanations of the objects themselves as converts who refused to completely give up their well as in his published writings,48 but it is unclear previous venerative practices. We can only speculate whether this only means Buddhist monks or also whether some of these “idols” could be the same he the dignitaries of Daoist and Confucian temples. mentions to have repeatedly confiscated from the Porcelain is also present in Turk’s collection of non-conforming Chinese converts, but from the “idols”. Two porcelain figures were listed and are still quality and style of the pieces, many of them could in the collection. One is a vividly coloured famille be items in use by common countryside families. rose figure of a seated Guandi 關帝, the other is an In the collection, we also see that Turk perhaps image of Guanyin 觀音 (fig. 7). The latter, labelled tried to go in the direction of Mantuani’s wishes to as “Cou-se” by Turk, is made in what seems to be send him “sacrificial vessels” by adding several other dehua style milky white porcelain and shows the religious objects related to the practices of incense remains of gilding and lacquer decoration.49 One of burning. Two incense burners are listed in the in- the other curious pieces Turk collected is a wooden ventory, of which one tin incense burner is still in tablet (figs. 8 and 9), used, according to Turk’s past- the collection today, accompanied by a number ed explanation on the back of the board, as a sym- of candles, incense sticks, and an elaborate bagua bolic means of protecting the shop and its owners, 八卦51 and taijitu 太極圖52 decorated tin box for ensuring the blessing of “Čao-kun-min”. His tran- incense (fig. 10), which was labelled as having been scription most probably refers to Zhao Gongming donated by Andrew Šu. Several rudimentary iron 趙公明 , one of the historical identifications of the temple bells are also included in the collection. deity of Wealth, Caishen 財神, to whom the text on Perhaps a victim of the unmatching taxonomies, the wooden tablet also refers.50 the desired category of “amulets” remained emp- ty, although some previously mentioned objects 48 See for example the published letter of 4 February 1902. could be interpreted to have protective and aus- 49 An interesting element of this figurine, one that Turk was picious properties. The category of “images and probably not aware of, is that the decoration on her chest nected with a heart-shaped pendant. These could point to message confirmed by the side text using the two compo- 招財進寶 is shaped as a cross-shaped arrangement of five dots, con- the figurine actually representing a cryptic image of Mother nents of the phrase zhao cai jin bao (attract Mary (cf. wealth). Turnbull 1998). This claim, however, as well as the possible source of this figurine and its relation to the cryp- 51 Bagua is an arrangement of eight trigrams, based on the tic Christianity in Japan, would require extensive further Book of Changes (Yijing 易经). research. 52 Taijitu, i.e. the “diagram of The Great Ultimate”, is the 50 The central text reads: ben dian hu Fucai 本店護福財 (This graphic representation of the complementary dynamics of shop is protected by the God of Fortune and Wealth), this yin and yang. 189 Fig. 5: Carved image of Weituo on wooden board. Photo: Slovene Etnographic Museum. 190 Fig. 6: Turk’s explanation on the back of the Weituo image. Photo: Slovene Etnographic Museum. 191 Fig. 7: Porcelain sculpture of Guanyin. Photo: Slovene Etnographic Museum. 192 Figs. 8 and 9: Wooden tablet ensuring Zhao Gongming’s protection, front and back. Photo: Slovene Etnographic Museum. woodcuts” from Mantuani’s wish list is represented Mantuani wanted the missionary to provide, we in Turk’s collection by a set of 12 scrolls, of which 8 only find a substantial number in the broad catego- are brush paintings and 4 are calligraphies. ry of “clothing”, where Turk sent smaller silk items In the more ethnographic (or in Mantuani’s (purses, embroidered ornaments, attachments), terminology, “profane-cultural folkloristic ob- shoes, and the before-mentioned official’s hat. In jects”) category, Turk deviated more from what addition to these, the original inventory also lists the museum director wished for, also providing a two fans, silver jewellery (earrings, rings, etc.), and lot of objects upon his own initiative. He collected a pair of glasses. The 1912/13 inventory also lists none of the desired tools and only two examples of an object interestingly defined as a “rectangular weapons: a sword and a double sword. These two hat of the Chinese dignitaries”. In fact, the object swords, judging from the rudimentary shape and (fig. 11) is a jijin 祭巾54, a ceremonial hat worn by very low quality of production, both seem to be mances (also partly hinted at in the missionaries’ “an antique sword” and “a sword to be used in both hands for war plays, but also useful to scare off thieves and rob- shipping list mock weapons, maybe used for theatrical perfor- and Engelhard Avbelj, two swords are mentioned, namely 53). Of the other types of objects that bers” (Archive of the National Museum of Slovenia, Ljublja- na. Correspondence between Turk and Mantuani). 53 In the “List of the things sent these days to Rudolfinum Mu- 54 The invention of this special cermonial hat is usually as- seum”, dated January 1913 and signed by Peter Baptist Turk cribed to Giulio Aleni (cf. Badea et al. 2020). 193 Fig. 10: Incense box. Photo: Slovene Etnographic Museum. the Catholic priests in China, used by the Jesuits acquired at his own initiative. Already among the as well as the Franciscans. The presence of jijin textile objects, we find some very interesting items; in missionary collections in Europe is remarka- the most notable is a pair of wanminsan 萬民傘, bly common, and there is a similar object even in honorary umbrellas or baldachins.56 Turk him-the related collection by Turk’s fellow missionary self writes about these two pieces in his letters to Engelhard Avbelj,55 which probably was worn by Mantuani: Avbelj himself. It is difficult to assess whether the rectangular hat in Turk’s collection could be a hat He [Andrew Šu] also owns several honorary that was in personal use by Peter Baptist Turk, but, official’s umbrellas called wan-min-san that along with his fellow missionary priests, he must he received in different places by the Chris- have used a jijin in his daily work as well. What tians and the pagans for his contributions.57 might have been the cause for a partly misleading description is of course difficult to claim. Turk’s collection, however, is especially inter- esting in the array of objects that were obviously 55 The Avbelj collection kept by the Franciscan monanstery in Ljubljana is much smaller than Turk’s collection and mostly 56 Gao and Weightman 2012, 207. consists of his personal belongings, i.e. the jijin and liturgi- 57 Letter of 9 November 1912 (Archive of the National Muse- cal books in Chinese, but also two incense burners, some um of Slovenia, Ljubljana. Correspondence between Turk coins, and a pair of female silk slippers. and Mantuani). 194 Fig. 11: Jijin. Photo: Slovene Etnographic Museum. In addition to two ceremonial baldachins, happiness and joy.60 A few pieces of smoking para-Turk also sent the accompanying top pieces, or- phernalia are also included, including a slender to- nate metal decorations that were put on top of bacco pipe and a decorated leather tobacco pouch. the bamboo stick holding the baldechin. One (fig. It is difficult to track the sources of the objects 12) depicts a crane standing among lotus flowers; Turk collected for the museum, but most of these the other (fig. 13) is shaped as a vessel and deco- are not of high artistic quality nor do they demon- rated with dragons and other ornaments. A simi- strate elaborate craftsmanship. Many of the objects lar wanminsan crane-shaped ornament is kept by are very rudimentary; such is the case for the metal the Weltmuseum in Vienna (in the collection of vessels and bells, while the collection of paintings J. J. Henningsen).58 is also of very low artistic quality. The ethnograph- Among Turk’s most interesting additions to the ic material as well as the religious statues seem collection are the many varieties of paper money, like they were obtained through local sources and even strings of paper “coins”. Of the other unique were not intended for foreigners’ export purchase, items of Chinese culture, Turk sent several chop- which matches well with Turk’s itineraries as we sticks and two brass hand/feet warmers, an unu- know them so far—he spent most of his time in sual object we often find in similar collections.59 the village and small town settings around Han- Only one wooden lacquer object is included in the kou. The religious statues and objects, however, are collection, a nicely decorated red lacquer box. The mostly crudely designed and show wear related to box is decorated with a gold drawing of a phoenix their previous extensive use in home or village tem- and a peony, and other flower shrubs, symbolizing ple settings, which makes this type of collection significantly different from those of wealthier and more socially distinguished collectors of the time, 58 See https://www.weltmuseumwien.at/object/?detailID= where the religious statues are mostly from urban 448607 (Accessed December 1, 2023). settings and/or were bought either newly made or 59 See for example, the early 20th century collection of Ivan carefully preserved. Skušek Jr. in the same museum (Slovene Ethnographic Mu- seum in Ljubljana). 60 Bjaaland Welch 2008, 83. 195 Figs. 12: Metal decoration for the top of the wanminsan baldachins. Photo: Slovene Etnographic Museum. 196 Figs. 13: Metal decoration for the top of the wanminsan baldachins. Photo: Slovene Etnographic Museum. 197 Museification of missionary namely, the trend of the museification of mission- collections ary collections. The 1910s and 1920s were a peri- od when the previously heterogeneous practices The term “missionary collection” is not une- of gathering random objects from the missions quivocal, as Turk’s case shows: it can mean both became an organized and well-structured under- a collection assembled by a missionary and/or a taking. These collections were not only used for collection assembled in the missionary context promotional purposes and as a tool to collect re- for missionary purposes. It can also originate in sources for the missions, but started to take on an the missionary setting of the missions or not, as educational role for the general public. Among the “missionary exhibitions” sometimes also included backdrop of trade fairs, World’s Fairs, and finally locally produced craftwork, which was then sold the influential Vatican Missionary exhibition in to collect money for the missions. For Turk’s col- 1925,62 missionary collections gradually followed lection, the term “missionary” is limited to mean the trend of presenting their destination countries a collection that originated in the missions and in a comprehensive fashion.63 We see this trend in was collected by a missionary, but was not collect- the Slovenian territory in the establishment of sev- ed for missionary purposes. Not only in this, but eral “missionary museums”, which then followed also in its content Turk’s collection differs from the structural standards of other museum institu- previous missionary collections in Slovenia. As tions: including the comprehensive typology of is evident from the short review, the variety of objects, ranging from naturalia through ethno- objects in Turk’s collection is considerable, with graphic materials to religious objects.64 When de-a balance of religious and ethnological objects. scribing the making of a similar collection by Ital- Previous large missionary collections in Slove- ian Franciscans in Hubei (now kept in the convent nia included very few religious objects61 and the of St. Roch in Rovereto), Federica Bosio mentions same holds for the—much smaller—collection a similar transitional situation.65 The Franciscan of Turk’s missionary colleague Engelhard Av- missionary collector in Hubei, Father Ruggero belj (see above). Judging from the correspond- Covi (1877–1925), initially focused on collecting ence, and the comparison between the museum minerals of China, only to be motivated to start director’s wishes and the resulting collection, it collecting cultural items, especially those repre- becomes evident that the presence of the collec- senting Chinese religions by his provincial, so that tion’s religious content was largely motivated by the collection could be used for museum purpos- the director’s wishes, while the missionary collec- es. The resulting Franciscan collection in Rov- tor took much more initiative in the domain of ereto is structurally surprisingly similar to Turk’s the “profane” ethnographic items. In a seemingly collection in Ljubljana, presenting the rich local paradoxical twist, the missionary collected more religious objects because he was trying to serve 62 The Vatican Missionary Exhibition of 1925, (officially “Pon- repulsion felt by active missionaries such as Turk Palace under Pope Pius XI to show the missionary efforts of the Catholic Church worldwide, while also presenting toward the “idols” could of course be one of the the needs and wishes of a secular institution. The tifical Missionary Exhibition”) was organized in the Lateran the variety of World’s cultures and religions. In the presen- own initiative and only did so when following the helm Schmidt, who was invited by Pius XI to put together the ethnological exhibition, since in Schmidt’s views many agenda of a museum institution. reasons why they would not collect them at their tation of the latter, an important influence was that of Wil- The complex character of Turk’s collection and theism, Urmonotheismus world religions exhibited traits of common original mono- (cf. Dries 2016; Howes, Jones and his inclusion of religious objects, though, seem to Spriggs 2022, 347) also be based on a related historical phenomenon, 63 Cf. Gasparotto (2017) and Sánchez Gómez (2006). 64 Motoh 2020b. 61 Cf. Frelih (2009; 2010). 65 Bosio et al. 2023, 45. 198 be locally sourced (and used) rudimentary reli- Slovenskega etnografskega muzeja), Ljubljana Archive of the Slovene Ethnographic Museum, Ljublja-ethnographical material along with what seem to Archive of the Slovene Ethnographic Museum (Arhiv gious figurines. The museification and institution- na. Inventory book of Rudolfinum, entries for 1912 alization of missionary collections therefore seem and 1913 (scanned). to have introduced a shift in typology: from the types of objects that would present the everyday reality of the missionary work to those that rep- Bibliography resented the destination cultures in general. After that of educator and informer—a view especially ler, and Nadine Amsler, eds. 2020. Catholic Mission- aries in Early Modern Asia: Patterns of Localization the shift, the role of missionaries was seen also as Badea, Andreea, Bernard Heyberger, Christian Wind- stressed after the Vatican 1925 exhibition – and the . propaganda goal, while still very present, was then Berdajs, Tina. 2020. “Zbirateljstvo vzhodnoazijske ker- Abingdon/Oxon: Routledge. underplayed. 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Slovenec. 1901. “Dnevne novice (Daily News).” Slo- venec, September 11, 1901. 200 Part 3 Shaping East Asian Collections – Contribution by Diplomats 201 Josef Schwegel (1836–1914) and His Legacy: Vienna World’s Fair and its Connections to Slovenia Tina Berdajs J Introduction1 a significant large exhibition space dedicated to showcasing the cultural and industrial achieve- osef Schwegel’s (1836–1914) involvement ments of the East. in staging the exhibitions of the “oriental”2 The exhibition space was divided into different countries at the Vienna World’s Fair in 1873 sections, each section was dedicated to showcas- was undoubtedly a significant contribution to ing the exhibition from each of the participating the cultural exchange between East and West nations. Exhibition sections (or pavilions) show- during the late 19th century. Hailing from Car- cased objects and artefacts from various Middle niola, today a part of Slovenia, he is still today Eastern and East Asian cultures as well as North one of the most recognizable and “famous” Slo- Africa, highlighting their artistry, craftsmanship, venes working as a diplomat and politician in and cultural significance. Schwegel’s dedication the 19th-century Austro-Hungarian Empire. As to his organizational work aimed to foster a great- a person most knowledgeable about the Orient, er understanding and appreciation of Eastern cul- he was (in his own words) tasked with putting tures among fair visitors and, more importantly, together the Oriental Department at the Vien- to lay the groundwork for future fruitful trade na World’s Fair, which took place in 1873.3 His relations with these places. official position was the head of the division One of the lasting legacies of Schwegel’s work for the Orient and East Asia in the directorate was the cooperative effort resulting in the estab- of the World’s Fair.4 The Oriental Department, lishment of the Oriental Museum in Vienna (later or the Orientalische Abteilung (in older sources Handelsmuseum),5 which served as a repository often referred to as the “Oriental pavilion”), was for many of the objects displayed at the World’s Fair. The museum provided a valuable resource for 1 The research for this paper was carried out as part of the scholars, collectors, and enthusiasts. However, the project Orphaned Objects: Examining East Asian Objects museum’s closure in 1907 and the dispersal of its outside Organised Collecting Practices in Slovenia (2021– collection posed a challenge for historians and re- 2024) (J6-3133) funded by the Slovenian Research and Innovation Agency. searchers seeking to trace the provenance of these 2 The term geographically encompassed the large area span- objects. 6 ning roughly from the Balkans, including north Africa and In 2018, research commenced on the East the Middle East, and all the way to East Asia (cf. Lukas Asian ceramics kept at the National Museum of Nickel’s paper (2024) in this monograph). Hereinafter the term “Orient” should be understood as such. 3 Schwegel 2007, 52. 5 Schwegel 2007, 54. 4 Nickel 2024, (in this book). 6 Museum of Applied Arts n.d. a. 203 Josef Baron von Schwegel: Diplomat and Collector Josef Schwegel (fig. 1) (throughout different sourc- es and publications we find several versions of his name, such as Josef Schwegel, Joseph Ritter von Schwegel, as well as Slovenian versions Jožef Švegel and Jožef Žvegel) was born to a peasant family in a small village named Zgornje Gorje near the town of Bled in today’s north-western Slovenia, where he also attended primary school. Later, from 1846 to 1854, he attended secondary or grammar school in Ljubljana. To pursue his higher education, he relocated to Vienna, at first wanting to study med- icine. Only later did he abandon the study of med- icine to attend the Oriental Academy, a place for future Austrian diplomats. The Oriental Academy was founded in 1754 based on the Imperial Order by Empress Maria Theresa, with the intention of strengthening Austria’s commercial and cultur- al ties with the Middle East and the Balkans.7 To prepare students for careers as diplomats and mer- Fig. 1: Portrait of Josef Schwegel (1863–1914). Photograph. chants, the curriculum placed a strong emphasis on A collection of depictions of famous Slovenians NUK general sciences, political science, and languages (Zbirka upodobitev znanih Slovencev NUK). National and like Persian, Arabic, and Turkish.8 His studies there University Library (NUK), Ljubljana. most strongly influenced his later life and work. In 1859, he finished his training at the Oriental Acad- Slovenia. It was discovered that the museum’s Ce- emy in Vienna and was employed as a diplomat of ramics Collection houses approximately 240 piec- the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy.9 es of Chinese and Japanese ceramics. The majority As Car and Kamin Kajfež write, in terms of di- of the pieces fall into the category of export ceram- plomacy, he was an expert on Southeastern Europe ics intended for Western markets dating from the and the African part of the Turkish Empire. His 19th to the early 20th century. Among these ob- most notable career achievement, and what he is jects was also a Japanese lidded cup from the legacy most known for, was serving as Austro-Hungarian of Josef Schwegel. The discovery of this cup at the consul in Alexandria, Egypt and Istanbul for ten National Museum of Slovenia reignited interest in years, all the way until his appointment as one of his contributions to the Vienna World’s Fair and the key organisers involved in putting on the 1873 what happened following the Fair’s success. Prov- World’s Fair in Vienna.10 enance research on the cup involved a meticulous Especially during his stay in Egypt, Schwegel examination of its design, markings, and materials, established numerous contacts with influential po- as well as comparisons with identical cups held in litical figures and bankers. In his memoir, Schwegel the Asia Collection of the Museum for Applied Arts in Vienna (MAK) and several tea caddies 7 Gruber 2014, 131. bearing the same type of label kept in the collec- 8 Ibid. tion of the Vienna Museum of Technology. 9 Rugále and Preinfalk 2010, 170. 10 Car and Kamin Kajfež 2022, 31. 204 writes that during his stay in Egypt he “found and 旭日章).17 The Order of the Rising Sun was Japan’s established his happiness”.11 His great emotional first national decoration, created in 1875. involvement with the land of Egypt is also notable Interestingly, Schwegel as a student also worked in his personal coat of arms, whose centre is domi- at the Estate Museum of Carniola ( Krainisch nated by the Egyptian sphinx. Ständisches Museum, today National Museum of In 1868, in Alexandria, Schwegel married Ma- Slovenia) and for a while even lived with Karl De- ria von Battisti di San Giorgio (1848–1933), and schmann (1821–1889), politician, archaeologist, a year later their only child, a daughter named Ma- and, at the time, curator at the Estate Museum of ria (lovingly called Mici), was born in Egypt.12 In Carniola.18 His time spent there may have ignited 1869, Schwegel also bought a large property near a passion for collecting and preserving cultural ar- his place of birth in today’s Slovenia. In Rečica near tefacts, which manifested later in his life. Over the Bled, he bought a mansion with a large surrounding years, he amassed an impressive collection mainly property called Grimšče (Grimschitzhof), named of Egyptian artefacts, which he bought from sellers after the last owners, the Grimschitz family. He during the time of his service in Egypt.19 employed the well-known architect Max Fabiani Schwegel died in 1914 with no surviving chil- (1865–1962) to repair and rework the mansion. dren of his own and therefore appointed his neph- Besides the Grimšče, Schwegel also owned a palace ew Ivan Schwegel (1875–1962) as the heir of his in Vienna and a seaside villa in Volosko, Croatia.13 fortune and properties.20 In his will from 1914, he At his later post at the embassy in Istanbul, he also chose to bequest his entire collection to the also mentions working with many of his colleagues National Museum of Slovenia as a way of giving from the Oriental Academy in Vienna.14 His con- back to the Carniolan people and ensuring that nections, extended work in Egypt and Turkey, and others could continue to enjoy and learn from the his knowledge of the Middle East and East Asia items he had acquired through the years. In 1936, undoubtedly helped him get the position among the National Museum of Slovenia received a size- the organizers of the World’s Fair in Vienna in able bequest from Baron Schwegel with the final 1873. Recent research into the high decorations he selection made by his widow.21 A large part of that received for his work shows that he was the most bequest was represented by various Egyptian ob- highly decorated official at the time whose origin jects. His experience working at the museum as a was the area of present-day Slovenia.15 He was en- young man might have played quite a significant nobled to Ritter in 1870 and later also acquired his role in his decision to leave such a meaningful noble title of baron in 1875 for his activities and legacy.22 achievements in the field of diplomacy and service to the state during the time of the Austro-Hungar- ian monarchy.16 Among the higher titles and med- Schwegel, the Oriental Department, als Schwegel received for his contributions to the and What Came Next World’s Fair and especially to setting up the Ori- ental Department, he also received a high decora- In 1871, Schwegel (at the time consul general in tion of the Order of the Rising Sun (Kyokujitsu-shō Istanbul) was officially invited by Baron Wilhelm von Schwarz-Senborn (1816–1903) to take over 11 Schwegel 2007, 48. 12 The daughter passed away at the age of six of diphtheria 17 Car and Kamin Kajfež 2022, 29. (Rugále and Preinfalk 2010, 172). 18 Bojc 2014. 13 Rugále and Preinfalk 2010, 170–72. 19 Furlan 2018, 18; Car and Kamin Kajfež 2022, 21. 14 Schwegel 2007, 48. 20 Rugále and Preinfalk 2010, 172. 15 Car and Kamin Kajfež 2022, 21. 21 Furlan 2018, 18; Šmitek 1986, 18. 16 Rugále and Preinfalk 2010, 170. 22 Car and Kamin Kajfež 2022, 21. 205 the organization and management of the Oriental motto faithfully and saw with great satisfac- department, or so-called “Oriental pavilion”, of the tion how the Orient, in all its splendour and Vienna fair. In preparation, Schwegel travelled to charm, presented itself to Western Europe Egypt, Anatolia, and Syria in 1871 and 1872.23 He and, above all, to my homeland.28 expressed his excitement at the appointment, de- scribing it as “a most excellent task”, especially from The World’s Fair in Vienna was held from 1 the viewpoint of further developing relations with May until 2 November at the Prater, a park locat- the East.24 It is confirmed by Bernhard Singer’s ed next to the Danube. It stood apart from earlier 1878 publication Unsere Orient-Interessen (Our In- international expositions due to its programming terests in the Orient), which discusses how Austria’s emphasis on international trade with the East, economic and colonial interests in the Orient not whereas the major exhibitions in Paris (1867) and so much territorial ambitions, drove the country to London (1862) emphasized the portrayal of tech- present the Orient on such a large scale within the nological innovations and manufactured products scope of the World’s Fair in 1873.25 in an attempt to showcase their host countries as Schwegel volunteered to completely take over leading colonial and industrial powers.29 The main readying the pavilions for the Near East and East goal of the Eastern countries’ participation in the Asia, starting with Morocco, Tunis, and Egypt, Vienna World’s Fair was to further develop and following that with the pavilion for the Ottoman strengthen the trade ties made possible by the new Empire, and finishing with China and Japan.26 maritime access to the Red Sea following the Suez Returning to Vienna in 1872, he “invested all his Canal’s opening in 1869.30 strength into the World’s Fair,”27 through which he As regards this paper, Japan’s participation is also mentions numerous personal audiences with of special importance. In January 1872, the Aus- the Emperor discussing the Fair. About his work, tro-Hungarian envoy sent a formal invitation to the he wrote: Japanese government.31 With only a year and three months until the exhibition’s opening in Vienna, I made connections with all the countries Japan did not have much time to prepare for the from Morocco to Japan, from Abyssinia to Fair. However, Japan succeeded in doing so, and Persia, and inland Asia. It was a great pleas- with great success. The new Japanese government’s ure for me to achieve the set goal to such an efforts to modernize the nation benefited greatly extent, as it had not happened at any of the from the Vienna World’s Fair. Japanese participa- previous World exhibitions, neither in Lon- tion at the Vienna World’s Fair was directed by the don nor in Paris. Ex Oriente Lux was the Exhibition Bureau ( Hakurankai Jimukyoku 博覧 slogan given to me by my patron Prokesch 會事務局).32 The Bureau’s primary responsibili- as he sent me on my way. I followed the ty was to choose Japanese masterpieces and note- worthy domestic goods for the Vienna displays, as 23 Schwegel 2007, 50; Gruber et al. 2012, 45–46. well as handle the coordination of all aspects of the 24 Schwegel 2007, 52. 26 Schwegel 2007, 52; in his memoir, Schwegel writes he kept 29 Gethmann and Eckhard 2023, 8. extended correspondence regarding preparations for and 30 One of the leading figures in this project was also Josef 25 Gethmann and Eckhard 2023, 7–8. 28 Schwegel 2007, 52. later the success of his work on the Vienna World’s Fair, but it is not known if it still exists. Slovene ethnologist and an- Schwegel as the Austrian consul in Alexandria. He had thropologist Zmago Šmitek writes that Schwegel’s corre- been instrumental in the establishment of consular relations spondence was among the things bequested to the National when the Suez Canal opened (Gethmann and Eckhard Museum of Slovenia, but it is yet unknown if there were any 2023, 9). letters regarding the above subject (Šmitek 1986, 18). 31 Jahn 2004, 18. 27 Schwegel 2007, 53. 32 Ibid. 206 Japanese exhibition between Tokyo and Vienna.33 of the exhibition concludes with the following Gisela Jahn writes: words by Archer40: “Altogether to the lover of pottery and porcelain, the Japanese collection Such exhibitions required Japan to tailor its was most interesting and instructive, and many products to prevailing international stand- medals were awarded.”41 The sentiment speaks to ards. Initially, the country chose to represent the impressiveness and positive reception of the the quality and character of its decorative arts exhibitions of pottery and porcelain of East Asian by works specially created for the purpose.34 origin, which also seems to reflect the similar sen- timents of which, in a more general sense, Schwe- The purpose of this enthusiastic participation gel also wrote in his memoirs.42 It is clear that was also an attempt to “bridge the gap” with the Schwegel saw his finished work on the Oriental Western countries and in terms of arts and crafts department as a great success (and apparently so this meant “preserving local styles and promoting did his superiors); however, the World’s Fair itself the skills and needs of craftsmen and, on the other as a whole was hindered from achieving econom- hand, catering for foreign taste by cultivating an ic success due to a stock market crash on 9 May ‘export style’”.35 From Japan, a total of 72 people, 1873 and the outbreak of cholera infections in including 41 civil servants and interpreters, 25 ar- Vienna at the time.43 chitecture builders and landscape gardeners, and During the World’s Fair, he also established the 6 foreigners were sent to Vienna. All the members Committee for the Orient and East Asia ( Comité of the Japanese delegation travelled to Europe by für den Orient und Ost-Asien) and put it in charge way of sea and stayed in Austria for one whole of examining goods for their suitability for trade year.36 Traditional and ornamental artworks, in- and initiating new trade relationships.44 The inten-cluding ceramics, cloisonne ware, lacquer ware, tion was to take as much advantage of the Exhi- and textiles, were on display at the Japanese ex- bition as possible for the country’s economic and hibition. Separate from the main display was a industrial interests.45 In an effort to give the Aus-recreation of a Japanese garden, complete with a trian industry “a thousand ideas” the Committee shrine, and, thanks to the growing interest in Ja- for the Orient and East Asia was entrusted with pan at the time, it was said to be particularly pop- scrutinizing the oriental and East Asian exhib- ular with the visitors.37 its during the Fair.46 The committee was part of a Regarding Japanese ceramics, it is said they “offered a great contrast to China”.38 The Reports describe eleven different types of ceramics that 40 Thomas Croxen Archer (1817–1885), professor and direc- were sent by the Japanese Association of Painters tor of the Industrial Museum of Scotland (later Edinburgh on Pottery and Porcelain, with its headquarters Museum of Science and Art). in Edo (in the records Anglicised as Yeddo), to 41 Archer 1874, 153. be exhibited at the Vienna World’s Fair and show 42 Schwegel 2007, 52. the work of its members. 43 Gruber et al. 2012, 44–45. 39 The report on this part 44 Schwegel 2007, 55; Gethmann and Eckhard 2023, 10. 45 His original intentions seem not to have been realized to his 33 Pantzer 2018, 27–28; Jahn 2004, 18. complete satisfaction, since he wrote in his later years, “But 34 Jahn 2004, 16. perhaps, on the evening of my life, I will finally be able to 36 Cf. Agnes Schwanzer’s paper in this volume. the World’s Fair, by some other way than the one I originally intended, to the promotion and advancement of our eco- 35 Ibid., 19. bring this institution, which was the fruit of my activity at 37 Tokyo National Museum, 2004-2024; Gethmann and Eck- nomic and political interests in the East” (Schwegel 2007, hard 2023, 11. 55; translation by author). 38 Archer 1874, 149. 46 Gethmann and Eckhard 2023, 19; Curatorium Österreichi- 39 Ibid., 152. sches Handelsmuseum 1900, 9. 207 Fig. 2: Illustration of the entrance to the Japanese pavilion. Unknown author. Wikimedia, public domain (https://en.m.wiki- pedia.org/wiki/File:Japanese_pavilion_in_Expo_1873.jpg). larger association called Cercle Oriental,47 consist- (Orientalisches Museum).50 The museum was found-ing of diplomats, economists, manufacturers, and ed in Vienna with the intention of spreading knowl- politicians.48 edge about the Middle East and Asia. Its heart was a After the Fair’s end, the committee only grew large pavilion, which originally stood at the eastern bigger and stronger and presented the base for the part of the World’s Fair. It held a library, several gal- establishment of a new museum.49 On 21 October leries, and a collection of art objects acquired during 1874, one year after the exhibition, the commit- the mentioned exhibition.51 China, Japan, Tunisia, tee and the Cercle Oriental thus assembled again, and to a lesser extent Turkey all donated numerous this time going by the name of Oriental Museum objects from the exhibition to the museum.52 The museum received these objects either through ex- 47 changes or as gifts, most of them from the Oriental Cercle Oriental provided both a house for the fair’s trade delegation as well as an educational museum, demonstrat- ing the potentials and varieties of oriental(ized) art (Geth- mann and Eckhard 2023, 21). 50 Gethmann and Eckhard 2023, 22. 48 Gethmann and Eckhard 2023, 19. 51 Ersoy 2015, 47. 49 Schwegel 2007, 54. 52 Schwegel 2007, 54. 208 and East Asian section of the World’s Fair. 53 In 1886, Specific labels used by old museums can provide the Oriental Museum’s name was changed to Trade valuable information for tracing the provenance of Museum (k. k. Österreichisches Handelsmuseum), individual objects or groups of objects, in this case, which housed a commercial, an arts and crafts, and the objects that were originally exhibited at the an oriental arts and crafts collection. As Gruber et al. Vienna World’s Fair in 1873. By examining these write, the museum collections were regularly added labels, researchers can uncover important clues to with exceptional items like rugs, silk garments, about the object’s history and help us with objects’ and metal and ceramic objects, and in 1892 even provenance research. This was also the case in re- took over the rich Japanese collection of Heinrich searching a Japanese cup from the Ceramics Col- von Siebold (1852–1908).54 lection at the National Museum of Slovenia, which After the closure of the Handelsmuseum in came to the museum as part of Schwegel’s legacy. 1907, the objects ended up at various other Aus- trian museums, and new connections are still be- ing discovered. The majority of objects from the Schwegel’s Cup at the National former Oriental Museum are today housed in the Museum of Slovenia and the Asian Collection of the Museum of Applied Arts Connection to Vienna World’s Fair (Museum für Angewandte Kunst), in the collection of the Technical Museum Vienna (Technisches Mu- According to written sources, individuals and whole seum Wien), and at the World Museum (Weltmu- families belonging to the Carniolan nobility first seum Wien) in Vienna.55 started to acquire Chinese porcelain in the early While many of the paths that these objects took 17th century.57 To the higher Carniolan social stra-to these various museums are still unclear and in ta, porcelain of East Asian origin was only available need of additional attention, the Vienna Techni- through trading networks within Europe and not cal Museum has conducted expansive research into through direct contact with China or Japan. Estate objects that came to the museum by way of the Vi- inventories58 of wealthy noble and burgher families enna World’s Fair and later the Handelsmuseum. and individuals held at the Archives of the Republic As Susanne Gruber et al. write: of Slovenia allow us to trace the presence of porce- lain in Carniola back to the early 17th century. The The first indication that certain objects earliest document confirming the presence of porce- from the commodity collection of the Vi- lain is the estate inventory of Georg (Jurij) Bittor- enna Technical Museum were on display at fer59 (?–1618) from 1618.60 Bittorfer was a lawyer the Vienna World Exhibition in 1873 came living in Ljubljana who was ennobled in 1615, three from labels on sample books with Japanese silk fabrics […] Another clue was found on a 57 Kos 2009, 155. label attached to wooden tea caddies. The ac- 58 Estate inventories were legal documents recording all mate- companying pendant has “Cercle Oriental.” rial possessions of a certain, usually wealthy, person as well printed on the back […] It can therefore be as what would happen to these posessions upon this person’s assumed with a high degree of certainty that death. The earliest document of this kind in Slovene lands is these two groups of objects come from the dated 3 June 1548. It must be noted that estate inventories were only necessary in cases where the descendants of the holdings of the 1873 World Exhibition.56 deceased person were still minors at the time of their ances- tor’s death, and a third person would be appointed as execu- tor of the inherited estate until the descendant came of age (Žvanut 1994, 186). 53 Gruber et al. 2012, 51–52. 59 In the few sources that mention him, both the German 54 Ibid., 52. (Georg Bittorfer) and the Slovene version (Jurij Bittorfer) 55 Gruber 2013, 89; 2014, 132. of his name is used, sometimes within the same document. 56 Gruber et al. 2012, 88. 60 Kos 2009, 155. 209 years before his death.61 Among the items men- At the time, museum inventory records were tioned is one porcelain bowl. This is the first docu- not kept regularly, so it is unfortunately impossible mented piece of Chinese (or any East Asian) porce- to fully document the types and numbers of ob- lain in Slovenia. At the time, porcelain was mostly jects. Starting in 1831, however, the museum pub- owned by the Carniolan aristocracy: they were the lished all monetary donations and object acquisi- ones who could, at the time, afford such luxury ob- tions in a special column entitled “Landes-Museum jects of high prestige. Porcelain was, of course, con- in Laibach” in Illyrisches Blatt, a culturally oriented sidered a prestigious and exotic commodity because weekly supplement to the paper Laibacher Zei-of its complex manufacturing process and because it tung.67 East Asian porcelains soon began to appear had to be imported from East Asia until the 18th on the published lists, together with the names of century. their original owners. While research on the ob- Most of these porcelains and other ceramics grad- jects themselves is still in progress, several porce- ually found their way to the museum. What is today lain pieces from the collection have been directly known as the National Museum of Slovenia was connected to members of the Carniolan aristo- founded as a regional museum for the Austrian region cracy, including several prominent 19th-century populated by a majority of Slovenes, namely Carnio- individuals (for example donors such as Count la. It was officially called the Estate Museum of Car- (1771–1844) and Countess Hochenwart (1762– niola (Krainisch Ständisches Museum).62 Soon after 1853), Baroness Lazarini (1794–1833), and Vik- the museum’s establishment, in 1823, the governor tor Smole (1842–1885), among others), as well as of Carniola Josef Kamilo Schmidburg (1779–1846) a single Japanese cup bequeathed by Josef Schwe- sent a formal letter to his “homeland’s friends of sci- gel, today housed in the Ceramics Collection of ence” (An die Literatoren und Freunde der Wissen- the mentioned museum. schaften in Krain, asking them to donate objects for Ceramics of East Asian origin comprise only a the new museum.63 In this way, donating antiques, smaller part of a bigger Ceramics Collection kept documents, and artefacts also became an expression at the National Museum of Slovenia, however, it is of patriotic consciousness and a source of pride as well still one of the biggest collections of East Asian ob- as a display of status. As a result, the museum received jects in the country. According to current research several hundred objects, including East Asian ceram- and identification, it consists of approximately 240 ics and other objects of East Asian origin.64 These objects of Chinese and Japanese origin. Of these, early donations mark the start of the collection of approximately two-thirds are of Chinese and one- ceramics at the National Museum of Slovenia.65 Un- third of Japanese origin. A majority of pieces iden- der the directive of Emperor Francis I (1804–1835), tified to be Chinese or Japanese in origin fall into the museum was renamed the Provincial Museum of the greater grouping of objects made specifically for Carniola or Krainisches Landesmuseum in 1826.66 export to Western (in this case European) markets. In recent years, when the research on the Ceram- 61 Žvanut 1994, 162. ics Collection at the National Museum of Slovenia 62 For more on first established museums and their roles in the was underway, a Japanese porcelain cup was also 19th century, see Kos (2020); Kos 2020, 17. found to have been a part of Schwegel’s bequest. In 63 Kos 2020, 19–20. 1936, the National Museum of Slovenia received a 64 Kos 2017, 153–54. sizeable collection from Schwegel (mostly consisting 65 Berdajs 2023, 153. of Egyptian statues), with the final selection having 66 In 1882, the museum was renamed the Regional Museum been made by his widow.68 Among the documents for Carniola – Rudolfinum (Krainisches Landesmuseum – and objects, the museum also received a small Rudolfinum ) in honour of the heir to the throne, later, in 1921 it was renamed the National Museum. In 1997 The National Museum was renamed the National Museum of 67 Kos 2017, 154. Slovenia (National Museum of Slovenia n.d.). 68 Šmitek 1986, 18. 210 Japanese bowl with a lid.69 The cup (or bowl) and 1873”, which is the year the World’s Fair was held in its lid are decorated in a somewhat atypical Japa- Vienna.73 In this case, the labels can give us addition-nese Imari style70 with a repeating pattern of stylized al insight into the object’s history. The bowl kept at floral motifs in overglaze red and gilt that strongly MAK and the bowl kept at the National Museum resemble heraldic signs (fig. 3).71 On the bottom of of Slovenia both have old printed labels on brown the cup there is also the small, stylized Japanese char- paper added. The labels include an inscription read- acter fuku 福 (fig. 4) in underglaze blue, meaning ing “Teeschale mit Deckel aus Imari”, meaning “Tea “happiness”. The small fuku mark is a good indicator bowl with lid from Imari”. While this gives us addi- that the porcelain object was made in Arita 有田, a tional confirmation as to the object’s origin, it also small town in the Saga 佐賀 Prefecture on the island confirms that both objects came from the collection of Kyūshū 九州 that is well known for its ceramics of the former Handelsmuseum, as the brown labels workshops throughout history. This type of porce- match those used by the mentioned institution.74 lain was largely made according to the taste of the This fact can also through the extensive research European aristocracy and therefore fits the category conducted on the objects and labels connected to of export porcelain. Due to its popularity abroad, the Vienna World’s Fair and its legacy conducted many companies made Imari-style porcelain, but by the Vienna Museum of Technology and Su- almost none of it bears any markings indicating by sanne Gruber (fig. 7). who or where it was made.72 Comparing the labels shows that they ad- There was some basic information provided here to the same format and printing font, and with the lidded cup, which is still kept in the muse- have identically constructed inventory numbers um’s storage along with the object: a small printed in their upper left part, with the object’s name label, damaged, but still providing information on below. Upon confirmation that these kinds of the type of porcelain as being “Imari” (fig. 4). labels were used in the former Handelsmuseum, Additional research on the object’s provenance we can confirm, that Schwegel’s Japanese cup (as can be conducted through information provided well as the identical cup kept at MAK) was once via the online collection of the Museum of Applied a part of the collection of the Oriental Museum, Arts (MAK) in Vienna. In their Asia Collection, where it most likely came via the Vienna World’s we can find an identical lidded cup as well as some Fair in 1873. By researching the history of Josef interesting information (fig. 6). Schwegel, his connection to the Vienna World’s The MAK data states that the identical object Fair, as well as the different paths many objects found its way to their collection when the Han- took after the event, we managed to greatly en- delsmuseum closed, and it is dated as old as “at least rich the provenance data of the lidded Japanese cup kept at the National Museum of Slovenia. 69 At the time of writing, the mentioned Japanese porcelain It was made in Arita, Japan, most likely in the cup is the only object of East Asian origins included in the second half of the 19th century. Then it was collection of objects in the so-called Schwegel Collection transported to Europe, to Vienna, as part of the held at the National Museum of Ljubljana. Japanese exhibition at the World’s Fair. Later, 70 Imari style is a decorative style of Japanese porcelain, which the cup became a part of the Oriental Muse- 万里), from which, from the second half of the 17th cen- um’s collection and, in the end, somehow came is named after the Japanese port of the same name (Imari 伊 tury onwards, Japanese porcelain and other ceramics were into Schwegel’s possession. Schwegel’s bequest exported to the port of the coastal city of Nagasaki 長崎 (and from there to Europe and later to America). The term 73 Museum of Applied Arts n.d. b. near Arita. 74 The labels were compared with the help of Dr. Bettina Zorn is commonly used to describe porcelains made at the kilns during an online workshop East Asian Art in the Wake of the 71 Kos 2017, 302. 1873 Vienna World’s Fair (13 June 2023) on new research 72 Impey 2003, 31–33; Rotondo-McCord and Buften 1997, being conducted on the topic of the 1873 Vienna World’s 8–16; Schiffer 2000, 13. Fair and its legacy. 211 Fig. 3: Lidded cup (or bowl). Glazed porcelain with red and gold overglaze decoration and a fuku 福 (“happiness”) mark in underglaze blue. H: 8.8 cm; Ø: 11.5 cm. Japan. Meiji period. 18th or 19th century. Bequest of Josef Schwegel. Ceramics collection. N 15177 and N 15178. National Museum of Slovenia. Fig. 4: Fuku mark on the lid. Bequest of Josef Schwegel. Ceramics collection. N 15177 and N 15178. National Museum of Slovenia. 212 Fig. 5: The torn label indicating the object has come from Imari or is decorated in Imari style. National Museum of Slovenia. Fig. 6: Lidded cup (or bowl). Glazed porcelain with red and gold overglaze decoration and a fuku 福 (“happiness”) mark in underglaze blue. H (bowl): 6.1 cm; Ø (bowl): 11.7 cm; h (lid): 3 cm; Ø (lid): 10.1 cm. Arita, Japan. Meiji period. 18th or 19th century. Asia Collection. OR 975. Museum of Applied Arts, Vienna. 213 Fig. 7: Japanese tea caddies (4 pieces). Wood. H: 7.5 cm; W: 14.5 cm; D: 22.5 cm. Tokyo, Japan. Meiji period. 18th or 19th century. Warenkundesammlung. 78982 1-4. Vienna Museum of Technology (Technisches Museum Wien). made it part of the Ceramics Collection at the Conclusion National Museum of Slovenia, where it is still kept today. The question of how Schwegel actu- Through an overview of Schwegel’s life and work ally acquired the cup, which was obviously once and through the methodological approach of com- already part of a museum collection, remains parison, we were able to establish a connection be- unknown. In his memoirs, Schwegel notes that, tween the cup from the National Museum of Slo- along with the many accolades he received for venia and its complicated and dynamic provenance the organization of the Oriental department at linked to the Vienna World’s Fair, shedding light the Vienna World’s Fair, he specifically men- on its journey from Japan, to Europe, and finally its tions an honorary gift he received from the gov- current location in Slovenia. This research not only ernment of Japan, which included two porcelain highlighted the historical significance of Schwegel’s vases and a lacquer box.75 The cup seems not to work through analysis of reports and literature about be connected with the mentioned gift. the Fair, but also complemented these facts with a personal look at Schwegel himself through reading the parts of his memoirs where he subjectively de- scribed his work and his views of the project. 75 Schwegel 2007, 54. 214 detailed and complete review of his life and his The lidded Japanese cup, which catalysed a more že vseeno« (Josef Baron von Schwegel, a diplomat: “... I Have Awarded Abundant Orders, Among Them Grand and Small Crosses, and Decorations position among Slovene bequestors of East Asian of All Kinds, Which Some People are Very Happy objects that are today part of Slovene museum col- About, but Which I Eventually Grew to Not Care lections, is only one of the many different objects About”).” Argo 65 (2): 20–31. Curatorium Österreichisches Handelsmuseum, ed. (but the only object of East Asian origin) Schwe- 1900. Das K. K. österreichische Handels-Museum, gel bequeathed to the National Museum of Slove- 1875–1900 . Vienna: Verlag des K. K. Österreichi- nia. However, even just this one object showed the schen Handelsmuseum. richness and complicated paths of object histories Ersoy, Ahmet A. 2015. Architecture and the Late Otto- and provenances, and illuminated a direct connec- man Historical Imaginary: Reconfiguring the Archi- tion between present-day Slovenia and the 1873 tectural Past in a Modernizing Empire . Burlington: Ashgate Publishing. Vienna World’s Fair. This newfound connection Furlan, Urška. 2018. “Staroegipčanski amuleti boga Besa suggests that there may be more artefacts and ob- v slovenskih javnih zbirkah (Ancient Egyptian Bes jects from the Fair scattered across various collec- Amulets in Slovene Public Collections).” Argo 61 (1): tions at Slovene museums and other public insti- 14–27. Ljubljana: National Museum of Slovenia. tutions, waiting to be identified and linked back Gethmann, Daniel, and Petra Eckhard. 2023. “Orient to this pivotal event in history. However, delving Assemblage (Made in Austria): Colonial Typolo- umentation presents a significant challenge to un- Histories Gruber, Susanne. 2013. “Die Warenkundesammlung ravelling the provenance of many objects, even if am Technischen Museum Wien und deren Wurzeln their mere appearance strongly suggests the link to von der Wiener Weltausstellung 1873.” and investigation, as the lack of sources and doc- ture at the Vienna World’s Fair 1873.” Architectural 11 (1): 1–27. deeper into this topic requires extensive research gies, Trade Relations, and the Politics of Architec- Schrif- the World’s Fair in Vienna. ten Verein zur Verbreitung Naturwissenschaftlicher Kenntnisse 151-152: 89–104. ———. 2014. “Educating Diplomats in Commodity Bibliography Science at the k. k. Consular-Academy.” In Com- modity Science in Research and Practice: Achieve- ments and Challenges of Commodity Science in the Archer, T. C. 1874. “Professor Archer on Pottery and Age of Globalization , edited by Andrzej Chochół, Porcelain.” In Reports on the Vienna Universal Ex- and Jerzy Szakiel, 131–42. Cracow: Polish Society hibition of 1873: Presented to Both Houses of Parlia- of Commodity Science. ment by Command of Her Majesty , vol. 3, 109–71. Gruber, Susanne, Michael Götzinger, Michael Kiehn, London: George E. Eyre and William Spottiswoode. Franz Ottner, Andreas Rohatsch, Hubert Weitens- Berdajs, Tina. 2023. “Reflections on the History of the felder, Irina Dangl, Christina Wintersteiger, and Reception and Appreciation of East Asian Porce- Karin Wriessnig. 2012. Die Wiener Warenkunde- lain in Slovenia.” In Centring the Periphery: New sammlung ‒ Herkunft und Bedeutung Endbericht: Perspective on Collecting East Asian Objects (Europe- Teil 1: Geschichte der Objekte („Wahre Ware“ – The- an Studies in Asian Art and Archaeology 3) , edited menbände zum Fachgebiet Warenlehre Series) . Vien- by Nataša Vampelj Suhadolnik, 140–60. Leiden; na: Technisches Museum Wien. Boston: Brill. Impey, Oliver. 2003. Japanese Export Porcelain: Cata- Bojc, Saša. 2014. “Pomembnejše kot mumija so zgodbe logue of the Collection of the Ashmolean Museum, treh Kranjcev (More Important Than the Mum- Oxford . Amsterdam: Hotei Publishing. my are the Stories of the three Carniolans).” Delo , Jahn, Gisela. 2004. Meiji Ceramics: Japanese Export 31. March 2014. Accessed November 14, 2023. Porcelain 1868–1912 . Stuttgart: Arnoldsche Art https://old.delo.si/druzba/panorama/pomembne- Publishers. jse-kot-mumija-so-zgodbe-treh-kranjcev.html. Kos, Mateja. 2009. “Porcelain and its use in Slovenia.” Car, Pavel, and Vesna Kamin Kajfež. 2022. “Diplomat In Objects as Manifestations of Taste, Prestige and baron Josef Schwegel: »... dobil sem na pretek ve- Power , edited by Maja Lozar Štamcar, 145–64. Lju- likih in malih križcev in odlikovanj vseh vrst, kar bljana: National Museum of Slovenia. nekatere zelo veseli, meni pa je to sčasoma postalo 215 ———. 2017. “Keramika (Ceramics).” In Poti samu- November 1, 2023. https://www.tnm.jp/mod- rajev: Japonsko orožje in bojevniška kultura na Slov- ules/r_free_page/index.php?id=145&lang=en. enskem (Ways of the Samurai: Japanese Weapons Žvanut, Maja. 1994. Od viteza do gospoda (From Knight and Warrior Culture in Slovenia), edited by Tomaž to Lord). Ljubljana: Viharnik. Lazar, 149–60. Ljubljana: National Museum of Slovenia. ———. 2020. “Od Deželnega muzeja za Kranjsko do Narodnega muzeja Slovenije: zbiranje, zbirke in zbi- ralna politika.” Ars & Humanitas 14 (2): 15–27. Museum of Applied Arts (MAK). n.d. a. “Collec- tion.” MAK ‒ Collection online. Accessed De- cember 14, 2024. https://www.mak.at/en/ collection/collection/mak-sammlung_artikel?arti- cle_id=1339957568108. Museum of Applied Arts (MAK). n.d. b. “Deck- elschale.” MAK ‒ Collection online. Accessed September 12, 2023. https://sammlung.mak.at/ sammlung_online?id=collect-47470. National Museum of Slovenia. n.d. “History of the Mu- seum.” Accessed August 20, 2024. https://www. nms.si/en/museum/history. Nickel, Lukas. 2024. “The Chinese Gallery at the Vi- enna World’s Fair of 1873 and Late Habsburg Ex- hibition Diplomacy.” In East Asian Art in the Wake of the Vienna World’s Fair of 1873, edited by Nataša Vampelj Suhadolnik, and Lukas Nickel, STRANI. Ljubljana: Znanstvena založba Filozofske faluktete Univerze v Ljubljani. Pantzer, Peter. 2018. “The World Exposition in Vien- na in 1873: Japan’s Role and Influence Among All Participating Nations.” Wenming [文明] 23: 27–35. Rotondo-McCord, Lisa, and Peter James Buften. 1997. Imari: Japanese Porcelain for European Palaces from the Freda and Ralph Lupin Collection. New Orleans, LA: New Orleans Museum of Art. Rugále, Mariano, and Miha Preinfalk. 2010. 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Accessed 216 Ferenc Hopp, Josef Haas and the Making of the Moongate in the Ferenc Hopp Museum of Asiatic Arts, Budapest Györgyi Fajcsák O n entering the interesting summer immediately celebrated for its special atmosphere.2 home, we immediately notice the Hopp filled it with exotic plants and curious ob- garden, the like of which exists jects which were the wonder of the contemporary nowhere else in the capital, or even in the press. country. It is as if a part of smiling-heavened The largest and most spectacular object in the Japan had been wafted here by magic to the villa garden was the Chinese moon gate which very centre of the capital. Exuberant Orien- was erected by the founder of the museum, Ferenc tal climbing plants and rare flowers, com- Hopp, with the help of Josef Haas (1847–1896) peting in rich, colourful splendour, capture who was the vice-consul and subsequently consul our attention, while peeking out to surprise of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy in Shanghai us from between the bushes and the flowers between 1883 and 1896. Their surviving corre- are Hindu idols, Chinese and Japanese vases spondence and related pictorial and written docu- and sculptures, among them a remarkable ments (16 items in the Archive of the Ferenc Hopp elephant carved out of sienite and a stone Museum of Asiatic Arts) are remarkable not only monument weighing down upon a tortoise. for the way they show us the “nuts and bolts” of At the entrance is a round-portalled Chinese how such a monument was constructed, but also ornamental gate, full of beautiful statuettes. for the insight they give into cooperation between There is even a Japanese bamboo bridge, and peers in the late 19th century. They also prove that in one corner of the garden, a little Japanese there was direct contact between the Austro-Hun- garden hut. … The exotic garden is itself one garian Monarchy and China. of the most fascinating attractions of our capital city.1 Ferenc Hopp, the Founder of the The article from which this paragraph was tak- Ferenc Hopp Museum of Asiatic Arts, en was published in a popular Hungarian weekly Budapest in 1911. It clearly demonstrates that the Oriental Garden of the wealthy globe-trotter Ferenc Hopp Ferenc Hopp was a patron of the arts, an art col- (1833−1919), bordering the main avenue in Bu- lector and photographer as well as one of the most dapest, was popular and well known in the capi- travelled and well-to-do men in Hungary dur- tal before the First World War. The garden was ing the age of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy 1 Vasárnapi Újság [Sunday Times] 1911, 28. 2 Bagi, Fajcsák and Válóczi 2023. 217 Fig. 1: Mór Erdélyi (?): Ferenc Hopp in front of the moon gate in his garden, Budapest, c. 1895. Photograph Archive of the Ferenc Hopp Museum of Asiatic Arts. 218 (1867−1918).3 He was born in Fulnek (now Czech developed in Central Europe, changing forever Ja- Republic) and in 1845 was sent as an optician’s ap- pan’s place in the world and the way the nation was prentice to the company of Stefano Calderoni in viewed by outsiders.5 Pest. Later, he worked for Weinberger Opticians There were numerous Hungarians among the in Vienna (1853–1855) and Benoit Kahn Op- globe-trotters who were driven by a desire to get ticians in New York (1857–1861). In 1862, af- to know East Asia and the world in general. The ter returning to Pest, he became a partner in the Hungarian Geographical Society (established in Calderoni Company, which he took over in 1864. 1872) played a crucial role in helping them prepare The company, which first traded in optician prod- for their journeys, and frequently published their ucts, soon became the best-equipped photography accounts of them afterwards. From 1876 on, Fer- shop in Budapest. Ferenc Hopp not only bought enc Hopp travelled extensively (North and Cen- in the newest models, but as a photographer him- tral America, 1876; Western basin of the Medi- self, gained a detailed knowledge of the equipment terranean Sea, 1878; European tour, 1880, etc.). he sold through his experiments in domestic pho- Between 1882 and 1914, he travelled around the tography. In 1871, Calderoni and Company joined world five times (1882–1883, 1894, 1903, 1905, in the booming production of school equipment 1913–1914). that responded to the Eötvös educational reforms Japan was his favourite destination in Asia. He enacted by the Hungarian politician József Eöt- was not alone in his interest in the island country, vös (1813−1871) and began to sell a wide range which had recently been forced to open its bor- of teaching tools and visual aids for schools. This ders: there was a general pursuit of encyclopaedic proved highly profitable for the firm. Hopp organ- knowledge about the Meiji period (1867–1912), ised the Hungarian production of school visual while at the same time, Japonisme was extreme- aids, and, commissioned by the state, supplied ly fashionable and the purchase of Japanese art schools with these and with optical instruments. works had become feverish. Hopp visited Japan Hopp attended the World’s Fairs in Paris in and China three times (in 1883, in 1903, and in 1867, 1878, 1889 and 1900, in Vienna in 1873, 1913‒1914). He regularly selected artefacts from and in Chicago in 1893. The items that featured the curio shops in Asia. in the exhibitions, especially the Paris World’s In the second half of the 19th century, Japanese Fairs of 1867 and 1878 and the Vienna World’s art served as an artistic example for European col- Fair (Weltausstellung) of 1873—such as woodcuts, lectors of Oriental artefacts. Japanese objects were small (lacquer) objects, enamelled metal objects, appreciated for their technical perfection, in par- textiles and pieces of furniture—served many as a ticular their use of material and modelling. As Ja- starting point for appreciating East Asian art, and pan underwent the process of modernisation, Eu- gave Ferenc Hopp and other Hungarian travellers ropean interest in China cooled; Chinese art lost the impetus to set off for East Asia and discover some of its value in comparison to that of Japan. other cultures and civilizations.4 The Weltausstell- However, as soon as attention turned towards the ung in Vienna in 1873 marked a breakthrough for traditions and historical origins of Japanese art— Japanese representation at the World’s Fairs, for namely, Chinese art—the situation took a radical this was the first time that Japan exhibited in its turn. own right and according to a home-grown con- Hopp stepped on Chinese soil for the first cept. The new Meiji government made its first offi- time in March 1883. Hong Kong, the southern cial appearance in Vienna, and this event played an seaport founded under British colonial rule, was important part in determining the way Japonisme his first station. After visiting Macao, he sailed up the Pearl River to Canton (Guangzhou), taking 3 For his life and activity, see Ferenczy (2008). 4 Fajcsák 2007a. 5 Yoshida 1990; Nagamatsu 2008; Fajcsák 2020. 219 in the sights of this truly Chinese city on foot and Möllendorf .”12 A few days later he sailed north to by palanquin in two and a half days.6 Canton en- Tianjin and from there he travelled to Beijing and chanted him. “I would like to stay here longer,” the Great Wall.13 he wrote home.7 He found it much more inter- According to Hopp’s letters, he arrived in Bei- esting than he had been led to expect. On his re- jing on 9 April 1883, where, besides seeing the im- turn to Hong Kong, he bought his first Chinese portant sights, he bought a considerable number keepsakes (including carvings and ceramics) and of objects. In the Beijing guidebook14 found in his sent home a box of curiosities, before leaving on library Hopp marked the places he saw. He visited 22 March to sail north along the coast of China the Great Lama Temple (雍和宫 Yonghegong), the aboard the Douglas steamer.8 Confucius Temple (孔庙 Kongmiao), the Drum After a stopover in Amoy (Xiamen), he put into Tower (鼓楼 Gulou) and the Bell Tower (钟楼 port in Foochow (Fuzhou), the capital of Fujian Zhonglou), the Temple of Heaven (天坛 Tiantan), Province, on 25 March 1883. the Marble or Marco Polo Bridge (盧溝橋 Lugou- qiao), the Astronomical Observatory (古观象台 I arrived here at one yesterday by way of Guguan xiangtai), and the embassies of every na- Swatow and Amoy, and sail on to Shang- tion. He probably also visited the Buddhist shrines hai tomorrow aboard the China Merchants of Fragrant Hills (香山 Xiangshan). According to Steamer, the Hal-Shin, arriving on 31 his journal, he made his purchases in the bazaar March, hopefully in good health. Today I and in curio shops, and availed himself of the ser- went to the Chinese city and was taken on vices of P. Kierulff, as advertised at the end of the a five-hour tour by palanquin. I am very guidebook. He bought, among other things, por- pleased with my guide. I have been able to celain Buddhist altar ornaments (Hopp Museum observe real Chinese life in this city.9 inv. nos. 1303 and 2100, for 60 and 72 crowns), a 17th-century late-Ming blue and white flask vase He arrived in Wenzhou on 28 March and on (inv. no. 2397, for 60 crowns) and a pair of clois- 30 March reached Shanghai, where he stayed at the onné enamel vases (inv. nos. 1519 and 5961, for 40 Hotel de Colonie. He met a number of foreigners crowns). He also found in curio shops objects such in the city: “… I had lunch with Min-Youg-Ilk,10 as a jardiniere from the Qianlong period (inv. no. a Korean prince, with ministerial counsellor Li 1249, for 150 crowns) and a tile with the eight Bud- Tau-Yuan, as well with our consul, Mr Haas, the dhist fortune signs and swastikas (inv. no. 5369),15 Japanese head consul, Mr Shimigawa,11 and the which have survived in his collection. In another Korean foreign minister, Mr T. [sic] G. v. letter, dated 20 April, he mentions that he brought 6 Archive of the Ferenc Hopp Museum of Asiatic Arts, A.144 12 Archive of the Ferenc Hopp Museum of Asiatic Arts, A.1524. Letter of Ferenc Hopp dated Peking, 20 April Letter of Ferenc Hopp to his colleague, Julius Singer from 1883; Paul Georg von Möllendorff (1847–1901) was a Ger- Canton on 19 March 1883. man linguist and diplomat. In 1869 he joined the Imperial 7 Archive of the Ferenc Hopp Museum of Asiatic Arts, Maritime Customs Service in Shanghai. From 1882 he act- A.1678/1 Postcard of Ferenc Hopp to Emil Reichardt from ed as adviser to the Korean government. Canton to Budapest on 19 March 1883. 13 Archive of the Ferenc Hopp Museum of Asiatic Arts, 8 Archive of the Ferenc Hopp Museum of Asiatic Arts, A.164 A.199. Greeting card of Ferenc Hopp to his nephew, Ferenc Letter of Ferenc Hopp to Calderoni Company from Hong Lux from Beijing on 20 April 1883; Fajcsák 2008, 116–35. Kong on 22 March 1883. 14 Guide for Tourists to Peking and its Environs 1876. Key to 9 Archive of the Ferenc Hopp Museum of Asiatic Arts, A.165 the Plan of the City of Peking. P. Kierulff advertises his ho- Postcard of Ferenc Hopp from Fuzhou on 26 March 1883. tel, his shop selling travel accessories, and its services in ac- 10 Min Young-hwan 민영환, 閔泳煥 (1861–1905). quiring curios. 11 Shinagawa Tadamichi 品川忠道 (1841–1891). 15 Fajcsák 2007b, Cat No. 135. 220 Fig. 2: Anonymous: Ferenc Hopp at the Great Wall of China and his attendants. China, 1883. Illustration from the Jubilee Album Archive of the Ferenc Hopp Museum of Asiatic Arts; Inv. No.: HFA_A. 383. away a large brick16 from the Great Wall. “I already Keller packing so I could send home the curiosities packed my purchases yesterday, in two days I am I bought in Peking…”18 On 4 May he left Shang-returning to Tientsin and Shanghai.”17 In addition hai for Japan. One object is a reminder of his last to these purchases, now in the Ferenc Hopp Muse- days in Shanghai. Josef Haas, Austria–Hungary’s um of Asiatic Arts, we know from written sourc- vice-consul at the time, gave him a white-glazed es that Hopp also bought pieces of Chinese attire tile from the famous “white tower” of Nanjing as a (women’s shoes, child’s dress) and other cloisonné gift, with the following inscription: “Present from enamels, bronzes and pieces of porcelain. Josef Haas, Austro–Hungarian vice-consul, to Fe- Hopp returned to Shanghai at the beginning of renc Hopp, 2 May 1883.”19 May. “I spent the whole day on Monday in Hotel 18 Archive of the Ferenc Hopp Museum of Asiatic Arts, A.146. Letter of Ferenc Hopp to his colleague Julius Singer 16 It is preserved to date in the Chinese collection of the Hopp from Shanghai on 1 May 1883. Museum, Inv. no.: HFM_713.1-2. 19 Fajcsák 2011, Cat. No. 133. The Porcelain Tower of Nanjing 17 Archive of the Ferenc Hopp Museum of Asiatic Arts, A. was one of those Chinese historic buildings that became 199. exceedingly famous in Europe. The Da Bao’en monastery 221 Fig. 3: Rectangular porcelain tile from the porcelain tower in Nanjing and its inscription. Porcelain with white glaze, China, Ming period, 1420s Nanjing, from the pagoda of the Da Bao’en monastery. L.: 23.7 cm, W.: 7.7 cm. Ferenc Hopp Museum of Asiatic Arts; Inv. No.: HFM_584. Ferenc Hopp completed his first trip around Hopp had visited the famous botanical gardens in the world in 1882–1883. In 1885, needing more Buitenzorg (now Bogor, Indonesia), a Dutch colo- and more space for his ever-expanding collection, nial city on West Java. It seems more than probable he bought a villa with a garden on the Andrássy that the experience moved him so deeply that he Avenue in Budapest. From this time on, he start- decided to create similar surroundings of his own ed to transform his garden into one of the most in Budapest. magical sights of the city. Nowhere in his surviving correspondence or papers does Ferenc Hopp ever mention where he first encountered monuments Josef Haas, a Diplomat of the or statues such as those he put up in his garden. Austro-Hungarian Monarchy However, his decision to build an ornamental Chi- nese garden gate and purchase a stele standing on The Austro-Hungarian Monarchy and China of- a tortoise must have stemmed from personal ex- ficially established diplomatic relations in 1869. perience. Probably his first trip to China gave him Until 1883, however, it was held by British dip- the main inspiration. On his first tour of the globe, lomats and then by the German ambassador Max von Brandt (1835–1920), who was Germany’s ( ambassador to Beijing from 1875 to 1893. China 大報恩寺 Da bao‘en si) stood on the Zhubao Mountain, outside the walls of Nanjing, China’s capital in the early did not send a representative to the capital of the Ming period. It was Emperor Yongle (reigned 1403–1424) Monarchy, Vienna until 1902,20 the Monarchy who ordered the pagoda of the Buddhist monastery to be soon sent a diplomat to the Heavenly Kingdom built in commemoration of his parents. (Consul General Heinrich Freiherr von Calice The pagoda had been destroyed during the Taiping Re-bellion (1853–1854). Numerous foreign travellers took 1831–1912), using the opportunity provided home larger or smaller pieces of the ruins as souvenirs. by the treaty and the administration of foreign side, constituted the characteristic casing material of the affairs to establish a consulate in Shanghai in L-shaped porcelain tiles, coated with white glaze on one pagoda. This gift piece is a glazed part of such an L-shaped unit. White porcelain was exceedingly expensive, and, as 20 Józsa 1966, 48. Li Fengbao 李鳳苞 (1834–1887) appoint-such, was rarely used as building material in China. The ed to Ambassador of China in Berlin and from there he rep- tiles were made in the Zhushan Imperial manufacture, resented the Austro-Hungarian Empire from 1878 to 1884. Jingdezhen. For analogies, see Harrison-Hall (2001, In 1884 Xu Jingcheng 許景澄 (1845–1900) became the Chapter 18, Items 9 and 10). Ambassador of China who also based in Berlin. 222 Fig. 4: Portrait of Josef Haas. Photograph. Shanghai, around 1880. Archive of the Ferenc Hopp Museum of Asiatic Arts; Inv. No.: HFA_A.274. December 1869. At the Vienna Weltausstellung but its responsibilities included domestic customs in 1873, the Chinese government offered the administration, postal administration, harbour Ministry of Foreign Affairs two appointment cer- and waterway management, weather reporting tificates for maritime customs officers.21 The Chi- and the like, operating in the southern Chinese nese Imperial Maritime Customs Service, which ports such as Shanghai, Canton, Ningbo, Xiamen had been established in 1854, was controlled by and Fuzhou. Officers from the Monarchy served the Chinese central government, but at senior in Shanghai. levels the Service was largely staffed by foreigners. Austro-Hungarian consular representation in Its main aim was to collect maritime trade taxes, Hong Kong had deeper roots: Baron Gustav von Overbeck (1830–1894) was given a consular com- 21 The Hungarian representative of the Austro-Hungarian mission as early as 1864, when he was charged with Monarchy was Ödön Faragó (1853–1925), a Hungarian representing the Monarchy in this important city customs officer who had worked at the service of the of the British Empire. Chinese Empire for several years. He travelled extensively In Shanghai, Rudolf Schlick (1837–1902) was in the region of the Yangtze, and visited major cities the Consul of the Austro–Hungarian Monarchy (Shanghai, Beijing, Tianjin). He wrote reports of his experiences on a regular basis (Faragó 1874; 1877; 1879; 1880; 1882). 223 Fig. 5: Deutsch-Chinesisches Conversationsbuch with dedication of Josef Haas to Ferenc Hopp, Shanghai, 1871. Library of Ferenc Hopp Museum of Asiatic Arts, Inv. No.: 484. 224 between 1868–1872.22 It was in this last year Haas had close contact with travellers who vis- that he was joined there by a compatriot who was ited China, and he offered to assist Ferenc Hopp in to spend long decades as a diplomat in China: ordering the Chinese stone slabs and architectural Josef Haas. ceramic elements he needed for the moon gate. Josef Haas was born into a diplomatic family in Tokat (Anatolia) in 1847. The son of a diplo- mat, Josef studied in the Theresianum in Vienna, Correspondence of Ferenc Hopp and graduating in 1865. In December 1866, aged Josef Haas just nineteen, he arrived in Hong Kong, where he seems to have enjoyed the patronage of Baron Ferenc Hopp met Josef Haas in Shanghai in the Gustav von Overbeck. Haas studied Chinese in spring of 1883. From this time on, they remained Canton, Beijing and Shanghai and, while still in in contact and the history of the moon gate and his early twenties, started to work as an interpreter other monuments of the Hopp garden can be fol- and linguist in the diplomatic service of the Aus- lowed in their German-language correspondence tro–Hungarian Monarchy. He served in Shang- (see list of all letters and documents in the appen- hai from 1872 and later became the vice-consul of dix). Josef Haas’s help was crucial in enabling Mr the Monarchy in Shanghai. He was charged with Hopp to bring his ideas for the garden to fruition. the establishment of the Korean Customs Ser- Mr Hopp must have written about his wish for vice, and in 1882–1885 had close contact with a moon gate and sent draft sketches in 1887. This Paul Georg von Möllendorf (1847–1901), who letter has not survived, but Josef Haas’s response, served as a Deputy Minister at the Korean court. dated 28 January 1888, is housed in the Archive of Möllendorf invited Mr Haas to Korea where he the Ferenc Hopp Museum of Asiatic Arts.25 Con-worked at the Korean Commissioner of Customs cerning the gate, Josef Haas wrote: in 1883–1884. After returning to Shanghai, he was appointed consul of the Austro–Hungarian … I immediately set to work dealing with Monarchy in August 1885, which office he held your request for materials for the construc- until his death in 1896. tion of a Chinese garden gate. Based on the Haas was a member of the Royal Asiatic Socie- dimensions given in your sketch, the cost of ty of Great Britain and Ireland and supported the procuring the materials would be as follows: Natural History Museum in Vienna. He was the roof tiles $ 20; ornaments $ 10; 4 dragons translator and editor of the Deutsch-Chinesisches and 1 sphere $ 10; 2 lions 2’ high $ 20; stone Conversationsbuch (German Chinese Conversa- slabs A B C $ 20; 1 Buddha $ 30; the latter is tion book) which was published by the Presbyte- available only in wood at a height of 4 feet; rian Mission-Presse in 1870 and later by Kelly und model wheelbarrows $ 4. The work would Walsh23 in Shanghai in 1882. (One dedicated copy require around 4–5 weeks—after the inter- was given to Ferenc Hopp.24) His monograph, ruption of the Chinese New Year. I there- Über den Handel Chinas (About China’s Trade) fore believe that I can send the objects no was published in Vienna in 1895. later than the beginning of March.26 22 For more about his appointment, see the document in the 25 Archive of the Ferenc Hopp Museum of Asiatic Arts, Hungarian National Archives (MNL), Budapest, inv. no. A.1671/75. Letter of Joseph Haas to Ferenc Hopp from 1872-3/1145/. Shanghai on 28 January 1888. 23 Shanghai-based publisher of foreign- (mainly English-) lan- 26 “… Bezüglich Ihres Wunsches wegen Materialen zur Anfer- guage books. Founded in 1876. tigung einer chines. Gartenpforte habe ich mich sofort in 24 Library of Ferenc Hopp Museum of Asiatic Arts, 484 (inv. Arbeit gesetzt. Nach den in Ihrer Skizze gegebenen Dimen- no. 555). The dedicated copy was published in 1870 or sionen würde die Anschaffung der Materialien wie folgt be- 1871. Both dates can be found in the book. tragen: Dachziegeln $ 20; Ornamente $ 10; 4 Drachen und 225 This implies that the elements of the moon back a stone stele with three Chinese characters, gate were manufactured by early March 1888. although they differ in form and inscription.30 There is no written evidence from 1888 for their One was approved by Hopp’s seal and executed shipping, or their delivery, but a delivery note with minor modifications (with the three Chi- from August 1890 has survived, listing three nese characters Penglai kui 蓬莱龜) in the early crates of ceramics that Haas had dispatched to 1890s. The carved stone statue of a tortoise can Ferenc Hopp in Trieste.27 We also have a letter still be seen in the rear garden of the Hopp villa. written by Josef Haas28 which mentions three An old photograph shows that it once carried on trunks of Chinese objects which arrived in the its back a stone stele inscribed with three charac- port of Trieste from Hong Kong. Payment was ters: Turtle carrying the Island of the Immortals to be made in Trieste through Ritter von Per- (Penglai). Unfortunately, the stele disappeared tazzi, the father of Haas’s wife, through whom in the Second World War. The surviving tortoise accounts were often settled. base is testimony to the dedicated assistance Mr These crates may well have contained the ce- Haas gave Ferenc Hopp with his purchases of ramic and stone decorations used on the moon East Asian art. gate (especially the roof tiles, ornaments, dragons, Ferenc Hopp further decorated his garden with lions, stone slabs and the sphere) because no other Chinese drum chairs, vases and ceramic flower objects were registered in the Hopp collection as holders which were also ordered through the con- coming from Josef Haas. sul. Another document probably related to the fur- The correspondence between Ferenc Hopp nishing of the garden is a price list of Chinese vases and Josef Haas also fills us in on the acquisition of sent by Josef Haas in November 1890. another East Asian monument for the garden.29 The last traces of their correspondence are two In a letter of 1890 (in which he complained that cards from Josef Haas: one with Happy New Year many of his letters did not receive a response) Jo- wishes from Shanghai dated 189431 (see fig. 8) sef Haas asked Ferenc Hopp to choose between and greetings sent from Graz, dated 29 December the designs submitted to him by Emil von Hirsch 1895.32 Josef Haas died on 26 August 1896 while (1837–1917), deputy consul of the Monarchy in swimming near the coastal city of Ningbo (China). Yokohama (1889–1890). Two slightly different designs, signed by Yokomizo Toyokichi (1865– ?), a stonemason and engineer from Yokohama, Chinese Moon Gate were posted to Mr Hopp. Both drawings show a carved stone statue of a tortoise carrying on its At the entrance to the garden, Mr Hopp planned 1 Kugel $ 10; 2 Löwen 2’ hoch $ 20; Steinplatten A B C $ to construct a moon gate (月亮門 yueliangmen), 20; 1 Buddha $ 30; letzterer ist nur aus Holz zu bekommen modelled on the round gateways he had come 4 Fuss hoch; Schubkarren Modell $ 4. Die Arbeit wird circa across in gardens when he travelled in China. The 4-5 Wochen in Anspruch nehmen – nachdem das chinesi- name derives from the round opening which recalls sche Neujahr dazwischenkommt. Ich glaube daher spätes- tens Anfang März die Objekte senden zu können.” 27 Archive of the Ferenc Hopp Museum of Asiatic Arts, 30 Archive of the Ferenc Hopp Museum of Asiatic Arts, A.88; A.1679/20. Delivery Note of David Sassoon about three A.89. Two drawings of the stone tortoise stele sent by Jo- chests of Chinese goods which were sent by Joseph Haas to seph Haas in his letter dated 11 September 1888 Trieste. 31 Archive of the Ferenc Hopp Museum of Asiatic Arts A. 28 Archive of the Ferenc Hopp Museum of Asiatic Arts, A.84 271. Folded New Year’s greeting card with photo glued on Letter of Joseph Haas to Ferenc Hopp on 11 September the inside, sent by Joseph Haas to Ferenc Hopp in 1894. The 1888. photo shows a wide street decorated with lampions, with 29 Archive of the Ferenc Hopp Museum of Asiatic Arts, A. passers-by in warm clothes. 84. Letter of Joseph Haas to Ferenc Hopp on 11 September 32 Archive of the Ferenc Hopp Museum of Asiatic Arts A.87. 1888. Postcard from Graz to Budapest. 226 Figs. 6 and 7: Two drawings of the turtle stele. Drawings, late 19th century. Seal of Mr Hopp on one drawing (HFA_A.89). Archive of the Ferenc Hopp Museum of Asiatic Arts; HFA_A.88; HFA_A.89. the full moon. In traditional Chinese architecture, a part in designing an extension to the villa in moon gates are built embedded into walls, as open- 1906. He and Ferenc Hopp had known each other ings to gardens and houses. Legend has it that there for decades. It was also Györgyi Géza who installed was a belief in ancient China that there were two the embellishments on the moon gate. moons in the sky. When these moons perfectly The main structure is of brick, with a base of aligned with each other, a portal would open and several rows of facing bricks below a section of wall form a connection between the Heavens and the which is plastered and painted yellow, with inset Earth. In the past, these spherical gates were nor- stone tablets. The round central opening in the wall mally found in upper-class homes, to make them is faced by a circle of bricks, topped by a ceramic tile look more inviting for visitors, though later moon decorated with a flower motif and the Chinese char- gates built in the West were often free-standing acter for long life (壽 shou).35 The carved and paint-structures. The earliest description of the Buda- ed wooden bracket set on top of the gate, which pest moon gate comes from 1895,33 but it was built in 1890–1891 by the Hungarian architect Géza 35 According to archive photos, the rear of the moon gate Györgyi (1851–1934)34 opening also once had a ceramic tile at the top, like the one who subsequently played visible on the front today (see, e.g., the Jubilee Album 1895), whereas the front was originally adorned with a polyhedral 33 Jubilee album 1895, 8. keystone, which—for reasons unknown—Hopp replaced in 34 Ibid. the early 1900s with a new ceramic decoration. 227 Fig. 8: Postcard from Shanghai, around 1890. Paper, 10 x 14.9 cm. Archive of the Ferenc Hopp Museum of Asiatic Arts; Inv. No.: HFA_A 271. consists of multiple sections, recalling the ornate a goatee—while a man with a moustache is a no- roofs of Chinese buildings and gates, is covered in ble-minded hero. Comic figures have a white spot decorative green-glazed tubular tiles.36 on their noses and a curling moustache. Female For the transition between the gate and the characters and heroes in love, however, do not roof, Hopp commissioned a long colourful ce- have mask-like make-up. The rich details of cos- ramic frieze consisting of five parts (see fig. 10) tumes and the great variety of strictly regimented which was made at the Shiwan kilns and ceramic gestures are strongly emphasised by the architec- manufacturers (石灣窯 Shi wan yao). The sym- tural elements on the frame and the colourful car- metrically structured, multi-figural composition, pet of flowers on and around it. depicting stage scenes from Cantonese opera, is The Shiwan workshop which made the ceram- arranged so as to be viewed from one main per- ics for the moon gate is situated southwest of Fo- spective. The actors are modelled wearing elab- shan, in the vicinity of Guangzhou (Guangdong orately decorated costumes, and their faces are Province), South China. This workshop started to partly painted. Canton was a prosperous centre produce its heavy-bodied, thickly glazed ceramics of trade and culture in this period, and cornic- as early as the Tang period; large quantities were es decorated with dynamic, figural scenes of- manufactured from the Ming period onwards. ten show episodes of Cantonese operas or other Originally, it made gigantic vessels suitable for popular pieces of literature. By the 19th century, transporting food, mainly for export to Southeast Cantonese stage performance had become highly Asia and Korea (Martabani ware). In the 18th stylised: gestures were determined by strict cho- and 19th centuries, production of ceramic roof reography and facial expressions were supplanted figures and sculptural decorations increased in by masks or make-up. The face made up in con- importance, and Shiwan’s name became closely formity with stage rules revealed the personality associated with architectural ceramics, enjoying of a character: black is a sign of a coarse and vio- a heyday from the end of the 19th century until lent person, white denotes an evil one—as does the 1920s.37 36 Bagi, Fajcsák and Válóczi 2023, 82–85, 78–81. 37 Till 2006, 105–08. 228 Fig. 9: Moon gate in the garden of the Ferenc Hopp Museum, 2020. Digital photograph. Archive of the Ferenc Hopp Museum of Asiatic Arts. 229 Fig. 10: Ornamental mouldings of cornice: stage scenes. Earthenware, coloured glaze and cold painting 19th century; Shiwan, Guangdong province, China. Ferenc Hopp Museum of Asiatic Arts; Inv. No.: HFM_64.61. 230 Fig. 11: Ornamental mouldings of cornice: stage scenes. Earthenware, coloured glaze and cold painting, 19th century; Shiwan, Guangdong province, China. H.: 70 cm, 69.5 cm; W.: 29 cm. Ferenc Hopp Museum of Asiatic Arts; Inv. No.: HFM_9596. 1–2. 231 Fig. 12: Ceramic roof figure: dragon fish with tail. Moulded earthenware, green, yellow, white, blue glaze (damaged), late 19th century; Shiwan, Guangdong province, China. H.: 29.5 cm; L.: 39 cm (head); H.: 37 cm; L.: 45 cm (tail). Ferenc Hopp Museum of Asiatic Arts; Inv. No.: HFM_781. 232 The local clay is exceedingly easy to shape; con- is inscribed with Chinese characters which are read sequently, in terms of plasticity and richness of de- from right to left: tail, Shiwan ceramics excel those produced in other Chinese workshops, as the composition and model- 佛蘭士哈樓 (Fo lan shi ha lou) ling of these ornamental cornice mouldings vividly ‘House of Ferenc Hopp’ illustrate. Figural stage scenes in the Ferenc Hopp Mu- The two symmetrically installed vertical stone seum of Asiatic Arts storage depict six figures tablets bear a traditional Chinese couplet (對聯 in splendid stage costumes, some with make-up duilian) consisting of two sentences with a parallel in conformity with their operatic roles. The col- structure. The good wishes on the right-hand side lection of Chinese ceramics contains two more are read before those on the left (see fig. 13): figural stage scenes which were intended for the decoration of the moon gate cornice38 (see fig. 門前喜氣三千丈 11). With the help of some contemporary pho- 戶外春光十二時 (Men qian xi qi san qian tographs and surviving ornamental ceramic ele- zhang / Hu wai chun guang shi er shi) ments, including fish-dragon profiles39 (see fig. Around my gate may joy flow to infinity, 12), which were never incorporated into the And may good cheer flourish for eternity.40 structure, we can form an idea of Hopp’s original design—sketched out in a letter to Haas, but nev- The moon gate is flanked by a pair of stone fo er fully realised—which was to top off the ridge lions41, which Ferenc Hopp obtained from Chi-and edges of the roof with ceramic fish dragons na together with the elements of the moon gate.42 and buttons. These are the traditional guardians of the entrances The museum storage also houses four dragon to Chinese shrines and palaces; the lion and lion- heads and several units of body and tail which ess are always shown together. The lion rests one were ordered for the decoration of the moon gate. paw on a magical sphere, while the lioness is shown The heads are of two sizes. The dragon-like crea- with her cub climbing on her.43 tures have enormous mouths, bulging eyes and tentacles above their eyes. Their scaled bodies re- semble those of fish; they have side fins and high tails. In the end, the ceramic ridge was replaced with carved wooden beams, presumably because there was not enough knowledge around in Bu- dapest at the time about how to fix the ceramic profiles safely to the roof. Three stone tablets are built into the wall of the moon gate. The horizontal tablet above the opening 38 An interesting comparison can be found in the roof of the Mak Po Temple, which still stands in Hong Kong to- day. Taking this as a basis, it is possible to reconstruct the 40 This is the English version of the Hungarian text translated arrangement of the roof decorations on the moon gate in from the Chinese by Prof. Barnabás Csongor. the gardens of the Hopp Museum. Both multi-figural stage 41 Inv. no.: HFM_64.89.1 (lion), HFM_64.89.2 (lioness); scenes and the fish-dragon outlines were intended to adorn China, second half of nineteenth century; height: 56.6 cm; the ridge of the roof. See the ceramic friezes: Ferenc Hopp width: 23 cm; depth: 31 cm. Museum of Asiatic Arts, inv. nos. HFM_9596.1–2. 39 Ferenc Hopp Museum of Asiatic Arts, inv. no. HFM_447, 42 See letter written by Joseph Haas (HMA 1671_75). The HFM_498, HFM_507, HFM_508, HFM_509, price of the two lions was 20 US dollars. HFM_529, HFM_781, HFM_1347, HFM_4300. 43 Bagi, Fajcsák and Válóczi 2023, 82–85. 233 Fig. 13: Pair of fo-lions and the Chinese couplet (Chinese: duilian) with good wishes on the moon gate. Photograph, late 19th century. Archive of the Ferenc Hopp Museum of Asiatic Arts. 234 List of Documents Related to the correspondence of Josef Haas and Ferenc 44 Hopp in the Archive of the Ferenc Hopp Museum of Asiatic Arts Inventory number Type of Title and date Material/ Dimension document Technique HFA_A.81. Letter Josef Haas to Ferenc Hopp from paper, handwritten 1 sheet, 4 pages Shanghai 15 July 1890 HFA_A.82. Document Appendix to the letter of Josef paper, handwritten height: 20.5 cm Haas width: 11.2 cm Price list 13 November 1890 HFA_A.83. Letter Josef Haas to Ferenc Hopp paper, handwritten 1 sheet, 3 pages 9 May 1890 HFA_A.84. Letter Josef Haas to Ferenc Hopp about paper, handwritten 1 sheet, 2 pages sending three crates of Chinese wares and a stone tortoise 9 November 1890 HFA_A.85. letter Josef Haas to Ferenc Hopp about paper, handwritten 1 sheet, 4 pages everyday matters 6 November 1890 HFA_A.86.1. letter Josef Haas to Ferenc Hopp about paper, handwritten 1 sheet, 4 pages sending consols 27 November 1890 HFA_A.86.2. letter Envelope paper, handwritten height: 9 cm 27 November 1890 width: 14 cm HFA_A.87. postcard Josef Haas to Ferenc Hopp from paper, handwritten height: 9 cm Graz width: 14 cm 29 November 1895 HFA_A.88. drawing Drawing of the stele on a tortoise paper, 1 sheet 11 September 1890 graphical HFA_A.89. drawing Drawing of the stele on a tortoise paper, 1 sheet 11 September1890 graphical HFA_A.271. postcard Josef Haas New Year Greetings paper, handwritten height: 10 cm from Shanghai width: 14.9 cm 1894 HFA_A.274. photograph A. E. Mortl (?): Josef Haas, 1883 albumin, height: 9 cm photograph width: 5.8 cm HFA_A.1671.75. letter Josef Haas to Ferenc Hopp from paper, handwritten 1 sheet, 3 pages Shanghai 28 January 1888 HFA_A.1679.20. document Delivery Note of David Sassoon paper, document 1 sheet, 2 pages about three chests of Chinese filled with goods which were sent by Josef handwritten notes Haas to Trieste 18 August 1890 HFA_A.4060. letter Josef Haas to Ferenc Hopp from paper, handwritten 1 sheet, 4 pages Shanghai 28 May 1890 HFA_A.4237. postcard Josef Haas to Ferenc Hopp from paper, handwritten height: 14 cm Vienna width: 9.1 cm 13 November 1895 44 I would like to thank Judit Bagi for compiling the list. 235 portant role in the organisation of space, for they For Chinese designers, moon gates play an im- Archive of the Ferenc Hopp Museum of Asiatic Arts, A.164 Letter of Ferenc Hopp to Calderoni Company from Hong Kong on 22 March 1883. expand the boundaries of the different sections of Archive of the Ferenc Hopp Museum of Asiatic Arts, a garden, each of which is usually of modest size A.165 Postcard of Ferenc Hopp from Fuzhou on 26 and separated from the others by walls. Thanks to March 1883. side of the wall, seen through the circular frame, A.1524. Letter of Ferenc Hopp dated Peking, 20 April 1883. a moon gate, the view and the plants on the other Archive of the Ferenc Hopp Museum of Asiatic Arts, are partly “brought over” to the side where the ob- Archive of the Ferenc Hopp Museum of Asiatic Arts, server is standing. In the garden of the Hopp Villa, A.1671/75. Letter of Joseph Haas to Ferenc Hopp the view along the axis of the moon gate leads the from Shanghai on 28 January 1888. eye to a Jain shrine. This is entirely unique: only Archive of the Ferenc Hopp Museum of Asiatic Arts, Asiatic art, can a Chinese moon gate and an Indian September 1888. Archive of the Ferenc Hopp Museum of Asiatic Arts, in Budapest, in a garden dedicated to admirers of A.84 Letter of Joseph Haas to Ferenc Hopp on 11 shrine be seen together.45 A.88; Ferenc Hopp died in 1919 in his villa. By the Archive of the Ferenc Hopp Museum of Asiatic Arts, terms of his will, he bequeathed to the Hungari-A.89. an state his valuable collection of Asiatic art and Archive of the Ferenc Hopp Museum of Asiatic Arts, feature of his collecting activities had been the ori- Archive of the Ferenc Hopp Museum of Asiatic Arts, A. 199. his villa with its oriental-style garden. The special A.146. ental plants (e.g. ginkgo and bamboo) and Asian Archive of the Ferenc Hopp Museum of Asiatic Arts, artefacts, mainly stone sculptures. They are clear A. 271 evidence for the intensive interest in the Orient in Archive of the Ferenc Hopp Museum of Asiatic Arts, the late 19th century, as well as testifying in spec- inv. no. HFA_A.274. tion and trans-border cooperation that character- Jubilee Album, inv. no. HFA_A. 383. Archive of the Ferenc Hopp Museum of Asiatic Arts, tacular fashion to the international communica- Archive of the Ferenc Hopp Museum of Asiatic Arts, ised the era of the Austro–Hungarian Monarchy. A.1679/20. Archive of the Ferenc Hopp Museum of Asiatic Arts, Archival Sources Chinese Collection, inv. no. HFM_1303 and HFM_2100. Archive of the Ferenc Hopp Museum of Asiatic Arts, Archive of the Ferenc Hopp Museum of Asiatic Arts Chinese Collection, inv. no. HFM_2397. Archive of the Ferenc Hopp Museum of Asiatic Arts, Archive of the Ferenc Hopp Museum of Asiatic Arts, A.144 Letter of Ferenc Hopp to his colleague, Julius Chinese Collection inv. no. HFM_1519 and Singer from Canton on 19 March 1883. HFM_5961. Archive of the Ferenc Hopp Museum of Asiatic Archive of the Ferenc Hopp Museum of Asiatic Arts, Arts, A.1678/1 Postcard of Ferenc Hopp to Emil Chinese Collection, inv. no. HFM_1249. Reich ardt from Canton to Budapest on 19 March Archive of the Ferenc Hopp Museum of Asiatic Arts, 1883. Chinese Collection, inv. no. HFM_5369. Archive of the Ferenc Hopp Museum of Asiatic Arts, 45 Another moon gate was later built in Budapest, in the Chi- Chinese Collection, inv. no. HFM_713.1-2. (13 Bolyai utca, 2nd District, Budapest, constructed in Library of Ferenc Hopp Museum nese-style fence surrounding the Simonyi–Semadam Villa 1931) which belonged to a former prime minister of Hun- Library of Ferenc Hopp Museum, inv. no. 484. gary, Sándor Simonyi–Semadam (1864–1946). Simonyi– Semadam’s interest in Asia, his journeys to that part of the Hungarian National Archives (MNL) world, and his taste for Asian art, were just as much a part of Hungarian National Archives, Budapest, inv. no. Hungary’s complex system of connections with oriental art 1872-3/1145/. in the interwar period as the fence, with its distinctive Chi- nese architectural flavor. Cf. Fajcsák (2017). 236 Bibliography ———. 1882. “Chináról (About China).” Földrajzi Kö-zlemények ( Geographical Bulletins ): 465–82. Ferenczy, Mária. 2008. “The Life of Ferenc Hopp.” Bagi, Judit, Györgyi Fajcsák, and Róbert Válóczi. 2023. In The Man of Buitenzorg Villa. Ferenc Hopp, The Garden. The Oriental-style Garden of the Ferenc Globe-Trotter and Art Collector (1833–1919 ), ed-Hopp Museum of Asiatic Arts on its Centenary . Buda-ited by Györgyi Fajcsák, and Zsuzsanna Renner, pest: Ferenc Hopp Museum of Asiatic Arts. 29–42. Budapest: Ferenc Hopp Museum of Eastern Fajcsák, Györgyi. 2007a. Collecting Chinese Art in Asiatic Arts. Hungary from the Early 19th Century to 1945 as Guide for Tourists to Peking and its Environs . 1876. Reflected by the Artefacts of the Ferenc Hopp Muse-Hongkong: China Mail Office. um of Eastern Asiatic Arts . Budapest Monographs in Harrison-Hall, Jessica. 2001. Catalogue of Late Yuan East Asian Studies 3. Budapest: Department of East and Ming Ceramics in the British Museum . London: Asian Studies, Eötvös Loránd University. British Museum Press. ———. 2007b. White Gold, Mohammed Blue, and Józsa, Sándor. 1966. Kína és az Osztrák–Magyar Mo-Peach Bloom. Early Ceramics in the Chinese Ceram-narchia ( China and the Austro–Hungarian Monar-ic Collection of the Ferenc Hopp Museum of Eastern chy ). Budapest: Akadémia Publishers. Asiatic Arts. , vol. 1. DVD. Budapest: Ferenc Hopp Jubileumi album, [ Jubilee Album ]. 1895. Budapest: n. p. Museum of Eastern Asiatic Arts. Nagamatsu, Sakae 永松 , 栄 . 2008. Zusetsu toshi to ———. 2008. “Chinese Curio Trade and Ferenc kenchiku no kindai: Pure modanizumu no toshi Hopp’s Chinese Collection.” In The Man of Buiten-kaizo 図說都市と建築の近代 プレ ・ モダニ zorg Villa. Ferenc Hopp, Globe.Trotter and Art Col-ズムの都市改造 ( Illustrated Urban and Architec-lector (1833–1919) , edited by Györgyi Fajcsák, tural Modernity: Pure Modernist Urban Remodel-and Zsuzsanna Renner, 116–35. Budapest: Ferenc ling ). Kyoto: Gakugei shuppansha. Hopp Museum of Eastern Asiatic Arts. Till, Barry. 2006. “Shiwan Art Pottery from the Pearl ———. 2011. White Gold, Mohammedan Blue and River Delta. The Carol Peckham Collection.” Arts Peach Blossom. Chinese Ceramics in the Collection of Asia 36 (2): 105–08. of the Ferenc Hopp Museum of Eastern Asiatic Arts , Vasárnapi Újság , [ Sunday Times ]. 1911. Vasárnapi vol. II. Budapest: Ferenc Hopp Museum of Eastern Újság, 28 January 1911. Asiatic Arts. Yoshida Mitsukuni 吉田 光邦 , ed. 1990. Bankokuha-———. 2017. “Moongate on Bolyai Street: Sándor Si-ku no Nihonkan ( Japanese Pavilions at International monyi–Semadam and Asia.” In Sanghay Shanghai. Exhibitions ). Tokyo: INAX Gallery. Parallel Diversities between East and West , edited by Györgyi Fajcsák, and Béla Kelényi, 133–41. Buda- pest: Ferenc Hopp Museum of Asiatic Arts. ———. 2020. ‘“Austria exponens invitatorbis uni- versum’: The East Asia and Oriental Art at the Vienna Weltausstellung 1873.” In Japonisme in Austro–Hungarian Monarchy, edited by Mirjam Dénes, Györgyi Fajcsák, Piotr Spławski, and Toshio Watanabe, 57–75. Budapest: Ferenc Hopp Museum of Asiatic Arts. Faragó, Ödön. 1874. “Levél a mennyei birodalomból (Letter from the Heavenly Kingdom).” Pesti Napló Pest Daily) 34 (98): 278. ———. 1877. “Eredeti levél Chinából. Tientsin (Orig- inal Letter from China. Tianjin).” A Hon (The Country), 8 April 1877, no. 138. ———. 1879. “Magyar ember levele Khínából (Letter of a Hungarian Man from China).” Vasárnapi Újság (Sunday Times) no. 46: 740. ———. 1880. “Levelek Khínából. Ischang (Letters from China. Ischang).” Vasárnapi Újság (Sunday Times), 5 May, 15 August: 454–55, 726. 237 Eleonore Haas: The Lost Chinese Heritage in Mozirje Barbara Trnovec and Nataša Vampelj Suhadolnik I Introduction1 with his Japanese wife Tsuneko Kondō Kawase (1893–1963) brought back a large collection of n the first half of the 20th century, individual Chinese objects in 1920, and the world traveller travellers and Austro-Hungarian sailors, who Alma Karlin (1889–1950), who returned to Celje were among the first from the present-day Slo- in 1927. Both invited people to visit their homes, venia to travel to East Asia, returned with single which were decorated with East Asian porcelain, pieces or entire collections of Chinese or Japanese textiles, sculptures, furniture and other everyday objects. Among them were an Austro-Hungarian objects. Yet at the same time, not far from Celje, naval officer, Ivan Skušek Jr. (1877–1947), who where people visited Karlin’s house to see “exotic” objects, there was another collection of Chinese 1 The research for this paper was carried out as part of the artefacts kept more or less secretly in the paint projects Orphaned Objects: Examining East Asian Objects factory in Mozirje. It belonged to Eleonore von outside Organised Collecting Practices in Slovenia (2021– Haas (1866–1943), widow of Josef von Haas 2024) (J6-3133) and the core research funding pro- (1847–1896), a diplomat who represented Aus- gramme Asian languages and Cultures (P6-0243), all fund- ed by the Slovenian Research and Innovation Agency. tria-Hungary in China for almost 30 years and The authors would like to thank Cvetka Marjanovič and served as Consul General in Shanghai from 1892 Sergeja Marjanovič Pregelj, Matija Blagojevič and Marija to 1896 (fig. 1). Janko for sharing their memories of Eleonore Haas, their photographic material and preserved objects with us. We Whereas Karlin, who, due to her financial would also like to thank Ana Zidanšek from the Library constraints and the nature of travelling, could jan Habicht, who helped us in researching the identity of of Slovenske Konjice and the amateur researcher Sebast- only acquire what were essentially souvenirs sold Ritter Pertazzi. We would also like to thank Bettina Zorn at famous tourist sites, the collection in Mozir- from the Weltmuseum in Vienna for providing access to je brought together valuable porcelain pieces, the Haas collection in the museum, Niko Hudelja from religious sculptures, bronze objects and beau- the Faculty of Arts at the University of Ljubljana for tran- tifully embroidered textiles—objects that most scribing and translating part of Haas’s correspondence, Al- exandra Nachescu for interesting discussions and valuable museums at the time were trying to acquire. information about Josef Haas, and Abigail Graham for Nevertheless, the Mozirje collection was far less name Max Eduard Goepfert (Göpfert) as a signature on widely visited than those of Karlin and Skušek. her thorough reading of the text and for pointing out the one of the photographs. Finally, we would like to thank Very few people were aware of its existence, and the Historical Archive Celje for permission to publish the by and large, this is still the case today. Eleonore photographs and postcards from the Eleonore von Haas Haas, who brought the collection to Mozirje, personalia folder (SI-ZAC/1008) and the Weltmuseum in also remains unknown, and apart from a short Vienna for permission to publish the image of the bronze drum. 239 Fig. 1: Eleonore Haas with her father Friedrich Ritter Pertazzi and her husband Josef Haas. Photograph taken by Leopold Bude, Graz, 1889 (?). SI-ZAC/1008, signature 2. Fond Eleonore von Haas, Historical Archive Celje. 240 paragraph in the book by Ralf Čeplak Mencin,2 89-year-old Marija Janko, known as Pekova Marija, nothing has been written about her life and col- who as a child lived in the same house as Eleonore lecting activities. Even the name of her husband, and continues to live there today, recalls: Josef Haas, who played an important role in dip- lomatic and trade relations between China and She was sitting at the table in her room that Austria-Hungary in the late 19th century and morning, waiting for the bus. She was ready was one of the main suppliers of Chinese objects to travel, to move to Graz. She had all her to several museums in Austria-Hungary, is not things packed. I remember well that there well known. was a plate with sliced tomatoes on the ta- The aim of this chapter is therefore to recon- ble in front of her. As every morning, break- struct the life of Eleonore Haas, whom Josef Haas fast was prepared for her by her bedinar’ca4 met in 1889 during one of the only two longer holi- Urška Tavčar. Frau Haas suddenly leaned days he took during his nearly thirty years of service against the table and then fell forward. It was in China. After their marriage, she lived in Shang- the first corpse in my life.5 hai for seven years (1889–1896) until Haas’s un- fortunate death. She then travelled back to Vienna Marija Janko was a nine-year-old girl at the and Graz and in 1913 moved in with her relatives, time, but has vivid memories of Eleonore Haas, the Goričar family, in Mozirje (then Prassberg), a who lived in her parents’ house, so that they com- small town in northern Slovenia, where she lived municated on a daily basis. As can be seen from the until her death in 1943. register of deaths, Eleonore died of a stroke on 23 Who was Eleonore Haas? What was her social August 1943, at her home at Prassberg 111 (as it life and network like in Shanghai? What role did then was), at the age of 77.6 she play in Shanghai society and to what extent was Marija Janko is now the oldest resident of the old she involved with her husband’s activities—above downtown in Mozirje. “I was born in this house, I’ve all, with his collecting? What is the size and the lived in this house all my life, and I hope I’ll die here nature of the collection and what kind of objects as well,” she says. The house was built in 1911 for did she or they favour? How and where were the the Štrucl family, who lived in the United States of objects acquired? How did the collection get to America at the time. They were economic migrants. Mozirje and how did she live with the collection They intended to return to Mozirje, but that did not and the objects? What happened to the collection happen. In 1929, the house was sold to the Mozirje and where is it today? We pursue these questions baker Franc Pečnik, father of Marija Janko. by using documents and photographic material from Slovenian and Austrian archives as well as oral At that time, along with the house, my fa- history methods and interviews with people from ther also ‘got’ Eleonore Haas, or Lola, as she Mozirje who still remember her, to present the first was called. She had lived in this house since study on the life and collection of Eleonore Haas. 1913, when she moved from Graz to Mozirje. I don’t know what kind of arrangement she had with the previous owners, nor what kind In the Vivid Memories of Marija Janko of arrangement she had with my father. The Eleonore Haas, widow of the Austro-Hungarian 4 Bedinar’ca or server, distortion of German, from the verb be-Consul General Josef Haas, was born Edle 3 von dienen , to serve. Pertazzi. She died in 1943 in Mozirje, in Slovenia. 5 Marija Janko (b. 1934) was interviewed by Barbara Trnovec in Mozirje on 19 August 2023. 2 Čeplak Mencin 2012, 86, 90. 6 The information is listed in the Register of the deaths Mozir- 3 Edle (German), noble. je 1942–1944 (Mrliška knjiga umrlih Mozirje 1942–1944). 241 Fig. 2: Pečnik’s house in Mozirje, where Eleonore Haas lived until 1943. Photograph kept by Matija Blagojevič in Mozirje. house was designed and built for the Štrucl Rumours spread around Mozirje that she family, at their behest, by Lola’s relative Mat- had lived in China and that she was a wid- ija Goričar. Since the house was empty, he ow because her husband had been eaten probably agreed with the owners to rent a by a shark. But what stuck in my memory part of the house to his widowed relative. the most was her tiger. In the room on the floor she had a carpet, a huge tiger, with a Eleonore Haas then lived in this house for huge head and huge teeth. Every now and thirty years, until her death (fig. 2). According to then, Urška hung it over the stair railing, at Marija Janko, Eleonore was very kind, always very the entrance to the house, in order to ‘crip- well groomed, had a distinctly upright posture, and ple’ it. The news of this spread like wildfire commanded respect. She spoke German, never throughout Mozirje every time, and every- Slovenian, even though her mother was Slovenian. one came to see the tiger. How we children She is said to have known five languages, including were afraid of it! English and French, but she certainly also knew Italian. Marija Janko remembers that on one occa- According to Marija Janko, Eleonore Haas lived sion she translated something from German into in two rooms, to the right of the main entrance Italian. Every day she went to lunch at the inn Pri to the house. But she had another room upstairs pošti, in the centre of Mozirje, where she had her where she kept things she didn’t use. “We didn’t go permanent table. At the same time, Eleonore Haas to her apartment as children, but I saw through the was considered to be something special and was open front door that she had a lot of everything. I the subject of rumours. don’t remember the details, but I know that her 242 Fig. 3: One of two rooms with Chinese objects in Mozirje. Photograph kept by Matija Blagojevič in Mozirje. 243 apartment was furnished with furniture and objects Eleonore Haas was close to her Mozirje rela- that she brought from China.” This is confirmed by tives. Even today, their descendants cherish her the photos that have been preserved of some objects memory. “When I think of Lola, the first thing I and ambient photos taken in her apartment (fig. 3).7 think about is how tragically her husband died. He was eaten by a shark in China and only a bloody stain on the surface of the sea was left behind,” says Eleonore in Family Lore Cvetka Marjanovič. How is it that the cosmopolitan Eleonore Haas, I talked about Lola with several relatives, but widow of the Consul General of Austria-Hunga- my mother-in-law Draga told me the most. ry—polyglot, interpreter for the Chinese language, Among other things, how she met her fu- sinologist, and collector Josef Haas, with whom ture husband. Josef was a friend of her father, she spent seven years in Shanghai—came to live in Friedrich Ritter von Pertazzi, also a diplomat. Mozirje in the first place? She was 47 years old at the Once, when Josef visited Friedrich in Graz, time. “Economic reasons were most probably very he met Lola by chance. She had just returned likely behind this. We know that Eleonore, who re- home to pick up the sheet music she forgot turned to Vienna after her husband’s death, fought to take to her piano lesson. It was love at first for his pension. For now, it is not known how sight on his part. They got married in Shang- successful she was. Based on the fact that she first hai, dressed in tangerine-coloured clothes. moved from Vienna to Graz, and then to Mozirje He was more than twenty years older than in 1913, we can conclude that she did so because life her, but back then such age differences were was much cheaper here,” explains Ma tija Blagojevič.8 commonplace. They had no children. We At that time, Mozirje was a small market town didn’t discuss why not.11 in the Savinjska valley. In 1900 it had only 537 inhabitants,9 but it had a cosmopolitan charac- Haas had been married before, to the English- ter. This was the home of Eleonore’s relatives, the woman Margaret Jane Wogan (the ceremony took enterprising, wealthy, successful, educated and place in Shanghai on 6 April 1874, in a Catholic influential Goričars, who welcomed her warmly. church there)12 but his first wife, who suffered from Mozirje was a popular resort at the time—there epilepsy and amnesia, had died.13 He married Ele-was a swimming pool, a tennis court, and a moun- onore von Pertazzi on 9 November 1889 in Graz.14 tain hut in Golte—visited by holidaymakers from all over the monarchy, including many from Vien- na. In such a milieu, Eleonore Haas certainly felt Diplomatic Families and their comfortable, according to Matija Blagojevič and Biographies Cvetka Marjanovič.10 Josef von Haas and Eleonore von Pertazzi both 7 These photos are kept by Matija Blagojevič from Mozirje, a came from diplomatic families. Eleonore was the librarian, museum co-worker and expert on the history of daughter of the Austro-Hungarian diplomat, Mozirje. He is the nephew of Marija Mary Blagojevič, née Goričar, great-granddaughter of Marija Goričar, who was Eleonore Haas’s aunt. 8 An interview with him in Mozirje on 19 August 2023—fol- August 2023. She was interviewed by Barbara Trnovec in Mozirje on 19 lowed by several phone conversations—conducted by Bar- bara Trnovec. 11 Cvetka Marjanovič, interviewed by Barbara Trnovec in Mo- zirje, on 19 August 2023. 10 Cvetka Marjanovič is the widow of Nikolaj Marjanovič, 12 Deusch 2017, 309. 9 Videčnik 1996, 13. son of Draga Marjanovič, née Goričar, great-granddaugh- 13 Ibid., 310; Josef Haas Personalia Folder. ter of the aforementioned Marija Goričar, Eleonore’s aunt. 14 Deusch 2017, 310. 244 Friedrich Ritter von Pertazzi, born in 1828 in Vi- The diplomatic biography of Josef Haas is ex- enna,15 and Frančiška von Pertazzi, née Repin, in tremely rich. In October 1865, at the age of eight- 1838 in Vojnik.16 Eleonore was born on 31 May een, he applied for admission to the Imperial and 1866 in the city of Ruse (also Rostok, as written in Royal Oriental Academy (k.k. Orientalische Aka-the Mozirje Register of deaths 1942–1944), on the demie) as an external student, highlighting his lan-Danube River in Bulgaria, the present-day Roma- guage skills: in addition to German, French and nian-Bulgarian border, which was then part of the Italian, he had an excellent command of Greek Ottoman Empire. and understood Turkish. He was accepted, and According to Engelbert Deusch, author of a on 30 September 1866, by decree, he was sent to monograph on Austro-Hungarian consuls in the Hong Kong to learn Chinese. He arrived there on period 1825–1918, Friedrich Ritter Pertazzi grad- 18 December 1866 and thus began his extreme- uated with honours from the Imperial and Royal ly successful thirty-year diplomatic career in East Oriental Academy in Vienna (k. k. Orientalische Asia.22 From October 1888 to October 1889 he Akademie)17 and in 1854 obtained a position as was granted longer leave. During this time, he an interpreter in Constantinople. He was known attended, among other things, the Congress of in diplomatic circles as a noble, kind-hearted man, Orientalists in Stockholm, but he also extended musically talented and extremely knowledgeable. his leave in order to marry Eleonore Pertazzi, on In 1870, he was awarded the title of Knight of the 9 November of the same year in Graz. Together, Iron Crown III (Order of the Iron Crown of the they then travelled to Shanghai and lived there third degree). In 1879–1880, however, he ruined until his untimely death. He drowned on 26 July his reputation due to drunkenness and debts. His 1896 off the island of Putuo (普陀), at the age of daughter Eleonore and son Friedrich also suffered 49.23 Cvetka Marjanovič has a copy of a newspaper the consequences. He was initially sent on sick article published on 27 July 1937 in The Shanghai leave, and in 1881—at the age of only 53—he was Times, from which we learn that on the 41st anni-retired.18 versary of his death, a few old friends gathered to Josef Haas was the son of the Austro-Hun- commemorate Josef Haas at the French Cemetery garian consul Ferdinand Haas, born in 1820 in in Shanghai on Avenue Joffre (now Central Huai- Prague.19 A comparison of diplomatic biographies hai Road 淮海路), next to the obelisk dedicated to led to the interesting discovery that in 1857 both “one of the leading Shanghai figures of the second Josef ’s and Eleonore’s fathers served at the consu- half of the 19th century”.24 The obelisk was com-late in the city of Ruse.20 At that time, Josef Haas missioned by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of (b.1847) was about ten years old.21 In all probabil- Austria-Hungary. ity, this was where the acquaintance between the two families originated. Life in Shanghai in the Early 1890s 15 Ibid., 501. It is sometimes stated that her father came from Slovenske Konjice in Slovenia (Čeplak Mencin 2012, 86– When Eleonore arrived in Shanghai, the city had 87; Blagojevič, interview on 19 August 2023), but this is already become one of the largest cities in China not true. and was the leading centre for trade, finance and 16 Krstna knjiga/Taufbuch, Vojnik, 1824-1840, 177. 17 The Academy of Oriental Languages was founded in 1753- 18 Deusch 2017, 501. 1754 by Maria Theresia. This institution is the predecessor 22 Deusch 2017, 308–09. of the famous Vienna Diplomatic Academy. 23 In Memoriam: Josef Ritter von Haas, SI-ZAC/1008, Fond Eleonore von Haas, Historical Archive Celje; Deusch 2017, 19 Ibid., 307. 308. 20 Ibid., 307, 501. 24 Krause 1937. The same copy of the article is also held in the 21 Neff 2020, 51. Celje Historical Archive. 245 Fig. 4: Postcard of Huangpu Road in Shanghai. Issued 1907–1918. From The New York Public Library. Accessed 7 February 2024. https://digitalcollections.nypl.org/items/c261eb5f- 965a-1446-e040-e00a1806116e Fig. 5: Eleonore and Josef Haas on the balcony of the consulate of Austria-Hungary in Shanghai, China. 1889–1896. SI-ZAC/1008, signature 7. Fond Eleonore von Haas, Historical Archive Celje. 246 industry. It was one of the five ports opened to House and the Shanghai Club were erected along foreign trade after the Treaty of Nanjing in 1842 the Bund. The townscape and public view that and soon became the most important distribution Eleo nore Haas enjoyed in Shanghai must have point for more than half of the goods exchanged been somewhat different from those of residents between China and the rest of the world.25 The and tourists even in the early 20th century, as some rapid economic development and growth of a of the buildings and monuments were construct- mixed-nationality population also led to social, ed during her time in the city. There were several cultural and artistic activities in the city. The for- construction sites and opening ceremonies which eigners, whose number rose to more than 5,000 by she would certainly have known about, even if she 1895,26 lived mainly in the Anglo-American Settle- did not attend them. Just one year after her arrival, ment (renamed International Settlement in 1899) a statue of the British diplomat Harry Smith Par- and the French Concession, located north of the kes (1828–1885) was unveiled. The new Custom Huangpu River (黃浦江), formerly known as the House was built in 1893 in the Tudor style with Whangpoo River. Huangpu (Whangpoo) Road a clock tower in the centre of the building and the (fig. 4), north of the confluence of the Huangpu Central Police Station was built in 1891–1894 in River and Suzhou Creek, was also the location of the early Renaissance style. Construction work the consulates of Austria-Hungary, Germany, US would also have continued apace between 1894 and Japan. The Austro-Hungarian Consulate was and 1896, for the French Consulate and the new located at 44–46 Huangpu Road in the immediate Town Hall and market were completed in the year vicinity of the US consulate.27 This was where Eleo- of Eleonore’s husband’s death, 1896, when she left nore lived during her stay in Shanghai. Although Shanghai.28 The Yangtszepoo neighbourhood (now some of the consuls and other diplomats lived in Yangshupu Road 楊樹浦路), the main industrial adjoining residential buildings, the Haases seem to area of old Shanghai, with factories, docks and have lived on the upper floor of the consulate, as shipyards along the river, also made its appearance we can see from the photograph showing Eleanore in the last decade of the 19th century, with spin- next to her husband on the consulate balcony, with ning mills opening around 1897 and the Yangtsze- the inscription on the back “am Balkon, Lola ū. ihr poo police station in 1890.29 In addition to the for-Mann im ihren Heim” (fig. 5). eign buildings, Chinese-style buildings were also This situated Eleonore close to the social and constructed during Eleonore’s time in Shanghai. cultural centres where foreigners gathered. Near- These included the famous Shanse Bankers’ Guild by was the famous Astor House Hotel, Shanghai’s House with three courtyards and four main build- leading hotel, which also served as a dynamic hub ings, built in 1892, which according to the 1904 for foreigners (fig. 6). Across the Garden Bridge Shanghai travel guide was a must-see.30 (now Waibaidu Bridge 外白渡橋) over the Su- Not only in the Chinese part of the city, but also zhou Creek were the HBM (British) Consulate, in the foreign settlements, there were many other the Public Garden and several roads leading inland Chinese buildings, temples, opium shops, Canton- from the Bund (a waterfront area and historical ese teahouses, restaurants, theatres, and a variety district in central Shanghai), among which Nan- of shops with fine Chinese silk and embroidery, jing Road (or Maloo Road) was the most impor- clothes, headdresses, jewellery, shoes, Chinese an- tant. The buildings of several banks, telegraph and tiques and curiosities, including second-hand shops telephone companies, business houses (hong 行) as and pawnshops where one could buy high-quality well as the Kelly & Walsh bookstore, the Custom items cheaply. Moreover, Eleonore lived in one of 25 Cartwright 1908a, 368. 28 Ibid., 7–15. 26 Xiong 2022, 26. 29 Ibid., 65. 27 Darwent 1904, x. 30 Ibid., 54. 247 Fig. 6: Postcard of Astor House Hotel, Shanghai, circa 1890. Issued 1907–1918. From The New York Public Library. Accessed 7 February 2024. https://digitalcollections.nypl.org/items/c261eb5f-965e-1446-e040-e00a1806116e the busiest areas, with thousands of vehicles pass- people from different countries came together, and ing the Garden Bridge every day and a multitude the advantages it offered to foreigners, certainly of boats travelling through the arch.31 Accord- made a great impression on the twenty-three-year- ing to the 1904 travel guide, this district, which old, who had not been directly exposed to Chinese lies between the Suzhou and Hongkou (虹口) or Japanese culture or society before her marriage. creeks (now Yujing pu 俞涇浦), boasted the most We know little about her childhood, but the fact picturesque medley of foreign and Chinese life, that she was born on the Romanian-Bulgarian not only in Shanghai but in any other treaty port. border as the daughter of an Austro-Hungarian One could watch small animals being transported diplomat in the then Ottoman Empire and later to market on bamboo trays, fruit and vegetables moved to Graz, where she met Josef Haas, shows being landed from boats, people packing and car- that she grew up in a cosmopolitan spirit of differ- rying things away on bamboo.32 The shops near the ent cultures and suggests she could move between Garden Bridge were mainly Chinese and Japanese, new countries with relative ease. Although Shang- as the Japanese community also lived mainly in this hai had no electric tramway in her time, there was part of the International Settlement. a permanent water supply provided by two private This was the scene in which Eleonore found companies and electricity had been in use since herself after moving to Shanghai in 1889. The cos- 1882.33 All this enabled Shanghai residents to live mopolitan character of Shanghai as a place where comfortably and, according to H. A. Cartwright, author and assistant editor of a series of early 20th 31 Ibid., 27. 32 Ibid., 40–42. 33 Cartwright 1908a, 371. 248 century impressions of various countries, “enjoy with the Crown,41 and had gone on to compile a every comfort and convenience to be found in the German-Chinese dictionary and publish many most progressive European cities”.34 Exceptional articles.42 As was ideally expected of consuls, Haas facilities were created for all forms of outdoor rec- was also familiar with the law, domestic and foreign reation and numerous clubs were founded to en- policy and the principles of business management. courage social interaction. In his impressions of This was reflected in his appointment as foreign Shanghai, H. A. Cartwright concludes that “the assessor at the Mixed Court,43 which was respon-monotony which is characteristic of life in the East sible for trials against Chinese who had commit- is absent from Shanghai, which is often styled the ted offences in the foreign settlements. According ‘Paris of the Orient’ in recognition of its gaiety”.35 to Cartwright, an assessor sat six days a week: the British consular representative for three days, the representative of the United States for two, and Eleonore Haas’s Network in Shanghai the Austro-Hungarian (or, in his absence, the Ger- and her Social Activities man) representative for one day.44 We can therefore assume that Eleonore’s entry As the wife of a highly respected diplomat, Eleo- into Shanghai high society was certainly initiated nore played a prominent role in the social life of by her highly esteemed husband, but the postcards the community and championed the interests of and greetings sent to her many years later, after her her compatriots in a variety of ways, thus support- husband’s death, by many important diplomats ing her husband’s activities. Josef Haas, who was and other foreigners of all nationalities, show the appointed Consul General in 1892,36 three years genuine connections she made and the important after their marriage, not only represented foreign role she played during the seven years she lived in trade abroad, protected Austrian citizens and Shanghai. Her personalia folder, where her person- thus served domestic interests, but was also highly al papers are kept in the Celje Historical Archive, praised as a beloved, friendly and respected per- contains photographs, postcards and many other sonality.37 It was common at the time to complain documents which she brought with her on her that consuls were poorly educated, that they did move to Mozirje. Researching these documents not speak foreign languages fluently, and that their allows us to reconstruct her life and activities and social behaviour was inappropriate,38 but none of thus unravel the mystery surrounding this woman this applied to Josef Haas. On the contrary, he was and her collection in Mozirje. It also gives us an in- a highly educated man, who spoke fluent Chinese sight into the personal life of her husband, beyond and was praised as the most knowledgeable sinolo- what we learn from the official reports and corre- gist.39 In his mid-twenties, he had translated the spondence that Haas submitted to the Austrian programme of the 1873 Vienna World’s Fair into government. a very sophisticated semi-classical Chinese,40 for Cabinet cards make up a large part of the con- which he was awarded the Golden Cross of Merit tents of Eleonore Haas’s folder in the Celje archive. This is a specific style of photographic portrait 34 Ibid. that emerged towards the end of the 19th century. 35 Ibid., 372. The rapid development of photography in the 36 In Memoriam: Josef Ritter von Haas, SI-ZAC/1008, Fond 19th century, followed by the proliferation of Eleonore von Haas, Celje Historical Archive. 37 Cf. Neff (2020, 52–53). 38 Frank Johnson 2018, 168. 41 Deusch 2017, 308. 40 The English programme of the world exhibition and Haas’s chová (2009). 43 Deusch 2017, 309. 39 Ibid. 42 For more on Haas’s life and work see Neff (2020) and Obu- translation into Chinese are kept in Eleonore’s personalia folder in the Celje Historical Archive. 44 Cartwright 1908b, 401. 249 photographic studios, led to large businesses of- for several years in Buenos Aires, Rio de Janeiro fering studio portraits in Shanghai, Hong Kong, and New York, where his parents had settled. He Nagasaki, Yokohama and other major cities in spent the next 50 years in China, mainly in Tian- Asia. Compared to the carte de visite, the photo- jin, where he worked in trade, accounting and fi- graphic format widely used previously, the cab- nance and specialised in the Chinese economy. inet card was larger and featured a logo and the He was a member of the Board of Directors of name of the photo studio on the back. Some of the Hotung Baugesellschaft, a construction com- the cabinet cards in Eleonore’s folder are decorat- pany founded in 1906 in the Austro-Hungarian ed on the reverse with a large, ornate text in ital- concession in Tianjin.47 He was also appointed ics which, together with the signature, confirms advisor to the commissioner for China at the Pana- that they were produced in the last two decades of ma-Pacific International Exposition of 1915.48 He the 19th century. Most of the cabinet cards show travelled extensively in China and wrote several ge- men, in the standard “western” format, with only ographical reports for the Austrian Geographical head and shoulders. A few of them have beautiful- Society and also books about his travels. In one of ly designed backgrounds.45 Of course, a fashion- his most comprehensive books, Travels in China able photo portrait raises many questions about 1894–1940, he described his first encounter with the person in the photo—when and where it was Eleonore and Josef Haas: taken, what the occasion was, who would receive copies and on what occasions—but it nevertheless When I first had arrived from America in also reveals a connection between the subject of Shanghai, in the Spring of 1894, immedi- the photo and its owner. In the case of Eleonore’s ately on descending the gangplank of the collection of cabinet cards, which are sometimes Nippon Yusen Kaisha steamer which had inscribed or signed, it is clear that they were given brought me from Japan, I went to leave vis- to the Haases by people who knew them. Among iting cards at the Austro-Hungarian Consu- them were Madame Blondin, Bertha Blondin, To- late General in front of our Steamer’s Jetty. maso di Savoia, Haüler L. (?), Emil S. Fischer, Carl The Consul General, the late Joseph von Pietzuk, Josef Hay junior, officer Biera, G. Mai- Haas, sent word that he would not hear of lasher (?), Pierre Burg (?), Emil Hirsch, Arthur my going away to a Hotel. Haas knew of me Rosthorn, Leopold Jedina, Max Eduard Goepfert and of my expected arrival; he made me stay, (Göpfert) and many others whose identity re- although a Consular party was just sitting quires further research. down to Tiffin. Mr. and Mrs. von Haas had While the list of members in the clubs or other on that occasion an elderly Doctor at ta- public institutions in which Haas was active shows ble, who that morning had returned from a the many influential people he knew and worked Great Journey into the largest and western- with in Shanghai, the names on the cabinet cards most of all Provinces of China, Szechwan.49 allow us to reconstruct the network of people he and his wife socialised with and with whom they This encounter sowed the seeds of a lifelong probably had closer relationships. It is illuminating friendship. Fischer clearly remained in con- to look briefly at the personalities involved. tact with Eleonore Haas after her husband’s Emil Sigmund Fischer (1865–1945) worked death and was aware of her situation after she as an accountant at the Deutsch-Asiatische Bank returned to Europe, as is evident from an entry in Shanghai from 1894 to 1898.46 He was born in in the personal index of his 1941 travel book: Vienna and moved to China in 1894 after living 47 Wright and Cartwright 1908, 751. 45 Thiriez 1999, 80. 48 Fischer 1941, 167. 46 Fischer 1941, 278. 49 Fischer 1941, ii. 250 Fig. 7: Emil S. Fischer, photo in Sze-yuen-Ming studio, Shanghai. Hand inscription on the back: “Seinem geschätzten Gönner u. Förderer, Herrn General Consul v. Haas u. Frau, In tiefer Hochschätzung von Privato Emil S Fischer, Shanghai Voluntar Corps (?) 1894/1896”. SI-ZAC/1008, signature 6. Fond Eleonore von Haas, Historical Archive Celje. 251 Fig. 8: Emil S. Fischer, unknown photographer. Hand inscription on the back: “Emil S. Fischer nahe dem See Bad Strande von Pei Tai Ho in 1937”. SI-ZAC/1008, signature 6. Fond Eleonore von Haas, Historical Archive Celje. 252 Fig. 9: Four postcards (carte postale) of Shanghai with handwritten labels by Emil S. Fischer, 1939–1940. SI-ZAC/1008, signature 30. Fond Eleonore von Haas, Historical Archive Celje. “Haas, Lola von Pertazzi, widow of the Consul important places connected with “Mrs Haas’s stay” General, who retired after her husband’s tragedy, [i.e. the time she had spent in Shanghai]. This to Mozirje in Jugo-Slavia.”50 Furthermore, their must have been sent on the occasion of his visit friendship is reflected in several photographs and to Shanghai during which he gave a lecture to the greetings sent to Eleonore, stored in her persona- North China Branch Royal Asiatic Society on 30 lia folder in Celje. There are two photos of him in November 1939.52 the style of cabinet cards from his time in Shang- Another acquaintance of the Haases, Arthur hai (fig. 7), a photo from 1903 taken in the USA Rosthorn (1862–1945), was a famous Austri- (he lived with his family in New York from 1899 an diplomat and sinologist, whom Haas wanted to 1906),51 a postcard with him and two other col- to recruit for the consular service shortly before leagues in Tianjin after his return to Tianjin and a his return to Austria in 1893 due to his excellent 1937 photo of an elderly Fischer sitting on a chair knowledge of the Chinese language and coun- by a table, with greetings from Beidaihe (北戴河) try.53 Eleonore’s collection includes a photo of him (Pei Tai Ho) (fig. 8). Two years later, on 26 No- taken in the Japanese studio T. Suzuki in Shang- vember 1939, the day of his birthday, he also sent hai. Max Eduard Göpfert (1875–1913), who sent four postcards with the panoramic view of Shang- greetings from Yokohama to Mr and Mrs Haas (fig. hai (fig. 9). On the postcards there are handwrit- 10), belonged to the family that owned the glass ten labels identifying the streets, hotels and other company J. Schreiber & Neffen with headquarters 50 Ibid., 329. 52 Ibid., 342. 51 Ibid., 293. 53 Cf. Kaminski and Unterrieder (1980). 253 Fig. 10: Max Eduard Göpfert with two Japanese women, Kōzaburō Tamamura studio in Yokohama, Japan. Hand inscription on the back: “Nicht der Sehnsucht nach japanischem Thee aber Japans Specialitäten habe das Opfer gebracht. To Mrs & Mr Josef v. Haas From M. Goepfert 2./3. 95”. SI-ZAC/1008, signature 15. Fond Eleonore von Haas, Historical Archive Celje. in Vienna and glassworks in Bohemia, Moravia, French from Pierre Burg (?), sent from Tianjin on a Hungary, Russian Poland and the German Em- cabinet card produced in the studio of the Japanese pire. We see him in three hand-coloured photos photographer Kusakabe Kimbei (1841–1934). (two from 1895, one undated), wearing Japanese This confirms that their circle of friends was not clothes and posing with stylishly dressed girls, limited to the Austrian expatriate community in probably geishas, in a typical Japanese setting of Shanghai—where in 1890 only 48 Austrians and the time. These photographs come from the studio Hungarians were living54—but that they belonged of Kōzaburō Tamamura (1856–1923?) in Yokoha- to an internationally mixed community, living and ma, Japan, who specialised in tourist photographs working in various cities in East Asia. and souvenir photo albums. On the reverse side Eleonore certainly knew the spouses of other Göpfert wrote his greetings or simply “Raritäten diplomats, officials or Shanghai residents and so- Specialitäten aus Japan” to Mrs & Mr Josef v. Haas. cialised with them, as is shown by the few group However, we cannot assume with certainty that photos portraying them at social gatherings. they were sent to the Haases from Yokohama. It Her collection of menus—of which she was an could be that the photos were presented when the avid collector—reveals a few more names, such friends met on a special occasion in 1895. Similar- as Mrs Sylva, Maria Malerie or Ms Kremer, but ly, Bertha Blondin’s cabinet card was produced in apart from these names her female friends mostly the Japanese studio Kudanzaka in Tokyo, while the remain anonymous. The Japanese women whose handwritten captions were written in Shanghai in portraits can be found in her collection have also 1890. In 1896, the Haases also received greetings in 54 Ibid., 448. 254 Fig. 11: Photograph of Japanese woman (Mori?) with a child. T. Suzuki in Shanghai, China, late 19th century. SI-ZAC/1008, signature 16. Fond Eleonore von Haas, Historical Archive Celje. 255 Fig. 12: Portrait of Chinese woman with two children. Inscription L. Yang. Late 19th century. SI-ZAC/1008, signature 16. Fond Eleonore von Haas, Historical Archive Celje. 256 Fig. 13: Portrait of a Chinese woman at a table with a cut flower in a vase and a fan in her hand. Studio in Nanjing Road, China, late 19th century. SI-ZAC/1008, signature 9. Fond Eleonore von Haas, Historical Archive Celje. 257 lost their identities over time. Only a pencil in- Japanese women, in the tradition of the Japanese scription on the reverse (e.g. Ohana, Kikunoisan, artists who portrayed beautiful women in ink and Odaisan) sometimes gives them back the names colour on silk or paper.56 However, the photographs by which they were known to Eleonore or by of Japanese women that form part of Eleo nore’s which she remembered them. The Japanese com- legacy are not representative of this commercial munity lived in the same part of the internation- photographic tradition. They are more personal, al settlement, so it is not surprising that she also and the sitters are mostly photographed in studios formed deeper friendships with Japanese women. in Shanghai, dressed in a kimono, in a modest, el- A photo of Mori, a Japanese woman who was egant and respectful pose and without a pompous probably married to a foreigner, suggests that she background (fig. 14). Handwritten inscriptions and Eleonore must have had a special relationship with names on some cards also bear witness to the (fig. 11). fact that the women belonged to Eleonore’s social This reinforces our conclusion that the Haases’ circle in Shanghai. circle of friends went beyond Europeans or Ameri- While Chinese women are almost absent from cans and included several Chinese and Japanese. It Eleonore’s legacy, there are several photographs of is interesting to note that while there are a number Chinese men, some with handwritten dedications, of portraits of Japanese women, Chinese women sent or given to her after she had already returned are largely absent from Eleonore’s photographic to Europe. The greetings are generally in German or legacy. Japanese women, who were also part of the French, but Li Dianzhang 李殿璋 (Litiantschang) expatriate community, had a different status from also wrote a dedication in Chinese, “哈士夫人哂 native Chinese women, who were mostly excluded 存李殿璋敬赠, 戊申三月” (“Mrs Haas, respect-from all activities outside the home and other so- fully presented by Li Dianzhang in March of the cial gatherings. There are only two photographs of Wushen year”) as well as German (fig. 15). This Chinese women: one pictured with two children raises the question of whether Eleonore learnt Chi- beside her in front of the entrance of a Chinese nese during her time in Shanghai. In her personalia house or other Chinese building (fig. 12) and a folder there are some Chinese documents and pa- beautiful young woman sitting modestly at a table pers, one of which deals with the laws and regu- with a cut flower in a vase and a fan in her hand lations of the Qing dynasty (1644–1912), which (fig. 13). could speak in favour of her knowing Chinese, but While the former may have had a closer rela- they could also have belonged to her husband, so tionship to Eleonore, perhaps as the wife of one of it is difficult to say for sure. However, the fact that her husband’s Chinese colleagues in the consulate Li Dianzhang wrote the dedication and her name or other public service, the latter displays a stand- in Chinese indicates that she may have had at least ard pose for Chinese women, whose photos were a basic knowledge of the Chinese language or that initially commissioned for private use but soon she was expected to appreciate a note written in turned into a commodity produced specifically for Chinese characters. the foreign market, usually without the consent or Li Dianzhang was the Qing government at- even knowledge of the person in the photograph.55 taché at the embassy in Austria.57 He and Eleonore They were transformed into exotic objects, visually probably met on 1 March 1908, as the signature attractive for foreign buyers. This therefore makes on his photo indicates. It is difficult to say whether it unlikely that the woman in the hand-coloured she already knew him from Shanghai or met him photo was an acquaintance of Eleonore. A simi- only after her return, but she certainly had friendly lar colonial photographic trend also developed in contact with representatives of the Chinese Qing Japan and many Japanese photographers depicted 56 Cf. Wakita and Wang (2022, 11–48). 55 Cf. Thiriez (1999). 57 Jing and Tian 2020, 75. 258 Fig. 14: Portrait of a Japanese women Ohana (?), Ye Chung in Shanghai, China, late 19th century. Hand inscription on the back: “Ohana”. SI-ZAC/1008, signature 16. Fond Eleonore von Haas, Historical Archive Celje. 259 Fig. 15: Li Dianzhang, photograph atelier Franc Knes, Vienna, Austria, around 1908. Hand inscription on the back: “Frau General Consul L. Haas zur freundlichen Erinnerung an C. G. Litiantschang, 1 März 1908. 哈士夫人哂存李殿璋敬赠”. SI-ZAC/1008, signature 16. Fond Eleonore von Haas, Historical Archive 260 Celje. government in Vienna, as evidenced by another who held several positions in the consular service two photographs in the collection. The official in in Korea, including as consul there, in Chongjin,62 the photo dated 4 June 1903 has not been identi- Yang Yulou (photo from the studio in Shanghai), fied, but the portrait dated 24 April 1905 (fig. 16) Liu Weh Kwei (on horseback), Liu (?) Ching and is of Yang Cheng (Yangtcheng), who according to several others whose identification is difficult due Emil Fischer was “Shanghai’s Foreign Office Com- to the scarcity of data. missioner and ex-Minister of China to Austria.”58 Eleonore probably formed most of her Chinese The inscription on the back of his photograph, acquaintances through the network of her husband, dedicated to “Frau General-Consul von Haas”, re- whose diplomatic work certainly required coop- veals that it was given to her in Vienna in 1905, eration with Chinese representatives of various confirming that he was in Vienna at the time, most public and state institutions. He is photographed probably serving as the Minister to Austria. Fischer with his Chinese colleague, Judge Cheng (Tseng), described him as an old friend who helped him ob- whose close relationship with Haas and whose tain the necessary permits to travel to the interior work with him at court sessions are described in of China.59 Given Fischer’s close friendship with the books by Leopold Jedina and Gustav Kreitner, the Haases, it is very likely that they all knew each writing about their experiences and contact with other from Shanghai and that Yang Cheng also be- Asia.63 They depict Haas as fulfilling his duties as longed to their inner circle of friends. foreign assessor, assisting the Chinese magistrate in Another prominent Chinese colleague, the Mixed Court (as mentioned above) in a friend-Yinchang 廕昌 (1859–1928), who signed his ly, conscientious, righteous and impartial manner, name as Yintchang on the back of his photo, with so that he was held in high esteem not only by for- the dedication “zur freundlichen Erinnerung” and eigners but also by the Chinese. Not only was Ele- the date 21 May 1891, was a military official and onore’s husband respected, however, but the many ambassador to Germany who was also appointed greetings and dedications she herself received after the first Minister of War in the late Qing dynasty. her return to Europe show that she was also held in He had previously enrolled at the Royal Prussian high esteem by the Chinese. Military Academy and was sent to the 84th Aus- Naval officers or commanders of the Aus- trian Infantry Regiment in Vienna as a lieutenant tro-Hungarian ships that sailed to East Asian wa- in 1883.60 Upon his return to China, he played an ters also played a special part in the Haases’ life. important role in negotiating the German claim Not only Josef but also Eleonore was photographed to Jiaozhou Bay 膠州灣 (Kiautschou Bay) and several times with ships’ officers. In one photo, she the harbour of Qingdao in Shandong as a result of is sitting on a wooden desk chair, wearing an ele- the First Sino-Japanese War (1894–1895) and led gant white dress, a modern round hat and holding the negotiations with Germany on the railway and a fan in her hand (fig. 17). The inscription reads: mining agreements in Shandong Province and the “Lola Haas am Bord der ‘Zriny’ 90. Nanking”. An- Qingdao concession.61 other group photo shows her in the same dress, Other Chinese colleagues whose photos or surrounded by the Zrinyi crew, with Josef Haas in postcards are preserved in Eleonore’s folder in- the background. Apart from visiting the crew on clude Ma Yongfa 馬永發 (Ma Yung Fah), a native the ship, the Haases also invited them to the con- of Nanhai (南海) in Guangdong, a diplomat in sulate, as the next two photos from Eleonore’s leg- the late Qing dynasty and the Republic of China, acy show (figs. 18 and 19). Here, we see the officers or other crew members of the Fasana, who had 58 Fischer 1941, iii. probably been invited to a party at the consulate 59 Ibid. 60 Seuberlich 1971, 569–83. 62 Waibu Zhoukan 1934, 36. 61 MacMurray 1921, 236–63. 63 Kaminski and Unterrieder 1980, 275. 261 Fig. 16: Yang Cheng (Yangtcheng), atelier Thurmann, Vienna, Austria, around 1905. Hand inscription on the back: “Frau General-Consul von Haas Zum freundlichen Andenken Yangtcheng. Wien, den 24. April, 1905”. SI-ZAC/1008, signature 16. Fond Eleonore von Haas, Historical Archive Celje. 262 Fig. 17: Eleonore on board the Zrinyi, Nanjing, China, 1890. Hand inscription: “Lola Haas am Bord der ‘Zrinyi’ 90. Nanking”. SI-ZAC/1008, signature 15. Fond Eleonore von Haas, Historical Archive Celje. Fig. 18: The crew of the Fasana, in front of the Austro-Hungarian Consulate, Shanghai, China, 1888. SI-ZAC/1008, signature 7. Fond Eleonore von Haas, Historical Archive Celje. 263 Fig. 19: Sunday party in front of the Austro-Hungarian Consulate, Shanghai, China, 1888. Hand inscription on the back: “Sonntagspartie vor dem austr.-ung. Ge. Consulate, Shanghai 1888”. SI-ZAC/1008, signature 7. Fond Eleonore von Haas, Historical Archive Celje. 264 by Consul General Haas. The same group of peo- special feature indeed—from a collection of more ple is photographed again in front of the building than 40 menus. This certainly deserves to be ex- in a wittily placed vertical composition with Haas plored further. For the purposes of this chapter, in the front. The inscription reads, “Sonntagspar- we will deal only with the various institutional so- tie vor dem austr.-ung. Ge. Consulate, Shanghai cial structures with which the Haases identified. 1888”. Although this photo was taken before Eleo- The most interesting—and the one that does not nore’s arrival in Shanghai, Haas’s friendly attitude, appear in any of the official or state reports—is which was praised by many officers and seamen,64 Freemasonry. The three menus of installation ban- certainly continued after his return from holiday quets and dinners, all held at the Shanghai Club in Europe with his new wife. Eleonore’s personalia in December of the three years 1892, 1893 and folder contains further photographs or documents 1894, show that Josef Haas served as a “Worship- confirming his and/or their friendly relations with ful Brother” in the Northern Lodge of China, No. the crews of the Aurora, Zriny, Fasana, and Kaiser- 570 E.C. and the Tuscan Lodge, No. 1027 (fig. 20). in Elisabeth and the Spanish warship Ulloa. Both lodges were English lodges under the Dis- The naval officer and author Leopold Jedina trict Grand Master of Northern China, with their (1849–1924) seems to have had a special rela- headquarters in the Masonic Hall on the Bund, tionship with Josef Haas, as he appears several built in 1867.66 The Masonic Club, founded in times in Eleonore’s photographic material, al- 1882, had a library, reading room, billiard room, though it is not certain whether she had the op- bar and other facilities. In the late 19th century, portunity to meet him. Leopold Jedina was an Freemasonry was so influential and flourished in officer on the corvette Fasana in East Asia in the Shanghai to such an extent that plans were made years 1887–1889, just two years before Eleonore to expand it.67 One of its important tasks was run-moved to Shanghai. He was also an instructor of ning the charity fund, which supported the public Archduke Leopold Ferdinand, a member of the schools, known as Masonic schools by 1893, and Habsburg ruling family of the Austro-Hungarian awarded scholarships.68 According to the 1904 monarchy, who was on board the Fasana at the travel guide, “the Masonic Body has taken a prom- time. Jedina later wrote a comprehensive book, An inent part in the most striking public functions in Asiens Küsten und Fürstenhöfen. Tagebuchblätter Shanghai, such as the Diamond Jubilee of Queen von der Reise Sr. Maj. Schiffes ‘Fasana’ und über Victoria.”69 den Aufenthalt an asiatischen Höfen in den Jahren Membership of two lodges is a clear indica- 1887, 1888 und 1889, which was published in Vi- tion of Haas’s role in these activities. Josef and enna and Olomouc in 1891 and in which he vivid- Eleonore Haas were thus active members of their ly describes the voyage of the corvette Fasana. He social circles and cultivated good relations with praised Haas as a self-sacrificing, friendly host and prominent and representative personalities from accomplished sinologist who, thanks to his 23-year England, Scotland, North America, France and stay, knew the language and customs of the coun- other countries. The menu collection reveals try like no other.65 they were invited to several important events or- We get a good picture of Josef and Eleonore’s ganised by Shanghai’s international high society. organised social life and the network of people One of these was the Caledonian Ball, held at the and institutions with which they interacted from Shanghai Club on 1 December 1890. The menu the photographs of their activities (e.g. playing shows the badge of the Order of the Thistle with tennis, visiting the botanical garden, attending theatre performances and weddings) and—a 66 Cartwright 1908a, 386. 67 Ibid., 390. 64 Benko 1892, 48; Kaminski and Unterrieder 1980, 193. 68 Ibid. 65 Kaminski and Unterrieder 1980, 193. 69 Darwent 1904, 152. 265 Fig. 20: Front and back cover of the invitation to the installation dinner of the Northern Lodge of China, No. 570 E.C., Shanghai Club, Shanghai, China. 21. 12. 1892. SI-ZAC/1008, signature 29. Fond Eleonore von Haas, Historical Archive Celje. St Andrew with the saltire and the Latin motto opportunities for the promotion and exchange of Nemo me impune lacessit (“No one attacks me with political, social and cultural views and, above all, impunity”). On 19 December 1894, they attend- gave people the chance to meet others. The Shang- ed the Jubilee dinner 1844–1894, which also took hai Club soon became the centre of business and place at the Shanghai Club and was most probably social life in the foreign settlement. To become a organised by the American community, according member, a candidate needed either to have lived in to the inscription “John A. Lowell” and “Boston, Shanghai for six months or to have been a member USA” on the left-hand side of the menu. of another recognised club.71 Josef Haas was cer- Both events were held at the Shanghai Club, tainly eligible for membership, if not even for hon- which was formed in 1862 and was soon to be- orary membership, a position reserved for min- come the largest and most influential gentlemen’s isters, consuls-general, consuls and judges, who club in Shanghai.70 In the 19th century, social life could become honorary members at the invitation was organised around various institutional sports, of the committee,72 as confirmed by invitations music, theatre, and masonic and other clubs. In to several distinguished events in the three-storey addition to the Shanghai Club, there were many red-brick building in the Bund. others, such as the Country Club, the Club Con- The collection of menus in Eleonore’s folder cordia, the Masonic Club, the Recreation Club, thus offers an unparalleled insight into the world of the Polo Club (to name but a few), which provided 71 Ibid. 70 Cartwright 1908a, 388. 72 Wright and Cartwright 1908, 166. 266 official social gatherings, dinners, inaugurations and coast of Shandong.75 In November 1898, the Iltis balls, giving a glimpse into the network of institu- monument was unveiled in Shanghai to commem- tions and individuals in which the Haases moved. orate the death of the crew,76 as was a stone obelisk Furthermore, a sketched seating arrangement drawn in memory of Josef Haas in the old French cemetery, on the back of two menus shows that Eleonore was erected by imperial order of the Austro-Hungarian also the hostess of such dinners, at the consulate or Foreign Ministry. Eleonore did not see the monu- other venues. Grand diplomatic lunches and recep- ment, but she was surely aware of it. Haas’s popularity tions were held at the consulate, as confirmed by and the lasting respect in which he was held is abun- the handwritten inscriptions on the postcards from dantly clear from the fact that some of the Haases’ Shanghai that Emil Fischer sent to Eleonore (fig. 9). surviving friends gathered here 41 years later, to We also get an idea of the Haases’ friendly relations mark the anniversary of his death.77 with the French community from an invitation to the “Grande Fête Champêtre”—Great Country Festival—organised on Sunday 28 June in honour The Path of the Valuable Collection of of Pierre Paul Mignard by the Friends of Duty and Objects Pleasure, under the patronage of the established au- thorities and with the support of the Orphéon Mu- After her husband’s death, Eleonore Haas left Chi- nicipal de Shanghai. The event, which took place in na. From Shanghai she travelled to Vienna, from Wusong 吳淞 (Woosung), a treaty port about 20 there to Graz and then in 1913 to Mozirje.78 She km north of the present-day city centre of Shanghai, and her valuable collection of objects probably celebrated the inauguration of Pierre’s Dock, which travelled by ship from Shanghai to Trieste, and was followed by a large banquet in the guardroom from there by train to Vienna. Later, they would and the planting of the first trees in Paul Park. We again have been taken by train to Graz and then can infer that the Haases took part in other inaugu- Celje. From Celje the journey continued by wag- ration ceremonies of newly constructed buildings or on to Mozirje. According to Matija Blagojevič and parks, too. Their attachment to the French commu- Cvetka Marjanovič, “Lola came to Mozirje with nity is also reflected in the menus of the first-class huge boxes”.79 This is also indirectly confirmed by Hôtel des Colonies, situated in the French settle- Marija Janko’s testimony. ment in Rue Montauban.73 Eleonore deposited any boxes with items she Eleonore Haas would probably have climbed did not need or could not use in the paint facto- even higher in the social ladder, had it not been for a ry in Mozirje, which was then owned by the Graz tragic swimming accident. While on holiday on the industrialist Friedrich Hocke80 and which passed island of Putuo, opposite Ningpo, with Eleonore and their friends—Italian consul Ernesto Ghisi, 75 Drowned at Sea, SI-ZAC/1008, Fond Eleonore von Haas, his wife, Mrs Dr. Edkins, Pastor Hackmann, their Historical Archive Celje. a few others—Josef Haas drowned in the sea on 77 Krause 1937. 78 Čeplak Mencin 2012, 90. 26 July 1896. friend Brandt from the customs department, and 76 Darwent 1904, 6. 74 The newspaper report preserved in Eleonore’s legacy blamed Haas’s death on the same 79 Interviewed by Barbara Trnovec, in Mozirje, on 19 August typhoon that caused the death of the crew of the 2023. German ship Iltis, which was shipwrecked off the 80 The company Kemična industrija Mozirje was founded in 1898 by the Graz industrialist Friedrich Hocke. After the First World War, it was taken over by Alojz Goričar, who lived locally, and who then, together with his compan- ions, founded the company Savinjska tovarna barv in lesnih 73 Ibid., ix. izdelkov Goričar & drugi, which produced earthen paints 74 In Memoriam: Josef Ritter von Haas, SI-ZAC/1008, Fond and wood products. It was nationalised in 1948 and the Eleonore von Haas, Historical Archive Celje. state company Kemična industrija Mozirje was founded. 267 to her relative Alojz Goričar after the First World in many different directions. It is said that objects War. She completely furnished the apartment in from the house were also carried around by chil- Štrucl (see above), or Pečnik’s house, in which she dren from the town, who even organised several lived later, with furniture and decorative and useful flea markets. It is very likely that further research items that she brought from China. She kept part along these paths will lead to the discovery of some of her collection in an extra room in this house, objects from the Haas collection, but the only ob- while the remaining boxes remained in the factory. jects from Eleonore’s collection in Mozirje current- In all, Eleonore kept the objects she brought ly known to the authors are a few items that she from China for almost four decades, or until the gave to Ani Goričar, Nikolaj Marjanovič’s grand- end of her life. On the basis of the collected testi- mother, which are now in the possession of his wife monies and the preserved material—mostly pho- Cvetka Marjanovič. A textile with embroidered tographs and documents, and few objects—we can orchids is also in the possession of her daughter conclude with a very high probability that she was Sergeja Marjanovič Pregelj. Apart from that, Mati- well aware of the value of this collection. At no ja Blagojevič has some photos and documents that time in her life did she attempt to sell or give away he inherited from his aunt Marija Mary Goričar, any objects that she brought to Mozirje, making the Mozirje Library possesses a translation of the only the occasional gift of an individual item, and programme of the Vienna World’s Fair of 1873 she cared faithfully for it through peace and war. In into Chinese by Josef Haas, dated 1872, and some the 1940s, she intended to take it with her to Graz, handmade drawings, while Eleonore’s personal pa- but death overtook her. pers, photographs, postcards and other documents In 1943, immediately after Eleonore’s death, are kept in her personalia folder in the Celje His- part of her collection was taken by truck to Graz by torical Archive, as discussed above. her relative, Olga Kieslinger, née Goričar. Accord- ing to Matija Blagojevič and Cvetka Marjanovič, this part of her collection was later fragmented, The Nature and Acquisition of and the greater part is now most probably pre- the Collection: Eleonore’s Role in served somewhere near Innsbruck.81 Photographs Collecting Activities of some of these objects in Graz are kept by Cvetka Marjanovič in Mozirje. The part of the collection Besides enquiring into the current whereabouts that remained in the factory in Mozirje passed into of the items in Eleonore’s collection, we should the hands of the last owners of the factory, Bruno also consider how she acquired them, and wheth- (1894–1972) and Fani Goričar (1899–1979). Ac- er she played an important part in assembling cording to various, more or less credible testimo- the collection alongside her husband. Although nies,82 they took from the factory several wooden the surviving documents in Celje reveal Elenora’s crates containing items from the collection to network of acquaintances and close friends and their house in the centre of Mozirje after the fac- the significant role she played in Shanghai high tory was nationalised in 1948. During Bruno and society, they tell us nothing about her collecting Fani Goričar’s lifetime and especially after their activities. And yet she managed the transport of death, the items from the collection were scattered many boxes full of all kinds of Chinese artefacts not only to Vienna, but also to a small provincial 81 Interviewed by Barbara Trnovec, in Mozirje, on 19 August After joining Cinkarna, the company was renamed Kemija town in Styria in what was then Austria-Hungary. Celje and became a unit of Cinkarna (Kamra 2013). Although only a few smaller objects are currently known to the authors of this chapter, the surviv- 2023. ing photographs of her house and the house of 82 They are based on conversations with various interlocutors her relatives in Graz, who took over part of her from Mozirje, conducted by Barbara Trnovec in the period July–September 2024. 268 Figs. 21a and 21b: Set of porcelain and of decorative plates, photographed in Mozirje or Celje. 1913–1943. Collection of Eleonore Haas. Photographs kept by Matija Blagojevič in Mozirje. collection after her death, show a wide variety Schönbergers, who kept the boxes, to hand them of objects, including porcelain vases and plates, over to his wife: Buddhist sculptures and other religious artefacts, incense burners, bronze bells, silk robes with em- The Schönbergers also have a few boxes that broidery, embroidered screens and even carved should be given to my wife without further furniture (figs. 3, 21–29). Were all these objects ado; they contain artefacts (?), books and acquired by Eleonore or are they an inheritance curiosities. The Schönbergers have kindly from her husband? Were they both closely in- taken custody of the boxes; there is also a volved in the collecting activities? box of mine in the Court Museum for safe- Further research in Josef Haas’s personalia fold- keeping (books, bronze drum), which my er, which is kept in the State Archives in Vienna, wife is to take with her. I ask my wife not to shows that he bequeathed several boxes of Chinese give it to the Court Museum. I have done artefacts, books and other curiosities to his wife. more for the museum than any other consul. In the section of his Will entitled Verhaltung bei The museum [those responsible there] lacks Ausführung meines Testamentes (“Conduct in the gratitude.83 execution of my Will”), he clearly instructed the 83 Josef Haas Personalia Folder. Austrian State Archive. 269 from Shanghai or Hong Kong to Trieste via the Austro-Hungarian Lloyd’s Steamship Compa- ny.85 During his one-year service in Korea (1883– 1884), he also acquired Korean objects for the Natural History Museum, including three Korean skulls from graves in or near Seoul.86 According to the Chronicle & Directory for China, Japan & the Philippines of 1877, Haas was also the only repre- sentative for the Art Union of Bohemia.87 His in- put can also be seen in Budapest in the garden of the Ferenc Hopp Museum of Asiatic Arts, where he supported Ferenc Hopp (1833–1919) with the construction of the Chinese Moon Gate, the most representative part of the villa’s garden, by helping him to buy roof tiles, decorations, stone lions and stone tablets directly from China.88 It is safe to assume that Josef Haas was also the author of the anonymous 52-page study in the Celje Historical Archive on Chinese numismat- ics and the early history of China from the leg- endary Chinese ruler Yandi 炎帝 to the middle period of the Tang dynasty (618–907), given his excellent command of the Chinese language, and the fact that he was also a member of the Numis- Fig. 22: Bronze incense burner. China. Qing dynasty (?). matic Society in Vienna and the renowned North Collection of Eleonore Haas. Kept in Graz (?). Photograph China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society in kept by Cvetka Marjanovič in Mozirje. Shanghai.89 Although it was difficult to become a member of the Royal Asiatic Society, as mem- bers had to be recommended and approved by the In the same document we also read the instruc- Council, Haas joined as early as 1869 and served tions to his wife to “take the boxes in the custody of as Vice-President from 1882, later even being Mr Eiter to Europe”, while another box of precious appointed Honorary Librarian.90 His contribu-bronzes was placed in the custody of Giuseppe Bas- tion to the Society is also mentioned by Arnold sevi in Trieste, a businessman who had founded a Wright and H. A. Cartwright, in the context of large sugar export company.84 This makes it very likely, therefore, that many of the boxes Eleonore 85 1 box of scientific objects, 7 boxes of natural historical ob- brought to Mozirje were bequeathed to her by her jects, 3 boxes of sundries, 2 boxes of Chinese household husband. Josef Haas was one of the main suppliers items, 5 boxes of museum goods, 6 packages of zoological of Chinese objects to the Natural History Museum objects, 29 packages of ethnographical objects, 14 packages in Vienna and other museums in Austria-Hunga- containing ethnographical and zoological objects and 1 case containing herbarium (Haas Josef, Archive of the Natural ry. The shipping documents kept in the archives of History Museum, Vienna). the Viennese Natural History Museum show that 86 Neff 2020, 60. he sent at least 68 crates of natural history, eth- 87 “The Shanghai Directory” 1877, 291. nographic, zoological and other museum objects 88 See chapter in this book by Gyorgyi Fajcsák. 89 Deusch 2017, 308. 84 (Neuigkeits) Welt Blatt 1909, 8. 90 Neff 2020, 52, 55 and 64; Deusch 2017, 308. 270 the detailed description of the treaty harbours in Ningpo inlaid work.”96 The guidebook specifical-China which they published in 1908.91 ly mentions shops with Chinese brass, porcelain, Josef Haas was thus certainly the main agent for inlaid work, cloisonné bamboo, and lacquerware, the Austro-Hungarian institutions in their search and refers to Lee Tai on Nanjing Road or shops for Chinese artefacts. In recognition of his achieve- on Jiangsu and Sichuan Roads. There were also ments in enriching the collections of the Natural shops in the French settlement, and the guide ad- History Museum in Vienna, he was even awarded vises travellers to visit the numerous pawnbrokers, the Order of the Iron Crown III Class in 1889.92 too.97 Eleonore would certainly have been famil-It is interesting to note, however, that the corre- iar with the variety of merchants, from whom she spondence between Haas and the Natural History most probably bought beautifully embroidered Museum intensified after 1890, one year after his silk robes, as we can see from the surviving photo- marriage to Eleonore.93 Moreover, all 68 crates graphs and four pieces of embroidered textiles pre- of objects sent to the Natural History Museum, served in Mozirje. One of them shows a woman’s whose shipping records have been preserved, were jacket embroidered with flowers on blue silk (fig. sent between 1890 and 1895, the time when Ele- 23), two others present decorative ribbons with onore was with him in Shanghai.94 Was he support- flowers, bats, butterflies, pavilions and other motifs ed and encouraged by his wife after her arrival in with auspicious meanings, while a silk embroidery Shanghai? As Haas was busy with numerous com- in frame depicts orchids. The inscription (Guangxu mercial, business, diplomatic and other matters jiu nian xing yue 光绪九年杏月) dates this piece and worked intensively from morning to night,95 to February of the ninth year of the Guangxu Em- it is quite possible that Eleonore took over some peror (1875–1908), i.e. 1883. The inscription be- of his responsibilities related to the selection and low ( Shenmen shenshi zhu 沈門沈氏助) indicates acquisition of objects. the workshop, or that it was made in the Shen em- When Eleonore arrived in the multinational broidery style. This is one of the traditional craft and cosmopolitan city of Shanghai, she will have traditions of embroidery, which originated in the found herself at the centre of a dynamic art market, city of Suzhou in southern China, near Shanghai. with numerous Chinese and Japanese shops sell- Other photographs showing Eleonore and her ing various types of objects. This must have made friends in Chinese clothing and with fans indicate a significant impact as she started a new life, try- that she had quite a large collection of Chinese ing to adapt to a new culture that was so different clothing, shoes, hats and other textiles, including from anything she had experienced before. The imperial and official robes with rank badges. She 1904 travel guide to Shanghai directs the tourist must have chosen many of these herself. She was to many Chinese, Japanese and Indian “curiosities” surrounded by high society, in a milieu in which it with “high-class goods”, mostly located along Nan- was customary to decorate one’s home with Chi- jing Road, with some also on Jiangsu (Kiangse) or nese antiques. Sichuan (Szechuen) Roads. They offered a variety Considering how Eleonore furnished her home of items, such as silver and gold, but also “Canton- in Mozirje—and the effort she must have put into ese silks, blackwood and porcelain, ivory, jewellery, transporting the objects across the globe, given the long distance, long journey time and paucity of travel options—it is very likely that Chinese ob- 91 Cartwright 1908a, 386. jects also found their way into the decoration of 92 Deusch 2017, 310. her married living quarters in Shanghai, although 93 See Haas Josef, Archive of the Natural History Museum, there are no photographs to confirm this. We do Vienna. 94 Ibid. 96 Darwent 1904, xviii, xix. 95 Kaminski 1980, 274. 97 Ibid, xix. 271 Fig. 23: Woman’s jacket embroidered with flowers on blue silk, China, Qing dynasty. Collection of Eleonore Haas. Kept by Cvetka Marjanovič in Mozirje. have a photograph of Eleonore posing with a friend table in the centre of the room with several pieces in Chinese dress in front of a four-panel folding of porcelain on it. The display cabinets next to the screen with embroidered bird-and-flower motifs, wall in both rooms were filled with porcelain and but it is not clear where it was taken. It could be cloisonné vases, jars and bowls, as well as Buddhist from Shanghai, but her flats in Vienna or Graz are sculptures. Various types of vessels were also placed also possible locations (fig. 24). above the two cabinets. The display cabinet with The two black-and-white photographs of Eleo- the Buddhist sculptures is richly carved and dec- nore’s house in Mozirje do, however, provide a orated with many motifs and has numerous open valuable insight into how she displayed Chinese shelves, cabinets and drawers. It features a type of objects, which objects she favoured and how her furniture known in China as duobaoge 多寶閣 collection defined her living space (figs. 3 and 25). (“shelf of many treasures or display cabinet”), Both are undated and they contain no informa- which appeared in the Qing dynasty and was used tion about the precise location, but it is clear that specifically to display antiques in multiple com- two different rooms were furnished with Chinese partments, while still giving the whole arrangement artefacts. This is consistent with the statement by the appearance of a single unit. Eleonore achieved Marija Janko, who mentioned that Eleonore lived a similar effect by placing two Buddhist figures in in two rooms, while at the same time she had an- the centre of the two open shelves and placing oth- other room upstairs where she kept other artefacts. er objects next to them. Next to the cabinet was a In addition, the arrangement of the furniture and large porcelain vase with a large porcelain bowl on the framed pictures on the walls confirm that two top. In the other photo, with four friends in Chi- of the photographed rooms were her living quar- nese dress, we see a large porcelain plate on the wall ters. In both living rooms, there was a western-style above the silk hanging depicting immortals. 272 Fig. 24: Eleonore and her friend in front of the panel. Photographed in Shanghai, Vienna or Graz, late 19th or early 20th century. Photograph kept by Matija Blagojevič in Mozirje. 273 Fig. 25: One of two rooms with Chinese objects in Mozirje. Photograph kept by Matija Blagojevič in Mozirje. Four further black-and-white photographs include a curved staff, a peach of immortality, a show four different sets of objects: porcelain vas- tortoise and a stag as further symbols of longevi- es, decorative plates, Buddhist and other religious ty. While these are all old black-and-white photo- sculptures, and textile pieces (figs. 21, 26 and 27). graphs, the colour photographs from Graz give an The photographs were taken in Mozirje or Celje. It insight into the richness of colour in her home as seems that Eleonore grouped the most representa- well as the type of objects she displayed. As far as tive objects into four sets, probably in order to take porcelain is concerned, she seems to have favoured photographs. The photograph of sculptures reveals blue-and-white porcelain, although several other quite a number of seated Buddhas and Bodhisat- coloured porcelain vases also adorned her living tvas, that might date back to the Ming dynasty spaces (fig. 29). (1368–1644). One of them is Cundī, a female All this places Eleonore among the more sys- Indian Buddhist deity who is depicted with eight- tematic collectors who are able to organise and een arms, each wielding a tool symbolising skil- compare their acquired objects in order to distin- ful means, while eighteen arms also represent the guish some details and make identifications.98 She eighteen merits for attaining Buddhahood. There was clearly personally attached to the objects and are also some other sculptures of popular belief, probably played an important role in their acqui- such as the god of longevity Shouxing (壽星), one sition. Moreover, although she gave some objects of the three stellar gods collectively known as Fu- to her friends and relatives on special occasions, lushou (福祿壽). He is usually depicted as a beard- she did not give or sell a single object from her ed old man with a high forehead. Other attributes 98 Pearce 1992, 84. 274 Fig. 26: Set of Buddhist and other religious sculptures. Fig. 27: Set of textile pieces with embroidery. Photograph Photograph in Mozirje or Celje. 1913–1943. Collection of in Mozirje or Celje. 1913–1943. Collection of Eleonore Eleonore Haas. Photograph kept by Matija Blagojevič in Haas. Photograph kept by Matija Blagojevič in Mozirje. Mozirje. extensive collection to museums—which would Natural History Museum and the Court Library, certainly have been interested in acquiring them— as can be seen from the correspondence of 1898 but preferred to keep the collection in its entirety between Franz Heger (1853–1931), the Head of at home despite her financial issues. There is only the Anthropological-Ethnographic department of one object in the Weltmuseum (formerly a de- the Natural History Museum, and Rudolf Geyer, partment of the Natural History Museum) in Vi- who worked in the Court Library.99 enna that Eleonore sold after her husband’s death. It is the bronze drum (fig. 28). This must be the drum that Haas had mentioned in his Will with Conclusion the request that it not be given to the museum, as he had already sent and donated more to the mu- We can conclude that Eleonore Haas was not just seum than any other consul. As it was already in a passive observer of her husband’s collecting activi- the Natural History Museum together with Euro- ties for the museums but must have played an active pean, Japanese and Chinese books at the time of role in selecting the objects, probably also those that Haas’ death, Eleonore probably decided to sell it were packed in the boxes for the Natural History for practical reasons. She also sold books to the 99 Heger 1898; Geyer 1898. 275 Museum. Most of these “ethnographic” objects, as transported and moved—in her case not just to one they were labelled in the shipping documents, are place, but to several—some were most probably now in the Weltmuseum in Vienna. It is interesting lost. What kind of objects were kept in the factory to note that the Haas collection in the museum today also requires further investigation, but we can infer (e.g. porcelain and cloisonné vases and other vessels, from the selection with which Eleonore furnished religious sculptures, and silk embroideries) contains her house and from the Haas collection in the Welt- objects similar in type, style and decoration to those museum that the boxes would have contained sim- Eleonore kept at home. Her personal taste and her ilar types of objects, or simply objects that did not preference for blue-and-white porcelain, Buddhist fit into the furnishings of her home because of their sculptures and silk embroideries are thus also reflect- size, value or character. There must also have been ed in the collection of the Weltmuseum. more valuable bronzes. According to Haas’ Will, How large Eleonore’s collection was, how it was Eleonore should have taken charge of another box dispersed and where it ended up will be the sub- of bronzes that was kept in Trieste. Questions re- ject of further research. As already mentioned, she lating to the numismatic collection also remain un- brought so many objects to Mozirje that she had answered. A comprehensive study on numismatics, to store them in the factory. Part of the collection which deals in detail with coins from different pe- went to Austria, part was scattered around Mozirje. riods and contains sketches of various coins, is kept How many pieces she had already passed on to her in Eleonore’s personalia folder in Celje. This would friends and relatives in Vienna and Graz is difficult indicate that the Haases had also acquired a coin to say, but as is so often the case when objects are collection. A letter from the Austro-Hungarian Fig. 28: Bronze drum. D. 47,7 cm; H. 28 cm, China. Collection of Eleonore Haas, inv. no. 63484. Weltmuseum Wien. Photograph by Clemens Radauer. ©KHM-Museumsverband. 276 and hope that the moon will always be round and people will always be healthy (yue xi chang yuan ren xi jian 月喜長圓人喜健).101 The rest can only be seen in old photographs, which makes it diffi- cult to accurately assess the collection. However, the surviving photographs show that the collection comprises blue and white porcelain, some of which was probably made in Jingdezhen (景德鎮) dur- ing the Kangxi period (r. 1661–1722), bronze and porcelain sculptures, that might date back to Ming dynasty, embroidered textiles, particularly Qing imperial and official robes with rank badges and richly carved furniture from Qing dynasty. The objects were systematically arranged in sets that show a preference for four types of objects: porce- lain, plates, sculptures and textiles. Whilst some of them, such as embroidery, furniture and some por- celain vases, were contemporary and date from the 19th century, others—especially Buddhist sculp- tures and blue-and-white porcelain—date from earlier periods. All in all, we hold out hopes that one of the many trails we are pursuing will lead to the missing treasures that will allow us to analyse Eleonore’s collection in more detail. Fig. 29: Porcelain vase. China, Qing dynasty. Collection of Eleonore Haas. Kept in Graz. Photograph kept by Cvetka Marjanovič in Mozirje. consulate in Shanghai dated 30 November 1897 reveals that Eleonore was to receive a box of coins from Shanghai, as they had not managed to sell them after Josef Haas’s death.100 Whether or not she received them remains a mystery. Perhaps they were stored together with many other objects in the paint factory in Mozirje. A more in-depth analysis of the size and value of her collection will therefore not be possible un- less the items from her collection which have been scattered across Slovenia and Austria can be dis- covered and identified, piece by piece. In addition to the textiles mentioned above, there are currently only a few objects left in Mozirje: a small porcelain cup set into a metal mug, a metal vase and a wood- en plaque with the inscription expressing blessing 100 Letter from General Consulate in Shanghai, dated 30 No- 101 There were a pair of wooden plaques, one was taken to 277 vember 1897. Josef Haas Personalia Folder. Graz. Archival Sources Fischer, Emil S. 1941. Travels in China 1894–1940. Tientsin (Tianjin): The Tientsin Press, Ltd. 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Leiden: Brill. 279 Contributors Tina BERDAJS is a research assistant with a Michela MESSINA, art historian, graduate of the doctorate at the Department of Asian Studies University of Trieste (1996) and specialised at the of the Faculty of Arts, University of Ljubljana, University of Pisa (2000), was formerly curator of and the Science and Research Centre Koper. As a the Museum of Oriental Art in Trieste and is cur- member of the research project Life of the Skušek rently curator of the Museum Sartorio in the same Collection (J6-4618), she is currently researching town. She has curated exhibitions and permanent collectors’ biographies and object provenance. collections. She has also published monographs as Her general research interests include East Asian well as articles and essays in national and interna- collections, emphasising Chinese and Japanese tional specialist books and magazines, with par- ceramics, object biographies, provenance re- ticular regard to the applied arts and the cultural search, and the histories of collecting and exhib- history of textiles and costume. iting East Asian art. Email: michela.messina@comune.trieste.it Email: tina.berdajs2@gmail.com Helena MOTOH is a Senior Research Fellow at the Györgyi FAJCSÁK is a Sinologist and Director Science and Research Centre Koper and Assistant of the Ferenc Hopp Museum of Asiatic Arts. She Professor at the Faculty of Arts, University of Lju- pursued her studies at the Eötvös Loránd Univer- bljana. She holds degrees in Sinology and Philosophy, sity in Budapest, at the University of Beijing, and and earned a PhD in Philosophy with a dissertation at the University of London’s School of Oriental on 18th-century philosophical exchanges between and African Studies. Her main fields of research China and Europe. Her research explores Asian col- are the history of collecting Asian art in Hun- lections in Europe, the history of Europe-Asia interac- gary, Chinese ceramic art, Chinese painting in tions, and intercultural philosophy. Dr Motoh leads the 19th‒20th centuries, and Buddhist art. From the research project The Life of the Skušek Collection: 1990 to the present, she has been curating and From the Living Room to a Virtual Museum and has cocurating numerous exhibitions on Chinese art. contributed to projects including East Asian Collec-She is also the author of several monographs and tions in Slovenia, Slovenian Missionary Women in In- articles as well as the collections’ catalogues at the dia, and Orphaned Objects. She codeveloped the East Ferenc Hopp Museum of Asiatic Arts. Asian Collections in Slovenia website and database. Email: gyorgyi.fajcsak@hoppmuseum.hu In 2020, as part of the East Asian Collections in Slo- venia team, she received the Prometheus of Science Award for Excellence in Science Communication. Email: Helena.Motoh@zrs-kp.s 281 Lukas NICKEL holds the chair of art history of Foundation, which he used to focus on the history Asia at the Institute of Art History, University of of porcelain, lacquer art, and Japanese design. Vienna. He studied modern and classical Sinology Email: filip.suchomel@volny.cz (Berlin), Oriental Archaeology (Halle), and Art History of East Asia (Heidelberg). Before coming Barbara TRNOVEC (Celje Regional Museum) is to Vienna, he worked as curator at the Museum a cultural anthropologist and ethnologist, curator of East Asian Art Cologne and taught art history and museum consultant, researcher, and publicist. and archaeology of East Asia at Zurich University, One of her areas of research from 2014 to 2023 was UCL, and SOAS, University of London. He has collections including East Asian objects held by the also worked in situ as an archaeologist in China. Celje Regional Museum (the Collection of Objects Much of his work concentrates on issues related from Asia and South America and the Alma Karlin to Bronze Age, early Imperial, and Buddhist Chi- Collection). She has been researching the life and na. Recently he added the early modern reception work of Eleonore Haas since 2021. Trnovec focused of Chinese art in Europe to his fields of interest. A on her biography, in particular on her life in Mozirje major focus of his work is investigating China’s role (Slovenia) in the period 1913‒1943, and on the path in the history of Eurasia. taken by the East Asian objects collected by her hus- Email: lukas.nickel@univie.ac.at band, the Austro-Hungarian Consul General Josef Haas, and her role in this. After Eleonore von Haas’s Agnes SCHWANZER is a master’s student of art death, however, the artefacts were dispersed and this history at the University of Vienna specialising in remains the subject of Trnovec’s further research. East Asian Art. She is also a librarian at the Theat- Email: barbara.trnovec@pokmuz-ce.si ermuseum in Vienna. Since 2022, she has been working at the Weltmuseum Wien on a research Nataša VAMPELJ SUHADOLNIK is a Professor project entitled “Japan at the Vienna World Exhi- at the Department of Asian Studies, Faculty of Arts, bition 1873”. University of Ljubljana. She received her PhD from Email: agnes.schwanzer@theatermuseum.at the University of Ljubljana (2006). Her research areas include East Asian material culture and col- Filip SUCHOMEL, Ph.D., is a Prague-born art lecting history, East Asian cultural heritage in Slo-historian and Japanologist, graduated from Charles venia, traditional and modern Chinese art, Chinese University in Prague, currently director of the Mu- funerary art, and Chinese Buddhist art. She led two seum of Fine Arts in Liberec and a professor at the projects funded by the Slovenian Research Agency Technical University there. He focuses on the re- on East Asian collections in Slovenia. The project search of Japanese and Chinese art, with special em- team of the East Asian Collections in Slovenia was phasis on cultural exchange between the East and awarded the Prometheus of Science for Excellence the West. He is working with collections of Chinese in Communication for 2020 by the Slovenian Sci- and Japanese art in Czech museums, castles, and ence Foundation. She also led the project team at chateaus. Suchomel has been the author of many the Faculty of Arts within PAGODE – Europeana publications, including monographs on Japanese China (2020–2021), which aimed to digitise and and Chinese Porcelain and lacquerware from the present Chinese heritage in the European digital main Czech collections or on the history of Japa- library Europeana. Vampelj Suhadolnik was the nese and Chinese photography. He was a member initiator, cofounder, and first president of the Eu-of the group of specialists describing the Japanese ropean Association for Asian Art and Archaeology porcelain from the August the Strong collection in (EAAA). She regularly publishes research in Slove- the Kunstsammlungen in Dresden. His research has nian and international journals. been supported three times by grants from the Japan Email: natasa.vampeljsuhadolnik@ff.uni-lj.si 282 Johannes WIENINGER studied art history and archaeology at the University of Vienna. From 1982 until 2019 he was curator of the Asia Collec- tion and a member of the research staff at the MAK, Museum of Applied Arts, Vienna. He curated nu- merous exhibitions and was responsible for the in- stallation of the permanent gallery of East Asia at the MAK in 1993 and 2014/16. He was a guest cu- rator at the Museum of Western Art in Tokyo and at the Tokyo National Museum between 1990 and 1991. From 2001 until 2017 he was sworn court expert for Asian Art. He was also a guest lecturer at the University Vienna between 2017 and 2024. Email: wieninger@wieninger.com Bettina ZORN is head of the East Asian Collection (since 1995) and chief curator in charge of research projects at Weltmuseum Wien, Austria. She stud- ied Sinology, archaeology, and anthropology, and obtained her PhD in Chinese archaeology in 1991. Besides curating exhibitions on Chinese archaeolo- gy, Korean folk traditions, and Japanese Edo-period collections, she has led research projects on the Sie- bold collection together with colleagues of the Na- tional Museum of Japanese History and initiated a database on Japanese objects from the 1873 Vienna World Exhibition. Additionally, she is engaged in provenance research about the Imperial Navy col- lections of the Dual Monarchy Austria-Hungary, as well as in research into the 19th-century Chinese collections at Weltmuseum Wien. Email: Bettina.Zorn@weltmuseumwien.at 283 Index A Bowra, Edward Charles, 22–24, 30, 35, 37–38, Albert, Prince of Wales, 59, 63 59 Alcock, Rutherford, 77, 116 Boyce, Robert H., 23 Allesch, Emilie, 113 Brandt, Max, 222 Ando Taro 安藤郎, 59 Braunerová, Zdeňka, 158 Andrássy, Gyula (Julius), 19, 35, 37–39, 53, Breuer, Otakar, 155 59–61, 63 Bruck, Carl Ludwig, 132 Arnhold, Jacob, 35 Brugsch, Heinrich, 51 Auersperg, Adolf, 50 Bucher, Bruno, 127 Augusta of Sachsen-Weimar-Eisenach, Empress of Bucher, Richard, 124 Germany, 51, 61 Bude, Leopold, 240 Avbelj, Engelhard, 180, 184, 193–194, 198 Burg, Pierre, 250, 254 Burger, Wilhelm, 107, 117–118, 172 B Banhans, Anton, 59, 61, 63 C Baraga, Friderik, 179, 183 Caccia, Antonio, 139 Bassevi, Giuseppe, 270 Calderoni, Stefano, 219–220 Battisti di San Giorgio, Maria, 205 Calice, Heinrich Joseph Aloys (also as de Calice, Becker, J., 124 Enrico), 6–7, 15–16, 18–22, 24–26, 30–40, Besso, Salvatore, 147 48, 59, 66, 69, 136, 222 Biera, officer, 250 Caprin, Giuseppe, 132, 150 Bing, Samuel, 108, 158, 163 Carlassare, Vincenzo Epifanio, 180 Bismarck, Carl Heinrich, 24 Cartwright, H. A., 247–250, 265–266, Bittorfer, Georg (Jurij), 209 270–271 Blaas, Julius, 173, 175 Cartwright, William, 23 Blagojevič, Marija Mary, née Goričar, 239, Cézanne, Paul, 148 242–245, 267–269, 273–275 Cheng (Tseng), Judge, 261 Blondin, Bertha, 250, 254 Chittussi, Antonín, 158 Blondin, Madame, 250 Chung Ye, 259 Blum, 117 Covi, Ruggero, 198 Bolaffio, Vittorio, 147–148 Cunliffe-Owen, Philip, 51, 66 Bolts, William, 130–131 Currò, Rosario, Jr., 144–145 Bosio, Federica, 198 285 D Franz Ferdinand of Austria-Este, 139–140, 144 de Bellonet, Henry, 37 Franz Joseph I of Austria, Emperor, 19, 49–51, de Champs, Emile, 23 59–60, 75, 107, 133, 136, 138 de Geofroi (or Geofroy), François Henri Louis, 20 Frič, Antonin, 154 De Grassi, Gioachino, 148 Frimmel, Theodor, 108, 112 de Marchesetti, Carlo, 140–142, 144 de Nilma, Mario Morpurgo, 134–135 G de Tommasini, Muzio, 140 Gagern, Maximilian, 59–61, 63 Deschmann, Karl, 205 Gauguin, Paul, 147–148 Detring (or Dertino), Gustav, 23, 35, 51, 57, 59 Georgina, Countess of Dudley, 59 di Borbone-Parma, Enrico, Count of Bardi, 139–140 Geyer, Rudolf, 275 Doblhoff, Josef, 173, 175 Ghisi, Ernesto, 267 Doré, Henri, 184, 189 Goldmann Besso, Amalia, 147–148 Drasche-Wartimberg, Richard, 175 Göpfert, Max Eduard, 239, 250, 253–254 Drew, Edward Bangs, 23, 59 Goričar, Alojz, 267–268 Dubský, Erwin, 172–173, 175 Goričar, Ani, 268 Durdík, Pavel, 158 Goričar, Bruno, 268 Goričar, Fani, 268 E Goričar, Matija, 242 Edkins, 267 Graf, Theodor, 127 Eitelberger von Edelberg, Rudolf, 8, 25, 49–51, 59, Gray, John Henry, 23–24, 26, 28, 38 64–67, 69–70, 103–110, 112 Guangxu 光緒, Emperor, 271 Eiter, 270 Györgyi, Géza, 227 Elisabeth of Austria, Empress, 51, 55, 57, 59 Eötvös, József, 219 H Erdélyi, Mór, 218 Haas, Eleonore, 7, 9, 239–277 Erichsen, Peter, 132 Haas, Ferdinand, 245 Exner, Wilhelm Franz, 122 Haas, Josef, 7, 9, 19, 24, 124, 217, 220–226, 233, 235, 239–277 F Habsburg-Lorraine, Maria Leopoldina Josefa Falke, Jakob, 105, 112, 125, 127 Carolina, 132 Faragó, Ödön, 223 Hackmann, Pastor, 267 Fattori, Giovanni, 147 Hama, master, 147 Fè d’Ostiani, Alessandro, Count, 95 Hannen, Charles, 23, 59 Feistmantel, Otokar, 158 Hart, Robert, 7, 15, 19, 21–24, 30, 33–35, 37–40 Felder, Cajetan, 50, 57, 71 Hartmann-Franzenshuld, Ernst, 123 Ferdinand, Leopold, Archduke, 265 Haüler, L., 250 Ferdinand Maximilian of Austria, Archduke, 133, Hay, Joseph, Jr., 250 138 Heger, Franz, 275, 278 Fernsee, Heinrich Wawra, 172 Helbing, Sigmund, 123 Fiala, Eduard, the Elder, 154 Henningsen, J. J., 195 Fiala, Josef, 154 Herbeck, Johann, 34 Fischer, Emil Sigmund, 250–253, 261, 267 Hirsch, Baron, 123 Francis I of Austria, Emperor, 132, 210 Hirsch, Emil, 226, 250 Frankenstein, Michael, 27–28, 33 Hirth, Friedrich, 35, 41 286 Hochenwart, Franz Josef Hannibal, Count, 210 Kurimoto Teijiro 栗本貞次郎, 59 Hochenwart, Margareth, Countess, 210 Kusakabe Kimbei 日下部金兵衛, 254 Hocke, Friedrich, 267 Hofmann, Amerigo, 147 L Hohenbruck, Arthur Adolf Schwäger, 112 Lazarini, Mathilda, Baroness, 210 Hohenlohe-Schillingfürst, Konstantin, 47, Levysohn, Alexander, 35 53–54, 59–61. 63 Li Dianzhang 李殿璋, 258, 260 Hohenlohe-Schillingfürst, Marie, 53–54, 59–60 Li Hongzhang 李鴻章, 20 Holub, Emil, 158 Li Tau-Yuan, 220 Hopp, Ferenc, 9, 217–236, 270 Liebermann, 122 Hosokawa Shigekata 細川重賢, 84 Liebieg, Heinrich, 164 Hu Guangyong 胡光墉 (aka Hu Xueyan 胡雪岩), Lippmann, Friedrich, 117 38, 40 Liu Ching, 261 Hugo, Tschudi, 123 Liu Weh Kwei, 261 Hütterott, Georg, 142–144 Look-Moong-Soong, 38 Hütterott, Marie Henriette, 143 Löschner, V. J., 155 I M Ijuin Gorō 伊集院五郎, 143 Ma Yongfa 馬永發, 261 Ilg, Albert, 117 Machida Hisanari 町田久成, 85 Ito Hirobumi 伊藤博文, 59–61 Macht, Hans, 127 Iwakura Tomomi 岩倉具視, 59–60 Mailasher, G., 250 Malerie, Maria, 254 J Mandl, Adolf M., 168–169 Jedina, Leopold, 250, 261, 265 Mantuani, Josip, 179, 183–185, 189, 193–195 Jones, Owen, 108, 113 Maria Theresia of Austria, Empress, 130, 204, 245 Marie Karoline of Austria, Archduchess, 59 K Marjanovič, Draga, 244 Karberg, Peter, 35 Marjanovič, Nikolaj, 244, 268 Karl Ludwig of Austria, Archduke, 47, 49–50, 55, Matisse, Henri, 148 59, 62 Matsuura Takeshirō 松浦武四郎, 84 Karlin, Alma, 11, 239 Mertens, August, 24 Kashiwagi Kaichirō 柏木貨一郎, 85 Metternich, Klemens, Prince, 129 Katsushika Hokusai 葛飾北斎, 147 Metternich, Pauline, 59 Kaunický, Josef, 171 Metternich, Richard, 169 Kierulff, P., 220 Mignard, Pierre Paul, 267 Knes, Franc, 260 Militzer (or Millitzer), 115 Knoblehar, Ignacij, 179, 183 Millwich, 115 Knox, John Jay, Jr., 59–60 Min Young-hwan 민영환 / 閔泳煥, 220 Komatsu Terumori 小松焘盛, 51, 55, 57, 59, 63 Modigliani, Amedeo, 148 Kondō Kawase Tsuneko, 239 Möllendorf, Paul Georg, 220, 225 Kořenský, Josef, 158, 176 Montani, Pietro, 51 Kovač, Veselko, 180 Mori, 255, 258 Kreitner, Gustav, 261 Morse, Edward Sylvester, 84 Kume Kunitake 久米邦武, 60, 95 Mráček, František, 155–157 287 N Rieger, František Ladislav, 158 Náprstek, Vojta, 8, 154–159, 175–176 Rodenberg, Julius, 23, 26, 34–36 Náprstková, Josefa, 158 Rosthorn, Arthur, 250, 253 Nāser ad-Din, Shah of Persia/Iran, 51 Rothschild, Nathaniel Meyer, 59 Neruda, Jan, 160 Rudolf of Austria, Archduke, Crown Prince of Ninagawa Noritane 蜷川式胤, 85, 91, 94 Austria, 57, 115 Ruilin 瑞麟, 19 O Offermann, Karl, 68 S Offermann, Karl Julius Josef, 166–167 Salm, Count, 115 Offermann, Theodor, 166 Salm-Reifferscheidt, Hugo Karl Franz, 17 Ohana, 258–259 Sano Tsunetami 佐野常民, 45, 47–48, 54–55, 57, Orell, Argio, 147 59–63, 66, 68–70, 84–85, 95 Overbeck, Gustav, 7, 15, 24–25, 30–34, 36–37, Sartorio, Giovanni Guglielmo, 132 39–40 Sassoon, David, 226, 235 Savoia, Tommaso, 250 P Scala, Arthur, 64, 66, 108–110, 115, 164 Palacký, František, 158 Schafranek, 124 Pazaurek, Gustav, 164 Scherzer, Karl, 39, 114–115 Pečnik, Franc, 241 Schizzi, Giulio, 148 Pemsel, Jutta, 36 Schlick, Rudolf, 24, 35, 38, 223 Pepeu, Francesco Isidoro, 144 Schloszau, R., 113 Pepeu, Giancarlo, 144 Schmidburg, Josef Kamilo, 210 Perry, Matthew C., 77 Schönberger, Hugo, 30–32, 39, 269 Pertazzi, Frančiška, née Repin, 245 Schönberger, Victor, 31–32, 269 Pertazzi, Friedrich Ritter, 226, 239–240, 244–245 Schwarz-Senborn, Wilhelm Freiherr, Baron, 6, 16, Petz, Anton, 6, 136 18–19, 24, 39, 48–51, 55, 61–62, 76, 205 Pick, Mrs., 123 Schwegel, Ivan, 205 Pietzuk, Carl, 250 Schwegel, Josef Ritter, 6, 8–9, 16, 48, 62, 203–214 Pipitz, Josef, 55 Schwegel, Maria (Mici), 205 Pohlutka, Francesco, 144 Scomparini, Eugenio, 134 Pollak, Dr., 120 Sekikawa Akekiyo 開澤明清, 51, 55, 57 Prince Gong 恭親王 (or Yixin 奕訢), 16, 20–21, Semper, Gottfried, 104–109, 114 36–37, 39 Serravallo, Vittorio, 143–144 Prince of Liechtenstein, 123–125 Shen Bingcheng 沈秉成, 38 Proli, Charles, 131 Shimizu Usaburō 清水卯三郎, 78 Purkyně, Jan Evangelista, 158 Shinagawa Tadamichi 品川忠道, 220 Puschi, Alberto, 142 Shōtoku 称徳, Empress, 91 Siebold, Alexander, 54, 57, 59, 61, 63, 78, 95 R Siebold, Heinrich, 55, 59, 61, 63, 66, 68–70, 91– Rainer Ferdinand of Austria, Archduke, 8, 46–47, 94, 108, 119–121, 124–126, 140, 209 49–51, 53, 55, 59, 62, 64, 66–70, 115 Siebold, Philip Franz, 155 Ransonnet, Eugen, 115 Simonyi-Semadam, Sándor, 236 Reckenschuß, Joseph, 55 Singer, Bernhard, 206 Revoltella, Pasquale, 134, 137–138 Skušek, Ivan, Jr., 195, 239 288 Šmitek, Zmago, 206 Wertheim, Franz, 55, 59, 68 Smith Parkes, Harry, 247 Wogan, Margaret Jane, 244 Smole, Viktor, 210 Wotschová, Klára, 157 Soan-pan, 36 Wünsch, Adolf, 133, 143 Staněk, Vilém, 169–171 Stein, Lorenz, 60–61, 63 Y Stejskal, Václav, 158, 174–175 Yamagoutchi Naoyoshi 山口尚芳, 59 Stent, George Carter, 23 Yandi 炎帝, Emperor, 270 Stillfried-Ratenicz, Raimund (or Raimund Still- Yang Cheng, 261–262 fried), 125, 175 Yang Yulou, 261 Stoelker, Amalia, 148 Yang, L., 256 Stoelker, Giulio, 148 Yinchang 廕昌, 261 Strauss, Johann, Jr., 34 Yokomizo Toyokichi, 226 Studnička, Alois, 157 Yokoyama Matsusaburo 横山松三郎, 85 Šu, Andrew, 181, 184, 189, 194 Yongle 永樂, Emperor, 222 Světlá, Karolína, 158 Sylva, 254 Z Zanella, Carlo, 142, 144 T Žele, Urban, 180 Takahashi Yuichi 高橋由一, 85 Zeyer, Julius, 158 Tamamura Kōzaburō 玉村康三郎, 254 Zichy, Edmund, 59, 108, 113, 123–125, 168 Tanake Yoshio 田中芳男, 59 Zichy, Gustav, 175 Tavčar, Urška, 241 Zichy, Joseph, 175 Teng Gu 縢固, 80 Zinzendorf, Karl, 131 Tokugawa Akitake 徳川昭武, 78 Zitek, Josef, 106 Tokugawa Yoshinobu 徳川慶喜, 78 Trau, Carl, 17, 108, 112–115, 121–124 Turk, Peter Baptist, 179–199 U Uchida Masao 内田正雄, 85, 149 Utagawa Hiroshige 歌川広重, 147–148 V Valussi, Pacifico, 133 Victoria, Queen of England, 265 Vivié, Wilhelm Daniel, 164 Vráz, Enrique Stanko, 158, 176 Všetečka, František, 155 W Wagener, Gottfried, 48, 55, 64, 68, 80, 95 Wahliss, Ernst, 124 Wang Fu 王黼, 79 Ward, William, 1st Earl of Dudley, 34, 59 289