STUDIA MYTHOLOGICA SLAVICA ISSN 1408-6271 wwwISSN 1581-128x Uredniški svet / Natka Badurina (Universitŕ degli Studi di Udine), Nikos Causidis (UniverzitetConsiglio di redazione /Sv. Kiril i Metodi, Skopje), Larisa Fialkova (University of Haifa), Mare Kva Advisory Board (Estonian Institute of Folklore, Tartu), Monika Kropej Telban (Inštitut za slovensko narodopisje ZRC SAZU, Ljubljana), Janina Kursďte (Univerza v Rigi), JumaniyozovaMamlakatTojievna(Urgenchstateuniversity),NijoleLaurinkiene (Lietuviu literaturos ir tautosakos institutas, Vilnius), Mirjam Mencej (Univerza v Ljubljani), Andrej Pleterski (Inštitut za arheologijo, ZRC SAZU, Ljubljana),Ljubinko Radenkovic (SANU, Beograd), Svetlana Tolstaja (Institut slavjanovedenija Rossijskoj Akademii Nauk, Moskva) Uredništvo / Saša Babic (odgovorna urednica/co-direttrice/Editor-in-Chief), ZRC SAZU, InštitutRedazione / za slovensko narodopisje, Novi trg 2, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenija/Slovenia, E-mail: Editorial Board Sasa.Babic@zrc-sazu.si KatjaHrobat Virloget(odgovornaurednica/co-direttrice/Editor-in-Chief), UniverzanaPrimorskem, Fakulteta za humanisticne študije, Oddelek za antropologijo in kulturneštudije, Titov trg 5, 6000 Koper, Slovenija/Slovenia, E-mail: katja.hrobat@fhs.upr.si Roberto Dapit, Universitŕ degli Studi di Udine, Dipartimento di Lingue e Letterature, Comunicazione, Formazione e Societŕ, Via Tarcisio Petracco 8, 33100 Udine, Italija/Italia, E-mail: roberto.dapit@uniud.it Izdajata / Znanstvenoraziskovalni center Slovenske akademije znanosti in umetnosti, InštitutPubblicato da /za slovensko narodopisje, Ljubljana, Slovenija Published by in / e / and Universitŕ degli Studi di Udine, Dipartimento di Lingue e Letterature, Comunicazione,Formazione e Societŕ, Udine, Italia Založnik / Casa editrice / Založba ZRC / ZRC Publishing, ZRC SAZU Publishing house Spletna stran / http://sms.zrc-sazu.si/ Sito internet / Website http://ojs.zrc-sazu.si/sms/ Prispevki so recenzirani / Gli articoli sono sottoposti a referaggio / The articles are externally peer-reviewed Izhaja s podporo Agencije za raziskovalno dejavnost RS / Pubblicato con il sostegno finanziario deli‘ Agenzia perlaricercascientificadellaRepubblicadiSlovenia/PublishedwiththesupportoftheSlovenianResearchAgency Studia mythologica Slavica is included in the following databases: MLA Bibliography; SCOPUS, Sachkatalog der Bibliothek - RGK des DAI; IBZ; FRANCIS; HJG (The History Journals Guide); OCLE; INTUTE: Arts and Humanities UK, EBSCO, ERIH plus, ANVUR. Slika na ovitku / Fotografia sul copertina / Cover photo: Kamniti spomenik z dvorišca samostana sv. Nauma (foto N. Chausidis) / Monumento in pietra dal cortile del monastero di San Naum (foto N. Chausidis) / Stone monument from the yard of the monastery of St. Naum (photo N. Chausidis) Naklada / Tiratura / Imprint 300 Tisk / Stampato da / Printed by Collegium Graphicum, d. o. o. 26 2023 ZNANSTVENORAZISKOVALNI CENTER SLOVENSKE AKADEMIJE ZNANOSTI IN UMETNOSTI INŠTITUT ZA SLOVENSKO NARODOPISJE, LJUBLJANA, SLOVENIJA UNIVERSITŔ DEGLI STUDI DI UDINE DIPARTIMENTO DI LINGUE E LETTERATURE, COMUNICAZIONE, FORMAZIONE E SOCIETŔ, UDINE, ITALIA Ljubljana 2023 Vsebina / Indice 5 Razprave Studi Nikos Chausidis, Igor Eftimovski: An Ithyphallic Idol from the Monastery of St. Naum near Ohrid .................................................................................................................................................7 Ainur I. Tuzbekov, Albert T. Akhatov: Sacred Stones and Stone Structures in the Ritual Practice of the Turkic Population in the Southern Urals: Archaeological Evidence and Modernity........................................................................................................................................87 Mirjam Mencej: Strateške rabe pripovedi o nadnaravnem.................................................................105 Marija Klobcar: Prezrti zgodovinski kontekst izrocila o kralju Matjažu.........................................121 Mira Trošelj: Elementi pretkršcanskih vjerovanja u toponimiji južnog i jugoistocnog Velebita .................................................................................................................................................145 175 Gradivo Materiali Barbara Ivancic Kutin: Elementi slovenstva v odnosu do maticne domovine in do latinskoameriške kulture v narativnem gradivu, dokumentiranem pri argentinskih Slovencih...............................................................................................................................................177 195 Recenzije in porocila o knjigah Recensioni di libri Marek Tamm, Peeter Torop (eds.), The Companion to Juri Lotman. A Semiotic Theory of Culture ..............................................................................................................................................197 Suzana Marjanic, Mitovi i re/konstrukcije: tragom Nodilove “stare vjere” Srba i Hrvata..........199 Saša Babic, Mateja Belak (ur.), Staroverstvo v Sloveniji med religijo in znanostjo.....................204 Suzana Marjanic i Rosana Ratkovcic (ur.),Mackozbornik: od Bastet do Catwoman..................208 Contents 5 Articles Nikos Chausidis, Igor Eftimovski: An Ithyphallic Idol from the Monastery of St. Naum near Ohrid .................................................................................................................................................7 Ainur I. Tuzbekov, Albert T. Akhatov: Sacred Stones and Stone Structures in the Ritual Practice of the Turkic Population in the Southern Urals: Archaeological Evidence and Modernity........................................................................................................................................87 Mirjam Mencej: Strategic Uses of Belief Narratives ..........................................................................105 Marija Klobcar: The Overlooked Historical Context of Folk Tradition Related to King Matthias.................................................................................................................................................121 Mira Trošelj: Elements of Pre-Christian Beliefs in the Toponymy of South and Southeast Velebit.................................................................................................................................145 175 Material Barbara Ivancic Kutin: Elements of Slovenian national consciousness in relation to the mother country and the Latin American culture in narrative materials documented among Slovenians in Argentina........................................................................................................177 195 Book reviews Marek Tamm, Peeter Torop (eds.), The Companion to Juri Lotman. A Semiotic Theory of Culture ..............................................................................................................................................197 Suzana Marjanic, Mitovi i re/konstrukcije: tragom Nodilove “stare vjere” Srba i Hrvata..........199 Saša Babic, Mateja Belak (ur.), Staroverstvo v Sloveniji med religijo in znanostjo.....................204 Suzana Marjanic i Rosana Ratkovic (ur.),Mackozbornik: od Bastet do Catwoman....................208 Razprave Studi Articles 26 STUDIA MYTHOLOGICA SLAVICA 2023 7 – 85 | https://doi.org/10.3986/SMS20232601 | CC BY An Ithyphallic Idol from the Monastery of St. Naum near Ohrid Nikos Chausidis, Igor Eftimovski Clanek predstavljakamnitiidol, kisenahajanadvorišcu samostanasv. NaumapriOhridu. Odkrit je bil znotraj samostanskih meja oz. nekje v njegovi okolici, cas odkritja pa ni znan. Avtorja podajata opis spomenika, domneve o njegovi nekdanji podobi in analizo njegovih ikonografskih elementov s poudarkom na itifalicnosti in postavitvi rok. Clanek skozi ana­logije ocenjuje kronološko in kulturno pripadnost idola z argumenti v prid morebitnega pogansko-slovanskega znacaja. Spomenik je interpretiran tudi v kontekstu mitološkega in verskegaizrocilaregije,s poudarkomnalokalnemkultu sv.Naumainlegendiotem,kakoje vpregel medveda. V tej smeri so v clanku predstavljeni tudi okoliški toponimi, ki vsebujejo pogansko-slovanske teonime, med katerimi prevladujejo tisti htonicne narave. Dodelitev znacilnosti idola je nato izpeljana na podlagi primerjave njegove ikonografije s podrocji sv. Nauma kot kršcanskega naslednika upodobljenega lika: poljedelstvo, živinoreja, voda, obrt, trgovina, pa tudi zdravljenje, zlasti neplodnosti in mentalnih bolezni. KLJUCNE BESEDE: kamniti idol, paleo-balkansko poganstvo, slovansko poganstvo, kršcanstvo, folklorna tradicija, samostan sv. Nauma, Ohrid (Makedonija) The article presents a stone idol located in the courtyard of the monastery of St. Naum near Ohrid, discovered within its boundaries or somewhere in its surroundings at an unknown date. The authors offer a description of the monument, assumptions about its former appearance, and an analysis of its iconographic elements, with an emphasis on ithyphallicity and the pose of the hands. Through analogies, the article assesses the chronological and cultural affiliation of the idol, with arguments in favor of its potential Pagan-Slavic character. The monument is also observed in context of the mythological and religious traditions of the region, with a focus on the local cult of St. Naum and the legend of how he yoked a bear. In that direction, presented in the article are also the surrounding toponyms that contain Pagan-Slavic theonyms, with a predominance of those of a chthonic nature. The attribution and character of the idol is then derived on the basis of comparing its iconography with the domains of St. Naum as the depicted character’s Christian successor: agriculture, livestock, water, crafts, trade, as well as healing, especially of childlessness and mental illness. KEYWORDS: stone idol, Paleo-Balkan Paganism, Slavic Paganism, Christianity, folk traditions, St. Naum Monastery, Ohrid (Macedonia) The famous monastery of St. Naum lies on the southeast shore of Lake Ohrid, 34 kilo-metres from the city of Ohrid (T.XVIII: 1). It is located in attractive natural surroundings, where large springs emerge from the foot of Mount Galicica, their water forming a short riverbed and lagoon with two islets before flowing into the lake (T.I: 1, 2, 5). In the first hagiography of St. Naum they are called “..... ...... .....” (“the source of the White Lake/the source of Lake Ohrid”). Nowadays they are known as the springs of the Black Drin River because this river flows out at the opposite end of the lake, near the present day city of Struga (T.XVIII: 1). The monastery is located on the western edge of this natural complex, built on a rock that rises steeply above the lake (T.I: 1, 5). It consists of a central church dedicated to St. Naum (originally dedicated to the Holy Archangels), surrounded by living quarters and ancillary buildings. Written sources and archeological findings indicate that it was built in 900 or 905 CE by St. Naum of Ohrid, as a counterpart to the church of St. Panteleimon, erected in 893 CE in the city of Ohrid by St. Clement of Ohrid. These churches were built after Ss. Naum and Clement returned from the mission of Ss. Cyril and Methodius for the christianization and enliteration of the Slavs in Moravia and Pannonia. During Ottoman rule, Naum’s church was demolished, along with its later extensions, and the present temple was constructedin its place in the 17th and 18th centuries. According to archaeological research, the temple partially retained the plan of the old structure. Most of the ancillary monastery buildings are of a more recent date, built after the great fire that engulfed the complex in 1875. In the immediate vicinity of the monastery there are also three newer churches dedicated to the Virgin Mary (T.I: 3), St. Paraskeva (T.I: 4) and St. Athanasius (T.I: 5).1 The subject of this study is a stone monument, now located in the monastery yard on a plinth near the northeast corner of the church (T.II). Doncho Petrovski, who has been working as the host of the monastery for more than 25 years, told us that the object was discovered during one of the monastery’s recent renovations. It was probably built into one of the ancillary buildings.2 According to the given statement and the absence of this object in the archaeological reports that refer to the named region, it can be concluded that it is a random find that was not discovered during archaeological excavations. DESCRIPTION OF THE MONUMENT (T.II) The monument consists of a block of olive-coloured sandstone carved into an approxi­mately cylindrical shape, with a height of about 57 cm and a diameter of about 28 cm. On the front a sculpted relief depicts a human figure, while the other parts do not have any pictorial elements. Its surface shows traces of various secondary actions by man and nature, and is significantly eroded. Meanwhile, the rear and upper parts have traces of moss and lichen (T.II: 1, 2, 3, 5). On the back, there are some small lumps of weak mor­tar that easily crumbles and falls off (T.II: 5), while on the front there are clearly visible traces of a white coating of lime (T.II: 4). The presence of mortar on the back supports the assumption that this side of the object was embedded in one of the monastery buildings, 1 On the monastery, the monastery church, the life and activity of St. Naum: ......... 2015; on the con­struction of the church: ........ – ..... 1985; on the ancillary buildings and the monastery’s more recent history: ......... 1985. 2 We took the photos and carried out the observations and conversation with the host in July 2010. In 2019, the same person and Father Nectarios (the abbot of the church) told us that the monument was found in one of the warehouses of the monastery lodgings (information obtained by Dragan Taneski from the Institute and Museum in Ohrid). while the lime coating could indicate that the sculpted relief side protruded from the face of the wall and was whitewashed together with it. As we have mentioned, the front of the monument features a relief with a frontally depicted anthropomorphic figure. However, the true proportions of the human body and other principles of realism have not been respected (T.II: 4). Upper part The artist dedicated much more attention to the head, which is disproportionate to the rest of the body, and is in fact as large as the figure’s entire torso (T.II: 4; T.XII: 1). It is modelled in the form of an egg-shaped segment executed in high relief, the eyes being in the form of shallow indentations (quite close to each other), the mouth is extremely small, and the nostrils continue into the nose whose present unimpressiveness seems to be due to the damage caused by erosion and mechanical action. The oversized cheeks are especially eye-catching, as they are completely fusedwiththe chin, leaving the impression of a stout figure. The ears are executed in a particularly plastic manner, and above them a shallow horizontalridge extends from one end of the forehead to the other. It could represent three different elements: a shallow hemispherical hat, a helmet, or hair cut as a flat horizontal edge. There are three circular indentations on the chin that are neither symmetrical nor equal in size, and obviously do not represent a facial element. In the place where the neck should be (it is completely absent), under the lower edge of the head, extends a protruding arched segment that could be identified with some item of clothing (scarf, roll-collar), or with jewellery (torc or other similar jewellery for the neck). The fact that on the left this segment does not end at the neck (it does not go behind it), but continues up to the ear, suggests it could symbolise a rope, i.e. a loop or noose. Middle part The arms begin below the above segment, and descend downwards from thebarely perceptible shoulders. The left arm is shorter and slightly bent at the elbow, while the right one is a little longer and also slightly bent at the elbow (T.II: 4). Both arms end with stylized hands, each of which has five short little fingers. Between the arms we can recognize the contours of the torso, which gradually narrows as it extends downwards. Its surface is carved roughly and has no discernible details. Lower part The lower part of the monument, where the figure’s hands end, has two circular segments. One of them is preserved in full height, in the form of a clearly protruding hemisphere, while all that remains of the other is the base, probably due to the greater extent of erosion or some kind of mechanical damage (T.II: 3, 4, 6). Judging by the shape and position of these segments, it can be concluded that they represent testicles, and are quite enlarged in relation to the other parts of the body. Below these circular segments, the monument is significantly damaged, so it is impossible to make out what the lower part may have looked like. Assumptions regarding the appearance of the lost lower part of the monument If we agree that the two hemispherical protrusions represent testicles, it seems logical that they were accompanied by some kind of representation of a phallus, which was lost along with the lower part of the monument. This could potentially be indicated by the indentation between the testicles, which could be the result of it having broken off (T.II: 4). There are therefore two theories concerning the appearance of this organ, which must also have had oversized dimensions if it was proportionate with the testicles. The first theory posits that it was analogous to the whole monument, was sculpted in relief, and extendeddownwards (T.III:4,5).Accordingto thesecondtheory, itprotrudedforwards, surpassing the testicles (T.III:6). However, we think that the soft structure of the sandstone from which the monument is carved would not have allowed it to have been modelled as a particularly elongated and thin segment. There are also two theories concerning the appearance of the lost lower part of the object. According to the first, the figure’s legs would have been represented here, probably in proportions and style that corresponded with the torso and the arms (T.III: 3). The second theory posits that nothing other than the phallus was depicted in this part (T.III: 4 – 6). Unlike the monument’s vertex, which has a slightly concave surface and no traces of recent fracturing (T.II), the lower end has sharper edges, which indicate secondary fragmentation. This fact raises the question of the dimensions of the lost lower part and the original height of the entire object, and thus of its character, function, and manner of placement. If it is assumed that the object continued downwards at least as far as its preservedheighttoday,thenthemonumentwas likeapillar(withsomekindofsymbolic function), which could have been planted in the ground or into some other surface (T.III: 1, 3, 5, 6). According to the second theory, the lost part was not so long, whereby the supposed phallus in relief would have been partially buried in the ground, with certain symbolic implications (T.III: 4). If it is assumed that the objectdid not exceed the di­mensions preserved today, then it would have represented a vertical stone block with a flat base adapted for being placed onto some horizontal platform or pedestal (T.III: 2). The flat (or even slightly concave) surface of the vertex (T.II: 2 – 4) suggests it may have been adapted for performing rituals, for example libations, leaving offerings on its surface, or even for the sacrifice, i.e. the slaughter of small animals. For this assumption to be deemed acceptable, the monument should not exceed the optimal height for per­forming these acts – somewhere between 80 and 120 cm (T.III: 1, 2). DATING OF THE MONUMENT We cannot yet present facts and observations (typological, stylistic, or coming from the exact sciences) that would ensure the monument’s precise dating. According to the first impression, its general form, the choice of material and the style of craftsmanship, are not typical of the ancient stone monuments in this part of the Balkans, created in the spirit of Hellenic, Hellenistic and Roman culture. The presence of accentuated genitalia suggests it is not of Christian origin. Hence, it seems more probable that this object dates back to either the prehistoric and protohistoric periods (approximately to the middle of the 1st millennium BCE), the Early Middle Ages (to the period of mass Christianization of the Slavs settled in this part of the Balkans), or to the folkloric traditions that date from the Late Middle Ages to the early 20th century. We will try to get closer to answering the question about the age of this monument based on the comparative analyses presented in the following chapters. In one of our older works we quoted excerpts from a medieval source, allegedly from the old hagiography of St. Naum, in which it was said on two occasions that this saint refused to allow the Macedonian Slavs to venerate idols: “... ...... .. ...... . ...... ... ....... (.. ..... ...) .. ......, .. ...... ... ....... .. .. ........... ......, .. ...... ............” (........ 1994, 357).3 This quote would serve as excellent textual support for the medieval and probable pagan4 Slavic character of the idol from the monastery of St. Naum, if it did not turn out that its author mistakenly connected it with the hagiography of this saint.5 The quoted excerpts do indeed exist, however, not in the indicated hagiography, but in the work entitled “Treatise Against the Bogomils”, by Presbyter Cosmas, which dates back to between the 10th and 13th centuries: “..... .. ...’ ....... ......... . ........: ...... .. ...... . ....... .... ..... “.. .....’, .. .......”. ....... .. ..... .(.).(.).(.) .’.... ......, .............. ........., .. ....... .......... ....... .. . ...... .. ....... .?”6 (They are worse than the deaf and blind idols: for idols are made of wood and stone – they cannot see, or hear. The heretics, instead, have the thoughts of humans. They voluntarily turned themselves to stone and did not learn the true teachings. But can they be compared with devils?). These quotations can still be included in this study as a potential historical source that indirectly points to the presence of such pagan idols in the Ohrid region. The reason for this is given to us by the hypotheses put forward that this work originated in Western Macedonia or Albania, and even in Ohrid, within the circle of the Ohrid Literary School (........... 1982: 47–50; ..... 2011: 25–43; ........ 2003: 320). If any of them are accepted, then these words in the book by Presbyter Cosmas could be the result of his real insight into such stone and wooden idols in the above regions. This would also 3 “Koumiri (idols) made of stone and wood are things that cannot see or hear ... the heretics do not bow to icons, but call them koumiri (idols)”. 4 The use of the word “pagan” in this paper is not in any way intended to be derogatory, but is understood as “rural folk religion” (based on its etymological origin from the Latin paganus = rural, rustic). 5 The sources were cited according to references from: ........ 1970: 150 (newer edition: ........ 1998, 212). 6 ..... 2011: 25–43 with presented bibliography, 55 (translation of the quote in Macedonian), 118 (quote in Old Slavonic); the term ....... in this work is used one more time, in the subsequent paragraph, when the author mentions thatthe heretics do not bow to icons, but call them idols (“ ... ....... .. .. ....... .. ......., .. ....... ......... .”). be supported by other parts of his work, in which he corroborates his criticisms and re­commendations with examples that he obviously experienced himself during his direct contacts and activities with believers and converted heretics (..... 2011: 39). In this case, the use of the Old Slavic (pre-Christian) term ....... is also indicative, specifically as an equivalent of the Greek e.d...., whose genesis leads to Alano-Ossetian templates (..... 1967). ICONOGRAPHIC ELEMENTS AND THEIR COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS On this occasion weare notableto presentanalogies thatwould fully or largely correspond to the form and iconography of the monument from the monastery of St. Naum. However, such analogies can be presented in relation to the individual iconographic elements that are present on it. In this chapter we will conduct a comparativeanalysis that we think will contribute to elucidating the chronological and cultural affiliation of the object, as well as the nature, meaning and functions of the character represented on it. a) General composition and pose of the figure (ithyphallic figure in a standing position with arms lowered towards the genitals) - Gravestones fromvuksanlekaj/vuksanlekici (t.iv) As analogies closest to the objets from St. Naum in a morphological and geographical sense, wecan consider thegravestones fromthenecropolis in Vuksanlekaj/Vuksanlekici near Tuzi in Montenegro, which date to the 17th and 18th centuries CE, and are associ­ated with members of the Albanian ethnographic group known as the Malissori (T.IV: 1 compare with 2 – 6).7 The similarity between them is detectable at the level of the pose of the represented human figures, but also in some other specific elements. This especially refers to the specific pose of their arms which are slightly bent at the elbows, lowered towards the abdomen and groin, and end with small spread palms. In some cases, the style is also similar to that of the Ohrid monument. In two cases, there is an elongated segment below the right arm that interferes with the phallus (T.IV: 2, 3), however prob­ably not directly but indirectly - as a remnant of some older templates whose original meaning in the meantime may have been forgotten or even changed, perhaps in the sense of a knife, a sword scabbard or something else (Autoresh 2015: 34, 53). The similarity also refers to the depiction of the heads and torsos of the figures in different techniques, whereby the former are executedin a higher relief, while the latter are shallower. On one gravestone, a shallow rib shape protrudes from the forehead of the large figure, similarly to the Ohrid monument, which in this case could also denote a hat, helmet or a specific hairstyle (T.IV: 4 compare with 1). A common component of the compared objects should be their vertical disposition and the stone as the material from which they are made. But we should also not neglect On the gravestones: Bešlagic 1970; Autoresh 2015. the differences, given that the monuments from Vuksanlekaj/Vuksanlekici are not con­ceptualized as cylindrical pillars but as stelae, i.e. vertically placed slabs. If the proposed parallels are accepted, then thementioned similarities could indicatetwo localvariations of some more general regional tradition, whereby the differences would be due to the significant geographical (and probably also chronological) distance between the compared objects. In this context, the monument from St. Naum gives the impression of an older (or at least more archaic) manifestation of this phenomenon, whereby it seems more probable that it did not have a funerary character, but was used as a cult object (“idol”) within the context of some kind of sacred space. However, the funerary character of the monuments from Vuksanlekaj/Vuksanlekicistill suggests caution regarding the rejection of the possibility that the Ohrid monument also had a funerary character. On this occasion, weleave open the question of how theMalissori, whose nativearea is the region of Malësia (northern Albania) and the southeastern edge of Montenegro, could fit into the indicated relations. They represent a group of several separate tribes that speak Albanian, have an Albanian identity, and are either Catholic or Muslim. How­ever, as with all other Balkan ethnic groups, the history and ethnogenesis of this group is complex, debatable and burdened with various political and nationalistic tendencies. It is mainly polarized between theses about their purely Albanian (autochthonous Illy-rian or Paleo-Balkan) or Slavic, and even specifically Serbian, origin (Durham 1909; ......... 1923: 73–79). In our case, the presence of an area having the same name in the surroundings of the Ohrid region may be indicative. We are referring to the area of Malesia, located about twenty kilometres north of the northern shore of Lake Ohrid.8 - ancientfiGures of PriaPus (t.v) In general terms, the same features also accompany the pictorial representations of the god Priapus and similar ancient deities that were usually depicted in a standing pose, with an erect and often oversizedphallus. In some iconographic variants, the arms of the depicted character are lowered towards this organ (Dunleavy 2018; Stankovic-Pešterac 2017). The representation from the Ohrid monument cannot be directly related to these examples becausethey areexecuted in a moreor less realistic stylewith harmonized (and even idealized) proportions, solid posture and a detailed depiction of all the elements of the human body (T.V: 2, 3, 5). The modest representations of this god in the form of miniature bronze figurines, mass-produced for the needs of the average population, resemble it more closely (T.V: 6, 7). In these objects, most often used as votive objects or amulets, the pose and proportions of the figure are not so perfect, while the details are frequently neglected. Although in such figurines the small schematic hands directed towards the hypertrophied and stylized phallus come to the fore much more (making them resemble the monument from St. Naum more closely), they still adhere to the true proportions and the real contours of the human figure. According to B. Rusic, theregion’s nameis Albanian (mal`esi, meaning hills), although itwas notoriginally inhabited by an Albanian population (..... 1953: 7–9). - relieffrom mariuPolandbronzeamuletsfrom easterneuroPe (t.vi) A relief whose pose and other features are similar to the Ohrid monument can be found on a partially preserved stone stele discovered in a kurgan near the village of Pikuzy near Mariupol (northern shore of the Sea of Azov), dating to between the 5th and 7th centuries CE. (T.VI: 2, 3 compare with 1) (...... 1980). The similarities are in the arms of the depicted figure, i.e. their orientation towards the genitals, which in this case are also represented by an oversized phallus and testicles. There are also similarities in the form of the head – the full cheeks, small mouth, the line on the forehead, which in this case denotes the edge of a helmet or hat with a pointed top, as well as in the absence of a neck. Certain similarities can also be noticed in regards to the style of execution, which is characterized by a high degree of stylization of the figure. The pose of the depicted character and other basic features share similarities with a category of bronze objects (conditionally named amulets), shaped in the form of schematized male ithyphallic fig­ures (T.VI: 11 – 13). They are found in the wider area of the Eurasian steppes (often in women’s and children’s graves), and date back to between the 4th and 8th centuries CE. They are associated with various ethnic groups from this area, mainly from the circle of Iranian-speaking ones (Sarmatians, Alans), with whose mediation they probably also reached the Northern Black Sea region from the northern Caucasus. Their presence in this region is confirmed by several such specimens, which probably also influenced the formation of the stele from Pikuzy.9 On this occasion, especially interesting to us are the more realistic versions of these objects, that are increasingly being discovered on the territory of Ukraine and neighboring countries (T.VI: 4 – 6). Judging by the form and style of execution, they show similarities with the appliques of the “Martynovka” type, which at the same time points to their somewhat younger dating (7th century CE) and probable relations with the Slavs, i.e. the Antes (compare with T.VI: 7, 8).10 In the search for the genesis of these traditions (which has not yet been resolved), we propose to also include older objects from the Caucasus and Iran (examples T.VI: 9, 10). Despite the significant chronological gap, connections are evident not only in the iconography, but also in their purpose (as pendants). The notable similarity of the indicated finds with the idol from St. Naum can be justified by certain historical processes that took place between the Northern Black Sea region and the Central and Southern Balkans. We can consider the main component of this connection to be the Antes – a specific group of early Slavic tribes formed in Eastern Europe, whose ethnogenesis included a significant share belonging to the non-Slavic, i.e. Iranian-speaking populations, including the autochthonous ethnic groups of the North­ern Black Sea region. This is also the reason behind their non-Slavic ethnonym Antes, which in the earliest sources refers to Iranian-speaking ethnic groups. It is thought that during the great migrations, precisely the tribes of this group settled the eastern parts of 9 .......... 2010; .......... 2019; ........... 1983; ...... 1980. 10 They have mainly been found during illegal excavations, without adequate information on the site of discovery and the archaeological context. Photographs of them have been posted on the websites of illegal excavators, while several have been collected in the monograph by A. N. Spasonykh (........ 2020: 107–114 , 137, 138, 269, 184). the Balkan Peninsula, as well as the regions of Macedonia and Greece.11 We can take two groups of finds from the above-mentioned parts of the Peninsula to be indicators of these movements. The first are the metal plaques from the Velestino hoard in Thessaly (T.X: 2 – 8), whose form clearly shows the same genetic line indicated above – starting with the oldest such examples from the Northern Caucasus (T.VI: 8), then the examples from the so-called Martynovka hoards (T.VI: 7, from the 6th century CE), all the way to the plaques from Velestino (T.X: 2 – 8, from the 7th-8th centuries CE) (Akhmedov 2018; ....... 2010; Szmoniewski 2008). The second group consistsof bronze amulets from the Komani - Kruja culture, represented by rich findsfrom the territoriesof Albania, Montenegro, Dalmatia, and the northern shoreline of Lake Ohrid. Of particular interest to us in this case are the rings that show an encircled human figure (T.VII: 1 from “St. Erasmus” near Ohrid and T.VII: 2 from Mati in Albania). Objects with an analogous form or iconography can be traced to the other two Eastern European areas: the North Caucasus (T.VII: 9 – 14) and medieval Russia (T.VII: 6 – 8), but also in the Pannonian region (T.VII: 3 – 5) (........ 1991; ........ 1992; .......... 2020). The idol from St. Naum fits in well with this line. According to the appearance of the depicted figure, it comes close to the Caucasian (T.VI: 1 compare with 8, 11 – 13), the Martynovka (T.VI: 1 compare with 7, indirectly also with 4 – 6) and the Velestino analogies (T.X: 2 – 8), while the place of discovery corresponds with the amulets from the Komani-Kruja culture (T.VII: 1, 2). The latter also show relations with the corresponding finds from the North Caucasus (T.VII: 9 – 14) and the Martynovka complex (T.VI: 7). - MEANING OF THE POSE OF THE ARMS In the three examples mentioned above (T.IV – T.VI), the position of the arms is particu­larly eye-catching. In the latter two, as well as in the Ohrid monument, they are directed towards the genitals. This pose can allude to several different actions, and according to the details, it can also have several meanings. If the arms are only directed towards the genitals, they can have a primarily optical role to direct the observer’s view and attention towards these organs (T.V; T.VI). However, if the hands are placed on the phallus itself, they could indirectly indicate the act of masturbation or even the sexual act, i.e. using the hands to direct the phallus towards the vaginal opening. In the case of the Ohrid monument, the first option seems more probable (pointing to, and thus emphasizing the functions and meanings of the genitals), however, given the high degree of stylization, it should not be excluded that the sculptor and the statue’s users may have had in mind one of the other indicated meanings. Perhaps the lack of skill or other technical reasons meant these other meanings were not presented in a more explicit, and realistic way. It is worth mentioning another example that is unusual in its character and form. It is an extremely archaic wooden object with a cult character (carbon-dated to the middle of 11 On these components in the ethnogenesis of the Antes and of the Slavs in general: ..... 1994, 277–279; ..... 1995, 80–84; ........ 2003, 49–53; Pleterski 1995, 550–552; .... 1993; Vinski 1994; ........ 2003, 103–105; a skeptical approach towards the Slavic character of the Antes: Szmoniewski 2010; on the Iranian components in the Slavic pagan religion: ....... 1989; ..... 1991; Borissoff 2014; ........ 2003, 141–171. the 1st millennium BCE), discovered in a bog at Broddenbjerg near Viborg (Denmark), which actually represents an adapted natural element, i.e. a set of three branches whose modification (and especially the modelling of a human head at the top) resulted in an ithyphallic figure (T.V: 4) (Johansen 1981; Broddenbjerg 2021). In this case, the phallus was accentuated using the opposite approach – by omitting the arms. b) Elements in the area of the neck and head - ARCHED RIB IN THE AREA OF THE NECK We have already noted that the arched rib that extends below the head of the monument from St. Naum can be identifiedas an item of clothing or jewellery. In the first case, it could either be a scarf or a roll-collar that covers the neck, while in the second case - a torc or some other type of jewellery intended for this part of the body. This element is present in various cultures, but we will single out the examples that are associated with the Celts, Scythians and Slavs. In the Celtic examples, this motif is depicted more specifically and more clearly than in the Ohrid idol, so there is no doubt that it represents a torc (T.VIII; T.X: 9 – 11 com­pare with 1). However, the combination of the torc with ithyphallicity in certain Celtic examples imposes the need to carefully consider this potential genetic connection. The most interesting Celtic analogy is the anthropomorphic sculpture from Hirschlanden (Germany), which is made of limestone and dated to the Late Hallstatt period (6th–5th centuries BCE, T.VIII: 5). It depicts a life-size man wearing only a conical hat (possible reference to a glans penis?), a torc and a belt with a dagger. One of his arms is bent in the area of the chest, and the other on the abdomen. In the crotch area, a pair of testicles is depicted along with a phallus in relief that extends upwards, but its size is not over-emphasised (Green 2004, 68–69; Karwowski 2012, 199; Hirschlanden 2021). Torcs are also acommon element among theCeltic miniature ithyphallic bronze figurines. One such impressive example has been discovered at Prašník (Slovakia), which depicts an anthropomorphic figure with a torc, bent arms, two circlets in the area of the chest, testicles and a phallus extending upwards (T.VIII: 2, another similar specimen 3). The hermaphroditic character of the figure cannot be excluded if we take into account the circlets on the chest (breasts/nipples), and especially the oval indentation on the abdomen (opening into the womb equated with the vulva?) (similar solutions:........ 2020:58, 59; ..3: 6). Another example worth mentioning is the bronze figurine from Oberleiserberg (Austria) which, unlike the previous ones, is characterized by hypertrophy of the phallus (T.VIII: 4). This figurine could also be treated as an anthropomorphized phallus, whereby the strongly stylized head symbolises a glans penis, while the torc takes on the role of a praeputium (Karwowski 2012). Based on archaeological and historical data, it is assumed that the torc had strong symbolic value in Celtic culture, denoting high military or social status, power, wealth and belonging to the community (Green 2004: 40–47). The torc is a common attribute in the representations of the Celtic mythical character known as Cernunnos – a deity with deer antlers, which is associated with the underworld, fertility, vegetation, animals and commerce (T.VIII: 6) (Bober 1951; Green 2004: 42–45, 177). To summarize the results of the above comparisons, we may conclude that Celtic figures have a higher degree of anthropomorphism (as opposed to columnarity), that there are differences in the pose of the hands, and the proportions of the phallus are realistic (with the exception of the last example T.VIII: 4). In opposition to this, the indicated comparisons gain in their significance if we take into account the confirmed presence in the Ohrid region of Celtic cultural elementsdating to the Hellenistic period.12 However, it must be noted that these are incidental examples of graves with deposited Celtic weapons and military equipment, which do not necessarily indicate the presence in this region of some more integral forms of Celtic culture.13 The Scythian analogies seem to correspond better because the indicated motif in their case, as in the monument from St. Naum, is indefinite, i.e. is not accompanied by any elements that would determine its more specific character (T.IX). They are represented by a rather numerous category of columnar stone monuments (so far numbering over 150 specimens), spread over the territory of the North Black Sea region – from Dobrudja in the west to the North Caucasus in the east (T.IX: 2 – 8 compare with 1). They date from between the7th and 3rd centuries BCE, and areassociated mainly with theScythians, but also with some other populations from this region. Several specimens have been found in situ, at the tops of burial mounds, which is why the prevailing opinion is that they were used as funerary monuments placed over the tombs of prominent individuals from the mentioned societies. The appendage to the necks of these monuments most commonly appears in a form quite similar to the Ohrid version, in the form of a thick, smooth and arched segment,but there are also examples where it is twisted, divided by transverse grooves or even duplicated. These parallels gain significance due to two other elements that are also present in the Ohrid monument. The first is the phallus and testicles which in some of thesemonuments are depicted in shallow relief under the belt of the portrayed character (T.IX: 2 – 4 compare with 1). The second is the arms, which are also lowered and often symmetrical, but the hands, unlike the Ohrid example, (with rare exceptions) do not cross the line of the belt (T.IX: 3 – 5 compare with 1).14 Regarding the arched element at the neck, the Slavic analogies have shown themselves to be particularly indicative, especially the metal plaques from the Velestino hoard in Thessaly, which date back to the 7th and 8th centuries CE, and are associated with the Slavic tribe of the Belegezites whose presence in this region is confirmed by written sources relating to these centuries (T.X: 2 – 8 compare with 1).15 They have special sig­nificance in our analyses due to their relative geographical proximity to the region from which the monument from St. Naum hails, their early medieval dating, and their Pagan 12 Guštin & Kuzman & Malenko 2011; Ardjanliev 2014; Guštin & Kuzman & Preložnik 2014. 13 In specific cases, for example, they could be the graves of Celtic mercenaries or of locals who in some way gained possession of equipment typical of Celtic warriors. 14 Overview and basic information: .......... . ......... 1994; on the various poses of the arms: ......... 2019. 15 Monographic presentation of the hoard: Curta & Szmoniewski 2019; a critical look at the interpretations presented in the work: Chausidis 2019; iconography of the objects and interpretation of the depicted characters: Causidis 2005. Slavic character,if the arguments for such dating and ethnic affiliation of the Ohrid idol are accepted. It is especially important that the indicated element appears on many of the anthropomorphic or zooanthropomorphic figures from this hoard, showing that it is an important component, which in this case seems to have gainedthe status of a general, typical and recognizable feature of the style, i.e. the manner of pictorial depiction of these objects. In almost all cases, this element is divided into segments (compare with the Scythian examples - T.IX), which at the same time is also the key feature that distinguishes them from the monument from St. Naum. These are the specific plaques from this hoard on which the indicated motif can be found: the figure of a birth-giving woman (maybe a hermaphrodite with a pointed beard?) from whose crotch emerges a human head (T.X: 2); the hybrid figure with the body of a human and the head of a wolf or other similar carnivorous animal (T.X: 3); the female figure with legs apart in movement, open genitals and a child on her lap, holding a stringed musical instrument in her hand (in this case the indicated element is in the form of a double rib – T.X: 4); the pair of human figures dressed in long garments, with large hats or hairstyles (T.X: 5); the winged female figure with a grotesque face, and arms in the orans posture (in this case it is not certain whether it is a special accessory on the neck or part of the radiant halo that surrounds the whole head) (T.X: 7); the lying figure (male or child) depicted at the front legs of a horse with a wide-open toothed muzzle (T.X: 8). At this point we should also mention the frequent presence of real torcs in the grave inventories of the necropolises belonging to the aforementioned early medieval Komani– Kruja culture, also confirmed on the northern shore of Lake Ohrid. Bronze torcs have been discovered at the sites of “St. Erasmus” near Ohrid (T.X: 12), and “Ciganski Grobišta” near the village of Radolišta (in the vicinity of Struga), in the 7th and 8th century burials that are associated with the indicated culture (...... 2013: 1296–1298). In the description of the monument from St. Naum, we pointed out that the arched seg­ment that extends along the neck of the depicted character from the left rises towards the ear, indicating that it could represent a loop, i.e. noose. Such a possibility is also indicated by the ithyphallic folk parallels presented below (named “German”, “Little Man”, and other examples), given their pronounced sacrificial character and the presence of the Cosmic Axis in the function of a sacrificial pillar. As a paradigmatic example of the mythical characters of this type, we can point to the Germano-Nordic supreme god Odin, who sacrificed him­self on the cosmic tree Yggdrasil by hanging and being pierced with a spear, in order to be resurrected after nine days and nights, to discover the secret of the magic runes.16 The same mythical paradigm was also behind numerous other mythical characters sacrificed on the Cosmic Tree or next to it, a significant portion of them also being ithyphallic, such as the one sitting on top of the “cluster pendants” from the Iron Age (T.XIV: 3 – 5; see further).17 16 (Hávamál, 140–141). One ofOdin’s many names was also Hangatýr/Hangaguđ, that is, the god of the hanged(Gylfaginning,20;Skáldskaparmál,1–2).Accordingtointerpretatio romana,Odinwas identifiedwith Mercury, i.e. Hermes, to whom the Germanics also offered human sacrifices (Tacitus, Germania, 9). See also Ellis Davidson 1990: 140–142 (on the connection of Odin with Mercury), 143–145 (on the sacrifice of Odin). 17 On the god sacrificed on the Cosmic Axis, in context of the “cluster pendants”: ........ 2017: 256–271; on hanging as a sacrificial act and execution: ........ 2011: 48–51. The Caucasian, Iranian (T.VI: 9, 10) and even medieval ithyphallic pendants from Eastern Europe (T.VI: 11 – 13), which were intended for hanging (on a chain or a rope), fit well in this concept, although they were not attached to the neck but to the ring formed on their back or occiput (........ 2011: 50, T.II: 6; Chausidis 2021: Ch.VI). This mythologem also found its thisworldly manifestation in the real sacrificial rituals of archaic communities. In archaeological and historical terms, such traditions are best recorded among the Germanic and Nordic archaic communities, to whose mythology the aforementioned god Odin also belongs. Among the numerous naturally mummified bodies from the Iron Age found in the bogs of northwestern Europe, cases of ritual sacrifice have been discovered in which the dead (male and female) were first hanged and then thrown into the bog, with the rope still around their neck.18 In later times, we learn from the medieval author Adam of Bremen that in the sacred forest next to the great temple at Uppsala (Sweden), around the time of the vernal equinox, nine males of each species, including humans, weresacrificed by hanging (Adamus Bremensis, IV. 26–28). Another interesting account is found in the medieval chronicle Historia Norwegić, according to which the legendary Swedish king Domald, son of Wisbur, was hanged by the Swedes as a sacrifice to the goddess “Ceres”, in order to ensure a successful yield of the crops: “Cuius [Wisbur] filium Domald Sweones suspendentes pro fertilitate frugum Cereri hostiam obtulerunt” (Historia Norwegie, IX. 10). The connection between the noted Germanic and Nordic examples, and the Ohrid ithyphallic idol (where we may have a combination of ithyphallism and hanging), is jus­tified by a real phenomenon known as post-mortem erection. It most commonly occurs in individuals who have been executed or who commit suicide by hanging, and is thought to happen as a result of the pressure of the rope on the spinal cord or cerebellum of the hanged (Death erection 2021). In this context, all the above males who were hanged (mythical characters and sacrificed individuals) acquire the meaning of impregnators of the goddess of the chthonic realms (and of agriculture) who, by the act of hanging, were provided with a “posthumous” or “eternal” erection, as well as passage to her abode, in order to realize her impregnation. Although these traditions are best attested among the Germanic and Scandinavian archaic societies, the real basis on which they are founded and the other previously referenced examples indicate their much wider distribution. - DIVISION IN THE AREA OF THE FOREHEAD As we have already mentioned, the segment formed at the top of the head of the monu­ment from St. Naum, viewed through a realistic perspective, resembles a hemispherical hat, helmet or even hairstyle of the depicted character, cut on the forehead in a flat line 18 The most famous such examples are the so-called Tollund Man and Elling Woman (both dating to the 4th and 3rd centuries BCE), discovered about 60 metres from each other in a bog near Silkeborg, Denmark (Vandkilde 2004). According to P. V. Glob, such sacrifices were dedicated to the goddess Nerthus - Mother Earth (Glob 1969). The same author connects the rope around the victim’s neck, as well as the cult of Nerthus, with the torc as a symbolic object (Glob 1969, 163–166). We learn from the Roman historian Tacitus that human sacrifices were indeed part of the cult of Nerthus, but he wrote that individuals were drowned in water, and does not say anything about hanging (Tacitus, Germania, 40). (T.IX: 1). Unlike the previous one, it is an elementary and very common motif which therefore cannot have more significant value in this comparative analysis. Despite the many analogies from different periods and regions, on this occasion we can once again refer to an example from the Velestino plaques, which are geographically closest. This time it is the one depicting a profile of a galloping horseman, holding a sword and shield in his hands, on whose head stands out a similar segment which, as in the Ohrid monument, could bear the three indicated meanings (T.X: 6 compare with 1). A similar division of the vertex of the head, which most often resembles a hat, is also commonly present on the miniature Slavic idols from the territories of Russia and Poland (T.XI: 7 – 9, 13, 14 compare with 1). It is formed most impressively and realisticallyon the Sheksna (T.XI: 12) and the Zbruch idols (T.XI: 4). On the Sheksna idol it has the form of a hat that covers the head of the depicted character, while on the Zbruch idol it covers the heads of the four deities in its upper zone.19 - THE WHOLE MONUMENT AS A PERSONALIZED PHALLUS The division at the top of the character’s head, as present on the monument from St. Naum, perceived onits ownorespeciallyin combination withtheadditionalelementattheneck, can also be observed through a symbolic perspective. This perception would be based on the identificationof the entire figure of the depicted character with the phallus. (T.XI: 1). In this context, its head is equated with theglans penis, while thetorso, and even the whole object represents the corpus of the male sexual organ. Regarding the specific monument, when applying this concept of the personalization of the phallus, we are encouraged by the presence of the testicles, and of course by the almost certain presence of the later lost phallus. In this context, the unusual shape of the head of the depicted character also makes sense – the fusion of the cheeks, chin and vertex into some kind of egg-shaped segment can be justified by the intention to bring it closer to the shape of the glans penis. We may also seek the reason for the division of the vertex, and especially for the arched segment at the neck, which in this case would suggest the praeputium penis. It is very likely that when the Ohrid monument was made and used, the proposed identification was not perceived by its users (or at least was not in the forefront), but was present as a remnant of some older templates. Thereby, the phallic meaning of the whole monument cannot be completely ruled out, given its verticality and cylindrical columnar shape. The equalizationof the male sexual organ with the whole male figure is one of the ways in which the personalization of the phallus is manifested: a phenomenon behind which, on the one hand, stands the intention to present the malegenitalia as a separate entity and person with autonomous will, and on the other – the reduction of the man and his intentions and behaviors to the function of his genitals. Within the spheres of religion, these symbolic concepts are motivated by the need to deify the phallus, that is, to accentuate and personalize its functions into a special mythical character or deity. These processes and the specific pictorial approaches that accompany them have an archetypal character, i.e. they are common to all humankind, and are therefore present in various regions and 19 On the Sheksna idol: ..... 1982: 264, 298 – T.LXXV: 1; on the Zbruch idol: ....... 1987: 236–251. various historical periods. Within the circle of the Indo-European populations, they are best represented in three cultures – the Late Bronze Age and Iron Age cultures of Iran (more specifically in the Luristan region T.XI: 10, 11), the cultures of Early Antiquity in the North Black Sea region (T.IX: 2 – 8), and the early medieval European cultures that are mainly associated with the Slavs (T.XI: 2 – 9, 12 – 15).20 The already mentioned examples from the North Black Sea region are particularly interesting for us because they also possess pictorial elements that are present on the Ohrid monument (T.IX). The basic shape and composition of these columnar monuments is more or less reminiscent of the contours of the phallus. The torso of the depicted character is equated with the corpus of the phallus, the head represents the glans penis, while below it, at the neck, the mentioned division (collar, scarf, torc) coincides with the praeputium of the phallus. The older prototypes of these monuments can be traced back to the Bronze Age, to significantly wider territories, including the Balkan Peninsula (T.XVI: 7).21 D. S. Rayevskiy points to their cosmological symbolism, i.e. their identification with the Cosmic Pillar, the giant phallus, and with some macrocosmic anthropomorphic character whose figure, divided into three zones by the torc and the belt, coincides with the three levels of the universe. He links the raising of these objects with the deaths of rulers, as an act of re-establishing the cosmic order disturbed by their passing. It is important to note the identification of these pillars with the deceased king or prince, equated with the mythical ancestor (specifically the Scythian Targitay), represented as the Cosmic Pillar and a gigantic (macrocosmic) phallus, which justifies their appearance (........ 1983; ........ 1985: 134–146). In this group of monuments, the ones that are particularly important to us are those in whichthemalegenitalorganis depictedin addition to themonument’s phallicshape– as in the monument from Ohrid. The organ is depicted on the appropriate part of the body of the human figure, accompanied by testicles, but this time with realistic proportions (T.IX: 2 – 4 compare with 1). The personalization of the phallus also occurs in some cult objects associated with the early medieval culture of the Slavs. We should first mention the monumental colum­nar idols made of stone. In its purest form, this phenomenon is present in the already mentioned monument from the Sheksna River basin (Vologda Oblast, northwestern Russia – T.XI: 12), in which the hat most evidently represents the glans penis. It is also present in the idol from the riverbed of the Zbruch River (territory of present-day western Ukraine),whosebasiccontours alsohavetheshapeofaphallus,butthis timemodeledin the form of a four-sided pillar (T.XI: 4). Its surfaces bear relief representations of human figures denotingindividual deities, arranged according to their position in the universe, which is divided vertically (tripartite) and horizontally (quadripartite). The heads of the 20 Our observations on this concept, with examples: ........ 1994, 344–358; Chausidis 2021: Ch. VI. 21 On the older specimens with a less pronounced phallic shape: ........ 2017: 871–874 (with presented bibliography). On the geographically closest such example (from Thessaly): ........, 1993: 161–163 (al­though the monument is now usually dated to the transitional period between the Bronze and the Iron Age, it is confusing that it also bears features close to the mentioned Scythian examples, but also to the medieval Slavic idols. Therefore, the possibility that it could date to a later period should not be fully rejected). four deities in the upper zone are covered by a hemispherical segment that carries two meanings – on the one hand it represents a common hat, and on the other it is the glans penis of the macrocosmic phallus that extends through the three zones of the universe (graphic reconstruction – T.XI: 5) (....... 1987: 236–251). The second group of cult objects consists of miniature objects made of wood, bone or horn, with a reduced iconography, and whose phallic shape is complemented by one (T.XI: 7 – 9, 13 – 15) or several faces (T.XI: 2, 3). In this case too, the glans penis inter­ feres with thedepicted heads or their hat(........1994:348–350;Chausidis 2021:Ch. IX). In its purest form, this element is represented on the single-faced wooden objects from Staraya Russa (T.XI: 15) and Novgorod (T.XI: 14), while in the multi-faced ones, it appears on the wooden object from Svendborg (Denmark, 12th century CE – T.XI: 3), and in a slightly less transparent form on the specimen made of deer antler from Davina Kula near the village of Cucer, near Skopje (RN Macedonia, hypothetically dated to the 9th-10th centuries CE – T.XI: 2).22 In this context we should also mention the wooden phallic object from Leczyca (Poland), dating to the 12th century CE, whose upper half is shaped in the form of a human torso with a head, but without arms (T.XI: 6). The pur­poseoftheobjectis associatedwithweddingceremonies, describedinRussianmedieval sources, during which the guests drank some kind of drink from a bucket, in which an object in the form of a phallus had previously been placed (“....... ........”).23 c) Indentations in the area of the chin Despite their marginality, the three indentations under the mouth of the Ohrid stone idol seem to be quite an interesting iconographic element (T.XII: 1). Their asymmetrical positioning and different sizes give reason to assume that they were not part of the orig­inal idea behind the object, but were added later by a person who was not so skilled in working with stone. Since it is not possible to connect them with any real element of the anatomy of the human head, assumptions are made that they were indented for some kind of symbolic, ritual or technical reason, or perhaps even without any particular meaning, as a form of vandalism or defilement of the monument. The analogies that we present in the following paragraphs can nevertheless be considered to support the argument that the indentations had a clear function. The first group of analogies consists of numerous prehistoric (primarily Eneolithic) ceramic figurines, mainly from the eastern parts of the Balkan Peninsula, which have several indentations in the same area under the mouth (T.XII: 4 – 6).We should also note the examples that are indented on the mouth itself, or those where the mouth is actually represented by such an opening (T.XII: 7, 8).24 V. Nikolov thinks they were a specific 22 Chausidis 2021: Ch. IX; on the object from Svendborg: Kajkowski & Szczepanik 2013: 56, 57, fig. 13; from Cucer: Maneva 2001. 23 Concerning the object: Hensel 1964, Fig. 12; about the ritual and the sources: ..... 2004: 372, 373; on this and other phallus shaped objects: ........ 1994: 344. 24 Examples: Hansen 2007 (Teil I), 239 – Abb. 1, (Teil II), Taf. 360: 1; 361; 366; 367: 1; 379: 1, 14; 414: 2 (with openings under the mouth); 393; 394; 403: 1; 416; 418: 1, 10; 432: 2, 4, 12; 442:1 (with openings on the mouth). featureofmalecharacters,probablywithahighersocialrank,butarealsotypicaloffemale figurines interpreted as representations of the Mother Goddess (....... 2006: 117, 118). When making female ceramic figurines, various prehistoric cultures (Neolithic and later) inserted cereal grains in the wet clay before the figurines were dried and fired. This was obviously a ritual act of symbolically fertilizing the represented characters, equated with sowing seeds in the Earth Mother – represented by the female shape (woman – earth) and the material from which they were made (clay – earth) (....... 1951; ....... 1981: 46, 48). Taking this into account, it seems that the openings on the chin or mouth of the finished (fired) figurines probably had a similar character. However, they were not only meant for implanting cereal grains (as a stimulus for growth), but also for ripe ears of cereal plants (as a product of growth). The question remains why they should be inserted precisely at the mouth. We will try to present the answer in the following paragraphs. The same motif also appears on a category of medieval anthropomorphic bronze figurines that date to between the 8th and 10th centuries CE, which are widespread in Ukraine and Russia – north of the Black and Caspian Seas (T.XII: 2, 3). Despite the ab­sence of definite facts, the cultural affiliation of these objects is usually associated with the Saltovo-Mayaki culture and the various nomadic peoples that existed in this region in the given period, and were mainly members of the Turkic-speaking group (Polovci, Tatars, Bulgars and Khazars). Theories about the Slavic origin of these finds have also been put forward, as well as assumptions about their relations with the Iranian or some other older cultures. Thefigurines depict acharacter with two or four faces, indicating his mythical nature.25 Unlike the monument from St. Naum, in these figurines the openings are not punctured under the mouth, but directly on it. Although in this case the motiva­tion for this solution could have been technical – to make the mouth more striking or to emphasize that it is open with accentuated teeth, the previous prehistoric examples also suggest the possible symbolic meaning of this element. Until recently, there was a widespread harvest time custom among the Eastern and Southern Slavs that involved making a ritual object called a “beard” from the last bundle of wheat. This was equated with or dedicated to various male and female characters with the identities of Christian saints, but also to some more archaic mythical characters (T.XI­ II: 2 – 4). In this case, we emphasise the variants in which the last bundle of wheat was intended to be a beard for a male mythical character (as “his beard”, i.e. as a “beard for him”). These characters can be grouped into three categories: not entirely specific sacral or mythical characters (grandfather, god, lord); characters with a Christian identity (St. Elijah, St. Nicholas, St. Spas, Christ, conditionally God, the Lord); characters with a Pagan Slavic identity (explicitly Veles-Volos, and conditionally also god, lord, grandfather). The threshing floor pillar was also often adorned with a “wheat beard” (photomontage T.XIII: 5), which implies some kind of more direct similarity with the Ohrid monument, bearing in mind its vertical, i.e. columnar form (........ 2005: 233–235; ........ 1994: 423, 424; .......... 1995). 25 ......... . .... 2009: 187–189, 198 (.... 2), 199 (.... 3: 1–4), 200 (.... 4: 1, 2). This ritual stems from the symbolic identification between plants and hairs, founded on the fact that both grow – plants from the earth and hairs on the bodies of humans and animals. In this case, the beard is chosen for its proximity to the mouth, which in the spheres of semiotics functions as a symbolic equivalent of the vulva – the place from which living beings are actually born. In cultures where it wasbelieved that Mother Earth was responsible for the sprouting and growth of plants, the mechanism of this action was obvious – plants were born from her womb and genitals. However, in cases where the patron of the earth and agriculture was the male chthonic god, this concept could not work. Another concept was therefore introduced, according to which plants emerge from the mouth of this god (by disgorging/vomiting, which of course had to be preceded by the act of swallowing), or grow from his face, equated with the hairs of his beard, mustache, eyebrows, eyelashes and hair. Among the Slavs, but also more broad­ly, these mythologems have also found their own pictorial manifestation – in mythical images depicting the head of a male character, supplemented by various phytomorphic motifs (spiral twigs, leaves, flowers and fruits), which either grow from his mouth or are metamorphosed from the hairs of his head (T.XIII: 6 – 10).26 In view of thesefacts, weputforward theassumption thatthe three indentations under the mouth of the Ohrid monument could have occurred as a consequence of its ritual, seasonal adornment with a “wheat beard”. This would involve the wheat ears of the last harvested bundle being fixed to the indentations (photomontage T.XIII: 1). Given the shallowness of these indentations, the wheat had to be fixed with some kind of sticky substance, such as wax or resin. Two facts encourage us in this hypothetical reconstruction, the first of which is the columnar shape of the monument that resembles the threshing floor pillar, which was also adorned with a “beard” (T.XIII: 5 compare with 1). The second is its ithyphallicity, which would fit well with the identity of this character as a fertilizer, that is, a stimulator of all life processes, including the growth of vegetation in general and of wheat in particular. This means the depicted mythical character would invest his sexual potency in the sowing, sprouting, growth and ripening of the wheat, giving a logical justification as to why precisely it would be endowed with a “wheat beard”. If we accept the possibility that the lower part of our idol was planted in the ground, and that a part of its lost hypertrophied phallus was also below ground level (T.III: 4), then this very procedure of insertion, or planting in the earth of the statue of a god, acquires eminent agrarian symbolism. Particularly as an act of hierogamy, that is, the penetration of the god’s phallus (or his whole figure equated with the phallus) into the earth (understood as a woman, goddess, or mother) (T.III: 3 – 6).27 In the following chapters we reference important arguments that support this meaning. 26 ........ 2005: 226–235 (on the symbolic concept), 236–240 (on the pictorial representations). 27 On theprocedures of ritualburialand plantingithyphallicand other figures into theground:........1984. A DIACHRONIC OVERVIEW OF ITHYPHALLIC MYTHICAL CHARACTERS FROM THE OHRID REGION AND SURROUNDING AREAS Regardless of the fact that the comparisons made in the previous chapters point more to the early medieval, and primarily the Slavic character of the monument from St. Naum, one should not rule out the possibility that its formation and the constitution of the cult that it represented, were influenced by the autochthonous traditions that encountered, and probably interacted with the Slavic communities that began to settle in this part of Macedonia in the 6th century CE. Therefore, we have decided to present in this chapter a summarized diachronic review of the archaeological finds from the Ohrid-Prespa re­gion and its wider area, in which the central place is occupied by the male sexual organ. a) Prehistory We can consider the oldest such find (so far) to be the Late Neolithic or Eneolithic ceramic objectfromthesiteof Penelopa, which extends on theterritory of themodern-day cityof Ohrid (T.XIV: 9). It is shaped in the form of some kind of platform or small table (perhaps an altar or a sacrificial surface) on which an erect phallus with testicles rests obliquely.28 As an even older example we can consider the ceramic phallus from the neighboring region of Pelagonia, discovered as an incidental find at one of the Neolithic sites in the vicinity of the village of Opticari (Bitola region) (T.XIV: 2). It is especially interesting to us because it is fashioned according to the indicated concept of personalization of the malesexual organ, which as a paradigm also stood at the basis of the idol from St. Naum(comparewithT.IX;T.XI).29 The traditions of venerating an ithyphallic god in the Ohrid-Prespa region continued into the Iron Age, the best indicator of which is the bronze pendant discovered as a grave good in the necropolis of Kuç i Zi near Korça (Albania), thirty kilometres from the monastery of St. Naum (T.XVIII: 1). It depicts a man with a designated phallus and testicles, sitting in a fetal position on top of a vertical pillar and supplemented by numerous button-like extensions, which was associated with some kind of plant,probably with the meaning of Cosmic Tree, i.e. Tree of Life (T.XIV: 3, 4). In numerous similar specimens discovered in various parts of Macedonia, the phallus is also present at the lower end of the pillar shaped in the form of a glans penis, indicating the equation of the tree with the erect phallus (T.XIV: 5). These objects belong to the type of “cluster pendants” (part of the group of “Macedonian Bronzes”, 8th – 7th centuries BCE) that women wore in the area of the waist and hip, as amulets for protection and to stimulate the genital organs.30 28 ...... 2013: 355 – ... 46, 356, ..IV: 9; ........ 2017: 204, 206 (.26: 1). 29 ........ 1994, 345 (T.LXXXII: 4), 347. There is also the possibility that it is a later (perhaps medieval) modification of a prehistoric object. 30 ........ 2017, in general on this type of pendants: 155–303, on the ithyphallic components: 196–208; on the cosmological aspects: 235–256. b) Antiquity Two bronze finds also indicate the veneration of ithyphallic characters in the Ohrid region in theancientperiod. Thefirstis abronzestatuettefromPlaošnik, dating totheHellenistic or Early Roman period, depicting an old malebearded character who represented Daedalus or more likely Silenus (T.XIV: 6). He is depicted in a pose somewhat similar to that of the character from the previous objects – without clothes, hairy, with naked genitals and with a waving cloak in the form of wings (........ 2012; ......... .......... 2017: 391–394). The second object is a miniature bronze herma from the Early Roman period in which one can sense the identification between the erect phallus and the accentuated nose – a concept that was quite widespread in antiquity (T.XV: 5) (........ 2017: 198, 204, 205, .25: 7; ...... . ......... 2010, 81). Two ancient vessels with a spout in the form of an erect phallus have also been found on the territory of RN Macedonia. These were certainly used within the frames of some cult (probably from the circle of Dionysus) based on the deification of this organ. The first was discovered in the Hellenistic layers of the ancient town of Gortynia (near present-day Gevgelija – T.XIV: 8),31 while the second originates from the village of Istibanja near Štip, and dates back to the Late Roman period (4th century CE – T.XIV: 7) (........ 2017: 204 – .25: 3). Finally, it is also worth mentioning a marble phallus from the Archaeological Museum in Skopje thatis sculpted realistically andwithrealistic dimensions (the style suggests itdates from the Ancient period). However, the specific location of its discovery is unknown.32 c) Middle Ages Ithyphallic characters in Macedonia can be found even within the context of Christian iconography, as is the case with two figures that appear in the frescoes in the church of St. Demetrius at Marko’s Monastery (near Skopje, 14th century CE – T.XV: 8, 9). They are depicted in a crouching position and with an erect phallus, which makes them similar to the indicated examplesfrom the Iron Age, the numerous ancient examples (most often identified with Silenus and Satyr), but also the figurine of “Daedalus” from Plaošnik (compare with T.XIV:3 – 6). Itshould be noted that both figures are quite hairy, and one of themis zoomorphic or zooanthropomorphic, probably with the features of a monkey. The question remains open whether these unusual characters are the result of some older local traditions or whether they came from the “international” corpus of symbolic motifs that moved freely throughout Christendom in the medieval period, but had roots in much older pre-Christian traditions (........ 2017: 204, 221 /.35: 6, 7/, 222, 235; ........ 1974, ... 66, ... 67). 31 ........ 2017: 204 (.25: 6); Fowler & Blazevska 1996: 21 – MN18.4.3. 32 The object was presented at the exhibition “Red Rooster - Black Hen: cults of fertility, rites, customs and beliefs” (Museum of Macedonia – Skopje, 2015). d) Folkloric traditions Unexpected as it may seem, male mythical characters with an accentuated sexual organ survived in the Balkans up untilthe mid 20th century, in parallel with the ethnography of the Slavic peoples (Macedonians, Bulgarians, Serbs), but also of the non-Slavic ones (Romanians, Moldavians). We are speaking of two phenomena that do not seem to be connected, except for the fact that they concern the fabrication and use of a male figurine with an oversized phallus. In both cases they were made by women, mainly from unfired clay, in the contexts of two completely different ritual traditions. In Macedonia (the surroundings of Skopje) the figurines were called covece (little man) or domakjin na crepnite (host/husband of the crepnas; a crepna being a type of traditional earthenware dish for baking bread), and were made during the ritual proce­dures of making bread baking moulds, mainly practised on the feast of St. Jeremiah. The figurine was in the shape of a man (twenty centimetres high) with an oversized phallus stuck on a large nail driven into the center of the largest baking dish. It was believed that it would keep this and all the other dishes from cracking during the process of drying (photomontage T.XV: 7). After new baking dishes and a new such figurine were made the following year, the old one was left in the attic or simply thrown away (......... 1951, 104, 147, 148; ........ . ....... 2006: 99, 115, 125, 126). In the Kyustendil area (Pirin Macedonia, now in Bulgaria), this figurine was kept near the hearth, and placed in the baking mould to “sleep” during the night before the bread was kneaded (T.XV: 6) (Mesnil & Popova 2002: 247, 248, 250, 252). Analyses suggest that it is a remnant of a mythical character (in some cases perhaps of a theistic nature) whose fertile power was invested in the rising of the bread dough, implying its function as the “husband of the baking mould”, i.e. the “father of the bread”, and the identification of his semen with the yeast. His annual elimination refers to the sacrifice of the depicted character as a form of investing his vital force into the fertility of nature and the household. The functions indicated correspond well with the season in which these objects were made – in the spring when the earth and all of nature awaken (........ . ....... 2006; ........ 2010.). The second type of ithyphallic figurines, known as“German”, were also made of unfired clay, and were similar in shape andsizeto the previous ones. Theytoo were made by women as part of a ritual of the same name, in which the figurine occupied the central place (T.XV: 2 – 4). The ritual was performed mainly incidentally - in the event of a prolonged drought, and consisted in the symbolic burial of the figurine, preceded by all the usual funeral procedures for the burial of a real deceased person: mourning and a vigil over the figurine of German, complete with candles. The figurine was then carried in procession through the village, laid in a coffin or on a bier, and then buried in the field or, more commonly, broken and scattered over the fields or thrown into water. Songs have also been recorded that speak of German having “died for want of rain” (“..... .. .... .. ....”), or that he was instructed to go to heaven and plead to God for rain. The ritual bearing this name is mainly observed in certain parts of Bulgaria (...... / German)andSerbia(......,...... /Gjerman, Djerman),andwithother names alsoin Romania (Kaloyan, Skaloyan), Moldova (Trayan), and among the Eastern Slavs (....., ..... / Yarilo, Goryun). In some South Slavic regions, acharacter with the same name, and the same or similar functions, is also found in magical chants (“basmi” / “baenja”), which are mainly aimed at controlling atmospheric phenomena.33 The “German” ritual has not survived in the folk traditions from the territory of Macedonia, but we may consider an indirect argument for its former existence in this region to be the presence of this character in magical folk chants and toponymy. It is quite significant that such a toponym (the village of German/Agios Germanos) is located on the southeastern shore of Lake Prespa, at a distance of fifty kilometres from the mon­astery of St. Naum (T.XVIII: 1), although in this specific case the name of the village could have come from the old village church dedicated to the Christian saint of the same name (...... 1970: 132, 135, 217). However, we think that the first option is supported by other examples from Macedonia where such a toponym refers to a larger area (such as Mount German in the Kumanovo region), and is not accompanied by any Christian building dedicated to this saint. The ithyphallicity of German’s figurine rules out the possibility that it was created by folklorising the Christian saint of the same name. It is just the opposite – the cult of the saint was built upon the pagan character and even took over its functions in connection with the control of atmospheric phenomena. Although these are two different rituals, the male principle (represented by the ithy-phallic figurine) appears as a common component in both. In the first case it operates on a mesocosmic and microcosmic level (in the production of bread, and earlier probably more broadly in the fertility of the household and the family), while in the second it operates on a macrocosmic level (in the fertility of nature producing a successful yield in the fields and crops grown). Certain macrocosmic aspects can also be recognized in the case of the “Little Man”, especially in the act of throwing it away or leaving it in the attic (return, sacrifice), which corresponds to the analogous “burial” of German. This meaning can also be discerned in the planting of the “Little Man” on the nail driven into the centre of the baking dish, which also acquires the meaning of his sacrifice on the Cosmic Pillar that ris­es in the center of the universe (T.XV: 7 compare with T.XIV: 3 – 5). This interpretation corresponds well with the macrocosmic aspects of the baking dish (crepna) and the large metal lid (vršnik) placed on it. In everyday language and in some Macedonian legends these are equated with the cosmos, the dish representing the Earth’s plate, while the metal lid is the celestial dome. A common component linking the two rites is also the feast day of St. Jeremiah because the name of this saint contains the same root that is also inherent in the name German (........ . ....... 2006: 115–126; ........ 2010.: 98–104). In our previous studies we have put forward several hypotheses about the origin of this character, and have come to the conclusion that it represents an extremely archaic phenomenon that shows relations with both Slavic and Paleo-Balkan traditions. At the base of the name, i.e. the theonym, German, lays the root ger-, jer-, jar-, yer-, yar-, in which one can recognise the universal life force that stimulates, i.e. drives the productive power of the female elements (earth, woman, hearth/oven, vessel for the preparation of 33 ........ . ....... 2006: 114–116 (with presented bibliography); ........ 1994: 359–365; ........ 2010.; ........ . ........ 1995. food). The same root is contained in the lexemes that denote: heat (Serbian: .... / jara), the summer part of the year (Polish: jar; German: Jahr; Proto-Germanic: jeran;Avestan: yar.; PIE: *yóh1r ), young man, lover (Serbian: ..... / jaran), erotic fire, passion (Serbian: ..... / jaric), mating of animals (Bulgarian. ... .. / yari se), male animal (Macedoni­an: ..... / jarec), yeast (Serbian and Croatian: dermo/germa). It is also present in the theonyms of some Slavic (Yarilo, Yarovit) and ancient Mediterannean deities (Hermes / Doric: Herman, Heracles) with an accentuated masculine character.34 ARGUMENTS IN SUPPORT OF THE MONUMENT’S PAGAN SLAVIC AFFILIATION The presented parallels for the monument from the monastery of St. Naum and the dia­ chronicoverview of similar ithyphallicrepresentations fromthesurrounding Macedonian regions indicate the immediate proximity of this find to examples relating to Slavic culture. In this chapter we will present some further facts, which we believe provide additional arguments in support of this view. Wethinkthatprimarilyitis worthmentioningamedievalsourcefromthe11thcentury that speaks explicitly about the veneration of idols among the Slavs in Macedonia. It is an episode from the Hagiography of George the Hagiorite, which describes in detail how the saint destroyed the marble idol of a goddess venerated by the “Bulgarians who call themselves Slavs”, living in the locality of Livadia near Thessaloniki.35 No stone objects with the character of monumental idols whose appearance or documented archeological context couldbe unambiguouslydefined as Slavic have yet been found on the territory of the Southern Slavs. In academic literature, however, such a possibility is discussed in connection with the following finds: the multi-headed (three- or four-headed) idol from Vacane near Bribir (Croatia) (T.XVI: 2) (........ 1994: 465–471; Causidis 2005: 440–443; ......... 1961; Goss 2009); the four-sided stone idol from the village of Plavna near Negotin (Serbia) (T.XVI: 6, height 183 cm) (........ 1994, 476, 477; ......... 1961, 70); the aforementioned stone monument from Gunitza (Thessaly) (T.XVI: 7) (........ 1993: 161–163; ........ 1994, 93, 356, 481; ......... 1961: 69). We should pay particular attention to the cylindrical stone object with three human heads from the church of St. Helena and St. Mary Magdalene at Magdalensberg (Štalenska gora, Carinthia, Austria) (T.XVI: 8, 9) (Kahl 2005, 38). It shares three important similarities with the idol from St. Naum – it is currently located in a Christian building, the heads are similarly modelled (T.XVI: 8, 9 compare with 1), and both have a recipient that was obviously intended for offering sacrificial gifts (similar, but much more distinctly shaped than the slight indentation in the Ohrid idol). 34 In more detail on these and other examples: ........ 1994: 228, 365, 447–449; ........ 2010.: 94, 100; ...... . ....... 1974: 214, 215. 35 ........ 1994: 27, 28 (with presented bibliography), an overview of other such historical sources and folklore traditions relating to the Southern Slavs: 356–358. . The Ohrid monument is also close to some medieval idols (with a greater or lesser degree of probability defined as Slavic) in terms of its appearance. We are thinking of the contrast between the head, sculpted in high relief, and the body, which is modelled in a quite shallow relief. In this respect, we should pay special attention to the idol from Zbruch (T.XI: 4 compare with 1), and the idols from Negotin and Olsztyn (T.XVI: 6, 5 compare with 1). If we accept the striking similarities between this monument and the tombstones from Vuksanlekaj/Vuksanlekici (T.IV), then the supposed Slavic components in these tombstones could be due to the possible participation of some Slavic element in the ethnographic group (the Malissori) behind these monuments. Alternatively, they may simply be the result of cultural influence. If we agree with the possibility (which in our opinion is the most probable) that the ithyphallic idol from the monastery of St. Naum represented a deity whose theonym contained the root jar/yar/ger, then this assumption could be supported by some histor­ical sources that mention cult objects of Slavic gods whose theonym contains the same root. Among the Western Slavs, for example, that would be Gerovit or Yarovit (Latin: Gerovitus, Herovith) who was venerated in Havelsberg and Wolgast (Wologošc), and was specificallyhonoredinthespring as agod of warand vegetation (Profantova& Profant 2000: 89, 90). In Russia there are two legends about the existence of idols of such deities: Yarilo (.....) and Yarun (....). According to the first, an idol of Yarilo stood on the Poklonnaya gora (......... ..../ Hill of Worshipful Submission) near Galich-Mersky, where the feast of Yarilki was celebrated en masse until the end of the 19th century. The second example refers to Yarunovaya gora (........ .... / Hill of Yarun) near Suzdal, where an idol of Yarun stood at the junction of two local streams, and where a church was later built (....... 1985: 235). The indicated example from Magdalensberg (T.XVI: 8, 9) raises the question of how the monument from St. Naum came to be within the circle of the monastery, probably built into one of its buildings, with a visible front side. It turns out that this was not a rare phenomenon, which also occurred with other such objects. It is worth mentioning two examples that relate to Pagan Slavic cult monuments. The first is a relief depicting a human figure holding a rhyton, embedded in a church in Altenkirchen on the island of Rügen(Germany)(T.XVI:4).Thefigure’s appearancematches theidolofthegod Svan­tovit, which stood in his temple located on this island in the town of Arkona. According to the descriptions, this figure also held a rhyton. The second example is a columnar, four-headed stone idol set into the top of the dome of the church in Plavec near Znojmo (Czech Republic– T.XVI: 3) (Plichta 1974; Pleterski 2011: 128, 131). The position of these two examples does not indicate improvisation and the use of old objects as ordi­nary construction material or as indeterminate decorative elements from the past. On the contrary, they indicate respect for the objects and a desire to give them a worthy place in the context of the new Christian building. These actions reflect how much the people who built the churches valued these objects, so much so that they wanted to incorporate them in some way into the newly accepted religion. The next source, however, shows that this was not only a spontaneous reaction of the faithful who had previously venerated these objects, but also a strategy of the Church Fathers cunningly planned in advance for a more successful conversion of the pagans and to make them their gradually abandon the worship of the old gods. This is the letter written by Pope Gregory I (the Great, 590-604 CE) to Abbot Mellitus, who was preparing to accompany St. Augustine of Canterbury on a mission to England in 597 CE: “Tell Augustine that he should be no means destroy the temples of the gods but rather the idols within those temples. Let him, after he has purified them with holy water, place altars and relics of the saints in them. For, if those temples are well built, they should be converted from the worship of demons to the service of the true God. Thus, seeing that their places of worship arenotdestroyed, thepeoplewillbanish error fromtheir hearts and cometo places familiar anddearto themin acknowledgementandworship ofthetrueGod.Further,sinceithas beentheircustomtoslaughteroxenin sacrifice, they should receive some solemnity in exchange. Let them there­fore, on the day of the dedication of their churches, or on the feast of the martyrs whose relics are preserved in them, build themselves huts around their one-time temples and celebrate the occasion with religious feasting. They will sacrifice and eat the animals not any more as an offering to the devil, but for the glory of God to whom, as the giver of all things, they will give thanks for having been satiated. Thus, if they are not deprived of all exterior joys, they will more easily taste the interior ones. For surely it is impossible to efface all at once everything from their strong minds, just as, when one wishes to conditionthat she should be permitted to practice her religion with the bishop, Luidhard, who was sent with her to preserve the faith” (Epistola 76: PL 77: 1215–1216; Gregory 2021). It is not impossible that St. Naum acted according to the same principles. As the Ohrid idol was probably not kept in a temple, i.e. in a closed building, but in an outdoor cultic area under the open sky, he may have decided to bring it into the circle of the monastery in order to lure its worshippers inside and perform their pagan rites alongside it. Later, when Christianity had prevailed, the idol lost its former cultic significance and was incorporated into one of the monastery buildings as a “memento of the old traditions”. THE IDOL FROM THE MONASTERY OF ST. NAUM IN THE CONTEXT OF OTHER MYTHOLOGICAL AND CULTIC TRADITIONS FROM THE SURROUNDING REGION In this chapter we will try to observe the monument from the monastery of St. Naum in the context of the narrower and broader ambient in which it was found. In doing so, we will consider the legends and toponyms from the Ohrid-Prespa region and its surround­ings, which contain certain mythological and religious content that could be associated with the idol. a) Legend of how St. Naum harnessed a bear to a yoke In the church of the monastery of St. Naum, more precisely in the chapel where the tomb of its founder and patron is located, there are frescoes of the saint’s hagiographic cycle that were paintedin 1800 CE. One of them depicts a two-wheeled cart with a harnessed ox and a carnivorous animal, next to which St. Naum of Ohrid stands holding the neck of an animal, the same as the latter, but this time standing on its hind legs (T.XVII: 8) (......... 2015: 144–149). As we will see below, this is one of the saint’s miracles in which he harnessed a bear to a yoke, in place of an ox that it had previously eaten. Other representations of this scene have been preserved elsewhere in the monastery. In more recent times, a similar composition was created above the entrance to the monastery, and accounts by somevisitors in thefirstdecades of the20th century mention another similar image located elsewhere on the premises. The oldest depiction of this scene appears on an icon from the iconostasis of the monastery church, dated to 1711 CE, on which the scene of the bear harnessed to a cart is depicted next to the legs of the two saints from Ohrid – St. Naum and St. Clement (T.XVII: 4). It can also be seen in a simpler form on a stone slab in the courtyard of the monastery. The relief depicts only the two animals harnessed to a yoke (T.XVII: 1). According to available information, it was previously located on the bridge (built in 1828 CE) under which the water from the springs of the Black Drin River flows into the lake (T.I: 5). The miracle of St. Naum depicted in these compositions was also evoked by a stuffed bearskin, which was displayed in the large hallway of the monastery lodgings until the First World War.36 The special significance of this scene is indicated by its presence on several monastery seals. On the more recent seals, the animals are also shown pulling a cart (T.XVII: 3, from 1774 CE), while on the oldest seal they are pulling a plough (T.XVII: 2, from the 17th century CE) (......... 2015: 213–219; ......... 1983; ........ – ..... 1987). The scene can also be seen on several icons from different parts of Macedonia, and further afield (Ohrid, Bi-tola, Prilep, Belgrade), where the figure of St. Naum is accompanied by scenes from his hagiographic cycle, the model for which can be found in the copperplate made by H. Žefarovic in 1743 in Vienna (T.XVII: 5, 6) (......... 2015: 186–189; Maticetov 1987: 176, 177; ......... 1959). Two theories have been advanced concerning the history of this miracle. According to the first, its absence from the hagiographies of St. Naum (as well as the absence of some of hisother miracles) pointsto an origin in other Christian texts. Acanon in honour of St. Naum, written in the 13th century CE by the Archbishop of Ohrid, Constantine Kabasilas, which states that the saint managed to harness a “wild beast” in a field belon­ging to the Church, is usually taken as evidence to support the first theory. This account is interpreted as a metaphor in which the pagan-heathens are identified with wild beasts, and their harnessing in the Church field symbolises their baptismand admission into the Christian Church. C. Grozdanov has expressed the opinion thatthe legend of the bear 36 ......... 2015: 118–120; ......... 1983, 14; ......... 1985: 31, 32; Maticetov 1987: 177, 178. being harnessed to a plough arose in the Ottoman period as a result of the “other” (he probably meant literal) interpretation of this metaphor.37 We consider the second theory, according to which this miracle has no historical-lit­erary basis but is based on the legends and other popular traditions of the population of the surrounding region, to be more credible. Due to their exceptional importance and popularity, these traditions had to gradually “spill over” into local Christian traditions.38 In this context, the words of Constantine Kabasilas may be seen as an early attempt by the Church Fathers to integrate these traditions into the local cult of St. Naum, which indicates their existence in the Middle Ages. The oldest legend of this kind in Macedonia was recorded by K. Shapkarev in the second half of the 19th century, and it talks about a man from the vicinity of the monastery who complainedto St. Naum that a bear had eaten one of the two oxen he was using to plough the fields. The saint solved the problem by harnessing the bear to the yoke, in the place of the ox it had devoured, and ordered it to pull the plough with the remaining ox (........ 1976: 127–128). Several more variants were recorded in the following years, in which the basic plot remains the same.39 Although the similarity of this legend to the pictorial examples is obvious, their difference should also be noted. With the exception of the oldest seal from the monastery of St. Naum (T.XVII: 2), and the lost painting that hung in its ancillary premises, all the other examples depict a cart attached to the yoke (T.XVII: 3, 4 – 6, 8). While the legend speaks of a plough, the relief plate depicts only the pair of animals harnessed to a yoke, without showing what they are pulling (T.XVII: 1). We will try to answer this question in the following chapters. This scene has been the subject of research by many scholars, but it is the works by M. Maticetov and V. Živancevic that deserve special attention. The first author focused on finding other such traditionsin Europe and the Middle East that can be traced back as far as the 6th century CE. He listed over 30 examples (often the bear is replaced by a wolf, and sometimes by a lion or dragon) in the form of miracles, recorded in the hagiographies of various local saints, or featured in the accompanying pictorial illustrations. There are even more examples of analogous acts present in folklore, usually as stories and legends categorized in appropriate databases (under the number AT 1910) (Aarne & Thompson 1961: 514). Such traditions have also been recorded in the neighbouring Balkan countries of Greece (region near Olympus), Bulgaria (Sofia, Varna) and Serbia (......... 1975; Maticetov 1987). V. Živancevic directed his research to uncover the mythical-religious aspects of this act. Based on comparisons with other corresponding traditions, he concluded that this 37 Discussion on this issue: ......... 2015: 145, 216. This miracle was also included in the long “service” for St. Naum’s feast day, which includes the sentence „..... .. ......... ...“ (“you tamed the beast”): ...... 1907 (cited according to Maticetov 1987, 178 and footnote 35). 38 This theory is supported by the large volume of comparative material collected by M. Maticetov and other researchers (see below), which points to the archetypal character of this phenomenon and its widespread pres­ence in Europe, and also the Middle East. 39 ...... 1985 (with presented bibliography); ......... 1997: 49–54, a variant with harnessing to a cart instead of a plough 50, 51; ........ 2005: 111–114, 161–163, a cart instead of a plough 114, a variant with a wolf harnessed to a plough 115. legend is a reflection of an archaic custom once present in this region and further afield, in which a bear (certainly domesticated) was harnessed to a plough during the first ritual ploughing of the fields. The author sees the essence of this act in the transposition of the wild animal’s vital force into the ploughed field. He thinks that the bear in the ritual appears as a sacred animal, and even as a theriomorphic epiphany of the Slavic chthonic god Veles.40 The same concept also applies to two other ritual activities. One of them involves making magic circles around the settlement by ploughing in the event of mass livestock deaths. In some parts of Russia, a bear’s head was carried during the ploughing (alternated with an icon of St. Blaise) (......... 1982: 99, 100). The other ritual involves men wearing special winter costumes (for example, “kurenti”, “kukeri”, “djamalari” and “meckari”) harnessing and pulling aplough. In thesecases, thepresenceof the“wild” and “animalistic” is manifested through their furry costumes and animal masks (examples: .......... 1963: 57; Teržan 2001; ......... 2004). Building upon the observations of the abovementioned authors, we continued our search for other traditions from the immediate and wider surroundings of the monastery of St. Naum that would support the above interpretations (........ 1994: 396–400). We thinks some of them could help reveal the chronological and cultural affiliation of the idol from the monastery of St. Naum, identify the character it represented, and determine its nature and functions. b) Surrounding toponyms with a Pagan Slavic character The Slavic affiliation of the monument from St. Naum is also indicated by the rich top-onymy of the surrounding region. There are several examples that indicate certain Pagan Slavic or other non-Christian mythical-religious traditions. The first of these traditions includethe toponyms around LakeOhrid and LakePrespa, some examples showing connections with the epiphaniesof the Slavic chthonic deities, also manifested in the etymology of their theonyms. Thesignificant number of such toponyms may also be seen as the result of the environment itself, i.e. the presence of lakes whose large water surfaces emphasise the chthonic aspects. - VELES The village of Velestovo lies above the eastern shore of Lake Ohrid, on the slopes of Mount Galicica.North of it lies the village of Velgošti, and in the background of the lake’s northern shore there is a village called Velešta. All three names may be connected with the theonym Veles.41 Similar toponyms are also present in other parts of the Bal­ 40 .......... 1963; other authors have also referred to these legends: Matic 1972: 144, 145; Ilic 1988: 210, 332. 41 Our assumptions about the indicated meaning, with similar parallels: ........ 1994: 395–398; on the archaic Slavic features of the toponym Velgošti: ........ 1988: 450. Also worth mentioning is the fact that sources mention a cult place and idol of the god Gerovit/Yarovit at the locality of Wolgast/Wologošc on the Baltic coast (Ebbo, III. 7; Herbordus, II. 39, III. 4; Helmold, I. 38), which could etymologically correspond to the villageof Velgošti near Ohrid. Furthermore, on the banks of the Drin, opposite the mouth of the Valbona, there was a similar toponym, Radogošta, in the Middle Ages, which coincides with the name of the god Ra-dogost, mentioned in the medieval sources referring to the Polabian Slavs (.... 1991: 321, 322). kans, for example, in Serbia there are the hill and village of Veles (western Serbia), and the village of Velesnica (on the Danube, near Kladovo), while in Montenegro there is a village called Velestovo (....... 1998, 85). We should also mention several exam­ples from Thessaly, a region which in the Early Middle Ages was settled by the Slavic Belegezites (Velesi, Velesjotes, Velesnikon, and Velestinon). Velestinon was already mentioned above as the place where the Early Slavic metal plaques with depictions of various mythicalcharacters werediscovered (T.X).42 In Russia, similar names (Volosovo, Velesovo) referred to places thatappeared to stand out from the surroundings and were once probably associated with the god Volos/Veles (....... 1987: 137). - TRIGLAV On Mount Galicica, rising above the village of Konjsko near Ohrid (twenty kilometres north of the monastery of St. Naum), there is a peak called Truglaš. This name is con­ sidered to be a local dialectal variant of Triglav, which is a pagan Slavic theonym that appears in medieval sources and other traditions. Apart from its profane meaning (a hill with three peaks), this toponym can also be a theonym denoting a mythical character – a deity with three heads.43 This is clearly and explicitly confirmed in the medieval sources that refer to the Western Slavs, specifically in the form “triglous”, which is even more similar to the Ohrid example (Monachus Prieflingensis, II. 11; Dynda 2014: 58–59, footnote 5). Among the Southern Slavs, this god is referred to by numerous toponyms, often accompanied by appropriate legends, and especially through various mythical characters with similar names recorded in folklore, all of which are based on the word meaning three or threefold (Trojan/Trajan, Troglava Arapina). This god is also present in archaeological material, such as objects or figures with three anthropomorphic heads or faces (examples T.XVIII: 3, 4). The analyses carried out so far have shown that this god is usually a chthonic character with an ambivalent nature, whose domain includes various spheres of activity (fertility, animals, wealth, death, the dead), and corresponds to the analogous type of Indo-European deities (........ 2005: 241–269; Chausidis 2021: Ch. IX). - CRNOBOG/CHERNOBOG NorthofLakeOhrid,nearthevillageofBajramovci(vicinityofDebar),thereis avillage called Crnoboci. Together with the village of Crnobuki near Bitola (referred to as Crno­boki in older documents), it can be associated with Crnobog (“Black God”) – another theonym and epiphany of a Slavic chthonic god (Causidis 2009: 86–91; ........ 1994: 398). There are numerous indications that following the Christianisation of the Slavs (as well as other populations), their chthonic gods were identified with the devil. In addition to many concrete indications, this is also clearly suggested by some written documents. 42 On this and other toponyms in Thessaly with the same root: ........ 1993: 163–166. 43 ........ 1988:451;in the topographic map ofSFRYugoslavia (Kruševo-3, 1:50000, from the year 1958) the toponym is denoted as Truglajš. Concerning the Slavic god Triglav and his analogies and pictorial representations: ........ 1994: 391–393; ........ 2005: 241–260. Helmold says the Slavs believedin the good and the evil god: “... in their language, they call the evil god Diabol [Devil] or Zcerneboch [Crnobog/Chernobog]” (Helmold, I. 52; ...... 1986: 132). Thisdualistically structured arrangement isalso manifested in Slavic toponymy through the presence of pairs of toponyms containing the names of the above gods (or their equivalents), situated opposite each other, on either side of a river or stream (Causidis 2009: 86–88; ........ 2003: 141, 142, with presented bibliography). We have made an assumption about the presence of such a pair in the fresco composition of “The Harrowing of Hell” from the church of the Holy Mother of God Eleusa in the monastery of Veljusa (near Strumica, Macedonia, 11th century CE). Instead of just one figure (the devil) under the gates of hell, there are depicted two – one with light skin and the other with dark skin (Causidis 2009: 88–91). In this context, the toponyms whose name means black-headed and which are located in the wider area are of particular interest to us: the village of Cernoglave (..........) near Berat (Albania), the village of Cernoglav (.........) near Serres in Greece (.......... 2002: 425, 426), and Tzernoglavos, mentioned in 1071 CE near the monastery of Vatopedi on Mount Athos (Pavlikianov 2015: 670). They could be related to the theonym Chernoglav/Crnoglav (“Black-Headed”) or some of its specific epiphanies, since the Western Slavs mention a god with this name (Tiarnoglofi in Jasmund on the island of Rügen) whose statue had a silver beard (Knytlinga Saga; Profantova & Profant 2000: 60). - THE DEVIL Helmold’s account suggests a fairly early contamination of the character of the Slavic chthonic god (specifically Crnobog) with the devil. This phenomenon is also indicated by other facts. Some written sources from the 15th and 17th centuries indicate that for the Czechs, Veles was a synonym for an evil spirit, a demon and the devil.44 A Russian account from the 19th century, which is based on an older text, describes the destruction of the cult and sanctuary of the pagan god Volos in Yaroslavl. Volos is identified with the devil and with the bes/bies in numerous places (...... . ....... 1974: 55–66; ........ 2003: 268). These facts give us reason to include the name of the medieval town of Devol in our research (Old Slavic: ......). It was first mentioned in the second half of the 9th century and its diocese actually included the monastery of St. Naum. Although the exact location of the town has not yet been confirmed, there is no doubt it was located in the area of the same name that stretched south of Lakes Ohrid and Prespa (T.XVIII: 1). Byzantine sources confirm that this town’s name was associated with the meaning of devil, as its name is transcribed in Greek as Diabolis (...ß....), or appears as Selasforos (Se.asf....), meaning light bearer, which is the Greek equivalent of the Latin Lucifer.45 However, this toponym was recorded in the same region much earlier, in the form .a...a/..ß...a (Ptolemy, III, 12, 23), as the name of an Illyrian town in the 44 ......... 1982: 57; .......... 1963: 41; ...... . ....... 1974: 56, 57; ........ 2003: 268. 45 On these and various other versions of the toponym noted in the sources and for the proposed locations of the city: .... . .... 2009: 232, 233; ......... 2011.: 409–414; ..... 2021; ....... 1975; ......., 1999: 294–296, 398–410. region of the Apsos River, whileasimilar toponymis also observed in Phocis (.a...s), as well as in .a.....46 Regardless of the Greek etymology of d..ß...., this lexeme cannot be taken as the basis for the medieval toponyms ...... and ...ß...., but as their secondary reconceptualisation. It has been suggested that it first referred to the local river (p.taµ.. ..aß..e..), so in that context its root is sought in the Thracian *dhaw – ule, connected with the meanings of river and river flow.47 We suggest that a Paeonian lexeme should also be included in these examinations, firstly because of the proximity of this region to Paeonia, and also because of the considerable distance from Thrace and its cultural influences. We have in mind the theonym Dyalos (variants Dryalus, ...a..s), which is presented in the Lexicon of Hesychius as the “Paeonian Dionysus”, and is also confirmed as a theonym by epigraphic monuments found in Kilkis (Greek part of Macedonia), and in the ancient city of Stobi (RN Macedonia) (in the second case as Dyalis).48 This would also be supported by the presence in this part of the Balkans of another medieval settlement (most probably a town) named Devol, located in the very centre of former Paeonia (see below). Such an interpretation would also be supported by other facts, primarily the frequent identification of the pagan Dionysus with the Christian ...ß...., based on their pronounced chthonic character, whereby the Paeonian variant would be even more interesting because of its greater phonetic proximity to the Christian term.49 One could also include the Thracian mythical character Daba/Dava and the Phrygian Davos (a lame deity - wolf) in these comparisons. The latter may be considered a possible link to the Greek and Latin ...ß..../Diabolus via the Semitic Dava - ol (meaning Dava-god/Evil god). All the above gives reason to incorporate in this analysis the Slavic theonym Dajbog/Dažbog, especially through the South Slavic Dabog and Hromi Dabo (a mythical character with accentuated chthonic features) (........... . ..........-..... 1990: 57–61; ........ 2003: 149). A second argument would be the presence in the Devol region (T.XVIII: 1) of the toponym Božigrad, i.e. “God’s Town” (present-day Miras),50 which could be considered a Slavic translation of the ancient toponym, if the assumption were accepted that it was based on the above or other similar Paleo-Balkan theonym.51 This hypothesis becomes 46 .... . .... 2009: 232; ....... 1964: 54 (with several similar toponyms in the Baltic region). 47 .... . .... 2009: 232, 233 (and other etymologies); ....... 1991: 94. 48 (Hesychius Alexandrinus, Lexicon); ........ 2017, 265, with presented bibliography. 49 According to the archeological data discovered so far, the cult of Dionysus was particularly strong in the Ohrid-Prespa region: ......... .......... 2017: 339–354 (in Ohrid); .......... 2017: 41–43 (in Prespa). 50 On Božigrad (with a different interpretation): .... . .... 2009: 234–237. 51 In the Ohrid-Prespa region there are also other toponyms that contain elements of a chthonic character (for allthe toponyms mentioned see T.XVIII:1). The Slavic ones include the name of MountGalicica, which separatesthe two lakes. The root gal is connected to the meanings black/dark. The same meaning is also borne by its peaks Cemerec (above the village of Skrebatno), Crn Kamen (above the village of Peštani) and the locality Temnono. An analogous meaning is also contained in Tomoros, the name of another of its peaks, based on the Paleo-Balkan root with the same meaning, also contained in the name of the Tomorr mountain massif, the Tomorica River (a tributary of the Devol River), and the region of the same name, all of which lie between the rivers Devol and Osum. There are also two toponyms whose names contain the meaning of devil: Vragoj Gumenja near the village of Elšani, on the west side of Galicica, and Certi Kamen/Certov Kamen, on its opposite side – near the village of Stenje in Prespa (........ 1988: 418–420, 441, 442, 443, 448, 449, 451, 452); on Certi Kamen/Certov Kamen: .......... 2018: 131, 132. more likely if we consider that the name Devol has the root dev-, i.e. div- as the basis of numerous Indo-European theonyms. In Macedonia, toponyms with this root are quite common (most often associated with old towns or rocks), and are frequently reconcep­tualised to mean virgin or girl (Devin Grad, Devikj, Devin Kamen). Also pertinent to this context is a variant of the story, recorded in Serbia, about the harnessing of a wild animal to a yoke. The protagonist is a mythical character named Div who comes to the mountain, catches the wolves that ate someone’s oxen, and harnesses them in their place to pull his cart (Maticetov 1987: 185). The Slavic Triglav, represented in our case by the toponym Truglash, fitswell into the interactions between the Christian devil and the Slavic chthonic gods. We are referring here to the folkloric and esoteric pictorial traditions in which the devil was depicted with three heads, i.e. three faces, among other things (example T.XVIII: 2). The reason for such an appearance should not be sought only in his treatment as a counterpart (perhaps even heretical) of the Holy Trinity, but also of the pagan chthonicgods with three heads (T.XVIII: 2 compare with 3, 4) (Sastre Vázquez 1994). All the above, observed in a broader geographical and chronological context, points to the mutual interaction between the spiritual cultures of various populations that have existed in this region for centuries. There are indications that the strongly rooted tradi­tions of veneration of chthonic deities, developed in pre-Roman and probably also in Roman times, faded in the early Christian period, and were refreshed after the settlement of the Slavs. However, this was followed by the replacement or reconceptualisation of old sacral toponyms with new ones, based on the names of the respective Slavic deities and mythical characters. It is quite unusual in a Christian culture for a settlement, especially a town with the status of a regional centre and the seat of a bishopric, to be named after the most negative and hated character in Christianity – Devol, the devil. It is obvious that it was motivated by some factor that could not be ignored and avoided. In additionto the above, two other arguments support the fact that the Slavs recognised their chthonic god (most probably Veles or Crnobog) in the toponym Devol. The first is the presence in medieval Macedo­nia of another settlement (probably a town) with the same name – the above-mentioned Devol – in the area of Raec (near Kavadarci), indicating that this is not a coincidence, but a phenomenon that was more widespread in this part of the Balkans.52 The second argument is the name of another Macedonian medieval town, perhaps the only one in the Slavic world, which completely coincides with the theonym of a Pagan Slavic deity. We are speakingabout the town of Veles whose name can be traced in sources from the first decades of the 11th century,up to the present day.53 The town probably got its name from the strong and enduring pagan traditions (for example, the presence of a significant 52 It refers to the former town of Želišta,which the Turks called “Devol - kasabasi” (........... 1924: 177, 214, 515); assumptions and discussions about the location and topography of the medieval town of Devol in Raec: ........ 1983; ......., 1999: 407, 408; ........ 1987. 53 Onthesources,location andtopographyofthetown:........1985.Thesecondexamplewould bethecity of Volos in Thessaly, if its genesis were not problematic (first mentioned as G...., and only later as .....): ........ 1993: 165. cultic place dedicated to this god), and then managed to preserve it throughout the Middle Ages. In themeantime, thetoponym’s originalpagan meaning was forgotten (seebelow). The toponym Devol appears in two other geographical names in the broader area of the town of Devol in present-day Albania. These are the Devol River and the region of the same name that stretched along its course, south of Lakes Ohrid and Prespa (T.XVIII: 1). If we accept the hypothesis that Devol is the old Balkan equivalent of the Christian Devil and of the Slavic chthonic god (Veles), and take into account that the domains of the latter, in addition to the earth and the underworld, also included the earthly waters, then itis also possible thatthetoponymDevolfirstreferred to theriver, and was only later used as a name for the town and the wider region (....... 1991: 94–96; .... . .... 2009: 232). The other two Macedonian examples referenced above also have a similar topography. The medieval town of Veles has a mystical setting with rocks and caves, right next to the Vardar River. The hill on the opposite bank (today known as St. Elijah, until recently without a church, but with a significant cultic site) was probably dedicated to the Slavic thunderer Perun – the opponent of Veles.54 The medieval town of Devol in Reac (fifty kilometres from the previous one) also has a similar setting, next to a river and at the entrance into a mystical gorge with steep cliffs and caves (........ 1983). If we agree that the idol from the monastery of St. Naum represented a pagan deity, and that after Christianisation it was identified with the devil, then we could seek traces of this process in one of the legends about St. Naum. It is a very unusual (and of course fragmentary) legend in which the devil put a curse on St. Naum so he would never die, and he responded by turning the devil into stone. Then St. Naum asked the people: “Do you know in which church the devil has been turned into stone?” After they told him, he revived the devil, and later died himself (......... 1997: 150). Perhaps the “stone devil in the church” is precisely the stone idol that is the subject of our study? c) Stone pillars on Mount Galicica Infrontof thenewlybuiltchurchinthevillageof Ljubaništa(2kmnorth ofthemonastery of St. Naum), there is a cylindrical stone pillar about 1.5 m high, with a slightly narrowed upper part and a flattened top (T.XVIII: 6). According to the villagers, it has always been in this place, ten metres from its current location. They also say that similar stone pillars, some of them cut in half, are found at several locations on Mount Galicica. Although there is no information about the nature and purpose of these objects, assumptions have been made that they are old milestones (...... 2006). Such an interpretation cannot be ruled out, although the object from Ljubaništa is made of rough stone, with an uneven surface and no markings, which is not typical of the Roman milestones that have also been discovered in this region. They could therefore be roadside markers or some other kind of markers from before or after Roman times. We should therefore not completely rule 54 On the cultic objects in and around the medieval town, and arguments in favour of the Veles - Perun oppo­sition, separated in this case by the Vardar River: ........ 1994: 395, 396, 441. out the possible cultic nature of these objects, regardless of whether it was their original purpose, or if it was acquired later as a result of their reconceptualisation. BOGOMIL AND OTHER DUALISTIC IMPLICATIONS The region that is home to the monastery of St. Naum appears in some medieval written sources as the centre of heretical movements. Some researchers are studying why St. Clementand St. NaumweresentfromPreslav to this very region after they returned from the Moravian and Pannonian mission. They say this happened because it was believed that thanks to the authority and experience gained in the course of these missions, the two men were the best candidates to successfully deal with this challenge. Although it is commonly thought that the Bogomil heresy dominated in the indicated region, some in-depth studies suggests that behind this label were in fact the heretical teachings of the Messalians, Cathars and Novatians (........ 2003: 118–123, 309–317, with presented bibliography). In our previous research we have tried to highlight some pictorial rep­resentations in the Christian temples of the Ohrid region that either directly or indirectly point to the presence of the dualistic heresy in this region, including the church of the St. Naum monastery (........ 2003: 287–292). The importance of this task within the mission of the saints is also reflected in the traditions associated with St. Naum. We are speaking of another scene from his already mentioned hagiographic cycle, executed as a fresco composition or as part of an icon, depicting a confrontation between St. Naum and the Bogomils, which is explicitly indicated by the appropriate signature “St. Naum persecuted by the Bogomils” (T.XVIII: 5) (........ 2003: 291, 292). These observations leadus to the question:what was actually meantbythe term heresy in the written sources that often refer to the Ohrid-Prespa region? Did it refer only to the above heretical teachings, or could it also include the pagan traditions of the Slavs and even of some other populations present in this region? Our observations so far show that this dichotomy was not so pronounced and decisive in the Middle Ages because the prohibition, persecution and repression of the two phenomena by the church meant they were both consideredto be negative manifestations that had to be destroyed or suppressed to the margins of society. This status, and the absence of more serious internal dogmatic and institutional means of control, encouraged the rapprochement of the two phenomena, i.e. the mixing of some of their traditions. We are primarily refer­ring here to the use of the pagan Slavic mythical-symbolic system for a more receptive (metaphorical and narrative) presentation of the complex and abstract heretical dogmas to ordinary uneducated believers (........ 2003: 133–139). There are still debates in academic circles regarding the parallel existence of dualism in the originalpagan religion of the Slavs and in the Bogomilteachings which they arebelieved to have adopted after settling in the Balkans. Although in some older theories, Pagan Slavic dualism is even seen as a trigger of Bogomilism, according to more recent observations its role is reduced only to creating an affinity for the adoption of the heresy, whose origins in the Near East are not in doubt (........ 2003: 91–113). In this sense, we can again consider the account by Helmold that the Slavs believed in two gods with complementary qualities to be particularly paradigmatic. This in turn is a fundamental feature of most heretical teachings (........2003:141).This conceptualstructurecanbesensedin themedievalsources that refer to the Eastern Slavs,55 and also in the folkloric traditions of the Southern Slavs.56 In this case, what is important for us are the dualistic teachings in which the opponent of the good God is not some minor figure whose importance amounts to emphasising the goodness, value and power of the positive God, but those in which he has the same rank as the latter, and is even surrounded by certain forms of veneration, referred to in the sources as “devil worship” (........ 2003: 267–269, 314, 315). This gives us another possible justification for the existence of the toponym “Devol”, according to which its emergence and survival throughout the centuries could be due not only to the traditions of Paleo-Balkan and Slavic paganism, but also the teachings of dualistic heresies from this part of the Peninsula. ASSUMPTIONS REGARDING THE ATTRIBUTION OF THE CHARACTER DEPICTED ON THE IDOL FROM THE MONASTERY OF ST. NAUM a) Attributes and functions of the Slavic chthonic god The noted legend about the harnessing of the bear, and the toponyms from the Ohrid-Prespa region and its wider surroundings, point to a possible connection between the idol from the monastery of St. Naum and the Slavic chthonic god, who may have been represented in this case by the theonym Veles. In several historical sources, he is accompanied by the epithet “...... ...” (“livestock god”), which is interpretedin two ways that need not be mutually exclusive. According to the first, he was the patron of animals (wild and domestic), as indicated by numerous traditions in Slavic folklore. According to the second, this epithet is a reflection of his animalistic appearance, i.e. this god’s therio­morphic epiphanies, supported by numerous arguments (folkloric and from the spheres of medieval pictoriality) in which the dominant place is occupied precisely by the bear.57 In this context, the presence of the same animal in the legend about St. Naum gains sig­nificance. Quite logically, it appears in a secondary (Christianised and degraded) form, as a representative of the negative principle. Building upon the ritual paradigms of this action, which consisted in investing the bear’s enormous vital force (and that of the god itrepresented) into theploughedfield, themeaning ofthis procedurecan besoughtin the identification of the plough with the phallus, whereby the act of ploughing acquires the 55 “... .... ....: ..... ........, ...... .. ...” (“There are two gods: one is heavenly, the other is in hell”) (.......... ........ (Hustynja chronicle), contents referring to 1070 CE). 56 “... ...... ..... .... ...., / .. ....... .... ........, / ... ....... ...... ........, / ... ......... .... ........, / .. .... .... ....... .. .....!” (“When heroes drink red wine, / they do not mention the only God, / but mention the devil unpleasant, / ... cursing the only God, / you do not have to listen to God out of fear!”) (Archive of Vuk Karadžic, song “..... ........ . ... ......” (“Prince Marko and Tsar Stefan”). 57 Sources, their interpretations and relations with the bear: .......... 1963: 46–50; ....... 1981: 421–431; ......... 1982: 85–89; ...... . ....... 1974: 47–50, 57–61. meaning of hierogamy, that is, sexual intercourse between the harnessed teriomorphic god and the Earth Goddess.58 The idol from the monastery of St. Naum can also find its place in the framework of this mythical paradigm, due to its pronounced ithyphallic appearance that is emphasised on several levels: by the presence of a human figure with oversized testicles and phallus; the accentuation of the genitals by the arms of the figure being directed towards them; by the contours of the monument, which allude to an erect phallus whose glans penis is depicted as a human head; by planting into the ground of the idol and perhaps of the phallus of the represented character. In this context, one should ask why, contrary to the folk legends, the plough is not present in the frescoes and icons depicting the miracle of St. Naum, but has been replaced by a two-wheeled cart. This could be because the church fathers wanted to avoid giving legitimacy to the mentioned pagan rituals of harnessing a bear to a plough, which seem to have still been performed in the region at the time, by keeping this detail out of official ecclesiastical images. b) The overlapping functions of St. Naum and his supposed Pagan Slavic predecessor It is not impossible that in inheriting the cult role of his pagan predecessors, St. Naum also had to accept some of their domains of action. This is indicated by the overlapping of some of the saint’s miraculous functions with those of the Slavic god Veles that refer to agriculture, livestock, water, commerce and healing.59 - AGRICULTURE AND LIVESTOCK These domains are clearly presented in the elaborated legend about St. Naum harness­ing a bear to a plough. In addition to the already mentioned arguments that support the overlapping of functions with the god Veles, one can take the functions of St. Blaise, a Christian saint who appears in Slavic folklore (and beyond) as the patron and protector of livestock, and who also has a similar name (.......... 1963). The presence of some other pre-Christian mythical character in the place of St. Naum (and of some other saints) is indicated by the other legends of the same type in which .... ....../Grandfather God (around Sofia), or Div (Serbia) appears as the bear’s tamer. Meanwhile, the devil appears in the role of the harnessed animal (compare T.XVII: 7). The latter is particularly interesting, given the chthonic aspects of the legend and other traditions in the area of the monastery (Maticetov 1987: 173, 174, 181, 182, 184, 185). - WATER In a legend recorded by the Miladinov brothers, St. Naum is presented as the keeper of the keys to the springs that fill Lake Ohrid. If fully opened, they would flood the entire Ohrid and Struga Valley. This isreflected in another story in which he punishes a woman 58 On ploughing as a symbolic sexual act: ........ 2008: 15–20. 59 On overlaps between the character and cult of St. Clement of Ohrid and the older gods venerated at Plaošnik in Ohrid: ........ 2012: 79, 80; Chausidis 2020: 154. who wanted to measure the depth of the lake (........... 1983: 502–503; ...... 1985: 118; ......... 1997: 145). The function of lord of water is typical for chthonic gods whosedomains of actionincludenotonlytheearth andtheunderworld, butalso the earthly waters (springs, streams, rivers, swamps, lakes and seas) (...... 1999, ..... V). Such functions are also attributed to Veles and his other Slavic chthonic equivalents (...... . ....... 1974: 40–47; ......... 1982: 81–84). The connection between St. Naum’s domain and that of one of his pagan chthonic predecessors is also indicated by the various local legends refering to the dragon, i.e. the lamya that lives in Lake Ohrid. In this context, the legend that speaks of the saint’s function as controller of the sources of the Black Drin River is particularly interesting. According to this legend, the springs were created during a confrontation with St. Naum, when the lamya made a hole under Mount Galicica so water from the neighbouring Lake Prespa could flow into Lake Ohrid (............ 2002: 3; ......... 1997: 103; ........ 2005: 80). This parallel is a serious indicator of thesameidentity of thethree mythicalcharacters, who arealllords of this river source: the chthonic dragon asthe zoomorphic patron of water; Veles, Crnobog and Triglav as Pagan Slavic deities; and St. Naum as their Christian successor.60 - COMMERCE AND CRAFTSMANSHIP In folk tradition, St. Naum of Ohrid also figures as the patron of craftsmen and mer­chants (......... 2011.: 170). There are clear indications that the Slavic god Veles bore the same functions. In Kiev, the kapyshche (cult place) of Volos was not in the same place as that of the other gods (“.. ......... ....”, i.e. at the Princely Hill, next to the ruler’s palace), but at Podil, i.e. the Lower City (“.. ........ ......”), at the trading ports on the Pochaina River. There are indications that in Pskov it was located at the city market (“.. .....”), where a church dedicated to his Christian substitute St. Blaise was later built. It is even said that when the Russian-Byzantine treaties were concluded in the 10th century CE, the Russian princes swore by Perun (“....... ..... .....”), while the merchants swore by Volos (“....... ....... .....”).61 Finally, even today in the South Slavic languages the lexeme ...../stoka (Russian: ....) means livestock, but also goods intended for sale. - HEALING In the hagiography of St. Naum, and also in folk traditions, the saint is portrayed as a healer who had thepower to cure various (especially spiritual, i.e. mental) illnesses (......... 2011.: 168, 170; ........... . ...... 1985). This is also indicated by the dedication of the monastery church to the Holy Archangels, given that churches dedicated to the Holy Archangels were usually built next to large springs whose water 60 Other folk traditions about the dragon or lamya in Lake Ohrid: ............ 2002; ........ 1994: 399, 400; older ancient traditions: ........2010.: 166–171; ........ 2005: 225, on the connection between the dragon and the chthonic god: 209–225. In this legend, the phenomenon of fusion or identification of the dragonslayer with the dragon occurs, in this case represented by St. Naum. 61 ....... 1987: 417–421, 427; ....... 1981: 431, 422; assumptions about a similar topographic arrangement in Varoš - Prilep (RN Macedonia): ........ 1994: 400–402. was believed to have the power to heal the mentally ill (......... 2015: 11). In various spheres of folk culture one can identify elements that point to the same function of Volos/ Veles, also based mainly on the healing properties of water (......... 1982: 64–70). In Russia, there are several locations with a dominant stone or rock that was used for healing, which academic circles connect with Veles (..... 1998). A Russian document from 1420 CE states that during a great epidemic, the citizens of Pskov decided to find and excavate the foundations of the original church (built upon the cult site of Volos), believing that by doing so they would be able to overcome the disease (....... 1987: 419, 420). This function would not only be specific to the Slavicchthonic god but also to most other similar figures, at least among the Indo-European populations, because it is quite logical for the god of the underworld, who is at the same time the lord of death, to also be the master of the illnesses that cause it. Thechthonicaspects arealsocontainedinthepowerofSt.Naumtotreat spiritual, i.e. mental illnesses, and this is particularly emphasised in written sources and legends (......... 2011.: 168, 170; ........... . ...... 1985). This aspect is present in the definitions of these illnesses in archaic cultures, and even in Christianity. In Slavic languages it is implicit in words (e.g.: Macedonian: ......./besnilo, ......./ zbesnat; Serbian and Croation: bijesan; Russian: ......../bešenyj) based on the Proto-Slavic root *bes (a demonic character with negative symbolism), at the core of which stands the meaning of fear and horror (Skok 1974: bijes). These elements determine the cause and essence of the mental illnesses that were thought to have been caused by the possession of man by some kind of demonic character – bes/bies, who did not have to bear only a “Christian” nature (devil), but also an older Pagan one. If we take into account that the best healer of an illness is the one who caused it, i.e. its creator and master, then it also follows that the healer of “madness” was Bes/Bies himself – the former chthonic god. In folk tradition, St. Naum is also presented as a healer of infertility(......... 2011.: 170; ......... 1997: 79, 80; ........ 2005: 86–88). This function is more directly related to the monument that is the subject of our study, as it has an accentuated ithyphallicity. This component points to the possibility that its venerators visited this idol and the locationwhere it was placed in order to end their childlessness through some ritualand magicalacts, i.e.to conceiveand haveoffspring of their own.In addition to the usual offerings and sacrifices, they may also have left some of their clothes or jewellery next to the idol, as is still practiced in Macedonia today in locations with similar features (water, sacred stones).62 Given the global phallic shape of the idol, it is not impossible that more obscene acts were also performed on it, with allusions to sexual intercourse through which the depicted god would ensure conception. A direct paradigm for such immediate physical contact of women with the idol, is the ritual that was performed in the cult cave of Mal Zme.vets (meaning “Small Dragon’s Lair”) near the village of Dren (Demir Kapija, RN Macedonia), during which women without offspring left their 62 For example, Govedarov Kamen ( “Cattleman’s Stone”) near Peširovo (Sveti Nikole) and Crn Kamen (“Black Stone”) near the medieval town of Veles (........ 2012: 47, 72, 78, 127–129, 151, 152, 190). underwear beside the vertical phallus-like stalagmites, but also sat on them believing this would help them conceive.63 CLOSING REMARKS Based on the referenced material and the proposed interpretations, can it be concluded that the ithyphallic idol from the monastery of St. Naum represented the Slavic chthonic god Veles, i.e. Volos, Crnobog or Triglav? Although some of the presented data does indicate such a possibility, this conclusion cannot be decisively confirmed. Ithyphallic gods often personify the male fertilising power on its own, without any connection with the chthonic realms or some other cos­mic elements. When connections nevertheless exist, they usually refer to some celestial elements, for example the sun, specifically by identifying the male fertilising power with the heat and light which, radiating from this celestial body, stimulates the earth’s fertility. In other cases, this function is also attributed to thunder, i.e. lightning, or to rain, once again understood as celestial rather than chthonic elements. However, this option cannot be ruled out, given the absence of any rules and patterns in the constitution of a particular mythical character or deity, and its functions and domains. Although ithyphallicity is in principle personalised in a separate category of deities, it can become an attribute of any male deity, expressing one of his domains of action, equated with the functions of his sexual organs. In the case of the supreme god, this would be his role as creator of the universe or of man, or the function of a Cosmic Pillar on which the whole universe rests (T.XI: 4, 5). In the case of the Sun-God, it can symbolise the productive heat that awakens nature, while for war deities it symbolises their aggression and militancy (the bestillustrationofbothfunctions is theWestSlavicgodGerovit/Yarovit).Regarding the gods of the earth, the underworld and the earthly waters, the accentuation of the genitals may reflect the chthonic forces contained in the water and the earth that are responsible for the fertility of nature and the sprouting of vegetation. In our case, there may also have been two separate male deities whose theonyms left traces in the local toponymy. It could either have been a chthonic god (Veles, Crnobog), or a deity representing the male fertilising power, whose theonym may have contained the root ger or jar/yar (German, Yaro, Yarilo, Yarovit). It is not excluded that both deities were venerated in the same cultic space, perhaps on the very site of the current monastery of St. Naum or in the picturesque natural environment around the springs of the Black Drin River. It is possible that these two characterswere in some kind of mutual relationship, whereby the chthonic god (of an older age) figured as the father of the younger ithyphallic god. Over time, the two characters could also have merged, i.e. one could have assimilated the other, although not completely, but only in some of his 63 Chausidis 2020: 159 (the ritual has been recorded in the last decades of the 20th century); on other, primarily ancient, archaeological traces of cultic activities in this and the neighboring cave (Golem Zme.vets, meaning “Large Dragon’s Lair”): 160–162. aspects, in order to acquire the other character’s theonym while maintaining their own appearance. 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[Petrovic, P., Ž., 1998: Idol.Kulišic,Š.;Petrovic,P.Ž.;Pantelic,N.,Srpskimitološkirecnik. Beograd: Etnografski institut SANU, 1998, 211–214.] ......, ........., 1970: ............... .. ........-............ ...... ......: ........ .. .......... .....: „..... ........“. [Pjanka, Vlog´imjež, 1970: Topono­mastikata na Ohridsko-Prespanskiot bazen. Skopje: Institut za makedonski jazik: „Krste Misirkov“.] ........, ......., 2012: ......... .. ........ ......: ........ .. .......... ......... [Popovska, Dragica, 2012: Mistikata na kamenot. Skopje: Institut za nacionalna istorija.] ..........., ........, 1924: ...... . ...... ...... . ............, ... 17. ........ [Radovanovic, Vojislav, 1924: Tikveš i Rajec. Naselja i stanovništvo, knj. 17. Beograd.] ........, ......., .., 1983: ........ ........ ........ . ....... ..........­.............. ............. ............ ....... ........... ....... .........., .., .. (....),....... ...., ...... . .......... ...... . .......... ......: ....., 40–60. [Rayevskiy, Dmitriy, S., 1983: Skifskiye kamennyye izvayaniya v sisteme religiozno-mifologicheskikh predstavleniy iranoyazychnykh narodov yevrazi­yskikh stepey. Litvinskiy, B., A. (red.), Srednyaya Aziya, Kavkaz i zarubezhnyy Vostok v drevnosti. Moskva: Nauka, 40–60.] ........, ......., .., 1985: ...... .... ........ ......... ......: ...... [Rayevskiy, Dmitriy, S., 1985: Model’ mira skifskoy kul’tury. Moskva: Nauka.] ....., ...., 1984: .. ......... ..... ..... (.. ..... ..... ....... ......). ....... . ..... .. ..... .. ......... .....: ..., 129-135. [Rashev, Rasho, 1984: Za eziches­kiya litsev obraz (po povod nyakoi kolanni ukrasi). Sbornik v pamet na prof. S. Vaklinov. Sofiya: BAN, 129–135.] ........, ......, 2005:...... .. ... .... ......... .....:...... [Risteski, Stojan, 2005: Cudata na sv. Naum Ohridski. Ohrid: Kaneo.] ....., ........., 1953: ......... ....... ....... .. ............ ........ .. ............. .. ...... (.........-......... .....) 6, 1–64. [Rusic, Branislav, 1953: Malesija. Godišen zbornik na filozofskiot fakultet na univerzitetot vo Skopje (Istor­isko-filološki oddel) 6, 1–64.] ......., ....., .. 1981: ......... ....... ....... ......: ...... [Rybakov, Boris, A. 1981: YAzychestvo drevnikh Slavyan. Moskva: Nauka.] ......., ....., .. 1987: ......... ....... ..... ......: ...... [Rybakov, Boris, A. 1987: YAzychestvo drevney Rusi. Moskva: Nauka.] ......... .... 2020: ......... ..... ........: .......... (05.08.2020) [Ryazanskiy idol 2020: Ryazanskiy idol. Perunitsa: Etnografiya] ....., .......; .........., .........; ....., ....., 1980: .. ............ ......... .. .. .......... (....... .. .........). ......: .......... ....... .. .. ..........;.......... ..................[Sanev,Voislav;Sokolovska,Viktorija; Babik´, Boško, 1980:Od arheološkoto bogatstvo na SRMakedonija (katalog od izložbata). Skopje: Arheološko društvo na SR Makedonija; Arheološki muzej na Makedonija.] ......, ...., 1985: ......... ......... .. .... ......... ........., .... (.....), .... ......... .....: ......... ....., 117–124. [Sazdov, Tome, 1985: Narodnite predanija za Naum Ohridski. Celakoski, Naum (ured.), NaumOhridski. Ohrid: Istoriski arhiv, 117–124.] ....., ........, .., 1982: ......... ....... . VI – XIII ... ......: ........ .........., ........ .... ..... [Sedov, Valentin, V., 1982: Vostochnyye slavyane v VI – XIII vv. Moskva: Institut arkheologii, Akademiya nauk SSSR.] ....., ........, .., 1994:........ .......... ......: ........ .......... ...;......... ................... ............. [Sedov, Valentin, V., 1994:Slavyanev drevnosti. Moskva: Institut arkheologii RAN; Rosiyskiy fond fundamental’nykh issledovaniy.] ....., ........, .., 1995: ....... . ...... .............. ......: ........ .......... ...; ......... .... ............... ............. [Sedov, Valentin, V., 1995: Slavyane v rannem srednevekov’ye. Moskva: Institut arkheologii RAN; Rosiyskiy fond fundamental’nykh issledovaniy.] ....., ........, .., 1998: ......... ..... ....... ....t..p.. – . 70-..... ......... ........... ......... ......: ......, 875–881. [Sedov, Valentin, V., 1998: Kul’tovy-ye kamni Velesa. Polytropon – k 70-letiyu Vladimira Nikolayevicha Toporova. Moskva: Indrik, 875–881.] ....... 2021: ....... - ......... .......... ......... ..........! (08.05.2021) [Slamata 2021: Slamata - bulgarsko sukrovishte. Bulgarsko Slamarstvo! (08.05.2021)] ........, ........,.., 2020:.......... ....... ...........:............[Spasonykh, Anatoliy, N., 2020: Pervyye bogi slavyan. Novosibirsk: Akademizdat.] .........., ......, 2002: ......... -.., -..., -. .. ............ ........... ......: ........ .. .............. ........ [Stankovska, Ljubica, 2002: Sufiksite -j', -'j', -' vo makedonskata toponimija. Prilep: Institut za staroslovenska kultura.] ........, ......, .. 1976: ......, .... (....), ....... ..... ... V (........). ......: ...... [Šapkarev, Kuzman, A. 1976: Sazdov, Tome (red.), Izbrani dela, Tom V (prikazni). Skopje: Misla.] ........... 2021: ........... ........ ..... Megalithica (08.05.2021) [Sheksninskiy 2021: Sheksninskiy kamennyy idol. Megalithica] ......, .., .., 1980: ..... V – VII ... .. ........., ......... .......... 1980/4, 268–269. [Shvetsov, M., L., 1980: Stela V – VII vv. iz Priazov’ya, Sovetskaya arkheologiya 1980/4, 268–269.] ......., ....., .., 2010: ..... «........ ..........» . «..... .......... ......». .......- . ...................... ............... ................ ......., .., ..; ......., .., ..; ....., .. .. (....), .......-....... ......... .... . ... ....... .....-.........: .......... ........ ...., ........ ....... ............ ........, 146–171. [Shcheglova, Ol’ga, A., 2010:Tayna «plyashushchikh chelovechkov» i «sledy nevidannykh zverey». antropo- i zoomorfnyye izobrazheniya v ranneslavyanskoy metalloplastike. Peskova, A., A.; Shcheglova, O., A.; Musin, A. Ye. (red.), Slavyano-russ­koyeyuvelirnoyedeloiyegoistoki. Sankt-Peterburg: Rossiyskaya akademiya nauk, Institut istorii material’noy kul’tury, 146–171.] .........., ......., 1995: ....... .......... ......... (................... .......), ... 1. ......: ............. ........., 231–234. [Ternovskaya, Ol’ga A., 1995: Boroda. Slavyanskiye drevnosti (Etnolongvisticheskiy slovar’), Tom 1. Moskva: Mezhdun­ arodnyye otnosheniya, 231–234.] ......., ...., 1975: .. ....... .. ............... .... ...... ....... ....... .. ............ ........, ... 1 (27), 187–200. [Tomoski, Tomo, 1975: Po tragata na srednovekovniot grad Devol. Godišen zbornik na filozofskiot fakultet, kn. 1 (27), 187–200.] ......., ...., 1999: .......... ... ........ (....... – ....... – ...........).......: ...... ........... [Tomoski, Tomo, 1999: Makedonija niz vekovite (gradovi – tvrdini – komunikacii). Skopje: Matica makedonska.] ......., ........, ., 1964:......... ..........-.......... .......... .. ....... .............. ........................ .................. ............­............ .......... ............... ....... ......: ....., 52–58. [Toporov, Vladimir, N, 1964: Neskol’ko illiriysko-baltiyskikh paralleley iz oblasti toponomastiki. Problemy indoyevropeyskogo yazykoznaniya etyudy po sravnitel’no-istoricheskoy gram-matike indoyevropeyskikh yazykov. Moskva: Nauka, 52–58.] ......., ........, .., 1989: .. ........ ........ . ....... ........ ......... .......... . .......... ........ (............. ....... .......... ........ ........: ......... . ......). ......:....., 23–60. [Toporov, Vladimir, N., 1989:Ob iranskom elemente v russkoy dukhovnoy kul’ture. Slavyanskiy i balkanskiy fol’klor(Rekonstruktsiya drevney slavyanskoy dukhovnoy kul’tury: istochniki i metody). Moskva: Nauka, 23–60.] ........, ...., .., 2003: ......... . ........ .......... ....... ............... ............, ......: ...... [Trubachev, Oleg, N., 2003: Etnogenez i kul’tura drevney­shikh Slavyan. Lingvisticheskiye issledovaniya, Moskva: Nauka.] ........., ....., .., 1982: .............. .......... . ....... .......... ............ ......: ............ ........... ............. [Uspenskiy, Boris, A., 1982: Filologicheskiye razyskaniya v oblasti slavyanskikh drevnoistey. Moskva:Izdatel’stvo Moskovskogo universiteta.] ........., ......, .., 2004: ...... ........... .......... ......... (................... .......), ... 3, ......: ............. ........., 656-658. [Valentsova, Marina, M., 2004: Pakhota ritual’naya. Slavyanskiyedrevnosti(Etnolongvisticheskiyslovar’),Tom 3, Moskva: Mezhdunarodnyye otnosheniya, 656-658.] .........., ......., .., 2010: .. .. ..........., .............. ........... ....... ... ............. ......... ............. ......-2010: ......... II ............ ....... ............ ....... 135–139. [Vdovchenkov, Yevgeniy, V., 2010: Ye. V. Vdovichenkov, Antropomorfnyye fallicheskiye amulety kak svidetel’stvo migratsii. Kadyrbayevskiye chteniya-2010: Materialy II mezhdunaronoy nauchnoy konferentsii. Aktobe. 135–139.] .........., ......., .., 2019: .............. ........... ....... ... ............. .......... ......... ..... ........ . ....... .......... IV-VII ... .. .. ......... ......... ......, ........... .... . ..... ...... . ......... ...... . .............. . ........... .......... ............ (..... ...... . .........)......-.........: ........... ............... ......... .......... .....; ........ ...........................; .......... ........ ....; ........ ....... ............ ........ ..., 2019, 254–256. [Vdovchenkov, Yevgeniy, V., 2019: Antropomorfnyye fallicheskiye amulety kak svidetel’stvo kul’turnykh kontaktov mezhdu nomadami i osedlym naseleniyem IV-VII vv. n. e. Drevnosti Vostochnoy Yevropy, Tsentral’noy Azii i Yuzhnoy Sibiri v kontekste svyazey i vzaimodeystviy v yevraziyskom kul’turnom prostranstve (novyye dannyye i kontseptsii). Sankt-Peterburg:Federal’noye gosudarstvennoyebyudzhetnoyeuchrezhdeniyenauki;Institutistoriimaterial’noykul’tury; Rossiyskaya akademiya nauk; Institut istorii material’noy kul’tury RAN, 2019, 254–256.] ........, ......., .., 1984: ......... ......... .............. .......... ........... ........ . ......... ............... ......, ......: ....., 76–90. [Veletskaya, Natal’ya, N., 1984: YAzycheskaya simvolika antropomorfnoy ritual’noy skul’ptury. Kul’tura i iskusstvo sredenevekovogo goroda, Moskva: Nauka, 76–90.] ....., ....., 2011: ...... ...... .......... .. ......... ...... ......: .......... .... [Velev, Ilija, 2011: Beseda protiv bogomilite na Prezviter Kozma. Skopje: Makedonska rec.] ......., .., .., 1985: ........ ......... ..... .. ..... ......... .......... 1985/4, 234–236. [Zolotov, YU., M., 1985: Izvayaniya yazycheskikh bogov na Rusi. Sovetskaya arkheologiya 1985/4, 234–236.] .........., ........, 1963: ..... – ...... ......... ......... ............ ........ ....... ............ ...... 26, 39–66. [Živancevic, Vladimir, 1963: Volos – Veles. Slovensko božanstvo teriomorfnog porekla. Glasnik etnografskog muzeja 26, 39–66.] ......, ....., 1999: ...... .............. .............. (M. Eliade, Traite d’histoire des religions). ......: ........ [Eliade, Mircha, 1999: Ocherki sravnitel’nogo religio­vedeniya. Moskva: Ladomir.] Sources Ebbo =Ebonis vita Ottonis episcopi Bambergensis, edition: P. Jaffe´ (ed.), Monumenta Bamber­ gensia, Berolini: Apud Weidmannos, 1869, 580–692. Herbordus = Herbordi dialogus de Ottone episcopo Bambergensi, edition: P. Jaffe´ (ed.), Monu­ menta Bambergensia, Berolini: Apud Weidmannos, 1869, 693–835. Helmold = Helmoldi presbyteri Chronica Slavorum, edition: J. M. Lappenberg, G. H. Pertz (eds.), Hannoverae: Impensis Bibliopolii Hahniani, 1868. Hávamál=ThePoeticEdda,edition:B. Thorpe(trans.), Lapeer(MI):TheNorthvegr Foundation, 2004, 55–86. Gylfaginning & Skáldskaparmál= Snorri Sturluson, The Prose Edda, edition: A. G. Brodeur (trans.), New York: The American-Scandinavian Foundation, 1916. Tacitus, Germania = Tacitus, the Agricola and Germania, edition: R. B. Townshend (trans.), London: Methuen & Co., 1894. Adamus Bremensis = Adamigesta Hammaburgensis ecclesiaepontificum, edition: J. M. Lappen- berg (ed.), Hannoverae: Impensis Bibliopolii Hahniani, 1876. HistoriaNorwegie =Historia Norwegie, edition: I. Ekrem, L. B. Mortensen (eds.), P. Fisher (trans.), Copenhagen: Museum Tusculanum Press, 2003. CATALOGUE OF ILLUSTRATIONS T.I Monastery of St. Naum and the springs of the Black Drin River: 1. View of the monastery fromthenorthwest (06.05.2021); 2. Springs of the Black Drin River (06.05.2021); 3. Church of the Virgin Mary (06.05.2021); 4. Building above one of the springs dedicated to St. Paraskeva (06.05.2021); 5. Plan of the complex of the Black Drin River springs (06.05.2021). T.II Stone monument from the St. Naum monastery yard. 1. Photo: D. Taneski; 2-6. Photo: N. Chausidis. T.III Stone monument from the St. Naum monastery yard. 1-6. Variants of the possible ap­ pearance and proportions of the idol and its original placement (photos and drawings: N. Chausidis). T.IV 1. Stone monument from the St. Naum monastery yard. One of the possible reconstructions of the lost lower part (photo and drawing: N. Chausidis); 2-6. Tombstones, 17th-18th centuries CE (?), Vuksanlekaj/Vuksanlekici, Tuzi, Montenegro (van Twillert 2017). T.V 1. Stone monument from the St. Naum monastery yard. One of the possible reconstructions of the lost lower part (photo and drawing: N. Chausidis); 2. Bronze figurine of Priapus, Roman period, unknown site (Votive Priapus 2021); 3. Ceramic figurine of Priapus, ancient period, Ephesus Archaeological Museum in Izmir, Turkey (Priapus 2021); 4. Wooden ithyphallic figure, 6th century BCE, Broddenbjerg, near Viborg, Denmark, National Museum, Copenhagen (Museum Silkeborg 2021); 5. Bronze Tintinnabulum, Roman period, Naples Archaeological Museum, Italy (Bronze Tintinnabulum 2021); 6. Bronze figurine, Roman period, Cawood, North Yorkshire, United Kingdom (Worrell & Pearce 2014, 406 - Fig. 5); 7. Lead alloy figurine, Roman period, Leicestershire, United Kingdom (Roman lead 2021). T.VI 1. Stone monument from the St. Naum monastery yard. One of the possible reconstructions of the lost lower part (photo and drawing: N. Chausidis); 2, 3. Motif from a stone stele, 5th-7th centuries CE, Pikuzy, Mariupol (Zhdanov), Pryazovia, Ukraine (...... 1980, 269 - ., .); 4, 5, 6. Bronze figurines-amulets, Early Middle Ages, unknown sites, Eastern Europe(........2020, 112);7. Silver applique, 6th-7th centuries, Martynovka, Cherkasy Oblast, Ukraine(Akhmedov 2018, 514 – Fig.7:2);8. Silver applique, Early Middle Ages, Peregradnaya,UrupDistrict,Karachay-Cherkess Republic(Akhmedov2018,509–Fig.4: 5); 9. Bronze pendant in the form of an ithyphallic figure, Iron Age, 6th-5th centuries BCE, Kazbek, Georgia (....... 2020). 10. Bronze pendant in the form of an ithyphallic figure, 7th-6th centuries BCE, Luristan, Iran (Ithyphallicfigure2020);11, 12, 13. Bronze pendants, Early Middle Ages, North Caucasus (........... 1983, 44 - ....1: 1-3). T.VII Openwork bronze pendants. 1. 7th-8th centuries CE, St. Erasmus - Ohrid, RN Mace­donia (......... 2012, 129); 2. 7th - 8th century CE, Derjan, Mati, Albania (Kurti 1971, 272 – Fig. 1); 3, 4. Early Middle Ages, Hungary (Popovic 1984, 239 – Fig. 34); 5. Early Middle Ages, Tiszafüred, Hungary (Garam 1995, Taf. 230: 7); 6. Early Middle Ages, Eastern Europe (........ 2020, 72: .); 7. Early Middle Ages, Eastern Europe (........ 2020, 115: .); 9-14. Early Middle Ages, North Caucasus(........... 1983, 44 - ....1: 9, 15, 10, 11, 14, 12); 8. Bronze belt distributor, Early Middle Ages, Eastern Europe (........ 2020, 72: .) T.VIII 1. Stone monument from the St. Naum monastery yard. One of the possible reconstruc­tions of the lost lower part (photo and drawing: N. Chausidis); 2. Bronze figurine, La Tčne culture, Prašník, Slovakia (Karwowski 2012, 206 – Pl.1: 10); 3. Bronze figurine, La Tčne culture, Domčvre-en-Haye, Lorraine, France (Karwowski 2012, 208 – Pl.3: 1); 4. Bronze figurine, La Tčne culture, Oberleiserberg, Bezirk Korneuburg, Austria (Kar­wowski 2012, 190 – Fig. 2); 5. Monumental stone statue, 5th century BCE, Hirschlanden, Baden-Württemberg, Germany (Die sche 2021); 6. Motif from a silver cauldron, Late La Tčne period, Gundestrup, Denmark (Cernunnos 2021). T.IX 1. Stone monument from the St. Naum monastery yard. One of the possible reconstruc­ tions of the lost lower part (photo and drawing: N. Chausidis). Stone sculptures (idols), Scythian culture (7th - 3rd centuries BCE): 2. Novovasilyevka, Ukraine (.......... . ......... 1994, 98 – .... 10); 3. Sibioara, Romania(.......... . ......... 1994, 89 – .... 1); 4. Manychskaya, Russia(.......... . ......... 1994, 177 – .... 89); 5. Ol’khovchik, Ukraine (.......... . ......... 1994, 136 – .... 81); 6. Semeniv­ka, Ukraine (.......... . ......... 1994, 126 – .... 38: 72). 7. Prydniprovs’ke, Ukraine (.......... . ......... 1994, 135 – .... 47: 80); 8. Kiev Museum, Kiev, Ukraine (.......... . ......... 1994, 128 – .... 40: 73). T.X 1. Stone monument from the St. Naum monastery yard. One of the possible reconstruc­ tions of the lost lower part (photo and drawing: N. Chausidis). Lead plaques, 7th-8th centuriesCE, Velestino, Thessaly, Greece, Princeton University Art Museum: 2. (Woman in Childbirth 2021); 3. (Cynocephalus 2021); 4. (Woman Running 2021); 5. (Two Women 2021); 7. (Winged female 202.); 8. Detail of the plaque (Animal 2021); 6. Bronze plaque, 7th-8th centuries CE, Velestino, Thessaly (Causidis 2005, 438 – T.I: 2); 9. Stone sculpture, Celtic culture, Mšecke´Žehrovice, Czech Republic (Prehistoric 2021); 10. Stone sculpture (detail), Celtic culture, Euffigneix, France (Celtic stone2021); 11. Gallo-Roman statue of a Gallic warrior (detail), Vachčres, Alpes-de-Haute-Provence, France (Torc 2021); 12. Bronze torc, 7th-8th centuries CE, “St. Erasmus” - Ohrid, RN Macedonia (..... . ... 1980, 111 – .... ... 599). T.XI 1. Stone monument from the St. Naum monastery yard. One of the possible reconstructions of the lost lower part (photo and drawing: N. Chausidis); 2. Object made of deer antler, Middle Ages, Davina Kula, Cucer, Skopje, RN Macedonia (Maneva 2001, back cover of the journal); 3. Wooden object, 12th century CE, Svendborg, Denmark (Halla 2020); 4, 5. Stone idol, circa 10th century CE, Husiatyn, valley of the Zbruch River, Ternopil Oblast, Ukraine, drawing with and without interior details, Kraków Archaeological Mu­seum, Poland (drawing: ........ 1994, 475 – T. CIX: 2, according to published photos: Lenczyk 1964, T. II;T. III;....... 1987, .... 50;51);6. Phallus-shaped object,wood, 12th century CE, Leczyca, Poland (...... 1986, 202 – .... 22); 7. Figurine carved in horn, Middle Ages, Merseburg, Germany (Vána 1983, 99); 8. Wooden figurine, Middle Ages, Novgorod, Russia (....... 1987, 500 – .... 83); 9. Wooden figurine, Middle Ages, Novgorod, Russia (....... 1987, 500 – .... 83); 10. Bronze standard (detail), 8th-7th centuries BCE, Luristan, Iran, Louvre Museum (Idoles tubulaires 2020); 11. Bronze standard (detail), 8th-7th centuries BCE, Luristan, Iran, Collection Godard: 122 (de Waele 1982, 104 – Fig. 84); 12. Stone idol, Middle Ages, bank of the Sheksna Riv­er, Vologda Oblast, Russia (........... 2021); 13. Wooden figurine, Middle Ages, Opole, Poland (Hensel1964, Fig. 14); 14. Wooden object, Middle Ages, Novgorod, Russia (...... et al 1985, 109: 206); 15. Wooden phallus-shaped object, 11th century CE, Staraya Russa, Novgorod Oblast, Russia (....... 1981, 41). T.XII 1. Stone monument from the St. Naum monastery yard, upper part with depiction of the head (photo: N. Chausidis); 2. Bronze figurine, Middle Ages, Staraya Ryazan’, Russia (......... .... 2020); 3. Bronze figurine, Middle Ages, Yaremovka, Izium Raion, Ukraine (......... . .... 2009, 198 – .... 2); 4. Head of a ceramic figurine, Late Chalcolithic, Dinja, Haskovo, Bulgaria (....... 2006, 118); 5. Ceramic vessel with two humanfaces,Neolithic,Cascioarele,Calara.iCounty, Romania(Hansen 2007, TelII, Taf. 414: 2); 6. Head of a ceramic figurine, Chalcolithic, Kubrat, Razgrad Province, Bulgaria (Hansen 2007, Tel II, Taf. 366); 7. Ceramic figurine, Chalcolithic, Cascioarele, Calara.i County, Romania (Hansen 2007, Tel II, Taf. 418: 10); 8. Marble figurine, Chalcolithic, Sulica, Haskovo, Bulgaria (Hansen 2007, Tel II, Taf. 367: 3). T.XIII 1. Stone monument from the St. Naum monastery yard. Possible purpose of the indentations on the chin (photography and photomontage: N. Chausidis). 2. “Wheat beard”, ethnography, Bulgaria (....... 2021); 3. “God’s beard”, ethnography, National Museum Zrenjanin, Serbia (Božiju bradu 2021); 4. “Wheat beard”, ethnography, Bulgaria (August 2021); 5. Pillar of a threshing floor adorned with a “beard” (photomontage: N. Chausidis); 6. Relief in stone, Middle Ages (?), Leskovica, Štip, RN Macedonia (........... 1998, 18 – ... 9); 7. Manuscript decoration (detail), 14th century CE, Novgorod, Russia (............ 1983, 218 - .... 107); 8. Depiction on an amulet, Middle Ages, Preslav, Bulgaria (..... 1984, 132 – .... 3: .); 9. Motif on stone sculptures, 12th century CE, church of the Studenica Monastery, Serbia (......... 1982, 20 – ... 6); 10. Motif on a belt buckle, Early Middle Ages, Dombóvár, Tolna, Hungary (Anabaldi & Werner 1963, Taf. 42: 3). T.XIV 1. Stone monument from the St. Naum monastery yard. One of the possible reconstructions of the lost lower part (photo and drawing: N. Chausidis);2. Ceramic figurine, Neolithic (?), Opticari,Bitola(collectionof M.Malbašic,Bitola), RN Macedonia(........1994, 345 – T.LXXXII: 4); 3, 4. Bronze pendant, detail, Iron Age (7th-6th centuries BCE), Kuç i Zi, Korçë, Albania (Shqip. Arkeologike 1971, 48); 5. Bronze pendant, detail, Iron Age (7th-6th centuries BCE), unknown site, Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, United Kingdom (Vickers 1977, 20 – Fig. I: 2); 6. Bronze statuette, Hellenistic or Early Roman period, Plaošnik, Ohrid, RN Macedonia (........ 2017, 227 – .38: 7); 7. Ceramic vessel with phallus-shaped spout (replica cast according to the original), 4th century CE, Gorica - Slatina, Istibanja, Štip, RN Macedonia (photo: Mitko Šterjov, Institute and Museum - Štip); 8. Ceramic vessel, Hellenistic period, Vardarski Rid, Gevgelija, RN Macedonia (Fowler & Blazevska 1996, 21 – MN18.4.3); 9. Ceramic object in the form of a phallus, Late Neolithic - Eneolithic, Penelopa, Ohrid, RN Macedonia (...... 2013, IV: 9). T.XV 1. Stone monument from the St. Naum monastery yard. One of the possible reconstructions of thelostlower part(photo and drawing:N. Chausidis);2, 3. Clay figurines (“German”), ethnography, Lukovit region, Bulgaria (....... 1913, 111 – .... 91., 110 – .... 90.); 4. Clay figurine (“German”), ethnography, Purilchevo, Mihailovgrad, Bulgaria (Mikov 1990, Fig. 8); 5. Bronze statuette, Early Roman period, Ohrid, RN Macedonia (...... . ......... 2010, 81); 6. Clay figurine, ethnography, Kyustendil region, Bulgaria (Mesnil & Popova 2002, 248 – Fig. 2); 7. Clay figurine (“Little Man”), ethnography, Kucevište, Skopje, RN Macedonia (......... 1951, ... 44; photomontage: ........ . ....... 2006, 151 – T.II: 1); 8, 9. Frescoes, 14th century CE, church of St. Demetrius, “Marko’s Monastery”, Sušica, Skopje, RN Macedonia (........ 1974, ... 67, ... 66). T.XVI 1. Stone monument from the St. Naum monastery yard. One of the possible reconstruc­tions of the lost lower part (photo and drawing: N. Chausidis); 2. Stone idol, Middle Ages (?), Bribir, Vacani, Dalmatia (Miloševic 2011, 57 – Sl. 39); 3. Stone Idol, 7th-8th centuries CE,spoliainthecircularchurchinPlavec,Moravia(Studiamythologicaslavica 7, 2004, back cover of the journal); 4. Stone relief, Middle Ages, spolia in the church in Altenkirchen, island of Rügen, Germany (...... 2021); 5. Stone Idol, Middle Ages, Olsztyn, Poland (.... 2021); 6. Stone columnar statue, Early Middle Ages (?), Plavne, Negotin, Serbia (Possible 2021); 7. Stone stele/idol, Prehistory/Early Middle Ages (?), Soufli, Gounitsa, Larissa, Greece (Prehist. Settlements2021); 8, 9. Stone recipient, MiddleAges (?), Church of St. Helen and St. Mary Magdalene, Magdalensberg/Štalenska gora, Carinthia, Austria (Studia Mythologia Slavica 16. Ljubljana, 2013, back cover of the journal; detail: Magdalensberg 2021). T.XVII 1. Stone relief slab, 1829 CE, St. Naum monastery yard, Ohrid, RN Macedonia (photo: N. Chausidis); 2. Seal of the monastery of St. Naum, 17th century CE, National Church Museum of History and Archaeology of the Holy Synod - Sofia, Bulgaria (......... 1985, 31); 3. Seal of the monastery of St. Naum, 1774 CE (......... 1983, 15 – ... 2); 4. Icon of St. Clement and St. Naum, 1711 CE, iconostasis of the church in the mon­astery of St. Naum, Ohrid, detailwith the harnessing of the bear (......... 1997, 47); 5. Graphic print, hagiographic cycle of St. Naum, a copy according to the original of H. Žefarovic,1849CE(......... 2015,257);6. Graphicprint(copperplate),hagiographic cycle of St. Naum, H. Žefarovic, Vienna, 1743 CE (Maticetov 1987, 177 – Sl. 13); 7. Illustration from a book, Ljubljana, 1913 (Maticetov 1987, 182 – Sl. 16); 8. Fresco, 1800 CE, chapel of the church in the monastery of St. Naum, Ohrid (......... 2015, 144). T.XVIII 1. Some toponyms in the Ohrid-Prespa region and the Devol area (N. Chausidis; I. Efti­movski); 2. Miniature “Trinity of Evil”, 15th century CE, France (Chevalier & Gheerbrant 1987, 709); 3. Fibula, Early Middle Ages, unknown site, private collection in the United Kingdom (........ 2020, 54, 69); 4. Three sides of the lower zone of the stone idol from the Zbruch River, Middle Ages, Ternopil Oblast, Ukraine, Kraków Archaeological Museum, Poland (drawing: ........ 1994, 475 – T. CIX: 2, according to published photos: Lenczyk1964, T. II; T. III; ....... 1987, .... 50; 51); 5. Scene from the icon “St. Naum - life and miracles”, circa 1780 CE, church of St. Nikola Gerakomija, Ohrid, photo: Museums of Macedonia - Skopje (........ 2003, T.LVI); 6. Stone pillar in front of the new church in the village of Ljubaništa, Ohrid (...... 2006, 31). ITIFALICNI KAMENI IDOL IZ SAMOSTANA SV. NAUM KOD OHRIDA nikos Causidis, iGor eftimovski Clanakjeposvecen kamenom idolukoji sedanas nalaziu dvorištu samostana sv. Naum kod Ohrida, pronadenog u nepoznato vrijeme u blizini ovog objekta ili njegovoj neposrednoj okolini. Najprije je dat opis spomenika, pretpostavke o izgledu njegovog izgubljenog donjeg djela, nekadašnjoj visini i dataciji. Slijedi analiza njegove ikonografije, kroz primjenu semioticke i komparativne metode, i to najprije na razini globalne kompozicije i poze figure. Kao ikonografske paralele itifalicnosti, stojece poze i ruku spuštenih ka genitalijama, priloženi su nadgrobni spomenici iz Vuksanlekica (17-18. st., Crna Gora), anticki likovi Prijapa, reljef iz Mariopulja (5-7. st., sjeverna obala Azovskog Mora) te ranosrednjovjekov­ nibroncani amuletiiz Istocne Europe. Detaljnije je obradena poza ruku (kao naglašavanje itifalicnosti), lucno rebro u predjelu vrata (tokvez, praeputium ili omca za vješala)i brazda u predjelu cela (rub kape ili glavica penisa). Na kraju, kroz odgovarajuce paralele, razmatra se opcija tretiranja cjelogspomenika kao personaliziranog falusa. Istim pristupom obradena su i udubljenja u predjelu brade, uz mogucnost da su u njih ritualno nadjevani klasovi prvog požnjevenog snopa. Unatoc tome što su se usporedbe više odnosile na ranosrednjovjekovni i prije svega na slavenski karakter spomenika, proveden je i dijakronijski pregled itifalickih mitskih likova iz Ohrida i okolnih regiona. Kroz priložene paralele iz prapovijesti, antike, srednjeg vijekaifolklora, razmatra semoguca interakcija autohtonih tradicija sa tradicijama slavenskih zajednica nastanjenih na ovim prostorima u ranom srednjem vijeku. Na temelju prethodnih analiza, usporedbi s odgovarajucim slavenskim primjerima i pisanim izvorima koji govore o idolima kodSlavena, aposebno kodJužnih Slavena,procenjeni suargumenti uprilog pogansko-slavenskog karaktera idola iz samostana sv. Naum. Drugi dio clanka posvecen je sagledavanju idola u kontekstu drugih mitoloških i kultnih predaja iz okolne regije. Pritom se posebna pozornost posvecuje lokalnoj tradiciji o tome kako je sv. Naum ujarmio medvjeda, za kaznu jer je pojeo vola koji je vukao plug. Analizom verbalnih formi predanja (sacuvanih u folkloru) i njegovih vizualnih manifestacija (freske, ikone, pecat manastira) ukazano je na predhrišcanski karakter ove mitologeme, cija prisutnost u Ohridu i široj regiji se može pratiti unazad sve do srednjeg vijeka. Osvrcuci se na dosadašnja istraživanja ovih predaja, ukazano je na njihov htonski i agrarni predznak te na interakciju lika sveca sa starijim poganskim predajama toga kraja. U pravcu otkrivanja šireg konteksta spomenika, prikazano je nekoliko primjera toponimije podrucja oko Ohridskog i Prespoanskog jezera, koji sadrže teonime poganskih slavenskih bo­žanstava, pri cemu posebno prevladavaju oni s htonskim predznakom, i to Veles, Triglav, Crnobog, a posredno i davao. Pozornost je posvecena na nekoliko kame­nih stupova lociranih na planini Galicici, u cijem se podnožju nalazi samostan, uz pretpostavke o njihovoj mogucoj rekontekstualizaciji – od drevnih granicnih markera do svetih kamenova. Kroz semioticku i komparativnu analizu imena poznatog srednjovjekovnog grada Devol lociranog jugozapadno od samostana sv. Naum, sugerira se na njegov moguci odnos s imenima navedenih pogansko--slavenskih htonskih bogova. S obzirom na široku rasprostranjenost bogumilstva i drugih dualistickih doktrina u Ohridskom regionu, potvrdenih u srednjovjekovnim izvorima, razmatraju se i moguce hereticke implikacije analiziranih tradicija. U posljednjem poglavlju iznose se hipoteze o atribuciji lika prikazanog na idolu iz samostana sv. Naum, na temelju usporedbe njegove ikonografije s dome-nima patrona ovog samostana sadržanim u navedenim predajamai vjerovanjima lokalnog stanovništva. Rijec je o sljedecim sferama i funkcijama: zemljoradnja, stocarstvoiopcenitoživotinje(krozupregnucemedvjedauplugodstranesveca); zemaljske vode (cuvar je kljuceva od izvora koji pune Ohridsko jezero); obrt i trgovina (zaštitnik je obrtnika i trgovaca); lijecenje (iscjelitelj je, pre svega bez­djetnosti i duševnih bolesti). Pokazalo se da se vecina ovih domena odnosi na htonske sfere i plodnost, te da korespondira s ikonografijom idola i funkcijama dobivenim na temelju njegovih semiotickih i komparativnih istraživanja. Cinjenica da ti atributi i funkcije odgovaraju domenama htonskih bogova (opcenito, kao i slavenskih), ukazuje na mogucnost da je takav karakter imao i mitski lik koji je na njemu predstavljen. U tom kontekstu, podudaranje funkcija sv. Nauma s onima kod idola upucuje na proces njihova preuzimanja kod prvog od nekog njegovog predpostavljenog pogansko-slavenskog prethodnika – pojava potvrdena u mnogim drugim slicnim situacijama. Nikos Chausidis, PhD, FullProfessor, University of “Ss. Cyril and Methodius” - Skopje, Faculty of Philosophy, Institute of Art History and Archaeology, Blvd. Goce Delcev 9a, MK-1000 Skopje, nikos@fzf.ukim.edu.mk Igor Eftimovski, MA, PhD Candidate, University of “Ss. Cyril and Methodius” - Skopje, Faculty of Philosophy, Institute of Art History and Archaeology, Blvd. Goce Delcev 9a, MK-1000 Skopje, eftimovskii@gmail.com T.I T.II T.III T.IV T.V T.VI T.VII T.VIII T.IX T.X T.XI T.XII T.XIII T.XIV T.XV T.XVI T.XVII T.XVIII 26 STUDIA MYTHOLOGICA SLAVICA 2023 87 – 103 | https://doi.org/10.3986/SMS20232602 | CC BY Sacred Stones and Stone Structures in the Ritual Practice of the Turkic Population in the Southern Urals: Archaeological Evidence and Modernity Ainur I. Tuzbekov, Albert T. Akhatov Clanek povzema, analizira in strukturira verovanja turškega prebivalstva južnega Urala, ki so povezana s kamni, gorami, menhirji, karaski, kamnitimi gomilami, nagrobniki itd. Na podlagi del ruskih in tujih avtorjev ter terenskega gradiva, zbranega med terenskim delom v letih 2011–2023, sta izpostavljeni dve skupini verovanj: kulti, povezani s kamni naravnega (božjega) izvora, in verovanja, povezana s kamnom, konstrukcije umetnega izvora. Opisane so razlicne oblike uporabe kamna in kamnitih konstrukcij pri Turkih v sodobni obredni praksi. Obravnavani so procesi sakralizacije in desakralizacije na kultnih obmocjih Južnega Urala, ki se dogajajo na današnji stopnji razvoja. Posebej so analizirana verovanja, povezana z dragimi kamni, ki so jim ljudje dajali poseben simbolni pomen ter jim pripisovali zašcitne, magicne in zdravilne lastnosti. KLJUCNE BESEDE: kult kamna, karaski, aulia kabere, sveti prostori, sakralizacija, desakralizacija, etnografija, arheologija, Južni Ural The article summarises, analyses and structures the beliefs of the Turkic population of theSouthern Urals that are associated with stones, mountains, menhirs, karaski, stone mounds, tombstones, etc. Based on the works of Russian and foreign authors, as well as on field materials gathered during the expedition trips in 2011–2023, two groups of beliefs are singled out: cults asso­ciated with stones of natural(divine) origin, and beliefs associated with stoneconstructions of man-made origin. Various forms of the use of stone and stone constructions by the Turkic people in modern ritual practice are described. The processes of sacralisation and desa­cralisation at the cult sites of the Southern Urals occurring at the present stage of develop­ ment are considered. Beliefs related to gemstones, to which people gave special symbolic meaning, and attributed protective, magic and healing properties, are analysed separately. KEYWORDS: stone cult, karaski, aulia kabere, sacred area, sacralisation, desacralisation, ethnography, archaeology, Southern Urals Since ancient times, rituals have been a significant element of any community’s deve­lopment and have accompanied people from the moment of their birth until their death. Originating in ancient times and later undergoing transformations to adapt to the changing reality, many rituals have survived to the present day and continue to play an important role in the lives of modern people.1 Researchers singleoutdifferenttypes of rituals – calendar, crisis, imitation, and others. The magical and religious ones are considered particularly special (Chernykh 2012: 12-14). One of the functions of the latter is to regulate relations between the socio-cultural and natural environment by including certain elements of nature (mountains, lakes, local areas, etc.) in the ritual practices of people when holding prayers and rituals on them. The beliefs associated with stones and stone constructions common among the Tur­kic peoples of the Southern Urals may serve as such an example. Although scientists do not share a unified opinion on the time of their formation, some researchers believe they appeared among ancient peoples while they were living on the African continent (from where they moved out to settle elsewhere around 60,000 years ago). Others believe that the cult of stone began to form later – in the Early Metal Age (Ilimbetova 2020: 163–164). According to Eliade, the worship of stones originated in the time of prehistoric peo­ples, as instruments of spiritual action or places of energy were intended to protect the people or their dead (Eliade 1999: 209). Later, it gradually developed to integrate both archaic elements and elements of monotheistic religions, and transformed into a rather complex system of religious beliefs. Nowadays, the beliefs associated with the venera­tion of mountains, rocks, cobblestones, stone mounds, etc., include not only the objects themselves, but also the surrounding territories. The objective of this work is to analyse and systemise the beliefs connected with stones and stone constructions that are present among the Turkic population of the Southern Urals, represented by the Bashkir, Tatar, and Chuvash peoples. The article is based on scientificworks written by Russian and foreign authors, and on field materials found during expeditions in the years 2011–2023 to the territory of the RepublicofBashkortostan,ChelyabinskandOrenburgOblasts withintheadministrative territory of the Southern Urals, as well as on materials found during expeditions to the western part of Kurgan Oblast. The study of beliefs related to stones and stone constructions, including those practised by the Turkic population of the Southern Urals, attracts the attention of specialists from various scientific areas who pay much attention to certain aspects of the problem. Archaeologists investigate the role of these beliefs in the worldview of people in ancient times, and their place in the modern socio-cultural space of the Southern Urals. Potemkina (Potemkina 2011: 11–35) and Serikov (Serikov 2018: 80–97) have summarised and systematised material from the study of megalithic objects in the Urals in the cult practice of the region’s ancient population; Kotov (Kotov 2012: 95–100), Garustovich and Ovsyannikov (Garustovich 2011: 401–408; Garustovich, Ovsyannikov 2012: 179–187) have analysed the data of Bashkir folklore, ethnography and archaeology related to various The research was supported by the Russian Science Foundation (project No 23-28-01674 The sacralisation of archaeological sites as a phenomenon of the modern spiritual life of the Southern Ural population). manifestations of the veneration of mountains among the Bashkirs; Grigoriev and Minee­va (Mineeva et al. 2013: 192–195) have observed the state of study and preservation of menhirs in the Southern Urals; Aminev, Ovsyannikov and Savelyev (Aminev et al. 2012: 6–20) have described and classified small cult objects of the Irendyk ridge; Tuzbekov has analysed present-day processes of sacralising archaeological objects such as stone mounds, menhirs, graves of “saints”, etc. (Tuzbekov 2018a: 39–49; Tuzbekov 2018b: 78–85). Serikov considered the role and place of precious and semi-precious stones in the cult practice of ancient people in the Southern Urals from the Upper Palaeolithic to Medieval times (Serikov 2019). Ethnologists, folklorists and religious scholars who pay more attention to certain types of stones and stone constructions, or their mythological and ritual component, have made a great contribution to the study and description of beliefs related to stones. Thus, the works of Inan (Inan 1998), Velidi (Velidi 1981) and Absalyamova (Absalyamova 2014: 155–158) investigate the rituals of weather control using magic stones; the works of Nagaeva (Nagaeva 1984), Suleymanova (Suleymanova 2005) and Altynbaev (Altynbaev 2013) study the veneration of mountains and their place in the mythological tradition of the Turkic population of the Southern Urals. The studies focusing on beliefs and rituals related to tombstones, stone constructions, and so on, are even more numerous. They have been carried out by Yunusova (Yunusova 2015: 106–115), Syzranov (Syzranov 2006: 127–143), Absalyamova (Absalyamova 2008: 207–210), Medvedev (Medvedev 2011: 375–384), Petrov (Petrov 2018: 109–122), Idiatullov (Idiatullov 2018: 89–94), etc. The monograph by Ilimbetova is particularly worth mentioning, as it presents a con­sistent study of the cult of stone in the traditional culture of the Bashkir population of the Southern Urals on the basis of folklore, and mythological and ethnographic materials (Ilimbetova 2020). The most noteworthy foreign studies have been written by Kazakh, Azerbaijani and Turkish scientists. They consider the problem of the coexistence of Islam and archaic religious beliefs associated with stones and stone constructions.The work by Azhigali (Azhigali 2002) stands out for its thoroughness: stone constructions and their use in the cult practice of the Turks of Kazakhstan are described and classified in much detail. The work by Kuliyeva (Kuliyeva 2007) takes into consideration the problems associated with the cult of stones among the Turkic peoples of Azerbaijan. Another work by the Turkish religious scholar Tanyu (Tanyu 1968) should also be noted as it has not only studied the role of stone in ancient and modern religions, but also described and systematised the most widely used cult objects made of stone, and the related rituals among the Turkic peoples of Turkey and Central Asia. An analysis of the available literature on the spiritual life and religious beliefs of the population of the Southern Urals, and accompanying field materials, indicates a large number of stone objects and complexes (holy stones, rocks, mountains, menhirs, single mounds, stone arrangements, etc.) used in the ritual practice of the Turkic-speaking population of the region in the relatively recent past and the present time. A comparison of the sacred representations of the modern Turkic peoples of the Southern Urals with various types of hierotopias, the centres of which are stones, has made it possible to divide the beliefs associated with stones and stone constructions into two large groups: 1. beliefs related to stones of natural (divine) origin, 2. beliefs related to man-made stone constructions. BELIEFS RELATED TO STONES OF NATURAL (DIVINE) ORIGIN The first group includes the following: 1. Beliefs related to single stones. These consist mainly of stone sculptures with an anthropomorphic or zoomorphic appearance, or stand out due to the presence of small indentations resembling footprints or human hands (sledovick stones). The origin of the latter is associated with mythological saints or legendary historical figures. In the modern ritual practice of the Turkic population, they are used to summon rain, improve health, and wish a safe trip. Two examples include Peygamber Tash ( Trail of the Prophet Mu­hammad in Bashkir) in the village of Kadyrsha in Zilairsky District of the Republic of Bashkortostan (Fig. 1), and Mahadi-Tash (Mahdi stone in Bashkir) near the village of Ust-Bagaryak, Kunashaksky District, Chelyabinsk Oblast. 2. Beliefs associated with the accumulation of stones. The stones are located at a distance of no more than 50 metres from each other and have no analogues in the mor­phology of the surrounding landscape. These stones (called rain stones by the locals) often differ in size from each other, so worshippers arrange them in a hierarchy, calling the larger ones Babai Tash (grandfather stone in Bashkir), and Atay (father). Smaller ones are called Abiy tash (grandmother stone), and Inei (mother), etc. The religious practice of the Turkic population of the Southern Urals still includes the rain calling ceremony known as “Stones of Summer”, which is held in the villages of Zirikovo in Gafuriysky District (Fig. 2) and Kuseevo in Baymak District, both in the Republic of Bashkortostan, and the “Thunder Stones” ceremony at Assy in Beloretsky District of the Republic of Bashkortostan. Local residents perform these rituals in times of drought or when there are floods. They wash the boulders, wipe them with oil and pray for good weather. According to some researchers, the use of these stones is an ancient animistic relic of the cult of nature, and also indicates the common ancestral homeland of the Turkic peoples (Dorzhieva 2015: 12–16). 3. Beliefs associated with rocks are divided into beliefs related to: 1) rocks with anthropomorphic outlines. This subgroup includes religious beliefs associated with therocks called Tchertov Palets (Devil’s Finger) on theYamankaya ridge, the Tchertov Palets and Ebey Tash rocks in Abzelilovsky District of the Republic of Bashkortostan, the Tchertov Palets on the Belaya River in Burzyansky District of the Republic of Bashkortostan; 2) rockswith a cave, such asthe Uklykaya rock (Rock with arrows) at Tashasti village in Gafuriysky District of the Republic of Bashkortostan (Fig. 3). Figure 1: A single stone “Peygamber tash”. Zilairsky district, Republic of Bashkortostan (photo by A. Tuzbekov, June 2016). Figure 2: “Stones of Summer” – “Babai Tash” (left) and “Abiy Tash” (right). Gafuriysky district, Republic of Bashkortostan (photo by A. Akhatov, July 2014). The allocation of this subgroup is explained by the existence of a cult of shooting at rocks with arrows with warheadsdating from the 10th to the beginning of the 13th centuries. According to researchers, the presence of a large number of combat arrows on the eastern slope of the mountain may indicate that it was a military sanctuary, while the mountain itself was an object of veneration(Garustovich, Ovsyannikov 2012: 179–187). Accord­ing to another version, the shelling of the rock represented the process of fertilization (Ozheredov 1999), and was associated with the cult of the goddess Humai. Evidence of the existence of this cult is also recorded on Kamen Dyrovatyi (Stone with Holes) on the Chusovaya River (Serikov, Skochina 2011), and the Tri Sestri sanc­tuary (Three Sisters) in the Middle Trans-Urals. This cult has not been preserved in the modern-day religious practice of the population of the Southern Urals. 4. Beliefs related to mountains. Such beliefs are mostly associated with the veneration of the host spiritof alonely mountain:Tura-Tau (Kotov 2012: 95), Yuraktau (Garustovich 2011: 404) of Ishimbai District of the Republic of Bashkortostan (Fig. 4), Kurmantau of Gafuriysky District of the Republic of Bashkortostan, Iremel, Yamantau of Beloretsk District of the Republic of Bashkortostan, Masim-tau of Burzyansky District of the Republic of Bashkortostan; or a mountain with extraordinary phenomena (Yangan-Tau mountain of Salavatsky District of the Republic of Bashkortostan). Considering the settlement of the Bashkirs, Shirgazin draws attention to the fact that each tribal unit had a sacred mountain on its territory (Shirgazin 2010: 169–184). In the sacred beliefs of the modern Turkic population of the Southern Urals, cults associated with natural (divine) stones are losing their former significance. The sites mentioned above are being actively desacralized due to economic development, which means they are frequently transformed into tourist destinations and turned into places for recreation and entertainment. Despite this process, some of the objects from the first subgroup (single stones) continue to hold a significant place in the beliefs of the modern population (Garustovich 2011: 406). This leads to the realisation that objects of sacralisation with a specific centre, which occupy a small space, are more resistant to the processes of desacralisation. BELIEFS RELATED TO MAN-MADE STONE CONSTRUCTIONS In connection with this, thesecond group of beliefs associated with stones and man-made stone constructions with clear boundaries and centres is of undoubted interest for further study. Concerning the typology proposed by Savelyev (Savelyev 2012), these beliefs can be divided into four subgroups: 1. Beliefs related to menhirs. These date back to the cults of the Bronze Age popu­lation and depend directly on their types (single, alley) and location. As a rule, separate menhirs are located at the bluff line of above-floodplain terraces, or near the terrace on a small hill near the river bank. Most menhir alleys are located topographically much higher, on the slopes of hills (Petrov 2007: 74). According to Eliade, such monuments Figure 3: Uklykaya (arrowhead) Rock. Gafuriysky district Republic of Bashkortostan (photo by A. Akhatov, July 2014). Figure 4: Mount «Tura-Tau». Ishimbaysky district, Republic of Bashkortostan (photo by A. Akhatov, July 2014). were associated with the cult of the dead and were erected in order to pacify the soul of the deceased (Eliade 1999: 209–210). Archaeological research conducted in the Southern Urals found no evidence of burial constructions or traces of memorial actions near most of the menhirs, indicating that these monuments were generally not related to funeral rites. A connection may be assumed due to the widespread cult of worship of steppe spirits in nomadic cultures, which also existed among the Bashkirs (Petrov 2007: 75). Single menhirs were allegedly used as a border between developed and undeveloped areas, as a kind of guardian of homes. The existing tradition of relocating or building a new menhir as a guardian, or kut of a dwelling, and as a landmark for the construction of a settlement or a new street, recorded by the Bashkirs, may be evidence for the existence of this type of cult. As a rule, the menhir alleys stretch to the south of the most prominent peak of the district, which may be associated with the veneration of mountain spirits, widespread among the Turkic population of the Southern Urals. In addition to the above-mentioned menhirs on the territory of the Bashkir Trans-Urals (Baymak and Abzelilovsky Districts of the Republic of Bashkortostan), other locations of menhirs have also been identified that are not linked to settlements and Bronze Age burial grounds. Menhirs were placed on the summits and slopes of mountains, as well as on river terraces. Indirect and direct data on these objects under study allows us to date them to the ethnographic time period (100–200 years) (Saveliev 2012: 128, 144). Researchers divide the menhirs into three groups: ritual-memorial complexes (Kyngyr­tau-18, Ulkan-Seyalyk, Abzakovo), spatial markers (Kynyrtash-7, Cook-teke-1), and separate cult objects (Sygyltau-5, Yanzigitovo-2, Talkas-8), which can have a memorial function and possibly also mark a burial site (Saveliev 2012: 145). 2. Beliefs associated with stone pyramids (karaski, obo) These are structures con­structed mainly by the people of the southern part of the Bashkir Trans-Urals on the summits of mountains, on mountain passes, and near permanent settlements (Fig. 5). They were presumably erected in honour of the spirits of mountains and territories, and were constantly enlarged. Whoever climbed the mountain to perform a ritual for the spirits of the ancestral area had to take a stone and, having reached the summit, put it into the karaski (Bashkir word for guardians) and conducted a sacrificial ceremony in the hope of obtaining reliable protection for their ancestral territory (Aminev 2011). Some karaski were in the shape of large columns or pyramids. Sometimes stone mounds from the early Iron Age served as the fundament, which was then completed with new stone arrangements and pyramids. Often there were heaps of brushwood or birch branches near the karaski. Some of the piles of stones had poles stuck in them with skulls of sheep impaled on the poles (Kotov 2012: 98). The modern Turkic population of the Southern Trans-Urals preserves the tradition of building karaski, but in most cases does not attach a spiritual meaning to this process, simply constructing them to scare away wolves or to pass the time while grazing cattle. 3. Beliefs related to tombstone constructions. Originally, people believed stones were the abode of God, or other higher powers, as well as the habitation of human souls(Fraser 1989: 339–340). That is why, after a person’s death, burial stones or stone constructions Figure5:Stonepyramid»karasky«.Baymakskydistrict,RepublicofBashkortostan(photobyA.Tuzbekov, June 2016). were built over the grave, or the place where the person died, to “fix” the soul of the deceased and provide it with a temporary home near the living people, so it could ensure the fertility of their fields by the force of its spiritual nature, and prevent the soul from wandering or becoming dangerous (Eliade 1999: 209–210). The most common tombstone construction among the Turkic population of the Southern Urals is a stone stele that evolved from the small stone at the head of the grave known as the bash tash (headstone) to the big stele and most common form of Muslim tombstone, the syin tash (gravestone). The size and material from which the tombstones are made depend on the buried person’s importance. Tombstones on the graves of saints, Muslim clergy or dervishes are believed to possess a special supernatural power. For example, the residents of Abdrashitovo, a village in Duvansky District of the Republic of Bashkortostan, perform rain-calling cults by washing tombstones on thegraves of saints during adrought.Meanwhile, in thevillageof Abultaevo,inSafakulevskyDistrict of the Kurgan region, there are widespread beliefs associated with tombstones that are miraculously growing up from the ground (Fig. 6). Sometimes they acquire anthropomorphic features. The residents of the village of Meseli in the Aurgazinsky District of the Republic of Bashkortostan believe one of the gravestones is the “owner” of the cemetery (Medvedev 2015: 76). 4. Beliefs associated with stone mounds, fences and stone arrangements. These are more closely related to the ritual of venerating ancestors’ graves, preserved in the Southern Urals, owing to the presence of Sunnism of the Hanafi madhhab, which is sufficiently liberal to incorporate pre-Islamic beliefs and nomad rituals (Syizranov 2006:129). Archaeologists andethnographers havesofaridentifiedmorethan100objects ofthis kind. Most of them are located on the territory of the eastern part of the Uraltau ridge. Common cases of inclusion of stone mounds, walls and arrangements in the rituals of the local population include (Aminev, Kotov, Ovsyannikov, Savelyev 2012): 1) the construction of karaski on the tops of mounds or near them (Olo-tau-2, Baymak District of the Republic of Bashkortostan); 2) the construction of stone walls on mounds (Bai­shevo-12, Baymak district of the Republic of Bashkortostan); 3) chaotic piles of stones and stone arrangements on the tops of mounds; 4) putting menhirs, stone arrangements and rings on the mounds, and the use of ancient mounds as awliya (Islamic saints); 5) the construction of stone walls around the mounds. It is worth mentioning that the modern-day Turkic population of the Southern Urals admits the importance of funeral monuments located on the tops of mountains or hills in perpetuating the memory of their ancestors. Visiting the hills where mounds are located has become an integral part of most Muslim holidays. Evidence of the transformation of beliefs about such objects is of particular interest for researchers. While the idea of the sacredness of mounds is clearly fixed among the older generation, representatives of the younger generation also sacralise the areas adjacent to the mounds or the entire visible territory. The stone mound near the village of Suramanovo, Uchalinsky District of the Republic of Bashkortostan, which presumably dates back to theMiddle Ages, may exemplify that. In the 19th and 20th centuries, the mound was used by local residents as a place where diseases of the genitourinary system of domestic animals were healed. Recently, the population has begun to call the mountain auliale tau (the mountain with the grave of a saint), connecting it with a saint allegedly buried here in ancient times (Tuzbekov, Bakhshiev 2022: 190). 5. Beliefs related to precious, semi-precious and ornamental stones A special place in the ritual practice of the Turkic-speaking population of the Southern Urals is reserved for beliefs related to precious, semi-precious and ornamental stones. Differing from ordinary stones in their physical properties, rarity, bright colours, etc., stones worn in jewellery have acquired a special magic-religious character largely due to intermediate hierophany (manifestation of the sacred) or .ratophany (manifestation of supernatural power), i.e., symbolism that gives them magical or religious significance (Eliade 1999: 397). At different times in different parts of the world, various peoples told legends about the origin of precious and semi-precious stones (including pearls and corals). Numerous superstitions and beliefs were associated with them, and they were widely used in magic, medicine, etc. (Eliade 1999: 397–402; Tanyu 1968: 8–9, 28, 51–52, 100–101, 137). In the past, they had numerous functions – aesthetic, practical, protective, ritual, symbolic, etc., some of which have survived to the present day. Archaeologicalfinds of precious and ornamentalstones and minerals dating back around 800 thousand years have been discovered at monuments in Eurasia and Africa. In the Southern Urals, from the Upper Palaeolithic era to the Middle Ages, rock crystal, carnelian,malachite,agate,serpentinite,amber,jasper,etc.werewidelyusedformaking Figure6:A “growing”tombstone.Safakulevskydistrict,Kurganregion(photobyA.Tuzbekov,June2006). various objects. The majority of such finds are discovered in treasure troves, burial sites and sanctuaries, which suggests thatthey were endowed with symbolicmeaning and mainly used by the ancient population in cult practices (Serikov 2019). Folklore and mythological and ethnographic material shows that in the past different peoples, including those living in the Southern Urals, widely wore stones in jewellery to protect themselves against “evil forces” and mishaps, to attract longevity, enhance the reproductive qualities of people, as well as in folk medicine. The Bashkirs used car­nelian in this way to treat heart and eye diseases, amber was used against hepatitis and to prevent Basedow’s disease. They also believed that diamonds worn in jewellery heal human diseases. In order to ensure good health and longevity, new-born babies were often given names of noble and precious stones. In addition, the Bashkirs considered stones in jewellery to be a strong aphrodisiac, and believed that wearing jewellery – bracelets, rings, earrings, necklaces, etc. made of carnelian and amber (or encrusted with them) protects against the evil eye (Ilimbetova 2020: 20, 25–26, 33, 67, 105–106, 116, 119–120). Currently, representatives of different ethnic groups living in the Southern Urals (including Bashkirs, Tatars and Chuvash) are actively interested in the protective and healing properties of stones worn in jewellery, including the ones recommended on the basis of their date of birth according to the Eastern calendar (Galieva 2016: 125). CONCLUSIONS The literature and field materials studied testify that stones and stone constructions are an element of the modern-day religious and mythological beliefs (and corresponding cult actions) of the Turkic-speaking population of the Southern Urals. They can be nominally divided into two large groups. The first includes beliefs associated with stones of natural (divine) origin – individual stones and groups of stones, rocks, mountains, which are all losing their significance in the sacred beliefs of the modern Turkic population of the Southern Urals due to developments in agriculture and recreation. However, the situation is different for some sledovickstones (literally footprint stones) and rain stones, on which rituals are still carried out to summon rain, healing, etc. The second group includes beliefs associated with man-madestoneconstructions – menhirs, stonepyramids (karaski, obo), tombstoneconstructions, stonemounds, walls and stonearrangements, which areactively observed in the modern ritual practice of the Turkic population of the Southern Urals. These processes are most widely recorded today in the south-eastern Bashkir Trans-Urals. One of the features of such a process in this region is the inculcation of esoterism into the public consciousness, the basic conductors of which are marginal religious associations. In the ritual practice of the Turkic-speaking population of the Southern Urals, a special place is reserved for beliefs related to stones worn in jewellery. Unlike ordinary stones, they were believed to have special magical and healing properties designed to defend and protect their owner. Overall, most of the surveyed archaeological sites are characterised by the spontaneity of the formation of the sacred area, and the formation of absolutely artificial beliefs, sup­ ported at the same time by some Muslim clergy, and sometimes by government bodies. Thephenomenaunderconsideration definitelyrequireadditionalresearch.Thesimilarity of these processes at various sites around the world testifies to the global character of the crisis of traditional (established) spiritual values – people looking for spiritual support instead turn to new or reviving religious systems, often giving simple and understandable solutions to the challenges of the modern world. 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Ufa University of ScienceandTechnology,Instituteof History andPublicAdministration, Zaki Validi st, 32, Ufa, the Republic of Bashkortostan, Russia, 450076. aituzbekov@gmail.com ORCID: 0000-0002-5895-9826 AlbertAkhatov Candidate of HistoricalSciences, research fellow. Ufa FederalResearchCentre of the Russian Academy ofSciences,R.G. Kuzeev Institute for Ethnological Studies, K.Marx st, 6, Ufa, the Republic of Bashkortostan, Russia, 450077. bertik@mail.ru ORCID: 0000-0003-4776-9506 26 STUDIA MYTHOLOGICA SLAVICA 2023 105 – 119 | https://doi.org/10.3986/SMS20232603 | CC BY Strateške rabe pripovedi o nadnaravnem Mirjam Mencej Na podlagi terenskega dela avtorica obravnava pripovedi o verovanjih z vidika njihove strateške uporabe v vsakdanjem sporazumevanju. Kadar jim ustreza, jih pripovedovalci namerno uporabijo v svojo korist, da bi situacijo obrnili sebi v prid, ohranili dostojanstvo, prikrili svoje neustrezno vedenje, prikrili zadrego ali škandal, povecali svoj ugled ter zmanjšali ugled tekmeca ali osebe, s katero so v napetih odnosih. KLJUCNE BESEDE: povedke, strateška raba folklore, carovništvo, mrtvi, duhovi Based on the fieldwork, the author discusses belief narratives from the perspective of their strategic use by individuals in everyday communication. When it serves them, the narra­ tors can intentionally draw upon them, and mobilize them to their own benefit, to turn a situation to their profit, to save face, mask their deviant behaviour, conceal embarrassment and scandal, enhancetheir own prestige and reputation and lower that of a rivalor a person UVOD Folklora znotraj kulture in družbe opravlja razlicne vloge, pomembne za skupnost in druž­bo nasploh. Vlogo folklore tako lahko prepoznamo v strukturiranju prostora, v katerem ljudje živijo, v vzdrževanju in krepitvi vrednot in norm vedenja, v ohranjanju družbenih institucij, vusmerjanju ljudikpodrejanju le-tem, vnudenjudružbeno sprejemljivega izhoda izpod represije, ki jih te institucije naprtijo na posameznika, v nudenju platforme za pogajanja o mejnih izkušnjah, v obrambi kulture pred neposrednimi napadi nanjo itd. (glej, na primer, Bascom 1965 [1954]; Niles 1999: 66–67, 87–88; Mullen 2000: 136; De´gh 2001; Bird 2002; Gunnell 2008; Valk in Sävborg 2018). Toda dolocene družbene strukture, skupine ali posamezniki lahko folkloro (upo)rabijo tudi za uresnicevanje lastnih, specificnihinteresov,torejstrateško,1 z»namenom,da preprica[jo]druge vdolocena razumevanja in dejanja« (prim. Barry in Elmes 1997: 6). V tem clanku se bom osredinila prav na strateške rabe folklore. Termina »strategija« na tem mestu ne uporabljam v smislu de Certeaujeve definicije (1988 [1984]). Sintagmo »(upo)raba folklore« (ang. uses of folklore) pogosto najdemo v besedilih folkloristov, ki se ukvarjajo s tisto folkloro, ki je bila iz celotnega nabora folklore doloce­nega naroda izbrana za simbol narodne identitete in uporabljena v procesu vzpostavljanja in krepitve njegove identitete.2 Linda De´gh je tako na primer objavila clanek, v katerem ta sintagma nastopa že v naslovu: Uses of Folklore as Expressions of Identity by Hunga­rians in the Old and New Country (1984; moj poudarek). Zasledimo jo tudi v razpravah o rabi folklore za dosego ideoloških in politicnih ciljev posameznih družbenih skupin. Gary Allan Fine, na primer, našteva vec takšnih primerov revolucijskih in reformisticnih gibanj, ki so za dosego svojih ciljev uporabljala ljudske pesmi (1985). Christa Kamenetsky ugotavlja, da je nacionalsocialisticna stranka v Nemciji folkloro uporabljala za širjenje nacisticne ideologije: »… pod vplivom nacionalsocialisticne politike (…) stranki ni za­došcalo le raziskovanje virov tradicije, razen ce so jih lahko (upo)rabili tudi za služenje želeni ideologiji« (1972: 224; moj poudarek). V zvezi z rabo folklore v podporo doloceni ideologiji, ceprav v nekoliko drugacnem smislu, je Kaarina Koski pisala o »(upo)rabi tradicijskih vernakularnih verovanj in mitologije« v finskih ezotericnih revijah, ki so izhajale med letoma 1905 in 1920 (2020; moj poudarek). Folkloro so ezotericni krogi tegacasauporabilikotsredstvodokazovanjaobstojaduhovneresnicnosti,torejvpodporo širjenju svojega ideološkega prepricanja. Folkloristi so prepoznali tudi komercialno (upo)rabo in prisvajanje folklore s strani oglaševalske industrije, industrije zabave in turizma. Goldstein, Grider in Thomas tako ugotavljajo, da »(…) kljub temu, da množicno posredovana kultura išce novosti, pogosto ustvarja novo gradivo skozi konvencionalno vsebino, žanre ali sloge, prevzete iz tradi­cijske pripovedi. Raba velikanovza prodajo zelenjave ali neznanih letecih predmetov za prodajo sladkarij v komercialnem oglaševanju sta primera takšnega prisvajanja.« (2007: 213; moj poudarek). V tem clanku se ne bom ukvarjala z rabamifolkloreza uresnicevanje interesov in ciljev posameznih družbenih struktur, skupin in gibanj. Namesto tega bom skušala pokazati, kako folkloro v svoji vsakodnevni komunikaciji strateško uporabljajo posamezniki za doseganje osebnih ciljev in za uresnicitev lastnih interesov. Pri tem se ne bom posvetila rabam folklore nasploh, ampak se bom osredinila na rabe specificnega žanra pripovedne folklore, in sicer povedk o »nadnaravnem« (vkljucno z memorati3 in govoricami4), in pokazala takšno njihovo vlogo na podlagi na terenu zbranega gradiva. V svoji raziskavi se bom opirala na primere iz dveh terenskih raziskav, v katerih so bile posnete povedke o nadnaravnem:prva je bila na temo carovništva, ki smo jo s študenti in študentkami Oddelka za etnologijo in kulturno antropologijo raziskovali na podeželju v vzhodni 2 O rabah razlicnih elementov ljudske kulture oz. »dedišcine« v kontekstu nacionalnega gibanja na Slovenskem so pisali tudi slovenski etnologi in etnologinje (gl. npr. Jezernik 2013; Klobcar in Knific 2021), a na tem mestu se osredinjam samo na rabo folklore in izhajam iz dobesedne uporabe izraza »(upo)raba folklore«. 3 Memorati so osebne pripovedi o prvo-osebnih izkušnjah (von Sydow 1948: 87); v folkloristiki se jih navadno uporablja kot termin za osebne pripovedi o liminalnih, »nadnaravnih« izkušnjah. 4 Ceprav je med terenskim delom mogoce prepoznati dolocene žanrske specifike posameznih pripovedi, je Linda De´gh prepricljivo pokazala, da memoratov, govoric (in fabulatov) ni mogoce imeti za locene kategorije, in za vse predlagala nadpomenko “povedka” (2001: 23–97). Sloveniji v letih 2000 in 2001, sama pa sem nadaljevala z raziskavo v letih 2013–2015; in druga je na temo komunikacije z mrtvimi, ki sem jo izvedla v Bosni in Hercegovini, na razlicnih podeželskih obmocjih in med razlicnimi etnicnimi skupnostmi (Bošnjaki, Srbi, Hrvati, Romi) v letih 2016–2019.5 RAZISKAVE RABE FOLKLORE V POSAMEZNIKOVO KORIST Polegrabfolklorezauresnicitevinteresovinnamenovdolocenihdružbenih,ekonomskih, politicnih in drugih skupin, institucij in struktur so nekateri folkloristi že opozarjali tudi na vlogo folklore pri uresnicevanju ciljev in interesovposameznikov. Peter Narváez, ki je preuceval novofundlandske zgodbe o vilincih (fairies), ki naj bi nabiralce jagodicevja zapeljalinanapacno pot, tako piše,dasoposameznikimemoratelahkonarazlicnenacine uporabili v svojo korist: »Poleg tega, da so se lahko izognili zadregi in sramoti [...], so pripovedovalci lahko uporabili vilince za prikrivanje dejanskih deviantnih vedenj, kot so dolgotrajna zamuda, predzakonski spolni odnosi, nezvestoba, incest, nadlegovanje otrok, pretepanje žena in spolni napad. Treba je upoštevati možnost prikrivanja škandala s po­mocjo vilinskih alibijev […]« (Narváez 1991: 354–357). Judith Devlin podobno poudarja, kako je bila francoska folklora 19. stoletja o nadnaravnem »prirocna« za »upravicevanje lastnega vedenja – povzrocenegabodisi zaradi lenobe, slabe koncentracije, pijanosti ali nepremišljenosti« (1987: 88). V zvezi s povedkami o volkodlakih posebej dodaja še, da so bile te lahko sredstvo za obrekovanje sosedov, s katerim so bili pripovedovalci v slabih odnosih (Devlin 1987: 73, 199). Charles Stewart, ki je raziskoval folkloro o nadnaravnem v Grciji, ugotavlja, da je exoticá (genericno ime za nadnaravna bitja – op. M. M.) hkrati kazen za moralne prekrške, kot so skrivne ljubezenske zveze, kraje itd., kot tudi krinka za tiste, ki jih zagrešijo (1991). Ágnes Hesz, ki je med madžarsko manjšino v Transilvaniji raziskovala prvoosebne pripovedi o komunikaciji z mrtvimi v sanjah, ugotavlja, da so se uporabljale (tudi) za posredno izražanje odobravanja ali kritike, za vzpostavitev ali rušenje ugleda, za manipulacijo javnega mnenja v sporih in celo za doseganje materialnih koristi (2012). Luka Šešo, ki je terensko raziskavo opravljal v zaledju Dalmacije, pa ugotavlja, da je širjenje povedk o nadnaravnih bitjih pomagalo ustvarjati ozracje strahu, ki so ga posamezniki s pridom izkoristili za krajo in torej pridobivanje materialnih koristi, da bi se izognili kazni, prikrili detomor, zunajzakonsko zvezo ali pijancevanje (Šešo 2016). METODOLOŠKA VPRAŠANJA Razprava o posameznikovi strateški rabi folklore seveda nujno trci ob nekatere metodo­loške probleme. Kot folkloristi komajda lahko upamo, da bi bili lahko prisotni v situaciji, Terenska raziskava je bila izvedena v okviru ERC projekta East-West”. Vernacular religion on the boundary of Eastern and Western Christianity: continuity, changes and interactions(. 324214), pod vodstvom E´ve Pócs. Ker gre pri obeh raziskavah za delikatneteme, se držim obicajne prakse, da se natancne lokacije raziskave ne navaja. Vse gradivo je shranjeno in preverljivo v Dokumentaciji Oddelka za etnologijo in kulturno antropologijo. v kateri je posameznik folklorno pripoved morda uporabil strateško. Kadar folklorist ni udeležen v situaciji, v kateri je bila pripoved posredovana drugim, je težko ugotavljati namen njenega pripovedovanja – torej, ali so pripovedovalci podelili z drugimi opis svoje izkušnje, ki so jo razumeli kot nadnaravno, ali pa so pripoved o nadnaravnem uporabili »strateško«, da bi dosegli specificen ucinek. Še vec – strateški namen pripovedovanja mora naceloma celo v situaciji, ko je pripoved uporabljena na tak nacin, ostati zakrit, saj sicer pripovedovalec ne bi dosegel svojega namena. Lahko seveda dopustimo tudi možnost, da meja med obema rabama niti pripovedovalcem samim ni bila vedno jasna – prvoosebni memorat o nadnaravni izkušnji, ki je v skladu z razpoložljivim kulturnim repertoarjem, lahko posameznik uporabi strateško v svojo korist in hkrati sam verjame (ali zacne verjeti), da se je izkušnja zares zgodila. Vsi ti pomisleki vsekakor predstavljajo ovire za kakršno koli trdno sklepanje o namenu posameznika. Ker ne moremo biti prepri- cani niti o resnicnosti izkušnje niti o resnicnosti prepricanja ljudi v resnicnost izkušnje, namen posameznika ne more biti v središcu pozornosti. Namesto tega se bom posvetila ucinkom pripovedovanja povedk o nadnaravnem v funkciji interesa posameznika oziroma potencialu teh povedk, da se (upo)rabijo za uresnicevanje njegovih ciljev. Pri ugotavljanjuucinkov oz. potencialov povedk o nadnaravnem za uresnicevanje posameznikovega interesa smo seveda do neke mere neizogibno prisiljeni v razvijanje interpretacij in hipotez. Kot piše Narváez, je »takšna dramaturška perspektiva oseb, ki sprejemajoodlocitve,(sicer)samoenainterpretativnamožnost,vendarsejetrebazavedati vseh implikacij te možnosti« (1991: 357). Vsekakor pa se nam pri prepoznavanju strateške rabefolklorenitrebanaslanjatizgoljnaintuicijo, pacpasilahkopomagamo znekaterimi kljuci, ki nam jih ponujata tako besedilo kot specificni kontekst pripovedovanja, pa tudi širši družbeni in kulturni kontekst, znotraj katerega je zgodba pripovedovana. Povedni so predvsem tisti elementi v pripovedi, ki se razlikujejo od drugih razlicic istega tipa pripovedi ali splošno sprejetih (tradicijskih) verovanj. Kot trdijo diskurzivni analitiki, je mogoce funkcije diskurza identificirati prav s pozornostjo na variantnost: »Ker je razlicica posledica funkcije, jo je mogoce uporabiti kot analiticni namig o tem, katera funkcija se izvaja v dolocenem delu diskurza« (Wetherell in Potter 1988: 170–171). Kot koristni se vcasih izkažejo tudi osebni komentarji pripovedovalcev, ki spremljajo pripoved. Nadalje so pomembne kontekstualne informacije o specificni situaciji, to je o casu in kraju do-godka, ko je bila povedka (prvic) povedana, ter o tem, komu je bila povedana in od koga jo je pripovedovalec slišal. In koncno, tudi poznavanje širšega družbenega in kulturnega kontekstalahko ponudidodatneinformacijezalažjerazumevanjenamenapripovedovanja. STRATEŠKE RABE POVEDK O NADNARAVNEM Ceprav, kot receno, strateškega namena posameznika, ki pripoveduje povedko o nadna­ravni izkušnji, praviloma ni mogoce z gotovostjo dolociti, pa je ta obcasno vendarle bolj ali manj jasen tudi sogovornikom, ki jim je bila pripoved povedana. Tako so denimo moji sogovorniki vcasih sami identificirali rabo folklornih pripovedi, ki so jim jo starši pripo­vedovali kot otrokom. Zgodbe o carovnicah ali vracanju umrlihso tako retrospektivno prepoznali kot vzgojno sredstvo, s katerim so jih hoteli starši prestrašiti, da bi se zvecer pravocasno vrnili domov in ponoci ne odhajali od doma (prim. Stewart 1991; Lindow 1978: 44; Devlin 1987: 77; Widdowson 1978: 35). Najvec [je govorila] o coprnicah. Da so ble na metli pa de se je spremenila u zeleno luc al pa v rdeco luc in da so tiste coprnice potem krožle po po kakšni nivi pa škodo delale pa take stvari. […] Ona, ja, ona ih je vidla … ona jeto pripovedovalatko,daje otroke ustrahe spraulala,inverjetno mene tut. Sam ko sem js to dojela, da to ni [res], potem me ni blo tko [strah]. (5)6 Enako vcasih velja za pripovedi,ki so bile uporabljene kot sredstvo pritiska na odra­sle, na primer predstavnike posameznih poklicev, predvsem tiste, od katerih poštenosti so bili ljudje odvisni, a te nikolini bilo mogoce imeti povsem pod nadzorom. Povedka o nepoštenem mlinarju, ki se je zaradi goljufanja po smrti spremenil v volkodlaka, ki je krožila v Hercegovini, je gotovo delovala (tudi) kot oblika pritiska na mlinarje, da bi pošteno merili kolicino namlete moke. Tak namen pripovedovanja te povedke je sam poudaril tudi eden od mojih sogovornikov: I2: Kaže, krivo radio, kaže, to sam ja sad cula, krivo radio, krivo mirio, pa se ukaziva nešto u tamo. Znaš. Nešto dolazi … I3: A ja sam cula i u [...] Zvali ga R.7 R. zvali ga. Isto tako je ima mlin i tako bice da je nakrivo uzimo malo više nek je tribalo… I2: Je toga bilo. I3: A? I2: Je. I3: I da je dolazio, isto. To su tako bile price. M: Nakon smrti? I3: Ma ja, ja. Ima mlin, pa dok goni žito, a bio je, kriza je bila… I4: Lopov, naša je on nešto [...] I3: Uvek je bilo trgovacko i miri, pa šta miri, miri. Kaže, neko miri nakrivo, izmirice svoju dušu. To je recenica. I5. To su oni plašili mlinare … (142)8 V teh dveh primerihbilahko trdili, daucinek pripovedovanja nibil zadovoljitev interesa prav dolocenih posameznikov, ki bi to zgodbo pripovedovali. Seveda je bil tak ucinek posredno tudi v njihovem interesu: starši so tako lažje nadzorovali svoje otroke 6 Številka v oklepaju je oznaka za sogovornika v Dokumentaciji Oddelka za etnologijo in kulturno antropologijo, Filozofska fakulteta, Univerza v Ljubljani. V tem primeru: sogovornica, rojena 1931; intervju posneli Alenka Bartulovic in Tina Volaric 18. 7. 2000, transkribirala Tanja Bizjan. 7 Vse osebe v pripovedih kot tudi sogovorniki so v clanku anonimizirani. 8 Sogovorniki I2: ženska; I3: ženska, rojena 1943; I4: ženska, rojena 1928; I5: moški, rojen 1951; M: Mirjam Mencej. Posnela Mirjam Mencej v Hercegovini med bosanskimi Hrvati, 29. 5. 2017. in poštenost predstavnikov dolocenih poklicev je nedvomno koristila med drugim tudi pripovedovalcem samim. Kljub temu bi osebni interes pripovedovalcev težko prepoz­nali kot kljucnega za širjenje teh povedk – takšne in podobne pripovedi so prvenstveno podpirale in ojacevale družbene in kulturne norme, ki so veljale v skupnosti in družbi nasploh. Raba teh pripovedi za zagotovitev podrejanja splošno sprejetim normam vedenja ni bila v nobenem pogledu problematicna in pripovedovalci zato niso imeli posebnega razloga, da bi skrivali pravi namen svojega pripovedovanja, še zlasti ne raziskovalcem, ki so v skupnost vstopali od zunaj. Topasevedanedrži, kadar sopripovediuporabljeneznamenom,dabiposameznikom te iste norme pomagale zaobiti in da bi se tako izognili posledicam, ki bi jih sicer doletele, kadar so jih uporabili v svojo korist ali z njimi škodovali drugim, ko so pripovedi upora­bili zato, da bi situacijo, v kateri so se znašli, obrnili sebi v prid ipd. V takšnih situacijah bi lahko pricakovali, da bodo pripovedovalci veliko pozornosti namenili prav temu, da (strateškega) namena pripovedovanja zgodbe ne bi razkrili. V nadaljevanju bom poka­zala nekaj primerov takšnih strateških rab povedk na primeru pripovedi o carovništvu, posnetih na podeželju vzhodne Slovenije, in pripovedi o umrlih, ki se prikazujejo živim, posnetih na podeželju Bosne in Hercegovine. STRATEŠKE RABE POVEDK O CAROVNIŠTVU V LASTNO KORIST Pripovedi o carovništvu, zapisane na zacetku enaindvajsetega stoletja na podeželju vzhodne Slovenije, ki jih bom predstavila najprej, se vecinoma nanašajo na obdobje do nekako sedemdesetih let 19. stoletja. Do takrat je bilo verjetje v carovništvo na tem obmocju še zelo živo in je predstavljalo interpretativni okvir, ki je imel v skupnosti avtoriteto, ki je ni bilo mogoce zlahka omajati (Mencej 2017). Vsaj nekatere pripovedi, ki so nesreco in gospodarsko škodo pripisovale (medsosedskemu) carovništvu, je mogoce razumeti tudi kot pripovedne strategije, ki so jih ljudje uporabili, kadar so prestopili sprejete norme vedenja. Na carovništvo se je posameznik tako lahko skliceval, da bi upravicil svoja nesprejemljiva dejanja, ovrgel sume, da je storil prepovedano dejanje, se opral krivde ter posledicno ohranil svoj status v skupnosti. Govorice o tem,da je ženska, s katero naj bi se porocil, carovnica, so bile tako lahko primeren izgovor za moškega, da prekine zaroko z osebo, s katero se ni (vec) želel porociti (prim. Devlin 1987: 199) – ki je torej storil dejanje, ki bi bilo sicer deležno zgražanja in obsojanja skupnosti. Ceprav se iz spodnje pripovedi ne zdi, da bi govorice sprožil moški sam, so te vseeno zadošcale, da je bilo njegovo sicer nesprejemljivo dejanje v skupnosti sprejeto kot upraviceno: I: Dol pa vem onega, ko je star bako moj razlagal, si niso bile sosede strašno dobre, ne. Pa bi star bako moral tisto žensko imeti in da je bila coprnica. No, o tem, to pa lahko vama povem. Da je bila coprnica in je tudi sosedi šla, ko je neki šla sosedi v štalo, pa so jo našli ljudje, de je nekaj carala. Da je nekaj carala. Pol je pa star ata rekel, moj star bako, ne, je rekel: »Tote coprnice pa res ne bom ubral, bom pa drugo vzel!« In tako se je zgodilo. (79)9 Omemba, da sta bili sosedi v slabih odnosih, in da je bila zavrnjena zarocenka zalotena pri izvajanju carovništva prav v njihovi hiši, bi lahko kazala na to, da je bila vir govoric soseda, morda tekmica za poroko z istim moškim. Ker so govorice sestavni del in ne zgolj odsev družbene realnosti, je mogoce pripovedi o carovništvu ucinkovito uporabiti tudi proti tekmecem, za znižanjenjihovega ugleda in izboljšanjelastnega statusa (prim. Bleek 1976: 527, 540; Gustavsson 1979: 49; Gijswijt-Hofstra 1999: 175; Stewart in Strathern 2004: 33–35, 56). Širjenje govoric o drugih osebah kot carovnicah je bilo mogoceuporabiti tudi kot sredstvo mašcevanja, na primer – kot trdi moj sogovornik v naslednjem intervjuju – za­radi ranjenega ponosa: Zdaj, da je kdo coprnca? Ne, ne, to je blo pred. Vete, ka? Jaz bom takle reku ... Ce sta dva hodla k eni, pa se je ona odlocla za drügega, je ta iz mašcevalnostijoprjavu,dajecoprnica. (108)10 V naslednji pripovedi se kljuc za identifikacijo namena pripovedovanja skriva v spe­cificnem elementu, ki ga v drugih povedkah o carovnicah na tem obmocju ne najdemo – elementu golote. Je bla tu, je vedu on, de je ona, sneha nihova cuprnca, ne, je vedu, de tu zna cuprat, je ona nega sovražla jenga, ne, ga je tela to najlepše ulou, nutre porinla, dej biu pijan, de sej utupu, ne, on je pa biu tulku mocn pa je se vzeu, mislm tisto unicu vzeu in ni vec ona mela moci do jenga. I onde on jo prdržo do dneva. Koj sunce ven fshajalo, je ona bla že preobl ..., gola pred njim, ne, je že bla gola. Potlej pa ona nega prusla, de jo je spustiu, de bo… […] Nc, samu tu je moja mama povedavala, de to se je resnicno dogajalo. (4)11 Ce upoštevamo, da so bili v obdobju, na katerega se te zgodbe nanašajo, moški na tem obmocju v vec kot cetrtini zakonov mlajši od svojih žena, in sicer v povprecju šest let mlajši (Sok 2003: 141–144), ocetje torej niso bili vedno veliko starejši od svojih snah. Prihodmladeženevnovo(razširjeno)družinojetakopredvidomalahkoobcasnovodilv spolna razmerja ali sprožil spolno nasilje. Ker se golota v pripovedih o carovništvu sicer ne pojavlja, te podrobnosti ne moremo pripisati splošnim predstavam o carovnicah na 9 Sogovornica I1: ženska, roj. l. 7. 1923; posnele Urška Bajec, Mirjam Mencej in Jasmina Papic 21. 10. 2000; transkripcija: Urška Bajec. 10 Sogovornik: moški, rojen 1933; posnele Tanja Bizjan, Mirjam Mencej, Tjaša Pavšic in Tina Volaric, 18. 3. 2001; transkripcija: Tjaša Pavšic. 11 Sogovornica: ženska, rojena 1933; posneli Alenka Bartulovic in Tina Volaric, 18. 7. 2000; transkripcija: Tanja Bizjan. tem obmocju, ampak bi prej kazala na situacijo, v kateri je prišlo do (poskusa) posilstva ali pa morda sporazumnega spolnega odnosa med snaho in tastom. Zgodbo o njenem carovniškem napadu bi tako prvotni narator (tast) lahko uporabil strateško, da bi ljudem, ki so ju morda presenetili gola, ponudil ustrezno razlago, ali pa kot odgovor na snahino obtožbo (poskusa) posilstva. Zgodba, ki jo pripoveduje naratorka, izraža tastovo inter-pretacijo dogodka. Njegov ugled v družini in skupnosti bi trpel, ce dogodka ne bi pripisal snahinemu carovništvu – tako pa je bil unicen (samo) ugled ženske. Dejstvo, da pripoved, ki jo pripoveduje somešcanka, poda le moški pogled, jasno kaže tudi na nemoc ženskega glasu v tradicionalni skupnosti. V nasprotju z zgornjo pripovedjo, v kateri je strateško rabo pripovedi razkril (neobi- cajen) elementvsebine (golota carovnice), pa nam v naslednjih primerih pri razumevanju strateškosti rabe folklore pomaga poznavanje konteksta: ve´denje, da je bil status žensk v družini in skupnosti v obdobju, v katerem so bile carovniške obtožbe del vsakdanjega diskurza, v celoti odvisen od njihovega uspeha pri delu. Ženske so se ob morebitnem neuspehu na podrocju, za katerega so bile odgovorne, lahko izognile posledicam le, ce so zanj okrivile carovnice (prim. Mencej 2015) – kot je razvidno iz naslednje pripovedi: En dekle [je] žel, pa benga ispeha. Nec, nec ji ni, bolj ko je hitela žet, nic ni mogla nardit. No, taku da je tri dni hodla tam en štikelcek žet. Pol pa le zaahta žabo. Pol pa ne vem kdu, da ji je jeden povedal, da je mora za taca prjet. Za taca pa u zemljo, s kolom, s kolem predret, pa u zemljo zabit tisto žabo. In je nardila tist. Takule popoldne, proti noc. Drug den, drug den je bla soseda prvezana. Ona, ko je tisto žabo... […] Soseda no, jena vbližin,kujijeispehjemala,danimoglapožetnc. (125)12 Razširjene pripovedi o srecanjihs carovnicami, ki so se obicajno v podobi luci pri­kazovale ljudemv casu od prvega mraka pa do zore in jih zapeljevale na napacno pot, so posamezniki lahko uporabili kot izgovor, da prenehajo z delom. Glede na to, da memorati o nocnih carovnicah obicajno govorijo o izkušnjah, ki se lahko zgodijo kadarkoli med prvim mrakom in zoro, se zdi druga ura zjutraj, ki je v naslednji pripovedi omenjena kot zacetek delovanja carovnic in zato kot utemeljen razlog za prenehanje dela na polju, arbitrarna in neutemeljena v lokalnih verovanjih – signal za identifikacijo strateške rabe pripovedi o carovnicah: Smo šle enkrat žet ponoci, ko je bilo cez dan prevroce, pa je ob dveh ena rekla, da gre domov. Pa sem jaz rekla, da bi do dveh žele, pa je una rekla, da gre domov, ker bojo cumprnce prišle. Kmalu smo videle lucko pri lucki. Pol je pa una rekla, da ne smemo vec delat, ker bi nam cumprnce kaj 12 Sogovornica: ženska, rojena 1925; posnele Natalija Culic, Vera Jacimovic in Adela Ramovš 19. 10. 2001; transkripcija: Vera Jacimovic in Adela Ramovš. naredile. Vsako noc smo ob dveh nehale delat, pa smo šle na caj pa na šnops,paspat. (127)13 Ceprav se zdi razumno domnevati, da so bile zgodbe o nocnih carovnicah lahko upo­rabljene tudi kot izgovor za (pre)pozno vrnitev domov, pa ni mogoce najti neposrednih dokazov, ki bi takšne domneve potrdili, saj so pripovedovalci, kot sem že rekla, zgodbe morali predstaviti tako, da jih razkritje tega, kar so želeli prikriti, ne bi kompromitiralo. Kljub temu kontekst specificne situacije, v kateri naj bi se izkušnje, o katerih ti memo-rati govorijo, zgodile, kaže, da so bili ti vsaj vcasih uporabljeni v situacijah cezmernega popivanja. Pripovedi o carovnicah, v katerih so te zlasti moške vso noc vodile po gozdu ali zapeljevale, da niso vec našli poti domov, so bile vsekakor primerno upravicilo prepo­znega prihoda domov, moške pa razrešile krivde in sramu zaradi pijanosti ali morebitnih drugih insinuacij (npr. nezvestobe, spolne zlorabe ipd.). Naslednja pripoved, na primer, neposredno povezuje izkušnjo, interpretirano kot rezultat carovnicinega delovanja, s popivanjem po koncanem skupnem delu. I: Tole je bilo tako … doli, malo od doma, ne vem, koliko že je to metrov /.../, ne, so pa hodili prej po kolicje /.../ Potem pa veste, kako je, mislim kolicit, to je bil takrat obicaj, to se je prej popivalo še pa še, vsakojakih tistih pesmi, ne, vse je pelo, no, potem so se pa nekaj tako tisti možakarji zbrali tam vkup, to so pa potem se zbrali, so rekli: No, zdaj bomo pa eno zapeli /.../ pa so popevali …ko to je bilo prej nekaj enkratnega, ko se je to slišalo z vasi v drugo vas, ko so peli, pa je … no, po je pa tu naenkrat /.../ je pa pokojni oce tako izginil iz tistega kroga, da ga ni bilo nikjer, no, potem je pa rekel, da se je nekam znašel, da ga je nekam te gori v gozd odneslo. /.../ (15)14 STRATEŠKE RABE PRIPOVEDI O VRACANJU UMRLIH Tako kot pripovedi o carovništvu so tudi pripovedi o umrlih, ki se iz razlicnih razlogov prikazujejo živim, sodile v vernakularni repertoar, ki je bil ljudem splošno znan. VBosni so bili takšni umrli navadno imenovani volkodlak (vukodlak, kudlak, kodlak, kuzlak), vampir (vampir, lampir) ali prikazen (pri(je)kaza, privid, utvara); nanje so se vcasih sklicevali tudi v obliki »prikazuje se«(privida se, prividilo se, prikazuje se, ukaziva se, ukazalo se, prilici se). Vsi trije emski izrazi se uporabljajo bolj ali manj zamenljivo. Moji sogovorniki so vecinoma verjeli v resnicnost prikazovanja teh mrtvih oziroma vsaj dopušcali možnost njihovega resnicnega obstoja. Ob tako mocni podpori v skupnosti 13 Sogovornica: ženska; posneli Miha Šinkovec, Miha Mulh in Tanja Skale 19. 10. 2001; transkripcija: Miha Šinkovec in Miha Mulh. 14 Sogovornica: ženska, rojena 1928; posneli Alenka Bartulovic, Mirjam Mencej, Ljupco Risteski in Tina Volaric 21. j. 2000; transkripcija: Alenka Bartulovic. so te pripovedi omogocale posameznikom, da so jih mobilizirali za izpolnitev osebnih interesov in uresnicitev svojih ciljev. V nasprotju s carovnicami, za katere je veljalo, da delujejo iz zla in zavisti, so bila prikazovanja in dejanja mrtvih pogosto (ceprav ne vedno) razumljena kot moralno upravi-cena in znak, da se je oseba, ki je imela takšno izkušnjo, prekršila zoper sprejete socialne ali/in religijske norme. Pripovedi o prikazovanju mrtvih torej praviloma niso mogle biti uporabljene kot razlaga (neugodne) situacije, v kateri se je posameznik znašel, saj bi bil v tem primeru ucinek ravno nasproten: z zgodbo o tem, da se jim je prikazal mrtvi, bi posredno priznali, da so sami prekršili norme vedęnja. A ker je videnje pokojnika kazalo na kršitev družbenih norm, je bilo s širjenjem govoric, da se je umrli prikazal doloceni osebi, mogoceznižatidružbenistatus drugeosebev skupnosti. Ágnes Hesz(2012) jetudi pokazala, da se pripovedi o mrtvih v sanjah lahko uporabljajo za izražanje neodobrava­nja dejanj drugih oseb, kot obliko »posredne komunikacije«. Pri posredni komunikaciji govorci mislijo nekaj drugega kot to, kar govorijo; njihovo besedilo, ceprav na diskur­zivni ravni nevtralno, izraža moralno sodbo, ki jo mora oseba, ki ji je namenjena, šele izlušciti iz povedanega (Brenneis 1987: 504–507; Hesz 2012: 140–141). Ljudje takšno obliko komunikacije obicajno uporabljajo zato, da bi se izognili morebitnim sporom, saj tako ne morejo biti prepoznani kot avtorji kritike. Ce predvidevamo, da govorice prej ali slej pridejo na ušesa subjektu le-teh, bi takšno vlogo pripovedi – izražanje kritike na racun nesprejemljivega vedęnja mladega para do matere oz. tašce – lahko prepoznali iz naslednjega pogovora: I1: Evo, ja sam cula kod nas, ovdje bio jedan, kažu, pretvorila valjda se bila u zmiju, al ja to nisam vidjela, samo sam cula. M: Ova umrla? I1: Aha. Sin joj i sna[ha] bili zli. Nisu joj bili dobri. Al nisu se svadali, samo nisu htjeli od nje nik[kakve]e hrane nosit. A ona njima ko mat svaka, spremi, oni ostavi u vrecice onak objesi, kad oni odu, ona ode tamo, vidi, oni onu njenu hranu svu ostave vani. I ona onda jaukala i jaukala i klela. I kad je umrla, kažu, Boga m', jedva su pobjegli. Jedva su pobjegli. Ganjala ih. M: U liku zmije? I1: Mhm. M: A kako su znali da je to ona? I1: Pa iz tog groba, de su bili svijecu palili, otale im izašla ta zmija. M: Baš iz groba izašla? I1: Aha, baš tu de sahrana im je izašla. Tako su pricale. Sad ja ne mogu rec da je to istina kad ja to nisam vidjela. Evo, ja sam cula kod nas, ovdje bio jedan, kažu, pretvorila valjda se bila u zmiju, al ja to nisam vidjela, samo sam cula. (117)15 15 Sogovornica I1: ženska, rojena 1966, pravoslavka; posnela Mirjam Mencej v zahodni Bosni, 15. 4. 2016. Ker sama nisem bila subjekt govorice, je ta zadržek seveda odpadel in je pripove­dovalka lahko sporocilo pripovedi – kritiko vedęnja mladega para – na koncu izrazila tudi neposredno: Jesu, kajali su se, žao im bilo. Kasnije. Kad napraviš zlo, ja uvijek kažem Bogpomozi,reko,nemojnikadnikom zlacinit,nisvomeapogotovotudem. Ni onom crnom Ciganu, reko, nije on, jadan, ni ništ kriv. Svaki je stvoren da živi nekako, na neki nacin se pati, mora živit ... (117)16 V nasprotju z zgornjimi pripovedmi, ki bi jih ožje lahko uvrstili med memorate in govorice, je naslednja pripoved povedka (fabulat)17. Govori o materi oz. tašci, ki se po smrti kot volkodlak v podobi svinje prikazuje svojemu sinu in snahi, s katerima je živela pod isto streho, da bi ju grajalazaradi slabega odnosa, ki sta ga imela do nje za casa življenja. Moralno sporocilo je iz povedke torej jasno razvidno: I1: I kako je, kako je sin volio mater. Znaš. Volio je materi snaja. Kao sad ova mojasnajaimojsin.Kakosumenevoleli,kakosemenepoštivali,nisudali menijestitako. Da sam jakrmaca išto šta iona ista. Kad jeona umrla, kaje prošlo je, prošla godina dana kaže. On sipa …, svak kaže, joj Bože dragi, to je neka stara krmacetina, slaba, kaže, jede, to sve pojede. Ništa, onaj jedan vece, drugi, to navece [ide] da sipa krmicama, dosta je bilo nako … Vi to možda ne znate, al eto ja tebi pricam što je tad bilo. Ništa, kad nakon pet, šest dana kad sin od uvecer, kaže, žena mu onaj sipala krmcima, kaje, ništa, kad došla neka stara krmacetina i sve pojede. Znaš. Ka dobro. Ide sin uvece, i nosi ti onaj vako neki kolcic. Nosi kolcic, znaš. Da on ubije tu, kao kuja došla, krmaca, kuja, šta ja znam. Ništa. On, ona usula krmcima i otišla ona, došo on dolje, a on vati se da udari, kaje, a ona ce, kaje: E, moj sine. […] E, moj sine. Ja sam tvoja majka. Nemoj me ubijati. Što me ubijaš? Niste me poštovali, ništa mi niste dali, uvijek sam bila gladna, sad sam došla na ovo korito da pojiem. Eto, i to ka povukodlacila se…. […] M: A zašto se ona povukodlacila? I1: Pa, nemam pojma zašto. Nije, nisu je poštivali, nije jela, nisu je cuvali, nešto prošlo preko nje i. […](97)18 V tem primeru sem imela izjemno priložnost, da sem bila lahko prica strateški rabi povedke tako rekoc in situ. Med intervjujem, med katerim je bila ob naju tudi pripove­dovalkina snaha, je namrec postalo ocitno, da mi je sogovornica zgodbo pripovedovala predvsem zato, da jo je lahko uporabila kot moralni poduk lastni snahi. In ce ta morda 16 Gl. op. 12. 17 »Kratke, eno-epizodnezgodbe, zgrajene (…) naelementih resnicnih dogodkov in opažanj, pricemer je resnicnostna podlaga spremenjena s pomocjo kreativne domišljije ljudi« (von Sydow 1948: 73). 18 Sogovornica: ženska, rojena 1947, bosanska Srbkinja; posnela Mirjam Mencej v zahodni Bosni, 7. 4. 2016. ni razumela sporocila njene zgodbe, ga zagotovo ni mogla spregledati, ko se je pripo­vedovalka, torej njena tašca, potem ko je povedko povedala do konca, izrecno obrnila nanjo z besedami: Da se to tako dogodilo. Nevalja. Svekrva ako imaš, poštuj je, ne moraš ti nju volit. Ti ako imaš svekrvu, ti nemoj volit svoju svekrvu, ne moraš je volit. Ova moja snaja [pokaže na snaho], ne mora ona mene volit, nek me samo poštiva. Jer ima i ona svoju djecu. Kad god de ona zasluži tako ce joj vratit. A vidiš ti, kako je ta bila snaja, ona je bila cifut, bezobrazna i nije dala tome sinu, od te što se povukodlace, dala jesti, nit je volila je. Nije poštivala, nije ništa. Nije dala jesti. I ona sada došla da jede s krmcima. I on došo da je ubije. Ta kajem svojoj snaji, kak god zaradi, tako ce se vratit. Kak god si ko zaradi, tako se njemu vrati. Jebi ga. (97) V tem primeru zgodba torej ni bila uporabljena za prikrivanje pripovedovalkinega deviantnega vedenja, za reševanje lastnega statusa ali znižanje statusa drugih v skupnosti. Namesto tega je pripovedovalka, katere situacija je bila podobna situaciji umrle matere v povedki, saj je s sinom in snaho tudi sama živela v razširjeni družini, zgodbo uporabila sebi v prid – da bi si tako zagotovila spoštljiv odnos snahe. ZAKLJUCEK Na nekaj izbranih primerih pripovedi, posnetih med terenskimi raziskavami v vzhodni Sloveniji in Bosni in Hercegovini, sem v tem clanku želela pokazati njihove strateške rabe s strani posameznikov. V skupnostih, v katerih se pripovedi o nadnaravnem »širijo z dovoljenjem« (prim. Ellis 1988: 66) in v katerih imajo te zadostno podporo in avtoriteto, je te pripovedi, ne glede na posameznikovo verjetje, mogoce uporabiti (tudi) v funkciji uresnicevanja interesov in ciljev posameznikov. S sklicevanjem nanje oz. z njihovo (upo) rabo so posamezniki lahko prikrili in upravicili svoje nesprejemljivo vedenje, se izognili zadregi in sramoti zaradi kršenja družbenih norm in rešili svoj status v skupnosti, kadar je bil ta ogrožen, ali pa jih na drug nacin uporabili v svojo korist. Poleg tega so lahko s širjenjem govoric, ki so izhajale iz pripovedi o carovništvu ali prikazovanju umrlih – iz rivalstva, mašcevanja ali drugih razlogov – tudi znižali status drugih clanov skupnosti ali pa jih uporabili za posredno kritiko njihovih nesprejemljivih dejanj. A »strateškost« rabefolklore, o kateri pišemv temclanku, ne pomeninujno, dagre za premišljena in namerna, zavestno preracunana in manipulativna dejanja posameznikov. Kot meni Argyrou, gre bolj za intuitivna in spontana dejanja, strategijo, ki temelji na habitusu19 (1993: 267–268). Posamezniki strateške rabe folklore praviloma ne nacrtu­jejo vnaprej, ampak samo »naredijo, kar je naravno« ali izrecejo, kar se v situaciji »zdi 19 Tj.nanormativnihvidikihvedenja,kijihposameznikpridobinereflektirano(namestonezavedno),s sociali­ zacijo (prim. Bourdieu 1980). primerno« (prim. Wetherell in Potter 1988: 171). Seveda pa temuni tako, kadar govori-mo o širjenju govoric – te je, nasprotno, mogoce uporabljati tudi namerno, z zavestnim namenom manipulacije javnega mnenja (Hesz 2007: 32) ali za kritiko neprimernega vedenja drugih. Folklorne pripovedi torej lahko razumemo kot družbene prakse, ki jih posameznikivsajobcasno izvajajo v funkcijiucinka, kigaželijo doseci(prim. Wetherell in Potter 1988: 168–169). LITERATURA Argyrou, Vassos, 1993: Under a spell: The strategic use of magic in Greek Cypriot society. American Ethnologist, 20 (2), 256–271. Barry, David in Michael, Elmes 1997: Strategy Retold: Toward a Narrative View of Strategic Discourse. The Academy of Management Review 22 (2, April), 429–452. Bascom, William R., 1965 [1954]: Four Functions of Folklore. V: Alan Dundes (ur.), The Study of Folklore. USA: Prentice Hall, 279–298. Bird, Elizabeth S., 2002: It makes sense to us. Cultural Identity in Local Legends of Place. Journal of Contemporary Ethnography 31 (5), 519–547. Bleek, Wolf, 1976: Witchcraft, gossip and death: A social drama. Man, 11 (4), 526–541. Bourdieu, Pierre, 2002: Prakticni cut. Ljubljana: Studia Humanitatis. Brenneis, Donald, 1987: Talk and Transformation. Man 22 (3, Sept.), 499–510. de Certeau, Michel, 1988 [1984]: The practice of everyday life. Berkeley/Los Angeles/ London: University of California Press. De´gh, Linda, 2001: Legend and Belief. Dialectics of a Folklore Genre. Bloomington / Indianapolis: Indiana University Press. De´gh, Linda, 1984: Uses of Folklore as Expressions of Identity by Hungarians in the Old and New Country, Journal of Folklore Research 21(2–3), 187–200. Devlin, Judith, 1987: The Superstitious Mind, French Peasants and the Supernatural in the Nine­teenth Century. New Haven and London: Yale University Press. Ellis, Bill, 1988: The Fast-Food Ghost: A Study in the Supernatural’s Capacity to Survive Secu­larisation. V: Gillian Bennett, Paul Smith (ur.),Monsters with Iron Teeth. Perspectives on Contemporary Legend III. Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 37–77. Fine, Gary Allan, 1985:Social change and folklore. Theinterpretation of socialstructure and culture. Arv. Nordic Yearbook of Folklore 41, 7–15. Gijswijt-Hofstra, Marijke 1999: Witchcraft after the Witch-trials. V: Bengt Ankarloo, Stuart Clark (ur.), Witchcraft and Magic in Europe. The Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries. The Athlone History of Witchcraft and Magic in Europe Vol. 6. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 95–189. Goldstein Diane, Sylvia Ann, Gryder, Jeannie, Banks Thomas, (ur.) 2007: Haunting experiences. Ghosts in contemporary folklore. Logan, Utah: Utah State University. Gunnell, Terry, 2008:Introduction. V:Terry Gunnell(ur.), Legends and Landscape. Articles Based on Plenary Papers Presented at the 5th Celtic-Nordic-Baltic Folklore Symposium, Reykjavík. Reykjavík: University of Iceland Press, 13–24. Gustavsson, Anders, 1979: Folklore in community conflicts. Gossip in a Fishing Community.ARV: Scandinavian Yearbook of Folklore 35, 49–85. Hesz, Ágnes, 2007: The Making of a Bewitchment Narrative. Electronic journal of Folklore 37, 19–34. Hesz, Ágnes, 2012: Dead in dreams. V: William A., Christian Jr. in Gábor Klaniczay (ur.), The »Vision Thing«. Studying Divine Intervention, Budapest: Collegium Budapest, 519–520. Jezernik, Božidar, 2013: Nacionalizacija preteklosti. Ljubljana: Znanstvena založba Filozofske fakultete Univerze v Ljubljani. Kamenetsky, Christa, 1972: Folklore as a political tool in nazi Germany. Journal of American Folklore 85 (337), 221–235. Klobcar, Marija in Knific, Bojan, 2021: Pokažem se fantu v pisanem gvantu: ob petdesetih Dnevih narodnih noš in oblacilne dedišcine v Kamniku. Kamnik: Zavod za turizem in šport. Koski, Kaarina, 2020: Blending the vernacular and esoteric narratives on ghosts and fate in early twentieth-century esoteric journals. Approaching Esotericism and Mysticism: Cultural Influences. Scripta Instituti Donneriani Aboensis 29, 169–191. Mencej, Mirjam, 2015: Unwitching. The Social and Magical Practice in Traditional European Communities. Western Folklore 74/2 (Spring 2015), 115–159. Mencej, Mirjam, 2017: Styrian Witches in European Perspective. Ethnographic Fieldwork. London: Palgrave Macmillan / Springer. Mullen, Patrick B., 2000: Belief and American Folk. Journal of American Folklore 113 (448), 119–43. Narváez, Peter, 1991: Newfoundland Berry Pickers »In the Fairies«: Maintaining Spatial, temporal, and Moral Boundaries Through Legendry. V: Peter Narváez (ur.), The Good People, New Fairylore Essays, New York & London: Garland Publishing Inc., 336–368. Niles, John D., 1999:Homo Narrans, The Poetics and Anthropology of Oral Literature, Philadel­phia: University of Pennsylvania Press. Sok, Jasna, 2003: Družina skozi življenjsko zgodbo. Pricevalnost gradiva s Kozjanskega. Magistrska naloga. Univerza v Ljubljani: Oddelek za etnologijo in kulturno antropologijo. Stewart, Charles,1991: Demons and the Devil. Moral Imagination in Modern Greek Culture. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press. Stewart, Pamela J. in Strathern, Andrew J., 2004: Witchcraft, sorcery, rumors and gossip. Cam­bridge: Cambridge University Press. Von Sydow, Carl Wilhelm, 1948: Selected papers on folklore. Izbral in uredil Laurits Bker. Copenhagen: Rosenkilde and Bagger. Šešo, Luka, 2016: Živjeti s nadnaravnim bicima. Vukodlaci, vile i vještice hrvatskih tradicijskih vjerovanja. Zagreb: Naklada Jesenski i Turk. Valk, Ülo, in Daniel, Sävborg, 2018: Place-Lore, Liminal Storyworld and Ontology of the Super­natural. An Introduction. V: Ülo Valk in Daniel Sävborg (ur.), Storied and Supernatural Places. Studies in Spatial and Social Dimensions of Folklore and Sagas. Studia Fennica Folkloristica 23. Helsinki: Finnish Literature Society, SKS, 7–24. Wetherell, Margaret in Jonathan, Potter 1988: Discourse analysis and the identification of interpre­tative repertoires. V: Charles, Antaki (ur.), Analysing Everyday Explanation. A Casebook of Methods, SAGE Publications Ltd, 168-183. Widdowson, John D. A., 1978: Animals as threatening figures in systems of traditional social control. V: J. Porter in W. Russell (ur.), Animals in folklore. Cambridge: D.S. Brewer, Rowman & Littlefield, 33–41. STRATEGIC USES OF BELIEF NARRATIVES MIRJAM MENCEJ As has already been demonstrated, folklore can be used by various social structu­res, groups and institutions to serve particular ideological, political, commercial and other aims. Moreover, individuals too may use folklore to their own benefit. When it servesthem, individualsmay intentionally drawupon folk narratives, and mobilize them to their own benefit, for their own interests and goals. This paper focuses on belief narratives from the perspective of their strategic use by indivi­duals in everyday communication. Based on selected narratives collected during the fieldwork conducted in rural areas of Slovenia in 2000–2001 and 2013–2015, and in Bosnia & Herzegovina in 2016–2019, it demonstrates some possible uses of belief narratives about witchcraft and the restless dead. As argued, these may have been used by individuals to turn a situation to their benefit, to mask their deviant behaviour, to save face and retain the status in a community, to conceal embarrassment, to lower the status of another person out of vindictiveness and to put pressure on others or indirectly criticise others for their inappropriate behaviour. This is notto say, however, thatthenarrators always telltheir narratives with a conscious intention to manipulate their audience and achieve their aims. Usually, drawing upon belief narratives is not a calculated, manipulativeact but rather a strategy based on the habitus (Argyrou 1993). This does not necessary hold true, however, when rumoursare spread about others; these can be also spread intentio­nally to lower aprestigeof another person or criticisethemfor deviantbehaviour. Prof. dr. Mirjam Mencej, Univerza v Ljubljani, Filozofska fakulteta, Oddelek za etnologijo in kulturno antropologijo, Aškerceva c. 2, SI-1000 Ljubljana, mirjam.mencej@ff.uni-lj.si ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-6539-7086 26 STUDIA MYTHOLOGICA SLAVICA 2023 121 – 143 | https://doi.org/10.3986/SMS20232604 | CC BY Prezrti zgodovinski kontekst izrocila o kralju Matjažu Marija Klobcar Raznolikost podob kralja Matjaža v slovenskem folklornem izrocilu, kontekstov, s katerimi se povezujejo, in njegove vzporednice z izrocilom drugih narodov so pomenile mocan izziv za folkloristicne raziskave: zaradi neskladnosti zgodovinskih dejstev se je uveljavila teza, da je Matija Korvin v vlogi kralja Matjaža nadomestil starejši lik. Prispevek na podlagi najvidnejšega uvodnega verza pesmi o Kralju Matjažu, predvsem pa z analizo prvotnega pomena pridevnika ogrski zgodovinsko osebo predkorvinovskega kralja Matjaža išce v obdobju, ki je za Slovence pomenilonajvecjo prelomnico, v casu Karla Velikega oz. casu, ko so Slovenci še ohranjali gospodarsko in družbeno moc in njene simbole, hkrati pa opozori na usodni cas, ki je temu sledil. KLJUCNE BESEDE: Kralj Matjaž, ljudsko izrocilo, Karel Veliki, boji z Avari, Aachen, romanja The diversity of depictions of King Matthias (Sln. kralj Matjaž) in Slovenian folk tradition, the contexts they are associated with, and the parallels with the traditions of other countries have posed a great challenge to folklore studies: due to disagreement among historical facts, the hypothesis that King Matthias was actually based on an older historical figure has become widely established. Based on the most important introductory line of Slovenian folksongs about King Matthias and, first and foremost, an analysis of different meanings of the term ‘Hungarians’ (Sln. Ogri, Germ. Ungarn), this article looks for this historical figure in the period predating Matthias Corvinus that represented the greatest watershed for Slovenians—that is, the period of Charlemagne, or the period when the Slovenians still maintained their economic and social power and its symbols—while also drawing attention to the critical period that followed. KEYWORDS: King Matthias, folk tradition, Charlemagne, battles against the Avars, Aachen, pilgrimages KRALJ MATJAŽ KOT ENA OD »PODOB IZ SANJ«: SPECI PRAVICNI VLADAR, UPANJE V NAJHUJŠI STISKI1 Leta 1916, v casu, ko so seSlovenci borilinafrontah kotdelavstroogrskevojske, jeIvan Cankar v Podobah iz sanj v svet vojne resnicnosti in brezizhodnosti priklical podobo kralja Matjaža: Clanek je nastal v okviru raziskovalnega programa Folkloristicne in etnološke raziskave slovenske duhovne kulture (P6-0111) in temeljnega raziskovalnega projekta Teža preteklosti. Dedišcina veckulturnega obmocja: primer Kocevske (J6-4612), ki ju sofinancira Javna agencija za raziskovalno dejavnost Republike Slovenije iz državnega proracuna. Na tem svojem jeklenem prestolu je sedel kralj Matjaž, visok in silen. V obraz je bil hudo bled, pod širokimi celjustmi so se bocili valovi mogocne crne brade; oci so ležale v globokih jamah in so gorele z motnim plamenom; orjaške pesti, nagosto porašcene, so pocivale na hrastovi mizi, pripravljene, da se vzdignejo. Tako je sedel kralj Matjaž in tako so sedeli, sloneli in ležali tudi vojšcaki njegovi; nobeden se ni ganil, ali nobeden ni spal, kajti vsaka ura bi lahko bila tista, ki je bila oznanjena pred tisoc leti. V motnem plamenu oci Matjaževih in njegovih vojšcakov je bilo napeto pricakovanje. Kakor da se je bil kazalec na uri pomaknil tik do dvanajste in da vsak hip udari kladivo na zvon. Vse pesti, mogocne, so cakale trdo stisnjene, da se razklenejo ter zgrabijo za mec. (Cankar 1916: 288) Kralj Matjaž, ki je v ljudskih pesmih premagal Turke, svojo Alencico rešil ujetništva, za namecek pa kot starodavni godec, igrc, z igranjem na gosli iz pekla reševal duše svojih bližnjih, je v Cankarjevih Podobah iz sanj zaživel v podobi, kot se je ohranjala na panjskih koncnicah in v delu slovenskegapripovednegaizrocila:specikraljMatjažseje v slovenskih povedkah v svoji votlini pod goro, ki je bila na Slovenskem v razlicnih okoljih, tu in tam razkrilnakljucnemu obiskovalcu, sicer pa živelv zgodbah o svojih junaških dejanjih, pred­vsem v bojih proti Turkom, vcasih tudi proti Bogu, ali pa v zgodbah o rešitvi pred drugimi sovražniki (prim. Kropej 2014: 245–247). Njegova odmevnost se je opirala na pravicna dejanja, s katerimi je branil svoje ljudstvo, in na upanje v rešitev v najtežjih casih, v casu Cankarjevega zapisa kot upanje na konec vojne in uresnicitev tisocletnih slovenskih sanj. Ivan Cankar je bil le eden od ustvarjalcev, ki je s tem motivom aktualiziral podobo kralja Matjaža. Da je ta podoba z interpretacijami sooblikovala podobo tega junaka, je konec petdesetih let 20. stoletja opazil že Milko Maticetov: »Škoda le, da nikoli ne vemo, kaj je zraslo med ljudstvom in kaj je pomodroval zraven pisatelj.« (Maticetov 1958b: 107) Univerzalnost te podobe pa je imela svoje ozadje tudi v izrocilu:kralj Matjaž je namrec živel v srednji in vzhodni Evropi ter na severnem Balkanu, in sicer v madžarskem, polj­skem, slovaškem, ceškem, slovenskem, hrvaškem, srbskem, romunskem, ukrajinskem (predvsem rutenskem), avstrijskem in nemškem (predvsem šlezijskem in lužiškem) folklornem izrocilu (Kropej Telban 2019: 36). Razširjenost tega izrocila je bila na Slovenskem deležna tudi izjemne zapisoval­ske in raziskovalne pozornosti, hkrati pa je imela pomembno identifikacijsko vlogo s politicnimi cilji, s katerimi so »slovenski narodni buditelji in voditelji vztrajno hodili budit Kralja Matjaža« (Jezernik 2019: 72). Tudi navzocnost tega izrocila v sodobnosti ohranjajo dejavnosti,oprte na izobraževanjeinpromocije, medkaterimije prireditev Gradovi kralja Matjaža (Kropej 2014: 248–251), hkrati pa se izrocilo še vedno naslanja na ustaljene pripovedi: »Danes ljudje, še posebej na Koroškem, radi poudarjajo, da si je ljudstvo izvolilo Kralja Matjaža na Gosposvetskem polju, svoj prestol pa je imel na Krnskem gradu.« (Švab 2012: 9; po: Kropej Telban 2019: 43) Razlicnost teh spodbud po eni strani narekuje vnovicni premislek interpretacij vsebinskih ozadij kralja Matjaža, po drugi strani pa osvetlitev okolišcin, ki tega junaka povezujejo z najpomembnejšimi simboli slovenske zgodovine. MATIJA KORVIN KOT KRALJ MATJAŽ IN DRUŽBENI KONTEKST SPREJEMANJA ALI ZAVRACANJA NJEGOVEGA LIKA Od prve omembe pesmi o kralju Matjažu se Matjaž omenja kot ogrski kralj. Furlan-ski krajevni zgodovinar Marcantonio Nicoletti, notar v Cedadu, ki je v drugi polovici 16. stoletja pisal o življenju in navadah tolminskih hribovcev, je med drugim omenil, da »pojejo o neizmerni slavi Kristusa in blaženih in prav tako o Matiji, ogrskem kralju, ki mu ni enakega, in o drugih med tem narodom znamenitih možeh v vec vrst verzih v svojem jeziku« (Maticetov 1958a: 186). Pomen pesmi »od kralja Mathiaša« je viden tudi v tem, da je bila med prvimi zapisi slovenskih ljudskih pesmi, ki jih je zbral pater Dizma Zakotnik (Vraz 1839: X–XI). Te pesmi niso bile objavljene in tudi rokopisna zbirka z njihovimi zapisi se je izgubila, folklorne pesmi in povedke o kralju Matjažu pa so bile od zacetka 19. stoletja naprej deležne velike zapisovalske, kmalu pa tudi raziskovalske pozornosti (vec Grafenauer 1951: 9–11). V tem casu so imele zaradi kulturnega nacionalizma pripovedne pesmi posebno veljavo (Klobcar 2022: 384–385), predvsem pesmi o bojih s Turki, iz teh razlogov pa je bila tudi pesem o kralju Matjažu zelo poudarjena. Koroški duhovnik in zapisovalec ljudskega izrocila Matija Majar je v tem okviru opažal živost izrocila o kralju Matjažu na Koroškem ter z njim že leta 1841 seznanil Stanka Vraza, Vraz pa je to naslednje leto objavil v Kolu I. (Grafenauer 1951: 208). Leta 1843, torej v casu, ko je imel Vrazov ilirizem na slovenske intelektualce izredno velik vpliv (Klobcar 2022: 383, 391–394), je Majar to izrocilo jasno pripisal Matiji Korvinu: predstavil ga je kot kralja, ki se je s svojo crno vojsko najbolj proslavil v bojih s Turki (Majar 1843: 262), v prevodih slovenskih pesmi v nemšcino pa je kralja Matjaža tudi poimenoval König Corvin, kralj Korvin (nav. delo: 263–276). To je bil hkrati cas, ko se Slovenci, ki so živeli pod ogrsko krono, zaradi poznega uveljavljanja madžaršcine v vlogi uradnega jezika še niso cutili jezikovno ogrožene. Razhajanj medbiografskimipodatkiMatije Korvina in motiviko kralja Matjaža se je zavedal prevajalec slovenskega ljudskega pesemskega izrocila Anton Auersperg –Anastasius Grün. Grünje kot razgledani raziskovalec hkrati opozoril namotivno vpetost v evropski prostor, med drugim tudi na izrocilo o specem Frideriku Barbarossi v Kyfhäuserju in Karlu Velikem v salzburškem Unterbergu (Grün 1850: X–XI). Prav Grünoviprevodislovenskih ljudskihpesmi so seznanili zmatjaževskim izrocilom madžarsko javnost, ki je od leta 1868 naprej spoznavala slovenske ljudske pesmi in poznejetudiliterarno ustvarjalnosto kralju Matjažu (Barbaric1988:4–11). V letu prve predstavitve matjaževskega izrocila na Madžarskem pa se je med Slovenci pojavilo vprašanje, kako je Matija Korvin »pri našem narodu v toliko popularnost prišel, da se o njemcelo pripoveduje, dajehudicav pekelzaprlin smrtzavecletv žaklju zavezano držal« (Kocevar F. 1868: 164). Ti pomisleki so se krepili ob razjasnjevanju zgodovinskih dejstev, ki so oprede­ljevali življenje Matije Korvina: Simon Rutar je zelo jasno poudaril, da se »[n]iti eno dejanje našega Matijaža […] ne vjema sč znacejem in življenjem omenjenega kralja«, saj ga bojevanjes Turki »ni posebno mikalo«, nikoli ni bil v turškem ujetništvu, Turki mu niso ugrabili nobene od žena, svoje življenje pa je v miru sklenil na Dunaju (Rutar 1879: 149–150). Zavedajoc se, da zgodovinsko jedro v tem izrocilu ni jasno, je Rutar v kralju Matjažu videl mitološki lik: »Kralj Matijaž, ki reši svojo nevesto Alencico iz sovražnikove oblasti, je solncni junak (pomladanje solnce), ki otmč pomlajeno zemljo iz zimskega oterpnenja in hudega mraza« (Rutar 1879: 139). Z Rutarjevo mitološko interpretacijo, ob kateri prvotna razlaga ni bila pozabljena, z objavami v zbirki Slovenske narodne pesmi, kjer so bile pesmi o kralju Matjažu na prvem mestu (SNP I, 1895–1898: 3–34), in s sodobnimi literarnimi in likovnimi upodobitvami se je simbolna vloga njegovega lika krepila: »Kralja Matjaža pozna, rekel bi, vsak Slovenec, ta iz šolskih citank, kjer se nahajajo narodne pesmi in pripovedke o Matjažu, drugi po Aškercevi baladi v 'Stari pravdi', tretji vrhutega še po Cankarjevem simbolu v 'Kralju Matjažu in potepuhu Marku' in po novih Aškercevih 'Junakih', a vsi smo kot otroci znali govoriti: 'Križ-kraž, kralj Matjaž'.« (Ilešic 1907: 255) Sklicevanje na Matijo Korvina je hkrati nasprotovalo interpretaciji Georga Graberja (1936), ki je v slovenskem izrocilu o kralju Matjažuprepoznavala nemški vpliv (Grafenauer 1950–1951: 191), zato je tudi predstavitev Karla Velikega v Drabosnjakovih Bukelcah od Matjaža zbudila pozornost le kot bukovniški prevod nemškega izvirnika (Kotnik 1923/1924: 227). Ta proces se je dogajal prav v casu, ko so Slovenci, ki so živelipod ogrsko krono, doživljali najvecje raznarodovanje: v Murski Soboti je delovalo Madžarsko izobraževal-no društvo Slovenske krajine (Vendvide´ki Magyar Közmuvelode´si Egyesület), ki so ga Slovenci imenovali Pomadžarjevalno društvo Vendske krajine (Jeric 2001: 26). Pritisk po jezikovni identifikaciji Slovencev z Ogrsko domovino, ki ga je bilo mocno cutiti že v osemdesetih letih 19. stoletja, se je najbolj stopnjeval leta 1896, v pripravah na prazno­vanje tisocletnice prihoda Madžarov v Panonsko nižino. Ljudske šole so bile tedaj že v celoti madžarske(Jeric 2001: 8–9), javno izobešenje slovenske zastave na Kleklovi novi maši leta1897 pa je kot velik prekršek obravnaval parlament v Pešti ([Baša] 1992: 102). Slovenci, ki so tedaj živeli v dednih deželah Avstro-Ogrske, so bili o teh razmerah slabo obvešceni, seznanili pa so se z izsledki komparativne raziskave Zenona Kuzelje (1906), med drugim tudi z njegovo ugotovitvijo, da »Matjaževa slava pri Madžarih ni taka kakor pri Slovanih« in da je »v slovenskih pesmih matjaževstvo samo temelj za poeticno zgradbo raznih popularnih zapadnoevropskih baladnih motivov« (Ilešic 1907: 255). Kljub pomislekom se je v vecini raziskav obdržalo mnenje o Matiji Korvinu kot zgodovinski podlagi kralja Matjaža, pojavljati pa so se zacela tudi stališca, ki so temu nasprotovala. Nasprotnikikorvinovskerazlageseniso naslanjalilenaneskladnostživlje­nja, dejanj in smrti Matije Korvina z izrocilom o kralju Matjažu, temvec tudi na ljudsko izrocilo o madžarski vojski v casu Matije Korvina. To izrocilo je bilo živo predvsem na Koroškem: »Narod govori o Ogrih kot o Turkih; menda je bilo njihovo vedenje precej turško.« (Podgorc 1901: 101) Pricevanje o ohranjenem negativnem spominu na Korvinovo vojsko in istovetenje dobrega specega kralja Matjaža z njegovim likom pa sta se lahko pojavila celo v istem delu. Josip Gruden je v Zgodovini Slovencev negativni spomin na vojsko Matije Kor­vina zabeležil z zapisi, da je na Koroškem pobirala »hude davke v denarju in živilih« s pretvezo, da bo deželo branila pred Turki, pri cemer v casu turških vpadov kmetov ni varovala (Gruden 1910: 124) in je celo požigala o deželi (Gruden 1910: 318), na spopad med ogrsko vojsko in domacini, ki so se utaborili pri Gospe sveti, pa je stoletja spominjala ogrska krogla, obešena v cerkvi (Gruden 1910: 124). Po drugi strani je Gruden koroški pregovor »Odkar kralj Matjaž spi, nikjer pravice ni« v skladu z uveljavljeno predstavo tedanje folkloristike povezal z Matijo Korvinom in Korvina predstavil kot dobrega Kralja Matjaža, ki »je vedno branil preprosto ljudstvo proti nasilnosti plemstva« in bo s svojo »crno vojsko […] pridrl nadan, premagal in zatrl vse slovenske nasprotnike, pregnalvso krivico s sveta in ustanovil zlate case« (Gruden 1910: 125). Soobstoj teh nasprotujocih si stališcjeGruden pojasnil:»Pri temjenaš 'Kralj Matjaž' skoraj popolnoma izgubil stik z zgodovinskim Matijem Korvinom. Nikakega sledu ni vec o njegovem tujstvu ali ogrstvu, postal je pravi narodni junak slovenski. Na Koroškem pripovedujejo, da si ga je bilo ljudstvo samo izbralo za kralja na Gosposvetskem polju in da je imel svojo stolico na Krnskem gradu. Noc in dan so bila odprta vrata njegovega gradu, vsak siromak si je lahko izprosil milosti, vsak zatiranec je našel v njem pravico. Kralj je bil zelo dober in je dajalsame zlate kovati.« (Gruden 1910: 215–216) Soobstoj teh nasprotujocih si stališc se je ohranil tudi v povojni objavi koroške pripovedne folklore (Merndorfer 1946: 15, 221–224). V prepletanju med ljudskim, posredovanim s šolskimi programi ali s poljudnimi in znanstvenimi objavami pesemskega in pripovednega izrocila, in med socasno avtorsko ustvarjalnostjo se je ohranjala podoba ogrskega kralja Matije Korvina, kot jo je že pred prvo svetovno vojno poskušal razložiti Zenon Kuzelja (Grafenauer 1950–1951: 189–192; Maticetov 1970a:50), in kljubspoznanju, da je Matija Korvin vizrocilu nadomestil starejšega junaka (Grafenauer 1950–1951: 192), obcasno povzrocala nelagodje ob pre­danosti Slovencev temu liku. Nelagodje,kigajepovzrocaloohranjanjepredstaveoMatijiKorvinu kotslovenskem kralju Matjažu (Vuga 1973a: 28–29), je spodbudilo iskanje junaka v slovenskem izroci­lu in ga našlo v sodobniku Matije Korvina, v Matjažu Kokovskem, ki ga je Saša Vuga upodobil v romanu Erazem Predjamski (Vuga 1973b: 724–739), in v Arnulfu Koroškem oz. Karantanskem (Šavli 1982, 1987). Polemike o vprašanju, kdo je bil kralj Matjaž oz. kakšno vlogo je imel pri oblikovanju tega lika Matija Korvin, so v javnih razpravah, v katere sta se z vnovicnimi objavami vkljucevala tako Saša Vuga kot Jožko Šavli, od­mevale predvsem v casu priprav na slovensko osamosvojitev oz. same osamosvojitve, ta vprašanja pa so odpirali tudi na Hrvaškem. Raziskovalci so te hipoteze zanikali in svoja stališca argumentirali (npr. Maja Boškovic-Stulli 1973; Maticetov 1991a, 1991b; Kropej Telban 2019). Leta1990jeoddelekzamadžarskijezikinknjiževnostnaPedagoškifakultetiUniverze v Mariboru ob 500-letnici smrti kralja Matije Korvina pripravil simpozij, ki je vnovic poudarilvelikokratprevprašanepovezavemed Korvinomin kraljemMatjažem(Maticetov 1991a: 210), druge interpretacije, ki so v plebiscitarni odlocitvi za slovensko samostojnostdobivale nov pomen (Vuga 1991; Šavli 1991), pa so se soocale s pomislekom, »[z]akaj ruvati Matijo Korvina iz našega ustnega izrocila« (Maticetov 1991b: 199). Interpretacije matjaževskega izrocila so se v zacetku 21. stoletja odmikale od zgodo­vinskega razumevanja: madžarski raziskovalec István Lukács je v poglavju o sprejemanju Matjaževega mita v leposlovju ugotavljal, da je kralj Matjaž iz slovenskega ljudskega izrocila arhetipski simbol (Pavicic 2003: 497). Vloga kralja Matjaža kot moškega ar­hetipa je bila poudarjena tudi v slovenski folkloristiki, s tem da je bilo izpostavljeno prehajanje zgodb in pesmi v slovensko mitologijo (Golež Kaucic 2003: 125–127) oz. iz arhetipizacije v kanonizacijo (Golež Kaucic 2019: 98–108), po drugi strani pa je bilo s poudarjanjem starejše bajeslovne tradicije, oprte predvsem na motiv specega junaka, z analogijami v najstarejših indoevropskih epskih tradicijah s kraljem Matjažem nakazano prestopanje meja, ki potekajo med razlicnimi prostori ali svetovi (Šmitek 2009: 131–136). Poglobljeno so bile predstavljene tudi razsežnosti matjaževske problematike, razpete od kozmologije do razlicnih družbenih ravni ter vpetosti v razlicne case, hkrati pa tudi razvoj njenega preucevanja in prezentacije (Kropej Telban 2018: 46, 64; Kropej Telban 2019: 35–43). Matjaževska motivika, povezana z boji proti Turkom, je ob tem prinesla pomembna raziskovalna spoznanja v preucevanju Drugega v slovenski folklori, in sicer tako zobravnavo šev pozno 20. stoletje ohranjenega rezijanskegaizrocila o Lincici Turkincici (Dapit 2017: 179–194) ali kot prevpraševanje lika junaka, v katerem se utelesi boj proti sovražniku, Drugemu (Mlakar 2019: 88–92). Na nujnost poglabljanja zgodovinskih raziskav je v mednarodnem okolju opozoril madžarski raziskovalec Vilmos Voigt. Poudaril je potrebo po »raziskovanju matjaževske folklore pred kraljem Matjažem« (Voigt 2010: 278), ob tem pa opozoril na pomemben dejavnik, kirazkrivavlogo Matije Korvina v izrocilu: v casu italijanske renesanse je namrec dobila pomembno mesto vladarska propaganda. Tako lahko na primer knjiga De egregie, sapienter, iocose dictis ac factis regis Matthiae /ad ducem Johannem, eius filium (O izjemnih, modrih in šaljivih rekih in dejanjih kralja Matije / vojvodi Janezu, njegovemu sinu)(1485)Marzia Galeotta, namenjena opevanju slaveMatijeKorvina, pojasnivlogo Matije Korvina v matjaževskifolklori(Voigt2010:279–283;prim. Šmitek 2009: 129). Avtor je s tem vnovic opozoril na potrebo po historicni osvetlitvi problema in po mednarodnih primerjavah. KORVINOVSKA PROPAGANDA IN VPRAŠANJE STAREJŠEGA LIKA KRALJA MATJAŽA Opozorilo na korvinovsko propagando lahko pojasni slovenske ljudske pesmi, ki kralju Matjažu pripisujejo junaška dejanja, povezana z Otomanskim cesarstvom: glede na vlogo potujocih pevcev in prodajalcev, povezanih s prenašanjem zgodb o vojaških spopadih (Klobcar 2020: 66–71), je namrec mogoce pojasniti tudi te sorodnosti. Ceprav za nepo­sredni vpliv dela, ki ga je v slavo Matije Korvina napisal Marzio Galeotto (Voigt 2010: 279), ni nobenih dokazov, so bile s folklorizacijo mogoce tudi te poti. Kljub temu pa se pojavlja vprašanje izjemne pestrosti, številcnosti in odmevnosti matjaževskega izrocila med Slovenci. To se je v pripovedni folklori izražalo z motivi njegove vojske z Bogom, spanja v gori in njegove vrnitve, obiskov pri kralju Matjažu v gori in povedk o zakladih (Grafenauer 1951: 66–70), v glasbeni pa s pesemskimi tipi Kralj Matjaž reši svojo nevesto, Kralj Matjaž v turški jeci in Smrt kralja Matjaža, v zbirki Slovenske narodne pesmi postavljenimi na zacetek (SNP I, 1895–1898: 3–34), in tipom Godec pred peklom, v isti zbirki objavljenem posebej (nav. delo:112–116). Navzocnost spomina na kralja Matjaža so izražale tudi panjske koncnice, na katerih je upodobljeno njegovo bivanje v gori. Vzrok za tolikšno odmevnost lika kralja Matjaža je torej, kot kaže, vendarle treba iskati med starejšimi liki. To domnevo potrjuje tudi negativna podoba crne vojske, ki se je ohranjala v slovenskem izrocilu. Ob ugotovitvi, poudarjeni ob predstavitvi Lukácsove študijeo kralju Matjažu, danajbibilkraljMatjaž kotdobrikralj »predstavljen v ljudskem izrocilu s tistih delov slovenskega etnicnega ozemlja, kjer je vladal, kot negativna oseba pas tistih, nakatereso njegovivojšcakihodilinaplenilskepohode« (Pavicic2003:497), namrec sproža zelo jasen pomislek: opevanje kralja Matjaža med tolminskimi kmeti, ki ga je nakazoval Nicolettijev zapis, se nanaša na obmocje, ki ga vojska Matije Korvina ni zasedla in bi lahko nudilo le morebitni prostor za plenilske pohode. Ta razlaga pa ne velja niti za Koroško: negativni spomin na crno vojsko Matije Korvina se je tam ohranil do 20. stoletja (Podgorc 1901: 101; Gruden 1910: 214). Zastavlja se torej vprašanje, ali je bil ogrski kralj, kot ga je zabeležil Nicoletti, res ogrski v tistem pomenu besede, ki jo poznamo. Tudi zbiralec koroških ljudskih pesmi, Janez Scheinigg, je namrec v slovenskem prispevku o koroških ljudskih pesmih zelo jasno poudaril, »da narod ni imel Matjaža za ogrskega kralja Matijo Korvina«. To je dokazoval zmotivomspecegapravicnegavladarja,kis svojovojsko»cakanacas,kosebovzdignil nad sovražnike »svete vere katoliške«, in s pesmijo »Lepa je krona vogerska, še lepši je Matijava« (Scheinigg 1885: 93–94). Po drugi strani je v delu Die terreichisch-ungari­sche Monarchie in Wort und Bild (Avstro-ogrska monarhija v besedi in podobi) o kralju Matjažu med drugim zapisal: »Ime našega junaka je ime velikega madžarskega narodnega kralja Matije Korvina (14582 do 1490), ki mu je slovenski narod pripisal slavne bojne pohode njegovega oceta Jánosa Hunyadija in dejanja mogocnih grofov celjskih (Friderik II., Ulrik II.)« (Scheinigg 2018: 73–74) Stališci obeh Scheiniggovih zapisov se torej razhajata, ob upoštevanju njegove trditve, objavljene v slovenskem prispevku, pa se pojavlja vprašanje, ce je Matija Majar svoje interpretacije kralja Matjaža kot Matije Korvina (Majar 1843: 262–267) res izpeljeval iz koroškega ljudskega izrocila. Zacetek pesmi Lepa je krona vogerska, še lepši je Matijava, Matijeva, Matjaževa, ki ga je poudaril Scheinigg in se pojavlja v vec pesmih o kralju Matjažu, ob tem najprej poudarja pomen krone in s tem status vladarja. Da se pesmi o kralju Matjažu nanašajo na kralja, je ugotavljal že Milko Maticetov, hkrati pa predstavil razširjenost pesmi o »lepi kroni ogrski« in refrena »Vivat, vivat, Kralj Matjaž« (Maticetov 1991a: 216): mnenje Saša Vuge, da je kralj Matjaž koroški kmet in puntar Matjaž Kokovski, je tako zavracal Pravilno: 1443. z utemeljitvijo, da je kralju Matjažu podobo »lahko dal/posodil samo pravi kralj«. Vpra­šanje, kdo bi to bil, ga je sicer vodilo k ustaljeni interpretaciji, k podobi Matije Korvina (nav. delo 1991a: 220), poudarek o posebnem družbenem statusu glavnega protagonista pa je vendarle vreden premisleka. Uvodni verz, ki ga je izpostavil Scheinigg, pa poudarja tudi pojem vogrski oz. ogrski, in sicer v posebnem pomenu: pridevnika vogerska in Matijeva postavlja kot nasprotje. To narekuje podrobnejšo osvetlitev pridevnika ogrski oz. vogrski v slovenski zgodovini. POZABLJENI POMEN POJMOV OGRI, OGRSKI, OHRANJEN NA ROMANJIH V AACHEN IN KÖLN Pridevnik ogrski je na Slovenskem danes sinonim za pridevnik madžarski, izjemoma je pojasnjen le še kot sinonim za pridevnik hunski (Ogrski …, dostop 3. 5. 2023). V slo­venski zgodovini pa se ta pridevnik pojavlja tudi v drugem pomenu, in sicer predvsem v povezavi z romanji Slovencev v Porenje. Na romanjih v Porenje, v Aachen, Düren, Köln, Kornelimünster in Trier (Thoemmes 1937: 7), ki so imela kot romanja v Kelmorajn v slovenski zgodovini izjemen pomen, so namrec Nemci Slovence imenovali Ungern, torej Ogri, pogosto tudi Wener, Weiner, Wiener in Slavonier (Stabej 1965: 9–12), pozneje pa z ustreznicami pojma slovenska nacija (Kocevar V. 2022: 324–332). S to ustreznico so Slovence najjasneje opredelili ob ukinitvi teh romanj, v spisu z dne 13. oktobra 1775, ko je dunajska dvorna pisarna prepovedala »windische Procession«, slovensko procesijo (nav. delo: 340). Vse do ukinitve teh romanj so bili torej slovenski romarji v Porenju vecinoma oznaceni z etnonimom Ogri, eno zadnjih pricevanj o tem pa prinaša romarska knjižica Alt-Wenthen oder Ungern Ordnungs Büchlein(Starih Vendov ali Ogrov re´dovna knjižica),3 ki jo je konec 17. stoletja objavilJoannes Georg Feystrizer. Namenjena je bila preverja­nju istovetnosti slovenskih romarjev, ko so prispeli v Köln: Slovenci so imeli namrec na romanjih v Porenje posebne pravice in ugodnosti, v Kölnu predvsem brezplacno bivanje v hospicu Ipperwald, zato so gostitelji napodlagiprirocnika s preverjanjem izlocali morebitne neupravicence. Poleg obrazcev za preverjanje, kjer je poudarjena enoznac­nost pojmov ogrski in slovenski, je knjižica vsebovala slovenske molitve in predstavila posebnosti bivanja slovenskih romarjev v tem mestu oz. njihov delež pri slovesnostih. Ena od posebnosti so bili tudi plesi po »zgledu kralja Davida« (Feystritzer 1993; Stabej 1965: 41–43; Simetinger 2021: 84–87). Köln, na katerega se dolocbe za bivanje slovenskih romarjev neposredno nanašajo, je postal romarsko središce po letu1164, ko je Friderik Barbarossa tja iz Milana prenesel svetinje sv. Treh kraljev (Stabej 1965: 6), z razglasitvijo Karla Velikega za svetnika leto za tem (nav. delo: 5) pa so nov pomen dobila tudi romanja v prvotno romarsko središce 3 Izraz Wenden (Vendi) so kot nemško poimenovanje za Slovence, ki se je pojavljalo poleg izraza Winden (Vindi), v starejši literaturi prevajali kot Slovenci. Slovenski prevod naslova omenjene knjižice je bil torej Starih Slovencev ali Ogrov re´dovna knjižica (Stabej 1965: 41). v tem okolju, Aachen. Tudi pojem ogrski v pomenu slovenski, poleg navedene knjižice izprican še v drugih dokumentih (nav. delo: 4), je mogoce razložiti predvsem v povezavi z romanji v Aachen. Po nekaterih pricevanjihnajbiseromanjaSlovencev oz. Ogrov v Aachen zacelažev casu Karla Velikega (Thenen 2000: 129), torej v casu, ko se evropski prostor še ni soocil z vpadi Madžarov. Da so imela ta romanja za Slovence poseben pomen, dokazuje posta­vitev Slovenskega oltarja v Ogrski kapeli; ta oltar je bil sprva kot Oltar štirih doktorjev posvecen sv. Hieronimu, Ambrožu, Gregorju in Avguštinu (Stabej 1965: 15; Kocevar V. 2022: 311), od 16. stoletja naprej pa sv. Metodu in Cirilu (nav. delo: 341). Listina z dne 26. junija 1495, ki potrjuje ustanovitev slovenske nadarbine, torej zagotovitev službe duhovnika, vešcega slovenskega jezika, navaja, da so ta oltar slovenski romarji postavili na svoje stroške že zdavnaj. Šlo je torej za potrditev »davno jimpripadajocih pravic« glede na njihovo »preteklost, številnost in vnemo med rednimi ahenskimi romarji«. Denar sta dali mesti Ljubljana in Kranj, ki sta imeli s tem pravico do namešcanja nadarbinarja (Stabej 1965: 15). Ta listina je torej potrdila dolgo tradicijo slovenskih romanj, ki pa se je dokazovala tudi s številcnostjo: vsakih sedem let je prišlo v Köln in Aachen okrog 300 slovenskih božjepotnikov, po nekaterih pricevanjih celo 400 oz. 500 (Stabej 1965: 28). Povezanost s tem prostorom je bila vidna tudi v gospodarstvu, saj so slovenski kmetje trgovali do Rena (nav. delo: 13), trgovanje do Aachna pa je bilo pomembno tudi za kranjske trgovce (nav. delo: 15). Slovenci, oznaceni kot Ogri, so imeli torej na romanjih v Aachen, pozneje tudi v Köln, zelo pomembno mesto. Ob ugotovitvi, da je imela na vzpostavitev romanj v severne dežele najpomembnejši vpliv vladavina Karla Velikega (Thoemmes 1937: 12),4 velja razmišljanje usmeriti v vlogo tega vladarja med Slovenci. KAREL VELIKI IN VKLJUCITEV SLOVENCEV V FRANKOVSKO KRALJESTVO Karel Veliki je bil »[p]rvi cesar na Zahodu po propadu rimskega cesarstva, velik vojsko­vodja in osvajalec, spreten politik, zašcitnik Cerkve in spodbujevalec pokristjanjevanja, podpornik znanosti in umetnosti, miticni pater Europae, simbol evropske identitete in enotnosti« (Strmole 2013: 151) ter obnovitelj nekdanje zahodnorimske države (Malmen­vall 2016: 60). Njegovo življenje, ki ga je opisal njegov dvorjan, zaupnik in soustvarjalec karolinške renesanse, Einhard (Strmole 2013:151), kaže izjemne znacilnosti. Bil je Frank – beseda dobesedno pomeni svobodni(Heer 1977: 37) in je skupaj z bratom Karlomanom nasledil oceta Pipina, prvega iz rodu, ki so kot dotedanji upravitelji dvora, majordomi, nasledili Merovinge. Po bratovi smrti je bil ustolicen za kralja (Strmole 2013: 155–158). Elisabeth Thoemmes je vse vire o Ogrih, ki se nanašajo na romanja v Porenje, pripisala Madžarom oz. po­tomcem nemških kolonistov na Madžarskem, zaradi tega enacenja je zavrnila tudi domnevo, da bi se romanja Ogrov zacela v casu Karla Velikega (Thoemmes 1937: 12–13). S širjenjem Frankovskega kraljestva so prišli pod oblast Karla Velikega tudi Sloven­ci,5 bodisi s frankovsko prikljucitvijo vladavine, ki smo ji bili Slovenci podrejeni, kar je veljalo za Karantanijo, bodisi s frankovsko vojaško zmago nad oblastniki, ki so Slovence predhodno podjarmili. Z vojno v Lombardiji je Karel Veliki zavzel kraljestvo Langobardov s Furlanijo vred in z njo tudi kos slovenske zemlje, namrec Goriško in del Notranjskega (Kos F. 1882: 528). Karantanci so prišli v okvir Frankovskega kraljestva leta 788: takrat je Ka­rel Veliki odstavil še zadnjega bavarskega plemenskega vojvodo Tasila III., s cimer so pod njegovo neposredno oblast poleg Bavarcev prišli tudi Karantanci (Štih, Simoniti, Vodopivec 2008: 33). Ko so prišli Karantanci neposredno pod Franke, jim je Karel Veliki pustil domace kneze oz. vojvode in župane, da so ljudem še naprej vladali; s tem se je med njimi hitreje razširjevalo in utrjevalo kršcanstvo (Kos F. 1882: 598), kar so olajševale tudi nižje dajatve. Ta cas je na Koroškem zaznamovalo delovanje Inga (nav. delo: 598), vodje Arnovega karantanskega misijona (Wolfram 1995: 288), s katerim je povezan tudi spomin na us-tolicevanje koroškega vojvode in na najstarejši slovenski napis na vojvodskem prestolu, ki ga je verjetno dal napraviti Ingo sam (Kos F. 1882: 599). V Panoniji so živeli Slovenci pod oblastjo Avarov oz. Obrov (Kos F. 1882: 399). Vojna proti Avarom, v kateri je bila pomembna tudi Karantanija kot mejna marka proti vzhodu (prim. Strmole 2013: 151) in sta jo zaznamovali leti 791 in 796 (Kos F. 1882: 530–532), je bila Karlova »zrela strateška mojstrovina in delo starosti« (Braunfels 1972: 55). Frankom je – tudi ob pomoci Slovencev – ob zavzetju avarskega Ringa prinesla izjemen plen, nakopicen v dvesto letih (Kos F. 1882: 532), »legendarni avarski zaklad«: Franki so v Aachen odpeljali petnajst velikih voz zlata, srebra in svile (Heer 1975: 108). Karlov kronist Einhard je o tem zapisal: »Seveda je vse do sedaj veljalo, da so Huni revni, toda toliko zlata in srebra se je našlo na kaganovem dvoru in toliko dragocenega plena je bilo odvzetega v bitkah, da se lahko po pravici verjame, da so Franki upraviceno odvzeli to, kar so Huni prej odvzeli drugim plemenom.« (Strmole 2013: 169) Ta zaklad, ki so ga Avari naropali, je postal najvecje bogastvo Karla Velikega (Heer 1975: 108). Nekaj tega bogastva je vladar podaril rimskemu papežu, nekaj cerkvam in samostanom, drugo pa je razdelil med svoje zveste služabnike (Kos F. 1882: 532). Osvojeno ozemlje vzhodno od Ennsa so Franki oznacevali z razlicnimi imeni, med drugim tudi kot Sclavinia ali Vinidorum marca, pri cemer je bila Panonija vkljucena (Ka­emmel 2017: 4, 12–13). Razširitev frankovske države na Panonijo je odprla tudi vprašanja pokristjanjevanja, pozneje pa zaslug zanj. Leta 811 Karel Veliki razmejil obmocji med Salzburgom in Oglejem, meja je bila reka Drava (Kos F. 1882: 656). Pri ljudstvih, ki so mu bila podrejena, je Karel Veliki veljal za nosilca vrhovne posvetne oblasti, kar pa ni pomenilo absolutne vladavine. Cutil se je odgovornega za vsa podrocja družbenegaživljenjainpravav vseh delih svojegaimperija. Izdajaljeplemiškeokrožnice, v katerih naj bi pravice revnih in šibkih zavaroval pred posegi plemstva (Braunfels 1972: V teh opredelitvah uporabljam etnonim Slovenci, ne Alpski Slovani (prim. Pohl 2007: 303), in sicer tudi na podlagi nekaterih toponimov, v tem casu izpricanih vse do Donave. 113). V karolinškem obdobju so bili namrec Franki kot ljudstvo podvrženi procesu, ki je vse vec ljudi vodil v razlicne oblike suženjstva (Heer 1977: 37). Vzpostavil je celoten sistem odposlancev (missi domici – gospodovi odposlanci), duhovnikov in laikov, ki so kot potujocidvor po vsejdržaviskrbelizaizvajanjenjegovih odlokov(Braunfels 1972:113). Z odloki, imenovanimi kapitularji, tako ni spodkopaval »niti partikularnih pravnih obi­cajev niti moci lokalnih in regionalnih voditeljev«. Temeljna vloga vladarja je bila namrec »v usklajevanju osebnih vezi med njim in plemstvom, temeljecih na medsebojni zvestobi in povracilu za usluge.« (Malmenvall 2016: 60) Ob upravicenih pritožbah o neustreznem ravnanju oblastnikov se je zavzel tudi za podrejene: furlanskemu vojvodi Ivanu, ki se je boril proti Avarom, je vzel njegovo castno mesto in dovolil istrskim prebivalcem, da so smeli sami voliti svoje škofe, opate, svetne glavarje, župane in druge uradnike (Kos F. 1882: 602). Postavni Karel Veliki, ki je – razen v izjemnih primerih – nosil oblacila »po izrocilu svojih ocetov, torej Frankov« (Strmole 2013: 181), in beneško tuniko, pa ni bil spošto-van le kot državni voditelj in vojskovodja, temvec tudi kot vladar, ki je v cesarstvu oz. kraljestvu skrbel za širjenje znanja, duhovnosti in umetnosti. Karolinška renesansa, ki je udejanjila ta nacela, je pomenila »vracanje k starim avtoritetam, pogojeno s prakticnimi potrebami v službi utrjevanja novega kršcanskega cesarstva« (Malmenvall 2016: 61). V vseh škofijah in samostanih so ustanavljali šole, namenjene poucevanju mladih v gramatiki, aritmetiki, glasbi, govorništvu in petju (Thenen 2000: 193), Karlova dvorna »akademija« v Aachnu pa je postala kulturno središce frankovske države (Malmenvall 2016: 61). Pomembni sta bili tako formalna izpiljenost kulturnih oblik – jezika, pisave, liturgije in arhitekture – kot izboljšanje celotnega cesarstva (nav. delo: 60). Ceprav je bil slabo pismen, se je Karel Veliki tudi sam ucil tujih jezikov in izjemno gojil svobodne umetnosti (Strmole 2013: 183–184). Najvec pozornosti sta bili deležni historiografija in pesništvo, ki je vkljucevalo tudi slavilne pesmi (Malmenvall 2016: 68). Velel je zapisati dotlej nezapisane zakone vseh narodov, ki so bili pod njegovo oblastjo, pravtako paje, kotjezapisalnjegov kronist, »dalzapisatiin ohranitivspominu barbarske in prastare pesmi, ki so opevale dejanja in boje starodavnih kraljev« (Strmole 2013: 188). Predanost kršcanski veri je izrazil s postavitvijo bazilike v Aachnu, s podpiranjem Cerkve v Rimu in papeža ter s prizadevanjem, da bi se bogoslužje opravljalo s cim ve-cjimi castmi, vkljucno z zglednim petjem psalmov (Strmole 2013: 185–186). Njegova skrb za to, da bi bila verska besedila vernikom razumljiva, so pri Slovencih pustila sled v Brižinskih spomenikih: z zakonodajnim odlokom Admonitio generalis (Splošni opomin) (Aachen, 23. marca 789) je namrec zapovedal, da morajo biti osnovna verska znanja vernikomrazumljiva (Šekli 2022: 15), zato je možno predpostaviti, da so prva nabožna besedila, katerih prepisi so v Brižinskih spomenikih, nastala že na prelomu iz 8. v 9. stoletje (Šekli 2022: 15–16). Izjemne znacilnosti Karla Velikega, ki so ga, ceprav je imel vec žena in priležnic (Strmole 2013: 176), kanonizirali (Thenen 2000: 225–252), so vkljucevale tudi druge ravni (Strmole 2013: 151–158). Med drugim je skrbel za podpiranje revnih, in sicer tako doma kot drugje (nav. delo: 185–186); v spomin na dvanajst apostolov je na svojem dvoru vsak dan nahranil dvanajst revežev (Thenen 2000: 213), za reveže pa je izjemno poskrbel tudi v oporoki (Strmole 2013: 194). SMRT KARLA VELIKEGA IN SPREMINJANJE DRUŽBENIH RAZMER V SOCIALNEM SPOMINU SLOVENCEV V obdobju pred Karlovo smrtjo se je zvrstilo veliko cudnih nebesnih znakov in nenavadnih dogodkov, povezanih s potresi in požari (Thenen 2000: 197; Strmole 2013: 191–192). Karel Veliki je umrl pri dvainsedemdesetih letih, 28. januarja leta 814 (Thenen 2000: 199), ali – kot je zapisal njegov kronist Einhard – »sedmega dne, odkar je obležal, ob tretji uri« (Strmole 213: 189). Pokopali so ga istega dne, in sicer v achenski cerkvi, ki jo je dal sam zgraditi, kronist pa je o tem zabeležil: »Telo so po slovesnem obicaju umili in oskrbeli ter ga ob velikem žalovanju vsega ljudstva prinesli v cerkev in ga pokopali.« (Nav. delo: 190) Einhard je morda s svojim porocilom namerno želel odvrniti pozornost poznejših roparjev od pravega mesta pokopa, saj je o tem navedel le, da so nad grobom postavili pozlacen obok z njegovo podobo in napisom (Braunfels1972: 112). Smiselnost zakritja mesta groba Karla Velikega se je pokazala predvsem ob vdoru Normanov leta 880 (Braunfels 1972: 103) oz. leta 881 (Thenen 2000: 218). Smrt Karla Velikega je povzrocila izjemno žalovanje: »Nepojemljivo je in s cloveškim jezikom ne more biti opisano, kakšno srce parajoce neusmiljeno kricanje, objokovanje in žalost so se razlegali ne le po kraljestvu, temvec tudi med divjimi Ajdi. Vsi so ga ob-jokovali kot skupnega oceta vsega sveta.« (Thenen 2000: 200) Ob smrti Karla Velikega sta namrec prišli do izraza njegova izjemna priljubljenost in slava: »Vsa ta ljudstva, ki so se po dejanjih, jezikih, navadah in nraveh tako razlikovala, so slavila njegova viteška junaštva, predana kraljestvu, in nikogaršnja cast in slava ga ni presegla, niti med njegovimi nasledniki.« (Thenen 2000: 201) Karizmaticnost Karla Velikega, ki je oznacevala njegovo življenje, z njegovo smrtjo ni zbledela. Ob ugibanjih o natancnemmestu njegovega groba, kiso se pojavila po njegovi smrti, so se izoblikovale tri domneve; ena od njih je bila lokacija v tleh preddverja in pod prestolom, ki je verjetno pripomogla k razlagi, do katere je prišlo ob odprtju groba (Braunfels 1972: 112). Oton III. se je namrec leta 1000 odlocil poiskati in odpreti grob Karla Velikega. Iskali so ga na razlicnih krajih, »dokler niso prišli do oboka, v katerem je mogocni vladar Karel sedel na kraljevem prestolu s krono, žez­lom in mecem ter s priloženim okrasjem« (Thenen 2000: 218–219). Porocilo, ki naj bi se sklicevalo na pricevanje samega Otona III., pa je ohranilo tudi opis domnevnega dogodka: ko so predrli tla, pod katerimi je bil obok iz marmorja in malte, so pod njim našli kralja, sedecega na prestolu, kot bi bil živ, z zlato krono na glavi in žezlom v roki, skozi rokavice pa so mu rasli nohti. V prostoru je bil mocan vonj. Popadali so na kolena in kralja pocastili, potem pa popravili, kar je bilo potrebno. Nobena okoncina mu ni odpadla, manjkala je le konica njegovega nosu, ki so jo na vladarjev ukaz nadomestili z zlatom (Chamberlin 2020: 316). Kljub uradni in danes veljavni razlagi, da »je bil Karel pokopan v dragocenem sarko­fagu Proserpina, ki ga danes hranijo v Aachnu« (Braunfels 1972: 112), je podoba Karla Velikega, najdenega v grobu v sedecem položaju, s krono, drugimi vladarskimi simboli in okrasjem ter nabožnimi predmeti, nadaljevala izrocilo o karizmaticnem vladarju. To izrocilo se je še stoletja pozneje sklicevalo tudi na sam pokop: »Karlovo telo so ustrezno oskrbeli z dragocenimi dišavami in ga, opremljenega z vsem okrasjem in z vladarskimi in verskimi atributi, sedecega na zlatem stolu namestili v obokan grob.« (Thenen 2000: 199–200) S tem izrocilom so se tako nedvomno na romanjih v Aachen srecevali tudi Slovenci, na romarskih poteh v Porenje imenovani Ogri. To pa ni bila edina povezava Slovencev z Aachnom v tem casu: Oton III., ki je dal poiskati in odpreti grob Karla Velikega, je imel v svojem evangeliariju iz casa okrog leta 1000 posebno ilustracijo, na kateri je med personifikacijami ljudstev, ki se mu poklanjajo (Hirsch: 42), upodobljena tudi Sclavinia.6 Ob tem so se razmere za slovensko prebivalstvo kmalu po smrti Karla Velikega spremenile. Medtemko so imeliKarantancidotlejpod vodstvomdomacih knezov »neke vrste notranjo samoupravo«, po vstaji panonskega kneza Ljudovita (819–822) o njihovi samostojnosti nibilo vec govora. Nareformo frankovskega vzhoda jevplivala tudi obrambapred Bolgari (Kos M. 1936: 71). Že leta 828 so bili tako v listini Ljudevita Pobožnega za samostan Kremsmünster slovenskikmetje oznacenikothlapci, »servi velSclavi« (Rutar 1882: 32). Temu samostanu je leta 777 bavarski vojvoda Tasilo podelil okrog deset slovenskih vasi, ki so jih vodili župani, in trideset slovenskih družin pri Dietachu (Kos F. 1882: 399, 463), kar je leta 791 kot vladar potrdil Karel Veliki (nav. delo: 529). ObmocjeVzhodnemarke, imenovanetudiSclaviniaaliVinidorummarca(Kaemmel 2017: 4, 12–13), je bilo kot vzhodna meja frankovske države vedno v nevarnosti pred napadi nomadskih ljudstev, zato so se za obrambo meja na tem obmocju naseljevali Ba-varci. Nemška kolonizacija med Slovenci se je zelo stopnjevala po bitki na Leškem polju pri Augsburgu leta 955, v kateri so bili Madžari premagani (Rutar 1882: 31). Izgubljanje družbene moci Slovencev je bilo od 9. stoletja naprej prepoznavno v germanizaciji, vi-dni v spreminjanju toponimov (Kaemmel 2017: 12–22), v podatkih, kot je še leta 1111 omenjena vas Windischendorf blizu Kremsa (Kaemmel 2017: 21), vzhodno od Badna v zacetku 13. stoletja naveden Windischdorf,7 poznejši Wienersdorf, pa tudi v zaznamku suženjstva sredi 9. stoletja (Kaemmel 2017: 17) in drugih pricevanjih. Suženjstvo je imelo pomembno ekonomsko ozadje: v 9. stoletjuje vnovic zaživela trgovina z Orientom, ki je potekala po Donavi. V arhivih avstrijskih mest, posebno v arhivu obdonavskega mesta Stein, kjer je bil deželnoknežji carinski urad, sta se med dokumenti ohranili carinski tarifi iz let 1177 in 1178, ki kot izvozno blago navajata tudi »wendisch-slavische Mädchen«, slovenska dekleta (Kanitz 1868: 391; Rutar 1882: 32). Medtem ko je bilo v cerkvenoupravnem pogledu pol stoletja po smrti Karla Velikega v ospredju vprašanje vloge salzburškega misijona v Karantaniji in Panoniji (Wolfram 1995: 193), je prebivalstvo vedno bolj trpelo zaradi vpadov Madžarov. Madžarski konjeniki so namrec »do odlocilnega poraza pri Augsburgu leta 955, ki zaznamuje konec njihovih plenilnih pohodov in zacetek njihovega prilagajanja zahodnim oblikam življenja, vec kot petindvajsetkrat preckali slovensko ozemlje« (Štih, Simoniti, Vodopivec 2008: 50). 6 V sedmem poglavju dela Conversio Bagoariorum et Carantanorum (Spreobrnjenje Bavarcev in Karntan­cev) iz leta 871, ki se nanaša na uveljavljanje zaslug pokristjanjevanja, je Sclavinia geografsko omejena na Karantanijo in Spodnjo Panonijo (Kos M. 1936: 60; Wolfram 1995: 287). 7 V tem okolju je bil nemški izraz za pridevnik slovenski windisch, izjemoma tudi wendisch. Ob stiskah, s katerimi so se Slovenci srecevali v nadaljnjih stoletjih, so se kot romarji v Porenje vedno znova srecevali s podobo in izrocilom Karla Velikega. Karel Veliki je s svojim imenom tudi v slovenskem jeziku postal sinonim za vladarja, kralja (Snoj 1997: 268; prim. Grdina 1999: 29). V blišcu aachenske katedrale se je ohranjala podoba bla­gostanja v casu njegovega vladanja, v zgodbah o odkritju njegovega groba pa upanje, da se bo nekoc prebudil in podjarmljenim prinesel rešitev. Karel veliki je tako med Slovenci lahko postal Kralj Matjaž, morda tudi s prilagoditvijo njegovega latinskega poimenovanja Karolus Magnus: medtem ko je njegovo ime postalo obce poimenovanje za kralja, se je lahko pridevnik Veliki, ki ga sam ni uporabljal, z jezikovno transformacijo preoblikoval v ime Matjaž, v pesmih tudi Matija. Podoba Karla Velikega pa se je v spominu Slovencev zlahka prepletla s casom, ko so na Gosposvetskem polju ustolicevali svoje kneze, ali z voditelji, ki so jih spominjali nanj. Ob stalnem stiku z Aachnom Slovencem lik Karla Velikega ni bil tuj, tako kot jim ni bil tuj frankovski trgovec Samo, ki jih je pred Avari šcitil vec kot poldrugo stoletje pred njim (prim. Štih, Simoniti, Vodopivec 2008: 22). Morda jim ni bil tuj tudi zato, ker se je izrocilo skrbi za revne, ki ga je vzpostavil Karel Veliki, v Aachnu za Slovence ohranjalo: omogocala ga je nadarbina Arme-Wiener-spende, namenjena revnim Ogrom (Thoemmes 1937: 88). Glede na siceršnje preganjanje beracev, tudi potujocih muzi­kantov, z natisom zadnjic dokumentirano leta 1514 (Thenen 2000: 207–208), je bila to pomembna ugodnost. Po ukinitvi romanj – dunajska dvorna pisarna je 13. oktobra 1775 s prepovedjo »slovenske procesije« romanja Slovencev v Porenje prepovedala (Kocevar V. 2022: 321)8 – so ta sredstva namenili ubožcem mesta Aachen (Thoemmes 1937: 88). Med Slovenci pa se je ohranilo poimenovanje za placilno valuto, kot jo je poznal Karel Veliki: kot med drugim dokazuje kovanec iz casa približno med 794–814, ki ga hrani Staatliche Mzsammlung Mchen, se je denarna valuta Karla Velikega imenovala denar (Denar …, dostop 10. 3. 1923). Možnost, da je slovenskega kralja Matjaža zaznamoval Karolus Magnus, Karel Veliki, poleg nekaterih zgodovinskih dejstev, predvsem zmage nad Avari, ki je rešila Slovence v Spodnji Panoniji, in ohranjanja veljavedomacega plemstva v njegovemcasu, kaže tudi slovensko ljudsko izrocilo. Po eni strani gre za razširjenost in vsebinsko raznolikost folklornih pripovedi o kralju Matjažu – zgodb, ki z motiviko konfliktov z Bogom oživljajo cas pokristjanjevanja, ter povedk o dobrem kralju, ki spi v svoji podzemni votlini, kot je veljalo za Karla Velikega, in o ljudeh, ki po nakljucju zaidejo k njemu oz. pridejo na sled njegovih zakladov. Kralja Matjaža v votlini prikazuje tudi podoba s panjskih koncnic. Po drugi strani je na vlogo Karla Velikega v podobi kralja Matjaža mogoce sklepati tudi na podlagi pesmi. Za pesem o Matjažu in Alencici, znano kot tip 3 oz. »Kralj Matjaž reši svojo ugrabljeno ženo« (SLP I, 1970: 18–26), je že Ivan Grafenauer ugotavljal sorodnost sprovansalsko-gaskonjsko-katalonskimi inacicami kancone II Moro Saracino(Grafena­uer 1950/1951: 192–195). Pri pesmi tipa 5, »Kralj Matjaž rešen iz jece«, so bile v nabor 8 Dunajska dvorna pisarna je »razbila sleherni dvom o izvoru romarjev, ko je v dekretu zapisala, da iz Ko­roške, Kranjske in Štajerske v Porenje vsakih sedem let poteka 'slovenska procesija' (windische Procession)« (Kocevar V. 2022: 340). Slika 1: Lik Kralja Matjaža v votlini, kot je upodobljen na slovenski panjski koncnici, se lahko naslanja na zgodbe o odkritju groba Karla Velikega, s katerimi so slovenski romarji v Aachnu prihajali v stik. Izvirnik hrani Slovenski etnografski muzej, EM 2338 E. Slika 2: »Spoštljiv raj po prastarem hvale vrednem obicaju in cednostni navadi, enako zgledu kralja Davida«, omenjen v slovenski romarski knjižici, je lahko ohranjal predstavo o povezavi med kraljem Davidom in Karlom Velikim, znano iz karolinške renesanse. Odlomek iz kopije romarske knjižice Alt-Wenthen oder Ungern Ordnungs Büchlein, v katerem je naveden omenjeni ples; NUK, R 286834; izvirnik hrani Bischöfliches Diözesanarchiv Aachen. variant (SLP I, 1970: 28–51) vkljucene tudi na novo odkrite rezijanske razlicice. Milko Maticetov, ki jih je našel, je ob objavi povabil »k ponovni preucitvi razmerja slovenskih pesmi tega tipa do tujih, ki so (neenakomerno, ne pregosto) raztresene od jugovzhoda do zahodnein severneEvrope«;nujnostpreucevanjateh prepletanjjemed drugimpodkrepil s šesto razlicico, kjer »rešiteljica pelje ujetnika iz turške jece proti meji skozi francoski predor« (Maticetov 1970a: 50). Na razširjenost te pesmi v širšem evropskem prostoru je pozneje vnovic opozoril z zgledi iz izrocila raznih evropskih narodov (Maticetov 1991: 218–219; Dapit 217: 185–186). Pesem »Godec pred peklom«, oznacena kot tip 48 (SLP I, 1970: 257–283), je ob tem kazala najmanj povezav z likom kralja Matjaža. Gre za pesem, ki ima vzporednice v mo-ravskem in lužiškosrbskem izrocilu (Maticetov 1970b: 282; Šmitek 2009: 131–132) in je bila med Slovenci zapisana v vec kot tridesetih razlicicah (Maticetov 1970b: 257–283). Najstarejši, Vrazov zapis kot godca navaja kralja Matjaža (nav. delo: 257–258), v Reziji pa je bila v vec razlicicah znana pesem, v kateri je godec kralj David (nav. delo: 282; Šmitek 2009: 131–132). Pesem o kralju Davidu je bila še v 18. stoletju zelo razširjena tudi v osrednji Sloveniji: v uvodu k Stržinarjevi pesmarici je namrec kot versko ne­ustrezna navedena tudi »ena sila douga Peissem od Psalmista Davida« (Stržinar 1729: 9). Naslanjanje na izrocilo kraljaDavida so Slovenci izpricali tudi na samih romanjih v Porenje, kjer so plesali ples po »zgledu kralja Davida« (Feistritzer 1993; Stabej 1965: 41–43; Simetinger 2021: 84–87); v Kölnu so dvakrat ali trikrat tedensko »na slovenski nacin« plesali ob navzocnosti oseb tamkajšnjega višjega stanu (Kocevar V. 2022: 321). Na to, da bi kralj David v pesmi o godcu pred peklom prvotno lahko predstavljal Karla Velikega, jemogocesklepatinapodlagiidejnegaozadjakarolinškerenesanse. Povezanost med karolinško dinastijo in Cerkvijo se je namrec naslanjala na idejo o povezavi med Staro in Novo zavezo, iz te interpretacije pa je izšlo tudi »pojmovanje Karla Velikega kot novega oz. kršcanskega kralja Davida«. Ta primerjava se je odražala na razlicne nacine, med drugim tudi »v slavilnih formulacijah dvornih ucenjakov«. (Malmenvall 2016: 73) Pesmi o godcu pred peklom in plesi Slovencev »po zgledu kralja Davida«, morda ohra­njeni v romarskem vrtcu (Ramovš 1975: 74; Simetinger 2021: 86–87), so torej najdlje obdržali sledi slavilnega obredja karolinške renesanse in sámo podobo Karla Velikega. ZAKLJUCEK Ukinitev romanj v Porenje je scasoma mocno zabrisala socialni spomin, vezan na Karla Velikega, oz. oslabila pomene izrocila, povezanega z njim. Interpretacije tega izrocila je usmerjala narodnoidentitetna vloga folkloristike, ki je kot svojo temeljno nalogo pre­poznavala obrambo proti nemštvu. Kralj Matjaž, opredeljen kot Matija Korvin in motivno oprt na junaške pesmi o kra­ljevicu Marku, je bil s folkloristicnimi raziskavami tako eden najmocnejših opor proti nemškemu raznarodovalnemu pritisku. Pri tem so bile prezrte pomembne vezi s srednje­evropskim prostorom, v kateregasmo bili Slovenci vkljuceni v casu Karla Velikega, in preslišani pomembni izrazi družbene veljave v casu vkljucitve v Sveto rimsko cesarstvo. Predkorvinovska podoba kralja Matjaža, prepoznavna v teh vezeh, pa nas vodi ne le v cas pred Matijo Korvinom, temvec v cas pred prihodom Madžarov v Panonsko nižino. Ob tem pa hipoteza, da je temeljno podlago za podobo kralja Matjaža dal Karel Veliki, ne pomeni, da smo Slovenci to izrocilo prevzeli od Nemcev, temvec da smo bili stoletja del istega prostora, ki smo ga zaznamovali tudi s svojo ustvarjalnostjo. Dejstvo, da je izrocilo okralju Matjažu najbolj razširjeno prav medSlovenci, in domneva, da je njegovi podobi po vsej verjetnosti dal pomemben pecat Karel Veliki, nas zavezuje k poglobljeni preucitvi umešcenosti Slovencev v srednjeevropski prostor. To je toliko bolj potrebno zato, ker so stoletja asimilacije Slovencev spremenila tudi dojemanje etnonimov, posebno tistih, ki so na romanjih v Porenje oznacevala Sloven-ce (Stabej 1965: 9–11). Terminološko sovpadanje namrec zlahka povzroci zavajajoce interpretacije. Prenosi, vezani na razlicne pomene istega pojma, pa so mogoci ne le pri ustnem gradivu, temvec celo ob gradivu, oprtem na pisni vir. Dokaz za to je vnovicna izdaja knjižice, namenjene slovenskim romarjem v Kölnu,9 ki je bila z naslovom Alt­-Wenden oder Ungarn-Ordnungsbüchlein leta 1993 v Aachnu izdana kot madžarsko izrocilo (Feistritzer 1993). LITERATURA Barbaric, Štefan, 1988: Avgust Pavel in slovensko ljudsko izrocilo. CZN 50, 24/1, 3–12. Braunfels, Wolfgang, 1972: Karl der Große. Reinbek beiHamburg:RawohltTaschenbuch Verlag. [Baša, Ivan], 1992: Psalmi vaškega župnika (ured. Jožef Smej). Celje: Mohorjeva družba. Boškovic-Stulli, Maja, 1973: Odnos kmeta i feudalca u hrvatskim usmenim predajama. 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THE OVERLOOKED HISTORICAL CONTEXT OF FOLK TRADITION RELATED TO KING MATTHIAS marijaklobCar Singing songs thatglorify Hungarian King Matthias is among theoldestSlovenian song practices attested in written sources, and songs about King Matthias (Sln. kralj Matjaž) were also among the first subjects of interest in folklore studies. Soon after the first transcriptionswere made, the Carinthian priest and folksong collector Matija Majar (pseudonym Ziljski) presented songs about King Matthias in an article, published in German, providing not only their translation but also an interpretation that King Matthiaswas based on the historical figure of Hungarian King Matthias Corvinus (Majar 1843). In line with the ideas of Illyrianism, the motifs of Matthias as a hero that defeats the Ottomans symbolically connected the Slovenians withother South Slavicnations;inaddition,atthetimethis articlewas published, the Sloveniansperceived the Hungarians as a nation that, just like them, was fighting for its rights within the monarchy and henceagainst German culture. The suspicion that the folk tradition related to King Matthias in fact had nothing to do with the historical figure of Matthias Corvinus already raised doubts among Slovenians in themid-nineteenth century abouttheexplanations thatbased thefolk character on Matthias Corvinus. A mythological interpretation appeared (Rutar 1879), representing King Matthias as the Sun King saving nature from the forces of winter. In addition, the symbolic meaning of King Matthias was reinforced as part of efforts to promote national identity, and, being viewed as historically the most important, songs about this hero, with motifs of battles against the Otto­mans, were featured on the first pages of the collection Slovenske narodne pesmi (Slovenian Folksongs). Despite different views, the Corvinus-based explanation of this character remained entrenched and grew stronger with international comparisons with the material of neighboring nations, especially those in the Balkans. The Slovenian folklore material stood out in terms of its exceptional diversity, representativeness, and ties with the German environment (Kuzelja 1906), whereas international comparisons revealed a surprisingly weak presence of King Matthias’s motifs in the Hungarian tradition. Hence, theCorvinus-based interpretation and thesearch fordifferentexplana­tions of the origins of King Matthias coexisted in Slovenian folklore studies for over a century and a half. Regardless of folklore specialists’ dilemmas, the folk tradition related to King Matthias acquired symbolic dimensions in Slovenian national strivings and various artistic applications, which, together with the folk tradition and its examination, strengthened the role of King Matthias. Due to the generally accepted notion that King Matthias was based on a historical hero older than Matthias Corvinus (Grafenauer 1950–1951; Maticetov 1970; Kumer 1984), efforts to find different explanations also drew attention to other important per­sonalities in Slovenian history, or either kept returning to mythological contexts (Šmitek 2009) or sought an explanation in archetypes (Lukács2001; Golež Kaucic 2019), while also clarifying various social meanings of this phenomenon in the Slovenian-speaking environment (Kropej Telban 2014, 2019) and the perception of the Other (Dapit 2017; Mlakar 2019). In comparativeEuropean folklorestudies, studies of works promoting Corvinus elucidated the background of Matthias Corvinus’s role as King Matthias, while also drawing attention to the fact that the issue of “Matthias folklore” predating King Matthias remained open (Voigt 2010). This study problematizes the Corvinus-based Slovenian interpretations of King Matthias by highlighting the negative memory related to Matthias Corvinus’s army in Slovenia and the fact that the Tolmin region, where songs glorifying “Hungarian” King Matthias were first attested, was not under Matthias Corvinus’s rule. It also draws attention to the frequent introductory line in Slovenian songs about King Matthias that contrasts Matthias’s crown with the “Hungarian” crown. This study thus defines the term ‘Hungarian’ within a historical context. In reference to Slovenians, the term has a double meaning: on their pilgrimages to the Rhine Valley, Slovenians were referred to as ‘Hungarians’ and sometimes also as ‘Viennese’; they were only called ‘Slovenians’ (or ‘Wends’) after these pilgrimages wereprohibited in 1775. They werealso named Ungern ‘Hungarians’ in the seventeenth-century pilgrimage booklet Alt-Wenthen oder Ungern Ordnungs Büchlein, where their Slovenianidentity is attested by the names of the regions they come from, questions and answers in Slovenian, and prayers in Slovenian. Initially, the most important pilgrimage destination for Slovenians in the Rhine Valley was Aachen, wherethey also had their own altar and benefice with a priest that spoke Slovenian. Some attestations of Slovenian pilgrimages to Aachen go back to the period of Charlemagne (Thenen 2000), and so this article elucidates his role among the Slovenians. Based on historiographic research, it outlines Charlemagne’s exceptional role as a ruler, politician, military commander, conqueror, and sup­porter of Christianization, the Church, education, science, and art, as well as the manner in which he ruled—he protected the weak and allowed conquered areas to remain under local administration (Braunfels 1972; Heer 1977; Strmole 2013; Malmenvall 2016). That also applied to the area inhabited by Slovenians. This study also describes the inclusion of Slovenians into the Frankish Kingdom, as part of both Carantania and Lower Pannonia, which was controlled by the Avars. Defeating the Avars was of exceptional importance not only to the Franks, but alsotheSlovenians,who werefinally nolonger under their control(Kos F. 1882). Charlemagne was buried on the day he died, and he wasdeeply mourned throughout the empire. The opening of his tomb in AD 1000 also generated an exceptional response. Despite the official explanation that he had been buried in the precious Proserpina sarcophagus, certain accounts persisted that he was found sitting on his throne under an arch, wearing his crown and holding his scepter (Braunfels 1972). According to one account, he was also buried in that way (The-nen 2000). Slovenians must have been in contact with this tradition, which can be deduced from the importanceof their pilgrimages to Aachen;in addition, the significance of Slovenians at that time is evident from an illustration in the gospel book of Otto III, the ruler that had Charlemagne’s tomb opened. Thestories about the opening of Charlemagne’s tomb, the imagery of which is reminiscent of the depictions of King Matthias on Slovenian beehive fronts, indicate that it is likely that the character of King Matthias among Slovenians was based on Charlemagne. In this article, this hypothesis relies on the role Charlemagne played among Slovenians, the radical changes to their situation after his death, and the preservation of image of Charlemagne that relied on pilgrimages to Aachen. The hypothesis also relies on folk narratives that, by thematizing God, preserve the memory of Christianization, folk tales about King Matthias sleeping inside a mountain, waiting to gather his army and come to the people’s aid in time of their greatest need, and stories about his visitors and treasures. Among the songs, the role closest to that of Charlemagne can be found in the song type about a mu­ sician before hell, where King David or King Matthias appears in the role of the musician: in the spirit of the Carolingian Renaissance, Charlemagne was portrayed as King David as a tie between Antiquity and the revival of its values. On their pilgrimages to the Rhine Valley, Slovenians also presented this portrayal with a special dance “following the example of King David,” which is also attested by the pilgrimage booklet mentioned above. The Slovenian term Kralj Matjaž ‘King Matthias’ may also be derived from Charlemagne’s Latin name, Karolus Magnus: as in most languages between the Baltic Sea and the Balkans, his first name became the general word for ‘king’, and, through linguistic transformation, the adjective Magnus ‘Great’ may have turned into Matjaž or, in some places, Matija ‘Matthias’. At the same time, his figure is associated with former symbols of Slovenian identity, which during Charlemagne’s reign were expressed through the ducal throne as well as through personalities that promoted this image. The assumption that Charlemagne could have formed the primary basis for the character of King Matthias does not mean that Slovenians adopted this tradition from the Germans, but that for centuries they had been part of the same environ­ment, which they also marked through their own creativity. After Charlemagne’s death, that environment took away social power not only from the Slovenians, but also the Franks themselves (Heer 1977). At the same time, these issues draw attention to the importance of a complex examination of not only identifications, but also ethnonyms—especially ones for which the social memory has faded: with the terminological vagueness of the ethnonym ‘Hungarian’, the pilgrimage booklet thatgoverned theSlovenian pilgrimages to theRhineValley—and also indirectly expressed the ties with Charlemagne—was published as part of the Hungarian tradition after the fall of the Iron Curtain (Feystrizer 1993). Doc. dr. MarijaKlobcar, višjaznanstvenasodelavka,ZRC SAZU, Novitrg 2, Ljubljana, marija.klobcar@zrc-sazu.si ORCID: https://orcid.org/0009-0000-8883-6408 26 STUDIA MYTHOLOGICA SLAVICA 2023 145 – 173 | https://doi.org/10.3986/SMS20232605 | CC BY Elementi pretkršcanskih vjerovanja u toponimiji južnog i jugoistocnog Velebita Mira Trošelj Prispevek seosredinja natoponimijo južnegain jugovzhodnegaVelebita, povezano z degradiranimi in demoniziranimi bajeslovnimi bitji (vile in starke, babice), ta toponimija izhaja iz tradicionalnih simbolnih predstav in verovanj prebivalcev južnega Podgorja. Raziskava temelji na obravnavi ljudskih pripovedi, obrednih pesmi in novejših pisnih virov z namenom interpretacije toponimov v južnem Podgorju, ki pricajo o preživetju predkršcanskih, slovanskih verovanj. KLJUCNE BESEDE: južni in jugovzhodni Velebit, toponimi, miticna krajina, miticna bitja, folklorni narativi The paper focuses on the toponymy of south and southeast Velebit associated with de­graded and demonised mythical beings (fairies and old women, babas), which arises from the traditional symbolical perceptions and beliefs of the inhabitants of southern Podgorje. The work uses folk narratives, ritual songsand more recent written sourceswith the aim of interpreting toponyms in southern Podgorje that are evidence of the survival of UVOD Ovaj rad1 se fokusira na toponimiju južnog i jugoistocnog Velebita povezanu s de­gradiranim i demoniziranim bicima (vilama i babama) u tradicijskim predodžbama i vjerovanjima južnih Podgoraca. Cilj je rada interpretirati imenovanje toponima motivirano prežitcima pretkršcanskih vjerovanja i praksi u južnom Podgorju, prema puckim narativima, jednoj obrednoj pjesmi i recentnim pisanim izvorima (filološkim, etnološko-antropološkim i povijesno-geografskim). U tu svrhu predstavit ce se oni to-ponimi, koje je u odredenom povijesnom kontekstu imenovalo stocarsko stanovništvo Podgorja, a koji su danas znacajna prirodna i kulturna baština Velebita. Metodologija istraživanja sastoji se od terenskog rada: geomorfološki opis toponima, topografski Ovaj rad je preuredena, nadopunjena i ispravljena verzija istog, tiskanog u lokalnom casopisu MemorabiLika, 2021. s nekim ozbiljnim propustima i pogreškama u fusnotama pri cemu se dogodila neuskladenost kazivaca i njihovih predaja, a rezultat toga je netocnost podataka. Isto se dogodilo i s citiranim autorskim izvorima. razmještaj i snimanje, anketiranje kazivaca, prikupljanje podataka iz recentnih izvora, analiza i kartografija. Predmet ove analize su vilinski toposi i sveti kameni Babe, cija je kultna funkcija bila osigurati plodnost i rodnost, kao i oronime i hidronime Babe i okamenjene Babe. Toponimija Velebita prepoznatljiv je sloj prežitka staroslavenskih kozmogonijskih i drugih predodžbi, cije bi podrijetlo na južnom Velebitu moglo biti srednjovjekovnog postanja, premda nam arhivska grada, u prvom redu povijesna karto­grafija ne nudi podatke o tome sve do 18. stoljeca. Ovim prilogom nastoji se produbiti i proširiti spoznaje o mitskoj toponimiji u odredenom prostornom i povijesnom kontekstu južnog i jugoistocnog Velebita. Buduci da tema na Velebitu nije sustavno istraživana, nece biti moguce dati konacne odgovore i zakljucke, neka pitanja ostat ce otvorena za buduca istraživanja koja zahtijevaju interdisciplinarni pristup, osobito na onomastickoj i etimologijskoj razini. U radu se analizira i interpretira pucka etimologija na temelju predajnih narativa i puckih obrednih pjesama i pisanih izvora. Rad se ne bavi onomastic­kom ni etimološkom analizom predmetnog korpusa. Toponimi motivirani prežitcima pretkršcanskih vjerovanja u geografiji Velebita gene-racijamaprenosejužniPodgorciputempredajnih narativado kraja20. stoljeca. Pocetkom 16.stoljecakasnosrednjovjekovnostanovništvonapustilojejužnoPodgorjepredturskim osvajanjima podrucja oko južnog Velebita. U opustošeno Podgorje u 17. i pocetkom 18. stoljeca mletacke vlasti, nakon Kandijskog rata, naseljavaju novo stanovništvo s pod-rucja Bukovice i Ravnih kotara (Perincic Mayew 2012: 2–3). Nekih doseljenika iz toga vremena danas više nema na podrucju opcine Starigrada-Paklenice, ali su ostali toponi-mi prema njihovim prezimenima i imenima: Lekine Njive (Seline), Samardžica Dolac (Seline), Njive Došenove (zapadno od Paklenice), An(i)ca Luka i An(i)ca Kuk (Klanac Paklenice), Klimenta (doseljenici Klimente, južno od Kvartira, Paklenica), Sirotkuša Polje (doseljenici Sirotkovici, M. Rujno), Sirotkovica Zidine (Opuvani Dolac), Vucica Dolac (kod Pasjeg Klanca i Doca Županova), Puzica Docina (V. Ledenik), Kosa Colakova (M. Rujno), Arcabuša (doseljenici Arcabi, pod Bobickim Kukom), Dolac Županov (doselje­nici Župani, Gornji Ercezi), Žeželja Stanovi, Žeželja Lug (Tribanj-Ljubotic), Šešeljevac (doseljenici Šešelji, iznad Višerujna). Rukavinka (stojbina Rukavina na Bilom Sinokosu), Reljinovac/Renjovac(doseljeniciRelje, Ljubotic), Ljubotic(doseljenik Ljubo, nepoznatog prezimena) i drugi. Moguce je da su novodoseljeni stocari Morlaci (danas Podgorci), sa spomenutog podrucja, bili i ranije u doticaju s Velebitom kao transhumantni stocari i da su putem predaja pamtili staru predtursku toponimiju koja se vecim dijelom održala do danas. Prvi zemljovidi, kako je vec receno, koji prikazuju neke današnje toponime NacionalnogparkaPakleniceiokolicepotjecus pocetka18.stoljeca:zemljovidMorlacca Veneta – Mappe Grimani, zemljovid Giovanni Battista Lodolija i zemljovid Topografico della Montagna Veneta – Mappe Grimani (Magaš 1999: 52, 56–57, kartografski prilozi 40–94). Primjerice, na zemljovidu iz 1773. pod nazivom: Topografija della montagna Morlacca, Sveto Brdo upisano je kao Sveti Velebit: M. Santo o Velebich (autor Giusseppe Ferro Capi Ing. Izvor: Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana, Venecija). Vilinski i bapski toponimi i njihov razmještaj u krajobrazu u predajnim narativima upucuju na tragove pretkršcanskog sustava vjerovanja i praksi koja su se održala do 20. stoljeca. U njihovoj interpretaciji nezaobilazne su teorije Radoslava Katicica, Vitomira Slika 1: Zemljovidi iz 17. stoljeca prikazuju uglavnom obalni dio južnog Podgorja i za ovu temu su irelevantni (Zahvaljujem se prof. dr. Josipu Faricicu na informaciji i pošiljci zemljovida južnog Velebita iz 1773. god. pod nazivom: Topografija della montagna Morlacca, autora Giusseppe Ferro Capi Ing, na kojem su upisani neki današnji toponimi). Belaja i Andreja Pleterskog. Vile i babe demonizirane su slike kultne božice plodnosti Majke Zemlje (Tellus Mater). Oba lika prostorno su i simbolicki neodvojiva, buduci da u mitološkom kontekstu supstituiraju isti lik, ali u binarnom odnosu (mlada i ostarjela boginja). Ovdje ce se prikazati odvojeno, a na topografskom prikazu u suodnosima u krajobrazu. Toponimiju krajobraza oblikovalo je tradicijsko stocarsko stanovništvo, buduci da je stocarstvo na Velebitu drevna konstanta od prapovijesti do 20. stoljeca, stoga su bitan element duhovne kulture Podgoraca koja ne bi smjela biti zanemarena u turistickoj i drugim vidovima predstavljanja velebitskog krajobraza. Slika 2: Topografska karta vilinskih i bapskih toponima od Arcabuše na sjeverozapadu do Vilenih kukova na jugoistoku. Vilinski toponimi su oznaceni crvenim krugom, a bapski crnim trokutom (izradio: Marjan Milovac). DOSADAŠNJA ISTRAŽIVANJA O temi mitske toponimije južnog i jugoistocnog Velebita malo se pisalo (vidi Trošelj 2011a: 345–370; Trošelj 2017: 28–36). Autorica je provodila terenska istraživanja od sedamdesetih godina 20. stoljeca u vremenu kada je još bilo malobrojnih stocara u plani­ni, koji su in situ objašnjavali imenovanje pojedinog toponima. Na tragu svetih pjesama naše pretkršcanske starine, Radoslav Katicic dao je svoj doprinos interpretaciji toponima Vilinska Vrata, a razmještaj svetih trokutnih struktura u širem dinarskom krajobrazu Vi- tomir Belaj i Juraj Belaj. O malorujanskom kultnom monolitu Babi tijekom 20. stoljeca pisali su Branimir Gušic, Mirko Markovic, Ante Glavicic i Ante Rukavina. U topnimiju i topografiju temeljenu na puckim narativima i obrednim pjesmama šireg prostora nisu ulazili. Katicic je, medutim, pomocu obrednih svetih pjesama i narativa filološkom me-todom interpretirao Vilinska Vrata ispod Svetog Brda na južnom Velebitu u suradnji s Tomom Višcakom u sklopu projekta Sakralna interpretacija krajobraza (Katicic 2014). VILINSKA TOPONIMIJA Vile su bile duboko ukorijenjene u vjerovanja i pripovjedacku tradiciju Podgoraca do sredine 20. stoljeca. Njihova mitološko-simbolicka staništa obuhvacaju najznacajnije lokalitete koji su vrijedan prilogkulturnoj, aliifantasticnojinterpretaciji velebitskog krajobraza, pa im u fantasticnom imaginariju pripada posebno mjesto. To su kukovi, vrhovi, glavice, brda, doci i pecine u blizini vode: jezera, lokve, izvori, bunari a i potoci. U tradicijskoj predodžbi Podgoraca one su bica natprirodnih sposobnosti i ljepote, ali im antropomorfni izgled narušava zoomorfni atribut stopala (papci ili kopita – kozje ili magarece noge) što upucuje na njihov kontakt s onostranim svijetom i simbolickom poveznicoms plodnošcu. Glavni su imizomorfizam krilapomocu kojih prvaju/lete i taj se let povezuje s atmosferilijama (vjetrom, oblakom) pa im se pripisuje svojstvo astralnog. Meteorna su bica, koja vijuoblake i vjetar, igraju kolo i pjevaju, a nocu jašu konje i kupaju se u jezerima. Osim što su demoni atmosferskih pojava, one su i demoni prirode, plodnosti i rodnosti, sudenice koje daju i uskracuju, demoni bolesti, izljeciteljice i poznavateljice tajnih svojstava biljaka. Biljka korovilje/kovilje/vilina kosa pripisuje se vilinskoj kosi (svijetla je i duga kao kovilje). Duhovna su bica, ali se mogu i materi­jalizirati, što znaci da su liminalne, povezane s gornjim, nebeskim i donjim, htonskim svijetom. Stoga se u puckim narativima dovode u vezu s dušama umrlih(toponim Duš(i) ce). Pucki imaginarij upucuje na sveprisutan odnos ovostranog i onostranog u susretu covjeka i vila u iskustvenom smislu o cemu ce biti govora (vidi Trošelj 2011a: 351–352, 361–363; Kipre 2014: 100–121; Dronjic 2009: 255–257; Dronjic 2017: 340–341). One su graditeljice vilinskih dvora, prenositeljice vode, predu predu, isušuju tlo za ispašu, ciste jezera, lijece, darivaju, ispunjavaju želje covjeku koji je bio dobrohotan prema njima, kao što kažnjavaju one koji su ih iznevjerili (Katicic 2014: 79–98; Botica 1999: 29–40; Dronjic 2009; Dronjic 2017). Prema navedenom moguce je uociti dodirne tocke izmedu vilinske ideosfere i boginje Mokoši u tome što obje simboliziraju ženski aspekt energije, prirodnosti, plodnosti i rodnosti, a mjesta njihove dodirnosti u prostoru su: mrgilji/kuvini/mede, mostovi, raskrižja, kukovi, izvori, jezera, bunari, pecine/gradine. Uz to pozitivan i negativan aspekt vila i mitskog božanstva reflektira i kozmicke promjene pa ih je obje moguce povezati na sljedecim razinama: ambivalentnom karakteru, imaju ulogu sudenica, s animalnim atributom povezane su s kultom plodnosti i meteorološkim aspektom prema godišnjim dobima, povezuju ovostrani i onostrani svijet. Vile su prema tomu personificirane i antropomorfizirane prirodne sile (vjetar, oblak, oluja, voda) koje oznacavaju godišnje cikluse. Kroz svoja djelovanja potpuna su preslika lokalnog mikro­kozmosa (Kipre 2014: 31, 57, 100–101, 165, usp. Botica 1999). Bobicki Kuk i Bobicko Vrilo/Bobika Toponim Bobicki Kuk motiviranje biljnim svijetom (možda nekim bobicastim vocem), premda kazivaci nisu bili sigurni u to. Iz predaje se doznaje da je bio vilinsko stanište i da su vile išle po vodu na izvor Bobiku koji se nalazi zapadno od Kuka. Vjeruje se da su vile ‘’u niko davno vrime strovale’’ jedan kameni amorfni megalit s Kuka i on se skotrlja na dolac Arcabušu na nekad obradivu zemlju, a danas je zapuštena livada.2 Takvih skotrljanih meteornih monolita može se vidjeti od Arcabuše do podnožja Kuka Vilina i Malog Rujna. Bobicke vile bile su povezane i s Vilinim Kukom na Malom Rujnu elementom vode i zraka. Vilin Kuk, Duboki (Jezero,Jaz,Dol) i Po(d)grizen Vilin Kuk osobite je geomorfologije koja u puckom imaginariju docarava predodžbu o staništu vila i to je stocare motiviralo u imenovanju Kuka. Kuk nije oštar ili piramidalan kao Bobicki, nego mu vrh izgleda kao zaravn ‘’na kojoj su vile igrale kolo’’.3 Nalazi se u sredini izmedu Bobickog na zapadu i Celopeka na istoku. Pogledom je usmjeren na Malo Rujno i Duboki s kojima je u binarnom odnosu: gore na vrhu Kuka je suho, a dolje na zemlji mokro (bunari i gusterne uz stanove, potok Kozjaca, Duboko jezero). Ovakav raspored prirodnih struktura u prostoru imanentan je tragovima pretkršcanskih vjerova­nja o stablu svijeta (Belaj 1998: 238–246, 325; Katicic 2008: 55–56; Kipre 2014: 16). Opozicija suho-mokro temeljna je odrednica mitske price: Perun je gore na vrhu Kuka, na suhom, Veles u dolini, vodi (Duboki), a vila/Mokoš sjedinjuje oba toposa na prostoru Malog Rujna, neodvojivog dijela vilinskog svijeta i njihovog telurnog simbolizma koji ih veže uz Majku Zemlju (Kipre 2014: 100). Une su razapele uže od Kuka Vilina do Po(d)grizena, omotale ga oko njeg kaj da se vipera omotala Po užu su gole prolazile priko malorujanske vode. Vidijai jedan coban i une su za dišpet prilile vodu cigljin s Malog Rujna u Duboki. Takoj Malo Rujno postalo pasište, kojej u davno doba bilo svo pod vodon. Na isušenon Rujnu blagoj paslo, a u Dubokon Jezeru se napajalo. Obnoc su vile cistile jezero od galebe i ujtro niko neb reka daj’ tu blago paslo i pilo vodu. Al sada jezera više nema, produšlo se u Drugon ratu, 1941. Poslej na produši niknilo crno trnje. Obnoc su igrale kolo kod Ogrede Lazica kraj javora i catrnje na Polju Sirotkuši, vidja se tragkozjipapakananoganikadzavijorivijorinasvisuznaldavileigraju kolo i pivaju. Obdan su se kupale u jezeru. Bile su mocne, ništa ružno in rec, jer bi se osvetle. U kuku ima jedna velka pecina i kamenca s vodon di su vile živle, u nju stane pedeset ljudi. U njoj su cobani nalazl vilinske 2 Kazivac: Bože Matak (1931–1017), Tribanj-Kopovine. 3 Kazivac: Ilija Prodan (1936), Tribanj-Šibuljina. Slika 3: Vilin Kuk na Malom Rujnu u mogucoj ‘’trokutnoj’’ strukturi: Kuk je na sjeveru, Duboko jezero/ jaz (danas dolac) na zapadu i Kuk Po(d)grizen na jugozapadu (foto: Arhiv Nacionalnog parka Pakenica). Slika 4: Kuk Po(d)grizen na jugozapadnoj strani Malog Rujna, na njemu su vile svezale omotano uže oko Kuka, kao što se vipera (poskok) omota oko grane stabla (snimila: Mirjana Trošelj). stvari: drvene žlice i zdile, drvene cešljeve s kojiman su se cešljale, sto, tronošce, prešljice i vrtena. Sasu zakantane u kuku.4 Malo Rujno je sakralni topos neslucenih razmjera od pretkršcanskog doba. U prilog tome govori Gradina i Gradinica iz liburnskog doba i obradeni kameni monoliti razruše­nog liburnskog kultnog svetišta uz potok Kozjacu, južno od Gradine i srednjovjekovne stocarske suhozidne Crkvine nepoznatog titulara, iako kazivaci navode da se zvala cr­kvina Male Gospe, jer se na taj dan održavala misa. U Drugom ratu na dan Sv. Ilije na Ribnickim Vratima zbog iznenadne zime smrznula se skupina Podgoraca na povrtku iz Like. Od tada se na dan Sv. Ilije u Crkvini održavala misa za stradale. Rujanski objekti prirodno su rasporedenikružno oko Malog Rujna “poput svetišta.“ Na sjeveru je Vilin Kuk, na zapadu Pogledalo i Duboki, jugozapadno Kuk Po(d)grizen, južno Gradinica i Zvirjak i sjeveroistocno Ribnicka Vrata, kao liminalni topos (Dubolnic 2006: 1–55). Oglav(i)novac Pasište Oglav(i)novac metaforicki je toponim motiviran ljudskimtijelom, glavom. To je zavala u cijem je središtu bila lokva i izvor, danas su posve nestali. U puckom narativu kazuje se o pastirima koji su na njemu cuvali krupno blago. Odednon su cobani opazl da su volovi s rozin iskopal iz trave covcju glavu/ lubanju, uzel je u ruke i jedan coban upita: cijaj ovo glava Bogje pomilova? To cekan vec sto godina, progovori glava. Jope su glavu zakopal.O glavo Oglavnovca pocivaj u miru, rekoše cobani. Odunda se Oglavnovac tako zove, po covcjoj glavi/lubanji. Niki su govorl daj to bila glava Sv. Ivana.5 Oglav(i)novac je takoder vilinski topos. Tamos’vile odnosle malu dicu da zaminuostarilu vilu.6 Takomje did pripo­vida daj vidija vilu s diteton u naramku kako brželja priko Rujna, mislijaj daj nika žena s diteton. Un je zove da dode u stan da ce nevrime, a una, još brže odmace i nesta je kroz Vickovac. Did veli daj to siguro bila vila kojaj odnila nicije dite, kad je nako utekla.7 Mitska predodžba ostarjele vile predocava boginjin ostarjeli aspekt na kraju vegeta­cijskog ciklusa, a “oteto“ dijete/mlado bice, simbolizira pocetak novog plodnog ciklusa. Ovdje su izražena dva stanjaistog bica celestijalnog/solarnog i htonskog/podzemnog karaktera. Zamjena djeteta s ostarjelom vilom, zamjena je godišnjeg ciklusa plodnosti 4 Kazivaci: Petar-Peko Babac (1934–1997), Dara Babac (1942–2019), Ilija Prodan, Tribanj-Šibuljina. 5 Kazivac: Pera-Perina Jovic (1882–1977), V. Ledenik. 6 Kazivac: Dara Babac. 7 Kazivac: Marcela Paric (1921–2016), Bristovac-Tomici, V. Paklenica. i rodnosti (Kipre 2014: 39). Oglav(i)novac je i Velesov topos. Na njemu se uglavnom napasalo krupno blago. Na srid Oglavnovca biloj vrilo, a blizo njeg jama brezdanka obresla travon. Napojili se volovi i dva legla kraj vrila. Odednon se produši zemlja pod njiman i oba propadoše u brezdanku.8 Buduci da je Veles bog blaga, cuvar podzemnog svijeta duša mrtvih, zaštitnik sto-carstva, cesto je atribuirans volovskim rogovima naglavi. Propadanje vola/volovau jamu bezdanku simbolizira Velesov onostrani svijet (podzemni) u kojem je on gospodar. Korovilje/Kovilje Toponim Korovilje motiviran je biljnim svijetom, biljkom korovilje/kovilje koja simbo­lizira vilinu kosu (svijetle je boje dugih i izvijenih pahuljastih “grancica“) pa je stocare asocirala na vilinsku dugu svijetlu kosu te se pretpostavlja da su vile i ondje zalazile, premda nemamonarativa koji bi to potvrdili. Geomorfološki toponim takoder asocira na raspuštene vilinekose. Kovilje se bralo u lipnju i vezivalo u snop koji se bacao u vis i pri tom se izgovarala magijska formula kao epikleza Majci Zemlji: Sid Baba sid i Sid Baba na zemlju. Svakim bacanjem u vis snop viline kose sjedao je uspravno na tlo. Ritualnim bacanjem i izgovaranjem magijske formule sjedanja na zemlju, bez sumnjeje u odredenom povijesnom kontekstu imalo simbolicko znacenje u smislu poticanja plodnosti i rodnosti zemlje. Svakim novim bacanjem snopa formula se opetovala.9 Od sredine 20. stoljeca simbolika rituala se izgubila, pa je bacanje Babe u vis, da bi uspješno sjela na zemlju, postala samo djecja igra.10 U negativnoj konotaciji postoji vrsta puzajuceg korova po zemlji takoder zvanog vilina kosa, a raste na obradivom zemljištu za uzgoj sadnica. Kosa se omotaoko povrtnica i “guši“ im rast. Takvu se vrstu viline kose iskorjenjivalo. Ondje gdje bi se taj korov pojavio „govorlo se da se vile tako osvecuju vlasniku vrtla na Rujnu jer in je naudija. A mogut rec da nije bilo lako tu travu odmrst sa zeleni.“11 Man(i)ta Pec, Vidakov Kuk i An(i)ca Kuk s okolnim pecinama O navedenim toponimima i njihovoj mitskoj predodžbi, opširnije je pisano u 21. stoljecu na temelju prvih pisanih podataka pocetkom 20. stoljeca (Ružic 1929; Trošelj 2017). An(i)ca Luka i An(i)ca Kuk motivirani su prezimenom Anic, vjerojatno matronimik. U simbolickom smislu zajedno s Man(i)tom Peci i Vidakovim Kukom, najznacajniji su toposi u Nacionalnom parku Paklenici. Toponim Man(i)ta Pec motiviran je predajom o vilinskom staništu u pecini, pridjevom manit/mahnit (tur.: sulud, bijesan, pomaman), 8 Kazivac: Dara Babac. 9 Kazivac: Matija Jovic (1924–2005), V. Ledenik. 10 Autoricino iskustvo iz djetinjstva. 11 Kazivac: Slavka Poljak (1921–2017), Tribanj-Kozjaca. glagolom manitati/ludovati i imenicom manitanje, a proizlaze iz vilinske meteorne sim-bolike ukanja, manitanja,zavijanja, urlikanja, kricanja i na taj su nacin vile personificirale atmosferske pojave u pecini i oko nje. Vila Sudenica koja prede kudilju i nosi vodu na glavi (Ružic 1929:149–152; Trošelj2017:28–36) preko uža od An(i)ca Kukado Man(i) te Peci, prežitak je dijadne boginje Mokoši, celestijalne (na Vidakovom Kuku) i htonske (u Man(i)toj Peci i An(i)ca Luci)koja u odredenim godišnjim ciklusima donosi radanje i smrt. Pecine su kao i jame vrata u podzemni/htonski svijet i neodvojiv su dio vilinskog svijeta i njihovog telurnog simbolizma koji ih veže uz Majku Zemlju (Kipre 2014: 83). „Sasu vile u Anca Kuku zakantane.“12 Vilinski Sto(l) Megalitna stijena Vilinski Sto(l) motivirana je predajama o vilama i asocira na “pravi“ stol kojeg se povezivalo s vilinskim djelovanjem. Smješten je u Borovniku (Cipalište, Pod Planon) “okružen“JukicaVrilon s južne strane, Pecinom Kneževica od zapada, Pecinom Mokracom od istoka i Babinim Kukom i Babinim Docem sa sjeveroistoka. Vilinski Sto(l) kameni je megalit dug desetak, širok oko šest i visok pet metara. Na njemu se nalazi prirodna kamenica iz koje se sliva voda za kišnih dana. Element vode u kozmogonijskim mitskim predodžbama vezan je uz simboliku plodnosti. Stol je prirodno “modeliran,“ „istesane i izglacanepovršine, rekab da gaj kakav pravi majstor urediva.“13 Buduci da su vile u obrednim i drugim predajama graditeljice, stol bi bio sastavni dio vilinske ikonografije u krajobrazu južnog Velebita. „Otprije se govorlo da su ga vile tako lipo uredle, jer su živle u pecini pod Babnin Kukon nad Borovnikon.“14 One su se okupljale oko stola u prostoru šumovitog predjela znakovitog imena Borovnik. Bor je u Nacionalnom parku Paklenica arbor mundi, a za­padno od njegove granice, prema usmenoj predaji, tu bi simboliku imao javor, o kojem ce se govoriti u okviru Kamenih Baba. Vilinski Sto(l) u kontekstu pretkršcanske starine upucuje na mitsko zbivanje, svetu svadbu, što se može išcitati iz stihova podgorske obredne pjesme: „Što ti placeš sestrice/ Vec pogledaj pod oblake/ podoblakon zlatan sto/ za njin sidi dragi tvoj.“15 Vilinski kameni stol u mitu je zlatan, jer se nalazi pod oblakom na suhoj/zlatnoj grani na vrhu stabla svijeta u Perunovom gradu/dvoru. On je dakle i Mokošin stol pa je bijela vila borovnickog stola degradirana preoblika pradavne božice, koja svetom svadbom pokrece plodnost i rodnost prirode (vidi više o vilinskoj mitskoj simbolicizlata:stol, vrata, jabuka, grana, svjetlosnekuglastemunje, Katicic2014;Kipre 2014: 35–36, 101). 12 Kazivac: Marcela Paric. 13 Kazivac: Roko Paric (1947), Paklenica. 14 Kazivac: Marcela Paric. 15 Kazivac: Grg(i)ca Marasovic (1913–2003), zabilježio Dušan Petricevic, 1997. Slika 5: Dušice ispod Svetog Brda s vrtacama iz kojih nocu izbijaju svjetlosni plamicci (foto: Arhiv Nacionalnog parka Paklenica). Duš(i)ce Duš(i)ce suprostrano pasište ispunjeno vrtacama na jugoistocnojstraniispodSvetog Brda. U puckoj etimologiji ime je motivirano djecjim dušama/dušicama. Premda su de­minutivni oblici netipicni u govoru južnog Podgorja, a karakteristicniji su augmentativi (kucetina, materesina,vricetina,babetina,štracetina itd.), stoga bi deminutivni toponim u poveznici sa Svetim Brdom imao simbolicko znacenje. Kasu Turci Udbinjani odvodl kotarsku dicu u Liku, matere su i’ u ljutoj žalosti pratle do Dušca i žalile, ajme naše dušce, vrate nan naše dušce. Otog žaljenja jadni matera Dušce su dobile ime.16 Poslen kada više nije bilo Turaka, licki su lugari oblazl seno na Dušcan. Užal su zimi vidat prtinu bosi dicji stopica od Svetog Brda na Dušce pa su zakljucl da su to dušce dice koju su davno odvel Turci i sa’se njijove duše vracaju istin puton priko Dušca. E otog ti se Dušce tako zovu.17 Ime pasišta Duš(i)ce dolazi dakle od male, nedužne i bezgrješne djecje duše pa se to mjesto može smatrati posvecenim. Kada Gromovnik Perun u alopersonaži Sv. Ilija 16 Kazivac: Marjan Kneževic (1955), Modric. 17 Kazivac: Jakov Kneževic (1926–2016), Modric. grmi i munje sijevaju na Svetom Brdu, tada na Duš(i)cama nocu svitlucaju duše, koje vile prenose u onostrani svijet. Tako se navedeni toponimi potpuno uklapaju u vilinsku topografiju. “Izbrojnih vrtaca na Dušicama izbijaju sitni kuglasti plamicci, a to su duše koje ce se s vilama vinuti u nebeska prostranstva“ (Rukavina 1989: 136). Izjednacava­nje dušica/duša i vila na Duš(i)cama u vidu svjetlosnih plamicaka, pojava je poznata i u zapadnoj Europi i širem geografskom prostoru, zabilježena pod imenom ignis fatuus (Hrobat 2010: 74, prema Mencej 2006a: 210). Vilinska/Vilenska Vrata „U kontekstu puckih vjerovanja o vilama potpuno se uklapa i toponim Vilinska Vrata. On je toponomasticki element vilinske topografije na južnom Velebitu“ (Katicic 2014: 82; 2010: 85–122, 217; usp. Kipre 2014: 241).Ubikacija toponima nije do danas precizno odredena. Licani ih smještaju izmedu Alana i Svetog Brda, a Podgorci izmedu Svetog Brda, Babinog Brda i Vilovskih Kukova. Na jednom zemljovidu Nacionalnog parka Paklenice iz 2014, upisan je Vilovski Kuk i Babino Brdo, ali bez Vilinskih/Vilenskih Vrata pa njihova ubikacija ostaje otvoreno pitanje, premda su neki Podgorci izjavljivali da su prolazili kroz njih na putu iz Like u Podgorje. To su prirodno prava vrata odistok Svetog Brda, al sasu siguro zaresla pa se više ne pozna di bi mogla bit. Kad vile idu na zborovanje prolaze kroz Vilinska Vrata, na Dušcan se sastaju, a na Vilenon Kuku igraju kolo.18 To su vrata Vilinoga grada, koji je vila/božica Mokoš gradila na suhoj grani na vrhu stabla svijeta. Sasvim je moguce da je taj vrh stabla, znakovitog imena, Sveto Brdo s VilinskimVratimanaistocnojstrani, no zaovu hipotezu potrebnasu terenskaistraživanja lokaliteta Vilinskih Vrata, ali nema sumnje da je u mitskom kontekstu Sveto Brdo arbor mundi Perunov (Gromovnikov) i Mokošingrad/dvor(Katicic 2014: 84–85; vidi drugi vid interpretacije Svetog Brda: Rukavina 1989: 18–138). Ona je bijela vila u bijeloj haljini, gazdarica na vratima dvora. „Grad gradila bijela vila ni na nebu ni na zemlji, neg’ na grani od oblaka.“ To nam govori da su vile mnoštvena i degradirana bica pradavnog lika boginje Mokoš, na vrhu stabla svijeta. Ona je u dvoru dijadna: Sunce i Sudenica s atributima gornje, ognjene (u interpretatio christiana Ognjena Marija), suhe Perunove i donje Velesove vlažne i mokre povezane s nizom hidronima kao što su Mocila, Mokra-ca, Potok Paklenica, Manita Pec i Jama Vodarica. Na vratima vilinskog dvora odvija se mitsko zbivanje – sveta svadba, kao kod Vilinskog Stola: pod oblakon zlatan stol. Suho zlato-zlatan stol metafora je suhe grane na vrhu stabla svijeta. Ovaj motiv najsvetiji je dio praslavenskog mita, jer donosi plodnost i rodnost (Katicic 2014). Vilinska Vrata su vrata grada od suhoga zlata – suha grana na vrhu drveta svijeta – sjedištu boga Gromovnika (Sveto Brdo – Svevid, božansko sjedište, gleda na sve cetiri strane svijeta). 18 Kazivac: Dane Roncevic (1928–2011), Rovanjska. Narod je virova da se za ljutog nevrimena kadgrmi i siva na Sveton Brdu bore božje i paklene sile paj’ zato Sveto Brdo sveto.19 Boj božjih i paklenih sila na Svetom Brdu upucuje na božanski boj Peruna i Velesa. Izaziva ga Veles zaprijecnik koji uskracuje: vodu, plodnost i blagostanje. Gromovnik ga tuce na izvoru ispod kamena u podnožju stabla svijeta. Veles pred njim bježi pod stablo, u vodu/more, u podzemni svijet u kojem je gospodar. Veles je i udjelitelj, daje kao što i uskaracuje(Katicic 2008: 171; Kipre 2014: 36). Tomo Vinšcak je krajem 20. i pocetkom 21. stoljeca tijekom samostalnih istraživanja južnog Velebita i kasnije kao voditelj projekta Sakralnainterpretacijakrajobraza, uocio poveznicu triju spomenutih toponima:Vilinska Vrata, Sveto Brdo, Dušice u kontekstu staroslavenske sakralne strukture u krajobrazu (Vinšcak 2010: 13–14). Tulove Grede/Tule/Prag i Kraljicina Vrata Tulove Grede prve su u nizu toponima lociranih na razmedu južnog i jugoistocnog Velebita uz Majstorsku alansku cestu Bravar – Sv. Rok. Toponim je motiviran svojom neobicnom geomorfologijom. Tule su nalik tulcu/svitku ili okomito položenim gredama/ obeliscima. U lokalnoj semantici tulo je izraz za vrteno/vreteno pa bi tule bile vretenaste grede, i drugo, tulo je drveni tulac o pojasu kosca u kojem drži brus za kosu. U puckom imaginariju izazivale su fantasticne predodžbe o bicima s nadnaravnim mocima koja borave u Tulama. Ondje su u istom prostoru obitavale nevidljive vile zakantane/zatocene u pecinama medu stijenama (najveca je s istocne strane). Zmajevi su se legli u jamama Tula u blizini izvora, a štrige/vještice sastajale su se na vrhovima kukova. Sva tri demona imala su moc prvanja/letenja. Magicna sposobnost letenja definira ih kao zracna bica. Za moc psihonavigacije vještica, tražilo se znanje odredene magijske formule: Ni o kamen, ni o drvo, vec o Tulo. Tko je formulu krivo izgovorio, stradao je. Aeromorfna kategorija magicne transformacije u kojoj se i vila (mlada boginja) i vještica (ostarjela boginja) na Tulama izjednacuju s elementom zraka, oblaka, vjetra i oluje imaju meteorološke ka­rakteristike. Isto se odnosi i na zmajeve koji ispuštaju plamene vjetrove. Unutar kružne formacije nalazi se duboki izvor i zmije zatocnice. Zmaj/zmija Perunov je protivnik na dnu Tula, muški princip boga Velesa koji obitava u onostranom/podzemlje i zmija Velesov ženski princip Vela – božica Mokoš kada je s njim u podzemlju (zimski ciklus). Zakantani/ zatoceniizacaranidemoniTulapovezanisu sazrakomu psihonavigaciji– putovanju duše u astralni svijet. Liminalnost puta odreduje utrojeni karakter degradirane božice: mlada/ vila/Mara, majka Mokoš i starica/vještica Baba (Morana/Jaga), ovisi o tome izražava li solarni ili htonski karakter. „Što je narod vjerovao o velebnim i misticnim Tulama govori kletva: Dabogda skonca u Tulovin Gredan“ (Hirc 1926: 144–145). Prag, Podprag i Kraljicina Vrata liminalni su toposi izmedu dvaju svjetova u obredu prijelaza, antropomorfnom ili psihonavigacijskom. Motivirani su i s predajama o vilama. Zapadno od Kraljicinih Vrata blizu Ripišta “videne“ su vile. 19 Kazivac: Dane Roncevic. Sama ja uvece, ugnala blago u tor, a blago se uskomešalo – mislin glad-noj, dan mu ist, a uno nece. Izaden prikucu – a uno sve ništo cudno – ja pogleda na brdo, kad uno – niko zujanje, kaj da ništo prše, leti na brdo. Kad uno sastale se vile – i plešu. Ja pobignen u kucu od pustog strava.20 Ovom vilinskompricom u “osobnom doživljaju“ kazivacice izražena je aeromorfna kategorija u kojoj su vile izjednacene s elementom zraka i vjetra: zuj, vijorina, prvanje. Vjetar tako postaje antropomorfan. Vile, zmajevi/zmije i vještice su personifikacija vegetacijskog ciklusa u kozmološkoj strukturi krajobraza, psihonavigacijom povezane s onostranim i ovostarnim svijetom (Kipre 2014: 54, 57–59). Vileni/Vilenski Kukovi Oronim se nalazi na jugoistocnom Velebitu iznad jame Mamet. Ko se nadnese nad njon smami ga i upane u nju i nema mu spasa. Zato se tako zove jer mami i namami une koji su znatiželjni. Stari su govorl da u njoj ima svake zvijeri.21 Vileni Kukovi motivirani su predajom o vjerovanju u vile. Geomorfološki ih tvore u polukružnoj formaciji SandaljKuk, Slatki Vr, Vrata na Panogi i Pec(i)ca (Milankovi stanovi) iznad Ražovog Kuka. Kukovi okružuju livadu Mala Dul(i)ba. Vec je istaknuto kako tvore mitskivilinskitrokut s Vilinskim vratima iDuš(i)cama. Vile nocu igraju kolo na njegovim zaravnima. Medutim, simbolicniju poveznicu imaju s Duš(i)cama na kojima, kako je vec receno, „nocu iskacu svitlosni plamicci, vatrice, svitlece iskrice.“ Isto se dogadalo i u Vilenim Kukovima. Od1996. godine provodila sam vikende i praznike s djecom u Maloj Dulibi Vilenskih Kukova u jednom stocarskom stanu. U veljaci 1998. u predve-cerje, djeca, Veljko i ja šetali smo Dulibicom u smjeru zapada. Vrijeme je bilo ugodno. Stotinjak metara od stana zastali smo i okrenuli se istocno u smjeru stana. Mrak je, nebo se jedva naziralo, kad odjednom opazismo kod stana svjetlo – svjetlosne kugle velicine manje lopte, kako kruže oko tora kraj stana, brzinski nepravilno lete u krugu, ali se nisu sudarale u kruže­nju. Odjednom su se kugle spojile u jednu, širile i gubile intenzitet svjetla i postajale sivkaste. Na kraju ‘igre, pretvorile’ su se u neki antropomorfni lik (vilu?) i posve nestale. Trajalo je to desetak minuta. Nažalost nisam ponijela mobitel da snimim tu misticnu pojavu.22 20 Kazivac: Ika Nekic (1911–1992), Podprag, zapisala Senka Župan, 1977, Price s Velebita, 1999, Zadarska smotra, br. 4–6, Zadar, 345. 21 Kazivac: M. V. K., Golubic (želio je ostati anoniman). 22 Kazivanje svjedocanstva Lepe, Slavena i Srdana Petri i Veljka Karica, 2018, Zadar. Slika 6: Vileni Kukovi, jugoistocni Velebit (snimila: Lepa Petri). Vjerojatno su ovu pojavu i drugdje na prostoru Velebita zapazili i srednjovjekovni stocari i kao takvu pripisali je “božanskom cudu“ i opjevali u obrednim pjesmama koje Katicic filološkom metodom tumaci gromovitim munjama mitskih božanstava starosla­venskog panteona.23 Katiciceva interpretacija obrednih mitema podudara se siskustvenim doživljajem obitelji Petri i Karic. „/…/ Što su vrata suhog zlata, /na ta vila sjedi sama./ Vila gleda u oblake/desemunja s gromom igra,/ Munja gromanadigrala/dvjema-trima jabukama“ (Katicic 2014: 84). Tu se kazuje mitsko zbivanje – sveta svadba na zlatnim vratima vilinskoga grada, na suhom vrhu stabla svijeta gdje je Gromovnikovo i Vilino/ Mokošino mjesto. Vila/božica utrojena sjedi na Vilinskim Vratima i gleda kako se pred njom igra munja s gromom. To se Perunova kci Mara/Morana igra sa zlatnim jabukama/ svjetlosnim kuglama. One pokazuju njezinu dvojnu prirodu: plodonosnu i opasnu, ra­zornu. Ona ih daje Jarilu/Juri i on ih zakotrlja niz polje, luke/livade i dulibe i tim cinom potice ciklus plodnosti i rodnosti. Zlatne jabuke gromovite ujedno su kuglaste munje, razorne i ubojite, kojima Gromovnikova kci Vila/Mara ubija prevrtljivog Juru i to je kraj plodnog ciklusa. Svjetlosne kugle u Maloj Dul(i)bi Vilenskih Kukova igraju se kao munja s gromom pri cemu na kraju igre antropomorifizirajuVilin/Božicin/Marin lik kao 23 Zahvaljujem se Anti Radonicu i Tihomiru Marjancu na prirodoslovnom tumacenju navedene ‘’misticne’’ pojave. Radonic istice da su kuglaste munje, nedovoljno istražene u znanosti, a pojavljuju se nakon grmlja­vinskog nevremena,premda je noc u Dul(i)bici bila mirna i tiha, a Marjanac navodi da bi mogao biti u pitanju plin radon koji zraci i povremeno se svjetlosno manifestira u prirodi nakon olujnog nevremena. sliku kozmogonijske mitske predodžbe, kada ce Mara i sama umrijeti metamorfozom u Moranu/Materesinu, božicu smrti i zime (Belaj 1998: 322–324, 349–351; Hrobat 2010: 213, 226). Tako pojava videnih kuglastih munja u Dul(i)bici ispod Vilenih Kukova, pre-ma Katicicu, može se staviti u kontekst pretkršcanske sakralne interpretacije velebitskog krajobraza. U prilog ovoj hipotezi idu i druga saznanja s podrucja jugoistocnog Velebita kada sam narativ Lepe Petri prepricala nekolicini tamošnjih kazivaca. E totje vilinsko kolo. Toj men moja baba kaživala da su otprije cobani uvece prelili prid stanovin i opazli bi pod kukovin nad Dulbon niko svitlo kako se vrti, a to da vile igraju kolo i za niko vrime svitlo nestane. Une se utvaraju, sasu vake, sasu nake. Sutradan su cobani vidli na livodici njijove stope kaj kozje papke. Nas su stariji strašl da ne idemo u Vilene Kukove, jer da ce se vile dignit i nasmetat nan. Ja se nisan boja pa i’ nisan vidija24 BAPSKA TOPONIMIJA Kultnikameni monoliti i toponimi Babe oznacavaju tragove pretkršcanskog sakralnog krajobraza južnog Velebita. U mitologiji slavenskih naroda Baba je ženski demon, koji personificira božanstvo plodnosti, kultnu boginju Majku Zemlju. U toponimiji Velebita relikt je tih pretkršcanskih vjerovanja. U kontekstu puckih vjerovanja, toponimi Babe nositelji su meteorološko-temporalne simbolike, personifikacija su vjetrenog, mracnog, kišnog isnježnog, aliisuhog, ognjenog. Istraživanjasu pokazaladajeu Babipo kojojsu imenovani amorfni kameni monoliti, kukovi, vrhovi, jezera, pecine, doci, brda, moguce prepoznati arhaicni ženski lik Majke Zemlje. S jedne strane oznacava ostarjelu boginju, mracnu, htonsku, vezanu uz atmosferske pojave, a s druge za plodnost i rodnost, buduci da je vezana uz element vode (potok, jezero, lokvu, bunar), vlage i padalina (kiša, snijeg) i uz obradive površine zemlje.25 Njezin meteorološki aspekt takoder je vezan uz pojam Babin kut (strana na zapadnom obzoru), a to znaci onaj dio planinskog krajobraza odakle dolazi nevrijeme (oluja, kiša, bura, snijeg, led). Tom nazivu temeljna je predodžba da je Baba personifikacija zime, leda,mraka, smrti. Baba se smrzla – vrhovi planine posuti snijegom. Poput vila, Baba je ambivalentno bice: s jedne strane simbolizira plodnost i rodnost i povezuje tri osnovna elementa prirode: vodu, zemlju i sunce, a s druge njezin degradirani lik povezuje se sa starim ružnim, demoniziranim Babama (Jaga/Roga, štri-ga/vještica i Morana/Baba Zima). Ona je gospodarica svih sila prirode makrokozmosa i mikrokozmosa (Hrobat 2010: 185–186, 196, 198, 207, 226). Starohrvatska toponimija oslanja se na pretkršcansku religiju pa demonizirano božanstvo Baba simbolizira pozi­tivan i negativan aspekt kozmickog poretka. Stoga su bapski toponimi Velebita prema 24 Kazivaci: Marija-MaruškaMaricic, Ika Milanko, Zaton Obrovacki, Spasenije-Pajina Cavlin, Muškovci, 2018. 25 Frazemi koji upucuju na Babin kult: Pijan kaj Majka Zemlja – natopljen alkoholom kao zemlja vlagom, Nije ga takog rodla Majka Zemlja – svestran, sposoban u plodnom stvaranju i sticanju. Otvor se Zemljo Maj-ko – propadanje u podzemlje, zbog ružnih zbivanja na zemlji. Želi se naglasiti koliko se sramimo tude i svoje gluposti da bismo najradije propali u zemlju (kazivac: Matija Jovic, V. Ledenik). Slika 7: Baba Arcabuša na arcabuškom dolcu kraj stoljetnog javora visoke razgranate krošnje i širokog debla. Babu su u novije vrijeme s bocnih strana obgrlila mlada stabla javora (snimila: Mirjana Trošelj). predaji sveta mjesta. U korizmenimobicajimau sjevernomPodgorju na pokladnicetvrtak svetkovala se smrt Morane/BabeZime. Baba se pilila na dvoje ito je bio krajrasjecene ili prepukle zime. Simbolicko piljenje vršilo se na slamnatoj lutki koju se bacalo/utapalo u more.Timobredomzapocinjenovigodišnjiciklus, vrijemeplodnostiirodnosti„Moranu odvedosmo, Vesnu dovedosmo“ (Krajac 1931: 311). Baba Arcabuša26 BabaArcabušajekameni amorfni megalit, ‘“leži“ nadocu ispred Matackih kuca na Arcabuši. Ovakvi kameni monoliti Babe u velebitskom krajobrazu odraz su simbolic­kih predodžbi u tradicijskim vjerovanjima Podgoraca, a personificiraju žensko božan­stvo-demona plodnosti. Posrednici su izmedu makrokozmosa i mikrokozmosa. Tragovi tog pretkršcanskog kulta održalisu se do 20. stoljeca. Kako im je funkcija bila osigurati plodnost i rodnost, s tog aspekta smatrani su svetim kamenima, koje je zajednica štovala na osobit nacin. Prvim ljetnim dolaskom s blagom na ispašu, žene i djeca ljubili su Babu, 26 Istoimeni ojkonim upisan je umetateziRacabuša na svim planinarskim zemljovidima južnogVelebita. Izvorni govornici Mataci svoju stojbinu od starine nazivaju Arcabuša i na tome inzistiraju (Ivan Matak, 1947, Ljubotic). darivale je plodinama: žito, janje, med, runo vune i prinosile joj žrtvu ljevanicu i palje­nicu: maslinovo ulje i svijecu. Cilj ove obredne prakse bio je udobrovoljiti Babu da im osigura opce blagostanje, plodnost i rodnost blaga i zemlje, zdravlje zajednice i zdravlje blaga da bi bilo zdravo i muzno. Babu su u epiklezi ljubili i darivali i neplodni bracni parovi da im donese željenu srecu (Vince-Pallua 2004: 29–30; Trošelj 2011a: 352–353). U drugoj polovini 20. stoljeca ljubljenje kamene Babe prenijelo se na živu babu prvim dolaskom na ljetnu ispašu i na blagdan Velike Gospe. To su obvezno morala ciniti djeca, radi svoje dobrobiti. Djeci nepoznata baba, stajala je na vratima stana da je poljubeu prisustvo odraslih (Trošelj 2011a: 352–353). Kamen se skotrlja u niko davno vrime od Bobickog Kuka. Kotrlja se oko pesto metara niz kosu i zaustavija, na pocetku doca Arcabuše, baš prid našin kucan, kraj javora starog oko pesto godina. Stari su govorl da nan se spuštala stara vila/baba koja više ne more prvat. I tuj bija izvor, al bi prisušija. Kad pada kiša cidi se voda niz Kamen pa se vatala u ciglje za blago. Undaj moj did Nikola u 19. stolcu na vr Kamena isklesa duboku kamencu, promjera 80x100 cm. I otad se voda sliva niz njega u catrnju (bunaric) koju je napravija moj caca 1957., cikon uzanj s gornje strane.27 Kamene Babe su, kako je vec receno, povezane svodom, vlagom i obrednim praksama darivanja plodinama, ljubljenjem i zagovorom za dobar urod, zdravlje blaga i zajednice. Vjerovalo se da pridonose plodnosti i rodnosti zemlje (Kipre 2014: 83). Lokalizacija kamenih Baba uz vodu (izvor, bunar, potok), polje i javor, upucuje na pucke predodžbe o njezinoj telurnoj i htonskoj simbolici. Takva ikonografija sacuvala je simbolicku sliku spolnosti vlage/vode iz koje se rada novi život (Kipre 2014: 85). Štovanje ženskih kultnih kamena na Velebitu pretkršcanski je supstrat koji se održao do sredine 20. st.28 Kamene Babe Malog i Velikog Rujna Kamene Babe 2 i 3 na M. Rujnu u kontekstu tradicijskih vjerovanja bile su u funkciji do sredine 20. stoljeca, duže od Babe Arcabuše, jer su se mladi naseljenici Arcabuše Mataci premjestili s blagom na druge lokacije. O Babi 2 opisane su u literaturi tijekom 20. st. tradicijske obredne prakse u simbolicnoj predodžbi kamena cija je funkcija bila osigurati plodnost i zdravlje blaga i stocara u planini (Gušic 1973; Markovic 1980; Gla­vicic 1981–1982; Rukavina 1989; Trošelj 2011a: 352–353, 364; O Babi 3 Hrobat 2010: 198–204; O Babi 3 Pleterski 2009: 27–46). Kamen je sletija od Kuka Vilina pod Prodanove Njive, al niko ne panti kadaj to bilo (misli se na Babu 2), al više se štovala minirana Baba 1 kojaj 27 Kazivac: Bože Matak. 28 Kamene Babe imaju svoj odraz u podgorskoj frazeologiji: Ukipla se kaj Kamena Baba, Skamenla se kaj Baba Manda, Ne mice se otlen kaj Kamena Baba od Sirotkuše. Slika 8: Malorujanska Baba 2 izmedu Gradine, polja Sirotkuše i Prodanove njive (snimio: Andrej Pleterski). Slika 9: Malorujanska Baba 3 ‘’sjedi’’ u podnožju Rujanske Kose, ‘’gleda’’ na malorujansko pasište, koje je bilo do sredine 20. stoljeca vecim dijelom obradivo polje (snimio: Andrej Pleterski). bila uz Lazica Bunar kraj velkog javora, a miniranaj iza Drugog rata, radi obzidivanja ogreda di se kopalo da neb ulazlo blago. I ova minirana sletlaj ozgo s Kuka.29 Javor uz Babe na ovom prostoru nesumnjivo je simbolizirao stablo svijeta, kao bor u Paklenici, a kazivaci mu ponosno isticu starost, visinu, široko deblo i razgranatu kroš­nju, osobito javor Babe Arcabuše, malorujanske minirane Babe 1 i velikorujanske pod Rujanskom Kosom na istocnoj strani. Kraj njih je voda: bunari, izvori i jaruge niz koje se slivala voda s brine/brijega i Kose. Na granama javora Arcabuškog vješali su žitelji janjece i ovcje runo nakon žrtvovanja na Jurjevo, Ivanje (Ivan Svitnjak) i Veliku Gospu. Prema navodimakazivaca dva su razloga zašto su to cinili, prvi je posve praktican: da se runo osuši za izradu mješine za spremanje sira i drugi u simbolicnoj ideji, da se vidi njihov doprinos štovanju spomenutih blagdana. Na upit zašto baš na javoru, odgovarali su zato što je njima sveto drvo. Usmena predaja o velikorujanskoj Babi pod Kosom rujanskom: Na Babi pod Koson vidija sesnopic uklesanog žita, a niki vele daj to okame­njeno žito. Štoj daj, ne moš dokaživat, jer Babeviše nema, al pantin kasan cobanija kaj klapac oko nje da san vidija na njoj žito kaj uklesano cekicen i dliton.Mi smo pod njon imal stanove.Nijet bila daleko od Bunara Jovica i Jaruge niz koju se slivala voda ozgo s Kose.Mojaj baba znala na prolce na nju stavt cup vune, daj to za zdravlje blaga. Bicej niko Kamen razbija olodnija, jer nije bija velk kaj unina Malon Rujnu, a javor seosušija. Pod njin je bilo kolalište i pivalo se. Stariji su otprvo divanl da Kamena Baba nije od ovog naroda daj to uklesa narod kojij tu prije živija, niki Liburci, Grci, štot ja znan.30 U terenskim istraživanjima 2016, velikorujanske Babe nije bilo in situ. Bo(j)inac/Bojin Kuk i Jagin/Rogin Kuk Bo(j)inac je geomorfološki slican Vidakovom Kuku i Vilenim Kukovima. Okružen je nizom kukova od kojih su posebno zanimljivi najviši Bojin pod kojim se nalazi pecina za zatvaranje blaga i Jagin u Velikom Docu okruženom Bo(j)inackim Kukovima. Topnim je motiviran antroponimom o nikoj cobanci Boji. Bojaj na kuku napasala blago u srid lita. Odednon iz vedra neba pocelo grmt i sivat. Nenadano grdno puce grom i ubi/prisice Boju i po njoj kuk dobi ime Bojin Kuk.31 29 Kazivac: Ilija Prodan. 30 Kazivac: Jerolim-Role Petricevic (1924–2019), M. Ledenik. 31 Kazivac: Pera-Perina Jovic. Nacionalnog parka Paklenica). Božanskibojobjašnjavagodišnjecikluse. PokrecegamunjamaigromovimaGromov­nik Perun u alopersonaži Sveti Ilija, da bi oslobodio vode koje je zatvorio Veles/Vela u hipostazi Boja. U sukobu na Bo(j)incu Perunov suparnik Veles predstavljen je ženskom inacicom Velom/Bojom. Udarom groma kao dijela kozmicke strukture, uspostavlja se suodnos izmedu kozmogonijskog mita o Perunovom sukobu sa zaprjecnikom/zaprjecnicom voda zmajem/zmijom. On oslobada vode od Velesovih zoomorfnih supstituta na kraju vegetacijskog ciklusa, kada božanski par Mara i Jure postaju stari. Pastirica Boja supstitut Vele ulaskom u neplodan ciklus ubija Juru i na kraju kao Morana, vladar zime umire do uskrsnuca u novom ciklusu plodnosti (Kipre 2014: 94; Hrobat 2010: 217). Na dan Gro­movnika Ilije (bilo po Gregorijanskom, bilo po Julijanskom kalendaru) dogadalo se da Gromovnik pomete/smrzne/prisice pojedince oko rujanskog prostora i to na liminalnim toposima kao što su Ribnicka Vrata, Vrata na Križu pod Aptovackom Kosom, Jelovacka Vrata, Prag i Kraljicina Vrata. Ako netko kosi na dan Gromovnika Ilije u Lici govorilo se: „Prisvitl, prisvitl Sveti Ilija i nama pukne grom i ubije covka i njegovekonje.“32 Perun, u predaji Sv. Ilija, gromom bije zmiju/zmaja i pri tom ubije covjeka i konje (Hrobat 2010: 215). U simbolici Bo(j)inca kljucan je i njegov meteorološko-temporalni karakter. Po njemu su Podgorci predvidali vrijeme, osobito oni koji su ribarili. 32 Kazivac: Jerolim-Role Petricevic. Bilaj kapa ol brv nad Bo(j)incon – bura ce. Bo(j)inac svitli – bura ce. Cara nad Bo(j)incon – lipo ce vrime. Bo(j)inac kuva – velko ce nevrime s buron, škropcon i snigon. Kija od Bo(j)inca. Kad zabili Bo(j)inac, ne izlaz iskuce.33 Kad snig pada, najprije ga vidiš na Bo(j)incu.34 Meteorološku ulogu u frazeologiji Podgoraca dobila je i Velika Gospa Rujanska, proceljemorijentirana prema Bojincu, buduci da njezinim danom završava plodnii zapocinje neplodni ciklus godine. Pope, mol se ti za kišu do Gospe, a ja cu sam od Gospe ol Molte se svi vi za kišu do Gospe, a ja cu sam od Gospe.35 U Bo(j)inackom VelikomDocu lociran je Jagin Kuk, neobicne morfologije koja neupucenima izaziva lascivne konotacije. Zapravo su dvije Jage: veca ozapad, a manja najerena odistok. U mitskoj simbolici kljucna je najerena/falusoidna Jaga. Nepoznato je tko jei kada imenovao Kuk timimenom, buduci dato žensko imenepostojiu antropono­mastici Podgorja, premda ima istu simboliku kao Baba Roga kojom se plašilo neposlušnu djecu: Odnicete Baba Roga. Baba Jaga je mitski lik iz ruskih usmenih predaja i bajki, a kako je došao kao antroponim do Velebita, ostat ce otvoreno pitanje. Jaga je drevna boginja, antropomorfno demonsko bice u kontaktu s onostranim/htonskim, degradirana, groteskna (najerena) starica, seksualno neprivlacna, ambivalentna, zbacena sasvoga trona i pretvorena u rugobu koja vlada prirodnim silama. „Oznacujejo falicni atributi in je s svojimi grotesknimi znacilnostmi objekt negativnih emocij“(Hrobat 2010: 223). U interpretaciji ce biti povezana s Moranom, buduci da su oba lika istovjetna u mitskoj predodžbi o degradiranim boginjamau južnom Podgorju. Bilaj davno nika cobanca Jaga, paslajblago i zatrudnila s nikin Turcinon i ubla se, a bogovisu njezinu dušu zakantali u Jagin Kuk i kad se un sruši, Jagina ce duša bit spašena.36 Dušaj okamenjena u najerenoj Jagi, ženska duša, i kad kuk pane, unda ce duša izac i spasit se.37 Pripovidal su da se taj kuk zove po nikon Turcinu Jagi, jer da je un tu ima stojbinu i da su ga našli ajduci i ubil i po njen da se kuk tako zove.38 Smatra se da je Baba Jaga gospodarica svijeta mrtvih (samoubojstvo pastirice i ubojstvo Turcina), boginja inicijacije i posrednica izmedu dvaju svjetova (Pleterski 2014:104). 33 Kazivac: Krešo Trošelj (1923–2009), Punta-Selo; Josip- Jole- Joce Smokrovic (1930–2011), Selo 34 Kazivac: B. J. (1939), Seline (željela je ostati anonimna). 35 Kazivac: Ante Marasovic, Brko (1913–1998), Marasovici, Starigrad-Paklenica. 36 Kazivac: Duje Bušljeta (1964), Uramovac, Starigrad-Paklenica. 37 Kazivac: Božica Bušljeta (1930), Uramovac, Starigrad-Paklenica. 38 Kazivac: Jerolim-Role Petricevic. Motiv okamenjivanja kažnjenih žena zbog pocinjenog grijeha cest je u puckim predodž­bama (Baba Marta/marac i njezini janjci u vrijeme zajmenika, cobanica Manda u Velikoj Paklenici, Manda Petricuša na Križu prema Aptovackoj Kosi, svatovi u Svatovskoj Dragi u srednjem Podgorju).39 Narativ opisuje kako je Turcin obljubio pastiricu koja osramocena i ostavljena na kraju pocini samoubojstvo, a njezina duša okamenjena u Kuku bit ce spašena tek kad se Kuk sruši. Demonske sile su pastiricu okamenile zbog pocinjenog grijeha i ona ceka nekoga da bude oslobodena, da joj oslobodi dušu. U tradicijskoj predodžbi kad se duša oslobodi ukletosti grešnog tereta, nakon pada Kuka, preci ce u božanske nebeske sfere, u vjecnost (Trošelj 2011: 104). Privremena ili trajna vezanost duše za kamen predstavlja stanje izmedu života i smrti koje kažnjeno bice ne može promijeniti. Spas okamenjenoj može donijeti samo onaj tko nijeu vlasti demonskih sila. S druge pak strane u mitskom kontekstu spolni cin pastirice i Turcina simbolizira ideju mitskog sukoba muškog i žen­skog principa na kraju vegetacijskog ciklusa. Rušenjem Kuka Jaga ce uskrsnuti u novom vegetacijskom ciklusu da bi se pokrenula plodnost i rodnost rujanskog podrucja. U drugoj verziji narativa ubijeni Turcin Jago alopersonaža je ostarjelog boga/božice ubijenog i naziva najerena Jaga. U Kuku je okamenjena Jagina duša (foto: Arhiv Nacionalnog parka Paklenica). 39 Podgorci su rabili ovaj motiv u kletvama prema onome tko je nešto zgriješio: Okamenla se dabogda ili Okamenija se dabogda, Skamenla se kaj baba na kamenu. Motiv okamenjivanja kletvom i kaznom provlaci se od antickog mita (Nioba), a nalazimo ga i u književnosti (bajke) 19. i 20. st.. kastriranog na svom inicijacijskom putu iz ovostranog u onostrani svijet (Kipre 2014: 170, 265). Svako inicijacijsko putovanjeodredujesimbolizamprijelaza(ljeto-zima, život-smrt) i njegov pogibeljni karakter. Ostarjelog boga/boginju Jagina Kuka simbo­lizira morfologija najerenog falusoidnog oblika u smrti zimskog godišnjeg ciklusa. U obredu prijelaza kamen/kuk je axis mundi, posrednik izmedu ovostranog i onostranog svijeta za koji se vezuje duša. Veza duše i kamena najocitija je u kulturnom fenomenu mirila (Vinšcak 2010:11–14). Tako bi alopersonažni likovi pastirice i Turcina u puckim predodžbama mogli supstituirati mitska božanstava i mitska zbivanja u kultu plodnosti i rodnosti, smrti i ponovnom rodenju. Babin Vr(h) i Babino ili Vilinsko Jezero/Lokva Bapski toponimi motivirani pretkršcanskim religijskim supstratom u hodu kroz godinu, najbrojniji su unutar Nacionalnog parka Paklenica. Vjerojatno je to zato što su tu pla­ ninski vrhovi znatno viši nego drugdje na Velebitu pa ranije zapocne zima i zapadne snijeg. Baba Zima/Morana gospodarila je tim prostorom i ostavila trajan supstratni biljeg mitske simbolike u krajobrazu Parka. Krajac istice da su najviši vrhovi Velebita simboli kultnih božanstava praslavenskog panteona. Rasporedeni su u krajobrazu prema svetim trokutima (V. Belaj, J. Belaj 2014: 55–56). U puckim predodžbama Ba-bin Vr(h) personifikacija je zime, tame i smrti. Baba zima u neplodnom ciklusu mete sve pred sobom: mete snig, zameja je snig, kija snig. Osim meteorološkog karaktera ona izražava i onostrani, liminalni svijet: solarni/nebeski i htonski/podzemni. Babin Vr(h) u zimskom razdoblju slikovito docarava Ledenu Babu u “ležecem“ položaju s “glavom“ na sjeveru, a “nogama“ prema istoku. Po sredini je istaknut “debeli bapski trbuh.“ Oronim je u metaforickom smislu jedinstven primjer “ležece Ledene Babe“ na Velebitu. U meteorološkom smislu zimi Babin Vr(h) najjace kuva i kjia obavijen maglom i oblacima. Ledena Baba/Morana usmrcuje mikrokozmos u zimskom ciklusu, a krajem plodnog ciklusa kao mlada Mara usmrcuje Juru i postaje okrutna stara Morana koja simbolizira smrt i zimu (Belaj 1998: 321–324). Ispod Babinog Vr(h)a je Babino/Vilinsko Jezero, motivirano imenima nadnaravnih bica. Danas je to samo lokvas tendencijom ubrzanog presušivanja (Adžic 2016: 43). Razlog tomu je nestanak stocarstva na Velebitu i “vila u suživotu s njegovim stoca­rima.“ Zato se jezero zvalo još i Vilinsko, jer su, prema predaji, ‘’vile vodile brigu o njegovoj cistoci.’’ Voda mu je bila vajik cista, jer su ga vile obnoc cistile i igrale kolo oko njega. I cistile su galebu. U njen je voda bila vajik istog raza i nikad ne bi prisušla. A biloj okruglo iduboko, nema dna. Blago se nije subitalo spuštat nogan u jezero, samo tliko da se napije, a mogaj i covik pit tu vodu.40 Kazivac: Pera-Perina Jovic; Gaja Poljak (1930–2016), Tribanj-Šibuljina. jezero – Babin dolac), zbog ubrzanog presušivanja i nestajanja (foto: Arhiv Nacionalnog parka Paklenica). Babin Kuk i Babin Dolac Oba toposa imenovana su po kultnim Babama u supstratu pretkršcanskih vjerovanja o plodnosti i rodnost, i po prostornom razmještaju odgovaraju mitsko-simbolickoj strukturi krajobraza. Njima se pridružuje i treci, pecina Babinog Kuka zvana Tiha pec. Nejasna je semantika ovoga imena bez obzira na etimologiju, ali je bez sumnje poveznica s Babom u akvatickom i htonickom smislu.41 Interpretaciju otežava nedostatak predajnih izvora za oba toponima ali prema relevantnim pisanim izvorima, može se zakljuciti da Babin Kuk simbolizira Babin/Mokošin solarni/nebeski karakter kada je kod Peruna, a Babin Dolac telurni kada je kod Velesa, buduci da je Dolac ispod Babina Jezera, trokutna struktura je jasno naglašena:vrh, voda, dolac/livada (Kipre 2014: 16, 103; V. Belaj, J. Belaj: 2014: 55–56). U takvom nizu zadovoljavaju simboliku trojne mitske strukture krajobraza: Babin Kuk – Babin Dolac – Babino Jezero iobrnuto u orijentaciji od sjevera: Babin Vr(h) – Babino Jezero – Babin Dolac. Pod Babinin Kukon je pecina u njoj je živila bila Vila a zera niže nje je Vilinski Sto. Navr njeg je kamenca za vodu i navr se covk nije moga ispet bez visoki škala, a vile su prvale pa su mogle.42 Visibaba Topnim Visibaba metaforickog je postanja, a motiviran je istoimenim bijelim cvijetom simbolom kultne Babe Zime. Tri su takva toponima jedan na srednjem i dva na južnom Velebitu istovjetne bapske simbolike. Visibaba je pognuta, pogrbljena starica Baba i personificira zimu, a tako izgleda i bijeli cvijet koji se pojavljuje krajem zime, a bijela boja simbolicno ga vezuje uz ostatke snijega i zime, ali i novog godišnjeg ciklusa. Sva tri oronima metaforicki vise osobito kad su još uvijek pod snijegom kasne zime i kad se na njima pojavi cvijet kaže se: „Babi Visibabi je odvisilo,“ što znaci da dolazi kraj zime. ZAKLJUCNA RAZMATRANJA Nadnaravnaidegradiranabicavileibabeu tradicijskojkulturijužnihPodgoracaobilježile su toponimiju i topografiju prostora južnog i jugoistocnog Velebita. Bogata topografija osobito vilinskih staništanaVelebitu,vrijedan jeprilog kulturnojifantasticnojinterpreta­ciji krajobraza. U imenovanju geografskih objekata u odredenom povijesnom kontekstu, prema puckoj predaji, uocavajuse pretkršcanski elementi, osobito u štovanju kultnog kamena Babe kao supstrata Majke Zemlje. Velebit je zbog svoje osobite geomorfologije prostornih struktura mitska planina u kontinuitetu od indoeuropskih do ranosrednjovje­kovnih i starohrvatskih doseljenika. Elementi mitološkog sustava vjerovanja osobito su 41 Kazivaci nisu bili sigurni u ime, ali su isticali da su vile bile u pecini. 42 Kazivac: Roko Paric. prisutni u toponimiji vilinske i bapske topografije. Prema puckimpredajama i recentnim izvorima uspostavlja se kontekst pretkršcanske starine kada se u emanaciji i epifaniji do-gadala sakralizacija krajobraza južnog i jugoistocnog Velebita. Ti su prostori oznacavali svetost i predstavljali energetsku tocku božanske sile, mjesto gdje se neka svemirska sila koncentrira i grana, kao što su raskrižja,mirilišta, Sveto Brdo, Dušice, Mocila, izvori, pecine, crkvine i druga, pri cemusu stocari prema nekom objektu u krajobrazu odnosili kao prema svetosti. Za sustavnija istraživanja ove teme neophodan je interdisciplinarni pristup u prvom redu filološki, radi onomastickei etimološke analize predmetnog korpusa, a metodom komparacije i analogije proširiti geografski prostor istraživanja. Veliki doprinos inter-disciplinarnom pristupu istraživanja dao je Tomo Vinšcak kao voditelj projekta Sakralna geografija velebitskog krajobraza i šireg prostora od Istre do južne Dalmacije. Posebno je isticao na Velebitu toponimsku znakovitost Svetog brda, Dušica i Vilinskih vrata u kontekstu starovjerstva (Vinšcak 2010: 13–14). LITERATURA Adžic, Ivana, 2016: Babina lokva? Paklina 4: 43–45. Belaj, Vitomir, 1998: Hod kroz godinu.Mitska pozadina hrvatskih narodnih obicaja ivjerovanja. Zagreb: Golden marketing. Belaj, Vitomir; Belaj, Juraj, 2014: Sveti trokuti. Topografija hrvatske mitologije. Zagreb: Matica hrvatska. Botica, Stipe, 1990: Vile u hrvatskoj mitologiji. Radovi zavoda za slavensku filologiju 25: 29–40. Dronjic Matija, 2009: Usmene predaje velebitskog Podgorja. Senjski zbornik 36: 245–273. Dronjic, Matija, 2017: Predajni krajolik velebitskog Podgorja. Senjski zbornik 44: 333–344. Dubolnic,Martina,2006:PrapovijesnanalazištanapodrucjuStarigrada-Paklenice.Radovizavoda za povijesne znanosti HAZU Zadar 48: 1–55. Hirc, Miroslav, 1926: Od Prosenjaka do Obrovca. Hrvatski planinar 9: 141–146. Hrobat, Katja, 2010: Ko Baba dvigne krilo. Prostor in cas v folklori Krasa. Ljubljana: Znanstve­ noraziskovalni inštitut Filozofske fakultete. Katicic, Radoslav, 2011: Gazdarica na vratima, Tragovima svetih pjesama naše pretkršcanske starine. Zagreb: Matica hrvatska. Katicic, Radoslav, 2014: Vilinska vrata, I dalje tragovima svetih pjesma naše pretkršcanske starine. Zagreb: Matica hrvatska. Katicic, Radoslav, 2017: Naša stara vjera, Tragovima svetih pjesama naše pretkršcanske starine. Zagreb: Matica hrvatska. Kipre, Ivica, 2014: U stabru ti ljuti zmaje, u granam’ ti soko sivi. Dubrovnik: Dubrovacki muzeji. Krajac, Ivan, 1931: O imenovanju vrhova u južnom Velebitu. Hrvatski planinar 11: 307–312. Magaš, Damir, 1999: Vinjerac. Zagreb – Zadar: Hrvatska akademija znanosti i umjetnosti, Zavod za povijesne znanosti u Zadru, Hrvatsko geografsko društvo Zadar.. PerincicMayhew,Tea, 2012:Mletacko naseljavanje Morlaka uvelebitsko Podgorje u drugoj polovici XVII. stoljeca. 1–20. www.academia.edu. Pleterski, Andrej, 2014: Kulturni genom. Prostor in njegovi ideogrami miticne zgodbe. Ljubljana: Založba ZRC. Pleterski, Andrej, 2009: Nekateri topografski vidiki obrednih mest. Studia ethnologica Croatica 21: 27– 46. Rukavina, Ante, 1989: Zvona ispod zvijezda. Gospic: Licke župe. Ružic, Đuro, 1929: Manita pec. Hrvatski planinar 6: 149–152. Trošelj, Mirjana, 2011: Mitske predaje i legende južnovelebitskog Podgorja (I). Zadarska smotra 2/3: 76–110. Trošelj, Mirjana, 2011a: Mitske predaje i legende južnovelebitskog Podgorja (II), Studia mytho­logica Slavica 14: 345–376. Trošelj, Mirjana, 2017: Mitska toponimija i topografija Nacionalnog parka Paklenica (I). Paklina 5: 28–36. Vince Pallua, Jelka, 1995/1996: History and Legend in Stone – To Kiss the Baba. Studia ethno­logica Croatica 7/8: 281–292. Vinšcak, Tomo, 2010: Velebitska mirila u kontekstu sakralne geografije južnog Velebita. U: Pleterski, Andrejin Šantek, Goran Pavel(ur.), Mirila. kulturni fenomen. Ljubljana:Založba ZRC, 11–14. ELEMENTS OF PRE-CHRISTIAN BELIEFS IN THE TOPONYMY OF SOUTH AND SOUTHEAST VELEBIT MIRA TROŠELJ The paper focuses on the toponymy of south and southeast Velebit associated with degraded and demonised mythical beings (fairies and old women, babas), which arises from the traditional symbolical perceptions and beliefs of the inhabitants of southern Podgorje. The work uses folk narratives, ritual songs and more recent written sources (philological, ethnological-anthropological and historical-geo­graphical) with the aim of interpreting toponyms in southern Podgorje that are evidence of the survival of pre-Christian beliefs. For thispurpose, the author presents toponyms named by the herding population of Podgorje in a particular historical context. Nowadays, these toponyms make up an important part of the natural and cultural heritage. The research methodology consisted of field work: visiting the site, geomorphological description of the toponym, determining its topographic distribution and photography, interviewing narrators, gathering data from recent sources, analysis and cartography. The analysis concentrates on fairy-related place names, holy baba stones, whose ritual function was to ensure fertility and childbirth, baba oronyms and hydronyms, and stone babas. The Velebit toponymy shows evidence of the survival of Old Slavic cosmological and other mythical perceptions through the examples of fairies and babas. These could be of medieval origin in south Velebit, although archival material – primarily histo­ rical cartography – does not offer data from before the eighteenth century. This contribution is an attempt to further knowledge about mythical toponymy in the spatialand historicalcontextof south and southeastVelebit. Since this subjecthas notbeen systematically researched, itis notpossibleto givedefinitiveanswers and conclusions, and some questions will remain open for future research requiring an interdisciplinary approach, especially on the onomastic and etymological levels. The paper analyses and interprets folk etymology on the basis of narrative and ritual folk songs. It does not give an onomastic or etymological analysis of the matter. MirjanaTrošelj, professor of History of Arts, Vrapce Donje 58, HR-10000 Zagreb, mitroselj@gmail.com Gradivo Materiali Material 26 STUDIA MYTHOLOGICA SLAVICA 2023 177 – 194 | https://doi.org/10.3986/SMS20232606 | CC BY Elementi slovenstva v odnosu do maticne domovine in do latinskoameriške kulture v narativnem gradivu, dokumentiranem pri argentinskih Slovencih Barbara Ivancic Kutin Prispevek temelji na enomesecni terenski raziskavi, ki je leta 2019 potekala na treh lokacijah v Argentini med slovenskimi priseljenci in njihovimi potomci z namenom dokumentiranja narativnega gradiva, predvsem slovstvene folklore. Vecina pripovedovalcev, ki jih je raziskava zajela, so emigranti oz. njihovi potomci, ki so se v Argentino naselili po drugi svetovni vojni kot politicni begunci. Ta slovenska skupnost je v novi deželi takoj po prihodu vzpostavila slovenske domove, ki so skrbeli za izobraževanje in gojenje slovenskega jezika in kulture (in s tem identitete) vse do danes. Analiza ugotavlja, kateri elementi slovenstva se v narativnem gradivu najbolj pogosto pojavljajo na nivoju jezika in »tradicionalne« kulture v odnosu do maticne domovine Slovenije in do latinskoameriškekulture in katere distinkcije med kulturama so najbolj poudarjene. KLJUCNE BESEDE: slovenski emigranti, Argentina, Slovenci, pripovedi, kultura, folklora, identiteta, diaspora The article is based on a month-long field research conducted on three locations among Slovenians in Argentina in 2019, with the aim of documenting their (folk) narrative mate­rial. Most of the Slovenians cooperating as informants in this research are emigrants who settled in Argentina after the Second World War as political refugees, or their descendants. Immediately after arrival, this Slovene community established Slovenian centres called “Slovenian Homes”, which took care of the education and cultivation of the Slovenian language and culture (and thus identity), a role they have preserved to this day. The analysis determines which Slovenian elements most often appear in thenarrative materialat the level of language and “traditional” culture in relation to the native homelandof Slovenia and to Latin American culture, and which distinctions between cultures are most emphasized. KEYWORDS: Slovenian emigrants, Argentina, Slovenes, narratives, culture, folklore, identity, diaspora. UVOD1 Prispevek o elementih slovenstva v odnosu do maticne domovine in do latinskoameriške kulture Slovencev v Argentini, kot se kaže skozi njihove pripovedi, temelji na narativnem gradivu, ki je bilo dokumentirano v enomesecni terenski raziskavi oktobra leta 2019 med clani slovenskih skupnosti v Argentini. Pojem »narativno gradivo« vkljucuje pripove­dovanje, to je ubesedovanje zgodb, pri cemer je med drugim pomemben vsaj minimalni fabulativni lok in estetska funkcija, kot tudi pogovor, ki poteka na ravni vsakdanjega govornega posredovanja, npr. spomini, pripovedovanje o delu in nacinu življenja itd. (Ivancic Kutin 2017: 66).2 Vsebinsko so to folklorni žanri(povedke, anekdote, šaljive pripovedi, izštevanke, molitve, pregovori…) patudipripovedovanja o svojih lastnih spominih, izkušnjah, pogledih. Po dolžini so pripovedne enote razlicne – od kratkih izjav, fragmentarnih pripovedi do daljših zgodb. Namen raziskave je bil pridobiti gradivo za dva etapna cilja: 1) zbrati folklorno in etnografsko gradivo za repozitorij pripovednega izrocila Slovencev po svetu, ki nastaja varhivuInštituta za Slovenskonarodopisje ZRCSAZU;2) vdolgorocnejšemnacrtu pa je iz dokumentiranega gradiva odbrati predvsem folklorne (deloma tudi spominske) pripovedi, ki bodo izšle v knjigi pri knjižni zbirki Glasovi. Poleg teh dveh ciljev bo narativno gradivo, pridobljeno pri Slovencih v Argentini, in njegove analize vkljuceno tudi v argentinsko raziskavo o priseljenski narativni folklori v Argentini, ki jo vodi prof. dr. Maria Ines Palleiro na Univerzi v Buenos Airesu (Palleiro 2021). SLOVENSKA SKUPNOST V ARGENTINI Po neuradnih ocenah Urada za Slovence po svetu Republike Slovenije v Južni Ameriki živi vec kot 30.000 Slovencev oz. njihovih potomcev, od tega velika vecina, v Argentini.3 Prvi Slovenci so se zaceli izseljevati v Argentino v drugi polovici 19. stoletja, ko so se na podlagi mednarodnega dogovora med Argentino in Avstro-Ogrsko kot kmetje naselili v provinci Entre Rios. To so bili ekonomski migranti. Tem so se v obdobju med obema svetovnima vojnama pridružili politicni migranti. Tedaj so bila v Argentini ustanovljena prva slovenska združenja pod okriljem razlicnih politicnih taborov, z razlicnimi kulturnoprosvetnimi programi, s politicnim udejstvovanjem ter tiskom (Žigon 1998; Žitnik Serafin 2020). Za migrantske tokove do konca druge svetovne vojne je znacilno, da niso tako 1 Ažuriran prevod izvirnega znastvenega clanka »Elements of Slovenian National Consciousness in Relation to the Mother Country and the Latin American Culture in Narrative Materials Documented among Slovenians in Argentina« objavljenega v: Folkloristika 6/2 (2021), str. 211–238. Prevod ni povsem identicen izvirniku v anglešcini: nekateri krajši odseki so izpušceni, drugi so dodani. http://folkloristics.org/Elements-of-Slovenian-National-Consciousness-in-Relation-to-the-Mother-Coun­ try-and-the-Latin-American-Culture-in-Narrative-Materials-Documented-among-Slovenians-in-Argentina.php 2 Za podrobnejše razlike med vsakdanjim govornim posredovanjem in pripovedovanjem gl. Ivancic Kutin 2004. 3 SV 1. https://www.gov.si/teme/slovenci-v-juzni-ameriki/ (dostop 15. 6. 2021). organizirano in kontinuirano gojilislovenske identitete kotpovojnipoliticnibegunci (Žigon 2001). Svoje korenine so njihovi potomci zaceli iskati in slovenstvo ponovno odkrivati šele po osamosvojitvi Slovenije leta 1991.4 Vzrok za »pozabo« sobileraz-mere vArgentini – država je tedaj potrebovala argentinske državljane, torej Argentince ne glede na izvor, zato je bilo poudarjanje druge narodne pripadnosti nezaželeno, celo nevarno. Zakrivanje distinktivnih lastnosti, kot je jezik, je olajšalo integracijo v novo okolje. Raba slovenšcine je bila torej omejena na komunikacijo med sorodniki in znanci. Prav nasprotno pa velja za politicne begunce, ki so po drugi svetovni vojni v Argentino odšli s t. i. tretjim selitvenim tokom. Zanje je bila nacionalna, torej slovenska, identiteta med najpomembnejšimi vrednotami, zato so jo skrbno negovali in nacrtno prenašali na svoje potomce, še zlasti rigorozno vjezikovnem (raba slovenšcine) in verskem pogledu, pa tudi nadrugih podrocjih slovenske kulture. Tudi slovenske jedi (npr. potica, kranjska klobasa), simboli (Triglav, slovenska zastava) in slovenska glasba (zborovsko petje ljudskih in umetnih pesmi, zabave s t. i. slovensko narodno-zabavno glasbo) so bili zanje mocni etnicno-identifikacijski atributi. Ta skupina priseljencev je ustvarila skupnost, ki je v primerjavi s prejšnjima dvema valoma med seboj veliko bolj povezana in organizirana (Molek2019).PovezanosttehSlovencev imatemelježeizletprednaselitvijovArgentini: politicni begunci so namrec od konca druge svetovne vojne pa vse do odobritve migracije v Argentino živeli v begunskih taborišcih v Italiji5 in Avstriji, kamor so pred režimsko ideologijo, temeljeco na komunizmu, iz Jugoslavije pribežali ob koncu 2. svetovne vojne. Ker je bilo med begunci mnogo duhovnikov in drugih intelektualcev, so že v prvih tednihbivanja v taborišcih organizirali šolo, verske in kulturne dejavnosti (Švent 2007; Jaklitsch 2018; Repic 2006). V nekaj letihskupnega bivanja v taborišcih so se med ljudmi, ki so si delili skupno begunsko usodo, stkale trdne vezi, zaradi katerih so takoj po prihodu v Argentino zaceli nastajati »slovenski domovi«. Na zacetku je bila njihova glavna naloga pomoc novim slovenskim priseljencem, pozneje pa so se osredinili na povezovalno vlogo Slovencev v skrbi za negovanje slovenskih vrednot, ki jih je ta skupnost imela za svoje: jezik, katoliškavera, zašcitain prenašanjeslovenstva– slovenske(nacionalne) identitete, pozneje pa so se cilji osredinili na zašcito in prenašanje identitete (Repic 2006:144–150; Molek 2019: 132). Pripadniki te slovenske skupnosti po letu 1991 intenzivno vzdržujejo stike sSlovenijo vArgentini se že ves cas, odkar so tam, srecujejo pri verskih obredih in ob praznikih, aktivno sodelujejo pri kulturnih dejavnostih, dogodkih in prireditvah in se družijo. Ob sobotah tece pouk slovenskega jezika in slovenske kulture (Molek 2019). Maturanti ob uspešnem zakljucku slovenske sobotne šole (obiskujejo jo vso osnovno in srednjo šolo, to je približno 12 let) obišcejo Slovenijo in se udeležijo poletne šole slovenskega jezika v Ljubljani. Med mlajšimi generacijami se opaža odmikanje od »tradicionalnih« vzorcev in simbolov slovenstva, kar senpr. kaže tudi v vsevecjem številu mešanih zakonov. To ima vpliv na znanje slovenšcine, drugacnih, modernejših oblik druženja, zabave, 4 Nekateri njihovi potomci se slovenšcine ucijo na lektoratih slovenšcine, ki delujejo na Državni univerzi v Buenos Airesu, La Plati in Cordobi ter na Slovenski katoliški univerzi v Cordobi (gl. Lorbek 2019; Kracun 2019) 5 Prvi leta 1947, zadnja skupina pa šele 1954 (Žigon 1998 53). ustvarjanja (npr. novi glasbeni žanri) ipd. Skupnost je do teh sprememb vse bolj priza­nesljiva, saj ne želi, da bi rigorozne zahteve in pricakovanja skupnosti mlade odvracala od slovenske skupnosti (Molek n. d.). Argentinski Slovenci že od leta 1948 enkrat do dvakrat na mesec izdajajo casopis Svobodna Slovenija – glasilo Slovencev v Argentini,6 v kateremso obvestila in porocila, novice o dogodkih in dejavnostih slovenskih domov v Argentini, intervjuji in clanki z razlicno vsebino, povzete so izbrane politicne, športne, kulturne in druge aktualne novice iz Slovenije. Že vec kot tri desetletja lahko Slovenci v Argentini enkrat tedensko v živo spremljajo radijsko oddajo Okence v Slovenijo,7 ki jo že od zacetka vodi in oblikuje radijski voditelj Mirko Vasle; v oddaji se seznanjajo z dogodkiv Slovenijiin med Slovenciv Argentiniter v živo aliprek telefonskegaposnetka gostijo goste iz Slovenije. Oddaja je dvojezicna, v slovenšcini in španšcini, da doseže tudi poslušalce, ki ne razumejo slovensko (UV 8: 4. 5. 2020). TERENSKA RAZISKAVA V ARGENTINI O slovenskih migracijah v Južno Ameriko skozi zgodovino ter o življenju, združenjih, dejavnostih, angažiranju in drugih vidikih tamkajšnje diaspore, še posebej v Argentini, je mogoce brati v številnih objavah s podrocja migracij v kontekstu (politicne) in kulturne zgodovine, socialne in kulturne antropologije, etnologije, sociologije, zgodovinopisja, med katerimi so tudi celostne in z razlicni zornih kotov poglobljene znanstvene monografije (npr. Žigon 1998 in 2001; Repic 2006; Molek 2019; posebna poglavja tudi v Kalc, Hladnik Milharcic in Lukšic 2020); prav tako je bilo v znanstveni monografiji obdelano njihovo likovno (Toplak 2008) in literarno ustvarjanje(Žitnikin Glušic1999). Slovenskemu jeziku (živost, raba, identitetni element) pri Slovencih v Južni Ameriki, predvsem Argentini, je precej pozornosti namenil Zvone Žigon (1998), v Braziliji pa je to vprašanje nacela Manca Klun (2021). Besedni umetnosti govorjenega jezika, to je slovstveni folklori (v katero sodijo folklora proza, folklorni obrazci in folklorna pesem) pa doslej še ni bilo namenjene usmerjene pozornosti,8 ceprav je med mnogo objavljenimi raziskavami, ki se opirajo na naracijske tehnike, med katere sodi tudi (avto/biografska) pripoved,9 mogoce zaslediti tudi narativno gradivo, ki bi ga lahko opredelili kot folklorno.10 Prav tako je mogoce najti folklorno gradivo v številnih po tematiki raznovrstnih publikacijah, ki jih izdajajo izseljenci sami v okviru slovenskih domov, Slovenske kulture akcije in drugih 6 SV 2: http://svobodnaslovenija.com.ar/ Poleg tiskane razlicice je v novejšem casu dostopna tudi spletna. Na spletni strani casopisa je dostopen tudi celoten arhiv vseh številk. Prva številka je izšla 1. 1. 1948. 7 SV 3: http://www.okenceslo.com.ar/ 8 Prav tako doslej še ni bilo poglobljenih študij o drugih vrstah folklore (plesni, glasbeni), z izjemo omemb v nekaterih clankih (npr. Kunej in Kunej 2016). 9 O biografski metodi na primeru slovenskih izseljencev v Avstralijo gl. Cebulj-Sajko 2001. 10 Za folklorno gradivo lahko naceloma upoštevamo pripovedi, ki jih informatorpripoveduje »iz druge roke« oz. o izrocilu, ki je ali je bilo navzoce v družini in drugih socialnih in interesnihskupinah (zgodbe vseh vrst, molitve, izštevanke,ugank, in drugi folklorni žanri, v širšem pomenu pa sem sodijo tudi pripovedovanja o osebnih izkušnjah in spomini na razlicneprakse prenašanja vedenja, manifestacijkulture itd. (Stanonik 2001). organizacij ter tudi individualno; poleg teh pa je v glasilu Svobodna Slovenija stalna rubrika z naslovom Za razmislek in nasmeh, v kateri objavljajo aforizme, citate pregovore, šale … Terensko dokumentiranje narativnega gradiva med argentinskimi Slovenci, na katerega se opira tukajšnji prispevek, je potekalo oktobra 2019 v slovenskih skupnostih v mestih Buenos Aires, San Carlos de Bariloche in Mendoza. Sodelovalo je 95 informatorjev. Clani slovenske skupnosti so potomci priseljencev po drugi svetovni vojni (nekateri so serodiliševSloveniji),najštevilcnejšisopripadnikidrugegeneracije,nekajjetuditretje, številcno manj pa je tistih iz cetrte generacije. Sodelujoci informatorji so razen nekaj izjem tekocegovorilislovensko, ceprav sejevecina rodila v Argentini;Slovenijo so vecinoma prvic obiskali kot odrasli, nekateri pa sploh še niso biliv Sloveniji. Potomcev t. i. staroslovencev iz prvega in drugega migracijskega vala raziskava ni dosegla, razen nekaj posameznikov. Nekaj sem jih srecala na lektoratu za slovenski jezik na univerzi v Buenos Airesu, kjer se ucijo slovenšcine; od teh sta dva informatorja pripovedovala v anglešcini oz. španšcini. V okolici Mendoze pa sem opravila pogovor s potomko Sloven-cev iz Benecije, s katero pa sem komunicirala v italijanšcini.11 Informatorje za raziskavo sem pridobivala preko posameznikov, ki so dejavnejše vpeti v društvena dogajanja,12 ali po javnih predavanjih (na fakulteti in v slovenskih skupnostih), v katerih sem razložila namen pridobivanja gradiva, opisala svoje delo in predvajala posnetke, s katerimi so si potencialni informatorji predstavljali, kaj išcem. Zbiranje gradiva se priložnostnoše vedno nadaljuje ob srecanjih s posamicnimi ar­gentinskimi Slovenci, ki obišcejo Slovenijo ali se vrnejo v domovino; informatorji vcasih pošljejo dodatno gradivo na aplikacijo Whatsapp ali e-pošto. Raziskava je potekala z etnografskimi metodami neposrednega opazovanja z udeležbo in metodo polstrukturiranega usmerjenega narativnega intervjuja (vodenega pogovora). Ta metoda se v okolišcinah, ko vemo, da sogovornika morda ne bomo vec imeli pri­ložnost srecati, izkaže kot najbolj ustrezna (Russel 1991: 203, 204, 2015, gl. tudi Žigon 2001: 16, 17); to se je potrdilo tudi v tej raziskavi. Pri dokumentiranju je bila najbolj v pomoc biografska metoda. Pogovori so potekali, kar se da, neformalno, pri cemer je bilo vec pozornosti namenjene tistim vsebinam, ki so bile informatorju bližje, ljubše, kar se je izkazalo na mestu samem in sproti. Glavna znacilnost teh pogovorov je bila torej improvizacija znotraj široko zastavljenega cilja pridobiti narativno, predvsem folklorno gradivo. Informatorje sem usmerjala v pripovedovanje spominov in slovstvene folklore, predvsem folklornih obrazcev in pripovedne folklore. Pogovori so bili dokumentirani v avdio tehniki, na koncu ali vmes sem naredila fotografijo, na terenu je nastajal terenski dnevnik, v katerega so bila zabeležena sprotna opažanja, seznam vsebin, metapodatki srecanja z informatorji (kraj in cas zapisa, podatki o informatorjih). Intervjuji oz. pogovori z informatorji so potekali individualno, v manjših skupinah znotraj družin, nekajkrat pa sem pogovor vodila v skupini (npr. po predavanjih), kar je bilo še posebej produktivno. 11 Slovenski izseljenci, ki so prišli z obmocij slovenske manjšine v Italiji, so bili v uradnih registrih vodeni kot italijanski priseljenci (gl. Valentincic 2017). 12 Ljudi, ki so mi po svojih moceh pomagali iskati sogovornike, je bilo precej, vsem skupaj se iskreno zahval­jujem za pomoc. Srecanja, tako skupinska kot individualna, so bila povecini daljša od ene ure. Nekateri udeleženi informatorji so povedali le kratko izštevanko ali vic, spet drugi po vec zgodb (gl. tudi Ivancic Kutin 2020b). Na podlagi lastne izkušnje ob neposredni navzocnosti pri pripovedovanju, iz graficnih terenskih zapiskov, ki so nastalihkrati s tem, ter iz gradiva, ki je že bilo transkribirano z zvocnih posnetkov, je mogocepodati približno oceno o najbolj zastopanih vsebinah in žanrih dokumentiranega gradiva: med zgodbami prevladujejo spominske pripovedi, velikokrat s socialno tematiko, povezano z zgodovinskim kontekstom (begunstvo), ter pripovedi o slovenskih šegah in navadah tako »doma«, to je v Sloveniji, kot tudi v novi domovini (gl. primere v poglavju z gradivom). Posebno mesto zavzemajo šaljive zgodbe o jezikovnih interferencah / nesporazumih, ki so nastali npr. zaradi pomanjkljivega zna­ nja vecinskega jezika. Vcasih gre za prvoosebne pripovedi o lastnem doživetju, v veliki vecini pa so to zgodbe, ki jih v razlicnih variantah pozna širša slovenska skupnost, zato sodijo v polje slovstvene folklore.13 Medtem ko so spominske pripovedi lahko daljše, pa so folklorna besedila povecini kratka, pogosto fragmentarna. Dolgih zapletenih folklornih besedilniveliko (za vzorecpa vendarle!), saj je težko že priprvem(in najveckrat edinem) srecanju z informatorjem v zelo kratkem casu doseci razpoloženje za pripovedovanje pravljic in povedk. Je pa na drugi strani precej bogata bera folklornih obrazcev, saj se je v kratkih intervjujih najlažje spomniti izštevank, otroških rim, šal, kakega pregovora ali frazema, celo stare molitve.14 Natancnejšo evalvacijo vsebine, vrste ter kolicine gradiva bo seveda mogoce podati šele po transkripcijah in analizi vsega gradiva, to je okoli 50 ur (še neobdelanih, torej grobih) zvocnih posnetkov (Ivancic Kutin 2020b). POGLEDI NA LASTNO IN NA VECINSKO KULTURO, KI SE ODRAŽAJO V NARATIVNEM GRADIVU Kulturno identiteto Slovencev v Argentini sestavlja vec elementov (nezavedni vedenjski vzorci, hrana, glasba, društveno življenje, jezik), ti se med seboj mocno prepletajo in jih je nemogoce obravnavati povsem loceno (Žigon 1998: 106). Glavni identitetni simbol slovenstva med Slovenci v Argentini, pri katerih je potekala raziskava, je gotovo aktivno znanje slovenskega jezika, to je naceloma tudi njihov prvi jezik,ki so se ga naucili kot otroci. Slovenski jezik je torej tudi danes, tako kot v svoji raziskavi v 90. letih 20. stoletja ugotavlja Zvone Žigon (1998), najvidnejša in najbistvenejša komponenta narodnostne identitete, saj je sredstvo komuniciranja posameznika z zunanjim svetom, izražanja lastnihobcutij, dajanje sporocil drugim clanom skupnosti (Žigon 1998: 112). Jezik je »orodje« za izražanje mnogih z verbalno komunikacijo povezanimi vidiki identitete, kot so razlicni 13 Tovrstne zgodbe so oblikovane tudi v dramsko besedilo z naslovom Gringo, šaljiv prizor (avtor je Marjan Willenpart, tipkopis, brez letnice), ki je bilo veckrat uprizorjeno na odrih slovenskih domov v Argentini. 14 Npr. Povsod je lepo, doma je najlepše. / Podpišem za prmejduš, da mi smo Slovenci. / Eden ne naredi nic. Je treba skupaj narediti vse. / Nadlešku maslu je krave paslu, je reklu be, ne boste mene! / Blagor mu, kdor se pošcije, celo noc na mokrem spi. Zjutraj pa, ko sonce sije, se mu v štrozah posuši. Blagor mu, kdor se poserje, celo noc na mehkem spi. Zjutraj pa, ko sonce sije, se mu drek strdi. segmenti umetniškega (po)ustvarjanja, npr. petje slovenskih pesmi, gledališka dejavnost, literarno ustvarjanje in nenazadnje (folklorno) pripovedovanje. Žigon (1998) v svoji raziskavi obravnava jezik argentinskih Slovencev glede na generacijo priselitve: Vsi pripadniki prve generacije politicnih izseljencev so ohranili svoj jezik v popolnosti. Po vecini so sicer opazne narecne znacilnosti, predvsem do-lenjskih, deloma gorenjskih in centralnih narecij pa tudi rahla arhaicnost jezika, ki je predvsem posledica izoliranosti od vplivov (srbšcine, hrvašcine, italijanšcine, nemšcine, predvsem pa anglešcine), kakršnim je bila v zadnjih5 desetletjih izpostavljena Slovenija. /…/ (Žigon 1998: 67). Za drugogeneracijo priseljencev Žigon ugotavlja, daje zanjo znacilno vprašanje »dvojnosti« osebnostne in narodnostne identitete. Primarna socializacija je bila pri tej generaciji slovenska, saj so vecino otroštva preživeli v slovenskem okolju, mnogi so se s španšcino spoznali šele pri vstopu v malo ali osnovno šolo. Dvojnost njihove narodno­stne identitete pa se pokaže ob obisku domovine njihovih staršev, kjer se izkaže, da je njihova narodnostna identiteta vendarle tudi argentinska (tudi zaradi jezika). Za drugo generacijo je namrec znacilno specificno »narecje«, ki je zaradi vpliva španskega jezika zelo melodicno,vcasih z drugacnimi naglasi, tako da je podobno obalnim narecjem z nekaj primesmi gorenjšcine in dolenjšcine, nekaj težav pa imajotudi s skladnjo (Žigon 1998: 68, 69). Tretja generacija, kot ugotavlja Žigon, kljub tekocemu govoru sloven-šcine za medsebojno komunikacijo pogosto uporablja španšcino tudi znotraj skupnosti, predvsem pri športnih aktivnostih in zabavi; preklop na slovenski jezik se zgodi, ce se približa kdo od slovenskih vzgojiteljev, uciteljev, duhovnikov ali v pogovoru s starejšimi clani skupnosti. Kolicina besednega zaklada te generacije je odvisna od tega, kolikšno pozornost socializaciji v slovenšcini namenjajo ali so namenili njihovi starši. Pri prejšnji generaciji je bila ta sama po sebi umevna, pri starših, ki so bili sami rojeni v Argentini, pa to zahteva bistveno vec zavestnega napora (Žigon 1998: 70). Današnje stanjeslovenskegapogovornega jezika, kot galahko ugotavljamizsvojega terenskega gradiva 2019, je zelo podobno tistemu, ki ga je pred vec kot pred 20 leti opisalZvone Žigon (1988); toda dodati je treba, da je bila vecina informatorjev pricujoce ra­ziskave pripadnikov druge generacije (rojeni po drugi svetovni vojni v Argentini dvema slovenskima staršema). Razen izrazitega romanskega melosa njihova slovenšcina ni mocno narecnozaznamovana;vsebujesicer pogovorno besedje, kakršno jeznacilno tudi za pogovorne razlicice slovenskega jezika v Sloveniji, opazno manj pa je slengizmov in anglizmov, kakršni so trenutno navzoci v sodobni pogovorni slovenšcini v Sloveniji oz. v zamejstvu. Špansko besedje je sprejeto za poimenovanje predmetnosti, ki v slovenskem jeziku niso znana (npr. mate, asado) ali so jih prvotni slovenski priseljenci še niso poznali od doma colectivo (mestni avtobus), heladera (hladilnik), freezer (zamrzovalnik), lavarropa (pralni stroj). T. i. »pravilna« slovenšcina je zavestno negovana pri vseh oblikah javnega sporazumevanja,karjerazumljivo,sajletakolahkojezik,kipredstavljaleotocekznotraj velike vecinske kulture in je tisoce kilometrov oddaljen od domovine, deluje povezovalno. Poleg jezika je pomemben del slovenstva ohranjanje šeg in navad – tako cerkvenega leta kot tudi življenjskega cikla, kulinarike ipd. V sobivanju z drugimi narodi in rabo španskega jezika povsod zunaj slovenske skupnosti je kultura argentinskih Slovencev prepletena z latinskoameriškimi kulturnimi elementi. A skozi pripovedi je mogoce za­znavati bolj ali manj ostro razlikovanje med slovensko in drugo, argentinsko, kulturo. Le-ta je v nekaterih segmentih sprejeta, vcasih pa se sogovorci deklerativno distancirajo od nje, ceprav jo dobro poznajo(npr. razne navade, vraževerje ipd.). Ceprav Slovenci predstavljajo le majhen delež prebivalstva v Argentini,15 sledove njihove navzocnosti, dejavnosti in kulture najdemo tudi širše – med »drugimi Argentinci« in v fizicnem pro-storu (npr. stavbe slovenskih arhitektov, poimenovanja ulic, gora, vidni posamezniki v argentinskih moštvenih in individualnih športih … ). PRIPOVEDI INFORMATORJEV Kako se kažejo pogledi na lastno in na vecinsko kulturo in identiteto skozi narativno gradivoargentinskihSlovencev, jevnadaljevanjuponazorjenos konkretnimipripovedmi; 16 te so razvršcene v vsebinske sklope, toda le pavšalno, saj se v posamezni pripovedni enoti prav lahko prepletajo elementi, ki bi jih lahko uvrstili tudi v druge vsebinske sklope. O slovenski identiteti in slovenskem jeziku Škof Trobec,17 tudi naša družina izhaja iz njegovega rodu, je znan po enem stavku, ki ga je izrekel v Ljubljani. On je peljal eno skupino Slovencev iz Amerike v Slovenijo na katoliški shod, ki je bil pred prvo vojno. In je rekel: »Slovenija je naša mati, Amerika pa naša nevesta.« To so njegove besede. S tem je povedal, da imamo izseljenci dve ljubezni. Tudi naši otroci imajo dve domovini. Tukaj so se rodili, vsa dedišcina je pa iz Slovenije. (UV 6; UV 7) Ko smo prišli mi v šolo, nismo znali cisto nic po špansko. Pa je uciteljica poklicala oceta v šolo in narocila, da naj z otroki govori špansko. Pa je rekel: »Jaz ne znam, se bodo že v šoli naucili.« (UV 2) Poglejte, mi smo Slovenci, hrepenimo po Sloveniji. Vsaj jaz, in kot jaz, tudi mnogi drugi /…/ Ko sem prišel prvic v Slovenijo, nisem prišel v tujo deželo, prišel sem v mojo deželo! Sem se hecal, pravim: »Dragi moji, a 15 Ocena za leto 2019: 44.938.712 prebivalcev, od tega 86,4 % Evropejcev (vecinoma Italijanov in Špancev), 8 % mesticev, 4 % Arabcev, Judov in vzhodnoazijcev, 1.6 % Amerindijcev (Spletni vir Wikipedia). 16 Z izjemo pripovedi sester Ivanke in Francke Trobec ter Jerneja Tomazina, ki so bile objavljene v publikaciji Domaci kraji, zborniku Obcine – Dobrova – Polhov Gradec (gl. Ivancic Kutin 2021), druge narativne enote še niso bile objavljene. 17 Jakob Trobec (1838–1921), rojen na Logu pri Polhovem Gradcu, misijonar in škof v Minnesoti, ZDA. tu vsi znate po slovensko? Cestitam!« sem rekel. Ker tukaj je tako: kdor v Argentini zna slovensko in da je še bolj mlad, je za nas fešta (praznik, op. B. I. K.). /…/ Ko pridem v Slovenijo, gledam televizijo, madona, pa vse po slovensko! Berem casopise – v slovenšcini, ne. In to se je meni zares cudno zdelo takrat, leta 1972, ko sem bil prvic v Sloveniji. Mi smo … je zelo težko povedati, kaj smo. Znamo slovensko, mi nismo zares ne tukaj ne tam. (UV 8) Jaz sem najvec dobil najvec izobrazbe v slovenšcini v zavodu, to je bil nekakšen slovenski internat, ki so ga vodili slovenski duhovniki. Dva taka zavoda sta delovala do 70. let 20. stoletja, v okrožju Lanus in Adrogue. V slednjem sem bival celotno srednji šolo, le vsak teden ali na dva tedna sem šel domov. Zavod je imel veliko knjižnico in tam sem bral in študiral in se sam ucil. Prej, v osnovni šoli, sem hodil v sobotne šole v slovenskem domu, ampak le 2 leti. Tam ucijoslovenšcino, zgodovino, zemljepis, tudi literature nekaj. Smo bili še majhni, smo videli razliko: drugi otroci so imeli fraj dan, mi Slovenci pa v šoli. Nisem vedel, zakaj to. Ampak danes sem zelohvaležen staršem in vzgojiteljem. To mi je omogocalo, da vodim slovensko radijsko oddajo. Veš, kaj je to zame? To je moja velika ljubezen. Poleg družine je to moja velika ljubezen. Jaz ne vem, kaj bi delal, ce ne bi tega imel. Razumeš? In jaz se trudim, kljub temu, da je to amatersko – to se pravi, kot amater sem profesionalec (smeh). Hocem narediti vtis, da je to resna stvar. Da mi ne bi Slovenije osmešili, osramotili. Nasprotno. Da poskušamo pokazati pravo sliko Slovenije. In to vidijo tudi tam (v Sloveniji, op. B. I. K.). Zaradi tega nam pomagajo, mene povsod lepo sprejmejo - od predsednikov do premierov, kulturnikov, športnikov, znanstvenikov … Z vsemi sem že imel intervju na našem radiu. (UV 8) Poglejte, mi smo Slovenci, hrepenimo po Sloveniji. Vsaj jaz, in kot jaz, tudi mnogi drugi /…/ Ko sem prišel prvic v Slovenijo, nisem prišel v tujo deželo, prišel sem v mojo deželo! Sem se hecal, pravim: »Dragi moji, a tu vsi znate po slovensko? Cestitam!« Ker tukaj je tako: kdor v Argentini zna slovensko in da je še bolj mlad, je za nas fešta (praznik, op. B. I. K.). /…/ Ko pridem v Slovenijo, pa gledam televizijo, madona, pa vse po slo­vensko! Berem casopise – vse v slovenšcini! Vse po slovensko, to se nam cudno zdi. In to se je meni zares cudno zdelo takrat, leta 1972, ko sem bil prvic tam. Mi smo … je zelo težko povedati, kaj smo. Znamo slovensko, mi nismo zares ne tukaj ne tam. (UV 8) Mladina, ko gre prvic vSlovenijo, jih kar preseneti to, da lahko tam povsod slovensko govorijo, da lahko vse razumejo. Vsi pravijo: »Lepše je, kot ste nam govorili.« V osnovni šoli se ucijo slovenšcine 7 let, 8 let, pa potem 6 let ali pa 5 let v srednji šoli. Jih ucijo o zemljepisu Slovenije, kažejo jim slike, vse. Marsikdo je rekel ob povratku: »Pa kaj ste vi mislili, da ste zapustili Slovenijo?!« Ampak to je bilo po sili razmer. Veliko, zelo veliko jih gre nazaj. Že drugi, tretji rod. Skupina študentov gre vsako leto tja v Slovenijo in ko se vracajo,mnogi recejo: »Se vidimo, nasvidenje.« In grejo potem nazaj v Slovenijo. Študirat pa dobijo službe. Pa še kakšna ljubezen se zgodi vmes. (UV 7) Se spreminja raba in pomen besed, recimo beseda žiher ali ziher. Mi smo rekli: »Mami, a žihr grem drsat, ne?« Zdaj pa otroci uporabljajo besedo zihr, na primer, ce ti receš: »A bomo šli?« »Ja zihr.« To pomeni zagotovo. Besedo zihr uporabljajo namesto besede sigurno ali pa gotovo. Ko popravim otroke, najpravilno govorijo, recejo:»Mami, nebodino tako tecna!«(UV 3) Tukaj so ljudje zelo verni. In ce je kdo rekel pred jedjo namesto »Bog požegnaj« »dober tek«, so dodali: »Imajo zajci.« (UV 8) Slovenci kot manjšina v latinskoameriškem jezikovnem okolju (jezikovne interference) Interno se za Argentince uporablja beseda domacini. To pomeni zelo splošno Neslovenci, v natancnejšem pomenu pa je to clovek temnejše polti, potomec Indijancev, Špancev ali Italijanov. (UV 8) Ko smo prišli v Argentino smo takoj zaceli delati. Nismo pa takoj znali špansko. Vse sorte heci so bili zaradi tega (smeh). Kocarjev Ivan je rekel, da je šel kupit v trgovino budilko, pa ni vedel, kako bi rekel. »Je rekel: „Mańana brrrrr.« (smeh). Mańana pomeni jutri (smeh). Zjutraj, je hotel reci, da te poklice, in pravi, da je prodajalka razumela. Zanimiv je ta narod tukaj, ti radi pomagajo. Ja, so zelo prijazni in se trudijo razumeti te. Ti grejo na roko pa ti radi pomagajo. Radi prodajajo (smeh). Radi razumejo, tudi ce je narobe. (UV 7) Isti, Kocarjev Ivan, je pravil, da je šel kupit querosen – petrolej. Petrolej so rabil za kurjavo Pa je rekel corazón, namesto querose'n: »Seńorita, me da corazón«. Gospodicna, mi date srce? „Que te pasa!? – Kaj ti je!?« Nerodno ji je bilo ... (Smeh). Se je oženil potem, ja, ampak ne s tisto prodajalko. Za poroko je poiskal Slovenko (smeh). (UV 7) Ta je tudi dobra. So v Sloveniji dobili paket in pismo iz Argentine. V pismu je pisalo: »Sem dal notri v paket to pa to in nada más«. Nada más pomeni nic drugega. Pa pišejo nazaj: „Vse smo dobili v paketu, samo nada más ni bilo nikjer (smeh). (UV 7) So slovenskebesede, kiv pomenijošpanšcinikajdrugega,kajgrdega. Zato v Argentini veter vedno vlece, in ne piha. Na to moraš zelo paziti. Ker piha je prostaško receno moški spolni organ. (UV 2) Teta so pa ženske prsi, joške. Da receš: » Teta, veter piha!« to je povsem neprimeren stavek, ce te Argentinci poslušajo. (UV 8) Ko so prišli predniki v Argentino, so nekateri znali po italijansko. In so rekli v trgovini, da hocejo burro, kot je po italijansko maslo. V španšcini pa je burro osel. (UV 8) Tudi so besede, ki se jih je dobro izogniti v Urugvaju ali pa v Cilah ali pa v Kolumbiji. Taka je besed bunda, v portugalšcini je to prostaška beseda za ženski spolni organ. To se je meni zgodilo, v Sao Paulo, ko sem obiskal teto. Bila sva v mestu, veliko ljudi je bilo okoli. Jaz pa v slovenšcini recem, dovolj naglas, da so se ljudje ozrli: »Teta, bundo sem pozabil doma!« Teta ni vedelakampogledati,takojojebilo sram.Inpotemmijerazložila.(UV 8) Neka starejša ženska, ki ni znala špansko, je imela kokoši na dvorišcu. Pa jih je klicala:»Puta, puta, puta …!« Sosedje pa so mislili, da njih oz-merja s puta – pocestnico (prostaško, kurba, op. B. I. K.). (Vec razlicnih informatorjev) Neka noseca Slovenka je bila na kolektivu (avtobusu, op. B. I. K.), pa šofer rekel: »Boletos!« – to je vozovnica. Ona pa: »Ja, seveda, že naslednji mesec!« (UV 2) Slovenske navade Slovenske hrane ne pogrešamo, ker doma naredimo vse, kar smo doma jedli.18 Od zelja do kislega zelja, golaža, praženega krompirja, svaljkov, sirovih štrukljev, klobas in tako dalje. /…/ Zelje tukaj delajo Slovenci. Imamo tudi mesarja Slovenca – Franci Miklavc dela klobase, krvavice in druge dobrote. Upravlja bar ali restavracijo v Slomškovem domu in prodaja za vse Slovenske domove – ponuja krvavice, pecenice, kranjske klobase. Zdaj pripravlja še lomo – to je svinjsko stegno prekajeno, nekakšen pršut. Zdaj je zacel. Prašice pa kupi na drobno. Klobase dela, ko je še zima. Po-tem jih pa v frizer (zamrzovalnik, op. B. I. K.), v skrinjo da na led in se še poleti dobijo. Ni treba prej narociti, ima zmeraj na razpolago, da kupimo. Informatorki sta se priselili v Argentino po osnovni šoli, leta 1954. Še vedno, ko govorita o Sloveniji, upo­ rabita besedo »doma«. On že ve, kaj je treba pripraviti, kakšne stvari ljudje kupujejo. »Vilim« pa je mesarsko podjetje, ki dela na veliko tudi za slovenske odjemalce. (UV 7) Od starih navad pa imamo tudi tukaj še kaj. Jaz imam tukaj ohranjene navade o božicu. Na primer, da kropimo notri vse po stanovanju pa okrog hiše. Ja, pokropimo in pokadimo. Vse prostore. Zraven molimo Rožni venec. Pri jaslicah pa koncamo ta Rožni venec. In vsi clani družine sodelujejo v procesiji. (UV 6) Skupina Slovencev je živela v Churuki, bilo je okoli dvajset slovenskih družin in smo imeli slovenske navade, na primer Marijo smo za devetdnevnico19 pred Božicem nosili od hiše do hiše. In imam pesmi, ki smo peli, ko smo sprejemali v hišo Marijo. Lepa navada je bila, dokler je bilo vec družin, zdaj so samo še kake tri ali štiri družine. (UV 5) Slovenski pogled na argentinsko kulturo Pijete mate? – Ga pijemo, ce gremo recimo h hcerki, naredi mate in ga pijemo, ampak naša navada ni. Kakšni Slovenci ga pijejo. Tudi mi, ce ga ponudijo, doma zase pa nikoli ne kuhamo. Ni to naša navada. Ko prvic vidiš, kako tu pijejo mate, si zacuden, gledaš pa se jim smejiš, potem se pa tudi sam navadiš. Slovenci so se veliko navadili mate piti. Meni se nikoli ni zdel zlo privlacna pijaca. Je pa to zelo družabno. Skodelica je narejena iz bucke, zravenje slamica bombilla in to gre naokoli od ust do ust – ne da bi se kaj obrisalo. Krop sam unici bacile. To je družabna zadeva, mate povezuje družbo. Papež20 pije mate. Mladina, ko se zbere skupaj ali gre na izlet, se usedejo v krog in si podajajo mate. Zdaj majo nekateri že termov­ke, da mate kar s sabo nosijo. V Urugvaju še bolj kot v Argentini. (UV 7) Asado, to je pecenje mesa po argentinsko, to pa smo sprejeli. Tudi ženske se tega lotijo, ne le moški. Eni pravijo, da ni najbolj zdravo. Dobro pa je. Ne sme biti zažgan. Nekateri trdijo, da pecenje na oglju škoduje zdravju. Ampak narod tukaj že stoletja tako dela. Mi pa ne prav pogosto. Samo, kadar se nas vec zbere, družine, prijatelji. Imamo vec receptov in se kar dobro spece. Naredimo tudi cevapcice. Te poznajo tudi domacini, ampak malo drugace. (UV7; UV6) Tukaj imajo to vražo: na 29. v mesecu moraš pod krožnik njokov dati denar, da ti prinese sreco, pravijo. Mirtha Legrand, zelo fina gospa, znana 19 Nekdaj pri Slovencih zelo priljubljena Ljudska pobožnost, ko 9 dni pred božicem nosijo kip ali sliko device Marije od hiše do hiše, molijo in pojejo. 20 Mišljen je aktualni papež Francišek, ki prihaja iz Argentine. voditeljica na televiziji, to vedno pravi. Ima že 93 let, pa ima še vedno dvakrat na teden program na televiziji. Ima nekaj gostov v oddaji, vse lepo fino, vse lepo postreženo, ko jejo. In pravi: »Denar pa dajte pod krožnik, da vam prinese sreco! » Je pa tako, da 29. je že konec meseca, zato denarja primanjkuje, pa mora biti poceni hrana, ne meso … (UV 7) Tu v Argentini in tudi v Braziliji na križišca veckrat prinesejo kakšne škatle ali pladnje, na njih pa dve caši, steklenica pa kakšna sveca, kdaj tudi hrana, pišcanec. Pravijo, da to so makumbas. To postavijo vedno na križišce, kraj, kjer se ceste križajo. Vem, ker mi mamo hišo na križišcu in veckrat vidim tako stvar. Ampak tega ne pocnejo Slovenci, samo Argentinci. (UV 4) Difunta Correa je pa kotnekakšna svetnica. To je bilo ne vemtocno v katerem stoletju, tisoc osemsto mogoce. Mož je bil v vojski, ona pa je z dojenckom bežala v provinci San Juan, kjer je zelo pušcavsko, pa je ženska od lakote in žejeumrla. Ko so jo našli, je bil otrok še živ, je pil mleko od mrtve matere nekaj dni. In to so ljudje meli za cudež, in to imajo kot za nekakšno svetnico. In vse tiste plastenke z vodo so zanjo, da ne bi bila žejna. To je popularna religioznost. Kjer ob cesti vidiš kupe plastenk, je sigurno za Difunto Correo. (UV 1) Prepoznavnost in sledovi navzocnosti Slovencev v Argentini Kaj je slovenskega med Argentinci? Žene mnogih Slovencev, ki so do-macinke(Neslovenke, op. B. I. K.), znajo speci potico pa tudi kakšno drugo slovensko jed pripravijo. Pred leti sem pel pri slovenskem zboru Karantania, kjer smo peli vecinoma slovenske pesmi. Spomnim se, da je nek argentinski zbor pel znano slovensko pesem. Slišali so, da smo jo mi zapeli in jim je bila všec, pa so vodjo zbora prosil za note. Potem so jo tudi oni dolgo prepevali Pesem se imenuje Mlatici. (UV 8, 1. 5. 2020) Profesionalni argentinski kvartet Opus4 ima na koncertih pesem Plenicke je prala. Bili so celo v Sloveniji, z mojim bratom na turneji.21 (UV 8) Slovenci veljajo za športno velesilo. Veliko je clankov v argentinskem casopisju o uspehih slovenskih športnikov. Pred kratkim kje bilo o plezalki Janji Garnbret, kolesarstvu – Primož Roglic, Tadej Pogacar sta znana tudi med Argentinci. Pa Lucka Bregar, argentinska Slovenka, je trenerka ženske odbojkarske ekipe Barcelona. Barcelona je klub, ki v športu ogromno pomeni, Argentinci se zelo zanimajo za šport. (UV 8) 21 Juan Vasle (*1954), operni in koncertni pevec, basbaritonist in novinar. Tukaj je rokometaš Andrej Kogovšek, ki je še aktiven, ima 43 let. To je bil eden najvecjih argentinskih rokometašev. Po njem se imenuje rokometni turnir v provinci Santa Fe: Torneo Andres Kogovšek. (UV 8) V Barilochah je Lago Toncek,jezero z imenom Toncek. Spomin na Toncka Pangerca,22 ki se je ubil tam v hribih. Tudi Tomaž Kralj pa Božo Vivod sta ostala za vedno v hribih, ko sta leta 1967 ali 1968 plezala na Tronador, to je najvišji vrh v okolici mesta Bariloche. Tam je tudi ena špica, ki se imenuje Campanile Esloveno (Slovenski zvonik). Koca pa se imenuje Podskalca. V Buenos Airesu je cesta, ki se imenuje Slovenija – Eslovenia, prav tu v mestu Buenos Aires. V predelu Castelar pa je ulica, ki se imenuje Slove­nija – Eslovenia. Pa tudi v provinci Entre Rios, v glavnem mestu Parana je ulica Villa Eslovena. (UV 8) SKLEP Jezik imavživljenju posameznikain doloceneskupineljudivecvlog.Polegkomunikacije, medsebojnega sporazumevanja in vplivanja je ena do pomembnejših vlog identifikacija, ki izraža posameznikovo osebno, kulturno, etnicno, socialno in vsakršno drugo identiteto(Šabec 2002: 7; Gomezel Mikolic 2000: 180; Žigon 1998). Govorjeni jezik je tudi pri­marno »orodje« za prenos slovstvene folklore in drugih pripovedi, posredovanih v ustni komunikaciji (Stanonik 2001); v folkloristiki je pripoved rezultat folklornega dogodka v živo, ki je sestavljen iz treh enakovrednih in med seboj prepletajocih se sestavin: teksta (ubeseditev), konteksta (okolišcine, povezane z pripovedovalcem, naslovnikom, besedilom …) in teksture (nacinpripovedovanja) (Dundes 1980 : 20–32). Zgodbe, ki se pripovedujejo (ali pojejo) niso torej nikoli avtonomne, pac pa so vselej odvisne od kul­turnegavidikapripovedi;zgodbaneprestanosprejemainprenašanovekulturnepomene: vse, kar so ljudje sovražili, dopušcali, cesa so se bali in kaj so si predstavljali, je mogoce razbrati v njihovih zgodbah. Zgodbe, ki jih ljudje pripovedujejo (ali pojejo), niso nikoli avtonomne, temvec so prepletene s kulturo in pripovednimkontekstom;upoštevanje kulturnimih vidikov pripovedi oz. interakcije kulture in pripovedovanja je v folkloristiki med temeljnimi vodili (Rieuwerts 2017: 69, 70). Gradivo, ki je predstavljeno v tukajšnjem prispevku, izraža jezikovno razsežnost že s tem, da so informatorji pripovedovali v slovenskem jeziku. Vsebina pripovedi odstira razmerjain poglede na svojo lastno kulturo in na kulturo »drugih«, pri cemer je mogoce zaznavati dokaj ostro razlikovanje med slovensko in »tujo«, tj. argentinsko, latinskoameriško kulturo.Le-tajev nekaterih segmentih sprejeta, vcasih pasesogovorci deklerativno distancirajo od nje, ceprav jo dobro poznajo (npr. razne navade, vraževerje ipd.). Ceprav Slovenci predstavljajo le majhen delež prebivalstva v Argentini, sledove in spomenike njihove navzocnosti, dejavnosti in kulture najdemo v fizicnem prostoru 22 Toncek Pangerc (1925–1954), alpinist, rojen na Bledu, po 2. svetovni vojni emigriral v Argentino. Argentine (stavbe slovenskih arhitektov, poimenovanja ulic, gora, vidni posamezniki v argentinskih moštvenih in individualnih športih … ), s tem pa tudi v pojmovnem svetu »drugih«, torej vecine. Kljub razlicnim raziskovalnim interesom in lastno metodologijodokumentiranja in analiz gradiva imajo vede, ki se ukvarjajo z govorjenim diskurzom in njegovo vsebino (folkloristika, etnologija, kulturna in socialna antropologija, jezikoslovje, predvsem dialektologija in sociolingvistika, ter mnoge druge humanisticne študije), pomembno sticišce – terensko gradivo iz ust informatorja.23 Pri raziskovanju manjšinskih kultur, še posebej, ce gre za oddaljene skupnosti in je dostopnost do terena omejena že zaradi logisticnega in financnega zalogaja, je objavljanje gradiva in s tem dostopnosti informacij ter sodelovanje med strokami in posameznimi raziskovalci še toliko bolj pomembno.24 LITERATURA Boškovic Stulli, Maja, 1959: O narodnoj prici i njezi-nu autenticnom izrazu. Slovenski etnograf 12,107–119. Cebulj-Sajko, Breda, 2001: Auto-biographical methods - case study - Australian Slovenes. Dve domovini: razprave o izseljenstvu = Two homelands: migration studies 13, 19–24. Dundes, Alan, 1980: Interpreting Folklore. Blomington: Indiana University Press. Gomezel Mikolic,Vesna, 2000: Povezanost narodne in jezikovne zavesti. Jezik in slovstvo 45/5, 173–183. IvancicKutin, Barbara, 2004:Razmerje med vsakdanjim govornim posredovanjem in pripove­dovanjem. V: Erika Kržišnik (ur.), Aktualizacija jezikovnozvrstne teorije na Slovenskem: clenitev jezikovne resnicnosti. Ljubljana:Center za slovenšcino kotdrugi/tujijezik pri Oddelku za slovenistiko Filozofske fakultete. 225–261. Ivancic Kutin, Barbara, 2016: Folklorno gradivo in njegov zapis kot sticišce slovstvene folkloristike in dialektologije. Pogled v preteklost in predlogi za prihodnost. Annales 26/4, 715–726. Ivancic Kutin, Barbara, 2020a: On the context and texture of folklore narratives: a survey among the collaborators of the Glasovi collection. V: Palleiro, María Ine´s (ur.). Argentinian and Slovenian folknarrativearchives =Archivos denarrativa folklórica argentina yeslovena. Buenos Aires: El instituto de investigaciones lingüísticas y filológicas“Manuel Alvar”: María Ine´s Palleiro. 93–98. Ivancic Kutin, Barbara, 2020b: Dokumentiranje pripovedne folklore med Slovenci v Argentini za Glasove (2. del). Svobodna Slovenija 5 (leto LXXIX), 3. IvancicKutin, Barbara, 2021:Slovenija in Argentina – dve domovini. Domaci kraji: zbornik Obcine Dobrova 5, 109–121. 23 Primere gradivske uporabnosti narativnega terenskega gradiva za folkloristiko in dialektologijo kljub razlicnim fokusom gl. npr. v Boškovic - Stulli (1959: 118) in Ivancic Kutin (2016). 24 Za raziskavo priseljenske folklore v Argentini, katere del je tudi slovenska, ter za knjižno izdajo folklornih in spominskih pripovedi Slovencev v Južni Ameriki, ki je nacrtovana pri zbirki Glasovi, bi bilo gradivo drugih raziskovalcev in skupnosti same nadvse dobrodošlo! Še posebej to velja za daljša folklorna besedila, kot so pravljice, povedke vseh vrst, saj je le-te pri casovno omejenih cezoceanskih terenskih obiskih in posledicno premalo casa, ki je namenjen posameznim informatorjem in skupinam, izredno težko dokumentirati. Jaklitsch, Helena, 2018: Slovenski begunci v taborišcih v Italiji: 1945-1949. Ljubljana: Inštitut za novejšo zgodovino. Kalc, Aleksej, Janja Žitnik Serafin, Milharcic Hladnik, Mirjam (ur.), 2020: Doba velikih migracij na Slovenskem. Ljubljana: ZRC SAZU. Manca Klun, 2021: Slovenšcina in slovenstvo v Braziliji. V: Bitenc Maja idr. (ur.) Sociolingvisticno iskrenje.Ljubljana:Znanstvena založbaFilozofskefakulteteUniverzev Ljubljani, 189-211. https://e-knjige.ff.uni-lj.si/znanstvena-zalozba/catalog/view/259/370/6015-1 Kracun, Maja, 2019:SlovenistikinaKatoliškiuniverziv Cordobiin Državniuniverziv cordobi. V: Nidorfer, Mojca, Kranjc Simona, Lutar Mateja (ur.), Slovenšcina in slovenistike na univerzah po svetu. Ljubljana: Znanstvena založba Filozofske fakultete Univerze v Ljubljani. 18–19. Kunej, Rebeka, Kunej, Drago, 2016: Folklorna skupina v diaspori. Soocanje tradicije in ustvarjal­nosti v Ameriki. Etnolog 26, 49–64 Lorbek, Tjaša, 2019: Slovenistiki na Univerzi v Buenos Airesu in Državni univerzi v La Plati. V: Nidorfer, Mojca, Kranjc Simona, Lutar Mateja (ur.), Slovenšcina in slovenistike na univerzah po svetu. Ljubljana: Znanstvena založba Filozofske fakultete Univerze v Ljubljani. 15–17. Willenpart, Marjan, brez letnice: Gringo, šaljiv prizor. Buenos Aires, cas pretekli. Tipkopis dram-skega besedila. Burnos Aires. Molek, Nadia, 2019: Biti Slovenec v Argentini. Ljubljana: ZRC SAZU. Palleiro, Ines Maria, 2021: La Encuesta Folklorica de 1921 y sus multiples voces. Pregón Criollo 111, 11–18. Repic, Jaka, 2006: Po sledovih korenin – Transnacionalne migracije med Argentino in Evropo. Ljubljana: Oddelek za etnologijo in kulturno antropologijo, Filozofska fakulteta. Rieuwerts Sigrid, 2017: A Story’s Cultural and Narratological Potential for Change. V: Golež Kaucic,Marjetka(ed.),What to Do with Folklore?NewPerspectives onFolkloreResearch. BASIS, Balads and Songs – International Studies 9. 69–84. Russell, Bernard, 1991: Research Methods in Cultural Anthropology. London – New Delhi: Sage Publications. Stanonik, Marija, 2001: Teoreticni oris slovstvene folklore. Ljubljana: ZRC SAZU. Stanonik, Marija, 2020: Beseda h knjigi. V: Vartec – moja vas (zbirka Glasovi, knjiga 55). Lju­ bljana: ZRC SAZU. 7–8. Šabec, Nada, 2002: Usoda slovenskega jezika med Slovenci po svetu. V: Boža Krakar Vogel (ur.), Ustvarjalnost Slovencev po svetu: Zbornik predavanj. Ljubljana. Center za slovenšcino kot drugi/tuji jezik pri Oddelku za slovanske jezike in književnosti Filozofske fakultete. 7–20. Švent, Rozina, 2007: Slovenski begunci v Avstriji 1945–1950. Ljubljana: ZRC SAZU. Toplak, Kristina, 2008: „Buenas artes“. Ustvarjalnost Slovencev in njihovih potomcev v Buenos Airesu. Ljubljana: ZRC SAZU. Žigon, Zvone, 1998: Otroci dveh domovin. Ljubljana: ZRC SAZU. Žigon, Zvone, 2001: Iz spomina v prihodnost. Slovenska politicna emigracija v Argentini. Lju­ bljana: ZRC ZRC SAZU. Žitnik, Janja, Glušic Helga (ur.), 1999: Slovenska izseljenska književnot. Južna Amerika. Ljubljana: ZRC SAZU. Žitnik Serafin, Janja, 2020: Organizacije, kulturno-umetniška dejavnost in skrb za materni jezik. V: Doba velikih migracij na Slovenskem. Ljubljana: ZRC SAZU. 253–264. Spletni viri (SV): SV 1: https://www.gov.si/teme/slovenci-v-juzni-ameriki/ (dostop 9. 6. 2021) SV 2: Casopšis Svobodna Slovenija: http://svobodnaslovenija.com.ar/ (dostop 9. 6. 2021) Wikipedija, geslo Argentina: https://sl.wikipedia.org/wiki/Argentina (dostop 9. 6. 2021) SV 3: Radijska oddaja Slovencev v Argentini Okence v Slovenijo: http://www.okenceslo.com. ar/ (dostop 9. 6. 2021) Informatorji – ustni viri (UV) UV 1: Janez Cukjati, Janez, 24. 10. 2019, Mendoza. UV 2: Marijana Korošec, 3. 6. 2021, Polhov Gradec (rojena v Buenos Airesu). UV 3: Anka Savelli Gaser, 6. 10. 2019, Buenos Aires. UV 4: Mirjam Oblak, 8. 10. 2019, Buenos Aires. UV 5: Mojca Obržan Jarc, 6. 10. 2019, Buenos Aires. UV 6: Jernej Tomazin, 8. 10. 2019, Buenos Aires (rojen v Logatcu). UV 7: Ivanka Trobec Tomazin in Francka Trobec Javoršek, 8. 10. 2019, Buenos Aires (rojeni v Polhovem Gradcu). UV 8: Vasle, Mirko, 5. 10. 2019, Buenos Aires; telefonsko 1. 5. 2021, 4. 5. 2021, 14. 6. 2021. ELEMENTS OF SLOVENIAN NATIONAL CONSCIOUSNESS IN RELATION TO THE MOTHER COUNTRY AND THE LATIN AMERICAN CULTURE IN NARRATIVE MATERIALS DOCUMENTED AMONG SLOVENIANS IN ARGENTINA barbaraivanCiC kutin Language plays several roles in the life of the individual and of particular social groups. It is a factor of identification, expressing the individual’s personal cultural, ethnic, social and any other identity (Šabec 2002: 7), and a means of communica­ tion, interpersonal interaction and influence (Gomezel Mikolic 2000: 180; Žigon 1998). Spoken language is the primary “tool” for the transfer of oral folklore and other storytelling matter transmitted through verbal communication (Stanonik 2001). In folkloristics, the narrative can be a result of the folk event transpiring in realtime,composed ofthreeintertwiningandequallyimpactfulcomponents:text (vocalization), context (circumstances relating to the narrator, audience, text...), and texture(manner of storytelling) (Dundes 1980:20–32). Stories being narrated (or sung) are thus never autonomous but always depend on the cultural aspect of the narrative in interaction with culture and narration; the story constantly absorbs and transmits new cultural meanings, since no matter what moves the people of a particular culture, whatever they might have hated, allowed, feared or imagined, all this is reflected within their narrative matter. (Folk) narrativesthus aren’t just stories, and so folklorists also engage with the cultural aspects of storytelling, the mutual interaction between culture and storytelling. (Rieuwerts 2017: 69, 70). The material presented in this paper expresses the linguistic dimension already in the fact that the informants narrated in Slovene. The content of the narratives reveals relationships and perspectives on one’s own culture and on the culture of “others”. In this respect, a rather sharp distinction can be perceived between Slovenian and “foreign”, i.e. Argentinean, Latin American culture. The foreign culture is accepted in some segments, but sometimes the informants declaratively distance themselves from it, even though they know it well (e.g. various customs, superstitions, etc.). Although Slovenians represent only a small proportion of the population in Argentina, traces and monuments of their presence, activity and culture can be found in the physical space of Argentina (buildings created by Slovenian architects, street names, mountain names, prominent individuals in Argentine team and individual sports, etc.), and thus also in the conceptual world of the “others”, i.e. the majority. Despite different research interests and specific respective methodologies of documenting and analysing materials, the disciplines addressing spoken discourse and its content ( folkloristics, ethnology, cultural and social anthropology, lin­guistics, especially dialectology and sociolinguistics, and many other humanities) exhibit a vital meeting point of contact - field materials from the oral storytelling of informants. In the study of minority cultures, especially remote communities to which access islimited for logistical and financial reasonsalone, the publication of materials and the associated accessibility of information, as well as collaboration among professional communities and individual researchers, is even more important. Doc. dr. Barbara Ivancic Kutin, znanstvena sodelavka, Znanstvenoraziskovalni center Slovenske akademije znanosti in umetnosti, Inštitut za slovensko narodopisje, Novi trg 2, SI-1000 Ljubljana, Slovenija, b.ivancic@zrc-sazu.si ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-7581-6328 R ecenzije in porocila o knjigah R ecensioni di libri B ook reviews MAREK TAMM, PEETER TOROP (EDS.), THE COMPANION TO JURI LOTMAN. A SEMIOTIC THEORY OF CULTURE. london, new York: bloomsburY academic, 2022, 534 PaGes. The Companion was published last year when centenary celebrations of Lotman’s birth were takingplace in Estonia and around the world. It can be considered one of the most significant publications on Juri Lotman’s work to appear in recent years. The two co-editors, Marek Tamm and Peeter Torop, are renowned and established Estonian scholars who have made it their mission to bring together the diverse voices of researchers, influenced to one degree or another by the semiotician’s academic legacy. As they themselves write: “This is the very first attempt to offer a collective, systematic and interdisciplinary approach to Lotman’s intellectual legacy, bringing together forty-three scholars from thirteen countries” (2). Since the limitations of this text do not allow us to thoroughly present each author’s pointof view, this brief over­view of the work in question will highlight only afew selected aspects that can give the reader a basic insight into its structure and main aims, as well as the context of its creation. The aforementioned commemoration of Lotman’s centenary was international in character at all levels, and was aimed primarily at the West. The Companion is no different in this respect, and it is why English was chosen as the language of publication. This ensures readers can con­ sistently follow the thoughts of individual authors through Lotman’s works translated into English. References to his English ar­ticles and monographs are used throughout the work wherever possible. This strategy, which gives the Companion a special status within theLotmaniana, is also extended in the form of a remarkable bibliography by Remo Gramigna. The bibliography covers English-language publications by and about Lotman, and contains a total of 404 entries,148 ofwhich are Lotman’s writingspublished in English between 1973 and 2020. This provides a solid foundation for communicating Lotman’s ideas abroad, and allows some gaps to be filled and his achievements to be even more visible in the eyes of an international academic audience. The editorial principles for structur­ing the content are already set out by the co-editors in the introduction, namely that the Companion is divided into three main thematic sections through which the reader can progress step by step in exploring the “Lotmanian semiosphere”. Beginning with abrief biographicalsketch, the firstpart of the book places Lotman’s work in the context of the traditions of various schools of thought and sheds light on his predeces­sors. The second part narrows the focus to Lotman’s basic theoretical concepts, while the third part presents various contemporary approaches to his semiotics in different academic disciplines. In addition to the above-mentioned editorial structuring of the work and its adjustment to the international field, and the transdisciplinary knitting of semiotic connections between disciplinesthat are, at first glance, quite different in their object of research, the work is also an important attempt to cover the period following Lot­man’s death and all that has taken place in semiotics in connection with his legacy. In doing so, we aim at the points where the conception of his work has changed the most. This is inextricably linked to the actualisation of the research questions Lotman himself had already posed, and their illumination from contemporary disciplinary perspec­tives. The intergenerational character of the Companion is also particularly noteworthy, as the authors range from representatives of the older generation of semioticians to authors who are still at the very beginning of their academic careers. The openness of Lotman’s work and the dialogical potential of his intellectual legacy support the bridging not only of disciplinary but also of genera­ tional boundaries, and allow the authors to introducethemselves andtheirworkwithin semiotics, even though they focus relatively narrowly on segments of Lotman’s theoretical framework. In other words, it is impossible to introduce Lotman’s work without the authors also introducing their own, due to their conceptual interconnectedness. This points to a common denominator that is explicitly or implicitly present in most of theCompanion’s texts – theorientation towards the future that poses questions, which this work seeks to answer. How can the tradition of Lotmanian thought be continued and semiotics further developed on the foundations of the Tartu-Moscow School? The third part of the book offers a variety of answers to this question. The Companion is to be understood as a selection or a compendium, and since selection impliesexclusion, there are parts that leave us wanting. Just as context was crucial for Lotman, so it must be for the reader of the Companion. Its publication was limited by time constraints, the selection and coordination of individual chapters and their authors, cancellations, and other minor setbacks, but the result is nevertheless an exemplary work. The condensed format of the volume, and the remarkable conciseness of the chapters in terms of content (and consequently form), have certainly played an important role in making the volume manageable not only for the editors but also for the readers. This is especially welcome for beginners who want to familiarise them­selves with Lotman’s work and have access to condensed information in one place – the book provides them with a map and com­pass with which to effectively navigate the Lotmanian semiosphere. So what has been omitted? What may the reader expect and not find? In the Slovenian context, Lotman is particularly well known among researchers in the field of Russian studies, who would have expected a section on certain periods of Russian literature or authors (e.g. Pushkin, Dostoevsky), particu­larities in Russian cultural history, and a more detailed treatment of certain concepts (e.g. the“minus device”).Iwouldhaveexpected a chapter highlighting the applicability of Lotman’s theoretical concepts in the field of folklore studies. However, these wishes should not be misunderstood as criticisms, for the Companion fulfils its intended role and is aimed at a wide range of readers, from experts to beginners. This publication, dedicated to an individual who left a deep mark in many areas, will certainly not be the last project of its kind. The reception of such multifaceted pub­lications may be compared to seeds that sprout only where the soil allows, and yet there is also barren soil from which seeds unexpectedly sprout. This is the beauty of works that dare bring together a variety of viewpoints and different research directions in contemporary scholarship – in this case theydraw from the same source. This is particularly important in the case of the Slovenian reception and gives hope that these ideas, although not new, may be rediscovered in certain research spheres, and that something new may emerge from them. The Companion will help researchers better conceptualise, understand and reflect on their own work – at least the part that draws on Lotman. Knowing him will help us betterunderstand our own work and the dynamics between them. We may well con­clude that although Lotman’s work is not a unified doctrine but reflects a particular way of thinking, the Companion fulfils the role it plays as a unique tribute to this semiotic way of thinking. Rok Mrvic, Ljubljana Suzana Marjanic, Mitovii re/ konStrukcije: tragoM nodilove “Stare vjere” Srbai Hrvata. zaGreb: institut zaetnoloGijuifolkloristiku, 2022, 559 strana. Osnovni predmet studije Suzane Marjanic Mitoviire/konstrukcije:tragomNodilove “stare vjere” Srba i Hrvata jeste znamenita knjiga Natka Nodila Stara vjera Srba iHrvata (objavljivana najpre pod naslovom Religija Srba i Hrvata, na glavnoj osnovi pjesama, prica i govora narodnog) (1885–1890), prva rasprava o hrvatskoj i srpskoj (juž­noslovenskoj) mitologiji. Ona se, kako istice autorka, tematski može podeliti na dve vece celine – na vidovnu/solarnu mitologiju, i na studije o Gromovniku (Perunu), Ognju, vilama (meteorološka mitologija), religiju groba(antropologijasmrti) iMesecevu(lu­narnu) mitologiju, i tu strukturu prati knjiga koja je pred nama. Sastoji se od uvodnog (Mitski uvodnik: Nodilova re/konstrukcija „stare vjere“ Srba i Hrvata) i još dvanaest poglavlja, koja se nižu sledecimredom: I. Mitsko u epskom ili božansko u ljudskom i svetackom; II. Religija nebesnoga vidila; III. (Dijadna) boginja i duoteizam; IV. Temeljni mitski agon: Svantevid i njegov polionimijski protivnik; V. Blizanacka (embriološka) mitologija: dijada i trijada astralne mitologije;VI. O Suncu, alibez prvenstva solarne mitološke teorije: nocna trilogija Sunca; VII. Solarna heptalogija i dodekalogija vs. vucja historija; VIII. Hod Sunca kroz godinu: ep o dodekalogiji; IX. Nodilova munjevna teorija: (feminina) aždaja i (maskulini) zmaj; X. Vatra kao domovina smrti u Nodilovoj Religiji groba; XI. Lunarna mitologija; XII. Autotematiza­cijsko traganje za zakljucnom sintezom o Nodilovoj re/konstrukciji srpsko-hrvatske/ hrvatsko-srpske mitologije, te obimnog spiska literature, Kazala slavenskih i baltickih teonima, zoomorfnih epiklezai fitonima, Imenskog kazala, apstrakta na engleskom i beleške o autorki. U uvodnimpoglavljimaSuzanaMarjanic kontekstualizuje Nodilovo pregnuce, s jedne strane, u politicko-ideološkim okvirima (razgranicavajuci poljaistorijskih diver-gencija, ali i zajednickih drevnih ishodišta kultura dvaju etnosa), a s druge, u okvirima savremenih naucnih paradigmi. Ona istice kako se Nodilova metodologija zasniva na tada aktuelnoj filozofiji prirode (Naturp­hilosophie), što je smer koji je prirodne pojaveisiletumacio ualegorijskomkljucu. Primarni izvor na kome Nodilo zasniva svoju rekonstrukciju južnoslovenskogpanteona jeste Helmoldova Chronica Slavorum (oko 1170), na osnovu koje uspostavlja arkonskog Svantevida kao južnoslovensko vrhovno bo­žanstvo, uparujuci ga sa polapskom Živom, kao vrhovnom slovenskom boginjom. Na osnovu sporadicnih istorijskih svedocanstava i širokog komparativnog mitološkog mate-rijala (vedska, iranska, skandinavska, grcka, rimska, balticka, germanska itd. mitologija i tradicija) Nodilo je, kako pokazuje autorka, indukovao „vlastitu hibridnu mitološku teoriju – vidovni mitologizam“. Letnja i dnevna figuracija vrhovnog slovenskog bo­žanstva jeste Vid, a zimska i nocna – Veles (oslabljeniSvantevidov aspekt), cimeNodilo „inicira binomno vrhovno božanstvo Srba i Hrvata(Vid– Veles)“. Analogan bimorfizam Nodilo uspostavlja i kada je rec o vrhovnom ženskom božanstvu re/konstruišuci „dijadnu boginju“ – vlažnu celestijalnu Vidu i suvu terestijalnu Živu, za šta potvrdu nalazi, primera radi, u zagonetkama o dve gospe – gde donja porucuje gornjoj „prolij tvoje zlatne suze, e umrijeh od crne suše“. Pritom, teonim u znacenju ostarele boginje Nodilo, kako pokazuje Suzana Marjanic, pronalazi u narodnom imenu za Orion – Babini štapi, Babina štapka, za vreme (bablja zima, ba­ blje/babino leto, babinijarci), tefitonimima (babina dušica, visibaba) i toponimima (Babino jezero, Babino polje, Babin dub, Babin lug). Centralnoj mitološkoj figuri u Nodilovoj rekonstrukciji opozitan je Crnobog (sa izmorfnim likovima Troglava/troglava, Balacka vojvode, troglavog Arapina). Autorka ukazije na cinjenicu da je No-dilo razlikovao više aspekata Svantevida – njegovu vegetacijsku i ratnicku funkciju, te figuriranje kao božanstva plodnosti i potentnosti – i, shodno tome, na njegovu disperzivnu nominaciju: Svarog, Veles, Rujevid, Porevid, Porenut, Pripegala. U Nodilovom sistemu, pokazuje Suzana Marjanic, Veles figurira kao Svantevidov ostareli aspekt koji „oznacava slabljenje vidne moci u dnevnom i godišnjem ciklusu ostarjeloga Vida“, zbog cega se ikonografski predstavljakao jednook ilislep;Svarogovo ime aktivira se u trenutku kada Nodilo „od vidovne mitologije krece na odredivanje prototeizma (kult materijalnoga neba); rijec je o genealogiji u kojoj kao Svantevidov/ Svarogov sin figurira Sunce (Dabog, Daž-bog, Svarožic)“;zbog njegovih sedamlica, Rujevid figurira u okviru Nodilove solarne heptalogije; Porevid (s pet glava) i Porenut (s pet lica, od kojih je peto bilo utisnuto na prsima) akteri su price o Suncevim hiposta­zama u okviru solarne heptalogije; Pripegala je, najzad, otelovljenje božjeg prijapizma. Shodno tome, postoje i paralelne genea­ logije: u jednoj „centralno mjesto pripada Vidovim sinovima/blizancima – indoeu­ ropskim konjanicima (Jakšici: blizanacki mitem) i njihovoj sestri Zori, koji ostvaruju incestnu kozmogonijsku hijerogamiju, a u drugoj genealogiji (u kojoj Svantevid figurira kao Svarog) dominira Sunce koje ima brata Mjeseca isestru Danicu“. Na slican nacin, pokazuje Suzana Marjanic, Nodilo „racvanjem vlastite interpretatio multiplex vrluda u okviru“ polionimije vrhovnog ženskog božanstva: „nebesnaVida/Lelja/Živa/Zemlja/Zora“, cemu se mogu dodatiiobredno-obicajneifolklorne konceptualizacije mitske figure u oblicju Kolede, Vare, Babe Zlate (Baba od Zlata, Baba Zlatna), Petke, Grozde. Osnovni materijal na kome Nodilo indu­kuje svoju teoriju jesu epske pesme (delom i lirske i pripovetke), mada, pokazuje Suzana Marjanic, za mitologiju fundamentalnim smatra tri žanra:epskepesmeihimnu, koji su se izvorno kazivali u sveto vreme, te pri-cu, koja se pozicionira u okvire profanoga. Nodilo se pogotovo interesuje za one pesme koje odreduje kao „neistorijske“ (što ce reci, one s najarhaicnijim motivima i junacima ciji su istorijski prototipi najudaljeniji u vre-menu, ili, recima Vuka Karadžica – „pjesme junacke najstarije“), za koje pretpostavlja da su inicijalno opevale božanske podvige i slovile kao pravi mitovi. U njegovom vidokrugu našao se citav spektar kljucnih epskih figura koje otelovljuju odredene aspekte njegove kompleksne mitološke rekonstrukcije. Obracajuci pažnju na teme vernog psa, cudesnog maca, neverstva žene, kao i na etimologiju, Nodilo izdvaja Jakšu, Voina i BanovicStrahinju kao Svantevi-dove epske hipostaze. Nodilo u okvirima rekonstrukcije solarne mitologije interpretira citav niz epskih likova, koji, prema njego-vim nalazima, reflektuju razlicite aspekte vrhovnog božanstva u okviru dnevnog i godišnjeg ciklusa. Medu njima izdvaja se narativ o božan-skim blizanicma, sa centralnim scenariom u okviru kojeg Nodilo izdvaja „dva konja, dva maca, dva hrta, požarni prizor, vecernje okamenjivanjeijutarnjeuskrsnuce“.Pomocu mita o blizancima Nodilo je „interpretirao uzlaznu putanju/evoluciju i silaznu putanju/ involuciju Sunca, sliku jutarnjega i vecernjega Sunca. Dualisticka (dihotomijska) kozmolo­gija izvire iz prirodnoga dualizma podneblja s dva oštro razgranicena godišnja (zimskei ljetne svetkovine) i dnevna (dan – noc) doba, u okviru cega je znakovito da su Blizanci treci zodijakalni znak koji prethodi ljetnom solsticiju“. Ujužnoslovenskoj epskoj tradiciji vezuje ga za bracu Jakšice. Posebno mesto zauzima kalendarski godišnji dodekaloški mit koji Nodilo vezuje za vojvodu Kaicu, odnosno dvanaest vojvoda Sibinjanin Janka, gde junaci poimence predstavljaju mesece u godini (Kaica Radonja, Vuk Dojcetic, Rajko/BoškoRajcevic, Stojan „Stepojev sin“, Jovica Resavac, Golemovic Đuro, Pavle Orlovic, Rado-begMijajlo, Grcic Manojlo, Oblacic Rade), s Kaicom kao decembrom, zbog cega u epskom narativu i stradaibivaoplakan junackomtužbalicom. U okviru „meteorološke teorije“ figuriraju Jug i Jugovici, ciju nominaciju vezuje za toplu stranu sveta i topao vetar, a koji „figuriraju kao solarna i 'vjetrena braca'“. Na pola puta izmedu božanskih i epskih figuracija jesu sveci, o kojima Nodilo u više navrata piše kao o hristijanizovanim projekcijama slovenskih „olimpljana“. Iako se pominju u velikom broju, kljucne pozi­cije u Nodilovoj rekonstrukciji, pokazuje Suzana Marjanic, imaju – ocekivano – sv. Đorde / sv. Juraj, kao refleks prolecnog vegetacijskog Vidovog/Santovidovog as-pekta i kao naslednik domena protagoniste u arhetipskom sukobu Gromovnika i aždaje; sv. Nikola, koji prema Nodilu na kraju kosmicke godine zamenjujeostarjelog Vida/ Velesa i vezuje se, pored vode, i za Arbor Mundi; a u istorijsko-hrišcanskom kljucu i sv. Vlah, legendarni zaštitnik Dubrovnika, u vezi s kim je analiziran niz istorijskih svedocanstava i folklornih narativa (Nodilo ga interpretira kao hrišcansku alternativu boga Velesa/Vida). Pristupajuciakribicnoslojevitojikom­plesnoj Nodilovoj knjizi, autorka istice da njegova mitološka teorija nije samo solarna, „kako su je neki znanstvenici atribuirali“, apostrofirajuci više puta Nodilov mitološki credo: „Pokretaci vjere arijske valjda su, zajedno, i sunce, i munja, i vidilo, i oganj, i djedovi upokojeni“. Ovo argumentuje teme­ljitim osvrtima na Nodilovu konceptualizaciju Gromovnika(munja,zmaj,aždaja,arhetipski sukob), njegovo sagledavanje elemenata i ulogekultapredaka,tenanjegovu„lunarnu mitologiju“. Suzana Marjanic istice da se u Nodilovom sistemu neraskidivo susticu solarni i predacki kult, jer su „obicaji iz solarnoga kulta povezani s kultom prirode i kultom predaka. Dnevno Sunce svake veceri, kao smrtonosni psihopomp i inicijaticki hijerofant, silazi u carstvo mrtvih kamo sa sobommožepovuci(descensus) icovjeka.“ U okviru „religije groba“ izdvaja se obred slave, odnosno proslavljanja krsnog imena, koji sadrži brojne elemente kulta mrtvih: u zdravicama i slavskim molitvama pominju sedomacipokojnici, aslavske „žrtve“ (panspermija) analognesuonimakod daca i pogreba. Suzana Marjanic dalje u tekstu zakljucuje da je „propitivanje vokabulara religije groba Nodilu omogucilo odredeno teorijsko pomirenje naturizma i animizma, teorije koja izvorište religije pronalazi u strahu od prirodnih fenomena (naturizam, mitologija prirode) i teorije koja izvorište religijepronalaziuanimizmu(EdwardBur-nett Tylor)“. Ona istice da Nodilo krece u rekonstrukciju religije groba od pojma duše, da potencira njenu „neumrlost“ (za razliku od tela podložnog raspadanju), da je razli­kuje od daha i duha, ali da poslednji termin ne definiše. Bavi se potom indoevropskom praksom incineracije, pri cemu na osnovu opisasahranecaraDušana1355. godinetvrdi da sedrevnapraksa duže zadržalakod Srba. Nodilo takode rekonstruiše osobeno „obiteljsko trojstvo“, pozivajuci se na obi­caje oko Božica (rodenje mladoga boga), poglavito na materice, oce i detinjce i na liriku koja je tematizovala motive iz ovog kruga („Da okupam Koledo! – malog boga, Koledo!–Ibožica,Koledo!):„Božicnidani kano da su babine djeteta božica“ (Nodilo). Stoga i u okviru trijade „Božic, Božij dan i Stjepanj dan“ Nodilo detektuje poslednji praznik kao „Ženski dan“ koji je potom hristijanizovan i maskuliniziran. Dalje, mitemu „munjevnoga oblaka“, pokazuje Suzana Marjanic, Nodilo pove­zuje s Perunom, a onda i sa sv. Ilijom i njegovom folklornom sestrom, ognjenom sveticom Marijom, za koje se vezuju nara­tivio „poslednjem vremenu“ i zemlji Indiji gdevlada „teško bezakonstvo“, kao iza motiv nebeskih kljucara, koji zatvaraju i otvaraju godišnja doba. „Religiju ognja“ u epskom registru prepoznaje u figuri Zmaj Ognjenog Vuka, posmatrajuci ga pritom u kontekstu narativa o „zmiji mladoženji“, a sve u kontekstu „mladoga nocnog zmaja/ ognja koji se svake veceri rada na ognjištu i budi, dok pred zoru zamire“. U vezi sa Zmaj OgnjenimVukom Nodilo išcitava i niktomorfnu prirodu zmaja „na primjeru njegova likantropskogahabitusa(vucjašapa), upucujuci kako mitski vuk u arijskom sustavu vjerovanja simbolizira noc i nocno doba“. Nodilo se, najzad, bavi i lunarnom mi-tologijom,posmatrajuciMeseckaokoncept kalendarskoga merenja i postavljajuci i njega, neminovno, u vezu s kultom predaka. Nodilo time zaokružuje i upotpunjuje rekonstrukciju drevnog koncepta vremena, koji se zasnivao i na Suncu (dnevni i godišnji ritmovi) i na Mesecu (nedeljni i mesecni ciklus). Atribute Meseca (koji se posmatra kao maskulino božanstvo) prati u projekcijama na epske junake, Miloša Obilica i Starinu Novaka. Poslednjeg junaka, imenovanog u epici kao Novak DebeliciStarina Novak, u konstelaciji sa njegovim epskim sinom – Gruicom No­vakovicem – Nodilo vidi kao tri Meseceve hipostaze: „u mladini, naponu i starosti“. Zasebne niše Nodilove, a onda i autorkine analize predstavljaju osvrti na toponime, hi-dronime, etimološke veze, obredno-obicajnu praksu (recimo „materica“, pretposlednje nedeljepreBožica,i„oca“,poslednjenedelje pre Božica, kada deca vezuju roditelje, što simbolizuje zimsko vezivanje i prolecno odvezivanje Sunca i ljudi), folklorne li­kove (grabancijaši), simbole (metle, npr.), nominaciju nebeskih tela i biljaka, motive (incesta poglavito) itd. Poseban sloj studije predstavljaju analize zoosimbolike, koje lajtmotivski okupljaju veliki broj životinjskih vrsta: zmiju, kravu / bika, ovcu, vuka, kunu, lasicu, konja / kobilu, lastavicu, medveda, petla, psa, orla i dr. Detaljno išcitavajuci Nodilovu studiju, SuzanaMarjanicukazujenanjegovemesti­micne misinterpretacije (Orbinija i Prokopija, primera radi) i koriguje neka Nodilova re-šenja, nudeci optimalnija (Nodilo, recimo, Svantevidovu cetvoroglavost tumaci kao atribute boga vedrine i cistine, dok autorka s razlogom ovakav imaginarijum dovodi u vezu sa simbolikom strana sveta „u okviru cega istok i jug oznacuju carstvo dana, proljeca i ljeta, a zapad i sjever – carstvo noci i zime prema mitskim kategorijama povezivanja strana svijeta uz aspekt dana / noci i uz godišnja doba“). Na tragu Nodilovih rešenja, autorka daje znacajan prilog sagledavanju bazicnih koncepatafolklornogmišljenja, na primer, kada dihotomiju Vida – Živa, vs. baba (ostareli boginjin aspekt) sagledava u „sponi vila – baba, što ce reci aspekt mlade, dakako i lijepe boginje (s obzirom na još uvijek živuci frazemski sklop lijepa kao vila) kao i ženstva (vilenice) koje je posveceno iscjeliteljskoj bijeloj magiji [...] te aspekt ostarjele boginje (baba) kojoj su u narodnim vjerovanjima pridane negativne valorizacije ženstva i praksa crne magije (baba vještica, baba vracara, ruska Baba Jaga, Baba Ruga, babaroga, babicekao porodiljni demoni)“. Iako je, kako autorka više puta istice, Nodilova metodologija na granici umetnosti i nauke („rijec je o rekonstrukcijama koje prelaze podrucje stroge znanostii zadiru u znanstvenostoliku fantastiku“), iuprkos tome što je vankontekstualno tumacio cinjenice („nevjerojatno jekoliko setrudio interpretirati istrgnute stihove – uglavnom, epskih i kalen­darskih pjesama – iz konteksta, išcitavajuci u njihovim svjetovima odredeno pogansko znacenje“), neke njegove postavke na dubljim strukturnim nivoima relevantne su i danas. U fundametalnom mitskom agonu u razlicitim naucniminterpretacijamafiguriraju razlicito nominovani akteri, ali su logika, ishod, pa i priroda sukoba analogni. U Nodilovoj verziji sukobljavaju se vrhovni staroslovenski bog Svantevid i ala (što je izuzetno produktivna leksema: alauža,alabuka, alavanta, alauk, alamunja, alakaca, alapaca, alosan i sl.), za šta paralele pronalazi u kosmickom agonu izmedu Gromovnika/Indre i zmaja/zmije, što ce prihvatiti i potonja semioticko-struktura­listicka škola (V. Ivanov, V. Toporov). Dati mitem Nodilo pritom i razuduje, smatrajuci da ala nastupa leti, kao manipulator olujom i gradom, a da u zimskim mesecima deluje kao Vada (Kavga) i Mora. Folkloristicko-etimološka paleontologija, rekonstrukcija na osnovu petrificiranih, iz konteksta u vecoj ili manjoj meri izmeštenih cestica negdašnje celine nije samo odlika mitološke škole kojoj se priklonio Natko Nodilo. Ista pregnuca obeležila su u rasponu od jednog veka i strukturalisticko-semioticka istraživanja V. Ivanova i N. Toporova, te, na hrvatskim i srpskim prostorima – Vitomira Belaja, Radoslava Katicica iAleksandra Lome, da pomenemo samo one koji su far- gmente istraživanja povezali u sistem. Ova cinjenica ukazuje na vitalnost i produktivnost „detektivskih“ pregnuca „nodilovskog“ tipa, na znacaj vracanja njegovim istraživanjima, na inspirativnost tog „naucno-fantasticnog“ opusa za potonja promišljanja o putevima tradicije i ukrštajima razlicitih tradicijskih linija, o autohtonosti, generickoj poveza­nosti i tipološkoj srodnosti motiva, što sve knjigu Suzane Marjanic cini dragocenom i uzbudljivom za citanje. Lidija Delic, Beograd Sašababic, Matejabelak (ur.), StaroverStvo v SlovenijiMedreligijo IN ZNANOSTJO – STUDIA MYTHOLOGICA slavica – suPPlementa, zbirka suPPlementum 17. ljubljana: založba zrc, 2022, 176 strani. Kot v uvodni besedi zapišeta urednici, dr. Saša Babic in Mateja Belak, je zbornik nastal v okviru projekta Popis, analiza in ovrednotenje primarnih in sekundarnih virov slovenskih raziskovalcev o 'Posoškem staroverstvu', financiran s strani Javne agen­cije za raziskovalno dejavnost Republike Slovenije in Ministrstva za kulturo. Nada- ljujeta, da je »namen projekta in s tem tudi knjigepredvsemkriticno ovrednotitiprav to sporno gradivo in ga umestiti v zgodovinski, prostorski in družbeni kontekst, nikakor pa ne zanikati pristnosti virov«. Zbornik sestavlja osem prispevkov, razdeljenih v dve tematski poglavji: splošno vsebino in gradivo. V prvemdelu tako srecamo (ob uvodni besedi urednic in kratkem opisu knjige) prispevke arheologinje in etnologinje KatjeHrobatVirloget,zgodovinarjaMatjaža Bizjaka, politologinje Cirile Toplak, filozofa in teologa Lenarta Škofa, arheologa Mihe Mihelica ter arheologa, etnologain zgo­dovinarja Andreja Pleterskega. V drugem delu se zapisom pridružita radiestezista in prostocasnaraziskovalcastaroverstvaRudiCop in Franc Šturm. V poglavju Kratko o knjigi Andrej Ple­terski, sicer tudi sodelavec omenjenega pro-jekta, v prvih nekaj odstavkih opiše pregled razvoja študij staroverstva na Slovenskem. Besedo »staroverstvo« pri tem uporablja kot krovni pojem za pripovedovanja o »naši stari veri s starimi bogovi in molitvami po starem«(9);njenouporaboutemeljujetudi z dejstvom, da se besede »pogan« in z njo povezanimi praksami še vedno drži negativna konotacija, naravoverstvo ali rodnoverstvo pa trenutno še nista množicno uveljavljena. Kratka uvodna beseda tako ponudi opise vkljucenihprispevkov, zakljucipatako: »Ce razumemo staroverstvo, razumemo cas in nacin življenja, vkaterem sta bila religija in znanost še eno in isto« (11). Ta motivika se pojavi v zborniku še pozneje na vec mestih in doseže višek z zadnjima dvema, alternativnima prispevkoma. Prvi v nizu zapisov sestavlja clanek (Ne)pristnost verovanj in praks v gradivu o »posoških starovercih«ter o primerljivosti in o razlicnih pogledih na svet (15) arheolo­ginje in etnologinje Katje Hrobat Virloget, ki v prispevku (med drugim) naslovi kritiko nepristnosti Medvešckovih zapisov, saj je stroka, kot piše sama, »pri tem vprašanju povsemrazdeljena«(15).Ševec, oblikovali sta se »dve struji v etnologiji in v širših humanisticnih in družboslovnih vedah« (16). Prva jemlje »Medvešckovo gradivo kot etnografski vir in o njem piše« (16), medtem ko druga »o pristnosti Medvešc­kovega gradiva dvomi, o njem ne objavlja razprav, kvecjemu jih zanimajo sodobni diskurzi in prakse, ki jih je omenjeno gradivo o posoških starovercih povzrocilo« (16–17). V drugem delu prispevka Hrobat Virloget v poglavju Razmislek o odnosu stroke in širše javnosti do staroverskega gradiva obravnava distanciranje etnološke stroke do obravnave Medvešckovega gradiva ter dimenzije laicnega raziskovanja in njegovih »stranpoti« (15). Kot piše, »ker vecina stroke ignorira gradivo o starovercih, nad katerim je širša javnost tako navdušena, ta potem sama išce odgovore na vprašanja« (22). V zadnjem, tretjem delu prispevka avtorica išce vzporedniceverovanj in praks »poso­škegastaroverstva« vdrugihgeografskihin družbenih kontekstih ter ponudi dolocene vzporednice (na primer, s cašcenjem babe, mitskim strukturiranjem krajine in trocani v slovanski mitologiji in tako dalje). Kot zakljucek avtorica ponudirazmislek »o nam neznanem ali o trku razlicnih svetov«, v katerem izpostavi omejitve v razisko­ valceviperspektivi. Nadaljuje z nizanje vzporednic z ostalimi etnološkimi »odkritji« (na primer, z zapisi Borisa Coka, z zapisi o žitkovskih boginjah, z zapisi Aleksandra Panjekao razkolu med kmecko in gosposko družbonaKrasu,s pisanjiCarlaGinzburga o benedantih). V drugem prispevku prvega sklopa Ko­lonizacija Srednjega Posocja (35), Matjaž Bizjak obravnava poselitveno zgodovino Srednjega Posocja. Avtor na enajstih straneh ponudi vpogled v starejšo slovansko poseli­tev, ki jo je v obdobju po madžarskih vpadih pospeševal oglejski patriarhat. Slednji je na obravnavanem obmocju izoblikoval dve zemljiški gospostvi: goriško in tolminsko. Kot skuša prikazati tudi z navajanjem prvih omemb krajev v Srednjem Posocju, so bila do konca 12. stoletja vecinoma poseljena obmocja Goriških Brd, doline Soce, južni del Banjške planote ter spodnji dolini Bacein Idrijce z južnim delom Šentviške planote. V poznem srednjem veku je bila kolonizacija usmerjena v severni del Kambreškega hri­bovja in gozdnata obmocja, ki so se raztezala do freisinškega škofjeloškega gospostva. V prispevku Družbeno-politicni vidiki zahodnoslovenske naravoverske skupnosti (47) Cirila Toplak obravnava staroverstvo z vidika politologije. Avtorica v zacetku prispevka ponudi argumentacijo za obrav­navo gradiva Pavla Medvešcka kot ve­rodostojnega vira o »zahodnoslovenski naravoverskikontrakulturi« (47), tudi z navajanjem lastnih etnografskihdoživetij, odkritij in raziskovanj. V drugem poglavju se ravno tako opredeli do uporabe besedne zveze »posoško staroverstvo«, saj najbi slednje vsebovalo slabšalni kontekst. Kot piše, so se pripadniki skupnosti »šteli za naravoverce, a so ta izraz omenili le trije od Medvešckovih sogovornikov« (52). Slednji naj bi bil najbolj primeren za uporabo tudi po mnenju Pavla Medvešcka. V naslednjih poglavjih Toplak obravnava naravoverstvo skozi politološke koncepte primordialne družbeneforme, heterotopije, infrapolitike in globokega državljanstva. Kot primer vzporednosti družbenih struktur, naravo­verske in kršcanske, se (tako kot Hrobat Virloget) nanaša na pisanja in raziskovanja AleksandraPanjka.Nadaljuje,dabi»lahko imeli opraviti z dvoverjem, znacilnim za slovanska ljudska verovanja,« ki se kaže kot »zavestno politicno ravnanje manjšine, skozi katerega je kršcanska religija scasoma postala temeljnireferencniokvir naravo­verske ideologije in praks« (59). Namesto sklepa Toplak ponudi naravoversko kritiko kapitalizma in socializma, a tudi država po njihovem »ni bila nic boljša od cerkve« (66), kar utemeljuje sodelovanje naravovercev »v kmeckih puntih […] in organizaciji TIGR pod italijansko okupacijo,« podpirali pa naj bi tudi »narodnoosvobodnilni boj oziroma šli v partizane« (67). Kriticna je tudi do »poblagovljena ter prevecdobesednega in površnega razumevanja naravoverstva« (68), za kar je po njenem mnenju (pri tem se nanaša na pisanja Hrobat-Virloget) od­govorna tudi stroka ter zakljuci s pozivom za nadaljevanje (znanstvenega) raziskovanja zahodnoslovenskega naravoverstva. Prispevek Elementi slovenske prvotne religije (71) Lenarta Škof je v zborniku pri­jetnanovost,sajponujafilozofsko-teološko interpretacijo. V prvem delu sestavka avtor primerja Medvešckovo gradivo s sodobnimi teorijami domorodnih religij sveta. Kot zapiše, jeciljprispevka »pokazati, da se v soocenju med prvotnimi elementarnimi kozmološkimi matricami in sodobnimi teorijami tako v humanistiki kakor tudi v družboslovju in znanosti […] izrisuje prostor ontološkega misterija in obenem kozmološko-kvantne zamotanosti (entan­glement), ki nakazujeta na možnost prehoda k novomišljeni ontologiji in kozmoteologiji cloveka, naravein boga« (73–74). V drugem delu avtor nadaljuje s teorijo monoteizma Jana Assmanna in teorijo prvotnega mo- noteizma Wilhelma Schmidta; s pomocjo Schmidtove teorije domorodne religije so bile slednje »prvic v zgodovini sprejete kot partnerice v dialogu« (71). Na teh temeljih Škofpredstavispecificnoverskookoljesta­roverstva (ali slovenske avtohtone religije) kot elementarno religijo in teologijo narave, in ponudifilozofsko-teološko interpretacijo elementov tega izrocila. Zadnji del prispevka obravnava možnost prihoda postkršcanske in postreligiozne dobe. Sklepna opomba v nacinu pisanja zveni bolj programsko, saj nudi napotke za doseganje »tretjedobe« in »postreligijske skupnosti«. Prispevek Trije Belini in njihovi sinkretiz­miv ustnem izrocilu zahodne Slovenije (93) arheologa Mihe Mihelica osvetli sinkretizme na obmocju vzhodne Slovenije, s poudarkom na cašcenju boga Belina in niza podobnosti znjegovimkršcanskim naslednikom sv. Albinom, njuna povezana na datum 1. marca (kotzacetek Belinovegaletainpomladi,dan smrti sv. Albina) pa služi kot »srednjeve­ško-novoveškisinkretizemkršcanskih ele­mentov s staroverskimi elementi, ki izvirajo iz prazgodovine« (93). Podobna pa si nista le v tem, temvec tudi v vlogi zdravilcev. Mihelic tako piše, da so glede na staroversko izrocilo»razlicnikamni, kisobilipovezani z Belinom, skrbeli za zdravje ljudi in živali. Kamen, imenovan Belistovo oko, ki so ga na kmetijah shranjevali v zunanjem slepem oknu hleva, je šcitil zdravje živine, kamen, imenovan Belist, pa je skrbel za zdravje ljudi v hiši« (99). V nadaljevanjusledi vec takih in podobnih povezav z uporabo imena. Mihelic ravno tako obravnava datiranje zacetka Belinovega leta, za katerega se (že prej omenjeno) šteje 1. marec, in kot razlog ponudivecrazlicnih odgovorov (imenovanju po škofu Albinu, izrocilo o zaznamovanem hrastu nad Vrtacami pod Korado, koledar na vrhu Kunika nad Livškimi Ravnami, kamnit krog pri Belem križu pri Preložah, morebiti tudikoledarvbližiniPodbrdapriRodežu). V zadnjem znanstvenem prispevku Verovanj host v sklopu staroverstva na Slovenskem in verovanja starih Slova­nov (109) AndrejPleterski »rekonstruira verovanjski sistem starih Slovanov, ki je vseboval miticno zgodbo o kozmicnem paru, ki spreminja svoje obnašanje v teku letnihcasov,ter kompleksno božjoentiteto, kiso jo sestavljale delne entitete« (109). Ta najobsežnejšiprispevek zbornika,dolg kar 46 strani, ugotavlja povezanost »stare vere« z verovanjskim sistemom starih Slovanov. Avtor tudi podrobneje obravnava novodobno cašcenje Triglava v zahodni Sloveniji in v tem kontekstu interpretira cerkljanski pustni lik Pust. Posebno pozornost pritegne avtorjeva teorija o teritorialno organiziranih enotah, imenovane hoste, ki naj bi prišle v zacetku 16. stoletja na obmocje Posocja z Dolenjske alispodnjegaPosavja. V tem kontekstu avtor niza strukturna ujemanja med reliefom s Svetih gor nad Bistrico ob Sotli in reliefoma iz Posocja (Nikrmanina zvezda in sedmak). V zadnjem delu, poimenovanem Gradivo (145), presenetita zapisa dveh preucevalcev geomantije, radiestezije, v katerih preko prakticnih poskusov raziskujeta sveta mesta. Prviclanek Rudija Copa Vplivmegalitov na lokalno magnetno polje (147) obravnava merjenje energije znotraj treh megalitov, ki so jih postavili neimenovani poznavalci po izrocilu starovercev. Kot piše so trije megaliti(kiskupajtvorijo trocan) zmanjšali vpliv sprememb v lokalnem magnetnem polju,kijihpovzrocaSonceobpovecanem delovanju aktivnost. Pravilno postavljen monolit pa deluje kot pasivni element, ki omejuje ali celo stabilizira te spremembe na (za cloveka) znosno raven. Zadnji prispevekFranca Šturma poimenovan Cerkev kot del staroverskega svetišca (157) obravnava stikanja med kršcanstvom in »duhovnimi, naravnimi sistemi« starovercev. Obravnavi in obrazložitvi konceptov, kot so na primer naravni sistemi, njihovi algoritmi, elementi naravnih sistemov posoških starovercev, metode za merjenje duhovnih polj, sledi obravnava »teoreticnih osnov«, kot so re-sonatorji, trikotnik, kvadrat, pravokotnik in krog kot resonatorji, zemeljski, vodni in ognjeni trocan. V zadnjem delu sledi prakticni obravnava naravnegasistema v vasi Volarje in njeni okolici, s poudarkom na cerkvi svetega Brikcija, ki je, kot piše avtor, »del staroverskega svetišca« in je bila zgrajena »za vzdrževanje duhovnega polja pete moci« (167). Kot raziskovalka sodobnih interpretacij staroverstva in etnologinja z ožjim poljem izkušenj, ne dovolim zapasti v produkcijo polarizirajocih mnenj. Želim in upam, da je moja skopa in kratka kritika dolocenih vidikov zbornika razumljena in sprejeta dobronamerno. Cetudi urednici v zacetku zbornika napovesta »kriticno vrednotenje Medvešckovega gradiva«, se v skoraj isti sapi izpostavi, da zbornik ne bo naslavljal vprašanja o kredibilnosti. Žal je, za namen nujne in zdrave znanstvene kriticnosti, treba nasloviti tudi slednje, saj primerjave iz tujine nakazujejo na relativno pogostost senzacionalnih »odkritij«. Kot piše Sabina Magliocco, folkloristom 19. stoletja slednja niso bila nenavadna, saj so mnogi zapisovalci verjeli, da s svojim delom starodavnim be- sedilom »vracajo« njihov »prvotni« pomen; medtem so nevede ustvarili povsem nova (SabinaMagliocco,BookReview:TheNew Edition of Leland's Aradia. Pomegranate: The International Journal of Pagan Studies 13/9, 56). V tem znanstvenem kontekstu lahko razumemo tudi pisanja Pavla Med­ vešcka– nekotponarejevalcainizumitelja, temvec zbiratelja gradiva, ssvojimi lastnimi prepricanji, motivi in predsodki. V pisanjih bi bile vsekakor dobrodošle analogije in omembe, ki primarno ne spadajo »v kalup« (ce izkoristimo zgoraj citirano recenzijo, so to lahko že pisanja Charlesa G. Lelanda). Nadaljnje, v znanstvenem zborniku sta prispevka s podrocja geomantije mote­cain se kažetakot želja po povezovanju vzporednih, med seboj oddaljenih svetov religije in (alternativne) znanosti (razmerje je tudi veckrat naslovljeno v posamicnih prispevkih). Navkljub pomanjkljivostim je zbornik dobrodošlo in zanimivo ctivo v študijah Medvešckovega staroverstva in tudi njegovih sodobnih interpretacijah. Manca Racic, Cerklje ob Krki Suzana Marjanici roSana ratkovcic (ur.), Mackozbornik: odbaStet do CATWOMAN. zaGreb: nakladajesenskii turkkulturnoinformativni centar, 2022, 887 strana. Dugo ocekivani Mackozbornik konacno je ugledao svetlost dana oktobra 2022. godine, sedam godina nakon što je ova prica zapoce­ta. IstoricarkaumetnostiRosanaRatkovcic udružilajesnages folkloristkinjomSuzanom Marjanic, koja sevecdokazala na polju kulturne i kriticke animalistike. Njihov zamašni poduhvat rezultirao je svojevrsnim omažom životinji koja je oduvek deo života ljudi. Po sopstvenom priznanju urednica, njihov entuzijazam je podstaknut, pre svega, ljubavlju prema ovom, najpopularnijem (tzv.) kucnom ljubimcu, koji je prošao istorijski put„od sakralizacije preko demonizacije do petišizma” (30). Sam podnaslov Mac­kozbornika – „od Bastet do Catwoman” otkriva širinu i kompleksnost obradenih tema, što je sasvim u skladu s definicijom da kulturna animalistika proucava ulogu „životinja u cjelokupnoj materijalnoj i du­hovnoj kulturi covjecanstva” (26). Na poziv se odazvao impozantan broj mackoautora razlicitih profila, cemu svedoci i opsežnost zbornika od bezmalo 900 strana, deset po­glavlja/temata u koja je razvrstano gotovo 60 priloga, ukljucujuciidva predgovora. Radovi razmatraju simboliku macke u svim segmentima ljudskog življenja, promišljanja i delanja. Ne smeju se zanemariti ni ilustra­ cije, koje ovu mackotematiku docaravaju, upotpunjuju, objašnjavaju i ulepšavaju. Prvo poglavlje Mackozbornika(„Macjih devet života – Suživot i zooetika”) otkriva životmackeurealnomljudskomokruženju. Tu su sakupljene tople, ljudsko-macje pripo­vesti o uzajamnoj zahvalnosti, razumevanju, ali i o neminovnim nesporazumima, koji su najcešce rezultat (ljudskog) antropo­centricnog pogleda na svet. Prica Ljiljane Horvat Komericki o sigurnom i udobnom domu za macke otvara zbornik, ali bi mogla stajati i na njegovom kraju, kao opomena svima koji olako prihvataju ljubimce, da bi ih se potom još lakše odrekli. Jer, kakav god covek bio prema njima, macke, poput onih zvanih „Nikadnerecinemogu” u prici Karmen Turcinov, ipak uz njegainstik­tivno nalaze sigurnost i beg od beznada.Štaviše, one „komuniciraju i zahvalnošcu, prepoznavajuci ljude po njihovim indivi­dualnim osobinama” (64). Bruno Beljak dopunjuje ovo izlaganje zakljuckom da je macka „zamijenila svoju divlju slobo­du, prepustivši se covjeku u zamjenu za sigurnostiredovit obrok“ (105). Autor poredi urbane s ruralnim mackama. Mac­ke u gradovima jesu stekle udobnost u stanovima, ali su zauzvrat izgubile svoju prirodnu ulogu predatora. S druge strane, macke u seoskim sredinama uglavnom suzadržale svoju etno ulogu, buducida „covjek drži macku u svojoj blizini, zbog njezinih etnomedicinskih vještina”kojesu mu neophodne za preživljavanje (103). Josip Zanki u „Mackama i razbijanju astralnih larvi”, preplice sopstvena iskustva života s mackama, s ezoterijskim narativima o staroegipatskim mackama, koje su produkt genetskog inženjeringa. Temat zatvara NikicaPrvanovicBabicpregledommacje simbolike kroz istoriju i razlicite kulture, dopunjujuci je korisnim, prakticnim mac­ko-prilogom iz veterinarske prakse. Književnici rado uzimaju macku za temu svog pisanja i o tome svedoci drugo poglavlje - „Macak kod Tiffanyja”. Vinko Grubišic pokazuje kako je macka postala oružje kojim, Baudelaire u pesmama, a Ionesco u dramama, vrše svoje „oponiranje suvremenicima, otpor jeziku, suprotstavljanje svakodnevnim okolnostima i takorekuc sveukupnosti života” (151). I Virginija Woolf obilato koristi simboliku ove životi­nje, a Monika Bregovic se usredsreduje na njen esej „Vlastita soba”. Bezrepa macka spisateljici služi da ukaže na problematiku podredenog i pasivnog položaja žena u patrijarhalnim društvima. Lidija Delic u glavnoj junakinji romana Casovi radosti Vladana Matijevica, kao iu„belešci” na njegovom kraju, pronalazi „prepoznatljivu ’psihološku’ platformu preuzetu iz knji­ ževne i folklorne imagologije o mackama, eksplicitno je markirajuci kao prostor pro-jekcije pripovedacevih (sopstvenih) želja i motivacije za pisanje ovog romana” (170). Anica Vlašic-Anic skrece pažnju na kalei­ doskopicno nizanje doslovnih, konotativnih i figurativnih znacenja reci u poeziji Daniila Harmsa, koje nas, u novim „kombinacija-ma metamackoforicnih višesmislenosti, asocijativnosti i aluzivnosti – bespoštedno ’o/rašcaravaju’” (189). Bestijarska ikono­grafija, koju razmatra Petra Pugar, našla se i u središtu Kronika iz Narnije, a C. S. Lewisu je poslužila da u liku lava Aslana spoji fantastiku s alegorijom Boga. Na kraju ovog poglavlja docekuje nas Bernard Jan sa svojom potresnom ispovešcu o Svijetu bez boja, koji nastaje onog trenutka kada nestane njegovog prijatelja, macka Marcela. Poglavlje„Macak u cizmama”, razmatra macku kao junaka narativa od (narodne) „bajke do suvremene djecje književnosti”. Nada Kujundžic detaljno analizira žanrovske macko-transformacije uzbirci Kinder-und Hausmärchen brace Grimm, kao i u njenim razlicitimizdanjima. Barbara Pleic Tomic razotkriva tamnu stranu poznatog decijeg klasika Ele Peroci, tako da Maca Papucarica pred našim ocima postaje lik iz žanra psihološke imitološke strave i užasa, brišuci uzgred i zamisao majcinstva kao „ideala bezuvjetne, neproblematicne i neproblematiziraneljubaviipožrtvovnosti” (269). Ljubica Matek nas podseca na zdušna nastojanja T. S. Eliota da svojim pesmama podstakne citaoca na humaniji odnos prema ne-ljudskim bicima i njihovim jednako vrednim životima, prepoznajuci u stavo­vima tog zagovornika macjeg identiteta, vesnika kasnijeg bioetickog egalitarizma. I James Joyce je upotrebio animalisticke elemente u svojoj knjizi Macak i vrag kako bi, istice Martina Jurišic, dao „subverzivnu kritiku društva uoblicenu u diskurs djecje književnosti” (299). Slikom macke u likovnoj i u drugim vizu­elnim umetnostima bavi se poglavlje „Macje oci”. Temat otvara Dajana Vlaisavljevic svojim opsežnim, simbolicko-ikonografskim istilsko-morfološkimistraživanjimamotiva macke u hrvatskoj likovnoj umetnosti od 19. veka, koja otkrivaju postojani dualisticki odnos covekaprema ovoj životinji, od obožavanjado sotoniziranja. I SilvaKalcici Leopold Rupnik usvojimseradovimaosvrcu na Olimpiju E´douarda Maneta. Kalciceva razmatra primere interpretacije i remedijali­zacije kontroverznog umetnickog klasika u modernoj i savremenoj umetnosti, na kojima možemo pratiti smenjivanje perspektiva sveta i coveka u njemu, dok Rupnik iznalazi nove aspekte gledanja, zadiruci u femini­sticke kulturnoanimalisticke interpretacije macije simbolike. Koncept Deleuzeovog i Guattarijevog trijadnog životinjstva pre­ispituje Suzana Marjanic, i to na primeru video instalacija konceptualne umetnice Carolee Schneemann. Mackozbornik ima i svog nakostrešenog macka u linorezu, a pricu o njemu Andelko Mrkonjic spaja s toplom pricom o osijeckoj mackozaštitnici - Mackamami. Dvarada upoglavlju „Ljudi-macke” referišu nafilmskemacke. JelaSabljicVujica ovu životinju smatra metaforom poezije, ali seipak fokusiranamacku u romanu kojije ujedno i predložak za film Le Chat Pierrea Granier-Deferrea. Tu an unremarkable cat „postaje i simbol i stvarnost, i sredstvo i pokretac znacenjske emancipacije, samo bice ljudske tragedije” (375). Tomislav Orozanalizira zapadnjacku animalizova-nu i demonizovanu recepciju Balkana u filmovima Ljudi macke i Prokletstvo ljudi macaka iz cetrdesetih godina prošlog veka, kao i kasnije odgovore iz „’domace’ per-spektive u raznovrsnim izricajima popularne kulture” (411). Upravo jepopularnakultura podruc­je u kom inspiraciju traže autori šestog poglavlja Mackozbornika, nazvanog po možda najpoznatijoj pop-macki - „Hello Kitty“.StripovskaCatwomanjezanimljiva Koraljki Meštrovic, koja kroz prizmu rata macke i miša razmatra rat polova, uz sve potencijalne „seksualne, rasne, rodne i politicke konotacije” (429). I Igor Gajin Catwoman vidi kao žarišni simbol razlicitih projekcija, pogodan za rašclanjivanjestereo­tipa o ženama (i) mackama. Poznati anime serijal Mononoke, Mileni Benini služi kao potka za poredenje uobicajenih mitoloških uloga macke u japanskom mitu/tradiciji i fantasticnih macaka, koje su potrebne da bi ženama-žrtvama omogucile da se izbore za pravdu. Marina Tkalcic i Vanesa Varga opominjuna važnost rada društava za zaštitu životinja, ciji se aktivisti dovijaju na razlicite nacine da ljude zainteresuju za spasavanje unesrecenih životinja. Jedan od efektnih nacina je postavljanje duhovitih fotografija antropomorfiziranih životinja na društvene mreže. Macka u muzici je zainteresovala Borisa Becka, te on traga za otelotvorenjima macijeg imaginarijuma u ljubavnoj i verskoj tematici muzike Nicka Cavea,dokMirtaJuriljistražujemackukao temu, ali i „saradnicu”, u kompozitorskom radu kroz istoriju muzike od baroka, preko impresionizma i romantizma, do Freddieja Mercuryja. Sedmo poglavlje, „Cerigradska macka”, daje raznolike prikaze macke u „kulturi i kulturalnim istraživanjima”. Dina Pokrajac preuzima zadatak da nam razotkrije strašnu tajnu„nacerenemacke”. RosanaRatkovcic nam približava simboliku macke u islamskoj kulturi, od brojnih predanja o Poslaniku Muhammedu, gde je macka pomocnik i prijatelj, do stihovnih i proznih narativa sufijskih pesnika, kojima se izražava ljubav prema mackama. Esej kojim se kroz licna iskustva života s mackama, prvo razbijaju predrasude oovim životinjama, aonda sve podiže i na višu razinu, te se zadire u najdubljehrišcansketajne,izašao jeizperaŽeljke Bišcan. Tumaceci nedostatak stida kod macke koja golog Derridu gleda kako se kupa, Žarko Paic pronalazi „uvjet mo-gucnosti drukcijeg odnosa izmedu srodnih bica”, cime se pokušava stati na put antro­pocentricnoj poziciji humanisticke tradicije, (neizlecivo) konfrotirane animalnosti. Pre-drag Krstic podseca da Derrida nije jedini filozof ogoljen pred svevidecim „macijim okom”, a Snježana Zoric se nadovezuje na to, poredeci Derridinu humanizaciju životinje s Agambenovom animalizacijom coveka, uz zakljucak da „Dalaj Lamina macka po­kazuje nepostojanje ovakve diferencijacije u buddhistickomkontekstu” (653). Vanja Maganjicseuhvatilau koštac s teško iz­vršivim zadatkom pronalaženja pocetaka macko-ljudskog suživota, stavljajuci u fokus mitologiju, prevashodno mackoglavu boginju Bastet. Macija gipkost i elegancija navela je ljude da oponašaju njene pokrete u raznim (telesnim) vežbama, poput one u hatha jogi, pa sve do scenskih umetnosti, a o tome piše Josipa Bubaš. Mackolingvisticka problematikau po­glavlju „Macji kašalj“ sagledavase u broj­nim frazemima,koje je, uz pomoc svojih studenata, Mira Menac-Mihalic pronašla u hrvatskim lokalnim govorima. Luka Velic je dokazao da je moguce porediti ljudski i maciji jezik, odlucivši se „na davanje pri­mjera mjaukanja i na kratku analizu primjera ljudsko-macjega medudjelovanjaodnosno jezicnoga razumijevanja” (722). Kroz svoju dugu zajednicku istoriju života s mackama, razvijana je simbolika ove životinje u etnotradiciji. Upravo je to tema devetog poglavlja Mackozbornika - „Povuci macka za rep”.Aleksandr V. Gura razmatra maciju simboliku u širim okvirima slovenske etnotradicije, dokazujuci da je macka predstavljena u gotovo svimfolklor­nim žanrovima. Slovenskim kontekstom se bavi i Biljana Sikimic, usredsredujuci se na još jedno poredenje žene i macke, i to na primeru motiva „macke kradljivice”, tj. tradicionalnog odnosa prema hrani za ljude i onoj namenjenoj/zabranjenoj mackama. Iryna Ogijenko proucava bogatu ukrajin­sku folklornu sliku sveta u prikupljenim legendama i predanjima o poreklu i oso­binama macke. Folklornim verovanjima iste tradicije bavi se i Dariya Pavlešen, uocavajuci njihove transformacije iz usme­ne u pisanu književnost, cime macka, od klasicnog frazeološkog, postajesavremeni književni junak. Odgovor na pitanje da li je macka božansko bice daje Ivica Kipre zakljucujuci da se njena uloga krece od „zoomorfnog supstituta praslavenskog gromovnikovog oponenta” do životinjskog odrugotvorenjahtonskog i„plodotvornog duha Majke zemlje” (813). U ovaj temat je uvršten i dragoceni etnološki zapis o mackama iz monografije Priroda u vero­vanju i predanju našega naroda II (1958) Tihomira R. Đordevica. Poslednje, deseto poglavlje, „Macji post scriptum”, citaoca vraca svakodnevici, u kojoj ljudi i macke dele dobro i zlo. Zapo-cinje intervjuomsnimljenim u tematskom kaficu Cat Caffe u Zagrebu, u kom se ljudi s mackama mogu družiti ili medu njima uži­vati, a gde se svakako o njima može mnogo nauciti. Dunja Knebl staru hrvatsku baladu „Sveca dogorijeva”, u kojoj je macak u ulozi junakovog (cudesnog) pomagaca, interpre­tativnovizualizirapricomo dvacrnamacka. Zvjezdana Jembrih ovom sveobuhvatom mackoistraživanju doprinosi prikupljenim zagorskim izrekama o mackama. Frane Rogic daje još jednu ispovest o životu s mackom, i to onom jednookom, koja je usvojila ljude i prostor, te njima vlada po sopstvenom nahodenju. I pesnicka promišljanja su našla svoje mesto u Mackozborniku. „Macke su zlokob­na djeca mjeseca”, umuje Vladimir Dodig Trokut. I to one macke koje „Pjevaju pjesmu vjecnih promjena. Prate tragove, vrebaju. Spremne za skok nepogrešiva cula. […] Noc se priljubila uz njihovo sviloliko krzno. Motre neku nadolazecuslutnju…” (877-878). A da svi znamo maciji jezik, razumeli bismo da nam ona kaže: „Tu kandžom prckam ja! Cuješ? Moj život / Nehajno koristim po potrebi. Kradem / Ti san po potrebi i bacam stvari, zabavljaj me!” (Sanjin Sorel, 879). Nikša Marinovic stavlja usklicnik na celu ovu pricu. Vagalismo, vagali i zakljucili: „Moj prince Žulijan / Mi smo društvo priroda / Složnabraca/YiniYang“ (884). Kako i dolikuje posle ovolikog ucenja, valjalo bi doznati koliko smo zapravo na-ucili. Zato Mackozbornik zakljucuje zani­mljivi „Mackokviz”, koji citaocu služi da proveri svoje znanje o mackama, znacajno obogaceno citanjem ove dragocene riznice mackoradova. Mackopricu možemo zakljuciti rezimeom Lidije Delic: „U rasponu od divinizovane životinje (Egipat), inkarnacije predaka (Caj­kanovic1994/5:99)iolicenjabogatstva(feng šui), do ’crne’, koja preseca srecne puteve i prati srednjovekovno i ino vešticarenje, macka nije izuzetak. Nema, medutim, mnogo simbola koji su u toj meri postali ’roršaho­va mrlja’ ljudske vrste i koji su u toj meri razigrali ljudsku maštu na planu psihološke projekcije poput simbola macke, ni u fol-klornoj ni u popularnoj kulturi: lenja, mudra (Garfield), hitra, spretna, gipka, samostalna (Cat Claw), radoznala (curiosity killed the cat), sebicna, umiljata, cista, lukava, tajan­stvena, oprezna, neoprezna(’devetživota’), opasna,nelojalna,neosvojiva,sklonaigri… Svako navodenje ovog tipa neminovno je osudeno na nepotpunost, timprešto ipolna diferencijacija (’macak’/’macan’) ima udela u sveukupnom imaginativnom skoru.” (170) Citaocu, na kraju, preostaje samo da se nada nekom buducem Psozborniku, Pticoz­borniku, Konjozborniku itd. (iako, moram priznati, ovi naslovi uopšte ne zvuce tako logicno kao: Mackozbornik). Potrebno je (samo) da se nadu tako uporne i posvecene urednice kakve su mackoSuzana i macko-Rosana. Veliko hvala! 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