232
Documenta Praehistorica XLVII (2020)
Introduction
Janusz Kruk and Sarunas Milisauskas, describing the
central Funnel Beaker Culture (hereafter: FBC) set-
tlement at Bronocice determined its last stage as a
‘stage of reduction and concentration of settlements’
(Kruk, Milisauskas 1999.174–176). Around approx.
3300 cal BC most large (central) settlements of the
FBC in Central Europe disappeared. In the Bronoci-
ce region, only 12 sites of the Funnel Beaker-Baden
Culture (hereafter: FB-BC) date to the period 3300–
2900/2800 cal BC. In a previous period (3700–3300
cal BC) this number reached 105. More than 50%
of the entire population was concentrated at the one
site of Bronocice (Kruk, Milisauskas 1999.175). In
the middle of the 4th millennium BC, the region sus-
tained a population of approx. 6200 people, and at
2900/2800 cal BC only a little more than 1000.
The concept of the ‘stage of reduction and concentration
of settlements’ in Neolithic studies>
demography, settlements and social conflict
Sl⁄awomir Kadrow
Institute of Archaeology, University of Rzeszów, Rzeszów, PL
slawekkadrow@gmail.com
ABSTRACT – The paper analyses the meaning of the ‘stage of reduction and concentration of settle-
ments’ and its place in the evolving structure of a Neolithic settlement system. It considers whether
this stage of the development of the settlement system was a specific event, limited only to the evo-
lution of a Funnel Beaker Culture settlement in south-eastern Poland, or whether it was a structural
element in other areas too. Analysis of the collected cases, representing various geographical zones,
cultural traditions and time horizons, allows us to formulate a thesis that describes the transforma-
tion of large settlements (from central places to the stage of reduction and concentration) were caused
by internal social conflicts, rather than by climate or economic changes.
IZVLE∞EK – V ≠lanku raziskujemo pomen ‘stopnje zmanj∏anja in koncentracij naselbin’ in njeno me-
sto v razvijajo≠i se strukturi neolitskega sistema poselitve. Razpravljamo, ali ta stopnja razvoja siste-
ma poselitve predstavlja specifi≠en pojav, vezan le na evolucijo naselbin kulture lijakastih ≠a∏ na
jugovzhodu Poljske, ali pa gre za strukturni element, ki se pojavlja tudi na drugih obmo≠jih. Z ana-
lizo teh zbranih primerov, ki predstavljajo razli≠ne geografske predele, kulturne tradicije in ≠asovna
obdobja, oblikujemo tezo, ki opisuje preoblikovanje velikih naselbin (iz centralnih prostorov v stop-
njo zmanj∏anja in koncentracije) kot posledico notranjih dru∫benih konfliktov, in ne kot posledico
podnebnih ali gospodarskih sprememb.
KEY WORDS – Neolithic; settlement system; social crisis; Poland; conflict; central places
KLJU∞NE BESEDE – neolitik; naselbinski sistemi; dru∫bena kriza; Poljska; konflikt; centralni prostor
Koncept ‘stopnje zmanj[anja in koncentracije naselbin’ pri neolitskih [tudijah>
demografija, naselbine in dru/beni konflikt
DOI> 10.4312\dp.47.13
The concept of the ‘stage of reduction and concentration of settlements’ in Neolithic studies> demography, settlements and social conflict
233
lands, and the other is Iwanowice (Babia Góra site)
settlement of an Early Bronze Age Mierzanowice cul-
ture (hereafter: MC) from the loess uplands (Fig. 1).
Osłonki settlement – BKC (late Danubian) – Po-
lish Lowlands (Fig. 1)
General information
The settlements at Osłonki and Brześ≤ Kujawski are
located in the central part of the Polish Lowlands on
the border of two macro-regions: The Toruń-Ebers-
walde Glacial Valley and Great Poland-Kuyavia Lake
District (Grygiel 2004.111, 136–138). It is a region
of the Radziejów Plain covered with black soil (Gry-
giel 2004.111, 136–138). Such a geographical loca-
tion facilitated the establishment of multidirection-
al cultural contacts.
The settlement at Osłonki was thoroughly explored
in the years 1989–1994 (Grygiel 2008.475), and
thus provides more valuable data than the settle-
ment at Brześ≤ Kujawski, studied in the years 1933–
1939 and 1952 (Jażdżewski 1938; Grygiel 2008.15).
The twin settlements of the BKC at Osłonki (site 1)
and Brześ≤ Kujawski (sites 3, 4 and 5) have been
fully published (Grygiel 2004.9–138; 2008). These
settlements developed during the period 4550–
4150 cal BC.
The settlement micro-region
at Osłonki consists of one cen-
tral settlement and seven
smaller satellite settlements.
They are located around the
central settlement on an area
with a radius not exceeding
5km. At a distance of 8km to
the east there is a similar mi-
croregion of the central settle-
ment at Brześ≤ Kujawski (Gry-
giel 2008.11–13, Fig. 1).
The settlement at Osłonki was
founded on a previously un-
inhabited area smaller than
half a hectare. In the first
phase of its evolution (4550–
4450 cal BC) there were seve-
ral (four or five) small houses
with a length of 10–12m with
shallow foundation ditches.
The dead were buried near
their homes (Grygiel 2008.
992, Fig. 404).
Ecological factors seem inadequate to explain this
crisis and the loss of 75% of the population. The in-
habitants continued to cultivate cereals and garden
crops, and there were large enough grazing areas
for cattle and sheep. Some burial data (a mass grave
of 17 individuals) point to an anomalous catastroph-
ic event, either natural (such as an epidemic) or
social (a massacre). Perhaps war and the invasion
of a Corded Ware Culture (hereafter: CWC) popula-
tion could be a factor in this (Kruk, Milisauskas
1999.175–176).
While certain phenomena point to a deepening cri-
sis and the complete disappearance of the settle-
ment structures of the FB-BC population, they do
not explain the factors that triggered the reduction
phase and the onset of the crisis. The present article
looks for an answer to this question. Were these en-
vironmental factors (climate changes, epidemics) or
socio-cultural (wars, internal crises) ones?
To answer this question, I will analyse, in addition
to Bronocice, two other cases of central settlements,
where the appearance of the stage of reduction and
concentration of settlements has also been observed.
One is an early Eneolithic settlement of Brześ≤ Ku-
jawski culture (late Danubian Brześ≤ Kujawski Cul-
ture – hereafter: BKC) at Osłonki in the Polish Low-
Fig. 1. Location of sites mentioned in the text: 1 Osłonki; 2 Bronocice; 3
Iwanowice; A lowlands; B loess uplands; C mountains.
Sl⁄awomir Kadrow
234
In the period from 4450 to 4300 cal BC (the second
classic phase), the settlement developed quickly, and
reached its maximum size of over 2ha. Numerous
large houses with a length of up to 40m were placed
in two rows. Their foundation ditches were now very
deep (up to 1m). According to the published map
(Grygiel 2008.Fig. 404), at least 15 houses might
have been inhabited at the same time.
Around 4300 cal BC (the turn of the second and
third phases) several houses were burned and some
inhabitants murdered. (Grygiel 2008.l.c.)
Demography
Ryszard Grygiel, the leader of the excavations at
Osłonki and author of a comprehensive scientific
publication on them (Grygiel 2008), has not yet pre-
sented a broader analysis of the size of the popu-
lation inhabiting the settlement and the entire set-
tlement microregion BKC at Osłonki. Throughout
the development of the settlement and the micro-
region, the basic settlement unit was a household
cluster, inhabited by a multigenerational family (see
Grygiel 1986; 2008.119, 1919–1924). The published
map of the settlement at Osłonki (Grygiel 2008.Fig.
404) shows that in the first phase the population of
the BKC lived in four or five houses, in the second
phase (classic) in 14–15 houses, and in third phase
(late) in 8–9 houses. The situation on the twin settle-
ments at Brześ≤ Kujawski (Grygiel 2008.Fig. 7) could
have been similar.
Multiplying the number of houses by the number of
members of each family living in one house, we get
an image of the change in the dynamics of the size
of the population living at Osłonki and its approxi-
mate size in the various stages of the development
of the BKC. Assuming that a multigenerational fam-
ily (consisting of at least children, parents and grand-
parents) had a minimum of five members (and pro-
bably twice as many considering the large size of
houses in the classic and late stages), we get the fol-
lowing population sizes at Osłonki: in the first phase
20–25 people, second phase 140–150, and in third
phase 80–90 (Fig. 2).
Archaeological description of the BKC social
crisis on central settlements
It is difficult to determine the direct cause of the
great catastrophe that occurred around 4300 cal BC.
At the time, there was a sudden event throughout
the whole Brześ≤ Kujawski and Osłonki region which
can be seen in the evidence of numerous fires, as
seen at all sites of the BKC in related to the trape-
zoidal houses (Grygiel 2008.1942). All the dwellings
were probably damaged at the same time. This hap-
pened to the central settlements and satellite ones
when the settlement microregions reached their ma-
ximal spatial range and their populations were the
biggest. The attackers probably came from the peri-
phery of the BKC (Grygiel 2008.1943).
After the attack, both central settlements (Osłonki
and Brześ≤ Kujawski) returned to their original func-
tions. However, many of the satellite settlements
and some smaller cemeteries were completely aban-
doned. The inhabitants began to build fortifications
on both central settlements, which consisted of di-
tches and wooden palisades. Only a few houses con-
tinued to be used. Some crafts continued (such as
the working of antlers and bones), but the import of
copper and its metallurgy completely stopped. More-
over, imported chocolate and Jurassic flint were re-
placed by local erratic flint, although amber contin-
ued to arrive from outside the region (Grygiel 2008.
1944).
Richly decorated bone ornaments also completely
disappeared and were replaced by simple speci-
mens. Profound changes appeared in burial rituals,
with graves dominated by skeletons laid straight
on their backs with the heads oriented to the south,
instead of gender differentiated burials with bodies
deposited in graves in contracted positions: men on
the right side and women on the left. The graves as-
sociated with the new rite are usually discovered in
various pits, including rubbish and storage pits. Ani-
mal graves also appeared for the first time (Grygiel
2008.944). As a result of internal social conflict, the
communities of the BKC underwent very serious
transformations. A process of change in the pottery
forms and technology began. In effect the emergence
of the earliest phases of the Globular Amphorae Cul-
Fig. 2. Diagram of changes in the size of the pop-
ulation living in the settlement at Osłonki: 1 first
phase; 2 second phase; 3 third phase; black verti-
cal line – time of conflict.
The concept of the ‘stage of reduction and concentration of settlements’ in Neolithic studies> demography, settlements and social conflict
235
ture (hereafter: GAC) took place (Czerniak 1994;
Grygiel 2008).
Bronocice (FBC and FB-BC) Loess Uplands (Fig. 1)
General information
The site at Bronocice was excavated in 1974–1979
(Kruk, Milisauskas 1985.109) and produced re-
mains from many Neolithic cultures, including FBC,
Lublin-Volhynian (hereafter: L-VC), FB-BC and CWC
(see Milisuaskas et al. 2016.19). The site is located
on the western margins of the Lesser Poland loess
Uplands. It rises above the Nidzica River valley, a left
tributary of the Vistula (Kruk et al. 1996.15–17).
The Bronocice settlement microregion in the time of
the FBC (phases BR II and BR III) consisted of 105
sites in the area with a radius of 10km around the
central settlement with an area about 52ha (Kruk et
al. 1996.28–33, Fig. 7, Tab. 5). The number of FB-
BC (phases BR IV and BR V) sites in this area de-
creased rapidly to 12 (Kruk et al. 1996.33, Fig. 8).
The sequence of FBC and FB-BC settlement and chro-
nological stages (during 3900–2900/2800 cal BC)
at Broncice has been reported in several articles
(e.g., Kruk, Milisauskas 1981) and in some mono-
graphs (Kruk et al. 1996; 2018; Kruk, Milisauskas
1999; 2018; Milisauskas et al. 2016).
Demography
Estimations of the population size in the subsequent
phases of the FBC and FB-BC settlement in Bronoci-
ce (Kruk et al. 1996.36–40, 113–114, Tab. 7; Mili-
sauskas et al. 2016, Tab. 2) were made utilizing Na-
roll’s method (Naroll 1962). It was assumed that on
average 24 people lived on 1ha of the settlement’s
area. From 3700 to 2900/2800 cal BC, the settle-
ment in Bronocice was inhabited without any long
breaks. In the BR II phase, the area
of the settlement was 8ha. In the
next BR III phase, the area of the
settlement increased to 21ha. The
largest size was in the BR IV phase,
when the settlement reached an area
of 26ha. In the last phase of occu-
pation by the population of the FB-
BC, an area of 17ha was inhabited.
The number of residents on the set-
tlement in Bronocice throughout this
period ranged from 192 (BR II),
through 504 (BR III) and 624 (BR
IV), to 408 (BR V) (Milisauskas et al.
2016.Tab. 2).
When the aforementioned population of the settle-
ment in Bronocice was determined at various stages
of its development (Kruk et al. 1996), slightly dif-
ferent calculations of the duration of these phases
were used than in recent publications (e.g., Milisaus-
kas et al. 2016; Kruk et al. 2018). With the un-
changed estimation of the inhabited area, the dura-
tion of consecutive phases changed significantly. We
see an increase in the duration of the BR IV phase
and the shortening of the duration of the BR III
phase. I believe that it is necessary to re-evaluate the
population of these phases again. In addition to the
size of the inhabited area, the estimated size of the
population must also be influenced by the number
of objects from a given phase for a given period of
time. Thus, extending the duration of the BR IV
phase must result in a corresponding reduction in
the estimated number of inhabitants, and shorten-
ing the BR III phase with a corresponding increase
in that number (Fig. 3).
Archaeological description of changes at the
Bronocice central settlement of the FBC and
FB-BC
Probably the beginning of the site’s occupation, Bro-
nocice was connected with modest traces of the Ma-
lice Culture in the form of a few pottery redeposi-
tions and human bones (perhaps from destroyed
graves) in settlements pits of the oldest FBC commu-
nity in part C of the site (Milisauskas et al. 2016.
59). This Malice Culture episode was older than 3900
cal BC.
During the FBC BR I occupation phase (dated to
3900–3800 cal BC; cf. Kruk, Milisauskas 2018.79–
85, Tab. 19; Kruk et al. 2018, Tab. 7) there were only
traces of a small settlement in part C of the site, and
no burials of this culture were found dated to this
period (Milisauskas et al. 2016.60, 61).
Fig. 3. Diagram of changes in the size of the population living in
the settlement at Bronocice: 1 BR II phase; 2 BR III phase; 3 BR IV
phase; 4 BR V phase; black vertical line – time of conflict.
Sl⁄awomir Kadrow
236
During the next period (3800–3700 cal BC) the site
was occupied by a L-VC community. The settlement
was fortified with a ditch, earthen ramparts and wo-
oden palisade. In some settlement pits of this culture
human bones were discovered (possibly redeposits
from destroyed Malice Culture graves). One double
skeleton grave of L-VC was discovered on the settle-
ment area (Milisauskas et al. 2016.89–92, Figs. 2, 3).
In the BR II and BR III phases a cemetery of the FBC
was established and then used in part C of the site.
At the same time the settlement area was concen-
trated first in part A and then in parts A and B. The
coexistence of the cemetery (Part C) and settlement
(parts A and B) lasted a few centuries (from 3700 to
3300 cal BC; cf. Kruk et al. 1996, Fig. 4; Milisaus-
kas et al. 2016.62, 63).
In the next BR IV and BR V phases of the FB-BC
(3300–2900 cal BC) a cemetery completely ceased
to function, and in its place a kraal for cattle was es-
tablished. At the same time there was a change in the
pottery style, as classic FBC pottery was replaced by
Baden-like wares. Graves were scattered in the area
of settlement and consisted of a different set of bu-
rial traditions (Milisauskas et al. 2016.63, 64).
After the completion of the Bronocice settlement in
phases BR IV and BR V, two more graves were de-
posited. One of them belonged to the Baden culture
(hereafter: BC) and the other one to the CWC.
Iwanowice (the MC) Loess Uplands (Fig. 1)
General information
In 1967–1969 and 1971–1973 excavations at the
Iwanowice, Babia Góra site were carried out (Mach-
nikowie 1973; Kadrow 1991a.640). The site, 8ha in
area, is located on the borderland between Cracow-
Częstochowa and the Miechów Uplands, 20km north
of Cracow on a hill spur overlooking the Dłubnia Ri-
ver valley. The area of the site is covered by a loess
mantle (Kadrow 1991a.641).
The Iwanowice settlement microregion in the Early
Bronze Age was very compact and consisted of five
settlements (Iwanowice – Babia Góra I, II and III, Gó-
ra Klin and Góra Wysyłek sites) in the centre and
108 settlement traces (mainly single finds made of
local flint) in the area with a radius of 10km around
the central settlement (Iwanowice, Babia Góra I, II
and III sites) with an area of about 3.5ha (Machni-
kowie, Kaczanowski 1987; Kadrow 1995.33–43,
Figs. 10–13).
People first settled the Babia Góra site at Iwanowice
as early as the beginning of the Neolithic until the
Hallstatt period. However, the most intensive traces
of occupation date back to the Early Bronze Age
(2300/2200–1600 cal BC) communities of the MC
(Kadrow 1991a.641). It is the largest settlement of
this culture (Kadrow 1991; 1995.22–43), which was
associated with an extensive cemetery of over 150
graves (Kadrow, Machnikowa, Machnik 1992).
Several assumptions were adopted with regard to
the research programme. First, that the features dis-
covered could be ordered to produce a reconstruc-
tion of some aspects of the original building com-
plexes (referred to as ‘house clusters’).
Multifaceted analysis of ceramics from stratified se-
diments of trapezoidal pits (serving as cellars – cf.
Kadrow 1991.62–71) and their spatial relationships
made it possible to define the term ‘building phase’
as the shortest archaeologically identifiable period
(60–80 years) in the development of the settlement
(Kadrow 1991.76–77).
Given a suitable chronological yardstick – building
phases – for transformations in the pattern of settle-
ment on the Babia Góra site at Iwanowice, an attempt
was made to reconstruct the original form and area
of household clusters – the basic functional units of
permanent settlement (Kadrow 1991a.647–649).
During the early MC stage (building phases Iw 1 and
Iw 2) the settlement seems to have been relatively
populous (with numerous house clusters) occupying
a closely built up, restricted area (with small distan-
ces between house clusters). At the turn of building
phases Iw 2 and Iw 3 Babia Góra site at Iwanowice
was divided into two functionally different parts: a
settlement and cemetery (Kadrow et al. 1995.205).
Towards the end of the classic stage of the MC (buil-
ding phases Iw 4 and Iw 5) the number of inhabi-
tants declined (fewer house clusters – cf. Kadrow
1991a.Tab. 2), while the settlement spread out over
a proportionally larger area (larger distances between
house clusters). During phases Iw 1 – Iw 5 the settle-
ment was inhabited by the same population, while
in building phases Iw 6 and Iw 7 two different waves
of settlers had arrived, continuing the traditions of
different local groups of the MC from adjacent terri-
tories (Kadrow 1991a.649).
Demography
To estimate the population size of the Iwanowice
Babia Góra settlement (Kadrow 1991.87–90) the
The concept of the ‘stage of reduction and concentration of settlements’ in Neolithic studies> demography, settlements and social conflict
237
following rules were adopted: (a) minimal, func-
tional units of stable settlement (house clusters)
were inhabited by minimal units of the community
(families), (b) one family consisted of 2.18 children,
two parents and 0.2 grandparents (Czerniak, Pion-
tek 1980). The obtained values (Kadrow 1991.Tab.
31) were then multiplied by a coefficient correcting
the discrepancies arising from the incomplete and
varying degree of investigations of the settlement.
The number of inhabitants in consecutive (1–7) buil-
ding phases (from 2200 to 1600 cal BC) assumed
the following values: 1: 70–87, 2: 90–113, 3: 59–80,
4: 32–40, 5: 21–27, 6: 16–20 and 7: 60–75 (Kadrow
1991.Tab. 32). These figures should be treated as
minimal estimations (Kadrow 1991.87), and the
evaluations of the MC population size (based on set-
tlement data – cf. Fig. 4) were confirmed by the re-
sults of the cemetery analysis (Kadrow, Machniko-
wa, Machnik 1992.82–84; Kadrow et al. 1995.208–
210, Fig. 10).
Archaeological description of changes to the
‘Babia Góra’ site at Iwanowice among MC
communities
The Early Bronze Age MC communities appeared at
Iwanowice for the first time at about 2300 cal BC.
They left traces of transitional settlements. Stable
settlement was founded 100 years later and asso-
ciated with the beginning of the early phase of the
MC. The Babia Góra site was inhabited for a very
long time, with one break at about 1800–1750 cal
BC. The end of the Early Bronze Age occupation
took place at 1600 cal BC (Kadrow 1991).
At about 2050 cal BC, at the turn of the early and
classic phases of the MC, the space of the site under-
went a serious reorganisation. At this time the cen-
tral ditch described as Feature 117 appeared, which
has been dated to the same period as the beginning
of the cemetery. North-east of that feature the settle-
ment remained inhabited, while the cemetery was
built at the other side of the ditch. The reorganiza-
tion of the settlement area at the site was accompa-
nied by distinct changes in certain elements of fu-
neral rites in western Lesser Poland. Graves located
at small cemeteries from the early phase usually
contained one ceramic vessel, most often a mug (cf.
Machnik 1978.35–40). The cemetery at Babia Góra,
dated to the classic and late phases (except for grave
LXXXV, the only grave from the very beginning of
the classic phase), had graves with no ceramic burial
goods at all (Kadrow, Machnikowa, Machnik 1992.
74, Tab. XII: 1).
Changes of that kind have not been recorded in
other areas of the MC, where burial goods continued
to include vessels (Kadrow, Machnik 1997.Fig. 23),
sometimes even more frequently than in the early
phase.
Considerable changes have also been documented
in animal burials at Babia Góra in Iwanowice at the
turn of the early and classic phases. Thirteen burials
of animals deposited in settlement pits, mostly cattle,
have all been dated to the classic and late phases
(Kadrow, Makowicz-Poliszot 2000.276–278).
The sudden change in the layout of the Babia Góra
II site was accompanied by significant changes in the
forms of ceramics, especially in their ornamentation.
Ornamentation with cord impressions was aban-
doned in western Lesser Poland at the turn of the
early and classic phases of the MC. Pots began to do-
minate, becoming practically the only vessel form
used by inhabitants of the Babia Góra settlement in
the classic phase of the MC (Kadrow 1991.63–65,
Fig. 36). Changes in the methods of
production of ceramic vessels were
more gradual, although by no means
slow (Kadrow 1991.62–63, Fig. 36).
At the same time, the number of in-
habitants of the Babia Góra settle-
ment in Iwanowice gradually de-
clined, while the area of the settle-
ment remained constant. In effect,
the buildings became more dispers-
ed as the distances between house-
holds increased (Kadrow 1991.79–
86). The initial regular layout, lenti-
cular at the beginning (cf. Kadrow
1991.Fig. 52), evolved into an irre-
Fig. 4. Diagram of changes in the size of the population living in
the settlement at Iwanowice: 1 first building phase; 2 second build-
ing phase; 3 third building phase; 4 fourth building phase; black
vertical line – time of conflict.
Sl⁄awomir Kadrow
238
gular arrangement resembling an amorphous cloud
of households (Kadrow 1991.Fig. 53).
Triggers of settlement and demographic chan-
ges at Osłonki, Bronocice and Iwanowice
Theories to detect social crises
Among the many possible ways of interpreting the
remains of material culture in terms of paleosocio-
logy, Robert Wuthnow’s theory of cultural analysis
(Wuthnow 1987) seems to be one of the most effec-
tive (Kadrow 2016). It enables the identification of
crisis situations, usually accompanied by violence,
the effect of which is a change in culture or a cultu-
ral change.
Wuthnow proposed a dynamic model of cultural
structure whose central point is moral order, consi-
sting first of all of ritual and ideology, symbols and
institutions. Mutual interactions and the relation-
ships among these elements of cultural structure de-
termine the dynamics of moral order and, simulta-
neously, culture itself and social structure (Wuth-
now 1987). The functioning of rituals and symbols
(but not their meaning) is directly accessible for ar-
chaeological observation, while ideology and social
institutions are indirectly available, because they are
related to the functioning of symbols and rituals.
A diversity and intensification of ritual practices is
an indicator of increasing uncertainty in the commu-
nity. In turn, uncertainty is a symptom of a crisis si-
tuation. Rituals (archaeologically observable) are de-
signed to reduce uncertainty and restore social sta-
bility. So they are archaeologically clear symptom of
social crisis, which can often be accompanied by va-
rious forms of violence. Armed conflicts occur espe-
cially in a situation of deepening uncertainty when
ritual practices are not able to remedy it.
Many theories posit that the outbreak of conflict re-
sults from uncertainty and disruption to the moral
order (Wuthnow 1987), also called a dysfunction of
the social system (Johnson 1982). The source could
be external military pressure or aggression, or some-
times only infiltration of foreign people. However,
these are necessary but insufficient conditions for
conflict (rebellion, revolution, violence, etc.) to break
out. Another necessary condition is the rise of a com-
pelling leader (Weber 2002; Johnson 1982), owing
his power to personal charisma.
The sources of social conflict usually lie within the
community. The primary reason for sociocultural dy-
namics (conflicts, changes) is a gap between the pro-
gramme and the actual implementation of moral
order. In other words, social conflicts are caused by
the ‘natural’ differences between practice and theory
in social life, i.e. between the system of accepted
norms and its everyday implementation.
To identify periods of deep internal social crises at
some archaeological sites, it is also helpful to refer
to Pierre Nora’s (1996) idea of Les lieux de memo-
ire – ‘sites of memory’.
Sites of memory are long-term points for the crystal-
lization of collective memory and identity, constitu-
tive for many generations. They are part of the
areas social, cultural and political customs (François,
Schulze 2001.686).
The most basic form of memory is the remembrance
of the dead. The farther we go back in the past, the
greater was the attachment to the dead and ances-
tors. Remembering the dead creates community, and
through its relationships with the dead a communi-
ty confirms its identity (Assmann 2008.76–79).
Therefore cemeteries, in particular, as sites of me-
mory that served for every community a purpose to
remember (store) and transfer key phenomena from
the past to define their identity (Assmann 2008.
76–79).
Social crisis on central settlements of Osłonki
in the light of Robert Wuthnow’s theory of cul-
tural analysis
The roots of the events described above, i.e. a mili-
tary crisis resulting in the destruction of the central
settlements in Osłonki and in Brześ≤ Kujawski, may
be found in phases I and II of the BKC (Kadrow
2016.116).
The most important element determining the inte-
grity and distinctiveness of the BKC was its socio-
economic organisation, founded on the idea of a
settlement consisting of solid trapezoid houses. This
concept came from the ‘Stroke-Ornamented (post-
Lbk) – Rössen’ environment, where one can trace
their full evolution. The original, local ‘invention’
was a homestead (house with a yard), where the
dead were buried. The already mentioned import of
copper products (in the II phase) from the south-
western groups of the Lengyel culture – through the
Jordanów culture – adds to the particular image of
the BKC (Grygiel 2008).
The concept of the ‘stage of reduction and concentration of settlements’ in Neolithic studies> demography, settlements and social conflict
239
At the beginning and in the early phase of the BKC,
the part of the population that formed an ideologi-
cal movement promoting the ideological synthesis
of various cultural traditions (conservative and Neo-
lithic in nature, as shown by longhouses, extended
families living in trapezoidal houses as the main
form of social organisation, burials in house yards,
certain elements of ceramics) and of progressive,
quite Eneolithic traditions (characterized by gender-
diversified funeral rites, and by a sudden increase in
the production of symbolic or prestige goods) won
against other movements that supported cultural
particularisms (cf. Kadrow 2016.118).
This is discernible in the organisation of central set-
tlements surrounded by satellites and in the fact that
the production, use and deposition of symbolic or
prestige goods, as well as the ritualization of every-
day life, was focused on the central settlements,
while the satellite settlements were mostly con-
cerned with food acquisition and production, i.e.
agriculture and animal husbandry (Grygiel 2008;
Kadrow 2016.118).
The moral order which stabilized the complex forms
of social life in the classic phase of the BKC was sup-
ported by a great sociocultural effort, as evidenced
by the intensity of a wide range of unified ritual ac-
tivities. The activities, which legitimized and en-
forced the sociocultural status quo, must have been
organized by social groups (extended families) who
benefited from them, such as the inhabitants of the
two central settlements (Kadrow 2016.118).
The intensification of the symbolic activities and the
ritualization of everyday life indirectly point to the
strength of particularistic decentralist tendencies still
noticeable in the communities inhabiting the central
settlements. They also show that the moral order of
the classic BKC engendered some unrest, which is
known to be a necessary though insufficient condi-
tion for crisis. Moreover, the archaeological materi-
al suggests that the new social structure, a unique
original sociocultural experiment, took unstable
forms which were not rooted enough in the cultural
memory of the communities. It heralded inevitable
internal social conflict (Kadrow 2016.118–119).
The insular character of Eneolithic settlement in a
sea of conservative Neolithic communities, as well
as the symptoms of social tensions described above,
increased the probability of reaction and return to
the egalitarian forms of sociocultural life. This led to
the emergence of culturally new communities, known
as the GAC (Czerniak 1994; Grygiel 2008; Kadrow
2016.119).
Social crisis in the Bronocice central settle-
ment of the FBC in light of Robert Wuthnow’s
theory of cultural analysis and Pierre Nora’s
idea of ‘sites of memory’
On part C at Bronocice one can observe the entire
sequence of mutual discontinuations of Danubian
and FBC traditions. A Malice culture (Danubian) com-
munity probably first settled this place, and buried
their dead here too. At the beginning of the 4th mil-
lennium BC the FBC group established a small set-
tlement and destroyed the graves of their Danubian
predecessors (‘hostile’ takeover = discontinuation
of tradition and identity of inhabitants). Later, in the
period 3800–3700 cal BC, another Danubian (L-VC)
group of people entered the site and founded here
a fairly large fortified settlement (a ‘hostile’ take-
over?).
New FBC settlers (arriving at c. 3700 cal BC) again
took the site and definitively stopped this last Danu-
bian (L-VC) settlement episode here. They founded
the burial place on the former Danubian fortified
settlement (a ‘hostile’ takeover?).
Until 3700 cal BC there was a sequence of conflicts
in Bronocice between culturally (and also ethnical-
ly?) different communities belonging to two differ-
ent Danubian (southern) and FBC (northern) tra-
ditions.
The result of a merger of earlier traditions (with the
dominant northern one) formed a stable social sys-
tem characteristic of a unit, called by archaeologists
as an ‘SE group’ of FBC. Stabilization of social life
and lack of uncertainty in the moral order of these
communities caused a low intensity of ritual activ-
ities and only very slow changes (BR II and III pha-
ses; 3700–3300 cal BC) in the style of ceramics, as
well as the immutability of settlement patterns and
the economic base.
In BR III phase (3500–3300 cal BC) in Bronocice ap-
peared the first, innumerous imitations of pottery of
the BC, representatives of which started to immi-
grate to areas located in the SW of the described set-
tlement (Zastawny 2015.Fig. 2A). At the turn of pha-
ses BR III and BR IV (c. 3300 cal BC) there was a
very serious reorganisation of settlement space in
Part C of the Bronocice site. On the former cemetery
area a kraal for cattle was established. There is no
evidence of external invasion or military interven-
Sl⁄awomir Kadrow
240
tion. Reorganisation of the settlement space and the
accompanying change in culture (FBC pottery was
replaced by FB-BC ceramic; multiplicity of forms of
human burials; the dissemination of the custom of
burying animals in their graves; concentration of the
settlement network on a regional scale) occurred
within the same community. However, the destruc-
tion of a cemetery, a very important space (site of
memory) for cultivation of local traditions and iden-
tity of the community inhabiting this settlement,
means that there was a break in these two spheres
of culture (i.e. in tradition and identity).
This could only happen as a result of deep social
conflict (something like a revolution or reforma-
tion). The conflict must have been building up for a
long time (equal to the duration of the phase BR III).
The component parts of this conflict were compet-
ing ideologies whose bearers and exponents had to
be relevant institutions – created by extended fami-
lies or lineages. They manifested themselves by dif-
ferent symbols and used them to appeal to different
sources of tradition. One of the ideologies and its ac-
companying institutions continued the FBC tradi-
tions and the second one BC traditions, borrowed or
imitated from neighbouring peoples.
The newly created socio-cultural system (FB-BC) was
not as stable as the preceding system of classical FBC.
Social uncertainty had to be stabilized and legiti-
mized by intensified ritual practices (as seen in the
increasing number of new forms of human and ani-
mal graves and burial rituals).
Social crisis at the ‘Babia Góra’ settlement at
Iwanowice in the light of Robert Wuthnow’s
theory of cultural analysis
At 2300 cal BC the area of Babia Góra in Iwanowi-
ce was briefly penetrated by small groups of people,
possibly by isolated families. At 2200 cal BC, a slight-
ly larger group, consisting of up to 10 families, es-
tablished a permanent settlement there in a regular
lenticular shape. The settlement was inhabited con-
tinuously for the next 350–400 years, its size and
shape varying over time (Kadrow 1991.Tabs. XLI–
XLVI).
Before the settlement was established, the dominant
form of organisation over the entire area of the MC
was that of small mobile groups of people (families)
moving on their own within large settlement re-
gions. Their economy was probably based on animal
husbandry. The cultural specificity of these people
was determined by two traditions: a local one relat-
ed to the CWC and an external one made up of ele-
ments of the Bell Beaker culture (hereafter: BBC).
The CWC tradition was related to funeral rites and
vessels ornamented with cord impressions; the BBC
tradition involved mugs and copper daggers as de-
terminants of the social status of a certain group of
men. The moral order of the oldest (Proto-Mierzano-
wice phase = building phase 0) community synthe-
sized the social obligations (norms) defined by the
ideologies of those two cultural traditions. These
were dramatized in rituals, which included not only
funeral rites, but also many diverse symbols, e.g., or-
naments on ceramics (cf. Kadrow 2017).
The moral order of the community in building phase
0 did not last long. Dynamic internal processes of
an indeterminate nature, resulting in the establish-
ment of large permanent settlements, sudden demo-
graphic development and accompanying changes in
economy (animal husbandry enriched by agricul-
ture) and society (dominant family groups replaced
by local or village groups) must have been condi-
tioned by the competition between two social mo-
vements promoting the ideologies mentioned above,
together with the rituals that dramatized them.
In the next period (building phases 1-2 – 2200–2050
cal BC), the social movement and its ideology –
drawing increasingly on and developing the CWC
tradition – gradually eliminated the BBC elements.
This process is noticeable in archaeological materi-
als as a growing percentage of more and more ela-
borate cord ornamentation on pottery and the in-
troduction of an original, local method of producing
ceramic vessels (Kadrow 2017).
The process described above was accompanied by
growing uncertainty reflected in the intensification
of ritual activities, which was expressed in the in-
creasing frequency of cord ornaments on vessels and
the growing elaboration of decorative motifs made
with the technique of cord impressions (Kadrow
1991.62–65, Figs. 36–38, Tab. XXVI).
About 2050 cal BC, the gradual evolutionary chan-
ges inside the system were suddenly and dramati-
cally stopped. Within a short time, inhabitants of
the Babia Góra settlement in Iwanowice abandoned
pottery ornamentation with cord impressions and
radically limited the number of vessel forms they pro-
duced and used (Kadrow 1991.Tabs. XXIX–XXXIII).
Crucially, the inhabited area was thoroughly reor-
ganised (building phases 3–5). The main part of the
The concept of the ‘stage of reduction and concentration of settlements’ in Neolithic studies> demography, settlements and social conflict
241
settlement was divided into two segments: a settle-
ment and a cemetery. Simultaneously, changes were
introduced to the old rituals (Kadrow 2017).
That moment of profound changes is synchronised
with the turn of the early and classic phases of the
MC (the turn of building phases 2 and 3). There are
no grounds for assuming that the transformations
were triggered by the arrival of a large group of a
new population or by armed invaders. Archaeologi-
cally observable traits of material culture and of so-
ciocultural behaviours, such as economy, settlement
rules, flint working, methods of pottery production
and the vast majority of funeral rites, were mostly
of a mild evolutionary kind (Kadrow 2017).
The changes, therefore, had the character of a local
coup determined by internal processes, ideological
in nature, caused by local, probably institutionalised
social movements. The empirically proven effective-
ness of those movements would be difficult to postu-
late without positing their necessary institutionalisa-
tion. The social movements recommended ‘a return
to the roots’ through references to various elements
of the BBC ideology, as shown by the clear predomi-
nance of undecorated pots with knobs on their necks
or rims (Kadrow 1991.Tabs. XXIX–XXXIII). Cera-
mics of that type were already used at the close of
the early phase (Kadrow 1991.Tab. XXVIII), but
they had no local models. Similar forms have been
noted in BBC settlement complexes in vast areas of
Europe, particularly in Moravia, not very far from
Iwanowice (cf. vessel types no. 10, 23–25, 38 in
Besse 2003.Fig. 46, 105).
Discussion and conclusions
In recent times there is increasing evidence for glo-
bal climatic changes, contrary to the opinion of Ja-
nusz Kruk expressed more than 40 years ago (Kruk
1973). Among many others, there are several exam-
ples of evidence for synchronised climate change
across vast areas: a 1470-year cycle of climatic chan-
ges in the North Atlantic area (Kubatzki 2010), syn-
chronous climatic and environmental changes in
the large area of Eurasian steppe and forest-steppe
belt (Kremenetski 2003), and simultaneous phases
of increased fluvial activities in various types of ri-
ver valleys all over Central and Eastern Europe (Ka-
licki 1997; 2006), to name a few (e.g., Magny 1993;
Dreslerova 1995 etc.).
Archaeologists used to look for correlations between
settlement and demographic changes and climate
fluctuations. For example, the following dependency
is postulated among climate and LBK-populations:
periods of decreased or irregularly spaced rainfall
are contemporaneous to periods of population de-
cline, while periods of increased rainfall may have
favoured population growth (Gronenborn et al.
2014). Other specialists maintain, for example, that
a period of cooling c. 3825–3650 cal BC resulted in
the fracturing of Eneolithic complexes in Romania
and stimulated adaptation to more mobile systems
of settlement and subsistence. However, a contem-
poraneous alternative response involved large-scale
migrations to peripheral regions, including the es-
tablishment of the Tripolye giant-settlements in Cen-
tral Ukraine (Diachenko, Menotti 2012; Harper
2017; Diachenko 2019).
However, in the cases described here, the chronol-
ogy of social crises does not correlate exactly with
either the periods of wetting and cooling of the cli-
mate, or with drier and warmer periods (Fig. 5),
readable throughout the European continent (acc.
to Kremenetski 2003; Kalicki 2006). More impor-
tantly, the crises described in this paper did not co-
ver larger territories. They are legible only in some
settlement centres, while in others the continuation
of old development trends is observed. These chan-
ges are registered in various geographical, environ-
ment, cultural and chronological contexts.
The cases discussed in this article indicate that the
stage of reduction and concentration of settlements
in their evolution occurs only in cases of settlements
which functioned as central places. The largest set-
tlements in their own (micro-) regions (cf. Osłonki:
Grygiel 2008.7–9, 475–476, Fig. 1, 401; Bronocice:
Milisauskas, Kruk 1984; Diachenko et al. 2016.
Fig. 4; Iwanowice: Kadrow 1995.33–45, Fig. 11)
functioned as such. The existence of a central place
is not limited only to one time horizon. The socio-
cultural structures of the communities which inhab-
ited these settlements were more complex (which
does not always mean more hierarchical) in compa-
rison with other communities in the region. Their
functioning was not limited to only one environ-
mental zone, i.e. to loess uplands.
The transition from the stage of central places to the
stage of reduction and concentration of settlements
always happened during the time of maximal demo-
graphic development (Figs. 2–4). In all of the descri-
bed cases this transition was provoked by social con-
flicts. The emergence, development and fall of these
sites were not related to climate changes (Fig. 5).
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Sl⁄awomir Kadrow
242
There is a connection between the
depth of a crisis and the severity of
the social conflict and its effect in the
form of cultural change or change in
culture. In the case of the acute and
bloody conflict in Osłonki, the effect
was a cultural change, i.e. a transi-
tion from the BKC into GAC. In both
the other, milder conflict cases, the
effect was a change in culture (Bro-
nocice case – transition from classic
FBC into FB-BC; Iwanowice case –
transition from early to classic phase of MC).
The correlation of the process generating the stage
of reduction and concentration of settlements with
population growth, the intensification of ritual prac-
tices and signs of the crisis and the resulting depo-
pulation and cultural change has been observed in
the Rzeszów Neolithic settlement region in south-
eastern Poland (Kadrow 2020). A similar course
and character of evolution may also be detected in
the socio-cultural process in Okoli∏te in Bosnia (e.g.,
Arponen et al. 2015; Müller 2016), although that
study was carried out in the spirit of a theory diffe-
rent to the one presented in this article.
Fig. 5. Synchronization of chronological development of: A BKC on
the settlement at Osłonki; B TRB on the settlement in Bronocice; C
MC on the settlement in Iwanowice with D periods of an increase of
fluvial activities of Central European rivers (acc. to Kalicki 2006).
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