101DOI: 10.4312/as.2024.12.3.101-128
“Marvellous Scripture of the Divine Incantations 
of the Emperor of the North” Through the Lens of 
Social Crisis
Živa PETROVČIČ*24
Abstract
This article explores the Daoist scripture titled Dongzhen taiji beidi ziwei shenzhou miao-
jing 洞真太極北帝紫微神呪妙經 (Marvellous Scripture of the Divine Incantations of the 
Deity of the Pole Star, Emperor of the North of the Supreme Ultimate, A Dongzhen Can-
on), which was arguably composed during the Eastern Jin dynasty in Southeast China. 
The examination aims to illuminate portrayals of crisis and the presented solutions, and 
thus investigate reflections of and responses to the social crisis of the period. The study 
demonstrates how the messaging about the crisis is structured and how individual aspects 
inter-relate, while simultaneously exploring its correlations with historical circumstances, 
thus also revealing information on the movement from which the scripture originated, 
i.e. the author and the intended audience. In doing so, it shows how the author creates 
a proselytizing strategy which is particularly tailored to the audience in the social crisis 
of the time. The purpose of this study is also to highlight the significance of considering 
crisis-related content or message in the scripture as a whole, including correlations with 
specific historical circumstances.
Keywords: Daoist religion, Eastern Jin dynasty, social crisis, Dongzhen taiji beidi ziwei 
shenzhou miaojing, Yuanshi tianzun
“Sijajno sveto besedilo o božanskih zaklinjanjih Severnega cesarja” skozi optiko 
družbene krize
Izvleček
Pričujoči članek raziskuje daoistično sveto besedilo z naslovom Dongzhen taiji beidi 
ziwei shenzhou miaojing 洞真太極北帝紫微神呪妙經 (Sijajno sveto besedilo kanona 
Dongzhen o božanskih zaklinjanjih božanstva Severnice, Severnega cesarja Najvišje skraj-
nosti), ki je bilo verjetno napisano v obdobju dinastije Vzhodni Jin na jugovzhodu Ki-
tajske. Razprava želi osvetliti prikaze krize in predstavljene rešitve ter tako raziskati 
odseve družbene krize tega obdobja in odzive nanjo. Študija prikazuje, kako je sporo-
čanje o krizi strukturirano in kako se posamezni vidiki medsebojno povezujejo, hkrati 
* Živa PETROVČIČ, Doctoral candidate, University of Ljubljana, 
Faculty of Arts, Department of Asian Studies.
Email address: ziva.petrovcic@gmail.com
102 Živa PETROVČIČ: “Marvellous Scripture of the Divine Incantations ...
pa raziskuje korelacije z zgodovinskimi okoliščinami, s čimer razkriva tudi informacije 
o gibanju, iz katerega sveto besedilo izvira, tj. o avtorju in ciljnem občinstvu. Pri tem 
pokaže, kako avtor oblikuje prozelitsko strategijo, ki je posebej prilagojena občinstvu v 
tedanji družbeni krizi. Namen te študije je tudi poudariti pomembnost obravnavanja s 
krizo povezane vsebine oziroma sporočila v svetem besedilu kot celote, vključno s kore-
lacijami s specifičnimi zgodovinskimi okoliščinami.
Ključne besede: daoistična religija, dinastija Vzhodni Jin, družbena kriza, Dongzhen taiji 
beidi ziwei shenzhou miaojing, Yuanshi tianzun
Introduction
This study explores the Daoist scripture titled Dongzhen taiji beidi ziwei shen-
zhou miaojing 洞真太極北帝紫微神呪妙經 (Marvellous Scripture of the Divine 
Incantations of the Deity of the Pole Star, Emperor of the North of the Supreme Ul-
timate, A Dongzhen Canon). It attempts to ascertain which correlations can be 
drawn between its content and the social crisis of the period of its composition. 
The discussion focuses on the analysis of the scripture in its historical context 
by employing a systematic comprehensive and integral approach. The exami-
nation aims to illuminate aspects or parts of its crisis-related content, namely 
portrayals of the crisis (including depictions of the manifestations of the crisis 
and explanations of its causes) and proposed solutions. At the same time, it en-
deavours to shed light on the interrelatedness among such aspects and with the 
actual social crisis of the time. 
Below, I will begin by discussing the origin of the scripture and its structure and 
explore the tumultuous world of the time during which it was composed. Next, 
I will identify where the scripture reflects on the social crisis by examining how 
it depicts the crisis by means of its manifestations and how it explains its causes. 
Lastly, I will identify which solutions it proposes as responses to the social crisis of 
the time. I will determine key groups of actors, analyse their roles, means, options, 
goals and mutual relationships, and so elaborate on the presented plan to solve 
the crisis. The discussion will thus also reveal information on the movement from 
which the text in question emerged. 
103Asian Studies XII (XXVIII), 3 (2024), pp. 101–128
The Scripture’s Origin and Structure
Dongzhen taiji beidi ziwei shenzhou miaojing is a scripture preserved in the Ming 
Daoist Canon (DZ1 49). It originated in the movement of a tradition, which 
later documents refer to as the tradition of Fengdu 酆都 or of the Emperor of 
the North (Beidi 北帝). It developed on the fringes of the Tianshi dao 天師道 
(Way of Celestial Masters) organization in the southeast in the lower Yangzi 
region (Mollier 1997; 1990, 24; 2006, 84). The scripture under discussion is one 
of the earliest extant texts that emerged from this tradition, and seems unrelated 
to other major contemporary Daoist currents (ibid. 1997, 335–37). It is presented 
in the form of a calendar, which covers the last 10 years of a sexagesimal cycle,2 
namely from jiayin 甲寅 to guihai 癸亥. Internal and external evidence suggests 
that it was composed during the Eastern Jin dynasty (Dong Jin 東晉, 317–420).3 
Thus, the time frame from jiayin to guihai corresponds to the final years of ei-
ther the cycle that started in 304, i.e. from 354 to 363, or the one which began in 
364, namely from 414 to 423. The latter time frame seems more likely since the 
scripture contains several similarities with certain Daoist scriptures of the time.4 
Concerning the upper bound, we can observe that the Jin dynasty is mentioned in 
the description of the last year (possibly corresponding to 423), but the Liu-Song 
1 The abbreviation “DZ” refers to the Zhengtong daozang 正統道藏 (Daoist Canon of the Zhengtong 
Era).
2 Based on its subtitle and content, Schipper (2004, 273) presumes the preserved text is but one juan 
of the original complete work constituted of six juan, which is supposed to have discussed the entire 
60-year cycle.
3 In describing the last year (i.e. guihai year), the text mentions the age of the Great Jin (Da Jin zhi shi 
大晉之世) (DZ 49, 9b), which is direct internal evidence of the time of its composition. Schipper 
(2004, 273) considers it to be the current period and dates the text to the Eastern Jin dynasty, while 
Mollier (1990, 24) sets a narrower time frame, namely from the end of the 4th to the beginning of 
the 5th century. 
4 In the case of the former time span (i.e. from 354 to 363), this would signify that the text originat-
ed slightly before the revelation of the Shangqing scriptures (Shangqing jing 上清經; Scriptures of the 
Highest Clarity) between 364 and 370. However, there are several similarities to the early Lingbao 
scriptures (Lingbao jing 靈寶經; Scriptures of the Numinous Treasure) and the Taishang dongyuan shen-
zhou jing 太上洞淵神咒經 (Scripture of the Divine Incantations of the Supreme Cavernous Abyss) (DZ 
335) in particular. It uses terminology which connects it to the Lingbao texts (Mollier 1990, 24), which 
started to emerge slightly before the end of the 4th century. One such example is Yuanshi tianzun 元
始天尊 (Heavenly Worthy of Primordial Beginning), who appears in the role of speaker both here as 
well as in several Lingbao scriptures. There are also similarities in vocabulary and phraseology with the 
earlier part of the Taishang dongyuan shenzhou jing dated around 420. For instance, Schipper (2004, 
273) noted that both texts referred to themselves using the alternative title Sanmei jing 三昧經 (The 
Samādhi Scripture) (DZ 49, 3a, 9a; DZ 335, 8.9a and passim). Furthermore, terms denoting various 
types of demons resemble or are identical with those found in the Taishang dongyuan shenzhou jing and 
the Lingbao wuliang duren shangpin miaojing 靈寶無量度人上品妙經 (Most Excellent and Marvellous 
Scripture of the Numinous Treasure on the Limitless Salvation) (DZ 1). (see below)
104 Živa PETROVČIČ: “Marvellous Scripture of the Divine Incantations ...
劉宋 (420–479) dynasty was established in 420. This indicates that the text was 
written before the end of the Eastern Jin dynasty, as the author5 seems to have no 
knowledge of the Liu-Song. Thus, we could roughly define the most likely time 
frame to fall somewhere from the late 4th century to the beginning of the 5th, 
which is in agreement with the dating suggested by Mollier (1990, 24).
The preserved text is arranged in 13 sections. The beginning of each is marked 
by an opening passage, i.e. “Yuanshi tianzun shuo 元始天尊說 (The Heaven-
ly Worthy of Primordial Beginning said)” that addresses the so-called “xiayuan 
zhongsheng (shengren) 下元眾生(生人)(the living beings /humans/ of the latest 
cosmic era)”. The content of most sections seems to be related to specific years 
written in the ganzhi 干支 (stems and branches) binome. In sections 2 to 11, the 
years from jiayin to guihai appear in chronological order. In the remaining three 
sections, there are no references to specific years. The sections contain depictions 
of manifestations of crisis and its causes, which are then followed by some pro-
posed solutions.
The Tumultuous World of the Eastern Jin Dynasty
The Eastern Jin dynasty was a tumultuous era of military conflicts, migrations, 
and power struggles. Throughout the period, there was a constant threat of inva-
sion from the non-Han peoples, who were creating kingdoms in the North and 
sometimes invading China (Holcombe 2019b, 124–44). Towards the end of the 
3rd century, civil wars and an attack by the Xiongnu 匈奴 state led to the fall 
of the Western Jin dynasty (Xi Jin 西晉; 266–316) (ZGS 1979, 199–211)6. The 
court fled to the southeast and founded the Eastern Jin dynasty, which ushered 
in an era of disunity. These events also triggered mass migrations to the South. 
Many independent farmers and most prominent Han families and their house-
holds went into exile. They arrived in several phases or waves, beginning in the 
following years: 307, 321, 349, 383, 416, 450 and 466. Approximately 900,000 
people migrated between the Yongjia 永嘉 (307–313) to the Liu-Song dynasty 
periods. As a result, about one sixth of the population in the South were emigrees7 
(Wang 1979, 320–22, 343–46).
5 Since the authorship of the text is unknown, the term “author” in singular form is used to refer to 
one or possibly multiple individuals. 
6 The abbreviation “ZGS” refers to the Zhongguo gudaishi 中國古代史 (History of Ancient China), 
edited by Nanjing daxue lishixi Zhongguo gudai shizu 南京大學歷史系中國古代史組.
7 Wang (1979, 346) also pointed out that these are approximate assessments, since the people in-
cluded are only those who were registered.
105Asian Studies XII (XXVIII), 3 (2024), pp. 101–128
The imperial family leaned on the support of the members of established North-
ern emigree families. They became increasingly powerful and wealthy, regained 
privileges, and occupied the highest government posts. However, only descendants 
of the early arrivals gained access to power. On the other hand, the old Southern 
aristocracy was almost entirely excluded from the court and political power (Hol-
combe 2019a, 98–103, 106–109). It is not surprising that these old Southern-
ers felt discontented and resentful (Jin shu, 58: 1574). Moreover, they were also 
pressured by Northerners to convert to their Daoist religion, i.e. the Tianshi dao 
(Strickmann 1977, 6–7). The imperial line was relatively powerless, while large 
Northern and Southern families constantly struggled for power and prestige. In 
addition, members of newly empowered families holding military commands over 
the central Yangzi region were a threat to everyone. Military conflicts between 
central and local powers broke out and fighting took place between two macrore-
gions, namely the lower and central Yangzi regions. For instance, Huan Wen 桓
溫 (312–373), an emigree from a military family, dominated the political and mil-
itary spheres for a quarter of a century and weakened the influence of the eminent 
families. At the turn of the century Huan Xuan 桓玄 (369–404), his son, took 
centre stage in terms of military domination and even established his own dy-
nasty. Then in 404, Liu Yu 劉裕 (363–422) successfully attacked him. Moreover, 
these military commanders and the court also sent expeditions to reconquer the 
North.8 During the period of Huan Wen’s domination, a trend arose of demilitari-
zation among the Southern elite (Lewis 2009, 62–69; Holcombe 2019a, 109–12, 
116–17). It became more desirable for young people to choose the path of the 
literati rather than that of the soldier, a trend that was also due to the dangers of 
socio-political life (Mao 1990, 93–95).
On the other hand, commoners who fled to the South sought protection by be-
coming dependants of large Southern families, entered monasteries, or fled to the 
mountains to live as recluses, where they were thus able to escape tax and public 
service obligations (Crowell 1990, 175–77). Such individuals remained socially 
and economically disadvantaged. Heavy taxation burdened independent native 
farmers,9 pushing the smaller ones in particular into poverty. The public service 
or corvée labour (yaoyi 徭役) obligations were also highly exacting. As a result 
8 After the move, the emigree families hoped to return to their homelands but gradually got ac-
customed to life in the South. The temporary tombs built even up to the early 5th century reveal 
that some still maintained the hope of a return throughout this period. Nevertheless, the court 
was distrustful of those generals who favoured trying to reconquer the North (Holcombe 2019a, 
101–102).
9 A few attempts were made to correct the registers to improve the levying of taxes and conscrip-
tion of manpower, but these impacted not only the commoners, but also the upper classes (Crowell 
1990, 187–99).
106 Živa PETROVČIČ: “Marvellous Scripture of the Divine Incantations ...
of these challenges, the commoners often instigated or joined rebellions. In 399, 
these culminated in a bloody uprising on the eastern coast led by Sun En 孫恩 
(?–402)10 and his successor Lu Xun 盧循 (?–411). They were joined by numerous 
discontented and poverty-stricken peasants and other commoners (ZGS 1979, 
228–34), and later also by aboriginal people (Holcombe 2019a, 115–16).
However, the above events were arguably not the only ones to trigger a sense of 
crisis. The Jin shu 晉書 (Book of Jin Dynasty) (27: 807, 809, 818, passim) mentions 
natural disasters,11 such as floods, fires, droughts, windstorms, and earthquakes, 
and also speaks of bad harvests and famine. By analysing extant data on floods 
and droughts, we can observe that the percentage occurring in the central region 
(including the lower Yangzi region and the capital in modern-day Jiangsu prov-
ince) was much higher compared to earlier periods (Yao 1943, 367, 369, 371). In 
addition, during the Eastern Jin era their frequency and duration also increased 
(ibid. 1942, 275–76). Moreover, data on outbreaks of epidemic diseases in the 
South show a rapid rise in their number from the year 400, surpassing the number 
in the North around the mid-5th century (McNeill 1976, 259–69; Morabia 2009, 
1364). While the data may be incomplete in both instances, natural disasters and 
epidemics arguably threatened members of all social strata. Thus, the death rate 
was high during this period due to wars, plagues, and poor harvests, and people 
even turned to cannibalism (Yang 1946, 114).
From the Eastern Jin period onward, the South also saw a loosening of ties among 
family members and a decrease in social closeness between large families and the 
local rural population. Various authors observe that loyalty and cooperation among 
family members in the South was no longer as emphasized as in the North, and 
some relatives even fought each other for power at court or engaged in military 
conflicts (Lewis 2009, 129–31; Mao 1990, 101–102).
Moreover, from the end of the Han period onwards, faith in the Confucian un-
derstanding of social and political order diminished. Both lower and upper classes 
increasingly began turning to the Daoist and Buddhist religions that promised 
salvation and immortality (Buckley Ebrey 1996, 86).
In summation, the period of the Eastern Jin dynasty was a time of many changes. 
I was able to identify several aspects of the crisis, i.e., political, military, social, 
religious, moral, health, economic, legal, and natural, which in some way affected 
members of various strata or social groups. As outlined above, the manifestations 
of crisis include power struggles, military conflicts, wars, loosened social ties, in-
10 For more on the rebellion and religious ideas behind Sun En’s uprising, see the studies by Miyaka-
wa Hisayuki (1971) and Eichhorn Werner (1954).
11 For more data on disasters from the official sources, see Satō Taketoshi (1993).
107Asian Studies XII (XXVIII), 3 (2024), pp. 101–128
vasions of the non-Han peoples, rebellions, decline in morality, disunity of the 
Chinese realm, poor harvests, burdening public service obligations, mass migra-
tions, epidemics, natural disasters, political instability, lack of reliable leadership, 
religious competition and pressures, poverty, a high mortality rate, and more. They 
all arguably contributed to a growing sense of fear, danger, unease, and threat, as 
well as to feelings of lack of peace, safety, cooperation, well-being, stability and 
order, and thereby to a general sense of crisis and loss of hope.
Portrayals of the Crisis as Reflections of the Social Crisis of the 
Eastern Jin Dynasty
Below, I examine how the crisis is described in the scripture and how its causes 
are explained, thus identifying reflections of the social crisis of the Eastern Jin 
dynasty.
Depictions of Crisis
Let us look at an example to illustrate how the scripture portrays the crisis.
The Heavenly Worthy of Primordial Beginning said: The humans of the 
latest cosmic era live unhurried lives. They do not know that in the age 
of the Great Jin, thirty thousand demon soldiers descend on the king-
dom, disseminating severe infectious diseases and red Qi12, and riding 
the Heavenly flood waves. The devil kings of the Six Caverns spread all 
under Heaven, chasing and suppressing myriads of people. Large armies 
slay one another. Those in official service are scattered. Since the demon 
soldiers starve all under Heaven, they devour living beings. The hundred 
surnames are forced to go into exile, fathers [go] to the south and sons to 
the north. Great bandits overpower all under Heaven, the homeland is 
disunited. There is no peace on the five roads, provinces and counties are 
cruel towards one another. High ranking officials impose punishments 
upon each other, and minor functionaries [re]move one another. Myriads 
of people lose their means of existence and roam all under Heaven in 
desolation. The humans are stricken by calamities. By guihai year, mil-
lions upon millions of savage demons walk around all under Heaven. 
They kill and injure the humans; they disrupt the world. Their brutal 
12 The Taishang dongyuan shenzhou jing explains that demons spread toxic Qi of various colours and 
kill stupid people. The effect of the red Qi is to cause swelling (DZ 335, 1.4b).
108 Živa PETROVČIČ: “Marvellous Scripture of the Divine Incantations ...
violence causes damage and loss of property; injuries to camels and hors-
es are innumerable. Barbarians13 are spreading in more than one region. 
(DZ 49, 9b–10a)
From the passage above, we can already see that depictions of the crisis touch 
upon various problems, ranging from socio-political to natural. With regards to 
the latter, natural disasters, floods and fires in particular, are among the most fre-
quently mentioned phenomena across the entire text (ibid., 2b, 5b, 6b, 8a, 8b, 9a, 
9b, 10b, 11a, 11b). There are also entries indicating bad harvests. For instance, 
the text states that grains are not ripening (ibid., 5a), which suggests famine in a 
predominantly agricultural society. In addition to such natural catastrophes, ep-
idemics (ibid., 1b, 2b, 5b, 5a, 5b, 6b, 8a, 8b, 9a, 9b, 10b, 11a, 11b) and wars (ibid., 
2b, 3b, 5a, 5b, 6a, 8b, 9a, 9b, 11a, 11b) are also prevalent and presented as major 
issues. Demons (or demon armies) invade China (ibid., 1b, 8a, 9b). Bandits (ibid., 
1b, 9a etc.) and non-Han peoples (ibid., 10a) are widespread. Evil rebels form 
large states (ibid., 1a). In other words, violence, rebellions, treason, attacks, battles, 
invasions, and defeat permeate the text. As a result, the mortality rate seems to 
be increasing, as numerous entries refer to people (including the ruler(s) and the 
officials) being killed or dying of disease (ibid., 6b, 8b etc.). Cannibalism is also 
indicated (ibid., 5b). People are burdened by public service or corvée labour (ibid., 
6a, 8a) and lose work (ibid., 6a, 10a). Their property is lost or damaged (ibid., 10a). 
Many flee their home(land) (ibid., 1b, 8b, 9a). The country is disunited (ibid., 
10a), families are separated, and people scattered in different directions (ibid., 5b, 
6a, 8b, 9a, 10a, 11b). The land and households are empty (ibid., 1b, 2b, 5a). Morals 
among the people have declined. There is disharmony in human relations, i.e., 
within family units (ibid., 2b, 8b, 9a), between ruler(s) and subjects or ministers 
(ibid., 8b, 9a), among officials (ibid., 8b, 10a), and between counties and provinces 
(ibid., 10a). Some entries indicate power struggles within the higher social strata 
(ibid., 8b, 9a, 10a). People conspire in unlawful activities, turn traitorous, and im-
pose punishments upon each other (ibid., 1b, 8a). Laws and decrees are produced 
in an abrupt manner (ibid., 5a).
It is pointed out several times that, in general, things, including official matters, 
are not going well, not having good results (ibid., 1b, 5a, 5b, 6b,10a), and that the 
populace is suffering, burdened by hardships and misfortune (ibid., 1a–b, 8a, 8b, 
9a, 11b). Ordinary people, military men, minor functionaries, high officials and 
13 In ancient times, the term yi 夷 designated “barbarians (‘less cultivated’ peoples)” in general and/or 
the southern or eastern non-Han tribes in particular, while the term rong 戎 held a meaning of the 
northwestern or western ones. Rong also became a term for “war” (Theobald 2013a; 2013b). As it 
would be difficult to determine which specific tribes or wars the author had in mind, a more general 
term, i.e. “barbarians”, is used here.
109Asian Studies XII (XXVIII), 3 (2024), pp. 101–128
ruler(s), men and women (ibid., 6b), adults and their descendants (ibid., 5b, 6b), 
and their kin (ibid., 6a, 6b), are all affected in some way. In other words, the crisis 
hit across the social strata and regardless of gender or age, and the world is in 
chaos due to various factors (ibid., 1a–b, 2b, 3b, 5a, 6a, 6b, 8a, 8b, 9a, 10a, 11a–b). 
Unsurprisingly, the general lack of peace, feelings of unease, worries, and discon-
tent are stressed throughout the text (ibid., 1b, 5a, 6b, 8b, 9a, 11b). The world is 
not in harmony (ibid., 6a). This is not the world of Great Peace (taiping 太平)14 
(ibid., 5b), but rather its opposite. In short, both the socio-political and the natural 
environment are portrayed as heavily disrupted. The traditional Chinese or Dao-
ist holistic worldview suggests a severe disharmony between Heaven and human 
beings, i.e. a cosmic disharmony. In addition, all these occurrences towards the 
end of the cycle, the so-called Great Kalpa (dajie 大劫) (ibid., 11a–b), indicate the 
world nearing a culmination of cosmic disharmony, i.e. an apex of crisis of cosmic 
proportions.
Although our text does not refer directly to any specific historical event, the ref-
erence to the present era of the Jin dynasty (ibid., 9b) suggests that the author 
intended to draw the audience’s attention to the events of this historical period. 
We also see that certain events in the text bring to mind several of the above 
occurrences of the tumultuous world of the Eastern Jin. For instance, the text 
speaks of the disunity of the Chinese realm, wars, the spread of the non-Han 
peoples, and people being scattered and forced into exile. This seems to indicate 
mass migrations from the North due to the invasion of non-Han peoples, and 
reflect the frustration and stress of the people who had to move to the South. At 
the same time, these may be expressions of their sadness and hopes to return. It 
thus seems likely that the author and/or at least a part of the intended audience 
were emigrees. 
This movement clearly included one or more educated individuals, who wrote 
the text and were somewhat informed of events in the highest circles. The text 
addresses many aspects permeating the life of the upper strata in that period, such 
as political instability and power struggles. Moreover, several entries portray the 
loosening of social ties and moral decline. The text covers a wide range of prob-
lems also present at the time, and thus has the potential to attract members of 
both Northern emigree and old Southern elites. On the other hand, it also shows 
much concern for the problems of the common people, which suggests that the 
author may have also intended to attract people from the lower social strata, who 
were affected by these problems, such as bad harvests. Several depictions, e.g., 
those that speak of heavy burdens on the people, corvée labour, social chaos, and 
14 See note 27.
110 Živa PETROVČIČ: “Marvellous Scripture of the Divine Incantations ...
rebellions, also bring to mind the circumstances of the commoners during the pe-
riod of the Eastern Jin dynasty. Furthermore, the text also portrays manifestations 
of crisis that arguably presented a threat to members of all social strata, such as 
epidemics, warfare and natural disasters.
Although the sections seem to be chronologically arranged, it is not clear where 
exactly the portrayals of the present or recent past flow into predictions.15 Regard-
less, similar portrayals of crisis appear throughout the text. However, there is a 
sense of a growing intensity of troubles, violence, dangers, and difficulties towards 
the end of the text, where the audience is warned of the imminence of the end of 
the Great Kalpa (ibid., 11a–b). In the early medieval Daoist eschatological sys-
tem,16 the Great Kalpa represents a culmination of Yin (Earth) and an exhaustion 
of Yang (Heaven), or the so-called Yang-nine (yangjiu 陽九) of the Yangjiu bailiu 
陽九百六 (Yang-nine and hundred six) theory.17 This is a time of calamities (zai 
災), when the Six Heavens (liutian 六天)18 reach a climax. Pre-apocalyptic time 
is portrayed as a time of decadence, when the evil demonic Qi (gui Qi 鬼氣), also 
called the old Qi (gu Qi 故氣) or Yin Qi 陰氣, is growing and billions of demons 
are populating the Earth (Mollier 1990, 162–65). Analysing the Daoist eschatol-
ogy including the Yangjiu bailiu theory in some scriptures, Li Fengmao (1996) 
argued that it was related to the (sense of ) crisis towards the end of dynastic cy-
cles, or rather, that a sense of crisis caused the formation of ideas of the end of the 
world. In addition, Stephen Bokenkamp (1994, 72) pointed out that portrayals of 
apocalypse “were based on both actual events and contemporary perceptions of 
disorder during the tumultuous days of the Period of Division” (ibid.). Because 
potential followers heard of, witnessed, or experienced such indications or heralds 
of a catastrophic future in their world, these portrayals could appear believable 
15 It could be argued that most of the text can be regarded as predictions, which is similar to what 
Mollier stated, i.e. that the text predicts catastrophes in the following nine years of the sexagesimal 
cycle and beyond (Mollier 1997, 336).
16 For more details, see studies by Christine Mollier (1990, 162–65), Kobayashi Masayoshi (1990, 
403–81), Li Fengmao (1996), Stephen Bokenkamp (1994) and Wu Yu (2014).
17 The terms yangjiu (Yang-nine) and bailiu 百六 (hundred and six) are not specifically mentioned 
in the text under discussion. However, we can find them in another early scripture from the Beidi 
tradition, which originated in the same milieu, namely the Taishang dongyuan beidi tianpeng hu-
ming xiaozai shenzhou miaojing 太上洞淵北帝天蓬護命消災神呪妙經 (Marvellous Scripture of 
the Tianpeng Divine Incantation for Protecting Life and Eliminating Calamities by the Emperor of the 
North of the Supreme Cavernous Abyss), which also portrays a decadent society (DZ 53). On this text, 
see the study by Christine Mollier (1997, 335–37).
18 The Six Heavens refer to the realms of evil, impure spirits of (sacrifices of ) popular religion, while 
the Three Heavens are presented as the spheres of pure deities of Dao, representing pure forces of 
life. On these notions, see the studies by Wang Zongyu (1999), Stephen Bokenkamp (1997, 188–
94), and Kobayashi Masayoshi (1990, 482–510).
111Asian Studies XII (XXVIII), 3 (2024), pp. 101–128
and function as an effective attracting force. Thus, the above depictions can ar-
guably be viewed as reflecting historical occurrences (at least to some extent) as 
well as a sense of crisis among members of various social groups or Jin society as a 
whole. In addition, we could also say that some of these aspects of the crisis were 
projected into the near future and possibly at least in part exaggerated.
Explanation of Causes of Crisis
The inclusion of the imminent end of the Great Kalpa indicates that these drastic 
changes are viewed as occurring due to the revolution of cosmic eras or cycles 
reaching a certain culmination point. We saw above that the main actors or agents 
of these changes are demons, which are depicted as creating a wide variety of mis-
fortunes and catastrophes. Thus, they are not only presented as manifestations of 
the crisis, but at the same time also as one of its primary causes. 
In our scripture, there are several depictions of demons arriving in China and 
various consequences, i.e., they are creating social disorder, disseminating diseases, 
devouring humans, causing natural disasters, engaging in warfare, bringing death, 
causing a decline in morality, destroying families, and the like.19 The passage “gui 
lai/ru/ Zhongguo 鬼來/入/中國 (demons are coming to /or entering/ China)” is 
repeated in slightly different variants (DZ 49, 1b, 7a, 8a, 8b, etc.). Daoists rede-
fined the ancient Chinese concept of demons, which now included not only souls 
of the dead or animist energies but also living beings, specifically non-adherents 
or those not in line with the norms of a Daoist group. One example of the latter 
type are the non-Han peoples, the so-called “barbarians” (Mollier 2006, 94).20 
Thus, the above passage likely refers to the invasions by non-Han peoples reflect-
ing a feeling of severe threat and revealing the hardships the people endured or 
perceived to endure as a result of their arrival. For instance, they may not only have 
been viewed as causing suffering and death through military attacks, but also as 
bringing diseases to which the Southerners were not accustomed. In addition to 
the non-Han peoples, the term demons can also refer to other living non-adher-
ents, particularly since the South around the turn of the 5th century knew many 
spiritual or religious traditions, Daoist (Tianshi, Taiqing 太清 / Great Clarity /, 
19 For more details on the concept of evil and on the impact demons have on the world in Daoist me-
dieval scriptures, see the study by Christine Mollier (2006).
20 For instance, the Nüqing guilü 女青鬼律 (Demon Statutes of Nüqing) (DZ 790), an early Tianshi 
dao demonology text, which Terry Kleeman (2016, 146) dates to the (late) 3rd century, portrays 
the non-Han peoples as demons who are entering China, devouring human blood etc. (DZ 790, 
5.1b–2a). In addition, the Taishang dongyuan shenzhou jing contains numerous demons of foreign 
origin, also called “the barbarians (yi)” (Mollier 1990, 169; 2006, 94).
112 Živa PETROVČIČ: “Marvellous Scripture of the Divine Incantations ...
Shangqing, Lingbao) and others (Buddhism, popular cults). The numerous ref-
erences to demons thus also suggest that the author and/or at least a part of the 
intended audience were among those affected by non-Han peoples and/or other 
non-adherents, whom they blamed for various misfortunes.
Moreover, judgements are also directly cast on the people. The most problematic 
are characterized as “evil (e 惡)” (DZ 49, 1a), “stupid (yu 愚)” (ibid., 3a)21 or “the 
sinners (zuiren 罪人)” (ibid., 6a). The text makes it clear that many are evil (ibid., 
1a) or turning evil (ibid., 1b, 5b). Their sins (zui 罪) include immorality (ibid., 
2a, 2b, 3a, 3b etc.) and religious transgressions, such as not knowing, believing in, 
following, or practicing the (correct) Dao (/zheng/ Dao / 正/道) (ibid., 1a, 3a, 3b, 
5a). Particular blame seems to be cast on members of the elites (ibid., 1b, 5a, 8a), 
which reflects a sense of lacking reliable and efficient leadership during the (East-
ern) Jin dynasty. At the same time, the audience is informed, or rather, warned of 
the consequences of all these sins, this increase in evil, which is causing demons 
to spread, and it is these who are causing the many manifestations of crisis. The 
people are thus actually bringing misfortunes upon themselves (ibid., 2a, 2b–3a, 
3b, 5b–6a).
You, worldlings, why do you not believe in the Great Dao? As a result, 
there are these demons that roam all under Heaven and create turmoil 
among humans. The members of one’s family in the homeland perish 
between Heaven and Earth, harmed by severe diseases. By the jiayin 
year, flood waters and fires grow in strength, there are many demonic 
epidemics. Living beings get severe diseases and Heavenly disasters are 
prevalent. (Ibid., 2b) 
The speaker, Yuanshi tianzun, presents the problems as far from being unrelated 
to human beliefs and behaviour, but rather as stemming from them. He, speaking 
as the personified and deified Dao (I will elaborate on this below), condemns evil 
and presents it as a destructive force. This signifies that those who are evil, i.e. 
those who are immoral, and those who do not believe in or practice the Dao, actu-
ally become misaligned with or distanced from the Dao. Hence, we can ascertain 
that the people and demons are presented as having contributed heavily to the 
above-discussed worsening of the cosmic crisis (the social crisis included) due to 
their misalignment or disharmony with the Dao. 
To conclude, we saw that the scripture touches upon various aspects or factors 
of the social crisis present at the time, including socio-political, military, health, 
21 It was believed that people became stupid due to a gradual loss of pure simplicity of the world oc-
curring since high antiquity (Kamitsuka 1999, 222).
113Asian Studies XII (XXVIII), 3 (2024), pp. 101–128
moral, economic, and natural, and reflects the severity of the feelings of crisis 
among the people. In other words, the social crisis is presented as an aspect of 
a cosmic one, and its various manifestations reflect the many problems of the 
Eastern Jin dynasty, such as epidemics, invasions of non-Han peoples, power 
struggles, political instability, lack of reliable and capable leadership, loosened so-
cial ties, warfare, migrations, high mortality rate, natural disasters, bad harvests, 
rebellions, disunity of the Chinese realm, the burden of corvée labour, cannibal-
ism, and more. Particular emphasis is placed on the hordes of demons entering 
China, which likely reflects the foreign invasions of the Jin dynasty. The author 
employs a proselytizing strategy by including and often repeating such problems 
witnessed or experienced by the people of the time, while also explaining why 
they occur. With this, the author creates a specific perception of crisis, wherein 
contemporaneous members of the audience can identify their own difficulties. In 
addition, such portrayals also acknowledge and intensify such feelings of crisis as 
a sense of threat, danger, helplessness and loss, and a lack of cooperation, peace, 
harmony, well-being, safety and stability. This indicates that the author intends 
to attract a specific though relatively broad audience: members of various classes 
and social groups discontented and affected by a wide range of problems, as well 
as those who may blame such problems on the morals of the elites and non-ad-
herents (non-Han peoples in particular). The author places these depictions into 
the mouth of a supreme deity, which adds credibility to his words and invokes 
trust and respect. The audience is thus given a sense of confirmation, clarity, and 
acknowledgement of their own experiences and feelings.
Solutions to the Crisis as Responses to the Social Crisis of the 
Eastern Jin Dynasty 
The apex of cosmic crisis is expected to be imminent, but the text does not con-
vey that all is hopeless. On the contrary, its subtitle, the Shenbing hu guo an jia qu 
gui xiao zai feng chi zhou pin 神兵護國安家驅鬼消災奉勑呪品 (The Article on 
Revering Orders Issued on the Incantations for Divine Soldiers to Protect the State,22 
Bring Peace to the Families, Expel Demons and Eliminate Calamities) (DZ 49, 1a), 
reveals that it aims to provide a remedy. The audience can find the proposed 
solutions in the second parts of sections in the scripture. Regarding handling the 
crisis, the actors featuring in the scripture could roughly be divided into three key 
groups, namely divine and immortal forces, human beings, and demonic forces. 
22 Regarding which state or kingdom (guo 國) is to be protected, we may assume that it refers to Chi-
na or the Jin dynasty, since it is depicted in the text as being attacked. 
114 Živa PETROVČIČ: “Marvellous Scripture of the Divine Incantations ...
Below, I will analyse their roles, means, goals, options, and mutual relationships 
and so elaborate on the proposed plan to solve the crisis as a response to the social 
crisis of the time.
Divine and Immortal Forces 
I will begin by discussing the divine and immortal forces as part of the presented 
solutions. 
Supreme Divine Force
The highest deities featuring in the scripture are Yuanshi tianzun, the speaker, and 
Taishang daojun 太上道君 (Most High Lord of the Dao). They are known as two 
gods of the Sanqing 三清 (Three Pure Ones) trinity, symbolizing the Dao.23 The 
text also refers to the cult of the Sanzun 三尊 (Three Heavenly Worthies) (DZ 49, 
6b; cf. Schipper 2004, 273), but the third deity does not appear in it. In the Shang-
qing and Lingbao scriptures,24 Yuanshi tianzun represents the cosmic and creative 
aspect, the Dao at the origin of everything. He is regarded as the number one deity, 
an underlying power of the cosmos and creator of the world, who also revealed some 
of the earliest and crucial scriptures. He manifests in various kalpas to lead humanity 
to the right path, reminding us of Laozi’s transformations (Kohn 1998, 124–26).
Throughout the text, we can observe Yuanshi tianzun’s continuous proselytizing, 
which includes assurances, warnings, threats, promises, and more. The pronoun 
wu 吾 (I, my) in the text thus refers to this deity in particular. He is the lead-
ing force that creates everything and reveals the scripture or the teachings. In 
addition, the importance of (his words in) the scripture and the doctrine is also 
stressed repeatedly as “great (da 大)”, “true (zhen 真)” or “orthodox or correct 
(zheng 正)” (DZ 49, 2a, 3a, 9b, 10a, 10b, 12a, etc.).
23 During the 5th and 6th centuries, the leading Daoist schools endeavoured to form a unified teach-
ing and organizational structure. This process also resulted in the reorganization of the pantheon 
with the Sanqing trinity at the top. These three deities are associated with the sandong 三洞 (Three 
Caverns) and the Three Heavens. They are to stand for the teachings of the major schools, i.e. Yu-
anshi tianzun represented the Shangqing, Taishang daojun, the Lingbao, and Taishang Laojun 太
上老君 (Most High Lord Lao) or Daode tianzun 道德天尊 (Heavenly Worthy of the Dao and Its 
Virtue) the Sanhuang 三皇 (Three Sovereigns) and Tianshi traditions. Together, they are identified 
as one, i.e. they symbolize the Dao. Thus, it is not surprising that their attributes and roles in the 
texts are similar or the same (Kohn 1998, 121–27; 2011, 840–44).
24 In the Shangqing scriptures, he still holds an appellation of Yuanshi tianwang 元始天王 (Heavenly 
King of Primordial Beginning), whereas the Lingbao tradition transformed this title into Yuanshi 
tianzun (Kohn 1998, 124).
115Asian Studies XII (XXVIII), 3 (2024), pp. 101–128
His main role and purpose are to persuade other forces to follow and join him, i.e. 
the Dao. “Returning to the Dao (gui dao 歸道)”, which is also expressed with phras-
es such as “revering the Dao (feng dao 奉道)”, “believing in the Dao (xin dao 信道)”, 
“practicing the Dao (xing dao 行道)”, “entering into the Dao(ist movement) (ru dao 
入道)” (ibid., 1b, 6a, 8a, 9b, 10b, 12a etc.) is presented as crucial. The importance of 
(re)aligning with the Dao is not surprising, since misalignment of the people and 
demons with the Dao is presented as the key reason for the cosmic crisis. 
He provides various means, such as his teachings revealed in the form of a scrip-
ture (ibid., 10b, 12a etc.), and specifically the orders (ling 令) (ibid., 1b, 10b)25, 
the law or method (fa 法) (ibid., 10b, 12a etc.), the incantations (shenzhou 神呪) 
(ibid., 3b, 12a), and so on. He also explains that the crisis necessitates his teaching.
The Heavenly Worthy of Primordial Beginning said: The living beings 
of the latest cosmic era confront epidemics [caused] by large armies, dif-
ficulties due to floods and fires, and all demon-caused calamities. There-
fore, I now issue orders to 36 deities of the Marvellous Scripture of Divine 
Incantations of the Orthodox Doctrine of the Samādhi26 of the Emperor of the 
North to disseminate the scripture [throughout] the kingdom, to educate 
and enlighten the living beings, to let them know the Great Law. There-
fore, the Masters of the Law of the Samādhi of the Emperor of the North 
descended to discuss and teach the emperor, ministers, high and local 
officials, and governors, to let them return to the Great Dao, [so that] 
everything will be harmonious. (Ibid., 10b–11a)
In addition, he assures that he sent or will send help through several figures not 
only to educate but also protect and save the people and the state (ibid., 3a, 3b, 
4a, 6a, 7a, 10b, 11b, 12a). These portrayals bring to mind an image of a movement 
leader endeavouring to attract followers and thus organizing missionary activity, 
where educating the elites seems to be of key importance.
25 Most sections close with a phrase “ji chi lüling 急勑律令 (Quickly, [according to] issued statutes 
and orders!)”, which resembles one often used in early medieval Daoist scriptures, namely “(jiji) ru 
lüling (急急)如律令 (/Quickly, quickly,/ in accordance with the statutes and orders!)” and seems to 
be its variant. The latter was adopted from Han dynasty texts, i.e. it was a standard formula used at 
the end of official documents as well as funerary texts, which also functioned as orders to the dead 
to not harm the living. It can already be found in the earliest Daoist codebooks, such as the Nüqing 
guilü, as well as in Daoist ritual petitions and incantations (Seidel 1987, 39–42). Another similar 
phrase is “jiji ru santian dafa zhi ling 急急如三天大法之令 (Quickly, quickly, in accordance with 
the orders of the Great Law of the Three Heavens!)” (DZ 49, 3b), which specifies orders as the 
“santian dafa zhi ling 三天大法之令 (orders of the Great Law of the Three Heavens)”.
26 Samādhi (Ch. Sanmei 三昧) is a Sanskrit term, which in Indian traditions, such as Buddhism and 
Hinduism, refers to a high state of consciousness invoked by meditation. 
116 Živa PETROVČIČ: “Marvellous Scripture of the Divine Incantations ...
Moreover, he also explains the effectiveness of honouring and following his solu-
tions, i.e. the desirable consequences of aligning with the Dao. He promises that 
returning to the Dao, honouring the teachings, the scripture itself, and the ritual 
masters will result in solving specific problems of the world in crisis (see Chapters 
on human and demonic forces). Thus, we can ascertain that he shows much con-
cern for the people and the world at large.
As we saw above, the speaker condemns evil, which is also presented as a cause 
of the crisis. Thus, it comes as no surprise that he not only threatens the wicked 
and requires the elimination of evil, but also directly or indirectly demands good-
ness and promises salvation to the good (see Chapter on human forces). In other 
words, doing good or ceasing to do evil, i.e. converting to good, signifies align-
ment with the Dao. A reader can also find warnings of undesirable consequences 
if one (a human being or a demon) does not follow the Dao and remains wicked, 
such as being sent to the underworld, i.e. the earth prisons (diyu 地獄) (DZ 49, 
3b) and being left to perish without hope of rescue (ibid., 5a, 6a, 6b).
Thus, the apparent primary goal of the above-discussed strategies is to help the 
good people in particular so that they may survive catastrophic times (see Chapter 
on human forces). But the promises of the Dao go beyond this, as they imply that 
peace and order in society are to be restored (ibid., 2a, 10a), and that all things 
will be improved and turned into a state of harmony (ibid., 2a, 11a) Moreover, it 
also speaks of harmonizing natural phenomena, i.e. the weather will be smooth 
(ibid., 2a). Thus, although it does not directly mention the term taiping 太平 
(Great Peace)27 as a part of a promise, these phenomena indicate just that this will 
be achieved. Therefore, the ultimate goal of the supreme divine force is to achieve 
social and cosmic harmony.
The means Yuanshi tianzun has at his disposal are his supreme divine powers, 
which he uses to make decisions with regard to the crisis, including creating the 
perception of it and developing a plan to solve it. This portrayal of Yuanshi tianzun 
can remind us of an image of a movement leader who endeavours to attract fol-
lowers affected in times of crisis by revealing manifestations of the crisis the peo-
ple were aware of and making it clear that the situation will only get worse, thus 
making his remedies even more urgently needed and desired. He also points out 
what and who is to blame and then offers guidance, tools, helpers, and a promise 
27 On the development of the idea of Great Peace in premodern Chinese philosophies of history, 
see the study by Dawid Rogacz (2022). On this utopian vision in the early Daoist scripture with 
the term Great Peace in its title, namely the Taiping jing 太平經 (Scripture on Great Peace), see the 
study by Barbara Hendrischke (1992). This ideal of a world of social and cosmic harmony also ap-
pears in several other early medieval Daoist scriptures, such as the Taishang dongyuan shenzhou jing 
(DZ 335, 1.11a). 
117Asian Studies XII (XXVIII), 3 (2024), pp. 101–128
that these problems can be solved. Imbued with the authority and power of the 
supreme cosmic force, he gives the impression of a figure whose proposed solu-
tions should be followed and whose promises should be believed. In other words, 
he demonstrates his intentions to lead the process of dealing with the crisis but 
does not go about executing his plan on his own.
Taishang daojun, who is the second god of the trinity of the Dao, appears in the 
text with an alternative appellation, i.e. Taishang 太上 (Most High Lord). He is 
also the revealer of scriptures and serves as a mouthpiece of Yuanshi tianzun. In 
the Lingbao texts, he is learning from Yuanshi tianzun, i.e. receiving scriptures 
and precepts to help humanity in distress find salvation. He is portrayed as a dis-
ciple and a messenger of the supreme god of the trinity (Kohn 1998, 124–26). In 
our text he only appears in a few instances, either ordering demons not to create 
distress for the people and the country (DZ 49, 8a, 9b) or sending helpers to deal 
with evil people (ibid., 5a). His role is to mitigate the impact and scope of evil 
with his divine powers. It is evident that he is working in agreement with Yuanshi 
tianzun on the mission to protect people and the country, eradicate evil and rec-
reate cosmic harmony. In addition, the reference to the Three Heavenly Worthies, 
from whom the people may receive the scripture (ibid., 6b), further confirms that 
these deities symbolize the highest cosmic force, the Dao, and that they are acting 
in accordance with each other.
Other Divine and Immortal Forces
A titular deity called Beidi, a central figure of a tradition of Fengdu or of the Em-
peror of the North, is the supreme sovereign of the world of the dead. He resides 
on the Fengdu shan 酆都山 (Mount Fengdu)28 and governs the Liu gong 六宫 
(Six Palaces), i.e. a large infernal bureaucracy of repentant spirits. In the Beidi tra-
dition he appears in various roles (Mollier 1997, 329, 337–50). The daily individ-
ual practices of this tradition, which fall under the generic term Beidi sha gui zhi 
fa 北帝殺鬼之法 (the method of the Emperor of the North for killing demons), 
were a part of exorcistic and longevity practices and already popular during the 
Six Dynasties. They were known to be used in meditation and prescribe reciting 
incantations29 and invoking the names of the Six Palaces of Mt Fengdu30. They 
28 Mount Fengdu refers to a mythic mountain in the northern quarter of the universe, a purgatory, a 
realm of the dead, where sinners and all the dead are judged (Mollier 1997, 337–45).
29 The above-mentioned early text of the Beidi tradition, namely the Taishang dongyuan beidi tianpeng 
huming xiaozai shenzhou miaojing, focuses on the so-called Tianpeng 天蓬 incantations. As the title 
suggests, its purpose is to protect life and eliminate calamities (DZ 53).
30 These methods also appear in the Shangqing scriptures. For instance, the Shangqing tianguan santu 
jing 上清天關三圖經 (Highest Clarity Scripture of the Three Diagrams of the Heavenly Passes) (DZ 
118 Živa PETROVČIČ: “Marvellous Scripture of the Divine Incantations ...
were also accompanied by visualization practices (ibid., 355–65). In our text, this 
deity holds the appellation of Beidi dasheng 北帝大聖 (Great Saint Emperor of 
the North) (DZ 49, 11a). As the title, its alternative versions (ibid., 10a, 10b), and 
the subtitle suggest, our text focuses on incantations. When the Emperor utters 
them, various assistants, i.e. divinities, immortals and devil kings, assemble to lis-
ten and aid the world in distress (ibid., 11a).
In addition, the Sanguan 三官 (Three Office/r/s)31 also feature in the scripture. 
It is their duty to inspect and keep records of human actions in the registers of 
life or jade register (yuli 玉暦) and registers of death (sishu 死書). Evil actions 
incur punishment, while good deeds bring favourable fortune to the living, their 
ancestors and descendants, as well as the dead. The Three Offices have also been 
regarded as the Daoist Hell of Fengdu and a place of interrogation32 (Kleeman 
2011a, 833–34; Ma 1998, 60–66). Our text states that during the “cycle of the 
Three Office(r)s (sanguan zhi yun 三官之運)”, when the world suffers from 
diseases, death, social disorder, and demonic invasions, the Three Offices in-
spect the oaths (DZ 49, 6b) and their troops punish demons by executing them 
(ibid., 7a). Another deity appearing in the text is Wenchang 文昌. As a deity he 
seems to have played a role in the administration of destiny during the Han 
and Six Dynasties. (Kleeman 2011b, 1033; Ma 1998, 111) Our text contains an 
example, where Wenchang is sent by Yuanshi tianzun to eliminate those that do 
not submit (DZ 49, 6b). We can see that the particular role of these deities is 
to manage evil.
In addition, the text also mentions various deities and immortals whom Yuanshi 
tianzun sends to help and save the living as well as to protect the country, such 
as yunü 玉女 (jade maidens) and miaotong 妙童 (mysterious lads) (ibid., 3a), or 
the 36 deities of the scripture, whose role is to transmit the scripture and instruct.
Therefore, with regard to the crisis, other prominent deities and immortals play 
the role of assistants of the supreme cosmic force. They are aligned with its in-
tentions and act in support of its plan, in the course of which they employ means, 
such as their divine and immortal powers, and ritual tools.
1366) promotes the individual practices of the Beidi method, i.e. the Tianpeng incantations com-
bined with invoking the names of the Six Palaces of Mt. Fengdu. They were designed to evade dan-
ger and death caused by demons and calamities (Mollier 1997, 355f, 359).
31 The belief in the Tiandishui Sanguan 天地水三官 (Three Office/r/s of Heaven, Earth and Water) 
had already developed during the Han dynasty and was absorbed into later traditions (Lai 2002).
32 See also Wang Zongyu (1999, 38–41, 44–46). 
119Asian Studies XII (XXVIII), 3 (2024), pp. 101–128
Human Forces
Below, I will discuss the group of human forces as a part of the proposed plan to 
solve the crisis.
Masters of the Law
Our text provides us with one of the earliest titles of ritual masters of the Beidi 
tradition,33 namely the Beidi sanmei fashi 北帝三昧法師 (Master of the Law of 
the Samādhi of the Emperor of the North) or Sanmei fashi 三昧法師 (Master of 
the Law of the Samādhi) (Mollier 1997, 350–54). These ritual masters are pre-
sented as being sent by Yuanshi tianzun as his helpers and play various roles. They 
are shown to spread teachings, bringing people, particularly members of the social 
elites, back to the Dao. They also disseminate the scripture and perform Daoist 
practices (DZ 49, 3a). It is evident that they are supposed to be respected. In fact, 
those who revere them are promised that their various problems will be solved, 
they will receive additional help, they will be saved, the country will receive pro-
tection and so on (Ibid., 3a, 4a–b, 7b, 10a–b, etc.). 
If a person reveres the Law, receives the scripture, and makes offerings 
to the Masters of the Law of the Samādhi of the Emperor of the North, 
the sick will immediately recover, and everything will be well. (Ibid., 7b)
The ritual masters are thus those human actors34 who are portrayed as most in 
harmony with the Dao, and who act in support of its plan, in which they are in-
cluded as assistants. Their primary means in dealing with the crisis are the scrip-
ture and Daoist practices.
Other Human Beings
Since living human beings are included among those actors responsible for the 
aggravation of the crisis, it would make sense to expect that they should also con-
tribute to remedying it. The members of the elites seem particularly misaligned, 
therefore their alignment with the Dao is crucial. Thus, the ruler(s), ministers, 
and other people of high rank and importance are pointed out as key object of 
the masters’ teaching endeavours (DZ 49, 10b–11a). However, the text also shows 
concern for and targets the (Chinese or the Jin) people at large. Terms such as 
33 During the Six Dynasties the ritual masters of this tradition were travelling masters, exorcists, ther-
apists and preachers. They performed community rituals and were active in private homes (Mollier 
1997, 350–54).
34 These masters are said to have descended, which could mean they were considered to be immortal 
(DZ 49, 10b), but the text is unclear in this regard.
120 Živa PETROVČIČ: “Marvellous Scripture of the Divine Incantations ...
wanmin 萬民 (myriads of people, populace), baixing 百姓 (hundred surnames, 
common people) and guomin 國民 (citizens) are used frequently. The speaker 
evaluates their beliefs and behaviour as mentioned above and instructs them on 
how to cope with the crisis and be saved. This indicates that the Dao targets all 
social strata as its audience. Moreover, it is evident that the scripture is meant for 
both men and women (ibid., 2a, 11b–12a). 
People have several means at their disposal to align with the Dao (see above), 
and their roles include receiving and revering the scripture and the Dao’s teach-
ings (DZ 49, 2a, 3a, 7b, 8a, 9a, 10a, 12a), also expressed as “the true words of 
the Three Heavens (santian zhen yan 三天真言)” (ibid., 8a), disseminating the 
scripture (ibid., 12a), reciting the scripture (ibid., 6a), venerating the incantations 
(ibid., 3b, 11b), revering the Law (ibid., 7b, 10b) and respecting the orders (ibid., 
1b), the ritual masters and so on. They also know the demons’ names (gui ming 
zi 鬼名字), and so can use a technique by which the demons can be driven away 
(ibid., 9a).35 In addition, a chief method of turning misalignment into alignment 
is moral behaviour.
If a person reveres the Marvellous Scripture of the Divine Incantations of 
the Samādhi of the Emperor of the North, myriads of people will be at peace, 
diseases will be cured immediately, and all the heart’s desires will be ful-
filled. Large armies will disperse on their own, demon bandits will perish, 
and official disputes will be resolved. (Ibid., 10a)
Thus, provided they follow the guidance of the Dao, their problems are promised 
to be solved. The dangers and calamities will simply dissolve (ibid., 1b, 2a, 9a), 
they will recover from diseases (ibid., 1b, 4a, 6a, 7b, 8a, 10a), demons will perish 
or leave (ibid., 1b–2a, 4b, 6a, 10a, 10b), armies will disperse (ibid., 10a), official af-
fairs will be resolved (ibid., 6a, 8a, 10b), helpers will come to aid, protect, and save 
them (ibid., 4a, 6a, 10a–b, 12a), their wishes will be fulfilled (ibid., 10a), and all 
will be well (ibid., 2a, 4a, 7b, 11a). There will be harmony in society and nature, as 
discussed above. We can see that several concrete problems are repeatedly pointed 
out to reach desirable outcomes.
Moreover, those aligning with the Dao will be transformed and cross over (hua 
du 化度) (ibid., 11b), ascend to (become) immortals (sheng xian 昇仙) (ibid., 4a), 
and their names will be entered into the records of names of immortals, i.e. the 
jade calendar (ibid., 12a). The promise of immortality seems to also extend to 
35 Whether the text refers to the names of the Six Palaces of Mt Fengdu is not clear, as the Six Palaces 
are not directly mentioned in relation to these demons’ names. However, we can find an example of 
the name of demon(s) in the text, i.e. the Demon(s) of Heaven (Tian zhi gui 天之鬼) (DZ 49, 2b).
121Asian Studies XII (XXVIII), 3 (2024), pp. 101–128
their descendants and later generations (ibid., 4a). The alternative option, i.e. not 
following the Dao’s intentions and strategies, does not seem very attractive, as we 
saw earlier. 
From all of the above, we can ascertain the roles of other human beings—they 
should first accept the views and strategies on the crisis presented by the supreme 
divine force, and then cooperate with it and its helpers, i.e., follow the instruc-
tions, use the means provided, and accept their help. As a result, they can be saved 
and contribute to eliminating evil, and to restoring social and cosmic harmony.
Demonic Forces
Since demons are regarded as a critical cause and manifestation of the crisis, it 
is not surprising that they, too, are tasked with doing their part in the process of 
remedying it. Some high-ranking demons, usually referred to as mowang 魔王 
(devil kings), shenwang 神王 (spirit kings) and guiwang 鬼王 (demon kings),36 
receive orders from the Dao to command and control subordinate demons (DZ 
49, 7b, 9b). In other words, they should reform themselves and act in service of 
the Dao.37
You, demon kings, quickly issue orders to your demons to let the sick 
rapidly recover, official affairs be promptly resolved, and all matters to 
become harmonious and good. If a demon does not submit, demon kings 
must not give it much thought but swiftly chop its head off. (Ibid., 7b)
We can see that not only high-ranking demons but demons in general are required 
to change their ways. They should cease their harmful impacts on the people, use 
their powers to do good, and strive to restore harmony and peace in all matters 
(ibid., 7b, 8a, 9b). If they do not comply or succeed, they get slaughtered instantly 
by superior demons (ibid., 6a, 7b, 9b). These demons may also include the living. 
36 Demons of various types or ranks, such as guizhu 鬼主 (demon lords), guibing 鬼兵 (demon sol-
diers or armies), guiwang, shenwang and mowang, also appear to populate the hierarchically orga-
nized eschatological pantheon of contemporary texts, such as the Taishang dongyuan shenzhou jing 
(Mollier 1990, 165–70). Guiwang and Buddhism-inspired mowang are typically viewed as leaders 
of demon hordes. The former holds the same or higher position as the latter. Shenwang is another 
similar character that leads low-ranking demons. Kamitsuka (1999, 223–28) considers it to be al-
most the same as mowang. The Taishang dongyuan shenzhou jing explains that although both share 
the same Qi with the ruler of multitudes of spirits, the Dao, they became distanced from it due to 
their evil hearts and actions, and thus remained in the realm or the cycles of birth and death (ibid.).
37 These high-ranking demons similarly reform themselves in the Taishang dongyuan shenzhou jing 
and Lingbao wuliang duren shangpin miaojing (ibid., 221–34). 
122 Živa PETROVČIČ: “Marvellous Scripture of the Divine Incantations ...
Moreover, our text makes it clear that high-ranking demons have the authority to 
try people and send the evil to earth prisons (ibid., 3b). Moreover, some demons 
sent by Heaven can even kill wicked people or let them die in catastrophes or 
warfare (ibid., 2b). Thus, high-ranking demons function as helpers of the supreme 
divine force in eradicating evil and protecting the country and its good people 
(ibid., 2b, 7b, 8a, 9b, 10b). We can ascertain that demons have two options: to 
reform themselves or perish. In addition, it seems our text may be indicating that 
salvation is not only attainable by people, but also by demons (ibid., 5a).38 
To sum up, the role of demons is to accept the perception of crisis put forth by the 
supreme divine force, including their role in bringing it about. Next, they should 
align with the Dao’s plan, namely, they should follow the directives or orders of 
the divine forces to deal with evil on the one hand, and to protect the good on the 
other. The above account implies that the author or the movement’s leader, who 
speaks through Yuanshi tianzun, may require higher-ranking converts to make 
non-adherents (non-Han peoples included) change their ways according to his 
teachings. Moreover, it also seems to justify punishing or killing those who do not 
submit to his will.
Strategic Plan of Cooperation for Cosmic Harmony
The grand plan for handling the crisis involves three major groups, i.e., humans, 
demons, and the divine and immortals. The lines between them are porous or 
somewhat blurry, and some entities could be understood as belonging to one or 
more groups. In addition, these categories are not static as, in some cases, mo-
bility between them is possible. The relationship among them is hierarchical, i.e. 
the categories of the living mortal human forces and demonic forces are sub-
ordinate to that of the divine and immortal. The former two are lower in rank 
than the latter as regards their (decision-making) powers and resulting ability to 
handle and impact the social and cosmic crisis. The entities within each group 
are also hierarchically arranged. The relationship between humans and demons 
is more complex and mostly depends on the level of alignment of entities with 
the Dao. Thus, the highest cosmic force, the Dao, leads the process of dealing 
with the crisis, other divine and immortal forces support it, while everyone else 
must either follow or fail to be saved. The misalignment of the two groups 
with the Dao has been explained to have heavily contributed to the crisis, and 
their (re)alignment in terms of beliefs and behaviours is presented as necessary 
to turn disharmony with the Dao into harmony. The relationship among the 
38 In comparison, the Lingbao wuliang duren shangpin miaojing elaborates on this topic (ibid., 228–34).
123Asian Studies XII (XXVIII), 3 (2024), pp. 101–128
three groups is also presented as one of cooperation, which is not voluntary 
but obligatory for everyone subordinate to the Dao. Thus, the plan is designed 
to deal with the key cause(s) of crisis, i.e. to remove or reform those who are 
blamed for causing it. The presented strategies, though religious in nature and 
wrapped up in religious language, still suggest that the author is first and fore-
most attempting to instruct the extant ruling elites, seemingly particularly with 
regard to dealing with demons, i.e. which include non-Han peoples, in order 
to protect the state, bring peace and save the people. Moreover, the strategies 
are also clearly explained as designed to successfully deal with various concrete 
socio-political, moral, health, military, natural and other problems, such as ep-
idemics, natural disasters or bad weather, warfare and invasions of demons (i.e. 
non-Han peoples), troubles in official affairs, and social chaos. However, they 
aim beyond that, namely at achieving immortality and social and cosmic har-
mony, where such occurrences and discontent will be absent. The text thus pre-
sents solutions which members of the audience of varied social backgrounds 
may recognize as addressing issues they have been witnessing or experiencing in 
their own time. They may provide comfort and relief to the sense of crisis, and 
a conviction that the supreme divine force is watching out for them. As such, 
this plan represents a carefully formed response indicating an urgent need for 
solutions. By rendering all this in the voice of a divine narrator who is Dao per-
sonified, it would not be a far cry to view the author at the head of a movement 
the scripture originated from. 
Conclusion
The author is conveying a clear message regarding the crisis to the audience 
through the words of Yuanshi tianzun. Neatly incorporated aspects or factors of 
the social crisis that were observed or faced by people of various classes during 
the Eastern Jin dynasty are presented as manifestations and causes of an ag-
gravating cosmic crisis. They include epidemics, non-Han peoples’ invasions, 
loosened social ties, warfare, migrations, power struggles, political instability, 
high mortality rate, rebellions, disunity of the Chinese realm, natural disas-
ters, bad harvests, the burden of corvée labour, and more. And a cosmic crisis 
requires a cosmic response. Thus, the supreme cosmic force, the deified and 
personified Dao, presents an overarching strategic plan for saving people and 
restoring social and cosmic harmony, which includes other forces and requires 
their cooperation. In other words, as a response to the sense of lack of reliable 
and efficient leadership of the Jin dynasty the text presents a powerful cosmic 
leadership with an actionable plan, one that involves everyone. Their means, 
124 Živa PETROVČIČ: “Marvellous Scripture of the Divine Incantations ...
roles, options, and mutual relationships are clarified, and, if they participate, 
their desired outcomes are assured. It addresses the social crisis as part of a 
cosmic one by providing religious strategies intended to successfully solve the 
above-discussed concrete issues, which offer a broad audience the solutions to 
their difficulties and relief to their sense of crisis. If the plan is implemented, 
their problems will all cease to exist. As the text is greatly concerned with de-
mons (referring to non-Han peoples in particular) and various consequences of 
their arrival in China, it naturally also focuses on solving this issue to protect 
the state and its people and bring peace, which includes instructing the ruling 
elites. This suggests that the author and/or at least a part of the audience were 
the Northern emigrees, i.e. including most of the members of ruling elites. In 
the uncertain, changing world of the Eastern Jin dynasty, this plan seems to at-
tempt to address confusion and disorder with clarity and order, tackle disunity, 
loosened social ties, and separation with cooperation and unity with a powerful 
cosmic authority, face down hopelessness and helplessness with hope and help, 
provide protection from threat and danger, tackle death with immortality, and in 
short turn disharmony into harmony. Thus, through repetitive inclusion of the 
above-discussed problems and repetitive assurance of the effectiveness of the 
presented solutions the author creates a proselytizing strategy that is particular-
ly tailored to those living through the social crisis of the Eastern Jin dynasty. We 
can conclude that the entire scripture under discussion and its well-thought-out 
message revolves around such a crisis, and that considerable effort was invested 
in its creation. As such, it reflects the severity of the (sense of ) crisis, but first 
and foremost, it represents a response to it.
Acknowledgements
I would like to extend my sincere appreciation to Dr Barbara Hendrischke and 
prof. Dr Nataša Vampelj Suhadolnik for their valuable comments and sugges-
tions. I would also like to express my gratitude to the Chiang Ching-kuo Foun-
dation for the Library travel grant, which enabled me to visit the SOAS Library 
(University of London) in 2018 and acquire much needed materials.
125Asian Studies XII (XXVIII), 3 (2024), pp. 101–128
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