Of University of Ljubljana FACULTYofARTS Acta Lingüistica Asiatica Year 2014, Volume 4, Number 1 Acta Linguistica Asiatica Year 2014, Volume 4, Number 1 Editors: Andrej Bekeš, Mateja Petrovčič, Nina Golob Editorial Board: Bi Yanli (China), Cao Hongquan (China), Luka Culiberg (Slovenia), Tamara Ditrich (Slovenia), Kristina Hmeljak Sangawa (Slovenia), Ichimiya Yufuko (Japan), Terry Andrew Joyce (Japan), Jens Karlsson (Sweden), Lee Yong (Korea), Lin Ming-chang (Taiwan), Arun Prakash Mishra (India), Nagisa Moritoki Škof (Slovenia), Nishina Kikuko (Japan), Sawada Hiroko (Japan), Chikako Shigemori Bučar (Slovenia), Irena Srdanovic (Japan). © University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Arts, 2014 All rights reserved. Published by: Znanstvena založba Filozofske fakultete Univerze v Ljubljani (Ljubljana University Press, Faculty of Arts) Issued by: Department of Asian and African Studies For the publisher: Branka Kalenic Ramšak, the Dean of the Faculty of Arts The journal is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 3.0 Unported (CC BY 3.0). Journal's web page: http://revije.ff.uni-lj.si/ala/ The journal is published in the scope of Open Journal Systems ISSN: 2232-3317 Abstracting and Indexing Services: COBISS, dLib, Directory of Open Access Journals, MLA International Bibliography, Open J-Gate and Google Scholar. Publication is free of charge. Address: University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Arts Department of Asian and African Studies Aškerčeva 2, SI-1000 Ljubljana, Slovenia E-mail: nina.golob@ff.uni-lj.si Table of Contents Foreword ............................ RESEARCH ARTICLES A Phonemic and Acoustic Analysis of Hindko Oral Stops Haroon Ur RASHID, Raja Nasim AKHTAR .........................................................9-28 The Korean Punctuation Systems Jeon Kyung LEE.....................................................................................................29-41 Reading Soktok Kugyol materials based on Onhae materials Satoshi JOHO.........................................................................................................43-68 A critical analysis of the use pinyin as a substitute of Chinese Characters Herbert MUSHANGWE, Chisoni GODFREY......................................................69-87 Revisiting Manner/Result Complementarity: with evidence from Japanese and Chinese verb compounds Li WENCHAO.....................................................................................................89-100 SURVEY ARTICLES The Spread of 'Heavenly Writing' Marina ZORMAN..............................................................................................103-112 RESEARCH ARTICLES Korean Punctuation Systems Jeon Kyung LEE Yonsei University ljk0201@gmail .com Abstract 44, 44 4^3 7744 4^ 41 44^ 444 44 413 444 ^ 44 ±4 ^4 44 ^4444. 4 4434 437} $444; at £-4 44 4444 4^44. 44^ 4133 444 4^43 44 44^ 44 444 $3 444 ^¿É 44 44 4 44. 44 44 4444 ^¿^3 444 4444. 144 443 44 4Š 444 4441 774 4 44 3144.444 441 441 444 ¿l 4 1 441 H44 4^ 444 £4i4, 44i 774444. at4 44i 44 4 144 h4, at^ 433 13 444 77414. 4434 444 4 44 444 41 7743 41 1414. 1 44^ €447 443 44 44 ^H 3443 443 44 4Š4 44 44 4 44^ 4^4 44 44 444i ^ ^3 4 414. Keywords: Povzetek 44, 44 4Š3 744 4^ 41 44^ 444 44 413 444 ^4 44 4Š4 ±4 ^4 44 S4444. 4 4434 4H4 $444; at Ä4 44 4444 4^44. 44^ 4133 444 4^43 44 44^ 44 444 $3 444 ^¿É 44 44 4 44. 44 44 4444 444 4444. 144 443 44 4Š 444 4441 74 4 44 3*144.444 441 441 444 ¿il 4 1 441 1^44 4^ 444 £4i4, 44i 74444. at4 44i 44 4 144 H4, at4 4H3 13 444 7414. 4434 444 4 44 444 41 74^ 41 1414. 1 44^ €447 443 44 44 4Š4 3443 443 44 4Š4 44 44 4 44^ 4«4 44 44 444i ^ ^3 4 414. Ključne besede: Acta Linguistica Asiatica, 4(1), 2014. ISSN: 2232-3317, http://revije.ff.uni-lj.si/ala/ DOI: 10.4312/ala.4.1.29-41 30 Jeon Kyung LEE_ 1. Introduction Written texts in Korea have 2000 years of history. These texts vary in form, ranging from epigraphs and wooden and stone inscriptions to paper books. Many marks and Chinese characters are used in these texts. Some marks are still applied in the same form but most of them are not. Traditional Korean writing system underwent drastic changes from the 19th to 20th centuries, in that during this time, along with Chinese characters and Hanguel, Roman alphabets and Japanese Kana letters were used as well. The end of the 19th century in Korea also saw the import of the western writing direction and punctuation marks. Some magazines and newspapers played significant roles in the influx of the western punctuation marks. Especially, the publication of Dongnip Sinmun [The Independent News] spurred the burgeoning use of the western punctuation marks, and it contributed to the imported punctuation marks being included in the Draft of Unified Korean Spelling System in 1933. Modern Korean punctuation marks were influenced from Modern Chinese and Japanese punctuation marks. The standardization of the Korean punctuation has been executed several times, and by now it is organized into seven categories of functions with twenty marks, quite similar to the western punctuation. However, as the standardization process progressed, the traditional Korean punctuation named Kudujeom ^ M ) steadily lost its ground as a punctuation system, and now even its vestige is barely found in the current Korean punctuation. New marks, including <, >, •••, v, ex[e.g.], AA, have been employed by Koreans in their daily communication, and these marks work as lexical designators or as carriers of the writer's intentions or sentiments, just as many of traditional Korean punctuation marks did so. Therefore, I believe that investigating the old marks and comparing them with these new marks will provide us with the opportunity to reexamine the legacy and efficacy of punctuation systems. 1.1 Korean Punctuation in Ancient Times (~7th century) Most of Korean texts in ancient times were administrative documents, which consisted of Chinese characters. Even though many documents about history or governance were left on gravestones, these texts show direct physical differences in word spacing and changing the paragraph, but does not show the use of specific marks. Recently, hundreds of wooden documents were excavated and have been studied, which show that some form of marks were used to separate paragraphs or different elements. Division lines for separating paragraphs, as seen in oracle bone scripts, can be seen in Korean wooden documents. Punctuation marks found in wooden documents were not only Inversions Mark(V) introduced by Lee (2002) but also topic indicator (,l h '). text indicator '—, by Lee (2006), item indicator (S) and 'o, V, —. O, J' by Son (2011). Besides these, Paragraph distinguisher '•' and repetition marker '=' have many examples (Lee (2005): 1-17). Such as '•, —, =, V'were used in common throughout the East Asia1. Among these '—' is a simple line separating different elements (Picture 2). 'style or 'T 'style of elements indicator (Picture 3) and '0' of deletion and correction marks were used in common throughout the East Asia. The former, which indicates either the overlapped elements or confirmed content, might be used as confirmation marks in administrative documents. '0' was used in Silla village documents to indicate corrections or deletions (Picture 4). These two marks were continued to be used even after the medieval times. Picture 1-4 (left to right): Punctuation marks in wooden documents. Like this, all the ancient documents were transcribed and had a basic purpose of reporting. Therefore, it was important to deliver the truth or the fact without any misinterpretation with limited methods. This is a way to increase efficiency of administrative reports and commercial reports under lack of mastery of Chinese characters. The punctuation marks for separating paragraphs or marking different elements were a requirement in this era. Thus, in the ancient documents, marks other than those that represents correction or omission of repetitive letters were not found for several reasons. Above all, there aren't many wooden documents found to be studied. Also, marks that separates texts or distinguishes different elements such as lines or dots are more significant because the text strived for simplicity and clarity. 1 Marks such as '•, —, =, -J' appear in the wooden documents of Qin Dynasty in China. Each of them has its own function: paragraph distinguisher, boundary marker, repetition marker, and Inversions mark. 1.2 Punctuation in the Middle Ages (10~15th century) As discussed earlier, the number of punctuation marks were not diverse in the early stage of the development of the writing system. It can be assumed that the punctuation marks developed from the unit of a word to the unit of sentences. After the medieval time, punctuation marks take role as an aid for learning as well as the document reporting. Various signs and marks were developed for the purpose of learning and interpretation of the Chinese characters. Great number of punctuation marks appeared regarding sentence structure, separation, and correction as well as supplement marks for translation into Korean. As Koryeo Dynasty(10~14th century) imposed the public examination system, studying Chinese characters became essential to the ruling class. Koreans invented Kugyeol to understand and study Chinese character texts better. It is one type of borrowed character writing system, which is made to interpret Chinese character text. The place where the Kugyeol is marked is the space between the lines of Chinese character text, and is where punctuation mark is marked. Currently, Kugyeol is recognized as a letter in Korea. However, Kugyeol, added to Chinese text, worked as punctuation marks. Chinese character was 'Lingua Franka' in East Asia, Kugyeol letters was used merely as interpretative marks to understand Chinese text. Before inventing Hanguel (Korean writing system), the fact that Kugyeol character had never been used independently to write Korean sentences shows that Koreans did not regard Kugyeol as a whole character. A Korean proper noun of Kugyeol is Ipgyeot, which means 'reading postposition'. Idu, a borrowed character writing system, was used in the administrative documents to write Korean sentences, which means 'formula postposition' and works instead of Chinese character's punctuation marks. Along with Kugyeol, many kinds of punctuation marks have emerged, and interpretative marks (Table 1) were used widely. YU(1989), Lee(1995), Lee(2002) studied traditional punctuation marks. These punctuation marks can be categorized by functions and editions as in Table1. Punctuation marks working in text unit were widely used regardless of being printed or scripted. Table 1: The Korean traditional punctuation Unit Mark Name Function Printed/ Written Other ways of markin g Text Unit o wongweon IBB dividingtexts and indicating elements printed Changing line i Eummun dividingtexts,indicating elements, andemphasizing printed o Kwanju Indicating main topic, andemphasizing written & • Pi-jeom ttK(^K) Indicatingsub topic, andemphasizing written Sente nce Unit o Saseong-jeom mWMk Marking intonation (of Chinese characters) printed, written o Korit- jeom ^^^ Dividing sentences and phrases printed, written • Pang-jeom ^^ Marking intonation (of Korean expression) printed 1 Chageodeup-phyo S^ft) Marking the same letters printed, written 1 Keochim-phyo ÉW) Marking confirmation written — Mukeum-phyo Combining different elements written o Kium-phyo Aft) Insertion and correction written A □ Sakjebu Deletion written □,o o Keokjabu AA H Spacing written 8 space Kongkyeok ^ A Marking honorific printed, written ass Punctuation marks working in text unit were widely used regardless of being printed or scripted. Correction marks working in sentence unit were mostly reported, and appear in various ways. '◦' (koritjeom) or 'o' (weongweon), which were used frequently, have various functions. '◦' (koritjeom) can be used as phrase or sentence mark based on where it is placed in a sentence, and marking intonation based on which part of Chinese character is marked. Also, 'o' (weongweon) is used to distinguish Chinese text from Eonhe (Korean translation text). It can also be used to separate elements and marking spacing. The tendency to use few marks efficiently triggers several changes in the traditional punctuation marks. However, traditional punctuation marks were used as it was suggested in printed documents because the use of these was normative. Along with Kugeol, numerous numbers of marks were used to aid Kugeol letters in order to help people understand contents in Kugyeol text more clearly. Generally, Kugyeol is used as a terminology that encompasses all the Chinese character interpretation law. Indeed, several different marking systems are used in Kugeo. Based on these systems, Kugyeol can be grouped into Chinese character Kugyeol, Hangeul Kugyeol, and cheomto (code) Kugyeol. Moreover, genuine marks which cannot be replaced to language immediately are also included in a marking system. Kugeol system that function as a help to understand and interpret sentences. Table 2 shows those interpretative marks in Kugeol text. Table 2: The Marks in Kugeol text2 Name Form Function distribution Happu /, | One word mark chato, cheomto Yeokdokjeom • Interpret order Chato Yeokdokseon ^^^ \, /, | Interpret order cheomto Chisiseon \, / Interpret order cheomto Chungbokseon \, / Duplication of code cheomto Kyeonggeson |,—,-... Boundary of character cheomto Pochungseon — Supplement of verb cheomto Sulmokkubunseon — Boundary indicator of verb and object cheomto Pichimseon \, / Interpretation indicatorsuch as'g' cheomto 2 It can be seen that marks of cheomto-kugyeol appear a lot more than marks of chato-kugyeol among many marks in . It is why the former-it is code- needs more complementary marks. Additionally, other various punctuation marks appear in some documents. Reading order marks are commonly known (Table 2). The reading orders of Chinese character were marked as H, '. Correction marks are also a common form (Picture 5). Further there is a small Koritjeom located on the upper part of 'X', and a small H is marked on the right side as a correction (Picture 6). Sometimes, Koritjeom is marked on the right side of the letter being corrected, and corrected letter is written at the margins of a book. Often, people write their own marks instead of ordinary punctuation marks in order to distinguish boundary of sentences (Picture 7). The form of having tail on '8' is written on both upper and lower side of repeated It is assumed that in order to eliminate a possibility of misinterpreting, they used the mark in addition to an interrogative ending'I ' even though a boundary of sentence between " j111; j111;' can be indicated by using only an interrogative ending'It indicated the sentence that the letter belong to by drawing lines on the upper and lower side of '8'.3 Picture 5-7 (left to right): Examples of uncommon punctuation marks. 1.3 From Traditional Punctuation Systems to Modern Ones The western style of Korean punctuation marks have been expanded through the public education and press media as the western punctuation system was introduced through Japan. r ^^^^ Chinmokhwe-hwebo J (1896) 4 and r ^^^^^^ SinjeongsimsangsohakJ (1896)5 are the first instances of using the western punctuation marks, and these are deeply related to Japan.6 3 This can be completely different meaning. A mark that looks like 8 is connected is called Kwanju or Yeongweon. The mark is mostly used to mark a beginning or a topic of a text. 4 A social magazine for Korean students who study in Japan. Picture 8: Western punctuation marks firstly used. (1) m^mZ-^MMRffiBfa^, (1896, r^^^j (2) ma • » mk* • « • • n q » • » «a«» = • • jp^. a> . o] 0}. d- Tii.. til M » ' o • 3 Ô1-2-0 (1896, r 14) There is possibility that western punctuation marks were used much earlier than in Christian religion related book, Korean-English Dictionary] (Picture 9), written by Underwood in 1890) can be found in other documents that have not been studied yet. It is important to know that this is the time when both the traditional punctuation marks and the western punctuation marks were used together because Chinese punctuation marks are printed as they were in our wooden written Taoism 5 (Picture 8) A textbook published by the Ministry of Education (Hakbu) of The Great Korean Empire. 6 In the introduction, ^^^ SinjeongsimsangsohakJ was explained as a text book made by a Japanese editor - actually when two textbooks are compared, the place where punctuation marks were used are almost coincide with each other. (Kim,1980) scripture, T Namgunggejeok (1876) J . The use of punctuation marks appear far later in Bible, which was more accessible to the public, than dictionaries. Picture 9: Korean-English Distionary from year 1890. (1), (2) were both affected by Japanese printing system which used punctuation marks even before the translated Christian Bible which was influenced by western culture. After that, koritjeom (» ) and mojeom ^ ) have been used variously in many newspapers and magazines, and then, the magazine T Changjo J (1919) (Picture 9) used spacing between words, question marks and exclamation marks. (Won, 2010). Picture 10: Punctuation marks used in magazines. öm°i ^ ^ wf^m^i, ■i, ^ ^ ......... Changjo J ) The punctuation marks used in magazines in this era were based on writers' preferences and writing styles rather than certain rules. Magazines in this era showed completely different aspects based on editors. Also, different writers and different pieces show different use of punctuation marks even in the same magazines. This shows that rules of using punctuation marks were not established at the time. As punctuation marks were used in newspapers and magazines like Independent News, people started to recognize punctuation marks. Then, there were attempts to standardize them in textbooks and grammar documents. (Pictures 8~12) show the diversity of layout as well as the usage of the punctuation marks during this time. Finally, punctuation marks had been established as one unified rule in (Draft for the Unified Spelling System of Hanguel). Current Korean punctuation marks are based on several editions of western punctuation marks enacted in Draft Current rules of punctuation marks have basically adopted western punctuation marks but overlooked Korean traditional punctuation marks. Picture 11-12 (left to right): Examples of diversity of punctuation marks. Current Korean punctuation marks are as below. Table 3: Korean punctuation marks name Contents vertical writing machimpyo ^^ onjeom( . ), muleumpyo(?),—^S neukimpyo (!) koritjeom(o ) I^S Shwimpyo ^^ panjeom( , ), kaundetjeom( • ), ^^ sangjeom( : ), ^^ pitkeum( / ) mojeom( -, ) ^^S taompyo keuntaompyo( " " ), ^^^^S chakeuntaompyo( ' ' ), ^S natpyo( T J ) ^S kyeopnatpyo ( r J ) mukkeumpyo sogwalho( ( ) ), chunhgwalho({ }), tegwalho([ ]) Ô1#S ieumpyo chulpyo(—), putimpyo (-), mulkyeolpyo(~) H^S deureonem py° H^^S deureonempyo( ' , ° )3 andeure onempyo w^S sumgimpyo( XX , O O ), ïf^S pajimpyo( □ ), chulimpyo(......) The National Institute of The Korean Language constituted minimum punctuation marks that help writers communicate with readers. This shows the tendency of today's Korean academia that does not consider punctuation mark rules seriously.7 This is not just for the claims that punctuation marks are necessary for logical writings, but for the ideas regarding punctuation marks as a redundant feature when considering the characteristic of Korean to be pervasive. Korean studies about punctuation marks, which mostly were one part of the Korean Language Policy, has so far focused on concept analysis supplement and punctuation mark imperfection. Concept of punctuation marks and their differences from general marks were studied by Lee (1996), Cha (1999), Sin (2009), Kim (2011), and specific functions of punctuation marks were suggested closely by Im et al. (2011), Lee (2012). The different types of existing punctuation marks are not various as the previous figure shows. There are only two names, which are '— pyo 'and '— jeom', and their functions form unnecessary hierarchy. They show that there are dualistic names and 7 The koritjeom(°), appeared in vertical writing rule, had been used since the medieval time, the modern punctuation mark rule is directly influenced by modern punctuation marks of Japan and China. 40 Jeon Kyung LEE_ functions. Unifying the punctuation mark rules without categorizing them hierarchically is one of the main arguments about the current rule of punctuation marks. However, Sin (2009) suggests to categorize them into two groups of 'reading-related marks' and 'writing-related marks' in order to make the system more efficient. According to the study, '— jeom' is associated with reading-related marks, and '— pyo' is writing-related. This argument seems to stem from the consideration of traditional punctuation marks, but the categorization makes it hard to embrace the function of interpretative aspect of traditional punctuation marks, which is the role they used to play. 2. Conclusion: Implications of Studying Punctuation Systems Just like other conditions of literate life, punctuation marks also change as communication modes alter. The current Korean punctuation marks are the minimum marks utilized to assist reading. The reason why it is so has a strong relation to the unique features of Hangeul as a writing system, and it is also because people have put up with the degree of the agreement of speech and writing. However, the current phenomenon where various newly created marks are used in writing indicates that both readers and writers now want more than the normal marks. Nowadays, people expect more than literal meanings from letters and writings. This is why text messages are expected not to end with the conventional period (.) but instead with other signs, such as AA and ~,whereby additional information of the writer, for example, how they feel at that moment, is delivered. Advancement in technology has opened new ways to communicate. While these signs are classified as pseudo-language, they should be also discussed in view of punctuation marks, so long as they are employed in sentences and texts. Use of two different languages, Korean and Chinese, in the old days, necessitated the employments of the punctuation marks whose functions and kinds were different from modern-day punctuation marks. The development of 'Kugyeol' can be measured in this vein, and this particular system proposes that punctuation system does not always play supplementary roles in sentences. Examining the history of punctuation systems is of much significance, as it helps to correct and expand the concepts of the current punctuation system. References Cha, Jae Eun. (1999). A Study on the Use, Education of book Sentential Punctuations. Korean Linguistics 9. The Association For Korean Linguistics, pp. 285-305. Chang, Dong-Soo. (2008). An Investigation on the Punctuation of theGreek New Testament: Two Examplesfrom the Gospel of John. Canon&Culture 2-1. Choi, Hyung-Yong. (2011). On the name of punctuation as a terminology." Studies of Chinese & Korean Humanities 34. The Society of Korean & Chinese Humanities, pp. 201-230. Dürscheid, Christa. (2004). Einführung in die Schriftlinguistik. Göttingen. ^>^^(2007), ^ Im et al. (2011), «^^Sl^l(^)», — Kang, Yoon Ok. ( ). A Study on the Punctuation in Documents of the Spring-Autumn and Warring States periods ^^^ 45, pp. 249-271. Kim, In Kyun. (2011). A Reflective Approach to Korean Punctuation Marks. Poetics & Linguistics 21. The Society of Poetics & Linguistics, pp. 73-97. Kim, Pyeongcheol. (1980). A study about the Origin of Korean Punctuation. Hankukhakbo 9, pp.106-124. ^€(1980), 9 Kim, SeongJu. (2009). The Punctuation of Satobon Hwaeommuniyogyeol. The Research on Korean Language and Literature 53, pp.123-148. Lee, Ikseop. (1996). The Funtion of Korean Punctuation. Kwanakeomunyeongu 21. Department of Korean Language and Literature, Seoul National University. Lee, Pokkyu. (1995). Pre-modern Punctuation in Korean. Kukje-eomun 16. °1^^(1995) ^ ^^smmmxrn 16 mm, pp. 61-75 Lee, Sang-Gi. (2005). Special mark in the Qin Jian. Journal of Chinese Humanities 31. The Society For Chinese Humanities In Korea, pp. 1-17. Lee, SeungHoo. (2006). A Study on Korean Punctuation Analysis of The Usages. Korean Education 74. The Association of Korean Education, pp. 225-268. Lee, Seung Jae. (2002). A Search for Various marks in Old Korean Books. New Korean Life12-4. The National Institute of the Korean Language, pp. 21-43. Lee, Yong Hyun. (2006). The Basic Research of the Korean Wooden Tablets. Sinseowon. Park, Jeong Gyu. (2007). Some Problems in Korean Punctuation Marks Regulation. Poetics & Linguistics 14. The Society of Poetics & Linguistics, pp. 123-151. Shin, Ho-Cheol. (2009). A Study of Korean Punctuation Marks. Korean Language Education 128. The Society of Korean Language Education, pp. 419-454. Son, WhanIl. (2011). The Documentary Culture Of Korean Wooden Slips and Calligraphic Style. Seowha Media. Yi, Seon-Ung. (2012). Korean punctuation marks from various perspectives of Korean linguistics. YU, Takil. (1990). A Study of Koreanphilology. Aseamunhwasa: Seoul. ^^(1990), Yoon, Seon Tae. (2008). Signs and blank space from literary data of Silla. Journal of Kugyol Studies 21. The Society Of Kugyol, pp. 277-308. Won, Hae Yeon. (2010). Using Pattern and Characteristics of Sentence Codes At the Transition Periods to the Modern Times. Educational Administration Graduate School of Education, Kook Min University. Reading Soktok Kugyol materials based on Onhae MATERIALS Satoshi JOHO University of Toyama j oho@hmt.u-toyama.ac.j p Abstract In this paper, we discussed some advantages of and points of attempt to research how to read Hancha with Kugyol (Pf^) markings based on the premise, that the tradition of Hanmun Hundok (^^flal) in Soktok Kugyol (8lP^) materials has been succeeded to Onhae (WM) materials since the mid-15th century, the promulgation of Hunmin Chyongum (fUKE^), and based on Onhae (WM) system in these Onhae (WM) materials. As a result, Hundok (fill) systems of Soktok Kugyol materials had much resemblance to the Non-Buddhist (Confucian) Onhae (WM) materials since the end of 15th century. Therefore, Non-Buddhist (Confucian) Onhae (WM) materials occupy an important position to consider the reading methods of Soktok Kugyol (fill Pf^) materials. Keywords: reading method; Soktok Kugyol (fill Pf^) materials; Onhae (WM) materials; Hanmun Hundok (^^f III); Kakikudashibun Non-Buddhist (Confucian) group; Korean language Povzetek In this paper, we discussed some advantages of and points of attempt to research how to read Hancha with Kugyol (Pf^) markings based on the premise, that the tradition of Hanmun Hundok (^S^fUl) in Soktok Kugyol (HP^) materials has been succeeded to Onhae (WM) materials since the mid-15th century, the promulgation of Hunmin Chyongum (fUKE^), and based on Onhae(WM) system in these Onhae(WM) materials. As a result, Hundok (fill) systems of Soktok Kugyol materials had much resemblance to the Non-Buddhist (Confucian) Onhae (WM) materials since the end of 15th century. Therefore, Non-Buddhist (Confucian) Onhae (WM) materials occupy an important position to consider the reading methods of Soktok Kugyol (fill Pf^) materials. Ključne besede: metode branja; Soktok Kugyol (8SP^) gradiva; Onhae (WM) gradiva; Hanmun Hundok (SiH); Kakikudashibun ne-budistična (konfucijanska) group; korejski jezik Acta Linguistica Asiatica, 4(1), 2014. ISSN: 2232-3317, http://revije.ff.uni-lj.si/ala/ DOI: 10.4312/ala.4.1.43-68 1. Introduction There are a lot of various researches to define how to read individual Chinese characters, Hancha with Kugyol (Pig) markings in Koryo-era (MM^^,) Soktok Kugyol (f¥U Pg) materials, that is, to refer to other materials (e.g, ®Ch 'acha P'yogi (fg^^fE) materials such as Hyangga Idu (SU), ©Hancha dictionaries published since the 16th century, ©Interpretation of Hancha which is written in the additional annotation of Onhae texts, etc.). However, it seems that these researches tend to treat these multifarious materials arbitrarily, and only few researches treat the materials systematically on the consistent policy. In this paper, we will discuss some advantages and points of attempt to research how to read Hancha with Kugyol (Pg) markings based on the premise, that the tradition of Hanmun Hundok in Soktok Kugyol (SUPg) materials has been succeeded to Onhae (materials since the mid-15th century, the promulgation of Hunmin Chyongum (¡¡H^^W), and based on Onhae system in these Onhae materials. 2. Procedure for discussions In this chapter, we will discuss the following points as the procedure for discussions. © Hanmun Hundok is a linguistic activity in wide East Asian region where Chinese characters are used. © Both Umdok (WU) and Hundok (¡U) had been used to read Hanmun (^ texts since ancient times in Korea © In Korea, both Umdok (WU) and Hundok (¡U) were prerequisites to learn Hanmun(^%) texts. © The order of reading was always consistent, that is to read Umdok (WU) first, and after that to read Hundok (¡¡IIU). © Han'gul Kugyolmun Pgi) and Onhaemun of Onhae (© materials are respectably projections from the Umdok (WU) and Hundok (¡¡IIU) of Hanmun texts' readings since ancient times. © Onhaemun (of Onhae (materials can be regarded as Kakikudashibun (^ ITL as the results of Hanmun Hundok (^^¡¡IU). 2.1 There is no need to dwell on the subject no longer1 that Hanmun Hundok (^^¡¡1 U) is a linguistic psychology not only in Japan but also in wide East Asian region 1 Kosukegawa (2009, 2010) named Hanmun Hundok(M^Mm) in wide East Asian region where Chinese characters are used, 'East asian version of globalization'. where Chinese characters are used. Korea is not an exception, and it has been cleared both in name and in reality. The fact that Hanmun Hundok (^XüM) had once existed in Korea is proved by both the historical sources and existing Söktok Kugyöl ( ffUnl^) materials such as Jiuyi Renwangjing (1) sst ^m «^ä ^rn mmm «« n^jtt tttTO i^sSAM m^w^z xism x rn«^ u^wm m^smmrn x^motm ^«m & (Samguk Sagi [HMfE] #46 Mfc St) Hm^fäX^ M^MMM^ (Samguk Yusa [H rnrnm #4 mm These sources of Samguk Sagi (H0^E)[1145] and Samguk Yusa (H^Ä^) [late 13th century] were quite often referred to in the discussions about the development of Ch 'acha P'yogipöp (f^^^fEÄ) in Korea.2 It is, therefore, that both Ümdok (WM) and Hundok (¡M) had been used to read Hanmun (^X) texts in the past, but afterward "Hundok (¡M) was renounced" (Yoshida [^ffl^], Tsukisima [Ä Ishizuka [OTHfM], & Tsukimoto [H^ (eds.), 2001, p. 2) in Korea. 2.2 About Ümdok (WM) and Hundok (¡¡IIM) of Hanmun(MX) texts reading, Nam [SÄM] (1988/1999, p. 26) pointed out that Söktok Kugyöl (ÜP^) arose first and after that Ümdok Kugyöl (WMPi^) advanced in Koryö-era (HM^^,). It means that only Ümdok (WM) existed in the past, and Hundok (¡M) arose in Koryö-era (HM^ But both Ümdok (WM) and Hundok (¡M) had been used since ancient times. In this context, Ogura (1934/1975, pp. 363-369) once pointed out about the reading of Hanmun (^X) texts initiated to Japan by Ajikki and Wangin (it), as below. (3) ® Ajikki and Wangin (it) would have read Hanmun (^X) as Chiktok Hyönt'o (MMMPi), in Paekche pronunciation (W^W) or Wu pronunciation (^W) of Chinese characters. © After Chiktok Hyönt'o (MtlMtt), Ajikki and Wangin (it) 2 For example, Ogura [j^^i] (1934/1975, p. 364), Chöng (1957/1997, pp. 120- 122), Nakamura [ + (1976/1995, pp. 38-39), Nam (1997/1999, p. 40), An [^ SM] (2001a/2009b, pp. 21-22, 2001b/2009b, pp. 47-48), and so forth. would have translated into Korean sentences, with original Korean words and Korean pronunciation of Chinese characters. @ Japanese could not have handed down the method of Chiktok Hyont'o (M Mi). © Japanese would have invented Japanese Kundoku method (¡lift), on the model of Korean Hundok method (¡Uft). Of these, it is important that both Umdok (WU) and Hundok (¡U) had been used in Paekche (W^). Also, it seems important points that he equated the form of Onhaemun in Onhae materials with Hanmun Hundok (^^¡HU), and that "We have to consider that the step Chiktok Hyont'o (MUMi) is mandatory, at least once to reach the step of Hunsok (¡Iff)" (Ogura 1934/1975, p. 364). It is, therefore, the order that Umdok (WU) arose first and after that Hundok (¡11 U) advanced, such as Nam (1988/1999, p. 26) is not correct, but the opposite order is correct. Ogura's viewpoint was quite appropriate in his days in spite of the lack of existing materials,3 because Soktok Kugyol (fUO materials had not been found in those days. 2.3 It is said that both Umdok (WU) and Hundok (¡¡IIU) were requisites to learn Hanmun texts. About this, An (1976/1992a, pp. 299-230) pointed out in detail the learning method of Hanmun texts in the educational institution for the King[Here, King Sdn/o(^ffi)] called Kydngydn0&M), with Yu Huich 'un [1513~1577]'s diaries as below. (An [1976/1992a, p. 299, Referred with some expressions changed.) (4) 5WM g^sHMM WU^® f-® ±BPWU-® (Miam Sonsaengjip #15 MM0IE T0P[1567^]11£50) (5) mm ^tg^ii w^Ma ##§sa BP» (Miam Sonsaengjip #16 MM0IE ^ 3 However, it does not mean that no foundation is found in his argument that Japanese were initiated into the reading of Hanmun texts by Ajikki (PPM^) and Wangin (it) as the order (3). Ogura [] (1934/1975, pp. 366-367) gives two kinds of indirect evidences, one is a custom of Onkun Heisho (#bJI|Mph) called Monzen Yomi (^Sfs^), and the other is a characteristic of Okuriji in Senmyo and Norito called Senmyo Gaki Incidentally, Nakada [^ H^] (1954/1979, pp. 5-40) argues that Umdok (WU) reading of Hanmun texts also would have existed in Japan, based on the various sources. [1570^17^17 0) This applies to the educational institution for the princes called Sôyôn (^M). (6) » A*MSSM ffifa^ frft&MMS*^! ^SSMSW [M0HU »MSW] ±#S»SW [aHMS^^WSW] [±] MS ^gXU-M [TiXSi (Sunam Sonsaeng Munjip #16 iMSft0fE[1772 ¥] 5^280) The order of reading that to read Umdok (WU) at first, and after that to read Hundok (¡U) in these sources, is common to Ogura's viewpoint that "the step ChiktokHyont'o(MUM^i) is mandatory, at least once to reach the step of Hunsok (¡11 f)". (Ogura [//#W], 1934/1975, p. 368) The learning style of Hanmun (^MX) texts can be seen from the Kugyo l( Pig) materials in early Choson-era ((Nam [ff^j, & Sim [], 1976/1999, p. 78). Of these, (b)~(d) have two kinds of Kugyol (Pg) markings, Umdok Kugyol (W UPg) and as a kind of Soktok Kugyol (ff U P g). It is important that Umdok Kugyol (WU Pg) markings are always on the right side without exception. Soktok Kugyol (fUPg) markings are basically on the left side, but exceptionally on the right side if there is any space. And when the both coincide, Kugyol (Pg) markings are only on the right side, because Umdok Kugyol (WUPg) marked previously also serves as two kinds of Kugyol (Pg) markings. This is the result of the order that is to read Umdok (WU) first, and after that to read Hundok (¡¡IIU), Nam [ff$S], & Sim [ (1976/1999, p. 78) noted, and this is consistent with the order of Hanmun (^ X) texts learning as mentioned above.4 4 Incidentally, in example (a), of Won'gakkyong Kugyol (iS^Pg), there are a lot of Soktok Kugyol (fUPg) marking on the right side. But we will have to pay attention to that this material have different aspects from another (b)~(d) materials. In this material, Han'gul Kugyol (^s" Pg), that corresponded to Umdok (WU), is already printed in the texts. And according to this, it had been possible to read Umdok (WU). In other words, it have not necessary to dare to mark Umdok Kugyol (WUPg), and so there are any spaces both on the right side and the left side. Then, there are a lot of Soktok Kugyol (fU Pg) markings on the right side. Thus, it seems that this example of Won'gakkyong Kugyol (HS MPg), is also the result of the order that is to read Umdok (WU) at first, and after that to read Hundok (¡U), and is the example to support the order of Hanmun (^X) texts learning as mentioned above. 2.4 On the other hand, the typical structure of Ônhae(WM) materials since the mid-15th century, the promulgation of Hunmin Chyongum( ^ KSW), at first used Kugyolmun( Pg^^), Hanmun(^%) with Han'gul Kugyol(^^ P§^) and after that used Ônhaemun(îMMX-). (8) a. IMIt°l UttCS *WMD°> mmmf7jîi\ ^»si î JL M wmmzrm i ^ b. |MIt°l tt^ S.3I f^l §ICû) tr^ s-j-p] ^i^fl Hl^ « n PII m & iMfi i Tiîiê: m i ti Bit SI >^>1 W ^ SL Ol I S II 7]1 wmw^j a-da^a wno>n aw#aij e mmm m^* e i mm ^ its mm e tm mm e am ttta» e j*®« aw« e «aa 7tmm e if c m a ha a e to a e « i mm nnw-% im a mm m i mm ihi ia m^l Mi A I m=r WR MA I fPtH mm ^mA^A (Nungomgyong Onhae [WMMWM] ^WM) These sources, referred to frequently (Kim [^A®], 1960, pp. 73-74), Shibu [/A ^BSA], 1983, pp. 7-9, An [A^®], 1997/2009, pp. 272-276, etc.), show the process of the completing metal movable-type prints Nungomgyong Onhae (WM^tMM) [1461] published by Kyosogwan (K^ff), in advance of the wood block prints Nungomgyong Onhae (WM^&tMM) [1462] publishing. In short, it means that "King Sejo (^ffi) punctuated sentences with Kugyol (PlA) markings at first, and after that, it was translated to Korean along these Kugyol (P§^) markings " (An [A^®], 1985/2009, p. 39).6 6 As for the process of completing Ônhaemun (WMA), there are similar mentions in another Buddhist Ônhae (WM) materials published by Kan'gyôngdogam Following are some examples. (An [AAM], 1976/1992a, p. 289, Referred with some expressions changed.) (1) ASHA<4 LUAfêM«^ HitAiH fëfêfti^ A SEppf^nAiji f^jnfjffrA AteiAti^N (Sônjong Yônggajip AM (2) A®HA<4 HAIMirA Hftl^iAH HitABPAfl IAsAM lA SAPS&l^ AffE^filïSrA tmMsBr*}^ (Kùmganggyông Ônhae [ASJMStff] AAAA it) (3) a^AAAAMAAAA^T mnmn swmm A^if^ S^ASAHA AMAA« fê£P I^A^m »^AAT» (Wôn'gakkyông Ônhae [Hft^WM] AAE 1A) Furthermore, in Kùmganggyông Ônhae (ÉKËWM), there are also mentions in Han Kyehùi (^f;llig)'s afterword (^A) and in the additional annotation, that is similar to the process of completing Nùngômgyông Ônhae (®®mWM) and the participants. (4) Aa&fi^A MAMA AASAPI^ ««PI^ AAA^ftA^iiARA P^ ^ISEI^f^i] E^ PI^AfiAAMi «SA AMA A^ IMPAsESAK IWA^EA?!! .....A mm ¿sift A^WAAAEAAA ^AE^A^.....mmm A^IE^A^ E AAA ..........IPAAMM «MA (Kùmganggyông Ônhae [AfflmWM] ^filïS Shibu [A^BHA] (1983, p. 22) pointed out that the process of completing Kùmganggyông Ônhae(AfflmWM) in this source is remarkably similar to Nùngômgyông Ônhae As stated above, we discussed in detail that Onhaemun of Onhae(WM) materials can be regarded as Kakikudashibun (^^Tti), the results of Hanmun Hundok (l^^HU) reading,7 and these can be regarded as a kind of Hanmun Hundok (l^HIti) materials.8 In this paper, we will discuss some of the advantages and points of the attempt to research how to read Soktok Kugyol (^^P^) materials based on the Onhae system of Hanmun (1^) texts in Onhae materials. M), and that the difference from Nungômgyông Ônhae MM) is only in the printing office, Kyosôgwan and Kan'gyôngdogam (f'JM^^.). 7 Kosukegawa (2009:42) pointed out, that such as Shomono (4^) in Japan, Ônhae (MM) in Korea, and Kunten (14) materials in Vietnam, the method to write the results of Hundok (11) reading in various languages exists, instead of the marking to original Hanmun (1^) texts. That is to say, that Ônhaemun (MM^) is the results of Hanmun Hundok (lifl). However, he also pointed out that these have been often transmitted with original Hanmun (1^) texts together. In addition, there have been a few mentions that Ônhaemun (MM^) of Ônhae (MM) materials "corresponds to Japanese Kanbun Yomikudashibun L^)" (Kanno ^E], 1996, p. 108), "has a similar characteristics with Kakikudashibun (O [ 2004, p. 33), and so forth. However, we can not find the researches to reconstruct the systems of Hanmun Hundok (SÎH) in these days from such perspectives. 8 Tsukishima [^ft (1963:101-102) gave the five materials to research the language use reality and situation of Hanmun Hundok (^îla) in Heian-era Kunten (14) materials. Kakikudashibun (#TL^), the results of Hanmun Hundok ®iH). The sentences that would be written in the order of Hanmun Hundok ( iifl), even though original Hanmun (1^) texts are unknown. The kinds of Wakan Konkobun (fPH in a broad sens, the sentence written in a mixture of Japanese and Chinese. The kinds of Ongi (4 ft), dictionary. The materials to show the social background of Hundok (1^). Of these, he pointed out, that there are various materials of @ Kakikudashibun (#TL the results of Hanmun Hundok (1^11), such as Kanagaki Hokekyo Bussetsu Amidakyo (iM^M^KM), Kan Muryojukyo (ff^S^M), Kanagaki Rongo (^ (These are Hiragana books), and Shakanyorai Nenjuno Shidai (ff (This is Katakana(4^) book owned by Tenri Library (4SI4*M)), and so forth, and that "we can use these materials usefully if only the way of the usage is valid." (p. 102) It seems that Ônhaemun (MM^) in Korea nearly corresponds to @ materials, and so, these would be valuable materials to research the systems of Hanmun Hundok (1^11) in these days. 3. The relation of Soktok Kugyol materials and Onhae materials This chapter will deal some examples, and we will discuss some advantages and points. In this paper, incidentally, Onhae materials of the 15th century, such as Nungomgyong Onhae (f^SMIM)[1462], Pophwagyong Onhae (ft^MIM) [1463], Naehun (^il|)[1475], Tusi Onhae [1481], and so forth, will be treated as main sources. We will refer to Hancha dictionaries published in the 16th century or other materials when necessary. 3.1 'U' 'U' is written as "^bM^, TM^o J M^WMM®, M'J^U^o " in Zhuzi Bianlue And "As 'U' is originally Eftfe (Guangyun(^tM)), the sentences including 'U' have the structure that is comparing the sentence above with the sentence below" (Kasuga [#0$^], 1938/1984, p. 346). It is also said that 'U' in auxiliary word usage, is used as conjunction ) or adverb.9 The examples of Soktok Kugyol (f¥U Pg) materials are as follows. (1) ® \{Z} ijjiii « N sii N i rti i * N hi n m □ □□c MliIlI iftc M Ac iife®^ j&cnc it □ Ijjtn C □ C □ (XinyiHuayanjing [frli^SM] 14:9_5-6> (1) is marked " ". It seems to transcribe " ' c]' in the 15th century, because ' I' is probably Marum Ch'omgi (^W^fE) of Hun (¡11) of character 'U'. In this example, the other hand, original Hanmun (?ft3t) text is and Kugyol (I I nji) marking there is "M ". There are various theories about the reading "M but that correspond to " 'il u1| I 1 c]' of the 15th century, in any way. 10 In Onhae (WM) materials from the 15th century, it is common read as adverb ' • • 1 ' among the materials, except verbal reading '7} • n] 1-4'. (2) a. »[^JL^l ttiftilll^ b. #37} te]- Jt^ol vil □□ DC^ J_& ttilf ^ofl ¿>1 A^l1 ^ (Nungomgyong Onhae [WffliMWM] 9:44a-44b_^) 9 However, it is difficult to distinguish between these two. In addition, Kasuga [# 0 (1938/1984) called ' -f^A^ ', of Japanese Kanbun Kundoku (^l^fl]^) materials, 'conjunctive adverb (iic&ftWS'JM)'. 10However, 'f1 'fiW in original Hanmun(f j' JC) texts was not always read as ''/! ill I__|,:]'. but there are a lot of examples to be read as 'JL^' alone. See (5)~(6). Incidentally, 'MÄ' was written as 'fflM^W^Ä^S^B^MWftSo ' in Hanyü Dacidiän (^Ifg^MÄ). (3) a. b. «}l I I j_^ ^ | | || ^ (Tusi Onhae 10:21b) (4) a. m-j&jtm i ^ ^ MM^Ai b. I 1711 4 ^^^^ I M ^>1 U1 (Naehun [ft iii] 1:44b) (5) a. ^jfe^i mm^n -wn mm 1 I ^ I 7} b. 3^7} 0} Jg^ 1 H^Tfl 7j# jJj^o] Hxl^Ti^ J_^ IMHStHl #711 31^111^1171- (Pophwagyong Onhae [fe^M©^] 6:9a_A) (6) + l^fcm^ MMWH^X ¿>1 X\ 51 (Pophwagyong Onhae 1:186b_A) did not exist in Hancha (i'KA) dictionaries of the 16th century, but 'I I |,,:|' is common in Soktok Kugyol (fUPg) materials in Koryo-era (MM^iA) and Onhae (WM) materials of the 15th century. Accordingly, it seems that 'i t3! ' had been fixed as Hun (¡¡l|) of character 3.2 have two kinds of tones, even tone and going tone (A^), but we will treat even tone here. Two kinds also appear in Zhuzi Bianlue but there are a lot of mentions, such as "M, "M, 3MAM", 'IMAA^", and so forth, for even tone while only one mention "^0, BP0 for going tone In Soktok Kugyol (liflfP A) materials, "g" is marked ' I ' without exception. (1) AA iJU^tll II (XinyiHudydnjingshii 35:1017-18) (2) jJtC ^PCD Wc^n tftCID II II (Yuqieshidilim [iifMitfet^] 20:4_9-10) (3) ^ii tiii a i mian II IWI II IMIK^TI &..... (XinyiHudydnjingshu [fr^^JKiM] 35:1010-11>) (4) g| I til i^lMl^gUl I I ilfl II Al (Yuqieshidilun [id MMt^l 20:8_17-18> In these examples, "g" was treated as adverb, and marking ' I' was probably Marum Ch 'omgi (Alif^fE) of Hun (till) of character "if. Thus it seems to transcribe '#1 7l'or'ti} I'. In Onhae (nMM) materials of the 15th century, most of "if characters are also read as ' ^b y i'. except verbal reading " ¡v,' uf\ (5) a. immim i & b. 01 Sic □ ^>=1^1 Zl t^l l-il #3 7] ^mm&^r J§ = °> ^ 15]- (Pophwagyong Onhae [ft^ MBffi] 2:173b_A) (6) a. WM°] eft«! m BPMl IS] | 14 b. MB0} ^r^C □ tttl|g> #37] H^ ^ {Nungomgyong Onhae [WM&BM] 5:24b_A) (7) a. A°1 «-£51 1 I^SMll b. 4 M xn 1 ^^^¿fl # 171 ^ ^Cl^ 7>| ,o> ^ l°> (Naehun [p^S/II] 1:58b) (8) a. mmm&ft—amw b. I 7l ^^ I o}^--^ # 17] MJW^ (Tusi Onhae 17:14a)11 Furthermore, the examples of Hancha dictionaries in the 16th century are as follows. (9) ^ # (Kwangju Ch 'dnjamun [^Hi^X] lib) (10) # H (Paengnydn Ch 'ohae [gffl&ffl] 12b) (11) # H (Paengnydn Ch 'ohae [gffl&ffl] 13b) (12) a « # X (Sinjung Yuhap [Mlf^] T:9b)12 (13) H 5bI # (Sokpong Ch 'dnjamun [tfg^-^JC] lib) There are two different kinds of Hun (till), one is "V: as (9)~(11), and the other is 11 Incidentally, it is well known that, in Tusi Onhae (ttstHjiff), not only '' as adverb but also 'tbr^l', the ' n~A' changed form, appears for the first time, and actually, four examples were found. However, all of those are the examples of character's reading such as follows, so that there were no example of character's reading. (1) b. L 5-L J|jq L J ^ JL j£f # 51 c] (Tusi Onhae [ttftlfll] 24:32a) (2) a.iiift! b. 91J ^L ftHL MiJ ^J^-M 7>l ^f^oH nse| (Tusi Onhae [ttftlfll] 16:5a-5b) 12 In this example, a circle(HK) is added to the upper right hand side of 'character, meaning the character going tone(i^), and it is written as 'X under the Hun(fll) as (12)~(13). In there, '^H' appears inKwangju Ch'önjamun (itj-W^-^f X) which is said to have included the old Hun (^¡¡l|) especially, and it is the common to Önhae (©m) materials of the 15th century and Söktok Kugyöl ( materials. Thus, it seems to have some difficulties, but at least, "17] (V': )' had been fixed as Hun (¡11) of character until the end of the 15th century. 3.3 In Zhüzi Bianlue is written as quoted from Guängyün (Ä bM). And of auxiliary word usage, is used as adverb in general, as with several meanings such as "(1) &; (2) X. (3) fö; f. (4) B; Bi» (5) (6) ^o " in Hanyü Dacidiän (^Itg^ifÄ).13 In Söktok Kugyöl (8MP materials, there were two kinds of Kugyöl (P§^) markings in character (1) MfflJ 1*1 □□ ifHC WgCDC fcfc (Xinyi Hudydnjing[$JrM^lmM] 14:151) (2) m i m m i m \ m m\ » ta\ M (Xinyi Hudydnjing [frli^SM] 14:1414) (1) is marked Nam [fSUI] (2007) treated it with Chonhuncha(^rill^) of particle but it is also possible to treat with Marum Ch'omgi( /[c f'i if ¡ll) of adverb 'I Example (2), 'fft' of the earlier part, was marked ' and it seems thatI' was read as ' □ C. In any way. there is no doubt that' H' had been considered Hun(^ll) of character ' ^'. The examples of Onhae materials in the 15th century are as follows. (3) a. M^^mmM ^H5}- b. C °1 Htt^ ßßü/S^ ifü^l^el- (Pöphwagyöng Önhae (4) a. i^üühm^i mu±mö) ^ w I (Pöphwagyöng Önhae tf^MMM] 3:37b-38a_7fs) (5) a. _ b. □ ft^ (Pöphwagyöng Önhae [ÖiSm] 2:11b_^) 13 However, in Hanyu Dacidian(^so^M^), character '^' in auxiliary word usage was written as ', '^M, ', besides the various meanings of adverb. (3)~(4) were read as adverb ' □' and particle each other. And in (5), both two forms were read in concord as which is similar to 'Momata (i^)' of Japanese Kanbun Kundoku ii'iJIInx). 14 However, it is more often to be read as only adverb ' I' such as (3) without particle '-f The examples of Hancha (1^) dictionaries in the 16th century are as follows. (6) 4 □ 4 (Kwcingju Ch'dnjamun [^Hi^^] 21a) (7) 4 4 (Sokpong Ch'dnjamun [^^^^X] 21a) (8) (Sinjung Yuhap ±: 14b) Example (8), of Sinjung Yuhap is written as 4', and so, particle might be treated as Hun (till) of character '4', unless it is misspelling. Otherwise, adverb ' □' is treated as Hun (¡¡l|) of it. Anyway, there is no doubt that Hun (till) of character was primarily adverb ' • Thus, '4' is also the example that the reading method was common to Soktok Kugyol materials, Onhae materials, and Hancha (1^) dictionaries in the 16th century. The above three characters are that the reading method was common to Soktok Kugyol (f'+Miul materials, Onhae (WM) materials, and Hancha (¡'K Y:) dictionaries in the 16th century. [' U' as "¡1' as 7} O&H)', and as '□'.] Therefore, we can verify that Hun ( ¡ ) of these characters had been fixed and persisted. In other words, these are good examples that we can research how to read Soktok Kugyol Pit) materials based on Onhae system of Hanmun (1^) texts in these Onhae materials. However, we have to pay attention to the situations that the persistences mentioned above are not always verified with all characters. Below are the examples. 3.4 have some kinds of tones. Even tone (4^) is used to the end of a sentence in auxiliary word usage, that means a question, a rhetorical question, or an exclamation. However, we will treat rising tone (4^) here. Auxiliary word as rising tone (4^) can be largely divided into two types, preposition (4ti) or conjunction (). The meaning of 'is similar to '4' or 'and in Zhuzi Bianlue is written as "R .M" quoted from Lunyu (t^S§). 14 See Kasuga [#0^4] (1942/1985, p. 279). The examples of Soktok Kugyol Ps^) materials are as follows. (1) pt ft i jim$l ii 75 {®t} i* ^p n i (Jiuyi Renwdngjlng [M litiM] Jr.: 1124) In (1), 'J6|' was read as adverb, and ' I' was probably Marum Ch'omgi (tK'h ^ IE) of the word. Thus, it seems to transcribe '4^' of Chongum (11 : i 'r) materials in later ages. In Onhae materials, on the other hand, the reading method of character shows different trend by each materials. (2) a. Mitbuif Tc^ti'4 □ b. S- »4 °1 tt tH4 I ((Nungomgyong Onhae [WffliMWM] 2:56a-56b_^:) (3) a. MM Wjlgci b. H I Wife®0! I I 4AH (Pophwagyong Onhae (4) a. b. if* 44 4_ «>| 4 (Naehun [1*1 ill] 1:16b) (5) b.4^1 &4 # ¥ 4 ^^4 (Tusi Onhae 24:4b) (2)~(3) were read as particle '-4/4', but (2) was read as connective particle, and (3) as adverbial particle. Most of characters were read as particle '-4/4' in the Buddhist Onhae materials in the mid-15th century. Meanwhile, (4)~(5) were read as adverb '4 I', like (1) of Soktok Kugyol (fffjf P materials. The word " 4 as the reading of " tIrT increases rapidly since the end of the 15th century, more precisely, since Naehun (^¡l|)[1475], Tusi Onhae [1481]. The examples of Hancha dictionaries in the 16th century are as follows. (6) (Kwangju Ch'dnjamun [7fe/t| 11a) (7) 4 (Sinjung Yuhap T:63a) (8) H # (Sokpong Ch 'onjamun [tfg'f^jC] 11a) (6)~(7) were written adverb "^f \ that is common to 'IK of Soktok Kugyol (H llPl^) materials or Naehun fl|)[1475], Tusi Onhae except verb such as (8) of Sokpong Ch'onjamun Thus, character "'X1' was read as particle "-¿I-/1']-' in Onhae (WM) materials in the mid-15th century. However around the period adverb " uf ' had been fixed as Hun (till ) of the character firmly. Furthermore, " itself is not appear at all in the Chongum (^W) materials since the mid-15th century, the promulgation of Hunmin Chyongum (fll^W), to Naehun (^fl|)[1475]. 3.5 '.S.' is used as verb that means 'reach, arrive', and in auxiliary word usage, it is used as preposition (^iM) or conjunction (®M). It seems that the former is written as 'M&, and the latter as '^^^fffe' in Zhuzi Bianlue quoted from Guangyun (^tM). However, we will treat only conjunction (®M) usage here, because it is difficult to distinguish between verbal usage and preposition (^iM) usage.15 The examples of Soktok Kugyol (fl Pg) materials are as follows. (1) IS C W&flciSHIf C &2. iftte^illllf C □ □ C □ □ (Yuqieshidilun 20:4_20-21) (2) i aa i^i i i N .#...... ^ (Xmyi Huayanjing [§TBiMM] 14:912) (3) ft I II II —II I I ^ll II (Jiuyi Renwangjing [Wlit II] ±:15_12) (4) ^-pjtm^ ^mm^cuc^u isot is jus. I II II II (HebuJmguangmingjTng[i^U&Jlt®M&] 3:5_6-7) These examples show different trend by each materials. That is, one is marked ' ' such as (1)~(2) of Yuqieshidilun and Xinyi Huayanjing (§TBiMM), and the other is marked 'II' such as (3)~(4) of Jiuyi Renwangjlng (^sltl^S) and 15 For example, example (1) can be judged as verbal usage, however, example (2) is difficult to judge whether it is verbal usage or preposition (^M) usage. (1) a. Mi^i T^flnrq 1 b. nl^J JL J J^ ¿>j-u|Lu| fpi oj-q^-tj- (Nungomgyong Onhae [WMMMM] 2:102b J?) (2) a. im^L^fe&mmL^ b. ZL ^ Hr ifi r n (Nungomgyong Onhae [gjlMUII] Hebu Jinguangmingjing (fh'ili^yt'lij^i-)- The reading method of the latter examples is unknown, but the former examples marked 'I 'are probably Marum Ch'omgi (^W^ f) of character Thus, it seems to transcribe adverb Hun (¡11) of character ' In Onhae materials, it is also extremely complicated. (5) a. m>^mmQ} wvxmw^^m^mm b. □ Mim^} 4 « CDC^ S-4 4 & {Pophwagyong Onhae [fei^M©^] 6:56a_^) (6) a. -Wrf MMM*} b. 147} ^ I I i444 Mr? ^ ^ 11 Hi iiJ#°l ^ Ill44 l444 {Pophwagyong Onhae 7:173aJ?) (7) a. b. «1 4 4^- I 5ftI m°] {{Nungomgyong Onhae [WUkt&BB] 9:32aJ?) (8) a.M4 + Kt^l b. HI4 □44 « 1 4 =i + i444iftr#4 44 ,u| oi |ei itifoi °14 ¥ 4 4 {Nungomgyong Onhae [WUkt&BM] 7:25a_^:) In (5)~(6), was read as adverb ' I' which is in concord with the preceding auxiliary word such as particle '-4/4', conjunctive ending "-7| 4'. and so forth. However, in (7)~(8) were read as only these auxiliary word without adverb 'I ' appearing. In Nungomgyong Onhae there are many examples to read ' JA" as both adverb and the auxiliary words equally, while in Pophwagyong Onhae T^i-iiif )W). most of examples are read as these auxiliary words alone, except only suggests that there are differences of Onhae system between Nungomgyong Onhae and Pophwagyong Onhae 16 As for the details of completing Onhae (WM) of each materials, in Nungomgyong Onhae (ffl WWWM), there are some descriptions in the afterword (K^) that King Sejo (ftffi) marked Kugyol (O^) directly at first, and after that Kim Suon (^^S) and Han Kyehui (fffttfi) translated. However, in Pophwagyong Onhae (), there are no description as described above, so that it is estimated from several situations, that the same persons would have involved in compiling the materials (An [SSB], 1998/2009a, pp. 68-69), etc.). And this has been generally accepted. But considering to the subtle difference of Onhae (WM) system between two materials mentioned above, it might be necessary to re-consider the estimate of the persons compiling Pophwagyong Onhae (S^fiWM) more carefully. (9) a. MM«^« Ml «444 4 ^T^i 34 b. i 4 441 4 4i 4 4 4 41^fl 44 444 4 4n3 4 3^4 4 14 (Ponyok Sohak [MMA^ 7:46b-47a) (10) a. M&tti 1 AMP^ 34 b. 4 s.3 4c4 MP^3 □s 43 4434 (Sohak Onhae 6:80b) (9)~(10), on the other hand, are examples of Ponyok Sohak (IS^J^) [1518] and Sohak Onhae (J^©^) [1588]. These are read as '4', that is common to Soktok Kugyol (ffflPtt) materials. The word ' 4' itself is very few in the 15th century, but in the 16th century, it increase significantly as reading 'R' character. In this respect, it is similar to character above. The examples of Hancha (1^) dictionaries in the 16th century are as follows. (11) A 4 4 (Kwangju Ch'dnjamun [4:414^44:] 7a) (12) Jk. 3 4 {Sokpong Ch 'dnjamun 7a) (13) & 3 # 4 (Sinjung Yuhap [ffig^] T:42a) (11) of Kwangju Ch'onjamun (^414^^), was written '4', that is common to Soktok Kugyol (ffflPtt) materials or Onhae materials in the 16th century such as (9)410). In other respects, (12) of Sokpong Ch'onjamun and (13) of Sinjung Yuhap was written as verb '44'. As shown above, reading method of character 'R' was extremely complicated. There are examples to be read as adverb ' 4' in Soktok Kugyol Pt) materials, Onhae materials in the 16th century, and Hancha (1^) dictionaries in the 16th century, so that, it seems that '4' had been fixed as Hun (¡¡l|) of character 'R'. However, of Onhae (WM) materials in the mid-15th century, it was read as adverb ' • ' or auxiliary word such as particle '-4/4', conjunctive ending '-44', and so forth. Not only that, the word ' 4' itself is very few in the 15th century.17 As discussed above, there is a similarity between and 'R' each other. That is, the reading methods of these characters are common between Soktok Kugyol (fffJP t) materials and Onhae materials since the end of 15th century or the 16th 17 Incidentally, the word '4' as adverb is very few in the 15th century, however, the same form in verbal usage '44' appears frequently, and it had also been used as the reading of character ' R' in verbal usage. Then, we may not be able to assert that ' 4' have disappeared at all in the 15 th century. century[J6| as uf . and " JJi.' as "'. |. While the other reading method existed in Onhae materials in the mid-15th century. It is not easy to provide an explanation for this, but one thing that we would like to stress that, most of materials in the mid-15th century were Buddhist materials, while Non-Buddhist (Confucian) materials had increased since the end of 15th century. In other words, variations in language use, in more detail, the variations in Hanmun Hundok traditions among Buddhist and Non-Buddhist group, appeared in different periods. 18 From the above, we will reach a strange conclusion, that the tradition of Hanmun Hundok in Soktok Kugyol (fUPi) materials had been succeeded to Non-Buddhist(Confucian) group, and another tradition had existed separately among Buddhist group in the mid-15th century. Or it might be better to consider that the tradition of Hanmun Hundok in Korea was basically consistent. However, the tradition among Buddhist group in the mid-15th century were quite peculiar. Certainly, there are also examples such as mentioned above, that the reading methods are common to Buddhist Onhae materials in the mid-15th century. However we cannot overlook the fact that the reading methods of these characters were common among Buddhist Onhae materials and Non-Buddhist (Confucian) Onhae materials. Moreover, from a preliminary study, it seems that there are more examples such as or '^.'.19 I would like to continue considering these examples. In any case, it should be stressed that Non-Buddhist (Confucian) Onhae materials occupy an important position to consider the reading methods of Soktok Kugyol (fU Pi) materials. 18 For the various forms in the materials written in different days, there is a research such as Ch'oe (2002) treating past tense suffix formation. He did not regard these forms as the historical chronically successive, but payed attention to the characteristics of the materials, and concluded that these distinct forms have been used in different regional and social dialects, and have been reflected in written text separately. However, there are few detailed research on his argument, that language use among the groups (Buddhist and Non-Buddhist group) had been different each other, except a verbal evidence by Kwon Odon (tl5#)[A Chinese scholar, 1901~1984] that language use were different for each alley in P'alp'an-dong (A^'JM), Chongno-gu Seoul, in the early 1940s. It seems that there is a gap in his argument, however, for future research about the history of Korean language, such viewpoints might be necessary, in any case. 19 For example, 'i=r__I, i=r__I, JL'(^H '^J'(7>L°>, and so forth. 4. Closing Remarks As stated above, we have discussed some of the advantages and points of the attempt to research how to read Soktok Kugyol Pit) materials based on Onhae (WM) materials, with each examples. As a result, Hundok (¡¡HH) systems of Soktok Kugyol (ffUP it) materials had much resemblance to the Non-Buddhist (Confucian) Onhae (WM) materials since the end of 15th century. Recently, as studies of Soktok Kugyol Pt) materials advanced, it has been often pointed out that it is important to classify the group of the materials, such as Huayanjmg () group, Yuqieshidilun (M ft W ^) group, and so forth. Furthermore, these classifications have been positively applied to the deciphering of Cypher materials. However, as for the groups, it seems that the relation with Onhae (WM) materials should be also considered. In that respect, it seems that Soktok Kugyol Pit) materials and Non-Buddhist (Confucian) Onhae (WM) materials have deep connection. In future study, various examples should be treated in detail. This paper, which treated a few examples, is nothing more than a preface of the future research. Note This work was supported by JSPS KAKENHI Grant Number 25770145. 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Beijing: Zhonghua Shuju [ + Revisiting Manner/Result Complementarity: WITH EVIDENCE FROM JAPANESE AND CHINESE VERB COMPOUNDS Li WENCHAO widelia@zju.edu.cn Abstract This paper brings data of verb compounds (V-Vs) from Japanese and Chinese, in an effort to uncover two issues: (a) whether the lexicalisation constraint (i.e. manner/result complementarity) applies to the languages that contain compound verbs; (b) how complex it can be to build compound verb. The finding reveals that manner and result are well encoded in most Japanese verb compounds, which gives rise to the assumption that the complementary constraint is not applicable to Japanese. In Chinese, the application of manner/result complementarity varies according to the types of V-V. In pair relation V-V, only manner meaning is conveyed. In predicate-complement V-V, both manner and result are lexicalised, with V1 encoding the manner and V2 denoting the result. Modifier-predicate V-V appears to only convey the manner. The conclusion emerging from the differing applications in the languages is that the manner/result complementary constraint does not apply to the languages that extensively employ verb compounds. Keywords: lexicalisation; manner/result complementarity; verb compound; Japanese; Chinese Povzetek This paper brings data of verb compounds (V-Vs) from Japanese and Chinese, in an effort to uncover two issues: (a) whether the lexicalisation constraint (i.e. manner/result complementarity) applies to the languages that contain compound verbs; (b) how complex it can be to build compound verb. The finding reveals that manner and result are well encoded in most Japanese verb compounds, which gives rise to the assumption that the complementary constraint is not applicable to Japanese. In Chinese, the application of manner/result complementarity varies according to the types of V-V. In pair relation V-V, only manner meaning is conveyed. In predicate-complement V-V, both manner and result are lexicalised, with V1 encoding the manner and V2 denoting the result. Modifier-predicate V-V appears to only convey the manner. The conclusion emerging from the differing applications in the languages is that the manner/result complementary constraint does not apply to the languages that extensively employ verb compounds. Ključne besede: leksikalizacija; dopolnjevanje načina in rezultata; glagolske sestavljanke; japonski jezik; kitajski jezik Acta Linguistica Asiatica, 4(1), 2014. ISSN: 2232-3317, http://reviie.ff.uni-li.si/ala/ DOI: 10.4312/ala.4.1.89-100 1. Introduction Rappaport Hovav and Levin (2010) propose a verb may only lexicalise one type of change, giving rise to manner/result in complementary distribution: a verb may encode manner (1a), or encode result (1b). (1) a. Verbs encoding a manner e.g. cry, hit, run, shout, smear, sweep, swim, rub b. Verbs encoding a result e.g. arrive, clean, come, open, die, empty, fill Assuming language can lexicalise only one of the manner or result in the verb, a two category typology is the logical outcome for sentences with one verb explaining the appeal of Talmy's dichotomous typology of lexicalsiation (2000), which relies on whether the core schema of a motion event is conflated with the main verb or the satellite to the main verb. In his view, languages are of two types, i.e. satellite-framed languages (most of the Indo-European languages, the Finno-Ugric families, Chinese, Ojibwa, and Warlpiri) and verb-framed languages (Romance, Semitic, Japanese, Tamil, Polynesian, Bantu, Mayan, Nez Perce, and Caddo languages, Japanese, among others). Intriguingly, the manner/result complementarity is most manifested in two domains: change of state verbs and motion verbs (Rappaport Hovav & Levin 2010). In each domain, there are change-of-state verbs, which denote a change of state, as in (2a), or motion in a specified direction, as in (2b). (2) a. break, crack, fill, empty, melt, open, shatter b. arrive, come, enter, exit, fall, go, rise Rappaport Hovav & Levin (2010) Crucially, change-of-state verbs (see 2a) denotes events of scalar change, in directed motion verbs (see 2b), the contiguous points making up the path of motion constitute a scale. Given this, manner/result complementarity can be tackled as the lexicalisation of a scalar change being in complementary distribution with the lexicalisation of a non-scalar change. The theory of manner/result complementarity appears quite pervasiveness and has been welcomed among linguists, who study Indo-European languages. On the other hand, many scholars from different camps have voiced their concerns with this hypothesis (Cifuentes Ferez 2007:122; Goldberg 2010:48-49; Beavers and Koontz-Garboden 2012, Kubota 2011). They argue that manner/result complementarity perhaps is not the consequence of a lexicalisation constraint, but merely a tendency regarding verb meanings. An immediate counterexample that springs to mind is the English motion verb swim, which appears to lexicalise both manner and change of location. Moreover, verb break also serves as a putative counterexample, c.f. (3). (3) a. Terry broke the record. b. *The record broke. The ungrammaticality of (3) indicates that in the context of 'record break', an explicit manner component of agency is involved. The limitations in RH&L's hypothesis further extend to East Asian Languages, whereby verb compounds (V-Vs) are extensively employed. V-V compounds can be composed by scalar change with a non-scalar change and crucially, manner/result seem to manifest itself in compounds, as in (4). (4) Shuzhi chui-duan /zhe-duan le. Branch blow-break/snap-break PERF 'The branch was blown/snapped.' In Chinese, most words are morphologically simple as there is no developed notion of a stem. As a result, manner/result manifests itself in compounds. Here V-V zhe-duan 'snap-break' entails both manner and result. V1 bears semantic elements expressing manner and indicates a concrete action. But such action verb does not imply an accomplishment or an achievement; hence, an addition of complement representing the perfect is employed, as V2. Hence, V1 and V2 are not in complementary distribution; rather, they are assigned to an equal status. Furthermore, a variety of V2 are allowed, and generally, V2s are born by a resultative complement such as hao'good', man 'full', guang, 'over'. Further examples are like kao-hao 'bake-over'. Given this, it seems necessary to revisit the issue by bringing the verb compounding data from Japanese and Chinese. The purpose of this paper is two-fold. First, it explores how complex it can be to build a motion V-V or a change-of-state V-V in Japanese and Chinese. Second, it exams whether the manner/result in complementary constraint applies to the languages in focus. This paper is mapped out as follows: Section 2 provides an insight into the framework: scale-base approach. Section 3 explores the lexicalsiation constraint in Japanese and enumerates the possibilities of verb compounding. Section 4 is devoted to lexicalsiation constraint in Chinese. Section 5 discusses the results and provides a conclusion to this paper. 2. Scale-based approach to manner/result complementarity This paper follows the scalar structure in an effort to explore lexicalisation constraint on verb compounding in Japanese and Chinese. The data for Chinese is adopted from the corpus of Modern Chinese constructed by the Center for Chinese Linguistics at Beijing University. The data for Japanese is from the corpus of Balanced Corpus of Modern Written Japanese by National Institute for Japanese language and linguistics. This paper also uses hand-made examples. And native speakers check all the hand-made examples. According to Kennedy (2001) and Kennedy and McNally (2005), a scale is constituted by a set of degrees (points or intervals indicating measurement values) on a particular dimension (e.g. cost, depth, height, temperature), with an ordering relation. The dimension represents an attribute of an entity, with the degrees indicating the possible values of this attribute. Incorporating this, Levin (2010) notes that a scalar change in an entity involves a change in the value of one of its scalar-valued attributes in a particular direction on the relevant scale. Consequently, verbs that lexically specify a scale are called scalar change verbs, as in (5a). Verbs that do not lexicalise a scale are referred to as nonscalar change verbs, as in (5b): (5) a. scalar change verbs: warm, cool, freeze, fall, rise... b. nonscalar change verbs: roll, exercise, scream, laugh, jog. There are two types of attributes, which give rise to two types of scalar change verbs: (6) a. change-of-sate verbs (COS): warm, cool, freeze, stretch... b. Inherently directed motion verbs (IDM): arrive, fall, rise, approach... In the COS domain, the relation to the standard correlates with the direction of change, i.e. with an increase or decrease in value of the attribute, such as 'We froze the ice cream solid' (Rappaport Hovav & Levin 2010: 29). In the domain of motion, as Rappaport Hovav and Levin (2010) note, a scale can be understood in regard to the dimension of distance, i.e. the distance of the moving object with respect to the reference object (Rappaport Hovav & Levin 2010: 29). For example, the points in the scale of arrive are ordered in a direction stretching from the reference object, i.e. the starting point of the departure and the event we are heading towards. 3. Lexicalisation constraint in Japanese In Japanese, there are about five ways of building a lexical compound verb (c.f. Yumoto 1996, 2005, 2008). Essentially, manner uses as well as the result components co-exist, as illustrated in (7). (7) a. Pair relation kake-meguru 'run about'; hashiri-mawaru 'run about' b. Means tuki-otosu 'push-cause.fall'; naki-otosu 'cry-cause.fall' c. Cause-effect naki-harasu 'cry-cause.swell'; obore-shinu 'drown die';yake-shinu 'burnt die' d. Accompanying state/manner hai-yoru 'crawl towards'; koroge-otiru 'tumble-fall' e. Complement relation mi-nogasu 'overlook'; kaki-otosu 'forget to write' The pair relation V-V is generally composed of [transitive V + unergative V]. This type of V-V comes to justify the manner/result complementary constraint. There are two ways of building the V-V, (a) V-V is composed by two components that denote a manner. kakemeguru 'run about' is an illustration of this type. The two morphemes kakeru 'run' and V2 meguru 'run' are non-scalar change morphemes and both are not bound, apparently receiving an equal semantic status. (b) V-V is composed by two components that denote a result, e.g. warikiru 'break-cut', warisaku 'break-split'. Crucially, in the two formations, V1 and V2 both function as the head (cf. Kageyama 1993, Fukushima 2005). Means V-V is very productive and it contains three argument structure variations, as shown in Table 1. It appears that the compound is headed by V2. The first constituents express the means of the change of location or change of state carried out by V2s. Table 1. Variation of argument structure and composition in Means V-V Argument structure1 Composition_Example_ 1. tran.V + unacc.V change of state + change of location wake-iru, kiri-iru 2. tran.V + unacc.V action + change of location fuki-agaru, uchi-agaru 3. tran.V + tran.V action + change of location oshi-susumeru, Cause-effect V-V is considered the least productive type among lexical V-Vs. It contains the following different argument structure and composition methods: Table 2. Different argument structures and compositions in Cause-effect V-V 4. tran.V + tran.V action + change of state oshi-modosu naguri-korosu, oshi-tsubusu Argument structure Composition Example 1. unerg.V + unacc.V action + change of state naki-tsukareru, aruki-tsukareru 2. unacc.V + unacc.V change of location + change of location koroge-ochiru, suberi-ochiru 3. unacc.V + unacc.V change of state + change of state yase-kokeru, oshi-yoseru 4. unacc.V + unacc.V change of state + change of location koori-tsuku, yake-ochiru 1 tran: transitive, unacc: unaccusative, unerg: unergative As seen from Table 2, V1 denotes the cause or designates the path of motion/COS and can be conveyed by either an agentive or a non-agentive verb, e.g. aruku 'walk', korogeru 'tumble'. V2s contribute to the change of location or change of state and usually entail a destination of a motion or an endpoint of a motion or COS event, e.g. ochiru 'fall', tsuku 'stick to', which, in light of scalar structure, would be regarded as closed-scale morphemes. The accompanying state/manner V-V contains the following argument structure: Table 3. Variation of argument structure and composition in Manner V-V Argument structure Composition Example uner.V + uner.V agentive motion + change of location tobi-agaru, tachi-agaru V1s entail a figurative sense, describing how quick the action agaru 'ascend' or noboru 'climb' is. In this sense, V1s behave like modifiers and the motion paths are lexicalised into the second constituents, which should be considered the head. Complement relation V-Vs, as Yumoto (1996) and Matsumoto (1996) argue, are composed by a cause component with a result component. The second constituent, which indicates the change of state, is usually denoted by a transitive verb or an accusative verb. Moreover, V2s seem to have received affixation. Thus, the whole compound is related to a metaphorical reading, e.g. mi-nogasu 'overlook', hohoemi-kaesu 'smile back', seme-kakeru 'attack'. In addition, apart from the accusative case, complement relation V-Vs are also likely to take a dative case, as can be seen from kare ni hohoemi-kaesu 'smile back at him' and teki ni seme-kakeru 'attack the enemy'. With this in place, we can pause and draw a preliminary conclusion: the manner/result in complementary constraint does not seem to apply to Japanese. In most verb compounds, both manner and result are pretty well encoded. Verb compounds along with the lexicalisation constraint are given in Table 4. Table 4. Verb compounds along with the lexicalisation constraint Verb compounds Encoding component Lexicalisation Constraint 1. Means V-V (a). tran.V + unacc.V (b). tran.V + unacc.V (c). tran.V + tran.V (d). tran.V + tran.V both manner and result both manner and result not applied not applied both manner and result both manner and result not applied not applied 2. Cause-effect V-V (a). unerg.V + unacc.V (b). unacc.V + unacc.V (c). unacc.V + unacc.V (d). unacc.V + unacc.V 3. Manner V-V uner.V + uner.V both manner and result both manner and result both manner and result both manner and result manner not applied not applied not applied not applied applied 4. Lexicalisation constraint in Chinese As touched upon in Section 1, manner/result appear to manifest itself in compounds in Chinese. In order to answer the question of whether the manner/result complementary constraint applies to Chinese, this section first looks into the types of verb compounds and then moves on to the distribution of the two components of V-Vs. 4.1 Types of verb compounds in Chinese According to Kageyama (1996), verbs are divided into two types: transitive and intransitive. Intransitive verbs can be further classified into unergative verbs, which represent an act or action, and ergative verbs or unaccusative verbs, which represent [change + resultative state]. From a semantic viewpoint, an ergative verb is a kind of verb that represents the change of an object in terms of its own property. With the change of the causer, it can also be used as a transitive verb. On the other hand, an unaccusative verb is not affected by external force, but instead represents events or states that occur naturally and, hence, it is acceptable as a transitive verb. The argument structures of these verbs are described in (8): (8) a. Transitive verb: (x, y) (external argument, internal argument) b. unergative verb: (x ) (external argument) c. ergative verb: ( y) (internal argument) d. unaccusative verb: ( y) (internal argument) Kageyama (1996) In light of this argument structure, this paper suggests that Chinese verb compounds fall into two groups, i.e. lexical V-V and syntactic V-V. The lexical class includes pair relations and predicate-object types. The syntactic class has the following subtypes: predicate-complement V-V, modifier-predicate V-V and subject-predicate V-V. The classifications are illustrated in (9) and (10): (9) Lexically-formed group a. Pair relation V-V [unergative + unergative] bën-pào 'run-run' b. Predicate-Object V-V [transitive + N ] chöng-diän 'charge' (10) Syntacticly-derived group a. Predicate-Complement V-V ( i) [transitive + unergative] (subject-oriented) kàn-lèi 'watch-tired' ( ii) [unergative + unaccusative] (object-oriented) kü-shi 'cry-wet' (mi) [transitive + unacsusative] (object-oriented) tui-kai 'push-open' (iv) [unergative + unaccusative] (subject-oriented) kû-lèi 'cry-tired' b. Modifier-Predicate V-V hé-chàng 'together-sing' c. Subject-Predicate V-V tou-téng 'head-pain' The lexical V-Vs class seems to add a syllabic filter to the derivation, as most of them entail bisyllables. Moreover, lexical V-Vs appear to be highly lexicalised and hence probably requires a certain idiomatic reading. On the other hand, it occurs that the syntactic V-V class has fewer phonological restrictions. 4.2 Lexicalisation in Chinese verb compounds In light of the classification of verb compounds, we are now in a position to find out whether manner/result compementarity applies to Chinese. (9a), i.e. Pair relation V-V, and (10a), i.e. Predicate-Complement V-V and (10b), i.e. Modifier-Predicate V-V will be the primary focus; (9b), i.e. Predicate-Object V-V and (10c), i.e. Subject-Predicate V-V will not be tackled. Our starting point is the lexical compound, which is represented by pair relation and is illustrated in ben-pao 'run-run', as in (11): (11) Zhang san zai ben pao. Zhang san PROG run-run 'Zhang san is running.' The pair relation type of compound is composed by two non-scalar change motion morphemes, i.e. V1 ben 'run' and V2 pao 'run'. The two morphemes have the same meaning and scalar properties. They are considered to be a synonymous lexicon. The events represented by V1 and V2 are classified as the same categories (i.e. both of them are motion events). Moreover, phonologically, such compounds usually appear to be bisyllabic words. Therefore, syntactically, semantically and phonologically, the two motion morphemes are equipollent. Given this, we consider the 'Non-scalar change motion morphemes' pattern of motion events perform equipollent framing. Other examples displaying this strategy include fei-xiang 'fly-fly'. Moving on to syntactic compounds. We begin with the predicate-complement V-V. This type of V-V is composed of a resultative complement to a verb V1. Two ways of building are found: ( i ) [unergative V + adjective] (12a); and (u) [transitive V + unaccusative V] (12b): (12) a. [unergative V + Adjective] ku-shi 'cry-wet' b. [transitive V + Adj] da-pd 'hit-broken' The action verb, i.e. V1 does not imply an accomplishment or an achievement. The second constituents play the role of resultative complements, expressing a state or the result of an action. To note, the category of the complements is debatable; Li and Thompson et al. (1981) regard them as adjectives but, for Palmer (2005), they are argued to be stative verbs. Despite such debate, there is no doubt that this verbal weakening is a typical manifestation of grammaticalisation and, hence, these complements should be considered to be satellites rather than substantive verbs. This is backed up by the 'scalar structure' perspective. V2s can be open-scale adjective predicates (APs) (e.g. hao 'good') or closed-scale APs (man 'full'; guang, 'over'). A variety of such V2s are allowed by V1 and crucially these Vs are not able to occur by themselves. In this regard, we can assume that it is the first constituent that determines the transitivity of the whole and thus it should be viewed as the head. The resultative (V2) should be considered as being framed outside the verb roots. Now, we come to modifier-head type. This type of V-V is headed by V2. The former event represented by V1 plays roles of explanation, description and restriction on the latter event represented by V2, as illustrated in (13): (13) Zhangsan bei Lisi zhui sha. Zhangsan PASS Lisi chase-kill ' Zhangsan is chased by Lisi and Lisi intends to kill him.' The compound exhibits two events, i.e. a motion event denoted by the former constituent and a change-of-state event rendered by the latter constituent. The two morphemes are not bound and both are atelic. Essentially, this type of V-Vs only lexicalise manner. As seen in (13), the result meaning drops out, as V1 zhm, 'chase' is a modifier, describing the manner of the action, carried by V2 sha, 'kill'. Other examples include he-chang 'together-sing', etc. To sum up briefly, the Chinese verb compounds obviously can serve as counterexamples to the 'manner/result complementary constraint'. However, the application of the constraint varies according to the types of V-Vs. In pair relation V-V, the two constituents are assigned to an equal syntactic, morphological and semantic status; essentially only manner meaning is conveyed. In this sense, the lexicalisation constraint appears to apply to pair relation V-V. In predicate-complement V-V, both manner and result are lexicalised, i.e. V1 encodes the manner and V2 denotes the result. As a result, the lexicalisation constraint fails to apply. Finally modifier-predicate V-V seems to only encode the manner meaning, which comes to justify the lexicalisation constraint. Verb compounds along with the lexicalisation constraint are given in Table 5. Table 5. Verb compounds along with the lexicalisation constraint Verb compounds Encoding component Lexicalisation Constraint 1. Pair relation V-V manner applied 2. Predicate-Complement V-V ( i) [transitive + unergative] both manner and result not applied ( ii) [unergative + unaccusative] both manner and result not applied (m) [transitive + unacsusative] both manner and result not applied ( iv) [unergative + unaccusative] both manner and result not applied 3. Modifier-Predicate V-V manner applied 5. Conclusion This paper brings data of verb compounds (V-Vs) from Japanese and Chinese, in an effort to uncover two issues: (a) whether the manner/result in complementary constraint applies to the languages that contain compound verbs; (b) how complex it can be to build compound verb. The finding reveals that manner and result are well encoded in most Japanese verb compounds, which gives rise to the assumption that the complementary constraint is not applicable to Japanese. In Chinese, the application of manner/result complementarity varies according to the types of V-V. In pair relation V-V, only manner meaning is conveyed. In predicate-complement V-V, both manner and result are lexicalised, with V1 encoding the manner and V2 denoting the result. Modifier-predicate V-V appears to only convey the manner. 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SURVEY ARTICLES The Spread of 'Heavenly Writing' Marina ZORMAN University of Ljubljana marina_zorman@yahoo.com Abstract Cuneiform is the name of various writing systems in use throughout the Middle East from the end of the fourth millennium BCE until the late first century CE. The wedge-shaped writing was used to write ten to fifteen languages from various language families: Sumerian, Elamite, Eblaite, Old Assyrian, Old Babylonian and other Akkadian dialects, Proto-Hattic, Hittite, Luwian, Palaic, Hurrian, Urartian, Ugaritic, Old Persian etc. Over the centuries it evolved from a pictographic to a syllabographic writing system and eventually became an alphabetic script, but most languages used a 'mixed orthography' which combined ideographic and phonetic elements, and required a rebus principle of reading. Keywords: cuneiform; writing; history of writing; writing in Mesopotamia Povzetek Izraz klinopis se uporablja za poimenovanje različnih načinov pisanja, ki so se uporabljali v Mezopotamiji in na Bližnjem vzhodu od konca četrtega tisočletja pr. n. š. do druge polovice prvega stoletja n. š. Pisava, katere osnovni element po obliki spominja na klin, je služila za zapisovanje do petnajst jezikov iz različnih jezikovnih družin: sumerščine, elamščine, eblanščine, stare asirščine, stare babilonščine in drugih akadijskih dialektov, protohatijščine, hetitščine, luvijščine, palajščine, huritščine, urartijščine, ugaritščine, stare perzijščine itd. V teku stoletij se je iz podobopisa razvila v zlogovno in nazadnje v glasovno pisavo, vendar jo je večina jezikov uporabljala tako, da so se v njej izmenoma pojavljali ideografski in fonetičnimi elementi. Branje take pisave je bilo podobno reševanju rebusov. Keywords: klinopis; pisava; vrste pisav; razvoj pisave; pisava v Mezopotamiji 1. Introduction Cuneiform—or 'Heavenly Writing' as this writing system is also called— represents one of the earliest and most influential writing systems of the world. Today, it is generally assumed that it was created by the Sumerians, but since the most archaic tablets written in so-called 'proto-cuneiform' are not yet deciphered, we may eventually need to revise our views about its origin. Acta Linguistica Asiatica, 4(1), 2014. ISSN: 2232-3317, http://reviie.ff.uni-li.si/ala/ DOI: 10.4312/ala.4.1.103-112 According to the Mesopotamian mythology the origin of cuneiform writing is related to divination. The goddess of writing and knowledge Nisaba, a lady 'coloured like the stars of heaven' was given a lapis-lazuli tablet by Enki, the god of wisdom and magic. The holy tablet was marked with the stars of heaven and Nisaba was to consult the cosmic constellations just as scholars from her House of Wisdom, i.e. the scribal school, were to consult the clay tablets written with star-shaped signs. A starry sky indeed does resemble a cuneiform tablet as shown by Fig. 1 and 2. Some scribes in Mesopotamia were skilled in reading prophetic signs in the heaven, therefore the name 'Heavenly Writing' for cuneiform is not without any justification. Figure 1: An Old Persian foundation plaque (http://tiny.cc/ihvtgx) □ Figure 2: The star (MUL) sign The word 'cuneiform' literally means 'wedge-shaped', since the wedge (Latin cuneus) is one of the two basic elements combined into complex signs (Fig. 3); the other element being the so-called 'Winkelhaken' (Fig. 4) which lacks an adequate English translation. □ Figure 3: A horizontal wedge □ Figure 4: A 'Winkelhaken' Cuneiform signs could be carved into stone and metal, or impressed with a reed stylus into soft clay or the waxed surface of a writing board; there is even some evidence that they were written on parchment and leather (Radner & Robson, 2011, p. 2). Some signs were relatively simple, while others required dozens of impressions as shown by Fig. 5, 6 and 7: Figure 5: ugnim 'army, troops' s;= Figure 6: dida 'sweet wort, an ingredient for beer making' vHAÔ^ Figure 7: g izzal ' wisdom; understanding; ear; hearing' Cuneiform was in use throughout the Middle East from the end of the fourth millennium BCE until the late first century CE. It served to write the various languages and dialects listed in Table 1. The table also indicates the language family for each language, the geographical region in which it was spoken, and the approximate period of its attestation: Table 1 : List of languages using cuneiform Language Sumerian Elamite Language family language isolate language isolate Geographical area Mesopotamia western, southwestern Iran Period of attestation 4th millennium BCE-? 23rd-4th centuries BCE Eblaite Semitic Old Akkadian Semitic northern Syria 25th- 23rd centuries BCE Syria, Mesoptamia, Iran 24th-20th centuries BCE Old, Middle, Semitic Anatolia, northern Neo-Assyrian Mesopotamia, lingua franca Old, Middle, Semitic Anatolia, Syria, central Neo-, Late- and southern Babylonian Mesopotamia, Egypt, lingua franca Ugaritic Semitic northern Syria 20th-7th centuries BCE 20th c. BCE-1st c. AD 14 th-12 th centuries BCE Hattic unclassified Anatolia 2nd millennium BCE Hurrian Urartian Hurro- Anatolia, northern late 3rd-late 2nd Urartian Syria, Mesopotamia, millennium BCE Egypt Hurro- northern Mesopotamia 9th-6th centuries Urartian BCE Hittite Luwian Palaic Old Persian Indo- European Indo- European Indo- European Indo- European Anatolia Anatolia Anatolia 2nd millennium BCE 2nd millennium BCE 2nd millennium BCE north-, southwestern 6th-4th centuries Iran BCE Cuneiform was used as either the only, or one of a number of writing systems for the languages listed above. In addition, there exist some cuneiform inscriptions containing names and technical terms in languages that did not regularly use cuneiform, such as Gutian, Amorite, and Kassite. The cuneiform systems used for individual languages vary considerably and do not always continue the original Mesopotamian cuneiform tradition as will be discussed in more detail below. 2. Early stages In Mesopotamia, the earliest stage in the development of writing is represented by clay accounting tokens (Fig. 8). Figure 8: Clay tokens (http://tiny.cc/ihvtgx) Clay tokens were followed by an archaic script called 'proto-cuneiform'. This script had no direct relation to language. It consisted of about 1500 pictograms (Damerow, 1999, p. 11) which served to record objects and quantities as shown in Fig. 9. The deep impressions which can be seen in this figure represent numerical signs. At this stage in the development of cuneiform, the non-numerical signs were not yet impressed, instead they were incised into the soft clay, therefore they are less clearly visible than the numerical signs. They could also be curvilinear in shape as shown by Fig. 10. Figure 9: A proto-cuneiform tablet (http://tiny.cc/ihvtgx) Figure 10: Some proto-cuneiform vessel signs (adapted from http://tiny.cc/eovtgx) In the course of time, impressing replaced incising and both the straight and the curved lines turned into wedges. The script started to flow horizontally from left to right instead of being written inside boxes as in the earliest written records, and the orientation of signs rotated 90 degrees counter clockwise. As a consequence, cuneiform lost its pictographic character and the signs became abstract in appearance as shown by Fig. 11: fflMW Figure 11: Some types of vessels (dugba, dugbanmin, dugdal) Sometime around 3000 BCE Sumerian scribes adapted cuneiform to also write grammatical elements, names, and notions that could not be represented by pictures, i.e. they started to use the available logographic signs to represent the sounds—both syllables and phonemes—associated with them on the basis of acrophony. The signs which at this stage might already have had more than one logographic value, became polyvalent in yet another sense of the word: they could be used as either ideograms or as phonetic signs, and when used as phonetic signs, they could represent several different syllables. The syllabaries of individual languages usually included hundreds of signs. The fact that most signs had several values is illustrated below in Fig. 12 by a sign taken from the Hittite syllabary which has 22 or—including the different meanings of its Sumerian readings—26 values. Making sense out of a text written in cuneiform could therefore hardly be considered a trivial matter. Hittite pat, pad, pit, pid, pe, pi, (mut, mud), Akkadian also bad, bat, bat, be, bi4 , mid, mit, mit, Sumerian BAD 'when, as', 'master, lord', 'to depart,' BE 'master, lord', SUMUN 'old', SUN 'old', TIL 'complete', 'to close, to run out', US 'to die', 'death, plague, annihilation' Figure 12: Polyvalency of cuneiform signs. As a consequence of the polyvalency of cuneiform signs, most cuneiform languages used a kind of 'mixed orthography'. This kind of orthography requires a rebus principle of reading which turned the decipherment of cuneiform in the middle of the nineteenth century into an adventure story (Friedrich, 1957, pp. 29-86). This orthography combines the ideographic and phonetic values of signs, therefore the reader is constantly expected to make selections among various values of a sign to adapt its reading to the context. Transliterated texts which use this orthography look awkward due to the fact that the value of a sign is indicated by the selection of a character style. The following Hittite sentence is for instance composed of a phonetically written Hittite and Akkadian word (Hittite a-ki 'he/she dies', 'Akkadian' INA 'in'), two numerals (one representing the number 16 and one serving as a symbol of the Moon-god (XXX), a logogram (UD 'day'), a Sumerian suffix (KAM), a determinative or semantic classifier preceding the names of the deity (d), and a phonetic complement specifying the case (-as): I-NA UD.16.KAM dXXX-as a-ki 'on the 16th day the moon dies' In this transliteration, lower case letters represent Hittite, italic capitals represent Akkadian, and plain capitals represent Sumerian elements. 1 Writing above the normal line indicates that a logogram is used as a determinative. The Hittites probably read the entire sentence in Hittite, even if parts of it were written in Akkadian and parts in Sumerian. In Mesopotamia, Sumerian was in contact with Akkadian from at least the end of the 4th millennium BCE. The earliest cuneiform texts in Semitic found in the vicinity of the ancient Nippur in southern Mesopotamia go back to the mid-3rd millennium BCE. From there, cuneiform spread to Semitic and Hurrian language areas in the north-west of Mesopotamia and soon reached Ebla and the Khabur region in northern Syria. In the east, cuneiform was adopted by the non-Semitic Elamites and reached as far as the Zagros mountains in the modern-day Iran (Walker, 1990, pp. 50-58; Cooper, 2010, p. 328). Early in the 2nd millennium BCE Old Assyrian traders brought cuneiform to Anatolia, but the writing system which was attested a few centuries later in the Hittite state archives at Hattusa (central Anatolia) is not that of the Old Assyrian colonies. The question of exactly when and how cuneiform was adopted by the Hittites needs further investigation, but there is a good evidence that various neighbouring cultures had a strong hold on the scribal practice in Hattusa, and that changes in 1 In Hittite, a Sumerian ideogram can combine with an Akkadian and a Hittite phonetic sign even within the confines of a single word, for instance DINGIR-LIM-ni 'for the god'. paleography were motivated by changes in ideology (Weeden, 2011, p. 603; Waal, 2012; Gordin, 2014). In the process of adapting cuneiform to write languages for which it was not originally designed, the number of signs gradually reduced.2 Scribes were forced to make selections from extant signs and change their form and phonetic value. The sign shapes usually underwent simplifications as shown by Fig. 13. However, there were also periods of deliberate archaizing when scribes tended to return to earlier sign forms even if they were more complicated to write and read (Walker, 1990, p. 30), and there were puzzling changes suggesting that politics, administration, and orthography were already linked with each other in the Stone Age, as recently pointed out by Veldhuis Figure 13: Gradual simplification of the sign TAG4/TAK4 in the Hittite syllabary 3 Old Persian and Ugaritic cuneiform scripts did not continue the Mesopotamian tradition, but were cuneiform in appearance. The Old Persian syllabary had no more than 36 phonetic signs, 8 logograms and 23 numerals which were—apart from a single sign—unrelated to any other cuneiform system (Schmitt, 1993). The cuneiform texts from Ugarit were written in a Semitic-style consonantal alphabet (Dietrich & Loretz, 1999). The spread of cuneiform writing went hand in hand with the spread of cuneiform culture and religion. In scribal schools Sumerian remained the language of instruction long after it dropped out of use as a spoken language. The standard cuneiform copy books used for scribal education in Mesopotamia included old Sumerian and later on Akkadian compositions which served as models for royal inscriptions, legal and administrative documents, official correspondance, omen compendia, myths, rituals, literary compositions, scholarly texts and other genres known to us from ancient Middle Eastern archives. However, towards the middle of the 1st millennium BCE Akkadian cultural dominance over the Middle East started to decline. The use of cuneiform became more and more restricted, but it survived as long as Babylonian temples remained in use in Babylonia (Geller, 2009). In the State Archives in Assyria, there is a letter of king Sargon II to one of his magnates named Sin-iddina of Ur who 2 Inventories of cuneiform signs usually include a few hundred signs. Old Assyrian used only about 130 signs. 3 Rüster & Neu 1989: 206, No 227. (2012). asked the king to let him write in Aramaic. Sargon's response to this question reads as follows: 'Why can you not write a letter to me in Akkadian style? Be sure that the document you write is like this one [i.e. in cuneiform]. It is the custom. Let it remain so!' (George, 2007, p. 59) This letter is dated to the late 8th century BCE. About a century later, king Ashurbanipal who made history by the amazing wealth of his library prided himself on being able to read complicated cuneiform texts, 'whose Sumerian is obscure and whose Akkadian is hard to figure out' (Cooper, 2010, pp. 327f.), but other kings in the ancient Middle East were less prone to tradition and let the consonantal Aramaic script eventually replace the old-fashioned cuneiform. 'The last wedge'4 was presumably written in 75 AD. References Cooper, J. (2010). 'I have forgotten my burden of former days!' 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