Studia mythologica Slavica ISSN 1408-6271 wwwISSN 1581-128x Uredniški svet / Natka Badurina (Università degli Studi di Udine), Nikos Čausidis (Univerzitet Consiglio di redazione / Sv. Kiril i Metodi, Skopje), Larisa Fialkova (University of Haifa), Mare Kôiva Advisory Board (Estonian Institute of Folklore, Tartu), Janina Kursïte (Univerza v Rigi), Nijolè Laurinkienè (Lietuvii^ literaturos ir tautosakos institutas, Vilnius), Miljam Mencej (Univerza v Ljubljani), Andrej Pleterski (Inštitut za arheologijo, ZRC SAZU), Ljubinko Radenkovic (SANU, Beograd), Zmago Šmitek (Univerza v Ljubljani), Svetlana Tolstaja (Institut slavjanovedenija Rossijskoj Akademii Nauk, Moskva) Uredništvo / Monika Kropej Telban (odgovorna urednica / codirettrice / Editor-in-Chief), ZRC Redazione / SAZU, Inštitut za slovensko narodopisje, Novi trg 2, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenija/ Editorial Board Slovenia, E-mail: monika@zrc-sazu.si Katja Hrobat Virloget (odgovorna urednica / codirettrice / Editor-in-Chief), Univerza na Primorskem, Fakulteta za humanistične študije, Titov trg 5, 6000 Koper, Slovenija/Slovenia, E-mail: katja.hrobat@fhs.upr.si Roberto Dapit, Università degli Studi di Udine, Dipartimento di Lingue e Letterature, Comunicazione, Formazione e Società, Italija/Italia, Via Petracco 8, 33100 Udine, E-mail: roberto.dapit@uniud.it Vlado Nartnik, ZRC SAZU, Inštitut za slovenski jezik Frana Ramovša, Novi trg 2, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenija/Slovenia, E-mail: vlado@zrc-sazu.si Urednica knjižnih ocen / Saša Babič, ZRC SAZU, Inštitut za slovensko narodopisje, Novi trg 2, 1000 Curatrice delle recensioni/ Ljubljana, Slovenija/Slovenia, E-mail: sasa.babic@zrc-sazu.si Book Review Editor Izdajata / Znanstvenoraziskovalni center Slovenske akademije znanosti in umetnosti, Inštitut Pubblicato da / za slovensko narodopisje, Ljubljana, Slovenija published by in / e / and Università degli Studi di Udine, Dipartimento di Lingue e Letterature, Comunicazione, Formazione e Società, Udine, Italia Založnik /Publishing Založba ZRC / ZRC Publishing, ZRC SAZU house: Spletna stran / http://sms.zrc-sazu.si/ Sito internet / Website http://ojs.zrc-sazu.si/sms/ Prispevki so recenzirani / Gli articoli sono sottoposti a referaggio / The articles are externally peer-reviewed Izhaja s podporo Agencije za raziskovalno dejavnost RS / Pubblicato con il sostegno finanziario dell'Agenzia per la ricerca scientifica della Repubblica di Slovenia / Published with the support of the Slovenian Research Agency Studia mythologica Slavica is included in the following databases: MLA Bibliography; SCOPUS, Sachkatalog der Bibliothek - RGK des DAI; IBZ; FRANCIS; HJG (The History Journals Guide); OCLE; INTUTE: Arts and Humanities UK, EBSCO. Slika na ovitku / Foto di copertina / Cover photo: Panjska končnica / Fronte d'arnia / Beehive panel; 1889; Slovenski etnografski muzej / Slovene Ethnographic Museum (foto / photo: Marko Habič) Naklada / Tiratura /Imprint: 350 Tisk/Stampato da /Printed by Collegium Graphicum, d. o. o. © 2018, ZRC SAZU, Inštitut za slovensko narodopisje U D I A MÍotg?c9 S L A V I C A - 21 - 2018 ZNANSTVENORAZISKOVALNI CENTER SLOVENSKE AKADEMIJE ZNANOSTI IN UMETNOSTI INŠTITUT ZA SLOVENSKO NARODOPISJE, LJUBLJANA, SLOVENIJA UNIVERSITÁ DEGLI STUDI DI UDINE DIPARTIMENTO DI LINGUE E LETTERATURE, COMUNICAZIONE, FORMAZIONE E SOCIETÁ, UDINE, ITALIA Ljubljana 2018 Vsebina / Indice 5 Razprave Studi Daiva Vaitkevičiene, Vykintas Vaitkevičius: The Sun, the Moon, and the Orientation of Baltic Graves: A Mythological Approach to an Archaeological Problem...................................7 Patrice Lajoye: The Storm God and the Hunter: A Fragment of an Old Balto-Slavic Epos?.......27 AftHyp H. Ty36eKOB: ropogHrn,e y c. Kapa-^Kyn0B0 b EamKHpHH - hobmh oSteKT caKpanroauuH apxeonora^ecKoro naMSTHHKa................................................................................39 MaKCHM A. kkkhh: ^THM0^0^Hfl KapnaTCKoyKpaHHCKoro MH^oHHMa ^y^aucmep...................51 Eva Pocs: Shirts, Cloaks and Nudity: Data on the Symbolic Aspects of Clothing..........................57 Andrea Malea: The Ancient Greek Symbolism in the Religious Landscape. The Case of Delphi......................................................................................................................................................97 MapuHa M. BaneHU,oBa: OS apxamecKHx nepTax HapogHoft geMOHonoraH pycuH BOCTOHHOH CnoBaKHH........................................................................................................................109 Jurij Dobravec: Triglavska roža in Zlatorog med simboliko in stvarnostjo....................................129 Saša Babič, Piret Voolaid: Swearing: Dissolution into Nothingness...............................................147 161 Onkraj delitve narave in kulture: ontologije in epistemologije Oltre la dicotomia tra la natura e la cultura: ontologie ed epistemologie Marjetka Golež Kaučič: The Lipizzaner Horse: Cultural and Natural Heritage or Free Non-Human Subjectivity...................................................................................................................163 Ivona Orlic, Suzana Maq'anic: Heritage Animals - Why Not? Anthropocentrism Notwithstanding...................................................................................................................................189 Maja Pasaric: For the Love of Antlers: Heads on a Wall or Antlers on a Bride............................217 Monika Kropej Telban: The Donkey in the Narrative Culture and Changing Sociohistorical Epistemology...........................................................................................................237 253 Recenzije in poročila o knjigah Recensioni di libri Contents 5 Articles Daiva Vaitkevičiene, Vykintas Vaitkevičius: The Sun, the Moon, and the Orientation of Baltic Graves: A Mythological Approach to an Archaeological Problem...................................7 Patrice Lajoye: The Storm God and the Hunter: A Fragment of an Old Balto-Slavic Epos?.......27 Ainur I. Tuzbekov: The Site of an Ancient Settlement Near Kara-Yakupovo Village in Bashkiria as a New Object of the Sacralization of an Archeological Site.................................39 Maxim A. Yuyukin: Etymology of the Carpathian Ukrainian Mythonym Čugajster....................51 Eva Pocs: Shirts, Cloaks and Nudity: Data on the Symbolic Aspects of Clothing..........................57 Andrea Malea: The Ancient Greek Symbolism in the Religious Landscape. The Case of Delphi......................................................................................................................................................97 Marina M. Valentsova: On the Archaic Features of Folk Demonology of the Ruthenians of Eastern Slovakia.............................................................................................................................109 Jurij Dobravec: Triglav Rose and Zlatorog in Their Symbolism and Reality................................129 Saša Babič, Piret Voolaid: Swearing: Dissolution into Nothingness...............................................147 161 Beyond the Dichotomy of Nature and Culture: Ontologies and Epistemologies Marjetka Golež Kaučič: The Lipizzaner Horse: Cultural and Natural Heritage or Free Non-Human Subjectivity...................................................................................................................163 Ivona Orlic, Suzana Marjanic: Heritage Animals - Why Not? Anthropocentrism Notwithstanding...................................................................................................................................189 Maja Pasaric: For the Love of Antlers: Heads on a Wall or Antlers on a Bride............................217 Monika Kropej Telban: The Donkey in the Narrative Culture and Changing Sociohistorical Epistemology...........................................................................................................237 253 Book reviews ^Razprave Studi Ar.ic.es 21 Studia MYTHOLOGICA Slavica 2018 -7 - 25- The Sun, the Moon, and the Orientation of Baltic Graves: A Mythological Approach to an Archaeological Problem — Daiva Vaitkeviciene, Vykintas Vaitkevicius This paper focuses on the predominating east-west orientation of Iron Age graves (5th century BC to the 13th century AD) and the reasons that could have caused the custom. Based on the data of Baltic mythology and their reflections in folklore, the authors argue that the mythological conception of grave orientation is closely related to the mythological path of the Sun and the image of souls leaving the world of the living. Given the astronomical opposition of the Sun and the Moon, the hypothesis is justified by the fact that, when the graves of men and of women in the Baltic burial grounds adhering to the east-west axis, were oriented in opposite directions, the burial customs could have been affected by the mythological images of the heavenly family: the Sun (wife) and the Moon (husband). KEYWORDS: Balts, Iron Age, burial rites, archaeoastronomy, mythology, folklore The search for symbolic meanings in archaeology is an attractive but challenging task. A theoretical possibility of research, cognitive archaeology in our case, requires special thoroughness and attention. When seeking harmony between the archaeological finds and the mythological images, a number of difficult questions have to be answered; it is necessary to renounce any preconceived ideas and to substantiate research assumptions and hypotheses in a consistent manner, by providing substantial arguments. The orientation of grave pits and the bodies of the dead is a part of the burial rite, an expression of mythological images. However, hitherto existing attempts of archaeologists to explain why a grave is oriented toward one or another cardinal point have not fully exhausted the opportunities of research on ancient religion and society. At the choice of researchers, contemporary scientific knowledge of the universe has frequently been unjustifiably transferred to prehistoric times, e.g., cosmological images that have a religious meaning have frequently been considered to be the expression of ancient astronomical achievements (Jovaisa 2002: 13). The authors of this paper are offering an opportunity to study the directions of the burial of the dead from the viewpoint of mythology instead of that of astronomy. This will be done based on the provision that mythological studies do not mean the interpretation of single disassociated images, underpinned by certain astronomical knowledge; rather, 8- DAIVA VAITKEVICIENÈ, VYKINTAS VAITKEVICIUS they mean an analysis of the mythological logic, which has penetrated into the culture, and a system of interconnected meanings. It is not easy to find data on the conception of the orientation of the dead prior to the introduction of Christianity, as burial rites, described in greater detail as late as in the 19th to the 20th centuries and the folk beliefs related to them have been covered with a thick layer of the Christian worldview. The main source of our reconstruction of the pre-Christian worldview is folklore that preserved the reflections of mythological images and ancient rites. The archaic traits of burials in ancient times can be traced in oral folklore and songs (cf. Greimas 1990: 113-253; Korzonaite 2003; Racenaite 2011; Vaitkeviciene 2013). Folklore is a multilayer fabric in which the worldview provisions of different epochs can be detected. Thus, for example, the studies of fairy tales open up the knowledge preserved in the narrative tradition in the form of the images, motifs, and logical structures of different ways of burial: the burial of dead bodies in the earth or cremation, as well as secondary burial of bones (for more detail, see Vaitkeviciene 2013: 102-103). Folklore is a depository of the knowledge of the past in which one can discover a set of moral choices and solutions. From that totality existing in a latent form, in specific historical periods, only a small part of values-based provisions is used and start functioning in the religious life of society. Based on the same mythological narratives, over time, ever new solutions are actualized in compliance with the worldview and the moral provisions of that period. An analysis of a mythological way of thinking alone does not allow researchers to identify the structures found in myths and folklore with the cultural models of specific prehistorical societies. Such an opportunity arises only upon disclosure of the correlation between the folklore and the archaeological data, and in the case in question, between the images of the afterlife and the traits of the burial rites identified in archaeological excavations. Unfortunately, some larger-scale research on the orientation of the dead still needs systematized statistical data on the pre-historical burial grounds in Lithuania and the directions of grave pits. The plans of the hitherto excavated barrows and burial grounds witness that the grave orientation was affected by various factors: the geography of the burial place, the topographical position, customs, etc. Thus, the grave of the first deceased in Paragaudis barrow XXIV (Silale district), dating back to the 1st to the 2nd century AD, was oriented precisely toward the north, while the second, equipped by extending the barrow in the south-east direction, along the longitudinal axis of the annex (Fig.1) (cf. Apals et al. 2001: 269, Fig. 193). The graves in the Baliuliai barrow cemeteries (Svencionys district), dating back to the mid-54 century AD, were directed toward a sand hill in the environment of the burial site whose archaeological exploratory excavation did not produce any significant results (Kurila 2013). In the Gintaliske burial ground (Plunge district), inhumations of the Late Iron Age, as well as cremated human remains in inhumation pits, were parallel to the flow of the Salantas stream (Fig. 2). Even when the deceased were buried in rows, the orientation of the grave pits often varied. That could have been affected by the visible and invisible objects of the environment; for example, in Stungiai, Joniskis district, a row of graves of the 8th to the 11th century AD was curving, as if the pit of each grave was directed toward a hill or a stone THE SUN, THE MOON, AND THE ORIENTATION OF BALTIC GRAVES: A MYTHOLOGICAL ... 9 in the west (Fig. 3). Finally, it is worth noting that, in the burial grounds used for a longer time, different chronological groups of graves were characterized by a great variety of orientation directions (cf. Kazakevicius 1993: 10-11, Fig. 9). One of the predetermining factors for that is believed to have been the orientation of the grave pits toward celestial bodies. Moreover, it is important to emphasize that numerous Baltic burial grounds of the Iron Age were characterized by the burial of men and of women in the pits dug in precisely the same directions; however, men were laid with their heads towards the west, and women, towards the east (Fig.4). The present paper focuses on the predominating orientation of the Iron Age graves (the 5th century BC to the 11th century AD) in the west-east direction. The key points of the study include the position of a non-cremated body of the deceased (what is oriented) and the position of celestial bodies with respect to the cardinal points (what the body of the deceased is oriented toward). The authors chose the interpretive models that were most clearly visible in Baltic mythology; however, their identification with specific archaeological cultures, or even with burial sites, is the task of future research. S Fig. 1: Plan of Paragaudis barrow XXIV (Michelbertas 1997: 177, Fig. 189) 10- DAIVA VAITKEVICIENÈ, VYKINTAS VAITKEVICIUS Fig. 2: Excerpt from the Gintaliskè burial ground excavation plan (x: cremation graves; without scale) (Vaitkunskienè 1979: 45, Fig. 2) Fig. 3: The Pagrybis burial ground (Silale district). Men's and women's graves. The 5th to 8th century. (Vaitkunskiene 1995: 159) 0 lm Fig. 4: Excerpt from the Stungiai burial ground excavation plan (Vaskeviciuté 2000: 227, Fig. 1) THE SUN, THE MOON, AND THE ORIENTATION OF BALTIC GRAVES: A MYTHOLOGICAL ... 11 ASTRONOMY IN LITHUANIAN ARCHAEOLOGY Astronomical interpretation of archaeological monuments and phenomena has been known in Europe for years. In Lithuania, astronomy acquired significance in the 1980s, when an archaeological expedition led by Vladas Zulkus discovered postholes on the Birute Hill in Palanga (Zulkus 1986), interpreted as a Curonian place for the observation of celestial bodies on the Baltic seacoast, dating to the late 14th to the 15th century AD (Klimka 1986). Shortly thereafter, data were made public about a stone circle discovered in the Uzpelkiai burial ground (Kretinga district) from which the points of the sunrise and the sunset on the horizon were sought (Bliujiene 1992: 76-77), as well as on the pits in the ancient settlement of Dauglaukis considered by researchers to have been "a site of spatial orientation" (Taurage district) (Malonaitis 1992: 47) Astronomical models were also applied to the interpretation of burial monuments. Mykolas Michelbertas related the orientation of the Late Iron Age grave pits to the directions of the sunrise and explained the variety of the burial directions by the fact that the deceased were buried in different seasons (Michelbertas 1986: 228; cf. Jaskanis 1974: 216-218). Eugenijus Jovaisa developed the statements in the dissertation devoted to the burial grounds of the 1st to 4th centuries in Central Lithuania (HoBafima 1987; 1989). In his opinion, on the day of the burial, the ancient inhabitants used to direct the bodies toward the visible point of the sunrise or the sunset: the bodies of women were oriented toward the point of the sunrise, and of men, toward the point of the sunset (Jovaisa 2002: 8). Jovaisa assumed that the graves beyond the boundaries of the interval of the sunrise directions (i.e., the solar arc) were directed toward the rising high Moon1 or the position of the Little Bear constellation (HoBafima 1989: 101; Jovaisa 2002: 8). When considering the setting of the sunrise and sunset azimuths on cloudy days, the author stated that, for such cases, "some astronomical equipment must have existed in the environment of the burial grounds" (Jovaisa 2002: 13). Jovaisa acknowledged that the numbers of the dead buried in different directions were very different and explained the fact by certain periods of an increased mortality rate: In winter and summer, burials were rare; most of the burials happened in spring (the end of February and March) and in autumn (the second half of October and the beginning of November). As one becomes familiar with works on medicine and biological climatology, the phenomenon no longer seems difficult to believe and even looks natural. (2002: 9) To substantiate the argument, the author presented the statistical data on the Lithuanian population mortality rates for 1925 to 1926. As demonstrated by them, the highest mortality rate in those years was in March and August, and especially high in December (18.63% of all the deceased over 1926), while in June, the mortality rate dropped to 15.75% (Jovaisa 2002:10). 1 Every 18.61 years, the Moon rises further north and south of the sunrise and sunset azimuths. 12- DAIVA VAITKEVICIENÈ, VYKINTAS VAITKEVICIUS Even though seasons affect people's physical and mental health, and therefore can affect the mortality rate, Jovaisa's substantiation to the effect that in the environs of Kaunas, Central Lithuania, over the period of the 1st to the 2nd century AD, most women died and were buried at the end of January through February and at the end of September through October, while most men died in the periods of February to the beginning of March and the end of September through October, seems unjustified (Jovaisa 2002: Fig. 8-9).2 A similar hypothesis of the directions of grave pits demonstrating seasonal trends in mortality rate was raised by the Danish researchers Klavs Randborg and Klaus Nybo, who believed the orientation of bodies in the Bronze Age graves to have depended on the day of the funeral. In their opinion, bodies in the Viking Age burial grounds near Birka in Central Sweden were buried in accordance with the season: in winter, in the North Hermland burial ground, during equinoxes, in the South Hermland burial ground, and in summer, in Borg (Randsborg, Nybo 1986: 170-171). In different areas of Lithuania, the directions of the burial of the dead in the Iron Age differed and were based on different models. To explain that, Jovaisa argued that, in the period of the 1st to the 5th century AD, the cult of the Little Bear prevailed in the lower reaches of the Nemunas River, while in Central Lithuania, "the cult of the Sun predominated, while the cult of the Moon and the Little Bear was much less noticeable" (2002: 15). Jovaisa accounted for the differences in the worldviews by relating them to economic activities (without any more detailed discussion); he also suggested that the increase in the graves oriented toward the north-south in Central Lithuania in the 3rd through the 5th century AD reflected the changes in the society: the rise of nobility whose graves could have been oriented toward the Little Bear in the north (2002: 14-15). To substantiate all these hypotheses, the author did not refer to the data of the Baltic mythology, Lithuanian ethnic astronomy, or the comparative research of cultural anthropology; therefore, they are to be considered mere guesses. ORIENTATION OF THE DEAD BODIES: ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND MYTHOLOGICAL CONCEPTIONS In their research documentation, archaeologists measure and indicate the position of the head of the deceased with respect to the cardinal points. If the bones of the body are entirely decayed, the axis of the grave pit is measured. Frequently the dimensions become very important characteristics of the archaeological culture or the ethnic burial custom; thus, for example, the Roman Iron Age Sudovian graves in barrow cemeteries are characterized by a north-south orientation (for more detail, see Michelbertas 1986: 73-77). Archaeologists are well aware of the fact that, after the introduction of Christianity, the heads of the deceased were first directed westwards. Thus, in the late 14th through 2 The celebration of the Eve of Lent (Mardi Gras) in spring (around February to March) was associated by some researchers with the burial of those who died in winter; however, in summer, there was no necessity or possibility to keep the bodies of the deceased unburied until autumn. THE SUN, THE MOON, AND THE ORIENTATION OF BALTIC GRAVES: A MYTHOLOGICAL ... 13 the 17th century, in the Alytus burial ground, as many as 912 bodies (82.2%) were buried with their heads towards the northwest, west, and southwest (Svetikas 2003: 147-149). Based on the Christian worldview, the deceased were obliged to look eastward: on the Last Judgment day, the Lord was to appear from there; only the deceased clergy could allegedly turn towards the deceased and thus face the west (Svetikas 2003: 49-150; cf. Zugaiar 2012: 6). For comparison, Lithuanians in the first half of the 20th century believed that the head of the deceased was to be directed southward or towards the tombstone crucifix: "it will be easier to suffer in hell" (Balys 1981: 821, 822). As argued by others, it was important to have "one of the grave pits facing the church, since, when the deceased stands up for the Last Judgement, he has to face the throne of God" (Balys 1981: 823, 824). As shown by the examples, the interpretation of the body orientation in the grave could have been based on different starting points: either refer to the direction of the face of the deceased, whose significance was emphasized by the Church, or to the direction of the head, usually recorded in the reports of archaeological excavations. In his statistical calculations, Jovaisa chose the direction of the head of the deceased as a reference point (HoBanma 1987), while Michelbertas spoke of the importance of the direction in which the deceased faced: "The faces of the dead were turned eastward, towards the land of the rising Sun, or westward, towards the one of the setting Sun" (Michelbertas 1986: 228). Zulkus, who investigated Western Lithuanian burial rites of the 8th through the 13th century AD, also settled for the direction in which the deceased faced: "The deceased men were buried so as to 'see' the world of the dead, and women, so as to 'see' the husband [...] In a patriarchal family, the supremacy of a man did not give rise to doubts" (Zulkus 1993: 32). Randsborg and Nybo, when studying the Bronze Age burial rites in Denmark, also chose the viewpoint as a reference point; they stated that the dead were buried facing the Sun: "At the same time we have supported the suggestion that we are not seeing different rules for graves with heads to the east and to the west. The 'facing' direction seems to be what is important in both cases" (Randsborg, Nybo 1986: 165). Given the fact that the reference point in archaeological research can be diametrically opposed - the direction of the head or the face of the deceased leads to different interpretations - it is necessary to look for new, hitherto unused data. We shall attempt to determine how the issue can be accounted for by Baltic mythology. It is very difficult to find arguments to justify the direction of the head of the deceased, as there are almost no mythological data on the subject, and any such considerations are essentially not promising. The direction of the face of the deceased, typical of the Christian tradition, looks much more promising: in accordance with it, a grave is understood as the place for the deceased to lie (rest) until the day of the Last Judgement comes. That is associated with keeping the vigil, watching, and waiting: the deceased is facing "the throne of God" which is to appear in the east. However, in the case of the prehistoric Baltic graves, the mythologemes of the vigil and resurrection do not apply. The sources of the Baltic mythology reflect a different way of thinking - the efforts made for the deceased to reach the world of the dead as quickly as possible and to negotiate the intermediate space in the shortest possible time; since that was related to the body 14- DAIVA VAITKEVICIENÈ, VYKINTAS VAITKEVICIUS decay process, the cremation of the body or other rites were used for the purpose. Proper burial of the body predetermined a successful transfer of the deceased to another world, while the deceased who was not buried could not leave the world of the living (for more detail, see Vaitkeviciene 2013). Different conceptions of the after-death state (the deceased person's waiting vs leaving, lying vs. moving) encouraged us to turn toward the Baltic burial grounds for the data related to the ability of the deceased to move and also to invite researchers to change the focus from the direction of the view of the deceased to that of the legs (feet, soles) and to the images of their leaving for another world. At that point, it is worth remembering Zulkus' reflections about the direction of orientation of the 8th through the 13th century AD graves in the peripheries of the Curonian and Samogitian lands, which could have depended on the topography of inter-tribal wastelands or larger or smaller uninhabited areas between the lands: "The graves of peripheral burial grounds were usually oriented towards the outside of the tribes and lands [...], depending on the direction in which the world of the dead was imagined to be" (Zulkus 1989: 108-110; 1993: 28-29)3. For comparison, a similar logic of burial was typical of the Viking Age burial grounds in Iceland, where the deceased were mainly buried in a position to have them looking away from homesteads (Zugaiar 2012: 158). In accordance with Lithuanian folklore, the souls of the buried dead never stayed in one place: they did not keep vigil but moved, walked, and travelled. Thus, for example, the retold dreams dealt with the inconveniences caused by improper grave goods: the daughter who had had the dowry linen cloth rolls put into her grave by her mother had to carry them everywhere and found it very difficult to walk. The mother who had had her daughter's dress put into the coffin by her sister had to keep the dress in her hands when walking so as not to drop it (Marcinkeviciene 1997: 24). It was very important not to bury a body with the legs tied (as they would not be able to walk); great attention was devoted to shoes that had to be convenient, not too tight or too large (Balys 1981: 546; Vaitkeviciene, Vaitkevicius 1998: 131, 132). Alternatively, the issue of shoes may have reflected the significance attached to them later, as, in the early 20th century, people in Dieveniskes (Salcininkai district) still believed that the deceased ought to be buried barefoot: "barefoot, they will run to God's judgment faster" (Racenaite 2011: 233). In addition, tales told about the paths of the souls, and in laments, the deceased was referred to as a "dear traveller" who was on a journey to his dead relatives (Zickiene 2003: 31; Racenaite 2011: 230). The Lithuanian burial rites of the first half of the 20th century witnessed close attention to the footwear of the deceased or to their feet, cf.: "in order not to be afraid of the dead, one has to kiss their soles or the big toe," or "when the father dies, the daughters and sons have to kiss his feet in order to live to the father's age" (Balys 1981: 483, 485). "Do not kiss the face, as you will mourn and cry for a long time. Kiss the feet; then you will promptly forget" (Vysniauskaite et al. 1995: 495). 3 However, it has to be noted that the precise boundaries between lands and tribes can be clearly seen only on small-scale maps (e.g., 1: 10,000,000), while detailed grave distribution plans witness, with some exceptions, the diversity of the orientation of the deceased, predetermined by a number of different factors. THE SUN, THE MOON, AND THE ORIENTATION OF BALTIC GRAVES: A MYTHOLOGICAL ... 15 The direction of orientation of the deceased, based on the feet as a point of reference, was witnessed by abundant ethnographical materials: the body was taken to the cemetery only feet first (Vysniauskaite et al. 1995: 454). For comparison, the adages "to turn the feet towards the door"(LKZ: XIV 65), "You will have enough of everything when you are lying feet to the door" (LTR 2746/202), or "(Somebody) returned home feet first" (LTR 5598/246) also referred to death. All these data provide grounds to believe that the image of the leaving deceased was typical of Baltic mythology, and it was specifically on this basis that the mythological conception of the grave orientation could have formed. Such a hypothesis contradicts the conclusions of Jovaisa's research, which placed emphasis on the direction of the head of the deceased, however, as we shall soon see, it supports the idea of his and other archaeologists that, in the equipment on the grave and the burial of the deceased, attention was paid to the Sun. SOULS AND THE SUN In the collection of Lithuanian folklore of the early 20th century, compiled by Lithuanian folklore collector Hubertas Gudelaitis, an adage from Svencionys district was recorded: "Have you put your feet together with the Sun's feet if you know so much of everything?" (LMD III 29/19-4). The saying "to put your feet together with somebody else's feet" means nothing else but lying in such a way that the soles of two individuals' feet would rest against one another. The adage looks puzzling and, at first glance, difficult to interpret due to an unexpected image: a reclining man puts his feet together with the Sun's feet. It calls for a wider explanation of the mythological context. Sunset in Baltic mythology was seen as the travelling of the Sun to another world. By setting each evening, the Sun went down a mythological road. Typically, from the sunset to nightfall, people used to set aside all their work, and they would call the time "the gray hour", a holy evening, or the Sun's path, cf. "After the sunset, the mistress of the house allowed the hired girls to leave their works: it was the time to celebrate the Sun's path" (LTT: 26323). It was a must to celebrate that time, and nobody could do any work, and particularly to spin, in order not to "spin" (to block up) the Sun's way. "Nobody can spin at sunset not to spin the Sun's feet (to block its movement)" (LTT: 26314), cf. "By spinning, you will spin (block) the Sun's paths" (LTR 792/131-44). The Balts believed that those who did not celebrate the "Sun's path" and ignored the prohibition would never be able to enter heaven (VIke-Freiberga 1995; Vaitkeviciene 2001: 136). In accordance with the Baltic worldview, the souls of the leaving dead were following the Sun along its path, and the rose garden cultivated by the Sun in heaven became their temporary abode (for more detail, see Vaitkeviciene 1997: 29-31). The adage "Have you put your feet together with the Sun's feet" was not the only one. It belonged to a large adage group in 55 versions, with the majority of them using God instead of the Sun, e.g. "You have not put your feet together with God's feet" (LTR 545/131-45). The comments of folkore collectors made it clear that the adage was used 16- DAIVA VAITKEVICIENÈ, VYKINTAS VAITKEVICIUS when doubting the possibility of predicting the future or knowing the time of death: "You never know what will be", "Do not pretend to know everything", "You are not in the coffin yet, so all kind of things may happen to you", "You do not know when you will die", "None of us negotiated our death with God, so we do not know", etc. (LPP: 515-516). The adages largely referred not to the general prediction of the future, but rather to not knowing the time of one's death, which was mentioned in the vast majority of the explanations and named in adages in which the Sun or the Moon were replaced by death personified, e.g. "You never know, having not put your fingers together with Death's fingers" (LTR 5213/214). Therefore, the adage "Have you put your feet together with the Sun's feet" could be seen as one of those rare cases when the adages could have preserved the message about the orientation of the deceased person's feet toward the sunset. The earliest source of the adage in question was Lexicon Germanico-Lithvanicum et Lithvanico-Germanicum by lexicographer Jokubas Brodovskis of the late 18th century, which recorded the following version: Darfu Diewu Pirfitais ne fudurei, pamokis Leilios Dienos [You have not yet put your fingers together with God's fingers, and hard days will teach you] (Lebedys 1956: 342). Brodovskis explained the meaning of the adage as "you have not yet seen the evenings of all the days", in other words, "you have not yet lived all of your life". Even if the Sun was not named in the adage, the evening mentioned in Brodovskis' explanation was a typical metaphor of the end of a human life. There were more Lithuanian proverbs and adages that referred to ancient burial rites; for example, when speaking of a debtor, people would say: "He will repay in ash after death" (LTR 545/131-85), "After his death, he will repay in coals" (LTR 3017/38), or "After my death, I'll repay in embers" (LTR 3859/841a). The proverbs take us back to the time when the cremation of the dead was practised in Lithuania (the earliest facts of cremation were known from the 14th to the 15th century, see Petrauskas 2017). When discussing the relationship between the burial rites and the Sun, it is important to note that the funeral time could have been adjusted to the position of the Sun in the sky. The idea is suggested by folk songs that revealed that funerals took place at sunrises or sunsets: in the transitional period when day turned into night or vice versa (the time is called sqvartos in Lithuanian, i.e. the shift or the change). As indicated by folk beliefs, the said period was also considered to be a typical time of death: people believed that "[nobody] died either in the daytime or at night, and if they died, it happened just seldom. What was different was the time of the sunvartos, i.e. either it was the end of the night or the end of the day" (Kriauza 1944: 21). Folklore and ethnographic data attached more importance to the sunset and night than to the sunrise. Night was directly related to the time of the dead, i.e. feasts to honour the dead were held in the night time (Vaitkeviciene, Vaitkevicius 1996: 214), and the eve of Christmas dinner, devoted to the dead of the family, would start after sunset, with the rise of the Evening Star (Venus) (Kudirka 1993: 86).4 The sunset brought the longing 4 Cf. The remains of the funeral dinner would be left on the table until sunrise, as the deceased, if they are satisfied with the funeral ceremony, return to the community that night and thank for the attention to them (Balys 1981: 94). THE SUN, THE MOON, AND THE ORIENTATION OF BALTIC GRAVES: A MYTHOLOGICAL ... 17 for dear people who were no longer alive; there is a tale about the mother who buried her daughter and who "in the evenings, after the Sun would hide behind the hill, would call: Buze, Buze, come home" (Basanavicius 1998: 227). The importance of the sunrise and sunset in the Baltic worldview is obvious; however, the need or the ability to accurately measure the point of the sunrise or sunset when digging a grave pit in prehistoric times gives rise to doubts. Based on Swedish archaeological materials, Jonathan Lindstrom pointed out that all the prehistoric graves in Sweden were basically oriented toward one of the cardinal points (directions), but not toward any specific astronomical azimuth (Lindstrom 1997: 119-121). Unfortunately, currently, we do not have sufficient knowledge or studies of the awareness of the cardinal points in the Baltic countries. Lithuanian ethno-astronomer Jonas Vaiskunas argued that the point of the midsummer sunrise in Lithuania was called high summer mornings, and of the sunset, high summer evenings; accordingly, the midwinter sun was rising in high winter mornings and setting in high winter evenings (Vaiskunas 2006: 171). In the 1784 topographical descriptions of parishes in Vilnius Deanery, the cardinal points were defined as summer and winter mornings (i.e. northeast and southeast) and summer and winter evenings (i.e. northwest and southwest). Between the summer and winter evenings, there was the north, or midnight, and between the winter mornings and evenings, the south, or midday. The remaining points were described as intermediate, e.g., between the north and summer mornings, between the summer and winter evenings, or between winter mornings and the south. In order to coordinate the mythological understanding of the orientation of the deceased, the data on the Sun's relationship with the souls, and the fact that, in a number of prehistoric burial grounds in Lithuania, men and women were buried in opposite directions, we need to examine the case of the Moon. THE SUN AND THE MOON The Sun had a great significance in the conceptions of death and burial, and its divine role in Baltic mythology was no less important, as reflected in hundreds of Latvian songs (Vike-Freiberga 1995). As gods and goddesses seldom acted alone, their significance and content were revealed as a result of their relationships with other gods. In Baltic mythology, the Sun, as the Goddess Sun, had a family: she was married to the Moon (a male God Moon), and their children were stars (Razauskas 2011: 137).5 At first, the heavenly family lived in harmony, but later they quarrelled and separated, and therefore, "now the Moon and the Sun never rise or set together" (Balys 1951: 8). The myth was based on the astronomical lunar cycle: the Waxing Crescent rose immediately after the sunset, and, as it got fuller, it started staying behind and appearing increasingly further away from the point of the sunset with every night. Finally, at the phase of the Full Moon, 5 The Moon and the Sun are extremely rarely called brother and sister; orphans would call them father and mother. 18- DAIVA VAITKEVICIENÈ, VYKINTAS VAITKEVICIUS the Moon rose in the east after the sunset and, after shining the whole night on the sky, towards the morning, he met the morning star Ausrine (Venus). According to the myth, he fell in love with her. The marriage of the Sun and the Moon was destroyed. Then God Perkunas of Lighting and Thunder, to defend order and justice, split the Moon with a sword, and it started shrinking (Reza 1958: 93). The Moon, often called "young God" in Lithuanian, like the Sun, was related to the souls of the dead, only in his own way. In Lithuanian prayers to the Moon, people asked, after their death, to stay in heaven with the Moon: "Oh young Moon, the Prince of Heaven - let my soul after my death be together with you in heaven" (Balys 1951: 12; Greimas 1990: 173). The studies of the mythological meanings of the Sun and the Moon's movement on the sky demonstrated that the round-the-clock solar cycle and the directions of its rise and setting, from the semantic viewpoint, correlated with the change in the lunar phases over a month, but not with the Moon's movement per 24 hours (for more detail, see Vaitkeviciene 2001: 134). The sunset and the meanings of the eastern direction (growth and vitality) corresponded to the meanings assigned to the Waxing Crescent; the time of the sunset and the western direction, which in folk beliefs was related to decay and death, correlated with the Waning Crescent, while the Sun's rise to the zenith at midday (the direction of the south) semantically corresponded to the Full Moon (Fig. 5)6. Fig. 5: A schematic of correlation of the Sun's movement on the sky and the mythological meanings of lunar phases. (Vaitkeviciene 2001: 134) In the case of the Moon, its appearance and disappearance during certain specific phases were given special prominence, as well as the fact that the direction of its appearance could change dramatically: from the west to the east. The Waxing Crescent, which was considered sacred in the Baltic tradition, appeared in the west, and this point more or less corresponded to the direction of the Sun's setting. However, the Full Moon, whenever it was the largest and the brightest, and by its shape similar to the solar disc, rose in the opposite side, in the east, like the Sun. The Full Moon that rose in the east, 6 True, the large annual solar cycle also has analogous meanings; however, we do not have any significant data on the mythological content of the time of the Moon's rise or setting. NORTH 'Vbe New Moon WEST 'The Waning Crescent SOUTH The Full Moon THE SUN, THE MOON, AND THE ORIENTATION OF BALTIC GRAVES: A MYTHOLOGICAL ... 19 only not in the morning, as the Sun, but in the evening, was the night-time equivalent of the Sun, moving along the same path of the sky, yet at a different time of the day. The Sun stayed on the sky in the daytime, and the Moon, at night; they replaced each other, as emphasized by a Latvian folk song: Oh, dear Sun, dear Moon, How nicely you change places: Where the Sun rises in the morning, The Moon comes in the evening (LDe 33735) In contrast, the opposition was evident not only when comparing the time of the day, but also the trajectory, which varied depending on the season: as proved by the materials of ethnoastronomy, the path on the sky travelled by the Sun in summer (rising in the northeast, rising high, and setting in the northwest) was travelled by the Moon in winter. Conversely, in winter, the Sun rose in the southeast, rose low, and set in the southwest, while in summer, that was a typical route of the Moon, as "the Moon follows the paths of the Sun" (Vaiskunas 2009: 14). Therefore, the directions of the rise and setting of the Sun and the Full Moon represented basically the same path, travelled by the celestial bodies at different times. The close relationships of the Sun and the Moon in the phase of the Waxing Crescent, followed by the disintegrating balance between them which led to the emerging opposition, were significant in many respects. That was the mythological reflection of the family ties of the gods in heaven. The story that repeated each month was dramatic; the setting Sun left its place to the Moon rising on the opposite side of the vault of heaven. At the breaking point, the Sun and the Full Moon were on one axis (the Sun in the west, and the Moon in the east), and they were almost equal in size, appearance, and power. All the power area, space, and time were equally divided between them. The opposition of the Sun and the Moon did not depend on the season, it repeated every month and could be clearly observed in the sky, and especially in a Full Moon, when, after the Sun had set in the west, the Moon rose in the east. The mythological model, which expressed the differences between the Sun and the Moon in their heavenly family, could have been used to interpret the directions of burial in the Baltic burial grounds. As the points of the rise and setting of the Sun, the appearence and disappearance of the Moon overlapped, it would be impossible to identify which celestial body they had been oriented toward, based merely on the directions of the body orientation. However, in such cases when men and women in the same burial ground were oriented in the opposite directions, as in Central Lithuania in the 1st to 4th century AD and in a number of other burial sites where the graves of men and women in the same (or parallel) rows7 were oriented in opposite directions (for illiustration see Bertasius 2005: 140, 147, 169, 183, etc.), the probability was high that not one, but two components had been used as 7 Based on the data of archaeological excavations, man and woman on that straight line evidently ought to be depicted with their heads put close together. 20- DAIVA VAITKEVICIENÈ, VYKINTAS VAITKEVICIUS reference points and that the gender polarization was based on the opposition of the Sun and the Moon. Both celestial bodies moved along the same route, and their travel time was synchronized: when setting (leaving), the Sun took away the day (light) to the world of the dead, while the Moon, bringing the night (darkness), opened the gate for souls. In compliance with such logic, in the model with two cosmological components, the best time for funerals was the sunset. CONCLUSIONS The statement by Eugenijus Jovaisa, established in the historiography of Lithuania, to the effect that, on the day of the funeral, Ancient Balts turned the dead bodies toward the visible points of the sunrise (women) or sunset (men) and that the directions of the grave pits in the burial grounds of Central Lithuania dating back to the 1st through the 4th century AD reflected seasonal trends in the mortality rates of the population, were supported by mere astronomical calculations, but not by the cultural research data. The authors of the present paper, in search for cultural justification, propose to apply the materials of Baltic mythology to the archaeological interpretation of the burial directions. The studies prove that the pre-Christian period was characterized not by the image of the waiting deceased, as in Christianity, but by that of leaving souls. The latter formed the mythological conception of the grave orientation in which significance was assigned to the direction of the feet, and not of the head, of the deceased; for the reconstruction, adages are meaningful that depict a human being, resting the feet against the feet of the Sun (God, Death). In Baltic mythology, the image of the Sun's feet is closely related to the sunset, which is represented as the setting of the Sun, i.e. its leaving for another world along with a mythological path. Given the fact that, in numerous Baltic prehistoric burial grounds, men and women were buried in opposite directions, not only the data on the Sun but also on the Moon are significant. The astronomical confrontation of the Sun and the Moon in the sky makes it possible to hypothesize that in such cases, when the graves of men and women, by observing the east-west axis, were oriented in opposite directions, the burial rites could have been affected by the mythological images of the heavenly family - the Sun (wife) and the Moon (husband). However, the impact of those two celestial bodies on burial rites is believed to have been based not on the azimuth calculations, but on the division of the surrounding environment into two, four, six, and possibly even eight parts. The mythological meanings of those spatial sections have yet to be thoroughly investigated. THE SUN, THE MOON, AND THE ORIENTATION OF BALTIC GRAVES: A MYTHOLOGICAL ... 21 BIBLIOGRAPHY Apals, Jänis; Atgäzis, Maris; Graudonis, Jänis; Loze, Ilze; Mugurevics; Vasks, Andrejs; Zagorska, Ilga, 2001. Latvijas senäka vesture. 9. g. t. pr. Kr. - 1200. g. Riga: Latvijas vestures institüta apgäds. Balys, Jonas (ed.), 1951: Tautosaka apie dangn. Sodus, Mich.: J. J. Bachunas. Balys, Jonas (ed.), 1981: Mirtis ir laidotuves. Lietuvi^ liaudies tradicijos. Silver Spring, Md: Lietuviq tautosakos leidykla (Lietuviq tautosakos lobynas 9) (in quotes, the belief number is indicated). Basanavicius, Jonas (ed.), 1998: Is gyvenimo veli^ ir velniVilnius: Lietuviq literatüros ir tautosakos institutas (Jono Basanaviciaus tautosakos biblioteka 7). Bertasius, Mindaugas, 2005. Marvele. Ein Gräberfeld Mittellitauens. Kaunas: Kauno technologijos universitetas. Bliujiene, Audrone, 1992. Uzpelkiq kapinyno tyrimai 1990 ir 1991 m. Archeologiniai tyrinejimai Lietuvoje 1990 ir 1991 metais, Vilnius, 73-77. Greimas, Algirdas Julius, 1990: Tautos atminties beieskant. Apie dievus ir zmones. Vilnius - Chicago: Algimanto Mackaus knygq leidimo fondas. Jaskanis, Jan, 1974: Obrzqdekpogrzebowy zachodnich baltöw u schylku starozytnosci (I-Vw.n.e.). Wroclaw - Warszawa - Krakow - Gdansk: Zaklad narodowy imienia Ossolinskich (Biblioteka archeologiczna 23). Jovaisa, Eugenijus, 2002. Dangus baltq gyvenime. Istorija LIV, Vilnius, 3-16. Kazakevicius, Vytautas, 1993: Plinkaigalio kapinynas. Vilnius: Mokslo ir enciklopedijq leidykla (Lietuvos archeologija 10). Klimka, Libertas, 1986. Apie astronominq Palangos alko statinio paskirtj. Lietuvos istorijos metrastis 1985, Vilnius, 36-43. Korzonaite, Edita, 2003. Sakmiq, tikejimq ir paprociq sqveikos. Tautosakos darbai XIX (XXVI), 84-94. Kriauza, Albinas, 1944. Vaikq mirtis ir laidojimas. Gimtasai krastas 32, Vilnius, 20-25. Kudirka, Juozas, 1993: Lietuviskos Kücios ir Kaledos: etnografine istorine studija. Vilnius: Vaga. Kurila, Laurynas, 2013. Some Remarks on the Orientation of the Dead: Examples from Two East Lithuanian Barrow Cemeteries. Estonian Journal of Archaeology 17: 1, Tallinn, 38-56. DOI: 10.3176/arch.2013.1.03 LDe - Barons, K.; Visendorfs, H. Latvju Dainas / 1. Jelgavä, 1894; /2-6. Peterburgä, 1903-1915. Krisjäna Barona „Dainu skäpis": http://www.dainuskapis.lv Lebedys, Jurgis (ed.), 1956: Smulkioji lietuviq tautosaka XVII-XVIII a. Priezodziai, patarles, m{sles. Vilnius: Valstybine grozines literatüros leidykla. Lindström, Jonathan, 1997. The Orientation of Ancient Monuments in Sweden. A Critique of Archaeoastronomy and Alternative Interpretation. Current Swedish Archaeology 5, Stockholm, 111-125. LKZ 1941-2002. Lietuviq kalbos zodynas I-XX, Kaunas - Vilnius (the volume of the dictionary is indicated). LMD. The Funds of Folklore Collections of the Lithuanian Scientific Society in the Lithuanian Folklore Archives (the numbers of the volume and the unit are indicated). LPP 2000: Lietuviq patarles ir priezodziai 1. Grigas, Kazys; Kudirkiene, Lilija (eds.). Vilnius : Lietuviq literatüros ir tautosakos institutas. 22- DAIVA VAITKEVICIENÈ, VYKINTAS VAITKEVICIUS LTR. The Lithuanian Folklore Archives of the Institute of the Lithuanian Literature and Folklore (the numbers of the volume and the unit are indicated). LTT 1940-1941. Latviesu tautas ticejumi 1-4. Smits, Peteris (ed.). Riga: Latviesu folkloras kratuves izdevums ar kulturas fonda pabalstu (in quotes, the belief number is indicated). Marcinkevicienè, Nijolè, 1997. Zmonès apie mirt; ir pomirtin; gyvenim^. Liaudies kultura, 5(56), 19-27. Malonaitis, Arvydas, 1992. Dauglaukio gyvenvietès tyrinèjimai. Nemuno delta: tyrimai ir atradimai 2, Dauglaukis, 46-48. Michelbertas, Mykolas, 1986: Senasis gelezies amzius Lietuvoje. I—IVamzius. Vilnius: Mokslas. Michelbertas, Mykolas, 1997: Paragaudziopilkapynas. Vilnius: Vilniaus universiteto leidykla. Petrauskas, Gediminas, 2017. Laidosena viduramzi^ Lietuvoje: mirusi^¡^ deginimo paprotys. Daktaro disertacija. Vilniaus universitetas, 2017. Racènaitè, Radvilè, 2011: Zmogaus likimo ir mirties samprata lietuvi^folklore. Vilnius: Lietuviq literatures ir tautosakos institutas. Randsborg, Klavs; Nybo, Claus, 1986. The Coffin and the Sun. Demography and Ideology in Scandinavian Prehistory, Acta archaeologica 55, Copenhagen, 161-183. Svetikas, Eugenijus, 2003: Alytaus kapinynas: christianizacijos saltiniai. Vilnius: Diemedzio leidykla. Razauskas, Dainius, 2011. Dievo vaikaitis: zmogaus vieta lietuviq kosmologijoje. Tautosakos darbai 42, Vilnius, 131-158. Rèza, Liudvikas, 1958. Lietuvi^ liaudies dainos, t. 1. Paruosè J. Jurginis ir B. Kmitas. Vilnius: Valstybinè grozinès literatures leidykla. Vaiskunas, Jonas, 1997. Kai kurie archeoastronominiai Rasos sventès aspektai. Liaudies kultura 3, Vilnius, 20-21. Vaiskunas, Jonas, 2006. The Observation of Celestial Bodies and Time Counting in the Lithuanian Folk Culture. Soltysiak, Arkadiusz (ed.), Time and Astronomy in Past Cultures. Proceedings of the Conference. Warszawa - Torun, 167-188. Vaiskunas, Jonas, 2009. Zinios apie dangaus sviesulius Griskabudzio apylinkèse. Liaudies kultura 5, Vilnius, 13-29. Vaitkunskienè, Laima, 1979. Gintaliskès kapinynas. Lietuvos archeologija 1, Vilnius, 44-75. Vaitkunskienè, Laima, 1995: Pagrybio kapinynas. Vilnius: Diemedzio leidykla (Lietuvos archeologija 13). Vaitkevicienè, Daiva, 1997. Saulès sodai. Liaudies kultura 1, Vilnius, 27-35. Vaitkevicienè, Daiva, 2001: Ugnies metaforos. Lietuvi^ ir latvi^ mitologijos studija. Vilnius: Lietuviq literatures ir tautosakos institutas. Vaitkevicienè, Daiva (ed.), 2008: Lietuvi^ uzkalbèjimai: gydymo formulés. Vilnius: Lietuviq literatures ir tautosakos institutas. Vaitkevicienè, Daiva, 2013. Paukstè, kylanti is pelenq: pomirtinis persikunijimas pasakose. Tau- tosakos darbai 46, Vilnius, 71-106. Vaitkevicienè, Daiva; Vaitkevicius, Vykintas, 1998. Mirtis, laidotuvès ir atminai. Tautosakos darbai IX (XVI), Vilnius, 204-261 (in quotes, the belief number is indicated). Vaskeviciùtè, Ilona, 2000. Stungiq kapinynas. Lietuvos archeologija 20, Vilnius, 225-262. Vike-Freiberga, Vaira, 1995. Kosmologiska saule: si saule, viça saule un saules cejs starp abam. Jauna Gaita 203, Riga, 21-36. THE SUN, THE MOON, AND THE ORIENTATION OF BALTIC GRAVES: A MYTHOLOGICAL ... -23 Vysniauskaité, Angelé; Kalnius, Petras; Paukstyté, Rasa, 1995: Lietuvity seima irpaprociai. Vilnius: Mintis. Zugaiar, Adriana, 2012: The orientation of pagan graves in Viking Age Iceland. MA Icelandic and North Atlantic Archaeology Faculty of History and Philosophy Háskóli islands, Reykjavik. Zickiené, Ausra, 2003. Veliuonos raudos XIX ir XX a., Tautosakos darbai XVIII (XXV), Vilnius, 30-36. Zulkus, Vladas, 1986. Birutés kalnas ir gyvenvieté Palangoje. Lietuvos istorijos metrastis 1985, Vilnius, 21-35. Zulkus, Vladas, 1989. Tarpgentinés dykros ir mirusij pasaulis balt^ pasauléziüroje. Zulkus, Vladas (ed.), Vakarty balty archeologija ir istorija. Tarprespublikinés mokslinés konferencijos medziaga. Klaipéda: Rytas, 107-116. Zulkus, Vladas, 1993. Mirusij pasaulis balt^ pasauléziüroje (archeologijos duomenimis). Ze-maiciif. praeitis 2, Vilnius, 23-35. HoBanma, ^yreHHroc .»ohobhh, 1987: ^umpaxbuax Humea b I—IV bb. (ua Mamepuaxax no^pe6anbHblx naMnmnuKoe). Aemopetyepam duccepma^u Ha coucKanueyuenou cmeneuu Kaududama ucmopmecmx uayK. KueB. HoBañma, ^y^eHHMC .sohobhh, 1989. MHp0B033peHHe 6&ttob no gaHHMM npocTpaHCTBeHHoro opeHTHpoBaHHa u BHyTpeHHero ycTpoñcTBa norpeßeHHH ^mpantHoñ .Hhtbm I-IV bb. Zulkus, Vladas (ed.), Vakarty balty archeologija ir istorija. Tarprespublikinés mokslinés konferencijos medziaga. Klaipéda: Rytas, 92-107. 24- DAIVA VAITKEVICIENÈ, VYKINTAS VAITKEVICIUS CO-TC^E, nyHA H OPHEHTAqHfl BAHTCKHX norPEBEHHH: MHOOnorH^ECKHH HA APXEOHOrH^ECKyro nPOBHEMy ^ahba Bahtk^bhhehe, Bhkhhtac Bahtk^bhtoc OOO B jhtobckoh HCToponrpa^HH 3aKpenneH0 nono^eHue apxeonora ^. HoBañma o tom, hto gpeBHHe 6anTH cbohx noKOHHuKOB b geHB noxopoH opueHTupoBa-nu b TOHKy Bocxoga (^h^uh) nu6o 3axoga Cojh^ (My^^HH); opHeHTa^Ha MorunBHtix aM b MorunBHuKax ^HTpajBH0H .hutbh I-IV bb. aKo6ti 0Tpa»aeT ce3GHHHe TeHgeH^HH CMepTHGCTu u CBugeTenBCTByeT o tom, htg b TeHeHuu roga 6tmu gBa ocHOBHtie nepuoga noxopoH - BeceHHuñ u oceHHuñ, KOToptie b CBoro OHepegB MoryT 6htb conocTaBneHti c HeKHMH KaneHgapHtiMH npa3gHHKaMH. ^TH u HeKOToptie gpyrue nono^eHua He6tmu aBTopoM 060CH0BaHH gaHHHMu 6anTCK0H MH^OnOrHH, JHTOBCKOH ^TH0aCTp0H0MHH, HCCjegOBaHMMH KyjBTyp-hhx aHTpononoroB gpyrux CTpaH u HapogoB. no ^TGMy nono^eHM HoBanma aBTopa CTaTBH CHuTaroT ramB npegnono^eHuaMu. B gaHHOM HCcnegoBaHHH MaTepuanti 6anTCKoñ apxeonoruu Ham B3raag ot penuruu cnaceHua - gna xpucTuHCTBa xapaKTepHO o6pa^eHue nu^ noKOHHHKa HB BGCTGK - HanpaBnaeT Ha Horn jjh6o CTynHu; ^uBtie CTpeMunucB htg-6h gyma noKOHHHKa gocTHraa MHp yMepmux 3a caMoe KopoTKoe BpeMa. 060CH0BaH0 MHeHue, htg gja nepuoga 6anTCKGH penuruu 6tmG xapaKTepeHG npegcraBneHue He o^Hflaro^Hx, a yxoga^ux gym. HMeHHO TaKGBG npegcTaBneHHe cy^ecTBeHHG Bnuano Ha MH^onoruHecKoe noHUMaHue opHeHTa^HH Morun gpeBHux 6anT0B. ^na gaHHGH peKGHCTpy^uu 6onBmoe 3HaHeHue uMeroT noroBopKu (caMaa gpeB-Haa u3 hux 6tma BKnyneHa b ^HT0BCK0-HeMe^KHH cnoBapB Havana XVIII b.), KGTopHe u3o6pa®aroT HenGBeKa u cgjh^ CTBiKHyTtiMu Me^gy co6oñ HoraMu (b HeKGTGpHx BapuaTax Ha MecTe Cgjh^ TaK^e u3o6pa®aeTca Bor nu6o CMepTB). B 6ajTCK0H mu^ojofuu Mu^unecKoe npegcTaBjeHue o Horax CojHga aBjaeTBca TecHO CBa3aHHM c 3axogoM Cojh^, KOToptin no CBoeñ Mepe u3o6pa»aeTca KaK yxog no Mu^unecKGH goporon b uhhgh Mup. H3BecTHG TaK^e noBepue g tgm, htg Bce Te, KOTopHe HeoTMeHaroT «goporu Cojh^» (3to nopa gHa Me^gy 3axogoM Cojh^ u cnnomHHx cyMepeK) nocne CMepTu HenonagyT b He6ecHoe ^pcTBO. CTpeMacB coHTeHua Me^gy Mu^unecKOM noHuMaHuu opHeHTa^HH noKoñ-hukob u gaHHHx o CBa3u Cojh^ c gymaMu MepTBtix, a TaK^e ynuTHBaa ^aKT hto b 6onBmeHCTBe npegucTopunecKux MorunBHuKOB gpeBHux 6anT0B c Tpyno-nno^eHuaMu My^^uHti u «eH^uHti 6tmu noxopoHeHH b npoTuBonono^Htix HanpaBneHuax, b ganBHeñmee uccnegoBaHue 6tma BKnroneHa TaK^e .HyHa. B 6anTCKon Mu^onoruu Cojh^ (Lith. Saulé, fem.) uMeeT ceMBro: OHa bh-xoguT 3aMy» 3a HyHy (Lith. Ménulis, masc.), 3Be3gti CHuTaroTBca ux geTBMu. TecHHe CBa3u Me^gy Co^H^eM u HyHon, KOToptie no3»e pa3BanuBaroTBca u npeBpa^aroTBca b K0H^p0HTa^Hro, bo MHorux OTHomeHuax Ba^Hti. no cy^e-CTBy, 3T0 Mu^unecKoe OTpa^eHue ceMeñHHx CBa3eñ HenoBenecTBa, ceMeHHaa gpaMa He6ecHHx 6oroB, KOTopaa noBTopaeTBca Ka^gHH Meca^. Heo6xoguM0 THE SUN, THE MOON, AND THE ORIENTATION OF BALTIC GRAVES: A MYTHOLOGICAL ... 25 nognepKHyrt, hto b ToHKe pa3noMa ConH^ h .yHa HaxogyTtca tohho Ha npa-Myro, OHH paBHo^HHti BenrnHHon, BHgoM h cnnon; no poBHtiM nonoM Me^gy HHMH pa3geneHa Bca BnacTt, npocTpaHCTBo h BpeMa. 3axoga Ha 3anage ConHue ycTynaeT MecTo gna nonHoñ .yHti, KoTopaa cTaHoBHTtca BHgHMon Ha BocToKe. ^To acTpoHoMH^ecKoe aBneHHe aBnaeTtca MH^onorHHecKHM öTpa^eHHeM 6uonorHHecKHx pa3nHHHË Me^gy nonaMH. noaBnaeTtca bo3mo»hoctb no gpyroMy cMoTpeTt Ha opHeHTa^Hro yMepmtix y gpeßHHx 6anToß: ochobhbim ^aKTopoB gna opeffraauH Mornn My^^HH h ®eH^HH b npoTHBonono^HoM HanpaBneHHH b MornntHHKax ^HTpantHon .htbbi I-IV bb. aBnaeTtca He ogHH H3 a3HMyToB (Hanp., tohkh Bocxoga ConH^), Bti6paHBin apxeonoraMH, a o^Haa cTaBKa Me^gy ConH^M h .yHon, gna kotopoh nopa roga HeHMeeT HHKaKoro 3Ha^eHHa; oHa o^eBHgHa Ka^gtin Meca^ npn nonHon .yHe. A3HMyTH Bocxoga h 3axoga ConH^, TaK^e tohkh noaBneHHa .yHBi nepe-ceKaroTtca, no ^TOMy opHeHTa^Ha yMepmnx no HanpaBneHHro BocToK-3anag HeMo^eT oTBeTHTB Ha KoHKpeTHHE Bonpoc b cTopoHy ConH^ nn6o .ymi ohh 6tinH HanpaBneHH. B ^THx cny^aeB, Korga b ogHoM MornntHHKe My^^HHti h »eH^HHH 3axapoHeHH no npoTHBonono^HtiM HanpaBneHHaM, BepoaTHo, Bnna-HHe Ha ^TO npoH3Benn o6a He6ecHtie Tena, TaK^e o6^aa nonoBaa ^onapH3a^Ha, ocHoBaHHa Ha KOH^poHTa^HH ConH^ h .yHH; KpoMe Toro, cnega 3a Mogenntro c gByMa KocMonoraHecKHMH KoMnoHeHTaMH, caMtiM npaBHntHtiM BpeMeHeM gna noxopoH aBnanca 3axog ConH^. Ph. D. Daiva Vaitkeviciene, Department of Folk Narrative, The Institute of Lithuanian Literature and Folklore, Antakalnio Street 6, LT-10308, Vilnius, Lithuania, daiva.vaitkeviciene@gmail.com Ph. D., Prof. Vykintas Vaitkevicius, Institute of Baltic Region History and Archaeology, University of Klaipeda, Herkaus Manto Street 84, LT-92294, Klaipeda, Lithuania, vykintas.vaitkevicius@gmail.com 21 Studia MYTHOLOGICA Slavica 2018 -27 - 37- The Storm God and the Hunter: A Fragment of an Old Balto-Slavic Epos? — Patrice Lajoye - A comparison of a group of Lithuanian, Polish, and Russian legends implying a thunderous character, with a passage from the Mahabharata, an ancient Indian epos, allows us to reconstruct a fragment of the myth of the Baltic and Slavic thunderstorm god. KEYWORDS: Perun, Perkunas, storm god, divine weapon, hunter Our knowledge of the Slavic god Perun has grown considerably over the past 30 years, in particular through works and monographs (Klejn 2004; Lajoye, 2015) that have criticized and refined the fundamental essays of Vyacheslav Ivanov and Vladimir Toporov (Ivanov 1958; Ivanov & Toporov 1965, 1970, 1974, 2002). The personality of the god, as well as certain modalities of his worship, are now well known. However, it should be noted that apart from the reconstruction of the cycle of the calendar fights against Veles, proposed by Ivanov and Toporov, no mythological narrative seems to have been preserved. A BALTO-SLAVIC MYTH However, a particular mythological fragment was pointed out in by Louis Leger (1901: 64-65). This fragment, from the region of Sandomir, Polish Galicia, was first published in 1881 with a German translation: A lord went hunting on Sundays before mass. One day, he went and walked until he could no longer hunt: it was time to go to mass. But now a black cloud is coming, and it begins to thunder in the distance. The lord looks and sees on the river a large ugly bird lying on a stone. Then he thinks in himself: "I haven't yet captured anything." He remembered that for seven years he had carried a holy bullet in his sack. And without too much thought, he removed the ammunition from his rifle to place the holy bullet in, he fired and the bird fell from the stone on the ground. Then he approached 28- PATRICE LAJOYE it, lifted it up and looked at it, for he had never seen such a bird, and he said to himself: "What a pity to have used this bullet on such an ugly bird." Then someone shouted behind him: "Don't worry, I ran after this bird for seven years without being able to reach it. While you were aiming at it, I was targeting you. If you had not killed it, I would have killed you." The lord was frightened, looked around him, and saw before him an immense man, like a tree, holding a rifle as big as a log. It was Peron (Pieron), who took the lord by the hand and talked long with him. They examined their guns, he (Peron) told him not to hunt on Sunday, and he flew away like the wind (Matusiak 1881: 641-642)." What Louis Leger had not seen is that this text is not isolated in the Slavic domain. Indeed, there is a Russian version, collected at Simbirsk (now Ulyanovsk), which replaces Pieron with the prophet Elijah: The prophet Elijah and the archer. There was once an archer (strelec) who had gone to the lake, and the thundering prophet Elijah had brought a thundering cloud over the lake. The archer hid from the storm in the bushes, and saw that a human head came out of the water and hid under it. Each time lightning appeared, the head was under water. The thunder strikes at this place, but fails to kill him (in the water). "What kind of man is he? I'll shoot at him." He fired and a dead man appeared. The archer got scared of killing a man and complained. He fled, when he met an old man, Elijah himself. — Were you on the lake? asked the latter. — Yes. — Did you kill a man? — No. — No? Tell me, did you kill him? — No. He didn't confess, you know. —Yes, you did, do not fear, said Elijah. You killed the devil. You helped me. I aimed at him, aimed at him, but I couldn't kill him with lightning. With that, take my gun here, I give it to you. With this gun, whatever you aim at, you will hit. The archer took the rifle and began to shoot down everything he saw. This made his barin [lord] envious. —Sell it, yes, sell it to me! — No, for nothing in the world. — Then let us fight. If you kill me (and the barin was a sorcerer), it will be yours, but if not, the rifle will be mine. The barin sits on the bell-tower, where the bells hang. —Shoot! THE STORM GOD AND THE HUNTER: A FRAGMENT OF AN OLD BALTO-SLAVIC EPOS? 29 The archer pulled the trigger and hit the barin on the shoulder. —Well, you didn't kill me. Give me the rifle! The archer didn't give it. —I touched you, he said. — Well, said the barin, now shoot this cross, if you can break it. But two pigeons had sat on the cross. Then, the archer aimed very carefully, and he touched the cross and killed the two pigeons. For that Elijah blinded him, and the barin took the rifle and started shooting for himself. (Sadovnikov 1884: n°93, 282) Better still, there are several Lithuanian versions. One of the first ones was published in 1894 in Polish by Mecislovas Davainis-Silvestraitis: Tale of Perkunas. A hunter (strzelec) had gone into the forest. He walked, walked, and went astray. Then a storm broke out, with lightning and thunder. The hunter hid under a pine tree. Then he noticed that as soon as the lightning (perkunas) struck, a devil jumped out of a hollow tree, shouting like a goat. The hunter took his rifle with a scapular. As soon as the lightning (perkunas) struck, the devil came out quickly and shouted like a goat. He shot it. Guts fell from the hollow tree. Perkunas struck these guts. The rain stopped. The hunter found his way back home. On the way he saw a black man, who said to him, "Thank you, very humbly. For fifteen years, I pursued this devil and I could not kill him. You helped me kill him. I will give you a horn of lead and a horn of powder, such that you will never need to buy it again." (Davainis-Silvestraitis 1894, t.2:62-63) Other versions were subsequently published, such as this one: Perkunas hunts a devil (Perkunas medzioja velniq). On the land of a peasant, not far from his house, there was a large rock on which a black cat appeared when the storm came [when lightning passed and thundered]. The cat danced and laughed at Perkunas - he was possessed by a devil (a devil had turned into a cat). Perkunas couldn't bear the devil, but couldn't defeat him, beat him. He had never ceased striking this mocking cat on his rock, but he couldn't beat the black cat, the devil. The peasant decided he had to get rid of this black cat. He had heard that it was possible to shoot down the devil himself with a silver bullet. As the storm rumbled, when the black cat appeared on the rock and began to mock Perkunas, the peasant, slowly walked along the edge of the field, not to be seen by the cat, and shot it down. The black cat fell in an instant from the rock. At the same time, Perkunas struck the spot of the rock where the cat had perished [i. e. before its fall]. Then Perkunas (in the form of a giant of fire, like a 30- PATRICE LAJOYE column, in fire-clothes, with two long arrows in each hand) appeared to the hunter, showing him the arrows, and said: "I have used many of these arrows, but I haven't been able to shoot the devil. Thank you for helping me to free myself from this evil." Perkunas didn't really support the devil, he was exhausted by him, for it seemed that the devil was more powerful than him. Yet Perkunas also has the faculty to transform himself into a man or some other creature. (Balys, 1938: 53) And this one: There was once strong thunder, and it was raining a lot. A hunter, seated under a tree, took his trouble in patience. There was a large hollow tree nearby; at the very moment the thunder roared, a cat took its head from the hollow of the tree and made a mocking mimic: — Ve ve ve ve. The hunter loaded his rifle with a silver bullet and waited. As soon as the thunder growled, the cat pulled out his head to make fun of it - he made "bang bang" on the cat, and it exploded. The thunder stops scolding, the lightning bolts illuminate the sky, so the hunter returns home. On the way he meets a man who says to him: — Thank you for shooting down this creature of evil! I brought him with me from the third kingdom, but I couldn't handle it. Here, now I give you three bullets. Here is what you can do with it: put one on the palm of your hand and blow in the direction of a very large object - immediately it will disappear. And he went away. The hunter took them and tried one: he laid it on his palm and blew it to a very large oak - and it flew into a thousand shards. As for the hunter, he deposited the two [remaining] bullets in a church. (Slanciauskas 1975:160) The latest version was finally published in 1979: The shot devil. A hunter of hares came to a shelter. A cloud had come, the thunder had begun to scold. He looked under a stone and saw a beast, like a kitten. The thunder struck again under the stone. A little later, the creature came out again and showed her buttocks to the cloud. The hunter's rifle fired, and it collapsed. The hunter looked - the beast did not look like a hare. And it was a little devil. An old man approached him. — Who shot here? He asked. He showed himself. — You've got a good rifle! I shot and shot, but I missed it. The old man was Perkunas. He suggested to the hunter: THE STORM GOD AND THE HUNTER: A FRAGMENT OF AN OLD BALTO-SLAVIC EPOS? 31 — Let's exchange our rifles! He handed the hunter a rifle as long as a finger. — All you have to do is aim, and you can even touch a bird, even a fish. A raven flies, you aim it - then it will fall. But do not touch the trigger! They made the exchange. The hunter went home. He began to catch rabbits and roes. Three years he lived well, and even better. He had a farm, a wife, children. But then it passed through his mind to try to pull the trigger. He raised the hammer, then he pressed. How great was the thunder! The hunter shuddered. And the old Perkunas arrived: — What have you done? He threw his old rifle to the hunter. — Here, take it. In fact, you smashed a third of the universe! And on these words, he snatched his little rifle from his hands. The hunter went home, looked - all the houses were ransacked. After that, there was no more thunder for three years. From that moment, old Perkunas never gave his rifle to others. (Velius 1979, Russian trans. 2010: 59-61). As we can see, these six texts may diverge on details, but on the whole, they are based on the same framework: Motif Galicia Russia Lithuania 1 Lithuania 2 Lithuania 3 Lithuania 4 Character A lord A hunter (strelec) A hunter (strzelec) A peasant A hunter A hunter When? Every Sunday before mass He gets lost X X A storm breaks X X X X X X out At the water's A river A lake edge The hunter hides In bushes Under a pine tree A creature is on X X X (under a stone the stone) A creature is in a X X hollow tree Creature type A great bird A devil with a human head A little devil A black cat A cat A cat Lightning X X X X X strikes but does not touch the creature The hunter uses A blessed A rifle with A silver A silver a special weapon bullet a scapular bullet bullet 32- PATRICE LAJOYE A voice sounds X A thundering Pieron Saint Elijah Perkunas Perkunas Perkunas? Perkunas character Very large X X Similar to a X X column/tree A weapon in his A rifle Arrows A rifle hand Thanks the X X X X X X hunter Declares to hunt For 7 years X For 15 years X X the creature for a long time, with- out success While threaten- X ing him Says something Do not hunt to the man on Sundays Gives something A rifle that A horn of Three A rifle that to the man can hit any- lead and bullets that can hit any- thing that is a horn of can make thing that is targeted powder, both inexhaustible anything vanish targeted The man ac- He shoots a He breaks a complishes an church at a taboo about impious act bet against a sorcerer the rifle and destroys a third of the universe The thundering X The hunter X character picks let the re- up the weapon maining two bullets into a church This great coherence between the different versions, and the fact that they all concern a thundering character, whether he is pagan (Pieron, Perkunas) or Christian (Saint Elijah), shows that we are not dealing with a legend type, but with a myth related to the ancient storm god. Although it is more widely held in Lithuania than elsewhere, it is difficult to say whether the Slavs borrowed it from the Balts: it is easier at this stage of the research to talk about a common Balto-Slavic myth. All these texts show a particularly folklorized topic: the hunter gets a gun, and it is this weapon, or its ammunition that the thundering character can give as a reward for the killing of the demonic creature. In the same way, a holy bullet, or a rifle with a scapular are sometimes mentioned, which are signs of Christianization. However, some evidence shows that the background can be particularly archaic. Thus, in the Russian version, the hunter is designated by a word that was not commonly used in the 19th century: strelec, a term used to designate the equivalent of musketeers in the time of Peter the Great, THE STORM GOD AND THE HUNTER: A FRAGMENT OF AN OLD BALTO-SLAVIC EPOS? 33 and which means "archer". This same term is used in the Polish translation of the first Lithuanian tale. This could indicate that the hunter was originally an archer. One of the Lithuanian texts also shows us Perkunas not with a rifle but with arrows. In any case, it is possible to propose the reconstruction of the following story: a hunter is lost in the forest and arrives near a river or a lake, where he sees a demonic creature. A storm breaks out, lightning strikes but does not kill the creature. The hunter uses a special weapon (bullet or rifle) to kill the creature. Then the storm god appears and offers the hunter special weapons. The latter, however, performs an impious act, and the storm god takes the weapons back. COMPARISONS This reconstructed narrative is based on two major elements: a hunter kills a creature that a god could not reach; for this, he receives, as a reward, fabulous weapons. The motif of the human hero who helps a god to defeat an otherwise invulnerable adversary is present in many Indo-European mythologies: in Greece, the presence of Heracles is indispensable to the gods to defeat the Giants; in India, Arjuna is the only one capable of helping Indra to beat the Nivatakavaca demons. The meeting of the hero and the god is done most often during a hunt, while the two dispute a prey. The conflict is then resolved when the hero agrees to fight the enemies of the god (Sterckx 2015). However, in the case of our Balto-Slavic accounts, the enemy of the god and the prey are one, and his killing by the hero is at the origin of the gratitude expressed by the god, who then offers a weapon. Although similar, the respective structures of the two types of motifs are not quite the same. The motif of the gift of a fabulous weapon by a god to a hero is relatively rare, at least in the Indo-European domain. Heracles receives a cuirass from Hephaestus, a horse from Poseidon, a peplos from Athena, a sword from Hermes, but also and especially bow and arrows, which will become his main weapons (with the club that will be made by himself), from Apollo (Diodorus Siculus, Library: II, 4, 11; Apollodorus, Library: IV, 14, 3). This same Apollo also gives a bow to Orestes, son of Agamemnon, to enable him to drive out the Erynia who assail him (Euripides, Orestes: 268-271). In the Caucasus, in an Ossetian tale, the Nart Soslan receives a sword from Uastyrdzi - Saint George (Dumézil 1965: 71-73). In France, God, through the intermediary of an angel and Charlemagne, had given the sword Durandal to Roland (Chanson de Roland: CLXXIII). The idea of a weapon given by a god (Ishtar, Adad, Ashur, or Yahweh) to a king seems to be a fairly common idea in the Near East and Mesopotamia (Lang 2002: 54-57), but it is more a way of designating the king as legitimate, than a reward. It is an unusual motif: when one knows the origin of the weapons of an epic hero, it is generally found that it is those of his father, or more rarely, weapons made by his mother or on her orders (Achilles in Greece - Allen 2010; Chumong in Korea - Lajoye 2016: 51). In India, Arjuna, the hero of the Mahàbhàrata, is a collector of divine weapons: he receives them from Agni, Indra, Siva and others. 34- PATRICE LAJOYE The way in which Arjuna acquires his main weapon, the Gandlva bow, is the closest thing to the Balto-Slavic texts. This episode is found in Book I of the Mahabharata (I, 214-225). Arjuna is with his coachman Krsna in a forest when a famished man, a Brahman, appears before them. This man is the fire god Agni, exhausted and ready to die. To remedy this state, it is necessary to burn the Khandava forest and all the creatures that are there, including demons, headed by the Naga king Taksaka. But Indra, the storm god and friend of Taksaka, is opposed to this fire, which he extinguishes with rain. Agni then asks Arjuna and Krsna for help. They accept, but on one condition: that Agni provides them with exceptional weapons. Agni will give them a marvelous chariot, he will give a disk (sudarsana cakra) to Krsna, and to Arjuna, the bow Gandlva, which belonged to Varuna, and two quivers. The bow is infallible, and the two quivers are inexhaustible. Thus armed, the two heroes will shoot down any creature that will come out of the forest, while Agni sets it on fire. Seeing this, Indra intervenes and triggers a storm. But Arjuna sends so many arrows to the sky that the rain does not reach the ground. A heavenly voice finally intervenes and orders Indra to stop the fight because destiny predicted that the forest had to burn. Indra accepts and congratulates Arjuna, who then takes advantage of it to ask for a reward, the god's weapons, which will be handed to him later. The sequel takes place in Book III of the Mahabharata (cf. the Kiratarjuniya). Arjuna is then in the middle of the forest, giving himself up to asceticism, an asceticism so powerful that the gods decide to put an end to it. Siva descends on earth, disguised as a hunter, and as he prepares to meet Arjuna, a demon in the form of a wild boar rushes to the hero. The man and the god kill the demon at the same time, but Arjuna disputes the shot of Siva. Both fight but Arjuna realizes that his opponent, apparently a simple hunter, surpasses him to almost kill him. He then prays to Siva to give him more strength. The god, satisfied, resumes his true appearance and offers the Pasupatastra, an invulnerable weapon, to Arjuna. Then, other gods offer weapons to the hero, and finally, Indra invites him in his paradise to give him his own weapons, as promised previously. Although divergent in detail, these two stories can be compared with the Balto-Slavic myth reconstructed above: Balto-Slavic myth Arjuna and Gandiva Arjuna and Pasupatastra A hunter gets lost in a forest Arjuna and Krsna isolate themselves in a forest Arjuna isolates himself on a mountain Agni asks Arjuna to burn the forest, filled with creatures and demons Agni tried several times to burn the forest, without success Agni gives Arjuna an infallible bow and two inexhaustible quivers A demonic creature appears Animals and demons flee the forest A boar-shaped demon appears THE STORM GOD AND THE HUNTER: A FRAGMENT OF AN OLD BALTO-SLAVIC EPOS? 35 A storm breaks out Indra launches a storm on the forest Lightning strikes the creature without success The hunter decides to shoot the creature Arjuna starts killing animals and demons Arjuna shoots the demon The hunter kills the creature Arjuna kills almost all demons Arjuna kills the demon Siva disguised as a hunter appears and reproaches Arjuna for having killed his prey Arjuna engages in fight against Siva Arjuna fails to defeat Siva Arjuna prays Siva A thundering character thanks the hunter Agni thanks the hero Siva is satisfied with Arjuna Siva gives Arjuna an infallible weapon. Other gods do the same. The thundering character gives the hunter an infallible gun / inexhaustible horns of powders and lead Indra promises to give his weapons to Arjuna Indra gives his weapons to Arjuna In all three accounts, we find a common framework, based on common motifs, which can, however, take place at different times. For example, the motif of a fight, in which the supposedly most powerful character fails, moves. Similarly, in the episode of the burning of the Khandava forest, Arjuna is dealing with two gods, not one. However, the result is the same in all three cases: the hero has accomplished something that a god could not do, something that requires the death of animal-shaped demons and, in reward, he receives fabulous weapons. In the Balto-Slavic texts, however, the hero is forced to return the weapon to the god after performing an impious act, while in the Mahabharata Arjuna returns Gandlva to Varuna not after an impious act but after winning the battle of Kuruksetra. In one case only, the Lithuanian hunter chooses to deposit his two remaining bullets in a church. It is evidently very improbable that this type of narrative was borrowed by the Bal-to-Slavs from India, or by the Indians from the Balto-Slavs. It is, therefore, a common heritage, the traces of which may also be found in Greece, in the manner in which Thetis obtains from Hephaistos a fabulous weapon, a cuirass, for his son Achilles, who thus victoriously combats the Trojans and the river Scamander (Allen 2010). However, several elements diverge in the Greek narrative: it is not the hero who helps the god, but the reverse, and Hephaistos, a god certainly linked to fire, intervenes only at the request of Thetis, as a help. In the Indian and Balto-Slavic texts, the weapon is returned to its divine owner, which is not the case with the armour of Achilles. Finally, the idea that the hero or hunter is isolated in the forest is missing: the Greek episode takes place in an epic with multiple protagonists. 36- PATRICE LAJOYE CONCLUSION A hero finds himself isolated in the forest. He fights and kills at least one animal-shaped demonic creature, which a god could not defeat. As a token of gratitude, the god gives the hero fabulous weapons. This fairly simple framework is found in Lithuania, Poland, Russia, India and possibly Greece. In the Baltic and Slavic versions, it is associated with the storm god. In India, this story is at the heart of a vast epic. It is a key episode of the Mahabharata, a text that details the foundation of Brahminical theological thought. Among the Balts and Slavs, it is no more than a simple legend whose religious meaning has become obscure. But we can now postulate that it could also be a fragment of a now lost mythological epic. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to thank Christian Rose (Société belge d'Études celtiques, Bruxelles) and Guillaume Oudaer (EPHE, Paris) for their comments on the text, and Arthur Laisis (EPHE, Paris) for his translation of the Lithuanian texts, and Natalya Krasnova, Henni Ouerdane (Skoltech, Moscow) and Audrey Ferlut (UMR 5189 Hisoma, France) for their help with the English translation. BIBLIOGRAPHY Allen, Nick, 2010: Hephaestus and Agni. Gods and men on the battlefield in Greek and Sanskrit epics. Van Binsbergen, Wim M. J., and Venbrux, Eric (ed.), New Perspectives on Myth. Proceedings of the Second Annual Conference of the International Association for Comparative Mythology, Ravenstein (the Netherlands), 19.-21. August, 2008. Haarlem : Papers in Intercultural Philosophy and Transcontinental Comparative Studies, 357-372. Balys, Jonas, 1938: Griaustinis ir velnias Baltoskandijos krast^ tautosakoje : lyginamojipasako-jamosios tautosakos studija. Kaunas. Davainis Silvestraitis, Mecislovas, 1894: Podania imujdzkie. Zebral i doslownie spolszczyl Miec- zyslaw Dowojna Sylwestrowicz. Warsaw, 2 vol. Dumézil, Georges, 1965: Le Livre des héros. Légendes sur les Nartes. Paris: Gallimard. Ivanov, Vyacheslav V., 1958: K etimologii baltijskogo i slavjanskogo nazvanij boga groma. Voprosy Slavjanskogo Jazykoznanija 3, 101-111. Ivanov, Vyacheslav V., and Toporov, Vladimir N., 1965: Slavjanskie jazykovye modelirujuscie semioticeskie sistemy (drevnij period). Moscow : Nauka. Ivanov, Vyacheslav V., and Toporov, Vladimir N., 1970: Le mythe indo-européen du dieu de l'orage poursuivant le serpent : reconstruction du schéma. Pouillon, Jean (dir.), Échanges et communications. Mélanges offerts à Claude Lévi-Strauss. Paris / The Hague : Mouton, 1180-1206. Ivanov, Vyacheslav V., and Toporov, Vladimir N., 1974: Issledovanija v oblasti slavjanskix drevnostej. Leksiceskie i frazeologiceskie voprosy rekonstruktsii tekstov. Moscow: Nauka. THE STORM GOD AND THE HUNTER: A FRAGMENT OF AN OLD BALTO-SLAVIC EPOS? 37 Ivanov, Vyacheslav V., and Toporov, Vladimir N., 2002 : Perun. Tolstaja, S. M. (dir.), Slavjans-kaja mifologija. Enciclopedicij slovar. Moscow: Mezdunarodnye otnochenija, 362-363. Klejn, Lev S., 2004: Voskresenie Peruna. K rekonstrucii vostocnoslavjanskogo jazycestva. Saint Petersburg: Evrazija. Lajoye, Patrice, 2015: Le Dieu slave de l'orage Perun et ses successeurs chrétiens Élie et Georges. Archéologie, histoire, ethnologie. Lisieux: Lingva. Lajoye, Patrice, 2016: Fils de l'Orage. Un modèle eurasiatique de héros ? Essai de mythologie comparée. Lisieux: Lingva. Lang, Bernhard, 2002: The Hebrew God. Portrait of an Ancient Deity. London, Yale University Press. Leger, Louis, 1901: La Mythologie slave. Paris, Leroux. Matusiak, S., 1881: Volksthümliches aus dem Munde der Sandomierer Waldbewohner. Archiv für slavische Philologie V, 631-656. Sadovnikov, Dmitri, 1884: Skazki ipredanija Samarskogo kraja. Saint Petersburg. Slanciauskas, Matas, 1975: Siaurès Lietuvos sakmès ir anekdotai. Vilnius: Vaga. Sterckx, Claude, 2015: D'Afallach ab Beli Mawr au héros sauveur des dieux. Oudaer, Guillaume, Hily, Gaël et Le Bihan, Hervé (ed.), Mélanges en l'honneur de Pierre-Yves Lambert. Rennes: Tir, 37-50. Vèlius, Norbertas, 1979: Laumi^ dovanos: lietuvi^ mitologinès sakmès. Vilnius : Vaga (russian trans. 2010: Cvetok paporotnika. Litovskie mifologiceskie skazanija. Kharkov: Litera Nova). LE DIEU DE L'ORAGE ET LE CHASSEUR: UN FRAGMENT D'UNE ANCIENNE ÉPOPÉE Patrice Lajoye ooo Des légendes lituaniennes, polonaise et russe présentent une trame qui peut se résumer de la même manière : un chasseur découvre une créature fabuleuse, qu'il tue. Un personnage tonnant (Perkunas en Lituanie, Pieron en Pologne ou saint Élie en Russie), intervient alors et remercie le chasseur d'avoir pu tuer cette créature alors que lui n'y parvenait pas. En réconpense, le personnage tonnant offre une arme fabuleuse au chasseur. Cette trame se retrouve avec précision dans le Mahab-harata, quand le héros Arjuna, seconde par Krsna, vient en aide au dieu Agni pour tuer toutes les créatures d'une forêt, recevant pour cela des armes fabuleuses. Du fait que ce récit n'a vraisemblablement pas été emprunté par les Balto-Slaves aux Indiens, on peut en déduire qu'il s'agit d'un fragment de mythologie épique, conservé de façon dégradée dans des légendes. Dr. Patrice Lajoye, Société historique de Lisieux, Université de Caen Normandie, Esplanade de la Paix, CS 14032 Caen Cedex 5, France, patrice. lajoye@unicaen.fr 21 Studia MYTHOLOGICA Slavica 2018 -39 - 49- ropogn^e y c. Kapa-^KynoBo B BamKHpHH - H0BMH o6teKT caKpa^H3a^HH apxeonornnecKoro naM^THHKa AHHyp H. Ty36eKoB In this paper, the author, with the example of the Kara-Yakupovo settlement, considers the process of the formation of new sacred spaces around archaeological heritage sites in the Southern Urals. In achieving this goal, the author has used his field research results, analyzed the scientific literature and various groups in social networks. Using the obtained data, the author has traced the process of formation of sacred visualizations about the site, established the main initiators and participants of the sacralization process, as well as developed the negative consequences of this phenomenon. As a result of the conducted studies, the author has revealed one of the models of sacralization of fortified settlements (hillforts) in the early Iron Age and the Middle Ages in the Cisurals. KEYWORDS: South Ural, sacralization, archaeological sites, New Age Religions BBE^EHHE B xoge pea^H3a^HH npoeKTa «ApxeonoranecKHe naMaTHHKH M^Horo Ypana KaK o6teKTti caKpanroanHH» Ha^HHaa c 2013 roga coTpygHHKaMH HHCTHTyra ^THono^HHecKHx nccne-goBaHHH hm. P.r. Ky3eeBa Y^HMCKoro Hay^Horo neHTpa PAH b xoge apxeonoranecKHx 3KcnegnnHH ocMoTpeHo HecKontKo gecaTKoB apxeonornnecKHx naMaTHHKoB HMeromux npH3HaKH caKpanroannn. Btipa^aeTca ^T0 b Bnge npoBegeHna BceBo3Mo»Htix pmyanoB, noBa3HBaHHH neHToneK, nnaTKoB, nogHomeHHH MoHeT n hhhx chmboaob. nogo6Hoe BtigeneHne o6ieKTa nponcxognT KaK npnBep^eHnaMH hobbix penHrno3HBix gBH^eHnn, TaK h npegcTaBHTenaMH, ncnoBegyro^HMH TpagnnnoHHtie pennran. H3 roga b rog Ha ro^HoM Ypane Ha6nrogaeTca pocT KonnnecTBa naMaTHHKoB, npnBneKaro^nx He6ont-mae rpynnti nanoMHHKoB hah nrogen, »enaro^nx o6pecTH «cnny» (AxaToB, BaxmneB, Ty36eKoB, 2016: 33-42; Ty36eKoB 2015: 103-107). B HTore, HH^opManna o naMaTHHKax, H3BecTHaa npe»ge numt apxeonoraM, npngaeTca mnpoKon ornacKe, ganee ohh craHoBaTca «6peHgoM», KoToptin mo»ho Hcnont3oBaTt KaK gna npnBneneHna TypncTOB, TaK n gna BKnroneHHa b cTpyKTypy pennrao3Htix Bo33peHnn. HccnegoBaTenn He pa3 o6pantannci> k gaHHon TeMaTHKe. TaK, b pa6oTax A.r. Cene3HeBa paccMaTpnBaroTca Bonpocti acconnn-poBaHHocTH 6ontmeS nacra hobhx caKpantHtix KoMnneKcoB c apKHMH, nonynnBmnMH 40- AHHyP H. Ty3EEKOB mnpoKHH pe3OHaHC b o6^ecTBeHHOM gncKypce apxeonorHHecKHMH naMaTHHKaMH, Ha OCHOBe KOTOpHx CTpOHTCa MH^OHOrHa HCTOpHH, HOBHe HgeOnOrHH H o6pagOBaa npaKTHKa (Cene3HeB 2013: 111-119; Cene3HeB, Cene3HeBa, 2017: 135-143). A.B. »HycoBa no pe-3yntTaTaM HCcnegoBaHHa o6teKTOB noKnoHeHHa MycyntMaH Ha TeppmopHH Pecny6nHKH BamKopTOCTaH genaeT BHBog o tom, hto o6pa^eHHe k apxauHHMM nnacraM penHrHO3HOH Kyntrypti b HacToa^ee BpeMa orpa^aeT HeycTOHHHBOCTB Bepyro^nx, nerKO nonagaro^Hx nog BHHaHHe cneKynnpyro^nx Ha penHrao3Htix HyBCTBax pa3nHHHoro poga MHCCHOHe-poB (»HycoBa 2015: 106-115). B.M. ÄHgpeeB HCcnegyeT 3HaHeHHe apxeonorHHecKoro naMaTHHKa, paccMaTpHBaeMoro b KaHecTBe ^eHOMeHa Kyntrypti, HHTepnpeTHpyeMoro HenoBeKOM He TOAtKO b paMKax HayHHHx h My3eHHHx npaKTHK, ho h b paKypcax gy-xobhhx, MHpoBO33peHHecKHx h HgeHTH^HKa^HGHHHX noHCKOB (ÄHgpeeB 2014: 21-37). C.K). KaMeHCKHH, paccMarprnaa BonpocH aKTya^H3a^HH apxeonorHHecKoro Hacnegna b HacToa^ee BpeMa, yKa3HBaeT Ha npnopmeT b KOMMeMopaTHBHon ero HHTep^peTa^HH Ha^HGHa^BHG^G hah ^THHHecKG^G ^aKTopa. no ero MHeHHro, nro6aa ^THGHa^HGHa^HCTH-HecKaa Mogent CTpoHTca Ha yrBep^geHHH o Heo6tiHaHHOH gpeBHOCTH (ecnn He hckoh-HOCTH) CBOeH ^THHHeCKGH KyntTypH H a3HKa, a TaK^e o6 HCKOHHOCTH 3aHHMaeMOH HHHe TeppHTopHH. B 3TOM nnaHe oco6aa ^hhoctb npngaeTca apxeonoranecKHM naMaTHHKaM b KOHTeKCTe ^opMHpoBaHHa coBpeMeHHHx ^TH0^eHeTH^ecKHX mh^ob (KaMeHCKHH 2009: 17). H.A. Be^G^H^e^Kaa paccMaTpHBaeT noceTHTenen My3eHHoro KOMnneKca noceneHHa ÄpKaHM c TOHKH 3peHHa hx npegcraBneHHH h BHgenaeT KaTeropnro nrogen, npne3®aro^Hx Ha apxeonorHHecKHH naMaTHHK b KaHecTBe nanoMHHKOB. B o6^hx HepTax b pa6oTe oxa-paKrepH3OBaHH hx npegcraBneHHa h onHcaHti npoBogHMtie o6pagH. YBenHHeHHe HHcna TaKHx TypucTOB aBTop o6tacHaeT ge3opHeHTanHen coBpeMeHHoro poccHHCKoro o6^ecTBa, HanpaBneHHoro Ha npocTory h gocrynHOCTt BOcnpnaTHa, crpeMameroca CKptiTtca ot noBcegHeBHOCTH b noHCKax «gyxoBHtix» hcthh (BemmnenKaa 2010: 69-77). B.E. CaniHHa b cbohx pa6oTax paccMarprnaeT npo6neMH coBpeMeHHoro MH^OTBopnecTBa h caKpann-3a^HH apxeonorHHecKHx naMarHHKOB npegcTaBHTenaMH HeTpag^HOHHtix penHrao3HHx o6tegHHeHHH. B pe3yntTaTe npoBegeHHtix HCcnegoBaHHH OHa Ha KOHKpeTHHx npHMepax BtiaBnaeT npHHHHH pa3BHTHa mh^ob b TaK Ha3HBaeMHx «MecTax chah» (CnnHHa 2014: 211-223; CHHHHa 2015: 433-437). B paMKax pa3pa6aTHBaeMOH npo6neMH Han6onee 3HaHHMtie acneKTH 3arpoHyTH b pa6oTe B.A. fflHHpentMaHa. Pa3BHBaa Hgero, BtigBHHyryro B. BeHgepoM o tom, hto HCTopHHecKoe Hacnegne - ^T0 KyntTypHtin npogyKT, npegnonararo^HH pa3nHHHtie nog-xogti, o^hkh h ^pGBG^Hpyro^HH Hanpa^eHHHH gnanor, B.A. fflHHpentMaH CHHTaeT, HTO ganeKO He Bce ocTaTKH npomnoro BOcnpHHHMaroTca KaK HCTopHHecKoe Hacnegne. ^to6h CHHTartca TaKOBHM, naMaTHHK npomnoro gon^eH o6nagaTt HeKOTopHMH oco6eH-HOCTaMH h npoHTH onpegeneHHHH OT6op. TeM caMHM OKa3HBaeTca, hto HCTopHHecKoe Hacnegne He CTontKO o6Hapy®HBaeTca, CKontKO KOHCTpyupyeTca (fflHHpentMaH 2015 a: 54). Ü^TOMy nepeg coBpeMeHHtiMH HCcnegoBaTenaMH BO3HHKaroT BonpocH o tom, kto HMeHHO BegeT 3tot OT6op, hto OT6npaeTca, no KaKHM KpmepnaM h c KaKHMH ^e^aMH. B gaHHOH pa6oTe Ha OCHOBe npoBegeHHHx HCcnegoBaHHH BHaBneHa ogHa H3 Mogenen caKpa^H3a^HH yKpenneHHHx noceneHHH (ropogn^) anox paHHero »ene3Horo BeKa h cpegHeBeKOBta b npnypante. rOPOflHfflE y C. KAPA-.HKynOBO B BAffiKHPHH - HOBbIH OBEEKT CAKPA.^H3A^HH ... 41 ,3,na gocTu^eHua nocraBneHHtix neneñ Heo6xoguMo 6tino: 1. npocnegurt nponecc ^opMupoBaHua caKpantHtix npegcraBneHun o naMaTHuKe; 2. ycTaH0BHTt uHunuaTopoB / no bo3mo®hoctu yqacTHuK0B nponecca caKpanroanuu; 3. onpegenuTt HeraTuBHtie nocnegcTBua caKpanu3anuu naMaTHuK0B apxeonoruu XOß HCC-HE^OBAHHS B noneBon ce30H 2016 r. b Xoge pa6oT no uccnegoBaHuro yKpenneHHtix noceneHun paHHero cpegHeBeK0Bta Ha TeppuTopuu ypano-noBon»ta, uMeHyeMtix HaceneHueM ropog-ropa (KanaTay, Kaprype3t, Ona-KypyK, Xyna Ty, Om-naHgo u T.g.) (Ty36eK0B 2017: 121-129), 6trn 0cM0TpeH pag apxeonorunecKux naMaTHuK0B, K0T0ptie npuBneKa-roT BHuMaHue KaK ^30TepuK0B, TaK u npegcTaBuTenen pa3nunHtix penuruo3Htix rpynn. OgHuM u3 TaKuX 06ieKT0B aBnaeTca Kapa-^KynoBcKoe ropogu^e. naMaTHuK Haxogurca Ha oKpauHe g. Kapa-^KynoBo (b 50 km k roro-3anaay ot r.Y^ti) ^umMuHcKoro panoHa Pecny6nuKH BamKopTocTaH, Ha KopeHHon Teppace npaBoro 6epera p.^,eMa. Kapa-^KynoBcKoe ropogu^e - ^T0 ^^0HUMHBffl naMaTHuK KapaaKynoBcKon Kyntrypti, oTHocurca k nepuogy paHHero cpegHeBeKoBta u gaTupyeTca VIII-IX bb. OgHo u3 nepBtix ynoMuHaHun o naMaTHuKe cogep^uTca b craTte r.BaXpymeBa (BaXpymeB 1926: 45). B 1962 u 1967 rr. aKcnegunueñ BamrocyHuBepcuTeTa nog pyK0B0gcTB0M r.H. MaTBeeBon Ha ropogu^e 6tinu npoBegeHti MacmTa6Htie pacKonKu o6^eñ nno^agtro 568 KB.M. OopTu^uKanua ropogu^a npegcTaBneHa 2 3eMnaHtiMu BanaMu (mupuHa 4 m, BticoToñ 1 m) u pBaMu. BHyTpeHHun Ban coopy^ëH Ha KaMeHH0M 0cH0BaHuu, c BHemHen cTopoHti yKpennëH KaMHeM, cBepXy - nacT0K0n0M, cTeHti BHemHero pBa yKpenneHH nneTHëM. HaceneHue 3aHuManoct ckotoboactbom, 3eMnegenueM, pti6onoB-ctbom, KocTope3HtiM genoM (MaTBeeBa 1975: 13-22). 3THunecKaa npuHagne^HocTt HocuTenen KymHapeHK0BcK0n u KapaaKynoBcKon KyntTyp gonroe BpeMa Bti3tiBana cnopti cpegu uccnegoBaTenen npuypantcKux gpeBHocTen. B. O. TeHuHr cnuTan ux caMoguncKuMu, r. H. MaTBeeBa u B. A. MoruntHuKoB - yropcKuMu, H. A. Ma»uT0B npugep^uBanca MHeHua 06 ux TropKcKon (gpeBHe 6amKupcKon) npuHagne^Hocru. B pe3yntTaTe npoBegeHHtix uccnegoBaHun Ha Bontme-TuraHcK0M MoruntHuKe otho-ca^eMyca k Kpyry KapaaKynoBcKux naMaTHuK0B, E.A. XanuKoBa o6Hapy»una oneHt MHoro o6^ux nepT c o6pagoM gpeBHeBeHrepcKux MoruntHuKoB «nepuoga o6peTeHua BeHrpaMu poguHti Ha ,3,yHae» (K0Hen IX-X b.) (Oogop 2015: 109-110). K Hanany 80-x r b apxeonorunecKon nuTepaType yraep^gaeTca TonKa 3peHua, crep^HeBtiM M0MeHT0M K0Topon aBnaeTca npu3HaHue yrpo-MagtapcKon npuHagne^HocTu apxeonorunecKux naMaTHuKoB KymHapeHK0BcKoro u KapaaKynoBcKoro TunoB, k K0Topon cKnoHaroTca b cBoux uccnegoBaHuax B.A. MoruntHuKoB, P.r. Ky3eeB, B.B. CegoB u B.A. HBaH0B (HBaH0B 1999: 16). B xoge npoBegeHHoro onpoca »uTeneñ g.Kapa-^KynoBo Ha npegMeT ocBegoMneHHocTu 06 apxeonorunecK0M naMaTHuKe ycTaH0BneH0, nro Bce ohu 3HaroT o MecToHaxo^geHuu ropogu^a u uMeHyroT ero KanaTay (ropog-ropa). no ux MHeHuro, ropogu^e npuHag-ne^ano npegKaM 6amKup, HacenaBmuM gaHHyro Teppuropuro b nepuog cpegHeBeK0Bta, 42- AHHyP H. Ty3EEKOB KOTopae B nocnegyro^eM u ocHOBanu g.Kapa-^KynoBo. MecTHae »uTenu paccKa3anu, HTo ropogu^e noce^aroT He6ontmue rpynna nrogeä, npoBoga^ue Ha HeM HeKHe geä-cTBua puTyantHoro XapaKTepa. TaKHM o6pa3OM, ropogu^e H3BecTHo MecxHaM »uTenaM, ohh He pa3 6aBanu Ha naMHTHHKe, uHTepecoBanuct pe3yntTaTaMu pacKonoK, a TaK^e XpaHaT naMaTt o6 oco6eHHocTH gaHHoro MecTa. HaHMeHOBaHHe ropogu^ TonoHHMOM ropog-ropa o6y-cnoBneHo noTpe6HocTtro HaceneHua b opHeHTa^HH b npocTpaHcTBe u b MapKHpoBaHHH TeppHTopHH, npuneraro^en k HaceneHHOMy nyHKTy, u aBnaeTca TpagH^HeH, mupoKo pacnpocxpaHeHHoä He TontKo cpegu HapogoB BamKopTocxaHa, ho u b ^noM b ypa-no-noBon^te (Ty36eKOB 2017: 128). YnoMHHaHHe MecTHaX «uTeneñ o HeKHX pmyantHaX geñcTBuaX, npoBoguMaX nocTopoHHHMH nrogtMu Ha nno^agKe ropogu^a, o6ycnoBHno Heo6XoguMocTt 6onee geTantHoro uccnegoBaHua. ,3,na ^T0^0 6an npoBegeH aHanu3 paga coo6^ecTB b Hau6onee nonynapHon b Pocchh C0^HantH0H ceTH BKoHTaKTe, nneHa KOTopaX perynapHo opraHu-3yroT Typa H3 Y^a Ha yKpenneHHoe noceneHue ApKauM, ropa Hapac-Tay, Aym-Tay u gp. OgHHM H3 npHBneKmHX Hame BHuMaHue cTano coo6^ecTB «nyTemecTBue no yHHKantHtiM MecTaM BamKupuu». AgMuHucTpaTop rpynna (TO.®. 1955 r.p.) paccKa-3ana, hto aBnaeTca opraHH3aTopoM nyTemecTBun no yHHKantHtiM MecTaM BamKupuu c noce^eHHeM CBaTaX MecT, XpucTuaHcKuX u MycyntMaHcKHX cBaTaX hctohhhkob (https://vk.com/club18943725 (gaTa o6pa^eHua 22.10.2017)). no ee MHeHuro Kapa-^-KynoBcKoe ropogu^e aBnaeTca ogHHM H3 «MecT cuna». MecTa cuna — ^T0 TeppHTopHH gna npoBegeHua pa3nu^HaX TenecHaX u gyXOBHaX npaKTUK, MegHTa^HH, TpeHUHroB, ceMHHapoB (CunuHa 2014: 211-223). HH^opMaTop c^uTaeT, hto oco6eHHocTt gaHHoro MecTa 3aKnro^aeTca b ero HaXo^geHuu Ha B03BameHH0cTu u Hanu^uu no6nu3ocTH ropa pogHuKa. nogo6HaMu MecTaMu Ha TeppuTopuu BamKopTocTaHa, no ee MHeHuro, aBnaroTca ropa Hapac-Tay u Aym-Tay (noneBae MaTepuana aBTopa (nMA) 06.2017 (6n0KH0TN°2), KOTopae o6cnegoBaHa HaMu paHee b Xoge ^KC^egH^H0HHax Bae3goB b 2013-2015 rr. (AXaTOB, BaXmueB, Ty36eKOB, 2016: 33-42). Cnegyro^aa rpynna «y^uMcKun Kny6 ApKauM». AgMuHucTpaTop rpynna (H.B. (uHTepBtroupyeMan gaTy po^geHua He yKa3an) aBnaeTca opraHu3aTopoM fflKona y^umckoh MeguTanuu, caäTa ApKauHa Typ (http://arkaina-tur.ru (gaTa o6pa^eHua 22.10.2017). Oh npaKTu^ecKu e^eHegentHo opraHu3yeT nyTemecTBua Ha ropogu^a ApKauM, Kapa-^KynoBcKoe, Aä6ameBcKoe, ropy Hapac-Tay u gp. no ero MHeHuro, ro^HHi ypan (y^uMcKun Kpaä) aBnaeTca npapoguHon nenoBenecTBa, c KOTopon 6an cBa3aH ApKauM u gpyrue ropogu^a. Ha 3toh TeppuTopuu npo^uBanu «cBaTae nrogu» (aynua), KOTopae b nocnegyro^eM 6anu 3aXopoHeHa Ha BepmuHaX rop. Oh c^uTaeT, HTo uMeHHo Ha TeppuTopuu ro^Horo ypana aBunact Boropogu^ u BO3HuKna Bu6nua. B Xoge uHTepBtro H.B. TaK^e paccKa3an, hto oTnunuTentHaMu npu3HaKaMu caKpant-Horo ropogu^a aBnaroTca: 1. oco6aä pente^ MecTHocTu (ropa b Buge KypraHa, oTgentHo cToa^aa mumKo-o6pa3Haa ropa); 2. Hanu^ue pogHuKa B6nu3u ropogu^a; 3. Hanu^ue b cocTaBe nopoga ropa u3BecTHaKa. rOPOflHfflE y C. KAPA-.HKynOBO B BAffiKHPHH - HOBbIH OBEEKT CAKPA.^H3A^HH ... 43 Hanunue BBimenepe^ucneHHBix npH3HaKOB no3Bonuno eMy cgenaTt BBiBog o tom, hto Kapa-^KynoBCKoe ropogu^e aBnaeTca HeKHM caKpantHBiM 06teKT0M. Oh cnuTaeT, hto naMATHHK aBnaeTca MecTOM 3axopoHeHua «cBaTBix nrogefi» (aynua) Hag KOTopBiMu 6Bin nocTpoeH MaB3onefi (ropogu^e). ^aHHHe o MecTonono»eHuu ropogu^ H.B. nony^aeT b xoge 6eceg c KpaeBegaMH, 03HaK0MneHua c HayHHOH nuTepaTypofi h OTHeTHOfi goKyMeHTa^HeH, xpaHa^efica b ^OHgax Hay^Horo apxHBa y^HMcKoro Hay^Horo ^HTpa PAH. BBiexaB Ha MecTO, H.B. ocMaTpHBaeT ero u ucxoga H3 cbohx MeTa^rouneckux omy^eHufi, othocht naMaTHHK k caKpantHOMy MecTy unu »e pagoBOMy o6teKTy. no ero cnoBaM, b xoge noce^eHua naMaTHHKOB apxeonoruu hx ^nocTHocTt He HapymaeTca, c6op nogteMHoro MaTepuana He npou3BoguTca. Oh cwraeT, hto pacKonKH h Bte3g Ta»enofi TexHHKH HapymaroT cBaTocTt MecTa (nMA 06.2017 (6n0KH0TN°2). OgHofi H3 3agan uccnegoBaHua 6Bino onpegeneHue cocTaBa ynacTHUKOB npo^cca caKpanH3a^HH naMaTHHKa. ,3,na ^T0^0 npuHaTO pemeHue 6onee T^aTentHO npoaHanu-3upoBaTt BBimeynoMaHyTBie rpynnBi. C noMO^tro pecypca media-vk.ru - cepBuc no3Bonaro^ufi BBinonHUTt aHanu3 nro6oro coo6^ecTBa conuantHofi ceTu BKoHTaKTe, y3HaTt uH^opManuro o nognHOTHKax, neM ohh HHTepecyroTca, Ha KaKue rpynnBi ohh nognucaHBi - 6Bino np0aHanu3up0BaH0 c006^ecTB0 «nyremecTBue no yHUKantHBM MecTaM BamKupuu» (https://vk.com/club18943725 (gaTa o6pa^eHua 22.10.2017). B pe3yntTaTe ycTaHOBneHO, hto b coo6^ctbo, Ha MOMeHT npoBegeHua aHanu3a (21.06.2017 r.) Bxogunu 153 ynacTHHKOB. H3 hhx: 1. nonoBofi cocTaB: 90,2% »eH^HHBi, 9,8% My^nuHBi. 2. Bo3pacTHofi cocTaB: 1,3% b B03pacTe 21 roga, 5,9% ot 29 go 31 roga, 91,5% B03pacT He yKa3anu. 3. MecTO npo^uBaHua: 74,5% npo»HBaroT b r.Y^a, 2,6% b MocKBe, 3,9% b ropogax He^TeKaMcK, OKTa6ptcKufi u CanaBaT, 19% MecTO npo»uBaHua He yKa3anu. 4. CeMefiHoe nono»eHue: 1,3% Bnro6neHBi, 5,2% He »eHaTBi/He 3aMy»eM, 7,8% »eHaTH/3aMy»eM, 85,7% ceMefiHoe nono»eHue He yKa3anu. 5. TeKy^aa geaTentHocTt ynacTHHKOB: 46,4% He yKa3anu, 40,5% crygeHTBi, 13,1% pa6oTaroT. 6. Hau6onee nonynapHBie coo6^ecTBa b co^HanBHBx ceTax, b kotopbix cocToaT ynacTHHKu rpynnBi: 1) «Hobocth y^Bi u Pecny6nuKu BamKopTocTaH» (47 nen); 2) «.ynmue cthxh BenuKux ^0^T0B | .HTepaTypa» (31 nen.); 3) «fflegeBpBi Ky-nuHapuu» (31 nen.); 4) «Hgeu gu3afiHa uHTeptepa» (30 nen.); 5) <^30TepuKa» (30 nen.); 6) «ncuxonorua OTHomeHufi» (28 nen.); 7) «fflegeBpBi pyKogenua» (28 nen.); 8) «HHTepecHaa y^a | a^uma u hobocth» (27 nen.); 9) «Hgeu Bamero goMa» (26 nen.); 10) «YUMMY - nynmue pe^nTBi» (26 nen.). TaKHM 06pa30M, nogaBnaro^ee 6ontmuHcTB0 ynacrnuKOB rpynnH geBymKH h »eH^HHBi cpegHero B03pacTa, npo^uBaro^ue b Pecny6nuKe BamKopTocTaH, unrepecyro^ueca noa-3uefi, 330TepuK0fi h BegeHueM goMamHero xo3aficTBa (pyKogenue, uHTeptep, KynuHapua). B pe3yntTaTe aHanu3a rpynnH «y^uMcKufi Kny6 ApKauM» ycTaHOBneHO, hto Ha MOMeHT npoBegeHua uccnegoBaHua (21.06.2017 r.) b Hee Bxogunu 248 aKTHBHBix ynacTHHKOB. H3 hhx: 44- AHHyP H. Ty3EEKOB 1. nOAOBOH COCTaB: 83,9% «eH^HHtl, 16,1% My^HHHtl. 2. B03pacTH0H cocTaB: 4,8% b B03pacTe ot 27 go 30 neT, 2% - 45 neT, 2% - 64 roga, 91,1% B03pacT He yKa3ann. 3. MecTo npo^HBaHHa: 64,9% b r.y^a, 3,2% b CaHKT-neTep6ypre, 2,4% b r. MocKBe, 2% b CTepnrnaMaKe, 2% b Ha6epe«Htix ^enHax, 25,4% He yKa3ann. 4. CeMeËHoe nono«eHHe:4,8% He «eHaTti/He 3aMy«eM, 14,1% «eHaTti/3aMy«eM, 81% He yKa3ann. 5. TeKy^aa geaTentHocrt ynacTHHKoB: 38,3% He yKa3ann, 42,7% crygeHTti, 19% pa6oTaroT. 6. Han6onee nonynapHtie coo6^ecTBa b co^HantHtIX ceTax, b KoToptix cocToaT ynacTHHKH rpynnti: 1) «^3oTepHKa» (71 nen); 2) «Hoeocmu Y$bi u PecnyônuKu EawKopmocmaH» (67 nen.); 3) «Hgen groaËHa HHTeptepa» (61 nen.); 4) xony...» (60 nen.); 5) «npegHa3HaneHHe 6trrt ^eH^HHofi / valyaeva.ru» (54 nen.); 6) «3aKoHti CnacTnHBon «h3hh TopcyHoB O.r.» (53 nen.); 7) «Hgen gna TBop-necTBa h nogapKoB cbohmh pyKaMH» (49 nen.); 8) «PoMaHTHKa h geKop cbohmh pyKaMH» (49 nen.); 9) «BgoxHoBeHHe.» (48 nen.); 10) «fflKona peMoHTa» (47 nen.). no cpaBHeHHro c rpynnoH «nyTemecTBHe no yHHKantHtiM MecTaM BamKHpHH» b coo6^ecTBe «Y^hmckhh Kny6 ApKaHM» HecKontKo 6ontme KonnnecTBo My^nHH 16%, ho 6ontmHHcTBo, cocTaBnaroT geBymKH h «eH^HHti cpegHero Bo3pacTa, npo^HBaro-^ne b ropogax Pecny6nHKH BamKopTocTaH, HHTepecyro^Heca ^30TepHK0H h BegeHHeM goMamHero xo3ancTBa. npeo6nagaHHe b HccnegoBaHHtix HaMH HHTepHeT coo6^ecTBax «eH^HH, cKopee Bcero, cBa3aHHo c hx bhcokoh penHrHo3HocTtro, BBHgy oco6oro ^CHX0^M0^H0Ha^tH0^0 h <^H3HonornnecKoro cocroaHHa (Pa3aHoBa, MnxaneBa, 2011: 24) no MHeHnro poccnn-ckhx HccnegoBaTenefi, »eH^HHti ropa3go na^e, He^enn My^nnHti, noce^aroT ^pKBH, cocToaT b TaK Ha3tiBaeMtix ceKTaHTcKHx o6^HHax h nogBep^eHti cyeBepnaM - Bepe b 3HaxapcTBo, ragaHHe, Bopo«6y, npnMeTti, cygt6y, npoponecKne chh, gypHon crna3 n T.n. (Pa3aHoBa, MnxaneBa, 2011: 36). Cxo^ecrt cocTaBa ynacTHHKoB n HHTepecoB (ynacrne b ognHaKoBtix coo6^ecTBax), BtiaBneHHaa b xoge aHann3a rpynn npegonpegennna npoBegeHHe aHanroa Ha npegMeT nepeceneHna aygnTopnH. C noMo^bro pecypca publer.pro ycTaHoBneHo, nTo 70 nenoBeK cocToaT b o6enx rpynnax, nTo b nponeHTHoM cooTHomeHHH cocTaBnaeT 23,3% aygHTopHH rpynnti «Y^hmckhh Kny6 ApKaHM» h 35% rpynnti «nyTemecTBHe no yHHKantHtiM MecTaM BamKHpHH». nogBeprayrtie aHanroy rpynnti b co^HantHtiX ceTax aBnaroTca nnmt He6ontmHMH coo6^ecTBaMH, npegnararo^HMH nyremecTBHa no yHHKantHtiM MecTaM M^Horo ypana c noce^eHHeM «MecT cnnti». Ecnn paHee opraHH3yeMtie Typti orpaHnnnBannct nnmt mnpoKo H3BecTHHMH o6ieKTaMH, TaKHMH KaK noceneHHe ApKaHM, ropa Haptic-Tay h gp., to b nocnegyro^ne rogti Ha6nrogaeTca TeHgeH^Ha BoBneneHna b «caKpantHyro c^epy» hobhx apxeonornnecKnx o6ieKToB. ^T0T npo^cc HMeeT pag HeraTHBHtix mo-MeHToB, b nepByro onepegt cBa3aHHtix c HapymeHHeM ^nocTHocm apxeonornnecKoro naMaTHHKa. B.A. fflHnpentMaH oTMenaeT, nTo «MecTo cnnti» Hegonro coxpaHaeT cBoro rOPOflHfflE y C. KAPA-.HKynOBO B BAffiKHPHH - HOBbIH OBEEKT CAKPA.^H3A^HH ... 45 nepBo3gaHHyro HHCTOTy. Co BpeMeHeM HoBtie Bepyro^ue Ha^uHaroT ero o6»uBaTB, ycTpauBaa TaM caMtie pa3Hoo6pa3Htie puTyanBHtie coopy^eHua - ot o^aroB-^epTBeH-hhkob u Btino^eHHBix H3 KaMHen 3HaKoB go gepeBaHHtix ugonoB u ga^e puTyanBHtix nno^agoK, o6HeceHHtix pBaMH u BanaMu (fflHupenBMaH 2015 6: 84). B 2013-2016 rr. Ha page o6teKToB apxeonoru^ecKoro Hacnegua HaMH TaK^e 6tinu 3a^uKcupoBaHti Ha-pymeHua ^tocthoctu KypraHoB, cBa3aHHBie c nontiTKaMu BoccTaHoBneHua KaMeHHtix BtiKnagoK unu HactmeH, coopy^eHueM y o6teKTOB He6onBmux o6o H3 KaMHa, bbicotoh ot 0,3-0,5 m, opueHTupyro^ux KoMnneKc Ha Kaa6y, HecaH^uoHupoBaHHtix ycTaHo-bok naMaTHHKoB, orpag u ga^e cTpouTenBcTBo MeneTu (Ty36eKoB, BaxmueB, 2013: 101; Ty36eKoB, BaxmueB, 2015: 103-107; https://vk.com/naukaiputeshestviya?w=wall-145781898_75%2Fall (22.01.2018.). nopon npegcTaBuTenu hobbix penuruo3Htix gBu-«eHHH He orpaHHHHBaroTca npeo6pa3oBaHHaMH «MecT chah», a totobbi KapguHanBHo hx nepecTpouTB. TaK, HanpHMep, Ha KpoMnexe AxyHoBo (g. AxyHoBo, y^anuHcKuH panoH, Pecny6nuKa BamKopTocTaH) b hohb Ha 24 oKTa6pa 2010 r. Heu3BecTHtiMu 6tinu pa3pymeHti 5 MeHrupoB. Hx (^pameHTBi 6tmH BtmoœeHBi b Buge nepeBepHyToro KpecTa, b MecTe nepece^eHHa hhhhh KoToporo 6tin pacnono^eH ^HTpanBHtiH MeHrup N°1. B ycnoBHoM ^HTpe nno^agKu naMaTHHKa 6tina Ha^ep^eHa neHTarpaMMa, Ha koh^x naTH ee ny^en pacnonaranucB oKpy^Hocra. Ha HeKoToptix (^pameHTax pa3pymeHHtix MeHrupoB ^HKcnpoBanncB cnegti KpoBH, hto aBnaeTca, bo3mo»ho, cBugeTenBcTBoM «epTBonpHHomeHHH (BaxmueB, Pa^uKoBa, BaxmueBa, 2010: 14). BblBO^M 1. Ha npHMepe Kapa-^KynoBcKoro ropogu^a noKa3aHa ogHa H3 Mogenen caKpa-nu3a^uu apxeonoru^ecKoro naMaTHHKa noceneH^ecKoro THna b npuypanBe b HacToa^ee BpeMa. ïïponecc nocTpoeHHa Mogenu coctoht H3 HecKonBKHx ^Ta^OB: a. Ha ocHoBe cy6ieKTHBHBix omy^eHHH uHu^uaTopoM npo^cca Bti6upaeTca apxeonorH^ecKHH naMaTHHK 6. co3gaeTca «nereHga», nacTHHHo ocHoBaHHaa Ha Hay^Htix gaHHtix o6 o6teKTe nnn HH^opMa^HH nonyneHHon ot KpaeBegoB u npegnaraeTca ynacTHHKaM coo6^ecTBa. b. y^acTHUKu coo6^ecTBa, o6ieguHeHHBie BoKpyr xapu3MaTu^Horo nugepa, THpa^npyroT nony^eHHyro uH^opManuro, b pe3ynBTaTe nero noaBnaeTca hobbIh caKpanBHHH o6ieKT 2. npoBegeHHHH aHanu3 coo6^ecTB b ceTu HHTepHeT no3Bonun ycTaHoBUTB, hto 6onBmHHcTBo yqacTHHKoB npo^cca caKpanu3a^u 6ygynu ropogcKHMH »HTenaMH aBnaroTca HocuTenaMu gu^^y3Hon penuruo3HocTu (Chipriani 1988: 28-29) unu «6egHon Bepti» ^nmTeËH 2013: 28), uMeroT 3KneKTunecKun Ha6op o6ieKToB Bepti, cpegu KoToptix MoryT 6htb ogHoBpeMeHHo u eguHBiH xpucraaHcKun/ MycynBMaHcKUH Bor/Annax, u 3apaTymTpa, u apuu, u npo^ue. 3. OTcyTcTBue Hay^Htix gaHHHx o naMaTHuKax apxeonoruu u cBegeHun o npoBo-guMtix y^eHHMu uccnegoBaHuax, mupoKo ocBe^aeMtix b MeguanpocTpaHcTBe, 46- AHHyP H. Ty3EEKOB npuBoguT k TOMy, hto cpegu HaceneHua, pacnpocrpaHaroTca 3aBegoMo no»Haa u Heo6ieKTUBHaa HH$opMa^Ha. Ha ocHOBe nogo6Htix gaHHtix pagoM c apxe-onorunecKHMH o6teKTaMH co3garoTca HOBHe nanoMHunecKue Mapmpyrti u ^ntie KOMnneKcti noKnoHeHua (o6ycrpoeHHtie pogHHKu, KyntTOBtie 3gaHua u coopy»eHua). 4. BKnro^eHue hobbix, He uccnegoBaHHtix b nonHon Mepe apxeonoru^ecKux o6i-eKToB b c^epy HHTepecoB npegcTaBHTenen hobbix penuruo3Htix gBu^eHun u nocnegyro^aa hx ^o^y^apH3a^Ha BegeT K gononHHTentHtiM aHTponoreHHtiM Harpy3KaM Ha naMaTHUKu, hto 3anacryro Btipa^aeTca b 3HaHHTentHOM npeo6-pa3oBaHHH KaK caMoro naMaTHUKa, TaK u ero oKpy»eHua, a b KpaHHux cny^aax Mo»eT npHBecTH K ero nonHOMy pa3pymeHuro. CTHXHHHoe yBenu^eHue «caKpantHtix o6ieKTOB» u BKnro^eHue b hx cocTaB ap-xeonorunecKux naMaTHUKOB, cBa3aHo KaK c Bo3HHKmHMH rno6anBHtiMH npo6neMaMH coBpeMeHHocTH, TaK u c npogon^aro^HMuca b Hamen cTpaHe Kpu3HcHtiMH aBneHua-mh b ^KOHOMHHecKOH u c0^Ha^BH0-gyx0BH0H c^epax. npoBegeHHHe b 2013-2017 rr. uccnegoBaHua Ha TeppHTopHH M^Horo ypana (Ty36eKOB, BaxmueB, 2014: 142-147; Ty36eKOB, BaxmueB, 2015: 103-107; AxaTOB, BaxmueB, Ty36eKOB, 2016: 33-42) noKa3ann KpaäHroro HepaBHOMepHocTt pacnpegeneHua «cBaTtix MecT» (6ontmuHcTBo ckoh^h-rpupoBaHo b BamKHpcKOM 3aypante), hto cBugeTentcTByeT o cy^ecTBOBaHuu cBa3H Me^gy BO3HHKHOBeHHeM HOBBix caKpantHHx 06teKT0B c C0^HanH0-^K0H0MHHeCKHM nono»eHueM u ^THHHecK0H caMougeHTH^HKanuen HaceneHua. .HrogH, KOToptie He nony^aroT oTBeTti Ha 3no6ogHeBHtie Bonpocti noBcegHeBHon »h3hh b TpagH^H0HHHX penuraax, ntrraroTca HaHTH hx b apxau^Htix nnacTax penurHO3HOH Kyntrypti (MHycoBa 2015: 114), Hnn »e b hobbix penuruo3HBix gBH»eHuax. HHTEPATyPA Chipriani R., 1988: «Diffused Religion» and New Values in Italy // The Changing Face of Religion / Ed. by J.A. Beckford, T.Luckmann. London, Newbury Park, New Delhi: Sage Publications, 24-48. AHgpeeB B. M. 2014: ApxeonoruHecKHH naMaTHHK: apxaH3M Hnn aKTyantHtm KOMnoHeHT coBpeMeHHOH KyntTypt? // ropmoHTBi uuBunrnauuH. X» 5, 21-37. [Andreev V. M., 2014: Arheologicheskiy pamyatnik: arhaizm ili aktualniy komponent sovremennoy kultury? // Gorizonti civilizacii, no. 5, 21-37.] AxaTOB A.T., BaxmueB H.H.O., Ty36eKOB A.H., 2016: Pont apxeonoru^ecKux o6ieKTOB b ^opMHpoBaHHH HOBHx caKpantHtix npocTpaHcTB M»Horo Ypana // YpantcKHH HcTopmecKHH BecTHHK. X 4 (53), 33-42. [Ahatov A.T., Bahshiev I.I.O., Tuzbekov A.I., 2016: Rol arheologicheskih obektov v formirovanii novyh sakralnyh prostranstv Yuzhnogo Urala // Uralskiy istoricheskiy vestnik, no. 4 (53), 33-42.] BaxmueB H.H.O., Pa^HKOBa ^.B., BaxmueBa H.P., 2010: othct 06 HTorax ocMOTpa cocto»hh» naMaTHHKOB apxeonorHH «MeranuTunecKHÈ KOMnneKc AxyHOBo» u «noceneHue AxyH0B0» b ynanuHcKOM paHOHe Pecny6nuKH BamKopTocTaH (KpaTKaa xapaKTepucTHKa h npeflno^eHua). Y^a: ApxuB rBYK I II II 1 MuHucTepcTBa KyntTypt Pecny6nuKH rOPOflHfflE y C. KAPA-.HKynOBO B BAffiKHPHH - HOBbIH OBEEKT CAKPA.^H3A^HH ... -47 BamKopTocTaH. [Bahshiev I.I.O., Rafikova Y.V., Bahshieva I.R., 2010: Otchet ob itogah osmotra sostoyaniya pamyatnikov arheologii «Megaliticheskiy kompleks Ahunovo» i «Pose-lenie Ahunovo» v Uchalinskom rayone Respubliki Bashkortostan (kratkaya harakteristika i predlozheniya). Ufa: Arhiv GBUK NPC Ministerstva kultury Respubliki Bashkortostan.] Benonune^aa H.A., 2010: 3anoBegHHK ApKaHM: ocoSeHHocTH B3auMooTHomeHHn My3ea h o6m,ecTBa // ^THo^pa$HHecKoe oSo3peHne. N° 4. 69-77. [Belolipetskaya N. A., 2010: Zapovednik Arkaim: osobennosti vzaimootnosheniy muzeya i obshchestva . Etnografich-eskoe obozrenie, no. 4, 69-77.] BaxpymeB r., 1926: naMaTHHKH npupogw u HOKyccTBa BamKupuu // BamKupcKHH KpaeBegHecKHH cSopHHK. MaTepuanti O6m,ecTBa no H3yHeHuro BamKupun/ peg. ffl. X. CroHHenen. Y^a: BamKHHra, N°1, 43-51. [Vahrushev G., 1926: Pamyatniki prirody i iskusstva Bashkirii // Bashkirskiy kraevedcheskiy sbornik. Materialy Obshchestva po izucheniyu Bashkirii/ red. Sh. H. Syuncheley. Ufa: Bashkniga, no.1, 43-51.] HBaHoB B.A., 1999: flpeBHne yrpo-Magtapti b Boctohhoh EBpone. Y^a: runeM. [Ivanov V.A., 1999: Drevniye ugro-madyari v Vostochnoy Evrope. Ufa: Gilem.] KaMeHcKHH C.O., 2009: AKTyanH3au,na apxeonorHHecKoro Hacnegna b coBpeMeHHHx conHantHoKyntTypHtix npaKTHKax: aBTope^. gnc. ... KaHg. KyntTyponorHH. EKaTepuHSypr. [Kamenskiy S.Y., 2009: Aktualizaciya arheologicheskogo naslediya v sovremennyh so-cialno-kulturnyh praktikah: avtoref. dis. ... kand. kulturologii. Ekaterinburg.] MaTBeeBa T.H., 1975: naMaTHHKu Kapa-aKynoBcKoro Tuna b npuypante // H3 ucTopuu CpegHero noBon^ta h npuypanta. Ban. 5. KynStimeB: KTnH hm. B. KynStimeBa, 13-22. [Mat-veeva G.I., 1975: Pamyatniki kara-yakupovskogo tipa v Priuralye // Iz istorii Srednego Povolzhya i Priuralya. Kuybishev: KGPI im. V. Kuybisheva, no. 5, 13-22.] Pa3aHoBa C.B., MuxaneBa A.B., 2011:0eHoMeH ^eHcKon penurao3HocTn b nocTcoBeTcKoM npocTpaHcTBe (peruoHantHHH cpe3): MoHorpa^na/ C.B. Pa3aHoBa, A.B. MuxaneBa; nepM. roc. yH-T. nepMt. [Ryazanova S.V., Mihaleva A.V., 2011: Fenomen zhenskoy religioznosti v postsovetskom prostranstve (regionalniy srez). Perm: Perm. gos. un-t.] Cene3HeB A. r. 2013: HcnaMcKne KyntToBHe KoMnneKcti acTaHa b CuSupu KaK uepoTonuu: caKpantHHe npocTpaHcTBa h penHrno3Haa ngeHTHHHocTt // BecTHHK apxeonornn, aHTpononoruu u ^THo^pa$HH, N° 2 (21), 111-119. [Seleznev A.G., 2013: Islamskie kulytovye kompleksy astana v Sibiri kak ierotopii: sakralynye prostranstva i religioznaya identichnosty // Vestnik arkheologii, antropologii i etnografii, no. 2 (21), 111-119.] Cene3HeB A.r., Cene3HeBa H.A., 2017: ApxeonoruHecKue naMaTHHKH h HoBtie caKpantHHe npocTpaHcTBa: uepoTonua, xpoHoTon u rnoSantHaa HH^opMannoHHaa cpega // ypantcKun ucTopuHecKHH BecTHHK N°1 (54), 135-143. [Seleznev A.G., Selezneva I. A., 2017: Arheo-logicheskiye pamyatniki i noviye sakralnye prostranstva: ierotopiya, hronotop i globalnaya informacionnaya sreda // Uralskiy istoriceskiy vestnik, no. 1 (54), 135-143.] CunuHa B.E., 2014: KyntToBaa geaTentHocTt HeTpagnunoHHtix penHruo3Htix gBH^eHun Ha TeppuTopuu 3anoBegHHKa «ApKauM» // PenHruo3Hoe MHoroo6pa3ue ypantcKoro peruoHa: MaTepuanti BcepoccnncKon HayHHo-npaKTHHecKon KoH^epeHquu. OpeHSypr: Ml IK «yHHBepcuTeT», 211-223. [Silina V.E., 2014: Kulytovaya deyatelynost netraditsionnykh religioznykh dvizheniy na territorii zapovednika «Arkaim» // Religioznoe mnogoobrazie Uralyskogo regiona. Materialy Vserossiyskoy nauchno-prakticheskoy konferentsii. Orenburg: IPK «Universitet», 211-223.] CunuHa B.E., 2015: CaKpanH3an.ua apxeonoruHecKnx naMaTHHKoB O^Horo ypana Ha npuMepe 3anoBegHHKa «ApKaHM», OcTpoBa Bepti, Ha^oHantHoro napKa «3ropaTKynt» // ^THHHecKHe B3auMogeHcTBua Ha o^hom ypane MaTepuanti VI BcepoccuncKon HayHHon KoH^epeHunu. ^enaSuHcK: «flenaSuHcKun rocygapcTBeHHtin KpaeBegnecKun My3en», 433-437. [Silina 48- AHHyP H. Ty3EEKOB V.E., 2015: Sakralizaciya arheologicheskih pamyatnikov Yuzhnogo Urala na primere zapovednika «Arkaim», Ostrova Very, Nacionalnogo parka «Zyuratkul» // Ehtnicheskie vzaimodejstviya na Yuzhnom Urale materialy VI Vserossiyskoy nauchnoy konferencii. Chelyabinsk: «Chelyabinskiy gosudarstvenny kraevedcheskiy muzey», 433-437.] Ty3SeK0B A.H., 2017: ropog-ropa b KyntTypHoM naHgma^Te EamKopTOCTaHa // YpantcKHH HCTopHHeoKHH BecTHHK, N°4 (57), 121-129/ [Tuzbekov A.I., 2017: Gorod-gora v kulturnom landshafte Bashkortostana // Uralskiy istoriceskiy vestnik, no. 4 (57), 121-129.] Ty36eKOB A.H., EaxmueB H.H.O., 2013: OSteKTH apxeonoranecKoro Hacnegua BamKHpcKoro 3aypanta B coBpeMeHHoft pmyantHoH npaKTHKe roro-B0cT0HHbix SamKup // HcnaM u rocygapcTBo B Pocchh cSopHHK MaTepuanoB Me^gyHapogHoft HayHHo-npaKTuHecKoft KOH$epeH^HH, nocBa^eHHoft 225-neraro ^HTpantHoro gyxoBHoro ynpaBneHua MycyntMaH, Y^a: ryn PE Y^hmckhh nonurpa^KoMSuHaT, 99-102. [Tuzbekov A.I., Bahshiev I.I. O., 2013: Obekty arheologicheskogo naslediya Bashkirskogo Zauralya v sovremennoy ritualnoy praktike yugo-vostochnyh bashkir // Islam i gosudarstvo v Rossii sbornik materialov mezh-dunarodnoy nauchno-prakticheskoy konferencii, posvyashchennoy 225-letiyu centralnogo duhovnogo upravleniya musulman, Ufa: GUP RB Ufimskiy poligralkombinat. 99-102.] Ty3SeK0B A.H., EaxmueB H.H.O., 2014: O caKpanrnauuH naMaTHHKoB apxeonoruu (Ha npuMepe EamKupcKoro 3aypanta) // ^TH0Ky^bTypH0e Hacnegue HapogoB O^Horo ypana: ucTopua, ^TH0^pa^Ha, penuruoBegeHHe MaTepuanH BcepoccuftcKoft HayHHo-npaKTHHecKoft KoH^epeHHuu, OpeHSypr: H3gaTentcKo-nonurpa^HHecKHH KoMnneKc «yHHBepcHTeT», 142-147. [Tuzbekov A.I., Bahshiev I.I.O., 2014: O sakralizacii pamyatnikov arheologii (na primere Bashkirskogo Zauralya) // Ehtnokulturnoe nasledie narodov Yuzhnogo Urala: istoriya, ehtnografiya, religiovedenie Materialy Vserossijskoy nauchno-prakticheskoy konferencii, Orenburg: Izdatelsko-poligraficheskiy kompleks «Universitet», 142-147.] Ty3SeK0B A.H., EaxmueB H.H.O., 2015: ApxeonoruHecKue naMaTHHKu KaK oSteKTH caKpanu3au,HH (Ha npuMepe MoruntHuKa HntHurynoBo IV) // H3Becxua y^uMcKoro HayHHoro u,empa PAH.. T. 4, 103-107. [Tuzbekov A.I., Bahshiev I.I.O., 2015: Arheologicheskie pamyatniki kak obekty sakralizacii (na primere mogilnika Ilchigulovo IV) // Izvestiya Ufimskogo nauchnogo centra RAN, no. 4, 103-107.] Oogop H., 2015: BeHrpti: gpeBHaa ucTopua u oSpeTeHue poguHH. nepMt: OOO «Tunorpa^ua «3eSpa». [Fodor I., 2015: Vengry: drevnyaya istoriya i obretenie rodiny. Perm: OOO «Tipografiya «Zebra».] fflHupentMaH B.A., 2015 a: KoHcTpyupoBaHue ucTopunecKoro Hacnegua cnynaft ApKauMa // CuSupcrne ucTopuHecKue uccnegoBaHua, N° 2, 53-65. [Shnirelman V.A., 2015 a: Kon-struirovanie istoricheskogo naslediya sluchay Arkaima // Sibirskie istoricheskie issledo-vaniya, no. 2, 53-65.] fflHupentMaH B.A., 2015 S: Apxeonorua u penurua: BH30BH nocTMogepHa// HHHoBau.uu B aHTpononoruu: HoBHe HanpaBneHua, oSteKTH u Mewogti B poccuftcKux aHTpononoruHecKux uccnegoBaHuax, MocKBa: H3A PAH, 82-121. [Shnirelman V.A., 2015 b: Arheologiya i religiya: vyzovy postmoderna // Innovacii v antropologii: novye napravleniya, obekty i metody v rossiyskih antropologicheskih issledovaniyah, Moskva: IEA RAN, 82-121.] 3nmTefiH M.H., 2013: Penurua nocne aTeu3Ma. HoBHe bo3mo^hoctu Teonoruu. M.: ACT-npecc KHura. [Ehpshteyn M.N., 2013: Religiya posle ateizma. Novye vozmozhnosti teologii. Moskva: AST-Press Kniga.] OHycoBa A.E., 2015: MoSunrooBaHHtiH apxau3M: HoBHe TeHgeH^HH b TpagH^H0HH0H penH^H03H0H npaKTuKe noKnoHeHua SamKupcKux MycyntMaH // H3Becma y^uMcKoro HayHHoro u,eHTpa PAH, N°3, 106-115. [Yunusova A.B., 2015: Mobilizovanniy arhaizm: novye tendencii v tradicionnoy religioznoy praktike pokloneniya bashkirskih musulman // Izvestiya Ufimskogo nauchnogo centra RAN, no. 3, 106-115.] rOPOflHfflE y C. KAPA-.HKynOBO B BAffiKHPHH - HOBbIH OBEEKT CAKPA.^H3A^HH ... 49 THE SITE OF AN ANCIENT SETTLEMENT NEAR KARA-YAKUPOVO VILLAGE IN BASHKIRIA AS A NEW OBJECT OF THE SACRALIZATION OF AN ARCHEOLOGICAL SITE Alnur I. Tuzbekov ooo Started in 2013, work on the project "Archaeological sites of the Southern Urals as objects of sacralization" allowed the staff of the R.G. Kuzeev Institute for Ethnological Studies, Ufa Scientific Center of the Russian Academy of Sciences, to identify several dozen archaeological sites bearing some sacralization signs. This is often expressed in the form of carrying out all sorts of rituals, tying ribbons, scarves, and offering coins and other symbols. From one year to the next, an increase in the number of such facilities is recorded in the Southern Urals. Information about the monuments, initially known only to archaeologists, is given wide publicity, then it becomes a "brand" used by adherents of new religious movements, as well as by representatives of traditional religions. Studies conducted in 2013-2016 have made it possible to establish the extreme uneven distribution of "holy places" within the region and to identify some sacral loci that formed mainly around individual burial mounds and burial cemeteries. In the last two years, the process of the sacralization of fortified settlements has been recorded by scientists, which encouraged studying these processes in more detail. In this paper, as in the case of the Kara-Yakup settlement, the epic monument of Karayakup culture, the process of the formation of new sacral spaces around the settlement sites in the Southern Urals is examined. The studies we conducted (field studies, analysis of scientific literature and groups in social networks, etc.) made it possible to trace the process of the formation of sacred ideas about a site, identify the main initiators and participants in the process, and also determine the negative consequences of this phenomenon, which in turn allowed us to single out one of the models of sacralization of the fortifications of the epochs of the early Iron Age and the Middle Ages in the Southern Urals. Tuzbekov Ainur I., Candidate of Historical Sciences, research fellow, R.G. Kuzeev Institute for Ethnological Studies, Ufa Scientific Center of the Russian Academy of Sciences, K.Marx st, 6, Ufa, Republic of Bashkortostan, Russia, tuzbek.80@mail.ru 21 Studia MYTHOLOGICA Slavica 2018 -51 - 56- ^TUMono^ua KapnaTCKoyKpaHHCKoro MH^OHHMa Hysaucmep — MaKCHM A. ro^KHH The author suggests a new etymology for the mythonym Cugaister known in the folklore of the Carpathian Ukrainians. KEYWORDS: Cugaister, Ukrainian language, Carpathian dialects, etymology, mythonym, compound name B cyeBepHtix npegcTaBneHuax KapnaTCKHX yKpauH^B BcrpenaeTca nepcoHa» no HMeHH Hyeaucmep, pog. -cmpa (BapuaHTti - Hyeaucmup(b), HyeaucmpuH, Onyeaucmep, Hy-eau; b pa3Htix roBopax Ha3tiBaeTca TaK»e mcoeuu nonoeiK, mcoeuu did u npoCTo did, ^au, hohhuk, didbKo), He u3BecTHtiS gpyruM cnaBaHaM. B ny6nuKanuax ^ontKnopHtix TeKCToB u HayHHoS nuTepaType ^T0 Ha3BaHHe numeTca to c 6ontmoS, to c ManeHtKoS 6yKBti; TaKUM o6pa3oM, ero nuHraucTunecKuS CTaTyc (npuHagne»HocTt k anennaTuB-HoMy unu nponpuantHoMy cnoro neKCUKu) He BnonHe aceH. Mti 6ygeM paccMaTpuBaTt Hyeaucmep KaK ums co6cTBeHHoe. CornacHo 6ontmuHCTBy npegcTaBneHuS, Hyeaucmep - 6poga^uS no necy rontiS, rycTo o6pocmuS BonocaMu (unu Hoca^uS 6enyro oge»gy) CTapuK orpoMHoro pocTa ("bucokus, aK CMepeKa"), uHorga ogHoHorus, KoTopoMy hukto u huhto He cnoco6Ho HaBpeguTt. HeKorga oh 6tin o6hhhhm HenoBeKoM, ho, npoKnaTtiS cboum cocegoM 3a npunuHeHHHS ToMy Bpeg, o6peneH Ha Be^Htie CKuTaHua. Hyeaucmep oxoTuTca Ha onac-hhx gna nrogeS »eHCKux gyxoB — MaBoK — u noegaeT ux. y Hero BecentiS HpaB, oh nro6uT TaHneBaTt u neTt. ^na HenoBeKa He onaceH. HHorga Hyeaucmpa npegcTaBnanu b Buge BeTpa, Buxpa. Ochobhbk Hepm o6pa3a Hyeaucmpa coBnagaroT c npegcTaBneHuaMu o nemeM, noBceMecTHo pacnpocrpaHeHHtiMu Ha BocToHHocnaBaHCKoS TeppuTopuu u oTnunaro^uMuca cpaBHuTentHoS ogHopogHocTtro; gantHeSmue napannenu - cep6cKuS necHUK u gp. (cm.: ^asBopoHoK 2006: 645; Xo63eS 2002: 189-191; manaK 2002: 170-172; ToKapeB 2012: 79-83 (6e3 ynoMuHaHua o6pa3a Hyeaucmpa); Kynumuh et al. 1970: 207). Hage»Haa ^TUMono^ua Mu^oHuMa oTcyTCTByeT. Ero cpaBHuBanu co cnaB. *cuga '3acaga, CTpa»a', yKp. guan. nyeui 'cTopo^eBtie Ka3anKue 6amHu', nyea 'KapnaTCKaa Ha^uoHantHaa BepxHaa oge»ga', nyauno 'ecTecTBeHHaa npoTonuHa b KaMHe', nyea 52- MAKCHM A. roroKHH 'nyrano, Tpyc' u ^aücmp 'aucT', ogHaKo Bce ^TH conocTaBneHua He cooTHocaTca c H3-BecTHHMH HepTaMH o6pa3a Hy^aücmpa u cogep«aHueM nocBa^eHHtix eMy 6tinuHeK. no«anyn, TontKo cpaBHeHHe c *cuga '3acaga, cTpa«a' mo«ho 6tino 6h cBa3aTt c 3acagaMH, KOToptie Hy^aücmep ycTpaHBaeT Ha MaBoK, ogHaKo BTopaa nacTt npn ^TOM o6iacHeHHH ocTaeTca HeacHon; KpoMe Toro, ^TO 3Ha^eHue He 3acBugeTentcTBOBaHo y gaHHoro cnoBa b 3anagHoyKpauHcKux roBopax (cm. HH«e). Ha Ham B3rnag, Hau6onee BepoaTHo paccMaTpuBaTt Ha3BaHue Hy^aücmep KaK cno-«eHue, npuHagne«a^ee k HMnepaTHBHoMy Tuny, xopomo H3BecTHoMy b cnaBaHcKOH oHoMacTHKe - KaK aHTponoHHMuu, TaK u TonoHHMuu, a TaK«e (hto Hau6onee 6nu3Ko k npegMeTy Hamero paccMOTpeHua) TeoHHMuu, cp. gp.-pyccK. ^awb6o^-b u, bo3mo«ho, Cmpu6o^b (cornacHo HeKOTopHM ^THMono^HaM). nepBaa nacTt npegcTaBnaeT co6oh ^opMy noBenuTentHoro HaKnoHeHua rnarona *cugati (c TeM «e KopHeM, hto h ynoMa-HyToe *cuga): nem. cíhati 'nogcTeperaTt, nog«ugaTt, npucTantHo cMOTpeTt, HeTepne-nuBo «gaTt; BugHeTtca, Top^aTt', couhati 'Top^aTt, BtigaBaTtca; rna3eTt', guan. cúhat 'nograagtiBaTt (HanpuMep nepe3 3aMOHHyro cKBa«HHy), rna3eTt', cuhat 'KpacoBaTtca', cóhat 'nog«ugaTt; rna3eTt, Tyno cMoTpeTt; BtigaBaTtca, BtiraagtiBaTt', cúhat 'to «e', cíhat 'TaHyTtca 3a neM-nu6o', cnB^ cuhat' 'BtirnagtiBaTt' b ero ucxogHoM 3HaneHuu 'BugHeTtca, Top^aTt, BHgaBaTtca', coxpaHHBmeMca (npu^eM b Ka^ecTBe eguHcTBeH-Horo) u b 3anagHoyKpauHcKux guaneKTax, cp. nonec. ^y^a 'ropa 6e3 pacTHTentHocTu', ^y^yn. ^y^a 'BHmKa (Tonoipa^HHecKun 3HaK)' 1974-: 4 130; Herpun 2008: 184); TaKHM o6pa3oM, ^Ta ocHoBa xapaKTepu3yeT Hau6onee apKyro oTnu^HTentHyro nepTy BHemHero o6nuKa Hy^aücmpa - ero BenuKaHcKHH pocT. BTopyro nacTt cnoBa mh noHHMaeM KaK yce^eHHyro ^opMy cnaB. *stryjb 'gaga no o^y': gp.-pyccK. cmpbiu, cmp-bu, pyccK. cmpoü 'gaga no o^y', guan. 'KaneKa, hh^hh', cT.-yKp. *cmpuuKo, yKp. guan. cmpuü, cmpuüKo, cmpuK, [cT.-]6np.[, guan.] cmpuü, cep6.-ncnaB. cmpbiu, 6onr. cmpuxa, cmpuxo, c.-xopB. cmpuxo, cmpty, cnoBeH. stríc, nem. stryc 'gaga, Ky3eH', cnB^ stryc 'gaga', nontcK. stryj, B.-ny«. tryk '6paT o^a' (OacMep 1996: III 78; CC-yM 1978: II 394; CyM 1978: 9 769), hto aBnaeTca Tunu^HtiM gna cnaBaHcKux a3HKOB Ta6yHcTHHecKHM HauMeHoBaHueM, cp. no oTHomeHuro k ToMy «e o6ieKTy ogymeBneHua nontcK. guan. stryj 'nec', a TaK«e 'ne^t (b a3HKe BapmaBcKux neHHHKoB)', b ceMaHTHHecKoM oTHomeHuu - yKp. guan. (rynyn.) eyüKo 'MegBegt' (yMeHtm. ot eyü (npcn. *ujb) 'gaga no MaTepu'), pyccK. guan. (chm6.) dnduHUpeónma 'no cyeBepHHM npegcTaBneHuaM - gyxu, «HBy^ue b 6aHe', (Kany«.) dndwxHa 'nuxo-pagKa'; cp. TaK«e 6np. (U,.), ^epcoHH$HKa^Ha neTa (SGP 1907: V 248; 1958: I 259; CPHr 1965-: 8 306; 3anKoycKÍ, CaHtKo 2004: 541). CeMaHTHKe BTopon HacTH He npoTHBopenuT u HauMeHoBaHue Hyeaücmpa b HeKOToptix roBopax did, mcoeuü did, ecnu npuHaTt bo BHHMaHue guaneKTHoe ynoTpe6neHue ^TOH neKceMH b 3HaneHuu 'gaga': cT.-yKp. dídb 'gaga (no o^y unu no MaTepu)', 1495 r., yKp. guan. (neMK.) did, dbido 'My« TeTKu', nontcK. dziadko 'gaga (no o^y unu no MaTepu)'. Ha^HHaa c XIV b. cnoBo cmpuu yrpaHHBanoct b gpeBHepyccKOM a3HKe, coxpaHHBmuct numt b nacTH roro-3anagHHx roBopoB yKpauHcKoro a3HKa (CC-yM 1978: I 337; Tpy6a^eB 2008: 111-113; SP 1974-1995: III 114n). HeycTonnuBocTt rnacHoro nocnegHero cnora b Hy-^aücmep, -cmpa, Hy^aücmup(b) no3BonaeT gonycTHTt ero BTopuHHoe, ^^eHTeTHHecKoe ^THMO.^O^RH KAPnATCKOyKPAHHCKOTO MHTOHHMA VVTAMC1EP -53 npoucxo^geHue, cp. aHanoruHHo cT.-6np. Cunbeecmep (b .HuTBe), 6onr. Cuneecmep (Eiptina 1966: 148; Htob 1969: 449) u nog. mh^ohhm ^y^aücmep coothochtch c gpeBHeñ aHTp0n0HHMUHecK0H Mogentro cno^Htix HMeH c EMnepaTUBHoH ^opMoä rnarona b nepBon HacTH u ochoboh -stryj - bo BTopon, npegcTaBneHHon b gpeBHenontcKoM a3tiKe, KaK 6h KonupyeT ee, hto, BKyne c neKcuKo-ceMaHTunecKon apxauHHocTtro ero nepBon HacTH (rnaron *cugati b KapnaTcKux roBopax He 3acBugeTentcTB0BaH, Torga KaK caobo cmpuü, TaK^e apxauHHoe gna nuTepaTypHoro a3tiKa, npegcTaBneHo (cm., HanpuMep, ninam, ranac 2005: 184)), cBugeTentcTByeT o ero paHHeM npoucxo^geHHU, BonpeKH BticKa3tiBaBmeMyca MHe-Huro, hto Bo3HHKHoBeHue ^T0^0 HMeHH cBa3aHo c MH^pa^HOHHHMH npo^ccaMH XVII-XVIII bb. (cm.: Ko6unaHctKHH 1980: 45): cp. Lelistryj, 1065 r. : npcn. *leleti, lelejati 'Ka^aTt[, nepeH. neneaTt]'; Sulistryj, 1136 r. (cp. TaK^e Sulistryjewice, Sulistryjewo, He cy^ecTByro^ee HHHe ceno b ro^Hon HacTH gpeBHero Ma30Be^K0^0 BoeBogcTBa, H3BecTHoe c 1408 r.) : npcn. *suliti 'cynuTt, o6e^aTt'; Zdzistryj, 1312 r. : npcn. *jbzdeti 'ycTaHoBUTt; cgenaTt, coBepmuTt'; Zelistryj, 1136 r. u no3gHee : npcn. *zelati, *zeleti '^enaTt' (SSNO 1965-1972: III 240, V 253, VI 309, 362; Bijak 2001: 199; SEM 2000: 143, 295, 367, 374). H3 3acBugeTentcTB0BaHHHx (b t. h. numt b TonoHUMHu) $opM ^THx HMeH BugeH perynapHtin xapaKTep TaKoro yce^eHua neKceMti *stryjb, BticTynaro^en bo BTopon HacTH cno^eHuä: Sulistrowa, ceno b KpocHeHcKoM noBeTe, Sulistrowice, ceno b 6hb-meM BeHaBcKoM ye3ge PagoMcKoH ry6epHuu; Zelistrzewo, ceno b 3anagHoH npyccuu (BeñrpoBcKHH noBeT); HepegKo Bcrpe^aeTca u 6óntmaa cTeneHt yce^eHua: Dalesta, 1280 r. < Dalestryj, 1204 r.; Domast, 1244 r. < Domastryj, 1393 r., unu Domastoj, 1443 r.; Sulist, XV-XVI bb.; Zdzistek (Zdzistko), 1334 r. (SG 1890: XI 573; Kqtrzyñski 1879: 47; SSNO 1965-1972: I 452, 506, V 253, VI 309). ^acra^Hoe yce^eHue nocTno-3HTHBHoro KoMnoHeHTa Boo6^e aBnaeTca ogHHM H3 ochobhhx cnoco6oB 06pa30BaHua runoKopucTHHecKux ^opM gByqneHHtix HMeH b cnaBaHcKux a3tiKax: TaK, M. O. ^eM^yK (1988: 55) npuBoguT cTapoyKpauHcKue aHTponoHHMti CynuMb < CyrnMupb, Padueb < Padueoü, Padoßb < Padoßydb u gp. B ^ontKnope ^T0T mh^ohhm HaxoguT cTpyKTypHyro napannent, HanpuMep, b (no) KamueopoweK, nepcoHa® o6^en gna Bcex boctohhhx cnaBaH 0gH0HMeHH0H cKa3KH (yKp. KomuaopowKo, 6np. Ka^aapowax, nam^aapowax, Katyaapowbmm) (HapogHtie pyc-cKue cKa3KH 1984: I 205-214; CeMHniToHKa 1990: 23-30; EenapycKaa... 2003: 208-224). ,3,na cTpaTurpa^uu MH^oHHMa ^y^aücmep cy^ecTBeHHtiM aBnaeTca TaK^e to o6cToaTentcTBo, hto numt b gpeBHen oHoMacTHKe mh Bcrpe^aeM HMnepaTUBHtie cno^eHua c nocTno3HTUBHtiM KoMnoHeHToM, o6o3Ha^aro^HM cy6ieKTa gencTBua, Ha3BaHHoro b nepBon nacra (ynoMaHyrtiH Btme TeoHHM flawböozb, TonoHUMUHecKUH Tun *Zvbnigordb (gp.-pyccK. 3eeHueopodb (HeogHoKpaTHo), nontcK. Zmigród (B. Ta-mH^KHH), c.-xopB. 3eoHuepad (P. ^tt) (Taszycki 1947; Zett 1976)) u gp.), Torga KaK xpoHonoruHecKH 6onee no3gHHH cnoH 0H0MacTHHecK0H neKcuKH, KaKHM aBnaroTca ^aMunuu, 3HaeT TontKo o6ieKTHtie KoHcrpy^uu TaKoro Tuna, cp. cTapoyKpauHcKue 3aKapnaTcKue ^aMunuu Bapueoöa, Enoö^uwKypa, HoMuxa^a, CKop^uHo^a, Tpncuxeycm (^yw 2005: XXVII). 54- MAKCHM A. roroKHH Bnpo^eM, ^opManBHo bo3mo»ho TaK^e o6i»ch»tb nepByro HacTB Mi^oHHMa KaK cy^ecTBHTentHoe c cy^HKcoM *-jb - BapnaHTOM cy^HKca *-ejb/*-ajb gn» HMeH ot raaronoB c ochoboh Ha -a. B ^TOM cny^ae OHa HaxogHT cooTBeTCTBHe b 3annemau 3annemam, nepcoHa» pyccKOH cKa3KH "HBaH TypTBirHH" (Bn6nHOTeKa... 1988: 301). E^e ogHa Bepo»THa» cnoBoo6pa3OBaTenBHa» napannenB (TaK^e gonycKaro^a» gBo»Kyro HHTep^peTa^Hro nepBOH nacra) - gp.-pyccK. Kumau^opodb, Ha3BaHHe og-Horo H3 paHOHOB Mockbbi, KoTopoe npegcTaBn»eTc» ^necoo6pa3HBiM cB»3BiBaTB c npcn. *kytati (?): B.-ny». kitac '3a^H^aTB, yKpBiBaTB' (cp.: "Ha3BaHHe Kman-ropog no»BHnocB b 1535 r., Korga b o6opoHBi BenHKoro nocaga ero Hanann o6hochtb xopomo yKpenneHHOH cTeHon" (CMonnnKa», rop6aHeBcKHH 1982: 17)), 6np. gnan. Kbima^ 'BBiKaHHBaTB Meg H3 cotob' ^CC-3 1974-: 13 280); cp. TaK^e yKp. Kumafeo-pod, ceno b KaMeHe^nogonBcKOM panoHe XMenBH^KOH o6nacra, H3BecTHoe c 1607 r. (IcTopia... 1971: 360). TaKHM o6pa3OM, Hama ^THM0^0^H» Mo^eT 6bitb o6ocHOBaHa KaK c tohkh 3peHH» cooTBeTcTBHa Ha3BBaeMOH peanHH, TaK h b »3bikobom oTHomeHHH, nocKonBKy o6Ha-py»HBaeT b cnaB»HcKHx »3BiKax MHoronncneHHBie napannenn, oTHoc»^nec» k pa3HBiM ypoBH»M »3BiKa - ^oHeTHqecKOMy, neKcHKo-ceMaHTHHecKOMy, cnoBoo6pa3OBaTenBHOMy. HHTEPATyPA EenapycKax HapodHaM mBopuacyb. H,apaČ3euHun Ka3Ki 2003, h. I, MiHcK. [Belaruskaa narodnaa tvorčasc'. Caradzejnya kazki 2003, č. I, Minsk.] EudnuomeKapyccKoeo $onbKnopa, t. 2: CKa3KU 1988, kh. 1, MocKBa. [Biblioteka russkogo folklora, t. 2: Skazki 1988, kn. 1, Moskva.] BipBina M. B. 1966, EenapycKan aHmpanaHiMin, MiHcK. [Biryla M. V. 1966, Belaruskaa antra-panimia, Minsk.] ^eM^yK M. O. 1988, CnoB'nHcbKi aBmoxmoHHi ocodoBi BnacHi iMeHa b no6ymi yKpaiutyB b XIV-XVII cm., Khib. [Demčuk M. O. 1988, Slov'ans'ki avtohtonni osobovi imena v pobuti ukramciv v XIV-XVII st. Kyl'v.] XaHBopoHOK B. B. 2006, ^jrancTep, [b:] 3naKUyKpaiHcbKoi emHOKynbmypu: CnoBHUK-doBičuuK, peg. B. B. ^aHBopoHOK, Khib, 645. [Žajvoronok V. V. 2006, Čugajster, [v:] Znaki ukrains'koi etnokultury: Slovnyk-dovidnyk, red. V. V. Žajvoronok, Kyl'v, 645.] 3aHKoycKi 3., CaHBKo C. 2004, ^u» (Umu,»), [b:] EenapycKan Mirftanozin. ^H^UKnane^u^HU cnoyuiK, p3fl. C. CaHBKo, MiHcK, 541. [Zajkoyski E., San'ko S. 2004, Ceca (Cuca), [v:] Belaruskaa mifalogia. encyklapedyčny sloynik, red. S. San'ko, Minsk, 541.] RrneB Ct. 1969, PeHHUK Ha nuuHume u $aMunHU UMeHa y 6bmapume, Co^h». [Ilčev St. 1969, Rečnik na ličnite i familni imena u balgarite, Sofia.] Icmopin Micm i cin YPCP, t. 23: XMenbHU^Ka odnacmb 1971, Khib. [Istoria mist i sil URSR, t. 23: Hmelnic'ka oblast' 1971, Kyiv.] Ko6HnaHcBKHH B. B. 1980, CxigHOKapnaTcBKi Mi^oHiMH: Hyeaucmep/Hyeaucmup, M0B03HaBcmB0 1, 41-49. [Kobylans kyj B. V. 1980, Shidnokarpats Tsi mifonimy: Čugajster/Cugajstyr, Movoznavstvo 1, 41-49.] ^THMO.^O^RH KAPnATCKOyKPAHHCKOTO MHTOHHMA VVTAMCTEP -55 Kynumnfr ffl., neTpoBHfr n. X., namerah H. 1970, CpncKU MumonornmpeunuK, Eeorpag. [Kulišič Š., Petrovič P. Ž., Pantelič N. 1970, Srpski mitološki rečnik, Beograd.] Hapoduue pyccKue ckclsku A. H. AtyaHacbeBa b mpex moMax 1984, MocKBa. [Narodnye russkie skazki A. N. Afanas'eva v treh tomah 1984, Moskva.] Herpm M. 2008, Cmpdu ^y^ynbCKo^o ^oBopy: Eepe30BU, HtBiB. [Negrič M. 2008, Skarby gu- cul'skogo govoru: Berezovy, Eviv.] ninam K., Tanac E. 2005, Mamepianu do cnoBUUKa ¿juynbcbKuux ^oBipoK KociBcbKa nonnHa u PociwKa PaxiBCbKo^o pauoHy 3aKapnamcbKo'i odnacmi, Y^ropog. [Pipaš U., Galas B. 2005, Materialy do slovnyka guculs'kyh govirok Kosivs'ka Polana i Rosiška Rahivs'kogo rajonu Zakarpats'koj oblasti, Užgorod.]] CeMunimouKa. YKpaiucbKi uapodui Ka3KU 1990, KhIb. [Semilitočka. Ukrains'ki narodni kazki 1990, KyIv.] CPHr 1965-, CnoBapbpyccKUx uapoduux eoBopoB, peg. O. n. ohhhh, .eHHHrpag. [SRNG 1965-, Slovar'russkih narodnyh govorov, red. F. P. Filin, Leningrad.] CC-YM 1978, CnoBHuK cmapoyKpaiHcbKoi mobu XIV-XV cm., peg. .. .. TyMe^Ka, I. M. KepHHqtKHH, KhIb. [SS-UM 1978, Slovnyk staroukrains'koi movy XIV-XVst., red. L. L. Gumec'ka, I. M. Kernic'kyj, KyIv.] CYM 1978, CnoBHuK yKpaiucbKoi Moeu, t. 9, peg. I. K. Einogig, KhIb. [SUM 1978, Slovnyk ukrains'koi movy, t. 9, red. I. K. Bilodid, KyIv.] CY-2 1958, TpHH^eHKo E., CnoBapb yKpauHCKo^o n3UKa, t. I, KhIb. [SUA 1958, Grinčenko B., Slovar'ukrainskogo azyka, t. I, KyIv.] CMonHUKas r. n., ropSaHeBCKHH M. B. 1982, TonoHuMun Mockbm, MocKBa. [Smolickaa G. P., Gorbanevskij M. V. 1982, Toponimia Moskvy, Moskva.] ToKapeB C. A. 2012, Pen^uo3Hbie BepoBaHun BocmouHocnaBnHcKux HapodoB XIX- Hauana XX b., MocKBa. [Tokarev S. A. 2012, Religioznye verovania vostočnoslavanskih narodov XIX- načala XXv., Moskva.] TpySaneB O. H. 2008, HcTopna cnaBflHcmx TepMHHoB pogcTBa h HeKoToptix gpeBHeftmnx TepMHHoB oS^ecTBeHHoro cTpoa, [b:] O. H. TpySaneB, Tpydbi no ^muMono^uu, t. 3, MocKBa, 9-288. [Trubačev O. N. 2008, Istoria slavanskih terminov rodstva i nekotoryh drevnejših terminov obsestvennogo stroa, [v:] O. N. Trubačev, Trudy po etimologii, t. 3, Moskva, 9-288.] OacMep MaKc 1996, ^muMono^u^ecKUu cnoBapb pyccKo^o nsuKa, CaHKT-neTepSypr. [Fasmer Maks 1996, Etimologičeskij slovar'russkogo azyka, Sankt-Peterburg.] Xo63eft H. B. 2002, ^yraftcTHp, [B:] H. B. Xo63eft, ry^nbcbKaMityono^in. EmHoni^Bicmmmu cnoBHuK, .tBiB, 189-191. [Xobzej N. V. 2002, Čugajstyr, [v:] N. V. Xobzej, Guculs'ka mifologia. Etnolingvistyčnyj slovnyk, Eviv, 189-191.] ^yHKa n. 2005, npi3Bu^a 3aKapnamcbKuxyKpaiH^B. IcmopuKo-emuMonoeiunuu cnoBHuK, .HtBiB. [Čučka P. 2005, Prizvisa zakarpats'kyh ukrainciv. Istoriko-etymologičnyj slovnyk, Eviv.] fflanaK O. I. 2002, ^yraftcTep, [b:] 100 HauBidoMiuiux o6pa3iB yKpaiucbKoi Mityono^ii, peg. O. M. TanamyK, KhIb, 170-172. [Šalak O. I. 2002, Čugajster, [v:] 100 najvidomišyh obraziv ukrains'koimifologii, red. O. M. Talančuk, KyIv, 170-172.] ^CC-2 1974-, ^muMono^u^ecKUu cnoBapb cnaBnHcKux m3ukob, peg. O. H. TpySa^eB, MocKBa. [ESSA 1974-, Etimologičeskij slovar'slavanskih azykov, red. O. N. Trubačev, Moskva.] Bijak U. 2001, Nazwy miejscowepoludniowej czqsci dawnego wojewodztwa mazowieckiego, Krakow. Kqtrzynski W. 1879, Nazwy miejscowe polskie Prus Zachodnich, Wschodnich, Pomorza wraz z przezwiskami niemieckiemi, We Lwowie. 56- MAKCHM A. roroKHH SEM 2000, Slownik etymologiczno-motywacyjny staropolskich nazw osobowych, czqsc I: Oda- pelatywne nazwy osobowe, red. A. Cieslikowa, M. Malec, K. Rymut, Krakow. SG 1890, Slownik geograficzny Krolestwa Polskiego i innych krajow slowianskich, t. XI, red. B. Chlebowski, W. Walewski, Warszawa. SGP 1907, Karlowicz Jan, Slownik gwarpolskich, t. V, Krakow. SP 1974-1995, Slownikpraslowianski, red. Frantiszek Slawski, Wroclaw; Warszawa; Krakow; Gdansk. SSNO 1965-1972, Slownik staropolskich nazw osobowych, red. W. Taszycki, Wroclaw. Taszycki W. 1947, Nazwa miejscowa Zmigrod, Jqzykpolski 27, 135-139. Zett R. 1976, Zvonigrad - eine kroatische Entsprechung zu ostslavisch Zvenigorod, Onomastica Jugoslavica 6, 135-137. ETYMOLOGY OF THE CARPATHIAN UKRAINIAN MYTHONYM CUGAJSTER Maxim A. Yuyukin ooo This article deals with the origin of the Carpathian Ukrainian mythonym Cuga-jster. The author explains it as a compound name consisting of the imperative form of the verb *cugati "lurk, wait for; stick out, stick up, stare" or, possibly, of a noun derived from this verb (Cugajster is described as a giant as tall as a fir, that corresponds to the original meaning of this word "stick out, stick up") and the truncated *stryjb "uncle, father's brother" (this and similar relative terms are commonly used as taboo names of mythological entities). This name is formed by analogy with the ancient anthroponymical model represented in Old Polish. The truncation identical to that is proposed for Cugajster, is also regularly attested in the Old Polish compound names with the second part -stryj. Dr. Maxim Anatol'evich Yuyukin, Moiseeva, 47/55, RU-394055, Voronezh, Russia, yuyukin@bk.ru 21 Studia MYTHOLOGICA Slavica 2018 -57 - 95- Shirts, Cloaks and Nudity: Data on the Symbolic Aspects of Clothing* — Eva Pocs - This study discusses the beliefs and rites related to spinning, textiles, robes, and nudity that markedly outline some coherent symbolic systems within European belief systems. Their deep structure consists in the symbolic series of oppositions of nature-culture, raw-cooked, and life-death. In this binary universe, nature is characterized by the absence of cultural processes and products: ploughing, sowing, domesticating wild animals, the furnace, smithery, the iron, spinning and weaving, clothes, and Christian sacraments. The paper will discuss how the "raw" world of nature was tamed; how human beings, born as natural beings, were transformed into social beings, in the course of which the main role among the basic working processes of human culture is attributed to spinning and weaving. KEYWORDS: spinning, clothing, nudity, culture, nature, raw, cooked This study discusses the beliefs and rites related to shirts, cloaks, spinning and weaving, textiles, robes and nudity that markedly outline some coherent symbolic systems within European popular belief systems, both Christian and pre-Christian.1 These might be present collectively in the various semantic strata of certain belief or ritual complexes or may function as a guiding principle, an ideological foundation constituting the core of certain belief complexes. Their deep structure consists in the symbolic series of oppositions of nature-culture, raw-cooked, and life-death.2 In this binary universe, human beings are defined as "living, not dead" and as "humans, not animals", as the resident of a centrally * First Hungarian edition of the study: Pôcs 2008. The translation into English has received funding from the European Research Council under the European Union's Seventh Framework Programme (FP7/2007-2013) / ERC grant agreement N° 324214. The current English version, aside from a few newly-acquired references, is identical with the original text. 1 After the publication of the present article in original Hungarian, Mirjam Mencej's significant study appeared, in which she discusses the symbolic significance of spinning in a review that is extensive in both geographical and temporal terms. At the time the present translation was made, I was sadly unaware of this new paper and could then not refer to those of Mencej's results that are relevant to my topic and which the author summarizes as follows, ".. .according to the traditional European conceptions, spinning, the material for spinning (fibres -un-spun wool) and the results of this activity (thread, yarn) bear important symbolic meanings related to the basic aspects of human existence - birth, fate and death." (Mencej 2011: 77). 2 Cf. Lévi-Strauss 1964; on the symbolic systems of raw and cooked see Pôcs 1992. 58- EVAP6CS positioned inhabited space characterized by culture in opposition with nature, the uninhabited and uncivilized periphery where wild animals, demons, and dead souls dwell. Nature is characterized by the absence of domestic animals and cultivated plants, as well as by the absence of cultural processes and products: ploughing, sowing, domesticating wild animals, the furnace, smithery, the iron, spinning and weaving, clothes, and Christian sacraments. In what follows, we will discuss how the "raw" world of nature was tamed; how human beings, born as natural beings, as "savages", were refined and transformed into social beings, in the course of which the main role among the basic working processes of human culture is attributed to spinning and weaving, cooking and baking, and the craft of smithery. Regarding their symbolic scope and their concrete place and role played in European culture, sometimes this can only be reconstructed from fragmented traces existing in folklore texts; in other cases, it can be modelled from living beliefs and currently operating rites. Apparently, the world described by nature-culture and raw-cooked oppositions, and especially the symbolic role of spinning and weaving, of textiles and of the shirt, is equally present in geographically and chronologically distant Christian and pre-Christian cultures, regardless of linguistic barriers. Most of the examined phenomena have pre-Christian and Christian equivalents; the investigated features of clothing appear to be archaic traits leading back to Europe's ancient past; they are probably general characteristics of archaic worldviews, valid beyond the cultural frontiers of Europe, or perhaps everywhere, surviving in fragments and integrated into Christianity. The examples will be primarily from Hungary and East-Central Europe, but randomly extended to further places and ages; but we could look anywhere and at any time from Sicily to Iceland, from Estonia to the Caucasus, and the similarities and the identical meanings of symbols would be conspicuous. There are only differences and local specificities in terms of details, such as certain special text folklore motifs, characteristics of deities rooted in the mythology of different peoples, or the dates of rituals related to the calendar of saints. PUTTING ON CLOTHES The main topic of this study is to explore how putting on clothes (and creating textiles that constitute the basis of the clothes: spinning and weaving) turned the "bare naked" human being into a social being; how it "introduced" people into the world of culture; how the "shirt" became an expression of identity, a tool of fulfilling one's social role;3 and how clothes protected humans from the demons and the dead attacking from the world of nature. The "boundaries of the body" - as Mary Douglas explained - have equivalent social boundaries;4 the clothes protecting the body are essentially fending off the threats against the social order. The examined data explain all this in the language of myths, rites, and beliefs. 3 As Bo Lonnquist emphasizes, following Erving Gofmann, clothes play an important role (at least in European cultures) in making self-identification and fulfilling social roles possible (Lonnquist 1979). 4 Douglas 1966: 115. SHIRTS, CLOAKS AND NUDITY: DATA ON THE SYMBOLIC ASPECTS OF CLOTHING 59 Separating our topic from the coherent context of the "raw-cooked" systems is somewhat artificial, because apart from the emphasized textiles or shirt, other cultural achievements (mentioned above) could play a similar role in the rites of "human initiation"; and a similar role to "raw" nudity is played by the absence/prohibition of sexuality (limiting sexual activity during the ritual period or having rites performed by those who are excluded from sexual activity, such as children, virgins, old women), fasting and muteness, and the absence of "human" speech. These aspects will be mentioned only briefly. In the context of our discussion, shirts and other cloak-like pieces of clothing directly enveloping the body play a fundamental role in the rites; nonetheless, as we will see, textiles in general, and the instruments and by-products (tow, yarn, scutcher, distaff and spindle) of the process of creating these clothes and the processes themselves, such as spinning and weaving, may fulfil a similar function. This last aspect is also combined with ideas of "weaving" gods and demons, which will also be touched upon. I have already discussed certain aspects of this topic in a previous paper5 about the werewolf as a dual or transitional creature mediating between nature and culture. The definite nature-culture opposition of werewolf beliefs also helps us to understand the more general aspects of this duality, which are not directly related to, albeit being originally based upon werewolves. The following example gives a clear reference to the context of clothing under study, the unclothed state (and the fireless, "raw" circumstances) of the creatures of nature. The verse is an excerpt from the Romanian colinda, Nine splendid stags6 (commonly known from Bela Bartok's Cantata Profana): our slender bodies cannot hide in clothing, they must hide among the leaves; we must make our tracks not in your hearth's warm ashes but along the forest floor.1 The statusless and intermediary state of those who were born werewolves is essential from our perspective, as is their belonging to nature, being "naked" and not cultural beings. In this context, the human being, until its initiation into culture and society, appears not as a human but a demonic creature bearing certain natural traits. In the case of those born with a werewolf fate, these traits are manifested in animalistic features (in the beliefs of Central European peoples, for instance, being born hairy, with teeth or wings, are considered to be such features). Being born "in a caul" foreshadows or ensures a werewolf-fate (or an ability of sight or some "trance-capacity" in general), and not only for werewolf creatures. The metamorphosis of werewolves can be related to being 5 Pocs 2011. 6 Szarvasokka valt fiuk [The boys who turned into stags] 1971: 217. 7 English translation from Bela Bartok's cantata by Thomas Orszag-Land (http://www.babelmatrix.org/works/ hu/Bartok_Bela-1881/Cantata_profana/en/39014-Cantata_profana downloaded: 09.06.2017) 60- EVA PÖCS born in a caul, according to the beliefs of German, Slavic, and Romanian peoples, and sporadically according to Hungarian beliefs as well.8 The metamorphosis of turning into an animal expresses the dual identity of the werewolf. The werewolf is the human's animal alter ego, its "animal skin" or "second skin", the "boundary" of his body, its replacement, or facsimile - the transformation is basically turning the skin "inside out", as a result of which the "hairy" animal identity is concealed.9 The symbolic tool of turning into an animal in beliefs is to put on the wolf skin (bearskin), or the shirt made of it, the "wolf-shirt" or, as they call it in the central and western parts of Europe, the "wolf-belt".10 The caul is also representative of a second skin ensuring the possibility of transforming into an animal for those who are born with it. The truth of the saying "clothes make the man" is attested by one of the common practices of transforming a naked werewolf back into a human being: to put on clothes. Since Antiquity, according to recorded beliefs across Europe, the werewolf becomes a wolf when taking off its human clothes; if meanwhile the clothes are stolen, he will not be able to transform back.11 Creatures of nature temporarily turning into human beings by putting on clothes (and the opposite) is a common legendary, mythical, and epical motif in Europe; we only have to think about the tale of The Swan Woman.12 The shirt of the human being is, thus, a cultural variant of the natural wolf-shirt or the caul. Clothes worn directly on the body, similar to the wolfskin or the caul, are representations of the person,13 or, in certain cases, can be the alter ego of the person. Another text example refers to clothes - in a much more sophisticated way and also closer to the concept of the werewolf's double skin - as a "reflection", a "double", something that "embodies" the free spirit. The Hymn of the Pearl (sometimes called Hymn of the Soul) of the apocryphal and presumably gnostic texts of The Acts of Thomas describes a golden cloak decorated with precious stones that the apostle wore in his youth. He later recalls finding his old cloak as follows: ...and because I remembered not its fashion, for in my childhood I had left it in my father's house, on a sudden, when I received it, the garment seemed to me to become like a mirror of myself. I saw it all in all, and I received all in it, for we were two in distinction and yet gain one in one likeness...1 8 On the roles of the caul and on the signs of birth in general, see primarily Belmont (1971: 28-30, 50-63, 189-190). For a more detailed presentation and further references see my previously-mentioned study. 9 The Latin (versipellis) and perhaps the Romanian (priculici) terms mean "inverted skin". For a detailed account of these topics see Pocs 2011, including an extended bibliography of the werewolf topic; here, I only mention two important works related to the double skin of the werewolf and the complex of "skin inversion": Lecouteux 1992: 121-144: "La metamorphose, le double, le loup-garou" chapter; and Vaz da Silva 2002: 53-48: "Double skins and metamorphosis" chapter. 10 See, for instance, the numerous data of Hertz (1862) about the wolf-shirt and the wolf-belt, from Armenia to Ireland and the antique Greeks: Hertz 1862: 79-97. 11 Hertz 1862: 91-92, 95, 97. For the sources and references to werewolf beliefs see my article: Pocs 2011; here I only mention the most important references and the ones not included in the said article. 12 The Swan Woman (The Man on a Quest for his Lost Wife, ATU 400; Uther 2004: 231-233). 13 The shirt is "Hülle der Seele": Jungbauer 1931: 1709. The name of the caul in several - for instance Southern Slavic - languages is "shirt" or "little shirt". 14 The Acts of Thomas; The Hymn of the Pearl (http://gnosis.org/library/hymnpearl.htm downloaded: 09.06.2017. SHIRTS, CLOAKS AND NUDITY: DATA ON THE SYMBOLIC ASPECTS OF CLOTHING -61 Archaic werewolf beliefs representing the duality of nature and culture constituted the mythical background of rites of passage of human life in Eastern and South-Eastern Europe until the 20th century; they also played an important role in relation to the rites associated with fending off demons and healing illnesses originating from nature. The shirt's cultural initiation role is manifested most directly in the rites aiming to fend off the werewolf-fate at birth: dressing in a shirt the new-born who, on the basis of certain marks at birth, are predestined to a werewolf-fate; a rite of "human initiation" and acceptance into the group known across the Balkans. In Bulgaria and Serbia, for instance, there was a custom of putting a shirt on babies born during the twelve days between Christmas and Epiphany, so that they do not become a karakondzul, a demonic werewolf. Even though during this period spinning was a taboo, in one single night three women made a little wool shirt for the new-born infant, which the endangered child had to wear. The trio of women, thus, accepted the infant into the community of the living.15 The similar western Bulgarian rites and beliefs emphasize another aspect of spinning a werewolf-shirt: here, the custom was that when a zmej child is born (that is, a werewolf child born with a tail and little wings under its arms) a shirt is made with a rudimental technique (from torn oakum), so that, instead of an aggressive werewolf, the infant becomes a zmej (dragon-man) who as an adult will be able to protect his village from the demonic dragon that brings hail: the hala.16 As we can see, the demonic, aggressive force of nature is tamed by putting on a shirt and strengthened, to become a positive, culture-protecting force. Image 1: Christening shirt, Gyimeskozeplok (Lunca de Jos), Harghity county, Romania (Photo Eszter Csonka-Takacs, 2005.) 15 Zecevic 1980: 168; etc. On the wider context of rites to avoid a werewolf fate see: Pocs 2011: 112-115. 16 Georgieva 1983: 80. 62- EVA PÖCS Putting on a shirt as the symbol of becoming a human being also appears in the aspects of rites of passage with the purpose of gaining a new social status, which are also consecrated by Christian sacraments. In the Christian interpretation and practice a person does not have a name or clothes before baptism: it is "stark naked" (which in the literal translation of the Hungarian expression is "mother-borne naked") and not a part of society, a demonic creature possessed by the Devil until baptism, until Satan has been exorcised from it. Besides giving a name, the most important way and a sign of ending the statusless situation is the christening shirt given to the new-born by the godparents (this is a part of Catholic baptisms to this day);17 cf. with the new white garment of the early Christian catechumens.18 A telling addition to these is the legendary motif of the "unbaptized children" who return as ghosts; according to this, these souls, dwelling in this intermediary state, are symbolically baptized. If they hear them crying, they give them a name and throw a piece of clothing, representing the christening shirt, in the direction of the sound so that the soul of the child can reach its final status in the otherworld.19 Let us cite an incantation from Gyimes (Ghimes)20 to heal abscesses, which refers to the raw universe of nature: ...on a high mountain rock, where no man goes, no shirt is made for unbaptized children, no pretzel is baked...21 According to certain German and Hungarian beliefs, giving a christening shirt also helps the eventual adults after their death to obtain their status in the otherworld: in the absence of this, the dead will become erring souls, revenants. Judit Morvay collected the following data from an informant in Abaujlak22 who said that he had not received a christening shirt at his baptism. His mother was too embarrassed to remind the godmother, and she was in great trouble since she was unable to replace it: "Whether I will be able to rest, we will see; maybe I will come back as well." The act of giving a (parental) shirt as a sign of acceptance into society also appears in secular rites in several parts of Europe (it was probably a common European practice as well). Jungbauer refers to German, Russian and Lusatian data to explain that, as an initiation rite into the family, the new-born is wrapped in the shirt of the father or the apron of the mother;23 we know of similar Macedonian data as well.24 In Finland, before going to the 17 On the christening shirts see Kapros 1986: 267; Csonka-Takacs 2008. 18 According to the data of Eszter Csonka-Takacs, the vicar of Gyimesközeplok (Lunca de Jos) traced back the custom of giving a christening shirt precisely to this: Csonka-Takacs 2008: 139-141. 19 The question remains if it was also an actively practiced rite. For more detail on this see: Pocs 2002. 20 Harghita County, Romania. 21 Erdelyi 1999: 843. 22 Borsod-Abauj-Zemplen County, 1967; a then 85-year-old man. 23 Jungbauer 1931: 1717. 24 Petreska 2006: 229. SHIRTS, CLOAKS AND NUDITY: DATA ON THE SYMBOLIC ASPECTS OF CLOTHING -63 baptism, they pulled the infant through the sleeve of the mother's birthing shirt in order to fend off the evil eye;25 in Csik (Ciuc; Romania) there was a belief according to which the infant, if first picked up wrapped in the father's shirt, would like the father more, whereas if wrapped in the mother's shirt, then the baby would like its mother more.26 These data also appear to be fragmented residues of initiation rites, similar to the Hungarian data concerning the belief of dressing the new-born in the garment of the mother or the father against the tentatives of substituting the child as a changeling.27 (The belief that demons substituted infants can be related to the demons of nature: until the infant is baptized, as an intermediary being, it can be easily abducted by demons who "take it with them"). In several parts of Europe, the "initiation shirt" was a known part of the rituals preceding baptism and of some of the rites related to marriage, and even more so, the rites before the wedding. The shirt made by the bride as a gift for her groom is commonly known as a symbol of accepting the groom into his new family. The shirts of the German bride and groom were considered signs of initiation into a new social group; a similar role was attributed by the Irish to the new cloak that women received when they got married.28 The situation was similar in many parts of the Balkans.29 In historical Europe, we can also recognize the process of spinning wedding shirts as an initiation rite; preparing the wedding shirt of girls was a ritualized occasion in several parts of the Balkans, during which the girls not only proved that they were ready for marriage but in this way obtained their new status. Bela Gunda published Serbian, Macedonian, Image 2: Groom's shirt, Mezokovesd, Borsod county, Hungary (Hungarian Museum of Ethnography, No 116834 (Gyorgyi 1965, 235) 25 Vuorela 1967: 63. 26 Benedek H. 1998: 58. 27 Sarkadkeresztur; Bihar County, Bondar 1982: 52; Lakocsa, Somogy County, MNT II. Furthermore: against being swapped, the infant was put in the groom's shirt of the father: Tiszaszederkeny, Borsod County, MNT II; ibid: further similar data. 28 Jungbauer 1931: 1722; Mahon 1978: 286. 29 Danicic 1910: 73-74, 85. 64- EVA PÖCS and Bulgarian data about the village girls spinning, sewing, and embroidering their shirts intended as dowries together, in a separate hut built especially for this purpose: the girl who completed the work was considered "ready to marry".30 As a parallel to the shirts initiating or accepting someone into the family, we also mention the ancient Roman and medieval adoption cloaks and the term by which they referred to adopted children: filii mantellati;31 or the ritual of accepting someone as a disciple: Robert Eisler mentions the prophet Elijah who took Elisha as his disciple by laying his own cloak over him.32 Other data describe the act of spinning and weaving wedding shirts (or more generally textiles given as dowries) as an act engendering a new life, a new phase of life. This aspect is especially underlined in the love poetry and epic literature of the Balkans, in which love and marriage are spun and woven into the shirts or other wedding textiles. One Serbian wedding song includes a dialogue starting with "What are you weaving? A husband...". In another Serbian song, the girl "spins" her own fate: A young woman sits on high, On high and on spacious ground, Spinning silk, making braids With these braids, she converses.33 The Hungarian parallel of this song is from Zoboralja. The reference is by Manga from the 1940s: the people who came to ask for the dowry were led to the bed where the bride's godmother was spinning on a distaff while singing.34 Robert Eisler, in his book on the symbolism of textiles, describes the oldest known Greek marriage rituals including the aspect whereby finishing the shirt by the time of the wedding creates the marriage.35 If one can "weave" life, one can "weave" death as well. Zoja Karanovic and his co-author published a Serbian song according to which the girl wove death instead of life into the handkerchief made for her wedding: ...When I wove them, The earth shook And cracked right across, When I bleached them, Winds began to blow And lifted them thrice. That was proof for me What my towels were for... 30 Gunda 1979: 270-272. 31 "cloaked sons"; Jungbauer 1933: 1589-90. 32 Eisler 1910: 245. 33 Karanovic - Pesikan-Ljustanovic 2002: 33-45 (several other similar songs). 34 Bako 1987: 100. 35 Eisler 1910: 128. SHIRTS, CLOAKS AND NUDITY: DATA ON THE SYMBOLIC ASPECTS OF CLOTHING -65 In other words, she had been weaving a funerary shroud instead of a wedding kerchief: if the veil was torn, it predicted for the girl that the marriage would be unfulfilled.36 As the opposite of spinning and weaving, the unravelling of textiles might have a similar significance. Rober Eisler, in the above-mentioned work, refers to the legends of brides (for instance Saint Agatha)37 who, though weaving their wedding shirt but not wanting to get married, in an act of untying their wedding, unravelled their weavings over and over again. This act with similar meaning is already known from the Odyssey: the only way for Penelope to keep away her suitors - that is, to make her new marriage impossible -was to unravel by night what she wove during the day. The data from Csikszentdomokos (Sandominic) published by Lajos Balazs belongs to this same circle of ideas: the girls, strictly respecting the rules of making the groom's shirt, were very careful not to mess it up by accidentally sewing something reversely so that they would not have to unstitch the sutures, which would obviously derail the wedding.38 The fate-changing role in wearing certain clothes also appears in the data about the act of wearing new garments at the beginning of a new life phase or of a new calendar cycle, as well as in wearing a shirt that was given on an important festival day for the first time. In Serbia, the shirt worn while taking the first steps or on the first school day could be an indicator of status, bring luck or fend off bad fate and illness; the same was believed by the Irish about the shirts given as a gift at the new year or Easter.39 There are interesting Herzegovinian data about cursed shirts, and the mothers' curses cast on shirts.40 The medieval equivalents are the data on the curses "woven into" a cloak published by Valerie Flint.41 In addition to the association with rites of passage and of other festive rituals, there is a rich source material across Europe that presents the process of making a shirt as an act of starting or creating a new life. Ljuba Danicic cites a long series of Serbian data about love magic, getting a husband, keeping a husband, magic used for having children, all of which were performed with a shirt (of the husband or the groom).42 She also mentions girls' and women's shirts of the same function;43 for instance, a girl, after having finished the shirt made for her love, slept on the shirt for a night44 - these acts of magic were usually performed on the Tuesday or the Friday of a new moon.45 Sorcerers also tried to obtain a piece of the groom's shirt that they could use for all sorts of magic.46 In light of 36 Karanovic - Pesikan-Ljustanovic 2002: 49. 37 Eisler 1910: 122-140. 38 Harghity County, Romania; Balazs 1994: 191-192, 198. 39 Danicic 1910: 56-58, 85; Mahon 1978: 286. 40 Danicic 1910: 88. 41 Flint 1991: 226. The author also mentions the ecclesiastical prohibitions concerning Godwebbe, the weaving of wool. 42 Danicic 1910: 89-91. 43 Danicic 1910: 62, 80-81. 44 Danicic 1910: 81. 45 Danicic 1910: 60. 46 Danicic 1910: 72. 66- EVA PÖCS the above, it is only logical that one can inflict love-related bewitchment with the shirt of a deceased person;47 and that love vengeance involves the tearing up of the unfaithful man's shirt;48 unravelling or unstitching a shirt could play a role in breaking up lovers, as a Romanian spinning song explains in the form of a dialogue: - What are you spinning? -1 am not spinning but unspinning: - Bachelors from all work bees, From all of the houses...1,9 There are Italian, German, Serbian, Irish and Hungarian data about shirts involved in magic in aid of conception; for instance, according to Italian data, barren women went to bed wearing the shirt of women who had children.50 Finally, we also mention the shirts used in love divination being put under the pillow at Christmas and other occasions at the beginning of a new year, which are commonly known from the past ritual practice of Hungarians.51 The rites related to shirts that accept a child or a woman into the family or to spinning and weaving also provide protection; this group of data is not clearly distinguished from the data discussed above. Warding off the attack of demons from nature with shirts or other pieces of clothing is almost a natural consequence of the demons' nudity. Apparently, human beings and their households can be protected by these achievements of culture, as well as with the tools and processes involved in the creation of clothes. Besides being motifs of folk narratives, all these were part of living ritual practice in many places across 20th century Europe. It often went beyond its presumed scope: textiles, threads, and the oakum itself became a popular means of prevention or healing in the case of troubles of non-demonic origins. The importance of performing the rites under "raw" circumstances is apparent from many of the relevant data: the shirt protecting from nature had to be woven in silence, after fasting, by a virgin or an old lady (after the end of sexual activity), then put on inside out; animals had to be protected from demons with an inverse, left-handed braid, one had to use raw, unspun oakum, unbleached linen, broken spindle, and so forth. The taboo periods of spinning and weaving, that is, when the "raw" conditions of nature were temporarily extended onto the world of culture, played an important role. In the German linguistic territory, the Nothemd or Schutzhemd protected against dragons and weapons.52 These Schutzhemds and Gluckshemds were made in a particular way at a special time (for instance, during the twelve days of Christmas), spun or woven by a 47 Danicic 1910: 67, 110-111. 48 Danicic 1910: 67. 49 Kligman 1988: 59. 50 Seligmann 1910: II. 225; Danicic 1910: 56-58, 79-87, 90, 92; Jungbauer 1931: 1719; Mahon 1978: 285. 51 See e.g. Pocs 2014: 1005-1006. 52 Jungbauer 1931: 1713. SHIRTS, CLOAKS AND NUDITY: DATA ON THE SYMBOLIC ASPECTS OF CLOTHING -67 virgin or a seven-year-old girl, or sewn on a Sunday, perhaps even consecrated in secret (for instance, by hiding the shirt under the altar cloth), and they were known to protect one from various illnesses or the court of justice, war injuries or even from Hell.53 The protective function of cloaks made under similar circumstances is also known in several parts of Central Europe.54 A diverse list is known from the Balkans to Finland consisting of scarves, aprons, threads laid on something as protection after childbirth against the swapping of unbaptized infants or against the evil eye, or hung on the barn door against witches or on the window to avert demonic pressure, or hidden in the bed, or twisted threads wound around the afflicted part of the body.55 We also have Hungarian data: for instance in Kostelek (Cosnea),56 in order to avoid the substituting of a child they twisted the yarn in the other direction with the left hand.57 Textiles also served to protect against the storm demons that bring hail;58 according to a Bulgarian reference, there was a custom for several southern Slav people to cut the shirt of a young woman in four and wave it in the four points of the compass when a hail storm was approaching.59 According to data from Csongrad County, the Hungarian taltos children were covered with their mother's apron when a hail storm was approaching so that the storm demons would not abduct them.60 The shirts made in one day or on a festival day - otherwise under taboo of spinning and weaving - are equally known in this context, for instance in the case of Bosnian Muslims.61 Ritual weaving of linen during a time of drought was known among the Ukrainians from Polesje. According to the publication of Svetlana Tolstaja, old women or virgin girls gathered in a place to make a towel as long as possible; this, they would place over the icons in church or, if the length of the towel was sufficient, they wrapped it around the church.62 Karoly Jung refers to data from Vojvodina (Serbia) collected by him among Hungarians, about a thread sewn into a skirt or worn as a necklace against the witches who attacked in the period between Christmas and Epiphany (ketkaracsonyi cerna, which literally means "thread from two Christmases" because this period between Christmas and Epiphany was called the time "between two Christmases".63 In the practice of Transylvanian Hungarians, a known protective instrument against the "fair woman" (szepasszony) harming horses or, in the Transdanubian region, against the "weasel woman" (menyetasszony) who sucked the milk of cows, was to hang a small spindle or stick a distaff with oakum in the stable, while they instructed the weasel to 53 Jungbauer 1931: 1713-14. 54 Jungbauer 1933: 1587-88. 55 Danicic 1911; Seligman 1910: 225-227; Schubert 1984: 96-105. 56 Bacau County, Romania 57 Several data from Kostelek Kostelek (Cornea), Bacau County, Romania, published by Takacs 2001: 483-484. 58 See for instance Pocs 2003: 177-178. 59 Moroz 1989: 150. 60 Kistelek (Csongrad County), collected by Vilmos Dioszegi in 1954. Hungarian Folk Belief Archive, Foggal született gyerek (Child born with teeth). 61 Seligmann 1910: 11. 62 Tolstaja 2001: 191. 63 Jung 1983: 89-90. 68- EVA P6CS work.64 In relation to these acts, rules about the "raw" conditions (gestures performed inversely, with the left hand, with a broken spindle) are present: according to data from Magyarhermany (Herculan),6 if the mane of a horse was interwoven or tangled then it had been braided by the devil at midnight. As a remedy, they wound five or six ells of hemp thread spun with the left hand on a broken spindle and stuck it above the head of the horse in the beam. The devils did not dare approach it.66 It was similar in Erdofule (Filia):61 When you go home, tell your mother to take some oakum or wool and to spin with her left hand as much as to be able to stick the spindle backwards into the distaff. Stick it above the horse, and it will be mounted [by the fair women] no more.68 The Swedish put a wool knot on the back of the animals when driving out the flock; in Karjala, they protected the sheep from bears with red threads, the shepherds tied pieces of wool onto their own clothes and on the back of the sheep as well, and the same measure of protection was taken in Estonia.69 An 18th century manuscript from Siklos (Baranya County, Hungary) gives the following advice: For the wild animals not to hurt your cattle, spin a thread on the day of Easter before sunrise and tie it under the animal's tail.10 Often the protection of animals was also related to threads or textiles spun or woven on the taboo days of spinning, such as the "wolf days" in the Balkans or during the twelve days after Christmas; it was also the period in which they performed the rites involving wool to ensure the protection of the flock.11 In these cases, there is also some sort of sacrificial character, and we will briefly return to this question later. At this point, it is worth mentioning the Serbian data about the beliefs surrounding prohibitions on weaving in the places of the dance and of the assembly of the werewolves and the unbaptized (and other demons of nature). If, however, someone were to weave at such a taboo location then the remainder of the cut textile threads could be used for love magic.12 Consequently, the demonic locations of nature equally belong to the above-mentioned raw conditions that make the world of culture fertile. 64 See for instance: Bosnyak 1982: 100; collected by Kinga Jankus in Csfkjenofalva (Ineu, Harghita County Romania) in 1996; collected by Eva Pocs in Csikkarcfalva (Carta, Harghita County, Romania) and in Gyime-skozeplok (Lunca de Jos, Harghita County, Romania), in 2002 and 2003; collected by Jozsef Gagyi in Csikdelne (Delnita, Harghita County, Romania) in 1995; Gonczi 1914: 214. 65 Harghita County, Romania. 66 Mate 1984: 199. 61 Harghita County, Romania. 68 Zakarias 1992: 191. 69 Rantasalo 1945: 56, 58. 10 Bellosics 1900: 355. 11 See e.g. Mencej 2001: 315-320; 2009. 12 Danicic 1910: 93-95. SHIRTS, CLOAKS AND NUDITY: DATA ON THE SYMBOLIC ASPECTS OF CLOTHING -69 The use of shirts or other pieces of clothing for healing purposes is not devoid of the reminiscence of nature-culture systems. Shirts are direct accessories of people as social beings; they are their "doubles"; this is why it is possible to heal the clothes instead of the patient or to bewitch the owner on the basis of the pars pro toto principle of magic. This is what makes magic or healing possible with the shirts of virgins or of barren, old people. There are countless examples of these actions, basically from across Europe. Serbian data from the collection of Danicic include incantations pronounced over the patient's shirt,73 healing with the shirt of a virgin girl,74 the beautiful girl exposed to witchcraft soaking her own shirt with the dew on Saint George's day.75 The other aspects of the healing technique of measurements do not directly concern our topic, but the "raw" conditions of these healing methods are worth mentioning. A few references from Elfriede Grabner's rich collection should suit the purpose: according to Czech data measurement had to be done with a thread spun backwards on Good Friday before sunrise; on other occasions, one had to use "raw", "untampered" yarn.76 According to a 1481 sermon, superstitious old ladies measured the heads of the patients with "raw", "uncooked", "unreeled" yarn, or "raw" textiles.77 SPINNING AND WEAVING DEITIES, HEAVENLY SHIRTS In every European culture we have examined, beyond the above-described system based on the opposition of life and death, which is adequate as regards the horizontal duality of the human world as a cultural centre and nature as a chaotic periphery, there is the triple system of heaven (deities deciding fate and providing protection) - earth (human world) - underworld (the dead and demons), in which threads, textiles, shirts, and cloaks play a cosmic role related to the universe, the creation of the universe, the fate of humanity, and so forth. Because of deities who spin the thread of destiny or weave the shirt of fate, known from the mythologies of several peoples, and also because of the connections and analogies related to the microcosm and the macrocosm, the beliefs of the human world are infused with mythical constellations; individual rituals are associated with the fate of humanity and of the world. Spinning, textiles, shirts, and cloaks gain a cosmic perspective referring to the whole universe and all humanity, they become divine attributes, and this consecrates and strengthens their role in the human world. M. L. West, when writing about Indo-European mythology, summarized the cosmic image of world-weaving deities appearing in several mythologies in the chapter World Wide Web: according to the Atharvaveda, for instance, the morning and the night firmaments are "created" by being woven by two goddesses; cosmic weaving is also found in Greek mythology, applied "to 73 Danicic 1910: 84. 74 Danicic 1910, 58. 75 Danicic 1910: 90. 76 Grabner 1967: 542. 77 Grabner 1967: 550-551. The author claims this to be "the residue of a more ancient level of culture" - with which we can obviously agree. 70- EVA P6CS the seasonal clothing of earth with vegetation and crops". In the cosmogony of Pherecydes of Syros, a wonderful robe is mentioned in relation to a world tree, which is decorated with the earth and surrounding ocean.78 The "fate-women" who spin or weave one's fate, are known in numerous European (German, Greek, Roman, and perhaps Baltic and Slavic) pre-Christian cultures; they even had living traditions in the 20th century Balkans or among eastern Slavs.79 The Moirai decide over human fate, life and death, by spinning the "thread of fate". The framework of this paper is not sufficient to discuss this topic in detail; I have to mention, however, one relevant aspect of it: according to certain mythical beliefs from the Balkans, they play the role of mythical midwives assisting at childbirth who decide upon the alternative (human or animal) life options of werewolves born in a caul.80 Thus, the act of assigning someone to an existence in culture or nature is in some way related to spinning as well; cf. with the above-discussed fate-deciding role of spinning and weaving shirts. The most recent study of Karen Bek-Pedersen highlights an interesting aspect of German mythology, to be precise the Njals saga, which presents the Valkyrie as creatures who spin and weave military fortune.81 She discusses a special room in the otherworld where the women weave the fate of battles: heads are falling from the weaving loom (cf. the witch spinning and weaving soldiers in the Hungarian folk tale of Prince Mirko).82 This obviously meant death on the battlefield; at the same time, the woman weaving here creates her child from a basket containing woollen thread: thus, the medieval text describes exactly the divine weaving practice of bringing life and death.83 We know of another aspect of mythical or divine spinning. Otto Brendel studied the Greek, Roman and Hellenistic representations of Moirai and various spinning goddesses. Since the thread is reeled on a spindle, the result of the spinning is spherical, and can often be interpreted as the universe rimmed with thread. As Brendel remarked, in Plato's description84 in 375 BCE, Er of Pamphylia during his vision, while seemingly dead and his soul ascending, sees the Earth from above and sees it as a world held together by threads and ropes.85 Accordingly, not only human life, but the entire universe appears as a spinning accessory or the product of spinning (see image 3 and 4). Twentieth-century folklore data, especially in Eastern Europe, are rich in motifs of heavenly weaving, and usually the weaving of shirts. There are in particular Byzantine, eastern Slavic apocryphal legends or incantations, songs derived from them, or Byzantine iconography, which represent the Virgin Mary as she sits spinning in the middle of the world, 78 West 2007: 372-373. 79 On fate-women beliefs and legends of fate alive even into the twentieth century in Eastern European folk belief, see the overview of Rolf Brednich (1964). 80 I have discussed in more detail the Moira/fate goddess-type beings of European mythologies: Pocs 2001. About the contemporary Slavic "fate-women" who weave the thread of life: Schubert 1984. 81 See on this Bernath 2005: 324: in the German mythology, the Norns were responsible for spinning and weaving the thread of fate; the Valkyrie were explicitly battle- and death-spirits whose specialty was war fate. 82 AaTh 463A; Prince Mirko (Mirko kiralyfi) see Domotor 1988: 239-242. 83 Bek-Pedersen 2008. 84 Allen 2006: 10 614-10 621. 85 Brendel 1977. SHIRTS, CLOAKS AND NUDITY: DATA ON THE SYMBOLIC ASPECTS OF CLOTHING- 71 Image 4: Aphrodite spinning the globe (Brendel 1977, table IX) 72- EVA P6CS on a marble stone on an island in the sea, or as she sits weaving on a golden throne among women working with silk threads.86 What is she weaving? If she is sitting in the middle of the world, it must be something related to the fate of the entire world. In other songs in which a shirt is being woven, it is birth or marriage that is being spun, similarly to the above-discussed data about "earthly" shirts. Heavenly shirt-weaving is obviously associated with mythical celestial weddings: these items of clothing are usually made for or by gods. Robert Eisler refers to Greek and Roman data, as well as to the heavenly shirts of Christian saints.87 Estonian mythical songs mention the shirts of Mary and Christ woven in heaven; we also know of similar Romanian Christmas songs of profane content. One of the most beautiful examples is a colinda collected and published by Bela Bartok about the marriage of the Sun with his sister, the Sanziene (the fairy of the summer solstice),88 according to which the Sun tells the fairy to spin silk for him so that she can become his bride. Octavian Buhociu published a colinda according to which Zana Magdalina was embroidering on top of a blooming tree with a golden thread: ...und bei Stricken dachte sie, Wie sie es wohl anstelle zu heiraten.89 The Estonian (Setu) mythical songs collected by Madis Arukask are about a heavenly house seen in a vision in which four girls are spinning and weaving shirts for God, Mary, and the saints. In the songs with a similar topic published by Jakob Hurt, Mary wears her golden shirt in Heaven and the girls, on their heavenly altar duty, weave a cloak for God and for Mary in a blue house in Heaven.90 We can also mention Bulgarian Christmas koledas in which Christ's shirt is sewn in Heaven, or in another, in which a girl receives a shirt from Mary for having nursed Jesus.91 These songs from Orthodox Eastern Europe might be related to an early medieval apocryphal legend of Mary spinning and weaving. According to the Gospel of Pseudo-Matthew from the eighth or ninth century, at the time of the Annunciation of the heavenly conception, Mary was embroidering the veil of the temple (the curtain surrounding the sanctuary; cf. the church as a symbol of the universe) with a carmine thread.92 According to the fifth-century manuscript of the Protoevangelium of James, Mary was spinning a scarlet silk thread: the church virgins - of whom she was one - chose the colours among them by lot.93 Mary's textile-related activities are, thus, also in connection with fertility 86 Mansikka 1909: 193-210, 283, 293. 87 Eisler 1910: 122-140. 88 Bartok 1968: 152-154. 89 Buhociu 1974: 28. 90 Manuscript collection by Arukask from 1999, which I had the chance to consult at the Department of Folkloristics at the University of Tartu. Hurt 1904: 19-20: the short extract of the song's content. 91 Moroz 1989: 150. 92 Gospel of Pseudo-Matthew 1996: 54-55 (part 8 and 9). 93 Protoevangelium of James 1996: 10 (X.2-XII.l). The relevance of this data was drawn to my attention by the reference made by Eisler (1910: 191). SHIRTS, CLOAKS AND NUDITY: DATA ON THE SYMBOLIC ASPECTS OF CLOTHING 73 and the conception of new life. Following the scene of the Annunciation, the Gospel of James strongly suggests that completion of the spinning is an act that creates a child and that the temple veil indicates the divine nature of the child: 12. And she made the purple and the scarlet, and took them to the priest. And the priest blessed her, and said: - Mary, the Lord God hath magnified thy name, and thou shall be blessed in all the generations of the earth.94 The temple veil woven at the birth of Christ - according to the New Testament -would later be torn: this event accompanied a universal catastrophe coinciding with a solar eclipse and an earthquake, namely the death of Christ. See Chapter 27 of the Gospel of Matthew according to the Berean Literal Bible:95 50. And Jesus, having cried again in a loud voice, yielded up His spirit. 51. And behold, the veil of the temple was torn into two from top to bottom. And the earth was shaken, and the rocks were split... Let us recall the microcosmic variant of the universal tearing of linen, namely when the wedding handkerchief is torn in two. And finally, let me give a - somewhat unorthodox - reference by the Hungarian poet, Endre Ady. In his poem A nagy tivornyan [On the great feast] he describes the cosmic dimensions of the horrors of World War I as follows: The world is set, come and feast Rampage about, World, the worst Of all Hell has just broken loose on you... And Madness, be coy no more, Linens and veils are torn. The weave of the entire world is unravelled. The diabolic opposite of divine weaving appears in the central and eastern European folklore as well. Besides the reference of the black cloak woven for the Devil,96 we should mention the Hungarian legend about the shirt woven for the Antichrist, for Satan, according to which the fairies weaving and sewing the shirt always unravel their 94 Ibid (English translation by Roberts-/http://www.earlychristianwritings.com/text/infancyjames-roberts.html downloaded: 09.13.2017). On the iconographical representations of the Spinning Mary and on conceptualizations of the Annunciation as an act of spinning see: Badalanova 2004: 217-222. 95 Eisler 1910: 250 also refers to this Biblical reference. English translation: http://biblehub.com/blb/matthew/27. htm downloaded: 09.13.2017). 96 Jungbauer 1933: 1586. 74- EVA PÖCS work because if the shirt were completed the world would perish. This, therefore, is the diabolical inversion of the motif of unravelling; the divine shirt-weaving, if serving Satan, instead of a world-creating act of cosmic proportions would become an act of world destruction: The fairy girls are sewing a shirt for the Antichrist. Then, when they sew it, and it is almost ready, they examine it. There are flaws in it here and there. They unstitch it. It is not right! They sew it together again, because if that shirt was sewn together the right way, the world would end. If they could sew the shirt of the Antichrist. While the world stands, they will not be able to sew it, because it is never finished.91 In comparison with the weaving of marital shirts, which create the microcosm, heavenly weaving or the weaving of the temple veil are acts that create the world, the macrocosm. Robert Eisler and Gustav Jungbauer published numerous examples of "cosmic cloaks" and "world mantles" depicting the universe, the mountains, the waters, the flora and the fauna, from Babylon to Greece, from Rome to Egypt, as the attributes of various gods. Such gods are for instance Isis, Aphrodite, Athena, Apollo and Joseph from the Old Testament (the last as a deity who dies and resurrects and obtains grains from the underworld; besides his starry cloak, the association of the names of his brothers with the zodiac signs is also an interesting reference in this regard); Jungbauer even adds Odin to this list.98 The goddess-like folklore figures of Balkan fairies can also have starry mantles.99 The first data about the starry mantle of the Virgin Mary originate from Greek and Syrian Christianity. Besides the stars, these cloaks often depict the entire visible world: the earth, the sky, the flora and fauna.100 Present-age data about Mary, the queen of Heaven covered in a starry mantle, are also published from the territory of eastern Christianity.101 Image 8: Virgin Mary in a starry mantle, panel painting by Sano di Pietro in the oratorio of the Monastery of Saint Bernard in Siena (Eisler 1910, I. figure 7) 97 Karcsa, Zemplen County, Balassa 1963: 63. 98 Eisler 1910: chapter I; Jungbauer 1933:1579-82. 99 Moroz 1989: 150. 100 Eisler 1910: chapter I. 101 Mansikka 1909: 161-162; Jungbauer 1933: 1581-82. SHIRTS, CLOAKS AND NUDITY: DATA ON THE SYMBOLIC ASPECTS OF CLOTHING 75 Image 6: The "bull-killing" Mithras in a starry mantel on a Roman cameo (Eisler 1910, I. figure 9) 76- EVA PÖCS Saints were also occasionally depicted wearing a starry (blue) cloak, Christ as well, as Sol Invictus or as Christus Cosmocrator}02 The microcosm is interwoven with the symbolism of the macrocosm; the divine cosmic cloaks convey power and blessing to the ordinary man, they invest ordinary shirts with a mythical perspective (or ordinary shirts are made heavenly through a divine blessing; cf. the christening shirt consecrated by the priest or the "world tent" at Jewish weddings). The cosmic cloak may also indicate that someone is chosen by God, or it could sacral-ize someone; it is also the sign of the power of heavenly origin (cf. coronation robes, the cloak of priests, which are also often starry cosmic cloaks103). The robe of Pallas Athena, the peplos, woven and renewed every four years for nine months by two designated girls, and then taken on a festive procession on the festival of Panathenaia, was also a sign of the renewal of world domination, a sort of cosmic initiation rite. The cloak depicted the victorious battle of the goddess with the Giants: in other words, it is the act of creating the world itself that is woven in the tissue.104 The heavenly shirt might be a sign of "belonging", presenting such a shirt as a gift can be a gesture of accepting or initiating someone. As the christening or marital shirts offer a new status in human society, the "heavenly" shirt means the acceptance or adoption of someone in the heavenly community. Erzsebet Toth, an 18th-century Hungarian taltos woman from Jaszbereny, claimed at her 1728 witch trial that she was the daughter of God, moreover, that she was the second person of the Lord God, and Jesus Christ had covered her with his mantle.105 The marital shirt also appears in Christian visions, in that of medieval mystic women, as the clothes of the brides of Jesus Christ; and resurrection as a heavenly initiation by putting on clothes the colour of white light (for instance in the apocryphal Acts of Thomas) is also present in the imagination of medieval Europe.106 To come back to the microcosm and to the connections between the weaving of the world and of individual fate, these divine mantles and cloaks are especially suitable for protecting people from the dangers of nature: the symbol of world domination becomes a mantle protecting the world.107 We can also refer to a non-Christian example: in Serbian beliefs, the vile lay their golden robes, spun and woven by them, on the human settlements in order to protect the people.108 In the series of divine protective clothes, the most common motif in iconography, legends or prayers is the cloak or mantle of Mary. In the legends, the "Virgin with the Mantle" with her starry cloak or purple mantle protects people, cities, temples, bishops, the pope, princes, and also families including their dead.109 102 Jungbauer 1933: 1581. 103 Eisler also describes an Egyptian priest in a starry leopard skin: Eisler 1910: 221. The sacred - often starry - coronation robe with special powers spread from Byzantyum to the West (Jungbauer 1933: 1588-89). 104 Hegyi 2003: 66-67; Eisler 1910: 256-257. There are several vase images and other representations depicting the handing over of the peplos (for instance on the Pantheon Frieze), which make this connotation clear. 105 Pocs 1999: 136. 106 Benz 1969: 342-352. 107 On cosmic cloaks and their protective role see, in addition to Eisler's book: Jungbauer 1933: 1578-86. 108 Karanovic - Pesikan-Ljustanovic 2002: 45. 109 Jungbauer 1933: 1583-85. SHIRTS, CLOAKS AND NUDITY: DATA ON THE SYMBOLIC ASPECTS OF CLOTHING 77 Image 9: Coelus with a cosmic cloak on the breastplate of the Augustus statue of Prima Porta (Eisler 1910, I. figure 7) Image 10: Virgin with the Mantle: Illustration in the Speculum humanae salvationis codex preserved in the Dominican Monastery of Saint Blaise in Regensburg (around 1380-1420; Esser 1994, figure 21) 78- EVA PÖCS Jozsef Langi has provided us with an overview of the Hungarian representations and the main functions of the Virgin with the Mantle from the time when this imagery spread from Byzantium to Europe in the 13th century. Religious orders played an important role in the introduction of the idea of the Virgin's protective mantle, which is why the representations of Mary covering monks or friars with her mantle is very common.110 From the 18th century on, saintly Hungarian kings also appear under the protection of Mary. During the time of the great epidemics, Mary's cloak protected against the plague;111 it was initially an important healing relic as well,112 and inspired the popular plague-amulets depicting the Virgin with the Mantle.113 The mantle as the attribute of saints (St Ursula, St Cunegond, and especially St Martin) appears in legends and other representations,114 and these cloaks could have had the same role in medieval religious ritual practice as the relic of Mary's mantle. There are Orthodox incantations and legendary motifs from Eastern Europe about the starry cloak/altar-cloth/ towel of Mary, Mother of God which protected against witches and demons.115 Adolph Franz writes in his collection of benedictions about Irish and German data regarding the cloaks of various saints (St Columba, Bishop Deodatus, etc.), which were laid over the ploughed land for rain and against drought, or to fend off hail.116 (Cf. anti-hail "profane" textiles.) From present-day popular belief and ritual practice, we can mention the use of the cloak of Orthodox priests with the purpose of healing and protection from Satan;117 Adelina Angusheva mentions such medieval and early modern examples concerning the mantles of Bulgarian priests.118 In general, we can establish that the above-described textiles protecting one from nature also appear as textiles of divine origin, or with a heavenly blessing, protecting people in both the lay and the priestly practices. The protective microcosmic role of heavenly mantles and world cloaks can also be found among the motifs of Hungarian incantations, and especially of archaic prayers. Let us cite a few commonly known and widely spread motifs. For instance, from an incantation from Mindszent (Csongrad County): "Heaven is my shirt, The Earth is my hat..."119 A prayer motif from the cloth in the collection of Zsuzsanna Erdelyi: Before me, there are seven thousand angels of the Lord Jesus, I am wearing his carmine shirt, his armour.120 110 For more on Mary with the Mantle as devotional image, see Brown 2017. 111 Langi 2006: 50-59, 320-334. See also the old Hungarian representations ofthe Cloaked Madonna: Szilardfy 2003, panels XXXVI-XXXVII. and CL-CLI. 112 Esser 1999: 247. In Constantinople, the relic of Mary's mantle guarded at the temple of Blakherna had an extended cult: Langi 2008: 50. 113 About amulets protecting against the plague see: Esser 1999: 244-246. 114 Jungbauer 1933: 1583-85. 115 Mansikka 1909: 162-163. 116 Franz 1909: II. 17. 117 My own collection from Hungarians in County Harghita, Romania. 118 Anguseva 2004: 477. 119 Pocs 1985-1986: II. 413. 120 Jaszbereny, Jasz-Nagykun-Szolnok County; Erdelyi 1976: 237. SHIRTS, CLOAKS AND NUDITY: DATA ON THE SYMBOLIC ASPECTS OF CLOTHING 79 Lord-coloured Saint Benedict, cover me fully with your cloak... The mantle of Virgin Mary, The cloth of my window, So that no infection can enter... (Adacs, Heves County)121 Saint Benedict should consecrate my heart, He should cover me with the sacred mantle of Jesus Christ. (Kadarkut, Somogy County)122 Besides the deities of the "learned" mythologies, in the "popular" mythologies of Central, Eastern and South-Eastern Europe we can also find goddess-like yet at the same time demonic women with the attributes of spinning, or having a scutcher, a spindle or a distaff. The mythological element of triple figures (the Moirai, the Parcae) is recalled by the three spinning women of Eastern European incantations.123 The "fair women" and the witches of Eastern Hungary, as well as the Romanian strigoi, have scutchers as attributes;124 the Romanian "lord of the wolves" appears as a ghost creature spinning with a distaff in the forest.125 The Russian Baba Yaga, the Romanian Joimarita and Marti Seara ('Tuesday evening') and the Hungarian Kedd asszonya ('Tuesday's woman') all have features of two-faced beings, fertility goddesses and demons.126 The csuma disease demon of Hungarians in Moldova (Romania) can also be represented as a spinning woman, as an example below will show. These characteristics of spinning and weaving can also have an underworldly, diabolical aspect: there are data regarding dew carried to the underworld on a weaving board, or people abducted on weaving boards to a wedding in Hell.127 Similar, but more goddess-like figures are Saint Friday (Sveta Petka) or Saint Par-askeva of Orthodox peoples; the "Pannonian"-Austrian-Moravian-Czech-Slovakian Lucia or Luca (Lucy); the Slovenian Pehtra Baba and Torka/Torklja; Frau Salde from the Alpine region; Seligen in the Tyrol; the German Holda/Hulda/Holle; and the south German Perchta. They have even more characteristics related to agricultural fertility than the ones cited earlier; sometimes they have the features of "fate-women". These heterogeneous belief-creatures probably have many secondary features, but their main shared characteristic, besides the attribute of spinning and weaving, is that on the days in the week or in the year according to the calendar, or during certain periods associated with the dead or with nature (such as the twelve days after Christmas for the Perchtas) spinning 121 Erdelyi 1976: 188. 122 Erdelyi 1976: 242. 123 Hako 1956: 82-89; Mansikka 1909: 193-210. 124 About the Hungarian "fair woman" with a hemp scutcher: Salamon 1987: 95-97; about the Romanian strigoi: Mu§lea - Birlea 1970: 251-268, 407. 125 Senn 1982: 2. 126 References to only a few important references from the extensive literature of the topic, since there is no room to go into detail here: Szabo 1910; Roheim 1913; Mu§lea - Birlea 1970: 201-206; Ivanov 1974; Becker 1990: 111-141; Pocs 1990: 572-576; 2015; Karanovic - Pesikan-Ljustanovic 2002: 45-47. 127 Moroz 1989: 135-136. There is no room and no sufficient knowledge of the material to discuss this topic in detail, but it would definitely be worthy of further research. 80- ÉVA PÔCS and weaving (and sewing, and often other women's activities, including bread baking) is forbidden. A wide overview of these goddess-like, non-Christian demonic beings can be found in a recent study by Mirjam Mencej. When discussing the belief creatures who punish those who break the weaving taboo, she focuses on the symbolic significance of spinning and weaving related to life and death, associating them with the three mythical female figures who spin the threads of fate.128 In the Balkans, all these prohibitions are associated with the "wolf days" and with the dates of werewolf transformation related to Moon cycles. Their characteristic features include the punishment of those who violate their taboos; as well as the below-mentioned offerings.129 It is characteristic of both groups of mythical beings that their features can resemble those of fairies and witches in Hungarian, Russian, and Southern Slavic legends. The narratives about the aforementioned "spinning" ghostly beings of the Alpine region and of the variants in the Balkans and Russia sometimes have motifs of the "Lord of animals"; in other cases - or at the same time - they appear as patrons or initiators of werewolf sorcerers.130 I have mentioned above the offerings given to these creatures of nature: the data describing the specificities of these offerings are more precisely about these mythical figures appearing as spinning creatures. These offerings are related to the occasions of ritual spinning and weaving, healing, and the preparations of apotropaic and "human initiation" shirts. Often making the shirt is in itself the offering made to the mythical being (for St Paraskeva, St Friday, Lucia/Luca or Tuesday's Woman), and, as mentioned before, it is typically done on their festival days or during a calendar period when the activities of spinning and weaving are under taboo. (This is characteristic of every offering-like ritual mentioned here.) Thus, the role of the shirt woven during the weaving taboo is not only to "dress up" in an act of taming the demon attacking from nature, but also as an offering to the demon.131 To refer to a common, shirt-related offering ritual: in the eastern part of the Hungarian linguistic region the csuma shirt is a shirt woven to stop the csuma (popular name for plague, cholera) demon threatening the community.132 We know of similar, sacrificial shirts woven for disease demons in Macedonia, Serbia and Bulgaria.133 What is special about the following information from Moldova published by Péter Halâsz is that here the csuma (cholera demon) appears as a woman with a distaff: 128 Mencej 2010. 129 Zingerle 1857; Lutolf 1865; Mannhardt 1904-1905: I. 99-107; Waschnitius 1913; Schwarz 1935; Kretzen-bacher 1959; Kuret 1969; 1975; Mu§lea - Birlea 1970: 407; Becker 1990: 137-144; Kropej 2008; Mencej 2009; Pocs 2015. Maria Biro took notice of the important role played by "spinning" goddesses related to childbirth and fertility in this region in connection with late Roman archaeological artefacts (she associated them with Roman goddesses and also with spinning Parcae). (Biro 1994). I mention here that in Estonia, according to Mall Himae, it must have been very common in the past to have spinning and weaving taboos on certain days for the sake of the animals' health and well-being; although it was not associated with such demonic creatures, it was exclusively related to the (revenant) dead ensuring fertility: Hiimae 1998: 185-225. 130 About the werewolf -initiation see: Pocs 2011: 119-121. On the "Lord of the animals" belief and its spread through Europe see: Schmidt L. 1952; Paulson 1964; Mencej 2001. 131 For more on this see Pocs 1982; 2011: 191-192. 132 See for instance Bosnyak 1980: 156 regarding Hungarians in Moldova, Romania; Hoppal 1976: 4-5 regarding Hungarians in Szek (Sic), County Cluj, Romania. 133 Tolstoj 1994: 151, 153; Candrea 1944: 138. SHIRTS, CLOAKS AND NUDITY: DATA ON THE SYMBOLIC ASPECTS OF CLOTHING 81 The csuma is a great disease, a typhus disease. It is also sent by God. During the night, they say that there is an ugly midwife walking around, holding a distaff. My sister died of it at the age offourteen. She couldn't digest her food, her head was aching, she went blind, deaf and mute, all she did was snuffle. Then she finally died. To make sure that the csuma didn't come to the village, the women had to gather and, over the course of one night, until twelve o'clock, they had to spin the hemp and weave and sew a shirt. They sewed a children's shirt, and they had to leave it on the edge of the village by twelve o'clock. Then they put it there, and the csuma received it and will never come to the village again. It was given a shirt.134 Belief in the efficacy of spinning and weaving a shirt for the plague or cholera demon appears to be common in the Balkans,135 and was probably an occasionally practised ritual as well, the precise course of which is not clear in the narratives. However, the emphasis on some sort of "raw" feature is present in every text: virgins or old women, weaving naked and/or in silence, with incomplete tools. Often the nakedness of the demon is underlined. For instance, in the data collected by Zoltan Kallos in Gyimes, the csuma appears as a naked child, and this is why one has to make a shirt for him.136 Preparing the offering during a taboo period also provides "raw" conditions, because, as we have noted, these periods of prohibitions were the times when nature "entered" the world of culture. Above, I have made mention of the data regarding the spindle, wool, oakum and so forth ensuring well-being and protection for animals. One can often decipher an aspect of offerings from their contexts: sometimes even the publishers of the data describe it as an offering. In Finland, for instance, it is forbidden to kill weasels, as the animal is considered to be the spirit of the stable that also appears as a "spinning" or bewitching demon; the weasel has to be given a woollen offering so as to protect one's livestock.131 (Cf. the oakum put out in the stable for the menyetasszony - "weasel woman" - or the "fair woman".) Mirjam Mencej discussed this in her book about the master of the wolves in Slavic beliefs and rites, citing Serbian, Macedonian, and Bulgarian data regarding the wool offerings given to these spirit creatures on the taboo days of wool work, spinning and weaving.138 I believe that the data about the mythical creatures (such as the Romanian strigoi, the Bulgarian fairies or the Slovenian werewolf) who would steal the instruments (scutcher, distaff), the raw materials or the semi-finished products of spinning and weaving (flax bundles, oakum, yarn, linens) on days on which linen or wool work were taboo, are also in some way referring to an offering. There are two interesting correlations to be mentioned in relation to this. 134 Hungarians in Magyarfalu, County Bacau, Romania; Halasz 2005: 397-398. 135 Romanian, Serbian and Macedonian data: Candrea 1944: 138; Jung 1993: 63; Tolstoj 1994: 151, 153; Karanovic - Pesikan-Ljustanovic 2002: 45. 136 Jung 1993: 64. 131 Hako 1956. Incantation of spinning women: 82-89. 138 Mencej 2001: 316. Also see for Bulgarian reference: Arnaudov 1917: 74. 82- EVA P6CS The werewolf-like metamorphosis of the Romanian strigoi is associated with certain otherworldly "spirit battles" that, according to the Balkan tradition, are similar to the battles fought by the above-mentioned werewolf sorcerers. The strigoi battle for the well-being of their community on the festival days of St George, St Andrew or St Stephen (also known as the "wolf days") when spinning activities are under taboo. (The battles are among the groups of - basically demonic werewolf - figures of "dead" strigoi. The guardian spirit of the neighbouring village is the enemy, playing the role of the demon attacking from nature.) The stolen scutchers will be the battle-horses and combat weapons of the strigoi spirits in the "otherworldly" battle. In the village of the winner, there will be fewer deaths, and it will be avoided by epidemics at the expense of the village of the others. This is, therefore, a kind of fate-determining, a divine judgment-like battle fought with the tools of spinning, as if the strigoi fought a battle with the objects of the taboo-day offerings for the lives of human communities, which they ensured in exchange for receiving these objects. 139 The Bulgarian rusalki steal yarn and linen because they need them for weaving their own shirt.140 The motif of weaving a heavenly shirt appears in the spirit battles of the strigoi as well. After the battle, they gather at an "abandoned house" where they spin the flax stolen from houses, they whiten and sew the linen into shirts. If they are not finished before the cock crows, they have to leave the work unfinished.141 This is also an act of shirt-weaving that defines fate; the uninhabited house, the unfinished work are all synonyms of the unravelling, of failure; it means the opposite of the effect on shirts woven by a "world creator". (Cf. the unstitching of the Antichrist's shirt.) This gives a divine aspect to the ambivalence of these mythical beings, who may accomplish world-creating acts to protect humanity. I will not detail the question of flour, milk, and bread offerings related to the figures of Lucia/Luca, Pehtra baba, Paraskeva/Pjatnica or the Perchtas, as it would take us very far off our topic. I only mention that, through these goddess figures (and other undiscussed motifs, such as the battles fought for agricultural fertility by werewolf-sorcerers against chthonic demons or against the dead who take the crops to the underworld), there are chthonic agrarian god-features and otherworldly motifs of fertility that are attributed to the archaic nature-culture systems. In addition to the opposition of nature and culture, that of Earth (the world of the living) versus the underworld (the world of the dead) appears. We also come across time cycles of life-death-life in accordance with the alternation of agricultural cycles. However, for now I will bypass these questions and only underline that the presence of the raw-cooked systems of nature-culture can also be perceived on this level. On the days or during the periods of the spindle/distaff goddesses, for instance, the taboo of baking bread and of bread as offering both appear in the same context as the "sacrificial" shirt offered during the spinning taboo. Bread baked despite the taboo has "raw" characteristics (for instance, unleavened flatbread) - and all this is in connection 139 On the strigoi battles see: Mu§lea - Birlea 1970: 251-268. 140 Moroz 1989: 112. 141 Mu§lea - Birlea 1970: 267. SHIRTS, CLOAKS AND NUDITY: DATA ON THE SYMBOLIC ASPECTS OF CLOTHING 83 with the traits of these beings that are related to agricultural fertility: in many cases, one can decipher that the raw offering was given to Pjatnica, Lucy, or Perchta in order to ensure a good harvest.142 The rituals surrounding these presumed agricultural offerings could prescribe certain raw conditions related to the spinning of flax. According to some Hungarian data, as a penance for violating the taboo, one has to give unleavened bread as an offering to Luca.143 In light of the above, it is only logical that as an opposite of the completed shirt, which serves the initiation into culture, the introduction into nature and the acquirement of knowledge related to the world of nature take place with raw methods and raw products: for instance, with the use of tow, or with threads spun during the spinning taboo. There is a wealth of Hungarian data about this. According to a belief from Bogyiszlo (Tolna County), for instance, if someone sits in front of the church to spin on the night of Luca or at midnight on Christmas, they will see devils.144 In the Ormanysag, wise men and women have seven-year-old girls spin yarn for them with which they can turn the transformed girl back to her original state.145 The data from Sarretudvari describe how a cunning shepherd acquires supernatural knowledge by spinning a whip on St. Lucy's Day.146 Spinning "Lucy's whip" as a means of learning special skills is supported by substantial data published by Geza Roheim, but we can also mention St. Lucy's Chair, which was often fabricated by spinning, which made demonic witches visible and which was also a means of acquiring knowledge.147 According to data collected by Vilmos Dioszegi in Egyhazasdaroc (Vas County), the garaboncias gave a cure-all spindle to those who donated milk to him. As mentioned above, there were mythical beings with spindles and distaffs who appeared as initiatory figures: the fairies according to Croatian and Hungarian examples, however, initiated earthly mortals into becoming fairies with the help of yarns. Zoran Cica described the initiation of the vilenica (fairy sorcerers communicating with fairies) on the basis of 17th-century Dalmatian witch trial testimonies: on Good Friday, the vila descends from the sky to a tree to teach the women healing; she is linked to the women gathered around the tree by a thread.148 Mihaly Csordos, a cowherd from Gyaloka (Sopron County), said in his 1744 court testimony that certain women (who can probably be identified as fairies) gave him a yarn with the help of which he could heal.149 142 Regarding semi-finished products, or products representing an inferior technological state playing the role of "raw" offerings in European belief systems see: Pocs 1982; 1992. For more on this also see: Becker 1990: 142. 143 Pocs 1982; 2015. 144 Collected by Dioszegi Vilmos. 145 Zentai 1971: 209. 146 P. Madar 1967: 195. 147 Roheim 1920: 86-87; or see the group "Recognising witches" (Boszorkany felismerese) in the Archive of Folk Beliefs, which includes numerous data regarding Lucy's whip and - especially from Southern Hungary, Lucy's chair. 148 Cica 2002: 138; similar: Bordevic 1953: 129. 149 Schram 1970: II. 195-196, 203-204. For more details on the fairy sorcerer see: Pocs 2009. 84- EVA PÖCS DISROBEMENT One element that fits well into the oft-mentioned series of natural "raw" circumstances is nudity, a very frequent precondition of rituals that initiate into culture, fend off the attacks of nature, or heal demonic illnesses, and which furthermore also plays an important role in fertility magic, divination and communal rituals of rain and crop magic. As illustrated by the above examples, "clothes make the man"; accordingly, nudity is a regression within the archaic system of nature-culture, a return to nature. Turning clothes inside out fulfils a similar function, playing a role in situations adequate with nudity or other "raw" conditions. As an analogy of the werewolf turning its skin inside out, the eversion of human clothes is also an abolishment of the clothes, that is, an act of "taking off" culture. In addition to the examples of Sandor Solymossy,150 Geza Roheim, (from 1925),151 Thomas Sebeok,152 or Mihaly Hoppal,153 the other work by Geza Roheim, in which he brings Hungarian and other Central European examples of clothes turned inside out that protected against or aided in the recognition of witches, should be mentioned.154 For the case of an unbaptized child dressed in an inside-out shirt, I could mention the data collected by Tamas Grynaeus in Davod (Bacs County), or the data collected by myself in several Hungarian regions.155 According to German data, the reason for putting the christening shirt inside out on the child is to prevent it from becoming a Mahr demon (cf. the above-cited Serbian data concerning the karakondzuli).156 There is much data about love magic, marriage divination or magic of conception carried out in a state of nakedness,157 obviously in combination with other circumstances. A typical occurrence from Dalmatia: if a woman is childless, she should sleep with her husband, then get up during the night and, by candlelight, should walk around the room naked, her husband chasing her until he catches her. They should repeat this every night until the woman gets pregnant.158 A great deal of data can be referenced in relation to weather magic: such are the fertility rites of collecting dew or naked immersion in water.159 Rituals to fend off hail are also sometimes performed naked or in clothes or hats turned inside out.160 (Let us remember that, according to beliefs living almost to this day, hail was brought by storm demons, the unbaptized, or devils.161) Both in Hungary162 and more broadly across Europe, nudity 150 Solymossy 1943. 151 Roheim 1925: 54-58. 152 Sebeok 1948. 153 Hoppal 2002. 154 Roheim 1920: 46, 53. 155 Hungarian Folk Belief Archive, Group Kereszteletlen gyerek ("Unbaptized child"). 156 Jungbauer 1931: 1717. 157 See for instance Serbian and Croatian data: Kostial 1910; 1911; Eckstein 1935: 882-889. 158 KoStial 1910: 287. 159 Eckstein 1935: 858: Toth G. 2001; Pocs 2003: 168-170. 160 Eckstein 1935: 895-899; Gaerte 1952: 235, 244-248. 161 See on this Pocs 2002. 162 See for instance the above cited authors on nudity. SHIRTS, CLOAKS AND NUDITY: DATA ON THE SYMBOLIC ASPECTS OF CLOTHING 85 played an important role in boosting agricultural fertility in festive, occasional crop-magic rites and in individual magic.163 It is a frequently required condition in apotropaic rites as well: people, animals, or even plants, the arable land, or the vegetable garden were protected from demons, ghosts, dragons, witches, devils, plant pests, and even thunderstorms by rites carried out naked or wearing inverted clothes, mostly by walking around, although there were many other variants.164 In addition to divination and rites of incubation performed naked, we also need to mention nudity in relation to repentant and mourning rituals.165 Stripping away, along with other "inversions" and taboos creating "raw" conditions, is usually described as the general characteristic of the liminal phases of mourning or funerary rites.166 This is a natural connotation of nature's temporary regression. Gabor Klaniczay mentioned nudity as a regressive phenomenon connected to social exclusion in his discussion of heretic movements, the Franciscan movement and other medieval and 18th-century protest movements articulating the opposition of nature-culture; movements that used the wearing of rags or complete disrobement as an indication of leaving society and of opposition towards the social order.167 Putting on clothes, as we could see, is an initiation into society and into culture; those who disrobe will step back into nature. This view is supported by the data about nudity accompanying the transformation of men into demons (werewolves, witches, incubi, etc.) considered as dual creatures;168 or the data emphasising the nudity of demons as opposed to the clothed human being - besides their other "raw" features. Such references can be found regarding the raw-meat-eating werewolf, the csuma demon mentioned earlier, the Slovenian "dog-headed" demon (who comes from the "end of the world" to attack humanity), or the Greek kallikantzaroi. The latter are demonic werewolves who arrive from the underworld among the humans in the twelve days after Christmas; they are distorted, physically malformed, black men: they are naked, they rip off their clothes, they eat raw meat.169 Nudity is, thus, an extra-societal, and therefore asexual state of being. This coincides with what Victor Turner writes about nudity in relation to the liminal state of rites of passage: during this state, the human being is not a social being, only an individual, invisible in terms of social structure.170 The system of nudity is, therefore, not an "erotic" but an "abstinent" phenomenon; not - as research has often concluded171 - the presence 163 Eckstein 1935: 871-876, 890-895; Kostial 1911: 287. 164 See for instance the rich material of Geza Roheim on Hungarian, Austrian and other neighbouring nations. (Roheim 1920: 46-47, 53); or the examples of Eckstein and Gaerte: Eckstein 1935: 841-854; Gaerte 1952: 235. 165 Eckstein 1935: 868-871. 166 See on this for instance Ivanov 1969 and Fox 1973. 167 Klaniczay 2017. 168 Eckstein 1935: 859-862. 169 Schmidt B. 1871: 239; Lawson 1910: 208, 253; Kretzenbacher 1968. 170 Turner 1972: 339. 171 See for instance Roheim 1925: 58: in relation to data on nudity of Hungarians and other neighbouring people (fertility sorcerers, healers, vermifuge, etc.) he mostly underlines the erotic aspect, he talks about the "repetition of libidinous situations"; Solymossy (1943) and later, referring to him, Sebeok (1948) interpret the removal or inversion of clothes as a riddance of some kind of harmful spirits dwelling inside the clothes, with which I also disagree. 86- EVA PÖCS but the absence of Eros. In this regard, I have to agree with Mihaly Hoppal who, after having summarized many other aspects of the research on nudity (presently not relevant here), came to the conclusion that the "denial of Eros" is some sort of purification, an acquirement of knowledge that entails retreat and suffering.172 As I have shown in my study examining werewolf-beliefs, when discussing the special features (such as the caul) manifesting at the birth of mediators "commuting" between the worlds of nature and culture ("fertility sorcerers" of werewolf-nature), which allude to nature, these are cases of the regression of people who "dressed" themselves into culture/ society; all this to ensure the rebirth of life rooted in nature/death, to ensure the circle of life and death. The werewolf-mediator initiated into human society has to "submerge" again and again in nature in order to ensure that, as a cultural being, it will be able to defeat its natural adversary, its own alternative in the system of nature (the werewolf defeats the wolf, the dragon-man defeats the dragon, etc.). We only have to recall the Bulgarian data, at the beginning of this paper, about the dragon-child who had to be dressed on the first day in a shirt woven under "raw" conditions so that it could later successfully fight against the hail-bringing hala.)173 As an analogy to this, and as the conclusion of the above-cited data, it can be established that human beings, through fertilising "raw" ritual nuances that refer back to nature, ensure the success of rites that create, develop and protect society and culture. With the absence of Eros, Eros can be recreated. BIBLIOGRAPHY Allen, A. R. (transl. and ed.), 2006: Plato: The Republic [Platon: Politeia], New Haven: Yale University Press. Anguseva, Adelina, 2004: Keso közepkori boszorkanymitologiak a Balkanon. [Late medieval witchcraft mythologies on the Balkans] In Pocs Eva (ed.): Aldäs es ätok, csoda es bo-szorkänysäg. Valläsetnologiai fogalmak tudomänyközi megközelitesben. (Tanulmanyok a transzcendensrol IV.) Budapest: Balassi, 471-481. Arnaudov, Michail, 1917: Die bulgarischen Festbräuche. Leipzig: Parlapanoff. Badalanova Geller, Florentina, 2004: The Spinning Mary: Towards the Iconology of the Annunciation. Cosmos 20: 211-260. Bako Ferenc, 1987: Palocföldi lakodalom. [Wedding in Paloc Land] Budapest: Gondolat. Balassa Ivan, 1963: Karcsai mondäk. [Legends from Karcsa] Budapest: Akademiai. Balazs Lajos, 1994: Az en elsö tisztesseges napom. Pärvälasztäs es lakodalom Csikszentdomokoson. [My first day of respectability: mating and wedding in Sindomonic] Bukarest: Kriterion. Bartok, Bela, 1968: Melodien der rumänischen Colinde (Weihnachtslieder). (Etnomusikologische Schriften. Faksimile-Nachdrucke IV.) Budapest: Editio Musica. Becker, Richarda, 1990: Die weibliche Initiation im ostslawischen Zaubermärchen. Ein Beitrag zur Funktion und Symbolik des weiblichen Aspekte im Märchenunter besonderer Berücksichtigung 172 Hoppal 2002. 173 See the relevant references of ""werewolf-sorcerers"" - for instance the "alter ego battles" for the fertility of crops - for more detail see: Ginzburg 1983 [1966]; Pocs 1999, chapter 7 and Pocs 2011: 121-125. SHIRTS, CLOAKS AND NUDITY: DATA ON THE SYMBOLIC ASPECTS OF CLOTHING- 87 der Figur der Baba-Jaga. (Veröffentlichungen der Abteilung für slavische Sprachen und Literaturen des Osteuropa-Instituts [Slavisches Seminar] an der Freien Universität Berlin 71.) Wiesbaden: Harrasowitz. Bek-Pedersen, Karen 2008: Weaving Swords and Rolling heads. A Peculiar Space in Old Norse Tradition. In Mirjam Mencej (ed.): Space and Time in Europe: East and West, Past and Present. (Zupaničeva knjižnica 25.) Ljubljana: Oddelek za etnologijo in kulturno antropologijo, Filozofska fakulteta, 167-180. Bellosics Balint, 1900: Régi babonak. Ethnographia XI: 355-357. Belmont, Nicole, 1971: Les signes de la naissance. Études des représentations symboliques associés aux naissances singulières. Paris: Imago Mundi. Benedek H. Erika, 1998: Ut az életbe. Vilâgkép elemzés csângo és székely kôzôsségek szûletéshez füzödö hagyomânyai alapjân. [Road to life. Analysing worldviews of Csango and Székely communities based on their traditions related to childbirth] Kolozsvar: Stùdium. Benz, Ernst, 1969: Die Vision. Erfahrungsformen und Bilderwelt. Stuttgart: Ernst Klett. Biro, Maria T., 1994: The Unknown Goddess. The Role of Aphrodite and Venus at Birth. Acta Archaelogica Scientiarum Hungaricae 46: 217-229. Bondar Ferenc, 1982: Sarkadkeresztùr néphite. [Folk beliefs of Sarkadkeresztùr] Folklor Archivum 14. Budapest: MTA Néprajzi Kutato Csoport, 7-67. Bosnyak Sandor, 1980: A moldvai magyarok hitvilaga. [Beliefs of the Moldavian Hungarians] Folklor Archivum 12. Budapest: Néprajzi Kutato Csoport. - 1982: A gyimesvölgyi magyarok hitvilaga. [Beliefs of the Hungarians of the Gyimes Valley]. Folklor Archivum 14. Budapest: MTA Néprajzi Kutato Csoport, 68-154. Brednich, Rolf W., 1964: Volkserzählungen und Volksglaube von den Schicksalfrauen. (Folklore Fellows' Communications 193.) Helsinki, Academia Scientiarum Fennica. Brendel, Otto J., 1977: Symbolism of the Sphere. A contribution to the History of Earlier Greek Philosophy. Leiden: Brill. Brown, Katherine T., 2017: Mary of Mercy in Medieval and Renaissance Italian Art: Devotional Image and Civic Emblem. New York: Routledge. Buhociu, Octavian, 1974: Die rumänische Volkskultur und ihre Mythologie. Totenklage-Burschenbünde und Weichnachtslieder. Hirtenphänomen und Heldenlieder. Wiesbaden: Harrasowitz. Candrea, Ion-Aurel, 1944: Folklorul medical român comparat. Privire generala. Medicina magicä. Bucure§ti: Casa §coaleror. Čiča, Zoran, 2002: Vilenica i vilenjak. Sudbina jednogprekršcanskog kulta u dobaprogona vještica. Zagreb: Institut za etnologiju i folkloristiku. Csonka-Takacs Eszter, 2008: Keresztelo Gyimesközeplokon. [Baptism in Gyimesközeplok/ Lunca de Jos] In Pocs Éva (ed.): "Vannak csodâk, csak észre kell venni." Helyi vallâs, néphit és vallâsosfolklor Gyimesben 1. (Studia Ethnologica Hungarica VIII.) Budapest: L'Harmattan - PTE Néprajz-Kulturalis Antropologia Tanszék, 113-161. Daničic Ljuba T., 1910: Das Hemd in Glauben, Sitte und Brauch der Südslaven. Anthropophyteia. ]ahrbücher für folkloristische Erhebungen und Forschungen zur Entwicklungsgeschichte der geschlechtlichen Moral VII. Leipzig: Ethnologischer Verlag, 54-128. - 1911: Handtuch und Goldtüchlein in Glauben, Brauch und Gewohnheitrecht der Slaven. An- thropophyteia. Jahrbücher für folkloristische Erhebungen und Forschungen zur Entwicklungsgeschichte der geschlechtlichen Moral VII. Leipzig: Ethnologischer Verlag, 41-136. - 1912: Die Frauenschürze in Glauben und Sitten der Südslaven. Anthropophyteia. Jahrbücher für folkloristische Erhebungen und Forschungen zur Entwicklungsge schichte der geschlechtlichen Moral IX. Leipzig: Ethnologischer Verlag, 102-209. 88- ÉVA PÔCS Douglas, Mary, 1966: Purity and Danger. An analysis of concepts ofpollution and taboo. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul. Dordevič, Tihomir R., 1953: Veštica i vila u našem narodnom vjerovanju i predanju. Vampir i druga biča u našem narodnom vjerovanju i predanju. Srpski Etnografski Zbornik LXVI: 5-255. Eckstein, F., 1935: Nackt, Nacktheit. In Ernst Hoffman-Krayer - Hanns Bächtold-Stäubli (Hg.): Handwörterbuch des deutschen Aberglaubens VI. Berlin - Leipzig: Walter de Gruyter, 825-916. Eisler, Robert, 1910: Weltenmantel und Himmelszelt. Religionsgeschichtliche Untersuchungen zur Geschichte des antiken Weltbildes I-II. München: C.H. Beck'sche Verlag. Erdélyi Zsuzsanna, 1976: Hegyet hâgék, lötöt lépék. Archaikus népi imâdsâgok. [I climbed mountains and walked the meadows, Archaic Folk Prayers.] Budapest: Magvetö. 1999: Hegyet hâgék, lötöt lépék. Archaikus népi imâdsâgok. [I climbed mountains and walked the meadows. Archaic folk prayers.] (Third, extended edition). Pozsony: Kalligram. Esser, Thilo, 1999: Pest, Heilsangst und Frömmigkeit. Studien zur religiösen Bewaltigung der Pest am Ausgang des Mittelalters. (Münsteraner Theologische Abhandlungen 58.) Altenberge: Oros Verlag. Flint, Valerie I. J., 1991: The Rise of Magic in Early Medieval Europe. Princeton N.J. : Princeton University Press. Fox, J. J., 1973: On Bad Dead and the Left Hand. A Study of Rotinese Symbolic Inversions. In Rodney Needham (ed.): Right and Left. Essayson Dual Symbolic Classification. Chicago - London: University of Chicago Press, 342-368. Franz, Adolph, 1909: Die kirchliche Benedictionen im Mittelalter I-II. Freiburg in Breisgau: Herder. Gaerte, Wilhelm, 1952: Wetterzauber im späten Mittelalter nach gleichzeitigen bildlichen Darstellungen. Rheinisches ]ahrbuch für Volkskunde 3: 226-273. Georgieva, Ivanička, 1983: Balgarska narodna mitologija. Sofia: Nauka i izkustvo. Ginzburg, Carlo, 1983: The Night Battles. Witchcraft and Agrarian Cults in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries. Baltimore, Maryland: The Johns Hopkins University Press. [I Benandanti: Stregoneria e culti agrari tra Cinquecento e Seicento. Torino, Einaudi, 1966.] Gönczi Ferenc, 1914: Göcsej s kapcsolatosan Hetés vidékének és népének összevontabb is-mertetése. [Presenting the region and the people of Göcsej and Hetés] Kaposvar: Szabo Lipot könyvnyomdaja. Gunda, Béla, 1979: Arbeitshütten auf der Balkanhalbinsel. In Uö: Ethnographica Carpatho-Bal-canica. Budapest: Akadémiai, 269-277. Grabner, Elfriede, l967: Verlorenes Mass und heilkräftiges Messen. In Elfriede Grabner (Hg.): Volksmedizin. Probleme und Forschungsgeschichte. (Wege und Forschung LXIII.) Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 538-553. Györgyi, Erzsébet, 1975: Ungarn. In W. van Nespen (Hg.): Liebe und Hochzeit. Aspekte des Volkslebens in Europa. Antwerpen: Ministerie van Nederlandse Cultuuren Nationale Opvoeding, 226-238. Hako, Matti, 1956: Das Wiesel in der europäischen Volksüberlieferung mit besonderer Berücksichtigung der finnischen Tradition. (Folklore Fellows' Communications 167.) Helsinki: Academia Scientiarum Fennica. Halasz, Péter, 2005: A moldvai magyarok hiedelmei. [Beliefs of the Moldavian Hungarians] Budapest: General Press. Hegyi, Dolores, 2003: Görög vaHâs^rténeti chrestomatia. [Chrestomathy of Greek history of religion] (Osiris tankönyvek.) Budapest: Osiris. SHIRTS, CLOAKS AND NUDITY: DATA ON THE SYMBOLIC ASPECTS OF CLOTHING- 89 Hertz, Wilhelm, 1862: Der Werwolf. Beitrag zur Sagengeschichte. Stuttgart: Kröner. Hiimäe, Mall, 1998: Der estnische Volkskalender. (Folklore Fellows' Communications 268.) Helsinki: Academia Scientiarum Fennica. Hoppal, Mihaly, 1976: Széki hiedelemtôrténetek [Belief narratives from Szék]. Folklor Archivum 5. Budapest: MTA Néprajzi Kutato Csoport, 63-91. - 2002: Nakedness, as the Negation of Eros. In Mihaly Hoppal - Eszter Csonka-Takacs (eds.): Eros in Folklore. (Bibliotheca Traditiones Europae 3.) Budapest: Akadémiai - Europai Folklor Intézet. Hurt, Jakob, 1904: Setukese laulud. Pihkva-Eestlaste vanad rahvalaulud, ühes Räpinä ja Vastseliina lauludega. Helsingi: Soome Kirjanduze Seltsi kulu ja kirjadega. Ivanov, V. V., 1969: Dvoicnaja simbolicnaja klassifikacija v afrikanskih i aziatskih tradicijah. Narody Azii i Afriki 5: 105-115. - 1974: Motivy vostocno-slaviankogo jazycestva i jih transformacija v russkih ikonah. In: Trudy Gosudarstvennogo muzeia izobrazitelnyh isskusstv im. A. S. Puskina. Moskva: Nauka. Jung, Karoly, 1983: A kétkaracsonyi cérna. Adatok a boszorkany felismerésének és elharitasanak kérdéséhez a magyar-délszlav egybeveto vizsgalat tukrében. [Data on the question of recognising and fending off witches in light of a Hungarian-Southern Slavic comparative analysis] Somogy 6: 88-95. - 1993: Magikus fonas és szôvés. [Magical spinning and weaving] In idem: Az emlékezet ütjain. Ötvenöt olvasmâny a néphagyomânyrol. Ujvidék: Forum, 62-65. Jungbauer, Gustav, 1931: Hemd. In Ernst Hoffman-Krayer - Hanns Bächtold-Stäubli (Hg.): Handt-vörterbuch des deutschen Aberglaubens III. Berlin - Leipzig: Walter de Gruyter, 1709-1745. - 1933: Mantel. In Ernst Hoffman-Krayer - Hanns Bächtold-Stäubli (Hg.): Handtvörterbuch des deutschen Aberglaubens V. Berlin - Leipzig, Walter de Gruyter: 1578-1591. Kapros, Marta, 1986: A szûletés szokâsai és hiedelmei az Ipoly mentén. [Customs and beliefs of childbirth along the river Ipoly] (Studia Folkloristica et Ethnographica 18.) Debrecen: KLTE Néprajzi Tanszéke. Karanovic, Zoja - Pesikan-Ljustanovic, Ljiliana, 2002: Spinning and Weawing in Serbian Oral Tradition: Vestiges of Mythical and Religious Beliefs. (Études et documents Balkaniques et Meditérranées 25.) Paris: Laboratoire d'Anthropologie Sociale. Klaniczay, Gabor, 2017: Tormented Body, Torn Clothes. The Roots of Performance Art - two Contributions from Cultural History. Artpool 2017. www.artpool.hu/performance/klaniczay. html. Downloaded: 03.03.2018. Kligman, Gail, 1988: The Wedding of the Dead. Ritual, Poetics, and Popular Culture in Transylvania. Berkeley - LosAngeles - London: University of California Press. Kostial, Johann, 1910: Nacktheitszauber. Anthropophyteia. Jahrbücher für folkloristische Erhebungen und Forschungen zur Entwicklungsgeschichte der geschlechtlichen Moral VII. Leipzig: Ethnologischer Verlag, 287-289. - 1911: Nacktheitszauber. Anthropophyteia. Jahrbücher für folkloristische Erhebungen und Forschungen zur Entwicklungsgeschichte der geschlechtlichen Moral VII. Leipzig: Ethnologischer Verlag. Kretzenbacher, Leopold, 1959: Santa Lucia und die Lutzelfrau. /Südosteuropäische Arbeiten 53./ München: Oldenbourg. - 1968: Kynokephale Dämonen südosteuropäischer Volksdichtung. Vergleichende Studien zu Mythen, Sagen, Maskenbräuche um Kynokephaloi, Werwölfe und südslawische Pesoglavci. (Beiträge zur Kenntnis Südosteuropas und der Nahen Ostens V.) München: Trofenik. 90- ÉVA PÔCS Kropej, Monika, 2008: Slowene Midwinter Deities and Personifications of Days, in the Yearly, Work, and Life Cycles. In Mirjam Mencej (ed.): Space and Time in Europe: East and West, Past and Present. Ljubljana: Univerza v Ljubljani, Filozofska fakulteta, 181-197. Kuret, Niko, 1969: Die Mittwinterfrau der Slowenen. Alpes Orientales V: 209-239. - 1975 Die Zwölften und das wilde Heer in den Ostalpen. Alpes Orientales VII: 80-92. Lawson, J. C., 1910: Modern Greek Folklore and Ancient Greek Religion. A Study of Survivals. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Langi Jozsef, 2006: A Köpönyeges Maria kôzépkori és barokk kori abrazolasai a lonyai reformatas templomban feltart fresko ürügyen. [Medieval and Baroque representations of the Cloaked Mary under the pretext of the discovered mural in the Calvinist church in Lonya] In Barna Gabor (ed.): Kép, képmâs, kultusz. (Szegedi vallasi néprajzi könyvtar 16.) Szeged: Néprajzi és Kulturalis Antropologiai Tanszék, 50-64, 320-334. Lecouteux, Claude, 1992: Fées, sorcières et loups-garous au moyen âge. Histoire du double. Paris: Imago. Lévi-Strauss, Claude, 1964: Mythologiques I. Le Crue et le Cuit. Paris: Gallimard. Liungmann, Waldemar, 1937-1938: Traditionstwanderungen Euphrat-Rhein I-II. (Folklore Fellows' Communications 118-119.) Helsinki: Academia Scientiarum Fennica. Lönnquist, Bo, 1979: Symbolic Value of Clothing. Ethnologia Scandinavica - Journalfor Nordic Ethnology 9: 92-104. Lütolf, A., 1865: Zur Frau 'Selten' (Saelde). Germania X: 103. Mahon, Brid, 1978: Beliefs and Customs associated with Dress in Ireland. In Venetia J. Newall (ed.): Folklore Studies in the Twentieth Century. Proceedings of the Centenary Conference of the Folklore Society. Woodbridge, Suffolk - Totowa: N. J., D. S. Brewer, Rowman and Littlefield. Mannhardt, Wilhelm, 1904-1905: Wald- und Feldkulte. Berlin: Verlag von Gebrüder Borntraeger. [1876/1874] Mansikka, V. J., 1909: Über russische Zauberformeln mit Berücksichtigung der Blut- und Verrenkungssegen. Helsingfors: Finnische Literaturgesellschaft. Mathé Janos, Sr., 1984: Magyarhermanyi népszokasok, jatékok és babonak. [Folk customs, games and superstitions from Magyarhermany/Herculian] In Balazs Géza - Hala Jozsef (ed.): Folklor, életrend, tudomânytôrténet. Tanulmânyok Dömötör Tekla 70. szûletésnapjâra. Budapest: MTA Néprajzi Kutato Csoport, 194-202. Mencej, Mirjam, 2001: Gospodar volkov v slovanski mitologiji. Ljubljana: Oddelek za etnologijo in kulturno antropologijo, Filozofska fakulteta, Univerza v Ljubljani. - 2009: "Wolf Holidays among the Southern Slavs in the Balkans." In Pocs, Éva (ed.): Folk Religion and Folk Belief in Central-Eastern Europe. Acta Etnographica 54/2: 337-358. (Budapest) - 2010: A fonastabuk megsértoit bünteto mitikus lények [Mythical beings sanctioning the break- ing of taboos on spinning] In: Mâgikus és szakrâlis medicina. Vallâsetnologiai fogalmak tudomânykôzi megkôzelitésben. (Tanulmanyok a transzcendensrol VII.) Ed. Éva Pocs. Budapest: Balassi: 154-183. - 2010: Connecting Threads. Folklore. Electronic Journal of Folklore 48: 55-84. Moroz, Josif, 1989: Ženski demonični obrazi v bâlgarskija folklor i vjarvanija. (Izvestnija na Instituta po Kulturata pro KK i BAN 1.) Sofia: Institut po kulturata pri komiteta za kultura i Balgarskata Akademija na Naukite. Mu§lea, Ion - Birlea, Ovidiu, 1970: Tipologia folclorului din raspunsurile la chestionarele lui B.P. Hasdeu. Bucure§ti: Minerva. SHIRTS, CLOAKS AND NUDITY: DATA ON THE SYMBOLIC ASPECTS OF CLOTHING -91 P. Madar Ilona, 1967: Sârrétudvari hiedelmek. [Beliefs from Sarrétudvari] Néprajzi Kozlemények XII: 23-225. Paulson, Ivar, 1964: The animal guardian: a critical and synthetic review. History of Religions 3: 202-219. Petreska, Vesna, 2006: Demons of Fate in Macedonian Falk Beliefs. In Gabor Klaniczay - Éva Pocs (eds.): Christian Demonology and Popular Mythology. (Demons, Spirits, Witches 2.) Budapest - NewYork: CEU Press, 221-236. Pocs, Éva, 1982: Kenyér és lepény. A régi nyersanyagok és technologia szerepe a halottkultuszban. [Bread and flatbread. The role of ancient materials and technology in the cult of the dead.] Elômunkâlatok a magyarsàg néprajzdhoz 10. Budapest: MTA Néprajzi Kutato Csoport, 184-199. - 1985-1986: Magyar râolvasâsok I-II. [Hungarian incantations I-II] Budapest: MTA Konyvtara. - 1990: Néphit. [Folk belief] In Domotor Tekla (ed.): Népszokâs, néphit, népivallâsossâg. (Magyar Néprajz VII. Folklor 3.) Budapest: Akadémiai, 527-692. - 1992: "Nyers és fott": halal és élet. A kulturalis vivmanyok helye az europai parasztsag archaikus vilagképében. ['Raw and cooked: death and life. The place of cultural achievements in the archaic worldview of European peasantry] In Viga Gyula (ed.): Kultura és tradicio 1-2. Tanulmânyok Ujvâry Zoltân tiszteletére 1. Miskolc: Hermann Otto Mûzem, 11-24. - 1999: Between the Living and the Dead. A Perspective on Witches and Seers in the Early Modern Age. Budapest: Central European University Press. - 2001: Sors, babak, boszorkanyok. Archaikus sorsképzetek Kôzép-Kelet-Eurôpa hiedelemrendsze- reiben. [Fate, midwives, witches. Archaic concepts of fate in the belief systems of Central Eastern Europe] In Pocs Éva (ed.): Sors, âldozat, divinâcio. (Studia Ethnologica Hungarica II.) Pécs - Budapest: Janus/Osiris, 201-243. - 2002: Kereszteletlenek, zivatardémonok és az ôrdôg. [The Unbaptised, storm demons and the Devil.] In idem: Magyar néphit Kozép- és Kelet-Europa hatârân. Vâlogatott tanulmânyok I. (Szohagyomany.) Budapest: L'Harmattan, 64-77. - 2003: Esovarazslas és idovarâzslôk a magyar boszorkanyperekben (XVI-XVIII. szazad). [Rain magic and weather magicians in Hungarian witch trials between the sixteenth and the eighteenth centuries] In Pocs Éva (ed.): Folyamatok és fordulopontok. TanulmânyokAndrâsfalvy Bertalan tiszteletére. (Studia Ethnologica Hungarica IV.) Budapest: L'Harmattan - PTE Néprajz Tanszék, 159-207. - 2008: Ing, palast és meztelenség. Adatok az ôltôzkôdés szimbolikus vonatkozasaihoz. [Shirts, cloaks and nudity. Data on the symbolic aspects of clothing] In Pocs Éva (ed.): Târgy, jel, jelentés. "Târgy és folklor"konferencia Vajân, 2005. oktober 7-9-én. (Studia Ethnologica Hungarica IX.) Budapest: L'Harmattan - Pécs, PTE Néprajz Tanszék, 170-208. - 2009: Tundéres and the Order of St Ilona or, Did the Hungarians Have Fairy magicians? In Éva Pocs (ed.): Folk Religion and Folk Belief in Central-Eastern Europe. (Acta Etnographica 54/2.) Budapest: Akadémiai Kiado, 379-396. - 2011: Nature and culture - „the raw and the cooked". Shape-shifting and double beings in Central and Eastern European folklore. In Willem de Blécourt - Christa Agnes Tuczay (Hrsg.): Tierverwandlungen. Codierungen undDiskurse. Francke Verlag, Wien, 99-134. - 2014: Râolvasâsok. Gyûjtemény legujabb korbol (1851-2012). Budapest: Balassi Kiado. - 2015: The Living and the Dead at the Time of the Winter Solstice in Central European Beliefs. In Tatiana Minniyakhmetova-Kamila Velkoborska (ed.): The Ritual Year 10. Magic and rituals and Rituals in Magic. (The Yearbook of the SIEF Working Group on the Ritual Year) Innsbruck-Tartu: ELM Scholarly Press. 2015, 507-518. 92- ÉVA PÔCS Rantasalo, A. V., 1945: Der Weidegang im Volksaberglauben der Finnen I. Die Vorbereitung für das Viehaustreiben. (Folklor Fellows' Communications 134.) Helsinki: Academia Scien-tiarum Fennica. Roheim, Géza, 1913: Kedd asszonya. [Tuesday's woman] Ethnographia XXIV: 90-95. - 1920 Lucaszék. [Lucy's chair] In idem: Adalékok a magyar néphithez. (Masodik sorozat.) Bu- dapest: Hornyanszky Viktor m. kir. udvari könyvnyomdaja, 29-227. - 1925: Magyar néphit és népszokâsok. [Hungarian folk beliefs and folk customs] Budapest: Athenaeum. Salamon, Aniko, 1987: Gyimesi csângo mondâk, râolvasâsok, imâk. [Csango legends, incantations and prayers from Gyimes/Ghimes] Budapest: Helikon. Schmidt, Bernhardt, 1871: Das Volksleben der Neugriechen und das hellenische Altertum. Leipzig: B.G. Teubner. Schmidt, Leopold, 1952: Der „Herr der Tiere" in einigen Sagenlandschaften Europas und Eurasias. Anthropos XLVI: 509-538. Schram, Ferenc, 1970: Magyarorszâgi boszorkdnyperek 1529-1768 II. Budapest: Akadémiai. Schubert, Gabriella, 1984: Textilien als magische Mittel der Verhütung und Heilung von Krankheiten im südöstlichen Europa. Zeitschrift für Balkanologie XX: 91-121. Schwarz, F. L. W., 1935: Perhta. In Ernst Hoffman-Krayer - Hanns Bächtold-Stäubli (Hg.): Handwörterbuch des deutschen Aberglaubens VI. Berlin - Leipzig: Walter de Gruyter, 1478-1492. Sebeok, Thomas A., 1948: Data on Nakedness and Related Traits in Hungary. Journal of American Folklore 61: 356-363. Seligmann, Siegfried, 1910: Der böse Blick und Verwandtes. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des Aberglaubens aller Zeiten und Völker. Berlin: Hermann Barsdorf. Senn, Harry A., 1982: Were-Wolf and Vampire in Romania. (East-European Monographs XCIC.) New York, Columbia University Press. Solymossy, Sandor, 1943: Babonas hiedelmek és müveletek. [Superstitious beliefs and acts] In Viski Karoly (ed.): A Magyarsâg Néprajza IV. Szellemi néprajz II. (3. kiadas). Budapest: Kiralyi Magyar Egyetemi Nyomda, 286-339. Szabo, Imre, 1910: Az olahok kedd asszonya. (Marti Seara) [The Tuesday's woman of the Vlachs. (Marti Seara)]. Ethnographia XXI: 32-38, 167-172. Szilardfy, Zoltan, 2003: Ikonogrâfia - kultusztôrténet. [Iconography - history of cult] Képes tanulmanyok. Budapest: Balassi. Takacs, György, 2001: Aranykertbe 'aranyfa. Gyimesi, hârompataki, üzvölgyi csângo imâk és râol-vasok. [Golden tree in a golden garden. Prayers and incantations from Gyimes, Harompatak, Üz-Valley (Transylvania)] Budapest: Szent Istvan Tarsulat. The Acts of Thomas, 1871: The Acts of Thomas. English translation by William Wright in: Apocryphal Acts of the Apostles. London: Gorgias Press, 238-245. Tolstoj, N. I., 1994: Vita herba et vita rei v slavjanskoj narodnoj tradicii. In Tolstoj N. I. (ed.): Slavjanskij i balkanskij fol'klor: Verovanija. Tekst. Ritual. Moskva: Indrik, 139-168. Tolstaya, Svetlana M., 2001: Rites for Provoking and Stopping Rain in Slavonic Folk Tradition. Cosmos. The Journal of the Traditional Cosmology Society 17: 179-195. Toth G., Péter, 2001: Folyamproba - liturgikus vizproba - boszorkanyfûrôsztés. [River ordeal - liturgical trial by water - swimming of witches.] In Pocs Éva (ed.): Demonologia és boszorkânysâg Europâban. (Studia Ethnologica Hungarica I.) Budapest: L'Harmattan -PTE Néprajz Tanszék, 249-291. SHIRTS, CLOAKS AND NUDITY: DATA ON THE SYMBOLIC ASPECTS OF CLOTHING -93 Turner, V. W., 1972: Betwixt and Between. The Liminal Period in Rites de passage. In W. A. Lessa - E. Z. Vogt (eds.): Reader in Comparative Religion. An Anthropological Approach. New York - Evanston - San Francisco - London: Harper & Row, 338-347. Uther, Hans-Jörg, 2004: The Types of International Folktales: A Classification and Bibliography. Based on the System of Antti Aarne andStith Thompson. (Folklore Fellows' Communications 284-286.) Helsinki: Academia Scientiarum Fennica. Vaz da Silva, Francisco, 2002: Metamorphosis. The Dynamics of Symbolism in European Fairy Tales. (International Folkloristics 1.) New York: Peter Lang. Vuorela, Toivo, 1967: Der böse Blick im Lichte der finnischen Überlieferung. (Folklore Fellows' Communications 201.) Helsinki: Academia Scientiarum Fennica. Waschnitius, V., 1913: Perht, Holda und verwandte Gestalten. Ein Beitrag zur deutschen Religionsgeschichte. Sitzungsberichte der Kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien. (Philosophisch Historische Klasse 174. Band, 2. Abhandlung.) Wien. West, M. L., 2007: Indo-European Poetry and Myth. Oxford University Press, Oxford. Zakarias, Erzsebet, 1992: Boszorkanyok Erdofüleben. [Witches in Erdofüle/Filia] Kriza Jänos Neprajzi Tärsasäg Evkönyve 1: 182-198. Zečevic, Slobodan, 1981: Mitska biča srpskih predanja. Beograd: Iro „Vuk Karadžic". Zentai, Tünde, 1971: A termeszetfeletti lenyek atvaltozasanak kerdese az ormansagi nephit össze-függeseben. [The transformation of supernatural beings in the context of folk belief in Ormansag] Janus Pannonius Muzeum Evkönyve XVI: 207-215. Zingerle, I. V., 1857: Frau Saelde. Germania II. 436-439. Location of used manuscript sources MNT =Magyar Nephit Topogräfia [Topography of Hungarian Folk Belief] (survey collection conducted in the 1970s, the material is in the Archive of Folk Belief) NA= Magyar Nephit Archivum [Hungarian Folk Belief Archive] (at the HAS Research Centre for the Humanities, Institute of Ethnology, Budapest) EA = Ethnologiai Adattär [Ethnological Archive] (Museum of Ethnography, Budapest) 94- EVA PÖCS SRAJCE, OGRINJALA IN GOLOTA: SIMBOLIČNI VIDIKI OBLAČIL Eva Pocs ooo Študija obravnava verovanja in obredja, ki so povezana s srajcami, ogrinjali, predenjem in tkanjem, haljami in goloto, ki imajo pomembno vlogo v nekaterih simbolnih sistemih, tako krščanskih kot predkrščanskih, v evropskem ljudskem verovanju. Lahko so v celoti prisotni v različnih semantičnih slojih določenih verovanj ali obredij ali pa delujejo kot vodilno načelo, ideološka osnova, ki je osnovna podlaga za nekatera verovanja. Sestavljeni so iz simbolne serije nasprotij narava - kultura, surovo - kuhano in življenje - smrt. V tem binarnem vesolju so človeška bitja opredeljena kot ,živa, ne mrtva' in kot ,ljudje, ne živali.' Živijo v osrednje pozicioniranem naseljenem prostoru, čigar značilnost je kultura v nasprotju z naravo, ki se nahaja na nenaseljenem in neciviliziranem obrobju, kjer prebivajo divje živali, demoni in mrtve duše. Za naravo je značilno, da tam ni domačih živali ali gojenih rastlin, prav tako pa tudi ne kulturnih procesov in izdelkov kot so oranje, sejanje, udomačevanje divjih živali, peči, kovaštva, železa, predenja in tkanja, oblačil in krščanskih zakramentov. V nadaljevanju se osredotočam na vprašanja, kako je bil ukročen ,surovi' svet narave in kako so se človeška bitja, ki so se rodila kot naravna bitja in ,divjaki,' kultivirala in se preoblikovala v družbena bitja. V tem razvoju osnovnih značilnosti človeške kulture pripisujejo osrednjo vlogo predenju in tkanju, kuhanju in peki ter kovaški obrti. Njihov simbolični okvir in konkreten položaj in vlogo v evropski kulturi je včasih mogoče rekonstruirati zgolj na podlagi drobcev, ki jih najdemo v folklornih besedilih; drugič pa jih je moč rekonstruirati na podlagi verovanj in obredov, ki so še zmeraj v rabi. Očitno je svet, za katerega sta značilni nasprotni si dvojici narava - kultura in surovo - kuhano, predvsem pa simbolična funkcija predenja in tkanja tkanin in srajce, prisoten tudi v geografsko in kronološko oddaljenih predkrščanskih in krščanskih kulturah, ne glede na jezikovne prepreke. Večina preučenih pojavov ima predkrščanske in krščanske ustreznice, saj kaže, da imajo omenjene oblačilne značilnosti arhaične korenine v starodavni evropski preteklosti, splošne poteze arhaičnih pogledov na svet, ki presegajo kulturne meje Evrope in so morda veljavne povsod, njihovi drobci pa so integrirani v krščanstvo. Pričujoča raziskava se osredotoča na naslednja vprašanja: kako je oblačenje (in pa predenje in tkanje, ki ustvarjata blago, to pa predstavlja osnovo za oblačila) preoblikovalo »golo« človeško bitje v socialno bitje; kako je ljudi ,uvedlo' v svet kulture; kako je ,srajca' postala izraz identitete in sredstvo za izpolnjevanje družbeno vlogo posameznika; in kako so oblačila ščitila ljudi pred demoni in umrlimi iz sveta narave, ki so se spravljali nadnje. Vsaka evropska kultura, ki smo jo podrobneje pogledali, ima poleg zgoraj opisanega sistema, temelječega na nasprotju med življenjem in smrtjo, ki je ustrezen glede na horizontalno dvojnost človeškega sveta kot kulturnega središča in narave kot kaotičnega obrobja, trojni sistem nebes, zemlje in podzemnega sveta. Nebeška SHIRTS, CLOAKS AND NUDITY: DATA ON THE SYMBOLIC ASPECTS OF CLOTHING -95 božanstva odločajo o usodi in zagotavljajo zaščito, pod njimi je zemlja, se pravi človeški svet, pod njim pa podzemni svet demonov in umrlih. V tem trojnem sistemu imajo nit, blago, srajca in ogrinjalo kozmičen pomen in se navezujejo na kozmos, ustvarjanje vesolja, usodo človeštva, itd. Zaradi božanstev, ki tkejo nit usode ali predejo srajco usode in se pojavljajo v mitologiji določenih narodov, pa tudi zaradi povezav in analogij, ki se navezujejo na mikro in na makro kozmos, so človeška verovanja prežeta z bajeslovnimi principi, individualna obredja pa povezana z usodo vsega človeštva in sveta. Predenje, blago, srajca in ogrinjalo tako pridobijo kozmični vidik, ki se nanaša na celotno vesolje in vse človeštvo, in postanejo atributi božanskega, to pa posvečuje in krepi njihovo vlogo v človeškem svetu. Eden od elementov, ki se lepo umeščajo v poprej omenjeni niz naravnih, ,surovih' stanj, je golota. Golota je zelo pogost predpogoj ritualov, ki človeka vpeljejo v kulturo, ščitijo pred izbruhi narave ali ozdravijo bolezni, ki so jih ljudem zavdali demoni. Poleg tega ima golota pomembno vlogo pri magiji plodnosti in pridelka, pri prerokovanju in pri skupnih obredih za dež. Kot ponazarjajo zgornji primeri, »oblačila naredijo človeka.« Zato je golota regresija znotraj arhaičnega sistema narava-kultura in predstavlja vrnitev k naravi. Podoben namen in vlogo kot golota in ostala ,surova' stanja ima tudi obračanje oblačil na napačno stran. V analogiji z volkodlakom, ki obrne svojo kožo navzven, je obračanje človeških oblačil znak odlaganja oblačil in pravzaprav pomeni ,odlaganje' kulture. Nadetje oblačil pomeni sprejem v družbo in v kulturo, tisti, ki jih odložijo, pa se bodo vrnili k naravi. Golota je tako stanje izven kulture in zato brezspolna. Med liminalno fazo v obredih prehoda človeško bitje ni družbeno bitje, zgolj posameznik, ki je v družbeni strukturi neviden. Koncept golote tako nima ,erotičnega' pomena, pač pa se navezuje na koncept ,vzdržnosti' - ne pomeni prisotnosti Erosa, kot so pogosto ugotavljale raziskave, pač pa njegovo odsotnost. Bolgarski deček-zmaj, ki je moral biti prvi dan oblečen v srajco, stkano v ,surovih' okoliščinah, se je zato lahko kasneje uspešno boril proti halu, ki prinaša točo. Kot analogijo lahko za zaključek zgoraj citiranih podatkov ugotovimo, da človeška bitja s tem, da gojijo ,surove' različice ritualov, ki se obračajo nazaj k naravi, zagotavljajo uspeh obredij, ki ustvarjajo, razvijajo in varujejo družbo in kulturo. Z odsotnostjo Erosa je Eros lahko ponovno vzpostavljen. Dr. Eva Pocs, Professor Emeritus, HAS Research Centre for the Humanities, Institute of Ethnology, H-1097 Budapest, Toth Kalman u. 4., pocse@chello.hu 21 Studia MYTHOLOGICA Slavica 2018 -97 - 107- The Ancient Greek Symbolism in the Religious Landscape. The Case of Delphi Andrea Malea — This paper discusses the ancient Greek beliefs from a different perspective; I attempt to approach the old themes in an interdisciplinary way. I refer to the studies of French anthropology and on the ethnological studies of the conceptualization of the landscape through oral tradition. Some classical antiquity researchers have already done so. Such authors that relate to ancient Greece as a whole discuss the symbolism of sacrifices and snakes. Thus, the belief system of the community manifests in the landscape in its symbolic sense, and with this working guide, I managed to apply the abovementioned contemporary (modern) perspectives to the example of the ancient Greek Delphi. KEYWORDS: Delphi, Pythia, Python, Apollo, omphalos, landscape, symbolism, other-world, prophecies, pneuma INTRODUCTION First, as mentioned above, not much has been written on the topic of symbolism in the landscape in ancient Greece. Therefore, with an interdisciplinary method, I refer to French anthropologists, mainly Jean-Pierre Vernant, a specialist in the anthropology of ancient Greece, to ethnologist Katja Hrobat Virloget, to different historians, such as Susan Guettel Cole and Yulia Ustinova, and to archaeological evidence. By comparing their findings with the records of ancient Greek authors and the ancient Greek belief system, I applied certain conclusions to the religious landscape at Delphi, which can offer an example of the landscape symbolism, which is possible to apply to the other ancient Greek religious sites as well. This can be done by taking into account the main definitions of different symbols that can be found in the ritual sites and applying them, according to other literary (historical) evidence, to the chosen sites. Religion played an important role in Ancient Greece. They believed that the gods had control over many different aspects of their lives. Therefore, the festivals, sacrifices, religious offerings, libations, hymns and prayers were very significant. Following the myth (Plut. Mor. De def. or. 409f, translated by Frank Cole Babbitt), Zeus established this site when he sought to find the centre of Mother Earth - Gaia, his grandmother. 98- ANDREA MALEA He sent two eagles flying, one from the east and the second from the west, which later met at Delphi. Zeus then threw from the sky omphalos that represented the centre (navel) of the world and the entrance to the womb of Mother Earth (Parke in Wormell 1957: 1). Delphi lies on the south-western slope of Mount Parnassus. It occupies an extensive area and is best known for its oracle, the priestess named Pythia at the sanctuary dedicated to Apollo. But Apollo was not the only god that was worshiped in the area below Mount Parnassus. In the period between the 15th and 8th centuries B.C., the cult of Gaia was dominant, but there was also the cult of Poseidon. In the 8th century B.C., Apollo superseded them and established his own sanctuary. He also shared the site with his half-brother Dionysus, who had the central role for three winter months, since for that period of time, Apollo was considered absent from Delphi. In addition to those listed, there were even more divinities present at Delphi. Located on the slopes of Mount Parnassus lies the Corycian cave. It was sacred to the nymphs, muses, Dionysus and also Pan (Fontenrose 1980: 380, 411). DELPHIC LANDSCAPE AND ITS SYMBOLISM Python and Its Dual Role at Delphi Archaeological evidence shows that the site was inhabited already in the 1500 B.C., by the Mycenaeans. To this period belonged goddess Gaia, for she was worshiped in Mycenaean religion. At this time all religious rituals were performed in open areas or caves. The landscape at Delphi was and still is rocky and infertile; therefore, it was necessary for people to perform fertility rituals (Coldstream 2003: 198-199; Guettel Cole 2004: 15-16). According to Homeric Hymn to Apollo, there was a serpent - dragon (SpaKaiva) named Python that guarded Gaias' shrine, which extended up to the Corycian cave and all the way to the later Athena Pronaia sanctuary. The cult of snakes can be found all over Europe, and many studies have been written on this topic (Centini 1998, 49-52; Hrobat 2010: 98; Haland 2011: 124, 126). The snake symbolizes the soul of the dead; it was worshiped as a chthonic deity and the guardian spirit. They were associated with Gaia, because they come from the ground. They guard treasures, are symbols of underground power and are associated with the kingdom of the dead (Hom Hom. Hymn. Apol. 334-360, 370; Hrobat 2010: 90, 98, 99). Mythologically, snakes are associated with the creation of the world; they are the symbol of Mother Earth and eternity. Greek mythology knows two types of snakes; good (agathodaemon) and demonic (kakodaemon). The snake is the most important cultic animal in Greece. Their connection with Gaia is also evident in fertility rituals, because snakes are donors of fertility. The central act of these rites, during the festivals dedicated to Mother Earth, was the descent of female participants selected for these rites into underground caverns, which represented the entrances to the womb of the Earth. They carried with themselves fertility symbols formed as female and male sex organs and also objects that represented snakes. Snakes were believed to be the guardians of these underground sanctuaries (Haland 2011: 124, 126). THE ANCIENT GREEK SYMBOLISM IN THE RELIGIOUS LANDSCAPE. THE CASE OF DELPHI 99 The Delphic Python was the guardian of Gaias' shrine and was said to be living in the underground cavern. Ancient authors use the word antron (cave), by which they may refer to the chasm below the later Apollo's temple, to a nearby fissure by Castalian spring or to the Corycian cave up above on the hill. If Python lived in the underground cavern and the centre of the earth was under later Apollo's temple where the omphalos stood, I would propose that the Python, in a symbolic sense, lived in that chasm, but as it was giant, it protected all the sacred area below Mount Parnassus. From the Homeric Hymn to Apollo we understand that Python also caused mischief to men and their sheep. Whoever met the Python on the day of doom would sweep him away, until Apollo killed him (Hom Hom. Hymn. Apol. 307, 334; Strab. 9.3.5; Paus. 2. 7. 7, 10. 6. 5). Python was said to be buried under the omphalos stone and the poisonous gasses that rose from the chasm below the temple and inspired Pythia (priestess), were believed to be the breath of the Python (Fontenrose 1959: 417). Snakes are often related to the cult of water, because water and snakes are both mediums with the otherworld (Hrobat 2007: 40; Haland 2011: 124, 126). Several springs existed at Delphi, which will be further explained hereinafter. In the case of Delphi, Python appears as a simultaneously positive and negative figure. The dragon (or dragonness as stated by Homer) guards Gaia's shrine, but again he causes mischief to men. Apparently, at Delphi, the snake has a dual, positive and negative, role. THE SUPERSESSION OF THE GOD APOLLO Pythia and Apollo: A Female Priestess and a Male God After killing Gaias' dragon, Apollo left the corpse to rot, named the site Pytho (from pythein - to rot), and established his own sanctuary (Hom Hom. Hymn. Apol. 334-360, 390-530). Then he chose the first priests; five so-called hosioi and two hiereus. There was also a priestess, an oracle named Pythia. She prophesied from the innermost part of the temple, from adyton. Pythia was a woman, chosen from the local population of Delphi. Her prophesies were inspired; ancient Greek people believed that the god Apollo spoke through Pythia (Fontenrose 1978: 219). Plutarch, who was also a priest at Delphi, writes that a god neither tells nor conceals, but indicates. Further he writes: For he makes known and reveals his own thoughts, but he makes them known through the associated medium of a mortal body and a soul that is unable to keep quiet [...]. (Plut. Mor. De Pyth. or. 404e, translated by Frank Cole Babbitt) The oracle was available nine days per year, on the seventh of each month, except for the three winter months when Apollo was absent. First, the consulates needed to organize the order of the consultation. On the day of consultations, Pythia and the inquirers needed 100- ANDREA MALEA to be ritually purified, before they entered the sacred space. Purification rituals were held in the Castalia spring. The visitors then moved, in a strictly structured procession, towards Apollos' altar in front of the temple, where the sacrificial rituals were held. The procedure was to sprinkle water on the goat (purification of an animal). If the goat shuddered, it meant that Apollo was happy to be consulted, otherwise the oracle was closed. The goat was then sacrificed on the Apollos' altar outside the temple, participants also made other offerings and paid fees. The body parts were then burned at the Hestias' altar, which stood in the temple. Some parts of the goat were dedicated to the god, the others were consumed by humans. When the procedure was finished, the oracle was opened. Pythia then descended into the adyton; she sat on the tripod over the chasm holding laurel leaves, drank water from the spring Cassotis and prophesied (Guettel Cole 2004: 28-36; Scott 2014: 15). At first young girls were chosen, virgins as Pythia was, but very soon they started to choose women in menopause. Diodorus Siculus from 1st century B.C. reports an interesting event. He wrote that Echecrates the Thessalian, having arrived at the shrine, fell in love with Pythia, took her with him and abused her. To prevent any such abuse in the future, the Delphians issued a law that only women in menopause should be chosen (Diod. Sic. 16.26.6). A slightly more convincing reason can be found in the definition of purity. Childbirth, death, menstruation, and sexual intercourse were interpreted as ritually polluting. This was a problem for young girls as they matured physically, and menstruation was considered pollution. Older women had no such a problem, because they were menopausal (Gentile 2009: 92). Pythia could have been married, but she had her own house, separated from her husband. She had to live as a celibate, because she served a god. A celibate menopausal Pythia, was able to achieve the same level of ritual purity as that of young virgins, as she was pure in body (no menstruation) and detached from society. Ancient Greeks believed that the body of menopausal Pythia in celibacy, was fundamentally similar to that of a physical virgin (Dillon 2003: 37, 77; Gentile 2009: 92). We can argue that this was the reason women in menopause were chosen. As we have seen, it was a woman who served a male god. In ancient Greece, male priests served male gods, female priestesses served female goddesses, which was not the case at Delphi. Pythia had a female predecessor (Sybil, who prophesied at the time of Gaia's cult) (Plut. Mor. De Pyth. or. 399a, translated by Frank Cole Babbitt). The reason I propose Pythia to be a woman is in the Delphic title "the centre of the world", which in a symbolic sense meant the entrance to the Otherworld and a boundary between worlds. In European tradition, women were believed to be the mediators with the Underworld, because they bring to the world souls, which come from the Underworld (Dragan 1999: 47). So, for the most important sanctuary in Ancient Greece, where the landscape symbolism indicates the mediators between worlds and their boundaries, I would argue that the woman was most suitable for the transmission of Apollos' messages (Malea 2017: 58). THE ANCIENT GREEK SYMBOLISM IN THE RELIGIOUS LANDSCAPE. THE CASE OF DELPHI 101 ANIMAL SACRIFICE AND FIRE/HESTIA Animal sacrifice was the most important rite in Ancient Greece. The sacrifice of animals was accompanied by the incineration of grains and cakes, and was also accompanied by hymns, prayers and libations. Cakes (pelanos), breads, grain and fruits are all found as gifts to gods. The preparations include bathing and dressing in clean clothes. At the start, a procession is formed (Burkert 1986: 3) and its final goal is Apollo's altar in front of the temple. At Delphi, two altars were used when sacrificing; Apollo's in front of the temple and Hestia's in Apollo's temple. My point of focus here will be the importance of sacrifice in the beliefs of the Greeks. Hiera Kala analyzed vase paintings with sacrificial images of the archaic and classical periods and found that only certain parts were devoted to the gods (tail and back/spine). The parts for humans were called splachna and they include the heart, lungs, liver, kidneys and spleen. They were divided among people (Kala 1995: 131). As already explained by Einar Thomassen, the sacrifice connected the mortals with the gods and at the same time separated them, because they received different parts of the animals (Thomassen 2004: 277). Jan Bremmer also says that sacrificing meant communication with the gods (Bremmer 2007: 144). Sacrifices were much more than that. The Greeks believed that they had to make offerings to the gods in order not to make them angry, because gods had peoples' destinies in their hands (Burkert 1986: 4). The ritual sacrifices are directly related to the role of fire. Jean-Pierre Vernant identified the concept of the centre in Hestia, the goddess of the domestic heart. This is the spot where the communication between worlds is established; therefore, the domestic heart represents the omphalos (centre) of the house. The heart is placed in oikos or megaron, and the megaron is winding around the heart. The centre is in the point on the ground, where the three cosmic levels come into contact. In the mythical view, hestia1 represented communication with the underground world, at the point in the ground, and smoke represented communication with the gods (Vernant 1983: 200-210). However, the Delphic fire, or hestia, was more important than that. As Susan Guettel Cole points out, the fire and water were also symbols of communal life and could be found in the centre of the polis. The prtyaneion - a physical space in the centre of the city - included one community's common hearth and its sacred fire. The hearth symbolized the community's symbolic centre that connected polis to every other community that partook the same fire. The sacred centre in polis was connected with the roads to the sacred centre of each local sanctuary and at the end to Delphi - the centre (Guettel Cole 2004: 76-80). So as we can see, every road led to Delphi. At this point we can argue that the Delphic hestia was also the centre of all sacred fires of ancient Greek cities (polis) which is derived from the importance of Delphi as the centre. If any fire of any city (polis) went out, they came to light it up at Delphi. 1 When referring to the fire I write, with the small letter. 102- ANDREA MALEA WATER AND PURIFICATION: SACRED SPRINGS CASSOTIS AND CASTALIA As Arnold van Gennep explained, rituals of the passage include rituals of the separation from the previous world, the transition between worlds and inclusion into the new world. The purification is also counted as rite depassage (van Gennep 1960: 18-25). Mediterranean landscape with its branched water system (rivers that disappeared underground and appeared on the surface somewhere else) inspired the belief that rivers and springs are alive; rivers were presided by male deities and springs by nymphs. All sacred places had to be purified, in order to be congruent with the gods (Guettel Cole 2004: 28-36). The Delphic landscape is famous for the existence of several springs. The most important for the rituals are Castalia and Cassotis. The spring Castalia was used exclusively for bathing (purifying) of the visitors and Pythia. The purification process at Delphi meant being purified of the earthly impurities, before entering into the sacred area of god Apollo (Guettel Cole 2004: 28-36). The spring Cassotis was believed to be the part of the subterranean river Styx, which forms the boundary between Earth and the Underworld (Hades). Cassotis emerged as a fountain slightly north from the temple of Apollo, and its waters ran under the adyton through a rocky channel into the chasm, from which the vapors rose. Over that chasm, on a tripod, sat Pythia. She drank from the spring Cassotism and ancient people were convinced (better, they believed) that water from this source gave Pythia the inspiration for prophesying (Kenda 2006: 27). The connection in the symbolic meaning of the spring Cassotis, as a part of the subterranean rivers Styx and Hades, where the souls of the dead are located, with the Pythias inspiration is clear. It can be argued on the basis of the knowledge that water represented contact with the Underworld, not just in Ancient Greek religion, but also in other ancient religions. As Mirjam Mencej pointed out and later Katja Hrobat Virloget, while referring to their studies of Slavs, the water was a link between worlds and at the same time it was a boundary between worlds. The same case can be found in Ancient Greece, as mentioned above (Mencej 1997: 131-143; Hrobat 2010: 115; Malea 2017: 42). To conclude the belief, the inspiration for prophesying did not come just from the vapours (Python's breath), but also from the water of the source Cassotis as part of the subterranean river of the dead, therefore from the world of the souls - Hades. THE TEMPLE OF APOLLO - ITS PREMEDIATED PLACEMENT AT THE SITE The Temple of Apollo at Delphi was a doric periptos, including a ramp leading up to a pronaos and further into the naos. The innermost part of the temple, the holy of holies, was known as adyton ("inaccessible") (Ustinova 2009: 142-149). If I may refer to the previously mentioned Vernant and his finding that the domestic fire/heart/hestia is placed in the middle of the oikos, I can also apply this conclusion to the temple of Apollo. Archaeologists have not identified any mentions by ancient authors THE ANCIENT GREEK SYMBOLISM IN THE RELIGIOUS LANDSCAPE. THE CASE OF DELPHI 103 (I refer to Herodotus and Plutarch: Hdt. 7.140; Plut. Mor. De def. or. 437C) of megaron/ oikos, because they were searching for the separate room. Ancient authors mention that the altar of Hestia stood in the middle of the naos and, as Vernant's research has shown, oikos winds around the heart. Therefore, we can conclude that naos and oikos/megaron are one and the same room, in the middle of which the altar of Hestia stood (Malea 2017: 45). The most important part of Delphi was the prophetic chamber (adyton). It was located two metres below the level of the surrounding floor. Only Pythia and priests had access to the adyton, when purified. For other people, regular mortals, access was forbidden in order prevent pollution of the holiest part of the temple (Ustinova 2009: 142-149). Of interest is the layout of the adyton and temple itself. The adyton was placed over the point where the two chasms crossed. From there, poisonous vapors arose. Under the innermost part, water from the spring Cassotis flowed; in the adyton, also stood the omphalos stone, which marked the centre of the Earth. Therefore, I would argue that the temple was intentionally build on that place for many reasons. According to the belief, the centre of the Earth, the entrance to the Otherworld, the world of souls was there. Thus it was necessary to separate but again to somehow connect the worlds. Consequently, ancient Greeks built the temple's adyton, which was forbidden for regular mortals to enter, precisely over that chasm. The reason I propose is that the entrance to the Otherworld needed to be protected, so that the worlds (the mortal world, the world of souls) would not pollute each other, and mortals would not meet premature death (Cassotis was considered to be a part of the river Styx); on the other side, the communication with both sides would be limited, but still possible, to some extent. Ancient Greeks considered Pythia to be that medium, oracle, who delivered the words of god Apollo and got the inspiration from the Otherworld (Malea 2017: 59). CONCLUSION The communal life and its cultic activities were built around religious beliefs. In this article, I tended to confirm the thesis about the importance of Delphi as the centre of the Ancient Greek religious belief. Around this intertwine different physical and symbolic factors that clearly indicate the importance of this cultic centre. In this article, I have presented and made conclusions for all main symbols and their meanings that can be found at Delphi. They all indicate the liminal. Python, the snake, as we saw has a dual role. They are symbols of underground power and are associated with Gaia. Python not only indicates the liminal but also its burial. It was believed by Ancient Greeks that the dragon was buried under the omphalos stone that marked the centre of the Earth. Also they believed that the poisonous vapors, which rose from the chasm in adyton, were the breath of the Python, which came from Hades. Closely associated with the snakes, is water. It was very important for different rites all around Ancient Greece. At Delphi we can find many water sources. The most important two water sources, named Cassotis and Castalia, were used for cultic purposes. The Castalia spring was used for purification, because in Ancient Greece it was necessary to 104- ANDREA MALEA be cleansed of earthly impurities before entering the sacred area, in order to not pollute the sacred. The water from the spring Cassotis was believed to be the one that gave Py-thia inspiration for prophesying. Pythia drank the water from this spring. Ancient Greeks believed that the Cassotis spring was a part of the River Styx, the subterranean river of the souls of the dead. The connection I found was that the spring Cassotis connected the two worlds: the world of the dead, Hades, and the world of the mortals. Thus, according to the belief, Pythia would receive inspiration from the world of the souls as the spring was a part of the Otherworld. Besides water, fire was also important for communal life. It also indicates the connection between worlds; with the world of the gods by smoke and at the point in the ground with Hades. At Delph,i ancient authors mention the room called "megaron" or "oikos". In the middle of this room stood hestia/fire. When researching the site, archaeologists did not identify oikos/megaron, because they were searching for a separate room. According to ancient Greek authors' claims, that the inquirers waited in the megaron and according to Jean-Pierre Vernants' study of the domestic hearth, I came to conclusion that megaron could be equated with naos of the temple. In the middle of it stood hestia. The most important and the centre of Delphic fame was a woman named Pythia, the oracle. I analyzed a few different studies, about women in Ancient Greece, while asking myself the question "Why female and why not a male oracle?". First, I examined the difference between young females and older females, and also in what parts of the rites where they included. I applied some aspects from different studies to the Delphic Pythia, when at first young females where chosen for this role, and later, women in menopause. Menopausal women were chosen, because they had been ritually purified, since they did not menstruate. The other part of purification was held at the Castalia spring. But why was Pythia a woman serving a male god and why was there no male priest for a male god? All the abovementioned symbols are pointing to something liminal and are gathering around the centre of the Earth, which was believed to be the entrance to the Otherworld or to the womb of the mother Earth. The same as water and snakes, women were also believed to be the connection with the Otherworld, since they bring to life souls, which come from Hades. So, Pythia, who was celibate, as a woman somehow had a"better connection" with the Otherworld. Therefore, around the centre of the Ancient Greek world, Delphi, which itself meant the entrance to the Otherworld and the connection between worlds, we can find symbols that point out the importance of Delphi and its ritual. Because of the title "Centre of the Earth" and all rituals and landscape symbols, Delphi managed to retain its importance until today. LITERATURE Bremmer, Jan N, 2007: Greek Normative Animal Sacrifice. Ogden, Daniel (ed.), A Companion to Greek Religion. Malden, Oxford, Carlton, Victoria: Blackwell Publishing, 132-145. Burkert, Walter, 1986: Homo Necans: The Anthropology of Ancient Greek Sacrificial Ritual and Myth. Berkeley, Los Angeles, London: University of California Press. THE ANCIENT GREEK SYMBOLISM IN THE RELIGIOUS LANDSCAPE. THE CASE OF DELPHI -105 Centini, Massimo, 1998: Le Bestie del diavolo; Gli animali e la stregoneria tra fonti storiche e folklore. Milan: Rusconi libri. Coldstream, Nicolas, 2003: Geometric Greece 900-700 BC. London, New York: Routledge. Dillon, Matthew, 2003: Girls and Women in Classical Greek Religion. London, New York: Routledge. Fontenrose, Joseph, 1959: Python: A Study of Delphic Myth and Its Origins. Berkeley, Los Angeles: University of California Press. Fontenrose, Joseph, 1978: The Delphic Oracle: Its Responses and Operations with a Catalogue of Responses. Berkeley, Los Angeles, London: University of California Press. Fontenrose, Joseph, 1980: Python: A Study of Delphic Myth and Its Origins. Berkeley, Los Angeles, London: University of California Press. Gentile, Kristen Marie, 2009: Reclaiming the Role of the Old Priestess: Ritual Agency and the Post-menopausal Body in Ancient Greece. Dissertation. Ohio: The Ohio State University. https://etd.ohiolink.edu/!etd.send_file?accession=osu1243982652&disposition=inline Guettel Cole, Susan, 2004: Landscapes, Gender, and Ritual Space. The Ancient Greek Experience. Berkeley, Los Angeles in London: University of California Press. Hâland, Evy Johanne, 2011: Saints and Snakes: Death, Fertility and Healing in Modern and Ancient Greece and Italy. Performance and Spirituality 2 (1): 111-151. Hrobat, Katja, 2010: Ko Baba dvigne krilo. Prostor in čas v folklori Krasa. Ljubljana: Znanstvena založba Filozofske fakultete. Kala, Hiera, 1995: Images of Animal Sacrifice in Archaic and Classical Greece. Leiden, New York, Köln: E. J. Brill. Kenda, Barbara, 2006: Aeolian Winds and the Spirit in Renaissance Architecture. London, New York: Routledge. Malea, Andrea, 2017: Pitija in njena vloga v grški družbi. Graduate Thesis (unpublished). Kop-er-Capodistria: University of Primorska Faculty of Humanities. Mencej, Mirjam, 1997: Pomen vode v predstavah starih Slovanov o posmrtnem življenju in šegah ob smrti. Ljubljana: Slovensko etnološko društvo. Parke, Herbert William; Wormell, Donald Ernest Wilson, 1957: The Delphic Oracle. Oxford: Basil Blackwell. Dragan, Radu, 1999: La représentation de l'espace de la société traditionnelle: Les mondes renversés. Paris: L'Harmattan. Ustinova, Yulia, 2009: Caves and the Ancient Greek Mind. Descending Underground in the Search for Ultimate Truth. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Van Gennep, Arnold, 1960: The Rites of Passage. London: Routledge. Vernant, Jean-Pierre, 2001: Mito e pensiero presso i Greci. Studi di psicologia storica. Torino: Piccola Biblioteca Einaudi. Scott, Michael, 2014: Delphi. A History of the Center of the Ancient World. New Jersey: Princeton University Press. Thomassen, Einar, 2004: Celebrations, Sactuaries and the Vestiges of Cult Activity. Wedde, Michael (ed.), Sacrifice: Ritual Murder of Dinner Party? Bergen: Norwegian Institute at Athens, 275-285. 106- ANDREA MALEA IL SIMBOLISMO GRECO ANTICO NEL PAESAGGIO RELIGIOSO. IL CASO DI DELFI Andrea Malea ooo La religione nell'antica Grecia era un punto centrale intorno al quale é stata costruita la vita della comunitá con le sue attivitá di culto. Parlando di Delfi, non sono state scritte tante cose sul tema del simbolismo del paesaggio e del suo significato per la comprensione della comunitá. Analizzando e confrontando gli studi europei, gli studi sull' antica Grecia ed evidenze archeologiche e storiche, sono riuscita ad addivenire ad alcune conclusioni sul caso di Delfi. Con la sua storia in primo piano, ho tentato di confermare la tesi sull'importanza del sito come centro dell'antica credenza greca in senso religioso. Intorno a questo si intrecciano diversi fattori, fisici e simbolici, che indicano l'importanza di questo centro di culto. Nell'articolo ho presentato e sono giunta a delle conclusioni riguardanti tutti i simboli e i loro significati che si possono trovare a Delfi, che indicano il suo valore liminale. Queste conclusioni potrebbero essere applicate anche ad altri siti simili, conoscendo i significati principali dei simboli. Nell'etá micenea, Pitone (Python) era il serpente o il drago che proteggeva il culto della dea Gea ed aveva un doppio ruolo. I serpenti erano simboli di potenza sotterranea e sono associati a Gea. Gli antichi Greci credevano che il drago fosse sepolto sotto la pietra onfalo (omphalos) che segnava il centro della terra, Gea. Credevano anche che i vapori velenosi, che salivano dalle crepe dell'adyton, fossero il respiro del Pitone, che proveniva dall'Ade. L'acqua era molto importante per diversi riti anche a Delfi. Qui possiamo trovare due importanti sorgenti d'acqua, chiamati Cassotis e Castalia, usate per scopi di culto. L'acqua della sorgente Castalia veniva utilizzata per la purificazione, perché nell'antica Grecia era necessario purificarsi dalle impuritá prima di entrare nell'area sacra, affinché quest'ultima non venisse inquinata. L'acqua della Cassotis era quella che ha dato a Pitia l'ispirazione per la profezia. Credevano che Cassotis facesse parte del fiume sotterraneo delle anime dei morti, Stige. La connessione che ho trovato é che Cassotis collegava i due mondi; il mondo dei morti, l'Ade, con il mondo dei mortali. Quindi, secondo la credenza, Pitia otteneva l'ispirazione dal mondo delle anime poiché Cassotis faceva parte dell'Ade. Il fuoco era importante anche per la vita della comunitá. Esso indicava anche la connessione tra i mondi; il fumo rappresentava la connessione con il mondo degli Dei e il punto in cui la terra incontra l'Ade. Gli autori antichi menzionano a Delfi la unitá architettonica chiamata megaron o oikos, al centro del quale si trovava l'Estia (hestia) / il fuoco. Gli archeologi, durante le ricerche del sito, non hanno individuato la sala perché stavano cercando una stanza separata. Secondo gli autori greci antichi, i quali riportavano che i richiedenti stavano aspettando a megaron, e secondo Jean-Pierre Vernant, che ha fatto degli studi sul tema del cuore THE ANCIENT GREEK SYMBOLISM IN THE RELIGIOUS LANDSCAPE. THE CASE OF DELPHI 107 domestico, sono giunta alla conclusione che megaron potrebbe essere identificato come il naos del tempio. Al centro dello stesso si trovava l'Estia, il focolare. Il baricentro più importante della storia delfica era l'oracolo, una donna chia-mata Pitia. Analizzando alcuni studi sulle donne nell'antica Grecia, ho prima esaminato la differenza tra le giovani donne e quelle più anziane, ed in quali parti dei riti vi erano incluse. Cosi ho applicato alcuni aspetti tratti da diversi studi su Pitia. All'inizio per il ruolo dell'oracolo venivano selezionate giovani donne, invece dopo le donne in menopausa. Considerato che quest'ultime non avevano menstruazioni, venivano ritualmente purificate. L'altra parte della purificazione avveniva alla sorgente Castalia. Tutti questi simboli indicano il valore liminale, e si trovano intorno al centro della terra. Le donne rappresentavano la connessione con l'altro mondo, perché davano vita alle anime provenienti dall'Ade. Intorno al centro del mondo greco antico, Delfi, che in sé significava l'ingres-so all'altro mondo e la connessione tra i mondi, si possono trovare i simboli che indicano l'importanza di Delfi e del suo rito. Grazie al titolo "Centro della Terra" e di tutti i simboli, ha mantenuto la sua importanza fino ad oggi. Andrea Malea, Socerga 28, 6272 Gracisce, Slovenia, andreamalea5@gmail.com 21 Studia MYTHOLOGICA Slavica 2018 - 109 - 127- OS apxaunecKux HepTax HapogHofi geMoHonoruu pycuH Boctohhoh CnoBaKHH* — MapHHa M. Bane^oBa The article discusses archaic elements in the demonological beliefs of Ruthenians of Eastern Slovakia, a group of old East Slavic population in the Carpathian region. Archaic elements were identified by the comparison and confrontation with other archaic traditions of the Slavs - Polessian, Serbian, Russian, Bielorussian. Ethnolinguistic research was carried out on the basis of published materials - articles, monographs and dictionaries, as well as author's field records. The study shows the presence of numerous cultural and linguistic archaisms belonging to the proto-Slavic era and preserved despite active and various contacts with neighbouring ethnic groups of other Slavs and non-Slavic peoples. KEYWORDS: ethnolinguistics, Ruthenian demonology, archaism, Slavic Carpathians KapnaTCKHe pycHHti ^thohhmh: pycHHti, pycHaKH, nogKapnaTcKue pycHHti, Kapna-Topocti, yrpopycti, yropcKHe pycHHti, neMKu) - caMaa 3anagHaa rpynna boctohhhx cnaBaH, npo^HBaro^aa Ha TeppHTopHH 3anagHofi yKpauHti (3aKapnaTcKaa oSnacTt, ucropunecKoe Ha3BaHHe - nogKapnaTcKaa Pyct) h ganee Bgont ceBepHtix h mkhhx cktohob CeBepo-BocToHHtix KapnaT b boctohhhx pafioHax CnoBaKHH (ucTopuHecKH -npameB^HHa, npameBcKaa Pyct) h roro-BocroHHtix pafioHax nontmu (^eMKoB^HHa)1. ToBopHTt o6 apxauHHocTH HapogHofi geMoHonoruu, KaK h gpyrux c^ep TpagunuoH-Hofi HapogHofi KyntTypti pycHH mo^ho, Bo-nepBtix, Ha ocHoBaHHH BpeMeHH h hctophh 3aceneHua oSnacTefi, Ha KoToptix ohh npo^HBaroT2; yneTa ocoStix reorpa^HHecKux * ABTopcKaa paSoTa BtmonHeHa npu (^HHaHcoBofi noggep^Ke npoeKTa PHO N° 17-18-01373 «CnaBaHcKue apxauHecKue 3ohbi b npocTpaHcTBe EBponti: 3THonuHrBHcTHHecKufi nogxog» (pyK. aKag. C.M. ToncTaa). 1 KpoMe nepeHucneHHtix hckohhbix 3eMent pycHHti npo^HBaroT b pafioHax KoMnaKTHoro noceneHua b BeHrpuu, PyMHHHH, b HcTopHHecKHx oSnacTax EaHKa h CpeM Ha TeppHTopHH BoeBoguHti b Cep6uu h CnaBoHHH b XopBaTHH, a TaK^e b CfflA u KaHage. HucneHHocTt roBopa^ux Ha pycuHcKoM a3tiKe, no pa3HtiM oueHKaM, npeBtimaeT 100 Ttic. HenoBeK (CKopBug, 6/r). 2 B onepKe HcTopHH KapnaTcKux pycHH c gpeBHefimux BpeMeH go 1989 r. npegcTaBneHo MHeHue HeKoToptix HemcKux, cnoBauKux h pyccKux hctophkob, KoToptie gonycKaroT, hto Mante rpynnti BocToHHocnaBaHcKoro HaceneHua npoHHKanu 3a ro^Htie cKnoHti KapnaT c BocToKa unu c ceBepa bo3mo»ho y»e c VIII b. (cp. TonoHHMti Ruska, Ruskov, Oroszlô, Kissoroszi h gp.), ho ohh He HMeroi KoHTHHyuTeTa c HaceneHueM, npumegmuM b BocToHHyro CnoBaKuro b XIV b. no gpyrofi runoTe3e, Ha ocHoBaHHH XpoHHKH AHoHHMa, 11G- MAPHHA M. BA.E^OBA ycnoBun, c^opMupoBaBmux oTHocuTenBHo H3onupoBaHHMe apeanti pacceneHua3; nHHrBHCTHHecKHX gaHHHX, b nepByro onepegB guaneKTonoruHecKHX, npogeMOHCTpu-poBaBmux apxauHHocTB pycuHCKux guaneKTOB, u reHeTunecKHX, noKa3aBmux 3Hanu-TenBHoe KonunecTBo cTaptix 3auMCTBOBaHUH u3 cocegHux BeHrepcKoro, HeMe^KO^o u pyMtiHCKoro a3HKOB4. no cnoBaM MupocnaBa Cononuru, aBTopa paga ^y6nHKa^HH no MaTepuanBHOH KynBType yKpauHueB Boctohhoh CnoBaKuu, gupeKTopa My3ea yKpauHCKOH KynBTypH b CBugHUKe, o6iexaBmero Bce pycuHCKue cena CnoBaKuu, «y 6araTBox HaceneHux nyHKTax ^eï KpaÏHu 36epernuca cTapogaBHi yKpaÏHCBKi Tpagu^ï y TOMy Burnagi, y aKOMy ïx nogeKygu yse HeMa Ha yKpaÏHi». OneBugHo, hto gna BtiaBneHua apxaunecKHX nepT pycuHCKOH geMOHonoruu Heo6xo-guMo ee cpaBHeHue c geMOHonorunecKUMu cucTeMaMu gpyrux cnaBaHCKux HapogoB - c yneTOM HagesHtix peKOHCTpyKnun npacnaBaHCKOH Mu^onorau - a TaKse conocTaBneHue c Mu^onorunecKUMH TpagH^HaMH cocegHux HapogoB - BeHrpoB u pyMHH. ^Ta 3agana b HacToa^ee BpeMa MoseT 6htb BtmonHeHa 6narogapa pa6oTaM Kpyra Mockobckoh ^THonHH^BHCTHnecKOH mKonti H.H. u C.M. Tojcthx (cm. CnaBaHCKaa 3THonuHrBHCTHKa 2017), yse HecKonBKo gecaTuneTun 3aHHMaro^enca peKOHCTpyKquen gpeBHen gyxoBHOH KynBTypti cnaBaH. Pe3ynBTaTOM 3toh geaTenBHocTH cTan 5-tomhbih cnoBapB «CnaBaHCKue gpeBHocTu» (Tojctoh (ed.) 1995-2012), rge onucaHH b tom Ruthéni unu Oroszok (pycH) nonanu b BepxHee noxucBe u b CnoBaKuro b X b. BMecxe c BeHrpaMu, Koxoptix ohh conpoBosganu yse ox ,Henpa. «B nro6oM cnynae goKa3aHo, nxo b IX b. BepxHee noxucBe ôtino yse b onpegeneHHOH nacxu HaceneHo cnaBaHaMu, Koxoptie ocenu xaM b nepuog BenuKoro nepeceneHua HapogoB u b nocnegyro^ue gecaxunexua» (Konecny 2015: 39). 3 C ogHOH cxopoHH, «rpeÔHH Kapnax c^opMupoBanu agMHHHCTpaxHBHyro ^paHH^y, Koxopaa oxgenuna HaceneHue rosH^ix u ceBepHHX ckjohob rop», BKnronuB 3xu peruoHti b pa3HHe reononuTHnecKHe ci^epti (Magocsi 1999: 8), c gpyroH - nonuxunecKue rpaHU^i, pa3genaBmue yKpauHCKoe HaceneHue Pocchhckoh HMnepuu h BocTonHocnaBaHCKoe HaceneHue BeHrpuu u ABCTpo-BeHrpuH, onpeflenunu pa3JiUHHtie ucTopunecKHe ycnoBua pa3BUxua 3xux rpynn eguHoro Hapoga u noxepro ux gyxoBHoro eguHcxBa (Magocsi 1999: 10). 4 PycHHCKUM guaneKxaM nocBa^eHa 6onBmaa nuHrBHcxunecKaa nuxepaTypa; o hhx nucanu O. EpoK, B. rHaxroK, H. naHBKeBun, r. repoBCKUH, H. BepxpaxcKHH, 3. Oxuôep, H. 3enuHCKUH, H. Oennež, B. HaxTa, M. HecuB, H. Purep, O. HemKa, 3. TaHygenB u gp.; ohh ôtinu npegMexoM apeanBHHX uccnegoBaHUH, cm.: ,3eHg3eniBCKUH 1958-1993, HaxTa 1991, raHygenB 1981-2001, EepHmxeHH u Konn. 1967, OK,A 1989-2001 h gp. «EonBmuHCTBo c^e^HanHCXGB cnpaBegnuBo oxHocunu pycuHCKue roBopH Boctohhoh CnoBaKuu u 3aKapnaxBa k xaK Ha3HBaeMOH KapnaxcKOH rpynne roBopoB, KOTopaa UMeex xununHHe npu3HaKU a3HKGBG^G norpaHunBa u oxpasaex H3GnHpGBaHHGCxB oônacxu. no 3toh npunuHe pycuHCKue roBopH ceBepo-BocTonHOH CnoBaKuu xaKse coxpaHunu HeKoxoptie apxaunecKue nepxH, Koxoptie xapaKxepHH gna BceH KapnaxcKOH rpynnH, a b rosHoyKpauHCKHX guaneKxax He Bcxpenaroxca» (Konecny 2000: 179). no MHeHuro HmxBaHa YgBapu (1950-2005), aBxopa nHHrBHcXHnecKHX u HcxopuKo-KynBTyponorunecKHX pa6ox no pycHHCKHM u yKpauHCKHM HapenuaM Bocxohhoh CnoBaKuu, BasHOH xapaKTepucxuKOH axux norpaHunH^ix roBopoB aBnaexca ux xeppuxopuanBHaa u xpoHonorunecKaa pacnneHeHHocxB. Hapagy c 3thm b xeneHue cxonexuH B3auMHo Bnaanu gpyr Ha gpyra cnGBa^KHe, nonBCKue u BeHrepcKue guaneKXH, Ha ux pa3BUxue BG3geHCxBGBan xaKgse a3HK HeMe^KHX ^GceneH^eB. OcoôeHHocxBro 3xux roBopoB aBnaexca xo, nxo «Ha ux cBoeo6pa3Hoe, ynpaBnaeMoe coôcxBeHHHMU BHyxpeHHUMU 3aKOHaMU, pa3BUxue go 20-x rogoB Hamero cxonexua He noBnuan yKpauHCKHH nuxepaxypHHH a3HK», x.e. He oKa3an Ha hhx HUBenupyro^ero BO3geHcXBua (Király 2009: 73). Ha ocHOBaHUH ^oHexunecKUx U3MeHeHUH b 3auMcXBOBaHHHX U3 BeHrepcKoro u HeMe^KG^G cnoBax mosho npegnosuTB xpoHonoruro ux 3aHMcXBOBaHua b BocxonHocnoBa^ue u pycuHCKue guaneKXH: caMHH cxapHH cnoH oxHocuxca k X-XII bb., 6onee no3gHue - k XIII-XIV h XV-XVI bb. (Király 2009: 74). Ha pycuHCKue roBopH b 6onBmoH Mepe BG3geHCXBGBanH nonBCKaa, cnoBa^aa u BeHrepcKaa neKcUKa, 3xu roBopH BocnpuHanu MHosecxBo ^epKOBHOcnaBaHCKHX nuxyprunecKHX xepMHHOB, nxo BMecxe c yHHKanBHOH apxaunecKOH guaneKXHOH neKcUKOH genaex pycHHCKUH oxnunHHM ox gpyrux BocxonHocnaBaHCKUx uguoMOB (Plisková 2012: 7). OE APXAH^ECKHX ^EPTAX HAPOflHOH flEMOHO^OrHH PyCHH BOCTO^HOH C.TOBAKHH -111 Hucne u geMOHonoruHecKue nepcoHa»u, KOH^nTti, npeguKaTH Ha MaTepuane Bcex cnaBaHCKux Tpagu^uH. K apxau3MaM b gyxoBHon KyntType OTHOcaTca, BO-nepBtix, coxpaHeHHtie b npaK-TuHecKu Heu3MeHHOM Buge penuKTH gpeBHero Mup0B033peHua (geMOHonoruHecKue noBepta, MaruHecKue puryanti, TepMUHonoruHecKaa neKCuKa), HepegKO c 3a6tiTtiM ucKOHHHM cMHcnoM, Bö-BTopHx, coxpaHeHHtie MexaHU3MH apxauHecKoro MHmneHua, npogon^aro^ue (^yH^uoHupoBaTt u b hobhx co^uaJtHHX u ucTopuHecKux ycnoBuax, MexaHu3MH, nopo^garo^ue «apxauHecKue» aneMeHTH 06pagH0CTu u BepoBaHun BHOBt. ^na coxpaHeHua apxauKu b TpagunuoHHon KyntType Tpe6yroTca oco6te ycnoBua, HanpuMep reorpa^uHecKue (ropti, 6ojOTa, MapruHajtHoe pacnono^eHue b OHKyMe-He) unu apeantHO-3THuHecKue (oKpy»eHue HepogcTBeHHHMu HapogaMu u KOHTaKTH c humu). Ohu o6ecneHUBaroT u30nup0BaHH0CTt gaHHOH rpynnti unu cnoco6cTByroT KGHcepBa^uu gpeBHen KapTUHH Mupa, Btmy^garoT npunaraTt ycunua no coxpaHeHuro 3THuHecKOH cnenu^uKu. K TaKuM apeanaM OTHOcaT, HanpuMep, nonecte, PyccKun CeBep, Kamy6uro, .y»u^y, MopaBuro, CnoBaKuro, CnoBeHuro, BOCTOHHyro Cep6uro, 3anagHyro Bonrapuro - to ecTt 6ontmuHCTBO cnaBaHCKux peruoHOB. 3agaHen aBjaeTca jumt BtaBjeHue 3tux apxauHecKux aneMeHTOB. B gaHHon CTaTte peHt nongeT o pycuHax BoctohhoH CnoBaKuu5. Tpagu^uGHHaa gyxoBHaa Kyntrypa pycuH uccnegoBaHa CKpoMHee, HeM ux roBopti, CG^uG^uH^BuCTu-HecKaa cuTya^ua unu ucTopua. Ha 3tot $aKT o6pa^an BHuMaHue reoprun repoBCKun e^e b 1948 r. u, ntrraact BOcnonHUTt ^T0T npo6en, 0ny6nuK0Ban HeKOToptie gocrynHtie eMy Ha tot MOMeHT gaHHtie 6oraTon Hapogon rpagu^uu npameB^uHti, b ochobhom u3 CBage6Hon o6pagHOCTu (repoBCKun 1948). nog pyKOBogcTBOM r. repoBCKoro, H. naHtKeBuHa, O. .emKu, A. KypuMCKoro u gp. c koh^ 40-x rogoB npoBogujuct u npo-BogaTca pa3HHMu uccnegoBaTenaMu go cux nop cucTeMaTuHecKue jUHrBuCTUHecKue u ^ontKnopHO-STHorpa^uHecKue ^KC^egu^uu b BGCTGHHGC^GBa^Kue pycuHCKue cena. B ^HTpe ux BHuMaHua 6tmu, noMuMO a3HKa, MaTepuantHaa Kyjtrypa (cm., HanpuMep, Sopoliga 2002, 2006, Cononura 2011), ^ontKJop (npeuMy^ecTBeHHO neceHHtie »aH-pti, b TOM Hucne KaneHgapHte, HapogHaa npo3a - CKa3Ku, nereHgt), napeMuojorua u ^pa3eonorua, MuKpoTonoHuMua, a TaK»e gyxoBHaa Kyjtrypa. ^yxoBHon KyjtTypon «pycuH-yKpauH^B»6 BoctohhoH CnoBaKuu aKTuBHO 3aHu-MaroTca coTpygHuKu My3ea yKpauHCKon Kyntrypti b CBugHuKe (My3en u3gaeT «Hay-KOBun 36ipHuK», 1965-), npe»ge Bcero Hage»ga Bapxon (BaptaH) u Hocu^ Bapxon. H. Bapxon aBjaeTca aBTopoM gByx o6mupHHx CTaTen no geMOHonoruu, nocBa^eHHtix »eHCKuM (Bapxon 1982) u My»CKUM (Bapxon 1985) Mu^onoruHecKUM nepcoHa»aM; b 5 B HacToa^ee BpeMa cno^unuct Tpu ocoótie rpynnti pycuHCKoro Hapoga, pa3geneHHtie oporpai^uHecKUMu u nonuTUHecKUMH rpaHu^Mu: b 3aKapnaTCK0Ž o6nacTu YKpauHti; Ha ceBepHHx CKnoHax KapnaT, HHHe -ocTaBmHeca nocne «penarpna^H» h nepeceneHHa b gpyrne perHOHti CTpaHH He6ojtmne rpynnt Ha TeppHTopHH nontmu (ycToaBmuñca ^TH0HUM neMKu); Ha ro»HHx CKnoHax Boctohhhx KapnaT - Ha TeppuTopuu CnoBaKuu (^THGHUM pycHHti-yKpauH^i, pycHaKu). XoTa b ABCTpo-BeHrpuu npameB^uHa u 3aKapnaTte cocTaBjanu eguHyro nonuTHHecKyro u ^THGKynbTypHyro TeppuTopuro c ogHHM KapnaToyKpauHCKUM ^THGCGM. 6 TepMHH aBjaeTca KOMnpoMuccHHM, npegno»eHHHM b cnope 06 ^THUHecK0H npuHagne»HOCTu pycuH (3THHHecKaa rpynna yKpauH^eB uju OTgeJtHHK, HeTBepTtn BOCTOHHOcjaBaHCKun Hapog) b paMKax nonuTUHecKoro gucKypca. npegcTaBnaeTca gocTaTOHHHM TepMHH pycuH. 11G- MAPHHA M. BA.E^OBA hx 0CH0Be - noneBtie MaTepnanti, co6paHHtie b 1977-1980 rr. 3a BpeMa cBoefi HayqHOH geaTenbHocm H. Bapxon ycnena noceTHTt npaKTHHecKH Bce pycHHOKHe cena Boctohhoh CnoBaKHH (MymHHKa 2010: 111), ^KC^egH^H0HHbIH MaTepnan Bomen TaK^e B gpyrne cTaTtH h MOHorpa^HH - no Tpag^HOHHOH KyntType (Bapxon 1980, 1992, 2005, 2009, Varcholova 2001, 2004, 2009), 3THo6oTaHHKe (Bapxon 2002, Varcholova 2003), HapogHofi MegnnHHe h BeTepHHapHH (Bapxon 1995, 1998), (^ontKnopy (Bapxon 1985a, 1988 h gp.), napeMHonorHH h (^pa3eonorHH (Bapxon 1990; Bapxon, iBHeHKo 1990). H3 pa6oT gpyrux aBTopoB, 3aHHMaro^Hxca TeMoH HapogHoS Bepti, cm.: Bapxon H. 1988, 1995, Neufeld 1980. Mn^onorHHecKHe noBepta h npaKTHKH oTpa^eHti h b KHHre Mnxanna fflMangti «A imi BaM BiH^yro», nocBa^eHHon pycHHcKoMy KaneHgapro h, KcTaTH, cogep^a^en ocHoBaTentHHH o63op ^THO^pa^HHecKHx HccnegoBaHHH h MaTepnanoB ^TO^o pernoHa Ha^HHaa c XVIII b. (mManga 1992: 41-117). ^TH u gpyrue pa6oTH aBjarorca yHHKajbHbiM hctohhhkom HapogHon TepMHHOflOrnn gyxoBHon Kyjibrypbi, K0T0paa cja6O OTpa^eHa b cjOBapax. HanpuMep, jiumb He6OflbmOe KOflUHeCTBO Ha3BaHHH geMOHOB OKa3ajOCb 3a$HKCHpOBaHHMM B CJOBapaX pyCHHCKOrO a3MKa uju CJOBapax rOBOpOB OTgejbHMx pyCHHCKHx cej (cm., HanpuMep, Kepna 2006, Hnat 2003, nupTen 2004). B CTaTbe TaK^e ucnOJb3OBajucb cO6cTBeHHbie nOjeBbie MaTepuajbi aBTOpa, 3anucaH-HMe b 2014 r. b Tpex pycuHCKHx cejax: y6ja, PycKHH rpa6OBe^ PycKa Bbicrpa (nM). B^iaBjeHue apxaHKH b pycuHCKHx geMOHOJOrHHecKHx BepOBaHHax u TepMUHOJO-ruu aKTyajbHO gja O6^ecjaBaHCKHx Mu$OJOrunecKHx uccjegOBaHun, OTgejbHO gja KapnaTucTUKu, a TaK^e gja ^nen peKOHCTpyKquu CflaBaHCKOH gyxOBHOH KyjbTypM. kopotko nepenucjuM HeKOTOpbie u3 tskhx gpeBHux nepx 1. ApxaH^ecKHM aBnaeTca ogHH H3 cnoco6oB H36aBneHHa ot nogMeHtima - ca^aHHe pe6eHKa b ne^t. nogMeHtim - odMin, nepeMinb, nepeMinenou, nepeMima, npenepnne^ nepenecnma, nepenecnuK, we6paK, nepeMiHb, nenanutbiu - ypoggHBbiH, npo^opnHBtiH h HeMOH pe6eHOK, KOToporo c^HTanH nog6pomeHHHM jiecHHM geMOHOM (čuxa 6a6a, 6ofbinn h gp.) B3aMeH noxH^eHHoro HenoBenecKoro. ^to6h gHKaa 6a6a 3a6pana cBoero ypog^ o6paTHo, «nogMeHtima» 6nnn, BbiKnagtiBanH Ha nopor, BtiMeTann Ha MycopHyro Kyqy, a TaK^e ca^ann Ha nonaTy c HaMepeHHeM ornpaBHTt b ne^t (ra^aBa)7 (Bapxon 1982: 280). Cro^eT o pe6eHKe-nogMeHtime y cnaBaH cnennantHo pa36upanca b: (BHHorpagoBa 2016: 142-157). 06 apxaHHHocTH MOTHBa ca^aHHa b ne^t cBHgeTentcTByeT, noMHMo cKa3OHHoro ^oHga, HanH^ne ero b ro»HocnaBaHcKHx Tpag^nax (cep6cKOH, cnoBeH-ckoh), npn^eM yrpo3a c^e^t nogMeHtima b ne^H c^HTanact y hhx 6onee gencTBeHHOH, neM 6nTte pe6eHKa, xapaKTepHoe gna 3anagHocnaBaHcKHx TpagH^HH (BHHorpagoBa 2016: 148). no MaTepnanaM, co6paHHtiM H. PageHKOBH^eM, b npeKMypte, HanpHMep, MnageH^a nogHocnnn k ne^H h TpH^gti cnpamHBann: Dete, povej mi, ali si ti pravo, ali ne! Ci mi ne poveš, te notri v peč vržem! (BHHorpagoBa 2016: 148). E^e 6onee Ba^Ho b reHeTH^ecKOM acneKTe, hto TaKHe cro^eTH oTMeneHt BpoHHcnaBoS Kep6enme b ahtobckoh MH^onorH^ecKOH npo3e: »eH^HHa 6teT nogMeHtma BegtMH (nayMe), 7 Ha3BaHHa pycHHcKHx cen gaeTca b coBpeMeHHOM cn0Ba^K0M 3BynaHHH - gna 6onee ygo6Horo noncKa Ha KapTe. OE APXAH^ECKHX ^EPTAX HAPOflHOH flEMOHO^OrHH PyCHH BOCTO^HOH C.TOBAKHH -113 co6npaeTca 6pocHTt ero b nenKy - nayMe 3a6npaeT CBoero u oTgaeT nenoBenecKoro pe6eHKa (BHHorpagoBa 2016: 149). HHTepecHti TaK^e ^HHHo-yropcKHe napannenn k onncaHHoä npaKTHKe, ecnn noMHHTt o KyntTypHoM BnnaHHH Ha KapnaTCKHX pycHH gpyroro ^HHHo-yropcKoro Hapoga - BeHrpoB: y KoMH-3tipaH 3aBepHyToro b neneHKH MnageH^ MaTt npHBa3tiBana k xne6Hoä nonaTe, BcTaBnana nonaTy b HcTonneHHyro nent u Ha Bonpoc: «Koro 3aneKaemt?» oTBenana: «nogMemma» (nnn: «Pe6eHKa 6aHHHKa»), nocne nero o^nganoct, nTo ecnn ^To nogMeHtim, To oh yMpeT, a ecnn ^To cboh pe6eHoK, To oh nonpaBHTca (BHHorpagoBa 2016: 155). Mothb «nepeneKaHHa» pe6eHKa b nenn y BocTonHtix u 3anagHtix cnaBaH H3BecTeH b cocTaBe nene6Horo o6paga, oco6eHHo gna geTeä, 6ontHtix paxHToM nnn aTpo^neä (cyxomb, coöanbn cmapocmb). 3a^HKcnpoBaH oh u y pycHH: 6ontHoro Ty6epKyne3oM pe6eHKa «Knann Ha xne6Hyro nonaTy u ca^ann b xonogHyro nent, npnroBapHBaa: «,3,o ne^ cyxoTti, a 3 ne^ TyKoTti» (BamHii OpnHK - Bapxon 2012: 42). ynrntiBaa pac-npocTpaHeHHHH nene6HtiH acneKT o6paga, mo^ho npegnonaraTt, nTo b nogMeHtime BHgenn 6ontHoro, pogHBmeroca c HapymeHHeM ^H3HonornnecKHx f^yH^HH, pe6eHKa. CaM pmyan «nepeneKaHna» «npecnegyeT gBöHcTBeHHyro 3agany: yHnnro^HTt 6one3Ht u caMoro 6ontHoro pe6eHKa u co3gaTt HoBoro - KpenKoro u 3gopoBoro pe6eHKa (To-nopKoB 2009: 42)9, nTo xopomo cornacyeTca c MH^onornnecKHM KoHTeKcToM yrpo3ti c^ent He3gopoBoro nogMeHtima pagn Bo3Bpa^eHHa cBoero 3gopoBoro pe6eHKa. 2. Mothb cba3h gepeBa h cygt6ti nenoBeKa xapaKTepeH gna Bcex cnaBaH, oco6eHHo b ^ontKnope. gepeBo «ynacTBoBano» b cygt6e nenoBeKa, eMy «npHnnctiBannct KaTe-ropHH u ^Ta^H »H3HegeaTentHocTH, To^gecTBeHHtie nnn 6nH3KHe nenoBenecKHM», «k nncny ^ontKnopHtix u MH^onornnecKHx KoHcTaHT npHHagne^HT u cHMBonnnecKoe oTo^gecTBneHHe nenoBeKa u gepeBa» (AranKHHa 1999: 62-63, TaM ®e npnMepti). Ü6^-HocTt cygt6ti nenoBeKa u gepeBa y pycHH oTpa^aeT noBepte o tom, nTo ecnn MonHHa ygapHT b gepeBo, pacTy^ee Ha genaHKe KaKoro-Hn6ygt xo3aHHa, To 3tot xo3aHH yMpeT (Bapxon 1985: 230), ecnn b cagy xo3aHHa gepeBo BticoxHeT, nnn 6ypa BtiBepHeT ero c KopHeM, ^To o3Hanano cKopyro cMepTt xo3aHHa goMa (Bapxon 1992: 241). nogo6Htie mothbh BOTpenaroTca y nonaKoB: ecnn bo BpeMa 6ypn BeTep BtipBeT gepeBo c KopHaMH, to yMpeT tot, Ha nteä 3eMne ^To cnynnnoct (AranKHHa 2013: 43). 3. noBepta o geMoHax cygt6ti y cnaBaH pacnpocTpaHeHti He noBceMecTHo, ohh H3BecTHH b ochobhom b ro^HocnaBaHcKHx TpagH^Hax (c.-x. cy/eH^e, cy/aje, ycyde, 6onr. opucHu^u, ypemHu^u, HapenH^u, cy^eHu^u, cnoBeH. rojenice, sojenice), ynoMH-HaroTca y nexoB h cnoBaKoB: nem. sudičky, sudice, cnoBa^ sudički, b 3.-yKp. - cy^^u, aHanornnHyro ^yH^nro BtmonHann gp.-pyc. khh^h. powaHu^i (nnoTHHKoBa, Cega-KoBa 2012: 199). B TaKoM apeantHoM pacnpegeneHHH noBepnä o geBax cygt6ti mo^ho BHgeTt 6anKaHcKoe BnnaHHe (cm. TaK^e: CegaKoBa 2007: 188). 3aTo BceM cnaBaHcKHM HapogaM H3BecTHo noHarae cydböa, donn, yden, cnacmbe (CegaKoBa 2012: 203-208), Btipa^aro^ee npegcraBneHne o gocTaBmeäca nenoBeKy npn po^geHHH nacra, nnn gonn, 8 Pe6eHKa «KnagyT Ha xneÖHyro nonaTy u TpH^gti BcoBHBaroT b Tennyro nent. Bo BnagHMHpcKož ry6. «nepeneKann» Bcex geTež HenocpegcTBeHHo nocne pogoB (TonopKoB 2009: 42). 9 Cm. TaK^e o6 o6page «nepeneKaHHa»: TonopKoB 1992. 11G- MAPHHA M. BA.E^OBA »H3HH. B cnaBaHcKux 6BinuHKax h CKa3Kax o HageneHuu pe6eHKa cygB6oñ (goneñ), aKTyaneH TeMnopanBHBiñ acneKT: KaK »HBeT caMa ,3,ona b MOMeHT po»geHua pe6eH-Ka, TaKOH cygB6oñ OHa ero h HagenaeT - 6oraToñ h Becenoñ unu 6egHoñ h TpygHoñ. ^TH noBepBa coeguHaroTca c npegcTaBneHuaMH o go6poM h 3noM BpeMeHH, oco6eHHo b MoMeHT npou3HeceHua geBaMH cygt6H no»enaHHñ unu npoKnaTuñ. PycuHcKuñ nepcoHa» cygt6H MUHymHUK - cKa3oHHBiñ cTapBiñ geg c gnuHHoñ cegoñ 6opogoñ, KoTopBiñ »HBeT b necHoñ H36ymKe, cuguT nonepeMeHHo Ha cepe6paHoM, gepeBaHHoM unu KaMeHHoM cTyne h HagenaeT po»garo^uxca geTeñ to 6oraToñ (cepe6paHBiñ cTyn), to Hec^acTnuBoñ (KaMeHHBiñ cTyn) goneñ (nogropogB, HHOBe^ - Bapxon 1985: 254) npegcTaBnaeT co6oñ coegHHeHHe gpeBHHX cnaBaHcKux h 3auMcTBoBaHHBix Kapna-To-6anKaHcKux MH^onoreM, apxaunecKoro noHHMaHua BpeMeHH (go6poro h 3noro) - c mothbom HageneHua goneñ, c^acTteM. Pag apxaunecKux mothbob, oTMe^eHHBix b pycuHcKoñ TpagH^HH, cBa3aH c gymaMH yMepmnx - KaK «hhctbix», npegKoB, TaK h «He^ucTBix», unu «3ano»HBix». 4. flyma npegKoB, ot kotopbix o»uganu noMo^u Ha ^TOM cBeTe, e^e go HegaBHero BpeMeHH npurnamanu Ha caKpanBHBiñ po»gecTBeHcKuñ y»HH. B Hamux noneBBix MaTe-puanax o6 ogHoñ ogHocenB^aHKe paccKa3BiBanu co cMexoM, hto oHa 3Bana yMepmnx b co^enBHHK (Ha CHmueénep) Ha y»HH, ho hto noToM «ee nyrano»: «nyüme ememKu... (xa-xa) ... Ha eeneprn» - ho ma nomoMy üeüi nydwHno... 3Banu Ha y»HH b co^enBHHK TaK»e Mopo3 h BonKoB - hto6h 3ago6puTB hx, yrocTHTB npa3gHHHHoñ egoñ, hto6bi ohh He Bpegunu b Te^eHue roga10. PaccKa3BiBanu, hto 6Binu TaKHe oTBa»HBie »eH^HHBi, KoTopBie 3Bann Ha Po»gecTBo bohkob, hto6bi ohh He pe3anu noToM ckot: KnuKanu aü Ha mux eoeKye, «He 6ydem mu Moüi... 6pamu xydoóy, eye^» whk... [Korga?] Tyduü Ha Cxmuü eenyp. ... Hecnu damo uc xurnu, mo mo caMi nrndu üinu, a Hecnu eoHKa a momo Memanu ma ^, ho, eoeKaM, awe 6u He mnu (daü npuKnad daKonu eoeKi noüinu eyety, kü3U Ha ncrnm...) ho mo ewe naK 3Hanu 3aKnuHamu: «Ha, my Maüem, üiów: momo, a He Moüi K03U a He Moüi eye^». reü, nocne eenepi (PycKuñ Tpa6oBe^ nM). 5. Cbs3b goMoBoro c gymoñ npegKa b pycuHcKoñ Tpag^HH Boctohhoh CnoBaKuu coxpaHunacB, cKopee, MapruHanBHo. O goMoBoM paccKa3BiBaroT npeuMy^ecTBeHHo KaK o geMoHe-o6oraTHTene11, Ha3BiBaeMoM nopm, nopmuK, xoeaHe^ eopo^e^, rnum-ko, euHKnrnc, monene% dwMunb (Bapxon 1985: 236), b o6pa3e KoToporo Hago BHgeTB 3anagHocnaBaHcKoe BnnaHHe. O goMoBoñ 3Mee - gyxe-xo3aHHe To^e H3BecTHo: ^a^ -goMamHHH y», gyx yMepmero npegKa poga; oxpaHan Mannx geTeñ, nun c hhmh mohoko H3 ogHoñ mhckh. OonBKnopHBie 3anncH o HeM - pegKocTB (Bapxon 1985: 239). B Hamux noneBHX MaTepnanax TaKHe 3anncn TeM He MeHee BcTpe^anncB: 10 O puTyanBHoM npurnameHHH cm.: BuHorpagoBa, ToncTaa 2009, oco6eHHo c. 269. 11 Ero «BBiBogunu» H3 nocnegHero unu nepBoro (6e3 »enTKa) aH^a ot nepHoñ KypH^H, Ha3HBaeMoro 3hücük, 3anopmoK, nopmHHe H^e, KoTopoe Hago hochtb nog neBoñ MHmKoñ, npu 3tom He MHTBca, He MonuTBca. OE APXAH^ECKHX ^EPTAX HAPOflHOH flEMOHO^OrHH PyCHH BOCTO^HOH C.TOBAKHH -115 Ho mo momu doMamHi ^am [nTo KopoBy coceT], ho hk ^o 3a6beme, mo Kopoea 3doxHe, daKonU maK ^eapunu (PycKnn Tpa6oBe^ nM). He mpe6a 6umu doMaeWHboeo eaöa, we mo öoMcfwni. Toywoern 6unU (Y6na, nM). [Btrn nn npu goMe had-ochranca?] Eue, 6ue, 6inuü... Pas... Ea6aeoürnmb: Moü, ^a^UHa, ^a^UHa, 6ina ^a^UHa. Ane xmocb Medwi muM mymy ^a^UHy - h ewe He naMHmaey npecHe, hk mo 6uno, ane ... 3a6Ue momy ^a^UHy Myü hk nomoMy 6bino! «Ta uoao-cb aaÖUuy sa6Ue? To Hecno6yHHo 3a6UmU, maü mo doMamHH ^a^UHa. Moü! fieM ca damo He cmano!» npedcmaeme, we mo h 3hom, mow 3a mpU-mmupU poKi maK hk onyK eMep. TaM-UM mo eidina y mux cycidye, we 6uno. Eina ^a^UHa. [A rge »nna?] y myM, y Mypi. A 6ina ^a^UHa 6una (Y6na, nM). Cp. TaK»e b MaTepnanax o6cnegoBaHna Htme 3aTonneHHtix (BogoxpaHnnn^e CTa-pHHa) pyeHHeKHX gepeBeHt: Hadena - goMamHaa 3Mea, gyx npegKa, KoToptin xpaHnn goM h ero »HTenen (aHanornnHo n lasicka) (CTapHHa - Neufeld 1980: 79). B nenoM y pycHH nog BnnaHneM 3anagHocnaBaHcKnx Tpagnnnn nporoomno CMe^eHHe npegcTaBneHnn o goMoBoM KaK o noKpoBHTene goMa, gyxe npegKa k pa^HOHa^tHOMy, 6onee BonroHTapHCTCKoMy n 6onee oTpnnaTentHoMy nonrocy - oh npeBparanca B nepTa, KoToptin noMoraeT B pa6oTe n npnHocnT 6oraTCTBo, ho b o6MeH Ha o6nagaHne nenoBenecKon gymon. Bo3Mo»HocTt caMoMy «BtiBecTH», «BticngeTt» ce6e noMo^HHKa n gaprnena Hago npn3HaTt 6onee hoboö no cpaBHeHnro c o6a3aTentHtiM, «gaHHtiM» goMoBtM b Bnge gyxa npegKa. B to »e BpeMa n b ^TOM «hobom» nepcoHa»e coxpaHnnnct apxannecKne nepTti cna-bahckoto goMoBoro, oco6eHHo b gencTBnax «paccepgnBmeroca» Ha xo3anHa nepTHKa: oh cBA3tiBaeT xboctbi cKoTy (cp. c noneccKHM 3anneTaHneM xBocTa nnn rpnBti komm), gymnT ckot, gymnT bo cHe goMonag^B (cp. c BocronHocnaBaHcKHMH noBeptaMn o HaBannBaro^eMca Ha cna^nx goMoBoM, o6bihho npegcKa3tiBaro^eM H3MeHeHna «k go6py» nnn «k xygy»). ^TH y3HaBaeMtie mothbbi npeTepnenn, TeM He MeHee, cepte3-HHe ceMaHTnnecKne H3MeHeHna. Ecnn b BocTonHocnaBaHcKnx TpagH^Hax goMoBoro «nepeBo3AT» b HoBonocTpoeHHtin goM KaK Mn^nnecKoro xo3anHa, nTo6ti oh 6eper n xpaHnn goM, to y pycnH nepeceneHne goMoBoro npno6peTaeT oTpn^TentHtie koh-HOTa^HH: nTo6ti H36aBHTtca ot goMoBoro nepTa-o6oraTHTena, xo3anHy npnxognTca pa3o6paTt nonoBHHy goMa n nepeBe3TH ero Ha geBara Bo3ax b gpyroe ceno, ocTaBHB nepTy BTopyro nonoBHHy; b gpyron 6tinnnKe, nTo6ti 3a^HTHTtca ot goMoBoro nepTa, KoToptin 3agymnn xo3anKy, xo3anH pa3o6pan goM n nepeBe3 ero Ha gpyroe MecTo, ho Ha nocnegHee 6peBHo cena nepHaa Kypn^ (tot »e o6pa3 gyxa-o6oraTHTena b Bnge nepHoro ^mneHKa nnn Kypn^i, H3BecTHtix BceM 3anagHtiM cnaBaHaM) n «nepeBe3nact c hhm» - TaK HenncTtin gyx ocTanca c xo3ahhom n gantme (Bapxon 1985: 237). E^e 6onee HHTepecHHM n, Ka»eTca, He BcTpenaBmnMca b gpyrnx cnaB^HcKnx TpagH^Hax, aBnaeTca mothb nocrponKH gna goMoBoro nepTa oTgentHoro goMHKa H3 KaMemKoB Ha ^paHH^e Tpex cen: no paccKa3y H3 c. CTpnroB^, tot xo3ähh, KoToptn xoTen H36aBHTtca ot nepTa-goMoBoro, «KaMiHa TaM Ha36epaB, HaHocnB Ha rpoMagKy, »e noro (nopTa - H.B.) go Toro 3anpe. R BngiB toto, ^e^Ky TaKy, KaMiHtoM o6no»eHon, 11G- MAPHHA M. BA.E^OBA TaM e TaKOH komuh» (Bapxon 1985: 238). Coopy^eHue goMUKa c neHKOH u3 KaMHen npegcTaBnaeTca peanroanuen apxauHecKoro MOTuBa noxopoH «3ano®Horo» noKOHHuKa, KOToporo npe»ge He 3aKanBiBanu b 3eMnro, a ocTaBnanu Ha noBepxHocTu, Ha rpaHu^ cena (cen), 3aBanuBaa KaMHaMu u BeTKaMu12. B ^T0M cnyHae npoHuTtiBaeTca gpeBHun reHe3uc goMOBoro u3 gymu yMepmero, ogHaKo c ceMamuHecKHM cMe^eHueM ot huctbix noKOHHuKOB - npegKOB, «gegoB» - k HeHucTtiM - HeycnoKoeHHtiM gymaM, KOToptie nognagaroT nog BnacTB HepTen, ucKymaroT u b koh^ K0H^0B ry6aT »ubbix. BuguMo, 3noH goMOBOH BHTecHun b MecTHOH KynBType go6poro, cBoero, cp. ^pa3y u3 paccKa3a o HepTe u3 c. rpa6oBa P03T0Ka, rge HepT, KOToporo ôocopKam 3aHepnHyna b Boge, «TaK caMo 6yB 3noBpegHun, aK i goMOBuK» (Bapxon 1985: 242-243). 6. ApxauHecKyro Bepy b BO3geHcTBue gym yMepmux Ha MeTeoponorunecKue aBneHua - 3acyxy u go»gB, 6ypro u rpag, cunBHtin BeTep u BuxpB - mo»ho HaHTu bo Bcex cnaBaHCKux Tpagunuax. ÜTpa»eHa oHa u y pycuH. Ecnu «HucTtie» gymu npegcTaBnaroTca b Buge nerKoro BeTepKa, gyHOBeHua, to «HenucTtie», unu rpemHtie, gymu - b Buge cunBHoro BeTpa, Buxpa. y pycuH npegcTaBneH Tpagu^uoHHHH cro»eT o cBa3u nogHaBmeroca BHe3anHo cunBHoro BeTpa c BucenBHuKOM: 3uanu ^eap'mu Kedb 3a muM oôeceubiM eímop dye, uo mo ma ^eapum, mo 3a mo, 6o daxmo cm 3übícub, 6o maKU eímop dyûe. Auu nonu ue cmUu xoeamu (PycKuH ^pa6oBe^ - nM), a uHorga c o6paTHOH npuHuHHo-cnegcTBeHHOH cBa3Bro: cunBHtin BeTep yKa3tiBaeT, hto kto-to o6a3aTenBHo noBecuTca: Kedb 6bina 6ypn, neped muM, mo eeapuMu: «Hoû, daxmo ca Mycumb 3aeícumu», 6o dywa 6ypM 6una. Axe neped muM, mo ^e cm ue 3aeicue, We xeM Mae 3aeicumu: «Hoû, eexuKa 6ypM, 6isoeuo daxmo e bümümí ca 3aeícumb (y6na, nM). O6tacHuTB ^Ty uHBepcuro mo»ho TeM, hto b 6ype u Buxpe Bugenu HeHucTyro cuny, KOTopaa ucKymaeT HenoBeKa u npuBoguT k caMoy6uHcTBy (xpucTuaHCKun cro»eT). Cro»eT rpemHOH gymu b BeTpe, o6bihho cBa3tiBaeMtffl c BucenBHuKOM, KongyHOM, BegBMOH Heo»ugaHHo noaBunca b paccKa3ax o BogaHOM: «TaK»e cHuTaroT nomorne-hukom u cunBHtin BeTep, KOToptin BTaruBaeT HenoBeKa b peKy, u oh TOHeT (BenBKuH HunHuK)» (Bapxon 1985: 235). BogaHoH b ^Toñ Tpagu^uu - ^T0 yTonneHHuK, to ecTB gyma yMepmero npe»geBpeMeHHo HenoBeKa, «3ano»Horo» noKOHHuKa, ^0^T0My oHa BuTaeT Hag 3eMneH b Buge BeTpa. 12 OótiHañ 6pocaHua Ha Moruny ««am^Horo» noKOHHuKa pa3nuHHtix npegMexoB (BexoK, nanoK, ^enoK, conoMti, cxaptix nanxeH, oge^gti, KaMHeñ) y BocxoHHtix cnaBaH ^GgpG6HG onuctiBaex ,.K. 3eneHuH (3eneHuH 1995: 63-69), oxMeHaa, Hxo 3tot gpeBHuH oôtiHaH u3BecxeH MHoruM eBponeHCKuM u HeeBponeHCKuM HapogaM. 3HaHeHue ero BapBupyex: y pyccKoro Hapoga «gpeBHežmuM Hy»H0 npu3HaxB yHacxue b norpe6eHuu 3anG»HG^G noKOHHuKa», y ^uHHo-yropcKux HapogoB «"6pocaHue" Be^ež Ha Morunti 3ano»Htix uMeeT 6onBmeH HacxBro apKo Btipa^eHHoe »epxBeHHoe 3HaHeHue», y 3a^agHGeBpG^eHCKUx u HeeBponeHCKux HapogoB, no MHeHuro O. Huôpexxa, Koxopoe npuBogux 3eneHuH, «KugaeMtie Ha Moruny caMoyôuH^i npegMexti cny^Hnu yMunocxuBuxenBHoro îKepxBoro, ^nt KoeH - 3ago6puTB MepxBe^ u rnôe^axt B03M0»H0r0 co cxopoHti ero 3na... KpoMe xoro, o6unue KugaeMtix Ha Moruny Be^eñ, o6pa3yro^ux ^ntrn xonM, cny»uno nperpagoro, npenaxcxByro^ero Btxogy MepxBe^a u3 Moruna» (3eneHuH 1995: 69-70). OE APXAH^ECKHX ^EPTAX HAPOflHOH flEMOHO^OrHH PyCHH BOCTO^HOH C.TOBAKHH -117 7. B cene PycKHH ^pa6oBe^ paccKa3tiBanH, hto gna Toro, hto6bi Bti3BaTt go^gt, Knann b peKy, npnno^HB KaMHeM, nacTt oge^gti yMepmero: ffo eodbi mühumu 3 Mep^a wy wammy a6b dom npuüwoe... nepenowmu Ha HpoK c KaMeHbOM mamuHy 3 Mepmeo^o da naK ewe imna 6ypKa, eenuKa eoda, da my mamuHy 6pana. Ho mo 3 Mep^ daÜMe moMy ^ Ho^aeKi, a6o ^a^i, a6o daHKa Komym - mo nonoeiK yMep a damo 3ycmano. Xou 3 ^o^o, a6b 3 Mepmeo^o 6uno (nM). Cyga no 3anncn, Hcnont3oBanact oge^ga nro6oro yMepmero, He3aBHCHMo ot BHga ero cMepTH. B boctohho- h ro^HocnaBaHcKHx Tpag^Hax HepegKH pHTyanti Bti3tiBaHHa go^ga, ho c y^acraeM «HeHHCTtix» noKoñHHKoB HnH hx Moran. Hau6onee pacnpocTpa-HeHHtie npegcTaBneHHa o 3acyxe h ycTpaHeHHH ee npHHHH b nonecte (no noneBtiM MaTepnanaM) H3no»eHti b MoHorpa^H^ecKoñ cTaTte C.M. h H.H. ToncTtix: hto6bi Bti3BaTt go^gt, BtiptiBann KpecTti H3 Moran BHcentHHKoB h yronneHHHKoB, noxopo-HeHHtix Ha Knag6n^e (aHanora^Ho b Cep6m oTHocnnn b peKy KpecT H3 HeH3BecTHoñ Moranti), nonHBann Moranti Bogoñ - «KaK cHMBonmecKoe npegaHHe Boge He^ncToro noKoHHHKa» (TaK^e b Cep6HH nonHBann Bogoñ HeroBecTHyro Morany, b KoTopoñ noxo-poHeH yMepmnñ HeecTecTBeHHoñ cMepTtro; pa3ptiBanH Morany yronneHHHKa h 6pocanu ero b peKy) h t. n. AHanora^HtiMH npHBegeHHoMy pycHHcKoMy norpy^eHHro b peKy oge^gti yMepmero aBnaroTca cep6cKHñ h 6onrapcKHñ o6traan: «Ecnn ctoht 3acyxa, to 6epyT oge^gy caMoy6nñ^i h TonaT ee b Boge, hto6bi nomen go^gt... »(ToncTtie 2003: 103-105). KopHH ^THx o6pagoBtix geñcTBHH Hago HcKaTt b gpeBHeñ Bepe b to, hto «He^HcTtie» noKoñHHKH, 6ygy^H noxopoHeHHtiMH b 3eMne, «BtmHBaroT» 3eMHyro Bnary, HMeHHo noaToMy hx «xopoHHnn» b 6onoTax, 6pocann b peKy, b KaHaBy, a no3»e - o6nHBann hx b Morane Bogoñ HnH ga^e BtiKantiBanH h 6pocann Tpyn b Bogy (3eneHHH 1995: 112-116). ^Ta Bepa 6tina cBoñcTBeHHa h gpyrHM HapogaM: nuroBnaM, TaTapaM, MopgBe, HeKoToptM KaBKa3cKHM HapogaM (cm. 3eneHHH 1995: 120-121). 8. ,3pyraa c^epa geaTentHocra HeHHcTtix gym (nnn MH^onoranecKHx nepcoHa^eñ (ganee - Mn) b KapnaTcKHx h 6anKaHcKHx TpagH^Hax - Bo^geHHe rpagoBtix Tyn. Ha 3eMne hm npoTHBocToHT nonygeMoH, y pycHH - xmapHUK-3eMMHHUH, HnH hüphükhumhuk. Cro^eT o Bo^geHHH Tyn gymaMH nora6mnx caM no ce6e Hago OTHTaTt apxaHHHtiM, ho 3gect pe^t noñgeT nnmt o6 ogHoñ ero cocTaBnaro^eñ. B ogHoM pycHHcKoM paccKa3e o6 o6naKonporoHHHKe-XMapHUKe (KoToptiñ en narymeK, ^TeH^oB h ga^e MenKHe Ka-MemKu) BcTperanca mothb noxopoH xMapHHKoM «HBoñ a^epn^i: A Kedb mué HmypKy ma 6aeuecH 3 Hboe, 6aeue, a e^pi6HMKy, a mam k> noxoeae wuey, a cnieae maK, hk nyn Had MepmeuM. A xpemuK 3po6ue (KneHoBa - Bapxon 1985: 231). y6neHHe y»a nnn narymKH pagn Bti3tiBaHM go^ga H3BecTHo h b gpyrax cnaB^HcKHx 3oHax. «H3BecTHo, hto b cnaBaHcKHx a3H^ecKHx npegcTaBneHHax xToHH^ecKHe cy^ecTBa Bnnann Ha no-rogy h aTMoc^epHHe aBneHHa, Ha BtmageHHe nnn oTcyTcTBHe go^geñ», b noneccKHx pHTyanax Bt3tBaHHa go^ga xopomo H3BecTeH o6H^añ y6HBaTt bo BpeMa 3acyxn y»a nnn «a6y h BemaTt hx Ha gepeBo, Ha 3a6op, Ha BopoTa, TaK^e h y 6onrap Bepnnn, hto 11G- MAPHHA M. BA.E^OBA eran y6HTt garymKy, noñgeT go«gt (TogcTtie 2003: 108). KpoMe Toro, b nogecte bo BpeMa 3acyxH coBepmagca o6traañ noxopoH h ongaKHBaHHa garymKH: geTH y6HBagn garymKy, 3aKantiBagn ee «rge nonago» ngn y Kogog^ h KpecTHK H3 nago^eK craBH-gn, npn ^TOM rogocngn, KaK no noKoHHHKy (,3y6poBH^, BegHKHH Bop roMegtcKoñ o6g.), a b ogHoM goKagtHoM 6ograpcKoM o6page «noxopoH» KyKgti repMaHa - To«e pagn Bti3tiBaHM go«ga - TaK«e npncyTCTByeT «a6a, KoTopyro Kgagn KyKge Ha «hbot (TogcTtie 2003: 106). ^eñcTBHe xMapHHKa H3 KgeHoBoñ BnnctiBaeTca b o6^yro cHOTeMy MeTeopogorme-ckoh MarHH, ho ee ^gt - ngroBHagtHaa Maraa - Mo«eT roBoprnt o tom, hto xMapHHK «oTBe^ag» 3a CKoMneHcnpoBaHHocTt go«ga h 6e3go«gna TaK «e, KaK 3a oxpaHy cega ot rpaga. 9. K apxaH^ecKHM nepTaM MH^ogoranecKoK cHcreMti, corgamaact c ..H. Braorpago-boh (BHHorpagoBa 2016: 74), cgegyeT oTHecTH h HepacngeHeHHocTt, Heo^opMgeHHocTt Mn, hx Magyro c^e^HagH3a^Hro. B pycHHcKoñ geMoHogorHH k TaKHM «HeonpegegeH-hbim» nepcoHa«aM, KpoMe nepTa, gHKoñ 6a6ti h HeKoToptix gpyrax, cgegyeT oTHecra cmpax, ocHoBHaa (^yH^Ha KoToporo - nyraTt (nydwamu) - b goMe, Ha Mornge, b noge: Mepe^Hgnct pa3Htie grogn, BcraBagn h He mgn gagtme kohh h T.n. (PycKHñ Tpa6oBe^ nM); Ha nyeHOH Ha ^eaHa^my... ane i Ha nyeÓHe, we nydwano... (y6ga, nM). OgHHM H3 npegHKaToB cmpaxa 6trno oKgHKaHHe, nprotiBaHHe: fieM o myM [roBopngn], we daxmo ^oÜKamh. Myü did MeHi noeidae... we imnu 3 Eepe3Hoeo... i nymnu do eodbi, we ca oceiwamh, ahk ca maK yMbrnu, a ^eapamh, maK ca mí y ^onoei 3aeepHyno, h He eu'dwy H^de nimHUK, a xmoch hh eoÜKamh: «nodh-nodh-nodh-nodh my, nodh, nodh 3a mhob, nodh, ma do6pi, do6pi üdem». Teü, mo 3Haeymh, nrndu mo nynu. A eeapumh, 3aeeno MeHe duchKa do nica, mo bohu aw paHo npumnu doMy, hk capo36ÍÓHmo. To mu dido Myü noeidanu. ... A ohu eeapamh: «reü, He npmyeano ca mu, mo woHa eoÜKana, mo, - eeapumh, - moh moma» ... 6o üux woHa yMepna e Vwzopodí. TaK darnnu hk deyMepna, maM í noxoeanu. Ta eeapu, mo moh MeHe KnuKana, we6b h maM nymoe. Me «do6pi, do6pi üdem», maK bohu mymo MeHi euceimnhoeanu, ix maK KnuKano moch(Ka), eonocoM (y6ga, nM). 10. Orpax - noHaTHe cgo«Hoe, ho b HeMagoñ creneHH cTpax 3aBHcHT ot noHHMaHHa/ HenoHHMaHHa co6trrHH h npo^ccoB, KaK h ot o6^eñ MH^ogormecKoñ KapTHHti MHpa. HeMagoBa^Hyro pogt b ^TOM Hipaga HeH3BecTHocTt «Toro» MHpa h noTycTopoHHero cy^ecTBoBaHHa gymn yMepmero. Bo MHorax cgaBaHcKHx Tpag^nax, b tom HHcge b pycHHcKoñ, 3anpeT nepeBo3HTt negoBeKa, yMepmero BHe goMa, nepe3 rpaHH^i cega o6ocHoBHBagca TeM, hto ot ^TO^o 6ygeT 6ypa: He cMini nepeümu nepe3 Padoee^, do Y6nu, 6o 6ypKa npuüde. Ho a menep 6oe3Ha de ee3y. Moü HeHhKo eMep Ha Ebcmpoü, maü He no3eonu-nu He no3eonunu ee3mu do Pa^oe^a, 6o 6ypKa npuüde Ha Ebcmpy. ... Hk OE APXAH^ECKHX ^EPTAX HAPOflHOH flEMOHO^OrHH PyCHH BOCTO^HOH C.TOBAKHH -119 npuee3ymb u3 ^py^o^o cena, ma 6ypH 6yde, ma maM ^o cxoeanu, de eMep (PycKuä Tpa6oBe^ nM). no uccnegoBaHuaM ,3,.K. 3eneHuHa, y boctohhbix cnaBaH TaK nocTynanu c «3ano»-HaMu» noKOHHuKaMu (3eneHuH 1995: 50, 88-89), gymu KOTopaX «Bogunu» rp030Bae Tyqu. Mo^Ho npegnonaraTt, hto nu6o cMepTt BHe goMa b nro6oM cny^ae cHuTanact BHe3anHOH u npe^geBpeMeHHon, a cnegoBaTentHo u noKOHHuK - He go^uBmuM cboh BeK, onacHaM gna »ubbix (cp. 6anuHKy Bame, b n. 9); nu6o TaK, Ha MecTe ru6enu unu cMepTu, b goXpucTuaHCKue BpeMeHa XopoHunu BceX yMepmuX (a Mo^eT 6aTt, u He XopoHunu, a ocTaBnanu Ha noBepXHocTu). 11. OguH u3 pa3pagoB «He^ucraX» noKOHHuKOB - geTu, yMepmue npu pogaX unu b nepBae gHu »u3Hu (go Kpe^eHua). ,3,.K. 3eneHuH oTMe^an «noHTu ucKnroHuTentHo XpucTuaHCKun XapaKTep» noBepuä o TaKuX geTaX - nomepnamax - b tom cMacne, hto ohu »gyT Kpe^eHua, KOTopoe b HapogHoä Tpagunuu 3aMeHaeTca 6pocaHueM KycKa nonoTHa unu HacTu cBoeä oge^ga HenoBeKOM, npoXoga^uM mumo u ycnamaBmuM ux KpuK, a TaK^e Ha3aBaHueM uMeHu (My^cKoro u ^eHCKoro - Ha Ba6op). «TontKo noBepte o npeBpa^eHuu gymu noTep^aT b ^TH^y ^unuHa He XpucTuaHCKoe»13 (3eneHuH 1995: 7G). noBepta o npeBpa^eHuu (nepeXoge) gymu yMepmero MnageH^ b nyaana (^unuHa) u3BecTHa u3 nepeacnaBCKoro ye3ga u u3 nogonta (yKp. - 3eneHuH 1995: 71). B pycuH-CKOM cene PycKuH ^pa6öBe^ paccKa3aBanu o npeBpa^eHuu gymu MnageH^ b narymKy, npaBga, Ha yTOHHaro^ue Bonpoca y»e oTBe^anu, hto gyma nnaKana KaK narymKa: Ho ma... wa6a nnaKana. nnaKana, nnaKana, nnaKana, ceepoenana Ha o6id, ho a mo ^eapunu, we Kompacb Mana dummy, a 3aKonana, a KpuwMy He Mano, mo oho ce KpuwMy npocuno, mo ca ^eapum, mpe6a 6uno damy mamuny eepcmu, ma 6uno nepecmano.... we moma wa6a... a cmapb(û) 3'ne onynKy a eep^. ... To dimuHa 6yna maM 3aKonaHa. A6o 6o^3Ha ifu hk 6yno. nopoduna npednacne a6o nompamuna, momaM mo 3aepe6nu, we6b nueàa ne naûmoe. Ta ûoûKano maK hk wa6Ka. ... Ho hk eepenu mymo pHndy, no maû eono nepecmano (nM). 12. O MeTeMncuXO3e, noMuMo 3Toro, yganoct 3anucaTt uHTepecHoe BepoBaHue b c. y6na OT Ahhbi Tony6oBon: roBopunu, hto 40 gHeä gyma 6ny»gaeT no 3eMne u Mo^eT BOHTu b HenoBeKa, KaK npaBuno, 6onee cna6oro - b cTapuKa, b pe6eHKa - HTo6a nepe^gaTt go yXoga Ha «tot» cBeT: reapamb we myma dyma Mepmeo^o we copoK dny 6nydumb, a ona ca iMamb do nonoerna, do dimunb, ^eû, we Kompoûe... maKo^o we ûe... cna-6mo^o - we ona naK nepe6ueamb y myM nonoeiKy, ^eû. ...Hedo6pi, we 13 CaMo noBepte o HeycnoKoeHHbiX gymaX MnageH^B, KOTopaie MyHaroTca 7 neT, nnaHyT, nyraroT, a noTOM, ecnu KaKOH-Huóygt npoXo^uñ ux He «noKpecTun», npeBpa^aroTca b pycanoK u gpyryro HeHucTyro cuny -He aBnaeTca XpucTuaHCKuM; ^pKOBt cHuTaeT gymu ManeHtKuX geTeH huctbimu, aHrentcKuMu, noTOMy ohu cpa3y nonagaroT b paH. 11G- MAPHHA M. BA.E^OBA oHa e muM uonoeÍKy nepe6ueamb, ane po6umb maKoü, we Hedo6poü... no copoK dHbox üe 3acb cnyw6a, we üe ynoKoüeHu, we ewe odumoe. [Kyga?] Ta de nymoe? rope a6o done. ffo He6a, do ^pucmea, a6o do neKna... [B Koro gyma TaK Bcenanact? B pogcTBeHHHKoB?] Ta Haüee^ü we do poduHu ca ÍMamb, i do dimeü ca ÍMamb e poduHÍ, i do cmapux, me Kedb cymb maKÍ cmapi, a6o u do maKux me ewe cmapmi, i Monodmi, ane Haüee^ü 3Haey 6umu we do dimeü ca ímub. ... naK3 dimmoe 6uno mpe6a xodumu, a6o mymu ey^nuKi ca odninoeanu (nM). BepoBaHM b nepeceneHue gym HepegKH y cnaBAH, npmeM Bcrpe^aroTca ohh b gByx BapuaHTax - KaK nepeceneHHe gymu yMepmero «Ha nocTo^HHon ocHoBe, T.e. b Te^eHHe Bcero cpoKa «u3Hu hoboto "xo3auHa" gymu», TaK u «BpeMeHHoe BceneHue ocBo6oguBmeHca ot nnoTH gymu» b HoBoe Teno (ToncTaa 2016: 380-381, TaM «e nuT.). O BpeMeHHoM BceneHuu gymu yMepmero b goMamHHÏ ckot («cnoHÁu^a no pa3HHMy cTaTKy») y 6enopycoB BuTe6cKoñ ry6epHuu nucan H.^. Huku^opobckuh (Huku^opobckuh 1897: 292, N°2250), noxo«ue cBegeHua npuBoguT XpucTo BaKa-pencKu o 6onrapax Pogon: ohu Bepunu, hto gyma yMepmero nneHa ceMtu, noKuHyB Teno, BcenaeTca b KaKoe-Hu6ygt u3 goMamHux «ubothbix. ^0^T0My «ubothbix b ^T0 BpeMa He 6troT, He ucnont3yroT gna pa6oTti (BuHorpagoBa 2015: 36). Hamen-ca TaKoñ npuMep u b CnoBaKuu: «CTaptie nrogu roBopunu, hto go nocnegHero 3BoHa KónoKona gyma yMepmero ocTaëTca b goMe, Bce 3HaeT, Bce cnamuT. Kto b 6nu«añmee BpeMa b gepeBHe poguTca - Ta gyma b Hero ugeT (^anoB .Hom, oKp. BentKuñ KpTum, cp.-cnoBa^ - AT ÚEt SAV, inv. č. 800a). Hago npu3HaTt, hto npuMepti BepoBaHuñ o BpéMeHHoM o6HTaHHH gymu yMepmero b «ubom cy^ecTBe y cnaBaH pegKu. 13. ApxaunecKuM aBnaeTca cnoco6 H0MHHa^HH y pycuH HenucToñ cuna nepe3 ^B^eMHCTHHecKHe u onucaTentHtie cnoBoco^eTaHM, b ocHoBe KoToporo - Bepa b Maruro cnoBa: Ha3tiBaHue uMeHu «BtotiBaeT» caMoro geMoHa. TaKoñ cnoco6 ho-MHHa^HH pacnpocTpaHeH b nonecte, Ha KapnaTax, ho u b gpyrux nacrax CnaBuu, cp., HanpuMep: ... ümu 3 nica ^em, 6o ewe ca 3MÍpKamb, we6u ^oe^o He 6ue e nici, maM ypndoea... mymu ocmámHÍ enadHymb e nici e hohu (y6na, nM), geMoHuM ^e3na 6ida 'HeBuguMañ nepcoHa«, nogMeHuBaro^uä geTeñ' (Bapxon 1982: 280), u (u)^e3HuK, m 'nemuñ, nepT' (Kep^a 2007-2: 600), nocnegHue o6pa3oBaHti ot anoTponeu^ecKoro Btipa«eHM: ^e3 6u! [hto6 oh nponan!], cp. ^e3 6u od Hac xpe^eHux; Kpecm 6u ^o 3a6un; nponae 6u eod Hac, eod eo6ucmn (Bapxon 1985: 239), a TaK«e nonec. moü, mo no3aMu mpnce; m^ü, mo Ky6no ëao y no3e 'nepT, nepTu' u nog. (BuHorpagoBa 2016: 69). noMuMo nepe^ucneHHHx, y pycuH Boctohhoh CnoBaKuu oTMe^aroTca u gpyrue apxaunecKue ^neMeHTa, HanpuMep urpti npu noKoHHuKe (KaK nacTt noxopoHHoro o6paga), xapaKTepHae gna KapnaToyKpauHcKoro peruoHa b ^noM (cm. o hux: Bapxon H. 1995), ^neMeHTa cBage6Horo o6paga, b KoToptix nepBeHcTBo oTBogunoct gpy«Ke (KaK pyguMeHT o6tmafl ,^e^nopa^HH HeBecTa cTapmuM pogcTBeHHuKoM unu flpy«Koñ), apxaunecKuH HaneB u BeceHHuñ o6pag Hoja, D'und'a, hoja, u gp. OE APXAH^ECKHX ^EPTAX HAPOflHOH flEMOHO^OrHH PyCHH BOCTO^HOH C.TOBAKHH -121 npHBegeHHBie b cTaTte MaTepnanti h pa3MHmneHas e^e pa3 nogTBep^garoT gpeBHocTt pycHHOKOH Tpag^HOHHOH KyntTypBi h xopomyro coxpaHHocTt MHorHX apxaHHecKHX nepT hx a3HKa, ^THO^pa^HH h ^ontKnopa, HecMOTpa Ha aKTHBHBie h MHoronncneHHBie KoHTaKTH c HHOcnaBflHcKHMH H HHO^THHHeCKHMH rpynnaMH. MHO^ecTBO ^THOKynB-TypHHx napanneneä c noneccKöH h gpyrHMH apxamecKHMH cnaBmcKHMH Tpag^MMH gaeT bo3mo»hoctb roBopHTt o gyxoBHoä KyntType pycHH KaK o6 opraHHHecKoä nacra BocTOHHocnaBaHcKoâ HapogHoä KyntTypH, Han6onee 6nH3KOH yKpaHHcKoä (Manopyc-ckoh), ho c 3HaHHTentHBiM KonHHecTBOM o6^eKapnaTcKHx h KapnaTO-6anKaHcKHx nepT. npegcTaBnaeTca, hto npo^cc ^THO- h nHHrBoreHe3a pycHH, aKTHBHO o6cy»gaeMBiä b HayHHHx gncKyccnax, BnncHBaeTca ogHOBpeMeHHO b gBa ecTecTBeHHHe npo^cca: c ogHoä cTopoHH, ^THHHecKOH h A3BIKOBOH gHBep^eH^HH, a c gpyroä - apeantHoä (KapnaTcKoä) KOHBep^eH^HH. .HHTEPATyPA AT UEt SAV - ApxHB tûkctob HHcTrnyTa aiHonoraH CAH, EpamcnaBa (Archiv textov Ustavu etnologie SAV, Bratislava). Hnat, Andrej, 2003: Krâtky rusinsky slovnik. Trebišov: vlastnym nakladom (http://lemko.org) Konečny, Stanislav, 2000: Rusini na Slovensku a vyvoj otazky ich spisovného jazykam. Človek a spoločnost', 2000, roč. 3, č. 1, 178-183. Internet: http://www.clovekaspolocnost.sk/jquery/ pdf.php?gui=YERGFZU13H2UCMYMR6U2QKVJ6. Konečny, Stanislav, 2015: Načrt dejin karpatskych Rusinov. Vysokoskolskâ učebnica. Prešov: Prešovska unverzita v Prešove. Kiraly, Péter, 2009: Mad'arské a nemecké slova vo vychodnoslovenskych a ukrajinskych narečiach Vychodného Slovenska. Studia Russica XXIII, 55-80. Magocsi, Robert Paul, 1999: Mapovanie narodov bez štatu: vychodni Slovania v Karpatoch. Človek a spoločnost', 1999, roč. 2, č. 2. Internet: http://www.clovekaspolocnost.sk/sk/rocnik-2-rok-1999/2/studie-a-clanky/mapovanie-narodov-bez-statu-vychodni-slovania-v-karpatoch/ Neufeld, Eudevit, 1980: Z vyskumu l'udovej viery a vedomosti o prirode. Etnograficky vyskum zâtopovej oblasti Hornej Cirochy v okrese Humenné. Košice: Vychodoslovenské vyda-vatel'stvo, 77-79. Pliškova, Anna, 2012: Rusinsky jazyk v epoche nového narodného obrodenia. A. Duleba (ed.), Rusini na Slovensku. S^asnépostavenie a historické kontexty vyvinu. Bratislava; Prešov: Združenie inteligencie Rusinov Slovenska, 5-19. Sopoliga, Miroslav 2002: Ukrajinci Slovenska. Etnokultûrne tradicie z aspektu osidlenia, l'udovej architektûry a byvania. Dunajska Streda: Forum inštMt - Spoločenskovedny ûstav. Vys-kumné centrum europskej etnologie. Sopoliga, Miroslav, 2006: Tradicie hmotnej kultüry Ukrajincov na Slovensku. Bratislava: Veda. Varcholova, Nadežda, 2004: Demonicky obraz Varvary a Savy vo folklornom kontexte Rusinov-Ukra-jincov vychodného Slovenska. Ethnologia Actualis Slovaca, 5, 70-78. Varcholova, Nadežda, 2001: Poverové predstavy o revenantoch v rusinsko-ukrajinskej oblasti vychodného Slovenska. Obyčajové tradicie pri ûmrti a pochovâvani na Slovensku s oso-bitnym zretel'om na etnickû a konfesionâlnu mnohotvârnost'. Bratislava: Lœ, 103-107. 11G- MAPHHA M. BA.E^OBA Varcholova, Nadežda, 2003: Rastliny v l'udovych poverach Ukrajincov vychodneho Slovenska. Studie Slovackeho Muzea, 8. Zelen v lidovych obyčejich. Uherske Hradište, 171-180. Varcholova, Nadežda, 2009: Tradična duchovna kultura v obci Hrabske. Zbornikprednašok z vedeckej konferencie Reflexia jednoty v diele a posobeni blahosloveneho biskupa Vasila Hopka (1904-1976). Prešov, 201-223. Varcholova, Nadežda, 2007: Z vyročnych a rodinnych obyčajov v Ruskych Pekl'anoch. Zbornik materialov medzinarodnej vedeckej konferencie Blahoslaveny biskup Pavol Peter Gojdič (1888-1960) v suradniciach času a doby. Prešov: Prešovska univerzita v Prešove, 210-235. AranKHHa, TaTtaHa A., 1999: ^epeßo. CnaBnucKue dpeBHoemu. SmuonumBucmmecKuu cnoBapb. nog o6m,eft peg. H.H. ToncToro, t. 2. MocKBa: Me^gyHapogHtie oraomeHHa, 60-67. [Agapkina, Tat'yana A., 1999: Derevo. Slavyanskie drevnosti. Etnolingvisticheskij slovar'. Pod obshchej red. N.I. Tolstogo, t. 2. Moskva: Mezhdunarodnye otnosheniya, 60-67]. AranKHHa, TaTtaHa A., 2013: ^epeBo h HenoBeK: ogHa eygtßa Ha gBoux. Ethnolinguistica Slavica. K 90-nemurn axaöeMuxa H.H. Toncmozo. Otb. peg. C.M. ToncTaa. MocKBa: HHgpuK, 42-58. [Agapkina, Tat'yana A., 2013: Derevo i chelovek: odna sud'ba na dvoih. Ethnolinguistica Slavica. K 90-letiyu akademika N.I. Tolstogo. Otv. red. S.M. Tolstaya. Moskva: Indrik, 42-58]. BepHmTeÖH, CaMyun E.; HnnHH-CBHTMH, BnagucnaB M.; KnenuKoBa, ranuHa n.; nonoBa, T.B.; YcaHeBa, Banepua B., 1967: KapnamcKuü öuaneKmonoauuecKuü amnac. T. 1, 2. MocKBa: HayKa. [Bernshtejn, Samuil B.; Illich-Svitych, Vladislav M.; Klepikova, Galina P.; Popova, T.V.; Usacheva, Valeriya V., 1967: Karpatskij dialektologicheskij atlas. T. 1, 2. Moskva: Nauka]. Bapxon, hoch^, 1988: ^iBoHi BopomHHa b Haci 3hmoboto coHU,ecToaHHa. HayKoBuü 3ÖipuuK My3emyKpaiucbKoi Kynbmypuy CBuduuKy. T. 15, 163-170. [Varkhol, Iosyf, 1988: Divochi vorozhinnia v chasi zymovoho sontsestoyannia. Naukovyj zbirnyk Muzeju ukrains'koi kul'turi u Svydnyku. T. 15, 163-170]. Bapxon, Hoch^, 1985: Irpu Ta 3a6aBH npu noKiHHHKy. HayKoBuü 3ÖipuuK My3ew yKpaiucbKoi Kynbmypuy CBuduuKy. T. 20. npamiB, 229-262. [Varkhol, Iosyf, 1985: Igry ta zabavy pry pokijnyku. Naukovyj zbirnyk Muzeju ukrains'koi kul'tury u Svydnyku. T. 20. Priashiv, 229-262] Bapxon, Hagia, 1980: KynantctKi 3BHHai* yKpaiHctKoro HaceneHHa CxigHoi CnoBaHHHHH. HayKoeuü 3ÖipuuK My3ew yKpaiucbKoi Kynbmypu y CBuduuKy. 1980. T. 9. Kh. 1, 253-274. [Varkhol, Nadija, 1980: Kupal's'ki zvychai ukrains'koho naselennia Skhidnoi Slovachchyny. Naukovyj zbirnyk Muzeju ukrains'koi kul'tury u Svydnyku. 1980. T. 9. Kn. 1, 253-274]. Bapxon, Hagia, 1982 - ^iHKa-geMoH b HapogHoMy noBip'i yKpai'HU,iB CxigHoi CnoBaHHHHH. HayKoBuü 3ÖipuuK My3ew yKpaiucbKoi Kynbmypu y CBuduuKy. T. 10, 275-302. [Varkhol, Nadija, 1982 - Zhinka-demon v narodnomu povir'i ukrainciv Skhidnoi Slovachchyny. Naukovyj zbirnyk Muzeju ukrains'koi kul'tury u Svydnyku. T. 10, 275-302]. Bapxon, Hagia, 1985: ^onoBiK-geMoH b HapogHoMy noBip'i yKpai'HU,iB CxigHoi CnoBaHHHHH. HayKoBuü 3ÖipuuK My3ew yKpaiucbKoi Kynbmypu y CBuduuKy. T. 12. npamiB, 229-262. [Varkhol, Nadija, 1985: Cholovik-demon v narodnomu povir'i ukrainciv Skhidnoi Slovachchyny. Naukovyj zbirnyk Muzeju ukrains'koi kul'tury u Svydnyku. T. 12. Priashiv, 229-262]. Bapxon, Hagia, 1985a: Hapodui 3azadm yKpaiuwB Cxiduoi CnoBauuuuu. npamiB: HayKoBa 6i6nioTeKa UK KCYT. [Varkhol, Nadija, 1985a: Narodni zahadki ukrainciv Skhidnoi Slovachchyny. Priashiv: Naukova biblioteka CK KSUT]. Bapxon, Hagia, 1988: MaTBia KopBiH y HapogHia npo3i yKpaiH^B CxigHoi CnoBaHHHHH. HayKoBuü 3ÖipuuK My3ew yKpaiucbKoi Kynbmypu y CBuduuKy. T. 15, 141-162. [Varkhol, Nadija, 1988: Matvij Korvin u narodnij prozi ukrainciv Skhidnoi Slovachchyny. Naukovyj zbirnyk Muzeju ukrains'koi kul'turi u Svydnyku. T. 15, 141-162]. OE APXAH^ECKHX ^EPTAX HAPOflHOH flEMOHO^OrHH PyCHH BOCTO^HOH C.TOBAKHH -123 Bapxon, Hagia 1990: EpoTHHHi mothbh b napeMiax pycHHiB-yKpai^iB ^exo-CnoBaHHHHH. HayKoBuu 36ipHUK My3ew yKpaiucbKoi Kyjbmypu y CBudHUKy. T. 16, 287-300. [Varkhol, Nadija 1990: Erotychni motyvy v paremijakh rusyniv-ukrai'nciv Chekho-Slovachchyny. NaukovyjzbirnykMuzeju ukrains'koikul'tury u Svydnyku. T. 16, 287-300]. Bapxon, Hagia, 1992: HapogHa yaBa npo gepeBo. HayKOBuU 36ipnuK My3em yKpaiHcbKoi Kyjbmypu y CBudnuKy. T. 18, 228-244. [Varkhol, Nadija, 1992: Narodna ujava pro derevo. Naukovyj zbirnykMuzeju ukrains'koikulturi u Svydnyku. T. 18, 228-244]. Bapxon, Hagia, 1995: Hapogm MeTogu npo^inaKTHKH Ta niKyBaHHa gHTaHux 3axBopMBaHt. HayKOBuU 36ipHUK My3ew yKpaiucbKoiKyjbmypu y CBudHUKy. T. 20, 239-258. [Varkhol, Nadija, 1995: Narodni metody profilaktyky ta likuvannia dytiachikh zakhvoriuvan'. Nau-kovyj zbirnyk Muzeju ukrains'koi kul 'tury u Svydnyku. T. 20, 239-258]. Bapxon, Hagia, 1998: HapogHa BeTepuHapia Ta MeTogu npo^inaKTHKH CBiftctKHx TBapuH. HayKoeuu 36ipuuKMy3emyKpaiuebKoiKyjbmypuy CeučuuKy. T. 21, 201-215. [Varkhol, Nadija, 1998: Narodna veterynarija ta metody profilaktyky svijs'kyh tvaryn. Naukovij zbirnik Muzeyu ukrains'koikulturi u Svidniku. T. 21, 201-215]. Bapxon, Hagia, 2002: Pocjuhu b HapodHux noBip'nxpycuHiB-yKpaiHtyB npnmiB^uHu. npamiB; EgMoHToH. [Varkhol, Nadija, 2002: Roslyny v narodnykh povirjakh rusyniv-ukrainciv Priashivshchyny. Priashiv; Edmonton]. Bapxon, Hagia, 2005: OSpa3 goni B yKpaiHCtKo-cnoBantKoMy $ontKnopHoMy KoHTeKCTi. Studia Slovakistica, 5. y^ropog, 36-45. [Varkhol, Nadija, 2005: Obraz doli v ukrains'ko-slovac'komu fol'klornomu konteksti. Studia Slovakistica, 5. Uzhhorod, 36-45]. Bapxon, Hagia, 2009: KyntT Bogu B oSpagoBocri pycHHiB-yKpaiHuiB CnoBaHHHHH. [Varkhol, Nadija, 2009: Kul't vody v obriadovosti rusyniv-ukrai'nciv Slovachchyny]. Jazykovedny zbornik vedeckych studiivenovany životnemujubileu doc. PhDr. Zuzany Hanudelovej, CSc. Prešov, 462-477. Bapxon, Hagia, 2012: HapogHi 3HaHHa yKpaiHU,iB-pycHHiB CnoBaHHHHH [Varkhol, Nadija, 2012: Narodni znannia ukrainciv-rusyniv Slovachchyny]. Internet: http://nte.etnolog.org.ua/ zmist/2012/N4/33.pdf Bapxon, Hagia, IrneHKo, AHaroniH, 1990: &pa3e0J0^i^HUu cjobhuk jeMKiBcbKux ^oBipoK CxidHoi CnoBammu. npamiB: CnoBantKe negarorinHe BHgaBHH^rao, Biggin yKpaiHcBKoi niTepaTypH. [Varkhol, Nadija, Ivchenko, Anatolij, 1990: Frazeolohichnyj slovnyk lemkivs'kikh govirok Skhidnoi Slovachchyny. Priashiv: Slovac'ke pedahohichne vydavnictvo, viddil ukraiins'koi literatury]. BHHorpagoBa, flrogMHna H., 2015: MeTaMop^o3M gymi: Ot SecTenecHoft cy6cTaHn,HH k MaTepnantHHM ^opMaM. 06opomHu u o6opomHunecmeo: Cmpameauu onucaHun u mmepnpema^u. Mamepuaju Me^dyHapoČHou KoH$>epeH^u. MocKea, PAHXurC, 11-12 deKa6pn 2015 / Otb. peg. u coct. fl.H. Ahtohob. MocKBa.: H3gaTentCKHH goM «fleno», 33-38. [Vinogradova, Lyudmila N., 2015: Metamorfozy dushi: Ot bestelesnoj substancii k material'nym formam. Oborotni i oborotnichestvo: Strategii opisaniya i interpretacii. Materialy mezhdunarodnoj konferencii. Moskva, RANHiGS, 11-12 dekabrya 2015] / Otv. red. i sost. D.I. Antonov. Moskva.: Izdatel'skij dom «Delo», 33-38]. BuHorpagoBa, .rogMHna H., 2016: Mutf/ojoamecKuu acneKm cjaenHCKou $ojbKjopHou mpaču^u. MocKBa: HHgpuK. [Vinogradova, Lyudmila N., 2016: Mifologicheskij aspekt slavyanskoj fol'klornoj tradicii. Moskva.: Indrik]. BuHorpagoBa, .rogMHna H., ToncTaa, CBeraaHa M., 2009: npHrnameHHe MH$onoranecKHx nepcoHa^eft. CjaBHHCKue dpeBHocmu. SmHojmeBucmmecKuu cjoBapb. nog oS^eft peg. H.H. ToncToro, t. 4. MocKBa.: Me^gyHapogHtie oTHomeHua. C. 269-272. [Vinogradova, Lyudmila N., Tolstaya, Svetlana M., 2009: Priglashenie mifologicheskih personazhej. Slavyanskie drevnosti. Etnolingvisticheskij slovar'. Pod obshchej red. N.I. Tolstogo, t. 4. Moskva.: Mezhdunarodnye otnosheniya. S. 269-272]. 126- MAPHHA M. BATCE^OBA raHygent, 3y3aHa T., 1981-2010: flimBicmmnuû amnacyKpaïncbKux ^oBopiB Cxiduoï CnoBannuuu. EpamcnaBa; npamiB: CnoBautKe negaroriHHe BugaBHu^TB0. T. I, 1981; T II, 1989; T. III, 2001; T. IV, 2010. [Ganudel', Zuzana T., 1981-2010: Lingvistychnyj atlas ukraïns'kykh hovoriv Skhidnoï Slovachchyny. Bratislava; Priashiv: Slovac'ke pedahohichne vydavnytstvo. T. I, 1981; T II, 1989; T. m, 2001; T. IV, 2010]. TepoBCKHH, Teopraft, 1948: HapogHaa KyntTypa HaceneHua npameBm,uHM. npnmee^uua. HcmopuKO-numepamypnbiû côopnuK. otb. peg. ]nene^MM H.C. npara: KHMrorogaTentcTBo «XyTop», 145-163. [Gerovskij, Georgij, 1948: Narodnaya kul'tura naseleniya Pryashevsh-chiny. Pryashevshchina. Istoriko-literaturnyj sbornik. Otv. red. Shlepeckij I.S. Praga: Knigoizdatel'stvo «Khutor», 145-163.]. ^3eHfl3enÎBctKHH, Hocun O., 1958-1993: ^imeicmuuuuû amnac yKpaïncbKux uapoduux zoeopie 3aKapnamcbKoïoônacmi YPCP[ïïeKcuKa]. 1-3. y^ropog: y^ropogctKufi gep^aBHufi yHÎBepcHTeT. [Dzendzelivs'kyj, Josyp O., 1958-1993: Lingvistychnyj atlas ukraïns'kykh narodnykh hovoriv Zakarpats'koï oblasti URSR [Leksyka]. Ch. 1-3. Uzhhorod: Uzhho-rods'kyj derzhavnyj universytet]. 3eneHHH, ^mhtphh K., 1995: H36pannbie mpydu. OnepKu pyccKoû Mufionozuu: YMepwue ueecmecmeeuuom cMepmbrn u pycanKu. MocKBa: HHgpuK. [Zelenin, Dmitrij K., 1995: Izbrannye trudy. Ocherki russkoj mifologii: Umershie neyestestvennoyu smert'yu i rusalki. Moskva: Indrik]. Kepna, Hropt, 2007: CnoeuuKpycuncbKo-pycbKuû. y gBox ToMax. y^ropog: noninpiHT. [Kercha, Igor', 2007: Slovnyk rusyns'ko-rus'kyj. U dvoh tomakh. Uzhhorod: PoliPrint]. .aTTa, Bacunt n., 1991: Amnac yKpaïncbKux zoeopie Cxiôuoï Cnoeamuuu. HayKoBe Ta TexHÎHHe goonpaqroBaHHa i ynopagKyBaHHa: 3. raHygent, I. PinKa, M. Cononura. EpamcnaBa; npamiB: CnoBautKe negarori^He BugaBHMUTBo. [Latta, Vasil' P., 1991: Atlas ukraïns'kikh hovoriv Skhidnoï Slovachchyny. Naukove ta tekhnichne doopraciuvannia i uporiadkuvannia: Z. Ha-nudel', I. Ripka, M. Sopoliga. Bratislava; Priashiv: Slovac'ke pedahohichne vydavnitstvo]. MymHHKa, MuKona, 2010: ^ocnigHuua gyxoBHoï KyntTypu yKpaÏHqÎB CnoBaHHHHH [go MBinero ^ontKnopHcTKH Hagiï Bapxon]. Hapodua meopuicmb ma emuozpatyin, 3, 110-117. [Mushynka, Mykola, 2010: Doslidnycia dukhovnoï kul'tury ukraïnciv Slovachchyny [do juvileju fol'klorystky Nadiï Varkhol]. Narodna tvorchist'ta etnografija, 3, 110-117]. Internet: http://dspace.nbuv.gov.ua/xmlui/bitstream/handle/123456789/37925/12-Mushynka. pdf?sequence=1]. Hhkh^opobckhh, Hmonafi _H., 1897: npocmouapoduun npuMemu u uoBepbn. BrneScK: rySepHcKaa Tuno-.HuTorpa$ua. [Nikiforovskij, Nikolaj Ya., 1897: Prostonarodnyyaprimety ipover'ya. Vitebsk: Gubernskaya Tipo-Litografiya]. OK^A, 1989-2003: Oô^eKapnamcKuû duaneKmonozuuecKuû amnac. Btm. 1: KumuroB: fflTuMH^, 1989; Btm. 2. MocKBa: HayKa, 1994; Btm. 3. Warszawa: Res Publica Press, 1991; Btm. 4. .HtBiB: IHcTuTyT yKpaïHo3HaBcTBa, 1993; Btm. 5. Bratislava: H3gaTentcTBo CnoBau,Kofi aKageMuu HayK, 1997; Btm. 6. Budapest: HsgaTentcTBo Turna, 2001; Btm. 7. Eenrpag: CAHy, HHcTMTyT cepScKoro a3tiKa; Hobu Cag: Ouhocobckuh ^aKyntTeT, 2003. [OKDA, 1989-2003: Obshchekarpatskij dialektologicheskij atlas. Vyp. 1: Kishinyov: Shtiinca, 1989; Vyp. 2. Moskva: Nauka, 1994; Vyp. 3. Warszawa: Res Publica Press, 1991; Vyp. 4. L'viv: Institut ukraïnoznavstva, 1993; Vyp. 5. Bratislava: Izdatel'stvo Slovackoj akademii nauk, 1997; Vyp. 6. Budapest: Izdatel'stvo Tinta, 2001; Vyp. 7. Belgrad: SANU, Institut serbskogo yazyka; Novi Sad: Filosovskij fakul'tet, 2003]. nupTeft, neTpo C., 2004: KopomKuû cnoeuuK neMKiecbKux zoeipoK. Ynopag. h nigroT. go gpyKy G.^. TypnuH. IBaHo-^paHKiBctK: CiBepcia MB. [Pyrtej, Petro S., 2004: Korotkyj slovnyk lemkivs'kikh hovirok. Uporiad. j pidgot. do druku Je.D. Turchyn. Ivano-Frankivs'k: Siversija MV]. OE APXAH^ECKHX ^EPTAX HAPOflHOH flEMOHO^OrHH PyCHH BOCTO^HOH C.TOBAKHH -125 nnoTHHKOBa, AHHa A., CeggaKOBa, HpuHa A. 2012: Cyg»eHH^i. CnaBnHcKue dpeBHoemu. ^muonuu^eucmu^ecKUü cnoeapb. nog o6m,ež peg H.H. ToncToro, t. 5. MocKBa: Me^gyHapogHtie oTHomeHua, 199-203. [Plotnikova, Anna A., Sedakova, Irina A. 2012: Sudzhenicy. Slavyanskie drevnosti. Etnolingvisticheskij slovar'. Pod obshchej red. N.I. Tolstogo, t. 5. MocKBa: Mezhdunarodnye otnosheniya, 199-203]. nM - noneBtie MaTepnanti H3 Boctohhoh CnoBaKHH [cena yßna, PycKHH rpaSöBe^ PycKa Bticrpa], 3anHcaHHHe b 2014 r. M.M. BaneHupBOH, M.H. ToncToH [Hhctutjt cnaBaHOBegeHua PAH] u K. ^chmxoboh [HHcTHTyT cnaBHcTHKH CAH]. [PM - Polevye materialy iz Vostochnoj Slovakii [sela Ublya, Ruskij Grabovec, Ruska Bystra], zapisannye v 2014 g. M.M. Valencovoj, M.N. Tolstoj [Institut slavyanovedeniya RAN] i K. Zhenyuhovoj [Institut slavistiki SAN]]. CegaKOBa, HpHHa A., 2007: EanKaHcKueMomueu en3UKe u Kynbmype öornap. Poöuuuuü meKcm. MocKBa: HHgpuK. [Sedakova, Irina A., 2007: Balkanskie motivy v yazyke i kul'ture bolgar. Rodinnyj tekst. Moskva: Indrik]. CegaKoBa, HpuHa A., 2012: Cygtßa. Cnaenucme öpeeuocmu. ^mHonuH^eucmu^ecKUü cnoeapb. nog o6m,eft peg. H.H. ToncToro. T. 5. MocKBa: Me^gyHapogHtie oTHomeHua, 203-208. [Sedakova, Irina A., 2012: Sud'ba. Slavyanskie drevnosti. Etnolingvisticheskij slovar'. Pod obshchej red. N.I. Tolstogo. T. 5. Moskva: Mezhdunarodnye otnosheniya, 203-208]. CKopBHg, Cepreä C., 6/r: PycHHcKHH a3tiK. EonbrnanpoccuücKan ^u^UKnone^un. [Skorvid, Sergej S., b/g: Rusinskij yazyk. Bol'shaya rossijskaya ehnciklopediya]. Internet: https://bigenc. ru/linguistics/text/3520873. CnaBaHcKaa ^THO^HH^BHCTHKa, 2017 - CnaenHcKan ^muonuu^eucmuKa. Euönuoapatyun. MocKBa: HHcTHTyT cnaBaHOBegeHua PAH. [Slavyanskaya ehtnolingvistika, 2017 - Slavyanskaya ehtnolingvistika. Bibliografiya. Moskva: Institut slavyanovedeniya RAN]. Internet: http:// inslav.ru/sites/default/files/etnolingvistika_bibliografija_2017.pdf Cononnra, MupocnaB, 2011: YKpaiHvi CnoeauuuHu: MamepianbHi euneu HapoÖHo'iKynbmypu ma Mucme^mea. nep. .HroSoMHpa Benea. khib: TeMnopa. [Sopolyga, Miroslav, 2011: Ukrainci Slovachchyny: material'ni vyjavy narodnoi kul'tury ta mystectva. Per. Liubomyra Beleja. Kyi'v: Tempora]. ToncTaa, CBeTnaHa M., 2016: MeTeMncuxo3 b cnaBaHcKHX HapogHtix npegcTaBneHHax. [Tolstaya, Svetlana M., 2016: Metempsihoz v slavyanskih narodnyh predstavleniyah]. Antropolog-iczno-jqzykowe wizerunki duszy w perspektywie miqdzykulturowej. T. I. Dusza w oczach swiata. Warszawa: Instytut slawistyki PAN, 379-391. ToncTtie, CBeTnaHa M. u HHKHTa H., 2003: Bbi3MBaHHe go^ga b nonecte. ToncToH, HHKHTa H. OnepKU cnaenHCKozo n3uuecmea. MocKBa: HHgpuK, 89-125. [Tolstye, Svetlana M. i Nikita I., 2003: Vyzyvanie dozhdya v Poles'e. Tolstoj, Nikita I. Ocherki slavyanskogo yazychestva. Moskva: Indrik, 89-125]. ToncToH, HHKHTa H., 1995-2012 [ed.]: CnaenucKue öpeeuocmu. ^muonuu^eucmu^ecKUü cnoeapb. MocKBa: Me^gyHapogHtie oTHomeHua. [Tolstoj, Nikita I., 1995-2012 [ed.]: Slavyanskie drevnosti. Etnolingvisticheskij slovar'. Moskva: Mezhdunarodnye otnosheniya]. TonopKOB, AHgpeH .., 1992: «nepeneKaHue» geTeH b puTyanax u cKa3Kax boctohhmx cnaBaH. OonbKnop u ^mHO^pa^u^ecKan öeücmeumenbHocmb. C.-neTepßypr: HayKa, 114-118. [Toporkov, Andrej L., 1992: «Perepekanie» detej v ritualah i skazkah vostochnyh slavyan. Fol'klor i ehtnograficheskaya dejstvitel'nost'. S.-Peterburg: Nauka, 114-118]. TonopKOB, AHgpeH .., 2009: neHt. CnaenHcKue öpeeHocmu. ^mHonuH^eucmu^ecKUü cnoeapb. nog o6m,eft peg. H.H. ToncToro, t. 4. MocKBa: Me^gyHapogHtie oTHomeHua, 39-44. [Toporkov, Andrej L., 2009: Pech'. Slavyanskie drevnosti. Etnolingvisticheskij slovar'. Pod obshchej red. N.I. Tolstogo, t. 4. Moskva: Mezhdunarodnye otnosheniya, 39-44]. 126- MAPHHA M. BATCE^OBA OMaifla, Muxafino, 1992: A imi BaM Bimym. Kaneudapua o6pndoBicmb pycuniB-yKpaintyB Hexo-CnoBamuuu. T. 1, 2. EpamcnaBa: CnoBau,tKe negarorinHe BHgaBHH^rao; npamiB: Biggin yKpaiHctKoi' nirepaTypH. [Shmajda, Myhajlo, 1992: A ishi vam vinchuju. Kalendarna obriadovist'rusyniv-ukrai'nciv Chekho-Slovachchyny. T. 1, 2. Bratislava: Slovac'ke peda-hohichne vydavnytstvo; Priashiv: Viddil ukrains'koi literatury]. Internet: http://lemko.org. ON THE ARCHAIC FEATURES OF FOLK DEMONOLOGY OF THE RUTHENIANS OF EASTERN SLOVAKIA Marina M. Valentsova ooc> The Carpathian Ruthenians (other names: Russins, Rusnaks, Carpathian Russins, Carpatorosses, Ugrorusses, Ugrian Russins, Lemkos) are the most western part of the Eastern Slavs, which inhabit Western Ukraine (Transcarpathian region) and the Northern and Southern slopes of the Carpathians - the Western and North-Western districts of Slovakia (Priashevshina) and the South-Eastern parts of Poland (Lemkovshina). It is possible to speak about the archaisms of the traditional folk culture of the Russins, including their demonology, on the basis of the time and history of their settlement on those territories, taking into account the peculiar geographical environment, which has formed relatively isolated areas of these settlements; and also on the basis of the linguistic data, which have demonstrated the archaic character of the Russinian dialects. This article deals only with the Russins of Eastern Slovakia. To reveal archaic features one has to compare the Russinian demonological beliefs with those of other Slavic peoples, taking into account the results of reliable reconstruction of the Common Slavic mythology, and the comparison with the mythological traditions of the Hungarians and Romanians as well. On the basis of the published works on the traditional culture, dialectal dictionaries and personal field research notes, as well as the works on the Slavic spiritual culture and its reconstruction, done by the Moscow ethnolinguistic school of Nikita Ilyich and Svetlana Mikhaylovna Tolstye, the following archaic features in the demonology of the Russins were identified: the motif of putting a changeling (a sick child) into the oven to receive the true human healthy child back; beliefs about the minutnik, who endows the baby with destiny, the character which combines Slavic beliefs about good and bad times and borrowed Balkan beliefs about the maidens of destiny; the motif of the connection between a tree and human destiny; the custom of inviting the souls of dead relatives for Christmas dinner, as well as of inviting the wolves and the frost in order they do no harm during summer time. OE APXAH^ECKHX ^EPTAX HAPOflHOH flEMOHO^OrHH PyCHH BOCTO^HOH C.TOBAKHH -127 Some archaic motifs are associated with dead souls, including the souls of those who died an unnatural death. Those are the motifs of the association of the dead souls with the wind and storm, which the Russins also associate with the merman; the conceptualization of the house snake as a spirit-master of the house; the motifs about moving the house-spirit into a new house, braiding of the horsetails by this spirit; however, in Russinian stories, these motifs were carried over to the narratives about the spirit-enricher or the house devil, where they obtained a different, negative sense. The archaic beliefs about the connection of the dead souls with meteorological phenomena, including drought and rains, storm and hail, have led to the Russinian practice of putting a part of the clothes of the dead to the river, under the stone in order to bring rain. The Russins have also mentioned an old custom of killing and burying amphibians - also to cause rain (the magician hmarnik buries a lizard alive). The prohibition against transporting the body of the dead across the borders of the village - to prevent hail and storm - also belongs to this group of beliefs. The existence of indefinite characters with vague functions is also to be listed as an archaic feature. In the Russinian demonology such a character is, for example, strakh (the fear) with its main function - to frighten, to scare (pudzaf). One of the predicates of the strakh was to call, to encourage people to do things that they haven't to do, which is also associated with the dead soul. About metempsychosis: the belief has been preserved that the soul of the dead strolls over the earth for 40 days after death and can enter (dwell in) somebody, mainly a relative, who is weak, for example, a child or an old man, just to wait out the time before moving to another world. In the village of Rusky Hrabovets, they told about the turning of a baby soul into a frog. In addition to the abovementioned, the Russins of eastern Slovakia preserved other archaic elements, such as games beside a deceased, the main role of the druzhka (groomsman) at the wedding, and some archaic melodies. The materials discussed in the article indicate the ancient origins of the Russ-inian ethnic group and the good preservation of many archaic features of their traditional culture, despite active and numerous contacts with non-Slavic and other Slavic peoples, or, possibly, due to them. Dr. Marina Valentsova, CSc, Senior Research Advisor, Department of Ethnolinguistics and Folklore, Institute of Slavic studies, Russian Academy of Sciences, Moscow, Leninsky prospect, 32A, B., mvalent@mail.ru 21 Studia MYTHOLOGICA Slavica 2018 - 129 - 145- Triglavska roža in Zlatorog med simboliko in stvarnostjo = Jurij Dobravec The Tale of Zlatorog speaks of a human-nature interrelationship, close to today's en-vironmentalism. It has been highly popular in Slovenia and abroad since collected in the Julian Alps and published in 1868. In the first part of this paper, we investigate the Triglav rose, particularly, which real plant species might be reflected in the story. In the second part, we compare the drama with real processes in ecosystems. As reflected in the narrative, humans did not only recognize creatures' supporting roles: they comprehended the interconnectedness that sustains life and survival. While tales acted as the inspiration for ethical teaching, we assume that artists used the dynamics developed in the Tale of Zlatorog and alike for transferring the reverence for life and sustaining biocentric ethics. KEYWORDS: nature preservation, Tale of Zlatorog, Triglav rose, biocentrism, environmental ethics UVOD Pripoved o Zlatorogu (Deschmann 1868: 325-327)1 velja za eno najbolj poznanih in prepoznavnih pripovedk na Slovenskem. Čeprav je stroka običajno ne uvršča med pravljice, ima besedilo več prvin skrivnostnosti in čudežnosti. Preplet odnosov med prikazanimi živalskimi, rastlinskimi in človeškimi liki kaže na globoko povezanost in usodno soodvisnost med človekom in naravo (Kropej 2008: 121). Nekateri motivi so lokalno specifični, večina pa je splošno znanih iz starodavnih kultur predvsem Indije, Perzije in Sredozemlja. Tako veljajo na primer gore - posamezne ali kot gorovje - pri mnogih ljudstvih za skrivnostni svet in prostor, kjer se skrivajo zakladi, posamezne živali ali rastline imajo čudežne lastnosti. Odsev naravne stvarnosti so v Pripovedi o Zlatorogu nekateri raziskovalci že iskali. Večina se je usmerjala na lik Zlatoroga samega. S sodobnega naravoslovnega vidika, ki 1 Dragotin Dežman je (pod ponemčeno različico svojega imena) pripoved objavil kot sklep naravoslovne razprave o ledenikih Der Triglavgletscher und die Spuren einstiger Gletscher in Oberkrain. Kot prevod nemške besede Sage uporabljam besedo pripoved. S tem želim izpostaviti dinamiko in pomen interpretativnega vidika živega pripovedovanja. Nekoliko spremenjena različica je bila objavljena v Laibacher Wochenblatt 25. 9. 1880. 130- JURIJ DOBRAVEC morda pretirano skuša odmisliti vse, kar je bajno, in tudi celotno človekovo subjektivnost, se najpogosteje odpira relativno nepomembno vprašanje, ali bi lahko šlo za gamsa ali kozoroga (Šavli 1989: 171-215). Vprašanje je bilo posebej aktualno ob domnevno ponovni naselitvi kozoroga v slovenskih Alpah v 60. letih 20. stol. (Peracino 1997: 15; Marenče 1997: 13). Poleg stvarnosti rogatega parkljarja so nekateri raziskovalci skušali povezati zaklad v Bogatinu z nekdanjimi rudosledci in rudarstvom (Abram 1927: 63-70; Šašel Kos 1998: 169-182). Triglavsko rožo sta obravnavala Glonar (1910: 34-106) in Mahnič (1950: 125-136; 1957: 332-333), čeprav je splošen vtis, da se rastlinam v folkloristiki namenja nekoliko manj pozornosti kot živalim oziroma se jih ne šteje za like, ampak bolj za sredstvo. Kot ugotavljajo raziskovalci pravljic (Rohrich 2001; Kropej 1995: 20-24), motivi predstavljajo resničnost sveta ustvarjalca, soustvarjalcev in poustvarjalcev. Rezultati njihovih analiz se nanašajo pretežno na stvarnost človeka kot osebe ali na družbeno stvarnost, oziroma na to, kaj je človek kot posameznik ali družba čutil, kako je gledal na svet, kaj je veqel. Vsebine ljudskih pripovedk, ki obravnavajo ostalo naravo, so pri analitikih manj izpostavljene. Okolje se neredko obravnava zgolj kot samoumeven prostor in čas, potreben za družbeno ali človeško dramo, prepogosto pa ga - morda tudi zaradi šibkega naravoslovnega znanja - prehitro uvrstimo na področje bajnosti. Pripoved o Zlatorogu se zadnja desetletja pogosto uporablja za ozaveščanje na področju naravovarstva.2 Vendar se zdi, da so bile dosedanje interpretacije naravovarstvenih pedagogov poenostavljene in neredko romantizirane. Ker gre za literarno obliko, podobno čudežni pravljici, jo namreč poslušalci sedanjega ekonomsko realistično usmerjenega sveta posledično površno dojemamo kot črno-belo moralistično »pravljico«. Pri tem so spregledane plasti globokega etičnega bistva. To bistvo izhaja iz same pravljice, v kateri odkrivamo tudi stvarnost ekoloških odnosov med človekom in ostalo naravo. Ti odnosi potekajo med tremi ključnimi liki - lovcem, kozlom in rožo, ki so kot tri »vrste« živih bitij izhodišča moje obravnave. V smislu izhodišč in za potrebe te razprave, torej obravnave procesov in odnosov med človekom in ostalo naravo, sta bila lika Zlatoroga in Trentarskega lovca doslej že zadosti obdelana. Zato bo prvi del članka namenjen predvsem dodatni naravoslovni osvetlitvi lika triglavske rože. Razmišljanje o odnosih in procesih, ki so potekali med človekom, živaljo in rastlino oziroma človeštvom ter živalskim in rastlinskim svetom, pa bom združil v drugem in sklepnem delu prispevka. Sklep je hkrati zamisel drugačne možnosti uporabe obravnavane pripovedi v naravovarstvene namene, in sicer v smislu preseganja črno-belega moraliziranja v smeri globljega doumevanja in spoštovanja dinamike življenja v naravi. 2 Razumljivo je, da bi od ustanovitve Triglavskega narodnega parka v sedanji velikosti leta 1981 (prim. Bizjak et al. 1989) do zadnjih let (Skoberne 2016: 104-129) lahko našli veliko primerov predvsem v povezavi z Julijskimi Alpami. TRIGLAVSKA ROŽA IN ZLATOROG MED SIMBOLIKO IN STVARNOSTJO -131 CILJ IN NAMEN Cilja razprave sta dva. Prvič, v prvem delu razprave poskusiti razločiti med triglavsko rožo kot dejansko rastlinsko vrsto in triglavsko rožo, kakršno si je zamislila avtorica ali avtor Pripovedi o Zlatorogu. Ta cilj bom skušal doseči na osnovi današnjega poznavanja razširjenosti in avtohtonosti posameznih vrst rastlin, ki bi potencialno lahko predstavljale triglavsko rožo ali čudežni balzam. Drugič - in ta cilj je ključen - pa razkriti, da zgodba ponazarja naravne procese in izpostavlja dinamiko medsebojnih odnosov ne le v človeški družbi, ampak med živimi bitji ter njihovim okoljem v prostoru in času. Pri tem bom pokazal, da so prvotni ustvarjalci motivov in pripovedi odnose in procese v naravi opazili in torej presegali naše sedanje, tudi znanstveno gledanje na domnevno primitivne prednike, ki naj bi v drugih bitjih videli zgolj objekte ali podporne like z neredko antropomorfiziranami lastnostmi. Z ugotovitvami v obeh delih želim doseči celovito vrednotenje narave oziroma spoštovanja življenja kot fenomena v očeh nekdanjega človeka. Na osnovi spoznanj, • da je bil človek sposoben v naravi opaziti procese in medsebojne odnose, • da je nekdanji človek dejavno sobival z drugimi bitji, • da je človek naravne procese posnemal in jih vključil celo v razvoj različnih tehnologij, ter spoznanj, • da Pripoved o Zlatorogu očitno vsebuje etične nauke, • da druga živa bitja v pravljicah in sorodnih zvrsteh ljudske ustvarjalnosti neredko predstavljajo odločujoče dejavnike za rešitev junakovega/človekovega življenjskega problema, • da je več zvrsti ljudskega pripovedništva dejansko namenjenih medgeneracijskemu prenašanju življenjskih vodil, stremim k potrditvi domneve, da je nekdanji človek bil sposoben presegati etiko medčloveških oziroma družbenih odnosov in jasno etično vrednotiti odnose med človekom in naravo ter celo odnose med bitji, ki človeka samega neposredno sploh ne zadevajo. Etiko v teh naukih označujem kot biocentrično in holistično. Namen razprave je pokazati, da nam je nekdanji človek, kakor se je v svojem duhu podpisal v motive Pripovedi o Zlatorogu, lahko zgled pri reševanju sodobne krize odnosa človeka do ostale narave. Namen je torej predvsem aplikativno naravovarstven. TRIGLAVSKA ROŽA KOT RASTLINA Triglavska roža oziroma čudežni balzam je zelo pomembna prvina Pripovedi o Zlatorogu. Je edini samostojni lik s čudežno močjo, ki jo v teku zgodbe tudi izkaže. Dragotin Dežman3 nam jo v prevodu pripovedi v nemščino opiše kot »Kraut von wunderbar heilender Kraft, 3 Na dostopnih listinah se je najpogosteje podpisoval kot Dragotin Dežman, imena Karel Dežman ni uporabljal, nemško različico K. Deschmanpa je pretežno uporabljal le v uradnih dokumentih (Arhiv RS, fond SI AS 854). 132- JURIJ DOBRAVEC der Wunderbalsam oder die Triglaurose genannt«. V svoji čudovitosti, zdravilnosti in moči ima torej dve imeni: čudoviti balzam in triglavska roža. Iz zgodbe zvemo, da ne gre za planike, saj Trentar te nabira posebej, kot zdravilo za svojo mater. To je vse, kar lahko o triglavski roži preberemo iz prvega znanega zapisa. Vse ostale lastnosti so posledica pretežno romantiziranih priredb, najprej Baumbacha (1877), ki jih v pesnitvi prvi označi kot rdeče, predvsem pa nekaterih analitikov. Kot je bilo že omenjeno, je triglavsko rožo skušal etnobotanično obdelati Jože Glonar (1910: 34-106). Izčrpna je razprava Joža Mahniča iz časa po II. sv. vojni (Mahnič 1950: 125-136; 1957: 332-333), najbolj pogumno trditev o njej pa je podal Milko Matičetov (1987: 133). Presoje, ali gre pri triglavski roži za simbolno ali - vsaj v lokalnem smislu - za dejansko rastlino, so avtorji pretežno argumentirali na osnovi analize besedil, tudi priredb, in primerjave motivov. Z naravoslovnimi podatki, v kolikor so sistematično in splošno razumljivo takrat sploh bili na voljo, si niso uspeli prav veliko pomagati. Glonar je velik del svoje obširne razprave »Monoceros« in »Diptamus« posvetil pri-rodoslovni razpravi o rastlinah. Triglavsko rožo je razložil kot zdravilni diptam (Glonar 1910: 92), o katerem v antiki pišejo Teofrast, Plinij, kasneje Elijan, Izidor Seviljski in drugi. Diptam naj bi bil analogen čebuli (Allium sp.) in uporaben pri porodu, za kar avtor najde potrditev pri Hovorki (Hovorka 1900: 211-214). Splošno je znano, da učinkovine nekaterih vrst iz rodu čebul vplivajo na kožo in sluznice. Iz vsakodnevnega gospodinjstva npr. poznamo dražilni učinek na oči ob rezanju čebule. Zapise o diptamu s Krete je povezal z rastlino dietam (Glonar 1910: 52). Kot čudežno rožo navaja diktamnon, kar naj bi bila ena od vrst dobre misli (Origanum dictamnus). Teofrast - imenujejo ga tudi oče botanike - za kretski diktam na prvem mestu omenja, da ženskam lajša bolečine in je sploh dobro protibolečinsko sredstvo. Doda pa, da zastreljenim divjim kozam, če te pojedo rastlino, puščica sama izpade iz rane, kakor je ugotavljal že Teofrast (Anderson 2014: 295). To podrobnost je opazil tudi Glonar (1910: 59). V nadaljevanju Glonar (1910: 90) razlaga o t. i. jelenskem zelju, zaradi katerega je človek vedno zdrav in vesel, če ga redno uživa.4 To zelje, imenovano somovica, naj bi sicer redno jedel jelen in je zato vedno zdrav in poskočen. Kratko navedbo tega motiva sta že pred njim priobčila Trstenjak (1857: 90) in Valjavec (1890). Trstenjak navaja: »Pri mesecu se zezori somovica, to je, ona čudovita trava, ktero jelen je in nikdar ne zboli. Da bi ljudi vedli za somovico in jo jeli, bi nikdar ne zboleli, temoč tako bistre noge imeli, kakor jih ima jelen.« Seveda gre tu zelo verjetno za romantiziranje jelena, ki naj ne bi bil nikoli bolan, če ne kar za zmoto meščanskega opazovalca. Somovico nekateri avtorji povezujejo z indijskimi Vedami. Z verskega stališča naj bi bila soma obredna pijača. Omenja jo že Rigveda (8.48.3),5 podobne pijače pa so znane iz Perzije. Njen učinek ob rednem uživanju je zdravilno poživljajoč, ob občasnem pa omamljajoč,6 kot ugotavlja Mukherjee (1922: 437-438). Neredke so navedbe (prim. Teether 2005), da je šlo za mleko 4 Pri tem povzema Navratila (Letopis Mat. Slov. 1896, str. 23). 5 Rigveda 8.48.3.: »Pili smo somo in postali nesmrtni (a apama somam amrta abhumaganma jyotir avidama devan).« Soma je v indijski kulturi hkrati rastlina, pijača (ekstrakt te rastline) in božanstvo. Deveto mandalo, sestavljeno iz 114 himn, so tudi poimenovali Soma Mandala. 6 Splošno mnenje v britanskem kolonialnem času je bilo, da gre za izvleček konoplje. TRIGLAVSKA ROŽA IN ZLATOROG MED SIMBOLIKO IN STVARNOSTJO 133 strupene gobe rdeče mušnice (Amanita muscaria). Novejše domneve (Frawley 1991) skušajo potrditi starokitajske navedbe, da je šlo za zvarek več rastlin.7 Vendar moramo v zvezi z Zlatorogom ugotoviti, da nobena od naštetih rastlin, ki jih avtorji - vključno z Glonarjem - navajajo kot verjetne sestavine some, ne raste v apnenčastem alpskem visokogorju, kjer pretežno živita kozorog in gams in v katerem se dogaja ključni del obravnavane pripovedi. Mušnica je pri nas pogosta, vendar je vezana bolj na gozdove, gozdni rob in vsaj nekoliko kisla tla. Šavli (1990: 80-82) povzetke Glonarjevih zapisov podkrepi z upodobitvami kozorogov na situlah, ki so datirane v čas pred Aristotelom. Vsekakor so te upodobitve nenavadne, saj rastline v njihovih gobcih očitno niso navadna trava. Lahko se celo strinjamo z avtorjem, da upodabljanje vsakodnevnega prehranjevanja ni moglo biti posebno zanimivo za umetniško ornamentirano situlo. Da je bil motiv ozdravitve živali s pomočjo zdravilne rastline pri nas prisoten med ljudstvom ali da so ga vsaj razumeli, lahko sklepamo iz pridig Rogerija Ljubljanskega in Janeza Svetokriškega. Glonar (1910: 75) je povzel Rogerijev zapis: ... kadar ta Jelen, ali: Serna sashlishi h'pervemu ta ruh, taku ostermi inu se nekolku prestrashi: kir pak dalej shlishi glass tajstega, taku sazhne se sa tem glassam obrazhat, grede sam sa tem taku dolgu, de pride nastrel; ki ta pak ustrelen inu rajnen se od tega Louza samerka, sdajzi usdigne se na gorre inu hribe, yszhe tu shelishe Dictamnum, ali: ta döujepolaj: tega kir se naje, is tem osdravi te shlake, inu szeli te rane, kakor pravjo ty naturalisti, sprizhujejo ty Löuzi inupoterjuje Praxis quotidiana, ali usakdanja skushnja. Kot vidimo, je v besedilu žival zamenljiva, rastlina pa zamenjana. Podoben motiv uporabi Janez Svetokriški, ki zdravilno moč pripiše zelišču, »s katerim stori, da strel iz rane ven pade.« Verjetno je povzel Teofrasta. Glonar na osnovi Plinijevih razmišljanj govori tudi o polaju, ki naj bi bil jesenjak oziroma jesenček. Čeprav je ob razmišljanju o jesenčku že na sledi, da gre pri tem za zeljnato vrsto z rožnatimi cvetovi iz družine rutičevk, ki jo danes imenujemo navadni jesenček (Dictamnus albus), se zaplete v skoraj nepregledno razpravo o jesenovem lesu. O samem jesenčku pa ne pove skoraj ničesar oziroma sicer pravilne vire razloži zmotno. Fraxinella, ki jo omenja kot sinonim (Glonar 1910: 83), nima biološko taksonomsko nič skupnega z jesenom (rod Fraxinus), razen oblike listov in posledično pomanjševalnice imena. Res pa je, da liste različnih drevesnih vrst jesena in zeljnate trajnice jesenčka uporabljajo v ljudskem zdravilstvu za zdravljenje podobnih obolenj, npr. raznih bolečin po trebuhu, ali proti nekaterim kožnim pojavom (prim. Petauer 1993: 177, 220). A to so zelo splošne lastnosti velikega števila zdravilnih rastlin. Po sedanjih podatkih jesenček v Sloveniji ne raste v visokogorju, ampak na prisojnih in deloma skalnih pobočjih v submediteranskem in posamično v dinarskem in predalpskem 7 Tudi v alpskem prostoru ponekod pripravljajo zvarke žganih pijač iz več rastlin, npr. sodobnejši Jägermeister, ki ima seveda osnovo v ljudski tradiciji. 134- JURIJ DOBRAVEC svetu (Martinčič et al. 2007: 338; Jogan et al. 2001: 131). Podobno v Furlaniji sega le do prisojnih pobočij Alp, ena najdba pa je znana v Karnijskih Alpah (Poldini 2002: 170). Po drugi strani pa Glonar - zdi se, da brez utemeljitve - predpostavlja, da so nekdaj ljudje diptam enostavno zamenjavali s polajem. Tudi danes se ime polaj uporablja za meto z vrstnim imenom Mentha pulegium oziroma opuščenim sinonimom Pulegium vulgare, iz katerega bi lahko izpeljali ljudsko ime. Rastlina je vlagoljubna in poseljuje obrežna ruderalna rastišča. Velja za precej strupeno, vendar je strupenost verjetno zelo odvisna od rastišča. Kot zdravilo ima v majhnih količinah podobne splošne učinke kot jesenček (Petauer 1993: 367). Njeno eterično olje se je uporabljalo kot abortivno sredstvo in je povzročilo tudi več smrtnih primerov. V Julijcih poznamo le osamljeni rastišči na Jelovici (Jogan et al. 2001: 245) in na italijanski strani Kanina, kamor je morda prinesena (Poldini 2002: 317). Ker sta tako kozorog kot gams izrazito vezana na visokogorski svet, je povezava z jesenčkom ali polajem torej malo verjetna. Ime roža mogota naj bi po dosedanjih izsledkih prvi objavil Simon Rutar (1892: 110), ko je v svojih delih o Primorski omenil tudi del duhovne dediščine Bohinja. Imenoval jo je sicer tudi Triglavova roža. Zanimivo je, da je uporabil svojilno obliko pridevnika. Marija Cvetek (2005: 184) je opazila Rutarjev oklepaj pri zapisu »roža mogota« in ga razložila v smislu, da so prvo obliko imena uporabljali v Posočju, druga pa naj bi bila izvirna in naj bi jo uporabljali v Bohinju. Skoraj sočasno z Rutarjem je ime uporabil Janez Mencinger. Po mnenju Joža Mah-niča (1950: 128-129) je besedo, ki jo je Mencinger (1893: 393, 397 in 398; 1986: 155) objavil v fantastičnem romanu Abadon, bodisi povzel iz ljudskega izročila v domačem Bohinju ali prenesel iz ruščine. Domneve o bohinjskem izvoru je dodatno utemeljil nekaj let kasneje (Mahnič 1957: 332), ko je med raziskovanjem Mencingerjevih zapiskov naletel na omembo mogote iz leta 1860. Koren mog- pa je Mahnič našel tudi v Brižinskih spomenikih, v lastnostnem pridevniku »malomogota« v pomenu 'onemogel'.8 Mahnič (1950: 130) se je v svoji botanično obarvani jezikoslovni analizi nekoliko naslonil na Glonarjeve razlage, vendar se je že Glonar čudil poimenovanju rastline po Triglavu (»Triglavrose«), ki da takrat še ni veljal za najvišjo goro na Kranjskem (Glonar 1910: 92). Vseeno je Mahnič že v začetku razprave postavil izhodišče, da je pridevnik triglavska povsem znanstveno utemeljen. B. Hacquet (1782: 15) je namreč obravnavano rastlino imenoval Potentilla terglouensis.9 Nekdanje lokalno, danes vse bolj uveljavljeno slovensko ime roža mogota je pomensko vsekakor enako latinskemu, rodovno ime roža pa je posledica podobnosti z drugimi vrstami družine rožnic (Rosaceae), kamor tudi spada, če ne kar splošne rabe naziva roža za rastline z bolj opaznimi cvetovi. Za raziskavo vloge triglavske rože bi bila koristna razrešitev pomembne dileme, kje se je pridevnik pojavil prej: 8 Brižinski spomeniki imajo navedbo: malomogoncka u ime bosie bozzekacho (onemoglega v imenu božjem obiskovali). Mog- je sicer v slovanskih jezikih splošno razširjen besedni koren (prim. Snoj 1997: 351). 9 Danes se je uveljavilo znanstveno ime Potentilla nitida, v prostem prevodu 'bleščeča moč' oziroma 'bleščeča močnica'. Wraber (1957: 433-434), ki razkrije tudi širši areal razširjenosti, uporablja domače botanično ime blestečipetoprstnik, slednje zaradi petdelnih listov pri vseh vrstah tega rodu. Morda je pomembno tudi dejstvo, da so Triglav tedaj imenovali nekoliko drugače, npr. Terglou ali Trgwow, in je ime veljalo le za sedanji srednji vrh »triglave« gore. TRIGLAVSKA ROŽA IN ZLATOROG MED SIMBOLIKO IN STVARNOSTJO -135 v ljudskem ali znanstvenem poimenovanju. Domnevam, da je povezava konkretne rastline Potentilla nitida in pojma triglavska roža v zavest naroda prišla kasneje, ob povezavi Hacquetovega poimenovanja te rastline P terglouensis in delitvi nemške skovanke Tri-glavrose v slovensko inačico triglavska roža, ki vsebuje vrstni pridevnik. Za utemeljitev te domneve je zaenkrat znano še premalo dejstev. Verjetno bo treba iskati v treh smereh. Najprej to, da v botanični strokovni znanosti ni znano, da bi v Ha-cquetovem času to rastlino ljudje imenovali triglavska in bi on to vulgarno ime potem privzel v znanstveno poimenovanje. Tako bi bilo logično, da ji je Bretonec pred 200 leti vrstno ime dodelil po nahajališču pod Triglavom (prim. Wraber 1957: 435). Drugi razlog za kasnejše povezovanje pojma in rastline bi bilo lahko Rutarjevo besedilo, kjer pravi, da je bila roža Triglavova. Takšne oblike pridevnika zaenkrat ne poznamo niti v strokovnem niti v ljudskem poimenovanju rastlin.10 Tretji razlog bi lahko bil, da ni znano, da bi pred dobo romantike in začetkom planinskega pohodništva kakšna rastlina simbolizirala gorski svet, kot ga danes v Alpah planika. Mahnič v svojih razmišljanjih verjetno v večji meri izhaja iz bohinjske različice zgodbe, v kateri ima roža vlogo neposrednega ključa do zaklada. Rastlina tu ne zraste iz krvi na smrt ranjene živali, ampak iz zlatega prahu, ki nastane ob drgnjenju rogov ob skalo. Bohinjska pravljojca11 o obravnavani čudodelni rastlini namreč pravi: »Pa vod Zlatoroga so tud zapodval, da s roglje goje vob kamnje, da se zlat prah kadi preč. Potle pa z njega same rmene zdravilne rože zrasejo.« Iz te različice bi lahko izhajala logika, da tako nastanejo rumene oz. zlate rože. Motiv zlatega prahu je sicer prisoten tudi v De-žmanovi različici Pripovedke o Zlatorogu. Vendar tam zlato ni neposredno povezano z rastlino, temveč se pojavi v uvodni razlagi zgodbe, kjer naj bi bil s pomočjo delca rogov12 ali iveri13 beneški trgovec že pred Trentarjem z zvijačo prišel do zaklada. Neposredna »zdravilnost« v različici, ki jo je objavila Cvetkova (1993: 42), bi glede na njen vir in informatorjev način pripovedovanja bila lahko vnesena naknadno, torej že v času sodobne miselnosti, ko človek v odnosu do narave že povsem osredinja samega sebe in v njej išče le uporabno, konkretno zdravilno vrednost. V primeru iz Dežmanovega zapisa Pripovedi o Zlatorogu pa, nasprotno, ni jasno, kakšno srečo ali korist bi triglavske rože neposredno prinašale človeku. Tu se namreč triglavska roža sploh ne izkaže kot koristna ali zdravilna za človeka, ampak je jasno, da gre za korist za žival, torej za tretja bitja. Njena povsem drugačna vloga je pokazana že z distinkcijo iz 10 Morda so takšne oblike imenovanj obstajale v bolj odmaknjeni preteklosti. Poleg starinske oblike pridevnika mogota bi bilo namreč lahko jezikovni ostanek tudi zaporedje samostalnika in pridevnika (npr. skrinja orehova, oče naš ...), kot ga najdemo tudi v stari cerkveni slovanščini (volja Tvoja, Xlebu naši nasQŠtinyi, dlugy naš%, dlužinikomu našimu), lahko pa kaže tudi na izvor ali vpliv bližnjih romanskih jezikov. 11 Bohinjska različica iz zbirke Marije Cvetek (1993: 43) kot celota sicer ne govori o dogodkih. Informator se sklicuje na druge vire, njegov govor pa je naravnan bolj teoretsko poučno in moralistično. Tako se zdi, da tudi pri motivu nekega pojava ali opažanja ne gre za neposredno izvirnost, ampak njegovo razlago. Katere zdravilne rože zrastejo in kakšen učinek imajo, pripovedovalec ne sporoči, saj ne omenja magične ali bajne vloge, ampak predvsem zdravilne. 12 Prim. prevod Nika Kureta (Baumbach - A. Funtek 1968: 154-158). V ponatisu Zlatoroga iz leta 1995 tega prevoda izvirne pripovedi ni. 13 Prim. razlago oz. delni prevod Joža Mahniča, 1950. 136- JURIJ DOBRAVEC uvodnih stavkov pripovedi, da Trentarskega lovca, torej človeka, bele žene niso varovale s čudežnim zeliščem, ampak na način, ki pritiče človeku, torej s poučevanjem, da si je lahko potem s svojo pametjo pomagal sam. Kropejeva (2011: 46; 2012: 68) citira Antona Maillyja (1922: 31; 1916: 119), ki triglavsko rožo primerja z rastlinami, kot so »Donnenrose, Alpenkraut, Rhododendron«. Bavarci in Tirolci dejansko uporabljajo domače ime Donnerrose ali Dunnerrose14 za gorska rododendrona (Rhododendron hirsutum in R. ferrugineum) ter njune križance; verjetno po gromu (nem. der Donner) v pomenu gromovnice. Ostali Nemci - kjer nimajo Alp - rečejo tem rastlinam posplošeno Alpenrose, kakor še mnogim alpskim cvetlicam. Omenjeni grmičasti vrsti z živordečimi do rožnatimi cvetovi rasteta na zgornjem gozdnem robu in sta široko razširjeni po Alpah. Rododendroni so tudi strupeni. Alpkraut je staro nemško domače ime za rod Eupatorium (Adelung 1811: 225-226), konjsko grivo. V Evropi raste le vrsta E. cannabinum z nekaj podvrstami. Rožnato- do rdečecvetna zeljnata trajnica zraste v višino preko metra in pol. Je splošno razširjena, bolj na vlažnem, vendar v visokogorje sega le redko, o rastiščih nad gozdno mejo pri nas ni znanih podatkov (Jogan et al. 2001: 151). Mailly v opombah (1916: 119) tudi zgolj hipotetično navede, da bi te rastline lahko bile znane kot potencialno zdravilne za jelene, ki jih v visokogorju ne srečamo. Navedba planike (Leontopodim alpinum) kot zdravilne rastline (Kropej 2011: 46) je iz ljudske modrosti in uporabe rastline kot zdravila za živino, zaradi česar so jo kmetje v Bohinju nekdaj množično nabirali in morda prispevali k zmanjšanju populacije.15 Pripoved iz Julijskih Alp z naslovom Edelweiß (Mailly 1922: 20) sicer razlaga, da so planike nastale iz solz bele vile, ki je jokala zaradi neuslišane ljubezni do lovca, kar bi motivno lahko povezali z motivi medčloveških odnosov iz Pripovedi o Zlatorogu. Druga zgodba v Maillyjevi zbirki, Der Wocheinersee - Bohinjsko jezero (Mailly 1922: 27), planiki prisoja magično moč, ki je domačinom v Bohinju pomagala braniti se pred vodnimi vilami ob semanjih dneh, ki so jih tradicionalno prirejali pri Sv. Janezu ob jezeru. V isti zgodbi govori tudi o neki makovi moki: »Ker so ob povratku domov morali prečkati jezero, so si kot obrambo pred vodnimi duhovi obesili okrog vratu (dali na prsi) planiko, v torbo pa nekaj makove moke.« Tudi makova moka je tu rastlinskega izvora. Lahko je šlo za njivske rdečecvetne rastline, lahko pa za rumenocvetne vrste makov, ki sicer rastejo v Alpah, a so redke. Če so kdaj njihove dele, npr. korenine, sušili in mleli v zdravilne pripravke, ni znano. Morda gre za krvavi mlečnik (Cheliodonium majus), ki je iz družine makov. Ker ima zelo podoben rumen cvet, je možno, da so ga enačili z makom. Vendar raste zgolj do sredogorja (Jogan et al. 2001: 105), ne na skalah, ampak na s hranivi bogatejših tleh. Rumenocvetna zdravilna rastlina, ki je v gorskem svetu precej splošno znana, je srčna moč (Potentilla erecta), ki botanično spada v isti rod kot triglavska roža. Med ljudmi je znana pod imenom krvomočnica, Nemci ji rečejo tudi Blutwurzel, krvavi koren. Posebnost neprijaznega skalovitega habitata je še tolstičevka rožni koren (Rhodiola rosea): 14 Mailly (1922: 119) zapiše Donnerrose. 15 Večina naravovarstvenih virov sicer kot razlog za zavarovanje planike v letih 1896 in 1898 navaja nabiranje za okras. TRIGLAVSKA ROŽA IN ZLATOROG MED SIMBOLIKO IN STVARNOSTJO -137 tolsti listi vsebujejo vodo, ki je v gorah dragocena. Pogojno jo lahko jemo neposredno ali pripravimo kot špinačo; blago poživlja. Po tradicionalni vzhodni medicini iz Sibirije in Kitajske (Cuerrier et al. 2014) pripravek iz korenine podaljša življenje. V povezavi z dilemo med tolminsko (rdečo?) in bohinjsko (rumeno) različico je morda zanimivo, da so socvetja rožnega korena lahko temno rožnata ali rumena. V pregledu rastlin smo našteli nekaj vrst, ki bi lahko predstavljale dejansko triglavsko rožo. Tematika gotovo še ni izčrpana, saj vsaka predstavlja dodaten izziv za morebitne etnobotanične primerjave. Vendar bi rezultati lahko imeli le lokalni pomen v smislu, katera različica motiva je bolj avtentična (prim. Cvetek 2005): iz pregleda je razvidno, da le posamezne lokalne različice nemara res govorijo o konkretni rastlini. Tako se zdi, da se je Matičetov (1986: 133) vseeno nekoliko prenaglil, ko je cvetlico z imenom Potentilla nitida razglasil za stvarno triglavsko rožo, ki nastopa kot lik v obravnavani pripovedi. Mahnič (1950: 134) pred njim to le domneva. Drugi avtorji so vprašanje stvarnosti rože puščali odprto. Še zgodnejše Glonarjevo botanično in zdravilsko razpredanje pa se pokaže kot iskanje alternativ iz drugih delov sveta, kjer so v gorah avtohtone druge zdravilne rastline. Videli smo, da barva ničesar ne določa in skoraj ničesar ne simbolizira; Dežman je ni omenjal. Šele Baumbach jo je določil za rdečo in drobno. Po verzih sodeč zaradi krvi, po kateri je Zlatorogu sledil Trentar. Barva je bila dodatno podprta z likovnimi upodobitvami, ki so sledile Baumbachu in ne Dežmanu. Nemški romantični pesnik je bil sicer stalen gost v naših krajih, predvsem v Trstu in na Bledu, in je lahko tudi kaj poizvedoval o morebitnem stvarnem ozadju zgodbe. Kot vemo, je zelo zvesto povzel izvirno zgodbo in jo v romantičnem duhu dramatiziral. Naravnih likov in pojavov pa ni niti romantiziral niti ni presegel simbolike, ki je bila zaobjeta že v Dežmanovem zapisu. Posledično so se analitiki bolj nagibali k rastlinam z rdečimi cvetnimi listi; pogojno rožnatimi, za kar je prišla prav Potentilla nitida. Končno lahko ugotovimo, da dosedanje razprave - kljub približevanju naravoslovnega in družboslovnega znanja - ne dajejo nobene opore za trditev, da je triglavska roža ali roža mogota s svojimi lastnostmi dejanska rastlina. V folklorističnem smislu Vladimirja Proppa lahko zgolj sklenemo, da je roža kot pravljična »junakinja« oziroma eden od likov v Pripovedi o Zlatorogu povsem zamenljiva in lokalno pogojena. TRIGLAVSKA ROŽA MOGOTA KOT FUNKCIJA V drugačni luči kot pri obravnavi rože kot lika, v katerega porazsvetljenski človek skuša na vsak način vnesti njeno uporabnost za človeka in ji tudi zamegliti njeno aktivno vlogo, pa se triglavska16 roža pokaže v smislu svoje naravne procesnosti in vključenosti v medsebojne odnose med živimi bitji. 16 Ker nas prva objava pripovedi omejuje na nemški jezik, naj opozorimo, da je Triglavrose lahko v nemščini povsem splošno ime, kjer je prvi del zloženke Triglav- kljub veliki začetnici pridevnik. 138- JURIJ DOBRAVEC V zgodbi, ki jo je zapisal Dežman, se roža dejavno pojavi na (vseh) petih ključnih mestih: najprej pod obema imenoma v uvodu, ko ustvarjalec predstavi njeno vlogo in s tem bralcu pojasni, da gre za isto stvar. Potem v trenutku zapleta medčloveških odnosov (kot triglavska), tretjič v trenutku, ko Zeleni lovec Trentaiju prepreči spreobrnitev (kot balzam), četrtič v trenutku pozitivnega razpleta za Zlatoroga (balzam) in petič kot posledica človekovih dejanj, posušena na koncu (triglavska)}1 Že iz uporabe besed - lahko se je spretnemu in široko razgledanemu Dežmanu ob prevajanju to posrečilo - vidimo, da gre vsaj za dve vrsti funkcijske simbolnosti. Pridevnik triglavska uporablja pri človeški drami, ime balzam pa ob dogodkih iz narave oziroma odnosih med drugimi bitji. Ker je iz strukture Pripovedi o Zlatorogu jasno, da se v njej prekrivata dve (pod)zgodbi - ena obravnava medčloveške odnose, druga splošne odnose v naravi -, je dvojno poimenovanje toliko bolj zanimivo in opazno. In če se ozremo na prvi del te razprave, bi trditev Matičetovega (1986: 133) glede triglavske rože kot cvetlice oziroma konkretne rastlinske vrste lahko uvrstili v družbeno podzgodbo, nikakor pa ne v zgodbo, ki govori o odnosih v naravi. Pridevnik triglavska se v dramatičnem delu pojavi obakrat v (za človeka) relativno običajni vlogi: prvič, dekle si jih zaželi, drugič, fant jih utrga. So nekakšen idealizem in simbol ljubezni kot mnoge druge rdečecvetne rože, le da v našem primeru idealizem ni spontan, ampak izsiljen zaradi Benečana - in ima zato tudi drugačne posledice. Vendar celo nauk te podzgodbe ni nujno le morala grabežljivosti. Že tu lahko slutimo biocentrično etiko v smislu, da nekatere rože ali druga bogastva žive narave za človeka nimajo neposredne vrednosti, zato se (lahko v njegovih rokah) posušijo. Ker je torej lovec na željo svojega dekleta utrgal nekaj, česar ne potrebuje, pade v prepad. Ona pa ostane tudi brez privlačnega in zapeljivega tujca, domnevamo, da do konca življenja osamljena in žalostna. Na drugi strani se ime čudežni balzam samostojno obakrat pojavi v bistveno drugačni vlogi. Enkrat ga v porogljivem tonu izgovori Zeleni lovec, enkrat pa konkretno omogoči ozdravitev Zlatoroga. Dosedanje razprave oba pojava uvrščajo na področje bajnega oziroma čudežnega. Šlo naj bi za odsev metafizične stvarnosti, kjer je mitska vloga Zelenega lovca v folkloristiki danes bolj ali manj določena s krščanskim gledanjem na svet, konkretno poosebljanje Zla oziroma Hudiča (Ušeničnik 1904: 223-226). Drugi pojav, Zlatorogova ozdravitev, je najpogosteje razložen kot čudežni dogodek, v realnem svetu nerazložljiv pojav, ki ga glede na ustaljene raziskovalne okvire spet najlažje uvrstimo na področje mitologije. Pa vendarle so bolezni in ozdravitve povsem običajni procesi, ki v naravi neprestano potekajo. PROCESNA STVARNOST V pravljicah načeloma odseva stvarnost ustvarjalca in poustvarjalcev. Kot ugotavljata Berger in Luckman (1991: 13), v folkloristiki to pomeni predvsem stvarnost človekovega 11 Prevodov iz nemščine v slovenščino je več, vendar se v bistvu ne razlikujejo. V osnovi se tu opredeljujem do prvotnega nemškega besedila in prevoda Nika Kureta iz leta 1968 (Baumbach - A. Funtek 1968: 154-158). TRIGLAVSKA ROŽA IN ZLATOROG MED SIMBOLIKO IN STVARNOSTJO -139 ali družbenega pogleda na svet in - zdi se, da precej manj - naravoslovno stvarnost drugih bitij, fizičnega prostora in časa. Katero stvarnost torej simbolizira triglavska roža, če se je zdela ustvarjalcu tako pomembna, da ji je v pripovedi dodelil ključno vlogo? Ob preprostem pogledu na Pripoved o Zlatorogu naj bi bila funkcija rože predvsem zdravilna. A iz zgodbe je razvidno, da njena zdravilnost nima le vloge statičnega oziroma podpornega lika, kot bi za rastlino ali njeno morebitno simbolnost pričakovali, ampak odločilno. Roža namreč zraste takrat, ko je potrebno, in učinkuje kot balzam. Torej je dinamična. Očitno je, da ne gre za prikaz lastnosti rože kot objekta, saj nobena roža ne zraste iznenada, ampak predvsem kaže na njeno procesnost. Ta je v funkciji dinamike življenja, Zlatoroga, in v tem odnosu preživita oba: roža in žival, človek pa zaslepljen pade v propad, ker se je izločil iz naravnega kroženja. Kot smo tudi ugotovili, se celo poimenovanje v Dežmanovem zapisu razlikuje glede na funkcijo. Zgodba torej vsebuje in odseva bolj poglobljeno in bolj sintetsko razumevanje stvarnosti. Posega na področje odnosov, ki se dogajajo zunaj človeške družbe. Relacije, kot so v pripovedi prikazane med pravljičnimi liki, so pravzaprav vzporedne naravnim procesom, ki jih je takratni človek očitno bil sposoben zaznavati in abstrahirati v simbolno obliko in govorico. Te sposobnosti najbolje prikazujeta prav dva procesa, ki sta v zgodbi najbolj dramatična: čudežna ozdravitev in notranjost (psihologija) Trentarskega lovca. Ozdravitev morda sploh ni čudežna, ampak se je ustvarjalcem motivov zdel odnos med Zlatorogom in rastlino čudovit v smislu vzajemnosti življenja, ki so jo ponazorili s krvnimi povezavami. Triglavska roža namreč zraste iz »krvi« ranjene živali. Če nekoliko poenostavimo, pripoved odseva povsem navadne običajne naravne procese: ko žival propade (ko torej kri neha teči ali odteče), pride do organske in še anorganske razgradnje. Nastale nutriente rastline uporabijo za rast. Kri tudi v etnološkem simbolizmu predstavlja medgeneracijsko povezanost (krvno sorodstvo) in življenje osebka kot takšno. Le časovna dimenzija je tu pravljična: celoten življenjski krog se zgodi hipno. A kot vemo, je abstraktnost časa ena od temeljnih značilnosti pravljice kot žanra, ki mu da ustrezno dramatičnost. Zakaj torej ne bi mogel odsev sicer dalj časa trajajočega procesa med naravnimi bitji biti prikazan hipno? Ali z drugimi besedami, čudežno v smislu čudenja, da se to sploh zgodi. Ali še drugače, refleksivno: dramatično zaradi namena zgodb in pripovedništva. Drug primer je Trentarski lovec, ki izvirno ni bil hudoben,18 kakor se zdi, da ga morda želijo nekateri razlagati v romantično obarvani naravovarstveni vnemi (Kmecl 1974: 454-456; Kretzenbacher 1995: 137; Cvetek 2005: 183; Kunaver 2011). Zasledovanje in lov namreč predstavlja njegov odnos do živali: lovil je za hrano in preživetje sebe in svojih bližnjih. V zgodbi tudi ni povsem razjasnjeno, katere »koze siromakov« so mišljene v uvodnih stavkih: še divje ali že udomačene. Kot ugotavlja Cajete (1994: 57-64) za vse tradicionalne kulture sveta, je lov kot dejavnost bistveno več oziroma 18 Kolikor je avtorju poznano, ta dimenzija zgodbe doslej še ni bila poglobljeno obdelana. Vsekakor bi bila za potrebe naravovarstvene vzgoje dobrodošla razprava o razdvojenem lovcu, ki je morda odsev razdvojenosti odnosa današnjega človeka do ostale narave. 140- JURIJ DOBRAVEC nekaj povsem drugega kot zgolj ubijanje: pomeni predvsem slediti, torej spoznavati in biti v naravi pazljiv. Teh veščin so lovca učile bele žene. Lahko bi rekli, da se je lovec vključil v prehranjevalni krog in delno prevzel vlogo živalskih predatorjev, ki prav tako zasledujejo in ubijajo, vendar le toliko, kolikor je potrebno za njihovo življenje. Vključevanje v sprotne naravne procese pomeni tudi vključevanje v procese ohranjanja vrste, kjer evolucijske znanosti vse bolj odkrivajo (Tripp et al. 2017), da je bil (kvazi) darvinistični boj za preživetje verjetno manj uspešen kot prizadevanje za simbiozo. Kot je razvidno iz Zlatorogove pripovedi, je naravni instinkt lovcu preprečil, da bi ranjeno žival ubil. Celo Zeleni lovec morda ne predstavlja odseva nekega religioznega bitja, ampak povsem neposredno kaže na človekovo notranjo razdvojenost ali celo etično dilemo, kaj je v odnosu do narave prav in kaj ni prav. Sintetsko razumevanje naravne stvarnosti s strani davnega ustvarjalca motivov je torej dvojno. Na eni strani gre za ontološko doumevanje stvarnosti, v tem primeru stvarnosti biosa v naravi, torej živega oziroma življenja, ki se neprestano obnavlja. Na drugi strani, v epistemološkem smislu, pa je prikazana stvarnost človekove osebne ali družbene percepcije ali zmožnosti percepcije, da je življenje univerzalna vrednota, tudi za druga bitja, in je za druga bitja pomembno ne glede na obstoj človeške vrste. Izražena ontologija življenja celo ni omejena le na ohranjanje življenja ali volje do življenja posameznega osebka ali vrste, ampak gre za doumevanje, da se življenje v naravi ohranja, če so med vrstami in bitji vzpostavljeni odnosi, ki so v dinamičnem, torej dejavnem ravnovesju. Izrazita dramatičnost, s katero so morda izvirni avtorji motivov želeli prikazati ali celo poudariti dinamiko odnosov v naravi in je v obravnavani pripovedi izrazito prisotna, je morda nekatere raziskovalce tudi zavedla, da zgodbi pripisujejo nastanek v času romanticizma. Če odnos med Zlatorogom, triglavsko rožo in Trentarskim lovcem ponazorimo s trikotnikom treh udeleženih likov oziroma bitij - živali, rastline in človeka, zgodba torej presega obravnavo lastnosti posameznih oglišč. Iz nje govori simbolizem stranic, torej odnosov med udeleženci. In še več. Govori nam o površini in celotni ravnini, na kateri leži namišljeni trikotnik odnosov, torej o celovitosti ekosistemov, v katerih se prepletajo in medsebojno vzdržujejo življenja vseh tipov živih bitij, pri čemer vsaka vrsta ohranja svoje karakteristike - tudi človek svoje zmožnosti samozavedanja in simbolnega mišljenja ali učenja, kakor je to nakazano v uvodnem delu obravnavane pripovedi. SKLEP Ne glede na nekatere dvome ali kar odločne trditve (Matičetov 1987: 133) glede avtentičnosti ostaja Pripoved o Zlatorogu neizčrpen vir navdiha za mnoga področja družbenega življenja. Zgodba je v alpskem prostoru očitno avtohtona, morda tudi endemična, motiv pa univerzalen. Zlatorog je v slovenskem in tudi nemškem govornem prostoru dobro poznan. Danes je njegova romantična popularnost nekoliko usahnila, morda zaradi prevladujočega realistično-materialističnega pogleda na svet. Bolj verjetno pa zato, ker pripoved prevladujoče razlagamo črno-belo in jo poslušalec doumeva kot moralistično. TRIGLAVSKA ROŽA IN ZLATOROG MED SIMBOLIKO IN STVARNOSTJO -141 Moraliziranju, ki povzroča slab občutek krivde, pa se človek rad izogiba, čeprav v njem morda čuti nekaj resnice. V aktivnem naravovarstvu si namreč neprestano odgovarjamo na dve bistveni vprašanji: čemu in kako? Pri prvem govorimo o smiselnosti določenih dejanj, ali drugače, kaj je v človekovem odnosu do narave prav in kaj ne. Načeloma je prav tisto, kar dolgoročno podpira bistvo obstoja narave, torej življenje. To je naravovarstvena etika. Na drugi strani so odgovor na vprašanje Kako? konkretne »akcije«, med katerimi so seveda nepriljubljeni ukrepi in prepovedi, bolj mehka pa je preventiva, torej ozaveščanje oziroma naravovarstvena vzgoja. V Pripovedi o Zlatorogu se po njeni vsebini in pojavnosti zgodi oboje. Človeka uvaja v trajnostni odnos do ostalih bitij, hkrati pa gre za mreženje duhovne kulture med generacijami in med ljudmi sploh. Zadnja desetletja, ko se vse bolj intenzivno ukvarjamo s problemi človekovega odnosa do narave, se kaže, da ima zgodba o povezanosti Zlatoroga, triglavske rože in človeka pomembno vlogo na področju naravovarstva. Vendar obstaja nevarnost romantiziranega pristopa, da na eno stran postavimo naravni raj, na drugo pa podlega človeka v podobi razdvojenega Trentarja. Ta naj bi z enim samim prekrškom povzročil večno uničenje. Tovrstno črno-belo prikazovanje sicer v nekem trenutku današnjega potrošnika šokira in mu za trenutek da misliti, da je v odnosu do ostale narave nujno treba nekaj popraviti. Vendar se taka ozaveščevalna uporaba prav zaradi splošnega dojemanja pravljic in tradicionalnega pripovedništva hitro pokaže kot omejena, žal celo otročja, v najboljšem primeru kot neizvedljivo idealistična. Poleg tega ne odseva niti sedanje niti nekdanje stvarnosti: gorski svet namreč ostaja lep in Zlatorog ga očitno ni uničil. Iz Pripovedi o Zlatorogu pa dejansko vidimo, da gre za globoko večplasten pogled, ki ima pri naravovarstveni vzgoji lahko trajnejši učinek. Če je motiv ali celotna pripoved dejansko ljudska in arhaična, v svoji koreninsko-sti dokazuje, da je bil nekdanji evropski človek sposoben stvarnost dojemati na bolj poglobljen način, kot si danes znanost predstavlja. V ostali naravi je razpoznaval procese in odnose, ki so ključni za ohranjanje fenomena življenja. Bil je tudi sposoben presegati medčloveški moralizem. Tudi če bi se izkazalo, da je zapisana drama konstrukt Dragotina Dežmana, gre v Pripovedi o Zlatorogu v svetovnem merilu za enega prvih zapisov miselnosti, ki vsebuje jasen in globok - nikakor ne črno-bel - okoljski in naravovarstveni biocentrizem, stra-hospoštovanje do življenja (Schweitzer 1923: 237-270). V svoji globoki etiki presega sočasno britansko viktorijansko naturalistiko (Keene 2015), nemški romantični Naturpoesie (Kamenetsky 1973) in ameriški naturalizem (Thoreau 1854), iz katerega je npr. izšla ideja narodnih parkov. Odnosi, ki jih Pripoved o Zlatorogu opisuje, in na njih temelječe spoštovanje do naravnih procesov, ki odsevajo v zgodbi, kažejo na preseganje antropo-centrizma in na veliko mero holizma, ki ga je kasneje evropski človek zaradi odklona v analitskost zapostavil. Nekatere naravovarstvene struje tako danes iščejo duhovno podlago za svoje delovanje in za biocentrizem predvsem v mistiki kultur Daljnega vzhoda. Kot kaže slovenski primer in tudi nekoliko drugačni primeri v pripovednem bogastvu predvsem vzhodnoevropskih narodov (Kadyrbekova 2013; Dobravec 2017), je v Evropi nekaj biocentrizma ostalo. 142- JURIJ DOBRAVEC Stvarnost, kakršna odseva iz motivov in iz celotne Pripovedi o Zlatorogu, kaže na dojemljivost predrazsvetljenskega človeka za procese v naravi, ki jih je očitno opazil, spoznal za dobre, vključil v zgodbo ter tako kot etično ovrednotene prenašal na naslednje generacije. Ustvarjalec ali ustvarjalka pravljic ali posameznih motivov dokazuje, da narave nekdaj niso dojemali le kot sestavljanke posameznih bitij, torej objektov, ampak predvsem kot stalno dinamiko in uravnovešanje odnosov, ki vzdržuje življenje. Za preživetje in razvoj so morali spoznati in spoštovati odnose med njimi in celovitost delovanja ekosistemov, katerih del so bili. To pa danes razumemo kot biocentrizem, osrediščanje in spoštovanje življenja kot fenomena. ZAHVALA Članek je nastal kot eden od rezultatov odprte razprave ob avtorjevi predstavitvi Deepness of Fairy Tales for Alpine Environmentalism in Athropocene na simpoziju Mountains and Sacred Landscapes, ki je v organizaciji International Society for the Study of Religion, Nature and Culture (ISSRNC) potekal v New Yorku aprila 2017 (za povezave glej http:// jurij.dobravec.si/ny2017/). K vsebini in posameznim segmentom tega članka so posebej prispevali razpravljalci Adrian Ivakhiv, Kristin Pomykala, Greg Cajete in Christopher Johnson. Za naporna vprašanja in ustvarjalna razmišljanja se jim iskreno zahvaljujem. LITERATURA Abram, Jože, 1927: Bogatin. Koledar goriške Mohorjeve 1927. Gorica: Mohorjeva družba, 63-70. Adelung, Johann Christoph, 1811: Grammatisch-kritisches Wörterbuch der hochdeutschen Mundart. Anderson, James Nelson, 2014: Ethnobiology of the Mongol Empire. University of California. Arhiv RS, SI AS 854 Dežman Dragotin, 1786-1895 (Fond) Baumbach, Rudolf, 1877: Zlatorog. Leipzig: Verlag von A. G. Liebeskind. Bizjak Janez (ur.), 1989: Triglavski narodni park (predstavitvena brošura). Bled: Triglavski narodni park. Cajete, Gregory, 1994: Look to the Mountain: An Ecology of Indigenous Education. First Edition. Durango: Kivaki Press. Cuerrier, Alain in Kwesi Ampong-Nyarko, 2014: Rhodiola rosea. CRC, Taylor and Francis. Cvetek, Marija (zbir.), 1993: Naš voča so včas zapodval: Bohinjskepravljojce. Ljubljana: Kmečki glas. Cvetek, Marija, 2005: Bajeslovno izročilo v bohinjskem folklornem pripovedništvu. Traditiones, letnik 34 (2005), št. 2, 179-216. Deschmann, K. (Dežman, Dragotin), 1868: Die Sage vom Goldkrikel (Zlatorog). Laibacher Zeitung 21. 2. 1868, 325-327. Dobravec, Jurij, 2017: Deepness of Fairy Tales for Alpine Environmentalism in Athropocene. Prispevek na konferenci Mountains and Sacred Landscapes. New York: International Society for the Study of Religion. TRIGLAVSKA ROŽA IN ZLATOROG MED SIMBOLIKO IN STVARNOSTJO -143 Frawley David Gods, Sages and Kings, 1991: Vedic Secrets of Ancient Civilization. Morson, Salt Lake City. Glonar, Jože, 1910: «Monoceros in Diptamus» (Postanek in zgodovina pripovedke o Zlatorogu in stare cerkvene pesmi »Jager na lovu šraja ...«). Časopis za zgodovino in narodopisje, Maribor, 1910, 34-106. Hacquet, B., 1782: Plantae alpinae Carniolicae. Hovorka, Oskar, 1900: Plinius i narodna medicina u Dalmaciji. Vjesnik Hrvatskoga arheološkega društva. Zagreb 1900, 211-214. Jogan, Jernej s sod., 2001: Gradivo za Atlas flore Slovenije. Ljubljana, Center za kartografijo favne in flore. Kadyrbekova, Zaure, 2013: Ecosystemic worldview in Russian fairy tales. Thesis, McGill University. Kamenetsky, Christa, 1973: The German Folklore Revival in the Eighteenth Century: Herder's Theory of Naturpoesie. Journal of Popular Culture 6(4), 1973, 836-848. Keene, Melanie, 2015: Evolution in Wonderland, The scientific fairy tales of Victorian Britain. Oxford: University Press. Kmecl, Matjaž, 1974: Jezerski Zlatorog. Proteus 1973/74, št. 9/10, 454-456. Kretzenbacher, Leopold, 1995: Povedka in bajka o zlatorogu (izv. Sage und Mythos vom Zlatorog), spremna beseda v delu R. Baumbach. Zlatorog - planinska pravljica. Munchen: Kovač. Kropej, Monika, 1995: Pravljica in stvarnost. Ljubljana: Založba ZRC. Kropej, Monika, 2008: Od ajda do zlatoroga. Celovec, Mohorjeva. Kropej, Monika, 2011: The Goldenhorn in Slovenian Folk Belief Tradition. Cosmos, 27 (2011), 31-60. Kropej, Monika, 2012: Supernatural Beings from Slovenian Myth and Folktales, Zbirka Studia mythologica Slavica. Supplementa. Ljubljana: Založba ZRC. Kunaver, Dušica, 2011: Zlatorog. Ljubljana: Samozaložba. Kuret, Niko (prev.), 1968: Pripoved o zlatorogu, slovenski prevod. V delu: R. Baumbach - A. Funtek: Zlatorog - eine sage aus den Julischen Alpen planinska pravljica. Trofenik: München, 154-158. Mahnič, Joža, 1950: Roža Mogota. Slavistična revija, 111/1950. Ljubljana: Slavistično društvo Slovenije, 123-136. Mahnič, Joža, 1957: Od kod Mencingerju »roža mogota«? Jezik in slovstvo, letnik 2 (1957), številka 7, 332-333. Mailly, Anton Ciaulandi de, 1922: Sagen aus Friaul und den Julischen Alpen. Leipzig: Dieterich. Marenče, Miha, 1997: Varstvo kozoroga v Triglavskem narodnem parku - Kratek zgodovinski pregled. Alpski kozorog (Razprave in raziskave 5). Bled: Triglavski narodni park, 13. Martinčič Andrej s sod., 2007: Mala flora Slovenije, četrta dopolnjena in spremenjena izdaja. Ljubljana: Tehniška založba Slovenije. Matičetov, Milko, 1987: Zlatorog. Glasnik Slovenskega etnološkega društva, 26 (1986), Ljubljana 1987, 130-133. Mencinger, Janez, 1893: Abadon. Ljubljana: Ljubljanski zvon. Mencinger, Janez, 1986: Abadon (izdaja 1986). Ljubljana: Mladinska knjiga. Mukherjee, B. L., 1922: The Soma Plant. The Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland 55, no.3. Calcutta, (1922), 437-438. 144- JURIJ DOBRAVEC Peracino, Vittoiio, 1997: Kozorog se vrača v prvotno domovino - od Narodnega parka Gran Paradiso do Slovenije. Alpski kozorog (Razprave in raziskave 5). Bled: Triglavski narodni park, 15-21. Petauer, Tomaž, 1993: Leksikon rastlinskih bogastev. Ljubljana: Tehniška založba Slovenije. Poldini, Livio, 2002: Nuovo atlante corologico delle piante vascolari nel Friuli Venezia Giulia. Videm/Udine: Regione autonoma Friuli Venezia Giulia, Azienda parchi e foreste regionali. Rigveda VIII.48 (668) Soma. Oxford: University Press, 2014. Röhrich, Lutz, 2001: Märchen und Wirklichkeit. Hohengehren: Schneider Verlag. Rutar, Simon, 1892: Poknežena grofija Goriška in Gradiščanska. Ljubljana, Matica Slovenska. Schweitzer, Albert, 1923: Kultur und Ethik. Kulturphilosophie - zweiter Teil. München: Beck. Skoberne, Peter, 2016: Triglavski narodni park, Kronski dragulj slovenske narave - dediščina prihodnost. National geographic (Slovenija), marec 2016, 104-129. Snoj, Marko, 1997. Slovenski etimološki slovar. Ljubljana: Založba ZRC. Šašel Kos, Marjeta, 1998: : From the Tauriscan Gold Mine to the Goldenhorn and the Unusual Alpine Animal. Studia mythologica slavica 1, 1998, str. 169-182. Šavli, Jožko, 1989: Zlatorog, slovenski simbol. Časnik za mišljenje, umetnost, kulturna in religiozna vprašanja 42/43 (1989), 171-215. Šavli, Jožko, 1990: Zlatorog, slovenska žival. Beseda/Omnibus. Teeter, Donald E., 2007: Amanita Muscaria: Herb of Immortality, 2005/2007. Manor: Ambrosia Society. Thoreau, Henry David, 1854: Walden; or, Life in the woods. Massachusetts. Boston: Ticknor Fields. Tripp, Erin A. et al, 2017: Reshaping Darwin's Tree: Impact of the Symbiome. Trends in Ecology and Evolution, June 2017. Trstenjak, Davorin (Pohorski, Fr.), 1957: Narodne pravlice o mesecu. Kmetijske in rokodelske novice 21.03.1857 letnik 15, številka 23, 90. Ušeničnik, Aleš, 2904: Slovenski Mefisto. Katoliški obzornik, letnik 8, zvezek 2 (1904), 223-226. Valjavec, Matija (zbir.), 1890: Narodne pripovjesti u Varaždinu i okolici. Zagreb: knjižara Dion-ičke tiskare. Wraber, Tone, 1957: Štiri triglavske cvetke. Planinski vestnik 1957, št. 8, 433-434. TRIGLAV ROSE AND ZLATOROG IN THEIR SYMBOLISM AND REALITY lüRIJ DOBRAVEC OOO In 1868, Slovenian scientist and politician Dragotin Dezman published a German translation of the Tale of Zlatorog, originating in the Julian Alps. The story speaks of interrelations among humans and other natural creatures, close to today's environmental questions. It has been very popular in Slovenia in the last century and a half. With the adaptation by German poet Rudolf Baumbach, the ideas of the tale spread to the German-speaking area of Middle Europe. TRIGLAVSKA ROŽA IN ZLATOROG MED SIMBOLIKO IN STVARNOSTJO -145 Many social scientists and humanists analyzed the text and tried to find correlations with the motifs of other narratives. For example, Jože Glonar in 1910 published a comprehensive treatise about the animals and plants in the text. He compared it with the motifs known from the Mediterranean to India. Later, Mahnič, Matičetov, Šavli, Kropej, and others discussed associations with the tales of similar contents, possible symbolism expressed, and the inherent mirroring of the reality. This paper focuses on the role of a miraculous plant Triglavska roža. Besides growing up from the blood of the sacred animal, it plays the kernel role of the story by remedy the Zlatorog who was deadly wounded by the Hunter. In the first part of the paper, I provide some additional geobotanical information about the plant named triglavska roža (Potentilla triglavensis), autochthonous and endemic in this part of the Alps, and about other plants with revival effects discussed by above- mentioned researchers. According to findings, the plant as a story character is exchangeable. However, since the author gave it the central role, the essential question remains: what does this plant symbolize? The wording of the story reveals the core of the answer. The author applied the name triglavska roža to events of social relations, while using the name "wondrous balsam" in its relationships with Zlatorog. It would mean that the effect for a human differs from that for the animal, but in both cases, we are speaking of life and survival. It consequently means that the Tale of Zlatorog consists not only of the conception of social reality but also reflects the reality of the living natural world as experienced by ancient artists. In this experience, they comprehended creatures - including plants - as equal players of the processes and interrelations acted in nature. Therefore, Triglavska roža does not serve as a symbol of life by its features but rather because of its involvement in natural cycles and dynamics of the ecosystem. The exhibition of social relations in narratives served humans to spread moral teaching in society and among generations. Speaking of relations among animals, plants, and mankind in the Tale of Zlatorog would, therefore, signify environmental ethics. Environmental educators use this tale as a background for raising awareness. However, they mostly focused on the conflict between the "evil" hunter on one side and the sacred animal on another. By romanticizing the contents and the simplistic moral, the former was punished while the latter ruined the place and left forever. The final result of this research offers a broader ethical consideration of the tale's contents. The ancient reality is reflected as a biocentrism based on the wholeness of perception of life as a natural process and interrelationships in ecosystems that should be respected. Jurij Dobravec, Društvo Jarina Bohinj, SI-4267 Srednja vas v Bohinju 79, Slovenia, jurij.dobravec@jarina.org 21 Studia MYTHOLOGICA Slavica 2018 - 147 - 159- Swearing: Dissolution into Nothingness = Saša Babič, Piret Voolaid In this study we will comparatively analyse swearing material form Slovenian and Estonian language in order to show the lexical and structural similarities/differences between swearing and incantations present in the material as to argue that swearing is not only a manner to give voice to taboos, but is similar with incantations. The basic premise underlying the analysis is the existence of the "go to X" formula found both in the material and in the two genres analysed. Place X is the place of origin, non-existence or chaos, where the unwanted is sent to. There are more than 50 different variants of "go to X" we can detect in both Estonian and Slovenian language; besides we consider the phrases which carry the idea to negate someone to somewhere but they are in different formulation. KEYWORDS: swearing, incantation, folklore, linguistic anthropology Swearwords are expressions, which are labelled as a bad language with taboo lexis, though swearwords do not have literal meaning when used in the swearing expression. What we consider of special importance is that swearing is a highly emotive language that has been present all through the history, remained in our mental dictionary, therefore it can be classified also as part of folklore. Although swearing has been highly ubiquitous among humans, this genre was rather neglected as a research topic until recently. In this research, we aim to focus on swearing forms, where the speaker sends the listener to some place. Analytical material mostly comes from Slovenian language as representative of the south Slavic group of languages, and Estonian language, a representative from Finno-Ugric group of languages. The linguistic and cultural differences notwithstanding, the comparison is we believe possible due to the similar social censorship on swearing that these languages and cultures demonstrate: in Slovenian and Estonian languages and cultures social censorship on swearing is quite high, documented by the fact that it is not desirable to use taboo lexis even in relaxed everyday speech. The comparison between two different languages from Indo-European language groups from southern and northern part of Europe shows us differentials on different levels: from lexis to the background concept of swearing topologies. Looking into the lexis of swearing reveals the concept of exorcising person or situation on similar level as incantations try to exorcise evil or illness. At the same time, similar concepts to incantations are the ones of order and chaos, 148- SAŠA BABIČ, PIRET VOOLAID origin and emptiness, which are revealed in some forms of swearing. These categories show that swearing is not only a manner to give voice to taboos, but is similar with incantations, which implies that commonness and magic, lower and higher, profanity and sacred are all in a constant dialogue in its substrata of swearing when we talk about it. Swearing was neglected part of research for long time, not only that it wasn't researched on contemporary levels (in different periods), there even hasn't been made an archive with swearing expressions. Only from 1980s swearing became more visible and researchers tried to show different forms and motivations of swearing. For this article we are taking in consideration mostly discussions and databases with general view on the topic, and specific for Slovenian and Estonian language. Looking on the international levels, most important and comprehensive works are from sociologist Geoffrey Hughes on history of foul language (1998), which is mostly discussing English language, later he has written also encyclopaedia of swearing (2006), and Magnus Ljung (2011) with cross-cultural linguistic study at different levels of swearing: from lexis to context of use. The first Slovenian monograph on the topic was from sociologist Bernard Nežmah's (1997) published PhD, the next monograph considering the topic of swearing among other short forms of folklore was published in 2015 by folklorist Saša Babič (2015); though lots of material (partly with short discussions on swearing) can be also found in other phraseology discussions (Jakop (2005), dialectological dictionaries (Ivančič Kutin 2007), slang dictionaries (Loog 1991), collections of swearing (Pšajd 2005) or internet open dictionaries, where users can contribute the headwords with explanations (http:// razvezanijezik.org/). There are some recently done researches on swearwords in Estonia in master degree level, e.g. on the use of swear words in Estonian Drama (Sutter 2017), and on the perceiving and translating swear words in audio-visual media (Treiel 2016), otherwise no scientific monograph has been published yet on swearing in Estonian language. SWEARING IN LANGUAGE Swearing is quite wide area of expressions bearing variety of functions, from cursing someone, or simply filling in a slot in speech or writing, amplifying the speaker's expression or expressing his surprise. By Ljung's (2011: 4) definition swearing is: 1. The use of utterances containing taboo words. 2. The taboo words are used with non-literal meaning. 3. Most swearing qualifies as formulaic language. 4. Swearing is emotive language. Its main function is to reflect or seem to reflect the speaker's feelings and attitudes. SWEARING: DISSOLUTION INTO NOTHINGNESS -149 Taboos1 are to be found wherever swearing exists, suppression of offensive words or euphemistic variations are perennial features (Hughes 2006: xx). According to Hughes (2006: 462-463) the term now denotes "any social indiscretion that ought to be avoided" and has acquired the modern meaning of 'offensive' or 'grossly impolite' rather than 'strictly forbidden'. Nowadays taboo generally describes the one which is unmentionable because, on a hierarchical scale, it is either ineffably sacred, like the name of God, or unspeakably vile, like cannibalism or incest. People treat unpleasant word as taboo to the extent that everybody else treats it as taboo (Pinker 2007: 357). The use of taboo words for matters like excrement, the sex organs or the act of having sex is no doubt offensive to many whatever the mood of the speaker, although most swearwords are now usually "demystified" into mere forms of words (Hughes 2006: xxiii). Within European speech communities, swearing and obscenity are not constant in their modes, styles and referents; taboo words change with time. Some models of swearing appear to be universal, while others are more specific to a culture and period of time; one kind of swearing might be present in one culture though absent in another, or be used more frequently in different cultures (Nezakat-Alhossaini, Esslami-Rasekh 2013: 518). Within speech communities, variants emerge over time on the basis of nationality, class, and gender (Hughes 2006: xxi). For most of swearing is characteristic either blasphemy (intentional contemptuous use of religious symbols or names) or profanity, which Hughes (2006: 31) categorizes most of (probably contemporary) swearing and are also considered as part of taboo concepts. SWEARING AS SPEECH ACT Sapir (1929) emphasized that language and culture are related and it is not possible to understand one without understanding the other. In direct relation to this association Austin (1962) and Searle (1969) introduced speech act theory by which they claimed that people do not only utter words in terms of grammatical structures and words, but they can carry out actions through these utterances. By Austin's (1962) terminology these utterances are performative verbs, which are divided into verdictives, exercitives, commissives, behabitives and expositives. Behabitives are related to social behavior and include apologizing, congratulating, commending, condoling, cursing, and challenging. Therefore, swearwords are speech act, which is categorized as behabitive, especially the kinds which send people to other places (go to hell). Although swearing may have the form of performative (for example, forms "go to X") it does not intend to perform as action but express feelings. This is due to the fact that cursing utterances are not uttered only to insult the addressee, but also to relieve the speakers of anger, in other words, the 1 The word 'taboo' was brought by explorer Captain James Cook in his Voyage to the Pacific Ocean (1777) from the Melanesian languages: it referred to the complex social and anthropological meaning: to physical locales that were sacred, set apart for gods, kings, priests, or chiefs, and therefore prohibited for general use; in general it significated that a thing is forbidden (Hughes 2006: 462). 150- SAŠA BABIČ, PIRET VOOLAID perlocutionary act is not always for the person to whom the curse is directed but for the performer. That is why swear words might be understood also as therapeutic act, which is obvious especially in traffic (Podjed, Babic 2015). Swearing is particular type of linguistic behaviour, emotive speech. By Roman Jakobson (1960) swearing is part of emotive language: it consists of so-called "emotive or expressive function, focused on the addresser, who aims direct expression of the speaker's attitude toward what he is speaking about". The purely emotive stratum in language is presented by the interj ections. Also Lyons (1981) classifies swearwords as 'emotionals', since they do not have any truth value, and when uttered it is not clear whether the punishment called is happening or not. These utterances only express emotions, such as anger, surprise, fear, sadness, complaint. Cursing and swearing utterances are often directed only towards the speaker not the hearer or the addressee (Nezakat-Alhossaini, Esslami-Rasekh 2013: 518) and are not meant to be insulting, though in argues their only function seems to be insulting and therefore general public understands them as insulting utterances. Speakers give additional emphasis to their speech while swearing, often in combination with other emphasizing techniques like stress, intonation and tone of voice, not to mention non-linguistic phenomena like gestures and facial expressions. The contribution of swearing in such situations is the added strength supplied by the taboo words necessary for swearing to take place (Ljung 2011: 5). Referring to the context of use: the actual choice between anger, surprise and joy can be only made in the individual speech situation and sometimes not even then. Addressee makes their own interpretations on the basis of linguistic and non-linguistic information as is available to them (Ljung 2011: 23). In many languages there seems to be general agreement among the speakers that the most typical exponents of swearing are exclamations of irritation, pain or surprise containing expletives, and as stressing-the-point. In this paper we are focusing on the formulaic form of swears and incantations using the imperative form of the verb "go to X", which undeniably indicates focus on the addressee. This kind of swearwords can be paralleled to one-partite incantations (exorcising form without histriola): they include only exorcising of the unwanted person. We can hear this kind of swearing most often as a consequence of anger, when we are trying to express our emotion obviously with sending a person to exact place. The form is understood insulting, though is quite often in use. With focus on "X" i.e. locations, we can link this swearing form with incantations: swearing sends the unwanted force/evil/person/part of person similarly as incantations exorcises curse or disease. METHODOLOGY The analysis for this research was made on the database of Estonian sayings and phrase-ologisms (EKFA) which is including also swearing expressions (unfortunately most of them are without illustrating context), and archive of Institute of Slovenian Ethnology for Slovenian material (created in 2010 with material, collected mostly from live communication SWEARING: DISSOLUTION INTO NOTHINGNESS -151 and media by Saša Babič). Firstly, were selected units with the form "go to X" and then the forms which indirectly send addressee to other places (in passive form, as to be taken there). Material was categorised into three major groups for easier interpretation, which follows. INCANTATIONS VS. SWEARWORDS Already Hughes (1991: 4) linked swearing with spell, incantation and the curse as: "/.../ forms seeking to invoke higher power to change the world or support the truthfulness of a claim". The same as incantation2 is communicative form between conjurer and impure forces, with which the conjurer sends messages, is demanding or sending demon forces or evil to go away (Radenkovic 1982: 8; Kropej 2009: 145), swearing is doing similarly with the person with whom speaker does not agree. Forms "go to X" chase or send people to the places where they came from or where nothing exists, like in an example of Slovenian incantation against curse: Pojdite vsi vsi hudi uraki / V te visoke gore, strme pečine, / Kjer nobeden človek ne prebiva, / Nobena človeška noga ne hodi, / Tam naj bo vase pribežališče [Go, all all bad spells/Into these high mountains/steep cliffs/where no human lives/No man's foot walks/There should be your home (literal translation)] (Dolenc 1999: 102). We can see a similar tendency in the Estonian material in the form of different incantations where Devil is sent to X (e.g. to physical places, nature): Kurat mingu koplesse, ule aia uppa. / Taha tare tatresse, saadan saba metsa, pagan mingu pajusse. [Devil should go to the pasture, over the fence into the beans, behind the house into the buckwheat, devil should go into the willows] There are also texts about cursing diseases, for example erysipelas was cured by the healer by stroking it gently and saying: Uhest kurjast oled tulnud, aga uheksakumne uheksa kurja sisse mine tagasi. / Ule uheksa joe, ule uheksa mere ja sealt iialgi tagasi ara tule! [You have come from one evil, but you go back to ninety nine evils / Over nine rivers, over nine seas and don't ever come back from there!] (Koiva 2011: 235) 2 Incantations are words and rituals with healing function or to expel the evil (spell, curse, disease) away. It forms ritual with words, magic objects and fixed moves, fixed time, and often also a place of ritual. The exorcist demands an illness or the spell to go away. The ritual is supposed to have magical power which effect on a person and his/her surroundings (nature); its practical realization is usually individual. The words of incantations most often stay secret. 3 Witchcraft words come from Jakob Hurt's collection from 1895, H III 25, 302 (13). 152- SAŠA BABIČ, PIRET VOOLAID Similarly, as headache or stomach-ache is result of curse and needs to be expelled with incantation, it can be interpreted for swearing with the form "go to X": as it is also seen from phraseology (ta paneb mu pea valutama (Est.) / glava me boli od njega (Slo.) [he makes me headaches]; teeb mu sudamepahaks/ajab oksele (Est.) / želodec se mi obrača ob njem (Slo.) [makes me sick/to vomit]), a person can "make somebody a headache" or "somebody makes one's stomach twist/the thought of somebody makes one sick", similarly as when curse is put over somebody. People with curse over them had headache or they felt sick; these were problems which were often healed with incantations. Swearing4 with the structure "go to X" expells that person as the evil that comes along. Function in swearing is close to incantation - the person is expelled as a demon: we are so sick of our interlocutor, that we wish he/she wouldn't exist (Nežmah 1997: 131), and that the listener would vanish. That is why the person is to be exorcised. And speaking the wish out is at the same time insult for the listener and catharsis for speaker; therefore, it is positioned on the border of acceptance. PLACES OF DISSOLUTION The adverbial slot in the phrase 'go to X' may be filled in by variety of expressions, all having different connotations through time, though they are connected with chaos, where nothing living exists or the place of origin to return the evil back from where it came (the spells are also expelled with counting back, but it does not emerge in swearwords). In swearing we can divide three major groups of mentioned places to which one expels another person: I. places linked with religion and supernatural; II. sexual and reproductive organs as place of extinction; III. places signified by non-taboo expressions that connote taboo words. I. First group of swearing with using religion and supernatural concepts are used from "celestial swearing", which is linked to the notion of the incorrect use of God's name: For example: Bog te nima rad (Slov.) [God doesn't love you]; bog daj, da bi crkno gnes [God give, that you'd die today]; jumal kuradi sind (Est.) [God damn you] etc.; in Christian cultures there is also taboo against infernal swearing, probably in all likelihood as instance of 'word magic' (Ljung 2011: 6), for exapmle: naj te vrag (Slo.) [let the devil take you]. Places mentioned from religion and supernatural concepts in "go to X" swearing are either from pagan religion (mostly in dialects (Psajd 2005: 57) or Christian religion. 4 Slovenian preklinjati 'to swear' (and similarly in other South Slavic languages) originates from old church Slavic language kl^ti which is supposed to come from Indo-European root *kleh1- with the meaning 'yell, shout, sound, resound'. Estonian vanduma 'to swear' is based on Baltic-Finnic word stem. Rough equivalents in various contexts are also tootama, lubama; kiruma, siunama, kirumissonu lausuma. SWEARING: DISSOLUTION INTO NOTHINGNESS -153 But no matter which religion is taken, the place mentioned is always place where (supposed to) no human soul lives, which is conceptually linked to the place of chaos, like hell or devil as metonymy of hell: pojdi k hudiču (Slo.), mene helvettiin (Fin.), mine porgusse / mineEllvetsi (Est.), mingekuradile (Est.) [Go to the devil/hell]. Persons in these utterances are expected to be active as we send them to go there by themselves. The other way to express the same is just making person passive and devil or negative supernatural being takes the person or gives her/him fatal strikes, like: Da bi te hudič! (Slo.) [Let the devil hit you!]; Perun5 aj te vdari (Slo.) [Let Perun strike you]; Svarun6 te fčesni (Slo.) [let Svarun strike you]; gron1 v tebe fčesnigon v tebej vstreli (Slo.) [let the thunder hit you], kurat votaks (Est.) [devil may take you]. These forms do not have the structure "go to X", never-the-less conceptual background of it is the same. This swearing makes the person passive, but receiving the same punishment of expulsion. When the negative supernatural being harms the person, it also takes one's soul to the land of chaos. Therefore, also this kind of swearing metaphorically takes unwanted person to the land of chaos. Places, mentioned in swearing, which remained from pagan religion, are places where curses were exorcised, like woods in: mine metsa (Est.) [go to the forest], mene metsaan (Fin.) [go to the forest] or even the emptiness mine tuhja katte [go into emptiness] (Est.) or kas voi tuhi votaks (Est.) [Emptiness may take you], mene tyhjaksi (Fin.) [go into emptiness], mine soopeale / mine lauki (go to the swamp), mine seenele [go to pick mushrooms]. What is obvious is that Estonian language managed to keep pagan concept of places where nothing living with soul exists in swearing, while south Slavic languages kept only some pagan gods in dialect swearing and even there it is quite rare; though with naming pagan gods we can predict also some places. As an expression of transformation and sending the person to outer world are also swearwords with mentioning the hardest diseases. These swearwords are nowadays extremely rare, most often found only in archives, like Da bi te kuga! /Kuga te poberi! (Slov.) [I wish the plague would kill you!]8; katk sind votaks (Est.) [Plaque would take you!] These utterances directly wish person a horrible death and transformation. II. The group of swearing, where violated taboos are from non-religious world are different: non-religious taboo is restricted to words considered to be vulgar and/or embarrassing, typically vernacular words for excrement, sexual intercourse and various other sexual practices regarded as deviant and the sexual organs (Ljung 2011: 7). This swearing uses vulgar names for genital parts, which are by itself part of taboo topics. Words for places in these swearing gained vulgar connotations through time. For example, pizda which is 5 Perun is pagan Slavic god of thunder, lightening and war; he was the main god in Slavic mythology (Kropej 2008: 46) 6 Svarun is pagan Slavic god; father of Svarozic, persumably god of sun (Ovsec 1991: 123). 7 Grom 8 In Polish it is still often to say Cholera! in the meaning of swearword [Damn you] nowadays. There cannot be found anything similar in contemporary South Slavic languages, and even the archival material brings only plaque. 154- SAŠA BABIČ, PIRET VOOLAID present in all Slavic languages, is from old Slavic word for uterus, but it gained vulgar connotation (only in Russian where it kept some of primary meaning and function of naming); kurac is the old version of name for rooster in south Slavic languages; jebati originates from the naming of sexual intercourse, but the connotation previously wasn't marked so heavily etc. Similarly, in Estonian where, for example, word munn [penis] comes from Uralic root variant muna [egg]. Anyhow, besides that this lexis is part of taboo topics, it cannot be ignored that all of this lexis is direct origin of person's life. Sexual organs are the very beginning of human physical existance, and if someone is sending the other into these same organs (with emphasizing of parents, especially 'mother': pejt v pizdo materno [go to mother's cunt]), mine putsi / mine vittu (Est.) [go to cunt], pejt v kurac (Slo.) [go into cock], mine munni (Est.) [go into cock] it is obvious that the concept behind the swearing is sending the unwanted (person, behaviour of person etc.) back to where it came from. This swearing came into use more often in 20th century, not before. It seems that with growth of atheism also physical origin became more relevant as taboo concept, used in free speech. Connection with incantations can be found in mentioning number three, which is (especially in South Slavic swearing) also often used swearwords for the rising of expressivity. Number three is mythological number and has important value in different religions, beliefs, also in folklore material like fairy tales and incantations. Incantations often chase disease or curse with mentioning the number three: repeating the same words three times or even repeating the whole incantation three times (often in Slovenian incantations against curse). Utterances like pojdi v tri picke materine (Slo.) [go into three mother's cunts] are obviously oxymoron, but it seems that the number gives them bigger value. Though, we can never hear any other number in these collocations, but three. III. Group of euphemisms uses words which are not taboo. Used words are either from conceptually linked words with 'to sober someone' or 'to get someone smarter', or they are just replacing the original taboo word with similarly sounding word, irony of the original or some other choice. Euphemisms that send person to make something which would make her/him to come to her/his sense, are in southern Slavic languages conceptually linked with salt: pojdi se solit9 (Slo.) [Go, salt yourself!]. The other way to sense someone is linked with bumping into head, which might sober one's mind: Zaleti se nekam! (Slo.) [Go and bump into something]. These units don't send the person to go to its origin or to chaos, just to perform (active) action that would clear one's mind. Therefore, cannot be conceptually linked with extorting in incantations; though even these euphemisms send addressees to make something. 9 Salt is conceptually linked with wisdom in South Slavic languages, which is seen from phrasemes like: ne imeti niti trohice soli v glavi (Slov.) [not to have even a bit of salt in one's head]; Ne soli mi pamet! (Mkd.) [Don't salt my wisdom] SWEARING: DISSOLUTION INTO NOTHINGNESS -155 Other subgroup of euphemisms with keeping the formula "go to X" is keeping the same form of swearword; just the taboo word is replaced, likepejt v tri krasne/tripirovske (Slo.) [go to three beautiful/three beer(-ish)], pojdi v pisarno (Slo.) [go to the office]10. Choice of replacing word is of different reason, some are just sounding similarly to the taboo word or have similar beginning or just the shortenage of taboo word is used (pojdi v picko : pojdi v piiii* : pojdi vpisarno (Slo.) [go to mother's cunt: go to cuuu* : go to office]). Euphemisms are of most variant lexis which can contain also some kind of irony in background, like pojdi v tri krasne (Slo.) [Go into three beautifuls], pojdi v tri pomu-ckane marjetice (Slo.) [go into three squashed daises]. Vulgar word for penis, ie. kurac, is often replaced with word klinc [small spike] or just shortened to k***. Often heard euphemism in Slovenian is also pojdi nekam [go somewhere], in which we are sending person to indefinite place or we cannot determine what the place of dissolution might be. Estonian replaces taboo words either with descriptions of the untold, like Mine kassi saba alla (Est.) [Go under the tail of cat] or with sending the person far out Mine kuupeale (Est.) [go to the moon], even with joking version Mine kuu peale kurke soolama (Est.) [go to the moon to salt cucumbers]11 which is not connected to religious world neither to the origin. The euphemism that cannot be tracked in Slovenian is mine pane ennast polema [Go burn yourself], which could be relict of the times of inquisition (in 17th and 18th century). Conceptually the euphemism sends addressee to hell, and the change of word might seemly soften the expression, but it still strongly carries the original meaning. Link to incantations with number three is often also in euphemisms with replacing words that are phonetically somehow similar to original taboo words (pojdi v tri pomu-ckane marjetice (Slo.) [go into three squashed daisies]) or Mine kus kolmat (kao kus kolmkummend) (Est.) [Go where is three / Disappear where is thirty]), where is obvious ellipsis. CONCLUSION All languages have words for strongly expression of disagreement or for emphasizing the content. It is not surprising that these words are from taboo lexis, which violates communication rules: with using taboo lexis one gains attention, and at the same time these lexis has catharsis effect (Ljung 2011; Podjed, Babic 2015). This phenomenon is 10 Some euphemisms, like the one, can be found only in some internet sources (like in open dictionaries: http:// razvezanijezik.org/) and we cannot find them in other language corpuses. We predict very limited use of them and creative solutions how people substitute swearwords. 11 There are plenty of funny protective formulas in Estonian material that seem to be quite new material: mine perse kui peegel, tule valja kui neeger, oled sitaga koos kui mustikamoos [go to ass as mirror and come out as negro, you are covered with shit as blueberry jam], kaiperse kui tuul, vahi valja kui ahv [go to ass as wind and watch out as monkey]. There are also lots of creative constructions in Estonian with repartees or responds how to answer when somebody was sent by somebody to somewhere. Sometimes the answers can be very absurd and funny: Mine perse! - Kas see on sul kummist? [Go to ass - Is it made from gum?]; Mine ara! - Ise oled mara [Go away - You are the mare] etc. 156- SAŠA BABIČ, PIRET VOOLAID most obvious in swearing. Swearing has in all time periods used words which were from taboo lexis. With using concepts and words in forbidden context, the content gained extra expressivity. Although swearing is violating communication manners rules and taboos against the use of holy names and referents (Hughes 2006: xvii), it remained in our languages. With researching the swearing material from different time periods and places, we can grasp deeper levels of society. Analysis of Slovenian and Estonian swearing with form "go to X" showed not only that this material preserved some pagan gods and concepts of sacred places (Svarun, Perun, concept of forest, swamp mountains etc.), which are not living in religious context anymore, but also the concepts of places, where (wo)man does not live, and places of chaos and emptiness, which can also be linked with incantations. Looking at this forms of swearing makes clear that it is similar to incantations, i.e. words and rituals to expel the evil, also curse among it. Incantations send curse into emptiness or its origin. Similarly, swearwords with formula "go to X" send another person into his/her origin (inherent with physical conception), or into chaos, which is conceptually fitting hell or devil's place. At the same time, it reveals different concept of human origin and existence: when the religion and god were on pedestal and higher forces gave life to human being, the worst violation was mentioning god and devil in swearing. With sending someone to hell one was vanished into chaos and devastation. With acceptance that human being is originated in human body with sexual intercourse and accepting the world of intimacy as important part of human existence, swearing gained lexis from the field of reproductive and intimate organs and sexual intercourse. Sending the person back into mother's uterus or even further, into penis (which would be pre-conception period, pre-existence), can show us only the concept of aiming to negate the existence of that person. In both cases utterances with the form "go to X" deal with person's origin, birth, existence, trying to negate it or to break it off, as if the "persecuted person" was the evil, curse which has overflown one's life and needs to be expelled: we are exorcising the person, trying to negate her/him. With his/her extinction, our headaches and sickness would vanish; our life would become nicer and calmer. In these swearwords person can be expelled either to the place where no (religious/Christian) soul exists, like hell, or into one's conception origin with the thought that if he/she hadn't even been born, if he/she returned back to cunt or dick, wherever he/she came from, life would gain colours again (Nezmah 1997: 131). Therefore, these places, either places of non-existence or places of origin, have the function of places of dissolution. Both concepts of these places are sending one into nothingness, non-existence: where nothing living exists, when a person was still nothing for our culture. What becomes obvious is the fact that in both concepts - religious of physical - places of dissolution are directly connected with the concept of our existence and socialisation. Swearwords with form "go to X" try to negate our existence either way. Connection with incantations can be found also in mentioning number three, which is also often used swearwords and euphemisms for the rising of expressivity. Number three is mythological number and has important value in different religions, beliefs, also in folklore material like fairy tales and incantations. Incantations often chase disease or SWEARING: DISSOLUTION INTO NOTHINGNESS -157 curse with repeating the same words three times or even repeating the whole incantation three times. Utterances with mentioning number three are obviously oxymoron, but it seems that the number gives them bigger value. Euphemisms are of two kinds: one group only replaces taboo words with phonetically somehow related words, which have often some different meanings. These swearwords show us that swearing is linguistic expression with special function of higher expression of intense emotions, but are usually not taken literally. The form "go to X" is so meaningful by itself that even other lexical elements cannot change the function of the utterances and the original taboo word can be traced back. That is why even the concept of this group stays unchanged: to negate person or to expel him/her. Another group of euphemisms has changed the concept of negating the person into sending him/her to come to his/her sense either with metaphor of "salting", i.e. making one smarter, or with sudden shock of the hit/punch (zaleti se nekam (Slo.) [hit yourself somewhere]). These utterances changed the concept from sending person into chaos to get the punishment or send the person to pre-existing forms and places into almost positive wish for someone to 'become smarter', which could be interpreted as transition into another state of mind. Swearwords are taken as collocations, phrasemes and their function is on the first place, no matter the lexical filling. Even if taboo words were replaced by another, socially acceptable words, still all speakers could recognize their function and the utterances as swearing. As swearwords are mostly taken as socially judged utterances, even if they give more expressiveness to the content are not desired in communication. In official language swearwords are even forbidden in terms of collective agreement. But even though the usage of swearing remains high, many people use it as "ready-made expressive tool", not even thinking about the concept behind it. The acceptance of swearing utterances in unofficial language bases mostly only on the (un)usage of taboo words, not on the concept behind it, which brings contradictory situations that it's better to say Pojdi v tri pomuckane marjetice [go into three squashed daises], which just covers true concept of negating someone Pojdi v tri pizde materine [go to three mother's cunts], than pojdi se solit [go, salt yourself], which sends someone to come to his/her sense. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Research for this article was supported by the Centre of Excellence in Estonian Studies (CEES, European Regional Development Fund) and is related to research projects IUT 22-5 (Estonian Research Council) and Mobilitas Pluss Postdoctoral Researcher Grant MOBJD33. The authors wish to thank dr. Aleksandar Takovski for detailed pre-reading and useful suggestions, Mare Koiva and Reet Hiiemae for help with Estonian incantation material, and the anonymous reviewers for the valuable comments. 158- SAŠA BABIČ, PIRET VOOLAID REFERENCES Austin, John Langshaw 1962: How to do things with words. Oxford: The Clarendon Press. (http:// pubman.mpdl.mpg.de/pubman/item/escidoc:2271128/component/escidoc:2271430/aus-tin_1962_how-to-do-things-with-words.pdf (15. 03. 2018).) Babič, Saša 2015: Beseda ni konj. Estetska struktura slovenskih folklornih obrazcev. Ljubljana: Založba ZRC, ISN ZRC SAZU. Dolenc, Milan 1999: Zagovori v slovenski ljudski medicini ter zarotitve in apokrifne molitve. Ljubljana: DZS. Hughes, Geoffrey 2006: An Encyclopedia of Swearing. The Social History of Oaths, Profanity, Foul Language, and Ethnic Slurs in the English-Speaking World. London and New York: Routledge. Jakop, Nataša 2005: Pragmatična frazeologija. Ljubljana: ZRC, ZRC SAZU. Jay, Timothy 2009. The Utility and Ubiquity of Taboo Words. - Association for Psychological Science 4, 153-161. Jay, Timothy 2000. Why We Curse: A Neuro-Psycho-Social Theory of Speech. Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company. Kropej, Monika 2008: Od ajda do zlatoroga. Slovenska bajeslovna bitja. Celovec, Ljubljana, Dunaj: Mohorjeva. Kropej, Monika 2009: Slovenian Charms Between South Slavic and Central European Tradition. In: Charms, Charmers and Charming. International Research on Verbal Magic (ed. J. Roper). New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Pp. 145-162. Koiva, Mare 2011. Eesti loitsud [Estonian Incantations]. Tallinn: Kirjastus Pegasus. Ljung, Magnus 2011: Swearing. A cross-cultural linguistic study. New York: Palgrave Macmillam. Loog, Mai 1991. Esimene eesti slängi sonaraamat [First Estonian Slang Dictionary]. Tallinn: Mai Loog. Kutin Ivančič, Barbara 2007: Slovar bovškega govora. Ljubljana: ZRC, ZRC SAZU. Lyons, John 1981: Language and Linguistics. An Introduction. Berkley: Cambridge University Press. Nezakat-Alhossaini, Marzieh and Abbass Esslami-Rasekh 2013: "May bread run and you run after it": the function of cursing in Persian. Procedia - Social and Behavioral Sciences 70.. Pp. 517-525. (Doi:10.1016/j.sbspro.2013.01.089) Nežmah, Bernard 1997: Kletvice in psovke. Ljubljana: Nova revija. Ovsec Damjan J. 1991: Slovanska mitologija in verovanje. Domus, Ljubljana. Podjed Dan, Babič, Saša 2015: Crossroads of anger: tensions and conflicts in traffic. Ethnologia Europaea : journal of european ethnology 45/2. Pp. 17-33. Pšajd, Jelka: Še zdaj, n ate sveti den, moreš Preklinjati? Psovke in kletvice iz Pomurja in Porabja. Murska Sobota, Ljubljana: Pokrajinski muzej & ZRC, ZRC SAZU. Sapir, Edward 1921: Language: An Introduction to the Study of Speech. New York: Harcourt, Brace. Internet: http://www.ugr.es/~fmanjon/Sapir,%20Edward%20-%20Language,%20An%20 Introduction%20to%20the%20Study%20of%20Speech.pdf (15. 03. 2018). Searle, John R. 1969: Speech Acts: An Essay in the Philosophy of Language. Berkley: Cambridge University Press. Sutter, Kadi 2017, „Sellist sona sinu suust mina seltskonnas ei talu!". Vandesonade kasutamisest eesti algupärase näitekirjanduse pohjal. Magistritöö ["I Shall Not Permit This Kind of Language in Polite Company!": On the Use of Swear Words in Estonian Drama: Master Thesis]. Tallinn: Tallinn University. SWEARING: DISSOLUTION INTO NOTHINGNESS -159 Treiel, Liis 2016. Vandesonade tolkimine ja tajumine audiovisuaalses meedias. Magistritoo [Perceiving and translating swear words in audiovisual media. Master Thesis]. Tallinn: Tallinn University. Internet databases EKFA = Baran, Anneli & Hussar, Anne & Oim, Asta & Oim, Katre (comps.) Eesti konekaandude ja fraseologismide andmebaas 1998-2005. [Database of Estonian Sayings and Phraseologisms 1998-2005.] Internet: http://www.folklore.ee/ justkui (15. 03. 2018). Razvezani jezik. Prosti slovar žive slovenščine [Untightened language. Open dictionary of live Slovenian language]Internet: http://razvezanijezik.org/ (15. 2. 2018) PREKLINJANJE: IZNIČENJE V PRAZNINO Saša Babic, Piret Voolaid ooo Kletvice kot ekspresivno sredstvo, zapolnjeno s tabujskim besediščem, v govoru velikokrat služijo kot poudarek, terapevtsko sredstvo ali pa kot žalitev - njihova funkcija je odvisna od konteksta in udeleženci komunikacije jo razberejo tako iz sobesedila kot tudi iz mimike in načina govora. V prispevku so primerjalno obravnavane slovenske in estonske kletvice z obliko "pojdi v X", pri katerih ugotavljava podobnosti z zagovarjalnim obrazcem (predvsem za izganjanje uroka). Z vzporejanjem kletvic iz dveh jezikov (slovenskega in estonskega) iz dveh različnih jezikovnih skupin (južnoslovanske in baltskofinske) sva prikazali podobnosti konceptualnega ozadja te vrste kletvic: prostor X je prostor izvora (religioznega ali fizičnega) ali pa neobstoja oz. kaosa, kamor pošljemo neželjeno osebo in jo na ta način metaforično izničimo. Očitno se kaže razlika v razumevanju našega izvora in bivanja, saj je bilo v času, ko je imela religija večji vpliv na razumevanje našega obstoja, glavno tabujsko besedišče vezano na svet religije, v današnjem svetu, ko je kot naš glavni izvor dojeto spočetje v telesu, pa na genitalije. Obenem se pri tej vrsti kletvic pokaže pomen geografskega prostora v konceptualizaciji prostorov: v estonskem jeziku je prostor neobstoja lahko močvirje, gozd, praznina, medtem ko v slovenskih kletvicah ni izražen (razviden je le v slovenskih zagovorih: visoke planine, globoka morja). V obeh jezikih, tako slovenskem kot estonskem, je več kot 50 različnih variant kletvic (vključno z evfemizmi), ki negirajo obstoj sogovornika in ga podobno kot urok želijo izničiti. Dr. Saša Babič, Research Fellow, Estonian Literary Museum, Vanemuise 42, 51003 Tartu, Estonia, Sasa.Babic@zrc-sazu.si Dr. Piret Voolaid, Research Fellow, Estonian Literary Museum, Vanemuise 42, 51003 Tartu, Estonia, Piret@folklore.ee Onkraj delitve narave in kulture: ontologije in epistemologije Oltre la dicotomia tra la natura e la cultura: ontologie ed epistemologie Beyond the Dichotomy of Nature and Culture: Ontologies and Epistemologies 21 Studia MYTHOLOGICA Slavica 2018 - 163 - 188- The Lipizzaner Horse: Cultural and Natural Heritage or Free Non-Human Subjectivity — Marjetka Golez Kaucic — This article discusses the Lipizzaner horses, now a part of the natural and cultural heritage of the Slovenian nation, claimed also by the Austrians, and in the past an imperial heritage of the Habsburg Empire. Lipizzaner horses are typically perceived as a national cultural monument (trained stallions) owned by the human community, and not as non-human animals that were, only by way of domestication and (even worse) the way they were raised genetically, destined to serve people, first at a feudal imperial court. Based on the interactions of zoofolkloristics, anthropology and philosophical and legal discourses, this article reflects the role and importance of Lipizzaner horses through folklore and literature, and reconsiders the human/animal relationship by establishing non-hierarchy between the animal and the human on the basis of ecocritical analysis. The focus of the analysis is on folkloristic materials (texts), customs and traditions associated with the horse/human community, as well as the literary works that discuss the Lipizzaner horses. KEYWORDS: Lippizaner horses, domestication, genetically breed horses, heritage, folklore, literature, human/animal relationship PREFACE Robert Musil's short story "Can a Horse Laugh" (2012/1935)1 is an excellent introduction to a reflection on the issue presented in the title. This short story is about a horse that shows a feature that is only ascribed to human beings: it laughs in its interaction with the human being, typically opening its jaws and neighing. Can this story confirm that the human view of animals is first and foremost full of ignorance and lack of knowledge, while also underestimating and disregarding the individuality within a species? And that it needs to be changed? 1 Napoleon's quote is anthropocentric, but it also includes a reflection on the value of animals: "There is a link between animals and the Deity. Man is merely a more perfect animal than the rest. He reasons better. How do we know that animals have not a language of their own? ... My opinion is that it is a presumption in us to say no, because we do not understand them. A horse has memory, knowledge, and love": O'Meara Voice from St. Helena.: The Montly Magazine. Internet: (https://books.google.si/books?id=iGY3AQAA-MAAJ&pg=PA638&lpg=PA638&dq (14. 5. 2015). 164- MARJETKA GOLEZ KAUClC HORSES AND THE ISSUE OF DOMESTICATION Lipizzaner horses are typically perceived as a national cultural monument (trained stallions) owned by the human community, and not as non-human animals that were, only by way of domestication, destined to serve human. The aim of the contribution is to acknowledge the intrinsic2value of the animal and cultural patterns that exist irrespective of human intervention, which deprived the animal of its "wildness", separating the animal from its natural environment, and Lipizzaner horses were raised for dressage, which is even worse. According to Regina Bendix "Lippizzans are white breed horses, and they were initially bred to carry noble-bred humans. Horses with carefully monitored genetic heritage for people with carefully monitored genetic heritage" (Bendix 2000: 46). There are very few animals with such a rich paleontological genealogy as horses (Equus caballus). Sixty million years ago, Eohippus lived in North America. The genus Equus, which the horse as known today belongs to, developed at the end of the Pliocene. The predominant belief today is that modern horses originated in the steppes of Central Asia and the plains of Central Europe. Two subspecies of wild (feral) horse were found in this area in the past century: the tarpan and Przewalski's horse (Equus ferus przewalski). These were the only true wild (free) horses, whereas the only semi-feral horses known today can be found in the French region of Camargue.3 Horses were domesticated by the nomadic livestock-breeding peoples of Central Asia as late as the third or fourth millennium BC. According to Viskovic (2009: 238), this animal has had the greatest impact on human civilization. Horses can be ranked by how they are used: horses for meat, war horses, and draft horses; horses as symbols, racehorses, and horses as beauty or motifs in painting, the arts, and literature—and also in folklore. According to Mullin (2002: 389), domestication is "the most profound transformation that has occurred in human-animal relationships," whereas Cassidy believes that in the past domestication entailed "human control and the conversion of animals into property" (Cassidy & Mullin 2007: 2), which means this involved a biological-cultural process of the animals' entry from nature into human society, in which the animals consequently became its property. Cornevin claims that domesticated animals are those that are part of the house and home; they are subordinated to the master's power, to whom they provide products and whom they serve; they procreate in some sort of a prison and give birth to offspring that will also be subordinated to the master (Cornevin 1891, cited in: Viskovic 2009: 184). "Domestication, Ducos writes, "can be said to exist when living animals are integrated as objects into the socio-economic organization of the human group" (1978: 54; 1989, cited in: Ingold 2006: 6; cf. Ingold 1986: 113, 168, 233). Sigaut divides 2 Will intrinsic ecological ethics ever be established? According to Ljubo Mohoric, an instrumental, pragmatic or at least abstract, and also value-related intrinsic ecological stance can be perceived in the Slovenian ecological awareness at the onset of the third millennium; a stance that ascribes an intrinsic value to natural entities regardless of human benefit (Mohoric 2011: 82). The "new ecological paradigm" (Dunlap et al 2000) is directed towards the claim that nature is an ecosystem with all its intrinsic rights, regardless of what meaning it has for humans. 3 Perhaps also in some parts of Turkey and Georgia. THE LIPIZZANER HORSE: CULTURAL AND NATURAL HERITAGE OR FREE NON-HUMAN ... 165 domesticated animals into utilitarian animals and pets (1988: 59-70). Domestication results in the extinction of wild predecessors (e.g., the tarpans) and the deformation of their anatomical, physiological, and psychological properties; only the properties that humans wanted due to economic and other reasons are developed. The question is whether these domesticated animals, which were able to survive in the wild, could be returned to the wild and whether they would become feral. According to Viskovic, they could regain their ability to survive in the wild despite it being atrophied. This is what happened to abandoned and runaway Spanish horses in the US (mustangs), and the goats, dogs, cats, pigs, and birds that have gone feral in natural environments and cities around the globe4 (2009: 197). Domestication was brought about by the paternalistic model of society, which was an expression of archetypal social subordination, including among people (e.g., man to woman). Various types of domestication also pointed to social stratification; for example, horses and dogs were the domesticated animals of the aristocracy (especially the Lipizzaner horses), whereas cows and pigs were the domesticated animals of the rural population. Social inequality was also built through this. The humans beings who domesticated wild animals4 (horses) also raised them from one generation to the next and selected individuals that contained specific genetic characteristics. Initially, a horse was a slave, who later became more important, but that only happened when it entered the aristocratic environment.5 It has been personified or anthropomorphized because even today we say that it has four legs and not four paws. This is also what happened with the Lipizzaner, a horse that was crossbred to make it fit for dressage. Horses are thus being exploited, and the only taste of wildness that they enjoy is when they are allowed to graze and run free in their pastures. For the remainder of their time they are subjected to dressage and have to be obedient, tamed, and available to humans whenever they so demand. Domestication was harshly criticized by Nietzsche: "To call the taming of an animal its 'improvement' sounds almost like a joke to our ears" (Nietzsche 1980: 57, cited in: Viskovic 2009: 201).6 The success of breeding horses, in particular, can be explained with Darwin's (1859)7 claim that taming is possible primarily with "social animals" and ones that live in hierarchic communities. Humans take control in these hierarchic communities and "imprint" their hierarchic dominance on the young, which later becomes self-evident and leads to subordination. In the domestication of horses, and especially the Lipizzaners, the dominant's relation to the subordinate corresponds to the human's relation to valuable property, and in modern times also to natural and cultural heritage. Therefore, one should nevertheless be aware that the Lipizzaner horses are living creatures, and that the civilization of horses is not inferior to human civilization. However, because 4 This is confirmed by introducing thirty wild horses from Mongolia, which were raised in zoos, into the Russian steppes. 5 Jordan Rufus wrote in thirteenth-century Italy: "No animal is more noble than horse, since it is by horses that princes, magnates and knights are separated from people and because a lord cannot fittingly be seen among private citizens except through the mediation of a horse." Cited from Joyce Salisibury, 1994: 28-30. 6 One should not forget how Nietzsche reacted to the suffering of a horse in Turin that was being beaten mercilessly by a coachman. He shouted out to the coachman to stop beating the horse, ran to the horse, and hugged it to protect it. 7 Darwin denied human superiority as early as 1859 in his The Origin of Species (1954). 166- MARJETKA GOLEZ KAUClC humans used the horses' trust to dominate them, today the human-horse relationship still remains unequal (perhaps the situation is a little better in organic farming); horses are exploited animals that suffer quietly and endure pain with dignity and pride. But is this really true or it is only that we do not hear their pain? People have used horses in various ways, but they should have regarded them as inherent beings, from which they can learn. Namely, a foal, only a day old, may be faster than the fastest human—what does that mean for this human supremacy that we presume? Horses can symbolize a wide variety of things: the cosmos, fertility, eroticism, nobility, and freedom. But are they truly that different from humans? Westerman wrote the following: In a series of drawings made around 1500, Leonardo da Vinci had compared the facial expressions of humans, horses and lions—the expressions he made were so interchangeable that one wondered which face belonged to which creature. Darwin1 had taken the notion of man as the God-appointed ruler of flora and fauna and knocked it on the head, but the peculiar thing was that man never stopped acting that way: as the tamer of nature which, once subdued, had to serve him in everything. The wild horses of the steppes had been captured with lassos, they had given birth to progeny that were converted into beasts of utility and then—with the exception of a few Mongolian Przewalskis—they were annihilated. Was that progress? Did the subjugation of a species always lead to improvement? (2013: 44) This undoubtedly only involves a misuse of non-human animals and this merely based on the assumption that humans as the most highly developed beings are superior to others, which is merely a myth, of course. Klampfer (2010: 259) believes that "the animals' awareness or ability to feel may indeed secure them membership in the moral community, but their status in it is and will remain second-rate until their lives also begin enjoying the same moral protection as those of humans, alongside the abundance that is already a matter of our concern." Why this equal membership in the moral community has not been realized can be illustrated with Hearne's claim (2000: 233) that this has to do with an epistemological fear that animals are nevertheless independent creatures that have the chance to take action. Unfortunately, the two-tiered nature of the human mind continues to prevent the basic law of "Thou shalt not kill" from applying to all living creatures and also being sanctioned as such. Humans justify the fact that they send horses that do not meet breeding conditions to the slaughterhouse by claiming that they are an inferior species that lacks self-awareness. But is this true? How can humans claim that horses do not know about their past or future? The deprecating attitude towards a living creature that is not human of course benefits the human legitimacy of killing millions of living creatures for food. However, today a new ecological paradigm of awareness is being established, according to which any form of using and killing animals is impermissible (Francione 1995, 1996, 2000, 2009; Engel 2000; Klampfer 2010: 269-270). The intrinsic value of animals is what guides the author in discussing horses through the history of culture (folklore and literature), cultural heritage, and their relation to humans. THE LIPIZZANER HORSE: CULTURAL AND NATURAL HERITAGE OR FREE NON-HUMAN ... 167 THE LIPIZZANER HORSES AS CULTURAL OR NATURAL HERITAGE? First, it should be determined where the Lipizzaners actually belong—to cultural or natural heritage—or what type of heritage in general? According to the definition of integral heritage—"a heritage that is formed by units of the human environment or nature in which elements of natural and cultural heritage are intertwined and whose value is increased by the fact that both forms of heritage are genetically, functionally, or substantively linked and dependent on each other" (http://www.zvkds.si/sl/zvkds/varstvo-kulturne-dediscine/o-kul-turni-dediscini/kaj-je-kulturna-dediscina/)—they could belong to this framework. Does this mean that cultural heritage necessarily entails human influence in order even to be able to talk about it in the first place? All of the criteria suggest this. However, can it be assumed that animals also have their own culture and cultural patterns that they transfer from one generation to the next, only that they do not develop a conscious heritage structure or do not establish an awareness of this? Does this involve behaviour or "behavioural variants" as behaviourists would put it, or truly an establishment of culture? Proceeding from an an-thropocentric perspective and speciesism (Ryder 1970; Dunayer 2009), culture is truly only a matter of the human species; however, from the viewpoint of the ecocentric paradigm, culture is not reserved only for humans. What about cultural heritage? Is it only connected with the human awareness of the past, present, and future, or is the awareness of cultural heritage as a human construct? Hence, where does the heritage of the Lipizzaner horses belong and where are the cultural patterns that people built into the genetic material of these horses; what makes up the pure "horse culture",8 if one can even use this somewhat awkward syntagm? Is this some type of protoculture or subculture (Whiten 2001; Gasperic 2005)? The symbolic pattern that animals use in their communication with one another could definitely be referred to as a cultural, rather than natural, pattern because it varies from one animal to another; of course, proceeding from the viewpoint that every animal is a person or personality in its own right (Ingold 1994). If this is the case, then animals can also have a typical cultural pattern that is part of the symbolic patterns within the single species they belong to. However, there are certainly differences between the cultural patterns of animals that have been tamed and wild ones or ones that do not live in a community together with humans. In the case of wild animals, their cultural patterns do not depend on human presence and influence. The key fact in this regard is that animals have a mental life and that they are mental subjects (Rowlands 2002: 23-24; Klampfer 2010: 250-251).9 Thus, it can be said that 8 By definition, horse culture is an expression used for all activities connected with taming, breeding, and selling horses or, in short, with the ownership of horses and the prevention of their freedom. It originates from the period when Spanish conquerors brought their horses to the US and then this culture also began to be used and developed by the Pueblo people (e.g., in New Mexico; http://www.gilderlehrman.org/history-by-era/ early-settlements/essays/impact-horse-culture). Of course, what I have in mind here is the indigenous horse culture and not the one created in human interaction with horses. 9 One wonders if the cultural heritage of lacemaking is truly worth so much more than spiders creating webs, and if one is truly so haughty to believe that creating webs only serves the function of feeding, then one has not truly seen a spider web in the morning dew in a meadow, when the spider knows exactly that it is going to be a sunny day and its spider web will not be destroyed by rain. This lace disappears after a while, but it becomes reestablished. This is a heritage of constant change. 168- MARJETKA GOLEZ KAUClC the Lipizzaners combine the cultural patterns of horses as an animal species and the cultural patterns of the human pretension to create a kind of horse with artistic skills envisaged by humans that were enforced in the process of domestication, genetic breeding, and selection. Today, the Lipizzaner horses in Slovenia are part of the Lipica Stud Farm, which was declared a cultural monument of outstanding importance for Slovenia through a special law adopted in 1996. Article 1 of the Lipica Stud Form Act reads as follows: "Through this act, the territory of the Lipica Stud Farm, which encompasses the entire protected area of the Lipica Stud Farm and its cultivated karst landscape, herd of Lipizzaner horses, and architectural and art heritage, is hereby declared a cultural monument of national importance for the Republic of Slovenia" (http://www.lipica.org/en/.) Thus the Lipizzaners in Slovenia became a cultural monument and are no longer merely living creatures. In his book Zival, nadzival (2013), the Dutch author Frank Westerman explores the history of the Lipizzaner horses from the beginnings of their breeding to the modern times in a journalistic manner. He determines that "when you touch a Lipizzaner you are touching history" (Westerman 2013: 44.) Through four centuries of "improvements," exceptional results have been achieved with the Lipizzaners, which is why they are considered the oldest breed; however, as Westerman critically ascertains, the human species does not like to transform and change and is unwilling to improve itself (2013: 36). This is a kind of paradox. While critically analyzing this type of breeding, Westerman goes on to compare the Austrian breeding standards—because strict criteria apply to purebred Lipizzaners—with the Aryan forms and tables used under Nazism (75). Discrimination within one species spread to a different species. But what is the history of the Lipizzaner horses and what are these "hallowed" horses like? Ivo Mihelic wrote an extensive book on them titled Otroci burje: Lipica in Lipicanec / Kinder der Bora: Lipica und die Lipizzaner (The Children of the Bora Wind: Lipica and the Lipizzaners, 2004). The following can be summarized from this book: his breed developed from the local Karst, Spanish, and Neapolitan horses, as well as Arabian horses later. It is a known fact that strong, fast, and sturdy horses were bred in the Lipica area as early as Roman times. The stud farm was established by Austrian Archduke Charles, the regent of Styria, Carinthia, Carniola, Istria, and Trieste at that time. He purchased the village of Lipica and its associated land from the archbishop of Trieste. He wanted to breed elegant carriage and riding horses at Lipica for his stud farms in Graz, where he had his residence. To this end, stables and residential buildings were built, and meadows and pastures were arranged at Lipica. The first Spanish horses arrived in Lipica as early as 1580, and then more horses came in 1581, 1582, and 1584, when they also bought horses from Palestrina (Italy), which strongly resembled the Spanish ones. Only five of the stallions managed to create their own bloodlines that have survived until today: Pluto, Neapolitano, Conversano,10 Maestoso, and Favory. 10 Frank Westerman writes about Conversano's (Conversano Primula) descendants in Brother Mendel's Perfect Horse. THE LIPIZZANER HORSE: CULTURAL AND NATURAL HERITAGE OR FREE NON-HUMAN ... 169 Johann Georg de Hamilton (1672-1737), Lipizzaner Horse. 170- MARJETKA GOLEZ KAUClC Today, the Lipizzaners are bred at seven state-owned stud farms: the Piber Stud Farm in Austria, the Džakovo Stud Farm in Croatia,11 the Fara in Sabina Stud Farm in Italy, the Szil-vasvarad Stud Farm in Hungary, the Sambata de Jos Stud Farm in Romania, the Topol'čianky Stud Farm in Slovakia, and the Karadordevo Stud Farm in Serbia. The work performed by numerous breeding organizations around the globe is also exceptionally important for the establishment of the Lipizzaner horses in a breeding and equestrian sense. These operate in all of the countries mentioned above and even in the US, Australia, and South Africa. The Lipica Stud Farm and the Lipizzaners experienced several hard blows in the course of history. The first time they had to leave the stud farm was in 1796, when they were taken to Hungary; they returned in the fall of 1798. In 1805, they fled to Džakovo and then Karad, from where they returned in 1807. The third exodus occurred in 1809, when they were taken to a place near the Mezohegyes stud farm in Hungary, where they stayed in exile for a full six years. However, the Lipica Stud Farm suffered the hardest blow during the Second World War. After Italy capitulated, it was taken over by the Germans, who moved all 179 horses to Hostoun in Czechoslovakia as early as October 1943. This is where the horses from the Piber Stud Farm in Austria, the former Yugoslav royal stud farm at Demir Kapija, the former Yugoslav stud farm at Dušanovo near Skopje (where Arabian horses were bred), and the Polish stud farm in Janow were also sent. At the end of the war, the "combined" stud farm came under American control. The Americans gave part of the herd and the entire archive to Italy, and a significant number of horses were also sent to the Piber stud farm, which renovated and expanded its breeding facilities. It was not until 1947 that Lipica, which then belonged to Yugoslavia, was given back eleven horses. However, thirty years of efforts resulted in a completely renovated stud farm, which now again houses representatives of all the stallion and mare bloodlines. What are the characteristics of a Lipizzaner, what does it look like, and what are its agility skills? Even though the Lipizzaners are almost always associated with white or at least light gray, which is the only color desired among Lipizzaner breeders (the horses' natural color is gray), they can also have dark-gray, coal-black, brownish-gray, and dark-brown coats. The foals are always dark. The Lipizzaners became the most suitable horses for the Spanish Riding School in Vienna, whose origins date back to Ancient Greece and Xenophon as the founder of classical dressage. This is the highest possible level of dressage a horse can attain. Classical dressage entails extremely demanding artistic riding, which means that the main purpose of breeding the Lipizzaners was art. Westerman describes his visit to the Lipica Stud Farm and its history, in which his description of the galloping herd, reminiscent of the times when horses ran freely across the steppes and meadows, is most picturesque: 11 Horses do not have a nationality and, therefore, they cannot be appropriated by individual countries. Westerman shows the horrific human attitude towards these horses by using the example of the horses stolen from Lipik, Croatia (Dzakovo); they were transported to Serbia during the war following 1991, where some of them died of hunger, locked up in stables, because a businessman from Novi Sad was unable to sell them (219-232). In 2007, sixty-six Lipizzaners returned to Lipik, after the person that had stolen them notified the world about their fate. This is another example of human cruelty, of which no other animal species is capable. THE LIPIZZANER HORSE: CULTURAL AND NATURAL HERITAGE OR FREE NON-HUMAN ... 171 Never before had I witnessed so many horses racing towards me simultaneously. Their hooves flung sand and pebbles from the ground. The noise they made was not a ruffle, not a stamping, but a wall of sound. (2013: 72) After gaining independence, Slovenia began to file applications to obtain these stud books, but all in vain. However, in 1999 it succeeded in protecting the Lipiz-zaners' geographical origin as a brand name. This is discussed in an interview with Bojan Pretnar, who says that Slovenia managed to register the Lipizzaner's name in the European Union with a protected geographical indication (GPI) status. However, it remains unclear which country has the right to keep the principal stud book. Nonetheless, Slovenia managed to establish the Stud Book of the Lipizzaners of the Slovenian Breed (1999). At that time, EU legislation did not allow the use of protected geographical indications on live animals. However, the TRIPS Agreement extended this protection to any type of goods, including horses (http://www.mladina.si/52214/ dr-bojan-pretnar-varuh-intelektualnih-pravic/). This means that the Lipizzaners as living creatures have been placed on an equal footing with Carniolan sausage, honey, White Carniola cake, and Cvicek wine. They are thus objects. Therefore, the next question one should ask is whether animals can be used for any purpose or whether animals can be manipulated and included in cultural practices in order to serve people? Regina Bendix states: "In [the]case of the Lippizaners, this transfer from heredity to heritage, from feudalistic power structure to a democratic one is fully transparent" (2000: 47). This question in particular is connected with cultural and natural heritage, which of course is humanist and anthropocentric per se, and is protected only in relation to the human, and not living creatures or nature. Cultural heritage, which animals become a part of, has been created due to human cultural preferences and hence it is merely a human value, whereas the animals that end up in specific cultural practices (e.g., the Lipizzaners' trot or the Spanish riding school) are actually forced to take part in these practices. They will not even exist without that is the common opinion that is at its core very anthropocentric and denied the Lippizaner horses their intrinsic value. The ownership right of individual countries seems even more perverse: they claim ownership over the Lipizzaners as part of their natural and cultural heritage, but they could not care less about these horses as beings with an intrinsic value. Claiming ownership over the Lipizzaner as the national horse that represents national cultural and natural heritage, as well as rulers and statesmen, has been common in history. Hitler referred to the Lipizzaners as German horses, Mussolini called them Italian horses, Tito referred to them as Yugoslav horses, and Slovenians as Slovenian horses.12 Westerman illustrates 12 Thus, the following can be read online: One of Piber's ... major objectives is "to uphold a substantial part of Austria's cultural heritage and to preserve one of the best and most beautiful horse breeds in its original form." Austria can be replaced with Slovenia and the sentence remains completely the same. The official website of the Lipica Stud Farm contains the following sentence: "Lipica is the cradle of the Lipizzaner horse (1580)." The struggle for primacy over breeding the Lipizzaners and their origins does not work to the benefit of the horses. The living creature, which could not care less about which heritage it belongs to because it already has its own, is simply being disregarded. 172- MARJETKA GOLEZ KAUClC this hot-tempered appropriation in his book by describing how Austrian tourists visiting Lipica found it outrageous that Slovenia dared to depict two Lipizzaners on its 20-cent coin (2013: 62). Hence, it can be concluded that it is clearly still true that even non-human subjectivities are only protected as long as they serve a specific human purpose and are part of human cultural heritage (UNESCO).13 20-cent coin with two Lipizzaner horses (Wikipedia) THE CULTURAL ASPECTS OF HORSES: THE HERITAGE OF SONGS AND NARRATIVES Tim Ingold wrote: "Just as humans have a history of their relations with animals, so also animals have a history of their relations with humans. Only humans, however, construct narratives of their history" (2006: 1). Yes, only humans can tell stories of our shared relations or, as an African saying goes: "Until lions have their own 'storytellers', tales of a lion hunt will always glorify the hunter." Slovenian folklore has thematized the relation between horses and humans in various ways. In the folksong tradition, horses are not only part of the aristocratic world, but also part of everyday agricultural life. They were valuable and symbolized wealth. In various 13 In 2015, efforts started in Slovenia (and Austria) for entering the breeding and training of the Lipizzaner horses on the UNESCO World Heritage List, albeit together with the Piber Stud Farm in Austria. The protection of the Lipizzaner is to move from the national to a supranational level, and become part of world heritage. See the Delo article "Lipica bi skupaj s Pibrom v Unesco" (Lipica Going for UNESCO together with Piber) from May 11th, 2015. THE LIPIZZANER HORSE: CULTURAL AND NATURAL HERITAGE OR FREE NON-HUMAN ... 173 ballads, horses are part of the world of the military, knights, and heroes,14 but they also appear in fairytales and mythological ballads. Frye (1957; 2000: 34, 152-153) believes that in epic and romantic poems horses symbolize fidelity, belongingness, chivalry, and aristocracy. However, in tales, fairy tales, and fables, horses are depicted almost allegori-cally (with a lesson in fables), but they can also be read in a literary manner and otherwise (Harel 2009), which evokes sympathy towards oxen and admiration for horses as "superior animals." In her book Tipni indeks slovenskih ljudskih pravljic. Živalske pravljice in basni (Typological Index of Slovenian Folktales: Animal Tales and Fables), Kropej Telban lists several examples: Konj in vol (Horse and ox; ATU 207, 1877, Kocijančič: Kropej Telban 2015: 328); Vol in konj vprežena skupaj (Ox and horse yoked together; 329); Konj in vol (Horse and ox; 329); Vol in osel (Ox and donkey; 330); Trdosrčni konj in osel (Cold-hearted horse and donkey; 331); Konj in osel (Horse and donkey; 331), and Konj in vol (Horse and ox; 332). All of these fables depict the relationship between a superior and inferior animal and thematize the status of individual animals in the human community. Horses were considered superior to other draft animals. Despite this, horses themselves were often used as draft animals. The thematization of the horses' destiny also reveals human destiny, which means horses also had a symbolic function. However, the aim here is to read these songs from the perspective of animal folklore and ecocriticism because these ballads feature classic anthropomorphization: placing horses into the animal world, which is subordinate to that of humans. Stories can also reveal the true destinies of horses in the past and present. In Slovenian folk tradition, the Lipizzaners were referred to as šimelni ("white horses"). This word is derived from German Schimmel ('white or grey horse'). In ballads (especially heroic and historical ones), horses are depicted as helpers to humans; people ride them. Horses can also have supernatural power; for example, the song "Pegam in Lambergar" (Pegam and Lambergar; SLP I/1(10)), features a horse that has not seen light for seven years and so it has a special power. It becomes Lambergar's helper. It is well fed: they feed it with yellow grain and water it with sweet white wine. It is completely clear that this horse-rider relationship involves mutual dependency and trust. The horse has the characteristic of a hero and can even speak (cf. Piskač 2012: 1071-1089). King Matthias rides a "bridled white horse" (belču brzdem; SLP I/3 (18-19)). Horses, especially white ones, symbolize royal blood and aristocracy, and so they can be found in songs thematizing the castle environment. A girl soldier is riding a "bridled horse" (konjcu brzdnem; women were only supposed to ride horses without a bridle; SLP I/7 7/ (55)). In the song "Ravbar Gathers His Army and Wins the Battle of Sisak) the horses are fast: "brze konjče napravlajte, / jih sedlajte n vobrzdajte, / se na vojsko naravnajte" (prepare fast horses, / saddle and bridle them, / and prepare for war; SLP I/12 (75)). In the song "Prošnja umirajočega junaka" (A Dying Hero's Request), a hero asks for his black horse to be tied to a plait of rosemary that he will hold in his hands when he is buried; this means the horse should mourn him and die together with him (SLP I/19 (101)). In one 14 According to Assmann (2005: 317), in chivalry horses symbolized ""superhuman speed."" Cf. Skopljanac (2012: 511-538). 174- MARJETKA GOLEZ KAUClC of the versions, the hero declares the horse his little brother (107). In the song "Dekle z ugankami rešeno hudiča" (The Girl Saved from the Devil by Riddles), the prince saddles and mounts a fast horse, the horse neighs, and the girl takes it to the stables it by its reins, where she feeds it some grain so that it cannot neigh (SLP I/36 (189)). In another song, a dead man comes to get his sweetheart on a horse (SLP I/59/323). The song "Kamenjanje sv. Štefana" (The Stoning of St. Stephen) depicts the arrival of a white wild horse that is supposed to bite St. Stephen and the saint tames him immediately (SLP II/ 129/397-399). A surprisingly equal relationship with an animal as though with a human can be found in the lyric love song "Konjiče kupim, da v vas pojezdim" (I'll Buy Horses to Ride into the Village; Š 1788). A young man wishes that his horse were as strong as a bear, so that it could carry him to his beloved all through the night. And this is what truly happens: when the horse neighs three times, the girl opens her door and: "Konjiča je djala v štal-ico, / mene pa v svetlo kamrico. // Konjiču je dala čop sena, / meni pa vinca sladkega. // Konjiču je dala pšeničice, / meni pa rudeče ličice. // Konjiču je dala mal ovsa, / meni pa malo kovterca" (She took the horse into the stables, / and took me into her bright little chamber. // She gave the horse a wisp of straw, / and some sweet wine to me. // She gave the horse some grain, / and her red cheeks to me. // She gave the horse some oats, / and shared her blanket with me). The song "Konju postreže, kakor ljubemu" (She Entertains a Horse the Same as Her Beloved; Š 2155) indicates that horses were valuable animals, even though in this case it has more to do with opposing her boyfriend: "Konjiči je jesti dala žolte pšeničkice, / ljubemu je jesti dala, / maličko ovseka. // Konjiču je piti dala / vinca z vedre srebrne, / ljubemu je piti dala / veliki škaf mrzle vode. Konjiči pa je postljala na blazine pernate, / ljubemu pa je postljala / malo suje praproti." (She fed the horse yellow grain, / and fed her boyfriend / some oats. // She watered the horse / with wine from a silver bucket, / and gave her boyfriend / a big tub of cold water to drink. She prepared feather pillows for the horse, / and only some dry ferns / for her boyfriend.) The boyfriend becomes angry and threatens to leave her for another girl. HORSES IN CUSTOMS, BELIEFS, AND SAYINGS Horses are certainly extremely important animals in Slovenian customs and traditions. St. Stephen is the patron of horses and is commemorated during Christmas time, on December 26th (for more, see Kuret 1989, vol 2: 382-397). This saint may even announce the arrival of a new creature, a foal, during Christmastime. White Carniolan Christmas carols include the motif of a black stallion, which symbolizes youth and life force. Kropej (1998: 98-99) writes about a belief that has been preserved in Istria, according to which a little Christmas horse came to eat grain below the table on Christmas Eve, which is why children in Gažon fasted the whole day on Christmas Eve15 because they believed they would see the little horse in the evening that way. St. George rides a white horse, heralds the spring, and defeats the dragon with its help. St. Martin also rides a white horse. Horse 15 Known in the local dialect as božična vilja, literally "Christmas vigil". THE LIPIZZANER HORSE: CULTURAL AND NATURAL HERITAGE OR FREE NON-HUMAN ... 175 processions were common during the Feast of Corpus Christi (Kuret 1989, vol 1: 365). Slovenian sayings and idioms testify that horses were closely connected with humans. The positive seems to be combined with the negative: for example, delati in garati kot konj ("to work and toil away like a horse") as a negative aspect versus biti na konju ("to be on a horse"), meaning to rise and advance higher (this is connected with the fact that in the past riding horses was mainly in the domain of aristocracy or higher social classes) as a positive aspect. Biti fjakarski, paradni konj, pa trojanski konj ("to be a hackney horse, a parade horse, or a Trojan horse") are well-known idioms; ješča kot konj ("to eat like a horse"), konjski obraz ("(to have) a horse face") or konjski zobje ("(to have) horse teeth") thematize people with such characteristics. One of the best-known Slovenian sayings is Se kovačeva kobila je zmeraj bosa "The blacksmith's mare is always unshod", equivalent to "The cobbler's wife is the worst shod" (for more, see Keber 1996: 148-174.) HORSES / THE LIPIZZANERS IN LITERATURE Three literary thematizations of horses / the Lipizzaners in Slovenian literature have been selected that reveal the relationship between humans and horses / the Lipizzaners. In all three, hierarchization is highlighted in terms of ecocritical analysis. It is established that ecocritical discourse emerges from Kocbek's poem "Lipicanci" (The Lipizzaners; Poročilo 1969) via Novak's play Lipicanci gredo v Strasbourg (The Lipizzaners Go to Strasbourg, 2008) and escalates into an ecocritical climax in Komelj's poem "Hipodrom" (Horse Racetrack; Hipodrom 2006). Edvard Kocbek, Lipicanci (1969) LIPICANCI THE LIPPIZANER Časnik poroča: lipicanci so sodelovali pri zgodovinskem filmu.16 Radio razlaga: milijonar je kupil lipicance, plemenite živali so bile mirne ves čas poleta nad Atlantikom. In učna knjiga uči: lipicanci so hvaležni jezdni konji, doma so s Krasa, prožnega kopita, gizdavega drnca, bistre čudi in trmaste zvestobe. A newspaper reports: the Lippizaners collaborated on a historical film. The radio explains: a millionaire had bought the Lippizaners, the noble animals were quiet throughout the journey over the Atlantic. And a textbook teaches: the Lippizaners are graceful riding horses, their origin is in the Karst, they are of supple hoof, conceited trot, intelligent nature, and obstinate fidelity. 16 This allegedly refers to the 1959 film Ben Hur, on which the newspaper Slovenski Jadran reported in 1960. The best-known film about the Lipizzaners is Miracle of the White Stallions, made in 1963 (perhaps Kocbek was referring to this movie), which depicted the rescue of the Lipizzaners at the end of the Second World War. The Lipizzaners were also featured in the movies The Tempest and Crimson Tide. 176- MARJETKA GOLEZ KAUClC In vendar ti dodajam, sinko, da teh nemirnih živali ni mogoče spraviti v razvidne obrazce: dobro je, kadar sije dan, lipicanci so črna žrebeta, in dobro je, kadar vlada noč, lipicanci so bele kobile, najbolje pa je, kadar prihaja dan iz noči, kajti lipicanci so beločrni burkeži, dvorni šaljivci njenega veličanstva, slovenske zgodovine. Drugi so častili svete krave in zmaje, tisočletne želve in leve s perutmi, samoroge, dvoglave orle in fenikse, mi pa smo si izbrali najlepšo žival, izkazala se je na bojiščih in v cirkusih, prepeljevalaje kraljične in zlato monštranco, zato so dunajski cesarji govorili francosko s spretnimi diplomati, italijansko z zalimi igralkami, špansko z neskončnim Bogom in nemško z nešolanimi hlapci, s konji pa so se pogovarjali slovensko. Spomni se, otrok, kako skrivnostno sta spojena narava in zgodovina sveta in kako različna je vzmet duha pri slehernem ljudstvu na zemlji. Dobro veš, da smo zemlja tekem in dirk. Zato tudi razumeš, zakaj so se beli konji iz Noetove barke zatekli na naša čista tla, zakaj so postali naša sveta žival, zakaj so stopili v legendo zgodovine in zakaj razburjajo našo prihodnost, nenehoma nam iščejo obljubljeno deželo in postajajo zanosno sedlo našega duha. Kar naprej sem na beločrnem konju, mili moj sinko, kakor poglavar beduinov sem zrasel s svojo živaljo, vse življenje potujem na njej, bojujem se na konju in molim na njem, spim na konju in sanjam na konju in umrl bom na konju, vse naše prerokbe sem spoznal na skrivnostni živali, in tudi to pesem sem doživel na njenem drhtečem hrbtu. But I have to add, my son, that it isn't possible to fit these restless animals into any set pattern: it is good when the day shines, the Lippizaners are black foals. And it is good, when the night reigns, the Lippizaners are white mares, but the best is, when the day comes out of the night, then the Lippizaners are the white and black buffoons, the court fools of its Majesty, Slovenian history. Others have worshipped holy cows and dragons, thousand-year-old turtles and winged lions, unicorns, double-headed eagles and phoenixes, but we've chosen the most beautiful animal, which proved to be excellent on battlefields, in circuses, harnessed to princesses and the Golden Monstrance, therefore the emperors of Vienna spoke French with skilful diplomats, Italian with charming actresses, Spanish with the infinite God, and German with uneducated servants: but with the horses, they talked Slovene. Remember, my child, how mysteriously nature and history are bound together, and how different are the driving forces of the spirit of each of the world's peoples. You know well that ours is the land of contests and races. You, thus, understand why the white horses from Noah's ark found refuge on our pure ground, why they became our holy animal, why they entered into the legend of history, and why they bring the life pulse to our future. They incessantly search for our promised land and are becoming our spirit's passionate saddle. I endlessly sit on a black and white horse. my beloved son, like a Bedouin chief I blend with my animal, I've been travelling on it all my life, I sleep on it, and I dream on it, and I'll die on it. I learned all our prophesies on the mysterious animal, and this poem, too, I experienced on its trembling back. THE LIPIZZANER HORSE: CULTURAL AND NATURAL HERITAGE OR FREE NON-HUMAN ... -177 Nič temnejšega ni od jasne govorice in nič resničnejšega ni od pesmi, ki je razum ne more zapopasti, junaki šepajo v svetlem soncu in modrijani jecljajo v temi, burkeži pa se spreminjajo v pesnike, krilati pegazi vedno hitreje dirjajo nad votlinami naše stare zemlje in poskakujejo in trkajo, nestrpne slovenske živali še vedno budijo kralja Matjaža. Kdor še ne zna zajezditi konja, naj se čimprej nauči ukrotiti iskro žival, obdržati se svobodno v lahkem sedlu in uloviti ubrano mero drnca, predvsem pa vztrajati v slutnji, kajti naši konji so pridirjali od daleč in so daleč namenjeni, motorji radi odpovedo, sloni preveč pojedo, naša pot pa je dolga in peš je predaleč. Nothing is darker than clear speech, and nothing more true than a poem the intellect cannot seize, heroes limp in the bright sun, and sages stammer in the dark, the buffoons, though, are changing into poets, the winged Pegasi run faster and faster above the caves of our old earth jumping and pounding — the impatient Slovenian animals are still trying to awaken the legendary King Matjaž. Those who don't know how to ride a horse, should learn quickly how to tame the fiery animal, how to ride freely in a light saddle, how to catch the harmony of the trot, and above all to persist in the premonition, for our horses came galloping from far away, and they still have far to go: motors tend to break down, elephants eat too much, our road is a long one, and it is too far to walk. (Kocbek 1977: Internet) Kocbek's poem about the Lipizzaners remains within the context of a symbolic depiction of horses as national symbols and does not establish a critical discourse. According to Čeh Steger, when analyzing a text portraying an animal, one must determine whether the animal is using its own voice or whether it merely speaks through the voice of the poet. In this case, this is not its autonomous voice; it still involves a personification of nature and a symbolization of the animal as part of national heritage (Čeh Steger 2012: 207). Novak wrote the following in his introduction to Kocbek's poem "Lipicanci" (The Lippizzaners):17 "The Lipizzaners" is one of Kocbek's most typical poems. It was published as the last, concluding, poem in his collection Poročilo (Report). In it, the poet elevates the Lipizzaners to the level of a national symbol. He poetically expresses the basic characteristics of this noble white horse ... In terms of diction, the poem is an exalted ode imbued with noble humor at the same time ... The narrative tone, which mimics a journalistic report, deepens to reach mythological dimensions and descriptions of things grow into metaphors, which Kocbek uses to lyricize the Lipizzaner as a "holy animal." (Kocbek 1999: 7) 17 In 2005, the Krainer publishing house published this poem in six languages with illustrations by Slovenian artists (http://www.delo.si/clanek/2131). 178- MARJETKA GOLEZ KAUClC Kocbek compares the Lipizzaners with the Slovenians because even the Viennese emperors were said to converse with the Lipizzaners in Slovenian. Thus it is no longer a living creature, but a symbol, a holy animal that unites the nation and places it within the global context. Everybody knows the Lipizzaners, but few know where they come from. Boris A. Novak's play Lipicanci gredo v Strasbourg (The Lipizzaners Go to strasbourg, 2008)18 The substantive core of Novak's satirical play is dedicated to the Lipizzaners that go to the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg to seek justice for themselves because their habitat is becoming smaller and smaller, a golf course is being built there, tourism is becoming increasingly commercial, and the Lipizzaners are only a means for generating profit and a mere tourist attraction. Or, in the words of the horse Maestoso: "If we jumped through people's bedroom windows like they jump across the fences into our pastures, the men's nervous, tired organs would also go soft. We used to enjoy our moments of miraculous pleasure right out in the meadows, in privacy. I have no desire to touch you or have intimate relations with you in front of tourists" (2008: 170). They are taken seriously at the court because, legally speaking, human rights can also apply to horses. They press charges against Slovenia and all the other countries that Lipica, as the cradle of the Lipizzaner horses, belonged to over the centuries (from 1580 onwards). The Lipizzaners also complain about the way they are treated.19 After this, the history of the Lipizzaners and their life in various countries and under different masters is revealed. The horses also explain to the judicial council why Lipica is the cradle of the Lipizzaner horses by singing the following verses: "Na Krasu je dom najlepših konj, / na Krasu je hlev za burjin vonj, / na Krasu je bor, visok kot dan, / na Krasu je teran, kot noč teman, / na Krasu je črn podzemni svet, / na Krasu je bel kamniti cvet, / še črni konj postane bel / in je svet na Krasu cel" (The Karst is home to the most beautiful horses, / the Karst is where stables smell like the Bora wind, / the Karst is where the pines are tall as the day, / the Karst is where the Terrano wine is dark as the night, / the Karst is where there is a black underground world, / the Karst is where there are white stone flowers, / even a black horse turns white, / and makes the world there whole; 2008: 244). Novak even introduces a transformed love lyric folksong into the play. He transforms the original verses "Moj očka ima konjička dva / oba sta lepa, bela šimelna" (My daddy has two horsies, / two beautiful white horsies) into "Moj očka ima konjička dva, / oba prodal je za mercedesa" (My daddy has two horsies, / he sold both of them to buy a Mercedes; 2008: 246), which is an obvious criticism of modern Slovenians and their leaders. Novak also uses the traditional Slovenian love song "Na planincah sončece sije" (The Sun Shines in the Mountains) to criticize the activities of Slovenian politicians in Brussels. A lawyer of Slovenian descent by the name of Volk (which may be read as Folk), who goes on to become a minister, sings this song to the Lipizzaners: 18 The play premiered at the Ljubljana City Theater during the 2006/2007 season. 19 In the past few years, several Lipizzaners have died at Lipica, either from poisoned hay or improper treatment. THE LIPIZZANER HORSE: CULTURAL AND NATURAL HERITAGE OR FREE NON-HUMAN ... 179 Na planincah sončece sije, na planincah sončece sije, na planincah sončece sije, na planincah luštno je. The sun shines in the mountains, The sun shines in the mountains, The sun shines in the mountains, It's lovely in the mountains. The two judges sing this song completely differently: Nad Evropo sončece sije, v Strasbourgu sončece sije, in v Bruslju sončece sije, in v Bruslju luštno je! The sun shines over Europe. The sun shines in Strasbourg, And the sun shines in Brussels, And it's lovely in Brussels! And the horses sing the following in a sad tone: Lipicancem sonce ne sije, lipicancem dežek ne lije, lipicancem trava ne kljije, lipicancem strašno je! The sun doesn't shine for the Lipizzaners, It doesn't rain for the Lipizzaners, The grass doesn't sprout for the Lipizzaners, It's horrible for the Lipizzaners! Together with a veterinarian that has her own voice and represents the horses, the horses make an appeal to the high court. This appeal reveals criticism over the depiction of rural life and the inappropriate attitude of the state towards the Lipizzaners. A female judge at the court asks what the Slovenian government ministers are doing and the horses reply to her very informatively: the minister of the environment would like to build in a karst field; the minister of finance is collecting taxes from the casino, the minister of the economy plans to build an industrial empire in the Karst, the minister of transport is looking for an appropriate site in the Karst to build a racecourse or even an airport, the minister of agriculture is selling horses (is a horse trader), the minister of culture only speaks of horses as national symbols, the prime minister likes to play golf, and the president prefers dogs (2008: 335-336). At the time this play was written, the Slovenian government did not show much interest in the Lipizzaners' fate. The horses say the following: "Nadarjeni za plese in dresuro, / združujemo naturo in kulturo" (Having a talent for dancing and dressage, / we combine nature and culture; 2008: 267). "The word Lipizzaner denotes the place of origin, the cradle of these (once imperial) horses, and etymologically it is connected with the linden tree [Sln. lipa], which Slovenians celebrate as their symbol" (2008: 264). Novak highlights the problem of the horses' "ownership": "Now they are fighting over who these horses belong to. The Austrians claim that the Lipizzaners symbolize the House of Habsburg, the Italians are convinced that these cavalli bianchi are theirs, not to mention the Slovenians, who like to brag that these are purebred Slovenian horses" (2008: 282). Novak inscribes harsh criticism of the Slovenian policy regarding the Lipizzaners into his play: after Slovenia's independence, comprehensive commercialization of Lipica began and the horses became nothing but objects of tourism and generating profit. The protection of natural and cultural heritage became nothing but a cover for exploiting animals and establishing the commercial interests of the capital. Horses as living creatures do not exist in the neoliberal capitalist world. 180- MARJETKA GOLEZ KAUClC Maestoso V Sloveniji ne živijo .samo Slovenci. Tam smo tudi mi, prastari lipicanci, konjski državljani! Prav mi, lipicanci mi smo avtohtoni prebivalci Krasa! Mi, vztrajni konji, zmagovalci časa! Ce smo preživeli Avstro-Ogrsko, Italijo in Jugoslavijo, bomo pa tudi Slovenijo (2008: 372). Not only Slovenians live in Slovenia. We're also there, the ancient Lipizzaners, Horse citizens! We, the Lipizzaners, Are the indigenous Karst residents! We, the persevering horses, the conquerors of time! If we survived Austria-Hungary, Italy, And Yugoslavia, we'll survive Slovenia, too. Novak's play contains a critical barb aimed at Slovenian politics and a society that shows no interest in the rights of the Lipizzaners, which means it is already approaching ecocriticism; however, it still proceeds from the human viewpoint, despite the fact that the horse speaks through the poet, presenting the government's indifference towards cultural and natural heritage, and ultimately also towards horses as living creatures. According to Grewe-Volpp (2004: 89), this involves a cultural representation of relations between culture and nature, and man/animal/environment relations; moreover, it is actually about getting rid of the dualist relation between man and nature. In Novak's play, the horse is personified and has its own voice, but the main aim is to protect the Lipizzaner as a horse that is not a free entity, but that deserves to be treated decently. In any case, Novak dissects Slovenian policy's indifference towards the Lipizzaner issue within the Slovenian and EU context thoroughly and in detail. A voice can also be heard in support of viewing this creature as such, but it is weak and insufficiently critical of the human relation to the animal within the Lipica Stud Farm itself. Miklavž Komelj: "Hipodrom" (excerpt) Deske ograd so nagrizene, tla ponekod razkopana z nemirnejšimi koraki. Edini zapis o nekem uporu. [...] Zatohla norost perfidne retorike ne zakrije strašne, neme podobe: konja, ki nemo drvi mimo v galopu. Električni sunki, poviti v gazo, ne premočni - da ne razdražijo. Polži, ki prečkajo v nožicah kasaško progo ob stalnih urah, preden je dan, ki jo zasuje s kopiti. Kanje sedijo na belih drogovih, zadrtih v zemljo, pozimi v sneg. The boards of the fences are chewed, The ground is dug up in places from the restless treads. The only record of some kind of resistance. [...] Stuffy craziness of perfidious rhetoric does not conceal the terrible, mute image: A horse galloping past mutely. Electrical shocks wrapped in gauze, not too strong, so that they don't upset. Snails that cross the harness racetrack with their little legs always at the same times, Before daylight buries it with hooves. Buzzards sit on the white poles driven into the ground, and into the snow in winter. - Mama, ali ne gledajo konji oblačkov? - Mom, don't the horses look at the clouds? THE LIPIZZANER HORSE: CULTURAL AND NATURAL HERITAGE OR FREE NON-HUMAN ... 181 Obupanost! Ki je nimam pravice nikomur pripisati. To je ne zmanjša. To jo veča. Ko se vpisuje v podobo moči in lahkotnosti, v emblem svobode. - Si kdaj videl svobodnega konja?20 - Si videl nesvobodnega? - Si videl svobodnega? Desperation! That I have no right to ascribe to anyone! That doesn't diminish it. That enhances it. When it inscribes itself into the image of strength and lightness, Into the emblem of freedom. - Have you ever seen a free horse? - An unfree horse? - A free horse? Krogi, neskončni krogi. Aktiviranje krčev bega v dresuri. Smrtna izčrpanost. Skozi zrak šine brez teže telo, težko 500 kg. dva fanta se pogovarjata v baru: - Vsi konji, ki so zmagali na derbijih -nikjer več jih ni bilo [...] Laps, endless laps. Activating the escape reflexes in dressage. Deadly exhaustion. A 500 kg body darts through the air weightlessly. Two young men chat at the bar: - All of the horses that won the derbies—They were all gone [...] Muhe, ki lezejo po robovih ogromnih oči in v rano pod belo liso na čelu. konji, ki niso več isti. Pogovori ljudi med seboj: zehanje, omedlevanje. Flies crawling along the edges of huge eyes and into the wound below the white blaze on the forehead. Horses that are no longer the same. People talking to one another: Yawning, fainting. Voda, ki teče iz gumijastih cevi po nedosegljivih nogah, ki se prestopajo, po hrbtih, ki v čudnem miru divje trzajo, se umakne pred očmi. [... ] (str. 12-15). The water from rubber hoses Running over unreachable, shuffling legs, Over backs twitching in awkward peacefulness, Disappears before the eyes. [...] (pp. 12-15). Svojo skrivnost je Nietzsche zaupal le enemu spominu -da je srečal to bitje! -konju v Torinu. Ki je na trgu drhtel od udarcev in stal, stal, stal. Nekdo ga je v solzah objel in se zrušil ob njem na tla. Nietzsche only entrusted his secret To one single memory -That he met this creature! To a horse in Turin. That trembled in a square From the blows, and stood there, stood there, stood there. Someone embraced it in tears And collapsed to the ground next to it. 20 The instrumentalization of the Lipizzaner or the horse for promotional reasons can also be observed in the ad by the Triglav insurance company (2014) featuring a Lipizzaner running freely along the beach, with a voice saying the following in the background: "Someday I'm going to be free." But this is only a metaphor for a human being. After this, the voice focuses on the life insurance offered by this insurance company that promises freedom to people if they sign an insurance policy. The poem "Hipodrom" also thematizes the traditional training of harness horses in the Slovenian region of Prlekija, which dates back to Austria-Hungary. The first proper harness races were held on September 12th, 1874 on the 2,000-fathom country road between the cross on the Lukavci karst field and the bridge over Globetka Creek near Ljutomer. The attraction of racing and the glory of the best-ranked breeders are connected with the suffering of horses. The tradition of harness racing was commemorated by the Harness Racing Museum and the horses' suffering by a poem. Such tradition needs to be redefined. However, this is about criticism against horse races in general, not only in Slovenia. 182- MARJETKA GOLEZ KAUClC [...] (str. 20). [...] (p. 20). Konji pustijo, da jih pobožam, in medtem gledajo v svoje smeri. Ko se zaustavijo, da jih pobožam, je to del njihovega sproščenega, mučnega bega pred mano. (str. 39). Horses let me Stroke them, Staring in their Own directions. When they stop For me to stroke them, This is a part of their Relaxed, painful escape From me. (p. 39). From the perspective of the ecological paradigm about the human/environment, human/animal, and human/plant hierarchic dualisms of Western consumer society, and the introduction of a cultural-ecological model of studying literature, it can be concluded that the poem "Hipodrom" is one of the utterly ecocritical representations of this dualism and that Miklavž Komelj is a markedly ecocritical and zooethical author (Marjanic & Zaradija Kiš 2012: 11-19). This poem defines or verbalizes the relation between humans and horses, even though it refers to horses and not explicitly to the Lipizzaners. These horses are thematized such that one can see the critical-creative energy flowing through the poem (Zapf 2002). The poet uses poetic devices to draw attention to the suffering and torturing of horses in horse races; consequently, this suffering could also be transferred to the unnatural Spanish riding school, in which horses (the Lipizzaners) were trained to dance using the whip and other types of force, instead of racing around the Karst meadows. Vičar (2013: 38) establishes that this poem problematizes the appropriation of an animal or the ownership of an animal, whereby "Komelj problematizes the specific abuse of horses (their commercial use)." This means that Komelj used poetic language to directly criticize the humans' forceful handling of horses; he shows the forced nature of this handling in the first lines when the horse resists this treatment that leads to deadly exhaustion and even death. Therefore, this poem is markedly ecocritical; moreover, it portrays the human/animal relation in purely utilitarian dualism and shows the type of human attitude towards the animal that is typical of speciesism (Dunayer 2008). It is the horse's lack of freedom in this poem in particular that can be associated with problem-atizing any type of a human ownership relation to an animal, which is harshly criticized and completely rejected by Garry Francione's abolitionist theory presented in his book Animals, Property, and the Law (1995), and Rain without Thunder (1996): A central thesis of Rain Without Thunder (1996), as well as my later work, is that, if animal interests are to be morally significant, we must accord to nonhumans the basic right not to be treated as property, and this requires that we seek to abolish, and not merely to regulate, institutionalized animal exploitation. The status of nonhumans as property, however, militates strongly against significant improvement in our treatment of animals, and animal welfare will do little more than make animal exploitation more economically efficient and socially acceptable. On the social and legal THE LIPIZZANER HORSE: CULTURAL AND NATURAL HERITAGE OR FREE NON-HUMAN ... 183 level, there needs to be a paradigm shift as a social matter before the legal system will respond in a meaningful way. This is why education and social change are so important and must precede legal change. There is simply no political base to support any radical legal change at this time. The first task of the animal-rights movement was to educate society about why such a movement was necessary in the first place and to shift the paradigm away from the commodity status of nonhumans. Those who were trying to develop "no kill" options to the problem of the companion animal population; those who sought to stop the round-up and removal of wild horses from federal lands and to prohibit the killing of deer in suburban areas; and those who wanted to organize lawful boycotts to stop particular forms of animal exploitation. (http://scholarship.law.duke.edu/cgi/viewcontent. cgi?article=1407&context=lcpGarry Francione) Komelj21 determines that, even though horses do not allow people to touch them, this is only because they are not free, although freedom radiates through their eyes. They would like to run away from humans (i.e., strangers), but they can only do this in their spirits; unfortunately, this is impossible in reality. CONCLUSION Hence, is it a utopia to list all of these academic findings about animals as persons (Ingold 1994: XXIV), the necessity of cultural and critical animal studies, animal folklore and literary studies, and ethnozoology (Golez Kaucic, Marjanovic, Zaradija Kis, Viskovic, etc.); the criticism of the capitalist system that supports the exploitation of animals (Tapper 1994: 53; cf. Serpell 1996; Vicar 2013; Best 2009); the disregard for the suffering of animals (Cavel, Diamond, McDowel, Hacking, & Wolfe 2008: 146); the philosophical discourses such as that of Derrida (as presented in discourses by Deleuze & Guattari, 2000, 2002); and ultimately the end of speciesism and the establishment of abolitionism (Ryder 2000, Dunayer 2009, Francione 2008). What does this mean for the Lipizzaners? Will they simply remain part of the natural and cultural heritage of various nations, whereby their grace, beauty, and nobility will be celebrated, but there will be no reflection whatsoever on their own interests? Will the criticism of this endless and repeating human/animal dualism ever achieve its purpose, will animal folklore studies and ecocriticism ever be able to position their findings within the wider social context 21 In his collection of poems Roke v dežju (Hands in the Rain, 2011), Komelj also problematizes the use of horses in circuses. "V cirkusu je / konj / delal gibe, / ki niso bili / njegovi gibi, /ampak /njegova smrt. // Njegova popolnoma / razločna govorica. / Njegova smrt." (At the circus / the horse / performed movements / that weren't / his movements, / but / his death. // His complete / clear language / His death). It is clear that it is only in death that the animals speak up about and to the people that force them into slavery for their own fun. The language of horses is their movements, but humans are deaf and blind to this type of non-verbal communication, and hence death is inevitable in the end. For Komelj animals are creatures from other worlds. 184- MARJETKA GOLEZ KAUClC and be heard? Thematizing horses / the Lipizzaners in folklore is truly only a reflection of heritage, whereas the disruptive logic of the human exploitation of animals has already been verbalized in literature. What can be predicted for the future? Will the Lipizzaner still be used as a dancing horse and a horse for entertaining people? Even if one day it becomes part of UNESCO's world cultural and natural heritage, it will still be regarded merely as a highly trained animal only for human purposes rather than a superior animal (Ubertier). As long as it remains nothing but human or government property, a brand name with a protected designation of origin, and part of world heritage, rather than a free entity, it will remain a domesticated and enslaved horse about which no one asks where its pastures and free fields are—even though it will still be able to race and gallop around the peaks of the Vremscica Hills and other hills and meadows. And even when it is half free and grazes in a nature park, along comes a lunatic22 who stabs a mare numerous times and he is let free because of the inadmissibility of DNA as evidence. The horse did not even defend itself; it could have easily trampled its attacker, but it trusted the human instead. What a mistake! REFERENCES Assmann, Jan, 2005 (1992): Kulturnopamčenje. Zenica: Vrijeme. Bendix, Regina, 2000: Heredity, Hybridity and Heritage from one Fin de Siècle to the Next. -Perti J. Anttonen, Anna-Leena Siikala, Stein R. Mathisen, Leif Magnusson (ed.). Folklore, Heritage. Politics and Ethnic Diversity. Botkyrka, Sweden: Multicultural Centre, 37-54. Best, Steven, 2014: The Rise of Critical Animal Studies: Putting Theory into Action and Animal Liberation into Higher Education. State of Nature, an online journal of radical ideas, Summer 2009. Internet: http://www.stateofhature.org/?p=5903#sthash.NwhwbvmT.dpuf. (14. 4. 2015). Cavell, Stanley, Cora Diamond, John McDowell, Ian Hacking and Cary Wolfe, 2008: Philosophy & Animal Life. New York: Columbia University Press. Cassidy, Rebecca, Moly Mulin (eds.), 2007: Where the Wild things are now: domestication reconsidered. Oxford/New York: Berg. Cornevin, Charles, 1891: Traité de zootehnie générale, Paris. Čeh Steger, Jožica, 2012: Ekologizacija literarne vede in ekokritika. Slavistična revija 60/2, Ljubljana, 199-212. Darwin, Charles, 1954 (1859): O nastanku vrst z naravnim izborom ali ohranjanje boljših pasem v boju za obstanek. Ljubljana: DZS. Derrida, Jaques, 2002: The Animal That Therefore I am. (trans. David Willis). Critical inquiry 28, 369-418. Deleuze, Gilles & Felix Guattari, 2000: Micelij. (Mille plateaux). (trans. Jana Pavlič). Koper: Hyperion. Dunayer, Joan, 2009 (2004): Specizam. Diskriminacija na osnovi vrste. Zagreb, Čakovac: Institut za etnologijo i folkloristiku & Dvostruka duga. 22 On July 5th, 2013, a lunatic from Koper brutally tortured a Camargue mare that was grazing peacefully in the Skocjan Lagoon Nature Reserve. Because the Slovenian laws are completely inadequate regarding animal protection, the man will clearly remain unpunished (Delo, May 13th, 2015). THE LIPIZZANER HORSE: CULTURAL AND NATURAL HERITAGE OR FREE NON-HUMAN ... 185 Dunlap, Riley E., idr. 2000: Measering Endorsment of the New Ecological Paradigm: A Revised NEP Seal. Journal of Social Issues 56/3, 425-442. Internet: http://umaine.edu/soe/files/2009/06/NewEcologicalParadigmNEPScale1.pdf' (15. 6. 2017). Ducos, P., 1989: 'Defining domestication: a clarification', in J. Clutton Brock (ed.) The Walking Larder: Patterns of Domestication, Pastoralism and Predation, London: Unwin. Ducos, P., 2004: Domestication: defined and methodological approaches to ist recognition in faunal assemblages. In R. H. Meadows and M. A. Zeder (eds.). Approaches to Faunal Analysis in the Middle East, Cambridge. Mass.: Harvard University, Peabody Musseum Bulletin 2. Engel, Mylan, 2000: The Immorality of Eating Meat. In: Pojman, Louis P: (ed.). The Moral Life: An Introductory Reader in Ethics and literature. Oxford University Press. New York, pp. 856-889. Francione, Gary L., 1995: Animals, Property and the Law. 1995. Philadelphia: Temple University Press. Francione, Gary L., 1996: Rain without Thunder: The Ideology of the Animal Rights Movement. Philadelphia: Temple University Press. Francione, Gary L., 2008: Animals as Persons: Essays on the Abolition of Animal Exploitation. New York: Columbia University Press. Frye, Northorp, 2000 (1957): Anatomy of Criticism. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Gašperič, Maja, 2005: Je kultura tisto, kar nas loči od živali? Monitor ISH 7/2, Ljubljana, 169-188. Grewe-Volpp, Christa, 2004: Natural Spaces Mapped by Human Minds. Ökokritische und ökofeministische Analysen zetgenössischer amerikanischer Romane. Tübingen: Gunter Narr Verlag. Hearne, Vicki, 2000: Adonis's Task: Calling Animal by Name. New York: Akadine. Hamilton, Jill, 2000: Marengo: The Myth of Napoleon's Horse. New York: Fourth Estate. Ingold, Tim (ed.), 1994: What is an Animal? One World Archeology 1. London in New York: Routledge. Ingold, Tim, 2006: From Trust to Domination: An Alternative History of Human-Animal Relation. V: Aubrey Manning and James Serpell (eds.). Animals and Human Society. Changing Perspective. London and New York: Routledge. Jaksetič, Dragica, 2015: Lipica bi s Pibrom skupaj v Unesco. Delo, 11. 5. Klamper, Friderik, 2010: Cena Življenja. Razprave iz bioetike. Ljubljana: Krtina. Komelj, Miklavž, 2006: Hipodrom. Ljubljana: Mladinska knjiga. Komelj, Miklavž, 2011: Roke v dežju. Ljubljana: LUD Literatura. Kocbek, Edvard, 1969: Poročilo. Ljubljana: DZS. Kocbek, Edvard; Matjaž Kocbek, 1977: Zbrane pesmi. Ljubljana: Cankarjeva založba; Translation Sonja Kravanja. From Embers in the House ofNight, Lumen, Inc. 0-930829-42-5. Internet: (http://www.poetryinternationalweb.net/pi/site/poem/item/5169/auto/0/THE-LIPPIZANER. (13. 3. 2015). Kocbek, Edvard, 1999: Lipicanci. Ljubljana : Krainer, 1999 [i. e. 2004] ([Ljubljana] : Dalmatin). Keber, Janez, 1996: Živali v prispodobah 1. Celje: Mohorjeva družba. Kropej, Monika, 1998: The Horse as a Cosmological Creature in the Slovene Mythopoetic Heritage. Studia Mythologica Slavica 1, Ljubljana, 153-167. Kropej Telban, Monika, 2015: Tipni indeks slovenskih ljudskih pravljic. Živalske pravljice in basni. Kuret, Niko, 1989: Praznično leto Slovencev 1., 2. Družina: Ljubljana. Mekina, Borut, 1999: Dr. Borut Pretnar, varuh intelektualnih pravic. Mladina. 44. 4. 11. 2010 Internet: http://www.mladina.si/52214/dr-bojan-pretnar-varuh-intelektualnih-pravic/ (15. 4. 2015). 186- MARJETKA GOLEZ KAUClC Mihelič, Ivo, 2004: Otroci burje: Lipica in Lipicanec, Kinder der Bora: Lipica und die Lipizzaner. Ljubljana: Kmečki glas. Mohorič, Ljubo, 2011: Okoljska etika in izobraževanje za trajnostni razvoj. Andragoška spoznanja 17/3, Ljubljana, 73-83. Mulin, Molly, 2002: Animals and Athropology. Society and Animals 10/4, 387-393. Musil, Robert, 2012: Zgodbe, ki to niso. Ljubljana: Študentska založba. Novak, Boris A., 2008: Dramski triptih: Kasandra, Lipicanci gredo v Strasbourg, Knjiga je čevelj. Maribor: Litera. O'Meara Voice from St. Helena. Montly Magazine. Internet: (https://books.google.si/books?id=i-GY3AQAAMAAJ&pg=PA638&lpg=PA638&dq. (14. 5. 2015). Piskač, Davor, 2012: Mikrostrukturalne funkcije na primjerima motiva životinja u hrvatskom pjesništvu. In: Marjanic, Suzana and Antonija Zaradija Kiš (eds.). Književna životinja, Kulturni bestijarij II. Zagreb: Hrvatska sveučilišna naklada in Institut za etnologiju i folkloristiku, 1071-1093. Ryder, Richard D., 1971: Experiments on Animals. In: Stanley and Roslind Godlovitch and John Harris (eds.). Animals, Men and Morals. New York: Taplinger Publishing Company, 41-82. Ryder, Richard D., 2000: Animal revolution: changing attitudes towards specieciesism. London, New York: Bloomsbury Academic. Rowlands, Mark, 2002: Animals like us. New York: Verso. Salisbury, Joyce. E., 1994: The beast within: animals in the Middle Ages. New York: Routledge. Serpell, James, 1996: In the Company of Animals. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Sigaut, Francois, 1988: Critique de la notion de domestication. L'Home 108, 59-70. SLP I = 1970. Zmaga Kumer, Milko Matičetov, Boris Merhar, Valens Vodušek. Ljubljana: Slovenska matica. SLP II =1981. Zmaga Kumer, Milko Matičetov, Valens Vodušek. Ljubljana: Slovenska matica. Š = Štrekelj, Karel. I-IV. 1985-1923. Slovenske narodne pesmi. Ljubljana: Cankarjeva založba. Škopljanac, Lovro, 2012: Konji europskih epova. V: Maijanič, Suzana and Antonija Zaradija Kiš (ured.). Književna životinja, Kulturni bestijarij II. Zagreb: Hrvatska sveučilišna naklada and Institut za etnologiju i folkloristiku, 511-538. Tapper, Richard, 1994: Animality, humanity, morality, society. In: What is an Animal? Tim Ingold (ured.). London in New York: Routledge, 47-60. Umer, Iztok, 2015: Brez dokazov za surovega mučitelja kobil. Delo. 13. maj. Vičar, Branislava, 2013: Si kdaj videl svobodnega konja. Filozofski kontekst animalistične etike v poeziji Jureta Detele in Miklavža Komelja. V: Aleksander Bjelčevič (ed.). Etika v slovenskem jeziku, literaturi in kulturi. Center za slovenščino kot drugi tuji jezik. Ljubljana: FF, 35-45. Viskovic, Nikola, 2009: Kulturna zoologija. Zagreb: Naklada Jesenski in Turk. Zapf, Hubert, 2002. Literatur als kulturelle Ökologie. Zur kulturellen Funktion imaginativer Texte an Beispielen des amerikanischen Romans. Tübingen: Max Niemeyer. Westerman, Frank, 2013: Žival, nadžival. Ljubljana: Študentska založba. Whiten, A. Boesch, C., 2001: The Cultures of Chimpanzees. Scientific American 284/1, 60-70. THE LIPIZZANER HORSE: CULTURAL AND NATURAL HERITAGE OR FREE NON-HUMAN ... 187 LIPICANEC KOT KULTURNA IN NARAVNA DEDIŠČINA ALI SVOBODNA NE-ČLOVEŠKA SUBJEKTIVITETA Marjetka Golež Kaučič ooo V članku razpravljam o konjih, predvsem lipicancih, ki so percipirani kot del naravne in kulturne dediščine Slovencev in Avstrijcev, v preteklosti pa so bili del Habsburškega imperija, kjer so bili izšolani in zdresirani. Konji so obravnavani le kot predmet in last nacionalne človeške skupnosti, ne pa kot bitja, ki so šele z domestifikacijo in gensko selekcijo vstopila v prostor služenja človeku. Na podlagi novih spoznanj zoofolkloristike, antropologije, kritične animalistike, filozofskih in pravnih diskurzov ter teorij speciesizma in abolicionizma je predstavljena reflektirana vloga in pomen teh konjev in konjev kot vrste, hkrati pa je na podlagi ekokritične analize ponovno presojano razmerje človek - žival, in sicer z vzpostavljanjem nehierarhizacije živalskega in človeškega. V poglavju o vprašanju domestifikacije razmišljam o človekovem načinu prilagajanja živali svojim potrebam, genetskem vzrejanju in razplodu lipicancev za služenje aristokratskim elitam. Domestifikacija je bila tista transformacija v živalsko-človeškem odnosu, ki je tudi konja postavila v območje človekove lastnine. Posledici domestifikacije sta iztrebljenje divjih prednikov, npr. konjev tarpanov, in deformacija anatomskih, fizioloških in psihičnih značilnosti divjih prednikov - razvijajo se le tiste lastnosti, ki jih je človek želel zaradi ekonomskih ali drugih namenov. Na začetku je bil konj suženj; kasneje je pridobil na veljavi, a šele takrat, ko je vstopil v aristokratsko okolje. To se je zgodilo tudi z lipicancem, konjem, ki so ga s križanjem vzgojili tako, da je primeren za dresuro. Odnos nadrejenega do podrejenega je pri domestifikaciji konj in še posebno lipicancev, ki so bili vzrejeni in gensko manipulirani za točno določene namene, odnos človeka do dragocene lastnine in v današnjem času tudi do naravne in kulturne dediščine. Pod vprašaj postavljam ta tradicionalni hierarhični odnos do konj, še posebej do lipicancev. Poudarjam intrinzično vrednost živali (kar pomeni, da je lipicanec vreden sam po sebi in ne kot žival v služenju človeku), ki je bila tisto, kar nas je vodilo tudi ob obravnavi konja skozi zgodovino kulture in razmerja do človeka. V nadaljevanju raziskujem, kam sodijo lipicanci in kam kulturni vzorci, ki so jih v genski material teh konjev vgradili ljudje, in kaj je tisto, kar je popolnoma »konjska kultura«. Simbolni vzorec, ki ga uporabljajo živali v medsebojni komunikaciji, bi gotovo lahko imenovali kulturni in ne naravni, saj se od živali do živali razlikuje, če seveda zastopamo stališče, da je tudi vsaka žival oseba ali osebnost zase. Če je tako, potem ima lahko tudi kulturni vzorec, ki je zanjo značilen, se pa uvršča znotraj simbolnih vzorcev tiste vrste, ki ji pripada. Prav gotovo pa gre za razlike med kulturnimi vzorci živali, ki so udomačene, in tistih, ki so t. i. divje oziroma ki ne živijo v skupnosti s človekom. Tam so kulturni vzorci neodvisni od človekove navzočnosti in vplivanja. Ključno pa je dejstvo, da imajo živali mentalno življenje in da so mentalni subjekti. Tako lahko rečemo, da so se ob lipicancih 188- MARJETKA GOLEZ KAUClC združili kulturni vzorci konj kot živalske vrste ter - ob procesu udomačevanja in genetskega vzrejanja in odbiranja - vsiljeni kulturni vzorci človekove pretenzije doseči vrsto konj, ki bo izvajala artistične spretnosti, ki si jih je zanje zamislil človek. Nato je predstavljena zgodovina lipicancev in Lipica kot zibelka teh konj, opisana so tudi prizadevanja za njihovo zaščito v EU. Pri tem sem zelo kritična do percepcije lipicancev kot kulturne dediščine, ki je nastala zaradi človekovih kulturnih preferenc in je zgolj človeška vrednota, žival pa, ki se znajde znotraj nekih kulturnih praks (npr. lipicanci v kasu ali španska jahalna šola idr.), je pravzaprav v take prakse prisiljena. Še bolj problematična pa se zdi lastninska pravica, ki jo posamezne države uveljavljajo na lipicancih kot delu nacionalne naravne in kulturne dediščine, a jim za lipicance kot bitjaper se pravzaprav ni mar. Članek nato preide v analizo konj v pesmih in pripovedih, izbranih šegah in pregovorih. V ljudskem pesemskem izročilu konj ni bil le del aristokratskega sveta, temveč tudi vsakdanjega agrikulturnega življenja. Bil je dragocen in je simbolično predstavljal bogastvo. V različnih pripovednih pesmih/baladah je konj del vojaškega, viteškega in junaškega sveta, hkrati pa se pojavlja v pravljičnih in mitoloških baladah, navzoč je tudi v pregovorih in rekih ter nekaterih šegah. V razdelku o lipicancu/konju v literaturi izpostavljamo tematizacijo hierarhizacije glede na eko-kritično analizo. Ugotavljamo, da ekokritični diskurz narašča iz Kocbekove pesmi Lipicanci (Poročilo 1969) prek Novakove drame Lipicanci gredo v Strasbourg (2008) in doživi ekokritični klimaks v Komeljevi pesmi Hipodrom (Hipodrom 2006). Kocbekova pesem o lipicancih je še v območju simbolne podobe konja kot nacionalnega simbola in ne vzpostavlja kritičnega diskurza. Novak vpisuje v dramo ostro kritiko slovenskih oblasti glede lipicancev, saj se je po osamosvojitvi Slovenije začela celostna komercializacija Lipice in konji so postali le objekti turizma in zaslužka, varstvo naravne in kulturne dediščine pa je postalo zgolj krinka za izkoriščanje živali in uveljavljanje komercialnih interesov kapitala. Konji kot živa bitja v neoliberalnem kapitalističnem svetu ne obstajajo. Komeljeva pesem Hipodrom pa je prav gotovo ena izmed popolnoma ekokritičnih reprezentacij razmerja človek - žival, kar ga uvršča med ekokritične in zooetične avtorje. V sklepu je ponovno izpostavljena kritika te neskončne in ponavljajoče se bi-narnosti človek - žival. Sprašujem se, ali bo lipicanec v prihodnosti ob morebitni uveljavitvi nove ekološke paradigme svobodni konj ali pa bo še vedno le uporabljen kot plešoči konj, ki je ljudem v zabavo, zasužnjeni konj, podvržen nenehni dresuri. Zato je po mojem mnenju nujno, da bi konjem (lipicancem ali drugim) priznali, da imajo intrinzično vrednost in svoje kulturne vzorce, ki obstajajo ne glede na človeško bližino ali oddaljenost, s tem pa bi se bistveno spremenil tudi njihov položaj v odnosu do ljudi. Dr. Marjetka Golez Kaucic, Research Advisor, Associated Professor, Scientific Research Centre of Slovenian Academy of Science and Arts, Institute of Ethnomusicology, Novi trg 2, SI-1000 Ljubljana, Slovenia; Marjetka.Golez-Kaucic@zrc-sazu.si 21 Studia MYTHOLOGICA Slavica 2018 -189 - 215- Heritage Animals - Why Not? Anthropocentrism Notwithstanding — Ivona Orlic, Suzana Marjanic This article discusses the relationship of men towards Istrian cattle (boskarin) through the years. The authors question the problem of treating the animals as objects of natural-cultural heritage. The concepts of Nature and Culture remain anthropocentrically segregated, and this is also reflected in promoting the boskarin as a gastro-phenomenon, which was the dominant feature of the project Boskarin with Potatoes (2012-2014) by the City of Pula, developed as the collaboration with the French town of Villefranche-de-Rouergue, which became the partner city of Pula in 2008. The authors claim that one can only talk about heritage species (especially traditional or autochthonous livestock breeds), but not about heritage animals (the animals in the concept of heritage), and that the anthropology of animals, as defined for instance by socio-cultural anthropologist Barbara Noske, can be - or ought to be - a segment of ethnographic studies of the 21st century. KEYWORDS: Boskarin or Istrian ox, heritage animals, agro-tourism, gastro-tourism, anthropocentrism INTRODUCTION This study aims at problematizing Istrian cattle and the Boskarin through heritage. Is it possible that branches dealing with heritage, both tangible (such as museums where objects are kept) and intangible (which wishes to be called living heritage), deal with animals? Anthropologists and ethnologists dealing with intangible culture want it to stay alive, despite its disappearance in its original form. In order to preserve musical and dance heritages, they are popularized, but also self-funded through, for instance, performances for tourists. Can an animal that had a significant role in the everyday life of people in Istria be inherited in the same or similar way? My personal interest in the boskarin1 emerged from an encounter with this animal more than 20 years ago. Funnily adorned and walking clumsily, it wriggled through the throng 1 The noun boskarin is written in italics (boskarin) when used as a synonym for Istrian cattle; the noun has recently come into everyday use to denote a castrated bull; the capital letter (Boskarin) emphasizes the personal name of an ox of Istrian breed, as used 50 and more years ago and has been preserved with the older generation; the noun boskarin is written in capital letters (BOSKARIN) when contextualized through a coexistence with man; the form boskarin is used in quotes. 190 - IVONA ORLIC, SUZANA MARJANIC of summer guests of the overcrowded tourist town of Poreč. Everyone was marvelling at it, both tourists and locals, even its owner who was walking proudly next to it. The tourist attraction was walking... This lyric introduction was inspired by the following thought of the contemporary German philosopher Andrea L. Hofbauer: The experience of research consists precisely in a man encountering something, in something appearing, adverting attention and disturbing, and not in searching for something, something defined even before the search has commenced (2007: 18). The reasons that I am still dealing with the problem of Istrian cattle and/or boškarin are manifold. The appearance of autochthonous Istrian cattle, especially of an ox, also called boškarin, cannot but attract attention. Furthermore, you will soon feel something disturbing if you encounter it on asphalt or within an urban area; you then start searching for something specific - the meaning of its existence today - before you know it. The wish to preserve the autochthonous breed of Istrian cattle, due to a sharp drop of its numbers and the danger of its extinction, has brought about a string of deliberations and activities in order to modernize and conceive the further life course of the boškarin. Whilst the process of extinction has been stopped, the link with human culture, which brought it to the edge of existence and then raised it up again, remains vague. Furthermore, the considerations regarding Istrian cattle in the everyday Istrian life brought about the problems regarding terminology. The present and future interactions of man and boškarin, inevitably relying on traditional moments, are the topic of this article. Boškarin in Bužleti, 2007 (photo by Ivona Orlic). HERITAGE ANIMALS - WHY NOT? ANTHROPOCENTRISM NOTWITHSTANDING -191 TERMINOLOGY The Great Dictionary of the Croatian Language (Veliki rjecnik hrvatskoga jezika) by Vladimir Anic reads: boskarin m (G boskarin) reg. Istrian cattle, have pronouncedly large horns, ital. (Anic, 2004:106). Consequently, boskarin is written with a lowercase letter; this is Istrian cattle with exceptionally large horns, and its etymology is of Italian origin. According to Dorigo, boskarin is the name which today denotes Istrian cattle of the steppe breed reduced to a genetic relic (1995: 72). A friend of mine, Darko Pekica, a cattle breeder from Svetvincenat, explains: "Boskarin is the personal name given to a castrated bull, now an ox. Just like Galjardo, Srnea or Bakin, they are castrated bulls." Scientific texts speak exclusively of the Istrian cattle comprising bulls, oxen, cows and calves. "Boskarin" is often the name of an ox, boskarin is the popular name for an ox belonging to the Istrian cattle breed, while the term "Istrian cattle" includes bulls, oxen, cows and calves (Orlic, 2007: 311-312). However, in my recent research conducted in Istria by talking to local people in 2006-2007, as well as the latest interviews conducted in 2015, I came to a field-based conclusion that is somewhat different from my previous considerations regarding the etymology of the name of this animal. Whilst it is clear that Boskarin is the name given to oxen, and we do know what is meant by Istrian cattle, the term boskarin defined by Anic in his Dictionary as a synonym for Istrian cattle has not been accepted in everyday language. More precisely, this depends on the age of the respondent. When older Istrians are questioned about a boskarin, they will be puzzled, and their answer will be something similar to: "I did not have a Boskarin, only a Galjar-do". To them, Boskarin is only a name given to an ox. They had their "blago" (Istrian for cattle), rarely cattle or livestock, which comprised, for instance, two pairs of oxen, two cows and a calf. To the younger generation the term boskarin means an Istrian ox, a castrate or Istrian cattle. This is how I.V., a student from Novigrad, clarifies in her essay: "In my opinion the Istrian boskarin can be presented as a typical Istrian symbol of the past times. As far as I know, it was used to work in the fields and our granddads considered it as something 'sacred' (not literally). They were aware of its service and of its indispensability in field working, since war was going on and one had to struggle for food and survival. When I see it today, I remember the stories told by my granny and it takes me to inner Istria." This item can be substantiated with newspaper articles from the most widely read daily in Istria, Glas Istre. "Despite the fact that quite a few years ago an association to save Istrian cattle was established under the name of the Association of Istrian Cattle Breeders (and not the Association of Boskarin Breeders); despite scientific papers on this topic having the term 'Istrian cattle' in their titles to refer to the breed, and not the term 'boskarin'; despite the recently launched 192 - IVONA ORLIC, SUZANA MARJANIC megaproject for final preservation of Istrian cattle (and not: boskarin) through a cost-effective breeding for meat; despite all these, often and even in complex occasions, the wrong term 'boskarin' is used as the name of the breed" (Sisovic, 2007: 18). However, one must not forget Anic's and other definitions and explanations listed above. Due to such ambiguities, the Agency for Rural Development of Istria (AZRRI) - whose aim is to preserve and safeguard Istrian cattle from extinction, also through promoting gastronomy - experienced rejection from a part of the Istrian people. In my opinion, the reason is the ambiguity of terminology. The exploitation of the Istrian ox in the immediate present as a symbol of Istrian identity - chosen, among other things, also because of a sentimental relation between the Istrian farmer and this noble, strong and gentle animal - led to the consequence that people collectively and emotively relate to the symbol of their origin. In this context, it is impossible that this symbol, i.e., an animal - is eaten. Moreover, it is difficult to kill and eat someone you spent five, ten, even more years together and you call it by its name. Glas Istre published in the column on reactions, an article entitled "Boskarin is a sacred animal for the Istrians" reading: "The promotion of the 'grand' project initiated by the Istrian County regarding the raising of Istrian boskarin [it is interesting that 'Istrian' was emphasized, as if there were other boskarins, author's comment] for meat. I could not but react to this absolutely hypocritical project which is completely contrary to Istrian tradition and culture, and is a reflection of total primitivism. [...] In Istria, boskarin is a holy animal for the Istrians and a greater symbol than a piece of meat. It is therefore unforgivable to brutally belittle such a beautiful animal that had never been considered an animal by the Istrians. [...] Investing the money of taxpayers into the most expensive meat production in order to feed the gluttonous, arrogant gentry is a total absurdity, all under the excuse of preserving Istrian cattle." (Kufnic, 2007: 20). The author of the text goes on to explain that boskarin will not be saved by greedy gentry or incentives, but only by love; he concludes that it is disgraceful to present and fabricate an autochthonous breed as a gourmet delicacy, explaining that the boskarin is like a pet and, like cats, it is not proper to eat it. In the article, Kufnic recollects his did (grandpa) with tears in his eyes while thinking about his oxen. This narrative is not an isolated case; most of my interviewees, now didi (grandpas) recollect their blago with tears in their eyes. However, this generation has a completely different experience of animals. The sudden sickness or death of their cattle would directly endanger their lives. The emotional reaction of the reader of Glas Istre, who could not eat a Galjardo, a Boskarin, a Gardelin or any nameless boskarin - castrated labourer is therefore understandable. It is important to clarify that the permanent safeguarding of Istrian cattle, i.e. their survival, can HERITAGE ANIMALS - WHY NOT? ANTHROPOCENTRISM NOTWITHSTANDING -193 only be successful by means of a commercial source of a first-rate gastronomic offer. A transformation of the traditional relationship towards the animal, whose context also now involves a modern tourist gastronomic offer, must be considered through global implications: the need to preserve the autochthonous and the original through interests and possibilities of the present time. WHAT SHOULD BE INHERITED AND WHAT SHOULD BE PRESERVED? It is our intention in this paper to clarify how traditional inheritance may harm the preservation of Istrian cattle, while, conversely, by relying on tradition, attempts are made to preserve the autochthonous breed within the context of the inevitable economic profitability. We will try to grasp whether Istrian cattle were consumed as food, on what occasions and how often, and whether they can be considered as a gastronomic tradition of Istria. And finally, and perhaps most importantly, do we have any right today to castrate animals, under the contention of modern principles of economy and market capital, only to later eat them? If the genetic material of Istrian cattle is to be preserved, cultural anthropology and anthropozoology have not much say in it; however, if the totality of the coexistence of man and Istrian cattle (Boskarin in particular), but also of cattle as an authentic and equal member of the zoological system of Istria is to be preserved, multidisciplinary collaboration is required. To observe Istrian cattle purely through the gastronomic aspect is definitively not in correlation with tradition. If we speak of a comprehensive concept of the cultural heritage of Istrian cattle, indivisible from man and from natural habitat (with an emphasis on pasture), then they must be seen as a heritage animal. AUTOCHTHONOUS ISTRIAN CATTLE Istrian cattle were first and foremost working cattle. When the cattle became old and feeble and died, they were used for various other purposes. Ox horns were used as ornaments or to make combs, snuffboxes, whetstone holders. Horns were also used to make flutes and parts of pipes. They were also used to make lantern walls, powder horns for hunters, as handles, holders for razors or billhooks. The scrotum was used to make snuffboxes and wallets. The outsole of shoes was made of cow leather (Radaus Ribaric, 1997: 27), just as powder bags and various belting, even the collar of the cowbell around a cow's neck. An interviewee from Zminj, G.Z., explains that the penis was used to make the trta (the link between the yoke and the ole). A traditional game hitaj u rog (hit the horn) is still known in Motovun (also played in Barban and Buzet; a horn is first hit down the hillside, and the aim is to hit a stick as close to the horn as possible. Cattle would be borrowed. The owners of the borrowed ox would ask in return for help with vintage or some other job. The interviewee A.K. confirms: We transported timber or manure or hay for others. Then the others helped us digging or harvesting 194 - IVONA ORLIC, SUZANA MARJANIC crops or cutting grass. In the 16th century, in the area of Roč, cattle were hired, mostly for a measure of wheat, but also rye and millet. Almost always one ox was hired, only rarely a young ox or two oxen (Vlahov, 2006: 588-589). In his description of the Poreč area before World War I, Radetic mentions that in autumn, when the harvesting seasson was over, thousands of sacks full of grain would be brought from the surrounding villages to the Poreč mills ".. .which milled and milled without stopping, day and night, and hundreds and hundreds of carts were waiting their turn, hundreds and hundreds of pairs of powerful oxen were drawing carts laden with barrels of finest wines." (Radetic, 1969: 188). It must be mentioned that cow milk was used for food and that a calf would be sold to cover household expenses, such as tax payment. Istrian cattle were a lasting asset to their owner. Beef was eaten on very rare occasions, normally after the sudden death of an animal. Lovljanov, when describing the life circumstances of Boljun in 1905, in the chapter on food and kitchenware, mentions that oxen would very rarely be killed, and when this was necessary, they would be killed by hitting them with the blunt side of an axe on the head between the horns (Lovljanov, 1949: 127). GROOMING AND CARE OF THE AUTOCHTHONOUS ISTRIAN CATTLE The specific relationship between Istrian cattle and their owners is confirmed in the need to adorn the animals. One of the most eye-catching adornments on the Istrian cattle is the balls placed on the horns. These are first of all used as protection from stabbing, but also as decoration. M.G.: "Just like a young lady wearing earrings on her ears or a bracelet on her arms. Our elders would put brass bolts. And there it was, boasting its beautiful horns, excellent build, and if it had bolts, it was like a model." Brass balls were placed on filed horns. In his philosophical deliberations, Hofbauer sees the brass decoration on the horns as a substitute for the "balls" which were taken from it before (Hofbauer, 2007: 25). The removal of these balls, i.e. the cumbrous moment of castration, was made with the intention to keep the scrotum eye-appealing. As described by the interviewee M.G., in order to obtain: ". small but finely shaped balls. Nice balls, even when dried out on the inside. Now the method of removing them is used while leaving them empty and flabby, only the skin remains. It is not nice to see this. An ox must still have nicely shaped balls, even if it is not sexually capable." Cowherds would brush and groom their oxen to clean their fur, especially when seasons were changing and the fur changed. In the area of Roverija, the Municipality of Juršici, when going to the mill, farmers would rub bacon on the horns and hoofs of their cattle to make them shinier. Rubbing bacon on the area around the eyes and the navel (where the skin is thinner and softer) had a practical purpose as protection from insect bites. HERITAGE ANIMALS - WHY NOT? ANTHROPOCENTRISM NOTWITHSTANDING -195 SURVIVAL OF ISTRIAN CATTLE The revitalization of Istrian cattle started with the establishment of the Association of Istrian Cattle Breeders registered in 1990 with headquarters in Visnjan. A plan was produced to save Istrian cattle, named Istarski boskarin, with the sole aim of preserving them from extinction. The main task was to find purebred Istrian cattle, which was a laborious task due to frequent cross-breeding. Fortunately, the majority of the living examples of Istrian cattle today have their blood type confirmed, based on which progeny and purity of Istrian cattle can be defined. The Croatian centre for animal reproduction is included in the safeguarding of Istrian cattle using the technique of embryo transfer and embryo freezing. "During the stock-taking carried out in Istrian barns in 1994, only 125 heads of Istrian cattle were found; according to Antolovic,2 when there is less than 500 heads left of a breed, the breed is, under the EU standards, considered endangered. In the last ten years, the number of Istrian cattle increased to 270 heads" (Maul, 2004: 16). Nowadays extinction is no longer threatening Istrian cattle, the number of heads ranging between 1,600 and 1,700, 800 of which have been set apart for breeding (cows, bulls and calves)3. This is hardly comparable with the figure of 50,000 registered before World War II, but it gives a reason for optimism and comfort compared to the figure of six genetically purebred samples in 1991. The first genetic park of Istrian cattle, "Stancija boskarin", opened in 1997 in Visnjan. At that point, the park housed 28 purebreds. The Visnjan venture was preceded by the Exhibition of Istrian Oxen - boskarins in Kanfanar during the local festival "Jakovljeva" held on the last Saturday of July. This exhibition was started in 1991. The exhibition usually includes a varied cultural and artistic programme, but is also accompanied by political speeches. The guests of the exhibition of 2004 were thus addressed by the Mayor of Kanfanar, the President of the Association of Istrian Cattle Breeders and by the then prefect of the Istrian County, Ivan Jakovcic. Among other things, the Prefect also announced an economic programme related to Istrian cattle that should be implemented in cooperation with the Slow Food Foundation and receive the support of various European funds, all this in the hope that boskarin will be safeguarded as a living monument of Istria. (Terzic, 2004:15) The oxen parade through the village of Kanfanar along a path lined with numerous spectators until they reach the weighing scales. Cattle breeders demonstrate the skills of their animals in ploughing with a plough in pairs and individually. In the past, one ox or cow was used to close-plough vines and corn. A yoke of oxen would plough the land for planting potatoes and sowing grains. Ploughing an entire field would require two, three or more yokes of strong oxen, with two or more families forming a sprega (a team). 2 Milan Antolovic - Head of the County Administrative Department for Agriculture and Forestry. 3 Gordan Subara, Dr. Med. Vet.; Economic Development Programmes Manager, AZRRI. 196 - IVONA ORLIC, SUZANA MARJANIC Deep ploughing would see three yokes of oxen, which was called a sestarica (a six-pack) (Sepic, 1997: 151.) Oxen are appraised in six categories: weight, obedience and beauty. Owners of awarded oxen receive cash rewards. The experience of the festival is magnificent: mighty, good-natured and obedient animals seem as if arriving from a past moment to evoke feelings of nostalgia for past times, but also to evoke the feeling of regional belonging, without forgetting that they are here also as a tourist attraction. The justification of their arrival on asphalt - which is not their natural surface - to the stage (weighing scales) and their newly-acquired function as an exhibit, reflect our understanding and our choice about which animal species must survive; and - let us not be confused - also to our benefit. Older citizens of Istria still cannot be reconciled with the consequences of the arrival of tractors. They recognize the strength of a tractor, but it is their common opinion that an ox can plough where a tractor cannot. The bond between a master and an ox can still be felt today. Former owners of a Boskarin, today owners of a tavern, have hung photos of the household and their relatives with their Boskarin all around the tavern. A retired farmer and innkeeper from Zbandaj, Mico, taught us that boskarins used to be the measure of wealth, that they were extremely intelligent and easy-learning creatures, and that they would transfer knowledge to each other. When a new boskarin was yoked, it would soon learn how to plough with the assistance of the older boskarin. Boskarin - from a peasant worker to a showpiece Jakovlja, Kanfanar, 2005 (photo by: Ivona Orlic). HERITAGE ANIMALS - WHY NOT? ANTHROPOCENTRISM NOTWITHSTANDING -197 EMOTIONAL RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN MAN AND AUTOCHTHONOUS ISTRIAN CATTLE "It is said that Jerolim has a better relationship with oxen than with people. When the lady sells an ox, he will not let her, he fights and cries and does not eat for two days." (Valic, 2004:80). An indicative and touching story was told by Š. B. from Višnjan who was liberated from a concentration camp in Berlin as a sixteen-year-old boy. Whilst the other prisoners took gold and other valuables they found, he took a chain for his Boškarin: "And I brought home a chain for Boškarin. I found a nice chain to hang the cowbell. I came back in 1945; the chain was very beautiful." The book of fiction Storije od žalosti (Stories of Sorrow) by Drago Orlic contains 35 stories set in the first half of the 20th century, seven of which mention Istrian cattle. Let us mention some of them. In the story Kumovi (Fellows) the author describes the stealing of cattle: "In the blunt night delirium, I discerned brigands removing cowbells off the cattle and by the steps of the cattle I knew that his ox Galjardo, cow Srnela and the calf were being taken away" (Orlic 2007: 29). The story Dvoboj (Duel) describes the return of the main character from the hospital. He was brought home by his neighbours on an ox cart. Maybe the most scenic and emotional relationship between cattle and man is shown in the story Pizdohran (Live-in Son-in-law): The young bull Brun, still uncastrated and without brass "bolts" on its horns, charged out of the blue and with all its might against Srnela. The first two times it impaled it on its horns, the third time the cow was hit into the air as if of straw... The cow was skinned immediately, it was summertime, there was no time to spare. Messengers were sent around asking if anyone wanted to buy a kilo or two of meat. This was the only way to mitigate the damage. People responded, and Srnela was sold out before night, the last big pieces went to the butcher from the town. .the young man's mother, who was sitting next to the entrance door, simply collapsed. She died of grief for her cow. (D. Orlic, 2007: 101)4 Each interviewee/cowman developed close and deeply emotional relationships with their oxen. Let us emphasize one example. Š.B.: "When we bought our first ox I thought we were a step forward, poor me, as if it were a bulldozer, even more. I thought I was the best in the world and nothing else mattered. Here in Višnjan, we had bought a milk cow, but they are not as robust as our Istrians. Istrian cattle are much stronger. They were lively, formidable, always happy. 4 Naturally, it must be taken into consideration that the author has right to poetic licence, and that he is writing about times of his youth or before his birth; in most of the cases, he retells stories he had not lived himself, but passed down to him by oral tradition. 198 - IVONA ORLIC, SUZANA MARJANIC That one was the last one; I had to abandon it [crying]. I had to leave. There was no more unity and no family, and I had to go away. The last one was called Boškarin, the one I had to leave. That was its name. I had to abandon that one without turning back. It was sad, very sad." The problems of the autochthonous Istrian cattle preoccupy the above-mentioned cattle breeder and poet from Svetvinčenat, Darko Pekica. He wrote a song named Istrijanke ili Evropljanke (Istrians or Europeans) for Franci Blaškovic's album Merack za FAK. The song expresses his dilemma in the choice of the breed: Na Istrijanke imaš šoldo od države aš zumiru, You get money for the Istrians from the state as they are becoming extinct Evropljanke muzu trideset, kvarnar do pedeset litri. Europeans give thirty, forty even fifty litres of milk Solde je udjenih i drugih. Both yield money. Z Istrijankami je manje dela, Istrians give you less work Evropljanke triba napro tendit. Europeans must be tended well. GASTRONOMY AND ISTRIAN CATTLE An Istrian ox, old and worn out, would end its life in a slaughterhouse. Today, when extinction is threatening, the real gourmets were left without a classic culinary standard - beef soup. This pijat (dish), typically Middle-European, has lost the quality and taste and is slowly disappearing from our tables; what is left is just the surrogate beef soup (in stock cubes or packets). Boiled beef, seasoned with coarse sea salt, with side dishes of horse-radish and boiled Swiss chard, is an almost forgotten dish. Oxtail soup was especially appreciated. Butchers would often leave the tail for themselves or for their friends and privileged customers. Today's beef does not get close to the old one. A greater power or a greater production power is not always in symbiosis with quality. A growing number of scientists, not only those nostalgists, who believe that breeds selected to achieve record production "yield low-grade products from the organoleptic, health and nutritional aspect" (Dorigo, 1995: 73). Although tastes should not be discussed, it is worth mentioning the opinion that "there is no comparison between the meat obtained from traditionally raised cattle and that of cattle subjected to finishing, fed on corn flour and integrators and raised in battery cages" (Dorigo, 1995: 73). The entire text is permeated with an emotional relationship between boskarin and man, once in an actual way, today in thoughts, recollections and emotions... Both new and old uses of Istrian cattle are of equal importance when it comes to human benefit. The boskarin will survive and be integrated only if it is cost-effective. (Unless it is kept as a pet, as a species in extinction in a zoo or as an accessory on a farm). Glas Istre published HERITAGE ANIMALS - WHY NOT? ANTHROPOCENTRISM NOTWITHSTANDING -199 an article under the indicative title Boskarin -from the field to the plate, mentioning that the Agency for the Rural Development and the Slow Food Foundation work together on a project aimed at a permanent safeguarding of Istrian cattle, explaining that in the European Union there are no subsidies exclusively for keeping animals. The article points out that Istrian cattle are not a holy cow and that over the last decade cattle have been turned into a fetish that must be broken; self-financing production must be developed. The idea to make Istrian cattle the first recognizable autochthonous breed of Istria is being developed to prove that its meat is of better quality than that of other breeds (Flegar, 2004: 16). The leading partner in the safeguarding of the Istrian autochthonous cattle is AZRRI (Agency for Rural Development of Istria). The aim of the project led by the agency is to brand Istrian cattle as a trademark of Istrian tourism and gastronomy, founded on tradition, and to promote the meat of this autochthonous breed, which should, in the long term, ensure the survival of the species that was recently threatened by extinction and that remains endangered (Medic, 2007: 17). The term "tradition" is conditional on the passing of experience, knowledge, and customs from generation to generation. Clearly, a romantic recollection of this giant but gentle animal helping the poor farmer is still deeply rooted in the man-boskarin relationship, as part of the cultural heritage. This relationship, pervaded with attention, mutual respect and a symbiosis of survival, has remained recorded in the memory and is passed to the generations along a very emotional story. Nevertheless, was the meat of Istrian cattle ever eaten in Istria? This is a question gaining more and more attention. Arguments are also found in tradition in order to justify the saving of Istrian cattle by means of gastronomy. In his book Glagoljski rukopisi iz Roca (Glagolithic Manuscripts of Roc), which covers the period from 1523 to 1611, Vlahov presents information on the prices of livestock, meat and skin. In 1528, an ox was worth 24 libras, while in 1600 it was worth between 72 and 90 libras. The author assumes that the difference in price depended on the weight of the oxen. However, and more interesting for our purposes, are the records, although rare, of the prices of meat of ox, young ox and calf. Prices of skins of single animals are listed. The best-selling was the skin of an ox, with the price ranging between 6 and 14 libras. Only one instance of sale of a cow skin was recorded (Vlahov, 2006: 29-30). It can thus be inferred that in the 16th century Roc, ox meat, young ox meat and calf meat was sold and eaten. An interviewee from Zbandaj, B. M., said that soup made from Istrian cattle did not require additives as the meat was caloric and sweet, while the soup made with the meat of non-Istrian cattle required a lot of salt and beef concentrate. At the beginning of the last century, veal was prepared in the following way: "Meat: veal, ... fried on fat or lard. Stew is prepared in a saucepan. Meat is cut into pieces, fried on lard, flour is stirred until golden, water is added and let to boil" (Lovljanov, 1949: 131). Lovljanov stated that meat was eaten only for holidays. An interviewee from Visnjan, S.B., recollects that during the Italian regime, there was a terrible famine, but with the arrival of Yugoslavia in 1945 tasty home-raised meat began to be consumed. 200 - IVONA ORLIC, SUZANA MARJANIC The opinion of B.O., a butcher, Istrian-cattle breeder and owner of an agro-tourism facility from Juršici, is interesting. He believes that soon he will be able to present the lifelong cycle of the cattle: from the moment they are born to the moment they are offered as a gastronomic product. He sees the gourmet success in the quality of meat that has not been crossbred or genetically modified, and in the natural diet of cattle. S.P., a chef from Katun near Poreč, explains that Istrian cattle meet is best used to cook soup or žgvacet stew (savoury sauce). He adds that the circumstances in Istria did not allow for frequent consumption of meat. For this reason, the traditional gastronomy presents scarce examples of meat dishes, mostly in the form of šugo, a type of sauce which served more as a side dish to give flavour to polenta or home-made pasta. Beef soup was cooked only on very special occasions, for holidays, or when this was necessary due to the death of the animal. In the opinion of another chef from Poreč, the meat of Istrian cattle cannot be given proper value in hotels through holiday packages, due to the difference in price. It is also considered that a boarding guest would not be able to appreciate the value of the dish, unless this was explained to him. Today Istrian beef can be prepared as soup. Flank or spare ribs can be cooked in the soup, and thus cooked meat can be offered with tomato sauce and a side dish. Beef can also be braised. It is not recommended to prepare fast-cooking meals because the meat is rather tough, it is better if boiled in some way. A steak could be prepared, but only if obtained from a very young calf. It is suggested and presumed that Istrian cattle can be enjoyed in some specialized restaurants of farm holiday facilities, meaning that one will go to a restaurant with a plan to eat home-raised beef, as is the case with, for instance, truffles. It is important that good quality meat of Istrian cattle meat is offered and not replaced by farmed meat. The success of the Istrian cattle project as a gastronomic delicacy depends on all stakeholders in the chain, from breeders to caterers. This potential tourist and gastronomic attraction must not be confused for the former attraction when an entire ox was roasted on a spit during local tourist festivals. That ox would always be farmed, never a home-raised animal. Even if one would like to offer an Istrian ox prepared in this way, it would have to be a very young ox. Istrian cattle were consumed only occasionally, in extreme circumstances, and were eaten by those who had not had a symbiosis-like relationship with it. B.M.: "...Once there used to be hundreds of them in the village. In 1944, the Germans besieged Radmani during a battle at Ladrovici, and they confiscated all of them; some families had twelve, thirteen heads of cattle. If I am not wrong, one family had eighteen heads. And the Germans did not leave one. And they fed on them, they killed them, ate all the meat, and that was it." Even today, in 2016, the life of Istrian cattle remains contradictory and dichotomous. The article Runaway cows usurped hunting ground at Gračišce quotes that a pensioner from the village of Mrleti near Gračišce, bought a dozen heads of Istrian cattle from AZRRI. Three cows ran away, one even calved in the wilderness, so that the calf was following them. Feral cows cannot be domesticated again and will have to be slaughtered (Dagostin, 2016: 12). HERITAGE ANIMALS - WHY NOT? ANTHROPOCENTRISM NOTWITHSTANDING -201 The other extreme (of successful domestication) of life/death of this animal can be learned from AZRRI's winter/spring cycle of culinary workshops at the Educational-Gastronomy Centre of Istria. A workshop led by the chef Zdravko Tomšič was dedicated to Istrian cattle meat in general. He decided to show to the attendees, mainly professional chefs from Istrian restaurants, how less used and less attractive meat cuts can be prepared. The demonstration focused on spare ribs, flank steak, tongue, boned shank and brisket. I have been dedicated to boškarin meat for more than ten years. When we were just starting, only the tenderloin and sirloin steaks were asked for. Other meat cuts were hardly associated with any culinary value... namely they would end in soups and stews. Since not all meat cuts are available in desired quantities, especially not those most popular and in demand, the aim of this workshop is to teach that almost the entire carcass can be employed to prepare attractive a la carte dishes in restaurants, said Tomšič on this topic. (Zdravko Tomšič, according to Šišovič, 2016: 17) These two articles, published in the interval of less than a month, underline the dominance of man over animal, where the animal is reduced to objectified meat. AUTOCHTONOUS ISTRIAN CATTLE TODAY Istrian cattle have lost the sense of domesticated animals. They lost their precedence in working processes to more powerful and economical machines, dairy cows and farmed calves. The breeding of Istrian cattle today has become a status symbol or a sentimental object of affection (Hofbauer, 2007: 20), a competitor in beauty pageants and a gastronomic feature of Istria. Oxen owners compete even in the category of ox weight (up to 1.4 t). Why weight? What is there to be drawn? Prestige, owner's vanity? Over a particular time, status symbols change. Thus, at the beginning of the last century owning cattle meant prosperity and power; half a century later it meant frailty, old age and poverty. The symbol of power in a village was represented by the tractor. The symbolic position of power today, at the beginning of another century, has been regained by the ox. Modern breeders confirmed that they undertook tending the animals for the money received through subsidies, but also for love, to make their dreams come true or, as one interviewee confessed, "I breed them as they serve my ego", continuing that he was aware that one day they would become food on tables, but they would also serve as spiritual food for the breeders. Man and cattle lived in symbiosis, and their lives depended on each other. The importance of cattle can be noted in the then religious moment when both houses and barns were blessed. Modern-day values and positions towards the boškarin are part of traditional heritage that, in contact with the present, are assuming political connotations. Today economic profit from a boškarin is only casual; this is not the primary and only source of income of a family. This is also one of the reasons taht the previous layered 202 - IVONA ORLIC, SUZANA MARJANIC relationship cannot be relived. In the opinion of the breeders and tourist workers, Istrian cattle can survive only if their breeding becomes commercially justified. A conversion of purpose is called for - from the anthropocentric aspect, of course, since, as it could be inferred from the newspaper article, Istrian cattle can live and reproduce in the wild. The problem with emotions that are inherited, but not personally lived, is that they remain deposited in ethnographic notes or in the memories as intangible heritage. The question of reconstruction of the relationship between Istrian cattle and man remains an open issue for the future research studies. It is to be assumed that the search for profit which depends on good quality meat - and quality relies on traditional values such as pasture in a natural environment - will bring man and boskarin closer and reinstate a high-quality relationship. IN LIEU OF A CONCLUSION Were Istrian cattle once consumed in Istria? According to the available literature, the answer is affirmative. Were Istrian cattle part of a traditional diet in Istria? No, several generations within a family never tasted the meat of Istrian cattle. Was Boskarin ever eaten in Istria? Extremely rarely, mostly when it died of old age or injuries. Finally, our present time features the category of autochthonous Istrian cattle, which are becoming a gastronomic delicacy of Istria; there is also the category of the memory of Istrian cattle whose member was sometimes called Boskarin. The global trend of creating something new but with the seal of autochthonous is also done in Istria through the boskarin. We decided to save this noble breed from extinction, we decided to preserve autochthonous genetic material for future generations, we decided to breed it and sell it, we decided to be determined, persistent, noble and powerful. But we did not preserve Boskarin. The entire set of problems surrounding Boskarin is based on the microcontext of man and cattle, as part of the cultural heritage of Istria; this microcontext, compared to global ambitions of breeders of autochthonous Istrian cattle, has little in common today. In order to have the recontextualization of this animal accepted in Istria, it must be clearly distinguished that Boskarin is not the same as autochthonous Istrian cattle, apart from their sharing the same genetic material. It is precisely in this complexity of problems ranging from cost-effectiveness to safeguarding of cattle to preservation of Boskarin's heritage that I see a need for multidisciplinary collaboration and common endeavour towards a rural park. Should Boskarin be preserved? S.B.: "Its time has passed. People are not for it any more. But when there is an exhibition of oxen, I watch them all day long. They are still as they used to be, but there are very few of them. They need to work to live. Work keeps them alive." The animal has always been present in Istrian culture. The bonds between Istrian cattle and Istrian man have been interwoven for centuries. A mutual relationship between two cultures, the animal one with its obvious ability to pass experience and knowledge onto HERITAGE ANIMALS - WHY NOT? ANTHROPOCENTRISM NOTWITHSTANDING -203 the younger generation, and the culture of man able to be sudden and fast-changing, results in an impressive autochthonous wealth. The increasingly dominant position of man has left the cattle overshadowed. I believe that man will save Istrian cattle because there are a number of interested individuals and a growing number of reasons for their preservation. However, cultural zoology, with its knowledge on the mutual influence of man and animal, must also be heard to side with the animal. A great number of scientists and experts are dealing with the problem of the domestication of animals. One of the possible divisions is to "utilitarian" animals kept outside human dwellings, with no emotional relations, and "pets" which live with man, are communicated with and played with (Viskovic, 1996:277). Normally, Istrian cattle lived separated from the household (animals on the ground floor and people on the first floor, separated by wooden planks), however under the same roof. But they were always talked to, tended, cared for; this is especially true today when they are taken to exhibitions. Istrian cattle have been changing their status as social changes would occur in Istria. Domestication means possession of an animal, but also the human power to change the animal. This reflects the diachronic sequence of the boskarin's life. Boskarin was once the synonym of life; today, it is first of all emotion. Istrian cattle have learned to live with the needs of the Istrians. Istrian learned through history how to co-exist with various occupiers and liberators. Boskarin and man, slightly similar in the extinction of the original and local, always more similar in the revival of folklore in this modern and - above all - consumer society. By changing the boskarin, we change ourselves. Its smell is not pleasant any more, but also our smell is not pleasant: our hair or many other things about us are not natural. From the wild to the domesticated to the gastronomic delicacy. The destiny of the boskarin, and ours, perhaps? Ivona Orlic The photo displayed in the butcher shop "Graciano" in Zminj (the owner of the photograph: Graciano Zohil). 204 - IVONA ORLIC, SUZANA MARJANIC CYNICISM: AZZRI AND BOSKARIN WITH POTATOES "The question is not, Can they reason? nor, Can they talk? but, Can they suffer?" Jeremy Bentham, An Introduction to the Principles of Morals and Legislation, 1823. The concept of promoting the B/boskarin as a gastro-phenomenon was the dominant feature of the school project Boskarin with Potatoes (2012 to 2014), by the City of Pula, developed as the confirmation of collaboration with the French town of Villefranche-de-Rouergue, which became a partner city of Pula in 2008. As part of the project, local products were presented; the Istrian Boskarin (that is the Boskarin was presented as a product rather than an animal) and the Ségala potato variety from the French region of Midi-Pyrénées. Hence the Boskarin (Istrian ox), a native Croatian livestock breed, has been "revitalized" in the 21st century as an economic and gastronomic sacrifice of the EU project.5 The wish to protect the native breed of Istrian cattle,6 because of the rapid decrease in cattle threatening the extinction of the breed, resulted in a series of activities with the aim of protecting the future lives of the Boskarin. The process of extinction, fortunately, has been stopped. However, in a profit-orientated society, the Boskarin is reduced solely to food, and it is sold under the false trademark: "The meat of the Istrian ox - the original Istrian product!"7 The extinction of the Istrian cattle was caused by the rapid mechanization of villages. However, the rapid development of tourism initiated the increasing demand for meat and milk.8 In the 1990s, the population of the Istrian cattle fell to little over 100 (Prekalj, 2008: 60). In 2004, there were about 270 pure-bred Istrian cattle, in comparison with a figure of 50,000 before World War II.9 As written on the web-page of the Agency for Rural Development of Istria (AZZRI): The industrialisation of agriculture, the appearance of mechanisation, social trends in rural areas and the economic orientation towards tourism in the early 1950s resulted in the replacement of the Istrian cattle with more productive breeds. Crops and vineyards became the prevalent cultures, whereas cattle farming took on a secondary role.10 5 A remark: According to animal rights theoreticians, in avoiding speciesism (cf. Dunayer 2004/2009) in the English language, we shall be using the personal pronouns he/she for the Istrian cattle, instead of the pronoun it in this paper. 6 The term of the Istrian cattle includes the bulls, oxen, cows and calves. 7 Cf. http://konoba-nono.com/en/istria/ (Accessed 1 November 2015). 8 An additional factor of the extinction of the Istrian cattle was the departure of the younger rural population to coastal areas, in tourist centres in search for new, "easier" jobs. 9 Throughout Istria in 1994 there were only 16 head, 4 cows and 8 bulls, of whom at least six were related, which threatened the degeneration of the species. In 2009 there was about 600 head (Božic 2009, http). 10 Cf. http://www.azrri.hr/index.php?id=55&L=1 (Accessed 1 November 2015). HERITAGE ANIMALS - WHY NOT? ANTHROPOCENTRISM NOTWITHSTANDING -205 The project of the edible Boskarin started in 2004, which documents the article entitled "Boskarin from the campaign on a plate", published in the daily newspaper Glas Istre. The article noted that the AZZRI's Slow Food project was working for the permanent protection of the Istrian cattle, justifying their position that in the European Union there is no other incentive only to keep the animals. The article emphasizes that the Istrian cattle is not a sacred cow and that in the last ten years, the Boskarin had become a fetish that should be dismantled. Additionally, AZZRI is trying to spread the idea that the Istrian cattle will become the first recognizable indigenous species from Istria, however with the aim of proving that his meat is better than other varieties at (cf. Flegar, 2004: 16).11 In addition, today, among other tasks, AZZRI organizes workshops on the processing of meat of Istrian Boskarin cattle for all interested citizens - lovers of gastronomy. The price for a one-day workshop is 500 kunas (VAT included, in 2015). In that way, AZRRI is proud that today Boskarin is hailed as a gourmet delicacy in Istria, and that his meat is part of the gourmet cuisine of the region. However, in that revitalization, AZRRI forgets that Boskarin was a working animal and was never bred for gourmet purposes as it is today. Turning the Boskarin on a spit has nothing to do with traditions. In ethno-traditional culture, the Istrian ox was never eaten. It was only eaten as old meat, as Ivona Orlic pointed out in the first part of this article. Thus, his meat today is only propaganda driven by touristic-economic factors. Hence, the once Istrian ox, as an old animal, only then found himself as a delicacy. In that way, it was expensive, with meat and soup being made from the tail of the oxen. Often, butchers left the tail for themselves, friends and preferred customers. As history goes in a cynical way, the AZRRI is considered to be the principal carrier-going protection of the indigenous Istrian cattle. In short, journalists follow their lead and write articles asserting that that only gastronomy can save the Istrian cattle from the extinction (cf. Medic, 2007: 17). Unfortunately, besides the meat of the Istrian cattle, in the same way in the near future the meat of other Istrian autochthonous animals (donkeys, sheep, goat) would be invested in and, as it is believed on that way, that these animals would be saved from extinction (cf. Sisovic 2014). However, this is just a mask to justify of slaughtering of animals, nothing else, nothing more; the slaughtering must be justified by profit. Thus, after the 1990s, the Boskarin received the status of a sacred cow as an exhibition piece in the marking of the Istrian identity; in the following decade the Boskarin was modified into a delicacy. That is, since 1991, after a ban of forty years, the Jakovlja (a folk festival on the occasion of St. James) began to be organized in Kanfanar (Istria) and one of the most attractive events for the celebration of Jakovlja is the exhibition of 11 It is real cynicism that on the main web-page of this Agency the following story about the history of the Istrian ox is written: "The story began with the farming of these strong animals in order of economic exploitation. The man on the land of Istria survived in the coexistence with the Istrian ox. The landscape was barren, but in the ecological sense - the landscape was really varied and valuable. So, the story about boskarin will not end. It continues! But nowadays Istrian ox will not survive in order to haul wagons and will not plow. The Istrian ox will strengthen the Istrian tourism and gastronomy. And in that way the Istrian ox will survive modern disease and misfortune." Cf. http://www.azrri.hr/index.php?id=99 206 - IVONA ORLIC, SUZANA MARJANIC Istrian oxen and cattle. Unfortunately, after this role of Boskarin as a fetish of the 1990s, in the next decade, he was dismantled, and the Boskarin has been revitalized only for the purpose of profitable agro-tourism and gastro-tourism. So, as Ivona Orlic aphoristically emphasized in the first part of the article, the Istrian ox was used throughout history as a peasant worker, though later, during the 1990s, as a showpiece - during the predominance of the national identity that people found in the Boskarin. Nowadays, the Istrian ox exists only as a gastronomic delicacy, living to be killed and to be eaten. Apparently, in anthropocentric society, this is the only way in which this animal can survive and not become extinct. The school project Boskarin with Potatoes (Pula, Villefranche-de-Rouergue, 2012 to 2014). REWILDING EUROPE / BOSKARIN However, there is also another option, to settle the Boskarin in his natural habitat. At the end of March 2015, twelve Boskarin cattle (five cows, five heifers and two calves) were transported to the Tauros programme, to the breeding site in the Velebit mountains. According to the latest information (in 2015), the animals are doing well in their new home. It is a part of the rewilding efforts by Rewilding Europe and the Tauros programme's plans to de-domesticate or rewild primaeval cattle breeds to return them to their original form - the aurochs, an ancient Eurasian bovine species that became extinct in 1627, in Poland. HERITAGE ANIMALS - WHY NOT? ANTHROPOCENTRISM NOTWITHSTANDING -207 A little bit more must be said on the context of this programme, which I consider to be most reasonable, of course in a way how it is possible to be reasonable in a profitable society, in revitalising Boskarin. In November 2012, Rewilding Europe and the Taurus Foundation, as I learned thanks to the cultural anthropologist Lidija Bernardic, signed a long-term agreement to help preserve biodiversity in Europe through a breeding programme in the hope of bringing back a functional, wild version of the aurochs, which were the ancestors of every head of domestic cattle in the world.12 Henri Kerkdijk-Otten, a former member of the non-profit organization Rewilding Europe, has a lifetime of experience in understanding the mega-fauna of our prehistoric world. His interest and research focuses on the reconstruction and rebirth of Europe's original mega-fauna, such as the aurochs, wild horse and water buffalo. Among other facts, Rewilding Europe makes a distinction between restoration and rewilding:13 Rewilding is really not about going back in time. It is instead about giving more room to wild, spontaneous nature to develop, in a modern society. Going back (to when?) is not a real alternative, it is just nostalgia. Rewil-ding is about moving forward, but letting nature itself decide much more and man decide much less. (Rewilding Europe, 2011) THE ZOO-SYMBOLS OF ISTRIA While the Istrian goat is the symbol of Istrian identity (cf. "Zakrivljeno palico v roki..., 2007-2013),14 Boskarin today occupies, also as the zoo-symbol of Istrian identity, an important place, but on the menus of fine restaurants. The goat is on the coat of arms and the flag of the County of Istria, as well as on the Croatian flag. The Tourist Board promotes, through its marketing materials, also a goldfinch (cesljugar) - a small bird that was once much more commonly present in the lives of Istrian peasants, who spent most of their time in nature. The Tourist Board also promotes donkeys as a symbol of Istrian identity. All of these animals appear as zoo-symbols and zoo-trademarks of the region. Unlike the aforementioned animals, the Boskarin is the identification symbol of a regional affiliation 12 Cf. http://www.rewildingeurope.com/news/lika-plains-officially-opened-as-natural-grazing-pilot-in-velebit/ (Accessed 1 November 2015) Here I can add that, in my opinion, it is not necessary to take cross breeding to invent aurochs, it is enough to put Boskarin in a natural habitat of course under the control because this re-wilding programme is not completely natural; environmental recovery is a designed, human-made nature to fulfil our postmodern standards for wilderness. 13 The cattle now brought to Velebit, come from the Stifanic farm in the village of Visnjan in Istria. To conclude, 12 Boskarins in Velebit became part of the Tauros Breeding Programme in 2014. With these herds, reintroduction of natural grazing as a key natural process has started both in Western Iberia and Velebit, and is prepared for the Danube Delta. Cf. http://rewildingeurope.com/wp-content/uploads/2014/06/Rewilding-E-urope-Annual-Review-2013.pdf 14 In the monograph Zakrivljeno palico v roki... (2007-2013) one can see the photograph of the goat with the bag on her udder in order to prevent the baby goat from sucking on it mother's milk; the best goat could produce litres of milk per day (cf. "Zakrivljeno palico v roki...", 2007-2013:118). 208 - IVONA ORLIC, SUZANA MARJANIC because of autochthony or exclusive affiliation to the Istrian peninsula; however, despite this fact, he is extremely exploited in meat consumption - he is served in many Istrian restaurants of the highest culinary standards (as well as the highest price), and under the false trademark "The meat of the Istrian cattle - the original Istrian product!" (cf. photo 5), of course cynically, thanks to AZZRI.15 The poster of the multimedia festival Sedam dana stvaranja / Seven Days of Creation (Pazin, 2013): the zoo-conjunction of the Istrian goat and Boskarin (photo: Davor Sanvincenti). FINALLY, THE CORE QUESTION OF HOW TO KEEP THE BOSKARIN Here, I would like to mention the performance Requiem for Boskarin (2005), Svetvincenat, Istria by multimedia artist Darwin Butkovic, dedicated to the Boskarin that was slaughtered the next day. Along the lines of the activity of St. Francis, who preached to the birds, the artist thus decided to play Requiem for Boskarin (cf. Marjanic, 2014: 1662). Or as Ivona Orlic pointed reported, one informant said: "Their time is in the past. They need to work in order to be alive. Work is what keeps them alive." In these statements, 15 Cf. http://www.azrri.hr/fileadmin/Novinski_clanci/Dodjela_oznaka_Buscina.pdf (Accessed 1 January 2010). HERITAGE ANIMALS - WHY NOT? ANTHROPOCENTRISM NOTWITHSTANDING -209 we can see the truth and foundations for the existence of the Boskarin. As the Boskarin was primarily a working animal (Svrtan, Labrovic, 1995: 24), his existence cannot be reduced only to a delicacy, an object for consumption. Paradoxically, to AZZRI's tasks of modifying Boskarin to the haute cuisine this Agency writes the following on its web-page: "For centuries, Istrian farmers have bred Istrian cattle as intelligent and obedient animals, with moderate feed requirements, to work the Istrian soil and produce food for both. Breeding should continue along these lines." So, the question is: why does AZRRI not want to promote breeding along these lines? FINAL REMARK Here I do not want to offend anybody, but from the position of the anthropology of animals and critical animal studies, I merely want to emphasize that the Boskarin cannot survive only as a delicacy, as he is also a working animal. As the Boskarin is no longer necessary as a working animal, of course, there is the problem of how he can survive. This huge animal with a mild character, who for centuries was the main power in the fertile red soil in Istria, can only survive in geno-parks such as the one in Visnjan which is run by the president of the Association of Breeders, Aldo Stifanic, as well as in the programme Rewilding Europe. The second remark: in comparison with Ivona Orlic, here I use the term Boskarin as the synonym for the Istrian cattle, because it is common in everyday usage to use the name Boskarin as a general noun. Furthermore as the authors of the Encyclopedia of Croatian Domestic Animals, have used these synonyms (Istrian cattle or Boskarin) (Enciklopedija hrvatskih domacih zivotinja 2003: 47).16 Or, as it written in the Istrian Encylopedia: "boskarin (Friuli boscarin: raw wooden cane and cattle name), the most widespread Istrian folk name for bovine Istrian Podolac" (Istarska enciklopedija). However, Goran Subara from AZRRI found some mistakes in this short encyclopaedic explanation: Boskarin is the name of a bull or an ox that is most commonly used (Boskarina is the name of the cow or heifer). The official name of the breed is the Istrian ox. The breed of Istrian cattle belongs to a wider group of breeds - Podolian breed. Therefore, there are two mistakes in Istrain Encylopedia: Firstly, Boskarin was the most widespread name that was given to the ox, a bull or cow of Istrian cattle (other common names were: Bakin, Mandula, Srnela, Galjarda, Sivo...), so this is not the name of cattle Istrian Podolian breed. Secondly, the breed is Istrian cattle / Bovino Istriano which belongs to the group Podolian breeds (Italian breeds: Maremana, Chianina, Marchigiana, Podolica, Romagnola, the Istrian breed and Croatian breed - Slavonia and 16 A special feature of the Istrian cattle is the pigmentation of the palate and lead-grey tongue. There is a saying: "The real Istrian bull has black sky" (In the ancient Croatian language, dialect there is no word of the palate but sky (nebo); they marked the palate as the sky) (the upper part of the mouth) (Enciklopedija hrvatskih domacih zivotinja 2003: 47, video Istrian Oxen - Bakin and Boskarin, 2011). 210 - IVONA ORLIC, SUZANA MARJANIC Srijem Podolac; Hungarian breed: Hungarian gray cattle, Serbian breed: Podolian Cattle). (from e-mail conversation with Ivona Orlic). Furthermore, there is an understatement in the definition of the name Boskarin. It is supposed that Boskarin got the name because of his work in forests (the word forest in the Istrian dialect is bosku). However, the Istrian Encyclopedia the Friuli noun boscarin - in the meaning of raw cane, is mentioned and, of course, the cattle name. As far as the final boskarin in/on his way from the farmers through the exhibit and today as "delicacies", here we can add the conclusion of Ivona Orlic, who denies the allegation referred to AZZRI that the Istrian cattle used primarily for meat production. Ivona Orlic pointed out that the Istrian ox only as old and worn out ended his life in a slaughterhouse (Orlic, 2007: 322), which means that he was never used primarily for meat production, slaughter, as he is used nowadays in commercial purposes of AZZRI. While commercialization of the boskarin goes in the direction of gastronomy, for the Istrian people; boskarin, as the ethnotradition evidenced, was a sacred animal, by the words of Nenad Kuftic, who was cited in the text of Ivona Orlic. THE CONTEXTUALIZATION OF THE ANTHROPOLOGY OF ANIMALS In her 1989 book Humans and Other Animals: Beyond the Boundaries of Anthropology, the cultural and social anthropologist Barbara Noske made her demand for the shaping of the anthropology of animals, due to the fact that anthropocentric anthropology dominated in relation to animals. Or, in her words: "Alas, there exists no anthropology of animals, only an (anthropocentric) anthropology of humans in relation to animals" (Noske, 1989: 169).17 Noske suggests that such scholarly discipline - the anthropology of animals -could bear the name anthropozoology or zooanthropology (Noske, 1989: 170). Noske takes these terms from John Cunningham Lilly (Lilly on Dolphins, Humans of the Sea, 1975), "where he uses these terms with reference to a possible study of human-dolphin communication" (Noske, 1989: 212).18 In that process, starting out from her own profession - which is cultural or social anthropology - Barbara Noske states that some animal scientists have established that there are certain shortcomings of their own "subject-object-minded science" and have realized the anthropological potential for the study of animals, which other anthropologists have not yet comprehended (Noske, 1989: 169). We can check her detection on the example of anthropology offered by William A. Haviland. Namely, according to the tautological definition he proposes in his book, the 17 I have emphasized in the title of this paper the scholarly discipline that could be called, according to Barbara Noske, the anthropology of animals, which could also definitely be a terminological umbrella for research into animalistic themes in folklore. 18 This final part of the article I have used from my article The Anthropology of Animals - Paradox and/or Necessity, which I wrote for the International Interdisciplinary Symposium "What to Do with Folklore" (Ljubljana, 2009). HERITAGE ANIMALS - WHY NOT? ANTHROPOCENTRISM NOTWITHSTANDING -211 university textbook on anthropology, Cultural Anthropology (1st edition 1975), anthropology studies human beings, in the framework of which biological (physical) anthropology deals with biological organisms, while cultural anthropology does so with "people as cultural animals" (cf. Haviland, 2004: 8). It could thus be concluded that animals are "uncultural animals", despite the undeniable fact that they, too, possess cultural patterns. Therefore, it is obvious that such anthropology excludes animals; in other words, it includes them solely if the animals are used for cognition on the supernatural anthropos as "cultural animals".19 Briefly, as Molly Mullin says in connection with anthropological research, the anthropological anthropocentric approaches of the past depicted animals as passive objects of human agency towards better understanding humans (Mullin, 2002: 390). Furthermore, physical anthropology - by Haviland's definition - also deals with the study of primates other than human beings in order to establish the origins of the human race and to determine how, when and why we became the type of animals that we are today (cf. Haviland 2004:9). From merely a few lines of the university textbook, the detection is confirmed that the study of the anthropos, or, in other words, humankind, is intrinsically anthropocentric, due to the belief that animals as subjects can be dealt with only by biology, or rather by zoology and ethology (the zoological study of animal behavior).20 In that contexualization of the anthropology of animals, as defined by socio-cultural anthropologist Barbara Noske, this text about the possible future of Boskarin was written. Or, why do we have a list of national animals (e.g.pine marten is the national animal of Croatia) but fail to include said animals (only individual species) in the concept of heritage - why are the concepts of Nature and Culture still anthropocentrically segregated? The fact is that one can only talk about heritage species (especially traditional or autochthonous livestock breeds), but not about heritage animals (the animals in the concept of heritage).21 Or, why are we struck by the destruction of the Buddhas of Bamiyan, but we do not tackle the extinction of Boskarin or any other animals, at all... Why are we not tackling the fact that the Istrian cattle is still in danger of becoming extinct (Enciklopedija hrvatskih domacih zivotinja 2003: 47). All these facts connected with the Boskarin, suggest that the Istrian ox was a permanent capital to his owner. It is obvious that the relationship between man and Boskarin, as 19 This definition of physical and cultural anthropology is quoted from the Croatian translation of the 6th edition of Haviland's book. In the 2nd edition (1978) of his Cultural Anthropology, Haviland states that physical anthropology is primarily concerned with humans as biological organisms, and that this work "lays the foundation for the study of humans as cultural animals. The study is referred to as cultural anthropology" (Haviland, 1978: 8-9). I have taken Haviland's well-known Cultural Anthropology as an example solely because it is used as a textbook on cultural anthropology at Croatian universities. 20 Regarding the status with studying animals, the situation is similar in other social sciences and the humanistic sciences, and is even more gloomy in some of them, so that Clinton R. Sanders points out that animals were largely ignored by early 20th-century sociologists (Sanders 2006, http). 21 Rodney Harrison distinguishes between cultural heritage (those things manufactured by humans) and natural heritage (those which have not been manufactured by humans) (2009: 11). Futhermore, under the concept of natural heritage, he also includes animals, or by his words: "Natural heritage is most often thought about in terms of landscape and ecological systems, but it is compressed of features such as plants, animals, natural landscapes and landforms, oceans and water bodies" (2009: 13). As it is noticeable that in this definition of natural heritage the animals are included only in the context of landscapes, natural habitat. 212 - IVONA ORLIC, SUZANA MARJANIC part of cultural heritage, is deeply rooted in romantic memory, as a great warm-hearted animal, with the lyre-shaped horns, that helped the poor farmer. The relationship which is laced with care, respect and mutual symbiosis of survival, was recorded in the memory of ethno-tradition (as Ivona Orlic documented in her part of the text) and is passed onto future generations through a very emotional story. In the context of anthropocentric society, the Boškarin will survive only if he is useful in an anthropocentrically profitable society. In this sector, the new possibility is open to them so, that the Boškarin can become a pet in the "petishist" culture, or as Joan Dunay-er would say - a companion, in eco-farm tourism. In the case that the Boškarin would become a companion, it would not be a surprise. As in Tokyo, during the Edo period up until 1886, there were cases that some citizens of that city of two million people in coexistence with nature, had elephants and orangutans as pets or as companions. Of course, I am completely aware that all stages of the usage of Boškarin - from his role as a peasant, then as an object of exhibition to promote Istrian national identity, before he ended as a delicacy, was run under an economic function, or as Marvin Harris stated for the Hindu holy cow - they are holy only because of that they are economically viable (Harris, http, 3). Or by his words: "The ox is the Indian peasant's tractor, thresher and family car combined; the cow is the factory that produces the ox." Suzana Marjanič Translated by Adriana Lukič LITERATURE Anic, Vladimir. 2004. Veliki rječnik hrvatskog jezika. ed. Ljiljana Jojic, Novi liber Zagreb. Božic, Tanja. 2009. "Istarsko govedo ipak spašeno od izumiranja". (http://www.vecernji.hr/sjev-erni-jadran/istarsko-govedo-ipak-spaseno-od-izumiranja-869453). (Accessed 1 October 2010). Dagostin, Andelo. 2016. "Odbjegle krave uzurpirale lovište u Gračišcu. Tri pitome krave pobjegle u šumu preko žice i ne daju se više uloviti". Glas Istre. 27 January, 2007. No 25, p. 12. Dorigio, Livio. 1995. "Boškarin. Genetska relikvija." Jurina i Franina, časopis za istarsko do-mačinstvo 59:71-73. Dunayer, Joan. 2009 (2004). Specizam. Diskriminacija na osnovi vrste. Institut za etnologijo i folkloristiku, Dvostruka duga, Zagreb, Čakovec. Enciklopedija hrvatskih domačih životinja. 2004. Marijan Posavi... et al. Katarina Zrinski, Varaždin. Flegar, Kristina. 2004. "Boškarin iz kampanje na tanjur". Glas Istre 19 October 2004. No 282, p. 16. Harris, Marvin. "India's Sacred Cow". (sociology101.net/readings/Indias-sacred-cow.pdf). (Accessed 1 October 2013). Harrison, Rodney. ed. 2009. Understanding the Politics of Heritage. Manchester University Press, Manchester. Haviland, William A. 2004. Kulturna antropologija. (6th Edition). Naklada Slap, Jastrebarsko. Hofbauer, Andreas L. 2007. Moč/Kraf, Veröffentlicht im Drava. Verlag/ Založba Drava, Klagen-furt/Celovec. HERITAGE ANIMALS - WHY NOT? ANTHROPOCENTRISM NOTWITHSTANDING- 213 Istarska enciklopedija. (http://istra.lzmk.hr/). (Accessed 12 November 2015). J0rgensen, Dolly. 2015. "Rethinking Rewilding". (https://ds.lclark.edu/bon1/2015/10/25/rethink-ing-rewilding-by-dolly-jorgenson/). (Accessed 4 January 2016). Kuftic, Nenad. 2007. "Boškarinje za Istrijane sveta životinja". Glas Istre. 4 April, 2007. No 92, p. 20. Lovljanov, Frane. 1949. "Boljun (Istra)". Zbornik za narodni život i običaje Južnih Slavena, 33:125-139. Marjanic, Suzana. 2014. Kronotop hrvatskogaperformansa: od Travelera do danas. Udruga Bijeli val, Institut za etnologiju i folkloristiku, Školska knjiga, Zagreb. Maul, Davor. 2004. "Boškarin s markom u šnicle". Večernji list 18 October 2004. No 14716, p. 20. Medic, Mihaela. 2007. "Gastronomija spašava istarsko govedo". Glas Istre 1 August, 2007. No 205, p. 17. Mullin, Molly. 2002. "Animals and Anthropology". Society & Animals: Journal of Human-Animal Studies 10/4 2002 (http://www.animalsandsociety.org/assets/library/477_s1049.pdf) (Accessed 5 September 2008) Noske, Barbara. 1989. Humans and Other Animals. Beyond the Boundaries of Anthropology. Pluto Press, London. Orlic, Drago. 2007. Štorije od žalosti. Nova Istra, Istarski ogranak Društvo hrvatskih književnika. Orlic, Ivona. 2007. "Boškarin: Od težaka do izložbenog eksponata". U: Kulturni bestijarij, eds. Suzana Marjanic and Antonija Zaradija Kiš. Institut za etnologiju i fokloristiku, Hrvatska sveučilišna naklada, Zagreb. Pekica, Darko. 2002. Merackza FAK. Orfej, Zagreb. Prekalj, G. P. Caput, A. Jedrejčic, A. Ivankovic, M. Konjačic. 2008. "Permanent protection of Istrian cattle through commercial exploitation". Stočarstvo 62(1):59-67. Radauš Ribaric, Jelka. 1997. Ženska narodna nošnja u Istri. Institut za etnologiju i folkloristiku, Zagreb: Istarsko književno društvo "Juraj Dobrila" Pazin; "Josip Turčinovic" d.o.o., Pazin. Radetic, Ernest. 1969. Istarski zapisi. Grafički zavod Hrvatske, Zagreb. "Rewilding Europe". (https://www.rewildingeurope.com/frequently-asked-questions/). (Accessed 4 January 2016). Sanders, Clinton R. 2006. "The Sociology of Human-Animal Interaction and Relationships". Ruminations 2, 2006 (http://www.h-net.org/~animal/ruminations_sanders.html) (Accessed 2 September 2008). Svrtan, Štefica and Ankica Labrovic. 1995. Neke autohtone hrvatske pasmine domačih životinja. Hrvatski centar Znanje za okoliš, Zagreb. Šepic, Lino. 1997. "Zanimljivosti iz Kaštela". U: Kaštel danas, jučer, sutra. eds. Lino Šepic et al. KUŠD "LIPA" Kaštel, Matica hrvatska, Ogranak Buje, Kaštel pp. 147-152. Šišovic, Davor. 2007. "Jelovnik istarskog Boškarina". Glas Istre 23 May 2007. No 138, p. 18. Šišovic, Davor. 2014. "Boškarin testira granice kuharske mašte". (http://www.glasistre.hr/multi-medija/foto/boskarin-testira-granice-kuharske-maste-457273). (Accessed 4 March 2016). Šišovic, Davor. 2016. "Kako iskoristiti meso cijelog boškarina". Glas Istre 24 February 2016. No 53, p. 17. Terzic, Domagoj. 2004. "Najteži Boškarin od 11 i pol kvintali". Glas Istre 2 August 2004. No 207, p. 15. Valic, Tone and Ante Ciliga. 2004. Štorice iz Proštine. Gordo d.o. Pula. Viskovic, Nikola. 1996. Životinja i čovjek. Prilog kulturnoj zoologiji. Književni krug Split, Split. 214 - IVONA ORLIC, SUZANA MARJANIC Vlahov, Dražen. 2006. Glagoljski rukopisi iz Roča. Iz Knjige crkve i bratovštine sv. Bartolomeja (1523 - 1611). Državni arhiv u Pazinu, Pazin. "Zakrivljeno palico v roki... S gobaston palicon va rukah Zgodovinski pomen paše in pašništva za okolje Povijesno značenje ispaše za okoliš". Projekt APRO. 2007-2013. (http://www. azrri.hr/uploads/media/Povijesno_zna%C4%8Denje_ispa%C5%A 1e_za_okoli%C5%A 1. pdf). (Accessed 1 November 2015). Istrian Oxen - Bakin and Boškarin. Producer Tourist Association Municipality of Višnjan, Screenplay by Marijana Gašparini. Production by Rose-art video produkcija d.o.o. Kaštelir, Craotia, 2011. (Video) HERITAGE ANIMALS - WHY NOT? ANTHROPOCENTRISM NOTWITHSTANDING -215 BAŠTINSKE ŽIVOTINJE - ZAŠTO NE? USPRKOS ANTROPOCENTRIZMU IVONA ORLIC, SUZANA MARJANIC OOO (Ivona Orlic) Želja za očuvanjem autohtone pasmine istarskog goveda, zbog naglog smanjenja broja goveda te prijetnje izumiranju pasmine, uzrokovala je niz promišljanja i aktivnosti s ciljem kako osuvremeniti, odnosno osmisliti daljnji životni tijek boškarina. Proces izumiranja je zaustavljen, medutim poveznica s ljudskom kulturom koja ga je dovela i do ruba postojanja te ga ponovno uzdigla, ostaje nedorečena. Takoder, u promišljanju o istarskom govedu u istarskoj svakod-nevici pojavili su se problemi vezani za terminologiju, odnosno nazivlje. Sadašnje i buduče interakcije čovjek-boškarin, koje se neminovno oslanjaju na tradicijske momente, interpretirane su i analizirane kroz teme i problematiku prvenstveno nekadašnjih emocionalnih odnosa nasuprot današnjem tržišnom odnosu izmedu čovjeka i životinje. Nekadašnji je odnos bio uzajaman, današnji je antropocentričan. (Suzana Marjanic) Antropologija životinja, kao što ju je definirala sociokulturna antropologinja Barbara Noske, mora biti - ili bi trebala biti - segment etnografskih, antropoloških istraživanja 21. stolječa. Zbog čega postoji popis nacionalnih životinja (npr. kuna je nacionalni zoo-simbol RH), ali se navedena životinja, a i neke druge životinje, ne uključuju u koncept baštine. Zašto su pojmovi prirode i kulture, prirodne i kulturne baštine još uvijek antropocentrički i dihotomijski razdvojeni? U kontekstu navedene dihotomije pratimo sudbinu boškarina ili istarskoga goveda kao simbol života u prošlosti - vol je bio važniji od vlastite djece - medutim, danas je istarsko govedo revitalizirano samo u svrhu profitabilnog agroturizma i gastroturizma. Navedeni je koncept promidžbe boškarina kao gastro-fenomena/ specijaliteta bio dominantna oznaka projekta Boškarin s krumpirom Grada Pule (2012-2014) koji je nastao kao potvrda suradnje s francuskim gradičem Villefranc-he-de-Rouergue s kojim se Grad Pula 2008. i pobratimio. U okviru projekta bili su istaknuti lokalni proizvodi - istarski boškarin (dakle, boškarin je predstavljen kao proizvod a ne kao životinja) i krumpira Segal iz francuske pokrajine Midy-Pyre-nees. Tako se boškarin ili istarsko govedo, hrvatska autohtona pasmina goveda, u 21. stolječu "revitalizirao" kao ekonomska i gastronomska žrtva EU projekta. Dr. Ivona Orlic, Ethnographic museum of Istria, Trg Istarskog razvoda 1275, br. 1, HR-52000 Pazin, Hrvatska/Croatia, Ivona@emi.hr Doc. Dr. Suzana Marjanic, Institute of Ethnology and Folklore Research, Šubiceva 42, HR-10000 Zagreb, Hrvatska/Croatia, Suzana@ief.hr 21 Studia MYTHOLOGICA Slavica 2018 -217 - 235- For the Love of Antlers: Heads on a Wall or Antlers on a Bride — Maja Pasaric - Deer head and antlers are specific parts of the animal body embedded with complex symbolic implications and as pars pro toto represent the entire animal. Certain cultural practices of animal objectification within our contemporary society denote these parts of animals' bodies as trophies, decorations, and designed objects, which then become markers of individual human identities, lifestyles, and particular living spaces. However, such new meanings inscribed into these animal materialities do not necessarily classify them as passive objects. It has been acknowledged that material culture objects continually transform in meanings through their own accumulative biographies. KEYWORDS: antlers, deer, trophy, decor, material culture DEER AND SWIFT GLANCES INTO THE PAST Deer are large herbivores endowed with heightened sense organs, a strong physique and elongated limbs, which enable them rapid escape from predators (Putman 1988: 5). Their unique characteristic is, however, the development of antlers. As structures of solid bone, antlers grow in pairs and are usually developed by males.1 Some of antlers' distinct features, which also distinguish them from horns, as noted by Rory Putman (1988: 11), are that they have no outer covering once entirely shaped, that they do not grow directly from the skull but are supported on basal discs of bone, and that they are usually branched but, most importantly, antlers are shed every year and then re-grown. Specific biological characteristics of deer influenced various notions about these animals in human societies throughout history and the development of their roles in economic, social, mythical, and religious aspects of life. Due to their proportions, deer were prey that provided a substantial amount of meat and raw materials, while at the same time their rapidity and agility ensured that they were, perhaps, a less easily accessible quarry. However, as noted by the archaeologist Marina Milicevic Bradač (2002: 13), the flow 1 Only in reindeer and caribou, (inhabiting parts of North America, Greenland and Arctic parts of Europe and Asia), are antlers borne by both sexes (Putman 1988: 137). 218 - MAJA PASARIC of time and natural cycles were known by Palaeolithic communities, and it is possible that cyclic growth and shedding of antlers gave this animal a unique status, in addition to the fact that it was one of the most hunted animals. Archaeological glimpses into our pre-modern past reveal numerous cross-cultural contexts of ritual treatment of deer and/ or their antlers, suggesting meanings of rebirth and regeneration, notions about deer as liminal animals and mediators in communication with the supernatural world, as well as signifiers of the special status of certain human individuals or supernatural beings (for example, gods and spirits of the natural world, shamans or medicine men and women) (Ollofson 2010; Milicevic Bradač 2002). Interestingly, certain aspects of these animalistic conceptions continue to persist in various European and non-European historical and modern time myths and folklore (Milicevic Bradač 2002; Cartmill 1996: 52-75). The special status and symbolical importance of deer and their antlers among past societies, as indicated by the archaeological record, is vividly evident in the placement of antlers together with human remains in various burial contexts across cultures and time frames. It is perhaps a lesser-known fact, especially outside archaeological discourse, that the burial of a young individual from the Qafzeh Cave in Israel, considered to be amongst the oldest intentional burials of human dead, included deer antlers (Vandermeersch 2004: 40). The approximately 100,000-year-old remains belong to an individual whose age at the time of death was estimated to be 12-13 years, while the individual's sex is unknown (Coqueugniot et al. 2014). The individual was lying on her/his back with their legs bent to the side and both hands placed on either side of the neck, the antlers of a large Red Deer were found around the chest area (Vandermeersch 2004: 40). Interestingly, recent osteological investigations of a lesion noticed on the individual's skull pointed towards a possibility that this young person might have suffered from focal cerebral damage and related personality and neurological difficulties due to an injury (usually resulting from a blunt force trauma) suffered earlier in childhood (Coqueugniot et al. 2014). Specific interpretations of the mentioned finds should certainly be a topic of another type of discussion.2 However, as bone structures, antlers are amongst the hardest and most durable organic materials, and by handling antlers and placing them in specific positions within landscapes, by or on the human body, the past Others inscribed their cultural meanings into their surroundings, affecting their communities of the living and/or of the dead. Another interesting perspective of symbolic denotation is revealed by one of the most well-known prehistoric figures, the so-called "magician" or "sorcerer", a Palaeolithic drawing of a humanoid torso with antlers, discovered in the Trois Frères cave in Ariège, France. Some interpretations link this drawing with a figure of a hunter camouflaged as an animal (Bégouën & Breuil 1958: 54), while others consider it a spiritual being or a shaman (Mithen 1998: 200), able to communicate with the animal realms and secure his community a successful hunt. Although different in their understandings, the readings of this Palaeolithic figure carrying both animal and human features, point to various possible contexts in which boundaries between the human and the animal are crossed either through disguise, the special skills of individuals, or within the spiritual realm. Proposed 2 For example, see Vandermeersch (2004: 19-51). FOR THE LOVE OF ANTLERS: HEADS ON A WALL OR ANTLERS ON A BRIDE -219 interpretations, together with the "magician" with antlers himself flatly embodied on the cave wall, also reveal the inevitable tension present in human relations with animals, as the latter are often simultaneously venerated, hunted and consumed as well as depicted as subjects of artistic expressions. However, a recent account of the perforated antler frontlets from the Mesolithic site Starr Carr in England previously described as ritual headdresses or hunting disguises (Clark 1954), proposes that the importance of these objects exceeded their use as symbolic adornment or disguise. In her article Chantal Conneller (2004) examines ways in which animals, humans and their bodies could be perceived during the Mesolithic and explores how antler frontlets as objects made from animal remains could affect people who used and wore them. She proposes that by being worn on human bodies, the antlers were not simply disguising the bodies but allowing them to transform and take on certain aspects of the animal's identity (Conneller 2004). HEADS ON A WALL OR ANTLERS ON A BRIDE Even though human relationships with deer have inevitably been changing through time and different cultural contexts, the fascination with deer and their antlers persists even in today's modern urban and industrial settings. Deer hunting remains a world-spread (un) popular sport, recreation and leisure activity and deer antlers also seem to be recognized for their significant aesthetic qualities. Moreover, the mystical eminence accorded to the relationship between deer and humans in the past perhaps remains a part of our present-day awareness, as has already been noted by Putman (1988: XVI). In our contemporary societies, antlers can be found incorporated in human lives in ways that extend to human embodied experience within their living space and to their everyday relations with certain aspects of materialities. Drawing on the work of Pierre Bourdieu, Krisztina Fehervary (2012: 617) reminds us that the ideologies about the ideal organization of society can be embedded in the materialities and further replicated through different embodied practices. Cut off and taxidermied deer heads, deer skulls with antlers or simply antlers along with other dead animals or parts of their bodies have been displayed as hunting trophies, usually mounted on walls in the homes of individuals involved in hunting activities, in specialized hunting lodges, large dining halls of countryside restaurants, game trophy rooms and similar places embodying the contemporary ideology of hunting. One of the most vivid examples of specialized spaces exhibiting the deadly decadent grandeur of the hunting agenda in Croatia has for a long time been the Macola restaurant31 in the rural part of Lika County, well-known for its hunting tourism. The restaurant is located on the highway leading south from the capital city towards the Adriatic coast. Here, deer antlers are displayed together with a forest's worth of taxidermy bestiary, with smaller members of the animal kingdom fixed into poses of anthropomorphized activities of leisure, such as playing cards, reading books or playing instruments, while larger animals, such as bears, are serving drinks or simply 3 The word "macola" stands for a large and heavy hammer in one of the Croatian dialects. 220 - MAJA PASARIC enjoying a glass of beer. The eerie atmosphere awaits those seeking refreshments or rest on their way to the Plitvice Lakes National Park, the Northern Velebit National Park and on to the sea coast. The same environment greets local communities attending large dinner parties accompanied by turbo-folk music and dancing (sometimes even on the roof of the restaurant) hosted by the owner, where animals are displayed for the amusement of guests, and figure as obscure representations whose presence adds to the overall Dionysian atmosphere combining hunting, excess and feasting. The fact that the restaurant is located on the busy tourist route, and the fact that the owner also has a small private "zoo" with deer, pigs and even two brown bears, which are protected in Croatia and whose exact biographies remain unclear while the specialized and well-known Bear Refuge is located literally in the neighbouring village of Kuterevo, raises multiple ethical questions and points towards many weaknesses in animal and wild species protection policies as well as the country's tourist and catering industry, and was not ignored by the public.4 The Macola restaurant and other similar places evoke contexts in which humans dominate animals and appropriate them through physical dismemberment and new ways of assemblage, by reducing them to bone or fixing an animal into a specific pose and using an individual animal as the representative of the entire species, as has been pointed out by Jane Desmond (2002: 160). Practices of appropriation of the animal body as a trophy and an exhibited commodity are clearly mediated, and parts of animal bodies indicate the identities of individuals that kill for sport, leisure, commercial gain and social status, or of those who do not engage in hunting but only corresponding "gathering activities". In the words of Linda Kalof and Amy Fitzgerald (2003: 113) "The collection and exhibition of wild animals have been historically linked to the ideology of domination, patriarchy and colonialism". The symbolic meanings of this triad are still being unravelled in contemporary societies and, at least in Croatia, also embodied in the actions of politicians. For instance, it was found that one of the 2010 presidential candidates had in his possession, well-hidden in the basement, and protected from the eyes of the public, trophy deer as well as other hunted Croatian, European, and non-European animals. Today, another ambiguous but skilfully designed practice brings the tradition of displaying deer heads and antlers away from designated hunting and predominantly non-urban areas or hidden bunker-like trophy rooms and into public spaces of urban centres, and marks them as decorative elements of coffee-houses, bars, and different types of shops. Although not in the spotlight of the trend that has already been popular for a decade or two in various European and North American cities, the capital of Croatia has not been left out, as the recently opened Craft Room bar in the very centre of Zagreb testifies. As part of the larger project of branding the area of Opatovina in Zagreb as the location where bars will be serving only craft beers produced by small domestic and foreign producers that aim for quality and not quantity, the Craft Room stands out not only by its selection of beers but by interior decoration as well.5 4 For example, http://www.prijatelji-zivotinja.hr/index.hr.php?id=2569 5 https://www.google.hr/search?q=craft+room+zagreb&biw=1400&bih=913&source=lnms&tb-m=isch&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwjq8i_3cfLAhVl4XIKHeBnCAcQ_AUIBigB&dpr=1#imgrc=EK4gtSmeqJewEM%3A FOR THE LOVE OF ANTLERS: HEADS ON A WALL OR ANTLERS ON A BRIDE -221 Dark brown rustic furniture is paired with green-painted walls, displaying bucolic paintings, mounted deer heads and skulls or simply differently arranged cut-off antlers. Smaller antlers even serve as draft beer tap handles. As such, they are reminiscent of ancient sacrifices to plenitude and abundance, which in today's consumerist context flows from barrels into customers' glasses. Directly above them, a central figure is placed, made of a taxidermied head of an antelope positioned in a circular frame and surrounded by human arms, most likely made from plaster, forming a circle and reaching outwards. In certain aspects, the overall construction resembles the iconography of Hindu gods and goddesses with multiple hands; only in this case, the core body is missing. Here, a clear abstraction affects both animal and human bodies reducing them to arms and heads, reminding us that in certain contexts both human and non-human animals can be treated as commodities and/or trophies6. As discussed by Gilbert Durand (1991: 119), the possession of a trophy from an enemy, a scalp, phallus, head or arm, symbolically endows the possessor with more strength and power. However, in the case of the eerie figure (resembling a divinity image) overlooking the bar, multiple faux human arms surrounding the taxidermied head of a horned animal may also symbolize dominion and authority and are reminiscent of the overreaching affinity of contemporary humans for drink, food and the appropriation of nature. The fact that during the opening night of the Craft Room the female waiting staff were dressed in short white and black uniforms with lace details resembling maid uniforms from the first half of the 20th century and their eroticized contemporary variations, highlights the symbolic social stratification of the patriarchal society and feminine and masculine public roles within the sphere of labour and leisure, (alcohol) consumption and erotic fantasies. Rob Wilson (1999: 303) points out that the notions of fertility, authority/high status and divinity come together in a symbolic complex, often expressed in cult behaviour or the subculture of drinking alcohol in modern societies. For example, in British cultural contexts, they are even recognized in the names of pubs such as The Kings Head, The Jolly Farmer, The Fox and Hounds, etc., and are held as symbolic of an older rural-based culture connected with farming, hunting, drinking and sexuality (Wilson 1999: 303). Interestingly, similar symbolism has been utilized in various cultural settings and through different processes, even via contemporary design trends, that lure customers into the very heart of urban centres and into imaginary bucolic settings, for a drink, a glance at a trophy animal and perhaps at a "playful" waitress. According to Durand (1991: 119-120), the trophy, the head and the antlers (or horns) of an animal signify exaltation and the appropriation of strength and power, while the winning or tearing off of a trophy can be seen as the first cultural manifestation of abstraction. By mounting an animal skull, organic remains of a once living being are displayed. For some people, the presence of animal bones in one's surroundings may evoke eerie and unsettling emotions, as bones can bring to mind images of hunting and killing as well as more general notions of transience, death and mortality. Bones are recognized as 6 Some examples of historical and contemporary contexts in which human bodies have been commoditized, treated as objects and trophies throughout history and further readings have been noted by Joan Sofaer (2006: 63-64). 222 - MAJA PASARIC the primordial elements of a living being (Chevalier & Gheerbrant 1983: 285), and their material presence is ambivalent, signifying death as well as life. For example, in biblical narratives bones symbolize the very essence of creation and possess qualities related to the creation and recreation of life (Prosic 2004: 124). In many cultures, they stand for the spiritual essence of a person (Abramovitch 2015: 232), and Mircea Eliade (1968: 70) reminds us that "in the spiritual horizon of hunters and herdsmen bones represent the very source of life, both human and animal".1 Very often it is the head and/or the skull (human or animal) that is in the focus of different ritual practices, as in the case of various societies where it has been regarded as the centre of physical and spiritual strength, the seat of the soul (Chevalier & Gheerbrant 1983: 285; Jordan 2003: 115, 119123). Accounts from the late 17th and the beginning of the 18th century indicate that the ritual activities among reindeer hunting and herding groups in Norway included the acts of leaving the skin together with the head and antlers of reindeer at the place where the animal was killed (Menius 1965, according to Bevan 2003). The practice of depositing antlers in places where sacrificial rites were performed by placing them in semicircles or mounting them on pillars, thus marking the sites as visible and recognizable points in the ritual landscape has been recognized in different cultural and chronological settings: from Mesolithic communities to historical and contemporary deer hunting and herding groups (Chatterton 2003; Bevan 2003). Disregarding the fact that deer skulls and antlers potentially carry strong symbolic implications, the contemporary trend of using them for interior decoration has entered the homes of individuals drawn to various lifestyles on a grand scale. Modern artists and designers are offering old hunting trophies a make-over, and claim to be turning them into pieces of art.8 According to the Croatian artist duo behind the name Kosti-Kosti (Bones-Bones), devoted to decorating and reselling old deer skulls with antlers as well as skulls of other horned animals, this new trend mostly appeals to younger people who come across animal trophy skulls previously hunted or acquired by older generations in their families, now kept out of sight in attics and various storage facilities.9 As noted by the duo, the skulls and antlers are given new identities by being painted various colours, decorated and placed on posts, ready to adorn a modern interior.10 Interestingly, although their work has generally received positive comments, the skulls of dead animals did evoke unsettling emotions among certain individuals who were initially inclined to attach negative connotations to such undertakings, but changed their 1 Such notions may be related to the special treatment of animal remains, a practice that has so far been extensively noted among different past and present hunting communities of the North and attested by both the archaeological and the ethnographic record. The appropriate treatment of animals' bodies and their bones ensures the regeneration of hunted animals and helps appease their rage for being killed and mistreated (For example, Losey et al. 2013: 92). Sometimes, the activities can be focused on the head and skull of the animal in particular (Hill 2013: 126; Willerslev 2007: 130; Losey et al. 2013; Jordan 2003: 115, 119-123). 8 http://www.dom2.hr/uradi-sam/item/3531-rogovi-kao-ukrasinterijera, http://budiin.24sata.hr/interijeri/ neobicni-detalji-za-suvremene-interijere-4624 9 Ibid. 10 Ibid. FOR THE LOVE OF ANTLERS: HEADS ON A WALL OR ANTLERS ON A BRIDE -223 mind once they saw the final product, which now seemed appealing.11 Such and similar ways of using deer skulls as decorations gained significant popularity in a trend currently flourishing in Europe and the U.S., and is well present in the cross-cultural cyberspace. Social media abounds with tips on how to clean deer heads in order to acquire clean bones with antlers as the end result.12 Such strategies usually involve boiling the head, degreasing and bleaching the bones, the use of flesh-eating beetles or simply burying the head in order to unearth it once the flesh has decomposed. In addition to entire deer skulls used for home decor, cut-off antlers are also turned into preciously and thoughtfully designed objects that can be found in any type of home as trendy, desirable and easily obtainable commodities. With a miraculous touch of the hand of homo faber, they are transformed into chandeliers, lamps, mirror holders, candle holders, jewellery holders, and other types of furniture or small home accessories.13 According to the advertisements, apparently there is no area in one's home where antlers cannot be used, including the bedroom, bathroom, living room, kitchen and even the children's room.14 The indoor as well as the outdoor living space is decorated with antlers in myriad different ways. The possibilities of how one can use deer skulls or just antlers in the home are endless, and the exploration of one's creativity in that sense is encouraged through different DIY marketing strategies. As can be detected from the texts accompanying visual representations of deer skulls or antler-made objects, the ideological discourse of the home decor market, which falls onto the fertile grounds of the nature deficit of our contemporary culture, speaks of "bringing the nature in", "bringing the nature home", the "celebration of nature's beauty", "honouring the beauty of our natural world" and a "nature story where antlers play a prominent role".15 However, the nature story, with which we may desire to interact through our embodied experiences and engagement with organic materialities (namely specific animal body parts) as well as the activities of creating something with our own hands, is also followed by texts that speak of hunting and killing. Sometimes messages are slightly hidden, sometimes explicit enough. For example, visual representations of antler decor creations are followed by a significant play of words. "The rustic woodland feel of the evergreen wreath puts these sweet antlers right at home. The organic feel of the completed piece hits the mark dead on".16 The trend of using antlers as decorative objects has even entered the domain of wedding decorations and has been especially popular in the U.S., where similar messages are straightforward yet ambiguous, and with a hint of auto-irony. Antlers placed on wedding tables as decorations followed by written notes such as "the hunt is over" 11 Ibid. 12 https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=f8Dd9dSK_-4, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=f8Dd9dSK_-4, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=YXr2_8xzZ4o 13 For example, http://www.home-unique.nl/Template_03_mb_project1_woonk:amer2.html, https://www. pinterest.com/pin/151503974942632481/ 14 For example, http://www.houseofhawkes.net/style-file-antlers, http://www.portlandquarter.com/great-an-tler-debate 15 15http://articles.baltimoresun.com/2011-12-01/features/bs-hm-antlers-trend-20111201_1_antlers-home--decor-trophy 16 http://www.homeologymodernvintage.com 224 - MAJA PASARIC make us wonder who is really the prey - the animal, the bride or the groom? Visual representations of brides wearing antlers as headdresses, bridal dresses paired only with deer skulls and antlers while the embodied female figure is missing, may lead us to ask if the messages and meanings created are those of the coming together of the masculine and the feminine principles (psychologically, spiritually and physically) as the act of marriage should supposedly do, or whether we should ask ourselves what or who is the real commodity here:the dress, the bride, the stag, the woman or the animal?17 Setting antlers on the bride's head symbolically positions her within the realm of nature and marks her as stereotypical prey, in this case perfectly beautiful and graceful, in the same way (given that deer were imbued with erotic symbolism as early as in Old Testament texts, which have significantly influenced the Western notions of hunting from the late Medieval period onwards) as when the deer hunt became a metaphor for love relations and deer an ideal object of hunt and desire (Cartmille 1996: 37, 67, 69-70). Such metaphors can sometimes be visually explicit and clear-cut when it comes to brides wearing faux stylized textile antlers and grooms a camouflaged vest and a rifle;18 much more often they are less straightforward, blurred in the overall attempt of creating a specific atmosphere and aesthetic. It seems that antlers, used as headdresses paired with lacy vintage dresses, table decorations, wedding cake holders, whole table holders and in flower bouquets or simply creatively arranged throughout the festive space, have been used to create an ambivalent, edgy and nostalgic fashion - a look not everyone would choose for their ceremonial wear, except for, perhaps, the more free-spirited ones wishing to communicate specific stylistic criteria and lifestyle ideals.19 In the past decade, antlers have become a popular fashion statement, ranging from small-scale artisanal production of handmade jewellery, hair accessories or textile graphic prints to haute couture fashion industry, where designers such as Alexander McQueen added antlers as head pieces to their dresses, crafting various captivating atmospheres, some slightly sinister or fantas-tic,20 and might have had a significant influence on the domain of wedding fashion and design. Whether viewed as a kind of homage to deer, or more likely just a fashionable tendency permeated with romanticising and appropriating nature and the ideology of the neoliberal market and patriarchy, the trend testifies to a great aesthetic appeal of antlers in different modern contexts, even those of a rather unexpected nature. Coming back to antlers as decorations or home decor objects, one is faced with dismembered and rearranged parts of the male deer's body being turned into highly 17 For example, http://happywedd.com/wedding_theme/92-awesome-ways-to-use-antlers-for-your-wedding. html 18 http://blog.tbdress.com/post/Camouflage-Wedding-Theme-Camo-All-The-Way-14814/ 19 For example, http://happywedd.com/wedding_theme/92-awesome-ways-to-use-antlers-for-your-wedding. html 20 http://blog.metmuseum.org/alexandermcqueen/dress-widows-of-culloden/, http://www.gettyimages.co.uk/ detail/news-photo/model-wearing-antlers-and-a-veil-walks-the-runway-at-news-photo/106911922 http://www. huffingtonpost.com/2011/10/09/alexander-mcqueen-headpieces_n_1000785.html, http://dontpaniconline. com/magazine/festivals/weird-fashion3, http://www.marieclaire.com/fashion/news/a5376/fashion-week-an-tler-headbands/, https://modelslovemodels.files.wordpress.com/2011/01/antlers-fashion-supper.jpg, https:// modelslovemodels.files.wordpress.com/2011/01/topshoprunway.jp FOR THE LOVE OF ANTLERS: HEADS ON A WALL OR ANTLERS ON A BRIDE -225 aestheticized objects, a desirable and trendy commodity. Furthermore, such a commodity can be rather easily obtained and one does not need to be a hunter to participate in fostering a market that ultimately supports killing animals for pleasure. If once mounting or otherwise displaying antlers was a mark of a specific hunter's or rural lifestyle (where an individual may also provide himself with a significant amount of protein), the display of antlers now becomes a part of urban culture, public and private spaces and different ways of living. Furthermore, since hunting is still recognized as a predominantly male activity, such products, through the ideas of home decoration, become more attractive to women as well. By reducing the animal to antlers only, without the rest of the head, one does not have to look the animal in the eye. Dealing only with clean bones without the skin, hair and other animal features, as well as using bright colours and decorative patterns, further distances the consumer from the once living animal and makes the trend even more appealing to potential consumers. The distance from the animal consumed as a piece of commodity facilitates the idea that we should not feel any discomfort about the practice in place or about our overall consumption of animals as such (Lerner & Kalof 1999, according to Kalof & Fitzgerald 2002). Of course, the more one is willing to pay, the more elaborate their antler chandelier will be. For some items, prices rise as high as 1500 dollars, 1000 euros or more. However, disregarding the cost, apparently one also has to have style and has to do it right. As suggested by interior designers: "You have to do it in a more contemporary way. We don't show them at all in a lodging or rustic look. I wouldn't put all of the deer-motif items in one room. They are really meant for an accent as opposed to a theme".21 Moreover, explicit guidelines are given on how to decorate with antlers "properly" and not to overdo it. Designers recommend "mounting a deer head on the wall of the living room while accenting the candelabra with candles and greenery on a dining room table".22 REAL, FAUX AND ECO Antlers used as home decor are a controversial theme, although it is not the first time that questions concerning the ethics of using animal body parts for household adornment have been raised. Different animals and their body parts have been altered and utilized as household objects; for example, elephants have often been a popular choice (Kalof & Fitzgerald 2003: 114). Those repelled by hunting, but still in favour of the antler trend, stress the fact that antlers are naturally shed by deer and that they can simply be collected from nature. According to available data coming from the U.S., the popularity of collecting shed antlers has grown immensely in the last few years across the country, 21 http://articles.baltimoresun.com/2011-12-01/features/bs-hm-antlers-trend-20111201_1_antlers-home-decor--trophy 22 Ibid. 226 - MAJA PASARIC and the estimated number of so-called shed hunters nationwide has reached hundreds of thousands.23 The activity is considered a sport, and recently even dogs have been trained to search for antlers specifically.24 The activity conforms to the discourse of hunting, as it is usually referred to as "shed hunting" rather than, for instance, "collecting", and those who look for antlers are called "shed hunters". It seems that antlers found on the ground still hold the same value as when they are acquired by hunting, as clearly noted by one of the shed hunters: "I consider it a trophy just like a deer that I shot, no matter what the size is. It's just too much work to find one and then just let it go".25 Shed hunters keep antlers as trophies, make them into decorations themselves or sell them off to antique stores and the antler industry. In 2015, 64 antlers valued at 11,000 Croatian kunas (approximately 1455 euros), obtained at the Batina hunting ground in Eastern Croatia, were confiscated at the Croatian-Hungarian border, during an attempt to smuggle them to Hungary and sell them to the antler industry. In parts of Central Europe, a kilogram is valued around 25 euros. Even though the Croatian media stressed that the antlers in question were shed antlers, readers reacting to the story were not convinced of this fact,26 and the true origin of the antlers is difficult to identify. The area of Baranja in Croatia is generally considered to be one of the richest hunting areas in Europe. In 2014 the biggest trophy deer of the last 20 years was shot there. Its antlers were bought for 191,000 Croatian kunas (approximately 25,262 euros).27 The fact that the hunter took only the antlers, "as they are considered to be the pearls of nature",28 while the meat was left at the hunting ground and sold to local communities or restaurants, is another reminder that hunting in contemporary society often has only symbolic significance. Although the activity of collecting shed antlers does not involve shooting the animal, it can still be harmful to their health and can affect their survival. The growing popularity of shed hunting, especially in the U.S., corresponds to growing disturbance to wildlife and the appearance of illegal shed hunting which attracts attention from wildlife management and the media.29 Apparently, the time of antler shedding is also the time when the animals are especially vulnerable, as they have just survived the fall hunting season and the winter months, which can leave them hungry and weak.30 As noted, chasing deer and elk, often on vehicles or with dogs, can force the animals to shed their antlers prematurely - a stress from which they usually do not recover and which can have fatal consequences.31 23 http://ruralmissouri.coop/2010Pages/10FebShedAntlerDogs.html 24 Ibid. 25 Ibid. 26 http://www.osijeknews.hr/clanak/rogovlje-jelenje-divljaci-zapelo-na-granici-s-madjarskom, http://www. glas-slavonije.hr/266938/8/Baranjac-prodao-Madjaru-64-komada-jelenskih-rogova 27 http://www.vecernji.hr/hrvatska/bogati-lovac-platio-191-tisucu-kuna-za-jelena-kapitalca-972442 28 Ibid. 29 See for example http://www.pinedaleonline.com/thingstodo/antlerhunting.htm, http://nwpr.org/post/wildli-fe-detectives-illegal-antler-hunting-deadly-game-elk 30 http://www.pinedaleonline.com/thingstodo/antlerhunting.htm 31 http://nwpr.org/post/wildlife-detectives-illegal-antler-hunting-deadly-game-elk FOR THE LOVE OF ANTLERS: HEADS ON A WALL OR ANTLERS ON A BRIDE -227 For those reasons, U.S. states such as Wyoming, Washington and Oregon have imposed different rules to make sure that shed hunters do not harm elk and deer, and have even restricted access to certain wildlife areas in times of the year when antlers are naturally shed.32 Finally, antlers can also be obtained from deer farms. As has been discussed in certain web articles, some farms in the U.S. breed trophy deer to grow hyper-real and large genetically altered antlers, which appear to be in demand on the market. It has been noted that these antlers can be three times larger than the ones naturally grown among wild deer and can actually represent a threat to the animal's health, as they can be much too heavy for their actual body size and weight.33 Such animals end up being a valuable commodity; those with the largest and most attractive antlers become rewarding breeders while other large-antlered deer are sold to fenced hunting preserves.34 Even though currently there are no farms producing genetically modified hyper real antlers in Croatia, in many ways the problematic practice of deer breeding is at its outset. As can be detected from the documented breeding trials, the manipulation of reproduction and the reproductive cycles of does in order to obtain a better quality of meat and antlers seems to be among standard procedures (Florijancic 2008). Different ways of obtaining antlers have proven to be problematic. It is not difficult to anticipate that great demand for antlers can hardly be met only by collecting those shed nature. The practice also involves engaging with the hunting or farming industry, which raises serious ethical and genetic issues and supports practices that ultimately lead to killing. As shown above, whether they derive from a wild or bred animal, antlers are the ultimate trophy. We can assume that the majority of antlers appearing in homes as various types of trendy decorations and furnishings is obtained without any type of engagement with the animal itself, and their true descent is sometimes difficult to trace, if one even wishes to do so. Although the discourse of the design market in which antlers play a prominent role is built around the ideas of love and admiration for nature and the celebration of its beauty, by reading different texts related to practice, we recognize patterns of abstraction, depersonalization and objectification of the animal and the animal body, all appealingly disguised in the context of the modern lifestyle, ultimately supporting the consumerist use of animals. Such findings correspond with the conclusions reached by Kalof & Fitzgerald (2003: 119), who analysed the representations of dead animals in contemporary U.S. hunting magazines, and noted that although animals seem to be embedded in stories of love and affection for nature and wildlife, in truth they and their bodies are represented through extreme objectification. It appears, however, that decorating with deer heads and antlers does not necessarily include the display of animal skins and bones. Those who are not in favour of hunting and do not wish to mount animal remains in their living spaces can choose from colourful and flashy "ecological" variations available at the market and apparently suitable for any kind of living space, even children's rooms. In this ironic taxidermy twist, deer heads 32 http://www.pinedaleonline.com/thingstodo/antlerhunting.htm 33 https://medium.com/re-form/antler-farm-dbd3ba1ec3f2#.h07o7rd9y 34 Ibid. 228 - MAJA PASARIC with antlers or only antlers are made out of paper, wire, wood, resin and different kinds of fabrics.35 In such processes of enculturation the "wild" and perhaps intimidating traits of the animal are removed and replaced with familiar materialities. The products are often advertised through an animal-friendly discourse advocating: "Lose your wall carcass!"36 Instead of hanging skins and bones, in this imaginary realm one finds faux antlers glowing in bright colours, covered in flowers, city maps or other kinds of interesting patterns. One of the slogans used by designers to advertise the diversity of such products says: "Your house is your sanctuary and together with your animal-friendly family your vision will become your reality".37 Although no animals are ever harmed in these faux taxidermy practices, and the presence of the animal species is only symbolic, the represented animal is still reduced and abstracted by being displayed in a trophy manner, static and mute. However, with their attractive flamboyance, these faux animal heads lurking from the walls are far less threatening than real skin and bones and will not stir unsettling emotions but rather provoke pleasing ones. As noted by one of my colleagues who stumbled on a shop selling such faux antlers: "I would never display animal remains on a wall, but when I saw this blue deer head with antlers branching into multiple twigs with blooming colourful flowers I thought they were so beautiful that I wished I could buy them" (Markovic, personal communication). "DEER MEDICINE": POSSIBLE MEANINGS, BIOGRAPHIES, EMOTIONS Although seemingly motionless and silent, dead animal remains, antler-made objects and faux deer heads and antlers are by no means inert. In his work, Art and Agency. An Anthropological Theory, Alfred Gell suggests that art and other objects have agency and can act as social agents in particular social situations (1998: 17-19). They are also invested with intentionality by their creators and may cause powerful effects, provoke strong emotions (such as wonder, awe or fear) and actions of others (Gell 1998: 23, 49). Thus, human interest in deer mounts, skulls used as decorations or in antler-made objects may initiate a point to define, question and redefine such a fascination and to renegotiate our relations with animals and the rest of the natural world. We can ask ourselves: does the urge to acquire a deer skull or antler decorations and exhibit them in our space come from the contemporary hunting ideology, a manipulated consumerist agenda, or do such objects actually spark true joy in us, and if so, why? Perhaps the desire to keep antlers in one's home and surround oneself with objects of organic materiality may not be initiated by the hunting agenda or a consumerist 35 https://www.flickr.com/photos/sgoralnick/4158747134/in/faves-3tuxedocats/, https://www.pinterest.com/ pin/164733298844409944/, https://www.etsy.com/listing/68044979/fabric-deer-head-wall-mount, https:// www.pinterest.com/pin/78390849742116010/,https://www.pinterest.com/pin/405746247648182290/ 36 http://wallcharmers.com/ 37 http://www.whitefauxtaxidermy.com/faux_deer_antlers_decor FOR THE LOVE OF ANTLERS: HEADS ON A WALL OR ANTLERS ON A BRIDE -229 urge, but a deeply embedded need to interact with nature, as an attempt to "heal" the "nature deficit disorder", a term coined by Richard Louv, the author of the book The Last Child in the Woods (2006), as a way to describe the psychological, physical and cognitive costs of human alienation from nature. However, even if there is such a need, we often tend not to be aware of the patterns of human-animal relationships our choices may reinforce. Without doubt, deer remains or deer representations can mean different things to different people who make choices to bring them into their spaces. The reasons behind such decisions, however, remain to be revealed only through personal stories and narratives. As has been noted by Steve Ashby (2009:1), the meaning and status of objects can be changed by altering the way they look, the way they are used and displayed or by changing their owners. New owners may also encode new meanings into them through their own personalities and different narratives (Nylund Skog 2013). For example, the old hunting trophies that the Croatian artist duo Kosti-Kosti has been working with, as mentioned earlier in this text, may (by acquiring new owners, by being reassembled, decorated and renewed) shift their meaning from being perceived exclusively as a hunting trophy to being seen solely as decorations; they can boost memories of hunting family legacies and life stories or be active agents in attempts to negate and/or change them. In contrast, for a modern shamanic practitioner, different animal bones and antlers can be important ritual paraphernalia used to affect certain changes in the environment and spiritual domains. As becomes evident, animal body parts used for such practices can be acquired in different ways, and sometimes new meanings need to be inscribed into them. As noted by one of the practitioners: "Sometimes people ask me why I have animal pelts, bones and hides all around me. I tell them it's because they contain my kind of magic. I rescue them from thrift stores, vintage shops, and receive them as gifts to get close to their magic, to honour their lives, and to remember what is wild inside of all of us."38 She further declares: "Yes, look for them! They are stuffed away in trunks and up on high shelves waiting for people like you to reconstitute their magic and appreciate their lives". In a discussion developed on Instagram, another practitioner acknowledges the same reasons for keeping bones and feathers at home, adding that the bones are lately letting her know that it is time she took them home - to the woods.39 Ascribing attributes similar to those of a living person to bones is in accordance with their ambivalent materiality. As emphasized by Fontein et al. (2008), bones possess a curious quality of presence, even if considered "as things that have meaning only as they are caught up in human transactions and endeavours, this consideration is haunted by the animate personhood, which is imminent within the thing, held in its very form and 38 http://www.pixielighthorse.com 39 Ibid. 230 - MAJA PASARIC substance"40. Bones, both human and animal, can evoke deep emotions, they can contain them and provoke specific actions. Georgia O'Keefe, a well-known painter, collected bones of animals that died naturally in the desert landscapes of her surroundings. About them, she stated: To me they are as beautiful as anything I know. To me they are strangely more living than the animals walking around...The bones seem to cut sharply to the centre of something that is keenly alive on the desert. Though it is vast and empty and knows no kindness with all its beauty. (O'Keefe, according to Loengard 2006: 10) Yet, as asserted by art critics, her famous paintings of animal skulls can be seen to represent the death and destruction of the landscape, but they can also be viewed as celebratory works, an homage to the animals that first inhabited the Western American landscape that O'Keefe was strongly related to.41 Clearly, visual texts, like any other cultural texts, are undetermined in their meanings, which are created by those who read or interact with them, often based on their own individual experiences and personalities (Denzin 1992: 32; Kalof & Fitzegarld 2003: 112). Images of antlers used as decoration or headdresses in the contemporary wedding context already mentioned in this text are open to various interpretations. Due to their shape and structure, antlers and horns are generally related to phallic symbolism and they signify masculine power. According to Durand (1991: 119), the symbolic trophy is only a result of the constantly dangerous exaltation of the power of the taboo through defeminisation and deanimalization. Therefore, placement of abstracted antlers on brides' heads can be seen as an inscription of the male principle during this rite of passage, while reinforcing the social stratification of patriarchy. However, the use of antlers does open a playful and carnivalesque niche, and the same images can be read in a different way. By placing antlers on their heads, whimsical brides can choose to participate in self-irony and/or their own creative fantasies. Perhaps a bride would choose to place antlers on her head as a way to metaphorically claim back and appropriate power and strength. Though recognized as a masculine symbol, antlers are not a solely male feature. After all, in some deer species antlers are borne by both sexes. By claiming symbols of strength, cyclic life regeneration and ascension towards the otherworldly realms, they choose the way they represent their own femininity. Even if only for a single day, they can embody Artemidas, or Deer Women well known from Celtic and Native American myths and folklore; they can become their own she-shamans and implement "deer medicine" in their own way. 40 The reference originates from the introduction to the research workshop What Lies Beneath: Exploring the Affecting Presence & Emotive Materiality of Human Bones which took place at the University of Edinburgh, UK, December 4-5, 2008. http://www.san.ed.ac.uk/_data/assets/pdf_file/0010/19783/Bones_Workshop_Statement.pdf 41 http://xroads.virginia.edu/~ma02/freed/okeeffe/bones.html FOR THE LOVE OF ANTLERS: HEADS ON A WALL OR ANTLERS ON A BRIDE -231 CONCLUSION New meanings inscribed into animal materialities do not necessarily classify them as passive objects. For example, it has been acknowledged that material culture objects continually transform in meanings through their own accumulative biographies (Appadurai 1986; Kopytoff 1986). They can also be bestowed with meanings through personal biographies of human beings (Hoskins 1998; 2005: 75). In its contemporary modalities, the "antler cult", recognized throughout the cross-cultural virtual space of the Internet, including Croatian, European and North American designers' web pages, blogs and e-newspaper articles, moves through a discourse of "natural kill off", ironically steps into one about "nature preservation" and finally enters individual articulations of meanings that give the once reduced animal new connotations. Those practices also highlight current negotiations of boundaries between nature and culture, animal and human, femininity and masculinity mainly within the context of a cultural and historical Western legacy that has imbued deer with stereotypical meanings as an animal of ultimate beauty and innocence, grace and femininity, as well as strength and masculinity, and sometimes even the supernatural: an animal that is a symbol of nature and the archetypical prey (Cartmill 1996). Different practices of animal objectification in the contemporary culture denote specific parts of the animal body, carrying strong symbolic meanings as trophies, decorations and carefully designed objects. Very often, their manipulation and display in various spaces maps landscapes reproducing aspects of contemporary hunting culture, the accompanying hunting industry and the design market, where nature is wanted but is also a trophy, as one that wants to be appropriated and materially consummated. However, the organic and inorganic deer crania, which lurk from walls in homes without their post-cranial parts or dislocated animal body parts caught in the web of stylistic or ritual practices, remind us that the borders between culture and nature and the role of humans in these arenas is constantly questioned. Animals and their bodies, even in their posthumous forms, as well as objects made from them, are active participants in these negotiations. With their presence, individual biographies of human beings have been created - by stepping into irony, auto-irony, romanticism, the ambivalent and sublime aesthetic, fantasy and perhaps even archetypology, where borders between femininity and masculinity, animal and human are being questioned. At the same time, specific identities of individuals ascribe new meanings and lives to once reduced animal persons. Even if one is to end in wishful thinking or a personal fantasy, the presence of antlers in contemporary wedding contexts can also be read as humankind's call for symbolically marrying nature after centuries of divorcing its very own habitat. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would like to thank Dr Graeme Warren, School of Archaeology, University College Dublin for critically reading, commenting and improving the English language of the manuscript. 232 - MAJA PASARIC REFERENCES Abramovitch, Henry, 2015: More Dry Bones. The Significance of Changes in Mortuary Ritual in Conte-porary Isreal. Markowitz, Fran; Sharot, Stephen; Shokeid, Mose (eds.), Toward an Anthropology of Nation Building and Unbuilding in Isreal. Lincoln: University ofNebraska Press, 229-242. Appadurai, Arjun, 1986: Introduction: Commodities and the Politics of Value. Appadurai, Arjun (ed.), The Social Life of Things: Commodities in Cultural Perspective. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 3-63. Bégouën, Henri; Breuil, Henri, 1958: Les Cavernes du Volp: Trois Frères - Tuc d'Audoubert. Paris: Arts et Métiers Graphiques. Bevan, Lynne, 2003: Stag nights and horny men: antler symbolism and interaction with the animal world during the Mesolithic. Bevan, Lynne; Moore, Jenny (eds.), Peopling the Mesolithic in the Northern Environment. British Archaeological Reports International Series 1157. Oxford: Archaeopress, 35-44. Cartmill, Matt, 1996: A View of Death in the Morning. Hunting and Nature Through History. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. Chatterton, Richard, 2003: Star Carr reanalysed. Bevan, Lynne; Moore, Jenny (eds.), Peopling the Mesolithic in the Northern Environment. British Archaeological Reports International Series 1157. Oxford: Archaeopress, 69-80. Chevalier, Jean; Gheerbrant, Alan, 1983: Rječniksimbola. Mitovi, sni, običaji, geste, oblici, likovi, boje, brojevi. Zagreb: Nakladni zavod Matice Hrvatske. Clark, Graeme, 1954: Excavations at Starr Carr. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Conneller, Chantal, 2004: Becoming deer. Corporeal transformations at Starr Carr. Archaeological Dialogues 11/1, Cambridge, 37-56. Coqueugniot, Hélène; Dutour, Olivier; Arensburg, Baruch; Duday, Henri; Vandermeersch, Bernard; Tillier, Anne-Marie, 2014: Earliest Cranio-Encephalic Trauma from the Levantine Middle Palaeolithic: 3D Reappraisal of the Qafzeh 11 Skull, Consequences of Pediatric Brain Damage on Individual Life Condition and Social Care. PLoS ONE 9/7, San Francisco. Doi: 10.1371/journal.pone.0102822. Denzin, Kent Norman, 1992: Symbolic Interactionism and Cultural Studies: The Politics of Interpretation. Cambridge, MA: Blackwell. Desmond, Jane, 2002: Displaying Death, Animating Life: Changing Fictions of "Liveness" from Taxidermy to Animatronics. Rothfels, Nigel (ed.), Representing Animals. Indiana: University of Indiana Press, 159-179. Durand, Gilbert, 1991: Antropološke strukture imaginarnog. Zagreb: August Cesarec. Eliade, Mircea, 1968: Samanizam i arhajske tehnike ekstaze. Novi Sad: Matica srpska. Fehérvary, Krisztina, 2012: From Socialist Modern to Super-Natural Organicism: Cosmological Transformations Through Home Decor. Cultural Anthropology 27/4, New Jersey, 615-640. Gell, Alfred, 1998: Art and Agency. An Anthropological Theory. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Hill, Erica, 2013: Archaeology and Animal Person. Towards a Prehistory of Human-Animal Relations. Environment and Society: Advances in Research 4, New York, 117-136. Hoskins, Janet, 1998: Biographical Objects: How Things Tell Stories of People's Lives. London: Routledge. Hoskins, Janet, 2006: Agency, Biography and Objects. Tilley, Christopher; Kaene, Webb; Kûchler-Fogden, Susanne; Spyer, Patricia; Rowlands, Mike (eds.), Handbook of Material Culture. London: Sage Publications, 74-84. FOR THE LOVE OF ANTLERS: HEADS ON A WALL OR ANTLERS ON A BRIDE -233 Jordan, Peter, 2003: Material Culture and Sacred Landscape: The Anthropology of the Siberian Khanty. Walnut Creek: AltaMira Press. Kalof, Linda; Fitzgerald, Amy, 2003: Reading the Trophy: Exploring the Display of Dead Animals in Hunting Magazines. Visual Studies 18/2, Abingdon, 112-122. Kopytoff, Igor, 1986: The Cultural Biography of Things: Commodization as a Process. Appadurai Arjun (ed.), The Social Life of Things: Commodities in Cultural Perspective. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 64-91. Loengard, John, 2006: Image and Imagination. Georgia O 'Keffe by John Loengard. San Francisco: Chronicle Books. Louve, Richard, 2008: Last Child in the Woods. Chapel Hill: Algonquin Books of Chapel Hill. Losey, Justin Robert; Bazaliiskii Ivanovich, Vladimir; Lieverse, Rose Angela; Waters-Rist, Andrea; Faccia, Kate; Weber, Andrzej Witold, 2013: The Bear-Able Likeness of Being: Ursine Remains at the Shamanka II Cemetery, Lake Baikal, Siberia. Watts, Christopher (ed.), Relational Archaeologies: Human, Animals Things. New York: Routledge, 65-96. Milicevic Bradač, Marina, 2002: Of Deer, Antlers, and Shamans. Miličevič Bradač Marina (ed.), Znakovi i riječi. Zbornik projekta "Protohistorija i antika hrvatskog povijesnog prostora". Zagreb: Hrvatska sveučilišna naklada, 7-41. Mithen, Steven, 1998: The Prehistory of the Mind. A Search for the Origins of Art, Religion and Science. London: Phoenix. Nylund Skog, Susanne, 2013: The Travelling Furniture: Materialised Experience of Living in the Jewish Diaspora. Kannike, Anu; Laviolette, Patrick (eds.), Things in Culture, Culture in Things. Tartu: University of Tartu Press, 102-133. Olofsson, Camilla, 2010: Making New Antlers: Deposition of Animal Skull and Antlers as a Message of Regeneration in South Sami Grave Context. Norwegian Archaeological Review 43/2, Abingdon, 97-114. Prosic, Tamara, 2004: The Development and Symbolism of Passover until 70 CE. London, New York: T&T Clark International. Putman, Rory, 1988: The Natural History of Deer. London: Chirstopher Helm. Sofaer, Joanna 2006: The Body as Material Culture. A Theoretical Osteoarchaeology. New York: Cambridge University Press. Vandermeersch, Bernard, 2004: Najstarije sahrane. Facchini, Fiorenzo; Gimbutas, Marija; Kozlowski, Janusz Krzysztof; Vandermeersch, Bernard. Religioznost upretpovijesti. Zagreb: Krščanska sadašnjost, 19-51. Wilson, Bob, 1999. Displayed or Concealed? Cross Cultural Evidence for Symbolic and Ritual Activity Depositing Iron Age Animal Bones. Oxford Journal of Archaeology 18/3, Oxford, 297-304. Willerslev, Rane, 2007; Soul Hunters: Hunting, Animism, and Personhood among the Siberian Yukaghirs. Berkeley, Los Angeles: University of California Press. Internet sources Ashby, S. 2009: Artefact Biographies: Implications for the Curation of Archaeological Ivories. Protocols and Guidelines. Ebur. Internet: http://www.ebur.eu/index.php?q=27&s=3&t=3 Fontein, J.; Harries, J., Cannizzo, J. 2008. What Lies Beneath: Exploring the Affecting Presence & Emotive Materiality of Human Bones. Research Workshop, 4-5 December 2008, University of Edinburgh. Internet: 234 - MAJA PASARIC http://www.san.ed.ac.uk/__data/assets/pdf_file/0010/19783/Bones_Workshop_Statement.pdf http://www.prijatelji-zivotinja.hr/index.hr.php?id=2569 https://www.google.hr/search?q=craft+room+zagreb&biw=1400&bih=913&source=lnms&t-bm=isch&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwjq8i_3cfLAhVl4XIKHeBnCAcQ_AUIBigB&d-pr=1#imgrc=EK4gtSmeqJewEM%3A http://www.dom2.hr/uradi-sam/item/3531-rogovi-kao-ukrasinterijera http://budiin.24sata.hr/interijeri/neobicni-detalji-za-suvremene-interijere-4624 https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=f8Dd9dSK_-4 https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=YXr2_8xzZ4o http://www.home-unique.nl/Template_03_mb_project1_woonkamer2.html, https://www.pinterest.com/pin/151503974942632481/ http://www.houseofhawkes.net/style-file-antlers http://www.portlandquarter.com/great-antler-debate http://articles.baltimoresun.com/2011-12-01/features/bs-hm-antlers-trend-20111201_1_ant- lers-home-decor-trophy http://www.homeologymodernvintage.com http://happywedd.com/wedding_theme/92-awesome-ways-to-use-antlers-for-your-wedding.html http://blog.tbdress.com/post/Camouflage-Wedding-Theme-Camo-All-The-Way-14814/ http://blog.metmuseum.org/alexandermcqueen/dress-widows-of-culloden/ http://www.gettyimages.co.uk/detail/news-photo/model-wearing-antlers-and-a-veil-walks-the- runway-at-news-photo/106911922 http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2011/10/09/alexander-mcqueen-headpieces_n_1000785.html, http://dontpaniconline.com/magazine/festivals/weird-fashion3 http://www.marieclaire.com/fashion/news/a5376/fashion-week-antler-headbands/ https://modelslovemodels.files.wordpress.com/2011/01/antlers-fashion-supper.jpg https://modelslovemodels.files.wordpress.com/2011/01/topshoprunway.jp http://ruralmissouri.coop/2010Pages/10FebShedAntlerDogs.html http://www.osijeknews.hr/clanak/rogovlje-jelenje-divljaci-zapelo-na-granici-s-madjarskom, http:// www.glas-slavonije.hr/266938/8/Baranjac-prodao-Madjaru-64-komada-jelenskih-rogova http://www.vecernji.hr/hrvatska/bogati-lovac-platio-191-tisucu-kuna-za-jelena-kapitalca-972442 http://www.pinedaleonline.com/thingstodo/antlerhunting.htm, http://nwpr.org/post/wildlife-detec-tives-illegal-antler-hunting-deadly-game-elk https://medium.com/re-form/antler-farm-dbd3ba1ec3f2#.h07o7rd9y https://www.flickr.com/photos/sgoralnick/4158747134/in/faves-3tuxedocats/ https://www.pinterest.com/pin/164733298844409944/ https://www.etsy.com/listing/68044979/fabric-deer-head-wall-mount https://www.pinterest.com/pin/78390849742116010/ https://www.pinterest.com/pin/405746247648182290/ http://wallcharmers.com/ http://www.whitefauxtaxidermy.com/faux_deer_antlers_decor http://www.pixielighthorse.com http://xroads.virginia.edu/~ma02/freed/okeeffe/bones.html FOR THE LOVE OF ANTLERS: HEADS ON A WALL OR ANTLERS ON A BRIDE -235 U IME ROGOVA. GLAVE NA ZIDU ILI ROGOVI NA NEVJESTI Maja Pasarič ooo Glava i rogovi jelena specifični su dijelovi životinjskog tijela snažnog simbolič-kog naboja koji kao pars pro toto označavaju cijelu životinju. Pojedine prakse objektifikacije animalnog unutar naše suvremene kulture ove dijelove životinjskog tijela označuju kao trofeje, ukrase te dizajnerski osmišljene predmete koje tada prepoznajemo i kao markere identiteta pojedinaca, specifičnih prostora i načina življenja. No, nova značenja njihove materijalnosti ne čine ih nužno inertnim i pasivnim objektima. Predmeti materijalne kulture aktivni su konstituenti svijeta u nastajanju dok se istovremeno kontinuirano transformiraju u značenjima pu-tem svojih vlastitih akumulativnih biografija ili posredstvom osobnih biografija pojedinaca (Appadurai 1986; Kopytoff 1986; Hoskins 1998; 2005: 75). U svojim suvremenim modalitetima kult rogova, kakav razaznajemo posredstvom virtu-alnog prostora interneta, hrvatskih ali i drugih europskih i sjevernoameričkih dizajnerskih stranica, osobnih blogova i internetskih novinskih članaka iz registra, odstrjela prirode ironijski zadire i u registar njezina očuvanja te u posve osobne artikulacije značenja koja u nekoč reduciranu životinju unose nove oblike živote. Navedene prakse takoder osvjetljavaju i suvremena pregovaranja granica izme-du prirode i kulture, životinje i čovjeka, pa i muškosti i ženskosti, premrežena povijesno-kulturnim zapadnjačkim nasljedem koje je jelenu pripisalo stereotipna značenja savršeno lijepe i nedužne, gracilno ženstvene, snažno muževne i pone-kad nadnaravne životinja koja figurira kao simbol prirode i divljine te arhetipske lovine (Cartmill 1996). Dr. Maja Pasaric, Institute of Ethnology and Folklore Research, Subiceva 42, HR-10 000 Zagreb, Croatia, maja@ief.hr 21 Studia MYTHOLOGICA Slavica 2018 -237 - 252- The Donkey in the Narrative Culture and Changing Sociohistorical Epistemology — Monika Kropej Telban — This article analyses folklore and narrative tradition about donkeys through the prism of ecological paradigm. It explores the impact of the changing philosophy, stereotypes, and peoples' attitudes towards animals, the donkey in particular. Researched are also changing aspects in the donkey breeding and narrative culture which was for a long time oriented towards speciesism and anthropocentrism, and is now turning towards ecocen-tric philosophy, which is part of the newly emerging discipline of zoofolkloristics. This ontological shift is projected on the different perceptions of animals in folk literature, language, and everyday life. KEYWORDS: donkey, folklore, zoofolkloristics, multispecies ethnography, ecology, literature, mythology. INTRODUCTION Since the turn of the millennium, we have been witnessing many changes in the perception of nature and culture, mainly because human disruption of ecology has become one of the major problems of our world. Vittorio Hosle claimed that a new moral and political paradigm - an ecological paradigm - is taking part in our lives now (Hosle 1996: 26). Conscious people became aware that nature and all the living creatures within it are our partners, and do not take them for granted. Along with that, we are witnessing the development of more ecologically oriented sciences. The new discoveries have compelled philosophy and anthropology to redefine the objectivity of "nature" and "culture" (Descola 2013). Critical evolutionary anthropologists began to re-examine issues of race and gender in the context of new genetic technologies; and more anthropologists have become curious about the lives of animals on farms, in agricultural production, as food, and in rapidly changing ecosystems. Creatures previously appearing on the margins of anthropology - as part of the landscape, as food for humans, as symbols - have been pressed into the foreground in recent ethnographies. As Eben Kirksey and Stefan Helmreich stated: "Multispecies ethnography asks cultural anthropology to reengage with biological anthropology and to craft new genres of naturalcultural criticism" (2010: 565). 238 - MONIKA KROPEJ TELBAN Eduardo Kohn was of the opinion that the goal in multi-species ethnography should not just be to give voice, agency or subjectivity to the nonhuman - to recognize them as others, visible in their difference - but to force us to radically rethink these categories of our analysis as they pertain to all beings (Kohn 2013). Clearly the animal psyche exists, which is just as vulnerable as the human one, and animals, like humans, are spiritual creatures with a soul and a spirit; therefore, we can talk about spiritual equality and bodily diversity. Among ancient cultures and still today among aboriginal societies, humans, animals, and spirits are seen as "endless mimetic doubles of one another". Philippe Descola claimed that the transmission, a way of guaranteeing and reproducing the physical and moral dependence of the living on the dead, instantly eliminates the possibility of treating animals and plants as subjects, since all its efficacy rests upon a relationship of a hierarchical subordination between one generation and others: the central articulation of collectives is formed of human lines of descent that are differentiated one from another and maintain relations solely through reference to groups of ancestors from which they have inherited riches, rights, and all the components of personalities and destinies (2013: 394). Today, we can see that ontology is becoming increasingly oriented towards ecocriticism and that anthropocentrism is making way for multispecies ethnography. Marjetka Golez Kaucic stated that according to the so-called "ontological shift" in the social sciences, zoofolkloristics predominantly researches animals as beings in their own right, not as animals in service of humans from the anthropocentric point of view (2015: 17). In this article, the impact of the changing philosophy and stereotypes on man's attitudes towards animals and the donkey in particular is explored. The focus of this research is therefore primarily oriented to the ontological turnabout in the perception of the donkey as a representative of the horse family and towards the reflection of this in folklore and literature. NATURALCULTURAL BACKGROUND OF THE DONKEY TRADITION Different attitudes towards animals and nature are also reflected in literature and folklore. Miranda Levanat-Pericic pointed out that the origin and the evolution through the history of civilizations caused the differences of perception of the horse and the donkey in the conceptual world of Western civilizations (Levanat-Pericic 2012: 995). While the horse was often extolled in literature, the donkey received somewhat less extravagant praise. It was characterized as stupid and stubborn. These stereotypes prevailed in fables and various animal tales, songs and other parts of the literary tradition, and often in everyday life as well. The donkey, Equus asinus in Latin, is (together with the zebra) a significant representative of the horse family. The Mediterranean domestic donkey has evolved from the African wild donkey (Equus Africanus) that was domesticated around 4000 B.C. The African wild donkey differs from the Asian wild donkey, which is now an endangered species and was once widespread in the territory spanning from Iran to India and Mongolia. THE DONKEY IN THE NARRATIVE CULTURE AND CHANGING SOCIOHISTORICAL EPISTEMOLOGY -239 Domesticated donkeys were bred mainly in Africa, Asia, and the Mediterranean, and these territories still constitute their primary home. These areas are also the home of the hybrid between the stallion and the jenny (female donkey) - the hinny (Equus hinnus), and between the donkey and the mare - the mule (Equus mullus). One can also encounter donkeys of the kiang species (Equus kiang) in Central Asia; the steppe kulan, or the dzigitaj (Equus hemionus) in the semi-desert of Turkmenia and Iran; and the onáger (Equus onager) in the Middle East and in the area spanning to North India (Keber 1996: 247). Linguistic palaeontologists, who have established a theory of the north as the prehistoric homeland of the Indo-Europeans, use as one of the proofs for this theory the fact that none of the Proto-Indo-European languages has a term for the donkey. It was thought that it was possible to breed horses but not donkeys in the north (Beekes 1995: 36, 47). James P. Mallory, however, points out that in the area of the Pontic-Caspian steppe, which is the supposed Proto-Indo-European "Urheimat", the remnants of the subspecies of the Asian breeding donkey, the onager, have been preserved (Mallory 2006). Jaan Puhvel notes that while the Sumerian language does not have a term for the horse it does have the term "ansu kurra", the breeding donkey; this, according to Puhvel, indicates the culturological primacy of the donkey among the ancient Sumerians, who used them for transporting heavy loads and for pulling chariots used in warfare as early as in 2600 B.C. (Puhvel 1987: 36). In his "Itinerary" from the 13th century, missionary Riccoldo da Monte Croce mentions the wild donkey, whose beauty surpasses all the other beasts of this world. This description refers to the Asian mountain donkey Riccoldo had seen in the vicinity of Baghdad while traveling around Mongolia. According to Levanat-Pericic, this donkey could very well be the dzigitaj (Levanat-Pericic 2012: 997). While wild donkeys have an average life span of twenty years, the average lifespan of domesticated donkeys is forty-seven years. Most European donkeys can be found in Sicily (the Ragusa breed). In Slovene Istria, the autochthonous breed is the Istrian donkey. Mediterranean donkeys living in Istria and Dalmatia are grey and smaller than the donkeys of Greece and Spain, which can also have brown coats. The antagonistic attitude of people towards the donkey and the favourable one towards the horse are reflected in a number of prominent events in cultural history. The differentiation between the horse and the donkey is metaphorically reflected in the attitude towards the privileged and the oppressed. It can be perceived in the language, myths, religions, and literature, and as such has resulted in insurmountable semantic differences (Levanat-Pericic 2012: 995). Despite this prevalent perception, however, the donkey was not always, and not everywhere, perceived in a negative light. Some peoples, particularly in the East, held it in high esteem and treated the donkey similarly as cattle, which was appreciated as a species vital to the survival of people; as a result, they were well fed and treated more humanely and with particular care. Historical data also indicates that some peoples, for examples the Persians and the Greeks, often used donkeys for warfare. Others used them to pull military loads, and although slower than horses, donkeys are much more cautious and hardwearing. 240 - MONIKA KROPEJ TELBAN Based on religious concepts and perceptions, people of the past divided animals into two halves, the divine and the demonic. We may even speak of the dualism of the animal world in which some animals are attributed a divine, and others a demonic character. In the case of the horse and the donkey, the dualistic symbolism of the two animals is rather obvious. While the horse was usually attributed divine and mediatorial properties (Kropej 1998), the donkey was generally associated with the negative, demonic aspect. Very rarely did it assume the role of the mediator and this only in cases when it had the role of a sacrificial animal. Due to a multitude of economic and cultural factors and events throughout history, in numerous religious beliefs and myths, the donkey symbolized mainly a negative aspect and was perceived as a personification of human weakness. In India for instance, evil deities such as Nairrita, the guardian of the world of the dead, and Kalaratrii, the negative aspect of Devi, ride a donkey. Asura-Dhenuka even assumes the form of the donkey. In Egypt, the red donkey is perceived as one of the most dangerous creatures whom the soul of a deceased can encounter while journeying to the afterworld. The red donkey may be equalled to the ossified monster of the Apocalypse, or possibly to the scarlet beast from the Revelation of St. John in the New Testament; the latter influenced the French saying As evil as the red donkey (Keber 1996: 159). In ancient Egypt, the god Seth was associated with the wild donkey and was depicted with a donkey head. Plutarch, who believed that recklessness, stupidity, impiety, and impurity were attributes of the donkey, equated Seth with the Greek Typhon. Like Typhon, who kills Dionysus, Seth kills Osiris. Moreover, the donkey can have a red coat, which is the colour of Typhon's fur. Egyptians believed that due to these similarities the donkey is an impure animal possessed by an evil spirit (Levanat-Pericic 2012: 998). Even in ancient Greece, donkeys did not always have a negative connotation; therefore, the donkey had a significant role in the Apollonian cults. In Delphi, it was used as a sacrificial animal. Since it was the donkey that carried the chest that served as the crib for Dionysus, the animal is also an attribute of Dionysus. Pindar speaks of Perseus partaking in a feast organized by the Hyperboreans, which sacrificed wild donkeys to the gods. In the "Frogs", a play by Aristophanes, Bacchus puts a load on the back of his slave, who thus represents a donkey that carries secrets. The image of the donkey carrying secrets is by no means an isolated case and is explained as a symbol of the king and his secular authorities. The inferiority of the donkey can also be perceived in the Greek myth of King Midas. Apollo punished King Midas by giving him donkey ears for having claimed that the panpipe was more pleasing to the ear than music from the temple of Delphi. Translated into the language of symbolism, this preference means that the search for sensual seduction is more important than the harmony of the spirit and preponderance of the soul. However some schoolars have stressed that the donkey can under certan circumstances have solar aspect (Gura 2014: 97). The donkey, and especially the jenny, is perceived in the Holy Bible as being a humble and modest animal and, as such, has an important role in Christian symbolism. For example, it appears in the scene of Abraham's sacrifice of THE DONKEY IN THE NARRATIVE CULTURE AND CHANGING SOCIOHISTORICAL EPISTEMOLOGY -241 his son Isaac. Job's herds had 500 jennies and many foals. In order to pacify his brother, Jacob presented Esau with ten donkeys and 20 jennies (Keber 1996: 248). Genesis states: "Issachar is a strong donkey, lying down between the sheepfolds" (Gen 49:14). The Bible describes the jenny as a symbol of peace, poverty, humility, patience, and bravery, as in the following two examples: Samuel sets off to find the lost jennies. A jenny carrying Balaam saved him thrice from death when Yahweh sent an angel armed with a sword upon him. The animal had disobeyed Balaam three times, trying to call his attention to Yahweh's angel's sword, but since Balaam could not see the angel he merely punished the jenny by beating her (Balaam's Donkey). Christ's Arrival to Jerusalem, 1889, beehive panel (Makarovic, Rogelj Skafar 2000: no. 714) Slovene Ethnographic Musum in Ljubljana (photo: Marko Habic) The Good Samaritan, 1883, beehive panel (Makarovic, Rogelj Skafar 2000: no. 14) Slovene Ethnographic Musum in Ljubljana (photo: Marko Habic) 242 - MONIKA KROPEJ TELBAN When Christ was born, the first creatures able to recognize the child as the saviour were the donkey and the ox standing by the manger. In the New Testament, riding on horseback symbolizes violence while riding on a donkey indicates modesty and humility. In the Bible and iconographic depictions of the Flight from Egypt and Christ's arrival to Jerusalem, Jesus rode on the back of a jenny. Christianity appreciated the donkey's humble and God-fearing character, which is clearly indicated in a prophecy made by Isaiah: "The ox knoweth his owner, and the ass his master's crib (Is. 1:3). Even though the donkey, like the goat, was associated with base instincts and the devil, on beehive panels - as in Christian iconography in general - it was often depicted in Biblical motifs, where it was portrayed as a humble and God-fearing animal. Such examples are the motifs of The Flight of the Holy Family into Egypt; The Birth of Christ - Mythic Nativity; Christ's Arrival to Jerusalem; and The Good Samaritan. The donkey also features in the biographies of saints, for example in an apocryphal legend about St. Anthony of Padua. The saint tried in vain to convert a Jew to Christianity. Finally, he lost his patience, exclaiming that even a donkey would be quicker to kneel down in front of the holy sacrament than the Jew would comprehend the truth of his evidence. The donkey promptly knelt down, and upon seeing this, many of the Jews converted to Christianity. In apocryphal legends, a donkey at its own initiative carried firewood for St. Hieronymus to the monastery (Keber 1996: 259-260). Aleksander Gura has pointed out that in Balkan apocryphal legends, in old Orthodox sacral scripts, and in Greek novel written by pseudo-Lucius - probably Lucius of Samosata: Loukios e onos, Loukios/Lucius or The Ass we can follow three versions of the mythopoetic motif of the marriage of the Sun (Gura 2014: 103). The donkey personifies also man's libido, which is among other evident from Lucius Apuleius' novel "Metamorphoses, or the Golden Ass." The story, which begins in the perfumed chambers of a lustful courtesan, tells of Lucius and his transformation into a donkey. His trials are depicted in many mishaps and misadventures he experiences in the donkey body and concludes with mystical contemplation in front of a statue of Isis, where he is restored to human form. Lucius follows the path of redemption, the path of purity, and undertakes the highest goals. As he goes through a number of increasingly severe trials he truly experiences divine revelation, but this happens only after he sheds the body of the donkey and once again becomes human. Lucius' spiritual development, which takes place through initiation, is illustrated with a number of adventures he experiences as a donkey. His transformation denotes transition from calamity, mediocre impulses, and slavery in the hands of blind pleasure to exquisite bliss and to serving an omnipotent deity. It represents the first, inner resurrection. After becoming human again, Lucius takes the path of redemption, the path of purity. He has access to the innermost secrets. It is only after being transformed from a donkey into a human that he can experience the intimacy of God's revelation. The process of development experienced by the literary character in the body of a donkey is always linked to a specific period of crisis in his life. Although the donkey generally represented ignorance in the language of symbolism that is but the secondary THE DONKEY IN THE NARRATIVE CULTURE AND CHANGING SOCIOHISTORICAL EPISTEMOLOGY -243 Lucius Apuleius Madaurensis (c. 124 - c. 170), The Golden Ass (Apuleius 1981). meaning; according to the more general concept in such rituals, this animal denotes a symbol of darkness, and even of satanic proclivities. This is the origin of the donkey's association with human instincts, sexuality, and libido. During medieval feasts of fools, royal honours were bestowed upon the donkey. These holidays represented a parody of the existing values, which during the festivities were temporarily reversed. The principal purpose of this reversed world was to side line all inferior proclivities and thus eliminate malevolent consequences in society. These rituals represented a controlled release of instincts and also served to deter negative tendencies, which in this period were subjected to ridicule. In this carnival twist, the donkey took over man's instinctual element, the life that goes by only on the earthly, sensual plane. DONKEY IN (FOLK)LITERATURE AND LANGUAGE The donkey was despised and also belittled in Aesop's opus of fables which contains over thirty tales about the donkey wherein the animal is almost invariably presented in the light of stereotypes that have come to characterize it. In ancient fables, in which the donkey has different roles, it is often possible to detect an imperious attitude of the nobility toward the lowly born. A characteristic trait of the aristocrats was the contemptuous attitude toward the donkey and their emphasis on its stupidity and cowardice. This attitude may be observed in the majority of the most common fables, such as: "The Sick Lion" ATU 50, "The Lion's Share" ATU 51, "A Donkey Induces Overworked Ox to Feign Sickness" ATU 207A, "Hard-Hearted Horse and Donkey" ATU 207B, "The Two Donkeys and Their Loads" ATU 211, "The Donkey Tries to Caress His Master" ATU 214, 244 - MONIKA KROPEJ TELBAN "The Donkey Tries to Get a Cricket's Voice" ATU 292, "Thief Claims to Have Been Transformed into a Donkey" ATU 1529, "Teaching the Donkey to Speak" ATU 1750B - to mention but a few. The fable "The Donkey in Lion's Skin Unmasked" ATU 214B tells of a donkey who finds a lion's skin in the woods. It puts it on and scares others but when it brays everybody recognizes it as a donkey. The fable alludes to the fools who feign importance. The idioms "the donkey's verdict" or "thrashing the donkey's shadow" has spread from the anecdotes about the Abderits (the inhabitants of Abdera in ancient Greece. In this anecdote, the donkey is accused of having attempted to eat the cabbage growing in the field of a city counsellor. Therefore, it was brought before the court and punished with the beating of its shadow. This anecdote has become very popular, and has also been preserved in literature, as for instance in a humorous Slovene novel written by Josip Jurčič "The Goat's Verdict in Višnja Gora" (Kozlovska sodba v Višnji Gori 1867; Jurčič 1884). Similar idioms are: "to debate about a donkey's shadow" and "to go to court over a donkey's shadow", in the sense of quarrelling for no reason. They originate from Aesop's fable "Donkey and Its Shadow" and are classified as folktale type ATU 1804D "The Shadow of the Donkey". The fable tells of a young man who on a hot day hired a donkey to ride from Athens to Megara. At noon, when the sun was too scorching, he dismounted to rest in the shade made by the donkey. However, the drover started to chase the young man away, claiming that he had hired only the donkey but not its shadow. While they were arguing, the donkey got tired of waiting and galloped away, and the two men were forced to continue their journey on foot (Keber 1996: 256, ref. 20). From the opus of Slovenian fables and animal tales, Alojzij Bolhar presented a slightly different story about the donkey's shadow, which is titled "Lion and the Donkey's Shadow". In this folktale, a donkey sets out on a journey across the desert. Evening was approaching, and the sun started to set. The donkey notices that his shadow was becoming increasingly longer. "I'm so large that it's me who should be the king of all the beasts, and I'm not scared of the lion one bit!" he exclaims. However, he fails to notice an approaching lion, and soon enough there was neither donkey nor its shadow (Bolhar 1975: 84-85). In the fairy tale type "An Old Donkey Meets the Bear" ATU 103C*, and in the similar tale type "Contest between Donkey and Lion" ATU 125B*, the donkey defeats the superior antagonist, although only due to fortunate circumstances rather than the donkey's prowess (Kropej 2015: 221, 260; Bolhar 1973: 199-204). Remorselessness towards donkeys is also reflected through people's cruelty. An example is Aesop's fable entitled "The Donkey, the Crow, and the Wolf", in which a man mocks the suffering of a donkey. The tale tells of a donkey with a wound on its back grazing in the meadow. Then a crow descends upon him and begins to peck at his wound. The donkey starts to bray and jump in pain while the drover just stands there laughing. When a wolf sees this, he says to himself: "We wolves are indeed wretched! If we just glance at a herd, we are immediately chased away - but this one is only laughed at!" (Levanat-Peričic 2012: 1003). The proverbially negative attitude of Europeans towards the donkey is demonstrated in the fable "Human and Animal Life Spans Are Readjusted" ATU 173, which can also THE DONKEY IN THE NARRATIVE CULTURE AND CHANGING SOCIOHISTORICAL EPISTEMOLOGY -245 be found in Aesop's fables. After God has created the world and each animal received a certain life span, the donkey laments that thirty years is too much to bear. From the early morning until the dark evening, it has to carry heavy bundles and drag large leather sacks of grain to the mill so that others can eat bread while it receives only the sticks, dry leaves, or feed rejected by other animals. God took pity on it and took away several years, then did the same for other animals; it is only the humans who want to prolong their lives (Kropej 2015: 308). A similar attitude may be detected in the motifs, for example, in G303.7.2: The devil rides off on a donkey, A2537.2: Why is the donkey stupid?, A2325.3: Why does the donkey have long ears? The donkey is presented in a favourable light only in the abovementioned biblical motif V237: Balaam's donkey, and in motifs related to mythology and beliefs, such as B843.2: Immortal donkey and B19.11: Mythical donkey. In the Late Middle Ages and the Renaissance, the perception of the donkey was not much more favourable. The donkey of the proverbial "Buridan's Ass" ATU 1210 (an idiom that is still in use today) mocks a person who is unable to make a decision. Jean Buridan, who taught at the Sorbonne in Paris in the 14th century, gave as an example of indecision a hungry and thirsty donkey. The donkey is standing exactly midway between a bucket of water and a stack of oats but is unable to decide which to sample first, so it dies of hunger and thirst (Keber 1996: 257). Two similar metaphors that denote "to have no clue about something", "Asinus ad lyram" (donkey by the lyre) and "Asinus ad tibiam" (donkey by the flute), may have their parallel in the fairy tale of the type "The Donkey" ATU 430, in which a donkey plays the lyre. The tale tells of a king's son who was born as a donkey but soon learned a number of skills, one of which was playing the lyre. When he beholds himself in the mirror one day, he flees to the neighbouring kingdom, where he entertains the court by playing the lyre. He falls in love with the king's daughter, but when he wants to return home, the king persuades him to stay and offers him the princess for his bride. On the wedding night, the donkey sheds his skin and transforms into a handsome prince. As we can see, a humiliating and mocking attitude toward the donkey, which is still prevalent today evolved over the centuries and the millennia in Western societies. Emphasizing the animal's stupidity and stubbornness is reflected in the language, folk tales, fables, proverbs, idioms, etc. The donkey is often ridiculed for its stupidity, laziness, gluttony, fickleness, stubbornness, sluggishness, his long ears, hoarse voice, and his appearance in general. In English, it is sometimes called an ass, jackass, moke, duffer, dunce, and so on. In Slovenian, some of the frequently used synonyms for the donkey are dolgouhec or uhljac (the long-eared), rigac (the one who brays), and sivcek (the grey one). Many European languages have the following, or similar, idioms: stupid as an ass; stubborn as an ass; to work with the patience of an ass. Furthermore, the proverbs degrade the donkey: to descend from the horse to the ass (meaning to come down in the world); to mount a donkey (to make a mistake); to make an ass of somebody (to take the mickey out of somebody); the donkey only goes on the ice once (even a fool learns by bitter experience); where the ass lies he leaves his hairs (a white wall is a fool's paper); even if you send the ass into the world it comes back with 246 - MONIKA KROPEJ TELBAN long ears (Keber 1996: 248); the donkey carried water but died of thirst; quarrelling over the ass' shadow; there is more than just one ass in the grass; don't make a horse out of an ass; better a donkey's head than a horse's tail; looking for donkey wool; if a farmer dies of hunger let donkeys toll for his funeral (Saselj 2932: 25-26). There are expressions for concepts and objects that also reflect this humiliating attitude towards the donkey: donkey bench (a bench in the rear of the class reserved for bad and undisciplined pupils); asses' bridge (pons asinorum, help for those who have difficulties with their studies); Whitsunday donkey or Palm Sunday donkey (one who sleeps late on Whitsuntide or Palm Sunday, or who misses the procession through the field on Whitsuntide) (Keber 1996: 250-251). There is also a children's game known as "Beating the donkey" , "Beating the judge", or "Beating the goat", in which one of the players tries to guess who has hit him or her on their behind. In the Middle Ages and the Renaissance, even the so-called "professional literature", such as the bestiaries and the physiologuses, furthered the stereotypical and distorted image of the donkey. It was not until the 19th century that natural history books started to present it in a more realistic manner, and also adopted a more ethical attitude towards it. In children's literature, the donkey is frequently presented as a sad, modest animal that never expects to be taken into consideration. A good example is the donkey Eeyore from A. A. Milne's books for children "Winnie the Pooh" (1926) and "The House at Pooh Corner" (1928). A similar character is featured in George Orwell's "Animal Farm" (1945). Orwell's book introduces the donkey Benjamin, which is described as the oldest and the smartest animal on the farm, and one of the few that can read. Benjamin is sceptical, cynical, and has a temper. His motto is: "Life will go on as it has always gone on - that is, badly." According to critics, Benjamin reflects a part of Orwell himself, namely his timeless scepticism. His friends even called him Donkey George after his grumpy character Benjamin. In his drama "Zoon politikon animalistikon - Commedia musicale dell' arte animale," Jani Kovacic presents the character of the donkey as a "sage, faithfully puts up with the king, apolitical, and unpractical" (Kovacic 2014: 1047). Very popular among children is the cartoon "Shrek" produced by Andrew Adamson and Vicky Janson in the US (DreamWorks 2001, 2004, 2007, 2020), in which Shrek's Donkey typically represents friendship by saying: "That's what friends are for". DONKEY BREEDING TODAY IN SLOVENIA The changing attitude towards donkeys can also be followed if we compare the description of the donkey breeding in Slovenia by the natural historian and writer Fran Erjavec from the mid-19th century and contemporary donkey breeding in the Litoral part of Slovenia. Slovenian writer Fran Erjavec wrote the following about the donkey bred in our territory in the mid-194 century: THE DONKEY IN THE NARRATIVE CULTURE AND CHANGING SOCIOHISTORICAL EPISTEMOLOGY -247 Of all domestic animals, the donkey suffers most. He pulls or carries loads all day but still receives the cane more than anything else. Maltreatment and starvation, the cane, and the cudgel have killed all of its good innate qualities. [...] Yet the donkey does not deserve such contempt. Above all, man is to blame for this [...] the donkey does not like our soil nor our weather, and moreover, its long servitude with scoundrels has altered its physical qualities and confused its mental capacities. [...] The donkey is a much better beast of burden than the horse. Since it is slower than the horse, it walks more safely and more cautiously. It has excellent eyesight and hearing. It is satisfied with worthless feed that neither horse nor cow would even look at. It is also very patient and not subject to so many diseases as the horse. [...] Like the horse, the donkey remembers every path it has ever taken. Even in a completely unfamiliar place, its instinct takes it in the right direction. [...] Where the donkey has stumbled once it is not likely to stumble again. (Erjavec 1868: 73-75). This description clearly reflects the typical attitude of the Istrian population towards the donkey, which in the spirit of the times was unkind. Even worse was the manner in which the animal was handled. Erjavec adds that the one who is to blame for the donkey's moodiness, stubbornness, and proneness to biting and to stamping its hind legs is man himself, for people had been beating and oppressing donkeys for centuries, and had no sympathy for them. Since donkey's senses are much keener than those of the horse the donkey can quickly sense danger, and promptly stops. Yet instead of trying to understand this behaviour and pausing for a moment, the animal was usually promptly beaten. Donkeys in Kazlje (photo by M. Kropej Telban, April 22, 2015) 248 - MONIKA KROPEJ TELBAN Largely due to a new, more ethical and ecology-oriented attitude to nature and culture nowadays people have started to breed donkeys again. Some of them admit that they use the donkeys as natural lawn mowers, but mostly they use them for the agro-tourism, eco-tourism, and donkey-assisted therapy (zootherapy). It can even be said that it is these people who have been responsible for the revival of donkey breeding. Donkey milk is extremely healthy and the closest to human milk, but it is also very rare. Even healthier is donkey cheese, which has recently been put on the market in Dalmatia. However, some of the breeders, particularly those who have large herds of donkeys on their agrotourist farms, in addition to donkey rides and walks, offer dishes from donkey meat. One of these is the Trnulja agrotourist farm in Črna Vas, a marshy area near Ljubljana, which offers donkey and goat meat. In this particular case, the donkey has simultaneously become a gastronomical victim and an object with tourism value. However, many agrotourist farms, particularly those in the Karst and in Istria, now offer ecologically oriented tourism, which includes only donkey rides and walks with donkeys. In Gornje Cerovo, for instance, Rado Brelih organizes trekking with donkeys, which is a unique tourism service in the Goriška Brda region and is advertised in the Dobrovo Castle. Donkey breeders are often people who have come to Primorska (Litoral part of Slovenia) from the city. Riccardo Kalin for example, who was born in Trieste and now lives with his family in Kazlje, has two jennies named Lili and Liza, which he bought in Dolenjska (Lower Carniola). He knows that a donkey needs to have a peer for companionship, or it may feel lonely, unwell, and burdened with psychological problems. Also Stane Sušnik, a former music editor, moved after he had retired from Ljubljana to Gabrovica by Komen in Karst. Now he owns a herd of donkeys and is the spiritus agens of "Oslarija", an institute for the breeding and research of donkeys. Approximately 1000 donkeys, mostly home- and cross-bred, are now reared in Slovenia. Many farms breed them in addition to other animals in order to increase the total number of grazing livestock, which makes them eligible for agricultural subsidies. The Association of Breeders of the Istrian Donkey (DRIO) was founded in Dolenja Vas in the Karst on April 11, 2014. Its members come from the Postojna area, the Karst, Idrija, Brkini, and Bela Krajina (White Carniola). They share the core breeding program for the breeding of the Slovene Istrian Donkey. The Slovenian Association has linked up with the Agriculture and Forestry Institute in Nova Gorica (KGZ), and with the Association of Breeders of Istrian Donkeys (the so-called tovari), which has been active in Croatia for several years , and also with the Agency for Rural Development of Istria (AZRRI) from Pazin in Croatia. By offering a financial incentive for every donkey entered in the pedigree book, whose owner is actively involved in the breeding program of the Istrian donkey, Croatia has ensured that this Croatian indigenous breed has not died out. DRIO has also cooperated with their Croatian colleagues in the project Cross-Border Initiative for the Protection and Revitalization of Environment Biodiversity Using Autochthonous Breeds (AZRRI). People who have constant contact with donkeys have developed a highly ethical and ecological attitude to these animals. Donkeys are raised extensively on grassland, where THE DONKEY IN THE NARRATIVE CULTURE AND CHANGING SOCIOHISTORICAL EPISTEMOLOGY -249 there is only a roofed fold in which they can take shelter in bad weather. The breeders have established an emotional connection with their animals, and stories about them are occasionally published on the "Oslarija" website. One of these is the story about a new-born donkey which was published on October 1, 2013, and written by Mojca Susnik Klemencic, who was inspired when her large herd of donkeys received a new member, a baby donkey named Car (Tsar). The story talks about: [...] a cute baby donkey was born on a sunny morning in May. After lying down for a bit, he stood up on its tiny legs, and a moment later he was already running around the meadow. He started to speak to the horses, but they only mocked his body shape. The cow chased him away, and the sheep were afraid of his large teeth. The goats did not like the grey colour of his fur. Saddened, the little donkey sat down beneath a walnut tree. When night fell, an owl woke up in the treetop. Upon hearing him cry, she asked why he was crying. Although terrified of her, the donkey described his experiences, and the owl listened. Afterwards, she explained to him that animals differ from each other, that his particular features were beautiful and special, and that he was, like any other living creature, unique. Thus comforted, the little donkey set off to find his mother. Then he cuddled close to her and calmly fell asleep. Donkey's external appearance is often mocked in traditional folktales (for exempel: Bolhar 1975: 88), and also in this tale "Each in their own way" the donkey is mocked by the owl. Those who still harbour prejudice against donkeys and believe stereotypes about the "dumb ass" are assured by donkey breeders that donkeys are smart, patient, and humble animals. Their properties are studied with the aim of revitalizing and creating a new database for donkey-rearing. CONCLUSION The principles of speciesism and anthropocentrism, which long held sway, have been replaced by ecology-oriented philosophy. As we can see, the perception of the donkeys has also experienced significant changes during the ontological shift, which can be perceived in folkloristic and ethnographic research. In literature, a distinct shift in the attitude towards the donkey may be detected especially in the period following the First World War. Why do Greek fables mock even the suffering of the donkey whereas millennia later, philosopher Jacques Derrida writes "The Animal That Therefore I Am" (Derrida 2008), and George Orwell presents the donkey Benjamin as the smartest animal on the farm? It is true that one of the reasons for this is the economic, social, and spiritual turnabout in the Western world. It is beyond doubt that better economic conditions and the 250 - MONIKA KROPEJ TELBAN rapid development of engineering have made life easier for the donkey. However, it is precisely this progress that has significantly reduced its population. Only recently, and due to increased ecological awareness and care for the natural and cultural heritage, has the number of donkeys begun to rise again. Attitudes towards animals are now mainly focused on cultural ecology and ethical awareness. In addition to veterinarians, animals can also be treated by "animal whisperers", or psychiatric therapists. Like the horse-, dog-, and cat-whisperers, such therapists also treat donkeys that, for various reasons, do not behave as people expect them to; for instance, they bray excessively, bite, kick, and so on. However, all of this is frequently the result of human misunderstanding and mishandling of donkeys. However, in spite of the new paradigm by which animals are thought to be equivalent to people, in our daily lives animals are not treated as equal members of the cultural and natural environment although they are - according to the philosophical shift - thought to be ontologically equivalent. The politics of animal breeding and exploitation cannot be expected to change in the era of Antropocene, but changing sociohistorical epistemologies and ecocentric philosophies of understanding nature and culture can make some changes. REFERENCES Apulej, Metamorfoze ali Zlati osel [Metamorphoses, or the Golden Ass]. Ljubljana: Cankarjeva založba 1981. Beekes, Robert S. P. 1995. Comparative Indo-European Linguistics. Amsterdam - Philadelphia. Bolhar, Alojzij 1975. Slovenske basni in živalske pravljice [Slovene fables and animal tales]. Ljubljana: Mladinska knjiga. Derrida, Jacques 2008. The Animal That Therefore I Am. (trans. David Wills). New York: Ford-ham University Press. Descola, Philippe 2013. Beyond Nature and Culture. Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press. Erjavec, France 1868. Domače in tuje živali v prispodobah [Domestic and outlandish animala in word and picture]. Celovec. Golež Kaučič, Marjetka 2015. Zoofolkloristics: First Insights towards the New Discipline. Narodna umjetnost 52/1, Zagreb, pp. 7-30. Gura, Aleksandr 2014. O TpaHC^opMauuH caKpantHoro TeKCTa b ^ontKnope (Bte3fl XpHCTa b HepycanHM h SanKaHCKaa nereHga o CBagtSe Con^a). In: THSpHgHtie ^opMH b cnaBAHCKHx KyntTypax. Moskva: Institute of Slavic studies, 92-106 (http://inslav.ru/sites/default/files/ editions/2014_gibridnye_formy_v_slavj anskix_kulturax.pdf) Hosle, Vittorio 1996 (1991). Filozofija ekološke krize. Moskovska predavanja [Philosophy and ecological crisis. The lectures from Moscow]. Zagreb: Matica Hrvatska. Josip Jurčič 1884. France Koblar (ed.), Jurčičevi zbrani spisi III. [Collected works of Josip Jurčič]. Ljubljana: Odbor za Jurčičev spomenik. Keber, Janez 1996. Živali v prispodobah I [The animals in parable I]. Celje: Mohorjeva družba. Kirksey, Eben & Helmreich, Stefan 2010. The Emergence of Multispecies Ethnography. Cultural Anthropology 15/4, pp. 545-576. THE DONKEY IN THE NARRATIVE CULTURE AND CHANGING SOCIOHISTORICAL EPISTEMOLOGY -251 Kohn, Eduardo 2013. How Forests Think. Towards an Anthropology beyond the Human. Berkely: University of California Press. Kovačič, Jani 2014. Zoon politikon animalistikon, Commedia musicale dell' arte animale. Sodobnost vol.7-8, no.78, julij-avgust, pp. 1046-1120. Kropej, Monika 1998. The Horse as a Cosmological Creature in Slovene Mythopoetic Heritage. Studia mythologica Slavica 1, Ljubljana - Pisa, pp. 153-168. Kropej, Monika 2015. Tipni indeks slovenskih ljudskih pravljic. Živalske pravljice in basin [Type index of Slovenian folktales. Animal tales and fables]. Ljubljana: Založba ZRC. Levanat-Peričic, Miranda 2012. Književno breme našega tovara [Literary burden of "our" donkey]. Marjanic, Suzana; Zaradija Kiš, Antonija (eds.), Književna životinja - Kulturni bestiarij II [Literary animal - Cultural Bestiary II], Zagreb, pp. 995-1026. Makarovič, Gorazd & Rogelj Škafar, Bojana 2000. Poslikane panjske končnice [Painted beehive panels]. Ljubljana: Slovenski etnografski muzej. Mallory, James Patrick 2006. Indoeuropljani. Zagonetka njihova podrijetla - jezik, arheologija, mit [The Indo-Europeans. The riddle of their origin - language, archeology, myth]. Zagreb. Puhvel, Jaan 1987. Comparative Mythology I. Baltimore - London: The Johns Hopkins University Press. Šašelj, Ivan 1932. Živali v slovenskih pregovorih in rekih [The animals in Slovene proverbs and sayings]. Novo mesto. Willerslev, Rane 2007. Soul Hunters: Hunting, Animism, and Personhood among the Siberian Yukaghirs. Berkeley: University of California Press. Zupanc, Lojze 1956. Zaklad na Kučarju [Treasure on Kučar]. Ljubljana: Mladinska knjiga. OSEL V PRIPOVEDNI KULTURI IN SPREMINJAJOČI SE DRUŽBENOZGODOVINSKI EPISTEMOLOGIJI Monika Kropej Telban ooo Članek analizira pripovedno izročilo, v katerem nastopa osel, v prvi vrsti skozi prizmo človekovega razumevanja narave, ki je pogosto v nasprotju z ekološkim pristopom k naravi in kulturi. Človek je v preteklosti živali razdelil na božanske in demonske. Govorimo lahko celo o dualizmu živalskega sveta, v katerem nekaterim živalim pripisujejo božanski, drugim demonski značaj. Zaradi najrazličnejših gospodarskih in kulturnih dogajanj skozi zgodovino je osel v številnih religijah in mitih pogosto simboliziral negativni aspekt in poosebljenje človeških slabosti. Vendar pa je ravno zaradi razlikovanja med višjimi in nižjimi v krščanski simboliki, ki se odraža v Svetem pismu, prevzel vlogo ponižne in skromne živali. Že ob Kristusovem rojstvu sta med prvimi bitji poleg jasli prepoznala Odrešenika osel in vol. Ezopovo basnopisje pozna prek 30 basni o oslu, v katerih je skorajda brez izjeme prikazan v luči stereotipov, ki so se ga oprijeli. V antičnih basnih se pogosto odraža tudi visokostna drža aristokratov do nizkih kast. Značilen je zaničljiv odnos do osla in poudarjanje njegove neumnosti in strahopetnosti. 252 - MONIKA KROPEJ TELBAN Ob srednjeveških praznikih norcev so bile oslu namenjene kraljevske časti. Ti prazniki so bili parodije na obstoječe vrednote, ki so bile začasno obrnjene na glavo. Namen je bil kanalizirati manjvredna nagnjenja na stranski tir, s čimer naj bi se odpravile zlohotne posledice v družbi. Ti obredi so predstavljali nadzorovano sprostitev nagonov in postopek odvračanja negativnih nagnjenj, ki so jih podvrgli posmehu. S karnevalskim preobratom je osel prevzel človekov nagonski element, življenje, ki je omejeno samo na zemeljsko, čutno področje. Tako se je tekom stoletij in tisočletij izoblikoval danes prevladujoči odnos do osla, ki je ponižujoč in posmehljiv ter poudarja njegovo neumnost in trmo, kar se odraža v jeziku, povedkah, basnih, pregovorih, frazemih idr. Novi vek je prinesel spremenjen odnos do osla, ki se kaže predvsem v literaturi, še posebej otroški, kjer je osel pogosto predstavljen kot otožna, skromna žival, ki nikoli ne pričakuje, da se bo kdo spomnil nanjo. Takšen je npr. osliček Sivček v otroških knjigah Alana Alexandra Milneja, MedvedPu (Winnie the Pooh, 1926) in Hiša na Pujevem oglu (The House at Pooh Corner, 1928). V noveli Georgea Orwella Živalska farma (Animal Farm, 1945) nastopa osel Benjamin, ki je predstavljen kot najstarejša in najpametnejša žival na farmi ter ena redkih, ki zna brati. Danes so nekateri ljudje predvsem zaradi novega - bolj etičnega in ekološkega odnosa do narave in kulture, pa tudi zaradi kmečkega turizma, ekoturizma in onoturizma (terapija z osli - onotherapy, zootherapy) razvili drugačen odnos do oslov, ki so jih začeli ponovno rediti. Sodobni rejci oslov vedo, da so to pametne, potrpežljive in skromne živali. Ustanovili so tudi različna društva, npr. Društvo rejcev istrskega osla (DRIO), ki se med seboj povezujejo. Odnos do živali je usmerjen v kulturno ekologijo in etično ozaveščenost. Vendar je tak odnos do živali danes, žal, redkost. V dobi, ki jo antropologi imenujejo antropocen, je skoraj utopično upati, da bo človeštvo tudi v praksi razvilo drugačen odnos do narave in sprejelo živali kot sebi enakovredna bitja. Rejo živali v prehrambne namene bo težko spremeniti, toda ekocentrična filozofija in spremenjena družbenozgodovinska epistemologija oz. moderno razumevanje narave in kulture lahko privedejo do nekaterih sprememb na bolje. Dr. Monika Kropej Telban, Research Advisor, Scientific Research Centre of Slovenian Academy of Sciences and Arts, Institute of Slovenian Ethnology, Novi trg 2, SI-1000 Ljubljana, Slovenia, monika@zrc-sazu.si Tj ecenzije in XVporocila o knjigah Recensioni di libri ook reviews 255 RECENZIJE IN POROČILA O KNJIGAH / RECENSIONI DI LIBRI / BOOK REVIEWS Mirjam Mencej. Styrian Witches in European perspective. Ethnographic Fieldwork. London: Palgrave Mac-millan, 2017, 454 p. [mhpk3m mehheh. fflTHPHHCKHE BEflbMH B EBPOnEHCKOH nEPcnEKTHBE. .HoHgoH: ^^^^p^HB MAKMHnnAH, 2017, 454 c.] 1 O^epegHaa, cegtMaa no c^eTy KHHra npo-^eccopa ^ontKnopHCTHKH ^aKyntTeTa ^THo^o^HH u KyntTypHoH aHTpononoruu nro6naHCKoro yHHBepcHTeTa MuptaM MeH^H nocBa^eHa uccnegoBaHuro Kon-goBcTBa (Bepti b KongoBCTBo) u noBepuH o BegtMax b ogHoM H3 peruoHoB boctohhoh CnoBeHuu, fflrnpuu, b (^ontKnopHoM, aH-TpononorunecKoM u HcTopunecKoM acneKTe Ha eBponeficKoM ^oHe. KHHra ocHoBaHa Ha noneBHx MaTepuanax, co6paHHBix b Ha^ane XXI b. aBTopoM u cTygeHTaMH ,Hro6naHcKoro yHHBepcHTeTa b 2000-2001 rr. u aBTopoM KHuru b 2013- 2015 rr. OeHoMeH KongoBcTBa u BegtMapcTBa, KaK u caMa ^urypa BegtMti y»e gaBHo npuBneKaroT BHHMaHue uccnegoBaTenen KaK cnaB^HcKux, TaK u HecnaBaHcKux Tpa-gH^HH u HMeroT 6ontmyro nuTepaTypy. B pa3nuHHtix acneKTax H3ynanuct TaK^e u peruoHantHtie cnaBaHcKue Tpagunuu, cm., HanpuMep KHury T. By^eKoBoH «Bpar H3-HyTpu», aHanu3upyro^yro b KorHHTHBHoM acneKTe noneBtie MaTepuanti o BegtMax u KongoBcTBe2, co6paHHtie aBTopoM b pa3HHx peruoHax 3anagHoH CnoBaKuu; ny6nuKa-nuro TeKcToB c HayqHHMH KoMMeHTapuaMH H.H. BuHorpagoBoH u E.E. .HeBKueBcKoH 1 ABTopcKaa pa6oTa BtmonHeHua npu noggep^Ke PHO no npoeKTy «CnaBaHcKue apxaunecKue 3oHti B npOCTpaHCTBe EBponti: ^TH0nHH^BHCTHHeCKHe uccnegoBaHua» N° 17-18-01373 (pyK. aKag. C.M. ToncTaa). 2 Bužekova T. Nepriatel' zvnutra. Bratislava: Veda, 2009. «HapogHaa geMoHonorua nonecta», t. 1: Hrogu co CBepxteCTeCTBeHHMMH cboh- CTBaMH3; MoHorpa^Hro r.C. nonoBKUHoä «3HaxapH h 3HaxapcTBo y boctohhhx cnaBaH rora flantHero BocToKa Pocchh»4, KonneK-THBHyro MoHorpa^Hro «3HaTKH, BegyHBi h HepHoKHH^HHKH. KongoBCTBo h 6BiToBaa Marna Ha PyccKoM CeBepe»5 h gp. KaK oTMe^aeT M. MeH^H, fflrupua KaK peruoH royqeHua oraacTU BBinana H3 nona 3peHHa ^ontKnopucTOB. ^0^T0My nentro gaHHofi pa6oTH 6Bino npegcTaBHTt peruo-HantHtie cnoBeHCKHe Bo33peHua Ha Maruro u KongoBCTBo bo Bceä nonHoTe hx «cnoeB» u c y^eToM pa3nHHHtix THnoB BegtM. nepBMH, «co^Ha^tHMH» cnoS ^op-MHpyeTca co^HantHBIM Hanpa^eHueM b centCKoä o6^UHe; ero «aKTaHTti» - coce-gn u CBoHCTBeHHHKH, HaHoca^ue y^ep6 ny^oMy xo3aäcTBy H3 3aBHCTH u 3no6ti. fleaTentHocTt nocnegHHX b pyccKoä Tpa-gunuu mo^ho 6tino 6bi Ha3BaTt nop^eä u crna3oM, a Ha3BaHHe BegtMa npunuctiBaeTca hm numt cnopagunecKU caMHMH nocTpagaB-mHMH. BTopoä cnoä u BTopoä ran BegtM b pe^H3upyeMoä KHure npegcTaBneH (TaK^e b paMKax C0^HantH0^0 ypoBHa) CentCKoä BegtMoä, npu3HaHHoä BceMU KongyHteä c Knaccu^ecKoä BegtMapcKoä BHemHocTtro, CTapoä, oguHoKoä, »UBy^eä Ha oTmu6e u T.n. Hapagy c BegtMaMU-nrogtMU, aBTop BtgenaeT TaK^e Tun, Ha3MBaeMMÖ ero 3 BHHorpagoBa H.H., HeBKHeBCKaa E.E. HapogHaa geMoHonorna nonecta. ^y6nHKa^HH TeKCToB b 3anHcax 80-90-x rogoB XX b. b 4 t. T. 1: Hrogn co CBepxtecTecTBeHHHMH cBoäcTBaMH. MocKBa: _H3HKH cnaBaHCKHX KyntTyp, 2010, 648 c. 4 üonoBKHHa r.C. 3Haxapu u 3HaxapcTBo y boctohhbix cnaBaH rora flantHero BocToKa Pocchh. BnagHBocToK: flantHayKa, 2008, 200 c. 5 3HaTKu, BegyHH u nepHoKHu^HUKu. KongoBCTBo u 6tToBaa Marua Ha PyccKoM CeBepe. M.: OopyM; HeonuT, 2012. 256 - RECENZIJE IN POROČILA O KNJIGAH / RECENSIONI DI LIBRI / BOOK REVIEWS «hohhhmh BegBMaMH», TepMHHOM, pac-npocrpaHeHHHiM b eBponeHcKoH nuTepaType (HanpHMep, b KHure CaHguca .aHMe «BocnpuaTue BegBM b .aTBuu: Ho^HHie BegBMHI»6), HO npaKTHHeCKH HemBecTHHIM b PoccHH, rge onncHBaeMHe KaK «HOHHHie BegBMHI» cy^HOcTH cnaBAHcKHX BepOBa-hhh h ÖMHHHeK paccMaTpuBaroTca KaK MH^onorunecKue nepcoHa^u co cbohmh KOHKpeTHMMH HMeHaMH (6ny»garo^He oroHBKH, Buna, nonygHH^, pycama, guKaa »eHKa h nog.). no cnoBaM aBTopa, KongoBcTBö uccne-gyeMoro perHOHa npegcTaBnaeT co6oö mho-rocnoHHHH KOMnneKc, b KOTopoM pa3HHie THnH BegBM HMeroT pa3HBie xapaKTepucTHKu; cBÄ3aHHHe c hhmh HappaTHBBi npegcraBna-roT pa3^HHHBe THnH B3aHMOOTHOmeHHH c BegBMaMH, noKa3HBaroT pa3HHe npHHHHBi BpegOHOcHOcTH BegBM H pa3HHe tiüh noBegeHua nrogeH b ^THx curyanuax. M. MeH^ä noaTOMy 3agaeTca BonpocaMu: Ha KaKOM OcHOBaHHH Bce 3TH THnH KOngyHHH Ha3HBaroTca BegBMaMH, a hx geaTenBHocTB cwraroTca KongoBcTBOM? ^To oötegHHaeT cocegcKHx «BegBM», Bpega^ux cocegaM, cenBcKHx BegBM, HaHoca^ux y^epö BceMy ceny, h «hohhhx BegBM», cBoga^ux Jirogefi HOHBro c goporn? AHanH3HpyeMaa b KHHre «conuanBHaa peajBHocTB» c^opMHpoBaHa Ha ocHOBe 170 npocTpaHHHx HHTepBBro c 237 hh-^opMaHTaMH H3 55 cen, pacnono^eHHHx Ha TeppHTopHH OKOJO 300 KB. km, npeuMy-^ecTBeHHO b ropHHx perHOHax. Bo3pacT 6ojBmHHcTBa HH^OpMaHTOB - 70-80 jeT, TaK^e 3HaHHTenBHa rpynna 60-70-neTHHx. nOHTH 67% OnpOmeHHHx - »eH^UHHI. B nepBOH raaBe, BBegeHHH, noMHMO o6^ux cBegeHHH o MaTepuane h nenu 6 S. Laime. Raganu priekšstai Latvija: Nakts raganas. Riga, 2013. pa6oTH, cgejaH 6erjHH o63op BegoBcKHx nponeccoB b XVI-XVII h cyge6HBix Ta»6 BnnoTB go XX b. b CnoBeHuu c oco6hm BHHMaHHeM K fflTHpUH. CocTaB o6BHHeHHH h BpegoHocHHx geäcTBHH BegBM craHgapr-HHH, mUpOKO H3BecTHHH nO ^OJBKJOpHHM gaHHHM Bcero Mupa: BH3HBaHue rpaga, HacBmaHue 6oje3HeH, OT6upaHue MOJOKa y cKOTa, ypo^aa c nojeH, nojeTH Ha ma6am, ragaHue, npoga^a gymu gBaBony u T.n. Bo BTopoH raaBe «CoBpeMeHHoe eBpo-neHcKoe KongoBcTBO» o6cy»garoTca ^aK-TopH, noBJuaBmue Ha ynagoK KongoBcTBa b cejBcKux o6nacTax EBponH u nyTH ero coxpaHeHua h rpaHc^opManuu b nepuog nocje cpegHeBeKOBoro roHeHHa Ha BegBM, a TaK^e TunuHHHe KOHTeKcTH, b KOTopHx uccjegoBaTeju BcTpenanucB c KongoBcTBOM b XX h Hakane XXI bb. OTMenaa, HTO b EBpone KongoBcTBO crano, npe^ge Bcero, npegMeTOM xygo-»ecTBeHHoro Bonno^eHua b ucKyccTBe, aBTop KOHcTaTupyeT, hto b OTgenBHHx MecTax oho coxpaHunocB KaK conuanBHaa peanBHocTB h npogon^aeT ucnonB3OBaTBca gna o6tacHeHua Heygan u HecnacTHH. Hc-cnegoBaTenu, TeM He MeHee, cocpegoTonu-BanucB 6onee Ha npunuHax ucne3HOBeHua KongoBcTBa, neM Ha npogon^eHHH ero cy^ecTBOBaHHa, H3MeHeHuu ^opM, aganra-nuu k HOBHM ycnoBHaM. BMecTe c TeM, M. MeH^H H3BecTHH H pa6oTH O KOngOBCTBe, coxpaHHBmeMca h b XIX, h b XX BeKe b page perHOHOB EBponH, KongoBcTBe KaK npegMeTe HHguBugyanBHHx BepoBaHHH u KaK co^Ha^BHOM HHcTHTyTe, o6tacHaro^eM Heyganu, nepegaro^eM jhhhhh oüht h KynBTypHHe npaKTHKu u perynupyro^eM B3aHMOOTHomeHua b o6^ecTBe. ^TO pa6oTH, npuBneKaeMHe aBTopoM gna cpaBHeHua co cnoBeHcKHM MaTepuanoM, - o KongoBcTBe h Bepe b Maruro b HugepnaHgax, ^,aHHH, ÄHrnuH, repMaHO-roBopa^eö BenBruu, 257 RECENZIJE IN POROČILA O KNJIGAH / RECENSIONI DI LIBRI / BOOK REVIEWS HeMe^on OpaHKOHHH, b ro.-3. repMa-HHH, fflBa6HH, C.-3. ®paH^HH, BepXHeH BpeTaHH, AH^y h .HaHregoKe, b nonBme, b pernoHe AnBTo Mhhbo b nopryrannn, b H/rannn, PyMHHHH, MaKegoHnn. Bepa b KongoBCTBo npogon^aeT cy^ecTBoBaTB n b XXI BeKe, ogHaKo H3MeHnnncB ero ^op-mh, ^0^T0My BonpocBi, BCTaro^ne nepeg 3anagHoeBponencKHMH uccnegoBaTenaMH ^opMynnpyroTca TaKHM o6pa3oM: «Korga, noneMy, rge, gna Koro n b KaKHX oTHome-Hnax gencTBna n MBimneHne b TepMHHax KongoBCTBa noTepann nnn He noTepann CBoero 3HaneHna» (Gijswijt-Hofstra 1999: 99) (c. 29). KaK oTMenaeT aBTop, b EBpone He MHoro HCcnegoBaHHH b ^Ton o6nacTH, Han6onee T^aTenBHHe H3 hhx 6Binn npoBegeHBi, Ha-npHMep, bo ®paH^HH, BeHrpHH (o BeHrpax b PyMBiHHH), HngepnaHgax, repMaHHH n AHrnnn. noaTOMy, HecMoTpa Ha HMero^nnca pag CTaTeH n M0H0rpa^nn no gaHHon TeMe, M. MeHnen cnnTaeT, nTo uccnegoBaHne KongoBCTBa b EBpone, oco6eHHo coBpe-MeHHoro cenBCKoro KongoBCTBa, HaxogHTca e^e b 3anaTonHoM cocToaHnn. TpeTBa rnaBa «KongoBCTBo b nccne-gyeMoM pernoHe» nocBa^eHa cnenn^n-Ke peruoHa noneBBix nccnegoBaHun, ero reorpa^nnecKHM (ropncTBin, yganeHHBin, TpygHogocTynHHH cenBCKnn pernoH) n co^H0-^K0H0MHHecKHM (arpapHBin, ot-CTanHn) xapaKTepncTHKaM n hx BnnaHnro Ha H3MeHeHue ponu, KoTopyro urpano 3gecB KongoBCTBo KaK co^HanBHHn hhcth-TyT. ABTop cnnTaeT, nTo ^T0 H3MeHeHue ponn npou3omno b 1970-e rogBi b CBa3H c ynynmeHneM C0^HanBH0-^K0H0MHne-CKoro nono^eHna HaceneHna b pernoHe. OgHaKo KongoBCTBo He ncne3no coBceM, CBugeTenBCTBoM neMy aBnaeTca MaTepnan, co6paHHHn aBTopoM n CTygeHTaMH .Hro-6naHCKoro yHHBepcuTeTa b Hanane XXI b. ^TH noneBBie MaTepnanBi, gnanorn c HH^opMaHTaMH, BnneTeHH B TKaHB KHH-rn h aBnaroTca ochoboh pa3MBimneHnn n nogTBep^geHneM 3aKnroneHnn aBTopa. KongoBCTBo b KHnre nccnegyeTca TaK^e c HappaTHBHon tohkh 3peHna: o6cy»garoTca gncKypcH KongoBCTBa, oTHomeHne k HeMy nrogen, Bepa b Hero nnn HeBepne, pa3nnnne penepTyapa pa3HBix paccKa3nnK0B, non »epTB n BegBM b HappaTHBax. npuBognMHe b KHHre gnanorn co6npaTena c HH^opMaH-TaMH noKa3HBaroT 3HaK0Myro KapTHHy, c K0Topon BCTpenanncB n BCTpenaroTca co6upaTenH TpagH^oHHon KynBTypBi b caMHX pa3HHX yronKax cnaBaHCKoro Mnpa n, KaK oTMenaeT aBTop, TaK^e n co6npaTenn b HecnaBaHCKHX pernoHax. B paMKax «KongoBCKoro» gncKypca aBTop oTMenaeT TaKne «TnnnnHBie BBipa^eHna», xopomo H3BecTHHe n poccnncKHM nccne-goBaTenaM, KaK 6uno cdenaHo (o nopne, crna3e), BegBMa nmo-mo cdenana (c. 61), ohu 3hamm (o MarnnecKoM 3HaHnn BegBM) (c. 62) n nog.; b noBegeHnecKoM cneHapnn oTMenaeTca, nTo npn o6^eHnn c BegBMon HenB3a oTBenaTB Ha ee BonpocH, CMoTpeTB en b rna3a, ogan^HBaTB en npogyKTH n Be^n, n T.n.; BBjgenaroTca npegMeTH n ®HB0THHe, npno6peTaro^ne oco6oe Marn-necKoe 3HaneHne (kocth, mepcTB, BonocBi; »a6a, nepHaa KornKa n nog.). OTgenBHo paccMaTpnBaroTca TaK^e «xpncTnaHCKnn gucKypc», «pa^öHanBHBin gucKypc», «gucKypc HoBoro BpeMeHn» (nMeeTca b Bngy o^HKa MarnnecKoro B03gencTBna nepe3 noHaTna «6noMarHeTH3M», «rnnH03», «6H0^Hep^eTHKa»). B neTBepTon rnaBe «ConnanBHoe KongoBCTBo: BegBMH-cocegn» KongoBCTBo paccMaTpnBaeTca KaK nacTB connanBHBix oTHomeHHH, oTMenaeTca cnnBHaa 3aBH-CHM0CTB BepBi b KongoBCTBo ot Heygan n HecnacTnn (no cnoBaM 3. 3BaHC-npnTnapga, 258 - RECENZIJE IN POROČILA O KNJIGAH / RECENSIONI DI LIBRI / BOOK REVIEWS npHBOgHMBIM B KHHre, «B KaKOM-TO CMHC-ne MO^HO CKa3aTB, HTO KOngOBCTBO - ^T0 HecqacTBe»), BOBneneHue KongoBCTBa b OTHomeHua Me^gy HneHaMu coo6^ecTBa, OCO6eHHO Me^gy cocegaMu. HeKOTopBie aBTOpH, numeT M. MeH^H, cctmaacB Ha K. Bpurrc, CHuraroT K0ng0BCTB0 yHuBepcanB-HtiM ^eHOMeHOM, xapaKTepHHM gna BCex qenoBeqe ckux o6^ecTB, 3a ucKnroqeHueM, no^anyfi, o6^ecTB HOMagcKux, KOTopBie b OTBeT Ha COnnantHHH KOH^nuKT Murpupo-Banu unu gpo6unucB Ha HOBBie rpynnBi; ho KaK TOnBKO OHH BOCnpHHHMaflH ocegnBiä o6pa3 ®u3Hu, y hux TO^e noaBnanacB Bepa b K0ng0BCTB0 (c. 113-114). CenBCKoe 06-^eCTBO BOCTOHHOH CnoBeHuu He aBnaeTca b gaHHOM cnyqae ucKnroqeHueM, u 3gecB TO^e Heygaqu unu HecqacTBa BBi3BiBanu nogo3peHHa b KongoBCTBe. 3aBHCTB og-HOcenBHaH KaK 0CH0Ba HaBegeHua nopqu HeogHOKpaTHO 6nna npegMeTOM H3yqe-Hua 3anagHoeBponencKux yqeHBix (cm. nepequcneHue pa6oT Ha c. 116). KopeHB HyBCTBa 3aBuCTu aBTOp BuguT B KOrHu-tubhoh opueHTanuu Ha orpaHuqeHHOCTB KonHHecTBa 6nar, CBOHCTBeHHOH 3aKpBrrBiM coo6^ecTBaM. CnaBaHCKaa geMOHonoraa, b tom Hucne royqehue BegBMapcTBa b gpyrux cnaBaHCKux peruoHax nogTBep^gaeT ^Tu nono^eHua. B 6BinuHKax uMeHHO cocegu, a TaK^e CBOHCTBeHHuKu (KyMa, Te^a) OKa-3HBaroTca u3o6nuneHHBiMu KaK BegBMBi. B pe^H3upyeM0H KHure npuBogarca npuMepH gpyrux curyanuä, Korga B03HuKaeT onac-HOCTB KongoBCTBa: OTHomeHua b paMKax 6onBmoä ceMBu, b nepuog npeg6paHHBix öTHomeHuH (napeHB ^eHunca Ha gpyrofi), curyanua Kynnu-npoga^u CKOTa u gp. Cne^anBHO paccMaTpuBaroTca o6teKTH (MumeHu) KongoBCTBa (goMamHue ®ubot-HBie, nrogu, qa^e Bcero, geTu, ypo^aä), a TaK^e BugH KongoBCTBa: HaBegeHue nopqu c noMö^Bro CMOTpeHHa, roBopeHHa, KacaHHa, MarHHecKHX npaKTHK, gapeHHa nogapKa, 3aKanBmaHua npegMeTOB, co6HpaHHa pocBi, MarmecKoro goeHua («goeHue BepeBKH» u nog.). Abtop npHBogHT pag cnoB u BBipa-»eHHH, o6o3Ha^aro^HX gypHofi ma3: «Bpe-ga^ne raa3a», «3nBie raa3a», «agoBHTBie raa3a», «nogo3pHTenBHBie rna3a», a caM B3raag xapaKTepH3yeTca KaK «ocTpBiH», «cHntHHH», «»eCTKHH», «3noH», «oco6HH», «cTpaHHHH» hah «onacHBiH» (c. 142). K co^aneHHro, gna ^THX cnoB He nprnege-hh cnoBeHcKue guaneKTHBie TepMUHBi, kotopne 6hhh 6h 3gecb hennmhhmh u ga»e none3HBiMH (He Bce HHTaTenn iMe-roT nog pyKon 6onee paHHroro KHHry Toro »e aBTopa, rge ^TH u MHo»ecTBo gpyrax TepMHHoB npegcTaBneHBi: Coprnice so me nosile. Raziskava vaškega čarovništva na podeželju vzhodne Slovenije ob prelomu tisočletja. Ljubljana, 2006). OTgentHo aHanu3upyeTca Bonpoc o peanBHocTH KongoBcKHX geficTBUH, ncuxo-normecKHe MexaHU3MBi oKongoBBiBaHua u pacKongoBHBaHHa, a TaK»e o6cToaTentcTBa, b KoTopHX paccKa3H o KongoBcTBe MoryT aKTyanH3HpoBaTBca no pa3HHM npHHHHaM U c pa3flHHHBIMH HHTeH^HaMH. B naTon raaBe «Co^Ha^BHoe KongoB-ctbo: KoHTpMepH» npegcTaBneHH pa3nnn-HHe ^opMBi npoTHBogencTBHa BegBMaM; KoHTpMepH aBnannct nacTtro o6^ero 3HaHHa o tom, hto nenoBeK Mo»eT npoTH-BogencTBoBaTB KongoBcTBy. fflecTaa rnaBa «Co^HanBHoe KongoB-ctbo: c^e^HanHCTH» onucHBaeT cenBcKHX cnennanncToB, k kotophm nrogn Mornn o6paTHTtca b cnyqae HecnacTta, BH3BaHHoro KongoBcTBoM, b oco6eHHocTH, 3HaXapKH. ^,aeTca hx XapaKTepncTHKa, BHgenaroTca hx TunH (ocegnHe u cTpaHcTByro^He), paccMaTpHBaeTca cTpyKTypa hx npo^gyp u pont, KoTopyro ohh Krpanu b o6^e-cTBe. noaBnaroTca cnoBeHcKHe TepMHHH, 259 RECENZIJE IN POROČILA O KNJIGAH / RECENSIONI DI LIBRI / BOOK REVIEWS HanpHMep, slogar 'npegcKa3aTent', b caMOM TeKCTe HHTepBtro npuBegeH TepMHH gna BegtMaKa - coperjak (c. 271). nepenuc-naa uccnegoBaHua KongoBCTBa B EBpone (cnncoK, BHymaro^HH yBa^eHue: J. Kruse, I. Schöck, J. Favret-Saada, H. Sebald, J. de Pina-Cabral, G. Henningsen, L. Stark, O. Davies, W. de Blecourt, T. Tangherlini, M. Koiva - C. 248), aBTop noHeMy-To He Ha3HBaer hh ogHoä pa6oTBi no cnaBaHCKHM Tpagu^uaM, xoTa cnaBaHe cocTaBnaroT 3HanuTentHyro nacTt HaceneHua EBponui u TaK^e yCnemHo u3ynanuct u onucuiBa-nuCt (H3 paÖöT Ha pyCCKÖM a3BIKe - CTaTtu u KHHrH ,3,.K. 3eneHHHa, C.M. ToncToä, .H.H. BHHorpagoBoä, E.E. .HeBKueBCKoH, A.H. rypeBH^a, E.B. CMunaHCKoö, O.A. ^epenaHoBoä, C6opHHK In Umbra, Btm. 1-5, u gp.). roBopa o 3Haxapax u genuTe-nax, M. MeHgeä oTMenaeT, hto bo MHorux peruoHax EBponui ohu 3aHuManuct TaK^e CHaTHeM nopnu, «pacKongoBBiBaHueM», a TaK^e ragaHHeM, npoponecTBoM, noucKoM BopoB u T.n. ÜTgentHHH nogpa3gen b ^TOH rnaBe noCBa^eH aM6uBaneHTHocTu BegtM u 3Ha-xapeö b CnaBaHCKHX u gpyrux eBponeficKHx Tpaguguax (ucnaHCKoö, nopTyrantCKoä, ^paHKoHCKoö, gaTCKoö). Otupuhckoh BegtMe, KaK u BceM gpyruM BegtMaM npu-cy^a aM6uBaneHTHocTt, cuHKpeTu3M u B3auMonpoHuKHoBeHue noHaTuö go6pa u 3na, TaK no-pa3HoMy BocnpuHuMaeMBie nrogtMu. B cegtMoä rnaBe «CoguanBHoe Kon-goBCTBo: centCKue BegBMBi», uccnegyroTca npunuHH, no KoToptiM qenoBeK npuo6peTan pe^yTa^uro BegtMBi/KongyHa b paMKax Bcero coo6^ecTBa, ux xapaKTepHtie nepTBi, oTHomeHue k hum gpyrux nrogeö, ux pont b o6^ecTBe, npupoga ux 3HaHua. B bocbmoh rnaBe «HoiHue Begt-mbi», KaK aBTop Ha3tiBaeT nepcoHa^eö, noaBnaro^Hxca BHe goMa h cena, npeHMy^e-cTBeHHo b necy, h KoTopae aBnarovrca cKopee geMOHaMH hohh (c. 349), onnctiBaroTca cHTya^HH noaBneHHa ^THX nepcoHa^eä (BegtMBi B BHge oroHtKOB hjh 6ontmnx oraeä; BegtMH, craparo^He HoHtro 6ente y Boga) h cro^eTBi, peanroyro^He mothb «yHeceHHBie BegtMoä» (»epTBa He Mo^eT HaÖTH gopory goMoä; xogHT KpyraMH; oKa3HBaeTca b KycTax; HyBcTByeT ce6a noH-MaHHoä b jioBymKy). ,fl,na mhothx cro^eToB, 3anncaHHtix b fflrapHH, aBTop npHBogHT napanraenH He tojbko H3 gpyrnx HacTeä CnoBeHHH, ho h H3 gpyrnx eBponeäcKHx TpagugHÖ: nopTyrantcKoä, ucnaHcKoH, aHrnnäcKon, repMaHcKoä h gp., oTMeHaa, hto «HappaTHBH o hohhhx orHax, HHTepnpe-THpyeMHx KaK BegtMBi, HeycnoKoHBmneca gymH, $eH hjh gpyrae cBepxtecrecTBeHHtie nepcoHa^H, KoTopaie c6HBaroT nrogeä c goporn - aBnaroTca HacTtro o6^ero ^oHga eBponeäcKoro ^ontKnopa» (c. 371) h hto 6onee HacTo ^TH HappaTHBH noBecTByroT o gymax yMepmnx, $eax, necHHx gyxax h gpyrnx nepcoHa^ax b BHge oroHtKoB (cm. npHMepti Ha c. 371-374). ^ant, hto cnegnantHo He BHgeneHH pernoHantHHe TpagngHH, rge HoHHae geMoHH-oroHtKH HgeHTH^H^HpyroTca b BHge BegtM (mothb, geficTBHTentHo pegKHH b cnaBaHOKHx Tpaguguax), hto, bo3mo^ho, Morno 6h o6pa3oBaTt eBponeäcKyro H3ogoKcy. yKa3HBaa Ha napannenH3M b BocnpnaTHH «hohhhx BegtM» b CnoBeHHH h HaTBHH (mothb cTHpKH-KonoHeHHa 6enta y Boga), M. MeHgeä H3naraeT h npaKTHHecKH npn-HHMaeT rnnoTe3y CaHgnca HaäMe o tom, hto ^TOT mothb, H3BecTHHH npeHMy^e-cTBeHHo b KaTonHHecKHx cTpaHax, aBnaeTca npoH3BogHHM ot KaTonHHecKoro KoHgenTa oHH^eHHa gymH nocne cMepTH h cBa3aH c «HapogHHM xpucTHaHcTBoM»; oh HHTepnpe-THpyeTca TaK: «geMoHH3HpoBaHHae gymH 260 - RECENZIJE IN POROČILA O KNJIGAH / RECENSIONI DI LIBRI / BOOK REVIEWS yMepmnx »eH^HH, KoToptie npoxog.T nočne CMepTH npo^cc onu^eHHa Ha 3eMne 3a to, HTo ohh nu6o yMepnu nnoxoH cMepTtro, nu6o rpemunu npu »H3HH» (Laime 2013: 302) (c. 367). OgHaKo mothb hohhoh cthpkh (3ByKH, noxo»ue Ha 3ByKH 6uTta cTupae-Moro 6enta BantKoM) mupoKo H3BecTeH h b npaBocnaBHHx Tpagunuax, b HacTHocTH, b nonecte (yKpauHcKa.a h 6enopyccKa.a Tpagunuu), ^0^T0My KaTonu^ecKun apry-MeHT b gaHHoM cny^ae Bpag nu nogxoguT. KpoMe Toro, cB.3t MoTUBa cthpkh 6enta h gyxoBHoro onu^eHHa yMepmux Ka»eTca qpe3MepHo npaMonuHeHHoH. 3gect, cKopee, peanu3yeTca ugea o npoTUBonocTaBneHHU nenoBe^ecKoro - geMoHH^ecKoro: ronoc nenoBeKa - 3ByKU HenucTon cunti (cTyK, xnonaHte, cbhct, boh, xoxot), a TaK»e npegcTaBneHue o6 aKTHBH3a^HH HenucTon cunti Ho^tro. B Ka^ecTBe geB.Ton rnaBti npegcTaB-neHo 3aKnroqeHue, nogBrro»HBaro^ee aHanu3 HappaTUBoB o BegtMax h 6tinHHeK o BcTpe^ax c npoaBneHuaMH KongoBcTBa. KHury 3aBepmaeT cnucoK HH^opMaHToB, 6u6nuorpa^ua h TeMaTHHecKun HHgeKc, BKnronaro^uH nepcoHanuu. KHura MuptaM MeHnen agpecoBaHa, b nepByro o^epegt, 3anagHoeBponeHcKoMy HUTaTenro, h MHoroe b HeH nog^HHeHo UMeHHo ^T0H 3aga^e. OHa cogep»HT 3Ha-HUTentHoe KonunecTBo nogpo6Htix o6t-acHeHUH - TepMUHoB, peanun, noH.THH, oTHoca^uxca k o6pa3y »H3HH cnaB.HcKoro (h oco6eHHo - cnoBeHcKoro) o6^ecTBa; HanucaHHaa no-aHrnHHcKH, oHa BKnro^aeT h noneBtie MaTepuanti, nepeBegeHHtie Ha aHrnuHcKHH .3tiK, k co»aneHuro, 6e3 na-pannentHon ny6nuKanuH opurHHantHtix TeKcToB; He Bcerga h He Be3ge npuBogaTca TepMUHH, oTHoca^uxca k Maruu h Kon-goBcTBy. Ho, HanpuMep, rnaBy «Ho^Htie BegtMti» yKpamaeT cnoBeHcKaa neKcuKa: coprnice so me nosile / zmešale / vodile / vozile 'o6tacHeHHe, noneMy nenoBeK 3a6nygunca b necy' (c. 350); brezglavec, svečniki, vidanic, vedomci, vedunci, vedenci 'MH^onoruHecKue nepcoHa»u b Buge hoh-hhx oroHtKoB' (c. 363-364) h TepMHHonorua gpyrux cnaB.HcKux .3bikob (xopB. macici, nem. svetlonoša, ohnivec, non. nocnice, 6en. bludjačyj ogon 'Ha3BaHua hohhmx 6pogmux orHeH' (c. 364) h gp. OgHaKo xoTenoct 6ti BugeTt TepMHHti b HanHcaHHH cooTBeTcTByro^UM H3MKy an^aBUToM; BocTo^HocnaBaHcKue, cep6cKue h 6onrap-cKue neKceMH, nepegaHHtie naTUHH^n, He cooTBeTcTByroT ^oHeTUKe ^THX .3bikob h He MoryT cnuTaTtca tohhbimh (cm., Hanp., MaKeg. madjesnica (MarecHU^ ?) - c. 273). Hay^Hoe H3gaHue npegnonaraeT Bce »e aKKypaTHocTt b nepega^e npHBoguMtix TepMUHoB, TeM 6onee, hto KHpunnHHecKHH mpu^T He aBnaeTca TpygHogocTynHtiM b TexHHHecKoM nnaHe. To »e KacaeTca h nuTepaTypti, KoTopaa b Hay^HoM gucKyp-ce TpagunuoHHo nogaeTca Ha tom .3tiKe, Ha KoTopoM ^HTHpyeMaa KHura H3gaHa. TpygHo ce6e npegnono»HTt TpaHcnuTe-panuro Ha Kupunnuny aHrnoa3HHHHx unu ^paHKoa3HHHHx hctohhhkob, H3gaHHHx Ha naTHHH^, b KupunnHHecKHx H3gaHuax. KHura M. MeH^n, 6e3ycnoBHo, Ha-yqHaa, b to »e BpeMa oT^acTH h nony-napu3aTopcKaa - b tom cMticne, hto oHa 3HaKoMHT HecnaBaHcKyro ayguTopuro co cnaBaHcKHM MaTepuanoM, oTHoca^HMca k genuKaTHoH o6nacTH gyxoBHoH Kynt-TypH - Maruu h KongoBcTBy - kotophh oneHt HenerKo noggaeTca nepeBogy h ageKBaTHon nepega^e cMticna. KHura He TontKo 3HaKoMHT 3anagHoeBponencKo-ro HHTaTena c MaTepuanoM apxauHecKon cnaBaHcKon Tpagunuu, Bomegmen b Kpyr 3anagHon KyntTyprn, ho h o6t.acH.aeT -c npuBneneHueM 3anagHoeBponencKoro 261 RECENZIJE IN POROČILA O KNJIGAH / RECENSIONI DI LIBRI / BOOK REVIEWS MaTepuaga - KoggoBcTBo, npu^uHBi ero cy^ecTBOBaHM, MexaHu3MBi Bo3geficTBua, o6cToaTegBcTBa pea^H3a^HH. nogo6Hoe cpaBHeHue MaTepuaga cboux nogeBBix 3anuceH c $paHny3cKHMH, repMaHcKHMH, 6enBrHHcKHMH, ronnaHgcKHMH gaHHBiMH, npHBneneHHe BBiBogoB, cgegaHHBix arnpo-nogoraMu Ha ocHoBe royqeHua a^puKaHcKux HapogoB noKa3MBaeT yHuBepcagBHocTB paccMaTpHBaeMoro ero aBgeHua - MarHH u KongoBcTBa, KaK u yHuBepcagBHocTB HegoBenecKoH HaTypBi (KaK Buga homo sapience). ^encTBuTegBHo, MeTogBi Kog-goBcTBa b cpegHeBeKoBofi AHrguu (yrpo3H, noxBaga, B3rgag, npuKocHoBeHue u gapBi) ugu bo OpaHnuu XIX b. (B3rgag, npuKocHoBeHue, XBaga, npoKgaTue, 3aroBop, gap, »a6a, npoge3maa b goM »epTBBi ugu Bogoc »epTBBi) aHagora^HBi cgaBaHcKuM KaK ohu coxpaHugucB b 3anucax XIX-XX u XXI bb. BMecTe c TeM npaMoe cpaBHeHue MaTepuaga u3 fflTupuu c gaHHBiMu gpyrux eBponencKux ^ag^uS, oco6eHHo b nepBHX raaBax KHuru (HanpuMep, c upgaHgcKon Tpagunuen - c. 139) BBi3BiBaeT coMHeHua b npaBoMepHocTu nogo6HBix conocTaBge-huh. ,3ga Hage^HocTu HayHHBix BBiBogoB npegnogaragocB 6bi, cKopee, cpaBHeHue peruoHagBHoH cgoBeHcKon Tpagunuu c gpyruMu cgoBeHcKuMu, noToM, pacmupaa Kpyr pogcTBeHHHX Tpagunun - c ro»Hoc-gaBaHcKuMu, noToM 3anagHocgaBaHcKuMu (oco6eHHo cgoBanKon u nemcKon) u TogB-ko 3aTeM c gpyruMu eBponencKuMu (o6 ^T0M nucag b ogHon u3 cboux pa6oT H.H. TogcToH). B npoTuBHoM cgynae ecTB pucK BHpBaTB u3ogupoBaHHHH ^aKr u3 KoHTeKcTa u ucKasuTB ero cMBicg. npaBga, nocgegHaa, BocBMaa, rgaBa KHuru, b KoTopon ^mogu^ ca mupoKun cgaBaHcKun MaTepuag, a TaK»e npe3eHTa6egBHBin cnucoK ucnogB3oBaHHon aBTopoM guTepaTypn gaeT noBog goBepaTB nogo6HHM conocTaBgeHuaM. B o6gaCTH ^THOgHH^BHCTHKH, MI^O-goruu, 3THorpa^HH Eßpona b Hay^HOM ngaHe, Ka»eTca, pa3gegeHa Ha gBe nacTu: aHrgoa3BMHyro, KaK npaBHgo, He HMero^yro npegcTaBgeHHa o6 o6mupHofi gHTepaType boctohhoh EBponBi, BKgro^aa orpoMHyro TeppuTopuro eBponeficKofi Pocchh; h cga-BaHo-, h oco6eHHo, pyccKoa3BHHyro, Mago HgH cnopagn^ecKH 3HaKoMyro c Hay^Hofi gHTepaTypofi 3anagHofi EBponBi, H3gaHHofi Ha aHrguficKoM HgH Ha ochobhbix eBponefi-ckhx a3BiKax. .HTepaTypa, noaBgaro^aaca Ha Ha^HOHagBHMX a3BiKax (cgoBa^oM, cep6cKoM, guToBcKoM, pyMBHcKoM, BeH-repcKoM) npaKTH^ecKH HegocTynHa gga ochobhoh nacTH ryMaHHTapueB o6eux nacTefi EBponBi. CuTyanua o6iacHaeTca TpygHocTBro o6cy»geHua tohkhx MaTepufi TpagH^HOHHOH KygBTypH, oco6eHHo KygB-TypBi gyxoBHofi, Ha ny»oM a3BiKe, xoTa 6bi noTOMy, hto oTcyTcTByeT cooTHeceHHocTB ^THO^pa^HHecKHX h KygBTypHBix peagufi, no-pa3HOMy npoucxoguT noHaTHHHoe ^geHeHue BHemHero Mupa, pa3gunaroTca h nparMaTH^ecKaa, h aKcuogorunecKaa cucTeMH eBponeficKHX KygBTyp, a TaK»e MeTaa3BK HaynHBix onucaHufi. B ^TOM cMBicge KHura MupBaM MeH-nefi npegcTaBgaeTca yganHBiM cuHTe3OM boctohho- h 3anagHoeBponeficKofi Tpa-gunufi h HayHHBix mKog. BHymuTegBHBifi 6H6gHorpa^HHecKHfi cnucoK noKa3BiBaeT 3HaKOMcTBo aBTopa c guTepaTypofi Bcero eBponeficKoro peruoHa, BKgronaa Teope-THHecKue h npaKTH^ecKue pa6oTBi 3anag-HoeBponeficKHX yneHBix (K. Briggs, W. de Blecourt, O. Desies, E. Evans-Pritchard u gp.), paBHo KaK u KHuru Ha cgaBaHcKHX (I. Destovnik, J. Dolenc, J. Fras, M. Kropej, Dordevic, A. PageHKOBuh, .. PucTecKH, H.H. TogcTofi, C.M. TogcTaa, ..H. Bu-HorpagoBa, C. ToKapeB u gp.) u gpyrux eBponeficKHX a3BiKax (L. Bugiene, S. Laime, 262 - RECENZIJE IN POROČILA O KNJIGAH / RECENSIONI DI LIBRI / BOOK REVIEWS D. Czegenyi u gp.). npaBga, ^HTHpyeTCfl b KHHre noHTH HcKrroHHTenBHo 3anagHoeB-poneficKaa HayqHaa nmepaTypa, c KOTopofi aBTop, BHgHMO, Jiy^me 3HaKOMa. ^0^T0My cnoßä b Ha3BaHHH KHHrn «...b eBponeficKofi nepcneKTHBe» mo^ho 6bijo 6bi nerKo 3aMeHHTB Ha: «b 3anagHoeBponeficKofi nepcneKTHBe». OgHaKo 3to tojbko yTon-HaeT, ho hhckojbko He yManaeT 3Ha^eHM pa6oTBi aBTopa. ^na c^e^HaJHCTOB no cnaBmcKofi mh-^onorHH u geMoHonorHH KHHra noje3Ha TeM, hto cyMMHpyeT H3yneHHBiH 3anagHo-eBponeficKHH MaTepnan, b nepByro onepegB, repMaHcKoro h poMaHcKoro MHpa, ho TaK^e u HeHHgoeBponeficKoro (^hhckhh, BeHrep-ckhh), kotopbih coBnagaeT co cnaBmcKUM KaK b npamaTHHecKoM, aKcuonormecKoM, MHpoBo33peHHecKoM, Mu^onorunecKoM nnaHe, TaK u bo MHorux cny^aax u b nuHr-BHcTHHecKoM: HoMHHaTHBHHe Mogeju TepMHHoB c^epBi KojgoBcTBa aHanoruHHH cnaBrncKHM, HanpHMep, b HeMegKoM: Weise Frauen 'MygpBie »eH^HHBi' (c. 249) - cp. nem., cnoBau. mudra žena, noj. mqdra baba; $hh. tietäyä 'tot, kto 3HaeT' - cp. pyc. 3HamKU, o.-cjaB. eedbMa u BBipa^eHaa: OHa 3Haem, OHa nmo-mo 3Haem bo Bcex cnaBAHcKHx a3HKax), tjto bhobb roBopHT o6 o6^efi 6a3e paccMaTpuBaeMBix Bo33peHufi. MapHHa M. BaJeH^OBa, MocKBa Ambrož Kvartic, Pa se je to res zgodilo? Sodobne povedke v Sloveniji [so, Has This Really Happened? contemporary Legends in Slovenia]. zupaničeva knjižnica 42. Ljubljana: znanstvena založba Filozofske fakultete 2017 (zupaničeva knjižnica 42), 272 strani. With the book Pa se je to zares zgodilo? Sodobne povedke v Sloveniji (So Has This Really Happened? Contemporary Legends in Slovenia), written by Ambrož Kvartič, Slovenian folklore has finally obtained a theoretical and highly professional publication that presents and defines contemporary legends, arguably one of the most significant subject matters in modern folklore. Circulating mainly in urban and, to a somewhat lesser degree, rural, environments, such legends are also spread through the media, which in the information and digital age of today only accelerates their dissemination. The author analyses them thoroughly and systematically and, in addition to the theoretical segment, presents part of the repertoire of Slovenian contemporary legends. They are interpreted and analysed in the context of the international cultural space. Since contemporary legends represent one of the most relevant areas of literary folklore, this book is of particular importance. Slovenian studies on this subject are very rare, and it is therefore urgent that we begin filling this gap, especially since American folklorists drew attention to it as far back as the 1960s. The author initially addresses terminological issues that have thus far remain unresolved, even at the international level. Among the many alternative terms currently in use, he has decided on the term sodobna povedka "contemporary legend", and correspondingly justifies his decision on the basis of domestic 263 RECENZIJE IN POROČILA O KNJIGAH / RECENSIONI DI LIBRI / BOOK REVIEWS and international research, although he admits that this term still has some drawbacks. He also touches upon the question of the term "urban legend", once used for this narrative genre, which has been mainly discarded by experts but has been adopted by the general public, and thus on the emic level. In terms of genres, types, and intertextu-ality, Kvartic defines contemporary legends as a specific, and in many ways problematic, cultural phenomenon. However, they are sufficiently conceptually delineated and therefore recognizable. He notes that, among other things, "contemporary legends are incredible, unusual, bizarre, 'disgusting', frightening, terrifying, but also humorous stories that continually emerge and vanish in daily conversations and are repeatedly installed in the real experiential world of their narrators." He also notes that the motifs and some other elements of contemporary legends, found for example in screenplays, comic texts, and fine arts, can be equally discernible as in contemporary legends that have been classified as the classical folktales in this genre of narrative folklore. The first part of the publication brings a comprehensive overview of previous theoretical research on this literary-folk genre, acquainting the reader with its history both at home and abroad. Presented are the principal theoretical and methodological starting points, an analysis of certain thematic fields in previous research, and issues that have remained relevant in the investigation of contemporary folklore to this day. Special attention is given to questions pertaining to the diachronic and synchronic migration of motifs and subject matter in contemporary legends; these questions are highly relevant in the identification and research of this genre of folklore. The book also explores the issue of reality and belief, a subject frequently discussed by scholars investigating contemporary narrative tradition, which is even more relevant in the case of contemporary legends. The author also explores other problematic issues that emerge in the research of this topic. The classification of these legends is explored according to different genres, types, and intertextuality. Touching upon the issue of systematization and genre typology, he argues that in the case of contemporary legends it is only possible to speak about a cluster of genres and types that are in a fluid, complex relationship, either in contrast or in harmony, and in the constantly overlapping dynamics of their development. Considerable attention is given to the question of ostension in the process of communication in contemporary legends. In the humanities, the concept of ostension was first introduced by Umberto Ecco who used the term to describe the moment in verbal communication when gestures replace key information. Linda Degh and Albert Vâszonyi defined ostension as "the way in which a non-verbalized reality, situation, or event conveys messages by themselves." Later, folklorists defined ostension as a process in which people actualize motifs and events from narrative folklore - "dramatic extension" - in real life. Quite frequent in contemporary legends, this factor is therefore highly significant in folklore research. The theoretical part of the book is followed by chapters that discuss, compare, and interpret several examples of contemporary legends from Slovenia. Among them are "The Vanishing Hitch-Hiker", "The Failed Stag Party", "The Couple Caught In Flagrante Delicto", "Tourist Experience", "Foreigners, or Others, in Contemporary Legends", etc. They are classified in thematic and problem groups. 264 - RECENZIJE IN POROČILA O KNJIGAH / RECENSIONI DI LIBRI / BOOK REVIEWS This book fills a gap in the field of literary folklore that has been long neglected in Slovenia. Supplying a well-informed theoretical insight into the development of scholarship on the subject, it provides valuable assistance and support to all subsequent researchers of contemporary legends and modern folklore in general. Monika Kropej Telban, Ljubljana Nikolaj Mihajlov: Hctoph» c^abahckoh mh®o^orhh b XX beke. Moskva: Institut slavjanovedenija RAN, 2017, 344 strani. Knjiga »Zgodovina slovanske mitologije v XX. stoletju« je zadnja knjiga ruskega jezikoslovca Nikolaja Mihajlova, ki je bila posthumno izdana lansko leto v Moskvi. Knjiga je ostala nedokončana, saj je avtor pred njenim dokončanjem leta 2010 prezgodaj preminil. Nedokončani slovenski rokopis je prevzela avtorjeva mati Tatjana V. Civjan, pri ideji za izdajo dela pa so jo podprli tud slovenski kolegi, kot Civjanova zapiše v prvem poglavju »Od izdajatelja«. Rokopis je v ruščino prevedla Elena M. Konicka z vilniške univerze, knjigo pa sta uredila in vsebinsko dopolnila Vladimir J. Petruhin in Svetlana M. Tolstaja. Slednja je tudi predlagala vključitev avtorjeve bibliografije in člankov, uredniško dodano vsebino pa sta v knjigi označila s kvadratnimi oklepaji. Avtor je načrtoval dvajset poglavij, od katerih niso bila vsa zaključena, ponekod so bili zgolj osnutki; načrtovana vsebina naj bi obsegala med 300 in 400 strani. Avtorjavo osrednje zanimanje so bili viri, primarni in sekundarni, »kabinetna mitologija«, teoretično izpraševanje prejšnjih sklepov in različni vidiki na razvoj mitologije. Virom je posvetil tudi svojo zadnjo nedokončano knjigo Zgodovino slovanske mitologije v XX. stoletju. Naslov knjige, kot omenja že Tatjana V. Civjan v prvem poglavju »Od izdajatelja«, je lahko zavajajoč, saj bi bralec lahko pričakoval zgodovino slovanske mitologije v pomenu razvoja mitoloških likov v poznejše razvojne faze - kar je bilo tudi eno od zanimanj avtorja -, vendar je izraz mitologija tokrat mišljen v pomenu znanstvene discipline, ki se ukvarja z raziskovanjem duhovne kulture. 265 RECENZIJE IN POROČILA O KNJIGAH / RECENSIONI DI LIBRI / BOOK REVIEWS Po uvodnem poglavju, v katerem Civja-nova opiše širši kontekst odločitve za izdajo knjige in potek dela, sledi podrobno kazalo knjige z naslovom »Vsebina knjige po avtorjevem predlogu«, ki je uredniško dopolnjeno s poglavji. V »Predgovoru« avtor opiše svojo namero predstaviti sedanjo znanstveno smer filologije, ki jo lahko imenujemo slovanska mitologija in kjer predlaga nekatere najbolj perspektivne teme za poznejša raziskovanja. Avtor na tem mestu pretrese terminološka vprašanja meje med folkloro in mitologijo ter vprašanje ustreznosti besede mitologija za raziskovanje mitov, saj le ti v klasičnem pomenu pri Slovanih niso očitni, o čemer je avtor pisal že v prejšnjih delih. Kljub drugim podobnim sočasnim terminom (mitopoetično izročilo, starožitnosti itd.) avtor uporablja pojem mitologija, saj ga pojmuje kot tradicionalni termin in ne želi vpeljevati novih. Pod terminom »slovanska mitologija« avtor razume vso dokrščansko pogansko religijo vseh slovanskih narodov, kakor tudi prežitke poganstva, ki so se ohranili do danes v različnih oblikah (folklori in jeziku). Časovno opredeli mitologijo na 1. Poganstvo do krščanstva; 2. Pokristjanjevanje/dvoverstvo in 3. Poznejša »demonološka« doba. Avtor poudarja, da se prav tako prvi viri za slovansko mitologijo že nanašajo na nacionalne in lokalne tradicije, zaradi česar moramo biti zelo previdni pri kronologiji in terminologiji. Pri rekonstrukciji meni, da je treba imeti v obziru možnost, da določena praslovanska rekonstruirana mitološka figura ali motiv ne obstaja nujno v vseh slovanskih tradicijah. Ker je Mihajlov razumel tudi baltske jezike, sploh litvanščino, je dal velik poudarek tudi na problem t. i. balto-slovanske skupnosti. Avtor meni, da je problematika bolj kompleksna, kot zgolj hipoteza, da je nekdaj obstajal skupni protoetnos, ki se je pozneje ločil na dve skupini. Na mitološki ravni se tu rekonstruira pogojna shema, ki jo je možno poravnati z rekonstrukcijo indoevropskega prajezika na lingvistični ravni, kjer se na osnovi večjega števila jezikov predpostavlja, da so vsi ti jeziki odsev konkretne realizacije neke prvotne sheme, s tem, da nimamo nobenih pisnih virov v indoevropejščini. Mihajlov predstavi tudi problematiko virov, najprej težavo prvotnih virov, ki jih je malo, pogosto so nejasni, dvomljivi, pisani s strani kronologov, ki niso razumeli jezika Slovanov in hkrati pa so zavračali poganstvo. Ne smemo prezreti niti pogostega nestrokovnega tolmačenja. Vseeno pa ni dvoma, da je obstajala religija z vsemi žreci in svetišči. Poleg pismenih virov avtor izpostavi tudi arheološke vire (npr. svetišče na otoku Rügen na severu Nemčije, Novgorod idr.). Obregne se ob dejstvo, da slavisti »še vedno niso klasi-ficirano analizirali in izdali latinskih in nemških virov za slovansko mitologijo«. v poglavju so predvsem poudarjeni viri dveh slovanskih tradicij, vzhodnih Slovanov in baltskih (polabskih) Slovanov, saj za južne in zahodne Slovane skoraj nimamo virov zaradi časovno zgodnejšega pokristjanjevanja. Avtor na tem mestu predstavi prve omembe slovanskega poganstva pri Prokopiju, vir Pripoved o minulih letih (pri nas od 2015 v novi izdaji preveden vir) za poganstvo vzhodnih Slovanov in vire za baltske in zahodne Slovane (Adam iz Bremna, Hel-mold, Ebbo idr.). Avtor nadaljuje s hitrim pregledom znanstvenega skepticizma do mitoloških rekonstrukcij prve polovice 20. stoletja in nove poti raziskovanja slovanske mitologije (kot odziv na ta skepticizem) z interpretacijo folklore, arehologije in jezikov, katerih začetnik je bil Roman Jakobson, pozneje pa sta to smer nadaljevala Vjačeslav V. Ivanov in Vladimir N. Toporov. 266 - RECENZIJE IN POROČILA O KNJIGAH / RECENSIONI DI LIBRI / BOOK REVIEWS Drugo poglavje »Drugotni viri za slovansko mitologijo. Kabinetna mitologija« je posvečeno raziskovalcem od 17. do 18. stoletja. Njihove raziskave so bile v začetku 20. stoletja močno kritizirane v krogih znanih kot »znanstveni skepticizem«. Mihajlov posebej izpostavi poljskega slavista Aleksandra Brücknerja, ki je po Mihajlovem mnenju na eni strani zelo podrobno analiziral nekatere prvotne vire, po drugi strani pa zaradi zelo kritičnega odnosa do virov in predhodnih raziskav zadržal razvoj slovanske mitologije za nekaj desetletij. V obrambo »kabinetni mitologiji« Mihajlov zaključuje, da so namerno zavajujoče informacije »znanstveni in kulturni spomenik zgodovinske dobe«: raziskave te dobe ne zgolj povzamejo prvotne vire, temveč jih tudi citirajo, kar je pomembno, kadar prvotnih virov nimamo več - z upoštevanjem nepreverljivosti točnosti citatov in da v nekaterih primerih ni izključeno, da avtorji opisujejo še žive poganske tradicije. Tem virom bi lahko zaupali, kadar se nanašajo na pokristjanjenje polabskih Slovanov. Nekatere od teh avtorjev in vire Mihajlov tudi podrobno predstavi. Osrednji del knjige je poglavje »Raziskovanje slovanske mitologije v 20. stoletju«, kjer je razvrščenih 26 podpoglavij. V naslovih podpoglavij so imena raziskovalcev in v vsebini pregled njihovih najpomembnejših objav ter analiza njihovega prispevka k raziskovanju slovanske mitologije. V knjigi so predstavljeni: Nikolaj M. Galkovskij, Evgenij V. Aničkov, Louis Léger, Viljo J. Mansikka, Aleksander Brückner, Lubor Niederle, Thede C. T. Palm, Erwin E. H. Wienecke, Leonhard Franz, Veselin Čajkanovic, Josip Mal, Boris O. Unbegaun, Vittore Pisani, Evel Gasparini, Frans Vyncke, Roman Jakobson, Vladimir N. Toporov, Vjačeslav V. Ivanov, France Bezlaj, Karl H. Meyer, Leszek J. Moszynski, Henryk Lowmianski, Aleksander Gieysztor, Myroslava T. Znayenko, Zdenek Vana in Radoslav Katičic. Kot že v uvodu, se tudi pri raziskovalcih mitologije Mihajlov najbolj zadrži pri razčlenitvi njemu poznanih virov, uporabi primarnih virov ter pri interpretaciji in kritičnem presojanju sekundarnih virov. Mihajlov pogosto predstavi obravnavano delo določenega avtorja in poskuse etimologij imen bogov tudi po poglavjih. Poznejša urednika sta z opombami dopolnila vsebino, kjer je bilo smiselno opozoriti na nove pomembnejše članke o določenih temah, ki so izšli po smrti pisca knjige, npr. različne interpretacije zbruškega idola. Ker je več virov za vzhodnoslovansko in polabsko poganstvo, se je tem tradicijam posvečalo tudi največ obravnavanih avtorjev (Mansikka, Palm, Aničkov, Vyncke idr.). Če se večina ukvarja z višjo ali nižjo mitologijo (demo-nologijo), je Carl Theodor Palm raziskoval predvsem polabska svetišča, o katerih je objavil študijo Wendische Kultstatten leta 1937, za katero Mihajlov zapiše, da je »še vedno najboljše delo o poganskih svetiščih baltskih Slovanov«. Izstopata podpoglavji, namenjeni Erwinu Eugenu Helmutu Wienecki in Leonhardu Franzu, saj sta bila izrazito negativo usmerjena proti Slovanom in njihovi predkrščanski religiji, njuni knjigi pa sta bili pozneje močno kritizirani. Vključitev kritičnih odzivov na objavljena dela je dobrodošlo za razumevanje konteksta in časa, v katerem so bile knjige objavljene. Čeprav je v uvodu navedeno, da je Mihajlov posebno pozornost v knjigi namenil slovenski tradiciji, sta od slovenskih avtorjev obravnavana zgolj Josip Mal in France Bezlaj. Ker pa je knjiga ostala nedokončana, ne moremo vedeti za avtorjeve načrte o vključitvi drugih raziskovalcev. Avtor je imel izjemen pregled nad viri, čeprav je malo virov za slovansko mitologijo, 267 RECENZIJE IN POROČILA O KNJIGAH / RECENSIONI DI LIBRI / BOOK REVIEWS je teh kljub temu toliko, da bi jih težko vsakdo pregledal, kar vidimo tudi skozi vsebino knjige. Poleg tega pa viri tudi niso zbrani na enem mestu in so pisani v zelo različnih jezikih (grškem, latinskem, arabskem idr.). Mihajlova odlika je vsekakor dobra sistematičnost, po kateri razdeli vire in bralcu na razumljiv način predstavi kompleksna vprašanja; prav tako tudi razumevanje mnogih jezikov, zaradi česar je imel možnost vključiti zelo širok nabor avtorjev, ki so objavljali dela o slovanski mitologiji v različnih evropskih jezikih. Zaradi tega bodo imeli bralci prvič na enem mestu možnost spoznati kritičen pregled literature o slovanski mitologiji in mnogi od njih se bodo verjetno prvič srečali z avtorji, ki jim jezikovno niso dostopni in so manj znani širši zainteresirani javnosti. Literature o slovanski mitologiji je danes že preveč, da bi se folkloristi z vsemi deli bližje spoznali in je zato obravnavana knjiga toliko bolj priročen pregled raziskav. Čeprav naslov knjige zajema raziskovanje slovanske mitologije v 20. stoletju, sega zadnje podpoglavje namenjeno Radoslavu Katičicu že v 21. stoletje, saj zajema knjigo izdano leta 2008. Prav tako so v poznejših poglavjih omenjene nekatere izdaje slovenskih avtorjev po letu 2000. Knjigo zaključujeta poglavji Slovanska mitologija in Slovenska mitologija. V poglavju Slovanska mitologija avtor predstavi ruski etnolingvistični slovar CnaBmcKHe gpeBHOCTH (slo. Slovanske starožitnosti) s poudarkom na članku Nikite I. Tolstoja o slovanskih verovanjih. V zadnjem poglavju Slovenska mitologija Mihajlov predstavi najpomembnejše izdaje, v katerih so tudi viri za slovensko mitologijo, začenši z viri za pokristjanjevanje, ki jih je zbral France Kos in avtorji, ki so se prvi posvečali tej tematiki oziroma so zbrali gradivo: Janez V. Valvasor, Anton T. Linhart in Karel Štrekelj. Med zadnjimi deli slovenskih avtorjev, ki jih je Mihajlov dočakal, predstavi Damjana Ovseca, Zmaga Šmitka in Moniko Kropej. Knjigo zaključujejo priloge, tj. trinajst člankov Mihajlova, ki sta jih izbrala urednika glede na osrednje zanimanje avtorja: vloga primarnih in sekundarnih virov v mitoloških raziskavah in rekonstrukcija slovanske mitologije v povezavi z baltsko-južnoslovanskimi lingvističnimi paralelami. Sledi obsežno poglavje »Literatura«, ki jo je uredil Mihajlov, dopolnila pa sta jo urednika. Knjigo končuje »Bibliografija N. A. Mihajlova«. Slednja je razčlenjena na celotno strokovno in poljudno bibliografijo avtorja, vključeni pa so tudi nekrologi posvečeni Mihajlovu. Pregled pomembnih avtorjev in njihovih del za slovansko mitologijo bo gotovo dobrodošlo med mnogimi strokovnjaki, kakor tudi med študenti, ki si želijo spoznati starejša dela, od katerih so marsikatera še vedno aktualna. Nekatera v knjigi omenjena starejša dela so danes tudi prosto dostopna na svetovnem spletu ali pa so bila ponovno natisnjena. Ker je avtor pred dokončanjem knjige preminil, knjiga ni izšla v slovenščini, kot je Mihajlov prvotno načrtoval. Kot poklon tujemu avtorju, ki se je leta posvečal raziskovanju slovenske mitologije in bil tesno povezan s Slovenijo (Mihajlov je bil med drugim tudi pobudnik izdajanja revije Studia Mythologica Slavica), bi bila dobrodošla tudi slovenska izdaja omenjene knjige. Nejc Petrič, Dublin 268 - RECENZIJE IN POROČILA O KNJIGAH / RECENSIONI DI LIBRI / BOOK REVIEWS JiRi Dynda, Slovanske pohanstvi ve stre- dovekych latinskych pramenech. ScRIPTOrium, v Praze 2017, 368 str. Že leta 1931 je v Berlinu izšla zbirka latinskih virov za slovansko verstvo Fontes historiae religionis Slavicae, ki jo je sestavil Karl Heinrich Meyer. Besedil ni prevedel in ne komentiral. Sedaj nam je na voljo prenovljena zbirka mladega praškega religiologa Jinja Dynde. Besedilom je dodal prevode v češčino ter jedrnate in pregledne komentarje z opozorili na ustrezno literaturo. Pri tem je imel v mislih češke bralce in so zato izpuščena besedila, ki so jih dotlej že prevedli v češčino kot sta npr. Češka kronika Kozme iz Prage ali Slovanska kronika Helmolda iz Bosaua. Večinoma gre za odlomke iz letopisov, življenjepisov ali kronik. Kogar zanima kontekst celega dela posameznega avtorja, mora vzeti v roke ustrezne kritične izdaje posameznih del. Tedanji pisci so bili krščanski duhovniki, ki jih vsebina slovanskega verstva pravzaprav sploh ni zanimala. Slovani so bili zanje malikovalci, pokristjanjenje pa je pomenilo uničenje malikov, svetišč ali svetih mest, pljusk vode, prepoved pokopavanja drugod kot na cerkvenih pokopališčih in obvezna udeležba pri nedeljski maši. Samo mimogrede se izmuzne, da gre pri vsem tem tudi za plačevanje cerkvene desetine. O vsebini slovanskega vertsva izvemo le malo več kot nič, zato pa mnogo o prefinje-nih načinih ustrahovanja ljudi, da so vsaj formalno (in predvsem davkoplačevalsko) prevzeli novo vero. Da tako pokristjanjenje ni moglo biti ponotranjeno, je samoumevno. Dynda je to prepričljivo dokazal s tem, da je objavil tudi zbirko besedil, ki so nastala do konca srednjega veka in se nanašajo na nekrščan-ske pojave, ki se vztrajno ponavljajo in jih cerkev nikakor ni mogla izkoreniniti. Njihov seznam je dolg in raznolik, vedno in povsod pa krščanski duhovniki preganjajo zdravilke in zdravilce ter vedeževalke in vedeževalce. Več kot očitno je, da so ljudje uradno državno religijo sicer priznali, da pa so obdržali svoja stara verovanja. Prav ti dokumenti so pomembna novost v primerjavi z Meyerjevo zbirko in odlična Dyndina odločitev. Zakaj v ta oddelek ni vključil spektakularnega kataloga magije poljskega meniha Rudolfa iz 13. st. (obstaja izčrpna izdaja Edwarda Karwota iz leta 1955), ostaja nepojasnjeno. Vendar tudi brez tega spoznamo, kako pomembni so kriteriji izbora. Kajti že samo dejstvo, da izbiramo, narekuje rezultat. Slednji ne more biti drugačen od izbirnih meril. Če so nam znak slovanskega verstva samo snovni maliki in svetišča (predvsem kot zgradbe), potem so pisni viri zelo omejeni in skopi. Če iščemo sledi mitične pripovedi (torej nesnovne dediščine), potem spoznamo, da se je ohranilo ogromno gradivo. Ne samo v ustnem slovstvu zadnjih stoletij, ki so ga tako obširno analizirali npr. Ivanov, Toporov, Katičic, ampak tudi v mnogo starejših besedilih, kot je kronika Poljakov krakovskega magistra Vincenta s konca 12. in začetka 13. st., ki je pripoved o začetku poljske države v celoti zgradil samo z mitičnim izročilom in mitično pokrajino Krakova. Zato je razumljiva želja, da bi nek bodoči izbor upošteval tudi tovrstno nesnovno dediščino. Dotlej pa si bomo z veseljem in v korist pomagali z Dyndino knjigo. Andrej Pleterski, Ljubljana Navodila avtorjem Uredništvo sprejema avtorsko povsem dokončane članke, napisane v slovanskih jezikih, v angleščini, italijanščini ali nemščini. Rokopisi naj vsebujejo tudi seznam ključnih besed v angleščini, avtorski izvleček v angleščini in povzetek v drugem jeziku kot članek, bodisi v angleščini, italijanščini, nemščini ali slovanskem jeziku. Oddani naj bodo neoblikovani in v, formatu MS Word 6.0 ali več oz. v zapisu RTF. Digitalizirane slike naj bodo v formatu TIFF ali JPG. Slikovno gradivo v klasični obliki digitalizira uredništvo. Uredništvo daje prednost člankom, ki niso daljši od 45.000 znakov, vključno s presledki in prostorom za slike. Rokopisi naj bodo v končni obliki. Tiskovne korekture opravi uredništvo. Z objavo v SMS se avtor strinja, da je njegov članek dostopen tudi v digitalni obliki na svetovnem spletu. Prispevki so recenzirani. Podrobna navodila za oblikovanje članka so na: http://sms.zrc-sazu.si Istruzioni per gil autori La redazione accetta contributi scritti nelle lingue slave, in inglese, italiano e tedesco. Si richiede che i manoscritti contengano pure l'elenco delle parole chiave in inglese, 1'abstract in inglese e il riassunto redatto in una lingua diversa da quella usata nell'articolo, ovvero in inglese, italiano, tedesco o lingue slave. I manoscritti devono essere consegnati su copia cartacea e in formato MS Word 6.0, o versione successiva, oppure in formato RTF. Si accettano le fotografie digitali nel formato TIFF o JPG mentre il materiale iconografico nel formato classico verrà trasferito in formato digitale dalla redazione. La priorità viene attribuita agli articoli che non superano le 45.000 battute, compresi gli spazi e le fotografie. I manoscritti devono essere consegnati nella versione definitiva. Gli errori tipografici sono corretti dalla redazione. Con la pubblicazione in SMS 1'autore è d'accordo che il proprio articolo sia disponibile anche in formato digitale su internet. Gli articoli sono stati recensiti. Istruzioni particoiareggiati sono su: http://sms.zrc-sazu.si Submission Instructions for Authors Articles should be sent to the editors in final version, written in a Slavic language or in English, Italian, or German. They should include a list of key words and an abstract, both written in English, and a summary in a language different from the language of the submitted article (English, Italian, German, or Slavic language). The proposed articles need to be unformatted, and sent as a Word document, preferably in Rich Text Format (RTF) by e-mail or on a floppy disk. A print-out should also be sent to the editor's address. Illustrations in digital form should be saved in TIFF or JPG format; classic photographs and illustrations will be converted to digital form by the editors. Articles should preferably be no longer than 45,000 characters (including spaces and room for illustrations). Proofs will be done by the editors. The author agrees that by publishing in SMS the article will be available also in the digital form on the Internet. The articles are externally peer-reviewed. For further informations see: http://sms.zrc-sazu.si Letna naročnina / Prezzo d' abbonamento /Annual Subscripttion for individuals: 20.00 EUR for institutions: 24.00 EUR Naročanje / Ordinazioni / Orders to: Založba ZRC / ZRC Publishing P. P. 306, SI-1001 Ljubljana, Slovenija E-mail: zalozba@zrc-sazu.si S T U D I A meäs S L A V I C A ISSN 1408-6271 ZALOiBA g Z R C 9771408627007