376
Documenta Praehistorica XLVIII (2021)
Introduction
From the end of the 6th century BC to the beginning
of Roman influence in the 2nd to 1st centuries BC,
the Mediterranean territories of the Iberian Penin-
sula were marked by significant changes at various
levels, which also found expression in the landscape.
These are particularly remarkable in the 5th and 4th
centuries BC, when a hierarchical landscape was
defined through the consolidation of a number of
fortified sites (oppida). They were located in strate-
gic positions along the main regional valleys, con-
trolling the territory and other secondary rural set-
tlements around them. These changes were one of
the diverse expressions of a wider process of trans-
formations which led to an increasing social comple-
xity defined by the territorial consolidation of the
socio-political elites and the development of a new
social framework based on client networks (Ruiz,
Molinos 2007.188–190).
Within this changing framework, the analysis of the
strategies of power and legitimation used by the
local elites emerges as a key issue in order to under-
stand this process from a comprehensive perspec-
tive. In particular, this paper focuses on the south-
Dealing with the outside> social power and legitimation in
the South-East Iberian Peninsula during the Iron Age
(6th–1st centuries BC)
Leticia López-Mondéjar
University of Murcia, Murcia, ES
letlopez@um.es
ABSTRACT – The aim of this paper is to analyse some strategies of power, social control and legitima-
tion during the Iberian Iron Age (6th–1st centuries BC). It addresses how the Iberian elites exploited
the domain of the ‘outside’ to legitimize and retain their status. A diachronic approach is present-
ed seeking to analyse the role of the outside realm throughout all the examined period and the vari-
ety of its expressions within the Iberian societies. In particular, the paper focuses on the south-east
of Spain, an area with a rich archaeological record which, however, has never been examined from
this approach.
IZVLE∞EK – V ≠lanku analiziramo strategije mo≠i, dru∫benega nadzora in legitimacije v iberski ∫elez-
ni dobi (6.–1. stoletje pr. n. ∏t.). Raziskujemo, kako so iberske elite izkori∏≠ale domeno ‘zunanjega’,
da bi legitimirale in ohranile svoj status. Predstavljamo diahron pristop pri analizi vloge zunanjega
sveta skozi celotno preu≠evano obdobje in pri preu≠evanju raznolikosti teh izrazov v iberskih dru∫-
bah. V ≠lanku se bolj podrobno osredoto≠amo na jugovzhodno πpanijo, obmo≠je z bogatimi arheolo∏-
kimi zapisi, ki pa do sedaj ∏e niso bili raziskani s tak∏nim pristopom.
KEY WORDS – Iron Age; Iberian Peninsula; legitimation; elite; society
KLJU∞NE BESEDE – ∫elezna doba; Iberski polotok; legitimacija; elite; dru∫ba
Spoprijemanje z zunanjim> dru/bena mo; in legitimacija na jugovzhodnem
Iberskem polotoku v /elezni dobi (6.–1. stoletje pr. n. [t.)
DOI> 10.4312\dp.48.16
Dealing with the outside> social power and legitimation in the South-East Iberian Peninsula during the Iron Age (6th–1st centuries BC)
377
concepts for these societies. On the one hand, there
is evidence of the existence of a dual conception of
the world by the analysed societies, and not only
was this not strange to the ancient Mediterranean
world in which they were inserted, but it also ap-
pears to be clearly reflected through both their ma-
terial record and their organization of the landscape
(Grau 2010.108; Ruiz, Rueda 2009.71). From this
perspective, space should be understood as an active
element, embedded and implicated in social action
(Tilley 1994.10–11). As a result, and as indicated by
Durkheim, dimensions such as geographical space
and distance should be understood as categories that
were replete with symbolic meanings (Durkheim
1915.11; Helms 1988.8). On the other hand, by exa-
mining the materials we assume the significance of
the external realm for these communities, whose
images and symbols reveal its socio-political use by
the ruling groups throughout the Iron Age, consti-
tuting a powerful strategy of social control and le-
gitimation in the hands of the Iberian elites. Of
course, we are aware of the fact that internal and
external factors played a significant role in the socio-
political processes of this period (Ruiz, Molinos
2007; Padilla, Arboledas, López 2019.372; Sanmar-
tí 2008.279) and that diverse strategies of legitima-
tion were used by local elites. Any different approach
would mean a simplified view of a much more com-
plex process. Keeping this in mind, this work aims
to address the role played by the external realm as
one of those strategies, a key aspect which has not
been previously examined by the regional research
and which, however, is essential if we are to obtain
a complete picture of these communities during the
centuries in question.
While not beyond criticism, Helms’ studies provide
us with a first and interesting anthropological ap-
proach to this issue. They offer a number of ideas
east of Spain (Fig. 1) and the current region of Mur-
cia, an area which provides a rich and wide materi-
al record and where some of the most remarkable
peninsular sites of this period are located. Regarding
the analysed record, it is important to outline that
most of the data have been provided by necropo-
lises and sanctuaries linked to the main fortified set-
tlements, while little is known about domestic con-
texts, where very little fieldwork has been carried
out. In any case, funerary areas and cult places pro-
vided us with remarkable examples to illustrate our
analysis and explore this issue which, however, has
been never approached in the area from this per-
spective. In fact, the few studies addressing these
territories have hardly ever dealt with socio-political
issues, paying attention to the archaeological study
of main sites and necropolises (amongst others, Gal-
lardo et al. 2017; Lillo Carpio 1981; Page 1998;
Page, García 1993) or, more recently, focusing on
individual sites (González et al. 2014; López-Mondé-
jar 2016). Fortunately, some works have examined
these aspects in the nearby regions (Grau 2014;
Ruiz, Molinos 2013), providing an interesting frame-
work to examine for the first time the territories in
question from a global and integrative perspective.
Since our current knowledge about every regional
site is very different and not all of them have been
object of systematic archaeological fieldwork, any
comparative analysis is clearly difficult. It is for this
reason that our final objective here is not to present
a distinction between oppida, but to provide a glo-
bal picture of the study area and a first insight into
the legitimation strategies of the south-east Iberian
communities.
A review of the rich archaeological record provided
by funerary areas and cult places associated to the
oppida of the study area from 6th to 1st centuries BC
suggests that space and distance were not neutral
Fig. 1. Location of the study area and main sites cited in the text.
Leticia López-Mondéjar
378
and perspectives through which to address the pro-
cesses of social and political legitimation during the
Iberian Iron Age. In examining traditional societies,
Helms highlights the importance of the external
realm as a key element for legitimating ideologies
(Helms 1992.157–158; 1993.160–169). Through her
analysis of different chiefdoms, tribes and states, she
argues the existence of two realms within which hu-
man activity is developed. On the one hand, the ‘in-
side’, the ordered world of any society and culture,
and on the other, the ‘outside’, the external world,
ruled by cosmological and natural forces. According
to Helms, the individuals, objects and activities which
link both realms, and especially those that come
from ‘outside’ have a special significance. In parti-
cular, she highlights the symbolic meaning of for-
eign goods and crafts which become crucial elements
for individuals seeking socio-political power (Helms
1993). In addition, Helms’ ideas also express the sig-
nificance of both space and distance. On the one
hand, space has a well-defined extension and an
ideological significance in traditional societies and
is full of power (Helms 1988.4; 1992). According to
this idea, the symbolism and connotation of certain
places also gives a precise meaning to the actions,
peoples, and objects linked to them (Helms 1992.
158). Distance becomes another essential characte-
ristic of the outside realm. As noted by Helms, in tra-
ditional societies both people and objects associated
with distant places acquire an aura of prestige. This
is the case with socio-political and ideological leaders,
and certain ‘liminal’ specialists such as religious prac-
titioners, hunters and warriors (Helms 1993).
To return to my main theme, and considering the
concepts of space and distance, in the case of the
Iberian communities the outside realm appears ex-
pressed through two different but complementary
levels, clearly reflected in the archaeological record.
The first one would be linked to the concept of space
and identified with the undomesticated and wild
territories located beyond the oppidum, the commu-
nity, and its farmlands. The second level is related
to the concept of distance, implying a wider frame-
work and going beyond those territories around the
oppidum to include, in the case of the area being
analysed, other Iberian and Mediterranean regions.
This second level of analysis will be especially inte-
resting at the end of the examined period, with the
integration of the Iberian communities in the Ro-
man sphere of influence.
Bearing these two levels of analysis in mind, we
have organized this paper as follows. Firstly, we ap-
proach the first level, addressing the images and
symbols associated with it. Secondly, we focus on
the second level, examining the connections with
the Mediterranean and Roman world, and their sig-
nificance in the processes of social legitimation. Fi-
nally, we propose a diachronic view of the subject,
by exploring how the relationship with the ‘outside’
was shaped, and how the elites used it as one of their
legitimating tools throughout the period in question.
The territory beyond the oppidum: symbols
and images of the ‘outside’
In the case of the first level of the ‘outside’, an over-
view of the archaeological record of the territories
in question reveals its importance in the ideology of
these communities. As indicated for European soci-
eties (Wells 2008.14–15, 25), an increasing number
of images appeared in the south-east of Iberia dur-
ing the Iron Age. A review of this rich iconography,
documented through different supports such as
sculpture or pottery, provides us with good exam-
ples to approach and to illustrate our ideas. In addi-
tion, studies dealing with these images and icono-
graphy in other Iberian territories constitute exam-
ples to address their meaning and symbolism in the
study area (Grau and Olmos 2005; Olmos 2003a;
2003b; Sala 2007; Santos 2003; Tortosa 1996; 2006;
Uroz 2013).
Although we only have fragmented data, some exam-
ples offer interesting information, such as the sculp-
tures found in Monteagudo (Murcia), close to the Se-
gura Valley. Here, amongst others, fragments of a
gryphon, a lion and a warrior have been document-
ed (Fig. 2.a). In a similar vein, one sculpture found
at El Cigarralejo (Mula, Murcia) has been also inter-
preted as part of an individual taking part in a he-
roic combat (Sala 2007.70–71), where an aristocrat
defeats these exotic animals and mythological crea-
tures, showing his control over the undomesticated
world, and becoming protector and guardian of the
community. In both cases, the images have been
related to funerary areas, and consequently linked
to the local elites whose tombs usually include these
types of funerary monuments in the south-east Ibe-
rian Peninsula (Castelo 1995) (Fig. 2.b-d).
In general, these images refer to mythological fights
and exotic animals, showing parallels with other
examples which reveal a similar conception of the
outside to the communities of other nearby territo-
ries. This is the case of two examples located in the
region of Jaén (Andalusia). The first is the site of
Dealing with the outside> social power and legitimation in the South-East Iberian Peninsula during the Iron Age (6th–1st centuries BC)
379
Cerrillo Blanco, in Porcuna. Here, a group of sculp-
tures consisting of more than 40 figures dated to the
5th century BC has been documented (Fig. 2.e-f).
They mainly represent warriors, as well as mytholo-
gical creatures and animals such as bulls, lions, and
sphinxes. The second example is the site of El Paja-
rillo, which provided another interesting group of
sculptures, in this case dating back to the beginning
of the 4th century BC (Molinos et al. 1998; Ruiz,
Rueda 2009) (Fig. 2.g). In this case, as indicated by
R. Olmos, a key element is the fact that the group of
sculptures from Porcuna was located on the site of
a former necropolis dating from the 7th century BC,
in an attempt to link the ruling lineage to the indi-
viduals buried there (Olmos 2003a.21). Moreover,
the complex iconographic program of this site justi-
fies and explains how the group ruling over this ter-
ritory achieved power (Olmos 2002; Ruiz, Molinos
2007.157–173), with the intention of representing
the appropriation of all the different spheres of na-
ture, of the undomesticated world, by the elite (Ruiz,
Rueda 2009.78). In the same vein, the fight scenes
against potential enemies such as the wolf docu-
mented in El Pajarillo have been interpreted as a
symbol of the struggle of the elites to maintain po-
wer and control the territory (Sala 2007).
These earlier examples allow us to understand how
power was conceived during the initial centuries of
the Iberian period, mainly with a cosmogonic and
mythical base, where ancestors and heroes linked to
the ruling lineage played an active role. Moreover,
these images confirm the existence of a dual concep-
tion of the world by these communities, divided into
two different realms (Grau
2011; Olmos 1998.153; Ruiz,
Rueda 2009.71). On the one
hand, there is domestic space,
including the oppidum and
the territory exploited by the
community. Not only was it
delimited by the walls of the
oppidum (Bonet, Mata 2009.
124), but also through the se-
lected location of certain ne-
cropolis and cult places. In
this sense, some rural cult pla-
ces located in the near terri-
tories of Granada have been
also proposed as key points
which defined the limits of
that domestic space from the
end of the 5th century BC (Ad-
roher, Caballero 2012). On
the other hand there is also a wild realm, consisting
of undomesticated and unmarked space that was
represented through different symbols, mainly ani-
mals.
More examples of fantastic and exotic animals such
as lions or gryphons, expressions of the external
realm, have been documented in the south-east of
the Iberian Peninsula, dating to the end of the 5th
century and to the first half of the 4th century BC.
Furthermore, along with the sculptures, the first de-
corated pottery documented in the study area also
provides interesting data. An early example is the so-
called Campillo Vase, found in an unknown location
of the district of Calasparra (Murcia), where amongst
other figures a lion and a gryphon are represented
(Lillo Carpio 1990) (Fig. 3.a). However, it is from
the end of the 3rd century BC when painted images
become the main vehicles of expression of both the
outside and its links to the local elites. This change
in the main support used for the images was joined
by new forms of expression by the local elites, and
must be associated with cultural and socio-political
transformations that took place in the Late Iberian
period (Grau, Rueda 2014). During this period, figu-
rative painted vases constitute one of the most cha-
racteristic products from the south-east Iberian Pen-
insula, and some main production centres of these
vessels have been located in the study area, such as
the sites of Elche (Alicante) and Cabezo del Tío Pío
(Archena, Murcia).
These items express the ideology of the community,
in the same way as other elements did before, and
Fig. 2. a-d Sculptures from the study area (a after Muñoz Amilibia 1981;
b-d Photos by the author), e-f Cerrillo Blanco (after Blanco Freijeiro 1987;
1988), and g El Pajarillo (after Ruiz et al. 2010.Fig. 4).
Leticia López-Mondéjar
380
consequently they were high-
ly appreciated by individuals
seeking to maintain or pro-
mote their status (Brumfield,
Earle 1987.9; Earle 1990.74–
76). In this sense, it is not
only the concentration of
these products in the main
sites that relates them to lo-
cal elites. The figurative mo-
tives used to decorate them
have been linked to specific
codes that would have encom-
passed the socio-political ide-
ology of the ruling elite (Tor-
tosa 2006). In fact, some va-
ses have been defined as ‘be-
spoke vases’, based on the ar-
gument that the images and
scenes represented were or-
dered by persons of certain
social status (Olmos 1987.24;
Page, García 2021.251; Tor-
tosa 1996.145). Consequent-
ly, the artisans who made
them were well aware of the
symbolism of the iconogra-
phy and the particular codes represented, meaning
that the motifs were not randomly picked, but spe-
cifically chosen. Some well-known vases of the study
area reflect the clear symbology of the selected ima-
ges and their socio-political meaning. A good exam-
ple is the decorated vase found at Cabezo del Tío
Pío, the so-called ‘vase of the warriors’ (Fig. 3.b),
whose analysis has demonstrated how the artisan
changed a few details of the painted scene. Since
they had a clearly symbolic meaning, it has been ex-
plained as an attempt by the artist to adapt it to the
preferences and interests of the individual who com-
missioned it, who would have been a member of the
elite (Olmos 1987.41).
Considering the special nature of the painted vases,
it is easy to understand why we can very frequent-
ly find symbols, images and scenes related to the out-
side. Bearing in mind the iconography of the previ-
ous centuries, it is essential to consider the figure of
the wolf. Previously represented in sculpture, it be-
comes one of the most repeated painted images in
the south-east Iberian Peninsula during the Late Ibe-
rian period (Mata 2021). Amongst their various cha-
racteristics, also linked to the afterlife, this animal
usually appears as symbol of the undomesticated
realm (García 2014; 2016; Robles et al. 2021), be-
coming one of the main iconographic expressions
of the first level of the outside (Fig. 3.c). Moreover,
its character as a symbol of the external dangers and
the wild world located beyond the community is un-
derlined during this final period by the appearance
of a new image that is also represented on the vases
of this area: the feminine divinity. Unlike the wolf,
she is an expression of the ‘inside’, of the commu-
nity and the civilized world ruled by the local elites,
emphasizing in this way the opposition between
both realms. She is represented through specific
symbols that become very frequent in the decorat-
ed pottery of the study area, where we can find a
wide number of examples (Tortosa 1996.157–159;
2006.162–163). In general, these iconographic chan-
ges reflect the interest of the local elites in legiti-
mizing their status in a changing scenario. However,
the world is still divided into two realms, and ruling
groups are represented as leaders and protectors of
the community, against the outside and its dangers.
Along with the figure of the wolf, and regarding the
first level of the outside, it is also interesting to pay
attention to the representation of specific scenes and
activities. In the study area we can find very good
examples of vases on which scenes of hunting and
war are linked to the ruling groups. On such vases
Fig. 3. Painted vases from: a El Campillo (after Lillo Carpio 1989–1990.
141); b Cabezo del Tío Pío (photo by Spanish Ministry of Education, Cul-
ture and Sport, National Archaeological Museum); c Cabecico del Tesoro;
d El Cigarralejo; e Bolvax (photos by the author, Archaeological Museum
of Murcia).
Dealing with the outside> social power and legitimation in the South-East Iberian Peninsula during the Iron Age (6th–1st centuries BC)
381
these activities are represented together, with the
aim of highlighting the significant social roles of the
related individuals (Olmos 2003b.88). Two excel-
lent examples documented in the study area are the
so-called ‘wase of the warriors and the musicians’
from El Cigarralejo (Mula, Murcia) (Fig. 3.d) and the
aforementioned vase from Cabezo del Tío Pío (Ar-
chena, Murcia). In both of these, the figures they
show are clearly characterized as members of the
elite, as expressed through their clothes (cross bra-
ces, v-neck tunics) and showing them as warriors
and in a hunting scene, activities linked to the rul-
ing groups and which were carried out on the out-
side. In this sense, and returning to Helms’ argu-
ments, both war and hunting are associated with the
outside, as they take place in the wild, undomesti-
cated space beyond the oppidum. Hence, it is easy
to understand why they are very common images
on painted vessels from the Late Iberian period and
have usually been associated with the Iberian elites
(Tortosa 2006.162–163, 179).
In the case of hunting scenes, these were not exclu-
sive to painted vases, as reflected by the aforemen-
tioned sculpture group from Porcuna (Olmos 2003a.
25–27) where a young man is shown hunting with
his dog. However, the painted pottery provides us
with some interesting examples to approach this ac-
tivity in the study area, where it is frequently rep-
resented (Tortosa 2006.162–163). A good example
is the fragment found at the site of Bolvax (Cieza,
Murcia) with a scene where two horsemen are prac-
ticing falconry, as indicated by the birds of prey on
their shoulders (Olmos 2003b.88) (Fig. 3.e). Ano-
ther example is the vase of Cabezo del Tío Pío, on
which a warrior is shown with his horse, indicating
his social level, and hunting in the outside, in the
limits of the territory of the oppidum, indicated
through the presence of wild boars (Fig. 3.b). As
noted by Helms, the undomesticated character of
the outside is expressed through this liminal activi-
ty. The fact that it is carried out between both realms
associates this activity and the people who practice
it with the outside, facing wild nature and unknown
dangers (Helms 1993.8, 153–156). Once again, these
scenes express control over the territory by the rul-
ing groups, who appropriated the natural realm in
this way (Olmos 2003a.25–27). The elites are shown
carrying out an activity that would not have been
open to all of the members of the community.
A similar role could be suggested for warfare. A
prime example of the links between this activity and
social prestige is provided in the study area by the
previously mentioned ‘vase of the warriors and the
musicians’ of El Cigarralejo (Fig. 3.d). The scene has
been interpreted as a ritual march, possibly associ-
ated with a rite of passage or other important mo-
ment for the community, where music also played
a significant social role, becoming one more element
linked to the elite (González 2008.77; Tortosa 2006.
179). A group of warriors with spears, shields and
masks are shown marching accompanied by musi-
cians. All of them have clothes and symbols which
allow them to be identified as members of the rul-
ing elite. According to Helms, warfare is necessarily
associated with the outside and consequently those
who shared the warrior ideology would have also
had a certain link with this realm (Helms 1993). The
fact that war took place either in territories that were
not directly controlled by the community, or in dis-
tant and exotic locations, means that it was an ac-
tivity with a prestige that was enjoyed by those who
took part in it. Consequently, it would have legiti-
mized the social role of certain individuals, and in
the case of the local elites, their political and ideolo-
gical control over society.
Beyond these painted images, the link between war
and the ‘outside’ is also expressed in the archaeolo-
gical record of the study area. In particular, the ana-
lysis of important funerary sites such as El Cigarra-
lejo reveals the existence of a group of individuals
who took part in this activity and achieved a certain
social prestige and influence (Santos 1989; Luley
2016.30). In the case of the funerary record, it is in-
teresting to note that from the end of the 5th centu-
ry BC and during the first half of the 4th century BC,
an increase in the number of weapons found in the
tombs has been documented in the study area (Que-
sada 1997.611–613). Amongst them a number of
imported weapons have been found, a particularly
exciting aspect as this once again associates warfare
and the people who took part in it with the outside,
in this case with the second level of this external
realm, beyond Iberia.
In summary, different symbols and symbolic scenes
allow us to consider the first level of the outside
from the beginning of the Iberian Iron Age, finding
its first and most direct expressions in sculpture.
All of the examined images, including those docu-
mented in the nearby Andalusian territories, show
the elites acting between the inside and outside,
fighting with external forces, domesticating outside
powers and, consequently, legitimating their autho-
rity over the limits of the territory controlled by the
oppidum. As indicated by Helms for other contexts,
Leticia López-Mondéjar
382
the outside seems to have been perceived by the Ibe-
rian societies as “supernatural, mythical and more
powerful” (Helms 1988.4–5), functioning as a cru-
cial element in the legitimation of the local elites.
In Iberian Iron Age societies, this natural and undo-
mesticated space located beyond the oppidum was
usually related to power, a place where there was
room for myths and all that is supernatural and ha-
zardous. Since this space was not claimed or con-
trolled by anybody, it became an ideal scenario for
individuals, lineages or groups seeking to express
their power and control over nature and, finally,
over the territory. Not only do these images show
the significance of the outside in the ideology of Ibe-
rian societies, but also how ruling groups took ad-
vantage of it in social and political terms. From this
perspective, all of these images became powerful
tools within the analysed communities serving to
create discourses of power, and later as a means of
legitimizing and demonstrating status in the society.
Distant places and Mediterranean connections:
the ‘outside’ beyond Iberia
The second level of our analysis leads us to widen
the scale beyond the oppidum and the territories
surrounding it, inserting the Iron Age Iberian com-
munities within a broader framework. Throughout
the analysed centuries, participation in the exchan-
ges and interactions intended to obtain long-dis-
tance goods has been mainly linked to the ruling
groups in the study area. This issue is not exclusive
to the south-east Iberian Peninsula. In fact, studies
dealing with very different areas and chronological
contexts coincide in the remarkable role of the elites
in these types of interactions (Wells 2016.172), and
how they used certain symbolic goods in order to
achieve their objectives and interests (Knapp 1988;
Mann 1986). There is a wide number of specific an-
thropological and archaeological studies focused on
these issues which have analysed the role of speci-
fic objects as active indicators of social prestige and
the role played by the long-distance exchanges (Au-
bet et al. 1996; Frankenstein 1997; Frankenstein,
Rowlands 1978; Sahlins 1983.244, 246; Schortman,
Urban 2011). Since those imported goods constitute
only some of the aspects analysed in this second le-
vel, our purpose here is not so much to examine
these aspects from a theorical perspective, as done
by those earlier studies, but more importantly to fo-
cus on the role played by the goods, images and sym-
bols that originated beyond the oppidum and its
surrounding territories, as another key power stra-
tegy of the south-east Iberian communities. Hence,
at this second level we will address very different
aspects such as the Greek and Attic pottery, foreign
weapons, bronzes and amulets, the presence of mer-
cenaries and foreign traders and craftsmen, and fi-
nally the related iconography, paying special atten-
tion to the adoption of Roman symbols. Of course,
we are aware of the wide diversity of artisans deve-
loping their work in the Iberian communities. We
focus here on those working on some particular acti-
vities such as architecture, sculpture or the decora-
tion and production of painted vases, activities which
have been clearly defined in some sites of the study
area such as El Cigarralejo (Blech, Ruano 1998.305–
307).
Firstly, regarding the imported pottery, we assume
that every object should be mainly understood and
considered according to the specific context in which
it was used (Chang 2008.55; Flad, Hrubi 2007.9–11;
Thomas 1991.35–36; Tripcevich 2010.59; van Wijn-
gaarden 1999.4–5). Therefore, since prestige was
by no means a static or essential attribute, we as-
sume that foreign items did not have the same pres-
tige and symbolism during all the focal period. How-
ever, their continued appearance in burials indicates
that they maintained a certain social significance
from the 6th to 4th centuries BC, although it is like-
ly that it was not exactly the same throughout this
period, an issue that is more complex to clarify.
Having these ideas in mind, studies dealing with
chiefdoms and princeps in the European Iron Age
have highlighted the significance of the goods pro-
vided by long-distance exchanges and the redistri-
bution of foreign objects, associating them with the
increasing power of elites during this period (Baray
2003.386–387; Brun 2001.34–35; Dietler 2007.
272–273; Herring 1991.122). They have usually
been linked with richer tombs belonging to indi-
viduals with high social status, showing their pres-
tige and use as objects for achieving social distinc-
tion (Bagley, Schumann 2013.126; Brumfiel, Earle
1987.5). Unlike other objects documented in the
study area (such as bronze belts, ritual braziers,
curved knives, or jewellery), one of the reasons for
the symbolism and power of imported goods as le-
gitimating elements would have been related to their
foreign origin (Earle 1991.5–7; Schortman, Urban
2011.165–166; Thomas 1991.35–36). Of course, as
we will explain later, we are aware of the fact that
they were not high-status goods simply because they
were not local, but that their foreign origin was fur-
ther aspect used by local elites in order to achieve
their legitimating goals. In a similar vein, Helms’ ana-
Dealing with the outside> social power and legitimation in the South-East Iberian Peninsula during the Iron Age (6th–1st centuries BC)
383
lyses of traditional societies outline how distance be-
comes a dimension full of symbolic meaning, po-
wer and value for these societies, and how objects
and individuals related to distant lands, peoples and
situations acquired an aura of prestige that made
them powerful (Helms 1993.8–9).
Examples of long-distance interactions are document-
ed from the 6th century BC in the main necropolis-
es as well as in the most important cult places from
the study area, even though they have hardly ever
been analysed from the proposed perspective. Stu-
dies dealing with the Iron Age communities of the
south-east Iberian Peninsula have mainly focused on
funerary areas, providing us with an extensive and
complete knowledge of a large number of foreign
goods documented in the burials from this period.
Amongst them, it is essential to pay attention to
Greek products since some interesting examples
have been documented in the region in question
from the beginning of the study period, such as a
krater attributed to the Painter of Black Tirso from
El Cigarralejo (Mula), a droop cup from Cabezo del
Tío Pío (Archena) or the Greek vessel from La Luz
(Murcia) dating from the 6th century BC. The social
significance of this imported pottery is widely ac-
cepted for the Iberian communities of this period
and clearly expressed in the archaeological record,
as most of these vases were documented as part of
the grave goods from the tombs of wealthier indivi-
duals (Adroher, Rouillard 2017) (Fig. 4.a). From this
perspective, they could be defined, following Hirsch’s
expression, as ‘positional goods’, since it is precisely
their rarity and the difficultly of accessing them
which would explain that social value (Hirsch 1976).
We also have examples of vessels that were repeat-
edly repaired, such as an Attic vase (825-842-in-
curved rim bowl (Sparkes, Talcott 1970)) located in
tomb 29 of Castillejo de los Baños (Fortuna). These
therefore appear as symbolic objects, with the abil-
ity to be inherited and transferred (Earle 1997.155;
Castillo, DeMarrais, Earle 1996.21). Moreover, as
has been indicated for other European regions dur-
ing the Iron Age, exchanges, and especially the ar-
rival of Greek products, have also been tradition-
ally defined as key aspects in both the socio-politi-
cal and economic development of Iberian societies
and the geopolitical consolidation of the local elites
(García 2003). This is not to say that there were not
other factors that played a significant role in their
development (Chapman 1990.265), although these
foreign commodities must be seen as part of the trap-
pings of power that were used within these com-
munities to mask relationships of inequality and do-
minance (Brun 2001; Earle 1990.75; Loren 2010).
From this perspective, the differences in the funerary
record seen through the presence of these goods
clearly denote their relevance as markers and, ulti-
mately, as elements that sanctioned the individual’s
status within the community, presenting them as
agents who played an active role in society.
Special attention has been given to Attic pottery in
the south-east Iberian Peninsula, although the rea-
sons behind the interest in acquiring these goods
has not been examined in the study area. Studies
have usually highlighted the
scarcity of these vessels and
the limited access to them for
most of the members of the
community in order to ex-
plain their significance. This
could be accepted for the first
few centuries of the Iberian
period, but not in the later
stages. The changes that took
place from the end of the 5th
century BC suggest other fac-
tors are needed to explain
the interest in these foreign
goods. Studies have highlight-
ed the increasing number of
these products that arrived in
the region from the Middle
Iberian period, and particu-
larly during the first half of
the 4th century BC. An analy-
Fig. 4. Elements with Mediterranean influences and imported goods do-
cumented in the study area: a Attic pottery and other imported products
(photos by the author, Archaeological Museum of Murcia); b Bronze cui-
rass from Cabecico del Tesoro and detail of its decoration (after Graells
2012.Figs. 49–50); c Helmet from El Cigarralejo (photo by the author,
Archaeological Museum of El Cigarralejo).
Leticia López-Mondéjar
384
sis of the funerary record of some of the main ne-
cropolises of the area has provided quite remark-
able data: for example, 60% of the Attic vessels do-
cumented in the region arrived during this period,
reaching as high as 80% in sites such as the necropo-
lis of Cabezo del Tío Pío (Archena) (García 1982.87).
In general, this increase in the number of Attic
goods found in the funerary record is indicative of
a larger number of individuals having access to
them, even though they were not members of the
ruling groups. Good examples of this can be found
in the necropolis of Castillejo de los Baños (Fortuna),
not far from the Segura Valley, where these Greek
products are present in half of the tombs, and that
of El Cigarralejo, where they are documented in
almost a third of the burials (Santos 1994). This has
been interpreted as a result of the development of
clientelism (Ruiz, Molinos 2007): this meant that
although the redistribution of those goods contin-
ued to be controlled by the local elites, kinship ties
would have allowed more individuals to have access
to them. Also in this context is the notable appear-
ance of local imitations of some of the most charac-
teristic Attic vases in the study area, such as kraters,
clearly linked with a local preference for those im-
ported items. Considering this scenario, an interest-
ing fact is that this change does not seem to have
affected the importance of these elements. They con-
tinue to appear as an expression of social status,
even when they increased in number and were no
longer exclusive to the local elites. This suggests
another factor to be taken into account in order to
understand their significance in this new context: it
was mainly their geographically distant origin that
gave both these goods and the people who acquired
them a certain aura of prestige. From this perspec-
tive, we can understand the continued presence of
these vessels in the grave goods throughout the
whole of the 4th century BC.
Together with these Attic products, other interesting
imported elements have been documented in the
study area. Although not all of these exotic goods
came from other Mediterranean areas, such as a
number of special swords documented in Castillejo
de Los Baños and El Cigarralejo which probably
came from other Iberian regions, most of them were
a result of long-distance exchanges and links with
the Mediterranean. Unfortunately, considering their
scarce number, it is difficult to address the signifi-
cance of those items coming from other Iberian re-
gions. However, their appearance in a reduced num-
ber of burials, where we find also other exotic ele-
ments, could suggest a similar importance to those
objects coming from more distant places. In general,
all these items are excellent examples of the sym-
bolic role these foreign goods played within the so-
cieties we are analysing, and were associated with
rich burials of people with a certain social status.
The most remarkable examples are a Greek bronze
lion from tomb 277 and the Etruscan bronze caul-
drons from tomb 200, in El Cigarralejo, the Greek
bronze centaur in Los Royos (Caravaca de la Cruz),
and the Egyptian amulets found at the richer tombs
of Coimbra del Barranco Ancho (Jumilla) and Cabe-
cico del Tesoro (Murcia) (Padró 1983.129–138).
Amongst the goods that originated from the Medi-
terranean regions, it is also interesting to note the
presence of a number of imported weapons, whose
type and decoration connect them with the Mediter-
ranean area. Examples are the ivory handles docu-
mented in some main sites of the study area such
as El Cigarralejo and Coimbra del Barranco Ancho,
which have been defined as prestige goods (Mata et
al. 2020.83). Along with these, perhaps one of the
most interesting examples is the bronze disc cuirass
found in the tomb of Cabecico del Tesoro (Fig. 4.b).
A detailed analysis of its decoration and style have
led to it being identified as having connections with
the Central Mediterranean region. In fact, the main
motif, showing an eagle hunting a pigeon, comes
from this area, as revealed by similar designs on
coins from Agrigento (Sicily, Italy) dating from the
end of the 5th century BC (Graells 2012). Other wea-
pons documented in the study area, such as the
helmet from tomb 277 in El Cigarralejo (Fig. 4.c)
and horse trappings found at Coimbra del Barran-
co Ancho reveal a foreign origin.
At this point we should return to Helms’ ideas. As
she has argued, the acquisition of these products
for local elites became a “mark of exceptionality,
exclusivity and ability to control, and allows the
cultivation of a kingly image” (Helms 1993.165).
Considering the examined archaeological record,
there is no doubt that in the Iberian Iron Age, indivi-
duals who joined the networks bringing and redis-
tributing long-distance goods took socio-political and
ideological advantage of the values associated with
distant places. However, there is one aspect that is
not usually indicated by related studies that we
should note: the acquisition of these long-distance
goods is also connected with the ‘outside’. In fact,
as noted above, we assume that these objects cannot
be defined as goods that conferred status simply be-
cause they were not local, and the relationship be-
Dealing with the outside> social power and legitimation in the South-East Iberian Peninsula during the Iron Age (6th–1st centuries BC)
385
tween other aspects such as distance or the socio-
political context of which they formed a part must
also be considered (Tripcevich 2010.59). Therefore,
in the case of the region in question, they obtained
their prestige and power from their links to the out-
side, consequently becoming of interest for indivi-
duals seeking legitimation. All the indicated goods
have something in common that transformed them
into valuable objects: they were brought from the
outside to the inside, from other foreign, symbolical-
ly charged places to the community. Once there, they
could have been modified or symbolically reinter-
preted in order to adapt to specific political and ideo-
logical requirements (Helms 1993.4), as probably
occurred with the previously mentioned amulets
and Etruscan cauldrons. In any event, regardless of
the specific meaning they had within these Iberian
communities, the individuals whose tombs contain
all these elements participated in this process by
acquiring them and possessing their symbolism and
prestige. As Helms has indicated, not only did the
objects themselves have a political value, but also
the intangible knowledge of the distant regions they
represented, which was acquired directly or indirect-
ly (Helms 1988.3–4). The elites acquired power in
this second way, through their connection with long-
distance networks of exchange, and by monopolizing
the foreign contacts and the goods obtained through
these transactions (Schortman, Urban 2011.165).
In addition to all the indicated elements and Me-
diterranean influences, it is important to note two
interesting aspects related to the acquisition of these
foreign goods in the study area. On the one hand,
it has been suggested that Iberian mercenaries took
part in the hostilities that took place in the Central
Mediterranean area during this period (Graells 2012.
159–160), something that is quite likely if we con-
sider the images of Iberian warriors on Italian ves-
sels, and the similarities that can be seen in certain
elements. By bringing these weapons and symbols
to inside their communities, Iberian mercenaries
would have established a clear connection with the
external world. On the other hand, a second aspect
to be borne in mind is the presence of foreign tra-
ders and craftsmen working in the coastal areas,
who would have played a key role in the produc-
tion and acquisition of certain goods. From the 7th
and 6th centuries BC, the south-east Iberian Penin-
sula was characterized by being an area of great dy-
namism, with the presence of Greek and Phoenician
people who had a definitive impact on the develop-
ment of the communities settled in these territories.
Either as itinerant traders or settlers living togeth-
er with indigenous peoples, the presence of Pho-
enician and Greek traders has been documented in
the site of La Picola (Santa Pola), and possibly in
other settlements such as Peña Negra (Crevillente)
and Los Nietos (Cartagena) (Dietler, Ruiz-López
2009.301–302), meaning cultural interactions were
frequent in these areas from the start of the Iberian
period and throughout the centuries we are ana-
lysing here. Their presence could have been the rea-
son for the appearance of certain exotic types of de-
corations, perhaps local reinterpretations of other
Mediterranean motifs, as well as the Mediterranean
influences documented in sculpture, pottery, and
craftmanship in precious metals. This would explain
the rich iconography and impressive material record
of these territories, where sculptures representing
male heads, enthroned individuals, horses, lions,
bulls and sphynxes, together with a wide variety of
painted pottery with exceptional representations of
wolves and winged figures, have been found in Iron
Age sites such as El Cigarralejo, Coimbra del Barran-
co Ancho and Cabecico del Tesoro (Page, García
1993; 2021.240). Analyses of the painted vessels
and sculptures in the study area have revealed that
the artisans who created them were well aware of
different Mediterranean motifs and, in some cases,
could have even came from distant lands. In fact,
based on the previously cited example of Porcuna,
it has even been proposed that specialists from the
Greek colonies of southern Italy lived in this area
and worked for the Iberian elites at the end of the
6th century BC (Blánquez 1993; Blázquez 2014.
116–117). In the case of craftmanship in precious
metals, these Mediterranean influences and interac-
tions are well documented in the south-east Iberian
Peninsula and, in particular, in the lower basin of
the Segura Valley. Here, studies have revealed the
wide assimilation of Mediterranean models and the
high technical capacity of the craftsmen working
with precious metals, resulting from interactions
with other Mediterranean artisans and the large
amount of imported goods (Graells 2012.159–160).
One final aspect we would highlight with regard to
this second level of the ‘outside’ refers to the chan-
ges that can be seen in the iconography. They must
have been related to the socio-political and ideolo-
gical transformations these communities experienced
from the second half of the 4th century BC, and
especially during the 3rd century BC. The links to a
heroic and mythical ancestor that marked the ini-
tial Iberian period (6th and 5th centuries BC) were
displaced by a different social framework defined by
new situations of dependence (Ruiz, Molinos 2002;
Leticia López-Mondéjar
386
Santos 1994). Moreover, the permanent presence
of Punics in the coastal areas from the 3rd century
BC, together with the later Roman conquest of the
Punic city of Qart Hadasht (whose name was chan-
ged to Carthago Nova (Cartagena)) also entailed
significant changes to the communities in question,
and an increasing Roman presence throughout the
entire study area.
Amongst the most remarkable changes at the icono-
graphic level, and considering the second level of
the ‘outside’, it is essential to highlight those that
affected the way in which the local elites were rep-
resented during the Late Iberian period. They are
particularly well defined in certain votive figurines,
as well as in the sculptures found in the sanctuaries
of the study area, which are characterized by the
adoption of Roman symbols. Defined as ‘hybrid,’
these images constitute one of the main expressions
of this second level of the ‘outside’, revealing how
it was used by the ruling elites as part of a renew-
ed strategy to maintain their status. Although these
images were found in indigenous sites and within
local contexts, it is striking that they
show typically Roman clothing and
symbols. A number of examples of
these images can be found in the
south-east Iberian Peninsula: the
sculptures located at Cerro de Los
Santos (Montealegre del Castillo, Al-
bacete) and the bronze figurines of
Monteagudo and La Luz (Murcia), all
of which represent the local elites,
are shown wearing typical Roman
clothing such as the toga, calcei and
bulla (Fig. 5) (Noguera, Rodríguez-
Oliva 2008; Jiménez-Díez 2011.
105–107). Adopting these symbols
allowed the local elites to be linked
to the new Roman power, whose
presence challenged their status and
authority within the community. So
once again, these new external ele-
ments appear to have played a key
role in socio-political terms within
these communities.
To summarize, all the indicated
goods, from Attic pottery to Roman
symbols, including a large number
of prestigious and symbolic objects,
constituted a clear expression of that
second level of the outside, mainly
identified in these territories with
the Mediterranean world. From this perspective,
they should be understood as useful tools for legiti-
mating the power of the local elites.
A diachronic approach to the ‘outside’ from
the Iron Age until the arrival of the Romans
Having reviewed the different elements, images,
symbols, and activities linked to the ‘outside’ as well
as their influence and significance in Iron Age Ibe-
rian society, it is clear that social prestige and confi-
guration of the socio-political situation were un-
doubtedly more complex issues than traditionally
thought, and that the outside was another of the
factors which played a significant role in both of
them. Of course, it was not the only strategy of po-
wer and social control of the Iberian elites, but they
exploited the domain of the ‘outside’ as another key
tool to legitimize and to retain their status. How-
ever, as seen in the previous pages, it did not play
the same role during the long period considered and
was expressed and used in different ways during
these centuries, which were marked by significant
Fig. 5. Bronze votive statuettes and sculptures documented in the
south-east of the Iberian Peninsula: a Bronze statuette from La Luz
representing a high-ranking Roman military man dressed in a
very short cloak that evokes the legionary paludamentum (after Lil-
lo Carpio 1991–92.131, 133); b Bronze warrior with cloak from
Monteagudo (photo by the Spanish Ministry of Education, Culture
and Sport, National Archaeological Museum); c Togati from el Cer-
ro de los Santos (after Uroz 2008.Fig. 7).
Dealing with the outside> social power and legitimation in the South-East Iberian Peninsula during the Iron Age (6th–1st centuries BC)
387
changes and transformations in the socio-political
organization of these communities. Therefore, in or-
der to complete our approach, it is essential to con-
sider the ‘outside’ and how it was exploited by the
local elites from a diachronic perspective. Of course,
we are aware of the different chronologies of ele-
ments such as those painted vases and the earlier
sculptures, however, all the analysed examples con-
stitute expressions of the society and illustrate how
that external realm was key for these communities
throughout the analysed centuries. From this per-
spective, all of them allow us to approach the focal
question diachronically.
As we have seen in the different examples, during
the Ancient Iberian period (6th and 5th centuries
BC) and until the end of the 5th century BC, the ‘out-
side’ was mainly associated with the mythical time
and space where heroes and ancestors legitimated
the ruling lineage. Although it is not exactly located
in the south-east Iberian Peninsula, Porcuna in the
nearby region of Andalusia is the clearest and most
representative example of this expression of the
‘outside’, which played a visible role in legitimizing
the ruling lineages throughout these early centu-
ries. The presence of that undomesticated realm, as
well as the symbols associated to it, such as the wolf,
and their legitimating power within the Iberian so-
cieties continued throughout the whole of the Iron
Age in the study area (García 2014). The appearance
of the wolf in painted pottery from the Late Iberian
period is the best example. However, from the end
of the 5th century BC and during the following cen-
turies, new symbols, activities and elements also ex-
pressed this same ‘outside’, playing a vital role with-
in these communities.
From the beginning of the 4th century BC, and dur-
ing the Middle Iberian period (4th and 3rd centuries
BC), the transformations that took place in the so-
cieties of the south-east Iberian Peninsula and which
were expressed through the material record in the
new distribution of the tombs within the funerary
areas and the development of cult places, led to a
change in the previous ideological and socio-politi-
cal framework. These transformations were also re-
flected in how the ‘outside’ was expressed during
this new period. On the one hand, warfare, as an ac-
tivity carried out beyond the oppidum and, in some
cases, even in other Mediterranean territories, along
with the material record and symbols related to it,
became links to this external realm. On the other
hand, the increasing number of imported elements
documented in this area reflects the development of
long-distance interactions and exchanges, and con-
sequently, the importance acquired by individuals
who obtained these exotic products. People who be-
came familiar with these objects and the distant
lands from where they originated partook in their
prestige and significance. In any case, it is clear that
the relationship between both aspects, the warrior
ideology and the long-distance exchanges, with the
outside is essential in order to understand their so-
cial importance during these centuries, and how
they also played an essential role in these communi-
ties, legitimizing the elite, creating links of interde-
pendence and, finally, configuring the new clientele
society that defined these centuries in the study area.
In the case of the Late Iberian period (from the 2nd
century BC), and bearing in mind Helms’ ideas,
there is one main activity that allow us to address
the concept of the ‘outside’: craftsmanship and, in
particular, in the case of the study area, its figurative
decorated pottery. New and ancient symbols con-
tinue to emphasize a dual conception of the world
documented from the beginning of the Iberian pe-
riod, underlining the role of the elites to protect and
lead the community against external dangers and
enemies.
Precisely in connection with this idea, there is one
last aspect to be considered, where the ‘outside’
took shape indirectly during this final period, and
during the process of integration of this local com-
munities in the Roman sphere. While the ‘outside’
had been identified with the undomesticated realm
and with exotic distant lands in the previous cen-
turies, at the end of the Iberian period and with the
Roman presence it came to be identified with a
‘new,’ different external world, that was now rep-
resented by Rome. The previously mentioned exam-
ples of Cerro de Los Santos (Montealegre del Castil-
lo, Albacete), Monteagudo and La Luz (Murcia),
amongst others, clearly illustrate the appropriation
of Roman elements by certain individuals. By em-
bracing these external symbols, creating a ‘hybrid’
iconography, the elites sought to be associated with
Rome, the new power located outside the commu-
nity but whose influence was increasingly tangible
from the end of the 3rd century BC throughout the
whole of the study area. In any case, what is clear is
that the elites created new links to this outside world
by adopting these elements, and continued to use
them to legitimate their position within this chang-
ing framework, seeking to retain their status and
power in the eyes of the community.
Leticia López-Mondéjar
388
Based on this, it seems that although the symbols
and expressions of the ‘outside’ were transformed
during the period in question, its powerful social
and legitimating role was still evident at the end of
the Iron Age in the study area. As a result, the legit-
imation of the elite was defined, albeit in different
ways, by its relationship with this external realm.
Initially linked to the figures of the mythical hero
and fantastic animals, this relationship would soon
be defined by the arrival, acquisition, and redistribu-
tion of Greek products. Finally, the ‘outside’ evolved
to justify the elites’ leadership of the community in
opposition to other developed and consolidated Ibe-
rian cities and, finally, in opposition to Rome.
Conclusions
All the issues analysed in this article allow us to go
beyond the traditional view of the Iron Age commu-
nities in the south-east Iberian Peninsula. They pro-
vide us with a new image of them, in which the ‘out-
side’ appears as a key element to be considered in
order to understand the processes of legitimation,
and how they were expressed through the rich Ibe-
rian iconography. Although the ‘outside’ had been
previously indicated as framework through which
the local elites justified their power and identified
with a mythical space, especially during the Ancient
Iberian period, a close analysis of this concept has
allowed us to reveal its significance beyond these
initial centuries and throughout the Iberian period,
displaying the variety of its expressions within the
societies in question. Several interesting ideas have
arisen from our analysis.
Firstly, it is evident that the elites derived part of
their power from this external realm during the Iron
Age in the study area. It was used as one of the tools
to legitimize their authority and their socio-political
status within the community. This role is visible
throughout the whole of the analysed period, and
during the early moments of the Roman presence in
the south-east Iberian Peninsula. However, every
one of these facets of the ‘outside’ acquired a diffe-
rent prominence in each century, and different as-
pects can be remarked at each given moment.
Secondly, this relationship was not only direct and
associated with a mythical space where ruling lin-
eages acquired their status, as indicated by some stu-
dies based on examples provided by iconography. It
was much more complex, as there were diverse ele-
ments linked to the outside, and two levels of this
realm can be defined. In this sense, and beyond the
territory of the oppidum, usually identified with this
external realm, these communities must be inserted
within a wider framework that links them to the
Mediterranean world. The examples we have ana-
lysed, such as the appearance of Attic pottery in the
funerary record or the Mediterranean influences re-
flected by the iconography, clearly reveal these con-
nections and cultural contacts (Page, García 2021).
Consequently, in order understand how the links to
the outside were organized, it is necessary to keep
all of these elements in mind, including craftsman-
ship, long-distance exchanges, and foreign goods,
which were used to negotiate power and status.
Thirdly, the ‘outside’ is not a space that was exclusive
to the elites, as is usually suggested for these socie-
ties. Other actors benefited from its prestige and ad-
vantages, albeit to a different degree than the ruling
groups. These included the clients who were depen-
dent on the elite, as well as certain long-distance tra-
ders and craftsmen who had a close relationship with
this ruling group. These can be considered amongst
the ‘liminal’ specialists indicated by Helms, who car-
ried out their activities between the ‘outside’ and the
community. The codes represented through the paint-
ed vases from the study area are one of the best ex-
amples. They reveal the special status of craftspeople
and artisans, expressed through the specific goods
deposited in their graves intended to highlight the
special social status they enjoyed, and the prestige
they would have acquired within Iberian society.
Finally, from a more global perspective, and even
though the presence of these other factors and actors
also played a significant role, it is clear that the trans-
formations that affected how the ‘outside’ was ex-
pressed during the centuries in question must have
been associated with the changes in how power was
represented and expressed in the Iberian societies.
These progressed from the mythical and heroic nar-
rative of the Ancient Iberian period, through to the
urban and civic discourse of the following centuries
(Domínguez 1998). As a result, the transformation
of how the ‘outside’ and its associated elements were
represented went hand in hand with the consolida-
tion of different types of urban organization. Conse-
quently, it is not possible to approach the Iron Age
period as a whole, but instead we must analyse the
particular situation of this area during the different
centuries, taking into account the transformations
these communities experienced in order to under-
stand the processes that configured their relation-
ship with the outside and, finally, the socio-political
organization of these societies.
Dealing with the outside> social power and legitimation in the South-East Iberian Peninsula during the Iron Age (6th–1st centuries BC)
389
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