UDK 903.2(520)"633/634":2-536.7
Documenta Praehistorica XXXV (2008)
Feasting and inter-village networks
Takamune Kawashima
Graduate School of Humanities and Social Sciences, University of Tsukuba, Japan
k_takamune@hotmail.com
ABSTRACT - While the exchange of material goods and techniques is thought to be the main reason
for the existence of exotic materials at Jomon sites, it is not clear what kind of exchange occurred.
I propose that feasting could be one of the reasons for the diffusion of material goods and even tech-
niques. As feasting is connected to activities such as exchange and ritual, feasting remains could be
an indicator of exchange. This paper uses exotic materials and feasting remains to analyze the di-
stribution of goods, using ethnographic data related to ritualized exchange and feasting.
IZVLEČEK - Čeprav pojav eksotičnih dobrin na Jomonskih najdiščih pogosto razumemo kot posledico
menjave, ne vemo za kašne vrste menjavo je šlo. Gostije so lahko eden poglavitnih medijev širitve
dobrin in tehnik. Če torej gostije lahko povežemo z rituali in z menjavo, potem so ostanki gostij lahko
poglavitni vir za preučevanje menjav. V članku analiziram distribucijo dobrin s pomočjo etnograf-
skih primerov ritualizirane menjave in gostij ter ostankov gostij in eksotičnih predmetov.
KEY WORDS - Jomon; Japan; exchange; ritual; feasting
Introduction
Exchange is thought to be the main reason for the
existence of exotic materials from the Jomon, the
Japanese prehistoric period (Tab. 1). Some archaeo-
logists assert that trading as subsistence must have
existed in the Early and Middle Jomon period because
exotic materials like jade and obsidian were widely
distributed (Daikuhara 2002; Kosugi 2003). From
the perspective of ethnography, however, most hun-
ter-gatherers were not involved in trading for subsi-
stence. Hunter-gatherers do not follow the strategies
of a capitalistic market economy to earn profit by ex-
change (Teshigawara 2007). Therefore, it is difficult
to support the existence of traders throughout Jo-
mon society. The subsistence of Jomon society is
principally based on hunting, fishing and gathering.
However, it has been pointed out that the natural
environment and subsistence of the eastern Jomon
culture is similar to the pacific coast of North Ame-
rica, in which ranked society existed in spite of a
hunting-gathering economy (Anzai 2002; Watanabe
1990). The ethnography of tribes on the pacific coast
of North America implies that hunter-gatherers in a
particular situation can possess a hereditary ranked
society without agriculture. Although it is not clear
whether a hereditary ranked society existed in the
Jomon period (Yamada 2003; Pearson 2007), it is
thought that Late and Final Jomon society was a
transegalitarian society (Hayden 1995; Takahashi
2001), which is the middle stage between egalitarian
societies and chiefdoms.
In order to investigate the exchange system during
the Jomon period, an example of exchange from a
transegalitarian society should be used for com-
parison, as social development and exchange are
correlated. For example, in the Kula exchange sys-
tem in Melanesia, leaders made great efforts to col-
lect valuables such as necklaces and bracelets for ex-
change (Malinowski 1922). It is apparent that this
kind of exchange needs inter-village networks and
leaders to maintain this type of
relationship. Although some
rituals may have been held to
maintain inter-village relation-
ships in the Jomon period, it is
difficult to recognize such rela-
tionships by their material re-
mains. In order to solve this
problem, it is helpful to consid-
er the rituals and feasts invol-
ved in the exchange process.
Evidence of the rituals and feasts which were part
of exchange activities would have been left at the
sites. Therefore, feasting could be an indicator of ex-
change. In larger scale feasting, usually guests from
other villages are invited (Hayden 2001). According
to the ethnography of the potlatch on the Northwest
coast of North America, valuables such as gifts and
food were prepared for guests from different villages
(Birket-Smith 1967; Hayden 1995; Kan 1989). After
that, the guests had to repay such gifts at another
potlatch. Repeating such ceremonies, gifts could be
distributed within the area. Although the aim of pot-
latch is not exchange, this case may explain how
the patterns of pottery and exotic goods were diffu-
sed over a broader area. As feasting is one of the
aspects of the potlatch, it could represent the foun-
dation of inter-community relationships, as well as
intra-community socio-political organization.
In this paper, I will argue that feasting could be ano-
ther cause for the diffusion of material goods and
even techniques. At archaeological sites, it is difficult
	14C-date(year BP)	year cal BC	Duration
Final Jomon	3000-(2400)	1260/1230/1220-(410)	(c. 810-850)
Late Jomon	4050-3000	2580/2510-1260/1230/1220	c. 1250-1360
Middle Jomon	4800-4050	3630/3550-2580/2510	c. 970-1120
Early Jomon	6300-4800	5300-3630/3550	c. 1670-1750
Earliest Jomon	9800-6300	9250-5300	c. 3950
Incipient Jomon	13 000-9800	13 680-9250	c. 4430
Fig. 1. Location of sites mentioned in the paper.
Tab. 1. Radiocarbon dates of the Jomon period (after Taniguchi 2001.
Tab. 1).
to recognize each ritual, but there could be an accu-
mulation of ritual and feasting remains, because
feasting requires more food than is usually consu-
med. Evidence of feasting is recognized by food pro-
cessing facilities, special hearths, charcoal, animal
bones, botanical remains and so on (Hayden 2001.
Tab. 2.1; Kawashima 2007). Although these features
are reported from sites in the Late and Final Jomon
period, they have not been recognized as evidence
of feasting. I will look for the remains of ritual and
feasting in Jomon sites and try to investigate the ex-
change system, focusing on the Late to Final Jomon
period (Fig. 1).
The social function of feasting
Jomon society could be categorized as a transegali-
tarian society. The social function of feasting in trans-
egalitarian societies is described by Hayden (1995).
He classified transegalitarian society into three types:
despot communities, reciprocator communities, and
entrepreneur communities. In despot communities,
the scale of feasting is small, and
the food is mainly served as
wealth. Although this case does
not show individual contribu-
tions, feasting already functions
as a tool for mobilizing surpluses
(ibid. 38-39). Feasts in recipro-
cator communities can mobilize
more surpluses and expect more
benefit (ibid. 47). Entrepreneur
communities perform competi-
tive feasts, such as the potlatch
on the Northwest coast of North
America (ibid. 51). The types and
function of feasting are thought
to increase with its extent and de-
velopment (Hayden 2001). Feas-
ting has various purposes and
functions. It can be also seen as
a tool for the manipulation of
wealth based on surpluses and
prestige goods. While there is competition for power
within a community, large scale feasting includes
guests from other communities. Apart from ex-
change, funerals and weddings are good examples
of large scale feasting, where we can expect archaeo-
logical remains and the transportation of gifts such
as prestige goods and food. As a result, goods must
have been transferred, even if exchange itself was
not the main purpose.
The mechanism of Kula exchange
A brief explanation of Kula exchange based on Mali-
nowski is described as follows (Malinowski 1922).
Kula exchange was observed in the eastern part of
New Guinea, and is known as ritualized inter-tribal
exchange. In this area, social structure is recognized
as one of the most stratified in Melanesia. Especially
in the Trobriand Islands, leaders have influence over
some villages. Generally, high ranking people parti-
cipate in Kula exchange, and the partnership of Kula
between two men lasts for a lifetime. The main trea-
sures of Kula exchange are mwali (bracelet) and
soulava (necklace), which are transported in oppo-
site directions. Soulava always moves clockwise,
and mwali rotates counterclockwise among the vil-
lages. There is no direct exchange of mwali and sou-
lava at the same time in a village, so two expeditions
are needed for one set. In order to obtain honour, the
Kula members may not keep these treasures for a
long period. The transfer of mwali and soulava is in
the focus when the Kula exchange is described, but
in fact various goods are simultaneously transferred
as gifts. In addition, during the expeditions, visitors
acquire shells for making beads by themselves. It is
notable that many kinds of goods were circulated
through or along the Kula exchange network.
The whole process of Kula contains various rituals,
which include exchange, gift giving, feasting, and so
on. Once a Kula expedition is proposed, all the ca-
noes must be repaired or rebuilt instead of using the
old canoes. This is recognized as the first part of a
Kula. In the canoe building stage, feasting can be
observed at events such as the felling and moving of
trees to a village (ibid. 129), launching (ibid. 147),
and the trial run of new canoes, which is combined
with a preliminary exchange of Kula (ibid. 164-
165). Most of these activities are held within a vil-
lage, but neighbouring villages give gifts for the trial
run. Even before the expeditions, there are some op-
portunities for exchange. During the expeditions,
treasures and food are given to the visitors. In the
case of the Trobriand natives, who due to prohibi-
tion, do not eat food from the Dobuans, their Kula
partner, but Dobuans can obtain food in the Trobri-
and Islands. Besides the exchange, a funeral is one
of the most important events for a Kula partner. The
host invites the partners to the funeral where there
is feasting and food distribution. This shows that the
Fig. 2. Ritual artefacts from the Akagi site (1-3 stone rods: After Araya et al. 1988.Fig. 348; 4-5 clay ear-
rings; ibid.Fig. 316; 6 owl-faced figurine; ibid.Fig. 333; 7 snow-glassed figurine; ibid.Fig. 339).
Kula partners are not merely
exchange partners, but have
important social relationships
beyond exchange.
The food for feasting is based
on the cultivation of yam,
which is the staple in this
area. The harvest is usually
greater than the amount con-
sumed, which is apparent be-
cause of there is yam storage
and an indication that people
could not consume all the
preserved yams (ibid. 169-
170). Pigs are also important
for ritual and feasting.
Ritual and feasting in the
Jomon	Fig. 3. Site Plan of the Akagi site (after Araya et al. 1988.Fig. 91).
I will outline the evidence of ritual and feasting from
the Akagi site, the Kinsei site, and the Tenjimbara
site, which are located in Kanto district (Fig. 1). At
these sites, ritual objects such as clay figurines, clay
earrings, and stone rods were found (Fig. 2). On the
other hand, most other sites rarely yield ritual ob-
jects. It seems that in Jomon society, archaeological
sites can be divided into at least two types, according
to ritual activity. As a large number of figurines were
uncovered from Jomon sites, and figurine types were
sensitive to influence from other cultures, they are
suitable for use in the analysis of feasting and ex-
change activities. Stone rods must have been invol-
ved in exchange, as material for stone rods was li-
mited. Stone rods were widely distributed in the
Kanto district, even in areas where stone objects
were not produced. Finished stone rods could be
produced near a quarry, and then transferred. Geo-
graphical conditions influence the number of stone
rods which accumulated at a site, but I suggest that
human activity was important in the diffusion of
such ritual objects.
Fig. 4. Site Plan of the Kinsei site (after Niitsu et al. 1989.Fig. 158).
The Akagi site
The Akagi site is located on the northwest of the
Omiya tableland (Araya et al. 1988) (Fig. 1), at ap-
proximately 14m above sea level. This site can be di-
vided into different areas, such as the residential
area, ritual area and central space (Fig. 3). Most of
the ritual artefacts were found accumulated in one
place, which is approximately 3m in diameter, and
consisted of pebbles and boulders (Tab. 2). This
could be recognized as a place connected with ritu-
al activity. Near this accumulation, the distribution
of almost intact elaborate pottery was concentrated
in an area approximately 15m in diameter. It is ap-
parent that the number of ritual artefacts is concen-
trated in this accumulation.
The Kinsei site
Pit dwellings of the Late and Final Jomon were un-
covered at the Kinsei site, where 233 figurines, 560
earrings, 133 stone rods were uncovered (Niitsu et
al. 1989) (Fig. 4). This site is located in the moun-
tains, approximately 760 to 780m above sea level.
The site is close to the source of materials which
were used for stone artefacts and stone structures.
It is also remarkable that a number of clay earrings
were found. This site is located in mountains
where stone was quarried. Stone objects in-
cluding rods and clay figurines were disco-
vered. While some of the stone structures
are related to graves which were construc-
ted during the Late Jomon, others are recog-
nized to be connected to rituals. A figurine
which is influenced by northern culture was
found with stone rods at a stone structure
which belongs to the Final Jomon. Stone
structures for ritual were used in the Final
Jomon and possibly in the Late Jomon. A
large number of artefacts were connected to
the area of stone structure 1, which is over
60m long, where 41 figurines, 91 earrings,
and 22 stone rods were discovered. As stone
structure 1 can be considered a complex of
structures, these artefacts must have accu-
mulated over a long period. As at the Akagi
site, compared to neighboring sites, the Kin-
sei site yields more clay figurines (Fig. 5).
Not only figurines, but other ritual artefacts
were apparently abundant at this site.
The Tenjimbara site
At the Tenjimbara site (Fig. 6), 40 clay figu-
rines and 40 clay earrings, and 61 stone
rods were uncovered, and 74 stones which
resemble stone rods were also found (Dai-
	figurine	stone rod	earring
accumulation	48	18	11
of ritual artefacts			
accumulation	1	1	8
of elaborate pottery			
total number	86	36	57
Tab. 2. The number of ritual artefacts from the
Akagi site.
kuhara et al. 1994a; 1994b). The combination of ri-
tual artefacts is almost the same as at the Akagi and
Kinsei sites, but stone rods are dominant. There are
stone graves which belong to the Late Jomon, and
stone structures which were constructed mainly in
the Final Jomon. In the Final Jomon, stone structures
were grouped close together, surrounded by a shal-
low ditch and a bank. As some stone structures were
connected to surrounding post holes, it is possible to
imagine a superstructure covering the stone struc-
tures. These ritual structures could have been used
repeatedly and for multivarious purposes.
Feasting
After the Late Jomon period, food processing facili-
ties were constructed near freshwater springs to leach
Fig. 5. The distribution of clay figurines around the Kinsei
site (after Niitsu et al. 1989.Fig. 3).
horse chestnuts, where an accu-
mulation of nut shells is often
found. In the Akagi site, in the
lowest point of the excavated
area, a part of the food process-
ing facility which extends to the
lowland area was located at the
freshwater spring. In the spring,
wooden parts and small amounts
of nut shell were uncovered. In
this site, the area of concentra-
tion of elaborate vessels can be
recognized as a place related to
rituals, and these vessels may
have been used for serving food.
At the Kinsei site, it is notewor-
thy that a pit was found from
which the jawbones of 138 indi-
vidual wild boar, mostly year-
lings, were recovered (Kaneko
1989). As there were some layers
of dark soil in this pit, not all the boar were con-
sumed at the same time. This is an extreme exam-
ple, but it is generally reported that the soil of the
Final Jomon period contains small fragmented bones,
besides burned soil and charcoal. These features,
which were not observed before the Late Jomon,
imply an increase in food production for special oc-
casions, which supports an increase in feasting (Ka-
washima 2007).
The correlation between ritualized exchange
and feasting in the Jomon
As mentioned elsewhere, the distribution of clay fi-
gurines at different sites in the same period was not
even (Kawashima 2005). Sites with and without
clay figurines co-existed in the same period. In the
Omiya tableland, which is approximately 35km long
and 20km wide, at least 280 figurines from the
Angyo period were uncovered from 25 out of 76
sites. In the area around the Akagi site, not only the
number of figurines, but also the quality was found
to be uneven. The Akagi site yielded the largest num-
ber, and at the same time yielded examples
which were influenced by northern Japan.
Such figurines are larger than the indige-
nous ones and have a hollow structure.
Compared to those found at other sites,
those from the Akagi site are more elabo-
rate and closer to the original shape of this
type. The percentage of exotic examples at
the Akagi site is much higher than at other
Fig. 6. Stone structures at the Tenjimbara site (after Daikuhara et al.
1994b).
sites which yielded figurines in this area. The figu-
rines themselves may not have been exchange ob-
jects, but information about making them would
have been gained through exchange networks.
Comparing the Utaya site and the Sasara site (Fig. 7,
Tab. 3), which yielded a relatively large number of
clay figurines, the Akagi site contains more, and the
ratio of Snow-glassed figurines is higher. The Snow-
glassed figurines uncovered from the Omiya table-
land were thought to have been made in the Kanto
region, because the pattern and decoration are diffe-
rent from the original ones (Kaneko 1993). There-
fore, information on the structure and pattern for
copying this type must have been transmitted to par-
ticular settlements.
As well as clay figurines, stone rods should also be
examined, as they were transported from produc-
tion sites. The distribution of stone rods is as un-
even as the distribution of clay figurines. At each of
the three sites, six to seven kinds of material were
found. Chlorite schist was the most common mate-
	Total number	Total number	Percentage of
	of figurines	of exotic figurines	exotic figurines
Akagi	86	28	32.6
Sasara	43	2	47
Utaya	42	1	24
Tab. 3. The ratio of exotic (Snow-glassed) figurines of the
three sites.
rial for stone rods, but the percentage va-
ries (Tab. 4). The Akagi site is located clos-
er to a quarry, which is 40km to the west.
Because it is not far between the Akagi site
and the other two sites, they shared the
custom of using stone rods and there must
have been various exchange routes.
	Total number	Total number	Percentage
	of stone rods	of chlorite schist	of chlorite schist
Akagi	36	30	83.3
Sasara	47	23	48.9
Utaya	37	16	43.2
Earrings are usually found in the mountainous re-
gions, rather than on the plain where the Omiya tab-
leland is located. While the Akagi site is closer to the
mountainous region, approximately 100 fragments
of earrings were uncovered from the Sasara and
Utaya sites (Tab. 5). It is uncertain whether the ear-
rings were brought to the sites through exchange,
but even if they were made at the sites, the design
must have been acquired from other sites. A type of
decorative earring may have been brought from
other settlements. At the concentration of the pot-
tery at the Akagi site, these kinds of earring were
uncovered in pairs (Fig 2: 4-5).
The distribution of artefacts shows a tendency of
some settlements to have more power to collect par-
Tab. 4. The ratio of chlorite schist at the three sites.
ticular artefacts both quantitatively and qualitatively.
On the other hand, as a small number of ritual arte-
facts are distributed at the other sites, there must
have been a relationship between the two kinds of
sites. Although the exchange system was not com-
pletely the same as the Kula, it appears that settle-
ments were uneven in terms of access to prestige
goods. We can see only a part of the result of activi-
ty in the past, but it is possible to assume the exis-
	figurine	stone rod	earring
Akagi	84	36	57
Sasara	43	47	100
Utaya	42	37	95
Fig. 7. Archaeological sites in the Omiya tableland (after Ka-
washima 2005.Fig. 3-4).
Tab. 5. Number of artefacts from the three sites.
tence of inter-village networks and exchan-
ges which were connected to feasting and
based on personal connections between lea-
ders.
As I mentioned above, because feasting is
strongly connected to ritual, it is possible to
assume that rituals with guests from other
settlements were held, and that networks
were constructed on such occasions. Accor-
ding to the evidence of ritual activity and
feasting, a ritualized exchange system could
have developed in the Late to Final Jomon
period, which was still at the stage of reci-
procity. The argument in this article is
based on the hypothesis that feasting is ob-
served universally in various societies and
that the development of feasting and social
complexity are correlated. The Kula ex-
change shows that exchange activity in-
cludes rituals and feasting. In the Late and
Final Jomon period, ritual activities were
not carried out in all but in particular settle-
ments. The goods and the information
would have been accumulated once in the
'core' settlement, such as Akagi site, and
then exchanged in the region. This does
not mean 'redistribution', because there is
no evidence for the existence of chiefs and
associated power in the whole exchange process.
Stone rods and a particular type of earring would
have been exchanged, and the technique and design
of figurines could have been transferred through the
'core' settlements. As the increase of the size and fre-
quency of exchange could be evaluated by ritual and
feasting, I propose the evidence of ritual and feast-
ing from the Jomon sites. The emergence of food
processing facilities in the Late Jomon is not neces-
sarily correlated to population growth, because the
number of pit dwellings decreased in this period.
Therefore, food processing facilities are not used
only for the minimum usual consumption of food,
but also used for atypical consumption, and the
amount of animal bones uncovered from the Late
and Final Jomon sites increased, which is observed
not only at the sites located in the mountains, but
also those on the plain. Pits containing animal bones,
like those at the Kinsei site, were found, and small
fragments of animal bones were observed in the
dark soil. These characteristics of the Late and Final
Jomon could be recognized as contributing to feast-
ing activities.
Conclusion
My suggestions in this paper do not mean that the
exchange system in Jomon society was same as the
Kula exchange, but I consider that there could be si-
milarities. The treatment of ritual and feasting which
are observed in the various societies could be an
indicator of inter-village relationship during the Jo-
mon period. In fact, stone rods, a particular type of
earring, and the design of Snow-glassed figurines
were brought from other settlements and accumu-
lated at a site in the Omiya tableland. Like Kula ex-
change, commodities also could have been distrib-
uted through networks mediated by ritual and feas-
ting in the Late and Final Jomon. It has not been cla-
rified that Jomon society achieved social complexity
at the same level as Kula communities, but the evi-
dence of feasting in the Jomon implies the develop-
ment of social complexity to some extent. Exchange
in transegalitarian societies is a candidate for com-
parison with the Jomon. It is necessary to consider
ritualized exchange in order to investigate the ex-
change system in Late and Final Jomon period.
-ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS-
I thank Professor Budja for kindly inviting me to the
14th Neolithic Seminar and for giving me advice. I
also thank Associate Professor Hudson and Dr. Hag-
gis for help with corrections to the text. This research
was partly supported by the Sasakawa Scientific Re-
search Grant from The Japan Science Society.
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