UDK 811.16^73.45:811.511 Krzysztof Tomasz Witczak Uniwersytet Lodzki / Univerza v Lodžu krzysztof.witczak@uni.lodz.pl
ARE THERE TRACES OF A FINNO-UGRIC SUBSTRATUM IN PROTO-SLAVIC?1
The author discusses the problem of possible Uralic borrowings in Proto-Slavic, hypothesizing that the Proto-Slavs in their homeland (presumably located in Eastern Europe) were neighbours of some unknown Finno-Ugric tribes. Moreover, he suggests that Proto-Slavic loanwords of Uralic origin refer not only to plants (e.g., oak, tinder fungus) and the natural environment (e.g., PSl. *kgpa f. 'a hillock or an island overgrown with trees'), but also to some basic social terms (e.g., PSl. *čbloveki> m. 'human being, man, husband, serf, servant'; *mgžb m. 'man, husband'). Language contacts between the Proto-Slavs and a Finno-Ugric substratum must have been exceptionally intensive, as the Proto-Slavs borrowed some verbs—e.g., PSl. *kgpati 'to immerse in water, to bathe, to wash', PSl. *ličiti 'to count, reckon, calculate'.
Keywords: borrowings, language contacts, Proto-Slavic, substratum, Uralic influence
Avtor obravnava vprašanje morebitnih uralskih izposojenk v praslovanščini, izhajajoč iz domneve, da so Praslovani v svoji pradomovini (ki je bila verjetno v vzhodni Evropi) živeli v soseščini z neznanimi ugrofinskimi plemeni. Naposled ugotavlja, da se praslovanske izposojenke uralskega (ugrofinskega) izvora niso nanašale le na rastline (npr. hrast, kresilno gobo) in naravno okolje (npr. psl. *kgpa f. 'z drevjem poraščena vzpetina na močvirnatem svetu'), pač pa tudi na osnovne socialne termine (npr. psl. *čbloveki> m. 'človek, moški, hlapec'; *mgžb m. 'mož, moški'). Praslovansko-ugrofinski stiki so morali biti nadvse intenzivni, saj so Praslovani iz uralskega vira prevzeli tudi nekatere glagole (npr. psl. *kgpati 'kopati se', psl. *ličiti 'šteti, računati').
Ključne besede: izposojenke, jezikovni stiki, praslovanščina, substrat, uralski vpliv
1 Introduction
It is widely believed that Uralic tribes, especially the Finno-Ugrians, represent the oldest language layer in Eastern Europe (Kallio 2015: 77; 2017: 187). Five thousand years ago vast East-European areas, once occupied by tribes of Uralic origin, were dominated by Indo-European people speaking Indo-Iranian, Germanic, Baltic and Slavic languages.
The first language contacts between the Finno-Ugric and Balto-Slavic populations have begun in the third millennium BC. We can distinguish numerous Late Indo-European borrowings in some Uralic (especially Finno-Ugric) languages. They are
1 The present article is part of the research project entitled Prehistoric contacts between Indo-European and Uralic, financed by the scholarly development fund of the Faculty of Philology, University of Lodz.
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taken mainly from Indo-Iranian, Balto-Slavic or Germanic (Bednarczuk 1999: 7-15; Napol'skich 2002: 265-271). The number of borrowings in the opposite direction seems to be relatively modest, which is probably related to the higher level of material culture of the Indo-European peoples. Even if Uralic borrowings were less frequent in Indo-European languages2, I would still believe that a number of ancient Finno-Ugric borrowings can be distinguished in the Proto-Slavic language.
My aim is to discuss selected proposals previously submitted by other researchers (e.g. Polak 1964: 568-588; Bednarczuk 1976: 39-64), as well as to offer further suggestions, which have not been taken into account in the literature on the subject. The following Proto-Slavic terms of Finno-Ugric origin are being reviewed in my paper:
(1)	PSl. *cblovekb m. 'human being, man, husband, serf, servant' (^ FU. *kilan pojka 'country boy; boy of the village, servant');
(2)	PSl. *dgbb m. 'oak, Quercus' (^ FU. *toma-puwe 'oak; oak wood');
(3)	PSl. *g§>ba f. 'mushroom, fungus; polypore, bracket fungus' (^ FU. *kampV 'mushroom, fungus');
(4)	PSl. *kqpati 'to immerse in water, to bathe, to wash' (^ Ur. *kumpa 'wave; to float on the water, to swim causing waves, to splash (about fish)');
(5)	PSl. *kgpa f. 'a hillock or an island overgrown with trees and surrounded by a river or marsh; a group of trees or shrubs' (^ FU. *kumpa 'small hillock in the marsh area');
(6)	PSl. *likb m. 'number', *liciti 'to count, reckon, calculate' (^ Ur. *luke 'number; to count, reckon, calculate');
(7)	PSl. *mgzb m. 'husband, man' (^ FU. *mance 'husband, man, human being');
(8)	PSl. *polb m. 'half, side; sex' (^ Ur. *pala 'half, side');
(9)	PSl. *sbja f. 'neck, nape' (^ FU. *sepa 'neck, nape').
The discussion on the etymology of the above-mentioned Proto-Slavic words is carried out in a uniform form. Each heading is created as a Proto-Slavic archetype, reconstructed in Slavic comparative and etymological dictionaries. Selected lexical material, attested in South, West and East Slavic languages, is given after each heading, and then the Slavic forms are compared with their possible Baltic equivalents and their Indo-European counterparts are carefully considered. Furthermore, the existing etymologies of the Slavic words are referred to. In order to justify the Finno-Ugric origin of the individual Proto-Slavic words, the Uralic lexical data are presented. Additionally, the hypothesis of each Finno-Ugricism in the Proto-Slavic language is substantiated in my own commentary.
2 I believe that the Late Indo-European word *bulis f. 'ass, backside, anus, vulva' (cf. Lith. bulls, bulé, bulé f. 'ass, backside, anus'; OInd. bulih, burih f. 'vulva, anus'; European Gypsy bul, bul 'backside, anus, vulva', Armenian Gypsy bul 'posterior', Maithili büri 'vulva', Hindi bul, bur, bur f. 'id.', perhaps also Marathi bull f. 'penis puerilis') is a borrowing of Fenno-Ugric (Finno-Permian to be more precise) origin, cf. Zyr. puli 'Schulterblatt', Cher. pulSs 'Schulter', dial. puls 'Achselgelenk' < FP. *pola 'some back part of the body (back, shoulder, nape, buttocks, tail) / irgendein hinterer Körperteil (Rücken, Schulter, Genick, Hinterteil, Schwanz)' (Rédei 1986: 734).
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2 PSl. *dQbt, -a m. 'oak, Quercus''
Lexical material: OCS. d^6b m. 'tree; oak'; Sln. dqb 'oak, Quercus'; Mac. da6 'd^b, Quercus'; Pol. dqb m. 'oak; oak wood; oak bark used for tanning hides'; Polab. dqb 'oak, tree'; LSorb. dub 'oak, Quercus'; Cz. dub, Slk. dub m. 'oak; oak wood; oak bark used fot tanning hides'; Russ. dy6 'tree, oak'; BRus. dy6 'oak' etc. (Tpy6aneB 1978: V 95-97; Slawski 1981: IV 185-188; Derksen 2008: 114).
Baltic equivalents: There is a separate term for 'oak, Quercus' in Common Baltic: Lith. qzuolas m. 'common oak, Quercus roburL.', Latv. uozuols m. 'id.', OPrus. ansonis m. 'oak' (Smoczynski 2007: 39). The Old Prussian word dumpbis m. 'oak bark used for tanning hides' represents a borrowing from Polish, whereas Lith. dubai m. pl. derives from an East Slavonic source (Slawski 1981: IV 186).
Indo-European parallels: No obvious connections.
Etymology: The Proto-Slavic word in question has neither an obvious native etymology nor any evident counterparts in other Indo-European languages. This is evidenced by consistent statements of researchers: "An unclear etymology, as for numerous names of ancient trees / Etymologia niepewna jak wielu nazw dawnych drzew" (Slawski 1953-1956: I 139); "The term has no exact Indo-European counterparts / Wyraz nie ma dokladnych odpowiednikow indoeuropejskich" (Bednarczuk 1976: 55; 1993: 111); "Etymology unclear / Etimologija nejasna" (Bezlaj 1976: 105); "Etymology unclear. An old hypothesis is the connection with Gk. 'build', but this fails to convince me" (Derksen 2008: 114); "A very difficult word" (Orel 2001: I 326). Max Vasmer (®acMep 1986: I 547-548) and Ilona Janyskova (cf. Havlova 1994: III 143-144, s.v. dgb-b) give a comprehensive overview of existing etymologies3.
Uralic data: FV. *toma 'oak, Quercus': Fi. tammi (gen. sg. tammen) 'oak', Est. tamm (gen. sg. tamme) 'oak', Liv. tarn (gen. sg. tarn) 'ts.'; Zyr. tupu, Udm. tipi 'oak' (< PP. *tum-pu < *toma-puwe); Mord. (Erza) tumo, (Moksha) tuma 'oak'; Cher. tum, dial. tumo 'oak / Eiche' (Itkonen, Joki 1979: 1218; hmtkhh, TyjiaeB 1970: 286; Redei 1986: 798).
Commentary: Numerous linguists are in favour of the Finno-Ugric origin of the Proto-Slavic *dQbt 'oak' (TonopoB, Tpy6aneB 1962: 246; Polak 1964: 578; Machek 1968: 132; Bednarczuk 1976: 55; 1993: 111). Zyr. tupu and Udm. tipi 'oak' (< PP. *tum-pu) go back to the (Finno-Permian) compound *toma-puwe (literally 'oak-tree; oak wood'). The latter element of the compound represents Finno-Ugric *puwe 'tree; wood / Baum, Holz'4, cf. Fi.puu 'tree, wood, firewood', Est.puu 'id.', Hung. fa 'tree,
3	It is worth emphasizing that the Swedish linguist Knut-Olof Falk (®aitK 1958: 265-285) explains PSl. *d(jb,b 'oak' as 'a tree with hollows' on the basis of Baltic lexical data, cf. Lith. dumbe f. 'hole, hollow', dumbu, dubti 'to become hollow'. Blazek (2002: 23-24) follows Falk, suggesting a semantic model for similar designations of the oak. In my opinion, Falk's etymology is far from being certain.
4	Perhaps from Uralic *puye 'tree, wood' (Hiihh-Cbhtlih 1971: 184).
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wood', Kam. pa 'tree; wood, firewood; forest', Koib. pa 'tree', pa 'forest' (Collinder 1977: 71; Redei 1986: 410). It is possible that a substratal derivative form, similar to the Proto-Permian prototype *tum-pu, was the basis for the borrowing in the case of the Proto-Slavic name for 'oak'. It should also be noted that the Hungarian (dialectal) appellative domb 'oak, Quercus' is not an inherited term but an old borrowing from a Slavonic source (Bezlaj 1976: 109), perhaps from Slovenian or Polish. In other words, the Hungarian appellative in question can be considered a back-borrowing.
3 PSl. *gQba f. 'mushroom, fungus; parasitic mushroom on a tree, polypore', secondarily also 'growth on the human body, convexity on the body, tumour'5
Lexical material: OCS. ^^6a f. 'sponge'; Sln. goba f. 'sponge; bracket fungus; tinder for striking fire'; SC. guba f. 'parasitic mushroom on a tree; tinder'; Bulg. ^b6a 'tinder fungus; sponge; cork'; OPol. g$ba f. 'sponge, Euspongia officinalis L.; summer truffle, Tuber aestivum Vittad', Pol. gqbka f. 'sponge, Euspongia officinalis L.', dial. gqbka, g^bka f. 'a kind of mushroom, e.g. Clavaria flava Schaeff.; Lycoperdon Pers.; tinder fungus; tinder for striking fire'6; Cz. houba f. 'tinder fungus; sponge; washing sponge', Slk. huba 'mushroom, sponge'; Russ. 2y6a f. 'polypore, fungus', dial. 'mushroom, a growth on the body', Ukr. ^y6u pl. 'mushrooms', BRus. ^y6a f. 'mushroom, tinder' itd. (Slawski 1953-1956: I 431-432; Bezlaj 1976: 154; Snoj 1997: 146-147).
Baltic equivalents: Latv. gumba f. 'growth, tumor' and Lith. gumbas m. 'convexity, growth' (Slawski 2001: VIII 161; Orel 2011: I 272) seem to demonstrate only the secondary meaning.
Indo-European parallels: Without obvious counterparts. Nor Lat. fungus m. 'mushroom', neither Gk. crcoyyoQ c^oyyo^ m. 'sponge' can be compared with PSl. *ggba f. 'mushroom, tinder fungus'7. The opinion of linguists is the following: "Further relationship is unclear / Dalje nejasno" (Bezlaj 1976: 154); "The connection with Gk. cnoyyo^, c^oyyo^ 'sponge' is formally very difficult" (Derksen 2008:182).
5	TpySaneB 1980: VII 78-80; Slawski 2001: VIII 159-161; Derksen 2008: 182. It should be emphasised that I consider the Proto-Slavic term *ggba f. 'lip, mouth, cheek, muzzle, mouth' to be homonymous to Psl. *ggba f. 'mushroom, fungus'.
6	The Polish appellative huba f. 'parasitic mushroom on tree trunks' is not a native word. It represents a borrowing from Czech or Ukrainian.
7	From the phonological point of view, it is easier to associate Lat. fungus m. 'mushroom, fungus' and Gk. onoyyoi;, o^oyyoi; m. 'sponge' with the Uralic archetype *paqka 'a mushroom species with narcotic properties, esp. fly agaric (Amanita muscaria Lam.)' (Redei 1986: 355). It is usually believed that the above-mentioned Uralic word remains in a vague relation to the Indo-Iranian archetype * bhanga- 'a narcotic plant, especially Indian hemp': OInd. bhanga- m. 'Indian hemp', bhanga- f. 'hemp; narcotic drink made from the hemp', Avest. bayha-, baygha- m. 'name of a plant containing the drug; juice from the plant', MPers. bang, manga 'narcotic', Wakhi bang 'Indian hemp, narcotic, hashish' etc. The direction of possible borrowing is not certain. Some of the Finno-Ugricists (cf. Korenchy 1972: 64-65) assume borrowing(s) from an Iranian source into some Uralic languages. It seems, however, that in this case the opposite direction should be assumed.
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Uralic lexical data: FU. *kampV 'mushroom': Lap. (in Norway) guobbar, dial. (Kola) kymbar 'mushroom'; Zyr. gob 'mushroom', Udm. gubi 'mushroom' (< Proto-Permic *gobi); it is suggested that Old Chuvash gumba 'mushroom' represents a loanword from a Permic source or from Mari gub (< *kumba) (H^hh-Cbhtbih 1971: 291-292; Dolgopolsky 2008: 862).
Etymology: PSl. *ggba (< BSl. *gumba) seems to resemble a Finno-Ugric substrate archetype *kumba, which is suggested e.g. for a Cheremis protoform. Lytkin-Gulaev's hypothesis according to which Russ. ^y6a f. 'mushroom' derives from a Permic source (Hmtkhh, TynaeB 1970: 77) is hardly convincing. The borrowing was taken from a Finno-Ugric (substrate) source in the Balto-Slavic or Early Proto-Slavic period.
Commentary: Aleksandr Anikin rejects the Finno-Ugric origin of the Slavic words in 'mushroom, fungus, sponge'. He follows Vladislav M. Illic-Svityc, suggesting a remote Nostratic relationship (Hothh-Cbhtbih 1971: 291-292; Ahhkhh 2000: 169). It should be stated that the reverse direction of borrowing (from Balto-Slavic to Finno-Ugric) cannot be upheld in the light of the Saami counterparts. What is more, there is no uniform name for 'mushroom, fungus' in Indo-European. It seems probable, then, that the Proto-Slavs took the term *gqba from a Finno-Ugric source, together with the habit of collecting mushrooms8.
4 PSl. (northern) *kgpa f. 'a tussock surrounded by a river or marsh; an island overgrown with trees; a group of trees or shrubs'
Lexical material: Pol. kqpa f. 'low flat islet on the river, lake or swamp, covered with trees; tussock on a swamp overgrown with bushes or trees; small, compact cluster of shrubs or trees'; Kash. kqpa f. 'shoal on a lake with reeds'; LSorb. kupa f. 'islet on a river, covered with trees'; HSorb. kupa f. 'island, hillock, cluster of trees'; Russ., Ukr., BRus. Kyna f. 'cluster of shrubs and trees' (Slawski 1958-1965: II 127-128; Tpy6aneB 1985: XII 56-57). The term in question is completely lost in all South Slavic languages, including Slovenian.
Baltic equivalents: Lith. kumpa f. 'thickening, swelling; growth, hump, tumour' (also 'staple') and Latv. kumpa f. 'hump, convexity' are two nouns derived from the verb kumpti 'to hunch, bend, win' (Smoczynski 2007: 323). The connection of both East Baltic appellatives with the Slavic words is possible on a phonological layer, although their semantics clearly differs.
Indo-European comparisons: Lat. campus m. 'plain, field' and Gk. Ka^rc^ f. 'curve, curvature', quoted as cognate terms in some etymological dictionaries (cf.
8 It is worth emphasizing that the Baltic terms for 'mushrooms' (Latv. senes 'mushrooms', Yatv.Jini 'id.') are obvious Finno-Ugricisms, cf. Fi. sieni 'mushroom, sponge / Pilz, Schwamm', dial. siena 'Erdschwamm', Est. seen (gen. seene) 'Pilz, Schwamm' < Ur. *söne 'tinder fungus / Zunder, Baumschwamm' (Redei 1986: 494). In turn, Lithuanian literary language prefers a Slavism, cf. Lith. grybai m. pl. 'mushrooms' (Zinkevicius 1992: 119).
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Slawski 1958-1965: II 127), seem to be etymologically independent from the Slavic words. The alleged relation of Proto-Slavic *kgpa to Ossetic (Iron) k'ypp, (Digoron) k'upp 'hill, hump. bulginess' is impossible for phonetic reasons. No Ossetic word of native origin can begin with the phoneme k'.
Uralic lexical data: Ur. *kumpa 'small hill in a swampy area', cf. Fi. kumpu 'Hügel, Anhöhe, Höhe'; Lap. (Lule) käbbä 'Anhöhe oder kleinerer Berg ohne steile Abhänge; isolierter Hügel oder kleiner Berg in einem Moor oder in einem sumpfigen Gelände'; Mord. (Moksha) komba 'hummock, floating islet / KOHKa; n^biByHHH ocrpoBOK', Erza (southern) 'small hillock on a meadow / kleiner Hügel auf der Wiese'; Udm. gibed 'humus, peat / neperaon, rop$'; Zyr. (Letka) gibad, (Prup) gibad, gubad, (Wycegda) gibee d 'Moorgrund (im Sumpf); Heumahd, Wiese; Bülte (im Sumpf)' (Redei 1986: 203). It is worth noting that Björn Collinder separates words with the meaning 'to submerge, to swim (causing waves), to splash (of fish)' and 'wave' (Collinder 1977: 47-48), whereas Karoly Redei combines the above-mentioned terms with the Uralic homonym denoting 'wave / Welle' (Redei 1986: 203).
Etymology: The Slavic words in question are isolated on the Indo-European ground (the suggested Baltic counterparts are not certain) and therefore PSl. *kgpa should be treated as a substrate borrowing from FU. *kumpa 'small hillock in a swampy area'.
Commentary: Some linguists point out the difficulty in distinguishing reflexes of two Proto-Slavic archetypes: *kgpa f. 'a tussock on a river or a swamp, an islet overgrown with trees; a group of trees or shrubs' and *kupa f. 'heap, stack, a lot of things', also 'bunch of people, flock of animals' (Derksen 2008: 143; Orel 2011: II 169). Two homonymous roots *kumpa are also attested in Uralic.
5 PSl. *kgpati 'to immerse in water, to bathe, to wash'
Lexical material: Sln. kqpati (se) 'to bath(e) / (sich) baden' (Pletersnik 2006: I 430), also kqpa f. 'bath tub'; SC. kupati (se), Bulg. Kbrn (ce); Pol. kqpac (siq) 'to submerge in water to wash and refresh; to soak in water'; LSorb. kupas (sa); Cz. kou-pati (se), Slk. kupat' (sa); Russ. Kynämb(cx) etc. (TpyöaneB 1985: XII 58-61; Slawski 1958-1965: II 119-120).
Baltic equivalents: No known counterparts.
Indo-European parallels: There are no cognates in other Indo-European languages9.
9 The Indo-Iranian noun *k(h)apha- m. 'foam, mucus' (cf. OInd. kapha- 'phlegm, foam'; Av. kafa- 'foam, mucus', Khot. khava 'foam', pl. khui 'waves', Oss. 'pus'; ^qe^tMaH, 2011: 165-166) can hardly be related to the Slavic verb *kppati 'to immerse in water, to bathe, to wash'. According to Lubotsky (2001: 311), the noun in question belongs to the Indo-Iranian isolates of substratal origin. It seems highly probable that Indo-Iranian *k(h)apha- m. 'foam, mucus' (originally perhaps 'wave') represents a borrowing of Uralic origin, cf. Ur. *kumpa 'wave', hence Hung. hab 'foam, white (of the egg); wave'.
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Uralic lexical data: Ur. *kumpa 'wave; to float on water, to swim causing waves, to splash (of fish)' (Collinder 1977: 47-48; Redei 1986: 203): Fi. kumpua-'gush forth, foam (of water)'; Est. kummu- 'sich häufen, sich ansammeln'; Lap. (Lule) käppälti- 'to float on water, to swim / auf der Wasser umhertreiben, schwimmen', (Norway) gobbolaste- 'in aqua dormire (de phoca)'; Mord. (Erza) kumboldo- 'to move with a wave-like motion, undulate', (Moksha) komboldo- 'to gush forth, surge, undulate, bubble up'; Zyr. gib- 'to swim in groups, so as to ruffle the water (of fish)', dial. (Prup) 'in scharen schwimmen, plätschern, spielen (Fische), wobei auf dem Wasser ein leichtes Wogen, kleine Wellen entstehen; auf das Wasser mit der Schwanz schlagen'; Yur. dial. (Ljamin) kampLe 'es schaukelt (ein Boot auf den Wellen)'; Selk. dial. (Turuchan) kämper- 'obenauf schwimmen'. The meaning 'wave' is generally attested in the Ugric and Samoyed languages, cf. Ost. kömp, dial. xump 'wave'; Vog. (Lozva) kump, dial. (Sosva) xump 'ts.'; Hung. hab 'foam, white (of the egg); wave / Schaum; Schnee (Ei); Welle, Woge'; Yur. dial. (Obdorsk) xämpa 'wave, tide'; Yen. kaba 'wave'; Tav. korfu (gen. kombu) 'id.'; Selk. dial. (Tas) qämpe, (Tym) qömp, (Ket) koombv, komb3 'wave'. The meaning 'wave' seems very archaic, as it is also attested in Balto-Finnic, cf. Fi. dial. kumpu 'high, round wave on the water's edge / hohe, runde Welle in der Stromschnelle'.
Etymology: The Proto-Slavic verb *kgpati cannot be explained as a native innovation or a term of Indo-European origin. This situation is clearly certified by the linguistic literature, see e.g. "Etymology uncertain / Etymologia niepewna" (Slawski 1958-1965: II 119); "It is etymologically difficult to explain, as the primary meaning remains in the sphere of hypotheses / trudne etymologicznie dlatego, ze znaczenie pierwotne pozostaje w sferze hipotez" (Bankowski 2000: I 654); "without a certain further etymology / bez pewnej dalszej etymologii" (Borys 2005: 226).
Commentary: I agree with Bednarczuk (1976: 56; 1993: 112) that the hypothesis of a substrate borrowing of Uralic origin (PSl. *kgpati 'to immerse in water, to bathe, to wash' ^ Ur. *kumpa 'to float on water, to swim causing waves, to splash [of fish]') seems highly probable from both the phonological and the semantic point of view.
6 PSl. (northern) *likt 'number', *liciti 'to count, reckon, calculate'
Lexical material: Pol. likm. 'number, large number, multitude', bezliku 'many', dial. (in Lithuania) 'number, counting; number three'; ORuss. nuKb m. 'number', Russ. dial. (Northern) nuK m. 'bill, number', BRus. nuK m. 'number, quantity' (TpyöaneB 1988: XV 82-83, 106-107; Slawski 1970-1974: IV 253). Bankowski (2000: II 44) believes that OCS. nuKb m. 'procession, choir', as well as other South Slavic counterparts, should be added to the Northern Slavic terms, although many researchers reconstruct a separate Proto-Slavic term of Germanic origin (Tpyöaneß 1988: XV 83; Erhart 1997: VII 424-425).
Baltic equivalents: OLith. lyka f. 'number', Lith. dial. 'odd number', takze lit. lykis 'number, numeral'. The same word appears in Lithuanian numerals from 11 to 19,
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e.g. vienuolika 'eleven', dvylika 'twelve', trylika 'thirteen', keturiölika 'fourteen' etc. The above noun is related to the Lithuanian verb lykuoti 'to make the account, to count'.
Indo-European comparisons: No obvious cognates.
Uralic lexical data: Ur. *luke 'number; to count, reckon, calculate / Zahl, Anzahl; zählen, rechnen' (Redei 1986: 253; Collinder 1977: 142), cf. Fi. luku 'to read, count', also 'number, figure, account, consideration, chapter', Est. lugu 'to read, count', Cher. luöa- 'to read, count', Udm. lid 'number, quantity, sum', Zyr. lid, Komi vid 'number, counting'. The same term in Uralic languages means not only 'number', but also a specific (special) number, namely 'ten', see Lap. dial. (Kola) lokke 'ten (at cards)', Cher. lu 'ten', Vog. lov 'ten' (Redei 1986: 253; Honti 1993: 121; Blazek 1999: 97). What is more, this term is sometimes used to create numerals in some Samoyed languages. For example, Yurak (Northern) jeluku, (Southern) ileku 'four', a numeral derived from ja- 'three', seems to contain Ur. *luke as well (Blazek 1999: 97).
Etymology: Björn Collinder (1977: 142) compares the Uralic verb in question with the Indo-European root *leg- 'to gather, collect', secondary 'to read, speak', which in terms of phonology and semantics is not convincing. What is more, the Proto-Indo-European verbal root should be reconstructed as *sleg- 'to gather, collect' and not *leg- (Kaczynska 2016: 147-168).
Commentary: The only plausible explanation is that the Proto-Slavic word *likb m. 'number, quantity, counting' was borrowed from a Finno-Ugric substrate, in which the change of *u to i took place, see e.g, Udm. lid 'number, quantity, sum', Zyr. lid, Perm. vid 'number, bill'.
7 PSl. *mQzt m. 'man, husband'
Lexical material: OCS. M^wb m. 'man, husband'; Sln. mgz m. 'id.'; SC. müz m. 'husband, (obs.) man'; Pol. mqz m. 'man, husband', LSorb. muz 'id.', Cz., Slk. muz m.; Russ. Myw m. 'husband, (obs.) man' (TpyöaneB 1994: XX 158-161; Derksen 2008: 330; Orel 2011: II 300).
Baltic equivalents: There are no related words in Common Baltic. Lith. zmuo m. 'man' (also zmogus m. 'id.') can hardly be treated as a cognate to PSl. *mQzt m. 'id.'. It evidently derives from PIE. *dhghmon-s m. 'man' (^ PIE. *dhghem- f. 'earth').
Indo-European parallels: PSl. *mQzt is usually combined with Germanic terms (cf. ON. mannr, Eng. man, OHG. mann m. 'man, husband' < Gmc. *mannaz m. 'id.'), as well as Indo-Iranian ones (cf. OInd. manu- m. 'man') (Pokorny 1959: 700;
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Erhart 1998: VIII 498-450). However, the Germanic, Indo-Iranian and Slavic forms cannot go back to a uniform Indo-European archetype10.
Uralic lexical data: Ug. *manc3 'man, person, human being' is attested in Ost. (Vach) maht', (Irtys) moht', (Obdorsk) mas 'member of an Ostyak male team'; Vog. (Tavda) mahci, dial. (Sosva) mahsi 'Vogul; an unbaptized child'; Hung. magyar 'Hungarian' (Honti 1982: 164-165; Redei 1986: 866). The Ugric word in question may be part of the Finno-Ugric heritage if Fi. mies (gen. sg. miehen) 'man, person' goes back to BF. *mece and FU. *mance, as suggested by V. M. Illich-Svitych (H^hh-CBHTbra 1976: 58-59). Numerous cognate words are perfectly attested in Balto-Finnic languages, cf. Kar. mies (pl. miehet) 'man, person'; Lud. miez (pl. miehed) 'id.'; Veps. mez (pl. mehed) 'man, husband'; Ingr. mi>z (gen. sg. mqhen) 'man'; Vot. mez (gen. sg. mehe) 'id.'; Est. mees (gen. sg. mehe) 'id.'; Liv. mieZ (pl. mi'eD) 'man, person'.
Etymology: The Ugric words are usually treated as borrowings from Indo-Iranian *manus(a)- 'man, husband' (Jacobsohn 1922: 192; Korenchy 1982: 60; Redei 1986: 866), cf. OInd. manusa- m. 'man, husband', Av. Manus 'divine progenitor of (the Iranian) people', Manus.ciOra- 'vom Stammvater der Mennschen abstammed'. The motivation for this direction of borrowing is a partial isolation of the Ugric words within the Uralic vocabulary, as well as the very early attestations of the relevant appellatives in the Indo-Iranian languages.
Commentary: The Proto-Slavic word for 'man, husband' is hardly explicable from the point of view of a purely Slavic word-formation. A borrowing from a Finno-Ugric source (PSl. *m((zB m. 'man, husband' ^ FU. *mance 'man, person, human being') seems to be an attractive possibility. The change of the Finno-Ugric phoneme *c in the position after a nasal consonant to a voiced one is a common phenomenon (cf. Hung. gy |j]). It is a typical example of the Finno-Ugric lenition.
8 PSl. *polt m. 'half, side'
Lexical material: OCS. polb m. 'sex; half'; SC.po m.; Sln.polm. 'side, half'; Russ. non m. 'sex, half'; Cz.pulm., Slk.pol m. 'half', Pol.pot m. 'half' (Erhart 2002: XI 678-679; Derksen 2008: 412).
Baltic equivalents: No obvious cognates. It is not convincing to derive Lith. paltis f. 'flitch, lard from the whole side of porcine' from the East Baltic archetype *palutis (see PSl. *polbtb f. 'flitch'), though the syncope of -u- is theoretically possible. The Lithuanian word was probably borrowed from an East Slavic source, cf. BRus. nonomb f. 'flitch' (Smoczynski 2007, 437).
10 The Slavic word *m(jzb m. 'man, husband' is sometimes explained as a cross of PSl. *monb and PSl.
*zmy, gen. sg. zmene (cf. OLith. zmuo, Lith. zmogus m. 'man', pl. zmones 'men'), the alleged reflexes of IE. *manus m. 'man' and PIE. *dhghmHon m. 'id.' (Erhart 1998: VIII 499). The hypothesis of a substratum borrowing from an unknown Finno-Ugric source seems more probable from the phonological and morphological point of view.
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Indo-European parallels: There are no obvious cognates. Alb.pale f. 'pair, fold, group, class, party', quoted by Bednarczuk (1976: 58) as a possible equivalent of the Slavic words, seems to represent a Slavism11. Neither a derivation from the Proto-Indo-European root *spel- 'to split into two parts, to separate' (Bankowski 2000: II 689, s.v. poia; Wade 2002: 163) nor from PIE. *pel-/*pol- 'to split into two parts' (Bankowski 2000, II 751, s.v. pot) is acceptable. Generally, I agree with Cernyh's opinion that "cognates in non-Slavic Indo-European languages are not very convincing / ConocTB^eHHH b Hec^aBaHCKHx n.-e. a3bmax He oneHb yöegHTe^bHbi" (^epHbix 1999: II 51).
Uralic lexical data: Ur. *pälä 'half, side / halb, Hälfte; Seite' is preserved in a number of Finno-Ugric languages, cf. Lap. (Lule)pielle 'side, half ', (Norway) balle 'side; half (of a thing divided lengthways); one of a pair'; Mord. (Erza)pel', (Moksha) päl''side', (Erza)pele, (Moksha)pälä 'halb, Hälfte'; Hung. fel 'half; one of two parts'. It is also attested in most Samoyed languages, see Yur. (dial. Obdorsk) pele 'Hälfte, Stück'; Yen. (Chantaika) feöe, (Baicha) ferie 'halb, verwandt'; Tav. fealea 'halb, Verwandter'; Selk. dial. (Tas) paläl, (Ket) piläq 'halb, Hälfte', (Tym) päläk 'Hälfte; Seite'; Kam.pjel,pil,pel 'half, side'; Koib. nendoü 'half / nonoBHHa'; Mot. xom 'id.' (Collinder 1977: 67; Redei 1986: 362-363).
Etymology: According to Rozwadowski (1913: 52, 1961: 86), the Proto-Slavic word in question represents a Proto-Slavic borrowing of Uralic (Finno-Ugric) origin. Numerous researchers also advocate the old hypothesis of a Finno-Ugric borrowing in Proto-Slavic (e.g. TonopoB, TpyöaneB 1962: 246; Polak 1964: 577; Machek 1968: 499; Bednarczuk 1976: 114-115).
Commentary: The phonetic and semantic agreement between Ur. *pälä 'half, side' and PSl. *polt m. 'half, side' is so striking that the hypothesis of a Finno-Ugric borrowing in Proto-Slavic seems to be the most probable one12.
9 PSl. *stja f. 'neck, nape'
Lexical material: OCS. sija f. 'neck, nape'; Sln. sija f. 'neck / der Nacken; das Genick; der Hals' (Pletersnik 2006: II 620); SC. sija f. 'id.'; Bulg. mum 'id.'; Pol. szyja f. 'neck', dial. 'throat'; LSorb. syja f. 'neck'; Cz. sije f. 'neck', Slk. sija f. 'id.'; ORuss. MbH, mum f. 'neck, shoulders, back'; Russ. Mex f. 'neck'; BRus. mum f. 'neck', Ukr. mum f. 'id.' (< PSl. *stja f. 'neck, nape') (Borys 2005: 610; Manczak 2017: 193).
Baltic equivalents: No cognates are known.
11	A different etymology is given by Orel (2011: III 69).
12	More than fifty years ago, Vladimir M. Illich-Svitych suggested a prehistoric connection between the Indo-European (in fact, Proto-Slavic) and Uralic lexical data, reconstructing tentatively the Nostratic archetype *paiV 'half / no^oBHHa' (H^hh-Cbhtlih 1967: 356). In my opinion, the hypothesis of a Finno-Ugric borrowing in Proto-Slavic seems to be better founded.
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Indo-European parallels: There is no evident cognate. Alb. (Gheg) ski 'occiput' is a borrowing from Lat. sinus m. 'womb, belly' (Orel 1998: 414) and has nothing to do with the Slavic term for 'neck, nape'.
Uralic lexical data: Lap. (Norway) cwbet 'neck', dial. (Lule) cwppe 'id.'; Fi. sepä, sepi 'the front part of a sleigh'; Mord. sive, sivä 'shirt collar'; Udm. šil 'nape', šiäs 'hame', Zyr. ši, šily 'neck'; Cher. šu, šüj 'neck, occiput'; Vog. šaplo 'neck', šap 'collar'; Ost. säwal 'neck' < FU. *sepä 'neck, nape / Hals, Nacken' (Collinder 1977: 127; Redei 1986: 473-474).
Etymology: The Proto-Slavic word has no Indo-European cognate or a native motivation, since the association with the Proto-Slavic verb *šiti 'to sew'13 is semantically questionable. Researchers agree unambiguously on the origin of the Proto-Slavic term *šbja: "A word without clear etymology / Wyraz bez jasnej etymologii" (Bednarczuk 1976: 59; 1993: 115); "without established etymology / bez pewnej etymologii" (Borys 2005: 610); "Etymologically difficult" (Orel 2011: III 247). Many linguists opt for the Finno-Ugric origin of the Slavic words for 'neck, nape' (Polak 1964: 578; Machek 1968: 608; Bednarczuk 1976: 59).
Commentary: The Proto-Slavic word for 'neck, nape' was borrowed from an unknown Finno-Ugric substrate. It is worth emphasising that the Uralic phoneme *š changed to *š in a substrate language (see e.g. Cher. šüj, ,sü 'neck', Vog. šaplo 'neck'), whereas the intervocalic stop *p transformed into *v, and then into *j (this process is attested in some Finno-Ugric languages, see for example Zyr. ši, Cher. šüj 'neck').
10 Proto-Slavic *čelovekt / *čtlovekt m. 'a human being; man; husband, servant'
Lexical material: OCS. nnoenKb m. 'homo'; Sln. človek m. 'a human being; man'; Bulg. noeeK 'id.'; Pol. cziowiekm. 'a human being; man; husband', earlier also 'subject, servant, peasant, slave', HSotfb. čiowjek m. 'homo', Cz. človek m. 'a human being; man', earlier also 'subject, slave'; Slk. človek m. 'a human being; man'; ORuss. nenoemKb, nonoenxb, nnoemKb m. 'a human being; man; subject, servant', Russ. nenoeex m. 'a human being, man', also 'courtier, servant, waiter', Ukr. nonoem m. 'a human being; man; husband', BRus. nanaeeK m. 'a human being; man; husband' (TpyöaneB 1977: IV 48-50; Slawski 1976: II 131-132; Derksen 2008: 80-81).
Baltic equivalents: There are no exact cognates, as Latv. cilvgks m. 'human being' is undoubtedly a borrowing from an Old Russian source. The second part of the compound (PSl. *-veki) is to be identified with Baltic *vaikas m. 'child, boy', cf. Lith. vaikas m. 'child, son, boy'; OPruss. waix 'farmhand' (Brückner 1985: 79; Slawski 1976: II 132; ®acMep 1987: IV 327). In my opinion, the Baltic (or Balto-Slavic) item is a borrowing from an unknown Finno-Ugric substrate (BSl. *vaikas ^ substratal *vojka < FU. *pojka 'chlopiec').
13 This native derivation is given or preferred in some etymological dictionaries of the Russian language (OacMep 1987: IV 434-435; HepHtix 1999: II 411; Wade 2002: 251-252; Orel 2011: III 247).
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Indo-European comparison: No obvious parallels.
Uralic lexical data: FU. *kilan pojka 'country boy', cf. FU. *kila 'settlement, village': Fi. kyla 'village', dial. 'flat, house / Wohnung, Haus'; Est. küla 'ts.'; Lap. (Lule) kille 'village', (Norway) gille 'cluster of houses or farms; hamlet'; Vog. (Sosva) kol 'house' (Rédei 1986, 155); FU. *pojka 'son, boy / Sohn, Knabe': Fi.po-ika 'boy, son, cub'; Est.poeg 'son, youngster'; Lap. (Lule)páihka 'Junge; Bursche'; Mord. (Erza) bujo,pijo 'grandchild'; Udm.pi 'child, cub; son, boy, young man'; Zyr. pi 'boy, son, child, cub'; Ost. pay, pax 'boy, son'; Vog. püw, dial. (Sosva) piy 'son, boy, child'; OHung. fió, Hung. fiú, fi 'son, boy, child; young of an animal' (Collinder 1977: 122; Rédei 1986: 390).
Etymology: The Proto-Slavic word *celoveki / *ctlovekt seems to continue a purely substrate formation *kilavojka, which ultimately goes back to the Finno-Ugric archetype *kilan pojka 'country boy'.
Commentary: A regular change is assumed for the substrate origin of the Balto-Slavic word: FU. *pojka 'boy, son' > substratal *vojka ^ BSl. *vaikas m. 'boy, young man'. A Finno-Ugric (substrate) borrowing in Balto-Slavic is not surprising. It is enough to notice that in the Middle Ages the Swedes borrowed the etymologically identical word 'boy' from a Finnish source (Swed.pojke 'boy' ^ Fi.poika). It is recorded in Swedish for the first time in 1600 (Wessen 1997: 336). The Finno-Ugric term in question was borrowed by the Balto-Slavic people not only in prehistorical times (as BSl. *vaikas), but also in modern ones14. It is more important to clarify in which socio-economic conditions the Proto-Slavic word in question was borrowed from an unknown substrate of Finno-Ugric origin (PSl. *Cfclovekt ^ FU. *kilan pojka 'country boy'). I suppose that the prehistoric contacts of Indo-European and Finno-Ugric people were inseparable from the fairly regular exchange of women (young girls). Numerous Balto-Slavic words (of Indo-European origin) transferred to geographically distant Finno-Ugric languages, and vice versa - some Finno-Ugric languages entered the Balto-Slavic lexicon thanks to the women (wives) of foreign origin. The Proto-Slavs adopted the Finno-Ugric names for 'husband' and 'man' probably from their wives (women) of Finno-Ugric origin. It seems therefore that the Proto-Slavic term *ctlovekt was taken over when the Finno-Ugric population was still following a half-migratory gatherer-hunting lifestyle, and the Proto-Slavic population engaged in farming and breeding domesticated animals, concentrated in permanent settlements, usually in villages. From the point of view of Finno-Ugric women or young girls, every young man of the Proto-Slavic population perceived as a potential life partner could undoubtedly be regarded as a 'country boy', just like other male persons living in the same village. In this way the foreign substrate term of Finno-Ugric origin was introduced into the Proto-Slavic language (thanks to foreign women, obtained from outside of the native rural community). It not only became the general term for every adult male (a member of a Proto-Slavic rural community), but for a slave or a servant as well. The exchange of women in prehistoric times
14 Note that Latv. puika 'boy', Lith. dial. puika 'colleague' and Russ. dial. nou^a 'boy, child' represent secondary reborrowings of Finno-Ugric origin.
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was the most probable cause of some mixed anthropological types. The Proto-Slavs acquired a significant addition of the laponoid type, while the Finno-Ugric population, originally representing the laponoid type, succumbed to the proliferation of thorough Europeanisation in many areas. Today the Finns, the Estonians and the Hungarians do not differ in the anatomical features of their bodies from neighbouring nations. The purely laponoid type within the peoples who speak Uralic languages has been preserved only by the Saamis (Laponians) and the Samoyeds.
11 Conclusions
The paper discusses the origin and etymology of nine Proto-Slavic words. After a scrupulous analysis of the Slavic and Uralic lexical material I demonstrate that the following Proto-Slavic terms should be treated as Finno-Ugric borrowings: PSl. *cblovekb m. 'human being, man, husband, serf, servant' (^ FU. *kilanpojka 'country boy; boy of the village, servant'); PSl. *dc>bb m. 'id.' (^ PP. *tum-pu < FU. *toma-puwe 'oak; oak wood'); PSl. *g§>ba f. 'mushroom, fungus; polypore, bracket fungus' (^ FU. *kampV 'mushroom, fungus'); PSl. *kqpati 'to immerse in water, to bathe, to wash' (•^ Ur. *kumpa 'wave; to float on water, to swim causing waves, to splash (about the fish)'); PSl. *kgpa f. 'a tussock surrounded by a river or marsh; an island overgrown with trees; a group of trees or shrubs' (^ FU. *kumpa 'small hillock in a marsh area'); PSl. *likb m. 'number', *liciti 'to count, reckon, calculate' (^ Ur. *luke 'number; to count, reckon, calculate'); PSl. *mgzb m. 'id.' (^ FU. *mance 'husband, man, human being'); PSl. *polb m. 'half, side; sex' (^ Ur. *pala 'half, side'); PSl. *sbja f. 'neck, nape' (^ FU. *sepa 'neck, nape').
Abbreviations
Av. - Avestan; Balt. - Baltic; BF. - Balto-Finnic; BSl. - Balto-Slavic; BRus. -Belorussian; Bulg. - Bulgarian; Cher. - Cheremis (Mari); Cz. - Czech; dial. - dialektal; E. - English; Est. - Estonian; Fi. - Finnish; FP. - Finno-Permic; FU. - Finno-Ugric; FV.
-	Finno-Volgian; Gmc. - Proto-Germanic; HSorb. - High Sorbian; Hung. - Hungarian; Gk. - Greek; Ingr. - Ingrian; Kam. - Kamassian Samoyed; Kar. - Karelian; Kash. -Kashubian; Koib. - Koibal Samoyed; Khot. - Khotan Saka; Lap. - Lappish (Saami); Lat. - Latin; Latv. - Latvian; Lith. - Lithuanian; Liv. - Livonian; LSorb. - Low Sorbian; Lud. - Ludic; Mac. - Macedonian (South Slavic); MPers. - Middle Persian; Mord. - Mordvin; Mot. - Motor Samoyed; OChuv. - Old Chuvash; OCS. - Old Church Slavonic; OHG. - Old High German; OHung. - Old Hungarian; OInd. - Old Indian; OLith. - Old Lithuanian; ON. - Old Norse; OPrus. - Old Prussian; ORuss. - Old Russian; Oss. - Ossetic; Ost. - Ostyak; PP. - Proto-Permic (Komi-Permic); PIE. - Proto-Indo-European; Pol. - Polish; Polab. - Polabian; PSl. - Proto-Slavic; Russ. - Russian; SC.
-	Serbo-Croatian; Selk. - Selkup Samoyed; Slk. - Slovak; Sln. - Slovenian; Tav. - Tavgi Samoyed; Udm. - Udmurt (Votyak); Ur. - Uralic; Ug. - Proto-Ugric; Ukr. - Ukrainian;
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Veps. - Vepsian; Vog. - Vogul; Vot. - Votic; Yatv. - Yatvingian; Yen. - Yenisei Samoyed; Yur. - Yurak Samoyed (Nenets); Zyr. - Zyriene (Komi).
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Povzetek
Prispevek predstavlja etimološke razlage devetih praslovanskih besed, ki so se večinoma ohranile tudi v slovenskem jeziku. Natančna analiza slovanskega in uralskega besednega gradiva kaže, da bi morali v nadaljevanju naštete slovenske in praslovanske besede obravnavati kot ugrofinske izposojenke: sln. clóvek < psl. *čblovekb m. 'človek, mož, moški, hlapec' (^ ugrofin. *kilanpojka 'vaški fant, hlapec'); sln. db 'Quercus' < psl. *dçbb m. 'hrast' (^ perm. *tum-pu < ugrofin. *toma-puwe 'hrast; hrastov les'); sln. goba < psl. *gçba f. 'goba, gliva; luknjarka, kresilna goba' (^ ugrofin. *kampV 'goba, gliva'); sln. kçpati (se) < psl. *kçpati 'kopati (se), umivati (se)' (^ ural. *kumpa 'val; plavati, ustvarjati valove, pljuskati (za ribe)'); psl. *kçpa f. 'travni šop, obkrožen z reko ali močvirjem; otok, preraščen z drevjem; skupina dreves ali grmov' (^ ugrofin. *kumpa 'manjša vzpetina v močvirnatem svetu'); psl. *likb m. 'število', *ličiti 'šteti, računati' (^ ural. *luke 'število; šteti, računati'); sln. mÇž < psl. *mÇžb m. 'moški, mož' (^ ugrofin. *mance 'mož, moški, človek'); sln.pol < psl. *polb m. 'polovica, stran; spol' (^ ural. *pala 'polovica, stran'); sln. šija < psl. *šbja f. 'vrat, tilnik' (^ ugrofin. *šepa 'vrat, tilnik').
104	Slavistična revija, letnik 68/2020, št. 1, januar-marec