STUDIA MYTHOLOGICA SLAVICA XIII 2010 ZNANSTVENORAZISKOVALNI CENTER SLOVENSKE AKADEMIJE ZNANOSTI IN UMETNOSTI INŠTITUT ZA SLOVENSKO NARODOPISJE, LJUBLJANA, SLOVENIJA UNIVERSITÁ DEGLI STUDI DI UDINE DIPARTIMENTO DI LINGUE E CIVILTÁ DELL' EUROPA CENTRO-ORIENTALE, UDINE, ITALIA LJUBLJANA 2010 ZALOŽBA Z R C Studia mythologica Slavica ISSN 1408-6271 Uredniški svet / Consiglio di redazione / Advisiory Board Natka Badurina (Universita degli Studi di Udine), Nikos Čausidis (Univerzitet Sv. Kiril i Metodi, Skopje), Roberto Dapit (Universita degli Studi di Udine), Pietro U. Dini (Universita degli Studi di Pisa), Remo Faccani (Universita degli Studi di Udine), Stefano Garzonio (Universita degli Studi di Pisa), Larisa Fialkova (University of Haifa), Janina Kursite (Univerza v Rigi), Nijole Laurinkiene (Lietuviq literatures ir tautosakos institutas, Vilnius), Mirjam Mencej (Univerza v Ljubljani), Ljubinko Radenkovic (SANU, Beograd), Leszek Pawel Slupecki (Instytut Archeologii PAN, Warszava), Zmago Šmitek (Univerza v Ljubljani), Svetlana Tolstaja (Institut slavjanovedenija Rossijskoj Akademii Nauk, Moskva), Giorgio Ziffer (Universita degli Studi di Udine) Uredništvo / Redazione / Editorial Board Monika Kropej (odgovorna urednica/curatrice/Editor-in-Chief) ZRC SAZU, Inštitut za slovensko narodopisje, Novi trg 2, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenija/ Slovenia E-mail: monika@zrc-sazu.si tNikolai Mikhailov (odgovorni urednik/curatore/Editor-in-Chief) Universita degli Studi di Udine, Dipartimento di Lingue e Civilta dell' Europa Centro- Orientale, Italija/Italia Via Zanon 6, 33100 Udine E-mail: nikolai.mikhailov@uniud.it Vlado Nartnik, ZRC SAZU, Inštitut za slovenski jezik Frana Ramovša, Novi trg 2, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenija/ Slovenia E-mail: vlado@zrc-sazu.si Andrej Pleterski, ZRC SAZU, Inštitut za arheologijo, Novi trg 2, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenija/Slovenia E-mail: pleterski@zrc-sazu.si Izdajata / Pubblicato da / Published by Znanstvenoraziskovalni center Slovenske akademije znanosti in umetnosti, Inštitut za slovensko narodopisje, Ljubljana, Slovenija in / e / and Universita degli Studi di Udine, Dipartimento di Lingue e Civilta dell' Europa Centro-Orientale, Udine, Italia Spletna stran / Sito internet / Website http://sms.zrc-sazu.si/ Izhaja s podporo Agencije za raziskovalno dejavnost RS / Pubblicato con il sostegno finanziario dell' Agenzia per la ricerca scientifica della Repubblica di Slovenia / Published with the support of the Slovenian Research Agency Studia mythologica Slavica is included in the following databases: Ulrich's International Periodicals Directory; MLA Bibliography; Sachkatalog der Bibliothek - RGK des DAI; IBZ; FRANCIS; HJG (The History Journals Guide); OCLE; INIST; INTUTE: Arts and Humanities UK. Slika na zadnji strani ovitka: Cerkniški pust, Cerkno, Slovenija. Fotografia sul retro della copertina: La maschera Carnevalesca, Cerkno, Slovenia. Back cover photo: The carnival mask from Cerkno, Slovenia. Tisk / Stampato da / Printed by Littera Picta d. o. o., Ljubljana Vsebina Indice Contents IN MEMORIAM Nikolai Mikhailov (Moskva, 11. 6. 1967-Videm, 25. 5. 2010)...............7 SLOVANSKA MITOLOGIJA, VIRI IN REKONSTRUKCIJE.............................................13 MITOLOGIA SLAVA, FONTI E RICOSTRUZIONI...........................................................13 SLAVIC MYTHOLOGY, SOURCES AND RECONSTRUCTIONS..................................13 Radoslav Katičic: Vidova gora i sveti Vid...............................................................................15 Sven Wichert: Die politische Rolle der heidnischen Priester bei den Westslaven............33 Vladimir Peter Goss, Vesna Mikic: Jakob, Jelena, and Bogdin - Three Miniatures on the Assigned Theme.....................................................................................................43 Julijana Visočnik: Hrenova pridiga ob polaganju temeljnega kamna za kapucinski samostan v Ljubljani...........................................................................................................59 Andelko Dermek: Sustav svetišta oko Babožnice ................................................................75 Aleksandr V. Koptev: Reconstructing the Funeral Ritual of the Kievan Prince Igor.......87 Martin Golema: Igrici ako archaicki poeti a žreci u pohanskych Slovanov. Kam ukazuju stredoveke pramene i niektore vyznamove dimenzie praslovanskeho slova *jbgrbcb (jeho odvodenin a kontinuantov) vo vybranych slovanskych etnojazykovych tradiciach...............................................................................................107 RAZISKOVALNE METODE IN INTERPRETACIJE LJUDSKEGA IZROČILA.........125 METODI DI RICERCA E INTERPRETAZIONI DELLA TRADIZIONE POPOLARE 125 RESEARCH METHODS AND INTERPRETATIONS OF FOLK TRADITION..........125 Suzana Marjanic: Dragon and Hero or How to Kill a Dragon - on the Example of the Legends of Medimurje about the Grabancijaš and the Dragon..........................127 Mirjam Mencej: Simbolika niti in predenja v evropski folklori.......................................151 Monika Kropej: From Tradition to Contemporary Belief Tales: The "Changing Life" of Some Slovenian Supernatural Beings from the Annual Cycle.............................. 171 Zmago Šmitek: Od staroslovanskega Svarožiča/Radogosta do slovenskega Kresnika.. 187 Marko Pijovic: Nekoliko misli o mogucem podrijetlu naziva Vlah.................................199 PonaHgac Kpermguc: BocTOHHOcnaBAHCKue 6oru KueBCKOM Pycu: Cmpu6o^ (conocTaBMTenbHbiM arnnu3 gaHHbix cnaBAHCKoft u 6anTuftcKOM MM^OnOrMHeCKMX CMCTeM).............................................................................................. 211 Muxaun eb3hmh: O CTpyKType Tpex roMepoBCKux ruMHOB: K AnonnoHy flenoccKOMy, K AnonnoHy nu^uMCKOMy, K repMecy.................................................233 Patrice Lajoye: Panagia Tricherousa. A Celtic myth among the Slavic popular beliefs? .249 SODOBNA MITOLOGIJA...................................................................................................255 MITOLOGIA CONTEMPORANEA..................................................................................255 CONTEMPORARY MYTHOLOGY...................................................................................255 Dragica Haramija: Mariborske vedute: razlagalne povedke o mestu in okolici.............257 Ambrož Kvartič: Sodobne povedke: razmišljanje o »najbolj sodobnem« žanru pripovedne folklore.......................................................................................................... 273 Simona Klaus: Folklore in Mass Media: National Garb, Places of Identity and Fairies in (Post)communist Advertising.......................................................................291 GRADIVO...............................................................................................................................307 MATERIALE...........................................................................................................................307 MATERIAL.............................................................................................................................307 Boris Čok: Opis poganskega obreda v spodmolu Triglavca.............................................309 Ladislav Placer: Triglavca, kraj češčenja plodnosti. Poizkus etimologije Divače...........313 IN MEMORIAM Nikolai Mikhailov (Moskva, 11. 6. 1967 - Videm, 25. 5. 2010) Januarja leta 1995 je prišlo Nikolajevo prvo pismo na moj naslov. V njem je izrazil zanimanje za slovenske raziskave na področju etnologije in folkloristike. K temu ga je spodbudil zbornik Razvoj slovenske etnologije od Štreklja in Murka do sodobnih etnoloških prizadevanj. Predlagal je, da bi izdali komentirano objavo Štrekljevih predavanj v znanstveni seriji »Studi slavi« in zbornik člankov o slovenskem bajeslovju in folklori. Zanimal se je tudi, kako potekajo terenske raziskave in zbiranje etnološkega gradiva v Sloveniji. Med drugim piše: Z velikim interesom sem prebral Vaš članek o rokopisih Štrekljevih predavanj v zborniku »Razvoj slovenske etnologije«. Tudi sam zbornik je zelo zanimiv in dobro izdan. Zelo me veseli, da so v Sloveniji etnološka raziskovanja tako dobro organizirana. It was in January 1995 when Nikolai's first letter reached me. In this letter he expressed his interest in research into Slovene ethnology and folklore, inspired by the anthology The Development of Slovene Ethnology from Strekelj and Murko to Modern Ethnological Research. Nikolai suggested the publication of Karel Strekelj's lectures, furnished with commentary and published in the Studi slavi scientific book series, and an anthology of papers on Slovene mythology and folklore. Among other things he was also interested in the field research in Slovenia: I read with great interest your article about the manuscripts of Strekeljs lectures in »The Development of Slovene Ethnology from Strekelj and Murko to Modern Ethnological Research«. The anthology itself is highly interesting as well, with excellent editorship. It 7 IN MEMORIAM: Nikolai Mikhailov Jaz predavam ruski jezik in slovansko mitologijo na univerzi v Pizi. Sam se ukvarjam s slovansko (tudi slovensko) in baltsko mitološko tradicijo. Razen tega urejujem znanstveno vrsto »Studi slavi«, v kateri sta (poleg drugih knjig) že izšli Antologija slovanske mitologije in Antologija baltske mitologije (zbirki člankov). V zvezi z Vašim člankom rad bi vprašal, ali imate v načrtu objaviti Štre-kljeva rokopisa (čeprav, kot sem razumel, iz vašega poročila, nista končana)? Če Vas to zanima, verjetno bi bilo možno izdati komentirano besedilo Štrekljevih predavanj v naši »Studi slavi« (na primer l. 1997). Razen tega bi bilo zanimivo prirediti zbornik člankov o slovenskem bajeslovju in slovenski folklori. V času njegovega obiska v Ljubljani je počasi dozorela ideja o ustanovitvi znanstvene revije »Studia mythologica Slavica«, ki se je tedaj zdela najustreznejša pot za uveljavitev raziskav na področju mitosem-iotike in komparativne mitologije. Že leta 1998 je izšla prva številka te interdisciplinarne znanstvene revije v Ljubljani in Pisi; medtem ko so vse ostale (od leta 1999 dalje) izšle pod okriljem Univerze v Vidmu (Dipartimento di Lingue e Civilta dell' Europa Centro-Orientale) in ISN ZRC SAZU. Leta 1998 je namreč Nikolai Mikhailov prevzel mesto izrednega profesorja za slovenski jezik in literaturo na Univerzi v Vidmu, kjer je postal tudi predstojnik katedre za slove-nistiko. Z Oddelkom za jezike in kulture Srednje in Vzhodne Evrope pri Univerzi v Vidmu smo julija 2002 tudi formalno potrdili souredništvo. V trinajstih letih urednikovanja je pobudnik in soustanovitelj Studia mythologica Slavica prof. dr. Nikolai Mikhailov utrdil njen ugled v svetu, revija je postala pomembna in mednarodno priznana interdisciplinarna publikacija. Letos maja pa nas 8 pleases me greatly that ethnological research in Slovenia is so well organized. I lecture on the Russian language and Slavic mythology at the University of Pisa. My particular interest is in Slavic (including Slovene) and Baltic mythological traditions. I also act as editor of the »Studi slavi« scientific book series which have been already published »Anthology of Slavic Mythology« and »Anthology of Baltic Mythology«. In relation to your article I would like to know if you plan to publish the two manuscripts by Karel Strekelj, even though they had, as I have understood, not been completed? Should you be interested in doing so it might be possible to publish Strekeljs lectures, furnished with commentary, in our »Studi slavi« (for example in 1997). It would also be interesting to prepare an anthology of articles on Slovene mythology and folklore. During Mikhailov's subsequent visit to Ljubljana, the idea about a new scientific journal that would bear the name "Studia mythologica Slavica" gradually started to form. That seemed to be the best way to promote mythosemiotic studies and comparative mythology. The first volume of this interdisciplinary scientific journal was published not much later, in 1998 in Ljubljana and Pisa (later in Udine). 1998 was, namely, the year in which Nikolai Mikhailov took the post of associate professor of Slovene language and literature at the University of Udine (Dipartimento di Lingue e Civilta dell' Europa Centro-Orientale), and became head of the section of Slovene studies. This co-editorship of Studia mythologica Slavica, shared by the Institute of Slovenian Ethnology at the Scientific Research Centre of the Slovene Academy of Science and Arts (ZRC SAZU) and the Department for Languages and Cultures of Central and Eastern Europe at the University of Udine, was formalized in July 2002. IN MEMORIAM: Nikolai Mikhailov je - le nekaj dni pred svojim 43. rojstnim dnem - nepričakovano zapustil. Kljub svoji mladosti se je prof. dr. Nikolai Mikhailov zapisal v plejado največjih filologov in primerjalnozgodovinskih jezikoslovcev, ki so raziskovali jezikovno in kulturno dediščino baltoslovanskih narodov in je s svojimi številnimi objavami vidno pripomogel k premikom v razvoju vede. Njegovo izjemno nadarjenost za jezike je še dodatno spodbudilo okolje, v katerem je živel. Rojen je bil v intelektualni družini, mati je ugledna ruska filologinja Tatjana V. Civjanova, oče pa je priznan arhitekt, delujoč v Vilniusu v Litvi. Obiskoval je rusko-francosko srednjo šolo, nato pa vpisal klasično filologijo na Moskovski državni univerzi M. V. Lomonosova, kjer je leta 1989 diplomiral, in nadaljeval podiplomski študij na Inštitutu za slavistko in balkanistiko pri akademiku Nikiti Tolstoju. Že v času svojega študija je bil njegov vzornik velikan ruske filologije Vladimir N. Toporov, ki je skupaj z Vjačeslavom V. Ivanovim utemeljil rusko mitosemiotično šolo. Z baltistiko se je začel ukvarjati že kot študent, ko se je med leti 1985 in 1990 priključil etnološkim in folklorističnim terenskim raziskavam v Litvi. Leta 1990 ga je življenska pot zanesla v Italijo, najprej v Bolzano, kjer je imel jezikovni tečaj ruščine. Kmalu se je poročil in preselil v Auer na Južnem Tirolskem. Med leti 1992-1998 je služboval na Univerzi v Pisi (Dipartimento di Linguistica gia Istituto di Lingue e Lette-ratura Russa), kjer je predaval ruski jezik in slovansko mitologijo. Krajši čas (19931995) je poučeval ruščino tudi na Univerzi v Trentu. Doktoriral je leta 1998 na Univerzi v Leidnu na Nizozemskem. Njegov mentor je bil priznani nizozemski slavist Frederik Kortlandt. Disertacija Frühslowenische Sprachdenkmäler. Die handschriftliche Periode der slowenischen Sprache (XIV. During his thirteen years as co-editor of Studia mythological slavica, professor Nikolai Mikhailov had strengthened its worldwide reputation as a distinguished interdisciplinary scientific publication. Sadly, only several days before his forty-third birthday and very suddenly, he passed away in May of 2010. Despite his youth, Professor Mik-hailov was one of the most distinguished and prominent philologists and scholars in the field of historical and comparative linguistics who were conducting research on the linguistic and cultural heritage of Balto-Slavic nations. His numerous studies represent an important contribution to the advancement of these disciplines. Mikhailov's exceptional aptitude for languages had been greatly encouraged by the intellectual environment into which he was born and by his local milieu. His mother, Tatjana V. Civjanova, is a renowned Russian philologist, while his father is a well-known architect working in Vilnius, Lithuania. After completing the Russian-French middle school, Mikhailov studied classical philology at the M.V. Lomonosov State University in Moscow, graduating in 1989. He continued his graduate studies with academician Nikita Tolstoj at the Institute of Slavic and Balkan Studies. Even in his student years, his greatest inspiration was Vladimir N. Toporov, a leading Russian philologist who together with Vjaceslav V. Ivanov had founded the Russian school of mythosemiotics. Mikhailov's interest in Baltic studies started in his undergraduate years when between 1985 and 1990 he took part in ethnological and folklore fieldwork research in Lithuania. In 1990, his path led him to Italy, first to Bolzano where he initially taught Russian, and after marriage he moved to Auer in South Tyrol. Between 1992 and 1998 he worked at the University of Pisa (Dipartimento di Linguistica 9 IN MEMORIAM: Nikolai Mikhailov Jh. bis 1550) je izšla še istega leta v Amsterdamu kot 26. v seriji »Studies in Slavic and General Linguistics« pri ugledni Založbi 'Rodopi'. Leta 2001 pa je bila v precej skrajšani obliki objavljena še v slovenskem jeziku v Trstu pri Založbi Mladika: Jezikovni spomeniki zgodnje slovenščine. Rokopisna doba slovenskega jezika (od XIV. stol. do leta 1550). S tem delom je ruski filolog Nikolaj Mikhailov Slovencem razkril pomembne spomenike njihove jezikovne dediščine in zapolnil vrzel v jezikoslovnih obravnavah zgodovine slovenskega jezika. Prav tako v Trstu je naslednje leto 2002 pri isti založbi izšla tudi njegova knjiga Mythologia Slo-venica: Poskus rekonstrukcije slovenskega poganskega izročila. Na Univerzi v Pisi je Nikolai Mikhailov izdajal knjižno serijo »Studi Slavi«, v kateri sta med drugim izšli tudi Antologija slovanske mitologije (Mitologia Slava 1993, dopolnjena izd. 1995) in Antologija baltske mitologije (Mitologia Baltica 1995). Prav tako na Univerzi v Pisi je skupaj s prof. Pi-etrom Dinijem v letih 1995-1999 izdal pet letnikov baltističnega zbornika »Res Balti-cae«. Leta 1998 je v Madridu v seriji »Studia mythosemiotica« kot prva knjiga izšla tudi njegova monografija Baltische und slawische Mythologie. Pomembno pa je prispeval tudi na področju klasične filologije, npr. z objavami o Heziodovi »Teogoniji« ('Teogonia' Gesioda kak indoevropejski kosmogo-ničeskij tekst v: Jezyki kul'tury v antičnosti, 1990) in s primerjavo Lokija ter Prometeja (Loki i Prometej. K tipologii protoperso-naža v: Znaki Balkan 1994). Bil je aktiven na številnih področjih, od jezikoslovja in literarne vede do folkloristike in mitologije ter priznan v mnogih državah, še posebej v Litvi, Italiji, Rusiji, na Nizozemskem, v Španiji, Sloveniji in Avstriji. S svojim delovanjem je na Slovenskem spodbudil zanimanje za mitosemi-otične raziskave in nam približal izjemen znanstveni opus Vladimira N. Toporova. 10 già Instituto di Lingue e Letteratura Russa) as a lecturer in Russian language and in Slavic mythology. From 1993 to 1995 he also taught Russian at the University of Trento. Mentored by Frederik Kortlandt, the renowned Dutch Slavicist, Mikhailov received his Ph.D. from the University of Leiden, Netherlands, in 1998. His dissertation, entitled Frühslowenische Sprachdenkmäler. Die handschriftliche Periode der slowenischen Sprache (XIV. Jh. bis 1550), was published that same year by the renowned Rodopi Publishing House in Amsterdam as Vol. 26 in the Studies in Slavic and General Linguistics book series. Its shortened version was also published in Slovene by Mladika Publishing House in Trieste, under the title Jezikovni spomeniki zgodnje slovenščine. Rokopisna doba slovenskega jezika (od XlV.stol. do leta 1550) (Linguistic Monuments of the Early Slovene Language: The Manuscript Period from the 14th Century until 1550). Filling the gap in linguistic studies focusing on the history of the Slovene language, this text presented significant elements of the Slovene linguistic heritage. A year later, this same publishing house also published Mikhailov's Mytho-logia Slovenica: Poskus rekonstrukcije slovenskega poganskega izročila (Mythologia Slovenica. An Attempt at a Reconstruction of the Slovene Pagan Tradition). While at the University of Pisa, Mikhailov was the editor of the Studi Slavi book series which, among other books, also published his Anthology of Slavic Mythology (Mitologia Slava, 1993, rev. ed. 1995) and his Anthology of Baltic Mythology (Mitologia Baltica, 1995). In cooperation with Professor Pietro Dini, he published between 1995 and 1999 five volumes of Res Balticae, an anthology of texts focusing on Baltic studies. His monographic work Baltische und slawische Mythologie was published in Madrid in 1998 as the first book in the Studia mythosemiotica IN MEMORIAM: Nikolai Mikhailov Z njegovim posredovanjem je na Oddelku za etnologijo in kulturno antropologijo Filozofske fakultete Univerze v Ljubljani leta 2002 izšel fragmentarni slovenski prevod knjige V. N. Toporova Predzgodovina književnosti pri Slovanih: Poskus rekonstrukcije. V sodelovanju z etnologi na Koroškem je objavil več člankov v Celovškem zvonu in Koledarju Mohorjeve družbe v Celovcu. Objavljal pa je tudi v številnih pomembnih etnoloških in jezikoslovnih revijah kot so Traditiones, Studia mythologica Slavica, Slovenski jezik - Slovene Linguistic Studies in Studies in Slavic Folklore and Folk Culture. Nikolai Mikhailov je pomembno prispeval k baltističnim raziskavam, zato mu je v Litvi 15. novembra 2000 predsednik Valdas Adamakus podelil častno litovsko državljanstvo. S svojim delom se je zapisal v zgodovino baltoslavističnega in mitosemi-otičnega raziskovanja in je postal eden največjih primerjalnozgodovinskih jezikoslovcev in etnolingvistov našega časa. Ostal pa bo tudi v našem spominu kot dober prijatelj, čuteč človek in odličen znanstvenik. Žal se je tudi tokrat uresničila antična modrost: »Kogar bogovi ljubijo, ga vzamejo zgodaj k sebi«. Monika Kropej series. Mikhailov's contribution to the field of classical philology is equally significant. Two of his notable texts are "Teogonia" Ge-sioda kak indoevropejski kosmogoničeskij tekst, a study of Hesiod's poem Theogo-nia (published in 1990 in Jezyki kul'tury v antičnosti, 1990), and a comparison of Loki and Prometheus in Loki i Prometej. K tipologii protopersonaža (published in Znaki Balkan, 1994). Respected in many countries, particularly in Lithuania, Italy, Russia, the Netherlands, Spain, Slovenia, and Austria, he was active in a number of disciplines such as linguistics, literary science, folklore, and mythology. Apart from initiating an interest in mythosemiotic studies, Mikhailov also advanced the remarkable scientific production of Vladimir N. Toporov to Slovenes. Resulting in the publication of a fragmentary translation into Slovene of Vladimir N. Toporov's book Prehistory of Literature among the Slavs: An Attempt at a Reconstruction, published by the Department of Ethnology and Cultural Anthropology of the University of Ljubljana Faculty of Arts in 2002. A product of his cooperation with ethnologists in Carinthia were several of his articles which appeared in Celovški zvon and in the Mohorjeva družba Calendar. Apart from these, Mikhailov regularly published his studies in a number of distinguished ethnological and linguistic journals, for example in Traditiones, Studia mythologica Slavica, Slovenski jezik -Slovene Linguistic Studies, and Studies in Slavic Folklore and Folk Culture. Due to his extensive Baltic studies, Nikolai Mikhailov received on November 15, 2000 honorary citizenship of Lithuania. His work has become a part of the history of Balto-Slavic research and of the study of mythosemiotics. He was truly one of the most prominent ethnolinguists and among 11 IN MEMORIAM: Nikolai Mikhailov the leading linguists in the field of historical and comparative linguistics. In our hearts he will also remain a good friend, a sensitive man, and an excellent scholar. Unfortunately the well-known Greek saying "Whom the gods love die young" has proved true once again. Monika Kropej V krogu slovenskih prijateljev ob praznovanju svojega 40. rojstnega dne, 11. 6. 2007 v Ljubljani. Z leve: Monika Kropej, Nikolai Mikhailov, Andreja Žele. Zmago Šmitek, Silvo Torkar, Lijana Dejak (foto: Blaž Telban). With his Slovene friends on June 11,2007, in Ljubljana. From left to right: Monika Kropej, Nikolai Mikhailov, Andreja Žele, Zmago Šmitek, Silvo Torkar, and Lijana Dejak (photo by Blaž Telban). 12 SLOVANSKA MITOLOGIJA VIRI IN REKONSTRUKCIJE MITOLOGIA SLAVA FONTI E RICOSTRUZIONI SLAVIC MYTHOLOGY SOURCES AND RECONSTRUCTIONS Vidova gora i sveti Vid Radoslav Katičic A widespread and often repeated notion that Vidova gora on the island of Brač is named after the pagan Slavic god Vid is here subjected to a thorough critical review. Numerous churches of St. Vitus in the Western South Slavic area, especially in the Adriatic, including the Rijeka Cathedral, are continuing the cult of the Slavic god Sventovit, well known from the Early Middle Ages on the Baltic Sea island of Rügen, in a specific Christian form. As a result, it follows that St. Vitus among the Adriatic Slavs actually occurs as interpretatio christiana, but of the thunder-god Perun. The god Sventovit was confirmed only among the Baltic and Polap Slavs. On the other hand, the name of Vid instead of Vit for Latin Vitus derived from paretymology encouraged by South Slavic, not pre-Slavic, folk beliefs. As for Vid as the name of the Slavic pagan god, there are no confirmations. Despite the etymological uncertainties, the name Sventovit for its meaning could be understood as a ritual invocation or nickname of Perun, and so could be the case in Rügen. Due to the great similarity of the names, the name Sventovit could have had the effect that the Christian veneration of St. Vitus replaced the pagan worship of the pagan thunder-god. Tražimo li na otoku Braču tragove poganskih vjerovanja i pretkrščanskoga kulta, nailazimo na mnogo toga, što i ne čudi kada se zna da je taj otok u ranome srednjem vijeku pripadao zemlji slavenske vlasti koju su zvali Paganija, poganska zemlja, pa je on uključen u krščanski svijet kasnije nego druge sklavinije u nekada rimskoj provinciji Dalmaciji. No od svih se tih tragova daleko najdojmljivije nameče Vidova gora. Ona pri svakom posjetu posreduje doživljaj svetosti. Kada smo na njoj, na njezinu vrhu, kao da smo u nekom drugom svijetu. Nismo manje na susjednom Hvaru i na poljima njegova Staroga Grada nego smo na samome Braču. Dokinuti su svakodnevni prostorni odnosi. Doživljaj je to koji se ne zaboravlja. Želimo li poči za tim tragom, prema iskustvima več stečenim na drugim terenima najprikladnije je samo ime najvišega brda na otoku Braču. Ono se zove Vidova gora ili Vidovica, što je isto ime, tek sažeto tako da se gora samo podrazumijeva.1 To je ime jako sugestivno. Na prvi se pogled može učiniti da ono izravno čuva uspomenu na slavensko-ga boga Vida, nepomučenu krščanskim naslojinama. Činjenica, medutim, da se ta gora naziva i Sutvid, što je slavenski glasovni lik latinskoga i službeno crkvenoga sanctus Vitus, upučuje tu na oprez jer pokazuje kako je moguče da je sveti tu kratkoče radi naprosto ispu-šteno, isto onako kako se počelo i spontano, a ne samo pod ideološkim pritiskom, ispuštati u imenu sela Vid kod Metkoviča, koje je na mjestu antičke Narone izgradeno oko svoje 1 Usp. Šimunovič 1972, 10, 79, 123, 151, 230, 256, 257, 279. 15 Vidova gora i sveti Vid župne crkve posvečene svetomu Vidu, pa nema sumnje da je po tom zaštitniku i dobilo ime. Ispušteno je i u toponimima Vidov vrh, Vidov potok, Vidova kosa i u ne malom, broju drugih.2 Moguče je dakako i to da je ime Sutvid samo naknadna, ako i vrlo rana, interpre-tatio christiana imena Vidova gora i da je ono takvo, bez spomena svetoga Vida, prvotno i izvorno. Tako se dakle nije moguče pomači s mjesta. No pitanje tu rješava arheologija. Blizu vrhu te gore nadeni su temelji ranoromaničke crkvice sv. Vida. Ime je Sutvid dakle staro, za što govori i njegov glasovni lik jer je tu sanctus Vitus preuzeto u slavenski jezik prije nego je u njem došlo do glasovne mijene g > u, a to se je u hrvatskom jeziku prema svjedočanstvu spomenika zbilo več prije 12. stolječa.3 U nazivu Vidove gore krščanska je naslojina prema tomu nedvojbeno vrlo stara. To ipak ne znači da je tu i prvotna. Ipak, možemo biti sigurni da doživljaj izvorne, pretkrščanske svetosti tu ne vara. O tome vrlo prigušeno, ali zato ne manje rječito, svjedoči običaj da ljudi iz okolice popnu u društvu na Vidovu goru i tamo u veselom razgovoru ispeku i pojedu janje, a uz to, dakako, gutnu i vina. Taj mi je vrijedan podatak priopčio Petar Šimunovič, brački domorodac koji je cijeloga života istraživao i dobro upoznao kulturnu predaju svojega otoka. Takav izlet u sredini kojoj je inače planinarstvo tude, danas je samo radostan društveni dogadaj, ali se najbolje razumije kao prežitak davne tradicije žrtvenoga obreda na svetoj gori. Tu čak, za čudo, i nema crkvene reinterpretacije toga običaja kao pobožnoga hodočašča. Inače nam na raznim mjestima hodočašča na gore pod više manje izraženim crkvenim okriljem svjedoče kao reinterpretirani, i opet više ili manje, prežitci o poganskim kultovima koji se niti u pokrštenom narodu nisu dali potpuno potrti. Primjer za to je i Sveto brdo na juž-nom Velebitu. Njegovo ime govori za sebe. Isto govori i oronim Svetagora.4 Podatci o tim pojavama nigdje nisu skupljeni, provjereni, pobliže proučeni i sustavno predočeni.5 To je pak jedan od prioritetnih zadataka ozbiljnoga proučavanja tragova pretkrščanske vjere na hrvatskom zemljištu. Takva hodočašča na vrhunce karakteristično su vezana uz kult sv. Vida na njima. U tim se hodočaščima raspoznaju više ili manje jasno izražena obilježja poganstva. Tako na otoku Pagu, gdje najviši vrh nosi ime Sveti Vid, a na njem stoji ruševna crkvica istoga svetca, do nje je pak sve do polovice 19. stolječa stajao kameni stožac, "čunčur", na podlozi koja se zove Svetišče, upravo na Glavici na gori koja se zove Sv.Vid. I u običajima vezanim za to hodočašče vrlo su razgovjetni elementi poganskoga kulta, a crkvenom poštovanju mučenika svetoga Vida (sanctus Vitus) nije bilo ni traga.6 Manje su izraziti u tom smislu običaji hodočašča na vrh Biokova ponad Živogošča kojemu je ime Sutvid, a zovu ga još i Svevid ili Kapela. Ovo posljednje prema kapeli sv. Vida koja je po mjesnoj predaji tamo stajala. Na taj se vrh hodočastilo i govorilo se da se na njem još raspoznaju ostatci crkvice. No službena crkva nije odobravala to hodočašče i župnici su ga ukinuli, zapravo preusmjerili i na pol visine istoga brda na položaju Križice podigli crkvicu Gospi, te se poslije hodočastilo onamo. No vrh Sutvida se dalje jako pošto-vao jer je bila duboko ukorijenjena vjera da su tamo zakopane "svetinja, svete moči". Kad 2 Usp. Šimunovič - Lukenda 1995, 216. 3 U Bečkim lističima, ulomku sakramentara, knjige s misnim molitvama, iz toga vremena, hrvatska je redakcija liturgijskoga crkvenoslavenskog jezika več provela tu glasovnu promjenu. 4 Usp. Škobalj 1970, 455. 5 Za kult sv. Vida na vrhuncima vrlo je koristan posao obavio Mužič 2007, 478-482. Od pomoči je tu i Škobalj 1970, 439-440. 6 Usp. Šonje 1995, 107-112, 115-118. 16 Radoslav Katičic se fra Lujo Marun popeo na taj vrh da to raščisti nije tamo našao nikakva traga niti kapeli niti ikakvom krščanskom kultu. Bile su tamo samo tri gromile od kamenja podignute jedna na drugoj, a najviša je bila poput žrtvenika. U njima je pak našao tragove paljevine. Bio je posve siguran da je to mjesto poganskoga kulta.7 Pod zapadnim krajem Biokova, na medi Tučepa i Podgore, u onom kraju teško je govoriti o hatarima, podiže se nad morem stjenovito brdašce koje se zove Sutvid. Na njem se razabiru temelji zdanja. Manje od njih nalazi se u večem i ima četverokutnu apsidu.8 Očito su to ostatci crkvice svetoga Vida na vrhu brežuljka. Bit če da se i onamo hodočastilo ili bar na svetčev dan išlo na proštenje. Ima dakle dobra razloga da se pojava kulta svetoga Vida, kad se naide na nj, osobito na uzvisinama, uzme kao natuknica za razgovor o slavenskom poganstvu. To više što su u kršcanskoj antiki crkve bile u naseljima i na grobovima mučenika, ali ne na gorskim vrhovima, niti je bilo obično da se vrhovi nazivaju po svetcima koji su se štovali na njima. To se proširilo tek u ranom srednjem vijeku, pa se čak čini da je vezano uz stvaranje i učvršcivanje slavenskoga jezičnog prostora. A koliko je to krščanska reinterpretacija sla-venskih poganskih kultova, ne može biti dvojbe da i sveti Vid, uz neke druge svetce, pri tome igra vidnu ulogu.9 Nema dakle razloga sumnjati u to da je Vidova gora na otoku Braču dobila ime po kultu svetoga Vida, kojemu je podignuta i crkvica pri njezinu vrhu. Ima, medutim, razloga pomišljati da je taj kult nastavak slavenskog poganskoga, koji i sam lako može biti nastavak još starijega prapovijesnoga, ali nam je o tome teško išta saznati. Pretpostavka 0 nastavku poganskoga slavenskog kulta može se, medutim, provjeravati tako što se pokuša toponimija i topografija toga lokaliteta staviti u kontekst slavenske prertkrščanske sakralne interpretacije zemljišta koliko nam je taj kontekst do sada poznat.10 Ako se dobro uklopi u taj kontekst, pretpostavka je jako osnažena, približuje se tomu da bude ne samo poduprta, nego i potvrdena. Kada se radi o Vidovojgori, to je lako provesti i rezultat je vrlo jasan. Čvrsto hvatište 1 polazište tu je riječ gora, prisutna u samome imenu, a ona se podrazumijeva i u drugom njegovu liku Vidovica. A gora je stožerna riječ u sakralnom govoru o mitskom ustrojstvu svijeta, skrovitom i svetom. Njezin je vrh izjednačen s krošnjom drveta svijeta, kojoj je na suhom vrhu sjedišta boga gromovnika, Peruna. Tamo je njegov dvor i grad, što če reči ograden vrt.11 Dolje pod njim, u dolu, praslavenski se to veli upravo dole, starim lokativom bez prijedloga, na vodi, ima svoje mjesto njegov protivnik, stočji bog Veles. Gromovnik sjedi na vrhu u liku ptice grabilice, orla ili sokola, a njegov protivnik ga napada u liku zmaja, velike zmije, ili zvijeri, medvjeda. Veles u korijenju drveta svijeta ima svoju duplju, i odande napada vrh i gromovnika na njem, onamo se povlači kad ga gromovnik ubije, a to če reči izubija tako da ga ukloni s poprišta, jer besmrtni bog ne može biti mrtav, i u svojoj duplji, dolje na vodi, pod panjem i kladom, trune sve dok mu se skupe nove životne sile, pa opet krene prema vrhu protiv gromovnika, a taj ga i opet ubije. I tako opet i opet, 7 Usp. Marun 1879, 142-143. 8 Usp. Marun 1879, 143-144. 9 O svetačkom imenu Vid, o brojnim osobnim i mjesnim imenima te o imenicama i pridjevima što su izvedeni od njega obavješčuju obuhvatno, pouzdano i iscrpno Šimunovič - Lukenda 1995. 10 Usp. Katičič 2008a, 285-299 (Perun nad Žrnovnicom); 301-312 (Perun nad Moščenicama); 313-326 (Veles kod Novoga Vinodolskog); 2010?, u tisku (Perun nad Varešom) i literaturu koja se tamo navodi. 11 Usp. Katičič 2008c, 44-75. 17 Vidova gora i sveti Vid kako se kotrlja vrijeme. I doista, pri odnožju Vidove gore, blizu vodi, nalazi se spilja, vrlo jasno izražena duplja, i od starine se zove Zmajeva spila ili Drakonjina spila.12 Gore, na vrhu, kao i na nekim drugim vrhovima, Peruna je poslije pokrštavanje zamijenio sv. Vid (sanctus Vitus). Pri dnu, u spilji, ostao je pradavni zmaj nezamijenjen. Vidova gora svojom se toponimijom i topografijom dakle izvrsno uklapa u mitsko ustrojstvo svijeta i sakralnu interpretaciju zemljišta kakva se susreče kod nekrštenih Slavena.13 Može se tu dakle s velikim pouzdanjem govoriti o kontinuitetu poganskoga kulta i nakon konačnoga pokrštenja Paganije, kojoj je Brač prvotno pripadao. Zaključci kakvi su ovdje upravo izneseni vrlo su čvrsti i pouzdani. Ipak, oni se ne slažu s mišljenjima što se o tome na sve strane čuju od onih koji se zanimaju za ta pitanja i govore o njima. U njih je vrlo ustaljeno mišljenje da se na Vidovoj gori štovao slavenski Bog Vid, a taj da je zapravo Svantevid i da je bio glavni bog "poganskih Hrvata". Njegovo se ime prepoznaje i u toponimu Sevid, potvrdenom na više mjesta, a tumači se kao Svevid, negdje glasi i tako, te bi to bio kao bog koji "sve vidi". Ovdje nije prilika da se potanje istra-ži i prikaže povijest tih predočaba, dosta če biti reci da je to shvacanje u našoj kulturnoj javnosti 1885. mjerodavno utemeljio Natko Nodilo,14 da se je ono održalo do danas i da je u najnovije vrijeme nekako ponovno živnulo.15 Potrebno je stoga razmotriti kako s time stvari doista stoje. Temeljna je i nesporna činjenica na kojoj je takvo shvacanje zasnovano to da je ime svet Vid u svojem starijem liku svgtb Vidb vrlo slično, ne više od toga, ali niti manje od toga, imenu jednoga slavenskog poganskog božanstva s Baltičkoga mora u ranom srednjem vijeku. Sve što znamo od njem potječe od njemačkih pisaca, svečenika koji su pisali latinski i, dakako, imali teškoča s ispisivanjem imena slavenskih bogova onako kako su ih bili u stanju čuti. Ime toga boga zapisali su kao Zvantevith,16 Svantovitus, Svantovithus, Svantuithus17 te Szventevit,18 a u povijesnom djelu na starom nordijskom jeziku (islan-dskom), na germanskom dakle pisanom latinskim slovima: Svanteviz.19 12 Usp. Šimunovic 1972, 10, 79, 123, 151, 230, 256, 257, 279 i Škobalj 1986. 13 Usp. Katičic 1973, 62-63. 14 Usp. Nodilo 1981, 25-84. Podupro ga je Šegvic 1898. U istom smislu i Škobalj 1970. Nodilova argumentacija oko toga ima sva obilježja koja su i inače karakteristična za njega kad piše o "staroj vjeri". Nedostaje mu temeljite kritičnosti. O tome vidi Katičic 2008b, 11-37. Kakva mu je metoda, pokazuje se i kad kao jedno od svjedočanstava o vrhovnom bogu Vidu navodi poslovicu: JeüecMje npoco cuje, uge Buge ga oöuge (CHnoc 113). Nodilo ne uzima u obzir da se tu radi o crkvenom kalendaru, premda ga Karadžic svojim komentarom izričito upozorava na to. Dan svetoga Jelesija (to je starozavjetni prorok Elizej) slavi se 14. lipnja, a dan svetoga Vida sutradan, 15. lipnja. Tu se u smislu sljubljivanja "stare vjere" s krščanstvom tijek vegetacijske godine prikazuje kao hod svetačkih svetkovina, pa onda i samih svetaca jednoga za drugim. Usp. Katičic 2008c, 51-67. Nema dakle niti najmanje dvojbe da je Vid u toj poslovici upravo sveti Vid. Takvo prikazivanje vegetacijskog cikla ima veze sa "starom vjerom", ali Vid koji se tu spominje upravo nikakv s nekakvim vrhovnim bogom Vidom. Bar nikakve izravne. Zato ne može u tom dokazivanju poslužiti Nodilu kao argument. 15 Usp. Crnkovic 1992 i 1994; Lukežic, 1994; Šonje 1995; Buric 2005; Mužic 2007. 16 Tako Helmold, pisao izmedu 1164. i 1168, 1,52 (1, 1, 102), Fontes 44, 25 i 2,108 (12; 1,1, 212), Fontes 46,18 i 46, 37. 17 Tako Sas Gramatik, pisao na kraju 12. stoljeca, 1,1, 564, Fontes 51,21; 1, 1, 574, Fontes 53, 32, i 1,1 74, Fontes 54,35, ta tri oblika tim redom. 18 U ispravi cara Fridrika od 1170. u prijepisu od oko 1200. Codex pomderaniae diplomaticus p. 66s (Fontes 48,6) 19 Povijest ranih danskih kraljeva poznata kao Knytlingasaga, "pripovijest o Knutovim potomcima", glava 121 (Fontes 84,15). 18 Radoslav Katičic Tako zapisani likovi toga imena ne mogu dakako takvi kakvi su došli do nas biti mjerodavni za dalju jezikoslovnu analizu. U tim se zapisima, medutim, bez teškoče ra-spoznaje praslavensko Svgtovitb20 tvorba sasvim usporedna imenu drugoga poganskog boga baltičkih Slavena koji se zvao Jarovitb, a njemački ga pisci na latinkom jeziku pišu kao Gerovitus (Gerowitus) ili Herovith.21 Ta su dva imena potpuno usporedno izvedena od svgtb i jarb, dva pridjeva koja oba izriču obilježenost i nabijenost natprirodnom silom, i to svgtb silom širenja.bujanja i razvoja, a jarb božanskom silom pupanja i rasta. Taj drugi pridjev, jarb, odnosi se na božansku silu pupanja i bujanja, tjeranja i listanja biljnoga svi-jeta i jednako takom na plodenje životinjskoga, što se sve osobito očituje u prolječe, a prvi pridjev, svgtb, odnosi se na božansku silu jačanja, razvoja i prevladavanja svih protivština i izražava u prvom redu numinoznost onoga čemu je pridjeven.22 Drugi se uvelike izgu-bio, ostavivši tek prepoznatljive tragove u slavenskim jezicima, a prvi je ušao u krščansko nazivlje, dobio u novim kontekstima novo značenje, ali je opstao kao neizostavan sastojak slavenskoga vjerskog rječnika. Pridjev svgtb susreče se u imenu još jednoga boga kojeg su poštovali baltički Slaveni u ranom srednjem vijeku: Sventebuek. U tome se prepoznaje Svgtobogb ili, još uvjerljivije, Svgtobykb, što bi bio 'sveti bik', utjelovljenje božanske sile životinjske životnosti.23 Ti se pridjevi javljaju u potpuno usporednim tvorbama i kao poznata slavenska osobna imena, koja nose osobe visoka društvena položaja i velikoga javnog utjecaja. To su imena dobro pozvrdena u ranim slavenskim vladarskim rodovima kao što su Svgtoslavb i Jaroslavb, kako su se zvali poznati ruski knezovi Cbatoctob i #pocnaB te mnogi drugi pripadnici kneževskoga roda. Isto su tako usporedna po tvorbi ugledna imena Svgtopblkb i Jaropblkb, koja su nosili poznati knez Moravljana CBATontnKt i ruski knez CBATononK, pa i drugi pripadnici kneževskoga roda. Od toga je pridjeva izvedeno i muško ime Jaromirb. Pridjevi numinozne kvalifikacije sv^tb i jarb nisu se u praslavenskom dakle zazi-vali samo kad je trebalo imenovati bogove, nego i kad su se nadijevala imena muškoj djeci istaknutih rodova. Ime velikoga boga baltičkih Slavena Svgtovidb potpuno se dakle i vrlo 20 MBaHOB - TonopoB 1965, 23-35. 21 Usp. Harbord, pisao 1159., 3,6 (1,1,115), Fontes 29,14 i Ebbo, pisao izmedu 1151. i 1159., 3,3 (pag. 861), Fontes 29,14; 3,8 (pag. 865), Fontes 37,36 i 3,8 (pag. 865), Fontes 38,2 te MBaHOB-TonopoB 1965, 38-39 i Katičic 2008b, 113-117. 22 Oba pridjeva pripadaju indoeuropskom sloju praslavenskoga rječnika. Riječ je svgth baltoslavenska. Njoj glasovno potpuno podudaran litavski pridjev šventas ima posve isto značenje i jednaku porabu, kako kršcansku, tako i pretkršcansku. Podudaran je i pruski pridjev swenta- 'svet', tek nam je potvrden u mnogo ograničenijem izboru konteksta. Potpuno je glasovno podudaran i vrlo blizak po značednju avestički, staroiranski, pridjev spsnta- 'svet', 'prožet dobrom božanskom silom'. To je važan naziv u zoroastrijskom vjerskom leksiku. Sve te riječi nastavljaju strogo po glasovnim zakonima indoeuropsku pridjevsku osnovu k'wento-. U tom pogledu dakle baltički, slavenski i iranski tvore cjelinu kontinuiranu i arealno. Drugi indoeuropski jezici stoje značenjem i porabom podudarnih riječi nešto podalje. No upravo zato pomažu da se razumije temeljno značenje te indoeuropske riječi. Staroindijaska je podudarnost pridjev svanta- 'izrastao', 'rascvaten, 'miran', 'smiren'. Po značenju su mu bliske potvrde iz toharskoga: toharski A kasu < kon-s- 'blag', 'dobar' i toharski B kwants- i kwa(iji)ts- oboje < kun-s- ili ken-s-. Germanske su podudarnosti gotska hunsl zrtveni prinos' i staroengleska húsl 'žrtvenik', 'pričest', oboje < k'un-slo-. Tako imamo niz prijevojnih stupnjeva punine, duljine, duljine-o, i praznine: ken-/ ken-/ kon-/ kun-. Očito smo se tu našli ne samo duboko u indoeuropskoj seman-tici, nego i u morfofonologiji. Tu smo doista zakoračili u duboku starinu. Usp. Skok 1973, 370-371; osobito dobro obradio je to Gluhak 1993. Usp. i TonopoB 1988, 14 s bilj. 15 i 16 s bilj. 17, te literaturu što je tamo navedena. 23 Tako u Pasiji mučenika sahranjenih u Ebbekestorpu, Fontes 65,8. Usp. MBaHoB - TonopoB 1965, 30, 31 i 45. 19 Vidova gora i sveti Vid skladno uklapa u praslavensku onomastiku, antroponimiju jednako kao i u teonimiju, te uspostavlja usku vezu s numinoznim područjem djelovanja božanske sile. A ime Svantevid, u nas poznato i u opticaju, u autentičnim vrelima ne postoji! To treba reci i primjereno naglasiti, tako da se ne može prečuti, jer nam je ono sada več ne-iskorjenjivo prisutno u književnosti, osobito pošto je Vladmir Nazor 1920. objavio svoj roman "Arkun", te tako to ime predstavlja nedvojbenu kulturnu vrijednost. Upravo zato je važno znati da takav lik toga imena nije znanstveno utemeljen i da mu u tekstovima kojim se želi priopčavati znanost nema mjesta. Toga boga baltičkih Slavena u takvim je kontekstima umjesno svati Sventovit, onako kako se poznati knez Slavena Moravljana naziva Sventoplk. U tom slučaju možemo, naime, i u hrvatskom imati slogotvorno l kako ga imamo u imenu rijeke Vltava. Osobnih imena praslavenskoga podrijetla izvedenih od pridjeva svgtb mnogo je više. Tu su još Svgtomirb, Svgtogon, Svgtobon i, s inačicom osnove, Svgtivoldb.24 Ovo posljednje južnoslavenski bi bilo Svetivlad. U tim su imenima zakodirane sintagme svgtb min, svgta gora, svgtb bon i svgta vola, od reda važne za govor o slavenskim pretkrščanskim vjerskim sadržajima. Sve to onomastičko bogatstvo rječito svjedoči o tome kako je praslavenska duhovna predaja bila potpuno prožeta doživljajem numinoznosti koji se opisivao pridjevom svgtb, još davno prije nego je on dobio svoje, sada svima poznato, krščansko značenje.25 Teže je pitanje što znači drugi dio božjega imena: -vitb. Kako se vidjelo iz potvrda, zupčani zatvornik u njem uvijek je bezvučan: t, a ne d. To što njemački pisci taj glas pišu i th ne dopušta nikakve nesigurnosti oko toga. Taj se niz glasova javlja kao drugi i zavr-šni dio i u imenima drugih bogova baltičkih i polapskih Slavena. Več je spomenut bog Jarovitb (Gerovitus, Herovith), a tu su još Rujevitb (Rugievithus) i Porevitb (Porevithus) Manje je sigurna slavenska interpretacija božjih imena zapisanih latinski kao Siemowit i Uniewit. No nema sumnje da se tu radi o istom završetku na -vitb. I on se susreče i kod imena uglednih ljudi. Najbljiži je primjer ime našega panonskog kneza: Ludevitb. Kako je praslavensko lud- postalo od indoeuropskoga leudh-, što označuje životnu silu rasta (usp. latinski liberi 'djeca', gotski liudan 'rasti'), značenje imena Ludevitb vrlo je blisko značenju imena Sv^tovitb.26 Ovamo ide još Dobrovitb, ime opata na Baščanskoj ploči, pa u Hrvata još Dragivit i Trebevit, takoder u 11. stolječu.27 A i ime Svgtovitb susreče se kao muško ime u češkom Svatovit.28 Istraživači slavenske etimologije nisu uspjeli nepčobitan i neupitan odgovor na pitanje odakle potječe i što znači završetak -vitb u imenima slavenskih bogova i uglednih ljudi. Prije se pri tumačenju rado polazilo od crkvenoslavenskoga, ruskog i srpskog, goMOBMTt, izvedenom od goMt 'kuča', kojim se prevodi grčko oiKoSsanotric; 'kučegazda', 'gospodar kuče'. Odatle se zaključivalo da vitb znači 'gospodar', polazeči od prešutne pretpostavke da je slavenska riječ kalk grčke i da je, kao i ona, složenica (tako Rozwadowski).29 24 Usp. TonopoB 1988, 39-42. 25 Usp. TonopoB 1988, cijelo, a osobito 31-35 i 42-44 . Posebno je tu bitna rečenica: ®mto cbsto He n0T0My, hto oho pacTeT m nnogoHocMT, ho oho pacTeT m nnogoHocMT noToMy, hto oho cbsto mckohm. -„Nije žito sveto zato što raste i nosi ploda, nego ono raste i nosi ploda zato što je iskonski sveto." Odatle se doista može razum-jeti što je pridjev sv^tb značio u praslavenskom sakralnom rječniku. b 26 Usp. TonopoB 1988, 40. 27 Usp. Šimunovič - Lukenda 1995, 222. 28 Usp. TonopoB 1988, 40, bilj. 59. 29 Usp. Skok 3 (1973), 599. 20 Radoslav Katičic U novije vrijeme jako je prevladalo drukčije mišljenje. Crkvenoslavensko goMOBMTt ne shvača se više kao složena imenica, nego kao poimeničeni pridjev izveden od u-osnove domu- / domov- sufiksom -ito-. Temeljno bi mu značenje bilo nešto kao 'onaj koji pripada domu', dakle kao domačin, što na kraju takoder znači 'kucegazda'. Još u praslavenskom odvojio se završetak -ovitb od u-osnova i postao je samostalan sufiks kojim se tvore prid-jevi koji kažu da je u nekoga ili nečega mnogo onoga što znači osnova. Takvi su pridjevi, dobro potvrdeni kao praslavenski, bergovitb od bergb, duhovitb od duhb, gorovitb od gora, lekovitb od lekb i mnogi drugi.30 Imena kao Jarovitb i Svgtovitb po tom su shvačanju isti takvi pridjevi, samo poimeničeni i upotrijebljeni kao vlastita imena, imena bogova. Prvo bi ime značilo takvoga u kojega je mnogo onoga što je jaro, a drugo takvoga u kojega je mnogo onoga što je svgto. I doista, praslavenski pridjev jarovitb s upravo takvim značenjem dobro je potvrden.31 Ime boga koji se štovao na Rujani može se dakle doista razumjeti kao poimeničeni pridjev. Tomu, medutim, stoji na putu činjenica da homonimni leksički elemenat vito- može stajati i na početku složenoga osobnog imena kao u Vitomir. Ovamo idu još muška imena potvrdena več u 10. stolječu u Hrvata kao Vitogoj i Vitina.32 To, dakako, nije sufiks kojim se izvode pridjevi, a sve se pokazuje kao dobro poznat odnos izmedu Miroslavb i Slavomirb. Stoga zavrjeduje punu pozornost to da se drugi dio složenih imena vitb tumači i kao postalo od viktb, a to opet od indoeuropskog weik't- ili wik't- koje izriče očitovanje jakosti (tako gotski weihan 'boriti se' i latinski victoria 'pobjeda', a sakralnu dimenziju toga sadržaja pokazuje latinski victima " zrtva'.33 No niti to tumačenje ne daje nam sigurnost da je to doista tako. Još jedna etimologija elementa -vitb ocrtava se kad Skok tumači riječi obitavati, obitelj. U njima se razaznaje ob-vit- a osnova je tu posve podudarna s litavskim i latvijskim vieta 'mjesto'. Svgtovitb bi dakle moglo značiti 'onaj kojemu je mjesto sveto'. To bi bio i prvi dio složenih imena kao Vitomirb.34 No kako god bilo s tim, ime boga Sventovita posve je autentično ukorijenjeno u praslavenskoj davnini. To ime, Svgtovitb, poznato nam je, kako je ovdje podrobno prikazano, samo od baltičkih Slavena. Na široko su ga štovali njihovi narodi kao najvišega i najsilnijega boga. Središte i žarište njegova kulta bilo je na otoku Rujani (latinski Rugia, njemački Rügen). Latinska vrela zovu slavenski narod koji je tamo živio Rugiani, što bi bilo Rujanjani ili Rujanci, ili Rani, što bi bilo Ranci. U njih je bilo najvece svetište boga Sventovita, na rtu Arcona na sjeveru otoka, na stijeni isturenoj prema otvorenoj pučini. Nazor je u svojem povijesnom romanu pohrvatio ime toga rta kao Arkun. Bio je to veličanstven drveni hram s golemim i dojmljivim kipom četveroglavog boga. Osobit ugled uživala su kod svih pomorskih i polapskih Slavena njegova proročanstva. O svem tome izvješcuju Helmold i Sas Gramatik na mjestima koja su navodena kao potvrde za njihove zapise glasovnoga lika božjega imena. Rujanci su pružali uporan i žilav otpor nadmocnim krščanskim silama i snažno se odupirali pokrštavanju. Tek 1168. danski je kralj Valdemar osvojio Rujanu, nasilno name-tnuo krščanstvo i razorio Sventovitov hram na rtu Arkoni. To je bio kraj javnom štovanju 30 Za potvrde tima četirima primjerima usp. ^CCH 1 (1974), 189; 5 (1978), 152; 7 (1980), 49; 14 (19) 31 Usp. ^CCH 14 (1987), 199. 32 Usp. Šimunovič - Lukenda 1995, 222. 33 Usp. TonopoB 1988, 40. 34 Usp. Skok 1972. 536-537. 21 Vidova gora i sveti Vid toga boga, političkoj nezavisnosti Slavena Rujanaca i početak njhova etničkog umiranja. Več stolječima na otoku Rügenu žive samo Nijemci krščani. S tim bogom Sventovitom, koji nam je poznat jedino s Baltika, rado povezuju Kult svetoga Vida gdje god se pojavi na Jadranu. Tako i za Vidovu goru i njezin osobit ugodaj poganske svetosti s velikim pouzdanjem govore i pišu da su na njoj, kao i na drugim mjestima prozvanim po svetome Vidu "stari Hrvati", pogani, štovali svojega boga kojega s Nazorom najradije zovu Svantevid. No s mjerodavne strane to se odlučno poriče. Tako se u Leksikonu ikonografije, liturgike i simbolike zapadnog krščanstva može pročitati: „Tvrdnja da je sv. Vid u slavenskim krajevima nadomjetio pogansko božanstvo Svantevida nije utemeljena."35 Gotovo sasvim ista, ta rečenica stoji i u Opčem religijskom leksikonu: „Nije utemeljena tvrdnja da je sv. Vid u slavenskim zemljama nadomjestio poganskog boga Svantevida".36 Tako bespogovorno postavljena ta se tvrdnja ne može odobriti bez podrobnijega razmatranja i komentara. Sveti Vid (sanctus Vitus) bilježi se kao svetac več u najstarijim kalendarima na cr-kvenom Istoku i Zapadu. Dan mu je 15. lipnja. Predaja o njem, koliko god je legendarno iskičena, pokazuje sva obilježja autentične povijesne jezgre. Rodom je sa Sicilije i mučenik je Dioklecijanovih progona na samom početku 4. stolječa. Smrt za krščansku vjeru pretr-pio je kao dijete. Tekst njegove legende potječe iz vrermena oko 600., a pod kraj 6. stolječa imao je več svoju crkvu u Rimu. "Zaštitnik je ljekarnika, kotlara, pivovara, plesača, glu-maca, gluhonijemih, te pomočnik protiv »Vidova plesa« (grčenja i trzanja mišiča)".37 Istina je da njegov lik uopče nije prikladan da postane krščanska zamjena za silnoga bojovnika kakav je u baltičkih Slavena bio bog Sventovit. U krščanskoj antiki kult sv. Vida nije bio svugda proširen i na prostoru koji je poslije postao hrvatski bio je nepoznat. No u ranom srednjem vijeku došlo je do znatnih promjena. Godine 775. prenesene su njegove moči iz Rima u benediktinski samostan St. Dénis kod Pariza. Odatle su benediktinci širili njegov kult i dalje. Jedan su dio relikvija prenijeli u novoosnovanu opatiju Corvey na rijeci Weser (Corbeia Nova) u zemlji tek pokorenih i po-krštenih Sasa, današnjoj Vestfaliji. Bila je kao sadnica opatije Corbie u francuskoj Pikardiji. Novopokršteni su Sasi pod znakom svojega svetca zaštitnika ratovali protiv svojih poganskih susjeda, polapskih Slavena. A njemački kralj Henrik I. (oko 919.-936. ) poklonio je godine 920. jednu svetčevu ruku češkom knezu Vaclavu (t 929).38 Od tada se te svete moči čuvaju i poštuju u katedrali sv. Vida na praškome Gradu koja je upravo tada bila u gradnji i taj je svetac postao zaštitnik Praga i češkoga kraljevstva. U gradu na gori time je poslije po-krštenja Čeha zamijenjen kult boga Peruna, slavenskoga gromovnika. O bogu Sventovitu tu nema spomena. Sve je to potpuno u skladu s tvrdnjom u našim leksikonima. No ipak je nedvojbeno posvjedočeno da je bilo pokušaja da se kult boga Sventovita zamijeni kultom svetoga Vida i pogani tako dovedu do toga da prihvate krščansku vjeru. Bilo je to tamo gdje je poznato da su slavenski pogani poštivali boga Sventovita, na Bal-tičkom moru, upravo na otoku Rujani. Helmold, pišuči izmedu 1164. i 1168., izvješčuje o tom ovako (1,6 [1,1, 16]): (Monachi) Peragratisque multis Slavorum provinciis pervenerunt ad eos qui dicuntur Rani sive Rugiani et habitant in corde maris. Ibi fomes est errorum et sedes ydolatriae. Predicantes itaque verbum Dei cum omni fiducia omnem illam insulam 35 Leksikon 1979, 583. 36 Opči religijski leksikon 2002, 1007. 37 Usp. Leksikon 1979, 583-584. Vidi i Nahtigal 1956, 3-4. 38 Usp. Nahtigal 1956, 3-4 i Leksikon 1979, 583. 22 Radoslav Katičic lucrati sunt, ubi etiam oratorium fundaverunt in honorem domini et salvatoris nostri Iesu Christi et in commemoracionem sancti Viti, qui est patronus Corbeiae. Postquam autem, permittente Deo mutatis rebus, Rani a fide defecerunt, statim pulsis sacerdotibus atque Chri-sticolis religionem verterunt in supersticionem. Nam sanctum Vitum, quem nos martirem ac servum Christi confitemur, ipsi pro Deo venerantur, creaturam anteponentes creatori. Nec est aliqua barbaries sub celo, quae Christicolas ac magis exorreat; solo nomine sancti Viti glolriantur, cui etiam templum et simulachrum amplissimo cultu dedicaverunt, illi prima-tum deitatis specialiter attribuentes. De omnibus quoque provinciis Slavorum illic responsa petuntur et sacrificiorum exhibentur annuae soluciones.39 - „(A redovnici ...) I pošto su proputovali mnoge pokrajine Slavena stigli su do onih koji se zovu Ranci ili Rujanci i stanuju u srcu mora. Tamo je gorivo zabluda i sjedište idolopoklonstva. Propovijedajuči, dakle, riječ Božju s punim pouzdanjem, dobili su cijeli onaj otok, gdje su čak utemeljili crkvu u čast našemu gospodinu i spasitelju Isusu Kristu i na spomen svetomu Vidu, koji je zaštitnik samostana u Corveyu. A pošto su pak, kad je to dopustio Bog u promijenjenim prilikama, Ranci otpali od vjernosti, odmah su otjerali svečenike i poštovatelje Kristove, te pravu vjeru promijenili u praznovjerje. Naime, svetoga Vida, za kojega mi ispovijedamo da je mučenik i sluga Kristov, oni štuju kao boga i tako stavljaju stvorenje ispred stvoritelja. I nema ikoje druge barbarštine pod nebom koja više užasava poštovatelje Kristove i svečenike; razmeču se samo imenom svetoga Vida, kojemu su posvetili čak hram i kip te ih nadasve štuju, pridajuči posebno njemu božansko prvenstvo. Iz svih slavenskih pokrajina traže ondje proročanske odgovore i prinose godišnja podavanja žrtvenih prinosa." Ta se vijest doima vrlo neobično. Iz nje se saznaje da su Slavenima na Rujani i prije danskoga osvajanja stigli misionari, benediktinci iz Corveya i da su ih pokrstili. Uveli su kod njih kult sv. Vida, svojega zaštitnika, očito zato da bi ih čvršče vezali uz krščanstvo. Helmold to ne kaže, ali se ne može izbječi pretpostavka da je pri tome velika sličnost sla-venskoga glasovnog lika imena toga svetca sv^fo Vito s imenom boga kojega su Rujanci štovali, a bilo je Sv^tovith, pri tome uzeta u račun kako bi olakšala predobivanje tek pokr-štenih Slavena. No prilike su se promijenile, njemački utjecaj na otoku je oslabio i Rujanci su se vratili poganstvu, tek što su sada, kazuje Helmold, svetoga Vida štovali kao svojega boga. Sventovit im je postao sveti Vid i obnovljen mu je sav poganski kult. Prihvatili su to i drugi nekršteni baltički i polapski Slaveni. Helmold sa vrača na ta zbivanja na još jednom mjestu i tamo kazuje nešto više (2, 108 [12; 1,1, 212]): Tenuis autem fama commemorat Loidewicum Karoli filium olim terram Rugianorum obtulisse beato Vito in Corbeia, eo quod ipse fundator extiterit cenobii illius. Inde egressi predicatores gentem Rugianorum sive Ranorum ad fidem convertisse feruntur illicque oratorium fundasse in honore Viti martiris, cuius venerationi provincia consignata est. Postmodum vero, ubi Rani, qui et Rugiani, mutatis rebus a luce veritatis aberrarunt, factus est error peior priore; nam sanctum Vitum, quem nos servum Dei confitemur, Rani pro Deo colere ceperunt, fingentes ei simulachrum maximum, et servierunt creaturae pocius quam creatori. Adeo autem haec supersticio apud Ranos invaluit, ut Zvantevith deus terrae Rugianorum inter omnia numina Slavorum primatum obtinuerit, clarior in victoriis, effica-cior in responsis.40 - „Slabašan pak glas iz starine pamti da je Ludovik Karlov sin jednom zemlju Rujanaca prinio svetomu Vidu u Corveyu zato što je on sam (tj. Ludovik) bio osni- 39 Fontes 1931, 42, 16-34. 40 Fontes 1931, 46, 25-47, 1. 23 Vidova gora i sveti Vid vač toga samostana. Pripovijeda se da su odande izašli propovjednici i da su rod Rugijaca ili Ranaca obratili na vjeru te da su ondje sagradili crkvu na čast Vidu mučeniku kojega je poštivanju potvrdena ta pokrajina. A poslije, kada su Ranci, koji se zovu i Rujanci, pošto su se promijenile prilike, odlutali od svjetla istine, zapali su u zabludu goru od prijašnje; naime, svetoga Vida, za kojega mi ispovijedamo da je sluga Božji, počeli su Ranci poštivati kao boga, istesali mu golem kip i služili su stvorenju više nego stvoritelju. To je pak pra-znovjerje tako ojačalo u Ranaca da je Sventovitu, bogu zemlje Rujanaca, pripalo prvenstvo medu svim božanstvima Slavena te je bio slavniji od njih u pobjedama i djelotvorniji u proročanskim odgovorima". Tu Helmold pripovijeda posve isto samo dodaje da je prema "slabašnom glasu iz starine" Slavene na otoku Rujani davno prije danskoga kralja Valdemara pokrstio vladar od roda Karla Velikoga. Medu njima su kao misionari djelovali benediktinci iz samostana Corvey u nedavno pokrštenoj zemlji Sasa, a taj samostan osnovao je isti taj vladar. Helmold kaže da je on bio Ludovik Karlov sin To je bio car Ludovik Pobožni (814.-840.). No oko toga postoji i neka nesigurnost. Tu se pokazuje da je glas iz starine doista bio još samo slabašan. Rujanu je kao prvi pokrstio Ludovik II. (855-875), takoder vladar iz loze Karo-linga, sin cara Lotara, unuk Ludovika pobožnog i praunuk Karla Velikoga.41 O istome pripovijeda i Sas Gramatik. On veli da se na Arkoni poganskim obredi-ma silno poštovao kip kojega su krivo nazivali imenom svetoga Vida (simulacrum .. falso sacri Viti vocabulo insignitum).42 Čudovišni kumir na Arkoni koji su tamošnji pogani zvali svetim Vidom spominje Sas Gramatik na još jednom mjestu.43 A u ispravi cara Fridrika od 1170. stoji da su Rujanci, pošto je razbijen njihov golemi kumir Sventovit, prisilno pokršteni na dan svetoga Vida (... maximo ydolo eorum destructo, in die beati Viti martiris invitos ad baptismum coegit).44 Vec je dakle na Rujani, u glavnom svojem svetištu, slavenski bog Sventovit doveden u vezu sa svetim Vidom (sanctus Vitus). Pri pokrštavanju je prema svjedočanstvu vjero-dostojnih vrela bilo nastojanja da se njegov kult zamijeni poštivanjem svetoga Vida. Ako je dakle do toga, ona apodiktična rečenica iz naših leksikona sigurno nije istinita. No ona jest istinita u tom smislu da se nikako ne može iz postojanja kulta svetoga Vida na slaven-skom zemljištu, pa tako i na našem Jadranu, odmah zaključivati da je njime zamijenjen stariji kult boga Sventovita, čemu su u nas mnogi skloni. A kult sv. Vida na vrhovima gora i uzvisina na cijelom nizu lokaliteta na kojima ima razloga misliti na kontinuitet po-ganskoga slavenskog kulta u kršcanskoj preoblici sasvim sigurno zamjenjuje kult Peruna, slavenskoga boga gromovnika, njegova je interprertatio christiana. Kada se radi o svetom Vidu, postavlja se pitanje odakle na kraju toga imena zvučni zupčani zatvornik d, kada je sanctus Vitus preuzueto u slavenski jezik kao svgtb Vitb. Tako je svagdje i ostalo, a isprva je bilo tako i u južnoslavenskim jezicima. U kalendaru Asema-nova evandelja taj se svetac zove upravo tako. Tek poslije je u južnoslavenskim jezicima od Vit, što se slaže s latinskim izvornikom, postalo Vid, kako je u hrvatskome gotovo bezi-znimno. Za tu promjenu nema pouzdanoga objašnjenja. Iznose se različita,45 ali je od svih 41 Usp. TonopoB 1988, 9, bilj.10. Inače bi se tu lako pomišljalo na kralja Ludovika I. Njemačkog (840-876), sina cara Ludovika Pobožnog i unuka Karla Velikog. 42 Fontes 1931, 48, 17-20. 43 Fontes 1931, 20-33. 44 Fontes 1931, 48, 5-7. 45 Usp. Skok 1973, 585. 24 Radoslav Katičic najuvjerljivije da je do toga došlo izjednačavanjem s imenicom vid jer je sveti Vid po vje-rovanju naroda na tom prostoru postao vidar vida, čudesni izlječitelj očnih tegoba. Kada je to bilo, teško je točno odrediti jer on to po staroj crkvenoj predaji nije bio. Nema to veze niti s poganskim bogom Sventovitom, s kojim se sveti Vid tako rado povezuje i gotovo identificira, jer pišuci o njem crkveni pisci nigdje ne spominju da je ljekovito djelovao na vid i oči. Tek u nas se ime Vit paretimološki povezalo s imenicom vid i glagolom vidjeti, pa se po tome preoblikovalo u Vid jer se taj svetac time bolje uklopio u kontekst narodnoga vjerovanja o njem.46 Vjerovalo se da Vidove trave i vode s Vidovih vrela liječe oči i vid, osobito na dan svetoga Vida. To se vjerovanje vrlo razgovjetno očituje i u obrednim formulama kakav je pučki zaziv: Sveti Vide, vidi me!, uobičajen na Braču, Hvaru i u Poljicima. Isto tako starinska molitva: Sveti Vide koji vidiš. 47 Isto tako i u gatalici koju govore djevojke kad hoce da u snu vide svojega sudenoga: O moj Vide videni! O moj dragi sudeni!4S Nema dvojbe da je i u tom posljednjem zazivu Vid svetačko ime, premda to iz metričkih razloga ostaje neizrečeno, pa je Nodilo bio sklon tu vidjeti ime poganskoga boga Vid očuvano u narodnoj pjesmi u izvornom liku i porabi. Ta pretpostavka nema temelja, ali nema dvojbe da je u tim obrednim tekstovima živa tradicija i poetika slavenskoga poganstva. U njima je, naime, noseci element jezičnoga oblikovanja tradicionalna figura etymologica, ovdje upravo figura paretymologica. Toj paretimologiji za ljubav promijenjeno je svetčevo ime od Vit u Vid. Drugo su opet imena kao Malovid, Dobrovid, Snovid, Zavid(a). U njima je završni dio složenice doista imenica vid i nemaju nikakve veze s imenom svetoga Vida.49 Nikakve paretimologije nema u pjesmu koju Nodilo smatra važnom u tom sklopu: HyBa ob^ Buge no6aHuHe, Buge ob^, BugocaBa jaK^e. Buge CBupa y 3naTHy cBupany, BugocaBa cuTaH Be3aK Be3e. fle^e Buge caHaK 6opaBuTu, Mano TpeHy, na ce 6p3O npeHy: - Cejo Bugo, ja caM omegHeo! - Mgu, Buge, 3a ropy 3a Bogy, Te nuj Boge u yMuBaj nu^, u goHecu MeHu y cBupanu. nuna Boge ceja BugocaBa, nuna Boge u yMuna nu^. CuHy nu^ KaHo japKo cy^e. nporoBapa Buge no6aHuHe: Mn' mu Bonum BepHa ay6a 6utu, un' mu Bonum ca6ay ^nuBaTu?50 46 Usp. Šimunovic - Lukenda 1995, 215 i 219. 47 Usp. Šimunovic - Lukenda 1995, 219 i 221. 48 Usp. Nodilo 1981, 649. 49 Usp. Šimunivic - Lukenda 1995, 219. 50 Usp. Nodilo 1981, 64. Kao izvor za tu "čudnovatu neku pjesmu srpsku" navodi: U Vili Beogr., g. 1866, br. 41. 25 Vidova gora i sveti Vid Doista nije lako vidjeti tu s Nodilom izvoran poganski tekst o bogu Vidu i njegovoj ženi Vidi, ovdje Vidosavi. Nema tu nikakve paretimologije s vid, vidjeti. Ima tu doduše blijed odsjaj pradavnoga obrednog pjeva, ali je to preradba mitskog kazivanja o svetoj rodoskvrnoj svadbi. Vid i Vidosava jesu izvorno božanski par, brat i sestra, Jarilo i Mora-na.51 A zašto su tu nazvani baš Vid i Vidosava nije nam poznato. Svakako, sa Sventovitom baltičkih Slavena nemaju, koliko se može vidjeti, baš nikakve veze. Prava i nedvojbena pretkršcanska predaja obrednoga teksta koji iznosi mitske odnose i prikazuje skrovito ustrojstvo svijeta susrece se u obrednoj pjesmi, molitvenoj, zapi-sanoj u selu Kolanu na otoku Pagu, sa sjeverozapadne strane blizu brdu Sveti Vid, o kojem je gore vec bilo riječi. Zapisana je ovako: Sveti Vide, božji dide, mi k tebi na gorika, ti k nama na dolika. Oj dondole, dondole! Na tvojemu na oltaru položi nam ovcu šaru. Oj dondole, dondole! Da nam krave budu plodne, da nam njive budu rodne. Oj dondole, dondole! Da nam ovce janjci vode, da u lokvam bude vode. Oj dondole, dondole!52 Okolnosti toga zapisa osobite su, pa ovdje nije suvišno točnije ih opisati. Zapisao ju je Berto Balabanic (1909.-1987.) od svojega djeda koji je umro u 85. godini. Taj ju je čuo u djetinjstvu i zapamtio. Moglo je to biti negdje u sredini 19. stoljeca. A Balabanicev djed ju je čuo kad ju je pjevao neki Fumic zvan Glavan, slaboumni mladic, i skakao pri tome na jednoj nozi, a oko njega su se okupljala seoska djeca.53 Berto Balabanic bio je pak pučki pjesnik koji je, kako kaže Nikola Crnkovic, na domacoj čakavici ispjevao nekoliko zanimljivih pjesama s tematikom iz prošlosti hrvatskog naroda5 Takav zapisivač mogao je biti i nepozvan obradivač. Kraj svega toga iz te pjesme zapisane u Kolanu izbija dah autentične arhaičnosti. Prvi stih, koji izaziva osobitu pozornost, nije ničija recentna igrarija. Usmena predaja sa srokom Vid - did potvrdena je u jednoj drugoj pjesmi iz Kolana koje je zapisivač umro 1987. u 88. godini života. U njoj dolaze stihovi: 51 Usp. Katičic 2008c. 52 Usp. Šonje 1995, 111-115. Istu tekstovnu predaju priopcio mi je 1993. usmeno Mate Maras u motorinu dok smo u vecem društvu prilazili pristaništu u Dubovici na Hvaru. Nije mi rekao odakle mu, niti je bila prilika da ga pitam za to. 53 Usp. Šonje 1995, 112. 54 Usp. Šonje 1995, 111, bilj. 12. 26 Radoslav Katičic A na Vidu, a na didu Svaka druga dobra slidbu.55 Tako se dakle autentično pjevalo. To pak da je sveti Vid "božji djed" ne znači drugo nego da je on u vezi s bogom, da je zapravo i sam bog. To je nešto što se smjelo samo natuknuti i odmah nejasno zabašuriti, a zapravo je to baš ono što Helmold smatra da kršcane najviše užasava kod Rujanaca: pod imenom svetoga Vida slavi se i poštuje poganski bog! Jasno je i koji je to bog. Nema ni-kakva razloga misliti da je to Sventovit jer nemamo niti jedan podatak koji bi potvrdivao da su poganski Slaveni na Jadranu štovali boga toga imena kao što su ga štovali poganski Slaveni na Baltiku. Sve što se o tome govori i piše puka su domišljanja. Ali to da se u tom arhaičnom obrednom tekstu aktualizira i ističe temeljna oprjeka gore - dole, a bog kojega nastavlja sveti Vid pridružuje njezinom gornjem polu, pokazuje nedvojbeno koji je to bog: gromovnik Perun. On je gore, što ce reci 'na gori', na njezinu vrhu, a taj vrh predstavlja nebo na kojem stoluje Perun u svojem dvoru, sjedi na vrhu krošnje svjetskoga stabla i od-atle gleda u daljinu.56 To sve znači ono: mi k tebi na gorika, / ti k nama na dolika. Tek kad se uspostavi pravi kontekst, dobivaju te riječi smisla. Da se tu pod imenom svetoga Vida doista govori o gromovniku pokazuje i obredni pripjev: Oj dondole, dondole! Tu se, dakako odmah pomišlja na dodolske pjesme, kao na primjer (CHn 1, 184): Mohmmo ce BMmBeM 6ory, / oj gogo, oj gogo ne! Ali bliža se podu-darnost može naci u baltičkoj tradiciji. Ona čuva više pretkršcanske starine nego slaven-ska jer su se Balti pokrstili znatno kasnije nego Slaveni. U litavskom tako bog gromovnik Perkunas, što je glasovno podudarno sa slavenskim Peruna i tek se u tvorbi nešto razlikuje, nosi nadimak Dundulis.S7 Njime mu se obracaju kao zazivom, a on kao i hrvatski obredni zaziv dondole tim umetnutim nosnim zatvornikom glasovno oponaša tutnjavu groma. Ta nam onomatopeja predstavlja duboku davninu obrednoga svetog pjeva baltičkog i slaven-skog. Ta podudarnost čvrsto dokazuje da se u pjesmi iz Kolana pod imenom svetoga Vida pjeva o gromovniku Perunu. Zaziv dondole može se čak razumjeti kao vokativ obredne epikleze.58 Slavenski bi Perum onda svetim nadimkom bio Dondofa kao što je litavski Perkunas svetim nadimkom Dundulis. Ispuštanjem nosnoga zatvornika od Dondole dobilo bi se Dodole, a to je potpuno u skladu s time da se dodolski običaji smatraju prežitcima obreda kojima se nastoji dobiti od Peruna da oslobodi kišu.59 Sve se dakle lijepo slaže u cjelovitu sliku. Ostalo što se traži od svetoga Vida, zapravo od Peruna, u toj molitvi potpuno je u skladu s bitnim motivima stare slavenske vjere. Osobito je tu autentičan stari sveti srok roditi - ploditi, što je takoder znak autentičnosti. 60 Koliko god se ta pjesma preoblikovala, pa čak i njome možda manipuliralo, zadržala je neizbrisiv biljeg svoje prvotne slavenske pretkršcanske obredne autentičnosti. Ishodište te usmene predaje molitva je Perunu gromovniku.61 Njegovo štovanje nastavilo se i poslije 55 Usp. Šonje 1995, 112. 56 Usp. Katičic 2008a, 45-46, 62-65 i 70-71. 57 Usp. MBaHOB - TonopoB 1974, 106 m 116. 58 Taj važni bogoštovni pojam odreduje Leksikon 2002, 241 ovako: „epikleza (grč. eniK\r|mc;: nadimak, zazi-vanje). U grčkoj religiji, atribut uz ime božanstva rabljen u bogoštovlju za naznaku osobita svojstva u povodu kojeg se božanstvo u danom trenutku spominje ili obredno zaziva". 59 Usp. MBaHoB - TonopoB 1974, 106. 60 Usp. Katičic 2008c, 58-59 i 95. 61 Molitva Perunu došla je do nas i u jednom ruskom zagvoru. Usp. Katičic 2008a, 230-231. 27 Vidova gora i sveti Vid pokrštenja tek sad sa svetim Vidom kao titularom i u okviru krščanske crkvene obrednosti. Tako na brdu Sveti Vid na Pagu i na Vidovoj gori na otoku Braču i na mnogim drugim uzvisinama i gorama po hrvatskome i njemu susjednom južnoslavenskome zemljištu.62 Ali u kultu svetoga Vida naši ljubitelji hrvatskih starina često gledaju trag pogan-skoga boga Vida, koji "sve vidi", pa se zato zvao i Svevid, što je izbrušeno u brzom govoru ostavilo traga u toponimiji kao Sevid, kod Rogoznice ponad rta Ploča, najisturenijega rta na istočnoj obali Jadrana, i na drugim mjestima. Ozbiljan pregled vrela i ocjena argumenata na kojima je to mišljenje zasnovano po-kazuje da slavenski poganski bog Vid ne postoji, niti kod nas, niti gdje drugdje u slaven-skom svijetu. On je samovoljno izmišljen, pa mu ne pripada ni Vidova gora, kako je god baš taj oronim osobito sugestivan u tom pogledu. Postoji samo bog Sventovit u ranomu srednjem vijeku na otoku Rujani i drugdje kod baltičkih i polapskih Slavena i sveti Vid, krščanski svetac koji se štuje ili se štovao na mnogo mjesta slavenskoga jezičnog prostora, a bar u nas se uz svetoga Iliju, svetoga Mihovila, a ponekad i svetoga Jurja karakteristično javlja kao interpretatio christiana poganskoga gromovnika Peruna. Na Rujani su franački benediktinci iz samostana Corvey poštovanjem svetoga Vida pokušali zamijeniti kult poganskoga boga tamošnjih Slavena Sventovita, ali je to dovelo do toga da su Slaveni, oslo-bodivši se franačke političke kontrole, stali svetoga Vida poštovati kao poganskog boga. Ili se bar tako učinilo njemačkim crkvenim piscima zbog sličnosti imena. A bogu Sventovitu nema osim na skrajnjem slavenskom sjeverozapadu baš nikakva pouzdana traga. Nema stoga razloga da se kult svetoga Vida i izvan toga sjeverozapada smatra njegovim krščanski preoblikovanim nastavkom. Sve to, dakako, treba imati u vidu kada se razmatra pretkrščansko razdoblje naroda slavenskoga jezika, ali, koliko god bilo čvrsto utemeljeno, pitanja se tu postavljaju i dalje. Ovime što je tu izneseno nije protumačen toponim Svevid ili Sevid. On se na nekim mjestima javlja pored Sutvit,63 pa je vjerojatnije da je to ime, izbrušeno u brzom govoru, postalo od S(v)e(t)vid nego od (V)sevid ili S(v)evid, čemu inače nema traga u svem sla-venskome svijetu. Paralela bi tu bio istarski toponim Svetvinčenat. Nije protumačeno niti ime Svid, koje navodi Škobalj ne objašnjavajuči niti koji izgovor time zapisuje niti odakle je uzeo to ime.64 Osobito se nameče pitanje o odnosu izmedu božanstava koja se nazivaju Sv^tovith i Perum. Istina, Perum je, čini se, potvrden i u baltičkih Slavena kao Prone, što se javlja kod Helmolda kao tekstualna varijanta od Prove,65 a sukladno je s Prohn, kako je potvrdeno ime boga Peruna u njemačkoj toponimiji.66 Ali u vrelima što su došla do nas ostaje sasvim blijed. Več odavno se uočilo da u onim stranama ulogu Peruna igra Sventovit. A ruski indoeuropeisti Ivanov i Toporov, utemeljujuči nov pristup i novo razdoblje u istraživanju poganske vjere starih Slavena, opisali su Sventovita kao Perunovu "hipostazu", kako god taj naziv tu treba razumjeti.67 Perum je kao i mnoga druga imena mitskih biča zapravo opisni nadimak kojim se, kad se izgovara pokazujuči sveto znanje o njegovoj pravoj na- 62 Gust razmještaj toponima s imenskom osnovom Vit- / Vid- na zapadnom južnoslavenskom prostoru prikazali su na karti Šimunovic - Lukenda 1995, 224. 63 Usp. Marun 1897, 142. 64 Usp. Škobalj 1970, 439. 65 Fontes 1931, 44,6. 66 Usp. Katičic 2008, 293. 67 Usp. MBaHOB - TonopoB 1974, 26-30. Vidi i Katičic 2008a, 119. 28 Radoslav Katičic ravi, nastoji obredno djelovati na njega, a time i na zbivanja u svijetu. U usmenoj predaji obrednoga teksta kojim se kazuje mit potvrdeno je to i sasvim nedvosmisleno: Perunv peretb (bjeloruski: nnpyH nepe^t) - „Perun udara".68 Hrvatski bi to bilo Perun pere, tek što je tu glagol promijenio značenje polazeči od slike udaranja mokrim rubljem o dasku. Ta figura etymologica jasno pokazuje da ime Perunv zapravo kazuje o tom bogu da je 'onaj koji udara', dakle gromovnik. A i Svgtovitv, kakva god da je etimologija drugoga dijela toga imena, takoder se najbolje može shvatiti kao opisni nadimak, kao obredna epikleza. Po njoj je Perun na Arkoni bio poznat svemu svijetu i njome se nazivao kao pravim imenom. To je kao kad govorimo 0 crkvi Svetoga Spasa, a zapravo mislimo na Isusa Krista, našega Spasitelja. Epikleza je zapravo zaziv. I ništa ne govori protiv toga da je Svgtovitv bio obredni zaziv Peruna. On označuje bice prožeto numinoznošcu, sve prožeto božanskom životnom silom, nabujalo od nje, čvrsto i snažno. Kraj toga imena stoji Jarovitv, takoder epikleza mladoga boga tjeranja trave i mladica, pupanja i rodnosti. Jedno opisuje boga da je sv^tv, a drugo da je jarv. Ta dva pridjeva, oba važna za valjan govor o slavenskoj pretkršcanskoj vjerskoj slici svijeta, po sadržaju su vrlo bliska, a razlikoju se u tome što se božanska snaga rasta, razvoja 1 bujanja prvim, sv^tv, prikazuje kao čvrsta, stalna, trajna i stamena, a drugim, jarv, kao ustreptala, nagla, plahovita i žestoko navalna. To je pak potpuno u skladu s time da se Perun, koji se prema toj pretpostavci zaziva kao Svgtovitv, zamišljao kao bradata muškarčina u punoj snazi, a bog njegov sin, koji se zazivao kao Jarovitv, zamišljao kao nježan i svjež mladic u kojem su tek prošiktali životni sokovi. Ako je to tako, onda bi valjalo očekivati da se u očuvanim ulomcima kazivanja sla-venskih obrednih pjesama susretne sintagma svgtv Perunv. Koliko je do sada poznato, toga nigdje nema, a teško je i zamisliti jer je krščanska reinterpretacija pridjeva svgtv u svim slavenskim jezicima sasvim nadmočno prevladala. Ne može se o poganskom bogu reči da je svet. Ali mnogo pliča kristijanizacija Balta dopustila je da se u jednom starijem litavskom tekstu javi dijalekatsko i folklorno švents Perkuns,69 dakle 'sveti Perun, bez obzira na svu usrdnu katoličku pobožnost litavskoga puka. Nema dakle razložite dvojbe da je i u slavenskom obrednom pjevu izvorno postojalo svgtv Perunv. A ako je pak Perunv bio svgtv, doista nema razloga da se obredno ne bi zazivao kao Svgtovitv, upravo onako kako se drugi bog, njegov sin, koji je bio jarv, zazivao kao Jarovitv, pa odatle, daleko poznatiji, hipokoristik Jarylo. Nema dakle zaprjeke pretpostaviti da je i Slavenima na Jadranu Svgtovitv bila Perunova epikleza. To je kao i u 9. stolječu na Rujani moglo poticati da se njegov kult uzme kao zamjena za poganski Perunov kult na vrhovima pa da je tako postao jedna od karakterističnih interpretationes christianae slavenskoga boga gromovnika. Sve je to moguče, ali nemamo nikakvih podataka koji bi nam govorili da je doista bilo tako. To i u žaru zavičaj-noga starinarstva nikada ne valja smetnuti s uma. 68 Usp. Katičič 2008a, 188-190. 69 Usp. TonopoB 1988, 28. 29 Vidova gora i sveti Vid Literatura Buric, Tonči, Odnos sveti Vid - Svantevid na istočnoj obali Jadrana, Historia antiqua 13, Pula 2005, 461-486. Crnkovic, Nikola, Prepoznatljivost starohrvatskih poganskih svetišta u dijelu primorja za-padne Hrvatske, Grobnički zbornik 2, Rijeka 1992, 124-132. Crnkovic, Nikola, Vjera i svetišta starih Hrvata. Croatica Christiana Periodica 17, 33, Zagreb 1994, 59-90. ^GG.3 ^TMMO^OmHeCKMM CHOBapb OTaBflHcKMX A3bIKoB. npaCnaBHHCKMM neKCMHeCKMM ^oHg. nog pega^nen O. H. Tpy6aneBa, MocKBa 1974- Fontes historiae religionis Slavicae, collegit Carolus Henricus Meyer, Fontes historiae reli-gionum ex auctoribus Graecis et Latinis collectos edidit carolus Clemen, fasciculus IV, Berolini 1931. Gluhak, Alemko, Hrvatski etimološki rječnik, Zagreb 1993. MBaHOB, BanecnaB BceBonogoBMH - BnagMMMp HnKonaeBMH TonopoB, CnaBAHcKMe H3HKOBHe Mogennpyro^Me ceMnoranecKMe cMcreMbi (gpeBHun nepuog), MocKBa 1965. MBaHoB, BanecnaB BceBonogoBMH - BnagMMMp HnKonaeBMH TonopoB, MccnegoBaHMA b o6nacm enaBHHeKHX gpeBHocren. ^eKCMKonoranecKMe m ^pa3eonomecKMe BonpocH peKoHCTpy^MM TeKCTa, MocKBa 1974. Katičic, Radoslav, Uz početke hrvatskih početaka, Split 1993. Katičic, Radoslav, Božanski boj, Zagreb 2008. (a) Katičic, Radoslav, Trudan hod, Filologija 50, Zagreb 2008, 39-143. (b) Katičic, Radoslav, Zeleni lug, Filologija 51, Zagreb 2008, 41-132. (c) Katičic, Radoslav, Perunovo svetište u Varešu, u tisku (očekuje se 2010.). Leksikon ikonografije, liturgike i simbolike zapadnog krščanstva, uredio Andelko Badu-rina, Zagreb 1979. Lukežic, Irvin , O kultu svetoga Vida, Vjesnik Povijesnog arhiva Rijeka, sv. 35-36, Rijeka 1994, 133-144. Marin, Emilio i suradnici, Sveti Vid. Narona. Niz Arheološkog muzeja 1, Split 1999. Marun, Lujo, Arkeologički prilozi o religiji poganskih Hrvata, Starohrvatska prosvjeta 3, sv. 3-4, Knin 1897, 141-144. Mužic, Ivan, Ostaci kulta pretkršcanskog boga Vida na teritoriju Hrvata, Starohrvatska prosvjeta, III. serija - svezak 34 (2007), Split 2007, 477-490. Nahtigal, Rajko, Sv^tovitb, Slavistična revija 9, Ljubljana 1956, 1-9. Nodilo, Natko, Stara vjera Srba i Hrvata, Split 1981. Opci religijski leksikon, glavni urednik Adalbert Rebic, Zagreb 2002. Putanec, Valentin, Refleksi starodalmatoromanskog pridjeva sanctus u onomastici obalne Hrvatske, Slovo 13, Zagreb 1963, 193- Skok, Petar, Etimologijski rječnik hrvatskoga ili srpskoga jezika 1, Zagreb 1971; 2, 1972; 3, 1973; 4. 1974. CHn 1 CpncKe HapogHe njecMe, cKynuo ux m Ha cBujeT M3gao ByK Gre^. Kapa^h. Kanra npBa, y Kojoj cy pa3HMHHe ^eHcKe njecMe. y Beny, y mTaMnapnju jepMeHcKor MaHacTupa, 1841. CHnoc CpncKe HapogHe nocnoBM^, cKynuo ux m Ha cBujeT M3gao ByK Gre^. Kapa^h. y Beny, y mTaMnapnju jepMeHcKor MaHacrapa, 1849. 30 Radoslav Katičic Šegvič, Kerubin, Vjera Vidova ili religija Srba i Hrvata po osnovi Natka Nodila, Split 1898. Šimunovič, Petar, Toponimija otoka Brača, Supetar 1972. Šimunovič, Petar - Lukenda, Marko, Osobno ime Vid, Rasprave zavoda za hrvatski jezik, sv, 21, Zagreb 1995, 213-225. Škobalj, Ante, Obredne gomile, Sveti Križ na Čiovu 1970. Škobalj, Ante, Vjera starih Hrvata na reljefu u Zmajevoj spilji na otoku Braču. Prilog poznavanju vjere poljičkih glagoljaša, bosanskih krstjana i starih Hrvata uopče, Duče 1986. Šonje, Ante, Svetovidov kult na otoku Pagu. Povijesno-etnografski zapis, Dometi 7-12, V, Rijeka 1995, 107-118 (Tekst priredio za tisak Nikola Crnkovič). TonopoB, BnagMMMp HMKonaeBMH, ^3hk m Kyn^Typa: 06 ogHOM cnoBe-cuMBone (k 1000-neTMro xpMCTMHHCTBa Ha Pycu m 600-,tctmk> ero Ha ^MTBe), Banro-enaBHHeKHe MccnegoBaHMH 1986, MocKBa 1988, 3-44. 31 Vidova gora i sveti Vid Die Vidova gora auf Brač und Sankt-Veit Radoslav Katičic Die verbreitete und oft wiederholte Auffassung, dass die Vidova gora, der 'Veitsberg', auf Brac nach einem heidnischen slawischen Gott Vid benannt ist und ebenso wie die zahlreichen Sankt-Veit (sveti Vid) gewidmeten Kirchlein im westlichen südlawischen und nicht zuletzt im adriatischen Raum mitsamt der Kathedralkirche von Rijeka den Kult des aus dem Frühmittelalter von der Ostsee und der Insel Rügen her wohlbekannten slawischen Gottes Sventovit in christlicher Umwandlung fortsetzen, wird hier einer eingehenden Quellenkritischen Überprüfung unterzogen. Das Ergebnis ist, dass Sankt-Veit bei den adriatischen Slaven tatsächlich als interpretatio christiana fungiert, aber als eine des slawischen Donnergottes Perun. Der Gott Sventovit kann nur bei den Ostsee- und Elbeslawen als belegt gelten. Der Name Vid anstatt Vit für lateinisch Vitus geht auf eine durch südslawischen, nicht urslawischen, Volksglauben bedingte Paretymologie zurück. Für eine slawische heidnische Gottheit Vid gibt es überhaupt keine Belege. Trotz etymologischer Unsicherheiten kann Sventovit von seiner Bedeutung her als Epiklese von Perun verstanden werden. Das konnte auch auf Rügen so gewesen sein, und konnte wegen der großen Ähnlichkeit des Namens darauf eingewirkt haben, dass die christliche Verehrung von Sankt-Veit mancherorts an die Stelle der heidnischen des Donnergottes getreten ist. Auch an der Adria konnte daas so gewesen sein, aber man besitzt keine schlüssigen Belege dafür. 32 Die politische Rolle der heidnischen Priester bei den Westslaven n Sven Wichert This article considers the scientific discussion about the origin and political role of the heathenish priests of the Slavic people, living on the southern rim of the Baltic sea during the Middle Ages. The author follows two approaches. The first approach introduces the existing opinions within current research with respect to the position of the priests within society. The common difficulties in interpretation on the basis of a few sources only result in different explanations for the great political influence of the priests. However, due to missing evidence the existence of a considerable influence cannot be proved. The second approach considers the ritual act itself. The author comes to the conclusion that the political influence of the priests by means of the oracle can be virtually excluded. Die politische Stellung der Priester sowohl bei den Lutizen als auch bei den Ranen wird allgemein als sehr bedeutend eingestuft. Die Forschung hält für die Untersuchung zwei Ansätze bereit. Einmal wird aus der Verfasstheit der jeweiligen slavischen Gesellschaft indirekt auf den Grad des politischen Gewichtes der Priester geschlossen, zum anderen deren Einfluss aus den Kulthandlungen selbst abgeleitet. Da die Beschreibung der gesellschaftlichen Struktur nicht in allen Punkten sicher ist, kommen zusätzlich interpretationsbedürftige Indizien zur Anwendung. Als Einstieg werden daher im Folgenden (1) Überlegungen der Gelehrten zur Genese des Verhältnisses von Adel und Priestertum präsentiert. Im Anschluss daran erfahren die Aussagen der Wissenschaft zum (2) Stammesbund der Lutizen sowie zu den (3) Ranen auf der Insel Rügen ihre Würdigung. Der zweite Ansatz untersucht, (4) wie die Priester durch die Kulthandlungen Einfluss auf politische Entscheidungen nehmen konnten. Hier ist zwischen dem Potenzial, welches im priesterlichen Amt selbst liegt, und den individuellen Möglichkeiten der jeweiligen Person zu unterscheiden. (1) Die Entstehung des Priesteramtes liegt im Dunkeln. Kazimierz Wachowski glaubt, den ehemaligen Herrschern der Wilzen eine gleichzeitige Stellung als Oberpriester zuweisen zu können, und auch Leszek Pawel Slupecki sieht die Entwicklung von einer Art Sakralkönigtum als die „ursprüngliche Verbindung von profanen und sakralen Funktionen" hin zur Trennung der beiden Sphären, wie er es bei den Lutizen konstatiert.1 „Saxo Grammaticus scheint eine gewisse sakrale Scheu vor der Person des Fürsten zu bezeugen", äußert Wolfgang H. Fritze im Zusammenhang mit dem von ihm vermuteten „Herr- 1 Kazimierz Wachowski, Slowianszcyzna zachodnia, hg. v. Gerard Labuda, Posen 21950, S. 100 u. Anm. 32. Leszek Pawel Slupecki, Heidnische Religion westlicher Slawen, in: Europas Mitte um 1000. Beiträge zur Geschichte, Kunst und Archäologie, hg. v. Alfried Wieczorek u. Hans-Martin Hinz, 3 Bde., Stuttgart 2000, Bd. 1, S. 239-251, hier S. 250. 33 Die politische Rolle der heidnischen Priester bei den Westslaven scherglück" bei den obodritischen Fürsten in deren Funktion als Heerführer.2 Zdenek Vana findet mit Blick auf die Zustände auf Rügen „am Ende des slawischen Heidentums Ansatzpunkte zu einer Theokratie".3 Joachim Herrmann wiederum konstatiert eine „Verbindung des Stammeshäuptlingtums mit dem Stammeskult, des Stammesfürsten mit der Priesterschaft", ohne dies näher zu erläutern.4 Henryk Eowmianski sieht die Ausgestaltung der westslavischen Religion in wesentlichen Punkten (Tempel, Götterstandbilder, Priesterschaft, Kult) vom benachbarten Christentum inspiriert.5 Thietmar von Merseburg als zeitgenössischer Beobachter schreibt in Bezug auf die Priester bei den Lutizen, dass diese von den Eingeborenen für die sorgfältige Wartung des Haupttempels eingesetzt wurden.6 Die dabei benutzte Wendung „ministri constituti" sagt nichts über Auswahlkriterien, Einsetzungsmodalitäten, soziales Profil oder gar historische Genese des Amtes aus. Dasselbe gilt für alle anderen mittelalterlichen Quellen. Sämtliche darüber hinaus gehende Aussagen sind spekulativ. (2) Die Lutizen sind der Bund der vier slavischen Kernstämme Redarier, Tolensa-nen, Zirzipanen und Kessiner, deren Siedlungsgebiete an der südlichen Ostseeküste im weiteren Peeneraum lagen. Das zentrale Heiligtum des Lutizenbundes war Rethra bzw. Riedegost. Über die politische Organisation der Lutizen berichtet Thietmar, dass ihnen ein „dominus specialiter non presidet", dass sie vielmehr „unanimi consilio ad placitum suimet necessaria discucientes in rebus efficiendis omnes concordant."7 Der Befund ist eindeutig: Eine zentrale herrschaftliche Instanz, ob König oder Fürst, fehlt, politische Entscheidungen werden kollektiv in einer Versammlung gefunden. Widerspruch wurde laut Thietmar auf dieser Zusammenkunft durch Schläge mundtot gemacht. Hartnäckigen Abweichlern wurde das Niederbrennen und die Plünderung von Haus und Hof angedroht, wovon sie sich vor der Versammlung durch eine gewisse Summe Geldes, die abhängig von ihrer Stellung gestaffelt war, freikaufen konnten.8 Das geschilderte Verfahren ist kein Hinweis auf die Unterdrückung einer Diskussion im Vorfeld der Entscheidung, sondern auf einen einmütigen Beschluss sowie dessen Durchsetzung. Abstimmungen mit Mehrheitsentscheidungen waren offensichtlich unbekannt. Wo sich die Lutizen berieten, wird von Thietmar nicht berichtet. Gegenüber den Einzelstämmen sieht Bernhard Guttmann in der Priesterschaft Rethras das Prinzip der Einheit verkörpert, woraus ihr auch ein starker politischer Einfluss erwachse.9 Nach Libuse Hrabova führte der Druck der christlichen 2 Wolfgang H. Fritze, Probleme der abodritischen Stammes- und Reichsverfassung und ihrer Entwicklung vom Stammesstaat zum Herrschaftsstaat, in: Siedlung und Verfassung der Slawen zwischen Elbe, Saale und Oder, hg. v. Herbert Ludat, Gießen 1960, S. 141-219, hier S. 178. 3 Zdenek Vana, Mythologie und Götterwelt der slawischen Völker, Stuttgart 1992, S. 89. 4 Joachim Herrmann, Arkona auf Rügen, Tempelburg und politisches Zentrum der Ranen vom 9. bis 12. Jahrhundert. Ergebnisse der archäologischen Ausgrabungen 1969-1971, in: Zeitschrift für Archäologie 8(1974) S. 177-209, hier S. 177. 5 Henryk Lowmianski, Religia Slwoian i jej upadek (w. VI-XII), Warszawa 1979. 6 Thietmar von Merseburg, Chronik, neu übertragen und erläutert v. Werner Trillmich (Ausgewählte Quellen zur deutschen Geschichte des Mittelalters 9 = Freiherr vom Stein-Gedächtnisausgabe) Darmstadt 1966, zitiert als Thietmar VI, 23: "Ad haec curiose tuenda ministri sunt specialiter ab indigenis constituti." 7 Thietmar VI, 25. 8 Thietmar VI, 25: "Si quis vero ex comprovincialibus in placito hiis contradicit, fustibus verberatur et, si forin-secus palam resistit, aut omnia incendio et continua depredatione perdit aut in eorum presentia pro qualitate sua pecuniae persolvit quantitatem debitae." 9 Bernhard Guttmann, Die Germanisierung der Slawen in der Mark, in: Forschungen zur Brandenburgischen und Preußischen Geschichte 9(1897) S. 398. 34 Sven Wiehert Seite zu dieser Art religiösen Konzentration. Das religiöse Zentrum Rethra erlangte ihrer Meinung nach vor allem in der Gestaltung der Außenbeziehungen geradezu fürstliche Kompetenzen.10 Wolfgang Brüske beobachtet bei den Lutizen „eine eigenartige hierarchisch gelenkte Demokratie" und misst der „Priesterschaft von Rethra entscheidenden Einfluß auf die Beschlüsse der dort tagenden Volksversammlung" zu.11 Auch Wolfgang H. Fritze konstatiert den politischen Einfluss der Priester, beharrt aber darauf, dass „die politische Führung des Gesamtverbandes verfassungsrechtlich keineswegs bei der Priesterschaft von Rethre gelegen hat."12 Die politische Entscheidung lag „in der Hand der Versammlung der weltlichen Führungsschicht, der lutizischen priores". Fritze bezieht sich dabei auf eine Passage bei Thietmar, in der dieser vom Rückzug der Lutizen von einem gemeinsamen Feldzug mit einem deutschen Heer unter Kaiser Heinrich II. berichtet. Der Grund war die mutwillige Beschädigung eines Göttinnenbildes durch einen Deutschen sowie der Verlust eines zweiten bei einer Flussdurchquerung. Später, so berichtet Thiet-mar weiter, hätten die Lutizen sich durch ihre „priores" umstimmen lassen.13 Während Brüske bei den Lutizen Sippenhäuptlinge vermutet, die auf Grund ihres Ansehens einen gewissen Vorrang und damit auch einen gewissen Einfluss besaßen, versteht Fritze unter diesen „priores" die „Herren der burgbeherrschten Kleinbezirke" und wird darin von den Erkenntnissen der Archäologen bestätigt.14 Volker Schmidt konstatiert einen Wechsel von den großen Burgen des 7.-9. Jahrhunderts zu den kleinräumigen Anlagen von ca. 60 Metern im Durchmesser des 9.-10. Jahrhunderts. Im Siedlungsgebiet der Redarier wurden gar keine Burgen nachgewiesen.15 Konsequent charakterisiert Fritze die Verfassung der lutizischen Einzelstämme als „aristokratische Oligarchie", woraus sich „eine Rivalität zwischen Priesterschaft und profaner Führung" ergibt.16 Nach Roderich Schmidt neigte sich in dieser Machtbalance die Waage in Richtung der Priesterschaft. Auch er begründet diesen Befund mit dem Fehlen einer monarchischen Spitze, was zwangsläufig zu einem höheren Einfluss der Priester führe. Als Beleg verweist Roderich Schmidt darauf, dass der Slavenaufstand von 983 „von einer Versammlung der Slawen in der civitas Rethre" ausgegangen sei und die Siegesfeier nach der Erhebung von 1066 ebenda stattgefunden hat.17 Joachim Herrmann behauptet unter Bezug auf diese beiden Ereignisse, dass „ohne 10 Libuše Hrabovä, K otazce vzniku a vyvoje statu u Polabskych Slovanu, in: Československy časopis historicky 3(1955) S. 642-668, hier S. 659f. Vf. dankt Silke Richter M.A., Dresden, für die Literaturbeschaffung und Übersetzung des Artikels. 11 Wolfgang Brüske, Untersuchungen zur Geschichte des Lutizenbundes. Deutsch-wendische Beziehungen des 10.-12. Jahrhunderts (Mitteldeutsche Forschungen 3) Köln Wien 21983, S. 63f. 12 Wolfgang H. Fritze, Beobachtungen zu Entstehung und Wesen des Lutizenbundes, in: Jahrbuch für die Geschichte Mittel- und Ostdeutschlands 7(1958) S. 1-38, Neudruck in: ders., Frühzeit zwischen Ostsee und Donau. Ausgewählte Beiträge zum geschichtlichen Werden im östlichen Mitteleuropa vom 6. bis zum 13. Jahrhundert (Germania Slavica III = Berliner Historische Studien 6) Berlin 1982, hg. v. Ludolf Kuchenbuch u. Winfried Schich, S. 130-166, hier S. 163. 13 Thietmar VII, 64: „sed habito post communi suimet placito a prioribus suis convertuntur." 14 Wolfgang H. Fritze, Beobachtungen (Anm. 12) S. 165. 15 Zur Entwicklung der Burgen in diesem Raum vgl. die Karten und Erläuterungen bei Volker Schmidt, Rethra - Lieps, am Südende des Tollensesees, in: Studia Mythologica Slavica 2(1999) S. 33-46, hier S. 37. Zur Kritik an der Lokalisierung der Redarier vgl. Sven Wichert, Vademecum Rethram. Eine Revision, in: Bodendenkmalpflege in Mecklenburg-Vorpommern 56(2008) S. 105-116. 16 Wolfgang H. Fritze, Beobachtungen (Anm. 12) S. 163. 17 Roderich Schmidt, Rethra. Das Heiligtum der Lutizen als Heiden-Metropole, in: Festschrift f. Walter Schlesinger, hrsg. v. Helmut Beumann, Bd. 2 (Mitteldeutsche Forschungen, 74, 2), Köln u. Wien 1974, S. 366-394, hier S. 368. 35 Die politische Rolle der heidnischen Priester bei den Westslaven Initiative oder Billigung der Priester kein Krieg des Stammesverbandes zustande kam."18 Herrmann erblickt im Lutizenbund einen von den Priestern Rethras organisierten Geheimbund, Priester hätten die Volksversammlungen geleitet, Priester wären die Führer im Kampf gewesen, den Priestern hätten die Lutizen ihren Erfolg verdankt.19 Manfred Hellmann sieht den Lauf der Entwicklung genau andersherum: Der Erfolg des Aufstandes von 983 hätte die Überlegenheit der einheimischen Götter über den Christengott bewiesen, zu einem gesteigerten Götterglauben geführt und die Stellung der Priester gestärkt. Für Hellmann ist die „herrschaftliche Ordnung der im Lutizenbund zusammengeschlossenen Einzelstämme" ohne jeden Zweifel.20 Ähnlich sieht es auch Volker Schmidt, nach dem sich „die adlige Schicht eine Herrschaft im politischen Mittelpunkt, in Rethra" errichtete.21 Er geht davon aus, dass sich die Priesterschaft aus dem Adel rekrutiert habe. Später verschärft Schmidt seine Aussage und spricht von Angehörigen des „hohen" Adels.22 Christian Lüb-ke weitet den Betrachtungshorizont und bezieht sich auf die Arbeit von Anthony D. Smith mit dessen Unterscheidung von lateral-aristokratischen bzw. vertikal-demokratischen Gesellschaften. Während erstere offen und dynamisch seien, betonen vertikal-demokratisch strukturierte Gesellschaften das eigene ethnische Band und grenzen sich nach außen hin ab. Dies führe zu einer Ablehnung des religiösen Synkretismus, der kulturellen Assimilation sowie der Exogamie. Stammesförderationen, wie der Lutizenbund eine ist, stellen laut Smith eine spezielle Form vertikal-demokratischer Gesellschaften dar, die durch die gemeinsame Erfahrung von Kriegen einen starken inneren Zusammenhalt erfahren. Die „Existenz spezialisierter Priesterschaften sowie die Mobilisierung der Masse der Bevölkerung im Verteidigungsfall als Standardmethode der Kriegsführung" seien für solche Gesellschaften typisch.23 Im Großen und Ganzen besteht in der Forschung Einigkeit darüber, dass die Priester eine wichtige politische Rolle gespielt haben. Unterschiedliche Indizien werden teilweise unterschiedlich gewichtet, die Entwicklung zu diesem Status unterschiedlich gesehen und beschrieben. Einzig Manfred Hellmann hält „die politische Rolle der Priester von Rethra im allgemeinen erheblich überschätzt".24 Sein wichtiger Hinweis auf die „nicht seltenen Eheverbindungen abodritischer, böhmischer, aber auch deutscher und dänischer Fürstengeschlechter mit den Familien liutizischer Großer" bleibt leider ohne Belege, es wäre ein gewichtiges Argument gegen Smith. Vom Fehlen einer wie auch immer gestal- 18 Joachim Herrmann, Materielle und geistige Kultur - Religion und Kult, in: Die Slawen in Deutschland. Ein Handbuch (Veröffentlichungen des Zentralinstitus für Alte Geschichte und Archäologie der Akademie der Wissenschaften der DDR 14) hg. v. Joachim Herrmann, Berlin 1985, S. 309-325, hier S. 318. 19 Joachim Herrmann, Der Lutizenaufstand 983 - Ursachen, politisch-militärische Vorläufer, Verlauf und Wirkungen, in: Wege zur Geschichte. Ausgewählte Beiträge, hg. v. Bernhard Teschke, Berlin 1968, S. 439-454, hier S. 449 u. 451. 20 Manfred Hellmann, Grundzüge der Verfassungsstruktur der Lutizen, in: Siedlung und Verfassung der Slawen zwischen Elbe, Saale und Oder, hg. v. Herbert Ludat, Gießen 1960, S. 103-113, hier S. 109. 21 Volker Schmidt, Rethra (Anm. 15) S. 38. 22 Volker Schmidt, Lieps. Eine slawische Siedlungskammer am Südende des Tollensesees (Beiträge zur Ur- und Frühgeschichte der Bezirke Rostock, Schwerin und Neubrandenburg 16) Berlin 1984, S. 66; Ders., Rethra (Anm. 15) S. 34. 23 Christian Lübke, Zwischen Polen und dem Reich. Elbslawen und Gentilreligion, in: Polen und Deutschland vor 1000 Jahren. Die Berliner Tagung über den „Akt von Gnesen", hg. v. Michael Bor-golte, Berlin 2002, S. 91-110, hier S. 106, bezieht sich auf Anthony D. Smith, The Ethnic Origins of Nations, Oxford 21989, S. 87. 24 Manfred Hellmann, Grundzüge (Anm. 20) S. 111. 36 Sven Wiehert teten profanen Spitze wird von der allgemeinen Forschungsmeinung auf ein potentielles Machtvakuum geschlossen, welches tendenziell von der Priesterschaft ausgefüllt wurde. Dabei gerät diese in Rivalität zu einer angenommenen kollektiven Führung der „priores", behält aber die Oberhand. Diese Überlegungen haben viel für sich, nur sind die sie stützenden Belege schwach. Dass die Versammlungen in Rethra stattfanden, ist nicht sicher, umso weniger, dass Priester diese geleitet haben. Zweifelhaft ist ebenso, ob die Aufstände von 983 und 1066 von dort ihren Ausgang genommen haben und die Priester wirklich die treibende Kraft gewesen sind. Unter den „priores" lässt sich vieles verstehen, die vorgestellte Bandbreite der Interpretationen beweist, es wird an diesem Punkt keine Sicherheit zu gewinnen sein. Diese Bedenken bedeuten nicht den Ausschluss dieser Möglichkeit, sondern lediglich die Einstufung solcher Argumente als bestreitbare Annahmen. Zusammenfassend muss betont werden, dass fast alle Aussagen hypothetisch sind. Sie können beim heutigen Stand der Forschung weder bestätigt noch widerlegt werden. Andererseits spiegeln die in der Studie von Anthony D. Smith auf einer breiten Materialbasis gewonnenen Ergebnisse die Situation der Lutizen passgenau wider. (3) Ob dies mehr als nur ein Zufall ist, lässt sich sehr schön an einem ganz andersartigen Gesellschaftsmodell verifizieren. Zeitlich und räumlich nicht weit von den Lutizen entfernt, drängen sich die Ranen zum Vergleich geradezu auf, zumal die Quellenlage ähnlich gut wie bei den Lutizen ist. Dass von einer Reihe von Gelehrten das Hauptheiligtum der Ranen, Arkona auf Rügen, als Nachfolgeinstanz zum untergegangenen Rethra angesehen wird, ist dabei unerheblich. Diese Annahme hält sich zwar hartnäckig, steht aber auf tönernen Füßen.25 Kronzeugen für die Situation auf Rügen sind Saxo Gramma-ticus und Helmold von Bosau. In seiner Chronik vermerkt Helmold, dass die dortigen Ranen der einzige Slavenstamm sei, der einen König habe. Ihr wichtigster Gott sei Svan-tevit und habe überregionale Bedeutung.26 Entsprechend der These von Smith darf keine starke Priesterschaft vermutet werden. Einen zentralen Satz zum Verhältnis von König und Priester relativiert Helmold später. Heißt es zuerst, „ihren Priester ehren sie eben so sehr wie den König", schreibt Helmold weiter unten, „der König steht bei ihnen im Vergleich zum Priester in geringem Ansehen". Er begründet dies damit, dass der Priester vom Gott, der König und das Volk aber vom Priester abhängig seien.27 Der zweite Satz, in dem Helmold von dem geringeren Ansehen des Königs schreibt, und zwar nur dieser, wird gern als Beleg für eine gültige Aussage über das Verhältnis von König und Priester bzw. über die herausragende Stellung des Priesters genutzt. Der erste Satz dagegen, der von der Gleichrangigkeit handelt, wird aus unbekannten Gründen regelmäßig übersehen. Auf diese Weise herrscht weitgehende Einigkeit über den beträchtlichen Einfluss des Ober- 25 Allein Hansdieter Berlekamp, Arkona und Rügen vor 1168 - Betrachtungen zum Quellenmaterial, in: 825 Jahre Christianisierung Rügens. Symposiumsbericht, hg. v. Katharina Coblenz, Altenkirchen 1993, S. 7-18, wendet sich S. 12 explizit gegen diese Nachfolgethese. 26 Helmold von Bosau, Slavenchronik, neu übertragen und erläutert von Heinz Stoob (Ausgewählte Quellen zur deutschen. Geschichte des Mittelalters 19 = Freiherr vom Stein-Gedächtnisausgabe) Darmstadt 1963, zitiert als Helmold, lib. I, 2: „Altera insula, longe maior, est contra Wilzos posita, quam incolunt Rani, qui et Rugiani, gens fortissima Slavorum, qui soli habent regem, extra quorum sententiam nichil agi de publicis rebus fas est, adeo metuuntur propter familiaritatem deorum vel pocius demonum, quos maiori pre ceteris cultura vene-rantur." Lib. I, 6: „De omnibus quoque provinciis Slavorum illic responsa petuntur et sacrificiorum exhibentur annuae soluciones." 27 Helmold, lib. I, 6: „Flaminem suum non minus quam regem venerantur." Helmold, lib. II, 108: „Rex apud eos modicae estimacionis est comparacione flaminis. Ille enim responsa perquirit et eventus sortium explorat. Ille ad nutum sortium, porro rex et populus ad illius nutum pendent." 37 Die politische Rolle der heidnischen Priester bei den Westslaven priesters. So bei Wolfgang H. Fritze: „Nirgendwo wird aber die politische Bedeutung von Kult und Priesterschaft so deutlich wie bei den Rügenslawen, wo der Swantewit-Priester bekanntlich eine höhere politische Autorität besaß als der Fürst"; Sebastian Brather: „Das Ansehen des Opferpriesters galt als größer als das des rex."; Hansdieter Berlekamp: „nichts konnte ohne seine Zustimmung geschehen"; Zdenek Vana: „Kein Wunder, daß sein Priester auch in politischen Angelegenheiten über ein gewichtigeres Wort als der Herrscher von Rügen verfügte".28 Für Joachim Herrmann war Arkona gar das politische Zentrum der Insel.29 Laut Wilhelm Gottlieb Beyer waren König und Svantevit-Priester ebenbürtig, da diese „gleich den weltlichen Fürsten als selbstständige Territorialherren Land- und See-Kriege führten und Friedensverträge schlossen".30 Dahinter steht zum einen die Nachricht Saxos, dass der Svantevit-Priester über 300 Pferde mit ebenso vielen Reitern verfüge, die auf diesen Pferden in den Krieg zögen.31 Zum anderen bezieht sich Beyer auf die Kapitulationsbedingungen Arkonas beim Angriff 1168, in dessen Folge Rügen endgültig christianisiert wurde. Von der Mitwirkung eines Priesters bei den Verhandlungen, gar eines Oberpriesters, wird bei Saxo aber gar nichts gemeldet. Martin Wehrmann interpretiert diese Nachrichten zusammen mit Helmolds Diktum so, dass der Hohepriester „die mächtigste Person des Landes" sei. Durch die Vermittlung des göttlichen Willens, die Verwaltung des Grundbesitzes des Svantevit sowie des Tempelschatzes und der Verfügung über die „Leibgarde" gewönne der Priester einen „größeren Einfluß auf die Landesgeschäfte, als ihn die Fürsten und der Adel besitzen; es stehen jedoch dieser Darstellung von einer Art Priesterherrschaft manche Bedenken gegenüber."32 Leider belässt es Wehrmann dabei, Bedenken anzumelden, ohne sie näher zu erläutern. Auch Vladimir Prochazka fasst sich kurz und konstatiert lapidar eine „theokratische Dingmonarchie der Ranen".33 Was darunter zu verstehen ist, bleibt dunkel. Manfred Hellmann sieht dagegen ein entspanntes Nebeneinander von Fürstenherrschaft und Priesterschaft, „die die Fürsten in keiner Weise in den Hintergrund drängt."34 Ausführlich beschäftigen sich Joachim Herrmann und Evamaria Engel mit der Rolle der rügenschen Priester. Danach übten diese „durch Orakel und Wahrsagung einen bedeutenden Einfluß bei der Vorbereitung von politischen Entscheidungen aus und beeinflußten Kraft ihrer Autorität die Handlungen von König, Adel und Volk."35 Als Belege dienen zwei bei Helmold von Bosau überlieferte Episoden. 28 Wolfgang H. Fritze, Beobachtungen (Anm. 12) S. 157; Sebastian Brather, Archäologie der westlichen Slawen. Siedlung, Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft im früh- und hochmittelalterlichen Ostmitteleuropa (Ergänzungsband 61 Hoops Reallexikon der germanischen Altertumskunde) Berlin New York 22008, S. 23; Hansdieter Berlekamp, Arkona und Rügen (Anm. 25) S. 13; Zdenek Vana, Mythologie und Götterwelt (Anm. 4) S. 89. 29 Joachim Herrmann, Arkona auf Rügen (Anm. 5) S. 177. 30 Wilhelm Gottlieb Beyer, Die Hauptgottheiten der westwendischen Völkerschaften, in: Jahrbücher des Vereins für meklenburgische Geschichte und Alterthumskunde 37(1872) S. 115 - 171, hier S. 121. 31 Saxo Grammaticus, Gesta Danorum - Denmarkshistorien, Latinsk Tekst udgivet af Karsten Karsten Friis-Jensen, Dansk overs^ttelse ved Peter Zeeberg, Kobenhvn 2005, 2 Bd.e, zitiert als Saxo Grammaticus, lib. 14, 39, 7, Satz 3: „Hoc quoque numen trecentos equos descriptos totidemque satellites in iis militantes habebat, quorum omne lucrum, seu armis seu furto qu^situm, sacerdotis custodia subdebatur." 32 Martin Wehrmann, Geschichte der Insel Rügen (Pommersche Heimatkunde 1) Greifswald 21923, S. 22. 33 Vladimir Prochazka, Die Stammesverfassung der Elbslawen, in: Zeitschrift für Archäologie 3(1969) S. 3647, hier S. 42. 34 Manfred Hellmann, Grundzüge (Anm. 20) S. 113. 35 Joachim Herrmann u. Evamaria Engel, Gesellschaftliche und politische Struktur, in: Die Slawen in Deutschland. Ein Handbuch (Veröffentlichungen des Zentralinstitus für Alte Geschichte und Archäologie der Akademie der Wissenschaften der DDR 14) hg. v. Joachim Herrmann, Berlin 1985, S. 252-273, speziell zu den Rügenslaven S. 267f. 38 Sven Wiehert Einmal verlangte der Priester die Auslieferung seines christlichen Kollegen, der anlässlich der Heringssaison sächsische Kaufleute auf deren Besuch des rügenschen Marktes begleitet und dabei Gottesdienste gefeiert hatte. Daraufhin „berief der heidnische Priester König und Volk zu sich und erklärte, die Götter seien darüber erzürnt und nur durch das Blut des fremden Priesters wieder zu besänftigen."36 Die Priester, und darauf weisen Herrmann und Engel selbst hin, „hatten keine Exekutivgewalt, ja, es war ihnen nicht einmal möglich, den obenerwähnten christlichen Priester gefangennehmen zu lassen.37 Die andere Begebenheit, die als Zeugnis für den wichtigen Einfluss des heidnischen Priesters angeführt wird, bezieht sich auf einen Kriegszug Heinrichs von Alt-Lübeck gegen Rügen im Winter 1123/24. Den versammelten Kriegern unter Heinrich schickten die Ranen ihren Priester als Unterhändler entgegen.38 Während der erste Fall die Beschränkung der priesterlichen Macht aufzeigt, ist der zweite ohne Gewicht. Ansonsten müsste aus der von Saxo überlieferten Tatsache, dass der rügensche Unterhändler im Vorfeld der Eroberung Rügens 1168 durch die Dänen kein Priester war, auf einen Machtverlust der Priesterschaft geschlossen werden.39 Joachim Herrmann konstatiert zu Recht „die bedeutende Rolle, die Arkona im gesellschaftlichen Leben der Ranen einnahm", überdehnt sie aber, wenn er den Tempelort im selben Atemzug „zum Zielpunkt der Angriffe gegen die Freiheit des ranischen Stammes" durch die „umliegenden Feudalmächte" macht.40 So lässt, zum Beispiel, Saxo Grammaticus den dänischen König Waldemar 1168 erst verschiedene Teile Rügens angreifen, ohne, dass es zum Kampf kam. Erst dann machte der sich an die Belagerung Arkonas.41 Bemerkenswert ist hierbei, dass die Belagerten von den bei Karentia stehenden rügenschen Kriegern nicht unterstützt worden sind. Hansdieter Berlekamp macht dafür einen „Dualismus zwischen der Priesterschaft und den zur Macht strebenden Fürsten" verantwortlich und behauptet, „erst nach der Zerstörung des Tempels kann von einem Fürstentum Rügen gesprochen werden".42 (4) Es ist hier dasselbe Dilemma wie bei den Lutizen: Die verfassungsrechtliche Stellung des Priesters ist im weiten Feld zwischen Vorrang, Autorität und Herrschaft nicht eindeutig zu bestimmen, Ableitungen bleiben spekultativ. Angesichts der monarchischen Spitze bei den Ranen wäre nach der Theorie von Anthony D. Smith kein starkes Priestertum zu erwarten gewesen. Die Forschungsmeinung und der Ansatz von Smith passen noch nicht recht zusammen. Als Ausweg bietet sich möglicherweise an, nicht die politische Position des Priesters in der Gesellschaft als Indiz für seinen Einfluss heranzuziehen, sondern seine Möglichkeiten bei der Ausführung von Kulthandlungen ins Visir zu nehmen. Eine von den mittelalterlichen Chronisten häufig genannte Methode der Erforschung göttlichen Willens waren Orakel mit Pferden. Der spezielle Modus konnte 36 Helmold, lib. II, 108: „Affuit tunc forte Godescalcus quidam sacerdos Domini de Bardewich invitatus, ut in tanta populorum frequentia ageret ea quae Dei sunt. Nec hoc latuit diu sacerdotem illum barbarum et accersitis rege et populo nuntiat irata vehementius numina nec aliter posse placari, nisi cruore sacerdotis, qui peregrinum inter eos sacrificium offerre presumpsisset." 37 Joachim Herrmann u. Evamaria Engel, Gesellschaftliche und politische Struktur (Anm. 35) S. 268. 38 Helmold, lib. I, 38: „Videntes igitur Rugiani impetum viri timuerunt timore magno miseruntque flaminem suum, qui cum ipso de pace componeret." Dieser Umstand dient auch Hansdieter Berlekamp, Arkona und Rügen (Anm. 25) S. 13, als Beleg für die herausragende Stellung des Priesters. 39 Saxo Grammaticus, lib. 14, 39, 1, Satz 2. 40 Joachim Herrmann, Arkona auf Rügen (Anm. 5) S. 178. 41 Saxo Grammaticus, lib. 14, 39, 1, Satz 5: „Rex, varias Rugi^ partes adortus, cum ubique pr^d^, nusquam vero pugn^ materiam repperisset, fundendi sanguinis aviditate perductus, urbem Arkon obsidione tentavit." 42 Hansdieter Berlekamp, Arkona und Rügen (Anm. 25) S. 13. 39 Die politische Rolle der heidnischen Priester bei den Westslaven durchaus differieren. Thietmar erwähnt für Rethra ein zweistufiges Verfahren: Ein Losorakel wird durch ein Pferdeorakel überprüft, bei dem ein Pferd über zwei kreuzweise in die Erde gesteckte Lanzen geführt wird. Wenn auf diesem Wege zweimal dasselbe Resultat erzielt wurde, galt das geplante Vorhaben als durchführbar.43 Herbord berichtet, dass bei den Pomoranen ein gesatteltes und aufgezäumtes Pferd von einem Priester geleitet drei- oder viermal über neun auf der Erde liegende Lanzen schritt. Wurden die Lanzen dabei nicht berührt, galt dies als gutes Omen.44 Saxo Grammaticus lässt die Ranen ein Pferd über eine Reihe von schräg in die Erde gesteckten, miteinander verbundenen Lanzen führen. Hier galt es als günstiges Vorzeichen, wenn das Pferd seinen Parcours dreimal hintereinander jeweils mit dem rechten Huf begann.45 Heinrich von Lettland bringt ein ähnliches Pferdeorakel: „Den Bruder Theoderich vom Zisterzienserorden, nachmals Bischof in Estland, den wollten die Liven von Treyden ihren Göttern opfern, weil seine Saat auf den Feldern ergiebiger war, ihre eigene aber, vom Regen überschwemmt, verdarb. Das Volk wurde versammelt, der Wille der Götter über das Opfer durch Los erkundet: eine Lanze wurde hingelegt, das Ross schritt, es setzte den für das Leben bestimmten Fuß nach Gottes Willen vor; es betete der Bruder mit dem Munde, segnete mit der Hand. Der Wahrsager behauptete, der Gott der Christen sitze auf dem Rücken des Pferdes und lenke seinen Fuß, dass es ihn voransetze; man möge den Rücken des Pferdes abwischen, damit der Gott herunterfalle. Das geschah; da das Pferd wie vorher den Fuß des Lebens voransetzte, blieb Bruder Theoderich dem Leben erhalten."46 Diese Stelle illustriert sehr schön die Unberechenbarkeit des Verfahrens, sowohl für das potentielle Opfer als auch für den heidnischen Priester. Zwar waren sie die Herren der Orakel. Aber deren Ausgestaltung als mehrstufiges, auf dem Zufall beruhendes Verfahren wird Manipulationen, wenn schon nicht unmöglich, so doch schwer gemacht haben. Es darf dabei nicht vergessen werden, dass das Pferdeorakel vor den Augen eines aufmerksamen, am Geschehen höchst interessierten Publikums stattfand. Dies war umso kritischer, als das Ergebnis regelmäßig von großer Bedeutung war und weitreichende Konsequenzen hatte. Zudem hatten sämtliche Beteiligte einschlägige Erfahrungen mit Orakeln aller Art, da diese eine alltägliche Übung waren. Dessen ungeachtet zieht Brüske eine gerade Linie vom Orakel zum Einfluss der Priester. Wie sie es vollbracht haben sollen, „mit Hilfe des Orakels die Volksmeinung in ihrem Sinne zu lenken", bleibt unverständlich.47 Und Joachim Herrmann ist zu widersprechen, wenn er behauptet, „der Pferdefuß war es also, über den die Priesterschaft von Arkona ihren Einfluß auszuüben vermochte".48 Die dahinter stehende Vorstellung von Priestern, die mit Taschenspielertricks eine gesamte Gesellschaft in ihrem Sinne manipulieren, geht an der Realität vorbei. Aber genau diese Vorstellung führte dazu, in der Priesterschaft die intellektuelle Elite der slavischen Gesellschaft zu sehen. So wird aus Rethra 43 Thietmar, lib. VI, 24. 44 Herbord, Dialog über Bischof Otto von Bamberg (MPH seria nova VII, 3) hg. v. Jan Wikarjak u. Kazimierz Liman, Warszawa 1974, lib. II, 33. 45 Saxo Grammaticus, lib. 14, 39, 10. 46 Heinrich von Lettland, Livländische Chronik, neu übersetzt v. Albert Bauer (Ausgewählte Quellen zur deutschen Geschichte 24 = Freiherr vom Stein-Gedächtnisausgabe) Darmstadt 1959, lib. I, 10. 47 Wolfgang Brüske, Untersuchungen (Anm. 10) S. 63. 48 Joachim Herrmann, Materielle und geistige Kultur (Anm. 16) S. 318. Seine Aussage ebd., die „sicherste Art, auf die Entscheidung Einfluß zu nehmen, bestand für den Priester darin, daß er aus dem Geschmack des Opferblutes den Willen der Götter erkundete", beruht auf missverstandenem Helmold I, 52: „Post cesam hostiam sacerdos de cruore libat, ut sit efficacior oraculis capescendis." 40 Sven Wiehert die Kommandozentrale für den Widerstandskampf der Lutizen, so wird aus Arkona die politische Schaltstelle der Ranen konstruiert. Dabei liegen die Prozesse klar auf der Hand: Auf der Volksversammlung wird eine politische Entscheidung getroffen, die einer religiösen Instanz zur Begutachtung vorgelegt wird. Diese Instanz ist ein Gott, als Mittler dient ein Pferd, der Priester führt das Orakel lediglich durch. Er hat keine Möglichkeiten der Interpretation, da es eine Entscheidungsfrage ist: Das Ergebnis des Orakels ist entweder positiv oder negativ, die Gottheit ist entweder dafür oder dagegen.49 Mit anderen Worten: Die Priester hätten lediglich die Chance, schon getroffene Entscheidungen manipulativ zu verhindern, aber nicht zu initiieren. Aber selbst dies ist nur eine theoretische Möglichkeit, dass es Praxis geworden wäre, ist unglaubhaft, denn es setzte die Einigkeit in der Priesterschaft voraus: Sowohl in Rethra als auch in Arkona existierten Priesterkollegien. Als Ergebnis dieser Studie sei festgehalten: Die heidnischen Priester nahmen in der slavischen Gesellschaft eine wichtige Position ein. Im Rahmen der Kulthandlungen hatten sie keine Möglichkeit, politische Entscheidungen herbeizuführen oder zu beeinflussen. Ob und wie sie ihren Einfluss im Vorfeld der Entscheidungen geltend machten, darüber schweigen die Quellen. Die Priester spielten möglicherweise eine wesentlich geringere politische Rolle, als in der Wissenschaft bislang postuliert worden ist. 49 Gegen Thomas Rns, Das mittelalterliche dänische Ostseeimperium (Studien zur Geschichte des Ostseeraumes 4) Odense 2003, S. 30, der explizit von der Auslegung des Orakels spricht. 41 Die politische Rolle der heidnischen Priester bei den Westslaven Politična vloga poganskih duhovnikov pri zahodnih Slovanih Sven Wiehert Izhodišče prispevka je vprašanje izvora poganskih duhovnikov pri slovanskih ljudstvih v južnem primorju Baltika in prikazuje znanstveno razpravo o njihovi politični vlogi. Obravnava dva pristopa. Najprej predstavi mnenja raziskovalcev o družbenem položaju duhovnikov. Običajne težave pri razlagi skromnih pisnih virov povzročajo povsem različne utemeljitve o velikem političnem vplivu duhovnikov. Tega vsekakor ni mogoče dokazati, argumenti zanj niso vedno ustrezni. Drugi pristop temelji na samem obredju. Rezultat avtorjeve analize je, da lahko skoraj povsem izključimo možnost, da so duhovniki imeli politični vpliv s pomočjo prerokb. 42 Jakob, Jelena, and Bogdin - Three Miniatures on the Assigned Theme Vladimir Peter Goss, Vesna Mikic Building upon the research of cultural anthropologists, archeologists and linguists in the area of the Southern Slavs, in particular in Croatia and Slovenia, the authors offer three examples of so far unnoticed paradigms of the "mythical landscape," and link them to the phenomenon of the cultural landscape and its creation, as seen by the field of the history of visual art. The cultural landscape could have as its matrix a number of old sacred spots, well correlated with the later important human interventions into the environment, something to be born in mind in any environmental modification. In those terms a few words will be also said about a program at the School of Architecture at Zagreb, applying the new humanist research to study of architecture and design. Discoveries of cultural anthropologists and Slavic linguists in Southern Central Europe, in particular in Slovenia and Croatia, have raised both an important challenge and offered new avenues of research to the historian of visual arts. The research by Andrej Pleterski in Slovenia and Vitomir and Juraj Belaj in Croatia in the field of cultural anthropology and archeology, and of Radoslav Katicic in Slavic linguistics have brought sense and meaning to what had been a wealth of apparently unrelated linguistic and topographic data. The place names were related to the landscape, the connecting glue being the mythical underpinning as proposed by the Russian scholars Ivanov and Toporov, and for the area of Southern Slavs masterfully applied and expanded by Belaj, Katicic and Pleterski1. The word thus became a visual phenomenon, and the visual phenomenon was enriched by the verbal content. The challenge for the visual arts history consists in transcending the narrow limits of "arts" (in terms of architecture, sculpture, and painting), and accepting that all the arts, visual or not, participate in a much larger phenomenon - the cultural landscape, a record of creative human intervention into the environment in both the material and spiritual sense. For many this is a major challenge which is very difficult to accept. The new solutions involve, on a very basic practical level, an increased ability to locate lost monuments following the lead of territorial organization proposed by cultural anthropology, and on a much higher level, an ability to grasp the essence of human creativity within a certain place and time2. Within this framework we will offer to our colleagues in cultural anthropology and linguistics three landscape structures which might be interpreted in the light of what has been said above. They come from three very different parts of Croatia, the Zagreb area in 1 See bibliographies sub nomine in Belaj 2007 and Katicic 2008. Pleterski 1996 remains the key study. 2 Goss 2008, Goss 2009. 43 Jakob, Jelena, and Bogdin - Three Miniatures on the Assigned Theme Medvedgrad C Gradec St. Marcus A Veliki Plazur the northwest, Central Dalmatia, (859 m) and the Kvarner area. Two of them St. Jacob involve territories of well-recog- nized importance for Croatian political history, the Zagreb Prigorje and the Salonitan field near Split, and the third a much less studied and politically prominent, but culturally also very important area of the Kvarner gulf. Studying cultural landscape is for the history of any art, and so also the visual art history, both an apparently new, but also a very old field. If we read Pausanias, we will be amazed by the number of spiritualized points in the landscape. There is practically no tree, rock, bush, water, or crossroad that is not a witness of human presence, or that is not modified by an intervention of human spirit and hand, from a simple name-giving to complex urban landscapes3. Obviously, human beings cannot live in an environment which is not touched by human spirit, or in which there is no cooperation between the human spirit and Mother Nature. Such total art involves phenomena that we recognize as basic forms of human creativity - the image, the sound, and the movement, as well as those wherein a major part is played by Nature's contribution - smell, touch, taste, and the sense of space. Since the Renaissance, when art histories (and so also the history of visual arts) emerged as critical humanist disciplines, that totality has been disappearing, giving us separate fields such as the history of literature, of music, of dance, of visual art (vulgo "art history"). A return to an integrated, "Pausanian," approach is of a great importance, in particular for the question of the preservation of both natural and cultural ecology, which jointly form the total ecology4. Another important aspect in those terms is practical work in teaching, in particular students and younger scholars, how to analyze, appreciate, and creatively act within the environment. At the Faculty of Architecture of the University of Zagreb there is a Project HyCro (HiperHrvatska) led by Professor Vesna Mikic. The project which has both theo- 1. Belaj's Zagreb triangle (V. Belaj). 3 Pauzanija 2008. 4 Goss and Gudek 2009, pp. 9-10. 44 Vladimir Peter Goss, Vesna Mikic 2. St. Marko at Gradec in Zagreb (Goss/Jukic). retical and practical, hands-on, dimensions investigates spatial complexities as a part of the process of preservation of the traditional heritage to serve as a basis for concrete urban and architectural design projects. HyCro is formulated as a summer school taking place in Continental Croatia, and was so far conducted in Podravina (2005), Gorski kotar and Gacka (2006), and Gorski kotar and Skrad (2008), and it constitutes a part of a 9th semester course on regional architecture5. The basic goal is to formulate an investigative model which could systematize and evaluate all existing natural and cultural values, in particular in the areas where such values have not been studied or applied in terms of a sustainable development of eco-systems. We consider it extremely important that the fine contributions of a number of humanist disciplines in the field of human space be promoted and applied in practice. The history of visual arts too should be grateful to cultural anthropology and linguistics for helping it recover lost and forgotten territories. In the light of what has been said so far, let us present our three miniatures on the assigned theme of the Old Gods in the New Country. 1. Jakob (Jacob, James). Pausanias has done wonders in recognizing and describing the complexity of large cultural landscape structures, e.g., Athens or Delphi. Our first example deals with one 5 Mikic 2010. 45 Jakob, Jelena, and Bogdin - Three Miniatures on the Assigned Theme Vladimir Peter Goss, Vesna Mikic 5. Igrišče, the likely site of the sanctuary (Goss/Jukič). such complex structure, for Croatia one of its most important historical-cultural landscapes, the Zagreb Prigorje (Cismontana). Professor Belaj has demonstrated how the key points in the landscape could be set to form a "sacred triangle;" these are: the hill of St. Jakob (Jacob, James, figs. 1, 3), at the westernmost end of the central massive of the Medvednica Mountain featuring a rather recent chapel of the Saint - Perun's place; St. Marko at Gradec - the Upper Town of Zagreb - Mokoš (fig. 2); and Županici, a hamlet on the outskirts of Zagreb along the Sava River (the Jarun area) - Veles. Belaj also noticed, and this is tremendously important, that three key landscape markers - St. Jakob's peak, the Medvedgrad castle on a lower hill below St. Jacob's, and St. Mark's, the parish church of Gradec (figs. 1, 2, 3; the latter two being also supreme works of art), fall on the same line! Independently I have reached a similar conclusion based on the fact, noticed also by Belaj, that the hills of St. Jakob and of Medvedgrad bear the names of Veliki and Mali Plazur (The Big and The Little Crawling Place), a reference to the crawling of Veles attempting to reach Perun's seat6 (figs. 2, 3). In a recent diploma essay, my young colleague, Tea Gudek, extended that line looking for "interesting" place names on or close by it. Across the Sava river, the line goes through the village of Jakuševec (Jacob's village), where in the 14th c, and quite probably earlier, there was a parish of St. Mark's. Behind the Medvednica, the line passes through Jakovlje and Igrišče. At Jakovlje (Jacob's Place), a long scattered village on a raised beam, it passes through a hill, once surely fortified, bearing a recent chapel of St. Dorothea, a very 6 Belaj 2008, pp. 309-310: Goss 2008B. 47 Jakob, Jelena, and Bogdin - Three Miniatures on the Assigned Theme Vladimir Peter Goss, Vesna Mikic 8. Split, Poljud, Holy Trinity and St. Michael, ca. 800 (Goss/Jukic). rare Saint in Croatia (fig. 4). As she is a patron of fruit and flower growers, having miraculously produced apples and roses in mid-winter in the course of her martyrdom, here a Christian Saint must have landed on top of some ancient fertility Goddess (Flora?). At Igrišče, another scattered beam village just to the north of Jakovlje, it passes through the highest point, a steep hill at the extreme eastern end of the beam, an ideal spot for a small fort and/or a sanctuary (fig. 5). Igrišče is an interesting place name. At Kalnik Mountain it appears within a very indicative context, i.e., at the place of the ruined chapel of St. Martin (single nave with an added, polygonal sanctuary, which indicates a Romanesque if not earlier date for the nave), in front of which there are traces of a circle made of stone, the walls of which seem too thin to be a fortification. As "Igrišče" means the place of dancing, thus of rituals, we may have here traces of an old, Slavic, or even pre-Slavic sacred spot Christianized by the untiring and in Northwestern Croatia omnipresent St. Martin7. To offer at least a temporary conclusion: the cultural landscape of the Zagreb Prig-orje has as its matrix a number of very old sacred spots, well correlated with the later important human interventions into the environment. In other words, they form the basis of Zagreb's cultural landscape as we mostly know it today, and confirm that the Mountain has been the key factor of the city's existence. Not only that its two core areas - Gradec and Kaptol - sprang up on the Mountain's offshoots, but it has acted as a positive climate modifier, and the source of the most of the necessities of life throughout the history. 7 Goss and Gudek 2009, pp. 11-16. 49 Jakob, Jelena, and Bogdin - Three Miniatures on the Assigned Theme 9. The Solin "small triangle" (V. Belaj). 2. Jelena (Helen) Zagreb has established its prominence by the end of the 11th century. As long term investigators of the earliest monumental Slavic art on the territory of Croatia, we asked ourselves the following question: could, or even should, such a process of endowing the human environment with sense and meaning take into consideration some key individual sites and monuments of the nation's history? To explore this venue of investigation we should descend to the cradle of Croatian past - Central Dalmatia. Katicic and Belaj have duly demonstrated that the landscape around Zrnovnica to the east of Split follows the pattern of early Slavic mythical structures8. If Perun was located at Sv. Juraj above Zrnovnica, could Mokos and Veles be found at some of the key national monuments in the Podmorje zupa, i.e., the Salonitan ager and the land in between Trogir, Klis, and Split. Choices are many - royal estates and foundations at Bijaci, Putalj, Rizinice, etc., but the most obvious and illustrious spot would have been the Otok (Island) in Solin, on the river Jadro, the site of the mausoleum of the Croatian kings, expanded by Queen Jelena (Helen) before 9769 (fig. 6). Indeed, the Perun above Zrnovnica looms tall and clear toward the southeast (fig. 7). If so, maybe Veles had his abode in Paljud, Paludes, 8 Belaj 2007, pp. 441-443. 9 Goss 1975-76. 50 Vladimir Peter Goss, Vesna Mikic 11. Sv. Brdo in the Velebit (Goss/Jukic). 51 Jakob, Jelena, and Bogdin - Three Miniatures on the Assigned Theme 12. The Western Papuk from Bijela (V. Belaj). the marshy land to the north of the walls of the early medieval Split, i.e. Diocletian's Palace. A spot worthy of consideration would be the hexaconch church of the Holy Trinity and St. Michael, who often tames Veles by sitting upon his home (fig. 8). At our request Professor Belaj had checked out our suggestions and successfully drawn a so-called "small mythical triangle" in line with our proposition (fig. 9)10. The form of the small church, today lost among large suburban buildings, but once on a raised spot of the peninsula and thus much more visible than today, is that of a poly-conch, remarkably frequent in the Pre-Romanesque architecture in Croatia. Elsewhere V. Goss has endeavored to demonstrate that the frequency of appearance of the type (be it in its hexaconchal or octoconchal form) is due to the fact that the Slavs recognized a plan which reminded them of sanctuaries in the old country. This is fully in harmony with the established church practice of using places and forms known to the pagan population to facilitate the reception of the new faith11. Our conclusion is that we should intensely subject the key sites of early Croatian history to such an analysis of surrounding space, for example, the Biskupija area near Knin, the Savior's Church at the spring of Cetina, as well as a number of other key sites in the Zadar and Split hinterland. 10 On the distinction between «big» and «small» triangles, Belaj and Belaj 2007, 16-23. 11 Goss 2009, pp. 152-163. 52 Vladimir Peter Goss, Vesna Mikic 13. The Pogani vrh. 3. Bogdin It has become quite clear that the patterns resulting from application of mythological matter to the landscape, i.e., of human creative interventions into the environment based on mythological elements, occur with considerable frequency. Are there any indications that some forms keep recurring in terms to tell the same tale? Viewed from Medvedgrad, St. Jakob appears as a fine pyramidal hill (fig. 10). A pyramid is also the Sveto Brdo (the Holy Mountain, fig. 11) on the Southern Velebit, identified as a Perun's seat; or one could quote the Kajles, a Holy Mountain in the Himalayas. Profesor Belaj has confirmed and drawn a sacred triangle at the Western tip of the Papuk Mountain in Western Slavonia (fig. 14), which includes a beautiful pyramid of the Pogani Vrh (the Pagan Peak, Perun's seat), the wiggly Petrov Vrh (Peter's Peak, Veles' home), and Mokos's location exactly at the site of the Benedictine monastery of Bijela, one of the key monuments of theCroatian Middle Ages (fig. 12, 13)12. 12 Here we would like to recall a fine paper on the topic given by Professor Tomo Vinščak at the Conference «Pag u praskozorje hrvatskoga krščanstva,» Pag, September 26-28, 2008, entitled «Sv. Brdo na južnom Velebitu.» We remain grateful to Professor Vinščak for additional information. We are equally grateful to Professor Vi-tomir Belaj to have confirmed our intuitions concerning the Zapadni Papuk triangle. See also Goss 2008B, pp. 264-266, and Goss and Gudek 2009, p. 14. 53 Jakob, Jelena, and Bogdin - Three Miniatures on the Assigned Theme 14. Western Papuk triangle (V. Belaj). Pyramidal mountains have recently gained some notoriety, but here our, admittedly still limited sample, indicates that the regular pyramid form may be the standard "image" of Perun's home. Frequently traveling between Zagreb and Rijeka, we have noticed from the through-way, as it descends from the Highlands toward the Kvarner Gulf between Ostrovica and Kikovica, a few very fine pyramidal peaks. As one has been more and more exposed to the cultural anthropologists' doctrine, we finally picked up a map and established that one of them, not the tallest but in the middle, is called Bogdin (Bog=God, thus possibly God's peak, or definitely a place related to a God) (fig. 15). It is surrounded by two hills called Velika and Mala Plis (Big and Little Plis=Plesivica=Bald Mountain,i. e., Witches' Mountain) and a smaller hill called Svetonjic (Svet=Holy, thus a place related to Holiness). We would like to draw the attention of our colleagues to the Bogdin group, as we ourselves have been unable to find any other sensibly related spots in the landscape (we would single out, though, place names such as Bojusine and Treska), and yet believe that here we have a basis for expert research. In saying so we rely on both the place names, but also believe that some confirmation is offered by the form of the hill; and that we may be at the trace of an emerging "iconography of the landscape." The standard history of visual arts does not rush to accept views like that, as they threaten the traditional borders between disciplines as well as those within the history 54 Vladimir Peter Goss, Vesna Mikic 15. Bogdin (Goss/Jukic). of visual arts itself. Such views may be close to some radical theories of art of the 20th century, as they take into consideration not just a "static" visual phenomenon called "the work of art," but also a process requiring a study of the role of the observer and his movement throughout the time and space13. The observer's participation means that in addition to the art of creating images, sounds, movements, smells, etc., we must also have an art of experiencing, a stance that seriously questions the position of the art as something elevated and elitist, while at the same time underlining the tremendous importance that "art as living environment" has for one's both physical and spiritual well-being (if it is at all wise to make distinction between the two)14. Which, next, underlines the importance of understanding and respecting our environment, as being kind to our environment we are being kind to ourselves. 13 Hopkins 2000, pp. 161-197; Danto 2003, 103-124. 14 Dutton 2009, chapter «Art and Human Nature.» 55 Jakob, Jelena, and Bogdin - Three Miniatures on the Assigned Theme Literature Belaj, Vitomir 2007, Hod kroz godinu, Zagreb. Belaj, Vitomir 2008, "Sacred Tripartite Structures in Croatia," in: Mencej, Mirjam ed., Space and Time in Europe, Ljubljana. Belaj, Vitomir, and Belaj, Juraj 2007, "Ivanečki se 'trokut' produbljuje i širi," Ivanečka škrinjica 3, 16-23. Danto, Arthur 2003, The Abuse of Beauty, Chicago. Dutton, Denis2009, The Art Instinct, New York. Goss, Vladimir P. 1975-76, "Two Early Croatian Royal Mausolea", Peristil 18-19, 5-10. Goss, Vladimir P. 2008, "Two Saint Georges and the Earliest Slavic Cultural Landscape Between the Drava and the Sava Rivers," Peristil 51, 7-28. Goss, Vladimir P. 2008B, "Hiding in: Veles the Snake in the Landscape of Medieval Slavo-nia," Ikon 2, 263-270. Goss, Vladimir P. 2009, "Landscape as History, Myth, and Art. An Art Historian's View," Studia Ethnologica Croatica 21, 133-166. Goss, Vladimir P., and Gudek, Tea, 2009, "Some very Old Sanctuaries and the Emergence of Zagreb's Cultural Landscape," Peristil 52, 7-26. Hopkins, David 2000, After Modern Art, Oxford. Katičic, Radoslav 2008, Božanski boj, Zagreb. Mikic, Vesna 2010, «Razvojni programi za pogranična područja Hrvatske, »Gradevinar 62, 123-131. Pauzanija 2008, Vodič po Heladi, Uroš Pasini, transl., Split. Pleterski, Andrej 1996, "Strukture tridelne ideologije pri Slovanov," Zgodovinski časopis 50, 163-185. 56 Vladimir Peter Goss, Vesna Mikic Jakob, Jelena i Bogdin - tri minijature na zadanu temu Vladimir Peter Goss, Vesna Mikic Čovjek nikad nije mogao živjeti u okolišu koji nije osmislio svojim duhom, odnosno gdje se nije spojilo stvarateljstvo ljudskog roda i prirode. U tom okviru «zeleni» - su otišli dalje od «kulturnjaka», no danas se počinje shvačati da zaštite opče ekologije nema bez zaštite i prirodne i kulturne ekologije. U biti, one su neodvojive. Takvo shvačanje vodi do shvačanja stvaralačke suradnje čovjeka i prirode, te se time lome granice izmedu «grana umjetnosti», ali i granice izmedu «visoke» i «niske», «elitne»i «pučke» umjetnosti, itd. Velika je zasluga linguistike i kulturne antropologije pri vračanju studija likovnih umjetnosti na pravi put. U svjetlu izrečenog, iznio bih ukratko tri primjera pokušaja sagledavanja nekih kulturno-pejsažnih fenomena s gledišta proučavatelja likovnih umjetnosti. 1. Jakob. Naš prvi primjer se obrača Zagrebačkom Prigorju. Profesor Belaj je pokazao kako se ključne točke tog pejsaža mogu posložiti u «sveti trkut» - Sv. Jakob na Medvednici (Perun), Sv. Marko na Gradecu (Mokoš) i Županiči na Jarunu (Veles). Belaj je primijetio takoder da tri važna orjentira tog pejsaža nalaze na istoj crti. Crta se preko Save nastavlja u Jakuševec, gdje je u 14. st. a vjerojatno i prije župa Sv. Marka. Preko Medvednice, crta se nastvalja u Jakovlje i Igrišče, toponim koji se u vrlo zanimljivom spomeničkom kontekstu javlja i na Kalniku (mjesto rituala). Dalje nismo išli jer več i ovo zahtijeva intenzivan rad na terenu koji slijedi. Uz tu os vežu se još neki zanimljivi položaji, prvenstveno na području Remetskog «džepa» moguče najranije jegre slavenskog Zagreba. U skupini Lipa-Rog na istočnom di-jelu središnje Medvednice (kako nam je pojasnio Pofesor Pleterski, opet toponimi bogatog sadržaja) locirali smo moguču zanimljivu točku, brijeg po imenu Stari kip. A povučemo li crtu sa Sv. Jakoba kroz područje Kamenitog stola u Remetama dola-zimo do rimskog pretka Zagreba, Andautonije! Dakle, kulturni pejsaž Zagrebačkog Prigorja ima kao temelj mrežu vrlo starih svetih mjesta, koja uvelike korelira s ljudskim zahvatima u okoliš. 2. Jelena Može li ovakovo osmišljavanje pejsaža, uzeti u obzir važne spomenike nacionalne povijesti? Na pr., ako je Perun kod Sv. Jurja nad Žrnovnicom, da li su Mokoš i Veles na nekom od važnih predromaničkih lokaliteta splitske okolice. Mokoš bi trebala biti na Otoku u Solinu kod crkve SS. Marije i Stjepana, mauzoleja Kraljice Jelene i hrvatskih kraljeva, aVeles na Poljudu (Paludes-Močvare), možda kod šesterolisne crkvice Sv. Trojstva i Miho-vila (koji često sjeda ba Velesove položaje). Profesor Belaj mi je nacrtao, t.z., mali trokut koji odgovara mojoj predpostavci. Dakle valja podvrgnuti ključne spomenike ranog hrvatskog krščanstva sličnim analizama. 3. Bogdin Ako se naslučuju uzorci u stvaralačkom osmišljavanju pejsaža, da li smo na tragu nekoj ikonografiji pejsaža? Sv. Jakob je lijepa piramidalna glavica, pa tako i Sv. Brdo na 57 Jakob, Jelena, and Bogdin - Three Miniatures on the Assigned Theme Južnom Velebitu, Pogani vrh na Zapadnom Papuku i Kajles, sveto brdo Himalaja. Da li je razmjerno pravilan piramidalni oblik standardna «slika» Perunovog stana? Iznad autoceste Zagreb-Rijeka izmedu Oštrovice i Kikovice ima nekoliko vrlo li-jepih «piramida» od kojh se jedna zove Bogdin! Mislim da smo zaista na putu prema ikonografiji pejsažnih oblika. 58 Hrenova pridiga ob polaganju temeljnega kamna za kapucinski samostan v Ljubljani Julijana Visočnik The author presents a draft for a sermon or a speech, which was given by Tomaž Hren at the consecration on 25th April 1607 of the foundation stone for the new Capuchin monastery in Ljubljana (today park Zvezda in the centre of Ljubljana). This draft was quoted and used primarily as a proof for the existence of pagan beliefs in old Slavic gods even in the 17th century. Since the mentioned draft has not yet been presented as a whole, the context of mentioning Lada, Plejn, and Poberin has not been known; therefore scholars were left on their own for interpretation. The author wants to bridge this gap. Since we have only a draft of Hren's sermon, we do not know the text that was actually spoken. Therefore it will never be clear how much of his attention was actually dedicated to the Slavic gods, which are only mentioned in the draft. I. Tomaž Hren (1560-1630) Deveti ljubljanski škof je bil znameniti Tomaž Hren, o katerem je bilo že veliko napisanega.1 Sodbe o njem in o njegovi vlogi za zgodovino Slovencev in Slovenstva pa so bile in ostajajo deljene. Naj na tem mestu dodamo samo nekaj osnovnih podatkov iz njegovega življenja, ki nam bodo pomagali razumeti čas, o katerem govorimo, in Hrenova prizadevanja, ki so razvidna tudi iz tukaj obravnavane pridige. Tomaž Hren se je rodil leta 1560 v Ljubljani; po smrti očeta ga je starega komaj osem let pod svoje okrilje vzel stric (mamin brat), ki mu je omogočil šolanje. Najprej se je šolal v benediktinskem samostanu v Admontu, nato je študij nadaljeval pri graških jezuitih in nazadnje še na Dunaju. Zaradi bolezni je opustil misel na študij filozofije v Padovi in se vpisal na teologijo v Gradcu. Po mašniškem posvečenju 1588 je postal ljubljanski stolni pridigar ter stolni kanonik. Zapletom navkljub je leta 1599 prejel škofovsko posvečenje. 1614 ga je nadvojvoda Ferdinand imenoval za vladnega namestnika notranjeavstrijskih dežel v Gradcu, a se je tej službi leta 1621 Hren odpovedal. 1628 ga je nadvojvoda Ferdinand imenoval za svojega tajnega svetnika, a je Hren že 1630 v Gornjem Gradu umrl. Nesporno je, da si je škof Hren zelo prizadeval za prenovo verskega življenja v Ljubljanski škofiji, pri tem si je pomagal na razne načine, med drugim je skrbel za vzgojo duhovniških kandidatov in samih duhovnikov.2 Spoznal je korist določenih redov, predvsem jezuitov in kapucinov, ter jih pritegnil v svoj »program«. Hren je slovel kot dober 1 Prim. Kolar, 1992, 17-28; Lavrič, 1988; Lavrič, 1992, 99-109; Škulj, 1992, 110-120; Škulj, 1998 (predvsem Pe-trič, 1998, 77-88; Škrabl, 1998, 181-198; Škafar, 1998, 257-274); Dolinar, 2007, 107-120 (s pripadajočo literaturo). 2 Snoj, 1998, 199-216. 59 Hrenova pridiga ob polaganju temeljnega kamna za kapucinski samostan v Ljubljani pridigar, kar je pričakoval in zahteval tudi od svojih duhovnikov. Pridigal je v domačem jeziku, osnutke za pridige in govore pa si je sestavljal v latinščini. Kot izredni pridigarji so sloveli predvsem kapucini, in prav v tem lahko najbrž iščemo razlog, da jih je povabil v Ljubljano. II. Hrenove pridige (1597-1630)3 Rokopis, v katerem so zbrane pridige (oz. osnutki za njih) in razni govori znamenitega ljubljanskega škofa Tomaža Hrena, hrani Nadškofijski arhiv v Ljubljani (NŠAL 100, 98/1). Leta 1938 jih je v Bogoslovnem vestniku predstavil Josip Turk, ki jih je na tem mestu natančno razdelal in analiziral. Vseh osnutkov in zapiskov pridig ter govorov je okoli 50, oštevilčil pa jih je prav J. Turk (154 strani). Sam rokopis je sestavljen iz svežnja papirnatih listov. Pridige in govori (oz. njihovi osnutki), ki jih je lastnoročno pisal Tomaž Hren, so zapisani v latinščini. Na začetku teksta je pogosto zapisal tudi kraj in datum, ko je pridiga nastala, ob robovih teksta pa je velikokrat označil tudi vire citatov. Največkrat citira Sveto pismo, sledijo cerkveni očetje (e.g. sveti Avguštin, Ambrozij, Gregor Veliki in drugi) ter tudi filozofa Platona in Aristotela. Pridige je mogoče razdeliti po vsebini na: nedeljske pridige, pridige ob praznikih in pridige ob raznih priložnostih. J. Turk nazorno ilustrira tudi zgradbo Hrenovih pridig, ki imajo načeloma enotno zgradbo: svetopisemski citat kot geslo; uvod (exordium); napoved teme (propositio); točke premišljevanja in moralni nauki (puncta et doctrinae); zaključek.4 Glede na pridigarsko delo Tomaža Hrena in merila, ki jih je postavil za pridiganje v pravilih ob ustanovitvi alumnata v Gornjem Gradu 1605 (NŠAL 100, 122/9, Fundatio Alumnatus Oberburgensis 1605), ga je mogoče obravnavati kot prenovitelja cerkvenega govorništva.5 Pridiga (govor) ob polaganju temeljnega kamna za kapucinski samostan v Ljubljani, ki ima številko XIV (str. 42-44), je nastala za slovesnost 25. aprila 1607 v Ljubljani. Ob tem datumu je na prvi strani zapisan še datum: 11. junij 1623. Tega dne je Hren v Ljubljani položil in posvetil temeljni kamen nove avguštinske cerkve in samostana, ki so ju redovniki začeli graditi onstran špitalskega mosta v ljubljanskem predmestju.6 Kje se skriva razlog, da sta na pridigi zapisana dva datuma oz. zakaj je na pridigi pripisan drugi datum? Glede na to, da gre ponovno za blagoslovitev temeljnega kamna za samostan in cerkev, lahko sklepamo, da je Hren isti osnutek porabil še ob tej priložnosti. Določene spremembe so bile sicer res nujne, a okvir je lahko ostal isti. Ob robu pole je Hren striktno zapisoval citate, v našem primeru gre za citate in aluzije na svetopisemske odlomke. Ker so slovesnost obhajali na praznik sv. Marka, ga je v govoru omenil kot apostola teh krajev. Kot poročajo drugi viri, se je ob tej priložnosti zbrala velika množica ljudi, ki so z odobravanjem in navdušenjem sprejeli škofovo pridigo.7 3 Prim. Turk, 1938, 40-73; Kolar, 1992, 23. 4 Prim. Turk, 1938, 50. 5 Prim. Kolar, 1992, 24. 6 Lavrič, 1988, 219. 7 Glej op. 11. 60 Julijana Visočnik Sl. 1 Alois Schaffenrath, Kapucinski samostan v Ljubljani, okoli 1817, kolorirana jedkanica/papir, last: MGML-Mestni muzej Ljubljana. Fig. 1 Alois Schaffenrath, Capuchin monastery in Ljubljana, around 1817, coloured etching/paper, possession of: MGML-City museum Ljubljana. III. Kapucini v Ljubljani Sloves kapucinov kot izrednih pridigarjev je očitno prepričal tudi Tomaža Hrena, saj se je na njih obrnil s prošnjo, da naj pridejo tudi v Ljubljano. Njihova uspešna dejavnost, ki je bila usmerjena predvsem v katoliško prenovo, in jo je lahko spremljal v sosednjih mestih, je gotovo pripomogla k njegovi odločitvi. Za gradnjo samostana jim je zemljišče v Ljubljani podaril nadvojvoda Ferdinand. Ljubljanski škof Hren je 25. 4. 1607 na tem mestu (današnji park Zvezda) postavil križ in blagoslovil temeljni kamen (Sl. 1). Cerkev in samostan so ob pomoči in številnih darovih zgradili zelo hitro. Že naslednje leto 31. avgusta 1608 je Hren cerkev posvetil. Hren jim je priskrbel še osnovni pridigarski priročnik: Sveto pismo v slovenskem jeziku. Na omenjenem mestu so kapucini v Ljubljani delovali vse do leta 1809, ko so red razpustili Francozi.8 Škof Hren je v protokolu zapisal tudi poročilo o slovesnosti blagoslovitve tega temeljnega kamna; v listini, ki jo je vložil v temeljni kamen je omenil, da je ustanovitelj samostana nadvojvoda Ferdinand, ki je za gradnjo poklonil vicedomski vrt zunaj mestnega obzidja ob južnih vratih.9 8 Prim. Benedik, 1992, 29-42; prim. še Kolar, 1992, 22. 9 Prim. Škafar, 1998, 264-265; Benedik, 1988, 18, 59-61; prim. Benedik, Kralj, 1994, 23, kjer citirata Liber ca-pitularis provinciae Bohemiae 29, ki omenja prihod prvih dveh kapucinov v Ljubljano. Izbrala bi naj prostor za gradnjo samostana: ... Qui cum ad ipsam pervenissent civitatem, elegerunt quendam situm, seu locum ab 61 Hrenova pridiga ob polaganju temeljnega kamna za kapucinski samostan v Ljubljani Sl. 2 Prva stran XIV. Hrenove pridige (Foto T. Krampač, Nadškofijski arhiv Ljubljana). Fig. 2 Page 1 of Hren's sermon XIV (Photo T. Krampač, Archbishop's archives Ljubljana). 62 Julijana Visočnik Sl. 3 Druga stran XIV. Hrenove pridige (Foto T. Krampač, Nadškofijski arhiv Ljubljana). Fig. 3 Page 2 of Hrens sermon XIV (Photo T. Krampač, Archbishop's archives Ljubljana). 63 Hrenova pridiga ob polaganju temeljnega kamna za kapucinski samostan v Ljubljani Sl. 4 Tretja stran XIV. Hrenove pridige (Foto T. Krampač, Nadškofijski arhiv Ljubljana). Fig. 4 Page 3 of Hren's sermon XIV (Photo T. Krampač, Archbishop's archives Ljubljana). 64 Julijana Visočnik Sl. 5 Četrta stran XIV. Hrenove pridige (Foto T. Krampač, Nadškofijski arhiv Ljubljana). Fig. 5 Page 4 of Hrens sermon XIV (Photo T. Krampač, Archbishop's archives Ljubljana). 65 Hrenova pridiga ob polaganju temeljnega kamna za kapucinski samostan v Ljubljani IV. Tekst pridige, transkripcija10 In positione & consecratione primarij lapidis pro monasterio novo venerabilium et devotissimorum Dei servorum fratrum ordinis Sancti Francisci Capuccinorum in subur-banis Labaci. Designavit Dominus Jesus septuaginta duos etc.11 Quando Rex quispiam vexillum suum erigit, solent multi eius nomini devoti et obedientes accurrere, dare nomina, in signo Regio iucundari ac triumphare. Rex Regum et Dominus dominantium12 Dominus Jesus Christus. Quoniam ipse est Deus magnus & Rex super omnem terram.13 Vexillum eius signum vivificum Sancti Crucis in qua liberati et salvati sumus. Vexilla Regis prodeunt fulget Crucis mysterium. Hoc defigitur hodie in hoc loco benedictum ut adoremus. Sanctificatur autem per verbum. Dei omnis creatura Dei bona & per orationem.14 Verbum autem caro factum est, per quod creavit sanctificavit & restauravit Deus omnia pacificans per sanguinem Crucis filij eius omnia sive quae in coelis sive quae in terris sunt.15 Venite quo adoremus. Quia signum signati maiestatem & gloriam iunxit nobis. Ut serviant in hoc loco servi Dei Deo. Cui servire regnare est excluso per hoc triumphale signum inimico. Ut sit patriae et totius civitatis propugnaculum & praesidium. Templum Salomo- nis. Et quid sibi volunt tam celebres et sacrosanctae caeremoniae. Audivistis de cruce. 1. Quia Dominus salutem humani generis in ligno crucis constituit, ut unde mors oriebatur: inde vita resurgeret. Et qui in ligno vincebat in ligno quoque vinceretur, per Christum Dominum nostrum. 2. Excluditur potestas inimici et exinanitur. Si quo inimicus debilitatur: quam lae-tandum est huic civitati in hoc trophaeo . Non turra, non diabolus ipse praevalebit, non aereuae potestates. ipsomet serenissimo achiduce pro amore Dei liberaliter exhibitum, in quo reverendissimus illius civitatis epi-scopus crucem errexit, primariumque lapidem solemni ritu et benedictione in fundamentis posuit 25 Aprilis 1607. Qui quidem episcopus propter caeremoniam praedictam etiam concionem habuit cum magna populi laetitia et applausu. 10 Na tem mestu se za pomoč pri transkripciji ter koristne nasvete zahvaljujem dr. Matjažu Ambrožiču, dr. Francetu M. Dolinarju in dr. Ani Lavrič. Zahvala za pobudo objave te pridige pa gre dr. Andreju Pleterskemu. 11 Vulgata: Lc 10, 1 Post haec autem designavit Dominus et alios septuaginta duos ... (Potem je Gospod določil še drugih dvainsedemdeset ...). 12 Vulgata: Apoc. 19, 16 et habet in vestimento et in femore suo scriptum rex regum et Dominus dominantium (Na plašču in na boku pa ima zapisano ime: Kralj kraljev in Gospod gospodov). 13 Vulgata: Psal. 94, 3 quoniam fortis et magnus Dominus et rex magnus super omnes deos (zakaj velik Bog je Gospod, velik kralj nad vsemi bogovi). 14 Vulgata: 1 Tim. 4, 4-5 quia omnis creatura Dei bona et nihil reiciendum quod cum gratiarum actione percipi-tur sanctificatur enim per verbum Dei orationem (Zakaj vse, kar je ustvaril Bog, je dobro in ničesar ne smemo zametavati, le da to s hvaležnostjo uživamo. Saj vse posvečuje božja beseda in molitev). 15 Vulgata: Kol. 1, 20 et per eum reconciliare omnia in ipsum pacificans per sanguinem crucis eius sive quae in terris sive quae in caelis sunt (in da je po njem spravil s sabo vse stvarstvo. Saj je s krvjo njegovega križa, se pravi po njem, pomiril, kar je na zemlji in kar je v nebesih). 66 Julijana Visočnik Ponitur in fundamento lapis primarius et benedicitur. Hic Christum Dominum Signum. Lapis sine manu de monte abscissus:16 quia Dominus per suam misericordiam de monte suo sancto et coelis dignatus est ad nos descendere:17 carnem absque virili semine sine peccato assumpsit in similitudinem hominem factus est habitu inventus ut homo.18 Hic lapis angularis est, quem licet reprobaverunt aedificatores primi sicut Iudaei factus est tamen in caput anguli.19 Et super quaecumque coriderit, conteret eum qui autem super ipsum coriderit, confringetur.20 Lapis angularis, electus & pretiosus21 in fundamen-tum Ecclesiae Petra pretiosa Christus Jesus Dominus noster: qua inventa demum omnia vendamus et comparemus eam.22 Ponitur in fundamento et desuper aedificatur. Quia fundamentum aliud nemo potest ponere23 praeter id quod positum, quod est Christus Jesus omnis Ecclesiastica in hoc consurgit aedificatio. Quidquid extra aedificatur eradicabitur. Omnis enim plantatio, quam non plantavit pater coelestis eradicatur.24 Benedicuntur fundamenta omnia. Quoniam unctus est Dominus a Deo patre et repletus omni beneditione. Quia ipse est qui solvit maledictionem et confundens mortem donavit nobis vitam sempiternam. Oleum et vinum imponuntur in lapide primario. Figuratum fuit in Jacob. Oleum spiritus sancti unctionem .. ,25 Et vinum laetitiam spiritus designat. Quia vinum laetificat cor hominis. Incensum orationis devotionem. Litterae. Chirographum illud, quod fuit affixum cruci: quod delevit Christus morte sua. Quia erat contrarium nobis. 16 Vulgata: Dan. 2, 45 secundum quod vidisti quod de monte abscisus est lapis sine manibus ... (Saj si videl sam, da se je z gore kamen utrgal brez človeških rok ...). 17 V tekstu descondere. 18 Vulgata: Fil. 2, 7 sed semet ipsum exinanivit formam servi accipiens in similitudinem hominum factus et habitu inventus ut homo ... (ampak je sam sebe izničil tako, da je prevzel vlogo hlapca in postal podoben ljudem. Po zunanjosti je bil kakor človek ...). 19 Vulgata: Psal. 117, 22 lapis quem reprobaverunt aedificantes factus est in caput anguli (118 kamen, ki so ga zidarji zavrgli, je postal vogelni kamen). 20 Vulgata: Mat. 21, 44 et qui ceciderit super lapidem istum confringetur super quem vero ceciderit conteret eum (Kdor bo padel na ta kamen, se bo razbil; in na kogar bo on padel, se bo strl). 21 Vulgata: 1 Pet. 2, 6 . ecce pono in Sion lapidem summum angularem electum pretiosum et qui crediderit in eo non confundetur (Glej, na Sionu polagam kamen, izbran in dragocen vogelni kamen. Kdor se bo nanj zanesel, ne bo doživel sramote). 22 Vulgata: 1 Kor 10, 4 petra autem erat Christus (in ta skala je bil Kristus). 23 Vulgata: 1 Kor. 3, 11 ... fundamentum enim aliud nemo potest ponere praeter id quod positum est qui est Christus Iesus (Drugega temelja namreč nihče ne more položiti razen tistega, ki je že položen, in ta je Jezus Kristus). 24 Vulgata: Mat. 15, 13 . omnis plantatio quam non plantavit Pater meus caelestis eradicabitur (vsaka sadika, ki je ni vsadil moj nebeški Oče, bo izkoreninjena). 25 Nad besedo unctionem je napisana še ena beseda, ki pa je ni mogoče prebrati. 67 Hrenova pridiga ob polaganju temeljnega kamna za kapucinski samostan v Ljubljani Aurum et argentum imponitur. Nam et tres reges eadem munera detulerunt. Haec maiores nostri passim in hac patria, ubi plurimae ecclesiae constructae sunt cogitabant, opere adimplebant. Et nos quoque tali die Sancto Marco Evangelistae sacrata faciamus. Fuit Apostolus harum partium. Recita historiam. Per ipsum cognovimus Deum. Nota t26 Lada: Plejn: Poberin, Idola et dij antea Carniolae. Trinae: 1. Simus grati Domino Deo propter lumen fidei acceptum. 2. Imitemur vestigia Serenissimi Principis Ferdinandi matris Mariae & nostri principi quia ipse est Fundator loci. Date eleemosynas, vendite omnia quae posidetis date et dabit vobis.27 Sola misericordia comes est pauperum morientium constat extra sepulchrum usque ad thronum Domini. Mementote quomodo malignus daemon suo veneno curavit destrui per sua membra Beatae Mariae Virginis et Sancti Joannis Ecclesias. Ecce restaurantur omnia. Estote ergo grati. V. Prevod Pri postavitvi in posvetitvi temeljnega kamna za nov samostan častitljivih in kar najbolj predanih Božjih služabnikov bratov kapucinov frančiškanskega reda v predmestju Ljubljane. Gospod Jezus jih je določil 72 itd. Ko nek kralj dvigne svoj prapor, imajo mnogi njegovemu imenu predani in ubogljivi navado prihiteti, dati imena, se v kraljevskem znamenju razveseliti in zmagovati. Kralj kraljev in gospod gospodujočih, gospod Jezus Kristus. Ker sam je velik Bog in kralj čez vso zemljo. Njegov prapor je oživljajoče znamenje svetega Križa, v katerem smo bili osvobojeni in rešeni. Kraljeva prapor koristi in se blešči skrivnost križa. Ta blagoslov se danes na tem mestu razglaša, da bi molili. Posvečuje se pa po besedi. Vse Božje stvarstvo je dobro in se posvečuje po molitvi. Beseda pa je meso postala in po njej je Bog ustvaril, posvetil in obnovil vse; s krvjo njegovega križa, njegovega sina, je pomiril vse, kar je na zemlji in kar je v nebesih. Pridite, da bi molili. Ker smo z znamenjem zaznamovani, nam je združil veličino in slavo. Da bi na tem mestu božji služabniki služili Bogu. Njemu služiti, pomeni vladati, izključno po tem triumfalnem znamenju sovražniku. 26 Hrenova poznavalka dr. Ana Lavrič pravi, da je Hren takšnih križev narisal veliko; kadar je le mogel, ga je kam pritaknil (gl. pontifikalne protokole, prim. Lavrič, 1988, 184). Po njenem mnenju ga je mogoče razložiti s tem, da je Hren vedno in povsod želel poudarjati eksemptnost ljubljanske škofije in neposredno podrejenost papežu (nasproti oglejskemu patriarhu). Na tem mestu pa je morda hotel še dodatno poudariti pripadnost, podrejenost papežu, najvišjemu pravovernemu organu, nasproti omembi poganskega. 27 Vulgata: Lk 12, 33 vendite quae possidetis et date elemosynam (Prodajte, kar imate, in dajte vbogajme). 68 Julijana Visočnik Da bo branik in varstvo domovini ter vsej državi. Salomonov tempelj. In kaj želijo zase tako slavni in posvečeni obredi. Slišali ste o križu. 1. Ker je Gospod rešitev človeškega rodu določil na lesu križa, da od koder je izvirala smrt, od tam je ponovno vstalo življenje. In kdor je zmagal na lesu, bo na lesu tudi premagan. Po Kristusu, Gospodu našem. 2. Izključi in oropa se moč sovražnika. Če je sovražnik tako ohromljen, se mora ta država veseliti v tej zmagi. Ne bodo prevladali ne stolpi , ne sam hudič, ne nebesne sile. V temelj postavljamo odličen kamen in ga blagoslavljamo. To je znamenje Gospoda Kristusa. Kamen, ki je bil brez rok odtrgan z gore: ker Gospoda smo po njegovem usmiljenju spoznali za vrednega spustiti se s svoje svete gore in z nebes k nam: privzel je obliko mesa brez moškega semena in brez greha ter postal podoben ljudem, po zunanjosti je bil kakor človek. Ta kamen je vogelni kamen, ki, čeprav, so ga zidarji zavrgli kakor prvi Judi, je vendar postal vogelni kamen. Kdor bo padel na ta kamen, se bo razbil; in na kogar bo padel, bo strt. Izbran in dragocen vogelni kamen, v temelju cerkve je dragocena skala Jezus Kristus, naš Gospod: in potem, ko smo jo naposled našli, prodamo vse in si jo pridobimo. Polagamo v temelj, in nad njim se gradi. Ker drugega temelja ne more nihče položiti, razen tistega, ki je že položen, in ta je Jezus Kristus, in v tem vstaja vsaka cerkvena zgradba. Karkoli se gradi mimo tega, bo uničeno. Vsaka sadika namreč, ki je ni posadil nebeški oče, bo izkoreninjena. Blagoslavljajo se vsi temelji. Ker Gospod je bil maziljen od Boga očeta in napolnjen z vsakim blagoslovom. Ker sam je tisti, ki se je rešil sramotenja, zmedel smrt in nam daroval večno življenje. Olje in vino sta postavljena na temeljni kamen. Pri Jakobu je bilo prikazano, da je olje duh svetega maziljenja ...28 In vino določa veselje duha. Ker vino razveseli srce človeka. Vžgan od vdanosti za molitev. Črke. Oni zapis, ki je bil pritrjen na križ: ki ga je Kristus uničil s svojo smrtjo. Ker nam je bil nasproten. Namestili smo zlato in srebro. Kajti tudi trije kralji so prinesli enake darove. Za te so naši predniki povsod v tej domovini, kjer so postavljene številne cerkve, mislili, da jih bodo z delom zapolnili. In tudi mi na ta dan svetega Marka evangelista delamo svete reči. Bil je apostol teh krajev. Beri zgodovino. Po njem samem spoznavamo Boga. 28 Manjkajoča beseda, glej opombo 26. 69 Hrenova pridiga ob polaganju temeljnega kamna za kapucinski samostan v Ljubljani Pomni! Lada, Plejn, Poberin, maliki in bogovi, ki so bili nekdaj na Kranjskem. Troje: 1. Bodimo hvaležni Gospodu Bogu za prejeto luč vere. 2. Posnemajmo stopinje presvetega kneza Ferdinanda, matere Marije, in našega kneza, ker je sam ustanovitelj tega kraja. Dajajte miloščino, prodajte vse, kar imate, dajajte in se vam bo dalo. Samo usmiljenje je spremljevalec ubogih umirajočih, ostaja zunaj groba pa vse do Gospodovega prestola. Pomnite na kak način je pokvarjeni hudič s svojim strupom izvršil! S svojimi udi sem porušil cerkvi Blažene Marije Device in Svetega Janeza. Glejte, vse se obnavlja. Bodite torej hvaležni! VI. Komentar Pridiga XIV (oz. njen osnutek) je že večkrat pritegnila pozornost znanstvenikov, pa ne toliko zaradi dejstva, da je bila podana ob ustanovitvi kapucinskega samostana, tudi ne zaradi latinščine, v kateri je zapisana, in prav tako ne zaradi aluzij in citatov iz Svetega pisma, iz katerih je pridiga v veliki meri sestavljena. Vse zgoraj našteto ne preseneča in ne prinaša nič neobičajnega. Gotovo pa je odraz časa, v katerem je nastala, v njej se zrcalijo proti reformatorske težnje. Pa tudi to ni bil glavni razlog za zanimanje, ki ga je požela. Ustaviti se je potrebno na četrti strani, kjer lahko preberemo stavek: »Lada: Plejn: Poberin, Idola et dij antea Carniolae,« ki predstavlja glavni razlog za nemalo izvajanj na temo Hrenove hipotetične ogorčenosti na račun tega, da naj bi nekdanji poganski bogovi na Kranjskem med ljudstvom še vedno živeli.29 Nadaljevati je mogoče s pokristjanjevanjem na Slovenskem; jasno je, kdaj se je začelo, a ob tej omembi staroslovanskih božanstev se je gotovo potrebno vprašati, kako uspešno je bilo, če T. Hren še v 17. st. omenja druga poganska božanstva. Kakor da reformacija že sama po sebi ne bi bila dovolj, smo ob tej omembi primorani pomisliti na obstoj starejših predkrščanskih religioznih praks v odmaknjenih krajih Kranjske. Ker pa je posvetitev temeljnega kamna potekala na praznik svetega Marka, se Hren za trenutek ustavi pri tem apostolu naših krajev,30 po katerem bi naj naši kraji Boga sploh spoznali. In takoj za tem Hren navede »sporen« stavek. Ker gre za osnutek, ne vemo, kako ga je povezal z odlomkom pred njim in kako s tistim za njim. Ena izmed verjetnih možnosti je tudi ta, da je prav sveti Marko tisti, ki je iz naših krajev pregnal poganske bogove in malike, torej tiste, ki so bili nekdaj na Kranjskem. Na ta način lahko Hrenovo omembo vstavimo v širši kontekst vsebine pridige in uničimo izstopajoči učinek, ki ga ima obravnavani stavek na prvi pogled. 29 Mal, 1940, 3; Petrovič, 2001, 55; Pleterski, 2001, 41. 30 Evangelist Marko ni nikoli deloval v naših krajih, so pa njegove svetinje po njegovi smrti iz Aleksandrije prepeljali v Benetke, kjer so mu sezidali veličastno cerkev. Iz Benečije in Ogleja pa se je češčenje sv. Marka širilo v naše dežele, prim. Leto Svetnikov II, 209. Valvasor v VI. knjigi navaja podatek, da bi naj sv. Marko dejansko nekaj časa živel in deloval v Akvileji; s sv. Hermagoro bi naj oznanjevala v sami Akvileji in tudi v sosednjih pokrajinah, prim. J.W. Valvasor, VI. Knjiga, II. poglavje (J. W. Valvasor, 1689, II. Theil, 383-384). Valvasor najbrž sledi ljudskemu izročilu, ki ga je očitno poznal tudi škof Tomaž Hren. 70 Julijana Visočnik Kljub temu še vedno ostaja vprašanje, zakaj se je Hrenu zdelo pomembno poganske bogove sploh izrecno omeniti. Predvidevamo lahko, da jih je vzel iz ljudskega izročila,31 kar seveda ne dokazuje obstoja češčenja teh bogov v 17. st., ga pa tudi ne zanika. Potrjuje pa poznavanje teh likov med ljudstvom, saj jih v nasprotnem primeru tudi ne bi bilo smiselno omenjati pred ljudskimi množicami, ki so prišle na slovesnost. Če pa jih je vzel iz ljudskega izročila, potem lahko sklepamo, da so bili vsaj do neke mere med ljudmi še vedno živi. Omenjeni stavek pa je mogoče razumeti preprosto kot pridigarski vložek, kot retorični ekskurz, kot prispodobo, s katero je želel poudariti, da so nekoč v naših krajih častili poganske bogove, danes pa pravega Boga. Učinek tistega, kar je želel povedati, je bil večji, če je izpostavil tisto, kar je bilo prej, za razliko od tega, kar je sedaj. Besedica antea ima svojo težo, ki je ne gre zanemariti. V literaturi je mogoče zaslediti, da je Hren šokiran ugotavljal obstoj poganskih bogov, da je ob tej priložnosti proti njim strogo nastopil itd.32 Vendar na osnovi zapisanega v pridigi ne moremo izpeljati ne tona povedanega in ne sklepati, koliko časa se je Hren dejansko pomudil pri poganskih bogovih in malikih na Kranjskem. Pred nami je pač samo osnutek, ki nam sicer pove, česa se je v pridigi nameraval dotakniti, ne moremo pa izpeljati, na kak način in kako obsežno se je česa dejansko lotil. Avtorji, ki so pisali o Hrenovem nastopu proti poganskemu verovanju, iz samega osnutka niso mogli zaključiti, kako oster je bil njegov t.i. nastop proti poganskemu verovanju, ko pa Hren samo naniza tri slovanske bogove in omeni malike. Kaj je mogoče povedati o izboru slovanskih božanstev, ki jih navede Hren? Zakaj se pojavi Lada, boginja pomladi, veselja, zakona in zdravja? Glede na njeno vlogo je mogoče sklepati na to, da je bila med ljudmi zelo priljubljena. Kot zaščitnica pozitivnega, optimističnega, veselja, veselja do življenja in njegovega prebujanja, zdravja itd. bi nesporno z lahkoto ohranjala svoje častilce. Posebno še, če imamo v mislih, da je krščanstvo nastopalo zelo resno, strogo, togo; z odnosom, da je onostranstvo tisto, ki kaj šteje, in za kar si je potrebno prizadevati. Hren omenja še Plejna in Poberina. Plejn bi naj bil dobri domači duh, ki ga je mogoče enačiti tudi s Polevojem. Povezujemo ju z dobro žitno letino, za katero se jima je ljudstvo gotovo naprej priporočalo in poleti zahvaljevalo.33 Verovanje v Polevoja, poljskega duha, ki ga povezujemo z žetvijo, klasjem in na splošno poljem, je bilo razširjeno predvsem med Rusi.34 Ker je bila dobra letina pogosto življenjskega pomena, bi se češčenje Plejna lahko ohranjalo dolgo časa. Kot nasprotni pol življenjskega kroga (prejemanja in dajanja) se pojavi še Poberin, torej tisti, ki pobere. Če je Plejn tisti, ki da, je Poberin tisti, ki vzame. Še danes je poberin35 prisoten na slovenskem prostoru kot spremljevalec maškar, ki pobira darove (Brkini). Poberina je mogoče najti tudi v obliki poberuh, ki velja za najstarejšo slovensko ime meseca septembra,36 kar gre ponovno v kontekst prej povedanega. September je mesec, ko se pospravlja večina letine, se jo torej pospravi (pobere). 31 V učeni literaturi tistega časa jih ni najti (prim. Zbrana dela Primoža Trubarja II, 227-239; Valvasor, VI. knjiga; Schönleben, 1680/1681, 347; računali pa bi lahko še na Hrenovo natančnost pri zapisovanju citatov. Ob tem stavku namreč ni pripisa. 32 Mal, 1940, 3. 33 Mal, 1940, 23-24. 34 Ovsec, 1991, 343, 360. 35 S tem v zvezi je mogoče omeniti še ime poberuh, ki je bilo nekdaj v rabi za mesec september, torej tisti mesec, ki vzame (v smislu, da jih je potrebno pobrati) večino pridelkov. 36 Prim. Stabej, 1966, 73, 80. 71 Hrenova pridiga ob polaganju temeljnega kamna za kapucinski samostan v Ljubljani Bibliografija Benedik, M., »Iz protokolov ljubljanskih škofov, Protokol 1, 128-53, za leta 1606-1611«, v: Acta ecclesiastica Sloveniae 10, Ljubljana, 1988, 7-160. Benedik, M., »Kapucini v notranjeavstrijskih deželah«, Bogoslovni vestnik 52, 1992, 2942. Benedik, M., A. Kralj, »Kapucini na Slovenskem v zgodovinskih virih. Nekdanja Štajerska kapucinska provinca«, v: Acta ecclesiastica Sloveniae 16, Ljubljana, 1994. Dolinar, F.M., »Tomaž Hren (1560-1630)«, Dom in svet, 1995, 215-223. Dolinar, F.M., Ljubljanski škofje, Ljubljana, 2007. Kolar, B., »Ljubljanski škof Tomaž Hren in katoliška obnova«, Bogoslovni vestnik 52, 1992, 17-28. Kranjc Vrečko F. (ur.) in drugi, Zbrana dela Primoža Trubarja. Ta celi catechismus s kratko zastopno izlago, 1567; Catechismus z dveima izlagama, 1575, Ljubljana, 2003. Lavrič, A., Vloga ljubljanskega škofa Tomaža Hrena v slovenski likovni umetnosti I. Slovenska akademija znanosti in umetnosti, razred za zgodovinske in družbene vede. Dela 32. Umetnostnozgodovinski inštitut Franceta Steleta I, II. Ljubljana, 1988. Lavrič, A., »Vloga ljubljanskih škofov Janeza Tavčarja in Tomaža Hrena v likovni umetnosti katoliške obnove«, Bogoslovni vestnik 52, 1992, 99-109. Mal, J., »Slovenske mitološke starine«, Glasnik muzejskega društva za Slovenijo XXI, 1940, 1-37. Ovsec, D.J., Slovanska mitologija in verovanje, Ljubljana, 1991. Petrič, F., »Življenjska pot Tomaža Hrena (1560-1630)«, v: E. Škulj (ur.), Hrenov simpozij v Rimu, Ljubljana, 1998, 77-88. Petrovič, S., »Hriščanstvo i drevna slovenska religija«, v: Dve hiljadegodina hrišcanstva na Balkanu, JUNIR, godišnjak VII, Niš, 2001, 48-57. Pleterski, A., »Gab es bei den Südslawen Widerstand gegen die Christianisierung?«, Studia Mythologica Slavica IV, 2001, 33-44. Schönleben, J.L., Carniolia antiqua et nova. : antiqua Japydica, Hyperborea, Celtica, Pan-nonica, Norica, Istrica, Carnica, Romana, Vandalica, Gotthica, Langobardica, Slavica, Avarica, Francica. Nova Germanica, Slavica, Francica, Bavarica, Austriaca, : sive inclyti Ducatus Carnioliae annales sacro-prophani. Ab orbe condito ad nostram usque aetatem per annorum seriem Chronographice digesti in duos tomos ... Labaci, 1680/1681. Smolik, M. (ur.), Leto svetnikov 2, april-junij, Celje, 2000. Snoj, A.S., »Vzgoja in izobraževanje duhovnikov v Hrenovem času«, v: E. Škulj (ur.), Hrenov simpozij v Rimu, Ljubljana, 1998, 199-216. Stabej, J., Ob petstoletnici škofjeloškega zapisa slovenskih imen za mesece, Škofja Loka, 1966. Škafar, V., »Hren ter kapucini in drugi redovi«, v: E. Škulj (ur.), Hrenov simpozij v Rimu, Ljubljana, 1998, 257-274. Škrabl, F., »Hrenova oznanjevalna dejavnost«, v: E. Škulj (ur.), Hrenov simpozij v Rimu, Ljubljana, 1998, 181-198. Škulj, E., »Škof Hren in cerkvena glasba«, Bogoslovni vestnik 52, 1992, 110-120. Škulj, E. (ur.), Hrenov simpozij v Rimu, Ljubljana, 1998. Turk, J., »Hrenove pridige«, Bogoslovni vestnik XVIII, I-II, 1938, 40-73. 72 Julijana Visočnik Valvasor, J.W., Die Ehre dess Hertzogthums Crain: das ist, Wahre, gründliche, und recht eigendliche Belegen- und Beschaffenheit dieses ... Römisch-Keyserlichen herrlichen Erblandes, Theil II, Ljubljana, München, 1970 (faksimile). 73 Hrenova pridiga ob polaganju temeljnega kamna za kapucinski samostan v Ljubljani Hren's Sermon upon Setting of the Foundation Stone for the Capuchin Monestary in Ljubljana Julijana Visočnik The author presents a draft for a sermon or a speech by the bishop Tomaž Hren, which was given on 25. April 1607 at the consecration of the foundation stone for the new Capuchin monastery in Ljubljana (today park Zvezda in the centre of Ljubljana). This draft was used and quoted as a proof of the existence of pagan (old Slavic) beliefs still in the 17th century. Since this sermon has never been presented as a whole, the context of the mentioning of the three pagan gods (Lada, Plejn, Poberin) has not been known, therefore scholars had no choice but to use their imagination for interpretation. In order to bridge this gap, the author transcribes the draft and translates it. Since we have in our hands only a draft of the sermon and not the sermon itself, we have to add that we do not know the text which was actually preached by Tomaž Hren. It can be expected that we will never know how much attention Tomaž Hren paid to Slavic gods, which are in fact only mentioned in the text. It can be concluded that pagan gods were introduced to him by folk tradition and not from the scholarly literature. Consequently, this fact cannot be taken as a proof for the worship of pagan cults in the 17th century, while at the same time it cannot be denied. But we can be sure of the existence of the mentioned figures among people in the 17th century and even today. We also have to consider the option that T. Hren used this statement solely as a preacher's instrument to stress the difference between the situation in the past (antea) and the state in the present, when the Christian God is worshipped. 74 Sustav svetišta oko Babožnice Andelko Dermek 00 The last year author described the system of sacred triangles around Babožnica in the lower Zagorje region northwest of Zagreb in Croatia. In this article author gives further space analysis of the reconstructed sacral points and gives their mythological interpretation. The author concludes that the locations of the sanctuaries are connected with the Slavic calendar. This calendar and space points are in the myth connected with the cult of sacred wedding of Mara and Jarilo. After the wedding Jarilo is sacrificed and killed. This act shows some connection with a cauldron. Sveti trokuti i koncentrične kružnice oko Babožnice U članku objavljenom prošle godine interpretirao sam legendu o okamenjenim sva-tovima kao odjek slavenskog mita o božanskoj svadbi Mare i Jarila (Dermek 2009). U kraju oko Kamenih svata u donjem toku rijeke Krapine opisao sam preplet tri sveta trokuta oko toponima Babožnica. U tom članku nisam poklanjao preveliku pažnju medusobnim odnosima duljina stranica u otkrivenim svetim trokutima smatrajuči da su važniji kutovi, te da su medusobni odnosi stranica samo posljedica svetih kutova. Medutim, čini se da je odnos stranica 1:V2 posebno plijenio pažnju slavenskih poganskih svečenika. Tako u svom članku nisam ni naglašavao da ovaj odnos oko toponima Babožnica ima vrlo važnu ulogu. Oko Babožnice tako možemo opisati više koncentričnih kružnica čiji su polumjeri približno u odnosu 1:V2 (Slika 1). Prva i najmanja kružnica prelazi preko kapele Sv. Ivana Krstitelja u Jablanovcu (r1 = 2,48 km). Druga preko kapele Sv. Petra u Zaprešiču (3,5 km) i vrha na Zlatnice (Zatinice, Zlatinice) brijegu (3,5 km). Ova kružnica prelazi i preko kapele Sv. Vendelina u Donjoj Bistri (3,46 km). Treča kružnica prelazi preko crkve Sv. Vida u Javorju (4,99 km) i kapele Majke Božje Čiseljske u Donjoj Pušči (5,03 km). Takoder, oko Babožnice možemo nastaviti ucrtavati još veče kružnice u odnosu 1:V2. Četvrta prelazi preko kapele Sv. Doroteje u Jakovlju (7,06 km), peta preko vrha Medvednice - Sljemena (9,83 km), a šesta preko samog centra Zagreba, tj. približno preko crkve Sv. Marije na Dolcu (13,99 km) koja sasvim sigurno spada u krug najstarijih zagre-bačkih crkava. Polumjeri navedenih kružnica daju odnose koji vrlo malo odstupaju od odnosa 1:V2 (Tabela 1). Odnos Numerička vrijednost (km) Kvocijent r2: r1 3,5 : 2,48 1,41 r3: r2 5,01 : 3,5 1,43 r4: r3 7,06: 5,01 1,41 75 Sustav svetišta oko Babožnice r5: r4 9,83: 7,06 1,39 r6: r5 13,99: 9,83 1,42 Tabela 1: Medusobni odnosi polumjera kružnica opisanih oko Babožnice Može se primijetiti da treca kružnica ovog sustava prolazi samo 100 m od župne cr-kve Sv. Nikole u Poljanici Bistranskoj. Ova crkva je posebno značajna, jer se prvi put spo-minje vec 1209. godine i po tome je jedna od najstarijih u široj okolici. Dao ju je sagraditi Slika 1: Raspored svetišta oko Babožnice. (B: Babožnica, 128m; SI: Sv. Ivan Jablanovec, 165m; MBČ: Majka Božja Čiseljska Donja Pušča, 239m; SJ: Sv. Juraj Donja Pušča, 180m; SV: Sv. Vid Javorje, 132m; SP: Sv. Petar Zaprešič, 128m; Z: Zlatinice brijeg, 584m; KS: Kameni svati, 489m; I: raspelo u Ivancu Bistranskom, 140m; SN: Sv. Nikola Poljanica Bistranska, 259m; SVB: Sv. Vendelin Donja Bistra, 141m; SD: Sv. Doroteja Jakovlje, 215m). 76 Andelko Dermek zagrebački župan Vratislav1 iz poznate plemicke porodice Acha koja je imala velike pos-jede oko Zagreba. Ubikacijom crkve Sv. Nikole automatski bi se ubicirao i posjed Lubenik koji se nalazio niže crkve i njezinog posjeda2, a čiji položaj je do danas ostao enigma, jer se nakon 14. stoljeca više nikada ne spominje. Ubikaci-ju otežava to što se ova crkva različito locira u povijesnim dokumentima: 1209. godi-ne u Poljanicu više Lubeni-ka, 1334. godine u Lubenik3, 1501. godine u Jablanovec4, a tijekom 16. stoljeca u Podgorje. Zabilježena je i tradicija 0 tome da se današnja crkva ne nalazi na izvornoj lokaciji. Bistranski župnik Cerovski u svojoj kronici pod naslovom „Knjiga spomenka vrednih fare bistranske od najstarijih vremena do sadašnjih" pisa-noj 1850. godine navodi kao izvornu lokaciju koja je predaleko od današnje (oko 1 km sjeveroistočno) i koja je još k tome vezana za drugog zaštitnika - Sv. Magdalenu. Neki podaci koje je zabilježio ovaj župnik ukazuju na to da se izvorna crkva ipak nalazila na današnjem položaju ili vrlo blizu njega: „...Vnogi su več sobom premišljavali, nut kaj je negda pervoga vtamelitelja Fare ove genulo, da na ovakovom Brijegu Cirkvu i farof išel je postavlat, i radi bi bili zvrha zeznali, kak morebiti i ti dragi moj Naslednik i Čitavec, koj mesto ovo premišljavaš i zroka zezveidjaš, 1 sudim da ti povolno bude čuti, ako ti ga povem i odprem onak — kak sem ga vu jednem starem pismu naznačenoga našel. — Zakaj na ovom brežuljku, i tak rekuč vu ovoj gori Cir-kva i farof je napravlen, zrok naj vekši je bil ov Zviranjek i ova zdrava voda, koju na dvorišču izvirati vidiš. Ar ov zdenčec vre od starih vremen zarad dobrote svoje na velikem glasu je, ne samo vu ovoj celi okolici, nego takajše i vu istom Zagrebu, kak to iz vustmenog pripovedanja čulsem..." (Nikolic 1962) Slika 2: Lokalni sveti trokut Kameni svati - Sv. Vendelin - Lončarev mlin (KS: Kameni svati, 489m; SV: Sv. Vendelin Donja Bistra, 141m; LM: Lončarev mlin, 170m, SI: Sv. Ivan Jablanovec, 165m; SR: Sv. Rok Novaki Bistranski, 160m; SN: Sv. Nikola Poljanica Bistranska, 259m). „Prima meta predii Polonica nomine, ubi supradictus V(ratizlaus) comes edificauit ecclesiam nomine sancti Nic- holai..." (Smičiklas 1905: 91-95) „Petus qui dicitur frater V(ratizlai) comitis habet predium nomine Lubenic infra metas supradicti sancti Nicho-lai." (Smičiklas 1905: 91-95) "Item ecclesia sancti Nicolai de Lubenic" (Rački 1872) „Valentinusplebanus in Jablanovec" (Rački 1872) 77 4 Sustav svetišta oko Babožnice Nepristupačna lokacija na brijegu i zdravi izvor ukazuju na poganske motive. Uzi-majuci u obzir i to da je šumovito područje Gore (Medvednice) istočno i jugozapadno od crkve jedino koje je moglo biti u posjedu župe od njezinog utemeljenja može se zaključiti da je posjed Lubenik pokrivao područje pod Gorom. Naziv ovog područja je od 15. stoljeca Podgorje, a ponekad i Jablanovec prema najvecem selu. Iz ovoga se vidi da su nazivi Podgorje i Jablanovec vjerojatno tijekom 15. stoljeca potisnuli stariji naziv Lubenik. U vezi s ovom crkvom zanimljivo je spomenuti da neki kazivači legende o Kamenim svatima navode da su svatovi išli od Kamenih svata prema crkvi Sv. Nikole5 ili da je mla-denac bio iz Novaka6, dok neki opet pričaju da su svatovi išli u Nove Dvore7 (nasuprot Babožnice). Za kapelu Sv. Vendelina u Donjoj Bistri je značajno da se nalazi skoro točno sjever-no od Kamenih svata i na drugoj koncentričnoj kružnici oko Babožnice. Medutim, trece svetište se ne da sigurno locirati, osim ako to ne bi bila lokacija 'Lončarev mlin u Nova-kima Bistranskim na granici s Jablanovcem. Ona bi činila trokut s kutovima od 23,5° na Kamenim svatima i 15,5° kod Sv. Vendelina te bi tako ovaj trokut predstavljao neku vrst malog lokalnog svetog trokuta (Slika2). Naselja Jablanovec i Novaki u tom predjelu dijeli potok Kutinci. Predio desno od potoka naziva se Kotels, a lijevo Divjaki. Niže Divjaka nalazi se polje koje se naziva Rošči-ca, a čitav širi predio se naziva Srakino sve do obližnje kapele Sv. Roka. Možda nije neva-žno spomenuti da je 200 metara nizvodno od Lončarevog mlina 1897. godine pronaden jedini nalaz iz rimskog doba na širem području (Brunšmid 1898). Kipic od vapnenca, visine 53 cm, grube izrade, prikazuje mušku figuru u sjedecoj pozi obučenu u himation s golim gornjim dijelom tijela. Kipic je pronašao mlinar kopajuci kanal za svoj mlin u vodotoku potoka 'Kutica' na dubini od 4 m 9. „To su kameniti svatovi. Išli su čez goru, gore svetom Nikoli, gore na venčanje. A njegova mati, da nije ona dala ženititu kčer. Tu koju je on štel ženiti ni dala ženiti. I onda kad su oni išli da je ona nje zaklela da bi s kamenom postali, ne. I tak su ljudi povedali da tak su bili svati i mladenci i jošpesek napred koj je išo, da to sve ostalo kamen." (Zečevic 1973:br. 39) "Mlada je bila kči mlinara iz Podsuseda, a dečko je bil iz Novaka Bistranjskih. Car su ga zvali. Mati od mlade nije bila zadovoljna da ide ona bogata za siromaha Cara, makar se zvao Car. Otac je bil zadovoljan i on je iz Podsuseda išel š njima na vjenčanje. Da je majka zaklela da Bog da se okamenili! I oni se okamenili! Još se vide na vrh brijega veliki kamenovi. Još neki pričaju da je u pečini kotač za kolovrat što ga je mlada nosila da bu prela." (Zečevic 1973:br. 43) „Bil je jen mladič, dole pod Susedom. On se namislil oženiti i zebral si je jenu pucu. Ta puca nije bila po volje njegove mame. Ali on ju ni štel pustiti. Išel je na vjenčanje u Nove Dvore. Majka ga je zaklela da prije neg se vrne dima da bi se ti svati f kamen pretvorili. I kad su se vračali z vjenčanja, oni su se svi skamenili. I denes još se vidiju ti kameni na bregu Zagrebačkegore, blizu Zaprešica." (Zečevic 1973:br. 40) Dominantno prezime u Kotlu je Puzjak (> Bezjak). Naziv Bezjak različito je tumačen od lingvista i možda upucuje na etnografsku oznaku iz predslavenskog vremena (Gušic, Marijana: Etnička grupa Bezjaci, JAZU, Zagreb 1967). Po Skoku naziv dolazi od pejorativnog izraza - 'bez jaja'. U 16. stoljecu je označavao sve hrvatske kajkavce i čini se da nije imao podrugljiv prizvuk. Furlansko bezoal/ bazoal/ basaual u značenju 'luda' nalazi se i u istromanskom u obliku bazuai u značenju 'muda'. Prema Skoku izraz potječe od lat. bisövalis koji ima dva jaja' - bez + jaje + ak 'bezjajak', haplologijom 'bezjak'. Postoji čitava pokrajina u Italiji pokraj Monfalconea koja se naziva Bisiacaria. Ima i ljekovita biljka bezanica/bezanka/prostrijel. Prostrijel se koristi kao naziv i za svinjsku bolest koja se liječi ovom travom. Bez je i naziv za demona ili davla kod Belostenca i Glavinica. Bezja-ča je naziv za sjekiru vincilirku - kosijer, vinjak koji služi za krčenje živice i ostrenje kolaca u vinogradu. Sve nabrojeno možda ukazuje na vezu s kultnom kastracijom. „1897fand der Müller Bertak beim Tieferlegen des Bettes des Kuticabaches 4 m tief einen Torso aus Kalkstein: Männliche, sitzende Figur, Oberteil nackt, Unterteil mit einer Himation ähnlichen Kleidung. Kopf, obere Brusthälfte und beide Arme fehlen. H 53 cm. Grobe, provinziale Arbeit, vielleicht römishKlemenc (1938) 78 Andelko Dermek Može se takoder uočiti da su neka svetišta oko Babožnice rasporedena tako da njihove poveznice čine okomice i paralele oko pravca nagnutog za 20,5° +-1° u odnosu na smjer zapad-istok (Slika3). Izmedu večine točaka postoji direktna optička vidljivost, ali se jedino s točke KS (489 m) pruža pogled na sve ostale točke. Slika 3: Medusobni odnosipojedinih točaka oko Babožnice. (SVM:Sv. Vid Merenje, 219m; SF: Sv. Florijan Krajska Ves, 209m; SP: Sv. Petar Krušljevo Selo, 209m; SD: Sv. Doroteja Jakovlje, 215m; B: Babožnica, 128m; SN: Sv. Nikola Poljanica Bistranska, 259m; STK: Sv. Tri kralja Kraljev Vrh, 270m; SK: Sv. Katarina Hrebine, 271m; SA: Sv. Andrija Bregovljani, 253m; SJ: Sv. Juraj Donja Pušča, 180m; SRL: Sv. Rok Luka, 141m; SDŽ: Sv. Duh Žejinci, 190m; SVB: Sv. Vendelin Donja Bistra, 141m; SR: Sv. Rok Novaki Bistranski, 160m; SV: Sv. Vid Javorje, 132m; KS: Kameni svati, 489m; Z: Zlatinice, 584m; SI: Sv. Ivan Jablanovec, 165m; SPZ: Sv. Petar Zaprešič, 128m). 79 Sustav svetišta oko Babožnice Sveti kutovi kao kalendar Na temelju sustava kružnica oko Babožnice možemo zaključiti da se slavenska poganska svetišta nisu smještala nasumično, nego da su se pokoravala geometrijskim za-konitostima koja proistječu iz promatranja položaja Sunca kroz četiri godišnja doba. Pri tome je važnu ulogu imala razlika kutova koju kroz jedno godišnje doba načini Sunce na svojim karakterističnim položajima dok se krece po nebeskom svodu. To su elevacija Sunca u zenitu i azimut izlaska ili zalaska Sunca za obzor. Tijekom proljetnog perioda važnu ulogu igrali su sljedeci datumi: 21. ožujak - ekvinocij, praznik Jarilovog i Marinog rodenja 2. svibanj - medupraznik koji se vjerojatno odnosi na Jarilov povratak iz Velesovog svijeta mrtvih (Dermek 2009) 21. lipanj - solsticij, praznik Jarilove i Marine svadbe Solarni ciklus tijekom proljeca daje sljedece nepromjenjive kutove koji vrijede za sve geografske širine: 23,5° - kut razlike elevacija Sunca u zenitu od ekvinocija do solsticija 15,5° - kut razlike elevacija Sunca u zenitu od ekvinocija do 2. svibnja 8° - kut razlike elevacija Sunca u zenitu od 2. svibnja do ljetnog solsticija Njihovi pandani su promjenjivi kutovi (fi) u vezi s azimutom pod kojim Sunce zapada ili izlazi, a koji ovise o geografskoj širini (Slika 4). N S Slika 4: Shema izlazaka i zalazaka Sunca na karakteristične datume (važi samo za ravninu horizonta od 0°). 80 Andelko Dermek Primarni sveti trokut čine kutovi od 23,5° (a) i kut razlike azimuta zalaska odnosno izlaska Sunca od ekvinocija do solsticija (^ =34° za geografsku širinu od 46°). Kut od 23,5° se s nekom važnom točkom u prostoru dijeli u omjeru 15,5° : 8°. Tako u sustavu svetišta oko Babožnice kapela Sv. Ivana dijeli kut od 23° u omjeru 15° : 8° kod Sv. Vida, a s kapelom M.B. Čiseljske istovremeno tvori i trokut s kutovima 15,5° i 34° i to tako da Sunce na ljetni solsticij zapada za M.B. Čiseljsku gledajuci s pozicije Sv. Ivana. Raspelo u Ivancu kod potoka Ivaniščaka dijeli pak kut svetog trokuta M.B. Čiseljska-Babožnica-Sv. Petar u omjeru 15° : 8°. Slika 5: Sustav svetišta na otoku Rügenu. Sustav svetišta na otoku Rügenu pokazuje zanimljive paralele sa sustavom svetišta u donjem Zagorju (Slika 5). Kako je na toj geografskoj širini odnos kracih stranica u svetom trokutu 1:1,7 (kutovi 23,5° i 42,5°) zanimljivo je da ako kružnice s tim odnosom opišemo oko gradine u Venzu (Venzer Burgwall) tako da manja prelazi preko gradine Rugard, a veca preko Jaromarsburga na rtu Arkona, tada veca kružnica prelazi i preko gradine u Garzu (9.-12. stoljece) i preko najviše točke na poluotoku Jasmundu. U nastavku linije 81 Sustav svetišta oko Babožnice koja spaja gradine u Venzu i Garzu nalazi se i gradina Wallberg-Zudar (9.-12. stolječe). S te točke se gradine u Rugardu i Venzu vide pod kutom od oko 23°. Srednjovjekovna crkva Sv. Margarete u Patzigu dijeli kut od 23° kod Arkone u omjeru 15,5° : 7,5°. Ova crkva se nalazi na polovištu dužine Arkona-Zudar. Zanimljivo je da je linija koja spaja Svantevitov hram na rtu Arkona i Rugard nagnuta samo za 1° u odnosu na pravac sjevera. Prazniku koji pada 2. svibnja kroz ostala tri godišnja doba po elevaciji Sunca u zenitu odgovaraju datumi 8. veljače, 2. studenog i 12. kolovoza10. Ovi medupraznici koji padaju izmedu solsticija i ekvinocija udaljeni su 42 dana ili 6 tjedana od najbližeg ekvinocija (Slika 6). Slika 6: Kalendar (baziran na godini od 364 dana). Datum 2. studeni je u krščanstvu praznik posvečen mrtvima, te je njegova važnost zagarantirana i opčepoznata. Datum 8. veljače pada u vrijeme Fašnika koji je s Uskrsom povezan sličnim pravilom. Kao argument u prilog važnosti ova dva medupraznika zna-čajno je spomenuti da se u poganskoj Švedskoj u Gamli Uppsali svakih devet (osam) go-dina u veljači održavao veliki praznik Disting prilikom kojeg se žrtvovalo ukupno 72 mu-ške ljudske i životinjske žrtve kroz devet dana. Točan datum Distinga ovisio je o fazama mjeseca, medutim tri prethistorijska humka na mjestu tamošnjeg svetišta su usmjerena u smjeru zalaska Sunca na datume 8. veljače i 3. studenog11. Datum 12. kolovoz pada na kraju žetve i vrlo je blizu krščanskog praznika Velike Gospe. 10 http://solardat.uoregon.edu/SunChartProgram.php, Svi kutovi dani u ovom članku su približni (+-0,5°), jer navedeni program ne omogučava precizni izračun, več samo crta graf. Takoder, kao posljedica toga su i datumi samo približni tj. greška je +- 1 do 2 dana. 11 http://www.astro.uu.se/archast/Henriksson.pdf 82 Andelko Dermek Slika 7: Mlinski kamen; shema križanja utora gornjeg i donjeg mlinskog kamena. Kamena svadba, mlin i kotao Babožnica se u predaji vezuje uz mlin (Dermek 2009). Svaki mlinski kamen ima kosokutno ili spiralno urezane vodilice za žito. Urezane vodilice dvaju mlinskih kamena moraju se pri vrtnji spiralno križati (Slika 7). Ovo križanje je analogno križanju niti prediva prilikom tkanja. Predenje i tkanje su atributi ženskih božanstava. Kazivač legende o okamenjenim svatovima iz Jablanovca ne kaže tako slučajno za mladenku: „... Još neki pričaju da je u pečini kotač za kolovrat što ga je mlada nosila da bu prela." (Zečevic 1973:br. 43) Dva mlinska kamena od kojih se jedan okrece, uslijed trenja mogu uzrokovati i iskrenje, a to je u mitu interpretirano kao izbijanje gromova. Kako žito kao personifikacija Jarila upada izmedu dva mlinska kamena, tako se vodi njihovim vodilicama prema van, meljuci se pri tome u brašno. Jarilo tako umire i služi kao hrana koja se ritualno jede isto kao što se ritualno jede i mesna žrtva ubijena na žrtveniku. Nije dakle slučajno da munja, malj, muka, mučati, muka (pšenična), mljeti i mlin dolaze od istog korijena *mel-, koji je bio u vezi s predstavom božjeg kamenja, munje, odnosno Perunove strijele, kazne i žrtve (Bamnh 2008). Žrtvenik i mlin čini se da su ista stvar. U prošlom stoljecu prilikom svadbe jednog 'Kotlara' u prethodno spomenutom predjelu Kotel u Novakima, kao što je i običaj, prilikom Zorje svatovi su izašli van i plesali kolo oko krijesa na lokalnom križanju12. Uz krijes su postavili stari kotao. Nakon toga su ga razbili uz riječi kako ce se Kotel od sada zvati Novo Selo buduci da im je dodijao stari naziv. Kazivači odnosno akteri stvarnog dogadaja smjestili su kotao pored svadbenog krijesa i na kraju ga razbili. Ne znam je li to ostatak nekog starijeg svadbenog običaja, ali se teško oteti dojmu koji priziva poznati grčki kultni tronožni kotlic u kojem su se kuhali žrtveni komadi mesa. Nad kotlicem je sjedila stara žena-proročica odjevena kao djevica (Pitija). 12 Preneseno prema pričanju mojih roditelja 83 Sustav svetišta oko Babožnice Kotao ispunjen vodom koji se prevrče javlja se i u predsvadbenom običaju lada u pirotskom kraju i u sjeverozapadnoj Bugarskoj pod nazivom nadyBarn ili črne Ha KumKa. Glavni lik ovog obreda je djevojka koja se zove Lada, a koja u pratnji djevera, djevojaka i svirača odlazi do izvora na vodu. Djevojke oko kotla igraju kolo, a jedan od igrača dva puta prevrce kotao. Treči put djevojka ispuni kotao s vodom i nosi ga kuči, te od te vode mijesi svadbeni hljeb. Ovaj obred inače ima karakter lažne svadbe, odnosno u njemu se javlja lažna mladenka. (ToncToj 2001: 325 - 326) U slučaju Velesovih svetišta u dolini Krapine i na otoku Rugenu možemo uočiti vezu sa Sv. Vidom. Pri tome je zanimljivo primijetiti da legende o ovom svecu govore da je bio bačen u kotao vrelog ulja. Mladenački lik sv. Vida u kotlu najučestaliji je njegov ikonografski motiv (Slika 8). Osim što se časti kao zaštitnik očiju i vida, protiv groma i zla vremena, posebno ga časte i proizvodači kotlova. 'Zorja' je bila obavezan završni dio svadbene svečanosti u donjem Zagorju: „Vu rane jutre kad se dan počel beliti, zatancala bi se zorja. Svi svati su znali z hiže ziti van na križanje, de su si ogenj vužgali, da bi okol njega tancali. Gosti i svati bi se prijeli vu kolo i zapopevali "Zorja je zorja ". U kolu su stali mužikaši i prve je tancal prvi svat z mla-denku. Ona je okol vrata imala ručnik koji je hitila onomu s terem je štela tancati. Obične je prvi na redu bil mladenec. Tak kak bi on otancal z mladenku si bi biral drugu i okol vrata je metal ručnik. Igra se i popeva "Igram kolo u dvadeset i dva". Posle mladencov se i drugi menjaju... Kak su svi bili v kolu, a neki i više put, pak su se vu hižu vrnuli. Tu ih je čekal vajngulaš ili pak sarma kaj ih je znala lepe okrepiti."(Škreblin 1998) Spoj krijesa, kotla i vinskog gulaša je vrlo znakovit, jer se na temelju svega spomenu-tog čini da Jarilo nakon svadbe završava raskomadan i kuhan u kotlu slično svetom Vidu. 84 Andelko Dermek Literatura Bamuh, MBarn (2008): HeM3peneHO, HeM3pe^MB0, 3aMyKno - koh^ot fryraaa y cpncKOM je3MKy, 36opHMK MaTM^ cpncKe 3a cnaBMCTMKy 2008, br. 74, Beorpag, 191-217. Belaj, Vitomir; Šantek, Goran Pavel (2006): Paški sveti trokut, Studia Ethnologica Croati-ca, 18, Zagreb, 153-183. Belaj, Vitomir (2007): Hod kroz godinu (Pokušaj rekonstrukcije prahrvatskoga mitskoga svjetonazora), 2, Golden marketing - Tehnička knjiga, Zagreb. Belaj, Vitomir (2009): Poganski bogovi i njihovi krščanski supstituti, Studia Ethnologica Croatica, 21, Zagreb, 169-197. Brunšmid, Josip (1898): Vjesnik hrvatskoga arheološkoga društva, III, Zagreb. Delorko, Olinko (1973): Usmena poezija Gupčeva zavičaja; Folklor Gupčeva zavičaja, Institut za narodnu umjetnost, Zagreb Dermek, Andelko (2009): Slavenski mitski trokut i legenda o Kamenim svatima, Studia Mythologica Slavica, XII, Ljubljana, 223-247. Henriksson, Goran (1992): The pagan Great Midwinter Sacrifice and the 'royal' mounds at Old Uppsala (Riksbloten och Uppsala hogar, Tor 27, 1995; Department of Astronomy and Space Physics, Uppsala University), Uppsala. Klemenc, J. (1938): Archeologische Karte von Jugoslawien: Blatt Zagreb, Jugoslawischer Ausschuss des Internationalen Verbandes der Akademien, Beograd. Laljak, Stjepan 2002: Kameni svatovi, Šenoa i Jablanovec, Od usmene predaje do spomenika, Matica Hrvatska Zaprešič, Zaprešič. Nikolič, N. (1962): Kronika župe Bistra U: Grada za gospodarsku povijest Hrvatske, JAZU, 14, Zagreb. Pleterski, Andrej (2009): Nekateri topografski vidiki obrednih mest, Studia Ethnologica Croatica, 21, Zagreb, 27-46. Rački, Franjo (1872): Popis župa zagrebačke biskupije 1334. i 1501. god., Starine JAZU, IV, Zagreb. Smičiklas, Tadija (1905): Codex diplomaticus, III, Zagreb. Šantek, Goran Pavel (2009): Paški sveti prostor. Prilog tumačenju; Studia Ethnologica Croatica, vol. 21, Zagreb, 47-77. Škreblin, Anita (1998): Bistranska svadba, Narodno blago Bistre, Bistra. Toncroj M., CBeraaHa; PageHKOBuh ^y6uHK0 (2001): CnoBeHCKa MMTonomja, eH^MK^o^egMjcKM pe^HMK, Zepter Book World, Beorpag. Zečevič, Divna (1973): Usmena predaja o seljačkoj buni i kmetskom životu u široj okolici Stubice; Folklor Gupčeva zavičaja, Institut za narodnu umjetnost, Zagreb 85 Sustav svetišta oko Babožnice The system of sanctuaries around Baboznica Andelko Dermek The last year author described the system of sacred triangles around Baboznica in the lower Zagorje region in Croatia. In this article he gives further mythological interpretation of the space relations of the local toponyms and sacral objects. In this search author confirms the special meaning of the distance relation 1:V2 between the central location at Baboznica and the other surrounding sacral points. In a sacred triangle as a most important is confirmed to be the constant angle of 23,5° which represents a deviation of the sun elevation at zenith on the equinoxes and the solstices. In the same period the second angle confirms to be the varying angle which represents a deviation of the azimuth of the sun setting or rising. The constant angle is usually placed at the Veles' sanctuaries (St. Vitus and St. George) and the varying angle is usually placed at the Perun's sanctuaries (St. Peter, St. John and Zlatinice brijeg). It is noticed also that one of the sanctuaries splits the constant angle of 23.5° in a ratio 15.5° : 8°. This ratio corresponds to the midseason dates: May 2, August 12, November 2 and February 8. The author concludes that the locations of the sanctuaries are connected with the slavic calendar which is in the myth connected with the cult of sacred wedding of Mara and Jarilo. After the wedding Jarilo is sacrificed and killed. The wedding dance around a bonfire at down taken together with the custom of overturning a cauldron and with the iconographic depiction of St. Vitus as a young man in a cauldron of boiling oil, all points in a direction of a sacred boiling of raw pieces of flesh which represent body parts of killed Jarilo. 86 Reconstructing the Funeral Ritual of the Kievan Prince Igor (Primary Chronicle, sub anno 945) Aleksandr V. Koptev The article deals with the story of the revenge of Kievan Princess Olga to the Drevlyans who murdered her husband, Prince Igor, in 945. Three stages of the revenge are interpreted as a princely funeral ritual, determined by the mythological picture of the tripartite structure of the universe. The Russian Primary Chronicle (The Tale of Bygone Years, ca. 1110), under the year 945, relates the story of the murder of Kievan prince Igor by tribesmen of the tributary Drevlyans: "6453 (945). In this year, Igor's retinue said to him, "The servants of Sveinald are adorned with weapons and fine raiment, but we are naked. Go forth with us, oh Prince, after tribute, that both you and we may profit thereby". Igor heeded their words, and he attacked Dereva in search of tribute. He sought to increase the previous tribute and collected it by violence from the people with the assistance of his followers. After thus gathering the tribute, he returned to his city. On his homeward way, he said to his followers, after some reflection, "Go forward with the tribute. I shall turn back, and rejoin you later". He dismissed his retainers on their journey homeward, but being desirous of still greater booty he returned on his tracks with a few of his followers. The Derevlians heard that he was again approaching, and consulted with Mal, their prince, saying, "If a wolf comes among the sheep, he will take away the whole flock one by one, unless he be killed. If we do not thus kill him now, he will destroy us all". They then sent forward to Igor' inquiring why he had returned, since he had collected all the tribute. But Igor' did not heed them, and the Derevlians came forth from the city of Iskorosten and slew Igor and his company, for the number of the latter was few. So Igor was buried, and his tomb is near the city of Iskorosten in Dereva even to this day".1 The story represents historical events which were also known to contemporaries outside Kievan Rus'.2 Although the tale of Prince Igor's death contains valuable information that itself needs a comparative analysis, in this article I intend to examine the events that happened after his murder. The medieval compiler and modern scholars alike see in The Russian primary chronicle 1953: 78-81. See Leo Diacon, Hist. VI, 10 and the comments by Ditten 1984: 188. 87 Reconstructing the Funeral Ritual of the Kievan Prince Igor (Primary Chronicle, sub anno 945) the series of violent deaths that followed his killing the stages of revenge by Igor's widow, Princess Olga. First, she ordered that the embassy from the Drevlyans who arrived in Kiev be buried alive; then her servants set fire to the bathhouse where the Drevlyan "best men" washed themselves, so that they were burnt alive; and finally, the princess went to the place where her husband was buried and, during a funeral banquet, ordered the massacre of thousands of Drevlyans. Next year Princess Olga departed for the land of the Drevlyans with the Kievan army, where she besieged and burned their city Iskorosten, slaughtering the majority of its population. The last, fourth action of the princess is structurally and temporary separated from the former ones. Alexander A. Shakhmatov considered the story of capturing Isko-rosten with the help of incendiary birds as a later interpolation to the Initial Compilation (Nachalnij Svod, 1093-95), added by the author of the Primary Chronicle (ca. 1110).3 This follows from the fact that the story of the capture of the Drevlyan capital is missing from the 946 entry in the First Novgorodian Chronicle.4 The story of Iskorosten remained among the tales and legends of oral tradition until the twelfth century (1110-1118), while the story of her threefold revenges was possibly written down as early as ca. 1039. Therefore, scholars frequently examine it alone. The first three murders are recently considered in scholarship manifestations of the Dumezilean three functions, but the fourth one is more difficult to interpret.5 At the same time, when examining the four stages of revenge, scholars give to each of them an explanation connected with a ritual action: funeral, sacrifice, funeral competition, and use of magic incendiary birds.6 This interpretation allows them to make the basis of the story ritualistic, rather than a simple banal matter of revenge. My hypothesis is that in this an-nalistic story we have a series of rituals connected with the death of the Kievan prince. Although in the opinion of Vasilij M. Istrin, the story does not seem to be an interpolation, because it logically follows the previous narration, I follow the common approach and consider here the only three first actions of Princess Olga.7 1. The arrival of the Drevlyan embassy. "But Olga was in Kiev with her son, the boy Svyatoslav. His tutor was As-mund, and the troop commander was Sveinald, the father of Mstikha. The Derevlians then said, "See, we have killed the Prince of Rus'. Let us take his wife Olga for our Prince Mal, and then we shall obtain possession of Svya-toslav, and work our will upon him". So they sent their best men, twenty in number, to Olga by boat, and they arrived below Borichev in their boat. At that time, the water flowed below the heights of Kiev, and the inhabitants did not live in the valley, but upon the heights. The city of Kiev was on the present site of the residence of Gordyata and Nicephorus, and the prince's palace was in the city where the residence of Vratislav and Chudin now stands, while the hunting grounds were outside the city. Without the city stood another 3 Shakhmatov 2001: 84-85, 109-110. 4 PSRL t. 3: 112-113. 5 See Garcia De La Puente 2005: 255-272; 2009:193-202. 6 See Ward 1970: 123-142. 7 Istrin 1924: 56-57. 88 Aleksandr V. Koptev palace, where the palace of the Cantors is now situated, behind the Church of the Holy Virgin upon the heights. This was a palace with a stone hall. Olga was informed that the Derevlians had arrived, and summoned them to her presence with a gracious welcome. When the Derevlians had thus announced their arrival, Olga replied with an inquiry as to the reason of their coming. The Derevlians then announced that their tribe had sent them to report that they had slain her husband, because he was like a wolf, crafty and ravening, but that their princes, who had thus preserved the land of Dereva, were good, and that Olga should come and marry their Prince Mal. For the name of the Prince of Dereva was Mal". The tale of the ambassadors from the people, who had killed the prince and then came with the proposition to marry his widow, looks a bit strange. Some Russian scholars try to interpret the story as an ancient custom, according to which the power formerly held by the prince was obtained through marriage to a woman (girl) of the ruling family.8 In this case, the princess Olga held power in Kiev, and the Drevlyans, by marrying their prince Mal to her, wished to achieve control over the whole Kievan polity. However, another interpretation of the tale is possible, based upon the folkloric motif of association between death and marriage.9 In this motif, widespread in Russian fairy tales, the love of the deity of death causes a human to die, as the deity carries him or her away to its own kingdom for marriage. The historical connection between Slavic marriage and funeral rites has recently been examined by Valeria Eremina, whose book is devoted to the symbolism of rites of transition.10 Eremina shows how widespread in Slavic folklore and ritual tradition is the idea of the joint death of husband and wife, or two lovers.11 Ahmed Ibn Fadlan, the secretary of an Arabic embassy to the Bulgars, saw such a burial-marriage ritual on the lower Volga in 921. The funeral of a Rus noble was accompanied by the sacrifice of a girl and was arranged as her marriage to her deceased master.12 Both Arabic and Byzantine authors point to the Slavic and Rus custom of burning the wife, alive or dead, together with her dead husband.13 Especially impressive is the information of Abu al-Hasan al-Masudi (The Meadows of Gold and Mines of Gems, chap. 17), written down about 943-947, who relates that if a Slavic or Russian man happened to die unmarried, or as a widower, he was married off after death: "One of the various pagan nations, who live in his country, are the Sekalibah (Sclavonians), and another the Rus (the Russians). They live in one of the two sides of this town: they burn the dead with their cattle, utensils, arms, and ornaments. When a man dies, his wife is burnt alive with him; but, when the wife dies, her husband is not burnt. If a bachelor dies, he is married after his death. Women are glad to be burnt; for they cannot enter into paradise by 8 Likhachev 1947: 132-138; 1950: 2, 296-297; 1996: 435-439; Rybakov 1982: 360-362; 1987: 365-375; Froyanov 1995: 59-72. Cf. Garcia De La Puente 2005: 256. 9 See Propp 1998: 112-436. 10 Eremina 1991: 83-101, 121-164. 11 Eremina 1987: 21-32; Eremina 1991: 166-192. Cf. Baiburin, Levinton 1990: 64-99; Garnizov 1991: 247-252. 12 Kovalevskij 1956: 42-44; Smyser 1965: 92-102. Cf. Lewicki 1963: 32-42. 13 Kotlyarevskij 1868: 42-43, 46-49, 54-55, 57-59, 61, 63-68, 73, 79, 82-83, 93-95; Lewicki 1963: 10-29; Orientalische Berichte 2001: 77 (Ibn Rusta), 178, 181-182 (Gardizi). 89 Reconstructing the Funeral Ritual of the Kievan Prince Igor (Primary Chronicle, sub anno 945) themselves. This usage prevails also among the Hindus, as we have said. But the Hindus never burn a woman with her husband, unless it is her own wish" (translation by Aloys Sprenger). Here we see the same association of burial and wedding rituals that appears in the story of Princess Olga in the Primary Chronicle.14 Masudi compares these Slavic and Russian customs with similar Indian ones, which suggests that they may have originated from a common Indo-European tradition.15 Following this, one can surmise that there was an original version of the tale of Prince Igor's death, in which the messengers offered his wife the opportunity to be buried together with her husband. Later, a Christian compiler put the description of the funeral ritual into the context of the war with the Drevlyan tribe, headed by their prince Mal. There are, however, doubts as to whether a Drevlyan prince of this name really existed. The name 'Mal' could originate from a misunderstanding by compilers of the ritual words that usually accompanied the Russian wedding ceremony, for instance: "you have a bride, and we have a prince small (mal) for her" or "would your bride like to marry our prince small (mal) and brave". The wording "prince small" (knjaz mal) is a euphemism for bridegroom; the compiler most likely converted the common name into the personal name.16 Thus the prince Mal is probably an annalistic fiction. After the death of Prince Igor, the messengers offer his wife, according to the local custom, the chance to join her deceased husband on the funeral pyre, rather than to marry their living prince. In the Pereslavlean Chronicle, there is a fragment of the so-called "dream of the prince Mal", which tells what he saw in his sleep after the Drevlyans had sent two groups of ambassadors to Kiev. The prince Mal, preparing for the marriage, dreamt that when Princess Olga arrived she gave him many rich and decorated clothes and other valuable things, and the boats that would carry him during the wedding ceremony.17 In this case, the "sleeping" prince is the dead Prince Igor, who is waiting for his funeral.18 In the ritual described by Ibn Fadlan, the Rus buried their noble men in boats, which provides an explanation for the boats in Mal's dream. Analysing the ritual by Ibn Fadlan, H.M. Smyser points out that the dead leader was buried in a temporary roofed grave for ten days, while funeral clothes were prepared and other arrangements made.19 In the case of Igor's death, this period seems to be the time during which the Drevlyans sent their messengers to inform Olga. Following the custom in Ibn Fadlan's description, the enslaved servants of the deceased were asked who would die and follow him, and a young woman volunteers herself. The noble Rus died during a journey along the Volga River, far from his family. Igor's situation was different; he had his wife (and perhaps concubines) in Kiev, near the place of his murder. The Drevlyan 14 Kotlyarevskij 1868: 58, 73. Cf. EapjaKTapoBMh 1990: 95-105; ^OKMh 1998: 136-153. 15 Cf. Casquero 2001: 253-292 (bibliogr. 287-292). 16 After the Drevlyans arriving in Kiev proposed that Olga should marry their prince Mal, the compiler added "for the name of the Prince of Dereva was Mal". The addition shows the words were an explanation by the compiler rather than the text of the original story. In other words, "the prince Mal of Dereva" appeared in the text only after the compiler had explained the original expression "prince small (knjaz mal)". 17 PSRL t. 41: 15. 18 Likhachev 1996: 437 compares the dream of Prince Mal with the description of the funeral ceremony of Prince Vladimir Galizkij in the Primary Chronicle under 1152, and the dream of Prince Svjatoslav of Kiev in The Tale of Igor's Campaign (Slovo o pluku Igoreve). 19 Smyser 1965: 107-108; Sayers 1988: 173. 90 Aleksandr V. Koptev ambassadors arrived in Kiev, most likely to ask Olga whether she would accompany her husband herself or find a substitute among the prince's concubines or slaves.20 Actually, the ceremony for which the Drevlyans arrived in Kiev seems to have been a posthumous wedding of the deceased prince.21 Therefore, they performed the scene of matchmaking. But Princess Olga made them participants in another ritual. 2. The first embassy was buried in a boat. "Olga made this reply, "Your proposal is pleasing to me; indeed, my husband cannot rise again from the dead. But I desire to honour you tomorrow in the presence of my people. Return now to your boat, and remain there with an aspect of arrogance. I shall send for you on the morrow, and you shall say. 'We will not ride on horses nor go on foot; carry us in our boat'. And you shall be carried in your boat". Thus she dismissed them to their vessel. Now Olga gave command that a large deep ditch should be dug in the castle with the hall, outside the city. Thus, on the morrow, Olga, as she sat in the hall, sent for the strangers, and her messengers approached them and said, "Olga summons you to great honour". But they replied, "We will not ride neither on horseback nor in wagons, nor go on foot; carry us in our boats". The people of Kiev then lamented, "Slavery is our lot. Our Prince is killed, and our Princess intends to marry their prince". So they carried the Derevlians in their boat. The latter sat on the cross-benches in great robes, puffed up with pride. They thus were borne in before Olga, and when the men had brought the Derevlians in, they dropped them into the trench along with the boat. Olga bent over and inquired whether they found the honour to their taste. They answered that it was worse than the death of Igor'. She then commanded that they should be buried alive, and they were thus buried". Scholars noted the resemblance between this story and a funeral ceremony long ago. The boat in which the Drevlyan ambassadors were placed before being buried in a pit is associated with the boat in which the body of a Russian noble man was burned in Ibn Fadlan's narrative.22 The boat buried as a vehicle to another world is known especially in the funeral customs of medieval Scandinavians.23 There is also other evidence of ship/ boat burials among the Ruthenes, who lived on the Baltic coast, 24 in the Merovingian kingdom,25 in early medieval England,26 and in Kievan Rus.27 20 Rapov 1988: 156 guessed that Princess Olga adopted Christianity in order to avoid being sacrificed during her husband's funeral. For a critical note, see Petrukhin 1995: 230, 205-215. 21 On the interpretation of Ibn Fadlan's narrative as a posthumous wedding, see Smyser 1965: 111, cf. Sayers 1988: 177-178. 22 Lewicki 1963: 25, 30-59; Smyser 1965: 92-102; The ship 1995: 131-137; Montgomery 2000: 1-25. 23 Major 1924: 113-150; Smyser 1965: 106-107; Davidson 1975: 73-89; The Ship 1995: 100-109, cf. 20-24, 87-99. 24 Saxo Gesta Danorum, V, 8, 1. 25 Gregorii Turonensis Historiarum VI, 46; Liber Historia Francorum, ch. 35. 26 Bruce-Mitford 1975: 230-435. On the funeral of the Danish king, Scyld, in the Anglo-Saxon Beowulf32-52, see Voyage to the Other World 1992: 47-78. 27 Skazanie i stradanie, p. 346; cf. Anuchin 1890: 152-184. It is clear, however, that some funerary rites are of Scandinavian origin, notably boat-burnings at places such as Staria Ladoga and Gnezdovo; see Franklin, Shepard 1996: 127-128; Stalsberg 2001: 359-401. 91 Reconstructing the Funeral Ritual of the Kievan Prince Igor (Primary Chronicle, sub anno 945) The ship or boat in the funeral ritual plays the role of a vehicle to another world. Such transport was necessary to people who believed that water surrounded their world.28 The idea that an ocean encircled the earth is widespread in Slavic folklore, as well as in the folk traditions of many other peoples.29 Only by crossing this expanse of water in a boat or a ship can the dead pass into the otherworld.30 The flying ship, which carries the heroes of fairy tales away to another world of happiness, is an analogy of death. According to the Ustyuzskaya Chronicle, Princess Olga ordered that a wide and deep hole should be dug in the palace yard and live coals of oak put into it.31 The fire into which Princess Olga threw the Drevlyan ambassadors, like the water and the boat, was a kind of vehicle to another world.32 Russ and Slavs worshipped fire and often used it during their ritual ceremonies.33 Fire as a means to enter another world resembles the folklore motif of a "fiery river Smorodina" between the kingdom of a hero and the other world.34 The name of the "river Smorodina" means "stinking river", because it is not water that runs in the river, but fiery flames, which leap higher than the trees in the forest.35 The essential attribute of the fiery river is the so-called "Red-hot bridge" (Kalinovij most). It is the bridge over the fiery river, which is red from heat of the flames below. Another name of the bridge is "Copper" (Medjanoj), also representing the colour that it turned in the heat.36 On the Red-hot Bridge, the heroes of Russian fairy tales met the monsters which came from another world and battled with them. Why, it might be asked, are all the patterns of the funeral rite connected with the murder of the Drevlyan ambassadors, rather than with the burial of Prince Igor? The Drevlyan ambassadors arrived in the capital of Princess Olga as "good guests" (Olga's words), rather than as representatives of a hostile tribe. Landing in Kiev, they received Princess Olga's order to appear in her court next day, and responded in a very strange way, refusing to use any Kievan vehicle: "We will ride neither on horseback nor in wagons, nor go on foot; carry us in our boats".37 If we follow the compiler of the Chronicle 28 See Kelly 2006: 119-136; West 2007: 389-390. 29 See Eremina 1984: 195-204; 1991: 55-82; Mencej 1998: 205-224; Mencej 2000: 89-97; Trubachev 2002: 189191, 424. In folk songs, the crossing of the river Danube is often regarded as symbolic of rites of passage, marriage or death. See Harkins 1968: 55-64; Machinskij 1981: 110-171; Eremina 1991: 55-82, 149-164. Trubachev 2002: 190-191 argues that the Slavic word for "paradise", rajb, was related to *rojb, *reka (river) and had the meaning "the world over the river"; cf. Finnish raja - border. 30 On the symbolism of passages over the river in Russian fairy tales, see Propp 1998: 295, 324, 334. Cf. The ship 1995: 20-24. 31 PSRL t. 37: 19 and 58; cf. Kirpichnikov 1897: 60-61. 32 Leo Diaconis (Hist. IX, 6, 21-27) relates the burning and drowning of captives in the river during the funeral of the noble Russian warrior Ikmor. 33 The importance of fire-worship among the Slavs features prominently in Arab accounts: Golden 1995: 876887. See further Gimbutas 1971: 151-170. On the custom of cremation by the Rus and the Slavs, see Kotl-yarevskij 1868: 42-43, 46-49, 54-55, 57-59, 61, 63-68, 73, 79, 82-83, 93-95; Trubachev 2002: 207-212. 34 Propp 1998: 299-300; Eremina 1991: 151-152. 35 Sometimes the fiery river was called Puchai-river, that is, the river whose water became swollen and is boiling. Cf. the Old-Russian puchina - abyss. 36 The Russian names reka Smorodina and Kalinovij most are formed following the homonymy between the words "kalina" (snowball tree) and "kalina" (burning) (kalinovij = kalenij, i.e. red-hot), "smorodina" (currant) and "smorod" (stench). The similarities may originate from the magic substitution of a sacred name by a common one, of unknown by known. Many rivers with the name Smorodina in Ukraine and central Russia give the impression that the mythic river was also called according to shrubbery. 37 Likhachev 1996: 435-436 sees here elements of folkloric influence. Cf. Garcia De La Puente 2005: 259. They might have been formed during the period when the tale was orally transmitted, from ca. 946 to ca.1039/1110, 92 Aleksandr V. Koptev literally, one can see that the Drevlyan ambassadors did not set foot upon Kievan soil, but after having been carried in their boats, were sent straight to the world of death. In other words, Princess Olga, who acts as a master of ceremonies, did not receive the ambassadors, but sent them. In this scene, they were actually sent by the Kievan princess to a God (or Gods) of another world with the mission to deliver the message of Prince Igor's death. Therefore they were messengers, and this role is combined in the Primary Chronicle with their previous role as ambassadors from the Drevlyans. Delivery of the important message was the honour which the princess promised to bestow upon them, and with which they sat in the boat "puffed up with pride". At the final moment, Olga looked out from the window of her palace and gave a farewell speech to her messengers, inquiring of them what kind of honour they received; they loudly answered, literally, that it especially concerned the death of Igor.38 After that the princess ordered that they be covered with earth. In the Lavrentian and Hypatian versions of the Primary Chronicle, after the messengers were dropped into the trench along with the boat, Princess Olga "bent over (the trench) and inquired" of them.39 However, before that she welcomed them into her palace; therefore, a later compiler was more accurate when he wrote that the princess looked through the window of her palace when she appealed to the messengers. The scene resembles the mythological motif of "window goddess" or "woman at the window".40 Certainly the "woman at the window" was an aspect, perhaps priestess, of the ancient Mother-goddess (for instance, Inanna/Ishtar/Astarte in the Near East). She was called "queen of the windows" by the Assyrians and her name, becoming the name of a minor goddess, Kilili, has been associated with the kililu, "the mural crown" worn by Assyrian queens. The Sumerians called her "(One) who leans in (or looks out of) the window" or "(One) who answers/ commands from the window". She was considered wise in the sense of "skilled" or "knowing".41 One of the epithets of the Greek goddess Aphrodite, who was identified with Astarte, was Parakyptousa, "Peeping out (of a window/door)". According to Plutarch (quest. Rom. 36), the early Roman queen Tanaquil was considered an incarnation of a similar goddess when she, from the window, advised the people to make Servius Tullius their king. Plutarch writes that King Servius preserved close ties with the goddess of his Fortuna, and their relationship was conducted through the window. It must be added that Tanaquil was also responsible for the assumption of Roman kingship by her husband Tarquinius, so that one modern scholar called her "a maker of kings". From the Hebrew Bible, we know that a daughter of Eth-Baal, king of Sidon, Jezebel, was a devotee of the Canaanite goddess Asherah (Astarte), the main female deity of her Phoenician home state. After her marriage to King Ahab, of the northern kingdom of Israel, Jezebel persuaded him to become a worshiper of Baal (I Kings 17: 32). Eventually Ahab was killed in battle (I Kings 22: 35), and later his son and successor, Joram, was treacherously slain by his ambitious general Jehu (II Kings 9: 22-24). Thus, Jezebel was left alone and vulnerable in Samaria, at the mercy of Jehu, now king of Israel (II Kings 9: 1-14), when the sacred ritual had been transformed into a profane story. 38 PSRL t. 3: 112; t. 37: 20 and 58. The phrase is usually understood to mean that Olga inquired of them ironically, scoffing, as to whether they found the honour to their taste, and they then answered that their torments were worse than the death of Igor. But the original text allows a different interpretation. 39 PSRL t. 1: 56; t. 2: 45. 40 On the "window goddess", see Borghini 1979: 137-161; Grottanelli 1987: 71-110; Ward 1996: 7-19. 41 Lapinkivi 2004: 233-234. 93 Reconstructing the Funeral Ritual of the Kievan Prince Igor (Primary Chronicle, sub anno 945) and a man who blamed her "countless harlotries and sorceries" for most of the problems of the land (II Kings 9: 22). When Jehu arrived in the city, Jezebel painted her eyes, dressed her hair, and stood at a window in the palace awaiting her death (II Kings 9: 30). The Biblical picture of Jezebel, defiantly and bravely confronting her enemy from a window, may also be associated with the motif of the "Window Goddess". Some features of Jezebel's story may have been used during the creation of a preliminary history of Princess Olga, to which the motif of revenge was added later. An early Russian compiler, perhaps, borrowed them, together with the topic of the brave queen and timid king (Jezebel and Ahab, Olga and Igor), from the Chronicle of Johannes Malala because they resembled contemporary folk beliefs known to him. In Slavic belief, the window symbolically connects the house with another world.42 Like a door, a window can be used to enter the house, but, in contrast to the door, the window is an unregulated entrance. According to Slavic folklore, in heaven there is a window through which the sun looks at the earth.43 Ibn Fadlan relates that during the funeral ceremony, the girl who was chosen to die with her dead master looked into the world of the ancestors through the wooden construction specially built for the ritual, which resembled an extempore "window", or a "doorframe".44 According to Ibn Fadlan, the men lifted the girl up, and she, looking into the "well", reported on her visions of the "other side", a green and beautiful paradise, her dead father and mother, other relatives and her dead master. The scene of Princess Olga at the window resembles not only this, but also the portrait of the goddess Demeter in the frescos at the Bolshaya Bliznitsa tumulus (fourth century BC) on the Taman Peninsula. The portrayal is placed against a blue background, which is surrounded by the frame imitating a breach in the vault (window); through that the goddess looked into the tomb (another world).45 Therein, into another world, Princess Olga looked from the window of her palace, making a farewell speech to the messengers. The fact that the messengers, burned in a boat, were covered with earth shows the location of the world into which they were sent, under the ground. The chthonian deity of the underworld seems to have been Veles (Volos).46 He was one of the two deities by whose names the Rus' swore in the treaties with Byzantium in 907 and 971. The fact that Veles was the object of the first embassy of Princess Olga shows him as an "old god" in comparison with Perun. Thus it seems possible that the "murder" of the Drevlyan ambassadors was the first part of the princely funeral ritual rather than the first stage of the princess' revenge. In the ritual the ambassadors played the honorary role of messengers to the god of the underworld. 3. The second embassy was burned in a bathhouse. "Olga then sent messages to the Derevlians to the effect that, if they really required her presence, they should send after her their distinguished men, so 42 See Baiburin 1983: 140-145; Toporov 1984: 184-185. 43 Trubachev 2002: 213 points to the link between the concepts of "window" (okno) and "eye" (oko) in Russian. 44 Sayers 1988: 173. Cf. Kotlyarevskij 1868: 77. 45 See Savostina 1990: 243-244. 46 Jakobson 1969: 579-599. On the connection of Veles with Varuna, see Trubachev 2002: 428. 94 Aleksandr V. Koptev that she might go to their Prince with due honour, for otherwise her people in Kiev would not let her go. When the Derevlians heard this message, they gathered together the best men who governed the land of Dereva, and sent them to her. When the Derevlians arrived, Olga commanded that a bath should be made ready, and invited them to appear before her after they had bathed. The bathhouse was then heated, and the Derevlians entered in to bathe. Olga's men closed up the bathhouse behind them, and she gave orders to set it on fire from the doors, so that the Derevlians were all burned to death". In the burning in a bathhouse, Igor Froyanov sees a sacrifice to the gods of the upper zone of the Universe.47 I suggest that the second group of Drevlyans were the messengers who were sent, with the help of the fire, into the heavens where they were obliged to inform the celestial gods of Prince Igor's death. The compiler emphasizes that Princess Olga demanded that the Drevlyans send their best men (narochitie muzi). The gods of the upper world were regarded as the highest deities, and the messengers to them had to be of a suitably high status.48 The embassies to the gods of the lower and upper worlds were probably necessary because the Kievan Prince was considered the sacred lord of the terrestrial world, the sovereign of all people and all beings in his territory, a kind of terrestrial deity. In this situation, it was natural to inform the gods, who correspondingly ruled in the cosmic spaces, the Heavens and the Underworld, about the death of their divine brother. We have no information to which gods of the upper world the Drevlyan noble men were sent by Princess Olga. Celestial gods were usually connected with worship of the sun and thunder. The Heaven and the Sun as Russian deities, Svarog and Dazbog, are mentioned in the Hypatian Chronicle, under the year 1114.49 Svarog is equated with the Greek smith god Hephaestus and identified with the generative and sexual powers of fire, and the solar god Dazbog is regarded as Svarog's son. This evidence is much discussed. On the one hand, the name Dazbog resembles Greek Zeus, Roman Jovis, Sanskrit Dyauh, Latvian Dievs, Germanic Tyr, and most likely originated from the basic Indo-European *deiuo-.50 The Sanskrit name Svarga and the Persian xwar indicate an Indo-European etymological relationship with Svarog.51 Svarga is a heaven, presided over by Indra, where the righteous live in a paradise before their next reincarnation. On the other hand, the name of Dazbog resembles a typical euphemism from two Russian words daz (daj) - "give" and bog - "god" that means "the god who gives, giving god".52 Therefore, it is frequently considered a pseu-do-theonym,53 although in this case the sacred unutterable name of god, *Dejuo-, is very close to its folk euphemistic substitute Dazbog (Dajbog). Scholars frequently refute the reality of Dazbog, because in the sources he forms a pair with the solar god Khors (from 47 Froyanov 1995: 59-72. 48 Both Drevlyan embassies consisted of noble men. According to the Pereslavlean Chronicle (PSRL t. 41: 14 and 15), the first messengers were the "noblest 20 Bojars" and the second "20 especially famous". 49 Cf. Rybakov 1981: 266-352, 434; 1987: 440-442; Sokolova 1995: 79-82. 50 Motz, 1998: 28-39. Cf. Machek 1946: 48-65; Stender-Petersen 1956: 45. 51 Machek 1946: 60; Stender-Petersen 1956: 51-52; Causidis 1998: 75-92. 52 Strakhov 2005: 19 considers the name of Svarog (svartschik - smith, from *s^variti) literary, generated in the Christian epoch. The name of Dazbog (lit. "given by the god", "god's gift", a version is the name Bogdan (Bo^^aH■b) which he regarded as a calque of the Greek ©soSoxoq (Oedom). 53 See Moszynski 1989: 285-291. 95 Reconstructing the Funeral Ritual of the Kievan Prince Igor (Primary Chronicle, sub anno 945) the Iranian solar term Xorsed); the latter is considered a sacred name, while the former is its profane substitute.54 However, one can see in the pair of gods an analogy to Varuna and Mithra. In Old Russian texts, Khors also forms a strong pair with Perun. In the Primary Chronicle the thunder-god Perun is represented in a pairing with Veles during the reign of Prince Oleg in 907 and Prince Svjatoslav in 971. Under Prince Igor, the Primary Chronicle names Perun alone as the main deity, while under his grandson, Prince Vladimir, in 978988, Perun appears at the head of a pantheon of five (or six) major deities. His statue was made from oak, the tree of Perkunas or Perun, according to the Gustinskaya Chronicle, and the sacrificial fire was kept up with oaken firewood.55 Therefore the use of oaken coals to fill the pit in which the Drevlyan ambassadors were to burn indicates the presence of Perun in the ritual concerning Veles.56 The bath house in which the Drevlyan noble men were burnt seems to be the folk-loric substitute of a building, which was specially prepared for the sacrifice.57 Such a construction, according to Ibn Fadlan, was built on the ship as a house in which the dead body would be placed and the rituals performed.58 During the funeral of the Lithuanian Great Prince Gediminas, which was accompanied with human sacrifice by burning, the victims were enclosed in a wooden or wicker structure. This resembles the "wickerman" figures, described by Julius Caesar (Bell.Gall. VI, 16) in Gaul, also used by the druids in sacrificial rituals.59 4. The massacre of the Derevlians on Prince Igor's tomb. "Olga then sent to the Derevlians the following message, "I am now coming to you, so prepare great quantities of mead in the city where you killed my husband, that I may weep over his grave and hold a funeral feast for him". When they heard these words, they gathered great quantities of honey and brewed mead. Taking a small escort, Olga made the journey with ease, and upon her arrival at Igor's tomb, she wept for her husband. She bade her followers pile up a great mound and when they had piled it up, she also gave command that a funeral feast should be held. Thereupon the Derevlians sat down to drink, and Olga bade her followers wait upon them. The Derevlians inquired of Olga where the retinue was which they had sent to meet her. She replied that they were following her husband's bodyguard. When the Derevlians were drunk, she bade her followers fall upon them, and went about herself egging on her retinue to the massacre of the Derevlians. So they cut down five thousand of them; but Olga returned to Kiev and prepared an army to attack the survivors". 54 Toporov 1989: 103-126; Sokolova 1995: 79-82. 55 PSRL t. 40: 44. 56 On the offerings for a big oak on the island Khortiza, performed by Rus, see Constantine Porphyrogennetos De Administrando Imperio 9. Cf. Rybakov 1987: 210, 374-375; Agapkina, Toporkov 1988: 224-235; Zabashta, Poshivajlo 1992: 57-68. 57 On the possible archaeological analogies of the funeral ritual, see Aleksandrov 1994: 22-31. 58 An old-Russian term for coffin, domovina, has the same root as the term for house, dom. See Nevskaya 1982: 106-121, cf. Smyser 1965: 108. 59 Miller 2009: 131. 96 Aleksandr V. Koptev The third sacrifice, offered by Princess Olga near the Drevlyan settlement of Isko-rosten and depicted by the compiler as her "third revenge", was performed during the funeral feast on the tomb of Prince Igor. The participants were the widow, her retinue and a number of Drevlyans. The figure of five thousand massacred is obviously inaccurate because, according to the next story, the majority of Drevlyans survived and withstood a siege by Olga's army within a year. 'Five thousand dead' is an "epic number", a symbolic replacement of the notion "many". In reality a certain number of Drevlyans were sacrificed. Herodotus (IV, 72), who describes the similar funeral custom of the Scythians, gives the number of warriors who were killed to accompany their chief on his journey to the other world as fifty. The Drevlyans were sacrificed when they were drunk, just as the girl in the funeral feast of the Russian noble man described by Ibn Fadlan was forced to drink several bowls of strong drink (nabtdh) before she was sacrificed. The word "trizna" in the Primary Chronicle is considered a notion for the custom of war games during the funeral feast of a dead chief. Later, the word became a synonym for funeral commemoration and the funeral banquet.60 According to Vladimir Toporov, the trizna could be organized as a 'three-stage' battle (*tri > *trizna) between the warriors of the princess and the Drevlyans.61 Leonid Gindin surmises that such a trizna might have been organized as a real combat, like the gladiatorial contests in Rome, not merely as military games.62 Seen in this light, the war between Olga's army and the Drevlyans, which the Primary Chronicle tells of after the massacre, may be an indirect description or distorted memory of the same event. In this case, the Drevlyans who were massacred on Olga's orders could be those who died in the military games; there the result of the combat, usually influenced by the favour of the gods, was preordained by the princess, who ordered her servants to make the Drevlyans drunk and her warriors to kill them. Ibn Fadlan perhaps also observed a trizna during the funeral of the noble Rus, but, being an Arab, he noticed only the drinking-bout in the ritual.63 Dmitrij I. Ilovayskij drew attention to Ibn Fadlan's information about the dividing of the goods of the dead noble Russian into three parts, of which one part was used for the funeral clothes, the other was left to the family, and the third was spent on the funeral drinks.64 Ilovayskij sees in the word "trizna" a third part of the goods used for the funeral banquet, but the three parts can also be regarded as corresponding to the three parts of the Universe - Heaven (the burning goods), Earth (the part for the family), and the Underworld (the drinks drunk during the funeral banquet).65 The description of the burial itself was not necessary for the annalist, as the princess' revenge on the Drevlyans became the main theme of the tale. The compiler selected from the oral tradition only that material which concerning the killing of them. Fortunately, we have the account of the Rus burial by Ibn Fadlan, which enables us to reconstruct the missing part of the ritual. 60 Kotlyarevskij 1868: 114-117; Rybakov 1981: 274; Gindin 1990: 65-67; Likhachev 1996: 437-438. Cf. Sayers 1988: 176. 61 Toporov 1979: 3-20. 62 Gindin 1990: 67. Many scholars assume the origin of the Roman gladiatorial combats to have been ritual, rather than sport as they later became. 63 Kotlyarevskij 1868: 79. 64 Ilovayskij 2002: 39-40; cf. Toporov 1979: 14 n. 34. 65 Strakhov 2002: 172-181 argues against the connection between trizna and three. 97 Reconstructing the Funeral Ritual of the Kievan Prince Igor (Primary Chronicle, sub anno 945) 5. Conclusion. 1. Our interpretation suggests that there existed an original story in which Princess Olga's actions had nothing to do with revenge for the murder of her husband. Step by step, she performed the funeral rituals appropriate for a prince's death: the sending of messengers to the lower and upper worlds, the funeral games and banquet (trizna) on the tomb of the dead husband. The full description of the princely funeral ritual shows that the author of the description had at his disposal some factual material. The assumption that the concept of three worlds existed in the early-medieval Kiev is based on an interpretation of the so-called Zbruch-idol, tetrahedral pillar of grey limestone found in the river Zbruch in modern western Ukraine. The Zbruch-idol, dating to the tenth century, has three rows of images.66 The tripartite structure most likely reflects the ancient concept of a three-world Universe, which consisted of the Heavens (the world of Gods), the Earth (the world of people), and the Underworld (the world of Monsters). The figures in the upper row are bigger than the others, which allows for seeing in them images of celestial deities: one of them holds a sheaf of corn, another a ring, the third has a horse and a sword, and the fourth is empty-handed. The figures in the middle row are of lesser proportions than both the gods of the upper worlds and the figures in the lower tier. The relatively small proportions of two male and two female figures show the transitional nature of the world represented on this row. Perhaps they symbolised the terrestrial world between the upper, celestial world, and the lower, underground world. The lower stage is adorned with a male figure, which supports the celestial and the terrestrial worlds upon his shoulders. The figure is represented on only three sides of the pillar that corresponded with the usual describtion of mythical monsters from another world with three heads. The god of the Zbruch statue is often identified with the West Slavic god Sventovid, worshiped especially on the island of Rügen.67 The name of Sventovid resembles the Russian word "svet" (light) close to "svjat" (sacred).68 Saxo Grammaticus (Gesta Dan. XIV, 564) ascribed to the god Sventovid the same attributes as the Zbruch deity has: horn, horse, and sword. The quadripartite figure of the Zbruch-idol is reminiscent of the Indian Brahma, the Roman Janus, and the Greek Apollo of Amyclae, as Bernard Sergent showed.69 The deity was obviously of Indo-European origin and perhaps personified the quadruple seasonal division in the annual cycle. Unfortunately, we have evidence neither of the origin of the Zbruch-idol, nor of any association with a particular tribe or people. The statue was discovered in eastern Galicia, the ancient population of which was possibly a mixture of the so-called Khalyzians (Khalisioi in Greek, and Khvalis in Russian), an Iranian people, Slavs (White Croatians) and Celts (Gallic people, Gauls).70 The neighbouring land was inhabited by the Drevlyans who murdered Prince Igor. Leo Diaconus (Hist. VI, 10) identified them with Germans. It is therefore very interesting that the Gothic "Tervingi" is of the same meaning as the Russian "Drevlyane", that is "forest people". One can suppose they were, perhaps, a mixture 66 Lenczyk 1964: 5-59; Rybakov 1981: 460-464; 1987: 236-251; Telegin, Mallory 1994: 77-86; Szymanski 1996: 75-116. 67 On the problem, see Szymanski 1996: 75-116; Zaroff 2002: 9-18. 68 See Toporov 1987: 184-252. 69 See Sergent 1994: 15-58. 70 On Celtic analogies to Zbruch-Idol, see Rosen-Przeworska 1963: 65-69. 98 Aleksandr V. Koptev of Slavs and distant descendants of the Goths partly inhabiting Eastern Europe in former times. The place where the Zbruch statue was found is quite close to the traditional Drev-lyan territory and its supposed date broadly coincides with the events of 945. The funeral ritual is represented in the Primary Chronicle as a part of a historical process. In this context, the behaviour of the participants in it has an entirely different meaning and sense than it would have had in reality. It is hardly likely that the chronicler deliberately refashioned the evidence of the rituals in the description of revenge. Obviously the compilers of 1039 or 1110 were not participants in the events of 945.71 The transformation seems to have taken place through repeated oral transmission; the keepers of the information related the deeds of Princess Olga and her contemporaries, while their audience perceived the information in their own way and gave it their own explanation. The changing consciousness of the epoch, especially after the Russians had adopted Christianity, demanded a new interpretation of' the events as told by the eyewitnesses. The next generation that received the story had already lost contact with its origins and, in compliance with the specific character of genre and the expectations of listeners, full of folkloric details and symbols. Thus, customs and events, which originally had a sacred meaning, received a rational treatment suitable for a different epoch. They became a part of folklore and could absorb influence from other genres and traditions. 2. In the case of the story of Olga, the most important was the influence from Scandinavian oral culture familiar to the Kievan ruling house. Prince Igor (Ingvar) and Princess Olga (Helga) were said to be of Scandinavian origin, Varangians (Varyags), so that they must follow the same principles of behaviour as the heroes of Scandinavian sagas. However, the Scandinavian origin of the ruling pair could be the product of the Russian annalistic tradition, which had been created between 1039 and 1118, when Kiev was governed by the dynasty of Yaroslav the Wise married to Ingegerd Olofsdotter of Sweden. It was the time when oral evidence of Princess Olga transformed into the written story of her deeds. Just as Princess Olga was the great-grandmother of Prince Yaroslav the Wise, the latter's wife, Ingegerd, was said to be a granddaughter of Sigrid the Haughty (Storrada), a Nordic queen, who received her cognomen on account of her independent character. Sagas ascribe to her a prominent role in the politics of her time and depict her as a very wise woman who also had the gift of prophecy.72 Sigrid is known to have had many suitors because of her wealth and nobility, and once had the Norwegian king Harald Grenski and the Russian prince Vissavald, who were burnt to death inside a house on Sigrid's order to discourage other petty kings from proposing to her.73 It seems quite possible that this Swedish tale was known at the court of the Kievan ruling clan and had an influence on the story of Princess Olga. The burning of enemies in a house was a well-known motif in medieval Scandinavia, but it is not found in earlier Russian tradition.74 The figure of an in- 71 Shakhmatov 2001: 111-118 assumed that the story of Princess Olga originated from an ancient biographical narration; Likhachev 1996: 304-306, from a hypothetical "Tale of adopting Christianity by Rus"; Müller 1988: 795-796, from a folklore tradition. 72 See Rydzevskaya 1978: 196-197. 73 Olafs saga Tryggvasonar (The Saga of Ölaf Tryggvason), chapter 43. 74 On the burning of an enemy/rival in a house, see Brennu-Njalssaga, ed. F. Jonsson, Halle 1908, p. 299-303; Heidarviga saga, ed. Kr. Kalund, Kjöbenhavn, 1904, p. 13-14; Grundvig S. Danmarks gamle folkeviser, del. III, Kjöbenhavn, 1862, p. 46-48. 99 Reconstructing the Funeral Ritual of the Kievan Prince Igor (Primary Chronicle, sub anno 945) dependent woman-ruler like Sigrid was appropriate to the image of Princess Olga because she had ruled alone in Kiev for some time.75 In this case, the description of the second stage of the ritual ("second revenge") in the Primary Chronicle was distorted by Scandinavian influence on the compiler, who wrote at the beginning of the twelfth century.76 In both stories of the princely widows, Princess Olga and Sigrid the Haughty consider their suitors unworthy of their own high status and burn them with their retinue (their matchmakers) in a house.77 Snorri's story of Sigrid with only the motive of pride appeared to explain her cognomen "the Proud". In contrast, the Primary Chronicle explains the behaviour of Olga as revenge for the murder of her husband. The more complicated topic of the latter can be a developing of the simpler Scandinavian motif rather than vice-versa, so that the tale may have been transmitted by Swedish relatives of the Kievan ruling family to the Russian annalists. The motive of revenge, unusual in Russian literature and folklore, may also have been added to the story of Olga under the same Scandinavian influence.78 The closeness of the story to Scandinavian culture brings in itself danger of mistaking a Nordic motif for the ritual under consideration. The tripartite structure of the universe has an analogy in Scandinavian mythology, in which the "middle earth" of people (Midgard) is surrounded by the ocean that divides two other worlds, the upper Valhalla and the lower Hel.79 Snorri Sturlusson's Edda depicts the burial of Balder, the Scandinavian god of the summer sun and a son of Odin, whose body was burned on a ship: "Then was the body of Balder borne out on shipboard; and when his wife, Nanna the daughter of Nep, saw that, straightaway her heart burst with grief, and she died; she was borne to the pyre, and fire was kindled" (Gylfaginning 48). The scene looks like a euphemism for the sacrifice of Nanna together with her deceased husband.80 The analogies, however, seems to be common for the Indo-European cultural circle. Specific to the Russian story, the burning of the Drevlyan noble men in a bathhouse as opposed to a dwelling house in Snorri's story of Sirgid, is a known motif in Indo-European poetry.81 75 At the same time, a proud, independent and unapproachable woman-warrior/regent, who refuses to marry any suitor of lower dignity than she, is a widespread folkloric image and could be common to Princess Olga and Sigrid. Olga (~920-969) was a generation older than Sigrid (~968-before 1013). The Russian suitor for Sigrid's hand, Vissavald, cannot be identified in Russian history. 76 On Scandinavian parallels for Olga's behaviour, see Chadwick 1946: 28-33: Jesch 1991: 111-115. 77 This is one of the reasons for the appearance of the prince Mal (small) and the wedding embassy in the Primary Chronicle. 78 The revenge story of the princess Rogneda of Polozk is known from the Laurentian Chronicle sub anno 1128 (as well as in two manuscripts closely related to it, the Radziwitt and Academy Chronicles). Garcia De La Puente 2009: 196-197, discusses its similarity to the two Scandinavian legends of Gudrun's revenge, in Heimskringla (chapters 76-78) and in Volsungasaga (chapters 34 and 40). Also see Stender-Petersen 1934: 210-244: esp. 215220. It seems, however, that the motif of Rogneda's vengeance by attempting to kill her own husband was a later tale added to the original story of Rogneda, known in the Primary Chronicle under the year 980. The addition was borrowed by the later compiler from Scandinavian tradition. Shakhmatov 2001: 246-251 seems correct in noting its dependence on the later Novgorodian tradition, which supported the superiority of the Yaroslavichi clan in comparison to the Rogvolodovichi clan of the princes of Polozk. 79 The Scandinavian tripartite model of the Universe is represented on the Gotland picture stones. The upper world there is marked with solar signs and the lower one with a monster. See The Ship 1995: 165-171. 80 Other examples of similar female sacrifices in early Germanic funerals are discussed by Ellis 1977: 50-58; Smyser 1965: 109. 81 See West 2007: 444. It may also go back to the Russian custom of stoking bathhouses for the deceased. See Likhachev 1996: 437. 100 Aleksandr V. Koptev References: Agapkina, Toporkov 1988 - AranKuHa T.A., TonopKOB A..H. "MaTepuanbi no enaBHHeKO-My H3HHecTBy (gpeBHepyccKue cBugeTenbcTBa o nonuTaHuu gepeBbeB)", in: Hume-pamypa ffpeBHeü Pycu: McmoHHUKOBedeHue, .TeHuHrpag, 1988, C. 224-235. Aleksandrov 1994 - AneKcaHgpoB A.A. "OnbruHcKaa TonoHuMuKa, Bbi6yTcKue conKu u pycH b ncKoBCKoö 3eMne", in: naMxmHUKu cpeörnBeKOBOü Kynbmypu. OmKpumux u Bepcuu, CaHKT-neTepöypr, 1994, p. 22-31. Anuchin 1890 - AHynuH fl.H. "CaHu, nagbfl u kohu KaK npuHagnexHocTu noxopoHHoro o6paga: Apxeonoro^THorpa^unecKuM ^TK>g", in: ffpeBHoemu. Tpydbi M0CK0BCK0^0 apxeono^u^ecKo^o o6w,ecmBa, T. XIV, MocKBa, 1890, p. 152-184. Baiburin 1983 - Baö6ypuH A.K. Munuwe b o6pxdax u npedcmaBneHuxx BocmonHux cnaBXH, .TeHuHrpag, 1983. Baiburin, Levinton 1990 - Baö6ypuH A.K. .TeBuHToH r.A. "noxopoHH u cBagb6a", in: MccneöoBaHux b o6nacmu 6anm0-cnaBXHCK0Ü dyx0BH0Ü Kynbmypu. ^o^pe6anbHuü o6pxö, MocKBa, 1990, C. 64-99. BapjaKTapoBufr 1990 - BapjaKTapoBufr M. "06uqaj cKnanaaa «6paKa» ca MpTBa^M", in: rnacHuK EmH0^pa h, ktorú jazykovedci datujú do 13. storočia) má slovo igric viacerych „potomkov" - napr. herec, hrač, ihrisko. Etymológia slova *jbgrbcb smeruje k praslovanskému *jbgra, ktoré považuje Rejzek (2001, s. 212) za stary rituálny termín: staroruské „igry" boli pohanské rituálne tance so spevmi. Velmi podrobne o viacerych pokusoch osvetlit' etymológiu slova *jbgra infor-muje Etimologičeskij slovar slavjanskich jazykov (Trubačev, 1981, s. 208-213). Najstaršm sémantickym obsahom slova *jbgra bol pravdepodobne archaicky komplex vyznamov označujúci „spev s tancom". Autor hesla uvažuje o spätosti vyznamu tohto slova so svetom pohanskych sakrálnych predstáv, dejov a vyrazov a rozvíja dalej názor A. A. Potebñu, publikovany ešte v roku 1881, predpokladajúci, že toto slovo patrí k pohanskej sakrálnej sfére. Potebña sa domnieval, že -r- v slove *jbgra je sufix a nie čast' koreña. Následne, po tejto operácii, kedy sa zbavil problémového -r-, sa ako prvy snažil zblížit' toto slovo ety- 1 Vyznamné stopy po prvofunkčnych naboženskych kompetenciach a niektoré davnejšie korene uhorskej inšti-tucie igricov obnažuje madarsky historik L. Szegfü (Kristo, 1995, s. 573-574). Hlada ich v madarskom pohan-stve, konkrétne v osobe madarského „tältosa" - šamana, prostrednictvom ktorého ako média v stave extazy rozpraval svoj pribeh duch konkrétneho hrdinu v prvej osobe. Z tältosa ako média sa vyvinul regös - igricz, obidva terminy boli v madarčine synonymné (ukazuju to, čo predpoklada v stredovekom Uhorsku J. Stein-hübel, a to slovansko-madarsku dvojjazyčnost', tento erudovany slovensky historik o arpadovskom Uhorsku napr. piše ako a o madarsko-slovanskom štate (Steinhübel, 2004, s.301)). Regösi - igrici boli nositelmi po-hanstva a hrali doležitu ulohu v pohanskych vzburach, nikdy sa neodtrhli celkom od pohanskych tradicii. Ich čast' sa neprispôsobila novym podmienkam krest'anskej spoločnosti a bola tvrdo prenasledovana, druha, prisposobivejšia čast' našla svoju realizaciu v oklieštenom priestore, stala sa „jokulatormi", zabavačmi, pred-vadzajucimi svoje umenie na velkych panskych pitkach a orgiach. Sprevadzala svojich panov pri cestach a bojovych taženiach, aby hned' na mieste činu mohla ospievat' ich hrdinstva. V 16. storoči už slovo „regös (igricz, ioculator)" malo podla Szekfüa pejorativny vyznam. Domnieva, že jazyk ich spevu mohol byt' aj mad'arsky. K tymto zisteniam možno dodat', že inštitucia igricov sa teda zrejme nevyvinula len zo staromadarskych tältosov - šamanov; už variantné madarsko-slovanské pomenovanie regös - igricz, dokazuje, že bola i pokračovanim slovanskej, pravdepodobne ešte predvelkomoravskej inštitucie, že tu ide o evidentny kulturny synkretizmus. 118 Martin Golema mologicky so staroindickym „yäjati" s vyznamom „uctievat' božstvo" a s greckym „ayioq" s vyznamom posvätny. Slovnik sa zmienuje aj o pokuse falzifikovat' staršiu, ale dodnes prijlmanü Potebnovu etymologiu a upozornuje, že vzhladom na dalši foneticky vyvin indoeuropskeho palatal-neho g > z u Irancov (avestske slovo yazate) a Slovanov by malo podla niektorych bada-telov vyjst' slovanske *jbzra pripadne *jbzdra, treba teda uvažovat' aj o inych etymonoch, na jeden zvlašt' nadejny etymon sa poküsime nižšie upozornit'. V češtine sa uchovalo formalne podozrivo podobne slovo, ktore sa mohlo vybrat' na svoju püt' a postupne sa vyznamovo dost' vzdialit' od svojich pribuznych z rovnake-ho slovotvorneho hniezda. Je to česke slovo „hrana", „hrany" a znamena „vyzvänanie za mrtveho". Jeho pribuznymi sü hornolužicke „grono" - porekadlo, reč, povest', staroslovi-enske „gram" - verš a cirkevnoslovanske „gram", „grajb" - cirkevny chvalospev. Podla Machka (1997, s. 183) ide o malo jasne slovo, ktorym sa azda mienili povodne pohrebne veršovane spevy. Podla Rejzka (2001, s. 213) praslovanske *gorm je asi stary ritualny termin, süvisiaci z litovskym „girti" - chvalit', oslavovat', starohornonemeckym „queran' - vzdychat', staroindickym „grnati" - vzyva, chvali, spieva a asi i latinskym „grates", „gratias" - dakujem. Všetky možu pochadzat' z indoeuropskeho *guer - chvalit', velebit'. Ho-lub (1952, s. 132) z tohto korena odvodzuje aj staroindicke „gurtis" - chvala, adjektivum „gurtas" - vitany i latinske „gratulari" - blahopriat', sekundarne „Gräcie" - bohyne povabu. Z toho isteho indoeuropskeho korena odvodzuje Rejzek i Holub aj dalšie praslovanske evidentne naboženske terminy - napr. knižne slovo „žertva" od praslovanskeho *žerti -slavit', obetovat' bohom; z toho odvodene slovo „žrec" - pohansky knaz (slaviaci, obetujüci bohom). Kontinuantom stareho g v slovach „žertva", „*žerti" je špecificky slovanska hlaska ž, ktora vznikla tzv. prvou palatalizaciou, teda pravidelnou zmenou g > ž, ktora prebehla vo všetkych süčasnych slovanskych jazykoch v slovach pred samohlaskami e, e, i, b - a je zodpovedna za vznik špecifickych slovanskych hlasok (ž, č, š < g, k, ch), ktore nepoznal praindoeuropsky jazyk (Petr, 1984). Napriklad ak predpokladame, že dvojica staropolske „igrzec" a „zyrzec" („ofiarnik" (Gieysztor, 1986, s. 35), obetujüci) vznikla z toho isteho korena *guer, stare g sa mohlo uchovat' len vtedy, ak sa povodne za nim nasledujüca pred-na samohlaska „prešmykla" a predsunula, čo sa mohlo stat' napr. z tabuovych dovodov (kedže zbytočne použivanie posvätnych nazvov posobi znevažupcim dojmom, povodne indoeuropske slovo mohlo prejst' roznymi tabuovo motivovanymi obmenami, prestavba-mi, takymto zmenam zvlašt' často podliehajü prave slova süvisiace so sferou sakralneho). Ak možno predpokladat' takyto vyvoj, može byt' zaujimave vzajomnü podobnost' slov igric, hrana či žrec využit' a poküsit' sa najst' spoločne indoeuropske vychodisko. Ked' boli pohrebne žalospevy vytlačene zvonenim, bolo slovo hrana „chäpane možno ako zvon - stopa tohto vyznamoveho vyvoja je v prevzatom mad'arskom slove „ harang" - zvon", ktore sa spätnym prevzatim podla Machka (1997, s. 516) „vratilo" domov v podobe rolnička (z vychodu pochadzajüci zvonček, pripevnovany na nohy polovnickych sokolov, prostrednictvom Madarov sa dostal ako novinka na zapad), po „navrate" prešlo slovo zmenami harang - haranglička (zdrobnovacia pripona) - skratenie o (ha) ranglička - rolnička." Inü vyznamovü dimenziu toho isteho korena, z ktoreho je odvodene česke slovo hrana a madarske harang, ukazuje aj slovenska odvodenina „uhranüt" („uhrančivf, napr. v slovnom spojeni „uhrančive oči") - povodne znamenajüca urieknut', zariekanim sposo-bit niekomu škodu. 119 Igrici ako archaicki poeti a žreci u pohanskych Slovanov K vypočtu etymologicky „podozrivych" slov, ktore, ak pochadzaju z jedneho korena, možu osvetlit' staršie a zabudnute vyznamove dimenzie slova igric, možno ešte pridat' ar-chaicke slovo žehrat' - zo staročeskeho „žehrati" - napominat', karat', žiarlit', vyjadrovat' ne-spokojnost'. Podla Rejzka etymologicky „nieprtliš jasne" (2001, s. 746), ponuka sa spojenie so slovami „žhnout", „žarlit" (v povodnom neposunutom vyzname palit' ohnom). Ak bude-me vychadzat' z našej hypotezy, potom „žehrat" by mohlo ako zloženina doslova znamenat' „palit' slovom, veršom", mohol by sa v nom ukryvat' napr. nazov zaniknuteho staršieho syn-kretickeho (slovno-hudobno-ritualno-magickeho) žanru, ktoreho cielom mohla byt' napr. zmena spravania vysoko postavenych osob, pripadne ich potrestanie (privodit' im magicky chorobu a smrt). Žaner sa už nemohol objavit' v repertoari stredovekych „jokulatorov", pretože na cirkevnu kliatbu mala už monopol cirkev. Inym, miernejšim obsahom „žehra-nia" mohla byt' „paliaca" satira ako vychovny prostriedok, ktorej nazov mohol byt' odvode-ny podobnou metaforickou logikou ako nazov „paliacej" žihlavy, „paliaceho" žihadla. Nazdavame sa, že by mohlo byt' perspektivne hladat' etymon slova *jbgrbcb na rov-nakom mieste, ako etymon slov „žehrat", „hrana", „uhranut", „žrec" a „žertva". Aby sme to mohli urobit', je nutne spochybnit' staršiu hypotezu Potebnu, a -r- v slove *jbgra, vni-mat' nie ako sufix, ale ako sučast' stareho korena. Nasledne by bolo možne uvažovat' o indoeuropskom koreni *guer - chvalit', velebit'. Ak etymologicke uvahy presmerujeme k tomuto korenu, igric prestane byt' „umelcom - zabavačom" a odhalia sa nam možne vyznamove dimenzie prekvapujuco totožne s tym, čo zist'uje Toporov o archaickych basnikoch a zaroven žrecoch. Z akeho indoeuropskeho korena je odvodeny nazov tejto inštitucie nemože byt' lahostajne ani v ramci toho, čo nazyvame archeologia literarnej komunikacie (Golema, 2006), može to totiž osvetlit' prave tie dimenzie vyznamu, ktore boli nahradene a odložene. Ak predpokladame, že slova igric (< *jbgrbcb) a žrec (*žbrbcb < *gbrbcb) su derivatmi z toho isteho korena, otvoria sa dimenzie vyznamu, ukazujuce k vykonu prvej funkcie indoeuropskej naboženskej suverenity, nie k predajnemu zabavnemu figliarstvu, vtipkarstvu, založenemu na formalnej dokonalosti a ozdobnosti vypovede, nemajucemu vzt'ah ku sfere posvatneho, poskytujucemu teda iba to, čo dnes zvykneme nazyvat' esteticke zažitky. Dnešne vyznamove dimenzie slovenskeho slova „hra" (< *jbgra) spajaju tuto čin-nost' predovšetkym s det'mi (nevažna, zabave a krateniu času služiaca činnost), s hudob-nymi nastrojmi, s divadlom a filmom (herci), športom (ihrisko). Vyznamove metaforicke i metonymicke posuny, rozširenia, zuženia i nahradenia vyznamu, ktore určovali karieru tohto povodne stareho ritualneho terminu, idu jednym smerom, a tym je znevaženie, vy-tlačenie davnej naboženskej terminologie i praxe. Prvofunkčny kredit si ale, podla všetke-ho, zachovali niektore archaicke odvodeniny i zaniknute tvary povodne azda z totožneho indoeuropskeho korena *guer-. Vhodnym prikladom by mohlo byt' česke slovo „hrana" - vyzvananie za mrtveho, v madarčine zakonzevovany tvar „harang" - zvon, staroslovien-ske „gram"- verš (dnešny nazov verša je prevzaty z latinčiny - „versus", sprostredkovany nemčinou - „Vers", vytesnenie domaceho slova prevzatym vystižne indikuje osud pred-krest'anskej slovesnosti, spojenie so svetom mrtvych v madarskom harang je tiež vyznam-na indicia na archaicke kompetencie basnikov a žrecov). Dalšie geneticky pravdepodob-ne pribuzne slova tiež ukazuju na spojenie so sferou slovesnosti, na uchovavanie textov naboženskeho obsahu, využivajuce rytmus a hudobny sprievod - dolnolužicke „grono" - porekadlo, reč, povest', hornolužicke „hrono" - veta, pauza, tep, litovske „gtrti" - chvalit', oslavovat. 120 Martin Golema Pragmatiku, použitie, teda magicku „moc" takto uchovâvanych naboženskych formul možno indikuje slovo „uhranut'" - urieknut', zariekavanim, spôsobit' niekomu škodu, možno i staroceské „žehrati" - napomlnat', kârat', vyjadrovat' nespokojnost', „pâlit'" slovami (tuto funkciu možno prevzala krest'anskâ kâzen ako prvofunkčny Mbožensky žâner). Ak na zâklade tychto zisteni chceme nâjst' vhodny, vyznamovo ekvivalentny, teda nie posunuty interpretant slova igric, ktory by bol použitelny pri usili o zhusteny, emicky popis v stredovekych pramenoch len „zriedene" a „eticky" popisanej predkrest'anskej (či polokrest'anskej) kultury stredovekych Slovanov, musime odmietnut' termin jokulâtor a jeho süčasné synonymâ (šašo, vtipkâr, figliar, zabâvač). Ten už totiž velmi pravdepodobne odrâža neuctu, ktorâ dopadla na osoby igricov a ich povolanie po dokonanej christiani-zâcii niekedy na konci 12. storočia. Pri hladani presnejšich vyznamovych ekvivalentov si-ahneme mimo râmca našej krest'anstvom sformovanej kultury a slovnej zâsoby. Podobne motivované, s rituâlnym použivanim slova spojené je staroveké indické slovo „brahman" (pôvodny vyznam bol približne „učinm slovnâ konštrukcia, formula, modlitba", teda sé-manticky podobny ako staroslovienske „gram" - verš a cirkevnoslovanské „gram" a „grajb" - cirkevny chvâlospev), ktoré označovalo celu kastu pamät'ovych špecialistov v râmci jazykového systému, v ktorom hodnotu slov ešte monopolne určovala trojfunkčm indoeuropska ideologia. Kosmovi „starci" (ktorych bâjny „prednes" podla Karbusického Kosmas skrâtil a transformoval vo svojej kronike) konzervujuci staršie štâdiâ epiky a pri-liš spojeni so starou kmenovou kulturou, mohli teda reprezentovat' ešte tu vetvu igricov, ktorâ sa funkčne dâ skôr pripodobnit' k indickym brahmanom ako k stredovekym „zabâ-vačom" - jokulâtorom. Takyto typ pamät'ovych špecialistov možno predpokladat' nielen v premyslovskom, ale i v arpâdovskom a v piastovskom stredovekom štâte, a tak isto v štâtnom utvare, kto-rého nâslednikmi tieto štâty boli, teda na Velkej Morave. Korene inštitucie igricov mohli siahat' ešte hlbšie, k menšim slovanskym kniežatstvâm vznikajucim v stredoeuropskom priestore už od slovanskej expanzie v 6. storoči, ba ešte hlbšie, k Praslovanom, svojsky adaptujucim a zâroven uchovâvajucim staré indoeuropske pamât'ové inštitucie a mytolo-gické pribehy. Literatura Assmannovâ, A. - Assmann, J.: Archeologia literârnej komunikâcie. In: Üvod do literâr-ni vedy. Usporiadali Miltos Pechlivanos, Stefan Rieger, Wolfgang struck a Michael Weitz. Praha : Herrmann & synové, 1999, s. 200-206. Assmann, J.: Kultura a pamet'. Praha: Prostor, 2001. Barker, Ch.: Slovnik kulturâlnich studii. Praha: Portâl, 2006. Botheroydovâ, S. - Botheroyd, P.: Lexikon keltské mytologie. Praha: Ivo Železny, 1998. Buczynska - Garewicz, H.: Semiotika a dekonštrukcia. In: Estetika, roč. XXXVI., 2000, č. 1, s. 52-60. Canfora, L.: Dejiny recké literatury. Praha: KLP, 2001. Curtius, E. R.: Evropskâ literatura a latinsky stredovek. Praha: Triâda, 1998. Dumézil, G.: Myty a bohové Indoevropanû. Praha: OIKOYMENH, 1997. Dumézil, G.: Mytus a epos I. Trojfunkčni ideologie v eposech indoevropskych nârodû. Praha: OIKOYMENH, 2001. 121 Igrici ako archaicki poeti a žreci u pohanskych Slovanov Eliade, M.: Dejiny naboženskych predstav a idei / III. Bratislava: Agora, 1997. Eco, U.: Mysl a smysl. Sémioticky pohled na svet. Praha: Vize 97, 2000. Geertz, C.: Interpretace kultur. Praha: Sociologické nakladatestvi, 2000. Gieysztor, A.: Mitologia Slowian. Warszawa: Wydawnictwa Artystyczne i Filmowe, 1986. Golema, M.: Stredoveka literatura a indoeuropske mytologické dedičstvo. Pritomnost' trojfunkčnej indoeuropskej ideologie v literature, mytologii a folklore stredovekych Slovanov. 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Nejstarši české povesti v kontextu evropské kultury. Praha: Mlada fronta, 1995. Kosmova Kronika česka. Praha: Svoboda, 1975. Kovač, L.: Veda v optike kognitivnej biologie. In: Tvorba Roč. IV, č. 8, 1994, s. 7-9. Kovačik, L.: Mytologizmus v slovenskom literarnom romantizme. Banska Bystrica: Univerzita Mateja Bela, Pedagogicka fakulta, 2003. Kožiak, R.: Irski misionari a počiatky krest'anstva u Slovanov v stredovychodnej Europe. In: Pohanstvo a krest'anstvo. Zostavili R. Kožiak a J. Nemeš. Bratislava: Chronos, 2004, 103-124. Kožiak, R.: Specifické črty vyvoja krest'anstva a monasticizmu v Irsku v ranom stredove-ku. In: Rehole a klaštory. Zostavili Rastislav Kožiak a Vincent Mucska. Bratislava: Chronos, 2002, s. 31-48. Krajčovič, R.: Zivé kroniky slovenskych dejin skryté v nazvoch obci a miest. Bratislava: Literarne informač^ centrum, 2005. Kristo, G. et al: Korai magyar torténeti lexikon (9-14. szazad) foszerk. Budapest: Akadé-miai kiado, 1994. Kronika anonymného notara krala Bela Gesta hungarorum. Preložil, poznamkami a registrom opatril, uvodnu študiu napisal Vincent Mucska. Budmerice: Rak, 2000. Krško, J.: Hydronymia povodia Hrona. Banska Bystrica: Fakulta humanitnych vied UMB, 2008. Krzemienska, B. - Treštik, D.: Hospodarské zaklady rane stredovëkého statu ve stredni Evrope (Čechy, Polsko, Uhry v 10.-11. stoleti). In: Československy časopis historic-ky, roč. XXVII, 1979, č. 1, s. 113-130. Le Goff, J.: Intelektualové ve stredoveku. Praha: Univerzita Karlova v Praze, nakladatelstvi Karolinum, 1999. 122 Martin Golema Lotman, J.: Text a kultura. Bratislava: Archa, 1994. Lüben, G.: Oralni slovesnost - psana literatura. In: Üvod do literarni vedy. Usporiadali Miltos Pechlivanos, Stefan Rieger, Wolfgang Struck a Michael Weitz. Praha: Herrmann & synové, 1999, s. 32-36. Machek, V.: Etymologicky slovnik jazyka ceského. Praha: NLN, 1997. Merhautova, A. - Treštik, D.: Romanské umeni v Čechach a na Morave. Praha: Odeon, 1983. Mify narodov mira. Enciklopedija v dvuch tomach. Moskva: Sovetskaja enciklopedija, 1988. Mucska, V.: Boj uhorského štatu proti pohanstvu v 11. storoči. In: Pohanstvo a krestan-stvo. Zostavili R. Kožiak a J. Nemeš. Bratislava: Chronos, 2004, s. 201-210. Niederle, L.: Rukovet slovanskych starožitnosti. Praha: Nakladatelstvi Ceskoslovenské akademie ved, 1953. Peirce, CH. S.: Logika ako semiotika: teoria znakov. In: Pragmatizmus. Mala antologia filozofie 20. storočia. Bratislava: IRIS. 1998, s. 131-141. Petr, J.: Zaklady slavistiky. Praha: SPN, 1984. Pleterski, A.: Strukture tridelne ideologije v prostoru pri Slovanih. In: Zgodovinski časopis, roč. 50, 1996, č. 2, s. 163-185. Pramene k dejinam Velkej Moravy. Na vydanie pripravil Peter Ratkoš. Bratislava: Vydava-telstvo slovenskej akadémie vied, 1964 Puhvel, J.: Srovnavaci mythologie. Praha: NLN, 1997. Rejzek, J.: Česky etymologicky slovnik. Voznice: LEDA, 2001. Rybaryč, R.: Dejiny hudobnej kultury na Slovensku I. Bratislava: OPUS, 1984. Slovo o pluku Igorovom. Preložila Helena Križanova-Brindzova. Bratislava: Mladé leta, 1986. Steinhübel, J.: Nitrianske kniežatstvo. Bratislava: Veda, 2004. Struck, W: Socialni funkce a kulturni statut literarnich textû neboli: Autonomie jako hete-ronomie. In: Üvod do literarni vedy. Usporiadali Miltos Pechlivanos, Stefan Rieger, Wolfgang struck a Michael Weitz.Praha: Herrmann & synové, 1999, s. 184-200. Treštik, D.: Kosmas. Praha: Svobodné slovo, 1966. Trubačev, O. N. et al.: Etimologičeskij slovar slavjanskich jazykov 8. Moskva: Nauka, 1981. Turner, V.: Prûbeh ritualu. Struktura a antistruktura. Brno: Computer Press, 2004. Vana, Z.: Svet slovanskych bohû a démonû. Praha: Panorama, 1990. 123 Igrici ako archaicki poeti a žreci u pohanskych Slovanov Actors (Igrci) as Archaic Poets and Sacerdotal Priests among the Pagan Slavs. Medieval sources and some dimensions of the Old Slavic word *jbgrbcb (its derivate and continuity) as followed in significant Slavic ethnolinguistic traditions Martin Golema The study gives a sketch of a Slavic memory specialist, an archaic pagan poet, whose functional competence in the Middle Ages has been accepted by the church. The study formulates the answer to the question "Who were medieval Slavic actors („igric"), and what place did they occupy in the conceptual framework (secondary modeling system) of a three-functional ideology?" The theme of actors („igric") is represented as one of the central and perspective topics which can also be surveyed by the archeology of literary communication, studying the history of the text before a literary epoch. 124 RAZISKOVALNE METODE IN INTERPRETACIJE LJUDSKEGA IZROČILA METODI DI RICERCA E INTERPRETAZIONI DELLA TRADIZIONE POPOLARE RESEARCH METHODS AND INTERPRETATIONS OF FOLK TRADITION Dragon and Hero or How to Kill a Dragon -on the Example of the Legends of Medimurje about the Grabancijas and the Dragon Suzana Marjanic "The Dragon is probably the best-known but also the most unfortunate fantastic animal." Jorge Luis Borges: The Book of Imaginary Beings 1 Through interpretation of oral legends about the Cakovec pozoj, or Dragon, the emphasis is placed in this paper on the differential determinant in relation to the final status of the Dragon (live status/cosmic renewal - dead) in proto-Slavic legends, in the oral legend about the Cakovec pozoj and in the legend of St George, who slays the Dragon. Namely, Christianity installs a once-only saintly finishing off of the Dragon, while it is a matter of cyclic killings in the Indo-European myth of the conflict between, for example, Indra and the so-called Cosmic Monster (Vrtra, Vala) the Snake/Dragon. In the conclusion of this article, the Medimurean legends of the meteorological binomial, made up of the grabancijas and the pozoj, are interpreted by way of the ecofeminist key as legends in which an effort is made to conceal inconvenient historical truths (Christianisa-tion, colonialism). In other words, the legend of the Cakovec Dragon - as is the case with all similar legends of the vanquishing of so-called monsters - demonstrates what Roland Barthes differentiated in mythic structure: that the myth can be very simply modified into a tool of political demagogy that confers a "natural" appearance upon a particular ideology. True enough, the case of the legend of the Cakovec Dragon is a weak myth, which Barthes denotes in relation to the strong myth. Namely, in the former the political quantum is immediate, the depolitisation is abrupt, and in the latter, "the political quality of the object has faded like a colour, but the slightest thing can bring back its strength brutally". Needless to say, the slightest thing, trifles, are not at all unimportant. Myth - oral legend - the legend about the dragon-like so-called monster On the basis of reconstructed Indo-European, and particularly Proto-Slavic, sacred texts and/or their fragments, which tell of the cosmic struggle (the agon) between the Gromovnik, or Wielder of Thunder (Indra, Perun) and the Snake/Dragon (Vrtra/Vala, Because of my boundless affection for this quotation, I am using it again as a motto in my (second) text on the theme of mythic dragonology (cf. Marjanic 1997/1998:82). This article was previously published in the Croatian language in the journal Narodna umjetnost (46/2, 2009). 127 Dragon and Hero or How to Kill a Dragon Volos/Veles),2 one is able to commence reconstruction of the oral legend of the Cakovec pozoj (dragon).3 By so-called "Pantheonic" reconstruction (cf. Kovacevic 2006:47), and on the path of the semiotic-philological research by Vjaceslav V. Ivanov and Vladimir N. Toporov, the semiological-etymological approach of Radoslav Katicic and the ethnological-philological (hermeneutic) research of Vitomir Belaj, it can be established that one finds the main heroes from the Proto-Slavic myth in the mythic legend of the Cakovec pozoj - where Perun and Volos/Veles are replaced by their alopersonages: the grabancijas4 with the attributes of the Thunder God Perun and the pozoj with the attributes of Volos/Veles and/or the Snake/ Dragon as rulers of the Netherworld - Vyrej/Virej - the mythic world of Eternal Spring. In other words, Perun and Volos/Veles are the only two Proto-Slavic deities whose relationship can be partly reconstructed and we arrive at the following scheme on the Proto-Slavic level of that mythic cosmic drama: Perun kills/chases the Veles/Snake with thunder (Belaj 1988:65-69). This is, as Calvert Watkins emphasises in his book How to Kill a Dragon, the basic formula of the hero killing the serpent (Watkins 1995:301). In that way, we can assume that we have the fragments of a ritual text in the oral legend of the Cakovec pozoj, a myth that was given a Christian foundation (Christianisation, colonialism) throughout the centuries, which is underpinned by a mythic story (a pagan one, a Proto-Slavic matrix) of the conflict between the Thunder God - of the heavens - and his opponent as ruler the Netherworld - Vyrej/Virej, or if we invert the mythic matrix in an ecofeminist manner - of the conflict between the so-called monster and his opponent. Since a fragmentary mythic legend is in question here, where the basic heroes are the grabancijas and the pozoj, who figure on the Proto-Slavic level as the Thunder God Perun (= the grabancijas) and the serpent-like Veles/Volos (= pozoj), it is necessary to emphasise that this is not a matter of the aspects of Good and Evil of the deity since, in the comprehension of the cosmic conflict in natural religions, by which the fructiferous water is liberated from Veles's Netherworld (Vyrej/Virej) as the mythic world of Eternal Spring, both deities possess the determinants of a well-intentioned and of a dangerous deity. However, that gives no indication that the Proto-Slavs had a dualistic conception of a God of Good and a God of Evil (Belaj 1988:87). Apart from that, the so-called monster gathers within himself a divine-demonic duality, as was emphasised by the psychologist of childhood, David Beaudet; for example, the Babylonian Tiamat figures simultaneously as 2 In comparison with Vala (the grotto), which imprisoned cows in the grotto or cave (Jezic 1987:81), Vrtra is denoted as a snake/dragon, which imprisoned water and thus, unlike Vala, had theriomorphic characteristics (ibid.:71, 208-209). Namely, Vrtra is sometimes called ahi budhnya - Dragon of the Deep, a snake from the bottom of the waters (Belaj 1998:80). The two main myths connected with Indra speak of his conflict with Vrtra and the opening of Vala who are sometimes equalised in the Rgveda (Jezic 1987:73,80-81). Mislav Jezic is of the opinion that the myth of Vrtra, thus, the myth of killing the D ragon and liberating of Water, probably relates to the part of the year when the world lacks water, and when the Sun is high in the sky - around the time of the Summer Solstice - while the myth of Vala denotes the period around the Winter Solstice (Jezic 2006:59). 3 Cakovec is a city located in the northern part of Croatia, in the central part of the Medimurje County. As indicated in the abstract, the Medimurean legends of the meteorological binomial, made up of the grabancijas and the pozoj, are interpreted in this article. 4 In the further text, it will be shown that this is a mythic creature (grabancijas, Wandering Scholar) who, among other supernatural powers also has the capability of calling up storms and hail, which is linked with the mytheme of driving dragons upon which those wizards ride and glide through the air. 128 Suzana Marjanic a divine (symbolisation of the sea) and a demonic creature, where she denotes primordial chaos in an evil and negative context (Gilmore 2003:193).5 Furthermore, according to the "Pantheonic" reconstruction, Perun was modified in the process of Christianisation into St Elijah the Thunder-Wielder, and Veles into the Lord of the World of the Dead, and, due to theriomorphism as the Serpent/Dragon, he is transformed in Christianity into the figuration of Satan, the Devil (V/vrag, davao in Croatian) - if we include all the basic Christianity-demonised synonyms (Belaj 1998:6769; Jagic 1948:183). I would like to point out that Veles/Volos's name along with the Vedic name Vala and the Lithuanian Velionis is derived from the Indo-European *wel- meaning grazing land, meadow, and land of the dead (Belaj 1998:81). The foregoing Christianised attribution shows that the process of demonisation is carried out more easily with those pagan deities who contain the morphology of a monster (Durand 1991:85) that is connected with the Netherworld; thus, Veles's Netherworld of Eternal Spring (Vyrej/Virej) is transposed into Hell in the Christianised interpretation. Veles's location is by water or in water (by the roots of the Tree of the World - the arbor/axis mundi), which corresponds to the attribution of the Cakovec pozoj as a water dragon.6 Thus, a legend of the Podravina [Drava River Basin] in Hungary speaks of St Elijah riding on a sarkanj - a Great Demon [veliki vrag], a pozoj or dragon (Frankovic 1990:131), which can confirm the above connection between the grabancijas and the pozoj/Dragon as alopersonages of St Elijah/Perun and the Devil/Veles/Volos. Figure 1: Ninurta as the Sumerian warrior Storm God expelling the serpent-like eagle Zu, a relief in the temple consecrated to Ninurta, Kalah, around 870 BC (Uehlinger 1995:91)7 5 So the Sumerians speak of the conflict between the dragon Asag and the god Ninurta, and the Babylonians of the defeat of Tiamat, who was overpowered by Marduk (Visic 1993:55, 57). 6 Andrija Dolencic (1909-1983), parish priest and catechist, who notated and studied Medimurean popular customs and beliefs during the 1940s, defined the pozoj as a water dragon (Dolencic 1952:356). About local dragons being identified as local springs cf. Fontenrose 1959:548. 7 Since there are two versions of the myth, the Storm Bird Zu defeated either Marduk or Ninurta or even Lugal-banda (Fontenrose 1959:148). 129 Dragon and Hero or How to Kill a Dragon The dyadic location of the pozoj's body, a threat of danger from earthquakes and storms... The following are three versions of the mythic legend of the Čakovec dragon: the first is taken from the Tourism Club: Medimurje web-page, the second fragment is from Gonczi's book Medimurje - ljudi, vjerovanja, običaji [Medimurje - People, Beliefs, Customs] (1895) while the third fragment is from Andrija Dolenčics manuscript collection (1952) referred to above.8 The Green Pozoj in Čakovec "A legend connected with Čakovec is that of the green pozoj whose head is situated below the Old Town of Čakovec, while its tail is under the Church of St Nicholas; some say that it is the other way round. Only a student grabancijaš [Wandering Scholar] could liberate [the town] from the Dragon. To disturb the Dragon underneath the Old Town would be dangerous; it could lead to an earthquake and tempest." ("Predaja o zelenom pozoju u Čakovcu" [Legend of the green pozoj in Čakovec]) The Pozoj in Čakovec "The people of Čakovec and its surroundings constantly speak of such a dragon, whose head is under the parish Church of St Nicholas, and the tail under the Old Town. In other words, he is lying beneath the town of Čakovec itself. Only a student grabancijaš (Black Student, črnoškolec) could remove him, but, in such case, part of Čakovec would come crashing down. (...)"(Gonczi 1995:122-123) The Pozoj under Čakovec and the Watery Abyss "So it was that a couple of decades ago they still believed that a pozoj was lying under Čakovec, with its tail under the Old Town (the castle and the Zrinski Fortress), while the head was under the 'monks' church'. As there are no longer any grabancijašes to extract it from there, a danger lurks that 'all of Čakovec will collapse beneath the ground (into the watery abyss)'." (Dolenčic 1952:358) It can be seen that these versions do not present the same information on the position of the pozoj's head and its tail; still, the locations are the same - the Old Town (the castle and the Zrinski fortress) and the parish church of St Nicholas.9 Another feature in common is the fact that the pozoj can be extracted only by a student grabancijaš (a Black Student), as is stressed in the second legend, that is, version, and both legends point out 8 I am providing the sources concerning the legend according to the order of their accessibility to the possible reading public. I would like to point out that I am attempting in this text to follow the distinction between the words variant and version, as is done by Joseph Fontenrose. He stresses that a variant is the same story told with other protagonists (gods and people) as well as in different settings; while a new version emerges when the details are changed - "when a theme or episode is given a somewhat different expression, when something is added or subtracted, when the sequence of episodes is shifted - but the personal and place names remain unchanged" (Fontenrose 1959:5-6). 9 For example, according to Nodilo's interpretation, St Nicholas appears as an alternative name for Veles, by which, bearing in mind the pozoj's location under the Church of St Nicholas, one can establish his possible link with Veles (Nodilo 1981:391). 130 Suzana Marjanic that it would be dangerous to disturb the dragon, since an earthquake and a tempest could follow and/or, as the second version tells us - in that case, a part of Cakovec would come crashing down. In his literarily styled notation, Ferencz Gonczi continues that when the grabancijas harnesses the dragon and when the dragon rises up, a storm ensues, which indicates that we are speaking of a meteorological hybrid creature. The third version warns, thus differing from the former two, that since there are no longer any grabancijases now, a danger lurks that "all of Cakovec will collapse beneath the ground (into the watery abyss)", which introduces the attribution of the water dragon. If we attach to this version the legend of the Strigova Dragon, pozoj [Strigova being a village and municipality in Medimurje] which, unlike the version of the Cakovec dragon legend, introduces a temporal deixis about Spring as the period of the awakening of the young pozoj, that can be paralleled with Mislav Jezic's tenet that the myth of Vrtra, that is, the myth about the killing of the Dragon and the liberation of Water, most probably refers to the time of year of the Summer Solstice (Jezic 2006:59). Namely, the point of reference about Spring in the Strigova legend introduces the deixis about the beginning of the Proto-Slavic New Year that began in Spring - around the date of today's Christian Easter and/or St George's Day as the beginning of the Summer part of the year. St George's Day is situated in a very important position in the calendar system between the Summer and Winter halves of the year (Belaj 1998:120, 169) and is often seen in the folklore conception as the beginning of Spring, but also as the beginning of the year, that is, the economic year when the livestock is first taken out to pasture after Winter.10 The Legend of the Strigova Pozoj "The legend of the pozoj is also connected with Strigova. It is said that the dragon is on the high ground under the Church of St Jerome, while its tail is in the lowlands - near the Church of St Mary Magdalene. It is dangerous to disturb the pozoj. In Strigova they say that the young dragon beats around with its tail every Spring, when high water rises in the lowlands." ("Predaja o strigovskom pozoju" [Legend of the Strigova Pozoj], http) So we have emphasised again in the legend the pozojs physical dyad - head and tail, with respect to its subterranean location under one of the churches in Strigova, as well as the information that this is a water dragon, as also emphasised in the legend noted down by Dolencic. So it is characteristic to both Cakovec and Strigova that the pozoj is linked with the location of the local town church, while in that process it should be added that the pozojs physical dyad is also noted in individual legends from Croatian Zagorje - for example, in the Ivanec region (cf. Santalab 2008:39). Let us pause briefly on the subject of the etymology of the words pozoj and po-zojak that one encounters in Medimurje, Prekomurje, Podravina, Croatian Zagorje and Prigorje, and in Slovenia (Dolencic 1952:359; Radenkovic 2006:206; Kropej 2008:117)." 10 As far as Croatia is concerned, St George's Day processions with the Green George personage are known only in North-western Croatia (in a largely Kajkavian-speaking region) while they are also known in North-eastern Pannonian Slovenia (Belaj 1998:172-173), which we can also view as a link with the legends about the grabancijas and the dragon (pozoj), that are largely connected to the Kajkavian areas in Croatia. 11 According to Fran Miklosic s dictionary Etymologisches Wörterbuch der slavischen Sprachen, Nodilo notes that, apart from to Croatian Kajkavian speakers, the word pozoj was also known to the Ukrainians (Nodilo 1981:436). 131 Dragon and Hero or How to Kill a Dragon I would mention that the Academy's Rjecnik hrvatskoga ili srpskoga jezika [Dictionary of the Croatian and the Serbian Language] defines the word pozoj as zmaj [dragon] and as azdaja/Azi Dahaka and does not differentiate between the two words, as Natko Nodilo does, for example, in his study Stara vjera Srba i Hrvata [The Old Faith of Serbs and Croats] (1885-1890). Furthermore, the etymology of these words in the Academy's Dictionary is interpreted from po-zoj; "the second part comes from the root, which is located in the verbs zinuti, zijevati [to gape, to yawn]" and mentions the word pozojica (a female pozoj or dragon), of which it is later stated that it is mentioned in Ivan Belostenec's dictionary, the Gazophylacium (1740) - in dracaena (Rjecnik hrvatskoga ili srpskoga jezika 1935:325).12 In addition to the word pozoj the word pojzija was also in use in the Ivanec area (in Croatian Zagorje) (Santalab 2008:38-39).13 We could also mention Nodilo's interpretation of the pozoj from Kajkavian and Slovenian legends, as noted down by Matija Valjavec Kracmanov and interpreted by Vatroslav Jagic, which Nodilo defines as being a fiery dragon, that is, the opposite of Dolencic's definition of water dragons mentioned here.14 Namely, in Nodilo's interpretation that sets a differentiating definition between zmaj (dragon) and azdaja (Azi Dahaka), the pozoj as it appears in Kajkavian legends is not an anthropophagic dragon, which is the basis of each teratology (Gk. teras, G teratos - monster, wonder; logos; in the sense of researching the so-called monster or "freak"), but rather a stormy dragon, symbolising the lightning-packed Fire, Agni - the Vedic deity of fire. In that process, Nodilo refers to the Rgveda, where it is noted that Agni consumes trees (RV I, 58, 5; RV I, 143, 5; Nodilo 1981:436-437).15 Apart from that, the Rgveda (RV I, 79,1) defines Agni as a snake (usp. Macdonell 1974:153), which is the source of Nodilo's euphemisation of the dragon as the deity of fire, while he inscribes only the teratology of the azdaja (Azi Dahaka)16 into the term demonic monster (monstrum horrendum). 12 We should also mention the plant called Dracaena [the Dragon Tree, or Drakon Tree], whose name is the Romanised form of the Ancient Greek Sparaiva - drakaina, "female dragon" (cf. Wikipedia - "Dracaena plant"). 13 In the framework of etymology of the word pozoj, it should be remembered that the word zmaj [dragon] has the same origin as the word zmija [snake] and is connected with the earth [zemlja] (Skok 1973/III:649-650). Both snakes and dragons are termed with the same word in Latin - draco (Sax 2001:233). The formation of the Greek word dracon is motivated by the verb derkomai (to look). It is probable that the Greeks, as a result of fascination with the uncomfortable rigidity of the snake's gaze, named that creature with the descriptive syntagm the animal with the frozen gaze - dracon (Jockel 1995:29). Vitomir Belaj points to the Macedonian-Bulgarian adjustment of the meaning of the word zmaj [dragon] that was originally the male form of the word zmija [snake] - the dragon being the snake's male mate (Belaj 1998:44). So it is that on the island of Korcula, as well as in some other places in Dalmatia, they say zmaja instead of zmija for snake, which confirms the original meaning of the word zmaj [dragon]. And in Smokvica on the island of Korcula they say guja for all snakes, but call only poison snakes zmaja (Hirtz 1928/I:179). 14 In his study about the grabancijases (1877), Vatroslav Jagic starts out from the stories or legends collected by Matija Kracmanov Valjavec, who accumulated the major part of his material while working as a teacher at the high school in Varazdin, having it published in part in the Slovenian journal Slovenski glasnik (Jagic 1948:177). 15 In one of the Rigvedic hymns (RV II, 4.5), tree-eater - van-ad- (Loma 1997:158) is given as an epithet for the god Agni. 16 Maja Boskovic-Stulli points out that, to the Croatians, „the juxtapositioning of the terms zmaj (dragon) and azdaja (Azi Dahaka) is unusual; among the Croatians the term zmaj (dragon) denotes the same wicked monster as azdaja (Azi Dahaka) among the Serbians, but they, too, use the term zmaj in that sense" (Boskovic-Stulli 1969-1970:182). However, cf. the differential determinant between zmaj and azdaja in keeping with the belief in Zaostrog (in Dalmatia) according to which the azdaja was more terrible than the zmaj "because it 132 Suzana Marjanic In addition to etymology, we can also devote a brief time to the etiology of pozoj. Nodilo points to the legend in Valjavec's notations from Bednja (Croatian Zagorje), which speak of the dragon being a large winged horse (a hippogriff) that emerges from a fish, frog or even a snake (Nodilo 1981:227; Jagic 1948:177-178).17 And we must also mention the legend from Prelog, not far from Cakovec, which links the dragon with earthquakes, as is the case with the Cakovec pozoj (Jagic 1948:178). In addition to that etiological legend from Prelog, which stresses that the dragon develops from a fish that digs itself deep into mud (Jagic 1948:178), according to Medimurean legends, the pozoj can also come from old snakes, frogs and roosters, "older than seven years",18 and it also feeds on soil. This metamorphosis takes place when the animal that is predestined to become a pozoj fasts for a few days, "and then squeezes into some 'ditch' or puddle full of water and starts gradually eating the soil around it. (...) When it makes such a large and wide hole in the earth that it can no longer hold itself up and falls into the water, then they say in Medimurje: the earth vjezerila [meaning to collapse]. In that way, after having been devoured by the pozoj, the earth beside it can collapse and/or 'whole cities' can collapse" (Dolencic 1952:357-358). According to notated legends,19 the Podravina Croatians in Hungary believed that a sarkanj, which develops from an old catfish and denotes a dragon or a fat snake, brings ice and hail to the villages (Frankovic 1990:115).20 What is interesting for our theme is the fact that there is a connection in certain legends between the sarkanj (the pozoj) and the grabancijas. One of the determinants that is typical for the grabancijas is the fact that he drinks (soured) milk; namely, when he enters a village, he asks for soured milk from the head of the household. It is intriguing to note that the above determinant also appears in devours people. St George kills the azdaja. It has more than one head. Now our people here think that the zmaj is only the King of Snakes" (Banovic 1918:213). 17 To mention another etiology of the dragon from Valjavec's notations about a legend noted down in Ludbreg, which speaks of old frogs and snakes transforming into dragons. Another legend that was noted in Zamladi-nec not far from Krizevci points out, in the Christianised key, that the Devil can transform into a dragon (Jagic 1948:179-180), which is only one more confirmation of the fact that Satan figures as an evil spirit who does not have his own body but occupies other bodies as a parasite, so that his morphology is incalculable (Levanat-Pericic 2008a:537). 18 Concerning the beliefs that link the genesis of the pozoj with a rooster cf., for example, Dolencic 1952:361-362; Lang 1914:150; Stojkovic 1931:87. It is evident there that Milan Lang noted only beliefs about the pozoj in Samobor under the heading "monsters and 'freaks'". On the ancient nature of beliefs about the origins of the dragon from particular animals, cf., for example, Radenkovic 2001:207; Bandic 2001:165. 19 It should be emphasised, as pointed out, for example, by Ivan Lozica and Ljiljana Marks, that mythic (demono-logical) legends in ethnological literature are often equated with beliefs, by which it is forgotten that they are still merely stories (Lozica, Marks 2001:454). 20 The term sarkanj in the meaning of zmaj [dragon] is witnessed to in the Charter of Herceg Stjepan (15th century), while this is a term that has been retained by both Serbians and Croatians, among the Hungarian Slavs and the Bulgarians of Banat (Radenkovic 2006:206). Otherwise, the large winged dragon from the Trans-Carpathian part of the Ukraine is called a sarkan. The belief is that, where it flies, a tempest is raised that pulls up trees by the roots (Gura 2005:219). Tekla Domotor noted down that "the word sarkany was borrowed by Hungarian from the ancient Turkish, and it is found in written sources from the twelfth century onwards, mainly in place-names" (Domotor 1985:73). Duro Frankovic grouped separately the legends of the zmaj (dragon), sarkanj and azdaja (Azi Dahaka) among the Podravina Croatians in Hungary, even though these terms are sometimes interchangeable. Thus, a legend about St George, which was notated by Frankovic, uses the terms sarkanj and zmaj as synonyms, mentioning that these dragons have a ruzica (a crest) like a rooster (Frankovic 1990:147). Dolencic points out that in the majority of the paintings that depict the mytheme of "St George Killing the Dragon", the dragon has the head of a rooster and not of a snake, frog or, for its part, a crocodile-lizardly head, as the dragons who are struck down by the spear or sword of St George are sometimes depicted (Dolencic 1952:361-362). 133 Dragon and Hero or How to Kill a Dragon certain legends in connection with the sarkanj, which obviously figures in those examples as the grabancijass alter ego/ego alter: for example: "That sarkanj drinks a lot of milk. Yes, that is a sarkanj. The one who came into the village like a tramp and begged for milk, yes, that was a sarkanj" (Frankovic 1990:129).21 So, according to the legends, the grabancijas lives modestly and often seeks the help of others (a bed for the night and soured milk), and, if he is refused either of these, he largely takes revenge on those inhospitable villages by bringing down hail - and/or mounting the pozoj, urges it on and destroys their fields and their harvests (Dolencic 1952:359; Jagic 1948:181).22 The meteorological binomial pozoj - grabancijas After interpretation of the links between the Cakovec and Strigova pozoj, we can turn our attention to the reconstruction of the mythic legend of the Cakovec pozoj in conjunction with legends about pozojs from other Kajkavian dialect areas (Valjavec 1866; Jagic 1877; Marks 1994; Santalab 2008). In that way, we can separate the mythemes of mythic legends that are mutually connected by theme in associative sequences in which one of such associative links detaches the meteorological binomial of the pozoj - grabancijas, which can be seen as a remnant of cosmogonic myths that contain the meteorological mytheme of the conflict between the Wielder of Thunder, and his opponents - the Water behemoth: for example, Indra - Vrtra/Vala, Perun - Veles/Volos (Snake/Dragon). Vatroslav Jagic established that the legend type featuring the grabancijas and the pozoj as it main protagonists appeared among the Hungarians and the Croatians; and/or that the grabancijas was restricted to only one part of Croatia - the area between the Mura, Drava and Sava Rivers - where he was known as far back as from Ivan Belostenec's time (as shown by his dictionary Gazophylacium dating from 1740) - the Croatian region that was once called pars adnexa Regni Hungariae.23 In that process, Jagic interpreted the Croatian-Hungarian connection24 by the fact that Northern-Croatian and Hungarian priests often attended the same institutions of learning in Budapest, Vienna, Bologna and Trnava (Jagic 21 It seems that the description of the šarkanj as a dragon that drinks (soured) milk in the legends of the Po-dravina Croatians in Hungary can be linked with the snake known under the term kravosac or kravosas in Croatian [Elaphe quatuorlineata quatuorlineata], that was widely believed throughout Croatia to suck the milk of cows. Hire noted that Croatian popular beliefs about the kravosac snake that sucks milk from cows are connected with three types of snake: the snake known by the Latin name Callopeltis Aesculapii, which was dedicated to Aesculapius among the ancient Greeks; the snake known by the Latin name Elaphis cerrone (Coluber quaterradiatus) and lives in Dalmatia; and further, the snake known along the Littoral, the Quarnero Bay islands and Istria as crni gad, črnec or crnčina [all these terms alluding to its dark, almost black scales] (Zamenis carbonarius) (Hirc 1896:17-18). 22 This piece of information about milk can be linked with the Lithuanian custom of feeding house snakes with milk (Orbini 1999:117-118). Confirmations of that totemic zoolatry can also be found in the Southern Slavic regions (Nodilo 1981:431). One could, of course, speak of Illyrian influences, since the snake as a totemic animal played a pivotal role in the mythological and religious system of the Southern Illyrians (Stipčevic 1981:149, 152). On the connection between snakes and milk cf. Gubernatis 1872:407-408; Huxley 1997:8. 23 Leopold Kretzenbacher pointed out that the grabancijaš was known among the South-eastern peoples of Europe - among the Slovaks, Hungarians, Croatians (the Kajkavian-speaking Croatians) as well as among the Hungarian Slavs (a part of the Štokavian-dialect Serbians) (Kretzenbacher 1968:102-103). One does, of course, have to add the legends of the grabancijaš notated in eastern Slovenia and among the members of the Slovenian ethnic group in Porabje (Šmitek 2004:209; Kropej 2008:175-185). 24 In relation to the foregoing footnote, it is also possible to speak of Croatian-Slovenian links in which there are descriptions of expelling the Dragon mentioned in the same way in legends (Kropej 2008:180). 134 Suzana Marjanic 1948:188-190). Is it not a little ironic that the Bologna Declaration - the joint declaration of European education ministries - was signed right in Bologna (19th June, 1999)? In addition to the term grabancijas and student of the thirteenth college one also encounters the following names - black student, student of the black school, and black school student (crni dijak, dijak erne skole, crnoskolec),2 which were derived from the black robes worn by such students (Jagic 1948:190).26 So one finds that Adam Baltazar Krcelic noted down early on that the seminary in Zagreb was called the black school by ordinary folk (Jagic 1948:190; Marks 1994:24-25). He is encountered among the Hungarians under the terms garabonczas, garabonczas-diak, and garaboncias (Jagic 1948:189; Domotor 1985:133), and has the same meaning as he does in Croatian oral legends - a person with supernatural capabilities, a travelling student who became a wizard on completion of the Thirteenth School27 and is able to exert influence on the weather, or, to put it more precisely - to call up storms and hail, which is linked with the mytheme of mounting dragons upon which those wizards ride and glide through the air (Jagic 1877:177; Domotor 1985:73). In addition to Jagics philological interpretation, we can give brief attention to Nodi-lo's mythological interpretation of the grabancijas, where the witches' dance (the Wheel of Fortune to the Witches' [Virgilian] Circle) with twelve spokes and twelve students is interpreted by the sunny twelve-spoked wheel in the Rgveda (Nodilo 1981:228).28 Nodilo departs here from the concept that the Rigvedic hymn (RV I, 164, 12) described the annual Sun as a wheel with twelve spokes - "a wheel of eternal order trundles around the sky, 25 The role of expeller of the pozoj in Slovenian legends is taken by the mythic Slovenian hero, Kresnik, described by Šmitek as "the Lord and Master over Fire". Šmitek stresses that the Dragon can be vanquished only by a hero who himself has some "dragon-like characteristics"; he can thus be a blacksmith, a charcoal burner, or some other person who knows how to handle fire (cf. Šmitek 2009:176). I would remind readers that the shaman is the "Master over Fire" in Eliade's definition (cf. Eliade 1974:474). Otherwise, it should be pointed out that Monika Kropej defines K/kresnik as a student of the black school (črne škole dijak, kresnik) (Kropej 2008:180). 26 Although the etymology of the word grabancijaš, as we will show in footnote 27, does not derive from the word klerik [cleric] or svečenik [priest], Ivan Grafenauer, along with Vatroslav Jagic, assumes that a young cleric is actually in question in the folklore concepts of the grabancijaš (cf. Grafenauer 1956:324; Kropej 2008:180-181). 27 Cf. Jagic 1948:186 about the Mediaeval, Jesuit concept by which a priest had to complete twelve schools - four of grammar, two of the Humanities, two of Philosophy, and four of Theology. The imaginary thirteenth school taught the subject of casting spells and magic, so that Jagic derives the name grabancijaš from the Italian word negromanzia and its abbreviated, bastardised form gramanzia, meaning magic spells - thus, the grabancijaš is the bearer of gramanzia, and is a negromant [necromancer] (Jagic 1948:186). Molnar's Dictionarium latino-ungaricum (Nürnberg, 1604) gives the following links: garabontsa-magia, necromantia; garabontsas-magus, necromanticus (Kretzenbacher 1968:108). Tekla Dömötör also points out that the Hungarian word garaboncias is regarded as a bastardised borrowed word from the Italian word necromanzia, which entered the Hungarian language through Slovenian and Croatian, and mentions that Dezsö Pais assumes that this word could possible derive from the word Brabantia, "the Mediaeval Latin name for the province of Brabant" (Dömötör 1985:133). To look at another interpretation: Milan Budimir (1966:272) expressed the opinion that Jagics linguistic connection between the word grabancijaš and the Italian word negromanzia "had no link" with that Italian word but rather with the Greek word meaning scribbling. 28 Here, Nodilo (1981:230-231) starts out from two studies that have the mytheme of the grabancijaš as their themes: these are the study by Oskar Äsböth (1880:611-627) on the Hungarian grabancijašes and Moses Gaster's (1884:281-290) study on Romanian "grabancijašes" (Scholomonar, Solomonar/iu, jolomonar), which were influenced by Jagic's study. Nodilo does not accept Jagics contextual interpretation of the mytheme of the grabancijašes that introduces the hypothesis that the legends about the grabancijašes are of Christian/Mediaeval origin (the scholarly mytheme of the sunken culture - of the influence of learned culture upon folk culture) (Nodilo 1981:229). Namely, while Jagic recognised only one direction of influence - that is, the influence of high culture, "the influence from above", in this case, priestly culture influences popular culture (Jagic 1948:177) - today one speaks of mutual influences (cf. Boškovic-Stulli 1984:131). 135 Dragon and Hero or How to Kill a Dragon but it never wears out; oh Agni, seven hundred and thirty twin sons climbed up upon that wheetl" [in the sense of days and nights], "and 'three hundred and sixty' [days], according to another version of the same hymn" (Nodilo 1981:227, 220). Furthermore, starting out from the legend noted down by Valjavec in Ludbreg (in Podravina), according to Max Müllers solar mythology, Nodilo interprets the grabancijas as a solar deity who builds a warm year with the help of Oganj (Fire) - the Fiery Dragon, Agni - the Vedic deity of fire, and he calls that mytheme a mythologeme in the wheel of the twelve-monthly Suns (Nodilo 1981:228, 230), which is contrary to the interpretation given here that situates the grabancijas - Po-zoj binomial in the context of the meteorological binomial in cosmogonic legends about the conflict between the Wielder of Thunder, and his snake-like/dragon-like opponent as the representative of Chaos (Russell 1982:61). Namely, Nodilo rounds out the mythological interpretation of the grabancijases' role in the fruitful aspect, since they are active as the protectors of the harvest. In that process, he establishes the fact that they are known in the Romanian tradition by the name Scholomonar (Solomonar/iu, $olomari), who have their opponents - protu-Scholo-monare [contra-Scholomonars, Hagelmänner] who bring hail (Nodilo 1981:231; Gaster 1884:287).29 The foregoing is near to the Zagreb legend that speaks of young men who "went here to the black school, here on the Chapter [hill], to become priests. And there they learnt how to make hail, so that when two priests quarrel, they send hail to one another to destroy the crops [of each other's parishioners]" (Marks 1994:79). Andrija Dolencic mentions that individual priests recounted how they had been accused of making hail before World War I, and even later in some cases (Dolencic 1952:359).30 After having interpreted the links between the Cakovec and the Strigova pozojs, we can move on in reconstruction of the mythic stories/legends of the Cakovec pozoj in their connections with other legends about the pozojs of Medimurje. I am therefore quoting in full the following legend about the pozoj in Cicanjska Jama (jama here meaning marsh, lake, river tributary) near Donji Vidovec (in Medimurje). The pozoj in Cicanjska Marsh It was long known that there was a pozoj in Cicanjska Marsh whose tail was under the Church. Namely, when the pozoj turned over in the marsh, all the candles fell off the altar in the Church. It happened once that a young gentleman dressed in a black suit came to the village. He went to the parish house and talked at length there with the parish priest. Then the parish priest called the sacristan, who led that man to Cicanjska Marsh. That man carried a large book under his arm. He was a grabancijas. When they reached the marsh, he went very close to it, and stood on the root of an alder shrub and started thus to read from the book. 29 The Lexicon Valachico-latino-hungarico-germanicum (1825) lists the Romanian word Solomonariu with the following synonyms: imbricitor, garabanczas deak, Wettermacher (the prime mover of weather), Wettertreiber (the driver of weather), Lumpenmann (raggedy person, a tramp or scoundrel) (Gaster 1987:283; Kretzen-bacher 1968:120). 30 There is a group of beliefs about priests being able to call up hail which, sometimes because of envy of another priest, they send to impoverish the members of his parish by crop destruction (Jagic 1948:182), linked with the mytheme of the mutual agon of supernatural beings and persons with supernatural capabilities (cf. Marjanic 2006:173). 136 Suzana Marjanic The sacristan hid a little further away in the reeds and watched all that was happening. All of a sudden the water started to be disturbed and a pozoj's head appeared. The grabancijas then grabbed a golden bridle and threw it over the pozoj. And he kept on reading from the book. When the pozoj's body was half out of the water, the grabancijas jumped upon him and rode him to the south. The pozoj had such a long tail that he dragged one part of it along the ground as he flew. Suddenly a wind came up, it clouded over and hail began to fall, as fat as a walnut, so that it destroyed everything from the Dravica Stream to the Drava River. The shepherds on the upland pasture grazing their cows could clearly see the pozoj's tail as well as his rear legs. The reverend parish priest said later that the grabancijas had ridden the pozoj to Africa. The pozoj has such cold meat that the Africans put a piece of it under the tongue and it keeps them cool all day. (Zvonar, Hranjec, Strbad 1987II:306-307; emphasis S. M.)31 This mythic, demonological legend32 once again indicates the link between the po-zoj and the grabancijas who calls up storms and hail33 by riding on the pozoj; of how the grabancijas - pozoj meteorological binomial brings fructiferous rain after prolonged periods of drought, just as Perun liberates the Water from Veles's Netherworld of Eternal Spring (Vyrej/Virej) in the Proto-Slavic matrix. While interpreting the meteorological pozoj - grabancijas binomial, bearing in mind the mentioned fact that shows that there are no indications that the Proto-Slavs had a dualistic conception of the God of Good and the God of Evil (Belaj 1988:87), we can include the shaman matrix in which the pozoj, due to the meteorological binomial relationship, can be viewed as the grabancijass shamanic animal alter ego/ ego alter (Dolencic 1952:361).34 Just a reminder that the shaman's animal metamorphosis or, more precisely - metempsychosis - and his riding on animals sym- 31 Narrated by Stjepan Zvonar from Donji Vidovec around 1955. The notation is similar to that of Valjavec according to Jagic's example No. 12 from Haloze, Lower Styria region, Slovenia (Zvonar, Hranjec, Strbad 1987:306-307). 32 Cf. the real foundation of these stories - mythic, demonological legends (Zvonar, Hranjec, Strbad 1987:303304). 33 Here, the information from the legend of the Pozoj in Cicanjska Marsh is that only the grabancijass riding on the pozoj calls up the tempest and the hail, while Monika Kropej stresses from the Slovenian legends that the black student (the Kresnik) drives out the dragon because the dragon (that is, the dragon itself) causes the stormy weather or the serious weather predicament (cf. Kropej 2008:180). It could also be mentioned that the garaboncias is believed in Hungarian folk legends to be capable of whipping up storms or hail showers, or alternatively, of driving them away (Domotor 1985:132). Absolutely the same holds concerning the dragon, too, in Hungarian popular beliefs (cf. Domotor 1985:122). 34 Vilmos Dioszegi shows in his book A samanhit emlekei a magyar nepi muveltsegben [Traces of Shamanism in Hungarian Folk Culture] (1958) that the Hungarian taltos differs from the seemingly similar figures that one finds in the countries neighbouring Hungary - the Romanian Scholomonar (Solomonar/iu), the Polishplanet-nik, and the Croatian grabancijas, and establishes that only the taltos experiences the "shaman affliction", "the second dream", and the ritual death or the initiation dismemberment; "only the taltos undergoes an initiation, has a particular costume and a drum, and goes into ecstasy" (Eliade 1974:225). Cf. Domotor 1985:132-136 for similarities and differences between the garaboncias and the taltos. 137 Dragon and Hero or How to Kill a Dragon bolically express ecstasy: the temporary death is denoted by the soul's departure from the body in animal form (Ginzburg 1991:172). Let us examine the individual mythemes as associative sequences in the legends mentioned about the Medimurean pozojs. (1) The mytheme of the dyadic position of the pozoj's body below the ground (especially beneath the church locality) and/or in the marsh. Otherwise, it is a feature of this Medimurean dragon whose hybrid body, as we have established, is dyadically distributed, that what is in question is a combination between a water (or marsh/swamp) dragon and a winged dragon (Jagic 1948:182-183), while, in respect of its marsh nature or, for that part, its subterranean location, we can also define it as a chthonian creature, which is connected with the Christianised ideosphere of those legends and its bimorphic structure - the capability of flight (the celestial symbolism of a bird) coupled with a snake (the chthonian symbolism of a reptile). (2) The mytheme that only the grabancijas (a graduate student of the 13th School) is capable of liberating the community from the pozoj, which represents an imminent threat to it, and that with the help of the magical book or even by magic spells - reading prayers from that book (Jagic 1948:180-181, 193). In that process, in addition to the book, there is mention of a means of mastering the dragon in the legend of the pozoj in Cicanjska Jama by way of the golden bridle that enables the grabancijas to control and to ride upon it.35 (3) The so-called mytheme paradox indicates that the pozoj can be extracted (from its subterranean location or, for its part, from the marsh) only by the student grabancijas (the black school student), but that Cakovec would come tumbling down in that case, as the legend tells us in the version of the Cakovec pozoj written down by Ferencz Gonczi (Gonczi 1995:123). In other words, it would be dangerous to disturb the dragon underneath the Old City; an earthquake or a terrible storm could ensue, as the first legend says in the version about the Cakovec pozoj ("Predaja o zelenom pozoju u Cakovcu" [The legend of the green pozoj in Cakovec], http).36 (4) The meteorological mytheme and the mytheme of the earthquake.37 According to the belief, an earthquake resulted from the pozoj's movements in the bowels of the earth, while its flight led to extremely bad weather (a tempest and hail). It should be noted that both types of movement on the part of the pozoj (beneath the ground and in the air) come about because of the grabancijass activity, that is, at the moment when the community wants to drive out the dragon. Examining the dragons connected with grabancijases in Hungarian legends, Sandor Erdesz, found that this was a case of the dragon/snake-type dragon by which people used once to explain natural catastrophes (Erdesz 1971:103, 106). 35 It should be borne in mind that Billeraphon, who appears otherwise as the first Greek melancholic (Crnojevic-Caric 2008:228), managed to master Pegasus with a golden bridle given to him by the goddess Athena, and was able with the help of the winged horse to kill the Chimaeras - the monster who lived deep in an abyss near to the main city of Lycia and killed everyone who come near her. Otherwise, Zamarovsky points out that Billerophon was obviously of Asia Minor descent. Namely, in the beginning he figures as a personage of the Lycia Sun god, who travelled through the heavens on a winged horse and tamed with his arrows Humankind's natural hostile forces, primarily volcanoes and earthquakes, of which the Chimaeras became the personification (Zamarovsky 1989:52). 36 The legend noted down by Valjavec in Hum in Lower Styria in Slovenia states that if the dragon is located under the church or some castle, people beg the black student to drive the dragon "since it would cause great damage destroying the church or the castle" (Jagic 1948:181). 37 In a nutshell, the grabancijas can drive the pozoj out by the wet method (a terrible hail storm) or by the dry method (an earthquake) (cf. Jagic 1948:179; Marks 209:324). 138 Suzana Marjanic The belief was that if the grabancijas succeeded in mounting the pozoj, the pozoj would fly off with him and, by way of the waving of its tail, cause a storm that was often accompanied by heavy hail-stones that were interpreted in Medimurje and some parts of Croatian Zagorje as the dragon's excrement (kumer) "since everywhere it flies the pozoj leaves 'dropping of hail' (hail = excrement)" (Dolencic 1952:359). (5) The mytheme of the end of the grabancijas's flight to the south or the east (usp. Kropej 2008:180) or even the west of the Globe, where he kills the pozoj - selling its meat, which means that the cosmic cycle of revitalisation is interrupted. So we are speaking of the grabancijas's flight to the south (Africa) on the pozoj, as recounted in the legend of the pozoj in Cicanjska Jama: "The pozoj has such cold meat that the Africans put one piece under their tongue and then cool themselves with it all day",3S and/or, in addition to Africa, another destination to which the grabancijas drives the dragon is in the east - Arabia (Jagic 1948:178, 181, 195),39 while Dolencic emphasises as a particularity of the Medimurean pozoj that the grabancijas rides it to western India, where it is killed and its meat sold to the local inhabitants, who place the meat of this cold-blooded hybrid creature under the tongue in order for it to cool them (Dolencic 1952:359). In other words, the dragon has to be driven out into non-Christian regions, the regions of the Other. Cosmic and Christian slaying of the Dragon Finally, let us emphasise the differential determinants in relation to the final status of the Dragon (live state/cosmic revitalisation - dead) in the Proto-Slavic legend where Perun pushes Veles/Volos/the Dragon/Serpent below (to the roots of the Tree of the World), and in the legend of the Cakovec pozoj, as in the legend of St George, who transfixes and finishes off the Dragon in a single instance.40 In other words, Christianity inaugurates the single instance of saintly slaying of the pagan dragon, while, in the Indo-European myth of the conflict between, for example Indra and the so-called Cosmic Monster (Vrtra, Vala), it is a case of the cyclical changes in the seasons of the year. So, for example, Vrtra/Vala, Ve-les/Volos, Azi Dahaka, Fenrisulfr (Fenris, Fenrir),41 and Leviathan will be enslaved again at the end of each cosmic cycle (Gaster 1987:76). It is to this group of cosmic dragons that the dragons from Medimurje belong, although it is obvious that the Christian legend of the Dragon Slayer has taken supremacy over the legends of the Medimurean pozoj.42 38 Nonetheless, on the other hand, Ferencz Gonczi mentions that the grabancijas always flies on the dragon towards the setting Sun, where he butchers it and sells its meat to the local inhabitants, who buy it because it is very hot there and the inhabitants of that clime refresh themselves with the meat of the marsh dragon (Gonczi 1995:123). 39 As regards East as a cardinal point of the compass, it is worth remembering that the Chinese dragons represented that direction - the point of rising of the Sun, Spring and fertility (Huxley 1997:87). 40 Admittedly, we should add here Belaj's differential determinant in which he stresses that the folklore George (Green George) figures as Perun's son and decapitates the Snake with a forged sword (not to be confused with the one-off Christian slaying of the Dragon), while that decapitation is quite contrary to the embedded Christian iconographic depiction in which St George transfixes the Dragon with a spear (Belaj 1998:206), and finishes the battle with a flourish of his sword (Leksikon ikonografije... [Lexicon of Iconography] 1990:310). 41 According to the Iranian legend, the mortal hero Thraetaona killed the Azi Dahaka, which had three heads and six eyes (Watkins 1987:464), while according to Edda, Fenrisulfr, a monstrous wolf fettered by chains will open wide its huge jaws in order to swallow the entire world at the end of days (Ragnarok). 42 As we are located textually and regarding interpretation in the Medimurean region, just a reminder that the coat-of-arms of the commune of Sveti Juraj na Bregu [St George on the Hill] shows St George as a knight who 139 Dragon and Hero or How to Kill a Dragon Namely, it is obvious that the oral legends of the Cakovec pozoj contain a twofold matrix - pagan and Christian. The pagan, cosmic matrix, that is, the matrix of natural religions, shows that, prior to the arrival of the grabancijas, the dragon is located below, underneath the particular localities, that are largely ecclesiastical or, for their part, marshlands. Furthermore, the grabancijas and the pozoj act initially as a meteorological binomial; the grabancijas extracts the dragon (from beneath the ground or the marsh), by which an earthquake or hail is created (the liberation of fructiferous water). Thus, in comparison with the Christian legend of St George, the grabancijass supremacy over the pozoj was originally conceived to operate within the framework of the meteorological binomial: the grabancijas does not defeat the pozoj as, for example, St George does with his sword or a spear, but rather with a book (The Bible obviously) as well as by magic spells (reading selected prayers from the book in question) just as he takes control of him with a golden bridle, as in the case of the legend of the pozoj from Cicanjska Jama, referred to above. Some versions emphasise the fact that The Bible appears in the function of the grabancijass necromantic book, by which direct symbolism is established of Christianity suppressing paganism (cf. Novak 2007:252). True enough, one can also set up a differential determinant in the mastery over the dragon in the fact that the grabancijas figures in the folklore conception as a young cleric (Grafenauer 1956:324), while St George is a saint-warrior. The Christian matrix of the Cakovec pozoj legend, in addition to the mentioned established supremacy over the pozoj by magic spells and The Bible, shows that is it is more appropriate to keep the dragon below43 and not to waken it, so as to avoid its cosmic renewal, just as the pozoj is killed in the end in the Medimurean legends, as is shown, for example, with the pozoj in Cicanjska Jama, which concludes with the mytheme of the sale of the pozojs meat in Africa. Although the pagan and Christian matrices imbue the Medimurean legends of the pozoj, it is quite evident that the Christian legend of the Dragon-Slayer and of the permanent conquest of the so-called monster is what is paramount since, in the end, the grabancijas in the south, east or even west of the Globe kills the pozoj - and sells its meat, which means that the cosmic cycle of revitalisation is interrupted. Thus, when the position of the monster in physical space is in question, it always happens that an effort is made to remove what is heterogeneous to a neighbouring, hostile and distant space, just as the Cosmos is ostensibly populated today by extra-terrestrial intelligence that is largely represented as a hostile Other in the cinema imaginary. Apart from that, as Dolencic noticed, those pozojs were not at all dangerous or warlike as in certain other civilisations; they "submit to the magical sayings and prayers of an impoverished, modest and 'preskolanoga' (slightly kinky! = crazy, quirky) grabancijas and end up in 'Indian' butcher shops so that their meat can save the lives of others" (Dolencic kills the Dragon with his spear and his sword. There is a legend of a black pozoj in Sveti Juraj na Bregu that was slain by St George on a white horse. It is significant to note here that the old name of Sveti Juraj was, in translation, St George over or among the Waters, which definitely indicates the privileged high position of the settlement and the church, from which there is a broad vista of all of Medimurje County and the Drava and Mura River flatlands ("Sveti Juraj na Bregu"[St George on the Hill], http). 43 The Proto-Slavic word zmj or zmbja denotes, as the words say, "the one who belongs to the Earth" and those words are derived from the word zeml'a (zemlja). That force that belongs to the earth (zemlja), as Katicic mentions, was equalised by the Christianised Slavs with the vrag (Devil), the Christian Satan (Katicic 2008:185186, 269; cf. footnote 13). 140 Suzana Marjanic 1952:362).44 About the fact that in the pagan matrix of popular tradition - with the exception, of course, of behemoths that symbolise the initial chaos in the cosmogonic myths -the pozoj is more a docile hybrid creature as is also shown in this illustration of a dragon from the manuscript of Mediaeval bestiary known as MS. Ashmole 1504.45 Let us pause briefly on another St George legend that tells of how the city of Selene/ Selena (in Libya today) had to pay tribute to the Dragon - in the form of virgins and children (Huxley 1997:49).46 When it was the king's daughters turn, George killed the Dragon and thus saved the princess. That legend has been interpreted in several ways; the interpretation that marks it as an allegory of the victory of the Church over Paganism is interesting for our inconvenient historic truth of the eternal conflict between the true faith and heresy.47 Thus, the most frequent depiction of the St George and the Dragon motif since the 13th century, which was adopted from the East (Belaj 1998:169-170), is the customary iconographic one in which St George mounted on his steed pierces the gaping jaws of the Dragon with his spear, while the Dragon is lying on the ground with his tail wrapped around the horse's rear legs; the spear often breaking from the blow, so that George has to bring the fight to a finish with a flourish of his sword (Leksikon ikonografije... [Lexicon of Iconography] 1990:310). In other words, the heroic gesture exists only in relation to the 44 However, a saying that still circulates in Medimurje is „You are as unsightly as a dragon" ("Grdi si kak pozoj") meaning "You are as ugly as a dragon" ("Legenda o saranu bez repa" [The legend of the carp without a tail], http). 45 What is evident is that the dragon is attributed a snake-like body with hybrid grafts of diverse morphology and combinations of certain other animals (Sax 2001:233). These are some descriptions of dragons: Ad de Vries mentions that the dragon is usually described as a snake with two or even four feet, to which are added a head with a crest, bats' wings, scales, terrifying claws, a barbed tail (or only some of those) (De Vries 1974:145). J. Baltrusaitis has monitored the iconographic evolution of the dragon in European visual art and emphasised that it was a "snake without wings or legs, or a bird with the tail of a lizard in Romanesque art. In Gothic art it had wings with membranes. (...) A dragon with the wings of a bat started to appear more often towards the second half of the 13 century" (Baltrusaitis 1991:135-137). 46 Victory over a monstrous Dragon that besets the land or even imprisons princesses or demands virgins is a standard motif in heroic legends. 47 Cf. the Croatian variant of the modification of this legend into a dragon legend (more precisely, a legend of an azdaja/ Azi Dahaka with seven heads) from Klanjec Lake in Croatian Zagorje in: Duric 1996:161-162. Figure 2: A Dragon (MS. Ashmole 1504, Bodleian Library) 141 Dragon and Hero or How to Kill a Dragon blood-thirsty strategy of conquering the enemy. Or, as Campbell observes: "The hero of yesterday becomes the tyrant of tomorrow, unless he crucifies himself today" (Campbell 2007:370). The inconvenient historical truth At first glance, there would not seem to be any element of a dangerous story in the oral legend of the Cakovec pozoj. However, if the legend is read off through the instruments of political anthropology, the mythic legend of the Cakovec pozoj can be interpreted by the allegorical key as the process of suppressing paganism - the Proto-Slavic religious matrix (symbolised by the pozoj that is incarcerated, concealed and even interred deep under the ground: we recall the iconography of the Dragon as the Devil or Satan, the political enemy in the Christian interpretation, as well as the Hebrew word Satan in the meaning of opponent) in the name of the Christian religious matrix (symbolised by the grabancijas). Namely, because pre-Christian Europe was packed with its visual imaginaries of dragons, Mediaeval Christianity made use of the dragon as a symbol of the pagan world, so that the slaying of the dragon was transposed from the gods and heroes to the Christian saints (Kramer 1972:77). Otherwise, there is an entire series of variants of similar events connected with popes and bishops who, by slaying dragons, annihilate pagan enemies, being given the telling name of cultura draconis (Cambi 2003:42; Boyle 1978:25). In this process, one should also point out the transfiguration of history in the myth (Eliade 2007:55), that is, great rulers were regarded as imitators of primordial heroes: so, for example, Darius saw himself as the new Thraetaona, the Iranian mythic hero of whom it was said that he slew the three-headed monster, the snake Azi Dahaka (cf. Eliade 1974a:37; Fontenrose 1959:209). For example, in Darius's case it is a matter of an elite interpreting contemporary history by way of myths, in which one can read off political propaganda. However, Eliade points out that such reading of the transfiguration of history into myths as political propaganda is erroneous, because it does not take into account the structure of the archaic mentality that derives, among other, from the fact that "popular memory applies a strictly analogous process of articulation and interpretation to historical events and personages" (Eliade 1974a:38). In other words, man in traditional cultures recognises himself as being real only if he stops being himself and in that process imitates and repeats (imitatio) a particular archetype. In the framework of the political set of monsters, in each epic culture, the hero is an idealised, deified, god-like Utopian personification of society (in the legend of the Cakovec pozoj this is the grabancijas), suitable therefore for identification, while mastering the monster is usually the only mission upon which that heroic identity is founded (Levanat-Pericic 2008:44-45; 2008a:5 3 2).48 Manipulation with fear - fear of any type of so-called monsters, and/or something that is outside of the homogeneous community and thus denoted as the Other - heterogeneous, different, dissimilar, detached, has as its objective a closing of ranks among the frightened potential victims, which contributes to the 48 Let us include an interpretation of analytical psychology: in other words, Jung stated that the snake in myths is often a double of the hero and that there are numerous stories about their closeness. So the hero can have, for example, eyes like a snake's or can transform into a snake after death or even be venerated in the form of a snake, or his mother may have been a snake, etc. Thus, the presence of a snake almost always indicates a myth about a hero (Jung 2004:252). 142 Suzana Marjanic homogenisation of the threatened community (Levanat-Pericic 2008:44-45). The history of the monotheistic religions (Christianity in our case) developed as a history of demoni-sation of the Other, while this demonisation concept can be seen in Christian iconography, the attribution of the dragon/pozoj as a symbol of evil and demonic aspirations - the Devil (Satan). Just a reminder that Satan is shown in Christian iconography as a serpent (the original sin), a dragon (the Apocalypse), a deformed animal hybrid, a lion, or a basilisk (Leksikon ikonografije... [Lexicon of Iconography] 1990:54). Apart from that, since the mythic beginning of the world, a battle has been waged between the hero and the monster for territory and distribution of natural resources. In ancient cosmogonic myths, that struggle was connected with the liberation of fructiferous water; in any case, the Cakovec legend stresses that disturbing the pozoj could lead not only to earthquakes but also to stormy weather (hail). A myth of this type often conceals a certain inconvenient historical truth, such as, for example, forced colonisation, the seizure of territory and the plunder of original settlers' treasure (Levanat-Pericic 2008:4445), while the dragon is denoted in numerous legends as the guardian of hidden treasure, of gold, whereas his opponent - the hero - tries to snatch away those natural resources. For example, the dragon in Greek mythology is the guardian of the Golden Fleece, which Jason manages to capture in the end. All over, snakes and dragons represent the masters of places, they are autochthonic and have to do battle against newcomers, conquerors - they who must give form, create and capture territory (Eliade 2007:58). We must underscore that Marti Kheel's ecofeminist interpretation points out that it is usual in such processes that the slain monster is a deity from an earlier matriarchal world. Within the framework of the subjugation of that ostensible Other, according to feminist historians, patriarchal mythology transformed the serpents, dragons, and horned gods, who were once (in matriarchal mythology) worshipped as divinities, into devils and monsters that must be slain (Kheel 2008: 42). Thus, snakes were connected in the ancient world with the great goddesses, for example, the Greek Athena (who had a snake - a draco - as a female help-mate), the Mesopotamian Ishtar, the Egyptian goddess Buto - the snake goddess and provider of the Nile - the Babylonian goddess Tiamat - the primordial goddess from whose blood the world came into being (Sax 2001:228-229).49 However, as the patriarchal gods came to power, there was also a revolt against the snake cult, which also caused the attribution to the snake of symbolic destructive, and evil and negative energies in numerous mythologies and/or religions. So, the Egyptians, for example, believed that the snake Apep (Apophys) tried to swallow the boat of the god Ra as he travelled over the land every night. As has already been pointed out, in the structure of the monomyth (in Campbell's definition, which he developed on the basis of the matrices of heroic biographies) the so-called monsters - snakes - were killed by almost all the great heroes. So, for example, the Babylonian Marduk killed the goddess Tiamat, the great whale - a dragon or a cosmic dragon - from whose body the Universe was created; Zeus killed the original snake, Typhon; Apollo, the son of Zeus, finished off the Python, Geia's constrictor, in order to gain the shrine at Delphi, formerly sacred to the goddess Geia (Sax 2001:228-229). The death of the Beasts in symbolisation of the original Chaos in natural religions is often in- 49 With Freud's interpretation of the snake as a phallic symbol, the snake came to be thought of as a male creature (Sax 2001:234). 143 Dragon and Hero or How to Kill a Dragon terpreted as an augur of the birth of Light and Order, either at the beginning of the World or at its end (Kheel 2008:42). Additionally, Christianity, too, continues the tradition of slaying dragons. Thus, according to the well-known words of St John the Evangelist - at the end of the world, an angel with a key will overcome the Dragon, the old Snake that represents the Devil, and Satan - "And he laid hold on the dragon, that old serpent, which is the Devil, and Satan, and bound him a thousand years. And cast him into the bottomless pit, and shut him up, and set a seal upon him, that he should deceive the nations no more, till the thousand years should be fulfilled: and after that he must be loosed a little season. (King James Version: Revelation Ch. 20, Verses 2 and 3)50 There is intervention in the faith and the deities in those myths of violence and conquest by new dragon-slayers, in the hope of establishing a new order in the world (Kheel 2008:42-43).51 So, according to Marti Kheel, it is necessary to establish a differential determinant in the pagan matrix between the matriarchate, where the cult of the snake dominated, and the patriarchal era, which destroyed the snake goddesses of the matriar-chate. In that process, as we have pointed out above, from the pagan slaying of the Snake/ Dragon, which - in relation to the concept of the changing seasons of the year - was cyclic and cosmic, Christianity moved on with its saintly dragon-slayers to establish the single instance slaying of the Snake/Dragon.52 Apart from that, it should be mentioned, as Nancy Hathaway observed that the Greeks, nevertheless, kept the most exciting adventures for the males, and that particular prejudice has continued up until the present day, something that can easily be proven in a cinema near you, as the above mythologist mentions (Hathaway 2006:232). It is really rare for a heroine to slay the monster: we can, however, give one example - the Hittites spoke of the defeat of a sea snake/dragon called Illuyankas (cf. Fontenrose 1959:121-125), this having been achieved through the combined forces of the goddess Inaras and a mortal hero, or, for its part, in co-operation with the Storm God, Teshub (Matasovic 2000:141144; Visic 1993:83). And it was some three hundred years after Homer and Hesiod wrote about heroes that the word heroine first appeared in literature, which shows the secondary position of female heroes, that is, heroines (Hathaway 2006:231).53 In conclusion, we may say that this legend about the Cakovec pozoj - as, for that matter, do all similar legends about the subjugation of the so-called monsters - shows what was differentiated by Roland Barthes in relation to mythic structure: that the myth can very easily be modified into a tool of political demagogy which confers a "natural" appearance to a particular ideology (Meletinski 1985:95). True enough, in the case of the 50 Here, the pagan matrix about the cyclic slaying of the dragon has been retained; however, that cyclical nature is reduced to the Christian, saintly single event slaying of the Dragon, the old Snake, something that will happen only once - after which Satan will once again be free. In other words, the destruction of the Dragon-Satan takes place in four stages: Satan is bound, shackled, and imprisoned for a thousand years; during that time Christ's „thousand-year kingdom" will flourish; Satan is once more set free; after that, the Last Judgement follows and the „new Heaven and the new Earth" begins („Uvod i napomene - Novi zavjet" [The New Testament - Introduction and Remarks] 1990:1272). 51 On Christian dragon-slayers cf. Gould 1995:198-199. 52 The anthropologist Clyde Kluckhohn stresses that the monster-slaying motif appeared in 37 of the 50 cultures included in his research (Kluckhohn 1963:163). Cf. motif type AT [ATU] 300 The Dragon Slayer (according to Antti Aarne and Stith Thompson). 53 Christian saints (e.g. St Margaret), unlike the warrior-like saints on steeds, do, of course, employ a different practice in slaying dragons (cf. Leksikon ikonografije... [Lexicon of Iconography] 1990:393). 144 Suzana Marjanic Cakovec pozoj what is in question is a weak myth, which Barthes denotes in relation to a strong myth. Namely, in the former the political quantum is immediate and the depolitisation is abrupt, and in the latter, "the political quality of the object has faded like a colour, but the slightest thing can bring back its strength brutally" (Barthes 1972:143-144). Needless to say, the slightest things, trifles, are not at all unimportant54 References cited Äsboth, Oskar. 1880. Der Garabonczas diak nach der Volksüberlieferung der Magyaren. Archiv für slavische Philologie 4, 611-627. Baltrušaitis, Jurgis. 1991. Fantastični srednji vijek. Antičko i egzotizmi u gotičkoj umjetnosti. Sarajevo: Svjetlost. Bandic, Dušan. 1991. Narodna religija Srba u 100 pojmova. Beograd: Nolit. Banovic, Stjepan. 1918. Vjerovanja (Zaostrog u Dalmaciji). Zbornik za narodni život i običaje Južnih Slavena 23:185-214. Barthes, Roland. 1972. Mythologies. New York: Farrar, Straus & Giroux. Belaj, Vitomir. 1998. Hod krozgodinu. Mitska pozadina hrvatskih narodnih običaja i vjero-vanja. Zagreb: Golden marketing. 54 Namely, in Barthes's definition of the myth, its function is to empty reality: „it is, literally, a ceaseless flowing out, a haemorrhage, or perhaps an evaporation, in short a perceptible absence. (...) myth is depoliticized speech" (Barthes 1972:142). Figure 3: Painting of a dragon-snake on the panelled ceiling of the Reformed Church at Csen-gersima (Hungary) (adopted from the book: Tekla Domotor: Hungarian Folk Beliefs. Budapest, 1985) Translated by Nina H. 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Amsterdam - London: North-Holland Publishing Company. Watkins, Calvert. 1995. How to Kill a Dragon. Aspects of Indo-European Poetics. Oxford -New York: Oxford University Press. Zvonar, Ivan, Stjepan Hranjec, Andrija Strbad. 1987. Usmena narodna književnost na tlu Medimurja. Knjiga II. Čakovec: TIZ Zrinski. Zamarovsky, Vojtech. 1989. Junaci antičkih mitova. Leksikon grčke i rimske mitologije. Zagreb: Školska knjiga. 149 Dragon and Hero or How to Kill a Dragon Zmaj i junak ili kako ubiti zmaja na primjeru medimurskih predaja o grabancijašu i pozoju Suzana Marjanic Interpretacijom medimurskih predaja o čakovečkom pozoju u članku je istaknuta razlikovna odrednica u odnosu na završni status zmaja (stanje živ/kozmičko obnavljanje - mrtav) u praslavenskoj predaji (mitu), u predaji o čakovečkom pozoju i konačno u legendi o svetom Jurju koji ubija zmaja. Naime, krščanstvo ustoličuje jednokratno dokrajčivanje zmaja, dok je u indoeuropskome mitu o sukobu izmedu npr. Indre i tzv. kozmičkoga čudovišta Zmije/Zmaja (Vrtra, Vala) riječ o cikličkim ubojstvima. Upravo ovoj skupini - skupini kozmičkih zmajeva pripadaju medimurski zmajevi, iako je očito da je u medimurskim predajama o pozoju nadjačala krščanska legenda o zmajoubojici, 0 trajnom svladavanju tzv. čudovišta jer u završnici grabancijaš na jugu, istoku ili zapadu Globusa (odnosno, kako zapisuje Andrija Dolenčič - u indijskim mesnicama) pozoja ubija - prodaje njegovo meso, što znači da je kozmički ciklus, ponavljanje prekinuto. Završno su medimurske predaje o meteorološkome binomu, koji čine grabancijaš 1 pozoj, interpretirane u ekofeminističkom ključu kao predaje kojima se nastoji prikriti neugodna povijesna istina (kristijanizacija, kolonijalizam). Naime, predaja o čakovečkom pozoju, kao uostalom sve slične predaje o podjarmljivanju tzv. čudovišta, pokazuju ono što je razlučio Roland Barthes u mitskoj strukturi - da se mit vrlo jednostavno modificira u orude političke demagogije koja odredenoj ideologiji pridaje "prirodan" izgled. Istina, u predaji o čakovečkom pozoju riječ je o slabom mitu, koji Barthes u odnosu na jaki mit, u kojemu je politički kvantum neposredan, a depolitizacija nagla, označava kao mit u kojemu se politička kvaliteta predmeta izgubila, ali pridodaje kako ga sitnica može naglo ponovno oživjeti. Dakako, sitnice nisu nimalo nevažne. 150 Simbolika niti in predenja v evropski folklori Mirjam Mencej * The article focuses on the symbolic role of spinning and yarn in the European tradition. Ena od značilnosti, ki jih pogosto opažamo v kontekstu verovanj o bajnih bitjih znotraj evropske folklore, je navezovanje enakih značilnosti, atributov, dejanj itd. na različna bajna bitja (Vinogradova 2000: 18-21). Eden takšnih motivov, ki se brez dvoma navezuje na zelo različna bajna bitja, je gotovo motiv predenja oziroma zveza različnih bajnih bitij s prejo, nitjo, klobčičem, volno ali predilskimi pripomočki. Predenje in predilski atributi se praviloma navezujejo na bajna bitja ženskega spola, le izjemoma tudi moškega, kar je seveda razumljivo, saj je bilo predenje od nekdaj delo, ki je sodilo v žensko domeno. Tako recimo v srbski ljudski pesmi predejo vile: Oj višnjo, višnjice, Digni gore grane, Ispod tebe vile Divno kolo vode, Pred njima Radiša, Bičem rosu trese, Do dve vile vodi, A trecoj besedi: »Pod' za mene, vilo! Kod moje ceš majke U ladu sediti, Tanku svilu presti Na zlatno vreteno.« (Karadič 1972: 189, št. 25) V zapisih o hrvaških ljudskih verovanjih lahko naletimo na podatek, da čarovnice za svoje vozilo uporabljajo vreteno (Marjanič 2006: 189), ki je tudi pogost atribut raznih vzhodnoslovanskih bajnih bitij, npr. pjatnice, kikimore, mare, domovoja (Valencova 2001: 103). Za maro pravijo, da sedi na peči in ponoči prede prejo, včasih pa tudi trga kodeljo oziroma prejo (Kriničnaja 1995: 5), kikimora (šišimora) prede, tke, plete, veze in šiva - ko vsi ležejo spat, začne presti na vreteno (Kriničnaja 1995: 6). Mari in kikimori je v tem podobna tudi rusalka: rusalke delajo z nitmi, prejo, platnom, rade predejo ali razmotavajo Članek je začel nastajati v času mojega trimesečnega študijskega bivanja na Univerzi v Mannheimu leta 2008, ki mi ga je omogočila Humboldtova štipendija. Za finančno pomoč se najlepše zahvaljujem ustanovi Alexan-der-von-Humboldt Stiftung. ■ 151 Simbolika niti in predenja v evropski folklori prejo. Podobno tudi ukrajinske nički, mitična ženska bitja, ki zlasti ob petkih ponoči predejo, kjer ženske puščajo kodeljo, pa tudi lokalna varianta komoha, ki prede (Kriničnaja 1995: 6-7). Bitje, ki sicer praviloma nastopa zgolj v pravljicah, Baba Jaga, je prav tako na mnoge načine povezana s predenjem: njena koča se tudi »nenehno vrti okrog lastne osi tako kot vreteno in stoji na ptičji (navadno kokošji) nogi, ki ima po eni od različic namesto pete vreteno (Kilbourne Matossian 1924: 332). V pravljici, ki jo je zapisal Ončukov, beremo: Stoji koča na kurji nožici, na vretenji peti, vrti se v krogih in vrat ni videti (...) v koči sedi ženščina, prede svilo, dolge niti suka, vreteno vrti in pod pôd spušča1. To je Baba Jaga, ki vrti vreteno. Rezultat tega vrtenja je zlat ali srebrn klobčič niti, vanj pa se lahko tudi sama spremeni. V nekaterih pravljicah nastopa tudi v podobi vretena ali pa ima obliko vretena njena koča. (Kriničnaja 1995: 9-11) Orodje, ki ga nosi Jaga Baba in je potrebno za izdelavo tkanine, je povezano tudi z vedeževanjem s pomočjo »predenja usode«, ki ga izvajajo Baba Jaga in njene sestre (Farrell 1993: 735). V Franciji (Saintonge) je bilo na začetku 19. st. zabeleženo verovanje kmečkega prebivalstva, da fades in bonnes filandières (dobre predice) ponoči z vretenom v rokah hodijo naokrog in napovedujejo prihodnost (Devlin 1987: 84). Tudi druga nadnaravna bitja, kot so vile (fées) ali lutins, so ponoči prihajala po nit ali pa so delala na kolovratu (Sébillot 1981: 142). V francoski povedki se vila celo skriva v niti kot v zaporu, je v njej »zaprta« -če se jo pobere in navije v klobčič, vila pride iz klobčiča in se osvobodi (Borghini 1999).V Berryju so poznali tudi ženskega duha oz. hudobno vilo, škratinjo, ki je rada mešala in vozlala prejo (Devlin 1987: 87). Po nemških verovanjih naj bi neviden majhen škrat začel vrteti vreteno, če se ljudje ne bi pobrigali za to, da bi navili jermen kolovrata, na Škotskem pa so zvečer dvignili jermen kolovrata, da bi preprečili bajnim bitjem vrtenje kolovrata (Sébillot 1981: 142-3). V italijanskih povedkah se klobčič povezuje s čarovnicami (te se lahko prikazujejo v podobi klobčiča, uporabljajo klobčič kot nekakšno zlonosno magijsko sredstvo za uroče-vanje), ljudožerci, kugo (kot demonskim bitjem) oziroma nasploh bitji, ki imajo negativno ali demonično sposobnost (Borghini 1999). Tudi v portugalski folklori zaklete device mouras nenehno tkejo ter se udeležujejo predilskih večerov (Cardigos 2008: 113). V finskem izročilu so plejade mlade in lepe mladenke, podkovane v predenju in tkanju (Cathain Ô 1995: 123). V litovski folklori tkejo ženska bajna bitja z imenom Laumé (Lithuanian mythological tales 2002: 239). Poleg teh bitij, ki sama predejo oz. so na tak ali drugačen način povezana s prejo, predilskimi pripomočki ipd., najdemo po vsej Evropi razširjena tudi mnoga verovanja o bajnih bitjih, ki v določenih obdobjih v teku leta nadzorujejo prepoved predenja, kaznujejo predice, ki v teh obdobjih predejo oziroma niso uspele pravočasno, do roka, končati pre-denja ipd., pogosto pa same tudi predejo oziroma so opremljena s platnom, predilskimi pripomočki. To so npr. Perchta/Pehtra/Perhta/Pehtra baba/Pehtrna/Pirta/Pehta/ Percht/ Berchta/Zlata baba, v Nemčiji tudi Frau Holle ali Holda, Stampe/Stempe/Stempa, v Švici Frau Saelde, v Sloveniji tudi Kvatrnica, Torka ali Torklja, Italijani poznajo podobno osebo Befano, Francozi imajo Tante Airie, sem bi verjetno lahko šteli tudi francosko Heckelga-uclere, švicarsko Straggele, Chrungele, nemško Herke, slovensko/češko/slovaško Lucijo 1 Stoit izbuška na kur'ei nožke, na veretennoj pjatke, krugami vertitsja i dverei ne vidat'. (...) v izbuške sidit ženščina, šelk prjadet, nitki dlinnye sučit, vereteno krutit i pod pol spuskaet. 152 Mirjam Mencej itd., pod raznimi imeni pa jo najdemo tudi v osrednji Aziji, od Irana čez Tadžikistan do porečja spodnjega toka rek Sir-Darja in Amu-Darja itd. (Kuret 1997; 1989/II: 458; Kropej 2008a; Mencej 2010). Nit in predenje kot stik med svetovoma Odkod torej tesna povezanost tako mnogih bajnih bitij evropske folklore s prede-njem, ki zaradi široke geografske razširjenosti ne more biti zgolj naključna? Predenje je imelo v tradicijskih skupnostih zagotovo pomembno ekonomsko vlogo, a odgovor zagotovo prej leži v njegovi simbolni kot pa ekonomski funkciji. Portugalske povedke o mouras, začaranih dekletih, ki tkejo in predejo svojo „neskončno nit - znamenje, da je njihovo delo neskončno" (navedeno po: Cardigos 2008: 113), nas lahko popeljejo bliže odgovoru: Ženska je na poti v cerkev našla zlato nit. Povlekla jo je in ugotovila, da se nit nikoli ne konča, zato si je rekla sama pri sebi „To je dovolj, da obogatim," in jo prerezala, ker ni hotela zamuditi svete maše. Čim je bila nit prerezana, se je raztopila v kri in ženska je zaslišala kričanje in preklinjanje. Če bi nadaljevala z vleko niti do konca maše, bi se mourina zakletost končala. (navedeno po Cardigos 2008: 113)2. Isabel Cardigos posebej poudarja zvezo med stanjem mourine zakletosti, začarano-sti in njeno neskončno nitjo: »Vidimo lahko jasno homologijo med mourino neskončno nitjo in njenim neposvečenim stanjem začaranosti (...)« (2008: 113). Neskončna zlata nit, ki se nikoli ne konča, naj bi torej zaznamovala njeno vmesno stanje med tem in onim svetom. Na neskončno vitje preje oz. neskončne niti, ki je v rokah bajnega bitja (vile), naletimo tudi v slovanski folklori, tudi če ne prede vedno vila sama. V ruski folklori gozdne žene ljudem darujejo klobčič niti, ki se, razen če bi ga razpletli, nikoli ne bi zmanjšal (Krinična-ja 1995: 7). Slovenske povedke pripovedujejo o vilah (včasih rojenicah3 ali žalik ženah), ki ljudem v zahvalo za njihovo prijaznost podarijo klobčič niti ali prejo, iz katere se vije nit, ki je nikoli ne zmanjka, če se ti le držijo napotka, da nikoli ne rečejo, da je »konec potekel« oz. da so »konec našli«. V tistem trenutku se namreč nit zares konča: Bele žene dolazile bi takodjer seljakom u kuče. - Jedno jutro rano čim baš kmetica neka ustane iz postelje gde spavaše sa kučnim svojim drugarom, pa hoče da se spremi na posao kučni, dojde u sobu bela žena, pa si bez obzira legne na njezino mesto još toplo uz drugara joj. To je bilo (kako pričaju) nekoj kuci »k Stroji na Reci« u Rožju. Duga plava kosa pala joj niz uzglavje do zemlje. Kmetica vrativši se opet u sobu, upazi to, pa joj digne kosu sa zemlje na postelju, da joj se nesmarlja. Bela žena parvo nego ostavi kuču, poda joj na uzdar končič niti: »Evo ti za ljubav što si mi učinila,»kaže joj, »nečudi se ni malo.« Kmetica stane 2 »(...) A woman found a golden thread on her way to church. She pulled it and she realized that the thread never came to an end, so she said to herself "this is enough for me to be rich", and she cut it off, for she did not want to miss the holy mass. As soon as the thread was cut it melted into blood and the woman heard shrieking and cursing. Had she delayed her pulling of the thread until mass was finished, the moura's enchantment would have finished.« (citirano v: Cardigos 2008: 113). 3 Razlika med obema ni vedno povsem jasna. 153 Simbolika niti in predenja v evropski folklori končič taj motati na klupko i mota pa mota, i več je od njega namotala do nekoliko končelah (štrenjah). Nu dojde joj u to suseda neka, pa to vidivši udari se od čuda po kolenu rekuč: »Bog s tobom! Kakov ti to konac?« I mah se mu u taj par najde i pravi konac. (Majar-Ziljski 1847: 14-5; navedeno po: Kropej 2008: 234-5). Rojenica, ki je stanovala vrh Mladega vrha, je hodila s srebrnim žehtarjem mlest Gro-seljnove krave, ki so se ondod pasle. Noben pastir si ni upal ji tega braniti, ker kdo ve - ! Zato pa, ker ji niso rekli pastirji nikoli žal besede, je nekoč prinesla h Groseljnu preje in je rekla: »To imate v plačilo svoje gostoljubnosti: vijete jo, in nikoli vam ne bo potekla, samo nikoli ne smete reči: »konec je potekel« ali »konec sem našel«. Rajši recite: »nitka je potekla« ali »nitko sem našel«. Če ne porečete tako, bo koj preje konec«. Storili so po Rojeničevem svetu in obogateli so. Zmerom so vili in vili, pa preje je še vedno bilo, kolikor od začetka. Pastir, ki je zvečer prignal domov krave, je moral vsakikrat prejo viti do trde noči. Ker so pastirji navadno leni, se je tudi temu nekega večera stožilo in ves nejevoljen reče: »Da bi bilo že, vraga, vsaj enkrat te preje konec!« In res, še isti večer jo je izvil. (Kelemina 1997: 169, št. 139) V drugi povedki rojenica čevljarskemu pomočniku, ki se je oženil z njo, podari klobko preje, češ da naj gre tja, kamor se bo ta skotalila - ta ga res pripelje do drugih dveh rojenic, ki mu dasta toliko denarja za doto, da ga osel komaj nese. (Matevž Ravnikar - Po-ženčan, Rokopis, NUK, Ms 483, zvezek IX; navedeno po Kropej 2008: 238-9). Medtem ko je v portugalski povedki prehitro pretrgana nit onemogočila dokončno izvitje moure iz njenega začaranega stanja in jo zadržala v vmesnem svetu, je tu simbolno pretrganje niti iz preje (na verbalen način, z besedami, s katerimi ljudje izrečejo, da je nit končana ipd.) onemogočilo večno odvijanje preje, s čimer je bil prekinjen stik z drugim svetom, od koder je preja oz. nit očitno prihajala. V obeh primerih je torej pretrgana nit prekinila stik z onim svetom; razlika med obema povedkama je torej le v tem, da je bila posledica pretrganja niti v portugalski povedki negativna zato, ker je onemogočila mouri izvitje z onega sveta na ta svet, v slovenski pa zato, ker je na ta svet onemogočila prihajanje bogastva z onega sveta. Da nit oz. preja po ljudskih verovanjih vzpostavlja stik med svetovoma, se na malce drugačen način kaže tudi v hrvaški pripovedi o vili, ki ženske uči, kako naj zdravijo in pomagajo ljudem, te pa po njenem učenju postanejo vilenice, označene torej z imenom, ki izhaja iz besede »vila«, kar pomeni, da pridobijo njene sposobnosti oz. karakteristike. Da bi si bolje zapomnile, kaj jih vila uči, morajo prejo jesti4, med procesom učenja so povezane z nitjo iz preje, ki jo držijo v rokah, obenem pa morajo medtem, ko jih vila uči, skupaj presti ali vsaj trgati predivo - tiste, ki tega ne počno, vile namreč ne morejo slišati5. Preja torej tu pravzaprav omogoča stik med svetovoma: V križevački župniji in po hrvaškem Zagorju ljudje pravijo, »da na svaki stari petak Vila s neba doleti, da uči ženske, kako treba liječiti i ljudem hasniti. Ove žene moraju poči s razpletenimi vlasi u zeleni lug, ondje se dvije od njih zajedno s Vilom uzapnu na kojegodar 4 Jedenje oz. žvečenje preje bi lahko razumeli kot »predenje«: prim. različico pravljice ATU 510A iz Vipave, ki jo je zapisal Anton Pegan, v kateri krava prejo poje prejo, potem pa izloči spredene niti (štrene) (Kropej 1995: 178; prim. tudi 159). Zahvaljujem se Andreju Pleterskemu za opozorilo in Moniki Kropej za podatke. 5 Po mnenju Čiče gre tu za opis iniciacijskega procesa (2002: 89). 154 Mirjam Mencej staro drvo, te slušajuci Vilu morajo predivo jesti, da si bolje zapamte, šta ih Vila uči; kad se nauče, postanu vilenice. Ove dvije ženske na drvu, kao i sve ostale slušateljice izpod drva, stoje u savezu kroz jednu nit od prediva, koju u ruci drže, pa dok Vila govori, moradu zajedno presti, ili kako puk veli, trgati predivo. (One izpod drva nejedu predivo). Koja od njih toga neradi, nečujegovorecu vilu, te nenauči ništa.« (Čiča 2002: 89-90). V ruski pravljici Carjevič Ivan in Beli poljanin majhen klobčič, ki ga Ivanu podari starec v gozdu, s kotaljenjem skozi temen gozd vodi princa Ivana pri njegovem iskanju junaka. Podobna predstava se kaže tudi pri vrvi, ki jo Ivan in Beli poljanin skupaj spleteta iz jermenov, narejenih iz bikovih kož. Ta je tako dolga, da je en konec na tem, drugi pa na drugem svetu (Afanasjev 2007: 216-23; prim. Borghini 2002: 238-40). Kot trdita Gaignebet in Florentinova, tudi nit, spletena v vrv, ki jo na na 25. januar (praznik Spreobrnitve svetega Pavla, ki v Franciji velja za dan vrvarjev), tj. dan, ko po njuni interpretaciji duše krožijo med svetovi, splete sveti Corder (Vrvar), omogoča stik med svetovoma: po njej se vzpenjajo in spuščajo ljudje in bogovi (1974: 65). Nit in duše nečistih umrlih Če lahko torej nit razumemo kot nekakšno vez med svetovoma, nas ne more čuditi, da nit, prejo, predenje pogosto najdemo povezane tudi z dušami umrlih, zlasti nečistih umrlih, ki niso povsem niti na tem niti na onem svetu. Po verovanju na francoskem podeželju so se duše umrlih vračale ponoči po nit ali pa so delale na kolovratu (Sebillot 1981: 142). Po verovanjih iz Sorške doline v Sloveniji duše umrlih predejo ali pa se kažejo v podobi klobčiča oz. zvite volne. Tako so v Spodnjih Danjah (Sorica), kadar so na podstrešju slišali čudne zvoke, govorili, da slišijo kotaljenje krvavih klobčičev volne, ki jih prede duša grešne pokojnice: »Predla je. Se j vračala nazaj in gor kat di preda. Preda vouna in tista ženska j mogla nekej nardit, na vem kuga, di ja j vest pekla. I...I A j kešn krvav žlučin nardila, boh ve kuga, bedn na ve.« Druga pripoved govori o pokojniku, ki je po smrti prihajal strašit v podobi klobčiča: »(...) Gustelj je še na stara leta pripovedoval, kako je smrt prišla po njegovega ata. Ostal mu je stari ata, katerega pa ni nič ubogal in mu je vedno nagajal. Ta mu je zagrozil, da ga bo po smrti hodil strašit, ker je tako žleht. In ga je res. Kadar je zvečer Gustelj ležal na peči, je v 'zičku' (klopi ob krušni peči - op.avt.) zašumelo in po podu se je zavalil klobčič in izginil skozi zaprto okno.« (Pintar 2007: 28-9). Zveza duš nečistih umrlih, ki iz različnih razlogov ner morejo povsem zapustiti tega sveta in oditi na onega, z nitjo, klobčičem volne, predenjem ipd., očitno tudi tu kaže na njihovo vmesno stanje, nedokončanost njihovega življenja, tako kot je bilo razvidno iz verovanja o mourah. Nit - most na drugi svet Predstava o niti kot zvezi med svetovoma živih in mrtvih pa se ne kaže zgolj implicitno v verovanjih o vilah in drugih bajnih bitjih ter o nečistih pokojnikih, ampak jo je mogoče prepoznati tudi v indoevropskih predstavah o mostu, ki vodi v onstranstvo in ki je pogosto prikazan v podobi niti. O mostu, ki ni širši od niti, prek katerega mora duša po 155 Simbolika niti in predenja v evropski folklori smrti, poje recimo stara angleška pesem ob bedenju pri mrliču: Most groze, nič širši od niti6 (Saxo 1.8.14 p.30; navedeno po: West 2007: 390). Podobno predstavo najdemo v srbski ljudski pesmi, ki govori o materi svetega Petra, ki hiti za sinom v raj, ta pa je zaradi grehov ne spusti vanj, temveč ji svetuje, naj se v raj vrne po niti - a nit se strga in mati pade v pekel: Majka svetoga Petra (...) »Vrat'se natrag, moja majko, te nastavljaj sve vlakance, sve vlakance po vlakance, i po njemu u raj podi!« Povrati se stara majka, nastavljala sve vlakance, sve vlakance po vlakance. pošla majka po vlakancu, da bi raja dostajala; prekide se to vlakance, pade majka usred pakla. (Karadžič 1969/I.: 100-1, št. 208) Včasih se pot - most na drugi svet primerja tudi z lasom: vizija sv. Pavla prikazuje most, ki povezuje naš svet z rajem in naj bi bil »ozek kot las«. Podobno predstavo najdemo pri arabskih piscih in mistikih: most, ki povezuje zemljo z zvezdnim predelom in rajem, naj bi bil »tanjši od lasu« (Eliade 1985: 351). Tudi v folklori se ideje o mostu, brvi, niti in lasu, ki vodijo na drugi svet, pogosto prepletajo. V podonavskih vaseh Bolgarije je tako npr. zapisano verovanje, da se na drugi svet pride prek lasu (ali ozke brvi). (C. Vranska, Apokrifite za bogorodica i blgarskata narodna pesen, Sofija 1940, str. 179-81; navedeno po: Zečevič 1982: 29). Črnogorci v Ko-sanici pravijo, da duša na poti s tega na oni svet najprej naleti na steno, za katero je prepad, pekel, za njim pa je druga stena, za katero je raj. Arhangel Mihajlo se ob smrti grešniku usede na prsi, mu vzame dušo ter jo nese na nebo: Čim dode do prve stene, pušta dušu da prede preko jedne dlake, koja se nalazi kao most preko ove ogromne provalije, a liči ljudima na gredu, koja je prikrščena za drugu stenu, na onu stranu gde je raj. Čim naide grešna duša na dlaku, gresi pretežu, dlaka se kida i duša pada u pakao gde je dočekuju davoli i muče je. (Vukanovič 1935: 127-8). Verovanje iz Podibra (Srbija) je precej podobno črnogorskemu: pravijo, da na drugem svetu dočaka dušo nadangel ter izmeri njena dobra in slaba dela, zatem pa dušo napoti proti raju, ki vodi preko pekla. Če je duša pravična, se ji zazdi pot prek pekla kot širok most, če pa pretehtajo njena zla dela, se ji zazdi „ozka kot las" in pade v pekel (Nodilo 1981: 523). Tudi po verovanjih iz Glumče se v raj pride prek pekla, prek katerega je položen dolg las, prek katerega mora duša umrlega: pravični pridejo čezenj, grešniki padejo v pekel (Zečevič 1982: 29). V vasi Dupljaji pri Beli Crkvi (Srbija) je bila zapisana ljudska pesem, ki prav tako govori o lasu, ki vodi na drugi svet: 6 The bridge of dread, no brader than a thread. 156 Mirjam Mencej »Tamo ima tanka dlaka, Gde prolazi duša svaka, Sve prodoše, jedna ne mogaše, Kad je stigla nasred pakla, Otkide se tanka dlaka, I on pade nasred pakla.« (Zečevic 1982: 29). Predstava o lasu kot mostu na drugi svet ni tako neprimerljiva s predstavo o niti, kot se morda zdi na prvi pogled. Tudi lase, tako kot prejo, so namreč nekoč uporabljali kot nit, surovino za tkanje, kar dokazujejo arheološki dokazi, npr. kosi tkanine iz človeških las iz Starega Mesta na Češkem (Krasnik 2008: 45). Zvezo med lasmi in prejo potrjuje litvanska zgodba o boginjah predenja, ki jih neka ženska povabi, da naj predejo namesto nje. Res začno presti s svojimi kolovrati, toda ženska se zaveda, da bodo, ko jim bo zmanjkalo preje, nadaljevale s predenjem njenih las (Lithuanian mythological tales 2002: 22; The spinning goddesses). Podobno v litvanski čudežni pravljici Čarovničino posestvo (ATU 334) dekle opazuje posestvo čarovnice: vhodna vrata so zaprta s človeško roko in notranja vrata s človeško nogo; na ogradi vise človeške glave; v hiši je na mizi človeški želodec, poln krvi, in človeški lasje zvezani leže vsepovsod po tleh. Čarovnica nato dekletu razloži prav pomen tega, kar je videla: vhodna vrata so zaprta z zapahom, notranja vrata so zavarovana z zatikalom, glave so namesto posod, želodec je njena posoda z omako; in lasje so lanena vlakna za predenje (Kerbelyte 1999: 175-176; navedeno po: Racenaite 2008: 135). Nit in ustvarjanje človeka Preja oz. nit vodi torej iz sveta živih v svet mrtvih, a pot lahko poteka tudi v obratni smeri, iz sveta mrtvih v svet živih. Otroci, ki po tradicijskih predstavah prihajajo z onega sveta na ta svet (prim. Vaz da Silva 2008a), od tam po verovanjih lahko pridejo tudi po niti. Takšno predstavo najdemo v Polesju, kjer so ohranjeni mnogi zelo arhaični slovanski lingvistični in folklorni elementi. Ena od tipičnih razlag na vprašanje Od kod otroci? vsebuje motiv spusta otroka z neba po niti: »Bog na niti spustil« (Bog na nitoccy spustiu) (Homorsk); »Z neba so te na zlati vrvici spustili« (Cjabe z neba na zolotoi vjaroucy spustili) (Homorsk); »Bog te je z neba na rdeči nitki spustil« (Bog z neba na krasnoi nitački spustiu) (Golubica), odgovarjajo starši na vprašanja otrok, od kod so prišli (Vinogradova 2000: 351). Posredno bi lahko takšno predstavo prepoznali tudi v magijskih praksah srbskih in turških žena, ki na vsakega otroka, ki ga rodijo, navežejo nit, na katero naredijo vozle7 -verjamejo, da dokler ne bodo razvile vozlov, tudi ne bodo rojevale (navedeno po Saintyves 1987: 88). Ta običaj bi morda lahko razumeli kot simbolno zavezovanje niti, ki bi lahko omogočila prihod novih otrok z onega sveta. Prav tako je v kontekstu predenja mogoče razumeti razmerje med bivanjem na tem ali onem svetu, in sicer kot opozicijo nespredena preja - spredena nit. Kot piše Karen Bek- 7 Ta ideja je prisotna tudi v drugih vrstah magije: za impotentne in neporočene moške v Makedoniji verjamejo, da so »zavrzani«, tj. da jih je magepnica (madesnica) zavezala (prim. Mencej 2005: 52- 5). 157 Simbolika niti in predenja v evropski folklori Pedersen, bi lahko košaro za volno interpretirali kot podobo, povezano z rojstvom - s košaro kot simbolno maternico, nespredeno volno v njej pa kot kos tekstila, ki še ni izdelan, ali kot še ne rojenega ali popolnoma ustvarjenega človeka. »Ustvarjanje tekstila bi bilo torej enako ustvarjanju človeka, neke vrste poroda (...)«, meni (2008: 173-4). Odlomek iz danske sage razume kot besedilo, v katerem se jasno povezujeta delo s tekstilom in rojstvo: Sigurdr se je šel posvetovat s svojo materjo, ki je bila izvedena v magiji. Rekel ji je, da mu je sreča zelo nenaklonjena, da njegove možnosti niso večje od ena proti sedem. Ona mu je odgovorila: Obdržala bi te v svoji košari za volno dlje, če bi vedela, da boš živel večno, a tukaj vlada usoda, ne svet človeka; bolje je umreti dostojanstveno kot živeti sramotno (...)8 (Orkneyinga saga 11; Flateyjarbok, c. 1387-1395; navedeno po Bek-Pedersen 2008: 176-79) Pogosto naletimo tudi na alegorične predstave o "materi kot preslici" skupaj z "otrokom kot prejo na vretenu". Take predstave so verjetno oblikovale metaforično predstavo o življenjski dobi kot o "spredeni preji" (Badalanova Geller 2004: 231). Kot dodaja Kilbo-urne Matossianova, je mogoče v tej predstavi videti tudi simbolno zvezo med predenjem in človeškim tkivom: »Razumevanje nespredene volne v košari kot kosa tkanine, ki še ni izdelana, ali človeka, ki še ni rojen ali popolnoma ustvarjen, in ustvarjanja tkanine kot ustvarjanja človeka, neke vrste porodnega procesa, nam pomaga razumeti še eno paralelo: simbolno zvezo med nitjo in telesnim tkivom.« Trdi, da »v simbolizmu zahodne civilizacije presti in tkati na vsak način pomeni ustvarjati človeško tkivo.« Tkivo naj bi prvotno pravzaprav celo pomenilo »nekaj spredenega« (Kilbourne Matossian 1924: 331). Tudi v Vedah najdemo predstavo, v kateri je kontinuiranost človeškega življenja koncipirana kot izvlečena nit ali raztegnjen trak iz blaga (AV 10.2.17) (West 2007: 380). Tako je naloga ženskih boginj usode Urth, Verthandl in Skuld v nemški oz. Urthr, Verthandi in Skuld (Usoda, Bitje in Nujnost oz. sedanjost, preteklost in prihodnost) v islandski tradiciji določiti usodo novorojenčka ter pomagati pri porodu, stkale pa naj bi tudi amniotično membrano (Belmont 1971: 57). Boginje predenja predejo torej zato, ker ima njihova dejavnost magično moč: na ta način spredejo telesno tkivo novorojenca, ovi-jejo trak okoli otroka. Hetitska beseda za vreteno celo izhaja iz glagola "živeti" (GIŠ huiša) (Kilbourne Matossian 1924: 331; prim. tudi Cottica 2004: 200). Simbolizem predenja se nadaljuje tudi v krščanski ikonografiji Device Marije in Eve: vreteno in preslica sta veljala za klasična atributa Eve po njenem izgonu iz raja in Device Marije med oznanjenjem: „V tej podobi je predeča Eva kot „mati vseh živih bitij" simbol tako nebesnega kot zemeljskega materinstva, medtem ko je dejanje predenja prepoznano kot ekvivalent dejanju (pro)kreacije. Enako je tkanina Kristusovega telesa, ki ga je spredla ali stkala Marija, nova Eva, razumljena kot »blago brez šivov«, v katerem sta človeško in božansko prepletena v eno (Badalanova Geller 2004: 213, prim. tudi 216, 236-7). Mitološki vzorec predenje = spočetje tvori podstat »Marijinega oznanjenja« v apokrifnem Pro-toevangeliju (11:1-3) (Badalanova Geller 2004: 231; Bek-Pedersen 2008: 174). Ta podoba je pogosto prikazovana v krščanski ikonografiji, zlasti v vzhodni Evropi, kjer je Marija 8 Sigurdr went to consult his mother, who was skilled in magic. He told her that the odds against him were heavy, at least seven to one. She answered: 'I would have kept you for a long time in my wool basket if I knew that you would live forever, but it is fate which rules, and not where a man is from; better to die with dignity than to live with shame (...) 9 prev. avt. 158 Mirjam Mencej prikazana z vretenom, pogosto pa je prikazan tudi Jezus kot otrok v njej tam, kjer ji nit prekriža trebuh. To jasno kaže na predstavo, da je ustvarjanje niti simbol ustvarjanja človeka (Badalanova Geller 2004: 217-34). Nespredena preja - spredena nit Gibanje volne navzdol s preslice na vreteno, medtem ko se spreda v nit, lahko po mnenju Pietra Plasa razumemo kot gibanje od »divjega« v »domač« prostor (2004: 2656). Če lahko »divji prostor« razumemo kot oni svet ali pa vsaj kot njegovo »preddverje«, kar po ljudskih verovanjih tudi predstavlja, gre torej pri predenju pravzaprav za simbolno gibanje z onega sveta na ta svet. Predenje velja za tisto tipično žensko opravilo, ki ločuje »naravo« od »kulture«, saj iz preje nastajajo oblačila, eden od najbolj značilnih aspektov človeške kulture (Petreska 2006: 225). To znanje je lahko izrabljeno v magiji, natančneje pri tehniki »preobračanja v človeško«, npr. v Bolgariji, kot piše Eva Pocs: »Če se po 11-mesečni nosečnosti rodi zmejče (zmajev otrok) z repom in krili, mora dvanajst devic ali devet stark v eni noči stkati srajco zanj. Konopljo raztrgajo z borovimi storži, spredejo in tkejo v popolni tišini. Ko končajo, oblečejo otroka vanjo, da bi pokrili njegov rep in krila. Če otrok ne bi bil oblečen na tak način, se ne bi razvil v zmaja in tako ne bi postal »svetnik zaščitnik« vasi. Ta srajca da takšnim otrokom »posebno moč, da lahko preženejo halo, tj. zmaja, ki prinaša točo«.« (Georgieva 1983: 80, navedeno po: Pocs 2008: 97). Kot poudarja Eva Pocs, tehnike »preobračanja v človeka« kažejo, »da so od glavnih delovnih procesov človeške kulture predvsem kuhanje in peka ter predenje in tkanje tisti, ki imajo vitalno vlogo v udomačevanju ali oplemenitenju demoničnega sveta narave in prvotno demoničnih aspektov človeške narave ter v ščitenju človeške kulture.« (2008: 97-8) Podobno vlogo predenja v »počlovečenju« lahko zasledimo v pravljičnem tipu »Mladenič obljubljen vodni vili« (The Nix of the Mill-Pond, ATU 316), kjer junakinja moža, ki je v oblasti vodne deklice ponovno vrne v normalno človeško stanje tako, da na bregu reke prede lan na zlatem kolovratu. Kot trdi Maria Tatar, imajo v mnogih pravljicah predenje, tkanje in šivanje (skupaj z drugimi domačimi opravili) moč, da živali spreminjajo v ljudi (1987: 114-5). Predenje - seksualnost in plodnost Ob zavedanju te povezave med predenjem / nitjo in plodnostjo / spreminjanjem v „človeško"/ prehajanjem z onega sveta na ta svet je mogoče bolje razumeti tudi seksualne konotacije predenja in nekaterih drugih dejavnosti, povezanih s tekstilom, npr. teritve. V Franciji Sebillot piše o priložnosti za ljubezenske zveze med predilskimi večeri (1981: 136-8), predilski večeri so bili na Slovenskem menda priložnost tudi za spogledovanje, na pustni ponedeljek pa so v Sloveniji poznali posebno zabavo, na kateri so »prejo razdrli«. Ob tem je Valvasor v 17. stoletju zapisal: „Tako se konča preja, pri kateri na žalost tudi deviški cvet. (....) Tu se čez nekaj časa pokaže, da si je ta ali ona pripredla kaj živega, ko ji je bilo predivo zastonj dano." (navedeno po Kuret 1989/II.: 511-3). Seksualne aluzije najdemo tudi v vedenju teric (teritev lahko razumemo kot predpripravo na prejo). Ponekod na Dolenjskem so recimo vse terice hkrati pokazale zadnjico moškemu, ki je šel mimo, skoraj povsod je bila navada, da so moškemu, ki je prišel mimo, ponudile šopek, ovit s predivom, 159 Simbolika niti in predenja v evropski folklori ki ga je moral ta odkupiti - če ga ni hotel ali jih je celo žalil, so mu v hlače nabasali pezdir in ga z njim potresli. V Ziljski dolini so terice rade zvabile v svojo sredo mlajšega moškega, nato pa iznenada planile nanj, ga vrgle na tla, mu odpele hlače in mu vanje natlačile pezdir, podobno tudi v Slovenskih goricah itd. Plodnostna moč pezdirja se je kazala tudi v prekmurskem običaju, kjer so pezdir vrgli na posteljo fanta ali dekleta, ki sta bila godna za poroko. (Kuret 1989/II.: 60-5) Nit in usoda Tako kot je bila koža ovita okoli vretena telesa, je bila ovita okoli človeka usoda -Grki naj bi razumeli usodo in njene faze (npr. nesrečo, poroko, starost, bolezen, smrt itd.) kot niti, ki so jih spredli bogovi ali sojenice in jih dali človeku kot vence volne, niti oz. vezi (Onians 1954: 376, 378, 395, 429). »Nit življenja« marsikje simbolizira človeško usodo. Vsepovsod po Evropi, enako tudi pri Hetitih in v Anatoliji, najdemo verovanja o bajnih bitjih in božanstvih, ki predejo in obenem s predenjem določajo usodo novorojenega otroka (glej pregled v West 2007: 379-86). Grške predstave o Moiri, ki prede življenjsko nit, najdemo že v najstarejših filozofskih tekstih in tudi v novejših grških ljudskih verovanjih. Moire so v antičnih predstavah predilke10: ena nosi preslico, druga vreteno in najstarejša škarje; njihova imena so Klotho (Predilka), Lachesis (Dodeljevalka) in Atropos (Nespremenljiva). Spredena nit je navita na vreteno, vsak obrat oz. vrtljaj ustreza enemu letu življenja, navita nit predstavlja dolžino življenja. Najstarejša Moira prestriže nit in tako določi usodo. To verovanje zasledimo že pri Homerju, kjer boginje usode predejo nit človeškega življenja: »(...) kar so mu koli Usoda in stroge sestre Rojenice/ spredle od kraja že v nit, kadar ga rodila je mati.« (Odiseja, 7, 197-8); »To, Teiresias moj, so napredli sami pač bogovi!« (Odiseja 11, 139) (citirano po: Homer, Odiseia, prevedel Anton Sovre, 1966; prim. West 2000: 380; prim. tudi Brednich 1964: 159-60). Ahil pa »kašnje seveda prebil bo pač to, kar nit je Usode/ precej od kraja mu spredla, kadar ga rodila je mati.« (Iliada, 20, 127-8; citirano po: Homer, Iliada, prev. Anton Sovre, 1950). Zveza sojenic s predenjem se kaže tudi v sodobni grški folklori: gre za tri starke, od katerih vsaj ena vedno prede, druga včasih nosi knjigo, v katero zapiše sklep, za katerega se dogovorijo, tretja pa škarje, s katerimi ob določenem času prereže nit življenja; včasih pa predeta tudi zadnji dve - ena nosi koš volne ali preslico, druga pa oblikuje nit (Lawson 1964: 124); ali pa Kloto prede življenjsko nit, Kalomojra deli srečo, Kakomojra pa nesrečo (Schubert 1982: 92). Tudi rimske Parce so boginje, ki prisostvujejo rojstvu otroka in predejo niti usode - »Tebi seveda, ki dvakrat si rojen bil, dvakrat so parke spredle ob rojstvu to nit, dvojno začrtale pot« (Ovid, Tristia 5.3.25; citirano po: Publij Ovidij Nazon, Pisma iz pregnanstva. Žalostinke in Pontska pisma. Prev. Josip Jurca); »tam že čaka nanj Fortuna z velikanskim rogom obilja in tri Parke predejo zlate niti« (Petronius, Satyricon 29.6; citirano po: Petronij Arbiter, Satirikon. Prev. Primož Simoniti; prim. West 2000: 381). Podobno rezbarija z naslovom Parce Hansa Baldunga Griena (okrog 1500) prikazuje tri gole ženske, ki otroku predejo usodo; ena drži preslico, druga prede nit, tretja nit prereže (Brednich 1964: 198-9). 10 Cottica sicer trdi, da simbolizem predenja prvotno ni bil vključen v koncept Mojre; te naj bi ga absorbirale iz starejših boginj usode iz minojske in mikenske mitologije (2004: 185-6). 160 Mirjam Mencej Vprašanje je, ali lahko o predenju govorimo tudi v zvezi z Nornami, ženskimi bitji, ki imajo v skandinavski mitologiji podobno vlogo - so bitja, ki določajo usodo in so obenem odgovorne za rojstvo in smrt: življenje dajejo, a ga tudi jemljejo (Belmont 1971: 176; Bek-Pedersen 2007a: 22-37, 63). Čeprav imajo vsesplošno reputacijo predic, Karen Bek-Pedersen trdi, da v staronordijskih mitoloških tekstih zaman iščemo jasne in nedvoumne podatke o tem, da bi predle ali tkale (2007, 2007a; prim. tudi Simek 2007[1984]: 237). Vsekakor Norne prisostvujejo porodu in oblikujejo življenje otroka in imajo opravka z nitjo ali vrvmi: Noč je padla na kmetijo, Norne so prišle, one, ki so oblikovale njegovo življenje za Gospoda; odločile so, da bo princ zelo slaven in da bo veljal za najboljšega od vojščakov. Trdno so spletle niti usode, ko so se gradovi zrušili v Bralundu; ločile so zlate niti in jih pritrdile v lunino središče /nebo/.11 (Helgakvi3a Hundingsbana A 2-4; citirano po: West 2000: 382). Litvanska zgodba iz 1839 pripoveduje o dieves valditojes (vladajočih božanstvih) kot o sedmih boginjah, od katerih je "prva spredla življenja ljudi s preslice, ki ji jo je dal najvišji bog, druga je pripravila osnovo za tkanje, tretja je vanjo vpletla niti, četrta je pripovedovala zgodbe, da bi zvabila delavce vstran od dela, kajti prekinitev dela bi uničilo tkanje, peta jim je prigovarjala k marljivosti in podaljšala življenje, šesta je prerezala niti, sedma je tkanino oprala in jo dala najvišjemu bogu in ta je postala mrtvaški prt človeka (Grimm 1883-8, 416 n.2 (Das Ausland 1839, no. 278); 722); citirano po: West 2000: 384) V Latviji poznajo enake boginje, imenovane Laimas, ki prav tako določajo otrokovo življenje: Laima, Laima za fanta, ki je rojen na svet! Zanj je Laima spletla laneno nit in jo namočila v srebro.12 (LD 1176 = Jonval no. 774; citirano po: West 2000: 384) 11 Night fell on the homestead, the Norns came, they who shaped his life for the lord; they ruled the prince should be most famous, and that he'd be held the best of the warriors. They twisted strongly the strands of fate as castles crashed in Bralund; they separated the golden threads and fastened them in the moon's mid hall /the sky/. (...) Prev. avt. 12 Laima, Laima for the boy, who is born to the world! For him Laima twisted the flaxen thread, steeping it in silver. 161 Simbolika niti in predenja v evropski folklori Referenco na predeče sojenice najdemo po mnenju Kilbourne Matossian tudi v ruskem zdravilskem uroku: Na gori so sedele tri sestre; predle so tenko nit. (1924: 333) Na povezavo predenja in usode kažejo tudi sledovi v jeziku, npr. slovenski rek presti niti človekove usode v pomenu »določati človekovo usodo« (SSKJ 1986/3: 138), o rojenicah (ki jih avtor tu imenuje Parke) pa so v 19. stoletju (na Gorenjskem) zapisali tole pripoved: O teh pravijo, da so tri, ki ob rojstvu človeka vsekdar pridejo v hišo, da določijo njihovo usodo. Hlebec kruha mora biti ob tej priložnosti zanje vselej na mizi pripravljen. Ena izmed Park nasnuje nit življenja, druga prede dalje, tretja pa ob človekovi smrti nit življenja prereže. Imena teh Park ne navajajo. (Matevž Ravnikar - Poženčan, Rokopis, NUK, Ms 483, zvezek IX; navedeno po Kropej 2008: 238). Kajkavske (Hrvaška) sojenice so tri, pokažejo pa se redko, še najpogosteje dekletom, ki jih med drugim učijo presti (Valjavec 1866, št. 1: 24-5; navedeno po Kropej 2008: 239). Pri južnih Slovanih je nit simbolno povezana s percepcijo človekovega življenja kot preje, ki jo po verovanjih v Makedoniji in Bolgariji predejo orisnice, narečnice, rečenice (Badala-nova Geller 2004: 231). Na Hrvaškem, v Srbiji in Bolgariji so pravili, da tri sojenice (sudjenice, sudice, usude, sudjaje, rodenice, orisnice) najpogosteje tretjo noč po otrokovem rojstvu določijo otroku usodo (Čajkanovič 1994/ 5: 247-52; Dordevič 2002: 104; Raden-kovič 1995). Vreteno in preslica sta razumljena kot njihova konstantna atributa, usodo naj bi določale med predenjem, dolžina napredene niti ob otrokovi glavi pa uteleša njegovo usodo (Badalanova Geller 2004: 235)._ Povedka iz Ohrida (Makedonija) pripoveduje o narečnicah (sojenicah, rojenicah), treh ženskah, ki sedijo ob ognjišču in predejo nit življenja: prva prede na vreteno, druga je med govorjenjem, tretja pa po napovedi usode prereže nit s škarjami (Petreska 2006: 225). Spomenik iz Orehovca severovzhodno od Prilepa kaže tri ženske v nošah, z dvignjeno levo roko in spuščeno desno roko, v kateri nosijo vreteno (Schubert 1982: 90-1, op. 12). Kot piše Brednich, je tudi na nekdanjem Češkoslovaškem mogoče najti sledove verovanja, da novorojencu rojenice navijejo njegovo življenjsko nit. Dolžina te zlate niti pomeni človeško življenje, katerega konec določi najstarejša Sudička s tem, ko nit prereže (prim. Machal 1891: 79, Koštal 1890: 522, navedeno po: Brednich 1964: 184). Po Navratilovi sicer menda sojenic niso povezovali s predenjem, a vendarle so jim ljudje, da bi otroku določile prijaznejšo usodo, nastavljali med drugim tudi kolovrat in škarje (Navratilova 2004: 53) itd. Pri Romunih najstarejša sojenica, Ursitoarea, prede življenjsko nit, srednja, Soartea, napoveduje dogodke v življenju novorojenca, tretja, Moartea, pa določi trenutek smrti s tem, da nit preseka. Po drugem poročilu prva, Ursitoarea, drži preslico in vrti vreteno, druga, Soartea, prede nit, najmlajša, Moartea, s škarjami odreže nit življenja. (Brednich 1964: 171). Nit in smrt V slovenskem jeziku poznamo reke, kot so prestriči, pretrgati nit življenja (ekspresiv-no: povzročiti smrt), njegovo življenje visi na niti (ekspresivno: je zelo ogroženo, je zelo bolan) (SSKJ 1986/3: 138), ki neposredno povezujejo nit s koncem življenja, smrtjo. Pomen 162 Mirjam Mencej »biti mrtev« imajo tudi podobni francoski izrazi être au bout de son rouleau (biti na koncu svojega zvitka), être au bout de sa doitte / aiguillée de fil (biti na koncu klobčiča - t. j. toliko niti, kolikor je vdeneš v sivanko), l'Ille-et-Vilaine (Van Gennep/1: 574). Ko nekdo umre, Grki rečejo: Njegovo vreteno je navito do kraja (Kilbourne Matossian 1924: 331). Kot piše Lawson, so reki v pomenu »umreti«, kot so njegovo vreteno je navito do kraja ali njegova nit je prerezana ali njegova nit je končana, izrazi, ki implicirajo predstavo, da sojenice vsakemu človeku ob rojstvu dodelijo količino surove volne, iz katere dan za dnem predejo, dokler ni nit življenja dokončana (1964: 124). Tako kot je otrok rojen rojen z nitjo, ovito okoli vretena svojega telesa, tudi zapusti svet ovit z nitjo. Mrtvaški prt ali trak tkanine, ki se ovije okrog trupla, je tesno povezan z vrvjo ali povojem (Onians 1954: 420) in se v ljudskih verovanjih enači z ovijanjem usode, ki jo podeljujejo bogovi. Mrtvaški prt je ovit okrog trupla v spirali, enako kot nit okrog vretena13. Ko predenje14 preneha, sledi smrt. Smrt je torej proces odvijanja niti življenja z vretena telesa oz. hrbtenice. (Kilbourne Matossian 1924: 331-2) Človeški življenjski cikel od rojstva dalje je bil torej razumljen kot kontinuirano ovijanje niti (trakov) oziroma telesnega tkiva in sreče ter usode okrog človeka, in smrt pa kot odvijanje te niti oziroma trakov. Tako lahko torej Tezejevo odvijanje niti, ki mu jo podari Ariadna ob vstopu v labirint, v kontekstu takšnega razumevanja simbolike niti razumemo kot vstopanje v »oni svet« (kot je bil kretski labirint tudi interpretiran - prim. Wright 2001: 15) in njegovo ponovno navijanje niti ter vračanje iz njega po uboju Minotavra kot ponovno vračanje v svet živih. Enako lahko Penelopino tkanje mrtvaškega prta za Laerta podnevi in njeno podiranje vsega, kar je podnevi natkala, ponoči, med čakanjem snubcev, razumemo kot neke vrste poskus razveljavljanja časa: (...) poleg različnih izvinkov izlegla je tole ukano: dala je v sobo postaviti statve si dobro velike, tkala je platno tenko, obsežno, a nam je dejala: »Čujte me, snubci mi mladi. Mrtèv je božanski Odisej, vendar ne silite v zakon me, preden dodelam odevo, pravkar jo tkem, da zaman ne kvari se lepa mi preja; to mrtvaški bo prt, namenjen heroju Laertu, kadar usoda temnà zadene nemile ga smrti. (...)« (2.93-100) Spešijo svatbo oni, a jaz jim spletam ukane. Najprej navdihnil srcé je z mislijo tole me demon: dala postaviti v sobo sem statve si dobro velike, tkala sem platno tenko, obsežno, a njim sem dejala: 13 Še do danes ta ideja o tranziciji iz in v svet mrtvih po mnenju Vaz da Silve živi v šegi povijanja mrliča v mrtvaški prt in zavijanja dojenčkov. V Anatoliji (a to velja tudi za vse evropske pred-moderne družbe) tako dojenčke kot starčke zavijajo z belo tkanino. Še več, opozarja tudi, da plenice novorojenčka uporabijo tudi kot njegov mrtvaški prt. Na drugi strani van Gennep poudarja, da so v Franciji iste ženske umivale in povijale otroke ter starce. Verdier tudi pravi, da se ljudje na francoskem podeželju enako bojijo novorojenčkov kot trupel, kajti otroci naj bi prihajali z onega sveta (prim. Vaz da Silva 2008: 71). 14 Podobno velja tudi za tkanje: »Najprej se niti navije v osnovo, njihova dolžina simbolizira dolžino življenja. Volnene niti simbolizirajo spremenljivost življenja. Ko se tkanje konča, nastopi smrt. Tkanina, ki nastane kot rezultat, je mrtvaški prt. Ta prt, ki je bil prvotno napoved izkušnje človekovega prihoda, ki so ga stkale sojenice, zdaj predstavlja zgodovino človekovega življenja.« (Kilbourne Matossian 1924: 331-2) 163 Simbolika niti in predenja v evropski folklori »Čujte me, snubci mi mladi. Mrtev je božanski Odisej, vendar ne silite v zakon me, preden dodelam odevo, pravkar jo tkem, da zaman ne kvari se moja mi preja! To mrtvaški bo prt, namenjen heroju Laertu, kadar usoda temna zadene nemile ga smrti. Kaj lahko bi obrekle žene me v ljudstvu Ahajcev, ako bi ležal brez prta, ko mnogo blaga je pridobil.« To sem dejala, oni pa ustregli so z vernim mi srcem. Resda sem tkala nato podnevi ob velikih statvah, v noči pa parala spet, ko dala prinesti sem baklo. leta sem tri s prevaro slepila Ahajce. Kadar pa z letom četrtim so bližale zopet se Hore, v krogu po mescih bežečih premnogi končali se dnevi, tu so naposled po izdaji me dekel, teh psic brezobzirnih, resda zasačili snubci in grozno zagnali rabuko. Slednjič dotkala sem prt, na silo, četudi nerada.(19.137-56) Dala postaviti v izbo je statve si dobro velike, tkala je platno tenko, obsežno, a nam je dejala,: »Čujte me snubci mi mladi, mrtev je Odisej božanski, vendar ne silite v zakone me, preden dodelam odevo, pravkar jo tkem, da ne kvari zaman se moja mi preja; to mrtvaški bo prt, namenjen heroju Laertu, kadar zadene moža usoda neusmiljene smrti. Kaj lahko obrekle žene me v ljudstvu Ahajcev, ako bi ležal brez prta, ko mnogo blaga je pridobil.« To je dejala. A mi? Ustregli smo z vernim ji srcem. Res je tkala poslej podnevi ob velikih statvah, v noči pa parala spet, ko dala prinesti je bakle. Leta je tri s prikrito prevaro slepila Ahajce, kadar pa z letom četrtim so vračale zopet se Hore, (v krogu po mescih bežečih premnogi končali se dnevi), žensk je izdala jo ena, ki vse bilo ji je znano: tu smo zatekli jo v hipu, ko parala svetlo je tkanje. Zdaj je odejo natkala, na silo, četudi nerada. že pokazal je prt, končavši obsežno tkanino, ta je, oprana, svetila kot sonce se ali kot luna (...) (24.129-48). (Citirano po (Homer, Odiseia, prevedel Anton Sovre, 1966) Tudi v ruskem uroku proti krvavitvi najdemo izraženo predstavo o tem, da je proces umiranja enak odvijanju niti življenja z vretena telesa. Tok krvi, ki prihaja iz rane, je enak tej niti, meni Kilbourne Matossianova: Na morju, na oceanu, na otoku Bujanu, na majhnem belem kamnu sedi lepo dekle, ki ponovno navija svilo na krivo vreteno. Vreteno, vrti se, nit, pretrgaj se, in ti, kri, pojdi stran!« (Kilbourne Matossian 1924: 333). 164 Mirjam Mencej Zato ni čudno, kot poudarja Cottica, da v pogrebni umetnosti ne najdemo več prikaza procesa predenja, ampak samo še predilskega orodja - orodje brez procesa namreč simbolizira konec biološkega procesa (2004: 202-3). Ker po tradicijskih verovanjih novo življenje prihaja iz smrti, kar lahko razumemo kot večno izmenjavanje duš med tem in onim svetom (prim. Vaz da Silva 2008a), pa lahko obenem predvidevamo, da se torej spre-dena nit ob smrti odvije in ponovno razprede v grobo prejo, surov, neobdelan material, iz katerega se ob vsakem ponovnem rojstvu ponovno začne spredati in ovijati nit. S tem bi bilo mogoče razložiti motiv kače, ležeče na volni ob korenini drevesa, v beloruskih zagovorih: Na ravnem polju, na sinjem morju stoji hrast širokolist. Pod tem so hrastom stare ovce, ovce iz prejšnjega leta, črna volna. Na tej volni leži kača kačasta15 (E. R. Romanov, Belloru-skij sbornik 5, 1894, 108, št. 280; navedeno po Katičic 2008: 154). Na ravnem je polju jablana, pod to jablano je gnezdo iz runa črnega ovna; v tem gnezdu pa je kača.16 (E. R. Romanov, Belloruskij sbornik 5, 1894, 181, št. 93; navedeno po Katičic 2008: 154) Kačo bi morali po mnenju sodobnih raziskovalcev, ki skušajo rekonstruirati slovansko mitologijo, v kontekstu slovanske mitologije razumeti kot emanacijo praslovanskega boga onstranstva, Velesa/Volosa. Bog onstranstva leži torej na preji, nespredeni volni ob vznožju drevesa (tj. na onem svetu), ki predstavlja axis mundi (podoben zagovor najdemo tudi v hetitskem obrednem tekstu o plodnostnem bogu Telpinušu) (Katičic 2008: 154; prim. tudi Toporov 2002: 40-1). Med besedama je tudi etimološka zveza: ruska beseda volosen', ki je v tesni zvezi z Velesom/Volosom, pomeni (med drugim) dolgo ovčjo volno, volneno prejo (prim. Toporov 2002: 41). Šege ob smrti Predstava, ki povezuje nespredeno volno z bivanjem na drugem svetu, lahko nadalje pojasni tudi široko razširjeno šego polaganja preje, nepredene volne, neobdelane tkanine (čeprav ljudje prilagajo, resnici na ljubo, tudi obdelane kose tkanine ali oblačila) na grobove - simbolno torej tega, v kar se duše umrlih vračajo in spreminjajo. »Tkanino za dušo« lahko predstavljajo kosi neobdelane tkanine in nepredene volne, pa tudi robčki, prti, ser-viete, oblačila, perilo. Pravijo, da se duša v njih »skrije«, da tam »počiva«, da je tam »zaščitena«, da tam »spi«, si »naredi gnezdo«, kajti duša je »tako lahka kot lan«. Na območju nekdanje Jugoslavije obesijo kos mrtvaškega prta na tram pod stropom, da bi tako zagotovili dom duši, na križe na grobu obesijo trakove za dekleta (in kravate za fante), robčke, prtičke, pasove, rute, brisače pa tudi preslico (z namotano kodeljo ali volno ali pa brez nje) ali vreteno. Vsi ti predmeti so namenjeni le mrtvim in se jih nihče ne dotika. Pogostnost, s katero ljudje zagotavljajo, da so ti predmeti nujni, je presenetljiva, poudarja Stahl. Klobčiči volne na križih in smrekah krasijo tudi grobove na južnem območju okrožja Hunedoara, Bolgari pa mečejo klobčiče na mesta, kjer je kdo umrl (Stahl 1987: 218; Dordevic 2002: 15 U čistym poli, na sinim mori stoic dub šyrokolist. Pod tym dubom vovcy stary, perajary, čornaja vovna. Na tej vovni ljažic zmeja zmjainaja. 16 Na čistompolijablon,pod toj jabloneju s čornogo barana runagnjazdo; a u tomgnjazdze zmeja. 165 Simbolika niti in predenja v evropski folklori 425; Dakovic 1983). Šefik Bešlagic omenja palico z namotano volno za predenje (verjetno preprosta oblika preslice) tudi kot motiv na stečku (nagrobnem kamnu) iz Ljubinja (vzhodna Hercegovina), Marko Vego pa motiv kodelje ob liku križa za Bekijo (območje Gruda in Posušja v zahodni Hercegovini) (Dakovic 1983). S predstavo, da se ob smrt začne odvijanje niti z vretena človekovega telesa, bi lahko razložili tudi simboliko odvijanja klobčičev oziroma niti v pogrebnih ritualih in njihovo polaganje na mesto smrti: na severu Moldavi-je (okrožje Dorohoi) so na začetku stoletja nosili krsto na pokopališče tako, da so hodili po zvitku bele tkanine, ki so ga odvijali od hiše do pokopališča (Stahl 1987: 218). Sklep Ker je predstava o niti in predenju prav zaradi njune simbolike vezi med svetovoma tesno povezana s prihodom otrok, duš, ki prihajajo z onstranstva, na ta svet, tako kot tudi s smrtjo oz. njihovim odhodom nazaj na drugi svet, ne preseneča, da imajo bajna bitja, ki so povezana s predenjem, nitjo ipd., največkrat plodnostne in/ali htonske karakteristike, ki so v mitoloških predstavah zaradi vloge Ženske kot generatorke življenja in smrti pogosto prepletene. Tako je po mnenju Kriničnaje v ruski mari mogoče prepoznati znake boginje smrti; tudi osnovo vere v kikimoro predstavlja kult mrtvih. V podobo rusalk naj bi se zlile predstave o nečistih pokojnikih. (Kriničnaja 1995: 5-6) Tudi Baba Jaga je povezana s svetom mrtvih, zlasti s kostmi mrtvih. Po mnenju nekaterih predstavlja temni aspekt Boginje Življenja in Smrti (Kilbourne Matossian 1924: 332), drugi jo imajo za htonično boginjo (Farrell 1993: 728). V Mojrah so se prepletli koncepti, kot so smrt, usoda, rojstvo in predenje: za Homerja je beseda moira abstrakten koncept usode, in Moira htonična boginja, ki prinaša smrt, ki je razumljena kot aspekt človekove usode (Cottica 2004: 185-6). Norne so v skandinavski mitologiji, ko smo videli spredaj, prav tako zadolžene tako za rojstvo kot za smrt. Podobno sojenice v srednji in vzhodni Evropi veljajo za bitja s htoničnimi značilnostmi plodnostnih boginj, ki predejo usodo (Petreska 2006: 225). Vesna Petreska meni, da je verovanje v narečnice prežitek potez plodnostne boginje s htoničnimi karakteristikami, ki je povezana s predenjem in zavezovanjem ter odvezovanjem niti življenja (2006: 230). Enake interpretacije veljajo za bitja, ki v Evropi nadzorujejo tabuje predenja (prim. Mencej 2010). Proces življenja lahko torej v luči te simbolike razumemo kot spredanje niti iz neobdelane preje ter navijanje, ki se začne ob rojstvu in traja do smrti, dokler ni vreteno človekovega telesa polno in se predenje konča. Tedaj se prične obraten proces: nit se začne odvijati in nato razpredati v nepredeno prejo. Razumljivo torej, da semantika glagola viti v slovanskih jezikih obsega oba pomena: ima tako konotacijo plodnosti, rasti, rojstva kot tudi smrti. Pomeni, ki jih ima ta glagol, so povezani s pozitivnim, z rastjo, zarodkom (začetkom), pomnoževanjem, razvojem, in na drugi strani z negativnim, nečisto silo in škodljivimi aspekti (Plotnikova 1996) - na eni strani torej s smrtjo in na drugi strani z življenjem. Predenje (vitje, navijanje, odvijanje) niti (in nit) je torej proces, ki povezuje rojstvo in smrt in označuje prehajanje med svetovoma živih in mrtvih, zaznamuje pa tudi vse, kar implicira stik med njima (bajna bitja, nečiste umrle). 166 Mirjam Mencej Literatura Afanasjev Aleksander Nikolajevič 2007: Ruske pravljice. Prevedla Lijana Dejak. Ljubljana: Mladinska knjiga. ATU=glej Uther Badalanova Geller Florentina 2004: The Spinning Mary: Towards the Iconology of the Annunciation. Cosmos 20, 211-60. Bek - Pedersen Karen 2007: Are the spinning Nornir just a Yarn? Viking and Medieval Scandinavia 3, 1-10. Bek - Pedersen Karen 2007a Nornir in Old Norse Mythology, PhD Dissertation, The University of Edinburgh. (tipkopis). Bek - Pedersen Karen 2008: Weaving Swords and Rolling Heads. A Peculiar Space in Old Norse Tradition. V: Space and Time in Europe: East and West, Past and Present. Mirjam Mencej, ur. Ljubljana: Oddelek za etnologijo in kulturno antropologijo, 167-80. 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Wright Craig 2001: The Maze and the Warrior. Symbols in Architecture, Theology, and Music. London: Harvard University Press. Zecevic Slobodan 1982: Kult mrtvih kod Srba. Beograd: Vuk Karadic, Etnografski muzej. The Symbolism of Spinning and Yarn in the European Tradition Mirjam Mencej The author attempts to throw light upon the symbolism of spinning and yarn, both of which are closely connected in European folklore about various mythical beings, including the impure dead. These beliefs all contain an implicit notion that yarn represents the connection between the world of the living and that of the dead. The same concept is indicated in the Indo-European notion about a bridge, often depicted as yarn, leading to the world beyond. Leading from the world of the living to the world of the dead, yarn or thread may also be directed in the opposite direction. It is believed that children, who according to traditional beliefs come to our world from the world beyond, emerge here by way of thread. Frequent are also allegorical notions about the "mother as the distaff" and the "child as yarn on the spindle" from which probably arose the metaphorical notion about the duration of a person's life corresponding to "spun yarn." The act of spinning, performed by the goddesses of spinning, thus possesses magical powers: the spinners spin a newborn's tissue. This skill can be misused in magic, for instance in the practices of techniques of 'turning human'. An awareness of the connection between spinning / yarn and fertility / techniques of 'turning human' / traversing from the afterworld to our world helps one to understand the sexual connotation of spinning (and of several other activities connected with textiles, for example flax dressing). The end of spinning announces death, and death denotes the process of unwinding the yarn of life from the spindle of the body, or the spine. Furthermore, the concept which links unspun wool with life in the afterworld can also explain the widespread custom of placing yarn, unspun wool, or raw textiles on graves. Consequently, this symbolism provides a better understanding of the process of life that is like spinning thread from raw yarn; beginning at birth, this process continues until death when the spindle of the human body is full, and spinning consequently terminated. This also signifies the beginning of an opposite process when the thread once again starts to unwind, loosen, and disintegrate into unspun yarn. 170 From Tradition to Contemporary Belief Tales: The "Changing Life" of Some Slovenian Supernatural Beings from the Annual Cycle Monika Kropej The article addresses the oral tradition and tales about certain Slovenian supernatural beings that accompany the annual cycle and its turning points: midsummer and midwinter solstice as well as spring and autumn changing shifts. Discussed are the changing images of these folk belief narratives resulting from continuously changing cultural and social contexts, while supernatural figures or spirits acquire a demythicised image in contemporary belief tales and urban legends. Slovenian folk belief legends feature over one hundred and fifty different supernatural beings, among them the supernatural beings of nature, restless souls, demons and ghosts, mythical animals and cosmological beings. The supernatural beings here presented accompany the yearly turning points: the summer and the winter solstices, the spring equinox, and the conclusion of the autumn. Containing a wide variety of motifs, folk belief legends about these supernatural beings have undergone continuous changes due to the different cultural and social contexts. Kresnik and the Summer Apparitions The summer solstice is connected with a number of customs and beliefs that are similar throughout Europe. In Slovenia, a characteristic supernatural being that makes an appearance during this period is Kresnik (Krsnik, Krstnik, Sentjanzevec). Kresnik's attributes are the sun and the fire (in Slovene, kresati denotes to kindle fire by striking). Judging by these attributes and narrative tradition, Russian philologist Nikolai Mikhailov established Kresnik's similarity with the principal Slavic God Perun, the Thunder God and the conqueror of Veles. Mikhailov linked Kresnik with fire, lightning, and with golden color, thus with atmospheric phenomena (Mikhailov 1998, 117-235). Like Perun, Kresnik had defeated the dragon, or Veles, God of the Underworld and of earthly riches. The structure of the tales about Kresnik can be classified into eight principal episodes: 1. Kresnik was born and lived in the castle (on the glass mountain, in the ninth kingdom, in Bear's castle). His mother carried him for nine years, and the child had to be baptized ten or nine times. He was recognized as a kresnik by his horse hooves or other marks on his body. (Pajek 1882, 579-580; Slekovec 1895, 24-25; Saselj 1906, 215-216). 2. Kresnik rode with his brother Trot in the golden carriage through the sky, and was attacked by the Snake, whom he conquered in single combat. 3. Kresnik owned many cows and other riches. One day, a dragon stole his wealth and locked it in a crag. Kresnik found his cattle with the help of his four-eyed dog or 171 From Tradition to Contemporary Belief Tales a magic plant that could open cliffs; then he conquered the dragon, and reclaimed his wealth. 4. Kresnik traveled at night and fought for the benefit of his country. People said that when there was lightning in autumn, the Kresniki were fighting each other. Therefore people tied the wheat sheafs with thick bindings, so that Kresnik when he seized a sheaf and beat with it, in the end still had something in his hands. If he gained the victory the country was rich. 5. Kresnik was greatly tempted to acquire the Snake Queen's beautiful crown. The crown would bring plenty of money to the person who owned it. Kresnik gets hold of some strong horses and makes the corridor from his to the snake's castle. He plays cards with the Snake Queen for her crown. When the Queen notices the theft of her crown she raises such a hue and cry that a multitude of gigantic snakes rush from everywhere. Kresnik escapes with the help of his horses through the corridor to his castle. (Mulec 1858, 253-254). 6. Kresnik fell in love with the beautiful daughter of the Snake Queen. Since he could not otherwise enter the Queen's palace, he turned into a dwarf. As he reached the courtyard everybody started to laugh and mock him. At night he turned into a handsome prince and took the princess with him. 7. Consequently the Snake King dispatched a dragon to Kresnik's castle. In the castle a beautiful princess named Vesina was living. The dragon spent six months watching over her. On St. George's Day the handsome count Kresnik, appeared with a bright sword and positioned himself over the snake. After he had conquered the snake, golden wheat started to fall onto the ground. Kresnik took Vesina for his wife, and his country was wealthy. 8. Kresnik's wife noticed one day that Kresnik was away during the night. When she finally saw him on the roof, she called him by his name, and Kresnik fell down and killed himself. (Pajek 1882, 581). The well-known legend describing Kresnik's adventures is the legend of the Kresnik of Vurberg castle. Documented as early as in the 1840s, it was first published in its entirety by Matej Slekovec in 1895. This legend contains most of the cited episodes, except the second and the third episode. The second episode is depicted in another tale collected in 1858 in Styria: Kresnik had a brother named Trot. One day the brothers were flying in a golden carriage to a feast given by the Babylonian Snake Queen. During the ride it started to thunder fiercely. Although the Snake Queen had always fawned over Kresnik, in reality she couldn't stand him. So she dispatched a snake that had mighty wings like an eagle. The snake appeared from the fog, attacked Kresnik, and tried to slaughter him. But Trot cut its head off with a golden axe. As the snake flickered its tail into the clouds the clouds produced an immense downpour of rain, almost drowning Kresnik and Trot. But the swift hooves of Kresnik's horses, fast as lightning, managed to save their master from the flood. (Pohorski 1858, 347). The image of Kresnik or Peun driving through the sky in a golden carriage has connected Perun in the time of Christianisation with St. Elias. The third episode is described by the same author: 172 Monika Kropej People from Pohorje say that Kresnik owned many cows and was breastfeeding them. Their milk was so fragrant that the white snake repeatedly hid in the stable and sucked it from their udders. Kresnik was grazing his cows by himself, usually in the mountains. When he once fell asleep a brigand stole all his cows. Try as he might, Kresnik could not find them. But he owned a four-eyed dog, whom he dispatched to look for the cows around the mountain range. The dog quickly smelled the cows hidden in the cave of a mighty mountain. He ran home to Kresnik, who was sitting in a large castle, and told his master that he had found the cows. Flying as a bird, Kresnik soared across the mountains and knocked on the door. But the giant, who was half human and half dragon, did not release the cows until Kresnik slaughtered him with a bolt of lightning. (Pohorski 1858, 374). The rescuing of the princess and killing the large snake is the key episode in the cycle of Kresnik's legends and at the same time this is also the principal Slavic myth, reconstructed by V. V. Ivanov and V. N. Toporov (1974). One of the legends about Kresnik killing the snake and rescuing the princess was recorded in Styria in 1870: I...I A snake was crossing the river Drava. It was so large that it stemmed the river's flow as it was creeping across. Folks say that the Drava overflooded the entire Ptujsko Field and ran among hills planted with vines; one can still see the dry, winding riverbed. The snake crawled toward a mighty castle where its enormous body, its tail in its mouth, coiled around it. In this castle was imprisoned a beautiful princess by the name of Vesina. For six months Vesina had been kept imprisoned in the castle by the snake. Then, on St. George's Day, the handsome Count Krsnik came along. He positioned himself over the snake, but since it had wings it lifted into the air. But Krsnik, who was also a sorcerer, grew wings. A fierce battle took place in the air. Krsnik defeated the snake, threw it into the deep castle well and chained it to a rock with a strong chain; it has been lying there to this day. After the fight golden wheat started to fall from the sky. Krsnik took Vesina for his wife and they lived happily. (Trstenjak 1970, 21). While this legend contains the elements of the principal myth of the Slavic cosmology; the third episode - about Kresnik the owner of many cows stolen by the dragon and locked in a crag - contains the elements of the ancient Indo-European stockbreeding and agricultural myth reconstructed by Bruce Lincoln. This myth presents the fight between the hero and the three-headed snake, because the sneak took away the hero's cattle. The hero, strengthened by the inebriating drink and sometimes with the help of the God of the war, defeats the monster and takes away the prey (Lincoln 1983, 103-124). Lincoln connected this myth with the socioeconomic circumstances of the cattle-breeding societies, where the greed for the cattle became the synonym for the conflicts. In the fifth episode, Kresnik has to fight with his adversary the False Kresnik or Vedomec for the benefit of his country. As already Leopold Kretzenbacher assumed, the Kresnik and his opposition the False Kresnik were supposedly two poles of one and the same figure (Kretzenbacher 1941, 21-22). According to the narrative tradition it seems that Kresnik had his double or his twin brother, who represented his opposite pole. Kresnik has gradually lost his mythical character. While he was initially in the function of a god, he later became Prince Kresnik, or a kind of wizard, fighting the false Kresnik to ensure good crops for his lands; he thus assumed the role of clan protector, shaman, or sorcerer, the "ecstatic Kresnik", as Zmago Smitek named him (Smitek 2004, 145). The 173 From Tradition to Contemporary Belief Tales lore about the so-called "ecstatic Kresnik" shares its roots with the Hungarian Taltos, Italian Benandant, Greek Kallikantzaros, South Slavic Mogut, etc. All of them have acquired the characteristics of sorcerers or shamans. The "ecstatic kresnik" differs from the "mythological Kresnik" in that he appears in the role of a "village shaman" fighting for the benefit of his local community. It was believed that the "kresniki" were born with a mark upon their body, either still wrapped in their placenta or with eyebrows grown together, with teeth, a small tail, extra fingers or toes, etc. Already J. W. Valvasor had written about the kresniki and their adventures, mentioning that the Vedavci fight the Sentjanzevci (Valvasor 1689, vol. XI, p. 282). It was also believed that these Kresniki fought disguised as animals, for instance as a red ox fighting a black one, as a bull battling with an ox (Pajek 1882, p. 578; Pajek 1884, 77), as a white and a black dog, or as a pig with horse hooves (Pajek 1884, 82). For their weapons they used horns (that are associated with lightning), axes, sheaves, and beanpole ends (which remain in the field after harvest) as in the tale from Primorska (the coastland): Slovenes living near Gorica believe that on St. John's Eve witches fight with Kresniki. They also believe that Kerstnik is the twelfth brother, which means that if a family has twelve sons begot by one father, the twelfth brother is a kerstnik. On Midsummer Day the kerstniki find themselves in grave danger. They are attacked by witches using beanpoles and stakes. Actually, they use what has been left of those beanpoles and stakes, which are the parts that break off and remain in the soil after beanpoles have been collected and taken home in the fall. So in order to prevent witches from seizing such weapons, farmers carefully pull out all such pieces. (Kociancic 1854, 157; Kropej, Dapit 2006, no. 13, p. 26). Kresnik can be helped by his servant, or by people watching the fight: The Kresnik of Vurberg once said: "A terrible storm and downpour with wind shall come to pass today. Two wild boars shall try to kill each other in the field. One of them will be slender and scrawny, the other fat. You are not to help the fat one since he is already stronger." And this came to pass, just as Kresnik had said. People saw the two boars fight and chop at one another. A farmer in a field thrice struck the thin one with a switch, and right away the fat one started to win the fight. When the scales were tipped to the disadvantage of the slim boar another farmer jumped near, thrusting a pitchfork from behind in the portly boar's testicles. Immediately an abundance of wheat started to rain on the field, and the farmers had ample quantities of it. The slender boar turned out to be the Kresnik of Vurberg. Later on, he showed the first farmer his back marked by the three strikes of the switch, saying sulkily: "See how strongly you have hit me?" (Pajek 1882, 581). At night, the Kresniki were believed to meet at crossroads, under trees, particularly walnut trees, like in the recently recorded legend from Slavia Veneta: Balavantarji were such people who, when it was that time of night, assembled together. They themselves had no idea where they were going. They just went to a crossroads. None of them later knew that they had met, neither the first one nor the second nor the third... There were so many. For it is said that on the way to St Martin there are four paths that make a real crossroads. Once they started to fight there. One of them had a wooden leg. It happened that they could not find his leg so they made him one from an elder tree. (Recorded by: Roberto Dapit, 1996, published: Kropej, Dapit 2008, no. 12, p. 22). 174 Monika Kropej Descriptions of such fights suggest that Kresnik's soul left his body to travel through the world. These belief legends about the human soul in the form of an insect such as a hornet, that leaves human body during sleep and later returns, are known throughout Europe and also in a part of Asia. The earliest reference can be found in a book written at the end of the 8th century by the historian Paul the Deacon, Historia Langobardorum (vol. 3, chap. 34). The text refers to border areas between Slovenia and Italy (Šmitek 2003, 5), which is the territory where the lore about the so-called zduhači (people with escaping souls), for example the Vedomci, the Banandanti, and the Kresniki, had been preserved almost to the present. Souls in the shape of butterflies or mice are mentioned in inquisition records from 16th and 17th-century Europe. In Italian Slavia Veneta such records contain interesting data on the banandanti who were accused of witchcraft, stating that during sleep they were leaving their body and setting off to fight witches or wizards; there are also notes on the banandanti whose souls in the form of a mouse had climbed from the mouth of a person fast asleep. Carlo Ginzburg questioned a close connection between the "older" Kresnik, the ruler of the earthly world, and the "later" one, the protector of territory. Along with some other scholars, he found parallels in Italian, particularly Friulian, and Hungarian traditions about the benandanti only with the "ecstatic kresnik". According to Ginzburg this lore preserves the memory of ecstatic cults that are somehow connected with ancient Eurasian shamanism (Ginzburg 1989, 130-160). Maja Boškovic-Stulli has researched the lore on Kresnik in Croatia, which has been preserved particularly in Istria and Dalmatia. She has ascertained that the Croatian Kresnik has principally the role of protector. Believing that the kresniki were mainly adversaries of the štrigoni (sorcerers) Boškovic-Stulli drew a parallel between them and the South Slavic moguti or zduhači, beings whose soul at times escapes to roam other worlds (Boškovic-Stulli 1960, 292). In Istria people believe still today that while the person who is Kresnik is sleeping, his "consciousness", "his breath" or his "other body" - that is his metaphysical body that can't be seen - travels around. If his physical body is turned around, his metaphysical body can't return, and the person dies (Lipovec Čebron 2008, 133). They still tell tales about Kresniks fighting the sorcerers in the form of a black and a white dog, such as this: One day my uncle went with his donkey to a mill beneath Črnica. They were grinding grain until night fell. It was summer and there was little water. So when he was returning it was already late at night. As he was nearing Dvor the donkey started to strain its ears. When uncle reached his field he saw two dogs, one black and the other white, running toward him. He thought there were hunters with them; he thought it was already dawn. So he took a stone and hurried behind the white dog. The dog bared its white teeth, growled, and ran away. When uncle reached his home it was still night but it seemed to him that it was already morning. It was about two or three hours after midnight. People had no watches in those days, not like today when we constantly carry a watch. They say the white dog is a Kresnik; he would help and protect and defend you. The black dog is a sorcerer who, if it weren't for the white one, would slaughter you. (Recorded by Mojca Ravnik, recounted by Ernest Kmet, 1989, Kluni in Istria, Archives ISN ZRC SAZU). 175 From Tradition to Contemporary Belief Tales The Kresniki have become today firmly embedded in people's belief especially in Western Slovenia. Strongly convinced that they possess certain abilities, people in Istria even today believe that the kresnik (a certain person) assumes the role of witch doctor or village healer (Lipovec Čebron 2008, 132-136). Jarnik, the Wolf-shepherd and the Departed Souls In folk belief tales, the Volčji pastir (Wolf-shepherd), also called Šent (Devil), Šentjurij, Jurij s pušo (George with a gun), Jarnik or Volčko (Trstenjak 1859, 50; Kelemi-na 1930, no. 29), had the role of the Master of the Wolves and simultaneously the protector of cattle. It can be said that the Master of the Wolves is a counterpart of St. George: while the pasturing season commences on St. George's name day (April 23/24), the Master of the wolves announces its end on St. Martin's name day (November 11). In Slovenian folk heritage Wolf-shepherd is either a mythological chtonic being or a human transformed into the Wolf. His special characteristics are often foretold by the manner of his birth or by certain distinctions with which he is born. In folk belief tales the Wolf-shepherd may ride a wolf or a goat, he may appear as a horseman, or as an old man, often lame, with a limp, sometimes blind in one eye. He may even be half human and half wolf, or an eternal wanderer; some people depicted him as the devil. He usually appeared during the twelve - or the wolf - nights around Christmas which are called the kalikanderi in the Balkans. He may also appear during the time of wolf holidays called the martinci (around the name day of St. Martin on November 11), including November 1 (All Saints' Day) and 2 (All Souls' Day), when, as they say, the dead return to this world. People living on the southern slopes of Pohorje say that the Wolf-shepherd can do most harm on Christmas Eve. That evening he quietly limps to his homestead and chases away his servants. After forcing them to swim across the waters he transforms them into wolves. A similar tradition was described by Pajek who depicted Šent as a "mean ghost with an axe" (Pajek 1884, 226). In Styria, the leader of carolers is called Volčko; the name is obviously derived from the Slovene word volk, the wolf. Other saints may also appear in the role of the Wolf-shepherd. In her treatise on the Wolf-shepherd, Mirjam Mencej listed as many as twelve saints who may assume the function of the wolf master within the yearly cycle of pasturing. They are as follows: St. Martin (or St. Mrata, November 11); the autumnal St. George (November 26); St. Andrew (November 30); St. Nicholas (December 6); St. Danilo (December 17); St. Ignatius (December 20); St. Sava (January 14); St. Trifun (February 1-5); St. Ilija (July 20); St. Dimitrij (October 26); and St. Michael (September 9). In Bavaria, St. Wolfgang (October 31) (Mencej 2001: 125). According to Mencej, one of the principal functions of the Master of the wolves is to summon the wolves and to dismiss them, thus announcing the first and the last day of pasture, respectively. In this sense, the Master of the Wolves exchanges the winter with the summer (Mencej 2001, 185-196). The Wolf-shepherd is the successor of the mythical protector of herds, cattle, and sheep who could also cure sick animals. As is the case with the Wild Hunter, the Wolf Shepherd's chtonic character and lameness makes him similar to the Germanic Odin, the Norse Wodan, the Greek Hephaestus, the Celtic Dis Pater, and the Slavic Dažbog. Rather than perceiving him as the protector of cattle and pasture, Jiri Polivka, who has written an extensive treatise on the subject, links him primarily to a forest spirit such as Lisun, Polis- 176 Monika Kropej un, and Lesij, for example (Polivka 1927, 175). In his essay on the Wolf Shepherd, Veselin Cajkanovic focused on his original character and role, but did not study him within the broader context of Slavic shepherd rites and beliefs. Originally the lame, or the limping last wolf, the Master of the Wolves, suggests certain parallels with the South-Slavic god of cattle and the world beyond Dabog or lame Daba (Cajkanovic 1994, 118-122). Mencej established that in the Slavic heritage the Master of the wolves has the same characteristics as Veles/Volos, the pre-Slavic god of death and of the afterworld (Mencej 2001, 248). Radoslav Katicic has placed the act of closing, or the locking, of wolves' muzzles on St. George's Day in the very center of the pre-Slavic vegetation and fertility myth (Katicic 1987, 27-28). According to him Zeleni Jurij (Green George) was the son of Perun. He was born on New Year's Day, carolers (representing Veles) took him to Veles' world of the dead; in spring he once again returned to the world of the living. Building on the hypothesis that St. George replaced the Master of the wolves at the onset of Christianity, Mencej has pointed out the shepherd aspect of this fertility myth connected with the yearly cycle. She suggests that Jurij the shepherd and a victim of the Master of the Wolves, who is often depicted as a shepherd himself, are the same character, and that the son of Perun was truly taken to the world of Veles on the last day of outdoor pasture in the fall. Zeleni Jurij was a fertility deity combining both the vegetational and the shepherd aspects (Mencej 2001, 196-204). But the written sources prove that this Zeleni Jurij, who appears in late autumn is the opposite twin - Wolf-shepherd or Jarnik - of Zeleni Jurij who appears in spring time. It is undeniable that the period of late autumn is the time dedicated to departed ancestors. At the end of the yearly cycle people are reminded of the brief duration of their own lives. Although people have always remembered and honored their deceased throughout the year, they do so particularly on All Saints' Day (November 1), and on All Souls' Day (November 2), certain that on these days their deceased ancestors, family members and friends are closest to them. When a person died, their family opened all windows and doors to enable the soul to leave the house. It was believed that for forty days the departed souls visited familiar places and lingered on their own grave, which is why their relatives placed some food there. Since by far the most difficult task for the soul was to traverse water, some traditions - particularly those of the East Slavs - held that Saint Nicholas ferried departed souls to the world beyond. It is an interesting fact that in Croatian Velebit (in the vicinity of Split) people still attend the cemeteries for departed souls, the so-called mirilo (mera = measure). Each village had its own "soul cemetery". On their way to a regular cemetery, mourners would stop to make a symbolic grave for the soul of the deceased by taking his measure, afterwards proceeding to the cemetery to bury the body. On their way back they covered the taken measure with stones (Pleterski, Santek 2010). Even today people tell stories about supernatural beings connected with beliefs in ghosts, departed souls, death, and the afterlife. These notions often derive from animistic beliefs and also from fear of deceased relatives or returning souls. The restless beings representing the souls that return to the world of the living because of their sins, have been named the Merasi, the Dzilerji, the Brezglavci (acephalos - the headless), the Preklese 177 From Tradition to Contemporary Belief Tales or the Preglavice (the troubles), the Svečari or the Svečniki (the candles), like in this tale from Prekmurje: A man from Melinci was returning late at night from Beltinci where he had been to a cattle fair. He had sold a cow, so afterwards he had a few drinks in a pub. When he reached a bridge across the Doubel he was overtaken by a džiler. The džiler jumped on his shoulders and the man had to carry it all the way to the cemetery in Melinci. The apparition then crept down from his shoulders and retired to the mortuary. (Rešek 1995, 59). These cursed souls can also appear in human form or in the form of an animal such as a dog, a cat, a frog, or a moth circling a burning candle. In Slavia Veneta, people imagined a departed soul that finds no peace after death as a small roaming light or hovering fire (fuch voladi). If a reflection of a hovering fire fell on the laundry drying outside at night the person who would put on such a shirt would be afflicted with erysipelas or even with burning pain popularly referred to as the sickness of Saint Anthony's fire - fuch di San Antoni. (Mailly, ed. Matičetov 1989, p. 59, no. 8). All Saints' Day and All Souls' Day are today in Slovenia closely connected with Halloween (Santino 1983). Halloween is now sufficiently popular, and has been incorporated in contemporary legends and jokes such as this one: Do you know what kind of a holiday is Halloween? It's the same as Women's Day, only it's Witches' Night. Its punch line becomes clear once we know that Halloween is called Witches' Night in Slovenia. Folk belief traditions have been transformed - or better: traversed - from the visions of the divine to the apparitions of the ghosts, and finally to the jokes about witches. The Midwinter Deities, Mokoš, Pehtra Baba and the Wild Hunt A dazzling creature, "Perachtum" illuminated the world in winter and, on a certain night in the middle of winter, strengthened the warmth of the sun so that it could shine upon the earth once again. A supernatural being Pehtra (Pehta, Pehtra Baba) is a successor of Mokoš. The Slavs widely worshipped Mokoš, also called Mokoška, Matoha, or Ma-toga. Mokoš was together with Perun and Veles a female deity who played an important role in the principal Slavic myth. She was connected with water and spinning (Ivanov, Toporov 1983). She was also a Slavic deity of cyclical circulation and renewal, fertility, protector of female chores, particularly of spinning, weaving, and doing laundry. While the Old Church Slavonic root mok- denotes wet, damp, the root mot- denotes to coil, to spin; motok, for instance, denotes a spinning wheel. Mokoš was also the protector of trades, particularly of spinning, weaving, and music. The deity connected with Mokoš in Slavic traditions was also Zlata Baba (Golden Hag); later successors of Mokoš are beside her also Baba (the Hag) Pehtra Baba - a dazzling creature, St. Lucia who was supposed to bring light in the land and was a Christian attendant of Perht, and other Midwinter deities - the personifications of days of the week - like Torka (Thusday), Četrtka (Thursday), Petka (Friday, St. Parasceve, 14. Oct.), St. Nedelja (St. Sunday) and Kvatra (Quarter day woman), which also assumed some functions of the Perht. These personifications ensured 178 Monika Kropej that people respected and obeyed the restrictions of spinning and other prescriptions for these days (for more about this see: Kropej 2008, 182-186). According to popular belief Mokos or Mokoska was later connected with the Great Witch (Lamia). Davorin Trstenjak wrote down the story about Mokoska - Lama baba (Lamwaberl) - living in a castle in a marshy place that he had heard about from Rudolf Puff in Styria: Lamwaberl used to live in Grünau, a marshy place not far away from Sent Florjan Square, near the Loznica that often overflowed its banks. Archaeological artifacts confirm that in the olden times the place had been cultivated. A lonesome farming estate is situated there now, but once upon a time there stood the castle of Mokoska, a heathen princess who lived in it. The castle was surrounded by gardens that were always green. She occasionally helped people but sometimes also harmed them; she was especially wont to taking children with her. At long last, God punished her. On a stormy night the castle and all its gardens sank into the ground. But Mokoska was not doomed. She continued to appear, disguised in different female forms. She still carries off children, especially those who have been neglected by their parents. (Trstenjak 1855, 206). The heritage that has been preserved about Baba depicts her as a scary female figure who barred the road to anybody who was for the first time taking cattle to pasture, or was about to undertake a commercial trip, or went to school for the first time, etc. Anybody who chanced upon her had to donate something, for example a piece of bread, kiss her, and so on. According to tradition Pehtra Baba was, among other things, the leader of the Wild Hunt. People imagined it as a night-time procession of rushing and raging demons and departed souls during twelve nights around Christmas and New Year. The popular tradition of the Wild Hunt is based on the concept of the ghosts of the dead storming around at a certain time of the year. This tradition seems to derive from the belief, known already in antiquity, in which the leader of the souls of the dead was Cybele. In the Norse saga Snorra Edda the Wild Hunt, which takes place on battlefields of the fallen warriors, is led by the Valkyries who are bringing slain heroes to Valhalla, the kingdom of Odin. The tradition of Perhtra Baba or Perta was particularly popular in the region of the Alps, like in the tale from Bovec: A man refused to believe that the Perte existed. So on Epiphany he set out to await them. In order to see them pass he hid near the bridge across the Koritnica (by Bovec). But although he was hidden the perte knew where he was. As they were passing one of them hacked at his leg with a broad ax, laming him. A year later he waited for them again. The same perta said: "I've forgotten something here last year; I have to take it back." And he was well again. (P-ov 1884, 303-304). It was believed that if the Wild Hunt encountered a human it would tear him or her apart, or would fling an axe into them. A year later, at the same time and in the same place, the Hunt would remove the axe and relieve the victim from pain. If they heard the Wild Hunt, people were advised to swiftly throw themselves into the right-hand side wheel track on their path or to cross themselves, step aside, and remain motionless; this was the 179 From Tradition to Contemporary Belief Tales only way to avoid grave injuries that could be inflicted upon passersby by the Wild Hunt. Those who mimicked the howling of the Wild Hunt would be thrown a human shoulder or a leg, as if to say, "You hunted with us, so also feast with us!" or "Since you helped with the chasing you will also help with the gnawing!" In Carinthia people still today recount of hunters who chanced upon the Wild Hunt during their nocturnal hunts. In Resia, the tradition about the Wild Hunt is still known in the form of variants about fallen warriors rushing, either on horseback or on foot, by those who happen to be in that place at that moment. In Val Canale people tell stories about the Wild Hunt burning the clothes on the back of those unfortunates who happen to pass by, even if they swiftly throw themselves on the ground (Kropej, Dapit 2008, p. 36, no. 28). Pehtra or Perta has become a popular supernatural being in Upper Carniola and in the Western Alps. Peter Jakelj - Smerinjekov, a folk storyteller - who inspired the writer Josip Vandot - told stories about Pehta , Bedanec and Kosobrin in the late 1950s and 60s to Milko Maticetov. The recorded material is preserved in the Archives ISN ZRC SAZU. In this way Pehta from Kranjska gora has become a literary heroine in children's books written by Josip Vandot, and she remains to this day one of the principal local tourist attractions because the daughter of Smerinjekov, Marica Globocnik still tells stories about her to the visitors and tourists. Zeleni Jurij, Marjetica and the Spring Time All of these frightening activities of mid-winter supernatural beings awaken the spring that is heralded by Zeleni Jurij (Green George) on St. George's Day, he is known as Jack in the Green in England. East Slavs had named him also Jarylo. Zeleni Jurij is, like Kresnik, supposed to be Perun's son. It seems that they are two of Perun's incarnations or sons appearing in different yearly periods. The Russian philologists Ivanov and Toporov have found mainly on the tradition about Zeleni Jurij, traces of the principal myth of Perun and Veles, linking Jurij/Jarylo with Balto-Slavic Jarovit, a deity of fertility, who was initially worshipped on April 15 (Ivanov, Toporov 1974, 184). Both Radoslav Katicic (1987) and Vitomir Belaj (1998) share the opinion that Jurij/ Jarylo is the son of Perun and central to the pre-Slavic vegetation and fertility myth. Jurij was taken by envoys of Veles to the land of the dead from which he returned to the world of the living in spring. As a harbinger of spring, Zeleni Jurij is also connected with the circular flow of time and with renewal. According to Katicic's reconstruction of the myth of Zeleni Jurij, the mythic story recounts how young Jurij rides his horse from afar, from the land of eternal spring and the land of the dead - from Veles' land - across a bloodstained sea, through a mountain to a green field. In Nestor's Chronicle from the 12th century, the word *irbj, *vyrbjb - "Vyrej" - denotes a paradise beyond the waters, a place to which birds of heaven migrate in winter; the name Jurij, whose etymological origin is the word irej, links him with swampland. At the end of his journey, Jurij arrives at the door of Perun's court to marry Perun's daughter (his sister) Mara. Together with the sacrifice of the horse, the hieros gamos ensures vegetational growth and fertility (Katicic 1989). Some Slovene folk tales and songs also mention an incestuous relationship between a brother and a sister (Tvrdoglav and Marjetica, SLP I, no. 21; The girl saved from the dragon, no. 180 Monika Kropej 22/1-4), which is the sacred marriage already mentioned in the myth of Kresnik. The sacred marriage is therefore connected also with Zeleni Jurij. It can be gathered from the lore that Jarnik is the counterpart, or the twin brother, of Jurij. In some tales, Zeleni Jurij, or St. George, has the role of the Wolf Shepherd or the Master of the Wolves. People living in the vicinity of Karlovac used to tell that on St. George's Day all wolves gathered in one place, waiting for St. George, who then arrived riding a fiery billy goat. Around Karlovac people even believed that he appeared in the shape of a white wolf to allocate each wolf its own hunting ground (Kelemina 1930, no. 21/II). Jurij with a gun is also mentioned in a folk song that has been preserved in a manuscript written by Anton Martin Slomšek and published by Ivan Grafenauer in Slovenski etnograf (Grafenauer 1956, p. 197-202). The final, fifth verse goes like this: I...I Again a fearsome beast appeared, And there came Jurij with his gun. He shot the mosquito in the small hole: George got the mosquito; the mosquito got the lion, The lion got the wolf, the wolf got the fox, the fox got the rabbit, The rabbit got the cat, the cat got the mouse, and the mouse got the yellow wheat. When, oh when, you peasant poor, when will you get rich? (SNP I, no. 966). In this song, that has been classified as a children's song about animals, Jurij with a gun plays the role of a hunter hunting animals that in turn hunt one another. Anton Martin Slomšek added a handwritten note that this was one of the oldest songs in Carniola. As frequently happens in folk lore, a mythological character has been transplanted from an abandoned ritual, or from a ritual song, to children's folk lore. In Ledenice in Gailtal (Austrian Carinthia) folk custom was performed on St. George's day, that was described by Franz Koschier (1957, 862-880): After building a bonfire on a nearby hill local lads also dug a grave for St. George next to it. Wrapped in straw, St. George lay in the grave covered with green pine branches. After a prayer the lads tore down the hill, making a tremendous racket, with St. George in pursuit. Researchers believe that the custom exhibits characteristics of a buried and newly-awoken vegetation deity (Šmitek 2004, 132). However if we regard the folk custom and the narrative tradition about Zeleni Jurij as a common source, we can see that Zeleni Jurij is the young god - the son of Perun, and that Marjetica (Vesna or Deva) is the young goddess - the daughter of Mokoš, and that the three figures: Zeleni Jurij, the dragon and Deva form another triangular form, repeating the principal Slavic myth. Nowadays the customs and processions connected with Zeleni Jurij are being revived mostly by folklore groups that enact them, particularly in Bela Krajina where the customs of celebrating St. George's Day have been preserved longest. Conclusion The material analyzed for the purpose of this paper strongly indicates that the supernatural beings that accompany the yearly cycle are intertwined and related. For example, 181 From Tradition to Contemporary Belief Tales both Kresnik and Zeleni Jurij (Green George) appear in the same role of the dragon slayer in the principal Slavic myth. Both of them are the sons of Perun, the God of Heavens, and some sources even indicate that they might be the tenth, or the twelfth, brothers. Both are said to have their opposite counterpart, or a twin brother. The counterpart of Zeleni Jurij is Jarnik, or the Wolf-shepherd (the Master of the wolves), appearing in autumn from the world beyond, from across the waters, he unties the wolves and thus announces the arrival of winter. The counterpart of Kresnik is the false Kresnik, named Vedomec, whom Kresnik has to fight in order to ensure a good harvest in his land. This indicates the parallels with Indo-European stockbreeding myth (Lincoln, 1983, 103-124). The old Slavic deity Mokoš and her daughter, the young goddess Živa, whose name in Slovene folk lore is often Vesna or Marjetica (St Margaret) or Deva (Virgin), are Slavic parallels of the Indo-European old and young goddesses examined by Emily Lyle (2007, 67-68). Together with Perun and Veles, Mokoš has been classified as one of the principal Old Slavic deities (Ivanov, Toporov 1983). Therefore Mokoš was the predecessor and the mother of young deities such as Deva, which has been confirmed by toponyms (Šmitek 2006). It follows from the Slovene folk narrative and song tradition that the parents of both Kresnik and Zeleni Jurij were Perun and Mokoš; at the same time they were also the parents of Vesna and Marjetica, who were the sisters and simultaneously the brides, of Zeleni Jurij and of Kresnik. Slovene narrative tradition thus confirms the conclusion of August Wünsche that ancient cultures regarded the calendar year and its segments as related in kinship (Wünsche 1986). In Slovene narrative tradition the cosmogonic deities appear as married couples, brothers, sisters, and children. It also confirms the conclusion that this kin connection is based on kinship ties among gods who had created the year and its course. During the course of many years, people's attitude toward these myths has changed. Mythological stories gradually transformed into unrelated legends or belief tales, which in turn became increasingly fragmented. Their content changed more than the narrative genres themselves. Today, the supernatural beings from old cosmogonical narratives have acquired a mostly demythicised image. Stories that helped us preserve the memory of mythological characters that accompany the year and its cycle are usually classified as belief tales. Only a few of them could be classified as contemporary legends, and only certain newer elements can be found in jokes and humorous stories, according to the classification of the ethnopoetic genres (Jason 2000, 30-37). The changing images of these folk belief narratives result from continuously changing cultural and social contexts, whereby supernatural figures acquire a demythicised image in contemporary belief tales, narratives, and urban legends. This contemporary image may approximate spirits and witches, and it may acquire commercial and humorous features. But, surprisingly enough, these ancient supernatural beings are very much persistent in the Slovenian narrative tradition even today. At the same time they appear also in folkloristic events, contemporary customs as well as in literature and art. 182 Monika Kropej Bibliography and Abbreviations Belaj, V. (1998) Hod krozgodina. Mitska pozadina hrvatskih narodnih običaja i verovanja, Zagreb: Golden Marketing. Boškovic-Stulli, M. (1960) Kresnik-Krsnik, ein Wesen aus der kroatischen und sloveni-schen Volksüberlieferung, Fabula, vol. 3/3, p. 275-298. Čajkanovic, V. (1994) O vrhovnom bogu u staroj srpskoj religiji (1. edition 1941) Beograd: Srbska književna zadruga. Ginzburg, C. (1989) Storia notturna. Una decifrazione del sabba, Torino: Einaudi. ISN ZRC SAZU = Inštitut za slovensko narodopisje Znanstvenoraziskovalnega centra Slovenske akademije znanosti in umetnosti (Institute of Slovenian Ethnology at the Scientific Research Centre of the Slovenian Academy of Sciences and Arts. Ivanov, V. V. and Toporov, V. N. (1974) Issledovanija v oblasti slavjanskih drevnostej, Moskva: Nauka. Ivanov, V. V. and Toporov, V. N. (1983) K rekonstrukciji Mokoši kak ženskogo personaža v slavjanskoj versii osnovnogo mifa, Balto-slavjanskie issledovanija 1982, Moskva, p. 175-197. Jason, H. (2000) Motif, Type and Genre: A Manual for Compilation of Indices. A Bibliography of Indices and Indexing (FF Communications 273), Helsinki: Academia sci-entarum Fennica. Katičic, R. (1987) Hoditi-roditi. Spuren der Texte eines urslawischen Fruchtbarkeitsritus, Wiener Slavistisches Jahrbuch, vol. 33, p. 23-43. Katičic R. (1989) Weiteres zur Rekonstruktion der Texte eines urslawischen Fruchtbarkeitsritus, Wiener Slavistisches Jahrbuch, vol. 35, p. 57-98. 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(1870) Raziskovanja na polji staroslovanske mythologie: 2. Pripovedka o Vurmbergu, Letopis Matice slovenske, p. 21. Valjavec, M. (1866) Narodne stvari: priče, navade, stare vere. Slovenski glasnik, vol. 9/1-4, 6; p. 23-28; 67-70; 108-112; 146-151; 229-230. Valvasor, J. W. (1689) Die Ehre des Herzogthums Krain 1-4. Laibach-Nürnberg: J. Krajec Buchdruckerei. Wünsche, A. (1986) Das Rätsel vom Jahr und seinen Zeitabschnitten in der Weltliteratur. Zeitschrift für vergleichende Literaturgeschichte, N.F., vol. 9, p. 425-426. 184 Monika Kropej Od tradicije do sodobnih zgodb: spreminjajoče življenje nekaterih slovenskih bajeslovnih bitij letnega cikla Monika Kropej Članek se osredotoča na ljudsko pripovedno tradicijo in pravljice o slovenskih bajeslovnih bitjih, ki spremljajo letni cikel. Med drugim so obravnavani Kresniki (Benandan-ti) - branilci pred čarovnicami in demoni, ki so bili še posebej prisotni v času poletnega solsticija. V pozni jeseni, ob dnevu mrtvih (1. november) in na dan vseh svetih (2. november), so si ljudje živo pripovedovali zgodbe o duhovih in dušah pokojnih. Prav tako so v času volčjih praznikov, ki jih Južni Slovani imenujejo martinci (okoli godu sv. Martina, 11. novembra), verjeli, da pride z onega sveta Volčji pastir (gospodar volkov). Ob zimskem solsticiju naj bi imele moč sredozimke: Mokoš, Zlata baba, Pehtra baba (Pehta) in druga ženska boštva, ki so bila pogosto povezana s prejo in ženskimi opravili. Pomladi ljudsko izročilo opeva Zelenega Jurija (Jarylo), prinašalca rodovitnosti in sončne toplote. Raziskava je pokazala, da so "glavni junaki" med omenjenimi bajeslovnimi bitji med seboj povezani in celo v sorodstvenih odnosih. Tako slovensko mitopoetično izročilo potrjuje ugotovitve A. Wunscheja, da so božanstva in polbožanstva najstarejših mitov, ki so po eni strain ustvarjala svet, po drugi pa so tudi spremljala letni cikel in ciklično kroženje narave, med seboj sorodstveno povezana in nastopajo bodisi kot poročeni pari, bratje, sestre, otroci, kakor tudi med seboj nasprotujoči si dvojčki. Na ta način prevzemajo vloge bogov slovanskega glavnega mita, katerega protagonisti so Perun, Veles in Mokoš. Prav tako je raziskava tudi potrdila, da so te sorodstvene povezave osnovane na mitih o stvar-jenju sveta in o stvarjenju leta in njegovega cikla; kakor tudi na indoevropskem živinorej-sko-poljedeljskem mitu o kraji in ponovni osvoboditvi pridelka, ki ga je rekonstruiral B. Lincoln. Spreminjajoče podobe in oblike teh bajeslovnih bitij in verskih predstav, povezanih z njimi, so se prilagajale družbenim, gospodarskim in kulturnim spremembam v svetu. Tako se je spomin nanje ohranil do današnjih dni, preživel pokristjanjenje in druge ideološke spremembe. V teku tega procesa je bilo izročilo demitizirano in je sčasoma postalo sestavni del sodobnega pripovedništva, verovanj, urbanih legend in šal, kakor tudi predmet poustvarjanja in umetniški navdih. 185 Od staroslovanskega Svarožiča/Radogosta do slovenskega Kresnika Zmago Šmitek Posvečeno Nikolaju Mikhailovu The mythological figure of the god Svarožič/Radogost is known from relatively recent sources dating from the period from the eleventh to fourteenth century. These sources suggest that eastern and western Slavs venerated him as the deity of fire, Sun and war, and ethnological and linguistic data point to his presence in the territory of southern Slavs as well. Since the name and the function of Svarožič/Radogost is so widespread, a more detailed explanation is needed, based both on the etymological research of François Cornillot and an analysis of Slovene folk songs about a young prince joining his worshippers during midsummer festivities. The Slovene oral tradition of the royal hero Kresnik can also be included within this conceptual framework Iz ruskega verskega besedila Slovo njekogo hristoljubca iz 14. stoletja nam je znano, da so stari Rusi molili k ognju, ki so ga imenovali Svarožič. V slovanskem prevodu Mala-lasove kronike (12. stoletje) je bil primerjan s starogrškim Hefajstom. Kot sin Svaroga pa je med Rusi nosil tudi vzdevek sončni Dažbog (Ipatijevski rokopis, 12. stoletje). Svarožič je bil tudi glavno božanstvo polabskih in baltskih Slovanov. Med njimi omenja kult Svaro-žiča sveti Bruno v pismu Henriku II. (leta 1008) z imenom Zuarasic, za njim pa Thietmar iz Merseburga v svoji Kroniki (Chronicon 6.23, pred letom 1018) kot toponim Zuarasici, ki je označeval svetišče boga Svarožiča. Sveti Bruno je v svojem zapisu postavil nasproti »hudiču Svarožiču« svetega vojščaka Mavricija kot vodjo krščanskih svetnikov, kar bi lahko pomenilo, da je Svarožič veljal v svojem slovanskem okolju za voditelja nebesne vojske. V svetišču v Retri naj bi mu žrtvovali glave premaganih nasprotnikov, nataknjene na kopja1. Po zgodovinskih pričevanjih je bil Svarožič med Slovani znan in čaščen tudi z imenom ali vzdevkom Radogost ali Radigost. Adam iz Bremna je med leti 1074 in 1076 zapisal teonim Redigast (Gesta Hammaburgensis ecclesiae pontificum 2.21). Helmold pa je v letih med 1164 in 1168 uporabil ime Radigast (Chronica Slavorum 1.21). Ime tega božanstva, povezanega z ognjem, pa ni bilo znano le Slovanom ob Odri in Labi, pač pa ga kot osebno ali krajevno ime odkrijemo tudi na obsežnem ozemlju od Poljske in Češke do Srbije in Rusije: V. V. Ivanov, V. N. Toporov, Svarog, Svarožič, v: Slovenska mitologija. Enciklopedijski rečnik, Svetlana M. Tolstoj in Ljubinko Radenkovic (ur.), Beograd 2001, str. 484-485; Aleksandar Loma, Svarog, Svarožič, v: Slovenska mitologija..., str. 485. 187 Od staroslovanskega Svarožiča/Radogosta do slovenskega Kresnika Radgost - poljsko osebno ime Radhost, Radohost - staročeško osebno ime Radogost - srbsko in hrvaško osebno ime, 13.-14. stoletje Radogost' - starorusko osebno ime z območja Novgoroda Radogošča - staroukrajinsko osebno ime Radhošt' - toponim na severnem Moravskem Radogošta, Radohostice ipd. - srbski in hrvaški toponimi Radogoša - toponim v Kosturskem (Bolgarija) Radogošč' - ruski hidronim v porečju Dnjepra v Orlovskem okrožju Radogošča - ruski hidronim na območju Pripjata2. Za našo razpravo je pomembno, da je bilo osebno ime Radogost znano tudi našim prednikom. To je bilo ime moža (zapisano kot Radagozt), ki je okoli leta 975 živel v Belan-ski dolini na Koroškem, v krajih ob reki Zilji, ki so bili šele v zadnjem stoletju ponemčeni. Arhivski viri iz tega časa poročajo, da je freisinški škof Abraham dobil od plemenitega klerika Ruodharja nekaj kmetij na Beli (Zgornja Bela/Obervellach), med imetniki le teh pa nastopa tudi Radogost 3. Ze Anton Tomaž Linhart je v 18. stoletju iz Radogostovega imena izvajal hidronim Radovna (pritok Save) in toponima Radovljica in Rodne, čeprav je iz prvih dveh imen mogoče sklepati samo na osnovo Rado- 4. V oronimu Ragodost v Bosni, v bližini hriba Perun pri Varešu, nastopa metateza, ki je verjetno tabuistično mo-tivirana5. V takšnih primerih bi že lahko dopuščali simbolični in sakralni pomen imena tudi pri južnih Slovanih. Na blejskem otoku naj bi po lokalnem ljudskem izročilu stalo nekakšno pogansko svetišče, tam pa so bili kasneje odkriti tudi staroslovanski grobovi. Morebiti je prav ljudski glas v drugi polovici 18. stoletja spodbudil Franca Antona Breckerfelda k zapisu o Rado-gostovem templju na blejskem otoku, do katerega naj bi čez jezero vodilo leseno mostišče. Podatek je povzel Anton Linhart v Poskusu zgodovine Kranjske6. Ker pa je bila Breckerfel-dova »formulacija enaka kot že prej pri Valvasorju za opis Radegastovega svetišča v Retri na Pomorjanskem, gre najverjetneje za samovoljno /.../ priredbo«7. Na Slovenskem se je ohranilo tudi nekaj krajevnih imen z osnovo -Svar. Takšni sta krajevni imeni Svarje in Svarošek ter vodno ime Svarina. Krajevno ime Sromlje (leta 1309 Swaromel) je prvotno označevalo prebivalce Svaromovega naselja8. Vas Verače pri Podčetrtku se je v arhivskih virih iz leta 1480 še imenovala Tbaraschitzberg, »Svarožičev hrib«. 2 Ljubov V. Kurkina, *ord(o)gostb/*rad(o)gostb etc., v: Etimologičeskj slovar' slavjanskih jazykov, Praslavjan-skij leksičeskij fond, Vyp. 32, Moskva: Nauka 2005, str. 147-148. Toponime iz imena Radogost omenja Franc Miklošič v delu Die Bildung der slavischen Personen- und Ortsnamen, Heidelberg 1927, str. 91 (ponatis razprave iz Denkschriften der Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philologisch-historischen Klasse, Wien 1860-74?). 3 Franc Kos, Gradivo za zgodovino Slovencev v srednjem veku, 2. knjiga, Ljubljana 1906, str. 348, št. 452. Primerjaj tudi: Fr(anc) Kos, Ob osebnih imenih pri starih Slovencih, Letopis Matice Slovenske 1886, str. 132, št. 208. 4 Anton Tomaž Linhart, Poskus zgodovine Kranjske in ostalih dežel južnih Slovanov Avstrije, 1-2, Ljubljana 1981, str. 260. 5 Aleksandar Loma, Radogost, v: Slovenska mitologija. Enciklopedijski rečnik, Svetlana M. Tolstoj in Ljubinko Radenkovic (ur.), Beograd 2001, str. 461. 6 Anton Tomaž Linhart, Poskus zgodovine Kranjske in ostalih dežel južnih Slovanov Avstrije 1-2, Ljubljana 1981, str. 260. 7 Andrej Pleterski, Strukture tridelne ideologije v prostoru pri Slovanih, Zgodovinski časopis 50 (1996), št. 2, str. 173. 8 Marko Snoj, Etimološki slovar slovenskih zemljepisnih imen, Ljubljana 2009, str. 392. 188 Zmago Šmitek Po poročilu Jakoba Kelemine je bil nek toponim severozahodno od Celja v srednjeveških listinah zapisan kot Zwarocz9. Ime Svarog pa nastopa v imenu zaselka in gradu Torek pri Senovem (leta 1309 Twaroch)10. Tudi ime demona v Istri, Švaržič, kaže na tradicijo Sva-rožiča med Južnimi Slovani. Pri Čehih, Slovakih in Ukrajincih pa je spomin na Svaroga ali Svarožiča ognjeni duh Rarog (Raroch, Raroh ipd.)11. A tudi tedaj, ko osebna in krajevna imena ne potrjujejo obstoja religioznega kulta Radogosta ali Svarožiča, vendarle kažejo na kulturno sorodnost in neko skupno tradicijo na obsežnih slovanskih območjih. Glede na teritorialno razširjenost bi pričakovali, da je ta tradicija dokaj stara. Vprašamo pa se lahko tudi, od kod izvira ta tradicija? Med strokovnjaki se je uveljavilo mnenje, da je izvir imena in teonima Radogost treba iskati v imenu slovanskega princa Ardagastosa, ki ga omenjata Teofanes (Kronografija 254.11) in Teofilakt iz Simokate (Zgodbe 6.7 in 6.9). Teofilakt je opisal vdor Slovanov do obzidja Bizanca leta 584 in kot vodjo enega od slovanskih oddelkov omenja Ardagasta12. Zasluga lingvista Fran^oisa Cornillota je ugotovitev, da se ime dinastije Ardagastos povezuje z imenom iransko-skitskega božanstva Ardagušt, ki je predstavljalo božanski ogenj13. Teonim slovanskega boga ognja Radogosta po Cornillotu izhaja iz naslednje etimološke linije: Arta wahišta > Ardagušt > Ardagast > Radogost. Arta je staroiranska paralela san-skrtskemu rta (božanski red, pravičnost, latinski ritus), iranski artawan pa je v istem smislu blaženi pravičnik v raju. Tako kot je staroindijska rta povezana z Agnijem, božanskim ognjem, se staroiranska arta povezuje z Atarjem. Pomembno je torej spoznanje, da ima slovanski Svarožič/Radogost korenine v jeziku in kulturi skitskih ljudstev, ki so naseljevala stepski pas ozemlja severno od Črnega morja. Tod je prišlo do stika s Slovani in do prenosa pomembnih sestavin religije in mitologije, kar je vidno tudi v slovanskih jezikih, v izrazih bog, ogenj/vatra, nebo, div, zli, kazen, kaja-ti, sram, ipd.14. Jasnejša nam postane Radogostova povezava z ognjem, svetlobo, pa tudi z institucijo vladarja in vojaško organizacijo. Očitno pa je tudi, da na baltski kult Svarožiča/ Radogosta niso v tolikšni meri vplivali germanski vzori, kot so razlagali starejši avtorji. Kultura Slovanov v času prvih germanskih kronistov v 11. stoletju ni mogla biti celovita in tudi dejansko ni bila več enotna. Kulturna delitev med vzhodnimi, zahodnimi in južnimi Slovani je bila tedaj že jasno razpoznavna. Iz teh časovnih in pokrajinskih okoliščin so izhajale tudi samosvoje poteze v religiji in mitologiji. Oleg N. Trubačev je dokazoval, da so se največje inovacije na tem področju dogajale predvsem v obdobjih slovanskega 9 Jakob Kelemina v recenziji J. Peisker, Tvarog, Jungfernsprung und Verwandtes, Etnolog 1 (1926-27), str. 167. 10 Pavle Blaznik, Historična topografija Slovenije, II., Slovenska Štajerska in jugoslovanski del Koroške do leta 1500, knj. 2, SAZU, Zgodovinski inštitut Milka Kosa, Maribor 1988, str. 428. 11 Loma, str. 485. 12 Franc Kos, Gradivo za zgodovino Slovencev v srednjem veku, 1. knjiga, Ljubljana 1902, str. 108, št. 90; primerjaj tudi str. 134, št. 108. 13 François Cornillot, Le feu et le prince des Slaves (Première partie): De Svarožič à Ardagastos, Slovo 15 (1994), str. 53-54. 14 Nekatera novejša dela o tej problematiki: Oleg N. Trubačev, Iz slavjano-iranskih leksičeskih otnošenij, Etimologija 1965, Moskva 1967, str. 3-81; Oleg N. Trubačev, Lingvističeskaja periferija drevnejšego slavjanstva: Indoarijcy v Severnom Pričernomorje, Voprosy jazykoznanija 1977, No. 6, str. 13-29; Josef Reczek, Nejstarsze stowiansko-iranskie stosunki jezykowe, Krakow 1985; Varja Cvetko Orešnik, K metodologiji preučevanja balto-slovansko-indoiranskih jezikovnih odnosov, Prvi del, Zbirka Linguistica et philologica, Znanstvenoraziskovalni center SAZU, Inštitut za slovenski jezik Frana Ramovša, Ljubljana 1998, str. 126-127; Aleksandar Loma, Skyti-sche Lehnwörter im Slavischen. Versuch ein Problemstellung, Studia etymologica Brunensia 1, I. Janyčkova and H. Karlikova (eds.), Praha 2000, str. 333-350. 189 Od staroslovanskega Svarožiča/Radogosta do slovenskega Kresnika srečevanja s krščanstvom in na stičnih točkah z njim. V 11. stoletju torej ni obstajal nek enoten slovanski panteon. Upoštevati je tudi treba, da so se v južnoslovanskem prostoru ohranile nekatere arhaične prvine, ki jih ne zasledimo pri vzhodnih in ne pri zahodnih Slovanih. Slovenskega Kresnika zato seveda ne moremo razglasiti za nekakšno preprosto kopijo polabskega Svarožiča/Radogosta. Kljub temu pa je zahodnoslovansko in baltsko primerjalno gradivo tako pomembno in zanimivo, da ga moramo nujno upoštevati, seveda z določeno mero pazljivosti15. Ob ugotovitvah, ki jih je predstavil Cornillot, pa tudi ob rezultatih raziskav južno-slovanske sakralne topografije in toponimije, bi kazalo revidirati stališče, da pri Slovanih »ne more biti govora o skupnih podedovanih religioznih predstavah, kakor jih poznamo ob koncu poganske dobe pri Rusih in Pomorjancih«16. Ko je pred desetletji o tem problemu pisal France Bezlaj, je sicer priznal, da je Rusom in Pomorjancem skupna paralela Svarog : Svarožič, vendar je to pojasnil tako kot pred njim že Jagic17, da »utegne biti ta skupna poteza šele plod kasnejših trgovskih stikov. Ko so Arabci v sedmem stoletju zaprli Sredozemsko morje za mednarodni promet, se je vsa evropska trgovina z vzhodom preusmerila na severno prometno pot preko Baltika, ruskih rek in Kaspiškega morja. Razvoj slovanskih mest kakor Arkone, Novgoroda in Kijeva, je prav tako kakor nemška hanze-atska mesta neposredni rezultat te nove prometne poti. Samo na te novo nastale kulturne centre se nanašajo sodobna poročila arabskih popotnikov in zahodnih misionarjev, za vse ostalo velikansko slovansko zaledje pa nimamo nobenih direktnih poročil«18. Sodobna znanost daje temu fenomenu drugačne poudarke, predvsem pa ugotavlja, da lahko upravičeno govorimo o splošnoslovanski podobi najvišje ravni bogov: »Ta v glavnem temelji na gradivu izročil, ki so se še v zgodovinskem času ohranile na dveh nasprotnih območjih Slavije - na skrajnem severozahodu in na skrajnem vzhodu/jugovzhodu (v Kijevu) in delno na severovzhodu (v Novgorodu), torej prav tam, kjer so se ob intenzivnejših interakcijah z drugimi kulturnimi izročili in jeziki posebej trdno ohranili arhaizmi in se - še več - pod 'tujim' pritiskom celo aktualizirali in okrepili svoje pozicije, četudi samo tako dolgo, dokler ravnotežje med 'svojim' in 'tujim' ni bilo porušeno«19. Poskusi rekonstrukcije stare religije Slovanov so v zadnjih desetletjih dobili spodbudo in teoretično oporo zlasti v raziskavah V. V. Ivanova in V. N. Toporova o žanrskih matricah praslovanskega slovstva in njihovih povezavah z ritualom. Pomembna spoznanja je prineslo tudi preučevanje umeščanja staroslovanskih kultnih lokacij v pokrajino. Obe metodi sta pomagali razkriti »arhetipsko strukturno mrežo lastnosti, ki se skozi tisočletja in prostor ni bistveno spreminjala«20. Če si podrobneje ogledamo prostorsko strukturo, ta po Andreju Pleterskem obsega trojico svetih krajev, ki sestavljajo trikotnik, v katerem sta »božanstvi nebesnega in zemeljskega /.../ izenačeni s poletnim in zimskim sončnim 15 V zvezi s tem glej: Nikolai Mikhailov, Balto-slovenica: Alcuni paralleli mitologici, Res Balticae 1996, str. 151178 (zlasti poglavje II., pruss. kresze - slov. kres, str. 164-166). 16 France Bezlaj, Nekaj besedi o slovenski mitologiji v zadnjih desetih letih, Slovenski etnograf 3-4 (1951), str. 343. 17 Vatroslav Jagic, Mythologische Skizzen, I. Svarog und Svarožič, Archiv für slavische Philologie 4 (1880), str. 412-427. 18 Bezlaj 1951, str. 343. 19 Vladimir N. Toporov, Predzgodovina književnosti pri Slovanih: Poskus rekonstrukcije, Zbirka Županičeva knjižnica št. 9, Ljubljana 2002, str. 68. 20 Andrej Pleterski, Mitska stvarnost koroških knežjih kamnov, Zgodovinski časopis 50 (1996), št. 4, str. 482. 190 Zmago Šmitek obratom, enakonočje pa je božanstvo, ki ju povezuje«21. Prvi dve božanstvi sta vladali nebesnemu in htonskemu svetu, tretje, ženskega spola, pa je pripadalo zemeljsko-vodnemu svetu. Srednji del pokrajine bi tako pripadal Perunu, jug ali vzhod Velesu in sever ali zahod boginji Mokoš22. Iz obsežnih Cornillotovih izvajanj izvemo, da so tudi v skitsko-iranskem prostoru imele ključno vlogo triade, ki so ponazarjale gibanje Sonca. V tem primeru je šlo za jutranje (vzhodno), opoldansko (južno) in popoldansko (zahodno) Sonce. Zahajajoče Sonce, Apam Napat, je vsakokrat potonilo v varstvo vode, ki jo je poosebljala boginja Anahita. Marsikaj torej kaže, da se naša zgodba začenja na ozemljih, ki so bila pod močnim vplivom iranske kulture. Prototip vladarja je bil v starem Iranu mitološki polbožanski junak Yima. Yima je bil kot prvi smrtnik tudi prvi posrednik med ljudmi in bogovi pri žr-tvenem ognju. Vladal je v svojem paradižu nekje na južni strani sveta, kamor so po smrti prišli izbrani pravičniki. Njegova indijska paralela je bil začetnik človeške rase, gospodar onstranstva in sodnik duš pokojnikov, Yama. Tudi on je prestoloval na jugu, zato so v vedski Indiji polagali umirajoče ljudi na zemljo z obrazi obrnjenimi v to nebesno smer. Povezan je bil z ognjem in je imel solarne karakteristike23. Po staroiranskem koledarju se je novo leto začelo 21. marca ob pomladanskem ekvi-nokciju. Prvi mesec je bil po tradiciji Aveste posvečen pravičnim pokojnikom fravašijem, zato se je imenovalfravašinam (pehlevijsko frawardin). Duše umrlih so dejansko častili že v dneh od 10. do 20. marca, ki so pomenili konec starega leta. Tedaj naj bi se duše vračale v človeško okolje obiskovat svojce24. Po Avesti naj bi se duše umrlih hranile s pomladanskim maslom. V zvezi s tem je navada vzhodnih Slovanov, da naredijo kolač iz masla, smetane in belega sira in kos tega peciva položijo na grob. To se dogaja na radunico, radonico ali radovnico, velikonočni torek (ponekod tudi na ponedeljek), ko naj bi duše prednikov gostovale na svojih domovih ali ko naj bi bil po krščanski razlagi čas Kristusovega vstajenja. Ime radunica ipd. izhaja iz besede rad (»srečen«) in radovati se25. V Avesti ima Yima vzdevek xšaeta ( »svetleč«, »bleščeč«, »žareč«), kar kaže na njegovo povezanost z ognjem. Izraz xšaeta nastopa le še pri omembah Sonca, t.j. sončnega ognja, in podvodnega ognja Apam Napat. Ogenj v vodi je bil utelesen kot nevihtni blisk, zahajajoče sonce nad morjem ipd. Opoldanski sončni ogenj je bil Atar, na južni strani neba, popoldanski ogenj Apam Napat pa je obvladoval zahodno nebesno stran. Blagoslov najvišjega boga v obliki svetlobe se je imenoval xvarsnah (hvarsnah). Tri vladarske kvalitete xvarnah, ki jih je imel Yima, odgovarjajo trem vrstam svetega ognja: tistega pri svečenikih (Atar) vojščakih (Apam Napat) in poljedelcih/živinorejcih (Mitra). Vzdevka Mitre sta bila Wispati (od tod tudi slovansko gospodb in gospodarb ) in Baga (bogb)26. Indoiranski mitološki junak *Wrtrahan, ubijalec kačjega htonskega demona, je imel v indijskem prostoru svojega dvojnika v vedskem bogu Indri. Med Skiti, na območju step 21 Ibid., str. 482. 22 Andrej Pleterski, Strukture tridelne ideologije v prostoru pri Slovanih, Zgodovinski časopis 50 (1996), št. 2, str. 181. 23 Primerjaj: Zmago Šmitek, Kusum P. Merh, Yama: the glorious lord of the other world (recenzija), Studia myth-ologica Slavica 8 (2005), str. 271-272. 24 Cornillot 1994, str. 84 25 Cornillot 1994,.str. 86-87; T.A. Agapkina, Radunica, v: Slavjanskie drevnosti, Tom 4, Rossijskaja akademija nauk, Institut slavjanovedenija, Moskva 2009, str. 389-391. 26 François Cornillot, Le feu et le prince des Slaves: De Svarožič au Borysthène, Slovo 16 (1995-96), str. 132, 134. 191 Od staroslovanskega Svarožiča/Radogosta do slovenskega Kresnika severno od Črnega morja, pa je bil to *Waragan, zmagovalec nad demonom Waro (v indijski obliki Valo ali Vrtro). V izvirni skitski obliki je bil morebitna inkarnacija samega Waragana beli konj, *Aspa-waragan27.Na ta mitološki lik se je pozneje toliko lažje navezal krščanski kult svetega Jurija, jahajočega na belem konju, ki se je iz Bizanca hitro širil v Rusijo. Pri baltskih Slovanih sta bila atributa Svarožiča konj bele barve in kopje, podobno kot v svetišču Sventovita v Arkoni. Bojevniško božanstvo skitskih plemen (primerljivo z Mitro) je bilo *Sparag ali *Sfa-rag, kar prav tako izhaja iz imena *Aspa-waragan. Od tod pa prihaja ime vladarske dinastije, ki se v grški transkribciji glasi Spargapeithes ali Spargapises28. Kraljevski antropo-nim Spargapeithes ali Spargapises bi lahko - po Cornillotu - prevedli kot »sinovi boga na zmagujočem konju«29. Ta oblika je v severnih skitskih narečjih prešla iz oblike *Sparag v *Sfarag. Slovanski odmev te besede je teonim Svarog, ki ga leta 1114 omenja Ruska kronika. Iz njegovega imena je bil izpeljan teonim Svarožič, »sin Svaroga«. Kult Svarožiča torej pri Slovanih ne more biti sorazmerno nov in izoliran pojav, saj ima osnove v starejši plasti slovanske kulture. Po mnenju Jakoba Kelemine je na Slovenskem bog Svarožič nastopal z vzdevkom Kresnik30. Tedaj, pred osmimi desetletji, se je njegova trditev brez prepričljivih argumentov zdela precej tvegana. Zato ji je svojčas oporekal tudi France Bezlaj31. Zdaj bi ob Cor-nillotovih izvajanjih in z upoštevanjem dublete Radogost lahko obnovili to hipotezo. V to smer nas vodijo tudi tipološke analogije med mitološkima likoma slovenskega Kresnika in iranskega Yime. Zapisali smo že, da cela vrsta teh analogij »kaže na tesno prepletenost Yimove podobe z ognjem in Soncem in morebiti pojasnjuje tudi tovrstne relacije pri Kresniku«32. Skitski teonim *Sparagapsša (»sin Sparaga/Sfaraga«) je bil tudi vzdevek podvodnega ognja. V mitologiji Osetincev, daljnih potomcev Skitov, še zdaj velja ogenj za sončevega sina33. Prav tako je pri njih znana prisega nad ognjiščem. Aleksandar Loma je s tem primerjal srbski božični obred polažajnika (polaženika), imenovanega Radovan, ki se dogaja na hišnem ognjišču34. Ime Radogost je po ljudski etimologiji pomenilo »radi gost« in je pomenilo tistega, ki rad sprejme svoje goste ali tistega, ki dobro skrbi za goste ipd. Primerjaj češko: radoho-stinstvi - gostoljubnost. Praznik mrtvih se pri vzhodnih Slovanih imenuje radunica. Vse to vsebuje pomen »radovati se«. Anton Tomaž Linhart je leta 1791, sledeč Karlu Gottlobu Antonu, imenoval Radogosta »bog veselja ali dobrodelni veseli tujec«35. Kres je bil za Slovence »ogenj tega veselja«; tako ga vsaj označuje Hipolit (Janez Adam Gaiger) v svojem rokopisnem slovarju Dictionarium trilingue (II. 63) iz leta 1711. Pomladanski ognji so bili tudi drugod v Evropi povezani s praznovanjem plodnosti in ljubezni; ponekod so se po bogu Jupitru imenovali »iovius«, »iovialis« (veseli, veseljaški). 27 François Cornillot, L'aube schytique du monde slave, Slovo 14 (1993?), str. 196- 199. 28 Cornillot 1993, str. 184. 29 Cornillot 1993, str. 201. 30 Jakob Kelemina, Bajke in pripovedke slovenskega ljudstva, Celje 1930, str. 8; enako tudi v Keleminovi recenziji J. Peisker, Tvarog, Jungfernsprung und Verwandtes, Etnolog 1 (1926-27), str. 166-169. 31 Bezlaj, str. 346. 32 Zmago Šmitek, Mitološko izročilo Slovencev: Svetinje preteklosti, Ljubljana 2004, str. 154. 33 Cornillot 1993, str. 206; citira V.I. Abaeva, Dohristianskaja religija Alan, Moskva 1960, str. 11. 34 Loma (Radogost), str. 461. 35 Anton Tomaž Linhart, Poskus zgodovine Kranjske in ostalih dežel južnih Slovanov Avstrije, 1-2, Ljubljana 1981, str. 260 192 Zmago Šmitek »Mladi kraljevič«, ki ga poznajo ljudske kresne pesmi na večjem delu slovenskega ozemlja, rad gostuje med kresovalci in še zlasti med kresovalkami36. Po zapisu Matija Va-ljavca z Dolenjske se zasliši petje deklet predaleč v drugo deželo, tje noter v svitlo izbico, u gorko belo posteljco, kjer kraljič mlad je sladko spal. Kraljevič je nato naročil hlapcu: osedlaj mi konjiča dva, sebi enga, meni enga, da tjekaj brž pojezdiva37. Podobno je gospodar ukazal služabniku tudi v pesmi iz okolice Begunj in ga še posvaril, naj ne jaha prehitro, da se ob topotu kopit dekleta ne bi ustrašila in ušla od ognja38. To sugerira, da je obred sestavljalo ne preglasno petje, verjetno brez glasbenih inštrumentov. Tudi v koroških ljudskih pesmih nastopa kraljevič kot gost (brez služab-nikovega spremstva) iz devete dežele, ki se pridruži kresovalkam. Ob odhodu si izbere eno od kresovalk, tisto z najlepšim glasom, in jo odpelje s sabo. Razlikuje se prekmurska varianta iz Trnja, po kateri »mladi kralj iz etoga grada visokega« naroči svojim slugam, naj mu pripeljejo pastirico, ki jo sliši igrati na gosli in drumlico39. Vendar v tem zadnjem primeru ni omenjeno kresovanje. Lahko bi sklepali, da je bil obred kresovanja dvodelen: najprej invokacija božanstva, kar je bilo poverjeno neporočenim dekletom, sledilo pa je skupno rajanje mladine. Po besedilu kresne pesmi iz Volčan na Tolminskem je »kraljič mlad« krščanski Jezus, ki zapleše v kolu praznujočih fantov in deklet okoli ognja. Zgodi se prepir in pretep (verjetno zaradi katere od kresovalk) in Jezus si hoče obvezati rane. Ruto za obvezo mu odreče bogata kresovalka, podari pa mu jo revna »uboga hči«. Slednja je za to nagrajena s tremi skrinjami rut 40. Krščanska poustvaritev poganskega motiva vsebuje moralni poduk: ples je pregrešno dejanje, ki si zasluži kazen. Krščanski vpliv je viden tudi v ljudski pesmi iz Ziljske doline, kjer mimo treh kresovalk potuje Marija, ki nosi v rokah malega Jezusa41. Zanimivo paralelo gostujočemu kresnemu kraljeviču imamo v liku slovenskega po-lažarja ali polažiča, ki ga poznajo tudi drugi Slovani z imenom polažajnik ipd. To je prvi obiskovalec, ki pride v hišo v prednovoletnem času (v pravoslavnem okolju od Mitrovda-na 26.10.-8.11. do praznika Treh kraljev 6.1.-19.1.). Imenujejo ga »božji gost« in velja za poslanca prednikov. Na vsako posestvo prinaša srečo, rodovitnost in bogastvo, kar je pod- 36 Na pomembnost podatkov o kresovanju je opozoril že Nikolaj Mikhailov (Fragment slovenskoj mifopoeti-českoj tradicii, v: Koncept dviženija v jazyke i kul'ture, Rossijskaja akademija nauk, Institut slavjanovedenija i balkanistiki, Moskva 1996, str. 141). 37 Slovenske ljudske pesmi, Prva knjiga: Pripovedne pesmi, (dalje SLP), Zmaga Kumer, Milko Matičetov, Boris Merhar, Valens Vodušek (ur.), Ljubljana 1970, str. 313 (št. 57/3). 38 SLP, str. 314 (št. 57/4). 39 SLP, str. 316-317 (št. 58/1-2). 40 Slovenske narodne pesmi, (dalje SNP), Karol Štrekelj (ur.), zv. 1, Ljubljana 1895-1898, str. 342 (št. 300). 41 SNP, zv. 3, Ljubljana 1904-1907, str. 203 (št. 5151). 193 Od staroslovanskega Svarožiča/Radogosta do slovenskega Kresnika krepljeno z različnimi obrednimi dejanji. Pomembno pa je, da se ti obredi vedno dogajajo okoli hišnega ognjišča42. V Pomurju je polažar fant, ki na Lucijin praznik (13. decembra) pride v hišo in nakrmi živino. Na Lucijino je bil po starem julijanskem koledarju najkrajši dan v letu. Šega se ponovi tudi na božično in novoletno jutro. Polažar z dvorišča prinese v hišo drva in jih razmeče po prostorih, vmes pa izreče voščilo za rodovitnost v naslednjem letu. Na Goričkem so otroci vrgli polena pod mizo in pod ognjišče, drugod v Pomurju so pred vrata postavili tudi drevesni štor. V Porabju je gospodinja s tako prinesenimi poleni na sveti post skuhala kosilo43. Drugod na Slovenskem so poznali polažarje, kolednike in podobne obredne obhodnike tudi ob drugih praznikih na prehodu iz starega v novo leto, npr. na dan vernih duš, ko se po stari veri vračajo na naš svet duše pokojnikov44. Vendar simbolika ognjišča in ognja ob teh priložnostih ni bila tako izrazita. Kadar je mestu Retri pretila nevarnost, je po Thietmarju (Chronicon 6.23) iz morja vstal njen zaščitnik (Svarožič) v podobi velikanskega vepra. V liku te živali bi lahko prepoznali sončno božanstvo, mogoča pa je tudi razlaga, da je veper Svarožičev nasprotnik, s katerim se spopade45. Obe varianti nastopata v slovenskem ljudskem izročilu o Kresni-ku, ki se v oblakih bori kot veper z nasprotnikom v isti živalski podobi. Po indoevropski tradiciji je simbol Sonca tudi konj, ki je obenem prenašalec duš na oni svet. Kresnik ima po nekaterih slovenskih pripovedih ob rojstvu na telesu sledi konjskih kopit. Poroka kraljeviča s kresovalko pa je motiv hierogamije, Sončeve svete poroke. Prav na Balkanu se ta motiv pogostokrat pojavlja v ljudskih pesmih kot ženitev personificiranega Sonca ali Meseca z dekletom46. Vse te mitološke fragmente je mogoče povezati z likoma Svarožiča in Radogosta, kot ju poznamo iz staroslovanske in skitsko-iranske tradicije. 42 V.V. Usačova, Polažajnik, v: Slovenska mitologija. Enciklopedijski rečnik, Svetlana M. Tolstoj in Ljubinko Ra-denkovic (ur.), Beograd 2001, str. 436-437. 43 Niko Kuret, Praznično leto Slovencev, Druga knjiga, Ljubljana 1989, str. 249-250. 44 Kuret, str. 129-130. 45 Toporov 2002, str. 61 46 Isti, str. 50. 194 Zmago Šmitek From the Ancient Slavic Svarozic/Radogost to the Slovene Kresnik Zmago Smitek Dedicated to Nikolai Mikhailov Historical sources tell us that Slavs knew and venerated Svarožič also by another name or nickname: Radogost or Radigost. The name of this deity, which was associated with fire, was not known only to Slavs along the Oder and Elbe rivers, but also occurs as a personal name or place name in the large territory extending from Poland and the Czech Republic to Serbia and Russia. The personal name Radogost was also known in Slovenia. That was the name (recorded as Radagozt) of a man who lived in the Moll Valley (Sln. Belanska dolina), in the area along the Gail (Sln. Zilja) River around 975 AD. According to archival sources from that time, Bishop Abraham of Freising received several farms in Bela (Germ. Obervellach/Sln. Zgornja Bela) from a noble clergyman called Ruodhar, and one of the occupants of these farms was called Radogost. In the eighteenth century Anton Tomaž Linhart sought the roots of the hydronym Radovna (a tributary of the Sava) and the toponyms Radovljica and Rodna in the name Radogost, although in the case of the first two names, only the root Rado- can be recognised. In Bosnia the oronym Ragodost near Perun Hill at Vareš features a metathesis that is probably ritualistic. In such cases it is possible to speculate about the symbolic and sacred significance of the name also among southern Slavs. In Slovenia, several place names with the root Svar- have been preserved. These include Svarje and Svarošek and the hydronym Svarina. The place name Sromlje (Swaromel in 1309) originally referred to the inhabitants of Svarom's settlement. In archival sources the village of Verače near Podčetrtek is called Tbaraschitzberg or "Svarožič Hill" as late as 1480. The name Svarog can also be discerned in the name of the hamlet and castle of Torek near Senovo (Twaroch in 1309). The name of the Istrian demon Švaržič also points to the tradition of Svarožič among southern Slavs. Among Czechs, Slovaks and Ukranians, the memory of Svarog or Svarožič is preserved in the fire spirit Rarog (Raroch, Raroh etc.). It is important to note that the Slavic Svarožič/Radogost originates in the language and culture of Scythian peoples that lived on the steppes north of the Black Sea. Experts maintain that the name and theonym Radogost originates from the name of the Slavic prince Ardagastos, who is mentioned by Theophanes and Theophylact Simocatta. Theo-phylact described the advancement of Slavs as far as the walls of Byzantium in 584 and he mentions Ardagast among the leaders of the Slavic troops. The linguist François Cornil-lot discovered that the name of the Ardagastos family is associated with the name of the Iranian/Scythian deity Ardagust that symbolised divine fire. According to Cornillot, the theonym of the Slavic god of fire Radagost is derived from the following etymological line: Arta wahishta >Ardagusht > Ardagast > Radogost. Arta is an ancient Iranian parallel to the Sanskrit rta (divine order, justice, Lat. ritus), whereas the Iranian artawan is a blessed righteous man in paradise. Just as the ancient Indian rta is associated with Agni, the divine fire, the ancient Iranian arta is associated with Atar. Consequently there is much evidence that our story begins in lands strongly influenced by Iranian culture. In Iran, the prototype of a ruler was the mythological semi- 195 Od staroslovanskega Svarožiča/Radogosta do slovenskega Kresnika divine hero Yima. As the first mortal he was also the intermediary between people and gods next to the sacrificial fire. He ruled in his paradise somewhere on the southern side of the world where chosen righteous people abided after death. Yima's Indian parallel was Yama, the originator of humanity, the lord of the Otherworld and the judge of dead souls. He also reigned in the south and therefore in Vedic India, where the dying were placed on the ground with faces in that direction. He was associated with fire and had solar characteristics. In the ancient Iranian calendar, the new year began on 21 March, during the spring equinox. In the Avestan tradition, the first month was dedicated to the righteous deceased or fravashi and was therefore called fravashinam (frawardin in Pehlevi). But the souls of the deceased were in fact venerated already from 10 to 20 March, at the end of the year. At that time souls were believed to return to the world of the living to visit their relatives. According to Avesta, the souls of the dead fed on spring butter. This is the origin of the custom of the eastern Slavs of making a cake of butter, cream and white cheese and placing a piece of this cake on graves. This takes place at radunica, radonica or radovnica, Easter Tuesday (in some places also on Monday), when the souls of the ancestors visit their homes or when according to Christian tradition Christ rose from the dead. The name radunica etc. originates from the words rad 'happy' and radovati se 'to rejoice'. The Indian counterpart of the Indo-Iranian mythological hero *Wrtrahan, the slayer of the chthonian snake-like demon was the Vedic god Indra. Among Scythians, on the steppes north of the Black Sea, this was *Waragan, the slayer of the demon Wara (the Indian Vala or Vrtra). In the original Scythian form, the incarnation of Waragan was possibly the white horse, *Aspa-waragan. This mythological figure later gave rise to the Christian cult of St George on a white horse, which spread quickly from Byzantium to Russia. Among Baltic Slavs, the attributes of Svarozic were a white horse and a lance, like those in the temple of Sventovit in Arkona. The warrior deity of the Scythian tribes (comparable with Mithras) was *Sparag or *Sfarag, which is also derived from the name *Aspa-waragan. This is the origin of the name of the ruling dynasty Spargapeithes or Spargapises in Greek transcription. According to Cornillot, the royal anthroponym Spargapeithes or Spargapises can be translated as "sons of the god on the victorious horse". This form was in northern Scythian dialects transformed into *Sfarag. A distant Slavic counterpart of the word is the theonym Svarog, which is mentioned in Russian Chronicle in 1114. This was the origin of the theonym Svarozic, meaning "the son of Svarog". Therefore the Slavic cult of Svarozic cannot be a relatively recent and isolated phenomenon, because it originates from an older stratum of Slavic culture. According to Jakob Kelemina, the god Svarozic appeared under the appelative Kresnik in Slovenia. Eight decades ago Kelemina's claim, which was without substantial proof, seemed very risky and was, among others, opposed by France Bezlaj. But in view of Cor-nillot's deductions and taking into account the synonym Radogost, his hypothesis can now be upheld. It is furthermore confirmed by typological analogies between the mythological figures of the Slovene Kresnik and Iranian Yima. As already noted, a whole range of these analogies "points to the close connection between Yima's image and the fire and Sun and therefore probably explains similar relations with regard to Kresnik". The Scythian theonym *Sparagapesha ("son of Sparag/Sfarag") was also a nickname for underwater fire. In the mythology of the Ossetians, who are distant relatives of the Scythians, fire is still re- 196 Zmago Šmitek garded the son of the Sun. Swearing oaths on the fireplace is also found there. Aleksandar Loma compared this with the Serbian Christmas ritual involving the first Christmas guest congratulator polažajnik or polaženik, called Radovan, which takes place next to the fireplace of the household. In folk etymology, the name Radogost can be divided into the words "radi gost" and means the one who is ready to welcome a guest or the one who takes good care of the guest. For example, the Czech word for hospitality is radohostinstvi. Among eastern Slavs the holiday of the dead is called radunica. All these words contain the expression radovati se 'to rejoice'. In 1791 Anton Tomaž Linhart followed Karl Gottlob Anton and called Radogost "the god of joy or the generous happy foreigner". Among Slovenes the midsummer bonfire represented "the fire of this joy"; as such it is described by Hippolytus (Janez Adam Gaiger) in his manuscript Dictionarium trilingue (II. 63) from 1711. Midsummer bonfires elsewhere in Europe were also associated with celebrations of fertility and love; in some places they were called iovius or iovialis 'rejoicing, merry' after the god Jupiter. "The young prince" from the midsummer folk songs in the majority of Slovene-populated territory loves to join midsummer revellers, particularly maiden. The ritual burning of midsummer bonfires probably consisted of two parts: first the deity was invoked, a task for unmarried maidens, and this was followed by the communal dancing of youth. According to a midsummer song from Volčane in Tolmin area, the "prince" is a young Christian Jesus who joins the round dance of the revelling boys and girls around the fire. A dispute and a fight break out (probably over one of the girls) and Jesus wants to bandage his wounds. A rich girl refuses to give him her scarf, but it is readily supplied by "a poor daughter" who is duly awarded with three chests full of scarves. The Christian replica of the pagan motif features a moral: dancing is sinful and must be punished. An interesting parallel to the prince who comes as a guest to the midsummer bonfire festivities is the Slovene polažar or polažič, known among other Slavic nations as polažajnik and similar. This is the first visitor in a household in the period before the New Year's. In eastern Slavs this figure is a "divine guest" and an emissary of the ancestors. He brings happiness, fertility and wealth to every estate, which is further emphasised with various ritual actions. It is important that these rituals always take place around the fireplace. In the Slovene region of Pomurje, polažar brings firewood from the courtyard into the house and throws it around in different rooms while pronouncing good wishes for fertility in the coming year. According to Thietmar of Merseburg (Chronicon 6.23) when the town of Retra was in danger, its protector (Svarožič) rose from the sea in the form of a giant boar. This animal could symbolise a sun deity, but it is also possible that the boar is the opponent that is fought by Svarožič. Both versions appear in the Slovene folk traditions about Kresnik, who fights in the clouds as a boar against an enemy in the same animal form. According to the Indo-European tradition another symbol of the Sun is the horse that also takes souls to the Otherworld. According to some Slovene tales, Kresnik had horse hoof marks on his body when he was born. The marriage of the prince with a female midsummer reveller is a hierogamy motif, symbolizing the sacred marriage of the Sun. In the Balkans this motif is often featured in folk songs as a marriage between the personification of the Sun or the Moon and a girl. All these mythological fragments can be connected with the figures of Svarožič and Radogost from the ancient Slavic and Scythian/Iranian tradition. 197 Nekoliko misli o mogučem podrijetlu naziva Vlah Marko Pijovic Even though the question of the origin of the term „Vlach" has usually been linked with the foreign influences on Slavic languages, the author, mostly relying on the observations of linguists, and Slavic (as well as Indo-European) lexical and mythological data, suggests a different explanation of the etymology of the mentioned term. He rejects the majority of the existing interpretations, which are considered generally accepted by Croatian historiography, and attempts to find the possible anwers in the cultural and linguistic heritage of the Slavic peoples. Mogucom etimologijom pojma Vlah povjesničari su se, bar što se hrvatske historio-grafije tiče, najčešce bavili usputno, zadovoljavajuci se uglavnom ranije znanim zamislima i tumačenjima, koja su poznata povijesnoj znanosti vec desetljecima, pa i dulje. Na istom su pak planu lingvisti i filolozi, te uopce slavisti, uspjeli doci do nešto zanimljivijih i po-tpunijih tumačenja, no nažalost, čini se da hrvatska historiografija nije u nekoj značajnijoj mjeri njihovome doprinosu posvecivala pažnju. Buduci da je tako, u ovome cu kratkom radu pokušati iznijeti neka opažanja o mo-gucem podrijetlu termina Vlah koja se razlikuju od shvacanja velikog dijela autora koji se bave tzv. „vlaškom tematikom", a pri tome cu se dijelom oslanjati i na interpretacije pojedinih znanstvenika koji su u svojim istraživanjima jezičnih i mitskih ostataka (staro) slavenskoga svijeta došli do izvjesnih zaključaka za koje mislim da mogu biti od koristi pri razmatranju fenomena koji je ovdje u središtu pažnje. Uobičajena tumačenja podrijetla pojma Vlah Za početak valja navesti neka shvacanja o podrijetlu ovoga pojma koja se u literaturi često susrecu, odnosno koja se uzimaju kao najizglednija. Prema vjerojatno najčešcem tumačenju, termin Vlah bio bi slavenski pojam kojim se označavalo romansko, tj. roma-nofono stanovništvo. Uglavnom se drži da isti potječe od germanske riječi Walha kojom su neka germanska plemena navodno označavala jednu od njima susjednih keltskih skupina, preciznije, misli se da je riječ o germanskoj izvedenici imena keltske/galske zajednice poznate pod nazivom Volcae) Ujedno se uzima da se, kako se keltsko stanovništvo rimske 1 Victor A. FRIEDMAN, „The Vlah Minority in Macedonia: Language, Identity, Dialectology, and Standardization", Slavica Helsingiensia, 21., 2001., 26.-27.; Nikola VUKČEVIC, „Etimologija pojma „Vlah" i njegova razna značenja", Predmet i metod izučavanja patrijarhalnih zajednica u Jugoslaviji, Titograd/Podgorica, 1981., 318.; „Wallachians, Walloons, Welschen etc." (http://www.orbilat.com/General_Survey/Terms--Wallachians_ Walloons_Welschen_etc.html, bez datuma zadnje promjene). Vrijedi navesti kako je u antici zabilježena još 199 Nekoliko misli o mogucem podrijetlu naziva Vlah Galije dijelom postupno romaniziralo, i spomenutom pojmu Walha polako 'pomicalo' značenje, te da je taj pojam postajao oznakom i za Romane, odnosno za romanizirano, te uopce romanofono stanovništvo.2 Pretpostavlja se da je do Slavena taj pojam, moguce u obliku walha (možda od starovisoko-njemačkog Walh ili Walah),3 stigao posredstvom Germana,4 da bi nešto kasnije, ovaj put posredstvom Slavena,5 stigao i do drugih (Slaveni-ma susjednih) jugoistočno-europskih zajednica. Unatoč svemu gore navedenom, vrlo je važno imati na umu činjenicu da je zapravo germanski pojam Walh, dakle pretpostavljeni prethodnik slavenskome pojmu Vlah, izvorno naprosto označavao stranca.6 Još bih se kratko zadržao na vec spomenutim keltskim Volcima (Volcae).7 Ferdo Šišic recimo, smještao je pojavu imena Vlasi (tj. Volhi) kod Slavena u antiku. On je naime mislio kako su se keltski Volki (kako ih on naziva), tj. Volci (odnosno Volcae), doselili sve do u Zakarpace, gdje su po njemu vec ranije bili stigli germanski Bastarni, zagospodari-vši tamošnjim slavenskim skupinama.8 Bastarni su, prema Šišicu, Volke nazivali Walhoz (sing. Walh), pa bi upravo od tog bastarnskog naziva za spomenutu keltsku zajednicu nastalo i ime Volhi kod Slavena, te bi onda u kasnijim razdobljima Slaveni to ime prenijeli na svoje romanizirane južne i jugozapadne susjede, kao i na Romane uopce.9 I Petar Skok mislio je da je Vlah posudenica iz germanskoga jezika, iznoseci pretpo-stavku da su Slaveni jedino na dunavskom limesu mogli prvi put upotrijebiti taj naziv za Romane, navodeci da germanski pojam Walhos potječe od imena keltskoga naroda, srodnog barem jedna zajednica vrlo slična imena, koja je živjela u današnjoj Italiji, jugoistočno od Rima (i koja je možda govorila jezikom koji je bio srodan oskansko-umbrijskom). Radi se o italskim Volscima. Dakako, ostaje pitanje jesu li spomenuti keltski Volcae sami sebe tako nazivali (autonim), ili su ih tako imenovali drugi (egzonim). Moguce da je njihov naziv za sebe bio bliži obliku *Wolka-, a da je Volcae latinizirani oblik njihova imena -vidjeti u: Don RINGE, „Inheritance versus lexical borrowing: a case with decisive sound-change evidence" (http://languagelog.ldc.upenn.edu/nll/?p=1012, zadnji put mijenjano 13. siječnja 2009.). Valja još dodati i kako postoji shvacanje da su keltski Volcae i italski Volsci možda bili kakvi dalji 'srodnici' (Henri HUBERT, The Rise of the Celts, Mineola, New York, 2002., 155.). 2 „Wallachians, Walloons, Welschen etc." 3 Isto; Petar SKOK, „Vlah", Enciklopedija Jugoslavije (dalje: EJ), sv. 8., Zagreb, 1971., 514.-515.; P. SKOK, „Vlah", Etimologijski riječnik hrvatskega ili srpskoga jezika (dalje: ER), knj. 3., Zagreb, 1973., 609. 4 EepMaHU 3oey Kenme u PuM^am Walh (mhom. Walhas) ... omyda dona3u cnoeeHCKu Ha3ue 3a PoMaHe Bnax (pycK. Bonoxv), y mhom. Bnacu (Konstantin JIREČEK, Istorija Srba I - Politička Istorija do 1537. godine, Beograd, 2006., 37.). 5 Kod južnih Slavena javljao se npr. u obliku, Vlah/Vlasi, ili Vlakhi; kod istočnih Slavena npr. u obliku Volokhi, ili rus. Voloh, tj. Bonoxb; a kod zapadnih (npr. u poljskom jeziku) u obliku Wlochy (Wloch), pa i Woloch, ili npr. (u češkom i slovačkom jeziku) Valach. („Wallachians, Walloons, Welschen etc."; P. SKOK, „Vlah", EJ, 515; N. VUKČEVIC, „Etimologija pojma „Vlah" i njegova razna značenja", 315.) 6 D. RINGE, „Inheritance versus lexical borrowing: a case with decisive sound-change evidence"; T. J. WIN-NIFRITH, The Vlachs: The History of a Balkan people, London, 1987., 1.; Zef MIRDITA, „Vlasi, polinomičan narod", Povijesni Prilozi, 33., 2007., 256.; Z. MIRDITA, „Pokušaj rasvjetljavanja i rješavanja problema fenomena „planinskih" odnosno „pastirskih" socijalnih struktura Balkana", Povijesni Prilozi, 12., 1993, 298. (bilješka 54.). Jasno, s vremenom je izgleda spominjani pojam u Germana postao oznakom prevenstveno za Kelte, odnosno Gale, te Romane, tj. za govornike tzv. keltskih, te romanskih govora: dakle, za neke konkretne strance, a ne više za koncept stranosti, odnosno drugosti, što je izvorno označavao. 7 Za još podataka o keltskim Volcae vidi natuknicu „Volcae", The Nordic Languages - An International Handbook of the History of the North Germanic Languages, sv. 1., Berlin - New York, 2002., 578.-579. 8 Ferdo ŠIŠIC, Povijest Hrvata u vrijeme narodnih vladara, Zagreb, 1925., 189. 9 Isto 200 Marko Pijovic starim Galima, Cezarovih Volcae, grč. OvoXKai koji su stanovali u blizini Germana dok su još boravili u indoevropskoj pradomovini blizu Baltika.10 Isti je autor držao da je, kad su se Kelti u Galiji poromanili i zaboravili svoj keltski jezik ... i postali jednaki Latinima, stari germanski naziv za njih ostao ... i prenijet je na sve Latine, upravo kao i Vlah kod Slavena.11 Gustav Weigand takoder je vjerovao da je pojam Vlah, odnosno neki tome sličan pojam, došao do Slavena germanskim posredovanjem, preciznije, mislio je da su ga Goti donijeli na donji Dunav u III. st., te da su ga onda po svom dolasku u te krajeve Slaveni od njih i preuzeli.12 Uz ovu „germansku" teoriju, koja je najčešča u literaturi, možda još vrijedi spome-nuti i nešto drugačije pretpostavke, poput npr. one koju je iznio Šafarik, koji je mislio da su y noHemKy CnoBeHU ucmo Kao u repMaHU nod obum nojuou nodpa3yMujeBanu HoBjeKa KenmcKO^a nopujeKna, odnosno da su Slaveni poznavali Kelte;13 kao i zanimljivo Miklošičevo shvacanje prema kojem pujeH Bnax očhocho Voloh dona3U od cn0BeHCK0^a ^na^ona Bonowrb odnosno BniKb, što znači vuči, na y nocpedmM CMUcny o3HaHaBa HoMada, mj. HoBjeKa Koju HeMa cmanm Mjecmo čopaBKa.14 U svakom slučaju, može se reči kako se kod mnogih, ako ne i večine autora koji su se doticali ove teme, pojam Vlah kod Slavena uglavnom objašnjavao utjecajem germanskih populacija od kojih bi Slaveni taj pojam navodno preuzeli u ovom ili onom razdoblju sta-rije povijesti, odnosno kao posudenica koja je iz drugih jezika našla put do Slavena. Stari Slaveni: Perun i Veles/Volos Sada se u najkračim crtama želim osvrnuti i na jednu dimenziju pitanja etimologije imena Vlah za koju imam dojam da je nerijetko bila zanemarivana od povjesničara, te da ju se uglavnom nije uključivalo u pretpostavke o mogučem podrijetlu i uporabi tog pojma kod Slavena. Prije toga valjalo bi navesti neke informacije iz slavenske mitologije koje če kasnije biti od koristi. Iz pregleda staroslavenske mitologije poznato nam je da su rani Slaveni, medu mnogim bogovima i božanstvima, poznavali i kult boga pod imenom Volos/ Veles,1 koji je medu inim, bio bog stada, tj. stoke.16 A osim kao stočni bog, u staroslavenskoj mitologiji 10 P. SKOK, „Vlah", EJ, 515. 11 Isto. Vidjeti i: P. SKOK, „Vlah", ER, 609. 12 N. VUKČEVIC, „Etimologija pojma „Vlah" i njegova razna značenja", 316. 13 Isto 14 Isto, 318. 15 Bez obzira na neke ranije sumnje (Louis LEGER, Slovenska Mitologija, Beograd, 1984. 99.-100.; Vitomir BE-LAJ, Hod kroz godinu: Pokušaj rekonstrukcije prahrvatskoga mitskoga svjetonazora, Zagreb, 2007., 85-86.) iz-vjesno je da su imena Volos i Veles istoznačnice, odnosno da su označavala istoga slavenskog boga (V. BELAJ, Hod kroz godinu, 84.-88.; Roman JAKOBSON, „The Slavic God Velest and His Indo-European Cognates", Selected Writings: Contributions to Comparative Mythology. Studies in Linguistics and Philology, sv. 7., The Hague: Mouton, 1985., 33.). 16 Natko NODILO, Stara vjera Srba i Hrvata, Split, 1981., 381.; L. LEGER, Slovenska Mitologija, 97. Vrijedi od-mah dodati i da je po primitku krščanstva kod Slavena, boga Velesa kao zaštitnika stoke zamijenio sv. Vlasije, odnosno sv. Blaž (B. A. USPENSKI, „OMnonora^ecKMe pa3bicKaHMS b o6nacTM ctobshcrmx gpeBHOCTeft" (http://www.gumer.info/bibliotek_Buks/Culture/usp/03.php, bez datuma zadnje promjene); Radoslav KATIČIC, Božanski boj - Tragovima svetih pjesama naše pretkršcanske starine, Zagreb/Moščenička Draga, 2008., 131.-132.), čije se ime, osim spomenutih oblika, kod Slavena javlja još i kao: sv. Vlaho, sv. Vlasij, sv. Vlas (npr. kod Srba je Vlasovdan praznik svetoga Vlasija, koji se 11. (24.) veljače praznuje zbog stoke, i tada 201 Nekoliko misli o mogucem podrijetlu naziva Vlah Volos je takoder figurirao i kao Perunov (medu inim, Perun je i vladar Reda) suparnik koji uvodi Nered, tj. kaos (a ujedno je i ljubavnik Perunove žene Mokoše), te kao praslavenski bog mrtvih,17 odnosno gospodar podzemnoga svijeta.18 Za ovo razmatranje zanimljiva su nam i ranosrednjovjekovna svjedočanstva poput onih iz Nestorove Kronike,19 odnosno Kyivskog Ijetopisa,20 koja sadrže prijepise mirovnih pogodbi izmedu Bizantinaca i Rusa iz X. st., a u kojima se spominju upravo Perun i Volos. Tu se Volos spominje kao skotij bog, što naravno ne mora isključivo značiti boga stoke, jer skotij može značiti i stoka, marva, blago, no u širem se smislu može koristiti i kao pogrdna oznaka u značenju recimo prostak, grubijan, podlac; a takoder valja reci kako je u sre-dnjovjekovnom ruskom pojam skot još mogao označavati i novac, odnosno imetak.21 Osim toga, iz analize bi se spominjanih ugovora izmedu starih Rusa i Bizantinaca moglo zaključiti kako je Perun, uvjetno rečeno, percipiran kao bog (tj. zaštitnik) ruskoga kneza i njegove pratnje,22 dok bi Volos bio smatran za boga (odnosno zaštitnika) kneževih podanika, tj. seljaka.23 U svakom slučaju, možemo govoriti o Perunu kao metafizičkom se priprema poseban kolač namijenjen volovima). Pritom svakako valja podsjetiti i na to da su nam balkanski Vlasi poznati prije svega kao stočari. Ovo treba imati na umu radi onoga što če se dalje u radu spominjati. (De-taljnije o Volosu/Velesu, njegovim raznim funkcijama, te brojnim atributima koji su mu pripisivani, vidjeti i u: Roman ZAROFF, „Organized Pagan Cult in Kievan Rus'. The Invention of Foreign Elite or Evolution of Local Tradition?", Studia Mythologica Slavica, 2., 1999., 60.-62.; Sreten PETROVIČ, Srpska Mitologija - Sistem Srpske Mitologije, knj. 1., Niš, 1999.) 17 V. BELAJ, isto, 55., 60. 18 R. KATIČIČ, Božanski boj, 149. Na ovome mjestu potrebno je upozoriti i na još jednu, za kasnije razmatranje bitnu informaciju. Kod starih je Rusa, u Jaroslavlju recimo, postojao hram boga Volosa, a za obrede je bio zadu-žen poseban žrec, tj. svečenik: Nazivpak takvog svečenika, boüxb < vtlhvt, poznat i iz drugih ruskih vrela, čini se kao da je u etimološkoj vezi s imenom boga Volosa (Bonocb)... (R. KATIČIČ, isto, 127.; R. KATIČIČ, „Ljuta Zvijer", Filologija, 49., 2007., 82.-83.). 19 L. LEGER, Slovenska Mitologija , 58.; N. NODILO, Stara vjera Srba i Hrvata , 382. 20 V. BELAJ, Hod krozgodinu, 65. U pitanju je Kyivski ljetopis, tj. Kyvska kronika, odnosno njena redakcija zvana Povest vremenih let, tj. Povijest prošlih vremena (Isto, 66., bilješka 1.). Taj se najstariji ruski ljetopis ponekad javlja i pod nazivom Nestorova Kronika, jer se drži da je njen pisac bio kijevski monah Nestor: „Povest Vremenih let" (http://www.imwerden.de/pdf/povest_vremennyx_let.pdf, bez datuma zadnje promjene). 21 V. BELAJ, isto, 66. Uostalom, i u hrvatskome riječ „blago" označuje i imetak (Isto.). Osim što je za Volosa/ Velesa značajno da su uz njega vezivane rogate životinje (dakle stoka), blago, ali i podzemlje, interesantno je i to što se kod nekih slavenskih naroda očuvao žetveni običaj da se snop žita poveže u neku vrstu 'amuleta' koji bi štitio žetvu, i donosio blagostanje i plodnost, što se nazivalo „vezivanjem Velesove brade"; a u nekim su južnoslavenskim jezicima prisutne indikativne fraze kao što su „puna šaka brade", ili recimo „primiti boga za bradu", što svakako podsječa na navedene slavenske običaje vezane za žito, te vjerojatno predstavlja ostatke predkrščanskih vjerovanja o stjecanju bogatstva uz božju pomoč. Za ponešto o poljoprivrednim praksama starih Slavena, kao i običaju „vezivanja", tj. „vrtenja" Velesove brade, vidjeti: R. KATIČIČ Božanski boj, 162.-172.; Isti, Ljuta Zvijer, 111.-118.; Jan PERKOWSKY, Vampires of the Slavs, Cambridge, 1976., 94.; Aleksandrina CERMANOVIČ-KUZMANOVIČ, Dragoslav SREJOVIČ, Leksikon religija i mitova drevne Evrope, Beograd, 1992. - dijelovi ove publikacije objavljeni su i na internetu: „Religija i mitologija Starih Slovena" (http://www. rastko.rs/antropologija/slovenska_mitologija.html, bez datuma zadnje promjene). 22 Iako se ranije, zbog takvog tumačenja zaključivalo kako je možda Perun bio izvorno nordijski bog (,preslika' Thora) kojeg bi Varjazi (Rusi) ,donijeli' sa sobom u Rusiju i nametnuli pokorenim Slavenima, a Slaveni mu tek dali slavenski naziv (staroslav. Perunt - grom, munja) i pritom zadržali svog starog boga Volosa (V. BELAJ, Hod kroz godinu, 71.-73.), kasnije je ipak dokazano kako ta teza nije održiva, i kako su stari Slaveni poznavali boga pod imenom Perun, i to bez skandinavskog utjecaja na njihov mitološki svjetonazor (Isto, 73.-75.). 23 V. BELAJ, isto, 66., 68. Rusi prisižu na dva boga, Peruna i Volosa, jedan je bog kneza i njegove vojničke družine, drugi seljaka, jedan kažnjava smrču oružjem, drugi opakim boleštinama ... jedni su s knezom, drugi pod njim; jedni su vojnici, drugi seljaci; jedni prisižu na Peruna, boga svojega, drugi na Volosa, boga seljačkog imetka, blaga (Isto, 68.-69.). Buduči da su Perun i Volos suprotstavljeni, i kao dva principa, ali čini se i u smislu podijele tadašnjeg ruskog društva, Perunov kip bio je povišenim mjestima, a Volosov na nižim, uz rijeku recimo. Tako 202 Marko Pijovic 'principu' koji je suprotstavljen Volosu (a u konkretnom ruskom primjeru možda i kao o vrhovnom bogu drugačijeg (dakle vladajuceg) društvenoga sloja unutar samog ruskog društva). Etimološke 'kombinacije' Ovdje treba reci kako je staroslavenski izraz volhov u nekim slavenskim jezicima označavao (ili čak još uvijek označava) čarobnjaka,24 pa i maga, vrača, i mudraca.25 No kod južnih se Slavena vremenom taj oblik čini se izgubio, ili možda čak transformirao u oblik kakav je recimo i Vlah (ovo je dakako moja spekulacija),26 kroz vrijeme izgubivši prvotno značenje, dok je kod Rusa izgleda očuvan (npr. kao volhv), pa su neki južnoslavenski narodi za označavanje čarobnjaka preuzeli takoder ruski oblik „volšebnik".27 A potrebno je upozoriti i na sasvim izvjesnu etimološku vezu izmedu Velesa/Volosa i staroslavenskog vlbxvb ili vhxvb (starorus. vblhvb) kao oznake za magiju, čarobnjaštvo, i sl.28 Belaj proširuje ranije spomenutu 'opreku': Perun/knez,vojnici, oružje, gore - Volos/podanici, seljaci, stoka (blago), dolje; te priključuje navedenom i sljedecu: Perun/hum, gora, suho - Vo/os/voda, rijeka, mokro (Isto, 69.-71. Za spomenute opreke vidjeti i: Vitomir BELAJ, Goran Pavel ŠANTEK, „Paški sveti trokut", Studia Ethnologica Croatica, 18., 2006., 165.). Ovdje treba dodati i Belajevo opažanje vezano za toponime koji sadrže ime Volos/Veles kod južnih Slavena: Može se uočiti da svi leže u nizini, uz vodu; tako npr. spominje i grad Veles u Makedoniji na Vardaru, nad kojim se nalazi brdo s vrhom koje se zove Sv. Ilija (a dobro nam je poznato vezi-vanje Peruna sa sv. Ilijom u južnih Slavena - op. M. P.), dodajuci kako i u Hrvatskoj imamo, ne tako daleko od vrha „Perun" na Učki, gradič „VVolosko" dolje uz more (V. BELAJ, Hod kroz godinu, 87.-88.). Za još neke takve toponomastičke primjere na hrvatskom području, a koji imaju nedvojbenu staroslavensku mitološku podlogu, vidjeti u: R. KATIČIČ, Božanski boj, 285-326.; dok opširniji prikaz, za područje čitave bivše Jugoslavije, vidi i u: S. PETROVIČ, Srpska Mitologija - Mitološke Mape, knj. 2., Niš, 2000. 24 R. JAKOBSON, „The Slavic God Velest and His Indo-European Cognates", 45.-46.; K. JIREČEK, Istorija Srba I, 95. (vidjeti i bilješku 28. na toj stranici). 25 Na ovome mjestu valja ponoviti (vidi bilješku 18. ovog rada) da su se Volosovi svecenici/žreci zvali Volhvi (sing. Volhv). 26 Vezano za spomenuti pojam Volhov, korisno je sjetiti se nekih slavenskih verzija imena „Vlah": Volh, Volhi, Vo-loh, itd. (A zanimljivo je i da se u bugarskom jeziku za čarobnjaka i mudraca koristi oblik BntxBa (vlahva).) 27 Uzgred budi rečeno kako jedna od ruskih legendi o Novgorodu spominje čarobnjaka Volhova (V. BELAJ, Hod kroz godinu, 94.), koji na jednoj od razina s koje valja promatrati tu priču zapravo simbolizira Volosa/Velesa, koji je, kao što je poznato, takoder dovoden u vezu s magijom (Julije GOLLNER, Stari Slaveni: povjesničke cr-tice, Zagreb, 1898., 71.). Uz činjenicu da u spomenutoj priči (V. BELAJ, Hod kroz godinu, 94.-95.; R. KATIČIČ, Božanski boj, 243.-246.) imamo čarobnjaka koji se zove Volhov (i koji dolazi u sukob s Perunom, a kao što je rečeno, simbolizira i Velesa), svakako je indikativna sličnost (vidi i prethodnu bilješku ovog rada) izmedu njegova imena Volhov i naziva Vlah, tj. Volh, Voloh, Vloh, itd. (O spomenutoj epizodi s Volhvom, koja se odvija na rijeci Volhov, kao i uopce o liku (čarobnjaka) Volha Vseslavjeviča, vrijedi konzultirati i natuknicu „Volh Vseslavjevič", Slovenska Mitologija - Enciklopedijski Rečnik, Beograd, 2001., 95.-96.; a još ponešto o liku pod imenom Volh/Volha Vseslavjevič vidi u: Martin GOLEMA, „Medieval Saint Ploughmen and Pagan Slavic Mythology", Studia Mythologica Slavica, 10., 2007., 168., 171., 173., 176.) 28 Za tu vezu koju uzgred spominje i Katičic vidjeti bilješku 18. ovog rada. Mogucu etimološku vezu izmedu Velesa/Volosa i staroslavenskog pojma vlbxvb ili vhxvb (starorus. vblxvb) natuknuo je i Jakobson, u vec citi-ranom djelu „The Slavic God Velest and His Indo-European Cognates", 45-46. (a vidjeti i s tom mogucnošcu povezane podatke o korijenu *wel-, na str. 40. istog djela). Svakako je zanimljivo da je starogermanski bog Ull-ru (staronordijski Ullr, tj. Ull i Ullinn), čije je ime izvedeno iz korijena *wel, kao i ime staroslavenskog Velesa, bio dovoden u vezu s životinjskim svijetom, kao i blisku vezu s ispašom, te, što je ovdje i daleko najvažnije, s magijom (doživljavan je kao mudri čarobnjak, vidjeti: R. JAKOBSON, isto, 44.). Identična veza s magijom i čarobnjaštvom vrijedi i za baltičkog, tj. litvanskog boga Velinasa, koji je inače takoder povezan sa slavenskim Velesom, kako u etimološkom smislu (preko zajedničkog korijena), tako i po atributima koji su mu pripisivani: isti je naime povezivan s podzemljem, sa stočarstvom, s blagom/bogatstvom, te dakako s magijom, odnosno čarobnjaštvom (Isto, 37., 41., 46.; Gintaras BERESNEVICIUS, „Lithuanian Mythology", Lithuanian Philoso- 203 Nekoliko misli o mogucem podrijetlu naziva Vlah Kako pretpostavka o mogučoj povezanosti pojma Vlah s Volhv, odnosno s Veles/ Volos ,29 ne bi ostala nedorečena, korisno če biti citirati jedno Belajevo opažanje za koje držim da potvrduje gore izneseno. Naime, Vitomir Belaj navodi kako je dokazano da je praslavenski mit o sukobu Peruna i Zmije (Volosa/Velesa) čvrsto usidren u indoeuropsku predaju,30 iznoseči zatim za nas bitno shvačanje: Velesu je mjesto uz vodu ili u vodi, a isti je ujedno, kako autor primječuje, i bog stoke, no veza izmedu tih dviju naoko nepovezanih sfera, vode i stoke, uočijiva je tek ako se ključne riječi podvrgnu lingvističkoj analizi. U hrvatskomu su značenja riječi vuna i voda danas jasno razdvojena. No, u ruskomu riječ BonHa znači i „val, talas" i „vuna"! To odražava pra-slavensko stanje gdje je *vblna značilo „voda". Homonimija vuna - val (stoka - voda) vrlo je ozbiljna.31 Naime, ime slavenskoga Velesa/Volosa i litavskoga Velionisa izvedeno je od phy: Persons and Ideas, Lithuanian Philosopfical Studies, sv. 2, 2000., 32.-34.; Martin LITCHFIELD WEST, Indo-European Poetry and Myth, Oxford University Press, 2007., 146.-147.). U kontekstu svega rečenog valja spomenuti i kako se u ruskom epu Slovo o polku Igoreve lik Bojana čarobnjaka naziva Velesovim unukom: R. JAKOBSON, „The Slavic God Velest and His Indo-European Cognates", 36.; „Slovo o polku Igoreve" (http:// imwerden.de/pdf/slovo_o_polku_igoreve_1800.pdf, bez datuma zadnje promjene). O Volosovoj/Velesovoj ulozi u pojedinim duhovnim praksama Slavena, a propos prikaza spomenutog Bojana kao čarobnjaka, vidjeti i: Sreten Petrovič, Srpska Mitologija - Mitološke Mape, 62.; „Volh Vseslavjevič", Slovenska Mitologija - Enci-klopedijski Rečnik, 68-69. A još vrijedi dodati i da se tragove Velesu pripisivanih čarobnjačkih utjecaja može pronači i u nekim ruskim bajkama (R. KATIČIC, „Ljuta Zvijer", 121.). 29 Ovdje bih naveo još jedan podatak koji bi mogao upučivati na povezanost izmedu Volhov i Volos/Veles. Naime, u kontekstu več spominjane suprotstavljenosti principa koje kod starih Slavena predstavljahu Volos/Veles s jedne, i Perun s druge strane, zanimljivo je primjetiti kako u Rusiji, u Novgorodu teče rijeka imenom Bomxob (starorus. BonoxoBh): a iznad nje se nalazila uzvisina zvana nepuHb (V. BELAJ, Hod kroz godinu,108.), što je sasvim u skladu sa spomenutom ,oprekom' Perun/gora/suho - Ve/es/rijeka/mokro. (Uzgred, nije na odmet usporediti ime spomenute rijeke: starorus. BonoxoBh, s nekima od slavenskih naziva za „Vlahe", kao što su: Voloh, tj. rus. Bonoxb, pa polj. Wolochi, itd.) 30 V. BELAJ, Hod kroz godinu, 99. Tako se npr. u indijskim Vedama spominje i Junak (Indra) koji je ubio zmiju i time ispustio, oslobodio sedam rijeka, uklonio je Valu i time izgnao (potjerao) goveda...(Isto, 100.). Dakle, kako Belaj primječuje: „Ubiti zmiju" jednako je kao „ukoniti Valu", „ispustiti rijeke" odgovara „istjerivanje goveda". Vala je zmija koja je posjedovala rijeke/goveda, a junak koji se zove Indra oslobodio ih je (Isto). Autor ovdje dobro uočava kako se ta vedska priča posve podudara sa slavenskim folklornim tekstovima u kojima se priča o borbi Peruna i Volosa/Velesa, a u kojoj Perun (Gromovnik) otima stoku. Dakle, za nas je važno to što su Nebeski vladar i Svjetska zmija poistovjetivi s Perunom i Volosom/Velesom (Isto). A takoder treba dodati i kako predmet sukoba nije samo stoka, jer Zmija krade i vodu, sunce, pa čak i krade Vladaru neba ženu i sina (ovdje se valja sjetiti kako je Veles ljubavnik Perunove žene Mokoše - op. M. P.). Ovaj mit, kaže Belaj, tek usput pripovijeda o stoci, to je mit o tome kako su ustrojena načela postojanja cijeloga kozmosa. Autor dalje kazuje i kako je osnovna motivacija vedskih tekstova da je Zmija sakrila vode/krave pa svijetu prijeti suša/glad (nesreča, kraj, kaos). Dakle, svijetu je prijetila suša, pa je Gromovnik intervenirao i doveo stvari u red. No, kako Belaj primječuje, u slavenskoj pradomovini rijeke ne presušuju... pa se motiv zatvaranja rijeka gotovo posve izgubio, te dodaje kako čemo taj motiv nači tek teško prepoznatljiva u legendi o nastanku Novgoroda gdje je „ljuta zvijer krokodil"prepriječilapromet rijekom, zatvorila rijeku trgovcima (Isto, 105.). U pitanju je priča koju sam uzgred spomenuo u bilješci 27. ovog rada, u kojoj se govori o zlom čarobnjaku Volhovu koji je (u liku ljute zvijeri krokodila) zatvorio vodeni put rijeci Volhov, i zatim tražio da ga ljudi štuju i da mu se klanjaju, što je kasnije dovelo do toga da je bio razbijen i utopljen u istoj rijeci od „Bjesova", tj. od Peruna (Isto, 94.). Vrijedi dodati i kako je jedan od zaključaka o kozmičkom sukobu i taj da mit o dvoboju izmedu Gromovnika i Zmije objašnjava iz-mjenu sušnoga i kišnoga razdoblja, te da, buduči da se svake godine ta priča ponavlja, rezultat mitskoga sukoba izmedu načela reda i načela nereda ima zaposljedak kružno izmjenjivanjegodišnjih doba (Isto, 143.). (Vidi još i: Zmago ŠMITEK, „Paralele med indijsko in slovensko mitologijo: sledovi skupne indoevropske dediščine", Studia Mythologica Slavica, 11., 2008., 134.-135., 144.) 31 Povezanost vune i vode, tj. vune i vala, autor dalje argumentira i primjerima iz sačuvanih hetitskih izvora, uka-zujuči na očigledne veze izmedu odredenih hetitskih predstava i praslavenskoga mita, konačno zaključujuči kako je ovdje riječ o opčeindoeuropskoj predaji, čvrsto usidrenoj u terminologiju različitih indoeuropskih jezičnih grana (V. BELAJ, Hod kroz godinu, 108.). Izvjesne hetitske religijske predstave kao podudarne sa slavenskima 204 Marko Pijovic indoeuropskoga *wel- „pašnjak, livada, zemlja mrtvih".32 Iz korijena *wel- izvedene su i ri-ječi koje označuju krzno, vunu, vlasi.33 Dovoljno ce biti navesti njemačke riječi Vließ, Wolle, Welle i hrvatske vuna, vlas, vlati, val. No, ovamo spada i ime zviježda Vlašica, „Plejade",34 pa i naroda Vlaha. Ovako rekonstruirana uska veza izmedu pojmova „krzno", „krava", „val, voda" s bogom stoke i mrtvih razotkriva cijeli niz mitskih predodžbi o ustrojstvu svijeta koji je bio svojstven poganskim indoeuropskim narodima.35 Ne ulazeci u sve što Belaj ovdje spominje, potrebno je naglasiti kako iz njegova izla-ganja jasno proizlazi da su korijen *wel-, tj. riječ wel-na (koja označava pašnjake), te ime slavenskog stočnog boga Velesa medusobno etimološki povezane.36 Odnosno, ono što je ovdje i najvažnije: izvjesno je da su slavenski pojmovi Vlah i Volos/Veles, ali shodno tome i Volhv, medusobno povezani preko zajedničkoga indoeuropskog korijena. Naravno, pretpostavci da je slavensko Vlah zaista nastalo samostalnim razvojem od praindoeuropskog *wel- (što je i više nego izgledno), radije nego da je nastalo preko kakvih germanskih (ili drugih) utjecaja, svakako ne bi škodilo osnaživanje nekim daljnjim podrobnijim istraživanjima ovoga problema, koja bi mogla baciti novo svjetlo na čitavu razmatranu temu, a time nam pomoci i pri rješavanju mogucih dvojbi i nejasnoca.37 spominje i Katičič u knjizi Božanski boj, 155. A o vezama Velesa i vode/močvare, vidjeti i: R. KATIČIC, „Ljuta Zvijer", 105. 32 Na tom tragu je i tumačenje ruskog autora Galkovskog: H.M. TanbKOBCKMM, EOPbEA XPMCTMAHCTBA C OCTATKAMH H3HHECTBA B fíPEBHEH PyCM, Harkov, 1916.; čije je djelo dostupno i na internetu - vidi poglavlje: „Bonoc" (http://www.vernost.ru/poganye/glava1.htm#9, bez datuma zadnje promjene). 33 Volos/Veles dakle dolazi od indoeuropskog korijena *wel-, koji je povezan s pojmom „vuna". Ali takoder, taj se korijen povezuje i sa „vlas", kosa, te dlaka, ali i krzno - što znači, i s nečim dlakavim ili vunenim (ukr. BonoxaT|MM). Shodno tome, moglo bi ga se dovesti u vezu i s nekim tko je odjeven u vunu/ krzno, kao što je npr. stočar/Vlah (indikativna je i sličnost ukrajinskog naziva za dlakavost/kosmatost: Bonoxamuü, te nekih slavenskih naziva za Vlahe: Volokhi, Voloh (Bonoxb), Wolochi, itd.). Uzgred, vrijedi dodati kako se čini vrlo izglednim da u spomenutom indoeuropskome korijenu *wel- (tj. *uel-, proširen na k) valja tražiti i podrijetlo imena keltskih Volcae (vidi usp. i: P. SKOK, „Vlas", ER, 609.; kao i bilješku 1. ovog rada). 34 Uz naziv Vlašiči, poznata su i druga slavenska imena, poput: Vlaseželišti, Vlasoželišti, Vlasožilišti, Volosožari, te Volosini - što bi dolazilo od imena boga Volosa. Vlašiči bi po tom shvačanju bili djeca ovoga boga („Ple-jade u nasim predanjima" (http://static.astronomija.co.rs/dubokisvemir/rn/objekti/m45/kodnas.htm, datum zadnje promjene, svibanj 2000.); N. NODILO, Stara vjera Srba i Hrvata, 264.; Roman ZAROFF, „Organized Pagan Cult in Kievan Rus'", 62.; a detaljnije o tome i u: Nenad D. JANKOVIC, Astronomija u predanjima, obi-čajima i umotvorinama Srba, Srpska Akademija Nauka - Odeljenje Društvenih Nauka, Beograd, 1951.). Kad je riječ o njihovom nazivu, valja imati na umu i druge verzije Volosova imena, poput Vlasij, tj. Vlas, iz kojih se najvjerojatnije razvilo ime Vlašiči (S. PETROVIČ, Srpska Mitologija - Mitološke Mape, 59., 62.). 35 V. BELAJ, isto, 105. (Za još neka razmatranja o indoeuropskom *wel- vidjeti: R. JAKOBSON,„The Slavic God Velest and His Indo-European Cognates", 39.-40.) 36 ¡sto, 110. 37 Tu vrijedi dodati i jedno zanimljivo Katičičevo opažanje: No ta veza boga Velesa sa stogom (sjena (sjetiti se običaja „vezivanja Velesove brade") - op. M. P.) seže čak u indoeuropsku davninu. O tome svjedoči staronordij-ski (staroislandski) izraz stakks völlr, doslovno 'livada stoga', što znači 'livada s koje se nakosi jedan stog sjena'. A staronordijsko völlr nije drugo nego indoeuropska riječ woltus 'livada', od istoga korijena, u dva prijevojna stupnja wel- i wol-, od kojega je i ime slavenskoga boga Velest. On se tako zove jer se zamišljalo da kao pastir pase duše umrlih na livadi pokojnika. A spomenuti korijen ima oba značenja i 'sočna livada' i 'pokojnik'... Samo ime toga slavenskoga boga izvodi se, do sada najuvjerljivije, iz dva prijevojna stupnja Velest i Velst s prijevoj-nom puninom odnosno prazninom u drugom slogu. Od toga drugoga po istočnoslavenskim glasovnim zakonima postaje Bonoct, pa se sada upravo to smatra najvjerojatnijim objašnjenjem toga glasovnog lika. Toponim Wels javlja se u njemačkom, gdje se smatra tragom slavenskog supstrata ili, tako u imenu grada u Gornjoj Austriji, gdje se održava stočni sajam (podebljao M. P.) poznat na daleko (R. KATIČIC, Božanski boj, 171.). Za ovu je 205 Nekoliko misli o mogucem podrijetlu naziva Vlah Za daljnje razmatranje vrijedi spomenuti kako se čini izglednim da su stari Slaveni strancima ponekad pripisivali natprirodne moči: stari narodi, a posebno one zajednice koje su bile, ili jesu na relativno niskom stupnju materijalno-civilizacijskoga razvoja tako su nerijetko tretirale nepoznate ljude/grupe s kojima bi po prvi puta stupale u kontakt; stoga je u tom smislu stranac, izgleda, kod starih Slavena mogao ponekad, na nekoj razini biti tretiran, tj. doživljavan i kao „čarobnjak". Takva su se shvačanja, moguče, očuvala i u narodnim pričama, odnosno bajkama, gdje ponekad susrečemo nekog stranca, nerijetko starca, koji ima volšebne (dakle magične, čarobnjačke) moči. S obzirom na to da je, kao što je ranije spomenuto, izraz BnbXBb značio (i) 'čarobnjak, 'mag', 'vrač', 'mudrac', treba istaknuti mogučnost da je izvorno pojam BnbXBb (buduči da je čarobnjak u vezi sa „onostranim") u starih Slavena mogao biti oznaka (i) za stranca, tj. ono što je strano (stranost uopče).38 Stoga bi moglo biti da, ako postoji veza imena Vlah s leksemom volhv, samim time postoji i veza pojmova Vlah i stranac (i čarobnjak).39 Dakako, je li to Vlah kod južnih Slavena izvorno moglo značiti (i) stranca, tj. je li pojam Vlasi u doba pojave Slavena na Balkanu bio izraz (i) za stranci, ili (i) za nešto drugo i konkretnije u značenju, to je još uvijek nedovoljno razjašnjeno, posebno zbog toga što se temu svakako zanimljivo vezivanje Velesa s ispašom, livadama, te zamišljanje istoga kao pastira; teško je naime odmah se ne prisjetiti Vlaha kao stočara. 38 Na takav zaključak mogao bi upučivati i navedenom pojmu srodan staroslav. termin vfasnoti (R. JAKOBSON,„The Slavic God Velest and His Indo-European Cognates", 45.), sa značenjem: blebetati, tj. ne-shvatljivo, odnosno nerazumljivo govoriti - što može upučivati i na stranost, odnosno stranca, tj. na nekoga tko nerazumljivo priča. (A ovdje se, a propos moguče veze pojmova Volhv i Vlah, valja prisjetiti da je za stare Germane walh, medu inim označavao i stranca (Vidjeti bilješku 6. ovog rada). Ako je walh u Germana značilo stranac, a volhv, pa onda moguče i Vlah, u Slavena takoder (medu inim) značilo, tj. moglo značiti (i) stranac, onda naglasak ne bi trebao biti samo na pitanju je li neka od spomenutih zajednica (Slavena i Germana) jedna drugoj (u ovoj ili onoj fazi povijesti) posredovala taj pojam (Vlah/ Walh), več ujedno i, je li moguče da je osnova tog pojma i jednima i drugima zajednička? Čini se da je odgovor na to pitanje potvrdan.) 39 Moguče je dakle, da se tim terminom počeo označavati i čarobnjak zbog vjerovanja da stranci imaju natprirodne moči; no isto je tako tome moglo biti naprosto zbog veze Velesa s onostranim svijetom i magijom, te se stoga smatralo da je vrač ili mag pod Velesovom zaštitom, odnosno, da je netko tko je pod Velesovom zaštitom povezan s magijom i čarobnjaštvom. Primjera radi, poznato je da se pastire (sjetiti se Vlaha kao pa-stira/stočara, a ujedno i veze stočara i stoke s Velesom) doživljavalo kao ljude povezane s magijom i čarolijama: Sodeč po mnogih verovanjih, predstavah in povedkah so pastiri nekoč veljali za „posebne" ljudi. Pri mnogih ljudstvih so veljali za neke vrste čarovnike, ljudi z nadnaravnimi močmi, ki so sposobni občevati z onim svetom, bitji z drugega sveta ipd. Rasprostranjena vjerovanja kažu da so pastirjem pripisovali posebne, „magične, čarovne sposobnosti" (podebljao M. P.), tj. sposobnosti, ki so posledica povezanosti z onim svetom (Mirjam MENCEJ, „Pastirji - čarovniki", Studia Mythologica Slavica, 3., 2000., 115.). ... Na podlagi mnogih povedk in zapisov o verovanjih lahko torej domnevamo, da pastirjevo znanje paše, ki se seveda v bistveni meri nanaša na obrambo živine pred nevarnostmi, tj. volkovi in drugimi zverimi - po prepričanju ljudi - prihaja pravzaprav od bajnih bitij, se pravi z območja onstranstva oz. preddverja tega sveta (ti. tujega sveta), s katerim pastir občuje. Vsi ti gozdni duhovi so povezani z onim svetom, ruski gozdni duh pa naj bi bil po hipotezi Uspenskega celo ena od manifestacij slovanskega boga onega sveta Velesa/Volosa (podebljao M. P.) ... (Isto, 120.). (Osim gore na-vedenog članka, o ovoj temi, a napose o fenomenu „vučjeg pastira", kao i vezama istog s Velesom/Volosom vidi u: Mirjam MENCEJ, „The Role of Legend in Constructing Annual Cycle" (http://www.folklore.ee/folklore/ vol32/mirjam.pdf, bez datuma zadnje promjene); M. MENCEJ, „Volčji pastir v kontekstu dosedanjih raziskav na področju slovanske mitologije", Studia Mythologica Slavica, 4., 2001., 159.-188.; M. MENCEJ, Gospodar volkov v slovanski mitologiji, Župančičeva knjižnica, Ljubljana: Filozofska fakulteta v Ljubljani, 2001.; Martin GOLEMA, „Svaty Blažej ako „vlči pastier "v textovej tradicii z českeho, slovenskeho a madarskeho prostredia", Studia Mythologica Slavica, 11., 2008., 147.-172.) 206 Marko Pijovic ova, rekao bih vrlo izgledna etimološka veza, uglavnom zanemarivala u povjesničarskim osvrtima na ovu problematiku.40 Zaključak Uzevši sve u obzir, čini se opravdanim za pretpostaviti da je termin Vlah (ili neki tome vrlo sličan oblik) kod Slavena ili 'autohton, ili da je bar mnogo dulje u uporabi nego što bi bio da je do njih došao (samo) preko Germana. Naime, biti če da je pojam Volos/ Veles praslavenski,41 pa tu nije potrebno tražiti nekakvu „germansku vezu". A od Volosa/ Velesa, te s njime povezanog pojma Volhv/Volhov (ili nekog njemu vrlo sličnog oblika), u značenju čarobnjak, te stranac, pa do pojma Vlah, ima tek nekoliko 'koraka': stoga je pitanje u kojoj je mjeri održivo shvacanje da je potonji pojam (dakle Vlah) morao Slavenima biti posredovan putem neke druge jezične skupine. U svakom slučaju, čini se izvjesnim da nazivi Vlah i Volos/Veles imaju zajednički korijen, odnosno da su u medusobnoj vezi,42 te da pritom za pojavu naziva Vlah kod Sla- 40 Ovdje uzgred vrijedi navesti tek nekoliko primjera gdje jedna grupa ljudi „Vlasima" naziva sebi stranu/ drugačiju grupu ljudi, a gde su opozicije razlika po vjeri, zatim gradsko-seosko stanovništvo, i sl. - što bi možda moglo biti indicija da je „Vlah" mogao označavati (i) uopce ono što je strano (drugačije). Tako se primjera radi, pojam „Vlah" prenosio i na Srbe, kao i pravoslavne uopce - recimo u Dubrovniku je mogao označavati „ljude zakona grčkoga", a i u Bosni i Hercegovini pravoslavce se znalo nazivati „Vlasima" (P. SKOK, „Vlah", EJ, 514.), dok se kod Muslimana na Kosovu krščane takoder zvalo „Vlasima" (Isti, „Vlah". ER, 606.). S druge strane, otočanima („Bodulima") termin „Vlah" je bio oznaka za ljude s kopna, npr. iz predjela oko Biokova, dok je pak u Dubrovniku pojam „Vlahinja" značio „seljanku" kao takvu (Isti, „Vlah", EJ, 514.). Čak je zabilježeno kako se kod starosjedilačkog stanovništa, npr. u Istri, na Šolti, Hvaru, i Braču, pojam „Vlah" kori-stio naprosto za označavanje doseljenika (i to katolika), odnosno novoga stanovništva (Isto). Kako kaže Skok za navedene primjere: Vlah je opozicija, ili vjerska, ili nacionalna, ili teritorijalna (Isto.). Ovo o „stranosti" u nazivima za razne grupe (u slučajevima selo-grad, druga vjera, itd.) moglo bi možda svjedočiti o semantičkoj komponenti „stran", jer bi pokazivalo da se oznaka „Vlah" nije nužno vezivala za jednu grupu, nego za skoro svaku grupu (ili makar za brojne grupe) koja se razlikovala od one grupe koja ju je tim nazivom označavala. Moguce da je semantički razvoj bio sljedeci: opce značenje „stran" - recimo naziv za onostranog boga (Veles), opozitnog Perunu; zatim naziv za svečenike, mage - jer je Veles, nasuprot Perunu, spadao u grupu bogova čije je djelovanje više magijsko nego ratničko; dakako, vrijedio bi i za grupe koje su pod zaštitom boga Velesa - recimo stočare; zatim, mogao se odnositi i na opoziciju krščani-nekristijanizirani (ili djelomično kristija-nizirani), na što je moglo utjecati i zanimanje (npr. stočarsko, koje je zbog tzv. polu-nomadskog načina života podrazumijevalo veču religijsku ,fleksibilnost', odnosno duže čuvanje predkrščanskih običaja), pa je onda postalo i oznaka za religijske razlike, po principu katolici/pravoslavci, što su mogli prihvatiti/preuzeti i Turci, pa su njime nazivali kršcane; a mogao je biti i korišten za opoziciju selo-grad. Dakle, pretpostavka je da bi riječ bila o postupnom semantičkom razvitku, koji je bio omogučen značenjem: „ono što je strano". 41 V. BELA J, Hod kroz godinu, 86. 42 Isto, 105. Inače, Dragica Premovič-Aleksič u svom radu „Srednjovekovne humke na Sjeničko-pešterskoj viso-ravni", Mileševski zapisi, 5., 2002., 39.-46., na jednom mjestu, raspravljajuči o obrednim humkama i žrtvenim obredima u Slavena, kaže i slijedeče: Kom bogu su mogle da budu prinošene žrtve na našim lokalitetima? Moguce da je u pitanju Veles, odnosno Volos, slovenski bog podzemnog sveta, bog mrtvih. Prema tumačenju nekih istraživača, ruskom imenu Volos odgovarala bi crkvena reč Vlas, Vlaš ili Vlašic, Vlasovi sinovi. Staroruski Volosu, a južnoslovenski ekvivalent je Vlasu.... Veles - Volos ili Vlas je i "bog stoke". Ova njegova funkcija bi mogla da na-vode na pretpostavku da su Vlasi, stočarski narod Sjeničko-pešterske visoravni, bili poštovaoci boga Volosa -Vlasa, zaštitnika njihove egzistencijalne delatnosti - stočarstva, a ne romanizovanopredslovensko stanovništvo kako tvrde mnogi istraživači. Moguce da se Nemanja borio protivu njih, odnosnoprotivpaganstva ili mrske jeresi što potkrepljuje i pisanje Stefana Prvovenčanog. U žitiju Svetog Simeona on kaže: "Jer je sveubilački davo nase-jao štetnu plevu i ukorenivši je u srca njihova, odvratio ih je od Tvorca njihovog, da služe gluhim kumirima...". Nešto dalje Prvovenčani navodi reči kceri nekog velmože koja je bila isprošena za krivovernika, od kog je pobegla ne mogavši da trpi "smrad gluhih kumira i mrske jeresi". ... Volosu su na žrtvu prinošene krupne životinje: bikovi i volovi. Bik je njegov simbol, a u jednoj od istraženih humki nadena je i mala keramička figura bika 207 Nekoliko misli o mogucem podrijetlu naziva Vlah vena nije bilo nužno posredovanje neke druge jezične grupe. Iz toga bi dakako slijedilo i da sam termin Vlah ima (pra)slavensko, odnosno indoeuropsko podrijetlo, te da njegova značenja nije potrebno tražiti u germanskim jezicima, niti ga zamišljati kao posudenicu iz istih. U ovome je radu glavni cilj bio ukazati na postojanje nešto drugačijih mogucnosti (a posebno onih, nazovimo ih „praslavenskih", tj. „praslavensko-indoeuropskih") tumačenja nastanka termina Vlah kod Slavena, odnosno na postojanje nešto drugačijih odgovora na pitanja o podrijetlu naziva Vlah od onih koji su se najčešce u historiografiji nudili. koja je mogla da bude i zamena za žrtvenu životinju (podebljao M. P.). Čitav rad dostupan je i na internetu: Dragica Premovič- Aleksič, „Srednjovekovne humke na Sjeničko-pešterskoj visoravni" (http://www.rastko. rs/arheologija/srednjivek/dpremovic-humke.html, bez datuma zadnje promjene). Još o prinosu žrtava, pa i životnja (stoke) bogu Velesu/Volosu vidjeti u: R. KATIČIC, „Ljuta Zvijer", 82.; kao i mnogo detaljniji prikaz o običajima vezanima za Velesa u Rusiji: n. H. TpaBKMH, X3blHECTBO ffPEBHEPyCCKOH nPOBMH^M. MARblM. rOPOff, MBaHOBO, 2007., čije je II. poglavlje dostupno i na internetu: „KY^bT BEDEČA" (http:// www.travkin-museum.ru/yazich2.html, bez datuma zadnje promjene). Ovdje bih se htio osvrnuti na još jednu zanimljivost koja bi eventualno mogla poslužiti kao putokaz za istraživanje pojma Vlah, kao i njegove moguce veze s pojmom Volos/Veles. Belaj naime kaže: Sv. Ilija je, dakako, krščanski nadomjestak za Peruna, kao što je i Vrag zamijenio Velesa. Gromovnik gada suparnika (podebljao M. P.) ... (V. BELAJ, Hod kroz godinu, 95.; a opširnije o starim slavenskim bogovima i njihovim krščanskim supstitutima vidjeti i: V. BELAJ, „Poganski bogovi i njihovi krščanski supstituti", Studia ethnologica Croatica, 21., 2009., 169.-197.). Belajevo tumačenje uz sljedeči Nodilov osvrt o predkrščanskim ostacima u narodnim pjesmama Južnih Slavena mogao bi ukazivati na raniju mitološku vezu Velesa s Vlasima, koji bi, moguce, najprije bili shvačeni kao „stranci"/"čarobnjaci", te tako i kao oni koji su pod Velesovom zaštitom, da bi kasnijom kristijanizacijom možda dobili (i) „demonske" (nevjerničke) crte: Na Gromovnika Iliju Gromovnik Perun naprti sve teško breme svoga poganstva. Svetac Gromovnik, kako ga shvačaju pučke pjesme, gotovo u ničem se ne luči od boga Gromovnika. Nigdje u pjesmama, kao što u bibliji, ne silazi oganj na riječ Ilijnu, več svuda sam Ilija udara gromom:,Vala Bogu! vala jedinome! - gde mi Vlasi žanju u nedelju! - Nad njima se tri oblaka viju: jedan oblak Gromovit Ilija, - drugi oblak Ognjena Marija, treči oblak sveti Pantelija. - Progovara sveti Pantelija: - Udri gromom, Gromovit Ilija. - udri ognjem, Ognjena Marija, a ja vetrom sveti Pantelija. - Al' govori Ognjena Marija: Nemoj gromom, gromovit Ilija ne-moj vetrom, sveti Pantelija, ni ja ognjem Ognjena Marija, - jer Vlasima Turci ne vjeruju, a pšenica težaka ne čeka". - „Udri gromom, Gromovit Ilija, seci mačem, sveti Pantelija, - pali ognjem, Ognjena Marija! - „Iz oblaka svetac progovara: - Ognjem pali, Ognjena Marija, str'jelom str'jeljaj, sveti Pantelija, - gromom udri, svetitelj Ilija". - „Ne svetkuju Petku ni Negjelju, - ni Iliju, koji gromom bije, - ni Mariju, koja munjom pali". - Ilija, ih gromovima gagja, - a Marija munjom i strijelom". Grom je uvijek Ilijna svojina. Gdje sveci blago dijele, uze „svet' Ilija groma nebeskoga, - a Marija munju i strijelu" (podebljao M. P.) ... (N. NODILO, Stara vjera Srba i Hrvata, 386.). Vlasi, njihova žetva pšenice, i 'kazna, tj. gromovi koji su se na njih obrušili zbog nepoštovanja nedjelje kao krščanskog 'svetog' dana, možda se u ovoj pjesmi spominju kao ljudi „druge vjere", ili su samo oznaka za raju (težake, porobljene od Turaka, što bi se dalo zaključiti iz stihova jer Vlasima Turci ne vjeruju, a pšenica težaka ne čeka, a što je i bila jedna od uporaba leksema Vlah kroz povijest). Medutim, ukoliko uzmemo u obzir ranije u ovom radu spominjanu vezu Volosa/Velesa i žita („Velesova brada"), zatim borbu Peruna i Velesa, tj. Gromovnika i Vraga, te vrlo moguču medusobnu etimološku vezu pojmova Veles/Volos - Voloh - Vlah, možda bi se iz ove pjesme mogli iščitati i neki staroslavenski, tj. predkrščanski ostaci vezani ne samo za „Gromovnika", več i za njegov boj sa „Zmijom", Velesom, tj. Nečistim (u krščanskoj verziji). Dakle, možda nije posve za isključiti niti mogučnost da se u ovoj pjesmi, koja čini se nosi mitološke, starije motive, Vlasi spominju baš zbog njihove veze s Volosom, a onda, posredno, i borbom Volosa i Peruna (Vraga i Gromovnika). Dakako, ako bi i bilo tako, to ne bi nužno značilo da su sami pjevači sačuvali svijest o tome, več je, ukoliko bi ova pretpostav-ka bila točna, daleko vjerojatnije da se prvobitno mitološko značenje izgubilo, ili pak izmijenilo kroz povijest, ali da je pjesma sačuvala ovaj predkrščanski motiv, čuvajuči formu. Dakako, bilo bi nezahvalno tek na temelju ove narodne pjesme pokušati tvrditi da postoji sačuvana (iako neosviještena) mitološka veza Vlaha i Velesa kod suvremenih Slavena, stoga ovo moje maloprije spominjano zasad ostaje samo kao pretpostavka. 208 Marko Pijovic Je li pritom pojam Vlah kod ranosrednjovjekovnih Slavena, posebno južnih Slavena, zaista značio stranca, ili pak stočara, ili nešto trece, to je vjerujem još otvoreno za disku-siju. No ono što se čini daleko vjerojatnijim od toga da cemo u neko skorije vrijeme odgonetnuti što su sve za naše drevne pretke Vlasi bili, jest to da je pojam Vlah, temeljem svega što je u ovome radu spomenuto, zaista staroslavenski pojam, a ne posudenica iz drugih jezika. 209 Nekoliko misli o mogucem podrijetlu naziva Vlah Some ideas on the possible origin of the term Vlach Marko Pijovic In this article the author deals with the issue of the etymology of the name „Vlach" from a perspective which differs from the one that has been prevailing in historiography. Even though the origin of the mentioned term has usually been linked with the foreign (Germanic) influences on the Slavs, the author, mostly relying on the observations of linguists, and Slavic (as well as Indo-European) lexical and mythological data, suggests a different explanation of its etymology. This, so to say „Pre-Slavic", i. e. „Pre-Indo-European" interpretation rejects the existing interpretations of the origin of the mentioned word, which are considered generally accepted by Croatian historiography, and attempts to find possible anwers to this issue in the cultural and linguistic heritage of the ancient Slavs. The author's main focus is on exploring a possible connection between the Slavic words Volhov (magus, sorcerer), Vlah, and Volos/Veles (god of cattle, wealth, and the underworld), and it is through this connection that the etymology of the term „Vlach" is interpreted. 210 BocTOHHOcnaBHHCKMe 6oru KMeBCROM Pycu: Cmpuöoe (conocTaBMTentHbiM aHanu3 gaHHwx cnaBHH-ckom m 6anTMMCKon MM^onorMnecKMx cucreM) Ponandac Kpe^M^uc In memoriam professoris Universitatis Udinensis t Nikolai Mikhailovi (1967 06 11 - 2010 05 25) Sit tibi terra levis, amice carissime! The article deals with the topics of etymological analysis and brief nascency (consequently, hierarchical position in the Eastern Slavic pantheon) of Kiev Russia or the so-called Vladimir pantheon theonym Stribog which is mentioned in the most ancient and significant sources of Slavic mythology and religion (Nestor's chronicle transcriptions; epos Slovo o polku Igoreve). Ha npoTAKeHHH HecKonbKux gecHTuneTun XIX u XX bb. ocoöoro BHuMaHuH cna-BHH0Beg0B ygocrounocb u3yneHue B03HUKH0BeHUH UMeH u ^yH^un (u cooTBeTcraeHHO uepapxunecKoro nono^eHua b BocroHHocnaBHHCKoM naHTeoHe) öoroB KueBCKon Pycu unu TaK Ha3HBaeMHX TeoHuMOB BnaguMupoBa naHTeoHa (nogpoÖHee [u nuTepaTypy] cm. Pisani 1950, 60, 62 g.; Gimbutas 1967, 747, 752, 755; Brückner 1980, 163 u g.; MuTpononuT InapioH 1994, 107 g.; OaMUH^bIH 1995, 110; Boötobuh 2002, 510). OgHuM u3 hux HBnH-eTCH Cmpuöoz, umh KoToporo ynoMuHaeTCH b caMbix gpeBHux u 3HanuMbix ucTo^HuKax no cnaBHHCKon Mu^onoruu u penuruu ^T0^0 apeana: „H ha^a khaxhth BOAOAHMept Bt KHeBp eAHHt. H nOCTABH KyMMpU HA XOAMy. BhP ABOpA TepeMHAfO. nepYHA 211 BocTOMHOOTaBSHCKMe 6ora KueBcKon Pycu: Cmpuöoz ApCBTHA. A TAABY 6r0 CpCEpCHY A OyC^ 3AAT^. H X^pCA AA^üEA. H CTpHEA1. H CHMApüTAA. H MOKOWü [h] ^pTXY HMt HApH^W^C R k[ot]u <...>" (nCP. I 79; nCP. II 23, 41, 61 [e^e cm. TonopoB 1989, 28; MapTHHoB 1989, 66]). K coxaneHuro, ^yH^uu CTpM6ora b .aBpeHTbeBcKoM u MnaTbeBcKoM cnucKax xpoHMKM HecTopa He o6o3HaHeHH. HeKoTopHe goBogH o bo3moxhom cooTHeceHMM ^T0^0 MM^onoruHecKoro o6pa3a c öo^ecTBOM BeTpoB, T.e. 6oroM ypaHucTMHecKMM, genaroTCH, ocHoBHBaacb Ha gaHHHx gpyroro ucToHHMKa no B0cT0HH0cnaBHHcK0n gy-xobhom m MaTepuanbHoö Kynbrype koh^ XII b. - Cnoeo o nonKy Maopeee: „ce BpTpH, CTpHKOXH BHYöH, BpWT C MOpH CTppAAMH HA XpAEpblH nAtKH HTOpCBU" (CnM 14; MapTHHoB yK.coH. 71). OHeBugHo, hto oTBeT Ha Bonpoc o MecTe 6ora b B0cT0HH0cnaBHHcK0M naHTeoHe u ero ^yH^uax MoxeT gaTb numb nMHrBMcTMHecKMn aHanu3 TeoHMMa, nocKonbKy 3HaHe-hmh MMeH 6oroB noHTM Bcerga, TaK unu MHaHe, cooTBeTcTByroT ux ^yH^MHM. 3gecb HeT Heo6xoguMocTM nepeHucnHTb Bce pa6oTH no ^TMM0^0^MM gaHHoro TeoHMMa u peK0HcTpy^MM ^yH^un 6ora - MHorue M3 hmx, BHnonHeHHHe go 1960 r., ynoMMHaroTca b ^TMM0^0^MHecK0M cnoBape pyccKoro H3HKa M. ^acMepa 0CP.3 III 777). HayHHaa ux ^HHocTb gaBHo ycraHoBneHa u He nyxgaeTca b noBTopHoM aHanu3e. B Hanane 90-thx XX b. 0ny6nuK0BaHH, BepoHTHo, gBa nocnegHux uccnegoBaHMH no BHme ynoMHHyToö npo6neMaTMKe - cTyguH B.H. TonopoBa (1989, 23 T.g.) u cTaTbH B.B. MapTHHoBa (1989, 61 T.g.). ^TM gBe MHTepecHenmue pa6oTH u cTaHyT KpaeyronbHHM KaMHeM 3gecb npegnaraeMoro aHanu3a no BepM^MKa^MM BHgBMHyTHx hobhx runoTe3 B03HMKH0BeHMH MMeHM M ^yH^MM CTpu6ora. nocKonbKy b BHme yn0MHHyT0M uccnegoBaHMM TonopoBa npegcraBneHo H0Ben-mee oTKpHTue B03MoxHoro npoucxoxgeHMH MMeHM ^T0^0 B0cT0HH0cnaBHHcK0r0 6ora, a b cTaTbe MapTHHoBa, KoTopHM onpoBepraeT ucTMHHocTb Bcex go cux nop ony6nuKo-BaHHHx uccnegoBaHMM no gaHHoMy Bonpocy (MapTHHoB yK.coH. 72) - TonbKo KpuTM-HecKMM 0630p nocnegHux uccnegoBaHun gaHHoro Bonpoca, o6cyxgeHue ^Ton npo6ne-MaTMKM Heo6xoguMo HanaTb MMeHHo c pa6oTH TonopoBa. TonopoB (1989, 39), onupaacb Ha hmcto ^opManbHoM pacnpegeneHMM MMeH 60-roB b yxa3aHH0M oTpHBKe neTonucHoro ^pameHTa .aBpeHTbeBcKoro cnucKa, T.e. npu-cyTcTBuu ^yHKTya^M0HHHx 3HaK0B Mexgy hmmm mhm ux oTcyTcTBuu, genaeT npegno-noxeHue o tom, hto o6cyxgaeMHn TeoHMM moxho cooTHocuTb c CuMapraoM, „<...> KoToporo conocTaBHHroT c ^mbom (unu gaxe C0n0BbeM-pa360ÖHMK0M)", xoth paHbme ^T0 6oxecTBo cpaBHMBan c 6oroM conH^ (cm. MBaHoB, TonopoB 1974, 21) [onupaacb Ha runoTe3y A. BproKHepa (cm. Brückner yK.coH. 81, 160, 187)]. B to xe BpeMH, npeg-nonaraeTca u ^yH^uoHanbHafl cBH3b c flaxb6oroM (MBaHoB, TonopoB 1965, 18) - ^Ta gBycMHcneHHocTb npeo6nagaeT bo Bcex onucaHMHx CTpu6ora, npegnaraeMHx Ha 0630p MBaH0BHM u TonopoBHM (CM 515; CM1 454; MC 503). Oh xe (TonopoB yK.coH. 41) BbicKa3an MHeHue no noBogy nepecMoTpa ^TMM0^0^MM TeoHMMa b nonb3y runoTe3H P.O. #Ko6coHa (Jakobson 1959, 19 g.), T.e. cmpu- < (imperat.) *stbrti „npocrupaTb; pacnpocrpaHHTb" O *„6or 6oraTcTBa" (e^e cm. MapTHHoB yK.coH. 72), a go Toro BpeMeHM rocnogcTBoBaBmyro ugero M. Ben (1958, 96 g.) o B03BegeHMM 1 flpyrue ^opMH aHa^M3MpyeMoro TeoHMMa (Hanp., Cmpuöos, Cmpuöa, Cmpu6o(e) m gp.) b gaHHon cTaTbe He pa36MparoTca no npMHMHe ux BTopMHHoro (m cooTBeTcTBeHHoro, no3gHero) npoucxoxgeHMH (o npMHMHax mx B03HMKH0BeHMH nogpo6Hee cm. MBaHoB, TonopoB 1983, 181; e^e cm. MuTpono^MT InapioH yK.coH. 108). 212 PonaHÖac Kpe^M^uc cn. stri- k M-E *p tri- (eme cm. 2 CHOCKy) OTBepraeT KaK HecocToaTenbHyro. TonopoB (1989, 42) npugep»uBanca MHeHua o bo3mo»hom neKcuKO-ceMaHTunecKOM cooTBeTc-tbmm Grpu6ora c uHg.-upaH. rn. star-/stir- + b(h)äga- (*stmihi + *bhägäm „pacnpocTpa-hm gonro, 6oraTcTBo"; *Bhäga- + stmäti „Bxara (6or-pacnpegenuTenb) pacnpocrpaHaeT (gonro, 6oraTcTBo)" [rnaBHbiM apryMeHTOM TaKon runoTe3bi aBnaeTca conocraBuTenb-Haa ceMaHTunecKaa cBH3b Me»gy cnaBHHcKuMu u uHgoupaHcKuMu neKcunecKuMu coot-BeTcTBuaMu, T.e. gp.nepc. baga „6or", gp.uHg. bhägah „cnacTbe, 6narononynue, KpacoTa, nro6oBb", Ha B3auMocBH3b KOTOpbix npu aHanu3e gaHHoro TeoHuMa BecbMa cKenTunecKu OTHecca A. BproKHep (Brückner yK.con. 45, 164) u O.H. Tpy6aneB (2003, 424)]. MapTbiHOB (yK.con. 73) nocTynupyeT MHeHue, nTO eguHcTBeHHO npaBunbHon aBnaeTca upaHcKaa ^TUMono^ua UMeHU CTpu6or, npegno»eHHaa nupxerrepoM (Pirchegger 1944, 311 T.g.), T.e. ^T0T TeoHUM, no ero MHeHuro, moähö BO3BoguTb k upaH. *sri-baya „go6pbin 6or". K co»aneHuro, npuHHTb TaKyro TonKy 3peHua 3a npaBunbHyro He npuxo-guTbca U3-3a ^opManbHon u BecbMa Ba»Hon npunuHbi - OTcyTcTBua KOHcoHaHTHoro eneMeHTa -t- b upaH. *sri-baya (cp. noxo»yro omu6Ky M. ruM6yTeHe (Gimbutas yK.con. 747), cooTHocuBmen TeoHuM Cmpuöoz c npacn. *srei- „Tenb"). OneBugHO, nTO TaKaa ru-noTe3a aBnaeTca o6pa3^M HapogHon ^TUMono^uu (nogpo6Hee cm. Kregzdys 2010, 51 g.), Korga BHuMaHue uccnegoBaTena KOH^HTpupyeTca He Ha geTanbHOM Mop^onorunec-kom aHanu3e cnoBa, a Ha noucKe OMOHuMunecKux cooTBeTcTBun b neKcunecKux cBogax pogcTBeHHHx h3hkob, xoth BecbMa nacTO Me»gy TaKuM cnoco6oM ycTaHOBneHHbiMu u3ornoccaMu HeT He TonbKO ceMaHTunecKon, ho u reHeTunecKon cbh3u (cm. 8 cHocKy). Mgea B.A. Pbi6aKOBa (o Hen nogpo6Hee cm. BonTOBun 2002, 510) o bo3mo»hoctu BO3BegeHua TeoHuMa Cmpuöoz k pycc. cmpiü (apx. cmpoü, cmpuü) „ot^bi 6paT,b, gaga no o^B" (flanb IV 340) HeB03M0^Ha no gByM npMHMHaM: I. TaKaa Teopua nocTpoeHua Mop^onorunecKon cTpyKTypbi cnoBa ocHOBaHa, npu-gep»uBaacb ^puH^u^0B HapogHon ^TUMono^uu, T.e. u3-3a OTcyTcTBua cTpyKTypHoro aHanu3a gaHHon ^opMbi [KpoMe conocTaBneHua ^oHeTHHecKH To^gecTBeHHMX (omo-HHMHHecKHx) ^opM] 6binu cooTHeceHbi gBe, coBepmeHHO pa3Hbie no npoucxo»geHuro, neKcunecKue eguHu^i. fleTanbHbin aHanu3 Mop^OTaKTunecKOö crpyKTypbi TeoHuMa Cmpuöoz (cm. HH»e) noKa3an, nTO cocTaBHbie ^neMeHTH uMeHu ^T0^0 6ora npuHagne-»aT HaugpeBHenmeMy neKcunecKOMy cnoro uHgoeBponencKoro npaa3biKa (cm. ganbme), a pycc. cmpiü (apx. cmpoü, cmpuü) „ot^bi 6parb, gaga no ot^b" npegcTaBnaeT co6on HOBmecTBO pyccKoro a3biKa - ^opMa pycc. cmpiü (apx. cmpoü, cmpuü) b cBoeM HKHem-HeM Mop^o^OHeTunecKOM o6nuKe He aBnaeTca ayTeHTunHon (T.e. BTopunHon - npoTu-Bonono»Hoe MHeHue BbicKa3anu T.B. TaMKpenug3e u Ban.Bc. MBaHOB (cm. 2 cHocKy)). AHanu3 gaHHoro cnoBa Heo6xoguMO HanaTb c ycTaHOBneHua neKcuKO-ceMaHTunecKon rpynnbi, KOTopon oho npuHagne»uT, u bo3mo«hhx Mop^onorunecKux cooTBeTcTBun. MMeHa pogcTBa othochtch k TaK Ha3biBaeMon Mop^onorunecKu KOHcepBaTuBHon cno-BOo6pa3OBaTenbHon cucTeMe, KOTopon npucyma Ta »e caMaa crpyKTypHaa Mogenb, nTO u gpyruM neKcunecKuM cooTBeTcTBuaM M-E h3hkob gaHHon ceMaHTunecKon rpyn-nb cnoB. AHanu3upyeMoe cnoBO, 6e3ycnoBHO, OTpa»aeT aöcTparnpoBaHHyro ^opMy, nocKonbKy pa3genaa ero Ha cTpyKTypHbie ^neMeHTH, BbigenaeTca TpexKOHcoHaHTHbin KopeHb cmp-2 6e3 cocTaBnaromero rnacHoro (a ^T0 HeB03M0^H0, nocKonbKy pyccKun 2 runoTe3a, nocTpoeHHaa Ha BO3BegeHuu -str- k M-E *-pli>tli,r- // *pIh,HtIh,er- (raMKpenMg3e, MBaHOB 1984, 538, 765, 777, 791) aBnaeTca Ka3yMcTMnecKofi, T.e. HegoKa3aHHon HaynHbiMM goBogaMM. 213 BocTOMHOCTOBSHCKMe 6ora KueBCKOM Pycu: Cmpuöoz He HBHHeTCH CeMMTCKMM H3HK0M) M Cy^^. *-bj- (c HUM 6bM0 npMHHTO 06pa30BbIBaTb pa3HMHHbie ^OpMbl MMeH pOgCTBa B CTapOCHaBHHCKOM, cp. C.CH. EpATHR „6paTCTB0" (nomen collect.) [< *brät- +*-ii- +*-ä] (nogpo6Hee cm. Xa6ypraeB 1974, 198) > pycc. öpämix „6paTCTBO, TOBapu^ecTBO, o6^MHa u gp." (flanb I 124). 3HanuT, npa^opMa gaHHoro CHOBa pe^neKTupyeT 6onee cno»Hyro Mop^onorunecKyro KOHCTpy^uro, T.e. gon»Ha UMeTb 6onbme cocTaBHHro^ux CTpyKTypHbix eguHM^ neM 0Tpa»aeTCH HHHem-hmm ee cocTOHHueM. OcHOBHBaacb Ha neKCunecKOM MaTepuane, npuBOguMOM b CHOBape Bh. flanH, mo»ho c yBepeHHOCTbro yTBep»gaTb, hto pyCC. cmpiü (apx. cmpoü, cmpuü) COOTHOCUM [no Mop^onorunecKOMy CTpoeHuro] c pycc. cecmpin „gBypogHaH, gBoropog-Haa cecTpa" u [no Mop^onorunecKOMy CTpoeHuro u 3HaneHuro] c pycc. cecmpuHa „go^b cecrpbi, nneMÄHHU^ no cecTpB" (flanb IV 179). ^TM gBa CHOBa, c nepBoro B3raHga He MMero^ue Hunero o6^ero c aHanu3upyeMbiM chobom, hbhhkitch cy6cTpaTHHMM ^op-MaMU, ot K0T0pbix npou3omnu apx. cmpoü, cmpuü (cm. ganbme). npu aHanu3e ^T0^0 pogoBoro TepMUHa He06x0guM0 ynecTb u e^e oguH BecbMa Ba«HHH ^aKT gnH BOccTa-hobtohmh npa^opMH gaHHOM neKceMbi, hto b pyccKOM H3biKe gnH o6o3HaneHMH cecrpbi ucn0nb30BancH runoKopucTUK pycc. guan. cn „cecTpa" TBepb (flanb IV 383), ho caMoe rnaBHoe - pycc. guan. mnmn „OTe^b, 6aTromKa" b guaneKTax TaK »e 03Hanan0 „cecTpa" PH3aHb (flanb IV 456), T.e. mo»ho npegnono»MTb, hto M3-3a ceMaHTHHecKon KoHTaMU-Hamui pycc. guan. cx „cecTpa" pycc. guan. mxmx „OTe^b, 6aTromKa//cecTpa", b H3H-kobom cucTeMe Morao noHBUTbCH UM.npunar. pycc. *ce(x)cmpurnü „npuHagne^a^un o^y" > HM.cy^. pycc. *ce(x)cmpuHa „to, hto npuHagne^UT o^y" (0 cy^. *-tn-ä cm. Xa6ypraeB yK.con. 203 g.) [— UM.cy^. pycc. cecmpeHÜ^im „Bce, hto nxt, hto oth-ho hmi npuHagne^HTb" (flanb IV 179) - npou3BogHoe c cy^^. *-in- + *-ik- (a TaKOM Tune CH0B006pa30BaHUH nogpo6Hee cm. Xa6ypraeB yK.con. 201)] O HM.cy^. pycc. *(cx) cmp(uH)oü „6paT o^a, gaga" [u3-3a a^epe3uca (ero npegonpegenu.ro noBTopeHue cbh-3m c-...c-, cp. hmt. overe „6enKa" = vovere „T.»."; aHra. :3m [aim] 1 am (Gaivenis, Keinys 1990, 12) u a6cop6^MM cy^. -uh- (0 TaKOM ^OHeTunecKOM hbtohmm nogpo6Hee cm. Kper»guc 2009, 281 [37 CHOCKy]) pycc. (apx.) cmpoü „t.».". npoucxo»geHue pycc. cmpiü „6paT o^a, gaga" B3auM0CBH3aHa c Mop^onorMHecKMM pa3BMTMeM pycc. (apx.) cmpoü „t.».", ho oho ropa3go npo^e: UM.cy^. pycc. *ce(x)cmpix *„to, hto npuHagne»MT o^y" (nomen collect.) [cp. c.cn. KpATHR „6paTCTBo" (nomen collect.)] UM.cy^. pycc. *ce(x)cmpiü „6paT 0T^a, gaga" [no aHanoruu c pycc. cecmpin „gBypogHaH, gBoropogHaH cecTpa" u c M3MeHeHMeM ^neKCuu »eHCKoro poga *-ä Ha My»CK0M -b no aHanoruu c pycc. öpämmü „eMy [T.e. 6paTy - P.K.] npMHagne»a^MM, cbomctbeHHbM" (flanb I 124)] — UM.cy^. pycc. cmpiü „t.»." [c a^epe3UC0M ce(x)-]. II. BTopbiM npenHTCTBueM cooTHomeHUH gaHHHx neKceM HBHHeTCH ceMaHTU-necKaH MHTep^peTa^MM TeoHUMa, nocKonbKy b naHTeoHax UHgoeBponeöcKux nneMeH TaKOM CH0B006pa3HHM Tun ^opMupoBaHMH MMeH 6oroB OTcyTCTByeT u ^T0 6hh 6h eguHCTBeHHHM cnynaft, Korga ogHoro M3 rnaBHHx 6o»ecTB nneMeHM Ha3HBanu 6h „gH-geö". B ^T0 TpygHO noBepuTb u no tom npocTOM npunuHe, hto no BceM Bep0HTH0CTM TeoHMM Cmpuöoz npegcTaBHHeT C060Ö KanbKy MMeHM gpeBHerpenecKoro 6ora 6ypb (cm. ganbme). OcHOBHBaHCb Ha gaHHOM aHanu3e, Bce nonHTKM CBH3aTb npoucxo»geHue TeoHM-Ma Cmpuöoz c pycc. cmpiü (apx. cmpoü, cmpuü) „o^ob^ 6parb, gagH no ot^b" gon»HH pac^eHMBaTbCH KaK He060CH0BaHHHe. 214 PonaHÖac Kpe^M^uc MMea b Bugy gocraTOUHO BecKyro KpMTMKy MapTHHOBa no noBogy ^TMMO^omHec-kmx M3HCKaHMM TeoHMMa Cmpuöoz, moxho BHgBMHyTb e^e ogHy runoTe3y o BO3MO«-hom npoucxoxgeHMM MMeHM gaHHoro 6ora, Ha ^TOT pa3 BO3HMKHOBeHMe c.OBO^opMH npoBoga Ha ocHOBaHMM BHyTpeHHero aHa.M3a (T.e. Ha ypoBHe CMHxpoHHoro M3yueHMH gaHHHX C.aBHHCKMX M MM 6.M3KMX 6anTMMCKMX H3HKOB), a TO.bKO nOTOM npOBOgH no-MCK BO3MOXHHX pOgCTBeHHHX .eKCeM M MM^OnOrMUeCKMX COOTBeTCTBMM Ha nonBe gpy-rux M-E h3hkob (ec.u ^TO Heo6xoguMo). PemeHMe Bonpoca ycraHOB.eHMH bö3mo»hhx neKCuuecKMx COOTBeTCTBMM TeoHM-Ma Cmpuöoz b c.aBHHCKMx H3HKax Heo6xoguMO HanaTb c onpege.eHMH rpynnH .mhhhx mm£h, k KOTopoö moxho 6bmo 6h cooTHecTM gaHHoe c.OBO - oho, KOHenHO, npuHag.e-«mt k nogrpynne TaK Ha3HBaeMHx Ta6yucTMuecKMx .eKceM (nogpo6Hee cm. Kregzdys 2006, 135 T.g.), T.e. UMeHaM 6oroB, KOTopHx m ceüuac, m b gaBHue BpeMeHa (cp. uygeü-CKoe Ta6y npou3HomeHMH UMeHU #xBe (nogpo6Hee cm. MC 633)) npou3HOcuTb 6bi.o 3anpe^eHO (cp. mmh cnaBHHCKoro 6ora rpo3H nepyn, ynoTpe6.HeMoro b roxHOc.aBHH-ckmx H3HKax: 6.r. nenepyna, nenepyda, nepnepyda, npenepyda (MC 431); BO3MO«Hyro nepepa6oTKy UMeHU 6ora Bonoc no ^pMH^M^y aHarpaMMHHecKoro pacnpegeneHMa ochobm c.OBa, T.e. pycc. Conoeeü-pasöoünuK Bonoc [wraTb c npaBa Ha .eBO, T.e. *co-noB- (cp. MC 496)]. flaHHoe M3MeHeHMe CTpyKTypH c.OBO^opMH npuHHTO U3^HCHHTb KaK KpunTorpa^uuecKyro 3anucb (m.m npoM3HomeHMa) ^B^eMM3MOB (Bußmann 2002, 205 g., 385). Ha^e Bcero TaKue ^OHOMop^onoruuecKue M3MeHeHMH OTpaxaroTCH b .eK-cunecKMx npuMepax pe.Mruo3Horo n.aHa, a TaK«e b Tex c.OBax, KOTopHe MMeroT on-pege.eHHHe cooTHomeHMH c gyxoBHon m.m o6pHgoBOM c^epoü, u He Ba«HO, k KaKOMy nepuogy H3HKOBoro pa3BMTMH ux npuHMcnaroT, cp. pycc. Kyua „Kpecraaa MaTb" MyKa „t.«.", .mt. burti „KongoBaTb" urbti „t.«." (cm. Gaivenis, Keinys yK.con. 19), e^e cp. o6pa3e^ Mop^OTaKTunecKOM TpaHC^O3M^MM M3-3a Ta6y pycc. gua.. y^a^äHKa „BegbMa" (Ko.HMa) (cm. B.acoBa 2008, 499) < *y^a^aHKa ra. pycc. yzaduBamb „OT(pa3-)ragaTb, goragaTbCH; y3HaTb no tcmhhm npu3HaKaM u gp." (fla.b IV 464 g.)3. 3HanuT, MO«HO ge.aTb ocTopo«Hoe npegno.oxeHue o tom, uto aHanu3upyeMHH TeoHUM pe^neKTupyeT MeTaTe3y Mop^o.oruuecKoro xapaKTepa, onpege.eHHyro ^eHO- 3 Bo3mo«ho, TpaHC^opMa^Ma ^OHOMop^cwioruHecKoro n.aHa OTpaxeHa u b CTpyKType gpyroro MMeHM 6o«ecTBa naHTeoHa KueBCKon Pycu MÖKomb, nogpo6HHM .UHrBMCTMuecKUM aHa.M3 KOToporo npegcTaB.eH Ban.Bc. MBaHOBHM (1976, 268 T.g.), a no3gHee gono.HeH MBaHOBHM u TonopoBHM (1983, 175 T.g.; e^e cm. MC 367; CM 363). ^TOMy TeoHUMy gpeBHeOTaBSHCKoro naHTeoHa 6ygeT nocBa^eHa OTge.bHaa pa6oTa, ho TyT Heo6xogMMO ynoMHHyTb .umb ogHy geTa^b BO3MO«Horo npoucxo^geHMa UMeHU u ^yHK^MOHa^bHOM npuHagnexHOCTM gaHHoro 6o«ecTBa - b c^OBape flana npuBoguTCH neKCMKO-ceMaHTunecKoe rHe3go chöb, He TOübKO ugea^bHö cooTBeTCTByro^Mx M3MeHeHMaM ^opManbHoro nnaHa, T.e. rpaMMaTunecKoro o6.aMKa TeoHUMa m M3MeHeHua cy6cTpaTHon ^opMH, ho TaK«e u MepapxMnecKOMy nonoxeHMro MU^onoreMH (nogpo6Hee cm. B.acoBa yK.con. 341 g.). npuHHB runoTe3y MBaHOBa (ocHOBaHHyro Ha npegnonoxeHMM OacMepa (^CPH II 640): pycc. Monomä „goMOBOM b o6pa3e xeH^HHH c 6o.bmon ronoBofi u gnMHHHMM pyKaMu" < mm. npu.ar. pycc. MÖKpuü „CHpon, B.a«HHM, He cyxon, npoMOKmun") 3a MCTMHHyro, T.e. BO3BoguTb MÖKomb k r.. ct.c.. *mokngti, *mociti, mm. npu.ar. *mokn (MBaHOB, TonopoB 1983, 189, 194) pycc. MoKHymb, MoKämb „npo(Ha)MOKaTb; 6HTb o6.UBaeMHM goxgeMt, Bogoro, B.aroro; .e«aTb b Bogi" (fla.b II 340), ocTa.ocb 6h He BHacHeHO He TO.bKO 3HaneHue TeoHUMa, ho u oneHb Ba«Hoe 3BeHO M3MeHeHMa ^yHK^MM aToro 6o«ecTBa: „r.aBHoe 6o«ecTBO «eHCKon unocTacu KueBCKon Pycu" ■ „3HaxapKa, KO.gyHba" [k TOMy «e, «eHCKun o6pa3 6o«ecTBa, peKOHCTpyK^Ma KOToporo ocHOBaHa .umb Ha goragKax, aB.aeTca o6teKTOM KoppeK^MM, TaK KaK 3HaneHue TeoHUMa u o6pagoBaa TpagM^Ma M-E HapogoB (TaK«e u c.aBaHCKUx (!!!)) 3Toro MM^onorunecKoro o6pa3a aB.aroTca onpegenaro^UMU MOTUBaMU g.a BOccTaHOB.eHua ero My«CKoro o6.MKa]. Ha Bce stm BonpocH y«e gaBHO OTBeTM., caM aToro He npegno.araa, Be.MKMM pyccKMM neKCMKorpa^ B.. fla.b. 215 BocTOHHocnaBaHcKMe 6ora KueBcKoM Pycu: Cmpu6o^ MeHOM Ta6y: ct. pycc. Cmpu-6oat [*C-mp-u- *-bmpuC]^*Cupmb-6oat [? aharpam-mhheckoe pacnpegenehhe ochobm c MeTaTe3OM HaHanbHoro C- u3-3a OTcyTcTBua b boc-TOHHOcnaBaHcKOM ^OHOTaKTMHecKOM CBH3KM TPMC- (cBH3Ka CTPM- B pyCCKOM a3bIKe g0B0nbH0 mup0K0 ynoTpe6naeMa: pycc. cmpusa „KOHb unu ropogb (Bb urpax)"; cmpuKt „nonoca, HepTa u gp.", cmpiu (apx. cmpou, cmpuu) „OT^Bb 6paTb, gaga nO ot^b" (flanb IV 340) (a h£m cm. Bbime)] O pycc. (apxau3M) cupmb „BogoBoporb, Bupb, Bbipb, nyHu-Ha, BogoKpyT"4 (flanb IV 188), T.e. nepBbift KOMnoHeHT K0Mn03UTa Tuna karmadharaya (o TaKOM Buge cnoBocnoxeHua b npacnaBaHcKOM cm. Xa6ypraeB 1974, 192) OTpaxaeT TpaHC^03u^uro KOMnoHeHTOB pagu^uanbH0^0 cnora [Tun M0p^0TaKTUHecK0M nepe-cTaHOBKu]. TaKoe npegnonoxeHue, KOHeHHO, HyxgaeTca b geTanbHOM o6ocHOBaHuu u npegcTaBneHuu ^TUMono^uu pycc. (apxau3M) cupmb, K0T0paa OTcyTcTByeT b ^TUM0-noruHecKux cBogax cnaBaHcKux u gp. M-E a3biKOB (cp. ^acMep III 267; IEW; LEW...), xoTa uMeHHO ^T0T apxau3M pyccKoro a3biKa npegcTaBnaeT co6oft neKcuHecKuft penuKT oco6oft BaxHocTu - ero npaMbie cooTBeTcTBua b 6anTuftcKux a3biKax [BecbMa gpeBHUM neKcuHecKuft cnoft - rugpoHuMbi] ocraroTca 6e3 Hagnexa^ero o6bacHeHua ux npouc-xoxgeHua (cm. ganbme). HecoMHeHHO, pycc. (apx.) cupmb „BogoBopoTb, Bupb, Bbipb, nyHUHa, BogoKpyT" coothocum (u no Mop^onorunecKOMy [3HaHUT, u ^TUM0n0^uHecK0My], u no ceMaHTu-HecKOMy npu3HaKaM) c: 1) uM.cy^. pycc. cmpyx, gp.-pycc. cmpyx, cT.-cn. CTpoyrc „poo;" ... cnoBeH. struja „pyKaB peKu, KaHan, TeHeHue, cTpya" ~ nuT. srauja „TeHeHue", nTm. strauja u gp., rugp. ^paK. Ztpauo; „Ha3BaHue peKu b cpaHe buctohob", g.B.H. Stroua, Streua u gp. (cm. i>acMep III 785); 2) pycc. cmpyaa „rny6oKoe MecTO, nyxa, ocraro^aa-ca neTOM ot noHTu nepecbixaro^eft peHKu", gp.-pycc. cmpyaa „TeHeHue", cT.-cn. CTpoyrA „psu^a", cnoBeH. struga „pycno, pyKaB peKu" u gp. < M-E *sreu- „TeHb" + ^opMaHT *-g- ~ nTm. strauga „Hu3Koe MecTO, rge moxho npoBanuTbca", struga „6onoTo", strugla „cTpya Bogbi" (cm. $acMep III 783); 3) pycc. cmpyueHb „pyHeft", cnoBeH. strumen „n0T0K, pyKaB peKu" u gp. < npacn. *strumy ~ nuT. straumuo „n0T0K, pyHeft", nTm. straume „TeHeHue", rp. psu^a „n0T0K, cTpya, TeHeHue", ^paK. Ztpu^wv, gp.-upn. sruaim „n0T0K", gp.-ucn. straumr „n0T0K, peKa", gp.-uHg. sravati „TeHeT", rp. psw „TeKy", nuT. sraveti „MegneH-ho TeHb" u gp. (cm. ^acMep III 783 g.); 4) pycc. ocmpoB, gp.-pycc. u cr.-cnaB. OCTpOB'h „v^cto;", 6nr. ocmpoB, cep6.-xopB. ocmpso, cnoBeH. ostrov u gp. < npacn. *o-strovt „to, hto o6TeKaeTca, peHHoM ocTpoB" ~ nuT. srava „TeHeHue, KpoBOTeHeHue, MeHCTpya^ua", prasrava „tok Bogbi", nTm. strava „TeHeHue" u [c gpyroM cTyneHbro BOKanu3Ma] nuT. srove, strove „TeHeHue" u gp. (cm. ^acMep III 165). KaMHeM npeTKHOBeHua ^nuMUHa^uu pycc. (apx.) cupmb u3 ^TUMono^uHecKux cBogoB cnaBaHcKux, ga u Bcex gpyrux M-E a3biKOB [cm. BHme], BuguMO, crano HecooT-BeTcTBue pagu^uanbH0M cTpyKTypbi gaHHOM ^opMbi u BHme npuBegeHHbix npuMepoB. rnaBHHM npenaTcTBueM cooTHeceHua Bcex ^Tux cnoB b 0gH0 neKcuKO-ceMaHTuHecKoe none - go cux nop HeBbiacHeHHaa Mop^onoruHecKaa cBa3b Mexgy M-E *sreu- „TeHb" u cTyneHbro guiia M-E *seir- „T.x.", peKOHcTpy^uro KOTopoft onpegenaeT pycc. (apx.) 4 Cp. 3HaHeHMa pycc. supt „OMyT m BogoBopoT, aMMHa nogb BogoM cb pogHMKaMM mam cb K0n0B0p0T0Mb 6bicTparo TeHeHba; BogoKpyTb, BogoBepTb, Bbipb, nyHMHa, 3aBepTb, BHXopt, cyBogb, cyBOM, cynoM, BopoTb, KyHOBopoTb, KpyreHb, 3aKpyTeHb; BMxopb, 3aBOM, 3aBOMKa Bb mepcTu" (flanb I 206). CeMaHTMHecKyro cBa3b Mexgy aHanM3MpyeMbiM TeoHMMOM m Ha3BaHMaMM BogaHoro npocTpaHcTBa pe^neKTMpyroT Teo^opHHe rugpoHMMW yKpaMHbi: Cmpuu p., Cmpu6o3bKa p., Cmpu6oMe 03ep0 (e^e cp. Ton. Cmpusopod, Cmpu6iM (^MTOMMpcKaa o6n.) (cm. Bomtobmh yK.coH. 510). 216 PonaHÖac Kpe^M^uc cupmb [< npacn. *seir- + cy^. *-t- + TeMa (g.fem.) *-i- (nogpo6Hee o ceMaHTuHecKoö Koppenfl^MM ^TMx ^opMaHToB cm. Xa6ypraeB yK.coH. 196)]. nocnegHuö u3 hmx c nep-Boro B3rnsga He cooTBeTcTByeT ^pMH^M^aM nocTpoeHus cucTeMbi psgoB M-E a6nay-Ta u cTpyKTypbi KopHs BpeMeH M-E npaa3biKa (cm. CeMepeHbM 1980, 97 T.g., 148 g.). npugepxuBaflcb Teopuu BeHBeHMcTa (Benveniste 1984, 147 T.g.), oHa gonxHa cocTosTb M3 Tpex ^neMeHT0B, xots BoccTaHoBneHue HerapexKoMnoHeHTHoro KopHs M-E *seir-npegnonoraeT He TonbKo aHanu3upyeMbiM pycc. (apx.) cupmb, ho u rugpohmmh nuT. Seira p. CpM, Seirijai o3., o6a KoTopbix Bo3BogMMbi k npa6anT. *seir- „TeHb, cTpyuTbca, KanaTb" (cp. Vanagas 1981, 294). Cpa3y HyxHo oTMeTUTb, hto ynoMAHyTbie rugpoHu-mh go cux nop He MMeroT gocTOBepHoö ^TMMono^MM. Hau6onee npaBgonogo6Hoe o6,b-scHeHue Bo3HMKHoBeHMH gaHHbix ^opM yKa3an OTpeM6cKM - oh peKoHcrpyupyeT M-E *sei- (Otr^bski 1963, 27), c KoTopoö coothocmt gp.MHg. strä „peKa, noToK, TeHeHue". DiaBHbiM HegocTaTKoM ^T0M runoTe3bi, nonHocTbro onpoBepraro^MM ee ucTMHHocTb, ABnaeTca tot ^aKT, hto Ha TeppuTopuu Hmtbh ynoTpe6naroTcfl rugpoHMMH c KopHeM ser-, Bo3BoguTb KoTopbix k yxe ynoMSHyToMy M-E *sei- Henb3s no tom npocroö npuHu-He, hto -r- He aB^aerca cy^^MKcoM, a cocTaB^aro^MM KopHa Tuna guna: [e-cTyneHu] nuT. Ser-e p. nHg < M-E *ser- „TeHb, cTpyuTbca; npoBopHo u MHTeHcuBHo gBuraTbcs" + cy^^. *-ä- [cp. nuT. garbe „noHeT" (e ochob.), KoTopoe ABnaeTcs 6onee no3gHuM npe-o6pa3oBaHueM BMecTo nuT. garba „T.x." (ä ochob.) [< *-ä - LEW 147] (e^e cm. Kregzdys 2008, 94; Kregzdys 2010 , 210, 217)] < M-E *ser- „TeHb, cTpyuTbcfl; npoBopHo u uHTeH-cubho gBuraTbcs" ~ [ö-cryneHu] nuT. Sar-ia o3. u p. Mbhh, nTm. Sar-ija p., Ton. nuT. Sar-at nr. ffinHH, nTm. Sar-upe gpB. < M-E *sor- „TeHb" [> rugp. Sar(s) (b ^anM^MM), Sora (b AHrnuu) (cp. Vanagas yK.coH. 291, 296)] gp.-uHg. si-sar-ti, sár-ati „TeHb, cnemuTb, ToponuTbca, rHaTb, npecnegoBaTb" u gp. (IEW 909 fl.)]5. K ToMy »e, HyxHo oTMeTuTb u tot ^aKT, hto ^TMMono^Mfl gp.uHg. strä „peKa, noToK, TeHeHue", no cnoBaM M. Maöpro^epa (Mayrhofer III 477), ABnaeTca „problematisch"6. fleno b tom, hto BaKepHaren u fle6pyHHep (Wackernagel, Debrunner 1896, 47), bo3bo-guBmue ^Ty ^opMy k M-E *si-, He npegcTaBunu y6eguTenbHoro o6íbflcHeHufl o cy^ec-TBoBaHuu Tpex pa3nuHHbix ^opM no cTeneHu a6nayTa [Ha ypoBHe gpeBHeuHguöcKoro, T.e. b cuHxpohhom nnaHe] Toro xe caMoro KopHs, T.e. gp.uHg. sirä „peKa, noToK, TeHe-Hue", sarä „T.x.", strä „T.x.", hto, k cTaTu, He oTBeHaeT ^pMH^M^aM apxauHHoro (penuK-ToBoro) o6pa3^ ^opMupoBaHua HoMuHanbHbx o6pa3oBaHuö [KopeHb + TeMaTuHec-kum cy^^uKc -a] uMeH geßcTBus7 (nomina actionis) ot TaK Ha3HBaeMbx Bep6anbHbx 5 B BocToHHo-6anTuMcKux s3biKax ynoTpe6nsK>Tcs u rnaronbHbie ^opMbi c HyneBoM cTyneHbro KopHs: rn. nuT. sir-énti „MegneHHo KuneTb, BapuTbcs, ny3bipuTbcs, 6e»aTb ManeHbKuMu maraMu", ap-sir-ti „oKpyxaTb, o^nnsTb", nTm. sirt „oKpyxuTb, HanacTb" (cp. Vanagas yK.coH. 299). 6 B PurBege (I 174, 9; IV 19, 8; X 49, 9) gp.uHg. sirä „peKa, noToK, TeneHue" ynoTpe6nseTcs Hapsgy c sirä„T.m'', a b ATxapBaBege - sarä „T.x." (Mayrhofer T.x.). 7 Ba»Ho nognepKHyTb tot ^aKT, hto npucyTcTBue ygapeHus Ha cy^^uKce uMeH geñcTBua aToro Tuna, KaK 3aMeTun T. Bappoy (1976, 118), sBnseTcs BTopuHHHM, T.e. moxho BbigBuHyTb npegnonoxeHue, hto uMeHHo H3MeHeHHe a^eHTHoro runa „y^apeHHe Ha neHyntTHMe (apxaHMHaa Moment)" — „y^apeHHe Ha (^jieKTMBHOM ^opMaHre (HHHOBa^Ha)" h örnno npMHMHOH noaBneHHa HyneBOH cryneHH gp.uHg. sirä „peKa, noToK, TeneHue", T.e. gp.uHg. sirä gp.uHg. sirä „T.x." (cp. gp.uHg. su-sirá- Wackernagel, Debrunner 1929-1930, 361). CoBnaßeHMe gByx Mop^onornnecKHX THnoB bo e^HHMH [nomen actionis (ygapeHue Ha KopHe) ++ nomen agentis (ygapeHue Ha cy^^uKce)] u örnna npHHHHoö Bo3HHKHoBeHHa cnaöoö cryneHH nomen actionis gp.uHg. sirä, nocKonbKy oho pe^neKTupyeT HaugpeBHeMmuM Tun ano^oHuu M-E npas3HKa, cy^ecTBoBaBmuñ gns pa3rpaHuHeHus gByx ceMaHTunecKux egMHM^ Toro xe caMoro KopHs - ygapeHue nagaeT Ha cy^^uKc Knacca nomina agentia cnaöaa cryneHt KopHa, b to BpeMs KaK nomina actionis 217 BocTOHHocnaBaHcKMe 6ora KueBcKoM Pycu: Cmpu6o^ ^opM nepecTaH0B0HH0r0 M-E a6aayTa (Schwebeablaut) M-E npaa3biK0B0H cucTeMbi, ho HHH0Ba^H0HHHe npeo6pa30BaHua, noaBMBmueca Ha noHBe MHgoupaHcKon h3hkobom o6^hoctm uau e^e 6oaee no3gHero nepuoga (cm. 6 cHocKy). 3HaHMT, u b gpeBHeuHgun-ckom, m b 6anTMMcK0M ynoTpe6aaK>Tca gBe aeKcuHecKue eguHM^i cTyneHM gum M-E *ser- „TeHb, cTpyMTbca; npoBopHo u uHTeHcuBHo gBuraTbca" u M-E *seir- „T.».". ßo3Bpa^aacb k npo6aeMe B0ccTaH0BaeHua HeTbipexKoMnoHeHTHoro KopHa M-E *seir- Hy»H0 oTMeTUTb BHme ynoMaHyTbin Tun 06pa30BaHun Bep6aabHbix ^opM bto-puHHoro uau nepecTaHoBoHHoro M-E a6aayTa (Schwebeablaut) M-E npaa3biK0B0H cucTeMbi, K0T0pHM npu ^opMynupoBKe cTpyKTypbi M-E KopHa BeHBeHucTa, aBaaeTca npe-06pa30BaHueM gbyxcno^hon ochobm (nogpo6Hee cm. CeMepeHbu yK.coH. 150), 3HaHMT - BT0pMHHbiM. Cpa3y Hy»H0 0TMeTMTb, HT0 gaHHbiM TepMMH TpagM^M0HH0 ucnoab3y-eTca gaa o6o3HaHeHua H0MMHaabHbix 06pa30BaHun, a He raaroaoB. MHTep^peTa^Ma npo^cca cy^^MKca^MM M-E raaroaa go cux nop aBaaeTca 3agaHen BecbMa 3aK0Bbi-pucT0M u o6peMeHeHHoö cao»HocTaMM caoBou3MeHeHua ^T0H KaTeropuu a3biKa (cp. „Suffix -ei/i- <...> The historical development of all these forms is still unclear" (Beekes 1995, 229)). HecMoTpa Ha Bce HeBbiacHeHHbie HroaHcbi nocTpoeHua cy^^MKcaabHbix rnaronbHHx ^opM, Hy»H0 MMeTb b Bugy raaBHbiH ^aKTop: „<...> 06pa30BaHue MMeH-hhx u rnaronbHHx ochob noKouTca b o6^eM Ha ogHux u Tex »e ^pMH^M^ax. Pacnpo-crpaHeHua rnaronbHHx KopHen - ^T0 b cy^HocTu uHKopnopupoBaHHbie cy^MKcbi <...>" (Bappoy yK.coH. 273). ^TM 3aMeHaHua Bappoy BecbMa 3HaHMTeabHbie, nocKoabKy onpegeaaroT nyTb pemeHua ^TMM0H0^MHecK0^0 aHaau3a BHme nepeHucaeHHbix aeKcu-HecKux eguHM^ Mo»ho c ocTopo»HocTbro BbigBMHyTb npegnoao»eHue, hto MMeHHo Schwebe-ablaut'Hbiö Tun Mop^oaoruHecKoro crpoeHua raaroabHbix ^opM (nomina deverbativa) pycc. (apx.) cupmb „BogoBopoTb, Bupb, Bbipb, nyHMHa, BogoKpyT", cT.-ca. CTpoyrc „pooc;", cT.-ca. CTpoyra, cT.-caaB. oCTpos^ u gp. npegcTaBaeH He ToabKo b 6anTMHcKMx u cnaBHHcKux a3biKax, ho m gpeBHeuHguMcKoM: M-E *ser- „TeHb, cTpyuTbca; npoBopHo u uHTeHcuBHo gBuraTbca" (IEW 909) + cy^. M-E *-eu- (o HeM cm. Mene yK.coH. 230)8 > MM.npuaar. M-E *seru- (*soru-//*sreu-//*srü-) „TeKy^un; KaK cTpya" [cp. ra. M-E MMeroT ygapeHue Ha KopHe ++ KopeHb CTyneHM guna (nogpo6Hee cm. Mene 1914, 227; Bappoy yK.coH. 119, 274), cp. gp.MHg. sarah „o3epo, npyg". 3HaHMT, gyMaTb, hto gp.MHg. sira pe^aeKTupyeT BTopuHHoe ygauHeHue ot gp.MHg. sira, TaKoe aBaeHue BcTpeHaeTca b gpeBHeuHguncKoM a3biKe (cp. gp.MHg. madhuka- „nHeaa; Ha3BaHMe gepeBa Bassia latifolia" ~ gp.MHg. madhuka- „T.»." (Kregzdys 2009, 116; Kper»guc 2009, 282 [42 cHocKy])), He npuxoguTca. TaK»e b onpoBep»eHuu Hy»gaeTca runoTe3a BaKepHareaa m fle6pyHHepa (Wak-kernagel, Debrunner 1954, 29, 247), hto noaBaeHue HyaeBon cTyneHM gp.MHg. sira cBa3aHHo c geKaMHa^MeM cnoBa, T.e. *sir (nom.sg.) ^ sira (b KocBeHHbx nage»ax), nocKo^bKy ygapeHMe ochob Ha -a- b a3WKe Beg npu cK^oHeHMM 6hho Heno^BH^HMM (E^M3apeHK0Ba 1982, 224). Cy^ecTBoBaHMe pa3^MHH^ix ^opM cTyneHM guiia gp.MHg. sara „peKa, noToK, TeHeHMe" m gp.MHg. sira „T.»." onpegenaeT B0ccTaH0B^eHMe gByx raaronbHbix egMHM^ c tom »e caMon cTyneHbro HepegoBaHMa gunna M-E *ser- „menb" m M-E *seir- „T.».". OgHa M3 hmx - M-E *seir- - 6e3 coMHeHMa BTopMHHa, nocKoabKy pe^aeKTMpyeT npoM3BogHyro Bep6aabHyro ^opMy ceKyHgapHoro M-E a6aayTa (Schwebeablaut) (cm. gaabme). 8 Cp. ra. M-E *der-//*dr- „(oTo)pBaTb" + cy^^. M-E *-euu-//*ü- ^ ra. M-E *dreu-//*drü- „pacKaabiBaTb cno-co6om pa3gupaHMa" (PE2 I 231) [mo»ho geaaTb ocTopo»Hyro npegnocwaKy, hto cyTb Schwebeablaut-Hon nepecTaHoBKM cocToaaa He ToabKo b M3MeHeHMM 3HaHeHMa raaroabHon ^opMW [oho npuo6peTaao BMgoBon oTTeHoK: „geaaTb" ^ „cgeaaTb"; „geaaTb" ^ „n0CT0aHH0 geaaTb"], ho b nepByro oHepegb oHa pe^aeKTMpyeT Mop^oao^M3a^Mro rpaMMaTMHecKon KaTeropuu cy6cTaHTMBa [T.e. raaroa ^ cy6cTaHTMB], T.e. HecMoTpa Ha KaTeropMHHoe yTBep»geHMe Bappoy (yK.coH. 274), hto nocae Schwebeablaut-Hon nepecTaHoBKM „Pa3au-HMe Me»gy stmmm gByMa TMnaMM ^opM co cTyneHbro gunna [T.e. *der- *dreu- - P.K.] He MMeeT HMKaKoro 3HaHeHMa, Korga peHb MgeT o 3HaHeHMM KopHen Mau mx cnpa»eHMM: oho cy^ecTBeHHo aumb gaa MMeHH^ix 218 PonaHÖac Kpe^M^uc *der- „(oTo)pBaTb" > uM.npunar. M-E *deru- (*doru-//*dreu-//*drü-) „TBepgbiM, Kpen-kmm" (nogpo6Hee cm. Benveniste I 104 T.g.; PEŽ I 225)] O I. (Schwebeablaut) uM.npunar. M-E *sreu-/*srü- „TeKy^un"9 [TaKue ^opMbi, BuguMo, e^e b nepuog M-E npafl3biKa unu ero pacnneHeHMM Ha guaneKTbi 6bmu cy6cTaHTuBupoBaHHbi [substantiva abstracta -M-E *deru (*doru-//*dreu-//*drü-) „TBepgocTb, KpenocTb" (PEŽ t.ä.)], no3gHee k Kop-Hro npu6aBneH ^opMaHT M-E *-ö- (g.masc.) (o HeM nogpo6Hee cm. Mene yK.con. 227 g.), cp. MM.cy^. npanMT. *srevas//*sruvas [> (c aHanraKcunecKuM -t- u BTopu^HbiM ygnuHeHueM raacHoro nog ygapeHueM - BocTOHHo-6anTuMcKafl uHHOBa^ufl) npanuT. *strevas//*srüvas > nuT. srüvis „(KpoBa) TeneHue; pycno peKu" (c -is < -as no aHanoruu c nMT.guan. upis „peKa" - nogpo6Hee cm. Skardžius yK.con. 54)], a no3gHee u M-E *-ä (g.fem.) (cm. Mene yK.con. 254; Mažiulis 1970, 306)] > 1a) uM.npunar. 6n.-cn. *sreu-/*sru-„TeKy^un" > uM.cy^. kraujó-sruv-a „KpoBonogTeK" [-v- b ^TOM cnoBe He ABnaeTcfl pe^-tokcom cy^. M-E *-eu- (TaK, KaK ^Ta ^opMa pe^neKTupyeT HyneByro cTeneHb KopHfl), a ^oHeTunecKu o6ycnoBneHHoM BcTaBKon ^neHTe3a) bo u36e^aHuu xuaTyca (nogpo6Hee cm. Zinkevičius 1966, 189)] // MM.cy^. 6n.-cn. *srav-os [< 6n.-cn. *sröu- (^opMa c nepe-goBaHueM *sreu-/*srou-), cp. uM.cy^. npanuT. *sravas (cm. ganbme)]/*sru- „TeKy^un" > ochob <...>", TaKaa ^opMyaupoBKa Hy»gaeTca b cy^ecTBeHHofi Koppe^uu, nocKoabKy ceMaHTM^ecKaa cTpyKTypa ^opMbi *dreu- [de natura aBaaro^aaca ag,beKTMBM3a^MOHHbIM npou3BogHbiM], pe^aeKTupyeT cyöcTpaTHoe MMeHHoe 3Ha^eHue *„pacKaabiBaTb cnocoöoM pa3gupaHua" [A (raaroa) + B (MMeHHoM cy^-^mkc) — B(AB) (uMeHHaa ^opMa co 3Ha^eHue TpaH3MTMBHoCTM, KoTopaa y npuaaraTeabHbix MMeHHoro TMna aBaaeTca MHTpaH3MTMBHOM, cp. „geaaro^MM xopomo" ^ „xopomufi")]. 3Ha^MT, ra. M-E *dreu-//*drü-„pacKaabiBaTb cnocoöoM pa3gupaHua" pe^aeKTupyeT MMeHHyro nepecTaHOBKy Schwebeablaut-Horo TMna ^to o^eBugHo no npu^MHe npucyTcTBua b gaHHoM aeKceMe MMeHHoro oTTeHKa ceMeMbi *„pacKaabiBaTb cnocoöoM pa3ßMpaHMa", T.e. *„pacKaabiBaTb pa3gnparo^M", a He „pacKaabiBaTb" (!!!)]. M3-3a npucyTcTBua b TaKux BMeHHHX oöpa3oBaHuax ceMaHTM^ecKoro oTTeHKa raaroabHoM ^opMH, ohm nepexoguau b pa3pag geag,eKTMBHWx raaroaoB, T.e. B(AB) — rB. MrHopupoBaHue Mop^oTaKTM^ecKofi cTyneHM B(AB) qacTo npu-BoguT k ucKa»eHMM Mop^oaorM^ecKofi cTpyKTypbi a3biKa m TeM caMKM k aaoru^ecKMM paccy»geHuaM no noBogy npoucxo»geHua caoB (ga»e Ha cuHxpoHHoM ypoBHe), cp. MHTep^peTa^MK> raaroabHbix ^opM au-ToBcKoro 33biKa: 1) nonwTKa ®p^HKeaa (LEW 433) cooTHecTM ra. auT. apmilvinti „durch Bitten besänftigen", auT.guaa. apmilvinti, milvinti „yMoauTb oöe^aHuaMu" (LKZ) [^ ra. auT. guaa. milvinti, milvinti „yMoauTb oöe^aHMSMM, npegocTaBMTb Hage^gy"] c rn. hmt. maldyti „ynpamuBaTb" noTepnena no^Hoe ^uacKo, noc-mubKy ra. jmT. milvinti „yMO^HTb oöe^aHMaMM" aBnaeTca He npou3BogHWM ot ra. hmt. maldyti, T.e. oh goa^eH pac^eHMBaTbca He KaK yHacaegoBaHHaa ^opMa [T.e. öaaTMÖcKaa], a coothocmm c ra. hmt. malvinti „npupy^aTb [T.e. yroBapuBaTb, yMoaaTb]" ~ malvyti „t.»." ~ apsimalvinti „t.»." (LKZ) [mil-< mal- perpec-cuBHaa accMMMaa^Ma], a nocaegHMM aBaaeTca 3auMcTBoBaHueM - caaBaHH3MOM, cp. pycc. ra. MonBumb, MÖnBnuBamb „öauTb [BaöuTb, MaHMTb (oöe^aHHaMH), oöoab^aTb (flaab I 39, 159)]; roBopuTb, cKa3WBaTb" (flaab II 340 g.); ra. pycc. Monumb, MänuBamb „npocuTb cMupeHHo, noKopHo, ycepgHo, npocuTb, Bwnpa-muBaTb" (flaab II 341 g.); 2) runoTe3a M. BuöypuTe (Viburyte 2007, 60), a tom, mto ra. auT. burlioti „ecTb pacnaecKMBaa, na^KaTb" (LKZ) coothocmm c MM.cy^. auT. bürlas „rpa3b", aBaaeTca HecocToaTeabHoM no tom npocToM npu^MHe, mto geHoTaTHaa Koppeaa^Ma gaHHoM aeKceMW pe^aeKTupyeT He pe^epeHT „rpa3b", a „poT, nacTb" [~ ra. auT. guaa. burlyti „mapuTb (MecuTb) Mopgoö (noMao)" m gp. (öoabme npuMepoB cm. b LKZ)], T.e. ^Ta raaroabHaa ^opMa BocxoguT k ra. auT. *bur-na-lioti „t.»." [geHoMMHaTMBy (!!!) - cp. mm. cy^. auT. burnä „poT, Mopga, nacTb" Kregzdys 2010 , 103 g.], a Bo3HMKHoBeHue cy^^. -la- aerKo mo»ho oö,acHMTb npucyTcTBueM nefiopaTMBHoro oTTeHKa [cp. „mapuTb (MecuTb) Mopgoö (noMao)" — „na^KaTb-ca" — „rpa3Hyaa"], npucy^ero gaa ero gepuBaToB, cp. mm. cy^. auT. vep-la „pa3MHa", auT.guaa. pamp-lä „MaaeHbKMM ny3aTWM MeaoBeK", auT. guaa. riog-la „MeaoBeK BbicoKoro pocTa, HeyKaro»ufi" m gp. (öoabme npuMepoB cm. Skardzius 1996, 164). 9 Bo3Mo»HocTb BoccTaHoBaeHua HoMMHaabH^ix ^opM MM.npuaar. öa.-ca. *sreu-/*sru- „TeKy^ufi" mo»ho ap-ryMeHTupoBaTb mm. npuaar. öa.-ca. *salu- „cepwfi, »eaToBaToro ^BeTa" (nogpoÖHee cm. PEZ IV 49 g.), xoTa TaKue ^opMW ^a^e ynoTpeöaaroTca, ocHoBWBaa peKOHCTpyK^Mro cyöcTaHTMBoB, cp. MM.cy^. M-E *kreu(s) „cwpoe KpoBaBoe Maco" > MM.cy^. öa.-ca. *kreus „t.»." [> ca.*krüs „KpoBb"]/*kruv- „t.»." — *knvb „KpoBb" ++ öa. *kru „cBepHyBmaaca KpoBb" (PEZ II 264 g.). 219 BocTOHHOOTaBSHCKMe 6ora KueBCKOM Pycu: Cmpuöoz nuT. nuT. sravä „TeneHue, KpoBoTeneHue, MeHCTpya^Mfl", prasrava „tok BogH" [^opMa pe^neKTupyeT HyneByro CTyneHb KopHa, a cy^MKca - guiia, T.e. 6n. *sröu-]; npacn. *o-strovb [c -ov- < -Ü- B MHTepBoKanbHoß ^03M^MM] „To, HTo o6TeKaeTCH, peHHoß ocrpoB" > pycc. ocmpoB, gp.-pycc. u cT.-cnaB. oCTpos^ „v^ctoc;", 6nr. ocmpoB, cep6.-xopB. OcmpBO, cnoBeH. ostrov u gp.; 16) [c aHanTMKcunecKMM -t-] MM.cy^. 6n.-cn. *stra-/*stru- „t.x." > nTm. strava „TeneHue" u [c gpyroß cryneHbro BoKanu3Ma] nuT. srove, strovi„noToK, TeneHue" [c nepexogoM -e < -ä (cm. BHme)], mm. sträva „t.x." m gp. (cm. ^acMep III 165); 1b) [geag^eKTMB] rn. 6n.-cn. *srau-/*sru- „6HTb TeKy^MM" [cp. MM.npun. M-E *tres-„6oh^mmch; tot, kto 6omtca" (< M-E *ter- + cy^^. *-es-) [^ gp.MHg. tr-as-ati „gpoxaTb, 6onTbcn"] M-E *ter-s „cTpax" [^ naT. ter-r-eo „nyraTb, ycTpamaTb"] (Bappoy yK.con. 274)] > rn. nuT. sraveti „MegneHHo Tenb", srüti „Tenb CTpyen" u gp. ~ gp.-MHg. sr-av-ati „TeneT" [gp.-MHg. sr-u-ti - „gopora, nyTb"], rp. psw „TeKy" (e^e cm. Karaliünas 1973, 40 g.; Frisk 1970, 650; IEW 1003); // [c aHanTMKcunecKMM -t-] rn. nTm. nüo-strav-et „Tenb, (bh-, c-)TeKaTb"; II. MM.npunar. M-E *ser-u-ö- „t.x." (c TeMaTunecKMM M-E *-ö- (cm. Meße yK.con. 228 g.) - Heo6xoguMo ynecTb to o6cToaTenbcTBo, hto -u- gaHHoß ^op-mh gonxeH paccMaTpuBaTbca KaK HyneBaa cTyneHb pacnpocTpaHeHua cy^^. M-E *-eu-(nogpo6Hee cm. Bappoy yK.con. 274), hto oTpaxaeT HaugpeBHeßmuß Tun nocrpoeHua neKcunecKux ^opM MMeHHoß u rnaronbHoß cucTeM M-E npaa3HKa - npo^cc TeMaTM3a-^MM ^T0^0 ^opMaHTa (cy^. M-E *-eu - [guiia cTyneHb] > M-E *-u - [HyneBaa cTyneHb] + TeMaTunecKuß M-E *-ö- > M-E *-uö-) h£tko npocnexuBaeTca b BocToHHo-6anTußcKux H3HKax, cp. nuT. guan. tgvas „ToHKuß", nTm. tievs „t.x." < *ten-v-as [~ rn. nuT. ten-eti „rycTeTb"] (Skardzius yK.con. 376 g.)) > MM.cy^. nuT. ser-v-as „TeKy^aa xugKocTb" > I. nuT. Ser-v-as o3. BapH, Ser-v-el-is o3. Bpc, Sar-v-a p. TpHK [ö-cTyneHM (cm. BHme)] (cm. Karaliünas yK.con. 41) [geHoMMHaTMB] rn. nuT. ser-v-enti „cTpyuTbca, MegneHHo Tenb" (LK2K). runoTe3y o Bo3MoxHoß peKoHcTpy^uu BHme npuBegeHHHX mm£h npunaraTenb-hhx MM.npunar. 6n.-cn. *sreu-/*sru- „TeKy^uß" u gp. [<- BTopuHHHe HoBoo6pa3oBaHua Schwebeablaut'Horo MM.npunar. M-E *sreu-/*sru- „TeKy^uß"] nogTBepxgaeT e^e b 1943 r. CKapgxrocoM (Skardzius yK.con. 63) BHgBMHyTaa goragKa, hto nepBMHHbie geBep-6aTHBM - TaKue, KaK MM.npunar. 6n.-cn. *srau- [< 6n.-cn. *sröu-]/*sru- „TeKy^uß" - co BpeMeHeM 6bmn cy6cTaHTHBHpoBaHM10, cp. ero peKoHcTpyupoBaHHHß MM.cy^. npa-nuT. *sravas (~ nuT. pra-sravas „He 3aMep3mee MecTo Ha nbgy; nporanuHa; Blänke", nuT. sravä „TeneHue, KpoBoTeneHue, MeHCTpya^Mfl", prasrava „tok BogH"), KoTopHß 6Hn 6a-3oß gna npoucxoxgeHun MM.npunar. nuT. sraüjas „6HcTpHß, cTpeMMTenbHHß" SD 22, flc. M3 ^T0ß cy6cTaHTMBMpoBaHHoß ^opMH c pa3nMHHHMM cy^^MKcaMM, npu noMo^M KoTopHX, KaK npaBuno, npunaraTenbHHe u oTBneneHHHe MMeHa o6pa3oBHBanucb ot MMeH (!!!) (cm. Meße yK.con. 231 T.g.; Bappoy yK.con. 175), Mornu 6HTb o6pa3oBaHH npoM3BogHHe ^opMH c cy^^. M-E *-(i)iö- > MM.cy^. npycc. stroio „hals oder (Halsader)" E 101 [<- npycc. *stru-jä *„KpoBoTeneHue" (Maxronuc MHTepnpeTMpyeT ^Ty ^op-My KaK geBep6aTMB (PEZ IV 161), xoth TaKan ^opMynupoBKa He TonbKo npoTMBopeHMT Teopuu Meße (yK.con. 231 g.) u runoTe3e CKapgxroca, ho m TpaKToBKe npyccKMX MMeH c cy^^. -iö-, npegnoxeHHoß caMMM MaxronucoM [BuguMo, aBTop nocnegHeß runoTe-3H nepenyTan Mogenu ^opMupoBaHMH npou3BogHHX MMeH neKcunecKoro nnacTa M-E 10 PeKoHcTpy^MS u-ochob gna 6anTo-cnaB3HcKoro (cp. 6n.-cn. *girnü „^epHoB" (PEZ I 371 g.)) npaa3HKa go cmx nop ocTaeTca ogHoß M3 HepemeHHHX npo6neM He TonbKo 6anTMcTMKM m cnaBaHoBegeHMa, ho m MHgo-eBponeucTMKM (nogpo6Hee [m nMTep.] cm. Kregzdys 2009, 122). 220 PonaHÖac Kpe^M^uc npaa3biKa (c cy^^. -iö- TonbKo ot nomina substantiva) u no3gHux geBep6aTUBoB, B03-HUKmux y»e Ha nonBe hutobckoto a3biKa (!!!) (nogpo6Hee cm. Skardzius yK.con. 63 g.)], cp. 6n. *krauja- „cBoncTBeHHbin gna rohes Fleich" < MM.cy^. *kravis „rohes Fleich" ]; nuT. srau-jä/sru-jä „TeneHue, n0T0K", nTm. strauja ~ pycc. cmpy-á, gp.-pycc. cmpy-x, cT.-cn. CTpoy-R „póoc;" ... cnoBeH. strú-ja „pyKaB peKu, KaHan, TeneHue, cTpya" u gp. Ochobh-Baacb Ha ^Tux gaHHbix, Heo6xoguMo nepecMOTpeTb He TonbKo Mop^onorunecKuñ (3Ha-nuT, u ^TUMono^unecKuñ) aHanu3 npycc. stroio „hals oder (Halsader)" E 103, ho u npycc. crauyo „blut (Blut)" E 160 (PEZ II 262 T.g.). Hanunue Schwebeablaut'a b a3biKoBon cucTeMe a3biKa npegonpegenuno no-aBneHue hobhx [ceKyHgapHbix] neKcunecKux o6pa3oBaHuñ cTyneHu guiia [pa-goM c Schwebeablaut'HHMu ^opMaMu HyneBoñ cTeneHu (cm. 7 cHocKy), e^e cp. M-E *dieu- „He6o" — M-E *diu- „t.»." — M-E *deiuo- „He6ecHbin, 6or" (nogpo6Hee cm. Ce-MepeHbu yK.con. 150)] u b cucTeMe rnarona, cp. rp. reivw „TaHyTb" < *t£v-i-w < M-E *ten-i-oh3n. no Ton »e caMoñ Mogenu b M-E npaa3biKe (unu b oTgenbHbix ero guaneK-Tax) Morna noaBUTbca u rpynna neKceM ceKyHgapHoro crpoeHua, o3Hanaro^ux „noToK, TeneHue, ToponnuBbin xog, Buxpb u T.n.": M-E *ser- + cy^^. M-E *-i- (o HeM nogpo6Hee cm. Mene yK.con. 180 g.) — M-E *seir- (npu cTbiKe gByx coHaHToB [u3BecTHo, nTo M-E KopeHb HuKorga He cogep»an 6onee gByx cornacHbix u ogHoro rnacHoro b cTyneHu guiia (cm. Bappoy yK.con. 274)] npou3omna ge^oHono^u3a^ua coHopHoro i > i) — M-E *seir-[< *seir-] „Tenb, cTpyuTbca; npoBopHo u uHTeHcuBHo gBuraTbca" — um. npunar. M-E *seir- „TeKy^un, KaK cTpya" [> uM.npunar. 6n.-cn.*seir- „t.»." > uM.cy^. 6n. *seir- + cy^^. *-(i)ö- [^opMupoBaHue oTBneneHHoro uMeHu ot HMeHH (cm. Bbime)]— uM.cy^. nTm. seiris „6e3geaTenbHbin nenoBeK" (LVV III 813; e^e cm. Endzelynas 1957, 109) -nepexog rnarona b HoMUHanbHbin Tun npegonpegenuna HOBaa CTpyKTypa ^opMbi u KOHeHHMH -r, KoTopHn, u go Toro BocnpuHUMaBmunca KaK ^opMaHT MMeHHOM, npu u3MeHeHuu ^oHeTunecKoro cocTaBa KopHa npegonpegenun Bo3HuKHoBeHue MeHbi Mop-^onorunecKux TunoB uMeHu u rnarona - ^To BecbMa apxaunHaa Mogenb pacnpegeneHua KaTeropuanbHbix npu3HaKoB nacren penu M-E npaa3biKa (!!!) (nogpo6Hee cm. Bappoy yK.con. 274)] + *-ä- [*-t- u gpyrue ^opMaHTbi] > nuT. Seir-ä p. Cpn; pycc. (apx.) cup-mb „BogoBoporb, Bupb, BHpb, nynuHa, BÓgoKpyT", gp.uHg. str-ä „peKa, noToK, TeneHue" [~ (HyneBaa cTyneHb) g.uHg. sirä//strä < (cTyneHb guria) g.uHg. *serä < (cTyneHb guria) npauHg. *seirä (e^e cm. Enu3apeHKoBa 1974, 12 g. [e^e cm. 7 cHocKy])] u gp., T.e. c.pycc. cupmb „noToK Bogbi" < cn. *sirtb „t.»." [cp. c.cn. nitb „HuTb" ~ g.B.H. näu „mbro" < M-E *neiß (Skardzius yK.con. 327)] < npacn. *seir-ti- „t.».". 11 K co»aneHuro, npaBuna Schwebeablaut'HHx M3MeHeHun uccnegoBaTenaMM no 6anTMncKon Mop^onoruu m STMMonorMM, KaK npaBuno, unu He npuMeHaroTca, unu HenpaBunbHo McTonKoBbiBaroTca - KapanroHac (yK. con. 40 g.) M3bacHaeT cyTb Schwebeablaut'a KaK pacmupeHue eguHM^i cnoBa (tom »e caMon Teopuu npu-gep»MBaeTca m ^. OpaHKenb (cm. LEW 889): „idg. Wz. *sreu- ist eu-Erweiterung von *ser-), xoTa no ucTMHe oho npegcTaBnaeT nepecTaHoBKy Mop^eMHon cTpyKTypbi cnoBa (!!!). ^To npuBeno k ToMy, nTo nacTb Ha-ugpeBHenmux cnoBoo6pa3oBaTenbHbix ^opM go cux nop He MMeroT npaBgonogo6Hbix 3TMMonorMnecKMx onucen, cp. rn. npycc. teikut „schaffen" III 1052 [6521] *teikütvei (PEZ IV 189), nen aHanu3 Ma»ronuc (PEZ t.».) 3aKaHnuBaeT cpaBHeHueM ux c hmt. teikti „(npe)gocTaBnaTb", tiekti „t.».", tikti m BHpa»eHueM cKop6Hon BecTM o tom, nTo ucTopua stmx cnoB (HaugpeBHenmero aTana) oneHb cno»Ha m He acHa, xoTa m He Boopy»eHHHM rna3oM BugHo, nTo KopeHb npycc. *teik- coothocmm He TonbKo c nepenucneHHHMM rnaronaMM, ho m c MM.cy^. nTm. teika „npegaHue", a M3HananbHon ^opMon Bcex stmx neKcunecKux o6pa-3oBaHun aBnaeTca 6n. *tek- (> hmt. tekti „gocTaTbca") - Bce »e Bbime ynoMaHyTH ^opMH pe^neKTMpyroT Schwebeablaut'Hoe M3MeHeHue 6n. *tek- + cy^^. *-i- > 6n. *teik- > npycc. *teik- (ceMaHTunecKoe pa3BMTue - KcTaTM, He cocTaBnaro^ee oco6eHHon TpygHocTM - TeMa oTgenbHoro uccnegoBaHua). 221 BocTOHHocnaBaHcKMe 6ora KueBcKoM Pycu: Cmpu6o^ ßecbMa MHTepecHHM ^aKT npegcTaBnaeT HOBmecTBO 6anTußcKux u cnaBaHcKux H3HKOB, Korga U3-3a KOHTaMMHa^MM gByx rnaronbHbix TunoB - rn. M-E *ser- „TeHb, cTpyuTbca; np0B0pH0 u UHTeHcuBHO gBuraTbca" — UM.npunar. M-E *sreu-/*sru- „TeKy-^uö" // UM.npunar. M-E *ser-u-ö- „t.»." ii rn. M-E *seir- [< *seir-] „TeHb, cTpyuTbca; npOBOpHO u uHTeHeuBHO gBuraTbca" — UM.npunar. M-E *seir- „TeKy^uö; KaK cTpya" B03HMKH0 [T.e. -r- > -u- /v/] UM.npunar. 6n.-cn. - t.». [< *seiu-] > seiv- „t.»." + *-ä- > nuT. Seiv-y ezeras O3. nHC, 1559 r. Sejvy O3., TOn. Seivos gpB. Saivos nr. u n. Cpö (guaneKTU3M c u3MeHeHueM nuT. -ei- > -ai-), noncK. Sejwy O3. (cp. Vanagas yK.coH. 294)12. OcHOBbiBaacb Ha gaHHOM runOTe3e, mo»ho OTKnOHUTb ManO npaBgOnOgO6HOe npeg-nono»eHue K.-O. ®anKa (cm. Vanagas t.».) o cBa3U nuT. Seivy ezeras O3. c UM.cy^. nuT. seivä „gepeBaHHaa TOHKaa KaTymKa hmtok b HenHOKe". TyT Heo6xoguMO yKa3aTb e^e BecbMa BaxHun ^aKT BapbupoBaHua M-E *seir-, T.e. reHeTunecKyro cBa3b ^T0^0 KopHa c BTopuHHbiM BapuaHTOM M-E *seil- „TeHb, cTpyuTbca; npOBOpHO u uHTeHcuBHO gBuraTbca" [c nepexogoM *-r- > *-l-] - ^T0T ^eHOMeH mo»ho cBA3biBaTb c BecbMa HacTO ycTaHaBnuBaeMHM ynoTpe6neHueM gynneTHbix cy^UKcoB c Bbime yKa3aHHOM MeHOM c0HaHT0B y»e Ha noHBe M-E npaa3HKa, cp. M-E cy^. *-ter-/*-tel- (npuMepbi cm. Meöe yK.coH. 241), *-tro-/*-tlo- u *-dhro-/*-dhlo- (Meöe yK.coH. 242), T.e. ^T0T npo^cc coothocum c geMcTBueM aHanoruu. flo cux nop ogHOM u3 HepemeHHbix npo6neM no 6anTO-cnaBaHcKOM [3HaHUT, u UHgoeBponeöcKoß] Teopuu Mop^onorunecKO-ro crpoeHua cnoBa [3HaHUT, u ^TUMono^uu] npegcTaBnaeT BbiacHeHue Mop^onorunecKoß cTpyKTypH neKceM KopHa 6n.-cn. *seil- — 6n.-cn. *seil-ä [> npacn. *sila > gp.-pycc., cT.-cnaB. Chaa „Suva^ic;, ia^ui", 6nr. cüna, c.-xpB. cuna, cnoBeH. sila, h. sila, pycc. cüna; npycc. seilin „fleiß (Fleiß)" III 11519 [7129] ~ npycc. noseilis „Geyst (Geist)" III 796 [5113]; nuT. setlas „06-pyH Begpa" NdZ, Graz, Vrb, Rdm, Krsn, Lzd, Lp, Vs, Rod; L 42, Asv, Rüd, Vrn, Dbc, Pls, Pjv, Zr (LKZ) *seilä „»ugKocTb »ene3bi, npou3BoguMaa b nonocTu pTa unu Mopgbi gna yBna»HeHua nu^u" > nuT. guan. setlos (pl.) „t.»." Slcn ~ nuT. seile (-e) „t.»." K, DZ, OG 235, Ds, Dgc, Ktk, Ml, Dsn, Q 210, SD 341, R, MZ 217, N, M, Sut, LL 228, Rtr, Grv, Prng, Dgc, Ml, J.Avyz u gp. (LKZ) nuT. siela „gyma, coBecTb, »U3Hb u gp." (cp. i>acMep III 621; PEZ III 197 g., IV 92 g.)], K0T0paa, KaK OTMeHaeT Ma»ronuc (PEZ IV 93), aBnaeTca HeacHOH (cp. Trautmann 1923, 253; LEW 781 g. [ogHUM u3 ^aKTopoB Henpo3paHHocTU ^TUMono^u-3a^uu gaHHOM rpynnbi cnoB aBnaeTca OTcyTcTBue ycTaHOBneHua Mop^onorunecKux u ce-MaHTUHecKux cooTBeTcTBuM Me»gy B0cT0HH0-6anTuöcKUMu H3HKaMu - He npuBogaTca 12 Heo6xoguMO o6paTUTb BHUMaHue Ha To 06cT0aTenbcTB0, hto aKyTOBbie ^opMbi nuTOBcKux neKceM He 06a-3aTenbHO Hy»HO B03B0guTb k M-E *se(i)-, *sai- (sdi-) „KanaTb, TeHb, cTpyuTbca", T.e. M-E *seh1(i)-, *sh2ei-(sdi-) ,,t.»." (cm. LEW 790; Vanagas yK.coH. 294; Karulis II 190 [b cnoBape Kapynuca b ogHO neKcuKO-ceMaH-TUHecKoe rHe3go cooTHeceHM pa3HMe no 3HaHeHuro u npoucxo^geHuro cnoBa: nTm. stvs „ocTpbM, pe3KUM" ^ nTm. stvs, siva, sive „®u®a" (cm. ganbme)]), nocKonbKy k aTOMy rHe3gy npuHucnaeMMM roT. saiws „Mope", BuguMO, npegcTaBnaeT co6oM H0B006pa30BaHue Schwebeablaut'HOM ^opMbi M-E *söiu- „TeHb, cTpyuTbca; npOBOpHO u UHTeHcuBHO gBuraTbca" < M-E *sor- „t.»." (cm. BHme) - T.e. He 06a3aTenbH0 Hy^HO roT. -ai-B03B0guTb k M-E *ei, TaK KaK oh Mor np0U30MTU u ot M-E *oi (nogpo6Hee cm. Beekes yK.coH. 140 g.), a gna ^opMupoBaHua aK^eHTH0M napagurMH ynoMaHyT^ix rugpoHUMOB u T0n0HUM0B ^utbh, T.e. nepexoga ^upKyM^neKCH0M cna6oM 6a3H b aKyTOByro, rnaBHHM o6pa3OM BnuaHue Mor OKa3aTb ^neKTUBHHM ^op-MaHT KonneKTUBHHx 06pa30BaHUM *-ä (nogpo6Hee cm. Kregzdys 2005, 14 g., 24, 2009, 138 g., 155; 2010 29 T.g.). K 3TOMy »e caMOMy neKcuHecKOMy rHe3gy npuHucnaeMHM UM.cy^. nuT. syvai „cok pacTeHua, »e-nygoHHHM cok", nTm. sive, stvs „t.»." pe^neKTupyeT nepexog npanuT. *ei > nuT. e > nuT. ie > nuT. guan. i [o nuT. ie > nuT. guan. y cm. Grinaveckiene 1957, 122; Zinkevicius yK.coH. 85], cp. nuT. guan. vydrä „6ypa" ®th, vydra (LKZ) [— nuT.guan. vidras, vidrä „t.»." BgK, Pc (c -y- > -?- (b 6e3ygapHOM ^03u^uu!))] < *viedrä „t.»." < npanuT. *veidrä „t.»." [—*vedrä (np0Me»yT0HHaa ^opMa) (Kregzdys 2010a, 263 T.g.)]. 222 PonaHÖac Kpe^M^uc npMMepbi M3 naTbimcKoro, cp. 3aMenaHue Í^HKena (LEW 782)]). CyTb pemeHua npo6ne-mh ^TUM0H0^UU 6h.-ch. *seilä coctomt b Mop^onorunecKon uHTep^peTa^uu HeKcunecKon eguHu^i, KoTopaa go cux nop ^^acHaeTca, KaK u3onupoBaHHaa - ^To npegonpegene-Ho HeBbiacHeHHbiM ceMaHTunecKuM pa3BMTMeM neKceM (!!!). fleno b tom, hto BHme yno-Manyrbie cnoBa onpegenaroT BoccTaHoBneHue npa^opMbi M-E *se(i)-l-(npugepKuBaacb Tpagu^uoHHoñ Teopuu crpoeHua M-E ochobh neKceMH, T.e. Tpex^HeMeHTHbIñ KopeHb + cy^^MKc (cm. BHme)), npuMeHeHue KoTopon gna BHme nepeHucneHHbix chob HeB03M0^-Ha no tom npocron npunuHe, hto cy^. M-E *-lo- „cnyKnT'b TonbKo pacnpocTpaHemeM^ Toro cnoBa, orb KoToporo oh^ o6pa3yerb npou3BogHoe" unu „o6pa3oBHBaH,b uMeHa gíñcTByro^ux'b Hu^,b (nomina agentis)" u „yMeHbmuTenbHbie uMeHa" (Mene yK.con. 236 g.). nepBHn Tun cnoBoo6pa3oBaTeHbHon Mogenu c cy^. M-E *-lo- gna o6,bacHeHua npo-ucxoKgeHua M-E *se(i)-l- HegocTaToneH b neKcunecKux cooTBeTcTBuax (qeTbipexHHeH-hhm KopeHb npoTMBopeHMT u ycTaHoBneHHon BeHBeHucToM Mogenu ^opMupoBaHua M-E KopHa), a gBa nocnegHux - u3-3a ceManrunecKoro HecooTBeTcTBua, T.e. „cuna" (nomen acti) He aBnaeTca uMeHeM geaTena [npycc. noseilis „Geyst (Geist)" (nomen agentis !!!) npeg-cTaBnaeT, KaK npaBunbHo 3aMeTun MaKronuc (PEZ III 199), ceMaHTunecKyro uHHoBa-^uro (Bo3HuKmyro He paHbme 13 b. (!!!) (PEZ t.k.) u3-3a pacmupeHua Mop^onorunecKon cTpyKTypb cnoBa npu noMo^u npe^uKca npycc. *nö-, T.e. npycc. *nöseills „tot, KoTopbin o6nagaeT cBepx'becTecTBeHHHMu cBoncTBaMu"] u TeM 6onee guMuHyTuBoM. HeacHaa ceMaHTunecKaa ^nb MeKgy neKceMaMu npegonpegenuna ^HUMUHa^uro u3 neKcuKo-ceMaHTunecKoro rHe3ga u gByx rpynn chob [TaKKe He uMern^ux npaBgono-go6Hon ^TUM0H0^UU (!!!) (cp. ^acMep III 672, 681)] Toro ^e nponcxo^geHHa, T.e. pycc. cnünä „cnroHa", yKp. cnüna, c.^cn. cnuna „t.k.", 6nr. cnúna, c.-xpB. cnuna, cnoBeH. slína u gp. [< npacn. *slina] ~ HTm. slienas „cnroHu, rycTaa cnu3b", gp.-ucn. slím „cnu3b", HTm. slienas (nom.pl. fem.) „cnroHa" // pycc. cnmnä, 6nr. cnmna, nepBaa rpynna npegonpege-HaeT BoccTaHoBneHue ^opMbi 6h.-ch. *sleinä [< M-E *slei-nä M-E *slei-//*sli- < M-E *sel-i-], a BTopaa - npacn. *sl'u-nä [< M-E *sleu-nä]. MMea b Bugy BHme oroBopeHHHn Tun cTpoeHua Mop^onorunecKux eguHu^ c Schwebeablaut'HHMu ^opMaMu HyneBon cTeneHu u oneBugHyro ux pe^neKcuro b nepenucneHHHx cnoBax, mokho c yBepeHHoc-Tbro yTBepKgaTb, hto Bce ^Tu neKceMH npoucxogaT ot ogHoro u Toro Ke M-E *ser- „Te^b, cTpyuTbca; npoBopHo u uHTeHcuBHo gBuraTbca", T.e. M-E *ser- [> M-E *sreu-/*sru- > 6h.-ch. *srau-/*sru- *strau-/*stru-] — I. M-E *seir- „t.k."; II. M-E *seiu- „t.k." > 6h. *seiv- „t.k.". no Ton Ke caMon Mogenu Bo3HuKHa u rn. M-E *sel- „t.k." [c nepexogoM *-r-> *-l- (cm. BHme)] — I. rn. M-E *seil- „t.k." (Mogenb Schwebeablaut'Horo Tuna, T.e. M-E *sel- + cy^. *-i- > *seil-) > rn. 6h.-ch. *seil- „t.k." + *-ä (nogpo6Hee cm. Mene yK.con. 228) > um. cy^. 6h.-ch. *seil-ä „To, hto TeneT, cTpyuTca" > npacn. *sila > gp.-pycc., ct.-cnaB. chaa „Súva^i^, lax^í" u gp. // npycc. seilin „fleiß (Fleiß)" III 11519 [7129] u gp., hut. síela „gyma, coBecTb, Ku3Hb" (c nepexogoM hut. -ei- > é > -ie-), cp. rugp. hut. Se'l-iupis, Sél-iupys p. flrn., nH, HTm. Sellite p. ^TuMonorua ^Tux rugpoHuMoB go cux nop ocra-Banocb coBceM HeacHon, cm. Vanagas yK.con. 295) u gp.; II. rn. M-E *sel- „t.k." + cy^^. *-eu- > uM.npunar. M-E *sleu-//*slü- „Tona^unca, cTpya^unca; npoBopHo u uHTeHcuBHo gBuraro^unca", a pagoM u ero BapuaHT uM.cy^. (< uM.npunar.) M-E *slei - „noToK, TeneHue" [K0HTaMUHa^ua13 Schwebeablaut'HHx ochob Ha -u u -ii no aHanoruu c M-E 13 TaKon Mop^onorMHecKMM npo^cc mokho apryMeHTMpoBaTb o6pa3oBaTenbHon Mogenbro npoM3BogHbix co 3Ha^eHMeM „cne3a", KoTopHe, KcTaTM, go cux nop ocTaroTca 6e3 acHon stmmohofmm (cp. OacMep III 668): npacn. *sli-g-ä „cne3a" > cn. cnb3a (cooTHomeHMe -b- -e- Henb3a o6tacHaTb nonoKeHMeM ygapHocTM cnora 223 BocTOHHOCTOBSHCKMe 6ora Kucbcköm Pycu: Cmpu6o¿ *slei-ll*sli- u M-E *sleu-//*slü- (cm. BHme)] > uM.npunar. M-E *slei-nö- „TeKy^un" (c cy^. M-E *-nö- (cm. Meñe yK.con. 233) M-E *slei-nä „cnu3b", T.e. „to, hto TeneT" (nomen actionis - cm. Meñe yK.con. 234) ^Ta ^opMa, 6e3ycn0BH0, pe^neKTupyeT Tun nomen collectivum - ^0^T0My u aKyTupoBaHHaH nTm. slienas, c.-xpB. cnuHa]]. Bo3HMKHoBeHue ceMeM „cuna", „Mo^b" u nogo6Hbix, BuguMO, cBH3aHH0 c o6pa-goBoñ Tpagu^ueñ uHgoeBponeñ^B u noHHTuHMu penuruo3Horo nnaHa - „cunoro" no BepoBaHuHM Hamux npegKOB u HBnanacb „KpoBb (^ugKocTb HenoBenecKoro unu Tena ^uBoTHoro)" [cp. npycc. stroio „hals oder (Halsader)" E 101 [<- npycc. *strujä *„KpoBO-TeneHue" (PEZ IV 161); nuT. srüvis „(KpoBa)TeHeHue"] - ^T0 cBA3aHH0 u c HaugpeBHeñ-muMu BepoBaHuHMu uHgoeBponeñ^B, cp. o6pag nuTbH KpoBu äubothoto [Mo^eT u nenoBeKa] u BocnpuHTuH ^T0^0 KaK npuo6peTeHuH cunbi, Hbro KpoBb nbeT, T.e. „^u3-HeHHoö cunbilgyxa", cp. peKOHcTpynpoBaHHbie o6pagbi MuKeHcKoñ ^nnagbI u npu-huhh B03HuKH0BeHuA cocyga, ynoTpe6neHHoro gnH :«epTBonpuHomeHuñ, puTOHa (b ^opMe ronoBM ^HBOTHoro unu nenoBeKa (nogpo6Hee cm. CA 496))14. 3aKaH^uBaH Mop^onorunecKuñ aHanu3 TeoHuMa Cmpu6oa, mo^hö BbigBunyTb ocTopo^Hoe npegnono^eHue, hto cn0B0^0pMa Tuna karmadhäraya 6bina 06pa30BaHa no o6pa3y rpenecKOM Mogenu ^opMupoBaHua K0Mn03uT0B cTapocnaBHHcKoro nepuoga (nogpo6Hee cm. Xa6ypraeB yK.con. 206 g.), T.e. ee mo^ho ucTonKOBHBaTb KaK gpeBHe-rpenecKyro KanbKy uMeHu 6ora 3umhux BeTpoB Mai^áRT^c; Zsüc; (e^e cm. HunbccoH 1998, 11), hto nogTBep^gaeT goragKy Pbi6aK0Ba (1981, 432, 603) o TpaKTOBKe ^T0^0 TeoHuMa KaK ^^uTeTa BepxoBHoro 6o^ecTBa (bö3mo^ho, nepyHa15), a TaKoe pemeHue npo6neMH c00TBeTcTB0Ban0 6h uH^opMa^uu coo6^eHua npoKonuH (nepBaH nono-BuHa VI b.) o BocxBaneHuu cnaBHHaMu rnaBHoro (u eguHoro, KOMy ohu noKnoHHnucb) 6o^ecTBa rpo3H (nogpo6Hee cm. Brückner 1980, 46) [cp. npoTuBonono^Hoe MHeHue T.B. raMKpenug3e u Bhh.Bc. MBaHOBOBa (1984, 798 g.)]. MgeHTu^HHe Mu^onoreMbi (no ceMarnunecKOMy npu3HaKy (!!!), T.e. „6ypneHue Bogbi" „6bicTpoe TeneHue [T.e. Boga 6ypnuT]" „6ypfl" „BeTep" „Buxpb" O „6or BeTpoB, 6ypb") npucy^u u gnH penuruo3Hon cucTeMH 6anTuñ^B, cp. b ÄmBXMCKoü KHUMKe (nogpo6Hee 06 ^T0M ucroHHuKe cm. Kregzdys 2009a, 174 T.g.) ynoMuHaro^ueca Tpu BapuaHTa uMeHu 6ora BeTpoB u 6ypb npycc. Bardoayts, Gardoyts, Perdoyts [o noc-negHeM e^e cm. SRL 176 g.] npycc. *bara- „6yncTBo; 6ypneHue, KuneHue, npeHue" ll npycc. *gara- „^apa; nap" ll npycc. *pära- „nap" + rn. -däi- 3 sg. praet. (aor.) „gan"16 (cm. (cp. XaöypraeB yK.coH. 120), nocKonbKy oho npegonpegeneHo KonuHecTBeHHWM HepegoBaHueM *-i- (< *-ei-) ++ *-e- ++ *-e-, T.e. *slei- > *sli- ++ *sle- ++ *sle- [no oöpa3y rnaronbHbix KopHeM, TaKMM 0Öpa30M nepegaro-^ux ceMaHTMHecKMM oTTeHoK gnuTenbHocTM u KpaTKocTM geficTBua - nogpoÖHee cm. XaöypraeB yK.coH. 118]) [> pycc. cneH, cneHb „c^M3b Ha pwöi" (flanb IV 221); „TBepgas c^M3b, KoTopoM pwöa noKpwBaeTca Ha 3MMy" (OacMep III 669)] + cy^^. *-g- (o HeM nogpoÖHee cm. Eappoy yK.coH. 121) > pycc. cne3ä, ct.ctob. cih3a „SaKpuov, 0p^vo^"; pycc. cnu3 „pwöa Blennius, M3 nopogw yrpeM" (cm. OacMep III 671); pycc. cnu3b, 6ot. cnÜ3a „cnroHa" u gp. (cm. OacMep III 671 g.) // npacn. *slu-z- „cne3a" > nn. tza „t.»." (Brückner 1957, 316), 6ot. Cbn3a (c nepecTaHoBKoM KopHeBoM Mop^eMw *cnb3a (cp. OacMep III 668) ~ hmt. srugis „neHTafi" J (LKZ) m o6pa3e^ KaHecTBeHHoro HepegoBaHMa rugp. nMT. Sraige, Straige p. TpK < *sroi- + cy^^. *-g- 14 no3»e ^TOT oöpag 6wn geMoHM3upoBaH, cp. M3oöpa»eHua 3n^ix gyxoB, nbro^ux KpoBb nrogeM M3 ux »e HepenoB (AV VIII, VI 10, 11, 14) (nogpoÖHee cm. Macdonell 1897, 163). 15 Cp. 3aMeHaHue TonopoBa (1990, 21): „<...> b 3aroBopax BeTep unu 3aMecTMTenb ^poMOBep»^a b cnaBaHc-kom TpagM^MM, peanu3yro^MM ogHy M3 ero ^yHK^MM - BeaTb BeTpaMM <.>". 16 flurpa^ -oa- mo»ho oötacHaTb gBoaKo: 1) KaK pe^neKcuro oöneHeHHoro ygapeHua BTopuHHoro gu^ToHra -ai- (cm. Maziulis 1970, 13) - ceKyHgapHWM gu^ToHr -ai- npegcTaBnaeT coöom coeguHeHue npycc. da- u cy(^.*-ia- (aor.) (cp. Maziulis 2004, 82); 2) KaK rpa^MHecKyro nepegaHy npycc. o /ä/ [npycc. *da- < *do- (PEZ 224 PonaHÖac Kpe^M^uc Maziulis 2004, 82) [cp. npycc. dayts „t.ä." II 136 [1321]] + cy^^. -ti-17 (o h£m cm. Skardzius yK.con. 326 T.g.) (~ npycc. dät „gaTb" III 8912 u gp. (cm. PEZ I 180)), T.e. mo^hö B0ccTaH0-BMTb TeoHUMH: 3an.6anT. *Bar-däitis, *Gar-däitis, *Pär-däitis *„tot, KOTopHM 3acTaBnHeT [Bogy] 6ypnuTb, KuneTb, 6yficTB0BaTb" — *„tot, KOTopHM nogHMMaeT 6ypro" = *„6or 6ypu" (nogpo6Hee o6 ^TUMono^uu ^TUx Te0HUM0B cm. Kregzdys 2008, 79 T.g.), cp. ugeH-TMHHyro Mogenb K0Mn03UTa18, nepBHM K0Mn0HeHT KOToporo Bbipa:«eH cy6cTaHTUB0M, a BTopoö - cy6cTaHTUBup0BaHH0M rnaronbHOM ^opMoß, T.e. nuT. Bang-pütys „6or bo-gHHoro npocTpaHcTBa; M0pcK0M BeTep", npycc. Bangputtis „6or BeTpa u bohh" < npycc. *bang- „BonHa" + *püt- „(no)gyn" (nogpo6Hee o hux cm. I 192 g.; PEZ I 133) > nuT. pütis „gyHOBeHue, BeHHue" J, Zem ~ pütis „B3gox" Ml (LKZ). BecbMa Ba^HO, hto b onucaHuu npycc. Bardoayts (Gardoyts, Perdoyts) mö^ho yc-MOTpeTb pe^neKcbi Tex caMbix ^yH^uö, K0T0pbie npunucHBaeTcH CTpu6ory b gpeBHe-pyccKOM ^^oce Cnoeo o nonKy Maopeee, T.e. ohu 06a HBnHroTcH noBenuTenHMU BeTpoB: Dieser gott wirdt geehret alleine von denen, die da schiffen Im Mehre oder Sehe. Sie glauben, ein grosser Engel stehe auf dem Mehr. Wo der sich hinkeret, da blest er die Schiffe vmb, das sie mit seinem zorn vntergehen. (BRMS II 134), T.e. ,3toto 6ora npocnaBnHroT numb Te, K0T0pbie nnaBaroT no Mopro. Ohu BepHT, hto oh npegcTaBnHeT co6om 6onbmoro aHre-na, croH^ero b Mope. B K0T0pyro cTopoHy oh noBopanuBaeTcH, TaM oh onpoKugHBaeT BeTpoM19 [cp. HeM. umblasen „cgyBaTb, onpoKugHBaTb (BeTpoM)" (HPC 868)] cygHa, K0T0pHe u3-3a ero rHeBa TOHyT" [HecK0nbK0 gpyroe ucronKOBaHue HeMe^oro TeKcTa npegcTaBneHO b BRMS II 149, rge He a^eHTupyeTcH cnoco6 u opygue geöcTBUH 6o^ec-TBa - BeTep. ^T0 npuBoguT k noHBneHuro bchkoto poga nceBgoHay^Hbix runoTe3, hko-6h caMO 60^ecTB0 HBnHeTcH BeTpoM (cp. Narbutas 1998, 30 - nogpo6Hee cm. Kregzdys 2008, 87), xoth u aTpu6yTuKa, u BHemHUM o6nuK, u uepapxunecKoe nono^eHue 6ora, a TaK^e MecTO u oco6eHHocTu npoBegeHUH o6pHgoB b ero necTb cBugeTenbcTByroT o co-OTHeceHuu o6pa3a 6anTUMcKoro noBenuTenH BeTpoB c rnaBHHM 60^ecTB0M 6anTUMcK0-ro naHTeoHa nepKyHacoM [= Parkuns b ÄmexMCKoü KHUMKe] (nogpo6Hee cm. Kregzdys 2008, 98 T.g.) - TaKaH runoTe3a nogTBep^gaeTcH u cooTBeTcreyro^UM cooTHomeHueM CTpu6ora u nepyHa (cm. ganbme)]. OcHOBHBaHcb Ha gaHHOM nuHrBucrunecKOM u MU^onornnecKOM MaTepuane 6an-tumckux nneMeH, a TaK^e Ha BecbMa Ba^HOM UH^opMa^uu Cnoea o nonKy Maopeee, T.e. onpegeneHuu CTpu6ora KaK BnagHKu BeTpoB (CnM 82), He06x0guM0 ycoMHuTbcH b uctuhhoctu runoTe3 Tex uccnegoBaTeneö, K0T0pHe b cTune pluralis poeticus OTBepra-roT nognuHHocTb UH^opMa^uu HauBa^Heömux uctohhukob cnaBHHcKOM KynbTypH (u I 181)] hcm^kmmm nuc^MM (nogpö6Hee cm. Ziesemer 1924, 122), nocmnbKy MecTö cohmhchmh SmsxMCKoü khumku HeM3BecTH0 (cm. Kregzdys 2009a, 180 g.). 17 npucyTcTBMe Mögenu nomen agentis ^opMMpoBaHMM gaHHörö cy^^UKca nogTBepxgaeTca mm. cy^. (nomen agentis) nuT. jotis „BcagHUK" RZ, Dt, A 1884, 25, Bs, Vd (LKZ). 18 TaKue KöMnö3UTH BecbMa nacTö BcTpenaroTca b nucbMeHHbix naMHTHUKax npyccKörö H3HKa, cp. npycc. pe-lemaygis „Rötelweihe" E 712 < npycc. *pele- „Mbimb" + *-maigis rn. npycc. *meig- „(y)6uTb, ygapuTb" (PEZ III 249 g.) [~ BocT.6anT. praes. - praet. - inf. *meig- (PEZ II 46)]; e^e cp. cnoxHHe cnöBa Tuna tatpurusa, BTöpaH nacTb KöTöpHx Möp^onoruHecKU cooTHocuMa cö cTpyKTypöM BTöporo KöMnöHeHTa aHanu3upye-Möro TeöHUMa: npycc. wissaseydis „btophmk" E 19 < npycc. *visa- „Bce" + sedis „npe6HBaHue (cugeHue)" < *„npe6HBaHue Bcex" < rn. (praet.) *sed- „cugeTb" (PEZ IV 110, 251). 19 Cp. MH^opMa^MK> 6onee nö3gHerö BapuaHTa K (o HeM nogpo6Hee cm. Kregzdys 2009 , 177) pyKonucHoro TeKcTa SmsxMCKoü khumku: „<...> wo sich der hinkeret, do blest er den wint hin von sich wenn er zornig ist <...>" (BRMS II 134), T.e. „b K0T0pyro cTopoHy oh noBopa^MBaeTca, b töm HanpaBneHMM, ecnu öh THeBnuB, gyeT BeTep" (cp. BRMS II 149). 225 BocTOHHocflaBSHcKMe 6oru Kmcbckom Pycu: Cmpu6o¿ gyxoBHOM, B Tom HucHe), nponoBegyH ceKyHHpu30BaHHbiñ u gHH uccHegoBaHUH cHaBHH-ckom peHuruu coBceM HenpueMHeMHn MeTog o6,bHcHeHMH MU^OHoreM Hepe3 npu3My C0^MaHbH0^0 geHeHUH nHeMeHu (cp. MapTHHOB yK.coH. 71 [u HMTepaTypy] - nepBHn TaKoe TOHKOBaHue MH^opMa^MM ^T0^0 McroHHMKa npegHoxuH Ahmhkob, a mm nocHego-BaH BproKHep (nogpo6Hee cm. Brückner 1980, 163)). TaKon cnoco6 pemeHUH npo6HeM peK0HCTpyK^MM cHaBHHcKon o6pHgoBon u peHuruo3Hon cucTeM ucKaxaeT o6^ue Hep-TH nocTpoeHUH M-E naHTeoHa: ynoMMHaHMe CTpHEOœH bhyöh HeHb3H U3,bHcHHTb KaK BoeHHyro gpyxuny (cm. MapTHHOB T.x.), nocKOHbKy u b 6aHTuncKon (cm. BHme), u b MHguncKon MM^OHomHecKon cucreMe 6or BeTpoB He HBHHeTcH geñcTByromuM aBTO-HOMHO, ho Bcerga b conpoBoxgeHMU BepxoBHoro 6ora - MHgpH RV X 22, 4-5 (MC 118) (e^ë cm. Macdonell 1897, 56), T.e. no ^pMH^M^y nepB00HepëgH0cTM b uepapxuHecKOM 3BeHe ypaHucTUHecKUx 6oroB raaBeHcTByromuM 6oxecTB0M HBHHeTcH 6or rpo3H (6aHT. nepKOHC, cHaB. nepyu), a Humb noTOM cHegyeT Bce gpyrue, HaxogH^uecH b ero nogHU-HeHUu, T.e. 6or BeTpoB [HaBepHHKa ^T0 ^^MTeT Toro xe caMoro 6ora rpo3H, b no3gHun nepuog npuo6peTmero OTgeHbHHn o6hmk, KyHbT KOToporo b cBoro OHepegb cBH3aH c 6oroM He6a (cm. gaHbme)], ero cHHOBbH - Buxpu (!!!), cp. reHeTunecKyro u ^yH^uo-HaHbHyro cBH3b Mexgy ypaHucTUHecKUMU 6oxecTBaMU gpeBHeuHguncKoro naHTeoHa: Dyauh „cBeTH^eecH gHeBHoe He6o; geHb" - oh BHUHeT Ha Be^eTa^MK> pacTeHun [nyTëM go^ga], Ha noHBHeHue noTOMcTBa xmbothhx [c He6a nagaeT ^nponogo6HMH go^gb], Ha poxgeHue (6oroB u) Hrogen [nyTëM MegoBoro go^ga] (nogpo6Hee cm. MC 201) [b HUTOBcKon TpagM^MM eMy cooTBeTcTByeT Auxteias Vissaglstis (< *Visaglvastis „6oxecT-Bo, garo^ee BceM u BceMy xu3HeHHyro cuHy" c a6cop6^Meñ KopHeBoro -va- (nogpo6Hee cm. Kperxguc 2009, 280)), ynoMHHyTHn b coHMHeHMM .^acu^ora (o npo6HeMaTUKe ^TMM0H0^M3a^MM TeoHUMOB, ynoMHHyTHx b ^T0M ucTOHHUKe, cm. Kregždys 2010, 51 g.), KOTopHn b Tom xe UcTOHHUKe UMeHyeTcH u TeoHUMOM Tavvals „6or HacHegyeMoro cKap-6a [T.e. BHcmee 6oxecTB0, npegocraBHHK>mee HeHOBeKy ygaHy Î cKap6 [u HacHegcTBeH-HHn]: ceMeHa pacreHun (gHH noceBa u nponuTaHUH), xmbothhx, noTOMKU (Hrogen)]" (e^ë cm. Kperxguc 2009, 285 [46 cHocKy]], KOTopHn b cbok> OHepegb reHeTUHecKU cbh-3aH c 6oroM cohh^ Suryah, poguBmeMycH U3 Mëga (RV X 37, 1, 5, 7), u 6oxecTBeHHHM HanuTKOM (b nocHegcTBUu u HyHon) Sómah (BHacTeHUH Mupa u 6oroB - RV IX 42, 2; 65, 2) - TaKoe cooTHomeHue pe^HeKTupyeT KOHBepreHTHHn npo^cc coHHpHoro u HyHap-Horo KyHbTOB (cp. U3MeHeHue 300M0p^H0r0 o6HUKa Dyauh : 6mk (RV I 160, 3; V 36, 5; 58, 6) [cuMBOH HyHbi] ^epe6e^ (RV X 68, 11) [cmmboh cohh^] (cm. Kperxguc yK.coH 265, 278 g.) -, ^yH^uu KOToporo b nocHegcTBUu nepeHHHO HOBoe rHaBHoe ypaHuc-TUHecKoe 6oxecTB0 rpo3H, a BnocHegcTBUu u He6ecHoro npocTpaHcTBa, Indrah (hmt. Perkunas, ch. nepyu) [no ^Toñ xe npuHUHe npuxoguTbcH corHacuTbcH c yTBepxgeHueM C. floBKaHTa, HTO hmt. Tavalas - ^T0 ^^MTeT üepyHa (cm. LM I 149 g.)], n0B03Ky KOTopo-ro Bcerga conpoBoxgaeT 6oxecTB0 BeTpa u B03gyxa Väyüh (mhm Vätah = hmt. Véjópatis „rocnoguH BeTpa" (cm. MC 120; LKŽ)), HBHHromuncH KaK 6h cBH3biBaromuM 3BeH0M Mexgy Dyauh u Indrah, cp. ToxgecTBeHHocTb ux ^yH^un: npegonpegeHHeT poxgeHue cHHa, nHogoTBopHocTb cKOTa u yBeHMHeHue cKap6a; b ero pacnopHxeHMM HaxoguTcH goxgb (RV VII 40, 6), 6ypH u rpo3a (RV IV 17, 12; V 83, 4; X 168, 1-2) (nogpo6Hee cm. MC 118). Bce ^TM 6oxecTBa coothocmmh gpyr c gpyroM no TaKOMy uepapxMHecKOMy 3BeHy: I. Dyauh $ Suryah Î Sómah (cm. Macdonell 1897, 8, 21, 57, 61 g., 126, 128, 169) ~ II. Indrah III. Väyüh (mhm Vätah) [B3auMocBH3b Mexgy II u III 3BeHbHMU MU^OHoru- 226 PonaHÖac Kpe^M^uc necKMX 0Öpa30B b nnaHe 6anTuMcKoro MaTepuana (T.e. hut. Bangputys „6or BogaHoro npoeTpaHeTBa; MopcKoö BeTep", npycc. Bangputtis „6or BeTpa u bohh" (nogpo6Hee o hmx cm. M I 192 g.; PEZ I 133) hut. Vejopatis „rocnoguH BeTpa") oroBopeHa Bah.Bc. MBaHoBbiM u B.H. TonopoBbiM (1983, 182); b nnaHe uHgo-upaHCKoro - A. MaKgoHen-hom (Macdonell yK.coH. 82, 106, 126, 128)]. MMea b Bugy BTopuHHocTb uepapxunecKo-ro nonoxeHua MHgpbi, ero b nepBoö onepegu conocraBunu c Dyauh, a ero noToMKoB Marütah (no gpyroö Bepcuu, ohu abhaktc^ cbmoBbAMu Pygpbi (cm. MC 343) - Buxpeö, go Toro 3aHuMaBmux BTopoe uepapxmecKoe nonoxeHue nocne Dyauh (KaK ero noToMKoB - cm. MC 201; e^e cp. aTpu6yTuKy MapyToB - noT (T.e. Boga), xup, Meg, mohoko (cm. MC 343), ToxgecTBeHHyro cuMBonuKe Dyauh (cm. Bbime)), npu penuru03H0M pe-^opMe npeTepneBmux ge^paga^uro, cTanu BocnpuHuMaTb KaK nognuHeHHbix MHgpbi (cp. ^^uTeT MHgpbi Marutpatih „noBenuTenb MapyToB") (cm. Macdonell yK.coH. 57, 60, 110, 126), T.e. ohu cTanu BocnpuHuMaTbca KaK TpeTbe komho öoroB, T.e. hbhhmtch BHynaTa Dyauh u cooTBeTcTBeHHo MHgpbi (!!!). B cnaBAHcKoM »e Tpagu^uu, KaK u b 6aHTuöcKoH, BeTpa Toxe HaxogaTca b pacnopaxeHuu raaBHoro 6oxecTBa He6ecHoro npocTpaHcTBa u rpoMa, ^0^T0My ux uMeHoBaHue [b BocToHHocnaBflHcKoM Tpagu^uu] CTpHKOXH BHYöH HBHHeTcH He ranaKCOM, KoTopoe HyXHo o6^HcHHTb nyTeM co^uaHu-3a^uu Mu^onorunecKux o6pa3oB (T.e. u3^acHHTb ero KaK MeToHuMuHecKoe HauMeHo-BaHue BoopyxeHHoro oTpaga), KaK npegnonaraeT MapTbmoB [u gpyrue uccnegoBaTenu] (cm. Bbime), a M-E 3aKOHOMepHOCTbro, oTpaxaro^yro nocTpoeHue naHTeoHa uHgoeB-poneö^B BpeMeH nneMeHHoö o6^hoctu. n^T0My uH^opMa^uH ucToHHuKa boctoh-HocnaBHHcKoM nucbMeHHocTu Cnoeo o nonKy Mzopeee gonxHa BocnpuHuMaTbca KaK ayreHTunecKafl u pe^neKTupyro^aa Mu^onorunecKue apxau3Mbi 6anTo-cnaBHHcKoro nepuoga KynbTypHoö (a MoxeT u nneMeHHoö) o6^hoctu [npoTuBononoxHyro runo-Te3y BHcKa3an BproKHep (Brückner 1980, 166)], cp. onpegeneHue ^yH^uö CTpu6ora KaK 6oxecTBa He6a, Bo3gyxa, BeTpa b ucToHHuKe cnaBAHcKoß nucbMeHHocTu „Chobo MoaHHa 3naToycToro ... KaKo nepBoe noraHuu BepoBanu b ugonbi u Tpe6bi um Knanu..." (nogpo6Hee cm. TanbKoBcKuM 1916, 60; Pbi6aK0B 1981, 454; ^muh^ih yK.con. 41; o6 ucToHHuKe nogpo6Hee cm. .P.fl IV (3) 97 T.g., 102, 107). Bbrnogbi: 1) TeoHuM Cmpuöoz pe^neKTupyeT KoMno3uT Tuna karmadhäraya c MeTaTe3oö Mop^oTaKTunecKoro xapaKTepa, onpegeneHHoö ^eH0MeH0M Ta6y: ct. pycc. Cmpu-öoz^ *Cupmb [aHarpaMMunecKoe pacnpegeneHua ochobh O pycc. (apx.) cupmb „Bogo-Boporb, Bup^, Bbipb, nynuHa, BÖgoKpyr"] + pycc. 6oz „TBope^ co3gaTenb, Bcegepxu-TeHb". 2) Bo3moxho, hto Bo3HuKHoBeHue Mop^onorunecKoß cTpyKTypbi TeoHuMa npe-gonpegeneHo rpenecKoß Mogenbro 06pa30BaHua KoMno3uToB cTapocnaBAHcKoro nepuoga, T.e. oHa MoxeT uHTepnpeTupoBaTbca KaK gpeBHerpenecKaa KanbKa uMeHu 6ora 3umhux BeTpoB Mai^dKTr|c; Zsüc;. 3) mmh 6ora MoxeT 6biTb pac^HuBaeMo KaK ^^uTeT BepxoBHoro 6oxecTBa (bo3-moxho, nepyHa). 4) Mu^onoreMa „6or BeTpoB, 6ypb" npucy^a u gna penuru03H0M cucTeMbi 6an-TUM^eB: npyccKuö TeoHuM Bardoayts (u ero BapuaHTbi Gardoyts, Perdoyts) coothocum c 06pa30M raaBHoro 6oxecTBa 6anTuöcKoro naHTeoHa - 6oroM rpo3H nepKyHacoM. 227 BocTOHHOOTaBSHCKMe 6ora Kucbckom Pycu: Cmpuôoz CoKpa^eHHa AV - AtharvavedaSamhitä. Benveniste I-II - Benveniste E. Le vocabulaire des institutions indo-européennes, p. 1-2, Paris, 1969. BRMŠ I-IV - Balty religijos ir mitologijos šaltiniai. Sudarè Norbertas Vèlius. Vilnius: Mokslo ir enciklopedij^ leidykla (t. 1-2), Mokslo ir enciklopedij^ leidybos institutas (t. 3-4), 1996-2005. IEW - Pokorny J. Indogermanisches etymologisches Wörterbuch, I-II, Bern und München, 1959-1969. Karulis I-II - Karulis K. Latviešu etimologijas värdnlca (s. 1-2), Riga: Avots, 1992. LEW - Fraenkel E. Litauisches etymologisches Wörterbuch I-II, Heidelberg: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1962-1965. LKŽ I-XX - Lietuviy kalbos žodynas, 1-20. Vilnius, 1956-1999; gocryn b uHTepHeTe: www.lkz.lt. LKŽK - KapTOTeKa cnoBapa hutobckoto œbiKa, xpaHH^aacfl b MHCTMTyTe hutobckoto A3biKa b BunbHroce LM I-III - Lietuviy mitologija, 1-3, Vilnius: Mintis, 1995-2003. LVV I-VIII - Latviešu literäräs valodas värdnlca. Sj. 1-8, Riga: Zinätne, 1972-1996. Mayrhofer I-III - Mayrhofer M. Kurzgefaßtes etymologisches Wörterbuch des Altindischen, 1-3. Heidelberg: Carl Winter Universitätsverlag, 1956-1976. PEŽ I-IV - Mažiulis V. Prüsy kalbos etimologij os žodynas, 1-4, Vilnius: Mokslas (t. 1), Mokslo ir enciklopedij^ leidykla (t. 2, 3), Mokslo ir enciklopedij^ leidybos institutas (t. 4), 1988-1997. RV - RgvedaSamhitä. SRL - Scriptores rerum Lusaticarum II, Lipsiœ et Budiflk, 1719. flanb I-IV - flanb B., Tohkobuü cnoBapb mubozo BenuKopyccKozo x3UKa, 1-4, MocKBa: PyccKMM A3biK, 1989-1991. .P.fl - Hemonucu pyccKoü numepamypu u dpeBHoemu, u3gaBaeMbie HuKonaeM Tu-xoHpaBoBbM (t. I-V), MocKBa, 1859-1863. MC - MufonoaunecKuü cnoBapb, MocKBa: CoBeTcKaa ^H^MK^o^egMfl, 1990. HPC - Heue^o-pyccKuü cnoBapb (aBTopbi: K. .eMH u gp.), MocKBa: „PyccKMM h3hk", 1992. nCP. I - nonHoe coöpaHue pyccKux nemonuceü I. HaBpeHmbeBcKax nemonucb, MocKBa, 1962. nCP. II - nonHoe coöpaHue pyccKux nemonuceü II. MnaTbeBcKaa neTonucb, MocKBa, 1962. M I-V - TonopoB B. H. npyccKuü h3uk: CnoBapb I-V, MocKBa: HayKa, 1975-1998. CA - CnoBapb aHmuHHocmu, MocKBa: nporpecc, 1992. CM - CnoBeHcKa Mumonoauja. EH^MK^o^egMjcKM pe^HUK. Peg. C.M. ToncToj, PageHKoBuh, Beograd: Zepter book world, 2001. CM1 - CnaBxmKax Mufionozux. ^H^MK^o^egMHecKMM cnoBapb, MocKBa: „MexgyHa-pogHbie oTHomeHua", 2002. CnM - Cn0B0 o nonKy MaopeBe, MocKBa, 1950. $acMep 0CP.3) I-IV - M. ^acMep. ^muMono^u^ecKuü cnoBapb pyccKoao x3UKa, t. 1-4, MocKBa: nporpecc, 1986-1987. 228 PonaHÖac Kpe^M^uc Bpc - BpacHaya (PecnyÖHUKa BeHapycb) BapH - BapHHM (TflHbmflMCKUM p-OH) BgK - BugyKHe (PaceMHAMCKUM p-OH) rpK - EupKaHbHUC (PaCeMHflMCKMM p-OH) rpHK - rpMHKMmKMC (PagBUHUmCKUM p-OH) flra - flayraMHAM (yTAHCKUM p-OH) flc - flycHTOC (3apacaöcKUM p-OH) ^rH - ^aÖrHHHC (PaCeMHAMCKUM p-OH) nH - naHeBe^MC nHg - naHgenMC (POKUmKAMCKUM p-OH) nHC - nyHeKae (PecnyÖHUKa nOHbma) pc - PaCeMHHM Cpö - CeÖpHHH (^a3gMHCKMM p-OH) fflBHH - fflBHHHëHMC ffiHHH - ffiaHHUHUHKaß [gpyrue COKpa^eHua Ha3BaHUM MecTHOCTeö u nucbMeHHbix uctohhukob KaK b LKZ (cm. www.lkz.lt/dzl.php?11)] inf. - HaT. (modus) infinitivus (HeOnpegeHëHHOe HaKHOHeHue) imperat. - HaT. (modus) imperativus (nOBeHUTeHbHOe HaKHOHeHue) praet. - HaT. (tempus) praeteritum (npOmegmee BpeMfl) rugp.- rugpOHUM gpB. - gepeBHH h. - Hy^a Hr. - Hyr O3. - O3epO p. - peKa TOn. -TOnOHUM ^HTepaTypa Beekes R.S.P. (1995), Comparative Indo-European linguistics. Amsterdam-Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Co. Benveniste E. (1984), Origines de la formation des noms en indo-européen (cinquième tirage), Paris. Brückner A. (1957), Stownik etymologiczny jçzyka polskiego, Warszawa: Wiedza powszechna. Brückner A. (1980), Mitologia stowianska i polska, Warszawa: Panstwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe. Bußmann H. (2002), Lexicon der Sprachwissenschaft, Stuttgart: Alfred Kröner Verlag. Endzelynas J. (1957), Balty kalb^garsai ir formos, Vilnius: Valstybinè politinès ir mokslinès literatüros leidykla. Frisk H. (1970), Griechisches etymologisches Wörterbuch, Bd. 2, Heidelberg. Gaivenis K., Keinys S. (1990), Kalbotyros termin^ zodynas, Kaunas: Sviesa. Gimbutas V. (1967), Ancient Slavic Religion: a synopsis. To honor Roman Jakobson. Essays on the occasion of his seventieth birthday, the Hague - Paris: Mouton; 738-759. 229 BocTOMHOCTOBSHCKMe 6ora KueBCKOM Pycu: Cmpu6o^ Grinaveckiene E. (1957), Mituvos upyno tarmes fonetika. Lietuviy kalbotyros klausimai I, Vilnius; 119-180. Jakobson R. (1959), Marginalia to Vasmer's Russian etymological dictionary (P-.). International Journal of Slavic Linguistics and Poetry I/II; 19-20. Karaliünas S. (1973), Is lietuviy kalbos io-kamieni^ veiksmazodzi^ istorijos (uo saknies vokalizmo tipas). Lietuviy kalbotyros klausimai XIV, Vilnius; 7-150. Kregzdys, R. (2005), The hereditary names of body parts (with o/a Stems) in Baltic languages. A Summary of Doctoral Dissertation, Vilnus: Vilnius University Press; 1-31. Kregzdys R. (2006), Were the Baltic and Slavic names of the "Filix" fern taboo? Acta Baltico-Slavica 30, Warszawa: Slawistyczny osrodek wydawniczy, 135-143. Kregzdys R. 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(1981), Lietuviy hidronimy etimologinis zodynas, Vilnius: Mokslas. Wackernagel J., Debrunner A. (1896), Altindische Grammatik, Bd. 1 (Lautlehre), Göttingen. Wackernagel J., Debrunner A. (1929-1930 ), Altindische Grammatik, Bd. 3(1-2) (Deklination der Nomina. Zahlwörter - Pronomina), Göttingen. 230 PonaHÖac Kpe^M^uc Wackernagel J., Debrunner A. (1954), Altindische Grammatik, Bd. 2(2) (Die Nominalsuffixe), Göttingen. Viburyte J. (2007), Lietuvi^ kalbos žodžio burna atitikmenys balt^ ir slav^ kalbose. Lituanistica 53. N 3(71), Vilnius; 57-63. Ziesemer W. (1924), Die ostpreußischen Mundarten, Königsberg: Ferdinand Hirt in Breslau. Zinkevičius Z. (1966), Lietuvty dialektologija, Vilnius: Mintis. Bappoy T. (1976), CaucKpum, MocKBa: nporpecc. Ben M. (1958), K ^TMM0^0mM gpeBHepyccKoro „CTpu6or". Bonpocw x3biKo3uauux N° 3, MocKBa; 96-99. BnacoBa M. (2008), ^u^uKnone^uxpyccKux cyeBepuü, CaHKT-neTep6ypr: M3gaTenbcKuü floM „A36yKa-KnaccuKa". Boütobmh B. (2002), ykpaiucbKa uifionozix, Kmib: „^u6igb". ranbKOBCKMÜ H.M. (1916), Eopböa xpucmuaucmBa c ocmamKauu x3bmecmBa b ffpeBueü Pycu II, XapbKOB. raMKpenug3e T. B., MBaHoB Bu. Bc. (1984), MuöoeBponeücKuü x3UK u uudoeBponeü^i, 1-2, T6unHCH: Universiteta. Enu3apeHKOBa T. (1974), MccneöoBauux no öuaxpouunecKoü fiouonoauu uudoapuüc-kux h3ukob, MocKBa: HayKa. Enu3apeHKOBa T. (1982), rpauuamuKa BeöuücKoao x3UKa, MocKBa: HayKa. MBaHoB B.B. (1976), MOTMBH BocTouHocnaBAHcKoro H3biuecTBa u ux TpaHc^opMa^Mfl B pyccKux UKoHax. Hapoduax zpaBmpa u fionbKnop b Poccuu XVII-XIX bb., MocKBa, 268-287. MBaHoB Bau.Bc., TonopoB B.H. (1965), CnaBxucKue x3UKoBbie uodenupymmße ceuuomu-necKue cucmeuu, MocKBa: HayKa. MBaHoB B. B., TonopoB B. H. (1974), MccneöoBauux b oönacmu cnaBxucKux dpeBuocmeü, MocKBa: HayKa. MBaHoB Bau.Bc., TonopoB B.H. (1983), K peKoHcTpy^uu MoKomu KaK xeHcKoro nep-coHaxa b cnaBHHcKoü Bepcuu ochobhoto Mu^a. Eanmo-cnaBxucKue uccnedoBauux 1982, MocKBa: HayKa; 175-197. Kperxguc P. (2009), npycc. Curche: ^TMM0^0mfl TeoHUMa, ^yH^uu 6oxecTBa; npo-6neMaTUKa ycTaHoBneHUH KynbTOBbix cooTBeTcTBMÜ Ha nouBe o6pagoBoü Tpagn-^HH BocTouHo-6anTuücKux, cnaBHHcKux u gpymx MHgoeBponeücKux HapogoB. Studia Mythologica Slavica 12, Ljubljana: Znanstvenoraziskovalni center Slovenske akademije znanosti in umetnosti (Slovenija); Universita degli Studi di Udine (Italia); 249-320. MapTbiHoB B.B. (1989), CaKpanbHbiü Mup „CnoBa o nonKy MropeBe". CnaBxucKuü u öanKaucKuü fionbKnop. PeKoucmpy^ux dpeBueü cnaBxucKoü dyxoBuoü Kynbmypu: ucmonuuKu u uemodu, MocKBa: HayKa; 61-78. Mene A. (1914), rpauuamuKa uudo-eBponeücKux x3ukob, MpbeB^: Tunorpa^m K. MaT-TuceHa. MuTpononuT InapioH (1994), ffoxpucmuxucbKi BipyBauux yKpaiucbKoao uapody, Kmib: AT „O6epem". HunbccoH M. (1998), rpenecKax uapoduaxpenuzux, CaHKT-neTep6ypr: „AneTeüa". Pbi6aKoB B.A. (1981), #3biuecTBo gpeBHMx cnaBHH, MocKBa: HayKa. CeMepeHbu O. (1980), BBedeuue b cpaBuumenbuoe x3biKo3uauue, MocKBa. 231 BocTOMHOCTOBSHCKMe 6ora Kmcbckom Pycu: Cmpu6oz TonopoB B.H. (1989), 06 upaHCKOM ^^eMeHTe b pyccKOM gyxoBHOM KynbType. CnaBXH-ckuu u 6anKaHCKUu fionbKnop. PeKornmpy^ux dpeBHeu cnaBXHCKou dyxoBHou Kynbmypu: ucmonHUKU u Memodu, MocKBa: HayKa; 23-61. TonopoB B.H. (1990), KoHHbie cocTH3aHMH Ha noxopoHax. MccnedoBaHUx b o6nacmu 6anmo-cnaBXHCKoU dyxoBHou Kynbmypu. noape6anbHuu o6pxd, MocKBa: HayKa; 12-47. Tpy6aneB O. H. (2003), ^mH0^eHe3 u Kynbmypa dpeBHeumux cnaBXH, MocKBa: HayKa. ^aMMH^rn A.C. (1995), EoMecmBa dpeBHUx cnaBXH, CaHKT-neTep6ypr: „AneTeMfl". Xa6ypraeB r. A. (1974), CmapocnaBXHCKuU X3UK, MocKBa: npocBe^eHue. Eastern Slavic Gods of Kiev Russia: Stribog (comparative analysis of the Slavic and Baltic mythological data) Rolandas Kregzdys The theonym Stribog appertains to Kiev Russia or the so-called Vladimir pantheon. It is mentioned in the most ancient and significant sources of Slavic mythology and religion (Nestor's chronicle transcriptions; epos Slovo o polku Igoreve). There are many ways of god's name etymological ascribings, equally brief nascency theories. Being based on the linguistic analysis carried out on the deity name, it is possible to assert that it reflects morphotactical metathesis, determined by taboo phenomenon: ORuss. Cmpu-6oa/b [*C-mp-u- *-bmpuC]<-*Cupmb-6oa/b [anagramal distribution of the stem with metathesis of the initial C- because of the cluster TPMC- O Russ. (archaism) cupmb "whirlpool, abyss, nix etc." absence in the Eastern Slavic phonotactical system, i.e. the first component of a karmadharaya composite reflects component transposition of the radical syllable [a type of morphotactical rearrangements]. The reconstructed compound of karmadharaya type, datable approximately to the Old Slavonic period, was formed on an image of the Greek composites formation model, i.e. it reflects an ancient Greek loan-translation of the winter winds god name Mai^aKtric; Zsuc;, that confirms Rybakov's guess about the construction of the theonym as an epithet of the Supreme deity (probably, The Thunderer - nepyHh). Such a solution of the problem would fit Procopius' (first half of the 6th century) information about the existence of the main Slavic thunder-storm deity (and the one to whom they worshipped) cult. Being based on the analysis of the Baltic and Slavic linguistic and mythological equivalents, and also on rather important information of the Eastern Slavic epos Slovo o polku Igoreve, i.e. Stribog's definition as a lord of winds, mythologeme CTpHEOXH bhyuh "Stribog's grandsons" can not be interpreted as "a military team", as both in Baltic and Indian mythological systems the god of winds does not act on his own, but always in tail with the supreme god - indrah, i.e. by the principle of the hierarchical position of the celestial gods a predominating deity place pertains to the thunder-storm god (Balt. Perkunas, Perkons, Percunis, Slav. nepyu), and only then follow all others, taking place in his submission, i.e. the god of winds [for certain it is an epithet of the same thunder-storm god, afterwards got a separate shape whose cult in turn is connected with the god of the sky], his sons - whirlwinds (!!!) etc. 232 Si •75 H O Si J3 S W O Si >©• rt a ^ * g S ¡ s S ^ O "O a s O o o CA H rc H s ti s g s 5; 5; - § p o 0 3 s a S S (Z> H S z a * s ^ x a p & w 2 s a re w m s s e 3 ° S * H H *2 ta -o M 5; «es? ° s ¡ O 5 s. « £ ^3 s= ¡-H o >2 I M « s a ^ Eso6 S Sjs s S * 2 a o 5 s 5s p O 0" i S o 5 3 a a> a> -O w S P S W R B R o\ S g % s S ■a 2 o « a S o f- O g * 3. ffi ^ i U H S a> u- sa p p a O p ° § g ^ Sx « * g ° B 0 a ^ O g a ? m s s ■©■ g s S g „ o s £ » s g H "O S ^ 0 a 2 a " a » gfl " 5 3 s a s ^ s w S t> - 0 S S a s< S= cv a I 3 g W 3 s S o O S W o ■ o g E S M á s O § a i g, o a a 0 S M § a m s r3 O g « a a s o - ^ s £ o ' 2 m 9 g S s 8 o a » ° g i § « § g s. M S 2 : ■©• S. ¡§ S ' o 2 5 « ^ H 5 g g w o H S a « 2 a s i • s p O n » Q ¡ a 1 s i 3 rt s a a a e & a » s s S ^ d a w p S o a ano p p h B g S B o S W s 2 ffi H M p r¡ § | 3 3 a g s. p re 3' ® S 8 S as h a ^3 o p s o ¡S í ¡S a ^3 a tr " g a s h a o Q S 3 a 3 o a p h o s g S * " p H ^ « M g O.» S s O S S g s ^ § sis s ¡ S a S a regó ^ p a w o g opa a o S g m a s g § 0 | 3 S ^ S s S "3 g ' p p 1 a p ! o a ) o o ) B o g S a w S s 2 * M 2 S s S o\ o S H H S 0 d rl g £ ® s= H o p X « g g s g « s G g 55 W p a> co n n ffi a> o p 0\ cr- rti 55 o 9 2 s S ^ 5 _ fe o a ^ S S P 4 * 5 2 g S § ^ | S O ° M H S p a a S a üt O o a ^ re 2 S ® ® S s i p -6- (ti p H " o\ r^ ^ VJ P 3 N Si a s n a o* hS- ■©■ a o o g M & p ÍC i? i- s o cr a* s s § 00 g fj re KH ^ o O w g O rc o\ « o B S H w p s 8 3 g a o o ta 0 E g re « ^ p w ffi g e § td o rt Ci; K H w 2 S 5 o o ' K P a T3 : : « ' p ^ S c m g p ^ H M 0 a a S a ^3 1 s B M § P M M ís ■a "o s rt a o a g 3 » 1 s S1 O ^3 1-1 o 3 p S. 2 ® W cr E M g \o m 00 ° " » o S g -s s c s o a 2 H S s p h M o S a ^ I—H ^ O K K o ~ O ^ s S ? - S K ? 0 | 1 p ta S ^ W o H O S H M O ta T3 g m t¡ s B s tí § § ® St 2 o G 8 a ^ S i-rt H »S g g S s H S g p g C o S s " g S ta 2 3 S P fl O R o 2 § S S= o s Z Q a S oS¡» w s H S B O H o „ o g s= a ¡~ o - i 4 a s ^ a 15 » s ¿ * ÍT> fT> ^ w o o s H ^ ü: td p rt p K T3 I - ^ § O ta ta w ÍT> H 2 H K ta O ÍT> m a 2 ® a S S n „ a o S ^ ta E ffi 2 S ' ta ><■ td p a K C S S= p a o w o C 13 S M a cr a o o o H § o p hfl hrt n 2 ta 0 S s w o g ^ 173 s H H ta „ B o; 0 0 1 ^ 3 O ^ p p s a o p m s s; 8 o ta s s= O S 73 P g o I ta o tr S= a ^ . H p ta S T3 S= O S a # y o B £ W o C ta o 2 s K H ►fl 73 p T3 p 2 o Q W g O u> a a O g a\ m 73 p p ta w tr s s H reí a B. tr s « S S= p a s s m > g a ^ g S g s= a T3 s H p a p m Un I ISJ ON T) O * H rt a s n > a o s s o a & > a o s s o a ^ W rt S O o o § g S _ s: m 0\ ta o 3- o- 3- a sí" 1 3 sx. ^ 05 0 a ►"O n a a' o* Ni S 3 a ^ s a S' 3 a a 0 ^ 05 >5 £ 0] O 3 a a 3 s- 05 O^ a. 05 ^ n a K n S E 05 ^ n O a 3 3-a' al 3 3 3- a ^ SX. S3^ U! B5 3-* 0 3 a 05 a ^ V) 1 a 3 a n" ,3- Ni ? 3- 0 3 V) al a mn s- 05 n" 3- S3 S' 05 05 A a 0 ^ 05 V) a K V) € 3- a o* O* O S" 3 § ^ e x a e ta CR ^ e s > □ O O ►e-q leH O o § o o w M 0 fe § O O h K h 5 ¿ 2c ^ ^ rt h O n X m O § O ^ a > s □ o o = a 5 5 X s § = o w ISJ OJ OJ STUDIA MYTHOLOGICA SLAVICA XIII - 2010, 233 - 248 O CTpyKType Tpex roMepoBcKux ruMHoB: K AnoaaoHy fleaoccKoMy, K AnoaaoHy nu^MHcKoMy, K repMecy Co3peBaHMe 3apogbima npegnoaaraeT BpeMa, ho peaabHoe BpeMa HaHMHaeTca, Korga 3apogbim BbixoguT M3 BHyTpeHHero npoeTpaHeTBa yTpo6bi bo BHemHee npo-CTpaHCTBo Mupa, oTgeaeaaeTca ot CBoeö TeMHoö ochobh m cTaHoBMTca cym^ecmeoM. M mOT0My Bce, hto 6biao go ^T0^0 Bbixoga b npoeTpaHeTBo u BpeMa, 6biao BHeBpeMeH-hhm u BHenpoeTpaHeTBeHHHM. Pa3geaeHue Ha BpeMeHHoe u goBpeMeHHoe, npocrpaHc-TBeHHoe u gonpoeTpaHeTBeHHoe, noHaTHo, - ycaoBHoe. B ^T0M do ecTb CBoe BpeMa u npoeTpaHeTBo, ho Bce »e ohm - gpyrue, cKpynennue, pacnpaMaaMaro^ueca b pe3yab-TaTe po»geHua b npocTpaHCTBe.5 C ^T0H KocMoroHMHecKoH cropoHbi geaaeTca hohhthhm nepeMe^eHue ^eTo ot ogHoö tohkm b npocTpaHCTBe k gpyroö, b pe3yabTaTe Hero co3gaeTca npocmpaHcmBo poMÖenux, cy^ecTBoBaHue KoToporo aBaaeTca Heo6xoguMHM ycaoBueM po»geHua, Ha KaKoM 6h ypoBHe oho He npoucxoguao. A noceMy puTyaa po»geHua b HeMeHbmeö cre-neHu, HeM CTpouTenbHbm puTyaa, goa»eH 6bia MMeTb gaa ce6a KocMoroHMHecKyro mo-geab6. B Teo^onuu lecuoga kocmotohmh u TeoroHMa onucbiBaroTca c KaK eguHbiö cnoH-TaHHHM npo^cc caM03ap0»geHua u po»geHua. Bbimegmaa M3 6ecK0HeHH0M yTpo6bi Xaoca7 Iea-3eMaa nopo»gaeT M3 ce6a YpaHa-He6o, ropbi, hmm^, Mope (Th. 126-132). flo ^T0^0 MoMeHTa ugeT nopo»geHue 06^eKT0B (He6o, ropH, Mope), xoth m ^0TeH^Maab-hhx, Ha hto yKa3HBaeT, KaK Ka»eTca, onpegeaeHue Mopa-üoHTa KaK 6ecnno^no^o (Th. 131: ätpÜYEtov). Ho u He6o ToabKo goa»Ho CTaTb ^ampeaai Geotc; sSoc; da^aAsc; (Th. 128: 6aa»eHHHM 6oraM »uau^e Hage»Hoe), t. e. u oho MMeeT ^0TeH^MaabHbIM xapaK-Tep, KaK u Bce nopo»geHua Xaoca8. B ^T0M K0CM0r0HMHecK0M KoHTeKcTe TeoroHMa M0»eT 6HTb onpegeaeHa KaK aK-myanu3a^x MMero^uxca ^0TeH^MaabHbIX ^aeMeHT0B. M b caM0M geae, Ka»gbiM 6or ynpaBaaeT onpegeaeHHoö KocMUHecKoö o6aacTbro. C Toro MoMeHTa, Korga oh BxoguT b ee BaageHue, t. e. poMÖaemcx, ^TM ^0TeH^MaabHbIe ^aeMeHTbI craHoBaTca peaabHHMM KocMUHecKUMM o6^eKTaMu. OcBo6o»gaacb ot 3onomux n0BX30K (128-129) AnoaaoH cpa3y »e onpegeaaeT cbom ^yH^uu: nycmb nodadym MHe u3o^nymuü nyK u nm6e3nym nupy. / flwdxM nanny npopu^mb h pewenbx rnnoMHue 3eBca! (III (I), 131-132: e'ir| ^oi KtGapk; re fiAr| Kai Ka^nuXa to^a, / XPHaw S' dvGpwnoiai Aio; vr^eprsa ßouAi^v). ^T0 oKoHHanbHoe pacnycKaHue cex3eü (128-129), cMMBoaM3upyK>^MX yTpo6Hyro coegu-HeHHocTb 3apogbima, npoucxoguT nocae Toro, KaK H0Bopo»geHHbiH AnoaaoH BKyma-eT nu^y 6oroB: rpydu CBoeü He daBana Hemo 3namonupHOMy 0e6y: / HeKmap 0eMuöa Bnycmuna b nemnennue ^y6u MnadeH^ / BMecme c aMBpocueü nyönoü (123-125). TaKMM 5 CKa3aHue o naTM HeaoBeHecKux pogax (Hes. Op. 109-201) mo»ho paccMaTpuBaTb KaK cBoero poga ucTopuro goBpeMeHHoro m^m nepBoHaHaabHoro Mupa. naToe noKoaeHue 3aBepmaeT ucTopuro goBpeMeHHoro Mupa m ogHoBpeMeHHo HaHMHaeT ucTopuHecKoe BpeMa stricto sensu. HeTBepToe noKoaeHue noay6o»ecTBeHHHX re-poeB noHTM nogomao k McTopMHecKoMy BpeMeHM, ho Bce »e He Bomao b Hero, McHe3HyB do epeMenu. 6 O KocMoroHMHecKofi Mogeau cTpoMTeabHHX pMTyaaoB cm.: Eliade 1967, Cap.1. 7 STMMoaoruro Xaoca ycTaHaBaMBaeT H. MuxanaoB: «Xao; y Tecuoga - sto nepeunnaa (npwTiora) yTpo6a, KoTopaa caMa ce6a nopo»gaeT m po»gaeT Bce ocTaabHoe» (MuxanaoB 1989, c. 78). 8 Cp.: Hepnaa Honb u yspwMwü ^pe6 podunucb u3 Xaoca. / Honb Me ^^up poduna u cuamm,uü ffenb, unb reMepy: / Mx 3anana ona e Hpeee, c ^pe6oM e nw6eu conemaemucb (Th. 124-126; ^MT. b nepeBoge B.B. Bepe-caeBa no: recuog 2001). fleHb (H^epn), nocKoabKy HeT HMHero, KpoMe Hohm m 3pe6a, KoTopbie caMBaroTca b egMHon goKocMoroHMHecKofi TeMHoTe, cy^ecTByeT McKaroHMTeabHo KaK HMcTaa B03M0»H0cTb. TaK»e m He6o ecTb He 6oaee KaK HepeaaM30BaHHaa e^e B03M0»H0cTb, nocKoabKo oho He MMeeT oTgeabHoro ot 3eMau cy^ecTBoBaHMa, a caMTo c Hero (126-127: rata Se Toi npörov ^ev eyeivaro iaov e' aürp / Oüpavöv darepoevO', 'iva ^iv nepi navTa KaXunroi), t. e. aBaaeTca, KaK m 3eMaa, nopo»geHMeM Xaoca Mau, BepHee, BHgeaeHMeM M3 Hero. 234 Muxaun Eb3muh 0Ópa30M, AnonnoH BnonHe ocBo6o:«gaeTCfl ot CBfl3biBaro^Hx ero neneH TonbKo nocne Toro, KaK oh BnonHe onpegenunca b KanecTBe 6ora: nocne Toro KaK BKycun th, BnagbiKa, ot nH^n 6eccMepTH0M, BypHbix gBM^eHMM tbomx He cgep:»anu peMHH 3onoTbie, Cna6bi CBHBanbHHKH CTanu, u Bce pacnycTunucb 3aBH3KH. (127-128) CaMo no ce6e po:«geHHe ot 6orMHM He gocraToHHo, hto6h cgenaTbca 6oroM, ga^e ecnu o^om HBnfleTCH 6or, a He CMepTHbiM nenoBeK, KaK b cnynae ^Hefl (V. K Aifipodu-me). BKymeHMe nH^n 6oroB cyTb TonbKo 3aKnroHHTenbHbiM MoMeHT: CHanana MnageH^ oMHBaKT (120-121) h TonbKo noToM garoT eMy HeKTap u aMBpocuro, He no3Bonafl npu ^T0M KacaTbca rpygu MaTepu, CHMBonH3upyK>^eM ecTecTBeHHbiM ^^eMeHT, ot KoToporo 6or gon^eH oTganuTbca, t. e., xoth h chh 6ora, AnonnoH gon^eH npoMTH rite depassage, nepeBoga^uñ ero H3 ecTecTBeHHoro coctohhhh (KoTopoe B gaHHoM cnynae paBH03Han-ho xT0HunecK0My) B CBepx^ecTecTBeHHoe, He-xT0HunecK0e u 6o^ecTBeHHoe. CoBceM He cnynaMHo, hto nepBbiM puTyanbHbiM geMCTBueM 6oruHb Hag BMmegmuM H3 MaTe-puHCKoro noHa MnageH^M CTaH0BHTCH ouuBaHue: c noMo^bro Bogbi ycTpaHHroTCH oc-TaTonHHe XToHunecKue ^^eMeHTbI, KoTopbie Morau 6h CTaTb npenHTCTBueM gna ganb-Heñmux TpaHC^opMa^HM 6o^ecTBeHHoro guTHTH. CxogHaa CHTya^Hfl npucyTCTByeT TaK^e B ruMHe K repuecy, npogenKH KoToporo, xoth h npou3BogaT BnenaTneHue ^0^THnecK0M HM^poBH3a^HH, CTporo cnegyroT cxeMe rite de passage. repMec po^gaeTCH ot 6ora u hhm^h, MUBym^eü b ^ny6oKoü meuHoü ne-w,epe (IV (III). 6: avtpov saw vaíouaa naXÍCTKiov), t. e. y^e c po:«geHHfl oh npuHagne-^ht k HH^HeMy u BepxHeMy MupaM. XToHHHecKHe cy^ecTBa, KaK npaBuno, ^HByT B ne^epax9. nyTb HoBopo^geHHoro repMeca HanuHaeT B ne^epe, y MaTepu (b HH^HeM Mupe), u oKaHHHBaeTCH Ha OnuMne, y o^a (b BepxHeM Mupe), rge repMec nonynaeT CTa-Tyc 6ora u C00TBeTCTByro^ue ^yH^uu, t. e. oh 3aH0B0 po^gaeTCH, ho y^e b BepxHeM He6ecH0M Mupe b Kanecree 6ora. O tom, hto penb ugeT 06 HHH^Ha^H0HH0M puTyane, no npoxo^geHuu KoToporo nocBH^aeMbm gon^eH egenaTbeH 6oroM, CBugeTenbCTByeT npe^ge Bcero npuHocuMoe repMecoM ^epTBonpuHomeHue, yKa3biBaa b CBoro onepegb Ha pHTyanbHbiñ xapaKTep noxu^eHua KopoB AnonnoHa OneHb xoTenocb repMecy nonpo6oBaTb MHca ot ^epTBH: XoTb u 6eccMepTeH oh 6brn, pa3gpa^an ero H03gpu npu3biBH0 3anax npuHTHbiM. Ho gyx ero TBepgbiM eMy He no3Bonun... (IV (III), 130-132) 9 Cp., HanpuMep HuM^y ExugHy, KOTopaa »uBeT nog 3eMnefi b nemepe (Th. 301-305). C Hen coeguHaeTca Tu^oh, nopo»gaa nygoBum (307-313), c KOTopbiMu 6opeTca repaKn, alter ego BepxoBHoro 6ora. Exug-Ha - ^onb OopKua u KeTO (295). Mafia, MaTb repMeca, - gonb ÄTnaHTa (938), cbiHa ManeTa u OKeaHugbi KnuMeHbi (507-509). no Änonnogopy, Mafia gonb ÄTnaHTa u gonepu OKeaHa nnefioHbi (Bibl. III, x, 1), t. e. OHa npuHagne»uT k npaMofi nuHuu nepBo6oroB. ^Ta nuHua He uMeeT HuKaKoro OTHomeHua, bo bchkom cnynae y recuoga, k TuTaHaM, ho Bce »e, b cuny cBoero npoucxo»geHua ot reu u YpaHa, OHa TaK»e HeceT b ce6e mxMenuü xTOHunecKufi aneMeHT, b cuny nero cbiHOBba ManeTa uMMoöunmymmcx: MeHeTua 3eBc OTnpaBnaeT 3a HarnocTb b ^pe6, ÄTnaHT gep»uT Ha ronoBe He6o, a npoMeTefi ctout, npuKOBaHHwfi k ko-noHHe (514-522). npe6wBaHue Manu b nemepe, gyMaeTca, onpegenaeTca HenocpegcTBeHHWM ee pogcTBOM c stumu Hau6onee xTOHunecKuMu npegcTaBuTenaMu nuHuu nepBo6oroB, a noceMy ee chh, b OTnunue ot cbiHa geTO, po»gaeTca smaüm paeHo om 6o^oe u nwdeü (9) u gon»eH npofiTu oco6hM rite de passage. 235 O cTpyKType Tpex roMepoBCKux ™mhob: K An0HH0Hy fleH0ccK0My, K An0HH0Hy nu^MMCKoMy, K repMecy repMec npoxoguT puTyaHbHoe ucnHTaHue, u npuT0M b caM0M ero caKpaHbH0M nyHKTe - xepTBonpuHomeHUu, rge BcnKoe 0TKH0HeHue ot HopMbi UMeHo 6h gHn Hero KaTacTpo^unecKue nocHegcTBun, o K0T0pbix moxho T0HbK0 goragHBaTbcn. BeponTHHM npegcTaBHneTcn npegnoHoxeHue, hto ecHU 6h repMec He ycTonH u cbeH Mnco xepTBeH-Horo xuB0THoro, b HeM aKTyHU3upoBaHocb 6bi xT0HUHecK0e HaHaHo, yHacHegoBaHHoe ot ne^epHon MaTepu-HUM^bi, u oh npeBpaTUHcn 6bi b xT0HUHecKoro geM0Ha, KaKUM oh Korga-To u 6hh, noKa 3aH0B0 He poguHcn10. OTroHocKU ^T0^0 HexeHaTeHbHoro no-BopoTa b pe3yHbTaTe gony^eHHon - co3HaTeHbHo uhu 6ecco3HaTeHbHo, He cyTb BaxHo, - HenpaBUHbHocTU M0XH0 o6HapyxuTb b Mu^ax o nogcMaTpuBaHUu 3a caKpaHbHHMU gencTBUHMU 6oroB: MeTaHupa nogcMaTpuBaeT u gaxe BMemuBaeTcn b TanHogencTBue fleMeTpH, no npuHUHe Hero MHageHe^ fleM0^0HT TepneT 6eccMepTue, He gocTuran co-cTonHun, b K0T0p0M oh CT aH 6h 6eccMepTHHM u HecrapeK^UM (II. K fleMempe 260: áGávaTÓv K£v toi Kal ày^paov ^aTa návTa). fleM0^0HT npoxoguT UHU^ua^UK, b ko-Topon p0Hb noCBHTMTeHbHM^I UCn0HHneT CaMa 6orUHH, H0 pUTyaH o6pHBaeTCH BHe-3anH0, He gongn go cBoero 3aBepmeHun. CraH0BUTcn cMepTHHM He T0HbK0 fleM0^0HT, ho u Bce HeH0BeHecTB0, K0Topoe e^e He b onpegeHUHocb b 0gH0M uhu gpyroM cBoeM KaHecTBe, Begb peHb ugeT o nepB0HanaHbH0M, doepeMeuuoM Mupe. C M0MeHTa, Korga npepHBaeTcn TanHogencTBue 6oruHU, b Mup BxoguT BpeMn, a b HeH0BeHecK0e cy^ec-TB0BaHUe - CMepTb11. O6opBaBmUHCH UHU UCnoHHeHHHH HenpaBUHbHo UHU^Ua^U0H-hhm puTyaH KoHCTpyupyeT mu^h o npoucxoxgeHUu cMepTU, b K0T0pbix onucHBaeTcn puTyaHbHan no cBoen cTpyKType cuTya^un noTepu 6eccMepTun12. noHyHUBmun gypHoe HanpaBHeHue UHU^ua^uoHHHM puTyaH onpegeHneT mh^ o noce^eHUu OgucceeM ocTpoBa TpuHaKpuu, Ha K0T0p0M nacyTcn cTaga reHuoca. Tu-pecun npegynpexgaeT Oguccen: Eyàewb e MmaKe, xomx u eenuKue 6edcmeux ecmpe-muwb, / Ecnu 6O3ÖepMuwbcx pyKy nodrnmb ua cmada renuoca; / Ecnu Me pyKy nodu-Memb ua uux, mo npopony noau6enb / BceM eaM: me6e, Kopa6nm u conymuuKaM (Od. XI, 10 Ha 3To HaHaHbHoe geM0HMHecK0e KaHecTBo repMeca yKa3HBaeTcn ero cBn3b c MMpoM cMepTM, oTMeHeHHan He T0HbK0 b MM^ax, ho TaKxe b pMTyaHax: TpeTMn geHb a^MHCKMx AHTecTepun 6hh nocBn^eH repMecy xT0HMHecK0My (Parke 1977, p. 107-124). 11 HeygaHa c HageHeHMeM 6eccMepTMn fleMo^oHTa ctomt b npnMon cBn3M c HenoHHHM B03Bpa^eHMeM nep-ce^oHH b BepxHMn MMp no npMHMHe noegaHMn rpaHaT0Boro 3epHHmKa, t. e. nuqu cTpaHH cMepTM. PaHee egMHoe BpeMn nepce^oHH Tenepb geHMTcn Ha Tpu HacTM: nocmanoeun on nmo6 àonepb ee e npodonMenuu ¿oda / Tpemb npoeoduna odny e MuosocyMpannoM %apcmee nod3eMHOM, / flee m ocmanbuue - c fleMempoü, a maKMe c dpy¿uMu 6o¿aMu (II (V). 445-47). Ho TaKxe, KaK moxho npegnoHoxMTb, egMHoe BpeMn-He BpeMn HKgen - nu cMepmnux nu 6eccMepmnux - cTaHo gpo6HHM, t. e. BpeMeHeM xm3hm m cMepTM, k K0T0p0My cHegyeT npucoeguHMTb KaK TpeTun K0Mn0HeHT 3M6pM0HaHbH0e cocTonHMe nu mu3hu hu cMepmu. ^T0 noc-HegHee moxho paccMaTpuBaTb KaK "ocTaToK" goBpeMeHHoro cocTonHMn. 12 3gecb g0CTaT0HH0 ogHoro npuMepa, rge pMTyaHbHan cxeMa Ha noBepHocTM, B3nToro M3 npegaHMn k«ho-a^pMKaHCKoro Hapoga 3yHy. nepBocy^ecTBo, co3gaBmee HKgen, nocbiflaeT k hmm xaMeHeoHa m n^epM^y c gByMn npoTUBonoHo^HaMU CGG6^eHMnMM: «HKgu He yMpyT» m «HKgu yMpyT». XaMeHeoH, c nepBHM coo6^eHMeM, MgeT MegHeHHo m ctegaeT no gopore nHog c gepeBa, t. e. ero gBMxeHMe nepezynxpno m gaxe npepHBaeTcn, m noaToMy oh npuxogMT BTopHM. H^epM^a, co BTopHM coo6^eHMeM, 6exMT 6HCTpo, He 3aMegHnn m He npepHBan cBoero gBMxeHMn, m n03T0My oHa npuxogMT nepBon, b pe3yHbTaTe Hero HKgu cTa-HoBnTcn cMepTHHMM (Pettazzoni 1990, p. 3). CMepTHocTb 3gecb ecTb cHegcTBMe nenpaeunbnozo gBMxeHMn. Echm 6h xaMeHeoH 6exan 6HCTpo m npaBMHbHo, KaK n^epM^a, HKgu 6hhm 6h 6eccMepTHHMM. «npaBMHb-Hoe» m «HenpaBMHbHoe», «peryHnpHoe» m «HeperyHnpHoe» — ^yHgaMeHTaHbHHe puTyaHbHHe KaTeropMM, K0T0pHe b Mu^e 3yHy ^epcoHM^M^MpyT xaMeHeoH m n^epM^a, gaBan pMTyaHbHoe onpaBgaHMe cMepTM, K0T0pan, KCTaTM, gnn npuMMTMBHoro HeH0BeKa HMKorga He nBHneTcn ecTecTBeHHHM ^aKT0M, a, HanpMMep, cHegcTBMeM K0Hg0BCTBa, T. e. cBepxtecTecTBeHHoro BMemaTeHbCTBa. 236 Muxaun Ee3nun 110-113)13. Ogucceñ He npoxoguT ^T0^0 ucnbiTaHua - oh 3acwnaeT: B Mecme, 3aw,um-HOM om eempa, a pyKu yMun u Monumeoû / Tennoû k 6eccMepmnuM enaduKaM OnuMna, k 6oaaM o6pamunca. / CnadKuû na eeMdu Mne con nmeenu nenyecmeumenbno 6oau (XII, 336-338)14. B to BpeMa, KaK Ogucceñ cnuT, ero T0Bapu^u y6uBaK>T cBa^eHHbix KopoB re.uoca (359), no npuquHe qero Bce ohu ru6HyT, KpoMe Oguccea (420), ho ero cnaceHue cTaHoBUTca Haqa.oM hobhx ucnbiTaHuñ, KaK npegcKa3a. eMy Tupecuñ. B Mu^e UHU^ua^uoHHHM puTya. no.yqaeT KocMo.oruqecKoe 060CH0BaHue. Bhku, nacy^ueca Ha TpuHaKpuu, npegcTaB.aroT ^.eMeHT KocMocucTeMW. re.uoc ro-BopuT, ®a.yacb Ha nrogeñ Oguccea: ffep3KO ohu y Mena yMepmeunu 6uKoe, na Komopux / TaK nw6oeanca eceaöa a — ecxodun nu na 3ee3dnoe ne6o, / C 36e3Önoao nb ne6a cxodun u k 3eMne nucnycKanca. / Ecnu Me eaMu ne 6ydem naKa3ano ux ceamomamcmeo, / B o6nacmb Auda coûdy a u 6ydy ceemumb dna yMepmux (XII, 379-383). CMepTb 6hkob HapymaeT npaBU.bHoe gBU®eHue co.H^ KaK ^HTpa.bHoro ^^eMeHTa KocMocucTeMW, u ^0^T0My, hto6h ero B0ccTaH0BUTb, xoTa u Ha gpyroñ 0CH0Be, t. e. 6e3 6hkob, go.®HW noru6HyTb Bce ToBapu^u Oguccea. 3Ta ru6e.b UMeeT Bce qepTb ucKynuTe.bHoro u.u ucnpaBUTe.bHoro puTya.a, ^HTpa.bHbiM M0MeHT0M K0Toporo 6w.u qe.oBeqecKue ®epTBonpuHomeHua15. OqeBugeH TaK®e puTya.bHbiM xapaKTep mm^ob o coBMecTHwx nupax 6oroB u nro-geñ, rge nu^a ogHUx u gpyrux cTporo pa3ge.eHw: 6oraM He no3Bo.aeTca ecTb nu^y nrogeñ, a nrogaM - nu^y 6oroB. AMBpocua B0Bce He ge.aeT 6eccMepTHWMU nrogeñ, ko-Topwe nuTaroTca 3eMH0M nu^eñ, t. e nu^a 6oroB u nu^a nrogeñ HecoBMecTUMW, o qeM cBugeTe.bCTByeT nocMepTHaa cygb6a TaHTa.a. 3a to, qT0 oh «Bbi6a.TbiBan nrogaM muc-Tepuu 6oroB, u [...] yro^a. cboux cBepcTHUK0B aMBpocueñ» (Apoll. Epit. II, 1)16, TaHTa. TepnuT BeqHbie MyKU, t. e. ero nocMepTHoe 6eccMepTue UMeeT qucTo oTpu^Te.bHbiM xapaKTep. Oho ecTb c.egcTBue BKymeHua 3anpeTHoñ nu^u. Bor, BKymaa aMBpocuro, 06H0B.aeT cBoe 6ecMepTue, a g.a cMepTHoro qe.oBeKa, onpege.UBmeroca b cBoeñ cMepTHocTU, 0Ha cTaHoBUTca agoM. BeqHbiM cTaHoBUTca He caM TaHTa., a ero ro.og u ®a®ga. B 6orax nro6aa gpyraa nu^a, KpoMe aMBpocuu, aKTya.U3upyeT cMepTHoe xto-HuqecKoe Haqa.o. nepce^oHa, cbeBmaa rpaHaT0B0e 3epHbimK0, nu^y cTpaHbi cMepTU, He Mo®eT no.HocTbro BepHyTbca b BepxHuñ Mup, ee 6eccMepTue KaK 6h gpo6uTca, cTa-H0BUTCH qacTuqHbiM. Bo3mo®ho TaK®e npegno.o®UTb, qT0 fleMeTpa, CbeBmaa n.e-qo ne.onca (Hyg. Fab. 83), npeo6pa3U.acb b nepce^oHy u nepeMecTU.acb b cTpaHy cMepTU, t. e. noc.e BKymeHua nu^u cMepTHbix, TeM 6o.ee qe.oBeqecKoro Maca, 0Ha y®e He M0®eT no.HocTbK) npe6biBaTb b BepxHeñ 6o®ecTBeHHoñ c^epe. 3tm mu^h o 13 nepeBog B.A. ®yK0BCKoro, ^MT no: roMep 1935. 14 Coh oxBaTbBaeT Oguccea, Korga Kopa6.b nogn.WBaeT y®e k MTaKe, t. e. b caMbñ Henogxoga^uñ MoMeHT: B smo M^HOBeHbe e ^ny6oKUû a coh no^py3unca (Od. X, 31). B 3tot caMbñ MoMeHT cnyTHUKU Oguccea pa3Ba-3biBaK>T Mex c BeTpaMU (47), m mx cTpaHCTBue HaquHaeTca 3aH0B0, ho BegeT ux y®e k cMepTU KaK c.egcTBua HapymeHua 3anpeTa ^o^a. npoTMBogeñcTBue cHy Boo6^e cocTaB.aeT oguH U3 sneMeHToB MHM^Ma^M0HH0-ro puTyana. YTHanumTM cTaBUT yc.oBue ®enaro^eMy gocTuqb 6eccMepTua ru.braMemy: Bom, mecmb dneû u ceMb HOHeû He nocnu-Ka 0noc o TunbraMeme, XI, 199: nepeBog M.M. flbaK0H0Ba). runbraMem 3acwnaeT, T. e. He npoxoguT MHM^Ma^M0HH0^0 ucnwTaHua, Bc.egcTBue qero 6eccMepTue cTaHoBUTca g.a Hero Hego-ctm®mmhm. 3gecb mh TaK®e UMeeM puTya.bHWM no cBoeñ cTpyKType mu^ o npoucxo®geHUu cMepTU. 15 Cp. onucaHue ucKynMTe.bHoro ®epTBopuHomeHua b Tpareguu EBpunuga Mifimenua e Aenude (1732 m ga-.ee). 3aMe^eHue qe.oBeqecKoñ ®epTBb ®mbothom, K0Topoe ^poBMge^ Kanxac MHTepnpeTupyeT KaK go6-pbñ 3HaK, TeM He MeHee ocTaB.aeT coMHeHue, npegBe^aa HoByro Tpareguro. McnpaB.eHue 0Ka3bBaeTca unnro3opHHM, b pe3y.bTaTe qero ru6HeT Bce noKo¡ieHue repoeB. 16 nepeBog B.r. BopyxoBuqa no: Angonnogop 1972. 237 O CTpyKType Tpex roMepoBcKux ruMHoB: K AnoaaoHy fleaoccKoMy, K AnoaaoHy nu^MHcKoMy, K repMecy noegaHuu HenoBeKoM nu^H 6oroB, a 6oroM nu^H nrogen hbho BHmnH u3 puTyanbHbix 3anpe^eHMM, HMeBmux cBoen ^nbro ^HKCupoBaTb pa3geneHue Mexgy 6oxecTBeHHbiM u HenoBenecKHM, caKpanbHbiM KaK c^epbi 6oroB u npo^aHHbiM KaK c^epbi nrogeñ. ^TH c^epbi pa3geneHbi TaKxe npocTpaHCTBeHHo: gocTaToHHo npocneguTb gBu-xeHue 6oroB-BecTHuKoB repMeca u Mpugbi, KoTopbie He npocTo nepeMe^aroTca oneHb 6bicrpo ot ogHon npocTpaHCTBeHHon tohku k gpyron, a nepexogaT c ogHoro oHTono-runecKoro ypoBHa Ha gpyron. ^T0T nepexog BoBce He 6e3onaceH gna 6ora, u mOTo-My coo6^eHue Mexgy BepxHuM u huxhum MupaMu nopynaeTca c^e^Ha^bHbIM 6oraM. repMec npuHagnexuT gByM MupaM, HuxHeMy u BepxHeMy, ho 60r0M-n0cpegHuK0M oh cTaHoBuTca He b cuny ^Toñ npuHagnexHocm, xoth 0Ha aBnaeTca ycnoBueM, a noToMy hto oh npomen HHH^Ha^H0HHbIñ nyTb ot xTOHunecKoñ ne^epbi go He6ecHoro OnuMna, rge ero nocpegHunecKaa ^yH^ua 6bma ^uKcupoBaHa u caHK^H0HHpobaHa He6ecHbiM 6otom-ot^m. OyHK^Ha Mpugbi KaK BecTHu^i 6oroB cnegyeT HenocpegcTBeHHo u3 ee XT0HunecKoro npoucxoxgeHua. üo recuogy, Mpuga - goHb OaBMaHTa, cHHa 3eMnu u üoHTa u 6paTa KeTo u ^opKua (Th. 237 u ganee), t. e. 0Ha ctout b HenocpegcTBeHHoM pogcTBe co BceM HygoBu^HbiM n0T0McTB0M 3eMnu u ÜoHTa, hto genaeT ee rogHon gna coo6^eHua c huxhum MupoM, u npuT0M c caMbiM onacHbiM ero ceKTopoM. y recuoga 3eBc nocbrnaeT Mpugy 3a Bogon CTuKca (Th. 784), a y OBugua 0Ha oTnpaBnaeTca b ne-^epy, rge o6uTaroT chh, u gaxe 6oruHa mepnemb He b cunax 6una ucnapeHuü (Met. XI, 630), pacnocTpaHaeMbix cHaMu. nepegBuxeHue ^eTo ot ogHoro nyHKTa k gpyroMy co3gaeT npocmpaHcmBO poM-deHUH, b KoTopoe BxoguT hobhm 6or c hobhmu ^yH^uaMu. flBuxeHue repMeca u3 ne-^epbi b cTopoHy ropbi 6oroB o6o3HanaeT nepexog c ogHoro KocMunecKoro ypoBHa Ha gpyron, b pe3ynbraTe Hero ^TH ypoBHu nepecraroT 6biTb pa3íbeguHeHHbiMu, KaK 6brno go Toro, a coeguHaroTca 6narogapa noaBneHuro HoBoro 6ora, b ^yH^uro KoToporo Bxo-guT coeguHeHue u nocpegHunecTBo. TaKuM 06pa30M, mu^h o poxgeHuu AnonnoHa u repMeca, uMea cTpyKTypy rites de passage, oTcbmaroT k K0cM0r0HunecK0My Mu^y, uMe-ro^eMy cBoen ocHoBHon TeMon nepexog ot xaoTunecKoro eguHcTBa (nepBoeguHcTBo b Teo^oHuu recuoga npegcTaBnaeT 6e3nuHHbin u 6ecK0HeHHbin Xaoc), k pa3genbH0My MHoxecTBy, b KoTopoM Kaxgbiñ ^^eMeHT ctout b cucTeMaTunecKoM oTHomeHuu oguH k gpyroMy. B ruMHe gBuxeHue ^eTo no BuguMocTu onpegenaeTca Heo6xoguMocTbro HanTu MecTo gna poxgeHua 6ygy^ero 6ora (III (I), 30-8). O TpagH^H0HH0n 3aBucTu lepbi roBopuTca TonbKo b cbh3u c 6oruHen Mnu^uen, KoTopyro 0Ha 3agepxuBaeT (95-101). BoruHu, co6paBmueca BoKpyr ^eTo, nocbmaroT 3a Hen Mpugy, KoTopaa cpa3y ee npuBo-guT, t. e. npenaTcTByro^aa ponb lepbi 3gecb 6onee HoMuHanbHaa, HeM peanbHaa. Bonee cepbe3Hoe conporaBneHue b Kanecree noKpoBuTenbHu^i nygoBu^17 0Ha 0Ka3biBaeT yxe poguBmeMyca Anonnony bo BTopon nacra ruMHa (K AnonnoHy nufiuücKouy). 2. repMec u AnonnoH: IV (3). K repMecy CocraBnanu nu K AnonnoHy ffenoccKouy u K AnonnoHy nutfiuücKouy eguHbn TeKcT unu 6bmu coeguHeHH no3xe, oTBeT Ha ^T0T Bonpoc HucKonbKo He npu6nu3un 17 B Teo¿onuu recuoga Tepa BcKapM^uBaeT gepHeñcKyro rugpy (314) u Boo6^e noKpoBuTe^bcTByeT HygoBu-^aM, c K0T0pHMu 6opaTca cHHoBba 3eBca. 238 Muxaun Eb3muh 6h Hac k noHMMaHMKi ^TMx ruMHOB hm c KaKOM cTopoHH18. CnegyeT TaK»e npMHMMaTb bo BHMMaHue puTyanbHHÖ xapaKTep ^TMx TeKCTOB, b cuny Hero ohm Mornu ucn0nb30-BaTbca no OTgenbHocTM unu BMecTe b 3aBucuMOcTu ot KOHTeKCTa (penumo3Hbie npa3-gHMKM, »epTBonpuHomeHua). KaK 6h to hm 6bino, cMbicnoBoe eguHcTBO TeKcTa HMKaK He cBH3aHO c KOHKpeTHHM BpeMeHeM unu aBTopoM, a c KynbTypHOö unu KynbTOBOM cpegoö, b KOTopoö oh co3gaBanca u ucn0nb30Banca19. Bce HacTM ruMHa K AnonnoHy cToaT b cTpyKTypHOM OTHomeHue gpyr k gpyry, KOTopoe BnonHe npoacHaeTca, ecnu mh o6paTMMca TaK»e k gpyruM u ga»e 3HaHMTenbH0 6onee no3gHMM ucTOHHMKaM. TuruH coo6^aeT: nu^OH, chh 3eMnu, orpoMHHM gpaKOH. Oh go AnonnoHa gaBan npopu^-Hua Ha rope napHac. EMy 6bina cy»geHa ru6enb ot noTOMcTBa ^aTOHH. B ^TO BpeMa ronuTep B03ner c ^aTOHOM, goHepbro nonoca20. Korga MHOHa y3Hana ^T0, OHa cgenana, hto6h ^aTOHa po»ana TaM, Kyga He goxoguT con-h^. Korga nu^OH y3Han, hto ^aTOHa 6epeMeHHa ot MnuTepa, oh cran npe-cnegoBaTb ee, hto6 y6uTb. A ^aTOHy no BeneHuro MnuTepa BeTep Akbmhoh nogHan u npuHec k HenTyHy. Tot oxpaHan ee u, hto6h He HapymuTb ycTa-HOBneHHoro Mhohom, nepeHec Ha ocTpoB OpTururo u 3aKpbin ^TOT ocTpoB BonHaMM. ThOTOMy nu^OH He Hamen ee u BepHynca Ha napHac. A HenTyH BepHyn ocTpoB OpTururo HaBepx u n0T0M oh cTan Ha3HBaTbca flenocoM. Ha HeM ^aTOHa, gep»acb 3a onuBy, poguna AnonnoHa u fluaHy, K0T0pHM BynKaH npuHec b nogapoK cTpenb. Ha HeTBepTHÖ geHb nocne Toro KaK ohm pogunucb, AnonnoH otomctmh 3a MaTb: oh npumen Ha napHac, y6un cTpe-naMu nu^OHa (oTHero cTan Ha3HBaTbca nM^MÖcKMM), nono»un ero koctm b TpeHO^HMK, KOTopHM nocTaBun b cBoeM xpaMe, u ycTaHOBun b ero HecTb norpe6anbHHe urpH, KOTopbie Ha3HBaroTca nu^MÖcKUMM21. ^T0T paccKa3 o6^acHHeT npuHMHy gBM»eHua ^eTO, KOTopoe b ruMHe npegcTaB-naeTca KaK 3agaHHoe ucKnroHMTenbHO noucKaMM nogxoga^ero MecTa gna po»geHua 6ygy^ero 6ora. 3gecb »e oho nonynaeT KocMoroHMHecKoe 060cH0BaHue. Tm^oh He npocTO »enaeT cnacTM caMoro ce6a, y6uB ^aTOHy-^eTO, a MMeeT cBoeö ^nbro Bocnpe-naTcTBOBaTb po»geHuro HOBoro 6ora b cBoeö gBOÖHOM ucnocTacu - »eHcKOM u My»c-kom, AnonnoHa u fluaHH-ApTeMugbi. BHemHUM noBogoM gna gBM»eHua ^eTO, TaKMM 06pa30M, aBnaeTca npecnegoBaHue co cTopoHH HygoBM^a, t. e. oho, no cyTM gena, co-geöcTByeT po»geHuro, xoTa u BecbMa napagoKcanbHHM 06pa30M. B gpyroM MM^e 3eBc coeguHaeTca c Mo, goHepbro peHHoro 6ora MHaxa, a 3aTeM npeBpa^aeT ee b KopoBy u OTgaeT repe, K0T0paa cTaBMT cTopo»MTb KopoBy-Mo BceBuga^ero Aproca. Ero, no npuKa3y 3eBca, y6uBaeT repMec. repa HacbnaeT Ha Mo cnenHa, KOTopbö roHMT ee no Bceö 3eMne. OcTaHaBnuBaeTca OHa b ErunTe, rge po»gaeT ^^a^a. repa npu nocpegcTBe 18 O noneMMKe, 6bin nu ruMH K AnonnoHy c caMoro HaHana eguHHM unu cocTaBneHHHM M3 gByx ruMHOB, cm. Pa6uH0BMH 2007, c. 104-110. 19 3gecb 6bno 6h yMecTHO BcnoMHMTb o noHaTMM TeKcTa KaK cBepxnuHHoro u cBepxBpeMeHHoro eguHcTBa, BBegeHHoro B.H. TonopoBHM. 20 no ruruHy, nonoc - chh 3eMnu u 3^upa, 0Te^ gaTOHH, AcTepua, A^upana, nepca u nannaHTa (reHeano-ruu 3, 9), t. e. oh OTHocuTca k nepBOMy noKoneHuro 6oroB. 21 Fab. 140; ^MT. b nepeBoge fl. TopmunoBa no: TuruH 1997. 239 O CTpyKType Tpex roMepoBcKux ruMHoB: K AnoaaoHy fleaoccKoMy, K AnoaaoHy nu^MHcKoMy, K repMecy KypeTOB noxu^aeT y Hee MnageH^, ho 3eBC B03Bpa^aeT ero, nepe6uB KypeTOB (Apoll. Bibl. II, i, 3). CxogHbie croxera npecnegoBaHua c ^nbro 3agepxaTb poxgeHue óoxecTBeHHoro MnageH^, KoTopbiñ gonxeH cTaTb geMuyproM-ycrpouTeneM BceneHHoñ, npucyTcTBy-roT TaKxe b uHguñcKoñ MM^o^o^TMHecKoñ TpagH^HH. B Maxa6xapame cooó^aeTca mm^ o noxM^eHMM paKmacoM 6epeMeHHoñ cynpyru óoxecTBeHHoro Mygpe^ Bxpury. no gopore y Hee BbinagaeT M3 yTpo6bi oraeHHbiñ 3apogbim, npu Buge KoToporo paKmac npeBpamaeTca b nenen. M3 cne3, KoTopbie nponuBaeT noxu^eHHaa cynpyra Bxpury, 06-pa3yeTca BenuKaa peKa (MBx I, 6). üoxM^eHMe BbiBoguT M3 coctohhmh HenogBuXHocTu Hoca^yro b ce6e 3apogbim xeHy u ycKopaeT poxgeHue pe6eHKa, xoth oho npoucxoguT HenpaBMHbHHM c pUTyanbH0ñ ToHKH 3peHMH o6pa3oM. Bogbl B TMMHe, noCBH^eHHoM noeguHKy MHgpbi c BpuTpoñ (PmBeda I, 52), cuMBonu3upyeT MupoBoe npocTpaHCTBo, a noceMy 06pa30BaHue BenuKoñ peKu, KoTopafl b ^opMe cne3 BbiTeKaeT M3 rna3 xeH-^hhh, paBHo3Ha^Ho 06pa30BaHuro npocmpaHcmBa powdeHux b pe3ynbTaTe gBMxeHMfl, xoth m HeBonbHoro, xeHbi 6oxecTBeHHoro Mygpe^, uMero^ero Bce nepra BepxoBHoro 6ora (oh npoKnuHaeT ArHM, no npunuHe nero npeKpa^aroTca xepTBonpMHomeHMfl u npuxog^T b «6ecnopagoK Tpu Mupa»: MBx I, 7). flBuxeHue 6oruHu, KoTopafl gonxHa poguTb 6ora-geMuypra, co3gaeT meo^OHu-necKoe npocmpaHcmBO, KoTopoe no Mepe ero HanonHeHua 6oraMM aKTyanu3upyeTcfl KaK BceneHCKoe npocmpaHcmBO, nocKonbKy poxgeHue 6ora aKTyanu3upyeT KocMunecKue o6^eKTH, KoTopbie go Toro cy^ecTBoBanu TonbKo ^0TeH^ManbH0. Ot Toro, hto Anon-noH poxgaeTca b "totobom Mupe", oh B0Bce He TepaeT cBoero geMuyprunecKoro Ka-necTBa. fleMuypr B0Bce He co3gaeT HoBbie o6,beKTbi, a ynopagoHUBaeT cy^ecTByro^ue, cocTaBnaa M3 hmx KocMocucTeMy. 3gecb gocraTOHHo cBugeTenbCTBo ünaToHa, KoTopoe BnonHe BbipaxaeT Mu^onoruHecKyro ugero geMuyrunecKoro ycrpoeHUfl ot BeKa cy^ec-TByro^eñ nepBoMaTepuu, xaoTunecKoñ caMoñ b ce6e, ho cogepxa^eñ b ce6e 3anaTKu 6ygy^ux Be^eñ, KoTopbie geMuypr B3paw,uBaem: «xota oroHb u Boga, 3eMna u B03gyx HBnanu npuMera npucy^eñ mm cBoeo6bmmcmu (aútwv arta), ogHaKo ohm npe6brna-nu Bce^no b TaK0M coctoahmm, b KoTopoM cBoñcTBeHHo HaxoguTbca BceMy, go nero e^e He Kocnynca 6or. üo^ToMy nocnegHuñ, npucTynaa k nocTpoeHuro KocMoca, Hanan c Toro, hto ynopagonun ^TM nerape poga c noMo^bro o6pa3OB u nucen (eíSsctí ts Kai apiG^otc;)» (Tim. 53b)22. CBoeo6uHHOcmb 3gecb yKa3biBaeT Ha ^0TeH^ManbH0e cocTo^Hue ^neMeHT0B, KoTopbie geMuypr aKTyanu3upyeT, co3gaBaa kocmoc KaK cucTeMHoe eguHcTBo BbigeneH-Hbix M3 HananbHoro xaoca ^neMeHT0B. ^T0T nepexog ot xaoTunecKoñ ^0TeH^ManbH0c-tm k cucTeMHoñ aKTyanbHocTu BnonHe cooTBeTcTByeT recuogoBcKoñ KocMoroHMM, rge nepBHñ KocMuqecKuñ o6^eKT, 3eMna, poxgaeTca M3 Xaoca, npogonxaa coxpaHHTb xa-oTuqecKuñ u ^0TeH^ManbHHñ xapaKTep, K0T0pbñ npeogoneBaeTca nepe3 cepuro koh-^nuKT0B, oTMenaro^ux TeoroHuqecKuñ ^po^ecc. fleMuypr BcTynaeT b npo^cc TonbKo bo BTopoñ u gaxe TpeTuñ MoMeHT, Korga HananbHaa cnoHTaHHocTb ucTo^aeTca, u ^o^-T0My oh poxgaeTca b "r0T0B0M Mupe", ho totobom TonbKo b cMHcne ^0TeH^ManbH0CTM, KoTopaH gonxHa 6bTb aKTyanu30BaHa. AnonnoH BxoguT b Mup, K0T0pbñ HenocpegcTBeHHo conpuKacaeTca co cBoeñ xT0HunecK0ñ (^0TeH^ManbH0ñ, xaoTunecKoñ) npaocHoBoñ, u ^0^T0My b ^T0M Mupe 22 ^MT. b nepeBoge C.C. ABepMH^eBa no: nnaToH 1971. 240 Muxaun Ee3nun opaKyna gaeT HygoBu^e, poguBmeeca HenocpegcTBeHHo ot 3eMnu 6e3 BcaKux nocpeg-hukob. AnonnoH b KaHecTBe caHa He6ecHoro 6ora gocTaTOHHO otctout ot ^T0M 0CH0Ba, HTo6a BCTynuTb b npoTuBo6opcTBo c ee nopoKgeHuaMu, u ^0^T0My ero nepBaM aK-T0M cTaHoBuTca y6uöcTB0 HygoBu^a, K0Topoe oh 3aMe^aeT, HTo6a nepegaBaTb «3eBca HenorpemuMyro Bonro» (III, 132: Aio; vr^sptsa ßouÄ^v). 3HaMeHaTenbH0 b ^T0M otho-meHuu cBugeTeHbCTBo ^nMaHa: 3gecb, KaK paccKa3aBaroT ^eccanuñ^i, b gaBHue BpeMeHa, Korga opaKy-hom e^e Bnagena 6oruHa rea, nu^uMCKuM AnonnoH OHucTunca no BeneHuro 3eBca nocne KpoBu 3Mea nu^OHa23, cTpaKa flenb^. 3aTeM caH 3eBca u ^eT0 yBeHHaH ronoBy TeMneMCKuM naBpoM u c naBpoBOM BeTKOM b pyKe, copBaH-H0M c ^T0^0 Ke gepeBa, npumen b flenb^a u 3aBnagen opaKynoM24. 3gecb mokho ycM0TpeTb cMeHy xT0HuHecKoro KynbTa 3eMnu-reu aHTuxTOHuHec-kum KyHbToM He6ecHoro 6ora. ^Ta nepeMeHa oTMeHaeTca 6opb6oM 3eBca unu ero ca-H0BeM co cTpamHaMu nopoKgeHuaMu 3eMnu-xT0Ha. B nnaHe K0CM0r0HuHecK0M cMeHa Bnagenb^ opaKyna 03HaHaeT paguKanbHyro nepeMeHy ^HTpanbHoro perynupyro^ero ^pMH^M^a, t. e. BceM MupoBOM cucTeMa. M ^0^T0My AnonnoH, KOTopaM y6uBaeT Hy-goBu^e, b n0HH0M cMacne ecTb geMuypr, co3garo^uñ HOBaM Tun MupoBOM opraHu3a-^MM25 - He-xT0HuHecKuM, b ^HTpe KoTopon ctout He6ecHaM 6or, xoTa u cBa3aHaM c 3eMHeM b nu^ cBoeM cynpyru repa. CoBceM He cnyHaMHo, hto 3a ruMHOM K AnonnoHy cnegyeT ruMH K repMecy, TeMOM K0Toporo aBnaeTca MHM^Ma^M0HHaM rite de passage c ^nbro gocTuKeHua 6oKecTBeH-Horo cocToaHua. AnonnoH u repMec - caH0Bba npoTuBOcToa^ero xT0Hy-3eMne He6ec-Horo 6ora, a noceMy nepexog ot ogHoro cocToaHua k gpyroMy uMeeT 3gecb 3HaHeHue oTpaBa ot xT0HuHecK0M nepB00CH0Ba, b pe3ynbTaTe Hero npoucxoguT àexmoHma^x MupocucTeMa. 3HaMeHaTenbH0, hto ^yH^uu TepMeca ycTaHaBnuBaeT He 3eBc, a AnonnoH (IV. 526 u ganee), 0TrpaHuHuBaa ux ot cboux, t. e. AnonnoH gaeT Mupy OKOHHaTenb-Hoe ycTpoMCTBo, ycTaHaBnuBaa npegena, K0T0pae He MOKeT nepeMTu hu oguH 6or, b tom Hucne u oh caM. EguHCTBo puTyanbHO-KOcMonoruHeKOM TeMa no3BonaeT paccMaT-puBaTb Tpu ruMHa - K AnonnoHy ffenoccKOMy, K AnonnoHy nuifiuûcKOMy, K repMecy - KaK cBoero poga Tpumux, rge ^HTpanbHOM ^urypoM aBnaeTca AnonnoH, «nporpaMMHOM» peHbro K0Toporo 0KaHHuBaeTca nocnegHuM ruMH, a repMec KaK 6a B0Bce cTymeBaBaeT-ca, xoTa Bpoge 6a oh aBnaeTca 3gecb rnaBHOM ^urypoM. nepBeHCTBo AnonnoHa, eguHCTBeHHoro cpegu Bcex 6oroB 3Haro^ero Bonro 3eBca, 3agaeTca TaKKe cnoco6oM ero BxoKgeHua b cTaTyc 6ora: oh cpa3y BxoguT b oTKpaToe meoaoHunecKoe npocmpaHcmeo, rge ero OKugaroT 6oruHu, 3a ucKnroHeHueM xTOHuHec-K0M repa, npenaTCTByro^eñ BcaK0My poKgeHuro, K0Topoe npoucxoguT He HenocpegcTBeHHo ot 3eMnu. PuTyanbHo-3anporpaMMupoBaHHoe npu6aTue 6oruHu Mnu^uu gaeT 23 Cp. MHgpy, KGTGpaM nocne y6uMCTBa 3Mea BpuTpa, BnagaeT b yHaHue, nocKonbKy gh y6un «6paxMaHa», u ucHe3aeT b Boge (Maxa6xapaTa V, 1Q). 3tgt 3MeM ^epcGHM^M^MpyeT nepBOHaHanbHoe eguHCTBo Mupa, KOTopoe ero y6uMCTB0 pacKanaBaeT, u noaTOMy ghg BGcnpuHuMaeTca KaK rpex gaKe caMuM ^peM 6oroB MHgpGM. 24 Var. hist. III, 1; ^MT. b nepeBoge C.B. nonaKOBOM no: SnuaH 1963. 25 Cp. o puTyanbHOM y6uMCTBe nepBOcy^ecTBa KaK KGCMoroHuHecKOM aKTe: «pacHneHeHue nypymu co3gaeT HOBaM Tun KOcMuHecKOM op^aHM3a^MM - BceneHHyro mupoKux npocTpaHCTB, MecTO cnaceHua ot KOcHoro u o6yKeHHoro xaoca» (TonopoB 1988, c. 351). 241 O cTpyKType Tpex rGMepGBCKUx ruMHGB: K AnonnoHy fle.GccKGMy, K ÂnonnGHy nu^uñcKGMy, K repMecy 3HaK g.a Bbixoga 6ora u3 yTpo6bi MaTepu. BoruHu o6MbiBaroT u ne.eHaroT H0Bopox-geHHoro M.ageH^ u npo.UBaroT Ha Hero HeKTap u aMBpocuro (III. 120-125). TepMec, no np0TUB0n0n0.0XH0CTu, BHxoguT u3 cBoeM ne^epbi TaMK0M, HUKeM He BuguMHM (IV. 20 u ga.ee), u mOT0My oh go.xeH npoMTU pag MHM^Ma^M0HHHX ucnHTaHUM: no-XMTUTb KopoB Âno.noHa, ycToaTb nepeg ucKymeHueM oTBegaTb Maco npu xepTBon-puHomeHuu, ycn0K0UTb rHeB Âno.noHa u go6uTbca ero 6nar0CK.0HH0CTu. Âno.noH BHCTynaeT 3gecb b KaHecTBe HacTaBHUKa npuTH3aro^ux Ha cTaTyc 6ora. ^T0 ero Ka-HecTBo pyK0B0guTena MHM^Ma^M0HH0^0 puTya.a, gyMaeTca, cBa3aH0 c ero 0paKy.bH0M ^yH^ueM. M b caM0M ge.e, opaKy. 6ora KaK b ge.ax caKpa.bHHx, TaK u npo^aHHbix26 caHK^M0HMpyeT nepexod U3 ogHoro coctohhuh b gpyroe, K0T0pHM aB.aeTca ^.bro MHM^Ma^M0HH0^0 puTya.a27. Âno.noH TaKxe npoxoguT MHM^Ma^MK>, ho yxe noc.e Toro, KaK oh Bome. b 60-xecTBeHHoe cocToaHue. Ky^bMMHa^M0HHHM ee M0MeHT0M aB.aeTca np0TUB060pcTB0 c HygoBU^eM, K0Toporo 6or y6uBaeT, b pe3y.bTaTe Hero oh no.yHaeT coBepmeHHo oco-6hm cTaTyc cpegu 6oroB, K0T0pHM nogHepKUBaeTca c caMoro HaHa.a ruMHa: no doMy 3eeca npoüdem oh - ece 6oau u me 3ampenemym. / C Kpecen ceoux noecKaKaemu, cmoxm ohu e cmpaxe, Koada oh / EnuMe nodcmynum u nyK ceoü 6necmxw,uü Hammueamb cma-Hem (2-4). KaK MHgpa b pe3y.bTaTe no6egH Hag 3MeeM BpuTpoM cTaHoBUTca rocnogu-H0M BHC0K0r0 He6a u ^peM 6oroB, TaK u Âno.noH noc.e no6egH Hag 3eMHopoxgeH-HHM HygoBU^eM cTaHoBUTca rocnoguH0M opaKy.a, t. e. ^HTpa.bHoro perynupyro^e-ro nyHKTa MupocucTeMH. 3. th^oh h ôpaKaiva: III (2). K AnonnoHy nu^uMCKOMy B ruMHe roBopuTca o gByx HygoBU^ax, ho 6opeTca Âno.noH T0.bK0 c ogHUM - Spámiva (300). ^T0T xeHCKUM pog gpaK0Ha, gyMaeTca, He c.yHaeH u yKa3HBaeT Ha oco6yro cBH3b HygoBU^a c reeM-3eM.eM, t. e. Spámiva ecTb caMa 3eM.a, nepcoHU^u-^Mpyro^aa ro.oc ee xT0HUHecKUx Hegp, b K0T0pHx 3a.eraroT HygoBU^a, Bbixoga^ue BpeMa 0T BpeMeHU Ha n0BepxH0CTb 3eM.u28. noeguH0K Âno.noHa, cHHa BepxoBHoro 60ra-rp0M0Bep^a npegcTaB.aeTca KaK ^HTpa.bHHM M0MeHT b npoTUBo6opcTBe He-6ecHHx 6oroB c 3eM.eM, ho T0.bK0 b ee xT0HUHecK0M acneKTe, b K0T0p0M 0Ha ecTb npo-U3BoguTenbHU^ HygoBU^, pa3ibegaro^ux ee co6cTBeHHoe HyTpo. C ^TMM xT0HUHeKUM HyTpoM 3eM.u, cmmbo.om K0Toporo aB.aeTca TapTap, 6opaTca 6oru, oropaxuBaa ero MedHoü cmeHoü (Th. 726: xáXKSov spKoç). noc.e ^T0M ocHoeHoü no6egH Âno.noHa Hag xT0HUHecKUMU cu.aMU 3eM.u, K0T0pHx npegcTaB.aeT Spámiva, ^HTp MupocucTeMH cMe^aeTca b cTopoHy o.UMnuMCKUx 6oroB u 0K0HHaTe.bH0 ^UKcupyeTca b pe3y.bTaTe 6opb6H 6oxecTBeHHHx repoeB c HygoBU^aMU. B ruMHe HUHero He roBopuTca o npoMcxoxgeHMM Spámiva, hto npegcTaB.aeTca g0B0.bH0 cTpaHHHM, ec.u BcnoMHUTb, hto recuog nyHKTya.bHo oTMeHaeT, ot Koro u rge pogu.ocb Kaxgoe HygoBU^e u Ha3BHBaeT ero mmh: ExugHa, Op^, cTpamHHM 3MeM (öfiv Savóv) u t. g. ^Ta 6e3.UHH0CTb MoxeT c.yxuTb gono.HUTe.bHHM yKa3aHueM, hto SpáKaiva BHm.a HenocpegcTBeHHo U3 3eMHHx Hegp. repa, oTgaBaa Hyg0BU^H0M 3Mee 26 Pa3geneHue Ha "caKpanbHGe" m "npo^aHHGe" g.a apxauHecKMx KynbTyp aB.aeTca gocTaTGHHG yc.GBHHM: bchkmm He.GBeHecKUM aKT 6hh caKpa.U3GBaH m puTyanu3GBaH. 27 Cm.: Gennep 1909. 28 Cp. onucaHue HygoBM^Hbix G6uTaneñ 3eMHHx Hegp y Tecuoga (Th. 295-336). 242 Muxaun Eb3muh TonbKo poxgeHHoro Tu^oHa, Bo3Bpa^aeT 3eMne ee coóctbeHHOe nopoxgeHue. PaccKa3 o poxgeHuu Tu^oHa npou3BoguT BnenaTneHue BcTaBKu: oh npepHBaeT 0CH0BH0e no-BecTBOBaHue u KaK óbi yBoguT ero b cTopoHy, Begb AnonnoH yóuBaeT TonbKo ogHo nygo-Bu^e, SpáKaiva. O tom, hto npoucxoguT c Tm^ohom nocne ruóenu ero BocnuTaTenbHu-Hulero He roBopuTca: oh KaK óbi ucne3aeT, cnoBHo norno^eHHbiö 3eMneö. Bce uctohhuku cornacHH, hto Tm^oh npoucxoguT ot 3eMnu. y recuoga: nocne mo^o KaK Tumanoe npo^nan yMe c ne6a Kponuon, / Mna^me^o uewöy dembMu, Tuifioex, 3eMnx-6enuKauwa / Ha ceem poduna, omöaemucb 06'bxmuxM Tapmapa cmpacmnuM (Th. 820-822); y ^cxuna Tm^oh - (Prom. 353: poxgeHHHÖ 3eMneö); y Anonnogo- pa: «nocne Toro KaK óoru ogepxanu noóegy Hag ruraHTaMu, rea, BocnbinaB e^e óonee cunbHHM rHeBoM, coneTanacb c TapTapoM u poguna b KunuKuu Tu^oHa» (Bibl. I, vi, 3). TaKxe naraHcKue aBTopbi (OBuguö, ruruH, Ahtohmh .Tuóepan) cornacHH b 3eMHoM npoucxoxgeHuu Tu^oHa. HecKonbKo Kypbe3Hyro Bepcuro cooó^aeT TuruH: «Tartarus ex Tartara procreavit Typhonem» (Fab. CLII: TapTap ot TapTapH nopogun Tu^oHa), t. e. ot caMoro ceóa, ho caM no ceóe TapTap ecTb BHyTpeHHee cogepxaHue 3eMnu unu, BepHee, nonocmb, 3anonHeHHaa qygoBu^aMu. B ruMHe Tm^oh TaKxe poxgaeTca HenocpegcTBeHHo ot 3eMnu. repa aBnaeTca pu-myanbnoü, a He peanbHoö MaTepbro Tu^oHa. OHa ero ycbrnoBnaeT, óepa Ha pyKu, u TyT »e oTgaeT oópaTHo 3eMne b nu^ 3Meu-npopu^TenbHu^i SpáKaiva. B rpenecKoM TeKc-Te oT^eTnuBo oóo3HaneHa puTyanbHaa nocnegoBaTenbHocTb ycbrnoBneHua: ^ 5' stsk' outs Gsotc; ¿vaAÍYKiov outs ßpototai, Ssivóv t' äpYaÄsov ts Tu^aova, n^a ßpototaiv. aútÍKa tóvSs Aaßoüaa ßowmc; nótvia'Hpn Swksv snsita fépouaa KaK«* KaKÓv: ^ 5' ünsSsKto Ta poguna hm Ha óoroB noxoxero, hm Ha cMepTHHx yxacHoro cTpamHoro Tu^oHa, HecnacTbe gna cMepTHHx. ToT^ac ero B3aB BonooKaa rocnoxa repa, oTgana 3aTeM, npuHeca ko 3noMy 3noe; Ta npuHana. (351-354: gocnoBHHÖ nepeBog) B nepBoM cnynae KoTopoe 3gecb BbmonHaeT ^yH^uro yKa3aTenbHoro Mecro-uMeHua 3-ro nu^ x. p. ma, Bpoge óh oTHocuTca k "Hpr|, ho TaKxe MoxeT othocmt-ca k rata. Bo BTopoM oho Bpoge óbi oTHocuTca k SpáKaiva, ho 3gecb uMeroTca coMHe-Hua. Cnegya puTyanbHoö noruKe, ecTecTBeHHo óbino óh npegnonoxuTb, hto u b ^TOM cnynae ^ yKa3HBaeT Ha 3eMnro, ot KoTopoö repa nonynuna cTpamHoro «cbma». 3eMna cwranacb eguHoö MaTepbro Bcex cy^ecTB, HenoBenecKux u HenenoBenecKux, KoTopaa nopoxgaeT ux u3 caMoö ceóa óe3 ynacTua MyxKoro Habana29. B paccKa3e o poxgeHuu Tu^oHa mh uMeeM KnaccunecKun oópa3e^ xTOHunecKoro puTyana nonyneHua cHHa HenocpegcTBeHHo ot 3eMnu-MaTepu óe3 ynacrua MyxcKoro Habana, ^HTpanbHbiM ^neMeHTOM KoToporo óbin HenocpegcTBeHHbiö KoHTaKT xenaro^eö nonynuTb cHHa 29 Oó oTHomeHuax 3eMnu, xeH^HHH m nnogopogua b apxau^ecKMx npegcTaBneHuax m puTyanax cm.: Eliade 1988, VII, rge yKa3HBaeTca TaK»e ocHoBHaa nuTepaTypa no 3ToMy Bonpocy. Ocoóo cnegyeT oTMeTMTb Knaccu^ecKoe uccnegoBaHue no KynbTaM 3eMnu: Dieterich 1925. Ha Hero rnaBHHM oópa3oM ccHnaeTca 3nu-age. 243 O CTpyKType Tpex roMepoBcKux ruMHOB: K AncwiflOHy flefloccKOMy, K AnoflnoHy nu^uMcKOMy, K repMecy »eH^HHH c 3eMneM. ^T0T XTOHHHecKHM u puTyanbHHM xapaKTep paccKa3a, gyMaeTca, BnonHe co3HaBanca cocTaBUTeneM TeKCTa, ho oh npugaeT eMy aBHyro aHTuXTOHuqecKyK> HanpaBneHHOcTb, nognepKUBaa TeM caMHM aHTuXTOHUHecKUM xapaKTep ruMHa u puTy-ana, b KOTopHM oh Bxogun. B ^TOM aHTMXTOHMHecKOM KOHTeKCTe genaeTca noHaTHHM npucyTCTBue paccKa3a o po^geHuu nygoBM^Horo Tu^OHa, cHHa 3eMnu-Tepbi, xoTa oh u BbinagaeT u3 ochob-Horo noBecTBOBaHUH. Oh uMeeT BnonHe onpegeneHHyro cTpyKTypHyro ^yH^uro: po^-geHue qygoBu^a npoTUBonocTaBnaeTca po^geHuro 6ora. 0^^03u^ua peanu3yeTca npe^ge Bcero Ha puTyanbHOM ypoBHe. repa o6pa^aeTca c Monb6oft k 3eMne, a TaK^e k 6oraM-TuTaHaM, o6uTaro^uM b TapTape, ot KOTopbx, no ee cnoBaM, npoucxogaT nrogu u 6oru (III, 334-336). B ^TOM o6pa^eHuu 6oruHu BnonHe Bbipa:«aeTca XTOHunecKoe npegcTaBneHue o npoucxo^geHuu 6oroB u nrogen, KOTopoe BOBce He 06a3aTenbH0 pa3-genaeTca onuMnuncKUMu 6oraMu. Bonee Toro, oho OKa3HBaeTca ho^hhm, nocKonbKy b pe3ynbTaTe coBMecTbix ycunuft 3eMnu u 3aKnroneHHX b TapTape XTOHunecKux cy^ecTB nopo:«gaeTca HygoBu^Hbift Tm^oh, KOTopHM, no 3aMbicny repbi gon^eH 3aMecTUTb He-6ecHoro 6ora 3eBca. 3aTeM repa yganaeTca ot 6oroB, npe6biBaa b cbomx xpaMax, t. e. b 3aKpumux Mec-max, no o6pa3^y XTOHunecKux cy^ecTB, K0T0pbie o6uTaroT b ne^epax, b rny6uHe 3eM-nu, rge OHa npuHUMaeT »epTBonpuHomeHua, K0T0pHMu, Hago gyMaTb, nuTaeT nygo-bh^hhh 3apogbim. Cy^ecTBeHHO OTMeTUTb, hto o^ugaHue o6e^aHHoro 3eMneM cHHa, u3MepaeTca tohhhmm BpeMeHHHMu cpoKaMu (Meca^i, gHu, BpeMeHa roga: 349-350), hto TaK^e, gyMaeTca, yKa3HBaeT Ha peanbHHM apxauHecKun puTyan, cny^uB^uM mo-genbro gna ^T0^0 onucaHua. B 3aBepmeHue ^uKna repa po^gaeT nygoBu^e, ho He ot ce6a HenocpegcTBeHHO, a ot 3eMnu, ycHHOBnaa ero 3aTeM nocpegcTBOM puTyanbHoro B3aTUa Ha pyKU. Bce ^T0 repa coBepmaeT b oguHonecTBe, b HeonpegeneHHOM MecTe, KOTopoe ecTb XTOHunecKoe He-Mecmo. EguHcTBeHHOM cBugeTenbHu^n ^Tux puTyanbHbix gencrBun aBnaeTca 3eMna. ^eTO, o^ugaa po^geHua AnonnoHa, nepeMe^aeTca c Mecma Ha Mec-mo, co3gaBaa TeM caMHM OTKpHToe npocTpaHcTBO, npoTUBonono^Hoe XTOHunecKOM 3aMKHyTocTu. Boo6^e gBu^eHue 6ora Bcerga O3HanaeT co3gaHue hobom npocrpaHc-TBeHHOM cucTeMH. 3gecb gocTaTOHHO BcnoMHUTb mm^ o Tpex marax BumHy, 6naroga-pa KOTopHM npeogoneBaeTca geMOHunecKaa 3aMKHyTOcTb u co3gaeTca TpexnacTHaa cTpyKTypa Mupa. BegunecKun ruMH nognepKUBaeT ^T0T KocMoroHunecKun acneKT geaHua BumHy, Komopuu u3Mepun 3eMHue npocmpaHcmBa, / Komopuu yKpenun Bep-XHee o6w,ee Munum^e, / TpuMbu ma^HyB, (oh,) daneKo udyw,uu (PmBeda I, 154: nepeBog T.#. Enu3apeHKOBOM). TpenecKue mm^h, b kotophx 6oru unu 6o»ecTBeHHbie cy^ec-TBa, Bpoge KpHnaToro KOHa neraca, dBmammcn, TaK^e bo3mo»ho BO3BecTu k komo-TOHunecKOMy apxeTuny30. B gBu^eHuu ^eTO, uMero^eM cBoen ^nbro po^geHue 6ora, KOTopHM gon^eH cTaTb b ^HTpe onuMnuncKon KocMocucTeMH, oh npocMaTpuBaeTca gOcTaTOHHO OTHeTnUBO. 30 noHaTue apxeTuna ynoTpa6naeTca HaMu b 3HaMeHuu ugeanbHOM Mogenu, He cBa3aHHOM c uHguBugyanbHHM unu ncuxonorMMecKMM onHTOM, a onpegenaeMoM McKnroMMTenbHO puTyanbHOM cucTeMOM, BHyTpu KOTopoM OHa peanu3yeTca. Ecnu OTcyTcTByeT puTyanbHaa Mogenb 0T^a, to OTcyTcTByeT TaK^e noHaTue o6 0T^e KaK HocuTene onnogoTBoparo^ero ceMeHu (cm.: Malinowski 1927), t. e. He onHT onpegenaeT puTyanbHyro cxeMy, a 3Ta nocnegHaa KOHcTpyupyeT peanbHocTb bo Bcex ee acneKTax. 244 Muxaun eb3muh ^eTO ocTaHaBnuBaeTca b npegenbHon ToHKe, KoTopaa cTaHoBMTca ^HTpoM Mupa, hto nognepKMBaeTca ocrpoBHHM nonoxeHueM Mecma, rge gonxeH poguTbca 6or, a TaK-»e TeM, hto poxgeHue npoucxoguT okoao öepeea. CoHeTaHue Tpex ^neMeHTOB - Mopa, ocTpoBa m gepeBa - yKa3HBaeT Ha To, hto 3gecb mh MMeeT ^HTp Mupa, u b ^TOM ^HTpe npou3pacTaeT MupoBoe gepeBO31. TaKMM o6pa3OM, poxgeHue 6ora npoucxoguT b npo-CTpaHCTBeHHOM ToHKe, KoTopaa cTaHoBMTca ^HTpoM Mupa. BoruHa poxgaeT Anonno-Ha b npucyTCTBuu gpyrux 6oruHb, M3 KoTopHx Ha3HBaK>Tca caMHe BaxHHe: ^eMuga, Pea, fluoHa, ho nogHepKMBaeTca hto 6binu TaM äAAai t' äGavatai (95: gpyrue 6eccMepT-HHe), 3a MCKnroneHueM repH u 6oruHM Mnu^uu, KoTopyro repa xuTpocrbro ygepxuBana, hto6h 3agepxaTb poxgeHue AnonnoHa, aBneHue KoToporo e^e 6onee coKpaTuno 6h XTOHMHecKyro c^epy, KaK ^TO npoucxoguT nocne ero noeguHKa c SpáKaiva. nepeMe^eHue Mnu^uu M3 xToHMHecKon c^epH, ^epcoHM^M^MpyeMOM repon, b cTopoHy ^eTo npoucxoguT c yguBMTenbHon nerKocrbro u ecrecTBeHHocrbro. M b caMoM gene, b XToHMHecKon c^epe repH HeT gBuxeHua, a noceMy, Bxoga b npocTpaHcTBo, ot-KpHToe gBuxeHueM ^eTo, Mnu^ua 6HcTpo nepeMe^aeTca BMecTe c 6oruHeM-BecTHM-^m Mpugon. Moxho npegnonoxuTb, hto m Bce gpyrue 6oruHM oKa3HBaK>Tca okoao ^eTo, nocne Toro, KaK oHa oTKpbina BoKpyr ce6a npocmpaucmeo poMdeHua, KoTopoe aKTyanu3upyeTca b MoMeHT BxoxgeHua b Hero 6ora. OTMenaroTca Bce MoMeHTH poxgeHua AnonnoHa. Moxho npegnonoxuTb, hto m 3gecb b KanecTBe Mogenu cnyxun peanbHHM puTyan He xToHMHecKoro Tuna, croaBmun b 0^^03M^MM k xToHMHecKoMy puTyany poxgeHua HenocpegcTBeHHo ot 3eMnu. ^eTo oxBaTHBaeT gepeBo, cTaHoBMTca Ha KoneHM - He Ha ronyro 3eMnu, a Ha Aa^wvi ^aXaKW (118: motkmm TpaBHHucTHM nyxoK), Ha KoTopHn eunpbttueaem (119: sGops) MnageHe^ a He npocTo naccuBHo nagaeT, t. e. ero gBuxeHue c caMoro HaHana aKmueuo, npegBe^aa u 3agaBaa ero nocnegyromyro ^yH^uro. BoruHM cpa3y xe oTpHBaroT 6oxecTBeHHoe guTa ot 3eMnu, xoTa m ynu6amw,eüca (118: ^áSr|CT£) u 6narocKnoHHon, oMHBaroT ero, o6neKaroT 6enon TKaHbro, ho npu ^TOM He no3BonaroT eMy npu6nu3MTbca k MaTepu, KoTopaa nocne poxgeHua npogonxaeT He-ctm b ce6e xmouunecKuü ^neMeHm, c KoTopHM 6or HMKaK He gonxeH conpuKacaTbca. M TonbKo nocne BKymeHua nu^M 6oroB AnonnoH ocBo6oxgaeTca ot cBa3HBaBaBmux ero ogexg, npenaTcTBoBaBmux, Hago gyMaTb, BxoxgeHuro b conpuKocHoBeHue c 3eM-nen u MaTepbro; BcTaeT Ha 3eMnro u nonyHaeT aTpu6yTH cbomx ^yH^un, npou3Hoca puTyanbHyro ^opMyny: nycmb nodadym MHe u3o^Hymuü nyK u nm6e3Hym nupy. / Hwöxm HaHHy npopu^mb a pemema HenoMHue 3eeca! (131-132: £Ír| ^oi KÍGapk; ts fiAr| Ka'1 Ka-^núXa TÓ^a, / XPHaw ävGpwnoiai Aio; vr^epTsa ßouXi^v). Ku^apa 3gecb He npocTo cuMBonu3upyeT opaKynbHyro ^yH^uro, ho aBnaeTca uHcmpyMeHmoM, npu nocpegcTBe KoToporo coo6^aeTca Bona BepxoBHoro 6ora, a noceMy TaKxe mOTMHecKoe u My3HKanbHoe ucKyccTBo ecTb He npocTo BocneBaHue geaHMM 6oroB u repoeB, a coo6^eHue nrogaM Bonu 6oroB, ho b c^e^M^MHecKOM ^opMe MM^a. CoeguHeHue KM^apH c nyKoM 6onee HeM ecrecreeHHo, Begb u nyK b HeKoTopoM cMHcne ecTb My3HKanbHHn MHcTpyMeHT, a TeTMBa - cTpyHa, KoTopaa M3gaeT 3ByK, peanu3ya npu nocpegcTBe crpenH Bonro 6ora. 31 Cm.: TonopoB 1987, c. 398-405. PoxgeHMe 6ora nog gepeBoM m nocpegu Mopa TaKxe cnegyeT apxeTMnu-HecKöM Mogenu: Mygpe^ MapKaHgea b cBoeM cTpaHcTBMM no nepBo6HTHoMy oKeaHy co3ep^aeT BumHy KaK 6oxecTBeHHoe gMTa, urparo^ee b ogMHoHecTBe nog MupoBHM gepeBoM (Zimmer 1993, p. 41, c chakom Ha: Matsya Purana, CLXVII, 13-25). 245 O CTpyKType Tpex roMepoBcKMx rMMHOB: K AncwiflOHy flenoccKOMy, K AnoflnoHy nM^MMCKOMy, K repMecy C MOMeHTa, Korga AnonnoH nonynaeT Ku^apy u nyK, oh HanuHaeT CBoe gBM^e-Hue no OTKpbiTOMy npocTpaHCTBy, KoTopoe 6or caKpanu3yeT, onpegenaa ero a6conroT-Hbie napaMeTpbi. y6uncTBO qygoBu^a, nopo^geHHoro 3eMnen, o6o3HanaeT nepeMe^e-Hue caKpanbHoro ^HTpa (b nnaHe KocMoroHunecKOM u TeoroHunecKOM) c ^eHCKoro Habana (3eMnu) k My^cKoMy (cbrny Bora-rpoMOBep^a). repa caMa no ce6e nopo^gaeT cna6oro u KpuBoHororo le^ecra (III, 317). 3eBc po^gaeT caM no ce6e A^uHy KOTopaa npeBocxoguT Bcex 6oroB (III, 314-315). Ot reu repa nonynaeT Tu^OHa, po^geHue ko-Toporo yKa3biBaeT Ha ucTO^eHue reHepaTuBHbix ^OTeH^uñ 3eMnu, Hecnoco6Hon 6onee nopo^gaTb 6oroB, a TonbKO qygoBu^. 3gecb yragbiBaeTca noneMunecKaa HanpaBneH-HocTb npoTuB xTOHunecKux ^hckux KynbTOB. ^Ta reHepaTuBHaa ^OTeH^ua BoccTa-HanuBaeTca b pe3ynbTaTe 3aMe^eHua ^eHcKoro Habana My^cKuM KaK HeucnepnaeMoro ucTOHHuKa ^Hep^uu, Heo6xoguMon gna noggep^aHua KocMunecKoñ ^u3Hu Ha Bcex ee ypoBHax, 6o^ecTBeHHOM u ^ubothom. AnonnoH aBnaeTca My^cKuM 6o^ecTBOM par excellence. B ^TOM cBoeM KanecTBe oh BbicTynaeT b Opecmee ^cxuna. 3gecb noneMuKa c xTOHunecKuMu KynbTaMu goBegeHa go cBoero TparunecKoro npegena - y6uncTBa MaTepu, KOTopaa ecTb alter ego MaTepu-3eM-nu. B koh^ koh^b 3eMHbie geMOHbi, ^puHHuu, npuMuparoTca c HOBon anonnuHunec-Kon cucTeMon, nonynaa B3aMeH xpaM u KynbT, xoTa u 3HanuTenbHO HenTpanu3OBaHHbin b cBoen HananbHoñ xTOHunecKoñ ^OTeH^uu. TaK^e AnonnoH, y6uBmuñ nygoBu^Hoe nopo^geHue 3eMnu, Ha MecTe, rge oho o6uTano, cTpouT cBon xpaM u ycTaHaBnuBaeT üu^uñcKue urpbi, t. e. oh OT^acTu coxpaHaeT cTapbin xTOHunecKuñ KynbT, ho KaK 6ec-nnoTHyro TeHb, KOTopaa ocTanacb nocne y6uncTBa nygoBu^a, crauBmero nog nynaMu conHe^Horo 6ora lenuoca. B ^TOM puTyanbHOM KOHTeKcTe ecTecTBeHHO pemaeTca Bonpoc, hto cTano c Tu^o-hom nocne cMepTu ero BocnuTaTenbHu^i SpáKaiva. PaccKa3 o po^geHuu Tu^OHa, 6e3 coMHeHua, aBnaeTca BcTaBHbiM, cBoero poga ^uTaToñ, hto HucKonbKO He yMeHbmaeT ero cTpyKTypHon onpaBgaHHocTu, He genaa ^TO 3auMcTBOBaHue npuxoTbro KaKoro-Hu-6ygb no3gHero nepenucnuKa-KOMnunHTopa. Bce 3gecb nognuHaeTca Mu^o-puTyanb-Hon noruKe, Begy^eñ k AnonnoHy KaK ^HTpy HOBon He-xTOHunecKoñ cucTeMbi Mupa. Top^ecTByro^uñ Hag y6uTbiM nygoBu^eM AnonnoH npou3HocuT b Bbicmen cTeneHu MHoro3HanuTenbHHe cnoBa, KOTopbie BnonHe pacKpbiBaroT KocMoroHunecKoe cogep^a-Hue geaHua 6ora: Hurn om ^u6enu 3noü He cnacmu me6x hu Tu. Abstract by Bakalova, 2001, p. 270. 249 Panagia Tricherousa. A Celtic myth among the Slavic popular beliefs? "According to the legend, Saint John of Damas, the great defender of pictures, had the right hand cut off by the iconoclasts, this hand which wrote such nice apologias of painting. Holy John of Damas, full of hope in the Virgin, approached a picture, which represented Mary, the cut hand, and applied the stump against the lips of the Virgin. The hand of the saint grew back as a plant under a spring breath. Since then, pictures of the Virgin were made, in which this third miraculous hand was represented."2 The framework is only a little more simplified in comparison with the first legend, and the hand is not glued, but has grown again as a plant. The model of the Three-Handed Virgin entered ancient Russia only in the XVIIth century, but very quickly became popular and now many copies are found as much in Russia as in Ukraine3. And when an English traveller, passing through Moscow at the very beginning of the XIXth century, discovered one of them, he was given the following legend: "An artist who was composing a picture of the Virgin and of her Child, found one day that to both hands which he had given to the Virgin, a third had been added during his absence. Assuming that some person had had a good time with this joke, the painter erased the third hand, and, having completed the picture, closed with care the door of his rooms. To his great surprise, he saw, next day, the third hand restored as before: then he began becoming alarmed; but still assuming that some person had been able to get into his room, the artist once again removed the superfluous hand, and not only did he close the door, but he also took care to barricade the windows. Next day, going to his workshop, he found the door and the windows closed, just as he had left them; but, in his extreme astonishment and in his confusion, as soon as he had entered, the same change came to meet the eyes: the Virgin had another three hands regularly disposed around her child. Deeply moved, he began making the sign of the cross; then, as he was about to retouch his picture, the Virgin appeared to him in person, ordered him to stop, saying to him that she so desired to be represented."4 The legend is completely unrecognizable, re-interpreted by using a variant of the classical motif of the "recalcitrant relic", which continuously goes back to the place where it wants to be kept. It is besides notable that the original icon had itself the behaviour of a "recalcitrant relic": "[In Chilandari] it was put in the close of the sanctuary, in the iconostasis, among the other pictures; but it never wanted to stay there, and came to be situated in the chorus, in the south side, on the episcopal throne. There it still is."5 It is no longer a matter of a severed hand (and even less of John of Damas), but simply of a not explained, miraculous appearance. 2 Didron, 1845, p. 461, n.4. 3 See for example a beautiful icon from the Cernigov country in Iuscenko's private collection: Kol'ori i melodij..., 2006, n°168. 4 Clarke, 1813, p. 31-32. 5 Didron, 1845, p. 462. 250 Patrice Lajoye How did the icon arrive at the monastery of Chilandari? Traditions answering this question are relatively unanimous: it purports to be Saint Sava, the true founder of the Serbian church, who in the XIIth century would have brought it back from a trip to Palestine, and then would have entrusted it to the monastery of Chilandari, of which he had contributed to the re-foundation. It is, however, rather amazing to note that Saint Sava would therefore have gone and searched for an icon painted by a Father of the Church having lived in the monastery of Saint-Sabas.6 The assonance between both names is surprising. Also, it well seems that the original icon dates from the reign of Dušan, therefore the XIVth century.7 It would indeed be possible that they are facing a late and apocryphal justification of the presence of a remarkable and unexplained icon in a Serbian monastery. The icon in itself therefore comes probably from a Serbian tradition. But what tradition can it be? What is its precise origin and to when does it date back? For knowledge, it is necessary to use comparative mythology and to analyse the legend ascribed to Saint John of Damas. The silver hand The most interesting motif remains that of the silver hand, substitute of a severed hand miraculously replaced. The topic of the hand in precious metal (in whatever way this hand is set up) is extremely rare in Slavic mythology and folklore. I know only a Be-larussian tale in which the hero is endowed with a gold hand.8 But this hand, capable of prowess, finally has got nothing to do with that of our icon: it is not a substitute for a cut hand, but simply of an attribute from birth, pledge of the quality of the hero, moreover the dragon killer. If it is necessary to find objects of comparison for our icon, it is to the Celts' that we can go to search for them. The best known case is surely that of Nuadu Airgetlam (Nuada of the Silver Hand), the king of Tuatha of Danann, that is to say of the Gods of ancient Ireland.9 Nuadu loses a hand during the first battle of Moytura, which was aimed at establishing the power of the Gods on the island. He loses the kingship, because physical integrity is an inevitable condition allowing a king to reign. But the God doctor, Dian Cecht, manages to graft onto him a silver hand, thus restoring to him a complete physical appearance, and allowing him therefore to spring back. It's interesting to know that Dian Cecht's son, Miach, was able to put back the original hand, but only out of jealousy Dian Cecht killed him. The parallel between the Irish myth and the Slavic legend is remarkable: Nuadu Airgetlam John of Damas The hand of Nuadu is cut off The hand of John is cut off Miach puts the hand back on the arm The Virgin puts the hand back on the arm Dian Cecht puts a silver hand in place of the original one John puts a silver hand on the Virgin icon 6 Studer, 1990, p. 1303. 7 Bakalova, 2001, p. 271; 8 Glinski, 1853, t. I, p. 43ff; french translation in Chodzko, 1864, p. 225-248. 9 Krappe, 1932; Carey, 1984. 251 Panagia Tricherousa. A Celtic myth among the Slavic popular beliefs? Nuadu has his strict onomastical equivalent in Wales with Nudd (or Lludd) Llaw Ereint (Nudd of the Silver Hand), but the mythology linked to this one is practically lost. The motif is known in Brittany, in Saint Melar life. Melar is a prince, son of the king Meliau. But Meliau is murdered by his brother Riwod. Riwod then sends his men against Melar, and these cut off his right hand and left foot, to prevent him from reigning, and especially from taking up weapons. But Melar is a good Christian and in any case is intended for a monk's career. He converts many people around him. Later, they fabricated for him a foot of bronze and a silver hand which worked as well as the natural members.10 Generally, in Ireland as in Brittany, a severed hand prevents a sovereign from reigning. The Serbian legend is more pragmatic: the cut offhand of John of Damas prevents it from writing or from painting. The triple mother However, John's hand is stuck together again, and not replaced with a silver hand. On the contrary, the hand which he asks to be placed upon the icon of the Virgin is of silver, in the same way as the Celtic prosthesis. But why give a third hand to the Virgin? The late Russian comments on this subject are interesting, even if they do not have traditional value: it would be a picture of the Trinity.11 However it is possible to be surprised by this triple aspect given to a "Divine Mother", because it is widely known in the Celtic domain - that is in paganism or in popular Christianity. In Gaul, most Matronae (Mother Goddesses) appear by three on sculptures and reliefs. The big Irish goddess, whatever is the name that we give her (Morrigan, Bodb, Macha, Brigid, Ethne) is a triple goddess.12 Brigid's name will be passed on in that of Saint Brigitte, who is also considered as triple in some Irish medieval texts, in memory of the goddess of the same name.13 The Breton version of Saint Brigitte, «Sainte Brette», is sometimes known with the cut off arms.14 Always in Brittany, Saint Brigitte is also Saint Budoc protector, who before dying dealt one of his arms, as a relic, in the place where his first establishment was.15 And Saint Budoc's Life, such as it is narrated to us in relatively late texts (from the XVth century), is inserted in the folktale-type AT706, «the girl without hand», which sees its amputated heroine, before miraculously finding her hands, generally further to an intervention of the Virgin. Let us sum up. The Serbian icon of the monastery of Chilandari is an isolated case in the Slavonic world: its legend cannot be satisfactorily explained by internal elements, while its motifs meet in abundance in Celtic mythology and folklore. But this is not a borrowing, which might otherwise be very ancient. It is good to recall that the current capital of Serbia, Beograd, was called Singidunum in antiquity, a very Celtic name. And the arrival of the Slavs in the region, in VI-VIIth century, was not accompanied by a disappearance of the local populations, who often stayed. It is therefore legitimate to think that some ele- 10 Le Grand, 1901, p. 487-496; Bourges, 1997. 11 Clarke, 1813, p. 32. 12 Le Roux et Guyonvarc'h, 1983. 13 Sterckx, 1974. 14 Suchier, 1884, p. LIX-LX, n. 1. The devil would have cut the arms of the saint. 15 Lajoye, 2005, p. 82-86. 252 Patrice Lajoye ments of their mythology and of their folklore have been passed on, in spite of language and culture changes. References Bourges, André-Yves, Le Dossier hagiographique de saint Mélar. Texte, traduction, commentaires, Britannia Monastica, V, 1997. Bakalova, Elka, La vénération des icônes miraculeuses en Bulgarie. Aspects historiques et contemporains d'un pèlerinage, Ethnologie Française, 2001/2, t. XXXVII, p. 261— 274. Carey, John, Nodons in Britain and Ireland , Zeitschrift für celtische Philologie, 40, 1984, p. 1-22 Chodzko, Alexandre, Contes des paysans et des pâtres slaves, 1864, Paris, Hachette. Clarke, Edouard-Daniel, Voyages en Russie, en Tartarie et en Turquie, I, 1813, Paris, Buisson/ Arthus Bertrand. Didron, M., Manuel d'iconographie chrétienne grecque et latine. Le Guide de la peinture, traduit du manuscrit byzantin par Paul Durand, 1845, Paris, Imprimerie royale. Glinski, A. J., Bajarz Polski, 4 vol., 1853, Wilno (Vilnius). Krappe, Alexandre H. Nuadu à la main d'argent, Revue Celtique, 49, 1932, p. 90-95. Kolori i melodij ukrajns'kogo svjata. Katalog vistavki, 2006, s. l., Rodovid. Lajoye, Patrice, Lug, Caradoc, Budoc. Une histoire de désir, Ollodagos, XIX, 2005, p. 51-116. Le Grand, Albert, Les Vies des saints de la Bretagne armorique, 1901, Quimper, Salaun. Le Roux, Françoise, and Guyonvarc'h, Christian, Morrtgan, Bodb, Macha. La souveraineté guerrière de l'Irlande, 1983, Rennes, Ogam-Celticum. Sterckx, Claude, Une formule païenne dans des textes chrétiens de l'Irlande ancienne, Etudes celtiques, XIV, 1974, p. 229-230. Studer, B., Jean Damascène, in : Angelo Di Berardino (dir.), Dictionnaire encyclopédique du christianisme ancien, 1990, Paris, Cerf, II, p. 1303-1304. Suchier, Hermann, Oeuvres poétiques de Philippe de Rémi, sire de Beaumanoir, t. 1, La Manekine, 1884, Paris, Firmin-Didot. 253 Panagia Tricherousa. A Celtic myth among the Slavic popular beliefs? naHarna Tpoepynn^, KenbTCKMM mh^ cpegu cnaBHHCKMX HapogHMX noBepnn? nampuc HaMya Cy^ecTByeT oco6hm Tun mkohh, Ha KoTopon geBa Mapua npegcraBneHa c TpeMa pyKaMu. ^Ty uKOHy moxho BcrperaTb y Bcex HapogoB npaBoenaBHoro Mupa. Ha caMbix cTapuHHHX ee Konuax TpeTba pyKa - u3 cepe6pa. ^ereHga, conpoBoxgaro^aa gaHHyro uKOHy, uMeeT cep6cKue KopHu u bo3moxho HBnaeTca ocTaTKoM KenbTCKon Mu^onoruu Ha BanKaHax. 254 SODOBNA MITOLOGIJA MITOLOGIA CONTEMPORANEA CONTEMPORARY MYTHOLOGY Mariborske vedute: razlagalne povedke o mestu in okolici Dragica Haramija Discussed are the tales in which Maribor with its surroundings represents the setting of the story. This type of short prose is most frequently classified under etiological (explanatory) tales and to some extent also as legend or myth tales. 1 Uvod V prispevku so predstavljene povedke, v katerih je književni prostor Maribor z okolico, upoštevani so le tisti kraji, ki sodijo v Mestno občino Maribor na ožjem območju mesta (in ne vsi kraji MOM), in so javno dostopne z objavo v monografskih publikacijah (prispevki v dnevnem tisku in periodiki niso upoštevani). Iz različnih zapisov je razvidno, da na obravnavanem območju ljudje nepretrgoma živijo že približno 4000 let, dolga doba poseljenosti ter vpliv zgodovinskih obdobij in dogodkov v njih pa je razvidna tudi iz zbranih povedk. Čuti se tud vpliv politeističnih verovanj ter monoteističnega krščanstva, predvsem prepletanje obojega, bajčna in legendna bitja pa so desakralizirana, v opisanih situacijah so namreč prilagojena vsakdanjemu človeškemu življenju. Izbrani naslov prispevka, Mariborske vedute, jasno nakazuje, da je glede na obravnavano problematiko pomembna teorija prostora. Marija Stanonik v knjigi Interdisciplinarnost slovstvene folklore (2008) navaja, da je pri teoriji prostora mogoče govoriti tudi o pokrajinskem ali geografskem vidiku slovstvene folklore, ki pa je pogosto zanemarjen. V članku niso predstavljena zgolj folklorna besedila, čeprav jih je precej, upoštevana so namreč tudi tista besedila, ki so jih po zgledu zapisali znani avtorji in jih tudi objavili kot lastna besedila. Takšne postopke ustvarjanja imenuje Marija Stanonik v monografiji Procesualnost slovstvene folklore lite-rarizacija slovstvene folklore (Stanonik 2006: 411): »Literarizacijanje je ime izrecno za tiste postopke v besedni umetnosti, ko literarni ustvarjalec avtorsko prenaša v svojo ustvarjalnost sestavine slovstvene folklore: folklorne motive, stileme (folkloreme) in drugo jezikovno gradivo, kompozicijska pravila itn. S tega vidika jo lahko uvrstimo v teorijo o medbesedilno-sti.« Dejstvo je, da so v prispevku prikazana folklorna besedila in literarizirana folklorna besedila, pri čemer mislimo predvsem uvrščena dela Jakoba Kelemine, Josipa Brinarja, Jožeta Tomažiča in Oskarja Hudalesa. Slednji trije so svojo ustvarjalnost posebej usmerili na zgodbe o Pohorju in njegovi okolici, zato se njihove povedke pojavljajo skoraj v vseh obravnavanih prostorih Maribora in okolice. Zmago Šmitek v uvodu knjige Videnja pokrajine pravi: »Generacije naših prednikov so razumele govorico pokrajine na različne načine. I...I Že na začetku velja opozoriti, da so nam stara ljudska videnja krajev in pokrajin težko razumljiva brez upoštevanja tedanjih 257 Mariborske vedute: razlagalne povedke o mestu in okolici načel prostorjenja ali umeščanja v prostor. To pomeni, da sta bila vsak kraj in njegova lega ovrednotena glede na merila zgoraj - spodaj, suho - mokro, blizu - daleč, domače - tuje, vidno - nevidno ..., vse to seveda merjeno s stališča opazovalca.« (Šmitek, 2007: 5). Poteze tovrstnega prostorjenja so opazne tudi v zbranih proznih delih o Mariboru in okolici, te etiološke (razlagalne) povedke so namreč pogosto zelo natančno locirane, in sicer tako, da je književni prostor poimenovan kar z realnim zemljepisnim imenom ali pa je vsaj opis prostora zelo natančen. Vedute prostorov niso spremenjene, saj so iz opisov književnih prostorov jasno prepoznavni tudi realni geografski prostori. 2 Zbrane povedke Temeljna metodološka razvrstitev povedk se nanaša na realne geografske prostore Maribora, saj je v vseh zbranih povedkah književni prostor natančno določen: reka Drava, Habakukova gorca (vznožje Mariborskega Pohorja), Mariborski otok, Mariborsko Pohorje, Pekrska gorca, Poštela (Radvanje), Pristan (Lent), Studenci in Trije ribniki. V okviru posameznega književnega prostora so zgodbe najprej razvrščene po motivno-tematskih prvinah, če pa so le-te podobne (kar je razvidno iz zbranih različic), obravnava upošteva razvrstitev glede na čas izida, in sicer od prvoobjavljenih do najnovejših, tako se tudi sklicujemo na že predstavljeno zgodbo, če je morebiti del zgodbe v pozneje objavljeni različici enak. Zgodbe upoštevajo geografsko lego posameznega književnega prostora, pri čemer je zanimivo, da je staro mestno jedro na levem bregu Drave, a od tam izvira le ena povedka, Slika 1: Trije ribniki. 258 Dragica Haramija vse druge so povezane z Dravo ali pa z desnim bregom Maribora do obronkov Pohorja (Habakuk, Poštela). Predstavitev povedk sledi zgoraj navedenemu prostorjenju. 2.1 Trije ribniki Edini književni prostor na levem bregu Drave so trije ribniki, kamor je locirana zgodovinska povedka Krojaček rešil Maribor, objavljena v delu Zgodbe iz preteklosti (1997: 21-22). Pred petsto leti, takrat so bili v deželi Turki, so hoteli zavzeti Maribor. Ko je turška vojska že stala pred mestnimi vrati, so Mariborčani ugotovili, da so pozabili spustiti zapornice, da bi mestni jarek napolnila voda. Nihče si ni upal do zapornic k trem ribnikom, a se je javil pogumni krojaček, pravočasno sprostil zapornice in polni jarek je obvaroval Maribor in Mariborčane pred Turki. 2.2 Drava Z reko Dravo je močno povezano čarovništvo, saj zgodovinski viri pričajo, da so nekatere ženske, ki so jih prepoznali kot čarovnice, utopili v reki Dravi. V enem izmed zapisov v delu Zgodbe iz preteklosti (1997: 28-29) beremo, da je bil evangeličanski teolog Jakob Bithner ob koncu 16. stoletja vodilni teolog, ki je vodil čarovniške procese v Mariboru. Med drugim je poskrbel za obsodbo, ki je bila izvršena 5. 10. 1580, ko so tri Mariborčanke (Varl, Tomažič, Radovanovič 1997: 28-29) »zašili v vreče in jih utopili v Dravi. Tako »milo« so jih kaznovali zato, ker niso priznale zveze s hudičem, temveč le zastrupitve, zavdajanje z boleznijo in delanje neviht.« Slika 2: Drava, Lent. 259 Mariborske vedute: razlagalne povedke o mestu in okolici Pristan (Lent) je prav tako močno povezan z Dravo. V delu Zgodbe iz preteklosti (1997: 77-78) je opisan Lent, in sicer v zgodbi Maribor - pristanišče. Lent je bil od nekdaj središče splavarskega življenja, kjer so se splavarji ustavili in se oskrbeli za pot po Dravi proti Borlu, Donji Dubravi, Osjeku in naprej po Donavi vse do Beograda. Ohranile so se številne »bajke in legende, ki so pripovedovale o srečanjih splavarjev z raznimi vodnimi bitji kot so povodni možje in vodne vile, ki so nemalokrat odločala o srečni in varni plovbi« (Varl, Tomažič, Radovanovič, 1997: 77). Drava, Sava in Soča je povedka o karakterju treh slovenskih rek, izdana v knjigi Najlepši slovenski miti in legende (2004: 78). Reke se pogovarjajo, katera bo prva pritekla do morja. Sava in Soča zaspita, Drava »pa se je potuhnila in kmalu zatem tiho spustila svoje vode v tek. I...I In tako je še danes. Drava se vali tiho in potuhnjeno, bistra Sava dere, a obe napajata Črno morje, Soča pa urno bobni skozi ozke skalnate soteske goriških gora v Jadransko morje.« (ur. Kunaver, Lipovšek 2004: 78). Ko sta Sava in Soča opazili, da Drava teče, sta se namreč tudi sami pognali v tek, a vsaka na svoj način. Pravljica o Dravi (2005) je zgodba, ki govori o ribiču ter njegovi poslušnosti in dobroti. Drava mu namreč pove, da imajo drugje tak kruh, ki ga v naši deželi ne poznamo. Ribič se odpravi na tuje, najde bogato deželo in Dravi, v zahvalo za ribe, prinese hlebec pšeničnega in hlebec rženega kruha. Ribič hlebca vrže v Dravo, ta poplavi, ko pa se njena voda umakne, začneta kliti rž in pšenica, tako dobijo naši predniki dve slastni vrsti kruha. Povedko je priredil Saša Pergar, izšla pa je v slikaniški obliki z ilustracijami Antona Buzetija. Vodni mož Gestrin1 je bajka Josipa Brinarja, izdana v delu Pohorske bajke in povesti (1933: 52-55). Gestrin prebiva v vodnih vrtincih, znano pa je, da se mu splavar lahko odkupi tako, da mu vrže v vodo prstan, zavit v ruto. Zlatnino imajo še posebej rade namreč Gestrinove spremljevalke, vodne deklice. Brinar opiše dva primera srečanja splavarja in Gestrina. Prvi se konča s smrtjo splavarja, saj ta ni hotel vreči v vodo prstana, ki ga je komaj dobil od svoje bodoče neveste, zato ga Gestrin utopi. Drugi splavar komaj preživi, saj je namesto zlatnine vrgel Gestrinu kamenčke, ko Gestrin ugotovi prevaro, potopi splav, splavar pa se zadnji hip reši na dravski breg. V Tomažičevi bajki Dravski vodovnik, izdani v zbirki Pohorske bajke (1990: 48-65), ki je hkrati poetična zgodba o zvesti ljubezni in maščevalnosti neuslišane ljubezni, tragično smrt izzovejo tri vodovnikove hčere, ki se zaljubijo v zemeljske brate, splavarje. Ker imajo ti že izbrane zemeljske neveste, so vodovnikove hčere užaljene in maščevalne. Vo-dovnikovi vrtinci povzročijo njihovo smrt. Tomažičev uvod v bajko upoveduje avtorjevo očaranost z naravnimi lepotami, hkrati pa postavi dogajanje in medias res (Tomažič 1990: 48): »V starih časih je živel v divjih vrtincih srebrne Drave povodni mož, dravski vodovnik.« Vodovnik se poskuša pogoditi s smolniškim drvarjem, očetom treh sinov, v katere so se zagledale njegove hčere. Dogovor ne uspe, zato sledi maščevanje, saj se stari drvar ves čas 1 Gestrin je podrobno opisan v tej Brinarjevi zgodbi (1933: 52): »Sredi cmrka se kajkratpokaže kuštravaglava vodnega moža Gestrina. Brada in lasje ga pokrivajo do pasa; sive ribje oči žalostno zro iz barus. Včasih zavesla do peči na bregu in se ogreva na soncu. Pa nog pri tem nikoli ne pokaže iz vode. A saj jih niti ne more, zakaj namesto nog imaplavute, kot loparje velike.« 260 Dragica Haramija zaveda nevarnosti, ko odhajajo njegovi sinovi na pot (Tomažič 1990: 54): »Sinove in splav je nosila srebrna gladina deroče Drave, ki je dobra, a je lahko tudi zahrbtna.« Na dan poroke najmlajšega od sinov, se vodovnikove hčere maščujejo še zadnjič, v dravske vrtince potegnejo ženina in nevesto. 2.3 Mariborski otok Dravska roža (1993), prvič izdana leta 1943 s podnaslovom Bajka v 126 slikah Jožeta Beraneka, uvrstili bi jo lahko med povedke, ima večinoma precej natančno določene književne prostore: zgodba se sicer začne na samotni pohorski planini, pomemben preobrat se zgodi pri križpotni lipi, nato pa se nadaljuje v limbuškem gradu in na Mariborskem otoku, imenovanem tudi Kačji otok. Star drvar, na katerega se zruši skladovnica bukovih drv, pred smrtjo naroči svojim trem sinovom, naj živijo v slogi, vsakemu da sekiro, žago in hlebček kruha. Po očetovi smrti sta starejša dva najmlajšega brata opeharila za kruh, šli so po svetu, čeprav jim je oče naročil drugače, potem sta ga ob križpotni lipi oslepila, očetova duša pa je vse to gledala. Očetova duša je prosila Boga za pomoč in drvarčku je bil vid povrnjen. Najstarejši sin je šel na limbuški grad, kjer se je z zlobno graščakinjo pogodil, da ji prinese dravsko rožo,2 ona pa ga vzame za moža. Najstarejšemu sinu je očetova duša povedala, kje raste dravska roža, on je ubogal očetov nasvet in graščakinji prinesel korenino, iz katere zraste prelepa roža, vendar graščakinja ne verjame v korenino, zato ga da zapreti. Srednji sin je šel za splavarja, nekoč pa pride na limbuški grad in prosi graščakinjo za službo, ona mu da nalogo, da ubije dravskega zmaja, ki živi na Kačjem otoku. Tudi srednjemu sinu se prikaže očetova duša in pove rešitev: sin naj nastavi vedro mleka, ko pa ga bo zmaj pil, naj mu odseka glavo. Tudi drugi sin je pogubljen, zmaj namreč popije mleko, v katero se je zmešala tudi njegova kri, brizgne vanj in ga oslepi, nato ubije. Tudi ta kazen je bila pravična, srednji sin je namreč oslepil najmlajšega. Tretji živi kot hlapec volar, za pošteno delo dobi par volov, le-ta zamenja za črna psa, ki ju vodi črn možak, peklenski zlodej. Tudi najmlajšemu se prikaže očetova duša, mu da navodila, kako bo premagal dravskega zmaja, kar mu s pomočjo začaranih bratov - črnih psov (ta razkrijeta najmlajšemu svojo usodo, glej stran 85, 86) tudi uspe. Ko se psa (brata) pokesata, postane njuna dlaka bela, najmlajši pa jima obljubi, da ju bo pokopal v očetov grob in bosta tako našla svoj mir. Limbuški grofici odnese zmajevo glavo, ona pa mu zastavi nalogo: da bi se poročila z njim, ji mora prinesti zlato kronico kačje kraljice s Kačjega otoka. Kljub očetovemu opozorilu gre na kačji otok, ubije kraljico in ukrade krono: prej mu je bila sreča naklonjena zaradi njegove poštenosti, zdaj pa je postal morilec in tat. Kače ga napadejo, ovijejo se okrog njega, tako v Dravi umre. Duša njegovega očeta prosi za milost najmlajšega sina, ki je vendarle živel do zadnjega zelo pošteno, zato mu dravska roža vrne življenje. Limbuška graščakinja okame-ni, pohorski zlodej pa odnese svoje plačilo: njeno črno dušo.3 Najmlajši drvarjev sin se je vrnil na pohorsko planino, se poročil in začel nov, srečnejši rod pohorskih drvarjev. 2 Zlobna graščakinja je najstarejšemu sinu rekla takole: »Nekje na dnu reke Drave raste bajno lepa dravska roža, ki ima neki tako čudovito močan vonj, da zaradi njega krivičen človek umre... Jaz pa imam kamnito srce, strupeno, kot je kačji strup, zato se te rože maščevalke ne bojim! Nasprotno: dravsko rožo hočem vsekakor imeti vsajeno pod mojim oknom. Pod oknom naj zraste in se razcveti dravska roža in na mojem srcu naj poskusi svojo čudovito moč, ki jo je bojda vsrkala iz naše zemlje... Njo mi poišči na dnu reke Drave ter mi jo prinesi!« (Tomažič 1993: 33). 3 »Limbuškega gradu že zdavnaj ni več, le z zelenimi griči porasle grajske razvaline še leže kot ogromen razvaljen grob. Med razvalinami pa še dandanes vidiš bel steber, zadnjo gospodarico limbuškega gradu, ki jo je okamenela bajna dravska roža.« (Tomažič 1993: 130). 261 Mariborske vedute: razlagalne povedke o mestu in okolici Slika 3: Mariborski otok. Med krajšimi zgodbami o Mariborskem otoku so štiri različice. Prvo je zapisal Josip Brinar v delu Pohorske bajke in povesti, njen naslov je Kačja kraljica (1933: 41-44). Ta kratka varianta je zelo podobna edini daljši varianti, Tomažičevi Dravski roži oz. vsaj tistemu delu Tomažičeve pripovedi, ki se navezuje na kačjo kraljico. Limbuška kraljična si je zaželela krono kačje kraljice, ki je živela na Velbarjevem otoku sredi Drave. Vse mladeniče, ki so si drznili priti na otok, so kače pogubile, kačje kraljice se je ustrašil celo Brdavs in za vselej pobegnil s teh krajev. Vitez iz Falske peči, ki mu je bila limbuška gospodična nadvse všeč, si je zadal nalogo, da se do kačje krone na vsak način dokoplje. Uspelo mu je priti na otok, ubiti kačjo kraljico in ukrasti krono. Ko je plaval po Dravi na kopno, so šle za njim kače ter ga ovile kot bi ga zvezale, tako se je utopil. Grajska gospodična se mu je pri-voščljivo smejala, le za kačjo krono, ki se je potopila z mladeničem vred, je malce žalovala. Za kazen, zaradi njenega trdosrčnega srca, je okamenela. Na limbuški grad, ki so ga prebivalci zapustili in je začel propadati, so se - v spomin na svojo kraljico - naselile kače. Drugo kratko različico je objavil Jakob Kelemina, v njegovem delu Bajke in pripovedke slovenskega ljudstva z mitološkim uvodom (1930) sta dve varianti v razdelku Nadaljnji odmevi na Kresnikove povesti (1997: 280-282). Začetek prve variante je opis lokacije: »Med Lembahom in Trstenico se deli Drava v dva rokava, ki oklepata lepi in tajin-stveni Felberjev (kačji) otok.« (Kelemina 1997: 280). Ljudje verjamejo, da na otoku prebiva kačja kraljica z dragoceno krono, kačjo kraljico pa straži kača stražarica. Na kačji žvižg se odzovejo tudi druge kače in vsiljivca, ki bi hotel kači ukrasti krono, ubijejo, če pa jim zbeži, 262 Dragica Haramija razgrizejo lastno kraljico. Druga varianta je podobna Tomažičevi, saj si limbuška grašča-kinja zaželi kačjo kronico. Pogumni vitez se odpravi na kačji otok, a ga kače napadejo in opikajo do smrti. Gadja kraljica Oskarja Hudalesa,4 objavljena v delu Zlati krompir (1968: 59-63) je inačica Brinarjeve in druge Keleminove variante, v kateri hči limbuškega gospoda želi imeti krono kačje kraljice. Eden od snubcev se opogumi in odide na Mariborski otok, ubije kačjo kraljico in uspe odnesti kronico, a se kače poženejo za njim v Dravo, ko poskuša zapustiti otok: »Nemočen je obležal v vodi, kamor so ga potegnili gadje. Utonil je. Njegovo telo, njegov meč in ugrabljeno krono mrtve gadje kraljice pa je šumeča Drava nesla kdove kam.« (Hudales 1968: 62-63). Hudales v svojem delu otoka ne poimenuje več Kačji otok, kar zasledimo v drugih zapisih, temveč zanj uporablja sodobno zemljepisno ime, Mariborski otok. Za zgodbo Kačji otok je v delu Videnja pokrajine (2007: 18) Zmago Šmitek prevzel Keleminov zapis, in sicer prvo varianto, v kateri je mogoče velikansko kačo stražarko zvabiti stran od kačje kraljice samo z golido mleka. 2.4 Habakuk, Radvanje Poznani motiv prelepe deklice, ki je začarana v gnusno kačo, najdemo tudi v poved-ki Začarana kača, objavljeni v Tomažičevi knjigi Pohorske bajke (1990: 181-184). Rad-vanjski svinjski pastir je pasel svinje na Habakukovi gorici. Vsak dan mu pobegne najbolj rejena svinja, zato se odloči, da bo raziskal, kam odhaja. Svinji priveže luknjasto vrečo prosa in zasleduje, kam gre. Svinja ga pripelje na dvorišče nekega hleva, tam pa pastirja pričakajo tri črne kače, ena izmed njih ga ogovori. Pove mu, da so začarane sestre in da jih lahko reši, če bo upošteval navodilo. Rešitelj ni popolnoma upošteval kačjega navodila, saj mora biti naslednje jutro trikrat umit in še pred sončnim vzhodom mora biti na kačjem dvorišču. Zamudil je in le enkrat se je z roso mimogrede umil, zato je rešil le eno od treh kač - začaranih sestra, s katero se poroči, drugi dve pa čakata na svojega rešitelja. Tri kače Oskarja Hudalesa iz zbirke Zlati krompir (1968: 55-58) je različica povedke Začarana kača, le da je navodilo rešitelju deloma drugačno. Kača naroči pastirju, da mora biti pri njih pred sončnim vzhodom, razlika pa je v tem, da se ne sme umiti. Ker fant zaspi, se močno trudi, da bi vendarle prišel pravočasno, a mu na mokri travi spodrsne, tako se rosa dotakne njegovega obraza. Kača mu pravi: »Prišel si prepozno, nesrečnež! I...I Pa še obraz si si zmočil!« (Hudales1968:58). Ker ni upošteval vseh navodil, reši le eno kačo, ki se spremeni v prelepo dekle, s katero se tudi poroči. Pastorka in bela žena v zapisu Oskarja Hudalesa, objavljenem v knjigi Zlati krompir (1968: 70-73) je dogajanje locirano v Razvanje, kajti »imel je nekoč radvanjski kmet dve hčeri, eno pravo hčer, drugo pastorko« (Hudales 1968: 70). Njegova prava hči je bila ošabna, pastorka pa pravo nasprotje. Pastorka je bila večkrat lačna, zato ji bela žena prinese hrano, jo dala spat na mehko pernico, podarila ji je tudi bleščečo zlato kronico. Ker je tudi prava 4 Iz Hudalesovih opisov narave je čutiti posebno ljubezen do te pokrajine, celo nostalgijo po naravnem okolju: »Kako drugače je bilo na Mariborskem otoku nekoč v davnih časih! Takrat, ko tam še ni bilo elektrarne, ko je razpenjena Drava svobodno drla mimo in okrog otoka dalje proti mestu, ko na otoku ni še nihče prebival, ko tja ni vodil noben most ...« (Hudales 1968: 59). 263 Mariborske vedute: razlagalne povedke o mestu in okolici hči hotela imeti lepo kronico, se je odpravila iskat belo ženo, ta pa z njeno nadutostjo ni bila zadovoljna, zato ji kronice ni dala. Prava hči vzame pastorki krono, a se tudi tokrat v dogajanje vmeša bela žena: pastorki vrne krono, ki ji je nihče več ne more sneti, in ta jo je menda nosila celo življenje. Po motivih Hudalesove pravljice je pod istim naslovom izšla tudi slikaniška varianta, ki sta jo priredila Saša Pergar in Jasna Branka Staman, slikanico je ilustrirala Mojca Cerjak. Osnovna tema je enaka kot v Hudalesovi pravljici, le da je ta varianta razširjena, predvsem bolj natančno so opisane bele žene, njihov odnos do živine, pomoč kmetom in molža mleka. Pastorka in njena polsestra sta opisani enako črno-belo: pastorka je blaga in dobra, prava kmetova hči pa hudobna in prevzetna. Tudi v tej varianti hči vzame krono pastorki, a ta ob njenem dotiku počrni, zato je ne mara. Pastorka spravi krono v skrinjico in ne njej ne njenim otrokom in možu ni nikoli nič manjkalo. Prava hči pa je menda izgubila vso lepoto in še zdaj blodi po pohorskih gozdovih, da bi dobila od bele žene odpuščanje za svoj napuh. 2.5 Mariborsko Pohorje V knjigi Pohorske bajke in povesti je Josip Brinar objavil legendno povedko z naslovom Sveti Bolfenk in Areh (1933: 5-11), v kateri omenja zidavo štirih cerkva, in sicer na Arehu (posvečena Henriku), Veliki Kopi in severnem Pohorju (ti dve sta posvečeni sv. Bolfenku) ter na južnem delu (Kunigundi). Brinar piše, da so cerkve gradili Pohorci v 264 Dragica Haramija zahvalo puščavniku Bolfenku, njegovemu varovancu in pobožni ženi, dogodke pa opremi tudi z letnicami, kajti vse skupaj naj bi se dogajalo okrog leta 1000 (Brinar se sklicuje tudi na zgodovinske dogodke). O cerkvi Svetega Bolfenka pa je pisal tudi Jože Tomažič, in sicer Zlodej sezida cerkev iz zbirke Pohorske bajke (1990: 103-112), ki je legendna povedka. O zidavi cerkve sv. Bolfenka na Pohorju ter o puščavniku Bolfenku, tega je pot slučajno zanesla na senčno stran Pohorja in presenečen je ugotovil, da na tej strani ne živijo ljudje, niti ni nobene cerkve, je Tomažič zapisal drugačno različico od Brinarja. Bolfenku v sanjah bog namigne, naj sklene s peklenščkom kupčijo: peklenšček bo s svojimi pajdaši zazidal cerkev, v zameno pa mu bo puščavnik dal dušo prvega romarja. Prvi stopi v dograjeno cerkev volk brez duše, kar peklenščka hudo ujezi, zato še zdaj vsako noč podre kakšen kamen iz cerkvenega zidu in v zidu zija vse večja luknja. 2.6 Pekrska gorca Hudalesova povedka Začaranci v Pekrski gorci iz zbirke Zlati krompir (1968: 4952) je motivno precej podobna Tomažičevi in njegovi zgodbi o svinjskem pastirju, obe sta uvrščeni med povedke, katerih dogajalni prostor je Habakuk, vendar v tej zgodbi ne gre za metamorfozo kače v dekle oz. pomoči pri njenem odčaranju. Bogati kmet, ki je imel v lasti tudi Pekrsko gorco, je imel pastirja Muleja, ki je naenkrat začel vsak dan izgubljati po enega prašiča. Hlapec postane pozornejši in ugotovi, da je ena od svinj še prav posebej nemirna, zato priveže na njen rep svoj bič ter ji sledi, ko ta odtava v goščavo, od tam pa v podzemeljsko jamo pod Pekrsko gorco. Tam ga pričaka »vitka, v snežno belo tančico Slika 5: Pekrska gorca. 265 Mariborske vedute: razlagalne povedke o mestu in okolici oblečena žena«, ki z drugimi začaranci živi v podzemni jami, in mu pravi: »Žal se danes ni posrečilo. Če bi si tedaj, ko si se spotaknil ob potoku, zmočil ali umil obraz, bi danes bili rešeni.« (Hudales 1968: 51). Ker je Mulej dobrega srca in bi rade volje, če bi le vedel, ugodil ženski, ga ta kljub temu, da ni njen rešitelj, nagradi s tremi pestmi zlata. Mulej je gospodarju poplačal vse izginule prašiče in še mu je ostalo dovolj bogastva, še vedno pa je ostal svinjski pastir (Hudales 1968: 52): »Čudno je le, da od tedaj ni izginila nobena več.« Slovenska Kalvarija, Brinarjeva zgodba iz Pohorskih bajk in povesti (1933: 20-25) je razlagalna povedka, deloma sodi tudi med legendne povedke, ki govori o nastanku Pekrske gorce. V zgodbi se hudič pogodi z Bogom, da mu ta preda oblast nad Mariborčani in Podpohorci, ki so zelo grešno živeli. Marija, sveti Areh in sveti Bolfenk prosijo Boga, naj bo milosten do Podravcev, saj niso vsi razuzdani in grešni, Bog jim ponudi rešitev (Brinar 1933: 22): »A rogaču rogatinu sem dal oblast samo do drevi, do polnoči. Dotorejga še lahko kaj zamoti, da uro zamudi, mu nakana spodleti.« Vsi svetniki se trudijo rešiti Maribor: hudiču na poti, ko s skalo na plečih hiti, da bi z njo zajezil Dravo in tako naenkrat umoril vse Mariborčane, delajo viharje, močvirja, močan veter, a nič hudiča ne ustavi. Tik pred polnočjo stopi predenj Marija, ki je vse bregove Drave zavarovala s solzami nedolžnih prebivalcev, nevidni ščit solz pa hudiča ustavi. Zaveda se, da do dravskih bregov ne more, zato se odloči in na slepo vrže skalo in upa, da se bo ta vendarle zagozdila v reki, a »pečina ne doseže Maribora ne Drave. Na ravnici pod znožjem Pohorja se je zapičila v zemljo in je ostala tamkaj do naših dni« (Brinar 1933: 24). Ura odbije polnoč, hudobec zgubi oblast nad mestom - kakor se je z Bogom pogodil - gola skala sredi ravnine pa je postala romarsko središče, na katerem so hvaležni meščani postavili cerkev Mariji v zahvalo. Na mestu, kjer je hudič odkrhnil pohorski vrh, pa je nastalo jezero. Dušica Kunaver je v knjigi Slovenska dežela v pripovedki in podobi (1991: 86) priredila povedko z naslovom Pekrski vrh ali Slovenska Kalvarija. Zgodba razlaga, enako kot v predstavljeni Brinarjevi varianti, kako je hudič, ki se je pogodil z Bogom, hotel uničiti Maribor, predvsem pa pogubiti vse Mariborčane, ker so grešno živeli. Domislil se je, da bi poplavil mesto, zato je utrgal vrh Pohorja. Ko je odlomljeni kos hotel zagozditi v Dravo pod Mariborom, je srečal belo ženo, ki se je je zelo prestrašil, zato je odvrgel težko breme in pobegnil. »Še danes stoji tisti odkrhnjeni vrh, kjer ga je odvrgel hudi duh; ljudje mu pravijo Pekrski vrh ali Slovenska Kalvarija; na njem je cerkvica Matere božje. V Pohorju je pa nastalo tam, kjer je hudobec odkrhnil vrh, Črno jezero.« (Kunaver 1991: 86). Pekrska gorca iz dela Mariborske zgodbe (1997: 11) avtorjev Valentine Varl, Dušana Tomažiča in Saša Radovanoviča je zelo podobna prejšnji, le da hudobec nima več moči, ker odbije polnoč, le do takrat pa mu je Bog dovolil pogubljenje Maribora.5 Razdelek Lovrenška jezera v delu Antona Gričnika Noč ima svojo moč, Bog pa še večjo (1994: 157) je zadnja od uvrščenih zgodb (pod številko 332). V Gričnikovi zgodbi ne nastopa hudič, temveč jezernik iz Lovrenških jezer, ki je »prijel velikansko skalo, jo vrtal iz enega pohorskega hriba in jo z vso močjo zalučal proti Mariboru« (Gričnik 1994:157). Na 5 Tej inačici je dodana še kratka zgodovina pozidave na Pekrski gorci, in sicer leta 1664 postavijo križ, med leti 1832 - 1835 pa zgradijo cerkvico Marije sedem žalosti. 266 Dragica Haramija Mariborčane pa je bil jezen zato, ker so zastrupljali zrak in ker zaradi goste poselitve ni imel več miru. Gričnikov zapis je uvrščen tudi v delo Pravljične poti Slovenije (2007: 256-257) Irene Cerar Drašler, in sicer pod naslovom Kako je jezernik odšel v pravljice. Studenci, ki ležijo neposredno pod Pekrsko gorco, so književni prostor v povedki Vrag in njegov kozel, objavljeni v delu Zlati krompir (1968: 96-99). Zgodba ima precej natančno določen tudi književni čas: dogaja se neko noč leta 1800 na Studencih. Tisto noč je uradnik Dizma Kislih popil precej vina pri prijatelju v Limbušu, na poti v Studence pa je srečal samega vraga, tega so menda v tistih časih pogosto srečevali. Srečal ga je tudi neki pohorski kmet, temu je hudič zelo pomagal, da ni zamudil razprave na sodišču, saj mu je bil posodil kar svojega kozla. Od takrat menda niti vraga niti kozla niso več videli. Slika 6: Cerkev na Studencih, Drava. 2.7 Poštela oz. Radvanje Poštela je zapis iz knjige Mariborske zgodbe (1997: 12-13), kjer so na kratko podana zgodovinska dejstva o tem nenavadnem kraju, saj prazgodovinske najdbe izpričujejo »nepretrgano prisotnost človeka v mestu in okolici že od začetka 2. tisočletja pred našim štetjem« (Varl, Tomažič, Radovanovič, 1997: 12-13). Na Pošteli so bile odkrite najdbe iz različnih dob, le-te hranijo v graškem muzeju in v Pokrajinskem muzeju Maribor, raziskani so teme- 267 Mariborske vedute: razlagalne povedke o mestu in okolici lji 14. hiš, najdeni so bili tudi ostanki svetišča. Zlahka si lahko predstavljamo, kako so številne najdbe vplivale na domišljijo ljudi, ki se kaže tudi v zgodbah o poštelskem zakladu. Josip Brinar v Pohorskih bajkah in povestih (1933: 26-31) opisuje dogajanje na »ju-trnem grebenu gorovja« (1933: 26) v zgodbi Zaklad na Pošteli. V začetnem delu Brinar Slika 7: Poštela. Vse fotografije: Anton Ivčetič. 268 Dragica Haramija opisuje, da je bila to starodavna naselbina, skozi dolga stoletja pa so tam ljudje zakopavali svoje zaklade, ko pa so umrli, nihče ni vedel, kje so skriti. Radvanjčani se pogosto pomenkujejo o zakladih in vsak pozna kako mitološko bitje, ki se ga je pri izkopavanju zaklada potrebno prav posebej paziti (npr. železni vitez, škrbinasta coprnica, peklenska kača). Vsekakor se ne sme na glas povedati, če kdo zaklad odkoplje, ker ga hudič takoj ukrade. Tudi hlapec Irgo je slišal o čudovitih zakladih in o zakleti kraljični Izmeli, ki jo je pred tisoč leti uklel čarovnik Andrijaš v spanec, dokler je kak mladenič ne reši. Nekega dne je Irgo spravljal drva na Pošteli, k njemu pa pristopi Peslajnar (bitje, ki ima moško postavo, kocinasto telo in pasjo glavo) in mu pravi, da lahko ravno on reši Izmelo in si pridobi zaklad, če se Izmele dotakne, a mora ves čas molčati: Irgo se v podzemni jami ne ustraši niti črnih psov, niti kač, vzdih pa se mu izvije ob pogledu na srebro in zlato. Ker spregovori, bogastvo izgine in Izmelda še vedno ni rešena. Poštelski zaklad, povedka Jožeta Tomažiča iz zbirke Pohorske bajke (1990: 128135), v kateri je zgodba locirana v Radvanje, na pravljično gradišče Poštelo. Bela žena drvarju razkrije, kako bo prišel do poštelskega zaklada,6 ki leži v grobu kralja Atile: na kresno noč, v popolni tišini. Ker eden od kopačev spregovori, zaklad izgine (Tomažič 1990: 135): » Tekla so leta in z njimi so minevale kresne noči, ko gori in cvete tudi poštelski zaklad ter se s pogreznjeno lovsko cerkvico dvigne na površje. I...I In tako leži še dandanes tam na Poštel-skem gradišču neizkopan zlati poštelski zaklad.« Zapis Oskarja Hudalesa v zbirki Zlati krompir (1968: 31-36) z naslovom Zaklad na Pošteli je dvodelen, prvi del je zelo podoben Tomažičevi zgodbi o poštelskem zakladu, drugi del pa govori o hlapcu Jergi in njegovem srečanju z zakladom, ki pa ga zaradi črnih psov čuvajev ni upal vzeti. Konec je enak ostalim: ker eden od iskalcev zaklada spregovori, le-ta izgine. Anton Gričnik je v treh povedkah s skupnim naslovom Irmela in poštelski zaklad, objavljeni v delu Noč ima svojo moč (1994: 212-213, zaporedne številke zapisov 431, 432 in 433) zapisal tri zgodbe o zakladu. V prvem zapisu so tri različice, vsem pa je skupno, da se le enkrat v stoletju dvigne na površje poštelski zaklad, hkrati z njim pa se prikaže zakleta in začarana ilirska princesa Irmelda: v prvi različici bi jo lahko rešila nabiralka gob Katra, če bi se dotaknila zlatih zakladov, a se je ustrašila in zbežala; v drugi različici so fantje iz Razvanja kopali zaklad, a se eden od njih oglasi (kopati je treba v popolni tišini), zato zaklad izgine; drvar Irga se ustraši črnega psa, ki straži zaklad, in zbeži. Zaklad je še vedno na Pošteli, Irmelda pa še čaka na svojega rešitelja. Ta Gričnikova različica je precej podobna predstavljenemu Brinarjevemu zapisu. V drugem zapisu se z zakladom sreča drvar, ki je slišal že veliko zgodb o Pošteli, na kresno noč pa mu bela žena pokaže zaklad, a ker spregovori, zaklad izgine. V tretjem zapisu se pokaže poštelski zaklad vsako kresno noč, tisto leto pa, ko so Radvanjčani sklenili, da ga bodo s skupnimi močmi izkopali, eden od njih pozabi, da ne sme spregovoriti, zato zaklad izgine. Tretji zapis je zelo podoben Tomažičevi varianti. 6 Drvar je o »Poštelskem gradišču slišal že toliko bajk in pravljic o strahovih, zelencu in divjem lovcu, o železnem vitezu, o čarovniški stari babi in o nevidnih psih, da je vsak večer po opravljenem delu sedel na skladovnico drv, na ležeč ploh ali pa na nov štor ter zmolil vsakokrat po en rožni venec.« (Tomažič 1990c: 128). 269 Mariborske vedute: razlagalne povedke o mestu in okolici 3 Sklep Izbor obravnavanih besedil je temeljil na skupnem segmentu, to je da je v povedki omenjen Maribor ali del le-tega. Resnični geografski prostori Maribora in okolice so se pokazali mestoma kot mitični prostori verovanj v bajeslovna bitja, kar je pravzaprav pričakovano. V prikazu namreč ne gre za neke izpraznjene prostore, temveč za (vsaj večinoma) poseljene predele mesta z okolico, na katerega pa so ob ljudeh in njihovih navadah močno vplivali tudi mitološki liki. Redke povedke namreč ves čas pripovedi ostajajo na nivoju mogočega (to je realnega ali vsaj možnega), npr. zgodovinska povedka o pogumnem krojaču, ki je rešil Maribor pred turškim napadom. V večini zgodb pa se dogajanje odvija na realni in fantastični ravni, ki skupaj tvorita celoto: srečanje človeka z mitološkim bitjem, vmešavanje mitološkega bitja v človeška življenja in politeistična (pozneje mo-noteistična) verovanja ljudi, kar pa je spodbujalo rituale. Reka Drava je za Mariborčane življenjskega pomena, predvsem je opisana kot reka, ki so jo uporabljali za prevoze, kar pa je spodbujalo tudi druge gospodarske panoge, tesno povezane z reko (gostinstvo, oskrbo z živili, lesarstvo). V Dravi živita tudi bajeslovni bitji, gestrin (živi v vrtincih) in vodovnik (predvsem se nahaja v brzicah), ki jima je skupno to, da jima morajo splavarji podarjati darove, predvsem zlatnino, drugače jih pogubita. Mariborski otok je v povedkah imenovan kot Velbarjev otok, Felberjev otok ali Kačji otok, na njem pa živi kačja kraljica s krono posebne vrednosti. Otok ni poseljen z ljudmi, kdor pa si drzne napasti kačjo kraljico, umre. Severni del Pohorja, ta je neposredno povezan z Mariborom, je v legendnih povedkah omenjen predvsem kot prostor pozidave cerkve sv. Bolfenka, s krščanskimi liki pa je povezan tudi nastanek Pekrske gorce. V teh legendnih povedkah gre na eni strani za boj med dobrim in zlim med legendnimi liki samimi (Bog, devica Marija, hudič), na drugi strani pa za morebitno pravično kazen Mariborčanov, ker so živeli razuzdano. Največ povedk se navezuje na Radvanje, in sicer na zaklete deklice v Habakukovi gorci ter na pošteno Radvanjsko deklico, ki ji pomaga bela žena, in na Poštelo, to pa je prostor, ki skriva starodavni zaklad. Mitološki literarni liki v najširšem pomenu sodijo k bajeslovnim bitjem narave: »Dokler so živeli ljudje v tesni povezavi z naravo, so v njej prepoznavali številna skrivnostna bajeslovna bitja, duhove in demone. I...I F slovenskem pripovednem izročilu so se vse do današnjih dni ohranile tudi najstarejše animistične verske predstave iz časov, ko so ljudje še verjeli, da so stvari in rastline živa bitja.« (Kropej 2008: 198). Geografski prostori, ki so hkrati tudi književni prostori povedk o Mariboru in njegovi okolici, morebiti v sodobnem času niso prav nič manj poseljeni z bajeslovnimi bitji in posledično s starodavnimi verovanji ljudi. Viri Brinar, Josip 1933: Pohorske bajke in povesti. Ljubljana: Učiteljska tiskarna. Cerar Drašler, Irena 2007: Pravljične poti Slovenije: družinski izletniški vodnik. Ljubljana: Sidarta. Gričnik, Anton 1994: Noč ima svojo moč, Bog pa še večjo: Pohorje pripoveduje. Ljubljana: Kmečki glas (Zbirka glasovi; knj. 8). Hudales, Oskar 1968: Zlati krompir: pohorske pripovedke in pravljice, kakor jih je povedal Oskar Hudales. Maribor: Založba Obzorja. 270 Dragica Haramija Kelemina, Jakob 1997: Bajke in pripovedke slovenskega ljudstva z mitološkim uvodom. Bilje: Studio Ro, Založništvo Humar. Kunaver, Dušica (ur.) 1991: Slovenska dežela v pripovedki in podobi. Ljubljana: Mladinska knjiga. Kunaver, Dušica (ur.), Brigita Lipovšek (ur.), 2004: Najlepši slovenski miti in legende. Ljubljana: Mladinska knjiga (Zbirka Slovensko izročilo). Pergar, Saša (priredil in pregledal) 2005: Pravljica o Dravi. Murska Sobota: Ajda, IBO Gomboc (Zbirka Iz zibelke), ilustriral Anton Buzeti. Staman, Jasna Branka in Saša Pergar 2005: Pastorka in bela žena. Murska Sobota: Ajda, IBO Gomboc (Zbirka Iz zibelke), ilustrirala Mojca Cerjak. Šmitek, Zmago (ur. in pisec spremne besede) 2007: Videnja pokrajine: naravni in namišljeni prostori v slovenskem ljudskem izročilu. Radovljica: Didakta. Tomažič, Jože 1993: Dravska roža. Celje: Mohorjeva družba. Tomažič, Jože 1990: Pohorske bajke. Celje: Mohorjeva družba. Varl,Valentina, Dušan Tomažič, Sašo Radovanovič 1997: Mariborske zgodbe. Maribor: Založba kapital. Literatura Haramija, Dragica 2008: Delo Jakoba Kelemine Bajke in pripovedke slovenskega ljudstva z mitološkim uvodom. Dr. Jakob Kelemina. Ormož: Zgodovinsko društvo, 57-79. Haramija, Dragica 2006: Proza Jožeta Tomažiča. Jože Tomažič: monografija. Maribor: Litera, 23-67. Kropej, Monika 2008: Od ajda do zlatoroga: slovenska bajeslovna bitja. Celovec; Ljubljana; Dunaj: Mohorjeva. Stanonik, Marija 2008: Interdisciplinarnost slovstvene folklore. Ljubljana: Založba ZRC, ZRC SAZU. Stanonik, Marija 2006: Procesualnost slovstvene folklore. Ljubljana: Založba ZRC, ZRC SAZU. Stanonik, Marija 2006: Sinkretičnost v ustvarjanju Jožeta Tomažiča. Jože Tomažič: monografija. Maribor: Litera, 109-173. Šmitek, Zmago 2004: Mitološko izročilo Slovencev. Ljubljana: Študentska založba. Šmitek, Zmago 2007: Uvod. Videnja pokrajine: naravni in namišljeni prostori v slovenskem ljudskem izročilu. Radovljica: Didakta (Zbirka Zakladnica slovenskih pripovedi). 271 Mariborske vedute: razlagalne povedke o mestu in okolici Maribor Views: Explanatory Tales of the City and Its Surroundings Dragica Haramija The subject of this discourse is the tales in which Maribor with its surroundings represents the setting of the story. This type of short prose is most frequently classified under etiological (explanatory) tales and to some extent also as legend or myth tales. Most of the stories that have been preserved feature sites such as Pekrska gorca, Mariborski otok and Postela. In the process of gathering the material it has been established that the majority of short narratives that feature a specific location - in our case Maribor and its surroundings - fits under folklore literature or under those narratives that are modelled upon folklore templates, which means that they are not typical authorial texts but rather a literarisation of the literary folklore. The basic classification of the selected works was based on the narrow Maribor area, the stories correlating with the following real-time locations: the river Drava, Habakukova gorca (foothills of Mariborsko Pohorje), Mariborski otok, Mariborsko Pohorje, Pekrska gorca, Postela (Radvanje), Pristan (Lent), Studenci and Trije ribniki. 272 Sodobne povedke: razmišljanje o »najbolj sodobnem« žanru pripovedne folklore Ambrož Kvartič Contemporary legends are an important part of the contemporary folk narrative repertoire and can provide us with vital information on processes in modern day society and culture. They are frequently defined as an account of an unlikely event considered as factual. The content of these stories is often placed in the modern social and cultural reality. They reflect people's attitude towards the current situation and the changes in their environment. Although traditional motifs can be recognised in contemporary legends, their context is influenced by the "modernity". In the paper a couple of stories with their interpretations are presented, gathered in the Slovenian town of Velenje. Uvod Odkar so ameriški folkloristi v šestdesetih letih dvajsetega stoletja opozorili na tako imenovane sodobne (tudi urbane) povedke - zgodbe ki krožijo predvsem v mestnih okoljih in se širijo tudi s pomočjo medijev in drugih sodobnih komunikacijskih sredstev - se je v mednarodni folkloristiki sprožilo veliko zanimanje zanje. Poznavanje, tj. zbiranje, analiza in interpretacija sodobnih povedk, ima namreč izjemen pomen za naše razumevanje reakcij ljudi na spremembe, s katerimi so soočeni v svojem okolju. Folkloristi so v svojih analizah večkrat pokazali, kako se skozi te zgodbe (in druge žanre sodobne folklore) izražajo in sproščajo temeljni človekovi strahovi, frustracije, problemi, nemoč in podobno. Poglavitno vprašanje pri znanstveni obravnavi sodobnih povedk je, ali jih lahko obravnavmo in opredeljujemo kot poseben žanr žanrskega sistema pripovedne folklore in katere so tiste značilnosti, ki jih, če obstajajo, ločujejo od drugih žanrov. Folkloristični svet je pri iskanju odgovora na to vprašanje razdeljen. V znanstveni in strokovni literaturi je bilo objavljenih že več vsebinskih analiz sodobnih povedk, kjer so avtorji s primerjavo s starejšim, tradicijskim gradivom dokazali, da so »sodobne« povedke lahko motivno zelo stare ter da so zato migracijske. Na drugi strani ima veliko zagovornikov mnenje, da sodobno povedko bolj kot njena vsebina definirajo (sodobni) folklorni procesi, ki jim je podvržena. Med temi procesi je najpomembnejše vprašanje distribucije in nosilcev sodobnega folklornega materiala ter njegovo prehajanje med različnimi pripovednimi conduiti1, zelo pomemben pa je tudi razmislek o oblikovnih (nestalnost, ohlapnost, prehajanje vsebine na druge žanre) pa tudi jezikovnih značilnostih (na primer umeščenost v slovenski jezikovni prostor) sodobnih povedk. Kot v splošnem najmočnejši argument za obravnavo teh Izraz je v folkloristiki tehnični termin, z njim pa je označen niz posameznikov, ki se kvalificirajo kot sprejemniki in kot posredovalci povedke ali drugih oblik (pripovedne) folklore (Degh in Vazsonyi, 1976: 96). 273 Sodobne povedke: razmišljanje o »najbolj sodobnem« žanru pripovedne folklore zgodb kot posebnega žanra je posebej izpostavljen odnos sodobne povedke s kontekstom, v katerem živi, saj je ta ključen za njeno interpretacijo. Brez primerov, zbranih na terenu med njihovimi nosilci, je vsako razmišljanje o elementih pripovedne folklore prazno. V zadnjem delu besedila je tako predstavljenih nekaj primerov sodobne folklore v Velenju s poskusom njihove interpretacije. Predstavljeni so trije motivni tipi sodobnih velenjskih povedk: sodobne povedke, ki govorijo o kontaminaciji hrane pri mesarjih, o bizarnih spolnih praksah ter o kriminalnih dejavnostih velikih industrijskih družb. Objavljeni primeri so sicer del večje zbirke, ki je rezultat raziskave, opravljene v prvi polovici leta 2009. Zbrane zgodbe so motivno zelo pestre, pri analizi besedil pa lahko najdemo številne vzporednice z povedkami, objavljenimi v tujih zbirkah. Gradivo sem zbral med velenjskimi dijaki, študenti in mlajšimi zaposlenimi, pridobil pa sem ga z ustvarjanjem »umetnih folklornih dogodkov« in s pomočjo spletnih socialnih omrežij. Raziskovanje Po pretežno v preteklost usmerjenih raziskavah o prvobitnih sestavinah folklore so se povojne generacije folkloristov začele osredotočati na obravnavo sodobnega folklornega gradiva. Delo sodobnih folkloristov je med drugim pokazalo na soodvisnost med folkloro in njenim kontekstom, hkrati pa opozorilo na nove pojavne oblike folklore v sodobnosti, tako v njihovi žanrski klasifikaciji kot tudi v načinih njihovega širjenja (Stanonik 2008). »Napačno je misliti, da industrializacija in informatika z njo /s folkloro/ nimata kaj početi in je le stvar preteklosti. Res pa danes v večini kulturnih okolij prav slovstvena folklora ni več edina in ne vodilna, ampak le ena od oblik poetičnega življenja in ustvarjanja ljudstva.« (Stanonik 2006: 147). V Združenih državah Amerike se je v drugi polovici dvajsetega stoletja oblikovala nova smer raziskovanja povedk. Med prvimi je na nove pripovedne vsebine opozorila Linda Degh, ki je z vrsto krajših besedil predstavila zgodbe ameriških študentskih naseljih in komentirala njihovo širjenje po celotni državi ter iskala vzporednice med temi zgodbami in tradicijskimi povedkami. Raziskovanju sodobnih povedk je verjetno največji pečat pustil Jan Harold Brunvand in zanj skoval izraz »urban legend« (urbana povedka), s čimer je želel izpostaviti razliko med njimi in tradicionalnimi (ruralnimi) povedkami. Pod tem imenom je v letih od 1981 do 1993 v petih zbirkah, ki so požele tudi veliko zanimanje splošne javnosti, predstavil ogromno zbranih povedk in s svojim opusom močno zaznamoval na eni strani folkloristično znanost in na drugi popularno kulturo. V Evropi se je zanimanje za sodobne povedke povečalo v osemdesetih letih dvajsetega stoletja, pri tem pa so prednjačile Velika Britanija in skandinavske dežele. Evropsko raziskovanje sodobnih povedk sta zaznamovala navdušeno zbiranje in poskusi opredelitve novega predmeta raziskave, pri čemer je skoraj vsak avtor prispeval svoj predlog. Nastalo je precej zbirk, ki so dokumentirale »novo« obliko povedk in omogočile, da so lahko folkloristi repertoarje in tipe sodobnih povedk začeli med seboj primerjati in dajati večji poudarek tudi na kontekstualno analizo besedil. Angleško raziskovanje sta najbolj zaznamovala Paul Smith in njegova sodelavka Gillian Bennett, švedsko pa Bengt af Klintberg. Sredi osemdesetih let so začeli zbirati sodobne povedke tudi v nekaterih drugih evropskih državah (Finska, Nizozemska), v začetku devetdesetih pa sta Rolf Wilhelm Brednich in Helmut Fischer skoraj istočasno objavila tudi prvi zbirki sodobnih povedk v nemškem jezkovnem prostoru (Brednich 1990; Fischer 1991). 274 Ambrož Kvartič V slovenski folkloristiki sodobne povedke še niso bile deležne posebne pozornosti. Dokumentiranih je nekaj (nedokončanih) akcij zbiranja tovrstnega gradiva na območju Slovenije, analize zbranega materiala pa ni pripravil še nihče. Pri nas je na sodobne povedke prva opozorila Monika Kropej, ki je v Glasniku Slovenskega etnološkega društva leta 1996 objavila kratek prispevek z naslovom Prošnja za sodobne zgodbe (Kropej 1996: 51). Ob tem, ko je v prispevku razložila, kakšne in katere so zgodbe, ki naj bi jih prispevali bralci Glasnika, je zapisala tudi splošno definicijo sodobnih povedk, namenjeno širšemu krogu bralcev, v slovenščini: »Verjetno ste že tudi vi slišali najrazličnejše zgodbe, ki so se ali pa se tudi niso pripetile, npr. o čudnih in nenavadnih potegavščinah, goljufijah, o skrivnostnih avtoštoparjih, duhovih, skratka o čemerkoli - tudi npr. o domačih živalih, neznanih letečih predmetih, avtomobilskih zgodah in nezgodah, ljubezenskih avanturah ipd.« (n.d.). Kropejeva je kasneje, marca leta 2003 izvedla zbiranje sodobnih zgodb med študenti Univerze v Ljubljani. Rezultate raziskave, zbirko študentskih zgodb, je najprej predstavila na mednarodni konferenci International Society for Contemporary Legend Research v Kanadi, 28. junija 2003 in jih v angleškem jeziku objavila v glasilu Foaftalenews (Kropej 2003), leto kasneje pa tudi v slovenščini v publikaciji Traditiones (Kropej 2004). Med številnimi študentskimi zgodbami, ki jih je zbrala, jih je bilo le nekaj, ki bi jih lahko šteli med sodobne povedke, na kar je opozorila tudi sama2. Besedilo je kasneje objavila še v mednarodni folkloristični publikaciji Fabula (Kropej 2007). Leta 2001 je bil v Glasniku SED objavljen pregledni članek avtorice Martine Piko-Rustia z inštituta Urban Jarnik v Celovcu z naslovom Sodobno pripovedništvo na Koroškem (Piko-Rustia 2001: 65-67). V njem avtorica bralcu najprej predstavi pregled opravljenega raziskovalnega dela na področju sodobnih povedk v Evropi in ZDA, pri čemer je še posebej osredotočena na znanstveni prispevek nemško govorečih avtorjev, predvsem Rolfa Brednicha, in institucij v Avstriji. Iz Brednichovih del so povzete tudi kratka predstavitev sodobne povedke, njena definicija ter vsebinske značilnosti in interpretacije, ki sledijo pregledu. Glavna misel, ki jo v članku posreduje Martina Piko-Rustia, je, da bi se zbiranju sodobnih povedk na prostoru republike Avstrije Slovenci na avstrijskem Koroškem morali pridružiti, saj zanje to predstavlja tudi priložnost za raziskovanje odnosa med Slovenci in Nemci. Na Oddelku za etnologijo in kulturno antropologijo Filozofske fakultete Univerze v Ljubljani je prof. Mirjam Mencej leta 2001 spodbudila akcijo zbiranja sodobnih povedk pri predavanjih, seminarju in vajah iz folkloristike - sprva med študenti na samem oddelku, danes pa zbiranje poteka tudi med drugimi študenti in dijaki slovenskih srednjih šol. Žanr Med vsemi folklornimi oblikami, ki se jim je posvetila in jih opredelila folkloristika, potem ko je ozavestila prisotnost in pomen sodobne folklore, je samo sodobna povedka tisti folklorni element, ki že v svojem imenu nosi prilastek »sodoben«. Toda, ali sploh lah- 2 Med njimi je bilo veliko zgodb, ki so temeljile na osebnih izkušnjah, šaljivih zgodb, tradicijskih povedk ter ostalih primerkov folklore, ki ne ustrezajo definiciji sodobnih povedk - torej povedk, ki krožijo predvsem v urbanih mestnih okoljih in preko lokalizirane in v sodoben kontekst umeščene motivike odslikujejo stanje v sodobni družbi in kulturi (Kropej, n.d.). 275 Sodobne povedke: razmišljanje o »najbolj sodobnem« žanru pripovedne folklore ko govorimo o sodobni povedki kot o posebnem znanstvenem folklorističnem konceptu, posebnem žanru znotraj žanrskega sistema, ki odslikuje folklorno podobo sodobnosti? Žanr je v folkloristiki najprej definiran kot konceptualna analitična kategorija klasifikacije, kot sredstvo za sistematizacijo posameznih primerov folklore (Ben-Amos 1976: XV-XVII). Posamezni žanri so definirani s poudarjanjem nekaterih lastnosti folklornih oblik in izpuščanjem drugih ter so tako: »/.../ utemeljeni v realnosti, a je hkrati ne odsli-kujejo.« (Honko 1980: 42). Takšna delitev folklornih oblik na žanre ima veliko praktično vrednost pri pripravi zbirk in katalogov, ki olajšajo znanstveno delo in ne nazadnje komunikacijo med preučevalci folklore. Med njimi je gotovo najbolj znan in uporabljan tipni indeks pravljic, ki ga je leta 1910 pripravil Anti Aarne, nato pa leta 1928 in v drugi izdaji leta 1961 dopolnil Stith Thompson, ter leta 2004 razširil in za sodobne potrebe znanstvenega folklorističnega dela prilagodil Hans-Jörg Uther. Splošni indeksi (katalogi), v katerih je (bi bila) predstavljena in utemeljena tipologija povedk, so trenutno še na stopnji osamljenih poskusov in predlogov3 (Stanonik 2001: 192). Enako velja tudi za tipologijo sodobnih povedk4. Ko v folkloristiki govorimo o žanru kot o kategoriji za klasifikacijo folklore, je obravnava sodobne povedke kot posebnega žanra smiselna. Na drugi strani žanri v fokloristiki predstavljajo metodološko paradigmo, s katero folklorne pojave opisujemo, hierarhiziramo in diferenciramo ter jih poskušamo teoretično razložiti. Takšen koncept žanra je ključna kategorija v sodobni slovstveni folkloristiki (Stanonik 2001: 195), njegova konceptualizacija pa je utemeljena na empiričnem delu, torej zbiranju gradiva. Dan Ben-Amos je za razumevnje folklornih žanrov kot metodoloških konceptov izpostavil tri različne poglede, utemeljene v različnih znanstvenih paradigmah skozi čas: žanri kot nespremenljive (stalne) oblike, kot razvijajoče se oblike z lastnimi polji pomenov, ter kot oblike diskurza - zaključene entitete z opredeljenimi odnosi med jezikom, simboli in realnostjo (Ben-Amos 1976: XX-XXXI). Če sodobna povedka je poseben metodološki koncept v folkloristiki, poseben žanr, jo lahko razumemo samo kot obliko diskurza, ki ga opredeljujejo arbitrarne določitve o njenih strukturnih, oblikovnih in vsebinskih lastnostih. Te opisne kategorije se z empiričnim delom in s teoretskim razmišljanjem neprestano spreminjajo, tako da se tudi sodobna povedka, če jo seveda sprejmemo kot žanr, opredeljuje vedno znova in znova. Stewart Sanderson je leta 1981 zapisal: »Sodobna povedka predstavlja eno od najbolj, če ne kar najbolj razširjeno, priljubljeno in vitalno obliko folklore v sodobnosti; kar me najbolj preseneča, je njena kreativnost, domišljija in virtuoznost, ki jo pri pripovedovanju kažejo ljudje vseh vrst.« (Po Brunvand 2001: XXVII). Njena definicija je v prvi vrsti odvisna od definicije povedke na splošno, od katere jo na terminološki ravni pravzaprav loči le pridevnik »sodobna« (Degh 2001: 44). V resnici precej opredelitev sodobne povedke opisuje žanr povedke5 v klasičnem (tradicijskem) pomenu besede, čemur dodajo umeščenost v sodobni kontekst - Gary Alan Fine je na primer leta 1992 zapisal: »Sodobna povedka je oblika pripovedne folklore, ki jo predstavi pripovedovalec svojemu občinstvu v kontekstu odnosa z njim. Besedilo je poročilo o dogodku, v katerega pripovedovalec ali 3 Primer poskusa kategorizacije migracijskih povedk je delo Reidarja Thoralfa Christiansna (1958). 4 Kot primer klasifikacije sodobnih povedk lahko izpostavim Brunvandovo Enciklopedijo urbanih povedk (2001), ki predstavlja sodobne migracijske povedke v ZDA. 5 Primer splošne definicije povedke: »Povedka, kot vemo vsi, se dogaja v resničnem svetu in nenavadni dogodek, ki ga opisuje, ni nemogoč ali nepredstavljiv, lahko zveni celo verjetno. Ustreza vsakodnevnemu življenju navadnih ljudi in sodobnemu sistemu vrednot, ki ga obkroža.« (Degh, 1994: 29). 276 Ambrož Kvartič njemu najbližji vir nista bila neposredno vpletena in je predstavljen kot verjeten; pripovedovalec in publika tega vedno ne verjameta, a je predstavljeno, kot da bi se lahko in se je resnično zgodilo. Ti dogodki so izstopajoči na način, za katerega bi lahko rekli »nenavadno, toda resnično«.« (Degh n.d.: 45). Vendar, kako, če sploh lahko, utemeljiti ločevanje med sodobno in »tradicijsko« povedko? Nekateri raziskovalci, ki vidijo »staro« in »sodobno« povedko kot dve ločeni entiteti, najprej izpostavljajo njune vsebinske razlike. Sodobne povedke naj bi vsebovale nekatere teme, na primer grozljive, celo pošastne elemente pa tudi humorne teme, ki jih v tradicijskih povedkah ni. Z uporabo teh vsebinskih elementov pripovedovalec sodobnih povedk oblikuje presenetljiv zaključek, ki je za poslušalca zanimivejši in z njim pri njem doseže tudi določen učinek. Na ravni vsebine naj bi sodobno povedko opredeljevalo tudi pomanjkanje odnosa z nadnaravnim, čeprav obstajajo tudi izjeme (prim.: Brunvand 2001: 464). Gillian Bennett na drugi strani trdi, da so lahko tako motivi kot tudi struktura in pojavnost sodobnih povedk zelo stari (Bennett 1985: 221). To dejstvo so s primerjalnimi raziskavami dokazali že mnogi folkloristi; Adrienne Mayor je na primer našla vzporednice med sodobnimi povedkami tipa »Choking doberman«6 ter starorimsko zgodbo o dveh volkovih, ki so ju ubili rimski vojaki ter v njunih trebuhih našli človeško roko, kar je bilo razumljeno kot znamenje nevarnosti za cesarstvo (Mayor 1992). Bennettova sicer sodobno in tradicijsko povedko ločuje, vendar ne zaradi vsebinskih značilnosti, pač pa predvsem zaradi drugačnega načina posredovanja sodobnih povedk, ki ga oblikuje posebna psihologija pripovedovanja in kombinacija fantastičnih elementov in pripovedi o osebnih izkušnjah, kar naj ne bi bilo značilno za »starejši« repertoar povedk (Bennett 1985). Hkrati je mnenja, da so si sodobne povedke izposodile številne karakteristike od drugih tipov in žanrov folklore tako na oblikovni kot na vsebinski ravni in tudi na diahroni osi, vendar ne pove povsem jasno, če je prav to izposojanje tista lastnost, ki sodobno povedko ločuje od tradicijske povedke. »Urbane povedke kažejo, kljub sodobnemu prizvoku, iste karakteristike kot starejša besedna folklora. Od človeka do človeka se prenašajo ustno, ujete so v tradicijo skupnosti in jih nujno najdemo v različnih variantah v času in prostoru. Če se urbana povedka sprva zdi premlada, da bi sploh lahko dosegla status folklore, podrobne raziskave pokažejo, da so njihove teme in cele zgodbe stare desetletja ali celo stoletja.« (Brunvand 1984: X). Drugo poglavitno vprašanje pri definiciji sodobne povedke je njen odnos do resničnosti; ali je njena vsebina umeščena in utemeljena v resničnosti ter kako je predstavljena in posredovana: kot resnična, verjetna ali neresnična. Osrednja zamisel velike večine vseh definicij (sodobne) povedke je, da ta predstavlja neresnično dejstvo za resnično. Po Brunvandovem mnenju gre pri teh oblikah pripovedne folklore za: » /.../ v 99 odstotkih apokrifne, a vseeno verjetne zgodbe, ki so 'predobre, da bi bile resnične.' Preveč so čudne, preveč naključne in predobro zastavljene, da bi jih lahko sprejeli za dobesedno resnico vsepovsod, kjer se pripovedujejo.« (2001: XXVIII). Ali kot je zapisal na nekem drugem mestu: »Teh strašnih zgodb se vam ni treba bati, saj se niso nikoli zgodile« (Degh 2001: 45). Čeprav folkloristi sodobnim povedkam priznavajo realizem v pripovedovanju (Brunvand 1981: 194), pa jih strogo ločijo od resničnosti dogodkov. Deghova ugotavlja, da so 6 Predvsem v ZDA zelo razširjen tip sodobne zgodbe o (samski) ženski, ki se vrne domov, kjer se njen pes (doberman) duši in ima težave z dihanjem. Odpelje ga k veterinarju, sama pa se vrne domov. Tam jo preseneti veterinarjev telefonski klic, v katerem jo posvari naj čimprej zapusti hišo in pokliče policijo, saj je v pasjem grlu našel krvav moški prst. Kasneje policija v hiši res najde vlomilca brez prsta (Mayor n.d.: 254). 277 Sodobne povedke: razmišljanje o »najbolj sodobnem« žanru pripovedne folklore vse ostale komponente definicij pravzaprav postavljene samo zato, da utemeljijo in poudarijo pogled, da sodobna povedka predstavlja neresnico kot resnico in hkrati priznava, da je bilo vprašanje verjetja (verovanja) nosilcev v povedano vedno ključno pri opredeljevanju sodobne povedke in povedke na splošno (Degh 2001: 46, Degh in Vaszonyi 1976: 94). Vprašanje kredibilnosti in resničnosti pa opozorjajo še na en vidik sodobnih povedk. Še ena od Brunvandovih opredelitev na primer pravi, da te zgodbe morajo biti neresnične, saj se enaki, po svoje bizarni dogodki nikakor niso mogli zgoditi: » /.../ na tako veliko krajih, tako veliko tetam, bratrancem, sosedom, sorodnikom in sošolcem stotisočih posameznih pripovedovalcev.« (1981: XII). Čeprav je njihova vsebina precej lokal(izira)na, kar pomeni, da prikazujejo lokalni kontekst svojih nosilcev, pa sočasna pojavnost enakih motivov na geografsko zelo oddaljenih območjih, hkrati pa tudi vsebinska kontinuiteta skozi daljše časovno obdobje kažeta, da so sodobne povedke pravzaprav migracijske. To pomeni, da njihove osnovne ideje niso omejene na le eno družbeno skupino, eno jezikovno skupino ali politično entiteto, ampak so del širše tradicije. Po mnenju Ulrike WolfKnuts je migracijska povedka edina prava oznaka sodobnih povedk, saj vključuje tako geografsko (sinhrona os) kot tudi časovno dimenzijo (diahrona os) (Wolf-Knuts 1987: 173). Zgoraj opisano vsebinsko prilagajanje povedk lokalnim okoliščinam in povzemanje lokalnih potez kot posledica njihove oblikovne nestabilnosti in ohlapnosti jim omogoča, da lahko prenesejo sporočilo in da z njim dosežejo željeni učinek pri svojih nosilcih kjerkoli in kadarkoli. Glavna značilnost lokaliziranih povedk je, da v fabuli predstavijo viden element iz nosilcem znanega okolja (nepremičnine, materialne dobrine, tehnologija, naravne poteze, pa tudi konkretne osebe), okoli katerega oscilira njena vsebina. Ta element pa je v zgodbi dokaz, da se je opisani dogodek res zgodil, kar poveča možnosti, da folklorna oblika doseže svoj namen. Terminologija Prevlada angleške terminologije v strokovni literaturi o sodobnih povedkah je logična posledica dejstva, da so se z njimi med prvimi in tudi sicer največ ukvarjali ameriški folkloristi. Če so tokove »tradicionalne« folkloristike oblikovale predvsem ideje evropskih znanstvenih tradicij, je ameriška folkloristika z velikimi teoretičnimi in praktičnimi obrati k raziskovanju sodobne folklore tako rekoč sama odprla novo poglavje, ostali akademski svet pa ji je bil prisiljen slediti. Hkrati se je raziskovanje in definiranje sodobnih povedk začelo v času, ko je angleščina dokončno postala lingua franca tudi v folklorističnem znanstvenem delu. Na drugi strani pa je prav »mladost« predmeta raziskave prinesla terminološke težave - terminologija, ki bi opisovala sodobne povedke, še zdaleč ni poenotena oziroma dogovorjena, avtorji pa v besedilih o sodobnih povedkah predlagajo številna različna poimenovanja predmeta raziskave. Med predlogi najdemo izraze, kot so »Contemporary legend«, »Urban legend«, »Modern urban legend«, »FOAF tale«, »Legend of our time« itd. Tudi slovenski termin, sodobna povedka, je arbitraren in do sedaj še ni doživel nobene refleksije o smiselnosti njegove uporabe. Ta je v slovenski folkloristiki (ko in če se o njej sploh govori) utemeljena samo s prevodi tuje literature in s splošno ugotovitvijo, da so te zgodbe žanrsko še najbližje povedkam (Piko-Rustia 2001: 65). Folkloristi se večinoma strinjajo, da največje težave pri oblikovanju terminologije predstavlja prilastek »sodoben/-bna«, sploh če predstavlja torišče za opredelitev specifič- 278 Ambrož Kvartič nega folklornega žanra. Ulrika Wolf-Knuts opozarja, da je treba za pravo razumevanje termina »sodoben«, predvsem pa njegove uporabe, poznati razmere in ideje v folkloristiki v času, ko so žanr sodobne povedke šele začeli raziskovati in ga prvič poskusili definirati. Ko so folkloristi spoznali, da folklora še zdaleč ni stara in preživeta oblika človekove ustvarjalnosti, je naenkrat postalo pomembno oblikovati novo terminologijo, ki bi opisala sodobne folklorne pojave, ki jim do takrat niso posvečali posebne pozornosti in jih je že to dejstvo naredilo drugačne (Wolf-Knuts 1987: 168). Enakega mnenja je tudi Bengt af Klintberg, ki sodobnih povedk sploh ne vidi kot nov žanr, povečano akademsko zanimanje zanje pa utemeljuje z omejenostjo starejše generacije folkloristov, ki so ignorirali vse, kar niso bile zgodbe predindustrijskih skupnosti (Degh 2001: 88). Prilastek »sodoben« oziroma »sodobna« predstavlja še nekoliko večjo težavo za slovenske raziskovalce sodobnih povedk. Anglofonska folkloristika uporablja za opredelitev sodobne povedke namreč dva različna termina, ki ju v slovenščino prevajamo enako: s »sodoben«. Prvi je »contemporary«, ki označuje umeščenost predmeta raziskave v neko določeno časovno obdobje, ki je sinhrono, torej enako obdobju, ko ga opisujemo. Drugače bi lahko ta termin prevedli kot »sočasen« ali »istočasen«, če pa se nanaša na bližnjo preteklost, pa tudi kot »nedaven«. Drugi angleški ekvivalent besedi za »sodoben« v uporabi pa je beseda »modern«. Ta izraz označuje vse, kar vrednostno presega svojega predhodnika; »najnovejši« ali še bolje »v skladu z najnovejšim«, lahko pa tudi »aktualen«. Slovenščina za oba navedena pomena uporablja besedo »sodoben« (SSKJ 1994: 1261), kar lahko privede do pojmovne zmede, saj z uporabo jezika oba pomena uporablja tudi slovenska folklori-stika pri prevajanju tujih besedil in posledičnih definicij predmeta raziskave žanra. Dodatno težavo pri uporabi pridevnika »sodoben« predstavlja dejstvo, da lahko pogosto šele iz konteksta zvemo, kdaj z njim dejansko kategoriziramo poseben žanr povedke, kdaj pa z njim povedko samo opisujemo; v tem primeru kronološko umeščamo. Primer te distinkcije je članek Monike Kropej z naslovom »Contemporary Legends from the Slovene Karst /.../« (Kropej 2005), v katerem avtorica predstavlja in interpretira »sodobne povedke« slovenskega Krasa in Notranjske. Vendar te zgodbe govorijo o nadnaravnih likih, kot so čarovnice, mora in velikani. Te zgodbe so tradicijske povedke, ki sicer res krožijo še danes (zato »sodobne«), vendar jih zgolj zaradi tega dejstva še ne moremo obravnavati kot sodobne povedke. Morda bi bilo za določitev »sodobnosti« v splošnem bolje uporabiti Klintbergovo skovanko »povedke našega časa«7 (Wolf-Knuts 1987: 173). Na nivoju terminologije je razmerje med urbano folkloro in urbano povedko podobno razmerju med sodobno folkloro in sodobno povedko. Izraz »urban« prihaja iz latinščine in pomeni »mesten, meščanski«. Skoraj vsako mesto je skozi daljše časovno obdobje produciralo svoje povedke že od sredine 19. stoletja dalje ali pa še dlje. Tako imajo skoraj vsa mesta svoj repertoar zgodb, ki lahko razlagajo nastanek urbanega središča ali njegovega dela, markantnih naravnih in umetnih elementov mesta, pripovedujejo o prebivalcih in tako naprej (prim.: Stanonik 1999; Marks 2000). Te zgodbe so zelo različnih žanrov pripovedne folklore, kot poseben žanr naj bi bila »urbana povedka« drugačna od njih. Kraji, kamor je postavljeno dogajanje v teh povedkah, so vsem, tako pripovedovalcu kot poslušalcem, znani deli mestnega okolja, kot jih lahko opazujejo v istem trenutku: restavracije, nakupovalni centri, šolski prostori, kinematografi, parkirišča in tako naprej. Enako velja za like, ki v zgodbi nastopajo; tudi kontekst je izključno sodoben: sodobna tehnologija, Legends of our time (o.p.). 279 Sodobne povedke: razmišljanje o »najbolj sodobnem« žanru pripovedne folklore avtomobili, sodoben način življenja. Tako urbana povedka odseva izključno »trenutni« svet, v katerem živimo, naš način življenja, naša opažanja in podobno. Vendar se s folklorističnimi raziskavami kopičijo dokazi, da takšne povedke niso izključno domena mest ali splošno urbanih naselij. Dela Gillian Bennett dokazujejo, da številna besedila, ki jih štejemo za urbane povedke, motivno in vsebinsko sploh niso povezana z urbanim okoljem (1985: 221). Nicolaisen pa podobno ugotavlja, da ima veliko »urbanih« povedk svoje vzporedne povedke v ruralnem okolju (Wolf-Knuts n.d.: 169). Wolf-Knutsova razlog za to, da so se začele te povedke označevati kot urbane, prav tako vidi v tradiciji folkloristike, ki je dolgo obravnavala folkloro in povedke kot nekaj izključno ruralnega, kmečkega. Nov predmet raziskave se loči tudi zaradi pozornosti, preusmerjene na urbano okolje, ki se prej ni raziskovalo. V folkloristični znanosti termin urbana povedka tako ne more biti sprejemljiv. Drugače je v (slovenskem) vsakdanjem govoru, kjer je ta termin splošno sprejet in pravzaprav edini, ki opisuje in ozavešča pojav sodobne povedke tudi zunaj folklorističnega miljeja. Struktura in oblika Sodobne povedke mnogo bolj kot oblika definira njihova vsebina oziroma njihovo sporočilo. Oblikovna ohlapnost in fleksibilnost jim omogočata prilagajanje na spremembe v času in prostoru, kjer živijo, medtem ko njihova sporočila zaradi svoje univerzalnosti ostajajo večinoma enaka (Degh 1994: 28). Tako bi skoraj lahko trdili, da je glavna oblikovna lastnost povedk, da fiksne forme nimajo. To nam razkrije že kontekst folklornega dogodka, kjer se pojavljajo, ki je pogosto neformalni in nestrukturirani, vsakdanji pogovor, na drugi strani pa lahko ob analizi zbranega gradiva opazujemo tudi prehajanje fabule povedk v druge sodobne žanre, kot so memorati, govorice in vici/šale. Vendar lahko kljub spremenljivosti in nestalnosti ob podrobni analizi besedil izluščimo in izpostavimo nekatere oblikovne posebnosti sodobnih povedk. Na začetku pripovedovanja (folklornega dogodka) je navadno naveden vir zgodbe, lahko je predstavljen tudi kot priča izvirnemu dogodku, ki potrjuje pristnost povedke in dogodka, ki ga opisuje. Hkrati sta na začetku določena tudi kraj in čas dogajanja. Takšna uvodna formulacija sicer ni pravilo. Uvodnim navedbam sledi dejanski opis neke situacije, pripoved ali zgodba (fabula), ki opisuje človekov družbeni vsakdanjik, v katerega vstopi nekaj nepričakovanega, nerazumljivega (tudi nerazložljivega), srhljivega, veselega ali grotesknega, bizarnega. Pripovedovanju po navadi sledi reakcija na povedano, njegovo vrednotenje, ki pa je skoraj praviloma kolektivno in dialoško. Navedba prvega vira zgodbe, osebe, ki naj bi opisan dogodek doživela, je med najpomembnejšimi mehanizmi, s katerimi poskuša pripovedovalec prepričati publiko v verodostojnost vsebine povedanega. Ta oseba najpogosteje ni imenovana, njena navedba pa pogosto ni dodatno utemeljena ali razložena: »Pripovedovalci predvidevajo, da se resnična dejstva, o katerih govorijo povedke, nahajajo samo en ali dva informatorja do zanesljive priče.« (Brunvand 1981: XI). Rodney Dale je leta 1978 v knjigi The tumor in a Whale (Degh 2001: 44) za to »objektivno« referenco ali celo pričo, ki utemelji pripovedovanje kot resnično, sestavil izraz »FOAF«, kar je kratica za »friend of a friend«8. Folkloristični svet je ta neologizem hitro sprejel, svoje mesto pa je dobil tudi v naslovu osrednje periodične 8 Prijateljev prijatelj; prijatelj od prijatelja (o.p.). 280 Ambrož Kvartič publikacije za raziskovanje sodobnih povedk - FOAFtale News. Termin FOAF je sicer zelo priročen, vendar je tudi problematičen. Tudi na nivoju jezika sodobne povedke lahko opazimo nekatere poteze, ki bi jih lahko opredelili kot njihovo oblikovno značilnost. V slovenskem jezikovnem prostoru gre za uporabo nekaterih besed, vključenih v pripovedovanje povedke, katerih funkcija je poudariti njeno vsebinsko lastnost, da govori o nečem, za kar obstaja verjetnost, da se je zgodilo. »Bajé« je med njimi najpogostejša, gre pa za domnevnostni členek, ki izraža negotovost neke trditve. »Baje« in njej sorodna »bojda« lahko nadomeščata tudi pripo-vedovalčevo objektivno referenco oziroma prvi vir pripovedi. Izhajata namreč iz glagola bajati, ki tako kot sorodne besede v drugih slovanskih jezikih pomeni pripovedovati, ali celo govoriti in zagovarjati (Snoj 1997: 21). To kaže na ustno širjenje besedila, razumemo pa jo lahko tudi kot zamenjavo za trpnik se govori, in hkrati posredno namigne, da je to že pripovedoval neimenovani nekdo. »Menda«, členek, ki izraža domnevo o nečem (SSKJ n.d.: 539), je manj zaznamovana beseda kot bajé in posredno ne kaže na vir ali način širjenja zgodbe. Tretji izraz je prevzet južnoslovanski (srbski/hrvaški) izraz »kao«, ki je v neposrednem prevodu enak slovenskemu vezniku »kot«. Beseda je v slovenščini slengizem - uporabljajo jo mladi - njena uporaba pa je značilna predvsem za območja, kjer je prišlo do večjega mešanja prebivalstva in posledično vnašanja tujih besed. Pomen besede »kao« se je v slovenskem prostoru rahlo spremenil in zožil, v stavku pa ne opravlja več funkcije veznika, pač pa postane členek, s katerim gotovostno določujemo povedi. Povedano drugače, »kao« je sredstvo, s katerim pripovedovalec poslušalcu dopusti možnost, da se je to, o čemer govori, lahko zgodilo. Med vsemi naštetimi besedami lahko izraz »kao« še najbolj neposredno povežemo s sodobnimi povedkami, saj je del besednjaka mladih, ki so najpogostejši nosilci teh zgodb. Nosilci Brunvand je za sodobne povedke med drugim zapisal: » /.../ pripoveduje pa jih najbolj sofisticiran »folk« sodobne družbe: mladi, prebivalci urbanih središč in izobraženci.« (1981: X). Prav mladi so največkrat predstavljeni kot nosilci sodobne folklore in z njo sodobnih povedk (Stanonik 2006: 158; Marks 2001: 227). Tej generacijsko definirani družbeni skupini lahko pripovedovanje dramatičnih, šokantnih zgodb pomeni tudi sredstvo v procesu socializacije. Toda pripovedovanje sodobnih povedk še zdaleč ni omejeno nanje, krožijo namreč tudi med drugimi družbenimi skupinami v sodobnosti, kot so na primer ljudje z istega delovnega mesta, člani društev in interesnih dejavnosti in podobno. Praktično vse oblike združevanja ljudi v družbene skupine v sodobnosti lahko že predstavljajo okolje za širjenje sodobne povedke. (Sodobna) povedka je dialoško zastavljen pripovedni žanr, kar pomeni, da mora nujno izzvati reakcijo publike. Tako poslušalci povedko komentirajo, ji nasprotujejo in ji dodajajo nove elemente, nekatere pa odvzamejo ter jo tako preoblikovano posredujejo naprej. Velika vloga sodelovanja publike je za življenje povedke tako pomembna, da je v folkloristični literaturi velikokrat predstavljena kot eden od kriterijev za njeno definicijo (Dégh 2001: 45; povzeto po Wyckoff 1993). Pri posameznem folklornem dogodku lahko vloge pripovedovalca in poslušalca oscilirajo hkrati z odzivom na konkreten folklorni tekst. S sprejemanjem publika postane tudi nosilec, vsak njen »član« pa tudi potencial- 281 Sodobne povedke: razmišljanje o »najbolj sodobnem« žanru pripovedne folklore ni novi pripovedovalec v novem folklornem dogodku, kar nadaljuje in razširi povedkin pripovedni conduit. Tako lahko že vsak folklorni dogodek raziskovalcu postreže z več variantami iste zgodbe. Sodobna družbena situacija poleg ustnega prenosa ponuja številne druge priložnosti za širjenje folklore, teh priložnosti pa je danes več, kot jih je bilo kadarkoli prej v zgodovini. V sodobnosti lahko izpostavimo tri elemente, ki so procese širjenja folklore postavili na glavo in premešali ali celo izničili vloge posameznih sodelujočih v folklornem dogodku, kar pomeni, da sodobne folklore (in z njo sodobnih povedk) ne moremo več preučevati, ne da bi te elemente upoštevali. To so: (množični) mediji, internet in popularna kultura. Če so bili drugi folklorni žanri za svoj obstanek prisiljeni stopiti iz tradicijskih okvirov v sožitje z mediji, pa je sodobna povedka (in z njo še nekatere druge folklorne oblike) z njimi povezana usodneje. Ta žanr je pravzaprav prvič pritegnil pozornost raziskovalcev prav zaradi svojega pojavljanja v medijih (Shojaei Kawan 1995: 103). Prve oblike sodobnih povedk, ki so jih folkloristi opazili po drugi svetovni vojni, so bile tako imenovane časopisne novice (Zeitungssagen), od takrat pa je bil pomen medijev pri širjenju teh zgodb že velikokrat poudarjen, ne pa tudi dobro analiziran. Zavedanje pomena medijev je danes nekatere raziskovalce sodobne povedke pripeljalo že tako daleč, da iščejo podatke in primere za svoje raziskovalno delo samo še v neustnih virih, kar temelji na vse bolj zagovar-jani tezi, da je ustno širjenje sodobnih povedk samo še reakcija na njihovo branje oziroma posledica sprejemanja iz medijev. Povedano drugače, ustno širjenje folklornih elementov lahko vidimo samo še kot most med drugimi, množičnimi in virtualnimi conduiti (Dégh 1994: 25). Zaenkrat nimamo dovolj podatkov, da bi lahko podprli to precej drzno trditev in z gotovostjo rekli, ali je res, da so danes mediji kot primarna oblika komunikacije tudi glavno sredstvo širjenja sodobnih povedk ali da te še vedno ostajajo predvsem na nivoju ustne komunikacije. Vseeno pa je povsem mogoče, da postane folklora v medijih prevladujoča paradigma znanstvenega dela folkloristike v prihodnosti. Mediji v prvi vrsti omogočajo, da lahko zgodbe (povedke) dosežejo mnogo večjo publiko v mnogo krajšem času, kot če bi se širile samo ustno, hkrati pa pomagajo pri spodbujanju njihove verjetnosti oziroma pri njihovem utemeljevanju v resničnosti (Brunvand 1981: XII ). Velikokrat so namreč predstavljeni kot osnovni vir neke zgodbe: zaradi svoje navidezne objektivnosti so največkrat dojeti tudi kot zanesljiva in objektivna referenca za vsebino zgodbe (Dégh 2001: 61). Mediji narekujejo tudi aktualnost neke zgodbe, proces hitrega pojavljanja in izginjanja tovrstnih zgodb pa močno vpliva na kreativnost in repertoar njihovih potencialnih nosilcev. Vlogo elektronskih medijev in virtualnih svetov pri življenju folklore so folkloristi pravzaprav šele začeli spoznavati. Internet je s sodobno povedko povezan neločljivo, in to ne samo zato, ker veliko povedk na vsebinski ravni govori o uporabi (in zlorabi) računalniške tehnologije in interneta kot še enega od elementov sodobne družbene stvarnosti, ampak tudi zato, ker lahko na njem opazujemo enak način podajanja informacij kot v »tradicionalnih« medijih. Predvsem pa je glavna »odlika« virtualnega sveta spletnih por-talov in forumov, da je od sredine devetdesetih let 20. stoletja postal središče popularnega zanimanja za sodobne povedke in danes predstavlja največji arhiv primerov tega folklornega žanra. To dejstvo se je najočitneje manifestiralo na t.i. forumih in drugih oblikah spletnih skupnosti, ki združujejo navdušence nad sodobnimi povedkami. Uporabniki teh živahnih 282 Ambrož Kvartič in zelo obiskanih spletnih portalov si povedke izmenjujejo, jih komentirajo, vrednotijo ter celo potrjujejo ali ovračajo.9 Vendar pojava/-nosti sodobne povedke na medmrežju ne moremo enačiti z »navadnim« folklornim dogodkom v smislu ustnega prenašanja. Linda Degh celo ugotavlja, da spletne skupnosti, ki govorijo o sodobnih povedkah, pravzaprav nimajo posebnega vpliva na dejansko širjenje zgodb med ljudmi, saj so kljub splošni dostopnosti te strani precej zaprti sistemi, v katerih ima folklora težave s prehajanjem v druge conduite, tako na internetu kot zunaj njega. Sodobne povedke, ki preko uporabnikov vstopijo v ta prostor, so podvržene ugotavljanju o njihovi verodostojnosti (resničnosti), kar pa izniči pomen, ki bi ga lahko imele, če bi se razširile naprej. Spletne skupnosti tudi pri ustvarjalnem procesu in konstrukciji novih variant posameznih zgodb ne kažejo velike kreativnosti, saj naj bi bile glavni vir povedk in znanja o njih že obstoječe zbirke in teoretična literatura, predvsem Brunvandov opus (Degh 1999: 65). Če se je z internetom zanimanje za sodobne povedke razširilo zunaj znanstvenih, folklorističnih krogov, pa je njihova priljubljenost močno narasla, ko sta jih za svoje vzeli tudi popularna kultura in industrija, ki jo podpira. Od osemdesetih let dvajsetega stoletja naprej lahko tako najdemo številne produkte popularne kulture, ki po svoje interpretirajo pojav sodobnih povedk in jih posredujejo potrošniku10. Sklepamo lahko, da je zaradi splošnega pomanjkanja tako strokovne kot tudi poljudne literature o sodobnih povedkah v slovenščini prav popularna kultura pomagala ta pojav ozavestiti pri širšem krogu ljudi pri nas. Zelo verjetno je tudi, da so produkti popularne kulture pomagali skonstruirati slovensko terminologijo, ki se nanaša na sodobne povedke v vsakdanjem govoru. Te zgodbe so namreč pri nas splošno znane kot »urbane legende« ali tudi kot »urbani miti« in ne kot »sodobne povedke«. Interpretacija Raziskovalec sodobnih povedk se ob vseh zbranih primerih zgodb in njihovih interpretacijah v folkloristični literaturi pogosto sreča z navideznim paradoksom (Brun-vand 1981: 1). Zdi se namreč presenetljivo, skoraj neverjetno, da se tudi v času splošne pismenosti, hitre množične komunikacije in neprestanega »širjenja obzorij« z migracijami različnih oblik še vedno rojevajo in širijo povedke. Če so povedke v tradicionalnem pomenu besede urejale človekov svet, ga umeščale v naravo ter vzpostavljale stik z nadnaravnim, se zdi, da ob vseh družbenih spremembah za takšne zgodbe v sodobnosti preprosto ni več potrebe. Vendar je človek kljub vsemu industrijskemu napredku še vedno ranljiv, prav tako se ni spremenila prisotnost zadovoljevanja čustvenih in psihičnih potreb posameznika(-ov), še vedno so prisotne socialne krize, politični in družbeni konflikti, strahovi, dnevne in nočne more, srečni dogodki in nesreče ter podobno. Vse to lahko spremljamo in opisujemo preko poznavanja raznih oblik folklore v sodobnosti (Brednich b.n.l.: 1047), sodobne povedke pa so tako veliko več kot samo besedila (teksti). Sporočila, ki jih nosijo, so podprta z njihovim kontekstom, za katerega predstavljajo določen pomen in izpolnjujejo določeno funkcijo. Zato je za njihovo pravo razumevanje in interpretacijo 9 Nekaj spletnih naslovov: http://www.urbanlegends.about.com, http://www.snopes.com, http://www.tafkac. org, http://www.dmoz.org/society/folklore, http://www.warphead.com 10 Slovenski kulturni prostor oblikujeta predvsem dva takšna elementa: Triler iz leta 1998 z naslovom Urban legend in psevdoznanstvena dokumentarna oddaja Mythbusters, kjer se voditelja z znanstvenimi in improviziranimi poskusi lotevata, kot temu pravita sama, »razbijanja (uničevanja) urbanih mitov«. 283 Sodobne povedke: razmišljanje o »najbolj sodobnem« žanru pripovedne folklore pomembno, da je akcija zbiranja povedk zaokrožena s podatki o kontekstu, kjer se sodobna povedka širi in živi: »Samo zavedanje o teh besedilih ni dovolj; ne bi se širila, če ljudje njihovih osrednjih idej ne bi imeli za kredibilne. Da bi razumeli splošno priljubljenost teh zgodb, se moramo zavedati tudi njihove umeščenosti v resnično življenje.« (CampionVincent 2002: 33). Ob vseh različnih pogledih na sodobno povedko, lahko ugotovimo, da je pravzaprav šele njen kontekst tista differentia specifica, ki jo opredeli kot »sodobno«. V pragmatičnem smislu to pomeni, da analiza sodobnih povedk, ob pravilni in utemeljeni interpretaciji, raziskovalca folklore privede do svojevrstnega vpogleda v človekov način življenja, kar lahko predstavlja zelo dragocen prispevek k interdisciplinarni analizi sodobne človeške družbe in kulture v celoti. Sporočila, ki jih nosijo sodobne povedke, se lahko izražajo na več ravneh. Večinoma so jasna in konkretna, včasih jih med folklornim dogodkom pripovedovalec publiki posreduje tudi neposredno (Brunvand 2001: 12), in izpolnjujejo vzgojno funkcijo s prikazovanjem (negativnih) primerov. Druge zgodbe posredujejo sporočilo bolj subtilno, saj predstavljajo sredstvo, kako izraziti tisto, česar se zaradi zunanjih omejitev ali pritiskov (npr. družbeno sprejetih vzorcev obnašanja) ne sme izraziti drugače. Povedano drugače, iz sodobnih povedk lahko razberemo splošno kritiko dogajanja in sprememb v družbenem okolju. Na drugi strani nosijo sodobne povedke tudi močan simbolni pomen in sekundarna sporočila, ki jih lahko izluščimo šele s podrobnim poznavanjem simbolnega konteksta, ki ga predstavlja tudi človekova osebnost. Sodobne povedke so namreč močno sredstvo za psihološko projekcijo negativnih čustev in strahov (Dundes 1980: 33-61) in tako pomagajo izražati tudi tisto, česar ljudje niti ne morejo drugače artikulirati, sem pa sodi tudi kolektivno nezavedno. Vse značilnosti sodobne povedke - oblikovna nestabilnost, poudarjen proces lo-kaliziranja zgodb in konverzacijsko, dialoško naravnano pripovedovanje, pri katerem je vsebina postavljena na družbeno rešeto - so posledica njene osredotočenosti na prenos sporočila, ki je pogosto univerzalno in kot takšno lažje doseže svoj namen, hkrati pa ta značilnost odpira različne možnosti znanstvene interpretacije. In prav zaradi tega je kontekst ključen, integralen del povedke in njenega življenja v sodobnosti ter ključen faktor pri njenem razumevanju. Sodobne povedke v Velenju Za območje raziskave, na podlagi katere je nastalo besedilo pred vami, sem si izbral Velenje, po številu prebivalstva peto največje mesto v Sloveniji. Zanj sem se odločil predvsem zato, ker sta sodobno Velenje oblikovali specifična historična in demografska situacija ter zato predstavlja zanimiv in bogat kontekst za življenje sodobnih povedk. V svoji petdesetletni zgodovini, odkar je uradno priznano za mesto, je Velenje doživelo večje in temeljitejše družbene spremembe kot kateri koli drug kraj v Sloveniji. Odkritje lignita na začetku 20. stoletja in posledični razvoj pomožne in samostojne industrije sta sprožila velike družbene procese priseljevanja delavcev iz več območij Slovenije in iz vseh republik bivše Jugoslavije ter Albanije. Sledila je predvsem udarniška izgradnja stanovanjske in javne infrastrukture, v veliki meri podprta z ideologijo takratne SFRJ. Zaradi hitrega gospodarskega in družbenega napredka je bilo Velenje postavljeno za zgled vsem mestom v celotni bivši Jugoslaviji, do leta 1990 pa se je imenovalo po nekdanjemu predsedniku 284 Ambrož Kvartič skupne države. Dediščina opisanega zgodovinskega razvoja so mešanje različnih etnij in narodnosti na majhnem prostoru, trki med lokalnim prebivalstvom in velikim valom priseljencev, hitra, včasih tudi nepremišljena urbanizacija in industrializacija, okoljevarstveni problemi in podobno. Vse to je oblikovalo in še oblikuje specifičen družbeni in kulturni kontekst, ki se zrcali v sodobni folklori. Najpogostejši motivni tip sodobnih povedk v Velenju so zgodbe, ki govorijo o različnih vrstah kontaminacije hrane. Ta se kaže v različnih predmetih ter delih živali in človeškega telesa, ki jih gost dobi v hrani (pripravljeni ali surovi), ki jo je naročil pri trgovcu ali gostincu. Velenjske povedke o kontaminaciji hrane na motivni ravni izpostavljajo dve družbeni skupini, ki se jim zlo dejanje v zgodbi najpogosteje pripiše: tujce/ priseljence in mesarje. Povedke slednjim skoraj enotno pripisujejo uporabo človeškega, celo izključno ženskega mesa za mesarske proizvode. Pri razumevanju teh povedk moramo poleg pejorativnega odnosa do mesarjev kot poklicne skupine upoštevati tudi očiten namig na kanibalizem oziroma na kršenje tega tabuja, česar pri drugih zgodbah o hrani ne najdemo. S11: Par desetletij nazaj naj bi v Šaleku živel en mesar, ki je ženske ugrablju pa iz njihovih jošk meso uporablu za svoje izdelke. Men se zdi, da je delu mesni sir al ka že iz tega. Zato si js tega nikol nism upu jest! To mi je pa povedla moja oma. Sam verjetno pa ni res. (6) S: Je mesar iz bližnjega kraja vozu ženska trupla, in sicer zgodilo se je tk, da je na poti v Vojnik na enmu rukerju so se odprla vrata tovornjaka in iz tistega tovornjaka je padla ženska noga. In pol so ljudje začeli govorit, da daje žensko meso v hrenovke. R: Kako pa veš, da je bila ženska noga in ne moška? S: Ja ne vem, mogoče je bla pa nalakirana (smeh). (1) Variante povedk o mesarjih lahko interpretiramo tudi kot odraz odnosa ljudi do smrti in ubijanja, s katerima se mesarji vsakodnevno srečujejo, to pa jih močno družbeno zaznamuje. Še več, mesarji so družbeno sprejeta in potrjena »destruktivna« skupina, ki imajo v rokah moč vzeti življenje. V povedkah je izražen prikrit strah pred zlorabo te moči; če zmorejo brez zadržkov vzeti življenje živali, so ga zmožni vzeti tudi človeku. Zgodba o dekletu, ki se samozadovoljuje z nekim predmetom ali spolno občuje z živaljo (motiv zoofilije), je v Velenju precej pogosta in je razširjena predvsem med osnovnošolci in mlajšimi srednješolci. Skupni element vseh variant te povedke je, da po spolnem aktu del predmeta ostane ujet v dekletovi nožnici. S: Js se spomnem, ko smo enkrat meli v osnovni šoli za malco hrenovke. Pol se je pa kr naenkrat začelo govorit, da je ena punca vzela tisto hrenovko pa šla na WC, pa da si jo je not porinala, pol se ji je pa zlomla, pa je ni mogla več vn dobit. In pol je kao ravnatl klicu rešilca, da so ji šli v zdravstveni dom tisto vn spravit. (2) Pri zapisu povedk, ki sem jih zbral na terenu, uporabljam na začetku posameznih replik inicialke, ki povedo, kdo je njihov »avtor«. To so S(ogovornik), R(aziskovalec) in I(nternetni informator). (op. p.) 285 Sodobne povedke: razmišljanje o »najbolj sodobnem« žanru pripovedne folklore Psihoanalitični diskurz o folklori pravi, da je ena od njenih pomembnih funkcij tudi ta, da predstavlja sredstvo, s katerim lahko izražamo nezavedno, tisto, česar neposredno ne moremo ali ne znamo artikulirati (Dundes 1988: 36). Konkretno zgodbo lahko v luči te funkcije razumemo kot obrambni mehanizem, ki pomaga izraziti strah pred prvim srečanjem s spolnostjo oziroma pred prvim spolnim odnosom; strah pred tem, da če bo dekle nekaj vstavilo v svojo nožnico, da bo to tam tudi ostalo, kar pomeni, da jo bo to zaznamovalo za vedno. Misel o izraženem strahu lahko peljemo še korak dlje in lahko povedko interpretiramo tudi kot izraz bojazni pred spočetjem in nosečnostjo. Analogija med faličnim predmetom, katerega del ostane ujet v nožnici, in spočetjem je očitna. S1: V Velenju, tam na jezeru, tam, kjer so one hiše pri stadionu, je kao ena ženska živela in je s psom pač seksala, a ne. Js sm to slišal, mi je to moj cimer povedal. In baje pes, ko konča, mu baje ... (4) S2: Mu bula zraste ... (2) S1: ne vem, nekaj mu nabrekne in ga potem ven ne dobi. In so jo morali potem v zdravstveni dom peljat, pa ga ven dobit. (4) S3: Ja sam to se psu menda res zgodi! (14) Gornjo povedko lahko razumemo tudi v luči druge funkcije. Sploh v drugem primeru je očiten tabu zoofilije, v obeh primerih pa je prikazano »nenaravno« spolno občevanje, ki odstopa od norm, sprejetih v družbi. Kot »nenaravna« spolnost je v družbi pojmovano tudi samozadovoljevanje, ki ga opisuje prva zgodba. Ker je dekle v obeh primerih prekršilo družbeno sprejete norme spolnosti in spolnega občevanja, se mora soočiti s posledicami, ki prinašajo telesno anomalijo, to pa lahko odpravi samo družbena avtoriteta oziroma avtoriteta odraslega sveta; v tem primeru zdravnik z operativnim posegom. S: Pač kao naj bi se zgodilo to, da je pač ena gospa kupla nek ful zajeban avto, ne vem, audi A5, A6, kao ful drag. In ko je hotla parkirat noter v garažo, je glih tk nekod ... bil je ful širok avto, pa je pač butnala in je špegu dol padu pa se razbil. In pol je tam za steklom, ko se je razbil, pač ko je špegu dol padu, je bil kao rezervn ključ od avta noter skrit. Pa ona ni vedla pa njej tudi niso povedli, ka naj bi bil ta ključ noter skrit. In pol kao naj bi blo to, da pač proizvajalci sami naštimajo noter ključ, da se ga lažje ukrade, da pol to mafiji prodajajo al ka. (7) Zadnji primer se sooča s precej pogostim pojavom kraje avtomobila, ki je grožnja, s katero se vsakodnevno srečujejo predvsem prebivalci urbaniziranih naselij. Vendar se v lokalno dogajanje celo v aktivni vlogi vmeša velika proizvajalka avtomobilov, mednarodna korporacija, ki z načrtnimi dejanji pomaga lokalnim tatovom. Ta pomoč pri kriminalnem dejanju je v navedeni povedki predstavljena celo kot partnersko sodelovanje, kar da zgodbi novo razsežnost za njeno interpretacijo. To sodobno povedko lahko namreč razumemo v luči drugega pomembnega aspek-ta, ki ga je izpostavil Gary Alan Fine (1979). V njej lahko vidimo funkcijsko vrednost, saj izraža strah pred pretirano industrializacijo družbenega okolja, predstavlja pa tudi sredstvo, kako se soočiti s brezosebnimi velikimi korporacijami, ki z upravljanjem materialnih dobrin usmerjajo življenje malega človeka, kot se jim zazdi (Fine n.d.: 479). Velenjska povedka gre še korak dlje od golega prikaza brezbrižnosti brezosebne velike korporacije in 286 Ambrož Kvartič izpostavi teorijo zarote, aktivno načrtno škodovanje svoji stranki, prelomljeno poslovno sodelovanje, dokaz zahrbtnosti in dvoličnosti. Tako jo lahko razumemo tudi kot splošen izraz nezaupanja proizvajalcem in distributerjem materialnih dobrin v sodobnem družbenem okolju. Sklep Po opravljenem zbiranju in analizi sodobnih povedk v Velenju se lahko strinjam z mednarodno folkloristično skupnostjo, ko pravi, da dokončne definicije sodobne povedke (še) ne moremo sprejeti. Glede na to, da gre za folklorno obliko, na katero je folklori-stika prvič opozorila šele pred pol stoletja, je razumljivo, da vsako novo delo o sodobnih povedkah izpostavi nove neznanke in reflektira stare, med katerimi še posebej izstopa vprašanje, kaj je pri sodobni povedki sploh sodobnega in zakaj jo ločevati od povedke v tradicionalnem pomenu. Tako zaradi množice različnih idej tudi ne moremo povsem odgovoriti na večkrat zastavljeno vprašanje, ali gre pri sodobni povedki za poseben žanr ali ne. Ob vseh zastavljenih in neodgovorjenih vprašanjih, ki zaznamujejo raziskovanje tega folklornega pojava, se zdi, da sta vso zmedo in nejasnosti še najlepše ilustrirala Gillian Bennett in Paul Smith z ironično opazko - parafrazo poročne zaobljube mladoporočencev: » /.../ ta stvar, ta koncept, ta fenomen, ki se v dobrem in v slabem, v revščini in bogastvu ter v bolezni in zdravju imenuje 'sodobna povedka'.« (1990: 9). V vsakem pogledu gre za kontroverzno in morda prav zaradi tega najbolj zanimivo folklorno obliko v sodobnosti. V luči prizadevanj za interdisciplinarnost humanistične in družboslovne znanosti lahko folkloristika z empiričnimi raziskavami in z interpretacijo sodobnih povedk vsekakor pomaga bolje razumeti sodobno družbo in kulturo. In obratno: podatki o sodobni družbi (torej o kontekstu), ki jih prispevajo druge znanstvene discipline - antropologija, etnologija, psihologija, sociologija, zgodovina in podobno - lahko folkloristiki pomagajo bolje razumeti pojav sodobne povedke, najbolj »sodobnega« od vseh žanrov pripovedne folklore. Literatura Ben-Amos 1976 'Introduction'. V: Folklore genres, Dan Ben-Amos, ur. Austin, London: University of Texas Press. Str. 93-123. Bennett, Gillian 1985 'What's »Modern« about the Modern Legend'. Fabula 26: 219-229. Bennett, Gillian in Paul Smith, ur. 1990 Contemporary legend: The first five years. Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press. Brednich, Rolf Wilhelm b.n.l. 'Sage'. Enzyklopädie des Märchens 11 (3): 1041-1050. 1990 Die Spinne in der Yucca-Palme. München: C. B. Beck. Brunvand, Jan Harold 1981 Vanishing hitchhiker. New York, London: W.W.Norton & Company. 287 Sodobne povedke: razmišljanje o »najbolj sodobnem« žanru pripovedne folklore 1984 Choking doberman. New York, London: W.W.Norton & Company. 2001 Encyclopedia of Urban Legends. New York, London: W.W. Norton & Company. Campion-Vincent, Veronique 2002 'Organ Theft Narratives as Medical and Social Critique'. Journal of Folklore Research 39 (1): 33-49. Christiansen, Reidar Thoralf 1985 The Migratory Legends: A Proposed List of Types with a Systematic Catalogue of the Norwegian Variants. Helsinki: Academia Scientiarium Fennica. Degh, Linda 1994 American Folklore and the Mass Media. Bloomington in Indianapolis: Indiana University Press. 1999 'Collecting legends today'. V: Europäische Ethnologie und Folklore im Internationalen Kontext, Ingo Schneider, ur. Frankfurt am Main, Berlin, Bern Bruxelles, New York: Peter Lang. Str. 55-66. 2001 Legend and Belief: Dialectics of a Folklore Genre. Bloomington in Indianapolis: Indiana University Press. Degh, Linda in Andrew Vazsonyi 1977 'Legend and belief'. V: Folklore genres, Dan Ben-Amos, ur. Austin, London: University of Texas Press. Str. 93-123. Dundes, Alan 1980 Interpreting Folklore. Bloomington: Indiana Univeristy Press. Fine, Gary Alan 1978 'Cokelore and Cokelaw: Urban Belief Tales and the Problem of Multiple Origins'. Journal of American Folklore 92: 477-482. Fischer, Helmut 1991 Der Rattenhund. Köln in Bonn: Rheinland-Verlag. Kropej, Monika 1996 'Prošnja za sodobne zgodbe: Nenavaden vlom'. Glasnik SED 36 (1): 51. 2004 'Sodobne zgodbe študentov Univerze v Ljubljani'. Traditiones 33 (1): 175-200. 2003 'Contemporary legends among Slovenian students in Ljubljana'. FOAFtale news, 56, str. 1-5. 2005 'Contemporary Legends from the Slovene Karst in Comparison with Fairylore And belief traditions'. Studia Mythologica Slavica 8 (1): 227-250. 2007 'Folk narrative in the era of electronic media : a case study in Slovenia : paper presented at the 14th congress of the ISFNR, Tartu, July 26-31, 2005'. Fabula 48, (1/2), str. 1-15. Marks, Ljiljana 2000 Vekivečni Zagreb: Zagrebačke priče i predaje. Zagreb: AGM. 2001 'Suvremena hrvatska usmena kazivanja i njihov europski kontekst'. V: Drugi Hrvatski slavistički kongres: Zbornik radova II, b.n.ur. Zagreb: Hrvatsko filološko društvo. Str. 227-235. Mayor, Adrienne 1992 'Ambiguous Guardians: The »Omen of the wolves« (a.d. 402) and the »Choking Doberman« (1980s)'. Journal of Folklore research 29 (3): 253-268. Piko-Rustia, Martina 2001 'Sodobno pripovedništvo na Koroškem'. Glasnik SED 41 (1,2): 65-67. 288 Ambrož Kvartič Shojaei-Kawan, Christine 1995 'Contemporary Legend Research in German-Speaking Countries.' Folklore 106: 103-110. Snoj, Marko 1997 Slovenski etimološki slovar. Ljubljana: Mladinska knjiga. SSKJ 1994 Slovar slovenskega knjižnega jezika. Ljubljana: Državna založba Slovenije. Stanonik, Marija 2001a Bela Ljubljana. Ljubljana: Kmečki glas. 2001b Teoretični oris slovstvene folklore. Ljubljana: Založba ZRC, ZRC SAZU. 2006 Procesualnost slovstvene folklore. Ljubljana: Založba ZRC, ZRC SAZU. 2008 Interdisciplinarnost slovstvene folklore. Ljubljana: Založba ZRC, ZRC SAZU. 5683. Wolf-Knuts, Ulrika 1987 'Modern urban legends seen as migratory legends'. ARV 43: 167-177. Internetni viri http://www.velenje.com, pregledano 26.9.2009; http://www.urbanlegends.about.com, pregledano 17.9.2009; http://www.snopes.com, pregledano 17.9.2009; http://www.tafkac.org, pregledano 17.9.2009; http://www.dmoz.org/society/folklore, pregledano 17.9.2009; http://www.imdb.com, pregledano 23.9.2009; http://www.vest.si, pregledano 6.9.2009; Contemporary Legends: A Reflection about the »Most Contemporary« Genre of Folk Narrative Research Ambrož Kvartič Ever since the American folklore scholars (Linda Degh, Jan Harold Brunvand et. al.) have described the phenomenon of contemporary (urban) legends - legends that circulate primarily in urban environments and are dispersed not only orally from one person to another but can be found in the mass media as well - this folklore genre has gained significant international scientific attention. In Slovenia however, contemporary legends have yet to be studied. Monika Kropej was the first Slovene folklore scientist to bring up contemporary legendry. She did so in 1996 via a manifesto towards the reader, inviting one to contribute to the »modern stories« in her article in the Slovene Ethnological Society Bulletin. Not much has been done afterwards - some stories that can qualify as contemporary legends can be found in published collections of folk narratives, but the theoretical work has just started. One cannot fully understand the phenomenon of the contemporary legend without seeing the recent atmosphere in the international folklore studying community. In the second 289 Sodobne povedke: razmišljanje o »najbolj sodobnem« žanru pripovedne folklore half of the 20th century folklore took on new forms with the folklore scholars, and new narrative genres emerged, proving that it is quite wrong to think that the industrialization and informatics of today have nothing to do with folklore and that it is only the subject matter of the past. Among all folklore genres of today, the contemporary legend is the only one that is described by the term »contemporary«. The classic definition of these stories is that they are the account of an experience or an event considered as factual, or in other words, unlikely stories told as true. They are still distributed orally but the mass media, internet and even the products of popular culture (such as movies) are bringing them to a much wider audience by creating new, ever changing folklore conduits and on the other hand creating "scientific" public interest in them outside the milieux of folklore scholars. The themes and motifs of these legends, however, are not entirely new. They can be found as early as in the 19th century all across Europe and Anglophone America, meaning that they have had a certain function for the people during a longer period of time, and that they can be studied as migratory legends. But what shapes these motifs into legendry of today is the modern-day context that feeds them and which they reflect. That means that they can live in a society only if they have become localised - describing a world close to those who tell them and those who listen to them. The life of contemporary legend is strongly affected by its relation with other contemporary genres of folklore, such as memorates (personal narrative stories), rumours and jokes. In the field, one can observe the formal transformation of stories from one genre to another, as they are formally very unstable, emerging in the everyday chats among people in various situations. The paper presents a few examples of contemporary legendry in Velenje, a young industrial town in the North-West of Slovenia, defined by mass immigration from all republics of former Yugoslavia following the discovery of coal in the area. »The melting pot« of different national and regional identities represents a unique context for many types of urban legends, jokes and other contemporary folk narrative genres to emerge and circulate, reflecting local aspects of Velenje as well as a wider content and formal influences. In Velenje one can find manifold contemporary legend motifs that portray a certain age, professional or religious groups, as well as fairly common stories that reflect people's subconscious fear towards the "Other" in their society. 3333 Folklore in Mass Media: National Garb, Places of Identity and Fairies in (Post)communist Advertising Simona Klaus There are many ways in which folklore elements, motifs and events appear in the mass media. I will try to put forward some examples in Slovenian advertising and analyse the elements of folklore used. The advertisements in question have been made between the 1970s and the end of the 20th century and for better understanding of the broader social situation in those various times, the political situation is also mentioned. The aim of the article is to show the variety in using the folklore motifs in Slovenian advertising through a longer period of time. The advertisements in a way reflect the social climate in which they were made and the folklore motifs are also used to express a particular agenda. It has to be pointed out that the connections between folklore motifs, advertisements and political agendas are made from the subjective viewpoint of the author. Slovenia, as an ex-Yugoslav republic, developed through most of the 20th century under a communist regime. Communism in Yugoslavia, which was relatively anti-Western, was able to spread its propaganda, the sense of brotherhood and unity through control and censorship of the mass media. Until the 80s, advertisements and the folklore elements which appear in them represented the Yugoslav union. Slovenia separated from Yugoslavia and became independent in 1991. The same strategy was used, but this time the goal was to strengthen the newborn country's identity. Swift technological development and the rise of the mass media in the last decade have influenced human society and the way of life. Humankind was able to adapt to the new media and use them to reach its goals; political propaganda, advertising or transmission of myths and legends. It is well known in the contemporary field of ethnology and anthropology that elements of folklore appear in the mass media, although they are often transformed and used in numerous different ways. In this article we will take a look at advertising and four examples of ads in which various folklore elements can be identified. Since Slovenian independence welcomed the arrival of the global processes or "westernization" of Slovenian society, one of the results was that advertising of foreign traditions and folklore elements appeared in local mass media. In my thesis, I argue that the changes of the post-communist era can be seen through the use of folklore elements (such as folk songs, national garb, folk beliefs, sayings, legends etc.) in commercials. Four examples of Slovenian television advertisements, each with its own type of folklore elements used, will be analyzed in this paper in order to illustrate the social and political situation in the 1980s, 1990s and at the end of the 20th Century. 291 Folklore in Mass Media: National Garb, Places of Identity and Fairies in (Post)communist Advertising About advertising and its functions We can say that sooner or later every new medium is "affected" by advertising. An advertisement (or shorter - ad) promotes services and products in various ways and spaces. Ads exist in many forms; oral, printed or digital and appear in newspapers, on television or radio, in games, on the internet, posters etc. Advertising has developed together with the development of various mass media and has undergone many changes since the 1980s, when numerous styles, concepts and patterns of advertising began to appear (Goldman 1992: 4). It has become inseparable from our everyday lives and reality. Renée Dickason argues that "advertising has become a fully emancipated partner in the audiovisual media and has come to be an accepted part of the spectacle offered by television' (2000: 1, 159). Today we can observe advertising in its full strength and colourfulness. Defining the various roles of advertising in the modern world can help us to understand capitalist societies in the past and today. This article sees certain ads firstly as a means of selling products and secondly as promoters of ideological agendas. This second function is often not planned and it appears after the public sees it and defines it in this way. The examples analysed here can be divided into two parts; three advertisements (Radenska, Bono cookies and Dobre vile) were made for companies and are part of their internal marketing process, the fourth example (Slovenia, my homeland) is special because it was made as a part of tourism promotion and was a part of a broader spectrum of activities through a longer period of time1. With mixing the third aspect, folklore motifs and elements, things become even more complex. I'm aware of the problematic stance when claiming that folklore elements used in advertisements promote ideological values in societies. The analysis of forums and blogs and newspaper articles has made it clear that the public sometimes construct different meanings, and I will argue that this happened in the case of the examples mentioned below. Advertising has become a very diverse (and costly) part of our everyday reality. It comes directly to the consumer and it has "a capacity to induce belief2" (Book, Cary, Tannenbaum 1995: 107-108). Advertising is a part of the larger process of mass marketing which includes design, packaging, and retail display. Through it, as carried through the mass media, the imaging process reaches the consumer, publicly and privately. The idea of "consumer need3" has its roots in the needs of individuals, which appear under certain circumstances (they can be learned). The "need" has its social and spiritual role in society (Ule 1996: 14-17). Products have symbolic meaning, which defines a number of different needs, desires and values (Wernick 1991: 33, 34). And this symbolic part is in my opinion the area where secondary meanings of the ads formulate. Even though goods are knitted into our social lives through advertising, sometimes the outcome of the ad campaign has unexpected consequences in the society as one of the examples below will demonstrate. The ads in question were aired on television, which is incorporated in our everyday life to such a degree that it is complicated to recognize what kind of impact on society the mass media do have and vice versa. The television is a specific medium which both reflects and 1 First ideas about tourism promotion were expressed in the early 1980's, the ad was recorded in 1986 and aired in 1987, but the promotion went on under various other slogans (Prepadnik 2008). 2 The saying Seeing is believing seems to be very in place at this point. 3 The advertisement's logic conceals this by inverting the relation between subject and object, depicting com-moditized relations as real (or desirable and attainable) (Goldman 1992: 35-36). 292 Simona Klaus interprets society and influences it. This article will try to show its (sometimes not completely controlled) power of persuasion and of promoting certain values, ideology and ideas to audiences through a longer period of time. Is an ad a mirror of society and can it be a medium for ideological influence? An advertisement can be both at the same time, a mirror of society and a medium for ideological influence. It will be shown below that the social circumstances are reflected in an ad and are also often used in the script to make the ad more familiar to the public. The claim that ads are mirrors of society opens a lot of new questions about relationships between making and creating advertisements and a certain cultural background. Whoever wants to create a successful advertisement has to be aware of the fact that the audience is much segmented. Television holds its power in the ability to address a huge population at the same time. In the contemporary advertising industry this fragmentation means that TV (and all other) ads must be written to address these various segments (Book, Cary, Tannenbaum 1995: 107). Advertising companies define their focus groups through research before the making of an ad. People forming different audiences are defined by their age, sex, interests, hobbies, beliefs, education, religion etc. Audience reaction to advertisement is a crucial point for an ad to be successful or unsuccessful. One way of understanding the mirror concept is to look from the global perspective. Companies that aim to advertise their products or services globally, have to adapt the marketing strategy to the specific location or country. Marieke de Mooji stated that all manifestations of culture, at different levels, are reflected in advertising. As a result, effective global advertising reflects culture, is a mirror of culture (de Mooji 1998: 38). Effective advertising uses the symbolization of products to simply deliver back to people the culture and values that are their own (Wernick 1991: 42). On the other hand, advertising agencies face problems when integrating aspects of culture into their ads. Language for example is the reflection of culture, and words expressing people's values cannot be easily translated (de Mooji 1998: 61). It is often not possible to use the same advertisement in different countries. There are some difficulties with the translation of the Dobre vile ad because there is a play on words in Slovene which is hard to explain in English4. Even the ads that are made in the way which allows for translation, sometimes don't appear to be as good as they should. Music is another problematic aspect of culture used in advertising. "A people's music is inseparable from their lives, and songs represent an important part of their identity" (de Mooji 1998: 59). There will be an interesting example of this aspect below. The connections between advertising and ideologies are indeed complex. Advertising draws deeply from the predispositions, hopes, and concerns of its audiences, but it reformulates them visually to suit its own purposes, not always reflecting meaning but rather reconstituting it. Ideologies which exist as systems of belief in all world cultures, build their credibility mostly with the help of images. "Images are an important means through which ideologies are produced and onto which ideologies are projected" (Sturken and Cart-wright 2001: 21). And as a consequence, advertisements can be a suitable means for the transmission of ideological agendas. There are several ideologies that exist in a society 4 In Slovene, the word vile means both fairies or hayfork but it is not the same in English. 293 Folklore in Mass Media: National Garb, Places of Identity and Fairies in (Post)communist Advertising at the same time and there are constant fights for hegemony5 between them. Ideologies mainly exist collectively; they strengthen individuals' sense of belonging to society and promote the ruling class agendas. It is interesting to note that especially film and television are media in which we see reinforced ideological constructions (Sturken in Cartwright 2001: 21-22). Folklore and the mass media Throughout the 20th century folklorists had a strict definition of what their field of research is supposed to be. In times when anthropologists discovered and studied »primitive« peoples all over the world, folklorists tried to save traditional dances, songs and events, poems and myths, the heritage of previous generations of their homelands. Studies of illiterate rural people, usually peasants, and their oral traditions kept folklorists busy until the late 1970s. The mass media were well established by then and folklorists saw a great threat in them. Folklore elements and old traditions were vanishing in front of their eyes, as the mass media spread in the everyday life of people, and societies and cultures changed very rapidly. It was impossible for folklore to maintain its existence without field of study and as a matter of necessity; great changes had to be made (see Dundes 1980, Bendix 1997: 10). Folklorists had to redefine their area and objects of study. Alan Dundes refused the definition of folk as illiterate rural peasants and instead said that "the term folk can refer to any group of people whatsoever who share at least one common factor" (1980: 6-7). There is an important concept in folkloristics that had defined its field of study from the beginning - authenticity. Regina Bendix showed in her book In search of authenticity: the formation of folklore studies that in the past the authenticity was the main criterion for defining the object in folkloristics (1997: 5). The search for authenticity among scholars led them to unspoiled rural inhabitants and to their past rituals. Bendix is against the further use of the concept of authenticity in folkloristics (1997: 7-10). With that put aside, and also the redefinition of folk and the theory of variability of folklore elements, folkloristics was saved from decline and new areas of research were opened. If folklore elements existed in multiple forms and places, their transmission wasn't only oral, but also written and visual. Printed and visual media were soon recognised as places of traditional and/or folklore elements. Of course, the changes didn't happen overnight and a few major researches had to be published in order for mass media to be fully recognised as a field of folklore studies (see Sullenberger 1974, Dundes and Pagter 1975, Degh 1994). It soon became clear that the mass media contribute to the existence and development of folklore. Now, not only can we study variations of folklore in various mass media, we can also see the rise of new folklore forms6 as a consequence of their existence in the mass media (Dundes 1980). Slovenian folkloristics was facing the same problem; defining the field of study anew, and looked upon and followed - although in a somewhat slower fashion - the international folklorist community and its struggle to define folkloristics in the changed world of mass media and the information society. The development of visual anthropology promoted new research methods in other fields of study, including folkloristics. Not only did 5 Antonio Gramsci introduced the concepts of hegemony and counter hegemony in the 1930s (see Sturken in Cartwright 2001: 53-54). 6 Alan Dundes writes about computer folklore and folklore about computers (1980: 17). 294 Simona Klaus the visual recording of songs, dances and rituals blossom, but the appearance of folklore motifs in the mass media ceased to be seen only in a negative way, i.e. as folklorism. Many forms of folklore elements appear in various mass media7, from myth, legend and fairytale to costumes, songs and dances. At this point, we should ask ourselves, why are folklore elements used in the mass media at all? It is not easy to find an answer, but a lot of scholars have stated that the key to the use of folklore in such ways lies in its effect on people. For those who recognise folklore elements, they feel familiar with it and they have an "aura of credibility". Another thesis sees folklore as the field of an irrational, fictional and dream world (Sullenberger 1974: 56). And where better to use this irrationality than in television advertising? Heroes defeating/cleaning stains from clothes, guys getting girls because of an irresistible after shave/love potion, elves, fairies and gold fish granting wishes etc. We can often hear about the magical effects that certain products have. Tom E. Sullenberger made a case study of advertising in the USA and found many interesting parallels between figures in commercials (for example Green Giant, Mr. Clean, White knight of Ajax) and various myths and folk beliefs in different places of the world (1974). Twenty years later, Linda Degh wrote about American folklore and the mass media in the early 1990's and analysed folklore genres from many different aspects. She talks about variants and the folklorization process, Märchen and legends in advertising, career choices of women etc. and constantly intertwines folklore with the mass media (1994). Her work is of great importance for folklore studies, since it discusses many issues and phenomena we encounter when doing research on folklore elements in the mass media today. There has so far been little attention focused on new types of folklore or on the old ones used in different contexts in Slovene folkloristics. Some observations were made upon how folklore events are presented in the mass media (see Ülen 2008), and Monika Kropej (2008) has written about folk narrative in the time of the electronic media, but this area of study remains less popular among scholars than do other topics. In my research thesis, and later one of my articles (2007), I analysed the image of vampires from the times of oral folk narrative to computer technology, and it became clear that folklore is a fluent process, in which motives are not bound to a certain location, but travel through various media and change constantly. This paper will try to present some elements of folklore and their usage in the mass media on Slovenian television from the 1970s until the late 1990s, from being part of communist Yugoslavia until becoming an independent democratic republic. The view point will not be focused upon one particular motif, instead, one of the central points of our attention will be focused on the ideological messages in advertisements, their meaning and impact (if any) on the broader society. Folklore in advertisements promoting unity - Radenska ad Before I present the selected television advertisements with folklore elements, let me briefly explain the political and social situation of the time period in which the ads were created. It is important to be acquainted with the time background of the mentioned ads, to understand their relevance and the function of folklore elements that were used. Political and social situation in Yugoslavia (^1980) 7 Newspapers, Radio, Television, Internet, Games etc. 295 Folklore in Mass Media: National Garb, Places of Identity and Fairies in (Post)communist Advertising After the end of the Second World War, Yugoslavia, as an ally of the Soviet Union, raised the Iron curtain in order to isolate itself from neighbouring Italy and Austria. In 1948 a huge quarrel took place between the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia, the consequence of which was an economic and military embargo on Yugoslavia by the Soviet Union. In this way Yugoslavia was forced to open up toward the West in order to get help, but in the 1950s it started to define itself as the Non-Aligned Movement with some other world countries. The communist party, secret police and army had all the political power in the country, and all liberal movements and parties were destroyed and prohibited. The mass media were under strict control of the communist party and the program was strictly ideological. Communist propaganda existed at every corner and was a part of the individual's life from his/her birth, in school, work, home, hobbies, sports etc. Slogans filled the daily papers, radio and television, slogans of brotherhood and equality of all the six Yugoslav republics. Advertisements were also highly influenced by communist control but there were also some attempts at rebellion. In the case of posters, Cvetka Požar and others (2000) in their work Vsi na volitve! (Everyone go vote!) write about a poster for a governmental event that featured a rebellious idea that even the communist censorship commission failed to notice and even rewarded the authors. Later, when the poster was displayed and the »secret« message revealed, a huge affair arose and some people in the censorship commission lost their jobs. The following example can be seen as being made according to the standards of the communist regime. The Slovenian company Radenska made an advertisement in the late 1970s for their main product, mineral water. The lyric8 of the song which stretches over the whole advertisement is about the mineral water and its characteristics. The song is sung by various people, inhabitants of all nations and nationalities (including Albanian), some in their costumes, and others in ordinary clothes. Some on their mountain tours or at work, some at home. There is also a wedding scene. What is interesting about this advertisement is the fact that when the scene changes from one republic to another, people change with it and the language of the song adapts to it (see footnote 13). The last comment says: Everything changes, Radenska stays the same. Figure 1 and 2: Advertisement for mineral water Radenska Tri srca (1970's) 8 Krepi, združuje in osvežuje (Slovenian)/ Radenska nas spaja (Croatian)/ Haj krijepi duuuuušuuu (Bosnian)/ Furtom osvežava (Autonomus province of Vojvodina)/ Epe OBa PageHCKa c ^¡rn CBeT Hac cnaja (Serbian)/ Te vjet na qe na per shkon, Radenska qe na bashkon (Albanian)/ Krijepi dušu osviježava (Montenegrin)/ PageHCKa cnojyBa (Macedonian). (Strengthens, unites and refreshes/ Radenska connects us/ Strengthens the soul/ Refreshes/ This Radenska unites all of us/.. ./Strengthens the soul refreshes/ Radenska with love). 296 Simona Klaus This advertisement contains ideological features together with folklore elements on several levels. The leading idea is the brotherhood and equality of all nations, and even ethnic groups within Yugoslav borders. The most obvious is the song which is sung in various languages and in the typical local melos. In addition to the song, the scene changes and shows peoples of various ethnic groups. Some of them are wearing traditional garb9, which is one of the folklore elements. Besides the language and melody (again a folklore element) of the song and the appearance of people who appear in the ad, the scene also helps the viewer to recognise the chosen (ethnic/national) region. It is hard to analyse the impact of the advertisement on the addressed society but we can assume they were some positive reactions to it. Many generations remember this commercial and describe it as legendary or very memorable. Even younger generations recognize it, mostly because it appears on various internet sites10, blogs and forums. If we look at those sites, we can see numerous positive opinions, thoughts, personal memories and nostalgic comments. It is usually ranked very high. This alone creates the notion of a very successful advertisement (see footnote 15). Advertisement becomes part of folklore - Slovenia, my homeland ad This advertisement was aired in times when any nationalistic references were most unwelcome. A period of severe economic and political crisis began for Yugoslavia after the death of its great leader Josip Broz Tito in the year 1980. Leading politicians tried to hide the seriousness of the crisis from people and promoted the ideas of unity and brotherhood. Throughout the 1980s the crisis was getting deeper and the political situation tenser, but specially in the late 80s and early 90s, things became critical. The idea of independency became stronger and stronger in several Yugoslav republics. Slovenia, as the most industrially successful republic in Yugoslavia, had strong tendencies to become a post-industrial society and to become equal to other developed European countries. It was said by some other Yugoslav republics that Slovenia was being egoistic in the economical sense, West-oriented, promoting consumerism and modernity11. In communist and socialist ideology, there was no room for consumerism and all "the bad things" that capitalism brought. This was not the first nor the only notion of fear of capitalism in Europe, for it is also known in academic discourse (see Goldman 1992: 8, Cronin 2004: 3). Slovenia, my homeland is an ad created to promote tourism in Slovenia and it was only one part of a broader project12. But it has strong (unintended) nationalistic references (Kuhelj Krajanovic and Smuc 2007: 65). I've chosen this advertisement as it is an example of how an advertisement itself becomes folklore. There are not as many references to folklore and those few that appear have less importance than those seen in the previous advertisement. 9 Bosnia, Montenegro and Macedonia. 10 To name just a few internet sites: Youtube: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=anB_1_malmM, online lexicon: http://www.leksikon-yu-mitologije.net/read.php?id=2012, Mojvideo: http://www.mojvideo.com/video-cult-reklama-radenska/6422ed667171af28e896, RTV Slovenia: http://www.rtvslo.si/mojvideo/avdiovideo/stare-reklame-radenska-v-jugoslaviji/1428/. 11 A more detailed text about the Yugoslav political and social situation can be found online:www.hervardi. com. 12 The project began in the early 1980's and included various slogans, ads, participation calls, posters etc. (see Prepadnik 2008). 297 Folklore in Mass Media: National Garb, Places of Identity and Fairies in (Post)communist Advertising The first scene in the ad shows hills and forest and the melody begins. A man is walking down the road and carrying a ladder; he's coming towards camera, but then turns right and stops in front of a blank yellow board. The viewer can easily recognise the landscape behind him as the Logarska Valley (northern Slovenia). The images that follow show scenes from everyday life; horses in Lipica, then the camera returns to the man, who is drawing something on the yellow board. Images of a gardener, woman painting on a "ma-jolka" vase, mountaineer, two men building a fence and then the man again. Some scenes from the coast are next, not showing the sea or architecture but a sailor, people working in a restaurant and in a hotel appear. Also some men come towards camera, wearing t-shirts with the written slogan Slovenia, my homeland. As the camera shows the man again, we already see parts of words he had written or drawn on the yellow board and they are from different languages. At the same time the song begins. The lyrics13 were regarded by many, especially by the Yugoslav leadership of that time, as being very nationalistic. The scenes that follow picture an early morning and people preparing to start their working day. The traditional dish potica14 or sarkelj appears. Just before the viewer takes a look at the yellow board again, another place of identity appears. It is one of the most popular tourist attractions, lake Bled. We see in the next part of the ad that the man wrote Slovenia at the bottom of the board. He steps aside, takes the ladder and is admiring his work. The camera slowly distances the view and when the man is already leaving, the whole yellow board appears in front of us with the word Welcome in seven foreign languages. But what is the most important, the languages don't derive from other Yugoslav republics, they are languages from other European countries (German, English, French, Italian, Hungarian (twice) and Slovenian at the bottom). The scene finishes with the man walking back along the same path on which he came before. 13 Moja dežela, to je njena lepota/ moja dežela, mi smo njeni ljudje/Lepota dežele je sloves njen/ Njeni ljudje smo njeno ime/ Ponosno ime. (My land, this is its beauty/ My land, we are its people/ The beauty of the land is her reputation/ Her people are her name/ Proud name.) 14 Potica is a traditional Slovenian festive cake. It is a thinly rolled gourmet sweet bread dough with a moist walnut filing (fillings can vary). 298 Simona Klaus The reactions of the politicians were furious (Prepadnik 2008: 76-80). The ad was aired when Slovenia was still part of Yugoslavia, which was facing severe economical and national conditions. Several republics saw their way out of crisis in becoming independent, or at least with Yugoslavia becoming less centralised, but others, especially Serbia, didn't support that. The interesting thing about the ad was that the agency which created it planned to make the same kind of ad for all Yugoslav republics. But nobody listened to them and their proposal for promoting tourism. The content was labelled as nationalistic and it wasn't wanted in any form, since the Yugoslav communist party wanted to maintain the common state. The reaction of Slovenian people on the other hand was completely the opposite. When they saw the political reaction, they became aware of the ad's content and found it inspiring. The ad strengthened Slovenians as a nation, and - as it was said earlier -the advertisement became part of Slovenian folklore (identity) itself (see Prepadnik 2008: 89-90). The slogan "Slovenia, my homeland" was present throughout the process of independence in the early 1990s. This advertisement, sponsored by the Tourist Association of Slovenia, was a part of the first national brand15. The prime goal was higher awareness of the importance of tourism for our country, beautiful and kind. The ideological idea of the Slovenian nation appeared as a sort of by product. The advertisement was a great success and people today still remember it, often with nostalgic feelings. Even the younger generation is able to recognize the ad and hum the melody. It is often written that we will never be able to produce an ad so successful and that today's national tourist campaigns are only a pale reflection of the ad "Slovenia, my homeland" (Kuhelj Kraljevič, Šmuc 2007). The ad itself shows the openness of Slovenia toward the West and toward capitalist society. This shows most obviously in the greetings written on the yellow board, which no longer represent Yugoslav nations but at that time not very respected other European countries. "Westernization" of Slovenian advertising space After 1991, Slovenian society began to change rapidly. A consumer society developed instead of a socialist one, where everything belonged to everyone. In the new order, society fragmented itself to those who could buy and those who couldn't. A vast number of new shopping centres opened every year and spending became the biggest national sport. Globally known brands overflowed the local market. As a result of such circumstances the advertising industry flourished. But let me present the political situation before going any further. Republic of Slovenia (1991^) Slovenia and neighbouring Croatia became independent at the beginning of the 1990s, together with the fall of the Iron Curtain and the end of the Soviet Union, which caused war to erupt in the Balkans. The Yugoslav army attacked both countries and in Slovenia the war lasted only 10 days. Unfortunately it lasted much longer in Croatia and other countries. The end of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia with the independence of several Republics was the end of the communist era. 15 See www.zdruzenje-manager.si 299 Folklore in Mass Media: National Garb, Places of Identity and Fairies in (Post)communist Advertising The Democratic Republic of Slovenia opened up to other European counties and developed into a strong economic and capitalist state. From the political point of view it became a democratic state with left- and right-wing political parties. Liberalization took place at all levels of social life. Independent television stations appeared, new magazines and daily newspapers, non-governmental organizations arose, huge shopping centres opened, etc. It became part of NATO and the European Union in year 2004 and accepted the Euro as the common monetary currency in the year 2007. Advertisements and the appearance of global and local folklore elements The above mentioned changes in society can also be tracked with the help of advertising. It too was liberalized and there was a flood of new advertising agencies. Global companies often use the same ads in different countries and the advertising industry helps them find time and place and translations into the local language. With the global flows of goods and the formation of a consumer society, foreign advertisements appeared on Slovenian television. Especially in the programs of new television stations that financed themselves from selling advertising space and time16. Advertisements like the Ariel ad with the Sleeping beauty motif were among the many featuring folklore elements from other parts of the world. I will not analyse this particular ad, since it serves only as an example. Figure 4 and 5: Advertisement for Bono cookies featuring Slovenian folk music (2004). 16 For instance television station called POP TV. 300 Simona Klaus Much more interesting are ads created by Slovenian advertising agencies17, which seek inspiration in local folklore elements, such as beliefs, sayings, traditional music etc. One advertisement promotes Bono cookies and the climax of the ad is the Slovenian popular folk music. For the young hitch-hiking man who is listening rap music, it is not an option to drive with a middle-aged man listening to Slovenian popular music18. He clearly refuses the offered ride, that is until he notices Bono cookies and sits in the car anyway. The last scene shows both men eating cookies and enjoying the music. There is no conversation between the two men, music and gestures lead the viewer through the happening. The first song, rap, is modern and "cool" for young people to listen to. The young man is enjoying its rhythm although it's obviously very hot. When the older driver stops his car and the young man lowers his headphones as he tries to get into the car, he's unpleasantly surprised when he hears folk music and sees the old man enjoying it in the same way he enjoyed his just moments before. There is no politics involved or political ideology, only two generations which meet in a small car on a hot sunny day. So different from each other, and yet so similar. The object of desire, Bono cookies, connects the two worlds and the advertisement ends with a "happily ever after" ending. The last commercial is another "legendary" Slovenian ad. It was made for the National Lottery in the late 1990s and it's known among Slovenians as the "Good Fairies" ad. It is rather difficult to translate it, because of the several proverbs and wordplays in the Slovenian language that appear in the ad. The title itself is play on the words which appear at the beginning of the ad. In the Slovenian language, the word for a hayfork is the same as for a good fairy. The first is used in the plural form and the second in the singular. Three men appear in the ad, one also playing his mom. The farmer, named Polde, wishes he had a good hayfork = good fairy, and two men dressed in women clothes appear in front of him. One is a bit deaf. They say they're good fairies and what does he want. He doesn't believe them and asks why there's no third one. They reply that they come in a pair now, it's cheaper this way. They tell him not to complicate things and offer him three wishes. They want him to hurry because he's not the only one. When the farmer thinks what to wish, his mom appears in the sky. She says: "Be cautious now Polde, this is your opportunity, remember what I used to tell you". He replies: "Yes momma, first the barn then the cow". This is a Slovenian proverb meaning one should first build oneself a home/house, then marry and have a family. One fairy repeats to the deaf one the saying again, and the deaf fairy repeats it again as he/she conjures up the barn and the cow. The farmer seems pleased. The deaf fairy says: "Here, with no taxes, you have one more wish. " This time the farmer thinks for a long time; the fairies seem nervous and restless, there is thunder approaching. The farmer wishes for meat and maize porridge (polenta) for the rest of his life. The fairies don't hear him because of the thunder and think he said he wanted monthly rent, which was Lottery's grand prize that year. The words meat (meso) and maize porridge (polenta) are pronounced very similarly as monthly rent in Slovene. Mom comments from the sky: "exactly". Even the good fairies think it's a smart idea. They give him a lottery ticket, tell him to watch POP TV and have fun. They wish him good luck and walk into the distance where they disappear. The commentator explains in the third person that monthly rent 17 Some of the biggest advertising agencies are Luna/TBWA, Formitas, Tovarna vizij Studio marketing, Pristop etc. 18 Brothers Avsenik Ansamble: Večer na Robleku. The song has been highly popular among people for a few decades, and we can say for sure that it has become part of Slovenian folklore. 301 Folklore in Mass Media: National Garb, Places of Identity and Fairies in (Post)communist Advertising for the rest of one's life is the grand prize. The last words belong to the farmer who says: "Damn I'm lucky and all I wanted was a good hayfork/good fairies". This last example illustrates folklore elements used in advertising in a funny way. The setting itself, a farmer digging in manure, has deeper connotations. Slovenians were said one Slovenian poet to be a nation of farmhands/farmers, and this is often mentioned in the media or in politics. It is meant as a criticism of the society that allows its exploitation and humiliation by others. The most obvious folklore elements are the belief in fairies granting three wishes and the proverb. What makes the situation funny is the fact that the proverb is used literally and the whole thing materializes in front of the viewer's eyes. The whole ad is designed in a humorous way with only men playing the male and female characters, farmer's mother in the sky, alluding that she's dead and in the farmer's head or memory. Although the fairies grant wishes, they mention real life, costs and taxes. There is a mystical tone in the ad, and the viewer is drawn into a half-real half-unreal world where wishes can come true. The reification of wishes awakes the trust in viewers and makes them want to win the lottery prize, thus buying the lottery ticket. The ad is full of sonic effects in the background, creating the right atmosphere. This ad is one of the most popular and successful ads in the history of the independent republic of Slovenia. It is interesting that people today don't know who won the prize, but they all recognize the commercial. Conclusion Communication technologies are a constant part of our everyday lives. Folklore intertwines with the mass media and appears in new variations with new meanings. It is used and transformed by the mass media, television advertising, according to the needs of the specific media sometimes even as a tool of (political) ideology. Advertising sells things, and folklore in advertisements serves to achieve this goal, but sometimes it causes unexpected reactions and gains different meaning in the eyes of the public. Both folklore and advertising are fluid processes in constant movement, so they coexist and change together with the development of societies. 302 Simona Klaus I have tried to illustrate through different advertisement examples that advertising is a reflection of society and at the same time serves as a place of creating new meanings. Folklore elements, the focus of this article, are used and appropriated by advertisements to create a sense of closeness between viewers. The sense of familiarity and closeness achieved by usage of folklore motifs creates faster identification between the consumer and the product or service. Folklore has mythical connotations, it awakens special part of one's unconsciousness which results in our doing the wanted consumer action - the purchase; or in the case of the "Slovenia, my homeland" ad campaign - national feeling and identity. The first advertisement analysed (Radenska) has a very strong ideological component and it reflects the desired social unity and brotherhood in times of the communist regime in Yugoslavia. Folklore elements such as local dress and melos, combined with a song in different languages and carefully chosen scenes, show us how the world is supposed to be. The product itself, mineral water, is in a way pushed aside. It is incorporated in the happening in most of scenes on one hand, but on the other it's completely absent in others. The viewer sees the final product at the end of the advertisement. We can see one of the consequences of the ad today in the positive opinions of Slovene and foreign (Croatian, Albanian etc.) bloggers and visitors of forums. The second advertisement (Slovenia, my homeland) was aired in crucial times for Slovenia and helped to build Slovenian national identity. It is an example of an advertisement that itself became a part of Slovenian folklore. It shows places of Slovenian identity, like Logarska valley and Bled, and the way of life. Younger generations are able to recognise the ad, even though it was aired in the 1980s. It is often referred to as legendary and unique. The last examples show the innovative use of folklore elements by Slovenian advertising agencies. After Slovenia became independent, global currents of capitalism brought foreign folklore elements into advertising. That is why it seems even more important to present the work of Slovenian advertising agencies within the flood of foreign ads and folklore elements in them. The third and fourth examples are ads created after Slovenian independence. The first one, the Bono cookies ad, was made for a huge company that produces bread, frozen products and various sweets and pastry. The ad itself wasn't aired much, but it is interesting because it sets an example of how Slovenian folk music (alongside modern, foreign rap music) can be depicted in an ad in a positive way. The last example, the Dobre vile ad19, is one of the most recognisable advertisements among Slovenians, since it is often loaded onto various forums and blogs, often accompanied by a positive and cheering mood of those who write the comments. The beauty of the ad is in the way it brings to life some of the most unconscious feelings of Slovenian people. Throughout history, a feeling of being nothing more than a (not so bright) farm worker with no possessions was ever-present among Slovenian people (together with the sense of smallness). The plot mixes the belief in fairies (past) with the proverbs and sayings (present) and the result of the verbal misunderstanding in a happy prosperous future. The advertisement has not been aired anymore for a decade, but you can still hear people saying lines from the ad20 in different contexts. The humour and the common sense of the text and visual presentation made it possible for the ad to stay in the heads of people until today. 19 This advertisement was the main reason I decided for this article. 20 For example: „Smart choice Polde, smart choise" (Slo.: pametno Polde, pametno). 303 Folklore in Mass Media: National Garb, Places of Identity and Fairies in (Post)communist Advertising In my point of view, the above mentioned advertisements are an example good enough to conclude that the folklore motifs used in advertisements have a broader impact on the society they are made in. Sometimes they gain extra unexpected meanings that expand over their limits of being a way of persuasion for people to buy a product or service. Their meaning connects tightly with the social (and political) climate if the ad is made in a certain likable way. 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Ljubljana: Fakulteta za družbene vede. Razpad komunizma v Evropi ter demokratizacija in osamosvojitev Slovenije. Online access: www.hervardi.com, 23.12.2008 Sturken, Marita and Lisa Cartwright, 2001, Practices of looking: An introduction to visual culture. Oxford, New York: Oxford University Press. Sullenberger, Tom E., 1974, 'Ajax Meets the Jolly Grean Giant: Some Observations on the Use of Folklore and Myth in American Mass Marketing'. Journal of American Folklore, 87 (343), 53-65. Ule, Mariana in Miro Kline, 1996, Psihologija tržnega komuniciranja. Ljubljana: Fakulteta za družbene vede. Ulen, Barbara, 2008, 'Folklora in mediji: medijsko predstavljanje folklorne dejavnosti in njegovo dojemanje pri folklornih skupinah.' Folklornik 27 (309-311). 15-17. Wernick, Andrew, 1991, Promotional Culture: Advertising, ideology and symbolic expression. London, Newburry Park, New Delhi: Sage Publications. Williamson, Judith, 1978, Decoding Advertisiments. London: Marion Boyars. White, Roderick, 2000, Advertising. Maidenhead: McGraw-Hill. http://www.dlib.si/, 14.1.2009 Ads analysed Radenska ad, Agencija Studio marketing Delo, ordered by: Radenska d.d. Radenci, 1980's, online access: Youtube: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=anB_1_malmM, online lexicon: http://www.leksikon-yu-mitologije.net/read.php?id=2012, Mojvideo: http://www.mojvideo.com/video-cult-reklama-radenska/6422ed667171af28e896, RTV Slovenia: http://www.rtvslo.si/mojvideo/avdiovideo/stare-reklame-radenska-v-jugoslaviji/1428/. Slovenia, my homeland ad, Studio marketing Delo, 1986-1987, ordered by: Gospodarska zbornica Slovenije/Chamber of Commerce and Industry of Slovenia, online access: http://www.rtvslo.si/mojvideo/avdiovideo/stare-reklame-slovenija-moja-deze-la/1439/ Bono ad, Compas design, ordered by: Žito d.d., 08.2004, online access: http://www.kompas-design.si/ustvarjamo/zito-bono-piskoti-1279/?akc=1279 Športna Loterija Slovenije "Dobre vile" ad, Luna\TBWA, ordered by: Športna Loterija Slovenije, 2000, online access: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=rc2y8vraPvo&featur e=PlayList&p=6A5248A1D38A7583&playnext_from=PL&playnext=1&index=42 305 Folklore in Mass Media: National Garb, Places of Identity and Fairies in (Post)communist Advertising Some examples of pages with comments about advertisements http://www.youtube.com/user/FromSloveniawithlove, http://twitter.com/FeelsLOVEnia, http://www.facebook.com/moj aSlovenija, http://www.mojnet.com/video-radenska-tri-srca/f0dc2f54732c1d37e09f, http://www.genspot.com/Video/ShowVideo.aspx?video_id=273775, http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DGWZlAsKguA, http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=rc2y8vraPvo, http://hr.netlog.com/go/explore/videos/videoid=sl-239214, 6.5.2010 Folklora v množičnih medijih: narodna noša, krajevne znamenitosti in vile v (post) komunističnem oglaševanju Simona Klaus S pregledom slovenskih množičnih medijev oziroma štirih oglasov, v katerih so uporabljeni folklorni motivi, skozi časovno obdobje tridesetih let, bom skušala analizirati povezave med folklornimi motivi, oglasi in političnimi vsebinami. Omenjeni oglasi na neki način odsevajo družbeno in politično situacijo, v kateri so nastali. Zgodnji oglas podjetja Radenska d.d. iz časa Socialistične federativne republike Jugoslavije s prikazom različnih etničnih skupin v narodnih nošah promovira strpnost in povezanost med različnimi narodi v skupni državi. Kasnejša akcija Gospodarske zbornice Slovenije za promocijo turizma pa ima zelo močno noto, ki je pri Slovencih nehote pro-movirala domoljubje in večala željo po neodvisnosti. Po osamosvojitvi Slovenije leta 1991 se v dveh oglasih podjetja Žito d.d. in Športne loterije Slovenija pojavljajo narodnozabav-na glasba in pregovori ter besedne igre, ki ne delujejo več narodno zavedno, temveč dajejo vtis domačnosti. V širšem kontekstu je štirim oglasom skupno, da se jih ljudje spominjajo z nostalgičnimi občutki in jih večkrat imenujejo za najboljše, legendarne in neponovljive, kar kaže, da so omenjeni oglasi imeli veliko bolj daljnosežne posledice, kot pa so navadno predvidene za televizijski oglas. 306 GRADIVO MATERIALE MATERIAL Opis poganskega obreda v spodmolu Triglavca Boris Čok The paper describes a Slav pagan ritual of fertility, which took place in the rock shelter of Triglavca near Divača (Slovenia). It was being performed by individual families from the village of Prelože pri Lokvi until the end of the 1830s. The essential element of the ceremony was the ritual entreaty of either the mythological being deva or the divinity Deva to protect the crop on the fields in the forthcoming year from the evil female demon of mora. Uvod To zgodbo mi je leto pred svojo naravno in spokojno smrtjo leta 1967, po ustnem izročilu svoje babice, povedala moja prababica Marija Ban - Frigljeva, rojena 1877, iz Pre-lož pri Lokvi. Takrat sem jo kot gimnazijec večkrat obiskal, predvsem zaradi njenih pripovedi iz preteklosti. Bila je še zelo bistrega uma in vedno mi je rekla: »To ti povem, ker si naš, zato ker take stvari, ki ti jih bom povedala niso za vsaka ušesa. Povem ti jih, da boš vedel, kako je bilo nekoč, ko smo verjeli še po starem! Zapiši si, in ko boš nekega dne to prebral svojim otrokom, vedi da to niso pravljice, ampak stvari, ki smo jih morali skrivati in zatajevati!« Vse zgodbe sem takrat sprejemal z nekakšno nejevero, toda ko sem z leti začel prebirati dela nekaterih slovenskih avtorjev s podobno vsebino, sem bil vedno bolj prepričan, da je moja prababica govorila resnico. Ko sem v 70-tih letih obiskal še staro Preložanko Jožefo Mljač - Pepo Žvnkovo zaradi ledinskih imen, sem jo previdno vprašal o Triglavci. Malo me je nezaupljivo pogledala in v stari preloščini vprašala: »Kadu taj tu povedou?« Odrezavo sem ji odgovoril: »Moja bižnona Friglovka!« Tedaj se je sprostila in me vprašala, ali sem to povedal še komu. Ko sem ji zatrdil, kako sem obljubil prababici, da ne bom o tem govoril, mi je tudi ona zabičala, da to lahko vedo samo tisti, ki jim lahko zaupaš. Zgodba je bila samo v nekaj podrobnostih drugačna od tiste, ki sem jo poznal. Ko sem jo vprašal, kdo je njej povedal, je spoštljivo odgovorila: »Moja nona, bila je zadnja svečenica!« Ali je potem bila tudi babica Marije Ban svečenica? Zelo verjetno! Po toliko letih, ko naših prednikov ni več, sem se odločil, da to zgodbo obelodanim, saj jim ne morem več škodovati. Obred Na jesen, ko je bilo požeto še zadnje žito ajda, so se častilci starega kulta plodnosti skrivaj in potihem dogovorili, da bodo ob prvi polni luni pripravili obred v jami Triglavci. Dan pred tem so skrivaj šli k čudežnemu izviru Uruace (Vroček). Takrat je kristalno čista voda izvirala pod temno sivo skalo iz fliša. V bližnji okolici so nabrali praprot in jo pomo- 309 Opis poganskega obreda v spodmolu Triglavca čili v izvirsko vodo. Praprot so skrili v vreče in jo odnesli domov. Naslednjo noč so se skrivaj zbrali na hribu Golcu. Štiri najlepša dekleta-svečenice, oblečena v bele lanene obleke, so si zataknila praprot okoli pasu (1). Praprot naj bi jih varovala pred besi. V Preložah je še danes ohranjena kletvica, verjetno nekoč urok: »Bes te plentaj«! Starešina je v malhi iz platna nosil tri vrste žita: pšenico, rž in ajdo. Podali so se na pot proti jami Triglavci in Luna jim je svetila, da so lahko našli pot. Po hribu so se spustili navzdol do Stopc, mimo jame V Stopcah, iz katere so prihajale meglice, nato po ozkem kolovozu čez gmajno v Hrastovcah na Greben. Od tod čez Ravni do kamnitega Koblaka in še rahlo navzdol po brezpotju k jami Triglavci. Na robu udornice so prižgali baklo in se po nadelani poti napotili navzdol do spodmola. V spodmolu je na dnu podolgovat obredni kamen z manjšo škovnico -ponvico (Slika) v katero kaplja voda s stropa nekdanje jame. Štiri dekleta so se postavila okrog kamna, si odvezala pasove iz praproti (2) in jih položila preko kamna. Starešina, ki je bil neke vrste sveti mož, tako naj bi nastal priimek Božeglav, je iz malhe vzel zrnje žit in jih tako, kot so po vrsti dozorela na polju, stresel v škovnico. Dekleta so položila roke na kamen in starešina je spregovoril: »Deva daj da duobru bi radila, da muara nač jam nebi slabya strila!« (3). Dekleta so trikrat vzkliknila: »Deva jarovi!« Starešina je z dvignjeno baklo zaokrožil okoli kamna, nakar so dekleta pobrala pasove iz praproti in si jih ponovno pripela (4). Počasi so se začeli vzpenjati in starešina je na robu doline ugasnil baklo. Tiho so se vračali po isti poti proti svoji vasi. Ob prihodu v zgodnjih jutranjih urah so dekleta tiho klicala domače pse, da ne bi lajali. Zaupnim družinam so naslednji dan zvečer nesla praprot, da so jo položili na domače ognjišče. Posvečena praprot je rodbino varovala pred nesrečo: boleznimi, naravnimi ujmami, nezgodami in lakoto. Ko je poteklo nekaj dni in je Luna prešla v prvi krajec, se je starešina s sekiro v roki in z malho čez ramo ob belem dnevu napotil k jami Triglavci, kot da gre na gmajno. Previdno, da ga ne bi kdo sledil, se je Triglavca. Obredna ponvica (foto: Borut Lozej). 310 Boris Čok napotil v spodmol. V škovnici na obrednem kamnu je zagledal zelen šopek. Zrnje v vodi je vzklilo. Previdno ga je pobral in položil v malho ter se odpravil nazaj v vas. Naskrivaj je odšel na njive, ki so bile zorane in posejane od njemu zaupnih kmetov. Tam kjer je bilo namenjeno za pridelovanje žita v naslednjem letu, je v grudo zataknil vzklilo zrno in dejal: »Jari!« Temu polju v Preložah se še danes reče Jarovce. Zadnji obred naj bi bil konec 30-ih let 19. stoletja. Tako je rekla Jožefa Mljač - Pepa Žvnkova. Ko se je začelo pogozdovanje gmajne, naj bi gozdni čuvaji presenetili starešino v spodmolu in ga pretepli, vendar so to samo namigovanja. Tudi govorice, da so v Podgovju (Pod gavgami) obesili krivoverce, niso dokazane, bolj verjetno je, da so obesili avstrijske dezerterje ali francoske vojake iz napoleonskih vojn. Kaj se je v resnici zgodilo, mi še do danes ni uspelo izvedeti. V Preložah danes nihče o tem ne ve nič. Opombe: 1, 2, 4 - Neskladje med tem, da so dekleta zataknila praprot okoli pasu (1) in tem, da so pri obredu odvezala pasove iz praproti (2) in jih pozneje zopet pripela (4), izhaja iz pripovedi. Verjetno so dekleta nosila pas, v katerega so zataknila praprot in tega potem odpela ter ponovno zapela. 3 - »Deva daj, da dobro bi rodila, da mora nič jim ne bi slabega storila« 311 Opis poganskega obreda v spodmolu Triglavca Description of the pagan ritual in the Triglavca rock shelter near Divača village. Boris Čok The paper describes a Slav pagan ritual of fertility, which took place in the rock shelter of Triglavca near Divača. It was being performed by individual families from the village of Prelože pri Lokvi until the end of the 1830s. The event took place in autumn. It was led by a head, a sort of a holy man, accompanied by four young priestesses in white linen dresses. The essential element of the ceremony was the ritual entreaty of either the mythological being deva or the divinity Deva to protect the crop on the fields in the forthcoming year from the evil female demon of mora. The ritual was probably forcibly terminated. In fact, at the time when the ritual was recorded according to the account by the granddaughter of the last priestess and the grand-daughter of a possible priestess, in the 1970s, the fear of disclosure of a pagan secret within a catholic milieu was still much alive. 312 Triglavca, kraj češčenja plodnosti. Poizkus etimologije Divače Ladislav Placer The first known mention of the village of Divača (feminine gender) dates from 1308/1320, where the word is of masculine gender, either Devač, Dovač or Devač(o) and 1331 Devača. Medieval and later writers supposedly wrote down the reduced vowel in the name mostly as i, rarely with other vowels, or it was even omitted, which allows us to interpret the records in the following centuries. These appear of the type D%vač/D%uač, D%uača/D%vača, Deuača and Divača the latter being the official name today. The current pronunciation of the name by the oldest inhabitants born in Divača is that of Devača and D%vača, rarer Deuača or D%uača. This led to the supposition that the original vowel of the first syllable was e (Devač, Devača) and that the name originated from either the pre-Slavic expression deva for the mythical creature or Deva divinity. Both name variants are hypothe-tically related to the cult of fertility taking place in the cave or rock shelter with the mythological name of Triglavca up to the first half of the 19th century. The latter, in fact, contains a unique stalagmite formation in the form of a vulva (devača), above which a less suggestive stalactite formation hangs in the form of a phallus (devač). The existence of the two mythical creatures or the two animistic objects, devač and devača in Triglavca rock shelter, point to the symbolic sexual unification and fertility. Uvod Etimologija Divače je trd oreh. Obstaja poskus Iva Pilarja, ki je Divačo uvrstil med toponime povezane z »Devinim skokom« (Šmitek, 2004: 229). Po Šmitku tega ne moremo trditi niti za Devin pri Trstu, za katerega meni, da je gotovo le to, da izhaja iz lastnega imena Deva, ta pa iz teonima Deva, iz katerega je nastal tudi praslovanski izraz deva za mlado, a že odraslo dekle (Šmitek, 2006: 220), pa tudi bajno žensko bitje podobno vili (Ovsec, 1991: 336). Potem poskus Merkuja (2006: 62), ki ne daje odgovora, in pred kratkim Snoja (2009: 109), ki tudi meni, da je izvor nejasen. Ponudi pa možnost razlage iz ljubkovalne oblike imena Divislav, kar povzema po Miklošiču in Trautmannu. Oba povezujeta prvi člen div s pomenom »sijaj, lepota«, Snoju pa se zdi verjetnejša povezava s pomenom »demon«, tj. bog stare vere. Merkujevega odkritja o zapisu imena vasi na začetku 14. stoletja ne omenja. Leta 2006 je izšla zbirka »pripovedi o starih verovanjih« iz južnega dela severne in južne Primorske »Let v lunino senco« izpod peresa Pavla Medveščka, v kateri je podan dragocen namig na možen izvor krajevnega imena Divača. V tem sestavku podajam nekaj novih podatkov in idej, ki bi jih kazalo podrobneje obdelati na podlagi Medveščkovega zbirateljskega dela. Najprej si oglejmo, kako je v dokumentih skozi čas zapisano ime kraja. 313 Triglavca, kraj češčenja plodnosti. Poizkus etimologije Divače Sl. 1. Orientacijska skica: Divača, Triglavca, Mala Triglavca, Trhlovca Fig. 1 Orientation sketch: Divača, Triglavca, Mala Triglavca, Trhlovca. Zapisi imena kraja Divača Merku (2006: 62) je objavil podatek o doslej najstarejši znani omembi Divače iz srednjeveških kodeksov kapitlja Sv. Justa v Trstu, kjer so omenjene naslednje osebe: v letih 1308-1309 Yvan de Dova$/ Deva$; 1308, 1316-1320 Maurus /Maver de Deva^(o); 1308-1310, 1319 Martinus de Dova$ / Deva$ in 1309 Wolgmar de Deva$. Nadalje ugotavlja, da je bil toponim v 14. stol. vsekakor moškega spola, da prvi samoglasnik vztrajno koleba in da je izvor imena nejasen. Poleg tega navaja (Merku, 2006: 42), da so srednjeveški kanoniki in notarji slovenski polglasnik a zapisovali kot i, redkeje z drugimi samoglasniki. V vicedomskih zapisih za Trst in okolico (Vicedomini 8) je za 9. 2. 1331 zapisana oblika Deva$a. V »Urbarju za Vipavo, 1499« (Kos, 1954: 251) je uporabljena oblika Diwatsch. Valvazor (1689: 404, 405) poroča o požaru v Divači 16. febr. 1687. Ime kraja zapiše po pisnem sporočilu lastnika gradu Školj barona Rossettija enkrat Duatshe in sedemkrat varianto, ki se mu zdi morda verjetnejša ali pa jo je sam slišal Duuazha. V »Deželopisno karto Vojvodine Kranjske« Janez Dizma Florjančič leta 1744 zapiše Duatsch. V karto, priloženo opisu Kranjske, Baltasar Hacquet leta 1778 zapiše Duazh. 314 Ladislav Placer V Jožefinskem vojaškem zemljevidu (SLOVENIJA na voj. zemljevidu 1763 - 1787, izdano 1804, Opisi, 3. zvezek: 145) je zapis Divach. V kupoprodajni pogodbi iz leta 1822 o odkupu zemlje med predstavniki vasi, oziroma katastrske občine Divača in zadnjim dedičem plemiške rodbine Petazzi, je v italijanščini pisanem dokumentu uporabljena oblika Divazza (Peršolja in Pregelj, 1997: 103). Pravnik Žiberna (1981: 59) omenja, da se v starejših italijanskih spisih piše Divača kot Divazha, Divazzo, Divazza in Divacca, dokler se po letu 1848 sčasoma ne uveljavi zapis Divaccia, ki najbolj ustreza sedanjemu uradnemu izgovoru. Fonda v spletni rodovniški zbirki podatkov iz matičnih knjig 16., 17. in 18. stoletja, navaja Deuazza, Divazza, Divaza, Diuazza, Diuaza in Divazha. Na »Zemljovid Slovenske dežele in pokrajin« Peter Kozler leta 1848, tiskano 1853, zapiše Divača. Izgovarjava Pri izgovarjavi krajevnega imena Divača je pomembno vedeti, kako so rojeni Diva-čani pred in po drugi svetovni vojni, najstarejši pa še danes, izgovarjali ime svojega kraja. Kot rojen Divačan o tem lahko verodostojno poročam. Povsem jasno se je slišalo in se še vedno sliši Devača, tudi Davača, redkeje Deuača in Dauača. Vse je izgovorjeno z dolgim naglašenim a-jem v drugem zlogu. Divačani smo med svojimi večinoma Devačani ali Davačani. Začuda se v družbi tujcev, bodisi Slovencev in drugih, vedno uporablja uradna »svetovljanska« oblika Divača in Divačani. Zato poglejmo, kako naj bi Divačani v prejšnjih stoletjih izgovarjali ime svojega kraja. Pri tem je seveda treba upoštevati dejstvo, da so glas č zapisovali različno, tržaški zapisovalci v 14. stoletju c s kljukico nemški pisci tsch, Valvasor in Hacquet sta uporabila bohoričični zh, jožefinski geodeti ch, italijanski pisci in duhovniki v Matičnih knjigah z, zz, zh, cc. Zapisovalec ali zapisovalci pri sv. Justu v Trstu so nihali med Deva^/Deva^(o)/Do-vaq: (Merku), torej Devač, Devač(o) in Dovač, odvisno od izgovarjave obiskovalca. Glede na nihanje med e in o kaže, da so skušali posneti slišano. Ime vasi je bilo moškega spola. V vicedomskem zapisu je brez dvoma zapisana ženska oblika Devača, torej Deva- ča. Zapisovalci nemškega govornega območja zapisujejo polglasnik v prvem zlogu z i, Diwatsch (Kos), torej Davač ali ga izpuščajo, Duatsch (Florjančič), torej Dauač. Glede na Valvasorjev zapis Duuazha, torej Dauača, bi šlo v zgornjih dveh primerih prej za zapis nemške izgovarjave z izpuščenim zadnjim samoglasnikom kot za moško obliko imena, na kar kaže zapis Florjančiča za Senožeče - Senosetsch. Posebej pomemben pa je v tej zvezi Hacquetov zapis Duazh, torej Dauač, ker je imena krajev pisal pretežno v bohoričici in v deželnem jeziku. Za sosednjo Lokev zapiše Lockuu, torej Loku kot se izgovarja še danes ali pa Schnosezhe za Senožeče, narečno Snožeče ali Snažeče. Florjančič v istem času zapiše Duatsch, Cornial in Senosetsch. Na podlagi Hacquetovih zapisov ne moremo zavreči moške oblike izgovora tudi v njegovem času. Tu je še zapis Divach, torej Davač, na Jožefinskem vojaškem zemljevidu, ki bi zaradi nenavadnega zapisa črke č lahko kazal na ljudsko izgovarjavo ali pa je le nerodna mešanica nemškega izgovora in napačne rabe deželnega črkopisa. Posebej zanimiva je v tej zvezi redko uporabljena italijanska oblika Divazzo, ki je moškega spola. Torej obstaja možnost, da je Davač preveden v Divazzo. 315 Triglavca, kraj češčenja plodnosti. Poizkus etimologije Divače Zapisi v italijanskih dokumentih kažejo na dosledno rabo samoglasnika i namesto polglasnika v prvem zlogu in žensko obliko imena, razen pri Divazzo. Enako zapisi v matičnih knjigah16., 17. in 18. stoletja. Izjema v rabi samoglasnika e v prvem zlogu so le zapisi Deva^ (Merku), Devača (Vicedomini 8) in Deuazza (Fonda: Silverinus Resauer ex Deuazza /Pouir/, rojen okoli 1630), ki so istovetni sedanji izgovarjavi starejših Divačanov, Devača in Deuača. Na podlagi oblik Devač (Merku), Devača (Vicedomini 8), Deuača (Fonda) in sedanje izgovarjave Devača menim, da je e izvorni samoglasnik prvega zloga imena vasi Divača. Vprašanje moške ali ženske oblike je nejasno. Nedvoumno moške oblike je zapis Devaq:/Dovaq: (Merku), sum na moško rabo kažeta zapisa Duazh (Hacquet) in Divazzo, na možnost istočasne rabe moške in ženske oblike pa bi v skrajnem primeru lahko kazal zapis Deva^/Deva^ (o)/Dovaq; (Merku). Pri sedanjem zapisu Divača gre za ostanek zapisovanja polglasnika z i, ki je prešlo v uradno rabo. Med domačini je ostala Devača ali Davača, redkeje Deuača ali Dauača s pripombo: »Ja, taku sa reče pa staram« ali »taku sua rekli ta stari«. Izvor imena Pri razpravi o nastanku imena vasi Divača ne morem mimo pripovedk iz zahodne Slovenije, ki jih je zbral Medvešček (2006; 226), tu preseneča kamen devar, o katerem mu je informator pripovedoval leta 1965 v brkinski vasi Huje pri Pregarjah. Tako so pravili kapniku stalagmitu v skrivni rupi (jami) pri Hujah, ki je imel obliko falosa in naj bi po- Sl. 2. Stena udornice nad spodmolom Triglavca (foto: Borut Lozej, Divača). Fig. 2 The wall of collapse doline above the Triglavca rock shelter. 316 Ladislav Placer Sl. 3. Stalagmitna in stalaktitna tvorba, simbola vulve - devača in penisa - devač: 1. ali dve »skali« kot animistična objekta, 2. ali simbola dveh bajeslovnih bitij. V Čokovem članku (2010) je stalagmitna tvorba - vulva predstavljena kot obredni kamen s škovnico. (foto: Borut Lozej, Divača) Fig. 3 Stalagmite and stalactite formations: symbols of vulva- devača and penis - devač: 1. Or two »rocks« as animistic objects, 2. or symbols of mythological beings. Čoks article (2010) presents the stalagmite formation-vulva as a ritual rock with a cup-like microkarstic formation called škavnica. magal pri rodnosti. O rupi se ni nikoli govorilo na glas, k njej so vodili ženske le ponoči in tako, da je moralo spremstvo počakati v vasi. Med zadnjimi, ki je vodila ženske v jamo, je bila okoli leta 1900 vedeževalka Zafra. Čeprav so malo pred prvo svetovno vojno devarja ukradli, so po vojni nekateri še hodili v rupo. Medveščku niso povedali, kje rupa leži. V slovanski mitologiji je devar, vsaj po objavljenih delih, popolna novost. Iz pripovedi sledi, da gre za čaščenje faličnega simbola. Lahko le domnevam, da je šlo za sledove animizma (Ovsec, 1991: 335) ali za čaščenje sugestivno oblikovanega kamna kot simbola bajeslovnega bitja, ki so mu pravili devar. Povezava z devo ali Devo je očitna. Medvešček vestno prenese le informatorjevo pripoved in zapiše Devar z veliko začetnico, ne da bi se spuščal v spekulativne razprave, v uvodnem sestavku pa jasno zapiše, da njegove zgodbe opisujejo ostanke starega verovanja v zahodni Sloveniji. Glede na možni izvor oblike devar iz deva, dekleta ali bitja, podobnega vili, oziroma iz teonima Deva, gre za ostanke slovanske mitologije. Izvajanje iz lastnega imena Deva je v tem primeru nelogično. Ob vprašanju etimologije Divače se sama po sebi vsiljuje primerjava med kamnom, imenovanim devar, ki je moškega spola, nato eno od variant prvega zapisa imena vasi Di- 317 Triglavca, kraj češčenja plodnosti. Poizkus etimologije Divače Sl. 4 Enako kot na sl. 3. Pogled s strani (foto: Borut Lozej, Divača). Fig. 4 The same as on picture 3. Side view. vača Devač v tržaških kodeksih, ki je tudi moškega spola, na zapis Devača v vicedomskih zapisih in Deuača v matični knjigi ter izgovarjavo starih Divačanov Devača ali Davača. Tudi na podlagi teh dejstev obstaja možnost, da je bil prvobitni samoglasnik prvega zloga v imenu Divače e, pravilna oblika prvega znanega zapisa imena vasi Divača pa Devač. Obe obliki devar in Devač je mogoče izvesti iz deva ali Deva. Od tod hipotetični sklep, da imata obe imeni mitološki izvor, na podlagi česar bi bilo mogoče enačiti tudi vsebini, ki bi ju predstavljala devar in devač. Kako utemeljiti tako povezavo? Odgovor sem po analogiji našel v spodmolu z mitičnim imenom Triglavca nad veliko udornico Radvanj pri Divači (sl. 1, sl. 2). V spodmolu je edinstvena stalagmitna tvorba, zasigan odlomni blok, katerega vrhnji del je podolgovate kupolaste oblike. Nad njim je podolgovata stalaktitna tvorba (sl. 3). Na vrhu stalagmitne tvorbe je ročno izklesana ponvica, na nizkem priraslem stalagmitu poleg je izvrtana luknja, v katero so verjetno zataknili ročaj bakle. Sigasti tvorbi nimata običajne oblike, vidni del stalagmitne tvorbe je podoben vlažni napeti vulvi, stalaktitna tvorba na stropu je manj sugestivna, vendar bi glede na vulvo lahko predstavljala penis (sl. 4). Povsem mogoče je, da sta tvorbi predstavljali animistična objekta in so stalagmitni tvorbi - vulvi pravili devača, stalaktitni tvorbi - penisu pa devač ali pa sta bili tvorbi simbola ženskega (devača) in moškega (devač) bajeslovnega bitja. Pojavljanje moške in ženske oblike imena Divače; Devač in Devača, bi bilo s tega vidika manj zagonetno. Triglavca Na karti katastrske občine Divača iz leta 1819 (Arhiv Geodetske uprave Sežana) ni na mestu, kjer je spodmol Triglavca, nobenega napisa. Obstaja le napis »Per Terglauza«, 318 Ladislav Placer torej Terglauca, na kraju, kjer leži spodmol Trhlovca v katastrski občini Lokev. Ker Di-vačani poznajo le Triglavco nad Radvanjem, domnevam, da sta obstajali dve Terglauci, divaška, skrita očem, in lokavska, bolj vidna in znana ob nekdanji in sedanji cesti. Lega Triglavce in drugih kultnih mest, npr. Mušje jame, na območju ponora reke Reke in mogočnih udornic kaže na poseben mitološki status in mitološko simboliko, ki je v smislu kontinuitete od staroselske do slovanske mitologije še posebej pomembna, saj predstavlja kult plodnosti in pojav devača in devače v družbi s Triglavco izjemno novost. Povezava omogoča poglobljen razmislek o vlogi substrata v zahodni Sloveniji. Tak sklep podpira izjemno pomembno družinsko izročilo iz Prelož pri Lokvi, ki govori o poganskem obredu v Triglavci še v 30-ih letih 19. stoletja. O tem piše Čok (2009, 2010). Izročilo je še po drugi svetovni vojni poznalo več starejših vaščanov v Preložah. Iz obrednega zagovora sledi, da se je svečenik ali vodja obreda obračal k Devi, naj obvaruje žito pred hudobnim demonom moro, verjetno zato, ker ta povzroča močan vrtinec (vetra) tam, kamor stopi (Ovsec, 1991: 305), in s tem poleganje klasja. Podatek je iz Romunije, ta lastnost more danes na Slovenskem ni poznana. Deva v zagovoru ne more biti ne praslo-vansko odraslo dekle ne ženska s tem imenom ne deva - bajeslovno bitje, temveč Deva - božanstvo. Polaganje žitnih semen v ponvico na stalagmitni tvorbi - vulvi, po Čoku na obredni kamen s škovnico, in nato vskalitev semen ponazarja rojevanje. Tako imamo pred seboj del slovanskega mitološkega sveta, ki doslej ni bil tako jasno opisan. Ostaja pa nekaj vprašanj, npr. ali so bili devar, devač in devača imena animističnih simbolov ali bajeslovna bitja. V slednjem primeru bi devar pomagal neplodnim ženam, devač in devača pa naj bi v okviru kulta plodnosti simbolizirala akt vsakoletnega cikličnega oplojevanja in rojevanja. V obrednem besedilu nista omenjena ne devač ne devača. Ker nastopa le Deva, obstaja možnost prepletanja kulta plodnosti in animistične prakse. Mogoče pa je tudi, da se je ohranil le del obredja prvotnega kulta, saj ga je bilo glede na sovražne okoliščine po uveljavitvi krščanstva potrebno skrajšati na najnujnejše obredje. Trhlovca Kot je bilo že omenjeno, leži nedaleč od Triglavce, bliže Lokvi, ob sedanji in nekdanji poštni cesti Divača - Lokev, oziroma Dunaj - Trst, jama Trhlovca, narečno Tarhlouca (Sl. 1), ki je na Karti katastrske občine Lokev iz leta 1819 (Arhiv Geod. upr. Sežana) zabeležena kot »Per Terglauza«, torej »Per Terglauci«. Pred seboj imamo dve jami enakega imena, kar navaja na sum, da je današnja Trhlovca, nekdaj Terglauca, imela v času pokristjanjevanja in pozneje v srednjem veku vlogo dvojnika, s pomočjo katerega so prikrili obstoj prave Terglauce kot mesta poganskega čaščenja plodnosti in ga ohranili pred uničenjem ali drugačnim omadeževanjem. Na to bi kazal zapis na Karti katastrske občine Lokev in odsotnost zapisa na Karti katastrske občine Divača iz leta 1819. Ne smemo pozabiti, da je bil obred razkrit šele v tridesetih letih 19. stoletja. Strah pred razkritjem skrivnosti je po Medveščku (2006) in Čoku (2009, 2010) med nekaterimi prisoten še danes. Vzrok je strah pred zasmehom, strah pred nesrečo, ki bi zadela izdajalca skrivnosti, in strah pred uničenjam. Ime Trhlovca je novejšega datuma. V petdesetih letih 20. stoletja se je razvila razprava o tem, katera od obeh Triglavc je prava, nato je nekaj časa obveljalo, da je pri Divači Triglavca, pri Lokvi pa Trglavca, Bezlaj Triglavka (2003b: 1264, zapis iz leta 1951), do- 319 Triglavca, kraj češčenja plodnosti. Poizkus etimologije Divače kler ni prevladala razlaga, da je ime Trglavca napačno. Iz narečne izgovarjave za Trglavco »Ta^louca« je nekdo razvil domnevo, da se je prvotno ime glasilo Trhlovca po trhli (pre-pereli) sigi v vhodnem delu jame. Gre za ljudsko etimologijo, ker se je zabrisal spomin na domnevni pravi vzrok obstoja dveh jam enakega imena. Morda pa javnega spomina na dve jami enakega imena sploh ni bilo, ker so skrivnost poznali le posvečeni. Glavica se v lokavskem narečju izgovarja ylouca, zato se je Tarylouca v ušesih Neprimorca spremenila v Trhlouca oziroma Trhlovca, kar so potem povzeli tudi mlajši Lokavci. Izhajajoč iz zgodovinskega zapisa »Per Terglauza« za današnjo Trhlovco, sta torej obstajali lokavska Triglavca in divaška Triglavca, prvi so v Lokvi rekli Tarylouca, drugi v Divači Tarylauca. Težave s poimenovanjem so torej nastale iz razlike v narečni izgovarjavi med Lokvijo in Divačo. Na državni topografski karti 1 : 25.000 je celo napis Trhlovica. Mala Triglavca Spodmol Mala Triglavca leži blizu Triglavce nad Radvanom (Sl. 1). Pred pričetkom arheoloških izkopavanj ni imel imena, ker je bil neznatne velikosti, z izkopavanji pa ga je bilo treba zaradi sporazumevanja poimenovati. Zaključek Triglavca kot kraj čaščenja plodnosti in njen možni pomen za poimenovanje Divače kaže na poseben status tega ozemlja, ki zato potrebuje posebno zaščito. Tu prehaja duhovna kontinuiteta staroselcev v pojmovni in religijski svet Slovanov, ki se kaže v religij-ski praksi, doslej nepoznani v ostalem slovanskem svetu, v katerega vstopajo animistični objekti ali bajeslovna bitja devar, devač, devača in Triglavca. Divača je tudi kraj izvirne slovanske toponimične prakse, tu je velika udornica Radvanj (Radvan), ki je po Bezla-jevi razlagi za Radvanje (Bezlaj, 2003a: 761) izvedenka iz osebnega imena Radovan. Tu je zanimiva dolina Bajendu (Bajandu), ki je verjetno izvedenka iz Bojanov dol in potem še možna toponimična opozicija med htonično Železno babo na jugozahodu (vrh med Klemenko in Starim Taborom nad Lokvijo) in solarno Belico z Belimi stenami na severovzhodu. Med obema je vas. Šmitek navaja (2004: 238), da baba v slovenskem jeziku pomeni staro žensko, demona ali čarovnico, usahlo rečno strugo ali sotesko, temni oblak, ki prinaša nevihto z dežjem ali mokrim snegom itn. Divača leži torej na zanimivem prostoru, ki še zdaleč ni raziskan. Črni oblaki na jugozahodu v smeri Železne babe kot po železnem pravilu vedno pomenijo nevihto. Po opisu poti častilcev plodnosti iz Prelož (Čok, 2010), ki so krenili na pot proti Triglavci z Golca tik Velikega Gradišča, je mogoče domnevati, da je bil vsakoletni obred nasledek obredja prebivalcev železnodobnega naselja na Velikem Gradišču. Vprašanje nasledstva je podobno, kot ga je za okolico Rodika opisal Svoljšak (1997). V Sloveniji obstoja priimek Devač, katerega izvor bi bilo potrebno raziskati. 320 Ladislav Placer Literatura Arhiv Geodetske uprave Sežana: Mappe der Gemeinde Corgnale in Jahre 1819. Merilo 1 : 2880. Arhiv Geodetske uprave Sežana: Mappe der Gemeinde Divazza in Jahre 1819. Merilo 1 : 2880. Bezlaj, F. 2003a: Blišč in beda slovenskega jezika. Zbrani jezikoslovni spisi II, 751-787, ZRC, ZRC SAZU, Ljubljana. Bezlaj, F. 2003b: Nekaj besedi o slovenski mitologiji v zadnjih desetih letih. Zbrani jezikoslovni spisi II, 1261-1271, ZRC, ZRC SAZU, Ljubljana. Čok, B. 2009: Pričevanje o obredu plodnosti v Triglavci v dokumentarni oddaji RTV Slovenije 22. dec. 2009 Osvatina - Poganjski ogenj: http://www.rtvslo.si/odprtikop/ search/?searchstring=Osvatina+-+Poganjski+ogenj. Čok, B. 2010: Opis poganskega obreda v spodmolu Triglavca. Studia mythologica Slavica (v tem izvodu). Florjančič, J. D. 1744: Tabula chorographica Ducatus Carnioliae. Ponatis. Deželopisna karta Vojvodine Kranjske, Janez Dizma Florjančič, pl. Grienfeld, Ljubljana 1744. Pomanjšana reprodukcija prvega natisa, Slovenska knjiga, prvi natis 1994, drugi natis 1996, Ljubljana. Fonda, R.: http://fonda.amadej.si/Moj_Rodovnik. Hacquet, B. 1778: Oryctographia Carniolica oder physikalische Erdbeschreibung des Herzogthums Krain, Istrien und zum theil der benachbarten Länder. Leipzig. Ponatis karte. Slovensko geološko društvo, Geološki zavod Slovenije, Narodna in univerzitetna knjižnica, Ljubljana. Kos, M. 1954: Srednjeveški urbarji za Slovenijo, Zvezek tretji. Urbarji Slovenskega Primor-ja, Drugi del. Str. 410, SAZU, Ljubljana. Medvešček, P. 2006: Let v lunino senco. Pripovedi o starih verovanjih. TAURA Nova Gorica, str. 294, Nova Gorica. Merku, P. 2006: Krajevno imenoslovje na slovenskem zahodu. Linguistica et philologica 15, ZRC, ZRC SAZU, str. 215, Ljubljana. Ovsec, D. J. 1991: Slovanska mitologija in verovanje. Domus, str. 538, Ljubljana. Peršolja. J. in Pregelj, M. 1997: Rodiška župnija. V zborniku Rodik med Brkini in Krasom, 79-126, urednik Pregelj, M., str.181, Ognjišče, Koper. SLOVENIJA na vojaškem zemljevidu 1763-1787 (1804), Opisi, 3.zvezek (Josephinische Landesaufnahme 1763-1787 (1804) für das Gebiet der Republik Slowenien, Landesbeschreibung, 3. Band). Urednik Rajšp, V., str. 436, ZRC SAZU, Arhiv RS, Ljubljana, 1997. Snoj, M. 2009: Etimološki slovar slovenskih zemljepisnih imen. ZRC, str. 603, Ljubljana. Svoljšak, B. 1997: Starejša zgodovina Rodika. V zborniku Rodik med Brkini in Krasom, 19-64, urednik Pregelj, M., str.181, Ognjišče, Koper. Šmitek, Z. 2004: Mitološko izročilo Slovencev, str. 428. Poglavje Govorica toponimov, 219-240, Študentska založba, Ljubljana. Valvasor, J. W. 1689: Die Ehre des Hertzogthums Crain, 11. knjiga, Grad Školj-Neykhoffel(l). Vicedomini 8: http://digilander.libro.it/Trieste.Storia/paesi.del.territorio.index.html. Žiberna, J. 1981: Divaški prag. Str. 204, Krajevna skupnost Divača, Divača. 321 Triglavca, kraj češčenja plodnosti. Poizkus etimologije Divače Triglavca Rock Shelter, Cult Place of Fertility: An attempt at the etymology of the place name Divača Ladislav Placer The etymology of the place name Divača presents a difficulty, since it has no corollary in the Slavic world. Scholars and researchers have not as yet come up with a satisfying explanation (Šmitek 2004, Merku 2006 and Snoj 2009). In the extant historic sources, the place name exists in a range of spellings: 1308-1320 Deva^/Deva^(o)/Dova^ (Merku 2006, 62), 1331 Deva^a (Vicedomini 8), 1499 Diwatsch (Kos1954, 251), 1689 Duuazha/Duatshe (Valvasor 1689, 404-405), 1744 Duatsch (Florjančič), 1778 Duazh (Hacquet), 1804 (17631787) Divach (SLOVENIA, on a military map), 1852 Divača (Kozler). The latter spelling is used today. Italian documents prior to 1848 and Latin cadasters from 16th, 17th in 18th centuries use the form Divazha, Divazzo, Divazza, Diuazza, Divaza, Diuaza, exceptionally also Deuazza and Divacca, until the spelling Divaccia establishes itself as the norm after 1848 (Žiberna 1981, 59; Fonda). Given the fact that Divača is today pronounced by its inhabitants as Devača and Davača, less frequently also as Deuača and Dauača, and given also that one of the first known written forms was Devač (Merku) alongside two further, albeit isolated but important, transcriptions of Devaqa - that is to say Devača in Vicedomini 8, and Deuazza (ie. Deuača) in the cadasters (Fonda: Silverinus Resauer ex Deuazza /Pouir/, born cca. 1630) - I am led to believe that the original vowel in the first syllabus was 'e', pronounced by Slovenes as [e] and as the reduced vowel [a] which can stand in for other vowels as well. Non-Slovenian writers would transcribe the reduced vowel as 'i' (eg. Divazza for Davača), more rarely as 'u' (eg. Duuazha for Dauača) and possibly also as 'o' (eg. Dovaq: for Davač), or they would omit it (eg. Duatsch for Dauač). The phoneme [č] was transcribed as either '9', 'tsch', 'zh', 'ch, 'z', 'zz' or cc. To explain the origin of the place name it is important to bear in mind the existence of the male and female forms of the name: Devaq: (Merku) and Devaqa (Vicedomini 8), Deuazza (Fonda) or Duuazha (Valvasor) and so on, respectively. There does however exist also the possibility of a simultaneous usage of the male and female forms, as in Devaq:/ Dovaq:(o)/Dova9 (Merku). The official usage of the place name today is that of the feminine form - Divača. Forms such as Diwatsch or Duatsch are transcriptions of the German pronunciation of the place name Davača or Dauača. Also of interest is the genesis of the Italian form for transcribing the place name Divača. Many legal documents were, namely, written in this language. The male form of the place name Devač is rendered in Italian as Divazzo. A satisfying explanation of the place name's origins would continue to evade us if it were not for the appearance of a written document about a rock that was referred to as devar in the village of Huje in Brkini (Medvešček 2006, 225). Devar was the term used for a stalagmite formation in the shape of a phallus in some cave, to which up until a few years before World War I women unable to conceive were brought to supplicate for conception. Devar is extrapolated from deva, a pre-Slavic word meaning a young or unwed woman or a mythological being, which in turn is derived from the deity Deva. The rock devar was either an attribute of the mythological creature devar or an animistic object. 322 Ladislav Placer If the derivative sequence of deva/Deva - devar is possible, then it is also possible to have the derivative sequence of deva/Deva - devač and devača. A confirmation of this supposition is to be found in the Triglavca rock shelter near Divača (Fig. 1, Fig. 2) containing the elongated stalagmite and stalactite formations. At the top of the stalagmite formation there is hand-carved hollow and on the low-grown stalagmite nearby there is a drilled hole into which the torch handle would most probably have been inserted (see Čok 2010, fig. 1 in this paper). The stalagmite formation is remarkably reminiscent of a vulva, whereas the stalactite one is less suggestive but can nevertheless be symbolically compared to a penis (Fig. 3, Fig. 4). In other words, what we are presented with here are two »rocks« as animistic objects, which could be called devača (stalagmite formation-vulva) and devač (stalactite formation-penis) respectively, or could be seen as symbols of the two mythological figures of devača and devač. With this in mind the co-existence of the male and female forms for the place name Divača - Devač and Devača - becomes more readily comprehensible. Devač and devača in Triglavca were then part of a fertility cult, or rather part of cyclical regeneration and rebirth. This supposition is corroborated by Čok (2009, 2010), who supplies a testimony from her great-grandmother and another inhabitant of the village of Prelože close to Divača. Their grandmothers had described a pagan ritual of fertility in the Triglavca rock shelter. The last such ritual took place at the end of the 1830s, after which it was most probably forcefully terminated. Grandmother Preložanke was a priestess at this ritual. The ceremony took place in autumn. Its core part constituted of a ritual supplication to the deity Devi to protect the next year's summer wheat harvest from the female demon mora, which according to Romanian sources causes the lodging of the wheat crop (Ovsec 1991, 305). Today's transcription of the place name Divača is a remnant of supplanting the reduced vowel 'a' by the vowel 'i', which was the established formal practice with non-Slovenian writers. Thus Davač - Divač and Davača - Divača. Besides the remote Triglavca rock shelter, there is also, close to a regional road, the cave of Trhlovca (Fig. 1), known until the middle of the 20 th century as Triglavca. The duplication in the name was most probably intentional since, in the times of Christianization and after, it enabled concealing the whereabouts and the existence of the true Triglavca as well as the true place of pagan worship. In the close vicinity of Triglavca there is the rock shelter called Mala (Little) Triglavca (Fig. 1), named so only in the 1970s when the archaeological excavations began. The description of the path followed by the fertility ritual worshippers from the village of Prelože (Čok, 2010), who set out on their way to Triglavca from the Golac hill, next to the hill of Veliko Gradišče, leads us to suppose that the annual ritual was in fact a continuation of the tradition followed by the inhabitants of the iron-age settlement at Veliko Gradišče. This points to a cultural continuity with prehistoric times (Slapšak 1997). 323 Navodila avtorjem Uredništvo sprejema avtorsko povsem dokončane članke, napisane v slovanskih jezikih, v angleščini, italijanščini ali nemščini. Rokopisi naj vsebujejo tudi seznam ključnih besed v angleščini, avtorski izvleček v angleščini in povzetek v drugem jeziku kot članek, bodisi v angleščini, italijanščini, nemščini ali slovenščini. Oddani naj bodo v iztisu in na disketi, zapisani v formatu MS Word 6.0 ali več oz. v zapisu RTF. Digitalizirane slike naj bodo v formatu TIFF ali JPG. 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