56 NAŠE GOSPODARSTVO / OUR ECONOMY 69 (3) 2023 TBobek, V., Gotal, G., Horvat, T. Impacts of the 2022 War in Ukraine on the Travel Habits of Ukrainian T ourists Vito Bobek a* , Gal Gotal b , Tatjana Horvat c a University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Social Sciences, Kardeljeva ploščad 5, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenia b Faculty of Commercial and Business Sciences, Lava 7, 3000 Celje, Slovenia c University of Primorska, Faculty of Management, Izolska vrata 2, 6000 Koper, Slovenia vito.bobek@guest.arnes.si, gal.gotal@gmail.com, tatjana.horvat@fm-kp.si ARTICLE INFO Original Scientific Article Article History: Received April 2023 Revised May 2023 Accepted May 2023 JEL Classification: F51, O52, Z39 Keywords: Tourism Travel Travel habits War Ukraine UDK: 338.48:355.01(477) DOI: 10.2478/ngoe-2023-0018 Cite this article as: Bobek, V., Gotal, G., & Horvat, T. (2023). Impacts of the 2022 war in Ukraine on the travel habits of Ukrainian tourists. Naše Gospodarstvo/ Our Economy, 69(3), 56-67. DOI: 10.2478/ ngoe-2023-0018. ©2022 The Authors. Published by Sciendo on behalf of University of Maribor, Faculty of Economics and Business, Slovenia. This is an open access article under the CC BY-NC-ND license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/ by-nc-nd/4.0/). Abstract The purpose of this paper is to explore how the travel habits of Ukrainian tourists changed after the beginning of the 2022 war in Ukraine in com- parison to the year 2021. The theoretical part of the paper discusses the impacts of war on tourism; in the empirical part, the secondary and the primary research on the Ukrainians’ travel habits before and during the war is performed. The research gives an insight into the frequency of travelling, planned spending on travel, ethnic dilemmas on travelling, and travel desti- nations. The research is essential in the context of war and post-war periods for understanding the psychological and behavioral effects, assessing economic consequences, addressing destination marketing and recovery efforts, and facilitating reconciliation and social integration. Research limi- tations include the scope and generalizability of the findings, self-reporting biases, causality and temporal issues, and limited timeframe and context. Introduction After the beginning of the 2022 war in Ukraine, travel within the country has begun to take on a patriotic tone. Accordingly, tourists can take numerous trips to historical places of Ukraine and visit various museums, architectur- al monuments, castles, and the like. Tourism also focuses on ecological, gastronomic, and sports tourism. Nevertheless, in times of war, there are many additional instructions to follow when travelling. Travelling in groups of a maximum of 20 people and on authorized routes is recommended. If it is in force, military time must be observed. Tourists travelling alone must register in advance with State emergency services (Barsukova, 2022). This war has a significant psychological and emotional impact on the Ukrainian population. While there has been a lot of research on the broader economic, political, and social consequences of the war, there appears to be a limited amount of research focusing on the impacts of the 2022 war on the travel habits of Ukrainian tourists. Research can provide insights into how the war has affected the travel habits of Ukrainian tourists, such as * Corresponding author 57 NAŠE GOSPODARSTVO / OUR ECONOMY 69 (3) 2023 Bobek, V., Gotal, G., Horvat, T. Theoretical Background and Hypotheses Development Theoretical background The impact of war on the travel habits of tourists has been explored in numerous studies. The findings of these studies vary depending on the specific context and case studies examined. During times of war, tourists often tend to avoid destinations directly affected by the conflict. Tourists prioritize safety and security aspects, shifting destination preferences towards perceived safer regions or alternative destinations. This can result in a decline in tourist arrivals to conflict-affected areas. The perception of safety and security significantly influences travel deci- sions in war-affected regions. Negative media coverage and heightened risk perceptions can deter tourists from visiting conflict zones, even if the risk level may vary across different areas within the affected region. The experience of war can alter the motivations and expec- tations of tourists. For instance, some tourists may be motivated by curiosity, seeking to understand the so- cio-political context of the conflict. Others may be driven by empathy and a desire to support local communities affected by the war. These shifts in motivations can lead to changes in travel experiences, such as engagement in volunteer tourism or heritage-based tourism related to war memorials or historical sites. The tourism industry in war-affected regions often experiences significant disruptions. These disruptions can range from infrastruc- ture damage and decreased investment to job losses and reduced revenues. In times of war, the tourism offer can be seen as a paradox between the military and tourist economy (Weaver 2011, 672). The existing research offers insights into how wars and conflicts affect tourists' decisions to avoid specific destinations and shift their preferences. Hall & Tucker (2004) provide a comprehensive overview of tourism in different regions, including sections that discuss the impact of conflicts on tourism and destination avoidance. Timothy & Boyd (2003) examine how conflicts impact heritage tourism and destination preferences in post-war situations, using Bosnia-Herzegovina and Cyprus as case studies. Ritchie (2004), while not explicitly focusing on war, discusses crisis management in the tourism industry and offers insights into how destination avoidance and shifting preferences can occur during crises, including conflicts. Liu & Lo (2013) explore the impact of the Syrian conflict on neighboring countries, Lebanon and Jordan, and how the conflict influenced tourist flows and destina - tion choices in these countries. Although not focusing ex- plicitly on war, Ram & Gilboa (2005) examine destination changes in their preferences, motivations, and concerns. In this paper, we explore how the 2022 war has affected the destination preferences of Ukrainian tourists. The research involves studying whether there has been a shift in the choice of domestic versus international travel des- tinations or changes in the preferences for specific regions or countries. Additionally, we examine how the war has influenced the motivations hierarchy of Ukrainian tourists and how the travel patterns and behavior of Ukrainian tourists have altered due to the war. The latter involves studying changes in travel frequency, duration of trips, travel companions, and activities engaged during trips. This research is valuable in war and post-war periods for several reasons. Policymakers, tourism industry stake- holders, and mental health professionals must address the specific needs and challenges of the affected popu- lation. Wars can disrupt economies, including the tourism industry. By studying the travel habits of Ukrainian tourists before and during the war, researchers can assess its economic consequences on the tourism sector. Such research includes analyzing changes in tourist flows, tourism expenditure patterns, and overall industry perfor- mance. Such insights can aid policymakers and industry players in developing strategies to revive and sustain the tourism sector in the post-war periods. The research can provide valuable information for destination marketing and recovery efforts. By understanding the changes in travel preferences and motivations, tourism authorities can tailor their promotional campaigns and develop targeted strategies to attract visitors. Moreover, identifying any hesitations or concerns among Ukrainian tourists can help shape recovery efforts, ensuring that the tourism infrastructure and services address specific needs and alleviate any anxieties from the war. Post-war periods often involve the process of rec- onciliation and social integration. This research can shed light on the interactions and experiences of tourists with the local population in different regions affected by the war. The research findings are essential for understanding how tourism can contribute to social cohesion and how reconciliation efforts can assist policymakers in design- ing initiatives that promote dialogue, understanding, and unity among diverse communities. The structure of the paper is as follows. In the theoreti- cal part, we examine the key impacts of war on tourism. In the empirical analysis, we explore the travel habits of Ukrainian tourists first before the war (in 2021) based on secondary data. Secondly, based on primary research, we investigate changes in the travel habits of Ukrainians during the war (in 2022). 58 NAŠE GOSPODARSTVO / OUR ECONOMY 69 (3) 2023 TBobek, V., Gotal, G., Horvat, T. image and its influence on travel behavior, which can be relevant in understanding how conflicts shape tourists' preferences and avoidance. War significantly affects tourism demand for countries involved in the conflict and the international flow of tourists. As a rule, the adverse effects of war have a much longer temporal and a much more significant geo- graphical impact than, for example, in terrorist attacks. A war that occurs only in one or both countries in conflict, civil wars, and wars aimed at depleting the adversary's resources have historically been the most common forms of war affecting the tourism sector. Similar riots that have affected tourism include various rebellions and violent demonstrations. In the past, all the forms mentioned above substantially impacted the mass redirection of tourists to other destinations, or they canceled their trips (Pizam & Mansfeld, 2006, 4). Expanding tourism in such areas can bring peace after the end of danger and war conflicts. One of the post-war tourist attractions can be the legacy of the war, as human excitement and curiosity contribute to interest in such places. One of the types of tourism that can appear after a war is a pilgrimage. Such sites are also visited by people who fought in a particular war or their descendants. Both are driven by personal emotions and a strong desire to revisit certain places. Historically, tourism was associated with war to the extent that people visited war sites even during the war. An example is the Battle of Waterloo, and people sometimes paid for such tours with their lives (Butler & Suntikul, 2013, 2). In France, the so-called battlefield tourism took place during the war and was promoted by various organiza- tions and business people. In 1917, André Michelin, with the Touring Club of France and the National Tourist Office, created the first so-called war tour, marking the third anniversary of the Battle of the Marne. From then on, Michelin guides also included French battlefields, heralding the continuation of this type of tourism in the post-war period (Pellejero Martinez, 2020, 207-208). As an example of the impact of war on the national economy, we can also take Croatia. Its independence from Yugoslavia in 1991 resulted in a war from 1991 to 1995. During that period, Croatia lost as much as 5 billion in the GDP due to the war. It is interesting that revenues from tourism even increased in specific periods. At that time, Croatia lost many different markets, partly due to the collapse of the Soviet Union and the fall of the Berlin Wall. Tourism revenues fell at the start of the war and then returned to pre-war levels after four years. This also happened because the Adriatic coast, one of the country's leading tourist destinations, was unaffected during the war (Currie et al., 2004,12). Hypotheses development The foremost reason for decreased travel during a war is heightened safety concerns. War zones are characterized by increased risks such as violence, instability, and the presence of military activities. As a result, individuals may perceive it as unsafe to travel to or within conflict-af- fected areas. The potential threat to personal safety and security is a deterrent for tourism, causing people to avoid travel altogether. Wars significantly disrupt infra- structure, transportation systems, and tourism services. Roadblocks, checkpoints, damaged or closed tourist sites, and limited access to essential services can hinder travel experiences and make planning and executing trips chal- lenging. The uncertainty surrounding the availability and quality of travel-related amenities during times of war can discourage Ukrainians from engaging in tourism activities. The resources and funds individuals typically allocate to travel may need to be redirected to cover more essential needs, such as necessities, healthcare, or housing. The economic strain caused by war can limit the financial capacity of individuals to engage in leisure activities, including tourism. Wars have a profound emotional and psychological impact on individuals and communities. The trauma and stress of living in a war-torn environment can reduce the desire or capacity for leisure activities such as tourism. People may prioritize their well-being, mental health, and the need to protect themselves and their loved ones, leading to a decreased interest in travel during such challenging times. The negative image as- sociated with war-affected regions can significantly impact tourists' perception of destination attractiveness. Media coverage often focuses on conflicts, destruction, and suffering, creating a negative image discouraging tourism. The perception that war-affected areas may lack the infrastructure, services, and amenities necessary for enjoyable tourism experiences can further contribute to decreased travel. Hence, we hypothesize: H1: During the war, Ukrainians travel less frequently for tourism reasons than before. Wars often lead to economic instability and financial hardships. During conflict periods, individuals may ex- perience reduced income, increased unemployment rates, and overall economic uncertainty. As a result, people may have limited disposable income for non-es- sential expenses such as tourism. The financial con- straints imposed by the war can make Ukrainians more 59 NAŠE GOSPODARSTVO / OUR ECONOMY 69 (3) 2023 Bobek, V., Gotal, G., Horvat, T. price-sensitive and reluctant to spend significant amounts on tourist trips. The risks associated with travelling during times of war can significantly impact the perceived value of tourist trips. Ukrainians may consider the poten- tial safety hazards, disruptions, and inconveniences when assessing the value proposition of travel. This heightened risk perception can make individuals less willing to pay higher prices for trips, as they may perceive the overall experience as less rewarding or enjoyable compared to pre-war periods. During times of war, people often prior- itize their basic needs, safety, and the well-being of their families over leisure activities. The focus shifts towards securing essential resources and ensuring personal and financial stability. This shift in priorities can decrease willingness to allocate significant financial resources to tourist trips, as individuals may choose to give their limited resources towards more pressing concerns. The negative image associated with war-affected regions can influence the perception of destination quality and value. Media coverage often highlights the destruction, insta- bility, and challenges conflict zones face. Ukrainians may perceive war-affected destinations as offering a lower quality of tourism infrastructure, services, and amenities than in pre-war periods. This perception can impact their willingness to pay higher prices for trips to these areas. The decline in tourism demand during times of war can decrease prices as tourism operators and service provid- ers strive to attract visitors. In response to the reduced demand, businesses may offer discounts, promotions, or lower prices to incentivize tourists. This dynamic can further influence Ukrainians' willingness to pay less for tourist trips, as they may take advantage of the compet- itive pricing in the market. Therefore, we developed the second hypothesis: H2: During the war, Ukrainians are ready to pay less for tourist trips than before. During times of war, nationalist sentiments and tensions between different nationalities or ethnic groups involved in the conflict can increase. Ukrainians may develop a sense of solidarity and loyalty towards their nation, leading to a preference for avoiding interactions with individuals from the perceived opposing side. The war can intensify these sentiments and create a desire for separation from perceived adversaries, such as Russian guests. Wars often highlight and exacerbate political and ideological differences between nations. Individuals may become more conscious of their national identity and po- litical affiliations as conflicts unfold. The war between Ukraine and Russia can create a divide based on political ideologies and national narratives, causing some Ukraini- ans to view Russian guests as representatives of a political system or government with which they disagree. This dif- ference in political and ideological perspectives can lead to a desire for separation. Wars can create an atmosphere of distrust and fear between nations involved in the conflict. Due to the ongoing war, Ukrainians may perceive Russian guests as potential security risks or sources of conflict. This perception of potential harm or discomfort can prompt Ukrainians to seek separate accommodations to ensure their safety and peace of mind. War experi- ence can significantly impact individuals' attitudes and perceptions toward other nationalities. Ukrainians who previously had no issue staying with Russian guests in the same hotel may have had their views shaped or changed by the war's events and their impact on their lives and country. The war can shift attitudes, creating a prefer- ence for avoiding interactions with individuals associated with the perceived source of conflict. During the war, in- dividuals may develop a strong sense of supporting their own nation's economy and businesses. Ukrainians who want to stay in different hotels than Russian guests may prioritize supporting Ukrainian-owned or Ukrainian-op- erated hotels, perceiving it as solidarity with their own nation's businesses and economy. The third hypothesis is the following: H3: Ukrainians who wanted to stay in a different hotel than Russian guests during the war did not see a problem staying with Russian guests in the same hotel before. During times of war, the safety and security of individ- uals become paramount. Ukrainians who stay in their own country may perceive domestic travel as safer than travelling abroad. Domestic travel allows them to avoid potential risks associated with crossing international borders, dealing with unfamiliar environments, or visiting destinations perceived as less secure during the conflict. Domestic travel within their country offers Ukrainians a sense of familiarity and comfort. They will likely be more knowledgeable about their country's geography, culture, language, and customs. This familiarity can make domestic destinations more appealing, as Ukrainians may feel more at ease and enjoy a sense of belonging when exploring places within their own country. The state of war can foster a sense of national pride and solidarity among Ukrainians. Travelling within their own country can be seen as a way to support and promote their national identity, culture, heritage, and economy. Ukrainians may feel a duty to contribute to the local tourism industry and show solidarity with their fellow citizens during hardship. During the war, travel options may be limited due to infrastructure damage, transpor- tation disruptions, or reduced access to certain areas. Domestic travel within Ukraine can be more accessible 60 NAŠE GOSPODARSTVO / OUR ECONOMY 69 (3) 2023 TBobek, V., Gotal, G., Horvat, T. and logistically easier than international travel, as it may involve fewer logistical challenges, such as obtaining visas, dealing with international airports, or navigating uncertain cross-border situations. Ukraine has a diverse history, cultural heritage, natural landscapes, and attrac- tions. Despite the ongoing conflict, numerous regions and destinations within Ukraine still offer unique experiences for tourists. Ukrainians who choose to travel domestically can still satisfy their desire for exploration and discovery within their own country, showcasing the diversity and beauty of Ukraine. The fourth hypothesis is the following: H4: Ukrainians who remained in the country during the state of war travel mainly within their own country for tourism reasons. Ukrainians who emigrated to other countries may have access to better economic opportunities and resources than those who remained in their home country. This increased financial stability and disposable income can enable them to engage in more frequent and potentially more extensive travel for tourism. Ukrainians who have emigrated may strongly desire to reconnect with their homeland and explore their cultural roots. They may feel a sense of nostalgia and longing for their home country, and travel for tourism can allow them to revisit familiar places, connect with their heritage, and strengthen their ties to Ukraine. Emigrating to another country often grants individuals greater mobility and travel privileges. They may have access to better travel infrastructure, such as more direct flight connections, visa-free travel agreements, or favorable residency statuses in their new country of residence. This increased mobility and ease of travel can facilitate more frequent trips to Ukraine or other destinations. Living in a different country can broaden one's perspec- tive and interests. Ukrainians who have emigrated may have been exposed to new cultures, lifestyles, and travel experiences in their host country. This exposure can foster a more significant curiosity for travel and explora- tion, leading to a higher likelihood of engaging in tourism activities. Ukrainians who emigrated may have family and friends remaining in Ukraine. Visiting their loved ones becomes a significant motivator for travel. They may travel back to Ukraine to reconnect with family and friends, attend special occasions, or spend time with their loved ones. These visits can include tourism activities as they explore different regions and attractions within Ukraine while reconnecting with their social network. The fifth hypothesis is the following: H5: Ukrainians who emigrated to other countries due to the state of war travel for tourism reasons more often than Ukrainians who stayed in their country. Data and Methodology In the secondary empirical research, we used the statis- tical data of Ukrainian national tourist organizations. The National Agency for the Development of Tourism research carried out at the end of 2021 served as a framework for obtaining data on Ukrainian domestic and outbound tourism. We additionally supported this data with the re- sources of the National Tourism Organization of Ukraine, which offers the so-called Tourism Barometer of Ukraine 2020, released in 2021 (DART, 2021). To investigate changes in the travel habits of Ukrainians in detail, we undertook primary research in the form of a quantitative survey. The survey questionnaire was semi- open and in Google Forms. We distributed it on the social network Telegram, in Ukrainian groups with a tourist theme, where gather Ukrainians who like to travel. The first response was recorded on 25/08/2022, and the last on 25/09/2022. A total of 297 valid survey questionnaires were recorded. In the questionnaire, we set the condition for participa- tion in the survey – survey respondents had to travel at least once every two years before the war in Ukraine. The sample was selected randomly. The statistical unit varia- bles were the following: age, how they travel, where they live, what their monthly income was before and after the war, how many times a year they travelled in and out of Ukraine before the war, and how much they plan to travel during the war, how much money they spent on one trip before the war and how much they spent or planned to spend during the war, which destinations in Ukraine and outside Ukraine they planned to visit before the war and which they have visited or plan to visit during the war. The remaining variables included the opinion of staying in the same hotel with Russian guests before and after the war, and the way of travelling (on your own or with travel agencies) in and out of Ukraine, both before and after the war. We used Spearman's correlation coefficient to test the first and second hypotheses. Binomial statistical analysis was used for testing the third and fourth hypothesis, and a t-test was used to test the fifth hypothesis. 61 NAŠE GOSPODARSTVO / OUR ECONOMY 69 (3) 2023 Bobek, V., Gotal, G., Horvat, T. Results Travel habits of Ukrainians before the 2022 war Domestic tourism We analyzed the Ukrainian travel habits in the last year before the start of the 2022 war. In 2021, as many as 70% of Ukrainians travelled in Ukraine, who previously answered that they travel in Ukraine with varying frequency. Most of them travelled one time in 2021, and the answers did not differ drastically, even by gender, age, region, or type of settlement (DART, 2021, 53). Most Ukrainians travelled once in Ukraine in 2021, ac- counting for 58% of responses. 22% travelled twice, 10% travelled three times, 4% travelled four times, and 6% travelled five times or more. The most visited regions in 2021 were Kyiv, Ivano-Frankivsk, Lviv, Odesa, and Transcarpathian regions, and among residents who trav- elled up to 5 times in 2021, popular regions were mostly repeated (DART, 2021, 56). Regarding the reasons for travelling to Ukraine in 2021, recreation, free time, and rest come first. It was selected as the answer a few times. Among those who travelled once in 2021, this answer was chosen six times more often than the answer in the second place - visiting friends and family. In third place were individual business visits. All other reasons for travelling to Ukraine in 2021 represent- ed 5% or less (DART, 2021, 60). Ukrainians who travelled to Ukraine at most one time in 2021 spent about 6000 Ukrainian hryvnias (198 euros) on their trip. Spending money for a more significant number of trips around Ukraine in 2021 is as follows: second trip - 4000 Ukrainian hryvnias (132 euros), third trip - 3000 Ukrainian hryvnias (99 euros), fourth trip - 2600 Ukrain- ian hryvnias (85.8 euros) and fifth trip – 2900 Ukrainian hryvnias (95.7 euros) (DART, 2021, 62). Outbound tourism Of all Ukrainians travelling abroad for tourist purposes, 49% travelled in 2021, of which 39% travelled one time, 7% two times, 2% three times, and less than 1% of them 2021 travelled abroad four times. There were no notice- able differences between the female and male sexes and the population aged up to 54 years, but those over 55 trav- elled less frequently abroad. Residents of central regions, Kyiv, and larger cities travelled more often than residents of other regions and villages (DART, 2021, 139). About a quarter of Ukrainians who travelled abroad in 2021 spent less than seven nights on the trip. 30% stayed abroad for seven nights, and 31% for 8 to 14 nights (DART, 2021, 141). European countries were the most frequently chosen, ac- counting for 42% of all responses. Turkey follows them with 28%, Egypt with 21%, former Soviet Union countries with 5%, and African and Asian countries with 2%. North and South American countries accounted for 1% of the responses (DART, 2021, 143). The choice of tourist des- tinations abroad did not differ significantly according to gender or age. However, the choice was more noticeably influenced by the region of residence and the type of set- tlement of respondents. Residents of the western regions of Ukraine travelled more often to European countries, while urban residents travelled more often to Turkey (DART, 2021, 144). Of all Ukrainians who travelled abroad in 2021, as many as 77% travelled for recreation, leisure, and rest. 9% of people travelled to visit friends and family. This is followed by an individual business visit with 5% and a trip to use wellness and spa services with 2%. 2% was received by the "Other" category, including sports competitions, studies for up to 1 year, or treatment for up to 1 year. 1% of people each travelled for the following purposes: individual participa- tion in fairs, congresses, or conferences, participation in a business meeting, attendance at cultural events, reli- gious travel, travel for shopping, or travel for historical research. Less than % of people refused to answer (DART, 2021, 148). The most typical amount spent by Ukrainians for trips abroad with the travel service providers was 25000 Ukrainian hryvnias (825 euros), which simultaneously rep- resents the median value, and 26735 Ukrainian hryvnias (882.3 euros), which means the average value (DART, 2021, 173–174). Tourists between the ages of 25 and 54 spend slightly more on travel service providers for trips abroad than others. Men and residents of larger cities also spend slightly more. Kyiv stands out here, where the dif- ference is noticeable, as tourists here spend an average of 33 thousand Ukrainian hryvnias (1089 euros) (DART, 2021, p. 174). Travel habits of Ukrainians during the 2022 war We analyzed Ukrainian travel habits in 2022. The respons- es regarding the age group of the respondents show that the majority were between 26 and 33 years old (34.2%). This is followed by 29.8% of respondents, who were between 18 and 25 years old, 16.9% between 34 and 40 years old and 14.6% between 41 and 50 years old, and the 62 NAŠE GOSPODARSTVO / OUR ECONOMY 69 (3) 2023 TBobek, V., Gotal, G., Horvat, T. fewest respondents were between 51 and 60 years old (3.1%) and 61 years or older (1.4%). We also found that most respondents (30.8%) travelled with their families, while approximately the same per- centage (30.5%) travelled as a couple. This is followed by 27.1% of respondents who most often travelled with friends, while the least respondents (11.5%) most often travelled alone. Most respondents lived in Ukraine (57.3%), while the rest (42.7%) lived outside the country. Of the latter, most (13.5%) lived in Slovenia. This is followed by 5% of re- spondents living in Poland, 3.8% in Germany or Great Britain, 2.4% in France, 2% in Greece, and 1.4% in the Netherlands and Italy. 0.7% of the respondents lived in Bulgaria, Cyprus, Lithuania, Portugal, Spain, Sweden, the USA, or the United Arab Emirates, and one respondent per each country lived in Belgium, the Czech Republic, Estonia, Indonesia, Israel, Canada, in Hungary, Malta, Norway, Romania or Slovakia. In the following, we wanted to determine the respond- ents' monthly income before the war. This was the most common amount of EUR 1000 or more, as 25.4% of re- spondents defined themselves as such. This is followed by 19.7% of respondents with a monthly income between EUR 500 and 699 and 19.3% with a monthly income between EUR 300 and 499. Slightly fewer respondents indicated that their monthly income was between EUR 700 and 999 (13.6%) and between EUR 200 and 299 (10.2%), and the fewest respondents indicated that their monthly income was between 1 and EUR 199 (7.8%) or that they received no income at all (4.1%). Regarding income since the beginning of the war, the majority of respondents (21%) received 1000 EUR or more per month, followed by those who received no income (18.6%) and those with a monthly income between 300 and 499 EUR (16.3%). There are slightly fewer respondents with a monthly income between 1 and 199 EUR (14.2%) and 200 and 299 EUR (12.2%), and the least number of respondents received between 700 and 999 EUR after the start of the war (9, 5%) and between EUR 500 and EUR 699 (8.1%). Before the war in Ukraine, the frequency of travel covered trips for tourism reasons, which meant that individuals spent at least one night somewhere. Respondents most often travelled to Ukraine twice a year (27.5%), followed by those who did it once a year (22.4%) or four or more times (21.4%). Before the war, slightly fewer respondents travelled to Ukraine three times a year (19.2%) or once every two years (9.5%), and the fewest respondents only travelled to Ukraine after the war (6%). Regarding trips outside Ukraine, most respondents went on trips twice a year (34.9%). They are followed by re- spondents who travelled outside Ukraine before the war once a year (26.1%), fewer respondents did so three times a year (13.6%), four times a year, or more often (10.8%), or once every two years (9.5%). Even when travelling outside Ukraine, the fewest percentage of respondents indicated that they had never done this (5.1%). Most respondents planned to travel to Ukraine four or more times yearly (27.1%) or twice a year (20.7%). Slightly fewer respondents (20.7%) planned to travel to Ukraine once a year, 12.9% planned to travel three times a year and 8.1% did not plan to travel to Ukraine, and the least respondents (4.7%) planned to travel in the future in Ukraine once every two years. Most respondents answered that they planned to travel outside of Ukraine twice a year (32.9%), followed by 23.4% of respondents who planned to travel outside of Ukraine four times a year or more often and 22% of respondents who planned to travel once a year. Slightly fewer respond- ents indicated that they planned to travel three times a year, and the fewest percentage of respondents planned to travel outside of Ukraine once every two years (3.7%) or did not even plan to travel outside of Ukraine (2.7%). Furthermore, we wanted to find out which destinations the respondents in Ukraine planned to visit for tourist reasons before the start of the war. From the descriptive answers of the respondents, it can be seen that 21% planned to visit the Carpathians and 8.1% the Transcarpathian Oblast before the war. It is followed by 16% of respondents who planned to visit Odesa, 14.6% from Western Ukraine, 11.2% from Lviv, 8.1% from Kyiv, 7.8% from Kharkiv, 4.4% from Southern Ukraine, 4.1% from Kherson, 3 .4% Kherson Oblast, 2% Chernivtsi, 1.7% Eastern Ukraine, and 1.4% Chernihiv and Dnipro and other places. The survey also showed which tourist destinations of Ukraine the respondents had already visited during the war or were planning to visit in the future. Thus, it can be seen that during the war, 15.6% of respondents visited or planned to visit Lviv, 10.2% the Carpathians and 3.1% the entire Zakarpattia Oblast, 7.5% Kyiv, 4.1% Odesa, 2.4% Bukovel, 2.1% Western Ukraine and Chernivtsi, 1.7% Kharkiv, 1% Southern Ukraine and 0.7% Bukovina, Uzhhorod, Uman, Dnipro and Zaporizhzhia, and other places or attractions. 63 NAŠE GOSPODARSTVO / OUR ECONOMY 69 (3) 2023 Bobek, V., Gotal, G., Horvat, T. Thus, before the start of the war, 24.7% of respondents planned to visit Italy, 20.3% Spain, 15.3% all of Europe, 12.5% Portugal and France, 10.5% Turkey, 8.5% Greece, 6, 1% Norway, 5.1% Germany, 4.7% Georgia and USA, 4.4% Poland, 3.7% Netherlands, Montenegro, and Great Britain, 3.4% Switzerland and Egypt, 3.1% Sweden and Croatia, 2.7% Czech Republic and 2.4% Belgium, Austria, Asia and Indonesia and other countries. The survey also showed which tourist destinations outside of Ukraine the respondents had already visited during the war or were planning to visit in the future. 13.6% visited or planned to visit Poland, 10.5% Italy, 7.4% Hungary, 7.1% Germany, 6.1% Austria and the Czech Republic, 5.4% Spain, 4.1% France, Greece, and Croatia, 3.1% Slovenia and Turkey, 2.7% Netherlands, 2.4% Montenegro and Great Britain and 2.1% Belgium, Slovakia and Sweden. In the next part of the research, it was studied what the respondents' opinion was about staying in the same hotel with Russian guests before the war. Most respondents (44.1%) were bothered by this little thing but needed more to change their chosen hotel. Also, many respond- ents (41%) stated that it did not bother them, while 14.9% said that staying in the same hotel with Russian guests bothered them and did not want it. During the war, most of the respondents (77.6%) stated that staying in the same hotel with Russian guests bothered them and that they did not want to do it; 18.3% of them said that a little bit bothered them and only 4.1% of the respondents indicat- ed that it did not bother them at all. Hypotheses testing To test the first hypothesis (H1: During the war, Ukrainians travelled less frequently for tourism than before), we used Spearman's correlation coefficient, which had a value of 0.500 and a significance of 0.000. This result indicates a medium-strong relationship between the variables and that the respondents do not travel much less frequently in Ukraine during the war than they did before the war. Regarding the correlation between the frequency of travel before the war and the planned frequency of travel outside Ukraine, the value of the Spearman correlation coefficient is 0.547. The significance is 0.000, indicating a solid medium connection between the variables and that the respondents travel or plan to travel almost equally during the war outside Ukraine as before. Due to these results, we rejected the first hypothesis. The value of the Spearman's correlation coefficient in testing the second hypothesis (H2: During the war, Ukrainians are ready to pay less for tourist trips than before) was 0.484, and the significance was 0.000, which indicates a medium-strong relationship and confirms that the respondents spent almost the same amount of money on travel in Ukraine during the war as they did before the war. The value of the Spearman correlation coefficient on the money spent on travel outside of Ukraine before and during the war was 0.692, and the significance was 0.000, which indicates a moderately strong relationship and confirms that respondents spent almost the same amount of money on travel outside of Ukraine in both periods. Therefore, we reject the second hypothesis. We used the binomial analysis to test the third hypothesis (H3: Ukrainians who wanted to stay in a different hotel than Russian guests during the war did not see a problem staying with Russian guests in the same hotel before the war). Before the war, 41% of Ukrainian tourists were okay with staying in the same hotel with Russian guests, while this percentage is only 4.1% after the start. On the contrary, it can also be seen that before the war, 14.9% of Ukrainian tourists were very disturbed by staying in the same hotel with Russian guests, while after the start of the war, this percentage increased to as much as 77.6%. We can confirm the third hypothesis. The fourth hypothesis (H4: Ukrainians who remained in the country during the state of war travel mainly within their own country for tourism reasons) was also tested with the binomial statistical analysis. Of the 169 individ- uals who stayed in Ukraine, 40.2% did not visit any other place in Ukraine for tourism, and 56.2% did not travel or did not plan to travel abroad. This shows that individuals in Ukraine do not intend to travel outside Ukraine, and we can confirm the fourth hypothesis. A t-test for independent samples was used to test the fifth hypothesis (H5: Ukrainians who emigrated to other coun- tries due to the state of war will travel for tourism more often than Ukrainians who stayed in their country). The results are shown in Tables 1 and 2. Table 1 Descriptive statistics of the t-test for independent samples Country of residence Mean Standard deviation Planned trips to Ukraine In Ukraine 4.37 1.321 Outside Ukraine 3.78 1.711 Planned trips outside Ukraine In Ukraine 4.17 1.238 Outside Ukraine 4.35 1.298 Source: Authors' calculations 64 NAŠE GOSPODARSTVO / OUR ECONOMY 69 (3) 2023 TBobek, V., Gotal, G., Horvat, T. From Table 1, it can be seen that on the scale of frequen- cy of travel to Ukraine, individuals from Ukraine rated frequency on average with a value of 4.37 and a standard deviation of 1.321. In contrast, individuals outside Ukraine rated it with a mean value of 3.78 and a standard deviation of 1.711. Similarly, respondents rated planned to travel outside of Ukraine, where individuals living in Ukraine rated it with a mean of 4.17 and a standard devi- ation of 1.238, and individuals living outside of Ukraine rated it with a mean of 4.35 and a standard deviation of 1.298. In Table 2, the t-test values for independent samples are shown. In this research, we first investigated the existing data on the travel habits of Ukrainians before the war in 2022 and after the start of the war in 2022. We covered both trips within and outside of Ukraine. The research shows that even after the start of the war, Ukrainians travelled to a certain extent for tourism, albeit to other destinations. In the second part of the empirical research, we used the tool of a semi-open questionnaire to obtain current data on changes in the travel habits of Ukrainian tourists who travelled at least once every two years before the war in 2022. We tested five hypotheses in the research. We rejected the first hypothesis, as we found that Ukrainian tourists do not travel, or do not plan to travel significantly Table 2 Independent samples t-test results Levene's test of equality of variances t df sig (2-str) F sig Planned trips to Ukraine Equal variances 10.485 0.001 3.337 293 0.001 Unequal variances 3.216 227.439 0.001 Planned trips outside Ukraine Equal variances 2.310 0.130 –1.234 293 0.218 Unequal variances –1.225 262.236 0.222 Source: Authors' calculations From Table 2, it can be seen that there are differences between respondents who live in Ukraine and those who live outside of Ukraine regarding their planned trips to Ukraine, as it can be seen that the significance is 0.001, and it is lower than 0.005. This shows that individuals who live in Ukraine intend to travel to Ukraine more often than those who do not live there. We did not find differences in planned trips outside of Ukraine depending on the place of residence, so we can only partially confirm the fifth hypothesis. Conclusion As a large country that lies entirely on the European continent, Ukraine offers many tourist attractions and destinations for discovering various travel experienc- es for different segments. Unfortunately, war activities have been taking place in the east of the country since 2014, and in 2022, the scope of the war has increased and spread to the entire country. Nevertheless, the danger may be far from specific tourist destinations to the extent that tourism can take place there under normal or limited circumstances, and peace after the end of the war may contribute to an even more significant expansion of tourism, e.g., in the form of post-war tourist attractions and the like. less often than they travelled before the war that started in 2022. We also rejected the second hypothesis since Ukrainian tourists during the war have spent or plan to spend almost the same amount of money as before the war on travel both within and outside of Ukraine. Hypoth- esis 3 was confirmed since we found that, unlike before the war, when Ukrainian tourists were not bothered by staying in the same hotel with Russian guests or were bothered only a little but would not change their chosen hotel because of it, most Ukrainian tourists now do not want to stay in the same hotel as Russian guests. We also confirmed hypothesis 4 as we found that Ukrainian tourists living in Ukraine mainly do not intend to travel outside Ukraine. In testing the fifth hypothesis, we found differences between respondents who live in Ukraine and those who live outside of Ukraine. People living in Ukraine travel or intend to travel in Ukraine more often than those who do not live there. We did not find any differences in trips or planned trips outside of Ukraine depending on the place of residence, so we only partially confirmed the fifth hypothesis. Limitations While the research on the impact of the war in Ukraine on the travel habits of Ukrainian tourists provides valuable insights, it is essential to consider some limi- tations that may affect the scope and generalizability 65 NAŠE GOSPODARSTVO / OUR ECONOMY 69 (3) 2023 Bobek, V., Gotal, G., Horvat, T. of the findings. The research relied on a specific sample of Ukrainian tourists, which may not fully represent the entire population. The sample selection process, sample size, and demographic characteristics of the participants can influence the generalizability of the findings. It is crucial to consider whether the sample adequately repre- sents Ukrainian tourists' diversity and travel habits. The research likely relied on self-reported data, which can be subject to biases. Respondents may provide socially de- sirable answers or may not recall their travel habits accu- rately. There can also be inherent limitations in measur- ing subjective constructs such as motivations, attitudes, and perceptions related to travel. Researchers should consider the potential biases and limitations associated with self-reporting methods. Establishing causal rela- tionships between the war and changes in travel habits can be challenging. While the research may demonstrate correlations between the war and travel behavior, it may be challenging to determine if the war directly caused the observed changes or if other factors, such as economic conditions or travel trends, contributed to the outcomes. Additionally, the temporal aspect should be considered, as travel habits may continue to evolve beyond the imme- diate impact of the war. The research focused on a specific period or phase of the war, which may not capture the full extent of its impact on travel habits. Different stages of a conflict can have varying effects on tourism, and the findings may not necessarily apply to other timeframes or contexts. Interpreting the research findings within the specific temporal and contextual boundaries in which the data were collected is crucial. The research results may be specific to the Ukrainian context and may not be readily generalizable to other war-affected regions or countries. Ukraine's unique socio-cultural, economic, and geopolitical factors may distinctly shape travel habits. Researchers should acknowledge the contextual spec- ificity and caution when applying the findings to other contexts. Future research Future research on the impact of the war in Ukraine on the travel habits of Ukrainian tourists can explore several areas to enhance our understanding further. Conducting longitudinal studies to examine the long-term impact of the war on travel habits can provide insights into how patterns may change or stabilize over time. This can help identify whether the observed changes in travel behavior during the conflict persist or if there is a return to pre-war patterns once the situation stabilizes. Investi- gating the psychological and emotional aspects of travel decision-making in war can shed light on the underlying motivations and perceptions. Research can delve into the psychological impact of the conflict on tourists, in- cluding factors such as fear, risk perception, resilience, and coping mechanisms, and how these factors influ- ence travel decisions. Examining the role of destination image and branding in post-war tourism recovery can be valuable. Research can explore how the war has affected the perception of Ukraine as a tourist destination and how destination marketing efforts can be tailored to rebuild trust, attract visitors, and promote positive images of the country. Assessing the war's economic impact on Ukraine's tourism industry is crucial. Research can inves- tigate the financial losses incurred by tourism businesses, employment trends, and the role of government policies and interventions in facilitating post-war recovery in the tourism sector. Exploring the evolving travel motivations and preferences of Ukrainian tourists in the context of the war can provide insights into travellers’ shifting prior- ities and needs. Research can investigate the factors that influence the choice of destinations, the types of experi- ences sought, and the importance of safety and security considerations in travel decision-making. Comparative research can be conducted to compare the impact of the war in Ukraine on travel habits with other war-affected regions or countries. Such studies can help identify sim- ilarities, differences, and underlying factors that shape travel behaviors in different conflict contexts, contrib- uting to a broader understanding of the topic. 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Raziskava je pomembna v kontekstu vojnega in povojnega obdobja za razumevanje psiholoških in vedenjskih učinkov, oceno gospodarskih posledic, obravnavo trženja destinacij in prizadevanj za obnovo ter spodbujanje sprave in družbenega vključevanja. Omejitve raziskave so v obsegu in možnostih posploševanja ugotovitev, pristranskosti samoporočanja, vzročnosti in časovnih vprašanjih ter omejenem časovnem okviru in kontekstu. Ključne besede: turizem, potovanja, potovalne navade, vojna, Ukrajina