Gradual urban renewal in English residential areas Author(s): Peter J. LARKHAM and Andrew N. JONES Source: Urbani Izziv, No. 16/17, PRENOVA (oktober 1991 / October 1991), pp. 84-90 Published by: Urbanistični inštitut Republike Slovenije Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/44180578 Accessed: 11-10-2018 13:40 UTC JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at https://about.jstor.org/terms This article is licensed under a Attribution 4.0 International (CC BY 4.0). To view a copy of this license, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/. Urbanistični inštitut Republike Slovenije is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Urbani Izziv This content downloaded from 194.249.154.2 on Thu, 11 Oct 2018 13:40:11 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms št. 16, 17/1991 Peter J. LARKHAM and Andrew N. JONES Gradual urban renewal in English residential areas 1 Introduction Many suburban areas in Britain show evidence of a gradual process of urban renewal, with original lárge houses being either demolished and their sites redeveloped, or the plots subdivided. This process produces important increases in residential density, and changes to the charac- ter of areas. This pressure to in- crease densities is because there is a sizeable demand for more dwell- ings currently evident in Britain, ap- parently fuelled by a reduction in the average size of households and ac- companied by increases in dispo- sable incomes, population and emp- loyment opportunities. Although this is particularly true of the South- East region, this process is evident throughout Britain. Two population groups are particularly important in this respect. These are first the young, whose rate of new household formation is high as parental homes are left earlier when studies are un- dertaken and jobs found. A high ratio of single-person households is found in this group, as households formation- precedes marriage. The second group is the elderly, now with increased life expectancy owing to advances in medicine. Again, there is a large number of single-person households among this group, often widows, since the average male li- fespan remains shorter, and males still tend to be older than females at marriage. In Britain, all but the most minor development requires a formal per- mission from the local planning au ority. The allowing or refusing of this permission is a key aspect of lanning. This strict control over new development around existing towns and cities necessary to protect Green Belt areas, and other exten- sive areas of special status, such as Areas of Outstanding Natural Beauty and zones of housing restraint, all serve to concentrate new development. It has increasing- ly been realised that neither the large-scale urban renewal of areas of slum housing, common in the 1 950s and 1960s, nor the attempts in the 1980s to produce new housing con- centrated into new towns or new villages, have been successful. In- deed, it would seem that the main source of land for further urban development in Britain is no linger green fields. It now appears that in the South East, some two- thirds of new residential developments are within existing urban areas. 2/ A recent study of the London Borough of Barrtet, for example, shows that between 1987 and 1989 some 3,400 new dwellings were con- structed, an increase in the housing stock of 3 per cent, yet only an extra one per cent of land was changed to residential use. An earlier study of Leeds, an area undergoing less pres- sure fór development, showed that the processes of 'overbuilding' (cr- eating a new curtilage within an old without demolition) and 'rebuilding' (complete replacement of earlier building) accounted for about one- quarter of the land occupied by new private (ie not local authority) re- sidential building. There is thus an evident increase in density in exist- ing built up-areas.3 Half a decade ago, it was suggested that smaller urban sites were likely to become of increasing importance in the deve- lopment process. 4/ It is now veiy evident that this is true, particularly so in those mature residential areas, developed with large detached hous- es on extensive plots; that lie on the fringes of many British towns. At least one cycle of urban development is already virtually complete in such areas. These areas are suburban, have high- quality townscapes, high existing use values, highly fragme- nted landownership, small units of land for development purposes, and are attractive for second-cycle de- velopment or 'renewal'. The amount of pressure for develop- ment in such areas may be sugge- sted by two surrogate variables. First, high and spatially varied houses prices would suggest that, if redevelopment occurs, it will be mo- re intensive in areas of higher prices. Figure 1 is a crude transect survey between Birmingham and the outer London suburbs, carried out in March 1988, 1989 and 1990, show- ing price variations in standard uni- vérsal-plan semi-detached houses. Figure 1: House price transect, Birmmgham to outer London, 1988- 1990 (for standard inter-war semi-detached houses). 84 This content downloaded from 194.249.154.2 on Thu, 11 Oct 2018 13:40:11 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms URBANI IZZIV Ciag33 Št. 16, 17/1991 It emphasises the sudden rise in values towards the capital. In the light of Ulis paper, it is significant that some cases are becoming known of redevelopment becoming economically viable even on the limi- ted sites of semi-detached houses. Secondly, a variety of aggregate sta- tistics compiled by local planning authorities for the Department of the Environment show particular con- centrations in the South-East re- gion. The extent of mature residential areas on the London fringe is already well known, and can be mapped for other regions of the country from the Ordnance Survey 1 : 25, 000 sheets. A stratified random sample ofeight:25 ha National Grid squares carried out in 1987 suggests that over 50% of the original plots have been affected by some form of change leading to increased residential densities. 5/ This process of gradual suburban renewal is thus of considerable sig- nificance in the last part of the twen- tieth century. To study the amount, types and processes of this current form of urban renewal further, a selection , from Ordnance Survey data and field surveys, of seven such 25 ha squares (Figure 2) has pro- vided useful data. The need to ex- amine these processes in great de- tail, using the records and files of planning applications held by the local planning authorities, and con- tacts with site owners and develo- pers, led to the requirement for these small sample areas. Over 300 sites have been examined in detail, and well over 2,000 individual planning applications studied. These is no suggestion that these seven areas are typical; nevertheless this study's methods and results are widely applicable to the continuing gradualistic process of residential redevelopment in Britain. Motivations for renewal The motivation for virtually all urban renewal is the obsolescence, in one form or another, of the . property. The motive for the large-scale re- development of the slum housing in Britain in the 1950s and 1960s was the structural obsolescence of this poor-quality housing, often built over one hundred years earlier. This comprehensive redevelopment was undertaken by the local authorities, using their powers to compulsorily purchase the land and then rede- velop it. The small-scale, gradualist renewal of the residential areas that were examined in this study is pro- mpted by different considerations. Although tile buildings may be old, in general they are in reasonable state oí repair, and are occupied by single, relatively high-income fami- lies. However, they become obsolete in financial terms, owing usually to changed circum stances of the ow- ner. If the owner dies, the surviving family may not need, or be able to afford, a large house: they may seek to ge the highest possible financial return for the site. Use- values as individual large dwellings are rela- tively low: there is, as has been said, higher demand for smaller units. Thus the potential value of the site is higher if it is subdivided for many smaller units - small houses or apartments - and the original large house may be demolished. So the motivation for this type of gradualist redevelopment is undoubtedly fina- ncial. This also explains the timing of change, as families reach this stage of the family life -cycle at dif- ferent times, and so development Figure 2: Study areas in the South-East Midland regions of Britain. 100% recycled paper 100% recikliran papir aus 100% Altpapier 85 This content downloaded from 194.249.154.2 on Thu, 11 Oct 2018 13:40:11 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms št. 16, 17/1991 proceed s site-by-site, rather than with the comprehensive clearance and redevelopment approach pre- viously used by the local authorities. Types of change: increasing residential density Even in these areas of relatively large houses set on large plots, not all plots prove vulnerable for redevelop- ment. Two major physical charac- teristics of plots appear significantly to determine this vulnerability. The first of these is plot shape, parti- cularly the width: length ratio. Cor- ner plots often have access, or po- tential access, from two road fron- tages. Where a new access and its increased traffic would not endanger traffic movement on either road, an application for plot subdivision is often approved. Likewise, the subdi- vision of plots with wide frontages on to one road is often approved. Other- wise, the subdivision of a plot series to give a new plot at the rear is rarely allowed, although many applicati- ons are made. This form of subdivi- sion is only allowed where there is adequate existing rear access to the plot, often a back alley that might be made up to the local authority's road standards (Figure 3). The example of Brookdene Drive, in the London suburb of Northwood, is a good example of how this process of piece-by- piece development can substantially increase residential densities, and markedly change the character of the urban landscape. In 1947, this stretch of the Watford Road contained single detached dwellings with substantial grounds (Figure 4a). Infill development in rear gardens in this area became common during the 1950s. Itwas the intention of the local planning authority, Ruislip- Northwood Urban District Council, to promote comprehensive develop- ment schemes for such areas, and applications on this site that might prejudice such a scheme often met refusal. The initiative for compreh- ensive development of the rear gar- dens was taken by a local deve- loper, Paul Hurst Developments Ltd. His proposal was in outline for 14 detached houses around an access road (Figure 4b). Each plot was to be sold to individuals, who chose house designs from the developer's port- folio and made detailed planning ap- plications, Further applications for 13 houses and for 40 flats in ten blocks were refused on the grounds of over-development Following fur- ther negotiations, an application for 17 detached houses was submitted (Figure 4c), with an undertaking to invest money in landscaping and tree preservation. Some form of ag- reement wąs evidently reached be- tween the local planning authority and developer, trading a higher den- sity of single-family detached for a comprehensive scheme and better environmental quality. Negotiations followed with adjacent owners, notably of 8 - 14 Watford Road. The owner of no. 14, reluctant to sell land to the developer, pursued a private plan to develop on the rear of his plot. Despite receiving permis- sion, access to Brookdene Drive was not agreed and this scheme was not built (Figure 4d, shown as a dotted line). The owners of 8 and 1 0 Watford Road, awaiting a link to the Brook- dene scheme, obtained permission to redevelop their plots with six de- tached houses using a temporary access on to Watford Road (Figure 4d). Although this access was un- popular with the Highway Authority, the plaņning authority was anxious to see the scheme complete. Three years passed with little action, until in 1965 the land was sold to the developer, apparently following the death of the owner of no. 14. An application for four further houses was made and the southern link completed (Figure 4e). Figure 3: Types of changes to large residential plots : examples in Birmi - gham (source: N.D. POMPA: The nature agents of change in the residential townscape: South Birmingham, 1970-85 , unpublished PhD thesis , University of Birmingham, 1988). 86 This content downloaded from 194.249.154.2 on Thu, 11 Oct 2018 13:40:11 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms Št. 16, 17/1991 An application to extend Brookdene Drive to the north with 15 detached dwellings was made in 1 965 with the agreement of all landowners of nos 26, 28 and 30 Watford Road. A sub- sequent application to demolish the existing houses and build 17 dwell- ings was also approved, as was a third proposal giving 17 units but with the retention of numbers 26 and 28. This completed the Brook- dene Drive scheme (Figure 41). It is notable example of a scheme, com- prehensive in intent, but which pro- ceeded piecemeal; there was appa- rent co-operation between the de- veloper and the planning authority; owners were persuaded to join the scheme, although there was some delay owing to the intransigence of one; and, most importantly, with the exception of the anomalous applica- tion for flat development the series of planning applications shows a gra- dual increasing of density particu- larly evident in the last three pro- posals. In all, 47 detached dwellings were constructed on the site of 8 first-cycle houses, three of which were retained. Types of new dwellings in renewal developments These are considerable variations in the types of new dwellings proposed and constructed in the study areas. Originally developed with large hou- ses for high status single-family oc- cupation, all new proposals are for much smaller units. Even where de- tached houses are proposed, they are on a much smaller scale, reflect- ing both the somewhat lower social status - for these areas are now firmly middle class rather than upper-middle class - and differing social expectations of housing since the first cycle of residential develop- ment Ironically, redevelopment with houses is often much more harmful to the character and appearance of these mature towns capes than the building of small blocks of flats, which may more nearly match the original buildings in height, mass and relationship to the plot and may also match the architectural style of surrounding buildings. Figure 5 shows the great contrasts between the original large houses and the 'urban renewal' phase of terraced houses built in the mid-1970s in the London suburb if Hillingdon. Figure 4: Development of Brookdene Drive. NorthwoocL Figure 5: Contrasto/ original and new houses , FYithwood Avenue, Northwood (source: local authority planning ßles). 100% recycled paper 100% recikliran papir aus 100% Altpapier 87 This content downloaded from 194.249.154.2 on Thu, 11 Oct 2018 13:40:11 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms št. 16, 17/1991 Figure 6: Percentage importance of different types of dwelling constructed in South-East and Midland regions. Figure 7: Proposals for redevelopment of site in Amersham, South Elast England, mid-1980s , showing back-to-back houses (source: J.W.R. WH1TEHAND : Residential development under restraint : a case study in London's rural-urbœx friixge . School of Geography , Univer- sity of Birmingham (1989)). Again drawing a comparison be- tween the Soil til East and Midland regions, contrasts in new dwelling types are pronounced (Figure 6). lhe large majority of dwellings con- structed in the Midlands were de- tached houses, while the majority in the South East were flats and mai- sonettes, with back- to-back houses again popular after nearly a century of being considered sub-standard (Figure 7). All types of applicant in the Midlands appeared to prefer detached houses. In the Sou tli East, just over half of the dwellings for which individuals made applications were detached houses. The tendency for individuals to prefer this dwelling type appears consistent with tendency for them to be less demolition- prone than de- velopment companies. It reflects the continuing interest of some owner- occupiers in the existing use-value of their houses: an extra dwelling in the garden may enable the retention of most of this value, whereas the construction of flats would almost certainly reduce markedly the de- sirability of the existing house as a single-family dwelling. Yet if all development proposals are examined, rather than those suc- cessfully implemented, a slightly* dif- ferent picture emerges. One of the Midland areas, the Wolverhampton suburb of Tettenhall, had two dis- tinct periods when applications for flats were noticeable. These are 1960-2 and 1971-4. The latter is in the middle of a housebuilding boom when more applications for higher- density housing are generally seen, whilst virtually all of the earlier peak is the result of applications made by an elderly lady invalid, owner of a site in Tettenhall but herself resident in Worcester. This shows the influence that one persistent applicant can have in this type of detailed case study-based research. All of her pro- posals, for between twelve and twen- ty flats, were refused planning permission on the grounds of over- development, detriment to the ame- nities of the area, traffic generation and similar reasons. Figure 8, red- rawn from a planning application, is an impression of one such proposal, refused because "the building of a six 88 This content downloaded from 194.249.154.2 on Thu, 11 Oct 2018 13:40:11 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms URBANI IZZIV Št. 16, 17/1991 storey block of flats on this site which is situated between two storey dwellings would be prejudicial to the amenities of those existing dwellings by reason of appearance, noise and additional traille to the premises and would be incongruous with its set- ting, creating a strident feature in the street scene". 6/ Interestingly, there is no mention of the demolition of the original house either in the application (since explicit permissh on was not required) nor in the rea- sons given for refusal of the scheme. Apartment development thus ac- counts for a high proportion of the new dwellings created, particularly in the South East. This is a further indicator of higher pressure for resi- dential development in this region. High-rise development and the re- development of multiple plots for apartments is rare, owing to the lar- ger number of property owners in residential areas, and the difficulty of assembling a sufficiently large si- te. Only where particularly influen- tial agents of townscape change are active have such developments ta- ken place, as in the Birmingham suburb of Edgbaston in the 1960s by the Calthorpe Estate manage- ment company, the major landow- ner of the area. In addition to purpose-built apart- ment schemes, refurbishment and conversion of the existing housing stock has prevented a number of demolitions of original large houses. Although this conversion is often da- maging to the interior features of a house, there is Usually very little alteration to the facade. Townscape change is thus minimised, while pro- viding smaller dwellings for which there is evident demand. Conclusions This paper has demonstrated some evident trends in the gradual re- newal of mature residential areas in Britain during the post- war period. In many cases, the impetus for development proposals is unequivo- cally economic, most frequently fol- lowing a sudden change in the stage of the family life-cycle such as the death of the owner. The requirement for less space, the need to raise capi- tal, or the desire of the deceased own r's heim to realise the highest p ssible value of an asset lead to the making of speculative planning ap- p cations, often proposing signifi- cant increases in residential density. The number of sites affected by these p oposals for intensification is large, and many of the proposals are suc- cessful - if not at the first attempt, then subsequently. There are fewer proposals for single than multiple dwellings, the ratio of the two types being some 7 : 9. In total, some 88 sites have been developed with one new dwelling, and 111 sites with more than one dwelling. However, of the latter group, the majority are for two and three dwelling proposals, w th only a small number being for five or more dwellings. This suggests that the most numerous, and thus in one way successful, infill schemes are those for one or perhaps two new dwellings. Table 2 substantiates the view of the South East as a region of considerable development pressure. The ratio of developed to not- de- veloped sites is much higher in that region, and it would appear that lo- cal planning authorities are putting up greater resistance to develop- ment proposals. More individual de- velopments occur in the Midlands, but on average these proposals are smaller in scale: none approach the size of one scheme for 131 dwellings in Northwood. Figure 8: Proposed apartment block , TeLtenhall, Midlands region , 1962 (source: local authority planning files). 100% recycled paper 100% recikliran papir aus 100% Altpapier 89 This content downloaded from 194.249.154.2 on Thu, 11 Oct 2018 13:40:11 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms št. 16, 17/1991 These processes of increasing re- sidential development are occurring in mature residential areas, many of which are high amenity value. Some are designated as Conservation Areas, and the individual buildings may be of considerable intrinsic ar- chitectural merit; many, for example in Edgbaston, being officially noted for their architectural and historical interest These mature residential areas also represent a sizeable pro- portion of the built-up area of many cities. They thus represent a consid- erable resource for more intensive residential development During pe- riods of high prices, even the sites of Victorian semi-detached houses are vulnerable to redevelopment The scale and nature of these processes must be understood before the con- siderable implications for townscape management, in these valuable but particularly vulnerable areas, can be assessed. Dr Peter Larkham is British Academy Research Fellow in the School of Geog- raphy, University of Birmingham; Dr Andrew Jones works for Chesterton Consulting, Milton Keynes. References 1: This paper reports aspects of recent research carried out by the authors with Dr N.D. Pompa and Dr J.W.R. Whitehand of the Urban Morphology Research Group, University of Bir- mingham. The research was funded by the Leverhulme Trust and the Eco- nomic and Social Research Council. 2: TYM and PARTNERS: Land use for residential development in the South East: a summary report, Roger Tym and Partners (Londo n), 1987. 3: D. CROCKETT: Suburban redevelop- ment: an asset of recent pressures and policy approaches in an outer London borough. The Planner, vol 76 no. 31 (1990), pp. 11-14; G.C. DICK- INSON and M. SI LAW: Land use chan- ge in Leeds, 1957-76, School of Geo- graphy, University of Leeds (1981). 4: R. GOODCHILD and R. MUNTON: De- velopment and the landowner, an analysis of the British experience, Allen and Unwin (London), 1985. 5: J.W.R. WHITEHAND: The changing urban landscape of London's high- class residential fringe, Geogra phical Journal vol. 154 part 3 (1988) pp. 351-66. 6: Tetterihall Urban District Council pla- nning application STU/ 1662, letterof refusal dated 10/1/ 1962. Marion CHALMERS Policy Evaluation in Practice in Scotland 1. Introduction In the UK, and many developed countries, the theme and buzz in the 1980's was urban renewal and forg- i g public and private sector part- nerships. The latter was in recogni- tion of the fact that public agencies could not tackle the plethora of pro- blems and decay alone. Différent tools of policy and a con- fusing ever-changing series of me- chanisms for funding came in and out of fashion over the decade. It was a decade that out of an early deep economic recession urban econo- mies began to revitalise and the ur- ban environment was transformed, in certain locations quite dramati- cally, by regeneration of its very fa- bric and function. The pace has slowed down as reces- sion again blights progress. It is an apt time to contemplate the real suc- cesses of policy and practice. What form should tlļis assessment take? We can learn from the lessons of the past and borrow both concepts and practices from one another. To promote and understand the dyna- mics of urban renewal, however, the end products can only reflect the co plex nature of our different cul- tures, economies, government sys- tems and attitudes to the role and nature of our büßt environments. This article therefore provides an in- sight into an approach adopted for policy evaluation and specifically po- licy evaluation of area-based deve- lopment initiatives in Scotland. Its . basis is work carried out by my com- pany - Pieda pic - fora public agency, the Scottish Development Agency. The work was on two levels: (i) Policy evaluation of individual area-based initiatives; and (ii) Development of an approach for use in the evaluation of all types of area-based initiative funded by the SDA. Firstly a case study of a specific area-based initiative - the Leith Pro- ject, Edinburgh will be provided and secondly the structure of the ap- proach used to evaluate the success of the project A summary of the conclusions of the project evaluation will conclude this insight 2. The Leith project - Edinburgh Leith is an area of Edinburgh and the port for the city. It was formerly a separate administrative area. The Leith Project had its origins in a Working Party formed in 1979. The Working Party comprised represen- tatives of the SDA, the City and Re- gional Councils. In 1979, the Working Party reported that Leith faced serious problems of unemployment employment decli- ne, poor physical environment de- reliction, substandard housing and inadequate supply of industrial land. To address these problems the report stated that additional resour- ces would be required from all levels of government, public agencies and the European Community. It recom- mended that the problems be ta- ckled through a special integrated project in the area. The report also drew attention to the paucity of relevant economic infor- mation on the Leith Area. Economic and environmental studies were pro- posed in advance of the creation of the special integrated project Prior to the studies an 'Early Ac- tion Programme' was promoted comprising: * Construction of small industrial units; * Treatment of derelict/vacant si- tes; * Stone cleaning of buildings; * Feasibility studies re-use of par- ticular vacant buildings; and * SDA assistance to a factory relo- cation. 90 This content downloaded from 194.249.154.2 on Thu, 11 Oct 2018 13:40:11 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms