Zbirka / Series OPERA INSTITUTI ARCHAEOLOGICI SLOVENIAE 48 Uredniki zbirke / Editors of the series Jana Horvat, Benjamin Štular, Anton Velušček Benjamin Štular, Manfred Settlement of the Eastern Alps in the Early Middle Ages Lehner, Mateja Belak (ur. / eds.) Recenzenti / Reviewed by Andrej Gaspari, Jiři Macháček, Mária Vargha, Julijana Visočnik Tehnična ureditev in prelom / Technical Editor and DTP Mateja Belak Oblikovanje ovitka / Front cover design Tamara Korošec Založnik / Publisher Založba ZRC Zanj / Represented by Oto Luthar Izdajatelj / Issued by ZRC SAZU, Inštitut za arheologijo Zanj / Represented by Anton Velušček Tisk / Printed by Collegium Graphicum d.o.o. Naklada / Print run 350 izvodov / copies Izid knjige sta podprla / Javna agencija za raziskovalno in inovacijsko dejavnost RS (Slovenian Research and Innovation Agency), FWF Österreichischer Wissenschaftsfonds (Austrian Science Fund), Published with the support of Znanstvenoraziskovalni center SAZU (Research Centre of the Slovenian Academy of Sciences and Arts) Naslovnica / Front cover Bled microregion, landform classification (after Lozić, Fig. 7 in this volume), barley cob and wheat (Archive of the Archaeobotanical laboratory, Institute of Archaeology ZRC SAZU Ljubljana 2024; prva izdaja, prvi natis / first edition, first print Prva e-izdaja knjige (pdf) je pod pogoji licence Creative Commons 4.0 CC-BY-NC-SA prosto dostopna tudi v elektronski obliki (pdf) / First e-edition of the book (pdf) is freely available in e-form (pdf) under the Creative Commons 4.0 CC-BY-NC-SA. DOI: https://doi.org/10.3986/9789610508786 CIP - Kataložni zapis o publikaciji Narodna in univerzitetna knjižnica, Ljubljana 904(4)«652« 94(37) SETTLEMENT of the Eastern Alps in the Early Middle Ages [Elektronski vir] / edited by Benjamin Štular, Manfred Lehner, Mateja Belak - 1. izd., 1. natis = 1st ed., 1st print. - Ljubljana : Založba ZRC, 2024. - (Opera Instituti Archaeologici Sloveniae, ISSN 1408-5208 ; 48) ISBN 978-961-05-0877-9 COBISS.SI-ID 208495619 ISBN 978-961-05-0878-6 (pdf) COBISS.SI-ID 208225027 Raziskava je del projektov (J6-9450 in N6-0317) in programa (P6-0064), ki jih sofinancira Javna agencija za znanstvenoraziskovalno in inovacijsko dejavnost Republike Slovenije iz državnega proračuna in Österreichische Wissenschaftsfonds FWF (I 3992). / The authors acknowledge the financial support from the Slovenian Research and Innovation Agency (research core funding Nos. J6-9450, N6-0317 and P6-0064) and Österreichische Wissenschaftsfonds FWF (research core funding No. I 3992). Settlement of the Eastern Alps in the Early Middle Ages Edited by Benjamin Štular Manfred Lehner Mateja Belak LJUBLJANA 2024 CONTENTS Introduction to the Settlement of the Eastern Alps in Early Middle Ages (Benjamin ŠTULAR, Manfred LEHNER) ...... 7 Part 1: Micro-regional analyses Methodology: Archaeological LiDAR and GIS Analysis of the Early Medieval Settlements (Edisa LOZIĆ) .............. 19 Soil, Water, and Topography: Decoding Settlement Location Preferences in Early Medieval Leibnitzer Feld (Austria) (Edisa LOZIĆ, Iris KOCH) ........................................................................................................................... 25 Agricultural Dynamics of Bled Microregion (Slovenia) (Edisa LOZIĆ) ...................................................................... 53 The Dynamics of the Early Medieval Settlement Development in the Drava Plain in Connection with the Pedological Analysis of Arable Land (Andrej MAGDIČ) ......................................................................................... 73 Becoming Slav (Archaeological Evidence): Agricultural Anti-Revolution and Acculturation in the Eastern Alps (Benjamin ŠTULAR, Edisa LOZIĆ) ............................................................................................................................. 85 Part 2: Regional Analysis Images behind the archaeological curtain: Vlachs, Slavs, župas, principalities, Carantania (Andrej PLETERSKI) ................................................................................................................................................... 101 Part 3: Case Studies From Late Antiquity to the Early Middle Ages: The 'Dark Centuries' in Styria (400–650 AD) and the 'New Beginning' of Settlement in the 7th Century (Christoph GUTJAHR, Stephan KARL, Christian GREINER) .....153 Early Medieval Settlement in Styria: Considerations on Settlement Patterns and Land Use (Iris KOCH) ........... 217 List of authors ..................................................................................................................................................................... 248 Settlement of the Eastern Alps in the Early Middle Ages, Opera Instituti Archaeologici Sloveniae 48, 2024, 7–17. doi: https://doi. org/10.3986/9789610508786_01 INTRODUCTION TO THE SETTLEMENT OF THE EASTERN ALPS IN EARLY MIDDLE AGES Benjamin ŠTULAR, Manfred LEHNER Settlement of Eastern Alps in the Early Middle Ages Eastern Alpine region reveals a predominant emphasis is an edited volume with eight authors contributing on cemetery studies. However, the past two decades nine chapters in total, each covering different aspects of have witnessed a paradigm shift towards settlement the subject. It is the culmination of extensive research archaeology. Building on this trend, the objective of endeavours into the Early Medieval archaeology of the this volume is to offer a comprehensive synthesis of Eastern Alps, synthesising the col aborative efforts of settlement patterns in the Eastern Alps during the four research projects1 with scholars from two countries Early Medieval period, incorporating cutting-edge over several years. digital tools and landscape analyses. In so doing, the The focus is on an area on the eastern fringes of book draws several conclusions that are important for the Alps, which lies in present-day Slovenia and parts of the wider field of Slavic studies and Early Medieval Austria. The three micro-regional studies are located near archaeology, for example with regard to the processes Bled (Slovenia), in the Drava Plain (Slovenia) and in the of transition from Late Antiquity to Early Middle Ages Leibnitzer Feld (Austria). The case study chapters focus and the Slavicisation. on Upper Styria, also known as Austrian Styria ( Fig. 1). This collective endeavour represents, we trust, a To contextualize the thematic focus of this book, significant contribution to the scientific community, first an introductory overview of the historical trajectory reflecting a judicious investment in the advancement of and current state of Early Medieval archaeology in the knowledge. However, there is also a downside to such Eastern Alps is needed. As mentioned, in the Central collective endeavours. As the authors are at different European archaeology and in particular in the archae- stages of their careers and come from various academic ology of the Eastern Alps the Early Medieval Period is backgrounds, the content may lack the coherence one largely understood as a period between the sixth and might ideal y desire. Therefore, the volume is best de- eleventh centuries AD. The archaeology of this period scribed as an edited volume rather than a monograph, commenced with the discovery of “unusual enamelled which is also reflected in its design. Nevertheless, we jewellery” unearthed in 1853 at Köttlach in Lower Aus- believe that the versatility in approaches is an enriching tria and documented by Franck (1854). He posited a factor rather than a limiting one. query concerning the identity and era of the individuals Early Medieval archaeology – sixth to eleventh associated with these artefacts and thus set the research century in the Central European context – historical y agenda for the subsequent century and a half. The pro- focussed on the analysis of cemeteries, settlements, liferation of analogous discoveries expanded the scope and hoards. A review of the literature pertaining to the of this phenomenon, necessitating elucidation. Prior to and following the Second World War, the principal 1 This research was funded by Slovenian Research and research challenge was the classification of the archaeo- Innovation Agency (ARIS) grants number P6-0064, J6-9450 and N6-0317 and by Austrian Science Fund (FWF) grant logical culture these objects presumably represented, number I 3992. including its chronological and ethnocultural dimen- 7 Benjamin ŠTULAR, Manfred LEHNER sions. Gradual y it became evident that these artefacts of archaeological cultures with ethnic identities. This originated from the Early Medieval period. Nonetheless, traditional expectation has been critical y reassessed in alignment with the cultural-historical perspective on and largely debunked, with scholars like Brather (2000) archaeological finds prevailing at the time (for a his- and Härke (2007) leading the discourse. An archaeo- torical overview see e.g. Štular 2025), a debate emerged logical culture is perceived as a construct that broadly concerning the ethnicity of the individuals to whom this categorizes material culture based on various, potential y enamelled jewellery was attributed. Some academics unrelated characteristics such as chronology, technology, posited that these artefacts were Slavic in origin, while economy, social structures, and religious practices (e.g. others contested this exclusive attribution, and further Klejn 1988; Jones 2003; Barceló et al. 2019; Štular 2025). researchers interpreted the same items as indicative of This shift in perspective renders a century-long an Early Medieval Germanic presence in the Eastern debate over the ethnic affiliations of the Carantanian- Alps. This scholarly discourse spanned various periods Köttlach material culture — whether it was Slavic, Ger- and a markedly dichotomous interpretation during and manic, or indigenous — as methodological y flawed and subsequent to the Second World War (an overview of outdated. The emancipation from the erstwhile ethnic the period up to the First World War: Pleterski 2001; imperative enables researchers to pose new inquiries, distinctively dichotomous understanding during and such as exploring the nature of people’s lives and their after the Second World War: Dinklage 1941a; 1941b; self-identification mechanisms (e.g. Losert, Pleterski 1941c; 1943; Korošec 1947). 2003; Brather 2008; Pleterski 2010a; Pohl, Mehofer 2010). Over the course of time, specific terminologies Addressing these novel research questions has led to have been established, such as Carantanian referenc- the adoption of methodologies such as the archaeology of ing the Early Medieval Duchy of Carantania (Schmid micro-regions. Taylor (1974), in his foundational work, 1910−1911), Köttlach denoting the site bearing this advocated for a “total archaeology” approach that aims name, and the Carantanian-Köttlach culture. Within for a comprehensive understanding of landscapes and historiographical discourse, the associated populace was their origins, treating the landscape itself as an historical designated as Alpine Slavs (Grafenauer 1954; cf. Kahl artefact. Following this approach, the Bled region has 2002). The compendium of the Carantanian-Köttlach been the focus of intensive study as a micro-region since archaeological culture as it was understood at the time, 1978. This sustained research effort, involving several encompassing its sites and artefacts, was meticulously generations of Slovenian Early Medieval archaeologists, compiled by Paola Korošec (1979). In her analysis has yielded a rich body of work. Notably, it facilitated the Korošec highlighted inherent chronological and cultural development of methods such as retrograde land-cadastre variances, i.e., two main subphases were elucidated. analysis (Pleterski 1995) and provided insights into the In a nearly concurrent timeframe, J. Giesler presented dynamics of an ancient Slavic župa, including its develop- the essays (1980; 1997) on the identical subject matter, ment and decline (Pleterski 2013a). proposing a significantly divergent chronological assess- The realm of digital methodologies, commonly ment, i.e., he proposed around one century later dating. referred to as digital archaeology, represents another This divergence in chronological interpretations notable area of advancement within the field, as evi- exacerbated the rift among scholars, indicating a neces- denced by works such as those by Lock (2003), Siart et al. sity to reconstruct the discourse from its foundational (2013), and Benardou et al. (2017). In the context of the elements. In response to this need, the ZBIVA archaeo- imminent prospects for Early Medieval archaeology in logical database was established at ZRC SAZU in 1980s, Central Europe, the application of Geographic Informa- designed to encompass a comprehensive array of data tion Systems (GIS) stands out prominently. During the pertaining to literature, sites, graves, and artefacts rel- 1990s and 2000s, GIS facilitated unprecedented insights evant to the Early Medieval archaeology of the Eastern into the interplay between cultural phenomena (for Alps. Currently ZBIVA encompasses information on instance, settlements) and their surrounding environ- 3,900 sites (Štular, Belak 2022), marking a substantial ments, whether natural or economic, in terms of both increase from the 242 sites described by Korošec in 1979. depth and scope (Stančič, Gaffney 1991; Štular 2006; for This expansion is attributed not only to the discovery of a list of tools with references, see Štular, Eichert 2020). new sites but also, and more significantly, to a prolonged It is crucial to acknowledge, however, that the efficacy and systematic approach towards data aggregation. Uti- of GIS is intrinsical y linked to the quality and quantity lizing this dataset, for instance, facilitated an analysis of of the underlying data. Early Medieval church groupings (Pleterski, Belak 1995) Fortuitously, this domain has experienced sig- and recently to elucidate the Slavic migration into the nificant advancements over the last decade. A pivotal Eastern Alps (Štular et al. 2022). development in data acquisition, particularly within In recent times, a significant paradigm shift has the densely wooded regions of the Eastern Alps, is the taken place regarding the conceptual tools available employment of airborne Light Detection and Ranging to archaeologists, notably concerning the association (LiDAR) technology, as detailed by Lozić and Štular 8 INTRODUCTION TO THE SETTLEMENT OF THE EASTERN ALPS IN EARLY MIDDLE AGES (2021 with references). Excellent examples of imple- beliefs (Pleterski 2014; Štular 2022), and the ecclesiasti- menting LiDAR data in Early Medieval archaeology is cal network (Sagadin 2008). work by Lozić (2021; 2024 in this volume) Although hoards from this period are less preva- Furthermore, the significance of typo-chrono- lent, their documentation is relatively comprehensive, logical dating in archaeology must be underscored. as il ustrated by works such as Pleterski (1987), Giesler Despite the contemporary emphasis on direct dating and Kohoutek (2014), and Bitenc, Knific (2015), with methodologies such as radiocarbon dating (C14) and Štular (2020) providing a brief overview. The study of dendrochronology, the reality remains that the majority these hoards has facilitated typo-chronological classi- of archaeological sites and assemblages under investiga- fications of weapons (for instance, Karo, Knific 2015), tion lack such direct dating evidence ( cf. Guštin 2002 for elucidated the composition of weapon and tool assem- an attempt to establish a sequence of C14 dated sites). blages (Pleterski 1987; Curta 2011; Müllerová 2014), and Nevertheless, recent advancements in Early Medieval offered insights into the patterns of monetary circulation archaeology within the south-eastern Alpine region have during the period (Curta, Gândilă 2012). facilitated the establishment of a C14-dating-based typo- Settlements are increasingly recognized as pivotal chronology, specifical y for pottery (Pleterski 2010b for advancing future research in Early Medieval archae- with references) and certain types of jewellery (Pleterski ology. However, until quite recently, knowledge was lim- 2013b with references; Rihter 2023). ited and comprehensive publications of such sites were As mentioned above, the Central European Early rare (e.g. Gutjahr 2006; Pleterski 2008). The primary Medieval archaeology has historical y focused on the obstacle to the systematic discovery of Early Medieval analysis of cemeteries, settlements, and hoards with a settlements in the Eastern Alpine region has been their predominant emphasis on the former. low archaeological visibility, largely due to the sparse The study of Early Medieval cemeteries in Eastern archaeological record: there are all but no architectural Alps, as documented by a range of scholars includ- remains, pottery is scarce, especial y when compared ing Franck (1854), Reinecke (1899), Šmid (1908), to sites from other periods such as the Roman or late with comprehensive overviews provided by Friesinger medieval eras, and metal finds are exceedingly rare. (1971−1974), Friesinger et al. (1975−1977), Korošec The presence of above-ground building floors and (1979), Szameit (2000), Eichert (2010), and Obenaus surface-floor structures (i.e., those not featuring sunken (2010), reveals a classification into three size categories: floors) constitutes a primary distinguishing characteris- smal , medium, and large. tic of settlement archaeology within the Eastern Alpine The majority of cemeteries (323), are smal , typi- region, in contrast to its counterparts, such as contem- cal y comprising up to several dozen burials, as high- poraneous settlements in Slovakia. In the latter, sunken- lighted in studies such as those by Nowotny (2005) and floor buildings, known in German as Grubenhäuser, are Karpf, Meyer (2010). In contrast, only three medium- prevalent, leaving a more pronounced archaeological sized cemeteries, each with over 300 burials, have been footprint. While similar structures resembling sunken- identified: Krungl in Austria (Breibert 2022), Ptujski floor buildings have been identified at the eastern pe- grad (Korošec 1999), and Pristava at Bled in Slovenia ripheries of this region (e.g. Pavlovič 2017), they are not (Korošec 1999; Kastelic, Škerlj 1950; Kastelic 1960; characteristic (in the sense of Šalkovský 2001) and defy Knific 1983; Leskovar et al. 2024). The largest, by a sig- straightforward classification (following the criteria of nificant margin, is the Župna cerkev cemetery in Kranj, Donat 1980; Milo 2014). with over 1000 Early Medieval burials (Štular et al. 2013; An additional challenge in uncovering settle- Pleterski et al. 2016; Pleterski et al. 2017; Rihter 2023). ments in the region is their continuous occupation, a This is a notable deviation from the neighbouring Pan- phenomenon observed in both urban centres — such nonia where large cemeteries are more commonplace as Kranj (Sagadin 2008), Ljubljana (Leghissa 2018), Ptuj during this era (e.g. Garam 1995; Kiss et al. 1996; Kiss (Korošec 1999), and Graz (Gutjahr 2007) — and rural 2001; Bardos, Garam 2009). locales, including Bled (Pleterski 2013a) and Virgen Traditional y, cemetery research has predominantly (Tischer 2018). Modern infrastructure development focused on the analysis of grave goods, leading to typo- in these locations significantly impedes archaeological chronological classifications of jewellery (e.g. Korošec exploration, rendering the detection of above-ground 1979; Giesler 1980; Eichert 2010; Obenaus 2010; Pleter- building remnants nearly impossible. Furthermore, the ski 2013b) or very precise chronology of a cemetery construction of high medieval castles atop Early Medi- (Štular 2022) with ever more advanced analytical tools eval settlements has obliterated much of the evidence (Achino et al. 2019). On occasion, this research has also of the latter, with only a few fortunate exceptions (e.g. yielded insights into social structures (Pleterski 2002; Ptujski grad, Schwanberg, Frauenburg/Unzmarkt, and Eichert 2011; 2012), expansive Europe-wide exchange recently Wildoner Schlossberg, see Koch in this volume). networks (e.g. Knific, Mlinar 2014), facets of religious Detached Early Medieval settlements, removed from 9 Benjamin ŠTULAR, Manfred LEHNER current habitation zones, have frequently been compro- was on the period from the settlement of the Slavs (as mised by agricultural ploughing (e.g. Pavlovič 2013). perceived in the 1980s) in the sixth century to the end Owing to these factors, the identification of set- of the habitual deposition of grave goods in the eleventh tlements in substantial numbers has long remained century. It mainly contained data from the settlement area elusive, even with the application of advanced prospec- of the Alpine Slavs (as perceived in the 1980s), which in- tion methodologies such as systematic archaeological cludes present-day Slovenia, Austria, north-west Croatia, surveys, geophysical techniques, or aerial photography. and a small part in north-east Italy (Štular, Belak 2022 ; Over the last three decades, however, there has see Pleterski in this volume). been a notable increase in the number of recognized In addition, three microregions were selected that settlement sites within the Eastern Alpine region, with best represent the different landscape types and historical 47 documented in Slovenia and 53 in Austria. This surge conditions in the Eastern Alps ( Fig. 1). The Bled micro- in discoveries has been facilitated foremost by advance- region (Slovenia), located at the foot of the Julian Alps, ments in heritage management practices insisting on was chosen because it covers the entire territory of župa, extensive excavations undertaken as precursors to sub- which was the smallest administrative entity of the Early sequent construction projects. Among these findings, Medieval Slavs. In addition, Bled possibly has the most some have yielded exceptional insights. For instance, complete archaeological record in the region. The Leib- comprehensive radiocarbon dating conducted on a nitzer Feld microregion (Austria) is located in the valley substantial settlement in Nova tabla (Slovenia) unveiled of the Mur/Mura river. It includes the site Schlossberg of the remarkable presence of the earliest wave of new Wildon, which is the most convincing Early Medieval settlers, identified with Slavic origins, during the initial hillfort of the entire region. The Drava plain (Slovenia) is third of the sixth century (Pavlovič 2017). This singular the presumed territory of an Early Medieval principality discovery prompted a revaluation of the dynamics oc- with the central hillfort settlement and its medium-sized curring in the sixth and seventh centuries. Furthermore, cemetery, hoards and several lowland settlements. several recent studies analysing selected micro-regions Thematical y, the book is divided into three parts. were able to draw primarily from such settlement data While the length of individual chapters varies, the three (Bekić 2018; Guštin 2018; Kerman 2018; Mason 2018; parts are as balanced as possible given the subject matter. Udovč 2018; Gutjahr 2020; Pavlovič 2023). The first part consists of a relevant methodological Concluding this state-of-the-art overview, it is introduction followed by three microregional studies evident that the field of Early Medieval archaeology in and a chapter that looks for common features of these the Eastern Alpine region is poised at a pivotal juncture. studies and builds on the results. With a comprehensive database, radiocarbon-dating- The second part consists of an extensive contribu- based typo-chronology, sophisticated tools for data tion by a single author who analyses the Eastern Alps as management and analysis, and a refined methodology an archaeological region, again with the methodological at our disposal, the groundwork has been laid for an introduction. inaugural comprehensive synthetic study that will elu- The third part presents an extremely detailed cidate the development and dynamics of Early Medieval analysis of Austrian Styria in Late Antiquity and Early settlement in this area. Medieval period. Our book was an attempt of such study. It en- compasses a comprehensive examination of Early Medieval settlement dynamics, agricultural practices, PART 1: MICRO-REGIONAL ANALYSES and socio-cultural transformations across the Eastern Alps, as delineated through seven meticulously re- This part begins with a brief methodological intro- searched chapters. Each chapter, contributed by experts duction titled Methodology: Archaeological LiDAR and in the field, employs innovative methodologies such GIS Analysis of the Early Medieval Settlements authored as LiDAR data analysis, GIS tools, and archaeological by Edisa Lozić in which methods used in more then one expertise in material culture to elucidate the complex chapter are described to avoid repetition. interplay between human settlements and their envi- In the second chapter discussing a microregion, ronmental contexts. titled Location Preference Analysis of Early Medieval The archaeological data were examined either in Sites on Leibnitzer Feld (Austria), authors Edisa Lozić microregional or regional contexts ( Fig. 1). The scope of and Iris Koch delve into a critical role of spatial data in the region to be analysed was determined by the dataset contextualizing archaeological findings within specific contained in ZBIVA. As mentioned, ZBIVA’s inception environmental settings. They highlight how the exami- in 1987 was deeply rooted in the scientific context of the nation of soils, vegetation, geology, and physiographic time. It’s spatial and temporal content was conceived for characteristics of landscapes can offer fresh interpretive the study of the so-called Carantanian-Köttlach archaeo- frameworks for understanding archaeological sites and logical culture. This means that its chronological focus artifacts. Through the generation of maps and interpre- 10 INTRODUCTION TO THE SETTLEMENT OF THE EASTERN ALPS IN EARLY MIDDLE AGES Fig. 1: Locations of the regional (red line) and micro-regional analyses (black squares) presented in this book. tive visuals, the study provides a bird’s-eye perspective of archaeological sites within their spatial context, the that enhances the recognition of patterns across the delineation of economic zones, and the pinpointing distribution of sites within the study area. of associated environmental variables. The outcomes Utilizing LiDAR data, Lozić and Koch were able of this research offer insights into the societies of the to analyze the microenvironmental characteristics sur- time, their interaction with the physical environment, rounding Early Medieval sites, facilitating the identifi- and the underlying factors that influence their choice of cation of settlement patterns. The use of tools from the settlement locations. The successful validation of these Geographic Information System allowed the placement results underscores the adaptability of this methodologi- 11 Benjamin ŠTULAR, Manfred LEHNER cal approach, suggesting its applicability to the analysis factors, with the pedological makeup of the soil in rela- of different regions and historical epochs. tion to the landscape being of particular significance. In the chapter titled Agricultural Dynamics of A key finding of Magdič’s research is that the Early Bled Microregion (Slovenia), Edisa Lozić explores the Medieval inhabitants selected settlement locations that transformative role of topographic airborne LiDAR were optimal y suited to their agricultural technologies data in the field of archaeological prospection. This and practices. Initial y, settlements were established in chapter is an abridged version of the article published dry areas on the lower slopes of the hil s, where loose in 2021, but it is reprinted here because of its integral sandy soils could be easily tilled with basic tools such importance to the book as a whole. Lozić argues that as hoes or simple ploughs, with rainwater from the hil s while LiDAR data is conventional y employed to detect providing the necessary moisture for crops. By the end archaeological features within landscapes, its potential of the seventh century, settlements expanded into more in landscape reconstruction and situating archaeological humid areas with clayey soils, necessitating the adoption sites within their environmental context remains largely of more sophisticated agricultural techniques and the unexplored. By adopting an innovative methodology, use of a plough that not only cut and crushed the soil, Lozić utilizes LiDAR data to uncover, document, and but also turned it, enabling the effective cultivation of the interpret patterns of agricultural land use, specifical y by expansive river plains of the Pannonian Basin. We may identifying significant environmental variations within a add that this is likely to be the Alpine plough mentioned microregion. This is achieved through the integration of in the following chapter. LiDAR-derived Digital Elevation Model (DEM) deriva- In the chapter concluding the microregional stud- tives with archaeological, geological, and soil data. The ies, titled Becoming Slav (Archaeological Evidence): chapter introduces two methodological advancements: Agricultural Anti-Revolution and Acculturation in the a modified wetness index that enhances soil quality Eastern Alps, authors Benjamin Štular and Edisa Lozić prediction by combining LiDAR-derived precision with delve into the complex phenomenon of Slavicisation in the accuracy of soil’s effective field capacity, and a revised the Eastern Alps from the sixth to the eighth century landform classification that merges topographic position by building on the results of the previous three micro- index with visual geomorphological analysis to predict regional studies. The study characterizes the Slavs as a plant species distribution effectively. secondary, relational in-group, distinguished by their Lozić’s investigation is exemplified through a case language, housing culture, dress, sustenance, and a web study of Early Medieval settlements in the Bled micro- of social relations, including genetic lineage, specifical y region of Slovenia, focussing on agricultural land use. focusing on Alpine Slavs who spoke Slavic and shared a The findings suggest that Early Medieval communities common ancestry, migrating to the Eastern Alps during prefered areas with light and high water retention soils, the sixth and seventh centuries. conducive to barley cultivation, a key staple crop in the Štular and Lozić argue that while migration con- subalpine climate of the period. The chapter also notes tributed to the Slavicisation of the Eastern Alps, the more a significant shift in the eleventh century towards the critical factor was the ensuing acculturation process. The colonization of soils with lower water retention capaci- chapter aims to shed light on the sustained success of ties, possibly indicating a move towards more advanced Slavicisation by exploring the dynamics of acculturation agricultural organization and the adoption of wheat as through a proposed four-stage model. Initial y, Slavic a primary cereal. colonisation of marginal y used Late Antique fields facili- In the chapter titled The Dynamics of the Early tated peaceful coexistence. The superiority of the Slavic Medieval Settlement Development in the Drava Plain in agricultural system then led the Late Antique inhabitants Connection with the Pedological Analysis of Arable Land, to adopt this new approach, albeit at the cost of their Andrej Magdič examines the evolution of Early Medieval social status. This adoption, alongside shared resources, settlements in the Drava Plain, emphasizing the relation- knowledge, and living spaces, precipitated an intensive ship between the spatial and temporal development of acculturation phase termed inverse integration, where these settlements and the pedological characteristics the host community assimilated the dominant immigrant of their potential arable lands, as determined through culture’s norms while maintaining their cultural identity, archaeological dating. Magdič traced the origins of Early leading to biculturalism or the coexistence of two initial y Medieval settlement in the Drava Plain to the late sixth or distinct cultures. early seventh century, noting that the initial settlers were not constrained by the choice between previously cleared and subsequently re-forested lands, since the agricultural PART 2: REGIONAL ANALYSIS fields from the Roman era had been abandoned and over- taken by forests for more than two centuries. In the chapter titled Images behind the Archaeo- The study reveals that the dynamics of settlement logical Curtain: Vlachs, Slavs, župas, principalities, during this period were closely tied to environmental Carantania, Andrej Pleterski embarks on an explora- 12 INTRODUCTION TO THE SETTLEMENT OF THE EASTERN ALPS IN EARLY MIDDLE AGES tion to decipher the historical and cultural dynamics of ing this time. The focus then shifts to the onset of Slavic the Eastern Alps from the fifth to the eleventh century settlements in Styria in seventh and first half of the through archaeological site analysis. Analysing a selec- eighth century, with archaeological evidence becoming tion of 1105 relevant sites from the Zbiva database, more discernible around 700 AD. These early Slavic set- Pleterski offers an exhaustive survey of the Early Me- tlements, characterised by pit finds from locations such dieval Eastern Alps. The chapter commences with a as Komberg, St. Ruprecht an der Raab, and Enzelsdorf, succinct presentation of the methodology employed, are highlighted for their limited material culture and followed by an overview of the evolutionary trajectory geographical confinement to western and central parts of the archaeological landscape, encapsulated in phases of Austrian Styria. The findings from Komberg and St. the author describes as the decline of the Roman world, Ruprecht suggest a settlement timeline in the mid to late the arrival of the Slavs, and their westward expansion. seventh century, while ongoing excavations in Enzels- Pleterski then delves into selected thematic areas, dorf point to a continuous settlement from the seventh including the examination of burial sites within a geo- to the early eleventh century, offering new insights into morphological framework, the interplay of cemeteries the region’s transition from Late Antiquity to the Early and geomorphology, and the process of Christianization, Medieval period. with a particular focus on the relationship between burial The final chapter of the book is titled Early Medieval sites and churches, especial y in the Klagenfurter Becken/ Settlement in Styria: Considerations on Settlement Pat- Celovška kotlina area which is relevant for the historical terns and Land Use. The author Iris Koch delves into the extent of Carantania. The author also scrutinizes the local settlement dynamics of the Early Medieval period within communities or župas of the Early Middle Ages, specifi- the Austrian province of Styria. Using archaeological cal y Bled and Dežela, introducing a model to compre- data, the analysis aims to discern patterns and concentra- hend the evolving interactions between the Slavs and the tions of settlements, as well as to evaluate the strategic Vlachs and the sacralization of spaces, exemplified by the placement of these settlements within the landscape. Gorjanci Mountains and Krško-Brežice polje. Koch emphasises the importance of considering a broad A pivotal section of the chapter addresses the stra- spectrum of parameters for a comprehensive site assess- tegic placement of power centres within the landscape, ment, including terrain features, altitude, proximity to shedding light on the intricate socio-political and cul- water bodies, historical settlement patterns, available tural fabric of the period. Through this comprehensive resources, and inter-settlement relations. analysis, Pleterski aims to reconstruct a vivid tableau The chapter successful y identifies regions with of the Early Medieval socio-political landscape in the increased site density, indicative of settlement clusters Eastern Alps, highlighting the significant roles of Vlachs, and potential local or regional hubs. A notable pattern Slavs, župas, duches, and the principality of Carantania. observed is the strategic selection of elevated terrains, such as hil tops and crags, for settlement sites, a practice that dates back to at least the eighth century. Further- PART 3: CASE STUDIES more, the chapter reveals a tendency for Early Medieval communities to reoccupy sites that were significant The in depth analysis of the Upper and Central or during prehistoric and Roman times, attributed to the Austrian Styria begins with the chapter titled From Late enduring appeal of these locations and possibly deliber- Antiquity to the Early Middle Ages: The ‘Dark Centuries’ ate choices for reoccupation. in Styria (400–650 AD) and the ‘New Beginning’ of Settle- Koch enhances the archaeological perspective with ment in the 7th Century, The authors Christoph Gutjahr, findings from related fields such as archaeozoology, ar- Stephan Karl, and Christian Greiner examine the trans- chaeobotany, and anthropology, revealing a multifaceted formative period from Late Antiquity (circa 380 AD) to approach to land use that includes agriculture, animal the initial phase of Early Medieval settlement in what husbandry, hunting, and the exploitation of other natural is now the province of Austrian Styria. The scarcity of resources. This comprehensive examination sheds light archaeological finds from this era, particularly between on the complex interplay between Early Medieval set- 450 and 650 AD, underscores the transitional nature of tlers in Styria and their environment, il ustrating how the period. The chapter presents an analysis based on they adapted to and transformed their landscape to suit select categories of artifacts, such as Late Antique lead- their needs. glazed and burnished pottery, coins, and jewellery and dress accessories, to il ustrate the near-disappearance of We are confident that the above announced content Roman rural structures after the fourth century. of the book promises to be an indispensable resource Furthermore, the chapter notes the minimal impact for scholars and enthusiasts alike, offering fresh perspec- of movements by the Lombards, Ostrogoths, early Avars, tives on the Early Medieval period through a blend of and other ancient groups on the Styrian landscape dur- archaeological evidence and environmental analysis. 13 Benjamin ŠTULAR, Manfred LEHNER ACHINO et al. 2019 = ACHINO, K. 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SAGADIN, M. 2008, Od Karnija do Kranja: arheološki ŠTULAR, B. 2022, Grave Orientation In The Middle Ages. podatki o razvoju poselitve v antičnem in zgod- A Case Study from Bled Island. − E-Monographiae njesrednjeveškem obdobju. – Unpublished PhD Instituti Archaeologici Sloveniae 14, Ljubljana. Thesis, University of Ljubljana, Ljubljana. ŠTULAR, B. 2025, Rethinking Ethnic Identity in the SCHMID, W. 1910−1911, Römische Forschung in Archaeology of the Ancient Slavs. − Arheološki Österreich 1907−1911. – Bericht der Römisch- vestnik 76, in preparation. Germanischen Kommission 6, 79−113. ŠTULAR, B., BELAK, M. 2022, Deep Data Example: SIART et al. 2013 = SIART, C., BAKTI, B., EITEL, B., Zbiva, Early Medieval Data Set for the Eastern BOCK, H. G., JÄGER, W., WINCKLER, M. J. (eds.) Alps. − Research Data Journal for the Humanities 2013, Digital Geoarchaeology: An Approach to and Social Sciences 7/1, 1−13. DOI: https://doi. 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(eds.), Geografski – London, Sydney. informacijski sistemi v Sloveniji 2005−2006, Ljub- TISCHER, T. 2018, KG Virgen, OG Virgen. – Fund- ljana, 199−210. berichte aus Österreich 55, 506−507. ŠTULAR, B. 2020, One phenomenon or many? Consid- UDOVČ, K. 2018, Gorjanci, zakladnica arheoloških erations on the role of selected sites in Slovenia: Na najdišč (The Gorjanci Hil s, a treasure trove of Bleku, Mali grad, and Gradišče above Bašelj. – In: archaeological sites). − In: Lux et al. 2018, 77–90. 17 Settlement of the Eastern Alps in the Early Middle Ages, Opera Instituti Archaeologici Sloveniae 48, 2024, 19–24. doi: https://doi. org/10.3986/9789610508786_02 METHODOLOGY: ARCHAEOLOGICAL LIDAR AND GIS ANALYSIS OF THE EARLY MEDIEVAL SETTLEMENTS Edisa LOZIĆ Abstract This introductory chapter explores the application of Light Detection and Ranging (LiDAR) and selected relevant aspects of Geographic Information Systems (GIS) in archaeological research. Archaeological LiDAR is typical y used as a tool to visualise and analyse the morphological aspects of archaeological landscapes, greatly enhancing the detection of archaeological features and sites. However, here we address the use of LiDAR for the reconstruction of landscapes, which offers new avenues for research, such as palaeogeographic analysis and the study of agricultural land use in historical contexts. The second part focuses on GIS analysis of the landscape context, especial y in relation to Early Medieval settlements in the Eastern Alpine region. An overview is given of previous studies analysing settlements based on environmental factors such as soil type and topography, highlighting the influence of agricultural potential on settlement patterns. It also discusses the theories of central land cores and site-catchment analysis, and il ustrates how modern GIS methods enhance the understanding of settlement landscapes by providing realistic estimates of land use areas based on DEMs and time-distance computations. Keywords: archaeology, LiDAR, airborne laser scanning (ALS), geographic information systems (GIS), site-catchment. 1. ARCHAEOLOGICAL LIDAR Swieder 2021). The free availability of LiDAR data in Slovenia since 2015 (Triglav Čekada, Bric 2015), for ex- This chapter presents the methodological back- ample, has led to the discovery of numerous archaeologi- ground shared by the Leibnitzer Feld (Lozić, Koch 2024 cal sites and features – such as prehistoric settlements, in this volume) and Bled (Lozić 2024 in this volume) prehistoric and Roman field systems, Roman military studies. camps, and Late Antique settlements (Štular 2011; Light Detection and Ranging data (hereafter LiDAR) Lahar nar et al. 2015; Bernardini et al. 2015; Bernardini, is used in archaeology for the visualisation and detailed Vinci 2020; Mlekuž 2018; 2013) – especial y in densely morphological analysis of the archaeological landscape. forested areas. In addition, LiDAR data allows the obser- First and foremost, LiDAR has become an essential vation of any site or feature at different scales (Crutchley component of archaeological prospection as a tool for 2009; Crow 2010; Doneus, Kühteiber 2013). From the detecting archaeological features (Devereux et al. 2005; large “human” scale, which provides overwhelming Thompson 2005; Chase et al. 2011; Evans 2013; von detail at the intra-site level, to the small landscape scale, Schwerin et al. 2016; Canuto et al. 2018; Inomata et al. where patterns of site distribution can be easily observed, 2018; Menéndez Blanco et al. 2020; Stanton et al. 2020; they have enhanced our understanding of archaeological 19 Edisa LOZIĆ and historical landscapes. However, LiDAR data is only 2.1. GIS ANALYSIS suitable for detecting those archaeological features that OF THE LANDSCAPE CONTEXT are visible in the terrain morphology (Štular et al. 2021). Therefore, the impact of LiDAR data on archaeology as a Archaeological GIS is a broad topic which is discipline has been uneven. One area of limited impact relatively well known and published (e.g., Gillings et has been the detection of Early Medieval settlements al. 2020; Štular, Eichert 2020). The aim here merely to in the Eastern Alpine region (hereafter EMS). EMS provide a brief overview of the scientific background are preserved almost exclusively as scarce remains of on the topic of GIS analysis of the landscape context in wooden structures in the form of minute post holes, Early Medieval archaeology relevant to our case stud- while the remains of larger buildings, stone architecture, ies Leibnitzer Feld (Lozić, Koch 2024 in this volume), and larger earthworks are almost non-existent (e.g., Bled (Lozić 2024 in this volume), and the Drava plain Pleterski 2010). Therefore, EMS are not discernible in (Dravsko polje; Magdič 2024 in this volume). the terrain morphology and thus cannot be detected Previous attempts to understand the landscape con- directly with LiDAR data or any other type of archaeo- text of Early Medieval settlements in the Eastern Alpine logical prospection. region (hereafter EMS) often reduced observations to However, in addition to the archaeological height above sea level and soil type. One early analysis prospec tion, LiDAR data can also be used for landscape found that Slavs in Slovenia settled mainly in upland reconstruction (e.g. De Boer et al. 2008; Coluzzi et al. areas with dry soils and tended to avoid plains, narrow 2010; Prufer, Thompson 2016), in a process known as valleys, and wet soils (Kos 1970). In a preceding analysis deep interpretation (Doneus, Kühteiber 2013; Lozić, of the Bled microregion the reconstruction of the field Štular 2021). Such applications open up a wide range system located the most suitable areas for Early Medieval of research opportunities and approaches, for example agriculture and concluded that local topography had the reconstruction of historical geographical elements, a direct influence on the EMS location choice model paleogeographical analysis (De Boer et al. 2008; Pierik, (Pleterski 1986; 1987; 2013). A similar attempt to define Lanen 2019), and the archaeology of agricultural land the landscape type and soil type in which EMS occurs use. We follow this approach and are particularly inter- was made in Lower Austria. Under the term mesoregion, ested in understanding archaeological sites in their land 36 EMS were analysed within their respective 5 km radii. use context. This is possible because LiDAR provides Soil type and geomorphological context, which provided the landscape configuration in the form of a high- a description of the predominant landform types, were resolution digital elevation model (hereafter DEM). considered. The results showed that the EMS occur in The DEM allows us to provide measurable parameters two landscape types: (flood) plains and mountainous and qualitative and quantitative characterisations of regions. Approximately half of EMS were located on al- the landscape configuration and thus objectively define luvial river terraces, at least some of them within coeval physiographic regions. When these are correlated with floodplains on natural y elevated land. The other half of other environmental factors such as soil type, hydrology, EMS was located in upland and hil y areas above 300 and geological data, sites can be accurately characterised. m a.s.l. In these areas, loess and brown earth soils were The focus of the use of LiDAR in this volume is on clearly preferred (Wawruschka 2009). agricultural land use and its direct or indirect influence In the archaeological y relevant neighbourhood, on settlement location choice. Landscape configuration river terraces and hil s were also recognized as the pre- undoubtedly had an influence on the potential for agri- dominant locations for EMS in Bohemia (Zeman 1976). cultural land use in the archaeological past, and LiDAR Similar conclusions regarding landscape preference, data have recently been used for this purpose (e.g. habitat description, and soil conditions were also drawn Weishampel et al. 2013; Ringle et al. 2021; Schroder et al. for Great Moravia in Czech Republic (Měřínský 2002), 2021). And under conditions of agricultural subsistence Slovakia (Fusek 1994), and for several microregions economy, agricultural land use in turn has an important in Slovenia (Krško polje: Rihter 2019; Prekmurje and influence on the choice of settlement location (e.g. Kos Podravje: Magdič 2017; 2021; 2024 in this volume), and 1970; Zeman 1976; Wawruschka 2009; Pleterski 2013). Bled (Knific 1984; Pleterski, Belak 1995). Somewhat dif- This is not to say that there are not many other factors ferent situation was detected for the sixth-century Slavs that can significantly influence settlement patterns in dif- in the Northern Danube region (present-day Slovakia, ferent areas and at different times, for example cultural Moravia, Czech Republic, and Upper Austria), who set- (Hamilton et al. 2018), historical (Casana 2007), social tled the lowlands in strategic locations along roads and (Carboni 2015; Duncan-Jones 2004; Mensing et al. 2018; at river fords, while mountainous terrain was avoided Tuan 1980) or climate (Huebner 2020; Lawrence et al. (Kazanski 2020). 2021). However, like most of the studies cited, we focus Perhaps the most detailed study to date combined on one that we consider to be the most important in this archaeology, written sources, and retrograde analysis particular context. of historical cadastres (Pleterski 1986; 2013a). It re- 20 METHODOLOGY: ARCHAEOLOGICAL LiDAR AND GIS ANALYSIS OF THE EARLY MEDIEVAL SETTLEMENTS constructed the arable areas, which occurred in small the field was estimated to be 7 minutes walking distance patches scattered in the valley plains. Settlements were (Štular 2006, 200). Modern studies of the site catchment located adjacent to soils suitable for agriculture. The reinforce the distinction between the exploitation area study was able to infer where and when the settlement and its social status, i.e., direct exploitation is not the took place with a great level of confidence, but not why same as the area that is claimed to define the political and how. status of a settlement (Seubers 2016). The key advan- These studies confirmed the theory of central tage of modern studies is that the catchment area is no land cores put forward for the Medieval settlement of longer forceful y simplified into circles, but is much more present-day Slovenia by Ilešič (1950). He noted that realistical y estimated in terms of time of walking or each Medieval settlement initial y had relatively little energy expended. This is achieved in GIS by computing cultivated land on particularly favourable soils in the the time distance based on DEM and realistic formulas immediate vicinity of the settlement. As the settlement obtained through experiments (Langmuir 1984; Tobler grew, the existing fields were divided up and new ones 1993; Štular 2006; Richards-Rissetto, Landau 2014; Field further from the vil age were asserted. Thus, the central et al. 2019). land core became increasingly fragmented and the total The data for the Bled case study (Lozić 2024 in this area of cultivated land increased. volume) and Drava Plain allowed (Magdič 2024 in this The theory of central land cores has good parallels volume) to implicitly implement the theory of central with the site-catchment analysis proposed in the 1970s land cores, whereas in most archaeological case studies (Vita-Finzi, Higgs 1970). The similarities are not coin- only the site catchment theory can be applied. The latter cidental, as both are based on mid twentieth century was the case for the Leibnitzer Feld (Lozić, Koch 2024 human geography. The site catchment was defined as an in this volume). area within which the exploitation of natural resources As a note, it should be mentioned that EMS within is economically justified. The area was proposed as floodplains would have severely restricted access to 5 kilometres or an hour’s walk for sedentary farming agricultural land. This suggests that the exploitation communities and the share of arable land was estimated of riparian vegetation and other resources must have to be between 5% and 10%. Flannery (1976b), Rossmann played an important and hitherto neglected role in Early (1976), and Zarky (1976) empirical y tested the model on Medieval economic life. The riparian zone was able to Mesoamerican vil ages and found that the site catchment provide for fish, freshwater crabs, various edible plants; area was at least half and the share of arable land up to ten wild vines and similar could be gathered without having times smaller than in the original theoretical estimates. to invest in cultivation. 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Ostalpenraum im Frühmittel alter – Herrschaftsstruk- ZEMAN, J. 1976, Nejstarší slovanské osídlení Čech (Die turen, Raum organisation und archäologisch-his- älteste slawische Besiedlung Böhmens). − Památky torischer Vergleich, Österreich ische Akademie der archeologické 67, 115–236. Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-Historische Klasse, 24 Settlement of the Eastern Alps in the Early Middle Ages, Opera Instituti Archaeologici Sloveniae 48, 2024, 25–52. doi: https://doi. org/10.3986/9789610508786_03 SOIL, WATER, AND TOPOGRAPHY: DECODING SETTLEMENT LOCATION PREFERENCES IN EARLY MEDIEVAL LEIBNITZER FELD (AUSTRIA) Edisa LOZIĆ, Iris KOCH Abstract The study investigates settlement location preferences during the Early Medieval period in the Leibnitzer Feld microregion of southeastern Austria, focusing on soil, terrain, and hydrological characteristics. Utilizing LiDAR data and Digital Elevation Models, the research examines the spatial distribution of settlements relative to agricultural potential and non-agricultural activities. The analysis reveals a distinct pattern of settlement locations influenced by soil quality including its ability to retain water. Settlements with access to high-fertility soils, primarily eutric brown soils, suggest an agricultural focus. Conversely, settlements on high ridges or with no access to fertile soils indicate non-agricultural functions. Some of those have been identified as potential mining settlements, highlighting the region’s economic diversity. This study underscores the importance of integrating geospatial technologies with archaeological data to enhance our understanding of historical settlement dynamics. Keywords: archaeology, Early Medieval settlements, site location analysis, landscape archaeology, LiDAR data, DEM analysis. 1. INTRODUCTION The Early Medieval economy in the region was pre- dominantly based on agriculture and animal husbandry, The purpose of this chapter was to spatial y analyse which has recently been illustrated by a meticulous Early Medieval sites in the Leibnitzer Feld microregion analysis of two Early Medieval refuse pits containing (see Štular, Lehner 2024, Fig. 1 in this volume) by observ- archaeozoological and archaeobotanical assemblages ing soil and terrain characteristics within site catchments discovered in Kleinklein, just outside our study area. for each archaeological site. The approach is based on Meat consumption was based on domestic animals the well established assumption that predominantly agri- (pigs, cattle, chickens, sheep, and goats) and to a lesser cultural societies made their living primarily within the extent on game (deer and wild boar) (Toškan 2019). The site’s hinterland known in archaeology as site catchment diet was based on a rather limited selection of crops, (Lozić 2024b in this volume). This method enables us to consisting of barley ( Hordeum vulgare), broom millet discern, in a given region and time period, between the ( Panicum miliaceum) and probably rye ( Secale cereale) sites that have an easy access to the fields, and those that (Kiszter et al. 2019). Recent research elsewhere has also don’t. In the case of the latter, non-agricultural motives demonstrated the importance of rivers for the supply can be assumed for their choice of location. Another goal of proteins related to fishing and gathering activities of this method is to analyse the environmental variables (Rihter 2019; Wawruschka 2009; evidence for fishing: that were crucial to the choice of settlement location. Nowotny 2016). 25 Edisa LOZIĆ, Iris KOCH Previous research efforts conducted in the Leib- for poor preservation of the archaeological remains is nitzer Feld and its surroundings have provided impor- intensive modern farming. This is especial y true for the tant contributions and valuable insight regarding Early eastern part of the study area, where remains associ- Medieval populations that inhabited Austrian Styria ated with dwelling sites seem to be largely absent. For (Gutjahr 2018c; Gutjahr et al. 2024 in this volume; Koch these reasons, we cannot overstate the archaeological 2024 in this volume). significance of the few known settlement sites. These However, if the sites are analysed in isolation, the are starting points for “reading” and understanding the microregional settlement model is difficult to discern. natural parameters that were decisive for the choice of Thus, in this chapter, we have observed Early Medieval the location of the settlement. settlements in the Leibnitzer Feld in the landscape con- To select the relevant archaeological sites for this text. Given the dynamic relationship between the many study first the data quality was re-evaluated (see Ap- environmental variables and the scarce archaeological pendix 1 for description of sites with references). The data, this was a formidable task. Fortunately, geographic final selection was comprised of settlements ( Table 1: information systems (GIS) technology provides mecha- A–F) and cemeteries ( Table 1: G–J). However, because nisms to manage the data and study correlations between of their paucity we also included the artefacts classified the various components of a complex environment and as so-called stray finds, that is, artefacts found outside archaeological sites. of a distinct archaeological context (Darvill 2008). In our case, the stray finds are pottery fragments ( Table 1: L–N), as well as jewellery ( Table 1: K, O, P) and dress 2. MATERIALS AND METHODS accessories ( Table 1: R). We argue, that stray finds are in- direct indicators of occupation, signalling either possible 2.1 STUDY AREA dwellings or burial sites in the vicinity (see Dzieńkowski 2018). However, in the analysis confirmed settlements The study area, the so-called Leibnitzer Feld, is were considered as a separate category. located in the Mur/Mura valley in Styria in southeast- ern Austria ( Fig. 1). The area covers approximately 280 km2. To the north, the mountain formation of 2.3 LiDAR AND DEM DATA the Buchkogel, including the elongated range of the Wildoner Schlossberg and the Bockberg, separates Prior to archaeological interpretation, the origi- the Grazer Feld from the Leibnitzer Feld. It is known nal Lidar dataset (1000 km2 point cloud in “*.las” file collectively in the Middle Ages as ‘Hengist’. This area format with accompanying orthophotos) was obtained has been the subject of considerable research inter- from the Provincial Government of Styria (Das Land est (Gutjahr et al. 2018), as shown by the impressive Steiermark) for the Hengist Best-of project (Gutjahr bibliography compiled on the subject (e.g. Gutjahr et al. 2018). The original data set was processed and 2013; 2014; 2015; Gutjahr, Trausner 2009; Roscher filtered according to the archaeology-specific method 2001). It ends in the south on the west bank of the (Lozić, Štular 2021; Štular, Lozić 2016). The test of the Mur, with clearly discernible remains of the Roman data processing method was performed on a smaller town Flavia Solva, in present day Wagna (Groh 1996; area (4 km2), in case adjustments of the methodologi- Hinker et al. 2014; Groh 2021). This particular study cal approach would be necessary. The real value of the area was chosen because of the relatively high number re-processed point cloud and re-interpolated digital of Early Medieval sites compared to the rest of Styria. elevation model (DEM) was revealed by the use of dif- An important aspect of the choice was the fact that ferent visualization types (hil shade, openness, differ- some of them were discovered during rescue excava- ence from mean elevation, sky view factor). It resulted tions (Komberg, Weitendorf, Rohr bei Haslach) and in improved quality and “sharpness” of data and thus in provided organic material for the radiocarbon dating. better visibility of the possible archaeological features (Štular, Lozić 2020). The use of different visualization techniques is necessary to obtain the maximum infor- 2.2 ARCHAEOLOGICAL DATA mation about possible archaeological sites visible on the surface (Lozić, Štular 2021). Scarce data are problematic in Early Medieval One of the key products of LiDAR data for ar- archaeology in this region in general, and even more chaeology and geosciences is DEM (Štular et al. 2021). so in Leibnitzer Feld. Due to the perishable building The DEM dataset is provided as gridded elevation data material used for such settlements, the Early Medieval in a raster structure that represents the surface of the settlements can only be detected by archaeological terrain. It contains x-, y-, and z-values, which repre-excavations (Štular, Lehner 2024 in this volume). Fur- sent x- and y-coordinates and elevation information, thermore, in this particular area, an additional factor respectively. Digital Terrain Analysis can be used to 26 SOIL, WATER, AND TOPOGRAPHY: DECODING SETTLEMENT LOCATION PREFERENCES ... Fig. 1: Leibnitzer Feld study area with Early Medieval sites. Yellow is the approximate area of Hengist (sources: Zbiva; Gutjahr et al. 2018), defined by todayś borders of five municipalities organized in the “Kulturpark Hengist”. The proper borders of the medieval Hengist county are unknown in detail. 27 Edisa LOZIĆ, Iris KOCH ID Name* Type Chronology Chronology Zbiva ID (AD)** Confidence Level*** A Wildoner Schlossberg1 Settlement 750−1000 2 10001857 B Im Rasental1 Settlement 700−1000 3 10002886 C Weitendorf Settlement 750−860 3 10002796 D Komberg Settlement 625−675 3 10002344 E Schönberg Settlement 600−800 3 10003649 F Frauenberg2 Settlement 600−1100 1 10001862 G Rohr bei Haslach Cemetery 665−1035 2 10002488 H Grötsch3 Cemetery 750−850 2 10001838 I Altenmarkt, Leibnitz Cemetery 800−1600 3 10001830 J Frauenberg2 Cemetery 900−1000 2 10001851 K Grötsch3 Undefined 670−700 1 10004069 L Hart Undefined 700−800 1 10002605 M Haslach Undefined 600−850 1 10002442 N Schönberg/Freybühel Undefined 600−1000 1 10003648 O Frauenberg2 Undefined 900−1000 1 10003647 P Afram Undefined 900−1000 1 10001822 R Wildoner Schlossberg1 Undefined 400−700 1 10004056 1 Wildoner Schlossberg, Im Rasental; 2 Frauenberg; 3 Grötsch: for the purpose of site catchment analysis the location of sites and stray finds located nearby have been treated as a single location. ** See online Zbiva database (https://zbiva4.zrc-sazu.si) for further details on how the chronology was determined for each site. *** 1 – poor; 2 – good (e.g., diagnostic artefacts); 3 – excellent (e.g., stratigraphy and C14 dates). Table 1: Early medieval sites in the Leibnitzer Feld micro-region. ID refer to Fig. 1 (source: Zbiva database). Note: The year 1100 indicates an arbitrary end of the Early Medieval period, but the site in question continues to exist after this date. perform information extraction that derives terrain 2.4 TOPOGRAPHIC AND GEOLOGICAL parameter computation and feature extraction from CHARACTERISTICS OF THE STUDY AREA DEMs (Zhou 2017). Attributes computed with DEMs can be derived directly, as single or primary attributes, The Liebnitzer Feld is enclosed in the west by or compound/secondary attributes, which are functions the uplands of the Weststeirisches Hügel and, which of two or more single attributes. are cut by wide valleys of the rivers Sulm, Laßnitz and From DEM primary topographic attributes, such Kainach. From the Wildoner Buchkkogel the Leibnitzer as slope, specific catchment area, aspect, and plan and Feld extends in a north-south direction and reaches the profile curvature, can be derived for each cell as a func- modern Austrian-Slovenian border in the south ( Fig. 1). tion of its surroundings. The secondary attributes, which In the east, the study area is bordered by the edge of the are computed from two or more primary attributes, are Oststeirisches Hügel and. Today, the entire region is important because they offer an opportunity to describe characterized by intensive agricultural use. pattern as a function of process. Those attributes that The western part of the study area is part of the quantify the role of topography in the redistributing of Central Styrian high geologic formation also known as water in the landscape and in modifying the amount of Middle Styrian Swell (subdividing the Styrian Basin), solar radiation received at the surface have important which is a geologic formation of Paleozoic (Middle hydrological, geomorphological, and ecological conse- Miocene) metamorphic rocks containing phyllite quences in many landscapes. These attributes may affect (Flügel 1960; Flügel, Neubauer 1984a; 1984b). The soil characteristics (because the pedogenesis of the soil eastern margins belong to the Miocene formations catena is affected by the way water moves through the (mainly sandstone) and Neogene carbonates (Leitha environment in many landscapes), distribution and Limestone), which occur in a narrow and isolated area abundance of soil water, the susceptibility of landscapes from Wildon in the north almost down to Spielfeld/ to water erosion, and the distribution and abundance Šentilj. The outcrops of Karstified Neogene carbonates of flora and fauna. Among the secondary topographic (Leitha Limestone) are important, especial y the area attributes we have used landform classification and soil of Wildoner Buchkogel and Sukdul , because they were moisture (see below). probably sourced for stone building material in Roman times (Bauer, Weissinger 2020). The Mur val ey was 28 SOIL, WATER, AND TOPOGRAPHY: DECODING SETTLEMENT LOCATION PREFERENCES ... Interval (Penck, Brückner 1901/1909) Type Unit of Glacial Stages Type Locality Würm Niederterrasse (Lower Terrace, NT) Riss Hochterrase (High Terrace, HT) Helfbrunner Terrasse Mindel Jüngerer Deckenschotter (Younger Cover Gravel, IDS) Schweinsbachwaldterrasse Günz Alterer Deckenschotter (Older Cover Gravel, ADS) Table 2: The Alpine Glacial Stages. The four classical glacial stages, Würm (W), Riss (R) Mindel (M), and Günz (G), and the three interglacials Riss-Würm (RW), Mindel-Riss (MR), and Günz-Mindel (GM) were named by Penck after the four Bavarian tributaries of the Danube (Donau) and Isar (Penck and Brückner, 1901). The system was later extended by adding two earlier glacial stages − Donau and Biber, and two corresponding interglacials − Donau-Günz (DG) and Biber-Donau (BD)(Eberl, 1930; Schaefer, 1953). formed through fluvial incision and terrace development wide) again in the eastern part of the Mur floodplain, by the Middle Pleistocene to Holocene (Rabensteiner et where it reaches the margins of Mindel terraces, and in al. 2019). Wel -developed stepped fluvial terrace systems the southern part also the Middle Pleistocene Terrace connected to terminal moraines of Quaternary glacia- (Riss). A characteristic distinguishing feature between tions formed from four individual Alpine glacial events the Würm terraces, and the older ones (Riss, Mindel), is (Penck, Brückner 1901) are characteristic also for this the clay layer over the gravel on the latter. On the Lower area (Winkler von Hermaden 1955). The geological Terrace (Würm) and the present double (Mur/ Laßnitz) subsoil in the Mur valley consists of early Tertiary sedi- floodplain the clay layer is missing, which is an important ments overlain by a series of stepped Quaternary gravel fact affecting soil formation (Suette 1986). The vertical terraces (Suette 1986) ( Table 2, Fig. 2).1 distance between the Upper Pleistocene (Würm) and the The system of three gravel terraces can be observed Middle Pleistocene (Riss) terraces in the study area is 5−10 throughout the valley ( Fig. 3). First from the eastern edges m, and the vertical distance between the Middle Pleisto-is an active flood plain of the Laßnitz river, extending to cene Riss and Mindel terraces is especial y large, reaching a maximum of 1 km in width to the Upper Pleistocene 23 m. The two sub-corridors of the Würm terrace (A, B) terrace (Würm). At its northern edge, just south of the differ in water regime and soil cover. The sub-corridor A Wildoner Buchkogel, part of the Middle Pleistocene (Riss) lacks perennial water and permanent water streams, its terrace occurs. The Middle Pleistocene (Riss) terrace soil cover with a thickness between 0.2 and 2.5 m consists extends about 5200 m to the east, where it reaches the primarily of loamy sands with high field capacities and edge of an active floodplain of the Mur River (about 3 high permeability under saturated conditions (Eisenhut km wide). Within the study area, the Middle Pleistocene et al. 1992). The sub corridor B is covered with proluvial (Riss) terrace emerges in a relatively narrow strip (1.5 km deposits, with permanent water streams coming from the East Styrian hil s. In general, it has a fine sediment cover 1 Digital geological maps in a scale 1: 50.000, additional y up to approx. 1 m thick, from which brown earth could the explanatory table necessary for the interpretation were often form (Untersweg 1984; 1985). used for the data source (https://gis.stmk.gv.at/ ). Fig. 3: A schematic section through the terraces of the Leibnitzer Feld. The Quaternary deposits comprise a series of terraces that rise in steps (modified and redrawn by E. Lozić after the Lower Mur valley terrace sequence by Fabiani (1978 Abb. 4)). 29 Edisa LOZIĆ, Iris KOCH Fig. 2: Leibnitzer Feld study area, terraces from the Quaternary era. 30 SOIL, WATER, AND TOPOGRAPHY: DECODING SETTLEMENT LOCATION PREFERENCES ... 2.5 SOIL CHARACTERISTICS on Quaternary gravel terraces. They are used for inten- sive croplands because they are the most fertile soils in The quality of the soil is of key importance for the the area, which are well drained, sufficiently deep, and possibilities of agricultural production. Agriculture have favourable physical and chemical properties. The played an important role in the organization of economy downsides are high stone content and low water reten- and society in the Early Medieval period. As all sed- tion capacity. We can conclude that within the study area entary farmers they were interested in occupying the these are most suitable soils for agricultural production. best land for crop production. For this reason, we have focused on the observation of the soil characteristics of a selected region to observe the preference of the location 2.6 SITE CATCHMENT ANALYSIS of the settlement site. Since there is no direct evidence of the Early Medieval fields in the study area, we are draw- The Early Medieval period is known for its self- ing on the closest analogy from the Bled microregion, sufficient economic model, based on agriculture and where it has been shown that fields were probably located animal husbandry. Choosing a location for a settlement within 7 min radius from the settlements (see below). must have therefore been governed by physical settings Soil data were obtained from the digital soil map2 important for agriculture. This means that determining based on the Austrian System of Soil Classification (Fink (natural) factors, such as arable and grazing land, and 1969). The data are vector-based thematic representa- perennial source of water, had a great effect on the settle- tions starting at a scale of 1: 30,000. The eBOD web GIS ment pattern in the landscape. Some resources, such as application3 represents the web version of the digital soil water, are so basic and so vital that the distance to obtain map and allows all the location properties of agricultur- them must be minimized. In other words, those where al y usable and mapped soils. important attributes for the selection of the location of For the purpose of this analysis, we mapped and the settlement. plotted the most common soil types in the study area. The locations of known settlements are therefore a According to the data three main types of soil occur good starting point for detecting (“reading”) the natural within the study area ( Fig. 4). First type are Al uvial parameters that were decisive in choosing the location of soils (fluvisols; in the cited source marked as soil unit: the settlement. To this end, based on analogy from Bled, Auboden: ID 31001), which are relatively young and un- the time-distance parameter of 7 minutes was used for developed soils that were formed in frequently flooded site catchment calculation sites within the Leibnitz re- areas by repeated deposition of sediments on al uvial gion (Lozić 2024a in this volume with references). After deposits along the river and stream channels. These areas establishing the site catchment area for each site ( Fig. 5), are usual y part of the active floodplain and are vegetated these areas were further analysed for soil characteristics by riparian forest or wetland habitat containing a com- and all other available environmental variables. bination of trees, shrubs, and/or other perennial plants (Suette 1986, 8). If the areas of parent material are loamy and silty-loam deposits that form on Early and Middle 2.7 DEM ANALYSIS AND TERRAIN Pleistocene glaciofluvial conglomerates, they may be MORPHOLOGY (Ger. Landschaftskategorien) used as cropland or meadow. The second type are Pseudogley soils (planosols; The morphology of the study area has been ana- soil unit: Pseudogley: ID 31013). Their parent materials lysed using the Topographic Position Index (TPI) based are the Pleistocene and Pliocene deposits. Due to their Landform Classification (SAGA GIS v8). The analysis low infiltration capacity, they are only suitable for arable has been conducted on DEM with a resolution of 10 m, farming if they are deeply tilled and raised in the middle which was obtained by aggregation from the original of the field to allow meteoric water runoff. In archaeol- LiDAR data. The same method has been used in the ogy this type of soils are often referred to as heavy soils Bled microregion case study, where it is described in and the tilling as ridge and furrow. Where the water more detail (Lozić 2024b in this volume). level is high (near the rivers Mur, Sulm, Laßnitz), the From a geomorphological point of view, the study pseudogleyic soils are abundant. The main agricultural area is characterized by the presence of two macro- use is grass cultivation as meadows, forest, or arable land. topographical units ( Fig. 6, Table 3): the hil y landscape The third type are eutric brown soils (cambisols; (an appendix of the south-western hil s that extend up soil unit: Lockersediment – Braunerde: ID 20016). In the to the uplands between the rivers Laßnitz and Sulm study area, they form on sandy gravels of glacial-fluvial called Sausal) and the plateau landscape (naturally carbonate that cover the bottoms of the river valley and connected to the plain south of Graz district through the Mur river). 2 http://bfw.ac.at. 3 Digitale Bodenkarte, https://www.data.gv.at/anwend- The Early Medieval sites tend to concentrate in the ungen/digitale-bodenkarte-ebod/. Plain class (altitude band 260−320m a.s.l). This is the 31 Edisa LOZIĆ, Iris KOCH Fig. 4: Leibnitzer Feld study area, soil types relevant for archaeological analysis of the study area (source: http://bfw.ac.at). 32 SOIL, WATER, AND TOPOGRAPHY: DECODING SETTLEMENT LOCATION PREFERENCES ... Fig. 5: Leibnitzer Feld study area, site catchment of Early Medieval locations defined as 7 min walking distance. Locations with several sites at the same location (Wildon, Frauenberg, Grötsch) are considered as a single site point (see Table 1). 33 Edisa LOZIĆ, Iris KOCH Site Landform analysis m a.s.l. Wildoner Schlossberg (A, R) High Ridges to Local Ridges 380−420 Im Rasental (B) High Ridges to Local Ridges 380−420 Weitendorf (C) Open Slopes 330−370 Komberg (D) Open Slopes 330−370 Schönberg (E) Plains 260−320 Frauenberg (F, J, O) High Ridges to Local Ridges 380−420 Rohr bei Haslach (G) Plains 260−320 Grötsch (H, K) Open Slopes to Plains 330−370 Altenmarkt, Leibnitz (I) Plains 260−320 Hart (L) Plains 260−320 Haslach (M) Plains 260−320 Schönberg an der Laßnitz (N) Plains 260−320 Afram (P) Plains 260−320 Table 3: Landform classes, height above sea level and prevailing soil conditions for each site. case with Schönberg ( Fig. 1: E), Schönberg/Freybühel tion.4 The parameters available to measure hydrologic ( Fig. 1: N), Altenmarkt bei Leibnitz ( Fig. 1: I), Rohr bei properties are soil permeability and soil water content Haslach ( Fig. 1: G), Haslach ( Fig. 1: M), Afram ( Fig. 1: (Basile, Coppola 2019). P). Several sites are found within the Open slopes class Soil permeability measures the ability of the soil to (altitude band 330−370 m a.s.l): Weitendorf ( Fig. 1: C), allow water to pass through it. The coefficient of per- Komberg ( Fig. 1: D) and Grötsch ( Fig. 1: H, K). Only two meability (k) is measured as the volume of water (m3) sites can be found in the class High Ridges (altitude band that can flow through an area (m2) per second (m/s) 380−420 m a.s.l): the well-known Wildoner Schlossberg (Carter, Bentley 2016). The soils in the study area fell ( Fig. 1: A) and Frauenberg ( Fig. 1: J). predominantly into the category of high, medium and The most striking result is, that the largest plain in low water permeability. For the purpose of this analysis, the area between the area of the Laßnitz and Mur rivers we have mapped all three classes of permeability that is void of sites, which suggest it was not intensively used occur within the study area ( Fig. 8).5 by Early Medieval communities ( Fig. 7). The problem we Soil water content or soil water holding capacity also want to tackle here is whether this difference in prefer- known as soil’s effective field capacity (hereafter FC) is ence was possibly dictated by the more favourable soil the amount of water the soil can hold after gravity has types (see below). drained the soil and until the permanent wilting point, when the soil is so dry that plants die. Sandy soils, for example, which cannot store much water for crops be- 2.8 HYDROLOGICAL PROPERTIES tween rains, have low available FC and can be described OF THE SOILS as dry. Soils with a high FC can be either waterlogged, wet, moderately moist, or well supplied. Data on FC were As detailed above, the soils in the area differ due to also obtained from the eBOD application ( Fig. 9).6 The the underlying lithology, which affects the hydrologic soil content categories (high, medium, and low) were properties of the soils. More specific soil parameters also used as weighting parameters for soil moisture can be obtained by measuring some of the parameters. (see below). One of the most important factors for agriculture are 4 Digitale Bodenkarte, https://www.data.gv.at/anwend- hydrological properties of the soils. The plants growing ungen/digitale-bodenkarte-ebod/. in soil with a high capacity to store the water are less 5 The data are available on digital soil map of Austria likely to be exposed to water stress during summer (categories: 6 categories were joining three: low (Ger. Sehr droughts or similar events, since such soils have a gerig, gering, gering bis mäßig), medium (Ger. mäßig bis larger reservoir and can supply water over time when hoch), high (Ger. hoch, sehr hoch). plants need it. 6 The data are available on the digital soil map of Aus- Data on the hydrological properties of soil in the tria (categories were joint in to three polygons: moist (Ger. study area has been obtained from the eBOD applica- feucht, feucht bis nass, nass)), well supplied (Ger. gut vers- orgt, gut versorgt bis mäßig feucht, mäßig feucht), dry (Ger. trocken, trocken bis mäßig trocken, mäßig trocken). 34 SOIL, WATER, AND TOPOGRAPHY: DECODING SETTLEMENT LOCATION PREFERENCES ... Fig. 6: Leibnitzer Feld study area, two macro-topographical units: plateau landscape (blue) and hil y landscape (other colours). The map depicts height above valley floor, calculated as height above river Mur and its tributaries, as a proxy for macro-topographical units. 35 Edisa LOZIĆ, Iris KOCH Fig. 7: Leibnitzer Feld study area, topographic position index (TPI) based landform classification (calculated with SAGA GIS v8 from 10 m DEM). 36 SOIL, WATER, AND TOPOGRAPHY: DECODING SETTLEMENT LOCATION PREFERENCES ... Special conditions that lead to seasonal alternation This was not the case in Early Medieval pe- from wet to dry can be found in some small areas, result- riod, when the avoidance of this area is clearly vis- ing in a change of the soil’s capacity. In this case alterna- ible. The proportion of saturated area (values between tion in soil moisture condition levels can be observed in 24,000−16,000) within the catchment area of sites is winter and spring, as well as after longer periods of rain. very revealing. The sites such as Wildon ( Fig. 1: A, The result is that the backwater floor or level is high, and R), Im Rasental ( Fig. 1: B), Weitendorf ( Fig. 1: C), and consequently such areas are particularly damp. However, Komberg ( Fig. 1: D), Altenmarkt ( Fig. 1: I), Frauenberg in summer and autumn it can completely dry out. The ( Fig. 1: F), Schönberg ( Fig. 1: E) seem to be located in usability of arable land in such areas is limited as it is less saturated areas ( Table 4). usual y too wet in spring and extensive drainage measures are necessary. Soils in such areas are pseudogley and are only suitable for grasslands or forests. 3. RESULTS Due to the complex methodology with many dif- 2.9 TOPOGRAPHIC WETNESS INDEX ferent types of analyses, the results of each method have been presented above for clarity. Here we only comment As mentioned above, secondary topographic attrib- on the results as a whole. utes affect soil characteristics, and wetness index is such Data presented above indicates that the preferred an attribute. For the present study, a distinction between soils for agriculture in the study region are brown dry and waterlogged areas was calculated using, as a soils. The analysis of the presented variables within the proxy, the topographic wetness index (hereafter TWI) catchment areas of investigated sites provides clues to derived from the digital elevation model. TWI calculates the farmland potential ( Fig. 11) and, indirectly, to the the areas where water potential y accumulates and which function of the site. It appears that there are three types are seasonal y or permanently wet (Różycka et al. 2017). of sites ( Table 5). The first type are sites, where brown Regions within a catchment with similar TWI values soil with high FC represents between 67% and 85% of are assumed to have a similar hydrological response the catchment area (Rohr bei Haslach, Grötsch, Hart, to rainfall if other environmental conditions (such as Haslach, Schönberg an der Laßnitz, Afram). The second land cover, soil) are or can be treated as the same (Qin type has only small patches, about 20% of the catchment et al. 2011). Whereas most algorithms don’t consider area, covered with high FC soil (Wildoner Schlossberg the enhancement or impedance of local drainage, the and Frauenberg). The third type are the sites with less SAGA wetness index which we used does. It is based on than 2% of the catchment area covered with brown soil a modified catchment area calculation, which does not (Weitendorf, Komberg, Schönberg, Altenmarkt). The consider the flow as a very thin film. As a result of this, latter are mainly covered with soils that are not suitable it predicts for cel s situated in valley floors with a small for cultivation of crops, predominantly pseudogley. vertical distance to a channel a more realistic, higher potential soil moisture (Böhner et al. 2002). In this case study only one segment of SAGA wet- 4. DISCUSSION ness index was used: modified catchment area. This parameter reflects the amount of incoming surface water, The sites of Rohr bei Haslach ( Fig. 11: G), Grötsch i.e., it tel s how much water flows into each raster cell ( Fig. 11: K), Hart ( Fig. 11: L), Schönberg an der Laßnitz during the rain (Lozić 2024b in this volume, Fig. 6). The ( Fig. 11: N), and Afram ( Fig. 11: P) are located on areas result is represented as a hydrological attribute, that is, with high FC brown soil ( Fig. 11), and they seem to as a map of the modified catchment area that is repre- belong to an agricultural settlement type. Among those, sented as a highly saturated area (value from 24,000 to it should be noted, that the sites Rohr bei Haslach and 16,000 pixels) or an unsaturated area (value from 2,000 Grötsch are cemeteries, but their location in the land- to 14,000 pixels) ( Fig. 10). scape and the abundance of arable land strongly suggest The resulting map has clearly exposed a large the existence of associated nearby settlements. Similarly, lowland unsaturated area between the Laßnitz and the sites Hart, Afram and Schönberg an der Laßnitz are Mur rivers, i.e., geological col uvial deposits and Würm only known through stray finds, but the above analysis gravel terraces. By receiving little incoming surface water suggest a high potential, that they are indicators of a this area could expose plants to drought stress or water nearby settlements ( Table 6). stress, which can cause substantial decline in crop yield However, several sites do not have a favourable through negative impacts on plant growth (Grewal et al. agricultural hinterland. The first group are the sites that 1984). Regardless, nowadays this area is under intensive are positioned on hil tops, i.e., landform analysis classes arable farming due the high quality brown soil and the high ridges or local ridges. As a result, they exhibit favourable lowland terrain. shortage of soils suitable for arable agriculture within 37 Edisa LOZIĆ, Iris KOCH Fig. 8: Leibnitzer Feld study area, soil permeability (the ability of the soil to allow water to pass through it) classified as high, medium and low water permeability (calculated with SAGA GIS v8 from 10 m DEM). 38 SOIL, WATER, AND TOPOGRAPHY: DECODING SETTLEMENT LOCATION PREFERENCES ... Fig. 9: Leibnitzer Feld study area, soil water content also known as field capacity (FC) classified as alterating wet / dry, wet, moderately moist, well supplied, and dry. Also represented are soil types and site catchment areas (calculated from source data obtained from the eBOD application and from LiDAR-derived 10 m DEM). 39 Edisa LOZIĆ, Iris KOCH Fig. 10: Leibnitzer Feld study area, modified catchment area as calculated by the topographic wetness index (TWI). 40 SOIL, WATER, AND TOPOGRAPHY: DECODING SETTLEMENT LOCATION PREFERENCES ... Site Area (km2) Area (ha) % of saturated within SCA Wildoner Schlossberg (A, R) / Im Rasental (B) 0.7 72 4% Weitendorf (C) 0.5 51 1.9% Komberg (D) 0.6 62 8% Schönberg (E) 0.7 74 42% Frauenberg (F, J, O) 0.5 56 1.6% Rohr bei Haslach (G) 0.8 87 37% Grötsch (H, K) 0.9 92 43% Altenmarkt, Leibnitz (I) 0.6 65 7.6% Hart (L) 0.8 82 73% Haslach (M) 0.8 89 51% Schönberg an der Laßnitz (N) 0.7 74 47% Afram (P) 0.6 64 78% Table 4: Percentage of saturated area within the site catchment area for Early Medieval sites. Site Area km2 ha Brown Brown Brown (wet/ Alluvial Pseudogley Quality soil (wet) km2 (dry) km2 dry) km2 (dry) (wet/dry) with in SCA Wildoner Schloss- 0.7 72 0.15 0.1 21 % berg (A, R) / Im (14%) Rasental (B) (21%) Weitendorf (C) 0.5 51 0.01 0.06 0.3 1.4% (1.4%) (12%) (60%) Komberg (D) 0.6 62 0.2 0.3 0% (33%) (48%) Schönberg (E) 0.7 74 0.4 0.2 0% (54%) (27%) Frauenberg (F, J, O) 0.5 56 0.1 0.02 20% (20%) (4%) Rohr bei Haslach 0.8 87 0.6 0.18 0.013 69% (G) (69%) (20.6%) Grötsch (H, K) 0.9 92 0.7 0.03 76% (76%) (3.2%) Altenmarkt, 0.6 65 0.02 0.3 0% Leibnitz (I) (3 %) (46%) Hart (L) 0.8 82 0.7 0.1 85% (85%) (12%) Haslach (M) 0.8 89 0.6 0.1 67% (67%) (11%) Schönberg an der 0.7 74 0.5 0.2 67% Laßnitz (N) (67%) (27%) Afram (P) 0.6 64 0.5 0.1 78% (78%) (16%) Table 5: Percentage of soil types within the catchment boundaries. the site catchment. This is the case for the settlements agriculture production. Activities such as trade, reli- at the Willdoner Schlossberg ( Fig. 11: A), the nearby gious ceremonies, legal proceedings and burying the settlement Im Rasental ( Fig. 11: B) at the southern foot dead were often undertaken on such sites due to their of Wildoner Schlossberg, and the Frauenberg hil top control ability and arguably, liminal nature. In the Bled settlement ( Fig. 11: F). Therefore, we can suppose that microregion this type of settlements was recognised these settlements were not predominantly engaged in on the Castle hill in Bled (Lozić 2024b in this volume, 41 Edisa LOZIĆ, Iris KOCH Fig. 11: Leibnitzer Feld study area, soil potential classified as low, medium and high (calculated from source data obtained from the eBOD application). 42 SOIL, WATER, AND TOPOGRAPHY: DECODING SETTLEMENT LOCATION PREFERENCES ... Non-Agrarian Mining settlement Agrarian Settlement Wildon Schlossberg (A) • Im Rasental (B) • Frauenberg (F) • Altenmarkt (I) • Schönberg (E) • Weitendorf (C) • Komberg (D) • Rohr bei Haslach (G) • Grötsch (K) • Hart (L) • Afram (P) • Schönberg an der Laßnitz (N) • Table 6: Types of Early Medieval settlements, interpretation according to hydrological properties of the soil in the study area. Fig. 3: Grad 2). These settlements can be defined as between non-agrarian and agrarian settlements is non-agricultural settlement type. Possibly, they can be disproportionately skewed in favour of non-agrarian considered as central places that provided administrative compared to the micro-regions of Bled (Lozić 2024b and commercial functions. in this volume) and the Drava Plain (Dravsko polje; The second group of sites without favourable ag- Magdič 2024 in this volume). Second, the study area is ricultural hinterland include Weitendorf ( Fig. 11: C), a metalliferous region of Styria, which means that iron Komberg ( Fig. 11: D) and probably Schönberg ( Fig. 11: ore was accessible through an open pit mining. E). Characteristic of this group of sites is the fact that Contemporary “mining” settlements are scattered there is no arable land with high quality soils in their throughout Eastern Alps: Pržanj near Ljubljana (Pavlovič catchment area. This is partly due to the location of the 2023), Gorice-Turnišče (Plestenjak 2010, 2007), Rosen- Weitendorf and Komberg sites in small depressions burg site in Lower Austria (Wawruschka 2009); in Styria separated by hil s, and partly due to the fact that almost Kirchberg-Deutschfeistritz (Gutjahr 2006) with the only the entire catchment area is on soils whose water levels probable Early Medieval blacksmith’s forge known so can fluctuate greatly during the season, so that agri- far, and in Tyrol Virgen (Tischer, 2018). Furthermore, cultural use is severely restricted ( Fig. 8). This strongly the recently discovered burnt layer with iron working suggests that these sites must have been ful y engaged debris in the Roman quarry Spitzelofen in Carinthia was in non-agricultural activities. dated to the Early Middle Ages with the C14 method The latter fits very well with the fact that the ar- (Karl 2021). chaeological finds from the Weitendorf site, including Based on the above evidence, it can be assumed limonite concretions (see Appendix), indicate the exist- that iron production and iron smelting had an important ence of a settlement with a workshop area for iron ore role in Early Medieval Eastern Alps. Iron ore was mined processing (Fuchs 2008; Gutjahr 2011b; 2018c; Hellmuth on a small scale, i.e. at a local level. Only in exceptional Kramberger et al. 2019). In addition, adjacent to the cases, did it play such an important role in the local site mining activities in the form of a pit field, so called economy that a notable proportion of the settlements Pingenfeld, have been documented with the analysis of (and thus the population) were primarily engaged in LiDAR data ( Fig. 12). It is therefore our interpretation, non-agrarian activities, and this may well apply to the that Weitendorf is probably a mining settlement, where Leibnitzer Feld. The discussion as to whether this was iron ore mined in the vicinity has been processed. organised by an authority and, if so, whether it involved A similar location preference and soil characteristic ecclesiastical, aristocratic or even royal landowners, goes at the Komberg site possibly suggests the same settle- beyond this text. It is likely that the activities related ment type. The same is also possible for the Schönberg to iron extraction were organised on a seasonal basis, site − where an Early Medieval pit and pottery sherds with preparations such as ore extraction, drying and were found on the location of a Roman settlement – roasting the ore, chopping wood and digging pits tak- which is almost entirely surrounded by unfavourable ing place in winter, spring and early summer, while the soils ( Fig. 8). However, direct archaeological evidence for actual production was concentrated in the autumn, as mining activities at these two sites is currently lacking. attested for the Medieval Hedmark region in Norway The interpretation of a “mining microregion” (Rundberget 2015). is further supported by two specifics. First, the ratio 43 Edisa LOZIĆ, Iris KOCH Fig. 12: Area north of the site Weitendorf, SVF visualisation of LiDAR-derived 0.5 m DEM (see text for details on data processing). A mining-pit-field or Pingenfeld is clearly detectable in the upper third of the figure (dark circular features). 44 SOIL, WATER, AND TOPOGRAPHY: DECODING SETTLEMENT LOCATION PREFERENCES ... At the end, the case of the Altenmarkt cemetery that it would enable the existence of a wheat-based must be discussed. This is the only site in this case study agricultural subsistence system. whose entire catchment area lies on brown soil with low FC ( Fig. 9: I). The associated settlement has not yet been archaeological y recognized. Most of the Early 5. CONCLUSIONS Medieval finds from the Altenmarkt cemetery can be dated to the last third of ninth and to the tenth century. To understand the settlement development of the More importantly, though, the relatively small size of the Leibnitz area and to investigate how the settlement pat- Early Medieval part of the cemetery and proportional y terns evolved over time, we have carried out various spa- high quantity of prestigious grave goods, including a tial analyses of the available data: Site catchment analysis, gold-plated disc brooch, suggest that this cemetery was DEM analysis and terrain morphology, hydrological used to bury people with above average social status. In properties of soils and TWI. Based on the results, we were the context of the Early Medieval period, such people able to distinguish between the agrarian and non-agrarian are expected to have resided in a separate, primarily settlements. Among the latter the “mining” settlements non-agrarian settlement. Indeed, such interpretation are the most important discovery. If we consider the is in line with the possible connection of this site to Leibnitzer Feld as a whole, it can be hypothesised to be the curtis (Ger. Hof) ad Sulpam that was donated in a “mining microregion”, because the proportion of the 860 A.D by Louis the German to the archbishopric of presumed “mining” settlements is relatively high. In the Salzburg (Koch 2024 in this volume, 225−228). context of the currently known archaeological data, which If this interpretation is accepted, it has additional only attests to solitary “mining” settlements scattered importance for our analysis. If a curtis has been estab- throughout the Eastern Alps, the Leibnitzer Feld stands lished, it signifies a different type of agricultural set- out in this respect. However, further archaeological in- tlement that introduced different type of agriculture, vestigations need to be carried out to confirm the mining as was the case in the Bled microregion study (Štular, activities adjacent to the Schönberg and Komberg sites. Lozić 2024 in this volume). There the emergence of The second important result of this analysis is an new settlements in the 11th century on brown soil indication of the evolution of the archaeological land- with low FC was accompanied by a changing historical scape during the Early Medieval period. Again, current context, specifical y the donation of land to the bish- data are scarce, but they point to a similar development ops of Brixen. The new landlords had the capacity to as in the Bled microregion: a gradual transition from the introduce a new organization of agricultural labour exclusive cultivation of soils with high FC to the inclu- leading to a shift in agricultural practices. 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The 1994; Gleirscher 2019; Gutjahr (A) pottery can be dated to the 8th -10th century. 2018a; 2018b; 2011a; Gutjahr, Roscher 2003; Kramer, Ober- steiner 1985; Mader 1986; Roscher 2001; Tiefengraber 2018 (R) 10004056 Enamel disc brooch with eagle motif; cast headdress Bauer 1998; Ebner 1974; Fuchs ring. 1994; Gleirscher 2019; Gutjahr 2018a; 2018b; 2011a; Gutjahr, Roscher 2003; Kramer, Ober- steiner 1985; Mader 1986; Roscher 2001; Tiefengraber 2018 Frauenberg 10001862 “Carantanian wal ”, observed during excavations Modrijan 1963; Staudinger (F) inside the existing church, it is not possible to verify 1961; Steinklauber 2013 the dating. (J) 10001851 1. An enamel disc fibula and the remains of three Bauer 1998; Ebner 1974; Fuchs human skeletons. 2. In a pit two headdress rings 1994; Gleirscher 2019; Gutjahr (lunula-shaped temple ring and headdress ring made 2018b; 2018a; 2011a; Gutjahr, of non-ferrous metal wire) and a skull were recovered. Roscher 2003; Kramer, Obersteiner 1985; Mader 1986; Roscher 2001; Tiefengraber 2018 (O) 10003647 Lunula-shaped headdress ring Schönberg 10003649 An Early Medieval pit and an Early Medieval pottery Gutjahr 2018b; Oberhofer (E) fragment. 2012 10003648 An Early Medieval pottery shard. unpublished; on the history of (N) the area: Arneitz 2012 Im Rasental 10002886 Several Early Medieval pits, and a post holes, and the Bekić 2018; 2016; Gutjahr (B) smal stove. 2018b; 2018c; Gutjahr, Traus- Numerous animal bones (mainly cattle and horses), ner 2009 an iron arrowhead and a large number of Early Medi- eval pottery fragments. Weitendorf 10002796 A total of 34 settlement objects could be assigned Fuchs 2008; Gutjahr 2018c; (C) to the Early Middle Ages. These were mainly pits, 2011b post holes, and two fireplaces. Iron ore concretions with traces of strong heat effects were also found in some pits. Fragments of pottery, a fragment of an iron tangle knife, three ceramic spindle whorls, a stone spindle whorl and a lead spindle whorl, as well as fragments of two small purple pearls with a squat spherical shape made of opaque glass. Komberg 10002344 An Early Medieval settlement pit with charcoal, the (D) backfill contained pottery fragments of a few pots and Gutjahr 2018b; Hebert 1996; a disc-shaped spindle whorl fragment. Pleterski 2010 Rohr bei Haslach 10002488 Two skeletons. (G) Hebert 2001 Grötsch 10001838 54 documented graves. Gutjahr 2020; 2018b; Kramer (H) Pottery vessels, belt buckles, glass beads, finger rings, 1981a; Menghin 1985; Vida combs, fire irons and flint stones, headdress rings, 2011 spurs, fibulae, animal bones, knives. (K) 10004069 Disc brooch with an inscribed cross and circular eye Gutjahr 2020; 2018b; Kramer decoration made of non-ferrous metal from grave 8 in 1981a; Menghin 1985; Vida the Early Medieval graveyard of Grötsch. 2011 51 Edisa LOZIĆ, Iris KOCH Site Zbiva ID Early Medieval Feature, Findings References Altenmarkt 10001830 Two enamel disc brooches, pottery vessels, headdress Christian 1981−1982; Giesler (I) ring made of non-ferrous metal, two lunula-shaped 1997; Kramer 1988; 1983a; headdress rings and a spur. A bangle made of braided 1983b; 1981b; Modrijan 1963; non-ferrous metal wires probably belonged to a burial Staudinger 1961 with “mixed inventory” (Ger. “gemischtes Inventar”) dated to the 2nd half of the 10th century. A total of about 60−70 burials were found, but only a part of them can be dated to the Early Middle Ages. Hart (L) 10002605 Two Early Medieval ceramic fragments. Gutjahr 2003 Haslach (M) 10002442 Two Early Medieval ceramic fragments. Gutjahr 2000 Afram 10001822 A lunula-shaped headdress ring. Gutjahr 2010; Korošec 1979; (P) Modrijan 1963; Šribar, Stare 1978; 1975; 1974; Steier- märkischer Landesausschuss 1885 Appendix 1: Early Medieval sites in the Leibnitzer microregion. (Source: Zbiva database.) (Letters in brackets refer to Fig. 1 and Table 1.) 52 Settlement of the Eastern Alps in the Early Middle Ages, Opera Instituti Archaeologici Sloveniae 48, 2024, 53–72. doi: https://doi. org/10.3986/9789610508786_04 AGRICULTURAL DYNAMICS OF BLED MICROREGION (SLOVENIA) Edisa LOZIĆ Abstract The study examines Early Medieval agricultural land use in the Bled microregion of Slovenia using LiDAR data combined with archaeological, geological, and soil data. The research employs LiDAR-derived digital elevation models to analyse landscape variables influencing land use. Four geomorphological zones were identified, demonstrating that Early Medieval settlements predominantly occupied areas with moderately steep slopes and soils with high capacity to retain water. The results indicate a preference for agricultural settlements with limited diversification. This approach highlights the utility of LiDAR in archaeological landscape analysis and underscores the potential of integrating open-access environmental data with traditional archaeological methods. Keywords: airborne LiDAR, airborne laser scanning, GIS analysis, Early Medieval archaeology, geoarchaeology 1. INTRODUCTION1 due to the simultaneous availability of high qual- ity archaeological and historical records for the Early This chapter presents an innovative approach to Medieval period as well as LiDAR data, which is a rare using LiDAR data as a means of discovering, docu- combination in the region ( Figs. 1, 2). menting, and interpreting agricultural land use systems (Lozić 2024 in this volume). We searched for variables – significant environmental differences within the 2. MATERIALS, METHODS AND RESULTS landscape – that have influenced land use. In doing so, we combined information from LiDAR-derived digital 2.1. ARCHAEOLOGICAL CONTEXT elevation models (hereafter DEM) with archaeological, OF THE BLED MICROREGION geological, and soil data. Whereas this study shared the approach with the previous chapter (Lozić, Koch 2024 in The Bled microregion (80 km2) is located in the this volume), the specific methods used were different. northwest of Slovenia, in the subalpine area of Julian The aim was to demonstrate the Early Medieval Alps. The microregion is bounded by the confluence land use system in the Bled (Slovenia) microregion. The of the rivers Sava Bohinjka and Sava Dolinka in the Bled microregion is uniquely suited for such research east, and by the high mountain plateaus of Pokljuka and Mežakla in the west and north ( Fig. 3). The area is 1 This chapter is an abridged version of the previously notable for its intensive fluvio-glacial geomorphology. published article by Lozić (2021). We have reproduced sec- tions describing materials, methods and results as these are The archaeological significance of this microregion lies essential to the integrity and flow of this volume. in the fact that it encompasses the entire territory of 53 Edisa LOZIĆ Fig. 1: Location of the study area with the most relevant topographic features mentioned in the text (decimal longitude and latitude coordinates of the map centre: 14.1949; 46.1168). Fig. 2: Regional map of locations and sites mentioned in the comparative studies (decimal longitude and latitude coordinates of the map centre: 17.8173; 47.8235). 54 AGRICULTURAL DYNAMICS OF BLED MICROREGION (SLOVENIA) No. Name Type Chronology Zbiva ID 1 Pri Turku Cemetery 750−970 10000779 2 Omruževa hiša Settlement 790−1100 10002357 3 U hribeh Hoard 820−820 10000981 4 Na Žalah Cemetery 800−960 10000953 5 Pristavski grič Communication 676−1100 10000950 6 Pristava at Bled Communication 676−1100 10000770 7 Pristava at Bled Cemetery 500−960 10003456 8 Pristava at Bled Settlement 620−960 10003538 9 Grad (Bled Castle) Settlement 780−1100 10002452 10 Sedlo on B. Castle Cemetery 800−960 10000769 11 Sv. Martin in Bled Cemetery 960−1100 10000801 12 Brdo Cemetery 640−800 10000771 13 Bled Island Cemetery 920−990 10000767 14 Bled Island Church 1004−1100 10004042 15 Vadiše Cemetery 700−870 10000774 16 Dlesc Cemetery 820−960 10000911 17 Došca Cemetery 769−901 10003275 Table 1: Early Medieval sites in the Bled microregion; numbering refers to Fig. 3. The year 1100 indicates an arbitrary end of the Early Medieval period, but the site in question continues to exist after this date (source: Pleterski 2016). župa, which was the smallest administrative entity of the retrograde analysis of historical cadastres (Pleterski Early Medieval Slavs (Pleterski 2013a; 2013b). Bled has 1986; 2013a). He reconstructed the arable areas, which long been the focus of both archaeological and historical occurred in small patches scattered in the valley plains research and from the point of view of Early Medieval ( Appendix: Map 1). His key conclusions were that most archaeology, it is the best researched microregion in settlements were continuously inhabited from the Early Slovenia. Since the 1880s, and most intensively in the Medieval period to the present time; the economic mod- 1970s and 1980s, 17 noteworthy Early Medieval archaeo- el was dominated by agriculture, with little developed logical sites have been documented by archaeological crafts (Pleterski 2008b). Therefore, each settlement was excavations (Kastelic 1960; Kastelic, Škerlj 1950; Knific located adjacent to soils suitable for agriculture. Moreo- 2004a; 2004b; 1983; Pleterski 2008a, 2008b;2010; 2013a; ver, most settlements had a cemetery nearby. The validity Pleterski, Belak 1995) ( Table 1; Fig. 3). of the original study was subsequently confirmed with Only one settlement in the Bled area has been ful y archaeological excavations on three separate locations excavated (Pristava at Bled) and further two (Grad and in Žale near Zasip (Knific, Pleterski 1993), Zasip and Omruževa hiša) have been confirmed by excavations, Došca (Modrijan 2020). Pleterski was therefore able to but the chronology of several others could be inferred infer where and when the settlement took place with a from their respective cemeteries. Remaining settlements great level of confidence, but not why and how. were dated by a date before provided in written sources or inferred indirectly from the landscape analysis and retrograde analysis of the historical cadastre ( Table 2; Fig. 2.2. LiDAR DATA 3). However, no detailed and systematic archaeobotani- cal research has been carried out in the Bled microre- The airborne LiDAR data used in this study was gion to date, and there are no published palynological acquired in 2014. These data have a nominal density of 5 results dealing with the Early Medieval vegetation in this points/m² and an estimated horizontal and vertical root area yet. Similarly, extensive underwater archaeologi- mean square error of 0.09 m and are distributed via the cal investigations of the Lake Bled yielded minor Early eVode webservice (Triglav Čekada, Bric 2015; Štular, Medieval finds (Gaspari 2008; Gaspari et al. 2022), but Lozić 2020; for correlation between point cloud density as yet no significant findings of relevance to this study. and DEM quality see Štular et al. 2021b). The data were Similar can be said for the most recent analysis of the processed using an algorithm developed specifical y for cemetery on the Bled island (Štular 2022). archaeology (Štular et al. 2021b). The relevant metadata Three decades have passed since the last compre- and paradata have been presented elsewhere (Lozić, Štular hensive analysis of the Bled microregion, in which A. 2021). The main product used in this study is 0.5 m DEM Pleterski combined archaeology, written sources, and with archaeology-specific off-terrain features included. 55 Edisa LOZIĆ ID Name† Established (approx.) Dating source‡ A Višelnica 830 Indirect B Zg. Gorje 830 Indirect C Poljšica 10th c. Inferred D Sp. Gorje 750 Cemetery E Podhom 10th c. Inferred F Zasip 800 Cemetery G Mužje 920 Cemetery H Grmišče/Rečica 960 Direct I Pristava at Bled 620 Excavation J Grad 1 640 Cemetery K Grad 2 800 Cemetery L Grad 3 before 1050/60 Written sources M Želeče 9th c. Inferred N Zagorice before 1070/90 Written sources O Mlino/Zazer 8th c. Cemetery P Koritno before 1065/75 Written sources R Zg. Bodešče 820 Cemetery S Sp. Bodešče 960 Cemetery T Sp. Bohinjska Bela 10th c. Inferred Table 2: Early Medieval settlements in the Bled microregion; ID refers to Fig. 3. Modern names of the vil ages are used that have been recorded in similar form in medieval written sources. Dating sources: cemetery − based on the adjacent cemetery (after Pleterski 2013a, Modrijan 2020); indirect − inferred indirectly, based on the landscape analysis (after Pleterski 2013a); written sources − terminus ante quem from written sources (after Pleterski 2013a). As already mentioned, in archaeology, processed and postglacial fluvial processes, with strong glacial LiDAR data are mostly used for interpretative mapping activity leading to the deposition of a till plain with up of archaeological features, i.e. feature detection. In this to several 10 m of Quaternary sediments, and with a case study, however, we have used the data for what small marsh basin in the northeast part of Lake Bled is termed integrated multi-scale ‘deep’ interpretation, (lithostratigraphic unit, pr. − till; b − marsh deposits). which aims to deepen the understanding of archaeo- The marshy area between Lake Bled and the stream logical features in their landscape context (Lozić, Štular Rečica was formed during the last glaciation. 2021). In this case, the digital terrain model is treated A characteristic feature of the Bled landform is the not just as a set of elevation values, but as an important frontal moraine on the northeast edge of the lake and habitat descriptor. The specific tools to achieve this are the dome-shaped monadnocks rising above the general described below in more detail. level of glacial deposits (Bavec, Verbič 2004; Serianz 2016; Serianz et al. 2020). Bled Castle is located on one such cliff-like dome-shaped monadnocks (Ogorelec 2.3. GEOLOGICAL DATA 1978). The Pleistocene fluvioglacial sediments formed the terraces of Sava Dolinka and Sava Bohinjka Rivers The Bled area is divided in four geomorphological (lithostratigraphic unit al. – al uvium and pr. –till). An areas: the high alpine karst plateaus, the intramountain important aftereffect of the underlying geological condi- area, the till plain, and the marshy area. The high alpine tions in the study area is the lack of perennial water and karst plateaus of Pokljuka (852–1630 m), Mežakla (776– permanent water streams (see Fig. 1 and Fig. 3 f or the 1593 m), and Jelovica (900–1411 m) were formed by locations mentioned in the text). glaciers in the Pleistocene ( Appendix: Map 2). The area is Of particular relevance to our case study is the composed of Middle Triassic dolomites and limestones. overall glacial nature of the area, which is clear evidence Sedimentary deposits on the Quaternary slope cover that the geomorphology has not changed significantly the intramountain area between Poljšica and Podhom, since the Pleistocene, let alone since the beginning of which slopes gently towards the alpine Radovna River the Early Medieval period. valley and the glacial Lake Bled (lithostratigraphic unit al. − al uvium). The Bohinj and Radovna glaciers had a particularly strong influence on the geomorphology 56 AGRICULTURAL DYNAMICS OF BLED MICROREGION (SLOVENIA) Fig. 3: Bled microregion (decimal longitude and latitude coordinates of the map centre: 14.1139; 46.3752), the Early Medieval sites (numbers refer to Table 1) and settlements (letters refer to Table 2) in the Bled microregion. The colours refer to the century of foundation (labelled as year AD in the legend). 2.4. SOIL CONDITIONS Brown soils on fluvioglacial sandy gravel sediments are among the most fertile soils in subalpine areas. They The underlying lithology (bedrock) described occur in the plains, are well drained, sufficiently deep, above is one of the diagnostic criteria for the variety of and have favourable physical and chemical properties for soil types in the study area, which are briefly summarized intensive cropland. However, the brown soils formed on here. Rendzinas formed on limestone, dolomite, mo- moraine and talus deposits are of limited use as arable raines, and talus deposits. Dystric brown soils formed on land for modern agriculture, as the soil skeleton consists carbonate and siliciclastic rocks. All are mostly suitable of moraine loam and stones. A notable depression with for forest and alpine pastures. Eutric brown soils formed hydromorphic soils (hypogley) formed on a Pleistocene on moraine and talus deposits and on fluvioglacial sandy clay and loam northeast of the Lake Bled; it is mostly gravel sediments. Smal patches of rendzinas that formed suitable for grassland. The areas adjacent to the riverbeds on limestone mostly support forests and meadows. of Sava Bohinjka and Sava Dolinka are dominated by 57 Edisa LOZIĆ FC class mm-mm Description 1 < 30 Very low 2 30-80 Low 3 80–150 Medium 4 150-230 High 5 > 230 Very high Table 3: Classes of soil’s effective field capacity (FC) used in the Soil map of Slovenia. Fig. 4: A schematic depiction of the morphological classes detected by the SAGA GIS module Topographic position index undeveloped soils on al uvial river deposits that have based landform classification. been frequently flooded in the past. Suitable land uses here are riparian forests and grassland (Vidic et al. 2015) ( Appendix: Map 3). classification method, topographic position index based landform classification (hereafter TPI), implemented as 2.5 EFFECTIVE FIELD CAPACITY OF SOIL a module in SAGA GIS (Gal ant, Wilson 2000; Böhner, Selige 2006). TPI provides a simple and powerful means For agricultural use, arguably the most important of classifying the landscape into morphological classes. soil property is its ability to retain water. This quality It is calculated as the difference between the elevation of is defined as the soil’s effective field capacity (hereafter a cell and the average elevation in large- and small-scale FC). FC depends on soil texture, depth, and organic neighbourhoods. Positive values indicate that the cell is matter content, and is measured as the water content of higher than its neighbours, while negative values indicate a soil after gravity has drained as much water from the that the cell is lower ( Fig. 4) (Guisan et al. 1999; Weiss soil as possible (Bleam 2012). The higher the FC value 2001; Tagil, Jenness 2008). of a soil, the more water it is able to retain and the less TPI has proven to be one of the most important susceptible it is to drought. predictive variables for vegetation species distribution. For mapping purposes, soil types are defined as For example, in a study of plant distribution in the Spring discrete pedocartographic units and FC is one of the Mountains of Nevada (USA), TPI was second only to el- criteria used. In the Soil map of Slovenia (Vidic et al. evation as the most important predictive variable (Guisan 2015), which holds the best available data for the Bled et al. 1999). In other words, in a typical landscape, TPI microregion, FC is part of the description of pedocar- classes are informative not only of landform classes but tographic units and is presented in 5 classes ( Table 3; indirectly also of plant communities. This demonstrates Appendix: Map 4). From the perspective of archaeology, the importance of TPI for al landscape-aware human de- the problem with soil maps is that they are produced on a cisions, including the choice of Early Medieval settlements small or medium scale. This is also the case with the Soil in the Eastern Alpine region (hereafter EMS) location. map of Slovenia, which is designed for use at 1:25,000 In our application to archaeology, the results of scale, which is somewhat coarse for our purposes. To TPI have presented significant challenges to analysis improve this, further analyses can be undertaken, such ( Fig. 5). The areas of moderately steep slopes and till as the wetness index described below. plain were clearly defined, but the mountainous plateau and river terraces were not. Therefore, an additional visual geomorphological analysis was carried out. For 2.6. MODIFIED LANDFORM this purpose, hypsometric tinting of DEM, transparently CLASSIFICATION METHOD (60%) superimposed on a hil shade visualisation of the same DEM, was used to improve terrain classification The landform or morphological classification of and visualise relief differences more clearly. The most DEM, also termed geomorphology or morphometry, important criterion was the height above sea level. provides an objective and quantitative description of Applying this additional analytical step we were able landform shapes, defined as specific geomorphic features, to precisely describe the mountainous plateau and the for example, plains, mountain ranges, hil s, and valleys. Holocene river terraces ( Appendix: Map 5). The available methods have mostly been developed for Our modified landform classification is thus a com- geomorphological analysis of the terrain and are based bination of TPI and visual geomorphological analysis on advanced spatial statistics (Pike 1988; Wood 1996; that incorporates height above sea level. It allowed us Tagil, Jenness 2008). We applied an automated landform to define quantified catchment descriptors of landscape 58 AGRICULTURAL DYNAMICS OF BLED MICROREGION (SLOVENIA) Fig. 5: Bled microregion (decimal longitude and latitude coordinates of the map centre: 14.1139; 46.3752), topographic position index based landform classification. morphology, which we termed Zones. Defined in this in gravitational potential energy (Murphy et al. 2009). way, Zones represent two of the most important pre- The algorithms, commonly referred to as topographic dictive variables of plant species distribution: TPI and wetness index, describe how susceptible specific areas height above sea level (Guisan et al. 1999). in a study region are to become saturated (Murphy et al. 2009; Olaya, Conrad 2009). They calculate for each cell of the grid the relationship between the specific 2.7. MODIFIED WETNESS INDEX METHOD upstream catchment area and the slope (Böhner et al. 2002; Mattivi et al. 2019). The first defines the potential Topographic modelling of soil moisture conditions of water intake (rainfall) and the latter the ability to can help alleviate the scale limitations of standard soil discharge the water downslope (runoff; formula: TWI = maps. Such modelling based on DEM is possible as water ln [Catchment Area/Slope]). One can think of these as tends to flow and accumulate in response to gradients a rainfall-runoff model ( Fig. 6 a−c). 59 Edisa LOZIĆ Fig. 6: Topographic wetness index: a – flow accumulation area; b – flow direction, and the corresponding flow width for a DEM cell; c – tangent of slope angle; d – custom algorithm for modified SAGA wetness index (a−c adopted from Mattivi et al. 2019, Fig. 1, published under CC-BY 4.0 licence). Methods differ primarily in the way the upslope 2.8. GENERAL METHODOLOGICAL REMARKS contributing area is calculated (Sørensen et al. 2005). We used the SAGA wetness index (hereafter SWI), There are three general methodological remarks because it does not think of the flow as a very thin film to be made. First, our method of combining soil data and hence it predicts more realistic (higher) potential with TPI and mSWI analysis is based on the premise soil moisture for valley floors (Böhner et al. 2002). The that soil conditions in the Early Medieval period were field tests demonstrated that SWI in combination with similar to those of the modern period. This is justified LiDAR derived DEM is the best existing predictor of in this particular case study by the fact that hydrological soil wetness (Kienzle 2003; Murphy et al. 2009; Kemp- and surface conditions were subject to similar geomor- pinen et al. 2017). phological processes throughout the Holocene and that Another advantage of the SWI is that it can be the relationship between land surface properties (e.g., refined by setting the suction index (Bock et al. 2007). soil, vegetation, and lithology) was not very different Unfortunately, the suction index function is poorly in the Early Medieval period. In this particular case documented in the SAGA GIS software used and the study, the stability is the result of the underlying lithol- best available description is in the source code (Conrad ogy described above. Consequently, this method is only et al. 2015). In addition, the suction cannot be adjusted suitable for areas where either soil conditions have not local y. Therefore, we developed custom modified SWI changed significantly between the archaeological period (hereafter mSWI) by using the FC value extracted from under investigation and the time of soil data collec- the Soil map of Slovenia (Vidic et al. 2015) as weighting tion, or relevant soil data have been obtained through index ( Fig. 6d). mSWI was calculated with map algebra palaeo environmental analysis. This is not always the using SWI and FC classes as an input. case, for example, in urban areas soil properties changed In this way, we obtained mSWI ( Appendix: Map 6) significantly ( Fig. 1: Zagorice, Želeče, Sp. Bohinjska Bela, which combines the accuracy of the FC with the preci-Pristava). However, in our case study the urban areas are sion of the fine relief resolution of the SWI and is a very relatively small and did not have significant influence realistic predictor of soil quality. This method is similar on the results. to the topographic wetness index used in the Leibnitzer Second, the selection of methods used in this case Feld case study (Lozić, Koch 2024 in this volume), but study is indicative, but by no means exhaustive. For the two methods differ in details. example, slope and aspect can also be used as predictor variables for plant species distribution. In addition, cli- mate (temperature, precipitation) and human impact are also very important for the distribution of plant species, 60 AGRICULTURAL DYNAMICS OF BLED MICROREGION (SLOVENIA) Zone m a.s.l TPI Lithostratigraphic Soil type Land Use EFC 1 No. EMS Units 1 580−931 High Ridges, T2/1; T2/2-Middle Rendzinas on limestone and 3 0 Midslope Triassic dolo- dolomite, and on moraines Ridges, Local mites and limestones and talus deposits; Dystric Ridges brown soils on pyroclastic rocks, and on mixed basic forest, and non- carbonate rocks alpine pasture 2 511−570 Upper Slopes, al-holocene al uvial Eutric brown soil on mo- meadow, 3 16 Open Slopes deposit raine and talus deposits arable land 3 480−510 Plains pr-holocene al uvial Eutric brown soil on glacio- intensive 2 3 deposits fluvial sand gravel deposits arable land or al uvial fans Hydromorphic Soils grassland 4 (Al uvial soils, Hypogley, Amphigley) 4 450−470 Upland pr, al-holocene al- Undeveloped soil on al- riparian 1 0 Drainages, luvial deposits luvial deposits forests. Midslope Drainages, Streams Table 4: A habitat descriptor for the defined zones within the Bled case study area. as are many other factors. Alternative types of similar 3. RESULTS predictor variables include airborne LiDAR-derived feature detection used to identify landslides (Li et al. Our modified landform classification is, as men- 2015), spectral parameters of airborne LiDAR data ap- tioned, the combination of TPI and visual geomorpho- plied for detection of glacial landforms (Janowski et al. logical analysis, which resulted in the definition of four 2021), and object-based image analysis applied for vol- Zones. Below, each Zone is described ( Fig. 7; Table 4). canic and glacial landforms mapping (Feizizadeh et al. Zone 1 is defined as a mountainous plateau with 2021). Furthermore, TPI and mSWI methods in no way steep and very steep slopes (TPI classes: High Ridges, intend to compete with verified and established methods Midslope Ridges, Local Ridges; 931–580 m a.s.l.). Mid- of environmental archaeology, such as archaeopalynol- dle Triassic dolomite and limestone bedrock prevail ogy, archaeobotany, or archaeozoology (e.g. (Dincauze ( Table 4: T2/1; T2/2) and two soil types occur. The first 2000; Jones 2002; Evans 2003; Reitz et al. 2008; Reitz, are rendzinas and the second dystric brown soils. The Shackley 2012; Andrič et al. 2016). Rather, the aim is latter have a higher FC (FC index 3; mSWI index: 0, -5). to introduce and test additional methods and, perhaps Nowadays the area is forested and suitable for alpine more importantly, to add LiDAR as a new data source pasture. There are no EMS in Zone 1. for the archaeological analysis of past human land use. Zone 2 consists of gently sloping terrain at the The suggested good practice would be to use TPI and foothil s. It occurs mostly in the western part of the mSWI in combination with other methods. However, study area, on the low hil s surrounding the Lake Bled in this case study, on the one hand, LiDAR and soil data and above the river terraces (TPI classes: Upper Slopes, are the only data currently available to the author, and Open Slope; 580–510 m a.s.l.). The bedrock are mostly on the other hand, TPI and mSWI were sufficient to Holocene al uvial fan deposits. Prevailing eutric brown provide new insights into the archaeological landscape soils were formed on talus slopes mixed with moraine in general and EMS in the context of agricultural land material and deposited directly on inactive alluvial use in particular. fans (Novak et al. 2018). These soils have high FC (FC Third, the theory of central land cores has been index 3; mSWI index: 0, -5). The area is mostly suitable applied implicitly to this study. That is, we know from for arable land and meadows. 16 out of 19 EMS are previous studies that all relevant settlements in the Bled located within Zone 2. area are within a 7-minute walk of the field cores (Lozić Zone 3 represents a large till plain formed in post- 2024 in this volume with references). glacial fluvial processes that deposited up to several tens 61 Edisa LOZIĆ Fig. 7: Bled microregion (decimal longitude and latitude coordinates of the map centre: 14.1139; 46.3752), brown soils with high capacity to retain water (marked with dashed lines) and physiographic zones. The areas most suitable for Early Medieval agriculture are located at the intersection of the dashed lines and yellow Zone 2. of metres of Quaternary sediments. It is limited by the and postglacial fluvial processes, which have resulted in riverbeds of Sava Dolinka and Sava Bohinjka (TPI class deposition of clayed sediments north of the Lake Bled Plains; 510–480 m a.s.l). Over the glaciofluvial sand (Serianz et al. 2020). The brown soils in the Zone 3 are gravel deposits ( Table 4: pr), fertile deposits of brown the most suitable soils for modern agriculture in the soils developed. However, due to the high porosity of area (Vidic et al. 2015), providing that drought effect Holocene sediments, the FC is low (FC index 2; mSWI: can be mitigated (for example, by irrigation or drought- 0.7), which means that the entire area is exposed to resistant crops). Only three EMS, all established only in drought. This is exacerbated by the absence of per- the eleventh century, are located in Zone 3. manent surface water. Nevertheless, there are small Zone 4 is an area of multiple alluvial terraces patches of hydromorphic soils (Al uvial soils, Hypogley, covered by Quaternary sediment (till, fluvio-glacial Amphigley) with high FC (FC index 4; mSWI: 0,-5). sediment, and slope sediment) deposits rising above Their formation was possible due the glacial activity adjacent active floodplains (TPI class Upland Drainage, 62 AGRICULTURAL DYNAMICS OF BLED MICROREGION (SLOVENIA) Midslope Drainage, Streams; 480-450 m a.s.l). The area 4. CONCLUSIONS is characterized by undeveloped soils formed on al uvial deposits with very low FC (FC index 1; mSWI: 0, -11). The chapter utilized an existing corpus of open ac- It is overgrown with riparian vegetation. There are no cess archaeological database Zbiva (Štular 2019; Štular, EMS in Zone 4. Belak 2022), open access remote sensing data and envi- It can be concluded that the preferred landscape ronmental data (geology and soils), as well as open source type for EMS was moderately steep slopes and brown software tools (e.g., QGIS, SAGA) to reassess existing soils with high FC, defined here as Zone 2 ( Fig. 7: knowledge on the Early Medieval archaeological land- Zone 2). This is the case for most EMS in our case study scapes, specifical y on agricultural land use. While the ( Fig 3: Višelnica, Zgornje in Spodnje Gorje, Poljšica, importance of free and open source software in science Grmišče, Zasip and Mužje). The location of two other in general (e.g. Pearce 2012), and in the field of airborne EMSs ( Fig. 3: Zg. Bodešče and Sp. Bodešče) fits the land- LiDAR data for archaeology in particular (e.g. Štular et al. form classification criteria, but not the soil conditions as 2021a), is well recognised, we believe that the importance depicted on the pedological map. We explain this by the of the increasingly abundant and easily accessible free fact that the existing soil map is not detailed enough to environmental and archaeological data (e.g. Richards, show the microlevel differences. Indeed, the area is full Niccolucci 2019), is too often overlooked. Hopeful y, this of glacial moraines and micro valleys, and under such chapter is a step towards recognizing the importance that conditions water-rich and marshy soils tend to develop. these data sources can have for archaeology. Their presence in this particular area is confirmed by the A novel objective method and, perhaps more im- historical field names (“V blateh”, “Curkovca”, “Pretaka”, portantly, LiDAR as a new data source for the archaeo- “Nad potokam”, which means “In the mud”, “Stream”, logical analysis of agricultural land use systems were “Flow”, “Above the stream” respectively; after Pleterski presented. The suggested good practice would be to use 2013a, 45–54). the method we proposed in combination with existing The only other landscape context where three EMS complementary methods, such as archaeobotanical exist is large till plain with fertile brown soils with low analyses. However, in this case study, the analysis of FC, defined here as Zone 3. However, all three ( Fig. 3: LiDAR data was sufficient to provide new insights into Zagorice, Grad 3, Koritno) have only been established the archaeological landscape in general and EMS in the in the eleventh century. context of agricultural land use in particular. The above presented focus of EMS on a landscape We used the LiDAR data for what is termed inte- characterised by moderately steep slopes and brown grated multi-scale ‘deep’ interpretation, which aims to soils with high FC is consistent with previous research deepen the understanding of archaeological features on EMS in similar landscape conditions by Wawruschka in their landscape context. It should be reiterated that, (2009). Her mountainous or hil y areas fit well with the in our opinion, such a use of these data in archaeology description of our Zone 2, although some of the data remains underexploited despite some promising early (e.g., m a.s.l.) cannot be directly compared. studies (e.g. De Boer et al. 2008; Štular 2011; Doneus, The most important result of this analysis is the Kühteiber 2013). The Bled case study il ustrates such definition of the ecological niche that was preferred by potential contribution of LiDAR data to explore land- the EMS and is based on the agricultural land use. The scape gradients that have influenced human activities. importance of this lies in the scalability, i.e., this result We have clearly demonstrated a preference of Early can be directly applied to regional studies of the Early Medieval agriculture for terrain on moderately steep Medieval settlement in Eastern Alpine region and pos- slopes with brown soils that have a high capacity to retain sibly other regions with subalpine climate. water. Further archaeological implications of this will The results also enable new insights into the Early be discussed in Štular and Lozić (2024 in this volume). Medieval Bled microregion by characterizing the indi- One of the most important methodological contri- vidual EMS. Exclusive preference for Zone 2 prior to butions of this chapter is the discussion of scale issues. the eleventh century strongly suggests two key points. Since the scale of many soil maps is inadequate for archae- First, these are primarily agricultural settlements. There ological analysis, a method to overcome this challenge is are two exceptions ( Fig. 3: Grad 2, Mlino) where the presented using various indices. The solution presented is landscape morphology does not allow for the presence scalable to other types of landscape and other archaeologi- of significant arable land and non-agricultural function cal periods, as well as to other types of soil data. seems probable (Pleterski 2013a, 72–78 and 94–98). In the wider context of LiDAR methodology in Second, the relatively narrow scope of agricultural land archaeology, we have focused on the potential of LiDAR use, as can be inferred from the exclusive occupancy of data to provide a source for very detailed landscape de- Zone 2, suggests a not overly diversified agricultural scription and observe environmental components using land use system, possibly based on a single staple crop. GIS analysis, specifical y modified landform classifica- tion and mSWI. This approach leads to a more detailed 63 Edisa LOZIĆ and objective analysis of the environment and spatial Data Availability Statement: Airborne LiDAR data context of any observed archaeological phenomena. used are publicly available at http://gis.arso.gov.si/evode/ Given the rise of open access data and open access tools profile.aspx?id=atlas_voda_Lidar@Arso. Geology data are there is huge potential for this and similar methods in publicly available at https://ogk100.geo-zs.si. 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The most main geological units prevailing in the study area are presented (source data adopted from Bavec, Verbič 2004; Serianz 2016; Serianz et al. 2020). 68 AGRICULTURAL DYNAMICS OF BLED MICROREGION (SLOVENIA) Map 3: Bled microregion (decimal longitude and latitude coordinates of the map centre: 14.1139; 46.3752), soil map (source data adopted from Pleterski 2013a). 69 Edisa LOZIĆ Map 4: Bled microregion (decimal longitude and latitude coordinates of the map centre: 14.1139; 46.3752), effective field soil capacity (FC) classes (source data adopted from Pleterski 2013a). 70 AGRICULTURAL DYNAMICS OF BLED MICROREGION (SLOVENIA) Map 5: Bled microregion (decimal longitude and latitude coordinates of the map centre: 14.1139; 46.3752), visualisation created for visual geomorphological analysis (hypsometric tinting of high-resolution DEM, transparently (60%) superimposed over a hil shaded surface). The highest elevation zone is white, brown represents the mountainous plateau, a darker green for the upper slopes, and light green for the verdant valleys. EMS are represented with points. 71 Edisa LOZIĆ Map 6: Bled microregion (decimal longitude and latitude coordinates of the map centre: 14.1139; 46.3752), modified SAGA wetness index (mSWI). The area with modified values between 11 and 0 has a (very) low capacity to retain water (map in yellow and brown), and the area with high capacity to retain water (values 0 to-5, green). 72 Settlement of the Eastern Alps in the Early Middle Ages, Opera Instituti Archaeologici Sloveniae 48, 2024, 73–83. doi: https://doi. org/10.3986/9789610508786_05 THE DYNAMICS OF THE EARLY MEDIEVAL SETTLEMENT DEVELOPMENT IN THE DRAVA PLAIN IN CONNECTION WITH THE PEDOLOGICAL ANALYSIS OF ARABLE LAND Andrej MAGDIČ Abstract This study investigates the Early Medieval settlement dynamics of the Drava Plain through a comparative analysis of settlement patterns and pedological data on arable land. Utilizing a dataset of 18 rural archaeological sites, the research examines the spatial and temporal distribution of settlements, soil classifications, and their suitability for agriculture. The findings reveal that initial settlers from the late 6th century prefered locations with automorphic soils at the base of hil s, which were fertile and easily cultivated with simple tools. By the late 7th century, settlements expanded to hydromorphic soils, necessitating advanced plough technology. This shift enabled efficient use of the Drava River’s al uvial plains. The study concludes that the choice of settlement sites was closely linked to the agricultural potential of the land, demonstrating a significant adaptation to environmental conditions and technological capabilities. Keywords: landscape archaeology, Early Medieval archaeology, GIS, site catchment, agriculture, soil analysis 1. INTRODUCTION 150−200 years, when a dynamic equilibrium is reached and one can speak of a ful y formed forest (Cojzer 2011, The article deals with the settlement dynamics of 12−14). Therefore, the first Early Medieval communi- the Drava Plain (Dravsko polje) in the Early Middle ties settling the Drava Plain area were not limited by Ages, focusing on the comparison between the spatio- the choice between cleared and overgrown space when temporal development of the Early Medieval settlement selecting the location for their settlements, as the area and the results of the pedological analysis of the potential was predominantly covered with mature forest. arable land of the individual settlements, dated by the The results of the comparative analysis of spatio- archaeological method. temporal settlement dynamics and pedological analysis The beginnings of the Early Medieval settlement of potential arable land were confronted in the discus- of the Drava Plain date back to the end of the 6th or sion with the general y accepted conclusion, further the beginning of the 7th century (Magdič 2021, 136). substantiated by Pleterski (2008, 17), that the primary The previous Roman settlement ended in the course economic activity of the Early Medieval inhabitants of of the first half of the 5th century, when most of the the present-day Slovenian territory was agriculture, population left the area (Horvat 1999, 255). This was with emphasis on arable farming. The most important confirmed by the recent analysis of 1105 relevant sites, result of the research is the conclusion that the first which validated that the newcomers colonised an all but Early Medieval settlers of the Drava Plain chose for completely abandoned landscape (Štular et al. 2022). their settlement the environments that best suited In temperate climates, the overgrowth of abandoned their specific, technology- and culture-determined arable land is usual y completed after a maximum of farming practices. 73 Andrej MAGDIČ Fig. 1: Density of archaeological sites in the 6th−12th centuries period. Site density is interpreted from point data using the ArcGIS tool Kernel Density, whereas each point is representing an individual archaeological site. One of the goals of the analysis of potential arable tial and chronological data from 18 settlements were land is to determine whether the area of arable land in included in the study. The time span and formation mo- the Early Middle Ages was a factor that people took into ment, listed in Fig. 2, were determined by a combination account when choosing where to settle. of analytical methods based on a typo-chronological analysis of pottery and C14 dating of individual settle- ments (Magdič 2021, 65−137). The time span represents 2. MATERIALS, METHODS the time frame within which a settlement certainly AND RESULTS existed, but not necessarily during the entire period. The formation moment represents the moment when 2.1 ARCHAEOLOGICAL DATA SET an individual settlement existed with certainty, but it is also possible that it existed some time earlier as wel . The data basis for the present study is a compre- The earliest Early Medieval settlement in the area hensive study of the Early Mediaeval archaeological data is Spodnja Senarska, which dates back to before the end of the Drava Plain and the surrounding hil s (Magdič of the 6th century. According to the found pottery, the 2021), in conjunction with the Zbiva database (relevant settlement is a remnant of the original settlement, which here: Štular 2019; Štular et al. 2021; 2023; Štular, Belak in the observed area was abandoned before the middle 2022). The most important result of the study of the of the 7th century. At the same time as the settlement in archaeological data of the considered area is the find- Spodnja Senarska, or directly after its decline, new settle- ing that the Early Mediaeval settlement took place in ments appeared in the area, the first harbingers of a new two distinct concentrations, one in the wider area of settlement. The earliest of these settlements, established today’s Maribor, the other in the wider area of today’s before 658, are Malečnik − Pod Meljskim hribom, Močna Ptuj ( Fig. 1). − Vaški trg, Slivnica − Srednji travniki, Spodnji Duplek − The present study focuses on archaeological sites Srednje polje and Spodnje Hoče − Pod cerkvijo. identified as rural settlements on the basis of material The settlement of the area continues in the second remains found during archaeological excavations. Spa- half of the 7th century and the first half of the 8th cen- 74 THE DYNAMICS OF THE EARLY MEDIEVAL SETTLEMENT DEVELOPMENT IN THE DRAVA PLAIN ... No. ZBIVA ID Settlement − site name Time span Formation (at the latest) 1 10002902 Spodnja Senarska − Zgornje polje 550−650 600 2 10002669 Malečnik − Pod Meljskim hribom 542−764 634 3 10002840 Močna − Vaški trg 630−1050 634 4 10003694 Slivnica − Srednji travniki 640−888 640 5 10002904 Spodnji Duplek − Srednje polje 630−642 642 6 10002298 Spodnje Hoče − Pod cerkvijo 630−1050 658 7 10003693 Pušenci − Cerkvišče 630−1300 764 8 10003280 Spodnja Gorica − Cediljeki 630−764 764 9 10003692 Ptuj − Turnišče 630−925 764 10 10000052 Ptuj − Štuki-Marof 640−800 764 11 10002535 Maribor − Pobrežje 642−764 764 12 10002536 Jurišna vas − Ančnikovo gradišče 630−833 833 13 10002371 Andrenci − Police 630−880 860 14 10003687 Maribor − Zgornje Radvanje 630−880 860 15 10002670 Spodnja Gorica − Gmajna 630−888 875 16 10003276 Podlehnik − Murko 764−1025 888 17 10003684 Lancova vas − Na pukli 764−888 888 18 10003690 Ptuj − Grad* 660−800 800 Fig. 2: Farming settlements in the Drava Plain, dated between the 6th and 12th centuries, based on archaeological evidence. 75 Andrej MAGDIČ Fig. 3: Pedological map of the Early Medieval settlement, based on soil divisions. tury. The settlements of Ptuj - Štuki-Marof and Ptuj - 2.2 PEDOLOGICAL DATA SET Turnišče, Maribor − Pobrežje, Pušenci − Cerkvišče, Jurišna vas − Ančnikovo gradišče and Spodnja Gorica The pedological data for the study were taken from − Cediljeki can be dated to the period before 764. So the 1:25,000 scale pedological map of the Republic of far, no settlement remains have been discovered in Ptuj Slovenia (Repe 2010). An in-depth analysis of the soil that could provide a “link” between the decline of the (Magdič 2021, 245−253) revealed that the classification Roman town in the 5th century and Slavic settlement in of soils, of primary importance for landscape archaeol- the 7th century. However, there are traces that indicate ogy, is the classification of soil divisions. The soils in the presence of an indigenous population even in the the study area can be classified into two basic divisions: 6th century. These include a deer-shaped clasp discov- automorphic and hydromorphic soils ( Fig. 3). The au- ered in one of the local inhabitants’ graves on the top of tomorphic soils of the area include undeveloped soils, Panorama Hil , which, according to Slavko Ciglenečki, humus-accumulating soils and cambic soils. The most belongs to the group of the latest animal brooches, important common characteristic of automorphic soils with good comparisons in the 6th and 7th centuries is that they do not retain rainwater permanently or (Ciglenečki 1993, 512, Pl. 2: 9). temporarily in any part of the profile, making flooding The latest phase of Early Medieval settlement extremely rare. The water table is deep, so it never rises begins after 764, with the settlements of Ptuj − Grad, to the surface. Hydromorphic soils in the area studied Spodnja Gorica − Gmajna, Lancova vas − Na pukli and include riverine soils, pseudogley soils and gley soils. Podlehnik − Murko founded towards the end of the 8th The most important common characteristic of the or in the 9th century. The settlement Andrenci − Police hydromorphic soils is that they are directly and visibly can also be dated to this period at the latest, although influenced by at least one form of water, that is temporar- it cannot be excluded that it was founded as early as in ily or permanently stagnant in at least part of the profile. the 7th century. The profile is either heavily soaked or contains water itself. Flooding is common in this type of soil. 76 THE DYNAMICS OF THE EARLY MEDIEVAL SETTLEMENT DEVELOPMENT IN THE DRAVA PLAIN ... During the analysis, I observed the distribution of Early Medieval settlement in the Bled area was no more soil types in the potential fields of each settlement. From than a 6−7 minutes’ walk away (Štular 2006, 207−209). a quality-of-life perspective, soil characteristics related The similarity of contemporary agricultural im- to the ability to drain water are of particular importance. plements in Central Europe suggests very similar basic Automorphic soils form a drier space, while hydromor- agricultural practices, which were merely adapted to the phic soils form a wetter space. In addition to the soil specific physiographic characteristics. On this basis, we division, I have also observed other characteristics such can assume that the distance from the settlement to the as the gleying factor of the horizon, which is an indicator arable land was not more than 7 minutes even in the of water retention (Vidic et al. 2015, 30). As it turns out, fertile Drava Plain. gleying can also be present in cambic soils, which can To il ustrate the arable areas of each of the Early have a very positive effect on yields per hectare. Medieval settlements studied, polygons with a perim- eter that can be reached within a seven-minute walk. The ‘within a seven-minute walk’ area were created 2.3 EARLY MEDIEVAL FIELDS using the Path Distance tool.1 The basis for using this (SITE CATCHMENT ANALYSIS) tool is a DEM, which is used to simulate the relief of the considered spaces. The DEM was created from a 2.3.1 IDENTIFICATION georeferenced ground point cloud, based on publicly AND AREA OF ARABLE LAND available data (public data from the Slovenian Envi- ronment Agency: http://gis.arso.gov.si/evode/profile. The identification of potential Early Medieval ar- aspx?id=atlas_voda_Lidar@Arso). able land is based on the theory of central land cores, The interpolation of the points used to create the according to which the farming settlements of the digital elevation model (hereafter DEM) was performed period had their arable land in close proximity, usu- using the Natural Neighbour algorithm, which has al y on particularly favourable soils (Lozić 2024a in proven to be very suitable for interpolating data points this volume with references). The input data of ‘arable with irregular spacing. The DEM with a resolution of land’ come from early 19th century cadastral maps, 10 × 10 meters proved to be the most efficient. the so called Franciscean Cadastre, which are a reliable The slope walk exponent function (Tobler 1993) was representation of the agricultural landscape not only used to calculate the difficulty of walking up and down the in the pre-industrial period, but also before the land slope. The polygons generated reflect the distances from expropriation of 1848. They maps depict the last phase the centre of gravity of each of the Early Medieval settle- of the development of the feudal landscape, which by ments that can be reached within a seven-minute walk. definition is feudal in origin and whose origins must be The intersection of the arable areas on the Franciscean traced back to the Early Middle Ages (Štular 2011, 123). Cadastre maps and the areas within the ‘7-minutes’ walk For the situation as depicted on the maps of the Fran- polygons’ represents the potential arable areas of each ciscean Cadastre, we can speak of the achieved carrying of the Early Medieval settlements. capacity of the economic hinterland of a given vil age In the case of the settlements Malečnik − Pod parcel (e.g., Zimmermann et al. 2009, 11). Thus, all land Meljskim hribom, Maribor − Pobrežje, Močna − Vaški that was suitable for plowing and growing crops with trg, Ptuj − Štuki-Marof and Pušenci − Cerkvišče, where the technical means available at that time is marked as the soils are now altered due to intensive human activi- fields. Land that is not marked as arable land is therefore ties, The original soil divisions were reconstructed based general y not suitable as arable land. It follows that land on an analogy in the geology of the surroundings and not marked as arable land was not used as arable land relief. The numerical values of the analysis correspond in the Early Middle Ages either. The opposite is not the to the corrected situations. The pedological map could case (Lozić 2024b in this volume). not be reconstructed in the case of the settlement Ptuj − Štular (2006, 202−203, 207−209), in his study of Grad, because the area is highly urbanised and extends the economic hinterland of the Early Medieval settle- over different geological substrates. Therefore, the set- ment of the Bled area, reviewed the results of previously tlement was excluded from the study. established models for determining the economic hin- The results of the analysis of the potential arable terland of settlements. He compared them with his own areas of the Early Mediaeval settlements showed signifi- measurements of the time it takes a person to walk from cant differences ( Fig. 4). From the smallest arable areas an Early Medieval settlement to the adjacent field. The with only 7.6 ha (Malečnik − Pod Meljskim hribom), to reconstruction of the Early Medieval landscape of the 66.8 ha (Lancova vas − Na Pukli). In order to facilitate Bled area with the field locations of each Early Medieval the analysis and evaluation of the data, The values for settlement was based on a multidisciplinary historical the arable area of each settlement were devided into study by Pleterski (2013). He found that the field of each 1 All GIS operations in the study where performed with ArcGIS 10.6, ESRI, Redlands CA, USA. 77 Andrej MAGDIČ No. Settlement − site nane Area of arable land (ha) 2 Malečnik − Pod Meljskim hribom 7.6 12 Jurišna vas − Ančnikovo gradišče 13.2 4 Slivnica − Srednji travniki 13.4 9 Ptuj − Turnišče 22.8 3 Močna − Vaški trg 23.3 16 Podlehnik − Murko 23.8 8 Spodnja Gorica − Cediljeki 24.3 13 Andrenci − Police 26.3 5 Spodnji Duplek − Srednje polje 30.5 15 Spodnja Gorica − Gmajna 35.5 7 Pušenci − Cerkvišče 38.4 6 Spodnje Hoče − Pod cerkvijo 44.7 1 Spodnja Senarska − Zgornje polje 46.6 10 Ptuj − Štuki-Marof 48.9 14 Maribor − Zgornje Radvanje 49 11 Maribor − Pobrežje 59.5 17 Lancova vas − Na pukli 66.8 Average 29.6 Median 30.5 Fig. 4: Arable land of the Early Medieval settlements, listed by area of arable land, from the smallest to the largest. classes of 10 hectares. The result of this classification is shown in Fig. 5. The study also examined the possible relation- ship between the size of arable land and the forma- tion time of each settlement. The comparative graph shows that the differences in the size of arable land are not related to the time of the formation of each settlement ( Fig. 6). 2.3.2 THE SOILS OF THE SETTLEMENT AREAS Fig. 5: Number of Early Medieval settlements and areas of An analysis of the relationship between settle- belonging arable land, in classes of 10 ha. ment sites and local soils showed that Early Medieval settlements were located on both automorphic and hydromorphic soils ( Fig. 7). The study also focused on the possible relationship between the soil substrate and only towards the end of the 7th century that settlements the dating of each settlement. It was found that, with also appear more frequently on hydromorphic soils. the exception of Spodnja Senarska − Zgornje polje, all It can be seen that most of the settlements are four settlements, which certainly date back to before the located in the border area of pedological divisions: au- middle of the 7th century, were located on automorphic tomorphic and hydromorphic soils ( Fig. 8). soils. However, the automorphic soils in the arable areas Considering the positioning of the fields in relation of Spodnje Hoče − Pod Cerkvijo, Slivnica − Srednji to the presence/absence of soils of a particular division, travniki and Spodnji Duplek − Srednje polje are partial y the following picture emerges: 15 of the 17 settlements gleyed, which has a positive effect on their fertility. It is are positioned in such a way that at least part of their 78 THE DYNAMICS OF THE EARLY MEDIEVAL SETTLEMENT DEVELOPMENT IN THE DRAVA PLAIN ... No. Settlement − site name Area of arable land (ha) Formation (at the latest) 1 Spodnja Senarska − Zgornje polje 46.6 600 2 Malečnik − Pod Meljskim hribom 7.6 634 3 Močna − Vaški trg 23.3 634 4 Slivnica − Srednji travniki 13.4 640 5 Spodnji Duplek − Srednje polje 30.5 642 6 Spodnje Hoče − Pod cerkvijo 44.7 658 7 Pušenci − Cerkvišče 38.4 764 8 Spodnja Gorica − Cediljeki 24.3 764 9 Ptuj − Turnišče 22.8 764 10 Ptuj − Štuki-Marof 48.9 764 11 Maribor − Pobrežje 59.5 764 12 Jurišna vas − Ančnikovo gradišče 13.2 833 13 Andrenci − Police 26.3 860 14 Maribor − Zgornje Radvanje 49 860 15 Spodnja Gorica − Gmajna 35.5 875 16 Podlehnik − Murko 23.8 888 17 Lancova vas − Na pukli 66.8 888 AVG 29.6 Median 30.5 Fig. 6: Arable land size, compared to the time of the foundation of the settlement. In the graph, the size of the arable land is shown on the y-axis, the settlements are sorted from left to right, accord- ing to the time of the settlement formation time. fields are located on hydromorphic soils. However, it Pohorje Mountains, at an altitude of 750 m above sea should be noted that although all the arable areas of level. The choice of the location for this settlement was Slivnica − Srednji travniki are located on cambic soil, obviously not due to the selection of the most suitable i.e., automorphic soil, a large part of the area is heavily soils for agriculture, but to other characteristics, where gleyed (up to 50%) at least in part of the profile. Thus, the factor of safety played a predominant role. It is likely it is a soil type that is a mixture of automorphic and that it was a settlement of indigenous people who moved hydromorphic soils. As for the soil type, the settlement to the Pohorje Mountains at the time of the col apse of Jurišna vas − Ančnikovo gradišče with fields on auto- the Roman state organisation and built their own self- morphic soils is an exception among the Early Mediaeval sufficient economy, probably based mainly on animal settlements of the considered area. It is located within breeding. the wal s of a Late Roman fortress on the fringe of the 79 Andrej MAGDIČ 3. DISCUSSION reaching demographic changes during this period. The extensive urban settlement, which in the 2nd and Paul the Deacon (c. 720−c. 799) notes in his writ- 3rd centuries encompassed almost the entire area of ings that the area between Avaria (i.e., Pannonia) and present-day Ptuj and beyond, was transformed into Italy, where the Slavs lived, was still largely covered with a collection of small hamlets during the 4th century, “impenetrable forests” in the first half of the 7th century undoubtedly losing its urban character. Before the and the settlements were several days’ march apart. middle of the 5th century, the town was practically According to Štih, the use of the term saltus suggests abandoned (Horvat et al. 2003, 182−183). that Paul the Deacon is referring to an uncultivated It can be concluded that most of the considered forest (Štih 2015, 127). It is certainly worth taking a area was forested from the end of the 3rd century. In closer look at this statement of Pavel Diakon that the temperate climates, the forestation of abandoned arable area of present-day Slovenia, including the considered land is usual y completed after a maximum of 150−200 area of the Drava Plain, was still mostly forested in the years, when a dynamic equilibrium is reached and one first half of the 7th century, because the statement also can speak of a ful y formed forest (Cojzer 2011, 12−14). coincides with the results of archaeological research. Thus, the communities that began to settle the area in As far as can be deduced from the analysis of archaeo- question towards the end of the 6th or beginning of the logical sources, the area in question was most densely 7th century encountered a ful y overgrown, forested populated in the Roman period. Archaeological sites landscape. From this we conclude that the former fields from this period account for about half of all known (dating back to the Roman period) were covered by a archaeological sites in the area (Magdič 2014, Fig. 5). mature forest at that time. Thus, the first Early Medi- The highest settlement density dates from the 2nd and aeval communities that settled the Drava Plain were 3rd centuries. For various reasons that historians have not limited by the choice between cleared and forested not yet been able to satisfactorily determine, people areas when selecting the location for their settlements. began to leave the area during the 3rd century, so most An analysis of the potential fields of the Early Medieval rural settlements were abandoned by the 3rd century settlements revealed that the majority of the studied (Horvat 1999, 255). The urban centre of the region, settlements had available land, suitable for arable cul- Colonia Ulpia Traiana Poetovio, also underwent far- tivation, ranging in size from 21 to 30 hectares ( Fig. 4). Settlement − site name Formation (At the lastest) Soil division Spodnja Senarska − Zgornje polje 600 Hydromorphic soil Malečnik − Pod Meljskim hribom 634 Automorphic soil Močna − Vaški trg 634 Automorphic soil Slivnica − Srednji travniki 640 Automorphic soil Spodnji Duplek − Srednje polje 642 Automorphic soil Spodnje Hoče − Pod cerkvijo 658 Hydromorphic soil Pušenci − Cerkvišče 764 Hydromorphic soil Spodnja Gorica − Cediljeki 764 Hydromorphic soil Ptuj − Turnišče 764 Hydromorphic soil Ptuj − Štuki-Marof 764 Hydromorphic soil Maribor − Pobrežje 764 Automorphic soil Jurišna vas − Ančnikovo gradišče 833 Automorphic soil Andrenci − Police 860 Automorphic soil Maribor − Zgornje Radvanje 860 Hydromorphic soil Spodnja Gorica − Gmajna 875 Hydromorphic soil Podlehnik − Murko 888 Hydromorphic soil Lancova vas − Na pukli 888 Automorphic soil Fig. 7: Soils at the individual settlement sites, according to pedological divisions. The settlements are arranged according to the time of their formation, from the oldest to the youngest. 80 THE DYNAMICS OF THE EARLY MEDIEVAL SETTLEMENT DEVELOPMENT IN THE DRAVA PLAIN ... Formation No. Settlement − site name Automorphic soil Hydromorphic soil SUM (ha) (at the latest) 1 Spodnja Senarska − Zgornje polje 600 0 59.5 59.5 2 Malečnik − Pod Meljskim hribom 634 5.1 2.5 7.6 3 Močna − Vaški trg 634 19.4 3.8 23.2 4 Slivnica − Srednji travniki 640 13.4 0 13.4 5 Spodnji Duplek − Srednje polje 642 22.5 12.5 35 6 Spodnje Hoče − Pod cerkvijo 658 44.4 0.3 44.7 7 Pušenci − Cerkvišče 764 0 38.4 38.4 8 Spodnja Gorica − Cediljeki 764 0 7.5 7.5 9 Ptuj − Turnišče 764 22.4 0.5 22.9 10 Ptuj − Štuki-Marof 764 5.7 43.1 48.8 11 Maribor − Pobrežje 764 47.3 12.2 59.5 12 Jurišna vas − Ančnikovo gradišče 833 13.2 0 13.2 13 Andrenci − Police 860 23.7 2.6 26.3 14 Maribor − Zgornje Radvanje 860 25.7 23.3 49 15 Spodnja Gorica − Gmajna 875 17.1 26.2 43.3 16 Podlehnik − Murko 888 6.3 17.5 23.8 17 Lancova vas − Na pukli 888 48.9 17.9 66.8 SUM (ha 315.1 267.8 582.9 Fig. 8: Table and graph on the areas of the soil divisions in the fields of the Early Medieval settlements. The settlements are arranged according to the time of their formation. This indicates that the average Early Mediaeval com- tors that influenced the choice of settlement areas clearly munity living in a single settlement did not need more varied over time. In the first phase, before the middle of than 30 ha of land for its agriculture. However, with the the 7th century, sites with very specific environmental method used, it was not possible to determine more characteristics were selected for settlement. All of the precisely how large the actual fields of each community settlements found in the first phase of occupation were were. If we compare the size of the arable land of each located at the base of hil s with loose, sandy, automor- settlement with the time of its formation, we can see that phic soils that were partial y gleyed. With the sufficiently the size of the arable land did not depend on the time of high moisture provided by the gleyed soils just below the formation of each settlement ( Fig. 6). the slopes of the hil s, from which rain water drained, The soil characteristics of the potential fields were the farmlands of the first Early Mediaeval farmers were analysed to evaluate its arable potential. It was found that among the most fertile arable lands in the area (see Repe the Early Medieval inhabitants of the considered area 2010, 148). The first settlers therefore chose loose sandy settled on both drier and wetter soils. However, the fac- soils for their fields, which could be cultivated by simple 81 Andrej MAGDIČ agricultural tools, taking care to choose micro-locations CONCLUSION where plants had sufficient moisture to grow. The locations of the settlements from the late 7th The first Early Medieval communities that began to century onwards indicate the introduction of a dif- settle in the area around the end of the 6th or the begin- ferent agricultural tactic, in which the hydromorphic ning of the 7th century were not limited by the choice soils of the al uvial plains of the Drava River were also between cleared and overgrown space when selecting cultivated. These soils tend to be clayed and therefore the location for their settlements, because the arable can only be effectively cultivated with a plough, which land from the Roman period had been abandoned for not only cuts and crushes the soil but also turns it more than two centuries and completely overgrown by (on the use of the plough in the Early Middle Ages, mature forest. The present study has shown that settle- see Pleterski 1987). Ploughshares with signs of wear ment dynamics in the Drava Plain in the Early Middle (disproportionate wear), that occur in this type of use Ages was significantly related to environmental factors, were found in treasure finds at the Razvanje − Poštela among which the pedological substrate in relation to the (Pahič 1985, 295−296) and Zbelovska gora − Gradišče relief played a primary role. The main result of the study (Bitenc, Knific 2015, fig. 17) sites. This type of plough- is the conclusion that the Early Medieval settlers of the shares with enlarged leaf is typical for the area of Drava Plain chose as settlement sites the environments western Pannonia between the 8th and 10th centuries that best suited their specific technological and cultural (Henning 1987, 51, Fig. 21). Thus, the above-mentioned agricultural practises at that time. In the first phase of data can be interpreted as the introduction of a new settlement, they chose for their settlements dry areas at cultivation technique in the second half of the 7th the foot of lower hil s with loose sandy soils that could century, which includes the use of the plough, with be cultivated by hand with a hoe or with a simple plough. which not only cuts and crushes the soil but also turns Rainwater flowing down from the hil s provided suf- it. So to speak, an early example of the heavy plough. ficient moisture for crops to grow. Before the end of the However, it is characteristic for the entire Early Middle 7th century, however, people settled also wetter areas Ages that the sites chosen for the settlements were lo- with clay soils, the cultivation of which required the use cated near the border between automorphic and hydro- of more advanced agricultural technology, especial y a morphic soils, i.e., near the border between the dry and type of plough, which as well as cutting and crushing the the wet world. This choice of settlement location made soil also turned it over. Only the introduction of this type it possible to adapt agriculture to changing weather of plough made it possible to use the vast river plains conditions, cultivating drier or wetter fields, depending of the Pannonian world, now known as the ‘granary of on weather conditions. This tactic minimised the risk Slovenia’, in an economical y efficient way. of total crop failure that could be caused by extreme drought or extreme humidity. 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Alps: Archaeology. – Research Data Journal for 83 Settlement of the Eastern Alps in the Early Middle Ages, Opera Instituti Archaeologici Sloveniae 48, 2024, 85–99. doi: https://doi. org/10.3986/9789610508786_06 BECOMING SLAV (ARCHAEOLOGICAL EVIDENCE). AGRICULTURAL ANTI-REVOLUTION AND ACCULTURATION IN THE EASTERN ALPS Benjamin ŠTULAR, Edisa LOZIĆ Abstract The chapter examines the acculturation processes in the Eastern Alps during the Early Middle Ages, focusing on the Slavicisation influenced by agricultural transitions. It builds on an earlier research by the authors that confirmed the hypothesis of simultaneous Slavic migration and cultural diffusion and defined the Alpine Slavs as people who spoke Slavic, shared specific common ancestry and migrated to the Eastern Alps in the sixth and seventh centuries. This study focuses on how these immigrant Alpine Slavs significantly impacted the region’s social and agricultural systems. Key findings include the transition from the Late Antique population’s market-based wheat agriculture to a self-sufficient barley-based system introduced by the Slavs. This shift facilitated successful acculturation and led to a resilient, bicultural society. The transformation underscores the adaptability and efficiency of Slavic agricultural practices and their pivotal role in the socio-economic stability of the region during the Early Middle Ages. The study concludes that the Slavs, rather than precipitating economic decline, introduced an optimized agricultural system that mitigated the effects of the already col apsed market economy, aiding in the survival and integration of the Late Antique population. Keywords: archaeology, Eastern Alps, Late Antiquity, Early Middle Ages, Slavs, acculturation processes, social impact, agriculture, Slavicisation 1. INTRODUCTION and a network of social relations including genetic re- latedness (Štular 2025). Specifical y, we understand the Ancient Slavs is a complex subject to discuss, and Alpine Slavs who co-inhabited the Eastern Alps in the the complexity begins with the definition of the term. Early Middle Ages as people who spoke Slavic, shared To a linguist, ancient means something different than specific common ancestry and who immigrated in it does to an archaeologist. The designation Slavs can Eastern Alps in the sixth and seventh centuries (Štular mean everything from an ancestral population traceable et al. 2022). Furthermore, we maintain that migration to the depths of prehistory (e.g., Dolukhanov 1996), to was indeed part of Slavicisation in the Eastern Alps, but a mere figment of a Byzantine chronicler’s imagination that the subsequent acculturation processes exerted a (Curta 2001). Our stance is anchored somewhere in more substantial influence. the middle of two extremes and in the hypothesis that This article explores the latter: acculturation we study Slavs rather then “Slavs”. We understand the process. In particular, the article examines how ac- Ancient Slavs from the sixth to the eighth century as a culturation processes were significantly influenced by secondary, relational and in-group of people, who hori- the transformation of the agricultural system from a zontal y distincted themselves from the proverbial others market-based to a self-sufficient system. First, however, through language, housing culture, dress, sustenance, the scientific context of the acculturation process also 85 Benjamin ŠTULAR, Edisa LOZIĆ referred to as Slavicisation must be briefly outlined (for In the 21st century, the archaeology of the ancient more details see Štular 2025). Slavs, like archaeology in general, made great meth- Until the middle of the 20th century, the study of odological progress. For example, in the applications the ancient Slavs differed little from other studies of Late of computational (Rihter 2023) and web-based analyses Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages in Europe. Within of cemeteries (Eichert 2021), airborne LiDAR (Lozić the paradigm known as the Grand Narrative, migration 2021), geospatial analyses (Magdič 2022), and machine was understood as the main process of change (e.g. learning (Štular et al. 2022). In addition, a large number Ratzel 1909), and peoples and tribes were understood, of factual errors underlying the hypotheses of Curta as MacEcheron (2000, 370) puts it, as “caroming around and Dzino were exposed (e.g. Fusek 2004; Sokol 2011; the continent like culture-bearing billiard bal s”. The rest Lindstedt, Salmela 2020). Regardless of this, no alterna- of the Early Medieval history was merely a process of tive hypothesis has been proposed that would success- peoples and nations bouncing around until they settled ful y address the well argumented shortcomings of the in places where they were still to be found in the 19th Urheimat hypothesis. century. The Slavs were understood as part of the west- Currently, then, there are three competing hypoth- ward movement known as the Great Migration period. eses for the spread of Slavic language between about According to this theory, they emigrated from their 400 and 850 CE. The first hypothesis assumes that the original homeland, the Urheimat, in the fifth and sixth Slavs, a people, moved in all directions from their small centuries to colonise the lands abandoned by Germanic original habitat, the so-called Urheimat, (e.g. Herrmann tribes, who in turn are said to have fled from the Huns 1986; Dolukhanov 1996; Timberlake 2013). The second and their allies. The Slavs settled the areas between the hypothesis assumes the diffusion of the Slavic cultural Oder and the Elbe-Saale line, Bohemia, Moravia, a large model among non-Slavic populations or, in its extreme part of present-day Austria, the Carpathian Basin and form, the diffusion of language alone, (e.g. Pritsak 1983; the Balkans in the south, as well as the upper Dnieper Lunt 1997; Curta 2001; 2020). Many archaeologists basin to the north. In the second half of the sixth cen- adhere to the third, hybrid hypothesis. It states that tury, they appeared in large numbers on the Byzantine movement, cultural diffusion, and language diffusion borders. occurred simultaneously (Heather 2010; Pleterski 2013a; In the second half of the 20th century, still within Pohl 2018; Kazanski 2020) and is supported by recent the paradigm of the Grand Narrative, the Slavic studies research in population genetics and linguistics. It seems focused mainly on the ethnogenesis of the ancient Slavs that the language spread in the West Slavic zone mainly and the search for the Urheimat. There were tremendous by migration to sparsely populated areas, and in the East advances in terms of archaeological data collected and Slavic zone by a combination of migration and language in terms of methodology (Parczewski 1991; Gojda 1991; shift. The spread in the South Slavic region was trig- Pleterski 1995; Dolukhanov 1996; Kazanski 1999). By gered by migration, but the main mechanism for further the mid-1990s, the immutability of ethnic identity was spread was a language shift from local Balkan idioms to being questioned, and the field was in the process of Slavic (Lindstedt, Salmela 2020). moving away from the perception of ancient Slavs as an Recently, we were able to corroborate the hybrid ethnic group and instead viewing them as a language- hypothesis for the Eastern Alps by applying machine based identity group (e.g. Pleterski 1995; Mamzer 1999). learning and spatial analysis to an archaeological Deep The watershed event for the current state of the Data. We confirmed two separate migrations into the art in the study of ancient Slavs was The Making of the Eastern Alps: the earlier one sometime after 500 CE Slavs by Curta (2001). The book argued that the use upstream the Mura and Drava rivers, and the later one of the ethnonym “Slavs” only became common in the sometime before 700 CE upstream the Sava river. We contact zone between Byzantium and the Slavs along envisaged that the number of immigrants was relatively the lower Danube. Like Pohl (1988, 96−102) before small and that it was by no means a mass migration like, him, he criticised the model of Slavic expansion from for example, that of Theodoric’s Ostrogoths or Alboin’s the Urheimat and insisted on its appearance in the Ius- Lombards. Along the Mura and Drava rivers, it likely tinianic period. However, Curta went one step further took the form of a series of near neighbourhood colo- and claimed that the Slavs were essential y created by nisation of mostly uninhabited landscape. Along the Byzantine perception: The creation of the Slavs was Sava it was more akin to a small group infiltration. In less a matter of ethnogenesis than one of invention, the next step of the study we employed the convergence imagination and labelling by Byzantine authors. Thus, of evidence from archaeology, linguistics, and popula- the Slavic group identity emerged in “the shadow of tion genetics. Linguistics and population genetics have, lustinian’s forts” along the lower Danube. Later Dzino independently from archaeology and from each other, (2010) postmodernised Curta’s approach in his book also deduced that there were two separate migrations Becoming Slav, Becoming Croat, in which he understood to the South-eastern Alps (present day Slovenia). Ar- the early Slavs as a process rather than an entity. chaeology and genetics validated that acculturation was 86 BECOMING SLAV (ARCHAEOLOGICAL EVIDENCE). AGRICULTURAL ANTI-REVOLUTION AND ACCULTURATION ... the predominant post-migration process. Linguistics Let us first take a look at the case study of the confirmed that the migrants spoke Slavic, and genet- Bled micro-region (henceforth Bled). It revealed that ics proved that they possessed a homogeneous genetic the Early Medieval immigrants of late seventh century substrate inherited from a single ancestral population were attracted to light soils with a high water retention common only to today’s Slavic-speaking ethnic groups. capacity. Such soils were particularly suitable for the We were therefore able to define the immigrants as cultivation of barley, which was known to be one of the Alpine Slavs (no inverted commas), people who spoke most important staple crops of the time, especial y in Slavic and shared specific common ancestry (Štular et colder climates such as the subalpine. Soils with lower al. 2022). water retention capacity were only colonized in the Therefore, in the Eastern Alps the migration of eleventh century, which could indicate the transition to people, cultural diffusion, and language shift took place a wheat as a staple crop and subsequently to a higher in a single process. The migration was part of the ensuing degree of agricultural organisation (Lozić 2021; 2024 Slavicisation, but the acculturation processes that took in this volume). place afterwards were historical y the most important. The immigrant Slavs, who colonised the Drava However, this does not explain the enduring success Plain microregion towards the end of the sixth or be- of the Slavs in the longue durée. Pohl offers a pragmatic ginning of the seventh century, were confronted with a explanation: The Slavs, in comparison to the Germani, mature forest that had overgrown the long abandoned did not establish stable military based polities. Instead, Roman landscape. The analysis of this microregion they embraced decentralised form of social organisation demonstrated that the choice of field and settlement (Pohl 2018, 118−126). This social organisation has been locations was largely related to the soils and terrain that described as a fractal society because not only did al were best suited to a particular agricultural system. The local communities shared the same structure, but the settlements established in the seventh century were same structure was also replicated when these com- located on dry patches at the foothil s of Pohorje with munities, social fractals, joined together in larger social easy access to loose, sandy, automorphic soils, that units. These formed an adaptable and efficient network were partial y gleyed. That is, the soils with the highest with great power of absorption (Pleterski 2013b, 10−11). water retention capacity among the available light soils. Contemporary and modern authors alike perceived this Light sandy soils could be cultivated by hand with a hoe organisation as “primitive”, but in fact it was resilient or with a simple plough. The streams running down because it was highly adapted to the socio-economic from the hil s provided sufficient moisture for crops conditions of the period. to grow. Sometime before the end of the 7th century, The succinct characterizations of Pohl and Pleterski the new settlements were established in wetter areas thus posits that the longue durée success of the Slavici- with heavy clay soils. Cultivating these soils required sation was based on a decentralised, “primitive” social the use of more advanced agricultural technologies, organisation that was highly adapted to the conditions in particular a type of plough that not only cut and of the period. In this text we build upon, elaborate, and crushed the soil but also turned it over. However, the substantiate this stance with objective archaeological light brown soils with low water retention capacity only evidence. We believe that the key to understanding gained importance from the tenth century onwards the adaptations lies in understanding the conditions: (Magdič 2024 in this volume). the transformation of the agricultural system and its The analysis of the Leibnitzer Feld revealed three impact on social organisation, as al uded to by Lozić types of potential settlement sites. The first type were (2021, 15−17). Our discussion draws on the ground- the sites on well-saturated brown soil, which were breaking findings of the three micro-regional analyses interpreted as agricultural settlements. The second of agricultural potential in the Eastern Alps published type were hilltop settlements which, due to their in this volume ( Fig. 1). position, do not have access to sufficient arable land. These settlements were thus not predominantly en- gaged in agricultural production and were defined as 2. METHODS, MATERIALS, non-agricultural. At least some of them, for example AND RESULTS Wildoner Schlossberg, were likely central places that fulfilled administrative and commercial functions. The Each of the three micro-regional case studies we third type were non-hil top sites without favourable build upon used state of the art methodology and offered agricultural hinterland. Some of them were located many interesting insights, and each must be consulted in small depressions between the hil s, others in the in full to get a complete picture. Here we will briefly area of regular flooding. These sites must have served summarise only those aspects that are relevant to our entirely to non-agricultural activities. Of particular discussion. interest is the Weitendorf site, where archaeological evidence suggests a workshop area for iron ore pro- 87 Benjamin ŠTULAR, Edisa LOZIĆ Mur Graz Leibnitzer Feld Mura Drau Drava Bled the Drava Plain Sava Ljubljana 0 10 50 km Fig. 1: Location of the three micro-regional analyses of agricultural potential in the Eastern Alps. cessing and where interpretative mapping of LiDAR 3. DISCUSSION data revealed clear evidence of mining. Therefore, the site was interpreted as a mining settlement where 3.1 THE AGRICULTURAL SYSTEM iron ore was extracted and processed. This is the only OF THE ALPINE SLAVS site with demonstrated specialized non-agricultural activities in all three micro-regions (Lozić, Koch 2024 We build our model primarily on the case study in this volume). of Bled and underpin it with case studies of the Leib- The three micro-regional studies thus resulted nitz Field and the Drava Plain. In Bled, all settlements in some exciting discoveries, for example, the mining founded between the late seventh and tenth centuries settlement in the Leibnitzer Feld and the evolution of were adjacent to stony brown soils with high FC ( Fig. 2: agricultural technology in the Drava Plain. However, Zone 2). In contrast, in the preceding Roman period and we focus here on the fact that all three found that to the after the eleventh century more fertile and less stony immigrant Slavs the most important soil property was soils with low FC were used ( Fig. 2: Zone 3). Pleterski its ability to retain water. This property is defined as the (2013b, 156−157) described the latter soils as the area soil’s effective field capacity or FC. The wider implica- in the plain where the soil was good and he noted that tions of this for Early Medieval agriculture have already from late seventh to the end of tenth century this was a been al uded to by Lozić (2021, 15−17). In the following, continuously forested area. However, he was unable to we build on this by contrasting the agricultural system explain why these more fertile soils with lower FC were of the Slavs with the Late Antique one. not cultivated in Early Middle Ages. Why, then, were 88 BECOMING SLAV (ARCHAEOLOGICAL EVIDENCE). AGRICULTURAL ANTI-REVOLUTION AND ACCULTURATION ... Fig. 2: Bled microregion, brown soils with high capacity to retain water (marked with dashed lines) and physiographic zones. The areas most suitable for barley-based agriculture are located at the intersection of the dashed lines and yellow Zone 2 and the areas suited for wheat-based agriculture are in Zone 3 (after Lozić 2024, Fig. 7). less fertile soils with high FC that much more attractive map suitable soils in the entire region, the latter can be for Early Medieval agriculture? discussed here. What were the characteristics of Early Medieval agriculture in the Eastern Alps? The analysis of land use characteristics suggests Early Medieval Slavs had a limited choice of the that soils with high FC were sought after to minimizes staple field crops available. Rye ( Secale cereale), wheat the risk of exposing crops to water stress (Lozić 2021, ( Triticum sp.), oats ( Avena sp . ), barley ( Hordeum sp.), 15−17). This conclusion is noteworthy for two reasons. and millet ( Panicum miliaceum) were the main cere- First, it can be used to predict the landscape contexts als in the western Slavic settlement area (present-day suitable for Early Medieval settlement throughout the eastern Germany) (Brather 2008). In Southern Russia region. Second, it helps to elucidate the characteristics we know of wheat and barley (Korobov 2012). The first of Early Medieval agriculture in the Eastern Alps. While Slavic settlers in northwestern Russia brought with them the first is the subject of ongoing research that aims to a great variety of cereals and legumes, but only the crops 89 Benjamin ŠTULAR, Edisa LOZIĆ that guaranteed agricultural success in the colder north Slavs when they settled in what they perceived as colder were kept in cultivation: barley and rye (Alslebe 2012). climates, such as the above-mentioned colonization of Closer to the Bled microregion, wheat, barley and rye northwestern Russia (Korobov 2012); the subalpine were the most common crops at Roztoky (Czech Repub- climate of the Bled microregion is colder (under any lic: Profantová 2005; Machaček et al. 2024). In Thunau climatic conditions) than the areas from which the Slavs (Austria), both in the settlement and in one of the graves, were arriving, for example, from the western edges of the most common cereal remains were wheat, millet, the Pannonian plain that they settled already in the barley, and rye (Teschler-Nicola et al. 2018). In Klein- sixth century (Pavlovič 2017). Second, under rain-fed klein (Austria), the contents of a settlement pit revealed conditions, barley, unlike wheat, prefers high FC to all barley, millet, and rye (Heiss, Wiesinger 2019). On Bled other soil properties (Hossain et al. 2012; Sveinsson, Island, the central location in Bled, charred barley and Hermannsson 2017). millet grains were recovered, but are C14 dated to the We can therefore infer with high degree of certainty mid-13th century (Bitenc, Knific 2020, 84). Therefore, that from the seventh to the tenth century barley was the Early Medieval Slavs, like other contemporary Eu- the staple crop in Bled. The analyses of the soils and ropeans, relied mainly on wheat, barley, rye, and millet. agricultural potential in the other two microregions, Of these, barley has the greatest ecological am- Leibnitzer feld and Dravsko-Ptujsko polje (the Drava plitude and is able to cope with extreme ecological Plain), revealed the same adaptations to the local con- conditions (Brouwer 1972). It was grown, for example, ditions: soils with high FC were prefered over all other in Highland Britain (Gillingham, Griffiths 2000), in characteristics. This tells us two things. First, Early Scandinavian northwestern Europe (Hamerow 2002), Medieval agricultural systems in all three micro-regions and even in the Faroe Islands (Arge et al. 2005). Regard- were barley-based. Since the micro-regions were cho- less of climate, barley was the dominant crop in western sen to best represent the different landscape types and Europe and Britain at the beginning of the Early Middle historical conditions in the Eastern Alps, we conclude Ages (Brather 2008), where it was important enough to that it is very likely that barley was the staple crop of the warrant a special barley tax (Wickham 2005). Wheat in period throughout the Eastern Alps. Second, unlike in western and rye in northwestern Europe had replaced Bled, in the Leibnitzer feld and Dravsko-Ptujsko polje barley as the dominant cereal by the end of the Early the Slavs colonised a forested landscape that had been Middle Ages (Hamerow 2002). all but abandoned at least a century earlier (Štular et al. There are many differences between wheat, millet, 2022, 9−11; Magdič 2024 in this volume). The fact that barley, and rye. Most pertinent to our discussion is that the “barley fields” were the first to be colonised proves while millet and rye have exceptional drought tolerance, that it was the immigrant Slavs who introduced the wheat and barley do not. Under rainfed conditions they barley-based agricultural system in the Eastern Alps suffer from drought resulting in significant yield loss and not vice versa. (Hossain et al. 2012; Sveinsson, Hermannsson 2017). In conclusion, based on the analyses of the soils Consequently, it is barley and wheat that require soils worked by the Alpine Slavs we can infer that their staple with high FC. Between the two, barley is better suited crop was barley. Barley-based agricultural system is a to colder climate because it matures earlier. In addition, low-complex one that favours stability over quantity of it has greater til ering capacity and competes better the yields and is thus suitable for self-sufficient societies. with weeds, but general y yields less (Taylor, Cormack 2002). Wheat can potential y achieve high yields, but for this potential to materialize it requires more labour 3.2 TRANSITION FROM LATE ANTIQUITY and more complex cultivation including manuring. TO THE EARLY MEDIEVAL PERIOD The latter requires a complex mixed agriculture that in- cludes sophisticated animal husbandry (Campbell 2000; The conclusion that the immigrant Slavs intro- Hamerow 2002). Thus, wheat cultivation is optimal for duced the barley-based agricultural system in the East- a relatively high and barley for relatively low degree of ern Alps is important for the Early Medieval agricultural agricultural organization. history. But also so much more! It offers a new insight In the particular case of Bled from late seventh to in the acculturation processes taking place during the the tenth century exclusively light but stony soils with Early Middle Ages throughout, and possibly beyond, a high FC were cultivated ( Fig. 2: Zone 2). Due to their the Eastern Alps. high FC, these soils are suitable for both wheat and Let us first look at the transition from Late Antiq- barley cultivation. However, as wheat requires more in- uity to the Early Medieval period. Late Antiquity was the tensive cultivation, the stony soils were far more suitable period when the key achievements of Romanitas were in for growing barley. There are two additional pieces of recession but still present. Putting the art, science, and evidence suggesting that barley was indeed the principal warfare aside, the key designator of Roman Antiquity field crop. First, barley was the cereal of choice for the was urbanization and its inseparable companion the 90 BECOMING SLAV (ARCHAEOLOGICAL EVIDENCE). AGRICULTURAL ANTI-REVOLUTION AND ACCULTURATION ... market economy. In Eastern Alps both urbanization inhabitants of Bled lost access to the market. The only and market economy have decidedly declined after the agricultural system they knew, namely complex wheat- middle of the fifth century. However, in limited quantity based one geared for the market economy was thus they persevered at least until the end of sixth century. becoming less and less suitable. The small hil top towns were still integrated in the mon- As a result, the sixth century Bled population was etary market economy network including regional and repeatedly under nutritional stress evidenced by the long distance trade as evidenced by archaeological finds cemetery of Pristava. Of the 380 graves, 147 were dated of imported pottery and coins (e.g. Kos 2020; Modrijan to the 6th and early 7th century and belonged to the 2020; Leskovar et al. 2024, 603). Carnium, today’s Kranj Late Antique population. 233 graves, dated from the (Sagadin 2020a, 21; Sagadin 2020b, 208−210), was the early 7th century to the beginning of the 11th century, last urban settlement in the Eastern Alps and thus the belonged to a different population, presumably the only local market accessible to the inhabitants of Bled. Slavic immigrants. The graves of the two population There are limited data on Late Antique agriculture. groups were located next to each other, but on separate In the Roman period, the staple agricultural product was plots with distinct grave goods and burial customs undoubtedly wheat. Panem et circenses (sic), bread of (Knific 2004; Pleterski 2014, 264, Fig. 3.3.6.34; Belak et course being the most common food made from wheat. al. 2023, ID 10003456). Anthropological analysis has For this purpose, in Bled the fertile soil with low FC, revealed further significant differences between the two which was most suitable for wheat but exposed to crop populations. The denture analysis of the Late Antique failure due to drought, was cultivated ( Fig. 2: Zone 3). population reveals repeated nutritional stress, but not in This is evidenced by pottery shards in the fields and by the Slavic population. In addition, the life expectancy of the location of the first and second century CE settle- the Late Antique population was 18 years and that of the ments at Zasip and Želeče which are adjacent to these Slavic population 27 years. This is an enormous differ- fields (Pflaum 2010; Lozić 2019). But until when were ence that places the two populations at the extreme ends these fields used? Numerous finds of ploughs and other of the contemporary sites (Leben-Seljak 1996, 30−65 til age tools in hoards (e.g. Ciglenečki 1983, 50−53; Bi- and 232−236). In particular, the life expectancy of the tenc, Knific 2001, Nos. 146, 167) clearly indicate that at Late Antique population from Bled was the lowest of least some of the residents of the Late Antique hillfort al . This indicates not only a population in distress, but towns of the sixth century were directly involved in field possibly a population on the verge of col apse ( Fig. 3). work. Since in Bled the “wheat fields” were adjacent to Recent interdisciplinary analyses of four individuals’ the hillfort town ( Fig. 2) and no other fields were being skeletal remains from the Late Antique population of cultivated at the time, we can infer that they were still the Pristava cemetery, buried in the middle of the sixth in use in the sixth century. The legacy of Romanitas, century, tentatively confirmed malnutrition for all of the existence of the market economy, and the choice of them (Leskovar et al. 2024). “wheat fields” thus point to a wheat-based agricultural system in the micro-region of Bled in the sixth century. Therefore, when the Slavs immigrated in the Bled This is further supported by two linguistic hy- micro-region they encountered an isolated community potheses. First, in several Balkan Slavic languages the in crisis practicing wheat-based agriculture. The immi- word for bread (“kruh” in Slovenian) was developed at grants settled amicably which is evidenced by three facts. the time when the Slavs were in contact with the Late First, at the beginning the two populations were sharing Antique population (Bezlaj 1964). Second, the terms the Pristava cemetery, respecting each other’s space and describing wheat preserved as geographic terms are of rituals (Knific 2004). Second, the Slavs colonised new Latin origin (Bezlaj 1958, 689). In other words, when fields in areas not cultivated by existing population and the Slavs encountered the Late Antique populations the they eventual y established new settlements (Pleterski latter’s staple food was bread and their staple crop was 2013b). Third, there was a bidirectional transmission of wheat. Therefore, there is sufficient evidence to infer that agricultural knowledge and tools. the Late Antique population of Bled practiced highly- The bidirectional transmission is directly evidenced complex wheat-based agriculture geared for market in Bled by the Sebenje hoard. It was deposited in the first economy that favoured high yields (higher profit) and third of the nineth century containing the equipment of was able to absorb occasional crop failure (imported a cavalry soldier and the entire set of farm tools. Among food could be bought on market). the latter were three ploughs, which have complemented However, from the middle of the sixth and espe- each other in terms of utility. One was the Slavic ard cial y in the seventh century the era of modest market and another the Alpine plough (Pleterski 1987). Alpine economy was drawing to a close. One aspect of the ensu- plough was an unmistakably regional development of ing changes was the ruralisation of the surviving cities the late prehistory (e.g., Bartoli 2017) still in use in Late (Bratož 2014, 569−582; Pohl 2018, 149; Ciglenečki 2023, Antiquity (e.g. Ciglenečki 1983, 50−53; Bitenc, Knific 149−166), including Carnium. With its ruralisation the 2001, Nos. 146, 167v), but without Early Medieval paral- 91 Benjamin ŠTULAR, Edisa LOZIĆ 530 525 530 527 528 530 Late Antiquity Early Middle Ages 0 1 10 m 30 Life expectancy 25 20 15 Bled R Ducovo I H Mikulčice − Klašterisko Velke Bilovice Virt Ohrid Nove Zamky Želovce Mikulčice Rohnstedt Kranj − Župna cerkev II Josefov Ohrid Znojmo − Hradište Mikulčice Kranj − Župna cerkev I Zasip Abraham Bled Zalavar − chapel Bled Castle Nin − Ždrijac Bodešče Bled a Čipulić − Bugojno Zalavar − village Zalavar − castle j o − P hr lu − − P ad bi − − Otok r c i e S S s r t V i a v 11 v I − IV s . . t v I a a E E v r r I a a a z z II m m o o II I Fig. 3: Bled – Pristava, Late Antique (“Pristava I”) and Early Medieval (“Pristava II”) cemetery (above; after Knific 2004, Fig. 3) and life expectancy in comparison to the selected contemporary cemeteries (below; after Leben Seljak 1996, Tab. 155). 92 BECOMING SLAV (ARCHAEOLOGICAL EVIDENCE). AGRICULTURAL ANTI-REVOLUTION AND ACCULTURATION ... lels outside of Eastern Alps. Therefore, it could only be were able to colonise the required fields amicably be- transmitted by the Late Antique population to its heirs. cause they were of marginal interest to the Late Antique The fact that the Sebenje hoard contains both a Slavic population (as evidenced by archaeological analyses by ard and an Alpine plough is therefore direct material Pleterski and Lozić and indirectly by the word for bread). evidence that the population of Bled in the ninth century For a limited period of time, the two communities co- were the heirs of a bidirectional transfer of agricultural existed peaceful y as equals (as evidenced by the brief knowledge between the Late Antique population and overlap of the two populations in the Pristava cemetery). the Slavs. Second, the barley-based system was much more The amicable settlement of the Slaves in the successful in feeding the population (as evidenced by Eastern Alps is not a new discovery. In addition to the the anthropological analysis of the human remains in above archaeological evidence, there is also linguistic the Pristava cemetery). and historiographical evidence. Linguistic evidence Third, the Late Antique community switched to comes from an antiquated Slovenian term “krščenica” barley-based system (as evidenced by the abandonment (translation: baptised woman) for a female farmhand. of fields with low FC); it seems that it experienced a The word dates back to the time when the servants were downward social mobility during this phase (as evi- Christians but not yet their masters (Kos 1902, XXV). denced by written sources and linguistic evidence). Such a situation is described in the late eight century Fourth, sharing resources and knowledge as well anecdote from the Eastern Alps about the priest Ingo as cohabitating in same settlements (as evidenced by and his feast. Ingo called the true believing servants the archaeology of Bled) and even same households (as (Latin vere servos credentes) to his table. He left those evidenced by written sources and linguistic evidence) who ruled over them, the unbelievers (Latin qui eorum led to intensive acculturation. dominabantur infideles), sitting outside “like dogs”. This Specifically, the type of acculturation can be inspirited the latter, believed to be the Slavs, to rush to described as an inverse integration: individuals from the baptism (Kos 1902, No. 336; Wolfram 1979, 96−102). host population (Late Antique community) adopted The term “krščenica” and Ingo’s anecdote are often cited the cultural norms of the dominant immigrant culture as an indication of lower social status of the Christian (Slavs) while maintaining their culture of origin. This population living among the Slavs (Štih 2010a, 165; lead to biculturalism, co-existence of two original y Pohl 2018, 144). Importantly, from the perspective of distinct cultures, also termed polyethnic society by mod- agricultural system, this is also evidence that the two ern historiographers (Pohl 1998, 42; Eichert 2011) and populations cohabited within households. evidenced by the anecdote about Ingo from the eighth Two further contemporary sources from the Balkan century. The bicultural society had mixed material cul- region provide additional context for the cohabita- ture (evidenced by a distinctive material culture (e.g. tion of Slavs with “others”. The Strategikon of Maurice Eichert 2012) including agricultural tools) but eventual y and the Miracles of St Demetrius ( Miracula Demetri ) the Slavic language (as evidenced by the modern Slo- report that the Slavs did not keep prisoners in eternal venian language, which is Slavic) and religion prevailed captivity. Rather, they sold them back or allowed them (as evidenced in numerous cemeteries, e.g. Štular 2022). to live among them as equals after a certain period of The new society was known to the contemporary time (Pleterski 2013b, 27; Pohl 2018, 151). Even if there observes as Carniola Sclavorum patria. The name itself were no prisoners in the example of Bled, these sources encoded the biculturalism. Carniola designated the account that the Slavs were accustomed to ful y accom- location by using a pre-Latin word derived from *kar, modate outsiders into their community. which recurs in various place names of rocky or stony In summation, the Late Antique community of landscapes and was used in a name of a pre-Roman tribe Bled was forced into a self-sufficient economy due to Carni. (e.g. Vedaldi Iasbez 1994, 239; Winckler 2012, external global factors, the decline of market economy. 333); this was the legacy of Late Antique population. Its wheat-based agricultural system became increas- Sclavorum patria signified an external y imparted Slavic ingly unsustainable and it was on the verge of col apse. identity which was most likely due to the Slavic language However, the relatively small and isolated community and subsistence economy (which also determined other apparently lacked the knowledge and/or resources to de- external markers, e.g., dress, dress accessories, housing). cisively alter the agricultural system. The much-needed new barley-based agricultural system optimised for self-sufficiency was introduced by the immigrant Slavs. 3.3 TRANSITION The new agricultural system was crucial to the FROM EARLY TO HIGH MEDIEVAL PERIOD ensuing acculturation process that can be explained in four successive steps. The community of Bled from the seventh to tenth First, since the wheat-based and barley-based ag- centuries was therefore a successful self-sufficient one ricultural systems utilised different resources, the Slavs that practised uncomplex barley-based agriculture 93 Benjamin ŠTULAR, Edisa LOZIĆ on the “barley fields” with a high FC. However, in the in ownership. Although the first two settlements that eleventh century they expanded into areas of soil with practiced wheat-based agriculture were not founded lower FC. Why? We believe that this too was caused by directly by the bishops of Brixen (Pleterski 2013b) it was an external impetus, a global process of transition to a the newly introduced manorial agricultural system that feudal society. enabled the transition to the wheat-based agriculture. In 1004 CE, parts of the Bled microregion were bestowed to the bishops of Brixen by the emperor Henry II (Štih 2004, 2011). This deed was much more 3.4. LONG-TERM SUCCESS OF SLAVICISATION than a routine exchange of ownership. It signified the assertion of direct control over Bled by the Kingdom of The agricultural shifts described above in the sev- Germany for the first time in more than a century (for enth century and the eleventh century are seemingly the the historical context, see Arnold 1997; Štih 2010a). The same process in reverse. The shift from a high- to a low- Brixen came into possession of a small estate and all complexity agricultural system is followed by the shift lands in Bled that were not directly farmed by existing from a low- to high-complexity system, both facilitated owners (Štih 2004), including the then forested area by external factors. However, from the perspective of with low FC soils. acculturation the results of the two processes were not The agricultural organisation of the new owners the reversal, but the opposite. As a result of the first shift, was based on the complex manorial system. The mano- the identity of the Late Antique population melded into rial system was a subsistence economy geared towards the cultural melting pot in a very short time, effectively stability, based on strategies of risk avoidance through all but erasing its original form. The shift in the eleventh diversification of resources and redistribution through century had no such consequence despite the political storage and transport (Meier 2011). Wheat was the most and economic dominance of the newly arrived German- important staple crop in this system (Hamerow 2002). speaking landlords, that persisted for almost the entire In other words, still in the absence of significant market second millennium (e.g., Štih 2010a) and was accom- economy and monetary circulation, this complex agricul- panied by a noteworthy and long lasting immigration tural system was optimised for the cultivation of wheat of German-speaking agrarian population (Štih 2010b, and designed to routinely cope with local crop failures by 63−65). The question arises: why? Comprehending the resupplying from distant estates. For example, the see of distinctions between the seventh and eleventh century the bishops of Brixen, today’s Bresanssone in north Italy, agricultural shifts leads to a deeper insight into the nu- is located some 200 kilometres west of Bled (as the crow ances of Slavicisation and the acculturation dynamics flies). Remote enough to avoid concurrent local crop of the seventh century. failures, but close enough to transport supplies. As typical of most self-sustaining agricultural so- Wheat-based agriculture was likely first introduced cieties, the Slavs’ agricultural practices were all encom- to Bled in the eleventh century in the two settlements passing. The interconnected subsystems of economy, that colonised the previously forested “wheat fields”, i.e., law, religion, and governance coalesced into a unified the soils that are most fertile and most easily accessible belief system (Pleterski 2014, 236−286). Why a belief in the microregion, but have a low FC ( Fig. 2: Zone 3). system rather than a knowledge system? Abundant The complexity of the new system also involved changes anthropological evidence suggests that in pre-industrial in animal husbandry, which included an increasingly societies, knowledge is imparted during childhood complex system of summer pastures in the mountains through involvement in daily tasks. In adulthood, this is (Štular 2006b). This is evidenced by the fact that since the internalized not as learned knowledge but as an innate eleventh century the Brixen estate was eager to take con- truth of life (Leroi-Gourhan 1990, 24−27; Gosselain, trol of Bled’s mountain pastures (Pleterski 2013b, 147). Livingstone Smith 2005, 41−43; Štular 2009, 113−114). As already indicated, complex wheat cultivation Thus, it’s not a matter of learning that “for optimal yield on fertile soils with low FC produced high yields on the crops are sown in spring when the median daily average, but under rainfed conditions it was exposed temperature reaches 15 degrees Celsius,” but believing to occasional drought. Under the new manorial system, that “when Perun vanquishes Veles, it’s time to return which enabled resilience through redistribution, grow- to the fields”. The vestiges of this belief system, albeit ing wheat was on average more fruitful than growing modified by new agricultural technologies and Chris- barley. Thus, eventual y wheat-based supplanted the tianity, persisted into the 20th century in the form of barley-based system at the latest when, in the eleventh pratika, small books (almanacs) that combined calen- and twelfth centuries, farm by farm, much of the land dar with proverbs mixing religious and farming advice passed into the direct ownership of the bishops of Brixen (Makarovič 1995, 47−52). (Gornik 1990; Štih 2004; 2011; Pleterski 2013b). It is Thus for the seventh century Bled population the not inconceivable that the efficiency of the wheat-based shift to barley as a staple crop entailed far more than farming was one of the driving forces behind this change merely acquiring novel tools and seeds. It dictated the 94 BECOMING SLAV (ARCHAEOLOGICAL EVIDENCE). AGRICULTURAL ANTI-REVOLUTION AND ACCULTURATION ... entire culinary system, which, in turn, was deeply en- the manorial system, a sophisticated wheat-based agri- twined with the broader household culture (Pleterski cultural framework. This transition was also facilitated 2008). Similarly, the positioning of the household was by emergent external factors: incorporation into the determined by the proximity to the fields (Štular 2006a). Kingdom of Germany and the access to a network for The shift to barley represented a comprehensive, pro- the efficient redistribution of agricultural produce. found, and immediate transformation of nearly every However, understanding the agricultural anti- facet of life: the location of the household, the cuisine revolution enabled us to elucidate the process of ac- and its apparatus (including pottery), dietary habits, culturation that took place after the immigration of the the annual cycle of activities, and most significantly, Slavs, i.e., Slavicisation. We inferred that in the Bled case adopting the agricultural knowledge embedded within it was a four-stages process. First, the Slavs colonised the the belief system. In essence, a successful harvest was in- fields that were of marginal interest to the Late Antique tricately and indissolubly linked to the notion of god(s). population thus facilitating amicable co-existence. However, the eleventh century shift was a transi- Second, the agricultural system of the Slavs was more tion to a high-complexity agricultural system that was successful in feeding the population. Third, the Late not embedded in an al -encompassing structure, but Antique community switched to the new system and rather in separate subsystems. Religion (Christian- likely experienced a downward social mobility in the ity) was transmitted concurrently, but separately from process. Fourth, sharing resources and knowledge as the agricultural system. Economics (landlords with well as cohabiting led to intensive acculturation which financial ambitions), law (which later culminated in we described as an inverse integration. Individuals from Sachsenspiegel) and governance (King) were separated the host population adopted the cultural norms of the from religion and to a certain degree from each other; dominant immigrant culture while maintaining their not as separated as in post-Medieval states, but far more culture of origin. This lead to biculturalism, co-existence than in Early Medieval subsistence societies. Therefore, of two original y distinct cultures, preserved in historical the agricultural shift in the eleventh century Bled did sources as Carniola Sclavorum patria. not lead to a profound change in identity that would Based on this our comprehension of the “becom- remould the identity and undo the Slavicisation. Such ing Slav” process in the Eastern Alps has significantly a process did, however, take place in the north-eastern improved. Central to this understanding is discerning Alpine region, but that is another topic we will explore the cause and effect in the transition from Late Antiquity elsewhere (see the project Religiopolitics − the Impe- to the so-called Dark Ages − the classic chicken or egg rium Christianum and its Commoners). dilemma. Previously, it was presumed that the Slavs precipitated the final col apse of the remnants of the Late Antique Roman world, subsequently relegating 4. CONCLUSION themselves to a proverbial state of poverty, character- ized by a low-technology society devoid of monetary The foregoing discussion may seem to have pre- systems and market economies. However, our findings dominantly encompassed the historical evolution of suggest the contrary. They portray the Slavs as rescuers, agriculture. The agricultural shift in the seventh century, who introduced an agricultural system optimized for the transitioning from a more complex wheat-based to a pre-existing conditions of dramatic economic decline. rudimentary barley-based agricultural system osten- They potentially saved the remaining Late Antique sibly manifested as an agricultural anti-revolution. It population from a dire existence or even extinction by was necessitated by the external y induced decline of starvation. For several ensuing centuries, existing on market economy and was enabled by the introduction the fringe of empires, the new society, forged by both of know-how by the immigrant Slavs. The eleventh- indigenous and immigrant populations, appears to have century transformation almost mirrored that. 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PROHASKA 2018, Die frühmittelalterlichen WOLFRAM, H. 1979, Conversio Bagoariorum et Caran- Fundstellen von Thunau am Kamp (NÖ) und ihre tanorum. Das Weißbuch der Salzburger Kirche über bioanthropologischen Evidenzen − eine Zusam- die erfolgreiche Mission in Karantanien und Pan- menfassung. – In: E. Nowotny, M. Obenaus, S. nonien mit Zusätzen und Ergänzungen. − Wien, Uzunoglu-obenaus (eds.), 50 Jahre Archäologie in Köln, Graz. 99 Settlement of the Eastern Alps in the Early Middle Ages, Opera Instituti Archaeologici Sloveniae 48, 2024, 101–152. doi: https:// doi.org/10.3986/9789610508786_07 IMAGES BEHIND THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL CURTAIN: VLACHS, SLAVS, ŽUPAS, PRINCIPALITIES, CARANTANIA Andrej PLETERSKI Slovenian early medieval archaeology has not been aware of the “tyranny of the historical record”. This record has always structured the interpretation of the archaeological evidence. [Irena Mirnik Prezelj 1998, 380] I wish Irena [1955–2018] would be the first to read my study, and that she would experience moral satisfaction while doing so. Abstract The Slavs were people who, as survival opportunists, lived on the border between wet and dry environments, who cremated their dead, who had elaborate ideas concerning the landscape of the dead, and therefore mound shapes and slopes towards the south-east were important to them. According to current data, they arrived in groups from the end of the 5th century onwards. The ancient Vlachs as oldsettlers knew how to survive in the mountains, but they occasional y also inhabited the plains, to where they descended by the 9th century and merged with the Slavs who were already living there. Linguistical y, the Slavic language was clearly dominant. The mountainous and dry karst world requires special skil s for survival, which the Slavs did not master. Without the cooperation of the Vlachs, this world would be abandoned. While studying the relationship between the influential spaces of churches and burial sites without churches, an archaeological tool was revealed that outlines the political relations and the extent of authoritarian power at the time the church network was emerging. According to this, the small starting point of Carantania appeared at the beginning of the 9th century, as did many individual župas as primordial political communities in the 9th and 10th centuries. They formed the foundation that has retained its importance in many places to this day. Keywords: Vlachs, Slavs, Eastern Alps, Early Middle Ages, settlement, Christianization, churches, places of political power, župa (Slavic primordial political community), Carantania 1. WHAT THE READER CAN EXPECT tailed description see 3.3), just as other data structures, graves and artefacts are also a part of it. The analysis The research question is: what can we establish includes only sites as data documents (see Limitations from the analysis of sites as data documents about the below). The discussion indicates only the possible con- South-eastern Alps in the period between the 5th and nections and their interpretive potential to other data 11th century? The question was set broader that the structures. Therefore, the purpose of the presented study title of the project, within which this analysis emerged, is not a complete synthesis of the existing knowledge would demand: Settlement of the South-eastern Alpine on life in the South-eastern Alps and the periphery region in the Early Middle Ages (https://iza2.zrc-sazu. during the Early Middle Ages, but primarily an analysis si/en/programi-in-projekti/settlement-south-eastern- of what can be extracted about the settlement from the alpine-region-early-middle-ages). I draw attention to archaeological sites. Therefore, I do not delve into the the notion of a site as a data document. This is a data review of non-archaeological, especial y written sources structure that is part of the ZBIVA database (for a de- for the time and area under consideration. 101 Andrej PLETERSKI This means that my discussion answers the above- the recognition of historical processes and provides mentioned question, but also poses many new research a chance for a better interpretation. This is not to say questions, which will be answered only once an adequate that mathematical algorithms are useless, by no means. volume of collections of other types of data structures However, they need the addition of various interpretive is established. tools to interpret their results. The area covered by the research (see Štular, Lehner 2024, Fig. 1 in this volume) is diverse in all respects: My study is not an overview of the existing publica- geological y, biological y, cultural y, political y, economi- tions and their brief content on the topics they address. cal y, historical y. It is merely a mosaic of countless indi- For bibliographic questions arranged by individual top- vidualities that are constantly changing. Any generaliza- ics, please see the Libera bibliographic database for the tion would be unfair to the particularities that manifest Early Middle Ages of the Eastern Alps (https://zbiva4. themselves on the regional or micro-regional level, yes, zrc-sazu.si/en/iskanje/literatura). In archaeological pub-even on the level of an individual site. If, nevertheless, lications, we are used to dealing with artefacts, graves, I risk certain general conclusions, this is because the structures, individual sites. In recent decades, various entirety cannot be placed into words in any other way. digital tools (GIS, LiDAR) have enabled the expansion Having said that, I am ful y aware that the details I have of spatial research. I focused my research on sites as overlooked, or that are yet to emerge, may fundamental y artefacts and their interrelationships. I carried it out in alter my current general findings. a digital environment (see 3.3), as this task would not be feasible in any other way. In the presented initial stage, The research covers merely a certain period. The the spatial analysis digital tools have been used merely downside of any time slice is that we are not certain what to a small extent, but I hope that the results present a came before it and we do not understand what followed sufficient challenge for the subsequent use of such tools it. Traditional y, the 6th and 7th centuries have been re- to the greatest possible extent. garded as a turning point for the territory in question. Even though the first steps of my analysis showed This period represents an imaginary break between Late that the issue of settlement would be at the forefront, Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages (on the vagueness eventual y the issue of political organization came to and looseness of this type of periodization see: Mirnik the fore, of course at the level of primordial political Prezelj 1998). In order to question this turning point, communities (see below 3.2.2). Since these were related we included the 5th century into our investigation. And to the organization of space, they could be detected while the turning point of these two centuries is, in many archaeological y. And since it increasingly seems that ways of lesser importance than we considered until now, spatial-political units represented the basis for identi- we have missed another, perhaps even more important fying individuals, they are also related to identity ques- turning point. If we would have included also the 4th tions that arise in the face of population changes. These century it would be even more noticeable what great are research topics that researchers have so far tried civilizational changes were taking place already at that to answer primarily with the help of written sources. time (for more on spatial, temporal, and informational I accepted the challenge of questioning some of their limitations see 3.2.1). interpretations with the help of the new perspectives provided by analysing archaeological material. This I did not know what the cognitive possibilities of also resulted in some completely new views of the past. the proposed research were, and there were no estab- I use written sources only as much as this is necessary lished research methods available for it either. My work for a better understanding of archaeological issues. In took place alongside the digital analysis of the settlement view of this I hope I will not be accused of establishing process in the same territory. This included space-time a tyranny of the archaeological record. pattern mining, time series clustering to classify sites into chronological groups and the so-called hot spots analysis, that connected everything together spatial y 2. THE STATE OF KNOWLEDGE and determined the consilience with linguistics and genetic history (Štular et alii 2022). Compared to my 45 years have passed since Paola Korošec’s large, time-consuming work, the analysis, which used math- two volume monograph Zgodnjesrednjeveška arheološka ematical algorithms, was lightning fast. However, on slika karantanskih Slovanov [ Early Medieval Archaeologi- their own, algorithms fail to offer an interpretation, as cal Image of Carantanian Slavs] (1979). The first volume they do not explain what they show, and thus leave the addresses the division of archaeological material into freedom to our imagination. Since we are unfamiliar cultural groups, followed by the typochronology of ar- with the historical process in which the structure was tefacts, while the second volume includes a catalogue of created, there is a great risk that it could be misinter- 242 sites and 162 plates of selected artefacts. Although preted (Pleterski 2001a). The slower process enables it does not involve written sources at any point, the 102 IMAGES BEHIND THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL CURTAIN: VLACHS, SLAVS, ŽUPAS, PRINCIPALITIES, CARANTANIA goal of the work is set in the perfect spirit of the then Slavic nations and states. It contains a chapter on the unconscious tyranny of the historical record (for more Alpine Slavs (Sedov 2013, 382–393). Its visual core is on this concept see Mirnik Prezelj 1998). Only in the represented by two maps that apparently overlap. The last sentence of her book did Paola Korošec state her first shows the political territory of Carantania (Sedov goal and express her belief that she has achieved it, as 2013, Fig. 78). Sedov summarized its borders from she supposedly used archaeological sources to support Grafenauer’s map in Zgodovina slovenskega naroda I the idea that the oldest Slavic state with a multi-layered [History of the Slovenian Nation I] ( Fig. 21), but added social organization was created on the territory of the the territory south of the Karavanke mountain range Eastern Alps (Korošec 1979, 330). She did not describe all the way to the Kolpa river, which was said to have its borders and social organization, nor did she write been reoccupied by the Avars after the col apse of Samo’s about the way of life that could be shown by the ar- tribal union (Grafenauer 1964, Map XV, 332). In this chaeological material. However, the ambition of her way, he limited the area in which most of the sites he work is clear. While Bogo Grafenauer relied on written summarized from Korošec (Korošec 1979, Appendix sources to prove the state of the Carantanian Slovenians 4) were located and called this area the Carantanian (Grafenauer 1952), she included archaeological sources culture (Sedov 2013, Fig. 79). From the matches that that supported her findings. While Bogo Grafenauer were thus created, he came up with the interpretation founded the state of the Carantan Slovenians with writ- that the formation of the Principality of Carantania ten sources (Grafenauer 1952), she did the same with and the stabilization of the living conditions united the archaeological sources. If one wished to add anything to Slavic population in the Alpine region, for which he her findings or even alter them, one would first have to found confirmation in the fact that this area in the 8th expand the dataset, master new information tools and century, also formed a unified archaeological culture set new methodological starting points (briefly Štular, (Sedov 2013, 386), which is determined by certain forms Pleterski 2018). Of course, one also had to wait for over of jewellery. The Carantanian culture testifies to the four decades for all of this to take place. ethnic unification of the Alpine Slavs. It is obvious that Before one starts a comparison between new and with its formation and development, the process of the old knowledge, one needs to be familiar with at least the creation of a special Slavic nation of Carantanians began. rough outlines of what we believe we know. I emphasize, The loss of national independence and the unification what we believe we know. At this, I will help myself with brought by Christianity interrupted the process of its a certain shortcut, for I will focus on the studies by two formation. Today, the descendants of the Alpine Slavs authors who have made an effort to carry out extensive are represented by Slovenians. The formation of their overviews. Both were created far enough outside of language apparently began during the Principality of Slovenia that the authors were forced to find what they Carantania (Sedov 2013, 389−391). Thus, Sedov seem- considered to be the prevailing opinion. Namely, they ingly consolidated the consensus of the interpretation could not build their view on primary information of written and archaeological sources, as established by sources, but could only rely on existing interpretations. Grafenauer and Korošec (see above). What was worthy of their attention? The importance of Carantania as a political forma- In 1995, the Russian archaeologist Valentin Va- tion is such that it can be found in any broader overview silevich Sedov published a monographic overview of of Slavic history. This was also shown in an extensive the Slavs in the Early Middle Ages (I used the Serbian monograph by the German historian Eduard Mühle that translation: Sedov 2013). In the basic interpretive terms, addresses the Slavs in the Middle Ages and in doing so which he did not define, he leaned upon archaeological verifies the modern idea of the former Slavic community cultures (also cultural communities), ethnolinguistic (Mühle 2020). As expected, such a community is not communities, tribes, ethnicity. He believes that the supported in medieval sources. It is important for us that ethnic tribes that the Slavs encountered during the in the chapter on the first Slavic statehood formations Great Migration, had a significant influence on the ( Herrschaftsbildungen) he also discusses Carantania in formation of Slavic cultures. He also believes that the great detail. This is a story addressing the formation Early Middle Ages is the period in which the condi- and disintegration of the Carantanian identity, how the tions for the beginning of individual language groups Carantanian social elite drowned amongst the aristoc- among the Slavs began to appear (Sedov 2013, 9−10). racy of the medieval empire. The Slavic language was His interpretive ideal is an archaeological culture that to a great extent preserved by the common population, spatial y corresponds to a linguistic group or a political which was labelled Windische or Slovenes from the Late territory. In the first part of the book he shows a series Middle Ages onwards (Mühle 2020, 151–157). Mühle of archaeological cultures that were determined by the believes that the archaeological evidence of the social forms of burials, dwellings, and artefacts. elite can be found in the graves with weapons and in For our work, the second part of the book is of luxurious stones richly decorated with interlaced orna- greater importance, as this addresses the formation of ment in proprietary churches (Mühle 2020, 156). The 103 Andrej PLETERSKI established idea of the large territory of Carantania as 3. METHOD early as the 8th century, differs from Mühle’s idea that Borut’s Carantania was small and that Borut used the This chapter will present my conceptual starting help of the Bavarians to establish himself as a regional points that lead and aided me in my research, and ex- ruler. Mühle refers to the formulation in the Conversio plain the used methods. ( Quarantanos [...] similiterque confines eorum, c. 4), when the subjugation of the Carantanians and their 3.1 PREMISES AND CONSIDERATIONS neighbours is said to have occurred (Mühle 2020, 154). Herwig Wolfram, who insists on the concept of the large 3.1.1 The area of influence of churches territory of Carantania in the 8th century, claims quite differently that the neighbours ( confines) are anachronis- Medieval churches are not merely a materializa- tical y meant to be the inhabitants of Pannonia, which tion of Christianity, but also the materialization of the was at the time still under the rule of the Avars (Wolfram political ideology and authoritarian power of the time. 2012, 119). This example shows the great interpretive The area of influence of the newly erected churches can freedom when reading the same written source. be seen on the map as the simultaneous abandonment The image of the South-eastern Alpine territory’s of burial sites without churches ( Figs. 17; 18). past and its neighbourhood is thus still based almost entirely on the interpretation of written sources. Caran- Two scenarios. In the Middle Ages, burials in tania represents its political core. This idea was already church cemeteries were one of the basic requirements discussed by historians between the 15th and the 18th demanded from the newly baptized population (Vargha, century and it thus seems understandable that Anton Mordovin 2019, 141−145). The implementation of this Tomaž Linhart placed the concept of new Slovenian requirement depended on the political authorities and history on Carantanian foundations (cf. Mihelič 1977, their power. We must keep in mind at least two possi- 322). The pinnacle of this concept was established by ble scenarios, which amongst others, depended on the Bogo Grafenauer (1952). number of holders of political power. The first scenario Since the publication of the Köttlach burial site focuses on a single ruler who needed ideological support with enamel jewellery in 1854, archaeological research as he tried to rule as a ruler independent from the will has focused not only on the excavation process itself, of the political community. The teaching that author- but also on the questions that were raised already at ity is given by God and therefore any rebellion against the time: on the period the artefacts were from and to authority is a rebellion against God himself and worthy whom they belonged. So far, this debate has focused on of God’s punishment was an excellent aid to such efforts. typo-chronological discussions, and for a very long time Its starting premise can be found in the 13th chapter of also on the questions of archaeological culture and its Apostle Paul’s letter to the Romans (Romans 13, 1,2), ethnic definition. In the current century, new discover- which is repeated in his own words by a member of the ies of settlements and dating with the C-14 radiocarbon highest Saxon nobility, Bishop Thietmar of Merseburg, method have raised the issue of Slavic migration (more in his chronicle written at the beginning of the 11th cen- on the latter below). It is characteristic that the recent tury (Thietmar V, 32). According to the second scenario, monograph on Carantania, written by the Austrian ar- Christianization was a collective decision of the entire chaeologist Paul Gleirscher, is based on written sources, political community that wanted to preserve a com- while archaeological artefacts mainly represent merely mon law, as was the case in Iceland (Íslendingabók, c. an attractive decoration (Gleirscher 2018). With this, he VII). According to both scenarios, Christianization was proved that the “tyranny of the historical record” exists primarily a political decision. Where violent forms of widely. This is why one might now be taken by surprise Christianization have taken place, this can be described at my announcement that I will not escape the fascina- in modern parlance as the imposition of a world view tion with Caratania. However, this will not occur as a in the service of a political ideology. result of the way in which it is promoted. There are more written sources about it than about any other part of the Eastern Alpine territory, and these are also accompanied 3.1.2 Slavs and the wet environment by a significant number of archaeological sources. And when we analyse the archaeological sources, Carantania The observation that early Slavic settlements stands out on its own, albeit significantly differently than throughout Europe appeared on the edges of river banks the modern interpretations of written sources show. is well established and widespread. At this, the role of Above al , this is going to be merely one of the topics the Pripyat Marshes is unclear and is often used in the that derive from archaeological sources. literature only as a pejorative metaphor, a so-called Slavic ethnogenesis: Slavs, people from the Pripyat Marshes. So far, we have not yet found an answer to the question 104 IMAGES BEHIND THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL CURTAIN: VLACHS, SLAVS, ŽUPAS, PRINCIPALITIES, CARANTANIA as to what made wet environments so attractive to the we use many throughout our lives. At the same time, we Slavs. Why was a wet environment so popular amongst belong to various identification communities, and the the Slavs? A possible answer is provided by ethnological intersection of these affiliations is changing over time. material on the use of wet areas in Krško polje (Krško People in the past also identified themselves, but their Plain) during the 19th and 20th centuries (Rihter 2019). identification criteria were undoubtedly different − in Not only were the wet areas an excellent source of food many ways − to those we use today. and raw materials for various purposes, they decisively The idea of ethnic identities as a subject of research complemented the dry environment of the higher lying (I am not talking about ethnos as a word) arose in the fields. Rihter pointed out that settlements were positioned modern era (Jones 2008), when economic, social and on river banks, on the border between the upper dry and political changes led to the emergence of modern na- lower wet environments. This helped the inhabitants de- tions. Transposing the modern concept of ethnicity as an cisively rise their chances of survival in extreme weather interpretive tool for defining identity groups into the past conditions. In years of drought they were saved by the cannot be successful, because there is no reason that what wet environment, while in the wet years they could turn we see in the present existed in the same way in the past. to the dry environment (Rihter 2019, 12−13). Therefore, Of course, this does not mean that people in the both wet and dry environments must be considered. Even past did not differ from each other or were similar to Andrej Magdič, while studying the microregion of the each other without realizing it. Of course they did, they Drava Plain (north-eastern Slovenia) within the territory just perceived it differently than we do today. Archae- of the South-eastern Alps, noticed that Early Medieval ology can reveal a lot about identity groups and their settlements were general y located so that their fields intersections, which speak about what can be broadly consisted of soils of different pedological classes. If we take defined as a way of life. What was most important for a closer look, we can establish that most settlements were people living this way, besides life itself, is revealed by not only located on the border area of pedological classes, the worst punishment. This was excommunication and but were located right on the border of two pedological expulsion from the legal community, which means that classes: automorphic and hydromorphic soils (Magdič belonging to a legal community, its space, was the main 2024 in this volume), i.e. wet and dry environments. Even and basic condition for survival. This was the most fun- in the alpine environment of the Bled microregion, the damental identification, which did not depend only on Early Medieval settlers were drawn to light soils with high the will of the individual, but primarily on the respective water retention capacity (Lozić 2021). Everything said legal community (see also the terms župa and primordial so far does not mean that the described environmental political community). opportunism was known only to the Slavs, but it was undoubtedly characteristic of them, and it also helped them become masters of survival. 3.1.5 The idea of spatial-temporal axes In the systematic input of information for the group 3.1.3 Considering the models of sites, it was possible to make many on-the-spot obser- vations of the repetitions of site characteristics and their I proceed from the assumption that al current interrelationships. The chain of connections between the representations of the past are merely models (see the sacred and the authority deserve special attention. Its definition model of the past). The usefulness of the model instances meander through time and yet maintain the is measured by its interpretive power. This shows how same space. We can deal with a single site that changes much information from the past can be accommodated its functions over time, or several sites from different by the model without breaking down the proposed in- periods with different functions, all of which were terconnection of its components. Of course, the model located in the immediate vicinity. In an idealized form, of the past can be completely invented in the present, the chain in the observed period begins with a hil top but in my research, I gave priority to models that were settlement in Late Antiquity. We do not know whether created as close as possible to the space and time under this was fortified in all instances, because the archaeo- my research. There is an expectation that the proxim- logical investigation of such sites is always different. In ity of space and time increases the probability of the any case, over time, a very definite answer will be given relevance of the model of the past. to this question. The next link in the chain are the Early Medieval hoardes of metal artefacts (horse and cavalry equipment, weapons, agricultural tools) and shrines 3.1.4 Considering the identities at or near such areas. This is a process of sacralization. This is followed by the construction of fortifications as People identify themselves in a number of ways pil ars of political power. Individual rulers tried to in- daily. We do not use all of these identifiers every day, but crease their political influence by appropriating sacred 105 Andrej PLETERSKI spaces. With Christianization, these sacred spaces were ently only contains data for all sites as a whole. Data is replaced by churches. By appointing church officials, included for thousands of graves and artefacts, but only the circle of power was completed. The construction of for selected sites, and not for al . Therefore, the presented castles followed in the High Middle Ages. Of course, data analysis is currently based primarily on the database many chains are missing some individual links. Partly of sites, their individual time spans and their properties, because they did not have them at al , since development in as much as they could be determined (for a detailed did not always move in the same way. Partly, however, description, see 3.3). the apparent lack of links in the chain is a result of the lack of archaeological exploration. 3.2.2 Definitions and expressions 3.2 LIMITATIONS, DEFINITIONS, WARNINGS The only purpose of the definitions below is to ex- plain how I understand and use individual expressions. 3.2.1 Limitations Conversio = Conversio Bagoariorum et Carantano- Only all available information sources that have rum, a propaganda document that was most likely cre- been preserved from the past can show us the holistic ated in 870 (on this date Lošek 1997, 6; Wolfram 2012, history of life in a certain area. As the size of the observed 27) to defend the Salzburg’s Church territory of interest territory increases, the amount of information quickly against the competition represented by the brothers grows to the point of being unmanageable. This prob- Constantine (Cyril) and Methodius. lem can be partial y solved by dividing it into smaller segments. What I will discuss below is a cut in different Mythical landscape ways: spatial, temporal, informational. As a spatial cut, This is a form of cultural landscape that people this addresses the territory of Slovenia, the Trieste part of created according to their mythical ideas or at least the Italian province of Friuli, the Austrian federal states understood it in that way. With its help they wanted of Carinthia and Styria, both in their entirety, and some to control the forces of nature (for further details see: neighbouring districts of the Austrian federal states of Pleterski 2023). The same mythical landscape can simul- Tyrol (Lienz), Salzburg (Tamsweg) and Upper Austria taneously contain several spatial ideograms. (Gmunden, Kirchdorf, Steyr). This is an area with Since the mythical landscape is materialized, it can Slavic toponyms that indicate the presence of a Slavic- be the subject of archaeological research. This can take speaking population during the Middle Ages. On the place on its micro components, such as graves, buildings, territory of Austria, the described administrative border on components of a higher level of observation, such as in the west corresponds to the consolidated territory of burial sites, settlements, fields, paths, and also on the Slavic toponyms. All other borders were arbitrarily set level of the landscape as a whole. Folk tradition, which and encompass the core of the territory in which, ac- provides information about the cultural significance of cording to Paola Korošec, in the „first centuries of the the components within the space, is also connected to Middle Ages“... „the Carantanian Slavs were settled ... this same space. Therefore, we can study the connections the bearers of manifestations of material and spiritual between this tradition and the archaeological remains culture“, which she described in her extensive synthetic (cf. Lane 2008). monograph (Korošec 1979, 5; Štular, Belak 2022, 2). This I prefer the name mythical landscape to definitions opinion set me a challenge for a new valuation. such as sacred or ceremonial, ritual landscape, which are The temporal cut deals with the period between 400 already loaded with clearly defined ideas, and usual y and 1100, with a good useful period being between 500 encompass less than the broad concept of a mythical and 1000 (Štular et alii 2022, 9, Fig. 3). landscape. Somewhat more conceptual discussions on The information cut represents a limitation to this aspect of the landscape revolve either within the archaeological sources. However, even in the group of context of enumerating and treating holy places or on the archaeological resources, further restrictions are needed. level of discussing what someone thinks about it today These are different levels of observation. Traditional y, (e.g. Robb 1998; Słupecki 2002; Dobrez 2009). Since I we gather most information while observing artefacts, do not believe in the fruitfulness of scholastic wisdom, which makes this level of observation the most standard- I prefer to open the horse’s mouth and count its teeth ized. The usual levels of observation are also the level in the continuation. of the site as a whole and the level of component parts of an individual site, such as graves in a burial ground The possible number of sites within a certain and buildings in a settlement. ZBIVA currently enables period ( Fig. 1) classified data capturing of artefacts, graves, and sites. I present a fictitious example at this point. The For the entire described territory, the database pres- example consists of 9 sites in decades I to VII: N1–N9. 106 IMAGES BEHIND THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL CURTAIN: VLACHS, SLAVS, ŽUPAS, PRINCIPALITIES, CARANTANIA Model of the past N 1 As a model of the past, I understand the simplisti- N 2 cal y described relationships between components that N 3 are supposed to have existed in the past. These are struc- N4 N 5 tures of the ingredients and the processes that changed these structures (Pleterski 2001a). The purpose of this N6 N 7 simplification is to make the past easier to understand N 8 N 9 and to link more easily the information that has been I II III IV V VI VII preserved from the past. 2 4 5 2 4 2 1 The Old Faith Fig. 1: Possible number of sites from a certain period. In practical use, the label old faith means the oppo- site of the new faith. This can be e.g. the contrast between old and new Christian divisions in a certain territory or between Christianity and non-Christianity. In this case Sites 6, 7, 8, 9 have a time span of one decade each, site it is used as a neutral label, that replaces the pejorative 4 spans over two decades, sites 2, 3, 5 span over three Christian label paganism and, equal y, the Old Faith decades each and site 1 over four decades. The possible beliver replaces a pagan. number of sites within an individual decade is the sum of the sites dating back to a single decade. Decade I Vlachs, Slavs and others includes 2 such sites, decade II includes 4 sites, III 4, IV At this point, I am not addressing the question of 2, V 4, VI 2 and decade VII includes a single site. Sites concrete self-identification of the past population within with long time spans, which are a result of loose dating, the territory under consideration. This requires special natural y push the observed features back also to a time treatment, which must consciously move away from the when they did not actual y exist. This should be taken definitions we came up with in modern times. However, into account in the interpretation. For example, the I consider the assessment (Štular et alii 2022) that a new use of cremation graves only apparently lasts until the population with a new Slavic language arrived in the second half of the 10th century ( Fig. 13). mentioned area in the Early Middle Ages. In order to simplify the description, I call these new arrivals Slavs. The primordial political community I call the natives whom they encountered and shared This is any community that established and main- their habitat with Vlachs. The simplified, generalized tained a form of social order that included both the or- technical nomenclature does not in any way mean that ganized exercise of authority, including through coercion, the two population groups were homogeneous, so of as well as the establishment and maintenance of inward course they should not be understood as self-evident cooperation and outward responsiveness. Its population identities. However, at the same time, both names do shares norms, values, beliefs, customs and inhabits a not close the door to such an understanding. Similarly, I territory that is organized and has its own management use names known from the period under consideration, (see župa below). The population internalizes a special such as Goths, Lombards, Avars, etc. communal identity. In this case, the communal territory is more than just an area that people inhabit and that gives Župa [= a Slavic political community] them the opportunity to satisfy their physical needs. It is I use the word župa to designate the model of the the scene of their actions over time and an integral part fundamental political territorial unit that supposedly of their communal identity as a tangible and definable existed among the Slavs in the time before the creation of embodiment of political space. It is a home in which the so-called medieval states with monarchic authority. its members have their identity roots (cf. Cirila Toplak, People realized their legal identity within the župa, its summarizing the research of Lucy Mair and Hannah space ensured their survival. It encompassed a certain Arendt: Toplak 2022, 60). Of course, what describes the number of settlements that were governed by a župan (in non-uniformly defined concept of the state also cor- modern Slovenian translated as mayor). The župas were responds to the above description. However, with the similarly structured, they had a related language, laws, concept of the state, we can understand a more complex customs, and a shared religious system. The image of the implementation, which is usual y defined in the context župa is il ustrated by the example of Bled as a landscape of political economy. However, one should not forget (Pleterski 2013). Over time, župas began to unite into that already Hannah Arnedt warned that explaining the larger territorial, political y connected groups − princi- emergence of the state merely by satisfying material needs palities. As a name, župa natural y changed its meanings is too one-sided and flawed (Parekh 1981, 154). through time and space. At the same time, there are in- dications that the meaning of the župa did not disappear 107 Andrej PLETERSKI with the political enforcement of the monarchical power with enamel decoration in the graves near Köttlach in of the medieval state, but survived until modern times as Lower Austria. The initial y different dating of these finds a paral el society in a special political form (Toplak 2022, was settled down in 1899 when the German archaeolo- 55−60 describes it as a heterotopia). In Slovenian oral gist Paul Reinecke dated them in the period between tradition, these remains carry the names hosta (wood), the 9th and the 11th century. The Slovenian archaeologist gmajna (common land), dežela (province) (Pleterski Walter Šmid mistakenly believed that these were limited 2022, 131–134). Župa could be the Slavic version of the to the area inhabited by the “Carantanian Slavs”, thus primordial political community. proposing the name Carantanian cultural circle in 1911. Later, the compromise, Carantanian-Köttlach double name came into force (Pleterski 2001b). 3.2.3 Expressions that I deliberately avoid The expectation of former archaeologists that the concept of archaeological culture can be equated with a These are expressions that, without defining their group of people from the same “ethnic” identity turned content, are general y used in the hope that everyone out to be unfounded. Today, we know that the concept understands them in the same way and that they suffi- of archaeological culture includes a very modest and ciently describe what we want to express. I am convinced arbitrarily defined set of material culture characteristics that this lazy hope is misplaced. as seen by archaeologists. These characteristics can be of different origins: chronological, technological, eco- Ethnos nomic, social, religious (Klejn 1988). Since the concept It is symptomatic that the monumental Lexikon des of archaeological culture does not have a clearly defined Mittelalters does not include this word as a password. I content, modern archaeologists are abandoning its use. interpret this as a confirmation of Siân Jones’ observation From this point of view, all the discussions that took that very few researchers explicitly define what the terms place in the past about whether the items of the CKC ethnicity and ethnic group mean to them. And there is are the material remains of solely Slavs, solely Germans, no consensus among them (Jones 2003, 56). This means or even only natives, are methodological y wrong and that there is no universal y valid definition. However, the surpassed. Completely independent of this is the obser- word ethnos is found in the adjective form in numerous vation that the area where the CKC artefacts appear not lexicon entries. This means that it conveniently helps in only as individual settlement finds but mainly as grave cases in which it would otherwise have been necessary to goods is located within a territory with Slavic toponymy. precisely lay the conceptual foundations and consistently follow them. The words Volk and Stamm sometimes ap- pear as synonyms (e.g. Wolfram 1997). The beginnings of 3.2.4 Warnings the research into the concept of ethnicity reached into the 19th century, however, this research became widespread The ZBIVA v3 web interface (http://zbiva.zrc-sazu. in the 20th century. It was introduced in order to explore, si), provides a timeline which locates all sites that, with understand and justify modern social identities (Jones their time spans, at least partial y touch upon the part 2008). I emphasize, modern and not former. of the timeline that we have determined with the two time sliders. The vast majority of these sites have their Tribe (German Stamm, Latin gens, natio) beginning and end set to precisely 10 years. At this I The word initially referred to a kinship group, would like to emphasize that this accuracy does not however, in the 19th century it began to denote a gentile mean precision. However, this provides great help in community linked by language, tradition and place of overcoming arbitrary psychological time limits and settlement (Wirth 1997). These are therefore modern thus in turn contributes to greater accuracy. The Arches criteria that researchers project into the past, which is platform used for online ZBIVA (v3, 2016−2022) al ows an exceptional methodological risk. 5-year accuracy of the timeline slider movements: 1, 6, 11, 16, 21, 26 ... If we wish to find all possible sites that Carantanian, Kötllach, culture, cultural circle, reach back to the decade 11−20, we set the sliders to 11 cultural group (CKC) and 16, maybe both, or only to 11 or 16, but definitely This is a technical term used by earlier generations not to 11 and 21, as this would also show the possible of archaeologists to refer to a special group of Early Me- sites for the decade 21−30. dieval enamel jewellery in the Eastern Alps and neigh- The analysis below is based on charts that show the bouring territories. The term was introduced in 1889 by possible number of sites with the same feature in the the German antiquarian Otto Tischler, who coined the same time period (by decades) and maps of the distribu- term Köttlach culture based on the enamel decoration tion of these same sites. Due to the accuracy of 10 years, of the special Köttlach style. He adopted the name from the charts are quite “jagged”, while the accuracy of 25 the first known find (1853) of crescent circlet and fibulae years (Štular et alii 2022) gave more rounded shapes. 108 IMAGES BEHIND THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL CURTAIN: VLACHS, SLAVS, ŽUPAS, PRINCIPALITIES, CARANTANIA All distribution charts and maps, which also have chronological groups of pot rims (according to Pleterski a time value, always show the possible number of sites 2010, 157–160). The latter have very broad time spans, (see definition above) within a given period. For reasons the boundaries of which are formed by larger fluctua- of simplicity, I have omitted the label “possible” in the tions in the C14 radiocarbon age calibration curve. In continuation of this text. addition, there are relatively few pot rims. All of this Visualization of site density. The location map of means that the dating precision often exceeds the period the used online ZBIVA (v3) allows zooming in an ex- of one century, while accuracy that shows less than half tremely wide range from satellite height to kneeling on a century is rare. the ground. Location points are marked with rhombuses. Verifiability. The database is published online A grey rhombus represents merely the existence of a site. (Štular et alii 2021; for a description of the structure, see A different colour of the rhombus represents one or more Štular, Belak 2022). I mention various sites in the text. selection criteria. Depending on the observation height, The reader can find all the details on these sites and the the site points are closer together or further apart. When list of literature in this database. I provide relevant cita- they overlap with the height of the lookout point, they tions in exceptional cases, in which the most recent data merge into circles. The number in the centre of the circle is not yet available in this version (v3) of the database. tel s how many sites it combines. The density of sites strongly depends on the level of exploration. No matter what we map, most maps show 3.3 DESCRIPTION OF THE ZBIVA DATABASE that the density of sites in the south is significantly higher than in the north. This is the result of much poorer ar- The working premise was based on the ZBIVA chaeological research in Austria compared to Slovenia. database (description: Štular 2019; Štular, Belak 2022), Our database includes 920 sites in Slovenia (20,273 km2, which is focused on the Early Medieval area of the East- 2.11 million inhabitants) and 601 in Austria (on an ern Alps and its outskirts. The ZBIVA database consists area of 32,605 km2 with 2,096 million inhabitants). The of relational y linked databases on archaeological sites, density of sites is 18.4 per 1000 km2 in Austria, 45.4 in graves, artefacts, and literature. Since 1987 we have been Slovenia, and 28.67 per 100,000 inhabitants in Austria systematical y collecting data on Early Medieval sites, and 43.6 in Slovenia. The territory of Austria is not that which at that time meant an arbitrarily determined period much less populated, and if we also take into account spanning from approximately 600 to approximately 1000 that Austria has a higher gross national product than (cf. Mirnik Prezelj 1998, 366–367). In terms of settlement, Slovenia, we would expect better research there, but the Early Middle Ages could, in Slovenia, begin with the in reality, it is so much more modest that it seriously settlement of the Slavs, because we expect that this led complicates a balanced analysis of both territories. In to important settlement, economic, social, and cultural Austria, the province of Lower Austria stands out in changes that ended in the 11th century, when the feudal- terms of archaeological research (Eichert, Brundke ism of the medieval Roman Empire final y prevailed in the 2020), however, this was not included in our analysis region. However, the historical causal links are stronger (see above 3.2.1). than they appear. Therefore, dissecting the historical flow Arbitrarily set time spans. All time spans were de- into fragments is certainly problematic, but on the other termined with the help of archaeological material from hand, it is hard to avoid if we want to at least roughly individual sites, and in some cases they are the same as master the subject of our study. The problem was clearly the time spans determined by C14 dating, which are highlighted with the latest finds, which indicate that the otherwise given with an accuracy of one year, but the first groups of Slavs came to the territory of the South- actual precision is considered to be significantly lower eastern Alps perhaps already in the second half of the 5th (cf. Svetlik et alii 2019). By an arbitrarily determined century, but certainly no later than in the first half of the time span, I have in mind the span that arises when we 6th century (Pavlovič 2013; 2017; 2020; Pavlovič et alii have to set a beginning and an end to an otherwise loose 2021; Pleterski 2015). The transition from the so-called dating. Arbitrary set are e.g. the boundaries of the time Late Antiquity to the so-called Early Middle Ages were definition in Late Antiquity, which I have decided to set clearly much more united than we have believed so far. between 430 and 650. Differently set boundaries would In order to understand this transition better, we decided have moved the step within the diagram to a different to include 5th and 6th century sites in our database of sites. place, but the accompanying material does not allow In addition to all this, the course of history also in- for major shifts. cludes the history of effects ( Wirkungsgeschichte). Every Dating of settlements. Late Antique settlements entity from the past has its effects even after it had ceased are dated either by smal metal artefacts, jewellery, typo- to exist. Like water ripples in a pond, although the stone chronological pottery groups, or the general image of the we threw into it has sunk long ago, we can still tell by the settlement. Early Medieval settlements are dated either ripples on the water that the stone was there. Over time, by calibrated C14 radiocarbon time ranges, or by typo- it thus turned out that a full understanding of the Early 109 Andrej PLETERSKI Medieval situation would also require the knowledge The location accuracy score is a quantitative value of its effects at least until the end of the Middle Ages. (1−3) that represents confidence in the location. This However, since we were unable to expand our database helps us define the location precision of the metadata. in the midst of the time-limited implementation of the The least accurate location (1) means that only the lo- research, we performed this only in certain selected cation of the nearest settlement is known and that the cases, and supplementing the database remains a task centroid of the settlement is indicated. Medium accuracy for one of the future researches. (2) is used when the location in a part of the settlement or the relationship to the settlement is known (e.g. 200 m north-east of the church). In this case, the centroid of Site description input form the area in question is recorded. The highest level of accuracy (3) is used when the exact location of the area ID. A unique identifier in the form of a number. is known (e.g. geodetic measurements exist) and the centroid is recorded. Name. The published name of the site in the lan- guage of the country of origin (e.g. Slovenian, Italian, The description of the site location is a short topo- German or Croatian), which is most commonly used. graphical description that should help the user to the site. A null value is permitted. Several different names are also possible. The settlement where the site is located is Topographic location refers to the position of the listed, followed by the administrative location (which, area within the landscape: on an elevation, not on an for Slovenia, still adheres to the 1954 directory). elevation, in a cave or shelter, an underwater site, the edge of the (river) terrace. Lat, Lon. Determining the location with coordi- nates recorded in the latest revision of the World Geo- The individual data record of the site does not have detic System (WGS84); we use the most widely used merely a spatial determination, but is also defined in decimal system with an accuracy of six decimal places. terms of content as a functional whole during its dura- For this purpose, various suitable open access web GIS tion. In this narrower sense, several sites can be located applications were used, thus providing access to maps in the same space, each with its own data record. Some (historical and modern) and images (aerial and satel ite). examples: a prehistoric settlement and a later Early Me- dieval settlement, a prehistoric burial site and an Early Sources used Medieval burial site, a Roman preiod settlement and an − for Slovenia: Atlas voda (https://geohub.gov. Early Medieval fort. Sites can also be contemporaneous, si/portal/apps/webappviewer/index.html?id=f89cc38 such as e.g. a settlement and a burial site. 35fcd48b5a980343570e0b64e) and Register kulturne We defined the following functional site part: set- dediščine RKD (https://www.gov.si/teme/register- tlement, burial site, hoard, cult place, castle/tower/fort, kulturne-dediscine/). communication (road, port, bridge), space interventions − for Austria: KAGIS for Carinthia (https:// (without communication), stray find, other. kagis.ktn.gv.at/), Digitaler Atlas Steiermark for Attention should be paid to the category stray find, Austrian Styria (https://gis.stmk.gv.at/wgportal/ which is definitely not a useful function of the past. It atlasmobile), TIRIS for Tyrol (https://maps.tirol. originates from modern times, when we know that in- gv.at/synserver;jsessionid=4FC86C7284D5B64E028 dividual artefacts come from a certain area, but we do D1876844D33F4? user=guest&project=tmap_mas- not yet know what their function there was. With their ter), SAGIS for Salzburg (https://www.salzburg. appearance, they draw attention to the area and time of gv.at/sagisonline/(S(lmyzl2llhhu5xretsf2ebyxf))/ their use and predict a functional y recognizable site. init.aspx?karte=default&geojuhuschema=Adressen/ For communications such as roads, one would Namensgut&defaultlogo=sagis) and DORIS for Upper need linear spatial placement. For the time being, we Austria (https://wo.doris.at/weboffice/synserver?). are satisfied with point placement, where the road point − for the territory of Trieste in Italy: Regione Au- means the site of an archaeological excavation where a tonoma Friuli Venezia Giulia cartografia (http://irdat. road was found. regione.fvg.it/CTRN/ricerca-cartografia/). Al listed Austrian portals also contain the data Data quality. Since information on site parts comes layer of the Franciscan cadastre. In Slovenia this is unorganized, in different forms, times and quantities, incomplete and one needs to help oneself with the their quality is different and therefore we need their MAPIRE portal (https://maps.arcanum.com/en/). In rough definition: archaeological traces, written sources, addition, the GoogleEarthPro web service was used for oral tradition, building remains. The basic decision was historical satellite imagery as well as verification and to establish the database as a collection of archaeologi- retrieval. cal data. This means that it does not include most rural 110 IMAGES BEHIND THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL CURTAIN: VLACHS, SLAVS, ŽUPAS, PRINCIPALITIES, CARANTANIA areas of the researched period that exist in written First and Last. Burial sites, for which we only know that sources, such as settlements and cult places (churches). they included graves with knives, belong to this group, The advantages of this decision lie in greater spatial because they can be placed either in Late Antiquity or accuracy, greater objectivity in the description of the in the Middle Ages, and sometimes earlier or later pe- time span, and greater representativeness. Of course, riods are also possible. The same applies to the general we can also expect weaknesses, which will only become assessment of the early Middle Ages. General definitions apparent later. of Late Antiquity, for example, have been numerical y defined as the period between 430 and 650. This is, We classified the informational reliability of col- of course, completely arbitrary and the consequences lected data into three categories. Number 1 stands for of this arbitrariness must be taken into account in all unreliable data, as provided by individual finds, meagre analytical definitions. and poorly preserved archaeological remains, all without find contexts. Its opposite is number 3, which stands The primary chronology source can be natural sci- for information provided by analytical publications of ence (C14, dendro), according to publication, or one‘s systematic archaeological research. What is more than own typochronology. 1 and less than 3 is marked with number 2. Reliability of chronology. We understand that al dating is to some extent arbitrary and depends on the Finds. Since the artefact database currently exists one who signed it. In doing so, he must have performed only for a few site parts, we previously indicated at least a self-assessment of the reliability of his dating. Number the categories of finds for each site. We are interested in 1 represents the least reliable dating, and is often the pottery, non-pottery vessels, tools, other household items, assumption of an arbitrary assessment of the predeces- building equipment, weapons, costume, dress accessories sor when considering the site, with a low possibility of and jewellery, coins, animal bones, natural remains, etc. verification or even without such a possibility. Number In doing so, knives were classified under tools (similar to 2 means that there are some tangible temporal bases, axes, in the event that they were not distinctly battle axes). but they are few or unreliable. Number 3 means that We classified spurs, stirrups, and bridles as weapons. there are enough verifiable starting points that no major changes in dating are expected in the future. Dating. If we want to know how many site parts we Descriptive dating. A written justification of the have in a certain area, we also need to know the time dating is also desired, pointing out what we relied on span of each site part. We defined this with the data First when dating. and Last. Since the site part is also functional y defined, we need to date the beginning and end of the time span A brief description of the site complements all of of this function. This means that, at this stage, we are not the above, as it helps to understand the definitions and interested in the details of the database for individual creates a rough idea of the site. stages in the development of a particular site grouping. Thus, for example, we are not interested in the phases Site description. The description of graves and ar- of a settlement, but only in its entire duration. If the life tefacts is already very sophisticated in many ways. This of the settlement began in the 8th century and continues holds much less true for sites, especial y Early Medieval uninterrupted until today, its upper time limit is today. ones. ZBIVA’s input form represents a modest attempt We are not interested in individual church buildings at in this direction, which we have made for burial sites, the same place of worship, but the entire time of wor- settlements, cult places and hoards. The greatest possi- ship, the beginning of which is determined by the first bilities for this are currently offered by burial sites, which church building, and its end by the abandonment of the are the most abundant and best researched. We have last church building. If it is still in use, the upper time foreseen those data categories that are the most obvious limit is set to today. The same applies to graveyards that and therefore most often contained in the publications. are currently still in use, the upper time limit is set to today. Since the timing precision is set to one year, the The size of the burial site. This is determined by the latest years of the time spans depend on the date of the number of published graves: 1−10 graves, 10−60 graves, last entry. 60−150 graves, more than 150 graves. The First/Last range tries to determine the time Location of the burial site: next to and/or in a during which the site part was in use as accurately as church, without a church, within a non-Christian cult possible. When we search for sites within a certain place, within a settlement. We are interested not only in period of time, we expect that the found functional whether the graves are next to a contemporary church, groupings actual y existed at that time. Since we do not but also whether they are next to a church that stands want too much information noise, we did not numeri- today. Of course, the mere location next to a current cal y define sites that are hard to determine in time with church does not necessarily mean that under the cur- 111 Andrej PLETERSKI rent church building are the remains of a church that is 4. SELECTED THEMES contemporaneous with the graves, but the probability of this is still very high. In any case, it is a causal connec- An important basic observation is that there are tion. A non-Christian cult place is a cult place that could merely a few phenomena that apply to the entire area at functional y exist even without a burial site, because a the same time. As a rule, we are dealing with a puzzle of burial ground in itself represents a cult place. Burials in regions, each of which lived in its own way (example of a settlement are rare, but they do exist. the visualization of diversity in relation to the duration of site groups: Štular et alii 2022, Fig. 4). Type of burial site: flat, burial mound, flat and burial mound. In archaeology, it is traditional to observe the morphology of the burial site: is the burial surface flat, 4.1 SITES THROUGH TIME or does it contain one or more mounds? The input form does currently not distinguish between natural and ar- The number of sites ( Fig. 2: 1) fluctuates between 190 tificial mounds and does not describe in detail whether and 388. All stepped ascents and descents are the result of the graves were in, on, or next to the mound. arbitrarily set time spans. The next question is the mean- ing of the decline in the 7th century. At first glance, we Slope: no, yes. If the graves are on a slope, the Ori- think of the fall in population, but the other two lines ( Fig. entation of the slope is also important. There are eight 2: 2, 3) on the same chart warn us that this was not neces- basic cardinal directions to choose from. sarily the case. The line depicting graves barely descended Burial type: inhumation, cremation, cremation in the same area, while the line depicting settlements con- and inhumation . tinued to show a steady decline. It is important that this Unusual burials. It is up to the person entering the decline occurred at the same time as the number of burial information to decide whether a grave is unusual. sites increased. This means that the decline in the number of settlements was not a result of depopulation, but of the Distance. Due to the content interdependence of change in the visibility of archaeological remains. Since we sites with different purposes, we also examined the do not yet have a database of individual buildings within distance of burial sites from the nearest settlement. We the settlements, we can, at this point, provide merely tried to establish whether this distance was shorter or an intuitive explanation. Late Antique settlements with further than 500 m. Currently, the largest known dis- stone buildings are much more visible than the wooden tance between the settlement and the burial site is 450 m buildings of Early Medieval settlements. In addition, the (Pleterski 2014, 250). Burial sites that are further than latter lie largely below modern settlements. The decline in 500 m from the current settlement, most likely belong the possible sites in the 7th century is therefore primarily to a settlement that has since disappeared. One of the a crisis of archaeological visibility. ways in which we established the distance from the set- The same conclusion can be drawn from the com- tlement, was to examine the situation at the time in the parison of the distribution of settlements and burial sites Franciscan cadastre, i.e. 200 years ago. ( Fig. 3), which shows that burial sites often accumulate where settlements are rare or even non-existent, and Hoards. We were interested in whether they were that the reverse is also true. The distribution density of found in the area of the settlement, which should help each type of site is primarily a result of archaeological us determine whether this was a possible cult place. research and visibility. However, this does not imply that where there were no sites, this is so only because we Settlements. We expected that it is possible to have not found them yet (such as, for example, Gutjahr observe several characteristics even in settlements: et alii 2024 in this volume). From the mid-19th century fortification, economic-administrative importance, size, onwards, the level of research has improved so much that method of building construction. It turned out that this where no sites are known to us, it is almost impossible is possible for some Late Antique settlements, but that to expect undiscovered intensive settlement. it is almost completely undeterminable for later settle- I begin the analysis of the chart of sites ( Fig. 2) with ments due to poor archaeological research. a detailed examination of the settlement curve ( Fig. 4). We could observe and record the assessment of the loca- Cult place: church, other structure, natural environ- tion in relation to elevations already while inputting data: ment (without buildings) . whether they were on an elevation, or not on an eleva- tion, on the edge of river banks, if we simplify this these are lowland settlements. In a proper GIS analysis, which would add the elevation to the sites and at the same time show the distance from the neighbouring valley floor, we might obtain a different determination for some sites, 112 IMAGES BEHIND THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL CURTAIN: VLACHS, SLAVS, ŽUPAS, PRINCIPALITIES, CARANTANIA Fig. 2: South-eastern Alps. Sites through time, by decades. 1 – all sites, 2 – settlements, 3 – burial sites. Fig. 3: South-eastern Alps. Sites in the period 401–1096. a − burial site,; b − settlements. however, this would not affect the overall view. These are in the dominant economic model occurred in the 7th the problems of ambiguous determinations. For example, century, and, of course, this applies to the simultaneous how do we classify a site, which is in a valley that is a view of the entire territory. Settlements on elevations part of a mountain plateau? The sites in the mountains, dominated until the 7th century, after which settlements hundreds of metres above the neighbouring valley, can of on lowlands, on the edges of river banks, began to prevail. course be associated with grazing and mining, however, agriculture cannot be automatical y excluded, at least to a certain degree. The reverse also holds true for lowland 4.2 THE DECLINE OF THE ROMAN STATE sites. The probability that they are related to agriculture is high, but other forms of economy should also be taken The 7th century shift has long roots. I will start into consideration. It is more than obvious that a change with the relatively stable settlement process that took 113 Andrej PLETERSKI Fig. 4: South-eastern Alps. The changes in the possible number of settlements through time, by decades. 1 – settlements, 2 – hil top settlements, 3 – settlements on river banks or not on hil tops. place from the end of the second half of the 5th century 4.3 THE ARRIVAL OF SLAVS onwards ( Fig. 5), which followed the dramatic changes in the second half of the 4th century and the first half If the 6th century hil top settlements are viewed of the 5th century. These changes brought about the together with the lowland settlements that existed in the col apse of most cities, greatly increased the number of 6th and 7th centuries ( Fig. 6), it becomes striking how the high-altitude settlements and turned the market model lowland settlements primarily occupied the area in the of economy in the direction of autarky (Milavec 2021; east, which was previously ( Fig. 5) sparsely populated or Modrijan 2020). It is characteristic for this time that the even uninhabited. At the level of artefacts, these settle- area opening towards the Pannonian Plain was unin- ments are associated with the appearance of extremely habited (Eastern Styria, Slovenske gorice, Prekmurje) or archaic, handbuilt pottery without everted rims, and in sparsely populated (Dravsko polje, Krško polje). Else- the GIS analysis, they appear as settlements along the where, settlements are clearly visible, with the leading soils that develop in a wet environment (Magdič 2024 in type being hil top settlements, which is a characteristic this volume). It is true that most of the other observed of the settlement change that took place in this area in territory shows a simultaneous decline in market pot- Late Antiquity (Ciglenečki 2023, 10). The Roman state tery, which involves production on a fast potter’s wheel, col apsed and lost its power and this was the result. a predominance of vessels that were made on a slow The number and distribution of settlements on potter’s wheel, in some places even entirely handbuilt elevations did not change significantly in the 6th century vessels, which, at least in terms of design, still try to imi- ( Fig. 4: 2). However, lowland settlements still existed, tate vessels with strongly everted rims (e.g. Knific 1994, although in much lower numbers than high-altitude Pl. 5: 6, 7). However, the differences between the vessels ones. On closer inspection, it is true that these were from the East and the West remain so great that we can settlements that were not located on the tops of hil s, speak of two different pottery traditions (Pleterski, Be- but a good part of them were located at altitudes above lak 2002) and, due to the different living environment, 1000 metres above sea level, and according to the model also of different ways of life. Settlements, which sought of their non-agricultural economy, it would make more a wet environment, came together with archaic pottery sense to consider them as high-altitude settlements. We from the east and can be linked to the Slavs (Štular et currently know of very few true lowland settlements alii 2022). A closer look provides some clues about their (e.g. Mengeš) and they were primarily located in the arrival and the beginning of their settlement. western part of the observed territory, i.e. far from the Considering the possibility of dating accuracy Pannonian Plain. (see above), we can focus on the trends of the observed phenomena ( Fig. 4: 3). The fact that new sites in the 6th 114 IMAGES BEHIND THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL CURTAIN: VLACHS, SLAVS, ŽUPAS, PRINCIPALITIES, CARANTANIA 1 a 2 b 0 10 50 km Fig. 5: South-eastern Alps. 451–496: 1 – possible sites, 2 –hil top settlements, a – one site, b – more than one site. and 7th centuries appear at intervals of 30–50 years is ments in Slovenian are the result of several Proto-Slavic certainly the result of the rounding up in dating, how- migrations (Bezlaj 1966, 13). ever, this may also be a result of the emergence of new Even the analyses of the human genome cannot yet generations. The gradual increase in the number of set- help us determine the groups of new Slavic settlers, as tlements looks real, especial y because it also appears in there is a great limitation in the collection of samples. space − as the settling of new areas ( Fig. 7). This shows Namely, the Slavs began to abandon the mass crema- that the Slavs arrived in small groups that settled in tion of the dead as late as the 9th century, which was the suitable areas and spread from there over the centuries. time when they had already reached their western and This is why the old notion of the sudden arrival of Slavs, southwestern borders of their settlement. Therefore, the who flooded the studied territory like a wave, and which term “Slavic genome” does not yet have real substance could not explain where the multitude of people who and is currently being reconstructed mainly by analysing populated more than half of Europe came from, is wrong modern populations that speak Slavic languages. The (cf. Kurnatowski 1979). rough conclusion that the current speakers of Slavic Linguistic research also shows the diversity and languages differ genetical y from each other primarily abundance of settlement groups. From the point of view due to the different substratum populations they en- of lexicology, it is almost impossible to doubt that the so- countered (Lindstedt, Salmela 2020) is logical and can called Alpine Slavic was not a single Proto-Slavic dialect, also be archaeological y confirmed. However, at the same but a linguistic mixture of different layers (Bezlaj 1967, time, this means that there are no distinguishing criteria 5). It is also more likely that the North Slavic lexical ele- that could be used to distinguish individual settlement 115 Andrej PLETERSKI 1 a 2 b 34 0 10 50 km Fig. 6: South-eastern Alps. 1 – hil top settlements (501–596), 2 – settlements on river banks and settlements that are not on hil tops (501–696), 3 – the beginning of the Slav settlement, 4 – the direction of settlement, a – one site, b – more than one site. The circle denotes the area of the section ( Fig. 7). groups of Slavs with the help of genomes during the The arrival of Slavs can also be meaningfully Early Medieval migrations. linked with the Eastern Gothic crossing of the Soča The territory south of Murska Sobota and Cerklje River in 489, which ended in the next four years with ob Krki currently appear as the earliest areas inhabited the conquest of Italy (Bratož 2014, 371−375). With the by Slavs in the territory under consideration ( Fig. 6) departure of the Eastern Goths, a few settlement niches (Pavlovič 2017; Pavlovič et alii 2021). Their arrival emerged in Western Pannonia and on its outskirts, prior to the 6th century is unlikely, as the density of the which were used at first by individual groups of Slavs settlement can only be detected from the middle of the and later in greater numbers by the organized Lombards. 6th century onwards. However, these first Slavs did not These first Slavs seemed noteworthy only to Martin of arrive together with either the Avars nor the Lombards. Braga, the biographer of St Martin of Tours, both from They overtook them both (cf. Pavlovič 2017, 363–367). Pannonia. In the hymn of St Martin of Tours, Martin Lubor Niederle already advocated the very early arrival of Braga anachronistical y listed various peoples that of individual groups of Slavs even before the 5th and 6th St Martin of Tours converted to Christianity. It seems centuries (Niederle 1906, 133–161). His argumentation that Martin of Braga described the conditions he knew was not archaeological and was considered unreliable, from his youth in Pannonia in the first third of the 6th however, archaeological finds are now approaching it century and he also listed the Slavs among others (Šašel in time and space. 1976; Bratož 2014, 398–399, 485–486). Martin’s record 116 IMAGES BEHIND THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL CURTAIN: VLACHS, SLAVS, ŽUPAS, PRINCIPALITIES, CARANTANIA does not mention the Lombards, which agrees with the idea that the Slavic settlement came before the Lombard settlement. Of course, the humble Slavic peasants were gener- al y of no interest to Latin and Greek chroniclers and historians. It was only when the Slavs began to be used as military mercenaries and participated in predatory military campaigns that they became a sufficiently un- pleasant nuisance to be noticed by various writers of the neighbouring pil aged area. 4.4 THE EXPANSIONS OF SLAVS TOWARDS THE WEST Already in the 7th century the area of the initial settlement was populated densely enough to suffice afor a noticeable expansion of settlements towards the west ( Fig. 7), from Prekmurje up the Mura basin and across Slovenske gorice to the Drava Plain (for the latter see Magdič 2021, 131–133). It is not certain whether the expansion upstream the Mura River real y took place 30 years before the second expansion along the Drava Fig. 7: North-eastern Slovenia and southern Austrian Styria. Plain. The appearance of a larger group of sites 601–626 The beginning of settlements. 1 – settlements 501–546, 2 – set- south of Graz in the Mura basin is the result of their ar- tlements 576–596, 3 – settlements 601–626, 4 – settlements bitrary dating from 600 onwards. Their beginning could 631–646, 5 – settlements 651–696, a – one site, b – more than one site. be half a century or even a whole century later (this is what Gutjahr et alii 2024 in this volume justifies with finds and C14 dating). A simultaneous movement along the Mura River and into the Drava Plain is more likely. a matter of very loose dating. There is never such a break Anyway, in the 7th century the basic features of the afterwards. Not even during the Hungarian invasions settlement were already emerging, and the settlement between the end of the 9th and the middle of the 10th cen- continued. The span of individual sites varied, but they tury. These invasions did not represent total devastation. rarely lasted longer than three centuries ( Fig. 8). In Aus- However, the number of settlements between 881/886 trian Styria, the first settlements that continue to this day and 901/906 dropped by almost one third, from 30 to (Hauptplatz and Sackstraße 18 in today’s Graz) appeared 21. It is almost inevitable that the Hungarian invasion as late as the 10th century. This points to another trend, route to Italy led across Prekmurje and past Ptuj along according to which it appears that several settlements the former main Roman roads (cf. Korošec 1985; Magdič emerged simultaneously until the 8th century, while from 2017, 449–453). This is also shown by the abandoned the second half of the 8th century onwards merely indi- settlements within its influential range. However, even vidual consecutive sites appeared. This does certainly not here, life did not die out completely ( Fig. 9). depict the development of population density, but much Archaeological data revealing the course of Slavic more likely shows a change in the technology used on settlement further west are still very rare. In any case, agricultural land. Earlier, less sustainable farming was the Slavs reached Bled already in the first half of the 7th depleting the land to the point in which it was necessary century (Pleterski 2008, 36–37; 2010, 164) and much to resettle. Sustainable farming was established around later their western edge in Pordenone in Friuli (Italy), 800 at the latest, and this enabled permanent settlement. where they appeared no later than the middle of the 9th Settlements continued to be abandoned, but for other century (Mader 1993, 264). The migration to the west reasons (war, famine, disease, natural disasters). All of lasted for over three centuries with varying intensity. So the above applies to the eastern, Pannonian region. far, this is confirmed mainly by funeral customs rather The diagram of the duration of these settlements than settlements outside Pannonia and its outskirts. ( Fig. 8) confirms that the pivotal time for settling took There are two reasons for this. The practical fact is that place in the middle of the 5th century. Only one site the known number of Early Medieval settlements de- (Piramida in Maribor) may have extended beyond this clined towards the west, which also saw a domination of turning point, all other settlements started anew. Even burial sites among Early Medieval archaeological sites. with the Piramida, it seems that its time span is primarily The second, substantive reason is that we can observe 117 Andrej PLETERSKI ab 0 10 20 km 1300 1200 1100 1000 900 800 700 600 500 400 Fig. 8: North-eastern Slovenia and southern Austrian Styria. Distribution and duration diagram of settlements. The cut off points of 400 and 1300 are arbitrarily set, a – one site, b – more than one site. differences and changes in burials, which cannot be at that time was solid and unified. Its probability is simply attributed to the process of Christianization, but strengthened by the high degree of similarity, which are more likely the result of different belief systems of shows ethnological material from Slavic territories even various population groups (see below). Of course, all of in the 19th and 20th centuries (e.g. Moszyński 1929; these groups recieved Christianization. 1934; 1939). The second assumption is the unity of the belief system of the Vlachs. It must be admitted that the foundations for this are weak. The question is to what 4.5 BURIAL SITES AND THE GEOMORPHOLOGY extent can we trust the effectiveness of the process of unification during the time of the Roman state and the Primarily, I am interested in what can be linked formal favouring of Christianity in Late Antiquity (cf. to Slavs and what to Vlachs. In doing so, I consider Bratož 2014, 304−307). It is highly likely that there were two unavoidable assumptions for this initial stage of notable local differences, but because we do not have research. The first is that the belief system of the Slavs sufficient data at our disposal, there is no other option 118 IMAGES BEHIND THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL CURTAIN: VLACHS, SLAVS, ŽUPAS, PRINCIPALITIES, CARANTANIA 12 0 10 20 km Fig. 9: North-eastern Slovenia and southern Austrian Styria. Settlements in the period 881–886. 1 – those that existed at least until 950, 2 – those that have disappeared by 901–906. than to consider them as a whole and hope that at least will surely bring the answer, but the answer can also be some dominant trends emerge. found in other ways. We can take a small number of The chart ( Fig. 10) shows the specific shape of the sites, create its slope inclination chart, add groups of land that was chosen for burials. It includes those burial sites and observe the changes in the slope inclination sites where the graves were dug into the slope and chart ( Fig. 11). Currently, the grouping of sites does shows the direction in which the slope was inclined. In not include the years of discovery that could be used order to eliminate the possible criteria used in choosing as random numbers to select site groups. Therefore, I the location of the church I have considered burial sites helped myself by arranging the sites alphabetical y by without a church separately. I also considered burial sites the names of the settlements and dividing them into 4 from two different time spans to establish the possible groups. Thus, I created four charts: with 7 sites, 14 sites, differences between Vlach and Slavic burial sites. The 21 sites, and all 29 sites. Understandably, from the last earlier span ranges from 401 to 641 (51 burial sites, of chart deviates the most the chart with 7 sites, which has a which 29 with the direction of the slope) and it should distinct peak in the southward direction. The graph that comprise predominantly Vlach burial sites. The later covers half of the sites is more levelled and emphasizes span ranges from 701 to 796 (98 burial sites, of which the directions from SW to SE. The graph depicting three- 50 with the direction of the slope), in which Slavic burial quarter of the sites evens out this trend even more and sites already had a significant share. The two groups are is barely distinguishable from the graph of all sites. This very similar, the only difference is that in the latter group shows that 21 sites represent a sufficiently representative the south-eastern direction of the slope is clearly domi- number, while 29 sites are 100% reliable. Of course, this nant, while in the earlier group this peak is extended to also applies to the charts of later sites from the period the south and south-west direction. between 701 and 796 and burial sites next to churches from the period between 831 and 1101 (see below). However, since the burial sites of the earlier group Which means that even decades from now, with new are much fewer, we have to ask whether their number sites added, the graphs will be the same. is representative and their diagram will not change The third group consists of burial sites next to with newly discovered burial sites in the future. Time churches from the period between 831 and 1101 (77 119 Andrej PLETERSKI Fig. 10: South-eastern Alps. Direction of the inclination of the slope with a site. 1 – burial sites without a church (401–641), 2 – burial sites without a church (701–796), 3 – burial sites next to churches (831–1101). Fig. 11: South-eastern Alps. Direction of the inclination of the slope with a site. Burial sites without a church in the period 401–641. 1– 7 sites, 2 – 14 sites, 3 – 21 sites, 4 – 29 sites. burial sites, of which 28 with the direction of the slope). the Holy Spirit. The East is the place of beginning and In this group ( Fig. 10: 3) the southward direction stands the holy, the West is the place of death (Arentzen 1984, out, which can be explained by the medieval Christian 148−149; similarly already in early Christianity: Sauer concept, which derived the nature of the cardinal direc- 1924, 87−97). tions from the natural properties of the temperate zone Therefore, if the shape of the charts is reliable, of the northern hemisphere. The opposition “warm” <> then the difference between the earlier and later group “cold” added east and south to warm, and north and of graves without a church in the south and south-west west to cold. “Good” and “bad” were equal y distrib- slope orientation is significant. These are also the direc- uted. When the opposite “light” <> “darkness”, which is tions of the slopes that dominate the burial sites next related to the movement of the Sun, was added to this, to the churches. If these are synonymous and not ho- the bad value of the north was reinforced. It became a monymous observations, this could indicate a significant place of damnation, hel , utter hopelessness. The south influence of Christianity already on the earlier “Vlach” is the opposite of the north and therefore the place of group of burial sites. In any case, this idea should be veri- 120 IMAGES BEHIND THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL CURTAIN: VLACHS, SLAVS, ŽUPAS, PRINCIPALITIES, CARANTANIA 1 2 0 10 50 km Fig. 12: South-eastern Alps. 1 − Burial sites without churches on slopes facing south or southwest, in the period 701−796; 2 −the border of weak connections between various Slovenian dialect groups (according to Ramovš 1995, Fig. 5, p. 118; Škofic 2016, map on p. 11). fied in the future with the location of burial sites in the burial sites with the previously described “Vlach” tra- same area in the pre-Christian period. We will establish dition from an earlier period is considerable. I added what the emphasis on the southeast orientation in the a belt of slight connections between the various Slove- later group means when the considered burial sites are nian modern dialect groups to the map. Fran Ramovš examined individual y and in greater detail (including geographical y justified the belt as a border between individual graves and artefacts) and especial y in rela- the high alpine world and the more transitory lowland tion to their position within the respective mythical world, which dictated a different linguistic development landscape. We wil also see if the orientation of the (Ramovš 1995, 117, Fig. 5). The above map represents a graves and the orientation of the slope are connected. It challenge to historical dialectology. is definitely worth checking whether the burial sites are The location on the edge of the terrace is distinc- oriented in relation to the sun and moon rise at solstice. tive and telling. As a rule, this was alongside a river bank, However, we have not exhausted the significance which could indicate a desire for a wet environment, of the south and southwest orientation of the slopes on which was more pronounced in the Slavic Old Faith (cf. which burial sites without churches have been located. Mencej 1997). In the earlier group, 17.6% of burial sites For the period between 701 and 796, such burial sites have this position, in the later group 26.5%, and among were found only in the interior of the Alps and in the burial sites next to a church 18%. While the earlier two vicinity of Italy ( Fig. 12). The possibility that these are groups without a church show that 41% and 45.9% of 121 Andrej PLETERSKI 14 12 1 10 2 8 6 4 2 0 401 421 441 461 481 501 521 541 561 581 601 621 641 661 681 701 721 741 761 781 801 821 841 861 881 901 921 941 961 981 1001 1021 1041 1061 1081 Fig. 13: South-eastern Alps. 1 – burial sites with mounds, 2 – cremation graves. burial sites are located in the plain, as much as 59.7% of burials. The relatively quick abandonment of cremating burial sites with churches are located in the plain. These the death natural y indicates that Christianization was numbers indicate that medieval Christianity brought not important for this change in our area. noticeable differences in the choice of location. There are no known 5th and 6th century mound burials in the South-eastern Alps. The first mound Cremation graves and mound burials are the burials appear as late as the 7th century and all three most telling ( Fig. 13). In the case of the latter, we are not cases (Kapiteljska njiva in Novo mesto, Branževec near dealing merely with mounds that were piled at the time Dolenjske Toplice, Žale near Grad-Bled) are crema- of burial, but also with the reuse of prehistoric mounds tion burials. The Großprüfening site near Regensburg and the use of natural mounds, most of which were of (Bavaria, Germany) proves that mounds with Slavic glacial origin. At the time of their migration west and urns could exist as early as the 6th century (Losert southwest between the 5th and the 9th century, the Slavs 2011). From what has been said, it is obvious that the used to cremate their dead. This custom was abandoned reuse of burial mounds is connected with the arrival gradual y, mostly under the influence of Christianity, of the Slavic population. Perhaps the faith in renewal and to a lesser extent under the influence of neighbours and rebirth within the heart of the Holy Mountain was who buried no cremated corpses. Burials in mounds important (cf. Pleterski 2014, 93, 250−256). With the were also not unusual (still the seminal archaeological predominance of church cemeteries, the use of mounds work on burials among Slavs: Zoll-Adamikowa 1975; natural y disappeared. This continued only at the Jewish 1979). cemetery at Judenbichl near Judendorf/Judovska vas In the 5th century there were no cremation graves near Vil ach/Beljak. that would reliably belong to this time and the indig- enous population. A cremation grave with a shield boss from the Poljubin industrial zone near Tolmin could 4.6 CHRISTIANIZATION belong to a Germanic soldier from the last third of the 6th century (Cvitkovič 1999, 42). All other cremation By Christianization I do not have in mind the graves most likely belong to the Slavs. These can help us spread of a certain world view, but I show the establish- establish the approximate western border of the Slavic ment of the spatial bases of Christianity: churches and settlement in the 7th century. The westernmost grave graveyards. Of course, this was not decisive for people’s at the Lamprehtgarten biritual site in Oberlienz (East intimate beliefs. If we want to observe what the Chris- Tyrol) dates to the first half of the 7th century at the lat- tianization process relates to in the area and what it est. There are cremation graves from the same period can tell us about, we should confront several different in the biritual burial site at Pristava in Bled, while the phenomena: burial sites without churches, churches, cremation grave at Repelec in Most na Soči dates to the stones with interlaced ornament and graveyards next second half of the 7th century or the mid-8th century. to churches. The stones with interlaced ornament were The transition to burials with non-cremated corpses a part of the church equipment, and although they are took place in the 8th century, and we currently do not today located in a secondary position, they were a part of know of a cremation grave that would be reliably dated the church buildings at the time, which makes them their later than the 8th century. The Dedjek biritual burial site surviving fragments. Although these did not necessarily (Moravče pri Gabrovki) as a whole dates to until 960, stand in the same location as the stones with interlaced and therefore the curve of cremation graves also extends ornament stand today, they were certainly not located until this date ( Fig. 13: 2), although it is highly likely that very far from this location, which, in the macro view, its cremation graves date back to the initial period of means a negligible spatial deviation. 122 IMAGES BEHIND THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL CURTAIN: VLACHS, SLAVS, ŽUPAS, PRINCIPALITIES, CARANTANIA 1 2 0 10 50 km Fig. 14: South-eastern Alps. Churches. 1 – 551–596, 2 – 701–746. When we talk about graveyards next to churches without grave goods. Such graves prevailed in the 11th we have in mind graves next to or in former or current century. However, this was also a result of the abolition church buildings. Of course, this does not mean that all of smaller graveyards next to proprietary churches due such burial sites stood next to a contemporary church to the systematic establishment of parishes with their and therefore automatical y prove the existence of a own graveyards (Höfler 2021, 106; see also 4.8 bellow). contemporaneous church building, the remains of which have not yet been archaeological y proven. The earliest Churches. The relatively modest number of graves on the Island of Bled were certainly there even be- churches stabilized in the 6th century and then decreased fore the first church was built (Štular 2020a, 116), and the in accordance with the abandonment of settlements same holds true for the graves on the Styrian Hohenberg ( Fig. 14). The noticeable decrease in the number of (Nowotny 2005, 223–224), Mali grad in Kamnik (Štular churches in the middle of the 7th century ( Fig. 15: 4) is 2009, 47–61) and at Ptuj Castle (unpublished). However, merely a consequence of the arbitrarily defined end of the idea is that these are exceptions that do not change Late Antique settlements. However, the gradual decrease the impression of the whole. In the 9th and 10th centuries in the number of churches in the 7th century is obvious, the burial sites without churches disappear from use and their numbers fall to a minimum in the first half of and cemeteries next to churches begun to prevail ( Fig. the 8th century. Almost all churches in highland settle- 15: 2, 3). The fact that the number of graveyards next ments were abandoned (the exceptions are Hemmaberg/ to churches decreased in the 11th century may be the Junska gora and Kirchbichl above Lavant), yet a few result of the poorer archaeological visibility of graves churches in the lowlands were preserved. It is significant 123 Andrej PLETERSKI Fig. 15: South-eastern Alps. 1 – burial sites, 2 – burial sites next to churches, 3 – burial sites without a church, 4 – churches. that these were two closed groups. The first was located time spans belong to loosely dated graves. The reasons in the south-west, on the territory of then Byzantine behind the time spans of the three burial sites exceed- Istria, and the second was located in present-day East ing beyond 1100 are varied. The site in Kammerhof is a Tyrol. The latter indicates the probability that the Slavic single extremely loosely dated grave. Another example settlement process at the time had not yet covered the is Judenbichl near the vil age of Judendorf near Vil ach/ Upper Drava basin. This is what makes the existence Beljak, where the inhabitants of the neighbouring Jewish of churches on Hemmaberg/Junska gora and in Kranj, settlement continued to bury their dead even after the in the territory controlled by the Slavs, all the more introduction of church cemeteries. interesting. It would be hard to imagine them without The latest burial site without a church, which ap- the co-existence of the Christian Vlach natives and the peared around 1050 (Lorenzenberg), is represented religious tolerance of the Slavs. by two graves that were discovered between 70 and 90 Christianization, as shown by the increase in the metres from the present-day church. The probability number of churches, was a slow and long-lasting process. that they belonged to the church cemetery, despite this The number of Late Antique churches was apparently distance, is considerable. Since we have not yet system- exceeded only at the end of the 9th century. It should be atical y included High Medieval sites into our research, emphasized that the well-known Late Antique churches we did not cover the phenomenon of cemetery wal s were made of stone, while the new Early Medieval ones (Sörries 2003), which limited the cemetery space around were initially predominantly wooden and therefore the churches. The cemetery up to and including the 11th poorly visible from an archaeological point of view (see century was larger than it was once the graveyard wal s Burial sites and churches below). were built. A well-documented example can be found in Although the sharp increase in the number of the cemetery next to the parish church in Kranj, where churches in the year 1000 is a sign of the arbitrary dating the archaeological y established burial limit is up to a of many churches from 1000 onwards, there can be no distance of 75 m from the church. doubt that the number of churches in the 10th century Following the middle of the 9th century, burial sites increased noticeably. There can hardly be any doubt that without churches appeared as an exception rather than a this was also a consequence of the integration into the rule and they completely disappeared in the 10th century. medieval empire. The main period of burial sites without churches can be found in the 8th century, when they appeared in their Burial sites without a church ( Figs. 15: 3; 16) highest numbers. There are noticeably fewer of them in All Late Antique burial sites, which were not next to the previous period, which can be attributed to the then churches and appeared before approximately 500, were prevailing custom of cremating the dead (see 4.5 above), no longer in use by 650. I already drew attention to the which greatly complicates archaeological visibility. The fact that the latter year was set arbitrary. Prominent long decline in the number of burial sites without churches 124 IMAGES BEHIND THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL CURTAIN: VLACHS, SLAVS, ŽUPAS, PRINCIPALITIES, CARANTANIA Fig. 16: South-eastern Alps. Time spans of the use of burial sites without a church. in the 9th and 10th centuries was undoubtedly the result early. Slightly higher activity can be noticed on the left, of the introduction of church cemeteries. Charlemagne Salzburg bank of the Drava River. However, even there, ordered the Saxons to bury their dead in a church cem- the group of churches in East Tyrol still belong to the etery in 782 (Lammers 1981−1983). Non-compliance Late Antique Vlach tradition, while the other churches to this law was punishable by death penalty, and this is that appear are not found neither in the Conversio nor considered to be the beginning of the legal obligation to in the document from 860 (MGH DD LdD / DD Km bury the dead in this way. This burial method spread in / DD LdJ, Nr. 102), which supposedly documented different locations at different speeds, primarily depend- the Salzburg missionary activity. The latter document ing on the commitment and actual power of individual predominantly lists manors, i.e. land holdings, which rulers (a short, broader overview and further details for shows that the interest of the Archdiocese of Salzburg Hungary: Vargha, Mordovin 2019, 141−142). was almost exclusively economic, obtaining as much income as possible. This image shows the considerable Burial sites and churches probability that until around 830, the primarily Vlach The centuries in which the transition from buri- population, that part of it which had been Christian for als without churches to burials next to churches took a long time, was buried next to the churches. Around place can be seen with the aid of four cross-sections 830 CE, the number of burial sites next to churches with intervals of 50 years. The first shows the situation began to increase ( Fig. 15: 2). in the fifth decade of the 9th century ( Fig. 17a). One Following the efforts of Alcuin, Charlemagne’s can observe the operation of both ecclesiastical and adviser, the population of the territories which Char- secular rulers. In the 9th and 10th centuries, the ter- lemagne conquered east of Friuli and Baiuvaria was ritory we are observing was under the jurisdiction of imposed with a reduced church tax (Bratož 1999, 107). two church centres: the Patriarchate of Aquileia and This apparently decreased the interest of the Archdiocese the Archdiocese of Salzburg. From 796/811 onwards, of Salzburg to construct churches, as they saw greater the Drava River represented the border between their profits in direct land holdings. Thus, the archaeological territories of jurisdiction. The seat of the Patriarchate picture shows the construction of churches on the left of Aquileia was in Cividale del Friuli at the time, i.e. in bank of the Drava River, however it is not particularly the immediate vicinity. Despite this, the activity of the likely that the priests from Salzburg looked after them, patriarchate in expanding the network of churches has but more likely someone else. One also needs to take not been observed. If we exclude the group of churches into account the possibility that at least some churches in former Byzantine Northern Istria and its outskirts, were not consecrated and were, above al , a gathering south of the Drava River there are only such churches place for collecting the contributions of the believers and church cemeteries that can be connected with the and demonstrating the owner’s prestige. local tradition of Vlach Christians: on Hemmaberg/ In any case, the non-consecrated church ( non Junska gora, in Kranj and Moste. The church in Volče consecrata foret, the writer expresses his disbelief with is on the map most likely only because of its loose the dubitative subjunctive) in Lesce in the Gorenjska dating and was in all likelihood not constructed this region was built no later than the mid-11th century on 125 Andrej PLETERSKI the right, Aquileian bank of the Drava River, and the the Drava River. Quantitative comparisons between owner appropriated the gifts of the believers for himself the two territories are misleading, because the area as there was no worship conducted in this church (divina of Slovenia has been explored better than the area obsequia ibi minime agerentur, once again dubitative in present day Austria. In any case, the scattered and subjunctive). This situation was interrupted only in the gradual disappearance of burial sites without churches first or second decade of the 12th century (Bizjak 2012, north of the Drava River is noticeable. They eventual y 38–41; Hormayr 1803, 99–100, No. XLVII; Schumi disappear at the northern foothil s of the Alps. There is 1882–1883, 123–124, No. 133). At this point, I will not no doubt that the church network south of the Drava describe the meaning of a non-consecrated church River began to expand in this period. However, this without worship, to which believers still came with depended highly on local conditions (see 4.8 below). It gifts. This was possible for three centuries after the first is telling that the situation in the Dolenjska and Zasavje half of the 9th century and although this was no longer regions remained unchanged, i.e. without churches. a normal situation and not a Salzburg territory, it points This indicates a different nature of the authorities there, to the rich possibilities for coexistence and transitions which raises the question of the political arrangement between the Old Faith and Christianity. Therefore, the south of the Karavanke mountain range: counties or small church in Lesce also offers a perspective of what principalities, their number. the “church” in Millstat in Upper Carinthia, which By the fifth decade of the 10th century ( Fig. 17c) was restored by Prince Domitian during the time of graveyards next to churches predominated everywhere. Charlemagne, might have been (Kahl 1999). Mil statt Now burial sites next to churches also started expanding stands on the left, Salzburg bank of the Drava River. The in Zasavje and Dolenjska regions. Only Bela krajina re- Domitian’s legend, which was written in the second half mained without them. As the first half of the 10th century of the 12th century states that he found a church that was a period of intense Hungarian invasions (Štih 1983), was dedicated to idols ( ecclesiam, que demonibus fuit this offers a surprising image. It is even more surpris- addicta; Pleterski 1994; 1997), which is an exceptional ing that two churches (near Središče ob Dravi and in designation otherwise not found in medieval records. Tišina near the Mura River) stand on the territory that When they discussed Old Faith sanctuaries, they used was supposed to belong to Hungary at the time, which the terms fanum, delubrum, templum. So, did Domitian had not yet been Christianized. We will obviously have find a non-consecrated church containing statues that to change our ideas as regards the border territories, he believed were idols of the Old Faith? The possibility Hungarians and Christianization. of this thought is confirmed by a fragment of a statue Pécs, which stands next to the ruins of ancient found on Silberberg in Carinthia. It shows a three-faced Sopianae, is a settlement with archaeological traces god, on whose back a cross was later carved (Kahl 1999, of cultural and religious Christian continuity since 49−50; Glaser 2022). Even if it might have been created antiquity (Buzás 2016, 76–80; Tóth et alii 2020). A as e.g. a depiction of Triglav, the added cross changed it similar case can be found on the site of the church of to The Holy Trinity. St Martin in Sombathely (Kiss, Tóth 1993). Even in The minutes of the 796 meeting of bishops on Veszprém, the possibility of a 9th century church pre- the banks of the Danube, at the end of the war with decessor is suggested (Buzás 2020, 8–10). 9th century the inhabitants of Avaria, somewhere east of Bavaria, churches with a continuation in the 11th century can describe the pastoral conditions and speak of the exist- be also found in Zalavár (Szőke 2021, 339–409) and ence of three types of otherwise rare Christian priests. Kaposszentjakab (Molnár 2022, 256). The church in One group were those whose baptism was valid, the Kostoľany pod Tribečom (Slovakia), which is dated to second group were clerics with no priestly ordination, the end of the 9th or the beginning of the 10th century, and the third were illiterate clerics. The minutes do not St Margita in Kopčany (Slovakia), which is dated after reveal where these groups were located in Avaria (Bratož the mid-10th century and the 10th century church in 1999, 85–100). However, according to the Western Visegrád indicate the existence and spread of Christian- understanding at the time, Avaria began already east ity in Hungary even before the formal Christianization of Bavaria and Friuli (cf. Wolfram 2012, 314), which took place (Szakács 2018, 200−203). However, the latest means that it included a good part of the Eastern Alpine archaeological research places the construction of the territory. We can merely speculate whether the ordained church in Visegrád somewhat later, around the year priests of the first group were ordained in Salzburg or 1000 (Buzás et alii 2017, 214) and thereby excludes it by the auxiliary bishop Modestus (cf. Conversio, c.5). from the group of early churches. The listed churches In any case, the foreboding of the rather chaotic state and of course also the churches in Tišina and Grabe near of Christianity, indicated by the archaeological sites, is Središče ob Dravi in the western part of the Pannonian confirmed by the listed written sources. basin show that Christianity, even if in an organized The last decade of the 9th century ( Fig. 17b) form, did not completely die out after the end of the shows churches were located both north and south of Carolingian period and the arrival of the Hungarians. 126 IMAGES BEHIND THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL CURTAIN: VLACHS, SLAVS, ŽUPAS, PRINCIPALITIES, CARANTANIA a841–846 SALZBURG Drau Drau Drava [AQUILEIA] CIVIDALE / ČEDAD 1 a 2 b 345 0 10 50 km b891–896 SALZBURG Drau Drau Drava [AQUILEIA] CIVIDALE / ČEDAD 1 a 2 b 345 0 10 50 km Fig. 17a, b: South-eastern Alps. 1 – burial sites without churches, 2 – burial sites next to churches, 3 – churches, 4 – stones with interlace ornament, 5 – seat of the archdiocese (Salzburg), seat of the Patriarchate of Aquileia (Cividale), a – one site, b – more than one site. 127 Andrej PLETERSKI c941–946 SALZBURG Drau Drau Drava [AQUILEIA] CIVIDALE / ČEDAD 1 a 2 b 345 0 10 50 km d991–996 SALZBURG Drau Drau Drava [AQUILEIA] CIVIDALE / ČEDAD 1 a 2 b 345 0 10 50 km Fig. 17c, d: South-eastern Alps. 1 – burial sites without churches, 2 – burial sites next to churches, 3 – churches, 4 – stones with interlace ornament, 5 – seat of the archdiocese (Salzburg), seat of the Patriarchate of Aquileia (Cividale), a – one site, b – more than one site. 128 IMAGES BEHIND THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL CURTAIN: VLACHS, SLAVS, ŽUPAS, PRINCIPALITIES, CARANTANIA In the last decade of the 10th century ( Fig. 17d) there positioned significantly worse among such burial sites were only a few burial sites without churches and by the in the last quarter of the 8th century, when there were no 11th century they disappeared completely. At that time, voids yet ( Fig. 18a, b). If we arbitrarily place the use of control over burial sites was completely taken over by such church decoration in the last quarter of the 8th cen- the Christian Church in cooperation with the secular tury, we know of at least two churches that would have authorities of the Medieval Roman Empire. stood for several decades before they started burying the dead next to them. These were St. Peter bei Moosburg/ Možberk and St Tiburtius in Molzbichl in Upper Carin- 4.7 CHURCHES AND BURIAL SITES thia. The construction of perfectly equipped proprietary IN KLAGENFURTER BECKEN/CELOVŠKA KOT- churches and the gradual transition to church graveyards LINA AND THE ISSUE AS REGARDS is therefore much more likely to have happened in the THE ORIGINAL SIZE OF CARANTANIA first third of the 9th century. The inscription into the stone slab, which was built into St. Peter am Bichl/Št. The area of Klagenfurter Becken/Celovška kotlina Peter na Gori, might also be in line with this. The name stands out from the general map of burial sites and Otker carved into this stone corresponds to the name of churches ( Fig. 17), for it clearly shows the spatial rela- Prince Etgar (Kahl 2002, 53), who is mentioned in the tionship between the placement of churches and burial Conversio (Conversio, c. 10) in the period between 799 sites without churches. The largest plain north of the and 828 (cf. Wolfram 2012, 169−174). Karavanke mountain range is relatively evenly covered In the second third of the 9th century there were no with burial sites without a church, which were in use more burial sites without churches in the area, which is in the second half of the 8th century ( Fig. 18a). The fact primarily defined by stones with interlaced ornament, that they are least numerous in the area of the city of ( Fig. 18c). This is a territory of 25 × 35 km between St. Klagenfurt/Celovec and its surroundings is the result of Veit a.d. Glan in the north and the Drava River or even poor archaeological visibility in highly urbanized areas. the foothil s of the Karavanke mountain range in the We are aware of only two churches in central Carinthia south, the Völkermarkt/Velikovec in the east and the from this period. One stood on Hemmaberg/Junska eastern part of the Wörthersee/Vrbsko jezero in the west. gora, which continued the tradition of local Late Antique We are currently uncertain where to place Jauntal/Pod- churches and can be imagined in connection with the juna. However, as late as the last third of the 9th century Vlach population. The second is Maria Saal/Gospa Sveta ( Fig. 18d) the area where there were no more burial sites above Zollfeld/Sveško polje, if we can believe that this without a church extended to Vil ach/Beljak in the west. was the same Mary’s church, which was consecrated by The area from which burial sites without a church the Salzburg priest Modestus in the middle of the 8th disappeared is the one in which the ruler asserted his century. At the time under consideration, it is attested power and forced people to respect his political wil . In the only in a written source (state of research and discussions first and second third of the 9th century this corresponded on localisation: Eichert 2012, 35−37). surprisingly well to the territory which was home to the The answer to the question as to whether the church later estates belonging to “civitas Carantana”. The latter of St Peter near Moosburg/Možberk already stood there designation is usual y identified with Karnburg/Krnski at the time, depends on how we date the stones with in- grad (cf. Eichert 2012, 139). In 982, these estates were terlaced ornament, from Carinthia (Karpf 2001). Stones the manors of Drauhofen/Dravski dvor, Grafenstein/ with interlaced ornament ( Fig. 18b: 3) are isolated finds Grabštanj, Gurnitz/Podkrnos (MGH DD O II., Nr. 275). and were preserved as spolia in later church buildings. The area described also fits the 5–6 hour walking distance The original locations can be guessed by the number of from Karnburg (see Eichert 2012, Fig. 179), which stands built in fragments. at the southeastern foot of Ulrichsberg/Šenturška gora In St. Peter bei Moosburg/Možberk stone church (with the earlier name Carantanian Mountain). Does equipment, which was decorated with interlaced orna- this mean we are looking at the territory that was, in ment, was found as spolia. Based on the large number of the first third of the 9th century, ruled by the prince of fragments, the narrower undated building foundations Carantania? Does this agree with the established belief and adjacent graves, which first appeared around 830, that the family of Prince Borut had hereditary, undivided we can conclude that a church with a graveyard existed and general authority over the Carantanians as early as at this location. Kurt Karpf dated the stones with inter- 740 (Wolfram 2012, 117; similarly Štih 2012, 320)? We laced ornament, with the political situation at the period must add to this the well-established and widely spread between 772 and the introduction of the county system idea that at that time Carantania ( Fig. 21) comprised the in 828 (Karpf 2001, 78). The stones with interlaced orna- area between Innichen in the west, Semmering in the east, ment in central Carinthia are well placed into the empty Karavanke in the south and Traunsee in the north (for spaces between burial sites without churches only in the example: Grafenauer 1964, 332, Map XV; similarly Kahl first third of the 9th century, but they would have been 2002, 392; Wolfram 2012, 359; Gleirscher 2018, Fig. 126). 129 Andrej PLETERSKI a b c d Fig. 18: Austria, Klagenfurter Becken. a − Period 746–796; b − period 801–826; c − period 831–866; d − period 871–896. 1 – burial site without a church, 2 – church; 3 – stones with interlaced ornament, 4 – manor, which belonged to “civitas Carantana” in 982, 5 – an area with no burial sites without churches. When searching for an answer, the models pro- and the area south of the Wörther See/Vrbsko jezero posed by Stefan Eichert represent a good starting point, lake were exempted. The princes of Carantania did not because he also noticed a greater density of settlements control the neighbouring areas of power, even though and churches with stones with interlaced ornament as an outside observer might believe that they were at least a sign of authoritarian power in Carinthia. According the first among equals. According to the third model, no to the first model, the Carantanian princes established a hereditary dynasty was established in Carantania, but hereditary central authority over the wide territory of the its princes nevertheless gained power over neighbouring Eastern Alps and hegemony over other systems whose areas. However, since power passed from one family to centres are shown by churches decorated with stones another, they needed a special enthronement ceremony with interlaced ornament. According to the second that legitimized each new ruler (Eichert 2020, 126−127). model, they failed in doing so. Their hereditary authority A fourth combination and model is also possible in this extended merely as far as the central part of the Klagen- relationship between heredity and territorial extent of furter Becken/Celovška kotlina. Even Jauntal/Podjuna power. According to this model, no hereditary dynasty 130 IMAGES BEHIND THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL CURTAIN: VLACHS, SLAVS, ŽUPAS, PRINCIPALITIES, CARANTANIA was established in Carantania, and each Carantanian a hereditary position. Was the kinship of Borut, Gorazd prince controlled solely the central area of the Klagen- and Hotimir merely a coincidence? No, because in a furter Becken/Celovška kotlina. meritocracy the merits of the fathers confer prestige also upon his sons. Saxo Grammaticus provided a good The images of the development of the relation- example of this in connection with the enthronement ship between churches/graveyards next to churches of the Danish king in 1137, where he enumerates the and burial sites without churches ( Figs. 17; 18) do not merits of the deceased father, but not only birth was support the idea of a widespread authority of a Caran- important for the successor, but also personal virtues tanian prince. It is believed only for the central part of (Saxo Grammaticus, L. XIV, c. 2). However, it is com- the Klagenfurter Becken/Celovška kotlina that several pletely unbelievable that the government structures in churches were built around the same time and that Carantania would outdate those in Denmark by more burials at cemeteries without churches stopped. In the than 400 years. first third of the 9th century at least 6 churches stood If we cannot possibly consider the heredity of the there. I believe the two sites with stones with inter- Carantanian princes, and if the presented images nev- laced ornament, Zweikirchen and St. Peter am Bichl/ ertheless show a space of unified authority in central Št. Peter na Gori, with an intermediate stone heap as Carinthia ( Fig. 18c), in the form of a closed area of a a third site (Glaser 1999) to be the remains of a single group of churches and no burial sites without churches, church. In most cases churches stood between 6.5 and who was the decisive authority? The answer is provided 15.5 km apart. The westernmost church (St. Peter bei by the fractal society model of the ancient Slavs. I call Moosburg/Možberk) and the easternmost church (St. it this because we can notice that the structure of this Martin/Šmartin) are separated by 34 km. This is the society was repeated in its individual components, once spatial extent of the group of churches, which did not we observe them in greater detail. At the macro level, reach even the legendary Velehrad in Moravia, where we can observe a broad spatial network of equal prin- St Methodius was buried in the 9th century. There, the cipalities with equal princes. Due to his special powers, maximum distance between the churches in Modra and neighbouring princes can recognize one of them as a above Sady is 6760 m (cf. Rajchl 1995, Obr. 4; Galuška grand prince, and he can also be appointed grand župan 1997). It is absolutely unfathomable that the Carantanian (similar to Stefan Nemanja in Serbia). When we take a princes would have been so wealthy and interested in closer look at each principality, we notice that it con- such a network of churches at the time. None of the sists of individual župas. These were governed by equal above models ful y correspond to this. župans, but one among them was recognized superiority Of course, the presented images cannot directly due to his special powers. He became a prince, and could testify to the issue of heredity. However, already written be appointed grand župan, or given a different title. The sources can shed some light on this issue. Indeed, the župans of the župa were chosen by its free members. – I first three Carantanian princes known by name, Borut, emphasize that this is merely a model, but I will con- Gorazd and Hotimir, were father, son and nephew front it with some structures that have been determined (Conversio, c. 4). However, the mere kinship of politi- through archaeological research or in written sources. cal champions is not proof of heredity. A great example from modern history can be found in the US presidents Union of Four. In the 12th century Helmold of George H. W. Bush and George W. Bush, father and son, Bosau described an interesting union of four Slavic peo- who prove that despite their kinship, the office of the US ples ( populi) along the Peene River (Eastern Germany): president is not hereditary. The idea that Slavic societies Kessini ( Kycini), Circipani ( Cyrcipani), Tollensians chose their princes meritocratical y, i.e. according to ( Tholenzi), Retarians ( Redari ). Because of their bravery, their abilities and merits, is proven by the example of they were called Volci ( Wilzi) (= the woolfs) or Ljutci the Frankish merchant Samo in the 7th century. He was ( Lutici) (= the furious). The Redarians occupied the city chosen by the Slavs as their “king” because of his ability, of Retra ( Rethre) with a famous sanctuary (Helmold, because he excelled in the fight with the Avars ( Winidi L. 1, c. 2). The Retarians were apparently given their cernentes utilitatem Samones, eum super se eligunt regem. name by their holy city, which was visited by all Slavic Fredegar, L. IV, c. 48). We are aware of the criteria for peoples. Because of the age of the city and the fame selecting a judge in the Carinthian region, which were, of its sanctuary, the Tholenzi and Redari claimed the in the second half of the 11th century, described in the leadership over the alliance to themselves, which led proposal of an addition to the Swabian Mirror (Ger. to a civil war (Helmold, L. 1 c. 21). The Lutici had their Schwabenspiegel) (Grafenauer 1952, 197–203; Kahl principes (dignitaries) (Annales Magdeburgenses, A. 2000). He had to be the most cogent, best, smartest; 1169–1176, year 1169). This was therefore a union of at noble descent was of no importance, but honesty and least initial y equal political units, each of which had its truth were (Grafenauer 1952, 172). At the same time, own dignitaries. However, Fred Ruchhöft believes that there is no indication that the Carantanian prince held the Wilzi and Lutici were meant to refer to political suc- 131 Andrej PLETERSKI cession and that they should not be equated geographi- the early “tribal” groups lost their political autonomy cal y (with an extensive list of different understandings: (Fritze 1960, esp. 201−208). Ruchhöft 2008, 70). In the 12th century Helmold of Bosau described his march through Slavic Wagria (today’s northeastern The size of the župa. The distance of 6.5 km be- Holstein in Germany), where they came across a fenced tween the churches in Klagenfurter Becken/Celovška grove of sacred oaks of the country god Prove, which was kotlina corresponds to the size of the Bled župa (Pleter- the sanctuary of the entire country. A priest belonged ski 2017), which is natural y limited. This is why I looked there and performed celebrations and sacrificial rites. at even the smallest distances between neighbouring Every Monday the people of the country, the priest 10th century hillforts in what was at the time still Slavic and the regulus met there for the court (Helmold, L. Wagria (today eastern Holstein, Germany). Since I meas- I c. 84). Based on this account, Fritze concluded that ured the distance on a survey map of the sites (Ruch- each “small tribe” had its own legal and cult systems, höft 2008, Fig. 51), the accuracy of the measurement which were closely connected, since the court sat in a was 0.5 km. The average distance to the nearest hillfort cult place at certain times. The “tribal” territory appears was 7.6 km. Assuming that one hillfort belongs to one as a cult district, and the legal arrangement of the local župa, this distance confirms that the župas were small community as a sacred order. The later prince was also (see below 5.1). This shows that each listed Carinthian subordinated to this. There was sacral inviolability and church belonged to an individual župa. According to the the “sovereignty” of law. He therefore sees the župa as a results of the archaeological research carried out so far, settlement, legal and cult union (Fritze 1960, 205−206). none of the churches stand out and Karnburg was not It seems that the situation in 8th century Carantania built as a fortified site before the second half of the 9th corresponded to the second early phase of the political century (cf. Eichert 2012, 138–151). Both indicate that development of the Obodrites. the duke of the Carantanians was only the first among Henryk Łowmiański also noticed the connection equals at the time these churches were constructed. This between law and the sacred. He pointed out that the legal clue is of greater importance than it might seem at first aspect was extremely important in the Christianization glance. It does not match the propaganda impression process and therefore there were two phases, which that the Conversio tried to create, according to which the were decided by the political community and not by Carantanian princes (in cooperation with the Church the ruler himself (in the event that he did not have suf- of Salzburg) were responsible for the Christianiza- ficient power on his own). In the first phase, the political tion of the Carantanians (Conversio, c. 5). It does also community tolerated the missionary work of Christian not match what we usual y believe was the course of priests, however, whether one would convert to Chris- Christianization among the Slavs, where first the ruling tianity later depended on the will and willingness of the family was Christianized, and then, under the ruler’s individual. In the second phase, the conversion was a pressure, Christianity spread down the social ladder (cf. political decision of the entire community, which col- Łowmiański 1979, 282−358). lectively decided for or against Christianity (Łowmiański 1979, 237–263). The best-known and best described Law and sacred. First of al , let me remind you of example of a group decision to Christianize a political Wolfgang Fritze’s research on the legal aspects of the community comes from Iceland, where in the year 1000, state development of the Slavic Obodrites in today’s after a jointly agreed procedure, a collective decision for Germany. He drew attention to several stages of po- a unified law and religion ended the impending threat of litical development. Instead of the word župa, he used a civil war (Íslendingabók, c. VII). This political model the technical term “small tribe” ( Kleinstamm), and for provides an excellent explanation as to what took place the župan he used the term regulus, borrowed from in Carantania. Latin sources. He suspected that during the settlement According to the Conversio, the auxiliary bishop process and shortly after it, the “small tribes” were not Modestus and his group of priests dedicated the church connected and probably did not have an institutional- of St Mary to the Carantanians ( Carantanis dedicaverunt ized ruler. Until the mid-9th century, there was a union ibi ecclesiam sanctae Mariae, Conversio, c. 5) when they of “small tribes”, each with its own regulus. They were arrived from Salzburg in the middle of the 8th century. subordinated to one regulus, who had the authority over The concordance analysis of the Conversio shows that it al . In the period that followed, larger settlement groups was placed on land that, due to its importance, belonged ( Teilstämme) began to unite into political units with a to the community of Carantanians. It stood alone, out- monarchical leadership. This occurred as a result of a side the territory of neighbouring settlements. Maria foreign policy intervention by the Frankish ruler. In the Saal/Gospa Sveta ful y meets this description. In the mid-12th century the ruling family established a unified 8th century there was no settlement next to the church, state through a network of princely castles and their for this appeared only later and was named after the administrative territories ( Burgbezirkverfassung), and church (Pleterski 1998, 256–257). It stands on one of 132 IMAGES BEHIND THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL CURTAIN: VLACHS, SLAVS, ŽUPAS, PRINCIPALITIES, CARANTANIA Fig. 19: Klagenfurter Becken/Celovška kotlina with Ulrichsberg/Šenturška gora. The painting was created by Marko Pernhart. The painting was created between 1864 (the beginning of the railway line between Klagenfurt/Celovec and Vil ach/Beljak) and 1871 (death of Pernhart). (https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Markus_Pernhart_-_Klagenfurter_Becken_gegen_Nordwesten.jpg) the holy locations within the central sacral area of the of these at this point. The decision was equal y important Carantanians, which was important for the entire Caran- for the preservation of a broad layer of freemen who tanian community (Pleterski 1996, 482–501). Modestus maintained their self-government until the end of the dedicated the church to this community and not to the Middle Ages. In Slovenian they are called kosezi, in Ger- Carantanian prince. Burial sites without a church were man Edlinger (Grafenauer 1952, 389–558; Eichert 2014). not abolished in the surrounding area, and a long period I will not discuss them in detail here either, I will merely of civil wars followed (Conversio, c. 5). We can agree point out the high probability that the two words did not with Łowmiański (1979, 254–255) that the conditions original y denote people of the same social origin and corresponded to the first phase of Christianization ac- that they are not always interchangeable. cording to the above-described model. The appearance of the second phase, which, like many other things, is Carantania in the narrowest sense. The territory omitted in the Conversio, is shown by the map of the of common law and the new Christian religion was new churches ( Fig. 18b). This is a swiftly created space limited to the central part of the Klagenfurter Becken/ of common faith and common law. This religion is now Celovška kotlina ( Fig. 18c). So, this was Carantania in Christian, and due to the weak prince, this could only the narrowest sense of the word. Another question is be a joint decision of the state community, similar to how much were these Carantanians able to spread their the decision taken by the Icelanders two centuries later. influence and name (at least in the eyes of foreigners) They decided to convert to Christianity as a group and to their neighbours. The name Carantanians is men- immediately. This decision was also important for the tioned already around 700 by Anonymous of Ravenna later spread of the name Carantania and for the preserva- (Anonymus Ravennatus, 453) and Carantania by Paul tion of the extremely archaic enthronement ceremony the Deacon (HL, L. 5, c. 22), which would, in the 8th of the Carinthian princes, since it could no longer be century, hardly be possible if the name was limited influenced by the Old Faith, while the new religion merely to Carantania in the narrowest sense. could not gain significant influence and remained on The model for the spread of the name in pre- the formalistic periphery. I will not elaborate on either Christian times is provided by the previously described 133 Andrej PLETERSKI Fig. 20: Klagenfurter Becken/Celovška kotlina. Visibility (yellow) of the peak (black spot) Ulrichsberg/Šenturška gora (realisation Benjamin Štular). Ljutci and the importance of Radegost’s temple in Re- The extent of Carantania at the beginning of the thra. Carantanians are named after Caranta. The name 9th century. Charlemagne’s 811 ruling on the border be- is said to refer to the area of Ulrichsberg/Šenturška gora tween the Archdiocese of Salzburg and the Patriarchate (Kahl 2002, 68–76). Hans-Dietrich Kahl discussed in of Aquileia is usual y considered as proof that the politi- detail why mons Carantanus (with the later name Ul- cal unit of Carantania was spatial y large from its very richsberg/Šenturška gora) is a sacred part of the central beginning ( Fig. 21). This was the province of Carantania sacred space of Carantania (Kahl 2002, 245–252). That ( Karantana provincia), which was divided into a north- the holy mountain that rises in the heart of the Klagen- ern and a southern part by the Drava River, which flows furter Becken/Celovška kotlina ( Fig. 19), similar to the through its middle ( Dravus fluvius, qui per mediam il am holy mountain of Říp in the heart of the Czech Republic, provinciam currit) (MGH DD Karol. I, Nr. 211). The un- would give its name to the Carantanians (for further derstanding that this political unit of Carantania covered discussion see: Štih 2004a, 474-478; Kahl 2007, 355), the territory from Eastern Tyrol to Western Pannonia was does not come as a surprise. The most characteristic constantly overshadowed by the uneasiness of what the example of a sacred mountain among the Slavs is Mount Patriarch of Aquileia was given south of the Drava River Ślęża, which gave the name to Silesia, and was an object to make the deal territorial y just. In this case, the then of worship (Thietmar, L. VII, c. 59). political Carantania would have to reach at least as far With the spatially broader scope of the name as Gorski Kotar, which is impossible. If not for anything Carantania, it is therefore about who recognized the else, because the principality of Carniola existed south Carantanian Mountain (Ulrichsberg/Šenturška gora) as of the Karavanke mountain range (Štih 1995; 2014). My their holy mountain. The visibility of this mountain was former suggestion that the political unit of Carantania important ( Fig. 20), for whoever saw the Carantanian was at the time very smal , only a part of the current-day mountain was a Carantanian. Visibility on the map is Carinthia (Pleterski 1996), was of course met with strong shown as the visibility of the top of the mountain, on its objections (e.g. Štih 1997), since the Drava River was in slopes the top is not always visible. Of course, visibility fact the church border from East Tyrol to Pannonia. Were from the plains where people lived on, and not from the we real y all talking about the same thing? surrounding mountain peaks, is important. And just as It seems that Janez Höfler has found a solution the Union of Ljutci consisted of several principalities, to this problem. He pointed out that in his ruling, this could also be the case for Carantania. Charlemagne did not follow the rule that one (admin- 134 IMAGES BEHIND THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL CURTAIN: VLACHS, SLAVS, ŽUPAS, PRINCIPALITIES, CARANTANIA Fig. 21: South-eastern Alps. Carantania between the mid-7th and the mid-8th centuries (from: Grafenauer 1964, Map XV). istrative-political) province should belong to a single The second charter was issued in Frankfurt and was ad- archdiocese, but decided to split this province (Höfler dressed to the monastery of Caunes near Carcassonne in 2021, 94). Höfler’s observation can be understood in two France. This one uses the word provintia without a name ways. One is his, in which, according to the prevailing and quite general y as the place of legal acts relating to understanding, the province of Carantania is seen as the monastery (MGH DD Karol. I, Nr. 178 (240/ 30)). an administrative-political unit. And this made Char- The document that talks about the border along the lemagne a rule breaker. Drava River was issued in Aachen (MGH DD Karol. I, Of course, the most important was how the word Nr. 211). Both sides presented their arguments. The Pa- provincia was understood in Charlemagne’s office. It ap- triarch Ursus of Aquileia arrived with documents, which pears in 8 documents that are said to be Charlemagne’s, he showed ( ostendi posse), while the Archbishop Arno of of which as many as 6 are forgeries from the High Middle Salzburg made an oral assertion ( asserebat). The province Ages (MGH DD Karol. I, Nr.: 219 (293/25), 227 (308/30), they were talking about was once divided into provincie 240 (335), 245 (345/35, 40), 277 (412/25), 295 (442/35)). civitates, which mark Roman period town territories. If we The above ruling is one of the remaining two charters. keep in mind that in Late Antiquity, the area in question 135 Andrej PLETERSKI Fig. 22: Slovenia, Bled and the Dežela (Radovljica region). Time spans of burial sites. The blue line is the Sava River, which separates Bled on the right bank from the Dežela on the left bank. The orange lines are burial sites in churches or next to them. The red line demarks the end of burials in Bled. The time limits of 400 and 1100 are arbitrary. was covered by several names (among the broader ones (information from Joža Čop, Brod in Bohinj). The area Venetia, Histria, Noricum, Pannonia), several provinces, on the left bank of the Sava River is even today called the even the patriarch could not claim that Aquileia com- Dežela of Radovljica. It is therefore about two “deželas”, prised one province. That the ruling at the time spoke most likely a memory of the former župa arrangement, of one province was a pragmatic political solution that and the word dežela is used as a synonym for župa. Their described the newly conquered area east of Baiuvaria and comparison shows both local differences and broader Friuli. For this area they used a name that the Archbishop shared processes. The archaeological image of the set- of Salzburg could refer to and apparently successful y tlements remains incomplete and uneven, so I decided enforce. The Salzburg approach was expressed once again to observe the burial sites, which we already know to in the Conversio, when dealing with the dispute over the a satisfactory extent. Of course, we do not know all of actions of Constantine and Methodius. them, and most burial sites are only partial y and not Thus, Höfler’s observation can be understood in ful y explored. Nevertheless, there are enough of them another way, that Charlemagne did not violate the rule, to show some obvious changes ( Fig. 22). because the word province here does not mean a political In the second half of the 5th century the settlement unit, but simply an extensive territory, which was called in the plain went through a crisis. In Bled, the Bled Carantania by the court office. This second understand- Castle was settled and the creation of its burial ground ing reconciles all apparent opposites. It is highly likely at Pristava took place. Although the Bled Castle has an that we can simultaneously speak of the small political excellent defensive position, it is, together with Pristava, unit of the principality of Carantania and, parallel to in the middle of the basin, which enabled active contact this, of the broad administrative-territorial name of between Vlachs and Slavs (Pleterski 2015, 236). The Carantania, introduced by the officials. graph depicting the duration of burial sites ( Fig. 22) does not show any interruption. We are currently not aware of any graves that would 4.8 THE ŽUPAS OF BLED AND DEŽELA reliably belong to the period between the second half (THE RADOVLJICA AREA) of the 5th century and the first half of the 7th century on the opposite bank of the Sava River, however, the This covers the area of the Bled-Radovljica basin, high-altitude settlement on Ajdna mountain belongs to which is divided into two parts by the deeply incised Sava this period. Apparently, at least a part of the population Valley. On the right bank we find Bled, which, according retreated to this side of the southern slope of Mount Stol. to folk tradition, was once its own “dežela” (land, area) Their burial site is not yet known, but we can expect that 136 IMAGES BEHIND THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL CURTAIN: VLACHS, SLAVS, ŽUPAS, PRINCIPALITIES, CARANTANIA it will fill the described void. However, the last decades of King Henrik II was the owner of the Bled estate in 1004, the settlement on Ajdna were marked by 11 graves that and he later became the emperor in 1014 (Štih 2004b; were excavated in the local Early Christian church. It is Pleterski 2013, 168–170). The actual executioner of likely that the inhabitants of Ajdna moved to the valley power was, of course, an unknown high-ranking state afterwards. The abandoned settlement began to trans- official who forcibly removed the župan of Bled. The form into a cult area, which is indicated by individual settlement on Pristava below Bled Castle was destroyed representative finds of spurs, a sword hanger, a head in a fire (Pleterski 2010, 174–175). circlet, and a belt strap-end in the layer of ruins (simi- The events in the Dežela of Radovljica were very larly at Gradišče above Bašelj: Štular 2020c, 233–241). different. Around 860, certainly by 870 at the latest, as And while the Slav settlers in Bled encountered many as four church graveyards were established there the Vlachs in the accessible valley, in the Dežela of (Breg, Rodine, Radovljica, Mošnje), and in around 920 Radovljica they were more likely to look at them from they were joined by another one in Žirovnica. The con- bellow upwards, from the valley towards the moun- struction of churches roughly coincides with the end of tains. The fact that inhumation appeared in the Dežela burials in vil age cemeteries. Typochronological y, there of Radovljica as late as the mid-8th century, does not is a noticeable link between the later jewellery from the mean that the Slavs only moved there at the time. earlier burial site in Smokuč and the earlier jewel ery from There was no reason for them not to arrive earlier, as the later graves near the church of St Clemens (Klemen) they could not have reached Bled any other way than in neighbouring Rodine. However, the time spans of through the Dežela of Radovljica. Perhaps the earlier individual design types are such that they overlap at least phase of cremation burials can be attributed to the to a certain extent. However, it is clear that the burials in find from Smokuč, where decades ago, on the edge Doslovče, just a little further away, lasted until around 960. of a Late Antique and Early Medieval burial ground, It is also noteworthy that the burials in the 11th century the locals came across a pot and a thick layer of ashes and in the following centuries continues only at three during the construction of a house (I owe this informa- churches out of five. This could be the result of convert- tion to the excavator Milan Sagadin). All the graves in ing the status of proprietary churches into patronage Smokuč were inhumation, there were no settlement parishes. When this conversion failed, the church slipped or prehistoric finds. to the level of a branch and lost its right to burials (Höfler The difference between the two “deželas” in the 2016a 25; 2016b, 64). Höfler’s assumption that the graves time and manner of Christianization is exceptional y next to the church of St Radegunda on Breg predated the telling ( Fig. 23a, b). In Bled around 960, burials in the first church building (Höfler 2019, 23–24), is less likely old vil age cemeteries were abandoned and at the same because they lie in a plain that gradual y descends to the time, the graveyard at the central Bled church of St south-west, which is more characteristic of burial sites Martin appeared. Only burials on the Island of Bled next to churches (see Fig. 10). We do not know whether continued for a short time. Perhaps this was done as a the relatively late patronage of St Radegunda was also favour to a privileged group of people. I have in mind the original one. There is no doubt that the mentioned the garrison of Bled Castle, which the manager of the conversion was not successful for the church of St Martin new Bled royal estate took over from the župan of Bled in Žirovnica. (for more on this see: Pleterski 2013, 170). Anthropo- The described events in the Dežela of Radovljica logical analysis showed that the skeletons from Bled show a completely different state of power when com- Island were the closest to those found at Bled Castle, pared to Bled. Undoubtedly, the entire area was not con- while the brachycephalization trend proves that this trolled political y by a single ruler. This is confirmed by was chronological y later (Leben-Seljak 2020, 209). The the large number of contemporaneous churches, as wel desire for power enables the most unusual unprincipled as the distance between them, which is the maximum coalitions. For example, the ultra-Christian emperor 10 km between Žirovnica and Mošnje. This suggests Henry II established an alliance with the Old Faith that there were several power holders who responded believers Ljutci during a 1017 CE campaign against the to the Christianization campaign in the second half of Christian Boleslav the Brave and even compensated the 9th century, but at the same time there was still some them for the damaged image of their goddess (Thietmar, space left for at least one Old Belief society in Doslovče. L. VII, c. 59-64). With good lobbying support, he was The differences between Bled and the Dežela of later declared a saint anyway. Radovljica confirm that they were two different political A Christian ruler appeared in Bled and he was so entities (župas). They also show that until around 960, powerful that he was able to ban the old burial sites with that is, until the final transition to under the rule of the immediate effect and order that all burials from then medieval empire, there was no ruler who was able to on take place in the church graveyard. Periodical y, this impose his political will on the local potentates. At this coincided with the transition of Bled into the political point, I will not enter the debate whether we can talk framework of the Ottonian Empire. And we know that about any kind of county administration in Carniola 137 Andrej PLETERSKI a b Fig. 23: Slovenia, Bled and the Dežela of Radovljica. a − Period 946-951, b − period 976-981, 1 − Churches and burial sites next to churches, 2 − burial sites without churches (source: LiDAR: Esri, Interman NASA, NGA, USGS; Garmin, Forsquare, Geo-Technologies, Inc. METI/NASA, USGS | MKRS). before 960, or how influential the potential prince of the imperial administrator of Bled also controlled the Carniola was and how far his actual power extended Dežala of Radovljica from around 960 onwards. This is (cf. Sagadin 2008, 184–186; Štular 2020b, 241). Paolo indicated by the end of burials in Doslovče around 960. Santonino (1486) described Carniola as a plain between Merely as a curiosity, I mention the subsequent 1501 Ljubelj and Ljubljana (Santonino 1943, 190–191), i.e. as record in the land registry of the Lords of Škofja Loka the present Gorenjska region. However, it is possible that (Peršič, Štih 1982). Historical y, this highly confused text, 138 IMAGES BEHIND THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL CURTAIN: VLACHS, SLAVS, ŽUPAS, PRINCIPALITIES, CARANTANIA 300 400 500 600 700 800 900 1000 1100 1200 Trnišča Prag Kozji hrbet Gorenje Vrhpolje Zidani gaber Gradec Camberk Prežek 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Fig. 24: Slovenia. Development of settlement on the Gorjanci mountains. Time spans: 1 – settlement, 2 – burial ground, 3 – church, 4 – sanctuary, 5 – castle, 6 – individual find, 7 – hoard. The cut-off points of 300 and 1200 are arbitrarily set. which mixes events, persons and years, attributes the population multiplied and settled a good part of the Christianization of Carniola to Henry III (king from 1039 Krško-Brežice Plain. In the 7th century we know of 4 onwards, emperor 1046−1056), definitely to a later period. settlements in this area, in the 8th century this grew to 9 settlements, and by the 9th century there were a many as 11 settlements in the area. 4.9 A MODEL OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE The number of settlements in the Gorjanci moun- RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THE SLAVS AND tains decreased during this time, but the settlement THE VLACHS AND THE SACRALIZATION OF process did not stop there either. It is best shown by SPACE − THE EXAMPLE OF THE GORJANCI the chart of the time spans of the sites ( Fig. 24), which MOUNTAINS AND KRŠKO-BREŽICE PLAIN spread over an area covering 4 × 4 km. Their displayed time spans reflect the current level of research, which The rivers Sava and Krka meet in Krško-Brežice means that the time spans may change over time. Some Plain (Krško-Brežiško polje), and their meandering will lengthen, others will shorten. Despite this, the rough created vast wetlands, which were the exact opposite of outlines of the settlement process are still visible. the intermediate dry plain. The southern outskirts are At the end of the 4th century there was a group of marked by the Gorjanci mountains. The central area as many as five hil top fortified settlements, which is an was occupied by the Roman period town Neviodunum, extraordinary density that currently has no explanation. which was abandoned in the turbulent 5th century, as In the 6th century three of them were still inhabited, two well as the fort in the neighbouring Velike Malence (cf.: of which (Zidani gaber, Gradec) were given churches and Ciglenečki 2023, 35, 238). At the same time, 18 km aerial graves next to them. In the second half of the 6th century, distance to the south-west, above the vil ages of Gorenje the Gorenje Vrhpolje cemetery was located at the foot Vrhpolje, Mihovo, Cerov Log and Gorenji Suhadol, a of the Gorjanci mountains. So far, we are not certain group of hil top settlements appeared on the Gorjanci as to which settlement this belonged to. Settlement in mountains (Križ 2021). Gradec continued even in the 7th century. Somehow, At the end of the 5th or the beginning of the 6th when the settlement there stopped, the settlement and century, the vacated flatlands of Cerklje ob Krki were burial ground on the neighbouring Camberk began. settled by a group of people. The following immigration The artefacts in the graves there (Breščak 2002; Udovč criteria speak in favour of this settlement: the area with 2018) do not differ in any way from those that were used its immediate surroundings was previously uninhabited, in the valley at the same time. In any case, the location the site has a material culture that has no local tradi- on the top of the mountain ridge is exceptional. What tion (Štular et alii 2022, 9). This is why it was suggested is completely unique for a cemetery without a church that they were Slavs (Pavlovič et alii 2021). Typical y is that the slope with the graves descends to the north- for Slavs, the settlement was placed on the edge of the west. At this time, we would expect a slope towards the river terrace, which represents the border between the south-east (cf. Fig. 10). When we weigh between the wet and dry land. In the following three centuries, the possibility that people from the val ey suddenly decided 139 Andrej PLETERSKI to live in the mountains in the 8th century, and the pos- north of the Danube? Who were the men with spurs sibility that the inhabitants of Gradec moved closer to the from Brinjeva gora above Zreče and from Puščava above valley, while still remaining on the plateau, the second Stari trg near Slovenj Gradac and the man with a sax on possibility seems much more likely. According to this Hemmaberg? Who did the valley Slavs choose as their second possibility, the deceased at Camberk can be de- župan according to the principle of meritocracy? fined as Vlachs. However, in the second third of the 9th There is also a folk narrative about the fate of the century there are no longer any traces of their presence people from Gorjanci, as heard by Ignac Kušljan almost there, it seems that they moved to the plain. However, a a century and a half ago. It refers to the hill Grobišča/ sanctuary or sacred area in which a hoard of iron axes, Grabišča (different on different maps) between Zidani blacksmith’s tongs and chisels was buried, remained in gaber and Gradec. According to the story, a large town use in the 9th and 10th centuries in the previously set- called Pendir stood here, which was named after its tled location. Somehow, during this period, a hoard of head. When, on one occasion, the town was attacked by agricultural and blacksmith’s tools was also buried in the Pendir’s enemies, he had all his valuables carried into nearby Zidan gaber, from where individual metal finds a cave called Huda peč [Fierce crag] on the opposite dating from the 8th to the 10th century were found. In hil , and he also remained hidden until the enemy left the 11th and 12th centuries the microregion was also the (Kušljan 1968, 111). Today, it is not known where Huda home to two smaller castles in Camberk and Trnišče. peč is located. There was a large Late Bronze Age set- These were replaced by the old Prežek castle, which was tlement in Grobišča/Grabišča (information from Borut built in the second half of the 12th century. Križ), and individual metal artefacts dated between the Late Bronze Age and Late Antiquity were found there The presented settlement development is a good (Dular 2008, 130). Locals know the form of the name example of the realization of the model of the space- Grabišča [a place for raking hay] for the Grobišča and time axis (see above), which leads from the peak of remember the lawns where they used to rake hay. Hence the Late Antique settlement through the sacralization the name Grabišča (information Borut Križ). It is quite of the space to a gentry’s castle. However, even if we likely that we owe the form of Grobišče to someone who admit the existence of this axis, we still do not know tried to excessively convert the apparently dialectal -a the mechanisms behind the changes shown by this axis. into -o. Perhaps to Kušljan, who also changed Suhadol For something like this, we would need sufficient and to Suhodol and dreamed of graves in Grobišče (Kušljan detailed researched cases. At this point I can merely 1968, 111). Even the Franciscan cadastre shows no forest string together a few brief thoughts, however, these are in Grabišče, but only meadows. closer to research questions than anything else. This leads us to another folk tale, about a fierce The appearance of weapons, tools, and jewellery spirit in Huda peč, who terrified people who approached is a familiar phenomenon at hil top sites in the period it. During the hay racking season, he was especial y between the 8th to 10th century (for weapons see: Štular, mean to the people who lived on the top of the Gorjanci Eichert 2020). These were hoards of groups of items as mountains. No sooner had the people scattered the piles well as individual artefacts. Since these finds were mainly than the evil spirit spoke: “I will flood this place!” Before found with metal detectors, it is difficult to judge how they managed to create hay piles, the area experienced many of them were accidental y lost and how many were such a downpour that all the hay was soaked. After that deposited for religious reasons. The Vlachs were better he shouted: “Scatter the hay, I will dry it!” But as soon acquainted with the highlands than the Slavs, who ar- as they scattered the hay, the rain poured down again. rived to this territory as lowland people. The distinction Because he pestered the locals like this year after year, between gorenci/hribci (dwellers of the mountains) and they began to slowly move to the Brusnice parish in the dolenci/poljanci (dwellers of the lowlands) still exists vil age of Suhodol. This was the end of their settlement today. So, were the Vlachs the ones who carried the on the Gorjanci mountains (Kušljan 1968, 111). The items to the peaks, or did they just know how to arouse headman Pendir did not hide in the cave with the evil interest in them? And yet the top of Klášt’ov mountain spirit, for he arrived at the cave before the spirit. This in Moravia (Hlavica 2009; Čižmář, Kohoutek 2015; could confirm the possibility that the first story refers Kouřil 2021), where there were no Vlachs at the time, to prehistoric times. The second refers to the centuries is also covered by hoards of tools and weapons. Was when they stacked hay in the Gorjanci mountains and this a process that can be placed at the intersection of for a long time lived in the mountains as wel . The de- the penetrating Christianity and the rise of a political parture to the valley is linked to bad weather and the elite that sought means of ideological confirmation in establishment of the vil age of Suhadol, which was listed domestic tradition? as early as approximately 1306 in the land registry of the How were the Vlachs in the valley accepted? As diocese of Freising. At that time, it had 10 inhabited and shepherds, merchants and warriors, as they have been six abandoned farms (Blaznik 1963, 18, 173). The vil age throughout the centuries up to modern times south and is therefore earlier, it is feasible that it appeared in the 140 IMAGES BEHIND THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL CURTAIN: VLACHS, SLAVS, ŽUPAS, PRINCIPALITIES, CARANTANIA 9th century. Today we have Gorenji (Upper) and Dolenji (Lower) Suhadol, however, only Gorenji is located in the lower lands, which is obviously the earlier and the first in the west along with the group of sites around Grabišče: Zidani gaber, Gradec, Camberk. The name Suhadol is not Vlach in origin, which indicates a relatively early linguistic Slavisation of the Vlachs. The importance of hay shows that the people of the Gorjanci mountains were livestock farmers who needed winter fodder. The story reveals another clue. The evil spirit in Huda peč apparently controlled the weather. Good relations with him were therefore of vital importance. Was this the function of the shrine at Camberk? We can imagine a model of sacralization, according to which the Vlachs in the mountains had to Fig. 25: Slovenia, Na Bleku, Krvavec. Excavation in 2007, maintain the good spirits of the divine forces both when Tranch VI. Hole filled with stones, charcoal, a pottery fragment they lived there permanently as well as after they moved and a knife with the blade and tip upwards. to the valley and continued to use the upland. Thus, their former places of settlement and their immediate surroundings became places of communication with divine forces. This model includes for example the cult because there were both independent churches without place in the Early Medieval shepherd’s summer settle- castles and castles without churches. This was partly ex- ment Na bleku on the Krvavec Mountain ( Fig. 25). It plained by the state of archaeological research, and partly also covers the processions to the Jezero [lake] on hill by the fact that the churches were also the strongholds of Čuk above Rodik (south-western Slovenia), which also state power (Vargha, Mordovin 2019). hosts a Roman period sacral tradition where the dragon Janez Höfler analysed, as he says, the building con- Lintver, who controlled the weather and waters, lived text for the territory under consideration. He compared (Hrobat 2004). When arriving for summer grazing on the formulations of written sources from the 9th and 10th the mountain Bukovske planine, the inhabitants from centuries with his art-historical observations and clues the Bohinj area (north-western Slovenia), prayed to the he sensed at individual locations. Thus, he developed a black bull Skočer for good grazing, health and weather building model according to which, in the Early Middle as late as the 19th century (Čop 2006). Ages, every manor that was the administrative seat of The influence of Early Christianity in the 5th and 6th the estate had a church. From the 12th century onwards, centuries was clearly marginal to the local population of the castles built on the neighbouring hil s were supposed the Gorjanci mountains and ended with the disappear- to replace the lower-lying manors, while the churches ance of the ruling elite in the 7th century. remained where they were (Höfler 2019, 14−17). At this point, I would like to stress that the word “gener- al y” means that there might be exceptions, that this is 5. SPATIAL POINTS therefore not a firm rule. OF POLITICAL POWER Since it concerns proprietary churches, his second model, which refers primarily to the time after the Synod 5.1 STARTING POINTS in Lateran (1059) and regulates the issue of tithe and the right of investiture is also important. The owner of the Political power takes many forms. That it also exists church handed over the tithe to the bishop, then received in space is most visibly demonstrated by state borders. a part of it back, and above al , he was also awarded for- The archaeology of area is still developing its analytical mal parish rights for the church. The main rights were tools. Various authors have already proposed several baptism and burials, and the owner could also suggest different models. the priest for the church. Churches with Early Medieval The analysis described below is similar to the analy- burial sites, which do not show a history of being parish sis for the territory of Hungary in the 11th century, carried churches, make it possible to conclude that they were out by Mária Vargha and Maxim Mordovin. In their case, proprietary churches, in which the described transition the individual examples showed the power and spatial to a parish church did not take place and they became connection between castles and the first churches, but the branch churches (Höfler 2021, 106). mapping of all known sites gave a less expected picture. While inspecting the sanctuaries, churches and Some cases confirmed the assumption of the connection hillfort settlements of Moravia and Bohemia, Lubomír between castles and the first churches, but many did not, Jan Konečný noticed that the early churches replaced 141 Andrej PLETERSKI sanctuaries, but hillforts did not always appear close between the nature of the market exchange and the to churches. From this he drew the conclusion that the political system, therefore it is possible to draw con- main motive for the creation of settlement centres was clusions as regards the organizational structure of the not to strengthen the power of the princes, but to create investigated society, its power strategies, as well as the a cult spot that united the population of a broader area political economy of its elite components, based on the (Konečný 1980, 133). Over time, the ruler’s residence market system. However, at the same time, he warns that and economic infrastructure could be added to this. a simple mapping is not possible and additional checks Fred Ruchhöft discussed in detail the development are required (Hlavica 2020, 102). That his caution was of political territories in the northern part of the Slavic justified is proven by the result of his analyses, where he territories in Eastern Germany from the settlement of sees the power centres of Pohansko and Mikulčice within the Slavs to the end of the Middle Ages. He supported the same endogamous market community, but within it, their determination and delimitation for the period of Pohansko reaches the second level B, while Mikulčice the 7th and 8th centuries with dense settlements and the only reaches the much lower fourth level (Hlavica 2020, unpopulated spaces between them. From the 9th century 179, 194). The described 60-kilometre territories have onwards, he believes that the numerous hillforts repre- several local centres in addition to the main centre and sented the core of power. He identified them as civitates, can be equated with principalities consisting of župas. which were mentioned in the 9th century by an unknown Bavarian geographer and believes that their density was too high in certain places. High density is represented 5.2 SELECTION OF POINTS by a distance of 5 km between individual civitates, while low density means 13 km. The administrative territories The selection of points natural y corresponds to the of individual hillforts ( Burgbezirk) were assembled into material sources for the considered area at a specified larger political units, most of which can be identified by time. In another time and place, the selection of points the names given in written sources (Ruchhöft 2008). would necessarily be different. The central embodiment Although Ruchhöft spoke of tribal territories, I would of political power in the Early Middle Ages was the prefer to call them principalities consisting of individual church. On the one hand, churches require that the con- župas. In the 18 political territories that he had recon- struction costs are covered, and above all they need the structed, there were between one and 18 hillforts in each funds to employ priests, while on the other hand, they (Ruchhöft 2008, Fig. 29), giving a total of 104, which demand strong political support, which was necessary in gives an average of slightly less than 6 hillforts (župas) a territory and in a society that was predominantly not per political territory (principality). yet Christian. If we exclude the rare churches that were Michal Hlavica set the analysis of marks and signs most likely built by the broader community (e.g. Maria on the bottom of vessels found in the territories of Mora- Saal/Gospa Sveta, see 4.7; and St Martin in Žirovnica via, Bohemia, Slovakia and Lower Austria, all originating see 4.8), we must imagine that these churches were from the 9th and 10th centuries, into a broad framework proprietary (Höfler 2019, 9–27). Thus, churches were of models that are linked geographical y, political y and the materialization of the power of individual poten- economical y. The models were created in order to un- tates. As we have seen above, the construction of new derstand the market and political structures as explained proprietary churches begun as late as the 9th century. by the political economy theory (Hlavica 2020). In an As I am trying to identify the network of local political extremely simplified way (this simplification is of course entities before they melted into the political structures mine and not Michal Hlavica’s), control over at least of the medieval empire, I am looking at the period of part of the products allows political rulers to maintain the 9th and 10th centuries. There are very few preserved political power when they distribute the resources thus building remains from this period, most of the remains obtained to their followers. An exceptional y important are fragments of stone church furniture, which were source of income is said to be the control of trade, both decorated with interlaced ornament. However, more local and long-range. In a political community without indirectly, they are indicated by burials next to churches a bureaucratic apparatus, the economic-political terri- with an unknown building history (see also 4.6). tory in a uniformly populated plain with a diameter of At the same time, we must also consider the Old approximately 60 km, which is supposed to represent a Faith cult places (such as Bled Island), which most likely day’s worth (16 hours) of walking. This is an area that represented a magnet for local dignitaries. a political ruler can maintain from his centre alone, The tacit archaeological assumption that weapons without employees to whom he would delegate super- can (this is only one of the possibilities) mean authori- visory and administrative functions. Archaeological y, tarian power has not yet been disproved, and it often the design of the market system can be recognized by seems justified. This is why I also looked for sites with the spread of marks and signs on the bottom of the ves- weapons. As the upper time limit I chose the same limit sels. Hlavica believes that there is a causal connection I adopted for the churches, and as the lower one I arbi- 142 IMAGES BEHIND THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL CURTAIN: VLACHS, SLAVS, ŽUPAS, PRINCIPALITIES, CARANTANIA trarily designated the middle of the 7th century, when former stand out already in the image and it is not even the structural transition from the “Vlach” Late Antiquity necessary to define them separately, but the criteria to the “Slavic” Early Middle Ages seems to be the most for the hard to cross river valleys will still need to be noticeable ( Figs. 2; 4; 15). determined. Undoubtedly, administrative-political and The first fortifications appeared in the 9th and market boundaries also represent obstacles, however, 10th centuries. We are referring to residences of mili- these cannot be determined merely from the shape of tary crews (perhaps Veliki gradec near Jezerca near the surface. This image does not take into account the Drežnica), as well as exposed fortified dwellings of local obstacles, which provides us with the possibility for fur- dignitaries (St. Magdalena near Baldersdorf). In any ther improvements. In the image, the decline in density case, both were related to political power (according to is arbitrarily divided into nine stages. the online ZBIVA timeline 801−996). The red line marks the border of the considered We have also noticed that the location of High territory. At this limit, there is a possibility of its effect on Medieval castles is also important for the understanding the image (edge effect). There may be points of political and locating of earlier centres of power, however, this power right next to the border, but as they are located on realisation came too late for the current phase of our re- the other side it is impossible to see their effects. search. The image that could be produced with the listed The circles that can be seen should not always be points therefore does not include High Medieval castles. equated with early Slavic župas. Perhaps they correspond in most cases, but certainly not in al . A detailed local treatment is necessary. 5.3 ANALYTICAL TOOLS AND METHOD My starting point is the spatial statistical method of kernel density estimation, which is included in the 5.4 DISCUSSING THE IMAGE ( Fig. 26) ArcGIS Pro software package, and that was used to perform our analysis (for which I would like to thank Regardless of the fact that each of the considered Benjamin Štular). This method enables the analysis of site characteristics has its exceptions, it seems that the point and line phenomena. In our case, sites are seen as selection is justified, that the points were created in the points. The analysis of point phenomena is suitable for process of asserting power. This could be indicated by our sites. Mathematical y, a smoothly curved surface two indicators. Even though the points are diverse in is placed over each point. The value of the area is the appearance, they are accumulated in the same area, greatest at the location of the point and decreases with which is the first indicator. The probable reason for this increasing distance from the point, reaching zero at the is that they share a common link − political power. The distance of the search radius from the point. The density second indicator is the relatively even dispersion, which in each output raster cell is calculated by adding the could correspond to the distribution of small political values of all core surfaces that overlap the centre of the units. We still need to ascertain the impact of natural raster cell (method description: https://desktop.arcgis. conditions with a special GIS analysis. com/en/arcmap/latest/tools/spatial-analyst-toolbox/ The level of archaeological research also has an how- kernel-density-works.htm, accessed on 9 July undoubtful impact on the image. Bled and the Dežela of 2024). The resulting image ( Fig. 26) has raster cel s that Radovljica stand out in terms of their strength, as they are 1 km2 in size, the search radius is 5 km, and the are the best archaeological y researched. They are united maximum area value is the default value of 1. Since I in a single circle, which would not have happened if the selected the site points according to various criteria (see Sava Dolinka valley, which represents a demarcation line above 5.2 ), there is a possibility that their significance between them, was taken into account as an obstacle for determining the area of political power differs. Until when creating the picture (see. 4.8 above). Since we do we recognize the difference in meaning and know how to not know the boundaries in detail, some of the circles evaluate them numerical y, all points will have the same merged. This is particularly visible in the agricultural y numerical value. The search radius of 5 km represents favourable areas of the Ljubljana Basin and the Kla- the expected spatial extent of the Early Medieval župa genfurter Becken/Celovška kotlina. In these areas, the and roughly corresponds to the size of the župa of Bled density of political units could be higher than elsewhere. (Pleterski 2013; 2017). ArcGis Pro version 2.8 already It is extremely likely that this was the central area of the has an additional option for the kernel density analysis principalities of Carantania and Carniola, however, we that also considers obstacles (https://pro.arcgis.com/ have insufficient data to determine their true borders. en/pro-app/2.8/tool-reference/geostatistical-analyst/ This does not mean that there were no other connections kernel-interpolation-with-barriers.htm, accessed on between smaller political units in the neighbourhood 9 July 2024). Mountain ridges and difficult-to-pass where there were no such concentrations. We must be river valleys certainly represent such obstacles. The aware that our insight is limited. 143 Andrej PLETERSKI Fig. 26: South-eastern Alps. Core density of the points of political power in the period 651–996 (realisation Benjamin Štular). Of course, the density of political units would also The strongly emphasized area of authority in the be expected on the fertile periphery of the Pannonian south-west, in the coastal region between Trieste and Basin for the same reason, but there are few points of the Dragonja stream, should also be noted. If Istria as political power there. In the belt ranging from Slovenske a whole was to be included in the same way, this area gorice to the north, there are none at al . While the ab- would undoubtedly extend to a large part of it. This area sence in this zone may be explained by the exceptional y held a tradition of relatively well-organized government sparse settlement, such an explanation does not apply to that remained from the time of Byzantine Istria. Later, the well-populated Prekmurje. There it becomes obvious the Frankish government relied on it, but allowed certain that for the period between the 6th and the 8th century we self-government to individual Slav groups (Levak 2007). are simply not aware of the indicators of political power, The area, or at least the proximity of some Roman because these differed from the ones that appeared period towns and cities, shows that even the Early Mid- in the 9th and 10th centuries. This could be a result of dle Ages held the conditions for accumulating political the differences and changes in the power and political power. This is shown by the “eyes” of power in East Tyrol structure within individual territorial units. In this case, (Aguntum), Upper Carinthia (Teurnia), around Ulrichs- this would be partial y connected to the ideological berg/Šenturška gora (Virunum) and in Ptuj (Poetovio). transition from the Old Faith system to Christianity, If we exclude Bled and the Dežela of Radovljica, the area and to the greatest extent with the individualization of Late Antique Kranj (Carnium) stands out. of the authorities. This is about an individual trying to In the search for an explanation, the area of the usurp the power of political decision-making, which middle Vipava valley, where – following the col apse was previously a collective power. of the Kingdom of Lombards − political power accu- 144 IMAGES BEHIND THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL CURTAIN: VLACHS, SLAVS, ŽUPAS, PRINCIPALITIES, CARANTANIA mulated between Sv. Pavel above Vrtovin and Batuje onwards, and should be studied on a larger number of represents a challenge. micro-regional cases. In any case, the network of small political units We are living in a rapidly aging Europe, and many shows that looking at macro political demarcations is are knocking on our door, expecting a better life or at insufficient if we wish to understand life in the area in least survival in this area. This makes it possible to relive question. What is more, such a macro view can blur the situation during Late Antiquity, which witnessed the beyond recognition all that was happening on the local col apse of the Roman Empire and the steady influx of level and influenced everyday life. We need to continue various settlers. The debate as to whether we are de- with the studies of the phenomenon of župas and the scendants of the natives or immigrants leads nowhere. history of their effects ( Wirkungsgeschichte), which Time and time again our ancestors are shown to be both. continues to the present day (see below). In the context of the settlement process, I was able to show the arrival of the Slavs as a new population into a sparsely populated or even unpopulated territory. 6. A HINT OF PARALLEL SOCIETIES These were people who, as survival opportunists, lived on the border between wet and dry environments, who History is written by the victors, not the defeated, cremated their dead, who had elaborate ideas concerning especial y if the latter do not use the alphabet. Archaeol- the landscape of the dead, and therefore mound shapes ogy transforms material remains into some sort of ideo- and slopes towards the south-east were important to grams that communicate many things that cannot be them. According to current data, they arrived in groups found in written sources. An ideogram is also a kind of from the end of the 5th century onwards. So far, we do not record of thoughts. In the period in question, we can pri- have a more detailed insight. The ancient Vlachs knew marily study the process of the transformation of Vlachs how to survive in the mountains, but they occasional y into Slavs, however, we also need to take into account also inhabited the plains, to where they descended by the existence of parallel societies that helped the Vlachs the 9th century and merged with the Slavs who were survive in the vast areas south of the Danube to this day. already living there. Linguistical y, the Slavic language This retrospectively raises new research questions. How was clearly dominant. When we observe artefacts, successful and complete was the Romanization process? buildings, graves, burial structures, examine the living, Did a parallel society establish itself alongside the na- kitchen, and spiritual culture, various branches of the tionalized society in that period? Who did the Slavic economy, the origin of the ingredients will be better newcomers encounter? A parallel society? And when known. The mountainous and dry karst world requires it seems that the Vlachs survived in a parallel society special skil s for survival, which the Slavs did not master. that was based on economic differentiation − farmers Without the cooperation of the Vlachs, this world would on the one hand, shepherds, transporters, and soldiers be abandoned. on the other, we realize that even with Christianization, While studying the relationship between the in- a parallel society based on worldview differences − Old fluential spaces of churches and burial sites without Faith believers on one side and Christians on the other − churches, an archaeological tool was revealed that out- was formed. Even the expansion of the state-political lines the political relations and the extent of authoritar- structures of the medieval empire did not completely ian power at the time the church network was emerging. erase the structures of the former župas. In many places, According to this, the small starting point of Carantania these remained connected to the Old Faith and survived appeared at the beginning of the 9th century, as did many as an invisible parallel society until the 20th century. (cf. individual župas as primordial political communities in Pleterski 2022). the 9th and 10th centuries. They formed the foundation that has retained its importance in many places to this day. The constant political games of the intervening 7. EPILOGUE times were of interest to the chroniclers, but they were rarely important in everyday life and represent a time One of the initial questions of the research was also that did not have as significant an impact on everything Germanization, whatever we imagine under this term. below it as we thought until now. The analysis carried out did not show its process, which most likely took place later, from the High Middle Ages Translation: Sunčan Patrick Stone 145 Andrej PLETERSKI Written sources rum, Tomus I, Pippini, Carlomanni, Caroli Magni diplomata. − Hannoverae. (https://www.dmgh.de/ ANNALES MAGDEBURGENSES = Annales Magde- mgh_dd_karol_i/index.htm#page/(III)/mode/1up, burgenses. – In: H. Pertz (ed.) 1859, Monumenta access 6 October 2023) Germaniae Historica. Scriptorum, Tomus XVI, MGH DD LdD / DD Km / DD LdJ = Monumenta Ger- Hannover, 105–196. (https://www.dmgh.de/ maniae historica. Diplomatum regum Germaniae mgh_ss_16/index.htm#page/195/mode/1up; ac-ex stirpe Karolinorum, T. I, Ludovici Germanici, cessed on 22 September 2023) Karlomanni, Ludowici Iunioris diplomata. − Bero- ANONYMUS RAVENNATUS = Ravennatis Anonymi lini, 1934. (https://www.dmgh.de/mgh_dd_ldd__ cosmographia et Guidonis geographica. – In: M. dd_km__dd_ldj/index.htm#page/(t01)/mode/1up; Pinder, G. Parthey (eds.)1860, Berolini. (https:// accessed on 6 October 2023) ia800909.us.archive.org/32/items/ravennatisa- MGH DD O II = Monumenta Germaniae historica. nony02ravegoog/ravennatisanony02ravegoog.pdf; Diplomatum regum et imperatorum Germaniae, accessed on 22 September 2023) T. II/1, Ottonis II. diplomata. – Hannoverae, 1888 CONVERSIO = Conversio Bagoariorum et Carantano- (https://www.dmgh.de/mgh_dd_o_ii__dd_o_iii/ rum. = Wolfram 2012. index.htm#page/(t01)/mode/1up; accessed on 6 FREDEGAR = Fredegarii et aliorum chronica. Vitae October 2023). sanctorum. − B. Krusch (ed.) 1888, Monumenta SANTONINO = Itinerario di Paolo Santonino in Carin- Germaniae Historica. Scriptores rerum Merov- tia, Stiria e Carniola negli anni 1485−1487 (Codice ingicarum, Tomus II, Hannover. (https://www. Vaticano Latino 3795). – G. Vale (ed.) 1943, Bib- dmgh.de/mgh_ss_rer_merov_2/index.htm#page/ lioteca apostolica Vaticana, Studi e testi 103, Città (I)/mode/1up access 22 September 2023) del Vaticano. 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Niccolucci (eds.), V., DRESLEROVA, D., RYBNIČEK, M., SIMEK, The ARIADNE Impact, Budapest, 69−82 (https:// P. 2019, The Best possible Time resolution: How zenodo.org/record/3476712/files/ARIADNE_Im- precise could a Radiocarbon dating method be? – pact_October_2019.pdf?download=1) Radiocarbon 61(6), 1729–1740. DOI: https://doi. ŠTULAR, Benjamin 2020a (ed.), Srednjeveški Blej ski org/10.1017/RDC.2019.134 otok v arheoloških virih / Medieval archaeol- SZAKÁCS, Béla Zsolt 2018, Architecture in Hungary in ogy of Bled Island, Opera Instituti archaeo- the Eleventh Century. – In: T. Janiak, D. Stryniak logici Sloveniae 42, 115–128. DOI: https://doi. (eds.), Architektura w początkach państw Europy org/10.3986/9789610502609 Środkowej / Architecture in the Early Period of Cen- tral European States, Gniezno, 199–222. 151 Andrej PLETERSKI ŠTULAR, Benjamin 2020b, Stratigrafija najdišča / Site TOPLAK, Cirila 2022, Družbeno-politični vidiki zahod- stratigraphy. – In: Štular (ed.) 2020a, 115–128. 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Wnioski. – Wrocław, War- org/10.3986/9789610508786 szawa, Kraków, Gdansk. 152 Settlement of the Eastern Alps in the Early Middle Ages, Opera Instituti Archaeologici Sloveniae 48, 2024, 153–215. doi: https:// doi.org/10.3986/9789610508786_08 FROM LATE ANTIQUITY TO THE EARLY MIDDLE AGES. THE “DARK CENTURIES” IN STYRIA (400–650 AD) AND THE “NEW BEGINNING” OF SETTLEMENT IN THE 7TH CENTURY Christoph GUTJAHR, Stephan KARL, Christian GREINER Abstract This article deals with the period of Late Antiquity (from c. 380 AD) and the first phase of Early Medieval settlement on the territory of the present-day province of Styria. In the research area, finds from Late Antiquity and, even more so, from the transition to the Early Middle Ages (around 450−650), are surprisingly rare. This situation is il ustrated here on the basis of selected groups of finds, including ARSW, Late Antique lead-glazed pottery, burnished pottery, coins and jewellery/attire. Apparently, Roman rural structures in Styria hardly survived beyond the end of the 4th century. It is also noteworthy that the activities of the Lombards, Ostrogoths, the (early) Avars and various other ancient gentes in the Eastern Alpine region, seem to have passed by Styria without a trace. The second part of the contribution focuses on the earliest Slavic settlement features in Styria (c. 600–750). The Slavic settlement presumably started before 600, but there is only clear archaeological evidence for the last third of the 7th century. This early Slavic settlement horizon is limited in terms of material and finds and spatial y restricted to western and central Styria. It is determined by the pit finds from Komberg, St. Ruprecht an der Raab and Enzelsdorf. Whereas settlement pits from Komberg and St. Ruprecht yielded pottery that can be dated to the middle or second half of the 7th century, continued excavations in Enzelsdorf have provided evidence of a settlement that probably existed from the 7th to the early 11th century. Keywords: Styria, South East Alpine Region, Late Antiquity, Early Slavs, settlement, pottery 1. INTRODUCTION. AN OUTLINE OF THE HISTORICAL 193–194, 199–200; Bratož 2011, 593. – A similar lasting ef- AND ARCHAEOLOGICAL SITUATION fect is attributed to the crossing of the Rhine Limes by the IN THE SOUTHEASTERN ALPINE Vandals, Quadian Suebi and Alans around 406−407 (Stickler REGION (380−600 AD) 2002, 103–104; Lotter 2003, 195; Heather 2017, 244–248). The withdrawal of these populations from zones ahead of the Pannonian provinces may be tangible in the archaeological Christoph Gutjahr record (Tejral 2015, 173). Furthermore, the Vandal conquest of the Roman province of Africa in 429 and Rome’s multiple From the last third of the 4th century onwards, the failed attempts to reconquer it were decisive (Lotter 2003, 107; citizens of the Western Roman Empire were confronted Heather 2017, 327–347); Western Rome’s declining grip on the with massive upheavals. Decisive factors for this were, Iberian Peninsula also played a role (Heather 2017, 397–399). among other things, the crushing defeat of the Roman Momentous in terms of its exemplary effect was the foedus that troops at Adrianopolis 1 in August 378 and, from the 5th Eastern Emperor Theodosius I concluded with the Danubian Goths under their leader Fritigern in 382, which granted the Goths extensive autonomy in Thrace and Moesia (Soproni 1 Weiler 1995, 163; Demandt 1996, 43; Lotter 2003, 48, 1985, 90; Wolfram 2003, 27; Lotter 2003, 199–200, 203; Rosen 153 Christoph GUTJAHR, Stephan KARL, Christian GREINER century onwards, the weakness of the empire’s leader- (especial y in Pannonia prima and Valeria) and on the ship. The Eastern Alps and the Pannonian region and middle Danube border and knew about the political thus also the former Eastern part of Noricum mediterra- and socio-economic implications for the provincial neum, today Styrian territory, were particularly affected population.6 In particular, the southeastern part of by these changes.2 Because of its strategic position be- Noricum mediterraneum was tangential y affected, or tween Italy and the Pannonian Plain, the south-eastern at least alarmed, with regard to the events (Radagaisus, Alpine region was strongly involved in the political Alaric, later Huns)7 and the resulting flight of large parts events of that time; the invasion of Radagaisus,3 the of the population. The latter assertion, however, cannot undertakings of Alaric4 and the internal Roman conflicts be specifical y inferred from the written sources for under Emperor Theodosius I against Magnus Maximus Styria and can only be guessed at from archaeological and Flavius Eugenius (388 and 394)5 bear witness to findings.8 In the early 5th century, Italy was the primary this. Certainly, people in Noricum mediterraneum were destination of those Pannonian refugees who turned informed about the events in the Pannonian provinces westwards, later – during the Avar conquests in the late 6th century – also Istria.9 2009, 57–58; Brandt 2017, 59; see also Šašel Kos 1996, 161; The “Hunnic factor” proved to be particularly mo- Lippold 1996, 17–28). On the invasion of Pannonia ( Valeria) mentous for the fortunes of Western Rome in general by the Quades and Sarmatians, which is already recorded for and for events in the (south-) eastern Alpine region 374−375, and the Roman cause for this, see especial y Šašel in the first half of the 5th century, especial y after the Kos 1996, 154–173; Lotter 2003, 157. Heather (2017, 423–425) attributes a decisive part in the col apse of Western Rome to shift of the Hunnic centre of power to the Hungar- the Huns, especial y to the fall of the Hun Empire. On the fal ian Danube region and the Tisza plain under King of Western Rome also: Ward-Perkins 2006, esp. 33–62; in gen- Ruga (around 430).10 As early as 433−434, Valeria and eral on Late Antiquity: Demandt 2008. most of Pannonia secunda were taken into possession 2 After the Diocletian reforms, this area, which extended “without a formal cession of Roman territory”, which from Aquileia in the west to Sirmium in the east, correspond-was accompanied by a major change in the settlement ed to the four Pannonian provinces, two Norican provinces pattern in this area.11 Even those territories that Attila and the Dalmatian province in the Pannonian diocese, as well as the province Venetia et Histria in the Italian diocese 6 In particular, that of the first decade of the 5th century. (Lippold 1996, 17). The two Norican provinces belonged – Müller 2000, 241–253; Tomičić 2000, 255–297; Lotter 2003, to the prefecture of Italy after the partition of Illyria in 396 32, note 100, 156–192, esp. 161–164 (the migration of the (Weiler 1996, 137). For details on the course of events in the population of the towns of North and East Pannonia in the Pannonian diocese see Lotter 2003, 7–30. first half of the 5th century is compared to that of “Ufernori- 3 Wolfram 2001, 175–176; Bratož 2011, 595–596. kum” in 488); Bratož 2007, 247–284; in detail: Bratož 2011, 4 In our opinion, before he marched to Italy in 408, 589–614, esp. 596 (catastrophic conditions in the Middle Alaric took up quarters in the area of Celeia, as suggested by Danube region in the first decade of the 5th century). The Grassl (1996, 177–184, esp. 183), which had been fortified economic decline of Noricum and Pannonia began as early with a city wall in the first half of the 4th century (Krempuš as with the Praetorian prefect of Illyricum Probus (368–375 et al. 2005, 208–209; Ciglenečki 2014, 234). This is suggested [376], 383–387) and his ruthless fiscal policy (Lotter 2003, by the route to Italy subsequently taken (via Hrušica); also, 156; Bratož 2011, 589–592). Several cities appear already a camp in the vicinity of the capital of Noricum mediterra- heavily affected and partly devastated in the last third of the neum at that time would have been an ideal place to lend 4th century (e.g. Carnuntum, Aquincum, Savaria, Sirmium; weight to Alaric’s demands on Emperor Honorius (see also Šašel Kos 1996, 162–163; Lotter 2003, 157; Bratož 2011, 592). Gleirscher 2019, 34, 42–43). On Alaric’s career and under- 7 Already after the defeat at Adrianopolis (Bratož 2011, takings see Wolfram 2001, 143–168, esp. 161 (occupation 593, Poetovio). – Stickler 2002, 103–104; Heather 2017, of the Norican parts of present-day Slovenia, Carinthia and 231–232, Map 7 (Radagaisus’ route through south-eastern southern Styria in 408). A settlement in the Norican prov- Noricum). inces had been brought up in negotiations by Alaric several 8 Karl 2011, 117–126; 2013, 291–300; Gutjahr 2013, times (Šašel 1979, 127; Wolfram 2003, 31–32). Glaser, on the 193–294, esp. 259–275; Gutjahr, Steigberger 2018, 454–461. other hand, assumes a direct replacement of Virunum in its – It should be considered whether some of the people fleeing function as capital by Teurnia, which is designated as capital Pannonia initial y sought refuge in the relatively safe Nori- in the Vita Severini 21, 2 by Eugippius (“Tiburnia metropolis cum, perhaps as a stopover on the way to Italy (especial y Norici”) (Glaser 2008, 597–599; 2015, 11–12). In any case, Venetia et Histria/Aquileia) or awaiting a possible return to Teurnia became the Norican capital before the siege by the Pannonia (Bratož 2011, 598–599). According to Lotter (2003, Ostrogoths, which is documented for 467 ( Vita Severini 17, 166), the migration from Pannonia in the first half of the 5th 4; on the correct dating of the event see: Wolfram 2003, 36 century “partial y or not at all covered the two Norican prov- note 97; Glaser 2008, 599 note 8). For Rosenberger (2011, inces.” Flight movements under Hun rule also took place 213), referring to the mention of the later bishop Paulinus in within the Pannonian region from Valeria to Savia (Bratož the Vita Severini, it remains open whether Teurnia was the 2011, 604–605, 611). capital of both Norican provinces. 9 Bratož 2011, 611–612. 5 Lippold 1996, 18, 28; Bratož 1996, 334–344 (regarding 10 Stickler 2002, 105. the Christianisation process); Wolfram 2001, 142. 11 Bratož 2011, 604–606. – With partly different assump- 154 FROM LATE ANTIQUITY TO THE EARLY MIDDLE AGES ... received in connection with his appointment as magister at the price of double loyalties”.16 The power of the Hun militum 12 were not formal cessions of imperial territory Empire kept the Germanic and horse-nomadic tribes (nor were they federal lands).13 In fact, however, these on the Danube, which were controlled by the Huns, developments meant the political-administrative break- from pursuing an independent policy towards Rome.17 ing away of large parts of Pannonia from the Roman For the south-eastern Alpine region, it is primarily the empire.14 From the 430s until the death of Attila in 453, campaign leading to Upper Italy (452) that is associated the campaigns of Hunnic armies roamed large parts of with caesuras, especial y with regard to the continuity Western, Central and Eastern Europe and advanced of urban culture ( Celeia, Poetovio).18 into today’s Turkish-Arab region.15 They devastated After Attila’s death in 453, uncertain conditions large areas, but “Attila’s autocracy [...] had created clear prevailed “in both Pannonia and the other areas conditions in the Danube region and thus brought a bordering the Danube” (Noricum/Raetia) due to the period of relative peace, even if this stability was bought unresolved question of succession, as can be seen from the Vita Severini. 19 Lotter, however, assumes a “con- tions regarding the temporal occupation of Pannonian terri- solidation of conditions in the Middle Danube region” tory: Šašel 1979, 128 ( Pannonia Valeria and Pannonia secunda as early as 455, which brought Noricum another two are ceded to the Huns as Eastern Roman federates under King decades of relative peace.20 Pannonia, on the other hand, Ruga); Bona 1991, 46–60, 52 ( “official” cession of the prov- which was the settlement area of the Ostrogoths from inces of Valeria and Pannonia prima by Aëtius in 434−435), 50 456/57 to 473,21 remained heavily involved in the gentile ( Valeria already in Hunnic hands in 425), 56 (conquest of the province of Pannonia secunda in 441), respectively; Tomičić conflicts for regional hegemony in the years following 2000, 266 (conquest of Pannonia secunda in 441, cession of the breakdown of the Hunnic empire after the Battle Pannonia Savia under Valentinian III in 446); Stickler 2002, on the Nedao (454), as well as later in the Ostrogothic- 105–114, 108–109 (taking into account the Hunnic under- Byzantine War (South Pannonia).22 standing of rule and rejecting an early formal handover of As early as 467, a few years before the formal end of Pannonian territory to Ruga under Aëtius); Wolfram 2003, 33; the Western Roman Empire – usual y associated in histo- Lotter 2003, 16–17 ( “Pannonia, i.e. besides Valeria also Up- riography with the deposition of the (counter-)emperor per Pannonia up to the Sava” in 433). – The occupation of the Romulus Augustus by Odoacer (476) – the Ostrogoths province of Pannonia secunda in 427 by Eastern Rome was also made a first, unsuccessful attempt to conquer the prov- only of short duration, see Lotter 2003, 15 (“... at least western and southern Pannonia, temporarily placed under Roman rule ince of Noricum mediterraneum.23 But only Theoderic again around 427 ...”). succeeded after the final victory over Odoacer in the 12 Material traces of ethnic Huns are very rare. The find course of the longed-for permanent empire building material in question can only be interpreted as Hun period in Italy.24 For Noricum mediterraneum, the incorpora- or as equestrian nomadic (for the southeastern Alpine area tion into the Ostrogothic “multi-ethnic state”25 and the see Knific 1993, 521–542; Tomičić 2000, 266–268, 267, fig. rule of Theoderic (493–526) meant about four decades 2). – The grave of a Hun tribesman from the middle of the 5th century from Ptuj is mentioned by Lubšina Tušek (2004, 76–79, fig. on p. 77), less certain Ciglenečki 2023, 341, 342 16 Wolfram 2003, 33. Fig. 4.5, (“nomadic warrior”). Heather (2017, 382–383) states 17 Heather 2017, 384–385, 423–425. – “Gentile Anarchy” that in the entire area of Hunnic activity (incl. Volga steppe, was neither desirable for Attila nor for the two halves of the north of the Black Sea and Great Hungarian Plain) no more Roman Empire: Stickler 2002, 94–95 (also focussing on the than 200 graves have been identified as possible Hunnic. On special nature of Roman-Hunnic conflict communication). the difficulties of identifying finds as Hunnic (attribution to 18 Stickler 2002, 145–150; Ciglenečki 2014, 245. the Hunnic ethnicity) see, for example, Tejral 2010, 81–122, 19 Vita Severini 1: “utraque Pannonia ceteraque confinia esp. 85, 93, 99, 101–102, 108, 110, 113–116; 2015, 175–186, Danuvii rebus turbantur ambiguis” – On this topic, see Lotter 181 fig. 36 (core area of the Hunnic dominion at the time of 1976, 67–68. Bleda and Attila). The find material of some graves close to 20 Lotter 2003, 19, 167. the Untersiebenbrunn style group with equestrian nomadic 21 Schwarcz 2000, 60 (most of Pannonia II and parts of features (e.g. Vienna-Simmering) is associated with the fed- the old province of Pannonia I, perhaps also the extreme erated “Roman” Huns by Tejral (2015, 157). southwest of Valeria); Wolfram 2001, 259–268, esp. 262 13 Stickler 2002, 120. (parts of Pannonia I, Savia and Pannonia II). 14 Noricum was not part of the Hunnic territory on Ro- 22 Bratož 2011, 607; Heather 2017, 405–425. – Recently: man imperial soil, as can be seen from the legation sent by Ruchesi 2020, 19–25. Aëtius to the court of Attila in 449 with the participation of 23 Šašel (1979, 131) suspects Vidimir’s Goths. Schwarcz the governor of Noricum ripense or mediterraneum Promo- (1996, 125) assumes that the Vidimir group roamed the tus (Šašel Kos 1994a, 99–111, esp. 108–109; 1994b, 285–295; south of the province of Noricum on their way to Italy or Gračanin 2003, 53–74, esp. 68–70; Weber 2004, 277–283, esp. Gaul. – Gleirscher 2019, 25–26. 282–283. Lotter (2003, 18–19) assumes the year 448. 24 Theoderic’s march to Italy in 489 probably led along 15 See also, for example, the accompanying map of the the Drau/Drava valley via Poetovio and Celeia (Schwarcz Hunnic campaigns in: Bóna 1991; Heather 2017, 359, Map 2000, 62). 11; 391, Map 13. 25 Bratož 2017, 215–248. 155 Christoph GUTJAHR, Stephan KARL, Christian GREINER of political stability and economic prosperity.26 In the is clearly expressed – with regional and temporal vari- course of the Byzantine-Gothic War 536/537, Noricum ations – in a vertical shift in settlement topography.35 mediterraneum, along with the Provence and the two In the course of this shift, in Noricum mediterraneum Raetian provinces, was ceded by treaty to the Franks, mainly between 350/380 and 450, hil tops favourable who held the territory until about 565.27 The Byzantine for settlement were newly founded or places already occupation of Noricum mediterraneum, which lasted used in prehistoric times were resettled.36 In addition until 568, was only a brief interlude. This can be seen in to mostly civilian settlements, there is also evidence of the last phases of settlement at the fortified sites of Duel a military presence at strategical y relevant sites. These near Feistritz28 and Rifnik near Šentjur.29 military bases had a control and signaling function with The most south-eastern part of Noricum mediter- regard to securing access to Italy, especial y after the raneum, referred to in written sources as Pólis Norikón, abandonment of the claustra Alpium Iuliarum shortly had already fallen to the Byzantine Empire in 538. Only after 400.37 This change in settlement was accompanied a few years later (547/548), Eastern Rome handed over by the abandonment of the vici and vil ae rusticae from the territory together with the Pannonian provinces of the third quarter of the 4th century onwards; in general, Savia and Pannonia secunda to the Lombards. During a sharp decline in rural settlement can be observed.38 the Ostrogothic-Byzantine War, the Lombards had Smaller hil top settlements may have been the result of been entrusted with protective tasks as federates of the initiatives by the regional population and organised by Byzantine Empire. local militias.39 The extent of the territory on which the term Pólis The urban structures were also subject to massive Norikón is applied is disputed among scholars. Histori- change, which became tangible as early as the beginning cal research believes that the name refers to Poetovio, of the 5th century. The examples of Celeia and Poetovio which still existed in the 6th century, but archaeological show that the exact point in time when the cities were sources have not yet been able to provide any proof of abandoned is difficult to pin down precisely. However, this.30 Archaeology, on the other hand, associates the the continuity of urban culture in this region is unlikely Pólis Norikón with the hil top settlements in the agri to have extended beyond the middle of the 5th century.40 of Poetovio and Celeia, where the presence of Lombard For towns exposed in the foothil s of the Alps, such as groups is well documented.31 Solva, it is highly probable that settlement ceased as early With the above in mind, the following develop-as around 400.41 Only a few towns, favoured by their nat- ment can be outlined for the (south-) eastern Alpine 35 Ciglenečki 2017, 143–157. – An early, probably oc- region.32 The process of general instability that began casion-related settlement phase at high altitudes (as “refuge in the 4th century, as well as the successive loss of state castles”, with temporary military use) can already be proven administration and authority in the face of continu- for the second half of the 3rd century. See Ciglenečki 2008, ing barbarian invasions33 led to drastic changes in the 486–487, 493–494 (settlement phase 1); 2015, 403; Ciglenečki settlement landscape and in the road network.34 This 2016a, 16. – E.g. Veliki vrh above Osredek near Podsreda. 36 Ciglenečki 2016a, 16. – The exact point in time of the 26 Wolfram 2001, 284–290; 2003, 58–65. abandonment of valley settlements and the succession of hil - 27 Wolfram 2001, 315, 343; Winckler 2012a, 150–151. top sites is mostly difficult to grasp: Gleirscher 2019, 28, 30. 28 Von Petrikovits 1985, 236–238; Ciglenečki 2009, 210, 37 See, in particular, Ciglenečki 2015, 406–422 (provid- 217; Gleirscher 2019, 68. – On the hil top settlement on Duel, ing examples from the southeastern Inner Noricum, with in detail: Steinklauber 2013, 33–53, 35, Fig. 9. reference to the rather indefinite boundaries between civil- 29 Ciglenečki 1994, 245–246; 2017, 151; Gleirscher 2019, ian and military or purely military use of hil top settlements 69. in the southeastern Alpine region). See also Ciglenečki 2007, 30 Šašel Kos 1994a, 99–102, 111 (including the ager); 317–328, esp. 323–325; 2017, 147–148. Ciglenečki 2017, 145. 38 Ciglenečki 1999, 291; Gutjahr 2015a, 75; Ciglenečki 31 Ciglenečki 1992; 2017, 150–151. – For Gleirscher 2017, 146–147. (2019, 43), the Pólis Norikón is the urban area of Celeia, 39 Gleirscher (2019, 67–68) with reference to the “prob-which together with that of Poetovio went to the Lombards. lem of correctly addressing the various hil top settlements”, See also Pohl 1996, 29–30; Pohl 2008, 6–7. especial y with regard to the interpretation of weapons found. 32 Some of these developments, however, were not lim- 40 Ciglenečki 2017, 145–146; Milavec 2020, 159–160. ited to this area, but affected the entire eastern Alpine region – Gleirscher (2019, 43) argues against a complete abandon- and the former Roman prefecture of Illyricum, or they were a ment of Celeia referring to the “powerful fortification wall widespread phenomenon in late antiquity, such as the retreat and the name continuity”. With regard to the name continu- to elevations favourable for settlement and/or defence, which ity, the same also applies to Poetovio (Wolff 2000, 33; Glei- was common throughout the Imperium Romanum. With re- rscher 2019, 45). See also Šašel Kos (1994a, 102) with the gard to the Illyrian prefecture, see Ciglenečki 2014, 232–250. assumption of partial y existing and functioning administra- 33 Šašel Kos (1996, 164) points out a general decline in tive units in Poetovio in the 5th/6th century. the level of culture. 41 See recently Groh 2021, 313 (assuming just a few hun- 34 Ciglenečki 1985, 255–284; 1997, 179–191; 2005, 273– dred inhabitants left towards the end). Stephan Karl and I 274; 2015, 391. assume for Solva, however, a final settlement phase (so called 156 FROM LATE ANTIQUITY TO THE EARLY MIDDLE AGES ... ural environment, were able to escape this development proven. At the beginning of the 5th century at the latest, and, for example, Teurnia (with settlement relocation this strategic approach replaced the linearly organised within the town area on the natural y protected hill) was defence associated with the claustra Alpium Iuliarum still able to occupy a prominent position in the 6th cen- (the road via Ad Pirum/Hrušica was abandoned in the tury.42 Consequently, the need to distinguish between first half of the 5th century50). However, it is question- “a consolidated to moderately prosperous inner-alpine able whether the claustra, which included the forts of area ( municipia Virunum, Teurnia and Aguntum) and Ajdovščina and Vrhnika as well as the city fortifications an ‘amber road’ area ( municipia Celeia and Poetovio)” of Tarsatica/Rijeka,51 were ever based on such a military was also pointed out lately for Noricum mediterraneum, concept.52 In addition, many hil top settlements located which, situated on one of the most important invasion both west and east in the hinterland of the claustra, routes to Italy, was comparatively strongly affected by for which a military character is evident from the find barbarian incursions.43 However, Virunum was already material, can be proven to have existed as early as the abandoned in the earlier 5th century and the administra- second half of the 4th century and thus at the same tion and church were transferred to Grazerkogel.44 The time as the claustra.53 Interaction obviously took place extent to which the southeast of Noricum paid tribute to here. It was a widespread network of smaller and larger its special geostrategic position is also shown by the fact fortifications, positioned either along the roads or in that the hil top settlements of Ančnikovo gradišče near strategical y important places with a good field of vision, Jurišna vas45 and Brinjeva Gora above Zreče,46 which where they had control, signaling and reconnaissance were established not far from Styria along the Amber functions, among others.54 According to S. Ciglenečki, Road ( Carnuntum-Aquileia), but also the Gradišče on the emergence of this network was not so much based the Zbelovska gora,47 situated on a road variant from on an “overarching strategy” but rather on a “continuous Poetovio to Celeia (according to S. Ciglenečki, there were adaptation to individual dangerous military situations still regular Roman troops on them in the first decades that already occurred in the last third of the 3rd century of the 5th century), were abandoned around the middle and became more frequent in the second half of the of the 5th century at the latest48. 4th century”.55 The staggered defense also included the In recent decades, it has been convincingly worked fortifications situated in the southeast in the lowlands out how much the securing of the incursion routes towards Pannonia, surrounded by strong wal s, such as leading into the Italian heartland from the north and Črnomelj or the Gradišče near Velike Malence, which east became the focus of military defensive measures in any case date back to the 4th century. The network from the second half of the 4th century onwards (pre- of fortifications formed by the hil top settlements with sumably related to Valentinian I).49 The picture could military components is undoubtedly connected with the be made more precise and the underlying concept of a part of the defensive system tractus Italiae circa Alpes “defence in depth” or “staggered defence” at the transi- mentioned in the Notitia Dignitatum, located in the tion from Illyrian to Italian territory was undoubtedly south-eastern Alps. 56 The extent to which the secondary roads became more relevant for securing Italy after the “Restsiedlung”) of poorer population groups reaching into abandonment of the Hrušica passage was demonstrated the 5th century (see below). 42 See, for example: Ciglenečki 2003, 263–281; 2011a, 183– 50 Ciglenečki 1985, 267–270; 1997, 186, 188–189; 2005, 195, esp. 183–184, 192; 2014, 232–250, esp. 232–234, 238–239, 273–274; 2011b, 262–263. 242–243, 245. – More recently, summarising settlement 51 Most recently, in detail: Ciglenečki 2015, 385–430; change in the southernmost part of Noricum mediterraneum: 2016b, 409–424. – The claustra Alpium Iuliarum were prob- Ciglenečki 2017, 143–157. See also recently and comprehen- ably in function from the last third of the 3rd century (Diocle- sively Ciglenečki 2023, with a view to the southeastern Alps tian) until the beginning of the 5th century (Ciglenečki, Mi- region, specifical y concerning us here 25-35, 46-48, 105-107, lavec 2009, 177; Ciglenečki 2015, 402). It was of importance 173-174, 190, 210-214, 226-240, 340-344 and 22 Fig. 2.1. in the intra-Roman disputes of the second half of the 4th 43 Dolenz 2016, 122, 48, Fig. 1. century. However, the effectiveness of the claustra has been 44 On the towns of Noricum mediterraneum and the pos- doubted (Stickler 2002, 146, 146, note 783). sible evidence of late antique settlement, most recently: Glei- 52 Ciglenečki (2015, 424) initial y assumes the replace- rscher 2019, 31–46. ment of a linear defence system towards the end of the 4th 45 Ciglenečki 2007, 320–321; 2015, 411–412; 2017, 148; century, before he clearly and comprehensively argues for a Modrijan 2017, 159–174. – Not until the Early Middle Ages defence in depth that already existed from the second half (8th/9th century), small traces of settlement are attested again of the 4th century onwards and included the claustra system (Ciglenečki, Strmčnik Gulič 2002, 72–74, Fig. 13). (Ciglenečki 2016b, 419). 46 Ciglenečki 2007, 321; 2015, 416–417. 53 Ciglenečki 2016b, 415–418. 47 Ciglenečki 2007, 321; 2015, 416. 54 Ciglenečki, Milavec 2009, 177–189; Ciglenečki 2015, 48 Ciglenečki 2007, 324–325. In comparison, see Cigle- 404–424; 2016b, 418–420. nečki 2008, 483, Fig. 1, 485, Fig. 2. See also: Ciglenečki 2015, 55 Ciglenečki 2016b, 419; Milavec 2017, 156–157. 422; Ciglenečki 2016b, 417–418. 56 Ciglenečki, Milavec 2009, 183; Ciglenečki 2016b, 412, 49 Ciglenečki 2016b, 416. 415; Milavec 2017, 157–158. 157 Christoph GUTJAHR, Stephan KARL, Christian GREINER in particular for the surroundings of the important and extent – there is no doubt about an Ostrogothic as well excellently researched hil top settlement of Tonovcov as a Lombard occupation of the south-eastern Alpine grad near Kobarid.57 region, an assignment to Germanic people broken down A final phase in the establishment of fortified to single individuals is only possible in a few cases.63 hilltop settlements can be observed in the (south-) Recently, the evidence of ethnic Ostrogoths for Carinthia eastern Alpine region from the 470s onwards; some of has been completely denied,64 even for the supposed these settlements show continuity into the 7th century.58 “Ostrogothic/East Gothic period” burial ground east of This phase includes – apart from the towns relocated to Globasnitz near the former Roman road station Iuenna. high ground – numerous fortified hil top settlements 65 If one follows this assumption, then an Ostrogothic in East Tyrol, Carinthia and Slovenia (e.g. Duel above presence, which can be seen in cemeteries at supra- Feistritz in the Drau/Drava Valley, Hoischhügel near regional y important road connections, is not given for Maglern, Rifnik near Šentjur, Ajdovski gradec above Iuenna, but presumably for Dravlje near Ljubljana66 and Vranje).59 Both their beginning and their end can for Miren near Gorizia at the time of Ostrogothic rule, often only be dated in a frame-like manner with the although both already located in Italy.67 The burial finds current state of knowledge about the finds.60 At least at least speak in favour of burial sites of East Germanic for some fortifications, construction is only considered communities. The latter site is probably connected with to have taken place in the Ostrogothic period. With a yet undiscovered settlement that served to guard the regard to the construction of the larger fortifications, road to Aquileia. central y controlled planning seems likely.61 Numerous In a sense, the interpretation of the term “presence”, archaeological finds of Germanic character can be linked which is often used in literature, is at issue. Does it refer to the historical sequence of events and penetrations of to the direct (military) presence of certain ethnic identi- power within the above-mentioned area in the later 5th ties in an area defined geographical y or by dominion, and 6th centuries.62 Even if – to a territorial y varying e.g. in the present case of the Ostrogoths in Carinthia? Or can this also mean an indirectly enforced exercise 57 Ciglenečki 2011b, 259–271. of power over a certain territory – in the inner Noricum 58 Gleirscher 2019, 30 (possibly until the 1st half of the 7th mediterraneum, for example, executed by (Germanic) century). – Little research has been done on the agricultural federates or Romanic militia units under the author- environment or, along with the hil top settlements, on settle- ment and economic structures in the valleys: Glaser 2006a, ity of the Ostrogoth king? The inclusion of the today 9–17; 2012, 47–55. Milavec (2020, 160) gives a few examples Carinthian part of Noricum in the Italian Ostrogothic of lowland settlements in northwestern Slovenia. The ques- Empire is beyond question at any rate. tion arises where the population lived between about 450 and Regarding the presence of Lombard groups of 470/480. people, reference should be made above all to the Svete 59 For Slovenia, Ciglenečki (2008, 485–490, 483, Fig. 1, gore above Bistrica ob Sotli and the Rifnik near Šentjur. 485, Fig. 2) chronological y distinguishes three settlement For both, a Lombard occupation was assumed at last. phases; for a classification of the Late Antique hil top settle- At least grave 57 from the Rifnik, which contains two ments ibid. 490–502. See also: Ciglenečki 2014, 242; 2016a, S-fibulae of the North Danubian phase (510–540), can 18, 20 (on the early medieval settlement phase of some hil - top settlements); 2016b, 415–416. On Carinthia: Glaser 2008, be interpreted as a Lombard woman’s grave.68 595–642. For an overview of hil top settlements with military 63 Gleirscher 2020, 36, 95. character: Gleirscher 2019, 67–79. – In a comparison with 64 See Gleirscher 2019, 86–118; 2020, 17–51 (providing a the Late Roman hil top settlements of the Moselle region, detailed discussion of the relevant Carinthian find material). Prien and Hilbich (2013, 104–112), on the other hand, as- Differently, e.g.: Glaser 2004, 86–87, 92, 95; 2016, 60–62, Fig. sume for the Late Antique settlements at Rifnik and Ajdovski 63 (Ostrogothic cemetery). gradec/Vranje (among others) a construction by the local up- 65 Glaser 2006a, 9–17; Glaser 2006b, 83–106. – For the per class and consider a representative use (as well as a pos- remarkable grave 11 of the presumed commander of the sible replacement of Roman by Germanic elites). road station, a Gallo-Frankish origin was recently considered 60 Gleirscher 2019, 30; Milavec 2020, 160–162. – For the (Pol ak 2020, 91–119), while Gleirscher suspects a Roman. (re-)occupation of Late Antique hil top settlements in Slove- In contrast to Gleirscher (2019, 102; 2020, 37; dating to the nia, see: Milavec 2012. end of 4th or, at the latest, the beginning of 5th century to end 61 Glaser 2008, 600; Gleirscher 2019, 67; Milavec 2020, of 6th/beginning of 7th century) this results in only one Late 161. Antique burial ground attested during the Ostrogothic pe- 62 For Slovenia see, among others: Ciglenečki 2005, 265– riod). For Pol ak (2017, 265; 2020, 93) the necropolis only 280; 2006, 107–122; 2016b, 419; Milavec 2017, 158–159. On begins in the second half of the 5th century and ends around the cemetery at Rifnik, see: Bolta 1981 (e.g. grave 57). On Late 550. For considerations regarding a connection between the Antique settlement, general y: Pirkmajer 1994, 46–64. – With local cemetery in Globasnitz and soldiers stationed on the regard to the finds in Slovenia associated with Ostrogoths, the Katharinakogel, see: Gleirscher 2020, 40. location of the sites in Italy or Noricum should be noted (Glei- 66 Slabe 1975. rscher 2020, 34). For Carinthia see, among others: Piccottini 67 Tratnik, Karo 2017; 2023 1976 (e.g. grave 1/74); Glaser 2004, 80–101; 2016, 60–63. 68 Bolta 1981, Pl. 10; Ciglenečki 2005, 269–270; Milavec 158 FROM LATE ANTIQUITY TO THE EARLY MIDDLE AGES ... Frankish presence in Noricum mediterraneum 2. THE EARLY DECLINE has initial y been associated with a group of privileged OF LATE ROMAN SETTLEMENTS burials that were discovered in 2009 next to the church IN THE AGER SOLVENSIS BASED ON dedicated to Saints Hemma and Dorothea on Hemma- ARCHAEOLOGICAL DATA berg. However, recent radiocarbon dating now assigns these graves – with the exception of the early modern Stephan Karl era grave 16 - to the 8th to 10th centuries (indicating that the buried individuals might be remaining Romans).69 Over the last decades there has been a revival Noricum mediterraneum gained defensive impor- of archaeological research on Late Antiquity in the tance on the north-eastern flank of Italy at the latest after south-eastern alpine region, emphasising its specific the voluntary evacuation of Noricum ripense (488)70 geographic situation between different political identi- under Odoacer.71 It was possible to bypass the Amber ties and developments in the West and East and trying Road via the Drau/Drava Valley and along the passes to account for continuity or changes based on archaeo- and routes to Italy (e.g. Plöcken Pass, Predil Pass, Sel a logical evidence. After the early investigations on the di Camporosso/Canal Val ey).72 The number of forts Early Christian buildings in the Late Roman province and fortifications, often with several phases, which can Noricum Mediterraneum, two main research foci have be proven for the 5th and 6th centuries, partly also in been established since the 1980s; one on settlement succession to Roman road stations, shows the military- patterns during Late Antiquity, the other on cemeter- strategic upgrading of the inner-Alpine part of Noricum ies.74 Only shortly before the turn of the millennium, mediterraneum (among other things to secure the Drau/ the processing and evaluation of the small finds were Drava valley route).73 strengthened, leading to numerous specific articles and monografic publications, especial y about metal finds and imported as well as local pottery.75 In addition, monographic comprehensive examinations of individual late antique hil top settlements provide deep insights into their archaeological record and the find material.76 The recent increase of new archaeological material in combination with methods of natural science and 2007, 348, Pl . 3: 4–5; Gleirscher 2019, 111–114, esp. 108. advances in theoretical-methodological considerations 69 Eitler 2009−2010, 69–72; Glaser 2011, 67–69; 2016, enables us to create a more precise and differentiated 63; Gleirscher 2019, 116–118, 81, Fig. 74; see also Thanados, perception of this period, tackling i.a. ethnic, cultural entity 17596 (Hemmaberg; for the period in question, see, and social transformation processes. A number of re- for example, graves 4, 6, 12, 13, 18). – Individual female buri- cent conference proceedings and volumes deal with the als that can be associated with the Franks may be present at complex issues of continuity and cultural change from Teurnia (Gleirscher 2019, 114–115). the Late Roman period to the Early Medieval times in 70 Vita Severini, 44, 5. – Mainly the eastern part of the province would have been affected. Régerat 1996, 193–206; the two Norican provinces and particularly in the Pan- Pohl, Diesenberger 2001; Lotter 2003, 25–26, 168–169; nonian region.77 Rosenberger 2011, 203–216. The abandonment of Noricum Nevertheless, archaeological evidence from Late ripense was de facto, not de iure (Šašel 1990, 568). The east- Antiquity is scarce in the south-eastern alpine region, ern part of Noricum was subsequently taken in possession by especial y in the south-eastern part of Noricum mediter- the Lombards. raneum, compared to former periods and its dating is 71 This military role probably already applies to Noricum mostly problematic because of a lack of comparable finds mediterraneum in the conflicts with Alaric in the early 5th or imports of reliably dated objects. Also the general century (Glaser 2015, 11). See also Glaser 2008, 599 (occupa- decrease of a regular coin circulation in the Norican and tion of the Alpine passes by the Franks after the Ostrogothic surrender of the province). This also becomes clear in the Pannonian provinces since the end of the 4th century and course of the surrender of the Pólis Norikón to the Lombards in the context of the Byzantine-Franconian disputes (see, 74 E.g. Egger 1916; Piccottini 1976; Ciglenečki 1987; among others, Tomičić 2000, 276). Glaser 1997; Steinklauber 2002; see also the comprehensive 72 Ciglenečki 1997, 188–189; cf. for example the maps in overviews by Ladstätter (2000, 16–20) and Ciglenečki (1999). Ciglenečki (2011b, 261, Fig. 5.1) and Milavec, Modrijan 2014 75 E.g. Pröttel 1996; Ladstätter 2000; Ciglenečki 2000; Lad- (261, Fig. 1) for northwestern Slovenia. stätter 2003a; Milavec 2009; Bitenc, Knific 2012; Steinklauber 73 See the recent overview of hil top settlements with 2013; see also the contributions in: Hebert, Hofer 2015. military character in: Gleirscher 2019, 67–79, esp. 67–77. 76 E.g. Ciglenečki 2000 (Tinje); Ciglenečki et al. 2011; – The possibility of circumventing Italic border barriers by Modrijan, Milavec 2011 (Tonovcov grad); Ciglenečki et al. taking possession of Noricum mediterraneum may have 2020 (Korinjski hrib). prompted the Avars to advance into the (south-)eastern Alps 77 E.g. Steuer, Bierbrauer 2008; Bemmann, Schmauder towards the end of the 6th century (Daim, Szameit 1996, 319). 2008; Heinrich-Tamáska 2011. 159 Christoph GUTJAHR, Stephan KARL, Christian GREINER the known plateau in the radiocarbon calibration curve 2.1. LATE ROMAN FIND MATERIAL for this period are not real y cooperative to approaches using archaeological data for historical statements. The Late Roman find material from the ager This section is focusing on the decline of the Late Solvensis has some specific characteristics compared Roman settlements in the ager Solvensis compared to to neighboring regions like Carinthia and the western concurrent Roman settlement patterns in the neigh- part of Slovenia, which were already observed in previ- bouring regions, based on archaeological data.78 The ous works.83 In the Middle Roman period, African Red main question is how long Roman structures could Slip Ware (ARSW) reached this area as elsewhere in the be maintained in the ager Solvensis close to the border Roman provinces in a regular manner, even though at a to Pannonia prima and if there are any archaeological small scale, from the middle of the 3rd century onwards, hints for changes or even caesuras in the latest phase of mostly in its representative shapes Hayes 45 and 50 of a reduced but still regular and operative Roman settle- Central Tunisian origin. Most noteworthy is the signifi- ment. It has to be emphasised that this contribution is cant decrease of Mediterranean fine pottery imports in not initiated by new data from recent excavations, but the early 5th century. Up to present there is no evidence should give at first an overview of the state of research for African or Eastern Mediterranean amphorae at as a base for the following section in which the few (!) all from the area under discussion.84 Another aspect finds from the Late Antique period from the mid 5th is the high proportion of glazed pottery in Solva and century to the early 7th century are presented. Frauenberg which arrived probably from Pannonian Some new data could be integrated into this con- workshops, but was also produced local y. Glazed pot- tribution with regard to their relevance to the main tery became a common feature on most sites, its pro- question: This includes data concerning the imports duction peak is general y dated to the second half of the of African Red Slip Ware (ARSW) in Styria, of which 4th century. Burnished pottery which appears in small some fragments were reinvestigated in the course of a quantities along the Norican and Pannonian limes from BA thesis by C. Greiner,79 rectifying some erroneous the middle of the 4th century onwards became popular interpretations. Additional new data are coming from by the late 4th and early 5th century in the Pannonian a Late Roman well within the cemetery “Spitalsgelände” provinces. It was frequently found there together with of Solva consisting of some hundreds of spolia, excavated glazed pottery, whereas on sites of the neighbouring ager in 1982/1983 but published only in short notes.80 Still, a Solvensis burnished pottery is extremely rare. However, massive drawback is that extensive excavation activity coarse pottery represents the majority, as it prevails in in the 1970s and 1980s in Styria has left us with a large any Late Roman pottery assemblage in this region. It quantity of unpublished or not appropriately published shows local characteristics in shapes and tempering, but find material,81 stored in depots of different institutions a distinction of the 5th century coarse pottery from the which makes the access more complicated. However, earlier material based on morphological and decorative in the course of the task of reinvestigating already pub- features is still a difficult endeavour.85 Recent research lished or preliminary mentioned find objects for this has nevertheless shown major advances in differentiating study by which we went through some hundreds of this material, defining types and establishing chrono- boxes in the depots, something has become more and logical basic frameworks. The most striking feature in more clear: The obvious sparseness of reliable dated finds the area under discussion is the scarcity of (dateable) from the second half of the 5th to the early 7th century finds from the beginning of the 5th century onwards. in the ager Solvensis can not be explained by a research gap.82 The turn to the 5th century and its first decades Within this presentation of selected categories of seem therefore to be crucial for the Roman settlement Late Roman find material, the spectrum of coins has of the ager Solvensis. been completely excluded. As has already been asserted for several sites in Noricum mediterraneum, the supply 78 For a general characterisation of the Late Antique pe- of newly minted coins came to a standstill after 383, at riod in today’s Styria, see: Steinklauber, Hebert 2001, 275– 278; Steinklauber 2002, 182–184; 2018, 798–799. the latest after the division of the Empire in 395.86 Only 79 Greiner 2019. The thesis was supervised by S. Karl. 80 Fuchs 1983; 1985−1986b; 1987, 77–78; Karl 2013, 283. 83 Ladstätter 2000, 105–117, 124–130, 157–159; Stein- – The findings are currently being processed by S. Karl and klauber 2013; Modrijan 2015; 2019; 2020a. P. Bayer. 84 Ladstätter 2003a, 837–848; Modrijan 2015. 81 E.g. the whole archaeological material from the exca- 85 Cf. Rodriguez 1997. – For a chronological classifica- vations of Late Roman buildings on the northwestern slope tion of two groups of coarse pottery, an early one from the 4th of the Frauenberg in 1985 and 1986; on this excavation, see: and first half of the 5th century and a late one from the 6th and Steinklauber 2013, 28–31. Furthermore, just as important, first half of the 7th century, see: Modrijan 2020c, 577–580. the Late Roman strata in the western part (an extension?) of 86 Kos 1986, 218–219; Ladstätter 2000, 82; Schachinger the settlement of Solva: Fuchs 1985; Kainz 1989. 2006, 124–125; Groh 2021, 257 (contribution of U. Schach- 82 Cf. Steinklauber 2006b, 178. inger). 160 FROM LATE ANTIQUITY TO THE EARLY MIDDLE AGES ... a handful of coins from the first half of the 5th century in layers close to the surface, which were probably not were recorded in this area, and they are problematic: always perceived as such and discarded as modern tile they are mostly finds from the 19th century without any chips on site. archaeological context and useful location, like a solidus We can assume that ARSW was imported in the of Valentinianus III. for Gal a Placidia (426–c. 430) ager Solvensis from the middle of the 3rd century on- from Kranach near Gamlitz87 or an unknown numeral wards, as it was already observed in a similar manner of Iohannes (423–425) from the Leibnitz field88. Only for the Pannonian region.94 The early forms include three coins can be mentioned with more confidence: a the Central Tunesian large bowls with shallow curving tremissis of Honorius (393–423) from the temple plateau body and broad flat rim Hayes 45A and B from the of Frauenberg, found 1955 in the heap of the deposited second quarter of the 3rd century and first half of the excavation debris,89 and two half-centenionales of Ar- 4th century,95 which are evidenced by single fragments cadius (383–408), not to be dated more precisely,90 one in the vicus of Gleisdorf96 and in Solva (insula XLI or from the hil top settlement of Kugelstein, the other from 405 according to the new city map).97 A fragment of the Solva. These are all coin finds up to present belonging more recent form Hayes 46 was also found in this best to the time range under consideration. researched insula of Solva.98 More important in Solva, however, are the long- lasting forms Hayes 50A and B, which – again in insula 2.2. AFRICAN RED SLIP WARE (INCL. LAMPS) XLI/405 – are represented with 18 rim or base pieces.99 These large plates with broad flat base and high straight Stephan Karl, Christian Greiner wall raising at an angle (A) or curved (B) belong to the standard shape of Central Tunesian Sigil ata C which African Red Slip Ware (ARSW) and lamps of the is widely distributed in the Mediterranean. Hayes 50A same North African origin are significant finds for the appears in find contexts from the second quarter of the south-eastern alpine region, especial y for discussing 3rd century till the first half of the 4th century, the later chronological and trade patterns.91 They have become form Hayes 50B in contexts from the second half of the known at a total of 10 sites in the area of today’s Styria. 4th century till the beginning of the 5th century.100 Apart With their occurrence in municipium, vicus, villa and from Solva, Hayes 50A is also known from the temple hil top settlements they cover the common local set- plateau of Frauenberg101 as well as from the Roman villa tlement types of the Late Roman period. The range of of Grünau.102 In upper Styria (outside the ager Solvensis) ARSW within the region under discussion includes the two fragments of Hayes 50A were found in the mining following seven Hayes forms: 45A and B, 46, 50A and B, settlement of Michlhal berg.103 From a Late Roman wel , 61A and B, as well as the associated lamps Atlante VIII which was built in the cemetery “Spitalsgelände” of Solva, A1, A2 and B. The relatively small number ( Tab. 1) of there are further fragments of the later form Hayes 50B only 40 specimens in total of North African sigil ata92 (fabric C3/4).104 A small wall fragment of Hayes 50B (fabric and 6 lamps can likely be traced back to a decreasing C3/4) is now also evidenced at the hil top settlement on the import volume due to the longer distance on overland Franziskanerkogel.105 The relative frequency of the forms routes from the main harbour Aquileia and other ports 94 on the Adriatic Sea93 and presumably to the absence of Gabler 1988, 16, 30; Hárshegyi, Ottományi 2015, 476. 95 On the chronology: Heimerl 2014, 26–27. a potent customer market. Of course, a certain missing 96 Schneeberger 2016, 130, 133, 267, Pl. 12: 5. The origi- portion may be justified by research history, in particular nal assignment to form Hayes 67 is corrected here. with regard to the mostly small broken pieces of ARSW 97 Groh 1996, 115, 214 (no. TSA 1–2); Pl. 33: TSA 2; 67: TSA 1. In each case one fragment of form Hayes 45A and B. 87 Schachinger 2006, no. 16790; 2010a, 23, Fig. 13; Peitler For the new city map, see Groh 2021, 45–47, Fig. 18. 2011a. 98 Groh 1996, 116, 214 (no. TSA 3); Pl. 31 (TSA 3). 88 Knabl 1848, 30; Schachinger 2006, no. 16789. – Cf. 99 Groh 1996, 115, 214 (no. TSA 4–8 (50A), no. TSA Staudinger 1978, 37. 9–21 (50B)); Pl. 31: TSA 10, TSA 12–20; Pl. 53: TSA 11; Pl. 89 Schachinger 2006, 190 no. 16788. – Cf. Staudinger 64: TSA 9. – According to Groh (1996, 114), most of the wall 1978, 37. pieces that cannot be clearly assigned to a form type (57 in 90 Schachinger 2006, 124 no. 16794; 171 no. 16795. total) probably belong to these two main forms. 91 For overviews, see Pröttel 1996; Ladstätter 2000, 85– 100 On the chronology: Heimerl 2014, 28–29. – Cf. Pröt- 117; Ladstätter 2003a, 834–837; 2003b, 305. tel 1996, 33; Ladstätter 2000, 91–93. 92 The calculation of the number of individuals was 101 Groh, Sedlmayer 2005, 155, 243, Tab. 43; Pl. 25. based on the rim, base and stamped pieces; see Mackensen 102 Lamm 2011, 66, 226, no. 1992/K3/272; Pl.73. 2015, 179; additional y, wall pieces that were judged as sepa- 103 Grabherr 2001, 79, 157, no. C14–C15; Pl. 32. rate individuals on the basis of the contextual processing or 104 From the excavation of 1982/1983; unpublished; cf. the form type (e.g. in the case of a single wall piece from a Fuchs 1983; 1985−1986b; 1987, 77–78; Karl 2013, 283. site) are also included; see Heimerl 2014, 99. 105 From the excavation of 2020; unpublished; cf. Hor- 93 Pröttel 1996, 171. váth, Koch 2021. 161 Christoph GUTJAHR, Stephan KARL, Christian GREINER Fabric Type Site Amount Reference n.s. n.s. Niederschöckl – Cemetery (Tumu- 1 Hinker 2002, 214, no. 8, note 72; 219, Pl. 1: 8 lus) n.s. 40, 45 or 50 Frauenberg – Settlement/Perl-/ 2 Kitz 2008, 195, 212 Stadläcker n.s. 45A Solva – Settlement 1 Groh 1996, 115, 214 (no. TSA 1); Pl. 67: TSA 1 A/D? 45A Gleisdorf – vicus 1* Schneeberger 2016, 130, 133, 267; Pl. 12: 5 (no. 99073-1,-2,-3,-4) n.s. 45B Solva – Settlement 1 Groh 1996, 115, 214 (no. TSA 2); Pl. 33: TSA 2 n.s. 46 Solva – Settlement 1 Groh 1996, 116, 214 (no. TSA 3); Pl. 31: TSA 3 A/D? n.s. Gleisdorf – vicus 1* Schneeberger 2016, 130, 133 (no. 99064-2) n.s. 50A Solva – Settlement 6 Groh 1996, 115, 214 (no. TSA 4–8); Pl. 31: TSA 4–8 ; Rabitsch 2013, 34, 131; Pl. 40: 10 n.s. 50A Frauenberg – Temple plateau 1 Groh, Sedlmayer 2005, 155, Tab. 43; 243, Pl. 25 (no. 3/29) n.s. 50A Grünau – villa 1 Lamm 2011, 66, 226, no. 1992/K3/272; Pl. 73 n.s. 50A Michlhal berg – Mining settlement 2 Grabherr 2001, 79, 157, no. C14–C15; Pl. 32 C 50B Solva – Settlement 13 Groh 1996, 115, 214 (no. TSA 9–21); Pl. 31: TSA 10, TSA 12–20; Pl. 53: TSA 11; Pl. 64: TSA 9 C3/4 50B Solva – Cemetery/Spitalsgelände 2* Karl 2013, 281–283 C3/4 50B Franziskanerkogel – Hil top settle- 1* unpublished (excavation 2020; SE 27, no. 122) ment n.s. 50A/B? Hasendorf – villa 1 Groh, Sedlmayer 2010, 109, 114 (inv. 111/3) n.s. 50? Kugelstein – Hil top settlement 1 Fuchs, Kainz 1998, 108 (no. Ku29; three wall pieces) n.s. 61A Frauenberg – Temple plateau 1 Groh, Sedlmayer 2005, 155, Tab. 43; 246, Pl. 30 (no. 43/2) D2 61B/Var. Kugelstein – Hil top settlement 1* Pichler 1887, 107; cf. Ladstätter 2000, 110 note 594; Groh 1996, 115 n.s. 61B/Var. Kugelstein – Hil top settlement 1 Fuchs, Kainz 1998, 113, Pl. 3: 21 (no. Ku158) D2 61B/(Var?) Riegersburg – Hil top settlement 1* Bauer 1997, 84, 87, no. R 21; Pl. 1 Lamp VIII A Solva – Settlement 1* Hudeczek 1973, 54, note 17; Fig. 30; cf. Hudeczek 1988, Fig. on p. 53 Lamp VIII A Frauenberg – Settlement/Öden 1 Steinklauber 2013, 110, 143, no. F 516; colour Pl. 13. Lamp VIII A Solva – Settlement 3 Kainz 1986, 39–40, 117, no. 290–292; Pl. 21: 291–293 (sic) Lamp VIII B Solva – Settlement 1 Kainz 1986, 39–40, 118, no. 293; Pl. 21: 294 (sic) Tab. 1: Find list of ARSW and lamps in the area of today's Styria (* verified; n.s. not specified). Hayes 50A and B fits into the supra-regional picture and in a more or less triangular profile represent one of the shows no special features in comparison with the Pan- last major ARSW imports which reached the Norican- nonian106 and the south-eastern alpine107 region. These Pannonian Danube Limes.108 The earlier form Hayes plates were mass imported in the 4th century. 61A (El Mahrine 4.1109) was produced from the 330s or The North Tunisian flat-based dishes Hayes 61A 340s onwards and distributed till the early 5th century; it and B with a vertical or slightly incurved rim shaped 106 Gabler 1988, 9–11, 13–14, 16, 21; Hárshegyi, Ot- 108 Gabler 1988, 21; Ladstätter 2000, 111; Hárshegyi, Ot- tományi 2015, 476. tományi 2015, 478. – ARSW reached Valeria no later than the 107 Pröttel 1996, 32–33, 171; Ladstätter 1998, 51; cf. Kain- beginning of the 5th century. rath 2011, 137. 109 Mackensen 1993, 401–402. 162 FROM LATE ANTIQUITY TO THE EARLY MIDDLE AGES ... Fig. 1: ARSW of North Tunisian origin found in the area of today’s Styria; 1: Hayes 61A from Frauenberg; 2, 3a–d: Hayes 61B/ Var. from Kugelstein; 4: Hayes 61B/(Var?) from Riegersburg. Scale 1:3. is basical y a form of the second half of the 4th century.110 and at Keszthely-Fenékpuszta in a stratigraphic layer to- Within the ager Solvensis Hayes 61A is represented only gether with a coin of Valens from 364/378115 don’t help to in a single piece from the temple plateau of Frauenberg solve this question. Remarkable for the southern part of ( Fig. 1: 1).111 Noricum mediterraneum is the frequency of the variant For the chronological y slightly overlapping later Hayes 61B/Var. respectively Sigil ata type 38 Var. B3 ac- form Hayes 61B and its variants112, a production period cording to the new classification by M. Bonifay.116 These from the end of the 4th century till the second half of the are dishes with undercut protruding rims and S-shaped 5th century is assumed, whereas the different variants, wall profiles. This variant is dated by Bonifay from the their development and dating are widely debated.113 middle to the end of the 5th century, which is too late in Whether Hayes 61B reached our area before 400 is not respect of sites like Hrušica (see above) and find com- clear. The existence of such finds at Ad Pirum/Hrušica plexes of the second quarter of the 5th century in which – abandoned in the first decades of the 5th century114 – specimens of this variant are clearly represented.117 However, Hayes 61B and its variants were frequent in 110 On the chronology: Heimerl 2014, 37–38; cf. Ladstät- the 1st half of the 5th century in Noricum mediterraneum ter 2000, 94; Pröttel 1996, 43–44. 111 Groh, Sedlmayer 2005, 155, 246, tab. 43, Pl. 30 (inv. (e.g. at Hemmaberg, Lavant).118 In the area of today’s 43/2). Styria the form Hayes 61B/Var. / Bonifay Sig. type 38 112 Pröttel 1996, 56: variants 61B* and 61B/Var. A new Var. B3 (fabric D2) is the youngest documented item of classification of Hayes 61B was undertaken by M. Bonifay ARSW and indicates an end of ARSW supply before the (2015, 167–171): Sigil ata type 38 Var. B1, B2, B3 (= 61B/ middle of the 5th century. It occurs here exclusively on Var.) and B3/late. the Late Roman hil top settlements of Kugelstein ( Figs. 113 On the chronology: Heimerl 2014, 39–40. – Cf. Pröt- tel 1996, 56–57; Ladstätter 2000, 94; Höck 2003, 57–58 (sup- 115 Gabler 1988, 21; Horváth 2011, 601, 643. posing a beginning for 61B and its variants around 390/400). 116 Pröttel 1996, 56–57; Ladstätter 2000, 94–95; Bonifay 114 Ciglenečki 2015, 394; Milavec 2017, 156–157. – Cf. 2015, 167–171. Pröttel 1996, 57, 137 (suggesting an end of settlement around 117 Ladstätter 2000, 95. 400). 118 Ladstätter 2000, 105; Kainrath 2011, 139. 163 Christoph GUTJAHR, Stephan KARL, Christian GREINER 1: 2,3a–d)119 and – most likely – of Riegersburg ( Fig. 1: lamp fragments from Solva have to be mentioned, which 4),120 which belongs in all probability to the province of are decorated with palm wreaths, ladder band, band of Pannonia prima. A stamped decoration in style Hayes oblique stripes and tendrils on the shoulder. They can A(III) on the Kugelstein and Hayes A(II) or A(III) on be assigned to the types Atlante VIII A2a / Bonifay 45 B, the Riegersburg piece is attested. The two contemporary Atlante VIII B / Bonifay 43 and – currently not deter- stamped styles Hayes A(II) and A(III) / El Mahrine I.2 mined more accurately – general y to the form Atlante and I.3 were set by Mackensen between the mid 4th and VIII A.127 Lamps of the type Atlante VIII A and B were the mid 5th century.121 produced from the middle of the 4th century onwards; In addition to ARSW pottery, lamps from North Atlante VIII A2 with ladder band decoration from the African origin and their regional y produced (Upper end of the 4th century.128 The end of these types – sig- Italian?) imitations122 reached the ager Solvensis, again nificantly no lamps of the late Atlante X type are known in very small numbers. An almost completely preserved from this area (in contrast to Poetovio/Ptuj129) – is to be piece from Solva has already been presented in 1973,123 set around 500. but was only now analysed in more detail.124 The lamp The chronologically sensitive North African was found in 1972 during the excavation of the Insula fineware can best be used to date the persistence of set- XXVII-North/102 together with glazed pottery.125 It is tlements into the 5th century and as a meaningful refer- a lamp of the type Atlante VIII A1a / Bonifay 45 A with ence for cross-regional comparative studies; of course a very unusual discus decoration of a standing male we have to keep in mind the small amount of ARSW person raising the right arm. By wavelength dispersive pieces. In the ager Solvensis and the directly adjacent X-ray fluorescence spectrometry (WD-XRF) the origin Pannonian part to the east we can recognise a spectrum from Henchir es-Srira in Central Tunisia has now been of finds similar to that of Ptujsko Polje with the main proven. A further lamp fragment of the same type (At- urban centre Poetovio/Ptuj130 and, in the western parts of lante VIII A1a / Bonifay 45 A) comes from the so-called Pannonia Prima, Savaria/Szombathely, Salla/Zalalövő, Öden on the Frauenberg.126 Four other “North African” Iovia/Ludbreg as well as at the inner fortification of Keszthely-Fenékpuszta.131 In the whole region the lat- 119 From the excavation of 1885/1886, stored at the Uni- est dateable ARSW finds are North Tunesian dishes of versalmuseum Joanneum at Graz, inv. 4534a–d; see Pichler Hayes 61B or Hayes 61B/Var. / Bonifay Sig. type 38 Var. 1887; cf. Groh 1996, 115; Ladstätter 2000, 110, note 594. – Probably all four fragments (a–d) originate from one vessel. B3. Two pieces of Hayes 61B are known from the hil top Another rim piece comes from the new excavation of 1997; settlement Ančnikovo gradišče near Jurišna vas, while see Fuchs, Kainz 1998, 113, Pl. 3: 21 (no. Ku158). one piece was found in Poetovio/Ptuj.132 Two pieces of 120 From the excavation of 1989/1990, stored at the Hayes 61B were discovered in Keszthely-Fenékpusz- Bundesdenkmalamt, inv. Rb V 255-5; see Bauer 1997, 84, 87, ta.133 For the area of today’s Styria it is notable that no. R 21, Pl. 1. – The ARSW fragment was assigned to form they are only found in hil top settlements (Kugelstein Hayes 67 by I. Bauer. Ladstätter (2000, 110, note 594) had and Riegersburg) and not in the urban centre Solva supposed form Hayes 61B. We are following this attribution; or other settlements in the lowland. The spectrum of most likely it is form 61B/Var. like the piece from Kugelstein. finds indicates that the regular supply of ARSW import Due to the fabric D2, form Hayes 59A/B has to be rather ex- cluded; cf. Mackensen 2013, 349–350; Heimerl 2014, 34–36. already terminated at the beginning of the 5th century 121 Mackensen 1993, 433; 2013, 349. – Cf. Ladstätter 127 Kainz 1986, 39–40, 117–118, no. 290–293, Pl. 21: 2000, 98; Heimerl 2014, 44. 291–294 (the numbers on the plate are not correct). – The 122 For the general problem of the recognition of imita- lamp with a Christogram (Atlante VIII C2a) in the Univer- tions in relation to ARSW, see: Ladstätter 2000, 85, 98–99, salmuseum Joanneum at Graz published by Pohl (1962, 225, 104; 2003a, 850–851. Pl. 24: 3) with the label “Pettau or Leibnitz” comes from Po- 123 Hudeczek 1973, 54, note 17; Fig. 30; cf. Kainz 1986, etovio/Ptuj; see also Carandini 1981, 197 (here also errone- 39–40, 117, no. 289; Hudeczek 1988, Fig. on p.53. – Since the ously listed in Austria). first publication in 1973, this piece was supposed to be an im- 128 On the chronology: Abspacher 2020, 73–76. – Cf. itation: Ladstätter 1998, 59, note 55, Fig. 6 (distribution map Heimerl 2014, 57. According to Bonifay (2015, 364), the of lamps of the type Atlante VIII and imitations); Ladstätter types Atlante VIII A1 and A2 are characteristic for the first 2000, 112; 209, find list 8, Fig. 55; Steinklauber 2013, 110. half of the 5th century. 124 Greiner, C., Karl, S., C. A. Hauzenberger, Eine Öl- 129 Pröttel 1996, 201 (Atlante X A1a). – The type Atlante lampe der African Red Slip Ware aus Flavia Solva – eine nor- X was produced ca. from 400 onwards; cf. Ladstätter 2000, dafrikanische Sigil ata aus dem zentraltunesischen Produk- 102; Heimerl 2014, 59–61; Abspacher 2020, 76. tionszentrum von Henchir es-Srira; in preparation 130 Pröttel 1996, 128–130. 125 Pammer-Hudeczek, Hudeczek 2002, 468, note 65. 131 Hárshegyi, Ottományi 2015, 477–479. 126 Steinklauber 2013, 110, 202 no. F 516, colour Pl. 13. 132 Ančnikovo gradišče: Pröttel 1996, 201, no. 1–2; Pl. 3: – The lamp was assigned only general y to the type Atlante 7 (61B; D2); Modrijan 2019, 85; 2020a, 324; Poetovio/Ptuj: VIII A; it was classified as an imitation or, according to the Pröttel 1996, 199, no. 31, Pl. 2: 9 (61B; D2). assessment of M. Bonifay, as probably originating from Cen- 133 Gabler 2008, 20–21, 38, no. 43–44, Fig. 5: 2–3 (61B); tral Tunisia. Horváth 2011, 601. 164 FROM LATE ANTIQUITY TO THE EARLY MIDDLE AGES ... in this most south-eastern part of Noricum mediterra- or a early variant of plates with sloped rims,141 but they neum and only single imports of fine pottery from the are general y rare.142 Mediterranean reached the hil top settlements persisting The organised production and distribution of into the 5th century. The demand for this high-quality glazed pottery started within the study area in the second tableware was shifted to these remote sites. However, third of the 4th century when the exclusivity of previous ARSW finds of the 5th century are remarkably scarce in glazed vessels was followed by a broad usability, result- this area between the south-eastern alps and the Pan- ing in an expansion of the repertoire on different shapes nonian plain. The ARSW import ended already around of tableware by various pottery workshops across the the mid 5th century (with the latest recorded form Hayes region.143 An extensive repertoire of glazed pottery is 61B/Var.) in this exposed region. In contrast, the hil top now frequently found in archaeological contexts that settlements in Slovenia (Vranje, Tinje, Rifnik) as well as could be dated to the second and third quarter of the 4th the core area of Carinthia (Ulrichsberg, Hemmaberg) century.144 According to T. Cvjetičanin, a second period reveal ARSW finds – at least sporadic – until the end of of increased appearance can be recognised at the end the 6th and the beginning of the 7th century (e.g. Hayes of the 4th century and the first half of the 5th century.145 82, 84 and 109).134 This spectrum is additional y sup- After the mid 5th century, vessels with glazed surfaces plemented by imports of Late Roman C Ware (LRCW) appear only sporadically, consisting only of a small from the Eastern Mediterranean from the second half number of forms. of the 5th century onwards.135 In the south-eastern part of Noricum and the west- ern part of Pannonia prima, the appearance of Late Ro- man lead-glazed pottery is general y dated to the second 2.3. GLAZED POTTERY half of the 4th century, but it still occurs till the beginning of the 5th century.146 Within the area of today’s Styria, it Lead-glazed pottery is an inherent part of the has been registered at 14 sites, sometimes only as sparse Late Roman find material at many archaeological sites fragments (mostly mortaria). However, the date of the within the Raetian, Norican and Pannonian provinces, first occurrence of this ware in the ager Solvensis can especially along the mid-Danubian limes.136 It was not be confirmed with certainty. A stratigraphic layer produced from the last third of the 3rd till the mid 5th with glazed pottery in the insula XLI/405 of Solva, dated century at several sites across this region. It is mainly by a coin of Constantius II into the time after 351/355, tableware, mostly representing open forms like plates can not exclude that the small broken pottery sherds are or bowls, whereas kitchenware is mainly represented by earlier than the accumulation of this layer.147 Within the mortaria. Special forms like glazed lamps are not real y filling of the pit G 7 below this layer there are actual y abundant in this region. Glazed pottery appears first some fragments of tableware, one is obviously the bot- with mortaria which have additional y a colour-coated tom part of a biconical glazed cup ( Fig. 3: 5).148 As for surface (LRG 1137) in the last third of the 3rd century; the excavations at the sites “Wal schnitt” and “Öden” it is e.g. a type characteristic for the workshop of Ius- on the Frauenberg, there are comparable difficulties in tinianus from Poetovio/Ptuj.138 At Favianis/Mautern using the stratigraphic layers for conclusions on the ap- this type of mortaria is represented in the Late Roman pearance of glazed pottery within the Solva area.149 Here period 5 of the fort and vicus (270/280–360/370).139 nian” fine ware is also known in some examples in Styra, e.g. Occasional finds in layers of this period 5 reveal also from Saazkogel, Solva or Leutschach. other shapes of glazed pottery, like a fragment of a jug 141 Groh, Sedlmayer 2002, 184–185, Pl. 27: 427. with applied crescent- or horseshoe-like ornament140 142 On the glazed pottery of period 5 in general: Groh, Sedlmayer 2002, 300, 304. 134 Ladstätter 2003b, 305. 143 Cvjetičanin 2006, 137–142, 191–193. 135 Ladstätter 2000, 105–117; 2003a, 834–837; 2003b, 305. 144 E.g. in period 5 of Aelium Cetium/St. Pölten (315/330– 136 For overviews, see Ladstätter 2000, 117–130; 2003a, 375): Bru Calderón 2011, 98–99; for period 6 of Favianis/ 848–849; 2003b, 307–308; Cvjetičanin 2006; Horváth 2011, Mautern (370/380–450): Groh, Sedlmayer 2002, 303–304. – 602–606; Hárshegyi, Ottományi 2015, 489–499 . For archaeological contexts in the Pannonian area, see: Hár- 137 LRG (Late Roman Glazed pottery) according to the shegyi, Ottományi 2015, 489–499. typology of Cvjetičanin (2006). 145 Cvjetičanin 2006, 141, 191, 198, 207 (on the second 138 Bónis 1990, 29; Istenic 1999/2000, 193–194, Fig. 185– phase of intensive production). 186; Cvjetičanin 2006, 21, 188, 191; Horváth 2011, 607–609. 146 Modrijan 2020c, 581. – Cf. Steinklauber 2013, 65; 139 Groh, Sedlmayer 2001, 182; 2002, 205–206, Fig. 137 Modrijan 2019, 86 (to the mid 5th century). (glazed mortarium 3); 303–304, Tab. 178; cf. Bru Calderón 147 Groh 1996, 142–143, 146–148 (Layer 2); cf. Ladstätter 2011, 98 ( Aelium Cetium/St. Pölten). – For the similar begin- 2000, 129; 2003b, 307. ning of glazed pottery (mortaria) in the last third of the 3rd 148 Groh 1996, 141, 192 (no. K 148); Pl. 41: K 148. – The century in Raetia, see: Reuter 2013, 361–362. filling of the pit belongs to period III+ (after 278–mid 4th 140 Groh, Sedlmayer 2002, 244, Pl. 28/438; cf. Hárshegyi, century). Ottományi 2015, 493–494, 497. – This brown glazed “Panno- 149 Steinklauber 2013, 13–17 (“Wal schnitt”), 18–24 (ex- 165 Christoph GUTJAHR, Stephan KARL, Christian GREINER Fig. 2: Spectrum of the main characteristic shapes of Late Roman glazed pottery from Frauenberg. Scale 1:6. the layers are mostly lying directly upon the bedrock. no wel dateable finds like coins accompanied these The coins of Valentinian I (367/375) and Theodosius I grave goods. (379/383) from these layers can only be used for post- The stratigraphical sequence of the filling layers of dating the overlying strata or archaeological features (e.g. the recently published deposit pit on the temple plateau the kilns); but sherds of glazed pottery were dispersed gives more valuable information. Glazed pottery oc- in all these layers down to the bedrock. Radiocarbon curred here numerously in the upper filling layers (e.g. dating of the utilisation time of a heating channel of a Figs. 2: 17; 3: 2), especial y in SE 169, whereas the lower Late Roman building within the Frauenberg settlement layers like SE 256 or 258 yielded only a mortarium and (excavation “Menhart”) has given the result of 420–600 a wall piece of undefined shape.152 Several coins indicate (2 Sigma); glazed pottery – some of them with burning a filling of this pit over a longer period (a closing around traces – were found in the filling and overlying layers of 380 is assumed); the filling layers with glazed pottery are this heating channel ( Fig. 2: 2,4,8).150 The Late Roman dated after 355 according to the numismatic evidence.153 cemetery Perl-/Stadläcker of Frauenberg yielded only Just as important is another context from Solva – un- few – expectably completely preserved – vessels: a jug fortunately unpublished with the associated pottery – from grave F 224 ( Fig. 2: 12) and a mug from grave F coming from insula VII/802. From the excavation along 170 ( Fig. 2: 19); a third vessel, a three-handled pot, could the so-called Hochweg in the years 2003/2004, several not be assigned to a grave ( Fig. 2: 13).151 Unfortunately completely preserved glazed vessels (a.o. plates/bowls and mortaria) were found in a pit in room C. The pit itself with these obviously deliberately deposited vessels cavation at the locality “Öden” in 2004). is dug into the debris layers of the abandoned building – 150 Hinker 2007a, 55; Steinklauber 2013, 25–28 (excava- partly destroying the adjacent wall M21 thereby –, from tion of 2007, “Menhart”). – For the radiocarbon dating, see also: Lehner 2009, 174; 2011, 54. 152 Schrettle 2019, 92 (contribution of S. Tsironi), 197– 151 Steinklauber 2002, 88–89, 225–226, 236, Figs. 132, 202 (contribution of K. Peitler), 281–284. 136–138; Pl. 39, 53. 153 Schrettle 2019, 200 (contribution of K. Peitler). 166 FROM LATE ANTIQUITY TO THE EARLY MIDDLE AGES ... which several coins of Constantin I and, as the latest Solvensis.160 The vessels are mostly oxidised and hard coin, one of Constans I from 337/340, were recorded.154 fired, made of a well purified clay with inclusions of fine The time frame of the occurrence also depends on mica and few particles of a quartz-like stone. Grains of the question of the provenance of the pottery. In rela- crushed bricks are rare. Some have a grey core in section tion to the ager Solvensis, they are either coming from caused by reduced firing.161 This can be observed espe- the Pannonian area or from local workshops of Solva/ cial y behind the glazed surfaces. The glaze is normal y Frauenberg. Local production is evidenced by a test green to olive green, often well preserved and glossy. piece of a mortarium on Frauenberg155 – and probably Few are covered with a brown glaze. The majority of the by another piece, a misfired beaker ( Fig. 2: 14), see open shapes are only coated on the inner side, sometimes below –, but the repertoire of the products from this/ including the rim zone. Some of the fragments show these workshop/s has still to be defined based on mac- only glaze splashes, especial y on subordinate surfaces. roscopic or archaeometric analysis. The vanishing of Mortaria are the most frequent group of glazed glazed pottery at Solva and environment can be assumed pottery on the Frauenberg as elsewhere. They are char- to be chronological y similar as in the adjacent western acterised by a conical wall with a short rounded rim and part of Pannonia ( Savaria/Szombathely, Scarbantia/ a wide horizontal y or slightly obliquely everted col ar Sopron, Keszthely-Fenékpuszta). There, glazed pottery which normal y overreaches the rim ( Fig. 2: 3–6).162 The disappears gradual y from archaeological contexts of the rim diameter ranges from 16 to 40 cm with a midspread first third of the 5th century in which burnished pottery between 23 and 27 cm. The shape corresponds to the becomes more and more dominant.156 type “glazed mortarium 4” of Favianis/Mautern which For the ager Solvensis, two aspects are noticeable is only evidenced in period 6 of the fort (370/380–450) regarding glazed pottery. First, the high amount of this respectively to LRG 5 according to new typology of T. ware in Late Roman layers on the Frauenberg, but also Cvjetičanin.163 This type is widely spread in the Norican in the adjacent settlement Solva itself. The evidence for and Pannonian provinces.164 the latter is only mentioned in several publications by E. The tableware of glazed pottery is represented on Hudeczek, the long-time excavator of this archaeological the Frauenberg by a limited repertoire of shapes. Numer- site (1976–2007).157 He draws attention to the fact that ous are plates with a flat base and a wide horizontal y or glazed pottery occurs in layers of the last phase of the slightly obliquely everted rim. The rim diameter ranges regular, planimetric town, in layers below the ground from 13 to 34 cm, with a midspread between 17 and and walking level of the latest (irregular) building phase 30 cm and a median at 26/27 cm ( Fig. 2: 9–11).165 The of Solva (the so-called “Restsiedlung”; see below). On the rims are sometimes decorated by concentric grooves, Frauenberg, approximately 2% of the Late Roman pot- wavy lines, incised notches or feather rouletting. The tery finds are glazed.158 The prevalence of this category of plates belong to LRG 71, a form which is omnipresent pottery can certainly be traced back to the local produc- at sites in the south-eastern alpine region.166 Next to tion on the Frauenberg. It is also striking that outside plates, there are calotte-shaped bowls with the same the urban area of Frauenberg/ Solva the distribution of horizontal y or slightly obliquely everted rim as the glazed pottery is dramatical y falling in number; one plates but with a deeper body ( Fig. 2: 7–8).167 The base exception is the villa and horreum of Rannersdorf159, east 160 of Solva, which shows strong relations to the municipal Steinklauber 2002, 88–89; Schrettle 2014, 92–96 (con- tribution of S. Tsironi); Steinklauber 2013, 65–70; Schrettle city visible in the spectrum of pottery finds (e.g. in the 2019, 91–96 (contribution of S. Tsironi). marble tempered coarse ware). 161 Cf. Ottományi 2011, 274. 162 Examples for Fig. 2 are taken from Steinklauber 2013 Frauenberg is the site on which the greatest quan- (3: F 175, 4: F 855, 5: F 161, 6: F 596). tity of glazed pottery has been found within the ager 163 Cvjetićanin 2006, 26–28. – Cf. Groh, Sedlmayer 2002, 208–210, Fig. 138. 164 E.g. Korinjski hrib: Ciglenečki et al. 2020, 98–99 154 Heymans 2004, 516, Fig. 26. (contribution of Z. Modrijan); Hemmaberg: Ladstätter 2000, 155 Steinklauber 2013, 65, no. F 29; colour Pl. 1. 118–119; Ančnikovo gradišče near Jurišna vas: Modrijan 156 Hárshegyi, Ottományi 2015, 498–499, note 164. – Cf. 2020a, 319, Fig. 3: 6. For similar mortaria from Keszthely- Bónis 1991, 143–144; Ottományi, Sosztarits 1996−1997, 158, Fenékpuszta see: Horváth 2011, 606–609. A local production Tab. 1 (from the pottery kiln: 10+13% burnished; 5% glazed); of this mortarium type is attested at Savaria/Szombathely: Horváth 2011, 643. Ottományi, Sosztarits 1996−1997, 155–156. 157 E.g. Hudeczek 1973, 54; 1977, 461; 2002, 210; Pam- 165 Examples for Fig. 2 are taken from Steinklauber 2013 mer-Hudeczek, Hudeczek 2002, 468, note 6.5. – Cf. Kainz (9: F 394, 10: F 250, 11: F 160). 1989, 99. 166 Cvjetićanin 2006, 53–55 (with many analogies); Rif- 158 Schrettle 2019, 91 (contribution of S. Tsironi); cf. Stein- nik: Bausovac, Pirkmajer 2012, 1, Fig. 3: 1–5; Korinjski hrib: klauber 2013, 65. – For the site of Hemmaberg with a share of Ciglenečki et al. 2020, 100, Fig. 4.2: 3–4; Ančnikovo gradišče even 6% see: Ladstätter 2000, 118; cf. Magrini, Sbarra 2015, 48. near Jurišna vas: Modrijan 2020a, 319, Fig. 3: 3. 159 Schrettle 2010; 2017. 167 Examples for Fig. 2 are taken from Steinklauber 2013 167 Christoph GUTJAHR, Stephan KARL, Christian GREINER is either flat like that of the plates or is slightly disc-like is noteworthy, as it looks misfired and fused with parts emphasised. They are usual y smaller than the plates of another vessel in the kiln. It might be of local produc- with a rim diameter of around 16 to 20 cm. The rims tion. A pot-like vessel (or a deep bowl) with a decoration are sometimes richly decorated; e.g. the bowl F 862 consisting of wavy-lines separated by a notched band is from the temple plateau ( Fig. 2: 7)168 shows wavy lines also unusual ( Fig. 2: 15).176 between concentric grooves and cordons of notches Decoration with wavy lines and notching appears on the edges. Such bowls belong to LRG 27, one of the only at an advanced production stage of glazed pottery most widespread types in the Danube and neighbouring which is dated from the late 4th century, from 380 or regions, which are represented in different variants.169 even 400, onwards.177 The share of wavy line decorated As a variant of this type we can identify a yellow-brown vessels on the Frauenberg is low compared to other glazed, calotte-shaped bowl with a stretched and slightly sites like Hemmaberg or Gardellaca ( Cardabiaca)/ obliquely everted rim ( Fig. 2: 18; rdm 20 cm).170 Another Tokod ( Fig. 2: 7,9,15).178 In contrast to Frauenberg, type of a bowl takes over a shape from the local coarse glazed pottery with wavy line decoration is up to pottery; a calotte-shaped bowl with an inside curved present unknown from Solva itself. This absence and rim ( Fig. 2: 1–2).171 The rim edge is either rounded in general the lack of finds securely dated into the 5th or cut off obliquely inwards. They have rim diameters century should not be taken as an indication for an between 19 and 24 cm. Another group of bowls bears a end of settlement activities in the lowland already at different kind of relation when regarding its morphol- the end of the Valentinian time, i.e. at the end of the ogy. These calotte-shaped bowls or mugs of small sizes 4th century.179 It is still an open question how to date with rim diameter of around 12 cm, have pronounced and interpret the latest settlement phase of Solva, the disc-like bases like small jugs and slightly obliquely so-called “Restsiedlung”, as it was named by E. Hudec- everted rims. One mug was found in grave F 170 of the zek.180 He has favoured to date its beginning around cemetery Perl-/Stadläcker mentioned above ( Fig. 2: 20). or shortly after 400.181 During this last period, simple Another fragment with completely preserved profile wooden houses were built on foundations made of comes from the “Wal schnitt” on the Frauenberg ( Fig. 2: demolished stone and brick or integrated into indi- 19).172 Another significant group represented on Frau- vidual rooms of the former and already dilapidated enberg are biconical three- or two-handled cups with buildings of the planimetric town. Sometimes these dense rouletting decoration. The rim diameter ranges huts avoided the ruins and were erected directly on between 17 to 21 cm. They were found during several the streets.182 The channel heating systems typical for excavations on the Frauenberg, e.g. in the “Wal schnitt” the Late Roman period are mostly the only archaeo- ( Fig. 2: 16)173 or on the temple plateau ( Fig. 2: 17)174. On logical evidence for these buildings; pavement levels the basis of a recent revision of some fragments from or fireplaces are rarely recognised. This last settlement Frauenberg we will address this group at the end of this phase of Solva shows a pronounced degradation and section separately. Other shapes are only evidenced in clearly changes in the residential construction. Similar single specimens, like the already mentioned jug from phenomena of wooden huts built irregularly within the grave F 224 ( Fig. 2: 12) and the three-handled pot ( Fig. ruins and public spaces are known in Aelium Cetium/ 2: 13). A cylindrical beaker with horizontal grooves is St. Pölten, Savaria/Szombathely or Sirmium/Sremska exceptional ( Fig. 2: 14).175 It has a height of 7 cm and a Mitrovica.183 At the end of the 4th century a densifica- rim diameter of 6 cm. Its deformation of the outer wall 176 Steinklauber 2013, 66, 212, no. F 717; Pl. 77 (rdm (7: F 862, 8: F 854). 13.8 cm). 168 Schrettle 2014, 24–25, 57, 80, Fig. 75; same as Stein- 177 Bonis 1991, 144; Ladstätter 2000, 128; Hárshegyi, Ot- klauber 2013, 220, no. F 862; Pl. 95. tományi 2015, 490, 494 . 169 Cvjetićanin 2006, 34–39 (with many analogies); add 178 Gardellaca ( Cardabiaca)/Tokod: Bonis 1991, 144; Ančnikovo gradišče near Jurišna vas: Modrijan 2020a, 319, Hemmaberg: Ladstätter 2000, 123–124; cf. Korinjski hrib, Fig. 3: 1–2. where wavy line decoration is not attested: Ciglenečki et al. 170 Schrettle 2019, 95, 303, no. F13.71.379-1; Pl. 3: 1 (con- 2020, 101 (contribution of Z. Modrijan); this seems also true tribution of S. Tsironi). for Ančnikovo gradišče near Jurišna vas: Modrijan 2020a, 320. 171 Examples for Fig. 2 are taken from Steinklauber 2013 179 Cf. Steinklauber 2010a, 25; Groh 2021, 172–173, 313. (1: F 570, 2: F 853). 180 Hudeczek 1977, 466–467; 1988, 53; 2002, 211. 172 Steinklauber 2013, 67, 185; Pl. 16. 181 Hudeczek 1977, 467; 1988, 53; 2002, 210–211; 2008, 173 Steinklauber 2013, 66, 185, no. F 174; Pl. 16 (rdm 275–276. – The assumption that the last building phase of 20 cm). the planimetric town was destroyed during the raids of the 174 Schrettle 2019, 95–96, 305, no. F 14.168,172,200.533, Gothic troops led by Radagaisus in 405/406 was purely fic- Fig. 53, Pl. 7: 3 (contribution of S. Tsironi); see Fig. 3: 2 (after tional and has been avoided in later works. the new assembling) . 182 Pammer-Hudeczek, Hudeczek 2002, 470; Hudeczek 175 Schrettle 2019, 96, 305, no. F14.168.534; Fig. 54; Pl. 2008, 276, Fig. 13. 7: 4 (S. Tsironi) 183 Aelium Cetium/St. Pölten: Scherrer 2011, 111; Sa- 168 FROM LATE ANTIQUITY TO THE EARLY MIDDLE AGES ... Site Shapes Decor Amount References Solva – Settle- mortarium, plate, grooving, “not at all Groh 1996, 143, 146–147, 194, no. K 148–149; Pl. 41 ment bowl, cup, pot rouletting rare” (Grube G7); K 288, K 289, K 293, Pl. 56 (Schicht 2); Pammer-Hudeczek, Hudeczek 2002, 468, note 65 (“gar nicht so selten”); Heymans 2004, 516, Fig. 26; Rabitsch 2013, 44, 46–47, 139, 141–142; Pl. 49: 9–10, 51: 16(15), 52: 6 Solva – Cemetery mortarium, cup rouletting 3 Schrettle, Tsironi 2007, 249, note 241 (unpublished; from the cemetery Marburgerstraße, formerly in the museum Flavia Solva); unpublished fragments from the Late Roman well within the cemetery “Spitals- gelände” Frauenberg – mortarium, plate, grooving, >85 Groh, Sedlmayer 2004, 464, 470; Schrettle 2014, 24–25, Temple plateau bowl, cup, jug, rouletting, 57, 80, Fig. 75; 92, Pl. 47: 5 (contribution of S. Tsironi); beaker, pot wavy line, Groh, Seldmayer 2005, 152–155; Tab. 40, 43 ; Pl. 24: notching 459/2; 29: 38/22; Steinklauber 2013, 220, no. F 862; Pl. 95; Schrettle 2019, 91–96 (contribution of S. Tsironi) Frauenberg – mortarium, grooving, >65 Steinklauber 2013, 65–70; several unpublished frag- Settlement/ plate, bowl, rouletting, ments exist from the excavation of 1985/1986; see Öden, NW-Slope cup, mug, jug, wavy line, Joanneum Jahresberichte 1985, 117–118; FUCHS three-handled notching 1985−1986a; Fuchs 1986 amphora,pot Frauenberg – bowl, jug, three- grooving, 3 Steinklauber 2002, 88–89, no. GK.2–4; Fig. 131, Cemetery/Perl-/ handled amphora rouletting 136–137; Pl. 39 (F 170); Pl. 53 (F 224) Stadläcker Rannersdorf – mortarium, bowl, grooving, >15 Schrettle, Tsironi 2007, 249, 278–279; Pl. 40: 7, 10–11; villa cup, jug, beaker, rouletting 43: 4; Schrettle 2017, 42–44, 54, 58, 60, 64; Pl. 2: 2; 3: pot 1, 17, 20; 4: 10, 17, 23; 6: 4, 10–11 (contribution of S. Tsironi) Löffelbach – villa jug - 1 Marko 2017, 133, no. 610031; Pl. 20 Aichegg near mortarium, bowl, - >10 Bauer, Hebert, Schachinger 1995, 101, no. 474–476, Stal hofen – cup? 490–491, 494–495; Pl. on p. 130–131 Farmstead Schönberg near plate, bowl, cup? rouletting 4 Oberhofer 2012, 96–97, 324, no. F176–179; Pl. 11 Hengsberg – Settlement Wildoner Schloß- Mortarium, - 4 Bauer 1997, 111, no. W6–7, W11–12; Pl. 42; Tiefengra- berg – Hil top plate?, bowl? ber 2018, 251, Fig. 271 settlement Kugelstein – Hil - plate, bowl ... >10 Pichler 1887, 123; Fuchs, Kainz 1998, 108 (Ku70, 259, top settlement 298), 109 (Ku62), 116 (Ku241); Pl. 6: 55–56 Riegersburg – mortarium - 1 Bauer 1997, 88, 94, no. R32; Pl. 2 Hil top settle- ment Heiliger Berg mortarium, plate - 9 Bauer 1997, 113–114, no. B1–4, B22–25; Pl. 44–46; near Bärnbach – Steinklauber 2006a, 248, 253, no. 9; Fig. 2 Hil top settle- ment Eppenstein – mortarium, bowl, - 5 Unpublished; see Steigberger, Steinegger 2015/2016, Hil top settle- cup, jug, pot? 270 ment Frauenburg – plate, bowl grooving 2 Unpublished; see Steinegger 2017, 183; Steinegger et al. Hil top settle- 2019, 116–117 ment Knal wand near mortarium, plate grooving 8 Steinklauber 2005, 150, 167–168, no. K1–K8; Pl. 2 Ramsau – Hil top settlement Tab. 2 → 169 Christoph GUTJAHR, Stephan KARL, Christian GREINER Site Shapes Decor Amount References Röthelstein near plate grooving, 2 Steinklauber 2005, 161, 178, no. R1–R2; Pl. 14 Wörschach – notching Hil top settle- ment Tab. 2: Find list of Late Roman glazed pottery in the area of today's Styria (sites only with fragments of not clearly defined shapes are excluded). tion of the settlement on the Frauenberg ridge can be Biconical three- or two-handled glazed cups with observed, similar to Poetovio/Ptuj with the castle hil rouletting decoration (Grajski hrib) and the Panorama hil .184 The observed differences in the find material between Frauenberg Biconical glazed cups with dense rouletting decora- and Solva are probably due to a social gradient; it seems tion are common among the glazed pottery in the Norican that a poorer population remained and lived in the and Pannonian regions.190 The rouletting is executed by lowland settlement, probably together with newcom- two or three circumferential registers of multiple fine ers. The already observed poverty of the Late Roman rouletting bands separated by grooves. Only the rim and graves (also with some barbaric elements) discovered the vertical wall with the rouletting decoration is covered in the Solva cemeteries supports this assumption.185 with glaze, while the lower conical wall part and the in- Most of the sites with glazed pottery in the middle side show normal y only some glaze splashes. The form Danubian provinces have a military origin or are char- exists in two sizes, a smaller variant with two handles acterised by the presence of soldiers. This has resulted and a rim diameter of around 12 cm and a larger, mostly in the hypothesis that the increasing need for glazed three-handled variant with a rim diameter between 16 pottery is connected with the military reorganisation and 18 cm.191 The first is sometimes classified as a beaker, of the Pannonian provinces and the stationing of new the latter as a bowl.192 This shape is mostly represented troop units.186 Also for the site of Frauenberg, several in the smaller variant. Noticeably, several specimens of militaria are evidenced and even a small garrison is as- the larger variant were found on the Frauenberg ( Fig. 3: sumed.187 Glazed pottery was also found in settlements 2,3).193 Base fragments of this characteristic shape were on rural sites (e.g. Aichegg near Stal hofen or Schönberg also evidenced in the insula XLI/405 of Solva ( Fig. 3: 5)194 near Hengsberg, Tab. 2). According to P. Hárshegyi and and in the backfilling of a Late Roman well ( Fig. 3: 6) in K. Ottományi, glazed pottery is first of all a feature of the cemetery of “Spitalsgelände”. In course of a revision romanisation, which soldiers and wealthier members of of the recently found cups from the temple plateau, two the middle classes could afford.188 It is therefore a sign of exemplares could be assembled from several fragments.195 a certain prosperity and a still functioning economy.189 One piece ( Fig. 3: 2) has a stacking trace on the lower For Solva, this is obviously still true for the third quarter part.196 Although both are of similar size ( Fig. 3: 2: rdm of the 4th century. 17.2 cm; Fig. 3: 3: rdm 19.6 cm) and fabric, they differ in their rouletting decoration. For the yellow-brown-glazed varia/Szombathely: Vida 2011b, 634–635; Scherrer 2003, cup ( Fig. 3: 3) a broader rouletting tool was used and 63; for the pottery kiln built under the arcades of a street stronger impressed into the clay. Additional y, the rim see Ottományi, Sosztarits 1996−1997; for Sirmium/Sremska zone is higher with two or even three grooves. On the Mitrovica and other sites with remains of such late irregular dwellings see Ciglenecki 2014, 232–238. 190 Hárshegyi, Ottományi 2015, 490–493. 184 Horvat et al. 2003, 163–165; Ciglenečki 2017, 145. 191 Ottományi 2011, 266–267; Pl. 2: 6–8, 6: 3. 185 Pammer-Hudeczek, Hudeczek 2002, 467–470. 192 Bausovac, Pirkmajer 2012, 1–2. 186 Magrini, Sbarra 2005, 72–73; 2015, 43. – Cf. Cvjetičanin 193 Steinklauber 2013, 66, 178, 185, nos. F25–26; 174; Pl. 2006, 144–148, 196–197; Horváth 2011, 603; Steinklauber 3, 16; Schrettle 2019, 95–96. 2013, 65. 194 Groh 1996, 141, 192, no. K 148; Pl. 41. 187 Groh, Sedlmayer 2005, 155, 209–210, 241, no. 223/14; 195 We thank B. Schrettle for the opportunity to study this Pl. 21; Schrettle 2019, 83–84, Figs. 48 (lorica squamata), 143; material. Comparisons for Fig. 3: 2: Schrettle 2019, 91–93, 95– Groh 2021, 207. – For the garrison see: Ladstätter 2002, 318, 96, 305–308, Fig. 53; Pl. 7: 3 (F14.168/172/200.272/378/533; 353–356. cf. Fig. 2: 17); Pl. 7: 17 (F14.174.423); not il ustrated: 188 Hárshegyi, Ottományi 2015, 495, 499. F14.196.468; Fig. 52; Pl. 8: 10 (F14.196.469/472/473); Pl. 10: 189 In this context it has to be mentioned that glazed pot- 14 (F15.196.32); Pl. 10: 13 (F15.196.45); Pl. 9: 9 (F15.196.88); tery is also supposed to be a substitute or a supplement for Pl. 10: 15 (F15.196.264); Pl. 13: 6 (F15.233.275). Compari- the decreasing imported tableware vessels from the Mediter- sons for Fig. 3: 3: Schrettle 2019, 91–93, 95–96, 319; Pl. 30: 1 ranean: Ladstätter 2000, 125; Cvjetičanin 2006, 139, 195–196; (F14.169.540); Pl. 30: 3 (F14.169.536). Vida 2011b, 636. 196 Cf. Bru Calderón 2011, 20, Fig. 37. 170 FROM LATE ANTIQUITY TO THE EARLY MIDDLE AGES ... Fig. 3: Biconical three (or two-) handled glazed cups with rouletting decoration; 1: from the cemetery of Budaörs; 2, 3: from the temple plateau of Frauenberg; 4: from Gorsium-Herculia/Tác; 5, 6: from Solva. Scale 1:3. green-glazed exemplare ( Fig. 3: 2) marks of all three han- Hemmaberg and on the hil top settlements of Rifnik and dles are preserved. Both cups have closest parallels in the Ančnikovo gradišče near Jurišna vas.200 It is noticeable find material of Gorsium-Herculia/Tác ( Fig. 3: 4).197 Some that this stylistical y close group of vessels of supposed details of the rouletting and some morphological features Pannonian ( Gorsium) origin spread outside of Pannonia (also in the combination with the glaze colour) are so only in the western adjacent part of Noricum Mediter- closely related that a common origin can be assumed. At raneum. Other cups of this larger variant were found at Gorsium-Herculia/Tác different rouletting motive types Favianis/Mautern and Aelium Cetium/St. Pölten, but they could be differentiated, some of them were attributed differ in details of shape and decoration.201 to a local production based on their frequency on the The smaller variant of these biconical glazed cups site.198 The Frauenberg rouletting decoration belongs to with rouletting decoration, the proper two-handled these local motive types. Another parallel of a completely skyphos, is widespread in the Pannonian cemeteries preserved cup was found in grave 427 of the cemetery of and settlements of the second half of the 4th century.202 Budaörs ( Fig. 3: 1).199 Its outline is almost congruent with This variant probably appears shortly before the mid 4th the green-glazed cup from Frauenberg. Further cups of this larger size with a rouletting decoration matching these 200 Poetovio/Ptuj (from Hajdina): Mikl-Curk 1976, 47, local Gorsium types were discovered at Poetovio/Ptuj, 97, no. 3924, Pl. 6: 17; Hemmaberg: Ladstätter 2000, 122, 245, Pl. 7: 6 (rdm 22 cm); Rifnik: Bausovac, Pirkmajer 2012, 197 For Fig. 3: 2: Fitz, Bánki 1972, 243, Pl. 13: 10; Fitz et al. 1, Fig. 3: 8 (rdm 21); Ančnikovo gradišče near Jurišna vas: 1973, 332–333, Pl. 9: 1; 9: 3 (= Fig. 3: 4); 1984−1985, 215, Pl. 33: cf. Bausovac, Pirkmajer 2012, 1, note 10 (mentioning Ravnik 605; 1986–1988, 133, Pl. 42: 647; 1994, 366, Pl. 51: 460; cf. also 2006, 95, Pl. 3: 15–16). Fitz et al. 1982−1983, 146, Pl. 38: 502. For Fig. 3: 3: Fitz et al. 201 Favianis/Mautern: Friesinger, Kerchler 1981, 199, Fig. 1984−1985, 238, Pl. 57: 523. For further analogies from Gor- 7: 1 (burnt layer of the kiln); Gassner 2000, 251, 280, Fig. sium-Herculia/Tác see Bausovac, Pirkmajer 2012, 1, note 15. 209: D5.19 (rdm 14 cm); Groh, Sedlmayer 2001, 182, note 198 Bánki 1992, 42–44, Fig. 6. – For Gorsium-Herculia/ 21; 2002, 304, Pl. 27: 426 (period 5.3); according to Groh, Tác as a production center of glazed pottery see also Bónis Sedlmayer 2001, 184 the kiln in the area “Vicus West” was 1990, 29–30; Hárshegyi, Ottományi 2015, 496. active in period 6 (370/380-450); Aelium Cetium/St. Pölten: 199 Hárshegyi, Ottományi 2015, 491–493, Fig. 1: 17; Bru Calderón 2011, 35, Fig. 23; Pl. 28: 4 (rdm 18 cm). Ottományi 2011, 266, Pl. 2: 8 (rdm 16.4 cm). 202 Bónis 1991, 131–133. 171 Christoph GUTJAHR, Stephan KARL, Christian GREINER century as indicated by a cup found in grave 110 of the only in single pieces on a handful of sites (e.g. from cemetery Somogyszil together with two coins of Con- Carinthia: Lendorf near Klagenfurt, Kathreinkogel, stantine I (one of them 334/335).203 Two other cups are Hemmaberg211). This under-representation is probably associated with coins of Valens (364/378), one from grave also aggravated by the fact that this kind of pottery is 132 of the same cemetery of Somogyszil,204 the other from difficult to recognise, especial y in an environment of grave 11 of the cemetery of Gerulata/Rusovce205. From the similar looking Late Latène pottery finds (e.g. on the settlement of Budaörs fragments of cups of this smaller Frauenberg). variant are found in layers together with coins from 351 Burnished pottery occurred after some prede- to 375.206 According to the archaeological contexts, these cessors during the Valentinian time and increased cups appear from the late second quarter of the 4th century afterwards during the late 4th century and the first and have a main time of usage in the second half of the third of the 5th century which is confirmed by various 4th century.207 The larger variant starts probably a little bit archaeological contexts in the provinces of Pannonia later than the classical two-handled shape. The deposit pit prima and Valeria as well as of Noricum ripense.212 In on the temple plateau of Frauenberg mentioned above Favianis/Mautern, burnished pottery is documented may provide a dating of the occurrence of this type in the from period 5 (270/280–360/370), but does not appear ager Solvensis during the third quarter of the 4th century. in large numbers until the period 6 (370/380–450).213 How long the larger type was produced and distributed According to P. Hárshegyi and K. Ottományi, the ap- is difficult to determine. Basical y, the decoration with pearance of this decorative treatment of the pottery dense rouletting motifs, which is typical on these three- or surface in the Late Roman period can be explained by two-handled cups, is a sign for the earlier stage of glazed the settlement of peoples from the Barbaricum in the pottery.208 Another argument for dating these large cups province and the arrival of other newcomers.214 Local not longer than the third quarter of the 4th century is that Roman pottery workshops seem to be influenced by the according to Z. Bánki the production of glazed pottery at new arrivals and enriched their repertoire. Glazed and Gorsium-Herculia/Tác gradual y decreased after the 370s burnished pottery was even produced at a few sites by the the more Gardellaca ( Cardabiaca)/Tokod swung up to same pottery workshop, as at Favianis/Mautern, Savaria/ the predominant production centre for the Pannonian Szombathely or Gardellaca ( Cardabiaca)/Tokod.215 This region.209 period of time is mostly dated to the last quarter of the 4th and the beginning of the 5th century. As mentioned, burnished pottery is extremely 2.4. BURNISHED POTTERY rare in Noricum Mediterraneum; this is especially true for the ager Solvensis. Nevertheless, there are few Coarse pottery with a burnished surface and deco- pieces – currently only in a small number of three ration fired in a reducing atmosphere is characteristic in items – which bridge the gap between the Pannonian, the Late Roman/late antique find material of the middle Carinthian and Slovenian find sites. They are all coming Danubian provinces of Noricum and Pannonia and of from Solva and Frauenberg. The first one, found during their bordering regions.210 It is mostly found in settle- the excavation of the Late Roman settlement remains ments and forts along the limes and in the Pannonian on the northwestern slope of Frauenberg in the years lowland. In Noricum mediterraneum, burnished pot- 1985 −1986 (excavation “Lippnegg”), belongs to a pot tery is only of subordinate importance and evidenced with an outwardly curved rim and a bulge separating the narrow neck zone from the shoulder ( Fig. 4: 1).216 203 Burger 1979, 50–51, Pl. 20: 3 (rdm 11.2 cm). Unfortunately, there was no chance to reexamine this 204 Burger 1979, 56, Pl. 23: 1; 34: 1 (rdm 9.3 cm). – Grave 132 contains 3 coins of Constantius II (337/361; 355/361) 211 Groh, Sedlmayer 2002, 316, note 1030; Ladstätter and one of Valens (364/378). 2003a, 849–850; Lendorf: Rodriguez 1997, 161, Pl. 11: 111; 205 Krekovič 1998, 40, Pl. 31: 2 (rdm 7.4 cm). Kathreinkogel: Rodriguez 1997, 161, Pl. 11: 105; Hemma- 206 Ottományi 2011, 266–267, Pl. 2: 7; 6: 3. berg: Rodriguez 1997, 161, Pl. 9: 86–87. 207 Ladstätter 2000, 128; Bausovac, Pirkmajer 2012, 1; Re- 212 Horváth 2011, 628; Groh, Sedlmayer 2013, 504; Hár- uter 2013, 363–364. – In Ottományi (2011, 267) and Harshe- shegyi, Ottományi 2015, 500–502. gyi, Ottományi (2015, 493) these cups are dated from the first 213 Groh, Seldmayer 2002, 313–314. third of the 4th century until the beginning of the 5th century. 214 Hárshegyi, Ottományi 2015, 500–501. 208 Hárshegyi, Ottományi 2015, 494. 215 Groh, Sedlmayer 2001, 184; Hárshegyi, Ottományi 209 Bánki 1992, 40; cf. Bru Calderón 2011, 82. – According 2015, 506. 508. – For a compilation of these workshops see: to Ottomanyi, Sosztarits (1996/1997, 181) Gorsium-Herculia/ Ottomanyi, Sosztarits 1996 −1997, 181–182. Tác belongs to the sites where burnished pottery was not pro- 216 Artner 1998−1999, 224, 267, fig. 4; cf. Schrettle 2014, duced. 56, note 189; Gutjahr 2015a, 77, note 30; 2020, 56, note 7. 210 For overviews see: Groh, Sedlmayer 2002, 313–321; – For this important, but in essence still unpublished exca- Ladstätter 2003a, 849–850; Groh, Sedlmayer 2013, 504–505; vation see: Joanneum Jahresberichte 1985, 117–118; Fuchs Hárshegyi, Ottományi 2015, 500–509. 1985−1986a; 1986; Steinklauber 2013, 28–31. 172 FROM LATE ANTIQUITY TO THE EARLY MIDDLE AGES ... Fig. 4: Burnished pottery from the last quarter of the 4th century to the beginning of the 5th century from Frauenberg. Scale 1:3. important object in the museum depot, so the classifi- fragment was recently evidenced in the “city moat” of cation is based on the published drawing. It has verti- Solva; it is up to date not published but only cursorily cal burnished stripes on the neck, a slightly deepened mentioned in a recent publication.222 According to the (incised?) zigzag line (wavy line?) on the bulge and first report, it comes from the top filling layers of this diagonal burnished stripes (very faint) on the shoul- moat. On this basis, the decay of the moat was dated der, which was framed below by a groove. The shape into the Valentinian time. and decoration features refer this piece to the second This small number of burnished pottery from group of burnished pottery as it was determined by P. Solva hardly allows any further evaluations. The pieces Hárshegyi and K. Ottományi.217 The authors are dating are certainly imports from the Pannonian area where this group from the last quarter of the 4th century to several workshops were evidenced in the form of pot- the beginning of the 5th century. A comparable pot of tery kilns, pottery waste and other specifics.223 The sites similar size (rdm 11 cm) and decoration (with incised where a production of burnished pottery is argued that wavy line) – with traces of a handle – was found at Fa- are closest to the study area are Savaria/Szombathely and vianis/Mauern in period 6 (370/380–450).218 Another Keszthely-Fenékpuszta.224 Exact parallels could not be fragment from Frauenberg was discovered during the recognised in the published material from this western recent excavation on the temple plateau in 2018.219 Pannonian region. Remarkable for both Frauenberg This wall piece belongs probably to a large jug or even pieces is the precision and elaboration of the burnished to a pot ( Fig. 4: 2; max. pres. diameter 23.4 cm). The decoration; burnished pottery from the neighbouring black coloured fabric is reduced and medium hard sites are more simple, as from the hil top settlement fired without any visible inclusions. The shoulder Ančnikovo gradišče near Jurišna vas or from Poetovio/ zone is decorated with a band of alternating diagonal Ptuj.225 On Ančnikovo gradišče c. 1% of all Late Ro- stripe groups (one with 5 and the other with 7 stripes), man pottery finds belongs to the category of burnished partly crossing. These stripes are slightly deepened in pottery. Parallel to the latter site, the burnished pottery the polished surface. A fine incised horizontal line from Solva can be dated to the same time frame, from is limiting this ornamental band below. It resembles the last quarter of the 4th to the beginning of the 5th the large jugs with narrow neck and lattice pattern century. The most scarce evidence in the ager Solvensis on the shoulder from the vicus of Budaörs, which are – in spite of the closeness to Pannonia – is nevertheless part of the second group of burnished pottery there difficult to explain. (380–430).220 The decoration of stripe groups is quite common, evidenced also in Noricum ripense.221 A third 222 Groh 2021, 295. 217 Hárshegyi, Ottományi 2015, 503–507. 223 Ottomanyi, Sosztarits 1996−1997, 181–184; Hárshe- 218 Groh, Sedlmayer 2002, 260–261, Fig. 151; Pl. 41: 759. gyi, Ottományi 2015, 506 (workshops of group 2). 219 No. F18.457.1 (unpublished); for the excavation see 224 Ottomanyi, Sosztarits 1996−1997, 178; Horváth 2011, Schrettle 2018. 606; Hárshegyi, Ottományi 2015, 506, note 197. 220 Ottományi 2009, 416, 437, Fig. 3: 9. 225 Ančnikovo gradišče: Modrijan 2019, 86, Fig. 3: 5; 221 E.g. from Vienna-Aspern: Friesinger, Kerchler 1981, 2020a, 320–321, Fig. 4; 2020b, 359, Fig. 6: 6; Poetovio/Ptuj: 252, Fig. 26: 3; Favianis/Mautern: Groh, Sedlmayer 2002, Mikl-Curk 1966, 56, Pl. 2: 11 (grave 38); 58, Pl. 3: 3 (no. 315, Pl. 31: 526. 3514); 1976, 45, 95, Pl. 9: 12 (no. 3514); 12: 14 (no. 3513). 173 Christoph GUTJAHR, Stephan KARL, Christian GREINER 3. THE FINDS FROM THE PERIOD 450−650 AD Christoph Gutjahr It has already been stated several times that in Styr- ia, finds from Late Antiquity and, even more so, from the transition to the Early Middle Ages (around 450 to 650 AD), are surprisingly rare.226 Comprehensive research in the recent past was able to increase the known inventory only insignificantly. Apart from the silver-gilt bird fibula (450–500 or around 500, Fig. 5) and the four lead bul ae of the Eastern Roman emperor Markianos (450–457)227 from Solva, 228 only very few objects from Styria can be attributed to the Migration Period – furthermore, the circumstances of their discovery often remain unclear.229 From Kirchbichl near Rattenberg (district of the Mur/ Mura Valley), there is a bird fibula (approx. 470–525, Fig. 6)230 and a bronze bow fibula decorated by chip-carving of the Prša-Levice type (450/460−480/490, Fig. 7); Fig. 5: Bird fibula from Solva. the latter is a Danubian/East Germanic product. The Kugelstein near Frohnleiten (Graz-Umgebung district), featuring an extraordinary strategic position, is the find considered.234 A pin with a bird-shaped head made of spot of an iron crossbow fibula of the Siscia type (sec- non-ferrous metal, a dislocated find from the filling of a ond half of the 5th century/first half of the 6th century, Medieval ditch at Wildon/Schlossberg, may also belong Fig. 8–9), which was discovered during excavations in to this period ( Fig. 13).235 An allegedly Byzantine lead 1885−1886. An equal-armed bronze bow brooch was tessera (6th/7th century?) that was found around 2002 found in Mantscha (Graz-Umgebung, district, second in Andritz, Graz-Stadt district, is currently missing.236 half of the 6th century/first half of the 7th century, Fig. 10). Also untraceable are the pottery fragments mentioned In grave 15 of the cemetery of Hohenberg near Aigen by Schmid from his excavation west of the so-called (Liezen district), dating to the decades around 800, two Almhäuser (Altenmarkt, municipality of Vordernberg, late antique pigeon fibulae have been found (5th–7th Leoben district) below the Präbichl saddle (presumably centuries).231 A hollow armlet (Kolbenarmring) with 1929, definitely before 1932), which Schmid classified a pearled rim presumably originates from the vicinity as late medieval on the basis of their decoration.237 In of Leoben (mid 7th century, Leoben district, Fig. 11).232 1992, Eibner associated them with fragments of (later) An openwork disc brooch with an inscribed cross and Merovingian biconical vessels because of their deco- ring-and-dot ornament made of non-ferrous metal ration technique (latticed triangular and rectangular from grave 8 of the early medieval cemetery of Grötsch stamped motifs as well as ring-and-dot ornaments and (Leibnitz district, Fig. 12) can also be dated to the early rouletted decoration).238 In fact, however, the sherds Middle Ages (last two to three decades of the 7th cen- are the remains of cups/jugs of late medieval to early tury or around 700).233 It is probably an piece that had modern provenance (approximately late 14th to early been in use for a long time for which a broader dating (6th/7th century) including Late Antiquity was initial y 234 Gutjahr 2018, 43; 2020, 57. 226 Gutjahr 2015a 76–78; 2018, 42–44; 2020, 55–62. 235 The pin with a bird-shaped head (see Bauer 1997, 227 Gutjahr 2015a, 76, 101–102, note 21. 110–111, Pl. 43: W28) matches the – in itself very heteroge- 228 Gutjahr 2015a, 76, 101–102, note 21; 2020, 56, note 8. neous – group of pins with a bird-shaped head of the 4th to 7th For an overview of bird fibulae: Losert 2003, 152–162. century mentioned by Vida (2009, 244–249, 246, Fig. 5; 247 229 For the finds: Gutjahr 2020, 55–57. Fig. 6A. – The main area of distribution of this type of pin is 230 The bird fibula from grave LLG83 (grave 30/2013) in the eastern territories of the Byzantine Empire: Vida 2009, of Liefering-Lexengasse (Greussing 2020, 160, 420, Fig. 5a; 245, Fig. 4; 2011a, especial y 416–418, 417, note 171. around 500) is very similar. 236 Records of the Bundesdenkmalamt (Federal Monu- 231 Nowotny 2005, 208–210, pl. 14/45 (grave 15). ments Office). The find was handed over to the Bundes- 232 Recently, with reference to the difficulties in distin- denkmalamt and later transferred to today Universalmuse- guishing Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages: Milavec um Joanneum for identification. It is currently not traceable. 2020, 162. 237 Schmid 1932, 56–58; 57, Fig. 45. 233 Koch 2003, 222. 238 Eibner 1992, 26–27. 174 FROM LATE ANTIQUITY TO THE EARLY MIDDLE AGES ... Fig. 6: Bird fibula from Kirchbichl near Rattenberg. Fig. 9: Crossbow fibula of the Siscia type from Kugelstein near Frohnleiten, drawing. Fig. 7: Bronze bow fibula of the Prša-Levice type from Kirch- Fig. 10: Bow fibula from Mantscha. bichl near Rattenberg. Fig. 8: Crossbow fibula of the Siscia type from Kugelstein near Fig. 11: Hollow armlet (Kolbenarmring) with a pearled rim Frohnleiten. from the vicinity of Leoben. 175 Christoph GUTJAHR, Stephan KARL, Christian GREINER Fig. 13: Non-ferrous metal pin with a bird-shaped head from the castle hill of Wildon. finds from more than 160 years of archaeological re- search in Styria. If we look at the numismatic data, the situation is not better. Finds of Eastern Roman or Early Byzantine coins between 450 and 700 are equal y rare ( Tab. 3).242 Fig. 12: Disc fibula from Grötsch. Except for four coins ( Fig. 17), from Annaberg near Leoben, Eppenstein (only the item found 1952), Krot- tenhof near Sankt Ulrich am Waasen and Graz-Andritz 16th century),239 which eliminates them from the find – the latter three with the special fate to become lost material that is included in this study.240 after discovery –, they have al no verifiable provenance: Two half relief fibulae (bird and deer) made of they were either found in the 19th century or by modern cast non-ferrous metal from the strategical y important collectors. In the case of Einhof near Seibersdorf bei St. castle hill of Eppenstein (Murtal district)241 complete Veit the coin of Justinianus I was probably lost together the inventory of the late antique and early medieval with other Roman coins on this find site during mod- finds. This includes all of the currently known smal ern times.243 Noticeable are two solidi of Leo I from the hil top settlement of Eppenstein.244 They belong to two different mints Constantinopolis and Roma, whereby the 239 See also: Holl 1963, 391–394; 356, Fig. 46–47; 363, latter is quite unusual for the Norican and Pannonian Fig. 63; 364, Fig. 65; Hol , Parádi 1982, 105, Fig. 52; Fig. 165 area.245 Whether this gold coinage is part of a military (esp. 3-8); Kerman 1997, 147; 158, Fig. 6/22. pay is unclear.246 240 Consequently, they have not been included in com- pilations of LA/EMA finds in recent years (Gutjahr 2015a, 76–77; 2018, 42–43; 2020, 55–58). I would like to thank my 242 For the recent assessment of the coin finds in Styria colleagues Iris Koch, Manfred Lehner, Daniel Modl, and es- from the period from 450 to 1100 we are grateful to Karl pecial y Johanna Kraschitzer, all from Graz, for their review Peitler (Universalmuseum Joanneum Graz). For information and hopeful y final chronological assignment of the Alten- and photographic material of relevant coins we thank Andreas markt sherds. Bernhard for the Burgmuseum Deutschlandsberg and Su- 241 Steinklauber 2010b, 21, Fig. 2.3; Pl. 2: 2.3; Gutjahr sanne Leitner-Böchzelt from the MuseumsCenter | Kunsthalle 2015a, 102–103, note 28; Steinklauber 2010b, 24, Fig. 2.4; Pl. Leoben. 2: 2.4; Martin 1994, 569, 571, Fig. 162. For the bird (dove) fib- 243 Schachinger 2006, 239. ula, a very similar specimen can be cited from Puštal above 244 Steinklauber 2010a, 14–15. Trnje: Bitenc et al. 1991, 75 no. 72 (5th/6th century); Bitenc, 245 Hahn 1990; Prohászka 2011, 85. Knific 2012, 432, 431 Fig. 1, no. 7. 246 Prohászka 2011, 71. – Cf. Milavec 2020, 166. 176 FROM LATE ANTIQUITY TO THE EARLY MIDDLE AGES ... Site Ruler Denomi- Issue Type Storage Key reference nation Eppenstein, found Leo I Solidus 462/466, Con- RIC X 605 lost Hahn 1990, 243; Steinklauber 1952 stantinopolis 2010b, 15; Zbiva ID 10004050 Eppenstein Leo I Solidus 467, Roma RIC X Burgmuseum Schachinger 2006, cat. 16796; 2518 Deutschland- Pl. 16: 16796; Steinklauber sberg 2010b, Fig. on p. 14–15; Zbiva ID 10004050 Leibnitz field, found Leo I Tremissis (457–474) lost Hahn 1990, 244; Schachinger before 1848 2006, cat. 16798; Zbiva ID 10004058 Frauenberg Basiliskos Solidus 474–476, Con- RIC X 1002 private prop- Schachinger 2006, cat. 16799; stantinopolis or 1003 erty, unknown Zbiva ID 10004059 Giesselegg near Wies Anasta- Fol is (491–518), Burgmuseum Zbiva ID 10004060 sios I Constanti- Deutschland- nopolis sberg Krottendorf near Fol is lost Mirsch 1994, Fig. on p. 81; Sankt Ulrich am Zbiva ID 10004055 Waasen, found in the 1970s Mitterdorf near Justinus I Fol is 518–522, Thes- MIB 68 UMJ Hahn 1990, 243; Schachinger Voitsberg, found salonica 2006, cat. 16839; Zbiva ID before 1827 10004061 Einhof near Seiber- Justini- AE 527–565, private prop- Schachinger 2006, cat. 16840; sdorf bei St. Veit, anus I Ravenna erty Leutzen- Zbiva ID 10004062 found 1956 dorff Annaberg near Leo- Justini- Fol is 538–539, Nico- MIB 114 MuseumsCen- Schachinger 2006, 210, 240 ben, found 1989 anus I media ter | Kunsthalle (no. 16841); Pl. 41: 16841; Leoben Zbiva ID 10004057 Pichling near Stainz Justini- Fol is 538–539, Nico- MIB 114 Burgmuseum Zbiva ID 10004063 anus I media Deutschland- sberg Äußere Kainisch Justini- Fol is 538–539, Con- Krajské Modl 2010, 162; Zbiva ID near Bad Mitterndorf anus I stantinopolis muzeum Cheb, 10004066 (“Goldbichel”), found Czech Republic 1877 Großfeiting near Justini- Half- 552–565, MIB 250 UMJ Zbiva ID 10004067 Wildon, found before anus I fol is Salona (similar) 1879 Knittelfeld, found Phokas Fol is 605–606, Con- MIB 61 c UMJ Hahn 1990, 244; Schachinger before 1819 stantinopolis 2006, cat. 16842; Peitler 2011b; Zbiva ID 10001858 Graz-Andritz, found Heraclius Fol is 617 UMJ Artner 1997, XXXIII, XLVII; c. 1983/1984 Zbiva ID 10003604 Straden, found before Heraclius Fol is 610–641, Con- MIB 164 UMJ Hahn 1990, 244 (Leo V, 1826 stantinopolis 813–820); Schachinger 2006, cat. 16843 (Leo III, 717–741) and cat. 16844 (Constantinus V Copronymus, 741–745); Zbiva ID 10001870 Tab. 3: Coin finds of the LA and the early EMA period from 450 to 700 in the area of today's Styria. Two more sites that have only been archaeological y long-term archaeological investigations since 2012, late investigated in recent years should be mentioned here. Roman and Late Antique radiocarbon dates have been From the ruins of Frauenburg Castle near the collected from various layers. However, no chronologi- village of Unzmarkt-Frauenburg in western Upper cal y correlating finds or (structural) findings have been Styria (Murtal district), which has been the target of presented so far that could at best be connected to a Late 177 Christoph GUTJAHR, Stephan KARL, Christian GREINER Fig. 14: Distribution of fibulae of the Prša-Levice type in the middle Danube region. Square: Kirchbichl near Rattenberg. Antique phase (after 450 AD) on the castle hil .247 The least legal y – to the Ostrogoth Empire, even though finds and findings in question still have to be published. this is not visible in the archaeological evidence.250 In In principle, a late antique settlement persistence of view of the localisations that have been proposed so far, whatever type and intensity cannot be ruled out for it can hardly be assumed that the Pólis Norikón, which the site, which is located close to a Roman via publica was assigned to the Lombards by the Byzantines, or at (“Norische Hauptstraße”).248 least subsequently legitimised by contract, affected the Another finding from Riegersdorf in eastern Styria territory of todayś Styria. The interpretation of the Styr- (Hartberg-Fürstenfeld district), which is located close to ian finds remains uncertain. They show no indications the border with Burgenland, cannot be classified more of the presence of Ostrogothic or Lombard groups or precisely on the basis of the excavation results published military troops, nor are there any indications of local for the time being. For a kiln discovered there in 2016, militias. Essential y, there are no finds that show any an early medieval date is assumed, although only a kind of contact (trade, exchange, gifts, dowry etc.) with radiocarbon date pointing to Late Antiquity (5th/6th Ostrogothic, Lombard or Frankish milieus.251 The few century) is given.249 In comparison to the extensive finds from Late 250 Wolfram 2001, 315–324; 2003, 62; Bratož 2014, 372 Antiquity and the Migration period in Carinthia and 375.251 Slovenia that come from hil top settlements as well as In contrast to neighbouring Carinthia and Slovenia. The small finds are general y to be assigned to the East Ger- burial grounds, the almost negligible number of con- manic milieu (e.g. the fibula from Rattenberg; cf. Gleirscher temporaneous finds from Styria is astonishing. We will 2019, 96) or, like the bird fibulae, are typical of the cemeteries deal with this disproportion below. of the western Merovingian circle (westmerowingischer Rei- Most of today’s Styria belonged to the Roman prov- hengräberkreis). The earliest occurrences of bird fibulae are ince of Noricum mediterraneum and consequently – at almost exclusively associated with Alemannic, Bavarian and Franconian graves (Losert 2003, 154). The bow fibula from 247 Steinegger 2017, 188–190; Steinegger et al. 2019, 117, Mantscha is usual y regarded as an element of the male Ro- esp. 120 note 5–6; Steinegger 2020, 97. man costume: Ibler 1991, 105–109; Martin 1994, 578–579, 248 Hinker 2010; Steigberger, Vrabec 2016. Fig. 173, 1012; Thörle 2001, 96–98, 259–266 (group III A); Pl. 249 Czubak, Chmielewski 2016, 462, D6910–D6913. 60–61; Map 15. – Gleirscher (2019, 96) assumes a derivation 178 FROM LATE ANTIQUITY TO THE EARLY MIDDLE AGES ... Fig. 15: Distribution of hollow armlets (Kolbenarmringe) with a pearled rim. Square: vicinity of Leoben. objects of Germanic and Roman origin dating from the Avar territory – they document contacts beyond the Migration period do not give us any reliable indications area of the Eastern Alps, between western Pannonia of ethnic identities, territorial disposition or the affilia- and the Lombard realm.253 The location given for the tion of Styrian regions to any of the various spheres of Styrian armlet (vicinity of Leoben) suggests routes cross- control during Late Antiquity and at the beginning of ing Styrian territory, connecting these two historical y the Early Middle Ages. important regions ( Fig. 15). Only three of the above-mentioned objects can be Final y, the crossbow fibulae of the “Siscia” type linked quite safely to a larger geographical and cultural- have a clear focus of distribution in the south-eastern historical framework: The Prša-Levice type fibula from Alps; according to T. Milavec, they were worn here by Rattenberg represents an element of the Danubian the Roman or Romanised population ( Fig. 16).254 female costume from the second half of the 5th century It is noteworthy that the activities of the Lombards, and turns out to be the most western exponent in the Ostrogoths, the (early) Avars and various other ancient mapping of this type’s find spots in the central Danube gentes in the Eastern Alpine region,255 well documented region ( Fig. 14). According to J. Tejral, this group of fibu- in the neighbouring areas, seem to have passed by Styria lae can be attributed into the central Danubian culture, without a trace, and not even a rudimentary persistent which was established in the post-Attila period, which romanitas can be identified. This is surprising, the more originated in indigenous Danubian traditions and bore so as evidence increases that the Roman populations of both an East Germanic/equestrian nomadic and a late the central and eastern Alpine region, Pannonia, Italy antique legacy.252 and the Dalmatian coastal landscape were in contact The hollow armlets (Kolbenarmringe) with a pearled rim are Italic products that were also used as traditional costume elements in the western part of the 253 Distelberger 2004, 20. 254 Milavec 2009, 224, 233–234, 236–237, 229 Fig. 8. – of East Germanic types. Different: Schulze-Dörrlamm 1986, 686–689 (Germanic), 252 Tejral 2008, 268. – See also Heinrich-Tamáska, Straub 694, 695, Fig. 110; Gleirscher 2019, 92–93. 2015, 634–635 (as characteristic of Zsibót-Domolopuszta 255 Winckler (2012a; 2012b) gives an overview of the rel- type graves = type 5 graves; phase D3 according to Bierbrauer evant period. On the 5th and 6th centuries in Noricum and 2015, 374). Pannonia see also: Ruchesi 2020, 17–33. 179 Christoph GUTJAHR, Stephan KARL, Christian GREINER Dalmatia, south-eastern Alps).258 T. Milavec interprets finds of Balkan crossbow fibulae with an inverted foot in Slovenia as a sign of an otherwise hardly tangible (and in Styria non-existent) Byzantine presence after the Gothic Wars.259 It is an open research question to what extent and in what form Styria participated in the changes in settlement patterns and economic structures that took place in the Eastern Alps and in the Pannonian region during Late Antiquity/Migration period.260 In addition, it remains unclear whether and, if so, to what extent Sty- ria participated in the above-mentioned supra-regional exchange and was affected by migratory movements of various ethnic groups (Romans, Germans, etc.). At the moment, we can only assume that the existing Roman road network was still in use in Styria. Although this as- sumption cannot be proven by means of archaeological evidence, it suggests itself in view of the geographical situation of the area within the better researched re- gions of western Noricum mediterraneum (Carinthia, East Tyrol), Pannonia and northeastern Slovenia. The use of the long-distance trade routes and passes (e.g. Pyhrnpass, Triebener Tauern), which mainly went across Styria in a north-south direction, is indicated by the presumed route of the clothing donation episode from the vita Severini or – somewhat later – the find spot of the aforementioned bracelet near Leoben in the upper Mur/Mura valley.261 Bypassing of former Roman roads due to their lack of maintenance can of course also be expected in Styrian territory.262 After the middle of the 5th century, Styria must not be thought of as completely deserted – even if in the 6th/early 7th century, there was no situation of persis- Fig. 16: Distribution of crossbow fibulae of the Siscia type. tent Late Antique administration, organisation, order Square: Kugelstein near Frohnleiten. and authority comparable to that of western Noricum mediterraneum or the neighbouring Slovenia. Central places and church buildings that can be associated with one another wel into the 7th century.256 When look- with this type of continuity are missing in Styria. The ing at the disc fibulae of the Christian population of the absence of Roman place names is striking, but – as the early Keszthely culture, F. Daim clearly emphasised that example of Carinthia shows – it should not automatical y the long-distance travel and communication routes (e.g. be concluded that there is no romanitas.263 Roman or Amber Road) to Italy and further into the Eastern Medi- terranean, running just outside of today’s Styria, were 258 Vida 2009, esp. 235–237, 244–255 (deported “prison- still used during the early Avar period.257 Furthermore, ers of war”; see, for example, the bird-head pin from Wil- for Pannonia in the early Avar period – particularly tak- don, Fig. 13). – Roman continuity in Keszthely-Fenékpuszta ing into account the necropoleis of the Keszthely culture and beyond (Lesencetomaj-Piros kereszt) is also assumed by and other Pannonian cemeteries – T. Vida postulated Müller (1992, 259, 274–281). See also Szőke 2000, 490–491. 259 Milavec 2009, 224, 237. an influx of Mediterranean groups from the Byzantine 260 Pars pro toto, the construction of hil top settlements, Balkans in addition to a remaining Roman population the ruralisation of the cities, the retreat into regions with po- with ties to the western Mediterranean (northern Italy, tential for mining activities (salt mining in Upper Styria?) or to still prosperous “urban” centres (western Noricum Medi- 256 See, for example: Glaser, Gugl 1996, 18–24; Bierbrauer terraneum?) as well as the possible continuity of travel routes 2004, 51–72; Vida 2008a, 422 (surviving romanitas also out- can be named. side the Keszthely culture); 2009, 233–259; 2011a, 397–455. 261 Vita Severini 29; Régerat 1996, 203; Winckler 2012b, 257 Daim 2002, 119–121 (Keszthely − Poetovio − Celeia − 146. Emona − Aquileia to Italy and the Central Byzantine area and 262 Winckler 2012b, 116–117. via Keszthely to Aquincum). 263 Glaser 2008, 595. 180 FROM LATE ANTIQUITY TO THE EARLY MIDDLE AGES ... indigenous romanised parts of the population remained It should also be pointed out that, despite its loca- in the country; last but not least, this is suggested by the tion not far from the Amber Road,268 Styria is appar- tradition of pre-Roman toponyms.264 ently outside the distribution of African and Eastern We can put on record that the rural structures in Mediterranean Late Antique types of amphorae.269 Styria hardly survived beyond the end of the 4th century. In addition, no Late Antique tableware dating to the For the only Roman town in Styria, Solva, the loss of period after 450 is known from Styria.270 This seems urban structures is to be expected around 400. There important in view of the fact that North African and are indications that some remnant settlement activity Eastern Mediterranean imported goods are crucial for existed until the first half of the 5th century, but more the dating respectively for the setting of the chrono- in the sense of a partial re-use or very limited further logical framework of the (south) east Alpine hil top use of a settlement area than in the sense of an urban settlements. In Styria, however, there is not only a lack continuity (see above). Overal , based on the findings of datable imports,271 but a general lack of pottery, and finds, it can be assumed that there is a significant including coarse ceramics, that could be dated reliably reduction in settlement in Styria as early as the first later than the middle of the 5th century. 272 half of the 5th century. Only a few settlement sites like The few pieces of Late Antique or Migration period the Frauenberg near Leibnitz265 or the three fortified attire and jewellery are, given their character as stray- Upper Styrian hil top settlements in the Enns valley finds, entirely separated from their original context, and (Gröbminger Schlossbühel, Knal wand in Ramsau and can hardly be associated with hil top settlements of the Röthelstein near Wörschach) existed until the middle 5th/6th centuries. More probably, these finds provide of the 5th century. These hil top settlements came to an information about supra-regional trade (or just travel- end in a fire.266 ling) routes that were still in use ( Fig. 17). As mentioned, at present there is no evidence of If we put the finds from the period from AD 450 to hil top settlements or fortifications, church buildings or 650 in relation to more than 160 years of archaeologi- burial sites from the second half of the 5th and 6th cen- cal research in Styria,273 considering the long research turies in Styria. An archaeological investigation of the traditions in the late Roman/Late Antique core regions Kirchbichl near Rattenberg, located in the upper Mur/ such as Kugelstein near Frohnleiten or Frauenberg near Mura valley near Fohnsdorf, could potential y provide Leibnitz, it can be concluded that their small number information about Late Antique settlement. From this cannot be explained by the state of research. More likely, site, possibly a small vicus or an alpine country estate in a considerable surviving Roman or romanised popula- slightly elevated position (mid-1st to at least 4th century), tion has to be ruled out.274 This does not mean that a as mentioned above, two Germanic fibulae from around continuation of Roman settlement in Styria beyond the 500 are recorded.267 middle of the 5th century is to be completely denied, but it probably existed to a very modest extent and was restricted in the expression of its material culture. Historical linguistics also assume a sparsely populated 264 Recently: Gutjahr 2020, 62 note 39. area into which the Slavs immigrated.275 The “settlement 265 Steinklauber 2018, 758–759. So far, there is no con- clusive evidence of a Christian population living there deep vacuum” after 450 is not a consequence of an insufficient into the 5th century, as recently mentioned by Ciglenečki state of research, but largely depicts historical reality. 2023, 29. The preserved architectural fragments of the early Almost twenty years ago, U. Steinklauber titled a paper Christian church and the finds from the late antique cem- on Late Antiquity in Styria with “Die Römer gehen”.276 etery do not support this assumption. The Frauenberg would then also represent a kind of “settlement island” at the fringes 268 Ladstätter 2003, 836. of the Pannonian Plain, at a time (around 450 at the latest) 269 Ladstätter 2003, 837–848; Modrijan 2015, 28, Fig. 8; when people had otherwise long since retreated from ex- 29, Fig. 9. posed landscapes. 270 See, for example, Ladstätter 2003, 834–837. 266 The Ennstal hil top sites have been associated with a 271 Milavec 2002, 160. line of fortification or boundary between Noricum ripense 272 See, for example, the shapes in: Modrijan 2020, 579, and Noricum mediterraneum, and questions about their af- Fig 3. filiation to a province or city were raised (Steinklauber 2005, 273 See Karl, Modl 2018, 67–75 (contribution of D. Modl). 135–198, esp. 164; 2018, 764–765). In order to explain their 274 Gutjahr 2020, 77–78. – Only the Eppenstein animal early abandonment, Gleirscher (2019, 78) recently consid- fibulae, the above-mentioned Late Antique pieces from early ered that the Enns valley might have belonged to Noricum medieval graves and the fibulae from Mantscha and Kugel- ripense, which was given up by Odoaker in 488. stein might be associated with a Roman population (see note 267 Ehrenreich et al. 1997, 193–252, esp. 193–195; Steig- 235 and 340). Especial y in the case of the latter two finds, berger, Vrabec 2016, 187–190, 193; Steigberger, Steinegger nothing can be said about the actual ethnic identity of the 2016, 264–267. – In our opinion, the current evidence is not wearer. sufficient to identify a hil top settlement that was still in use 275 Lochner von Hüttenbach 2008, 30. in the 6th century (Gleirscher 2019, 78–79). 276 Steinklauber 2006b, 173–179; see also Steinklauber 181 Christoph GUTJAHR, Stephan KARL, Christian GREINER Fig. 17: Distribution of sites in the area of today’s Styria with find material from the second half of the 5th century till the first half of the 7th century. Circle: small finds (origin is certain or at least probable). Ring: small find (uncertain; currently not available); star: coin (assured origin). Based on the above data, this pointedly formulated south.280 For parts of this large area a quite numerous statement can be agreed with. remaining Roman population has been considered, It can be stated that, according to archaeological which would have seriously opposed the Lombard ef- evidence and material culture, Styria remained firmly forts of expansion.281 Recently, however, the thesis of rooted in the Roman Empire until about the middle an earlier Slavic occupation was articulated, contradict- of the 5th century.277 However, in our opinion, large ing the assumption of Roman residual settlement.282 parts of Styria were separated from the persisting Ro- However, neither of the two cultural phenomena is man world and the developing (Germanic) successor visible for the 6th century in the archaeological finds states and spheres of control from the second half of from Styria. Under the premise of military events in the 5th century onwards. The negative result regarding the first half of the 5th century, which exerted pressure settlement is not limited to Styria278 but also includes on the remaining people, resulting in emigration, the neighbouring areas in the east279 as well as in the question arises as to the size of the remaining popula- tion in the area around the middle of the 5th century. 2008, 423, note 52. – In a way, the image of Styria around Around 400, only a few hundred people are likely to 450 is reminiscent of the one that Milavec (2020, 162) draws of Slovenia regarding the abandonment of the hil top sites at have lived in Solva, and only a few hundred inhabitants the end of the 6th and in the 7th century (“shutdown of the re- are assumed for the settlement on Frauenberg,283 which gion”, “minimal contact ... with the outside world”). However, persisted longer. The Hunnic campaign of 452 presum- in Styria even local pottery production seems to be lacking ably led to further waves of emigration. Hunnic attacks after 450. 277 Best visible using the example of the Late Antique south of today Austrian province of Burgenland. settlement on Frauenberg with the associated cemetery on 280 Flat areas of the Drau/Drava valley in the vicinity Perl-Stadläcker (Steinklauber 2002; 2012, 127–132; 2013; of Celeia and Poetovio as well as the Prekmurje (Cigle nečki 2018, 758–763). 2008, 485, Fig. 2). 278 Gutjahr 2020, 74 (esp. note 109). 281 Vida 2008b, 76. 279 West Pannonia (the areas west of the Lombard settle- 282 Pavlovič 2017, 383–385, 364, Fig. 9. ment along the line Savaria – Keszthely – Sopianae) and the 283 Steinklauber 2002, 45–46, note 107 (200 to 350 people). 182 FROM LATE ANTIQUITY TO THE EARLY MIDDLE AGES ... on today’s Styrian territory may also have taken place into economical y potent areas along the former central earlier (from around the 430−440s). The Raab valley Danube Limes (Pannonia prima and Valeria). The op- is the ideal route for Hunnic raids into eastern Styria. portunities resulting from the support of the Byzantines In conclusion, much speaks in favour of Styria be- were cleverly used; in 547−548 the south-east area of ing largely void of settlement for more than 200 years. Noricum (Pólis Norikón) and the south Pannonian Savia In this context it should be remembered that the hil - were taken over. It is well known that this policy ended top settlements with regular Roman troops in the area (and succeeded) in 568 with the entering and takeover of south-east Noricum along the Amber Road (e.g. of Northern Italy. Ančnikovo gradišče near Jurišna vas) were abandoned Apparently, only the early Slavs, who, in the histori- after the middle of the 5th century. After 450, they ap- cal evidence, appear in the south-eastern Alps in the parently no longer could be held in this relatively open course of the Avar expansion to the west around 600, terrain, and their repopulation began only in the Early had an interest in the occupation and ettlement of Styria. Middle Ages. In addition, the situation in neighbour- However, evidence of Slavic settlement activity in Styria ing Pannonia after the Battle of Nedao (454−455) was does not exist before the middle or the last third of the characterized by continuous armed conflicts. Under 7th century (see below). these circumstances, the further colonisation of open In conclusion, it should be noted that Styria was terrain could not appear desirable – like everywhere else, only reintegrated into a larger political entity in the sec- people withdrew to better protected, elevated sites. It is ond half of the 8th century in the course of the Frankish- possible that the remaining Roman parts of the popu- Carolingian expansion towards the east, when a new lation, as F. Ruchesi recently suggested for the Romans political order was established.288 For Styria (including in Pannonia of the second half of the 5th century, also Slovenian Lower Styria) it should also be noted that from joined the military contingents of Germanic peoples.284 Late Antiquity to the High Middle Ages it was always The question arises whether Styria,285 then sparsely located on the periphery of larger spheres of power or populated and economical y irrelevant, was of direct in overlapping zones of influence.289 military or strategic importance for the dominating powers in the later 5th and 6th centuries. It was probably of little importance for the Ostrogoths, who dominated 4. THE EARLY SLAVIC SETTLEMENT the region at the end of the 5th and during the first (AROUND 650−750 AD) – decades of the 6th century. With the affiliation of the THE MOST IMPORTANT SITES regions of Slovenia and Carinthia to the Ostrogothic kingdom (beforehand belonging to Italia and Noricum Christoph Gutjahr mediterraneum), there was protection against the east and northeast – Noricum had to protect both Italy and The Slavic settlement of what was to become Styria the flank of Gothic Dalmatia and Pannonia.286 during the Early Middle Ages presumably started be- Also on the part of the Lombards, who became a fore 600, after the Lombards had left the southeastern powerful factor in Pannonia in the 6th century, there Alpine region for Italy in 568. This dating seems plausi- is no evidence of any interest in colonising the area of ble if one assumes, like the majority of researchers does, Styria. The occupation of the fertile Pannonia at the that the Bavarian-Slavic conflicts mentioned by Paulus beginning of the 6th century took place well-regulated Diaconus290 for 592 and 595 took place in the upper by the military along the central Danube Limes and was Drau/Drava valley in todayś Carinthia.291 A Slavic based on important places of Roman settlement, which were still of strategic importance despite their ruinous 288 As possible exceptions to that rule, the upper Enns state.287 The settlement activities of the Pannonian and Mur/Mura valleys and the Styrian Salzkammergut (with Lombards did not extend beyond the western end of the important burial sites of Krungl near Bad Mitterndorf Lake Balaton. It is possible that the Lombards did not and Hohenberg near Aigen) can be named, where the fur- envisage any further settlement – probably due to their nishing of the elite burials shows a clear connection to the limited number; the failure to reach out to the west core of Carantania. See e.g. Nowotny 2005, 177–250; Breibert 2011, 441–452; for Carantania, recently: Eichert 2014, 61–78; would therefore have demographic causes and nothing Eichert 2020, 101–128; Eichert 2020, 101–128. to do with Roman or early Slavic groups being an ob- 289 Spreitzhofer 2000, 628, 636. stacle. For the Lombards – with clever military tactics 290 Historia Langobardorum IV 10, 39. and supported by well-chosen marriage alliances – it 291 Considering recent research on the early Slavs in the was in any case much more tempting to venture south southeastern Alpine region, a (temporary?) Slavic settle- ment in southern central Styria would also be possible from 284 Ruchesi 2020, 19–25, esp. 20–22. the end of the 5th or the first half of the 6th century onwards 285 Nothing is known about mining in Upper Styria. (Pavlovič 2015, 59–72; 2017, 349–386; 2020, 175–197). Gleir- 286 Wolfram 2001, 320–323, esp. 323. scher (2019, 138) is sceptical about this, referring to the un- 287 Vida 2008b, 76. certainty factor in radiocarbon dating of charcoal fragments. 183 Christoph GUTJAHR, Stephan KARL, Christian GREINER settlement horizon in Styria can be assumed not only from Komberg, municipality of Hengsberg (Leibnitz because of historical considerations, but also because district), St. Ruprecht an der Raab (Weiz district) and of the toponyms,292 in its oldest cultural occurrence in Enzelsdorf, municipality of Fernitz-Mellach (Graz- Central Europe (“Prague culture”),293 this Slavic set- Umgebung district), which will be briefly presented in tlement horizon is currently not archaeological y tan- the following; a short description of the find material gible in Styria, neither by settlement294 nor by graves. is included. Characteristic early Slavic cremation burials with urns of the so-called Prague type are missing from Styria so far. Only a cremation grave (urn) from Wohlsdorf 4.1. KOMBERG ( Pl. 1: 1−5) (Wettmannstätten) in western Styria, which has been recovered several decades ago and thought to be from The sherds from Komberg come from a settlement the Early Middle Ages, could make an exception.295 On pit that was excavated during pipeline construction the other hand, several cremation graves of the 7th and (TAG II) in 1987.300 It is the oldest quite comprehensive 8th century are known from neighbouring Slovenian complex of early medieval finds in Styria, located on regions (Drau/Drava valley, Prekmurje).296 There are a northern slope, a little below the hil top, of a ridge no early Slavic cremation graves from Carinthia either, following the valley of the Kainach river (390 m above but at least pottery of the Prague type has been found sea level). in the settlement material from the Hemmaberg near The roughly rectangular pit (2.20 by 1.40 meters) Globasnitz.297 Either cremation graves of early Slavic yielded fragments of a few pots with simply-formed date have not been recognized by archaeological re- rims and a fragment of a disc-shaped spindle whorl. The search in Styria so far, or the population of that time porous fragments Pl. 1: 1–2 are heavily tempered with practiced a burial rite hardly to be proven archaeologi- coarse, possibly carbonate material. The tempering of cally.298 Nevertheless, in Styria there is an early Slavic the fragments Pl. 1: 3–4, both belonging to the same pot, settlement horizon with ceramic finds from the time consists, aside from a few possibly carbonate elements, around 700, which is limited in terms of material and of individual and partly larger pebbles. The surfaces of finds and spatial y restricted to western and central the sherds are dominated, in a strongly nuanced way, by Styria.299 This is primarily determined by the pit finds the colors reddish brown ( Pl. 1: 1, 3–4) and light brown 292 Lochner von Hüttenbach 2004, 151–158; 2008, 30–43. ( Pl. 1: 2). The fracture of the sherds is gray to dark gray, 293 Recently summarized in: Pavlovič 2017, 373–374, in some parts with the tendency to almost black. 379–389. The ceramic shows an unsteady shaping and sur- 294 In contrast to Slovenia. See, among others: Guštin, face treatment and appears to have been manufactured Tiefengraber 2002, 47–62; Pavlovič 2008, 49–52. merely freehand. Only the clumsy decoration of a 295 Lehner 2009, 201 (esp. note 1323). – The find, handed band of wavy lines on the larger pot fragment Pl. 1: 1 over to the Landesmuseum Joanneum by W. Artner about 40 may hint to the yet inexperienced use of a very simple years ago, has been missing ever since. Perhaps a rim piece turntable.301 The pit assumingly yielded a few more from the area of the Roman villa in Kleinklein is to be as- ceramic fragments but these are currently missing in signed to a pot of the Prague type (Großklein, Leibnitz dis- trict; Gutjahr, Roscher 2004, Taf. 3: 15; cf: Pl. 9: 56). Charred the owner’s depot.302 material from another allegedly Early Medieval cremation An older radiocarbon analysis of a charcoal sam- burial, unearthed 2016 in the vicinity of the Roman villa in ple dates the Komberg pit to the years 663 to 881 AD Grünau (Groß St. Florian, Deutschlandsberg district) was (OxCal 4.4, 1260 ± 50, 95,4% probability). The ceramic radiocarbon-dated recently, yielding a Late Bronze Age date. fragments can be – with a certain amount of caution – 296 Tomanič Jevremov 2002, 65–66 (7th century); Pleter- dated to the middle of the 7th or possibly to the second ski 2008, 39; Šavel 2008, 65–70 (2nd half of 7th to first half of quarter of the 7th century – in particular if compared, for 8th century). – A cremation burial dug into a Hal statt burial instance, to the pottery from Enzelsdorf, which seems mound was found in Novo mesto (Dolenj ska, second third typological y more developed and can be dated as far of 7th century, see Belak 2014, 397–403); on northwestern Slovenia, for example: Mlinar 2002, 111–112 (Most na Soči, back as the mid-7th century by recent radiocarbon data 7th/8th century). (see below). 297 Ladstätter 2000, 159–164. – A decorated rim sherd From their appearance, the fragments from Komb- from the second half of the 7th century comes from the HA erg correspond with phase-2 ceramics of the Slovakian building complex at Teurnia (Bekić 2016, 44, Fig. 19; Pl. 72: chronology according to G. Fusek (first half of the 7th 11). 298 For example, Gutjahr 2020, 64, note 48. 300 Hebert 1996, 67–70; Gutjahr 2018, 44; Gutjahr 2020, 299 Partly persisting into the 8th century. The attribution 64–65. to the Slavs is made exclusively based on the archaeologi- 301 For il ustrations of the ceramics see: Hebert 1996, 67, cal material in Central European comparison, their actual Fig. 1; 69, Fig. 4a–c, e. identity and/or ethnicity as well as the language these people 302 We thank the Burgmuseum Archeo Norico, Deutsch- spoke are not known. landsberg for permission to publish the Komberg sherds. 184 FROM LATE ANTIQUITY TO THE EARLY MIDDLE AGES ... century/turn from 6th to the 7th centuries up to the second third of the 7th century)303 and with horizon I of the Moravian chronology according to J. Macháček (second half of the 6th century to first half of the 7th century)304 – so there are consistencies as far as chronol- ogy is concerned. The discrepancy between the archaeological dating and the dating by means of natural sciences can be ex- plained by the largely unknown stratigraphy of the Komb- erg pit assemblage. It is possible that the ceramic sherds originated from a layer at the bottom of the pit, while the charcoal sample was taken from a layer connected with the subsequent filling of the pit at a later time.305 Fig. 18: St. Ruprecht an der Raab. pit SR 5. 4.2. ST. RUPRECHT AN DER RAAB ( Pl. 1: 6; 3: 13) In 1989, during the construction of a gas pipeline, two features – later named SR 5 and SR 12 – were discov- ered near St. Ruprecht an der Raab (Weiz district). The site is located on a flood-protected terrace approximately 650 m southeast of the confluence of the Weizbach and Raab rivers, some 1200 meters from today’s vil age center. SR 5 was an oblong pit, 4.00 by 1.50 meters, 0.20 meters deep, with rounded edges, and east-northeast/ west-southwest oriented. A charcoal analysis from 1990 dates the filling 640 to 779 AD (OxCal 4.4, 84.2%, 610–618 AD, 0.7%, 786–832 AD, 8.2%, 852–875 AD, 2.4% probability, 1315 ± 55; Fig. 18). SR 12 was a roughly oval-shaped pit (4.00 by 1.70 meters), a little deeper than SR 5 (0.40 meters maximum) Fig. 19: St. Ruprecht an der Raab. pit SR 12. and almost exactly west/east oriented. A charcoal analy- sis from 1990 dates the pit 772 to 1024 AD (OxCal 4.4, 95.4% probability, 1125 ± 60; Fig. 19). with a few holes. They show signs of very low tempera- The purpose of these pits is unknown. They may ture and poorly controlled firing environments.307 have been pit houses,306 judging from the layout, but Technological y, two kinds of ceramics can be dis- no hearths or furnaces were found. There is also no tinguished. The minority was simply handmade without evidence for craft activities (with the exception of some any mechanical aid, while the majority was formed with spindle whorls). So, in a neutral way, they may be just a pivoted turntable (possibly an early version of a hand- called settlement pits. operated potter’s wheel). On a base fragment in SR 5, Among the finds are a few spindle whorls, a grind- the imprint of a pivot can still be seen, suggesting the ing stone (currently missing, material unknown), and use of some mechanical device. possibly, a fragment of a rubbing stone (currently miss- The ceramic finds of St. Ruprecht consist entirely of ing, material unknown), five glass beads, a few animal pots. Most of them are not decorated, but there are – on remains from cattle and sheep or goat, as well as frag- the shoulders and, possibly, the bellies of some vessels ments of approximately 30 ceramic pots, differing in wal – a few uneven horizontal and vertical grooves as well thickness and treatment, but similar to each other in as a band of flat and steep wavy lines. Parallels can be terms of fabric (temper, surface, fracture) and burning. found in Slavic pottery primarily east and northeast of The fragments are tempered – very rare in Styria, at Styria. Judging from analogies with Slovakian, Moravian, least in the early medieval context – with grog (mostly Lower Austrian and Western Hungarian finds, the St. evenly sorted) and possess careful y smoothed surfaces Ruprecht sherds can be dated to the second half or the last third of the 7th century. The fragments correspond with phase-3 ceramics of the Slovakian chronology ac- 303 Fusek 1994, Fig. 71–72; Pl. 2. 304 Macháček 2000, 37, 39–41. 305 Gutjahr 2020, 65, note 55. 307 Based on recent ceramic analyses by Patrick Fazioli, 306 Bekić 2016, 34, 73; 2018. Mercy University, New York City (USA, 2023). 185 Christoph GUTJAHR, Stephan KARL, Christian GREINER Fig. 20: 3D model of the Enzelsdorf plateau. The circular area refers to the excavation area. cording to G. Fusek308 and horizon II (interpolated) of 4.3. ENZELSDORF ( Pl. 3: 14; 7: 47) the Moravian chronology according to J. Macháček,309 which in absolute chronology means approximately Enzelsdorf, part of the municipality of Fernitz- the second half of the 7th century. The mixed inventory Mel ach (Graz-Umgebung district), is located on the (ornamented and plain), the appearance of archaic or- left bank of the Mur/Mura river, some 20 kilometers naments (the vertical grooves, see Pl. 1: 6; 2: 7) and the south of Graz. presence of only very few entirely handmade vessels also The archaeological site (390 m above sea level) is support this theory. Furthermore, the two pots Pl. 1: 6 situated on a spacious terrace of 500 by 400 meters, with and Pl. 2: 7 reveal in their body shape similarities with a panoramic view to the southwest and west, 80 meters the oldest Slavic ceramics of the Prague type, so the last above the Mur/Mura river and 70 meters above the vil- third of late 7th century (at the latest the turn of the 8th lage of Enzelsdorf ( Fig. 20).312 century) is a fairly safe bet. In 1998, a waste pit on the terrace was thoroughly The five glass beads from pit SR 12 – four millet examined, revealing ceramics of the 10th century and a seed beads (“Hirsekornperlen”) made of opaque black lot of archaeobotanical samples like beans, rye seeds, glass and half a twin-eye bead made of grey-greenish peach stones etc.313 brown, spotted glass, applied with three yellow dots – fit In spring and late summer 2014, three early medi- quite well in this time frame. According to A. Pasztor,310 eval objects were excavated by the association Kultur- the twin-eye beads were fashionable from the second park Hengist ( Fig. 21). Object/pit 1 was rectangular with half of the 6th to the first third of the 8th century, with rounded edges, 3.65 by 2.05 meters, with a maximum their heyday between 570 and 680 AD. Some lead residue depth of 0.33 meters, west/east oriented.314 Object/pit in the pit suggests that there may have also been one or 2, to the south of object 1, was also rectangular with more small lead beads.311 rounded edges, but significantly smaller (2.00 by 0.45 to 0.70 meters) with a maximum depth of 0.36 meters, 308 Fusek 1994, Fig. 73–74; Pl. 2. northwest/southeast oriented ( Fig. 22). A few months 309 Macháček 2000, 37, 39–41. after the discovery of these pits, a third early medieval 310 Pasztor 1995, Pl. 1: 18; 87, Tab. 1; 88, diagram 1; 89, assemblage was found on a lot west of the original ex- diagram 2 (duration: about 2nd half of 6th century to 1st third cavation site (excavation Kulturpark Hengist, Fig. 23). It of 8th century). 311 We thank the Universalmuseum Joanneum, Graz, for 312 Gutjahr 2018, 45–46; 2020, 68–70. permission to publish the St. Ruprecht findings; for more de- 313 Gutjahr 2003; Thanheiser, Walter 2004, 183–190. tail about St. Ruprecht an der Raab see the preliminary reports 314 Bekić (2018, 70) identifies the remains of pit 1 as a by: Schipper 1996, 71–76; Gutjahr 2018, 44–45; 2020, 65–67. former “Grubenhaus”. 186 FROM LATE ANTIQUITY TO THE EARLY MIDDLE AGES ... 0 100 m Fig. 21: Overview of the excavation areas 1998–2020. Fig. 22: Enzelsdorf, pits 1 and 2, DOF 1. Fig. 23: Enzelsdorf, object 3, DOF 2. 187 Christoph GUTJAHR, Stephan KARL, Christian GREINER was a natural pan, filled with erosion layers (7.50 by 6.00 meters, maximum depth 0.47 meters). The uncovered layers SE 35, SE 20 and SE 11 were subsumed under the name object 3. It can be assumed that these layers are washed-away sediment from higher terrain, which successively filled a formerly existing trough-shaped depression. In pits 1 and 2, fragments of two disc-shaped spindle whorls and more than 200 ceramic fragments were found; 31 of them could be used for reconstruc- tion drawings and were included in the finds catalogue (3 of them from object 2; Pl. 3: 14 – 4: 23). The complex consists entirely of pots, with the exception of a Late Antique lid fragment. The pottery is tempered with Fig. 24: Enzelsdorf, object 10, DOF 8. coarse and fine gneiss sand, sometimes carbonate was added. It is difficult to determine whether gneiss was added as temper or was an original component of the stratigraphical units of object 3 yielded archaeobotanical clay.315 Technological y, all pots were built up freehand, finds (particularly rye seeds, cone wheat grains, spelt but with some turntable usage at least concerning the grains, emmer grains) and some animal bones (mainly rims. Entirely handmade vessels without any mechani- small ruminants). A recent radiocarbon analysis of a cal aid were absent in this small find complex. Deco- charred grain kernel yielded the periods of 674 to 779 ration consists of bands of wavy lines and horizontal AD (61.3 % probability), 785 to 837 AD (26.0 % prob- grooves, sometimes combining the two motifs ( Pl. 4: ability) and 846 to 877 AD (8.1 % probability, 1250 ± 21), which is quite common in the Early Middle Ages. 30, OxCal 4.4). The latter periods are clearly irrelevant The Enzelsdorf sherds fit well into the range of 7th to the dating of our material. The radiocarbon date sup- century Slavic pottery. Their rim profiles correspond ports the above-cited assumption of dating the finds to with phases 2 and 3 of G. Fusek’s Slovakian chronol- the decades around 700. However, taking account of a ogy (approximately 7th century) and with horizon II certain consistency in the shapes of vessels, a temporal according to J. Macháček’s so-called middle-Danubian expansion into the first half of the 8th century seems ceramic chronology (second half of the 7th century). possible. They can also be connected to the groups S2 and V2 of In autumn 2020, a fourth excavation campaign took the Eastern Alpine region according to A. Pleterski316 – place on the Enzelsdorf field, triggered by the feared analogies to the Enzelsdorf sherds are also to be found destruction of features superficial y torn by the plow. Of in the geographical vicinity, for instance at Prekmurje the total excavation area of 438 m², objects 10 and 11 and in Štajerska (Slovenian Styria).317 as well as a post construction to be inferred from eight The archaeological dating of the Enzelsdorf find- post pits are of particular interest. ings to the second half of the 7th century, based on formal Object 10 was an oval-shaped pit (4.80 x 2.50 m) analogies, is confirmed by radiocarbon data from pit oriented approximately east-west, which can be divided 1, which covers the period 637 to 691 AD (OxCal 4.4, into two areas ( Fig. 24). Their transition was defined by 76.2%, 607–623, 3.4%, 697–702, 0.9%, 741–774, 14.9% a slight constriction in the ground plan. The smaller probability, 1360 ± 30).318 western section was slightly off-axis to the north. In In object 3319 (stratigraphic units 11 and 20 plus the west, the bottom was shallow and the pit was about scattered finds) early medieval ceramic fragments from 0.40 m deep, whereas the area in the east had a concave more than 20 vessels were found, quite similar to the bottom with a depth of 0.60 m. The youngest backfill (SE finds in objects 1 and 2 (compare Pl. 3: 14 with Pl. 4: 24) 54) consisting of a very dark gray-brown sandy silt with in temper, form, style, surface, color and ornament ( Pl. some ceramic fragments and broken river gravels was 4: 24; 5: 32). They can therefore probably be dated to the deposited long after the end of the settlement. second half of the 7th century as wel . Additional y, the The older backfil s SE 72, 73 and 104 of dark gray silt contained large quantities of pottery fragments, 315 Based on recent ceramic analyses by Patrick Fazioli, broken river debris, sandstones, limestones, and some Mercy University, New York City (USA, 2023). Temper still animal bones. Characteristic of these layers were the assumed differently in Gutjahr 2015, 76. large quantities of charcoal, with the average size of the 316 Pleterski 2010, 158, 238–239, 247–248. charcoal pieces being three centimeters. All the stones 317 Bekić 2016, 34–142, esp.105–125. showed signs of heat exposure. The three backfil s could 318 For pits 1 and 2 see: Gutjahr 2015b, 73–91, 80 (radio- be distinguished from each other by their different carbon date). 319 Gutjahr 2025, in print; Heiss et al. 2025, in print. charcoal content. In the southeast, the floor contained 188 FROM LATE ANTIQUITY TO THE EARLY MIDDLE AGES ... 0 1 m Fig. 25: Enzelsdorf, object 10, west-east profile. View to the north. a depression (1.50 x 1.00 x 0.25 m) that was oval in pits each. The three northern pits were located in the plan with a steep sloping wall and concave floor. Its area of object 11, with one of the post pits disturbing uppermost backfill (SE 102) was composed mainly of the interface of the pit. Unlike the other post pits, they densely bedded, broken river gravels and pottery frag- exhibited wedge stones of fluvial debris. The backfil s ments, plus some animal bones and a few sandstones contained either no or very few finds. It is possible that and limestones. On top of and between the stones, which this was once a storage hut. were also exposed to heat, charcoal and ash were found. The processing of the find material is not yet com- Under the stone concentration, larger pieces of charcoal pleted, but a brief summary can be given here ( Pl. 5: 33; (up to 10 cm; wood species identification revealed oak) 7: 47): Particularly from object 10 there is a large number and some pottery fragments were found in a dark brown of larger pottery fragments, which are to be connected silty matrix (SE 109). predominantly with barrel-shaped to slightly bulbous The original function of the pit is not clear. A pit pots. Occasional y, more bulbous vessel forms also occur. house in the sense of a dwelling can be excluded due to The quality of the fabric (grain, surface, fracture) largely the lack of a furnace.320 Neither an occupation layer nor corresponds to the ceramic material from objects 1–3, any building structures inside and outside the pit could but the vessels predominantly show a somewhat lighter be found. One posthole on each of the narrow sides surface color (nuances from light brown to gray-brown). could at best be associated with a roof construction. Based on the scientific analysis, most of the pottery Individual postholes in the north and east of the object fragments can be assumed to be tempered with possible were probably not directly related to the pit. carbonate inferred from voids.322 Conformance with the At present, it is most likely that the pit was used material from objects 1–3 is found in the design of the as a cel ar within an above-ground (block) house, but a rim zones as well as the protruding and non-reinforced sunken workshop area cannot be ruled out. It is certain rims; however, the very lip is often rounded. The ceramic that after the loss of its original function the pit was material is characterised by a high degree of decoration, filled deliberately and most likely in rapid succession. mainly wavy band ornaments and horizontal grooves The ceramic fragments, some of which are quite large, typical for the Early Middle Ages. Furthermore, a spin- speak for a secondary deposit.321 dle whorl, a bone awl and two small yellow millet grain To the west of object 10 was an oval pit oriented beads (“Hirsekornperlen”), which came to light by sedi- fairly exactly north-south (object 11, ment flotation, originate from object 10. With reference SE 75/76 IF) with a length of just under 4 and a to the ceramic finds from the Enzelsdorf objects 1–3 and maximum width of 1.70 m. Here, too, the pit was divided the early medieval ceramic material otherwise known into two sections and showed a slight constriction in the from Styria, as well as supra-regional comparisons,323 southern third. While the southern section was only a dating to the decades around 700 seems plausible eight centimeters deep, the depth in the north was as for the ceramic material recovered in 2020; given the much as 0.23 m. Most of the pottery fragments occurred abundant decoration, the first half of the 8th century is in the northern section, the broken fluvial debris and also conceivable. This archaeological dating approach also the remaining stone material were exposed to heat. also finds support in several radiocarbon dates. One of Eight post pits (Obj. 16, 18–19, 21–22, 25–27) them, a sample from object 10 (SE 73, cf. Fig. 25) is pre- in the west of the excavation area resulted in a square ground plan of about 3.70 x 3.70 meters. Original y, 322 Based on recent ceramic analyses by Patrick Fazioli, the construction consisted of three rows of three post Mercy University, New York City (USA, 2023). 323 See, for example: Wawruschka 1998−1999, 347–411; 320 According to Bekić, 2018, however, such structures Wawruschka-Firat 2009 (e.g., Baumgarten an der March); are associated with the remains of small pit houses. Pleterski 2010, 158–160; Bekić 2016, 95, 94, Fig. 51 (cf. Dra- 321 Nowotny 2015, 123–134. va-Mura-Sava 1b and 2a). 189 Christoph GUTJAHR, Stephan KARL, Christian GREINER Fig. 26: Distribution of Early Medieval sites with pottery of the second half of the 7th and first half of the 8th century in the area of today’s Styria. Circle: Ample proof. Ring: Sufficient proof. Rhombus: Probable, but currently only limited evidence. sented here: OxCal 4.4, 1270 ± 30, 664 to 778 AD (84.8% 4.4. INTERPRETATION probability) and 788 to 827 AD (10.4% probability).324 As briefly mentioned above, a settlement horizon The Enzelsdorf ceramic complexes excavated in with ceramic find material from the second half of the 1998, 2014 and 2020 may be small in quantity, but 7th and the first half of the 8th century in Styria, which is they are significant nonetheless, since pottery from the for the time being small and spatial y limited to western second half of the 7th century has not been found very and central Styria,327 is emerging ( Fig. 26).328 At the often so far in Styria.325 present time the sites Komberg, St. Ruprecht an der It is fair to assume that there was a settlement on Raab, Enzelsdorf and Fernitz represent this horizon.329 the terrace above modern-day Enzelsdorf from the 7th Most probably also a part of the ceramic material from century onwards, possibly continuing until the early Unterhaus (“Rasental”, municipality of Wildon) can be 11th century. However, due to the relatively small por- assigned to this settlement horizon ( Pl. 7: 48 – 8: 55). tion excavated, it is impossible to say anything about Already in 2006, at the beginning of the rescue exca- the true size, structure and dynamics of the settlement. vation, the remains of a pit object (Obj. 2, preserved Modern-day Enzelsdorf evolved, in any case, in the early high-medieval period on the banks of the Jakobbach, a 327 The fact that Upper Styria and the Mürz valley are not creek a little further downhil .326 represented here may be due to the state of research. 328 Recently presented several times, see Gutjahr 2015b, 82–83; 2018, 46; 2020, 70–72. At that time predominantly as- sociated with the 7th century. Recalibrations of older as well 324 The sample was taken from charcoal residues on a ce- as more recent radiocarbon dates suggest an extension of the ramic fragment. material into the first half of the 8th century. 325 Gutjahr 2015b, 80–82; 82, note 51. 329 Gutjahr 2002, 156, Figs. 16; 18. – The sherds shown 326 Purkarthofer [1984], 10–23, 29–30, Fig. on p. 17; Gut- in Gutjahr 2002, 156, Figs. 21–23 probably also belong to jahr 2003, 171–174 (contributions of O. Kustrin, C. Gutjahr). the 7th century. 190 FROM LATE ANTIQUITY TO THE EARLY MIDDLE AGES ... length 1.20 m, preserved width 0.82 m, depth 0.44 m) can be added to this early Styrian settlement horizon, could be documented in an excavation profile. The pit primarily Schönberg,336 but also Unterpremstätten and was densely backfilled with large Leithakalk limestone Kalsdorf, but the number of sherds currently available, rubble and boulders (to about 0.20 m) and contained especial y from the latter two, is very small and the pot- some decorated early medieval sherds and a base frag- tery cannot be precisely categorised without an autopsy. ment with the imprint of a pivot. Via incarbonated It is remarkable that early medieval pottery is not infre- remains attached to one of the sherds, a radiocarbon quent known at the sites of Roman villae (for example date pointing to the second half of the 7th/first half of Kleinklein) or vici (Haslach,337 Kalsdorf, Saazkogel338). the 8th century is available for the pit (OxCal 4.4, 1320 ± However, it is unclear whether there was a deliberate 30, 652 to 709 AD, 51.9% probability and 723 to 775 AD, recourse to Roman-period structures or whether just 41.6% probability).330 The remaining ceramic material the same topographical locations were appreciated.339 from the Unterhaus Early Medieval settlement belongs In addition to the sites of Komberg, St. Ruprecht an predominantly to the 8th century according to a first der Raab and Enzelsdorf, the mentioned, albeit smal , review.331 On the basis of the sparse ceramic find mate- settlement traces of the 7th century are to be seen in the rial - to be interpreted with caution as an indication of at context of Slavic immigration. The possible impact of least short-term settlement - the affiliation to the settle- a remnant late Romanic or Romanised population on ment horizon characterized by this oldest early medieval settlement activity and early medieval pottery produc- pottery from Styria is to be considered at least for some tion, however, can hardly be evaluated.340 We could other sites. These include Kleinklein (municipality of also consider a merging process between Romans and Grossklein, Pl. 9: 56–57, stray finds)332, Aichegg near Slavs for Styria, but hardly anything is known about Stallhofen ( Pl. 9: 58–62)333 and Graz-Straßgang ( Pl. 9: it due to the lack of literary traditions and the meager 63)334. It should be noted that from all these sites no me- archaeological sources. tallica are known so far.335 It is possible that further sites It is unclear from which direction the Slavic settle- ment of Styria in the early Middle Ages came. L. Bekić 330 Beta Analytic, 1320 ± 30. assumes, based on the distribution of sites, a Slavic im- 331 The Early Medieval findings are currently being pro- migration to Croatia at the end of the 6th century through cessed. However, there are also some younger early medieval the Moravian Gate via Burgenland, the Hungarian coun- sherds in the pottery material from Unterhaus. 332 Gutjahr 2002, 150–151, 151, Fig. 1 (from the area of ties of Eisenburg (Vas) and Zala into the Prekmurje re- a Roman villa). – In Kleinklein, Early Medieval features and gion and Međimurje.341 It seems not too far-fetched that finds already came to light on the occasion of the excavations at the Hal statt princely grave Kröl kogel in 1995. In addition, tiquity/Migration Period (see Fig. 17). a larger number of surface finds are available from surveys 336 Oberhofer 2012, 76, 115, 381, Pl. 50: K1 K2; see Fig. 7). which were carried out by the author as a participant in the 337 Gutjahr 1999, 879–880. Contrary to the assumptions excavations at that time. Some of the ceramic finds from the of the time, the rim fragment shown in Gutjahr 1999, 880, 1995 excavations date back to the 8th century. Further exca- Fig. 674 can be dated to the 8th century, and for the sherd vation campaigns aiming at Early Medieval settlement took ib. 880, Fig. 675, a dating to the 7th century does not seem place in 2017 and 2018 (Kiszter et al. 2019, 132–134). The improbable. suggested dating (10th century) of the pottery seems rather 338 Tiefengraber 2005, 197. late, more likely the forms are to be connected with the 8th/9th 339 Gutjahr 2020, 71, 71 note 93. – It remains open, also century. The attribution of the two bowls to the Early Middle on the basis of the Kleinklein findings, whether a (conscious) Ages is questionable, they are rather Late Roman/Late An- “early medieval after-use of the vil a rustica” took place here tique forms, see: Steinklauber 2013, Fig. 29–30. However, or simply a “reuse” or “early medieval use.” Basical y, the loca- we cannot completely rule out an early medieval attribution tion on a (flood-proof) terrace is not unusual for early Slavic without an autopsy. settlements (Kiszter et al. 2019, 132–133). 333 Bauer et al. 1995, 86, 87, Fig. 18; 124 cat. 343. – It was 340 Regarding the genesis of Slavic pottery, for which a possible to sort out the sherds shown here from the mainly Late Antique/Roman influence is assumed in several re- Roman pottery. In addition to the pieces listed above, several spects, this cannot be ruled out. Exemplary: Macháček 1997, other wall fragments, some of them undecorated, probably 355–358; Ladstätter 2000, 159–164; Eichert 2010, 131–134; belong to the Early Middle Ages. We thank Eva Steigberger, on the interaction: Pleterski, Belak 2002, 98–103. – Evidence Vienna/BDA, for the possibility to autopsy the Aichegg pot- of a remaining Roman population element is general y ex- tery. tremely rare in Styria (see also note 274). Possibly grave 73 334 For some sherds from Graz-Straßgang a terminus from Krungl with an iron ring fibula can be referred to here. ante quem of 550 to 660 AD is given by stratigraphy and a ra- As comparable fibulae from Gusen (grave 162) or Schwanen- diocarbon date (Hinker 2007b, 729, 730, Fig. 67: 1–5; Pleter- stadt (grave 73, both Upper Austria), they can be associated ski 2010, 92, 92, Fig. 4.9., group S1). with a survival of Roman traditions (Breibert 2022, 118). In 335 Actual y, the hollow armlet from the vicinity of Leo- both cases, the fibulae were found in a position on the shoul- ben already belongs to the early Middle Ages (see above). der, which is typical for late Roman costume. Due to the few small finds in Styria between 450 and 650, 341 Bekić 2012, 34–35; see also Fusek 2008, 645–646, 646 however, it was included in the distribution map of Late An- Fig. 1; Pavlovič 2015, 69. – For the western incursion route 191 Christoph GUTJAHR, Stephan KARL, Christian GREINER Styrian territory was also touched in this setting. For the site in Weitendorf from the second half of the 8th and the settlement of St. Ruprecht an der Raab an immigration 9th century, located a few kilometers west of the Wildon from the east (upstream from Pannonia) seems most Schlossberg, is close to the sites listed above.348 For all probable. In the light of very early radiocarbon dates these sites, burials are not yet available. Early medieval (first half of the 6th century) of early Slavic settlement burial grounds do not begin in Styria until the middle findings from Prekmurje, however, it cannot be ruled of the 8th century (Hohenberg, Krungl);349 after the out342 that individual Slavic migration movements ran abandonment of the Late Roman/Late Antique cemetery upstream from the south and subsequently affected the on the Frauenberg near Leibnitz around 430−450,350 side valleys.343 From the second half of the 7th century burial evidence in Styria is missing for striking 300 onwards, an increase in settlement density at the edge years. As late as in the Carolingian-Ottonian period – of the southeastern Alps is clearly noticeable.344 thus outside this overview – there are finds from early It should be emphasized once again that an early medieval settlements at high altitudes, which belong to Slavic settlement (6th and first half of the 7th century) in the context of early medieval fortifications/castles/ curtes todayś Styria has not yet been proven by archaeologi- (e.g. Kirchberg near Deutschfeistritz, Graz-Umgebung cal finds.345 On the one hand, this is surprising in view district,351 Wildon Schlossberg, Leibnitz district, Ul- of the geographical proximity to Carantania, on the richsberg near Deutschlandsberg352 or Georgiberg other hand, relevant find material in Carinthia and East near Kindberg, Mürzzuschlag district353). For some of Tyrol346 has only become known to a very small extent them, such as the Schlossberg next to Wildon354 and the so far. Up to this day, early medieval valley or lowland Kirchberg next to Deutschfeistritz, there are indications settlements have hardly been uncovered in Styria.347 In of use already in the later 8th century; however, further the chronological sequence or partial overlapping (with archaeological investigations are necessary for a more Kleinklein and Wildon-Unterhaus) only the settlement precise account.355 of the southern Slavs see: Udolph 2016, 105. According to Udolph (2016, 83−107, esp. 93) southern Poland and western Ukraine are assumed to be the home and starting point of the Slavic expansion. 342 Guštin, Pavlovič 2013, 217–221, esp. 219–220; Pav lovič 348 Gutjahr 2011, 137–191. In addition to archaeological 2015, 59–72; Pavlovič 2017, 349–386. – Pavlovič (2020, 189) analogies in the ceramic material, also well corroborated by suspects Slavic groups settled as federates of the Byzantine radiocarbon dates (Object 128: OxCal 4.4, 1270 ± 40, 661– Empire to have left the very early findings in Nova tabla near 779 calAD, 74.7%, 786–834 calAD, 15.8%, 849–876 calAD, Murska Sobota and in Cerklje ob Krki. See most recently in 4.9% probability; Object 121: OxCal 4.4, 1190 ± 30, 709–722 detail on Cerklje ob Krki Pavlovič, et al. 2021: They assume calAD, 1.6%, 771–897 calAD, 88.0%, 923–952 calAD, 5.8% that these Slavic groups were used to protect the border of the probability). Eastern Roman Empire or were recruited as mercenaries in 349 Gutjahr 2015a, 87–93. There is only one recently dis- the Byzantine army. Cremation burials, some of which were covered burial from Unzmarkt-Frauenburg (grave 5/SE 72), almost contemporaneous with the settlements in Enzelsdorf which could date to the 7th century based on the radiocar- and St. Ruprecht an der Raab, were found in the Popava II bon date. (Steinegger, 2020, 100, Murtal district). At best, the cemetery near Lipovci (Šavel 2008, 70). radiocarbon-dated bones of “saint” Beatrix from Mariahof 343 Admittedly, it cannot be ruled out that immigration (1st half of the 8th century, Murtal district) could also be cited occurred simultaneously or staggered both from the east and here (Hebert 2004). from the south. 350 Steinklauber 2002, 187–188; 2018, 789. 344 Guštin, Pavlovič 2013, 218; Pavlovič 2020, 190. 351 Gutjahr 2006. 345 However, its existence could perhaps be hinted at by 352 Lehner 2004. the two stray finds from Kleinklein, which are visual y remi- 353 Artner, Hampel 1999, 62–68. niscent of Prague types ( Pl. 9: 56–57). 354 Tiefengraber 2018, 252–254, Pl. 193–196. 346 Stadler 2011, 471–472; 470, Fig. 4: 1; 471, Fig. 5 ( Slavic 355 For the site Schwanberg-Tanzplatz, the publication of cremation burial ground?). the find material is in preparation by S. Kiszter as part of her 347 Gutjahr 2015a, 94. PhD thesis; for the moment, see Kiszter, Schrettle 2020, 31–37. 192 FROM LATE ANTIQUITY TO THE EARLY MIDDLE AGES ... Il ustrations: Fig. 1–4: University of Graz (S. Karl). Fig. 5: Naturhistorisches Museum, Prähistorische Abteilung,Wien. Fig. 6, 10: Federal Monuments Authority Austria (BDA). Fig. 7: Heymans 1997, 760, Fig. 1000. Fig. 8–9, 12: Universalmuseum Joanneum, Archäologie & Münzkabinett, Graz (J. Kraschitzer). Fig. 11: Fuchs, Obereder 1999, Pl. 28: 5. Fig. 13: Universalmuseum Joanneum, Archäologie & Münzkabinett, Graz (D. Modl). Fig. 14: source: Terjal 2008, 260, Fig. 6; map: StAF-Kulturpark Hengist, Wildon (supplemented by Ch. Gutjahr). Fig. 15: Kulturpark Hengist, Wildon (Ch. Gutjahr), after Wührer 2000, 44, 44 note 171, Distelberger 2004, 20 and Müller 2008, 296, Fig. 8: 3–4. Fig. 16: source: Milavec 2009, 229, Fig. 8; map: Kulturpark Hengist, Wildon (Ch. Gutjahr). Fig. 17: Map: I. Koch (using QGIS®); data source: Open Data Österreich (www.data.gv.at), hill shading − 5m from ALS. Fig. 18–19: Universalmuseum Joanneum, Archäologie & Münzkabinett, Graz. Fig. 20: E. Lozić; data source: GIS-Steiermark (gis.stmk.gv.at), point cloud. Fig. 21, 25: Kulturpark Hengist, Wildon (M. Arneitz-Gutjahr). Fig. 22: Kulturpark Hengist, Wildon (Ch. Gutjahr). Fig. 23: Kulturpark Hengist, Wildon (M. Trausner). Fig. 24: Kulturpark Hengist, Wildon (M. Mandl). Fig. 26: Map: I. Koch (using QGIS®); data source: Open Data Österreich (www.data.gv.at), hill shading − 5m from ALS. Pl. 1: 1–5: Burgmuseum Archeo Norico, Deutschlandsberg (J. Kraschitzer, Graz). Pl. 1: 6; 3: 13: Universalmuseum Joanneum, Archäologie & Münzkabinett, Graz (J. Kraschitzer). Pl. 3: 14; 9: 57: Kulturpark Hengist, Wildon (J. Kraschitzer). Pl. 9: 58–62: Federal Monuments Authority Austria (J. Kraschitzer). Pl. 9: 63: Federal Monuments Authority Austria (Hinker 2007, 730, Fig. 67:1). 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Enzelsdorf, pit 1, 15–16, pit 2, 14. Pottery. Scale 1:3. 209 Christoph GUTJAHR, Stephan KARL, Christian GREINER Pl. 4: Enzelsdorf, pit 1, 17–21, 23, pit 2, 22, object 3, 24–25. Pottery. Scale 1:3. 210 FROM LATE ANTIQUITY TO THE EARLY MIDDLE AGES ... Pl. 5: Enzelsdorf, object 3, 26–32, object 10, 33–35. Pottery. Scale 1:3. 211 Christoph GUTJAHR, Stephan KARL, Christian GREINER Pl. 6: Enzelsdorf, object 10, 36–39. Pottery. Scale 1:3. 212 FROM LATE ANTIQUITY TO THE EARLY MIDDLE AGES ... Pl. 7: Enzelsdorf, object 10, 40–44. Pottery. 45–47. Beads. Scale 2:1. Wildon-Unterhaus, object 2, 48. Pottery. Scale 1:3. 213 Christoph GUTJAHR, Stephan KARL, Christian GREINER Pl. 8: Wildon-Unterhaus, object 2, 49–55. Pottery. Scale 1:3. 214 FROM LATE ANTIQUITY TO THE EARLY MIDDLE AGES ... Pl. 9: Kleinklein, 56–57. Aichegg, 58–62. Graz-Straßgang, 63. Pottery. Scale 1:3. 215 Settlement of the Eastern Alps in the Early Middle Ages, Opera Instituti Archaeologici Sloveniae 48, 2024, 217–247. doi: https:// doi.org/10.3986/9789610508786_09 EARLY MEDIEVAL SETTLEMENT IN STYRIA. CONSIDERATIONS ON SETTLEMENT PATTERNS AND LAND USE Iris KOCH Abstract In this chapter, the early medieval settlement activity in the south-eastern Alpine region is examined based on archaeological data from the Austrian province of Styria. The analysis focuses on identifying patterns and concentrations of settlements, but also on evaluating the location of individual settlement sites in the landscape. In order to be able to assess the location of a site in its entirety, it seems necessary to take into account a wide variety of parameters from the terrain to the (relative) altitude and proximity to rivers, the settlement history of the area, but also the landscape with its resources and the relationship between settlements. The analysis succeeded in highlighting areas with increased density of sites, which can be interpreted as settlement chambers and local or regional centres. With regard to the location, it has become apparent that numerous settlement sites use significantly elevated positions on hil tops and crags. The use of hil tops apparently already began around 800 AD, at the latest. Another finding is that prehistoric and Roman sites were often re-occupied by early medieval settlements. The probable reasons for this include unchanged favourable locations, but also intentional re-occupation. The archaeological data - supplemented by the results of archaeozoological, archaeobotanical and anthropological investigations - shows diversified land use by means of agriculture, animal husbandry, hunting and other uses of natural resources. Keywords: Early Middle Ages, Styria, settlement patterns, hil top, land use 1. INTRODUCTION of other periods and chronological development. The embedding of settlement in the historical framework The state of research on early medieval settlement is examined on the basis of a few selected aspects. The in the Austrian province of Styria has improved in the overall picture is complemented by an examination of last few decades to such an extent that an analysis of early medieval land use and man-environment relations the sites with regard to their distribution can now be in the study area, taking into account the available data undertaken. One aim of this study is to work out pat- from natural sciences (archaeobotany, archaeozoology terns and to identify the more densely populated areas. and anthropology). The following interpretation is conducted against the background of the landscape and the natural condi- tions of the varying regions. Another key aspect is the 1.1 GEOGRAPHICAL SETTING location of the individual settlement sites within the landscape, taking into account the relative altitude above The province of Styria as a study area ( Fig. 1) hardly the valley floor, possible links to settlement activities corresponds to the early medieval political situation, 217 Iris KOCH Fig. 1: The Austrian province of Styria. Geographic overview. Figs 1−4: Koch (using QGIS®); Basis: Digital Terrain Model - Airborne Laserscanning Resolution 5 m (https://www.data.gv.at/katalog/ dataset/9a6653e0-d5d3-11e3-9c1a-0800200c9a66) and today’s borders are also only partial y based on Fischbacher Alpen. In Upper Styria, settlement activity is natural (geological or hydrological) features. However, concentrated on relatively narrow bands along the river we know too little about the early medieval boundaries val eys (especial y Enns, Mur, Mürz), which in some in the south-eastern Alps to use them for defining a sections widen into basins.2 The structure given by the practicable research area, especial y in the case of Styria. river valleys is also important for the rest of the province, Furthermore, there is a certain tradition in Austrian with the river Mur (and its tributaries Kainach, Laßnitz early medieval archaeology to summarise the state of and Sulm), and, in the east, the river Raab (and its tribu- research by province.1 The early medieval sites in Styria taries Feistritz, Safen and Lafnitz) being of significance. have to be considered on the one hand in the context of The connection of the Upper Styrian settlement sites to the state of research and on the other hand against the those of the neighbouring provinces (Upper and Lower background of the landscape and natural conditions, Austria, Salzburg, Carinthia) depends on natural pas- which can only be briefly outlined here. sages such as river valleys and passes.3 The situation to The province can be roughly divided into Upper the southeast and east of the province is largely open, Styria, which is characterised by the northern and cen- which is why the Styrian sites south of the Alps should tral Eastern Alps, and Eastern Styria as well as Western be considered in the context of the neighbouring regions Styria south of the Alps, dominated mostly by hills of Burgenland, Slovenia and Hungary. (“Hügel and”; “Riedel and”). The border between these very different areas is represented by the mountain range 2 that runs along the line Koralpe - Stubalpe - Gleinalpe - Aichfeld/Murboden; Aussee, Trofaiach and Aflenz ba- sins etc. For the characteristics of the Alpine region, among 1 For example, for Styria: Gutjahr 2015a; 2018; 2020; others: Winckler 2012, esp. 22–28. For the study area, see Carinthia: Eichert 2010; 2012; Lower Austria: Wawruschka also: Rabensteiner, Berg 2019. 3 2009; Nowotny 2013; Kühtreiber, Obenaus 2017; Upper Aus- Passes are crucial for the travel routes, for example tria: Leskovar 2016. – In this chapter, the term “Early Middle Neumarkter and Obdacher Sattel, Sölkpass, Triebener Tau- Ages” roughly refers to the period from 600 to 1000 AD. ern, Pyhrnpass, all of them important north-south crossings. 218 EARLY MEDIEVAL SETTLEMENT IN STYRIA. CONSIDERATIONS ON SETTLEMENT PATTERNS AND LAND USE 1.2 STATE OF RESEARCH 2. EARLY MEDIEVAL SITES IN STYRIA Early overviews and maps of the early medieval 2.1 CATEGORIES sites of Styria were provided by W. Modrijan4 (1963) and D. Kramer5 (1992; 1996). More recent summaries By now, quite a few early medieval settlement of the state of research have been compiled in the last features are known from Styria. Floor plans of ground- few decades, both for the entire province6 and for some level buildings can be recognized at the sites of Wildon/ geographical areas.7 In addition, Styria is included in Im Rasental,12 Enzelsdorf13 and, most likely, Kirchberg/ some databases that follow a transregional or transna- Deutschfeistritz.14 There are also numerous settlement tional approach.8 Today, more than 120 sites from the pits15 of various sizes, such as those from St. Ruprecht an early medieval period are known in Styria ( Fig. 2).9 Their der Raab,16 Komberg,17 Enzelsdorf18 or Weitendorf19,20 compilation, however, poses certain difficulties. For Of the approximately 120 early medieval sites ( Fig. 2), example, a decision must be made whether to include at least 13 can be safely assigned to the category “set- sites mentioned in the older literature, whose finds were tlement features”, another eleven are either layers with never published,10 or sites that rely on a single radiocar- (partly relocated) early medieval finds documented dur- bon date for their dating. When interpreting the overall ing excavations, or findings whose dating to the Early picture of early medieval settlements in Styria, several Middle Ages is based solely on a radiocarbon date.21 factors must be considered. For example, it is difficult Large-scale studies of settlements are lacking so far, thus to estimate how many sites on the valley floors have for a period of more than 400 years, no statements can fallen victim to the erosion caused by the once strongly be made about the external shape and internal structure meandering rivers or to the massive modern building of a settlement or even just one entire farmstead in the activities and agriculture.11 On the other hand, some study area. As for ecclesiastical buildings, the excavated major construction projects (e.g. railways, gas pipeline predecessors of the existing churches at Mariahof and at construction), regional y limited survey activities and Frauenburg Castle are the only reasonably certain early initiatives have a beneficial effect on the state of research, medieval churches in the study area so far. The dating leading to a distortion in the number of sites for some is supported in both cases by early medieval graves.22 regions compared to others. Whereas the large construc- Actual fortifications (in the sense of a built defence) are tion sites tend to bring to light archaeological features also rare. The hil top Lethkogel near Stainz can be listed in the valleys and at their edges, early medieval sites here,23 as well as some other fortified sites that are dated at high altitudes more often show up during research excavations on prehistoric and (late) Roman hil top set- 12 Gutjahr 2007b. tlements and medieval castles, where the Early Middle 13 Gutjahr, Mandl 2020; Gutjahr et al. 2024 in this volu- Ages often appear as “coincidental findings”. me (subchapter 4.3). 14 A stone building or stone foundation as a presumed 4 Modrijan 1963. iron processing facility documented in an excavation in the 5 Kramer 1992; 1996. 1940s. Cf. Gutjahr 2006. 6 Gutjahr 2012, 8–15; 2015a, 97–98; 2020, 55; Koch 2018, 15 As for the findings published so far, an interpretation 181–210. – Some archaeological sites are also included in as pit houses is unlikely due to the small size, absent interior historical publications, e.g. in the map published by H. Baltl: fittings and subdivision etCh. Gutjahr 2018, 44; 2020, 66. (2004, Fig. 10). 16 Schipper 1996; Gutjahr 2002, 149–150; 2018, 44–45; 7 For example for the Graz area: Artner 1997; Horváth 2020, 65–67. 2022; for the Enns valley and the Aussee region: Mirsch 2013; 17 Hebert 1996; Gutjahr 2018, 44; 2020, 64–65. Breibert 2022, 163–166; for the Mürz valley: Tiefengraber 18 Gutjahr 2002, 151–152; 2003; 2015b; 2018; 2020; Gut- 2006. jahr, Trausner 2014. 8 E.g. Thanados (https://thanados.net/; accessed on 12 19 Gutjahr 2011a. July 2024); ZBIVA (http://zbiva.zrc-sazu.si/; accessed on 12 20 For St. Ruprecht an der Raab, Komberg and Enzels- July 2024). See also Štular 2019; Pleterski 2024 in this volume dorf, see also Gutjahr et al. 2024 in this volume. (Description of the Zbiva database). – Styria is also occa- 21 Radiocarbon dates that make a dating to the Early sional y included in transnational studies, e.g. Korošec 1979; Middle Ages seem just as likely as a dating to the High Mid- Giesler 1997; Bekić 2016; Štular et al. 2022. dle Ages were not taken into account. 9 A detailed register of all Styrian early medieval sites by 22 Summarising the research results: Steinegger 2020, Ch. Gutjahr and the author is in preparation. 96–109. In both cases, A. Steinegger does not completely rule 10 In some cases, the finds are no longer accessible, which out an older, late antique origin of the churches. – Also some means that a review and verification of the early medieval bones which are kept at Mariahof in a (modern) reliquary dating is (currently) not possible. in today’s church probably originate from an early medieval 11 With regard to the construction methods prevailing in burial, as they have yielded an early medieval radiocarbon the early medieval study area, including little stone, the ques- date: Hebert 2004. tion of undetected settlements within today’s vil ages arises. 23 See subchapter 2.3.1. On early medieval fortifications Cf. Gleirscher 2000, 70; Lehner 2009, 199–200. in Styria, among others: Kramer 1989; Gutjahr 2015a, 94–96. 219 Iris KOCH Fig. 2: Early medieval sites in Styria. to around 1000 AD and are thus at the chronological Peggau,29 Graz/Alte Universität30 and possibly Leibnitz/ edge of the Early Middle Ages.24 Altenmarkt.31 In the whole of Styria there is only one Early medieval burials are known from at least presumed early medieval cremation burial,32 all the rest 34 sites. Some stray finds point to further, destroyed are inhumation burials. Burial sites are indeed indica- graves. Most of the early medieval burial sites in Styria tors of nearby settlement sites, but in Styria it has not have been only partial y excavated. Only in the case of yet been possible to identify the settlements belonging Grötsch25 the entire site seems to have been captured to the numerous known graves.33 (approx. 70 burials, 54 of which have been examined Stray finds make up the largest group among archaeological y). The burial site that yielded the most the early medieval sites. These are often pottery frag- early medieval burials is Krungl26 (at least 283), fol owed ments, individual finds of jewellery and accessories or, by Grötsch, Hohenberg,27 Waltersdorf/Bleikolmhügel,28 more rarely, weapons (arrowheads; spearheads). Finds whose original location can no longer be determined are counted among the stray finds in the map ( Fig. 2). – P. Gleirscher considers an early medieval origin or phase 29 Gutjahr 2012, 87–170. for some additional hil top settlements: Gleirscher 2010. 30 Fürnholzer 2003; Fürnholzer, Gutjahr 2005; Gutjahr 24 E.g. the fortifications on Mitterberg next to St. Marein 2012, 16–62. and Schlossberg next to St. Lorenzen/Knittelfeld: Tiefengra- 31 In this case, the number of early medieval burials is ber 2014; Tiefengraber, Tiefengraber 2014. – Also, the exca- unclear due to the initial y tumultuous recovery of burials vation of a cistern at Eppenstein Castle revealed that it was and the long duration of the site, as a cemetery belonging to a built at an early date, probably around 1000 AD or in the first derelict church of St. Martin. The cemetery is only published half of the 11th century: Steinegger, Kraschitzer 2020. in preliminary reports: Christian 1982; Fuchs 1987; Kramer 25 Published by Kramer (1981, 206–207) in a preliminary 1988. – A comprehensive publication by Ch. Gutjahr and the report; cf. Gutjahr 2015a, 88–89. – A comprehensive publica- author is in preparation. tion is being prepared by Ch. Gutjahr. 32 A cremation burial from Wohlsdorf. It has not been 26 Including a summary of the older literature: Breibert published and is now lost. See Lehner 2009, 201; Gutjahr 2008; 2011; 2015; 2022. 2015a, 79; 2020, 62–63. 27 Including a summary of the older literature: Nowotny 33 Possible exception: Kirchberg/Deutschfeistritz with 2005; 2008. a burial at the foot of the hil top (formerly E-Werk-Straße). 28 Tiefengraber, Tiefengraber 2013. Gutjahr 2006, 309–310, 322–323; 2012, 92. 220 EARLY MEDIEVAL SETTLEMENT IN STYRIA. CONSIDERATIONS ON SETTLEMENT PATTERNS AND LAND USE 2.2 DISTRIBUTION OF SITES - In the middle section of the Mur valley, between AND SETTLEMENT PATTERNS Deutschfeistritz and Adriach, several burial sites are known, of which rather small sections have It becomes apparent that the sites are mainly been excavated. They are grouped around the situated along the large river valleys of Mur, Mürz and Kirchberg, next to Deutschfeistritz, as a settlement Enns.34 In Western Styria, some sites are located on the site (and probably an early castle).44 The river Übel- edges of the Koralpe mountain range.35 Eastern Styria bach flows into the Mur here, and an old pathway has only a small number of sites, and burials are so far leads along the Übelbach valley to the Gleinalpen completely absent.36 The before-mentioned varying passages and further into the upper Mur valley.45 natural conditions within the province are also reflected Furthermore, the north-south connection pass- in the distribution of the site categories, to the extent ing through this section of the Mur valley is of that in Upper Styria there is almost no evidence of set- supraregional importance.46 The Roman road ran tlements in the narrower sense, whereas burial sites (as alongside the right bank of the Mur (evidenced by indicators for settlements) are numerous. In general, milestones), a side route probably on the left bank Styria shows an advanced spatial coverage in the Early of the Mur.47 Middle Ages – settlement took place along pre-medieval - At the northern and western edge of the Graz plain travel routes, but also reached remote areas.37 (“Grazer Feld”), on both sides of the Mur, a Some regions of Styria show an increased number relatively large number of sites are situated.48 The of sites, so that a relatively dense population can be Schlossberg of Graz appears suitable as a regional assumed:38 centre. Early medieval pottery that originates from - The section of the Enns valley between Liezen and this site has only recently been published.49 The Pürgg.39 Here, settlement activities can be iden- earliest archaeological features on today’s main tified mainly based on the burial sites (Liezen, square are dated to the late 10th or 11th century.50 Stainach, Hohenberg, Pürgg/Unterburg). Associ- Supraregional north-south and east-west connec- ated settlement features are missing so far. In terms tions meet in the Grazer Feld.51 of traffic and path networks, the passage from the - A significant concentration of sites is grouped around Enns valley through the narrows near Pürgg via Wildon and the adjacent Schlossberg on the north- Krungl to the Ausseerland is of relevance, probably ern edge of the Leibnitz plain (“Leibnitzer Feld”).52 also the Pyhrnpass.40 There are at least five places with early medieval - Burial sites in the Mürz valley between Bruck and the settlement features within a few kilometres, thus Georgiberg hilltop41 also suggest several settle- the settlements are in the majority compared to the ments along the river. It is questionable whether a burial sites. The Wildoner Schlossberg is consid- travel route via Semmering to south-eastern Lower ered to be the location of the Hengistburg, which Austria already existed in the Early Middle Ages. was first mentioned in writing in 1053, but probably A pathway towards the area of Neunkirchen with goes back to an early medieval fortification.53 The the burial sites of Köttlach and Pitten seems at least possible42 On the other hand, also for Roman sible alternative routes: Gutjahr 2020, 59–60. – K. Winckler as- times, finds that would indicate a traffic route east sumes that the route via Semmering was only established at the end of the first millennium AD: Winckler 2012, 160. of Mürzzuschlag are absent so far.43 44 Ch. Gutjahr describes the Kirchberg as a central place of the middle Mur valley (i.e. between Graz and Bruck) in the 34 Especial y in Upper Styria, the river valleys largely de- early medieval period: Gutjahr 2012, 146. termine the traffic routes. For the continuity of travel routes, 45 Among others: Fuchs, Mirsch 2011, 8, 11, 29–30. see: Lehner 2009, 147. 46 Gutjahr 2012, 146. 35 Franziskanerkogel/Primaresburg, Lethkogel, Deutsch- 47 Lehner 2010, 342; Koch 2020, 141. – For routes in the landsberg (castle), Ulrichsberg and Schwanberg. – For middle Mur valley in general: Fuchs, Mirsch 2011. Deutschlandsberg (castle), see: Schrettle et al. 2021. 48 See also: Artner 1997, 32–33, 47–48; Horváth 2022. 36 Ch. Gutjahr explains the lack of burials in Eastern 49 Horváth 2020. Styria as due to the state of research: Gutjahr 2012, 14; 2015a, 50 Recently: Horváth 2022, 142–147. 98. 51 A crossing situation is assumed at the foot of the 37 For example the Aflenz basin, the eastern Dachstein Schlossberg. plateau etc. 52 Gutjahr 2012, 205, 255, Fig. 1; 2015a, 94, 95, Fig. 13. 38 Cf. Koch 2022, esp. 184 Fig. 5. See also note 53. 39 Cf. Breibert 2022, 163–165. 53 Annales Altahenses Maiores 1053. See: Kramer 1992 40 Cf. Winckler 2012, 147. (summarising the state of research); Giesler 1997, 482–485. 41 See the overview provided by: Tiefengraber 2006, – The Early Middle Ages on Schlossberg are only apparent 345−346. through stray finds and relocated pottery in younger layers: 42 Lehner 2009, 148–149; Gutjahr 2020, 59–60. Gutjahr 2002; Gutjahr, Roscher 2002a; Gutjahr 2011b; Tiefen- 43 For the distribution of Roman sites: Koch 2020. On pos- graber 2018a, 47, 61, 106, 252–254, 268, 274; 2018b, 118–121, 221 Iris KOCH Fig. 3: Early medieval settlement sites in Styria. A selection of settlement features and pottery stray finds. exceptional y favourable location is characterised inventories (e.g. Hohenberg, Krungl) and some stray by a narrow point in the Mur valley and the con- finds. It can further be assumed that the use of places fluence of the Kainach and Mur rivers, with an at high altitudes was reserved for the social y superior, old travel route leading directly past the eastern or at least subject to their approval. and northern foot of the Wildoner Schlossberg.54 It stands to reason that there was a social hierarchy 2.3 CONSIDERATIONS ON THE LOCATION within the above-mentioned settlement chambers, in OF SETTLEMENT SITES which regional power structures are reflected.55 The presence of local or regional elites has so far hardly When considering the location of individual settle- been recognizable in the settlement sites and buildings ments, it makes sense to filter out the settlement sites in in the study area,56 but can be inferred from the grave the narrower sense ( Fig. 3). For this purpose, in addition to the actual settlement features,57 24 sites with early Pl. 193–196; Gutjahr et al. 2018, 25. Additional y, there are medieval pottery stray finds58 as settlement indicators can some metal finds (all of them stray finds), including a lunula- be included. In the case of metal stray finds (mostly acces- shaped temple (or: headdress) ring and an enamel disc fibula sories), the informative value appears to be lower, for they (both unpublished). Actual settlement features are known from the probably associated site “Im Rasental” on the south- might have been lost along pathways. They are therefore ern slope of the Schlossberg: Gutjahr 2007b. not considered as settlement indicators here. Although 54 Roman road, with the “Reichsstraße” as its successor. burials do indicate settlements in their vicinity, they are For the former Reichsstraße among others: Gutjahr et al. 2018, 97. 57 See subchapter 2.1. In the following, additional y to the 55 For a conception of hierarchies in early medieval documented settlement (and church) features, layers with re- Slavic communities in the south east Alpine region, among located early medieval pottery are included (as long as the pot- others: Pleterski 2003; 2010; 2013, 9–11, 166; Eichert 2013; tery can be assumed to originate from the immediate vicinity). 2017; 2020. Features whose dating exclusively relies on radiocarbon dates 56 For example, stone construction, above-average size are omitted, as well as sites whose early medieval phase is dated of the buildings or the entire site, a type of fortification etc. to the very end of the period (10th/11th century). could be considered as a hint to an elite. 58 Sites whose exact location is unknown are also omitted. 222 EARLY MEDIEVAL SETTLEMENT IN STYRIA. CONSIDERATIONS ON SETTLEMENT PATTERNS AND LAND USE also not taken into account for the following analysis.59 According to the present state of research, significantly The result is a number of 44 early medieval sites, which higher locations are far more common: More than half quite safely can be addressed as settlements.60 In the fol- of the settlement sites are located 35 m or more above lowing discussion, these settlement sites are examined the bottom of the valley. with regard to their location. The focus is on patterns In addition to the relative altitude, the location can and the question of relevant factors in the “choice of lo- also be classified according to the type of terrain used cation” for an early medieval settlement in the research by the settlement site.67 Settlements such as Weitendorf, area. Among the numerous possible starting points, the Kleinklein or St. Ruprecht an der Raab68 are located on relative altitude of the site above the valley floor, preced- higher or at the transition from lower to higher terraces.69 ing and succeeding settlement phases and chronological The findings from the sites “Im Rasental” near Wildon (in developments are singled out.61 a kind of saddle location) and Enzelsdorf (with the char- acteristic field name “Hochfeld”) are located even higher. These and similar sites are located on slopes, elevated ter- 2.3.1 (Relative) Altitude and terrain races and plateaus, often at some distance from the (main) river. Hil tops and crags70, which offer a certain natural The relative altitude above the valley floor can be protection, are particularly common, e.g. the Wildoner used to assess the location of a site within the land- Schlossberg71 and Grazer Schlossberg. Less steep hil tops scape formed by a river valley.62 It can be defined as the like the Kirchberg/Deutschfeistritz or the Ulrichsberg72 height above the bank of the nearest larger river.63 It is render the group somewhat inhomogenous. Many sites noticeable that only a few64 of the early medieval set- of this location category can be found lined up along tlement sites in the study area lie in the range of 0−5 m the river Mur, often situated on elevations that protrude above the valley floor.65 For the question of whether a into the Mur valley. In addition to the natural protection, site is at risk of flooding, current data on the flood risk these places usual y also offer far-reaching visibility.73 A can be used, but it is hardly possible to make a reliable different intention was apparently pursued in the case of statement about conditions in the Early Middle Ages.66 the site on the Frauenkogel hil top near Gösting, which is almost hidden in the valley of the Thalerbach. Here, 59 It has not yet been adequately clarified for the study area an irregular polygonal rampart covers a relatively large at what (maximum) distance settlements and associated burial sites can be located from one another. The burial site could area74 and spreads out on the “back” of the Frauenkogel therefore be located in a significantly different location (e.g. on facing away from the Thalerbach and the Graz basin. Until a higher or lower river terrace) than the settlement site. recently, only a few unpublished stray finds were known 60 “Settlement” is understood here and in a broad sense, from this site.75 During an archaeological investigation in as a place where people live and/or work. the spring of 2021,76 it was ascertained that the rampart 61 Further possible factors to be included would be, for is a wood-earth construction fronted by a dry stone wal . example, the availability of raw materials, the orientation of The small amount of pottery from the excavation can be the slope (if applicable) or travel routes. 62 Recently, focusing on the topic of early medieval set- 67 Natural y, there is always a certain randomness in such tlement location and hil top sites in Styria: Koch 2022. a division, and in some cases the transitions are fluent. 63 The current course of the rivers is used here, in the 68 The settlement sites listed here are all mentioned in absence of data on their early medieval course. Older river other sections of the chapter, the basic literature is cited there. courses can be seen in the Franciscean cadastre (around 69 The term “terrace” is used here not strictly according 1820), and oxbow lakes can often be seen on orthophotos to its geological definition. For the terraces of the Mur valley (usual y not datable). However, this hardly helps with the from a geological point of view, see: Fabiani 1978, Fig. 4. specific question of whether today's river bank edge is higher 70 Cf. the categorisation of hil top sites with military or lower than in the Early Middle Ages. The course of rivers, finds in the Eastern Alps in: Štular, Eichert 2020. which usual y had several branches, probably changed with 71 See note 53. every major flood. See: Gutjahr 2012, 146. 72 Lehner M. 2004. 64 Six out of 44. 73 Cf. “landscape presence” in: Štular, Eichert 2020, 222– 65 It must be taken into account that in some cases, pot- 223. tery stray finds may not indicate the correct location of the 74 A total of approx. 4.1 hectares, of which 3.2 hectares settlement, but could have been washed down from a higher are taken up by the core of the fortification. In contrast to terrace. the larger core area, the outer bailey facing north is secured 66 Corresponding data layers in the digital map of with a ditch in addition to the rampart. The laser scan (ALS) GIS Steiermark clearly relate to today's conditions, i.e. also shows a pincer gate. – The first description of the site, to today's terrain and the rivers in their current, of- including a schematic drawing, is provided by: Flucher 1966. ten regulated course: (https://gis.stmk.gv.at/wgportal/ 75 Kramer 1992, 62; Artner 1997, XLVII; Gutjahr 2015a, atlasmobile/map/H%C3%B6hendarstellung%20-%20 94–95. – These stray finds include pottery (allegedly 10th cen- Gel%C3%A4ndeinformation/H%C3%B6hen-%20 tury) and a fire steel. Gel%C3%A4ndedarstel ung; accessed on 11 July 2024). Ar- 76 The excavation was conducted by the author: Cf. Koch chaeological y proven al uvial layers would be more relevant. 2022, 180–181. – The processing and analysis are still ongoing. 223 Iris KOCH dated to the 9th–10th centuries. Radiocarbon data from 2.3.2 Preceding and succeeding settlement phases charred wood that belongs to structural parts in the core of the rampart however suggests that it was not built be- At 28 out of 4484 early medieval settlement sites, fore the High Middle Ages.77 Therefore, without further there are indications for prehistoric use of the location.85 investigation, it currently seems most likely that the site In some additional cases, prehistoric finds are known was used in the Early Middle Ages78 and (re)fortified in from the surrounding area. It is likely that in some cases the High Middle Ages.79 prehistoric sites were specifical y sought out because of Caves and Alpine pastures can be regarded as “spe- their existing fortifications (ramparts), but so far this cial cases” within the group of sites at high altitudes. The can only be assumed with good reason in the case of early medieval use of caves is documented several times the site on Lethkogel near Stainz in Western Styria.86 It for Styria.80 The type of use - for example for storage, is a plateau-like, flattened hil top which slopes steeply for cultic purposes or as a temporary shelter - currently towards the east, with a surface of around 1.2 hectares remains unknown. Another special case are Alpine at its top. Archaeological excavations provided evidence pastures, whose early medieval use is documented for of a hil top settlement that had already existed in the the eastern Dachstein plateau mainly through stray finds Copper Age and had been fortified in the late La Tène and radiocarbon data.81 period. In the Early Middle Ages, a ditch was apparently The extent to which the different types of location dug into the La Tène rampart, and a dry stone wall was are related to different functions and requirements of the built. This adaptation and “reconditioning” of the for- individual settlement sites still needs to be examined in tification seems to have been carried out in the 8th/9th detail. Assuming that the majority of the early medieval century judging by the pottery finds.87 Another example settlements in the valleys were oriented towards agricul- of a tie to prehistoric structures in early medieval times ture, the soil types in the vicinity of the settlements and is the positioning of the Waltersdorf/Bleikolmhügel the hydrological conditions should also be included in burial site88 in the Aichfeld/Murboden basin at the the analysis of the situation.82 E. Lozić recently presented edge of a burial mound from the Hal statt period.89 At a new methodological approach for this purpose.83 almost two thirds (26 of 44) of the early medieval sites, there is evidence of (late) Roman pre-use of the area. In some additional cases, Roman finds are known from 77 The results include one early medieval (88,3% 770–894 the vicinity.90 Among the Roman sites frequented in cal AD) and one high medieval date (93,2% 1032–1177 cal the Early Middle Ages are vici, villae, farmsteads and AD). Unfortunately, a dendrochronological examination did hil top settlements.91 In the case of early medieval sites not yield any results. It was at least possible to determine that at the location of a Roman settlement, continuity can- all six wood samples were oak. not necessarily be assumed,92 since the period 450–600 78 The evidence of the pottery is supported by another ra- AD in Styria is hardly tangible from an archaeological diocarbon date from inside the rampart (82,7% 770–900 cal point of view,93 and a significant decline in settlements AD). The exact type of use and the question of whether the site was fortified at this time must remain open for now. – For 84 At the current state of research. refuges (“Fluchtburgen”), see (among others): Štular, Eichert 85 Often Bronze Age/Urnfield Culture, but also Copper 2020, 224. Here, a combination of the features “hidden”, “re- Age, Neolithic, Hal statt and La Tène periods. mote” und “basic defensibility” is introduced as characteris- 86 Artner 2008; Baur 2009. tic for refuges, the availability of suitable farmland is of low 87 Artner 2008, 31. – For examples of early medieval re- importance considering the sporadic usage of the site. use of Roman and prehistoric hil tops in Bavaria: Later 2020. 79 Prehistoric and possibly Roman use of the site is also 88 Tiefengraber, Tiefengraber 2013. speculated, but there is little archaeological evidence for this 89 The situation reminds of the early medieval burials so far. of Grabelsdorf (also at the site of Hal statt burial mounds; 80 Mostly on the basis of pottery fragments. Some are among others: Szameit, Stadler 1993; Eichert 2010, 146–147). published, e.g. the material from the Repolust cave and the 90 (Most of) Styria belonged to the province of Noricum “Halbhöhle” in the middle Mur valley: Modl, Kraschitzer (mediterraneum) in Roman times. 2013/14, 215, 219–220, 227. Others are only mentioned in 91 E.g. at Kleinklein: Mele, Kiszter 2017. – There are no older literature and therefore difficult to verify. The use of confirmed early medieval finds from the immediate area of caves in Upper and Western Styria and the middle Mur Val- the municipium Flavia Solva, only a few disputable finds of ley, especial y around the Kugelstein hil top, has been proven coins without precise location, cf. Hahn 1987, 460. in many cases for prehistoric and Roman times, so it is not a 92 At most, settlement in Roman ruins (“Ruinenkontinu- specifical y early medieval phenomenon. ität”), or else a mere re-occupation of a place (“Platzkontinu- 81 Mandl 1996, 63–67; 2003, 199–200. ität”). On the topic of continuity: Lehner 2009. Especial y for 82 Useful information is provided by the eBod digital soil Leibnitz and Frauenberg: Lehner 2011; 2016. map: (https://bodenkarte.at/; accessed on 11 July 2024). 93 Now summarising the entire evidence: Gutjahr et al. 83 Lozić 2021. – For a corresponding analysis of the early 2024 in this volume. – There are almost exclusively stray medieval sites in the Leibnitzer Feld, see: Lozić, Koch 2024 finds: Gutjahr 2018, 42–43; 2020, 55–60. On late Roman hil - in this volume. top settlements: Steinklauber 2006. Providing an overview of 224 EARLY MEDIEVAL SETTLEMENT IN STYRIA. CONSIDERATIONS ON SETTLEMENT PATTERNS AND LAND USE must be assumed.94 The close relations between the early 2.3.3 Chronological development medieval sites and those of preceding periods can be ex- plained in part by the very dense distribution especial y At this point, the question arises whether the lo- of Roman sites, in part by the use of travel routes that cation of the sites is in any way related to their dating. remained the same, and by similar demands towards the For this purpose, only sites that can be dated more settlement locations.95 It should be borne in mind that precisely than just generally “into the Early Middle Roman ruins and other structures must have been vis- Ages” are considered. Based on the remaining, rather ible almost everywhere in the research area in the Early modest data basis, only preliminary statements can be Middle Ages.96 The number of early medieval settlement made. Nevertheless, it can be stated that the earliest sites that show both prehistoric and Roman settlements sites (second half of 7th century, first half of 8th century) as “predecessors” is relatively large (22 sites, i.e. 50%). can be found in all categories of altitude, not just on low More than two thirds of the early medieval sites on terraces near the rivers.100 Accordingly, higher altitudes hil tops or crags share their location with a high and/or were not beginning to be used at some later date within late medieval castle.97 In some of these cases, continuity the Early Middle Ages, but as early as the 7th century. from the early to the High Middle Ages can be considered Here a link to the climatic conditions seems plausible, likely from an archaeological point of view. However, at as the earliest known settlements in Styria still fall Schwanberg, which is a comparatively well researched site, within the later stages of the Late Antique climatic there is a hiatus that shows in the dating of the finds and pessimum, when bad weather and flooding were quite can be linked to a burnt layer.98 Also, the early medieval frequent.101 Hil tops and crags were used from around use of an elevated location does not necessarily imply 800 AD on, at the latest.102 In most cases, based on the a fortification. We can hardly ever make any statement archaeological data, it cannot be decided whether these about the shape of the settlement, and this is often because early settlement phases included defensive structures, in the course of the construction of high medieval castles but there are some indications that these places, due earlier phases were removed down to the bedrock.99 to their natural y protected location and/or existing fortifications (e.g. in the form of a prehistoric ram- (late) Late Antiquity in Styria, including historical facts and part) were specifical y sought out. Sites that persisted archaeological references to early Christianity: Gutjahr 2012, for several centuries up to the 10th century are often 385–388, 393; 2015a, 75–78. 94 Nevertheless, it cannot be assumed that the area was in an elevated position, but not necessarily natural y deserted: Gutjahr 2015a, 77–78; 2018, 43–44. Ch. Gutjahr as- protected by steep cliffs. sumes a remaining Roman or autochthonous/Romanic ele- ment, referring to the continuity of pre-Roman place names. The end of the late Roman/late antique hil top sites in Styria 2.4 THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL EVIDENCE IN ITS is difficult to determine, partly due to the difficult chronology HISTORICAL CONTEXT of the finds. 95 Gutjahr 2018, 46; 2020, 61, 71. – M. Lehner assumes It is also to be discussed to what extent settlement a causality that stems from both settlement history and to- activity is influenced by the historical and political pography and lists several possible reasons for this: Lehner 2009, 51. Regarding Roman settlement sites as a source of circumstances and events.103 Since this is a very broad raw material: Lehner 2009, 129; Gleirscher 2020, 84; Eichert topic, only a few aspects are to be singled out here. 2020, 122. Summarising the use of Roman roads and routes in the (early) medieval eastern Alpine region: Giesler 1997, 320; Lehner 2009, 147–150; Winckler 2012, 116–118; Gut- jahr 2020, 61. A definitive continuity of Roman roads into the Middle Ages cannot be proven for now, but a continuity of the travel routes can be assumed. 100 Special attention should be paid to Enzelsdorf and 96 Gutjahr 2020, 71, note 93. – For the late Roman devil’s Komberg. In Lower Austria, early Slavic settlements tend ditch in the Leibnitz plain that became a boundary mark in to prefer locations with a lower altitude: Wawruschka 2009, early medieval times: Gutjahr 2013. 129; Nowotny 2013, 237. In the area of Bled (Slovenia), the 97 Cf. Koch 2022, 182 Fig. 4. majority of settlements are located “where the plains meets 98 Kiszter, Schrettle 2016; Kiszter, Schrettle 2020, 35–36. the hil slopes”: Pleterski 2013, 155, 161; Lozić 2021. See also: – According to the excavators, the hiatus follows the early Pleterski 2024 in this volume. medieval phase, which extends into the 10th century. 101 See subchapter 3.1 (climate). 99 For example, the early medieval phase on Franzis- 102 Lethkogel, Schwanberg, Kirchberg/Deutschfeistritz, kanerkogel/Primaresburg near Maria Lankowitz in Western Wildoner Schlossberg. Possibly also Grazer Schlossberg and Styria can for now only be grasped in the form of stray finds, Primaresburg/Franziskanerkogel. Cf. Gutjahr 2015a, 97. in spite of the excavations in 1984, 1986, and 2020–2022: 103 A summary of the historical events in the early medi- Gutjahr, Roscher 2002b; Trummer 2003, 10, 24–25, 27; Hor- eval south-eastern alpine region would go beyond the scope váth, Koch 2021, 97–98, 120. – For the more favourable situ- of this chapter; it would also counteract its archaeological ation in Schwanberg: Kiszter, Schrettle 2020, 34. focus. 225 Iris KOCH 2.4.1 Slavic, but not Carantanian? part of the furnishings of early churches. Burials of the Grabelsdorf type,111 as those known from Krungl The earliest early medieval settlement features in and Hohenberg, can also be assessed as indicators of a Styria104 can be found south of the Alps on the edges region’s affiliation to Carantania, or at least its cultural of the large river valleys (Mur, Raab).105 These features dependency.112 For Styria south of the Alps, a (mostly) are likely to be associated with Slavic immigration,106 Slavic border area between Carantania and the Avar even if genuinely “Slavic” finds, apart from pottery of sphere of control can be assumed, perhaps in the shape of the Prague type, are hardly distinguishable,107 and Slavic a more or less independent regional sphere of power.113 cremation burials are missing in the investigation area An immediate presence of Avars has in any case not so far, probably due to the state of research.108 From a been proven, although there are a few Avar accessories political point of view, it is rather unclear where (or to found in burials.114 whom) the territory of today’s Styria belonged in the 7th and 8th century AD. When the Slavic political entity of Carantania was consolidated in today’s Carinthia, the 2.4.2 Bavaria, Francia, “western” influence territory of modern Styria was probably only partial y included. Research opinions differ when it comes to From the written sources, an increasing influence Carantania’s boundaries.109 The Upper Styrian area of of the Bavarians and Franks on the south-east Alpine Neumarkt probably belonged to this principality, which region since the middle of the 8th century can be de- can be argued on the basis of a marble relief featuring duced. The Avar wars mark a turning point in the bal- interlaced ornaments (“Flechtwerkstein”) known from ance of political power. The incorporation of the region Mariahof.110 Reliefs like this are being interpreted as into the Carolingian Empire followed; it was concluded with the introduction of Bavarian counts (Carolingian 104 First half of the 7th century, second half of the 8th century. “Grafschaftsverfassung”, no later than 828 AD) and 105 Enzelsdorf, St. Ruprecht, Komberg (all around the the removal of the local rulers.115 In the archaeological second half of the 7th century, maybe slightly earlier or later) sources, these processes are currently barely visible. At and also Straßgang (radiocarbon date of the second half of least the changes in burial rites, turning away from grave the 6th/first half of the 7th century). They are only between 1 goods, can be seen as a sign of advancing Christianisa- and 4 km away from the main rivers Mur and Raab (in their current course). Gutjahr (2018, 44–46) provides an overview tion and thus as an indirect consequence of changing of these sites. See also: Gutjahr 2020, 64–70; Gutjahr et al. political circumstances.116 However, this is to be seen as 2024 in this volume. Some other sites (mainly pottery stray finds) could also date to the 7th century: Gutjahr 2018, 46; 66–67, 78; 2003, 886–888, 895–896. Marble furnishings have 2020, 70–71. been mentioned as indications for the affiliation of the Neu- 106 Among others: Gutjahr 2015a, 80; 2018, 44; 2020, 62– markt area to Carantania: Lehner 2009, 216, 220; Gutjahr 64, 72. Slavic-speaking immigrants can be assumed due to 2012, 156; Gleirscher 2018, 272. – On the marble relief, the the strikingly widespread Slavic toponyms in Styria: Mader church and the early medieval graves of Mariahof: Lehner 1986; Lochner-Hüttenbach 2008, 30–43. The formation of S. 2004; Steinegger 2020. – A marble relief at St. Lambrecht, Slavic toponyms probably continued into the High Middle showing interlaced ornaments on a second-use Roman stone, Ages. Ch. Gutjahr assumes that the immigration came from has also been dated to the Early Middle Ages: Johannson- the south, possibly also (additional y) from the east and Meery 1993, 91–92 (citing older literature). Yet a later dat- spread from the large river valleys into the side valleys: Gut- ing approach has repeatedly been proposed: Karpf 2003, 894, jahr 2015b, 83; 2018, 46; 2020, 72. On this topic, recently: note 96; Gleirscher 2020, 85. Štular et al. 2022. See also: Pleterski 2024 in this volume. 111 Szameit, Stadler 1993, 228–229; Eichert 2010, 160– 107 Szameit 2000; Nowotny 2013, 232; Gutjahr 2015a, 164; Gutjahr 2015a, 87; Eichert 2020, 118–119, 123. 80. – A pottery fragment of a probably “Prague type” pot has 112 Among others: Gleirscher 2018, 191–195; Gutjahr been found at Kleinklein: Gutjahr 2018, 44. Critical towards 2020, 136. – Expressing doubts, though based on toponyms: the question of the ethnic interpretation of finds, among oth- Winckler 2012, 99–100. ers: Kramer 1996, 58–61; Szameit 2000, 525; Nowotny 2005, 113 For the conception of a Slavic domain (“župa”) in the 233–234; Lehner 2009, 127; Eichert 2020, 110. (middle) Mur valley: Pleterski 2003, 28–30; 2010, 145, 146, 108 Apart from the possible exception of an unpublished Fig. 2. – A. Pleterski considers a possible association of this burial from Wohlsdorf: See Note 32. domain with the (ethnic ?) group “Dudleben”. 109 For a summary of the discussion: Lehner 2009, 114 Lehner 2009, 110; Gutjahr 2020, 60, 75. 108–112; Gutjahr 2012, 151–153. – In general, early medi- 115 Wolfram 1987, 275, 281; 1995, 220, 222. – For the eval borders should not be thought of as linear. Cf. Winckler Carolingian marca orientalis (“Ostmark”), see also: Giesler 2012, 79, 83. To mention all relevant literature on Caranta- 1997, 27, note 143. nia would go beyond the scope of the discussion. From an 116 For grave goods in Styria: Gutjahr 2015a, 89–90. See archaeological point of view, among others: Eichert 2012, also: Nowotny 2005, 194–195; Breibert 2011, 564–566. – For 219–225, 307–310, 341–343; 2014. Styria, it can be assumed that Christianisation had to be re- 110 For the temporary custom of marble furnishings started from zero, because so far there is no clear evidence of (“Flechtwerksteine”) in churches in Carantania: Karpf 2001, churches in this area that survived from Late Antiquity, and 226 EARLY MEDIEVAL SETTLEMENT IN STYRIA. CONSIDERATIONS ON SETTLEMENT PATTERNS AND LAND USE a long-lasting process in which the upper class took a spurs also point in the direction of elites.125 However, pioneering role, the rest of the population following with it is difficult to make any statement on the local and some delay, and which could only be completed with the regional rulers and their political affiliation based on expansion of the church infrastructure.117 Apart from archaeological finds. In any case, some contemporary Mariahof with its probably early medieval church, there written sources give evidence of the economic and are some hints in the form of early medieval burials next political penetration of the country by Carolingians to existing ecclesiastical buildings.118 For a few more and Ottonians. The sources name early medieval places churches (or their predecessors), an early medieval date that can be localised in Styria and differentiate between (around 1000 AD) has been considered based on either different categories (including curtis, locus, civitas).126 radiocarbon dates119 or the way of construction.120 The Some of these mentions can be conclusively associated churches that are mentioned in written sources possibly with modern place names (e.g. ad Pruccam = Bruck an concerning Styria (e.g. “ad Undrimas” in the Conversio der Mur), but only in the rarest of cases the respective Bagoariorum,121 ecclesia “ad Sabnizam” in 860 AD,122 locality can be identified with an archaeological feature. two churches in “Liupinatal” in 925 AD123) cannot be One charter deserves special mention, as it gives detailed safely located at the time being. information about the location of a curtis in the south- The increasing use of locations at high altitude, eastern Alps: The curtis Zlatina 127 mentioned in 904 usual y providing natural protection, in the advancing AD is described so precisely that it can be located on a Early Middle Ages is probably related to the exercise of terrace in Schladnitzdorf near Leoben, where the stream rule and representation, and the taking over and defence Schladnitzbach flows into the Mur. It is a tongue of land of the territory.124 Stray finds of winged spearheads and approx. 220 m long and up to 120 m wide, which only rises between 15 and 20 m above its surroundings.128 no clear evidence of early Christian predecessors under to- day’s churches: Lehner 2016, 150–151. At Frauenburg Castle, 2.4.3 Hungarian crisis there are hints to late Roman times/Late Antiquity, but the excavated burials start only in the Early Middle Ages (7th/8th Historical and archaeological research has repeat- century): Steinegger 2020, 100. – For the possible continuity edly raised the question of how the “Hungarian threat” of Christianity in the south-eastern Alpine region (especial y, in its western part), among others: Gleirscher 2020. For the on the eastern border of the Frankish Empire from Christianisation of the Carantanians, recently: Štih 2020. For approx. 900 AD onwards and the temporary loss of food as a grave good, see also subchapter 3.3. territory associated with the Hungarian wars affected 117 The cross and pigeon fibulae (in secondary use) from Styria.129 Unfortunately, the archaeological data is poor. Hohenberg and Krungl can be seen as a possible indicator of Christianisation; a stronger hint comes from enamel disc 125 Spearheads from Stornalm (Mandl 1996, 67), Franzis- fibulae with Christian motifs (from the end of the 9th century kanerkogel (Trummer 2003, Pl. 10, 1; 2019). For the spurs, on): Gutjahr 2015a, 80–83, 91; 2020, 57. see subchapter 3.6. – Another probable, albeit not winged 118 E.g. at the Frauenburg hil top: Steinegger 2020, 96– spearhead has been found in an early medieval grave of a 101; at Hohenberg; within a chapel (“Pöglhofkapelle”) next to young man under the existing church at Frauenburg Castle: Bruck; at the Georgiberg hil top next to Kindberg: See note Steinegger 2020, 100. 41. For the Altenmarkt burial ground, see above (subchap- 126 For example, “civitas Zuib” and “locus Lipnizza” in ter 2.1) and below (subchapter 2.4.3). – Some of the known a donation from Emperor Otto I to the church of Salzburg metal stray finds (accessories) probably also originate from under archbishop Friedrich I in 970 (MGH DD OI no. 389). destroyed burials in church cemeteries. Both are assumed to be located in the Leibnitz/Frauenberg/ 119 E.g. the predecessor of the Leechkirche in Graz: Seggauberg area, in both cases the (more precise) localisation Lehner 1996. is controversial: Karl 2013, 203–205; Lehner 2016, 154–155; 120 E.g. the use of spolia in the crypt of the monastery Gutjahr 2020, 77. For the term “civitas”, see also: Pleterski church in Göss (Upper Styria): Lehner 2005, 164, note 6. 2000, 447–449; Winckler 2012, 236–238. 121 Summarising: Lehner 2019. Recently: Gleirscher 127 MGH DD LK no. 31. Ludwig the child donates a cur- 2020, 92–93. – For an approach that identifies the church tis (mansion) in Schladnitz(dorf), protected by a wal , and 20 “Undrimas” with the church “Liburnia” resulting in none of dependent farmsteads in the Leoben valley to Arpo, son of them to be located in Styria, but in Carinthia: Pleterski 2000. Count Otakar: “in loco Zlatina dicto ubi riuus eiusdem no- 122 MGH DD LD no. 102. Cf. Note 134. – “Sabniza” is minis Zlatina in flumen Muora dictum intrat, il am curtem probably the river Safen, “ad Sabnizam” therefore could be muro circumdatam [...]” located in the vicinity of Hartberg. 128 Murgg 2010, 161. – No (documented) excavations 123 “ad Sanctum Petrum sanctumque Rodbertvm” (Stei- have been conducted so far. risches Urkundenbuch 1, no. 14); the valley “Liupinatal” is 129 After the battle of Pressburg in 907, a large part of probably in the vicinity of Leoben: Lehner 2005, 165. the march is temporarily lost. – Wolfram 1995, 222; Giesler 124 Gutjahr 2015a, 97. – Ch. Gutjahr draws a connection 1997, 297. From an archaeological point of view, among oth- with the development and organisation of the newly won ers: Kramer 1996; Lehner 2009, 211, 246. For bibliographi- lands after the Frankish-Carolingian takeover. cal references that question the traditional conception of the 227 Iris KOCH Fig. 4: Early medieval settlement in Styria. Sites mentioned in chapter 3 (Paleoenvironment) are indicated. An interpretation of the sites at high altitude along the neither any settlement feature nor a burial that can be middle Mur valley as early castles and defence against clearly dated to the 10th century, but this hardly serves the Hungarians has been considered (Kirchberg/ as evidence of a hiatus, as it possibly derives from the Deutschfeistritz, Straßengel, Grazer Schlossberg, Wil- poor state of research concerning the Early Middle Ages doner Schlossberg, Frauenberg/Seggauberg).130 Two in this area.135 individual finds of rhombic arrowheads were addressed as “Hungarian” by D. Kramer,131 but such arrowheads may also originate from a later period.132 Graves with 3. PALEOENVIRONMENT a specific composition of inventory featuring an early AND ASPECTS OF LAND USE Hungarian element (“gemischtes Inventar”) in Straßen- gel and probably also in Leibnitz/Altenmarkt are perhaps The following section aims at providing an over- to be seen as evidence of a temporarily extended Hun- view of the currently available data on the topic of rela- garian sphere of influence.133 The presumably continu- tions between early medieval settlers and the environ- ous occupancy of the Leibnitz/Altenmarkt burial ground ment in the study area ( Fig. 4).136 from the 9th century (at the latest) to the 16th century seems to argue against an interruption of settlement in prietary church (“Eigenkirche”) of the curtis “ad Sulpam” the Mur valley.134 In Eastern Styria there is currently mentioned in 860 (MGH DD LD no. 102): Gutjahr 2015a, 92. E. Staudinger established a connection between Altenmarkt Hungarian crisis: Later 2020, esp. 137, Note 7. and ad Sulpam just before the archaeological investigation of 130 Gutjahr 2015a, 96. the burial ground: Staudinger 1978. For the charter, among 131 Kramer 1992, 67. They originate from the hil tops others: Jeitler 2012. Franziskanerkogel and Wildon/Schlossberg. 135 The same problem of scarce data comes into play in 132 Apparently, in some places they are in use until the view of the question if an eastern border along the watershed 13th or even 14th century: Kühtreiber, Obenaus 2017, 48. between Mur and Raab, which is known in writing as “mons 133 Cf. Obenaus 2008, 210–211. – For Straßengel: Mirsch Predel”, played a role for early medieval settlement in Styria 1999. (or only later on). – For mons Predel, among others: Purkar- 134 Gutjahr 2015a, 92; Lehner 2016, 154, Fig. 2. – Ac- thofer 1979; Posch 1978, 32–34; Wolfram 1985, 139; Lehner cording to Ch. Gutjahr, the (now abandoned) church of St. 2009, 108–110, 115. See also: Tiefengraber 2007, 191–193. Martin near the Altenmarkt burial site is probably the pro- 136 For the theory of man-environment relations in the 228 EARLY MEDIEVAL SETTLEMENT IN STYRIA. CONSIDERATIONS ON SETTLEMENT PATTERNS AND LAND USE 3.1 CLIMATE the Middle Ages large parts of the country were cov- ered with forest (approx. 85%), it is assumed that the For the study area, significant climatic differences proportion of woodland in Central Europe fell steadily between the alpine area and its southeastern foreland to approximately 15% by the 13th century.145 Bork et can be observed, the mountainous area and its valleys al.146 assume based on a broad range of data, including being significantly colder and wetter. But also small- pollen profiles, that the proportion of forest in Germany scale climatic differences should be taken into account (excluding the Alpine region) was still 87% around the when assessing the location of a site. For example, the year 750 and 65% around the year 1000 AD. Kaplan elevated plateau (“Hochfeld”) on which the Enzelsdorf et al., on the other hand, calculate the share of forest settlement site is located has a particularly favourable in “usable” land at approx. 29% for Germany and 20% climate with slightly milder temperatures than the for Austria in 1000 AD.147 Possibly, the Alpine region adjacent Grazer Feld in winter.137 In addition, we have and thus a significant part of Styria was less affected by to consider historical climatology, which can only be deforestation than other regions, because large parts of briefly mentioned here. Between approx. 300 BC and the forests are located in steep terrain and are therefore 350 AD there was a warm period in Europe that also difficult to access. In any case, the wide distribution of affected the study area. It was followed by a cold period Slavic place names, some of them specifical y indicating lasting until approx. 660 AD, with lower average annual clearing of woodland (“Rodungsnamen”), show that in temperatures and changed weather conditions. Around the study area deforestation was already progressing at 450 AD, there was a high glacier level in the Alps.138 The a time when the Slavic population was still dominant “Late Antique Little Ice Age”139 included an increase in in language.148 precipitation, stronger river activities and flooding.140 Especial y in the 6th century AD an “atmospheric dust veil” led to unfavourable climatic conditions, which are 3.2 ARCHAEOBOTANY being associated with famine and epidemic outbreaks.141 The abandonment of settlements, fields and pastures is 3.2.1 Pollen profiles evident in pollen profiles in many places in the shape of a decrease in grain and increase in tree pollen.142 Relatively few analyses of pollen profiles are avail- Between approx. 850 and 1250 AD there was another able for the study area, and the existing ones often warm period with temperatures that roughly corre- do not cover the Early Middle Ages or cannot clearly spond to today’s.143 This “medieval climate anomaly” distinguish them from other periods.149 For a profile was accompanied by a strong population increase and from Seibersdorf on the southern edge of the Leibnitzer extensive deforestation.144 Whereas at the beginning of Feld150 for example, a section “PZ Sei-9” has been de- fined with a date of approx. 800–1500 AD. It contains Middle Ages (focussing on western Central Europe), see: Schreg 2011. 137 Thanheiser, Walter 2003, 185. order (towards the feudal system) might also have played a 138 Büntgen et al. 2016; Bork 2020, 21. For the study area: decisive role: Comet 2000, 167. Drescher-Schneider, Wick, 2001, 21. – A summary on the 145 Bork 2020, 22. – See also, among others: Behre 1988, climate in Europe in Late Antiquity and the Middle Ages, 647–648. including the historical implications, is provided by: Preiser- 146 Bork et al. 1998, 161 Tab. 4.1. Kapeller 2021. 147 Kaplan et al. 2009, 3023 Tab. 3. “Usable land” is de- 139 Büntgen et al. 2016. fined by the authors as “land available for clearing for agri- 140 Bork 2020, 21. – For the study area: Drescher-Schnei- culture”, ruling out e.g. steep terrain. der, Wick 2001, 21. 148 Lochner Hüttenbach 2008, 31. – The complete assimi- 141 Among others: Toohey et al. 2016; Bork 2020, 21; lation of the Slavic-speaking population in Styria is said to Montanari 2000a, 20. have been completed only in the 14th century. The majority 142 E. g. Behre 1988, 647. – However, this does not seem of Styrian place names that indicate clearing, however, are to apply equal y to the entire Alpine region. A pollen profile interpreted as being of Bavarian origin: Lochner Hüttenbach from the area of Bischofshofen, for example, does not show 2008, 43, 52–53. any interruption in settlement from the middle of the 1st 149 For basic information on the method of pollen analy- millennium AD; the cerealia curve apparently begins (once sis and the difficulties associated with it: Jacomet, Kreuz again) around 500 AD and does not break off until modern 1999; Draxler, Lippert 1999, 396. The distance radius of the times: Wahlmüller 1988. represented flora largely depends on the species in question. 143 Bork 2020, 21–22. – K. Winckler summarises both For grain, it is usual y only a few kilometres, while various historical and scientific data on the early medieval climate tree pollen can spread much further. in the Alps and states that little can be said with confidence: 150 Wick, Drescher-Schneider 1999; Drescher-Schneider, Winckler 2012, 37–61. Wick 2001. – In the 2001 publication, the original dating ap- 144 G. Comet questions if all of these are effects of the proach for the youngest section of the profile (Roman pe- favourable climate, and suggests that a change in the social riod) was revoked. 229 Iris KOCH grain ( Cerealia 151), including rye, as well as buckwheat steinersee in the Eisenerz area (628 m a.s.l.), according to ( Fagopyrum/Fagopyrum esculentum), the latter towards Drescher160 the first onset of rye at the beginning of the the end of the section. Buckwheat is usual y assumed Early Middle Ages can just be recognized. F. Kral and F. to be available in Austria only from the 12th century, Schreiner161 found on the basis of pollen profiles from the at the earliest.152 The cultivation of grain (rye) in the Koralm mountains162 at the border between the provinces area of Seibersdorf in the Early Middle Ages is there- of Styria and Carinthia that here the forest density was fore likely, but not certain, due to the large time span very high in the 8th to 11th centuries (especial y fir, beech, indicated for the relevant section. It was not until the spruce), whereas the anthropogenic influence is described Late Middle Ages and the early modern period that as very low. A pollen profile from the Plankenalm in the the plants that indicate human activities (synanthropic Dachstein area also indicates human presence in the (late) species; “Kulturanzeiger”) increased significantly in Early Middle Ages.163 Seibersdorf. The situation is similar with a profile from Rohr (Burgenland). Here, the section “PZ R-7” covers a large timespan from the Roman era to the early modern 3.2.2 Macroscopic plant remains from archaeological times.153 Draxler and Lippert154 summarise that at the contexts south-eastern foothil s of the Alps there was a sharp rise in pine ( Pinus sylvestris), but also grasslands in the By now, a number of archaeobotanical analyses Early Middle Ages, which may indicate increased pas- on plant remains from early medieval archaeological ture activities. The cultivation of grain declines sharply contexts are available for Styria.164 The sample quantities compared to the Roman era. Another pollen profile was are often smal . In two settlement pits in Enzelsdorf (Obj. taken at the Attemsmoor, not far from Seibersdorf.155 1, Obj. 2), which can be dated to the 7th/8th century,165 A radiocarbon date of approx. 960–1080 AD156 was charred grains of naked wheat or wheat,166 (other) obtained from the middle of the profile, the Early Mid- grasses167 and legumes168 could be detected. Another dle Ages should thus be at least partial y covered. In the layer documented at this site (Obj. 3, SE 20) contained profile there is a clear indication of forest clearance both little archaeobotanical remains, among which several before and after the area from which the radiocarbon types of grain could be identified (rye, naked wheat, date originates. F. Kral157 considers the older of the two cultivated barley, emmer and spelt), as well as cultivated events to be an effect of Carolingian settlement activities millet, legumes and a fragment of a grapeseed.169 In a (9th century), but he also points out that further scientific – Apart from rye, sweet chestnut, walnut, olive tree and dating is required for a more precise classification. In hemp/hops were documented. Especial y the pollen of chest- any case, a decrease in tree pollen and a simultaneous nut and olive tree can be carried over large distances and do increase in the number of synanthropic species before not prove the distribution of these plants in the vicinity. the turn of the millennium could be ascertained; little 160 Drescher-Schneider 2003, 189–190. grain and some hops or hemp158 could be verified, as 161 Kral, Schreiner 1985, 318. well as species that usual y accompany pasture farming 162 The data basis consisted of five profiles extracted from and therefore suggest animal husbandry. A pollen profile moors in various areas of the Koralm mountain range, between from the Alpine region, from the Zerbenwiese raised the “Freiländer Moos” in the north and Laaken in the south. 163 bog (Nassköhr, Neuberg an der Mürz) at approx. 1300 10/11th century: Kral 1994. 164 Basic information on the method and the conserva- m a.s.l. provided evidence of rye in late antique/early tion conditions in dry soil, among others: Thanheiser, Wal- medieval times.159 In a pollen profile from the Leopold- ter 2003. – In addition to those listed here, the analyses of the botanical and zoological remains from the oldest backfill 151 In the following, the scientific name of plants/species layer of the Eppenstein cistern are of interest (around 1000 is only mentioned when confusion seems likely. AD/1st half of the 11th century): Steinegger, Kraschitzer 2020, 152 For the example of Lanzenkirchen Castle, see: Küh- 121–122. treiber 2000, 49. As for Styria, an occurrence of buckwheat 165 Parcel No. 226. See: Gutjahr 2015b, 75, 80. – The pot- in a pollen profile from Attemsmoor (see below) has been tery can be dated to the second half of the 7th or first half dated to the 15th century by Kral (1984). – Prior to the High of the 8th century; this dating is supported by a radiocarbon Middle Ages, the plant is found in eastern and, very sporadi- date. The filling probably took place shortly after the pit had cal y, in northern central Europe: Drescher-Schneider, Wick been abandoned. See also Gutjahr et al. 2024 in this volume. 2001; Bakels et al. 2015. 166 Naked wheat ( Triticum durum/ aestivum); wheat 153 Drescher-Schneider, Wick 2001. ( Triticum sp. ): Gutjahr 2015b, 75. 154 Draxler, Lippert 2001, 396. 167 Poaceae. This family of plants also includes cereals. 155 Kral 1984. – The profile was obtained in 1982. 168 In this case Fabaceae cultae, i.e. cultivated legumes: 156 Felber 1985, 619. Gutjahr 2015b, 75. 157 Kral 1984, 199–200. 169 Heiss et al. (in print). – It is often difficult to distin- 158 Cannabiaca/ Humulus. This could also be pollen from guish between cultivated grape ( Vitis vinifera subsp. Vinifera) wild hops. and wild grape, but in this case the cultivated type has been 159 Drescher-Schneider, Draxler 2016, 119, 121, 127−128. identified. Ch. Gutjahr dates the associated pottery finds into 230 EARLY MEDIEVAL SETTLEMENT IN STYRIA. CONSIDERATIONS ON SETTLEMENT PATTERNS AND LAND USE waste pit at the same settlement site170 which can be (most notably Abies alba, i.e. silver fir). S. Kiszter and dated to the 10th or early 11th century, the remains of B. Schrettle conclude that the settlement was probably several types of grain, including naked wheat,171 rye, abandoned at the end of the Early Middle Ages and barley and millet ( Panicum miliaceum) were found. In nature reclaimed the plateau, at least for a short time.181 addition, peas, horse beans ( Vicia faba), peaches, hazel- nuts, blackberries/raspberries and (probably) walnuts could be detected.172 Ch. Gutjahr173 assumes that the 3.3 ARCHAEOZOOLOGY pit was abandoned and subsequently used as a waste pit. Because the grain was already prepared ready for use174 The waste pit in Enzelsdorf, already mentioned and the pit also contained charred pottery, the contents in the section on archaeobotany, yielded only a few could represent burnt storage supplies. From the early highly fragmented and therefore hardly identifiable medieval settlement in Kleinklein,175 plant remains from faunal remains.182 The settlement pits Obj. 1 and Obj. 2 a waste pit176 could be examined. The filling of the pit contained a few bones from domestic pigs and cattle.183 comprised relatively few remains of cultivated plants, Obj. 3 mainly contained the bones of small ruminants including barley, (broomcorn) millet, and some specific ( Caprinae, i.e. sheep/goat).184 The largest of four early wild plants that indicate human influence on the ecosys- medieval waste pits at Kleinklein contained plenty of tem.177 The pottery from the waste pit of Kleinklein can identifiable material for archaeozoological analysis. The be dated to the 9th/10th centuries, a barley seed fragment species include domestic cattle, domestic pigs, chickens, yielded a radiocarbon date of the 8th–10th centuries.178 small ruminants, roe deer, and wild boar.185 The bones Archaeobotanical analyses have also been carried out on show signs of cuts, chewing and fire. At least a part of samples from the Schwanberg site,179 including a burnt the assemblage is most likely kitchen waste.186 Based on layer and two pit fillings.180 The features linked to early the size of some of the bones, it can be concluded that medieval settlement activities contained little barley, the livestock were smaller than in Roman times.187 This millet, oats, einkorn wheat ( triticum monococcum), peas reduction in size is not evident in wild animal bones. The and possibly rye, as well as walnut and grapevine ( vitis smaller size of farm animals compared to other periods vinifera), and one of the layers yielded a lot of tree pollen is not exclusively to be seen as negative but had certain advantages, including less required space and food con- the second half of the 7th, or possibly the first half of the 8th century: Gutjahr 2018, 45; 2020, 69–7. A charred cereal grain sumption; the milk yield is difficult to estimate.188 The from this context yielded a radiocarbon date of the late 7th– analysis of animal bones from Schwanberg189 showed 9th centuries. remains of (domestic) cattle, small ruminants, wild 170 Parcel No. 393. See: Gutjahr 2003; Thanheiser, Walter boar and red deer.190 The number of (determinable) 2003.171 A distinction between durum wheat ( Triticum du- 181 Kiszter, Schrettle 2020, 35–36. rum) and common wheat (also: bread wheat; Triticum aesti- 182 Gutjahr 2003, 168. vum) was not possible. 183 Contribution by G. Christandl in: Gutjahr 2015b. See 172 Thanheiser, Walter 2003, 189; Tables of archaeobo- also: Gutjahr 2015b, 75; 2020, 68. – Among the pig bones, at tanical results in: Črešnar et al. 2019, 265–266. least one younger and one older specimen could be identified. 173 Gutjahr 2020, 68. 184 Gutjahr 2018, 45; 2020, 69. – The number of bones is 174 Thanheiser, Walter 2003, 185. – The sample material smal . The distinction between the bones of sheep and goats contained only grains, other parts of cereal plants were com- is considered a “classic problem” in archaeozoology. pletely absent, and the proportion of so-called “Erntebeglei- 185 Kiszter et al. 2019; Toškan 2019, 372–375. ter”, i.e. wild plants associated with agriculture, was very low. 186 This is indicated by the traces of fire. The cuts that 175 Mele, Kiszter 2017; Kiszter et al. 2019. – It is the area were found on almost all bones indicate “secondary butch- of a Roman settlement, probably a villa. ery”, i.e. the (further) dissecting of animals. According to B. 176 It is the largest of four waste pits that were document- Toškan, the chewing marks can be traced back to the fact that ed in the course of the excavations in 2017 and 2018. waste was lying around on the surface for a while and was not 177 Kiszter et al. 2019; Heiss, Wiesinger 2019; Tables of ar- covered straight away, so that dogs could chew on it: Toškan chaeobotanical results in: Črešnar et al. 2019, 267. – Another 2019, 374. See also: Kiszter et al. 2019. (albeit uncertain) find of rye might be counted among the 187 Toškan 2019, 374. This phenomenon is already widely cultivated plants. known for the Early Middle Ages. 178 Kiszter et al. 2019. 188 It has been stated that smaller cows can in some cases 179 For Schwanberg/Tanzboden, see the excavation re- even produce larger amounts of milk: Frosdick 2010, 20–21. ports (a selection): Schrettle 2011; Kiszter, Schrettle 2016. – – Cf. the considerations of A. Pleterski, who assumes a poor It could be an early fortification, although S. Kiszter and B. milk yield in early medieval Slovenia: Pleterski 2008, 149. Schrettle remain cautious regarding the interpretation: Kisz- 189 Excavations in 2015 and 2016: Toškan 2019. – For ter, Schrettle 2020. the present compilation, only the part relating to the Early 180 From the excavations in 2012, 2015 and 2016: Tables Middle Ages is taken into account. of archaeobotanical results in: Črešnar et al. 2019, 269–272; 190 There are also numerous indeterminate animal bones Heiss, Wiesinger 2019, 352–356. (“indeterminatus”). 231 Iris KOCH bones from the early medieval contexts is smal , but The section of the settlement covered by the excavation cattle and sheep/goats clearly predominate; game is only is likely to have been a craft/workshop area; the pit in documented by a single find. Here, too, the smaller size question contained a significant amount of pottery.203 of the farm animals (specifical y the small ruminants) Animal bones from other sites are sometimes mentioned compared to Roman times was evident.191 On the hil top in preliminary reports,204 in some cases the analysis is Kirchberg/Deutschfeistritz192 an iron-processing plant, still pending.205 At the Alpine site of Tiefgrube/Steinig- which can probably be associated with an early castle, grube at approx. 1640 m a.s.l. on the eastern Dachstein was uncovered in 1949.193 In addition to early medieval plateau, the investigation of a fireplace within the stone pottery, iron slag, metal objects and animal bones were foundation of a small wooden cabin revealed, among found. Unfortunately, most of the finds can no longer other finds, various animal bones, including sheep/ be linked to specific features, which is why it cannot goats, chamois, deer, brown hare, the cut off part of a be ruled out that some of them belong to the high me- stag antler and two small fragments of horn cores, pos- dieval phase of the site.194 According to the excavator sibly from domestic cattle. A radiocarbon date from M. Mottl,195 the animal bones included domestic dogs, the fireplace indicates its use in the Early Middle Ages domestic pigs, shorthorn cattle, goats, horses, deer, (7th/8th centuries).206 Sheep, goat and cattle would go beavers and brown bears. In the course of a revision of well with the early medieval alpine farming assumed the finds, which are only partial y preserved,196 cattle, for the eastern Dachstein plateau; additional y, the wild pigs, small ruminants, some wild boar bones and the animal bones suggest hunting. However, the site was also canine of a bear could be identified.197 The material used in other periods – Roman Age finds were made in also contains tools made from animal bones, including the immediate vicinity – so the question arises whether a bone needle from the fibula of a domestic pig and a all the bones that originate from the foundations of the bone awl from the tibia of a domestic sheep/goat, as wel cabin can be assigned to the Early Middle Ages. as a spindle whorl made of bone and the antler shoot of a In Styria, early medieval faunal remains were not red deer with cut marks.198 The identifiable game species only found at settlement sites, but also in graves. In suggest extensive forests in the area around Deutsch- these cases, food offerings can be assumed. This can feistritz in the (Early) Middle Ages.199 Excavations at be regarded as an expression of non-Christian ideas the early medieval settlement “Im Rasental” between about the hereafter or incomplete Christianisation; in the hil tops Wildoner Schlossberg and Buchkogel have this matter, fluent transitions are likely.207 The custom yielded numerous animal bones, mainly cattle, but also of food as a grave good is common in the early medi- a significant amount of horses, complemented by pigs eval eastern Alpine region, especial y in the 8th century. and a small amount of game.200 Only a few animal re- Poultry bones (especial y chicken bones), eggshel s, but mains of domestic cattle and sheep/goats were found in also pig bones occur. The food was usual y placed at the two settlement pits at St. Ruprecht an der Raab, which feet of the buried individual.208 Pottery vessels in graves have been dated to the second half or the last third of also indicate food and drink as grave goods.209 From the the 7th century.201 In the excavated features of the early medieval settlement of Weitendorf, animal remains were a horse or cattle and possibly the calcined metatarsal bone rare, and they could not be identified with certainty.202 of a pig. In addition, there are a few small indeterminable calcined fragments. 191 Toškan 2019, 380. 203 For the interpretation of the Weitendorf site, see: Gut- 192 Gutjahr 2006. jahr 2011a, 150–151, 163. 193 It is located on the western slope of the hil top. Ac- 204 E.g. in Unterbergla in the Laßnitz valley, pits with cording to the pottery, the early medieval use of the site be- early medieval pottery and animal bones were examined: gan as early as the 8th/9th centuries: Gutjahr 2006, 308. Fuchs, Grzywacz 2011. – Based on the pottery, the pits can 194 In addition, some of the finds origin from a small cave be preliminarily dated to around 800 AD. called “Kinghöhle”, which is also located on the western slope, 205 For example, a very small amount of burnt bones was in the vicinity of the other features. See: Gutjahr 2006, 283. found together with early medieval pottery during the 2021 195 Cited in: Modrijan 1963, 48–50. excavation at the rampart on Frauenkogel near Gösting (see 196 Gutjahr 2006, 283–284. also: subchapter 2.3). 197 See: Christandl 2006. – Some other bones could not 206 Two additional radiocarbon dates from the entrance be determined. area revealed a younger age (9th–13th and 10th/11th centuries): 198 Gutjahr 2006, 302–303. Mandl 1996, 64–65; 2003, 200. – A similar site, also with an 199 Gutjahr 2006, 284. early medieval radiocarbon date, is located at Stornalm/Kehr 200 Gutjahr 2007b; 2018, 42; Ch. Gutjahr, private com- (also on the eastern Dachstein plateau): Mandl 1996, 65. munication. – A comprehensive publication of the excava- 207 Summarising the problem: Breibert 2015, 152–153; tion is being prepared by the excavator Ch. Gutjahr. 2022, 131. Breibert (2011, 565) states that “food and beverage 201 Gutjahr 2020, 66. On St. Ruprecht also: Schipper gifts indicated by animal bones or remains of wooden buck- 1996; Gutjahr 2002, 149–150; 2018, 44–45. ets or vessels rather contradict Christian ideas”. 202 Only in object 128, a settlement pit: Gutjahr 2011a, 208 Breibert 2015, 152–153; Breibert 2022, 129–131. 145, 151. – The animal bones were identified as the tooth of 209 For the southeast Alpine region: Nowotny 2008, 29; 232 EARLY MEDIEVAL SETTLEMENT IN STYRIA. CONSIDERATIONS ON SETTLEMENT PATTERNS AND LAND USE burial site at Krungl,210 at least two burials with animal 3.4 ANTHROPOLOGY bones are known: Grave 258 (child) contained, among other things, bird bones, grave 269 (adult), among other Anthropological analyses make a vital contribu- things, a boar’s tusk, and in both graves other (undeter- tion to our understanding of the relations and links mined) animal bones were found.211 It is likely that there between the settlers and their environment. By now, were more burials with animal bones, but that these anthropological examinations of skeletons from the were neither documented nor preserved in the course (incompletely excavated) burial sites of Peggau, Graz/ of the early excavations at this site.212 For Hohenberg, Alte Universität, Frauenburg, Mariahof and from a a horse skeleton is mentioned in a newspaper article of single burial in Deutschfeistritz have been made.220 In the late 19th century, but the context remains unclear.213 the following section, only a few aspects that appear In the course of the investigation of the early medieval relevant to the above-mentioned topic are singled out. burial ground in Graz/Alte Unversität, 18 graves with Among the 21 individuals of the early medieval burial 19 burials that date back to around 800 AD were ex- site of Peggau in the middle Mur valley (approx. second amined.214 Grave 2 contained the bones of a chicken half of the 8th century), six skeletons show changes in and probably a young duck and a goose, which can be the thigh bone which have been identified as “Poirier’s interpreted as food offerings.215 In addition to pottery facets” and are considered as an indication of frequent vessels, animal bones were also found when three graves riding.221 Ch. Gutjahr points out that in the Early Mid- were unearthed in 1937 in Stainach216 (Enns valley), dle Ages, riding was reserved for an upper class, and however, the early medieval dating of the bones does that the group of people buried in Peggau probably not appear to be entirely certain.217 In Grötsch (Laßnitz represent the entourage of a local ruler, maybe the valley) 54 burials of an early medieval burial site were owner of the fortification on Kirchberg/Deutschfeis- scientifical y examined, some of which contained bird tritz, just across from Peggau on the right bank of the bones.218 In Pürgg/Unterburg two of the three excavated river Mur.222 Two thirds of the examined skeletons early medieval graves contained a “bird skeleton”.219 The show signs of deficiency diseases, which according to graves of Grötsch, like those of Stainach/Schwimmbad S. Renhart223 indicate an at least temporarily strained and Pürgg/Unterburg, can be dated to around 800 AD. nutritional situation and a diet low in vitamins. In the examination of the 19 skeletons from Graz/Alte Uni- Eichert 2010, 130, 134–135; Gutjahr 2015a, 89; Breibert 2022, 129–131. 210 Most recently: Breibert 2008; 2011; 2015; 2022. – The 220 For Peggau: Contribution by S. Renhart in: Gutjahr burial site was in use in the 8th–10th century (approx. 740– 2012, 172–189. For Graz: Contribution by S. Renhart in: Gut- 1000 AD). jahr 2007a, 360–266. For Deutschfeistritz (burial, formerly 211 Breibert 2022, 131. – W. Breibert assumes that the E-Werk-Straße): Appendix by S. Renhart in: Gutjahr 2006, bird bones must have been chicken bones; in early medieval 330–331. For Frauenburg and Mariahof: Steinegger 2020, Lower Austria, they are the most common type of food offer- 98–108. There are anthropological analyses of one skull from ing in graves. In Steyr-Gleink (Upper Austria), pig bones are an early medieval burial at Diemlach, and of three skeletons relatively common. from Stainach, but the results do not seem relevant in this 212 Breibert 2022, 131. context. For Stainach: Kloiber 1953. For Diemlach: Kloi- 213 E. Nowotny outlines that the contemporary state- ber1963. As for the skeletons of Leibnitz/Altenmarkt (see ments on these early excavations are contradictory: Nowotny note 31), which have only recently been examined, it is so far 2005, 182. unclear which could be early medieval. 214 Fürnholzer 2003; Fürnholzer, Gutjahr 2005; Gutjahr 221 For the burial site: Gutjahr 2012, 87–170. For Poirier’s 2007a; 2012, 16–62. facets: Gutjahr 2012, 147; Contribution by S. Renhart in: 215 Gutjahr 2007a, 353. Gutjahr 2012, 182; cf. Steinklauber 2020, 371. – Of the six 216 It is the burial site “Schwimmbad”. Not far from these, skeletons with the mentioned characteristic deformation of burials at the “Gasthaus Zur Post” were discovered: Kloiber the thigh bone (in five cases on both sides), five have been 1953; Modrijan 1963, 79–80. anthropological y identified as male (one of them uncertain), 217 These could have been relocated bones in the grave one as female. Various skeletal changes are associated with filling, but the pottery provides an additional hint to food as horse riding. Among them, Poirier’s facets are considered grave goods. Ä. Kloiber undertook a (new) assignment of the particularly significant; in Avar and early Hungarian eques- finds to the individual graves on the basis of Schmid's excava- trian graves, for example, they occur frequently (Berthon tion notes: Kloiber 1953. Mention is made of splinters from 2019; Bühler, Kirchengast 2022). However, in the past there a boar’s tusk and remains of the lower jaw, as well as teeth was often confusion in the terminology of changes in the “from herbivores” and an animal tubular bone. See also: Gut- neck of the femur, as Radi et al. (2013, 261–263), Berthon jahr 2015a, note 74. (2019, 77, 143–144) and Göhring (2021, 513–516), among 218 Kramer 1981, 206–207; 1995, 89. – A comprehensive others, emphasise; furthermore, it cannot be completely publication of the burial site by Ch. Gutjahr is in preparation. ruled out that Poirier’s facet is occasional y caused by other The bird bones are probably chicken bones (private commu- activities than riding. nication Ch. Gutjahr). 222 Gutjahr 2012, 147. 219 Kramer 1980, 7. 223 Contribution by S. Renhart in: Gutjahr 2012, 181–182. 233 Iris KOCH Fig. 5: The Sausal area in winter with the Koralm mountain range in the background. View to the west. (Photograph: I. Koch.) versität, six individuals showed changes in the bones the emperor’s share of it), the “locus Lipnizza” and the caused by deficiency diseases.224 “nemus Svsil”. The location of these properties remains controversial.229 While the curtis might be identified as the site on Ulrichsberg near Deutschlandsberg,230 and 3.5 SELECTED WRITTEN SOURCES “Zuib” and “Lipnizza” most probably can be found in the area of Leibnitz, Frauenberg and Leibnitzer Burgberg,231 Some written sources provide additional infor- the forest Susil can be associated with the hil y and mation on economic practices and the exploitation of partly steep terrain west of the Leibnitzer Feld, which natural resources in early medieval times in the research today still bears the name “Sausal” ( Fig. 5). In a charter area.225 As an example, the above-mentioned226 charter from 982232 Otto II confirms the donation, defining the from 970227 can be cited, a donation from emperor limits of the civitas Zuib and mentioning appendant Otto I to the archdiocese of Salzburg. Among the do- fields and oak forests. Susil (“Susel”) is also mentioned, nated properties are the “curtis Vduleniduor”228 with this time as “forestis cum banno” and with the addition 50 dependent farmsteads, the “civitas Zuib” (or at least that here in “dulcibus vallibus” bears and wild boars could be hunted exclusively during a precisely defined 224 Contribution by S. Renhart in: Gutjahr 2012, 75–76. period from three weeks before the autumn equinox – The skeletons in question include two individuals that have been anthropological y identified as women, one man and 229 Summarised by: Karl 2013, 156–157, 198–205, note three subadults. 530. See also: Giesler 1997, 338–339. With particular atten- 225 For example, by mentioning manorial centres ( curtis tion to the archaeological evidence: Lehner 2016, 154–159; or similar). Alongside manorial structures, a certain number Gutjahr 2020, 77. of “free” settlers can be expected. They are probably inade- 230 A rampart on Ulrichsberg near Deutschlandsberg quately represented in the written sources: Giesler 1997, 277. (Western Styria) is visible in the digital terrain model; an 226 See note 126. early castle (11th century) at the location of today’s church 227 MGH DD OI no. 389. Transcription and translation: (St. Ulrich) was documented during excavations: Lehner M. Karl 2013, 198–199. 2004. – Some pottery fragments and radiocarbon dates give 228 This Slavic toponym can be roughly translated as evidence of an early medieval phase. “farmstead/manor in the valley”. Its German name “Nidrin- 231 Karl 2013, 205. hof” is also mentioned in the charter. For an interpretation of 232 MGH DD O II no. 275. Transcription and translation: the Slavic term “dvor”: Pleterski 2013, 166–167. Karl 2013, 199–200. See also: Giesler 1997, 328–331. 234 EARLY MEDIEVAL SETTLEMENT IN STYRIA. CONSIDERATIONS ON SETTLEMENT PATTERNS AND LAND USE until St. Martin’s Day.233 Accordingly, hunting in this conclusions about the population count of communities area had been a royal/imperial privilege that now passed may at best be drawn from the burial sites, but these, to Salzburg. The fact that big game (bears) was hunted too, have in most cases not been ful y excavated. One here is noteworthy, as this area was hardly remote in the possible exception is Grötsch. Ch. Gutjahr241 assumes Early Middle Ages, but was surrounded on all sides by that the site was in use during two or three generations settlement sites.234 (approx. from the last third of the 8th to the first third of The extraction of salt as an important natural the 9th century). Based on a number of 70 burials (54 of resource in early medieval Styria235 is so far only at- which were archaeological y documented),242 it might tested by a charter: In 931 a farmstead in the Lavant have been the inhabitants of a single farmstead who valley (Carinthia) with an (iron) smelting furnace was buried their dead here.243 In cases where the excavated exchanged for a salt pan and properties in Admont part of a settlement is smal , the location of the site can (Upper Styria).236 The exchange took place between still give a hint to its economic focus. An essential ques- Count Alberich and the archbishop of Salzburg. To tion is that of the availability of suitable arable land.244 date, no early medieval finds originate from the Admont In addition to soil types, the shape of the terrain and area. W. Breibert237 considers the salt trade to be an hydrological conditions can be included.245 If there is economic basis of the settlement to which the Krungl little or no suitable arable land in the vicinity of a settle- cemetery belongs. Both salt production using salt pans ment, a different economic focus (e.g. animal husbandry, and iron smelting are accompanied by a high demand metal production, etc.) might be considered. In the study for firewood. area, there are indications for early medieval extraction and processing of bog iron ore.246 At the moment we can only make assumptions about the role of other raw 3.6 DISCUSSION materials; the extraction of salt in Upper Styria at least appears in the written sources.247 As stated above, due to the mostly small excavated sections of settlements, no statements can be made on relocation due to depleted soils, as stated by: Winckler 2012, the size of the early medieval vil ages or farms or on the 258, 296. – For the concept of shifting settlement locations see internal disposition of settlements. Several settlement also, among others: Schreg 2011, especial y 313–314. 241 pits, often of unknown function, have been documented Gutjahr 2012, 11. He speaks of a “Hofgrablege”. 242 at various sites. There are no buildings or outlines that Kramer 1981, 206–207; Gutjahr 2012, 10–11. – Ap- prox. 15 graves are likely to have been destroyed before the could be clearly identified as farm buildings, storage excavation. buildings or stables.238 In the case of Enzelsdorf, there 243 Estimating the number of families/individuals be- are at least indications of the chronological dimension longing to a farming unit in the Bled region: Pleterski 2013, of an early medieval settlement. Here, a continuous 159, 164. existence from the 7th to the 10th/11th century is at least 244 Not forgetting that a clearing of woodland was usual y likely, based on the individual features that have been necessary. Within the research area, there is no good case to excavated so far. They are located at some distance from believe that arable land survived from Late Antiquity on a one another, so small-scale relocations cannot be ruled large scale. Clearing also has an influence on the soil: Pleter- out at the moment.239 Also at Wildon/Im Rasental and ski 2013, 156. 245 Lozić 2021. See also: Lozić, Koch 2024 in this volume. Kleinklein, a continuity of settlement over several cen- 246 Here, above all Weitendorf (finds of stones with trac- turies seems likely.240 At the current state of research, es of strong heat as possible remains of (smelting) furnaces and limonite concretions; Gutjahr 2011a, 150–151) and the 233 Cf. Fichtenau 1981; Jeitler 2008, esp. 14–15, 20–21. Kirchberg /Deutschfeistritz (see note 14 and subchapter 3.3) – The establishment of a forestis was a way of excluding the should be mentioned. Also at Enzelsdorf, there are indica- public from the use of the forest. Initial y, apparently only the tions of iron processing (Gutjahr 2015b, 74; 2020, 69–70; king was authorised to do this. contribution by D. Modl in Gutjahr 2015b, 84), but these ap- 234 Corresponding considerations on Gars-Thunau: pear to be relocated Roman finds. In this context, the indica- Czeika 1999, 178. tion of early medieval settlement activity in the Eisenerz area, 235 Summarising: Winckler 2012, 161–163; Breibert where iron is still mined today, in the pollen profile of Leo- 2022, 158–161. poldsteinersee is of interest (see subchapter 3.2.1). Stamped 236 Steirisches Urkundenbuch 1, No. 20. – Admont is al- pottery found during an 1931 excavation at Vordernberg ready mentioned in 859 as “Ademundi vallis” on the occasion near Eisenerz (Schmid 1932, 56–59) has been dated to the of a donation: Steirisches Urkundenbuch 1, No. 6. 6th/7th centuries by C. Eibner (1992, 26), though a dating to 237 Breibert 2022, 158–163, 165. the Late Middle Ages appears to be more likely (private com- 238 Gutjahr 2012, 204; 2015b, 82; 2018, 45. munication Ch. Gutjahr and J. Kraschitzer, see also Gutjahr 239 Gutjahr 2015b, 82, 86. – The high medieval vil age of et al. 2024 in this volume, subchapter 3). On the question of Enzelsdorf developed on a considerably lower altitude, at the iron production in the Leibnitzer Feld: Lozić, Koch 2024 in edge of the Mur valley. this volume. 240 This militates against the idea of continuous settlement 247 See above, subchapter 3.5. 235 Iris KOCH The pollen profiles available for Styria only permit ecosystem in the form of synanthropic species. Although limited statements for the Early Middle Ages, as a more there are only a few extant analyses, based on rather precise chronological breakdown is often not possible. small amounts of botanical remains, it can be established A general decline in the cultivation of grain compared that for now, barley is a grain that is always present, usu- to Roman times can be seen, but also the cultivation of al y also rye, often millet.252 Most of the identified plant rye stands out. Archaeobotanical analyses of samples species are to be seen in the context of arable farming and from archaeological excavations have so far been rare cultivation. Especial y with fruit and nuts, an acquisi- in Styria,248 however, the state of research has recently tion by collecting wild fruit is also possible, in addition improved.249 Particularly noteworthy is the Enzelsdorf to horticulture.253 Finds of early medieval agricultural site, where features of the 7th/8th centuries have yielded tools are not yet known in Styria.254 a wide range of grains, supplemented by legumes. A Animal remains as evidence of animal husbandry similar diversity can be found in a rubbish pit from the are known from various early medieval sites within the 10th century at the same site. The cultivation of several research area, including settlement sites and burials. different types of grain contributes to food security, as However, the level of research into this group of materi- crop failures of a single type can be compensated for, the als is very inhomogeneous. Sometimes animal bones are cultivation of summer and winter grain allows for a bet- only briefly mentioned, and there are indications that ter distribution of the work, and the possibility of crop they were in some cases not picked up during excava- rotation prevents soil fatigue.250 The various species also tions in the late 19th and early 20th century or were left in make different demands on the soil and have different place afterwards.255 An expert archaeozoological analy- advantages and disadvantages.251 Also at Schwanberg, sis has only been undertaken for the finds of a few sites. several types of grain could be identified, including oats. Here, too, the state of research has recently improved The plant remains from Kleinklein include barley and significantly.256 Stil , most of the assemblages consist of millet and also show the influence of humans on the small amounts. It follows that a list of the identifiable species can be made, but further analyses are hardly 248 It is necessary for appropriate sediment samples to be possible.257 This applies, for example, to the ratio of taken during the excavation. An overview of archaeobotani- the individual species to the total number, from which cal research on medieval complexes in Austria up to 2013 is conclusions could be drawn about the importance of a given by: Kunst, Popovtschak 2013. 249 Above al , within the scope of the “PaleoDiversi- species for human nutrition.258 Still it can be assumed Styria” project and the resulting publication (Črešnar et al. 2019). The earliest analysis presented for an early medieval 252 Rye and millet are also abundant e.g. in archaeobotani- site in Styria is that of Enzelsdorf: Thanheiser, Walter 2003. cal assemblages from the early medieval settlements of Sand 250 Thanheiser, Walter 2003, 185. – It is difficult to say and Gars-Thunau (Lower Austria): Kunst, Popovtschak 2013, at which time the use of the two- and three-field-system (i. 118. Further examples of the predominance of rye and millet e. crop rotation) began in the south-eastern Alpine region; (alongside wheat) can be found in the early and high medieval Slavic populations are sometimes associated with slash-and- Thaya (Dyje) and Notte valleys: Biermann, Macháček 2015, burn methods in agriculture, but obviously this does not ap- 192–294. See also: Štular, Lozić 2024 in this volume. ply always and everywhere: Pleterski 2008, 119; 2013, 160, 253 Thanheiser, Walter 2003, 186–187. – The sensitive 179. With regard to the western Slavs, Brather (2008, 171) peach tree, for example, needs sufficient care in order to speaks of an alternation of cultivation and fallow land, each thrive (cf. Kühtreiber 2006, 149). Black mustard ( Brassica lasting several years (“Feld-Gras-Wirtschaft”), from the nigra), which was found in the 10th century waste pit at En- 9th century onwards. He continues that the fallow periods zelsdorf, is an important spice plant, of which there were still were then shortened in late Slavic times, and that the clas- abundant wild occurrences up to modern times: Thanheiser, sical three-field system was not introduced until the Late Walter 2003, 168. Mushrooms, honey etc. could also be ob- Middle Ages. In contrast to this, for the area of Bled (Slo- tained from the forests (cf. Brather 2008, 175–176). venia), the three-field system is assumed as early as the 8th 254 In this context, however, a whetstone and a possible century and may have been deployed alongside occasional mil stone fragment from St. Ruprecht an der Raab are worth slash-and-burn practices: Pleterski 2008, 119. Schreg (2011, mentioning: Gutjahr 2018, 44. 314) emphasises that there are also some serious risks inher- 255 In addition, some finds are (currently) missing. ent in the three-field system, especial y when combined with 256 Črešnar et al. 2019. larger fields, shorter periods of fallow and an increased need 257 For the possibilities that arise from abundant data, see of manure, resulting in a decline in biodiversity, soil exhaus- among others: Hüster-Plogmann et al. 1999; Saliari, Pucher tion and increasing erosion. 2019, 270–271. For uncertainty factors and distorting effects 251 For example, spelt is considered to be particularly ro- that should be taken into account when interpreting animal bust; husked grain is easier to store; bread wheat has higher bones, see also: Kühtreiber 2006, 146. demands on warmth, moisture and soil quality than rye; bar- 258 For a possible composition of a family’s/farmstead’s ley prefers a mild, not too humid climate; millet has little wa- livestock, with regard to the early medieval settlement of ter requirement, but is sensitive to frosts: Colardelle, Verdel Pristava: Pleterski 2008, 149. – A. Pleterski also emphasizes 2000; Thanheiser, Walter 2003, 184–185. In general, low the minor importance of meat for the nutrition of ordinary grain yields are assumed for the Early Middle Ages. people: Pleterski 2008, 120, 149–150. 236 EARLY MEDIEVAL SETTLEMENT IN STYRIA. CONSIDERATIONS ON SETTLEMENT PATTERNS AND LAND USE that pigs made a significant contribution to the con- possible explanations. On the one hand, pig farming is sumption of meat.259 Statements on the distribution of linked to a suitable environment (“open” forests as wood bones within a settlement area that could indicate areas pastures).266 R. Frosdick267 emphasises the advantages of activity (slaughter, dismembering, cooking, crafts, of the omnivorous pigs, which are easier to feed, for waste disposal) are currently very limited. There is also new settlement sites that are only just being established. a lack of data on the age and sex of animals at slaughter, As an alternate explanation, a high proportion of pigs which could provide information on primary use, breed- at some early medieval sites in southern and eastern ing and possibly meat deliveries “from outside”. (central) Europe has been interpreted as an expression The farm animal species identified for the study of a preference of the Slavic population.268 Indeed, in area in the Early Middle Ages include cattle, (domes- the Early Middle Ages the proportion of pigs in animal tic) pigs, small ruminants (sheep/goats), chickens and husbandry increased in most regions of Central Europe horses. Various types of poultry and pigs have so far compared to Roman times, but this is also true, for been identified in burial contexts. Although nutrition example, for non-Slavic parts of today’s Germany.269 N. can be assumed to be the primary motivation for most Benecke270 links this phenomenon to a change in agri- animal husbandry,260 the actual type of use (meat, milk, cultural methods, which resulted in less fallow land in draught animal, riding, wool, bones, hides and horn as agriculture and therefore less pasture for sheep and cat- raw material for crafts etc.261) can rarely be determined. tle. For the advancing Middle Ages, pork – especial y the Finds of spurs and the anthropological observation of consumption of younger animals – is considered typical Poirier’s facets on skeletons hint at the use of horses as of an aristocratic diet, along with poultry and fish.271 riding animals. Spurs are currently known from at least Alpine farming on the eastern Dachstein plateau four early medieval burial sites in Styria.262 Usual y it is is proven by early medieval radiocarbon dates from hut only a single burial within the site that reveals a member locations and various early medieval stray finds. For of the local elite in this way.263 Apart from the burials, these sites, seasonal use can be assumed, and they must there is also a spur from Kirchberg/Deutschfeistritz.264 have had associated farmsteads in the valley, for which For the high proportion of pig bones, which is often archaeological evidence is largely lacking so far. If the found in early medieval contexts,265 there is a variety of animal bones from the site Tiefgrube/Steiniggrube are actual y to be dated to the same (early medieval) period, 259 This is indicated e.g. by the larger pit at the site of Kleinklein. See above (subchapter 3.3). this would prove that cattle and sheep/goats were taken 260 Except possibly in the case of sheep (wool produc- to the mountain pastures.272 This data is relevant for un- tion) and probably in the case of horses. See: Gutjahr 2006, derstanding the early medieval settlement development, 283–284. – Eating horses is largely tabooed in the Middle Ages, especial y in the christianised areas, but – as archaeo- mals: Pucher, Schmitzberger 1999, 199; Saliari, Pucher 2019, zoological results show – it seems to have happened now 266–267. and then. Examples can be found in: Pucher, Schmitzberger 266 Among others: Rehazek, Marti-Grädel 2010, 63; Küh- 1999, 117; Kühtreiber 2006, 147; 2010, 69; Frosdick 2017, treiber 2010, 67–68. 129–130. S. Brather states that horses were used as riding and 267 Frosdick 2010, 20–21. draught animals: Brather 2008, 180. M. Schmaedecke (2000, 268 Toškan 2019. – L. Bartosiewicz notes a sharp drop in 109–110) on the other hand believes that in the Early Middle the proportion of pigs in early medieval Hungary after the Ages, the use of horses was constricted to riding, and that Hungarian conquest: Bartosiewicz 1999, 146. cows or oxen were the only draught animals. 269 Benecke 1994, 125, 128; Brather 2008, 176. – Con- 261 Further examples: Brather 2008, 182; Winiwarter versely, the early medieval settlement of Pristava (Slovenia), 2010, 11. – V. Winiwarter speaks of “multifunctional ani- which is referred to as Slavic, shows a prevalence of cattle, mals”. Some types of use are though difficult to prove archae- followed by caprinae, and only a small amount of pig bones; ological y, e.g. the deliberate spreading of manure as fertiliser the analysis is however based on a rather small assemblage: on the fields, which became common practice only in the Toškan, Dirjec 2008. 11th century according to: Colardelle, Verdel 2000. 270 Benecke 1994, 201. 262 Pürgg Unterburg (1 fragment); Waltersdorf 271 Among others: Hüster-Plogmann et al. 1999, 230; Bleikolmhügel (1); Grötsch (1); Hohenberg (3 fragments). Kühtreiber 2010, 68–69; Rehazek, Marti-Grädel 2010. – This 263 From this representation as a mounted warrior – or at tendency can already be observed for the zones of higher sta- least a person who rides – the presence of horses can be de- tus at the early medieval centres of Pohansko and Mikulčice duced, assuming that spurs don’t have only symbolic mean- (Biermann, Macháček 2015, 294), but most of the data origi- ing. Cf. Saliari, Pucher 2019, 270 (“Die Anwesenheit von nate from high to late medieval castle sites. But even at sites Pferden ist oft mit einer Elite verbunden, die sich diese Tiere with a high social status, the pattern cannot be observed und ihre Kosten leisten konnte.”). This is also evident from equal y everywhere. Both the social stratification among the early medieval written sources. elites and a chronological development within the Middle 264 Gutjahr 2006, 26. Ages have to be taken into account. Cf. Pasda 2003, 131–135, 265 Benecke 1994, 196; Brather 2008, 176. – But this is not 149–150. always the case; in Sand (10th century), for example, game 272 For a compilation of (albeit undated) animal bones: predominates, and cattle come first among the domestic ani- Mandl 1999. 237 Iris KOCH which apparently not only spread in the river valleys and from which time on – the right to hunt was limited.281 at their edges, but also (occasional y) used regions at very For the Sausal forest, there are regulations regarding high altitudes.273 A few fragments of early medieval pot- bear and wild boar for the late 10th century. Otherwise, tery cauldrons are also known from the research area,274 it is likely that in areas that were largely covered by a connection with milk processing (specifical y cheese forest in the Early Middle Ages, the population’s diet production) has been suggested.275 The manufacture of was supplemented by game.282 An arrowhead from the yarn and textiles is documented by spindle whorls and Feistringstein cave north of Aflenz can be considered as loom weights; sheep farming can be assumed for this possible evidence of hunting.283 Numerous bear bones purpose. The use of flax in early medieval Styria has were found in the cave. However, the arrowhead is a not yet been proven. Spindle whorls are extant from stray find, and even if it real y is late early Medieval, the several known settlement sites,276 also from the burial wounding or killing of one of the bears at this time is site of Pürgg, and there are loom weight fragments from not proven.284 Fishing and other ways of exploiting the Enzelsdorf and from Kirchberg/Deutschfeistritz.277 river landscapes can be assumed but have not yet been Bones of wild animals (as evidence of hunting) verified for early medieval Styria.285 are known from several sites and include roe deer, wild The picture drawn by archaeozoology, archaeo- boar, red deer and bear, possibly also chamois, brown botany and anthropology is complemented by ar- hare and beaver. Among these sites, Schwanberg and chaeological results, (non-organic) finds and the sparse Deutschfeistritz represent potential early castles,278 but written sources. Overal , we can state a very extensive wild animals were also identified at Kleinklein, a set- use of natural resources, in the form of diversified tlement that can be preliminarily referred to as “rural” agriculture,286 intense animal husbandry and hunting, based on the small section excavated so far. The propor- supplemented by crafts (especial y textile processing), tions of game in the animal bones varied widely in early in some places with a specialised focus on iron or salt medieval Europe, but were mostly low.279 Hunting and production. Forests were not just areas that still had to the consumption of game are often associated with a be cleared, but were also valuable suppliers of food and social elite.280 A central question is whether – or rather, raw materials as well as, in some cases, protected noble 273 The fact that there is not more evidence of early me- at castle sites, the proportion of wild bones is rarely more dieval activity on alpine pastures in Styria is most likely due than 5%, and game thus made little contribution to everyday to the state of research. J. Horvat gives numerous examples nutrition: Kühtreiber 2010, 69; Rehazek, Marti-Grädel 2010. of early medieval sites between 1200 and 1700 m a.s.l. in the Evaluation of examples from Central Europe and southern Julian and Kamnik-Savinja Alps and the Karawanks. Some of Scandinavia: Benecke 1994, 191. these sites are apparently not (only) related to pasture farm- 281 On principle, in early medieval times anyone was al- ing, but (also) to ore mining: Horvat 2019. lowed to hunt: Fichtenau 1981, 18; Bökönyi 1995, 57. Cf. Pas- 274 Gutjahr 2011b; Gutjahr et al. 2018, 25; Tiefengraber da, 2003, 24. M. Montanari (2000a, 18–19) states (in view of 2018a, 254, Fig. 274; 2018b, 118, Pl. 194,3. central Europe) that woodland and pastures were abundant 275 Pleterski 2008, 54, 115, 141, 149. – For comparative and that their use did not lead to any conflicts at least until examples, see: Pleterski 2008, 16, Fig. 1.4, 76, Fig. 4.92. the 9th century. According to E. Pucher and M. Schmitzberg- 276 Komberg; Weitendorf; St. Ruprecht; Enzelsdorf er, hunting for big game was a privilege of the nobility from (2014, pit 1 and 2); Kirchberg/Deutschfeistritz. There are the High Middle Ages on at the latest: Pucher, Schmitzberger also two spindle whorls from a cave near Gradenberg (near 1999. For Gars-Thunau (finds from the 8th–10th centuries), Köflach), which were found together with presumably early the relatively frequent occurrence of rare wild animal spe- medieval pottery, but these are stray finds. For Gradenberg: cies (elk, bear, wolf, bison) led to the conclusion that hunting Modrijan 1963, 56. privileges were granted: Czeika 1999, 178. 277 Gutjahr 2020, 70. 282 Especial y in areas for which no special rules had 278 In any case, these are sites that are at least partial y been determined, and with regard to less prestigious species. naturally protected. See: Saliari, Pucher 2019; Brather 2008, 183. 279 E.g. in (early) medieval settlements in Moravia (6th 283 Friedl 2000. to 12th century), only 1−2% game content: Nekuda 1999, 284 A radiocarbon date from one of the bear bones from 49–50. – Exceptional: An assemblage from the 10th century the cave points to prehistory, but there are bones from other from the site Sand, in which game accounts for more than specimen that have not (yet) been dated: Döppes, Pacher 40% according to the number of finds, 54.6% according to 2005, 31–32. the minimum number of individuals: Pucher, Schmitzberger 285 Possibly for taphonomic reasons. See: Saliari, Pucher 1999, 111, 120; Felgenhauer-Schmiedt 2008, 332. In addition, 2019, 269. – In the settlement of Burgwiese near Ansfelden, a wide range of wild animal species is present at the site. A for example, there is evidence of a significant amount of fish- similarly high proportion of wild animals was found in Gars- ing for the Early Middle Ages: Trebsche 2008, 217. Thunau. For general information on hunting, among others: 286 This kind of mixed economy (“Mischwirtschaft”) is Czeika 1999, 184. apparently typical of the Early Middle Ages, whereas from 280 For the Early Middle Ages, among others: Montanari the High Middle Ages on, the focus on agriculture/grain 2000b. For the Middle Ages in general: Kühtreiber 2010, 66; dominates: Montanari 2000a, 18; 2000b, 139–140; Comet Pasda 2003, 24–30, 149–150. – It should be noted that even 2000. 238 EARLY MEDIEVAL SETTLEMENT IN STYRIA. CONSIDERATIONS ON SETTLEMENT PATTERNS AND LAND USE hunting grounds. It can be deduced from the anthro- documented. This is partly due to the building of high/late pological analyses that despite broad-based agriculture medieval castles, which often appear as successors to the and the additional exploitation of “wild” nature, the early medieval sites at high altitude. It also must be taken danger of malnutrition was immanent at least for parts into account that settlement sites at low altitudes are often of the population.287 affected by destruction (building, agriculture, roads). In some cases, the associated burial sites are known, which indicate that the settlements in the plains and at the edge 4. CONCLUSION of valleys had a larger share in the overall picture than could be proven archaeological y. The fact that prehistoric The distribution of sites in Styria shows that early and Roman sites were often re-occupied by early medieval medieval settlement attained an advanced spatial cover- settlements can partly be explained by the unchanged age. An increased density of sites, especial y in the Enns “favourable locations” and by an orientation towards the and Mur valleys, reveals settlement chambers and local traffic routes, which remained similar over time, especial y or regional centres. A wide variety of locations were used in Upper Styria, where they are mainly determined by for settlement, whereas sites on the edges of low terraces the Alps and large river valleys. Furthermore, in some that rise only a few metres above the valley floor are rare. cases an intentional re-occupation of sites can be as- Settlement sites are likely to be found on higher terraces, sumed. Statements about the internal structure of early plateaus and slopes. There are particularly numerous medieval farmsteads and settlements are currently hardly sites in a significantly elevated position, on hil tops and possible due to the small size of the excavated sections. crags. This prevalence can be explained by a preference The archaeological data – supplemented by the results of for natural y protected locations, but also by the effort to archaeozoological, archaeobotanical and anthropological occupy strategic positions, often at the junctions of traffic investigations – in any case shows diversified land use routes. In several cases, the use of such places started as by means of agriculture, animal husbandry, hunting and early as around 800 AD. However, actual features belong- other uses of natural resources. In order to be able to assess ing to early medieval fortifications have so far rarely been the location of a site in its entirety, it seems necessary to take into account a wide variety of parameters from the 287 Burial sites Graz/Alte Universität and Peggau. See terrain to the (relative) altitude and proximity to rivers, subchapter 3.4. 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Romanische Kirchenruine und frühe mittelalter- 247 LIST OF AUTHORS Christian Greiner Edisa Lozić Harterstraße 123/2 Znanstvenoraziskovalni center SAZU A-8053 Graz Inštitut za arheologijo greiner.christian@protonmail.com Novi trg 2 SI-1000 Ljubljana Christoph Gutjahr edisa.lozic@zrc-sazu.si Kulturpark Hengist Am Dorfplatz 27 Andrej Magdič A-8410 Wildon-Weitendorf Zavod za varstvo kulturne dediščine Slovenije christoph.gutjahr@chello.at Služba za kulturno dediščino Območna enota Maribor Stephan Karl Slomškov trg 6 Institut für Antike SI-2000 Maribor Universitätsplatz 3/II andrej.magdic@zvkds.si A-8010 Graz stephan.karl@uni-graz.at Andrej Pleterski Znanstvenoraziskovalni center SAZU Iris Koch Inštitut za arheologijo Institut für Antike Novi trg 2 Universitätsplatz 3/II SI-1000 Ljubljana A-8010 Graz pleterski@zrc-sazu.si iris.koch@gmx.at Benjamin Štular Manfred Lehner Znanstvenoraziskovalni center SAZU Institut für Antike Inštitut za arheologijo Universitätsplatz 3/II Novi trg 2 A-8010 Graz SI-1000 Ljubljana manfred.lehner@uni-graz.at bstular@zrc-sazu.si Document Outline OIAS 48 Contents Štular, Lehner: Introduction Lozić: Methodology. LiDAR and GIS analysis Lozić, Koch: Leibnitzer Feld Lozić: Bled microregion Magdič: The Drava Plain Štular, Lozić: Becoming Slav Pleterski: Behind the curtain Gutjahr_et_al: From LA to the EMA (Styria 400−650) Koch: Early Medieval settlemeny in Styria