2 7  S T U D I A  M Y T H O L O G I C A  S L AV I C A  2 0 2 4
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Political Archaeology. Deconstructing 
the Political Exploitation of 
Myths in Iraq (1958–2003)
Goodarz Haddadi Nasab, Mehdi Mortazavi*, 
Fariba Mosapour Negari 1
The Middle East is widely recognised as one of the most influential regions in the world, 
primarily due to its rich cultural diversity encompassing linguistic, ethnic and religious vari-
ations. However, despite the potential significance of myths in shaping national identity and 
political developments, limited research has been conducted in this area. This study aimed 
to explore the role of myths in the political governance of Iraq during the period from 1958 
to 2003, a challenging era within the Middle East. Considering Iraq’s ancient history, this 
research sought to elucidate the ideological perspectives of the rulers during the republican 
era, as well as the factors influencing their selection of specific myths for political purposes. It 
is worth noting that this study can contribute to enhancing awareness in future investigations 
on the role of myths in political governance across other regions within the Middle East.
KEYWORDS: Republic of Iraq, 1958 to 2003, ideology, political myth, the goddess 
Ishtar, the god Marduk
Bližnji vzhod velja za eno najvplivnejših regij na svetu, predvsem zaradi bogate kulturne 
raznolikosti, ki vključuje jezikovne, etnične in verske razlike. Kljub potencialnemu po-
menu mitov pri oblikovanju nacionalne identitete in političnega razvoja pa je bilo na tem 
področju opravljenih le malo raziskav. Namen te študije je bil raziskati vlogo mitov pri 
političnem upravljanju Iraka v obdobju med letoma 1958 in 2003, ki je bilo na Bližnjem 
vzhodu zahtevno obdobje. Ob upoštevanju starodavne zgodovine Iraka je ta raziskava 
skušala pojasniti ideološke perspektive vladarjev v republikanski dobi ter dejavnike, ki so 
vplivali na njihov izbor določenih mitov v politične namene. Poudariti velja, da lahko ta 
študija prispeva k večji ozaveščenosti pri prihodnjih raziskavah o vlogi mitov pri političnem 
upravljanju v drugih regijah na Bližnjem vzhodu.
KLJUČNE BESEDE: Republika Irak, 1958–2003, ideologija, politični mit, boginja 
Ištar, bog Marduk
INTRODUCTION
This article aims to examine the role of myths in decision-making and political govern-
ance during the Republic of Iraq era. This perspective will be employed to explore the 
*  Corresponding Author.
GOODARz HADDADI NASAB, MEHDI MORTAzAvI*, FARIBA MOSAPOUR NEGARI 48 
background of existing studies on this issue with a view to gaining further insight. Ana-
lysing the role of myths in shaping political strategies and leadership within the historical 
context of the Iraqi Republic reveals a new way of interpreting that era. Additionally, 
the relationship between political ideology in Iraq and the exploitation of myths will be 
analysed in a section entitled “Ideologies of the Iraqi Republic”. The dominant ideologies 
of the era, Pan-Arabism and Iraqi nationalism, were heavily influenced by the social and 
political landscape of Iraq at that time. Studying these social and political factors pro-
vides a critical foundation for understanding how these ideologies emerged. Therefore, 
this research will also encompass an examination of these influential conditions. A brief 
overview of historical events and significant political developments during the Republic 
of Iraq era will aid in understanding why rulers exploited myths for political advantage. 
This research investigates the link between political ideology and the use of myths in 
Iraq. We cannot fully grasp how myths were used in specific historical events without 
a strong foundation in the events themselves. Furthermore, given Mesopotamia’s rich 
cultural heritage and the rulers’ need to foster unity among the diverse perspectives within 
Iraq, particular focus will be placed on the period following the monarchy (during the 
First Republic and Baath Party rule). Due to Mesopotamia’s long and diverse history, 
this period becomes even more significant for study in this context. Mesopotamia’s 
unique cultural heritage and the need for national unity make the Republic of Iraq era a 
compelling case for examining the use of myths in governance. This study aims to pro-
vide a comprehensive understanding of how myths influenced governance and political 
decisions throughout Iraq’s republican era. The theoretical foundations underlying this 
topic will be briefly presented in a separate section to emphasise its overall importance. 
Consequently, this article will explore how ancient myths can contribute to national 
solidarity within a country.
With this context in mind, our main inquiry revolves around examining how myths 
influenced Iraq’s national identity and shaped political governance strategies and decisions 
during the Republic of Iraq era. To address this question, a descriptive-historical and 
qualitative approach will be employed, utilising various library resources to analyse the 
role of myths in decision-making and political governance during the Republic of Iraq 
era. The findings revealed that during the Iraqi Republic period, particularly in its early 
stages, there was a prevalent politically motivated utilisation of mythological figures such 
as Ishtar (symbolising love, war, blessings, social relations and social interaction) and 
Shamash (the sun god). In addition, considering the prominent role and position of the 
goddess Ishtar in ancient Mesopotamian society, it can be inferred that there was a shift 
in the perception of women’s roles during the First Republic of Iraq. Furthermore, the 
presence of the god Marduk was utilised to legitimise the rulers of ancient Mesopotamia 
and justify their actions in times of war. This was evidenced by the strengthening of 
legitimacy during the Iraq-Iran conflict and confrontations with Israel. It is also possible 
that the personality of the Iraqi president at that time played a significant role in the deci-
sion to attack Kuwait. Ultimately, it appears that during the period of the Iraqi Republic, 
emphasis was often placed on the goddess Ishtar due to political and social conditions. 
Conversely, under Baath Party rule, the focus shifted towards the god Marduk.
POlITICAl ARCHAEOlOGY. DECONSTRUCTING THE POlITICAl ExPlOITATION OF MYTHS 49 
RESEARCH HISTORY
The influence of national mythmaking in shaping and advancing the debate over Iraqi 
nationalism has been the subject of numerous studies. In the context of Iraq, Harkhu 
(2005) examines the ideological parallels and divergences between Saddam Hussein and 
the ancient Mesopotamian kings, acknowledging both historical echoes and the unique 
context of Saddam‘s rule. The role of the state and politics in antiquarianism and collective 
identity in Iraq (during the Baathist era) is discussed in an article by Eric Davis entitled 
“The Museum and the Politics of Social Control in Modern Iraq” (Davis 1994). This 
article acknowledges the large growth in government spending in this area. In his book 
entitled The Development of Archaeology in Mesopotamia: From the Ottoman Empire 
to the Rise of the Iraqi State, Bernhardsson discusses the evolution of archaeology in 
Mesopotamia from the time of the Ottoman Empire to the British occupation and the 
early years of the formation of the Kingdom of Iraq as a sovereign state. He emphasises 
the connection between archaeology and modern Iraqi nationalism (Bernhardsson 2005). 
Several researchers have also conducted in-depth research on the ancient gods and myths 
of Mesopotamia (Matsushima 2014; Cortés 2019; Oshima 2011). Additionally, numerous 
studies have been published on the political exploitation of ancient Mesopotamian mythical 
symbols during the Republic of Iraq’s existence (al-Khalil 1991; Baram 1983; Abdi 2008).
It is important to note that during the Iraqi Republic, symbols of the goddess Ishtar 
were used to foster national unity among Iraqis (Dawisha 2016). R. Nicholas Christoff 
eferences to the god Marduk in political decisions during that time have also been found 
(Dalley 1995; De Bruyn 2013). Although the use of ancient myths during the Iraqi Re-
public has already been discussed, this article differs from earlier ones in that it is unclear 
from an archaeological perspective how and why the governments in question selected 
the specific deity or goddess to achieve their political objectives.
MATERIAl AND METHODS
The primary objective of this research is to explore the ideological perspectives of rulers 
in the political manipulation of ancient myths, and to elucidate their role in justifying 
and influencing the political decisions made during the period of the Iraqi Republic 
(1958–2003). Given the historical significance and diverse pantheon of ancient gods in 
Iraq, this study specifically focuses on understanding the position and influence of the 
goddess Ishtar and the god Marduk in shaping political governance. It also examines how 
their societal nature impacted the decision-making process of Iraqi rulers. In essence, this 
research seeks to investigate how myths have contributed to strengthening Iraq’s national 
identity amidst various challenges.
Hence, the primary focus of this research will be to examine the development of 
Pan-Arabism and Iraqi nationalist ideologies. Additionally, it will explore the political 
advantages associated with the worship of the goddess Ishtar and the god Marduk, as 
well as their impact on governmental decision-making during the Iraqi Republic era. To 
GOODARz HADDADI NASAB, MEHDI MORTAzAvI*, FARIBA MOSAPOUR NEGARI 50 
achieve this objective, a descriptive-historical and qualitative research approach has been 
adopted, with a strong emphasis on utilising library resources.
Moreover, this research employed a qualitative approach, centred on a textual anal-
ysis of political speeches delivered by prominent Iraqi leaders. Speeches were collected 
from different academic resources relevant to Iraqi politics. Thematic analysis was the 
primary method used, with a coding scheme designed to identify keywords, historical 
references and recurring themes related to national identity and the deployment of myths 
and symbols. By closely examining the way historical events and figures are presented 
within these speeches, we aimed to elucidate the methods by which Iraqi leaders have 
leveraged political mythology to both construct and reconstruct national identity, ulti-
mately serving their political agendas.
THE FOUNDATIONS OF MYTH AND NATIONAl IDENTITY
The role of myths in culture and national identity is one of the topics that have been studied 
in sociology. Social identity theory emphasises that individual identity is dependent on the 
identity of the group in which one resides. In other words, groups can be defined in terms 
of national, cultural and religious communities, and myths play a role in the formation 
of the identity of different groups. Therefore, the theory of social identity is a crucial 
foundation for investigating the relationship between myth and identity (Brown 2019). 
Our understanding of identity is crucial to this research. Social construction theory tells 
us that identity is not fixed, but constantly evolving based on our social interactions and 
group memberships. Political identity, a specific type of social identity, revolves around 
shared political beliefs. Furthermore, identity construction is a dynamic process, shaped 
by social and political contexts. These concepts allow us to analyse how Iraqi leaders 
have used myths and symbols to construct and reconstruct national identity, ultimately 
influencing political decisions and governance.
The following section presents examples related to this theory in the Middle East. 
For example, the founder of the Republic of Turkey (Atatürk) used cultural myths in 
political discourse to transform the traditional Muslim society into a secular, modern 
and democratic nation-state (Morin 2010: 485–486). Alternatively, in Persian culture, 
the mythical king Jamshid plays an important role in the formation of group identity and 
is known as a symbol of purity, authenticity, courage and justice. It seems that myths 
are widely recognised in the formation of group identity in many cultures, functioning 
as symbols of accepted and influential values in society. They play an important role in 
the formation of group identity and national identity. It also seems that each member of 
society assumes a variety of roles that collectively contribute to forming that person’s 
identity and the collective identity within which they live. In this regard, it is important 
to consider individual needs. In order to achieve individual satisfaction, it is necessary 
to address three key areas: the need for development, the need for social connection, 
and the need for security and belonging. Myths are considered to be one of the factors 
that play a role in fulfilling these individual needs. It is necessary to acknowledge that 
POlITICAl ARCHAEOlOGY. DECONSTRUCTING THE POlITICAl ExPlOITATION OF MYTHS 51 
social realities are created through social processes and no reality exists in isolation. 
Myths are also examined as one of the social processes that play a role in the structure 
of social realities. Furthermore, social facts are not inherently right or wrong; rather they 
are created through perceptions, meanings and social interactions. In this regard, myths 
are examined as one of the social processes that play a role in the structure of social 
realities. For example, national myths can play a role in the construction of national 
identity, and as one of the factors that facilitate integration and unity within a society, 
they assist in the better recognition and understanding of social processes. Therefore, it 
can be assumed that cultural heritage myths are important as one of the key instruments 
in legitimising nationalism and fostering a sense of national belonging to promote po-
litical ideology (Berger 2009: 492). For instance, this type of benefit can be observed in 
the Middle East, where Hafez Assad (President of Syria at the time) employed cultural 
heritage to strengthen his government (Wedeen 1999). Similar mechanisms can be seen 
in the case of the family of Muhammad Ali Pasha in Egypt (Reid 2002) and in the exam-
ple of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk (1881–1938) who sought to identify the roots of Turkish 
civilisation in the Sumerians and Hittites. Similarly, the Shah of Iran, Mohammad Reza 
Pahlavi (1919–1980), also identified himself with the Achaemenid generation (Sciolino 
1991: 40, Mortazavi 2009: 125–126).
IRAQI IDEOlOGIES AND THE ExPlOITATION OF PAST 
HERITAGE: TRACING THE FORMATION OF MODERN IRAQ
The modern state of Iraq can be traced back to the second decade of the 19th century. 
Following the conclusion of the First World War, the British amalgamated three southern 
provinces of the Ottoman Empire – Mosul, Baghdad and Basra – to form a new country 
known as Iraq (Ramesh 2003: 123). In 1921, under the rule of Prince Faisal bin Hussein 
from the Hashemite dynasty, the Kingdom of Iraq was established. This section aims 
to examine the social and political conditions that prevailed during this period and their 
influence on shaping Pan-Arabism and nationalist ideologies. It will explore how these 
ideologies evolved from the monarchy era until the downfall of power held by the Baath 
Party in Iraq (2003).
PAN-ARABISM IDEOlOGY
Abu Khaldoun Sati al-Hosri is recognised as one of the key figures in the development of 
Pan-Arabism (Dawisha 2016: 49). His ideas also played a significant role in shaping the 
formation of the Republic and the Baath Party (Simon 1986: 75–84). Al-Hosri’s perspec-
tive emphasises language and history as shared principles that define a nation. He posits 
that the Arabic language has its roots in ancient times on the Arabian Peninsula and that 
the extensive history of the Arab people extends back to pre-Islamic times. These cultural 
aspects serve as protective measures against foreign influences (Cleveland 1971: 123–126). 
GOODARz HADDADI NASAB, MEHDI MORTAzAvI*, FARIBA MOSAPOUR NEGARI 52 
Dervish Moqdadi, a Palestinian graduate from the American University of Beirut, also 
emphasised Pan-Arabism and advocated for the establishment of an Arab homeland by 
recognising the environmental potential of the Fertility Crescent idea (Dawn 1971). The 
formation of Pan-Arabism ideology during the founding period of the Kingdom of Iraq 
(1921) can be attributed to several factors. Despite being an Arab from the Sunni Hejaz 
religion, King Faisal, who became Iraq’s first king after the collapse of the Ottoman Empire, 
was revered by Shiites as a descendant of the Prophet Muhammad and a leader in their 
rebellion against Ottoman rule. King Faisal and his supporters believed that the Arab lands 
could unite around a central core, similar to the Italian or German model, forming an Arab 
country with Iraq as its capital. It is worth noting that Pan-Arabism reached its peak in Iraq 
during both the monarchical era (1921–1958) and the early republican period (1958–1968).
Although Iraq gained independence from British colonial rule in 1932, the treaties signed 
between Britain and Iraq in 1924 and 1930, which allowed Britain to maintain military 
bases and interests in Iraq, had a significant impact on the development of Pan-Arabism. 
These agreements were only reluctantly approved by the Iraqi parliament, highlighting the 
influence of external powers on Iraqi affairs. Furthermore, the presence of ethnic rivalries 
and successive coups between 1936 and 1941 further emphasised the importance of Arab 
unity and solidarity, with a focus on a shared language and ancient history (Dann 1969: 
362). While it can be argued that the First Iraqi Republic (1958–1968) marked a transition 
from Pan-Arabism to Iraqi nationalism, it is evident that Iraqi nationalist thought had 
not yet fully emerged during the period between 1921 and 1968. This period stretched 
from the monarchy era until the end of the First Republic, characterised by political and 
social instability. Therefore, it can be posited that the Iraqi nationalist ideology had not 
yet reached a state of consolidation during this period.
THE IDEOlOGY OF IRAQI NATIONAlISM
The 1958 coup led by General Abdul Karim Qasim transformed Iraq from a monarchy to 
a republic. This shift was influenced by various factors, including the rise of Nasserism 
in Egypt and Iraq’s desire to compete with Egypt for influence in the Arab world. Addi-
tionally, Iraq’s withdrawal from the Arab league, its claim of sovereignty over Kuwait 
and the Arvand River, strained relations with neighbouring countries, and the Kurdish 
rebellion in the 1960 and 1970s played a role in forming a new ideology among Iraqi 
leaders (Abdi 2008: 9). The Baath Party emerged as a significant force during this period, 
promoting strong nationalist sentiments and emphasizing Iraqi nationalism. The party’s 
ideology of Pan-Arabism aimed to consolidate political unity by drawing on Iraq’s ancient 
history and glorious past. It is worth noting that other intellectuals such as Miqdadi also 
influenced the foundation of Iraqi nationalism and Baathism (Simon 1997). The Baath 
Party was established in the 1930s by two Syrians, Michel Aflaq and Salahuddin Bitar, 
while studying at the Sorbonne University. They drew inspiration from nationalist de-
bates in Europe and the Arab world, including ideas put forth by al-Hosri and Miqdadi 
(Torrey 1969). Considering the limited understanding of ruling ideologies during the 
POlITICAl ARCHAEOlOGY. DECONSTRUCTING THE POlITICAl ExPlOITATION OF MYTHS 53 
Kingdom of Iraq era and beyond, it is important to examine how national mythmaking 
influenced political governance during the republican period.
THE ROlE OF NATIONAl MYTHMAKING IN THE 
REPUBlIC OF IRAQ’S POlITICAl PHIlOSOPHY
The position of national mythmaking in the political thinking of the Republic of Iraq can 
be observed through the dominance of the Baath Party in the government from 1968 on-
wards. Benefiting from the ancient potential of Mesopotamia, the Baath Party emphasised 
the distinction of Iraq from other places and promoted Iraqi nationalism as the dominant 
ideology. As a result, ancient symbols of Mesopotamia became prevalent in public and 
political gatherings. An example of this national mythmaking is the renaming of the prov-
ince of Hillah to Babylon in 1970. In Baghdad, a hotel was named Babel with an entrance 
designed to resemble the gate of the goddess Ishtar. Furthermore, Udi Hussein, son of 
Saddam Hussein, established a newspaper called Babil (Coughlin 2002: 49). These instances 
demonstrate how modern Arabic names were replaced by ancient Mesopotamian names.
Another manifestation of national mythmaking is evident in the naming of an atomic 
reactor after one of the ancient myths, Tammuz (Baram 1983: 451). This reflects how 
ancient Mesopotamian culture and mythology even influenced scientific endeavours. The 
government also supported festivals inspired by Mesopotamia. Moreover, architectural 
and artistic styles derived from Sumer, Babylon and Assyria gained popularity during this 
period (al-Khalil 1991). This cultural revival led to an increase in budget allocations for 
the Ministry of Antiquities between 1968 and 1972 by more than 80% (al-Khalil 1991). 
Collectively, these examples demonstrate how national mythmaking significantly influ-
enced political thinking and cultural expressions within Iraq during this period.
To emphasise the significance of the matter and to back up the assertion, we present 
Saddam Hussein’s message to archaeologists:
The responsibility of managing and protecting the ancient monuments, 
which are valuable relics for Iraqis, rests with you and especially the 
experts; to show the world that previous civilizations originated from our 
country and that they made a significant contribution to humanity (cited 
in Shantaf 1979: 11).
In light of these statements, it appears that attaining superiority in the Arab world’s 
economic and military domains, as well as in the Iran-Iraq war (1988–1980), was critical 
for the Baath party in strengthening Iraq’s nationalist emotions (Abdi 2008: 7). In this 
sense, Saddam Hussein abandoned the idea of Pan-Arabism as a means of uniting Arabs 
under a single banner. Nevertheless, he emphasised Iraq’s cultural and political supremacy 
over other Arab countries, as well as its right to lead them. Promoting historical-cul-
tural bigotry, such as the power of old myths and their impact on individual and social 
unconscious beliefs, could potentially play a role in this direction. These ancient tales 
GOODARz HADDADI NASAB, MEHDI MORTAzAvI*, FARIBA MOSAPOUR NEGARI 54 
include those about Sumerian gods and goddesses including An Enlil, Enki, Ninhursag, 
Nanna-Sin, Utu and Inanna (Cortés 2019: 63). In particular, Ishtar (also known as Inanna 
or Ishtar in Akkadian) and the god Marduk played an important role in forming political 
ideas within the Iraqi Republic.
THE ROlE OF THE GODDESS ISHTAR DURING 
THE REPUBlIC OF IRAQ’S ExISTENCE
The first Iraqi Republic (1958–1968) already showed signs of the resurgence of pre-Islamic 
history. The national flag and emblem were designed by General Abdul Karim Qasim 
using the star of the goddess Ishtar and the god Shamash’s solar symbol (Baram 1983: 
427). The investigation into the potential for capitalising politically on the god Shamash 
and the goddess Ishtar during this period enhances the significance of the work. General 
Abdul Karim Qasim’s perspective was rejected during the Baath Party’s reign. In other 
words, it appears that the characteristics of the myth in question, along with the prevailing 
political and social conditions, determine how myths are used politically. The remainder 
of this essay will explore this subject in greater depth.
As previously mentioned, the two types of identitar-
ianism that could be pursued in Iraq were Pan-Arabism 
and exclusive nationalism. Pan-Arabism regarded Arab 
culture, history and a shared language as prerequisites for 
the identity and unity of the Arab people, while exclusive 
nationalism believed that Iraq’s cultural and natural 
potential was exclusively Iraqi and not Arab. However, 
the Iraqi Republic era may be seen as the period when 
Pan-Arabism gave way to Pan-Iraqism. This is because 
Pan-Arabism was not as much emphasized during this 
time as Iraqi nationalism (Bashkin 2011: 294). From 
this perspective, it appears that General Abdul Karim 
Qasim promoted the people using the term “Arab people 
of Iraq”, in order to emphasise the trans-ethnic identity 
of the nation of Iraq in light of the political and social 
circumstances of the time. This included the rise of 
pan-Arab Nasserism in Egypt and the opposing Baathism 
in Iraq. The incorporation of the eight-pointed star of 
the goddess Ishtar on the national flag and the god of 
Shamash on the national emblem (Fig. 1 and Fig. 2) 
could potentially facilitate the integration of other ethnic 
groups in Iraq, including the Kurds, with the central 
government. However, General Abdul Karim Qasim’s 
nationalism may have hindered Iraq’s alignment with 
the goals of the Arab league (Dawisha 2016: 287–288). 
Figure 1: The symbol of the god 
Shamash on the national emblem 
during the period of General Abdul 
Karim Qasim (1963–1958). (Dann 
1969: Cover page)
Figure 2: The eight-pointed star 
symbolising the goddess Ishtar on 
the national flag of Iraq during the 
period of General Abdul Karim Qasim 
(1963–1958). (Dann 1969: Cover page)
POlITICAl ARCHAEOlOGY. DECONSTRUCTING THE POlITICAl ExPlOITATION OF MYTHS 55 
The symbol of the goddess Ishtar (Fig. 2) was selected to figure on the national flag 
during the leadership of General Abdul Karim Qasim. However, the reasons why and 
how remain a mystery. It is important to note that the equal rights of all Iraqi citizens 
were enshrined in the country’s constitution during his tenure, regardless of their race, 
ethnicity, language or religion. Furthermore, the goddess Ishtar was renowned for her 
commitment to justice (Pryke 2017: 162–163; Jacobsen 1970: 209). She was considered 
to possess (Fig. 3) the authority to pursue justice and establish order in the world. There-
fore, although the concept of justice in the ancient Mesopotamian world, rooted in divine 
origins, differed from that in modern Iraq, based on universal and modern law, utilising 
the symbol of the goddess Ishtar on the Iraqi national flag to promote justice within the 
context of political and social conditions was feasible. For instance, political prisoners, 
including Kurds, were released under the First Republic. However, they continued to 
express their discontent. Therefore, it seems that 
during the republican era, the utilisation of Ish-
tar’s symbols was primarily focused on fostering 
social connections and interactions. As previously 
mentioned, the goddess Ishtar sought to enhance 
her power through engagement. This can be seen 
in the context of Jamal Abdel Nasser’s claim to be 
the Arab leader in the Middle East during that time. 
Furthermore, under the First Republic (Abdi 2008: 
12), the activities of the Communist Party, which 
had been limited during the Kingdom of Iraq, were 
completely halted in 1962. This is significant because 
General Abdul Karim Qasim’s political beliefs did 
not align with the Marxist viewpoint. His decision 
to lift the ban on the Communist Party’s activities 
reflects traits similar to those attributed to the god-
dess Ishtar. In addition to being the personification 
of love, war and blessings, this mythical goddess 
also emphasised interacting with other deities to 
gain more power (Abdi 2008: 12). 
The social standing of women in the first Iraqi 
Republic is a distinct issue from the ones mentioned 
above. It can be said that the anthropomorphism of 
ancient Mesopotamian myths, the attributes of the 
goddess, and the beauty attributed to the goddess 
Ishtar/Inanna and ancient Mesopotamia in Sumer 
(Matsushima 2014: 1), along with the social status 
of women in both ancient Mesopotamia and modern 
Iraq, are interconnected. The ancient era preceding 
the Hammurabi dynasty appears to have had a more 
tolerant attitude towards women’s social status 
Figure 3: The Goddess Ishtar. (Pryke 2017: 
161)
Figure 4: The symbol of the god Shamash, 
the eight-pointed star of the goddess Ishtar 
on the flag of Iraq and the importance of the 
role of women in the middle of the picture. 
(Dann 1969: 176)
GOODARz HADDADI NASAB, MEHDI MORTAzAvI*, FARIBA MOSAPOUR NEGARI 56 
because gods replaced mythical goddesses 
during the time of the Hammurabi. However, 
it is possible that the secular perspective and 
changing attitudes towards the role of women 
during the First Republic of Iraq were influ-
enced by a self-awareness stemming from the 
goddess Ishtar’s personality. Consequently, 
women’s roles in society became more prom-
inent during this period (for further details, 
see Dann 1969). For instance, in Figure 4, 
the presence of the goddess Ishtar’s symbol 
on the flag and the god Shamash’s symbol of 
two torches, along with a woman depicted 
within the picture, suggests that the nature of 
Ishtar’s personality may have reflected and 
represented the position and role of women 
in Iraqi society at that time.
It is important to note that during the 
initial decade of General Abdul Karim 
Qasim’s commitment to purely nationalist 
ideology, his ideas were not widely accepted 
(Baram 1983: 427). However, during the 
war with Iran, the Baath Party apparently 
prioritised Iraqi nationalism (aiming for 
unity between diverse ethnicities and re-
ligions) over Pan-Arabism, which will be 
further explored in subsequent sections. 
It is important to note that the Ishtar Gate 
was excavated by German archaeologists 
in the early 20th century. The remains of 
the gate were subsequently sent to Berlin. 
However, in the 1970s, the Baath regime 
failed to restore the gate, so a new design 
inspired by the Ishtar Gate was constructed. 
In order to emulate the architectural style of 
ancient times, bricks were placed between 
the original bricks of the Ishtar Gate (Fig. 
5). These additional bricks bore inscriptions indicating that this structure was rebuilt 
during Saddam Hussein’s era (Coughlin 2002: 227). Furthermore, replicas of the gate 
of the goddess Ishtar, accompanied by an image of Saddam Hussein, were distributed 
throughout the country (Fig. 6). 
Figure 5: An example of Saddam Hussein’s approach 
to reconstructing the Ishtar Gate in Babylon. (Abdi 
2008: 20)
Figure 6: The replica of the gate of the goddess 
Ishtar and the president of Iraq at the time, Saddam 
Hussein. (Al-Khalil 1991: 53)
POlITICAl ARCHAEOlOGY. DECONSTRUCTING THE POlITICAl ExPlOITATION OF MYTHS 57 
THE POSITION OF THE GOD MARDUK DURING 
THE REPUBlIC OF IRAQ PERIOD
The role of the god Marduk during the Republic of Iraq period can be seen through the 
utilisation of ancient myths and Babylonian civilisation to help solidify the national identity 
of the Iraqi people under the rule of the Baath Party from 1968 to 2003. One may cite an 
example from 1982, when the party employed ancient myths as a means to achieve their 
political objectives, such as the unveiling of the statue of the god Marduk in Baghdad. 
Babylon was a popular destination for archaeologists and tourists, and particularly for 
foreign dignitaries who were invited by the Iraqis to witness the magnificence of the 
ancient Mesopotamian ruins. It is worth noting that on the anniversary of the Baath Party 
coup in 1969, during General Ahmed Hassan al-Bakr’s leadership, Iranian diplomats were 
among the first foreigners invited to visit this site. This coincided with the Iranian Shah’s 
preparations to celebrate his monarchy’s 2500th anniversary (Abdi 2008: 19). It is likely 
that the Baathists intended to remind these imperial diplomats that ancient Iranians drew 
inspiration from Babylon’s supreme deity, Marduk (Fig. 7), at Persepolis. 
In 1987, President Saddam Hussein issued an order to rebuild the Tower of Babel. The 
significance of Babylon in the Baath Party’s ideology can be attributed to its manifesta-
tion as a symbol of resistance and stability in the Mesopotamian civilisation, particularly 
after the overthrow of multiple kings. Additionally, Babylon’s strategic location between 
Sunni areas surrounding Baghdad and Shiite regions in the south further underscores its 
importance (Baram 1991: 45–47). Therefore, 
the construction of the tower facilitated the 
social cohesion desired by the Baath party, 
particularly during the period from 1980 to 
1988, which coincided with the war against 
Iran. Consequently, the Baathists sought 
to assert their dominance by invoking the 
myths contained in the Shahnameh. The 
interplay between political events and the 
use of national myths is a critical aspect of 
understanding national identity in Iraq. The 
devastating and prolonged Iran-Iraq War 
(1980–1988) significantly influenced Iraqi 
society, fostering a surge in Iraqi nationalism 
and a sense of national unity as the country 
faced a common enemy. It is likely that this 
evolving social context influenced how Iraqi 
leaders employed national mythology. They 
may have emphasised myths that highlight 
Iraqi courage, resilience and historical im-
portance to bolster national pride during this 
turbulent period. Analysing how political Figure 7: The god Marduk. (Prete 2011: Cover page)
GOODARz HADDADI NASAB, MEHDI MORTAzAvI*, FARIBA MOSAPOUR NEGARI 58 
events, such as the Iran-Iraq War, have shaped the use of political mythology in Iraq is 
essential for comprehending the complex relationship between national identity, political 
leadership and the exploitation of symbolic narratives.
During the conflict with Iran, Saddam Hussein sought to bolster his nationalist leader-
ship by portraying Nebuchadnezzar, an ancient Iraqi Figure, as someone who had fought 
against the Iranians and the Jews (Karsh and Rautsi 1991: 152). This was evident in the 
depiction of Nebuchadnezzar and Saddam Hussein on the medal of the 1987 Babylon 
International Festival (Fig. 8). However, this essay will not delve into this historical 
narrative. Instead, it will focus on exploring the significance of the mythological god 
Marduk in both ancient and contemporary Iraq during the Baath Party era. 
The revival of Babylon can be attributed to Saddam Hussein’s fascination with 
Nebuchadnezzar, one of the most famous kings of the Neo-Babylonian Empire. In 
early 1981, one year into the Iraq-Iran war, Babil was chosen as the centre of celebra-
tions with the slogan “Yesterday’s Nebuchadnezzar, Today’s Saddam Hussein.” These 
celebrations became an annual event during the Iran-Iraq war. On the one hand, these 
festivities portrayed Iran as a staunch enemy of Iraq. On the other hand, they conveyed 
a hidden message and a threat to Israel (Karsh & Rautsi 1991: 152). This is because 
Nebuchadnezzar, the king of New Babylon, plundered Jerusalem in 587 BC with the 
support of the mythical god Marduk. The conflict between Israel’s ancient God, Elohim, 
and Marduk, the chief god of the city of Babylon, resulted in Marduk’s victory (De Bruyn 
2013: 631–632). It is plausible that Saddam Hussein attempted to exploit the mythical 
legacy and war power associated with Nebuchadnezzar from ancient times for political 
gain against his rivals and enemies. A notable example is a billboard from 1990 that links 
ancient monuments with contemporary ideology. The billboard depicts Jerusalem being 
captured by Nebuchadnezzar’s warriors in 587 BC, alongside a celebration of unity by 
fighters with diverse beliefs. The image also includes Saddam Hussein, then President 
of Iraq, standing next to Saladin who defeated the Crusaders, and Nebuchadnezzar (the 
conqueror of Jerusalem), all under the Iraqi flag (Fig. 9). 
Figure 8: Medal of the 1987 Babylon International Festival with the face of Saddam 
Hussein and the ancient king of Babylon, Nebuchadnezzar. (De Cesari 2015: 25)
POlITICAl ARCHAEOlOGY. DECONSTRUCTING THE POlITICAl ExPlOITATION OF MYTHS 59 
The most formidable divisions of the Iraqi Army were the Hammurabi Armoured 
Division (an elite formation of the Iraqi Republican Guard) and the Nebuchadnezzar 
Infantry Division (Harkhu 2005: 60). The significance of this lies in the belief held by 
the ancient rulers of Iraq that mythical gods played a crucial role in their creation, birth 
and upbringing (Nemet-Nejat 1998: 218). During the Old Babylonian period, for in-
stance, royal scribes glorified acts of warfare against enemies and the defeat of rivals by 
the rulers (Bottero 1995: 294). Such ancient mythical beliefs could serve to justify and 
legitimise the warlike behaviour exhibited by the Baath Party in the minds of the masses. 
This is further supported by a speech given by vice President Taha Muhie-eldin Marouf 
(1924–2009), who stated: “O masses of our great nation, the victorious children of Iraq, 
the grandchildren of Nebuchadnezzar… Salutations to the battle of Qadisiyah [referring 
to Saddam Hussein’s war with Iran]. With yesterday’s Nebuchadnezzar as its slogan and 
today’s Saddam Hussein as its embodiment, it establishes a link between this country 
and its historical past. Under the leadership of a fearless and inspired figure [Saddam 
Hussein], we shall celebrate victory” (Baram 1991: 48). It is important to note that the 
Iraqi Baath Party consistently employed ancient myths to justify its actions. 
However, relying solely on ancient myths is insufficient to explain the political 
decisions of the Iraqi Republic in the aforementioned cases. This notion can also be 
observed in Iraq’s military invasion of Kuwait. To begin with, it is important to examine 
the historical narrative surrounding this event. Saddam Hussein claimed that he initiated 
the war against Kuwait after receiving a divine vision of the Prophet of Islam in a dream. 
Despite his secular beliefs, he even incorporated the phrase “Allah Akbar” in the national 
flag in 1991. Additionally, during the course of the war, photographs depicting his acts 
Figure 9: Picture of the President of Iraq with Saladin, the commander of the Arabs in the Crusade, and 
Nebuchadnezzar, the conqueror of Jerusalem in ancient times. (De Cesari 2015: 25)
GOODARz HADDADI NASAB, MEHDI MORTAzAvI*, FARIBA MOSAPOUR NEGARI 60 
of worship within sacred structures were disseminated as a means of legitimising his 
military actions (Simpson 2003: 251).
In ancient Mesopotamia, battles and victories were seen as the will of the gods. For 
example, the god Marduk played a key role in the wars of King Hammurabi, and the 
defeat of his enemies was seen as the victory of justice (Dalley 1995: 416). The gods 
were also believed to speak to ancient kings in their dreams (lewis 1993: 184). This 
belief in divine guidance has been used for political purposes throughout Iraqi history. 
For example, during the Persian Gulf War, Saddam Hussein claimed that he had been 
commanded by God to invade Kuwait. He said, “God is witness that He [God] wanted 
the war to happen and we took this decision from God… Our role in this decision was 
minimal” (Abd-al-Jabar 1994: 104). By legitimising his war actions with religious lan-
guage, Saddam Hussein sought to portray the conflict as a battle between good and evil. 
The Baath Party, which ruled Iraq at the time, also believed that Kuwait was historically 
part of Iraq. They cited the myth of Marduk, who was said to have returned the lost land 
of Dilmun to Iraq (Seri 2006). This belief provided the Baath party with a justification 
for invading Kuwait, despite the fact that it violated international law (Kelsay 1993: 16). 
The use of religious and mythological language to justify war is a common tactic used by 
political leaders. By linking their actions to the will of the gods, they can try to gain the 
support of their people and portray their enemies as evil. This was certainly the case with 
Saddam Hussein, who used religious language to great effect during the Persian Gulf War.
Finally, it is necessary to state that the duality inherent in Iraqi mythology, particular-
ly in the case of deities such as Ishtar and Marduk, is an undeniable phenomenon. This 
duality, manifested in various aspects such as power and mercy, war and peace, and life 
and death, reflects the complexities of human society and its conflicting needs. However, 
Saddam Hussein, the former dictator of Iraq, masterfully exploited this duality to advance 
his political agenda. By manipulating mythological narratives and emphasising specific 
aspects of the deities’ personas, he projected an image of himself as a powerful, ruthless 
yet benevolent and saviour-like leader of the Iraqi people. For instance, Saddam saw 
himself as an embodiment of Marduk, the god of war and power, employing symbols and 
imagery associated with him in propaganda and state ceremonies. He also utilised tales 
of Ishtar, the goddess symbolising feminine power and beauty, to legitimise his rule and 
garner support from Iraqi women. Through the distortion and misuse of Iraqi mythology, 
Saddam successfully established an image of himself as an unparalleled, powerful leader 
in the minds of the Iraqi people. This significantly aided his consolidation of power and 
suppression of dissent. While the inherent duality of myths can reflect the complexities 
of human society, their exploitation for political purposes, as exemplified by Saddam 
Hussein, can have detrimental consequences.
POlITICAl ARCHAEOlOGY. DECONSTRUCTING THE POlITICAl ExPlOITATION OF MYTHS 61 
CONClUSION
The results of the study indicate that ancient myths play an important role in the formation 
of collective and national identities. They have been used as a tool to promote political 
ideology and legitimise nationalism in the Middle East. The idea of Pan-Arabism was 
formed during the founding period of the Kingdom of Iraq. This ideology is based on 
the common belief, language and history of a nation. It was used to protect the Arab 
national identity against foreign influences prevalent at the time. During the Iraqi Repub-
lic period, nationalist sentiments and Iraqi nationalism were strengthened by relying on 
Iraq’s ancient and glorious past. The goddess Ishtar and the god Shamash were used as 
symbols to promote these sentiments. This helped to reduce the challenges posed by other 
Iraqi ethnic groups to the central government and led the country towards greater unity.
The cancellation of the ban on the Communist Party’s activities was indicative of 
General Abdul Karim Qasim’s willingness to interact with various political currents. Qasim 
was a secular leader who was not aligned with any particular ideology. He believed that 
the best way to unite Iraq was to allow a diversity of political views. The goddess Ishtar 
was a powerful symbol in ancient Mesopotamia. She was the goddess of love, war and 
fertility. She was also the patron goddess of social relations. In the First Republic of Iraq, 
Ishtar was used as a symbol to promote national unity and social harmony. The role of 
women in Iraq changed significantly during this period. The ban on the Communist Party 
was lifted, allowing more women to participate in politics. Additionally, the government 
promoted the goddess Ishtar as a symbol of female power and authority. This helped to 
change attitudes towards the role of women in society. The Baath Party also used ancient 
myths to promote its political goals. It turned to the ancient myths (especially the god 
Marduk) and the civilisation of Babylon to crystallise the national sentiment of the Iraqi 
people. The deposed president of Iraq used the ancient myths of Babylon and Mesopotamia 
to justify his war actions. In fact, ancient myths have sometimes been used as a tool to 
justify political decisions and provide legitimacy for war actions.
In conclusion, this research has explored the multifaceted relationship between political 
leadership, national identity and the manipulation of myths in Iraq. We have examined 
how Iraqi leaders have utilised specific myths to construct, reconstruct and legitimise their 
agendas throughout history. The analysis has highlighted the case of Saddam Hussein 
and his exploitation of deities such as Marduk and Ishtar to consolidate his power. It is 
important to acknowledge that scholars such as Harkhu (2005) have previously explored 
the connection between Iraqi ideology and Mesopotamian myths, particularly focusing on 
how these myths bridge archaeological representations and political identities. While this 
article shares common ground with Harkhu’s work, it has offered a distinct perspective 
by focusing on the post-Iran-Iraq War period and analysing how leaders used myths to 
navigate the social and political transformations of that era. This approach has allowed 
for a deeper understanding of the dynamic interplay between political context, national 
identity and the strategic deployment of mythology in Iraq. Further research can delve 
into the contemporary landscape, exploring how the manipulation of myths continues to 
shape Iraqi identity and political discourse.
GOODARz HADDADI NASAB, MEHDI MORTAzAvI*, FARIBA MOSAPOUR NEGARI 62 
ACKNOWlEDGEMENTS
We would like to thank the anonymous reviewers for their valuable comments, which sig-
nificantly improved the quality of this paper. We are also grateful to the proofreader for their 
meticulous attention to detail, which enhanced the clarity and language of the manuscript.
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POlITICAl ARCHAEOlOGY. DECONSTRUCTING THE POlITICAl 
ExPlOITATION OF MYTHS IN IRAQ (1958–2003)
Goodarz Haddadi Nasab, MeHdi Mortazavi*, Fariba Mosapour NeGari
This article delves into the fascinating phenomenon of how myths were strategi-
cally employed for political gain in Iraq during the Republican era (1958–2003). 
The author argues that Mesopotamia’s rich cultural heritage, which includes some 
of the earliest civilisations and a vast array of myths and legends, constituted a 
powerful resource for rulers seeking to forge a unified national identity. The re-
search meticulously examines how the ideological perspectives of these leaders, 
particularly the shift from Pan-Arabism – emphasising a shared Arab language and 
history – to a more inward-looking Iraqi nationalism, influenced their selection 
of specific myths. Employing a descriptive-historical and qualitative approach, 
the analysis incorporates speeches delivered by Iraqi leaders alongside scholarly 
works on mythology and Iraqi history. Social identity theory is introduced as 
a valuable framework to illuminate how myths contribute to a strong national 
identity and foster a sense of group cohesion. This sense of shared history and 
cultural heritage, nurtured through the retelling of myths, can be a powerful tool 
for uniting a diverse population.
The article meticulously traces the trajectory of Iraqi ideology during the Re-
publican era. In the early years, Pan-Arabism held sway, emphasising the shared 
identity of all Arab nations. However, a gradual shift towards Iraqi nationalism 
emerged, focusing on the unique heritage and history of Mesopotamia. The 
dominance of the Baath Party, a political movement advocating for Arab unity, 
is then analysed in the context of this ideological shift. The party’s strategic use 
of national mythmaking, manifested through the adoption of ancient symbols and 
narratives associated with Mesopotamia, stands out as a key strategy to promote 
Iraqi nationalism. The author provides specific examples to illustrate this point, 
POlITICAl ARCHAEOlOGY. DECONSTRUCTING THE POlITICAl ExPlOITATION OF MYTHS 65 
including the renaming of cities with names evoking Mesopotamian history 
(e.g., Saddam City replacing Al-Awja) and the implementation of large-scale 
archaeological projects aimed at rediscovering and celebrating the glories of past 
Mesopotamian civilisations.
The article delves further into the specific ways the goddess Ishtar and the god 
Marduk were used to shape political ideology:
• The findings revealed that during the Iraqi Republic period (particularly in 
its early stages), the politically motivated utilisation of mythological figures 
such as Ishtar (symbolising love, war, blessings, social relations and social 
interaction) was prevalent. The emphasis on Ishtar, associated with justice, 
social interaction and empowerment, aligns with the early Republic’s focus on 
social unity and potentially even the advancement of women’s rights during 
that period. Her image resonated with the aspirations for a more equitable and 
just society. This is particularly evident in the use of the country’s flag and 
national symbols by leaders such as General Abdul Karim Qasim, who was 
the Prime Minister during that era (1958–1963). The sun god Shamash, often 
associated with justice and social order, may have also played a role in this 
early ideology, but the emphasis seems to have been placed more on Ishtar.
• In contrast, the god Marduk, symbolising strength, legitimacy and resistance, 
was extensively employed by Saddam Hussein and the Baath Party to legitimise 
their rule and justify their actions during wartime, including the Iran-Iraq War, 
which Iraq initiated in 1980, and challenges with Israel. It is also possible that 
Saddam’s desire to be seen as a powerful leader influenced his decision to attack 
Kuwait. Ultimately, it appears that during the period of the first Iraqi Republic 
led by Abdul Karim Qasim, emphasis was often placed on the goddess Ishtar 
due to political and social conditions. Conversely, during the rule of Saddam 
Hussein’s Baath Party, the focus shifted towards the god Marduk.
Furthermore, the inherent duality within Iraqi mythology, particularly evident 
in deities such as Ishtar and Marduk, is undeniable. This duality, manifested in 
various aspects such as power and mercy, war and peace, and life and death, reflects 
the complexities of human society and its conflicting needs. However, Saddam 
Hussein, the former dictator of Iraq, exploited this duality to a chilling effect in 
order to advance his political agenda. By manipulating mythological narratives 
and emphasising specific aspects of the deities’ personas, he projected an image 
of himself as a powerful, ruthless yet benevolent, and saviour-like leader of the 
Iraqi people. For instance, Saddam saw himself as an embodiment of Marduk, 
the god of war and power, employing symbols and imagery associated with him 
in propaganda and state ceremonies. He frequently used golden swords in official 
portraits, reminiscent of Marduk’s weapons. He also utilised tales of Ishtar, the 
goddess symbolising feminine power and beauty, to legitimise his rule and garner 
support from Iraqi women. Through the distortion and misuse of Iraqi mythology, 
Saddam successfully established an image of himself as an unparalleled, powerful 
leader in the minds of the Iraqi people. This significantly aided his consolidation 
of power and suppression of dissent. While the inherent duality of myths can re-
flect the complexities of human society, their exploitation for political purposes, 
as exemplified by Saddam Hussein, can have detrimental consequences. It can 
sow discord, silence dissent, and ultimately weaken the very national identity it 
purports to strengthen.
In conclusion, the article underscores the critical importance of understanding 
how political events shape the use of myths in constructing national identity. This 
emphasises the intricate relationship between political leadership, national identity 
and the strategic manipulation of symbolic narratives. The case of Iraq serves as 
a cautionary tale, highlighting the potential dangers of distorting and exploiting 
powerful cultural symbols for personal gain.
Goodarz Haddadi Nasab, PhD Candidate in Archaeology, University 
of Sistan and Baluchestan, Department of Archaeology, zahedan, Iran, 
Postcode: 98167-45845, soleymanhaddadi@pgs.usb.ac.ir
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0009-0008-4044-9431
Mehdi Mortazavi (Corresponding Author), Associate Professor, University of 
Sistan and Baluchestan, Archaeology Department, Archaeological Sciences 
Research Center & Iranian Journal of Archaeological Studies (IJAS), 
zahedan, Iran, Postcode: 98167-45845, mehdi.mortazavi@lihu.usb.ac.ir
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-6753-5347
Fariba Mosapour Negari, Assistant Professor, University of Sistan and 
Baluchestan, Archaeology Department, Archaeological Sciences Research 
Center & Iranian Journal of Archaeological Studies (IJAS), zahedan, Iran, 
Postcode: 98167-45845, fmosapour@lihu.usb.ac.ir
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-5897-812x