VOLUME 3 / LETNIK 3

NUMBER 1 / ŠTEVILKA 1



FEBRUARY/ FEBRUAR 2025 D D



ig ig itaita



lna l A



iz hetic estet est



ija atio ac iz



ave nar n of

N



atur



e /



JOURNAL FOR ETHNOLOGY,

ANTHROPOLOGY AND

FOLKLORISTICS / REVIJA ZA

ETNOLOGIJO, ANTROPOLOGIJO

IN FOLKLORISTIKO



Vol. 3, Nr. 1, February 2025 1

SVETOVI/WORLDS SVETOVI / WORLDS leto 3, št. 1, februar 2025 2

SVETOVI / WORLDS



DIGITAL AESTHETICIZATION OF NATURE /

DIGITALNA ESTETIZACIJA NARAVE



Vol. 3, Nr. 1, February Vol. 1, Nr. 1, Februa 2025 ry 2023 Editorial 3

Worlds: Journal for Ethnology, Anthropology Issued by / Izdajatelj

and Folkloristics /Svetovi: revija za etnologijo, Ljubljana University Press, Faculty of Arts;

antropologijo in folkloristiko Department of Ethnology and Cultural Anthropology,

Faculty of Arts, University of Ljubljana /

Volume 3, Number 1 (February 2025) / Znanstvena založba Filozofske fakultete

Letnik 3, številka 1 (februar 2025) Univerze v Ljubljani; Oddelek za etnologijo

in kulturno antropologijo, Filozofska fakulteta

DOI : 10.4312/svetovi.3.1 Univerze v Ljubljani

ISSN 2820-6088

For the issuer / Za izdajatelja

Editor-in-chief / Glavni urednik Mojca Schlamberger Brezar, Dean of the Faculty of Arts

Peter Simonič / dekanja Filozofske fakultete /

Editor of the thematic issue / Urednik tematske številke Zavetiška ulica 5, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenija

Blaž Bajič Phone / Telefon: +386 1 241 15 20

E-mail / E-naslov: svetovi-worlds@ff.uni-lj.si

Managing editor / Odgovorna urednica https://journals.uni-lj.si/svetovi-worlds

Veronika Zavratnik

Publication is free of charge. /

Technical editor / Tehnična urednica Publikacija je brezplačna.

Marjana Strmčnik

This work is licensed under a Creative Commons

Editorial board / Uredniški odbor Attribution-ShareAlike 4.0 International License

Alenka Bartulović, Mateja Habinc, Boštjan Kravanja, (except photographs). / To delo je ponujeno pod licenco

Mirjam Mencej, Peter Simonič, Ana Svetel, Creative Commons Priznanje avtorstva-Deljenje

Jernej Trebežnik, Veronika Zavratnik pod enakimi pogoji 4.0 Mednarodna licenca (izjema so

fotografije).

International Editorial Council /

Mednarodni uredniški svet

Steve Coleman, Terry Adrian Gunnell,

Reinhard Johler, Mario Katić, Frank J. Korom,

Daniel Miller, Svanibor Pettan, Ljupčo Risteski,

Alexandra Schwell, Hugo Valenzuela Garcia

Proofreading / Lektoriranje

Anja Muhvič, Tina Brilej

Design and layout / Oblikovna zasnova in prelom

Vasja Cenčič



Publisher / Založnik

University of Ljubljana Press /

Založba Univerze v Ljubljani Kataložni zapis o publikaciji (CIP)

pripravili v Narodni in univerzitetni knjižnici v Ljubljani

For the publisher / Za založbo

Gregor Majdič, Rector of the University of Ljubljana / COBISS.SI-ID 227674371

rektor Univerze v Ljubljani ISBN 978-961-297-537-1 (PDF)



SVETOVI / WORLDS leto 3, št. 1, februar 2025 4



Digital Aestheticization



of Nature



Digitalna estetizacija



narave



Vol. 3, Nr. 1, February Vol. 1, Nr. 1, Februa 2025 ry 2023 Editorial 5

Content / Vsebina



EDITORIAL / UVODNIK



Blaž Bajič 8



THEMATIC ARTICLES / TEMATSKI ČLANKI



Senka Božić- Instagrammable Destinations as “Whatever” 18

Vrbančić Destinations / Najbolj instagramabilne destinacije

kot »karkoli« destinacije



Blaž Bajič The YouTubable Climb: Imaginary Identities, Non-Places, 37

and the Aesthetics of the Zany / YouTubabilen vzpon:

imaginarna identiteta, nekraji in estetika norčavosti



Sanja Đurin From Pasture-Lands to Wilderness: How Velebit Became 57

the Ultimate Place of Wilderness and Adventure /

Od pašnikov do divjine: kako je Velebit postal popoln

kraj divjine in pustolovščine



Kirsi Laurén, Tiina Capturing the Invisible: The Digital Aestheticization 75

Seppä and Juhana of Mires / Ujeti nevidno: digitalna estetizacija močvirij

Venäläinen



Ana Svetel and Fragile Sustainability or Sustainable Fragility? Local 95

Veronika Zavratnik Understanding of Global Terms in the Logar Valley /

Krhka trajnostnost ali trajnostna krhkost? Lokalno

razumevanje globalnih pojmov v Logarski dolini



SVETOVI / WORLDS leto 3, št. 1, februar 2025 6

Sandi Abram The Long Journey to Senso-Digital Walking: Exploring 115

Fragility and Care in an Alpine Valley / Dolga pot do

čutno-digitalnih sprehodov: raziskovanje krhkosti in skrbi

v alpski dolini



INTERVIEWS / INTERVJUJI



Gašper Raušl Perspectives on Environmental Humanities: Technology, 130

Nature, and Human-Animal Relationships; Interview

with Finn Arne Jørgensen



VARIA / RAZNO



Jana Rajh Plohl Prevajalci poezije na razpotjih in stičiščih kultur / Poetry 137

Translators at the Crossroads and Intersections of Cultures



POROČILA / REPORTS



Simona Kuntarič Poročilo z mednarodne konference »The Agency 154

Zupanc of the Dead in the Lives of Individuals: Experience

and Conceptualisation«



About the Authors / O avtoricah in avtorjih 156



Vol. 3, Nr. 1, February 2025 7





Editorial




Blaž Bajič 1.20 Uvodnik

DOI 10.4312/svetovi.3.1.8-17



“Nature” is notoriously hard to define; its cultural meanings change through time and space,

if the notion is to be found at all (Soper 1995; Descola 2013). However, to simplify to the

utmost, across diverse intellectual fields, its understanding frequently oscillates between two

poles. On one side, realism sees nature as ontologically independent, a realm existing ir-

respective of human perception or cultural constructs. On the other side, constructivism

understands nature as a historical, discursive formation, that is “fabricated” by and through

human interactions, interpretations, and ideologies (Kozorog 2015: 117, fn. 1). Still, this split

does not imply that there is no “mediation” between “natural fact” and “cultural construc-

tion”, to use the terms an anthropologist might use.

Nature is, of course, scientifically discovered – regardless of how precisely we might

conceive the notion of “discovery” – in concrete socio-historical conditions. The conditions

of discovery of a certain scientific theory, however, do not equate to the conditions of its

validity, as “the ontological claims of a scientific theory are stronger, being ultimately incom-

patible with their historicist or transcendental relativization” (Žižek 2012: 908). As such,

nature, reduced to “grey”, senseless, inhuman formulas, persists beyond meaning, cultural

or otherwise, and does not fit comfortably into the abovementioned dichotomy. Thus, one

could say that even if nature does not exist (as a reality), it nevertheless insists (as Real).

There seems to be widespread discontent with this aspect of nature in cultural an-

thropology, cultural studies, history, environmental studies, and, indeed, the humanities in

general. In his account of “the emergence of the modern concept of nature” (2013: 57), the

French anthropologist Philippe Descola symptomatically focuses on early instances of land-

scape painting, that is, a form of aestheticization of the environment. To be sure, he does

note the mathematising efforts of the likes of Descartes and Copernicus when it comes to

the construction of nature. He does this, however, by situating them in the same “way of

representing the human environment” (2013: 61) as in landscape painting, one purportedly

indissociable from the visual conventions and technologies of the time.

The flipside of such a line of thought might appear to be that every way of “looking

at”, “representing” or “discovering” nature is equally credible. However, such a position is



SVETOVI / WORLDS leto 3, št. 1, februar 2025 8

not only epistemically relativistic, it is also, as Timothy Morton (2007) claimed, profoundly

anti-ecological, insofar as most, if not all, other notions of “nature” implicitly or explicitly

rely on an idea of the Whole (imagined, for example, as an Earth Mother, etc.). Morton

emphasized that ecological thinking is distinctly modern and possible only once capitalism

has penetrated all forms of life, nullifying any notion of coherent and authentic “nature”. Im-

portantly, it relied on much the same visual, technological and, indeed, scientific mediations

that gave birth to the modern notion of nature (Descola 2013: 61–71). For better or worse, I

would argue, it is thus necessary to insist on a distinction between a scientific concept of na-

ture and a multitude of cultural notions going by the same name but referring to something

else entirely. An important corollary to this would, of course, be that (the scientific notion

of ) nature is as alien to most contemporary Europeans as it is to the Achuar, for example.

Furthermore, one could speculate if, and in what sense – foreclosure, disavowal, or repres-

sion – the former function as negations of the latter.

Still, given the capitalist hegemony of the last two centuries, one would be excused

for believing that we live in an ecologically sound world and are more or less undisturbed by

our constitutive out-of-placeness in nature (Tomšič 2015). Of course, our experience paints

a radically different picture. The rising levels of CO₂ and other forms of pollution, the rising

global temperatures, the loss of biodiversity – the list could go on – reveal just how unsus-

tainable our current system, structurally predicated on profit creation for its own sake, really

is. “Sustainability”, then, cannot be the answer. In fact, arguing for sustainability amounts

to little other than arguing for capitalism. And, as contributions to this thematic issue of

Svetovi/Worlds suggest, we are anything but at peace with our rootlessness. Indeed, if the

burgeoning outdoor industry and the multitude of ways in which we seek to (re)gain that

which we have purportedly lost are anything to go by, our discontent seems to be worsening.

Historically, as Sanja Đurin notes in her contribution on how the Velebit mountain range,

which though inhabited was once considered but a barren wasteland, came to be seen as an

outdoor, “wild” playground, the romantic cultural notions, stances and sentiments that were

encoded in the exuberant writing of naturalists like John Muir and Henry David Thoreau

and the arcadian landscapes of painters such as Thomas Cole and Thomas Eakins in the

19th century are still very much in circulation today. After two centuries of permutations

within the same capitalist system it would be unfounded to think of contemporary forms of

outdoor culture – an important venue of anti-ecological thought – as somehow completely

novel. However, there is one aspect today that is new, namely digital technologies and me-

dia. While there are few that would object to the novelty of digitalization, there are many

that would argue that it makes little difference whether one, for example, gazes at an image

of a picturesque landscape on a canvas or on a smartphone screen. As a counterargument,

we should note that the modes of production, circulation, and consumption of these images

are highly dissimilar. It is this novelty – AI-supported digital augmentation, algorithmic

infrastructures, temporally and spatially near-complete world-wide-web connectivity – in

these spheres of our relating to “nature” that we term the digital aestheticization of nature

and that we have taken under our ethnographic microscope.



Vol. 3, Nr. 1, February 2025 Editorial 9

We conceive the digital aestheticization of nature in a constant dialectical tension

between the particular experience and the (purportedly?) universal views of nature, as a

multifaceted, divergent, and actively negotiated process. Hence, we find it heuristically and

epistemologically productive to explore it in historically, culturally, and ecologically spe-

cific, yet in some way representative locales, where the elucidation of differences and paral-

lels may yield insights into digital aestheticization as such. We hope that the historically and

ethnographically grounded research in this issue elucidates both the shared and divergent

ways in which digital media and technology transform human-nature relations, specifically

their sensory, affective, discursive, and practical aspects. We focus on locations in three Eu-

ropean countries, namely Slovenia, Croatia, and Finland, as well as offer a meta-level view

from Norway. The research presented in the following pages was conducted as part of the

CHANSE-founded international project Digital Aestheticization of Fragile Environments

(Grant Agreement 101004509) and it focuses, much like the project at large, on the junc-

tion of some of the scholarly and socially most pressing issues: nature and, at least implicitly,

environmental change, everyday life in late capitalism, and digitalization.

Opening this special issue is Senka Božić-Vrbančić’s article on the aesthetic of the

Instagrammable as it pertains to Telašćica Nature Park on Dugi otok Island in Croatia.

As Božić-Vrbančić argues, the Instagrammable – as the name suggests, a category tightly

connected with, but not limited to the social media platform Instagram – is about being

caught in a loop of seeing and being seen. She argues that this loop constitutes an affective

economy of visibility interconnecting technologies, bodies, and places. Ultimately, Božić-

Vrbančić’s “Instagrammable Destinations as ‘Whatever’ Destinations” shows that the

Instagrammable transforms places into “sites flattened into consumable backdrops for the

‘authentic’ experiences of a subject entrapped within the visual field.”

Dealing with much the same issues, but focusing on the YouTubable, Blaž Bajič’s

contribution “The YouTubable Climb: Imaginary Identities, Non-Places, and the Aesthetics

of the Zany” zeros in on specific, yet in no way unusual online practices among climbers.

Thematising the happenings related to various climbing spots in Slovenia and Croatia

(including on Dugi otok Island), he argues that the YouTubable, as a category about action,

contributes to turning identities, places, and performances into “(hy-per)versions of the

self, non-places, and performances of performances”, all mediated via particular imagery

and algorithmic networks. Bajič’s observations complement those of Božić-Vrbančić, and

beyond their similar theoretical outlooks and collaboration seem to point to a truth hidden

in the opaque multitudes of “content”.

Taking a more historically-oriented perspective to the construction of a locality, San-

ja Đurin’s contribution “From Pasture-Lands to Wilderness: How Velebit Became the Ulti-

mate Place of Wilderness and Adventure” shows how the largest mountain range in Croatia

came to be understood as a place of adventure and wilderness. The author does so against the

historic background of Velebit mountain, which was inhabited by herders and their families

for centuries. Based on ethnographic and archival work, online content, blogs and travel lit-

erature analysis, Đurin shows how this shift in the cultural meaning of Velebit occurred, and



SVETOVI / WORLDS leto 3, št. 1, februar 2025 10

underscores the ways in which global discourses on wilderness and adventure intersect with

local histories and practices, producing new forms of environmental and cultural fragility.

Offering a perspective from a higher latitude, Kirsi Laurén, Tiina Seppä and Juhana

Venäläinen explore how digital devices shape the aesthetic perceptions and interactions

with the fragile Finnish mires. Based on senso-digital walking interviews (described in more

detail by Sandi Abram) in Patvinsuo and Viiankiaapa nature parks in Finland, their contri-

bution “Capturing the Invisible: The Digital Aestheticization of Mires” carefully examines

how technologies like mobile cameras, social media, and navigation apps influence how we

experience mires and thus provide new ways to capture and share mire aesthetics, allowing

users to multimodally engage with the ecological nuances of these environments.

Ana Svetel and Veronika Zavratnik’s contribution presents their ongoing exploration

in the Solčavsko region in the Kamnik-Savinja Alps in northern Slovenia. “Fragile Sustain-

ability or Sustainable Fragility? Local Understanding of Global Terms in the Logar Valley”

explores “the materialisations of sustainability in the Logar Valley,” one of the main tourist

spots in the region. The authors examine how the notion of sustainability is understood and

practiced by the local tourism service providers. Based on ethnographic observations, they

highlight four themes: food practices, the temporalities of tourism, transport, and environ-

mental care. Svetel and Zavratnik find that for the local tourism service providers, sustain-

ability is closely connected to ideas of tradition and fragility, forming a discursive strategy in

which they position themselves in relation to the Other, situate themselves between the past

and the future, nature and culture, tradition and innovation, the good and the bad.

Staying in the Logar Valley, but in his thinking drawing on sources from “wherever”,

Sandi Abram’s “The Long Journey to Senso-Digital Walking: Exploring Fragility and Care

in an Alpine Valley” explores walking as a research tool and cultural practice. Abram traces

the trajectories of its intellectual and methodological development in the social sciences and

humanities from the early intersections between walking and aesthetic practices in the 20th

century, highlighting key debates and advances, to the contemporary “walking turn” in the

humanities. Abram goes on to introduce the concept of senso-digital walks, an ethnographic

method he used in the Solčavsko region to explore the understandings that emerge between

sensory perceptions, environmental transformations, and digital technologies, while

examining issues of care, fragility, and localism.

Returning to the north of Europe, the thematic part of the issue concludes with

Gašper Raušl’s interview with the environmental historian and expert in science and tech-

nology studies Finn-Arne Jørgensen. In “Perspectives on Environmental Humanities: Tech-

nology, Nature, and Human-Animal Relationships”, Raušl and Jørgensen discuss some of

the crucial topics dealt with in the environmental humanities, including the notion of me-

diation referring to the process fundamentally in-between people and the rest of the world.

Moreover, they talk about the challenges faced by the field and – perhaps most importantly

– by young scholars interested in advancing their work in environmental humanities.

This issue of Svetovi/Worlds also includes a brand-new section, Varia, which is dedi-

cated to contributions that go beyond the framework of any particular thematic bloc. The



Vol. 3, Nr. 1, February 2025 Editorial 11

honour of being the first author featured in this section goes to Jana Rajh Plohl and her

work on “Poetry Translators at Crossroads and Intersections of Cultures”. Rajh Plohl deals

with poetry translation, the practices and challenges of translators, analyses the concepts

of translation studies and links them to the fields of cultural and linguistic anthropology.

The author addresses questions concerning the role of the translator, the untranslatability of

poetry, the impact of translation on language, and how translation can contribute to inter-

cultural understanding. It is important to point out that Rajh Plohl’s contribution is based

on a seminar assignment from her second year of graduate studies. As such, it is truly an

outstanding piece of work and we hope that it will serve as encouragement for both her and

her colleagues to continue with their efforts. They do not go unnoticed.

One of the recurring themes across the contributions in this issue – implicitly even

Jana Rajh Plohl’s – is aestheticization. Walter Benjamin famously warned us that the aestheti-

cization of politics will lead to dire consequences. Thus, when uttering the phrase “aesthetici-

zation of nature” or “aestheticization of ecology”, especially when amplified by the prolifera-

tion of digital media, one cannot but feel a sense of unease. However, this must not preclude

its critical scrutiny. As Mia Bennett (2020) observes, the dominant aesthetic categories of

nature and ecology in the digital age often evoke feelings of awe, melancholy, and passivity,

discouraging proactive engagement. She suggests that we look for alternative categories, cat-

egories more conductive to action, in order to shift from the aestheticization of ecology to

the ecologization of aesthetics. Morton reminds us that “thinking ecologically” requires us

to dismantle the existing frameworks and to imagine new possibilities for living and thinking

with the non-human world. The digital, with its potential for decentralisation and disrup-

tion, presents both challenges and opportunities in this endeavour. By critically engaging

with the digital aestheticization of nature, we can begin to envision new ways of relating

to the fragile environments that sustain us all. Perhaps there are “hidden gems” among the

plethora of vernacular aesthetics, or perhaps a translator of poetry can offer us an inspiring

starting point. We would ostensibly not come any closer to the “grey nature” of science, but

we would contribute to the shifting of cultural attitudes. It is here that research into the digi-

tal aestheticization of nature reveals itself to be deeply ethical and political. We may not enjoy

it, but we must think it – and hopefully, this issue of Svetovi/Worlds can aid us in doing so.



REFERENCES



Bennett, Mia 2020 ‘Ruins of the Anthropocene: The Aesthet- vironmental Aesthetics. Cambridge: Harvard Univer-

ics of Arctic Climate Change.’ Annals of the Ameri- sity Press.

can Association of Geographers 111(3): 921–931.

Soper, Kate 1995 What is Nature? Oxford: Blackwell Publi-

Descola, Philippe 2013 Beyond Nature and Culture. Chicago: shing.

The University of Chicago Press.

Tomšič, Samo 2015 The Capitalist Unconscious: Marx and Lacan.

Kozorog, Miha 2015 ‘Živali, varovano območje in rekreacija London: Verso.

v naravnem okolju.’ Traditiones 44(1): 117–134.

Žižek, Slavoj 2012 Less than Nothing: Hegel and the Shadow of

Morton, Timothy 2007 Ecology without Nature: Rethinking En- Dialectical Materialism. London: Verso.



SVETOVI / WORLDS leto 3, št. 1, februar 2025 12

Uvodnik



Blaž Bajič 1.20 Uvodnik

DOI 10.4312/svetovi.3.1.8-17



»Naravo« je izjemno težko opredeliti; njeni kulturni pomeni se spreminjajo skozi čas in

prostor, če ta izmuzljivi pojem sploh najdemo v posamezni družbi (Soper 1995; Descola

2013). Vendar, če do skrajnosti poenostavimo, na različnih intelektualnih področjih njeno

razumevanje pogosto niha med dvema poloma. Po eni strani realizem postavlja naravo kot

ontološko neodvisno – področje, ki obstaja ne glede na človeško percepcijo ali kulturne kon-

strukte. Po drugi strani pa konstruktivizem uveljavlja naravo kot zgodovinsko, diskurzivno

tvorbo, »izdelano« skozi človeške interakcije, interpretacije in ideologije (Kozorog 2015:

117, op. 1). Ta delitev pa ne pomeni, da ni »posredovanja« med »naravnimi dejstvi« in

»kulturno konstrukcijo«, če uporabimo izraze, razširjene v antropologiji.

Znanstveno odkrivanje narave – ne glede na to, kako razumemo pojem »odkritja«

– se vselej odvija v konkretnih družbenozgodovinskih okoliščinah. Pogoji odkritja določene

znanstvene teorije pa niso enaki pogojem njene veljavnosti, saj so »ontološke trditve znan-

stvene teorije močnejše, v končni fazi nezdružljive z njihovo historicistično ali transcen-

dentalno relativizacijo« (Žižek 2012: 908). Narava, zreducirana na »sive«, nesmiselne,

nečloveške formule, vztraja onkraj smisla, kulturnega ali kakršnega koli drugačnega, in se

ne umešča neproblematično v zgoraj omenjeno dihotomijo. Tako bi lahko rekli, da tudi če

narava ne obstaja (kot realnost), vendarle vztraja (kot Realna).

Zdi se, da smo v kulturni antropologiji, kulturologiji, zgodovini, okoljskih študijih

in tudi humanistiki bolj splošno priče nezadovoljstvu s prav tem vidikom narave. Francoski

antropolog Philippe Descola se je v svojem zapisu o »nastanku modernega koncepta nara-

ve« (2013: 57) simptomatično osredotočil na zgodnje primere krajinskega slikarstva, torej

na obliko estetizacije okolja. Seveda, ne uidejo mu matematizirajoča prizadevanja mislecev,

kot sta Descartes in Kopernik, pri spoznavanju narave, toda umesti jih v isti »način predsta-

vljanja človeškega okolja« (2013: 61) kot krajinsko slikarstvo, ki je da neločljivo povezan z

vizualnimi konvencijami in tehnologijami tistega časa.

Druga stran takšnega razmišljanja bi lahko bila, da je vsak način »gledanja«, »pred-

stavljanja« ali »odkrivanja« narave enako verodostojen. Takšno stališče pa ni samo epi-



Vol. 3, Nr. 1, February 2025 Uvodnik 13

stemično relativistično, ampak je tudi, kot je trdil Timothy Morton (2007), globoko proti-

-ekološko, saj se večina, če ne vsi drugi pojmi »narave« implicitno ali eksplicitno opirajo

na idejo o Celoti (predstavljena na primer kot Mati zemlja). Morton je poudaril, da je eko-

loško razmišljanje izrazito moderno in je postalo možno šele, ko je kapitalizem prodrl v vse

oblike življenja ter izničil vsakršno predstavo o koherentni in avtentični »naravi«. In ni

nepomembno, da se je pri tem v veliki meri opiral na vizualna, tehnološka ter konec kon-

cev znanstvena »posredovanja«, ki so porodila moderno koncepcijo narave (Descola 2013:

61–71). Trdim, da je, v dobrem in slabem, treba vztrajati pri razlikovanju med znanstvenim

konceptom narave ter množico kulturnih pojmov, ki slišijo na isto ime, vendar se nanašajo

na nekaj povsem drugega in drugačnega. Pomembna posledica tega razločka bi seveda bila,

da sta narava in njen znanstveni pojem tako tuja večini sodobnih Evropejcev, kot sta na pri-

mer pripadnikom ljudstva Achuar. Poleg tega bi se lahko vprašali, ali in v kakšnem smislu

prvi negirajo drugega – ga izključujejo, utajujejo ali potlačujejo?

V luči povedanega bi morda kdo pomislil, da – glede na kapitalistično hegemonijo

v zadnjih dveh stoletjih – živimo v ekološko neoporečnem svetu in da smo bolj ali manj

pomirjeni z našo konstitutivno neumestnostjo v »naravi« (Tomšič 2015). Izkušnja nam

seveda kaže nadvse drugačno sliko. Naraščajoče ravni CO₂ in druge oblike onesnaževanja,

globalno vedno višje temperature, izguba biotske raznovrstnosti – seznam bi se seveda

lahko nadaljeval – razkrivajo, kako nevzdržen je sedanji sistem, ki strukturno temelji na

ustvarjanju dobička zaradi dobička samega. »Trajnost« tako ne more biti odgovor. Prav-

zaprav je zagovarjanje trajnosti komaj kaj drugega kot zagovarjanje kapitalizma samega. In

kot nakazujejo prispevki v tej tematski številki Svetov/Worlds, smo vse prej kot pomirjeni s

svojo izkoreninjenostjo. Ob cvetoči industriji prostočasnih dejavnosti na prostem in njeni

obljubi, da (ponovno) pridobimo tisto, kar smo domnevno izgubili, se kvečjemu zdi, da se

naše nezadovoljstvo stopnjuje. Zgodovinsko gledano – kot poudarja tudi Sanja Đurin v

svojem prispevku o tem, kako je pogorje Velebita, ki je nekoč veljalo za neprijazno, čeprav

naseljeno puščo, postalo »divje« igrišče na prostem – so naturalisti, kot sta John Muir in

Henry David Thoreau, ter slikarji, kot sta Thomas Cole in Thomas Eakins, že v 19. stoletju

v svojih spisih vneto artikulirali oziroma v svoje arkadijske krajine vkodirali romantične

kulturne predstave, stališča in občutke, ki so tudi danes še kako v obtoku. Po dveh stoletjih

permutacij tovrstnih idej znotraj istega kapitalističnega sistema je zato neutemeljeno razmi-

šljati o sodobnih oblikah dejavnosti na prostem – pomembnem prizorišču prosti-ekološke

misli – kot nečem popolnoma novem. Pa vendar lahko identificiramo vidik, ki je nov, in

sicer digitalne tehnologije in mediji. Čeprav je le malo takih, ki bi nasprotovali novosti

digitalizacije, pa je veliko takih, ki menijo, da razlike med tem, ali gledamo podobo sliko-

vite krajine na platnu ali na zaslonu pametnega telefona, pravzaprav ni. Proti takšnemu

argumentu moramo opozoriti, da so načini produkcije, kroženja in potrošnje teh podob

zelo različni. Prav to novost – z umetno inteligenco podprto digitalno avgmentacijo, al-

goritemske infrastrukture, časovno in prostorsko skoraj popolno povezljivost s svetovnim

spletom – v našem odnosu do »narave« imenujemo digitalna estetizacija narave. In prav to

postavljamo pod etnografski mikroskop.



SVETOVI / WORLDS leto 3, št. 1, februar 2025 14

Digitalno estetizacijo narave gre razumeti v stalni dialektični napetosti med partikular-

no izkušnjo in (domnevno?) univerzalnimi razumevanji narave, kot večplasten, divergenten in

dejaven družbeni proces; zato se zdi hevristično in epistemološko produktivno, da digitalno

estetizacijo narave raziskujemo v zgodovinsko, kulturno in ekološko specifičnih, toda na neki

način reprezentativnih krajih, kjer lahko pretresanje razlik in vzporednic prinese uvid v digi-

talno estetizacijo samo. Upamo, da bodo zgodovinsko in etnografsko utemeljene raziskave

pojasnile nekatere skupne značilnosti in razlike med načini, na katere digitalni mediji ter teh-

nologije spreminjajo odnose med ljudmi in »naravo« v njihovih čutnih, čustvenih, diskurziv-

nih in praktičnih vidikih po vsej Evropi. Prispevki so osredotočeni na lokacije v treh evropskih

državah, in sicer v Sloveniji, na Hrvaškem in Finskem, ponujamo pa tudi oddaljeni pogled z

Norveške. Raziskave, predstavljene na naslednjih straneh, so bile izvedene v okviru mednaro-

dnega projekta Digitalna estetizacija krhkih okolij (Sporazum o dodelitvi sredstev 101004509),

ki ga financirajo CHANSE in države članice, ter se podobno kot projekt na splošno osredoto-

čajo na stičišče nekaterih znanstvenih in družbeno najbolj perečih vprašanj: narava in vsaj

implicitno okoljske spremembe, vsakdanje življenje v poznem kapitalizmu ter digitalizacija.

Tematsko številko odpira članek Senke Božić-Vrbančić o instagramabilnem, kot se

nanaša na naravni park Telašćica na Dugem otoku na Hrvaškem. Kot pokaže Božić-Vrban-

čić, gre pri instagramabilnem – kategoriji, kot že ime pove, tesno povezani s spletno platfor-

mo Instagram, četudi ni omejena nanjo – za zanko vzajemnega videnja. Po njenem izvajanju

ta zanka tvori afektivno ekonomijo medsebojno povezanih tehnologij, teles in krajev. Konec

koncev Božić-Vrbančić v prispevku »Najbolj instagramabilne destinacije kot »karkoli« de-

stinacije« pokaže, da instagramabilno spreminja kraje v »karkoli destinacije« – »mesta,

sploščena v potrošna ozadja za 'avtentične' izkušnje subjekta, ujetega v vizualno polje«.

Prispevek Blaža Bajiča »YouTubovski vzpon: imaginarna identiteta, nekraji in este-

tika norčavosti« se ukvarja z zelo podobnimi vprašanji, vendar se osredotoča na YouTube

in na specifično, toda nikakor nenavadno spletno prakso med plezalci. S tematiziranjem

dogajanja na različnih plezalnih točkah v Sloveniji in na Hrvaškem (tudi na Dugem otoku)

trdi, da youtubovski kot kategorija o delovanju prispeva k spreminjanju identitet, krajev in

predstav v »(hi-per)verzijo sebstva, nekraj in uprizarjanje delovanja«, vse skupaj pa je po-

sredovano prek izbranega tipa podob in algoritemskih omrežij. Bajičeva opažanja se dobro

ujemajo z opažanji Božić-Vrbančić. Ujemanje sicer lahko pripišemo zgolj temu, da izhajata

iz sorodnih teoretskih izhodišč, vendar pa je treba priznati možnost, da kažeta neko resnico,

skrito v nepreglednih množicah spletnih »vsebin«.

Prispevek Sanje Đurin »Od pašnikov do divjine: kako je Velebit postal ultimativni

kraj divjine in pustolovščine«, upoštevajoč daljše zgodovinsko obdobje, pokaže, kako so

Velebit, največje pogorje na Hrvaškem, vzpostavili kot divjino in prostor pustolovščin. In to

na ozadju zgodovine, ki kaže, da je bilo pogorje Velebita stoletja naseljeno. Đurin na podla-

gi etnografskega in arhivskega dela, spletnih vsebin, blogov ter analize potopisne literature

pokaže, kako je prišlo do tega preskoka v kulturnem pomenu Velebita, in poudari načine,

na katere se globalni diskurzi o divjini in pustolovščini križajo z lokalnimi zgodovinami in

praksami ter proizvajajo nove oblike okoljske in kulturne krhkosti.



Vol. 3, Nr. 1, February 2025 Uvodnik 15

Kirsi Laurén, Tiina Seppä in Juhana Venäläinen raziskujejo, kako digitalne naprave

oblikujejo estetske zaznave ter interakcije s krhkimi finskimi močvirji. Njihov prispevek

»Ujeti nevidno: digitalna estetizacija močvirij«, osnovan na čutno-digitalnih sprehodih

(ki jih podrobneje opisuje Sandi Abram) v naravnih parkih Patvinsuo in Viiankiaapa na

Finskem, proučuje, kako tehnologije, kot so mobilne kamere, družabna omrežja in aplikacije

za spremljanje gibanja, vplivajo na izkušnje močvirij ter oblikujejo nove načine zajemanja in

»deljenja« estetike močvirja. Ti uporabnikom in uporabnicam omogočajo multimodalni

odnos z ekologijo barja.

Ana Svetel in Veronika Zavratnik v prispevku predstavljata svoje raziskave na Solča-

vskem v Kamniško-Savinjskih Alpah. »Krhka trajnostnost ali trajnostna krhkost? Lokalno

razumevanje globalnih pojmov v Logarski dolini« pretresa »materializacije trajnosti v Lo-

garski dolini«, eni izmed glavnih turističnih točk v regiji. Avtorici proučujeta, kako pojem

trajnostnosti razumejo in prakticirajo lokalni ponudniki turističnih storitev. Na podlagi svo-

jega etnografskega opazovanja sta odčitali štiri ključne teme, in sicer prehranjevalne prakse,

časovnost turizma, transport ter skrb za okolje. Svetel in Zavratnik trdita, da je trajnost za

lokalne turistične ponudnike tesno povezana s predstavami o tradiciji in krhkosti, ki tvorijo

diskurzivno strategijo, s katero se domačini pozicionirajo v odnosu do Drugega, se umeščajo

med preteklost in prihodnost, naravo in kulturo, tradicijo in inovativnost, med dobro in slabo.

Z naslednjim prispevkom ostajamo v Logarski dolini, in sicer nas Sandi Abram pelje

na »Dolgo pot do čutno-digitalnih sprehodov« in očrta, kot pove podnaslov, »raziskova-

nje krhkosti in skrbi v alpski dolini«. Abram premišljuje hojo kot raziskovalno orodje in

kulturno prakso. Sledi poti njenega intelektualnega in metodološkega razvoja v družboslov-

ju in humanistiki od zgodnjih presečišč med hojo ter estetskimi praksami v 20. stoletju, po-

udarja ključne razprave in napredek do sodobnega »pohodniškega obrata« v humanistiki.

Abram nato predstavi čutno-digitalne sprehode, etnografsko metodo, ki jo je uporabil na

Solčavskem za raziskovanje pojmovanj, ki nastajajo med čutnimi zaznavami, preobrazbami

okolja in digitalnimi tehnologijami, pri tem pa tematizira skrb, krhkost in lokalizem.

Če se vrnemo na sever Evrope, tematsko številko zaokroži intervju Gašperja Raušla

z okoljskim zgodovinarjem in ekspertom raziskav znanosti in tehnologije (science and

technology studies; STS) Finnom-Arnejem Jørgensenom. V prispevku »Pogledi na okoljsko

humanistiko: tehnologija, narava ter odnosi med ljudmi in živalmi« Raušl in Jørgensen

razpravljata o nekaterih ključnih temah, s katerimi se ukvarja okoljska humanistika, vključno s

pojmom »mediacije«, ki se nanaša na vmesnost med ljudmi in preostalim svetom. Poleg tega

govorita o izzivih, s katerimi se soočajo področje in – kar je morda najpomembnejše – mladi

znanstveniki in znanstvenice, ki jih zanima raziskovalno delo na področju okoljske humanistike.

V tokratni številki Svetov/Worlds premierno predstavljamo rubriko Varia, posvečeno

prispevkom, ki presegajo okvire posameznega tematskega bloka. Čast, da je prva avtorica v

tej rubriki, je pripadla Jani Rajh Plohl. Predstavlja svoje delo »Prevajalci poezije na razpotjih

in stičiščih kultur«. Rajh Plohl etnografsko raziskuje prevajanje poezije ter prakse in izzive

prevajalcev in prevajalk, analizira prevodoslovne koncepte ter jih povezuje s področji kultur-

ne in lingvistične antropologije. Avtorica se loteva vprašanj o vlogi prevajalca oziroma preva-



SVETOVI / WORLDS leto 3, št. 1, februar 2025 16

jalke, neprevedljivosti poezije, vplivu prevoda na jezik in o tem, kako lahko prevod prispeva

k medkulturnemu razumevanju. Nujno moramo poudariti, da prispevek Rajh Plohl temelji

na njeni seminarski nalogi iz drugega letnika dodiplomskega študija. Kot tak je resnično

izjemno delo in – upamo – spodbuda zanjo ter njene kolege in kolegice, da nadaljujejo s

svojimi prizadevanji. Ne ostanejo neopaženi.

Ena od ponavljajočih se tem v prispevkih k tej tematski številki – implicitno tudi Jane

Rajh Plohl – je estetizacija. Kot je znano, je Walter Benjamin opozoril, kako hude so lahko

posledice estetizacije politike. Tako ob besedni zvezi »estetizacija narave« ali »estetizacija

ekologije«, še posebej, če jo vidimo v kontekstu razmaha digitalnih medijev, ne gre brez

nelagodja. Toda to nam ne sme preprečiti, da bi jo kritično pretresli. Kot opaža Mia Ben-

nett (2020), prevladujoče estetske kategorije narave in ekologije v digitalni dobi pogosto

vzbujajo občutke strahospoštovanja, melanholije in pasivnosti. Zato predlaga, da poiščemo

alternativne kategorije, kategorije, ki spodbujajo delovanje, da bi, drugače rečeno, prešli od

estetizacije ekologije k ekologizaciji estetike. Kot opozarja Morton, »ekološko razmišlja-

nje« zahteva, da razgradimo obstoječe okvire ter si zamislimo nove možnosti za življenje in

mišljenje z nečloveškim svetom. Digitalno s svojim potencialom decentralizacije in motenja

ponuja tako izzive kot priložnosti v tem prizadevanju. S kritičnim raziskovanjem digitalne

estetizacije narave si lahko začnemo zamišljati nove oblike odnosa do krhkih okolij, ki nas

vzdržujejo. Morda se med obilico vernakularnih estetik skrivajo »skriti dragulji« ali pa nam

kak prevajalec oziroma prevajalka poezije ponudi navdihujoče izhodišče. Bržkone se sicer ne

bomo približali »sivi naravi« znanosti (in to tudi ni poanta), toda morda bomo prispevali

k spreminjanju kulturnih odnosov. Na tej točki se raziskave digitalne estetizacije narave raz-

krijejo kot globoko etične in politične. Ni nam treba uživati, toda misliti pač moramo – in

to tudi s pomočjo te številke Svetov/Worlds.



REFERENCE



Bennett, Mia 2020 ‘Ruins of the Anthropocene: The Aesthet- vironmental Aesthetics. Cambridge: Harvard Univer-

ics of Arctic Climate Change.’ Annals of the Ameri- sity Press.

can Association of Geographers 111(3): 921–931.

Soper, Kate 1995 What is Nature? Oxford: Blackwell Publi-

Descola, Philippe 2013 Beyond Nature and Culture. Chicago: shing.

The University of Chicago Press.

Tomšič, Samo 2015 The Capitalist Unconscious: Marx and Lacan.

Kozorog, Miha 2015 ‘Živali, varovano območje in rekreacija London: Verso.

v naravnem okolju.’ Traditiones 44(1): 117–134.

Žižek, Slavoj 2012 Less than Nothing: Hegel and the Shadow of

Morton, Timothy 2007 Ecology without Nature: Rethinking En- Dialectical Materialism. London: Verso.



Vol. 3, Nr. 1, February 2025 Uvodnik 17





Instagrammable Destinations




as “Whatever” Destinations



Najbolj instagramabilne destinacije kot »karkoli« destinacije



Senka Božić-Vrbančić 1.01 Izvirni znanstveni članek

DOI 10.4312/svetovi.3.1.18-36



ABSTRACT



To be Instagrammable is to be caught in a loop of seeing and being seen – a loop that stretch-

es across screens and through bodies, binding places like Telašćica Nature Park in Croatia

to the affective economies of visibility. Drawing on Jodi Dean’s concept of communicative

capitalism, this paper explores how the Instagrammable aesthetic transforms destinations

into “whatever destinations” – sites flattened into consumable backdrops for the “authentic”

experiences of a subject entrapped within the visual field.

KEYWORDS: Instagrammable, Instagram hot spots, subjectivity, Telašćica, communicative capitalism



IZVLEČEK



Biti instagramabilen pomeni biti ujet v zanko videti in biti viden – zanko, ki se razteza čez

ekrane in telesa ter povezuje kraje, kot je Naravni park Telašćica na Hrvaškem, z afektivno

ekonomijo vidnosti. Članek na podlagi koncepta komunikacijskega kapitalizma, ki ga je

razvila Jodi Dean, raziskuje, kako instagramabilna estetika spreminja destinacije v »karkoli

destinacije« – lokacije, zreducirane na potrošna ozadja za »avtentične« izkušnje subjekta,

ujetega v vizualno polje.

KLJUČNE BESEDE: instagramabilno, najbolj popularni kraji na Instagramu, subjektivnost, Telašćica, komuni-

kacijski kapitalizem



SVETOVI / WORLDS leto 3, št. 1, februar 2025 18

“INSTAGRAM HOT SPOT: Indescribable beauty. A view that will take your breath away.” This

summer, everyone is flocking to the Interpretation and Education Center Grpašćak (in Telašćica

Nature Park) on Dugi otok, where you can look out the window at the stunning cliffs and endless

horizon of the open sea. Simply breathtaking and enchanting! (Jutarnji list, 31 August 2023)

If you’re searching for the perfect Instagrammable location and want to boost your social media

following with an unforgettable photo ... Telašćica Nature Park is a MUST-SEE destination and a

photographer’s paradise. (Zadar Archipelago 2023)



To be beautiful, to be present, to be everywhere, to be authentic, to be Instagrammable – this

is one of the latest aesthetic fixations of our time. As an aesthetic of the present, Instagram-

mable means to locate oneself and capture something in a specific way to participate in a

visual economy that moves through platforms, across screens, and into the eyes of those

who scroll by. We live in a time when more photographs are taken every two minutes than

in the entire 19th century (Mirzoeff 2016: 4). This is not important just because of numbers

or mere image production; it is about the changes in ways of seeing, in what it means to see

and to be seen. In this paper, I explore what it means for a place like Telašćica Nature Park

to be seen as Instagrammable. What implications accompany the description of a view that

“takes one’s breath away”? Who is this view for, and how does its aesthetic relate to political,

broader social and economic issues?

Telašćica Nature Park is situated on the island of Dugi otok (Long Island) in Croa-

tia, a place marked by its unique biodiversity and striking beauty, recognised early on as a

natural reserve. It was identified as such alongside the Kornati archipelago in 1967 under the

Nature Protection Act. Over time, its status has changed – it was once part of the Kornati

National Park before becoming a Nature Park itself – positioning Telašćica as not only a

tourist destination but a site of national pride. It stands out among Croatia’s parks, each

a symbol of natural wonder that speaks to the world. Such places have always attracted

tourists, their images taken and shared as a way of presenting the self, as a way of saying, “I

was there” (van Dijck 2008; Siegel, Tussyadiah and Scarles 2022). But in the past, this self-

presentation was confined, bound by proximity, by the presence of others, usually friends

and family, shaped by the contours of bodies in a shared time and place (Siegel, Tussyadiah

and Scarles 2022). Now, in the era of digital photography, smartphones, and social media,

self-presentation is no longer constrained. It spills over surfaces, stretches across screens, dis-

persed into a networked gaze. Digital images allow people to “curate” themselves, to reshape

and refine how they are seen. Travel photos, once an archive of where one has been, have

now become tools for constructing an idealised self, aligning itself with the tourist spaces it

captures. In this reconfiguration, images take on a performative quality, tuned to ideals that

hover and circulate, to sociocultural standards that linger and settle, directing how much

one should edit, how much one must embellish, to truly be “there”, to be seen as having been

there (Lyu 2016; Siegel, Tussyadiah and Scarles 2022). Telašćica, like so many places now

marked by the Instagram gaze, has become a site for this being-seen – a place where beauty is

not simply encountered but curated, shaped into an image of a self meant for consumption,

reflecting a particular aesthetic.



Senka Božić-Vrbančić

Vol. 3, Nr. 1, February 2025 as “Whatever” Destinations 19 Instagrammable Destinations less about Telašćica itself or the visitors who pass through, and more about the broader social

My understanding of the aesthetic draws largely from Sianne Ngai’s work on the

impact of capitalism on aesthetic categories. She argues that the hypercommodified and

information-saturated conditions of late capitalism are reflected in minor aesthetic cat-

egories like “cute”, “zany” and “interesting” that index “the ways in which contemporary

subjects work and consume” (Ngai 2012: 1). These categories appear as weak and minor,

but nonetheless, they penetrate our everyday lives. In a similar way, I propose here that the

Instagrammable, while seemingly a minor contemporary cultural aesthetic, indexes changes

in the dynamics of 21st century capitalist production and circulation. Ngai argues that each

aesthetic category is more than judgment; it “names the bond between a sensuous ‘look’ and

a discursive evaluation […] and both sides of that relation are saturated with affect” (Ngai

2022: 24). This affective saturation generates ambivalence, manifesting as the mixed and

often conflicting feelings that accompany our engagements with the Instagrammable. These

feelings shape how we experience Instagram Hot Spots like Telašćica as we move through

a visual landscape influenced by today’s social and commercial pressures for constant vis-

ibility and instant sharing. Inspired by the works of Mark Andrejevic (2020) and Jodi Dean

(2010, 2014), I consider how this pressure for constant visibility and the immediacy of shar-

ing experiences – a moment captured, an image posted – intersects with technological shifts

and how, as Dean argues, this intersection captures users of communication media in a spe-

cific kind of enjoyment, accompanied with production and surveillance, a formation which

she names communicative capitalism (Dean 2010: 4).

In short, the focus on the aesthetic category of Instagrammable draws us into a loop

of visibility formed by communicative capitalism; it invites us to analyse the communicative

relations it entails and how it shapes our connections to others, to places, and to practices

that encourage us to be present, to be everywhere, and to be seen in specific ways.

Methodologically, my research falls within the field of digital ethnography and con-

sists of two interconnected parts. In the first part, I tracked the hashtag #Telašćica on social

media, especially Instagram. I was interested in the types of photos of Telašćica that were

posted, where they circulated, the comments they received, and the hashtags added to them.

I contacted certain account users through Instagram and had informal conversations with

them about their experiences in Telašćica, their reasons for posting specific photos, and their

choice of accompanying hashtags. As Pink et al. argue, in digital ethnography, “we are often

in mediated contact with participants rather than in direct presence” (2015: 3).

The second part of my research involved a kind of micro-ethnography conducted in

Telašćica and on the tourist boats from Zadar to Telašćica during the peak tourist months

(July and August) in 2023 and 2024. I observed visitors’ behaviours, chatted with them, and

spoke with boat operators and park officials. I took numerous photographs and recorded

sounds and conversations. My conversations with visitors to Telašćica, shaped by chance,

captured a piece of the atmosphere – a sense of how Telašćica is seen, interpreted, and made

visible. These conversations hold traces of social relations – relations that emerge from the

textures of contemporary life, from the ways people move through spaces, carrying with

them their expectations, desires, and images of what they seek to find. What follows, then, is



SVETOVI / WORLDS leto 3, št. 1, februar 2025 20

atmosphere – an atmosphere that has made it feel natural to view Telašćica as an Instagram-

mable destination. Therefore, the ethnographic fragments I include here offer glimpses into

this atmosphere – they cannot be generalised but can help us understand certain ways of

seeing destinations as Instagrammable.

In the sections that follow, I first address issues that have surfaced with the rise of

social media networks like Instagram, such as the role of marketing and the quiet operation

of digital algorithms. From there, I turn to the shifting meaning of “authenticity” in relation

to tourist destinations like Telašćica, where the Instagrammable aesthetic begins to settle

in and shape the contours of what it means to be seen. I argue that as an aesthetic category,

Instagrammable shares echoes with the aesthetic of the “picturesque”. Where the pictur-

esque once reflected economic and colonial entanglements, the Instagram aesthetic mirrors

our contemporary age of communicative capitalism (Ngai 2012; Dean 2010). Under this

aesthetic, Telašćica is confronted with what Jodi Dean (2010) calls a “whatever subject” – a

subject whose “whatever” signals a form of communication that lacks depth, a hollow con-

nectivity that does not seek to understand itself beyond the bounds of perpetual sharing and

display. In this sense, Telašćica becomes a “whatever”, an Instagrammable site for a “whatever

subject” caught in a loop of visibility that obscures the very hegemonic discourses shaping

its existence. The place becomes flattened, rendered into something consumable, a backdrop

for a subjectivity that has been entrapped in the visual field.



SOCIAL MEDIA NETWORKS

AND COMMUNICATIVE CAPITALISM



The term Instagrammable first appeared in 2010 with the launch of Instagram, and it refers

to places, objects, or moments that are visually striking – essentially, things seen as “worthy”

of being shared and captured for others. By 2018, this term had made its way into dictionar-

ies like Merriam-Webster and Cambridge, marking its transition from slang to mainstream

language and highlighting Instagram’s influence on our daily perceptions and consumer

habits. While Instagram shares similarities with other social networks, it stands out for its

focus on visual content, representing itself as a unique form of digital communication and

connectivity.

Since their emergence in the late 1990s, social media platforms, along with commu-

nications and network technology, have transformed significantly. However, some aspects

have remained constant: the interconnectedness of individuals, the freedom to participate,

and expanded access to diverse information. These platforms foster friendships, enable

communication across distances, and provide opportunities for creative expression, reach-

ing millions of users. Initially, social networks emphasized their democratic potential –

encouraging participation, free expression, and organising grassroots political movements.

However, commercialisation soon took hold, introducing paid advertisements and targeted

marketing (Hinton and Hjorth 2013: 49).



Senka Božić-Vrbančić

Vol. 3, Nr. 1, February 2025 as “Whatever” Destinations 21 Instagrammable Destinations hashtags. It is a platform where digital marketing and user data collection converge,

Targeted marketing on social media, enhanced by artificial intelligence (AI),

collects data on user preferences. Every piece of data becomes valuable as user behaviours

are monitored – what they read, search for, listen to, and where they spend their time

online. Additionally, identity markers like gender, age, ethnicity, and nationality are

considered, ensuring users see links and pages promoting products and information that

might interest them. In this way, user attention is steered toward specific content based on

digital algorithms, keeping users engaged on specific platforms and generating economic

value – often without their awareness. As Andrejevic points out, these algorithms play

a crucial role in determining important information. Programmed to maximise profit,

they automate the collection, classification, and processing of information to the extent

that it may seem they understand social media users better than the users understand

themselves (Andrejevic 2020: 39). Notably, users do not need to purchase the advertised

products for the system to work; what matters is that they click on a promotional post,

view the information, or share their thoughts about a product or service. The more time

users spend on social media and the more engaged they become, the more data these

networks collect about them, which is then monetized for marketing purposes (Hill

2015: 8; Kornbluh 2023: 71). In this context, social media platforms profit continuously

from their users, who become a kind of unwaged digital labour. For example, Facebook’s

total revenue (Meta), which has also owned Instagram since 2012, reached $134 billion

in 2023 (Statista 2024).

In summary, as Dean argues, social media networks are integral to communicative

capitalism, where we witness the convergence of democracy and capitalism within a net-

worked media landscape (Dean 2010: 15–16). On the one hand, social media networks

embody certain values central to democracy, such as feelings of freedom and inclusivity,

providing opportunities for discussion and participation on multiple levels. On the other

hand, they facilitate profit-making and accumulation through various forms of commodifi-

cation, creating an environment where diverse data is effortlessly collected and used to steer

users’ attention in particular directions.

With the emergence of hashtags, introduced in 2007, the social media landscape

changed again. A hashtag is created using the symbol # to group specific posts around

particular topics, serving as a link that facilitates easy searching and browsing of related

content. However, it has become much more than that: it organises users’ interactions and

generates new pathways for visibility. In a way, hashtags shape how users inhabit digital

spaces by marking moments, events, and experiences as worthy of collective attention.

As hashtags circulate, they create economies of visibility, where what is seen, shared, and

recognised becomes capital. The rise of the influencer is a direct consequence of this

circulation, as companies invest in those whose visibility can be leveraged, with the value

of that visibility determined by the number of followers or friends. In this economy, the

hashtag becomes a means of being seen, a way to accumulate recognition, always with the

promise of further visibility.

Instagram, in particular, serves as a dynamic platform for the circulation of various



SVETOVI / WORLDS leto 3, št. 1, februar 2025 22

fundamentally reshaping users engagement with identity and experience (Caldeira, De

Ridder and Van Bauwel 2020). Through AI-powered editing tools, users of Instagram can

form and curate their visual identities, presenting themselves as unique and interconnected,

individual yet participatory. The introduction of Instagram Stories in 2016 created a space

for ephemeral self-expression (and for more traffic the platform needs for monetization).

Each Story disappears after 24 hours and offers a fleeting glimpse into everyday life, allowing

users to share moments that might seem trivial or private: cooking, walking the dog,

singing, dancing, working out, shopping, and everything in between.1 Hashtags function

as Instagram’s taxonomy, serving as a framework for these sharing acts. They gather posts

that resonate with similar themes or sentiments, transforming fragments into collective

experiences.2 Users can use up to 30 hashtags in a single post, covering topics ranging from

#naturepark and #sunset to #love and #serenity, and even brand-specific tags (such as the

shirt worn in the photo, the phone used for the shot, or the drink being consumed). In

this digital landscape, users occupy a dual role as producers and consumers (or prosumers),

with hashtags encapsulating their expressions and experiences (Meraz 2017: 143–145).

For Dean, blurring the distinction between the role of producer and consumer helps in

sublating the particularity of experiences into “mere contributions to the circulation of

content” (2010: 54). In addition, hashtags provide businesses with insights into grouped

posts and data linked to their products or marketing campaigns, making it easier to reach

target audiences. Prosumers receive guidance on creating “authentic content” and gain

access to various photo editing and filtering apps that simplify content creation. Popular

applications like VSCO, PicsArt, Lightroom, Dazz Cam, and Snapseed enhance the possi-

bilities of image refinement and composition, transforming Instagram into a platform for

highly polished visual narratives.

In 2024, Instagram expanded its capabilities by allowing users to include up to 20

photos in a single post, with the carousel feature gaining popularity. This feature enables

images to flow seamlessly from one to the next, merging with text to create smooth, visually

engaging storytelling. The growing demand for an impactful Instagram presence has led

to the rise of specialised marketing agencies that offer strategies for maximising platform

visibility – how to be seen, appear “authentic”, and attract a larger audience to share, save,

or even ”bring new friends” to a particular profile.

Be unique, be interesting, and never boring! […] Create captivating content; make them love what

you share! […] Take breathtaking photos […]. Increase engagement and grow your following […].

Track, analyse, and optimize. Only what we can measure, we can influence! (Digital Agency

Markething 2018).

1

Here, experiences are not simply shared; they are curated and meticulously arranged for an audience that feels both perpetu-ally present and fleeting. Adventure and nature – key elements of the Instagram aesthetic – dominate these moments, aligning seamlessly with the platform’s appeal to companies eager to brand destinations and products (Garner 2021).

2

Nathan Jurgenson describes this fragmentation of everyday life as “atomizing the infinity of life” (see Kornbluh 2023: 71).



Senka Božić-Vrbančić

Vol. 3, Nr. 1, February 2025 as “Whatever” Destinations 23 Instagrammable Destinations

Much like the aesthetic categories examined by Ngai – such as cute, zany, and inter-

esting – the Instagrammable pulses subtly at the edges of our cultural system while being

deeply embedded in the neoliberal structure of society. According to Ngai, these categories

are steeped in ambivalence. For example, when we describe something as interesting, it can

quickly shift to “maybe interesting”, which is just a leap away from being deemed “boring”

(Jasper and Ngai 2011: 47). Similarly, the zany implies perpetual action without achieving

fulfilment, blurring the lines between work and play. The judgment of something as cute

may suggest an objective value, yet it reflects underlying power relations that reveal the vul-

nerability of what is labelled as cute, potentially leading to exploitation or a heightened

desire to protect (Jasper and Ngai 2011: 47). This ambivalence – where affective experiences

misalign with discursive meanings – also characterises the Instagrammable. In the same way

as the notion of interesting, the Instagrammable encompasses a range of temporalities. It

invites circulation and recognition, hinting at something appealing that we may not yet fully

understand, thus distinguishing itself from countless other moments. The Instagrammable

constantly straddles the line between intriguing and dull, novelty and the mundane. It can

even embrace boredom as content, but it must frame it as captivating, presenting boredom

as if it were unique or authentic. Within the realm of the Instagrammable, the concept of

authenticity shifts from its traditional meaning – not something genuine or uncontrived –

to a carefully crafted aesthetic presentation amid a sea of “whatever”. Yet, within this vast

array of “whatever”, certain actions, places, and destinations gain prominence due to algo-

rithmic rankings that favour posts with higher levels of user engagement. For some Insta-

gram users, it becomes essential to post from these algorithmically significant locations,

curating a collection of Instagrammable spots to populate their profiles. The focus shifts to

conveying messages like “I was here” or “I did this”, but in a manner that appears “authentic”,

diverging from mundane displays of everyday life. Consequently, Instagrammable activities

– like a daily jog – serve to demonstrate both ordinariness and extraordinariness, capturing

the “authenticity” of the experience.

But, as Lauren Berlant notes, in performing “ordinary acts and events” the most chal-

lenging aspect can be the actual ordinariness of everyday life or the inherent plainness of a

place or experience. What becomes paramount is the desire to belong to an aesthetic that

compels individuals to be noticed, often leading social media users to self-exploit in making

their posts. However, there is no guarantee that these posts will be seen – and if they are,

questions remain about who will view them and how they will be perceived (Demeyer and

Berlant 2021: 100–101).

This position of uncertainty – of not knowing where the gaze comes from, when

it might arrive, or whether we will be noticed at all – is what Dean identifies as a defining

characteristic of communicative capitalism (Dean 2010: 105). For her, the gaze of the Other

is obscured within a heterogeneous digital network, where the primary signifier structuring

reality seems suspended, lacking authority to provide coordinates for our desires. In this

context, “whatever” becomes the primary marker, with algorithmic calculations transform-

ing this “whatever” into fleeting trends.



SVETOVI / WORLDS leto 3, št. 1, februar 2025 24

Our disclosures are surveilled, archived, remembered, in ways that exceed our ability to manage or

control. On the one hand, this is the source of their immense attraction, what lures us in, what

incites us to practices of revelation and display. On the other, the media that incite us to create and

express, to offer our thoughts, feelings, and opinions freely, to participate (but in what?), deliver us

up to others to use for purposes of their own. Because one is never sure how one is seen, one is never

certain of one’s place in the symbolic order. How, exactly, are we being looked at? (Dean 2010: 106)



The uncertainty of the gaze – emanating from multiple directions – diffuses respon-

sibility and blurs the boundary between fantasy and reality. As a result, the possibility of

establishing fixed symbolic meanings or stable interpretations dissolves (a decline of the

symbolic). Individuals become ensnared in loops that provide immediate pleasure yet trap

them in a cycle of continuous repetition, moving through a series of experiences (see also

Kornbluh 2023). In this context, the pursuit of identification with a specific social position

or the desire for symbolic recognition (the ego ideal) becomes elusive. Instead, it resonates

more with the Lacanian concept of objet petit a, wherein the gaze embodies the subject’s

entrapment within the visual field (Dean 2010: 103).

This entrapment within the visual field and the pursuit of “whatever” are reflected

in various locations designated as Instagrammable sites. These places are chosen for their

visual appeal, whether through natural beauty or distinctive architectural features. They

serve not only as objects to be photographed but also as stages for crafting and performing

one’s Instagram identity (see Matchar 2017; Siegel, Tussyadiah and Scarles 2022). While the

marketing potential of such locations is often highlighted – especially within the tourism

industry – the gaze directed at them remains elusive and uncertain, scattered throughout

a digital network and algorithmic calculations. Stripped of their original meanings, these

places compete to provide “authentic” Instagram experiences, transforming into Instagram

hot spots, such as Telašćica Nature Park.



TELAŠĆICA – INSTAGRAM HOT SPOT DESTINATION



The Instagram aesthetic, particularly in relation to tourism and national parks, has

roots that trace back to the origins of these parks and the concept of the “picturesque”. It is

not new that national parks and nature reserves, celebrated for their scenic beauty, attract

visitors and evolve into sought-after tourist destinations. Emerging in the late 19th century,

they were shaped by a Romantic vision of the picturesque, intertwined with the economic

and imperial ambitions of the time.3 Much like the picturesque aesthetic once reflected



3

The creation of parks as protected areas under state ownership is closely tied to colonial projects. It is no coincidence that parks began to emerge at a time when the concept of endless “exploratory” spatial colonial expansion was slowly shifting in the minds of Europeans and North Americans. Nature was no longer imagined as an infinite resource but as a limited one, bounded by the borders set by “civilisation”. Domesticated through the discourse of protection, nature came to serve both imperial and national agendas (Gissibl, Hohller and Kupper 2012). According to Ghassan Hage, it is through this discourse of domestication that we can see the intersection of racism and environmental relations. Both are rooted in a way of being in the world that is founded on the idea of “civilisation” and capitalist exploitation, grounded in power relations built on the domination of capital (Hage 2017).



Senka Božić-Vrbančić

Vol. 3, Nr. 1, February 2025 as “Whatever” Destinations 25 Instagrammable Destinations economic and colonial entanglements, today the Instagram aesthetic mirrors our contem-

porary age of communicative capitalism.

The picturesque emerged as an aesthetic appreciation of nature primarily among

the upper and middle classes during a historical moment when the land was increasingly

commodified and industrialisation was advancing rapidly. On the one hand, people flocked

to cities, enduring harsh factory conditions, or laboured on vast farms. On the other, a

romanticised and nostalgic image of orderly rural estates began to take hold – an image

that conveniently erased the gruelling labour and poverty of the peasantry.4 This notion

of untouched nature, celebrated for its visual allure, soon became a desirable attraction for

tourists, especially from the middle and upper classes. Tourism encouraged more significant

traffic to these so-called “untouched” natural beauties, which were increasingly threatened

by industrialisation while simultaneously relying on the mobility and wealth generated by

the economic shifts that fuelled both industrialisation and poverty. As Sean Smith observes,

picturesque nostalgia produces what it simultaneously consumes, “its own vanishing point,

driving the scarcity of its consumable object” (2019: 283).

According to Ngai, the picturesque arose alongside the growth of the marketplace.

It is a gaze that drifts “over a series of window displays”, and we can say that this wandering

gaze has also found its way into the realm of the Instagrammable (Penny 2017). Just as the

picturesque style adhered to certain rules, crafting a whole from carefully selected parts that

embodied a “natural” or “authentic” sensibility, the Instagrammable constructs a sensibil-

ity from elements that stand out against the backdrop of the ordinary. Here, authenticity

hinges on a meticulously curated post that differentiates itself from a flood of other images.

Where the picturesque once mirrored a market-oriented gaze shaped by tourism, the Insta-

grammable is aligned with neoliberal principles of profitability, commodifying everything,

including the Instagram users themselves. In this way, even the act of scrolling – this gaze

drifting down a digital window display – becomes significant as a tool for generating profit

(Penny 2017; Lobo 2023).

Finally, we arrive at our nature park – Telašćica. How do these interwoven concepts

shape the park as a specific Instagram destination? What elements make it authentic,

beautiful, cute, and Instagrammable? Telašćica is prominently featured on digital platforms

like Putni Kofer5 and Getbybus, where it ranks among the top 50 Instagram locations in

Croatia (Getbybus 2024). As part of Croatia’s tourism portfolio, the park is marketed as a



4

The aesthetics of the picturesque became popular in the 18th century, particularly in England. It referred to recognising the be-auty of the landscape in its natural form, as if it “looked just like a painting”, but it also required human intervention. In 1792, William Gilpin characterised the picturesque as a composition that unites various elements into a whole, with those elements being necessarily natural. However, since nature doesn’t always create the best compositions, it is important to design them. Artists were advised to plan their compositions in three layers: a darkened foreground, with the middle ground and backgro-und illuminated. The picturesque marked a new structure of feeling in which nature was no longer viewed as threatening but as interesting, idealised for visual consumption (Smith 2019: 282).

5

“With its majestic cliffs and a salt lake nestled in the heart of the island, this marine nature park enchants visitors with its se-rene beauty, often described as a true slice of paradise on the Adriatic coast” (Putni kofer 2024).



SVETOVI / WORLDS leto 3, št. 1, februar 2025 26

must-see spot in Zadar County, a destination with undeniable Instagram appeal. In 2021,

the Dutch version of the reality TV show Survivor was filmed there, using the park as a

backdrop for various wilderness scenes (Croatiaweek 2021). That same year, it even appeared

on the cover of the American travel magazine Condé Nast Traveler, accompanied by the

tagline “Find Yourself ” (Zadarski list 2021).

Telaščica was designated a nature park in 1988, when mass tourism was already

reshaping the landscape. While Europe’s national and nature parks began emerging

after World War I, most were established in the post-World War II era.6 In what is now

Croatia, the roots of conservation date back to the 19th century, but the first official

parks were created under Yugoslavia. Since the early 1950s, Yugoslavia had signed several

international conventions on nature conservation. In 1957, the Yugoslav Society of

Conservators was founded, and by 1965, it included a society dedicated to protecting

national parks. Following the 1974 Constitution, the federal republics gained the power

to establish parks within their territories; from then until 1986, Yugoslavia created 22

national parks (see Petrić 2019: 172–173). Due to its unique biodiversity and exceptional

beauty, Telašćica, together with the Kornati archipelago, was declared a natural reserve in

1967 under the Nature Protection Act of that time. By 1980, it became part of Kornati

National Park, managed by two separate administrations – one for Kornati and another

for Telašćica. But in 1986, disagreements over governance and levels of protection led to

a split, and Telašćica separated from Kornati, achieving its designation as a nature park in

1988 (Kornati n.d.).

Today, Croatia boasts eight national parks and twelve nature parks. In 1994, the Cro-

atian Parliament passed the Nature Protection Act and from 2013, when it joined the Euro-

pean Union, Croatia has been committed to implementing European Union environmental

legislation.7 As the only nature park located on an island, Telaščica is unique in Croatia.

Its official website describes it as home to the most beautiful natural bay in the Adriatic,

featuring 25 beaches, cliffs that rise to 161 metres above sea level, and the saltwater lake Mir

(Telašćica n.d.).

6

The first national park, Yellowstone, was established in the U.S. in 1872. Beyond its significant role in shaping national identity through the public protection of natural beauty, the idea of tourism was woven into the park’s creation from the very begin-ning. The story often told about the park’s formation, centred on its untouched natural beauty, involves a group of entrepre-neurs, explorers, and journalists (the Washburn Expedition) who toured the Yellowstone region in the 1870s to gather infor-mation about its stunning geysers and fascinating canyons. One evening, around a campfire, they contemplated the potential profits, convinced that such natural beauty would attract visitors. They looked to Niagara Falls as a model – where in 1818 William Forsyth had built a covered staircase and charged visitors for walking beneath the falls, later building a hotel in 1822. After discussing how much a landowner in Yellowstone could earn, someone proposed that the area be designated for public interest, as a national park. As Frost and Hall argue, this story contains all the elements of picturesque aesthetics and the pio-neering myth of nations born from settler colonies: the expropriation of Indigenous land, the clearing of wilderness, the buil-ding of infrastructure and cities, the harsh working conditions and the constant migration of labour to meet the demands of work, and finally, the idea of protecting natural beauty in the name of the state, to allow public enjoyment and recreation while also fostering a sense of national uniqueness (Frost and Hall 2009: 16–28).

7

Telašćica is also part of the Natura 2000 network, a network of protected areas across the European Union, established to en-sure the long-term survival of Europe’s most valuable and threatened species and habitats.



Senka Božić-Vrbančić

Vol. 3, Nr. 1, February 2025 as “Whatever” Destinations 27 Instagrammable Destinations



Image 1: Telašćica, Dugi otok (Author: Boris Kačan).





Historically, its picturesque allure – characterised by untouched and stunning nature

– has attracted visitors primarily during the summer. In line with prevailing discourses, this

picturesque quality has increasingly been paired with sustainable tourism, an ecological com-

ponent, especially in light of discourses surrounding the climate crisis and global warming.8

This entanglement of eco-protection on one side and the picturesque allure of Telašćica

on the other is visible in almost every legal document and on official websites concerning

8

These new discourses on sustainable and eco-tourism put pressure on Telašćica to find a way to at the same time be profitable and protect nature. In the “Visitor Management Action Plan for Telašćica Nature Park”, developed as part of the 2020 project “Interpretation and Education Center Grpašćak”, we see the layered contemporary realities of the park – the ways it exists as both an economic opportunity and an ecological concern. Seven restaurants operate within the park, and private accommoda-tions offer a place to stay, signalling the economic flow into the local community, the promise of tourism as shared prosperity. However, alongside this promise lies another story: the environmental costs that remain unresolved, the harm that accumu-lates in the very spaces meant to be preserved. Wastewater disposal remains a pressing issue, a trace of the tensions between growth and conservation. Nautical visitors, too, are marked as potential threats – their anchoring, their waste, etc. In response to these threats, the plan calls for sustainable development, for a form of tourism that is conscious of the very space it seeks to enjoy. This dynamic reflects a broader, global trend in the neoliberalisation of parks and protected areas, where spaces of preservation are reshaped to fit the demands of eco-tourism (Gissibl, Hohler and Kupper 2012). In this way, Telašćica is beco-ming part of a network of landscapes that are asked to be beautiful and bountiful, sites where nature “must” perform its value, where the promise of the protection of nature and endangered species is bound to the imperative of profitability (See Ramov 2020). It is relevant to this discussion that in 2024 Telašćica Nature Park was awarded the Silver Green Destinations Award at the world’s largest tourism fair, ITB in Berlin.



SVETOVI / WORLDS leto 3, št. 1, februar 2025 28

Croatia’s national and nature parks. The platform Parkovi Hrvatske (run by the Ministry of

Economy and Sustainable Development), for instance, presents Telašćica as a sanctuary for

endangered species like the bottlenose dolphin and the peregrine falcon, yet simultaneously

caters to visitors’ desires for capturing scenic moments, for photo opportunities that frame

Telašćica as both protected and consumable, a place to be saved and shared via social platforms.



A place where the tallest, white Adriatic cliffs of 161 metres plunge into the blue sea. Bottlenose

dolphins, the last marine mammals of the Adriatic, have chosen Telaščica as their favourite spot,

gathering in pods to offer visitors an unforgettable photo opportunity. Perhaps, in the same

moment, you’ll catch a glimpse of the peregrine falcon taking off from the cliffs. It’s impossible to

capture all the beauty of our most stunning and expansive Adriatic bay. (Parkovi Hrvatske n.d.)



The picturesque allure of Telašćica, intertwined with its ecological significance, also

finds expression on the park’s official Instagram page (@natureparktelascica). With just

2,948 followers, the profile feels small within Instagram’s vast, attention-driven landscape

– almost understated. Yet this modest profile does not mean that Telašćica itself lacks In-

stagrammable appeal or that its presence is limited to this official page. While the official

account invites visitors to share their experiences using #natureparktelascica, most Insta-

gram users posting about Telašćica employ a range of other hashtags which are not related to

nature parks (or eco-protection) at all. These hashtags often speak to a desire for the mutual

visibility of Instagrammers, for being seen, using tags like #instalike, #instadaily, #likeback,

#followforfollowback, #likers, #instamood, #instagood, #photooftheday, #instatravel, and

#l4likes (like for like). In this way, Telašćica enters a broader network of visibility, where

sharing is bound up with the rhythms of reciprocity and exchange, where nature’s allure is

woven into the economy of communicative capitalism of likes and follows.

In many Instagram photographs, Telašćica and its striking turquoise seas and steep cliffs

become a mere backdrop, a setting that reflects the curated lifestyles of Instagram users, where

the park’s ecological significance and its endangered species are barely there, almost erased.

Instead, Telašćica is transformed, absorbed into a visual economy, where Instagrammers

become the objects of fascination, commodified selves who captivate for various reasons. As a

result, the comments section beneath these images is not just a space for emojis and likes, but

an arena for potential collaborations, where the visibility of an Instagrammer beckons oppor-

tunity. For instance, a post featuring a Polish Instagrammer swimming in the turquoise waters

of Lake Mir, tagged with hashtags like #blond and #love, caught the attention of a modelling

agency and businesses related to tattoos and hairstyles, leading to partnership invitations.9

Curious to observe the performance of visitors in Telašćica firsthand, I decided to

join the journey most visitors take – a day trip by boat from Zadar or nearby towns. The

9

Numerous examples like this exist, with the Croatian Tourist Board frequently engaging in the comments under the hashtag #croatiafulloflife, seeking permission to share these user-generated images on their platforms. Given that estimates suggest that 70% of Instagram users primarily seek travel inspiration on the platform, it’s unsurprising that national tourist boards maintain their business profiles and leverage user-generated content (UGC) to promote various destinations. The Instagram-mability of these locations significantly boosts visitor numbers.



Senka Božić-Vrbančić

Vol. 3, Nr. 1, February 2025 as “Whatever” Destinations 29 Instagrammable Destinations summer months offer various boat options, from speedy gliders to larger passenger vessels.

Ante, the skipper of a speedboat that provides full-day and half-day excursions, described

the interest in Telašćica as follows:

The interest is huge; you really need to book your spot in advance. Even our private tours, which

aren’t exactly cheap, fill up quickly. Social media is everything to us – I honestly don’t know how

we’d manage without it. We get great reviews, and while some people want to hear the stories, let’s

be real: the pictures matter most. People are after those stunning shots of the turquoise sea, sandy

beaches, or cliffs. And of course, they want to be in those photos, and that’s what we help them

with. Just check out our Instagram or TripAdvisor – those photos speak for themselves. People

want paradise, and that’s exactly what we offer. Not many are interested in hiking around the islands

or learning about the history; it’s mostly about snorkelling and getting those awesome pics. You

know how it goes: unforgettable experiences and creating memories. We even have drones for that!

They get the shots they want and can share them everywhere. It’s a win-win for everyone!



In contrast to the tourist speedboats that provide various equipment for capturing

great photos, including drones, some boats only offer basic transportation, perhaps lunch

on board, and a few hours to explore a specific destination. As I waited in line for half an

hour to buy a ticket for one of these boats, the salesperson expressed surprise when I spoke

Croatian and mentioned my interest in Telašćica:

Why are you interested in Telašćica? What are you planning to do there? There’s really nothing

except overpriced coffee. Everything’s dirty, and who knows what kind of bacteria are in that

saltwater lake. I heard just a few days ago that it gets super crowded when all the boats arrive;

everyone’s swimming with just their heads sticking out of the water. Seriously, don’t go there –

you’ll just be disappointed. It’s not for us; it’s just for tourists, and all they care about is taking

pictures, and that’s about it.

During the boat ride to Telašćica, I could not help but notice that, although the

boat was packed with people, only a few seemed genuinely interested in the landscape as

we sailed past Ugljan and Pašman islands. Most were glued to their phones. However, as we

approached Telašćica, without warning from the tour guide, everyone suddenly stood up

and began taking pictures. It became clear that the tourists were using apps to track our loca-

tion and identify popular photo spots, including the entrance to the bay. I noticed a similar

pattern once we entered the park. Almost all the visitors from the boat headed straight for

the cliffs, the most famous photo spot, paying little attention to the environment around

them – except for a few who were using apps to identify plants by their photos. After ten

minutes of taking selfies, they moved on to the saltwater Lake Mir, where most wanted

a photo of themselves swimming in the lake’s turquoise-green water. This was also where

the previously mentioned photo of the Polish Instagrammer was taken. It is worth noting

that most tourists had little interaction with each other; they were mainly focused on their

phones, either posting just-taken photos or scrolling through their feeds.

In her book If … Then: Algorithmic Power and Politics (2018), Taina Bucher describes

our interactions with data organised by artificial intelligence as “programmed sociality”.

However, it’s not just sociality that is shaped by engagement with this data, it also influences



SVETOVI / WORLDS leto 3, št. 1, februar 2025 30

cultural experiences more broadly and lived experiences. Andrejevic (2020) refers to this

shaping of lived experience as “environmentality”, suggesting that algorithms directly affect

behaviour within specific environments treated as programmable contexts, similar to those

in virtual spaces. Here, “environment” does not refer to ecological contexts but is linked to

the algorithmic calculation of living space. In this way, Telašćica becomes a programmable

destination immersed in a sea of other Instagrammable locations whose sole purpose, at least

on Instagram, is to enhance the authenticity of posts and bolster the reputation of Insta-

grammers who are likely contemplating other Instagrammable spots while still at Telašćica.

An Instagrammer from Poland told me two days after she made her post about Telašćica:

“Oh, Telašćica, great experience! I don’t remember all the details now; I’d have to check my

photos. Today, I’m in Austria, mountain lakes… you know”. When I looked at her posts from

Austria, they were remarkably similar to those from Telaščica, featuring the same hashtags

that are intended solely for expanding one’s follower reach, including #collectingmemories.



INSTAGRAMMABLE DESTINATIONS

AS “WHATEVER” DESTINATIONS



Programmed sociality – a way of viewing the world through the lens of Instagram aesthet-

ics – highlights broader social changes within communicative capitalism. The case of the

Polish influencer illustrates how these changes relate to the dynamics of performativity

and labour. Paradoxically, this creation of a mirror of consumer desire leads to a shift in the

concepts and performances of work. One might argue that social media has introduced a

new working mode, fundamentally altering our understanding of “free time”. In the past,

free time represented a temporal division within the eight-hour workday, clearly delineat-

ing what individuals did and when for specific monetary rewards. Free time was associated

with pleasure and freedom, ideally existing “outside of work”. While this temporal division

was problematic – critiqued by Marxist theorists in the 1960s and 1970s – the definition

of freedom and quality of life remained tied to labour. Consequently, free time was often

reduced to consumerist expenditures that could lead to personal debt. Additionally, unpaid

work performed during “free time” (such as household chores or certain agricultural tasks)

complicates this notion further.

In today’s neoliberal context, especially with the rise of the digital economy, equating

free time with work has become commonplace. It is crucial to note that since the begin-

ning of neoliberal restructuring in the economy and society, the question of freedom – and,

by extension, the idea of free time – has become a focal point around which various value

systems have been dismantled and restructured, as if caught in a whirlpool.10 Wendy Brown,

10

Neoliberal economic policies were first introduced in 1973 in Chile (influenced by the Chicago School of Economics), and by the early 1980s, Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan had implemented neoliberal programs in their own countries. These policies quickly spread to other nations. Depending on the local context, neoliberal economic policies promoted the privatisation of sta-te institutions and services, the deregulation of capital and labour, the reduction of progressive taxation, the free flow of capital, and the sovereignty of the individual (the rational decision-making subject) (Brown 2019: 18; see also: Božić-Vrbančić 2023).



Senka Božić-Vrbančić

Vol. 3, Nr. 1, February 2025 as “Whatever” Destinations 31 Instagrammable Destinations in her book In the Ruins of Neoliberalism (2019), argues that neoliberalism encompasses

more than mere economic restructuring; it embodies a political rationality that promotes

individual freedom as independence from both the state and one another. Brown empha-

sizes that this conception of freedom legitimises self-exploitation and increasing economic

inequality, failing to interrogate the material conditions in which individuals find them-

selves. Instead, the freedom of the market establishes the “rules of the game” within which

individual freedoms are exercised. According to Brown, neoliberalism simultaneously

produces and consumes freedom in the pursuit of unrestricted economic progress, viewing

the entire planet as its horizon. This leads to a form of commercial planetaryization that

creates conditions for freedom – the idea that “you are free to be free”. In other words, it

establishes circumstances under which individuals feel free and engage in practices of self-

care and self-investment across multiple levels – both financial and socio-cultural (Božić

Vrbančić 2023: 41–44; see also Foucault 2016).

When considering technological advancements, the emergence of artificial intelli-

gence, and communication through social media, the complexities surrounding freedom,

free time, and labour experiences deepen. Engaging with various entertainment content

on platforms like Instagram, TikTok, and YouTube during leisure moments algorithmically

transforms into calculations regarding potential economic value creation. Surfing, scrolling,

and sharing thoughts with followers effectively become forms of labour-sharing – ranging

from creative and social to emotional and affective labour.

The question arises: is Telaščica, or any other Instagrammable destination, genuinely

accessible, considering all that has been discussed? Matthew Flisfeder (2021) views activities

on social media as forms of self-curation and self-branding. In this context, an Instagram

profile serves as an exhibition space where users create a specific reputation by sharing Ins-

tagrammable photos from various locations. Users seek posts they can trust, primarily inter-

ested in genuine experiences of places, food, clothing, and other elements. Even though they

recognise that shared photos are often filtered and edited, this awareness does not diminish

their desire to discover something authentic or interesting in each moment, as they hope to

showcase their own Instagrammable experiences.

In this dynamic, the destination itself becomes secondary to the Instagrammer, who

primarily utilises the location to expand their social connections and enhance their visibility.

Jodi Dean, in her theorisation of participatory culture, authenticity, and the expansion of

friendships on social media, notes that connections formed on these platforms, particularly

with individuals outside one’s immediate circle, resemble Slavoj Žižek’s concept of “decaf

coffee” – friendships devoid of real intimacy or, as Dean puts it, “friendships without friend-

ship” (2010: 73). According to Žižek, the notion that we can consume anything, regardless

of its potential detriment to our well-being, as long as we can remove the negative aspects, is

a characteristic of contemporary consumerism (for instance, decaf coffee allows us to enjoy

the idea of drinking coffee without the harmful effects) (Žižek 2003).

Instagram operates similarly, providing an experience of reality stripped of certain

limiting components. Daily life is fragmented into moments that must primarily be aestheti-



SVETOVI / WORLDS leto 3, št. 1, februar 2025 32

cally pleasing. This dissection of daily activities into interesting details creates an illusion of

freedom in both expression and content consumption. However, in this process, we risk los-

ing our grounding in reality, leading to a questioning of meaning that diminishes the stabil-

ity traditionally offered by symbolic frameworks (reflecting the inefficacy of the symbolic).

Consequently, affective and visual elements gain increasing significance in our engagements

(Dean 2010: 21–22).

Posting photos of daily activities, travels, adventures, mishaps, and nature excursions

– along with following what others do – fosters a sense of connection (“I am not alone”)

without the burden of accountability. Users can easily disconnect from a profile or stop fol-

lowing specific accounts at any moment. Most importantly, this dynamic generates feelings

of pleasure and a sense of living. For Dean, this relationship to pleasure is linked to the

concept of drive.

Drawing on Lacanian psychoanalysis, Dean posits that desire and drive are two key

concepts that shape how individuals experience and seek pleasure. Desire can never be fully

satisfied; it is directed not only at desired objects but also at the very processes of desiring. In

contrast, drive is not focused on a specific object; rather, it returns like a boomerang, finding

pleasure in the ongoing process of repetition. This repetition brings satisfaction, regardless

of whether we have diverged from the original desired object. In the continuous cycle of

posting, scrolling, searching, commenting, and liking, Dean identifies a clear connection

to drive: just one more post, just one more click, just one more look to see what is trending

today, what’s receiving the most views, or what has garnered the most likes (Dean 2010: 109).

When examining the interplay between drive and desire within the framework of new

digital technologies, we must confront the provocative question: is Telaščica, or any tourist

destination for that matter, genuinely accessible? Are we truly capable of reaching a defini-

tive endpoint, attaining ultimate pleasure, or completely consuming nature as repackaged

through the lens of Instagram aesthetics? Or is it rather a case of relentless repetition – an

endless cycle of seemingly distinct experiences and pathways that ultimately lead us nowhere?

This is where Dean’s analysis of communicative capitalism becomes crucial. Accord-

ing to her, this capitalist paradigm hinges on repetition. Instagram, as a digital communi-

cation platform, facilitates this very repetition where pleasure morphs into something far

more insidious: it becomes an object of loss rather than simply a lost object of desire. We

find ourselves ensnared in a cycle of incessant sharing and competitive display, where our

desires are not merely blocked but proliferate into fragmented drives, creating knots of anxi-

ety that vanish in the labyrinth of interconnectedness.

What is particularly alarming is Dean’s assertion that this new “community” – if we

dare label it as such – constructs identities increasingly detached from traditional mark-

ers like ethnicity, nationality, gender, or age. Instead, we are confronted with a “whatever

subject”, where this “whatever” signifies a hollow form of communication devoid of any

substantive interest in understanding itself outside the confines of perpetual connectivity

(Dean 2010: 89). In this way, Telaščica transforms into a mere “whatever”, an Instagramma-

ble site for a “whatever subject” that loses the ability to perceive the hegemonic discourses



Senka Božić-Vrbančić

Vol. 3, Nr. 1, February 2025 as “Whatever” Destinations 33 Instagrammable Destinations shaping its very existence. This absence of critical engagement eliminates any potential for

questioning; irony fades away, leaving various locales to function solely as props for virtual

lifestyles and identities that have become commodified.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS: This article is part of the Digital Aestheticization of Fragile Environments (DigiFren) project finan-ced by EU funds for research and innovation Horizon 2020 in the scope of Grant Agreement no. 101004509 (Chance pro-gram), and funds from the Croatian Science Foundation.



CITED REFERENCES



Andrejevic, Mark 2020 Automated Media. London: Routledge. College de France (1978-1979). Zagreb: Sandrof &

Mizantrop.

Božić-Vrbančić, Senka 2023 Prekarnost: priče iz Ubera.

Zagreb: Jesenski i Turk. Frost, Warvick and Michael Hall, eds. 2009 Tourism and

National Parks: International Perspectives on Devel-

Brown, Wendy 2019 In the Ruins of Neoliberalism: The Rise opment, Histories and Change. London: Routledge.

of Antidemocratic Politics in the West. New York:

Columbia University Press. Garner, Ana Oliveira 2021 ‘I Came, I Saw, I Selfied: Travel-

ling in the Age of Instagram.’ In: The Routledge Com-

Bucher, Taina 2018 If … Then: Alghoritmic Power and Politics. panion to Media and Tourism. Maria Mansson, Annæ

New York: Oxford University Press. Buchmann, Cecilia Cassinger and Lena Eskilsson,

eds. London and New York: Routledge. Pp. 316–325.

Caldeira, Sofia, Sander De Ridder and Sofie Van Bauwel 2020

‘Between the Mundane and the Political: Women’s Getbybus 2024 ‘50 najpopularnijih Instagram lokacija u

Self-Representations on Instagram.’ Social Media Hrvatskoj u 2024. godini.’ Internet source:

and Society 6(3): 1–14. ps://getbybus.com/hr/najpopularnije-instagram-

lokacije-u-hrvatskoj>, 30. 8. 2024.

Croatiaweek 2021 ‘Dutch Version of Survivor Filmed in

Croatia to Hit Screens.’ Internet source: Gissibl, Bernhard, Sabine Höhler and Patrick Kupper 2012

www.croatiaweek.com/dutch-version-of-survivor- ‘Towards a Global History of National Parks.’ In:

filmed-in-croatia-to-hit-screens/>, 19. 8. 2024. Civilizing Nature: National Parks in Global Histori-

cal Perspective. Bernhard Gissibl, Sabine Höhler and

Dean, Jodi 2014 ‘The Real Internet.’ In: Žižek and Media Patrick Kupper, eds. New York: Berghahn. Pp.1–27.

Studies. Matthew Flisfeder and Louis-Paul Willis,

eds. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Pp. 211–229. Hage, Ghassan 2017 Is Racism an Environmental Threat?

Cambridge: Polity.

2010 Blog Theory. Feedback and Capture in the Cir-

cuits of Drive. Cambridge: Polity. Hill, David 2015 The Pathology of Communicative Capitalism.

United Kingdom: Palgrave Macmillan.

Demeyer, Hans and Lauren Berlant 2021 ‘Interview with Lau-

ren Berlant on Intimacy as World Making.’ Extra & Hinton, Sam and Larissa Hjorth 2013 Understanding Social

extra #16. Internet source: Media. London: Sage.

azine.com/talk/lauren-berlant-on-intimacy-

as-world-making/>, 19. 8. 2024. Jasper, Adam and Sianne Ngai 2011 ‘Our Aesthetic Catego-

ries: an Interview with Sianne Ngai.’ A Quarterly of

Digitalna agencija Markething 2018 ‘Instagram i sve što Art and Culture (43): 45–51.

trebate znati o njemu.’ Internet source:

www.markething.hr/instagram-i-sve-sto-trebate- Jutarnji list 2023 ‘Instagramski hot spot: Neopisljiva lepota.

znati-o-njemu/>, 30. 8. 2024. Pogled koji če vas izuti iz cipela.’ Internet source:



Flisfeder, Matthew 2021 Algorithmic Desire: Towards a New neopisiva-ljepota-pogled-koji-ce-vas-izuti-iz-cipe-

Structuralist Theory of Social Media. Evanston: la-15369958>, 29. 8. 2024.

Northwestern University Press.

Kornati n.d. ‘History of Kornati National Park.’ Internet

Foucault, Michel 2016 Rođenje biopolitike: predavanja na source:



SVETOVI / WORLDS leto 3, št. 1, februar 2025 34

option=com_content&view=article&id=59&Ite phy: Principles and Practice. London: Sage.

mid=248&lang=hr>, 27. 8. 2024.

Putni kofer 2024 ‘Morski park prirode s moćnim klisurama

Kornbluh, Anna 2023 Immediacy: Or, the Style of Too Late i slanim jezerom usred otoka oduševljava ljepotom

Capitalism. London: Verso. i mirom, a s pravom ga nazivaju djelićem raja na

jadranskoj obali.’ Internet source: <https://put-

Lobo, Tea 2023 ‘Selfie and World: On Instagrammable Plac- nikofer.hr/mjesta/park-prirode-telascica-vodic-

es and Technologies for Capturing Them.’ Journal of zanimljivosti/>, 29. 8. 2024.

Human Technology Relations 1(1): 1–11.

Ramov, Milena, ed. 2020 ‘Akcijski plan upravljanja pos-

Lyu, Seong Ok 2016 ‘Travel Selfies on Social Media as Objec- jetiteljima za područje parka prirode Telešćica.

tified Self-presentation.’ Tourism Management 54: Sali: Javna ustanova ‘Park prirode Telašćica.’’ Inter-

185–195. net source: <https://pp-telascica.hr/wp-content/

uploads/2023/10/Akcijski-plan-upravljanja-Bro-

Matchar, Emily 2017 ‘How Instagram is Changing the sura-FINAL.pdf>.

Way We Design Cultural Spaces.’ Internet source:

Siegel, Lauren, Ills Tussyadiah and Caroline Scarles 2022

how-instagram-changing-way-wedesign-cultural- ‘Cyber-Physical Traveler Performances and Ins-

spaces-180967071/>, 30. 8. 2024. tagram Travel Photography as Ideal Impression

Management.’ Current Issues in Tourism (26)14:

Meraz, Sharon 2017 ‘Hashtag Wars and Networked Fram- 2332–2356.

ing.’ In: Between the Public and Private in Mobile

Communication. Antonio Sánchez Tellería, ed. New Smith, Sean 2019 ‘Aestheticizing Empire: The Colonial Pic-

York: Routledge. Pp. 303–323. turesque as a Modality of Travel.’ Studies in Travel

Writing 23(3): 280–297.

Mirzoeff, Nicholas 2016 How to See the World. New York:

Basic Books. Statista 2024 ‘Annual Revenue and Net Income Generated by

Meta Platforms from 2007 to 2023.’ Internet source:

Ngai, Sianne 2012 Our Aesthetic Categories: Zany, Cute, Inter-

esting. Cambridge (MA) and London: Harvard facebooks-annual-revenue-and-net-income/>, 29.

University Press. 8. 2024.

Ngai, Sianne, ed. 2022 The Cute. Cambridge Massachusetts: Telašćica n.d. ‘Park prirode Telašćica.’ Internet source:

The MIT Press. ps://pp-telascica.hr/o-parku/>, 30. 8 2024.

Parkovi Hrvatske n.d. ‘Park prirode Telašćica.’ Internet van Dijck, Jose 2008 ‘Digital Photography: Communication,

source: Identity, Memory.’ Visual Communication 7(1):

prirode-telascica-v2#tabpanel-1>, 30. 8. 2024. 57–76.

Penny, Daniel 2017 ‘The Instagrammable Charm of the Zadar Archipelago 2023 ‘Best Instagram Photos on a Boat

Bourgeoisie.’ Boston Review. Internet source: Trip in Zadar.’ Internet source:

ps://www.bostonreview.net/articles/daniel-pen- archipelago.com/blog/best-instagram-pics-on-a-

ny-insta/>, 17. 4. 2024. boat-trip/>, 30. 8.2024.

Petrić, Hrvoje 2019 ‘About Environmental Policy in Social- Zadarski list 2021 ‘Fotografija Telašćice krasi naslovnicu

ist Yugoslavia.’ In: Nature and the Iron Curtain: Condé Nast Travelera.’ Internet source:

Environmental Policy and Social Movements in Com- zadarskilist.novilist.hr/novosti/fotografija-telas-

munist and Capitalist Countries, 1945–1990. Astrid cice-krasi-naslovnicu-conde-nast-travelera/>, 30.

Kirchhof Mignon and John R. McNeill, eds. Pitts- 8. 2024.

burgh: University of Pittsburgh Press. Pp. 169–182.

Žižek, Slavoj 2003 ‘A Cup of Decaf Reality.’ Internet source:

Pink, Sarah, Heather Horst, John Postill, Larissa Hjorth, , 17. 8.

Tania Lewis and Jo Tacchi 2015 Digital Ethnogra- 2024.



Senka Božić-Vrbančić

Vol. 3, Nr. 1, February 2025 as “Whatever” Destinations 35 Instagrammable Destinations





POVZETEK




Članek na podlagi manjšinske estetike Sianne Ngai in koncepta komunikacijskega kapi-

talizma Jodi Dean proučuje instagramabilno kot sodobno estetsko kategorijo. Na primeru

Naravnega parka Telašćica raziskuje, kako se instagramabilne destinacije preoblikujejo v

»karkoli destinacije«, zreducirane na potrošne kulise za samokuracijo ter digitalno vidnost.

V prvem delu naslavlja ključna vprašanja, ki se porajajo z vzponom platform družbenih

omrežij, vključno z vlogo trženja in nevidnim delovanjem digitalnih algoritmov. V nadalje-

vanju raziskuje spreminjajoči se pomen »avtentičnosti« turističnih destinacij, kakršna je

tudi Telašćica, kjer instagramabilna estetika preoblikuje način, kako so prostori videni in

doživeti. Prispevek zagovarja trditev, da instagramabilnost, tako kot slikovitost, odseva glo-

blje socioekonomske dinamike. Medtem ko je bila slikovitost tesno povezana s kolonial-

nimi in gospodarskimi razmerami, se v estetiki Instagrama zrcalijo poblagovljene strukture

komunikacijskega kapitalizma. V tem okviru Telašćica postane tisto, kar Dean opisuje kot

mesto »karkoli subjekta« – subjekta, ujetega v površinske, ponavljajoče se cikle deljenja

in prikazovanja. Ta zanka vidnosti prostor potepta in ga spremeni v potrošen predmet, v

»karkoli prostor« za »karkoli subjekt«, ujet v vidno polje.



SVETOVI / WORLDS leto 3, št. 1, februar 2025 36





The YouTubable Climb:




Imaginary Identities, Non-Places,



and the Aesthetics of the Zany



YouTubabilen vzpon: imaginarna identiteta,

nekraji in estetika norčavosti



Blaž Bajič 1.01 Izvirni znanstveni članek

DOI 10.4312/svetovi.3.1.37-56



ABSTRACT



The article examines how social media, particularly YouTube, frame the representation

of identity, place, and performance. Social media, with their reliance on algorithmic

infrastructures, transform these representations into (hy-per)versions of the self, non-

places, and performances of performances. The very fact of being produced, circulated and

consumed via social media places them in the broader context of late capitalism.

KEYWORDS: YouTube, social media, climbing, digital aestheticization, outdoor adventure sports, nature



IZVLEČEK



Prispevek proučuje, kako družbeni mediji, zlasti YouTube, uokvirjajo predstavitev identitete,

kraja in nastopanja. Družbeni mediji, ki se zanašajo na algoritemske infrastrukture, jih

spreminjajo v (hi-per)verzije jaza, nekrajev in izvajanje izvajanja. Že samo dejstvo, da so

proizvedeni, spravljeni v obtok in konzumirani prek družbenih medijev, jih veže na širši

kontekst poznega kapitalizma.

KLJUČNE BESEDE: YouTube, družbeni mediji, plezanje, digitalna estetizacija, adrenalinski športi, narava



TO SET THE SCENE



A muscular long-haired man is dangling by his fingertips on a steeply overhanging rock face

high above dark turquoise water. No protection, except the water some 20 metres below. His

face suggests that he is struggling to hang on and the fingers of his right hand appear to be

bleeding. How did he manage to get himself into this situation? Will he manage to finish

the climb? What if he falls?



Blaž Bajič

Vol. 3, Nr. 1, February 2025 Non-Places, and the Aesthetics of the Zany 37 The YouTubable Climb: Imaginary Identities,



Photo 1: Chris Sharma during his first ascent of Es Pontas (Reel Rock, 2021)





This is the thumbnail of a video posted on the online video sharing platform YouTube,

of the American climber Chris Sharma’s first ascent of the Es Pontás route on the eponymous

rock formation off the coast of Mallorca, and the questions that might impose themselves

upon the viewer. One can hardly resist clicking on the thumbnail and watching the footage.

In the first minute of the footage of “[o]ne of the most beautiful and outrageous

rock climbs ever filmed” (Reel Rock 2021), Sharma climbs calmly, gripping and stepping on

barely existent hand- and footholds, while the waves pound the base of the stone arch. He

soon positions himself into a stance reminiscent of a sprinter’s starting posture. Suddenly,

Sharma lunges more than two metres upwards, attempting – but ultimately failing – to grab

a fissure in the rock face. The attempt ends with Sharma falling back first into the roaring

sea. It took Sharma, arguably the best rock climber in the world in 2006, more than 50

attempts to finally complete “the ultimate ‘King Line’” (Reel Rock 2021).

The footage of Sharma attempting the Es Pontás deep-water solo route paradig-

matically embodies what is colloquially known as “YouTubable”.1 The most popular

definition of YouTubable on Urban Dictionary, a crowdsourced online dictionary defin-

ing slang words, phrases, and contemporary terms, often with humorous or informal

explanations, describes the term as “an action that is so remarkable or spectacular, that

it’s worthy of being filmed and posted on YouTube,” adding that the term “applies espe-

cially to a sport move” (Urban Dictionary 2011). Even a cursory review of sporting situa-

1

Deep-water solo, or DWS, is a style of free climbing where the climber moves over the rock without any aid or protective equipment other than the water below.



SVETOVI / WORLDS leto 3, št. 1, februar 2025 38

tions on the video-sharing platform suggests that many YouTubable actions – the footage

of Sharma’s climb being a case in point – take place in what is conventionally termed

nature. Moreover, it is not unusual that the locations where these actions take place are

themselves perceived as YouTubable – the Es Pontás stone-arch, too, being exemplary.

Amongst a multitude of climbers and other practitioners of “adventure sports” (Brei-

vik 2010) who present their activities online, I have chosen the example of Chris Sharma

to introduce this article for two principal reasons. First, as far as climbing goes, he has been

among the most important popularisers of the sport in the last twenty or so years, and his

sharing of carefully curated content online has been paradigmatic by being one of the first

professional climbers with his own channel on YouTube.2 Second, he has outspokenly advo-

cated for a more “harmonious” relationship with nature, claiming that adventure sports

engender a personal connection to nature and thus an opportunity for personal growth, and

utilising his (social) media activities and exposure to promote these values. In this article,

however, I am not concerned with climbing “rock stars” per se, nor with any other social

media adventure sports influencer whose work might generate tens or even hundreds of

thousands of views, where comparatively substantial investments and profits are made. My

interest lies with the much more modest, yet structurally comparable social media engage-

ment of climbing “content makers” (cf. Bajič 2024: 54, fn. 8). More specifically, my focus is

on the category of the YouTubable and its possible, indeed preferred constituents, and ways

of representing them, namely identity, place, and performance, and how outdoor adventure

content creators deal with them. I argue that the very fact that they are re-imagined and

de-centred via social media, combining imagery and algorithmic infrastructures, funda-

mentally reshapes their character, converting them into a specific (hy-per)version of one’s

identity (Božič Vrbančić 2025; Kozorog 2024), de-territorialising them as non-places (Augé

1995; Dickinson 2011) and infusing the performance with zany aesthetics (Ngai 2012).

In what follows, I thematise these “ingredients” of digital aestheticization in/of

the outdoors as it appears on YouTube, and elaborate on three climbing content creators’

reflections of their practice. I conclude by considering some of the ramifications of the You-

Tubable. Through these successive sections, I will attempt to address the question of how

climbing content creators, by climbing and by representing climbing, create their identities

and their (non-)places. First, however, allow me to briefly describe how I came to be inter-

ested in the topic and how I addressed the subject ethnographically.

2

An important caveat: like other professional climbers, Sharma is often backed up by professional production teams rather than relying on his own know-how and, moreover, is nearly exclusively focused on his “outdoor projects”. In the last five or so years, a trend of “climbing youtubers” who produce all of their content either themselves or with a group of friends has emer-ged. However, many concentrate on indoor gym climbing and would themselves most probably emphasize other climbers as crucial trendsetters. A select few have become so successful that content creation has become their fulltime occupation, while others utilise it to promote their other business ventures (coaching, gyms, climbing equipment, outdoor tours, etc.), and pro-fessional athletes align with the trend to promote their sponsors and their achievements. The majority, however, use online so-cial platforms simply to “share their passion with the climbing community”, as the popular phrasing goes. According to some practitioners of the sport, the worlds of outdoor and indoor climbing are drifting further and further apart (Camoletto and Marcelli 2020). While there is some truth to this claim, there is, at least online, also considerable overlap and fluidity in “the community” (with some also venturing into more general lifestyle and fitness territory).



Blaž Bajič

Vol. 3, Nr. 1, February 2025 Non-Places, and the Aesthetics of the Zany 39 The YouTubable Climb: Imaginary Identities,

BETWEEN A ROCK FACE AND A COMPUTER SCREEN:

A SHORT (AUTO)ETHNOGRAPHIC NOTE



As I wanted to capture the process of creation of the YouTubable as it unfolds in outdoor

adventure sports, it was important to move betwixt and between nature and (online) cul-

ture. Thus, I attempted to conduct what Liz Przybylski (2020) terms hybrid ethnography.

According to Przybylski, fieldwork in a post-digital world (Berry 2014) “requires a concep-

tual shift in ethnography” (Przybylski 2020: 4). While I appreciate her argument, I am not

entirely convinced that she managed to adequately pin-point the shift, as the notion that as

we – as do our interlocutors – traverse and are simultaneously positioned in multiple social

roles and spatio-temporal frameworks is hardly new, or necessarily related to questions of

our online and offline worlds. Furthermore, she emphasizes that researching “digital-physi-

cal space require[s] more than an additive methodology” (Przybylski 2020: 6). While I am,

again, supportive of her argument, it is not entirely clear in what way hybrid ethnography

diverges from “an additive methodology”.

Perhaps one possible solution is, firstly, to take the notion of a hybrid field seriously,

that is, conceive it as a life-world, notwithstanding our interlocutors’ claims about the gap

between the online and the offline and their actual practice of integrating the two. After all,

as Malinowski already claimed, “[social] reality [is] located somewhere in the gap between

ideal and real, between what people say they do and what they actually do” (Baker 1987: 21).

Now, I by no means mean to align these two distinctions or to imply that the offline is real

while the online is not. The online is, if anything, “more real” than the offline, since it is there

that our fantasies play out most intensely today (Žižek 2006). What I do mean to argue is

that we need to truly accept that, to quote David M. Berry, we have entered a (new kind of )

world, where the online (and the digital more broadly) is “completely bound up with and

constitutive of everyday life” (Berry 2014: 3; see also Zavratnik in Svetel 2021). So, rather

than a hybrid world or field, we need to acknowledge that we are dealing with a full-blooded

world. Secondly, without denying the need for further methodological experimentation,

perhaps the way forward is to go backwards, to add by subtracting. The core of ethnogra-

phy, as Przybylski herself acknowledges, remains unchanged, namely “patient observation of

and participation in interactions” (Przybylski 2020: 7). Moreover, ethnography has always

encompassed – and added into its rather heterodox mix – various techniques, whose results

are sometimes contradictory, as is social reality itself. Recognising a “new”, full-blooded

world and a core of ethnography should, however, by no means be understood as an attempt

at totalisation or an “integration” of diverse forms of “data”. On the contrary, it should be

seen, as I hope to show below, as an endeavour to point out the gaps from within it corre-

sponding to the gaps in the social reality.

How, then, did I, in a more practical sense, conduct my conventional ethnography?

Between June 2023 and September 2024, I conducted eight semi-structured interviews and

six ethnographic “walks” almost exclusively with people with a vested interest in digital

aestheticization, e.g. online content creators, or influencers, people employed in outdoor



SVETOVI / WORLDS leto 3, št. 1, februar 2025 40

adventure tourism, and also had, whilst climbing and hiking, countless informal conversa-

tions with more casual prosumers of online content. A significant number of these activities

took place in the Alpine regions of Solčavsko, Bohinj, and Pokljuka in Slovenia, as well as on

Croatia’s Dugi otok island and in Paklenica gorge, the country’s “climbing Mecca”. Paradoxi-

cally, however, the locations as such turned out to be rather irrelevant. Despite the often-

emphasized genius loci of these places (or virtually any other place one might gaze upon on

“climbing YouTube”, such as Vranjača Cave described below), the depiction on social media,

as I argue below, not only reduced them to a setting for content creators to “be there” and

present a curated image of themselves (Lobo 2023: 6), but displaced or de-territorialised

them into non-places (Augé 1995; Dickinson 2011). For example, ethnographic “walks” (I

put the word “walks” in quotation marks as they encompassed, in addition to actual walk-

ing, scrambling, climbing, rappelling, standing around and sitting), a method with which

I aimed to, by moving in a specific environment with others, observe and engage with the

embodied and placial cultural dynamics (see Abram 2025), showed this perfectly, as the

activities were at the same time also disembodied and displaced across virtual networks

through the frequent use of digital media and technologies. The “walks” were thus a research

method and a platform, constituting or enacting “hybrid” fields.

It is important to note that, in a post-digital world, the distinction between one’s role

as a producer and a consumer is collapsing as one’s online engagement tends to contribute

to the circulation of content via “invisible” networks and labour for the enterprises steering

them (Dean 2010: 54). By promoting certain aesthetics, these networks shape prosumers’

perceptions, tastes, and sensibilities, which they in turn continue to reproduce in their own

digital aesthetization. It was crucial for me to regularly and systematically experience the

workings of these networks as much as possible, sometimes by following and sometimes by

contributing to the relevant hashtag markers, profiles, and platforms on social networks, as

well as on more specialised websites, many of which include at least some aspects of social

networks (posting comments, photos, videos, polling, etc.), such as 8a.nu. Related to my

positioning within these networks, their effects (and affects) and the prosumers there, I

must, in the spirit of autoethnography, emphasize that mountaineering has in various ways

been a part of my childhood and, especially in tandem with sport climbing, a part of my

leisure time especially in the last five years. While my personal history has undoubtedly con-

tributed to certain oversights, it has also enabled me to more easily “sync” with my interlocu-

tors and detect shifts in “structures of feeling” (Williams 1983) both online and offline.3

Before discussing how, located betwixt and between the online and the offline world,

climbing content creators understand what is worth showing, I want to outline what I mean

by digital aestheticization, both to better situate my interlocutors’ practice as well as my own

exploration of its implications.

3

In public discourse in Slovenia, these shifts, reflected in the move from the “traditional” alpine culture of Sloveneness (see Ša-ver 2005) to a new, middle-class-oriented lifestyle and its preoccupation with self-presentation in the gaze of others, are often linked to social media (Bajič and Repič 2024). These shifts have caused veritable moral panic and protests among the self--appointed gatekeepers of “authentic” mountaineering.



Blaž Bajič

Vol. 3, Nr. 1, February 2025 Non-Places, and the Aesthetics of the Zany 41 The YouTubable Climb: Imaginary Identities,

AESTHETICIZATION IN/OF THE OUTDOORS



How, then, should the digital aestheticization of nature be understood? What is its cultural

and social “place”? Furthermore, what, if anything, should “nature” on the screen of a mobile

phone or a computer mean? The aestheticization of nature is neither a new phenomenon

(in fact, as Descola (2018: 99–107) pointed out, it contributed to the constitution of the

very idea of nature) nor is there anything novel in the fact that this process occurs through

media. For example, landscape painting has been prominent since at least the Romantic

period, and the advent of mass reproduction technologies enabled the mass distribution of

landscape imagery (e.g. with postcards) in the late 19th and early 20th century (Löfgren 1999).

Affordable technologies later ostensibly democratised the process (Grebowicz 2015: 8–9).

While digital aestheticization of nature retains all of these aspects, it is re-defined by three

key factors, namely its embeddedness in algorithmic and/or AI structures, its integration

into late capitalism, and its occurrence amid a growing awareness of environmental fragility

(Dominguez Rubio 2023). Here, I will limit my discussion to the first two.

Social media are not neutral repositories of images. Writing about YouTube, Michael

Strangelove argued that “it is an intense emotional experience”, “a social space” and a “virtual

community [that] reflects the cultural politics of the present times” (Strangelove 2010: 4).

Much has changed since social media began in the early 2000s, however. In only a few short

years, algorithms became more sophisticated and central to the functioning of social media

platforms. Curating feeds – promoting content and advancing commercial posts, insofar as

the distinction can even be made – based on user browsing history and interconnections, algo-

rithms ensure that users see what they want to see (even if the users might not realise it), whilst

staying invisible themselves. As Mark Andrejevic (in Božić-Vrbančić 2025) notes, optimised

for profit, algorithms often know users better than they know themselves. Thus, algorithms

regulate – simultaneously produce and consume – interests. By relying on images rather than

language, that is, on the Imaginary rather than the Symbolic, social media reduce desire to

demand (Fink 1995) and create a kind of a closed, “psychotic” world of mimesis. Immersed

in it, users can only experience immediate satisfaction and rehash it again and again (Božić-

Vrbančić 2025). For instance, once one begins showing an interest in climbing or other out-

door adventure activities, one’s YouTube feed will soon be inundated with climbing content

– from videos of top practitioners scaling the most laborious routes to “crews” goofing around

at their local gyms, from trainers presenting the latest training regimen to athletes discussing

their favourite pieces of equipment, and lastly, videos combining all of these – and then some.

Regulated as it might be by algorithmic infrastructures, how precisely is social media

imagery connected to late capitalism and how does it affect its prosumers? According to the

cultural theorist Sianne Ngai (2012), diverse aesthetics are always connected with specific

socio-cultural conditions. Ngai identifies three “minor” aesthetics as being emblematic of late

capitalism: the cute, the interesting and – particularly relevant for the present argument – the

zany. They index consumption, circulation, and production, respectively, which are themselves

taking place via digital media and technologies. These, like any aesthetic, are double-sided enti-



SVETOVI / WORLDS leto 3, št. 1, februar 2025 42

ties connecting perception and discourse. Each of the two sides is “saturated with affect […]

that connects them into a single spontaneous experience” (Ngai: 2022: n.p.). In short, aesthet-

ics – shaped by the socio-cultural conditions of their emergence as “sensuous, affective reflec-

tions of the ways in which contemporary subjects work, exchange, and consume” (Ngai 2012: 1)

– frame how we relate to and experience the world, including what we commonly call “nature”

(Carruth and Marzec 2014: 207), as well as our understanding of ourselves and others. Some-

thing similar, I suggest, goes for the category colloquially known as the YouTubable. While

not limited to social media, digital aestheticization, in short, stands for the algorithmically-

decentred yet “personalised” process of producing, circulating and consuming (through) spe-

cific aesthetics, thus shaping perceptions, tastes, and sensibilities, while effectively suppressing

expressions that depart from the established, commercially successful forms (Lobo 2023: 7).

How, then, does nature fit into the picture? According to Mia Bennett (2020), there

is a world of difference between relating to an environment, for example, as “picturesque”

rather than as “beautiful” (or perhaps as “YouTubable”?). There are implicit politics of aes-

thetics that social media either advance or impede (both, generally, to sustain profit maximi-

sation) (Grebowicz 2014). As indicated above, social media content dealing with climbing

and other outdoor adventure activities often presents these practices as done “in nature”4

and thus, intentionally or not, constructs a particular (imagery of ) nature.5 While there are

perhaps small differences (and getting smaller)6 between the various platforms, with one

4

“Nature” is notoriously hard to define, and its cultural meanings change through time and space, if the notion is to be found at all (Descola 2018; Soper 1995). For the purposes of this paper, I want to note, following Miha Kozorog (2015), that in contexts of everyday life and outdoor adventure activities in particular, the question of (defining) nature is rarely raised. If anything, debates focus on its – more or less gradual – frontiers, while nature as such is presumed to exist. Hence, a heuristic and an eth-nographic point need to be made. Firstly, as nature is culturally associated with specific environments out of doors, e.g. sea cliffs or mountains, it would be more appropriate to talk about more or less autogenic environments (Kozorog 2015: 117, fn. 1). However, since in “outdoor discourse” nature functions as a master signifier, I have decided to appropriate this emic notion. Secondly, because nature is taken to exist (to have it laws, to constitute an order, to always win, etc.), curative and normative dimensions are often assumed, providing an antithesis to the monotony of everyday urban life; moreover, nature comes to en-sure ontological certainty, a balance established beyond and despite human hubris.

5

Similar processes of curated portrayals, of course, took place apropos outdoor adventure activities long before the advent of so-cial media. At the expense of getting ahead of myself, the production of (images of) nature in its different guises included the construction of both those venturing and living “there” (see Bajič 2014; Cronon 1995; Grebowicz 2015, 2021; Istenič and Kozo-rog 2014; Kozorog 2015; Ortner 1999; Vivanco and Gordon 2006). However, despite the similar, or at times arguably the same images of self and the other, I would claim that earlier forms of the outdoor production of nature implied a different subject po-sition. (Božić-Vrbančić 2025)

6

An important reason for diminishing social media diversity is, of course, growing oligopolistic control, with large tech corpo-rations, such as Alphabet and Meta, owning and controlling the most influential and popular platforms, spanning and integra-ting social media, search engines, e-commerce, cloud computing, advertising, and more. The more “subcultural” corners of the online universe are not immune to this process. A case in point is the example of the 8a.nu platform. It began in 1999 as a local sports climbing site for the Gothenborg area. Aiming to develop a system that would make climbing measurable, incorpora-ting scoring, comparison and ranking, it then grew to become the largest climbing database, now incorporating forums, image and video sharing capabilities, location tagging and sharing, training-logs and the like. In 2017, the site was acquired by Verti-cal Life Inc., “the world’s largest platform for climbing with the goal of connecting all participants within the community. VL’s services include an application for climbers, the Smart Climbing Gym concept for gym and route setting management, the Smart Scorecard competition scoring service, and Smart Quickdraw for ascent tracking” (Vertical Life 2024). Since then, 8a.nu has been promoting more commercial content than ever before, including a subscription-only “premium” version of the app.



Blaž Bajič

Vol. 3, Nr. 1, February 2025 Non-Places, and the Aesthetics of the Zany 43 The YouTubable Climb: Imaginary Identities, designed primarily for stills, another for moving pictures, and with slightly different ways of

connecting with other users, distinct algorithms and modes for catering content, etc., they

all have their fundamental operation (besides profit maximisation) in common. They enable

their users to share their “experiences” with others and, by presenting oneself whilst engag-

ing in a distinct practice, also presenting distinct environments as specific landscapes. On its

own, the environment “is an indeterminate object; it almost always contains enough diver-

sity to allow the eye a great liberty in selecting, emphasizing, and grouping its elements, and

it is furthermore rich in suggestion and in vague emotional stimulus. A landscape to be seen

has to be composed” (Santayana in Lobo 2023: 4). It is composed, of course, via a process

of technological and aesthetic mediation. By affording users precisely such mediation, social

media help to reimagine both oneself as a specific personality (e.g. to construct one’s self

as adventurous, bold, determined, “crazy” or remarkably physically fit) and environments

as specific landscapes (e.g. as “adventurescapes”, as places “offering something beyond the

routine of everyday life; that is, adventure” (Poljak Istenič and Kozorog 2014: 40)). In short,

they enable “identity adventures” (Urbain in Poljak Istenič and Kozorog 2014: 41) both

online, offline, and in-between, as Liz Przybylski (2020) would put it.

There is, in principle, a myriad of identities, practices and landscapes one can associ-

ate with and (co-)produce – or is merely choose? – through social media. We need to bear in

mind that the notion of adventure, much like the aesthetization of nature, has a long and var-

ied history, including exploration (and conquest), naturalism, travel writing, and the tourism

industry (Beams, Mackie and Atencio 2019; Breivik 2010; Grebowicz 2015; Wheaton 2013).

In their contemporary, late-modern form, adventure activities began in the late 1960s, mostly

originating from the USA, and were brought to Europe by American entrepreneurs (Bourdieu

1984: 220–223). While they initially developed out of the countercultural movements to

whose “spirit” they still refer, claiming authenticity and originality, they now primarily present

a venue for consumerist, (white) middle-class reflective construction and representation of

selves and landscapes (Wheaton 2013). Moreover, with its move onto social media, this venue

is becoming increasingly dependent on, and subjected to, the vagaries of algorithmic infra-

structures that, as suggested, discourage cultural forms deviating from the established, com-

mercially successful designs. For this reason, the majority of content creators, commercially

oriented or not, conscientiously (and oft-times unwittingly) follow the same thematic, direc-

torial, visual, narrative, and affective tropes when creating and presenting images of them-

selves, places, and their actions. In other words, I am suggesting that social media, YouTube

being exemplary, encourage a specific performance of performance. This “second order” per-

formance infuses sporting performances with a particular aesthetic, namely one of zaniness.

Following Ngai, this “aesthetic of action” is “[i]ntensely affective and physical,” to the point

that even the most strenuous, indeed dangerous activities appear amusing or “crazy” (2012:

182). It introduces an aura of fun to hard work, thus indexing broader transformations in our

cultural relation to production (Ngai 2012: 181–184). In short, with zany aesthetics, not only

is outdoor adventure sporting performance remade as entertainment, it has come to accom-

modate the cultural notion that “gain and pain” inextricably go together.



SVETOVI / WORLDS leto 3, št. 1, februar 2025 44

… ON THE WALL



Building on the reflections of the previous section, the following subsections focus on the

three key components of the YouTubable – identity, place (or nature), and performance. I

continue by ethnographically exploring how climbing content creators navigate the ambigu-

ities and incongruities that arise as these themes intertwine within the realm of social media.



Identity on the rocks



Clicking on any of the videos posted on Aljaž Žnidaršič’s YouTube profile, one is instantly

struck with a slew of fast cuts (and energetic rock music): two climbers traversing a snowy

ridge high above the clouds, a point-of-view shot of someone crossing a sharp rocky crest

on the edge of a precipice, an alpinist struggling up a steep snowy slope, and finally, another

point-of-view shot of a person toasting with a drink and gesticulating towards Aljaž Tower,7

as if to say: “I am at the top!” Five seconds in, thanks to the scrolling captions, one also learns

that “your expedition is your story”. Expedition Story is, as the emerging logo leads the viewer

to believe, Žnidaršič’s business and/or online “avatar”. Indeed, as the professional videogra-

pher, photographer and alpinist-in-training has confirmed, his YouTube channel as well as

his Instagram profile serve one purpose: self-promotion. In his case, self-promotion has to

be understood in two inextricably linked senses: promotion of his services (performances?)

and promotion of his self. On Expedition Story’s webpage, in addition to his portfolio, there

is also a self-presentation of Žnidaršič: “My primary motivation is to live a full life, rich with

stories to tell. My love for nature drives me to spend as much time outdoors as possible […].

Nature fills me with energy and inspiration, which is reflected in my work” (Expedition Story

2024). He goes on to emphasize that he most admires “nature and people who strive for pro-

gress and personal or professional growth”. In his free time, too, he engages “in activities such

as mountaineering, hiking, guiding, diving, and sailing. These activities further connect me

with nature and strengthen my creative spirit” (Expedition Story 2024). It appears, then, that

nature and activities of personal and professional growth somehow correlate.

During one of our conversations, he attributed his personal and professional activi-

ties to his upbringing, as his parents would take him into the mountains and encour-

age him to climb. Much of Žnidaršič’s self-presentation is already reflected in the intro

of any of his YouTube videos – which in itself poses the question of the (disappearing)

boundaries between labour and leisure (see below). In any case, his videos typically fea-

ture shots of waking up early, driving through harsh conditions to reach the start of the

tour, the gruelling approach, goofing around with his companions, point-of-view cap-



7

Aljaž Tower (Slovenian: Aljažev stolp) is a tower-shaped storm shelter and triangulation point located at the summit of Mount Triglav. Constructed in 1895 by Jakob Aljaž, a priest from Dovje, the tower serves as a significant national symbol of Slovenian identity and is closely associated with Mount Triglav as a landmark of Slovenia. Currently, the tower is state-owned, maintai-ned by the Ljubljana Matica Alpine Club, and situated on land owned by the Municipality of Bohinj.



Blaž Bajič

Vol. 3, Nr. 1, February 2025 Non-Places, and the Aesthetics of the Zany 45 The YouTubable Climb: Imaginary Identities, tures of the “action” – like negotiating a perilous rock face or scaling an ice-covered

peak – interspersed with more introspective confessionals and meditative moments.8

Then, amid the frantic and risky activities, a picturesque view of the landscape sud-

denly appears or there is a cinematic drone shot gliding above the couloirs and the crags.





Photo 2: A print screen of the opening of Aljaž Žnidarič’s YouTube video Triglav – We found Grandfather Frost (Aljaž Žnidaršič 2022).



Now, if one were to simply see Žnidaršič’s work of self-presentation as a mere

“marketing stunt”, presenting an image of himself based on his presupposition of how others

(should or desire to) see him – determined, bold, proficient, but also upbeat, reflective and

thoughtful, an image behind which a “real” self persists, one would, I believe, miss the point.

While this is undoubtedly part of the picture, for Žnidaršič the image is himself. In his

work, he aims to show his genuine self – his outlook on life, his authentic experiences, his

true feelings. He explained that to achieve this, he experimented at length with different

techniques and technologies. “With the kind of pictures [that might be digitally altered in

post-production] that I make now,” Žnidaršič emphasized, “I’m the closest I’ve ever been to

[capturing] my feelings on the tour itself, on the location itself.” He openly admits that he

carefully curates his online brand-persona, crafting it into an upbeat, joyful individual focused

nearly exclusively on climbing and mountaineering, purposefully leaving out potential “bad

8

Confessionals are a stylistic device commonly employed in reality television and function as a type of aside by presenting cutaways to close-up shots of one or more cast members speaking directly to the camera. These segments are used to deliver narration, exposition, and personal commentary on the events unfolding on the show. Žnidaršič, like many other content cre-ators, regularly begins his videos with such confessionals, thus breaking the fourth wall – and connecting with “the commu-nity” – from the start.



SVETOVI / WORLDS leto 3, št. 1, februar 2025 46

days” and other activities he might otherwise be interested in. The selected images are a

prosthesis of his identity (Lury 2004). Nevertheless, he does not see this practice as one

of staging or pretending because, as he puts it, he is sincerely captivated by the mountains

and is “an optimist by nature and ha[s] an optimistic outlook on things” (Žnidaršič 2024).

His point, in short, is that in his work of self-promotion, he does not present a fake self, but

is rather disavowing any “negative” aspects – he publicises and advances a partial real self.

This (hy-per)version of himself is his “positive face” (Kozorog 2024), not only an image

formed through his presupposition of how others view him, but also a part, the essence of

his imaginary identity, of what he, to himself, is. An identity that is actualised outdoors, “in

nature” (mediated via YouTube or Instagram).

Nevertheless, we should not forget that in late capitalism, particularly in the creative

industries and in the digital economy, where videographers and online content creators

such as Žnidaršič are trying to make a living, labourers are compelled to take a leap of faith

to succeed – which includes the creative expression or invention of their true selves (Bajič

2017: 195). They are structurally posited in such a way that the image of the risk-loving,

extra-calculative “entrepreneur” literally makes sense (no wonder that climbing is becoming

increasingly popular among young creative professionals); apropos the content creators it

is important to note, then, that the move from self-presentation to the entrepreneur of the

self (Christiaens 2019; see also Lazzarato 2012) designates a shift from a self as a value to a

value producing self.



Between a rock and a non-place



Hrvoje Grancarić is an avid rock climber in his early forties, a crag developer and topo

designer, as well as a frequent social media user that primarily posts his climbing performanc-

es. Based in Zadar, where he also heads the local sport climbing club Paklenica, Grancarić

alluded to a peculiar paradox when discussing the difference between indoor gym climbing

and outdoor climbing “in nature” on “real rock”:



So, in climbing there is indoor climbing, which is becoming more and more popular. And there

is climbing in nature. These are two different worlds. So, the new generations, relatively speaking,

mostly climb in gyms. And they perceive it as some kind of fitness, crossfit, some type of exercise,

which is convenient for them in those urban milieus [ urbanih sredinah]. They don’t even want to

go [climb outdoors], they’re not so much [interested] in nature, it’s not that big of a factor for

them. Because climbing, let’s not forget, is a dangerous sport and is not for everyone. A mistake

costs dearly. And some have problems with the fear of heights. But, having said that, climbing in

nature provides all this ... It means a break from these urban milieus ... So, it’s such a Zen for me.

We come to nature. And if you have a bad climbing day, if you don’t climb [anything noteworthy],

just the fact that you spent six, eight, ten hours in nature, that is your reward. You get to go to such

crazy locations. Let’s say, one of the very attractive, new locations, which I will go to tomorrow, if

everything goes well, and on Sunday, is Vranjača. Vranjača Cave, where I also drilled my own route

the other day. The cave is spectacular. And the world’s best climber has already been there twice.

What I’m saying is, photos don’t do it justice. (Grancarić, 2024)



Blaž Bajič

Vol. 3, Nr. 1, February 2025 Non-Places, and the Aesthetics of the Zany 47 The YouTubable Climb: Imaginary Identities,

The paradox implicit in Grancarić’s words concerns relationships with and attitudes

towards specific places and their character, or rather the lack thereof. He is touching on non-

places found not indoors, but, against expectations, outdoors, “in nature”. Claiming that

an indoor climbing gym, the kind which today can be found just about anywhere (Camo-

letto and Marcelli 2020), is not “formed by individual identities, through complicities of

language, local references, the unformulated rules of living” but rather “creates the shared

identity of [ascensionists], customers or Sunday [climbers]”, to (mis)quote Marc Augé

(1995: 101), would be to state the obvious. However, Grancarić’s mention of the world’s best

climber – he is referring to the Czech climber Adam Ondra – suggests that climbing out-

doors is likewise a (near) global phenomenon, with climbers travelling all over the world to

temporarily stop at particular spots and, well, climb some rocks. For Grancarić, Vranjača

may indeed be what is termed a “home crag” in climbing jargon. For Ondra and a multi-

tude of other climbers, not only professional athletes but globetrotting YouTuber climbers

and vacationers, however, Vranjača, like any other crag, represents just another special place,

an “outdoor playground” (Bell in Poljak Istenič and Kozorog 2014: 42), an “adventures-

cape” (Poljak Istenič and Kozorog 2014), imagined through both a “traditional” mixture of

notions of wilderness and, of course, nature as removed from frantic everyday life, and the

more contemporary social media portrayals of the outdoors as destinations for self-actual-

isation (Božić-Vrbančič 2025), lifestyle authenticity (Rickly-Boyd 2012), and digital escape

(Miller and Horst 2014: 12–15). In fact, Ondra himself published a video of his second visit

to Vranjača which featured his ascent of the extremely difficult route B je to!, making the

video also extremely YouTubable and attention-grabbing in the online climbing community.

He thus contributed to constructing the cave as a rock climbing area for people everywhere,

whilst simultaneously making that place a nowhere.





Photo 3: Adam Ondra’s ascent of B je to! in Vranjača Cave as shown in the YouTube video

Hardest Route in Croatia - B je to! 9b | Commented Climb by Adam Ondra (Adam Ondra, 2023).



SVETOVI / WORLDS leto 3, št. 1, februar 2025 48

With the advent of climbing social media, within the online climbing community,

it is no longer simply that we are “displaced in nature” (Dickinson 2011) through a network

of routes, topoi, ethics, i.e. more or less global rules of conduct among climbers, governing

climbing itself, care for the rock, equipment, and the like. Today we are displaced (and dis-

ciplined), or de-territorialised, as are the places themselves, via social media imagery (from

drone-produced videos and digital augmentation to GPS tracks and positioning-apps), algo-

rithmic structures, scoring and ranking games, whereby imagery and affective intensities, or,

in a word, aesthetics, take on greater importance in our activities (Dean 2010: 21–22). The

imagery in Ondra’s video is indeed spectacular. It shows him climbing near the limit of what

is (currently seen as) humanly possible in “an impressive cave of Vranjača in Croatia” (Adam

Ondra 2023). The video is exemplary in displaying how persons within specific settings are

captured and contextualised, turning the former into performers and displacing the latter

into non-places. Such places are chosen for their ability to become YouTubable non-places –

unique, attractive, spectacular, yet generic, homely, typical. During one of his confessionals in

the video, Ondra is sitting in front of a rock face and states: “I’m here.” He is, of course, ref-

ereeing to Vranjača, and watching the video, one is led to believe that he is sitting somewhere

in front of the cave. Ondra, however, made his confessionals in the crag of Ter, just south of

Solčavsko, in the foothills of the Kamnik-Savinja Alps (which I was able to recognise thanks

to the kerosene lamp hanging on the wall of what used to be my home crag).

As Senka Božić-Vrbančić (2025) has shown, as places, Vranjača or Ter hardly being

exceptions, are displaced thorough hypercommodified, algorithmically programmed condi-

tions of communicative capitalism, they become destinations we can never reach (yet, in

one form or another, increasingly often pay to enter, and are thus sources of monopoly rents

(Harvey 2002)). Nevertheless, once we do (not) reach them, we are expected to have fun

and work there.

Labouring on the wall



The productions of many a climbing content creator on YouTube often include extended

scenes of shenanigans, gags, practical jokes, pranks, or simply the content creator goofing

around with friends on and off the wall. Perhaps even more importantly, these scenes are

usually staged in such a way that the viewer feels as if they are there, joining in the liveliness

as a member of the “crew”. Indeed, the viewer is often directly addressed, discursively and

visually, and is even invited to try certain exercises, feats or workouts and subsequently

post their results and/or videos in the comments. However, the shenanigans may be, and

frequently they indeed are, instantly swapped for, interspersed with or nearly imperceptibly

substituted with much more serious matters, if the two were distinct at all in the first place

as the intensity of the performances themselves may appear comical: climbers “trying

hard” on their boulders, “working the problem” of the route, “having a session” on the

wall, “following a protocol” of exercise, or even “pushing the grade” of what is possible.

These, in turn, regularly turn into laboured grunting or frustrated screams, only to begin

joking anew.



Blaž Bajič

Vol. 3, Nr. 1, February 2025 Non-Places, and the Aesthetics of the Zany 49 The YouTubable Climb: Imaginary Identities, tion over the absent recording can also be understood as frustration with the flawed framing

The highly informal character of both the content and the form, as well as the

ambiguity between the playfulness and the drudgery of climbing embody what Sianne

Ngai (2012) described as the aesthetics of the zany. According to her, the zany indexes the

“politically ambiguous intersection between cultural and occupational performance, acting

and service, playing and laboring” (Ngai 2012: 182). With it, “action [can be] pushed to

physically strenuous extremes”, and “an intensely willing and desiring subjectivity” is

presupposed (Ngai 2012: 184). The former, in the present context, is obviously epitomised

by the climbing itself, the latter in the recurrent underscoring of the importance to have fun

and enjoy yourself, the need to want “it” badly, or in short, the significance of the “psyche”

(cf. Wheaton 2013).

While amongst the more moderate climbing content creators as far as zaniness goes,

Rudi Nadlučnik, who posts on his YouTube channel under the moniker Alpine Boyz,

nevertheless, and rather spontaneously, replicates all the tropes of this style. The reason for

the moderate approach is perhaps related to the fact that his videos are marked by his place of

employment, an outdoor adventure activities and camping agency, or that, as he puts it, his

primary audience is himself when he reaches old age. At any rate, his videos tend to combine

footage of laborious approaches and daring ascents usually in his “backyard” mountains in

the Kamnik-Savinja Alps, above Logar Valley and Roban Cirque, in particular, sometimes

even done in free solo style,9 interspersed with more mellow situations of joking around with

the viewer or with his companions while driving, on the walk-in, during sledding on the

snow-covered slopes, or simply while having a snack somewhere safe.

Interestingly, when reflecting on his past work, Nadlučnik mentioned as “special” a

video he did not manage to record due to technical difficulties with his recording equip-

ment. What he thus missed were the technical difficulties of the climb itself.



I almost regret not being able to record that pitch. My camera had broken down just when it would

have been perfect to capture something on video. It was one of those times when I couldn’t record

the hardest part of the route – right there where it would have been amazing to see something. This

was at the exit from the Ridge of Mala Rinka Mountain. The snow was unprocessed [i.e. not

compact], I had to clear everything myself, and those 40 meters took me an hour, maybe an hour

and a half. It was technically demanding, and I had to use every bit of knowledge I had, improvising

any way I could to pull myself out. I was literally clawing at the rock, with everything buried in

untouched snow. […] When Jakob and I climbed it, I remember thinking, ‘Will I even make it

through?’ […] The biggest problem was that Jakob, as the second climber, faced almost the same

difficulty since I covered up everything I had cleared. Total disaster. What would normally take us

the entire route, we spent on that single pitch alone – it took us 40 minutes just to get out. I couldn’t

record anything. I only managed to record on my phone when he came over the edge with Mrzla

Gora Mountain in the background, and it was really a beautiful shot. (Nadlučnik, 2024)



Still, the video as such is imperfect, because, as the above quote from Nadlučnik sug-

gests, it lacks the footage of the pair (zanily?) toiling on the crux pitch. Nadlučnik’s frustra-



9

Free solo climbing is a type of climbing where climbers climb alone without using ropes or any protective gear.



SVETOVI / WORLDS leto 3, št. 1, februar 2025 50

of the presented scene. It is deficient in that it does not show – merely suggests – labouring

on the wall. The YouTube “short” in question is missing the key ingredient in the zany’s “mix

of desperation and playfulness [that many find] so aesthetically appealing” (Ngai 2012: 188).





Photo 4: Alpine Boyz’ “short” of the laborious winter ascent of Mala Rinka Mountain (Alpine Boyz 2023).



Nevertheless, the question remains: why does the zany “need” to be desperate and

stressed out, not only animated and frolicsome? Sianne Ngai argues that “this playful, hyper-

charismatic aesthetic is really an aesthetic about work – and about a precariousness created

specifically by the capitalist organization of work” (2012: 188). She cautions, however, that

the zany is not “identical or reducible to capitalism but driven primarily by its contradic-

tory logic of incessant expansion” (Ngai 2012: 188), within which, in late capitalism, one’s

self is, as argued above, (re)structured as a source of value, as so-called human capital. The

zany, then, is not an aesthetic “just about work, but about the ‘putting to work’ of affect and

subjectivity for the generation of surplus value” (Ngai 2012: 188). Now, I am by no means

suggesting that Nadlučnik’s aim – or the aim of any other interlocutor or climbing content



Blaž Bajič

Vol. 3, Nr. 1, February 2025 Non-Places, and the Aesthetics of the Zany 51 The YouTubable Climb: Imaginary Identities, creator – was (self-)exploitation. Rather, I am arguing that this “short”, even if imperfectly,

like so many other works on YouTube and other social media platforms, reproduces the zany

aesthetics that contribute to the normalisation of the notion that hard work and play, strain

and success are inextricably linked. In fact, not only that, on climbing YouTube, effort and

enjoyment are completely aligned, and any attempt to separate them would come across as

strange, negativistic, or quite simply as “killing the vibe”.

The paradox that speaks volumes about the historically changing relation to produc-

tion is that the more the zany comes to dominate our perception, the more natural it feels,

the less we are able to articulate it (Ngai 2012: 230–232) – and thus begin to change it. The

passage from “feeling natural” to “natural feeling”, the correlation of “nature” and “growth”

often made on social media, thus become ideologically significant in that it naturalises befit-

ting structures of feeling, ways of conduct, and frames of thinking: aestheticized nature as a

venue of play-cum-labour entices prosumers to follow “the right path” (cf. Grebowicz 2015:

18–29). However, why precisely would one desire to do so?



TO CHANGE THE SETTING



Throughout this article I have argued that through social media, with their reliance on

imagery, algorithmic infrastructures, and structurally preferred aesthetics, identities, places,

and performances are re-imagined and de-centred as (hy-per)version of one’s self, non-plac-

es, and performances of performances, respectively. By way of three ethnographic vignettes,

each zeroing in on one aspect of the process, I have argued that social media content tends

to contribute, whilst being a particularly structured and structuring space of expression, to a

particular imaginary, i.e. cultural and ideological, relation to the real conditions of existence

in late, “creative” capitalism (cf. Kozorog 2024). This has led me to pose one final question:

why would one be taken in by such images? In other words, what does outdoor adventure

imagery, including climbing, promise?

Following Timothy Morton (2007), nature can effectively be conceived as a screen: on

the one hand, a canvas on which we paint our pictures, according to our own desires, and on the

other hand, a veil concealing a complex system of relations, including one’s own positionality

within it. It is not much different with computer and mobile phone screens. Nature, implicitly

or explicitly “painted” in the social media imagery of climbing, or, I add, of outdoor adventure

sports, helps content creators, and prosumers more generally, imagine their ideal selves, depict-

ing “nature” as the scene in which these ideal selves “work hard and play hard”. Although pro-

duced retroactively, through the very use of social media (and other “machines”), nature appears

as always already – naturally, so to speak – “there” (see fn. 7). As such, nature “encapsulates a

potentially infinite series of disparate fantasy objects” (Morton 2007: 14), making an inquiry

into its digital depictions, “Rorschach blobs of others’ enjoyment, […] a highly appropriate way

of beginning to engage with how ‘nature’ compels feelings and beliefs” (Morton 2007: 14).

If, by imagining themselves in accordance with certain images, they aim to be recog-

nised, both by others and by oneself as adventurous, determined risk-takers who are, moreo-



SVETOVI / WORLDS leto 3, št. 1, februar 2025 52

ver, fully enjoying themselves, yet still respectful towards nature (sensu Sharma), the outdoor

prosumers, by mediating these imageries via specific aesthetic categories and algorithmically

infrastructures, subject themselves to the very conditions which they seek to leave behind.

For while I have not dwelled on this point here, nature tends to be culturally posited as anti-

thetical to the “normal” course of everyday life in the contemporary world (see Bajič 2014),

digitally mediated ones included. Thus, we stumble upon an apparent paradox: the more one

wants to “return to nature”, the more one’s practice is nowadays conditioned on, and by, digital

media and technology. “Digitalised” nature is a privileged cultural space where middle-class

fantasies of “escape” are played out (Miller and Horst 2012: 11–15). In other words, while the

climbing or the outdoor adventure fantasy – a fantasy, i.e. the “story” through which we relate

to our objects of desire, to enjoyment (Žižek 1998), thriving on social media – relates climbers

to nature, promises them authenticity and escape, the “means of its production” subject them

to the harsh realities of late capitalism which they are trying to escape.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS: This research received financial support as part of the Digital Aestheticization of Fragile Enviro-nments project (DigiFREN, 2022–2025), supported by the Ministry of Culture, Slovenia; NCN, Poland; AKA, Finland; HRZZ, Croatia; and RCN, Norway, under the CHANSE ERA-NET programme, which is co-funded by the European Union’s Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under Grant Agreement No. 101004509. The author also acknowledges the financial support from the Slovenian Research and Innovation Agency (research core funding: Ethnological research of cultural kno-wledge, practices and forms of socialities, No. P6-0187).

I want to thank Mario Božić, Senka Božić-Vrbančić, Sanja Đurin, Tomislav Oroz, Miha Kozorog, Jaka Repič and Ana Svetel for the debates that took place before, during and after writing this paper, as well as the two anonymous reviewers for their constructive critiques.

CITED REFERENCES



Abram, Sandi 2025 ‘The Long Journey to Senso-Digital Anthropological notebooks 20(2): 5–26

Walking: Exploring Fragility and Care in an Alpine

Valley.’ Svetovi/Worlds 3(1): Pp: 115–129. 2017 ‘Against Creativity: Loosely Structured Tho-

ughts on a Loosely Defined Topic.’ Traditiones 46

Adam Ondra 2023 ‘Hardest Route in Croatia - B je to! 9b | (1–2): 189–207. DOI: 10.3986/Traditio2017460205.

Commented Climb by Adam Ondra.’ Internet

source: 2024 ‘Digitalna estetizacija narave med slikovitim

uPWb7yQ>, accessed 11. 11. 2024. in zanimivim.’ Etnolog 34: 47–68.

Aljaž Žnidaršič 2022 ‘Triglav – Našli smo Dedka Mraza.’ Bajič, Blaž and Jaka Repič 2024 ‘Images and Words: Values,

Internet source: Technologies, Relations.’ Paper presented at confe-

v=nb7m3CiuAtw>, accessed 11. 11. 2024. rence Perception of the Environment, Environment of

Perception: Senses, Places, Technologies. Department

Alpine Boyz 2023 ‘Reaching the top of a winter alpine route!’ of Ethnology and Cultural Anthropology, Faculty

Internet source: of Arts, University of Ljubljana, Solčava, 23. 9. 2024.

b7GTMiYGt2c>, 11. 11. 2024.

Beams, Simon, Chris Mackie and Matthew Atencio 2019 Ad-

Augé, Marc 1995 Non-places: Introduction to an Anthropology venture and Society. New York: Palgrave Macmillan.

of Supermodernity. London: Verso.

Bennett, Mia 2020 ‘Ruins of the Anthropocene: The Aesthet-

Baker, Victoria J. 1987 ‘Pitching a Tent in the Native Village: ics of Arctic Climate Change.’ Annals of the Ameri-

Malinowski and Participant Observation.’ Bijdragen can Association of Geographers 111(3): 921–931.

Tot de Taal-, Land- En Volkenkunde 143(1): 14–24.

Berry, David A. 2014 Critical Theory and the Digital. New

Bajič, Blaž 2014 ‘Running as Nature Intended: Barefoot York, London, New Delhi and Sydney: Bloomsbury

Running as Enskillment and a Way of Becoming.’ Academic.



Blaž Bajič

Vol. 3, Nr. 1, February 2025 Non-Places, and the Aesthetics of the Zany 53 The YouTubable Climb: Imaginary Identities, Božić-Vrbančić, Senka 2025 ‘Nature Park Telašćica and Harvey, David 2002 ‘The Art of Rent: Globalization, Monop-

Instagrammable as an Aesthetic Category. Svetovi/ oly, and the Commodification of Culture.’ Socialist

Worlds 3(1): Pp. 18–36. Register 38: 93–110.

Bourdieu, Pierre 1984 Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judge- Kozorog, Miha 2015 ‘Živali, varovano območje in rekreacija

ment of Taste. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. v naravnem okolju.’ Traditiones 44(1): 117–134.

Breivik, Gunnar 2010 ‘Trends in Adventure Sports in a Post- 2024 ‘The “Positive Face” of the Young Entrepre-

modern Society.’ Sport in Society 13: 260–273. neur: Staging Optimism before Hardship in Mod-

ern-day Slovenia.’ Unpublished manuscript.

Camoletto, Raffaella Ferrero and Davide Marcelli 2020 ‘Keep-

ing it Natural? Challenging Indoorization in Italian Lazzarato, Maurizio 2012 The Making of the Indebted Man:

Rock Climbing.’ Annals of Leisure Research 23(1): An Essay on the Neoliberal Condition. Los Angeles:

34–51. DOI: 10.1080/11745398.2018.1561307 Semiotext(e).

Carruth, Allison and Robert P. Marzec 2014 ‘Environmental Lobo, Tea 2023 ‘Selfie and World: On Instagrammable Plac-

Visualization in the Anthropocene: Technologies, es and Technologies for Capturing Them.’ Journal

Aesthetics, Ethics.’ Public Culture 26(2): 205–211. of Human-Technology Relations 1(1): 1–11. DOI:

10.59490/jhtr.2023.1.7011.

Christiaens, Tim 2020 ‘The Entrepreneur of the Self Beyond

Foucault’s Neoliberal Homo Oeconomicus.’ Euro- Löfgren, Orvar 1999 On Holiday: A History of Vacationing.

pean Journal of Social Theory 23(4): 493–511. DOI: Berkeley: University of California Press.

10.1177/1368431019857998.

Lury, Ceila 2004 Prosthetic Culture: Photography, Memory

Cronon, William 1995 ‘The Trouble with Wilderness: Or, and Identity. London and New York: Routledge.

Getting Back to the Wrong Nature.’ Environmental

History 1(1): 7–28. Miller, Daniel and Heather A. Horst 2012 ‘The Digital and the

Human: A Prospectus for Digital Anthropology.’ In:

Dean, Jodi 2010 Blog Theory: Feedback and Capture in the Cir- Digital Anthropology. Heather A. Horst and Daniel

cuits of Drive. Cambridge: Polity Press. Miller, eds. London and New York: Berg. Pp. 3–36.

Descola, Philippe 2018 Onstran narave in kulture. Ljubljana: Morton, Timothy 2007 Ecology without Nature: Rethink-

Studia Humanitatis. ing Environmental Aesthetics. Cambridge: Harvard

University Press.

Dickinson, Janet 2011 ‘Displaced in Nature: The Cultural Pro-

duction of (Non-)Place in Place-Based Forest Con- Ngai, Sianne 2012 Our Aesthetic Categories: Zany, Cute, Inter-

servation Pedagogy.’ Environmental Communication esting. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.

5(3): 300–319. DOI: 10.1080/17524032.2011. 584889.

2022 ‘Introduction: The Cute.’ In: The Cute, Sianne

Dominguez Rubio, Fernando 2023 ‘Thinking from Fragility.’ Ngai, ed. London: Whitechapel Gallery; Cam-

Diseña 23: 3–16. DOI: 10.7764/disena.23.Article.2. bridge: MIT Press.

Expedition Story 2024 ‘About me.’ Internet source: Ortner, Sherry B. 1999 Life and Death on Mt. Everest: Sher-

expeditionstory.com/#aboutme>, 11. 11. 2024. pas and Himalayan Mountaineering. Princeton and

Oxford: Princeton University Press.

Fink, Bruce 1995 The Lacanian Subject: Between Language and

Jouissance. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Poljak Istenič, Saša and Miha Kozorog 2014 ‘Constructing

a Protected Area as an Adventurescape: The Case

Grebowicz, Margret 2014 ‘Glacial Time and Lonely Crowds: of Slovenia’s Triglav National Park.’ Ethnologia Fen-

The Social Effects of Climate Change as Internet nica 41: 38–54.

Spectacle.’ Environmental Humanities 5(1): 1–11.

DOI: 10.1215/22011919-3615388 . Przybylski, Liz 2020 Hybrid Ethnography: Online, Offline, and

In Between. London: Sage.

2015 The National Park to Come. Stanford: Stanford

University Press. Reel Rock 2021 ‘Chris Sharma’s First Ascent of Es Pontás,

Mallorca.’ Reel Rock 15. Sender Films. Internet

2021 Mountains and Desire: Climbing vs. the End of source:

the World. London: Repeater Books. gO4IDN_s>, 11. 11. 2024.



SVETOVI / WORLDS leto 3, št. 1, februar 2025 54

Rickly-Boyd, Jillian M. 2012 ‘Lifestyle Climbing: Toward Vivanco, Luis A. and Robert L. Gordon, eds. 2006 Tar-

Existential Authenticity.’ Journal of Sport & zan was an Eco-Tourist … and Other Tales in the

Tourism 17(2): 85–104. DOI: 10.1080/14775085. Anthropology of Adventure. New York and Oxford:

2012.729898. Berghahn Books.

Soper, Kate 1995 What is Nature? Oxford: Blackwell Pub- Wheaton, Belinda 2013 The Cultural Politics of Lifestyle

lishing. Sports. London: Routledge.

Šaver, Boštjan 2005 Nazaj v Planinski Raj: Alpska Kultu- Williams, Raymond 1983 Keywords: A Vocabulary of Culture

ra Slovenstva in Mitologija Triglava. Ljubljana: and Society. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Fakulteta za družbene vede.

Zavratnik, Veronika and Ana Svetel 2021 ‘“Coronacoaster”:

Strangelove, Michael 2010 Watching YouTube: Extraordinary Local reflections on digital social networks.’ Etno-

Videos by Ordinary People. Toronto: University of logické rozpravy 28(1): 65–95.

Toronto Press.

Žižek, Slavoj 1998 ‘The Seven Veils of Fantasy.’ In: Key Con-

Urban Dictionary 2011 ‘YouTubable.’ Internet source: cepts of Lacanian Psychoanalysis, Dany Nobus, ed.

://www.urbandictionary.com/define.php?term London: Rebus. Pp: 190–218.

=YouTubable>, 11. 11. 2024.

2006 ‘Is This Digital Democracy, or a New Tyranny

Vertical Life 2024 ‘Vertical Life – About.’ Internet source: of Cyberspace?’ The Guardian, 30 December. Inter-

<https://www.vertical-life.info/en/about>, 11. 11. net source:

2024. mentisfree/2006/dec/30/comment.media>.



INTERVIEWS



Intervju with Hrvoje Grancarić. Interviewers: Blaž Bajič and Intervju with Aljaž Žnidaršič. Interviewer: Blaž Bajič, Radov-

Tomislav Oroz, Zadar, 23. 5. 2024. ljica, 24. 1. 2024.

Interview with Rudi Nadlučnik. Interviewer: Blaž Bajič, Re-

čica ob Savinji, 27. 9. 2024.



POVZETEK



Članek na primeru plezanja raziskuje, kako družbeni mediji, natančneje YouTube, vplivajo

na predstavitve identitete, prostora in nastopanja pri adrenalinskih športih na prostem. Trdi,

da predstavitve, ki jih oblikujejo algoritemske infrastrukture in specifične estetike, ustvarjajo

»YouTubabilno« vsebino – performativna, spektakularna dejanja in kraji, optimizirani

za digitalno protrošnjo. Na podlagi teh predstavitev se na novo zamišljajo identitete kot

(hi-per)verzije sebe, kraji se z izgubo krajevnosti spremenijo v nekraje, nastopanje pa

prežema norčava estetika, s čimer postanejo uprizoritve uprizoritev, kar izpostavlja njihovo

širšo povezanost s poznokapitalistično produkcijo.

V etnografskih vinjetah so predstavljeni učinki tistega, kar je poimenovano digitalna

estetizacija – algoritemsko začrtan, pa vseeno »personaliziran« proces ustvarjanja,

kroženja in potrošnje določene estetike, ki kroji dojemanje, okuse in dovzetnost ter hkrati

učinkovito zatira izraze, ki odstopajo od zakoreninjenih, komercialno uspešnih vzorcev. Te

predstavitve so nastale na podlagi avtorjevega dolgotrajnega etnografskega raziskovanja

ustvarjalcev digitalnih vsebin, s poudarkom na pustolovskih dejavnostih na prostem.

Črpajo iz etnografskih sprehodov, intervjujev in opazovanja z udeležbo, tako na spletu kot



Blaž Bajič

Vol. 3, Nr. 1, February 2025 Non-Places, and the Aesthetics of the Zany 55 The YouTubable Climb: Imaginary Identities, v živo, pa tudi »nekje vmes« (Przybylski 2020). Prispevek na primerih ustvarjalcev vsebine

o plezanju prikazuje, kako njihovo delo spaja osebne zgodbe s kulturnimi predstavami o

pustolovščinah, tveganju in avtentičnosti. S kuriranjem samopredstavitev so »negativni«

vidiki posameznikovega jaza odstranjeni in identitete na novo zamišljene kot (hi-per)

verzije jaza. Podobno kraji, ki so bili dojeti in predstavljeni kot spektakularni ter primerni za

določene prizore, potem ko jim algoritemske strukture odvzamejo krajevnost, asimptotično

postajajo nekraji (Augé 1995). Nastopi pa so prežeti z norčavo estetiko, s čimer postanejo

uprizoritve uprizoritev, kar kaže na njihovo širšo povezanost s poznokapitalistično

produkcijo (Ngai 2012).

Prispevek na podlagi Mortona (2007) sklene, da lahko naravo vidimo kot zaslon: pla-

tno, ki odseva hrepenenja, in tančico, ki zastira relacijske kompleksnosti. Naravo lahko torej

razumemo kot nekaj, kar uteleša raznorazne fantazije. Ta »digitalizirana« narava deluje

kot platforma za fantazije srednjega razreda o pobegu, čeprav te fantazije – ki uspevajo na

družbenih omrežjih – konec koncev navdušence nad športi na prostem postavljajo prav v to

realnost poznega kapitalizma, ki ji želijo ubežati.



SVETOVI / WORLDS leto 3, št. 1, februar 2025 56





From Pasture-Lands to




Wilderness: How Velebit



Became the Ultimate Place



of Wilderness and Adventure



Od pašnikov do divjine: kako je Velebit postal

popoln kraj divjine in pustolovščine



Sanja Đurin 1.01 Izvirni znanstveni članek

DOI 10.4312/svetovi.3.1.57-74



ABST ABSTRACT RACT



The article deals with the Velebit mountain range and how it has become established within

wilderness discourse. For the sake of tourism, it is today presented as “wild”, as a place of

adventure and wilderness; however, Velebit mountain was for centuries a place where her-

ders and their families coexisted with the Velebit landscape. This article discusses the domi-

nant wilderness narrative of Velebit mountain range in the context of adventure tourism.

The discourse on Velebit has changed in the past ten to fifteen years, ever since tourism in

Croatia has been taken in a new direction with the goal of becoming a destination for active

holidays. Based on ethnographic and archival work, online content, blogs and travel litera-

ture analysis, the paper describes this switch in the cultural meaning of Velebit.

KEYWORDS: wilderness, adventure, tourism, commodification, Velebit mountain range



IZVLEČEK



Članek obravnava gorovje Velebit in njegovo umestitev v diskurz o divjini. Čeprav je Velebit

že stoletja kraj, kjer sobivajo pastirji, njihove družine in velebitska pokrajina, pa je danes

zaradi turizma območje predstavljeno kot »divje«, kot kraj pustolovščin in divjine. Čla-

nek se ukvarja s prevladujočim diskurzom o divjini velebitskega gorovja v kontekstu pusto-

lovskega turizma. Diskurz o Velebitu se je spremenil v zadnjih desetih do petnajstih letih,

odkar je cilj turizma na Hrvaškem postati destinacija za aktivne počitnice. Prispevek na pod-



Sanja Đurin

From Pasture-Lands to Wilderness:

Vol. 3, Nr. 1, February 2025 of Wilderness and Adventure 57 How Velebit Became the Ultimate Place lagi etnografskega in arhivskega dela, spletnih vsebin, blogov in analize potopisne literature

ponuja vpogled v to spremembo kulturnega pomena Velebita.

KLJUČNE BESEDE: divjina, pustolovščina, turizem, poblagovljanje, gorovje Velebit



INTRODUCTION



In the holidays and travel columns of daily newspapers or internet portals in Croatia, we

often come across texts that suggest visiting or booking some of the activities on Velebit.

If you are a foreign tourist in Croatia and want to have an active holiday, again you will be

offered “wild” and “dramatic” Velebit experiences. Enticing titles will convince you that “[t]

his dramatic mountain chain, right on the Adriatic coast in Croatia, is one of the wildest

areas of the whole Mediterranean” (Rewilding Europe 2023). The “[w]ild Velebit” is descri-

bed as “a mythical Croatian mountain where bears, wolves and lynx still meet” (Croexpress

2018). Similarly, another website proclaims that the “[u]ntouched parts of Nature in Nati-

onal parks Northern Velebit and Paklenica are the ideal places to experience a Medditerean

from a different angle” (Highlander 2023). These are just some of the numerous titles that

today, as in the last ten to fifteen years, construct how the Velebit mountain range is talked

about and imagined.

Wilderness has been shaped through multiple shifting discourses. Traced back to the

12th century, the word once described spaces where wild animals roamed, places defined

not by human absence but by non-human presence. By the 19th century, Romanticism and

colonial imaginaries began to recast wilderness as a space of purity, increasingly tied to ideas

of untouched landscapes – an absence not just of people, but of specific people. In the Cro-

atian context today, traces of these layered histories persist in how wilderness is invoked,

sometimes gesturing toward preservation, sometimes toward the exclusion of local people

and their past. While I do not map these histories in full here, I focus on the dominant

framing of wilderness as land relatively untouched by large-scale human development, used

among other things as a place for adventure tourism. Velebit is often presented in public

narratives in that sense: as a home to wild animals and as a place where humans are absent.

But Velebit is far from being an “untouched wilderness”. It was inhabited for centuries, a

place where herders, their families, and the mountain coexisted. Every meadow, every small

piece of land along the one-hundred-and-fifty-kilometer rocky mountain range was used by

people as pastures, gardens, or children’s playgrounds. Velebit was teeming with life. Today

only old records, photographs and piles of stacked stones that were once the homes, stanovi,

of herders and their families remain to tell us about it,1 while public discourses construct it

1

A few old documentaries and photos testify to this rich life in the past. I would especially like to mention the documentary Mali svijet – Velebit je velika planina [Small world – Velebit is a big mountain] directed by Željko Belić in 1970. The documen-tary presents children’s everyday lives on the Tulove grede part of the mountain during the herding of cattle to the pastures on Velebit. In the past, children often spent their summers looking after the livestock. Two other documentaries on the topic of herding worth mentioning are Tragom Bukovičkih stočara [In the footsteps of the Bukovica herders] directed by Andrija Sto-janović in 1970, and the silent film Velebit by Kamilo Brössler from 1932. Many photos featuring herding and life on Velebit were taken by Radivoj Simonović (and are published in Šekarić 2019).



SVETOVI / WORLDS leto 3, št. 1, februar 2025 58

in a different way. Spatial meanings are culturally constructed (Rodman 1992) and Velebit

is not an exception – its meanings and the way it is represented have changed through time.

For the last ten to fifteen years, Velebit has become increasingly popular as a tourist desti-

nation. The recent popularisation of outdoor activities and active tourism in Croatia have

created narratives in which Velebit is a place of wilderness, adventure, and contemplation.

These narratives are creating an imaginary of an untouched, “virgin”, untamed Velebit wil-

derness that attracts an increasing number of outdoor enthusiasts. Wilderness, then, comes

into focus as an attractive niche for travel agencies and the tourism business. In my concep-

tion of tourism, I follow Matilde Córdoba Azcárate:



Tourism’s centrality to the organization of contemporary life makes it a force that extends well

beyond the economic realm. Tourism also pervades the sociocultural, political, and ecological

arenas. The tourist industry is one of the leading producers of global imaginaries. It is a powerful

form of meaning-making: narratives of the self and other, conceptions of the past and the future,

and dreams of natural and cultural encounters are produced by tourism through desire, anticipa-

tion, and memorabilia. [...] Over the last decades, the tourist industry has massively reorganized

and repurposed the physicality of places to fit those dreams and imaginaries, recreating the

untouched tropical island, the primitive native village, the pristine natural reserve, the authentic

past. It has done so through specially curated built environments and infrastructures that aim to

foster consumption – the oceanfront all-inclusive resort, the restored colonial building, the scenic

highway, the theme park – and through discourses of contemplation, cultural encounter, herita-

ge preservation, cultural remediation, indigenous empowerment, civic engagement, or sustaina-

ble participation. (Córdoba Azcárate 2020: 5–6)

Since my research on the impact of tourism on Velebit, or more precisely the municipa-

lity of Starigrad and the Paklenica National Park, is still ongoing, I will not be able to present

all the infrastructural and discursive means with which the tourist industry influences the

organisation of contemporary life in Velebit and its foothills in this article, but I will point

out some of the challenges that have come to the fore through my research to date. So far, the

impact of adventure tourism on the protected areas of Croatia has not been problematised.

This paper is based on archival work and ethnographic research conducted among

residents of the Velebit foothills, outdoor enthusiasts, adventure tour guides, and adventure

sports practitioners in Croatia. In the two years that I have been working on this topic, I

have spoken to more than fifty people. Some of my research has been conducted using semi-

-structured interviews, and some through informal, incidental conversations. I see inciden-

tal conversations as equally important as any other interview. Casual conversation conveys a

part of the atmosphere of how Velebit is experienced, interpreted or made visible by its visi-

tors. According to Senka Božić-Vrbančić, incidental conversations provide a “broader social

atmosphere – an atmosphere which made it natural” (Božić-Vrbančić 2023) that Velebit is

presented and perceived as a wilderness today.

In addition to formal and informal conversations, I have analysed online content,

blogs and travel literature related to the Velebit mountain to deconstruct the construc-

tion of Velebit as a wilderness. Furthermore, I have gained a great deal of information and

numerous insights into the assumptions and conclusions presented in this paper by reading



Sanja Đurin

From Pasture-Lands to Wilderness:

Vol. 3, Nr. 1, February 2025 of Wilderness and Adventure 59 How Velebit Became the Ultimate Place and analysing travel literature about Velebit,2 mountaineers’ diaries, and old issues of the

magazines Hrvatski planinar [Croatian Mountaineer] and Naše planine [Our Mountains].

Since I myself am engaged in outdoor activities and have been part of the outdoor

community in Croatia in my private life for more than twenty years, apart from an ethic,

I dare say that I also have an emic insight into the topics I am talking about here. My own

experience as an outdoor practitioner means many years of immersion in the outdoor scene

in Croatia, from being involved with the first outdoor online portals, the first outdoor

adventure programs and their organisers, to the initial problems they encountered in try-

ing to make Croatia a destination for active tourism. Furthermore, the practice of outdoor

activities has allowed me to conduct my field research in a very relaxed atmosphere, to talk

with outdoor practitioners and locals in circumstances where associations, ideas and answers

related to the topic they talked about (and which was also the subject of my research) flowed

very spontaneously, in a relaxed way and without restraint. In addition, I worked in tourism

for more than a decade as a student. In the early 2000s, I worked in several diving centres on

the coast, where I came into direct contact with the national policies related to active tour-

ism. I also worked for large tourist agencies. All of these personal experiences and involve-

ment have made me extra cautious regarding my research questions and conclusions. It is

also important to keep in mind the advantages and disadvantages of each method. In this

sense, I agree with John Law and John Urry (2004), who believe that no research method

is innocent because all methods are performative, so it is important to be aware of your

research position and how you will present the results of your research.



VELEBIT: FROM PASTURE-LANDS TO WILDERNESS



As mentioned in the introduction, place and its meaning are not simply given, they are

“politicized social and cultural construct[s]” (Rodman 1992: 640, cf. Campbell 2005; Repič

2018). Apart from Petar Zoranić’s pastoral-allegorical novel Planine [Mountains]3 from the

16th century, where Velebit was mentioned for the first time in written form and adored as a

mythical place, the mountain range entered public discourse at the end of the 19th century.

This is the period when it became scientifically interesting. In this sense, if we exclude the

local population, the first visitors of mountains and mountaineers in Croatia were mostly

university professors of the natural sciences, geologists, botanists, biologists, and writers.4

This is how the discursive production on Velebit started. Although they perceived Velebit as

2

Among the titles, see Birtić (2016), Forenbacher (2000), Majerović-Stilinović (2020), Popović (2013), Popović and Vukušić (2018), Rac (2010), and Šavorić (2021).

3

The novel was written in 1536 and published in 1569 in Venice.

4

The Croatian Mountaineering Association was founded in 1874 on the initiative of Johannes Frischauf (1837–1924), a mathema-tics professor at the University of Graz. During his visit to Mount Klek in April 1874, he met the writer Buda Budisavljević (1843– 1919) and the son of Ban Mažuranić, Vladimir Mažuranić (1845–1928), in Ogulin, and suggested a mountaineering society be established in Croatia. This society, like similar societies in other European countries at time, was research-oriented (Poljak 2004).



SVETOVI / WORLDS leto 3, št. 1, februar 2025 60

an instance of wilderness, their purpose was, as we learn from the first issue of the Hrvatski

planinar magazine (1898), to learn about and research its biological, geographical, hydro-

graphical and other specificities.5

However, well before Velebit attracted the interest of researchers, the local communi-

ties along the Adriatic coast lived alongside and relied on the mountain for its fertile mead-

ows (see Photo 1). Pasturing took various forms on Velebit, from alpine to transhumance

(Belaj 2004; cf. Černicki and Forenbacher 2016; Lemić 2023; Vinščak 1989). Alpine live-

stock farming is specific in that during the winter, the families lived together with their

livestock in the lowlands, along the coast where the climate is warmer. In the summer,

entire families would relocate to modest stone houses called stanovi in the higher mountain

regions, where they lived alongside their livestock until the autumn. This seasonal migra-

tion was driven by the need for better grazing opportunities, more fertile land for crops and

vegetables, and the harvesting of grass for winter cattle feed. The decline of herding life on





Photo 1: Libinje, a fertile plateau with gardens and stanovi in the interior of southern Velebit, photo by Radivoj Simonović,

1910. Source: the photography collection of the Museum of Vojvodina in Novi Sad, no. 524 (IEF photo 20615).

5

As Foucault (1961) noted, since the second half of the 18th century, European thought has been preoccupied with categori-sations and systematisations, the “great tidying up” that determines and assigns a place, a position in the social order to every object, every living and non-living being. Mountaineering societies were created to carry out this task in the natural, biolo-gical, and geological world. If we take this into account, mountaineering also marks the entry of mountains, nature, plants, and animals into the processes of listing, categorising, and structuring in order to make nature easier to monitor and manage. Furthermore, nature also served a function in nation-building projects (Gissibl, Hohller and Kupper 2012).



Sanja Đurin

From Pasture-Lands to Wilderness:

Vol. 3, Nr. 1, February 2025 of Wilderness and Adventure 61 How Velebit Became the Ultimate Place Velebit began in the 1950s, when the Adriatic coast at the base of the mountain began gain-

ing recognition as a tourist destination due to the clean sea waters and pleasant summer

weather (Vukonić 2005; Duda 2014).

In Starigrad Paklenica, where I have been conducting my fieldwork, tourism and the

decline of the traditional ways of living and herding likewise began in the 1950s. In the words

of one of my interlocutors: “The government at that time encouraged the local population

to abandon cattle breeding and mountain life in favour of tourism” (Marin, 60).6 The shift

from cattle breeding to tourism significantly impacted the local population. In 1949, the

southern part of Velebit was designated a national park, called National Park Paklenica,

further attracting tourists and altering traditional ways of life. One interlocutor told me that

“goat breeding has been banned in the region since goats consumed excessive vegetation,

hindering the park’s natural regeneration” (Ivica, 72).

On the other hand, the locals knew nothing about tourism and the customs of foreign

tourists coming to their coastal villages every summer: “These [the locals] were uneducated

people. They didn’t know what wiener schnitzel was, they learned how to prepare it, how to

cook, they learned to do what the tourists asked for from scratch” (Marin, 60). At the same

time, tourism also had a positive impact. It “open[ed] up unexpected collaborations, spaces

of hope, and opportunities for well-being that previously did not exist” (Córdoba Azcárate

2020: 3). In the words of my interlocutor:

You know, for locals Velebit isn’t something nice. It is a reminder of a harsh life, suffering,

poverty. The sea and tourism saved them from it. They don’t see the beauty of Paklenica in the

way we younger generations see it. They don’t understand why someone would go for a walk

on Velebit. (Dunja, 38)



Although tourism has initiated numerous social and cultural changes in the Starigrad

Paklenica municipality, as well as on the Croatian coast in general (Gračan and Lucić 2022;

Mariam et al. 2023; Soldić Frleta, Đurkin Badurina and Dwyer 2020), my intention here is

not to dwell on the disappearance of the traditional way of life in the region. I introduced a

few examples here as a counter-narrative to the dominant narrative of Velebit as wild. I will

now focus on the last fifteen years, on the period when active or outdoor tourism became

popular in Croatia. This has also taken place in the Paklenica National Park and its sur-

roundings, and in the following chapters I will point out some of its problematic aspects.



DISCURSIVE PRODUCTION OF WILDERNESS

AND ADVENTURE (FOR THE SAKE OF TOURISM)



Adventure culture is discursively produced (Lynch, Moore and Minchington 2012; Nerlich

1987) and many scholars today agree that people are looking for adventure as a counter-

6

Statistics confirm this. In the period from 1952 to 1960, Croatia recorded a growth rate of 21.1 percent in total overnight stays, 31.4 percent in foreign overnight stays, and 19.1 percent in domestic overnight stays (Vukonić 2005: 136).



SVETOVI / WORLDS leto 3, št. 1, februar 2025 62

point to the boring, predictable and repetitive everyday existence of urban life (Bradburd

2006; Burušić Barčan, Fletko and Rudanović 2019; De Knop and Van Hoecke 2003; Poljak

Istenič and Kozorog 2013). There are many definitions of adventure (Beames, Mackie and

Atenico 2019; Bell 2016; Buckley 2010; D’Ammassa 2009; Lynch, Moore and Minchington

2012; Nerlich 1987; Simmel 1911), but common to all of them is that adventure is an excep-

tion to the everyday, that it includes excitement and risk, and is a subjective and relative

term (Beames, Mackie and Atencio 2019: 4; Buckley 2006: 7). Beames, Mackie and Atencio

(2019) state that the common characteristics of adventure are: elements of challenge, excite-

ment and (in most cases) risk; they take place in demanding natural or artificially created

environments; they are much more relaxed in their organisation than popular mainstream

sports; they represent freedom from or opposition to the dominant sports culture; they are

individualistic but tend to build a group or a subculture.

Although we can say that eagerness for adventure is a global phenomenon today, the

meaning of adventure is also created locally by narratives in adventure magazines and books,

by digital media, local stories and travelogues (Miles and Wattchow 2015: 17), by tourist

brochures and travel blogs which add additional value to particular places, making them

tourist (or/and adventure) destinations (Bertoša, Muhvić-Dimanovski and Skelin Horvat

2012: 167; Han, Lovett and Law 2022). This is especially true for national and nature parks,

which due to their biodiversity already have special value in national contexts. Since adven-

ture is positioned as a counterpoint to urban life, it is often consumed in non-urban areas,

in national or nature parks which are per se defined as wilderness (Cronon 1995). We can

say that adventure has been commodified and has become a “sticky word” as Sara Ahmed

(2004) would put it. It is sticky in the sense that adventure as the feeling of excitement is

positioned as an object of our desire, something we strive for, about which we feel emotion-

al. In that sense it becomes good bait for marketing certain destinations or products that we

consume or enjoy (MacCannell 2011: 53) in our free time. Following the industrial revolu-

tion and romanticism, mountain landscapes were discursively constructed as special places,

places of wilderness and adventure (Macfarlane 2004; Smith 1984). What Henry David

Thoreau and John Muir began in America in the latter half of the 19th century by describing

inaccessible territories as paradise-like wilderness later transferred to Europe, where wilder-

ness and the sublime beauty of nature have been used to shape the national consciousness

and foster patriotism (Barnard 2006; Campbell 2005; Duda 2012; Mikša and Urban 2013;

Šaver 2005). Natural beauty began to be seen as a national asset, leading to the establishment

of the first national parks alongside the formation of nation-states. Mountains, nature and

protected areas became crucial to a country’s valuation (Smith 1984), opening the space

for its commodification as an “adventurescape” (Poljak Istenič and Kozorog 2013). At that

time, both in Europe and North America, the first tourists, then members of the upper class,

encouraged the development of various services in mountain landscapes, from equipment

carriers to tourist carriers, from carriage drivers to the owners of restaurants and overnight

stays (Bartoluci and Čavlek 2007; Cronon 1995; Duda 2012). Members of the middle class

also soon became consumers of nature. Doing outdoor leisure activities was the reaction to



Sanja Đurin

From Pasture-Lands to Wilderness:

Vol. 3, Nr. 1, February 2025 of Wilderness and Adventure 63 How Velebit Became the Ultimate Place industrialisation and urbanization. These were mainly young white men who saw nature as

the opposite of the urban, contributing to the growing movement of outdoor lifestyle and

adventure culture, to which wilderness is essential. According to Robert Macfarlane, the

commodification of mountains started in the Romantic period, soon after the intellectual

and civic elite discovered excitement and fear as feelings that enable deep self-knowledge

(Macfarlane 2004). In addition, during this period, mountains were comprehended as plac-

es where we are closer to God, and can evoke contemplative feelings (Cronon 1995; Macfar-

lane 2004). However, not all of these meanings and sentiments regarding mountains can be

readily applied to Croatia.

Although Croatia had its own mountaineering society and its own intellectual elite

that frequented the mountains by the end of the 19th century, adventure was initially seen

as neither attractive nor acceptable to the mountaineers of the time. As Poljak (2004: 60)

argued, mountain climbing was considered too risky and foolish. At that time in Croatia,

mountaineering was defined in the dominant discourses in the sense of hiking, not climbing

steep cliffs. One report of the Croatian Mountaineering Association (Hrvatski Planinarski

Savez – HPD) assembly from 1891 states: “We do not believe that it is the task of moun-

taineers to promote tourist sport, and to endanger human life by climbing steep inaccessible

cliffs just to satisfy personal ambition” (cited in Poljak 2004: 50).7

Throughout the second half of the 20th century, not too many Croatians were inter-

ested in wilderness and looking for adventure either. Mountaineering existed mostly as a

social activity, but it was not widespread.8 I haven’t found any statistics on the number of

mountaineers over the years in Croatia, but many of my interlocutors agreed that outdoor

activities were in general unpopular. As one of them said in 2020:

Unlike many other countries, starting with Slovenia, Austria, France, England, Americans, who

are real outdoor nations, we Croats are not exactly an outdoor nation longing for wilderness. We

are a nation that historically lived in the harsh nature, but it was a harsh life and survival, nature

was your partner and enemy, depending on the situation. But in this outdoor sense, we are not an

outdoor nation. We are a shopping nation, although that is changing now, luckily. Not long ago

but recently, maybe in the last ten years, there has been some kind of boom or growth that is still

not like in Slovenia, where I think that ninety percent of the people are engaged in some kind of

outdoor activity over the weekend, going somewhere. And in our country it is fifteen to twenty

7

Despite this dominant narrative, individuals interested in steep mountain climbing also existed, but they were in the minori-ty. The division between mountaineers at the beginning of the 20th century was class-based. While academics and the social elite practised hiking in mountain landscapes, individuals from the middle and working classes were eager to undertake seri-ous climbing endeavors. Since the Croatian Mountaineering Association shied away from “acrobatic” (Poljak 2004: 60) rock climbing and hindered the development of mountain climbing, this created constant turmoil among mountaineers in Croatia. In 1923, the rebel mountaineers founded the Croatian Tourist Club “Sljeme”, and made the first climbing ascents in the Swiss Alps, paving the way for mountain climbing (Poljak 2004: 50).

8

Throughout the second half of the 20th century, hiking was the most popular outdoor activity in Croatia, but the total num-ber of hikers in Croatia was small. There is no statistical data on the number of hikers over the years, although there were, for example, 32,776 registered members of the Croatian Mountaineering Association in 2018 (which in addition to hikers also includes alpinists, speleologists, and sport climbers), which is 7.65 percent of the total population of the Republic of Croatia. However, these days, interest in participating in mountaineering schools is constantly growing.



SVETOVI / WORLDS leto 3, št. 1, februar 2025 64

percent in this boom, and before that it was two to five percent, if at all … So, in that sense, the

outdoors did not exist in our country. We have a tradition in the Mountaineering Association, it

is the only institution that has been keeping up with the times. (Danijel, 59)



It was not until recently that the attitude towards outdoor activities and hiking changed

significantly. The reasons why this change happened have been written about extensively. As

already mentioned, some authors think that going outdoors and looking for adventure is

compensation for what a person lacks in everyday life, which is an active life and excitement

or adventure (Burušić Barčan, Fletko and Rudanović 2019; De Knop and Van Hoecke 2003).

Some think that the change was driven by economic, environmental, migrant and other crises

of today (Božić-Vrbančić and Đurin 2021; Salecl 2011), by social media and the development

of digital technologies, the use of smartphones, smartwatches, and applications; by the open-

ing of large retail chains of sports equipment at affordable prices (such as Decathlon in 2014);

by new forms of sports facilities such as running schools or guided hiking tours which create

new forms of sociability and build new subcultures (Markić, Bijakšić and Bevanda 2018;

Đurin 2022). Here I will focus in more detail on the changes that have occurred in terms

of tourism policy. It is important to pay attention to the new legislation regulating active or

adventure tourism9 in Croatia because it has turned mountains and other natural landscapes

into “adventurescapes”, i.e. into commodities that can be experienced or consumed.



COMMODIFYING NATURAL

HERITAGE IN CROATIA



After World War II and especially in the late 1970s in the Western world, and in Croatia in

the late 1990s, mass tourism became popular as a practice and a sign of social progress (Duda

2014; Mowforth and Munt 2015). That period was based on the logic of the 3S tourism mod-

el of sun, sea, and sand. In the late 1990s the UN World Tourism Organization (UNWTO)

created new trends in tourism, where the 3S model was replaced by the 4H model of history,

heritage, handicrafts, and habitat (Smith 1996). This reversal and change of focus opened

up the possibility for the commodification of cultural and natural heritage and the crea-

tion of destination tourism, including the promotion of active tourism (Huddart and Stott

2020). As Córdoba Azcárate puts it: “Once ordered under the tourist gaze as locations one

can escape to and/or where one can encounter nature or other cultures, places and people

become in practice ‘positional goods’: goods whose value derives from their spatial position

in socioeconomic fields of meaning and practice” (2020: 14). In this sense, tourism became

“one of the most efficient capitalist technologies, thanks to its almost unmatched capacity to

advance production and consumption through the seemingly endless creation of new zones

of commodification” (Córdoba Azcárate 2020: 14–15).

9

Active and adventure tourism are used as synonyms in the Croatian legislature, and often in the language itself also. In spoken language, it was a very common occurrence that my interlocutors were talking about outdoor activities, but they were actually thinking of adventure activities. This is why I use the terms here without distinction as well.



Sanja Đurin

From Pasture-Lands to Wilderness:

Vol. 3, Nr. 1, February 2025 of Wilderness and Adventure 65 How Velebit Became the Ultimate Place for the environment can be interpreted as a response to the effects of industrial and extrac-

In 2017 the UN declared the International Year of Sustainable Tourism for Develop-

ment, which presented tourism as “a catalyst for effective development because it enhances

natural conservation and ‘resource efficiency’, reverses colonial inequalities, empowers

marginalized indigenous people, and builds cross-cultural ‘corporate empathy’ and ‘global

prosperity’” (Córdoba Azcárate 2020: 5). A corresponding program proved to be crucial for

active tourism in Croatia. In the same year, the Croatian Parliament passed the Act on the

Provision of Tourism Services.10 This Act, among other things, regulates the tourist offer

based on the 4H model, which for the first time regulates the tourist services in nautical

tourism, health tourism, congress tourism, services of fishing tourism, services on agricul-

tural farms, aquatic organism breeding grounds, hunting, rent-a-car services, diving services

and services of active and adventure tourism in Croatia. Although active and adventure

tourism services, which by their nature imply numerous risky and life-threatening situations

for users, existed before 2017, regulations in this type of tourism only developed slowly.

But once it was legally regulated in 2017, the offer of active and adventure tourism content

grew exponentially, turning Croatia into an active tourism destination. According to Grand

View Research, the adventure tourism market in Europe accounted for a revenue share of

around thirty-seven percent of global revenue in 2024, and Croatia is recognised as one of

the destinations that increasingly boosts that growth: “countries like France, Austria, and

Croatia further bolster the market with their wide array of adventure offerings, including

water sports, paragliding, and alpine trekking” (Grand View Research 2024).

However, as Croatia is a small country whose economy is largely based on tourism,

concerns about the future directions of tourism development are justified.11 Among the

protected areas, there are eight national parks and twelve nature parks, and another one is

currently in the process of being declared.12 Although the task of such areas is to care for the

preservation of biodiversity, destination tourism makes these areas particularly attractive to

tourists, and the growth in attendance threatens their basic function. The number of visitors

to Croatia’s national parks has almost doubled from 2009 to 2019,13 and the numbers are

still growing.

Numerous researchers warn that the very policies of biodiversity and protection

also create numerous problematic spots, and I have already mentioned some of them in the

second section. For example, Ben Campbell emphasizes that “[a]ttempts to protect nature

by control of human intervention in areas demarcated for biodiversity have given rise to

difficult questions of practicality and social justice” (2005: 280). The first signs of concern

10

Zakon o pružanju usluga u turizmu. Narodne novine 130/2017, issued on 27 December 2017.

11

There are 409 protected areas in Croatia, covering a total of 817,383.34 hectares, which makes up 9.3 percent of the total ter-ritory of the Republic of Croatia (Ministarstvo gospodarstva n.d.).

12

If declared, this park will encompass Ivanščica, Strahinjčica, Maceljska and Ravna gora in the Varaždin and Krapina-Zagorje counties. It will cover thirty-one thousand hectares in fourteen cities and municipalities.

13

In 2009 there were a total of 2,060,353, and in 2019 there were 3,876,152 visitors.



SVETOVI / WORLDS leto 3, št. 1, februar 2025 66

tive capitalism. The ghettoisation of nature in the form of national parks was intended to

maintain the bio-authenticity freed from human intervention. Campbell believes that such

solutions led to territorial divisions between nature and society, but did not reduce profit-

ability through ecological degradation (2005: 283). Stanley Stevens (1997) warned of the

negative impacts that the establishment of national parks has on the indigenous popula-

tion. The establishment of parks based on the ideals of wilderness in America has disrupted

traditional ways of life and displaced the inhabitants who had shaped and preserved local

ecosystems for centuries. Although new types of parks and protected areas under considera-

tion today are based on partnerships with indigenous peoples, the question is to what extent

they can contribute to such protection when different interests within indigenous commu-

nities come into conflict with each other. In the remainder of this paper, I will mention some

examples of these problems in the context of Velebit.

Velebit is often considered Croatia’s most awe-inspiring mountain range. In addition

to being interesting to researchers due to its biodiversity and geological specificities, Vele-

bit attracts poets, writers and other artists who seek inspiration from it but also create the

imagery of Velebit as a mythical, magical mountain. Today, the mountain range encompasses

two national parks (NP North Velebit and NP Paklenica) and one nature park (PP Velebit),

is part of the European Natura 2000 network, and a UNESCO world heritage site.14

All this opens Velebit up to many different users and different (and sometimes con-

flicting) interpretations. For some, it is a place of contemplation and solitude. Some of my

interlocutors choose to spend their leisure time on Velebit to get “away from civilisation”, as

a response to a busy work week, or due to the feelings of anger and helplessness regarding

social and political life in general. And some are going “into the wild” because they believe

this is necessary in order to stay physically and mentally healthy. Many of them mentioned

that they go to the mountains because they “feel alive” in nature, because by staying in the

mountains they are “charging their batteries”. A multi-day mountain hiking trip is a devia-

tion from the predictability of everyday life and a boring nine-to-five workday.

But not all these people will go to Velebit on their own. Some lack the skills and

knowledge to do it on their own, as one interlocutor explained to me:

It’s not so much the fear of sleeping outside, but the feeling. [In organised mass events] you have

people around you, you’re not alone if something goes wrong. And you don’t know the area, you

don’t know where you’ll be able to sleep, you don’t know the terrain, you don’t know anything.

And I said, we’ll go like that [on a mass tour organised by a tourist agency] and we’ll see everything,

so next time we can do it by ourselves alone. (Viktorija, 48)



14

The beech forests of Paklenica National Park and Northern Velebit National Park were entered onto the UNESCO World Heri-tage List on 7 July 2017, and together with the beech forests of Albania, Austria, Belgium, Bulgaria, Italy, Germany, Romania, Slovakia, Slovenia, Spain and Ukraine comprise the whole of the “Ancient and Primeval Beech Forests of the Carpathians and Other Regions of Europe”. Two sites were selected for inclusion on the UNESCO World Heritage List as the Croatian repre-sentatives of primeval beech forests, one within the boundaries of Paklenica NP (Suva draga-Klimenta and Oglavinovac-Javor-nik) and the other within the borders of Northern Velebit NP (Rožanski and Hajdučki kukovi) (Paklenica National Park n.d.).



Sanja Đurin

From Pasture-Lands to Wilderness:

Vol. 3, Nr. 1, February 2025 of Wilderness and Adventure 67 How Velebit Became the Ultimate Place

Therefore, many people take organised and mass tours of Velebit. Such tours enable

them to overcome their fears and insecurities stemming from a lack of the necessary knowl-

edge and skills.

Moreover, logistical challenges are often the reason for participating in the organised

tours, as well as financial rationale:

Look, this was our problem: we want it [to go hiking on Velebit], but our problem is logistics.

Transportation was expensive, you have transportation to Baške Oštarije and back which is four

hundred Croatian Kuna [fifty-three Euro] per person, that was expensive for us. There is no way

to put together a team to share these expenses with ... And that’s been a problem for years, becau-

se we couldn’t get the team together. Furthermore, if we went alone, we wouldn’t know where to

spend the night, and you’re a little scared, okay, you’re scared. You don’t know where to spend the

night, you’d never been there. (Ines, 45)

The next important point is that you get water at check points, they bring you cooked food, you

get stew, they bring you beer ... It would have cost us a lot more if we had gone alone. [...] They

made it so that anyone directly from an armchair at home has the possibility to come to Velebit,

but such people have no idea what they are getting into, these people give up. When we were there,

a bunch of them gave up. (Viktorija, 48)



As we can see from these examples, today, due to the entire infrastructure of guides

and agencies that have developed around the commodification of natural heritage, people

who lack the basic knowledge of how to hike on their own are hiking on Velebit. They gener-

ally haven’t got any experience of multi-day hiking and they did not go through any kind of

training. In other words, they are not independent hikers. But because of its huge populari-

sation, my interlocutors were somehow allured by this kind of adventure despite the many

fears and worries they had.

Since the popularisation of Velebit as an active tourism destination is largely happen-

ing through photo and video materials, Velebit has also become attractive in a photogenic

sense and some go to Velebit to make memories in the sense of attractive photographs or

videos (see Božić-Vrbančić 2025; Bajič 2025). Memories as photographs are an additional

way that various commercial programs, ranging from trail and trekking races to mass hiking

events, motor rallies and quad tours, attract people to buy their services.

All the various events and different visitors also mean different and conflicting

interests and relations between all the agents involved. As a result, the unregulated com-

modification is leaving a significant ecological footprint on the mountain. According to the

information I currently have, there are no restrictions on the number of visitors or the maxi-

mum number of participants per event. As one interlocutor mentioned:

I think all these ministries are not communicating with each other at all. It’s not like we’ve sat down

at a table to discuss what to do with this Velebit of ours. For instance, we could decide there will be

no vehicles here, no concessions, nothing. Instead, it’s left unchecked ... so that nobody knows

what’s happening. That’s the problem. If they don’t consider the future of Velebit in the next

twenty, thirty, or forty years and come to a joint decision about it, it won’t end well. (Marin, 60)



SVETOVI / WORLDS leto 3, št. 1, februar 2025 68



Photo 2: Organised quad tours from Starigrad Paklenica to Velebit. Source: the author’s private collection.





Photo 3: An organised quad tour on Velebit, with quad rides venturing off the established paths

in a protected area. Source: Pelago n.d.



Sanja Đurin

From Pasture-Lands to Wilderness:

Vol. 3, Nr. 1, February 2025 of Wilderness and Adventure 69 How Velebit Became the Ultimate Place ties in these sensitive landscapes. This work has merely scratched the surface of the numer-

From the conversations I had with the organisers of some mass events, such as the

Highlander hiking program, it appears that even though they sometimes follow the ethics

of “leave no trace”, they are not fully aware of the impact these events have on the environ-

ment. The same goes for the organisers of motor rally races, quad adventures, and concert

organisers (Zadarski.hr 2024). Some organisers believe that the biggest threat posed by such

events is the garbage left behind by the participants, so they have put in place strict measures

in this regard. However, biologists and ornithologists have observed more insidious effects,

such as the reduction of plant and animal populations and the disappearance of birds due

to the increasing human presence or noise. The organisers of mass outdoor events often do

not recognise this as a problem. Therefore, the major challenge is balancing the demands of

visitors with the protection of biodiversity, since protected areas face numerous problems

including noise that scares the wildlife, crowding, parking problems, air pollution, incon-

siderate visitors, trail erosion, visible human waste, wildlife fleeing their habitats, disturbed

vegetation, damaged trails and the like (Lindley, Blevins and Williams 2018).15

Ultimately, the decision of what to care about and protect is not neutral; not every-

one has the power to define what needs protection and care, nor are decisions about what

is worth protecting completely innocent or disinterested (Domínguez Rubio 2023). It is

therefore crucial to question what we want to preserve and what we do not, to consider the

interests involved, and to contemplate the consequences of our decisions.



CONCLUSION



Over the past ten to fifteen years, wilderness exploration and adventure activities have

become immensely popular in Croatia. This trend has significantly influenced how Velebit

mountain is perceived and integrated into the lives of Croatian residents as well as other

visitors. While older generations made Velebit their home from June until October, today’s

visitors perceive it as an undiscovered wilderness.

The shift happened as adventure tourism started to develop, and as the intertwining

of economy and culture is becoming more pronounced in Croatia. In the outdoor adven-

ture framework, mountains represent a space where individuals push their limits, confront

their fears and weaknesses, and embark on personal adventures, which makes them attrac-

tive places for leisure and adventure activities. The tourism industry is co-constructing this

imaginary in order to use it in the commodification of the Velebit mountain range, thereby

threatening the area with the irreversible destruction of biodiversity. Protected natural des-

tinations are nowadays becoming increasingly attractive locations for outdoor recreation.

Year after year, this leads to an increasing number of visitors and a wider variety of activi-

15

Some events contribute to the destruction of cultural heritage without significant repercussions. For instance, the Premužić trail (North Velebit) and Majstorska cesta (South Velebit), both protected cultural monuments, are under threat. One Velebit enthusiast sarcastically commented on several instances of vandalism on the hiking trails on his Facebook profile, noting the lack of action taken in response by the Northern Velebit Park Management. In the case of Majstorska cesta, the lack of regula-tion in such protected areas has even led to motor rally events taking place there.



SVETOVI / WORLDS leto 3, št. 1, februar 2025 70

ous problematic locations in Croatia that are being exposed to the commodification of its

natural resources and the development of adventure tourism, a field of research that requires

further in-depth exploration.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS: This article is part of the research project DigiFREN – Digital aestheticization of fragile enviro-nments. The DigiFREN project was financed within the framework of the Chanse program, which is financed with funds from the European Union’s program for research and innovation, Horizon 2020, within the framework of Grant Agreement no. 101004509 and funds from the Croatian Science Foundation.

CITED REFERENCES

Ahmed, Sara 2004 The Cultural Politics of Emotion. London: as “Whatever” Destinations.’ Svetovi/Worlds 3(1):

Routledge. Pp. 18–36.

Bajič, Blaž 2025 ‘The YouTubable Climb: Self, Nature, and Božić-Vrbančić, Senka and Sanja Đurin 2021 ‘Povijesna sada-

the Zany.’ Svetovi/Worlds 3(1): Pp. 37–56. šnjost i krhkost prirode viđeni kroz boravak u prirodi

i afektivne percepcije planina.’ [sic]: Časopis za knji-

Barnard, Alan 2006 ‘Tarzan and the Lost Races: Anthro- ževnost, kulturu i književno prevođenje 12(1): 1–20.

pology and Early Science Fiction.’ In: Tarzan Was

an Eco-Tourist … and Other Tales in the Anthropology Bradburd, Daniel 2006 ‘Adventure in the Zeitgeist, Adven-

of Adventure. Luis A. Vivanco and Robert J. Gor- tures in Reality: Simmel, Tarzan, and Beyond.’ In:

don, eds. New York and Oxford: Berghahn Books. Tarzan Was an Eco-Tourist … and Other Tales in the

Pp. 58–74. Anthropology of Adventure. Luis A. Vivanco and

Robert J. Gordon, eds. New York and Oxford:

Bartoluci, Mato and Nevenka Čavlek 2007 Turizam i sport – Berghahn Books. Pp. 43–58.

razvojni aspekti. Zagreb: Školska knjiga.

Buckley, Ralf 2006 Adventure Tourism. Cambridge: CAB

Beames, Simon, Chris Mackie and Matthew Atencio 2019 International.

Adventure and Society. London: Palgrave Macmillan.

Buckley, Ralf 2010 Adventure Tourism Management. Oxford:

Belaj, Vitomir 2004 ‘Tradicijsko planinsko stočarstvo na Elsevier.

Velebitu i bunjevačka etnogeneza.’ Studia ethnologica

Croatica 16(1): 5–31. Burušić Barčan, Ivana, Ivona Fletko and Ena Rudanović 2019

‘Značaj trendova i inovacija u turizmu.’ Zbornik

Belić, Željko (director) 1970 Mali svijet – Velebit je velika pla- radova Međimurskog veleučilišta u Čakovcu 10(2):

nina. Documentary. Internet source: 21-24.

youtube.com/watch?v=gQlYwIKAlqs>, 22. 11. 2024.

Campbell, Ben 2005 ‘Changing Protection Policies and

Bell, Martha 2016 ‘The Romance of Risk: Adventure’s Ethnographies of Environmental Engagement.’

Incorporation in Risk Society.’ Journal of Adventure Conservation and Society 3(2): 280–322.

Education and Outdoor Learning 17(4): 280–293.

Córdoba Azcárate, Matilde 2020 Stuck with Tourism.

Bertoša, Mislava, Vesna Muhvić-Dimanovski and Anita Space, Power, and Labor in Contemporary Yucatán.

Skelin Horvat 2012 ‘The Semiotic Construction of Oakland: University of California Press.

a Holiday Country: The Case of Croatia.’ Tourism,

Culture & Communication 11: 165–182. DOI: 10.3727/ Croexpress 2018 ‘(VIDEO) DIVLJI VELEBIT Mitska hrvatska

109830412X13346876802194. planina gdje se još sreću medvjed, vuk i ris.’ Internet

source:

Birtić, Tomislav 2016 Šetnje s Bogom u gojzericama. Zagreb: velebit-mitska-hrvatska-planina-gdje-se-jos-srecu-

Rafinerija ideja. medvjed-vuk-i-ris/>, 15. 3. 2018.

Božić-Vrbančić, Senka 2023 Prekarnost – Priče iz Ubera. Cronon, William. 1995 ‘The Trouble with Wilderness; or,

Zagreb: Jesenski i Turk. Getting Back to the Wrong Nature.’ In: Uncommon

Ground: Rethinking the Human Place in Nature.

Božić-Vrbančić, Senka 2025 ‘Instagrammable Destinations New York: W. W. Norton & Co. Pp 69–90.



Sanja Đurin

From Pasture-Lands to Wilderness:

Vol. 3, Nr. 1, February 2025 of Wilderness and Adventure 71 How Velebit Became the Ultimate Place Černicki, Lara and Stašo Forenbaher 2016 Starim cestama Law, John and John Urry 2004 ‘Enacting the Social.’ Econo-

preko Velebita. Zagreb: Libricon. my and Society 33(3): 390–410. DOI: 10.1080/0308514

042000225716.

D’Ammassa, Don 2009 Encyclopedia of Adventure Fiction.

New York: Facts On File. Lemić, Ana 2023 Sela i stanovi na Velebitu: Svjedočanstva

života od nastanka do nestanka. Zagreb: Synopsis.

De Knop, Paul and Jo Van Hoecke 2003 ‘Uloga sporta u borbi

za turiste: figuralna perspektiva razvoja sportskog Lindley, R. Betsy, Maria D. Blevins and Scott D. Williams

turizma.’ Kinesiology 35(1): 59–71. 2018 ‘Cultural Meanings and Management

Challenges: High use in Urban-proximate

Domínguez Rubio, Fernando 2023 ‘Thinking from Fragility.’ Wilderness.’ International Journal of Wilderness 24:

Diseña (23): Article 2. DOI: 10.7764/disena.23. 16–25.

Article.2.

Lynch, Pip, Kevin Moore and Lyn Minchington 2012

Duda, Dean 2012 Kultura putovanja: Uvod u književnu ‘Adventure Cultures: An International Compari-

iterologiju. Zagreb: Ljevak. son.’ Journal of Adventure Education and Outdoor

Learning 12(3): 237–260.

Duda, Igor 2014 U potrazi za blagostanjem: O povijesti

dokolice i potrošačkog društva u Hrvatskoj 1950-ih i MacCannell, Dean 2011 The Ethics of Sightseeing. Berkeley:

1960-ih. Zagreb: Srednja Europa. University of California Press.

Đurin, Sanja 2022 ‘“Highlander Adventure of a Lifetime”: Macfarlane, Robert 2004 Mountains of the Mind: A History of

Avantura u vremenu komodifikacije outdoor aktiv- a Fascination. London: Granta Publications.

nosti.’ Etnološka tribina: Godišnjak Hrvatskog etno-

loškog društva 52(45): 177–190. Majerović-Stilinović, Milan 2020 Što sam naučio na planini.

Zagreb: Libricon.

Forenbacher, Sergej 2000 Iz velebitskog dnevnika. Libricon,

Zagreb. Mariam, Kago, Momocha Singh, Millo Yaja and Anuj Kumar

2024 ‘Negative Perception of the Local Community

Foucault, Michel 1961 Madness and Civilization: A History towards Tourism Development.’ Tourism and Hospi-

of Insanity in the Age of Reason. London: Routledge. tality Management 30(1):15–25. DOI: 10.20867/

thm.30.1.2.

Gissibl, Bernhard, Sabine Hohller and Patric Kupper 2012

‘Introduction: Towards a Global History of Nati- Markić, Brano, Sanja Bijakšić and Arnela Bevanda 2018 ‘Ko-

onal Parks.’ In: Civilizing Nature: National Parks munikacija na društvenim mrežama i razvoj imidža o

in Global Historical Perspective. Bernhard Gissibl, brendu turističke destinacije.’ Hum 13(19): 233–248.

Sabine Hohller and Patric Kupper, eds. New York

and Oxford: Berghahn Books. Pp.1–27. Mikša, Peter and Urban Golob 2013 Zgodovina slovenskega

alpinizma. Ljubljana: Friko, Mikša in partnerji.

Gračan, Daniela and Lovorko Lučić 2022 ‘The Impact of

Tourism Development on the Quality of Life of Miles, Beau and Brian Wattchow 2015 ‘The Mirror of the

the Locals in a Tourist Destination.’ Scientific Sea: Narrative Identity, Seakayak Adventuring and

Journal of Maritime Research 36: 105–112. DOI: Implications for Outdoor Adventure Education.’

10.31217/p.36.1.12. Australian Journal of Outdoor Education 18(1):

16–26.

Grand View Research 2024 ‘Adventure Tourism Market Size

& Trends.’ Internet source: Ministarstvo gospodarstva n.d. ‘Zaštićena područja.’ Internet

viewresearch.com/industry-analysis/adventure- source:

tourism-market-report>, 31. 12. 2024. /djelokrug-4925/zastita-prirode/zasticena-podrucja

/1188>, 31. 12. 2024.

Highlander 2023 ‘Become a HIGHLANDER on the Mountain

that Started it All!’ Internet source: Mowforth, Martin and Ian Munt 2015 Tourism and Sustain-

highlanderadventure.com/en-us/velebit>, 18. 07. ability: Development, Globalisation and New Tourism

2023. in the Third World. London: Routledge.

Huddart, David and Tim Stott 2020 Adventure Tourism: Nerlich, Michael 1987 Ideology of Adventure. Studies in Mo-

Environmental Impacts and Management. London: dern Consciousness 1100–1750. Minneapolis: Uni-

Palgrave MacMillan. versity of Minnesota Press.



SVETOVI / WORLDS leto 3, št. 1, februar 2025 72

Paklenica National Park n.d. ‘UNESCO World Heritage List.’ Smith, Valene L. 1996 ‘The Four Hs of Tribal Tourism:

Internet source: Acoma: A Pueblo Case Study.’ Progress in Tourism

en/international-designations/unesco-world-heritage and Hospitality Research 2(3–4): 295–306. DOI:

>, 12. 1. 2025. 10.1002/pth.6070020310.

Pelago n.d. ‘Mountain Quad ATV Adventure From Zadar.’ Inter- Soldić Frleta, Daniela, Jelena Đurkin Badurina and Larry

net source: Dwyer 2020 ‘Well-Being and Residents’ Tourism

p9bot253c-mountain-quad-atv-adventure-from- Support – Mature Island Destination Perspective.’

zadar-zadar/>, 22. 10. 2023. Zagreb International Review of Economics & Business

23: 29-41. DOI: 10.2478/zireb-2020-0021.

Poljak, Željko 2004 Zlatna knjiga hrvatskog planinarstva.

Zagreb: HPS. Stevens, Stanley, ed. 1997 Conservation through Cultural

Survival: Indigenous Peoples and Protected Areas.

Poljak Istenič, Saša and Miha Kozorog 2013 ‘Triglavski na- Washington: Island Press.

rodni park v horizontu rekreacijskega avanturizma.’

Traditiones 42(2): 105–126. Stojanović, Andrija (director) 1970 Tragom Bukovičkih stočara.

Documentary. Internet source:

Popović, Edo 2013 U Velebitu. Zagreb: Libricon. youtube.com/watch?v=xctwXJ8XeFI&t=426s>,

22. 11. 2024.

Popović, Edo and Ante Vukušić 2018 Čovjek i planina. Za-

greb: Libricon. Šaver, Boštjan 2005 Nazaj v planinski raj – Alpska kultura

slovenstva in mitologija Triglava. Ljubljana: Fakulte-

Rac, Krunoslav 2010 Velebit: iskustvo planine. Zagreb: Profil ta za družbene vede.

multimedija.

Šavorić, Tatjana 2021 Moja planina – Kroz gore uz more, od

Repič, Jaka 2018 ‘Memorialization of The First World War Prevlake do Istre. Zagreb: VBZ.

in The Landscape of The Julian Alps.’ Folklore;

Electronic Journal of Folklore 73: 27–46. DOI: Šekarić, Bogdan 2019 Fotografije dr Radivoja Simonovića –

10.7592/FEJF2018.73.repic. Velebit. Novi Sad: Muzej Vojvodine.

Rewilding Europe 2023 ‘Velebit Mountains: The Untamed Vinščak, Tomo 1989 ‘Kuda idu ‘horvatski nomadi.’ Studia

Adriatic Coast.’ Internet source: ethnologica Croatica 1(1): 79–98.

rewildingeurope.com/landscapes/velebit-

mountains/>, 20. 11. 2023. Vukonić, Boris 2005 Povijest hrvatskog turizma. Zagreb:

Prometej.

Rodman, Margaret C. 1992 ‘Empowering Place: Multilocality

and Multivocality.’ American Anthropologist 94(3): Xu, Han, Jon C. Lovett and Rob Law 2022 ‘Understanding

640–656. Destination Value Co-Creation on Social Media:

An Application of Travel Blog Analysis.’ Tourism

Salecl, Renata 2011 The Tyranny of Choice. London: IPS – and Hospitality 3(3):573–588. DOI: 10.1002/

Profile Books. pth.6070020310.

Simmel, Georg 2002 ‘The Adventure.’ [Translated by David Zadarski.hr 2024 ‘Krše li se zabrane na Velebitu: Tulove

Kettler]. Internet source: grede kulisa za koncerte i relije ili oaza mira

edu/dweinste/theory/adventure.html>, 21. 12. 2024. i tišine?’ Inter-net source:

slobodnadalmacija.hr/zadar/4-kantuna/krse-li-

Smith, Neil 1984 Uneven Development: Nature, Capital, and se-zabrane-na-velebitu-tulove-grede-kulisa-za-

the Production of Space. London: University of koncerte-i-relije-ili-oaza-mira-i-tisine-1430344>,

Georgia Press. 2. 1. 2025.



Sanja Đurin

From Pasture-Lands to Wilderness:

Vol. 3, Nr. 1, February 2025 of Wilderness and Adventure 73 How Velebit Became the Ultimate Place





POVZETEK




Članek na podlagi postavke Margaret Rodman, da prostori in njihovi pomeni niso enostav-

no dani, temveč so dejansko »politizirani družbeni in kulturni konstrukt[i]«, ter misli

Matilde Córdoba Azcárate o turizmu kot močni silnici, ki »na osnovi željá, pričakovanj in

spominkov« konstruira pomene, obravnava oblikovanje zgodbe o Velebitu kot divjini in

izpostavlja njegovo preobrazbo v privlačno lokacijo za aktivni turizem. Opisuje spremembe

v predstavitvah Velebita v zadnjih desetih do petnajstih letih, ko se je Hrvaška pomikala v

smeri popularizacije aktivnega/pustolovskega turizma in si prizadevala prodreti na turistični

trg kot destinacija za tovrstni turizem. Velebit se nenadoma prikazuje kot neokrnjena divji-

na, kar je nasprotno njegovi hitro pozabljeni zgodovinski stvarnosti, ki jo je zaznamoval

živahen soobstoj gorá, pastirjev in njihovih družin.

Prispevek začne z opisom razvoja znanstvenega zanimanja za Velebit v 19. stoletju

in pojava planinarjenja na Hrvaškem. Planinci so bili takrat osredotočeni na hidrološke,

geološke, biološke in druge značilnosti Velebita. V nadaljevanju članek predstavi diskurziv-

no produkcijo pustolovstva in njegove povezave z gorami kot prostorom divjine ter opiše,

kako se je na Hrvaškem razvijalo zanimanje za pustolovske dejavnosti. Četrti del obravna-

va sodobne razmere, poblagovljanje narodnih in naravnih parkov na Hrvaškem v okviru

aktivnega turizma ter opozarja na številne težave, ki jih porajajo ti procesi.



SVETOVI / WORLDS leto 3, št. 1, februar 2025 74





Capturing the Invisible:




The Digital Aestheticization



of Mires



Ujeti nevidno: digitalna estetizacija močvirij



Kirsi Laurén, Tiina Seppä and Juhana Venäläinen 1.01 Izvirni znanstveni članek

DOI 10.4312/svetovi.3.1.75-94



ABSTRACT



This article explores how digital devices shape aesthetic perceptions and interactions with

fragile Finnish mires. Through senso-digital walking interviews, it examines how technolo-

gies like mobile cameras, social media, and navigation apps influence experiences of mires.

Digital devices provide new ways to capture and share mire aesthetics and also mediate sen-

sory interactions, allowing users to engage with the mires’ visual and ecological nuances.

The role of digital tools in nature encounters highlights the evolving relationships between

technology, perception, and place.

KEYWORDS: digital aestheticization, mires, multisensory anthropology, nature photography, fragility, affect



IZVLEČEK



Članek raziskuje, kako digitalne naprave vplivajo na estetsko zaznavanje finskih močvirij in

interakcije z njimi. Prek čutno-digitalnih sprehajalnih intervjujev preučuje, kako tehnolo-

gije, npr. mobilne kamere, družbeni mediji in navigacijske aplikacije, vplivajo na doživljanje

močvirij. Digitalne naprave ponujajo nove načine zajemanja in deljenja estetike močvirja

z drugimi, hkrati pa so tudi posrednik v senzorični interakciji, ki uporabnikom omogo-

ča dostop do vizualnih in ekoloških nians močvirja. Vloga digitalnih orodij pri srečanjih

z naravo nam kaže, kako se razvijajo odnosi med tehnologijo, zaznavanjem in prostorom.

KLJUČNE BESEDE: digitalna estetizacija, močvirje, veččutna antropologija, fotografija narave, krhkost, afekt



Kirsi Laurén, Tiina Seppä and Juhana Venäläinen

Vol. 3, Nr. 1, February 2025 The Digital Aestheticization of Mires 75 Capturing the Invisible:





INTRODUCTION




We are living in a time when the way we observe the environment is being profoundly transformed

by digital technologies and media, which influence our perceptions, ideals, and interactions with

the “natural” world. The integration of digital technology adds new dimensions to aesthetic per-

ception, affecting the ways we engage with environments in everyday life as well as in ethnographic

praxis (Muršič 2023: ix). Nowadays, nature enthusiasts often bring a variety of digital tools into

the wilderness, from smartphones with built-in cameras to GPS devices, fitness trackers, and AI-

powered apps designed for identifying birds or plants (Arosuo 2024; Lintuyhdistys Kuikka ry

2023). In the visual domain, drone cameras have opened a novel aerial perspective that offers

breathtakingly detailed bird’s-eye views otherwise inaccessible to human observers.

In this article, we delve into the digital aestheticization of the Finnish mires, focusing

on how digital devices influence human relationships with nature, particularly in terms of

visual documentation through photography. In the context of the sensory richness of mires,

a two-dimensional visual representation cannot fully capture the immersive experience of

being physically present in nature. Even with their limitations, photographs are powerful

conveyors of emotions and atmosphere. In contemporary visual culture, where digital pho-

tography is ubiquitous, more images of nature are being captured than ever, many of which

are also shared and circulated on social media and augmented with tags and location data.

However, the allure of nature photography is not unproblematic: the very environments

being aesthetically celebrated can become vulnerable to overexposure.

This digital engagement with nature is ambivalent – it can deepen our connection to

the environment, but also distance us from the immediate and tangible experience (Santaoja

and Peltola 2023). Digital tools can provide new insights into the landscape, thus enriching

the aesthetic experience, while these same technologies can also create a buffer between the

observer and the natural world, mediating the experience through screens and interfaces.

Ironically, the production of the digital devices used to make the aesthetic and ecological

value of nature visible is also dependent on rare metals, the mining of which poses a high risk

to ecological sustainability in many places in the world.

We focus on two questions: first, how does the use of digital devices influence people’s

aesthetic perceptions of mires, and second, how do these technologies shape the ways people

interact with these environments? The fieldwork has been conducted in two ecologically sensi-

tive peatland areas, the Viiankiaapa mire conservation area in the municipality of Sodankylä in

Finnish Lapland and Patvinsuo national park in North Karelia, on the border between Lieksa

and Ilomantsi, on Finland’s eastern flank (see Figure 1). The research materials include ethno-

graphic walking interviews in these mires, supplemented by digital data gathered during these

walks – audio recordings, photographs, videos, and field notes. For the analysis, we engage

with theories of environmental aestheticization and affect, particularly delving into how indi-

vidually experienced sensory perceptions are entangled with shared cultural understandings.1

1

The themes of this article, based on the same material, have previously been discussed in Finnish in an article published in December 2024 (Laurén and Seppä 2024).



SVETOVI / WORLDS leto 3, št. 1, februar 2025 76



Photo 1: Map of the fieldwork research sites (Map base: OpenStreetMap)



Our approach, rooted in ethnography and environmental humanities, emphasizes

digitality both as an object of study and as a methodological tool in multiple ways. First,

digitality forms a key dimension of the nature relationships we are investigating. Second, we

use body-worn digital cameras during the walks, allowing us to capture the participants’ sen-

sory interactions. Finally, our aim has been to develop a methodological perspective of sen-

so-digital walks, where experimentation with mobile and wearable technologies is especially

encouraged by the researchers and is a subject of discussion with the research participants.



AMBIGUOUS AND FRAGILE MIRES



Mires have historically covered nearly one-third of Finland’s land area. The boreal conifer-

ous forests as well as cool and humid summers create the perfect hydrological conditions in

which rainfall exceeds the rate of evapotranspiration, trapping moisture in the soil. High

water content slows down the rate of organic matter decomposition, leading to the gradual

accumulation of peat (Sarkkola and Päivänen 2020).



Kirsi Laurén, Tiina Seppä and Juhana Venäläinen

Vol. 3, Nr. 1, February 2025 The Digital Aestheticization of Mires 77 Capturing the Invisible: tional site, Viiankiaapa doesn’t attract particularly large numbers of visitors but is rather a

For humans, mires can be a challenging terrain. Their soggy surface and the difficulty

of traversing them have historically made mires seem hostile. Yet people have long ventured

into the mires to hunt and pick berries. In recent decades, along with the growing popu-

larity of national parks, mires have become destinations for outdoor recreation. This shift

has been accompanied by a broader cultural reappraisal of mires, which are now celebrated

for their unique aesthetic and experiential qualities. Increasingly, their protection is advo-

cated through art, and they have even become the stage for community-centred, carnival-

like sporting events (Laurén 2006; Laurén, Kaukio and Latvala-Harvilahti 2023; Laurén,

Latvala-Harvilahti and Kaukio 2022).

Today mires are widely recognised as ecosystems that are essential for combating cli-

mate change and biodiversity loss, but they are especially fragile. Human activities – agri-

culture, forestry, and peat extraction – have impacted a large part of Finland’s mires. Their

drainage by digging ditches intensified rapidly in the 1960s and 1970s, and ended only in the

1990s after more than half of the country’s mires had already been drained. In recent decades,

increasing efforts have been made to restore the drained peatlands by blocking ditches, with

the goal of restoring mires to their natural state (Aapala, Similä and Penttinen 2013).

Culturally, mires have been viewed with a certain unease. Instead of beauty, they have

evoked fear, conjuring associations even with death, disease, and horror (Giblett 1996: 3;

Saito 1999: 121). Mires have been imagined as infinitely deep and otherworldly, linked to the

afterlife or the supernatural. In Finnish folklore, they are often haunted places, inhabited by

spirits and hidden dangers. Will-o’-the-wisps, those eerie flickering lights, are said to hover

above treasure hidden deep within the bog, and those who wander too far may hear the cries

of children secretly buried in watery graves. Such evocative imageries reflect the uncanny

cultural heritage of mires as landscapes of dread, as places where humans lose control and

might vanish (Knuuttila 1999; Laaksonen 1995, 2008; Laurén 2006: 98–108; Lehtinen 1999).



FIELDWORK SITES



The Viiankiaapa mire, part of Finland’s Mire Protection Program and the EU’s Natura 2000

network, is safeguarded for its ecological value and as a vital bird habitat. In spite of this, the

British multinational mining company Anglo American has been pursuing plans to extract

valuable minerals from the area for a long time. The mining project “Sakatti”, planned since

2011, has seen exploratory drilling escalate in recent years. There has been controversy sur-

rounding the mine for over a decade, with many suggesting it could set a crucial precedent

for the fate of Natura 2000 sites across Europe. The topic loomed large during our inter-

views at Viiankiaapa in the autumn of 2023, often popping up spontaneously during the

hikes. Consequently, the aesthetic reflection of Viiankiaapa is inevitably entangled with its

uncertain future. This mire is now a site of heightened affective tension, intensified by art

and activism that advocates for its protection, extensive media coverage, and the mining

company’s heightened security measures within the protected area (see Kiuru and Helle

2022; Latvala-Harvilahti 2021; Nuutinen-Kallio 2024; Yle 2011, 2013, 2024). As a recrea-



SVETOVI / WORLDS leto 3, št. 1, februar 2025 78

local nature destination, which highlights a certain tension between carefree day hiking and

the potential for ecological disaster due to the mining plans.

Like Viiankiaapa, Patvinsuo is a Natura 2000 protected mire of international impor-

tance. Established as a national park in 1982, it protects mires, forests, and water environ-

ments, and forms part of the North Karelia Biosphere Reserve. It also plays an important

role in the international efforts to protect waterfowl and shorebirds (Ympäristö.fi n. d.a).

With around 16,000 visitors annually, Patvinsuo is one of Finland’s smallest national parks

in the number of visits, which is at least partly explained by its peripheral location on Fin-

land’s eastern flank.

Both Viiankiaapa and Patvinsuo are delicate ecosystems, valued for their beauty and

biodiversity. Their protected status aims to preserve these environments as close to their

original state as possible for future generations. In these areas, human impact is carefully

managed through infrastructure such as duckboards,2 shelters, and signposts, which facili-

tate recreational use while protecting sensitive species and reducing harm to the environ-

ment (Laurén 2014).





Photo 2: The research interviews were mostly conducted while walking on duckboards

(Author: Kirsi Laurén. Patvinsuo, 25 September 2023)

2

Duckboards are narrow wooden pathways, typically one or two planks wide, commonly used in Finnish mires to help hikers traverse peatlands without damaging the sensitive ecosystem or sinking into the soft ground.



Kirsi Laurén, Tiina Seppä and Juhana Venäläinen

Vol. 3, Nr. 1, February 2025 The Digital Aestheticization of Mires 79 Capturing the Invisible:

Our research material for this article comprises of 12 senso-digital walks conduct-

ed in Patvinsuo and Viiankiaapa in 2023–2024, supplemented by three expert interviews

conducted indoors and/or remotely. 3 The research participants included both recreational

visitors and people who have engaged with these sites through their profession. We used

the snowball method to recruit participants, gathering recommendations from previous

interviewees (see Grönfors and Vilkka 2011: 96–97) and also directly approaching hikers

who were active on social media sites. Although the participants came from a variety of

educational and professional backgrounds, and were of different ages (34–76), they shared

a deep connection to and admiration of these environments. The professionals we spoke

with included wilderness guides, park infrastructure managers, conservation biologists, and

a communications specialist.

Walking interviews, particularly sensory ones, are widely used in ethnographic research

to explore people’s place-based experiences and their shifting sensory environments (e.g. Aula

2018; Ingold and Vergunst 2008; Järviluoma and Murray 2023; Ojanen 2018; Pink 2007). In

our study, the researchers walked with and behind the interlocutors, engaging in open-ended

conversations to elicit sensory memories and experiences (cf. Venäläinen 2023). During the

walks, we focused on the ways of perceiving nature, interacting with it, and the use of digital

tools. Discussion revolved, for example, around the participants’ hiking routines, their use of

digital devices to document the experience, and their habits around taking and sharing pho-

tographs – whether for personal memories, social media, or private networks.





Photo 3: One researcher also carried a handheld recorder because the body camera did not always capture the interviewer’s

voice clearly (Author: Tiina Seppä. Viiankiaapa, 9 September 2023)

3

The research material consists of 15 interviews conducted in the context of the DigiFREN research project in 2023–2024. The data is held by the research project.



SVETOVI / WORLDS leto 3, št. 1, februar 2025 80

Our walking interviews typically lasted between one and four hours, shaped in part

by the terrain of these expansive mires, where trails are long, and resting points like lean-to

shelters offer opportunities for pauses and conversation. Generally, the interlocutor led the

way, choosing the route, while the situation was documented using a body camera strapped

to the participant’s chest. To ensure high-quality audio, one researcher also carried a hand-

held recorder because the body camera did not always capture the researchers’ voices clearly.

Given the remote nature of these areas, a lunch break was often necessary, and interviews

frequently ran over our planned time, uncovering topics we had not anticipated.

The body camera added a unique dimension to our data, capturing not only the sur-

rounding environment but also the digital interactions taking place between the interlocu-

tor and their devices. As with any recording device, the footage also reveals what otherwise

easily remains unnoticed: the weather, the terrain, and the flow of conversation that all influ-

ence the experience (see Ojanen 2018).

To analyse the research material, we employed a combination of inductive and con-

cept-driven qualitative content analysis (e.g. Schreier 2012), focusing on how digital tech-

nologies influence aesthetic engagement with mires. We explored digitally mediated nature

experiences through the lens of aestheticization and affect.



AESTHETIC AND AFFECTIVE MIRES



Mire environments have long been overshadowed by the more “sublime” and canonised Finn-

ish landscapes of lakes and forests. It wasn’t until the turn of the 21st century that the aesthetic

value of mires began to gain broader recognition both in Finland and globally (Hakala 1999;

Sepänmaa 1999). Despite Finland’s unique status as one of the most peatland-rich countries

relative to its land area, not a single mire has been designated a “national landscape”4.

Historically, appreciation for peatlands was primarily rooted in their utility – the

affordances of berries, game, timber, or peat – rather than their visual appeal. Again, when

drained and converted into farmland or used for forestry and peat extraction, peatlands

were valued for their direct material benefits to humans. Today, as awareness of the environ-

mental crisis grows, the perspective on peatlands has changed drastically. Climate change

has drawn attention to the role of mires as vital carbon stores, carbon sinks and biodi-

versity havens, simultaneously reshaping how we view these landscapes. Mires, once dis-

missed as aesthetically unremarkable, are being reframed as places of intrinsic ecological

beauty. In media coverage on peatlands, the beautiful aerial photographs made possible by

drone technology present the mire landscape almost like an abstract work of art, where the

enchanting colours and countless details celebrate the ecological diversity of these environ-

ments (see e.g. Elonen 2024).



4

National landscapes are cultural symbols celebrated for their aesthetic or historical significance, and mires, while present in certain regions like North Karelia’s hill villages and the Pallastunturi area in Lapland, have traditionally not been included in this category (Ympäristö.fi n.d. b).



Kirsi Laurén, Tiina Seppä and Juhana Venäläinen

Vol. 3, Nr. 1, February 2025 The Digital Aestheticization of Mires 81 Capturing the Invisible: more a kind of a sudden pulsation that emerges when being exposed to unpredictable stim-

Aesthetics, in its everyday meaning, relates to the human experience of beauty and

harmony. The term is rooted in the Greek aisthētikós, meaning “pertaining to perception.”

Thus, aesthetics is about more than just visual pleasure: it encompasses a bodily and multi-

sensory engagement with the world (Berleant 2015; Mikkonen 2024). Although an individual

sensory experience – whether visual, auditory, olfactory or tactile – can evoke aesthetic satisfac-

tion, true aesthetic appreciation arises from the interplay of the senses (Berleant 1999: 16–17).

In Western post-industrial societies, an emphasis on aesthetics has grown across vari-

ous domains of life (Naukkarinen 2000: 133). Two lines of thought stand out in discussions

of aestheticization within environmental aesthetics: one claims that appreciating nature aes-

thetically requires scientific understanding, while the other emphasizes direct, embodied

engagement with the environment (see e.g. Mikkonen 2017: 16–23). In our approach, we

are not thinking only of the current technological possibilities (from highly capable mobile

phone cameras to affordable consumer drones) for creating stunning visual imagery, but also

the more strictly etymological sense of how the modes of perceiving the world change at the

same time, as well as the fluctuating relations between media technologies, environments,

and sensory experiences (see Tiainen 2023).

In our research, which employs senso-digital walking as a method, we engage physi-

cally with nature: walking on the narrow and wobbly duckboards, but also stopping to

touch plants, inhaling different scents, tasting berries, listening to the birds and the soft

squelch of the boggy ground beneath our feet, sitting on tussocks, duckboards or beside a

campfire. Through such embodied interaction, we physically take part in the landscape, and

this participation evidently shapes how we perceive and appreciate its aesthetic qualities.

Nature, in turn, influences our movements: the length of our strides, the pace of our walk,

the direction of our gaze, and even the moments we choose for photography or for opening a

mobile application to identify a plant. This kind of engagement reveals the aesthetic aspects

of nature that might remain unnoticed when viewed from a distance or from the perspective

of a detached observer (Kupfer 2003: 77–78).

Aesthetic experiences are deeply intertwined with emotions and sensations, which

are inseparably linked to our relationships with nature and culture. Sensory experiences not

only connect us to the material world but also to the social world (Howes 2003: xi). Our

bodily experiences are never purely physical; they carry cultural meanings and associations

(Vannini, Waskul and Gottschalk 2012: 6, 130). Unconscious gut feelings – what we refer

to as affects – precede and shape emotions, thoughts, and actions (Massumi 1995; Rinne,

Kajander and Haanpää 2020: 6). In the research walks, it was these subtle, pre-verbal sensa-

tions that surfaced most strongly, rather than clearly articulated emotions.

Affect is often portrayed as a precursor to emotion. It is less culturally shaped and

harder to put into words than the named, verbalised emotions we typically recognise (Weth-

erell 2012). While emotions are identified through a shared vocabulary and an assumption

of a certain level of universality and commensurability (“everyone knows what it means to

feel sad”), affects are much more ambiguous, lacking a predetermined meaning or interpre-

tation, and having a potential for unexpected outcomes. Affect is not a stable construct, but



SVETOVI / WORLDS leto 3, št. 1, februar 2025 82

uli from the environment. In fact, affect plays a crucial role in perception (Massumi 1995).

For example, the sensations stirred by a visual encounter may contradict the more structured

emotion that follows once we interpret and articulate it. As Brian Massumi notes, the initial

reaction to visual stimuli – i.e. the affect – can precede and even conflict with the emo-

tions generated by our later, more conscious interpretations (Massumi 1995). It is a force that

moves us, even if we cannot always fully name or express it.

In the context of mires, affects are often verbalised through the sensations of freedom

or relaxation. Sometimes, mires can also give rise to more articulated emotions, such as fear.

Fear, according to Sara Ahmed, is not something that simply “happens” in the body; it is

a social and cultural construct, a mediated emotion, and a tool of control (Ahmed 2014

[2004]: 69). Mires have long been the subject of such fears, often seen as dangerous and

foreboding spaces where the unpredictable depth can instil a lingering unease. Although our

study participants did not express such explicit fears, the latent fear of sinking into a mire

was present in our conversations, if only through negation (Laurén 2006: 98–101).



SENSING (ON) THE DUCKBOARDS



The watery abundance of mires shapes not only how one moves through the mire but also

the nature of digital observation, particularly in the choice of photographic subjects. Dur-

ing our fieldwork, especially at Patvinsuo mire, water was ever-present, sometimes so much

so that parts of the trails and the duckboards were submerged beneath it. We often found

ourselves searching for higher, drier ground, leaping from tussock to tussock to avoid newly

formed pools. On the interview recordings, one can hear the wet splashing sounds of our

walk and the squelch of the saturated soil. Sometimes the water wasn’t just underfoot – it

found its way into our shoes, too. In this way, our bodily engagement with the mire was

deeply intimate, with the water and peat soil becoming part of our sensory experience.

In the mires, water and moisture are the key elements that awaken the senses, creat-

ing a distinctive smellscape – one can often smell the mire long before it comes into view.

Certain plants, like northern Labrador tea (Rhododendron tomentosum), are frequently

mentioned in our interviews as typical of this environment, their scent filling the air with

a pungent aroma that clings to the senses. Humid moss and the layers of peat formed from

decomposition also stand out for their distinct texture underfoot. These sensory encoun-

ters – intertwined with movement, physical sensation, and sensory memory – were typi-

cally enjoyed and described in positive terms by our interlocutors (see also Kaukio 2022;

Piirainen and Laurén 2023).

In one of the walks in the spring of 2023, while transitioning from a forested section

of Patvinsuo to the open expanse of the mire on duckboards, the interlocutor’s attention

immediately shifted to the intensified odours of the humid mire air:



Kirsi Laurén, Tiina Seppä and Juhana Venäläinen

Vol. 3, Nr. 1, February 2025 The Digital Aestheticization of Mires 83 Capturing the Invisible:

It’s the odour that comes from it, and it’s so intoxicating at times [...]. The odour of the mire is the

first thing that hits you, that gives you the initial impact. [...] And as we move from the forest to

the duckboards out here, you can smell it more because it’s wetter here. [...] Then, after that, comes

the sense of wilderness. (Wilderness guide, Patvinsuo, P1)



Although vision is often privileged in Western cultures, scent was frequently high-

lighted in our interviews as a key element of the mire’s sensory landscape. The particular

odour of the mire was repeatedly described as “intoxicating” and was often the first thing

noted when entering these environments. The scent was not only a source of pleasure but

also a central part of the mire’s aesthetic appeal (see also Laurén and Piirainen 2022: 32). As

hikers moved along the duckboards, scents would intensify or fade, depending on the mois-

ture levels in the ground, the plants nearby, and the weather conditions.

H1: It’s lovely here…

H2: Yeah, this is one of those… this scent, it’s not like…

H1: This is it.

H2: The scent of the mire.

H1: The scent of the mire. It’s always, whenever I come here…

H2: Yeah, in summer...

H1: When you have a keen sense of smell, it’s...

H2: In the summer, when it’s hot, it’s even stronger, but now with the wind, it blows it away. But

in summer, when it’s warm, it’s…

H1: But now the colours of autumn are starting to show...

H2: The scent here is really intoxicating.

(Hikers 1 and 2, joint interview, Viiankiaapa, V6)

In the previous exchange, we see how scent and sight work together in the mire. The

hikers begin with the olfactory experience, which then triggers a shift to the changing col-

ours of autumn. This interplay of the senses is central to the aesthetic experience of mires,

even though only the visual can be captured in a photograph. When focusing solely on the

visual, as in a photograph, there’s a risk of distancing oneself from the full sensory immer-

sion that the mire environment offers (Lehari 2005: 98). On the other hand, the obviously

unisensory appearance of a photograph might be understood as a reminiscence and a sort

of a memento of the multifaceted sensory experience in situ – which is curiously also some-

thing that can be shared and that people wish to share online with others who have experi-

enced something similar (cf. the discussion on “likenessing” in Pöllänen 2023).

While no one in our interviews mentioned recording sounds or taking videos that

captured both sound and image, it was clear that being physically present in the mire and

responding to the researchers’ questions brought the multisensory aesthetic dimension of

these spaces to the fore. The interlocutors noted the limitations of photographs, particularly

when it came to capturing smells. They remarked that while social media posts featuring

mire landscapes could evoke memories of the scent for those already familiar with mires, the

actual olfactory experience remained beyond the reach of an image. However, on platforms

like Instagram, captions, comments and hashtags can help convey a sense of the mire atmos-

phere, enriching the image with sensory cues that go beyond sight alone.



SVETOVI / WORLDS leto 3, št. 1, februar 2025 84





STOPPING HERE AND THERE FOR SCENTS AND IMAGES




Describing scents, along with other sensory experiences, has long played a significant role in

travel narratives, even before the age of visual documentation (Kostiainen et al. 2004: 152).

This focus on odour persists today, including in the verbal depictions that accompany social

media images of mires. The moisture of a mire – and the distinct scents it generates – sets

this environment apart from others. The absence of drainage keeps the mire wet, preserving

the low vegetation and maintaining what is considered the mire’s natural state.

What do people photograph in mires, then? Mires, like oceans, plains, and deserts,

often captivate through their vastness, the rhythmic patterns within the landscape, and the

expanse of sky stretching above them (Sepänmaa 1999: 11). At the same time, the open and

flat landscapes can be difficult objects of photography, as they often lack specific focal points

which would immediately catch the eye and attention. For this reason, the “Instagramma-

bility” (e.g. Arts et al. 2021) of mires depends on the reproduction of subtle nuances, for

example, in experiencing the colours of the landscape. Most of our interviews took place

in early autumn, as the first signs of seasonal colour changes were beginning to appear. Our

interviewees frequently paused to capture the vibrant yellows and reds of the mire, with the

duckboards extending into the distance catching their attention.

Footage from the body cameras worn by the interviewees shows that pauses were

prompted not only by the picturesque views but also by the materiality of the duckboards.

Wider sections provided natural stopping points where hikers could take out their phones

and snap a photo, and simultaneously to give way to oncoming hikers when necessary. In this

way, the duckboards and phone cameras became integral parts of the experience, encourag-

ing moments of stillness and reflection. Without these elements, the hike would likely have

continued uninterrupted (cf. Aula 2018).

When asked what specifically drew them to photograph certain subjects, many inter-

viewees found it difficult to articulate exactly what fascinated them about a particular view

or scene. This highlights the affective, emotional quality of aesthetic experiences in nature,

which are not easily reducible to a single sensation or observation in general (cf. Wetherell

2012), but especially not in the case of open mire landscapes. The beauty of nature often

blends reality with imagination and creativity, especially for those, like visual artists, who see

the mire as a space for passionate expression. As one interlocutor explained:

The emptiness, or maybe something like that… The autumn colours aren’t that impressive this

time. I expected more. I can’t really explain it, but there’s that… Like with the last three pieces I

did, especially the one where there’s nothing but grass [gestures toward the vast mire], there’s

really nothing there. But I painted it with such passion. (Visual artist, Patvinsuo, P5)



While mires often captivate through their expansive views, they also offer intimate details

– plants, insects, and mosses – that can be closely observed when stepping off the duckboards.

However, in national parks, visitors are required to stay on the designated paths to protect the

sensitive ecosystems. On Instagram, images of dogs on the duckboards are common, though



Kirsi Laurén, Tiina Seppä and Juhana Venäläinen

Vol. 3, Nr. 1, February 2025 The Digital Aestheticization of Mires 85 Capturing the Invisible: their leashes may not always be visible. Some hikers edit the leashes out of their photos, consider-

ing them an aesthetic distraction (Expert, A3), even if the park regulations or the code of conduct

require keeping dogs on a leash. The interlocutors noted that they rarely took selfies, focusing

instead on photographing their dogs, which often appear in picturesque spots within the mire:5

Yeah, when my dog is with me on those maintenance trips, I think I mostly end up taking pictures

of it, you know, sitting on top of a shelter or somewhere else. (Maintenance worker, Patvinsuo, P4)

At Viiankiaapa, a popular subject for photos is Viiankijärvi, a lake often viewed from

afar, with waterfowl frequently visible from the duckboards. As hikers proceeded from the

forested areas onto the mire, the expansive views often prompted them to take out their

phones and start photographing. Pauses for pictures were common, especially at scenic spots

or when interesting plants or animals caught their eye (see also Ojanen 2018).

Although duckboards, marked trails, and other infrastructure alter the landscape,

they also facilitate aesthetic observation and engagement with these challenging environ-

ments. Duckboards make it possible to immerse oneself in the mire, allowing access to areas

that would otherwise be inaccessible. These human-made paths are not simply practical

structures: they shape how the mire is experienced and photographed. Duckboards are a

symbol that makes the mires recognisable in the photographs. As one interlocutor put it,

without the duckboards, a mire might just resemble any other field:

It’s really tricky to get that “wow” shot with a mire. It’s much easier with old-growth forests or fells.

Like, in Pyhä-Luosto National Park, there’s that subarctic mire (tunturiaapa) with the duckboards

leading towards the fell, so it’s easy to get that dramatic shot. (Expert, A1)



Duckboards provide a relatively solid platform for capturing detailed images of the

mire without the risk of sinking into the wet ground. While walking across the mire, one

must keep moving to avoid becoming stuck in the peat. On the duckboards, however, one

can stop, stand, or even sit or lie down without worry, allowing for deeper engagement with

the mire, both visually and through digital devices.

While duckboards protect sensitive mire ecosystems from excessive foot traffic, they

also expose these environments to increased human presence. In conservation areas like Pat-

vinsuo and Viiankiaapa, both cultural and ecological values are significant. The goal is to

balance public access with environmental protection, ensuring that people can experience

and appreciate these landscapes while learning to value conservation efforts. As an expert

interviewee involved in planning the routes explained:

It’s important that people can come here, experience this for themselves, and through that, learn

to appreciate it. There are health benefits, too, and it raises awareness about conservation. We can’t

just say people shouldn’t come here because it’s too valuable. (Expert, A3)

5

Our analysis of the social media imagery of the fieldwork sites supports the same observation: in a computer vision-based ca-tegorisation of ca. seven thousand photos from the Patvinsuo National Park, only two percent of the images were clustered in the category identified as selfies. See Venäläinen, submitted for review.



SVETOVI / WORLDS leto 3, št. 1, februar 2025 86

During our walks, many hikers expressed a preference for weathered, old duckboards,

which they found more visually appealing than the newer metal grates or gravel paths that

have been introduced in some of the most frequently visited national parks (see Korhonen

2015). The aging wooden structures seem to blend better into the environment, becoming

part of the landscape over time and gradually shedding the signs of extraneous human inter-

vention. In contrast, metal duckboards – while more durable and better-suited for the grow-

ing popularity of mountain biking and e-biking – are often seen as aesthetically too modern

and out of place in these natural settings, even if they increase the accessibility of the routes

for hikers and reduce the wear on the terrain.



NAVIGATING SAFELY



In narrations of experiencing mire environments, experiences of getting lost are often men-

tioned, as well as the fear it evokes and respect for the mire’s unpredictability. In these situ-

ations, the environment, which is ordinarily perceived as aesthetic, relaxing, and unique,

takes on a threatening and unfamiliar character, as is typical in experiences of getting lost

(Knuuttila 2003: 143). Digital devices and applications are thought to enhance safety during

outdoor activities, and at times, the interviewees report that even their relatives have encour-

aged them to use these tools.

Digital maps and location apps provide additional safety even for experienced navi-

gators and nature enthusiasts. Especially in wet and challenging terrain, map apps offer

information about the area and can help with route selection. A GPS device helps to pin-

point one’s exact location:

Interviewer (I): So, is the GPS more of a safety device for you?

Hiker (H): Yes, it’s a safety device.

I: Right, to help you find your way back?

H: Yes, and I can use it to estimate distances. It’s on the map, but it’s still quite hard to follow where

exactly you are. (Hiker, Viiankiaapa, V2)

Digital devices that aid navigation can help avoid getting wet or extending travel

time, allowing for more relaxed movement and enjoyment of nature. However, the chal-

lenges of digital devices include limited battery life and constrained network coverage in

remote areas, which is why longer trips still require a traditional compass and paper map as

backup (see also Talvensuu 2021: 117–118; Santaoja and Peltola 2023: 15–16). Once some-

one has been lost in the wilderness, their attitude toward digital mapping services tends to

become more positive. As one of our interviewees who frequently visits mires remarked:

Well, after my friend and I... four years ago, the police had to come find us in the forest where we

were hunting chanterelles in the middle of the night. Since then, yes, I’ve used [map services]

thankfully. (Visual artist, Patvinsuo, P5)

Many interviewees also mentioned using various apps for species identification

through photos or recordings (e.g. Muuttolintujen kevät n.d.). The interviews frequently



Kirsi Laurén, Tiina Seppä and Juhana Venäläinen

Vol. 3, Nr. 1, February 2025 The Digital Aestheticization of Mires 87 Capturing the Invisible: highlighted the idea that knowledge about natural phenomena, such as species identifica-

tion, enhances the experience of enjoying nature. More generally, our interlocutors often

emphasized their knowledge-based relationship with the environment (see also Kaukio

2022). They frequently mentioned the convenience of species identification apps, which

replace the need for bulky nature guides that they would have carried with them during their

hikes before the era of smartphones (Hiker, Viiankiaapa, V2). A profound understanding

of the biological characteristics of the mire can also significantly aid navigation through this

complex environment:

There are these specific bog trails that lead to Sakattikumpu or Petäjäsaari. They can break off, and

then you have to... turn back and try the next one, see if it gets you where you want to go. And

then, of course, knowledge of botany helps; if there’s string sedge [Carex chordorrhiza], it might

hold because its roots are strong and dense, and if there’s enough bogbee [Menyanthes trifoliata],

it forms a kind of cushion. Not everyone knows bogbee well enough to say, “Yeah, I can walk on

this.” (Hiker, Viiankiaapa, V3)

Seasonal changes in the mire drastically affect how people move through it. In the

winter, the experience of freedom is often highlighted. Frozen mires allow for skiing with

forest skis6 across areas that are impassable in summer, and the duckboards, which guide

summer visitors, no longer limit or dictate routes. Skiers can glide wherever they please,

though meal breaks are typically taken at designated campfire sites. Equipment is also easier

to transport in winter, especially when the snow crust is firm enough to pull supplies on a

sled rather than carry them:

For me, there’s never been a particular season that stands out as the absolute best – each has its

own advantages. Every season brings something amazing, moving, or remarkable. Like in early

spring, you can ski to places that are inaccessible in summer because the open mire is too wet.

(Visual artist, Viiankiaapa, V3)



We conducted one winter interview on skis at Patvinsuo in early April 2024. There

was still plenty of snow, but it was melting rapidly as the day went on. Despite the snow

cover, restrictions to protect nesting birds meant we had to stay on the duckboards, which

limited the freedom typically associated with mire visits in winter. As the day progressed,

the snow supporting our skis softened, and our poles started to sink through it. At our lunch

spot at the Teretti lean-to shelter, water pooled around us, making it difficult to start a fire in

the middle of what felt like a pond.

One particularly interesting aesthetic observation from this skiing interview was

related to the duckboards. While the old boards lay hidden beneath the snow, planks for a

new section of the trail had been placed on top of the snow crust, awaiting installation in

the spring. Captured on a phone camera, these planks appeared distorted, almost broken,

offering a curious and unusual variation on the classic mire landscape (see Figure 4).



6

Forest skis are long and wide cross-country skis designed for traversing deep, untouched snow without sinking.



SVETOVI / WORLDS leto 3, št. 1, februar 2025 88



Photo 4: Screenshot from the body camera footage during the skiing interview, Patvinsuo mire, 9 April 2024



CONCLUSION



Technological mediations of nature are not merely “re”-presentations of nature that come

after the fact, but more and more they are becoming an integral part of our “natural” capabil-

ities of how we engage with the sensory richness of the world. What captivates mire visitors

time and again, and what they seek to capture through photography, is the overwhelming

sense of vastness in the flat and open environment. The endless duckboards stretching into

the distance, the treeless expanse, and the boundless feeling of space invite the mire visitor

to pause and take a photo.

The impulse to digitally capture the vastness of the mires speaks to a similar aesthetic

yearning as watching a lake or ocean horizon, yet the distinct dampness of the peat, the

water, the characteristic mire vegetation, the smells, sounds, and tactile sensations combine

to offer a unique, multi-sensory experience, which can only be hinted at in the photographic

representations. For the mire regulars that we interviewed, Patvinsuo and Viiankiaapa mires

hold a dual significance: they are both familiar and special, revisited across seasons, for both

work and leisure. The act of photographing emphasizes the mire’s uniqueness and the atten-

tiveness required to continuously rediscover its aesthetic appeal. At the same time, photo-

graphs serve as personal keepsakes and reminders of special moments in nature.

While mires often evoke positive sensations and feelings – such as a sense of relaxa-

tion and connection with nature – they can also stir up fear, which is rooted in folklore

about people sinking into mires or getting lost, and more tangible dangers, like the unpre-

dictability of snow and ice. Digital technologies intersect with these experiences: fears are

mitigated by the reassurance of being able to call for help or navigate using map apps, while



Kirsi Laurén, Tiina Seppä and Juhana Venäläinen

Vol. 3, Nr. 1, February 2025 The Digital Aestheticization of Mires 89 Capturing the Invisible: aesthetic experiences are captured and shared through digital photography, either on social

media or within more private circles.

In our research walks, a knowledge-based, cognitively grounded appreciation of

mire aesthetics recurringly emerged. Acquaintance with the mire ecosystems and char-

acteristic species often seemed to be an underlying assumption in the discussions, some-

times even in the form of implicitly questioning our credibility as researchers to delve

into mire aesthetics and the related culture of outdoors recreation without the proper

(biological) expertise. According to the view that underlines the cognitive element in

nature aesthetics, knowledge of mire species and habitats enhances the aesthetic expe-

rience, turning it into something deeper, more layered, and more intensively affec-

tive. Contemporary relationships with mires are also characterised by an ecological and

ethical consciousness, intertwined with feelings of enjoyment and a sense of commu-

nity (Laurén, Kaukio and Latvala-Harvilahti 2023; see also Hankonen 2021: 225–228).

The allure of mires is often described as a hard-to-define affective experience –

something elusive and not always tied to conscious thought, let alone conclusive scientific

explanation. Mires evoke sensations that resist easy articulation: the smell of moist soil, the

expansive view, the play of light, and the sense of space, all of which are regularly mentioned

in our interviews. The phone camera becomes an unobtrusive tool for capturing these fleet-

ing moments, merging seamlessly with the aesthetic experience. Based on our material, it

seems clear that digital photography has become an integral part of the human relationship

with nature.

The multisensory richness of the mire experience is evident throughout our research.

Although our questions initially focused on visual aesthetics, other sensory dimensions

quickly became central –especially smell, which emerged as an essential feature that can-

not be captured by photography. This multisensory aspect, combined with the difficulty of

verbally describing the mire experience, underscores the affective power of the environment.

The act of walking itself also highlights the affective nature of being in the mire. With

its deep cultural resonances, the mire is an inherently affective place – emotionally charged

both in terms of individual experiences and collective societal discourses. Once considered

marginal, both aesthetically and geographically, mires have recently gained prominence,

propelled by issues such as climate change, biodiversity loss, and the EU’s restoration regu-

lations.7 Moreover, mires have become a flashpoint in debates around the ecologically and

societally acceptable uses of natural resources. For example, the proposed Sakatti mine in

Viiankiaapa mire has become a highly contentious issue, stirring emotions and societal

discussions that link mire environments to broader questions of sustainability, ecology, and

even mythology. Despite these diverse and sometimes conflicting narratives, what remains

at the core is the essence of these mires: they are vital habitats, supporting a vast range of

species from fungi to frogs, whose survival is intricately tied to these fragile ecosystems.

7

The EU’s Nature Restoration Law came into force in August 2024 and aims to restore ecosystems, habitats, and species across EU land for the purposes of biodiversity recovery and mitigating climate change. See European Commission n.d.



SVETOVI / WORLDS leto 3, št. 1, februar 2025 90

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS: Project DigiFREN is supported by MIZŠ, Slovenia; NCN, Poland; AKA, Finland; HRZZ, Croatia; and RCN, Norway under the CHANSE ERA-NET Co-fund programme, which has received funding from the European Union’s Hori-zon 2020 Research and Innovation Programme, under Grant Agreement no. 101004509.



CITED REFERENCES



Aapala, Kaisu, Maarit Similä and Jouni Penttinen, eds. ympäristökysymyksenä. Joensuu: Suomen Kansanti-

2013 Ojitettujen soiden ennallistamisopas. Vantaa: etouden Tutkijain Seura.

Metsähallitus.

Howes, David 2003 Sensual Relations: Engaging the Senses in

Ahmed, Sara 2014 [2004] The Cultural Politics of Emotion. Culture and Social Theory. Ann Arbor: The Univer-

Second edition. Edinburg: Edinburg University sity of Michigan Press.

Press.

Ingold, Tim and Jo Lee Vergunst, eds. 2008 Ways of Walking:

Arosuo, Maija 2024 ‘Näin tunnistat kasveja sovellusten avul- Ethnography and Practice on Foot. Aldershot: Ashgate.

la.’ Internet source:

taidot/nain-tunnistat-kasveja-sovellusten-avulla/>, Järviluoma, Helmi and Lesley Murray, eds. 2023 Sensory

9. 8. 2024. Transformations: Environments, Technologies, Sen-

sobiographies. Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge. DOI:

Arts, Irma, Anke Fischer, Dominic Duckett and René van der 10.4324/9781003131342.

Wal 2021 ‘The Instagrammable Outdoors – Inves-

tigating the Sharing of Nature Experiences Through Kaukio, Virpi 2022 Elämyksellinen suo. Terra 134(2): 67–81.

Visual Social Media.’ People and Nature 3(6): 1244– DOI: 10.30677/terra.112122.

1256. DOI: 10.1002/pan3.10239.

Kiuru, Kaija and Timo Helle 2022 Viiankaapa ikuisesti.

Aula, Inkeri 2018 ‘Aistikävely kaupunkimaisemaan – Helsinki: Into.

yhteisen tilan kokemus ja joutomaiden polut.’ Elore

25(1): 74–95. DOI: 10.30666/elore.72816. Knuuttila, Seppo 1999 ‘Suoviha ja muita tunneperäisiä luon-

toseikkoja.’ In: Suo on kaunis. Kirsi Hakala, ed. Hel-

Berleant, Arnold 1999 ‘On Getting Along Beautifully: Ideas sinki: Maahenki. Pp. 68–76.

for Social Aesthetics.’ In: Aesthetics in the Human

Environment. Pauline von Bonsdorf and Arto 2003 ‘Eksyminen.’ In: Metsään mieleni. Yrjö Sepän-

Haapala, eds. Jyväskylä: Gummerus. Pp. 12–29. maa, Liisa Heikkilä-Palo and Virpi Kaukio, eds.

Helsinki: Maahenki. Pp. 137–149.

2015 ‘Aesthetic Sensibility.’ Ambiances. DOI: 10.

4000/ambiances.526. Korhonen, Jorma 2015 ‘Puu, metalli, muovi? – Metsähalli-

tus vielä selvittelee pitkosten materiaalia.’ Internet

Elonen, Piia 2024 ‘Lapin kaivoskuume.’ Internet source: source: <https://yle.fi/a/3-8248208>, 1. 11. 2024.

<https://www.hs.fi/alueet/art-2000010675713.

html>, 2. 11. 2024. Kostiainen, Auvo, Janne Ahtola, Leila Koivunen, Katarii-

na Korpela and Taina Syrjämaa 2004 Matkailijan

European Commission n. d. ‘Nature Restoration Law.’ Inter- ihmeellinen maailma: matkailun historia vanhalta

net source: < https://environment.ec.europa.eu/ ajalta omaan aikaamme. Helsinki: Suomalaisen

topics/nature-and-biodiversity/nature-restorati- Kirjallisuuden Seura.

on-law_en>, 2. 11. 2024.

Kupfer, Joseph H. 2003 ‘Engaging Nature Aesthetically.’ The

Giblett, Rodney James 1996 Postmodern Wetlands: Culture, Journal of Aesthetic Education 37(1): 77–89. DOI:

History, Ecology. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University 10.2307/3527423.

Press.

Laaksonen, Pekka 1995 ‘Suokansan tarinoita.’ Suo – Mires

Grönfors, Martti and Hanna Vilkka 2011 Laadullisen tutki- and Peat 46(4): 99–107.

muksen kenttätyömenetelmät. Hämeenlinna: SoFia-

Sosiologi-Filosofiapu Vilkka. 2008 ‘Suot suomalaisessa kansanperinteessä.’ In:

Suomi – Suomaa. Soiden ja turpeen tutkimus sekä

Hakala, Kirsi, ed. 1999 Suo on kaunis. Helsinki: Maahenki. kestävä käyttö. Riitta Korhonen, Leila Korpela

and Sakari Sarkkola, eds. Helsinki: Maahenki. Pp.

Hankonen, Ilona 2021 Ihmisiä metsässä. Luonto kulttuuri- 266–271.



Kirsi Laurén, Tiina Seppä and Juhana Venäläinen

Vol. 3, Nr. 1, February 2025 The Digital Aestheticization of Mires 91 Capturing the Invisible: Latvala-Harvilahti, Pauliina 2021 ‘Mire Art: Environmental Muršič, Rajko 2023 ‘Foreword: On Recent Turns and Revo-

Artivism and Future Agency in the Landscape of lutions in the Humanities and Social Sciences, and

Mining.’ Ethnologia Scandinavica 51: 81–101. on their Sensory Part.’ In: Sensory Environmental

Relationships: Between Memories of the Past and Ima-

Laurén, Kirsi 2006 Suo – sisulla ja sydämellä. Suomalaisten ginings of the Future. Blaž Bajič and Ana Svetel, eds.

suokokemukset ja -kertomukset kulttuurisen luonto- Wilmington, Delaware: Vernon Press. Pp. vii–xi.

suhteen ilmentäjinä. Helsinki: Suomalaisen Kirjal-

lisuuden Seura. Muuttolintujen kevät n. d. ‘Muuttolintujen kevät – Research

for JY Mobile.’ Internet source: <https://www.jyu.

2014 ‘Erämaisen luonnon jäljillä: kertomuksia Pat- fi/fi/tutkimus/muuttolintujen-kevat>, 28. 8. 2024.

vinsuosta.’ In: Ihmeellinen luonto: kirjoituksia luon-

nosta, ed. Ismo Björn. Joensuu: Pohjois-Karjalan Naukkarinen, Ossi 2000 ‘Joutomaalta keskikaupungille –

historiallinen yhdistys. Pp. 96–108. miten esteettisyys sopeutuu arkeen?’ In: Aisthesis ja

poiesis: Kirjoituksia estetiikasta ja kirjallisuudesta.

Laurén, Kirsi and Marjukka Piirainen 2022 ‘Experiences Arto Haapala and Jyrki Nummi, eds. Helsinki: Hel-

of Mire Sports: Sensory Encounters in Nature.’ singin yliopisto. Pp. 129–143.

Folklore 89: 15–46. DOI: 10.7592/FEJF2023.89.

lauren_piirainen. Nuutinen-Kallio, Taina 2024 ‘Auto seurasi suojelualueella

ulkoillutta Riikka Karppista – kaivosyhtiö kertoo

Laurén, Kirsi, Pauliina Latvala-Harvilahti and Virpi Kaukio, vartioivansa myös työmaan ulkopuolella.’ Internet

eds. 2022 Thematic issue: ‘Soiden muuttuva kult- source: <https://yle.fi/a/74-20079929>, 1. 11. 2024.

tuuriperintö’. Terra 134(2). DOI: 10.30677/terra.

116743. Ojanen, Karoliina 2018 ‘Pysähdyttävät paikat: Videoitu

kävelyhaastattelu etnografisena menetelmänä.’

Laurén, Kirsi, Virpi Kaukio and Pauliina Latvala-Harvilahti, Elore 25(2): 128–140. DOI: 10.30666/elore.76610.

eds. 2023 Thematic issue: ‘Affective Mires in Con-

temporary Culture.’ Folklore 89. Internet source: Piirainen, Marjukka and Kirsi Laurén 2023 ‘Suolla marja-

. stamisen muuttuva kulttuuriperintö.’ J@rgonia 21

(42): 225–248.

Laurén, Kirsi and Tiina Seppä 2024 ‘Liikkeellä märillä mail-

la. Digilaitteiden kanssa suolla.’ Elore 31(2): 23–43. Pink, Sarah 2007 ‘Walking with Video’. Visual Studies 22(3):

DOI: 10.30666/elore.147589. 240–252. DOI: 10.1080/14725860701657142.

Lehari, Kaia 2005 ‘Walker in a Landscape.’ In: Aesthetic Cul- Pöllänen, Sonja 2023 ‘”With Some People You Share a Le-

ture. Seppo Knuuttila, Erkki Sevänen and Risto vel”: Digitechnological Likenessing in Urban Space.

Turunen, eds. Helsinki: Maahenki. Pp. 97–113. In: Sensory Transformations: Environments, Tech-

nologies, Sensobiographies. Helmi Järviluoma and

Lehtinen, Ari Aukusti 1999 ‘Suo pelon maisemana.’ In: Suo Lesley Murray, eds. Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge.

on kaunis. Kirsi Hakala, ed. Helsinki: Maahenki. Pp. 205–218.

Pp. 77–86.

Rinne, Jenni, Anna Kajander and Riina Haanpää 2020

Lintuyhdistys Kuikka ry 2023 ‘Lintujen ääniä: tunnistusa- ‘Johdanto: Affektit ja tunteet kulttuurien tut-

ppien testausta.’ Internet source: kimuksessa.’ In: Affektit ja tunteet kulttuurien tut-

lintuyhdistyskuikka.net/lintuharrastus/lintuti kimuksessa. Jenni Rinne, Anna Kajander and Riina

etoa/lintujen-maarittaminen/lintujen-aanet/lin Haanpää, eds. Helsinki: Ethnos. Pp. 5–40.

tujen-aania-tunnistusappien-testausta/>, 1. 11. 2024.

Saito, Yuriko 1999 ‘Tasapaksun luonnon estetiikka: suo-

Massumi, Brian 1995 ‘The Autonomy of Affect.’ Cultural Cri- maisema.’ In: Suo on kaunis. Kirsi Hakala, ed. Hel-

tique 31: 83–109. DOI: 10.2307/1354446. sinki: Maahenki. Pp. 120–130.

Mikkonen, Jukka 2017 Metsäpolun filosofiaa. Niin & näin: Santaoja, Minna and Taru Peltola 2023 ‘Lähentävätkö vai

Tampere. etäännyttävätkö digitaaliset välineet luonnosta?

Luontoharrastajien kokemuksia harrastuksensa

2024 ‘Korpimaiden kauneudet: esteettiset koke- teknologisoitumisesta.’ Suomen Museo – Finsk

mukset Hossan kansallispuistoa ja Evon retkeilya- Museum 130: 6–26. DOI: 10.51808/suomenmu-

luetta koskevissa sanomalehtikirjoituksissa 2016– seo.143056.

2022.’ Alue ja ympäristö 53(1): 28–49. DOI: 10.306

63/ay.131801. Sarkkola, Sakari and Juhani Päivänen 2020 ‘Hydrologia –



SVETOVI / WORLDS leto 3, št. 1, februar 2025 92

suon synnyn ja kehityksen ohjaaja.’ Internet source: Lesley Murray, eds. Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge.

<https://www.suoseura.fi/ojitettujen-soiden-ke- Pp. 123–139.

stava-kaytto/hydrologia-suon-synnyn-ja-kehityk-

sen-ohjaaja/>, 15. 4. 2024. Venäläinen, Juhana n.d. ‘Algorithmic Landscapes of Finnish

Nature: Exploring Mires through Computer Vision

Schreier, Margrit 2012 Qualitative Content Analysis in Practice. and Senso-Digital Walks.’ Manuscript Submitted

London: SAGE. DOI: 10.4135/9781529682571. for Review.

Sepänmaa, Yrjö 1999 ‘Suo – esteettinen dilemma.’ In: Suo on Wetherell, Margaret 2012 Affect and Emotion: A New Social

kaunis. Kirsi Hakala, ed. Helsinki: Maahenki. Pp. Science Understanding. London: SAGE.

9–18.

Yle 2011 ‘Sodankylän malmilöytö maailmanlaajuisesti mer-

Talvensuu, Taru T. 2021 ‘Miesten hyvinvointi ja affektit luon- kittävä.’ Internet source: <https://yle.fi/a/3-5446

nossa – humanismin jälkeinen näkökulma.’ Alue ja 681>, 25. 8. 2024.

ympäristö 50(1): 111–123. DOI: 10.30663/ay.103056.

2013 ‘Viiankiaavasta ennakkotapaus Natura-alue-

Tiainen, Milla 2023 ‘Immediacies of Mediation: Exploring iden malminetsintään.’ Internet source: <https://

the Co-Emergence of Media Environments and yle.fi/a/3-6723627>, 25. 8. 2024.

Sensory Experiences.’ In: Sensory Transformations:

Environments, Technologies, Sensobiographies. Hel- 2024 ‘Elokapinan mielenilmaus pysäytti jälleen ka-

mi Järviluoma and Lesley Murray, eds. Abingdon, iraustyöt Viiankiaavalla.’ Internet source: <https://

Oxon: Routledge. Pp. 221–240. yle.fi/a/74-20078408>, 25. 8. 2024.

Vannini, Phillip, Dennis Waskul and Simon Gottschalk 2012 Ympäristö.fi n. d.a ‘Patvinsuo.’ Internet source: <https://www.

The Senses in Self, Society, and Culture: A Sociology of ymparisto.fi/fi/luonto-vesistot-ja-meri/luonnon-

the Senses. New York and London: Routledge. monimuotoisuus/suojelu-ennallistaminen-ja-luon-

nonhoito/natura-2000-alueet/patvinsuo>, 26. 8. 2024

Venäläinen, Juhana 2023 ‘Senses on/of the Move: Mobilities,

Place-Making, and the Urban Sensory Commons.’ n. d.b ‘Kansallismaisemat.’ Internet source:

In: Sensory Transformations: Environments, Tech- //www.ymparisto.fi/fi/luonto-vesistot-ja-meri/

nologies, Sensobiographies. Helmi Järviluoma and maisemat/kansallismaisemat>, 20. 8. 2024.



INTERVIEWS

Expert interviews: Venäläinen and Sanni Puustinen. Duration approx.

2.5 hours

A1: 11. 9. 2023, Rovaniemi. Special expert in nature

conservation. Interviewers: Tiina Seppä and Juha- P4: 25. 9. 2023. Maintenance worker, b. 1981. Inter-

na Venäläinen, duration 1 hour viewers: Tiina Seppä and Kirsi Laurén. Duration 1

hour 15 minutes

A2: 17. 10. 2023, Joensuu. Expert. Interviewers:

Tiina Seppä and Juhana Venäläinen. Duration 1 hour P5: 22. 9. 2023. Visual artist, b. 1944. Interviewer:

Kirsi Laurén. Duration approx. 3 hours

A3: 30. 11. 2023, Joensuu, remote interview. Spe-

cial expert in communications. Interviewers: Tiina P6 (skiing): 9. 4. 2024. Hiker, b. 1982. Interview-

Seppä and Juhana Venäläinen. Duration 1 hour ers: Tiina Seppä and Juhana Venäläinen. Duration

4 hours

Walking interviews in Patvinsuo:

Walking interviews in Viiankiaapa:

P1: 21. 8. 2023. Wilderness guide, b. 1975. Inter-

viewers: Kirsi Laurén, Tiina Seppä, and Juhana V1: 8. 9. 2023. Hiker (and dog), b. 1989. Inter-

Venäläinen. Duration approx. 5 hours viewers: Kirsi Laurén and Tiina Seppä. Duration

approx. 3 hours

P2: 15. 9. 2023. Biologist, b. 1971. Interviewers: Kirsi

Laurén and Tiina Seppä. Duration approx. 2.5 hours V2: 8. 9. 2023. Hiker, b. 1969. Interviewers: Juhana

Venäläinen and Sanni-Maaria Puustinen. Duration

P3: 25. 9. 2023. Hiker, b. 1961. Interviewers: Juhana approx. 3 hours



Kirsi Laurén, Tiina Seppä and Juhana Venäläinen

Vol. 3, Nr. 1, February 2025 The Digital Aestheticization of Mires 93 Capturing the Invisible:

V3: 9. 9. 2023. Joint interview, visual artist b. 1959 V5: 10. 9. 2023. Joint interview, hiker, b. 1978, and

and hiker, b. 1947 (and dog). Interviewers: Kirsi hiker, b. 1974 (accompanied by a child whose birth

Laurén, Tiina Seppä, and Sanni-Maaria Puustinen. year is unknown). Interviewers: Tiina Seppä and

Duration approx. 2.5 hours Juhana Venäläinen. Duration approx. 2.5 hours

V4: 9. 9. 2023. Reindeer herder, b. 1962. Interview- V6: 10. 9. 2023. Joint interview, hiker, b. 1964 and

ers: Kirsi Laurén and Sanni-Maaria Puustinen. hiker, b. 1967. Interviewers: Kirsi Laurén and San-

Duration 1 hour ni-Maaria Puustinen. Duration approx. 2 hours



POVZETEK



Članek raziskuje vlogo digitalnih tehnologij pri estetskem dojemanju in doživljanju fin-

skih močvirij, krhkih ekosistemov z bogato biodiverziteto. S pomočjo intervjujev, oprav-

ljenih na čutno-digitalnih sprehodih v naravnih parkih Viiankiaapa in Patvinsuo, proučuje,

kako mobilne kamere, družbena omrežja in navigacijske aplikacije oblikujejo način našega

dojemanja in interaktiranja s temi okolji. Te tehnologije uporabnikom in uporabnicam

omogočajo dokumentiranje in deljenje estetskih ter ekoloških značilnosti močvirij, ob tem

pa usmerjajo njihovo čutno delovanje, ki vodi bodisi v poglabljanje povezanosti z naravo

bodisi odmikanje od nje. Raziskava na podlagi sprehajalnih intervjujev z dokumentiranjem

čutnih izkušenj – vizualnih, vonjav in zvokov – ugotavlja, kako udeleženke in udeleženci na

pohodih uporabljajo digitalna orodja. Analiza je pokazala, da digitalno usmerjanje krepi

estetsko doživljanje, vendar pa vpliva tudi na dojemanje in včasih povzroča odmik od nepo-

sredne, utelešene interakcije. Študija se ukvarja z vprašanjem, kako digitalna orodja ustvarja-

jo afektne odzive, kot sta sprostitev ali nelagodje, in prispevajo k uživanju močvirnih okolij,

osnovano na poznavanju.

Razprava se prav tako dotakne širših družbenih in okoljskih razsežnosti močvirij,

vključno z izzivi ohranjanja, vplivi rudarstva in tehnološkim upravljanjem narave. Članek pri-

kazuje, kako tehnologije, kot so aplikacije za prepoznavanje vrst in digitalna fotografija, ne le

dokumentirajo izkušnje, temveč tudi dejavno oblikujejo človeške odnose z naravnim svetom.

Prispevek sklene, da digitalne tehnologije s ponujanjem novih načinov občudovanja

in varovanja občutljivih ekosistemov na novo opredeljujejo človeške interakcije z naravo. Ta

raziskava s spajanjem vizualne, čutne in ekološke razsežnosti osvetljuje dinamično sovpli-

vanje tehnologije, dojemanja in prostora ter spodbuja debate o digitalizaciji izkušanja narave.



SVETOVI / WORLDS leto 3, št. 1, februar 2025 94





Fragile Sustainability or





Sustainable Fragility? Local



Understanding of Global



Terms in the Logar Valley



Krhka trajnostnost ali trajnostna krhkost? Lokalno

razumevanje globalnih pojmov v Logarski dolini



Ana Svetel and Veronika Zavratnik 1.01 Izvirni znanstveni članek

DOI 10.4312/svetovi.3.1.95-114



ABSTRACT



This article explores the materialisations of sustainability in the Logar Valley, an Alpine

tourist destination in Slovenia. Drawing on ethnographic research, we examine how sus-

tainability is understood and enacted by local tourism service providers, highlighting four

key themes: food practices, the temporalities of tourism, transport, and environmental care.

We argue that the local perceptions of sustainability, fragility, and tradition, especially when

understood in the context of tourism, function as closely interlinked emic concepts. They

serve as a tool or discursive strategy according to which the various actors in Solčavsko posi-

tion themselves within the multiplicity of social relations between us and them, past and

future, nature and culture, tradition and innovation, good and bad. They can thus be under-

stood as socially acceptable tools used by the actors to express their interests in a way that

makes these interests appear as “objective”, “rational” or “universally valid” truths.

KEYWORDS: environment, temporality, care, transport, food, tourism, Logar Valley



IZVLEČEK



Članek obravnava materializacijo trajnostnosti v Logarski dolini, alpski turistični destinaciji

v Sloveniji. Na podlagi etnografskih raziskav preučujeva, kako trajnostni razvoj razumejo in

izvajajo lokalni turistični ponudniki, pri čemer izpostavljava štiri ključne teme: prehranje-

valne prakse, časovne značilnosti turizma, prevoz in z njim povezano infrastrukturo ter skrb



Ana Svetel and Veronika Zavratnik

Fragile Sustainability or Sustainable

Vol. 3, Nr. 1, February 2025 of Global Terms in the Logar Valley 95 Fragility? Local Understanding za okolje. Ugotavljava, da lokalne predstave o trajnostnosti, krhkosti in tradiciji, zlasti če

jih razumemo v kontekstu turizma, delujejo kot med seboj tesno povezani emski koncepti.

Predstavljajo namreč orodje ali diskurzivno strategijo za različne akterje na Solčavskem, na

podlagi katere se pozicionirajo v mnogoterih družbenih odnosih med nami in njimi, pretek-

lostjo in prihodnostjo, naravo in kulturo, tradicijo in inovacijo, dobrim in slabim. Lokalna

dojemanja trajnostnosti lahko torej razumemo tudi kot družbeno sprejemljiva orodja, s kat-

erimi akterji svoje interese izražajo na način, ki jih kaže kot »objektivne«, »racionalne« ali

»univerzalno veljavne« resnice.

KLJUČNE BESEDE: okolje, časovnost, skrb, prevoz, prehrana, turizem, Logarska dolina



INTRODUCTION



In a recent reflection on the sustainability of an anthropology of the Anthropocene, T. H.

Eriksen briefly comments on the seventeen Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), a mas-

sive United Nations (UN) project that began in 2015. He notes that the word sustainability

is “used extensively” in this project and that the broadness of this list poses a risk that sus-

tainability will become “a vacuous placeholder” (Eriksen 2022: 4). Eriksen’s critique of the

term sustainability becoming overused and emptied of its content, thus sounding more like

a buzzword (with ideological connotations) than a scientific term within the development

strategies, is one of the underlying motivations for writing this article.

It has been widely pointed out in anthropology that the term is loaded with “contra-

dictions, abuses and politically motivated uses” (Brightman and Lewis 2017: 1), and we have

encountered similar contradictions in our research. Although there exists what T. H. Erik-

sen (2022: 1) refers to as “common consent” about what sustainability means,1 we approach

it as a broad, ever evolving framework that encompasses economic, environmental, cultural,

and social dimensions. Our research prioritises the emic interpretations of sustainability,

focusing specifically on how local tourism providers in the Logar Valley in the Slovenian

Alps understand and use the term and how it affects their tourist practices. Therefore, our

analysis does not take the concept “as is” or rethinks its theoretical implications, but rather

explores the local dynamics and perceptions that gravitate around “sustainability”. Other

undoubtedly relevant viewpoints – namely the (re)framing of large- and small-scale sustain-

ability or “organic” discourses within agriculture and especially high-mountain farming in

Slovenia, as well as the relations between these discourses and more structural aspects, such

as the (national and EU) policies with their numerous forms of financial supports and subsi-

dies – will not be discussed in this article (see Bartulović and Kozorog 2014; Frelih Larsen

2009; Knežević Hočevar 2018; Slovenc and Erjavec 2021).

1

In Eriksen’s view (2022:1) by common consent, sustainability “refers to quality enabling something to sustain itself, in other words, to be capable of reproducing itself without undermining the conditions of its own existence.” By further noting the need to acknowledge the incorporation of changes in this definition, he proposes a “less rigid definition”, which suggests, that “a sustainable system is one which is capable of reproducing itself for an extended period without undermining its own conditions, absorbing incremental changes without collapsing” (Eriksen 2022: 1).



SVETOVI / WORLDS leto 3, št. 1, februar 2025 96

Acknowledging the importance of local histories and contexts, we use the Logar Val-

ley as a case study to explore how sustainability materialises in a specific place and time.

Our research in the broader region of Solčavsko has been ongoing since 2020, when we,

together with another colleague, Blaž Bajič, co-organised the first Ethnological Summer

Camp, which now takes place annually. The camp consists of a week of field research for

students, thematic lectures by mentors, and close collaboration with the local community in

Solčavsko. The findings presented in this paper are therefore also based on the contributions

of the students, Blaž Bajič, Sandi Abram, Jaka Repič, and other colleagues who participated

in the ethnological camps or contributed to the published research volumes (Bajič, Svetel

and Zavratnik 2021; Svetel, Zavratnik and Bajič 2022), as well as other research at least par-

tially related to the aforementioned camp (Bajič 2023; 2024; Korbar 2024; Krašovic 2022;

Svetel 2022; Vršnik 2022, 2024, etc.). In the period between 2020 and 2024, almost ninety

interviews were conducted by students and researchers, with some people repeatedly. We

have also organised round tables and presentations of student research, participated in com-

munity public events, and visited the region for tourism purposes. Since 2022, the research

activities have intensified as part of the DigiFREN project, which addresses the digital aes-

theticization of fragile environments.

More detailed conversations focusing on the concept of sustainability in the Logar

Valley were carried out in 2024, when we conducted in-depth, semi-structured interviews

with five tourism service providers in the valley in which we addressed their perception of

sustainability and the sustainable practices they conduct. However, since sustainability was

introduced as the central topic of our discussions when we contacted our interlocutors,

we acknowledge that this emphasis might have shaped our interlocutors’ responses. Given

the “symbolic resource” (Apostoli Capello 2023) attached to the term in public discourse

in Solčavsko and beyond, using alternative terminology, such as tradition, ecology, local

knowledge or care for the environment – or avoidance of using any of these often empty

signifiers – could have brought different concerns to light.



THE SETTING



The Slovenian Tourist Board describes the Logar Valley as “one of the most beautiful Alpine

glacier valleys in Europe. The harmonious coexistence between tradition, man and nature

that you will find in this area of Solčavsko is exceptional and rarely experienced anywhere

else” (Slovenian Tourist Board 2024). We will take a critical look at the notions of “harmo-

nious coexistence” later to unravel its meanings and implications in this local context but let

us first briefly introduce the location and its specificities.

Solčavsko can be considered a typical Alpine area, but at the same time, it is also a

very specific environment. It is located in the north of Slovenia, on the Austrian border in

the Kamnik-Savinja Alps, and with almost 550 people living on around 103 km2, it is the

most sparsely populated municipality in Slovenia (Občina Solčava 2024). It consists of three

glacial valleys – the Logar Valley being one of them – that form four settlements (Logar-



Ana Svetel and Veronika Zavratnik

Fragile Sustainability or Sustainable

Vol. 3, Nr. 1, February 2025 of Global Terms in the Logar Valley 97 Fragility? Local Understanding ska dolina, Robanov kot, Matkov kot, Podolševa), and numerous farms that are dispersed

throughout the glacial valleys. Today, Solčavsko and especially Logar Valley are increasingly

popular tourist destinations, but until 1894, when the first road connected Solčavsko to

other parts of the Upper Savinja Valley, the region was difficult to access and relatively iso-

lated. Many farms in Solčavsko are located at high altitudes, well above 1000 metres above

sea level. With an average size of 130 ha (Občina Solčava 2024), the farms of Solčavsko are,

for socio-historical reasons, much larger than the average farm in Slovenia, which measures

only 7.0 ha (SURS 2021).





Photo 1: Map of Solčavsko. The Centre Rinka website.



The area that is the focus of our research, the Logar Valley, is not only the most iconic

part of the region (Klaus 2010), but is also registered as a landscape park. The first organised

activities in nature conservation there date back to 1931, when there was a desire to protect

its “natural beauty” as the number of visitors to the surrounding mountain tops increased.

Efforts were made to establish the Logarska dolina-Okrešelj National Park, but due to the

Second World War, this did not happen (Gerl 2004: 102–110; see also Poličnik 2008). It

wasn’t until 1987 that the Municipality of Mozirje declared the area a landscape park (Nara-

vni parki Slovenije 2024). In 1992 the concession to manage the park was awarded to the

company Logarska dolina d.o.o., which was run by members of the local community (Gerl

2004: 6; Lenar 2021: 135). As the locals say, this way of managing a protected area – namely,



SVETOVI / WORLDS leto 3, št. 1, februar 2025 98

that it was being managed by the locals themselves – was the first such case in Slovenia. In

2017, however, the concession to manage the park was transferred back to the municipal-

ity (now the Municipality of Solčava) (Logarska dolina 2024), which has also caused some

disagreements between the local community and the municipality.

The Logar Valley Landscape Park comprises of 104 natural heritage units and 55 cul-

tural heritage units, one of which is recognised as a cultural monument of national impor-

tance. However, the valley itself is also protected as a cultural landscape, and it then comes

as no surprise that the Logar Valley is renowned both nationally and internationally for

its “unspoiled” and fragile Alpine beauty, where a visitor seeking a calm getaway can find

a picturesque retreat. The ways in which sustainability is understood in Solčavsko are thus

strongly marked by the regimes and regulations of the Logar Valley Landscape Park and its

popularity as a tourist destination.

As has been thoroughly described by Clarke (2007: 32–35), the main economic driv-

ers in the region shifted from farming to forestry in the 1950s and later to tourism. Tourism

became important in the beginning of the 20th century, and in 2007 reportedly already held

a 35% share in the regional economy (Clarke 2007: 18). The economic role of tourism and

hospitality in the Logar Valley is also historically attested; for example, Drago Meze writes of

the “modest earnings” (1963: 225) farms in the Logar Valley made from tourism in the summer

months. In recent years, Solčavsko has increasingly been presenting itself as a tourist destina-

tion in sustainable contexts that seemingly legitimise its tourism development. This resonates

with the broader observations of Amanda Stronza, who emphasized that “[i]n the past decade

or so, the tourism industry has taken major shifts toward goals of economic and ecological

sustainability, local participation, and environmental education” (Stronza 2001: 263).

Slapnik and Bogataj (2016) noted that one of the first milestones of “sustainable

development” was set with the establishment of the aforementioned landscape park in 1987,

which preceded numerous certificates and awards. For example, the CIPRA International

was awarded to the management of Nature Park Logarska dolina in 2005; the European

Commission recognised Solčavsko as a European Destination of Excellence in 2009; Center

Rinka (a multipurpose centre for sustainable development) was awarded the Golden Pencil

in 2011, Plečnik’s Medal in 2012 and the 3rd prize in the Constructive Alps competition in

2013; the Municipality of Solčavsko received the “Golden Stone” Award in 2012; the Logar

Valley–Solčavsko destination was awarded the golden label Slovenia Green Destination

2020, and in 2019 and 2020, it was listed among the Top 100 sustainable destinations. The

perception of the region as being particularly sustainable is highlighted by different actors,

while the labels and awards are understood as external and official “proof ” of their endeav-

ours which, as we will show, interrelate with multiple temporalities, economic sectors and

even with what Slapnik and Bogataj call “moral cores”:



The case of the Alpine region Solčavsko demonstrates how a commitment to nature and tradi-

tion as the moral core, and the alignment of the local population under common goals, released

the sustainable development potential of an entire region. (Slapnik and Bogataj 2016: 89)



Ana Svetel and Veronika Zavratnik

Fragile Sustainability or Sustainable

Vol. 3, Nr. 1, February 2025 of Global Terms in the Logar Valley 99 Fragility? Local Understanding





LOCAL PERCEPTIONS OF SUSTAINABILITY




When we talked to different tourism providers in the Logar Valley, from the tourist farm

and guest house to the mountain hut and medium-sized hotel, about how they see sustain-

ability, the discussion soon shifted from abstract talk to more practical or seemingly mun-

dane topics closely related to their everyday life and tasks they need to carry out within

their sector. We grouped the various topics that predominated in all the conversations into

four sets and consequently identified four thematic clusters, namely food practices, the tem-

poralities of tourism, transportation, and general environmental concerns. They form the

empirical core of this article. With the ethnographic examples from each of these clusters,

we aim to show how this often abstract, trendy or seemingly global “sustainability rhetoric”

(Knežević Hočevar 2018: 28) materialises and is translated in a local setting, and how they

are understood as embedded in already existing social practices and cultural values.

It is not our intention to define what sustainability in the Logar Valley is, to discuss

whether the practices and views of the tourism providers are sustainable, or to evaluate them

in any (moral, academic, ecological or social) sense, but rather to examine how the main

tourist actors in the valley talk about sustainability, which topics they perceive as falling

into the category of sustainability, and which other concepts emerged in their narratives

as connected to sustainability issues. Our entry point is therefore similar to Elena Apostoli

Cappello’s, who approached sustainability “as a relational category and a bargaining ground,

the meaning of which changes depending on who is claiming it and why” and not as a “dis-

embodied, ahistorical and apolitical condition” (Apostoli Cappello 2023: 4).

During the conversations, it quickly became evident that a more or less implicit sense

of fragility underlies the interlocutors’ perceptions of sustainability (see also Apostoli Cap-

pello 2023: 6–8). What is more, the perceived fragility of both the environment and the

community plays an important role in generating and maintaining the practices and values

related to sustainability. In his analysis of the care for the landscape in the broader region

of Solčavsko, Bajič argues that when we talk about fragility, “we are dealing with a specific

relationship” (2023: 118). He shows that

[i]n this relationship, the landscape is ‘automatically’ assumed to be fragile, i.e., dependent on

the (appropriate) activity of the caretaker, who is also dependent on its vitality. Fragility, in other

words, functions as an aesthetic category, i.e., a blend of specific perceptions and discourses.

(Bajič 2023: 118)



In our case, this relationship predominantly involves the local actors, who more or

less directly understand themselves to be the guardians, caretakers or upholders of the “natu-

ral” environment and landscape, the local practices and skills, the tangible and intangible

cultural heritage of the area (cf. Bajič and Zavratnik 2022), and as individuals who, in short,

have the knowledge to maintain and balance the various, often multispecies relations. Even

though the examples (or relationships) in the paragraphs below explicitly address sustain-

ability, they often implicitly bring forth the idea (and the moral obligation) of fragility as



SVETOVI / WORLDS leto 3, št. 1, februar 2025 100

well. Furthermore, the terms of tradition, locality, and heritage were often conceptually or

semiotically merged with sustainability, as will be explained with examples in subsequent

sections, where we will present the four thematic clusters mentioned above. Before turning

to these, the words of one interlocutor aptly summarise the importance of observing the talk

of sustainability not as separated but as dynamically blended with the other terms:

For me, sustainability in this house means first and foremost working together or relying on

tradition, in the sense of both cultural and natural heritage. Everything we do is somehow connec-

ted to the intangible cultural heritage as well as tangible cultural heritage. And the natural herita-

ge. First and foremost, this notion of sustainability embeds the concept of tradition. And what I

find particularly important is that we value the work of the locals. The knowledge of the locals.



FOOD PRACTICES



All of the main tourism service providers in the Logar Valley offer at least some food on their

premises, and most of them place great emphasis on it, highlighting their cuisine on their

websites, social media and in situ. But the question of food is not only part of the classic

repertoire of tourism – it serves as one of the key elements through which they think and

portray their sustainable orientation. One of the first things all of them mentioned when we

brought up the topic of sustainability was the local cuisine and the food they offer in their

establishments. Even before we had explicitly asked about sustainability, one interlocutor, a

young woman who with her partner runs a mountain hut that offers accommodation and

food, pointed this out:

When it comes to sustainability, our main focus is on food. We really cook local, and fresh and

homemade food. Even if there’s less [choice]. I mean, even if we don’t have six pages of different

choices.



The ingredients or the food products they serve in all their meals should come from

local sources, ideally from the nearby farmers. The recipes and the preparation techniques

should be local, often deriving from family traditions of how to make, for example, štruklji,

žlikrofi or savinjski želodec, to name a few “famous” ones. When talking about food, our

interlocutors framed their understanding of sustainability with concepts such as “local” and

“traditional”, which we can understand through the “practices of locality” (Grasseni 2009).

This corresponds with the way they present themselves on their official channels. On

their website, the mountain hut Logarski kot states: “Our menus are based on traditional

cuisine and locally produced ingredients” (Logarski kot 2024). Similarly, the website of the

Ojstrica House reads:

In a natural setting, Ojstrica House offers you a unique culinary experience, with a focus on

traditional cuisine from the region and seasonal dishes, mostly made with locally produced

ingredients. […] Our menu changes seasonally, as we feel it is important to be able to support local

farmers and producers. (Hiša Ojstrica 2024)



Ana Svetel and Veronika Zavratnik

Fragile Sustainability or Sustainable

Vol. 3, Nr. 1, February 2025 of Global Terms in the Logar Valley 101 Fragility? Local Understanding



Photo 2: A menu offering ”typical” Slovenian food. Ana Svetel, Logar Valley, February 2024.





In the conversations, the terms “local” or “home-made” were often used synonymous-

ly with “sustainable”, and had an undoubtedly positive connotation. Many interlocutors also

showed us the menus to illustrate their claims.

The ideas that the tourism providers act as responsible and sustainable actors within

the community are expressed through the claims that they buy products from farmers in

the region (dairy products, jams, meat, etc.), and therefore support the local agriculture and

contribute to the economic sustainability of the area. Additionally, by offering “traditional”

dishes, they maintain the image of an Alpine destination with its own culinary specifics.

Through this prism we can better understand the view, which was explicitly expressed

by one tourism provider, namely that once in the Logar Valley, “one cannot eat Wiener

schnitzel”. The idea that certain foods belong in the valley and others do not was present

among all the interlocutors, even though the category of what food was “appropriate” differed

slightly. The mountain huts and the farm stays that primarily target hikers and mountaineers

emphasize simpler dishes such as stews, thick soups and strudels, while the more luxurious

Hotel Plesnik offers “a superb four-course dinner” (Hotel Plesnik 2024). But this culinary

experience is still described through the lens of locality: “The authenticity of the flavors and

the connection to the local environment can be felt on every plate” (Hotel Plesnik 2024).

Regardless of the type and category of the tourism provider, the menus and the

web descriptions thus often visually and textually reflect what we have termed Alpine food

domesticity. This implicitly sustains the local farmers and their agricultural traditions, which

in turn maintain the picturesque, tranquil scenery of the Logar Valley and the surrounding



SVETOVI / WORLDS leto 3, št. 1, februar 2025 102

areas, with the cattle grazing in the meadows around the farms or the mountain pastures

during the summer months.

The questions about the products that are not local or home-made were answered

with more reluctance. After some thought, the interlocutors mentioned mostly fruits and

some vegetables that do not grow (or are not produced in large quantities) in the Solčavsko

region. What we identified as a pattern was that the interlocutors tended to put the local

culinary products they offer in the spotlight of their narrative, only mentioning the non-

local ingredients or foods if directly asked about them – and even then, their explanations

were rather vague or unclear. When we asked one interlocutor about her occasional shop-

ping trips to the nearby Austrian town where she buys a significant proportion of foodstuffs

for breakfasts, a habit we knew about from our previous fieldwork in the region, she visibly

became reluctant to talk about it. The very same routine she had openly described to us

on previous occasions, when our research topic was not sustainability, suddenly became a

topic to avoid. This ethnographic dissonance shows that sustainability functions as a moral

category, and its value-based imperatives necessarily influence ethnographic conversations.

Long-term ethnography and understanding of the wider social circumstances are therefore

necessary to contextualise the “sustainability talk” or spot any inconsistencies.

Many tourism providers pointed out that the food they offer is what the visitors

expect. This kind of “locavore demand” (Apostoli Cappello 2023: 3) therefore presumes

a relationship between the tourist, tourism service provider, and the environment, which

seems greatly harmonious, since both the tourist and the provider value the same local culi-

nary experience which presumably leads to the sustainability of the “natural” environment

and the local economy. This kind of sustainability-induced supply and demand dynamic is

evident in the words of one interlocutor:

... and most visitors come because they’re interested in the local cuisine. They immediately ask if

it’s homemade – from sour milk to sirnek [a local cheese speciality] and other specialities from

Solčava, such as savinjski želodec [a local meat product]. Quite a few visitors come here especially

for this reason. Of course, there is also the classic crowd of those who just want to eat schnitzel

and fries, but most people who come with the purpose of exploring the valley are interested in

these things. We, personally, also direct them to the farms. They want to know where the cheese

comes from, because it’s good. I give them a contact and send them to these farms. The Solčava

panoramic road, the Klemenšek farm and so on. We’re connected with the farmers and try to

promote each other as much as possible, and in this way, the guests can get the most out of their

experience. You offer them the best product you can, and why wouldn’t you? This is especially true

for foreign tourists. Foreign tourists mainly want local products. Žlinkrofi [dumplings], for

example, are something that everyone wants to try. And then there are traditional mountain dishes

like jota [a thick stew]. They really have a desire for local dishes. Hikers in particular know this,

and it’s part of their culture and their purpose in coming here, from ričet to jota, because these are

dishes that we don’t usually cook at home. Foreigners, yes, foreigners specifically ask, ‘Is this local?’

And I tell them, yes, the meat in the goulash comes from Robanov kot. They really appreciate it

and think it’s great that they can see where the cows graze. It’s particularly interesting for foreigners

that they can literally visit the farm if they want to. They find it really fascinating. If you come

from a big city, it’s quite a ‘wow’ moment when you realise that this is even possible.



Ana Svetel and Veronika Zavratnik

Fragile Sustainability or Sustainable

Vol. 3, Nr. 1, February 2025 of Global Terms in the Logar Valley 103 Fragility? Local Understanding tations towards “slower” or more “meaningful” time. The following words from a tourism

However, the selection of dishes and food products offered at the tourist accommo-

dations in the valley was not a “spontaneous” process or a “natural” fact, but a process of

reinventing the local food (cf. Grasseni 2017). One interlocutor recalls the decisions that

were made when she started to offer meals in the mountain wooden hut (which was previ-

ously a summer home for shepherds) in the beginning of the 1990s:

When I started, I remember that Gusti Lenar was the director at the time. And when I started

working, he said, ‘Here, we’ll have only local dishes: žganci, mushroom soup, and such.’ But I said,

‘Who’s going to eat žganci? No one’s going to eat that.’ And he said, ‘Yes, yes, these kinds of

things belong here, and that’s what we’ll have.’ It seemed really silly to me. I thought no one would

eat it, because even at home we didn’t eat that much of it. But then I saw that he was absolutely

right. People really seek this out.



THE TEMPORALITIES OF TOURISM



The second thematic cluster we recognised as being framed through the lens of sustainability

was related to the various rhythms of tourism. Our interlocutors, as well as municipal strate-

gies and visions, emphasized that they want to avoid mass tourism and prefer to offer more

boutique or tailored experiences, and therefore focus on niche programmes that stem from

the “fragile” and “limited” but at the same time “precious” and “unique” environment of

the Kamnik-Savinja Alps. Such examples are the anti-burnout and anti-stress packages, the

Pure Power of Nature package or the detox programmes offered by Hotel Plesnik and Na

razpotju. The underlying premise is that the Logar Valley can function as a location where

time “slows down” or even “stops”, and where visitors can take a break from their fast, stress-

ful, and urban everyday lives. While many tourism providers implicitly present the location

in this framework, some talk about this temporal aspect directly:

This place has a certain peculiarity. On the one hand, it’s great, and everyone who comes up here,

the moment they step out, it feels like time stops. Have you felt that? It’s amazing, you can’t

believe it.



The same interlocutor stresses that the valley is also a suitable location to “log-out”

from everyday routines:

Otherwise, what we’ve noticed is that very often people come here alone. Either a woman by

herself or a man by himself. But basically, whoever you talk to, they all want to be alone because

they just can’t [cope] anymore. They can’t stand their phone, their coworkers, their friends – they

just want peace. When it all gets to be too much.



Similar temporal sentiments can also be found in hiking and mountaineering types

of tourism, which had already started in Solčavsko in the 19th century – the Alps represented

not only one of the main national symbols but also the romantic idea of refuge and almost

mythical otherness (Mikša 2021; Peternel 2020; Šaver 2005).

But the temporalities of tourism are not related only to affective and symbolic orien-



SVETOVI / WORLDS leto 3, št. 1, februar 2025 104

service provider who offers wellness programmes as well as accommodation show that the

temporalities they refer to also include more practical goals:

When we renovated the wellness centre, we were looking for a programme that would fit in here

so that guests would come regardless of whether it’s raining, snowing or windy. And so they would

stay for several days.





Photo 3: Promotion of anti-burnout and anti-stress packages. Hotel Plesnik Website. December 2024.



They are also closely connected to the endeavours to lower the numbers of daily visi-

tors and prolong the average length of stay to at least a few days. One-day visitors are often

perceived as a burden for the valley, sometimes referred to as “crowds” that flood the land-

scape park and throw it “out of balance”. At the same time, in the eyes of the tourism provid-

ers, they are not the visitors that sustain the local economy since they tend not to purchase

the local products or other tourist offerings. The “issue” with one-day visitors is strongly

seasonally framed – they are perceived as a problem especially during the high season, which

peaks on the weekends in July and August. In our previous ethnographic research in the val-

ley, we have never spotted any negative comments about the daily visitors who come to the

valley in the winter for cross-country skiing, let alone the visitors that arrive during the low

seasons of late autumn or early spring.

Many interlocutors emphasized the seasonal imbalance of the numbers of visitors,

with a relatively short high season from June to September, when, especially during the

weekends and on 15 August, which is a national holiday in Slovenia, the valley becomes

simply “too full” and therefore “out of balance”, which leads to perceptions of unsustain-

ability. This unsustainability usually materialises in problems related to infrastructure and



Ana Svetel and Veronika Zavratnik

Fragile Sustainability or Sustainable

Vol. 3, Nr. 1, February 2025 of Global Terms in the Logar Valley 105 Fragility? Local Understanding transportation, which we will address in the next section. The challenges the community

and the environment face when dealing with sudden influxes of tourists are associated with

increased traffic and overcrowding. Many interlocutors expressed their goal to extend the

tourist season and to avoid growth in numbers during the peak season: “Our aim is not to

have more tourists here. The aim is to prolong the season.”

The temporal unsustainability as framed by the tourism service providers is closely

connected to fragility. The sense of the valley’s fragility was explicitly addressed when we

talked about the peak tourist periods, especially the warm and sunny summer weekends,

when the valley turns into a place with too many people and too many cars. They are said to

strain the resources of the valley and to pose a threat to the fragile balance in both the “natu-

ral” and “social” sense. The level of fragility thus differs throughout the year. The valley was

perceived as much more fragile during certain periods: during these “special” times, both the

environment and the local community are seen as particularly fragile.



TRAVELLING TO/IN THE VALLEY



Closely related to the seasonal rhythms we addressed in the previous section is the issue of

transport. Germ, Krampl and Krašovic argue that the locals “are trying to find ways to limit

the crowds of cars, which are a daily burden to the environment, while at the same time want-

ing to keep the valley a popular tourist destination” (Germ, Krampl and Krašovic 2022: 32).

It is precisely this balancing that seemed to be the main concern when the interlocu-

tors brought up the (un)sustainable transport realities in the valley. Since 2020, when we

began research in the area, the municipality officers, farmers, tourism providers and other

actors have been mentioning different yet related options to us on how to address the issue

of transport in the area. Some advocate for expanding the car park in front of the entrance to

the valley and establishing various “green” and public transportation options at the entrance,

such as bikes, e-bikes, and a bus that would drive into the valley; similar P&R regimes are

found in Bohinj, another popular Alpine region in Slovenia (Bajuk Senčar 2017). Another

idea is to limit the number of vehicles entering the valley per day, which would “relieve” the

valley and prevent overcrowding. However, this would limit the profits of the tourism pro-

viders and potentially transfer the overcrowding to other popular locations in the munici-

pality, such as Roban and Matk Cirque and the Solčava Panoramic Road.

One interlocutor that strongly supports the idea of encouraging visitors to park at

the entrance of the valley pointed out that she would rather drive the visitors back to the car

park if they get caught by bad weather or lose track of time:



We’re also like that personally — if someone is late and it’s dark or if they get caught in a storm,

we’re prepared to drive them to the start of the valley so they don’t have to walk. Just to reduce the

number of cars so it doesn’t get too crowded.



Another interlocutor sometimes drives her guests to the steepest part of the pano-

ramic road and drops them off at a point from where they can make a round trip back to the



SVETOVI / WORLDS leto 3, št. 1, februar 2025 106

valley by bicycle. This practice enables the visitors that might not be able to ride their bikes

for the whole road to still experience it on bicycles instead of driving their cars (and stopping

at the scenic spots).

Even though the interlocutors embraced the increased cycling in the area, one of

them was concerned with the problems the increasingly popular and promoted e-biking

can bring:

In the last few years, cycling has increased considerably, especially with electric bikes for riding in

the mountains. But we don’t have anywhere to set up a proper bike storage facility so it could be

locked and guests could bring their own bikes. Because it is forbidden to build anything, we’re

not allowed to do anything.



After some minutes, the interlocutor returned to the issue again:

This is now something everyone must have, a bicycle parking facility. And we have a real problem.

Where should we put them? Because we’re not allowed to have such facilities. They don’t allow

it. But people expect and demand them. Some bikes are worth, I don’t know, ten, twenty thousand

euros – you can’t just leave them outside.



Since the valley is a landscape park and a protected area, it falls under the regulations

of the Institute for the Protection of Cultural Heritage of Slovenia (Slovene: ZVKDS, Zavod

za varovanje kulturne dediščine). Tensions between the institute and the conservation poli-

cies on the one hand and the aspirations of some of the inhabitants in the area on the other

have also been ethnographically recorded in non-tourism contexts (Hazler 2021; Hostnik

and Klanšek 2021; Jerkič, Kristan and Mlinarič 2021).

The opinion that the issue of the increasing traffic cannot be addressed only within

the landscape park or the municipality but needs to be addressed more broadly by strength-

ening public transportation in the country with regular bus lines between Solčavsko and

Slovenian cities was also expressed. This idea was often underlined with a (nostalgic) refer-

ence to the bus line that connected Zagreb and the Logar Valley for some time in Yugoslavia.

This reference functions as a (affective) reminder that “back then” public transportation

services seemed to work more efficiently.

The perceived remoteness was also sensed among some of our interlocutors. Since

the Logar Valley is located higher up in the Savinja valley than the village of Solčavsko, the

(few) buses that connect the municipality with the capital or nearby towns (Celje, Velenje)

only go to Solčava. The lack of public transportation in the valley is recognised as an issue

that affects not only the visitors but also the local population and the workers, as expressed

by one interlocutor:

The buses come as far as Solčava, but no further. Our children are at a real disadvantage. They can’t

take part in activities because my husband and I can’t always drive them, because no matter where

you go, it takes at least an hour. And that’s very unfair. It’s a problem, a big problem. Public tran-

sport would be used by us, the residents, the tourists and the employees. But nobody can use it

because it simply doesn’t exist.



Ana Svetel and Veronika Zavratnik

Fragile Sustainability or Sustainable

Vol. 3, Nr. 1, February 2025 of Global Terms in the Logar Valley 107 Fragility? Local Understanding

However, all these various thoughts and opinions on how to manage the increasing

traffic in the valley focus primarily on daily visitors. The car park at the end of the valley,

near the Rinka waterfall, was presented to us as the most pressing and spatially unsustainable

location, the number of vehicles entering the valley making it the epicentre of the problem.

“Everybody’s going crazy to get one photo on Instagram. Everybody wants to get to the

Rinka waterfall with a car. And there should be a way to stop this,” pleaded one interlocutor

as we were sipping home-made tea in the lobby.

We can see that various modalities are intertwined in the transportation issue: prob-

lems with the number of cars and the absence of public transport in the valley are inter-

connected and the interlocutors see them as one of the key weak points of sustainability.

The increasingly popular (electric) biking was presented as (one) part of the solution, but

the storage of e-bikes is becoming, as shown above, a growing concern. Another pressing

issue, related to the various modes of mobility in the valley, is related to one of the desired

modes, namely walking. Considerable parts of the valley belong to one farm and are used

as meadows; they are not intended for walking or trespassing. However, in their search for

photogenic spots, secluded paths or simply a spot to sit in the grass, some visitors enter the

meadows and occasionally get into arguments with the farmer. In many parts of the val-

ley, information boards remind the visitors to stay on the designated paths. But one of the

interlocutors nevertheless mentioned the “audacity of people to walk across the meadows.”





Photo 4: Signage at one of the meadows in Logar Valley. Ana Svetel, Logar Valley, July 2023.



SVETOVI / WORLDS leto 3, št. 1, februar 2025 108





CARE FOR THE ENVIRONMENT




In comparison to the first three, the fourth theme of this “materialisation” of sustainability

was somehow more elusive. It was related to what we might imagine under the term “envi-

ronmental sustainability”, often framed within climate change discourse and translated into

“care for the environment”. Here, sustainability was perceived as a kind of moral obligation,

oriented towards both the past and the future. Ancestors and their environmental practices

were often referred to as a form of proto-sustainability, as a mode of sustainable human-

environment relations before the word sustainability even existed or became trendy. Let’s

look at one example:

The word sustainability, right, it wasn’t worded like that. What I want to say [is] that this action,

this mentality, this philosophy has always been performed in the Logar Valley. And lived. But it

is a fact that in the last few decades this [word] has started to be used as a kind of niche market

[…]. Sometimes people abuse this [word] for commercial purposes. […] And I would say that this

word sustainable development, sustainable progress, sustainable engagement, everything that has

to do with sustainability, are just some phrases that are fashionable today. And not just fashiona-

ble. This word has simply been found now. Because in the past this wasn’t named.



This idea is present not only among the local tourism service providers, but is also

explicitly part of the municipal strategy for sustainable tourism, as is visible from the slogan

tourism providers use: “Logar Valley - Solčavsko, a connected, resilient, and balanced moun-

tain community; we proudly build upon the centuries-old tradition of sustainable practices of

our ancestors.” Meanwhile, we can read on The Green Scheme of Slovenian Tourism website

that in the Logar Valley, “sustainability is a centuries’ old tradition” (Slovenia Green 2024).

In the Logar Valley, the sustainability of the present day can therefore be seen as a

continuation, and obligation, to preserve and care for what past generations have “given”

to the current ones. Farmers, including the ones involved in agrotourism, are perceived as

guardians – both of the community and of the environment.2 Of course, they, too, perceive

themselves as guardians. In this sense, the valley and its people have, in a certain respect, an

atemporal existence, a metaphysical dimension of social and environmental infinitude and

changelessness (see also Bajič 2023).

Another side of this temporality of sustainability is oriented towards descendants.

One interlocutor pointed out: “Sustainability is connected to the mindset that in every

decision, you think of 2 or 3 generations ahead.” Her words resonate with Anna Tsing, who

evocatively described sustainability as “the dream of passing a livable earth to future genera-

tions, human and nonhuman” (Tsing 2017: 51).

However, the conversations also revealed a somehow paradoxical contrast between

these perceptions of sustainability, rooted in, so to say, the eternal order of the generations

who dwelled, dwell and will dwell in the valley on the one hand, and the pragmatic reality

2

For a similar insight regarding specific coastal agricultural regions in Northern Italy, see Apostoli Cappello (2023: 8).



Ana Svetel and Veronika Zavratnik

Fragile Sustainability or Sustainable

Vol. 3, Nr. 1, February 2025 of Global Terms in the Logar Valley 109 Fragility? Local Understanding of sustainability labels and certificates on the other. In fact, many of the same tourism ser-

vice providers who emphasized the almost “metaphysical” drive for sustainability were also

very “concrete” and practical when it came to demonstrating their sustainability in a very

institutionalised manner. After all, they can attract tourists, especially foreign ones, with

visual proof of their sustainability, since the logos of these certificates and labels are usually

proudly displayed on their doors, at the reception and on their websites, and might even

have a particular aesthetic dimension.



CONCLUSION



In this article, we reframed the concept of sustainability beyond its universalistic and often

abstract applications, highlighting the importance of local perceptions and contexts to

understand how sustainability materialises in a particular place and time. Using the ethno-

graphic approach, we have shown that the sustainability discourses in the Logar Valley are

influenced as much by global or institutionalised development goals and trends as by local

histories, cultural backgrounds, and collective representations. We explored sustainability

through the practices of tourism providers, as “an idea” where “local originality, creativity,

imagination and resourcefulness complement strategic planning” (Anko 2007: 96), not

only at the individual but also at the community level. In this article, we explore four themes

that make the vague concept more concrete and localised.

The most notable context in which sustainability is discussed, utilised and promoted

is connected to food practices. In line with the general growing interest in local gastronomic

delicacies or, as Apostoli Cappello puts it, a “locavore demand” (2023: 3), “traditional” and

homemade local dishes made from locally sourced ingredients are the predominant mate-

rialisation of sustainability. To encompass the broad implications of this aspect, we have

coined the term Alpine food domesticity, which refers to the most commonly offered (and

sought-after) “home-made” local dishes, but also more broadly to the preservation of tradi-

tional forms of agriculture and land cultivation – cattle and sheep grazing in the meadows

and mountain pastures. Alpine food domesticity implicitly supports local farmers and agri-

cultural traditions, but also the picturesque scenery of the Logar Valley and the surrounding

areas and therefore reinforces specific aesthetics and tastes.

The temporality of tourism is another important context in which sustainability is

discussed, practised, and displayed. Here we can follow two main temporalities – a balanced

and an unbalanced time, eurhythmic and arrhythmic (Lefebvre 2004: 67). Firstly, there is

the rhythm of tourism, which refers to the ability of the Logar Valley itself to slow down or

even stop time and offer tourists the chance to relax and disconnect from the worries and

pace of everyday life. Secondly, at certain times the valley is, in contrast, perceived as being

out of balance. This occurs when it is flooded with tourists and cars, and so loses its intrinsic

quality of calmness and tranquillity.

Transportation to and within the valley is closely related to the notion of balanced

and unbalanced times and to the perception of the valley in terms of remoteness. Different



SVETOVI / WORLDS leto 3, št. 1, februar 2025 110

local ideas, strategies and mechanisms are discussed in relation to the very practical issues

locals experience. As in other spheres that were not explicitly discussed in this article (see

Jerkič, Kristan and Mlinarič 2021), limitations stemming from cultural and natural heritage

protection regimes came to the fore. Due to strict protection regimes that are in some cases

perceived as limiting local (sustainable) development, tourism service providers deal with

practical obstacles in fulfilling the expectations of modern sustainability-oriented tourists,

for example, e-cyclers.

Finally, the local discourse on sustainability is connected to wider environmental

aspects. Here, sustainability is often framed in terms of proto-sustainable practices that

existed in the valley long before the term “officially” became popular and widespread. In this

sense, sustainability is closely connected to concepts of tradition, heritage, local knowledge

and family, and is understood as a kind of moral obligation not only to the past (and as

respect for ancestral practices) but also to the future, in the sense that the landscape, heritage

and way of life must be preserved for future generations, albeit in the environmental sense,

the future might itself seem fragile. These views can be illustrated with the words of Marko

Slapnik and Nevenka Bogataj (2016) that speak of the moral core of the region and frame

it with the wording: “Nature and heritage are not here to be changed, but to change us!”

However, despite this metaphysical dimension that the locals claim for themselves, care for

the environment also materialises in much more pragmatic aspects such as certifications and

quality labels, which also demonstrate the economic importance of sustainable approaches

in tourism and can even have – displayed at doors, entrances or reception desks of tourist

premises – a specific aesthetic dimension.

In conclusion, local perceptions of sustainability, fragility, and tradition, and especial-

ly when understood in the context of tourism, function as closely interlinked emic concepts.

They function as a tool or discursive strategy that allows the various actors in Solčavsko to

position themselves within the multiplicity of social relations between us and them, past

and future, nature and culture, tradition and innovation, good and bad. Similar to Apostoli

Cappello’s insights on agricultural practices in Northern Italy, we can see how sustainability

can and is also used in discursive contexts “as a resource for negotiating access to resources

at the local level” and as a “source of political legitimization” (Apostoli Cappello 2023: 18).

They can thus be understood as socially acceptable tools of expressing their interests in a way

that makes these interests appear as “objective”, “rational” or “universally valid” truths.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS: This research was carried out within the frameworks of the project DigiFREN. DigiFREN is supported by MIZŠ, Slovenia; NCN, Poland; AKA, Finland; HRZZ, Croatia; and RCN, Norway, under the CHANSE ERA-NET Co-fund pro-gramme, which has received funding from the European Union’s Horizon 2020 Research and Innovation Programme, under Grant Agreement no. 101004509.



Ana Svetel and Veronika Zavratnik

Fragile Sustainability or Sustainable

Vol. 3, Nr. 1, February 2025 of Global Terms in the Logar Valley 111 Fragility? Local Understanding





CITED REFERENCES




Anko, Boštjan 2007 ‘Povzetek: Solčavsko - narava in ljudje, Ljubljani in Univerze v Londonu 1932–2007. Boštjan

preteklost, sedanjost in prihodnost.‘ In: Študije o Anko, Marija Anteric, Richard Clarke, Marko Koš-

Solčavskem: Poročilo o skupnem terenskem delu Uni- čak, Avgust Lenar, Ian Mitchell, eds. Logarska dolina:

verze v Ljubljani in Univerze v Londonu 1932–2007. Občina Solčava in Logarska dolina d. o. o.. Pp. 14–61.

Boštjan Anko, Marija Anteric, Richard Clarke,

Marko Koščak, Avgust Lenar, Ian Mitchell, eds. Eriksen, Thomas Hylland 2022 ‘The Sustainability of an

Logarska dolina: Občina Solčava in Logarska doli- Anthropology of the Anthropocene.’ Sustainability

na d. o. o. Pp. 88–96. 14: 1–11.

Apostoli Capello, Elena 2023 ‘Sustainability as a Symbolic Frelih Larsen, Ana 2009 ‘Semi–subsistence Producers and

Resource at the Local Level, and its Strategic Uses: Biosecurity in the Slovenian Alps.’ Sociologia Ruralis

A Study in Northern Italy.’ Ethnologia Europaea 49(4): 330–343.

53(1): 1–21.

Gerl, Tomaž 2004 ‘Načela varstva naravne dediščine na

Bajič, Blaž 2022 ‘Povzetek: Solčavsko – narava in ljudje, primeru Krajinskega parka Logarska dolina.’ MA

preteklost, sedanjost in prihodnost.’ In: Bajič, Blaž thesis. Ljubljana: University of Ljubljana, Biotech-

DigiFREN: Digital Aestheticization of Fragile Envi- nical Faculty.

ronments. Research proposal. CHANSE Call for

Proposals “Transformations: Social and Cultural Germ, Vanja, Pia Krampl and Tina Krašovic 2022 ‘Promet

Dynamics in the Digital Age”. in infrastruktura Solčavskega.’ In: Pogledi od blizu:

Mladi, prihodnost in zamišljanje razvoja na Solčavskem.

2023 ‘Skrb za krhke krajine: krajina, skupnost Ana Svetel, Veronika Zavratnik and Blaž Bajič, eds.

in (ne)spremenljivost na Solčavskem.’ Traditiones Ljubljana: University of Ljubljana Press, Faculty of

52(1): 109–137. Arts. Pp. 27–47.

2024 ‘Digitalna estetizacija narave med slikovitim Grasseni, Cristina 2009 Developing Skill, Developing Vision –

in zanimivim.’ Etnolog 34: 47–68. Practices of Locality at the Foot of the Alps. New York

and Oxford: Berghahn Books.

Bajič, Blaž and Veronika Zavratnik 2022 ‘Land and Ancestry

in Solčavsko: Between Change and Changelessness.’ 2017 The Heritage Arena: Reinventing Cheese in the Ita-

Paper presented at the Experiencing Climate and lian Alps. Oxford and New York: Berghahn Books.

Environmental Changes in and Beyond Europe.

Symposium, 6 May 2022, Ljubljana, Slovenia. Hazler, Vito 2021 ‘Kulturna dediščina Solčavskega z

Robanovim kotom, Logarsko dolino in Matkovim

Bajič, Blaž, Ana Svetel and Veronika Zavratnik, eds. 2021 kotom.’ In: Razgledi treh dolin. Blaž Bajič, Ana Svetel

Razgledi treh dolin. Ljubljana: University of Ljublja- and Veronika Zavratnik, eds. Ljubljana: University

na Press, Faculty of Arts. of Ljubljana Press, Faculty of Arts. Pp. 67–70.

Bajuk Senčar, Tatiana 2017 ‘Kultura udobja in razvoj traj- Hiša Ojstrica 2024 ‘Kulinarika.’ Internet source:

nostne prometne infrastrukture.’ Glasnik SED 57(3- arska-ojstrica.si/kulinarika/>, 12. 10. 2024.

4): 66–74.

Hostnik, Božena and Barbara Klanšek 2021 ‘Varstvo kul-

Bartulović, Alenka and Miha Kozorog 2014 ‘Taking up turne dediščine na Solčavskem.’ In: Razgledi treh

organic farming in (pre-)Alpine Slovenia.’ Anthro- dolin. Blaž Bajič, Ana Svetel and Veronika Zavrat-

pological notebooks 20(3): 83–102. nik, eds. Ljubljana: University of Ljubljana Press,

Faculty of Arts. Pp. 71–75.

Brightman, Marc and Jerome Lewis 2017 ‘Introduction: The

Anthropology of Sustainability: Beyond Devel- Hotel Plesnik 2024 ‘Gastronomy.’ Internet source:

opment and Progress.’ In: The Anthropology of Sus- plesnik.si/en/gastronomy>, 12. 10. 2024.

tainability: Beyond Anthropology and Progress. Marc

Brightman and Jerome Lewis, eds. London: Pal- Jerkič, Tajda, Pika Kristan and Tina Mlinarič 2021 ‘Pomen

grave. Pp. 1–34. kulturne dediščine na Solčavskem.’ In: Razgledi treh

dolin. Blaž Bajič, Ana Svetel and Veronika Zavrat-

Clarke, Richard 2007 ‘Študije o Solčavskem.’ In: Študije o Sol- nik, eds. Ljubljana: University of Ljubljana Press,

čavskem: Poročilo o skupnem terenskem delu Univerze v Faculty of Arts. Pp. 77–97.



SVETOVI / WORLDS leto 3, št. 1, februar 2025 112

Klaus, Simona 2010 ‘Prostori v slovenskih oglasih: televizijski Integral Green Slovenia: Towards a Social Knowledge and

oglas “Slovenija, moja dežela.”’ In: Ustvarjanje prostorov. Value Based Society and Economy at the Heart of Europe.

Mirjam Mencej and Dan Podjed, eds. Ljubljana: Lju- Darja Piciga, Alexander Schieffer, Ronnie Lessem,

bljana University Press, Faculty of Arts. Pp. 112–132. eds. Abingdon and New York: Routledge. Pp. 89–95.

Knežević Hočevar, Duška 2018 ‘“We are Sustainable - They Slovenc, Mateja and Emil Erjavec 2021 ‘Cooperation Among

are Not!”’ Anthropological notebooks 24(2): 25–46. Farmers Through the Lens of Their Future Orienta-

tions.’ Anthropological notebooks 27(1): 28–54.

Korbar, Žiga 2024 ‘Lov na Solčavskem: Med lokalnimi pogledi

in zakonodajnimi ureditvami.’ MA thesis. Ljubljana: Slovenia Green 2024 ‘Logarska dolina - Solčavsko.’ The Green

University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Arts, Department Scheme of Slovenian Tourism. Internet source:

of Ethnology and Cultural Anthropology.

va/>, 17. 12. 2024.

Krašovic, Tina 2022 ‘Varovanje krajinskega parka Logarska

dolina ob spremembah kulturne krajine.’ MA the- Slovenian Tourist Board 2024 ‘Na oddih v krajinski park

sis. Ljubljana: University of Ljubljana. Logarska dolina.’ I Feel Slovenia. Internet source:



Lefebvre, Henri 2004 [1992] Rhythmanalysis: Space, Time and znamenitosti/logarska-dolina>, 10. 7. 2024.

Everyday Life. London in New York: Continuum.

Stronza, Amanda 2001 ‘Anthropology of Tourism: Forging

Lenar, Avgust 2021 ‘Naravi prijazen in domačinom koristen raz- New Gound for Ecotourism and Other Alterna-

voj turizma.’ In Razgledi treh dolin. Blaž Bajič, Ana Sve- tives.’ Annual Review of Anthropology 30: 261–283.

tel and Veronika Zavratnik, eds. Ljubljana: University

of Ljubljana Press, Faculty of Arts. Pp. 135–137. SURS 2021 ‘Prvi podatki iz Popisa kmetijskih gospodarstev,

Slovenije 2000.’ Internet source:

Logarska dolina 2024 ‘Upravljanje s parkom.’ Internet source: stat.si/StatWeb/news/Index/9459>, 30. 7. 2024.



vljanje-s-parkom>, 30. 7. 2024. Svetel, Ana 2022 ‘Moving, Returning, Staying: Mobilities of

Rural Youth in the Solčavsko Region.’ In: Rethinking

Logarski kot 2024 ‘Ponudba.’ Internet source: Urban-rural Relations/Migrations in Central-Europe:

garski-kot.si/sl/ponudba/>, 12. 10. 2024. The Case of Slovenia and Hungary. Alenka Bartulović

and Gábor Máté, eds. Pécs: Department of Europe-

Meze, Drago 1963 ‘Samotne kmetije na Solčavskem.’ Geograf- an Ethnology and Cultural Anthropology, Universi-

ski zbornik 8: 223–280. ty of Pécs. Pp.74–86.

Mikša, Peter 2021 ‘Od gore do simbola: Triglav in njegova Svetel, Ana, Veronika Zavratnik and Blaž Bajič, eds. 2022

vloga pri Slovencih.’ Geografija v šoli 29(2): 6–14. Pogledi od blizu: Mladi, prihodnost in zamišljanje raz-

voja na Solčavskem. Ljubljana: University of Ljublja-

Naravni parki Slovenije 2024 ‘Krajinski park Logarska na Press, Faculty of Arts.

dolina.’ Internet source:

parkislovenije.si/slo/naravni-parki/krajinski-park- Šaver, Boštjan 2005 Nazaj v planinski raj: Alpska kultura sloven-

-logarska-dolina>, 30. 6. 2024. stva in mitologija Triglava. Ljubljana: University of

Ljubljana Press, Faculty of Social Sciences.

Občina Solčava 2024 ‘Predstavitev občine.’ Internet source:

, 30. 7. 2024. Tsing, Anna Lowenhaupt 2017 ‘A Threat to Holocene Resur-

gence Is a Threat to Livability.’ In: The Anthropology

Peternel, Marija Mojca 2020 Knjige za gorohodce: Prvi planinski of Sustainability: Beyond Development and Progress.

vodniki na Slovenskem. University of Ljubljana Press, Marc Brightman and Jerome Lewis, eds. London:

Faculty of Arts. Palgrave. Pp. 51–65.

Poličnik, Tomaž 2008 ‘Zgodovinsko ozadje odkupa Lo- Vršnik, Elizabeta 2022 ‘Local Perception and Knowledge of

garske doline-Okrešlja za narodni park.’ BA thesis. Changing Alpine Pastures.’ Anthropological notebooks

Ljubljana: University of Ljubljana, Biotechnocal 28(3): 136–158.

Faculty, Department of Forestry and Renewable

Forest Resources. 2024 ‘Entangled Ways of Knowing: Learning Trans-

humance on Grohot Mountain Pasture in Solčava.’

Slapnik, Marko and Nevenka Bogataj 2016 ‘Nature- and MA thesis. Ljubljana: University of Ljubljana,

Heritage-Based Tourism: Solčavsko as a Case of Faculty of Arts, Department of Ethnology and Cul-

Resource Management by the Local Community.’ In: tural Anthropology.



Ana Svetel and Veronika Zavratnik

Fragile Sustainability or Sustainable

Vol. 3, Nr. 1, February 2025 of Global Terms in the Logar Valley 113 Fragility? Local Understanding





POVZETEK




V prispevku se osredinjava na percepcije in materializacije trajnostnosti v Logarski dolini.

Z obravnavo izbranih lokalnih turističnih ponudnikov pokaževa, kako se na prvi pogled

abstraktna ideja trajnostnosti upomenja na štirih ključnih področjih: v kulinariki in pre-

hranskih vidikih, časovnosti turizma, mobilnostnih praksah ter skrbi za okolje. Trajnostno-

sti ne razumeva kot analitični koncept, temveč kot emsko kategorijo, prepleteno z lokalnimi

predstavami o krhkosti, tradiciji in identiteti. Pri tem pokaževa, da ideje o trajnostnosti

lokalni turistični akterji uporabljajo tudi kot (diskurzivno) orodje za izražanje lastnih inte-

resov, ki jih predstavljajo kot objektivne, splošno razširjene in moralno »pravilne« resnice.

Etnografska raziskava osvetljuje, kako se globalni in ideološko konotirani koncept trajno-

stnosti percipira in materializira v družbeno in kulturno specifičnih okoliščinah izbrane alp-

ske turistične destinacije.

Med štirimi ključnimi področji članek izpostavlja ideje o lokalni kulinariki in prehran-

skih tradicijah, ki jih turistični akterji tesno povezujejo s trajnostnostjo. Hrana, pripravljena

iz lokalnih sestavin, naj bi odražala ohranjanje tradicije, podpirala lokalne kmetovalce in pri-

spevala k trajnostnemu razvoju regije, hkrati pa naj bi ustrezala pričakovanjem gostov. Drugo

področje, ki ga opredeliva kot časovne ritme turizma, v ospredje postavlja turistične reprezen-

tacije Logarske doline kot kraja »zaustavitve časa«, vračanja k umirjenosti ter odklopa od

hitrega (in digitalno nasičenega) ritma vsakdana, pri tem pa se, paradoksalno, dolina hkrati

sooča z izzivi množičnega turizma in gneče v visoki sezoni, kar krni podobo umirjene ali kar

»zunajčasovne« alpske idile. Na področju mobilnostnih praks upoštevava tako mobilnosti

po dolini kot tiste med dolino in okoliškimi lokacijami ter tako javni kot zasebni prevoz, pri

čemer turistični akterji mobilnostne prakse obiskovalcev pogosto prepoznavajo kot osrednji

primer netrajnostnosti v dolini, saj naj bi množični obiski povečevali pritisk na infrastruktu-

ro in okolje. V prispevku se dotakneva nekaterih morebitnih rešitev, o katerih razpravljajo

sogovorniki, kot so uvedba »zelenih« možnosti prevoza in omejitev vstopa vozil v dolino,

kar pa odpira vprašanja ekonomske vzdržnosti in dostopnosti. Skrb za okolje se v etnograf-

skih gradivih kaže kot (včasih implicitna) moralna dolžnost, ki temelji na ideji spoštovanja

in nadaljevanja okoljskih praks in znanj prednikov, ki naj bi bila trajnostna sama po sebi, ter

vzdrževanju tega, s strani prednikov ohranjenega in sedanjim generacijam v skrbstvo zaupa-

nega okolja za zanamce. Hkrati s temi »prototrajnostnimi« in čezgeneracijskimi idejami je

trajnostnost povezana tudi s kulturno dediščino ter kulturno- in naravovarstvenimi vidiki

Krajinskega parka Logarska dolina ter institucionalizirana s številnimi certifikati in nagrada-

mi, ki naj bi privabljale turiste in krepile podobo regije kot trajnostne destinacije.

Različna lokalna razumevanja pojmov trajnostnosti in krhkosti ter načini njihove

(diskurzivne) uporabe pomagajo vzpostavljati dinamična razmerja med različnimi akterji in

interesi na področju turizma v Logarski dolini. Percepcije trajnostnosti so torej neizogibno

umeščene v kulturno in družbeno specifične okoliščine ter zato etnografsko relevantne.



SVETOVI / WORLDS leto 3, št. 1, februar 2025 114





The Long Journey to




Senso-Digital Walking:



Exploring Fragility and



Care in an Alpine Valley



Dolga pot do čutno-digitalnih sprehodov:

raziskovanje krhkosti in skrbi v alpski dolini



Sandi Abram 1.01 Izvirni znanstveni članek

DOI 10.4312/svetovi.3.1.115-129



ABSTRACT



This paper explores walking as a research tool and cultural practice, tracing the trajectories

of its intellectual and methodological development in the social sciences and humanities.

It examines early intersections between walking and aesthetic practices in the 20th century,

highlighting key debates and advances. It then introduces senso-digital walks, an

ethnographic method used in the Solčavsko region (Slovenia) to explore the understandings

that emerge from a combination of sensory perceptions, environmental transformations,

and digital technologies, while examining care, fragility, and localism.

KEYWORDS: walking ethnography, walking methodology, environmental fragility, Alps, senso-digital walks



IZVLEČEK



Prispevek obravnava sprehod kot raziskovalno orodje in kulturno prakso ter sledi

njegovemu intelektualnemu in metodološkemu razvoju v družboslovju in humanistiki.

Analizira zgodnja presečišča med sprehodom in estetskimi praksami dvajsetega stoletja, kjer

so izpostavljene ključne polemike in premiki na tem področju. Nato so predstavljeni čutno-

digitalni sprehodi, etnografska metoda, ki je bila na Solčavskem (v Sloveniji) uporabljena

za raziskovanje razumevanj, ki izhajajo iz čutnih zaznav, preobrazbe okolja in digitalnih

tehnologij, pri tem pa preučuje skrb, krhkost in lokalnost.

KLJUČNE BESEDE: sprehajalna etnografija, sprehajalna metodologija, okoljska krhkost, Alpe, čutno-digitalni

sprehodi



Sandi Abram

Vol. 3, Nr. 1, February 2025 Exploring Fragility and Care in an Alpine Valley 115 The Long Journey to Senso-Digital Walking:

Walking has long been recognised as more than a simple means of locomotion, or

a mere activity of a body-in-motion; it is a human practice imbued with social, cultural,

sensory, and affective significance (Ingold 2011; Ingold and Lee Vergunst 2008a). Although

the body has been widely recognised as a research tool (Low 2015), walking as a research

method, in particular, has surfaced over the past two decades across various paradigms in

the social sciences and humanities (Bajič and Abram 2019; Bajič, Abram and Muršič 2022).

Walking as an ethnographic method, along with the notion of the “ethnographer-as-walker”

(Williamson 2016: 27), has become not only a commonplace but at times also a privileged

practice in anthropological fieldwork. Central to walking methodologies and to the

methodological turn is their ability to embed “ideas of the social and the symbolic within

the immediate day-to-day activities that bind practice and representation, doing, thinking

and talking, and to show that everything takes place, in one way or the other, on the move”

(Ingold and Lee Vergunst 2008a: 3).

This article provides a brief overview and critical reflection on walking as a research

methodology, and then, by introducing the method of senso-digital walking, seeks to

enhance and contribute to the evolving discussion on walking as a research methodology.

By engaging with some of the intellectual trajectories that have shaped the scholarship on

walking practices, the paper shows how walking, once a rather sidelined practice, has turned

into one of the central themes of anthropological inquiry, especially in contexts that are

concerned with the understanding of sensory, affective, and material engagements with place.

I begin the discussion by highlighting the contributions of those who have used walking

as a means of exploring (urban) space, and conclude with an overview of contemporary

research conducted on foot, especially when it situates walking within the realm of sensory

ethnography. Along the way, the literature review provides not only a comparative basis but

also the entry point to present the development of senso-digital walking as a response to

those critiques of walk-based research that have articulated its shortcomings in addressing

sensory experience, digital mediation, and environmental transformation, among others.

The method of senso-digital walking, as applied during my fieldwork in the

Solčavsko region (Slovenia) between 2022 and 2024, aimed to unpack the ways in which

fragile environments are digitally aestheticized and how they are perceived. Thus, a series

of ethnographic vignettes from Solčavsko, in which walking with a key participant is

delineated, offers glimpses – and by no means an exhaustive account – of how (senso-digital)

walking, alongside other, more “classical” methods, can illuminate complex issues, such as

environmental change, fragility, care and localism in the Alpine context of Slovenia. In a

way, the interplay, as well as the disengagement, between the sensory and the digital, allows

for the final discussion on the entanglements between the human and non-human worlds.

By providing these ethnographic snapshots, however, my aim is to illustrate a possible use

and usefulness of senso-digital walking in research on environmental change.

Before moving in this more empirically grounded direction, I will trace some possible

intellectual trajectories that have shaped the scholarship on walking practices and have, in

one way or another, inspired the design of senso-digital walks.



SVETOVI / WORLDS leto 3, št. 1, februar 2025 116





A BRIEF HISTORY OF WALKING AS AN AESTHETIC


PRACTICE AND RESEARCH TOOL



A review of intellectual production in the social sciences and humanities over the last two

decades reveals that walking studies have gained significant attention. The history of walking

has been thoroughly examined (Amato 2004; Andrews 2020; Nicholson 2008; Solnit

2000; Wallace 1993); meanwhile, one of the most insightful discussions on how walking

and research have intersected and diverged is found in the work of Bates and Rhys-Taylor

(2017), who propose grouping walking practices into two main strands.

In the first strand, walking is seen as central to the production of philosophical

and theological knowledge, functioning as a meditative practice through which one can

arrive at rational and meaningful thought. The second strand, which traces the everyday

pedestrianism of others, is of more recent origin (cf. Büscher and Urry 2009). This socio-

anthropological and historical approach focuses on the everyday walking practices of

others. Scholars in this stream examine power dynamics and resistance or the inherently

social nature of walking within the modern city (Bates and Rhys-Taylor 2017: 1, cf. Solnit

2000). This strand, charting the genealogy of walking (Bates and Rhys-Taylor 2017),

dates back to Romanticism, where walking in the countryside was understood as a way

to (re)discover aesthetic and moral values that had been eroded by industrialisation and

urbanisation. For the individual walker, this practice offered a person a way to reflect on

the self and his role in the world (Andrews 2020; see Bajič and Abram 2019; Benjamin

1998, Coverley 2006).

I also follow in the footsteps of Marcel Mauss, who considered walking a valid

ethnological research topic. In Techniques of the Body 1973 [1936], Mauss discusses walking

within the broader context of the body as the essential instrument of human beings. In his

conception, the body is both a technical object and a means of action, leading to the idea

that the body can be shaped and manipulated through training. His argument culminates

in the concept of techniques of the body: practices that “can be classified according to

their efficiency, i.e., according to the results of training” (Mauss 1973 [1936]: 77). These

techniques, including marching and gait, are passed down through training, or what Mauss

refers to as dressage (see Fehringer 2020: 190–191, cf. Lefebvre 2004: 38–45).

However, from the 1960s onward, a new strand of walking research began to emerge. It

combined epistemological and methodological elements from both of the above-mentioned

traditions. What differentiates this development is that it embraced aesthetic, artistic, and

artivistic practices, is grounded in experimentation and experience, and has since developed

into a multidisciplinary understanding and application of research walking within academic

contexts. Before delving further, it is essential to briefly outline and reconsider what has

come to be known as the walking turn.



Sandi Abram

Vol. 3, Nr. 1, February 2025 Exploring Fragility and Care in an Alpine Valley 117 The Long Journey to Senso-Digital Walking:

THE WALKING TURN, REVISED



Hayden Lorimer situates the recent re-emergence of walking within the framework of new

walking studies, which advance this interdisciplinary field by “uniting social and geographical

research and critical arts practice” (Lorimer 2011: 30). Lorimer clusters walking into four

thematic headings. The first is that of walking as a product of place (e.g. mountaineering,

pilgrimage). The second theme is everyday walkscapes, referring to the practices of daily life.

The third theme, self-reflective walking practices, encompasses those who perceive solitary

walking as a “spiritual plane, rather than a practical-referential one” (Lorimer 2011: 23).

Finally, the fourth theme is political and creative walking, where walking becomes “the

expression of artistic invention or political intent” (Lorimer 2011: 24).

The realm of walking infused with art, activism, and artivism, intertwining research

approaches with critical arts practices, has long been present in the history of artistic

wanderings. Francesco Careri identifies three movements that influenced the artistic adoption

of walking in the 20th century, namely the Dadaists and Surrealists, the Letterist International

and, finally, the Situationist International (Careri 2018: 20–22, cf. Debord 2006 [1955]). In

the second half of the 20th century, however, walking again played a central role in artistic

practices concerned with the environment and ecology, including Minimal Art and Land Art

(Careri 2018). From the 1970s onwards, movements such as New Media Art, Electronic Art,

and others incorporated walking into the thematisation of developing technologies and media,

linking it to various social, environmental, and political contexts (see Bajič and Abram 2019).

I conclude this periodization of walking by adding another significant moment in

which artistic practices and environmental research intersected at a productive crossroads.

In line with the previous categorisations, this fifth heading can be termed research walking.

Within the history of walking as an aesthetic practice, research walking emerged in the late

1960s as a distinct method of investigating urban space, “as a cognitive tool, a consciously

used technique, and a method/methodology of research” (Rogelja Caf and Ledinek Lozej

2023: 23). Besides early figures who used walking as a means of making sense of the changing

urban fabric, research walking can be traced back to Michael Frank Southworth (1967),

who pioneered the concept of soundscapes and experimented with mobile methods to

explore urban soundscapes. Southworth’s ideas were later popularised by acoustic ecologists

R. Murray Schafer and Hildegard Westerkamp, who introduced the soundwalk method in

1974, describing it as “any excursion whose main purpose is listening to the environment”

by “exposing our ears to every sound around us no matter where we are” (Westerkamp

2001). By focusing on the “varying subjective experiences of places” and “moving narratives”

(Westerkamp 2006), soundwalking offered a medium for analysing complex soundscapes from

an embedded, experiential position. In other words, sounds recordings, previously considered

primarily as artistic materials, became a rich source of sensory information that could be

recomposed, analysed, and archived. These sounds represented valuable material for analytical

insights into the specific dimensions of a certain environment – from urban soundscapes

(Westerkamp 1994) to the acoustic landscapes of indigenous communities (e.g. Feld 2012).



SVETOVI / WORLDS leto 3, št. 1, februar 2025 118





MULTISENSORY WALKING




It was not until the new millennium that walking as an ethnographic method was consolidated

by Margarethe Kusenbach, who introduced the go-along method in 2003, with far-reaching

variations (see Spinney 2015, Abram 2021: 26–27). The go-along method “brings to the fore-

ground some of the transcendent reflexive aspects of lived experience as grounded in place”

(Kusenbach 2003: 456). By the early 2000s, locomotion and footwork had become fresh points

of departure for the study of perceptual activity (Ingold 2011: 46). Walking methodologies in

anthropology reached a new milestone with the publication of the volume edited by Ingold and

Lee Vergunst (2008b), and called for novel mobile methodologies in ethnographic research to

capture elusive sensory experiences (Degen and Rose 2012; see Lee and Ingold 2006) by immers-

ing the researcher’s body in the “fleeting, multi-sensory, distributed, mobile, and multiple, yet

local, practical and ordered making of social and material realities” (Büscher and Urry 2009: 103).

In sum, before the late 20th century, walking was rarely discussed as a research

method in its own right in ethnographic fieldwork. It was not until the early 2000s that

comprehensive discussions about walking as a specialised research method emerged,

particularly in two areas: one concerned with the study of the body, embodiment, and

sensory experience, and the other focused on landscape, place, and mobility (Rogelja Caf

and Ledinek Lozej 2023: 25). The methodological openness to walking in ethnographic

research coincided with several intellectual turns in anthropology, including the sensory,

affective, and material turns, among others (Bajič, Abram and Muršič 2022: 15). Although

Southworth (1967) experimented with soundscape research by blindfolding his participants

and moving them around Boston in a wheelchair, such “walking” methods did not gain

widespread attention until decades later. Epistemological and methodological debates

expanded walking methods centred on one sense and performed with one individual at a

time, into multisensory, collective explorations of urban spaces and beyond.

An illustrative example of this evolution is the emergence of transgenerational senso-

biographic walking, which provided a framework for exploring the embodied and site-

specific emergence of sensory remembering and experiences (Järviluoma 2022: 86). Initially

designed to study the soundscapes of small towns by conducting walking interviews with

individuals, this method has developed into transgenerational, multisensory walking prac-

tices involving two or more participants.1 The intellectual legacy of this method has since

inspired the development of senso-digital walks in non-urban areas of Slovenia.

In the following section, I will first introduce the Alpine valleys of Slovenia, where

ethnographic research eventually turned into a specific walking method that used research

on foot to explore the digital aestheticization of this environment (see also Bajič 2024).

I will then situate the empirical material collected through senso-digital walks within the

framework of care and fragility.

1

Between 2017 and 2021, researchers in Finland, the UK and Slovenia, including myself, Blaž Bajič and Rajko Muršič, emplo-yed sensobiographic walking in three mid-sized cities, including Ljubljana.



Sandi Abram

Vol. 3, Nr. 1, February 2025 Exploring Fragility and Care in an Alpine Valley 119 The Long Journey to Senso-Digital Walking:





SENSING FRAGILITY AND CARE THROUGH


SENSO-DIGITAL WALKING IN THE SOLČAVSKO REGION



Solčavsko is an Alpine region in northern Slovenia, located in the Upper Savinja Valley, and

bordering Austria to the north. Surrounded by the massifs of the Kamnik-Savinja Alps, the

region features several distinct glacial valleys, including the Logar Valley, Roban Cirque,

and Matk Cirque. The Solčava Municipality covers an area of approximately 103 km², where

four small settlements and surrounding farms have just over 500 inhabitants, making it

the most sparsely populated administrative unit in Slovenia. Known for its biodiversity,

approximately eighty percent of the region is under the ecological protection of the Natura

2000 network. The area includes two landscape parks: Roban Cirque and Logar Valley. The

region is also known for its Alpine farming, with five homesteads located above 1,200 metres

(Meze 1979: 33), and for its landowning families.2 The local economy consists of three main

sectors, namely (mountain) farming, forestry, and tourism (Svetel 2022: 76).

I began conducting fieldwork in Solčava in 2022, building on the prior experiences,

contacts, and ethnographic insights of three colleagues who had worked in the region during

previous years (see Bajič, Svetel and Zavratnik 2021; Svetel, Zavratnik and Bajič 2022). These

three colleagues have been organising an annual student summer school in Solčava since

2020, which – with the assistance of students – has expanded the existing, though still

largely incomplete, body of ethnological knowledge about Solčavsko. The week-long event

blends lectures with thematically focused ethnographic research, which is carried out both

in groups (of usually up to 5 people) and individually. Evening sessions provide space for

moderated discussions and reflections between students and mentors, with the occasional

participation of local residents (Bajič 2023: 112–114; Svetel 2022: 75). This framework has

engendered a specific approach to data collection, which is best understood as a combination

of multi-sited (Marcus 1995), collaborative (Elliott and Culhane 2017), and participatory

ethnographic fieldwork (Bajič 2023; Svetel 2022).

Although ethnographic research in this Alpine environment had regularly been

conducted on foot as part of the summer schools since 2020 (Bajič, Svetel and Zavratnik

2021; Svetel, Zavratnik and Bajič 2022), it was not until 2022 that walking was intentionally

employed as a research method through the use of senso-digital walks. Over the course of

two years (2022–2024), we conducted senso-digital explorations in Solčavsko with five

key participants. Their ethnographic narratives on various topics were complemented by

semi-structured interviews with fourteen local residents and visitors involved in various

roles in Solčavsko, such as tourism service providers, municipal personnel, social media

influencers, and local hunters. Additional methods included participant observation,



2

Before the agrarian reform in Yugoslavia, five farmers in Solčavsko together owned more than 2,200 hectares of land (Meze 1963: 229), which is more than 20% of the present territory of the region. In 1945, over 80% of the land was concentrated in the hands of 22 farmers, with the Matk farming family, located in Matk Cirque, being the largest farmer in all of Yugoslavia at the time (Meze 1963: 228, 258).



SVETOVI / WORLDS leto 3, št. 1, februar 2025 120

informal conversations, engaging with locals in their everyday activities, including, among

other, participating in Alpine transhumance, attending arts and crafts events, celebrating

municipal holidays, joining a gathering of regional cheesemakers, and attending events

showcasing the local dialect.

A key focus of the senso-digital walks in the Solčavsko region is how walking

acknowledges the co-creation of ethnographic knowledge, where participants engage

with researchers en route through conversations, interventions, and shared experiences.

Moreover, it resonates with some of the premises put forward by Springgay and Truman

(2018) in their notion of “walking-with place” as a critical and relational engagement with

place, emphasizing the co-production and entanglement of human and more-than-human

worlds. As Springgay and Truman explain, walking-with engages, among others, with local

epistemologies, ontologies, and methodologies, and foregrounds the “more-than-human

ethics and politics of the material intra-actions of walking research” in the presence of

others (Springgay and Truman 2018: 11, 15).

This post-humanist focus is relevant in the context of fieldwork in the Solčavsko

region, as it addresses another criticism of contemporary walking studies – namely, that

these methods have not adequately captured the intersection of sensory perceptions and

the “post-digital world” (Berry 2014) in environmental research. For instance, consider how

digital technologies simultaneously enhance our sensory experiences, following McLuhan’s

classical argument, while also displacing and dispersing our senses through sensors in drones,

data trackers, smartphones, various AR and VR devices, as well as other digital media and

technologies (Bajič 2024: 51). The senso-digital walks were specifically designed to explore

these interfaces, particularly the dynamic relationship between “the sensory” and “the digi-

tal”. In doing so, they facilitated what Przybylski (2020) calls hybrid ethnography: a “tempo-

rally and spatially focused ethnographic study of the interrelatedness and in-betweenness of

digital and non-digital, online and offline engagements” (Bajič 2022: 8).

To ethnographically research digital-environmental relationships in the Alpine

region, it was important to think from, through, and with walking. The goal was to turn

walkers in Solčavsko into critical storytellers and agents-interpreters, reflecting on the use

of digital media and (digital) technologies in their surroundings as these environments

unfolded beneath our feet. While we occasionally allowed for autoethnographic explora-

tions and experimentation, the primary focus remained on collective data gathering. Before

each walk, participants, if they agreed, were equipped with filming devices, such as body ca-

meras. During the senso-digital walks, they were encouraged to engage with their experi-

ences through the use of digital media and technologies and to narrate any past, present, or

any other correspondences with the surrounding environment. The senso-digital walkers

were free to choose both the route and the duration of their journey. Sometimes we strolled

along flat, well-worn paths for only a few minutes, while at other times, we clambered up

remote, challenging terrains that tested our endurance. Although we meticulously prepared

for walks, we were often unable to carry them out due to various circumstances, ranging

from adverse weather conditions, the seasonally timed obligations of potential participants



Sandi Abram

Vol. 3, Nr. 1, February 2025 Exploring Fragility and Care in an Alpine Valley 121 The Long Journey to Senso-Digital Walking: (such as work in the forests or tourism-related duties) to personal factors like illness, reserva-

tions about being filmed, unexpected emergencies, etc.



DIGITALLY SENSING FRAGILITY IN AN ALPINE VALLEY



Alongside conventional ethnographic methods, we thus engaged in senso-digital walking

in the Solčavsko region with both visitors and locals to explore how “the sensory” and “the

digital” possibly intertwine, and to identify the discrepancies between the two as observed

through walking in this Alpine environment.

In July 2023, during a period of week-long fieldwork, we we conducted a second senso-

digital walk with a key interlocutor. On this occasion, the research participant again chose

to lead us along the right side of the valley, an area we later identified as having significant

symbolic and material significance for the local population (see Bajič 2023; Korbar, Krašovic

and Troha 2021). Alenka3 began by telling us about a secluded spot rich in Alpine flowers on

a scree slope, accessible only by an unmarked path. She also recalled a visit to a forest glade

at high altitude to pick partridge berries and cranberries for jam. When asked what she says

to day-trippers and tourists if they inquire about where to pick mushrooms, wild garlic or

blueberries, she replied that she refers them to a “neutral” location, far from the right side

of the Logar Valley: “I usually send them to the [Solčava] Panoramic Road. […] It’s also nice

to ask the local farmer [for permission]” (Fieldnotes, 22 July 2023). We learned the exact sites

of these microlocations in the Logar Valley as Alenka pointed them out while we walked.

Another topic that emerged during the senso-digital walk was the issue of rock and boulder

slides, which, according to her, have become increasingly common on the steep precipices of

the Alps’ northern faces in recent years. For Alenka, these slides are easily identifiable from a

distance due to their distinctive brown-orange color, visible even to the naked eye from afar.

As we gazed at the surrounding mountain massifs, Alenka explained that she perceived the

forest and mountains as “unstable” (Fieldnotes 2023; see also Bajič 2023: 116 n. 10).

A similar point to Alenka’s also came up in a conversation with an alpinist. He regularly

climbs these parts of the Alps and posts about his breakneck, mostly winter ascents on his

YouTube channel. According to his observations, the extremes in temperature – whether

extreme cold or intense heat – affect the solidity of mountain rocks. As he explained, when

“extreme [weather] hits, it really doesn’t help the compactness of our limestone.” In his opinion,

the current “crumbliness of certain [climbing] routes” keeps increasing.

I’m almost certain that when these people, these first climbers, were climbing, it [the rock of the

climbing route] wasn’t so crumbly. Sometimes I wonder: “How did you even climb this?” Sure,

they were aces [in climbing]… but now it’s so crumbly. For example, on Debelak’s route on Velika

Mojstrovka [mountain], there’s a section graded IV+. That is tough. Everyone I’ve asked was like:

“No way, that’s not a IV+.” Even if we assume it’s an exaggerated rating, it’s not a IV+. And I’m



3

All verbatim quotations in italics were transcribed from walks and interviews, pseudo-anonymised and grammatically correc-ted for readability. The participants were assigned altered names corresponding to their age group.



SVETOVI / WORLDS leto 3, št. 1, februar 2025 122

almost sure that in the past, there was some kind of jug [a large, secure handhold that is easy to

grip] or an extra piece of rock to hold onto, and that isn’t there anymore. (Marko, September 2024)



Similarly, Alenka not only viewed the mountains as increasingly unstable but also

considered them more dangerous for anyone venturing uphill, including mountaineers and

visitors, due to unpredictable weather conditions.

I try to warn them about the weather conditions. If I think they might not be familiar with the

conditions in the Alps, I try to scare them a bit. I explain for their own good that a storm could come,

with loud thunder, that there could be lightning around them, and strong winds. (Alenka, July 2023)



In that same week in July, we experienced a powerful thunderstorm ourselves, driven

across the valley by intense winds. Just moments before we were engulfed by gusts of wind

and rain, a series of cracking sounds echoed in the distance. We realised only later that this

was the sound of trees being felled by the wind. Alenka described these weather conditions

as strange and quite unusual. While she was used to mild winds blowing from the southwest,

she noted that in the past decade or so, intense gusts and storms from the north had begun

to devastate the valley: “In 2017, there were not only heavy wind gusts reaching 170 km/h, but

also whirlwinds. My father’s hat was swept away by one of them” (Alenka, July 2023). Her

father, joining our conversation, reflected on the recent storm: “I’ve never seen anything like

it before… for it to rain that way. Our horse was right there [in the meadow in front of the

house], but I couldn’t see it because the rain was falling so heavily” (July 2023).





Photo 1: Alenka’s photo of her encounter with a thunderstorm in the summer (Author: Sandi Abram, 19 July 2023).



Sandi Abram

Vol. 3, Nr. 1, February 2025 Exploring Fragility and Care in an Alpine Valley 123 The Long Journey to Senso-Digital Walking: ethnographic immersion” (Rhys-Taylor 2018: 140) thus seems to fall under the umbrella

Unsurprisingly, in the days that followed, our discussions and observations on her

porch often turned to reflections on the changing weather patterns, severe weather events,

shifts in seasons and temperatures, as well as environmental change in general. Past weather

disasters, particularly those involving windthrows and windsnaps, and the uncanny feelings

they provoked, remained a central theme during the conversations with Alenka. She some-

times decided to support these claims by showing us a collection of photos and videos saved

on her smartphone. These sensory encounters with crumbling solidity and the “aesthetics of

fragility” (Bajič 2023) are evidenced in her digital archive of more than 4,000 various photos,

along a collection of hundreds of old postcards and photos of Solčavsko (see Photo 1).

As a local tourism service and accommodation provider, Alenka cares for this frag-

ile environment in specific ways (see Bajič 2023: 125–126). She reserves the aforementioned

places for herself and her friends, while at the same time warning tourists staying in her

guesthouse about the increased risks of rock falls and unstable weather conditions in the

higher areas of this glaciated valley. By selectively filtering what visual and verbal informa-

tion reaches the outside world and demarcating safe and unsafe areas or conditions, these

local aesthetic and care practices aim to micro-manage the movement of bodies in Solčavsko

(see Korbar, Krašovic and Troha 2021). Having in mind the ethnographic vignette above,

one could argue that the fragile environment in Solčavsko is produced, sustained, and main-

tained through the care and control exercised over the environment – land that is “inherited”

by the local population – and that care and control over the landscape and the community

encompass material, symbolic, and aesthetic dimensions. In the most elemental way, from

the perspective of local people, it structures what they consider to be acceptable, accessible,

and available. (Bajič 2023)

An example can help illustrate this argument. On 17 September 2022, we accompanied

some students who were participating in a livestock drive in a part of Solčavsko. This involved

walking as a group with local farmers to a mountain ridge where a flock of sheep had been

grazing on a mountain pasture throughout the summer months. On that day, the forecast

predicted snow, so the livestock needed to be herded down to the mountain farm in Robanov

Cirque. After successfully gathering all the sheep, my colleague and I turned our attention to

the forest floor during the descent to search for porcini mushrooms. When we returned to

the mountain farmstead owned by one of the landowning families, with far more mushrooms

than we could ever have expected to find (or manage to hold), we casually asked the surprised

farmer if she wanted some. “Half of what you’ve got,” she replied without hesitation. It was

only then that I realised this was her family’s forest, and that my colleague and I had been

gathering mushrooms on their land without asking permission (Fieldnotes 2022).

Care and control over the environment and the community can determine which

paths, narratives, conversations, materialities, and aesthetics are permissible, affordable,

and attainable – and which are not. As an ethnographic method, the walking method can

facilitate a grounded understanding of these elements as they unfold in a specific place, but

should also seek the ethnographic knowledge gained from other research approaches due to

some of the limits outlined. Senso-digital walking, with its temporally limited “multisensory



SVETOVI / WORLDS leto 3, št. 1, februar 2025 124

of the broader criticisms directed at walking methods, particularly that they are “often too

methodical, systematic, and pre-determined by a priori research agendas” (Vannini and

Vannini 2017: 179).



CONCLUSION: WALKING, FRAGILITY, AND ALPINE VALLEYS



Focusing on regions in Italy and Austria, Corrado describes the fragile areas in/of the Alps as

mountain communities facing depopulation, negative demographic trends, infrastructural

shortcomings, low levels of industrialisation, limited employment opportunities, a shortage

of services, predominantly elderly populations, and limited tourism exposure, with fewer

than 300 inhabitants and a high percentage of outbound commuters (Corrado 2010: 2).

In contrast to such a socio-economic definition of fragility, the anthropological focus on

Solčavsko, though presented here only through select frames, fragments and glimpses

obtained through senso-digital walking and with other methods, points to the complexity

of constructing the local’s understanding of fragility. The notion of fragility in Solčavsko,

as perceived by locals in their everyday life, seems interlinked in a multilayered flow of

environmental and atmospheric changes, care and morality, mass tourism, localism, and

autonomy, among others. In the discourse of locals, fragility becomes accentuated and

tangible inter alia through the recent shifts from previously familiar experiences of climate

patterns to unfamiliar atmospheric phenomena and environmental transformations.

Take, for example, how Alenka expressed her concerns after the floods affected Solčavsko.

Referring to the new weather patterns, she claimed: “We need to accept this situation without

being frightened by it” (Fieldnotes 2024). The manifestations of these occurrences and

disturbances, sometimes sources of uncanniness and unsettling affects, especially when

they occur one after the other, tend to be documented by locals using digital devices and

commonly also shared in person or online.

Over the past two years of conducting fieldwork in Solčavsko, it seemed that weather

was no longer perceived, verbalised, and represented as simply “innocent” and “given”,4 but as

“haunted by the specter of anthropogenic climate change” (Bubandt 2018: 4). Flood debris,

cracked roads, gaps in the forest canopy, rock and boulder slides represented visual, material

testimonies, often captured digitally, on the basis of which locals reflected on the social,

cultural, and economic implications of climate change during our serendipitous encounters,

informal discussions, and senso-digital walks.

The senso-digital walks, designed to explore the “messy” (Tsing 2004) field between

sensory perceptions, sensor-driven digital technologies, and environmental transformations



4

In the memory of the locals in the Solčavsko region, past weather-related disasters were vividly remembered and referenced in conversation, including, for instance, a high-mountain fire at Rjavčki Peak (in 2021) and other fires caused by lightning stri-kes, windthrow events and the subsequent outbreak of bark beetles (in 2017), as well as landslides (in 2009), heavy snowfall (in 2020), and, more recently, floods (in 2023) (Interviews A1–A5).



Sandi Abram

Vol. 3, Nr. 1, February 2025 Exploring Fragility and Care in an Alpine Valley 125 The Long Journey to Senso-Digital Walking: thus represented neither the beginning nor the conclusion of the research path in Solčavsko.

As I attempted to show, what one gathers through senso-digital walks needs to be put into

active conversation with other “well-trodden” ethnographic methods. Even when we had

not planned to walk with a specific person, and were therefore without the proper technical

equipment, fieldwork serendipity often led to situations where interlocutors showed us

places that were significant for their arguments, from forests, cultural heritage sites, tourism

spots, and other areas. Using an anachronistic metaphor, Stoller (2017), trained in what he

calls a culture of speed, reminds us that learning the culture of others requires a glacial pace,

as social relations are built over long periods of time. His central call is to practice slow(er)

anthropology, “in which scholars take the time to savor the sensorial dimensions of social

life” (Stoller in Järviluoma et al. 2020), especially in a contemporary, fast-paced, digitalised

world that has transformed the landscape of anthropological expression and inquiry.

In light of the criticisms directed at walking methods, senso-digital walks and similar

“new” walking methods should neither turn into another form of academic branding (Bajič

and Abram 2019: 32), and fall into the trap of capitalist commodification as the Situationists

warned, nor serve as some sort of fast-paced shortcut to ethnographic accounts. Rather, they

should be taken as opportunities that allow us to capture “a bit better” the verbalisations of

how environments are experienced as they unfold beneath our feet during fieldwork.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS: This research received financial support as part of the project Digital Aestheticization of Fragile Environments (DigiFREN, 2022-2025), supported by the Ministry of Culture, Slovenia; NCN, Poland; AKA, Finland; HRZZ, Croatia; and RCN, Norway, under the CHANSE ERA-NET programme, which is co-funded by the European Union’s Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under Grant Agreement No. 101004509. The author also acknowledges financial support from the Slovenian Research and Innovation Agency (research core funding: Ethnological research of cultural kno-wledge, practices and forms of socialities, No. P6-0187). I would also like to thank both anonymous reviewers for their con-structive comments and feedback. Special thanks go to Blaž Bajič for his careful reading of the manuscript and his comments and suggestions.

CITED REFERENCES

Abram, Sandi 2021 Sensory Capital: Sensing Transformations in zanimivim.’ Etnolog 34: 47–68.

in Ljubljana, 1850s–2020. PhD dissertation. Joen-

suu: University of Eastern Finland. Bajič, Blaž and Sandi Abram 2019 ‘Čutnobiografski spreho-

di: med antropologijo čutov in antropologijo digi-

Amato, Joseph 2004 On Foot: A History of Walking. New talnih tehnologij.’ Glasnik Slovenskega etnološkega

York: New York University Press. društva 59(1): 27–38.

Andrews, Kerri 2020 Wanderers: A History of Women Walk- Bajič, Blaž, Sandi Abram and Rajko Muršič 2022 ‘Obzorja

ing. London: Reaktion Books. čutnih raziskav: antropologija, umetnost in čutne

transformacije.’ In: Občutki mest: Antropologija,

Bajič, Blaž 2022 DigiFREN: Digital Aestheticization of Fragile umetnost, čutne transformacije. Rajko Muršič, Blaž

Environments. Research proposal. CHANSE Call Bajič and Sandi Abram, eds. Ljubljana: Založba

for Proposals “Transformations: Social and Cultu- Univerze v Ljubljani. Pp. 13–46.

ral Dynamics in the Digital Age”.

Bajič, Blaž, Ana Svetel and Veronika Zavratnik, eds. 2021

2023 ‘Skrb za krhke krajine: krajina, skupnost in Razgledi treh dolin. Ljubljana: Znanstvena založba

(ne)spremenljivost na Solčavskem.’ Traditiones Filozofske fakultete.

52(1): 109–137.

Bates, Charlotte and Alex Rhys-Taylor 2017 ‘Finding Our

2024 ‘Digitalna estetizacija narave med slikovitim Feet.’ In: Walking Through Social Research. Char-



SVETOVI / WORLDS leto 3, št. 1, februar 2025 126

lotte Bates and Alex Rhys-Taylor, eds. New York Ingold, Tim and Jo Lee Vergunst 2008a ‘Introduction.’ In:

and London: Routledge. Pp. 1–11. Ways of Walking: Ethnography and Practice on Foot.

Tim Ingold and Jo Lee Vergunst, eds. London: Ash-

Benjamin, Walter 1998 Izbrani spisi. Ljubljana: Studia gate. Pp. 1–20.

Humanitatis.

Ingold, Tim and Jo Lee Vergunst, eds. 2008b Ways of Walking:

Berry, David M. 2014 Critical Theory and the Digital. New Ethnography and Practice on Foot. London: Ashgate.

York, London, New Delhi and Sydney: Bloomsbury

Academic. Järviluoma, Helmi 2022 ‘Sensobiographic Walking and the

Ethnographic Approach of the Finnish School of

Bubandt, Nils 2018 ‘Anthropocene Uncanny: Nonsecular Soundscape Studies.’ In: The Bloomsbury Handbook

Approaches to Environmental Change.’ In: A Non- of Sonic Methodologies. Geoff Stahl and Mark J. Per-

Secular Anthropocene: Spirits, Specters and Other cival, eds. New York, London, Oxford, New Delhi

Nonhumans in a Time of Environmental Change. Nils and Sydney: Bloomsbury Academic. Pp. 83–97.

Bubandt, ed. Højbjerg: Aarhus University. Pp. 2–18.

Järviluoma, Helmi, Meri Kytö, Sonja Pöllänen and Rajko

Büscher, Monika and John Urry 2009 ‘Mobile Methods and Muršič 2020 ‘Urban-Related Sensoria: Environ-

the Empirical.’ European Journal of Social Theory ments, Technologies, Sensobiographies.’ [Conference

12(1): 99–116. paper], International Conference on Sensory Trans-

formations, Finland: Joensuu, 10 – 12 June 2020.

Careri, Francesco 2018 Walkscapes: Walking as an Aesthetic

Practice. Ames: Culicidae Architectural Press. Korbar, Žiga, Tina Krašovic and Lina Troha 2021 ‘“Naš

namen ni, da bi čisto vse pokazali”: Turizem na

Corrado, Federica 2010 ‘Fragile Areas in the Alpine Region: Solčavskem.’ In: Razgledi treh dolin. Blaž Bajič,

A Reading between Innovation and Marginality.’ Ana Svetel and Veronika Zavratnik, eds. Ljubljana:

Journal of Alpine Research 98(3). Znanstvena založba Filozofske fakultete Univerze v

Ljubljani. Pp. 111–133.

Coverley, Merlin 2006 Psychogeography. Herts: Pocket Essen-

tials. Kusenbach, Margarethe 2003 ‘Street Phenomenology: The

Go-Along as Ethnographic Research Tool.’ Ethnog-

Debord, Guy 2006 [1955] ‘Introduction to a Critique of raphy 4(3): 455–485.

Urban Geography.’ In: Situationist International

Anthology. Ken Knabb, ed. Revised and Expanded Lee, Jo and Tim Ingold 2006 ‘Fieldwork on Foot: Perceiving,

Edition. Berkeley: Bureau of Public Secrets. Pp. Routing, Socializing.’ In: Locating the Field: Space,

8–12. Place and Context in Anthropology. Simon Coleman

and Peter Collins, eds. Oxford and New York: Berg.

Degen, Monica Montserrat and Gillian Rose 2012 ‘The Sen- Pp. 67–85.

sory Experiencing of Urban Design: The Role of

Walking and Perceptual Memory.’ Urban Studies Lefebvre, Henri 2004 Rhythmanalysis: Space, Time and Every-

49(15): 3271–3287. day Life. London and New York: Continuum.

Elliott, Denielle and Dara Culhane 2017 A Different Kind of Lorimer, Hayden 2011 ‘New Forms and Spaces for Studies

Ethnography: Imaginative Practices and Creative of Walking.’ In: Geographies of Mobilities: Practices,

Methodologies. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Spaces, Subjects. Tim Cresswell and Peter Merri-

man, eds. London: Ashgate. Pp. 19–34.

Fehringer, Kathrin 2020 ‘Techniques of the Body and Sto-

rytelling: From Marcel Mauss to César Aira.’ In: Low, Kelvin E. Y. 2015 ‘The Sensuous City: Sensory Method-

Cultural Techniques: Assembling Spaces, Texts & ologies in Urban Ethnographic Research.’ Ethnogra-

Collectives. Jörg Dünne, Kathrin Fehringer, Kristina phy 16(3): 295–312.

Kuhn and Wolfgang Struck, eds. Berlin: Walter de

Gruyter GmbH. Pp. 187–216. Marcus, George E. 1995 ‘Ethnography in/of the World Sys-

tem: The Emergence of Multi-Sited Ethnography.’

Feld, Steven 2012 Sound and Sentiment: Birds, Weeping, Poet- Annual Review of Anthropology 24: 95–117.

ics, and Song in Kaluli Expression. Durham and Lon-

don: Duke University Press. Mauss, Marcel 1973 [1936] ‘Techniques of the Body.’ Econo-

my and Society 2(1): 70–88.

Ingold, Tim 2011 Being Alive: Essays on Movement, Knowledge

and Description. London: Routledge. Meze, Drago 1963 ‘Samotne kmetije na Solčavskem.’ Geo-



Sandi Abram

Vol. 3, Nr. 1, February 2025 Exploring Fragility and Care in an Alpine Valley 127 The Long Journey to Senso-Digital Walking: Interview with A3. Local inhabitant, former student of the Interview with A5. Local inhabitant, tourism service

grafski zbornik 8: 223–280. Bartulović and Gábor Máté, eds. Pécs: Department

of European Ethnology and Cultural Anthropology,

1979 ‘Hribovske kmetije v Gornji Savinjski dolini University of Pécs. Pp. 74–86.

po letu 1967.’ Geografski zbornik 19: 7–93.

Svetel, Ana, Veronika Zavratnik and Blaž Bajič, eds. 2022

Nicholson, Geoff 2008 The Lost Art of Walking: The History, Pogledi od blizu: Mladi, prihodnost in zamišljanje

Science, Philosophy, and Literature of Pedestrianism. razvoja na Solčavskem. Ljubljana: Založba Univerze

New York: Penguin Books. v Ljubljani.

Przybylski, Liz 2020 Hybrid Ethnography Online, Offline, and Tsing, Anna Lowenhaupt 2004 Friction: An Ethnography of

In Between. Los Angeles, London, New Delhi, Sin- Global Connection. Princeton: Princeton University

gapore, Washington DC and Melbourne: SAGE. Press.

Rhys-Taylor, Alex 2018 Food and Multiculture: A Sensory Vannini, Phillip and April Vannini 2017 ‘Wild Walking:

Ethnography of East London. London: Bloomsbury A Twofold Critique of Walk-Along Method.’ In:

Academic. Walking Through Social Research. Charlotte Bates

and Alex Rhys-Taylor, eds. New York and London:

Rogelja Caf, Nataša and Špela Ledinek Lozej 2023 Hodopisi: Routledge. Pp. 178–195.

Zbirka etnografskih esejev z metodološkimi premisleki

o hoji in pisanju. Ljubljana: Založba ZRC. Wallace, Anne D. 1993 Walking, Literature, and English Cul-

ture: The Origins and Uses of Peripatetic in the Nine-

Solnit, Rebecca 2000 Wanderlust: A History of Walking. Lon- teenth Century. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

don: Verso.

Westerkamp, Hildegard 1994 ‘Soundscape of Cities.’ Internet

Southworth, Michael Frank 1967 The Sonic Environment of source:

Cities. MA thesis. Cambridge, MA: Massachusetts writings/writingsby/?post_id=22&title=soundscape-

Institute of Technology. of-cities>, 7. 4. 2024

Spinney, Justin 2015 ‘Close Encounters? Mobile Methods, 2001 ‘Soundwalking.’ Internet source:

(Post)Phenomenology and Affect.’ Cultural Geogra- www.hildegardwesterkamp.ca/writings/writingsby/

phies 22(2): 231–246. ?post_id=13&title=soundwalking>, 7. 4. 2024.

Springgay, Stephanie and Sarah E. Truman 2018 Walking 2006 ‘Soundwalking as Ecological Practice.’ Internet

Methodologies in a More-than-human World. Lon- source:

don and New York: Routledge. writings/writingsby/?post_id=14&title=sound

walking-as-ecological-practice>, 7. 4. 2024.

Stoller, Paul 2017 ‘Storytelling, Rouch and the Anthropologi-

cal Future.’ Journal des Africanistes 87(1–2): 368–378. Williamson, Rebecca 2016 ‘Walking in the Multicultural

City: The Production of Suburban Street Life in

Svetel, Ana 2022 ‘Moving, Returning, Staying: Mobilities of Sydney.’ In: Walking in Cities: Quotidian Mobility as

Rural Youth in the Solčavsko Region.’ In: Rethink- Urban Theory, Method, and Practice. Evrick Brown

ing Urban–Rural Relations/Migrations in Central– and Timothy Shortell, eds. Philadelphia, Rome and

Europe: The Case of Slovenia and Hungary. Alenka Tokyo: Temple University Press. Pp. 23–42.



INTERVIEWS AND FIELDNOTES



Senso-digital walk with Alenka in the Logar Valley. Key Interview with Marko. Interviewer: Blaž Bajič, 27 September

research participant, local tourism service provider, 2024.

21 July 2023.

Interview with A1. Local inhabitant, pensioner, and former

Senso-digital walk with Alenka in the Logar Valley. Key forester. Interviewers: Tina Krašovic, Tina Mlina-

research participant, local tourism service provider. rič and Lina Troha, 25. September 2020.

14 February 2023.

Interview with A2. Local inhabitant, former musician, and

Interview with Alenka. Key research participant, local music enthusiast. Interviewers: Marko Senčar

tourism service provider. Interviewers: Ana Svetel, Mrdaković, Žiga Korbar, Tajda Jerkič and Tara

Blaž Bajič and Sandi Abram, July 2023. Milčinski.



SVETOVI / WORLDS leto 3, št. 1, februar 2025 128

Biotechnical Faculty. Interviewers: Tina Mlinarič provider and municipality employee. Interviewers:

and Neža Zore, 25. September 20 21. Eva Malovrh, Julija Zupan and Tara Milčinski, 25.

September 2021.

Interview with A4. Local inhabitant, farmer. Interviewers:

Julija Zupan and Petra Goljevšček, 26. September Fieldnotes, 2022–2024.

2021.



POVZETEK



Članek podaja pregled in refleksijo sprehajanja kot raziskovalne metodologije ter kultur-

ne prakse. Sledi intelektualnemu in metodološkemu razvoju sprehajanja v humanistiki in

družboslovju. Njegov namen je s predstavitvijo čutno-digitalnega sprehajanja, metode,

ustvarjene za proučevanje čutnih percepcij in digitalnih tehnologij, spodbuditi razpra-

vo o sprehajanju kot raziskovalni metodologiji. Prispevek predstavlja uporabo te metode

v kontekstu Solčavskega, slovenske alpske krajine, za raziskovanje tem okoljske krhkosti,

skrbi in lokalizma. Po obravnavi intelektualnih usmeritev, ki so oblikovale zgodovinsko in

sodobno védenje o sprehajalnih praksah, bo umestil metodologije sprehajanja v domeno

antropološkega raziskovanja, natančneje v kontekste in intelektualne tokove, ki jih zanima

razumevanje čutnega, afektnega in materialnega doživljanja prostora. Na koncu razpravlja o

vplivu raznih obratov na širitev metodološkega dosega raziskav, utemeljenih na sprehajanju.

Članek na podlagi čutno-digitalnih sprehajalnih intervjujev, opravljenih na Solča-

vskem med letoma 2022 in 2024, predstavlja sovpliv čutnega in digitalnega pri doživljanju

prostora. Niz etnografskih vinjet prikazuje glavno udeleženko raziskave in načine, kako je

uporabljala digitalne naprave, da je dokumentirala svoje izkušnje okoljskih sprememb, kot

so spreminjajoči se vremenski vzorci, kamniti plazovi ter krhkost nasploh. Take pojave je

udeleženka interpretirala ne le kot dane okoljske razmere, temveč tudi kot doživete izku-

šnje in dokaze podnebnih sprememb. Članek v sklepnem delu trdi, da lahko čutno-digi-

talno sprehajanje okrepi stare antropološke metode z zagotavljanjem potencialnih novih

poti do uvidov v preplet čutne percepcije, digitalnega posredovanja in preobrazb okolja,

obenem pa poudarja potrebo po dolgotrajnem, poglobljenem terenskem delu, ki je nujno

za razumevanje kompleksnih odnosov med človekom in naravo v kontekstu krhkih okolij.



Sandi Abram

Vol. 3, Nr. 1, February 2025 Exploring Fragility and Care in an Alpine Valley 129 The Long Journey to Senso-Digital Walking:





INTERVIEWS / INTERVJUJI




Perspectives on Environmental



Humanities: Technology,



Nature, and Human-Animal



Relationships; Interview with



Finn Arne Jørgensen



Gašper Raušl 1.22 Intervju

DOI 10.4312/svetovi.3.1.130-136



Finn Arne Jørgensen is a professor of environmental history at the University of Stavanger in Norway. He studies the evolution of human relationships with nature over time and place. His latest book, titled Sharing Spaces: Technology, Mediation, and Human-Animal Relationships (2024, University of Pittsburgh Press), explores how technology enables and mediates relationships between humans and nature.





How would you summarise

what environmental humanities are,

their purpose, and where do you see

their biggest strengths and weak-

nesses?



Environmental humanities have fair-

ly recently become a collection of fields.

They have longer traditions in separate fields

such as environmental history, ecocriticism,

and environmental philosophy, which were

single-discipline strands asking questions

about relationships between humans and

the rest of nature. I say “asking questions”

because, for environmental historians and Finn Arne Jørgensen. Credit: University of Stavanger

the environmental humanities in general,

the questions are perhaps more interesting solutions – because we are not necessarily

than the answers – in some ways, at least the solution-oriented in the same way that some



SVETOVI / WORLDS leto 3, št. 1, februar 2025 130

other disciplines are. What has happened What strikes me most about

in the last decade or two, particularly since environmental humanities is how

2014, when a journal called Environmental they examine the social structures

Humanities was launched, is that there has underlying environmental debates.

been more cross-conversation between these Are these social structures separate

fields. People have been drawing on meth- from environmental ones?

ods from different disciplines to fully under-

stand the connections between people, cul- I’m not sure they’re really separate.

ture, nature, and so on. While I call myself Much work in the field also tries to address

an environmental historian, I draw on meth- the more-than-human and how these are in-

ods and inspirations from many other fields terconnected. Humans are only one set of ac-

– literature, for sure, and also media stud- tors, and there are huge variations even with-

ies. I was originally trained in science and in the group of humans. It’s not as though all

technology studies, though with a histori- humans share the same approach, opinion,

cal focus. So, that is basically how I would influence, or responsibility for what’s hap-

define environmental humanities. It’s a very pening. This idea is central to the Anthropo-

broad field; it’s not necessarily a discipline cene debate – not all people are equally re-

with strict gatekeeping, I would say. Now, sponsible, and not all people experience the

there are increasingly new programs at uni- consequences in the same way. The more-

versities and different journals – not just the than-human perspective includes not only

Environmental Humanities journal, which, other species, which I find fascinating, but

for full disclosure, my wife is a co-editor- also other types of actors and constraints,

in-chief of. There are also other disciplines such as non-organic influences. For instance,

focusing on and building on environmen- some scholars study stones, sand, and even

tal scholarship and publishing work in the how people live with weather. While human-

field. Perhaps a weakness of environmental ities as a discipline is rooted in understand-

humanities is that I don’t necessarily think ing the human, it should not view humans in

the field can offer discrete solutions to prob- isolation from the rest of nature. It has also

lems. I don’t necessarily think that is our become clear that we are at a point in history

role, either. One of my approaches is that where things are on fire – both literally and

most, if not all, environmental problems we metaphorically. I think the growth of envi-

are facing at the moment are fundamental- ronmental humanities reflects this reality. It’s

ly cultural challenges and cultural problems. more than just an interest; it’s a conviction

We already have the knowledge and techni- shared by many humanities and social sci-

cal solutions to address many of these issues, ence scholars, as well as those in the natural

but the reasons we haven’t implemented sciences, that these issues – specifically the

them are cultural. It’s about values, poli- relationships between people and the rest

tics, interests, and so on. This is why we need of nature – are the most pressing challenges

the humanities and social sciences. We need of our time. We need to build on our schol-

people working together to understand how arship, our skills, and our expertise to speak

and why people act the way they do. about these issues and ask critical questions



Vol. 3, Nr. 1, February 2025 Interviews / Intervjuji 131

about this relationship, and not view them as their attention was “supposed” to be. Every

separate but as mutually influenced. generation, in some way, establishes its base-

line for what it considers natural – or perhaps

You used historical analyses authentic – ways of relating to the world. De-

to understand the environment, par- viations from that baseline are often viewed

ticularly focusing on how technol- negatively. While this is a general statement,

ogy enables and mediates the rela- I do believe it holds true.

tionship between nature and culture.

Could you tell us more about the role Does the relationship between

of technology in your research? humans and nature change when

technology becomes the primary me-

I see technology as something that diator?

mediates, a concept I’ve explored in several

publications. By this, I mean that technolo- I would say it does change, though not

gy fundamentally exists between people and necessarily for the better or worse. Some-

the rest of the world. There isn’t really a way times it improves, other times it worsens,

to relate to the world without these mediat- but there is always change. Interestingly,

ing layers. We always experience some form there are also instances where stability per-

of technological mediation. For instance, the sists through technological shifts. As a histo-

most basic example is that we wear clothes rian, that is a fascinating area to explore. For

to go outside. You and I both wear glasses to example, why do certain stories about people

see. These are technologies that fundamen- and nature remain consistent during periods

tally shape how we relate to the world. Be- of technological change? This is something

yond these basics, there are layers upon lay- I’ve explored in my work on the Norwegian

ers of technologies that connect people to the cabin. The concept of having a home in na-

world. This is not a neutral process. Often in ture is deeply ingrained in Norwegian cul-

public and academic discourse, when people ture. The cultural narrative surrounding life

write about technologies, they do so in mor- at the cabin – its activities, the relationships

alising ways. For example, they may claim with nature – has remained remarkably sta-

that new technologies have destroyed the re- ble. In a sense, it focuses on the authenticity

lationship between people and nature, argu- of the experience, even as the cabin itself has

ing for a return to more authentic, supposedly undergone significant structural changes.

unmediated ways of engaging with the world. Perhaps people emphasize this narrative be-

However, looking at this historically, you see cause there is no longer a strong material or

that the technologies people now consider technological connection to the cabin itself.

“authentic” were once viewed as intrusions –

disruptions to the way people related to the Can technology offer a more

world. This isn’t limited to nature; it applies engaged approach to environmental

to many aspects of life. Take books, for exam- humanities in general? And can it re-

ple. Excessive reading was once criticised as shape how people interact with the

harmful, as it distracted people from where environment?



SVETOVI / WORLDS leto 3, št. 1, februar 2025 132

Absolutely, and we see many exam-



ples of this. Technology and digital plat-

forms can open up nature to people in ways

that previously required specialised knowl-

edge and belonging to certain social net-

works – not the digital kind, but human

connections, where you learned how to be-

have, where to go for walks, or which places

are worth visiting. Here in Norway, we have

a great app on our phones that highlights ev-

eryday walks in nature. These were places we

would never have discovered otherwise, be-

cause you wouldn’t know about them unless

someone showed you. In this way, technol-

ogy has enabled discovery and made expe-

riencing nature more accessible. It lowers Re-photography researche technique.

the threshold for engaging with the natural Credit: Malin Kristine Graesse

world. However, there’s a flip side. Platforms

like Instagram have contributed to overex- we held in 2018, so several years ago, where

posing certain places. Too many people are we gathered a group of people interested in

drawn to these locations, and many try to exploring how technology enables specific

experience them in a way they’ve learned spatial relationships between humans and

through social media, often by taking the animals. We focused on how technologies

same iconic photos. When people are more blur the boundaries between human spaces,

interested in being seen experiencing some- animal spaces, and the distinction between

thing rather than actually experiencing it, people and animals. What I was specifical-

that’s not my idea of fun. ly interested in was the use of GPS-equipped

dog collars in hunting. I was looking at GPS

Recently, you published the technology, and I used hunting as a case

book Sharing Spaces: Technology, study. I started by analysing hunting maga-

Mediation, and Human-Animal Re- zines, which have been published monthly

lationships, published by the Univer- for many years. I noticed a surprising trend:

sity of Pittsburgh Press. Could you around 2008–2009, something shifted in

share what motivated this project for the imagery. Suddenly, all the dogs in the

you personally and what guided your magazine photos had antennas – these were

research on the use of GPS-equipped GPS collars with antennas – but the articles

dog collars in moose hunting in didn’t mention them at first. Later on, they

Swedish forests? began to address the technology as it became

a more established practice. I became real-

This project has taken quite a long ly interested in how hunters were integrat-

time to develop. It grew out of a workshop ing this new technology into their traditions



Vol. 3, Nr. 1, February 2025 Interviews / Intervjuji 133

and practices. How did they negotiate its Hunters talk about how you can’t let

place within their values and habits? What the dog know that you know where it is via

I found fascinating was that many hunters the GPS. They specifically mention this be-

saw using the GPS to track dogs – on their cause one of the key things in training a dog

cell phones, no less – as somewhat of a form is making sure it will come back to you. If

of cheating. There was a belief that hunters not, you could lose your dog, and people

should give the moose a fair chance, and re- form close relationships with their dogs.

lying too much on technology made it too They’re not just tools; they’re almost like

easy. I did fieldwork in Sweden in a forest- family members. This makes the relation-

ed area with a hunting team from the Swed- ship very emotional for the hunters. One

ish Agricultural University. These were peo- story that came up was about a dog that fig-

ple I knew from other contexts, and while it ured out that if it didn’t return, the hunters

can be difficult to gain access to a hunting would come find it and bring the car, which

team, these were academics who understood was nice and warm. So the dog became a

what I was trying to explore. They, like many bit spoiled by the discovery that the hunt-

other teams, used the technology, but they ers could always track it. While the hunt-

believed their way of using it was the “right” ers always knew where the dog was, they had

way, the better, more appropriate way com- to make sure the dog didn’t know this so it

pared to others. This sense of distinction would still come back. However, I certain-

was not limited to GPS usage but extended ly noticed a lot of anxiety around the idea of

to their overall hunting practices, which re- the dog not coming back. Part of this anxi-

flected their values and expertise. One thing ety stems from the fact that there have been

that really surprised me was how hunters cases of wolves attacking dogs, as wolves will

speculated about the evolutionary shift in often attack dogs they encounter. This hap-

dogs due to the introduction of GPS. Before, pens with some regularity. So hunters use

hunters had to breed dogs that would bark the GPS collars as a form of security, allow-

in specific contexts to help them understand ing them to track their dogs. The situation

the dog’s location and actions. The barking can get complicated when the dogs follow a

served as a key part of reading the landscape. moose. This is particularly problematic if the

With GPS technology, however, the barking moose manages to escape the group of hunt-

is no longer as necessary because hunters can ers and leaves the designated hunting area.

now track their dogs’ movements directly on In the type of moose hunting I observed,

their phones. This shift in how they interact each hunting team has a specific area where

with their dogs – and with the landscape – is they are allowed to hunt. Since many people

really interesting. are moving around with guns, maintaining

discipline and controlling where people are

How do hunters in Sweden positioned in the landscape is crucial to en-

view the use of GPS technology with sure safe shooting directions. This is anoth-

their dogs, and what role does it play er skill they pride themselves on – they have

in their hunting practices and rela- mastered it and are good at it. However, if

tionship with the animals? the moose manages to escape and enters an-



SVETOVI / WORLDS leto 3, št. 1, februar 2025 134

other team’s hunting area, the dog will fol- Together with Dolly Jørgen-

low. This creates the need for negotiations. sen, you established the Greenhouse

The hunters will need to contact the team in Research Center at the University of

the other area to see if they are hunting that Stavanger. One of its goals is to cross-

day and whether they can enter to retrieve pollinate theoretical insights from va-

the dog. Safety is paramount because there rious disciplines, including history,

are guns involved, so it’s a dangerous situa- literature, media, religion, philoso-

tion. If your dog runs off into another team’s phy, and art. In your view, how does

area, it essentially means you can write off interdisciplinarity help us better un-

the rest of the day, as retrieving the dog be- derstand environmental issues?

comes the priority. But hunting with dogs

is nevertheless very much about the meat, I think part of the reason for this is

which is common in both Norway and Swe- that many of the environmental problems

den. Some people do it for the trophies, but we face today are so-called “wicked prob-

the main focus is on filling up the freez- lems”, meaning they don’t have simple solu-

er with meat. There’s also a kind of trading tions because they are interconnected with

economy where moose meat is shared with so many other issues. To understand and ad-

others. Moose are large animals, and there’s dress these problems, we need to draw on a

a lot of meat to be had. I’ve been up close to wide range of skills, disciplines, and ways of

moose at farms in northern Sweden, where understanding the world. While there are

they breed and milk them to make moose certainly some multi-talented individuals

cheese. But there was something particular- who can tackle these problems on their own,

ly special about the hunt I participated in. most of us need to collaborate with others

They did shoot a moose, and I was part of who possess different expertise in order to

the group that reached it first. Even though have meaningful conversations. It’s import-

it wasn’t the biggest moose they’d ever seen, ant that we help each other grow and be-

it was still huge. We had to turn it over to in- come better, more skilled scholars. Howev-

spect the bullet hole because if it punctured er, learning to work together takes time. It’s

the stomach, emergency butchery was need- like any relationship that must be nurtured

ed to prevent the meat from spoiling. Just and developed over time, especially when it

being there, seeing and smelling the moose, comes to creating a shared language. This is

was fascinating. They smell like sweat, and one of the goals of the Greenhouse, but it’s

smell is something you don’t often experi- always a challenge. Anyone who has worked

ence as a historian. In archives, you typical- at a university knows how big the divide can

ly smell paper. But doing fieldwork and con- be between departments or even between

necting what I read in historical sources to buildings on the same campus. The Green-

current practices is really important. Being house name itself holds some interesting

in the field, understanding the relationship metaphorical connotations. A greenhouse is

between historical traditions and contem- a place where things can grow and be shel-

porary practices, has become very meaning- tered, and that’s something we really empha-

ful to me, and it will continue to be. size: the community we support within the



Vol. 3, Nr. 1, February 2025 Interviews / Intervjuji 135

Greenhouse is one where scholars can come various ways. To succeed, you need to learn

together, work, and discuss ideas. But there’s how to survive in an academic world that is

also the idea of the “greenhouse effect”, increasingly driven by grant writing. In Eu-

which reflects the increasing urgency we feel rope, at least, funding your own research

about the environmental crises we are fac- has become essential. On the one hand, if

ing. The idea of the greenhouse highlights you’re good at grant writing, you can fund

not only growth but also the rising heat – we and pursue a lot of cool, interesting projects.

are in a place where things are getting hot- But there is also a downside to this, particu-

ter, and we need to find ways to address that. larly the “projectification” of research. This

And I think that interdisciplinarity can cer- approach shapes the kinds of questions re-

tainly help us achieve our goals. But it’s not searchers ask, and often results in research

just about having a conversation across disci- that is more rushed and short-term. Many

plines; it’s about shaping the kinds of ques- of the defining questions in the field come

tions we ask and the solutions we propose. from American scholars who have tenure,

I also believe that historical consciousness is allowing them to spend ten years to work

vital in this process. Too often today, when on a book – something that is rare in Eu-

people try to address problems, especially in rope. I think this is a challenge we all need

fields like innovation and technology, they to address: we must create conditions that

reinvent the wheel, sometimes making past allow us to slow down and produce really

solutions worse. Instead of simply replicat- high-quality work. Beyond these practical

ing old methods, we need to ask why those considerations, there are still many oppor-

solutions were abandoned in the first place. tunities for scholars to engage in environ-

What were the fundamental issues? Societ- mental humanities. However, it’s crucial to

ies don’t work in isolation from technolo- seek out and build community. Contribute

gies, and in order for technologies to work to the communities you want to be part of,

effectively, we must consider values, support and build meaningful networks with others

systems, and the broader context. who share your interests.



Lastly, what advice would you

give to young scholars interested in

studying topics related to environ-

mental humanities?



This could go in many different direc-

tions, but one thing I’d say is that if you want

to pursue a career in academia, it’s becom-

ing increasingly difficult. The conditions for

doing academic work are getting worse in

many places, and securing permanent posi-

tions is harder than ever. Those permanent

jobs that do exist can be quite challenging in



SVETOVI / WORLDS leto 3, št. 1, februar 2025 136





Prevajalci poezije na razpotjih




in stičiščih kultur



Poetry Translators at the Crossroads

and Intersections of Cultures



Jana Rajh Plohl 1.01 Izvirni znanstveni članek

DOI 10.4312/svetovi.3.1.137-153



IZVLEČEK



Članek se ukvarja s prevajanjem poezije, s praksami prevajalcev in njihovimi izzivi ob pre-

vajanju, pri tem pa analizira prevodoslovne koncepte ter jih povezuje s področji kulturne in

lingvistične antropologije. Raziskuje različne vidike in procese prevajanja poezije, s pomo-

čjo katerih avtorica obravnava vprašanja o vlogi prevajalca, neprevedljivosti poezije, vplivu

prevoda na jezik in o tem, kako lahko prevod prispeva k medkulturnemu razumevanju.

KLJUČNE BESEDE: prevajanje poezije, prakse prevajalcev, neprevedljivost, prevodoslovje, lingvistična antro-

pologija



ABSTRACT



The article deals with the translation of poetry, the practices and challenges of translators,

analysing certain concepts of translation studies and linking them to the fields of cultural and

linguistic anthropology. It explores the various aspects and processes of poetry translation

through which the author discusses the role of the translator, the untranslatability of poetry,

the impact of translation on language, and how translation can contribute to intercultural

understanding.

KEYWORDS: poetry translation, translation practices, untranslatability, translation studies, linguistic anthropology



Vol. 3, Nr. 1, February 2025 Prevajalci poezije na razpotjih in stičiščih kultur 137 Jana Rajh Plohl





UVOD




Izhodišče za antropološko obravnavo prevajanja poezije in praks prevajalcev sta besedna igra

pesnika in literarnega teoretika Borisa A. Novaka (2011: 7), da je prevajanje poezije bolj

kakor salto mortale (skok v smrt) salto immortale (skok v nesmrtnost), ter trditev etnologa

Valdimarja Hafsteina (2004: 310), da »s pojmovanjem posnemanja kot ustvarjalnega deja-

nja (in nasprotno, ustvarjanja kot dejanja reprodukcije) spodkopavamo logiko, ki ju posta-

vlja v nasprotje«.1 Ob zavedanju, da je prevajanje beletristike, še posebej poezije, zahtevno

in večplastno, sem skozi prizmo kulturne in lingvistične antropologije raziskovala, kako se v

posnemanju izvirne pesmi načenjajo razmisleki o inovativnih pristopih prevajalcev.

Raziskava temelji na šestih poglobljenih polstrukturiranih intervjujih z izbranimi

prevajalci in prevajalkami poezije: s poklicno in nagrajeno prevajalko Nado Grošelj,

dijakinjama Našo Kolenik in Tatjano Kobe, ki sta sodelovali pri projektu Sing-a-Vision, v

okviru katerega sta prevajali iz latinščine, zakoncema prevajalcema Darinko in Fawzijem

Abderjem Rahimom, ki sta izdala dvojezično zbirko arabsko-slovenske poezije Do kdaj

(2021), ter mlado prevajalko in pisateljico Liu Zakrajšek. Poleg intervjujev in diskusij o(b)

konkretnih prevodih sem spremljala spletne in medijske objave o prevodoslovnih tematikah,

ki sem jih zasledila na Tretjem programu RTV SLO, zlasti v oddajah Ars Humana, na

literarnih spletnih straneh Poesis.si in Pesem.si ter na portalu Društva književnih prevajalcev

Slovenije, ter se udeležila nekaterih javnih dogodkov, ki se ukvarjajo s predmetom obravnave,

na primer Umetna inteligenca v kulturi: UI in prevajanje.



PREVODOSLOVNA VEDA V DIALOGU

S KULTURNO ANTROPOLOGIJO



Za razumevanje sveta prevajalcev poezije je ključno poznavanje temeljev prevodoslovja,

interdisciplinarne vede o prenosu pomena ob upoštevanju kulturnih značilnosti. Preizprašuje

pojem prevajanja, ki ga lahko razumemo kot »namensko interkulturno interakcijo, pri kateri

prevajalec dolguje obema stranema« (Pokorn 2017: 14). Poseben izziv pri prevajanju poezije

je vprašanje neprevedljivosti, ki lahko nastane zaradi pomenske gostote, kulturnih elementov

in različnih simbolnih vrednosti besed. V tem kontekstu lahko o jeziku razmišljamo tudi

s perspektive (simbolne) antropologije, ki ga razume kot sestavni del simbolnega sistema

kulture (Geertz 2019). S tem v mislih prevodoslovje umeščam v dopolnjujoč dialog s kulturno

antropologijo, kar omogoča širši razmislek, ki presega zgolj fokus na obravnavano temo.



1

V pričujočem članku predstavljam izbrane vsebine seminarske naloge pri predmetu Seminar iz splošne etnologije, urbanih, so-dobnih in tradicionalnih načinov življenja (izvajalk izr. prof. dr. Mateje Habinc in doc. dr. Ane Svetel), ki je v študijskem letu 2023/24 vsebinsko temeljil na konceptu ustvarjalnosti.



SVETOVI / WORLDS leto 3, št. 1, februar 2025 138

Prevodoslovna veda se je začela oblikovati v šestdesetih letih 20. stoletja s prispevki

avtorjev, kot sta Eugene A. Nida in John C. Catford, ki sta razmišljala pod vplivom tedanje

jezikoslovne paradigme. Ta, pod vplivom teorije univerzalne slovnice Chomskega, vidi vse

jezike kot podobne v svojih globinskih strukturah (Pokorn 2017: 12).2 Teorija tako podpira

koncept simetrične enakovrednosti, ki trdi, da množica enakovrednih ali skoraj enakovre-

dnih stavkov izvirnega jezika ustreza podobni množici stavkov v ciljnem jeziku, zaradi česar

sta izvorni in ciljni jezik sploh prevedljiva (Nida 1964). Ob temeljnih delih prvih prevo-

doslovcev sta se vzpostavila tudi dva pristopa do jezika pri prevajanju: instrumentalni in

hermenevtični. Instrumentalni koncept pri prevajanju predstavlja način komuniciranja

objektivnih informacij, ki izraža misli in pomene, kjer se pomeni nanašajo na empirično

realnost ali obsegajo pragmatično situacijo. Drugi, hermenevtični, pa poudarja interpretaci-

jo, ki jo sestavljajo misel in pomeni, kjer slednji oblikujejo realnost, interpretacija ustvarjal-

nih vrednosti pa je privilegirana (Rosman in Rubel po Venuti 2003: 6).

Skozi desetletja se je prevodoslovje razvijalo in odmikalo od zgolj jezikoslovnega pristo-

pa k interdisciplinarnim raziskavam, ki vključujejo sociološke in antropološke koncepte, kot

sta habitus po Bourdieuju (Pokorn 2017: 18) in emski pogled prevajalca (Pokorn po Simeoni

2017: 20). Trenutne smernice, ki se izražajo v postprevajalskih študijah (Arduini in Nergaard

2011: 8), raziskujejo prevajanje z vidika kompleksne interdisciplinarnosti, vključno s sodelova-

njem s kulturno antropologijo, ki je skorajda neločljiva od prevajanja, vendar do pred kratkim

ni pristopala k njegovemu sistematičnemu proučevanju (Rosman in Rubel 2003: 1). Globlja,

kompleksnejša teoretizacija prevajalskega procesa prihaja v ospredje tudi med antropologi,

ki razširjajo ožja pretekla antropološka zanimanja za prevajanje (Tihanyi 2004: 793).

V antropološkem kontekstu je pomembno poudariti vlogo jezikoslovja in osrednji

pomen jezika v kulturi, ki ga je v prvi polovici 20. stoletja utemeljil ameriški antropolog

Franz Boas. Zagovarjal je zbiranje etnografskega gradiva v maternem jeziku proučevane sku-

pnosti, s čimer je omogočil globlje razumevanje kulture in njenega jezika (Rosman in Rubel

2003: 2). Posledično se je v naslednjih letih razvila tudi teorija njegovega učenca Edwarda

Sapirja in Benjamina Leeja Whorfa, ki sta skovala Sapir-Whorfovo hipotezo, ki zagovarja

idejo, da ljudje, ki govorijo različne jezike, živijo v »različnih svetovih« (Rosman in Rubel

2003: 12). Tukaj govorimo o (danes preseženem) jezikovnem determinizmu, ki izpodbija in

onemogoča teorijo Chomskega, s tem pa preprečuje zmožnost uspešnega prevajanja.

Nezanemarljivo področje, ki predstavlja stičišče obeh ved, je razmerje moči v povezavi

z jeziki. Po mnenju lingvističnega antropologa Josepha Erringtona je, v nasprotju z nekate-

rimi lingvisti, jezikoslovje, vključno s prevajanjem književnosti, globoko vpleteno v »kolo-

nialistični projekt osvajanja in nadzora« (Ahearn 2017: 286). Ob tem ne gre za enostranske

2

Nida je v svojem temeljnem delu Toward a Science of Translating [Proti znanosti prevajanja ](1964) predstavil koncept dina-mične ekvivalence. Pri tem načinu prevajanja je v ospredju učinek prevoda na ciljno občinstvo. Opira se na idejo Chomskega o univerzalnih strukturah jezika – te naj bi po njegovem spadale v globinske strukture jezika, medtem ko so površinske struk-ture konkretne oblike jezika, ki se pri prevajanju prilagajajo. Catford je v svojem delu A Linguistic Theory of Translation [Jezi-skoslovna teorija prevajanja] (1965) skušal opredeliti prevajanje kot proces zamenjave jezikovnih elementov iz enega jezika z enakovrednimi elementi v drugem jeziku. Njegov pristop je analitičen in osredotočen na formalne lastnosti jezikov.



Vol. 3, Nr. 1, February 2025 Prevajalci poezije na razpotjih in stičiščih kultur 139 Jana Rajh Plohl procese, saj so jezikoslovci ustvarjali tudi »uporabno empirično znanje« (Ahearn 2017:

286), vendar niti samega jezika niti proučevanja jezika ni mogoče povsem ločiti od razmerij

moči. Globalizacija je ob premisleku v povezavi z medsebojnim vplivom jezikov v sodobnosti

bistvena, saj sta se ob njej pospešila migracija in s tem razvoj v komunikacijskih tehnologijah,

»ki omogočajo nadnacionalne tokove idej, jezikov in asimetrij«, kar ustvarja »kreolizirane,

mešane idiome poliglotizma – torej kompleksne in ustvarjalne mešanice jezikov«, kakor

po Jacquemetu navaja Ahearn (2017: 139). Če razmišljamo na podlagi dognanj v zborniku

Translation and Power [Prevod in moč] (Tymoczko in Gentzler 2007), se prevajanje poezije

ne more izogniti tem globalnim tokovom in asimetrijam moči. Izbira jezikov, ki se prevaja-

jo, pogosto odraža prevladujoče geopolitične trende. Poezija iz marginaliziranih jezikovnih

skupnosti se lahko sooča s težavami pri doseganju širšega občinstva, medtem ko poezija iz

dominantnih jezikov lažje prečka jezikovne meje. To lahko vpliva na prepoznavnost pesni-

kov, dostopnost njihovih del in na splošno razumevanje različnih kulturnih izrazov. S tem

ozirom bi se premaknila na nosilce prakse, prevajalce, ki so, kakor je napovedala sogovornica

Nada Grošelj, med seboj zelo različni; nekatere zanimajo klasična dela, drugi iščejo dela

z veliko slogovnimi izzivi, tretji se ukvarjajo s sodobnimi jezikoslovnimi dilemami. Ravno

zaradi mnogoterosti prevajalcev lahko govorimo o tem, da prevodi še naprej ohranjajo živost

kulturnih opcij, o medsebojnem oplajanju jezikov in dejstvu, da manj jezikov pomeni manj

znanja v najširšem smislu (Cronin 2003: 75).3



KDO SO PREVAJALCI POEZIJE?



Poleg osnovne seznanitve s prevodoslovjem želim podati kriterije, po katerih sem razmišljala

o sogovornikih – kdo je torej prevajalec ali prevajalka poezije? V posebno kategorijo preva-

jalcev se uvrščajo zaradi predpostavke, da naj bi bila poezija glede na druge literarne zvrsti

najtežje prevedljiva – o tem so se strinjali tudi vsi moji sogovorniki. Tudi glede na stopnjo

profesionalizacije imamo pri njih opraviti s širokim spektrom; od tistih, ki se s prevajanjem

preživljajo, do tistih, ki prevajajo laično. Kriterij za opredelitev prevajalca oziroma prevajal-

ke poezije Društvo slovenskih književnih prevajalcev (znotraj katerega se podeljujeta tudi

Sovretova in Jermanova nagrada) postavlja kvantitativno: kot člana (če bi se včlanili na osno-

vi prevajanja poezije) bi namreč sprejelo osebo, ki je prevedla vsaj 1200 verzov (Društvo

slovenskih književnih prevajalcev 2024). Seveda pa stroka prepoznava dobre prevajalce

poezije s kriteriji nagrajevanja.4 Sogovornica Grošelj, ki je bila sama večkrat del komisij,



3

Na primer kadar se prevaja iz angleščine, se poveča senzibilnost angleščine do tujih, prej neznanih oblik, kot so specifični verzi drugih pesniških tradicij (Fraser 1966: 129). Angleščina pa nato, kakor izpostavlja sogovornica Grošelj, z razvojem (tudi kolonizacijskim) jezika vzajemno ponuja širok nabor besedišča drugim jezikom.

4

Razširjeno razpravo o sistemih nagrajevanja v Sloveniji sem zasledila v pogovorni oddaji Tretjega programa Radia Slovenija Ars humana z naslovom »O literarnih nagradah ali književnost ni šport« (Puljarević 2024). Pogovor je potekal večinoma o nagrajevanju izvirne proze, vendar so gostje oddaje osvetlili tudi teme, vezane na nagrajevalni proces, ocenjevalno komisijo in izbor nagrajencev.



SVETOVI / WORLDS leto 3, št. 1, februar 2025 140

pravi, da je pri delih pozorna na tistega, ki »zelo poskuša posnemat učinke originala«. Opise

iskanja posebnega učinka in večkrat omenjene besedne zveze občutka za jezik lahko pove-

žem tudi z nekoliko starejšo prevodoslovno literaturo, v kateri zasledimo, da naj bi bil dober

prevajalec poezije bolj kot izobraženec na področju književnosti tudi sam pesnik oziroma

mora imeti »pesniški dar« (Fraser 1966: 130).

Če nekoliko demistificiramo pojmovanje daru – vsi sogovorniki k literaturi in

poeziji pristopajo s posebno naklonjenostjo (ali izpostavljenostjo, pozitivnim odnosom) že

od otroštva, na mnoge so vplivali tudi družinski člani v ožjem krogu, ki so jim (bili) blizu:

dedek Naše Kolenik je književni prevajalec, mama Tatjane Kobe je profesorica latinskega

jezika, teta Nade Grošelj je bila tudi sama prevajalka poezije, mati pa je slovenistka …5

Sogovornica Grošelj ugotavlja, da kljub spremljanju dela tete ni čutila, da bi sama imela

kakšen poseben prirojen občutek za prevajanje: »Jaz sama pri sebi nisem videla, da bi imela

kakršenkoli talent. Ali pa da bi se tako, recimo takoj na prvo žogo, spomnila enega res finega

izraza.« V mnogih primerih so prišle prve pobude za prevode v študijsko-šolskem okolju,

na primer pri seminarju na smeri primerjalne književnosti, s pomočjo delavnic, kot sta Sing-

a-Vision in Prevajalnica JSKD, ali prek drugih projektov, ki spodbujajo prevajalsko prakso.

Tovrsten primer so bile dejavnosti v sklopu projektnega društva Rozana, katerega člana sta

bila zakonca Abder Rahim, ki je delovalo z namenom približevanja arabske kulture.



PRAKSE PREVAJALCEV IN IZJEMNOSTI

PREVAJANJA POEZIJE



Predpriprava: poglobljeno branje in odnos do dela



Ob premislekih o specifiki prevajanja poezije sem se želela seznaniti s postopki prevoda

poezije od začetka do konca. Glede na prakse, ki so jih opisali sogovorniki, lahko proces

prevajanja poezije razdelimo na tri dele: predpriprava, delovni prevod in prevod, ki pa je do

neke mere še zmeraj spremenljiv. V času predpriprave gre za poglobljeno in večkratno branje

izbranega besedila. Pred pričetkom miselne ali »duševne« prakse se je prevajanje glede na

odgovore sogovornikov izkazalo tudi za materialno prakso, ki se kaže na primer skozi potre-

bo po natisnjenih listih papirja ali prvem prevajanju v zvezek, kakor navaja Grošelj:



Moj delokrog … Morda mi za kakšen krajši tekst zmanjka časa za natisnit … Ampak drugače pa

ja, jaz si to moram natisnit. Mislim, da je slabo za oči gledat v ekran toliko časa. Tako res zbrano

gledat. […] In potem vidim v natisnjenem še vse sorte stvari, ki so bile prej videt čisto v redu na

ekranu, zdaj pa naenkrat niso več. […] Poezijo po navadi tako prevajam, sploh če ima rime,

najprej v zvezek in potem to pretipkam. Ampak pri tem pretipkanju jo še tako spreminjam, da

mi včasih vzame še ravno toliko časa kot tista prva verzija. Včasih pa tudi ne, in sem zadovoljna

že s tisto prvo verzijo.



5

Sogovornica Nada Grošelj jo je v pogovoru tudi posebej omenila, njena teta je bila namreč Marija Javoršek, Sovretova nagrajenka in prejemnica nagrade Prešernovega sklada, ki se je ukvarjala predvsem s francosko književnostjo.



Vol. 3, Nr. 1, February 2025 Prevajalci poezije na razpotjih in stičiščih kultur 141 Jana Rajh Plohl

Pri vseh sogovornikih, navkljub generacijski raznolikosti, fizični listi papirja pred-

stavljajo (včasih neobvezen) del prevajalskega procesa. Družno strinjanje o natisnjenih

besedilih se je izkazalo predvsem pri prevajanju daljših besedil. V primeru poezije, kjer gre

večinoma za krajša besedila, pa so bile prakse mešane – ali je prvo prevajanje potekalo na

papir ali pa že od začetka v kombinaciji z računalnikom; odvisno tudi od časovne razpo-

ložljivosti.

Pisateljica Liu Zakrajšek meni, da se moraš z besedilom dodobra spoznati in ob več-

kratnem branju sprevideti njegovo večplastnost. Gre tudi za osebno izkušnjo, ki se lahko

med dvema prevajalcema razlikuje:



Jaz sem prevajala za Beletrino za Festival vina in poezije od Lily Michaelides poezijo za nek

krajši katalog. Potem pa je izšla dejanska knjiga, ki pa jo je ena prevajalka, ena punca, nisem

vedela, da tudi ona to počne, jaz pač nisem vedela, da midve iste pesmi prevajava, in potem, ko

sem šla gledat, je bilo res ful hecno, ker sta si bila ful podobna najina prevoda, eni pa so bili čist

drugi. In to je odvisno od tvojega branja, tega, kaj ti razumeš. Ker vsak človek nekaj drugega

vidi v poeziji.



Dijakinja Tatjana Kobe je branje poezije, ki jo oseba želi prevesti, primerjala z ekspe-

rimentalnim filmom: »Enako kakor pri eksperimentalnih filmih, ko moraš potem razmisliti

o njihovi vsebini, isto je pri prevajanju.«

V fazi predpriprave gre tudi za seznanitev z avtorjevim opusom, da, po besedah Gro-

šelj, »padeš v avtorjev miselni svet«. Na podoben način je razmišljala tudi Naša Kolenik, ki

je prevajala v skupini s Kobe: »Zdi se mi bistveno, vsaj meni se zdi, da ujameš avtorjev ritem,

stil. Stil, ja. Če je le možno, da prebereš čim več iz repertoarja.« Pomemben je tudi pregled

že obstoječih prevodov, vendar Grošelj opozarja, da se sama izogiba branju prevodov pesmi,

ki jo prevaja, saj bi jo preveč »zaslepili«.



Delovni prevod: sodobna orodja, družbena angažiranost

prevajanja poezije in izzivi (ne)prevedljivosti



Drugi del prevajanja je najbolj raznovrsten. Obstaja sicer nekaj ustaljenih metod dela, ki se

pojavljajo v času študijskega procesa; na primer pristop, v katerem se pesem prevede v čim

bolj dobesednem smislu, brez ozira na interpretacijo. Nato se postopoma dodajajo plasti, ki

naredijo prevod dobro samostoječe delo v drugem jeziku, kot je povedala Zakrajšek. Vendar

takšen način dela ni učinkovit za vse, nekoliko posmehljivo se je pojavilo ime prvega prevoda

ChatGPT 6 prevod se pravi prevod, ki spominja na rezultat strojnega učenja, ki ne vključuje

poglobitve v pomen.



6

ChatGPT je jezikovni model podjetja OpenAI, ki med drugim omogoča funkcijo prevodov iz nabora jezikov naravnega jezi-kovnega procesiranja (NLP) velikih jezikovnih modelov (BLM). Zaradi večplastnosti književnih besedil ga prevajalci, vsaj če sklepam po svojih sogovornikih, uporabljajo z določeno distanco. Na enoznačno interpretacijo ob vnosu poezije za prevod opozori tudi program sam.



SVETOVI / WORLDS leto 3, št. 1, februar 2025 142

Na to temo se je pojavila tudi opazka ob preizkusu še dveh orodij za prevajanje, in

sicer DeepL Translatorja in Googlovega spletnega prevajalnika.7 Na primeru DeepL Tran-

slatorja je Grošelj poudarila veliko vsebinskih zdrsov pri leposlovnih besedilih, za uspešno

prevajanje iz arabščine v slovenščino pa se glede na preostale izkušnje prevajalcev skoraj-

da pričakovano ni izkazal Googlov prevajalnik, kot sta razodela zakonca Abder Rahim.

Tudi na dogodku Umetna inteligenca v kulturi: UI in prevajanje je gostja prevajalka Nadja

Dobnik omenila,8 da veliko interpretacij temelji na bazi podatkov angleškega jezika – s tem,

tako rekoč jezikovnim etnocentrizmom se izključujejo pogledi zunaj angleško govorečih

območij, prav tako pa se s trenutnimi zmožnostmi algoritmov odvzema poudarek človeko-

vega pristopa k prevajanju, pri katerem se povezuje več vrst inteligence (Cronin 2003: 118).

Tudi najnovejša strokovna literatura uporabe orodij umetne inteligence (UI) za prevajanje,

kot je na primer tematska številka revije Babel: Literary Translation in the Era of Artificial

Intelligence (Ning in Hongtao 2023), je usmerjena v raziskovanje omejene kreativnosti UI

in fenomena neprevedljivosti.9 Članki poudarjajo predvsem hermenevtičen manko UI, ki

vključuje razumevanje ter interpretacijo kulturnega, zgodovinskega in političnega konte-

ksta. Prevajalčeva dovzetnost za naštete (pogosto implicitne) nianse v besedilih pripomore

k ohranjanju umetniške integritete prevoda, prav tako pa se s človeškim pristopom lahko

bolje premoščajo etične dileme, ki lahko brez poznavanja konteksta privedejo do kulturne

apropriacije in spornih reprezentacij. V nasprotju z odklonilnim odnosom do prevajanja

literature z UI pa sogovorniki vidijo koristnost orodja pri prevajanju raznih birokratskih

obrazcev in formularjev; skratka besedil, ki bi jih lahko umestili v množico del, opisanih v

delu Bulšihti: Teorija Davida Graeberja (2024).

Nekateri sogovorniki cenijo bolj skupnostni pristop k prevajanju. V pogovoru z

Zakrajšek sem izvedela, da si nekateri prevajalci poezije ob dilemah pogosto pomagajo med

seboj oziroma se posvetujejo z bolj izkušenimi: »Imajo ta princip, da se med sabo pogo-

varjajo in si pomagajo. In tudi tako. Jaz skoraj vedno, meni je recimo Boris A. Novak ful

pomagal za to poezijo od Linde Gregg. Tako da je vredno, če imaš koga, da ga lahko vpra-

šaš.« Raznolikost prevajalcev kaže mnoštvo preferenc; Grošelj na primer ne mara deliti

svojih delovnih prevodov z drugimi prevajalci, razen morda z mamo, ki je jezikoslovka.

Svoje nastajajoče prevode prebira tudi pred spanjem: »Jaz včasih malo berem svoje prevode

pred spanjem, ko rabim samo nekaj za odklop. Ker tukaj ni nič novega, kar bi me zbudilo,

ker tukaj že vse poznam.«

Sogovorniki omenjajo tudi prostorsko prilagodljivost pri delu prevajanja poezije.

Zaradi večinoma krajših besedil se aktivnost prevajanja lahko izvede tudi na vlaku ali avto-

busu, kakor opisuje Grošelj:

7

DeepL Translator je storitev strojnega prevajanja z uporabo nevronskih mrež, vendar se osredotoča le na prevajanje besedil.

8

Dogodek je potekal 5. 2. 2024 v knjigarni LUD literatura na Trubarjevi cesti 51 v Ljubljani znotraj cikla pogovorov Umetna inteligenca v kulturi.

9

Prevod: Babel: Literarno prevajanje v dobi umetne inteligence (Ning in Hongtao 2023).



Vol. 3, Nr. 1, February 2025 Prevajalci poezije na razpotjih in stičiščih kultur 143 Jana Rajh Plohl letu 2023/24 sta obiskala na primer Filozofsko fakulteto in Fakulteto za družbene vede

Za mene prostor prevajanja sploh ni pomemben … Poezijo se da čisto krasno prevajat kjerkoli. Jaz

jo lahko tudi na avtobusu, morda ne ravno na mestnem, tam bi mi bilo slabo. Ampak na kakšnih

medkrajevnih pa absolutno, jaz sem kaj prevedla tudi na bazenu, na kakšni klopci …

Tudi zakonca Abder Rahim sta izpostavila možnost prevajanja na vlaku, poleg pro-

storske pa sta dodala tudi časovno razsežnost, saj pogosteje prevajata pozimi, ko več časa

preživita v notranjih prostorih.

Poleg zapisa se prevajalci ukvarjajo tudi z zvenom prevoda. Zanimivo je, da je tudi v

preteklosti za uspešen prevod poezije veljal tisti, ki je dobro poslušljiv na radijskih oddajah

(Fraser 1966: 123). V Sloveniji je še zmeraj velik poudarek na prenosu poezije v radijskih

oddajah (večinoma na Tretjem programu Radia Slovenije, ARS), kot so Literarni noktur-

no, Lirični utrinek, Izšlo je … Glasno branje prevoda je tudi razširjena metoda prevajanja v

književnosti v širšem smislu, še posebej, kadar gre za zahtevnejša besedila: »Radka Vrančič

pa še ena prevajalka, ki sta prevajali Prousta, sta baje cel prevod naglas prebrali.10 Zato, da

bi videli, kako to zveni. Tako da je velika razlika, ali samo bereš ali tudi govoriš,« navaja

Zakrajšek. Takšen delokrog v tandemu utečeno ubirata zakonca Abder Rahim. Ko sem ju

obiskala, je Fawzi Abder Rahim spontano prebral eno izmed pesmi v arabščini, ki jo je

pred kratkim ustvaril na temo lastnega doživljanja trenutnih razmer v njegovi rojstni drža-

vi, Palestini. Po branju arabskih verzov je v slovenščini pričel opisovati vsebino in občutke,

ki se pojavijo pri posamičnih verzih: »[prebere verz v arabščini] Pomeni trpljenje na zemlji

je že dolgo … [prebere verz v arabščini] je prihajal čas, da bi odvrgli to … [si ponovi besede

v arabščini], to temo, ne? […] [prebere verz v arabščini] [P]a te reklame, mislim, ki se pona-

vljajo … Je popačeno, ne?«

Njegova žena Darinka Abder Rahim je sočasno začela dopolnjevati moževe misli z

iskanjem ustreznih slovenskih besed. Ob opisovanju »ponavljajočih se popačenih reklam«

je na primer predlagala besedo propaganda. Za snovanje končne različice prevoda si bo

pomagala z arabsko-angleškim in angleško-slovenskim slovarjem ob tesnem sodelovanju z

možem. Pogosto on najprej najde prvi prevod izrazov v angleščini, nato pa skupaj iščeta

ustreznice v slovenščini. Prevedeta skoraj vsako od njegovih avtorskih pesmi, gre že za neke

vrste utečeno prostočasno aktivnost, ki preko jezika dopušča dodatno poglabljanje v razi-

skovanje in spoznavanje tako arabske kakor slovenske kulture. Tako se je tudi pričela njuna

prevajalska pot – že v študentskih letih sta prevajala vrsto pomembnih arabskih pesnikov

in pesnic, kot so palestinski pesnik Mahmoud Darviš, libanonski pesnik in pisatelj Khalil

Gibran ter iraška pesnica Nazik Almalajka. V njunem primeru je pomembno, da prevedena

poezija ne obstaja le kot oblika prevoda, ki jo najdemo v knjižnih izdajah, temveč pred-

stavlja pomemben del družabnih dogodkov. Ob upokojitvi sta nekaj let aktivno delovala v

Društvu za kulturo, razumevanje in dialog Rozana (ustanovljenem leta 2009) z namenom

približevanja arabske kulture prek umetnosti, zaradi trenutnih političnih razmer v Palestini

pa prevedeno in avtorsko poezijo predstavljata na dogodkih z ozaveščevalnim, aktivističnim

namenom ter namenom podajanja glasu politično marginalizirani skupnosti (v študijskem

10

Radojka Vrančič, slovenska prevajalka in bibliotekarka.



SVETOVI / WORLDS leto 3, št. 1, februar 2025 144

Univerze v Ljubljani).11

V procesu ustvarjanja delovnega prevoda je ključna prevajalčeva iznajdljivost (tudi

igrivost), kar Fawzi Abder Rahim opisuje kot »vrtenje besed okoli«. Glavni težavi pri

prevajanju poezije sta iskanje pravega ritma pesmi in razreševanje dilem, povezanih z rima-

njem. Vsak jezik se pri tem prilagodi pesmi izvirnika, kar odpira vprašanja o odnosu med

prevodom in izvirnikom. Tovrstni pristop k odnosu do prevajanja lahko povežemo z esejem

iz dvajsetih let prejšnjega stoletja Die Aufgabe des Übersetzers Walterja Benjamina (1972),12

kjer avtor poudarja ne toliko zvestobo izvirniku, temveč harmonično srečanje jezikov, pri

čemer prevajalčeva iznajdljivost pride najbolj do izraza prav pri poeziji. Tu se srečamo z enim

od glavnih pomislekov pri prevajanju poezije: ali je sploh prevedljiva?

Sakai opozarja, da ravno proces prevajanja razkrije neprevedljivo: »Prevajanje v

ospredje postavi razlike. Spodbuja mišljenje k združevanju zamrznjenih bistev, med kate-

rimi se pojavi neprevedljivo« (2008: 52).13 Odvisno od pojmovanja prevedljivosti bi se – z

nekoliko nerodnosti zaradi vprašanja brez pravilnega odgovora – moji sogovorniki, izvajalci

procesa, odločili za neprevedljivost poezije.14 Ob tem so odpirali teme o občutkih in lastno-

stih jezikov, ki jih sami doživljajo; tako bi lahko razumeli tudi verz Stanisława Wyspiańskega

»Die Sonne nie tak Swieci jak stance« (1904).15

Vprašanje neprevedljivosti med drugim skriva že omenjeni odnos med izvirnikom in

prevodom, dihotomijo pa lahko prenesemo na odnos med avtorjem (pesnikom) in preva-

jalcem. Odnos do izvirne pesmi naj bi se kazal kot Proustova magdalenica – prevod naj bi

bil stimulant, ki pomaga priklicati izvirnik (Czerniawski 1994: 8), ali pa kot izvedba klasične

glasbene kompozicije, pri kateri gre za izbiro, s katerimi glasbili jo bomo izvedli (Czerni-

awski 1994: 6). Nekateri prevodi se v tolikšni meri razlikujejo od izvirnikov, da bi jim prej

kot prevod pripisali oznako priredbe, prepesnitve ali celo avtorskega dela (še posebej, ko

vključujejo veliko besednih iger), kot zasledimo v naslednjih dveh primerih, ki jih je opisala

Nada Grošelj:



11

Prevedena poezija se pogosto uporablja za namen osveščanja – kot na primer delo prevajalke Katje Zakrajšek, ki se ukvarja z afriškimi literarnimi ustvarjalci in pesniki, ki so pri nas pogosto prezrti. Aktivno pristopa k prevajanju in na portalu Poesis lahko zasledimo izčrpne prispevke ter preglede nagrajenih sodobnih afriških pesnikov (Zakrajšek 2018).

12

Prevod: Prevajalčeva naloga.

13

Izvirnik: »The work of translation has a way of bringing difference to the fore. It provokes thinking to coalesce around frozen essences between which the untranslatable emerges« (Sakai 2008: 52).

14

Poudarila bi, da tukaj ne gre za splošno mnenje, vseeno pa postavlja izhodišče za nadaljnji premislek; še posebej v navezavi s prevodoslovnimi in antropološkimi izhodišči na začetku članka.

15

Naslov pesmi in prvi verz enega izmed pionirjev poljskega modernizma Stanisława Wyspiańskega, možen prevod: »Die Son-ne ne sije kakor sonce.« Na njegov verz se je naslonil tudi Adam Czerniawski v prispevku o prevajanju poezije Translation of Poetry: Theory and Practice (1996). V kontekstu njegove navedbe verza gre za razmislek o razlikah med jeziki in iskanju »dru-gačnosti« (Czerniawski 1996: 7) v njih.



Vol. 3, Nr. 1, February 2025 Prevajalci poezije na razpotjih in stičiščih kultur 145 Jana Rajh Plohl

Pri nas je Alojz Gradnik prevajal kitajske pesnike, te, klasične kitajske pesnike, in seveda ne iz

kitajščine, ampak posredno, preko drugih jezikov. Ko so potem videli te prevode, ko je to videl en

Kitajec, ki je res razumel slovensko, je rekel, da so to zelo lepe avtorske pesmi.



Pri poeziji ne gre le za iskanje besednih ustreznic, temveč tudi za prevajanje drugih ele-

mentov, kot so metafora, stil, obarvanost sloga (vzvišen, surov, komičen …), rima, ritem, stopica

(Czerniawski 1994: 6). Še posebej zanimivo je prevajanje specifičnih metričnih oblik; v arabski

poeziji je to na primer zanje klasična 14-delna stopica, ki je zmeraj ni možno ohraniti, je dejal

Abder Rahim. Podoben primer, vezan na pesniško sredstvo, in sicer rimo, ilustrira tudi prevod

pesmi ameriške pesnice Linde Gregg. Ko mi je Zakrajšek pokazala in prebrala njeno pesem, je

izpostavila, da je pri prevodu v slovenščino ubrala nekoliko nekonvencionalno pot in dodala

rimo, kjer je prej ni bilo. Prevedeno pesem je skupaj z drugimi izbranimi prevodi, ki so bili

prvotno del študijskega seminarja, objavila v reviji Sodobnost pod naslovom Slepeča svetloba

(Gregg 2022: 579–590).



At Home 16 Doma

Far is where I am near. Daleč, kjer sem blizu.

Far is where I live. Daleč, kjer živim.

My house is in the far. V svoji hiši, daleč stran.

The night is still. Čez noč je mir.

A dog barks from a farm. S kmetije laja pes.

A tiny dog not far below. Drobižast pes, nedaleč spodaj.

The bark is soft and small. Bevsk je nežen in mehak.

A lamp keeps the stars away. Svetilka rine zvezde stran.

If I go out there they are. Če stopim ven, poglej, so tam.



Nanašajoč se na zadnja dva verza:



»Če grem ven, tam so.« Ne vem, ne izraža tega presenečenja kot there they are. To, ko rečeš

there it is, to v bistvu ima neko konotacijo tega, da ti vzpostaviš nekaj, kar je samoumevno.

There it is, ne? In jaz sem to potem prevedla takole; jaz sem se odločila, da bom naredila

eno stvar, ki mislim, da ni v običaju, ni običajna, ampak jaz sem dodala rimo tam, kjer je v

angleščini ni. Ali pač, po moje je proti pravilom, prof. Novak je bil drugače ful navdušen in

se mi zdi, da sem naredila prav, in dodala sem besedo, ki je v izvirniku ni noter. Ker včasih se

moraš malo znajt. […] Jaz sem to tako prevedla: »Svetilka rine zvezde stran, stopi ven, poglej,

so tam.« Poglej – tega ni nikjer tuki, ampak to je bil zame edini način za ohranit ta 17 twist .



Z odločitvami, kot so dodajanje besed k verzom in vstavljanje ali odvzemanje pesni-

ških sredstev, se prevajalci nenehno soočajo. Občutek vznemirljivosti ob novem prevodu

ohranja motivacijo za prevajanje. Vidimo lahko, da gre poleg izkušenj za nenehno urjenje v

inovativnosti in iskanju rešitev.

16

Izvirnik: Linda Gregg, prevod: Liu Zakrajšek.mentorica popravljenega prevoda: dr. Sonja Weiss. Priredba za uglasbitev: Benjamin Virc.

17

Iz angl.: presenetljiv preobrat.



SVETOVI / WORLDS leto 3, št. 1, februar 2025 146

Za nekatere je prevajanje poezije tudi dobra vaja v urjenju različnih pesniških sredstev

za ustvarjanje avtorskih del, tako je na primer pričel z lastnim ustvarjanjem sogovornik Fawzi

Abder Rahim. Seveda je v ospredju tudi namen – predstavljamo si lahko, da je bil v primeru

Gradnikovih prevodov Kitajske lirike (1958) cilj še vedno predstaviti klasično kitajsko poezi-

jo slovenskim bralcem, vendar je to zaradi večje kulturne, časovne in jezikovne oddaljenosti

težavno ter ambiciozno dejanje, ki se je zrcalilo v dojemanju prevodov enega izmed bralcev

(odziv kitajskega poznavalca sprejemamo tudi z nekolikšno distanco, saj gre le za eno mnenje).

Primer tanke meje med prevodom, priredbo in avtorskim delom je Grošelj osvetlila

v lastnem prevajalskem delu, in sicer pri dvojezični pesniški zbirki poezije Toneta Pavčka

Majhnice in majnice (2009), kjer je Grošelj prispevala prevode v angleščino. Pri nekaterih

pesmih, kot je Umko, se je urednica odločila, da jih vključi brez prevoda. Na mestu, name-

njenem angleškemu prevodu, je pojasnjeno, zakaj pesem ni bila prevedena. Primer kitice

omenjene pesmi in komentarja k neuresničitvi prevoda:

Umko je veleum,

velekljun, velebum,

ljubljenec modrih trum,

znak za razum. (Pavček 2009: 48)



Komentar urednice Gaje Kos: »Pesem Umko ni prevedena, ker se poigrava z nizom

podobno zvenečih slovenskih besed« (Pavček 2009: 49).

Nekatere pesmi z vključenim besednim poigravanjem pa so bile vendarle prevedene.

Oglejmo si pesem pesem Besedovanje, ki je za sogovornico predstavljala posebno preizkušnjo v

iznajdljivosti. Pesem je navkljub besednim igram prevedla, vendar je bolj kakor besede izvirnika

želela ponazoriti pesnikova slogovna sredstva. Razmerje med izvirnikom in prevodom je po

njenih besedah v slednjem primeru vredno preizpraševanja, sama bi jo označila za skoraj avtorsko:



Besedovanje18 Wording Words

Če biva pek v opeki, If dumps are found in dumplings,

se skriva v mraku rak, the main spills through every domain,

potem je lek v obleki and pain through every painting,

in v vsakem vlaku lak. and rain through every brain.

Če je v kravati krava, If bran is part of brandy,

v rabarbari barbar, and rhubarb full of barbs,

potem uboga para tava a blockhead makes a blockage

pod paro in išče par. and head for other parts.

Če ton v zatonu tone, If tones intone atonement,

bonton kot roka gre v rokav, and every grouch says Ouch,

potem je Tonetov na tone then there are tons of Tones,

in v vsakem Pavčku pav. each Pavček has a pouch.

18

Pesem Besedovanje (Pavček 2009: 158) in prevod Nade Grošelj Wording Words (Pavček 2009: 159).



Vol. 3, Nr. 1, February 2025 Prevajalci poezije na razpotjih in stičiščih kultur 147 Jana Rajh Plohl dve leti. Moj dedek zdaj prevaja Balado o belem konju, dve leti jo prevaja že.19 « Zadovoljiv

Če sede Tone med besede, When Tone comes to Wordland,

potone v njihov žlak he settles on the stones

in pase lepih tonov črede and grazes, for his word stock,

za besedopolni besednjak. a flock of tuneful tones.



Jaz sem prevajala Toneta Pavčka, Majhnice in majnice, in tam je ena pesem, pri kateri gre za čisto

besedno poigravanje. Pravi tako v smislu: če je v opeki pek in če je v koraku rak, in potem da en

kup enih takih parov, ki v resnici etimološko niso povezani. No, dobro, opeka pa pek dejansko sta,

korak in rak pa mislim, da ne … In tam seveda je bilo pri angleščini treba iti na popolnoma druge

kombinacije. Takrat sem razmišljala, da je tisto že bolj avtorsko delo. Za neke besedne igre, za neko

štosiranje na določenem nivoju v slovenščini, to je že v bistvu bolj priredba kot dobesedni prevod.

(intervju, Grošelj, 2024)



Razmislek o razlogih, da določena poezija predstavlja izrazito trd oreh za prevod,

se lahko poveže z mnenji večine sodobnih lingvističnih antropologov, da jezik lahko pre-

disponira (se pravi osebo naredi dovzetno za) razumevanje določenega svetovnega nazora

– vendar ne na determinističen način, ki ne bi dopuščal preizpraševanja (Ahearn 2017: 88).

Takšen primer je poezija Svetlane Makarovič, ki bi po mnenju Nade Grošelj zaradi vpletanja

elementov iz folklornega izročila bila za prevajanje izjemno težavna ali celo nemogoča.

Vendar je ravno izziv nemogočega tisti, ki privlači nekatere prevajalce. Sogovornica

Naša je označila prevajanje poezije kot »genialen trening za možgane«, podobno meni tudi

sogovornica Grošelj:



Mislim, da mi je všeč ta izziv. Če je pesem dobra, je prevod zmeraj izziv, in ne glede na to, koliko

imaš kilometrine. Seveda je to pomembno in hitreje prevajaš, ampak vseeno se zmeraj najde nekaj,

vseeno moraš pri vsakem verzu premislit, kako boš to konkretno prevedel, ne moreš nekaj avto-

matično štancat.



Pesem avtorja vidi kot uganko, ki jo želi razvozlati in prenesti v drug jezik.



Fortleben pesmi in večplastnost prevodov



V tretji fazi prevajanja poezije gre za dokončanje prevoda. Pogosto ne gre za absoluten

konec, saj se prevodi do objave nemalokrat dopolnjujejo in spreminjajo, prevajalci lahko

tudi ustvarijo več prevodov istega dela. Po Benjaminu gre za tako imenovano nadaljnje

življenje, Fortleben dela (1972: 11), kjer je prevajalčeva vloga ta, da podaljša življenjsko

dobo besedila, s tem da preoblikuje in prilagodi izvirnik skozi novo lingvistično lečo.

Ob tem ne gre za strogo ohranjanje izvirnika, temveč za njegov evolucijski proces in

kontinuiteto. Trdnejša zapečatenost prevoda se zgodi, če gre za rok oddaje naročniku ali

pa drugo obliko projekta, kot je bila na primer želja po samozaložniški izdaji dvojezične

pesniške zbirke prevajalskega tandema Abder Rahim. Če gre za prevajanje, ki izhaja iz

lastnega veselja in ni vezano na oddajni rok, se prevajanje lahko precej podaljša; tako

je Naša Kolenik predstavila dedkovo prevajalsko aktivnost: »Saj, stvari se prevaja tudi



SVETOVI / WORLDS leto 3, št. 1, februar 2025 148

končni prevod pesmi naj bi nastal predvsem s časom, ki se nameni prevodu, nadaljuje Naša

med refleksijo o dedkovem delu: »To rabi čas, to se mora malo marinirat.«

Primer, ki holistično osvetljuje proces, mnoštvo prevodov in kontinuiteto življenja

pesmi, skupaj z opazovanjem instrumentalnega in hermetičnega pristopa k jeziku, je bil gim-

nazijski projekt Sing-a-Vision (Zavižaj vizijo). Gre za »interdisciplinarni in multilinearni«

(Virc, Mezeg, Škorjak 2024: 4) prevajalski projekt, ki združuje poezijo, glasbo in vizualno

umetnost. V letu 2023/24 so ga vodili Slovenski prevajalski oddelek Generalnega direktorata

za prevajanje, Oddelek za prevajalstvo na Filozofski fakulteti Univerze v Ljubljani in Gimna-

zija Poljane. Projekt je bil razdeljen na tri faze: prevajanje pesmi, glasbeno interpretacijo in

snemanje videospota. Zaključek projekta predstavlja izdajo knjižne zbirke najboljših prevo-

dov in podelitev nagrad na zaključni prireditvi v Hiši EU v Ljubljani (Sing-a-Vision 2024).

Sogovornici Kolenik in Kobe sta s še eno dijakinjo, Julijo Pavlin Vodušek, iz latinšči-

ne v slovenščino prevedli še neprevedeno 69. pesem Carmine Burane.20 Najprej so si med

seboj ohlapno razdelile naloge; Kobe in Vodušek sta bili zadolženi za iskanje ustreznih besed

po verzih, Kolenik pa je pomensko poglabljala in se osredotočila na vsebinske podrobnosti.

Pri latinščini je prišlo do problema več pomenov istih besed, prav tako pa so bile problem

jezikovne strukture, ki jih ni v slovenščini (na primer deponentniki).212Kolenik in Kobe sta

o prevajanju iz latinščine dejali, da jezik naslika državo in njene prebivalce ter njihovo doje-

manje sveta.22 Kadar se ukvarjamo z latinščino, dobimo vpogled v zamrznjeno besedišče, pri

katerem zaznamo, da se je v rimskem imperiju življenje vrtelo okoli dveh slojev; političnega

in kmečkega, sta dejali sogovornici. S tem lahko na prevajanje iz latinščine gledamo tudi kot

na prevajanje iz enega v drugo časovno obdobje, ki vzpostavlja dodatno zavedanje o gibkosti

sodobnih jezikov. Tehnični prevod Kobe in bolj pesniški prevod Kolenik sta zaradi časovne

omejitve potekala hkrati, s skupnimi močmi pa so prevedle zadnji del pesmi. V različici, ki so

jo oddale, so se odločile za nekaj tveganja, saj so uvedle večje vsebinske spremembe; namesto

»puščice poželenja« so na primer uporabile »s poljubom«. Za tovrstne razlike so se odlo-

čile zaradi občutka klišejskosti, ki bi nastal ob prevodu simbola domnevne Amorjeve puščice.

Po zaključku delavnice je bil njihov prevod nagrajen in pripravljen za uglasbitev, vendar pa

je še ena končna različica nastala mesece po oddaji – ta je ostala v osebnem arhivu. Prevod

so želele dodelati zaradi občutka ponotranjenega konteksta, ki je nastal ob razmišljanju o

prevedeni ljubezenski zgodbi. V končni knjižni izdaji projekta Sing-a-Vision (Zavižaj vizijo),



19

Branko Gradišnik, slovenski pisatelj, kolumnist in prevajalec.

20

Gre za zbirko srednjeveških posvetnih pesmi, največ v latinščini, nastalih večinoma sredi 13. stoletja, najdenih v benediktbeu-ernski opatiji. Pod imenom Carmina Burana je prvič izšla leta 1847, ko jo je uredil izdajatelj Johann Schmiller, svetovno slavo pa je doživela z istoimensko Orffovo uglasbitvijo nekaterih besedil leta 1936. Izbor in razširjeni izbor pesmi je v slovenščino prevedel Primož Simoniti, nekatere pa so ostale še neprevedene (Beguš 2009).

21

Latinski glagoli v trpniku z aktivnim pomenom.

22

Tukaj bi ponovno opozorila na Sapir-Whorfovo hipotezo in teorijo univerzalne slovnice Chomskega.



Vol. 3, Nr. 1, February 2025 Prevajalci poezije na razpotjih in stičiščih kultur 149 Jana Rajh Plohl kjer je objavljenih 45 izbranih prevodov, so poleg izvirnika in dijaškega prevoda dodani tudi

prevodi s popravki študentov v sodelovanju z njihovimi mentorji ter še tretja različica prevo-

da, ki je prirejena za uglasbitev. Iz enega izvirnika so torej nastali trije objavljeni prevodi (ki

so po Benjaminu (1972) ustvarili kontinuiteto dela in se jezikovno prilagodili novim okoli-

ščinam), v nekaterih primerih pa tudi več, vendar (še) niso objavljeni.23



Izvirnik Dijaški prevod Popravljeni prevod Priredba za uglasbitev



Carmina Burana 69.1–2 Carmina Burana 69.1–2 Carmina Burana 69.1–2 Carmina Burana 69.1–2

1. Estas in exilium Poletje je izgubljeno, Že je poletje Že je v izgnanstvo iam peregrinatur, odslej njega duh potuje, v izgnanstvo poslano, poletje poslano, leto nemus avium gaj več ne pozna krasot gaj ne pozna več gaj ne pozna več cantu viduatur, ptičje pesmi krasot ptičje pesmi, krasot ptičjih pesmi, pallet viror frondium in zelena planjava je zelena planjava bledi, že bledi planjava zelena, campus defloratur. z listjem odeta, oropana svojih cvetlic. oropana svojih cvetlic. Exaruit, quod floruit, a bleda, oropana svojih Kar nekoč je cvetelo, Kar nekoč je cvetelo, quia felicem statum cvetlic. je zdaj ovenelo, je zdaj ovenelo,

nemoris vis frigoris Kar nekoč je cvetelo, saj je zla sila hladu saj zla sila hladu sinistra denudavit je zdaj ovenelo, zaplenila blaženost gaja, gaju radost je odvzela et ethera silentio saj je sila hladu in ko spodila je ptice, in ko spodila je ptice, turbavit, exilio svoje zlo razodela, s tišino je s spokojno tišino

dum aves relegavit. zaplenila blaženost gaja. zrak vznemirila. je zrak vznemirila. 2. Sed amorem, qui calorem Spodila je ptice, zrak je Vendar nobena moč mraza A moč nobena hladna ni, nutrit, nulla vis frigoris trpel v tišini. ne more slabíti da oslabila bi ljubezen, valet attenuare, ljubezni, ki plamen ki plamen goji strasti,

sed ea reformare Vendar ni nobena sila neguje strasti. ki sama obnavlja, studet, que corruperat dovolj hladna, Ta namreč obnavlja, kar zima brezčutna kazi. brume torpor. Amare da bi oslabila ljubezen, kar zima brezčutna slabi. Bridko trpim, crucior, morior ki neguje plamen strasti, Grenko trpim, ubija me rana, vulnere, quo glorior. ki edina obnovi, ubija me rana, ki sam jo častim. Eia, si me sanare, kar brezčutna zima slabi. ki jo častim. O, če bi me ozdravila uno vellet osculo, Hudo sem mučen O, da bi ona, z enim le poljubom, que cor felici iaculo in grenko trpim, ki s puščico blaženo ki s puščico blaženo

ubija me rana, ki jo sam rani mi rada srce, mi srce je ranila

častim. želela me z enim

O, če bi me le ona, poljubom ozdraviti!

ki rada osreči mojo dušo,

želela ozdraviti s poljubom.



23

Avtorice dijaškega prevoda: Tatjana Kobe, Naša Kolenik, Julija Pavlin Vodušek. Prevod popravila: Urška Frangež, mentorica popravljenega prevoda: dr. Sonja Weiss. Priredba za uglasbitev: Benjamin Virc.



SVETOVI / WORLDS leto 3, št. 1, februar 2025 150





SKLEP




Sodobna prevodoslovna usmeritev, osredotočena na prevajalce, odpira antropologom

nove raziskovalne možnosti, saj se tudi sami soočamo s tujimi jeziki in njihovim razume-

vanjem ter v določenem smislu delujemo kot »prevajalci« kulturnih značilnosti. Vpogled

v prakse prevajalcev ter preplet prevodoslovnih in antropoloških pristopov omogočata

globlje razumevanje jezikovnih vidikov, ki so pogosto slabše raziskani. Posebej poezija se

giblje po vrvohodski niti med salto mortale in salto immortale, med sprva nasprotujočima

si pogledoma na jezik. Ta pogled sega od determinističnih teorij Sapirja in Whorfa do teo-

rije univerzalnih struktur Chomskega. Obe področji sta se razvili v usklajen dialog, ki zdaj

razkriva večplastno razmerje do jezika. Prevajalci imajo pri tem ključno vlogo, saj s svojimi

praksami, izbiro besedil in različnimi motivacijami za prevajanje zagotavljajo, da besedila

dobijo novo časovno dimenzijo in nadaljevanje.

Pogovori s prevajalci poezije so nakazali, da prevajalci kljub raznolikostim izkazu-

jejo skupni lastnosti: ustvarjalnost in inovativnost. Gre za posameznike, ki prakso pre-

vajanja poezije prilagodijo svojemu načinu življenja – nekateri prevajajo v tandemu, kot

zakonca Abder Rahim, drugi poudarjajo izmenjavo mnenj, kot sogovornice Zakrajšek in

udeleženki delavnice Kolenik in Kobe, medtem ko tretji doživljajo prevajanje kot izrazito

samostojno prakso, kot sogovornica Grošelj. Specifika poezije jih sooča z dilemami glede

odnosa do prevoda, saj ta ni zgolj jezikovni proces, temveč vključuje poglobljeno razume-

vanje izvirnega besedila, avtorjevega sloga in kulturnega konteksta. Včasih se meja med

prevodom in avtorskim delom zabriše do te mere, da tudi sami prevajalci prevod označi-

jo kot avtorsko delo, kot smo opazili pri primeru pesmi Besedovanje. Nejasne meje med

avtorskim delom, prevodom in samostojno avtorsko potjo sogovornikov, ki prevajanje

uporabljajo kot način usvajanja pesniškega izraza, podpirajo Hafsteinovo začetno misel,

da je dihotomijo med ustvarjanjem in posnemanjem vredno postaviti pod vprašaj.

Kljub zahtevnosti pa prevajanje poezije odpira prostor za jezikovno drznost, ki

se kaže v premišljenem »uporništvu« do izvirnika – na primer z dodajanjem rime pri

sogovornici Zakrajšek ali zamenjavo simbola Amorjeve puščice s poljubom pri dijakinjah

Kolenik in Kobe. Druga oblika uporništva se kaže v izbiri jezika in besedil, iz katerih ali

v katere se prevaja, pri čemer pridejo v ospredje dinamike moči med jeziki in globalna

politika. Zakonca Abder Rahim na primer prevajata tako avtorsko poezijo kot dela

sodobnih arabskih avtorjev v slovenščino, s čimer prispevata k premoščanju kulturnih in

jezikovnih meja.

Prevajalci poezije odpirajo tudi širša raziskovalna obzorja, ki se nanašajo na družbene

kontekste vrednotenja umetnosti (v našem primeru književnosti, tudi z ozirom na nova

orodja umetne inteligence), estetike in podobno. Poezija morda ni docela prevedljiva,

pa vendar za prevajalce poezije predstavlja neke vrste prijetno Sizifovo delo, kakor je v

refleksiji za knjižno izdajo Sing-a-Vision nekoliko hudomušno pripomnila Našina in

Tatjanina ekipa (Virc, Mezeg, Škorjak 2024: 77): »Prevajanje je torej brezkončen proces,

dokler se ti od teksta, ker ga ljubiš in neguješ, ne zmeša in zgabi.«



Vol. 3, Nr. 1, February 2025 Prevajalci poezije na razpotjih in stičiščih kultur 151 Jana Rajh Plohl





CITIRANE REFERENCE




Abder Rahim, Fawzi 2021 Do kdaj: Pesniška zbirka. Prev. Nida, Eugene A. 1964 Toward a Science of Translating. Lei-

Darinka Abder Rahim, Dragan Potočnik. Maribor: den: E. J. Brill.

Klub kulturnih ustvarjalcev KU KU Maribor.

Novak, Boris A. 2011 Salto immortale: Študije o prevajanju

Ahearn, Laura M. 2017 [2012] Living language: An Introduc- poezije. Ljubljana: Založba ZRC.

tion to Linguistic Anthropology. Malden, Oxford,

Chichester : John Wiley & Sons. Pavček, Tone 2009 Majhnice in majnice: Pesmi mnogih let za

mnoge bralce. Prev. Nada Grošelj, Erica Johnson

Arduini, Stefano in Siri Nergaard 2011 ‘Translation: A new Debeljak, Alan McConnell-Duff in Andrej Rijavec.

Paradigm.’ Translation 11(2): 8–17. Dob pri Domžalah: Založba MIŠ.

Ning, Wang in Hongtao Wang, ur. 2023 Literary Transla- Pokorn, Nike 2017 Sodobne metode v prevodoslovnem razisko-

tion in the Era of Artificial Intelligence. Babel 69(4). vanju. Ljubljana: Znanstvena založba Filozofske

Shanghai, Beijing: Shanghai Jiao University, Tsin- fakultete Univerze v Ljubljani.

ghua University.

Puljarević, Sašo 2024 ‘O literarnih nagradah ali književnost

Beguš, Ines 2009 ‘Carmina Burana. Razširjen izbor.’ Acta His- ni šport.’ Radijska oddaja. Spletni vir:

triae 17(1/2): 323–326. rtvslo.si/podkast/ars-humana/15104106/1750528

13>, 25. 7. 2024.

Benjamin, Walter 1972 [1923] ‘Die Aufgabe des Übersetzers.’

Gesammelte Schriften 4(1): 9–21. Rosman, Abraham, in Paula G. Rubel 2003 Translating Cul-

tures: Perspectives on Translation and Anthropology.

Catford, John C. 1965 A Linguistic Theory of Translation. London: Routledge.

London: Oxford University Press.

Sakai, Naoki 2008 Translation and Subjectivity. On “Japan”

Cronin, Michael 2003 Translation and Globalization. ZDA in and Cultural Nationalism. Minnesota: University of

Kanada: Routledge. Minnesota Press.

Czerniawski, Adam 1994 ‘Translation of Poetry: Theory and Sing-a-Vision (Zavižaj vizijo) 2024 ‘Z vizijo v izzive.’ Dostop-

Practice.‘ The Polish Review 39(1): 3–19. no na: , 12. 5. 2024.

Društvo knjižnih prevajalcev Slovenije 2024 ‘Pogoji za Tihanyi, Catherine2004 ‘An Anthropology of Translation.‘

včlanitev v Društvo slovenskih knjižnih prevajal- American Anthropologist 106(4): 739–742.

cev.’ DSKP. Dostopno na:

drustvo.si/pogoji-za-vclanitev/>, 10. 5. 2024. Tymoczko, Maria, in Edwin Gentzler2002 Translation and

Power. Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press.

Fraser, G. S. 1966 ‚On Translating Poetry.‘ Arion: A Journal of

Humanities and the Classics 5(2): 129–148. Virc, Benjamin, Adriana Mezeg in Matej Škorjak 2024

Sing-a-Vision: Zavižaj vizijo. Ljubljana: Založba

Geertz, Clifford 2019 [1973] Interpretacija kultur. Prev. Filozofske Fakultete Univerze v Ljubljani.

Božidar Kante in Vesna Debeljak. Maribor: Aristej.

Wyspiański Stanisław – 1904 'Die Sonne nie tak świeci jak

Gradnik, Alojz 1958 Kitajska lirika. Ljubljana: Državna słońce. ' Spletni vir: < https://literatura.wywrota.pl/

založba Slovenije. wiersz-klasyka/40167-stanislaw-wyspianski-die-

sonne-nie-tak-swieci-jak-slonce.html>, 9. 2. 2025.

Graeber, David 2023 Bulšihti: Teorija. Prev. Aleksandra

Rekar. Ljubljana: Založba *cf. Zakrajšek, Katja 2018 ‘Novi afriški pesniki.’ Spletni vir:



Gregg, Linda 2022 ‘Slepeča svetloba.’ Prev. Liu Zakrajšek. afriski-pesniki/?fbclid=IwY2xjawHLi_RleHRuA2

Sodobnost 86(5): 579–590. FlbQIxMQABHZskBAbRpwXanf_CXf2x0KtTcbj

HInqp3Hoic3UNIwl7K7TdFHUE8OAE9A_aem_

Hafstein, Vladimar Tryggvi 2004 ‘The Politics of Origins: gRpYohYzefmNEnqUWTEf0w>, 13. 12. 2024.

Collective Creation Revisited.’ The Journal of Ame-

rican Folklore 117(456): 300–315.



SVETOVI / WORLDS leto 3, št. 1, februar 2025 152





INTERVJUJI




(posnetki in transkripti so hranjeni v osebnem arhivu skupaj z dovoljenji za uporabo osebnih podatkov)

Abder Rahim, Fawzi in Darinka, Ruše, 5. 5. 2024.

Grošelj, Nada, Ljubljana, 27. 3. 2024.

Kobe, Tatjana, Ljubljana, 23. 3. 2024.

Kolenik, Naša, Ljubljana, 23. 3. 2024.

Zakrajšek, Liu, Ljubljana, 19. 3. 2024.



SUMMARY



The article examines the complexities of poetry translation, particularly through the lens

of cultural and linguistic anthropology. The author conducted interviews with six poet-

ry translators, during which various dimensions of the translation process came to light.

The research methodology also included an analysis of literature on (poetry) translation,

media discussions, online resources, and participation in relevant events. Firstly, the article

underscores the significance of grasping the foundational principles of translation studies

as interdisciplinary, with the goal of conveying a comparable meaning while taking cultural

subtleties into account. Secondly, it categorises the practices of poetry translators into three

distinct phases: pre-translation, draft translation, and final translation. The pre-translation

phase entails the extensive and repeated examination of the chosen text and its author. The

draft translation phase involves testing various translation strategies, with some translators

beginning with literal translations as a foundation. During this stage of the practice, a key

question emerges: is poetry untranslatable? The article uses examples to illustrate that the

relationship between the original and the translated work offers no simple answers – it’s

a grey area rather than a black-and-white dichotomy. The final translation phase seeks to

produce a refined version that is coherent and complete in the target language, ensuring an

afterlife for the original that is moulded to fit through the linguistic lens of the translators.

The discussion also touches on the role of AI tools, noting that they frequently fall short in

retaining the nuanced interpretation that is an integral part of literary works. In conclusion,

the author recognises that poetry translation is often a continuous journey characterised by

ongoing refinement and a series of iterations. While the complete translatability of poetry

may be a Sisyphean task, the pursuit remains a deeply rewarding undertaking.



Vol. 3, Nr. 1, February 2025 Prevajalci poezije na razpotjih in stičiščih kultur 153 Jana Rajh Plohl





POROČILA / REPORTS




Poročilo z mednarodne



konference »The Agency



of the Dead in the Lives



of Individuals: Experience



and Conceptualisation«



Simona Kuntarič Zupanc 1.25 Drugi sestavni deli

DOI 10.4312/svetovi.3.1.154-155



Od 30. avgusta do 1. septembra 2024 je na je, da so kljub napovedim znanstvenikov

Filozofski fakulteti v Ljubljani potekala prva o upadu verovanj v nadnaravno ter z raz-

mednarodna konferenca v okviru projekta širitvijo racionalizma duhovi in strašenja

ERC DEAGENCY z naslovom »The Agency ostali pomemben del zahodne družbe.

of the Dead in the Lives of Individuals: Poleg plenarnih predavanj je tridnev-

Experience and Conceptualisation« (Vloga na konferenca vključevala prispevke, ki so

mrtvih v življenju posameznikov v sodobni



družbi). Konferenca je izhajala iz predpo-

stavke, da je komunikacija z mrtvimi v so-

dobnih zahodnih družbah pogosto prezrta

ali pa je obravnavana kot »ljudsko verovanje«.

Konferenco je odprla Kaarina Koski s

plenarnim predavanjem »The Dead Among

the Living: Agency, Intention and Power«

(Mrtvi med živimi: Tvornost, namera in

moč), v katerem je govorila, kako mrtvi

vplivajo na žive, bodisi kot bitja ali prek

spominov in zapuščine. Drugo plenarno

predavanje, z naslovom »From Peaceful to

Restless Afterlife: Encounters with the Dead

and Ghosts in Contemporary Estonia« (Od

mirnega do nemirnega življenja po smrti:

Srečanja z mrtvimi in duhovi v sodobni Fotografija 1: Predavanje Kaarine Koski. Estoniji), je pripravil Ülo Valk. Poudaril (Foto: Simona K. Zupanc, 30. 8. 2024)



SVETOVI / WORLDS leto 3, št. 1, februar 2025 154

bili razvrščeni po posameznih sklopih. V osebne in kulturne pripovedi pomagajo

prvem sklopu, Experience and Conceptuali- ohranjati spomin na mrtve. Vito Carrassi

zation (Izkušnja in konceptualizacija), so ra- je na primer razpravljal o katoliških tradi-

ziskovalci predstavili, kako ljudje skozi sanje, cijah, kot sta neapeljski kult capuzzelle in

spomine in simbole ohranjajo stik z mrtvi- molitev »Rožni venec za 100 pokojnih«,

mi. Ágnes Hesz je na primer predstavila, kako ter pokazal, kako ti rituali ohranjajo po-

individualni pogledi na mrtve na madžar- vezave med živimi in mrtvimi. Sklop The

skem podeželju oblikujejo družinski, verski Popular Culture and the Digital World (Po-

in lokalni diskurz, ter vzpostavila povezave pularna kultura in digitalni svet) pa je razi-

med temi verovanji in spreminjajočimi se skoval, kako digitalne tehnologije preobli-

družbenimi vrednotami v skupnosti. Podob- kujejo prakse žalovanja in spominjanja.

no sta obravnavala sklopa Encounters and Emese Ilyefalvi je predstavila spletna mesta

Communication with the Dead (Srečanja in za prižiganje sveč in spominske spletne strani

komunikacija z mrtvimi) in Dreams and ter odprla vprašanja o tvornosti digitalnih

Visions (Sanje in videnja), kjer so predava- sledi, ki jih za sabo pustijo pokojni.

telji predstavili, kako spremenjena stanja Sklop Memory, Identity, and Mate-

zavesti, kot so sanje, omogočajo komunika- riality (Spomin, identiteta in materialnost)

cijo z mrtvimi, medtem ko je sklop Folk se je osredotočil na to, kako se spomin in

Narratives (Ljudske pripovedi) raziskoval materialna kultura prepletata z identiteto

vlogo tradicionalnih zgodb in verovanj pri in smrtjo, medtem ko so v sklopu Rituals

oblikovanju sodobnih razumevanj smrti. V (Rituali) predavatelji govorili o tem, kako

sklopu Narratives and Practices (Pripovedi različni rituali posredujejo med živimi in

in prakse) so predavatelji predstavili, kako mrtvimi. Michal Uhrin se je v svojem pri-

spevku osredotočil na to, kako ljudje doživ-



ljajo tvornost mrtvih na podlagi kolektivnih

praks, kot so obiski pokopališč, spominske

slovesnosti in razni verski obredi. Konferenco

smo zaključili s sklopom predavanj pod na-

slovom Mass Deaths, Massacres and Human

Remains (Množične smrti, pokoli in človeški

ostanki). Raziskovalca Aleksandra Krupa-

Ławrynowicz in Sebastian Latocha sta na

primer predstavila vpliv katinskega pokola

na življenja vdov in sirot ter ugotavljala, kako

odsotnost žalnih ritualov in politični tabu

okoli pokola oblikujeta njihove biografije.

Konferenca je izpostavila širok spe-

kter načinov, kako mrtvi še naprej vplivajo

na življenja posameznikov, ter omogočila

Fotografija 2: Predavanje Nilou Davoudi. interdisciplinarni vpogled v razumevanje

(Foto: Simona K. Zupanc, 31. 8. 2024) vloge mrtvih v sodobni družbi.



Vol. 3, Nr. 1, February 2025 Reports / Poročila 155





ABOUT THE AUTHORS / O AVTORICAH IN AVTORJIH




Sandi Abram Assistant Professor, University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Arts, Department of Ethno-

logy and Cultural Anthropology / Docent, Univerza v Ljubljani, Filozofska fa- kulteta, Oddelek za etnologijo in kulturno antropologijo; sandi.abram@ff.uni-lj.si

Blaž Bajič Assistant Professor, University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Arts, Department of

Ethnology and Cultural Anthropology / Docent, Univerza v Ljubljani, Filozofska fakulteta, Oddelek za etnologijo in kulturno antropologijo; blaz.bajic@ff.uni-lj.si

Senka Božić Vrbančić Professor, University of Zadar, Department of Ethnology and Anthropology /

Profesorica, Univerza v Zadru, Oddelek za etnologijo in antropologijo; svrbanci@ unizd.hr, senka.vrbancic1@gmail.com

Sanja Đurin Senior research associate, Institute of Ethnology and Folklore Research / Višja

znanstvena sodelavka, Inštitut za etnologijo in fokloristiko, Zagreb; sdurin@ief.hr

Finn Arne Jørgensen Professor, University of Stavanger, Faculty of Arts and Education, Department of

Cultural Studies and Languages / Profesor, Univerza v Stavangerju, Filozofska in pe- dagoška fakulteta; Oddelek za kulturne študije in jezike; finn.a.jorgensen@uis.no

Kirsi Laurén Senior Lecturer; University of Oulu, Faculty of Humanities, Research Unit for

History, Culture and Communications / Senior Researcher; University of Eastern Finland, Philosophical Faculty, School of Humanities. Title of Assistant Pro- fessor at the University of Oulu and University of Eastern Finland. / Višja predavateljica; Univerza Oulu, Fakulteta za humanistiko, Raziskovalna enota za zgodovino, kulturo in komunikacije / Višja znanstvena sodelavka; Univerza Vzhodne Finske, Filozofska fakulteta, Fakulteta za humanistiko. Naziv docentke na Univerzi v Ouluju in Univerzi Vzhodne Finske. kirsi.lauren@oulu.fi

Jana Rajh Plohl BA Student, University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Arts, Department of Ethnology and

Cultural Anthropology. / Diplomska študentka, Univerza v Ljubljani, Filozofska fakulteta, Oddelek za etnologijo in kulturno antropologijo: jana.rp17@gmail.com

Gašper Raušl MA in Social and Cultural Anthropology, University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Arts,

Department of Ethnology and Cultural Anthropology / Mag. soc. in kult. antrop., Univerza v Ljubljani, Filozofska fakulteta, Oddelek za etnologijo in kulturno antropologijo; gapirausl@gmail.com



SVETOVI / WORLDS leto 3, št. 1, februar 2025 156

Tiina Seppä Senior Researcher, University of Eastern Finland, Philosophical Faculty, School

of Humanities ; Višja znanstvena sodelovka; Univerza Vzhodne Finske, Filozofska fakulteta, Šola za humanistiko; tiina.seppa@uef.fi"

Ana Svetel Assistant Professor, University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Arts, Department of

Ethnology and Cultural Anthropology / Docentka, Univerza v Ljubljani, Filozofska fakulteta, Oddelek za etnologijo in kulturno antropologijo; ana.svetel@ff.uni-lj.si

Juhana Venäläinen Associate Professor, University of Eastern Finland, Philosophical Faculty, School

of Humanities; Izredni profesor, Univerza Vzhodne Finske, Filozofska fakulteta, Šola za humanistiko; juhana.venalainen@uef.fi

Veronika Zavratnik Teaching Assistant, Department of Ethnology and Cultural Anthropology, Fa-

culty of Arts, University of Ljubljana / Asistentka, Univerza v Ljubljani, Filozofska fakulteta, Oddelek za etnologijo in kulturno antropologijo; veronika.zavratnik@ ff.uni-lj.si



Vol. 3, Nr. 1, February 2025 About the Authors / O avtoricah in avtorjih 157

SVETOVI / WORLDS leto 3, št. 1, februar 2025 158