G. SRAKA: Jerome’s relations to the area of the Western Balkans and the Northern Adriatic 10  
Gregor Sraka
Jerome’s relations to the area of the Western 
Balkans and the Northern Adriatic in the time 
of his sojourn in the East (375–420)*
*
 The article is based on the paper presented at the international symposium on the 1600th 
anniversary of Jerome’s death, Hieronymus noster, Ljubljana, October 24th–26th, 2019.
Gregor Sraka, Bachelor of History and The-
ology, Faculty of Arts, Independent resear-
cher, SI-1000 Ljubljana, Litostrojska cesta 10, 
gregorsraka@yahoo.com
Jerome’s relations to the area of the Western 
Balkans and the Northern Adriatic in the 
time of his sojourn in the East (375–420)
In historiography and theology Christian epi-
stolography of the late antiquity is one of the 
signifi cant sources for researching a comprehen-
sive spectrum of social factors. Since his own 
time and throughout history Jerome has, with his 
profound intellect, long been rousing interest. 
His literary works, not only translations and exe-
getic treatises, but also theological, biographic 
and historical compositions, were written in 
and speak of a turning point in history. The 
letters are certainly one of the most important 
witnesses to the social situation in the Western 
Balkans and the Northern Adriatic at that time 
and to his personal relations with the people of 
the area in question, which are best and most 
eloquently depicted through his celebration of 
the ideals of the ascetic life and monasticism, 
culminating in the very time of Jerome.
Key words: Jerome, Western Balkans, Northern 
Adriatic, letters, monasticism, early Christianity.
Gregor Sraka, dipl. zgodovinar in teolog, 
samostojni raziskovalec, SI-1000 Ljubljana, 
Litostrojska cesta 10, gregorsraka@yahoo.com
Hieronimovi stiki z obmo čjem zahodnega 
Balkana in severnega Jadrana v času nje-
govega prebivanja na Vzhodu (375–420)
Krš čanska epistolarna dejavnost pozne antike 
je v zgodovinopisju in teologiji priznana kot 
pomemben vir za raziskovanje širokega spektra 
družbenih dejavnikov. Hieronim je svoj čas in 
čas skozi zgodovino nenehno buril duhove s 
svojim pronicljivim intelektom. Njegove literar-
ne stvaritve, ne samo prevajalske in eksegetske, 
ampak tudi teološke, biografske in zgodo-
vinske, so nastale v in govorijo o prelomnem 
času. Pisma so zagotovo ena najpomembnejših 
pri č takratnega družbenega stanja na obmo čju 
zahodnega Balkana in severnega Jadrana in 
njegovih osebnih relacij z ljudmi z obravna-
vanega obmo čja, ki se nam najlepše in najbolj 
povedno naslikajo skozi njegovo slavljenje 
idealov asketskega življenja in meništva, ka-
terega vrh sega prav v čas Hieronima. 
Klju čne besede: Hieronim, zahodni Balkan, 
severni Jadran, pisma, meništvo, zgodnje 
krš čanstvo.

Zgodovinski časopis | 75 | 2021 | 1-2 | (163) | 10–25 11
Introduction
In the spring of 345, Athanasius,
1
 a man whose life mission was a combination 
of two extremely important topics concerning state (imperial) and church policy 
of the time, resided in the Western Roman Empire (hereinafter: the Western Em-
pire): on the one hand he appeared in the fi rst line of theologians who advocated 
the doctrine of the two natures of Christ and, consequently, the Nicaean religion, 
while on the other hand, he was the main promoter of the idea of a monastic life. 
From Serdica, where he attended the landmark council in the fall of 342 or 343, he 
travelled to Aquileia.
2
 The closer he got to Aquileia, the closer he was to Stridon,
3
 
where most likely in 347
4
 Jerome
5
 was born, who later in his adulthood well as-
sumed the already described dual mission of the older predecessor
6
 – defensive 
pugnacity to preserve theological dogmas and glorifying the ideals of ascetic life.
7
At this point, let us shed light on the background of events and certain phe-
nomena in the Church at the time, and at the same time outline the very roots and 
1
 Alexandrian bishop Athanasius spent his fi rst of fi ve exiles in 335–337 in Gallic city 
of Trier and during his second exile in the West, which lasted from 339 to 346 and was tied 
to the city of Rome, he also visited Aquileia. Thus, at least twice, Jerome, sojourns in the area 
that, a few decades earlier though, was marked by Athanasius. See Marrou, Od Diolecijanovega 
preganjanja, p. 264 and Rebenich, Hieronymus und sein Kreis, p. 35.
2
 Athanasius sojourned in the Western Empire between 343 and 345. After the Council of 
Serdica, he traveled to the West, staying in Nais for some time in 344 (on Easter on April 15), and 
after about a one-year stay in the Balkan and Danube provinces, he traveled through Poetovio to 
Aquileia. See Bratož, Meništvo v rimskih provincah, p. 106 and Duval, Aquilee et Sirmium, p. 341.
3
 The exact location of Stridon is discussed by several authors – see Kelly, Jerome, p. 5; 
Rebenich, Hieronymus und sein Kreis, p. 21. Cf. Suić, Hijeronim Stridonjanin, pp. 213–278.
4
 Rebenich, Hieronymus und sein Kreis, p. 21, cites the year 347, Fürst, Hieronymus, p. 
145, confi rms the same year, Lukman, Svetega Hijeronima izbrana dela, p. 1, was cautious in his 
judgment, as “it can only be said with certainty that he was not born before 340 and not after 350.” 
5
 His biography has already been treated extensively in plentiful treatises and books over 
the years, so no attempt of review is made here. For his vita see Cain, St. Jerome, Commentary 
on Galatians, pp. 3–14; Kelly, Jerome; Fürst, Hieronymus; Rebenich, Jerome, pp. 3–59. 
6
 Bratož, Med Italijo in Ilirikom, pp. 284–285; Cedilnik, Ilirik med Konstantinom V elikim, 
p. 92.
7
 Cain, Jerome and the Monastic Clergy, p. 2, makes an interesting remark that “while 
other contemporary patristic authors such as Gregory of Nazianzus, Ambrose and John Chryso-
stom theorized in varying degrees about an ascetic ethical mandate for clerical life, none did so 
with as much apophthegmatic poignancy and gusto as Jerome did in the letter to Nepotianus.” 
Perhaps we can apply this notion to most of Jerome’s epistolary legacy.

G. SRAKA: Jerome’s relations to the area of the Western Balkans and the Northern Adriatic 12  
further development of monasticism, which sprang up in the East and spread to 
the West through Jerome and other promoters.
Confl icts within the Church from the time of Emperor Constantine, who passed 
away in May 337 in Nicomedia, took on new and even deeper dimensions after 
his death. Continuously changing conditions were present in the discussed area as 
well, but were dependent on the outcome of each Synod of bishops. Throughout the 
second half of the fourth century and later, the border area of Illyricum
8
 and Italy 
with the city of Aquileia played an important role in the defence of orthodoxy. Over 
the course of a century, Aquileia developed from a Roman fortress into one of the 
most strategically signifi cant cities in the Roman Empire, with grave military and 
economic importance, culminating in its merit in resolving dogmatic disputes - the 
Council of Aquileia in 381 fi nally defeated arianism.
9
Monasticism in the area of the Western Empire developed gradually and 
approximately synchronously with other parts of the Christian West. In the fourth 
century in the discussed territory the core of monasticism had not yet been formed, 
thus the very beginnings of the monastic movement took shape at the hands of 
infl uences from elsewhere, transferred to the area of the   Western Empire by im-
portant protagonists – already mentioned bishop Athanasius of Alexandria (born 
ca. 295),
10
 ascetic Martin (later bishop of Poitiers) and Eusebius of V ercellae. They 
temporarily stayed in the discussed area and indirectly aided in development of 
monasticism, although their primary activity was, to be sure, defending orthodoxy, 
therefore their commitment to spreading monasticism was of less importance. In 
the mid-60s of the fourth century independently of the religious disputes in the area 
in question, Hilarion, a Palestinian ascetic, arrived in Dalmatia. He is known as the 
fi rst ascetic attested in historical records to having contact with the area. However, 
due to his desire to live in solitude and to the fact that he had no knowledge of 
the language of the population, he had no contact with the local peoples, so the 
extent of his infl uence on the development of monasticism and on the spread of 
ideals of ascetic life in the area is questionable. Of course, monasticism in its true 
sense really started evolving only with the appearance of Jerome and his peers 
(correspondents?) around 370.
11
8
 The term Illyricum in the general sense consists of the provinces of the Western and 
Central Balkans, the Eastern Alps and the area of Middle Danube.
9
 Bratož, Med Italijo in Ilirikom, pp. 266–277.
10
 Athanasius wrote Vita Antonii in 357–8, which was about a decade later available in 
two Latin translations (the fi rst ca. 365, the second ca. 370). Nothing is known about the scope 
of this writing in the Western Empire, but it is certain that Antonius’ biography had a great infl u-
ence on some inhabitants of the Empire. See Bratož, Meništvo v rimskih provincah, p. 108.
11
 Bratož, Meništvo v rimskih provincah, pp. 105–109.

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The letters of Jerome to the area of the Western Balkans 
and the Northern Adriatic
Out of the entire corpus of Jerome’s letters, the author sent to the wider region 
of the Western Balkans and the Northern Adriatic only thirteen. It is worth noting 
that there were probably many more of the letters, yet only a handful have survived 
throughout history. Letters differ not only in the area to which they were sent, but 
also in the number of addressees. Some of the letters are personal – the addressee 
is one person only, others are letters whose addressees are a group of persons.
Considering the area from which Jerome sent the letters, we may notice two 
spatial and temporal milestones of Jerome’s life. Roughly, we can divide the letters 
into two groups: the fi rst one includes letters that Jerome sent to the discussed area 
during his stay in the desert around Chalcis near Antiochia. Jerome sent another 
group of letters from Bethlehem, where he remained for the rest of his life. The 
letters from the fi rst period were sent to Aquileia, Concordia, Emona and Stridon. 
The second period is represented by letters to Pannonia and Dalmatia.
Accordingly, we shall fi rst discuss the letters that Jerome sent to Emona and 
to his native land, then later on the letters sent to Aquileia, Concordia, Altinum and 
lastly to Pannonia and Dalmatia. 
Letters to Emona and a letter to Castorina “ad materteram”
Emona was in the second half of the fourth century already an episcopal see 
and given its not too large size it was able to pride itself with an enviably large 
Christian centre, as evidenced by recent archaeological excavations. Although the 
fi rst known bishop, attested in historical records – bishop Maximus did not stand 
out at the aforementioned Synod of Aquileia in 381, the minutes of the Synod, citing 
Maximus, serve as the fi rst mention of the episcopal see in Emona.
12
 
The issue of monasticism and ascetic life has at that time already been present 
in the city as a burning topic. This is also evidenced by the event at the Synod of 
Mediolanum more than a decade later (393), where bishop Maximus was present 
and when asked about the Christian ideals, he fi rmly sided with the Eastern ascetic 
ideals. The participation of the bishop of Emona at the Synod offers us at least 
two possible deductions: that the question of the Christian ideals was present in 
his diocese, or that the question was not as topical for his diocese as such life may 
had already been present in his diocese to such an extent that Maximus acted at the 
Synod as one of the greatest supporters of the ascetic ideals. The latter inference is 
supported by a rather high signature place of Maximus, which is among the nine 
signatories of the conclusions of the Synod high on the second place.
13
 
12
 Bratož, Med Italijo in Ilirikom, p. 274.
13
 Bratož, Med Italijo in Ilirikom, pp. 275–276.

G. SRAKA: Jerome’s relations to the area of the Western Balkans and the Northern Adriatic 14  
Jerome sent two letters to Emona: Ep. 11 – Ad virgines Haemonenses and Ep. 
12 – Ad Antonium monachum Haemonae. Both were sent to monastic communities. 
Ep. 11 is written to some virgins of Emona and has as such a group of addressees, 
whereas Ep. 12 is addressed to the monk Antonius.
14
 In both letters the addressees 
were blamed of silence and negligentia, therefore both have a rather contumelious 
content.
15
 Jerome’s letters to Emona mention a handful of earlier letters, all of which 
remained unanswered, and this primarily is the cause of Jerome’s anger and offence.
16
Silence of the addressees in Ep. 11 and Ep. 12 could come from their pragmatic 
caution. Namely, Jerome, who had already begun living the ascetic life far in the East, 
was sending letters to the West that could be rather topical for the local Church.
17
 The 
aforementioned Synod of Mediolanum took place later in time, but it could indicate 
that the debate on the ascetic ideals and their admissibility was present at the time of 
Jerome’s communication with Emona. The letter to Emona at the same time suggests 
the possibility of a monastic community in Emona. Namely, addressee of Ep. 11 is 
a group of virgins from ca. 375 in Emona. Jerome supposedly came into contact 
with this group while his stay in Aquileia. It is true, however, that small groups of 
women ascetics in Aquileia were known at the time, who were in fact relatives of 
the men living the ascetic life there. One example is Chromatius’
18
 widowed mother 
and his sister. Though the record per se in Jerome’s letter suggests the possibility of 
a monastic community, it cannot be a proof of the existence of a nunnery in Emona.
19
Ep. 12 is, in its essence, a short discussion of humility and pride. About 
Jerome’s acquaintance with Antonius it is speculated that perhaps Antonius also 
belonged to the ascetic circle that once formed in Aquileia and then suddenly broke 
up. The souring of relations between the monk Antonius and the virgins of Emona 
on the one hand and Jerome on the other was also probably due to one of Jerome’s 
14
 Cavallera believes that Ep. 11 is from the fi rst months of Jerome’s sojourn in the desert, 
Lukman, Svetega Hijeronima izbrana dela, p. 69, however, because of Jerome’s remark that by 
the time of writing Ep. 11 he had already sent several letters to the virgins of Emona, to which he 
has not received a reply, sets the date of Ep. 11 somewhat later, specifi cally in the years 376/377. 
Fürst, Hieronymus, p. 219 as well is of the opinion that Ep. 11 was sent around 376.
15
 Cain, The Letters of Jerome, p. 213 in his classifi cation labels 8 letters as letters of 
reproach due to their content - Ep. 6–9, 11–13, 16.
16
 Cain, Vox clamantis in deserto, pp. 500–503 makes an interesting remark, that Kelly 
in his work Jerome from 1975 famously labelled the letters that Jerome sent from his monastic 
retreat in the Syrian desert between 375 and 377 (Ep. 6–9, 11–13, 16) as a corolla of frenzy 
outbursts by somebody neurotic, insecure, bitter and resentful when snubbed. Other connois-
seurs of Jerome’s life somewhat took on Kelly’s notion of Jerome: cf. Cavallera, Saint Jerome; 
Rebenich, Hieronymus und sein Kreis. Shanzer, Avitus of Vienne, p. 60, says that, in fact, the 
content of the letters is not nearly as important as the gesture itself which puts the friendship at 
equilibrium. He compares the epistulae of antiquity to the Christmas cards in the modern era. 
17
 Jerome’s treatise Against Jovinianus, for example, caused so much indignation and 
outrage in Senator Pammachius that he strongly endeavoured to withdraw the work from circu-
lating further in Rome in the early 390s. See Cain, Vox clamantis in deserto, p. 501.
18
 Chromatius, Jerome’s friend from Aquileia, is discussed in the chapter Letters to Aquileia.
19
 Bratož, Meništvo v rimskih provincah, p. 111. Spinelli, Ascetismo, p. 293 agrees with 
the statement, allowing the possibility of a nunnery hiding behind a collective addressee, while 
emphasizing that the letter itself does not prove the existence of a common monastic life.

Zgodovinski časopis | 75 | 2021 | 1-2 | (163) 15
beliefs, namely that the monastic or ascetic life could not be truly fulfi lled in the 
home environment. Jerome, believing that true monasticism is at home only in the 
desert and that it can only be fully experienced there, may have unsuccessfully pre-
sented it to his fellow men, who resisted him and were content with implementing 
the ascetic and monastic ideals in the West.
20
 In Ep. 12, too, there is no mention 
of any other ascetics from Emona, therefore we emphasize that the insinuations 
about the existence of the monastic communities in the city are yet hypothetical.
21
Together with these letters, the modern authors often list the following one as 
well – Ep. 13 to aunt Castorina (Ad Castorinam materteram
).22
 The primary theme 
of the letter is once again reproach, except that this time it is aimed at a close re-
lative who also did not respond to his earlier letters.
23
 Kelly understands Ep. 13 as 
Jerome’s fi nal order to aunt Castorina as a result of repeated quarrels. His example 
of Christ forgiving his disciples
24
 is also his request to aunt Castorina to forgive 
her nephew. If Castorina does not reply to the letter, Jerome, in his own words, 
will still be washed of guilt, as he has taken the fi rst step towards reconciliation.
25
If the letters to Emona and Stridon do not directly prove the existence of 
monastic communities in the area in question, the letters to Aquileia offer us more 
fi rmness in speculating about their existence.
26
Letters to Aquileia
Jerome sent four letters to Aquileia: Ep. 6 to deacon Iulianus (Ad Iulianum 
diaconum Aquileiae), Ep. 7 to friends from the Aquileian ascetic circle (Ad Chro-
matium, Iovinum, Eusebium), Ep. 8 to Niceas (Ad Niceam hypodiaconum Aquileiae) 
and Ep. 9 to Chrysocomas (Ad Chrysocomam monacum Aquileiae).
Let us fi rst outline the background of Jerome’s acquaintance with Aquileia. 
Jerome had undoubtedly become acquainted with Aquileia in his childhood. Aquileia 
was the exact opposite of his home town of Stridon, which was rather small and rural. 
After completing his studies in Rome,
27
 Jerome, most likely with an aspiration to 
pursue a career in the imperial service, set out on a longer journey through Gallia. The 
details are unknown, we can conclude that he became acquainted with various ascetic 
20
 Špeli č, The Beginnings of Monasticism, pp. 294–295.  
21
 Bratož, Meništvo v rimskih provincah, p. 111.
22
 Grilli, San Gerolamo, p. 310.  In the case of the mentioned author and article, it is worth 
pointing out the mistake: Ep. 63 is listed under the letters most likely because of the misprint 
which replaced Ep. 13 by Ep. 63.
23
 Cain, The Letters of Jerome, p. 213; Grilli, San Gerolamo, p. 310; Kelly, Jerome, p. 51.
24
 Jerome constructs intricate plaid of biblical intertext as an instrument of reproach in his 
letters. Cf. Epp. 6, 8, 11–13 and 16. Epp. 11–13 and 16 contain mostly rather biblical exempla, 
whereas Epp. 6 and 8 mostly classical ones. Cain, Vox clamantis in deserto, p. 508.
25
 Kelly, Jerome, p. 51.
26
 On this see Bratož, Meništvo v rimskih provincah, pp. 111–112; Bratož, Med Italijo in 
Ilirikom, p. 291.
27
 Booth, The chronology, p. 237 says that Jerome most likely completed his studies in 
Rome in 366.

G. SRAKA: Jerome’s relations to the area of the Western Balkans and the Northern Adriatic 16  
communities on his trip, and perhaps his desire to participate in such a community 
led him to visit Aquileia at last, where he stayed for some time, at least so long that 
he gained acquaintances who accompanied him for the rest of his life.
28
 
Jerome left Aquileia suddenly and probably in a great personal disappointment.
29
 
The community, gathered around bishop V alerianus was where Jerome began to effec-
tuate living the ascetic ideal, but was forced to leave it, either because of disagreements 
with his home environment or due to confl icts within the community itself.
30
 At least 
at fi rst glance, it seems that the young devotee discovered his life-long vocation, and 
later remembers the disintegration of the Aquileian community with bitterness.
31
 
Ep. 6 was sent to deacon Iulianus, who was most likely an acquaintance of 
Jerome from his stay in Aquileia. Jerome fi rst apologizes for delaying with writing 
the letter to the addressee and seeks for the grounds in his illness.
32
 He reports about 
the latter already in Ep. 3.
33
In the letter, Jerome rejoices to hear the news of his sister, who, after years of 
“living in error,” is said to have begun to follow Christ. Most likely, his otherwise 
by name unknown sister joined the (female?) ascetic circle, and at this point we 
can speculate about Jerome’s infl uence on his sister’s decision.
Ep. 7
34
 travelled to former (co)members of the Aquileian ascetic circle, of 
which Jerome himself was a member for some time.
35
 Among the addressees
36
, the 
28
 Rebenich, Hieronymus und sein Kreis, p. 37.
29
 About his departure from Aquileia he writes to Rufi n in Ep. 3: Postquam me a tuo latere subitus 
turbo conuoluit, postquam glutino caritatis haerentem inpia distraxit auulsio, ˝tunc mihi caeruleus supra 
caput adstitit imber˝, tunc ˝maria undique et undiquecaelum. See Hieron. Ep. 3,3 (Labourt 1, 12).
30
 Although Jerome’s character traits are not the subject of our disquisition, it is worth 
mentioning that at least for this situation, we can exclude Jerome’s proverbial temperament as a 
factor that could be the cause of a community breakdown, though the word temperament in this 
context should be dealt with caution, as Cain, V ox clamantis in deserto, pp. 500–525 challenges 
the personality of Jerome as temperamental and quarrelsome. V . sup. footnote 17.
31
 Kelly, Jerome, p. 34; Rebenich, Hieronymus und sein Kreis, pp. 50–51.
32
 Up to this point we may gain a perception of Jerome as being hypocritical and beguil-
ing as he has been accusing those, who did not write back to him of negligentia, when he found 
himself now in the same position. Though he adds: “I shall overwhelm you with so many letters 
that you will beg me not to write” and thus redeems himself respectively, leaving the question 
of his personality as hypocritical intact. On this see Cain, Vox clamantis in deserto, p. 508.
33
 Ubi ego quicquid morborum esse poterat expertus e doubus oculis unum perdidi; 
Innocentium enim, partem animae meae, repentinus febrium ardor abstraxit. Hieron. Ep. 3,3 
(Labourt 1, 12–13).
34
 Cain, Vox clamantis in deserto, p. 511: “Ep. 7 to Chromatius, Jovinus and Eusebius is 
not a reproach letter per se, but it contains distinct elements of the topos”, that is why he labels 
it as the letter of reproach. V . sup. footnote 16. 
35
 The acquaintance of Jerome and Chromatius, Iovinus and Eusebius most probably as 
well, originated from the time when the ascetic circle formed in the vicinity of Aquileia. In his 
Chronicon, Jerome names the mentioned circle with the chosen designation chorus beatorum 
(Bratož, Med Italijo in Ilirikom, p. 289, translates it to sl. as “zbor blaženih”, in eng. “choir of 
the blessed”): Aquileienses clerici quasi chorus beatorum habentur (Hieron. Chronicon (Helm 
374f)). Cf. Duval, Chromace et Jerome, p. 161.
36
 In addition to Ep. 11, which was sent to some virgins of Emona, Ep. 7 is the only letter 
where there are more addressees, and peculiarity about the said detail is that the addressees are 
known fi gures and historically attested by name.

Zgodovinski časopis | 75 | 2021 | 1-2 | (163) 17
most famous is Chromatius, then the future bishop of the diocese of Aquileia.
37
 Not 
much information has been preserved about the other two addressees throughout 
history. While Eusebius, who was in fact Chromatius’ brother, became a bishop, 
not the slightest hint of the place where he performed the episcopal ministry has 
been preserved. Iovinus served as an archdeacon in the Aquileian church under 
bishop Valerianus. He was later attested as a bishop of an unknown diocese, most 
likely in Padua or its environs, as he was visited by Rufi nus, one of Jerome’s closest 
friends and later on his nemesis, on his return from Jerusalem to Italy and for Easter 
397.
38
 We can conclude that the Aquileian ascetic circle was to some extent also a 
springboard for their subsequent ecclesiastical careers. This gives rise to another 
thought - namely, that they were as (former) members of the Aquileian ascetic 
circle positively received by both the clergy and the people.
39
In both Ep. 6 and Ep. 7 we learn that the addressees have already sent at least 
one letter to Jerome and it is therefore his turn to reply. In Ep. 7 Jerome complains 
about the length of the letter received, as he most likely hoped for more detailed news 
from Aquileia. At the same time, dry news from his hometown make him recall a 
childhood friend, Bonosus, who is undoubtedly an acquaintance of addressees and 
who found his ascetic ideal on an unknown Adriatic island. Regarding the native 
Stridon he complains about its excessive attachment to materiality, and attributes 
his friends much credit for combating heresy.
40
 In the letter, Jerome also asks his 
friends from Aquileia to intercede with bishop V alerianus to write to his sister, most 
probably in connection with her’s aforementioned decision. Here again we see how 
strongly Jerome endeavoured to enthuse not only his friends and acquaintances, 
but also his loved ones with the monastic life.
The last two letters to Aquileia are addressed to Niceas (Ep. 8) and to Chrysocomas 
(Ep. 9).
41
 Both addressees are Jerome’s friends, and the sender misses the response 
on their part and expresses a desire for more intense and frequent communication. 
Addressee Niceas could be one of Jerome’s traveling companions on the way 
to the East, and thus also an enthusiast of exploring the ideals of hermitism in the 
East, whence it also originated. Niceas could also be identical with bishop Niceas 
of Remesiana, who was, among other things, a great friend of Paulinus of Nola 
(who was, effectively, one of the more famous correspondents of Jerome) and who 
37
 Regarding the dating of Ep. 7 Lukman, Svetega Hijeronima izbrana dela, p. 68, considers 
that it was sent at about the same time as Ep. 6, that is, in the time before 376, when the Goths 
ravaged Jerome’s home town of Stridon, or at least the news of this did not yet reach Jerome. 
Chromatius, however, is said to have become bishop a few years later. Fürst, Hieronymus, pp. 
164–165 places the year 393 as the upper limit of the time when Chromatius became bishop.
38
 Fürst, Hieronymus, pp. 172, 187.
39
 In the fourth century, bishops were elected by the people, though the presbyters also 
had a say in the election. Towards the end of the fourth century, however, the situation changed 
- the bishops were elected by the clergy, and the people were asked only for their opinion or to 
confi rm their choice only. On this see Merrill, The Church in the Fourth Century, p. 114. 
40
 Cain, The Letters of Jerome, p. 213; Kelly, Jerome, p. 51.
41
 Both letters are linked into the series of letters of reproach due to both common clas-
sifi cation and several other elements. See Cain, The Letters of Jerome, p. 213. 

G. SRAKA: Jerome’s relations to the area of the Western Balkans and the Northern Adriatic 18  
died after 414. About Chrysocomas we know only that he was a monk in Aquileia 
and its surroundings respectively.
42
 
Letter to Concordia
Of the letters sent to Concordia, only one letter is preserved,
43
 namely Ep. 10, 
which was written for the old man Paulus (Ad Paulum senem Concordiae). Ep. 10 
is a supplicatory letter
44
, as Jerome’s book Vita Pauli primi eremitae was enclosed 
with it. In the last part of the letter, Jerome asks Paul to borrow or to send him a 
transcript of the following works: Fortunatianus’ commentaries, Novatianus’ let-
ters, and some of Aurelius Victor’s historical works.
Jerome’s acquaintance with the old man Paulus probably dates back to the 
time of his stay in Aquileia, where he, through Paulus probably, fi rst met the great 
theologian of the East, Origen. The old man’s proverbially high age is said to have 
aroused admiration and respect in his colleagues.
45
 It is worth noting that Paulus’ 
compatriot was Rufi nus, otherwise translator of Origen later. Since Paulus was an 
avid bibliophile, it is not impossible that Rufi nus borrowed the necessary literature 
from Paulus as well. 
The attached book Vita Pauli primi eremitae (talks about the life of Paulus, 
the fi rst hermit) was most likely a gift from Jerome in exchange for the books he 
wanted to borrow from Paulus. The choice of the book itself, however, was probably 
well calculated on the part of Jerome, as it could have served as an indoctrination 
of monasticism in Concordia, if not in the wider sphere.
Letters to Altinum
Of the three letters sent to Altinum: Ep. 14 - Ad Heliodorum monachum, Ep. 
52 - Ad Nepotianum presbyterum and Ep. 60 - Ad Heliodorum epitaphium Nepotiani, 
the addressee of two of them (Ep. 14 and Ep. 60) is Jerome’s good friend Heliodorus, 
and the addressee of the third one (Ep. 52) is Heliodorus’ nephew Nepotianus.
46
 
In the very opening of Ep. 52 Jerome recalls a letter that he had written when 
he was trying himself at constraining from lustful attacks that had been overwhelm-
42
 Fürst, Hieronymus, pp. 165, 196.
43
 Jerome writes about receiving Paulus’ letter in Ep. 5 to Florentine: Scripsit mihi et 
quidam de patria supra dicti fratris Rufi ni Paulus senex Tertulliani suum codicem apud eum 
esse, quem uehementer repoposcit. Hieron. Ep. 5,2 (Labourt 1, 18). This indicates that the prior 
correspondence between Jerome and the old man Paulus existed, and that more than one letter 
was exchanged, but unfortunately Ep. 10 is the only one that preserved throughout history.
44
 Cain, The Letters of Jerome, p. 213.
45
 Zovatto, Paolo da Concordia, p. 170.
46
 Ep. 14 and Ep. 52 belong to a series of letters of exhortation. In this type of letter, the 
writer endeavours to make a recipient adopt a certain behaviour or lifestyle. Cain, The Letters 
of Jerome, pp. 214–215.

Zgodovinski časopis | 75 | 2021 | 1-2 | (163) 19
ing him in his youth. The letter he is referring to is Ep. 14
47
 and the circumstances 
around the letter are rather intriguing: Heliodorus set out on a pilgrimage to Jeru-
salem. On his way back home to Altinum in 374 he stopped in Antiochia to visit 
his friend Jerome (they had been friends since the early or middle 360s when they 
were fellow students in Rome
48
). Jerome was at that time already forging a plan to 
start living the ascetic life in the Syrian desert and asked Heliodorus to join him, 
but Heliodorus ultimately refused the offer as he had monastic ambitions on his 
own and could not understand why both the monastic and clergy ambitions could 
not be aspired simultaneously. Jerome felt offended and wrote Ep. 14 to his old 
friend to protest and reproach him for not joining him and for thinking that he could 
assume both the role of a monk as well as a clergyman. It was unimaginable for 
Jerome at that time to weave these two vocations together.
49
Ep. 52 is one of the more extensive letters Jerome sent to the wider region of 
the Northern Adriatic. The discussed letter is addressed to Nepotianus, who was a 
young priest in Altinum and a practicing monk and had requested Jerome for guid-
ance and to shed some light onto how he is supposed to handle and integrate the 
two vocations.
50
 Interestingly, by the time Jerome wrote Ep. 52 to Nepotianus, his 
view on the matter of the two vocations and the necessity of their absolute separa-
bility has radically changed – he now celebrated the very notion of integrating the 
vocation of a monk, living the ascetic life, with the vocation of a clergyman.
51
 In 
reference to the style of the letter we conclude that Jerome’s purpose was to publicly 
announce Ep. 52 and hand it over to the wider Christian clergy in the Northern Italy 
and in the West. The length of the letter could also support this hypothesis, since 
a detailed treatise on the clergy and the ecclesiastical hierarchy would receive a 
debate in the Christian community.
52
 
Ep. 60 is the only letter among the letters to Altinum that has a very consol-
ing content.
53
 It was intended to comfort Heliodorus, who suffered the untimely 
death of his nephew Nepotianus. Jerome wrote Ep. 60 shortly after the news of 
47
 Jerome’s remarks on the previous letters are rare, so the letter in question (Ep. 14) 
probably meant a lot to him. To be exact, Jerome recollects Ep. 14 in two letters, written later: 
Ep. 52: Dum essem adulescens, immo paene puer, et primos impetus lasciuientis aetatis heremi 
duritia refrenarem, scripsi ad anuunculum tuum sanctum Heliodorum exhortatoriam epistulam 
plenam lacrimis querimoniisque, et quae deseri sodalis monstraret affectum. Sed in illo opere 
pro aetate tunc lusimus, et calentibus adhuc rhetorum studiis atque doctrinis, quaedam scolas-
tico fl ore depinximus. Hieron. Ep. 52,1 (Labourt 2, 172) and Ep. 77: Librum, quo Heliodorum 
quondam iuvenis ad heremum cohortatus sum, tenebat memoriter, et Romana cernens moenia, 
inclusam se esse plangebat. Hieron. Ep. 77,9 (Labourt 4, 49).
48
 Kelly, Jerome, pp. 31–32.
49
 Cain, Jerome and the monastic clergy, pp. 6–7.
50
 As a letter of exhortation it is written in the paraenetic style. The very nature of such a 
letter presupposes that the author – no matter the relationship he is in with the addressee – is mor-
ally superior. This puts the author to a unique position of being able to guide his addressee as he 
pleases or as he thinks is right, respectively. Jerome in this letter well assumed such a role as he 
presented himself as a wise and experienced senior. Cain, The Letters of Jerome, pp. 214–215. 
51
 Cain, Jerome and the monastic clergy, pp. 2, 4.
52
 Cain, The Letters of Jerome, p. 146.
53
 Cain, The Letters of Jerome, pp. 209–210 classifi es the letter under consolatory letters. 

G. SRAKA: Jerome’s relations to the area of the Western Balkans and the Northern Adriatic 20  
Nepotianus’ death reached him. He expertly incorporates also the report
54
 on the 
highly unenviable position of the area from Constantinople to the Julian Alps into 
the consolation of Heliodorus.
55
 
In Heliodorus’ consolation, Jerome points out that Nepotianus wanted to visit 
Egyptian monasteries or to visit monastic communities in Mesopotamia, or to at 
least settle on lonely Dalmatian islands. Attention is drawn, in this respect, to the 
fact that Jerome, not Nepotianus himself, speaks of Nepotianus’ desire. The letter 
excellently illustrates how Jerome did not miss a single opportunity where he could 
express the manifesto for monasticism.
Letters to Pannonia and Dalmatia
To the area of the Western Balkans and the Northern Adriatic Jerome wrote 
two more letters,
56
 namely Ep. 68 to Castritianus in Pannonia (Ad Castricianum)
 
57
 and Ep. 118 to Iulianus in Dalmatia (Ad Iulianum).
58
 
The letter gives information about the person who carried the letter to Castritianus, 
namely, the deacon Heracles, who was probably just like Castritianus from Pannonia, 
but was most likely brought to the East by a pilgrimage. Castritianus himself was 
deciding about setting out on a pilgrimage just like the one Heracles went to, but was 
detained by friends on his way to the East in Dalmatia, more specifi cally on the island 
of Cissa. The letter itself is very likely a proof of the existence of a monastic colony 
on the island of Cissa, the exact location of which still has several assumptions.
59
 
54
 From the premise that Jerome wrote Ep. 60 in 396 and from the temporal indication 
from the text that the barbarian peoples have been plundering the said territory for more than 
twenty years, we obtain a period of time, which includes both the Battle of Adrianople and the 
Battle of the Frigidus.  The distress throughout the better part of the Western Empire at that time 
was undoubtedly substantial, but we have to take into account the distance between Jerome 
and these events, and so Jerome’s descriptions of distress appear to be exaggerated. This was 
undoubtedly aided by the fact that Jerome was likely to receive news from the West both fi rst-
hand and second-hand, and when describing the news, his description of the situation was thus 
greatly intensifi ed. On this see Lotter, Premiki ljudstev, p. 129.
55
 Non calamitates miserorum, sed fragilem humanae condicionis narro statum – horret animus 
temporum nostrotum ruinas prosequi – : uiginti et eo amplius anni sunt, quod inter Constantinopolim 
et Alpes Iulias cotidie Romanus sangius effunditur. Scythiam, Thraciam, Macedoniam, Thessaliam, 
Dardaniam, Daciam, Epiros, Datlmatian cunctasque Pannonias Gothus, Sarmata, Quadus, Alanus, 
Huni, Vandali, Marcomanni uastant, trahunt, rapiunt. Quot matronae, quot uirgines Dei et ingenua 
nobiliaque corpora his beluis fuere ludibrio ! capti episcopi, interfecti presbyteri et diuersorum of-
fi cia clericorum, subuersae ecclesiae, ad altaria Christi stabulati equi, martyrum effossae reliquiae: 
˝ubique luctus, ubique˝ gemitus ˝et plurima mortis imago. Hieron. Ep. 60,16–17 (Labourt 3, 106–108).
56
 These are two more of the consolatory letters. See Cain, The Letters of Jerome, pp. 
211–212.
57
 It is worth mentioning that the addressee was indeed from Pannonia, but at the time 
when the letter was sent to him by Jerome, he was staying in Dalmatia.
58
 Approximate dating of Ep. 68 to Castritianus is varying around the year of 397, possibly 
early in the next year. Kelly, Jerome, p. 213; Fürst, Hieronymus, p. 164.
59
 Bratož, Med Italijo in Ilirikom, pp. 554–556. The location is discussed in more detail 
by Suić, Cissa Pullaria, pp. 185–219.

Zgodovinski časopis | 75 | 2021 | 1-2 | (163) 21
Jerome objects Castritianus that his blindness is God’s punishment, and comforts 
the addressee by enviable comparison to Antonius the Great.
60
 We do not learn much 
from the letter about Castritianus’ life path, where Jerome fi rst encountered him and 
whether they actually ever met in person, but we can deduce that Castritianus was 
also a monk or at least a friend of the nearby ascetic community.
Ep. 118 to Iulianus of Dalmatia is the youngest by creation of the letters sent 
to the Western Balkans or the Northern Adriatic – it dates from 407 to 409.
61
 As we 
learn from the content, Iulianus was a rather wealthy man. Because he suddenly lost 
both his daughters and his wife, Jerome recommends that he also devotes himself to 
monastic life and becomes one of those he supports – Iulianus supported the monks 
who lived in the nearby Dalmatian islands, perhaps even fi nanced the construction 
of monasteries. According to chronology, the letter to Iulianus is the youngest of 
Jerome’s letters that mentions the existence of monasticism and monasteries in the 
Western Balkans and the Northern Adriatic.
62
In the letter Jerome puts his and obviously also Iulianus’ acquaintances 
Pammachius and Paulinus of Nola on a pedestal and uses them as an example. 
Pammachius was Jerome’s acquaintance and classmate from Rome, and at the 
time of writing the letter he had already entered the path of consecrated life, and 
did so after the death of his wife Paulina in 396, while Paulinus of Nola was not 
yet a bishop at that time, as he was consecrated in 409. At the same time Jerome 
claims that he cannot be held up as such an example. By the word of God, he only 
reserves the right to exhorts if he cannot already exhort by his example.
63
 
It is obvious that Jerome in this case acted not only as a comforter to Iulianus, 
but also as a promoter of the ascetic life. The very length of the letter is telling, as 
Jerome is strongly committed to convincing Iulianus to join his ranks. We cannot 
exclude that Jerome did not act completely pragmatically in this case, since they 
could have benefi ted materially from the rich Dalmatian – namely, the monks and 
after all the monasticism in Dalmatia, if not Jerome himself, though far in the East.
Conclusion
Jerome’s letters and his connection with the area of the Western Balkans 
and the Northern Adriatic are witnesses to an important and diverse period of late 
antiquity, primarily because they draw from the life spectrum of one of the most 
important fi gures of late antiquity.
The letters in question testify to a turning point for the discussed area, both in 
the political and ecclesiastical spheres. In addition to his endeavours to eradicate 
60
 Kelly, Jerome, p. 213; Bratož, Meništvo v rimskih provincah, p. 112, Fürst, Hieronymus, 
p. 164.
61
 Kelly, Jerome, p. 296. 
62
 The two letters, written around and soon after 400, are the last witnesses to the existence 
of monasticism in the area of the Western Balkans and the Northern Adriatic. On this see Bratož, 
Meništvo v rimskih provincah, pp. 111–112; Bratož, Med Italijo in Ilirikom, p. 291.
63
 Lukman, Svetega Hijeronima izbrana dela, p. 41; Fürst, Hieronymus, p. 188.

G. SRAKA: Jerome’s relations to the area of the Western Balkans and the Northern Adriatic 22  
heresies and his zeal for orthodoxy, Jerome is one of the important fi gures in the 
development of monasticism in the Western Roman Empire. In the last quarter 
of the fourth century, the fi rst groups of ascetics were formed, and, due to the 
infl uence of the Egyptian examples, true hermitism took shape. From the circle of 
Jerome’s friends, many chose the path of living the ascetic life. Concrete witnesses 
to the existence of monastic communities are mentioned in the letters. After all, 
the letters are an inexhaustible link between two different cultures, East and West, 
which Jerome both experienced and valued and because of his assessment of both, 
his person marks the very era of late antiquity. 
If we take in consideration Jerome’s addressees of the letters in question, we 
notice that with all but aunt Castorina, the common denominator is monasticism 
or better even propagation of monasticism. This is not surprising, since Jerome 
accepted the ascetic life as his vocation and tried to inspire others to do the same. It 
is worth mentioning that his defense of orthodoxy, which is otherwise a distinctive 
and common theme of his letters, is almost completely excluded, with the exception 
of Ep. 7. The silence on the part of the addressees can be noticed from the letters 
several times, in these cases the cause could be of an otherwise theological nature. 
The silence of the virgins from Emona may be one of the examples, namely the 
community of virgins may have pragmatically kept silence as they, given the situa-
tion in the Church at the time (the question of Arianism), did not want to take sides.
Jerome was, as evidenced, a rather polemical and contentious person, and 
through his letters he often gives the impression that he is the centre of the Church 
in late antiquity.
64
 This was perhaps also one of the techniques that helped him to 
propagate monasticism in the Western Balkans and the Northern Adriatic.
References
Primary sources
Hieronymus, Epistulae. Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1949–1963.
Hieronymus, Chronicon. (Die Chronik des Hieronymus). Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, 1984
Secondary sources
Booth, Alan D.: The Chronology of Jerome’s Early Years. Phoenix, Vol. 35, No. 3, Ontario 
1981, pp. 237–259.
Bratož, Rajko: Meništvo v rimskih provincah srednjega Podonavja in zahodnega Balkana. 
Vita artis perennis – Ob osemdesetletnici akademika Emilijana Cevca (ur. A. Klemenc). 
Ljubljana 2000, pp. 103–126.
64
 Cain, Vox clamantis in deserto, pp. 524–525, argues that with a careful selection of the 
letters that went later in Rome in circulation, Cain, V ox clamantis in deserto, pp. 524–525, Jerome 
shapes the perception of his personality in the then present and future. We know that Jerome chose 
a selection of letters for his propaganda, thus aiming at his own wider recognisability with the aim 
of ˝transforming himself textually into something of a Latinized Antonius.˝ Rousseau, Ascetics, 
Authority, p. 172 makes an interesting remark about Jerome writing his Vita Pauli as an attempt 
to possibly rival the achievement of Athanasius, whose work was well known to some inhabitants 
of the Empire. V . sup. footnote 10.

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Bratož, Rajko, Med Italijo in Ilirikom – Slovenski prostor in njegovo sosedstvo v pozni antiki. 
Ljubljana: Znanstvena založba Filozofske fakultete Univerze v Ljubljani, 2014.
Cain, Andrew: V ox clamantis in deserto: Rhetoric, Reproach, and the Forging of AsceticAuthority 
in Jerome’s Letters fromthe Syrian Desert. JThS n.s. 57, 2006, pp. 500–525.
Cain, Andrew, The Letters of Jerome – Asceticism, Biblical Exegesis, and the Construction of 
Christian Authority in Late Antiquita.Great Britain: Oxford University Press, 2009.
Cain, Andrew, St. Jerome, Commentary on Galatians. Washington: CUA Press, 2010.
Cain, Andrew, Jerome and the Monastic Clergy. Boston: Brill, 2013.
Cavallera, Ferdinand: Saint Jérôme, sa vie et son oeuvre. Paris: Louvain 1922.
Cedilnik, Alenka, Ilirik med Konstantinom V elikim in Teodozijem V elikim. Balkansko-podonavski 
prostor v poro čilih Atanazija, Hilarija, Sokrata Sholastika, Sozomena, Teodoreta in Filo-
storgija. Ljubljana: Založba ZRC, 2004.
Duval, Yves-Marie, Aquilee et Sirmium durant la crise arienne (325–499). Antichita Altoadria-
tiche 26, 1985, pp. 331–379.
Duval, Yves-Marie: Chromace et Jérôme. Antichità Altoadriatiche 34, 1989, pp. 151–183.
Fürst, Alfonz, Hieronymus. Askese und Wissenschaft in der Spätantike. Freiburg-Basel-Wien: 
Verlag Herder, 2003.
Grilli, Alberto: San Gerolamo: un Dalmata e i suoi corrispondenti. Antichità Altoadriatiche 26, 
1985, pp. 297–314.
Kelly, John Norman Davidson, Jerome. His Life, Writings, and Controversies. London: Harper 
& Row, 1975.
Lotter, Friedrich; Bratož, Rajko; Castricius, Helmut. Premiki ljudstev na obmo čju Vzhodnih Alp 
in Srednjega Podonavja med antiko in srednjim vekom (375–600). Ljubljana: Sophia, 2005.
Lukman, Franc Ksaver, Svetega Hijeronima izbrana dela – prvi del. Celje: Družba svetega 
Mohorja, 1941.
Marrou, Henri-Irénée: Od Dioklecijanovega preganjanja do smrti Gregorja V elikega (303–604). 
Zgodovina Cerkve 1 – Od za četkov do Gregorja Velikega, 1988, pp. 227–441.
Merrill, Elmer Truesdell: The Church in the Fourth Century. Transactions and Proceedings of 
the American Philological Association 50, 1919, pp. 101–121.
Rebenich, Stefan, Hieronymus und sein Kreis, Prosopographische und sozialgeschichtliche 
Untersuchung. Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1992.
Rousseau, Philip, Ascetics, Authority and the Church. Notre Dame, Indiana: Universiy of Notre 
Dame Press, 2010.
Shanzer, Danuta; Wood Ian, Avitus of Vienne: Letters and Selected prose. Liverpool: Liverpool 
University Press: 2002.
Skemp, Vincent T. M.: Learning by example: Exempla in Jerome‘s Translations and Revisions 
of Biblical Books. Vigiliae Christianae 65, 2011, pp. 257–284.
Spinelli, Giovanni: Ascetismo, monachesimo e cenobitisimo ad Aquileia nel sec. IV. Antichita 
Altoadriatiche 22, 1982, pp. 273–300.
Suić, Mate, Hijeronim Stridonjanin – gra đanin Tarsatike. Rad Jugoslavenske akademije znanosti 
i umjetnosti, Razred za društvene znanosti 24, pp. 213–278.
Sui ć, Mate, Cissa Pullaria – baphium Cissense, episcopus Cessensis. Arheološki radovi i rasprave 
10, 1987, pp. 185–219
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lyricum und Nordostitalien in der spätrömischen Zeit 34, 1996, pp. 291–297. 

G. SRAKA: Jerome’s relations to the area of the Western Balkans and the Northern Adriatic 24  
POVZETEK
Hieronimovi stiki z obmo čjem zahodnega Balkana in 
severnega Jadrana v času njegovega prebivanja na Vzhodu 
(375–420)
Gregor Sraka
Krš čanska epistolarna dejavnost pozne antike je v zgodovinopisju in teologiji priznana kot 
pomemben vir za raziskovanje širokega spektra družbenih dejavnikov. Hieronim je svoj čas in 
čas skozi zgodovino nenehno buril duhove s svojim pronicljivim intelektom. Njegove literarne 
stvaritve, ne samo prevajalske in eksegetske, ampak tudi teološke, biografske in zgodovinske, 
so nastale v in govorijo o prelomnem času. Pisma so zagotovo ena najpomembnejših pri č 
družbenega stanja na obravnavanem obmo čju in Hieronimovih osebnih relacij z ljudmi s tega 
obmo čja. Iz ohranjenih pisem, poslanih na obmo čje zahodnega Balkana in severnega Jadrana, 
lahko iz drobcev rekonstruiramo zgodbo duhovnega in zgodovinskega dogajanja na podro čju, 
ki razmeroma predstavlja širši prostor današnjega slovenskega ozemlja. 
Hieronim je kasneje v svoji zreli dobi v dobršni meri tako reko č prevzel dvojno poslanstvo 
starejšega predhodnika – Atanazija, ki je bil pomembna osebnost pri zagovarjanju pravoverstva 
in slavljenju idealov asketskega življenja. 
Meništvo se je na tem ozemlju razvijalo postopoma in približno sinhrono z drugimi deli 
krš čanskega Zahoda. Na obravnavanem obmo čju v 4. stoletju še ni bilo izoblikovanega jedra 
meništva, zato so k za četkom meniškega gibanja pomembno prispevali vplivi od drugod, ki so 
jih na obmo čje zahodnega Balkana in severnega Jadrana prenesli pomembni protagonisti – škof 
Atanazij iz Aleksandrije  (rojen ok. 295), asket Martin (kasnejši škof v Poitiersu) in Evzebij iz 
V ercelov. Njihova prisotnost v širšem zaledju obravnavanega podro čja je pripomogla k za četkom 
meništva, čeprav je bila njihova primarna dejavnost teološke narave. Približno v drugi polovici 
4. stoletja je na obravnavano obmo čje, natan čneje v Dalmacijo, pripotoval Hilarion, asket iz 
Palestine. Njegova navzo čnost pomeni prvi pisno dokumentirani  vir v povezavi z asketizmom 
na tem obmo čju. Nepoznavanje jezika in uresni čevanje ideala asketskega življenja – bivanje v 
samoti – nista pripomogli k širjenju same ideje, zato je razsežnost njegovega vpliva na razvoj 
meništva in širjene idealov asketskega življenja na tem obmo čju vprašljiva. Seveda je meništvo 
v pravem pomenu besede nastopilo šele z nastopom Hieronima in njegovih vrstnikov ok. 370. 
Skozi pisma je mo č zaslediti Hieronimovo zavzeto in skrbno premišljeno propagacijo meništva, 
ki je nedvomno posredno in neposredno vplivala na razvoj tega v Zahodnem cesarstvu. Izmed 
celotnega korpusa pisem jih je Hieronim namre č na obmo čje zahodnega Balkana in severnega 
Jadrana poslal trinajst – dve v Emono in Stridon, štiri v Akvilejo, eno v Konkordijo, tri v Alti-
num ter po eno na obmo čje Panonije in Dalmacije.  Če se ozremo na Hieronimove naslovnike 
obravnavanih pisem, opazimo, da ima z vsemi, z izjemo tete Kastorine, skupno to čko meništvo 
oz. propagacijo meništva. To niti ni presenetljivo, namre č Hieronim je asketsko življenje vzel 
za svoje poslanstvo in skušal nad tem navdušiti tudi druge. Pisma v Emono, Stridon, Akvilejo, 
Konkordijo in Altinum, ki so tudi starejšega nastanka, nam pri čajo o obstoju meništva že v drugi 
polovici četrtega stoletja, medtem ko mlajši pismi v Panonijo in Dalmacijo veljata za dokaz o 
obstoju meništva v za četku 5. stoletja. 
Omeniti velja, da je njegovo zagovarjanje pravoverstva, ki je sicer tudi zna čilna tematika 
njegovih pisem, z izjemo v Ep. 7 diakonu Julijanu, skoraj povsem izklju čeno. V e čkrat je iz pisma 
razbrati molk naslovnikov, v teh primerih bi lahko bil vzrok sicer teološke narave. Molk devic 
iz Emone je lahko eden od teh, namre č skupnost devic je morda pragmati čno mol čala, ker se 
glede na takratne razmere (vprašanje arijanstva) ni želela opredeljevati na eno ali drugo stran. 
Hieronimova pisma v zahodni Balkan in severni Jadrna so tako torej pri če pomembnega, 
predvsem pa raznoterega dogajanja pozne antike, predvsem zato, ker ta dela niso le zgodovinski 
vir per se, ampak ponujajo veliko vedenja o takratnem času na obravnavanem obmo čju, ker črpajo 

Zgodovinski časopis | 75 | 2021 | 1-2 | (163) 25
iz življenjskega fokusa v globalnem smislu ene najvidnejših osebnosti poznega 4. in zgodnjega 
5. stoletja. Hieronim je bil o čitno polemi čna osebnost, skozi svoja pisma pa daje dostikrat vtis, 
da je center poznoanti čne Cerkve. Verjetno je to tudi ena od tehnik, ki so mu pripomogle k 
propagaciji meništva na obmo čju Zahodnega Balkana in Severnega Jadrana.