š tev i lka /number 115/116 • letnik / volume 29, 2024 UREDILA / EDITED BY HELENA MOTOH N E G O T I A T I N G R E L I G I O U S P L U R A L I T Y — P A N D E M I C A N D T H E D I G I T I S A T I O N O F R E L I G I O U S L I F E P O L I G R A F I Revija Društva za primerjalno religiologijo (Koper, Slovenija) / A journal of the Society for Comparative Religion (Koper, Slovenija) ISSN 1318-8828, ISSN (spletna izd./online ed.) 2232-5174 Glavna urednika / Editors-in-Chief: Helena Motoh (ZRS Koper), Lenart Škof (ZRS Koper) Uredniški odbor / Editorial Board: Nadja Furlan Štante (ZRS Koper), Miha Pintarič (University of Ljubljana), Rok Svetlič (ZRS Koper), Igor Škamperle (University of Ljubljana), Mojca Terčelj (University of Primorska), Anja Zalta (University of Ljubljana) Pisarna uredništva / Editorial Office: Znanstveno-raziskovalno središče Koper / Science and Research Centre Koper, Inštitut za filozofske in religijske študije / Institute for Philosophical and Religious Studies, Garibaldijeva 1, SI-6000 Koper, Slovenija Telefon: +386 5 6637 700, Fax: + 386 5 6637 710, e-mail: helena.motoh@zrs-kp.si http://ojs.zrs-kp.si/index.php/poligrafi/index številka / number 115/116, letnik / volume 29 (2024) N E G O T I A T I N G R E L I G I O U S P L U R A L I T Y — P A N D E M I C A N D T H E D I G I T I S A T I O N O F R E L I G I O U S L I F E Uredila / Edited by: Helena Motoh Mednarodni uredniški odbor / International Editorial Board: Tahir Abbas (Leiden University), Gorazd Andrejč (University of Groningen), Jadranka Rebeka Anić (Institut društvenih znanosti Ivo Pilar), Purushottama Bilimoria (Graduate Theological Union), Martha Frederiks (Utrecht University), Carool Kersten (King’s College), David M. Kleinberg-Levin (Northwestern University), Esteban Krotz (UADY- Univesrsidad Autónoma de Yucartan, Unidad de Ciencias Sociales, Mexico), Ali Mostfa (Université catholique de Lyon), Jeffrey Robbins (Lebanon Valley College), Sashinungla (Jadavpur University), Clemens Sedmak (University of Notre Dame), Nicolas Standaert (KU Leuven), Klaus von Stosch (Universität Paderborn), Marko Uršič (University of Ljubljana), Noëlle Vahanian (Lebanon Valley College), Danial Yusof (International Institute of Islamic Thought and Civilization) Oblikovanje / Design: Peter Skalar Prelom / Layout: Alenka Obid, Peter Florjančič Tehnični urednici / Production editors: Alenka Obid, Barbara Bradaš Premrl Fotografija na naslovnici / Cover photograph: Slovenski etnografski muzej / Slovene Ethnographic Museum Lektoriranje / Proofreading: Nina Novak Kerbler (sl.), Jezikovna zadruga Soglasnik (an.) Prevod / Translation: Petra Berlot Kužner (sl/en, en/sl) Spletna izdaja / Online edition Dostopno na / Available at: https://ojs.zrs-kp.si/index.php/poligrafi Založnik / Publishing house – Naročila / Orders – Copyright©: Znanstveno-raziskovalno središče Koper, Annales ZRS, Garibaldijeva 1, 6000 Koper, Slovenija Za založnika / For the publisher: Rado Pišot Telefon: +386 5 663 77 00, Fax: +386 5 663 77 10, E-mail: zalozba-annales@zrs-kp.si Revija je vključena v naslednje mednarodne baze / The journal Poligrafi is indexed in: Scopus, The Philosopher’s Index, Cobiss Dvojna številka / Double issue: € 20,00 Poligrafi so izdani s sofinanciranjem Javne agencije za znanstvenoraziskovalno in inovacijsko dejavnost Republike Slovenije / Poligrafi is published with the support of the Slovenian Research and Innovation Agency number 115/116 • vo lume 29, 2024 N E G O T I A T I N G R E L I G I O U S P L U R A L I T Y — P A N D E M I C A N D T H E D I G I T I S A T I O N O F R E L I G I O U S L I F E TSUNEKO KONDŌ KAWASE/MARIJA SKUŠEK: A CASE STUDY IN NEGOTIATING RELIGIOUS PLURALITY Klara Hrvatin: Taishō Period Divination as Tsuneko Kondō Kawase’s Personal Item 3 Gerald Kozicz, Di Luo: The Adamantine Terrifier on the Dresser 31 Helena Motoh, Gašper Mithans: Seeing Mary and Becoming Marija: Tsuneko Kondō Kawase’s Bridging Religious and Cultural Boundaries 61 THE COVID-19 PANDEMIC AND THE ACCELERATED DIGITISATION OF RELIGIOUS LIFE / PANDEMIJA COVIDA-19 IN POSPEŠENA DIGITALIZACIJA RELIGIJSKEGA ŽIVLJENJA Marcus Moberg, Aleš Črnič: Religija, digitalni mediji in epidemija covida-19 91 Katja Koren Ošljak: Mediatizacija religije in zamikanje religijskih avtoritet: netnografska raziskava digitalizacije izbranih slovenskih religijskih skupnosti med epidemijo 111 Aleš Črnič, Taja Fortuna: »Vsi smo malo videli, da Bog tudi prek socialnih omrežij deluje«: Vpliv intenzivirane rabe digitalnih tehnologij na izbrane slovenske religijske skupnosti 141 REGULAR PAPERS / DRUGE RAZPRAVE Petterson Brey: The Bible and Cinema: Artistic-Literary Convergences 165 Abstracts / Povzetki 183 About the authors / O avtoricah in avtorjih 195 T S U N E K O K O N D Ō K A W A S E / M A R I J A S K U Š E K : A C A S E S T U D Y I N N E G O T I A T I N G R E L I G I O U S P L U R A L I T Y 3 T A I S H Ō P E R I O D D I V I N A T I O N A S T S U N E K O K O N D Ō K A W A S E ’ S P E R S O N A L I T E M K l a r a H r v a t i n Introduction Tsuneko Kondō Kawase (近藤常子, 1893–1963) was a Japanese woman who lived in Slovenia from the 1920s onwards. She was a key figure in cultural exchange and the first important promoter of Japa- nese culture and language in the country, leading a life that could be described as a “roller coaster.” Research into her photographs and other documents reveals that her life shows great shifts and changes, espe- cially in the years before she came to Slovenia. Born in the Japanese prefecture of Gifu, she later lived in Kwantung, China,1 and subse- quently moved to north-east China, where she met Austro-Hungarian naval officer Ivan Skušek (1877–1947) in Beijing, with whom she came to Slovenia. From her first marriage to German official Paul Heinrich Schmidt, she had two children: Matthias Schmidt (1912–1933) and Erika Schmidt (1914–1958). Her efforts to promote Japanese culture, as well as the largest Chinese collection in Slovenia today2–which she 1 This is evident from the photographic material from the archive at the Slovene Ethno- graphic Museum. There are two photos showing Tsuneko Kondō Kawase with her mother and father, and one with just her mother, both with the name of a photo studio in Kwantung. From this, we can conclude that she lived there in her early youth, between the ages of thirteen and sixteen, regarding the supposed age in the photo. 2 For the insight into the original scope of the Skušek Collection, see Tina Berdajs, “Retrac- ing the Footsteps: Analysis of the Skušek Collection,” Asian Studies 9, no. 3 (2021): 141–66, https://doi.org/10.4312/as.2021.9.3.141-166, and Ralf Čeplak Mencin, V deželi nebesnega zmaja (350 let stikov s Kitajsko) (Ljubljana: cf., Zbirka Varia, 2012). https://doi.org/10.35469/poligrafi.2024.466 Poligrafi, no. 115/116, vol. 29, 2024, pp. 3–29 P O L I G R A F I 4 and Ivan brought from China–began mainly in the period after her church wedding, when she received all Christian sacraments in 1927 and also adopted her Slovenian name, Marija Skušek.3 The archive recently rediscovered at the Slovene Ethnographic Mu- seum contains various documents that Tsuneko Kondō Kawase kept, collected, or considered important. Notable among them are her lec- ture manuscripts in German and Slovenian,4 newspaper clippings about her activities in Slovenia–including lectures she gave in Slovenia, in the former Yugoslavia, Austria and elsewhere between 1920 and 1930– which she collected herself, etc.5 All the objects provide insights into her and her interests, how she portrayed Japan, and her visions, knowl- edge and convictions at the time. As her “biographical objects,”6 they can shed light on her life’s journey, which is still largely unexplored and unknown. This article focuses on one such object: a sheet of rice paper with a thicker strip of paper woven through two holes to form a knot on the back, with calligraphic inscriptions, the large headings standing out from the main text, and a large red stamp extending across the joint covering the sides of the paper (see Figures 1 and 2). 3 For her activities after she came to Slovenia, see Klara Hrvatin, “The First ‘Mrs Japanese’ of Slovenia, Between the Two World Wars: Marija Skušek and Her Series of Lectures on Japanese Women,” Asian Studies 9, no. 3 (2021): 169–97, https://doi.org/10.4312/as.2021.9.3.169-197. 4 For details, see Hrvatin, “The First ‘Mrs. Japanese’ of Slovenia Between the Two World Wars,” 169–97. 5 Interesting are, for example, photos from various press photography agencies showing the life, culture and customs in Japan (be it from the photo agency Scherl Bilderdienst, Japan Press Illustrating Service from 1926, Pacific & Atlantic Photos Berlin, or Slavia Press Belgrade). Also of interest is a small booklet measuring 13 by 19 centimeters, titled The Primary School Songbook (小学唱歌集, Shōgaku shōka shū) from 1883 (second edition), compiled by the Music Inves- tigation Committee of the Japanese Ministry of Education, which represents the first music notation system in Japanese music textbooks and was used for school lessons from 1881. 6 Janet Hoskins, “Agency, Biography and Objects,” in Handbook of Material Culture, 74–84 (London: SAGE Publications Ltd, 2006). T A I S H Ō P E R I O D D I V I N A T I O N A S T S U N E K O K O N D Ō K AW A S E ’ S P E R S O N A L I T E M 5 Figure 1: The first page of the document bound with a paper string made of twisted Japanese paper (koyori こより). Photo by the author. (Source: Archive of the Slovene Ethnographic Museum) P O L I G R A F I 6 Figure 2: The back of the document with the binding knot. Photo by the author. (Source: Archive of the Slovene Ethnographic Museum) T A I S H Ō P E R I O D D I V I N A T I O N A S T S U N E K O K O N D Ō K AW A S E ’ S P E R S O N A L I T E M 7 The document, which Tsuneko kept until her death, is a handwrit- ten piece of calligraphy depicting a prophecy based on the Takashima’s Judgments on the Book of Changes or Takashima ekidan 高島易斷, an important divination book based on Yijing or I Ching 易経 (易經) or Ekikyō (The Book of Changes). Firstly, to reflect on the characteristic of the divination–what kind of divination is it and what can it tell us about Tsuneko Kondō Kawase? Was it customary to receive it at the beginning of the 20th century, when Tsuneko probably received it, and how common was this type of divination in China, where Tsuneko stayed in the early 20th century? Secondly, we will be interested in what kind of document it is; its form–the style of calligraphy and the signifi- cance of its stamps–its precise dating, as well as its content. The tran- scription and translation of the first year of the forecast is presented, in order to show the characteristics of the whole composition of the document. Moreover, this paper highlights its content’s characteristics, and according to the summary of the whole prediction, it attempts to reflect on Tsuneko’s life. And thirdly and most importantly, what does this item say about Tsuneko? Why did she feel the need to order this type of document? Was it before she left China, or when she visited Japan for the last time? Did she perhaps order the divination before she got married in Slovenia in 1927, received all the Christian sacraments and also took the Slovenian name Marija Skušek? Did she perhaps even make some decisions in her life in relation to this prophecy? Characteristics of the divination in the document: Takashima Ekidan (高島易断) or Takashima’s Judgments on the Book of Changes Looking at contemporary Japan, divination consumerism7 is very much alive and manifests itself in various forms. Walking through the entertainment districts in the streets of Tokyo at night, one can find fortune tellers sitting quietly in their furnished stores, which usually 7 Kentarō Suzuki , “Divination in Contemporary Japan: A General Overview and an Analy- sis of Survey Results,” Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 22, no. 3/4 (1995): 249, http://www. jstor.org/stable/30234454. P O L I G R A F I 8 consist of a table, two chairs, a billboard, and paper-covered oil lamps, or sitting in front of their closed offices. There are a variety of divination techniques, including palm reading, tarot cards, geomancy (divination based on the interpretation of geographical features, ti li “geography”, feng shui, “wind and water”, or kasō “house divination”8), astrology, physiognomy (face reading), Chinese augury (fortune telling by analys- ing the parts and number of strokes in Chinese characters of personal names) and Eastern astrology; while palmistry and physiognomy are most often found in street fortune telling.9 From what we can observe from the Japanese culture of fortune-tellers, we can agree: “Divination in its various forms is a subject that is truly close to the awareness of the general public. Indeed, it would hardly be an exaggeration to say that fortune-telling in all its diverse manifestations comprises a distinct culture of its own, particularly in the nation’s urban areas.”10 The same applies to the divination of Tsuneko’s document–the Yi- jing divination, ekisen 易占い or shūeki 周易, one of the oldest forms of divination in the world, which is still used today as the main tool of the divination corners described above. It is based on the philosophy derived from the Yijing or Book of Changes (in Japanese Ekikyō 易経) or the Classic of Changes, an ancient Chinese divination text among the oldest of the Chinese classics, which has a long and interesting his- tory in Japan. It is often seen as a guide to understanding the natural world, human experience and the cosmos. It uses a system of trigrams and hexagrams, which are essential for divination. A trigram consists of three lines, each of which can be either broken or unbroken. These lines are stacked on top of each other so that there are eight possible combi- nations of these three lines–trigrams. Hexagrams are also used, which are formed by combining two trigrams, one on top of the other, giving 8 See Mary Picone, “The ghost in the machine: Etiology and divination in Japan,” in Beyond Textuality: Asceticism and Violence in Anthropological Interpretation, edited by Gilles Bibe- au and Ellen E. Corin, 249–270 (Berlin, Boston: De Gruyter Mouton, 1995), https://doi. org/10.1515/9783110903010.249. 9 Suzuki, “Divination in Contemporary Japan,” 252; Audrius Beinorius, “On the Religious and Cultural Aspects of Divination in Japanese Society,” Scholarly Papers University of Latvia, 813 (Oriental Studies Managing Cross-Cultural Communication: Asia, Europe and Latvia) (2006): 94, 104. 10 Suzuki, “Divination in Contemporary Japan,” 249. T A I S H Ō P E R I O D D I V I N A T I O N A S T S U N E K O K O N D Ō K AW A S E ’ S P E R S O N A L I T E M 9 a total of six lines. In total, there are 64 unique hexagrams in the Yijing, each of which represents a particular situation, energy or concept and is used to interpret different life situations or questions.11 Divination often involves asking a question or focusing on a specific topic and then casting a series of lines to determine a hexagram. There are several methods for this process, but the most common are the coin method (tossing three coins six times to create a hexagram, with heads and tails representing the yin and yang lines) and the yarrow stick method (a set of 50 yarrow sticks to obtain lines for the hexagram). Each hexagram is then interpreted by reading the corresponding text in the Yijing.12 The Yijing divination theory and method is of particular importance in East Asian history. Both the philosophy and the divination derived from it were integral components of Chinese civilization, which Ja- pan sought to introduce into its own cultural sphere. It came to Japan around the sixth century and was rarely studied in ancient Japan (539– 1186), but in the Middle Ages (1186–1603) it enjoyed great popularity among Zen Buddhist monks, courtiers, and high-ranking warriors.13 The Yijing reached Japan as a part of the Chinese cultural wave and had a long period of interest in Japan, while its popularity peaked in the Tokugawa period (1603–1868). In his study, Wai-ming Ng emphasizes a statistical analysis of the text itself and its popularity, which, according to him, included 1085 texts written by at least 416 Tokugawa scholars on the Yijing during the Tokugawa period, thus surpassing the other Confucian classics of the period according to these parameters.14 The textual study demonstrates as well an extensive use of the text in divi- nation.15 It was supported well by the military government which ruled Japan between 1192 and 1868.16 Closely associated with Confucian- ism, the work was mainly commented on by the scholars in this field. To a much lesser extent (about 10%), it was used in schools of thought 11 John Blofeld, I Ching: The Book of Change (New York: E. P. Dutton, 1978), 59–72; for details, see also Yijing [Knjiga premen], trans. Maja Milčinski (Ljubljana: Domus, 1992). 12 Ibid. 13 Wai-ming Ng, “Study and Uses of the I Ching in Tokugawa Japan,” Sino-Japanese Stud- ies 9, no. 2 (1997): 24. 14 Ibid., 26. 15 Ibid., 27. 16 Ibid., 25, P O L I G R A F I 10 and religions such as Shintō, Buddhism, Shingaku, and national learn- ing, while it was also used in medicine, science, art, and the military. The authors and the uses of the text varied, but indicates the extent of the text’s importance in the Tokugawa period (1603–1867), with Con- fucianism as its dominant force. The prediction of the future for Tsuneko Kondō Kawase belongs to one of the most important schools of Yijing divination in Japan during the Edo and early Meiji periods–the Takashima School of divination (or Takashima eki 高島易).17 At that time, it was the largest organization of Yijing practitioners in Japan, using the Book of Changes as the basis for divination. The school‘s methods were used by Meiji leaders as a guide for political and military decisions. At the same time, it served as a tool to promote conservative political goals. Wai-ming Ng describes these goals as “imperial state ideology, pan-Asian colonialism, the political and moral implications of Shinto, and aspects of traditional morality.”18 The school used Takashima’s Judgments on the Book of Changes (or Takashima ekidan 高島易断, 1901) as its most important pub- lication. This work was authored by Takashima Kaemon 高島嘉右 衛門 (1832–1914), who is best known for his contributions to the modernization of Japan by launching modern industries and busi- nesses, and advocating the development of public institutions and modern enterprises such as electricity, railroads, Western education, and experimental agriculture.19 At the same time, was also known as a prominent traditional scholar with a focus on the Book of Chang- es. Takashima was also known as a semi-official soothsayer who was called “the sage of the Book of Changes”20 (eki sei 易聖) during the Meiji period, because he advised prime ministers, generals, high- ranking officials, and others. He was most famous for his prediction 17 The style of divination of Tsuneko Kondō Kawase’s document was examined and verified with the help of Dr Zhou Weiqiang (維強敬上), an expert on Chinese art and history, and curator of the Palace Museum in Beijing (Forbidden City) and Hong Kong. 18 Wai-Ming Ng, “Divination and Meiji Politics: A Reading of Takashima Kaemon’s Judg- ments on the Book of Changes (Takashima Ekidan),” Dao Companion to Japanese Confucian Philosophy vol. 5, ed. Huang Chun-chieh and Johan Allen Tucker (Dordrecht: Springer, 2014), 329. 19 Ibid., 317. 20 Ibid. T A I S H Ō P E R I O D D I V I N A T I O N A S T S U N E K O K O N D Ō K AW A S E ’ S P E R S O N A L I T E M 11 of the outcome of the First Sino-Japanese War (1894–1895) and the assassination of Meiji leader Itō Hirobumi. The use of divination by the leader was not a new practice. Japan had a tradition of using ora- cles in politics and the military, and the Confucian-educated Japanese were also familiar with the Book of Changes as a tool to promote their ideology. As such, Takashima was an influential Book of changes diviner. Above all, he popularised the Book of Changes, while also simplifying its meth- od, making it more practical for divination, as well as easier to apply to political, military, business, and agricultural affairs in the country.21 He also promoted it as overseas by ordering an English translation22 by the head of the Tokyo English School, Sugiura Shigetake 杉浦重 剛 (1855–1924). It was first edited in 1893 and a Chinese edition was prepared by Wang Zhiben (1835–1907), which increased the book’s popularity also in China.23 Analysis of the divination document: its form The document consists of a bundle of nine thin, folded sheets of Japanese rice paper (commonly used for calligraphy) written from the first page onwards, with the last, reverse side left blank (see Figures 1 and 2). It is written in the classic bungotai 文語体 style, a Japanese writing style used from the Meiji to the beginning of the Shōwa period, which developed on the basis of the Japanese language from the Heian period (794–1185).24 That this is a formal document is also evident from the seals stamped over the pages of the text. The smaller seal (see Figure 3), stamped di- rectly over the text, indicates that the text is official and demonstrates the responsibility of the person in charge of description. This seal is often used in cases of correcting and deleting parts of the text.25 21 Ibid. 22 Kaemon Takashima, Takashima Ekidan, trans. Sugiura Shigetake (Tokyo: Keigyōsha, 1893). 23 Ng, “Divination and Meiji Politics,” 317. 24 Segawa Yumi, E-mail correspondence, 20 September 2024, August 2021. 25 The form of the paper and the contents were examined and transcribed by Segawa Yumi 瀨川結美, through correspondence with the author from 2 February 2021 to 20 Septem- P O L I G R A F I 12 The characters of the seal are 泉川 (see Figure 3), which could be read as Izumikawa or Izumigawa and might represent the name of the person who prepared the description, though this remains uncertain. Another seal, larger in size, appearing in the document is so called kei- in 契印 seal (see Figure 4). It is stamped across the crease portion be- tween the page edges and the binding tape on the upper or lower part of the document. It is used when a single document consists of multiple sheets and shows that the multiple papers are an official set.26 Figure 3: The seal with the characters 泉川 stamped over the text, used for corrections and deletions. Photo by the author. (Source: Archive of the Slovene Ethnographic Museum) ber 2024. Segawa is a staff member of the Gakugei University Library in Tokyo, who is resear- ching digital archives in Japan (digital resources of Japanese arts and crafts and contemporary movements). One of her research topics is ōraimono 往来物, elementary education textbooks used from the end of the Heian Period to the early Meiji Period, and kusazōshi 草双紙, illustra- ted popular fiction published in Edo from the middle of 17th to the late 19th century. 26 Ibid. T A I S H Ō P E R I O D D I V I N A T I O N A S T S U N E K O K O N D Ō K AW A S E ’ S P E R S O N A L I T E M 13 Figure 4: Kei-in 契印 seal stamped across the crease portion between the pages in order to show that the document is official and consists of multiple sheets. Photo by the author. (Source: Archive of the Slovene Ethnographic Museum) It is used mainly in order to prevent falsification of the document, document replacement and extraction, or to prove that the document has one copy.27 It demonstrates that it is one document, and may cor- respond to the Western page numbering. The character of the seal is 龍乘28 which could be read as Ryūjō or Tatsunori, 龍 (ryū) meaning “dragon”, an auspicious symbol in Chinese culture, often representing strength, vitality, and good fortune, while 乘 (jō) means to “get on,” “ride on,” or “to get on a vehicle.” 27 See “Keiin to wa? Ōin basho to keiyakusho no fukurotoji seihon hōhō, wariin to no chigai wa? 契印とは？押印場所と契約書の袋とじ製本方法、割印との違いは？(What is a seal? What is the difference between the place of stamping, covered binding method of the contract, and the stamp?),” GMOsain burogu, accessed July 11, 2024. https://www.gmosign. com/media/work-style/keiin/. 28 Zhou Weiqiang 維強敬上, E-mail correspondence, 15 November 2024. P O L I G R A F I 14 Figure 5: The last page (left) showing the closing sentence of the document. “以 上、右応貴需鑑定候也” (With this, I appraised your fortunes at your request and wrote it down on previous pages). Photo by the author. (Source: Archive of the Slovene Ethnographic Museum) T A I S H Ō P E R I O D D I V I N A T I O N A S T S U N E K O K O N D Ō K AW A S E ’ S P E R S O N A L I T E M 15 As can be seen from the first page of the document (see Figure 1), where only one half of the kei-in stamp is visible, this is an indica- tion that there may have been more pages in the document, or that the first page of the document is missing. This is also evident from the content of the document, which will be presented below. On the other hand, the end of the document is very clearly indicated. On the last written page (see Figure 5), after the document is finished, the expression ijō 以上 is used to indicate the end or the conclusion of the paper. Followed by the last line in the document–written in clas- sical Chinese, indicating that the paper was prepared in accordance with the order for the document, with the phrase 以上、右應貴需 鑑定候也 which could be transcribed into Japanese (以上、右、 貴の需に應じ鑑定候也 I jō, migi ki no ju ni ōji kantei sōrō nari) as meaning “With this, I appraised your fortunes at your request and wrote it down on the previous pages.”29 According to Wang Jianyu (National Palace Museum in Taipei), the seal belonged to a famous soothsayer in Japan whose divinations were based on Takashima’s Judgments on the Book of Changes. Below (see Figure 6) is an advertisement30 for his services in Taiwan titled “The Incredible Prophet is here!” According to his advertisement, which is kept in the National Museum of Taiwan History, the fee is one gold yuan per person (equivalent to 750 milligrams of gold).31 Analysis of the divination document: its dating The document is missing its first page, where it would have explicitly stated for whom the prediction was made and the date the document was given. However, what is evident from the document is the years for which the prophecy was commissioned and made. Based on the transcription of the document, we can determine that the prediction 29 Segawa Yumi, E-mail correspondence, 15 February 2021. 30 Advertising flyer “The Incredible Prophet is here!” (Taiwan: National Museum of Taiwan History (Registration Number: 2018.024.0076)), https://collections.nmth.gov.tw/Collection- Search01.aspx?a=112. 31 Zhou Weiqiang 維強敬上, E-mail correspondence, 15 November 2024. P O L I G R A F I 16 was made for at least the years between the 18th and the 39th year of the Taishō period. This indicates that the prediction was made for the years 1929 to 1950 in the Western calendar. What is striking is that the prediction was pre-calculated for the years of the Taishō period that do not exist in the Japanese calendar, which also gives clues to the period in which the prediction was made. The Taishō period ended with Taishō 15, which is the year 1926 according to the Western calendar, since the Emperor Taishō died in the beginning of 1926. Despite this, the pre- diction shows the years up to Taishō 39. This suggests that the prediction was probably written before the year 15 of the Taishō period, that is before the Showa period (begin- ning in 1926), or at least in the year 15 of Taishō period. The fact that the document is from an earlier period is also evidenced by the content of the text and the half-stamp on the first page of the document, as mentioned earlier. The text has neither an introduction to the text nor a title. In all other parts of the prediction, the inscription of the year and the names of the hexagram are mentioned for each year. This is also Figure 6: Advertisement for the services of a fortune teller consulted by Tsuneko Kondō Kawase (Source: Archives of National Museum of Taiwan History). T A I S H Ō P E R I O D D I V I N A T I O N A S T S U N E K O K O N D Ō K AW A S E ’ S P E R S O N A L I T E M 17 evidenced by the kei-in stamp on the first page of the document, which is only half the size, while the other half, which usually extends across both pages, is missing (see and compare Figures 1 and 4). From this it can be concluded that at least one of the pages is missing from the text and therefore, the prediction dates of an earlier period are missing. The fact that the prediction was written in the Taishō period is also proven by an advertisement of a soothsayer (see Figure 6), whose stamp can be found in the document. The document shows that the fortune teller was active in Taishō 9 (1920). Analysis of the divination document: its content The content of the document follows a certain pattern. It is struc- tured in such a way that a future forecast is described for one year up to a total of three years: first, a general forecast is given, summarising the content of the prediction, followed by a forecast according to selected points concerning aspects of one’s life, including 1) nozomigoto 望み事 (one’s wish or desire), 2) machibito 待人 (person you are waiting for), 3) kyūzai 求財 (wealth), 4) kippō 吉方 (direction of luck), 5) tenkyo 転 居 (relocation or change of residence), 6) ryokō 旅行 (travel). When predicting each year (or several years in total), the text begins with the year(s) for which the prediction is made, followed by the name of the hexagram predicted for that year. In the sixth example, the title of the prediction tells us the year for which the prediction was made. Taishō 18 (which we know is the year 1928) corresponds to the hexagram number 21, karai zeigō 火雷噬嗑 (see Figure 7 and Diagram 1). P O L I G R A F I 18 T A I S H Ō P E R I O D D I V I N A T I O N A S T S U N E K O K O N D Ō K AW A S E ’ S P E R S O N A L I T E M 19 Figure 7: The first page of the divination document (on the right), featuring a divination likely for the year Taishō 17 (1927) (the previous page is missing). A complete divination for the year Taishō 18 (1928) starts at the end of the page on the right side and continues on the left of the figure. P O L I G R A F I 20 Diagram 1: Transcription and translation of the divination document for one year (the year Taishō 18 or 1928)32 32 The transcription and the rough translation was prepared by Segawa Yumi (Segawa Yumi, E-mail correspondence, 20 February 2021). D ia gr am 1 : T ra ns cr ip tio n an d tr an sla tio n of th e di vi na tio n do cu m en t f or o ne y ea r ( th e ye ar T ai sh ō 18 o r 1 92 8) 32 T A I S H Ō P E R I O D D I V I N A T I O N A S T S U N E K O K O N D Ō K AW A S E ’ S P E R S O N A L I T E M 21 Kono ki wa shoji hito ni hedateraruru no i ari. Shikaredomo tsutomete sono shōgai wo nozokisareba narigataki koto mo nochi ni narubekinari. Yue ni shinseki hōyū no aida nimo kore wo hedatsurumo- -no arite samatageraruru no toki to su. Shikaraba chikara aru mono ni tsukite koto wo nashi teisei to shite susumu toki wa seiun wo e motomen tokoro hakaru tokoro i no gotoku narubeki toki to su. This period will be a time when you will be disturbed by others in many ways (with various things). But if you diligently remove the obstacles, the difficult things will later become possible to achieve. Because there are times when even among relatives and companions, there are those who stand in your way. In this case, you should follow someone who has power (could be interpreted as “ability, influence and power”). So, it is a time when you are hindered by obstacles even among relatives and friends. If you proceed with discipline and the right mind, you should be able to achieve the great fortune you seek. Figure 8: Transcription and approximate English translation for the broad prediction for the year Taishō 18 (1928). 1) 望み事 (nozomigoto) one’s wish or desire: 利欲に関はる事は成らず却つて禍を受ける事あり。(Riyoku ni kakawaru koto wa narazu. Kaette wazawai wo ukeru koto ari.) Things related to profit and desire will not work, instead they may even lead to misfortune. 2) 待人 (machibito) person you are waiting for: 来るべし。(Kitaru beshi) Should come. 3) 求財 (kyūzai) wealth: 二人子求むるに宜し初め成らざるも後成る（Futari ko motomuruni yoroshi. Hajime narazaru mo nochi naru.） What you wish two children? you shall find, even if it does not happen at first, it will hap- pen later. 4) 吉方 (kippō) direction of luck: 北の間及東南の間とす (Kippō seihoku no aida oyobi tōnan to su.) Between the northwest and the southeast. 5) 転居 (tenkyo) relocation or change of residence: 凶、憂慮冒り又火災の慮れあ り。(Kyō, yūryo kaburi mata kasai no osore ari.) There is a risk of bad luck, concern (trouble?) or a fire. 6) 旅行 (ryokō) travel: 障りなし (Sawari nashi.) No obstacle. Figure 9: Transcription and approximate English translation for prediction of selected points from 1) to 6) for the year Taishō 18 (1928). P O L I G R A F I 22 This is the earliest year (see Figure 7) for which we have a complete forecast, both for the general forecast and for the summary by selected points, whereas for the year before, 1927, we have a forecast without a title, without the year and without a general forecast, only a forecast for selected points.33 So the content of the beginning of the document indicates that it is probably the first part of the document and at least the title of the document and the part of future forecast is missing, as already mentioned in the text. Looking at the overall prediction, the most favourable year is 1927, which has a positive prediction in many respects. That is for love, health, change of residence, a trip for two as well. The following year, if we see from the above translation, 1928 show difficulties between relatives and partners, bad luck, and even dangers of fire. The years 1929 and 1930 also point to hardship, unsuitability for travel and the acquisition of wealth, and warn above all to act very cautiously. The following years up to 1932 are calmer and show no major anomalies. Selecting one of the years with a really bad forecast that could be described as a turning point is 1932–33, which shows clear changes and a negative mood. The forecast points out that “you will feel like you are in a foreign coun- try,” and warns of problems in terms of where you live and your home address. In addition, only to this year is a new item added to the pre- diction of the selected items, namely shippei 疾病 or illness (急に治 し難し。然れども治す。Shippei kyū ni naoshigatashi. Shikaredomo naosu. (Diseases that are difficult to cure quickly, but can be cured). The prediction for the years 1933–1934 encourages change, the search for something new and fresh, and advises to relate her desires to others or to do things for the sake of others. The year 1934–35 heralds a mediator of financial gain or the possibility of losing money and advises not to try to make a profit and go public. Later years are more promising: the prediction for 1937–38 encourages working with others in the pursuit of wealth and realising one’s dreams by being treated kindly by others and in 1950, fortune and peace is predicted. 33 Those points are similar to what we find today on the random divinations omikuji お御籤/ 御神籤, widely recognised and practised random fortunes on the small slips of paper you can buy in Buddhist temples and Shinto shrines. T A I S H Ō P E R I O D D I V I N A T I O N A S T S U N E K O K O N D Ō K AW A S E ’ S P E R S O N A L I T E M 23 If we compare the prediction with her real life, we can point to two points where the prediction corresponds fairly well with her life, namely 1927 is the year in which she marries, and the year 1923-1933, for which the gloomiest prediction is made, is the year in which her son Matthias falls ill and dies in 1933. Tsuneko Kondō Kawase’s recourse to the traditional practises of divination Tsuneko’s life went through many phases and changes, often includ- ing hard times, which she had to endure even before her arrival in Slo- venia. From the photographic material, most of which comes from the archive of the Slovene Ethnographic Museum, we can conclude that she moved with her family to the Liaodong Peninsula, Kwantung,34 which was under Japanese concession at the time. She arrived in Slovenia on 8 September 1920, together with her children–son Matthias Schmidt and daughter Erika Schmidt from her previous marriage to the German official Paul Heinrich Schmidt. She probably met the first husband in Beijing, where she probably moved between 1905 and 1906, but this requires further research. There were probably many moments in Tsuneko’s life when she sought the advice of fortune-tellers. Her life–particularly the period be- fore she came to Slovenia, as well as her visits to Japan, Kwantung, and later Beijing–remains unclear. Since the document suggests that the pre- diction was written at least in the 15th year of the Taishō period (before 24 December 1926) or earlier, the following deductions can be made. One of the most likely occasions when she could obtain or order the divination would have been before she left China (see Figure 10). In this case, this would be the period before she travelled to Slovenia and visited Japan for the last time (see Figure 11), more precisely, when she applied for her Swiss visa. This was to be her last visit to Japan. On her visa for the trip to Europe, it is noted that she travelled as Tsune Schmidt and applied for and received her visa (a document entitled Certificate, which was issued in lieu of a passport) at the Swiss legation 34 See Footnote 1. P O L I G R A F I 24 which was in charge of German interests at the time in Tokyo, on 5 March 1920.35 The decision to travel to a completely unknown country with a new partner, Ivan Skušek Jr., was probably not easy for her and marked a new turning point in her life. She left behind her life in Japan and also in China, her job and the greenhouse flower shop where she had lived for many years, and set off with her two children Matis, then 8 years old, and Erika, then 5 years old, to unknown Europe. Interestingly, she commissioned a forecast for a period of at least more than 20 years, which probably indicates that she knew that she would not have the opportunity to contact a forecaster when she want- ed or needed to, because she knew that this would not be possible in the new world. Given that this fortune prediction was ordered, we can also assume that she could order it from China, already when she was left 35 Certificate, Tokyo: Legation de Suisse, March 5, 1920. Figure 10: Tsuneko in Beijing on a trip to Badaling, the site of the most visited section of the Great Wall of China, with two Japanese women (Source: Photo archive of the Slovene Ethnographic Museum). T A I S H Ō P E R I O D D I V I N A T I O N A S T S U N E K O K O N D Ō K AW A S E ’ S P E R S O N A L I T E M 25 alone with two children when her first husband probably had to leave for Europe due to war circumstances. If the prediction had been ordered from Slovenia, it could be due to her marriage in 1927, when she married in Church, accepting all Christian sacraments in 1927, and adopted the Slovenian name Marija Skušek, while her children were converted from the Protestant to the Catholic religion. This is probably a little less likely. It was a big change in her life, but according to Ivan Skušek in the manuscripts of František Skušek, this step was the wish of Ivan Skušek, who thought that in this way he would win the opportunity to be accepted into the navy.36 The 36 “Ivan wanted to return to the navy, where he had served for so many years. He also relied on the help of Dr Korošec, who was a priest and then a minister in Belgrade. In his opinion, Figure 11: A photograph of Tsuneko with her children in front of the Muge Bridge (Mugebashi 武藝橋) at that time in Atobe, Gifu prefecture (probably in 1920, her last trip to Japan), bearing the mark Minō Japan, Minō Ōgaki 美濃大垣, Seinō insatsu sha 西濃印刷冩 (Seino Printing Co.) (Source: Photo Archive of the Slovene Ethnographic Museum). P O L I G R A F I 26 family records also show that in the early years of her stay in Slovenia she did not have much contact with Japan,37 which is of course less relevant and requires further study of her documentation. The fact that she could have received the document in China or ordered it to China could also be a possibility. At that time divination used in the document: Takashima Ekidan (高島易断) or Takashima’s Judgments on the Book of Changes was popular in China as well, and the translation into Chinese well known. Tsuneko Kondō Kawase received her divination in Japanese, and, even if she lived in China at the time, she consulted in Japanese in order to obtain the fortune prediction. Her consultation of a Japanese fortune-teller, who was very popular in Japan at the time, indicates that she had very good connections to Japan and events there. The formality of the document and the price of the fore- casting service also indicate that Tsuneko Kondō Kawase came from a society that could afford such services. Concluding thoughts Despite the transcription and rough translation of Tsuneko Kondō Kawase’s divination document, the prediction’s dating is difficult to evaluate. Since the present analysis indicates that the beginning of the document or probably some pages are missing, it is difficult to deter- mine the exact date of the document. However, we can assume that it was written entirely for the Taishō period, as it dates back to at least 1926, the last year of the Taishō period. It is also likely that her name or the name of the commissioner of the prediction would have been at the beginning of the document, which would have definitively confirmed that she herself was the commissioner of the document. The transcription and the seal on the document also suggest that the prediction uses Takashima’s Judgments on the Book of Changes, which was common in late 19th and early 20th century Japan. It was used this required Tsuneko’s conversion to the Catholic faith, a church wedding, the ‘Mary call’ and all the rest of the circus. Everything she did was Ivan’s idea, and she did it for Ivan, who believed that this would give him a chance to join the navy.” (Franci Skušek, Rokopisni zapiski Francija Skuška [Handwritten notes of Franci Skušek], Ljubljana: Slovenski etnografski muzej, n.d.). 37 Ibid. T A I S H Ō P E R I O D D I V I N A T I O N A S T S U N E K O K O N D Ō K AW A S E ’ S P E R S O N A L I T E M 27 by one of the most important schools of Yijing divination in Japan at that time–the Takashima School of divination, which used the Book of Changes as the basis for divination. The publication was authored by Takashima Kaemon, a businessman and an intellectual who, by popu- larising the Book of Changes and simplifying its method, made it more practical for divination and apply it to political, military, business and agricultural affairs in the country. It is likely that Tsuneko was familiar with this divination technique, or divination was something she was already familiar with, a practice related to her costumes? We can hardly guess, but given her life circumstances; she travelled a lot, changing her place of residence and the circle of people around her,38 she could turn to ask for fortune teller guidance. Considering the fact that she com- missioned a forecast for a period of at least more than 20 years, and that this was one of her important steps in life, we can assume that she ordered the divination before leaving for Europe, i.e., before 1920. The seal on the document (龍乘) shows that the divination was prepared by a well-known soothsayer active in the Taishō period Ja- pan, known by the name 龍乘子, who around 1919 and 1920 visited Taiwan, which was at the time under Japanese rule. No matter where Tsuneko Kondō Kawase lived or from where she ordered the divina- tion, this indicates that she had a strong linage and connection to Japan and her Japanese cultural background. Acknowledgements The research for this paper was carried out as part of the project Or- phaned Objects: Examining East Asian Objects outside Organised Collect- ing Practices in Slovenia (2021–2024) (no. J6-3133), The life of the Sku- šek collection: from the living room to the virtual museum (2023–2026) (J6-4618) and the core research funding programme Asian languages and Cultures (no. P6-0243), all funded by the Slovenian Research and Innovation Agency. 38 This also brought about changes in religious practice: she herself, a Japanese woman who belonged to the Buddhist and Shinto religions, married a German who adhered to the Protes- tant faith and then joined the Christian religion years later. P O L I G R A F I 28 I would like to thank Ms Segawa Yumi for her help with the tran- scription and translation of the document, as well as to Gerlad Kozicz for his writing suggestions. My sincere thanks also go to Dr Zhou Wei- qiang 維強敬上, an expert in Chinese art and history and curator of the Palace Museum in Beijing and Hong Kong for his help in verifying the divination method as well as the diviner’s stamp of the document. B i b l i o g r a p h y Advertising flyer “The Incredible Prophet is here!” Taiwan: National Muse- um of Taiwan History (Registration Number: 2018.024.0076). https://collec- tions.nmth.gov.tw/CollectionSearch01.aspx?a=112. Beinorius, Audrius. “On the Religious and Cultural Aspects of Divination in Japanese Society.” Scholarly Papers University of Latvia 813 (Oriental Studies Managing Cross-Cultural Communication: Asia, Europe and Latvia) (2006): 84–109. Berdajs,Tina. “Retracing the Footsteps: Analysis of the Skušek Col- lection.” Asian Studies 9, no. 3 (2021): 141–66. https://doi.org/10.4312/ as.2021.9.3.141-166. Blofeld, John. I Ching: The Book of Change. New York: E. P. Dutton, 1978. Certificate. Tokyo: Legation de Suisse, March 5, 1920. Čeplak Mencin, Ralf. V deželi nebesnega zmaja (350 let stikov s Kitajsko). Ljubljana: cf., Zbirka Varia, 2012. GMOsain burogu. “Keiin to wa? Ōin basho to keiyakusho no fukurotoji seihon hōhō, wariin to no chigai wa? 契印とは？押印場所と契約書の袋 とじ製本方法、割印との違いは？(What is a seal? What is the difference between the place of stamping, covered binding method of the contract, and the stamp?).” Accessed July 11, 2024. https://www.gmosign.com/media/work-style/ keiin/. Hoskins, Janet. “Agency, Biography and Objects.” In Handbook of Mate- rial Culture, 74–84. London: SAGE Publications Ltd, 2006. https://doi. org/10.4135/9781848607972. Hrvatin, Klara. “The First ‘Mrs Japanese’ of Slovenia Between the Two World Wars: Marija Skušek and Her Series of Lectures on Japanese Women.” Asian Stud- ies 9, no. 3 (2021): 169–97. https://doi.org/10.4312/as.2021.9.3.169-197. Ng, Wai-ming. “Divination and Meiji Politics: A Reading of Takashima Kae- mon’s Judgments on the Book of Changes (Takashima Ekidan).” Dao Compan- ion to Japanese Confucian Philosophy vol. 5, edited by Huang Chun-chieh T A I S H Ō P E R I O D D I V I N A T I O N A S T S U N E K O K O N D Ō K AW A S E ’ S P E R S O N A L I T E M 29 and Johan Allen Tucker, 315–331. Dordrecht: Springer, 2014. https://doi. org/10.1007/978-90-481-2921-8_12. Ng, Wai-ming. “Study and Uses of the I Ching in Tokugawa Japan.” Sino- Japanese Studies 9, no. 2 (1997): 24. Picone, Mary. “The ghost in the machine: Etiology and divination in Japan.” In Beyond Textuality: Asceticism and Violence in Anthropological Interpretation, ed- ited by Gilles Bibeau and Ellen E. Corin, 249-270. Berlin, Boston: De Gruyter Mouton, 1995. https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110903010.249. Skušek, Franci. Rokopisni zapiski Francija Skuška [Handwritten notes of Franci Skušek]. Ljubljana: Slovenski etnografski muzej, n.d. Suzuki, Kentarō 鈴木健太郎. “Divination in Contemporary Japan: A Gen- eral Overview and an Analysis of Survey Results.” Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 22, no. 3/4 (1995): 249–66. http://www.jstor.org/stable/30234454. Takashima, Kaemon. The Takashima Ekidan. Translated by Sugiura Shige- take. Tokyo: Keigyōsha, 1893. Yijing [Knjiga premen]. Translated by Maja Miličinski. Ljubljana: Domus, 1992. 31 T H E A D A M A N T I N E T E R R I F I E R O N T H E D R E S S E R G e r a l d K o z i c z , D i L u o In 1957, a team from Filmske novosti was invited to produce a documentary of a well-known resident of Ljubljana, Tsuneko Kondō- Kawase / Marija Skušek (1893–1963).1 The film was a portrait of the woman who called herself »the first Japanese Slovenian« as well as a documentary of her flat at Strossmayerjeva 3 in the centre of Ljubljana (Fig.1). At the beginning of the film, Tsuneko Kondō-Kawase, dressed in a kimono, opens a double-wing glass door and invites the audience into her living room. As the camera follows her, the viewer’s attention is directed towards a collection of small metalwork pieces displayed on a dresser in front of a mirror (Fig. 2). The arrangement is reminiscent of an altar, as the religious nature of the sculptures is immediately per- ceivable. Buddhas depicted in monk’s robes and seated on lotus bases constitute the majority of the sculptures, while Bodhisattvas and Cos- mic Buddhas adorned with crowns, jewelled ornaments and silken gar- ments are also present. One sculpture is particularly highlighted and singled out in a sep- arate frame (Fig. 3). The commentator calls the figure a »Buddha«. The sculpture actually consists of two deities in an embrace – Vajrab- hairava, the Adamantine Terrifier (lit. Lord of Wrath), and his consort Vajravetālī, the Adamantine Corpse, standing on two rows of smaller crouching figures. 1 Zanimiva zbirka, avtor Vladimir Perišić ©Filmske novosti Beograd, 1957, https://www. youtube.com/watch?v=tFDnA8UzBr0. https://doi.org/10.35469/poligrafi.2024.453 Poligrafi, no. 113/114, vol. 29, 2024, pp. 31–59 P O L I G R A F I 32 Fig. 1: Still from the 1957 film, Filmske novosti. Fig. 2: Still from the 1957 film, Filmske novosti. P R E S E N T I N G , ( R E ) C O N S T R U C T I N G A N D A R R A N G I N G M E D I E V A L A R T E F A C T S 33 Vajrabhairava, or Vajramahābhairava (Tib. rdo rje ’jigs byed chen po, Great Lord of Wrath), is also commonly addressed as Yamāntaka, ‘the ender of death’ (death = Yama). Vajrabhairava is the highest and most potent form of the Yamāntaka group of deities of tantric Buddhism, all of whom share the central buffalo head as a key feature, which is derived from buffalo-headed Yama, the Lord of Death. It is a common practice in esoteric Buddhism, or more traditionally Vajrayāna and Se- cret Mantrayāna, that an obstacle encountered along the path towards enlightenment is brought down by using the obstacle as a weapon against itself. Fig. 3: The wrathful couple. Skušek collection, Slovene Ethnographic Museum, Ljubljana (inv. no. 216 MG). © H. Motoh. P O L I G R A F I 34 The iconographical representation of wrathful deities is the stand- ardised method of visualising this concept. In this specific case, the Buddhist response to death is to adopt the same form, absorb and transform, and eventually subdue the obstacle.2 The addition of the female consort reflects the aspect of wisdom (Skr. prajñā), which com- pletes and directs the aspect of compassion (Skr. karuṇā) and skilful means (Skr. upayā) associated with the male figure. Thereby, this sculp- ture–just as tantric Buddhist art in general–is a direct reflection of a psychic process. Fig. 4: The wrathful facial expression of Vajravetālī, Slovene Ethnographic Museum, Ljubljana (inv. no. 216 MG). © G. Kozicz. 2 One Tibetan myth tells the story of a murdered (decapitated) monk who transforms into a demon and replaces his head with a buffalo head. He devastates the country until the Bodhisat- tva Mañjuśrī adopts the same form and overcomes the demon. P R E S E N T I N G , ( R E ) C O N S T R U C T I N G A N D A R R A N G I N G M E D I E V A L A R T E F A C T S 35 Vajrabhairava stands in an active pose with 16 legs on various small figures, while his 17 pairs of arms, holding weapons and attributes (ex- cept for the central pair which embraces his female partner), create a radiating aureole. Vajravetālī clings to him with her left leg around his back. Both of her hands are raised while she leans back, looking up- wards (Fig. 4). Vajrabhairava is nine-headed. In addition to the three frontally-oriented heads, he has three additional heads on the left and three on the right (Fig. 5). With the exception of the head at the top centre, all heads express extreme wrath, with protruding eyes and ex- posed fangs. The same applies for the single head of Vajravetālī. Fig. 5: Rear and lateral heads of Vajrabhairava, Slovene Ethnographic Museum, Ljubljana (inv. no. 216 MG). © G. Kozicz. To the visitors of Tsuneko Kondō-Kawase’s home in the 1950s, the representation of the terrifying couple must have made quite an im- pression. The sculpture’s immediate visual impact is certainly a good reason for placing it in the centre of the altar-like arrangement. At first sight, the configuration of the figures on the dresser seems to follow a visual logic, as the figures are simply placed according to size and P O L I G R A F I 36 design rather than a specific iconographic or ideological structure that would be expected for an actual altar set. The order applied by Tsuneko Kondō-Kawase appears to be derived from the visual principles and qualities of the individual objects in the first place, if not exclusively based on representational considerations. Even placing the sculpture close to the mirror makes sense, because otherwise it would have been impossible for the visitors to see the horizontally arranged faces at the back of the piece. (Fig. 6a and 6b). This placement is reminiscent of museum exhibitions where multi-headed Indian statues–both Bud- dhist and Brahmānic ones such as the Maheśvara form of Śiva or Viṣṇu Vaikuṇṭha–are often displayed in front of mirrors allowing visitors to see the wrathful faces at the rear (Fig. 6a/b). From a museological perspective, the documentary by Filmske novosti presents the collection as a part of a small but well-curated exhibition. Every exhibition, however, reflects a concept and the inten- tion of the curator. In other words, it also tells us something about the curator. But who was the curator of this lived-in museum? So far, little is known about the pieces that actually came into the possession of the Skušeks. Ivan Skušek has been entitled the »collector,« but there is no evidence at all that he had acted as a collector in the sense of a specialist or an amateur scholar in Asian art. He had been a commissioner to the sea of the Austro-Hungarian navy with special training in economics, who, under unfavourable circumstances, spent several years in China. His activities rather resembled those of an art dealer. The situation is completely different for Tsuneko Kondō-Kawase. By the time the film was produced, she had been a widow for ten years, and it had been 30 years since she was baptised. Born in Japan as Tsune- ko Kondō-Kawase, she spent her youth in Northeast China, years that must have had a long-lasting impact on her intellect and cultural iden- tity.3 After relocating to a completely different cultural environment in Europe, she not only maintained but even cultivated her identity as the first Japanese woman in Ljubljana. It is quite obvious that she adopted 3 See Klara Hrvatin, »The ‘First Mrs Japanese’ of Slovenia between the two World Wars: Marija Skušek and Her Series of Lectures on Japanese Women,« Asian studies 9 (25), no. 3 (2021): 169-197, https://doi.org/10.4312/as.2021.9.3.169-197. P R E S E N T I N G , ( R E ) C O N S T R U C T I N G A N D A R R A N G I N G M E D I E V A L A R T E F A C T S 37 the role of the curator of the collection and shaped the stage wherein she began to play a central role, though this was of course never made official. It can be fairly assumed that both the traditional education re- ceived by Japanese women as well as the patriarchal system of Slovenia at that time determined that her position remained in the background.4 In this context, the question arises whether or not the arrangement of the figures resulted from a deliberate creation of a Buddhist house altar. Even if not created as such on purpose, to what extent might the 4 In 1930, Tsuneko Kondō-Kawase gave a number of public lectures about the role of wom- en in Japanese society focusing on the strict subordination in marriage (ibid. 180). One such lecture was held at Graz Urania on 8 October (Tagespost 8. Oktober, 1930, Graz). Fig. 6a and b: Four-headed Viṣṇu Vaikuṇṭha in front of a mirror, Bhuri Singh Museum, Chamba, India. © G. Kozicz. P O L I G R A F I 38 arrangement reflect a Buddhist perspective or even ideology? And how would a Buddhist practitioner at the time experience the presentation? Any inspection through the buddhological lens must naturally focus on the centrepiece: Vajrabhairava and Vajravetālī in an embrace. A Matter of Wisdom The presence of Vajrabhairava with Vajravetālī on the dresser requires as much explanation as their position in the centre. The terrifying cou- ple expresses a motif that has never really gained a strong foothold in classical (Han) Chinese Buddhism which largely rejected the theology and explicit art of the Yoga- and Higher Yoga-tantras, two later tra- ditions of Tibetan tantric Buddhism. However, the practice of these tantras has been documented in the case of several Chinese emperors, most prominently the powerful Qing ruler Qianlong (r. 1735–1796). It is not a surprise that a stylistic comparison with other pieces of metal- work suggests that this sculpture was likely produced by an imperial workshop in Beijing at the end of the 18th century.5 What we see on the dresser in the 1957 documentary might be read as a short history or visual summary of an impactful facet of Buddhism in China. The reconstruction of the possible meaning of the Vajrab- hairava sculpture under discussion in its socio-cultural and religious context requires a retrospection into the long history and ambivalent interaction of the figure with Chinese culture. The origin of this his- tory can be traced to the Vedic tradition of South Asia and back to Yama, the first of humankind. As the first to live on Earth, Yama is also the first to die and who then becomes the Lord of the Dead and the Ruler of the Underworld, the sovereign to all who follow him.6 There, Yama serves as the judge for those who enter the intermediate state between death and rebirth. He represents the Final Judgement in the Vedic and Brahmānic concepts of reincarnation and rebirth. He knows 5 We are thankful to Ulrich von Schroeder, Gerd Mevissen and Norbert Deuchert for their assessments regarding the approximate date and place of the production. 6 See Stella Kramrisch, The Hindu Temple, Vol. 1 (Calcutta: University of Calcutta, 1946 [repr. 1976]), 12. P R E S E N T I N G , ( R E ) C O N S T R U C T I N G A N D A R R A N G I N G M E D I E V A L A R T E F A C T S 39 the dharma, the cosmic order or law in Indian religion and philosophy, and decides which scenario of rebirth will become effective. Eventu- ally, he is identified with the dharma and is referred to as Dharmarāja (»dharma king«), being elevated to the status of the ruler of the world. This promotion was based on the belief that he had the ability to move freely and swiftly between the various hells and heavens of the cosmos.7 In the Buddhist context, dharma was expressed to a large extent in a textual corpus entitled the Perfection of Wisdom, or Prajñāpāramitā in Sanskrit, which found its visual expression in the anthropomorphic form of a goddess with the same name. The compilation of Prajñāpāramitā sutras in the 2nd century CE marked the so-called Second Turning of the Wheel or Second Revelation of the Buddhist Teaching in the history of the religion. About the same time, the male Bodhisattva of Wisdom, Mañjuśrī, appears on the stage and soon gains significance as a major figure in the growing Buddhist pantheon. When Buddhism spread to China in the first half of the first millennium, Mañjuśrī seems to have become the more prominent representation of wisdom. David Quinter notes that the Bodhisattva was soon identified as a Buddha8; he was even addressed as the »Mother of Buddhas«, an epitaph which ac- cording to Conze was originally given to the goddess Prajñāpāramitā.9 This transfer of the salutation hints at a shift from female to male, which might have also been a response to the cultural preferences of the Chinese patriarchal society. During the Tang dynasty in the late 7th– 8th century, Mañjuśrī was elevated to the centre of Chinese Buddhism and politics. He was promoted to the position of a state protector and became associated with Wutai Shan, the Five-Terrace Mountains which rose in significance as his earthly residence and the paramount Bud- dhist pilgrimage site of East Asia (Quinter ibid. 594). 7 Ibid. quoting from the Śatapatha Brāhmana, XI. 2.3.5. 8 David Quinter, »Mañjuśrī in East Asia,« in Brill’s Encyclopaedia of Buddhism, Vol. II, ed. Jonathan A. Silk et al. (Leiden-Boston: Brill, 2019), 591–599. 9 Edward Conze, The Prajñāpāramitā Literature (London: Mouton&Co, 1958 [repr. 2008]), 15. P O L I G R A F I 40 Fig. 7: Stele of Bodhisattva Mañjuśrī with dwarfish Yamāntaka (viewer’s left), ASI Site Museum, Bodhgaya, India. © G. Kozicz. P R E S E N T I N G , ( R E ) C O N S T R U C T I N G A N D A R R A N G I N G M E D I E V A L A R T E F A C T S 41 The Yamāntaka Category In eastern India, Yamāntaka, the Buddhicised form of Yama, start- ed to appear at the beginning of the 9th century as a companion to Mañjuśrī in the form of a dwarf-like yakṣa leaning on a club (Fig. 7). While Yamāntaka was depicted in anthropomorphic form, a bull was sometimes included as his vehicle (Skr. vāhana). A 6th-century text, the Mañjuśrīmūlakalpa, paved the way for this configuration as it »un- equivocally identifies Yamāntaka as Mañjuśrī‘s wrathful emanation«.10 He was transformed into an independent, full-scale Buddhist deity in its own right by the 9th–10th century.11 At the same time, tantric texts such as the Vajramahābhairava Tantra took shape. Various historical sources locate the origin of this text in Oḍḍiyāna, in the Swat district of modern Pakistan.12 The tantras were composed after (or rather in response to) the theological concept of Bhairava, the terrifying form of Śiva and Brahmānic manifestation of destructive wrath (Fig. 8). While the first Buddhist mention of Bhaira- va in the Mañjuśrīnāmasamgīti, a text roughly dated to the 8th cen- tury, already links Mañjuśrī, Yamāntaka and Vajrabhairava together, the 10th-century monk Lalitavajra from Nālandā Monastery in East India is credited as the receiver of the tantras during his study in Oḍḍiyāna.13 Lalitavajra then transmitted the text to his disciple Līlavajra of Vikramaśila Monastery, the major tantric centre in northern India at the time, who then established the Vikramaśila lineage of transmis- sion.14 When invasions by the Turks, more precisely armies of the Is- lamic Ghaznavid kingdom, threatened Vikramaśila soon after the turn 10 Rob Linrothe, Ruthless Compassion: Wrathful Deities in Early Indo-Tibetan Esoteric Bud- dhist Art (London: Serindia), 64. The Mañjuśrīmūlakalpa was translated into Chinese by Amoghavajra in the 8th century (ibid. 65). 11 Ibid., 27; 167–168, Fig. 148–150. 12 Bulcsu Siklós, The Vajrabhairava Tantras: Tibetan and Mongolian Versions. English Transla- tion and Annotations. General Presentations of the Classes of Tantra, Captivating the Minds of the Fortunate Ones, trans. M. J. Boord and Losang Norbu Tronawa (Dharamsala: Library of Tibetan Works and Archives,1996), 5. 13 Ibid., 8, refers to Alex Wayman, Chanting the Names of Mañjuśrī: The Mañjuśrī-nāma- saṃgīti (Boston & London: Shambhala, 1985), 83, who critically notes that this might be a later interpolation to the original text. 14 Ibid., 10. P O L I G R A F I 42 Fig. 8: Bhairava as the terrifying aspect of Śiva, Gaurīśankara Temple, Chamba, India. © G. Kozicz. P R E S E N T I N G , ( R E ) C O N S T R U C T I N G A N D A R R A N G I N G M E D I E V A L A R T E F A C T S 43 of the first millennium, rites of Vajrabhairava were performed to repel the invaders. As the 17th-century Tibetan historian Tārānātha notes, »a storm rose up and a mysterious band of black men emerged from the clouds, stabbing the Türk soldiers with daggers«.15 Similarly, the Tibetan tantric practitioner Nup Sangye Yeshe successfully »applied Yamāntaka rites to defend against and subjugate his anti-Buddhist ri- vals« in the tenth century.16 Apparently, tantric ritual which had been a matter of personal practice in meditation was applied against external threats in India and beyond. Rites and magic were then regularly used in religious and also political conflicts, and this would continue in the centuries to follow. In 1264, at a time when the Mongol Yuan dynasty was firmly estab- lished in China, Kublai Khan designated Chögyal Phagpa (1235–1280) of the Sakya school of Tibetan Buddhism as his spiritual advisor. This is how the Yamāntaka category of deities entered the religious stage in the Chinese heartlands. The ‘Ender of Death’ and wrathful form of the Bodhisattva of Wisdom was a major tutelary deity or yidam (Tib. yi dam) of the Sakya Order of Tibetan Buddhism. By the 13th century, Chinese Buddhism had very well accepted the concept of the various hells and King Yama as their lord and judge, but it almost completely rejected tantric concepts that were reflected in visually explicit art. By contrast, however, the wrathful depiction of fierce deities, Vajrabhaira- va in particular, matched the self-perception of the Khan and his army as warriors of the steppes conquering the world. A woven tapestry (kesi) of a Vajrabhairava mandala probably produced by an imperial work- shop in Hangzhou provides a stunning testimony to the significance of the practice of the Vajrabhairava tantra at the Yuan court (Fig. 9).17 In contrast, tantric Buddhism continuously faced great scepticism among the broader society in China. 15 Siklós, Vajrabhairava Tantras, 10. 16 Bryan J. Cuevas, »The Politics of Magical Warfare,« in Faith and Empire: Art and Politics in Tibetan Buddhism, ed. Karl Debreczeny (New York: Rubin Museum of Art, 2019), 172–174. 17 The MET tapestry is the largest of its kind from the Yuan Dynasty and has been recently dated to 1329 by Tsangwa Gendun Tenpa (2019: 118–122). See also James C.Y. Watt and Anne E. Wardwell, When Silk Was Gold: Central Asian and Chinese Textiles (New York: The Metro- politan Museum of Art, 1997), 95–100. P O L I G R A F I 44 Fig. 9: Vajrabhairava mandala, woven silk tapestry, c. 1330–1332 (Yuan dynasty), Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, accession no. 1992.54. (public domain), https://www.metmuseum.org/art/collection/search/37614. P R E S E N T I N G , ( R E ) C O N S T R U C T I N G A N D A R R A N G I N G M E D I E V A L A R T E F A C T S 45 When the Yuan Dynasty was overthrown in the middle of the 14th century, the religious and political power of the Sakya collapsed immedi- ately. Although the succeeding Ming Dynasty showed continuous inter- ests in Tibetan Buddhism and maintained contacts with various Tibetan schools and religious authorities, Buddhism lost its status as a state reli- gion and faced harsh criticism and even iconoclasm, particularly by Con- fucian scholars and Daoist priests, into the middle of the 16th century.18 Vajrabhairava and the Manchu Emperors The situation changed with the invasion of the Manchus and the es- tablishment of the Qing Dynasty with Beijing as its capital in the mid- dle of the 17th century. The Manchu leaders particularly popularised Mañjuśrī and Vajrabhairava for two reasons. The first reason appears simply phonetic. The two first syllables of Mañjuśrī are phonetically identical to Manchu.19 It could easily be used by the Manchus to legiti- mise their rule over China by relating themselves to the Bodhisattva of Wisdom, the long-established Buddhist state protector. Since the Yuan dynasty, emperors of China identified themselves as reincarnations of Mañjuśrī. Considered an embodiment of the Mañjuśrī, the Qing em- perors would incorporate also the wrathful manifestations of that Bo- dhisattva, including the Conqueror of Death with his ability to carry out ultimate judgement. It is hardly possible to imagine a better choice of religious authorisation for kingship. Religious legitimisation, howev- er, had to be confirmed by an established religious authority–which di- rectly takes us to the second reason that favoured the rise of the cult of Vajrabhairava: The Fifth Dalai Lama and highest authority of the Gelug order of Tibetan Buddhism addressed Hong Taiji (r. 1626–1643), the first emperor of the Qing dynasty, as »Mañjughoṣa-emperor«.20 The 18 Karl Debreczeny, »In the Shadow of the Khan: Tibetan Buddhist and Political Legitima- tion in the Ming Dynasty,« in Faith and Empire: Art and Politics in Tibetan Buddhism, ed. Karl Debreczeny (New York: Rubin Museum of Art, 2019), 148. 19 Siklós, Vajrabhairava Tantras, 14–15. 20 Wen-Shing Chou, »Bodhisattva Emperors of the Manchu Qing Dynasty,« in Faith and Empire: Art and Politics in Tibetan Buddhism, ed. Karl Debreczeny (New York: Rubin Museum of Art, 2019),191. P O L I G R A F I 46 founder of the order, Tsongkhapa Lozang Drakpa (1357–1419), had already been recognised as a reincarnation of Mañjuśrī, and the Vajrab- hairava tantra became one of that order’s three fundamental teachings (Fig. 10). The veneration of Mañjuśrī and Wutai Shan as a pilgrimage site reached a highpoint under the most powerful Qing emperor, Qianlong. Although he was also supporting Confucianism, he strongly propagat- ed Buddhism, had new Buddhist temples constructed, and stimulated the production of Tibetan Buddhist art. The multi-ethnic and multi-cultural Manchu empire covered a vast portion of East Asia. Although Qianlong succeeded in stabilising the state using military force, he also followed the tradition of securing the empire through metaphysical measures. To the west of the Forbidden City in Beijing, within the Palace precinct, he built the Shanyin Dian (Hall of Good Causes) and dedicated it to Yamāntaka Vajrabhairava in 1751.21 Enshrining a large statue of Vajrabhairava, the temple stands on an islet overlooking the imperial park and the palace. Moreover, the grid-based plan of Beijing can be equated with the layout of a Vajrab- hairava mandala.22 Perhaps even more important than the statue is the mandala painted in the dome and covering its entire space (Fig. 11). The significance of the ceiling is the cosmic notion that comes with the round, domical shape and the vertical axis of the temple (axis mundi) that coincides with its apex. The ceiling is exclusively dedicated to Vajrabhairava as the main deity of the temple, which is itself at the very centre of a protec- tive »hidden (or secret)« urban-scale mandala that was superimposed with the urban fabrics of the imperial city. In the end, however, these efforts did not save the empire from com- ing to an end in 1911 following years of internal turmoil and the con- tinuous external pressure from the colonial powers. Three years later, Word War I broke out, and the events around the German trading 21 Siklós, Vajrabhairava Tantras, 15. See also Esther Bianchi »Protecting Beijing: The Tibetan Image of Yamāntaka-Vajrabhairava in Late Imperial and Republican China,« in Images of Tibet in the 19th and 20th Centuries, Vol. 1, ed. Monica Esposito (Paris: EFEO, coll. Études théma- tiques, 2008), 340. 22 Siklós, Vajrabhairava Tantras, 15; Bianchi, »Protecting Beijing,« 329. P R E S E N T I N G , ( R E ) C O N S T R U C T I N G A N D A R R A N G I N G M E D I E V A L A R T E F A C T S 47 port of Qingdao became the preface of the history of the Skušek col- lection. Involved in the battle of Qingdao was the Austrian-Hungarian navy vessel Kaiserin Elisabeth by which Ivan Skušek had travelled to the China. He was not on board when the battle began but among a group of officers and soldiers who had been ordered to stay at the Austro-Hungarian trading post at Tianjin where he was then practically stranded.23 23 For a summary of the events around the battle of Qingdao and the vessel Kaiserin Elisa- beth see Gerd Kaminski, »Arthur von Rosthorn, Österreich, China und der 1. Weltkrieg,« in China Report 166 (Vienna: ÖGCF, 2014), 17-20. Fig. 10: Vajrabhairava and Vajravetālī to the proper right of the Buddha’s head, mural inside the main niche of the Gelugpa White Temple of Hunder in Nubra, India. © G. Kozicz. P O L I G R A F I 48 Fig. 11: Mandala of Vajabhairava in the centre of the dome, Shanyin Dian, Beijing. © R. Linrothe/Northwestern University Libraries.24 The Boxers and the God of War The circumstances of Ivan Skušek’s acquisition of the Vajrabhairava sculpture are unknown. While Qing-dynasty sculptures of Vajrabhaira- va are not rare, it is still remarkable that this piece found its way to the home of the Skušek couple in Ljubljana. This sculpture displays more than just refined craftsmanship. It represents the zenith of Tibetan tantric Buddhism in China. It resonates with the long history of Bud- dhist theology, its interplay with politics and its application in conflicts during epochs that saw some of the largest empires in human history. That history however, has so far been mostly linked to the imperial court and the aristocratic upper class. 24 See also Rob Linrothe Image Collection, North Western University Libraries, https:// dc.library.northwestern.edu/items/f8a9e6b2-c3ff-4ad1-b4aa-9c0cbd693d78. P R E S E N T I N G , ( R E ) C O N S T R U C T I N G A N D A R R A N G I N G M E D I E V A L A R T E F A C T S 49 This takes us back to the initial question: How should we inter- pret the configuration on the dresser? What might have been Tsuneko Kondō-Kawase’s intention? To answer this question we might have a look at her life story. She came to Northeast China–the region where the Manchus had their ancestral roots–in around 1905. Although she officially declared her family to be followers of Shinto, Japan’s indig- enous religion, in her certificate of marriage,25 one has to keep in mind that regular visits to Buddhist temples and even participation in Bud- dhist ceremonies were customary for all Japanese people.26 Since she had left Japan at an early age, these temples in Manchuria must have provided the major visual source that shaped her idea of a Buddhist sacred space. To maintain their cultural roots, the family probably visited and sought service for auspicious festivities at Buddhist temples that were either built or renovated by order of the Qing emperors. One temple of interest near Mukden (modern-day Shenyang), the former capital of the Manchus, was dedicated to Guan Yu, the Han Chinese legend- ary general and God of War whom the Manchus incorporated into their ideology and established as a state protector of the Qing. Guan Yu was related, if not conflated, with the yidams of the Gelug order– in particular with Yamāntaka.27 It is exactly this conflation that finally created a link between the religious history of the God of War and the circumstances whereby the majority of the objects now in the Skušek collection first became available on the art market. The Boxer Rebellion that broke out in China in 1899 eventually led to the extensive looting and demolitions of aristocratic buildings in Beijing by the foreign armies in the aftermath of the Boxers’ defeat. A report by Paula von Rosthorn (1873–1967) sheds light on a so-far over- looked aspect of this traumatic moment in Chinese history–a note that is most relevant to the current discussion. Paula was the wife of Arthur 25 Poročni list, Archdiocesan Ordinariate in Ljubljana, St. Nicholas Cathedral, vol. 1927, p. 137, no. 9. 26 Document from the personal archive of Janez Lombergar, the great-nephew of Ivan Skušek jr. 27 Bianchi »Protecting Beijing,« 344, fn. 67 referring to Xiangyun Wang, »Tibetan Buddhism at the Court of Qing. The Life and Work of lCang-skya Rol-pa’i rdo-rje (1717–1786)« (PhD diss., Boston: Harvard University 1995), 137–139, 315–316. P O L I G R A F I 50 von Rosthorn (1862–1945), then Diplomat at the Austro-Hungarian embassy in Beijing. Paula von Rosthorn had accompanied her husband, who had studied Chinese literature at Cambridge University before en- tering the imperial diplomatic service in Vienna from where he was assigned to the position in China. The beginning of her journal states: »Sie [Die geheime Gesellschaft der Boxer] gewann rasch eine große Verbreitung, weil die Führer versicherten im Besitze von überirdis- chen Kräften zu sein und jedem, der sich der Bewegung anschließen würde, den Schutz des Kriegsgottes versprachen, der ihn für Schuß- und Stichwunden unverwundbar machen würde. Es waren Exerzitien vorgeschrieben, welche durch heftige rhytmische Bewegungen bei den betreffenden Individuen eine Art hypnotischen Zustandes erregten, der den Zuschauern stets als Einwirken höherer Mächte erklärt wurde.«28 Paula von Rosthorn explains that the successful spread of the Boxer Movement was due to the claim by their leaders that they had super- natural powers and the promise that all followers would be protected by the God of War and become invulnerable to bullets and swords. She further mentions compulsory rites that included wild, rhythmic body movements–like wild dances–that generated a hypnotic state of mind.29 We cannot say which God of War she refers to. The mention of the rites including frantic dances and a kind of state of ecstasy, how- ever, reflected a borrowing from Tibetan Buddhist Cham dances rather than Confucian or Daoist practices. We may assume that the Boxers created a fusion of ritual practices from several cultural strata to stand up against the colonial powers and the increasing influence of Christian missionaries. It would be only natural if they employed a conflation of Yamāntaka-Vajrabhairava and Guan Yu to enhance the impact of their propaganda and stabilise the alliance between the various parties that joined the movement. But first of all, such rites should motivate 28 Paula von Rosthorn, Peking 1900, ed. Alexander Pechmann (Vienna: Böhlau, 2001), 21. 29 We assume that the observations are widely accurate as the whole book, which is practi- cally a journal, provides a precise documentation of the events and is free of colonial and anti-Chinese prejudice. Although the von Rosthorns both joined the defence forces of the diplomatic quarter during the besiege by the Boxers, they were full of admiration of Chinese culture and the people. After her return to Vienna, Paula von Rosthorn was the first woman to receive the medal of honour for bravery in combat by the Emperor (Kaiser) Franz Joseph. P R E S E N T I N G , ( R E ) C O N S T R U C T I N G A N D A R R A N G I N G M E D I E V A L A R T E F A C T S 51 and prepare their followers for battle. It is possible that the beginning of the Boxer Rebellion was the moment when the concept of tantric Buddhist ritual–perhaps in a heavily modified form–reached also the non-Buddhist members of the Chinese society. Paula von Rosthorn’s comments establishes a link between the rituals of the Boxers and the long tradition of wrathful deities. Her comment is a sketch that super- imposes the aforementioned magical performances in Buddhist ritu- als with the actual fighting on the battleground. Religious goals like purification, enlightenment and nirvana, and scenarios of afterlife and rebirth were pushed into the background while survival and victory in times of conflicts despite their purely mundane nature became the most urgent. And even though the momentum was short-lived and the Boxer Movement failed, the memory of the rites must have lingered at least for a while. Even a young girl like Tsuneko Kondō-Kawase could have hardly been unaware of the growing popularity and significance of these deities as reflections of the precarious socio-political situations in both China and East Asia in the beginning of the 20th century. At this point, mention must be made of two minor sculptures among the set on the dresser–Vajrapani and Begtse30 (Fig. 12). Though significantly smaller than the Vajrabhairava couple, these two deities stand out from the set because of their wrathful appearance. Vajrapani’s relevance to the present discussion derives from his function as a state protector of the Mongol-Yuan dynasty. Begtse, who widely shares his physical features with Vajrapani, is the Mongolian Buddhist warrior deity. Placed centrally in front of Vajrabhairava, they establish a triadic configuration with a clear message: protection, victory in warfare and the destruction of obstacles. Thus, the configuration on the dresser pre- sents a long religious tradition and at the same time pictures the socio- cultural climate of the period from the late 19th century to the end of the Qing dynasty. 30 Begtse is not listed on any inventory list. This is not surprising because in the past this deity was often mislabelled as Vajrapani or some other protector or yidam. However, except for that one photograph, no evidence of this figure is found in the archives and neither is it among the pieces of the present collection in the Slovene Ethnographic Museum. P O L I G R A F I 52 Fig. 12: Begtse holding his scorpion handle sword in front of Vajrabhairava. © Photographic archive of the Slovene Ethnographic Museum. The Mirror Three archival photographs show the collection presented in differ- ent flats and different spatial settings.31 Although in one case the view is partly blocked, the configuration seems always the same: Vajrabhairava and Vajravetālī claim the centre. Whether or not such a consistency hints at an ideological concept remains a matter of speculation at pre- sent. However, the arrangement of the other figures changes. The pho- tographs are not clear enough to provide all details, but some of the larger Buddhas and one multi-armed Bodhisattva can still be identified with certainty. They can be found in different positions in the different places where they were presented. Only the wrathful couple appears in 31 See e.g. Tina Berdajs, »Retracing the Footsteps: Analysis of the Skušek Collection,« in Asian Studies 9, no. 3 (2021): 157, Fig. 2, https://doi.org/10.4312/as.2021.9.3.141-166. P R E S E N T I N G , ( R E ) C O N S T R U C T I N G A N D A R R A N G I N G M E D I E V A L A R T E F A C T S 53 the same position throughout the history of this part of the Skušek col- lection–even when Tsuneko Kondō-Kawase became a widow. A comparison of the archival documents testifies that the Vajrab- hairava sculpture was not the only constant element in this setting. The second unchanged component was the dresser itself, which was always used to display the collection of the metalwork pieces in all the pho- tographs. Obviously the Skušeks considered it ideal for practical and aesthetic reasons, but we might ask again: Was there a specific intention behind this choice? The frontal face of the main body of the dresser dis- plays fine woodcarvings of Daoist motifs. Although the carvings attract the viewer’s attention, the focus is also directed to the mirror. Besides the documentary, the dresser can be seen in at least four archival pho- tographs. In two of them the mirror is visible, while in the other two the frame is covered by a textile. The reason for the cover was that the dresser had been shipped to Europe without the mirror. Following the installation of the mirror, the textile was removed.32 In general, the idea of placing the metalwork pieces in front of a mirror–or placing a mirror behind them–might have purely represen- tational reasons. However, if viewed from a Buddhist perspective, the broader Yama-Yamāntaka context stimulates an alternative interpre- tation related to Yama’s function as a judge and king of the under- world and hell. In most cases, the attributes of Buddhist deities reflect a mental process, for example the sword of Mañjuśrī cutting the roots of ignorance and duality. In addition, a weapon may also directly refer to a certain action, such as Yama Dharmarāja’ club representing the physical action of crushing an opponent. While this destructive qual- ity is well presented in Tibetan Buddhist art, the iconography of Yama Dharmarāja seems to lack attributes that express his function as a judge. To compensate that, his entourage of demonic creatures and wardens of the underworld were employed. While these terrifying creatures again display punishment in a vivid manner, they may also signify the mo- ment of final judgement through specific hand-held objects and weap- ons–in this case a pair of dice and a mirror (Fig. 13a/b). 32 The textile was recently identified by Tina Berdajs in the storage room of the SEM. It has never been inventoried. P O L I G R A F I 54 Fig. 13a: Three companions of the Buddhist Yama Dharmarāja–the left one holding two dices, the central one piercing the head of a man, and the right one holding a mirror, Sakya Temple of Skidmang, Upper Ladakh, 16th–17th century. © Q. Devers. Fig. 13b: The three companions. Line drawing © G. Kozicz. P R E S E N T I N G , ( R E ) C O N S T R U C T I N G A N D A R R A N G I N G M E D I E V A L A R T E F A C T S 55 A thangka (scroll painting) of the Bhavacakra (Wheel of Life) now at the Virginia Museum of Fine Arts depicts a pot-bellied Yama holding a mirror and presiding over hell.33 A series of hanging scrolls showing the Ten Kings of Hell painted by Lu Xinzhong sheds light on the role of the mirror in the Chinese vision of hell in the 12th century34 (Fig. 14). There, Yama appears as a Confucian official who oversees the judge- ment of those entering the sphere of the underworld. Three wardens of hell assist him as they force two men begging for mercy in front of a large round mirror. The mirror symbolises the truth as it will show the true nature of the indicted. The conception is certainly based on the Buddhist model but be- speaks a purely Chinese context. It is clearly pedagogical rather than ideological in nature. The narrative and visual representations of this scene became well-known outside the Buddhist context and much ac- cepted by non-Buddhist communities in China at the time, having even found their way to Japan. Either in China or already in Japan, Tsuneko Kondō-Kawase most likely came across this tradition and the meaning of the mirror associated with truth and judgement. The deci- sive moment when one faces his or her deeds must have been one of the crucial points of the narrative. At its core is the connection between the mirror and Yama Dharmarāja. The placement of Yamāntaka-Vajrabhairava on the dresser might be understood as a reference to this narrative. This is admitted- ly hypothetical. Mirrors are devices of multifaceted symbolism in the East Asian religious context.35 What appears to be a rather insignificant background element to us nowadays might have conveyed a clear mes- sage to a contemporaneous Buddhist practitioner from East Asia. 33 See Jeffrey Durham and John Henry Rice, Awaken: A Tibetan Buddhist Journey Toward Enlightenment (Richmond: Virginia Museum of Fine Art, 2019), 13 and 92, Cat. No. 4 and Fig. 13. The thangka is also accessible on the Himalayan Art Resources Website: https://www. himalayanart.org/items/85113/images/primary#-2363,-4178,5343,-145. 34 For a full set of the Ten Kings of Hell, see the Nara National Museum website: https:// www.narahaku.go.jp/english/collection/1013-0.html. 35 See e.g. Gina Barnes, »Chokkomon and the ‘Art of Death’,« East Asia Journal 1, no. 2 (2003): 45–67; Schuyler Cammann, »The ‘TLV’ pattern on cosmic mirrors of the Han dy- nasty,« Journal of the American Oriental Society 68, no. 4 (1948): 159–167. P O L I G R A F I 56 Fig. 14. Yama and mirror, from Lu Xinzhong, Ten Kings of Hell series, 13th century (Southern Song dynasty), China. Nara National Museum, https://commons. wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Ten_Kings_of_Hell,_Yanluo_Wang_(Enra_%C5%8C)_by_ Lu_Xinzhong.jpg (CC BY 4.0). P R E S E N T I N G , ( R E ) C O N S T R U C T I N G A N D A R R A N G I N G M E D I E V A L A R T E F A C T S 57 For the time being we have no evidence that the mirror was part of Tsuneko Kondō-Kawase’s original concept of the presentation. We do not know the specific intentions behind her choice of order, but we can recreate a historical context within which it is possible to interpret the arrangement on the dresser from different perspectives. One day, if we learn more about her life, we might get a better idea which of the perspective had been hers. Ultimately, the connection between the mir- ror and the arrangement of the sculptures was lost when the collection was moved first to the Goričane Museum outside Ljubljana in 1963 and later to the Slovene Ethnographic Museum where the objects were separated. The Vajrabhairava-Vajravetālī became part of the Tibetan display in the permanent exhibition, while the dresser was disassembled and taken into storage. The significance of the sculpture for the Skušeks and their visitors can only be reconstructed through an understanding of the context in which it was displayed, a context which has only survived in archival photographs and a documentary film. Acknowledgements We are most thankful to the reviewers for their constructive com- ments and the Slovene Ethnographic Museum Ljubljana for providing access to their collections. This study was funded in whole or in part by the Austrian Science Fund (FWF) Grant I6252 (hosted by the Institute of Architecture and Media, Graz University of Technology). We are grateful to Rob Linrothe and Quentin Devers for providing their images for this article. P O L I G R A F I 58 B i b l i o g r a p h y Barnes, Gina. »Chokkomon and the ‘Art of Death’.« East Asia Journal 1, no. 2 (2003): 45–67. Berdajs, Tina. »Retracing the Footsteps: Analysis of the Skušek Collection.« Asian Studies 9, no. 3 (2021): 141–168. https://doi.org/10.4312/as.2021.9.3.141-166. Bianchi, Esther. »Protecting Beijing: The Tibetan Image of Yamāntaka- Vajrabhairava in Late Imperial and Republican China.« In Images of Tibet in the 19th and 20th Centuries, Vol. 1, coll. Études thématiques (22.1), edited by Monica Esposito, 329–356. Paris: EFEO, 2008. Cammann, Schuyler. »The ‘TLV’ pattern on cosmic mirrors of the Han dynasty.« Journal of the American Oriental Society 68, no. 4 (1948): 159–167. Chou, Wen-Shing. »Bodhisattva Emperors of the Manchu Qing Dynasty.« In Faith and Empire: Art and Politics in Tibetan Buddhism, edited by Karl De- breczeny, 191–212. New York: Rubin Museum of Art, 2019. Conze, Edward. The Prajñāpāramitā Literature. London: Mouton&Co, 1958 [repr. 2008]. Cuevas, Bryan J. »The Politics of Magical Warfare.« In Faith and Empire: Art and Politics in Tibetan Buddhism, edited by Karl Debreczeny, 171–189. New York: Rubin Museum of Art, 2019. Debreczeny, Karl. »In the Shadow of the Khan: Tibetan Buddhist and Politi- cal Legitimation in the Ming Dynasty.« In Faith and Empire: Art and Politics in Tibetan Buddhism, edited by Karl Debreczeny, 125–150. New York: Rubin Museum of Art, 2019. Hrvatin, Klara. »The ‘First Mrs. Japanese’ of Slovenia between two World Wars: Marija Skušek and Her Series of Lectures on Japanese Women.« Asian studies 9 (25), no. 3 (2021): 169-197. https://doi.org/10.4312/as.2021.9.3.169-197. Kaminski, Gerd. »Arthur von Rosthorn, Österreich, China und der 1. Welt- krieg.« China Report 166, 10–41. Vienna: ÖGCF, 2014. Kramrisch, Stella. The Hindu Temple, Vol.1. Calcutta: University of Calcutta, 1946 [repr. 2007]. Linrothe, Rob. Ruthless Compassion: Wrathful Deities in Early Indo-Tibetan Esoteric Buddhist Art. London: Serindia, 1999. Quinter, David. »Mañjuśrī in the East.« In Brill’s Encyclopaedia of Buddhism, Vol. II, edited by Jonathan A. Silk, Richard Bowring and Vincent Eltschinger, 591–599. Leiden-Boston: Brill, 2019. Rice, John Henry, and Durham, Jeffrey S. Awaken: A Tibetan Buddhist Jour- ney Toward Enlightenment. Richmond: Virginia Museum of Fine Art, 2019. Rosthorn, Paula von. Peking 1900, edited by Alexander Pechmann. Vienna: Böhlau, 2001. P R E S E N T I N G , ( R E ) C O N S T R U C T I N G A N D A R R A N G I N G M E D I E V A L A R T E F A C T S 59 Siklós, Bulcsu. The Vajrabhairava Tantras: Tibetan and Mongolian Versions. English Translation and Annotations. General Presentations of the Classes of Tantra, Captivating the Minds of the Fortunate Ones, trans. M.J. Boord and Losang Norbu Tronawa. Dharamsala: Library of Tibetan Works and Archives, 1996. Tagespost. October 8th, 1930. Graz. Tenpa, Tsangwa Gendun. »Tibetan Buddhism and Art in the Mongol Empire According to Tibetan Sources.« In Faith and Empire: Art and Politics in Tibetan Buddhism, edited by Karl Debreczeny, 105–124. New York: Rubin Museum of Art, 2019. Wang, Xiangyun. »Tibetan Buddhism at the Court of Qing. The Life and Work of lCang-skya Rol-pa’i rdo-rje (1717–1786).« PhD diss. Boston: Harvard University, 1995. Watt, James C.Y., and Anne E. Wardwell. When Silk Was Gold: Central Asian and Chinese Textiles. New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1997. Wayman, Alex. Chanting the Names of Mañjuśrī: The Mañjuśrī-nāma-saṃgīti. Boston & London: Shambhala, 1985. 61 S E E I N G M A R Y A N D B E C O M I N G M A R I J A : T S U N E K O K O N D Ō K A W A S E ’ S B R I D G I N G R E L I G I O U S A N D C U L T U R A L B O U N D A R I E S 1 H e l e n a M o t o h , G a š p e r M i t h a n s The events began on the morning of Easter Monday, 16 April 1927, at 9:30 with a baptism and concluded at 10:30 with a marriage cer- emony.2 The woman who entered the chapel of the Bishop’s Palace in Ljubljana that morning was Tsuneko Kondō Kawase. Upon exiting, she was Marija Skušek, now married to Ivan Skušek Jr., a former officer of the Austro-Hungarian navy.3 Within the span of an hour, she had changed her name and surname and received all the Catholic sacra- ments. Her two children from a previous marriage had been baptised the previous day and then received Confirmation on the same day as their mother.4 This notably swift procedure attracted significant attention from the press at the time. Daily and weekly newspapers, as well as journals, ex- tensively covered the ceremony, publishing details about the wedding, 1 This article is a result of the research projects J6-4618 and J6-50187 and research pro- gramme: P6-0272, funded by the Slovenian Research and Innovation Agency (ARIS). 2 »Marija jo je poklicala [Mary Called Her],« Bogoljub 26, no. 1 (1928): 7. 3 Archdiocesan Archives of Ljubljana (NŠAL), ŽA Ljubljana – sv. Nikolaj, Poročna knjiga [Marriage Registry] 1921–1940, 137. 4 Tsuneko’s children received a conditional baptism, because it was not clear if they had been baptised correctly in China (»Pet zakramentov v eni uri,« Jutro, April 20, 1927: 3; Blaž Otrin and Marija Čipić Rehar, eds., Jegličev dnevnik: znanstvenokritična izdaja (Celje: Celjska Mohorjeva družba, Društvo Mohorjeva družba, 2015), 967). Their father was Paul H. Schmidt, a German official in China, so the children were initially baptised in the Lutheran tradition. https://doi.org/10.35469/poligrafi.2024.481 Poligrafi, no. 115/116, vol. 29, 2024, pp. 61–88 P O L I G R A F I 62 including a large photograph of the couple and the guests, descriptions of her kimono, and a comprehensive list of wedding guests.5 Figure 1. Wedding photograph (Tsuneko and Ivan seated on the right and left side of Bishop Jeglič; Franc Kimovec stands behind the bishop). Source: Photo archive of Janez Lombergar. Despite the overall positive and fascinated reception, the urgency of the ceremony raised questions. Numerous articles touched upon this rapid process, suggesting the need for further explanation. In January of the following year, an intriguing article appeared in the bi-weekly religious journal Bogoljub. Entitled »Mary Called Her,« the article pre- sented what was purportedly a translation of a letter from Tsuneko to 5 Novice v slikah, 1 May 1927 (wedding photograph); »Izredna slovesnost v Ljubljani,« Slo- venec, May 1, 1927, 5 (description of the photograph). S E E I N G M A R Y A N D B E C O M I N G M A R I J A 63 Herman Hoffmann, the headmaster of the Catholic University in To- kyo. In this letter, Tsuneko provided a detailed and deeply personal account of her conversion to Catholicism, in which of Mary played a central role. These apparitions reportedly began during the winter prior to her conversion and were pivotal in her transformation. This paper aims to examine this remarkable narrative through vari- ous analytical lenses. First, we conduct a detailed analysis of her testi- mony to identify its key elements. Next, we contextualise her conver- sion within the broader religious landscape of interwar Yugoslavia, a period marked by increasing conversions and the standardization of conversion procedures. Following this, we turn our attention to the apparitions of Mary, a crucial aspect of her conversion story, consider- ing their typology and possible contextual meanings. Finally, we place Tsuneko’s conversion narrative in a wider framework of the interwar period and from that viewpoint explore the potential insights into the multireligious, intercultural, and transformative religious dynamics. Mary Called Her The introduction to Tsuneko’s letter is penned by an anonymous author. The introductory passage indicates that the article was prepared by a priest who corresponded with Tokyo on Tsuneko’s behalf. Based on the content of the letter, this individual is likely to be Franc Kimovec (1878–1964), the priest who played a pivotal role in Tsuneko’s conver- sion, or someone closely associated with him who managed the for- malities related to her conversion, including correspondence with the Catholic University in Tokyo. Kimovec, a renowned church musician and composer, was, at the time the bishop’s canon in Ljubljana and thus also the landlord of Ivan Skušek’s family,6 who resided in the canonical house opposite the bishop’s palace. Tsuneko begins her letter by recounting her initial scepticism toward Catholic rituals during the first years after their arrival in Ljubljana in September 1920. She and Ivan Skušek initially lived with his parents in the canonical house, and she recalls being terrified the first morning she 6 Cf. »Marija jo je poklicala,« 7. P O L I G R A F I 64 was awakened by the loud ringing of the cathedral bells.7 She reflected at that time that if they ever found a place of their own, it would have to be far from any church. She goes on to describe her first experience attending Sunday mass, where, despite observing others solemnly per- forming the rituals, she »did not find it very holy« compared to her ex- periences in Japanese temples, where »her head instinctively knew when to bow.« With a touch of humour, she describes how, to her, Sunday had previously been the only morning to rest, whereas being Catholic required waking up early for church, even if it is raining or snowing outside.8 Moreover, she found the obligation to confess her actions to someone other than her husband inappropriate. For these reasons, she resisted invitations from »some priests« to convert, citing her upbring- ing in Buddhism as a reason she could not change her faith. This detail is intriguing, as it almost suggests that she used her Buddhist identity as a convenient excuse to avoid pressure to undergo baptism, which she resisted for other reasons. Buddhism, not requiring exclusive religious identification like Christianity, Judaism, or Islam, likely did not present an insurmountable obstacle from her original religious perspective. Nevertheless, she continues, she sometimes felt »somewhat lone- ly« in her soul, prompting her to attend church services occasionally, though she remained unable to experience the »joy and comfort others felt there.« This sentiment may reflect the social exclusion frequently described in studies on conversion. She then briefly mentions that her children were Protestants before turning to the central narrative of the article: the apparitions of Mary. The »Mother of God« [Mati božja] be- gan appearing to her »every night starting in November« of the previous year (1926) »as soon as she went to bed and closed her eyes.« Mary ap- peared in the »right corner of the bedroom« in what Tsuneko describes as a »living figure of the Mother of God,« »tall and strangely beautiful.« She further recalls a moment of worry over what might happen to her upon death and where she would be buried, given that her children 7 All the references and quotes from Tsuneko’s letter: »Marija jo je poklicala,« 6–8. 8 The style of these humoristic segments is not unlike the rhetorics of the missionary publi- cism at the time and does not match the otherwise rather serious rhetorics of the letter, which could hint at some stylistic inputs by the editors, or alternatively, that Tsuneko herself had some knowledge of this type of texts in missionary publications in Slovenia. S E E I N G M A R Y A N D B E C O M I N G M A R I J A 65 were Protestant and her husband9 Catholic. Upon this reflection, she »suddenly saw the figure of the Mother of God.« In January, Tsuneko realised that Mary wanted her to be baptised, which explained why the apparitions had occurred. This realization brought her great joy, and when she shared the news with her husband’s parents, his mother cried »tears like pearls.« Notably, Tsuneko does not mention her husband’s or his father’s reaction to her decision.10 After informing her mother-in- law, she contacted Franc Kimovec11, asking if he would »guide her onto the right path,« which he gladly agreed to do. Her two children also expressed their desire to join her in converting to Catholicism. Tsuneko then describes the religious instruction provided by Kimo- vec, who taught them for 2 to 3 hours daily on weekdays and at least 5 hours every Sunday, continuing this schedule until 15 April. Through his teachings, Tsuneko notes that she began »to realise with full clarity that there is only one true God« and eagerly awaited the »happy day« of baptism. The day arrived on Monday, 18 April, when, thanks to the »bishop’s kind benevolence,« the ceremonies took place in his chapel. Tsuneko does not mention him by name, but the bishop of Ljubljana at the time 9 The couple claimed that they had already been civilly married in China before departing to Europe in the summer of 1920. The date which is stated in the marriage register is 12 June 1920 (NŠAL, Poročna knjiga, 137). June 1920 was the month they departed from China to Europe and several documents still exist from the voyage. In all of them, however, Tsuneko is still identified with the surname Schmidt, which most probably means that no marriage took place before their departure. The date of 12 June is also quite unlikely, as just five days before that she was obviously in Yokohama, where she received the French transit visa and other travel documents for their journey to Europe (all dated 7 June). Even today, the sea journey can take a few days between ports alone, while with addition of land travel, which in the years following World War I was slow and unreliable, it is very difficult to imagine that they could return to Beijing in time for the alleged wedding. 10 The diary of Bishop Jeglič adds a dry remark on the potential reason for her not telling the husband: »This Skušek never invited anyone into the Catholic religion. I think he’s not a good Catholic.« He adds that the husband later changed his mind and after Tsuneko’s conversion »during the confession claimed that he was now also very happy about it« (Otrin and Čipić Rehar, Jegličev dnevnik, 967). 11 The role of the article’s author and/or the editors can only be speculated (see above), but as the preparation of the article was most probably somehow connected to Kimovec, it is also understandable that several footnotes were added (in the third person), where it is stressed that he »never dared to mention to her that she should join the Catholic Church« and that upon her decision »he only did what any other priest would do in his place.« P O L I G R A F I 66 was Anton Bonaventura Jeglič. She explains that the »baptism ceremo- ny began at 9:30, followed by the matrimony, confirmation, and com- munion during the wedding mass.« None of the guests–who included her husband’s family, relatives, and acquaintances–»prayed without tears.« In a deeply personal tone, she describes how baptism made her feel as though »her whole world lit up,« transforming her into a differ- ent person. She humorously revisits the earlier image of herself, now ea- ger to leap out of bed and rush to church to avoid missing mass. When illness or another urgent matter prevents her from attending mass on Sundays, she claims to feel »lonely for the entire day.« In the concluding paragraph, she expresses her gratitude to Kimovec and to Hoffmann for sending her Catholic books in Japanese. Regrettably, no such books have so far been found among her remain- ing possessions, and there is no further archival information about her letter to Hoffmann. These materials would shed light on other individ- uals involved in this unusual correspondence and provide insight into whether parts of her original letter were edited to fit the rhetorical style of the time and the journal. Thus, the letter must be analyzed »as is,« based solely on the published version, without the analytical luxury of distin- guishing between Tsuneko’s original text and the published adaptation. The details of Tsuneko’s conversion story open several possibilities for theoretical interpretation. What Rambo and Farhadian argue in their overview of views on religious conversion12 is that it is possible to see a change in the conversion styles and related narratives in the contemporary world, with important theoretical shifts also marking the studies on the topic. Contemporary conversions, the authors claim, show a tendency to be more gradual and follow complex trajectories, the theoretical approaches to the topic also show a change from subjec- tivist interpretations such as those of James and Nock,13 to a multi-fac- eted and contextualised landscape of the contemporary views on what conversion means and how it can be interpreted. Tsuneko’s conversion 12 Lewis R. Rambo and Charles E. Farhadian, eds., The Oxford Handbook of Religious Conver- sion (New York: Oxford University Press, 2014). 13 Cf. William James, The Varieties of Religious Experience: A Study in Human Nature (New York: Longmans, Green, and Co., 1902); Arthur Darby Nock, Conversion: The Old and the New in Religion from Alexander the Great to Augustine of Hippo (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1933). S E E I N G M A R Y A N D B E C O M I N G M A R I J A 67 in the 1920s forms a transitional case between different typologies and views on the religious conversion, not only by the era in which it hap- pened, but also by the characteristics of how it happened and–much more importantly–how it was narrated. Her conversion story largely fits into the framework of subjectivist interpretations, understanding the conversion as a deeply personal and individual transformative expe- rience where emotional states play a crucial role. We see these playing out in Tsuneko’s narrative when she repeatedly recalls the feelings of loneliness, fear, worry, and subsequent joy and happiness–with fear and loneliness being the decisive motivation for her personal decision to convert. The commentator of the published letter also joins the narra- tive framework by pointing out that she was not pressured to convert. What makes Tsuneko’s story a more transitional case when it comes to the views on religious conversion, is that the nuances of it can lead us to ask many questions about what Rambo and Farhadian would list as »contemporary perspectives on conversion.«14 First, the sociocul- tural context of Tsuneko’s conversion is unique not only because of her individual story as the first Japanese person15 permanently residing in Slovenia but also due to the lack of a pre-existing sociocultural frame- work to help her or others navigate this situation. Moreover, there were not many similar narratives of intercultural contact to which she or others could refer. It is also notable due to the sociocultural context of the multireligious Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes (later Yugo- slavia), particularly in its northernmost region, which at the time was predominantly religiously homogenous. This period marked one of the first instances of conversions occurring among the Slovenian popula- tion in relatively larger, though still limited, numbers. In this unique situation, the individual active agency, another im- portant marker of contemporary conversions described by Rambo and 14 Rambo and Farhadian, The Oxford Handbook, 7. 15 The complexity of her life story, though, can lead us to see her as already having a rather hybrid ethnic and religious identity even before arriving to Europe with her husband. She was born in Japan, grew up in a Japanese family in Chinese Manchuria, lived in the multicultural and multilingual 1910s Beijing, was married and had children with a German official – speak- ing at least four different languages and having lived in several different cultural and religious environments before leaving for Europe with Skušek. P O L I G R A F I 68 Figure 2. Tsuneko in prayer, unknown location. Source: Photo archive of Slovene Ethnographic Museum. S E E I N G M A R Y A N D B E C O M I N G M A R I J A 69 Farhadian, played a radically more important role. This is something which can be seen not only in Tsuneko’s conversion narrative but also in a lot of other biographical details about how she lived her life in the otherwise very monocultural landscape of interwar Ljubljana. We also see her actively engaging in negotiations around her identity as a »Japanese woman in Ljubljana«16 and using it as a welcome entry point into social and intellectual networks. The conversion narrative seems to point to a related phenomenon–the conversion providing a solution to the realistic fears and challenges she was facing in the intercultural situation she was in. Her description of her fears about how she might be buried away from her loved ones is probably only the most severe example among many related challenges. The religious landscape and interwar conversions to Catholicism in the Ljubljana diocese Interwar Yugoslavia was a multi-ethnic and multireligious state, therefore the incorporation of the Slovene lands into this new entity in 1918 brought many changes to this environment,17 including religious ones. From the majority Catholic Habsburg monarchy, the Slovenians – 6.6% of whom were Catholic according to the 1921 census – entered a (multi-)national framework with three major religious communities: the Serbian Orthodox Church (46.6% of the population), the Catholic Church (39.4%), and the Islamic Religious Community (11.2%).18 The Serbian Orthodox Church enjoyed special privileges despite the consti- tutionally guaranteed equality of recognised religions. The religious composition in the Slovenian part of the kingdom did not change markedly in numbers in the interwar period with around 16 The Slovenian press almost univocally called her »our Japanese« (Cf. »Domače vesti,« Jutro, July 1, 1933; »Domače vesti,« Mariborski večernik »Jutra«, March 6, 1935: 4, etc.). 17 Jože Pirjevec, Jugoslavija 1918–1992. Nastanek, razvoj ter razpad Karadjordjevićeve in Titove Jugoslavije (Koper: Lipa, 1995). 18 Milivoja Šircelj, Verska, jezikovna in narodna sestava prebivalstva Slovenije: popisi 1921– 2002 (Ljubljana: Statistični urad Republike Slovenije, 2003). P O L I G R A F I 70 97 % identifying as Catholics in 1921 and 1931,19 but, especially in the cities, the beginnings of religious plurality were already visible in this strongly conservative milieu. Judaism and Protestantism were already present in certain regions and major cities, the latter being the larg- est minority religion. The religious community that gained the most visibility and converts after the end of World War I was the Serbian Orthodox Church, which soon after the unification of the country es- tablished Orthodox parishes and later, with the support of the state authorities, built the first Orthodox churches in the largest Slovenian cities, although – despite being the third largest religion – only com- prised 0.6 % of population in 1931.20 Old Catholicism was a new phe- nomenon in the area as well, while the number of Muslims was mini- mal in this period, although their numbers were slightly growing and comparable to the number of Jews. In the context of this paper, it is of interest that only 15 people were recorded in 1921 as being of »other religions« and none of them were women.21 Henceforth it can be as- sumed that Tsuneko was probably listed as having no religion in this census, which could give another dimension to how »uncommon« her presence was in Slovenia. Despite the relatively low numbers of non-Catholics and the con- sequently lower interest in this topic by the scholarship,22 there are dif- ferences in the slowly changing religious landscape, not forgetting the importance of non-believers in relation to the Communist Party, given the events of World War II.23 19 However, we do not have data from 1941, as the census was not performed due to the beginning of World War II. 20 Cf. Bojan Cvelfar, Srbska pravoslavna cerkev na Slovenskem med svetovnima vojnama (Lju- bljana: Inštitut za novejšo zgodovino, Ljubljana: Arhiv Republike Slovenije, 2017). 21 Statistički godišnjak 1929 (for the census of 1921), 1933 in 1937 (for the census of 1931); Šircelj, Verska, jezikovna in narodna sestava, 2003; Janez Cvirn, Boj za sveti zakon: prizadevanja za reformo poročnega prava od 18. stoletja do druge svetovne vojne (Ljubljana: Zveza zgodovinskih društev Slovenije, 2005). 22 Zorica Kuburić and Srđan Sremac, eds., Konverzija i kontekst. Teorijski, metodološki i pra- ktični pristupi religijskoj konverziji (Novi Sad: CEIR, 2009). 23 See Gašper Mithans, »Religious communities and the change of worldviews in Slove- nia (1918–1991): historical and political perspectives,« Annales: anali za istrske in mediteran- ske študije. Series historia et sociologia 30, no. 3 (2020): 415–434, https://doi.org/10.19233/ ASHS.2020.27. S E E I N G M A R Y A N D B E C O M I N G M A R I J A 71 The dominant Catholic Church and its political exponents have either associated the presence of »old« and especially »new« religious minorities with other, non-Slovenian nationalities (e.g., German Evan- gelicals, Orthodox) or publicly labelled them as very rare, inconsequen- tial and in majority pragmatic decisions by people who have never been good Catholics anyway. However, in 1928 the Diocesan ordinariate of Ljubljana requested the municipality of Ljubljana to send them the data on conversions of Catholics to Serbian Orthodoxy as well as the reasons for the conversions, which indicates that the phenomenon did raise some discomfort and should certainly not be disregarded.24 Such conversions were almost unknown in this area before 1918, if we ex- clude the »Away from Rome Movement« (orig. Los-von-Rom-Bewe- gung25) of the late 19th and early 20th centuries that was limited to the German Catholics and in some form re-occurred after the Great War to consolidate the German minority within one religious community. As proselytism–to which Catholic circles reacted most negatively– was mostly practised by representatives of religious communities from 24 The Historical Archives Ljubljana (ZAL), LJU 489, box 2012. According to these statistics based on the leavings of religious communities that had to be (although were not consistently) announced to the civil authorities, in the years from 1918 to 1927, 274 people converted from Catholicism to Serbian Orthodoxy in the municipality of Ljubljana. Conversions to Serbian Orthodoxy were also the most frequent, in the interwar period reaching 1,434 conversions in the two of three Serbian Orthodox parishes in the Drava banate for which we have data (Cvelfar, Srbska pravoslavna cerkev, 125), followed by conversions of Catholics of German minority to so-called German Evangelical Church (in the largest of three parishes in Maribor, it is estimated that close to 1,000 people converted in the interwar period) (The Regional Archives Maribor (PAM), 1821060/2 Evangeljska verska občina Maribor 1862–1945, Izstopi iz rimokatoliške cerkve, 1911–1918; PAM, 1821060/3 Evangeljska verska občina Maribor 1862–1945, Izstopi iz rimokatoliške cerkve, 1919–1945). 25 »Away from Rome« movement was a movement founded in the Austrian part of the Habsburg Monarchy by the Pan-German politician Georg Ritter von Schönerer aimed at con- version of all Roman Catholic German-speaking people in Austria to Lutheran Protestantism or, more rarely, an Old Catholic Church. It started with the introduction of the Language de- crees issued by Prime Minister Count Badeni in 1897, requiring of civil servants in the Czech lands to be fully bilingual in German and Czech, which was strongly opposed by the Austro- German radical nationalists. With a few years of delay, the movement reached also Slovenian lands, especially lower Styria, resulting in 1,796 people leaving the Roman Catholic Church in the Maribor diocese in the period 1897–1914, of that predominantly German Catholics joining the German Evangelical Church (Franc Kovačič, Zgodovina Lavantinske škofije: (1228– 1928) (Maribor: Lavantinski kn. šk. ordinariat, 1928), 419). P O L I G R A F I 72 other parts of the country, or religious conversions were otherwise linked to ethnicity, the opposition went beyond the boundaries of the religious field. Thus, Mahnič’s slogan »only a committed Catholic can be a true Slovene« came to the fore once again. That happened even in the case of Tsuneko entering Catholicism. Even the liberal newspaper Jutro accompanied her action with the words: »This unusually intel- ligent lady took this step to document her love for her family and to manifest her belonging to our nation in the most determined way,«26 thus emphasizing the perception of close ties between Slovenehood and Catholicism, while also expressing some reservations if not a discomfort towards her descent at least by exoticizing her. Figure 3. Excerpt from the Book of Converts on Tsuneko’s conversion. Source: Archive of the St. Nicholas Cathedral of Ljubljana. Given the religious composition, it is unsurprising that most conver- sions were »apostasies,« meaning people leaving the Catholic Church. However, there were also conversions to Catholicism. Even in these cases, the motives were primarily »pragmatic,« despite the requirement for religious instruction and the Catholic Church’s active encourage- ment of conversions. Additionally, with Austrian laws still in force at the time, legal frameworks favoured the Catholic Church in such mat- ters. Children of former Catholics between the ages 7 and 14 were not 26 »Pet zakramentov v eni uri,« Jutro, April 20, 1927: 3. S E E I N G M A R Y A N D B E C O M I N G M A R I J A 73 allowed to convert with their parents,27 which meant that in school they were not allowed to follow religious education of their parents’ voli- tion, but were mostly forced to receive Catholic teachings, which obvi- ously also affected their final decision. Also in some religiously mixed marriages, even where the children did not belong to the faith of the Catholic spouse, they attended Catholic religious instruction.28 How- ever, Tsuneko’s daughter, a Lutheran by her father, was conditionally baptised and received confirmation when she was still 13.29 This was unusual, but not the only example of an »early« conversion that was formally initiated when the person registered the conversion with the state authorities after turning 14.30 It is also unclear whether Tsuneko was indeed a widow at the time of her marriage to Skušek, since various versions of this story exist in the family.31 In any case, no indication was found that a specific verification of her widowship had been carried out before her marriage to Skušek. It is possible to reconstruct concrete examples of individual religious entries into the Catholic Church at least partially on the basis of the material of the diocesan ordinariate kept in the Archdiocesan Archives of Ljubljana. Explaining the formalities that determined the proce- dure of conversion, but also the personal experiences of other converts, which were in many instances similar to those of Tsuneko’s, but also diverged from it, gives us a necessary framework to better understand 27 An interconfessional law of 1868 stipulated that the children under the age of 7 directly converted with their parents, while when reaching 14 years, the decision was theirs alone. The law had been–even if not adapted to the new situation–upheld and enforced by the courts until the kingdom was dissolved (Cvelfar, Srbska pravoslavna cerkev, 133). 28 NŠAL, sp. V, 100 Konvertiti 1874–1938. 29 NŠAL, ŽA Ljubljana – sv. Nikolaj. Krstna knjiga [Baptism registry] 1896–1930, 218. 30 Cf. NŠAL, sp. V, 101 Konvertiti 1938–1963. 31 According to the memories of Ivan Skušek jr.’s brother Franci Skušek, Tsuneko’s first hus- band Paul Heinrich Schmidt left China in 1917 when China entered World War I and left Tsuneko a flower shop so she was then able to make her living. Due to the very common sur- name, the information about Schmidt is difficult to verify with greater certainty, but we do find only one »P. H. Schmidt« listed in pre-war registries of foreigners in China between 1910 and 1912 as a staff member of the German legation in Tianjin. (The Directory & Chronicle for China, Japan, Corea, Indo-China, Straits Settlements, Malay States, Sian, Netherlands India, Borneo, the Philippines, Hongkong Daily Press Office 1910, 1911, and 1912). In 1913 and after he disap- pears from the list, which unfortunately does not help confirm either of these two versions of the story. P O L I G R A F I 74 this act. We cannot find Tsuneko there–most likely as she was accepted to Catholicism by the bishop and hence no permission or consultation was needed–still her conversion was exceptional enough to find its way into the Prince-Bishop Anton Bonaventura Jeglič’s diary. 32 Neither the Jeglič’s diary nor the official note of conversion in the Book of Converts, still kept in the archive of the Cathedral of Ljubljana,33 mentions the apparitions of Mary. Many explanations are possible: either he was not told about them, he dismissed them or the story was narrated–or cre- ated–subsequently. A prerequisite for the initiation of the process of conversion to the Catholic Church is the teaching of the doctrine of the Catholic faith, a kind of condensed adult religious education. The priests thus found themselves in the role of evaluators, having to assess whether the con- vert was converting with pure intentions (i.e., the right inclinations) before the lessons even began, and later to give an assessment of the person’s knowledge and moral character. After a sufficient knowledge of the fundamental doctrines and values of the Catholic Church had been demonstrated, the priest wrote to the diocesan ordinariate for authorization to admit the candidate to the Catholic Church (authorization to absolve from excommunication or authorization to baptise or conditionally baptise the convert) and for instructions on the conversion if needed. In such letters, the priests (rarely the converts in person, but in each case, priests also gave an opin- ion) briefly introduced the candidates, and the converts had to fill in a declaration that they wished to be received into the Catholic Church voluntarily and with pure intentions. After receiving the authorization, the priests performed the ceremony in front of two witnesses, wrote a report on it, which was kept in the parish archives, entered the converts in the baptismal register without a serial number (if they had already been baptised), and the converts had to inform the state authorities of their withdrawal from the previous religious community. The pro- cedure was simplified in cases where there was a risk that the convert 32 Otrin and Čipić Rehar, Jegličev dnevnik, 967. 33 Cf. Archive of the St. Nicholas Cathedral of Ljubljana, Knjiga konvertitov. S E E I N G M A R Y A N D B E C O M I N G M A R I J A 75 would soon pass away.34 If the bishop performed the baptism–as was also Tsuneko’s case–he also conferred the sacrament of confirmation on the candidate, otherwise, the priest should have reminded the newly baptised person to receive the sacrament of confirmation as soon as possible.35 As far as the official aspect of conversion to the Catholic Church is concerned, the Ljubljana Diocesan Rite was in force until 1933, and then Zbirka obredov (Eng. The Compendium of the Sacred Rites) for the Diocese of Maribor and Ljubljana, which is a translation of the Roman Rite, while also the textbook for theology students Pastoralno bogoslovje (Eng. Pastoral Theology) by Franc Ušeničnik is mentioned in the replies from the diocesan ordinariate to the parish priests asking for the directions concerning particular converts.36 Religious instruction was provided through the priest, but often also on an ad hoc basis through parents, spouses in cases of mixed mar- riages, by attending Catholic masses, reading Catholic religious books, following Catholic newspapers, participating in Catholic religious ac- tivities, associations, etc. As with the children, the teaching of the converts was based on the Catechism. Each priest individually judged what to give more emphasis to, determined the choice of the level of difficulty and the duration of the religious instruction. This is explained in The Compendium of the Sacred Rites as follows: If necessary, [the priest] should instruct the convert until he has sufficient- ly understood what a Catholic must believe and how he must live. If, how- ever, he must give the doctrines in a different order, as the education of the individual convert varies, he should not, however, omit in his teaching any of what is contained in the Tridentine Creed and in the deliverances of the [First] Vatican Council.37 As expected, teaching took longer with non-Christians. Interest- ingly it seems that the period of 3 to 4 months of religious education 34 See NŠAL, sp. V, 100 Konvertiti 1874–1938. 35 Franc Ušeničnik, Pastoralno bogoslovje (Ljubljana: Jugoslovanska knjigarna, 1919–1920), 790. 36 NŠAL, sp. V, 100 Konvertiti 1874–1938. 37 Zbirka svetih obredov za lavantinsko in ljubljansko škofijo (Ljubljana: Lavantinski in lju- bljanski ordinariat, 1933), 308. P O L I G R A F I 76 was quite common for non-Christians, including Tsuneko, and the re- ligious instructions she received from Kimovec seem to have followed the standard procedure. More precise instructions on the teaching of converts are given in the textbook Pastoral Theology:38 If necessary, he will speak to the heretic ‘de praeambulis fidei’, that is, de- pending on his education and his state of mind. Among the Christian truths, we must thoroughly expound especially those which the heretics suppress or misunderstand. The easiest way to teach is on the basis of the Catechism. But, priests, avoid controversy, as well as any harsh judgment of other believers. Speak to the catechumen with kindness, in warm, persuasive words.39 In the case of converts from a non-Christian faith, Ušeničnik gives the following guidance: Begin the lesson with the prophecies of the Old Testament and show how in Jesus Christ all things were fulfilled. /.../ Thoroughly explain the re- ligious and moral truths of Christianity: the Most Holy Trinity, salvation, the Church, the sacrifice of the New Testament, the sacraments, the com- mandments, sin, grace. The main formularies: The Lord’s Prayer, the Apostles’ Creed, the Divine and Ecclesiastical Commandments, the formulary for the renewal of repentance, faith, hope and charity must be memorised from the Catechism. Instruct him also to prepare for Holy Baptism by an immaculate life, by prayer and good works, by repentance of the sins he has committed up to now. He must have a firm will to live a good Christian life after Holy Baptism. Finally, the priest also explains the rites of Holy Baptism.40 In religious ritual and teaching, differences between the Catholic faith and other Christian faiths are highlighted, such as the interpreta- tion of the Trinity of God, papal infallibility, the Immaculate Con- ception of Mary, the existence of the purgatory, the indissolubility of marriage, the seven »true« sacraments, the veneration of saints and their images, the recognition of the stipulations of all councils, and the un- derstanding of Scripture solely as interpreted by the Catholic Church.41 These »truths« are particularly emphasised in the teaching of converts 38 Ušeničnik, Pastoralno bogoslovje, 782–790. 39 Ibid., 783–784. 40 Ibid., 789. 41 Zbirka svetih obredov, 310–311. S E E I N G M A R Y A N D B E C O M I N G M A R I J A 77 from Protestantism, the Old Catholic Church or Orthodoxy. There was no manual in the Slovenian language dedicated specifically to converts– there was no need for it, given the small number of converts.42 The whole process of conversion was intended to ensure that the converts would remain Catholics until death, which is what they com- mitted to. The convert was also assigned a spiritual guide, most often a priest, who welcomed him/her into the Catholic Church, who was to encourage them to practise »fidelity and to good works worthy of a Catholic«43 and to watch over them »so that he does not go into the society where it would be dangerous for him, who is not yet established in the faith«.44 In the Catholic Church the ritual of conversion–accepting new members of other religions–is precisely defined and can be performed in three ways: 1) Baptism, which, as »the sacrament of rebirth, cleanses all« in which case there is no need for confession or absolution. 2) Conditional baptism, i.e. in cases where, despite investigation, the priest was not sure if baptism had been performed and it was not possible to obtain reliable confirmation, or finds or suspects that the baptism was not valid (e.g., as was often the case with Jewish conversions during World War II)45. The converts had to renounce the error and make a profession of faith, the priest conditionally baptised them, conditionally absolved them from ecclesiastical penances, then sacramentally confessed them and granted conditional sacramental absolution. 3) When it was certain that the baptism was valid, the converts– or reconverts–renounced the error and professed the faith; then the priest absolved them from ecclesiastical penalties, confessed them, and granted them sacramental absolution. (Re)converts 42 Contrary to some German editions, such as: Franz Bitter, Konvertiten-Unterricht. Prak- tische Anleitung zur Unterweisung oder zum Selbstunterricht im Glauben der heiligen katholischen Kirche für solche, die zu ihr übertreten wollen (Dülmen: Laumann Verlag, 1921), a manual that was recommended to the priests also by F. Ušeničnik. 43 NŠAL, sp. V, 100 Konvertiti 1874–1938. 44 Ušeničnik, Pastoralno bogoslovje, 790. 45 NŠAL, sp. V, 101 Konvertiti 1938–1963; Arhiv župnije Marijinega oznanjenja [The Archive of the Annunciation of Mary parish], Knjiga konvertitov. P O L I G R A F I 78 were also required to make extra-confessional penances, such as charitable work. The penance required was particularly strict for reconverts, but no religious instruction was necessary.46 The first mode of conversion was open to non-Christians, in this area these were mostly Muslims and Jews.47 It has already been men- tioned that in these cases the teaching was most thorough and lengthy, as these persons were mostly unfamiliar with the Catholic faith. Priests, according to Ušeničnik, were even more careful in assessing the motives for conversion of these converts.48 There is a case from 1938 where a Muslim was taught by a priest for four months.49 A year later, a well-off Jewish woman originally from Heidelberg, who wanted to convert and marry a Catholic, was praised by the parish priest in Bled as being so far advanced in her studies that she »knew almost the whole of the Small Catechism by heart«. The convert also asked if she could be baptised, confirmed, and given communion by Bishop Gregorij Rožman in the chapel of the Bishop’s palace, and the priest signed »a certificate of suf- ficient knowledge of the Catholic faith«.50 The similarity with the case of Tsuneko is apparent. Which Mary appeared? Despite the apparent regularity of Tsuneko’s conversion procedure, the Slovenian press repeatedly stressed how rapid the ritual was, perhaps simply due to the fact that Tsuneko was – compared to the converts mentioned above – a rather well-known public figure, which contribut- ed to the conversion reports being more sensationalistic. Nevertheless, the Bogoljub article published early the following year was set to dispel any remaining doubts about the motivation and justification of her conversion. Tsuneko’s account of Mary’s apparition served as valuable proof that her conversion was a result of an unquestionable spiritual transformation. 46 Zbirka svetih obredov, 308–309. NŠAL, sp. V, 100 Konvertiti 1874–1938. 47 NŠAL, sp. V, 100 Konvertiti 1874–1938. 48 Ušeničnik, Pastoralno bogoslovje, str. 789. 49 NŠAL, sp. V, 100 Konvertiti 1874–1938. 50 NŠAL, sp. V, 100 Konvertiti 1874–1938. S E E I N G M A R Y A N D B E C O M I N G M A R I J A 79 At the time that Tsuneko had her experiences of Mary’s apparition, this phenomenon was already widely present in the discussions about popular aspects of religion in the European context, especially follow- ing the famous apparitions in Fatima in Portugal which occurred just a decade before.51 Mary’s status of the mediatrix, an intermediary between people and God was also a matter of vivid debates from the late 19th century onwards.52 Mary’s apparitions go back to the times of antiquity and were present in Medieval Europe, but took on a large-scale socio- cultural framework in the times of counter-reformation. The popularity of many of the 16th and 17th-century apparitions, the Guadalupe be- ing the most prominent example, were providing welcome support for the Catholic cause in their struggle with the reformation.53 The early 19th century, and especially the apparitions of Mary in the Chapel of Sacred Heart of Jesus in Paris54 in 1830, mark the beginning of »the Age of Mary«,55 where the Marian phenomena run parallel to the enormous new complex changes in the social, cultural and political realities of that time. After the Paris apparition, the apparitions of Mary became more numerous than ever before,56 with La Salette in 1846, Lourdes in 1858, and many others. The Lourdes apparitions occurred just four years after Pope Pius IX issued the apostolic constitution Ineffabilis Deus, defin- ing the dogma of the Immaculate Conception of Mary. The doctrine claimed that Mary was preserved from both original and actual sin in becoming the mother of Jesus, what was popularly seen as an honour 51 E.g. an interesting short mention about how these phenomena are becoming more promi- nent as »far from the noise of the world, the Mother of God, Mary, chooses the places where she wants to grant special graces to miserable humanity« was published in another issue of Bogoljub in autumn of the same year (»Iz življenja cerkve [From the life of the Church],« Bogoljub 26, no. 11 (1928): 259. 52 Gloria Falcão Dodd, The Virgin Mary, Mediatrix of All Graces: History and Theology of the Movement for a Dogmatic Definition from 1896–1964 (New Bedford: Academy of the Immacu- late, 2012). 53 Sally Cunneen, In Search of Mary: The Woman and the Symbol (Toronto: Random House, 1996), 183–224. 54 Today, the chapel bears a name Chapel of our Lady of the Miraculous Medal. 55 Deirdre de la Cruz, Mother Figured: Marian Apparitions and the Making of a Filipino Uni- versal (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2015), 7–8. 56 Ibid. P O L I G R A F I 80 given to Mary.57 In the decades following the Apostolic Constitution, another previously sporadic practice gained a new prevalence. In July 1876, with the approval of Pope Pius IX, the image of Our Lady of Lourdes was formally crowned, sparking a wave of similar coronation ceremonies at numerous pilgrimage sites across France and more broad- ly throughout Europe.58 This brings us back to Mary’s apparition recorded by Tsuneko Kondō Kawase. In her account, Mary appearing to her in the corner of the bedroom does not have many specific features. In the letter it- self, Tsuneko only describes her as »tall and unbelievably beautiful.« Interestingly, a slightly more detailed description is then provided in the footnote, written by the unsigned author of the article, which adds a more detailed description Tsuneko allegedly gave »upon being asked by the reporter.« The description is not much more thorough but still provides some important details. »She never took her eyes off me.« Tsuneko’s description begins, »She was all adorable and tall and incom- prehensively beautiful.« She adds that she does not know what Mary was wearing, because she always looked into her beautiful face and her eyes, so she only saw her »somehow above the knees.« She finishes the description, reported by the author, with a surprisingly firm statement: »What I know for certain, is that she was wearing a crown.« This little detail strongly stands out in her otherwise vague and dreamy account of apparitions. As Deirdre de la Cruz points out in her exploration of the images of Mary in the Philippines, an important difference should not be over- looked when reflecting on the images of Mary in different contexts and with different cultures, a difference which can also be described in the terminological scope between the term »Mary’s« and »Marian«. When speaking about »Mary’s apparitions« or about »Marian apparitions«, the Marian presupposes a universality of this holy personage. Simply put, 57 Chris Maunder, The Oxford Handbook of Mary (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2019), 505. 58 Cf. Claude Langlois, »Liturgical Creativity and Marian Solemnity: The Coronation of Pilgrimage Virgin Maries in France (1853–1964),« in Marian Devotions, Political Mobilization, and Nationalism in Europe and America, ed. Roberto Di Stefano and Francisco Javier Ramón Solans (Cham: Palgrave Macmillan, 2016). S E E I N G M A R Y A N D B E C O M I N G M A R I J A 81 it views all apparitions as being a series of the same universal »Marian« apparition. The opposite view would stress what de la Cruz calls »highly place-specific Mary«, an apparition which is essentially grounded in the local, cultural and personal specificity of the seer and the commu- nity.59 From another perspective, Sandra Zimdars-Swartz, in her book Encountering Mary: From La Salette to Medjugorje, comes to a similar conclusion. She claims that the appearance of Mary in a specific place at a specific time reflects the social and cultural dynamics that frame the visionary’s understanding of the apparition.60 In his detailed theological study on this topic, Christopher John Maunder interestingly describes this duality by saying that through the providence of God the objective existence of Mary when present in a subjective apparition is clothed in subjective material.61 The specificity of the Mary’s apparition described by Tsuneko there- fore can be understood to reveal some of the locally and personally specific traits. However, of the whole description, the only decidedly specific part seems to be the firm claim that Mary definitely wore a crown. The crowned Our Lady of Lourdes was well known to Slovenian Catholic readership,62 but this Tsuneko’s »subjective material« in her vi- sion of Mary could also be reflecting some other sources specific to her personal context. Tsuneko was Japanese by birth, but the scarce evidence we have of her early years63 shows that already as a child she moved with her parents to the northern Chinese region of Manchuria, more precisely in the Kwantung Leased Territory at the tip of Liaodong peninsula in today’s Liaoning province. As a young adult, she already lived in Beijing. It is 59 De la Cruz, Mother Figured, 7. 60 Sandra L. Zimdars-Swartz, Encountering Mary: From La Salette to Medjugorje (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2014), 25. 61 Maunder, The Oxford Handbook of Mary, 359. 62 The popular account on the Lourdes case, Notre-Dame de Lourdes, written by Henri Lassere in 1869, was translated to Slovenian and published with great success in 1881. Cf. Fran Levec, »Lurška Mati Božja,« Ljubljanski zvon 1, no. 9 (1881): 576. 63 The only source for her early life are two framed photographs (with photo studio mark- ings) of Tsuneko and her parents kept in the archive of Slovene Ethnographic Museum. One, taken in Gifu, Japan, shows Tsuneko as a small child, the second one, taken already in the Kwantung Leased territory, shows her in early teenage years. P O L I G R A F I 82 therefore possible to claim that any potential previous experience she might have had with the Catholic religion before her arrival to Ljubljana would mostly be marked by Catholicism in China. The image of Mary in the context of Catholic communities in China is a complex topic on its own, but the figure of Mary most often associated with it is Our Lady of Sheshan (佘山圣母). Sheshan near Shanghai used to be a Buddhist sacred mountain with a monastery and a temple of (female- figured) Guanyin, the boddhisatva of Mercy.64 After the Buddhist complex was destroyed by the Taiping rebellion in 1860, Jesuits bought land there and erected a small chapel dedicated to the Our Lady of Victories. In 1870, when saved from the occurring massacres, Jesuit father Agnello Della Corte made a vow to build a church and then first built it in 1873. The church was dedicated to Mary Help of Christians, and the hill became an important pilgrimage site.65 The sculpture of the Sheshan Mary was still based on the altar statue of crowned Mary in the Paris church of Our Lady of Victories, replaced in 1935 by a completely different sculpture of Mary holding baby Jesus above her head and standing upon a dragon.66 When Tsuneko was in China, the original Sheshan Mary was the most venerated image of Mary by the Chinese Catholics. But apart from the Sheshan Mary Help of Christians another crowned Mary could be the source for the specificity of Tsuneko’s vi- sion. In 1907 another crowning event happened in Slovenia, at the pilgrimage site in Brezje, where the Mary Help of Christians Basilica attracted pilgrims since the miraculous healings that first happened in 1863. A 17-year-old girl was said to be healed in Mary’s chapel in Brezje. Among the witnesses of these events was a 13-year-old boy from the nearby village of Begunje67 who later went on to become the bishop of Ljubljana, no other than the already mentioned Anton Bonaventura Jeglič. Jeglič was also the main advocate of the crowning, while the 64 Imagery of Guanyin was often reflected in the imagery of Mary and vice versa. 65 Thomas Coomans, Missionary Spaces: Imagining, Building, Contesting Christianities in Af- rica and China, 1830s-1960s (Leuven: Leuven University Press, 2024), 55–56. 66 Benoît Vermander, Liz Hingley and Liang Zhang, Shanghai Sacred: The Religious Landscape of a Global City (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2018), 70. 67 Robert Bahčič, ed., Po Mariji podarjene milosti (Brezje: Romar, 2014), 24. S E E I N G M A R Y A N D B E C O M I N G M A R I J A 83 permission for this special honour was then granted by Pius X in June 1907. In the special article announcing the upcoming coronation in Brezje, Bogoljub68 compared the coronation in Brezje with two similar events when images of Mary were coronated in two important churches in the region, the 1715 coronation of the Mary of Trsat and the 1717 coronation of Mary at Sveta Gora near Gorica. The 1907 coronation in Brezje was, interestingly for our study, led by bishop Anton Bonaventu- ra Jeglič himself, while the music for the ceremony was organised and partly also composed by no other than Franc Kimovec. The significant contact Tsuneko had with these two dignitaries during her conversion process–Kimovec, notably, being the first priest she approached after her visions–both of whom were deeply devoted to the image of the crowned Mary in Brezje, may have influenced how her vision was ex- pressed in language and narration. 68 »K slavnosti kronanja Marijine podobe na Brezjah,« Bogoljub 5, no. 9 (1907): 266–271. Figures 4, 5 and 6: The origin and development of the old Sheshan Mary image (the statue from the Paris church of Our Lady of Victories; a postcard of the old Sheshan Mary from the middle of the 20th century; the current statue inside the Sheshan Basilica). Source: Wikimedia Commons. P O L I G R A F I 84 Figure 4. Crowned Mary’s image in Brezje. Source: Wikimedia Commons. S E E I N G M A R Y A N D B E C O M I N G M A R I J A 85 Conclusion Whether the specific apparition of Mary seen and described by Tsuneko was indeed influenced by one or the other image of Mary is, of course, outside the scope of this research as we also do not know if the published conversion narrative that included presented apparitions was indeed genuinely hers or was already modified by the unknown author. It does however shed some light on how complex the process of conversion from one (or more) cultural context to another was for an individual like her, bridging the different religious and cultural frameworks of Europe and East Asia while also negotiating different languages and imagery in which these different religious realities were presented. In this complexity, her experience was indeed very unique. At the same time, her conversion is not as unusual as it might seem. The diverse cultural contexts of several converts, including those who had little or no knowledge of the Slovenian language and who could not read the Latin alphabet (e.g., Russian refugees), often required a good deal of adjustment on the part of the priests who introduced the converts to the new faith, and yet a non-European convert was a true rarity. Tsuneko’s conversion followed a common procedure, although most converts typically received only baptism on the same day. How- ever, having the opportunity to receive the sacraments alongside her children in the bishop’s chapel was a special privilege, likely due to their close relationship with Franc Kimovec. In this aspect as well as in many other ways, we see her conversion as importantly marked by her social network and the environment she lived in. The uniqueness of Tsuneko’s conversion story lies unmistakably in her account of the apparitions of Mary. This narrative not only pro- vided her with an irrefutable foundation for her decision to convert but also allows us to comprehend the complex realities she navigated through her conversion experience. Having already been shaped by numerous intercultural and interreligious encounters, she actively engaged in negotiating her intricate circumstances, even initiating the conversion process partly in opposition to what appears to have been her husband’s sentiment. While adhering to the established conversion protocol, her narrative P O L I G R A F I 86 reveals elements of personal agency within the rigidity of the prescribed structure. This dynamic is similarly evident in her account of the apparitions, where the codified narrative trope is interwoven with unexpected personal reflections. The Mary she envisioned is simultaneously archetypal and uniquely personal. She interpreted the paradigmatic vision of Mary as addressing her deepest fears and offering a resolution, yet she also individualized it to align with both her foundational framework of Catholic imagery in Asia and the preferred representations of her new religious mentors–thus bridging religious and cultural divides through the narration and interpretation of her spiritual experience. B i b l i o g r a p h y Bahčič, Robert, ed. Po Mariji podarjene milosti. Brezje: Romar, 2014. Bitter, Franz. Konvertiten-Unterricht. Praktische Anleitung zur Unterweisung oder zum Selbstunterricht im Glauben der heiligen katholischen Kirche für solche, die zu ihr übertreten wollen. Dülmen: Laumann Verlag, 1921. Coomans, Thomas. Missionary Spaces: Imagining, Building, Contesting Chris- tianities in Africa and China, 1830s–1960s. Leuven: Leuven University Press, 2024. Cunneen, Sally. In Search of Mary: The Woman and the Symbol. Toronto: Random House, 1996. Cvelfar, Bojan. Srbska pravoslavna cerkev na Slovenskem med svetovnima vojnama. Ljubljana: Inštitut za novejšo zgodovino; Arhiv Republike Slovenije, 2017. Cvirn, Janez. Boj za sveti zakon: prizadevanja za reformo poročnega prava od 18. stoletja do druge svetovne vojne. Ljubljana: Zveza zgodovinskih društev Slovenije, 2005. De la Cruz, Deirdre. Mother Figured: Marian Apparitions and the Making of a Filipino Universal. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2015. »Domače vesti.« Jutro, July 1, 1933. »Domače vesti.« Mariborski večernik »Jutra«, March 6, 1935: 4. Falcão Dodd, Gloria. The Virgin Mary, Mediatrix of All Graces: History and Theology of the Movement for a Dogmatic Definition from 1896–1964. New Bed- ford: Academy of the Immaculate, 2012. »Izredna slovesnost v Ljubljani.« Slovenec, May 1, 1927: 5. S E E I N G M A R Y A N D B E C O M I N G M A R I J A 87 »K slavnosti kronanja Marijine podobe na Brezjah.« Bogoljub 5, no. 9 (1907): 266–271. Kovačič, Franc. Zgodovina Lavantinske škofije: (1228–1928). Maribor: La- vantinski kn. šk. ordinariat, 1928. Kuburić, Zorica, and Srđan Sremac, eds. Konverzija i kontekst. Teorijski, metodološki i praktični pristupi religijskoj konverziji. Novi Sad: CEIR, 2009. Langlois, Claude. »Liturgical Creativity and Marian Solemnity: The Coro- nation of Pilgrimage Virgin Maries in France (1853–1964).« In Marian Devo- tions, Political Mobilization, and Nationalism in Europe and America, edited by Roberto Di Stefano and Francisco Javier Ramón Solans, 29–56. Cham: Palgrave Macmillan, 2016. Levec, Fran. »Lurška Mati Božja.« Ljubljanski zvon 1, no. 9 (1881): 576. »Marija jo je poklicala [Mary Called Her].« Bogoljub 26, no. 1 (1928): 6–8. Maunder, Chris. The Oxford Handbook of Mary. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2019. Mithans, Gašper. »Religious communities and the change of worldviews in Slovenia (1918–1991): historical and political perspectives.« Annales: anali za is- trske in mediteranske študije. Series historia et sociologia 30, no. 3 (2020): 415–434. https://doi.org/10.19233/ASHS.2020.27. Nock, Arthur Darby. Conversion: The Old and the New in Religion from Alex- ander the Great to Augustine of Hippo. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1933. Novice v slikah, May 1927: 1. Otrin, Blaž, and Marija Čipić Rehar, eds. Jegličev dnevnik: znanstvenokritična izdaja. Celje: Celjska Mohorjeva družba, Društvo Mohorjeva družba, 2015. »Pet zakramentov v eni uri.« Jutro, April 20, 1927: 3. Pirjevec, Jože. Jugoslavija 1918–1992. Nastanek, razvoj ter razpad Karadjordjevićeve in Titove Jugoslavije. Koper: Lipa, 1995. Rambo, Lewis R., and Charles E. Farhadian, eds. The Oxford Handbook of Religious Conversion. New York: Oxford University Press, 2014. Statistički godišnjak: 1929. Beograd: Državna štamparija Kraljevine Jugo- slavije, 1930. Statistički godišnjak: 1933. Beograd: Štamp državne štamparije, 1935. Statistički godišnjak: 1937. Beograd: Državna štamparija, 1938. Šircelj, Milivoja. Verska, jezikovna in narodna sestava prebivalstva Slovenije: popisi 1921–2002. Ljubljana: Statistični urad Republike Slovenije, 2003. The Directory & Chronicle for China, Japan, Corea, Indo-China, Straits Settle- ments, Malay States, Sian, Netherlands India, Borneo, the Philippines. Hongkong Daily Press Office 1910, 1911, and 1912. Ušeničnik, Franc. Pastoralno bogoslovje. Ljubljana: Jugoslovanska knjigarna, 1919–1920. P O L I G R A F I 88 Vermander, Benoît, Liz Hingley, and Liang Zhang. Shanghai Sacred: The Re- ligious Landscape of a Global City. Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2018. James, William. The Varieties of Religious Experience: A Study in Human Na- ture. New York: Longmans, Green, and Co., 1902. Zbirka svetih obredov za lavantinsko in ljubljansko škofijo. Ljubljana: La- vantinski in ljubljanski ordinariat, 1933. Zimdars-Swartz, Sandra L. Encountering Mary: From La Salette to Medju- gorje. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2014. Archival material: Archdiocesan Archives of Ljubljana (NŠAL): – NŠAL, ŽA Ljubljana – sv. Nikolaj [St. Nicholas]. Poročna knjiga [Mar- riage registry] 1921–1940, – NŠAL, ŽA Ljubljana – sv. Nikolaj [St. Nicholas]. Krstna knjiga [Baptism registry] 1896–1930, – NŠAL, sp. V, 100 Konvertiti [Converts] 1874–1938, – NŠAL, sp. V, 101 Konvertiti [Converts] 1938–1963, Archive of the St. Nicholas Cathedral of Ljubljana, Knjiga konvertitov [Con- verts registry]. Arhiv župnije Marijinega oznanjenja [The Archive of the Annunciation of Mary parish], Knjiga konvertitov [Converts registry]. The Historical Archives Ljubljana (ZAL): – ZAL, LJU 489. The Regional Archives Maribor (PAM): – 1821060 Evangeljska verska občina Maribor 1862–1945. T H E C O V I D - 1 9 P A N D E M I C A N D T H E A C C E L E R A T E D D I G I T I S A T I O N O F R E L I G I O U S L I F E P A N D E M I J A C O V I D A - 1 9 I N P O S P E Š E N A D I G I T A L I Z A C I J A R E L I G I J S K E G A Ž I V L J E N J A 91 R E L I G I J A , D I G I T A L N I M E D I J I I N E P I D E M I J A C O V I D A - 1 9 M a r c u s M o b e r g , A l e š Č r n i č Uvod Človekova duhovnost in religioznost sta se skozi zgodovino zmeraj razvijali v povezavi s siceršnjim kulturnim in tehnološkim razvojem. Velike prelomnice v tem razvoju so povzročile tudi korenite, včasih revolucionarne spremembe v načinih religioznosti. Omeniti velja vsaj izum pisave, ki pripelje do prej nezamisljivih oblik religioznosti; izum tiska omogoči reformacijo z vsemi njenimi revolucionarnimi posle- dicami; množična raba televizije prek pojava teleevangelistov ter vseh nadaljnjih korakov stikanja in mešanja religije in popkulture pa pri- pelje do megacerkva, v okviru katerih danes svoje religijske dejavnosti združuje najbrž večina Američanov, običajnemu Evropejcu pa vzbujajo predvsem čudenje. Sodoben, izjemno hiter tehnološki razvoj spletnih in drugih digitalnih tehnologij v marsičem občutno presega domet prejšnjih medijev in odpira številne popolnoma nove razsežnosti. Nove tehnologije, ki so že postale običajen del vsakdana večine prebivalcev (vsaj zahodnjaškega) sveta, so posebne vsaj v tem, da omogočajo tudi interaktivno dvo- in večsmerno komunikacijo. Njihov bliskovit razvoj pomembno določa načine človekovega bivanja v začetku 21. stoletja, ki v marsičem postajajo (včasih tudi radikalno) drugačni od tistih, ki smo jih bili vajeni doslej. Področje religije in duhovnosti pri tem ne more biti izjema. V tem članku strnjeno zarišemo osnovne konture soočanja religij- skih skupnosti s hitro razvijajočimi se digitalnimi tehnologijami, potem predstavimo razvoj raziskovanja še relativno mladega področja religije https://doi.org/10.35469/poligrafi.2024.470 Poligrafi, no. 115/116, vol. 29, 2024, pp. 91–109 P O L I G R A F I 92 in digitalnih medijev s pregledom temeljne literature in raziskav, pri če- mer se posebej osredinimo na intenzivirano rabo digitalnih tehnologij v tudi z religijo povezane namene, ki jo je med letoma 2020 in 2021 po- vzročila svetovna pandemija covida19. Na koncu na kratko predstavi- mo še mednarodni raziskovalni projekt Religijske skupnosti v virtualni dobi, iz katerega izhaja ta tematski blok. Odzivi religijskih skupnosti na razmah spleta in digitalnih medijev Religijske skupnosti so razmah digitalnih tehnologij sprejele na različne načine, raziskave kažejo, da vzbujajo pri njih enako mero optimizma kot skrbi. Po eni strani jim splet in digitalne tehnologije zagotavljajo prej nepredstavljive možnosti za komunikacijo s privrženci in interakcije med njimi, hkrati pa tudi za prenos sporočil širši javnosti, ne le v lokalnih in regionalnih okoljih, temveč praktično po vsem svetu. Po drugi strani splet sodobnemu globaliziranemu posamezniku omogoča (prav tako prej nepredstavljive) možnosti, da pride v stik s tako rekoč vsakim obstoječim religijskim ali duhovnim naukom ali/in prakso. Posledično se številne religijske skupnosti soočajo s številnimi – tako namišljenimi kot dejan- skimi – načini, na katere lahko digitalni mediji ogrožajo tradicionalne strukture religijskih avtoritet1, saj širijo in demokratizirajo dostop do informacij, s tem pa tudi odpirajo prostor za pojav novih, uradno ne- priznanih avtoritet.2 Svetovni splet že od začetkov splošne javne rabe uporabljajo različne krščanske skupnosti, njihovi odzivi pa so zelo raznoliki. Že v zgodn- jih devetdesetih letih 20. stoletja so številne katoliške in protestantske skupnosti vse intenzivneje uporabljale razvijajoči se splet, od takrat je 1 Heidi Campbell, »Understanding the Relationship between Religion Online and Offline in a Networked Society,« Journal of the American Academy of Religion 80, št. 1 (2012), 64–93, https://doi.org/10.1093/jaarel/lfr074; Pauline Hope Cheong, »Authority,« v Digital Religion: Understanding Religious Practice in New Media Worlds, ur. Heidi Campbell (London: Rout- ledge, 2013), 72–87. 2 Cheong, Authority in Digital Religion, 72; Ruth llman in Sofia Sjö, »Religion and the Me- dia: Continuity, Complexity, and Mediatization,« v Religious Complexity in the Public Sphere: Comparing Nordic Countries, ur. Inger Furseth (Cham: Palgrave Macmillan, 2018), 193–250. R E L I G I J A , D I G I T A L N I M E D I J I I N E P I D E M I J A C O V I D A - 1 9 93 »krščanska raba digitalnih medijev močno prežeta s protehnološkim diskurzom, ki spodbuja posebne oblike sodelovanja«.3 Nasprotno je v številnih islamskih okoljih širjenje spleta in digital- nih medijev naletelo na veliko več sumničavosti in zaskrbljenosti, zlasti glede ohranjanja tradicionalnih islamskih avtoritativnih in oblastnih struktur4. Že od začetkov in vse do danes je med muslimani močno pri- sotna zaskrbljenost zaradi širjenja »zavajajočih informacij« o islamu na spletu5. Resni pomisleki so med drugim vzniknili po pojavu in širjenju spletnih mujtahidov, tj. avtoritativnih razlagalcev religijskih vprašanj, predvsem razlage Korana ali hadisa (ijtihad), ter po pojavu izrekanja spletnih fatev (odločitev o nekem vprašanju na podlagi islamskega pra- va)6. A čeprav muslimanski diskurz o spletu še vedno zaznamuje dolo- čena stopnja zaskrbljenosti in sumničavosti, smo v zadnjih desetletjih vendarle priča eksplozivni rasti spletnih vsebin, povezanih z islamom, skupaj z opaznim povečanjem prisotnosti različnih vrst islamskih ak- terjev v vseh vrstah digitalnih medijev, vključno z družbenimi omrežji7. 3 Heidi Campbell, When Religion Meets New Media (New York: Routledge, 2010), 136; glej tudi Marcus Moberg, in Sofia Sjö, ur., Digital Media, Young Adults, and Religion: An Inter- national Perspective (London: Routledge, 2020); Knut Lundby idr., »Religion and the Media: Continuity, Complexity, and Mediatization,« v Religious Complexity in the Public Sphere: Com- paring Nordic Countries, ur. Inger Furseth (Cham: Palgrave Macmillan, 2018), 193–250. 4 Gary R. Bunt, Hashtag Islam: How Cyber-Islamic Environments Are Transforming Religious Authority (Chapel Hill, NC: The University of North Carolina Press, 2018); Marcus Moberg, Sawsan Kheir in Habibe Erdis Gökse, »Religion and Internet Use among Young Adult Mus- lims in Israel and Turkey: Exploring Issues of Trust and Religious Authority,« Journal of Reli- gion, Media and Digital Culture 9, št. 3 (2020), 347–367, https://doi.org/10.1163/21659214- BJA10015. 5 Ruziana Z. Wan-Chik, »Information Credibility Assessment of Islamic and Quranic Infor- mation on the Web,« v Proceedings of the 9th International Conference on Ubiquitous Information Management and Communication – IMCOM ’15, https://dl.acm.org/citation.cfm?id=2701126. 6 Jon W. Anderson, »The Internet and Islam’s New Interpreters,« v New Media in the Muslim World: The Emerging Public Sphere, ur. Dale E. Eickleman (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1999); Campbell, When Religion Meets New Media, 32–33; Wan-Chik, »Information Credibility Assessment of Islamic and Quranic Information on the Web,« 1–10. 7 Dale F. Eickleman, ur., New Media in the Muslim World: The Emerging Public Sphere (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1999); Gary R. Bunt, Islam in the Digital Age: E-Jihad, Online Fatwas and Cyber Islamic Environments (London: Pluto Press, 2003); Bunt, Hashtag Islam; Mohammed El-Nawawy, Islam Dot Com: Contemporary Islamic Discourses in Cyberspace (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009). P O L I G R A F I 94 Raziskovanje področja religije in digitalnih medijev Že od začetkov uporabe svetovnega spleta in digitalnih medijev v religijskem življenju je bilo to predmet religiološkega zanimanja. Hitro so se pojavile fokusirane tematske raziskave, kmalu je vzniknila tudi specializirana znanstvena literatura. Najprej je treba omeniti knjižno zbirko založbe Routledge z naslovom Študije religije in digitalne kulture (Studies in Religion and Digital Culture) in specializirano znanstveno revijo založbe Brill (Journal of Religion, Media and Digital Culture). Pojavili so se številni obsežni zborniki in posebne tematske številke različnih znanstvenih revij, ki podajajo ključne razprave, koncepte, vidike in vrste analiz na tem področju,8 ter tudi množica monografij, ki se osredinjajo na odnos med digitalnimi mediji in določenimi vrstami religij ali religijskih skupnosti.9 Nekaj publikacij se je natančneje osredotočilo na družbena omrežja oz. družbene medije,10 analizirajo predvsem različne vrste religijskih vsebin, ki jih je mogoče najti na velikih in široko uporabljenih platformah, in raznovrstne dejavnosti religijskih skupnosti na družbenih medijih. Resno sistematično in poglobljeno raziskovanje presečišč religije in digitalnih medijev se pojavi na prelomu iz 20. v 21. stoletje. Razvoj tega raziskovanja je mogoče analitično spremljati skozi štiri glavne (čeprav deloma prekrivajoče se) zaporedne faze ali valove, pri čemer vsak izraža ter se odziva na postopno širjenje spleta in kontinuiran razvoj digital- nih tehnologij.11 Raziskave prvega vala, ki se začne že v devetdesetih 8 Glej Campbell, Digital Religion; Marcus Moberg in Sofia Sjö, ur., Digital Media, Young Adults, and Religion. 9 Campbell, When Religion Meets New Media; Tim Hutchings, Creating Church Online: Ritual, Community and New Media (New York: Routledge, 2017); Bunt, Islam in the Digital Age; Gary R. Bunt, iMuslims: Rewiring the House of Islam (Chapel Hill, NC: The University of North Carolina Press, 2009); Bunt, Hashtag Islam; Marta Kołodziejska, Online Catholic Com- munities: Community, Authority, and Religious Practice in the Internet Age (London: Routledge, 2018); Giulia Evolvi, Blogging My Religion: Secular, Muslim, and Catholic Media Spaces in Eu- rope (London: Routledge, 2018). 10 Cheong idr., »Critical Methods and Theoretical Lenses in Digital Religion Studies,« 5–14.; Marie Gillespie, David Herbert in Andy Greenhill, ur., Social Media and Religious Change (London: Routledge, 2013). 11 Campbell, Digital Religion, 64–65; Mia Lövheim in Heidi A. Campbell, »Considering Critical Methods and Theoretical Lenses in Digital Religion Studies,« New Media & Society, 19, R E L I G I J A , D I G I T A L N I M E D I J I I N E P I D E M I J A C O V I D A - 1 9 95 letih, so se večinoma osredinjale na prisotnost religijskih skupnosti in akterjev na spletu (npr. uradne spletne strani religijskih skupnosti) in mapiranje različnih vrst religijskih vsebin na spletu. Proučevale so pred- vsem načine, na katere splet religijskim skupnostim zagotavlja nove fo- rume za komunikacijo, izmenjavo informacij in tudi za prozelitizem.12 Te zgodnje raziskave so potekale v času, ko je splet šele začel postajati široko dostopen. Pogosto so vsebovale precej daljnosežne napovedi o tem, kako bo širjenje spleta in digitalnih tehnologij revolucionarno spremenilo načine religioznosti v prihodnosti,13 in čeprav te niso bile popolnoma neutemeljene, so se vendarle izkazale za preveč ambiciozne. Drugi val raziskovanja (okvirno med letoma 2000 in 2008) je pome- nil pomemben korak naprej, ko je razširil analitično pozornost na kon- kretne načine dejanskih konfiguracij religijskih skupnosti in izvajanja religijskih praks na spletu.14 V tem obdobju se izoblikuje razlikovanje med »religijo na spletu« in »spletno religijo«, ki ga je že leta 2000 uvedel kanadski sociolog Christopher Helland.15 V osnovi se religija na spletu nanaša na vse vrste vsebin ali informacij o religijah in raz- novrstnih duhovnih praksah, ki jih je mogoče najti na spletu, spletna religija pa označuje religijske in duhovne prakse, ki obstajajo primarno ali izključno na spletu. Primeri spletne religije, če jih navedemo le ne- kaj, vključujejo spletne krščanske skupine za študij Svetega pisma in molitev, spletna mesta za izvajanje hindujske pudže (temeljnega daritve- nega obreda), spletno branje iz kart za tarot ipd. V tem obdobju so digitalne tehnologije začele tehnično omogočati več novih oblik ne- št. 1 (2017): 5–14, https://doi.org/10.1177/1461444816649911. 12 Jeffrey K. Hadden in Douglas E. Cowan, ur., Religion on the Internet (London: Elsevier Science and Technology Press, 2000). 13 Npr. B. E. Brasher, Give Me That Online Religion (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2004); David Holmes, Communication Theory: Media, Technology, Society (London: Sage, 2005). 14 Mia Lövheim, Intersecting Identities: Young People, Religion and Interaction on the Internet (Uppsala: Uppsala University, 2004); Lorne L. Dawson in Douglas Cowan, ur., Religion On- line: Finding Faith on the Internet (London: Routledge, 2004); Morten T. Højsgaard in Margit Warburg, ur., Religion and Cyberspace (London: Routledge, 2005); Heidi A. Campbell, Explor- ing Religious Community Online: We Are One in the Network (Bruselj: Peter Lang, 2005). 15 Christopher Helland, »Online Religion/Religion Online and Virtual Communitas,« v Religion on the Internet: Research Prospects and Promises, ur. Jeffrey K. Hadden in Douglas E. Cowan (London: Elsevier Science and Technology Press, 2000), 205–24. P O L I G R A F I 96 posredne spletne interakcije, zato so tudi uradna spletišča religijskih skupnosti postopoma začela vključevati vse več interaktivnih elementov in spleta ne uporabljajo več kot le še eno vrsto enosmerne platforme za komunikacijo in širjenje informacij. Proti koncu prvega desetletja 21. stoletja je razlikovanje med religijo na spletu in spletno religijo postalo manj enopomensko, saj je vse težje ločiti zagotavljanje religijskih infor- macij od dejanskega izvajanja religije na spletu. Raziskave drugega vala so zato zaznamovale splošen prehod s predhodnega glavnega poudarka na vsebinah na spletu, povezanih z religijo, na trajnejši poudarek na to, kako digitalne tehnologije oblikujejo načine religijskih dejavnosti reli- gijskih skupnosti in posameznikov16. Zaradi tega premika fokusa so ra- ziskovalci začeli posvečati vse več pozornosti povezavam med spletnim in off-line religijskim/duhovnim življenjem in dejavnostmi ljudi. Sploš- no spoznanje teh raziskav je bilo, da so spletne religijske dejavnosti ljudi običajno tesno zrcalile njihove dejavnosti v fizičnem življenju. Kadar gre za verovanja in religijske prakse, je torej pomembno ugotoviti, da se spletni svet po navadi v veliki meri ujema z off-line svetom. Z razvojem spleta in digitalnih tehnologij, ki so postopoma postale sestavni, rutin- ski in samoumeven del našega vsakdana, spletni svet ni več tako jasno ločen od »fizičnega«, kot je morda bil nekoč. Kot se je izrazil Floridi, »vse bolj živimo onlife«.17 Vedno večji poudarek na povezavi med digitalnim svetom in svetom zunaj spleta je postavil temelje za raziskave tretjega in četrtega vala, ki se večinoma osredinjajo na raznolika hibridna religijska okolja, tudi na vključevanje digitalnih elementov v različne vrste religijskih praks v fizičnem svetu18. Raziskovalci poskušajo na različne načine koncep- 16 Npr. Lövheim, Intersecting Identities; Campbell, Exploring Religious Community Online. 17 Luciano Floridi, The Fourth Revolution: How the Infosphere Is Reshaping Human Reality (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014), 43; glej tudi J. Sage Elwell, »The Transmediated Self: Life between the Digital and the Analog,« Convergence: The International Journal of Research into New Media Technologies 20, št. 2 (2014): 233–49, https://doi.org/10.1177/1354856513501423. 18 Heidi Campbell, Digital Religion: Understanding the Intersection of Digital Media and Re- ligion (London: Routledge, 2013), 60–61; Heidi Campbell in Alessandra Vitullo, »Assessing Changes in the Study of Religious Communities in Digital Religion Studies,« Church, Com- munication and Culture 1, št. 1 (2016): 74, https://doi.org/10.1080/23753234.2016.1181301; Campbell in Lövheim, Digital Religion: Understanding the Intersection of Digital Media and Religion. R E L I G I J A , D I G I T A L N I M E D I J I I N E P I D E M I J A C O V I D A - 1 9 97 tualizirati širjenje in hkratni obstoj niza spletnih platform, ki delujejo tako, da so meje med spletnim in nespletnim (in posledično tudi med javnim in zasebnim) vse bolj prepustne. Evolvi19 je na primer uvedla koncept »hipermediiranih religijskih prostorov« – z njim opisuje digi- talne medijske platforme, ki delujejo na način zamegljevanja ali mešan- ja prejšnjih kategorij prostorov za družbeno interakcijo, ki se nahajajo znotraj, zunaj ali na mejah uveljavljenih religijskih skupnosti. Hoover in Echchaibi sta vpeljala koncept »tretjih prostorov«, s katerim označu- jeta spletne »konceptualne projekte ustvarjanja pomenov, ki nastopajo, kot da so ustvarili prostore konstruktivnega delovanja«.20 Pomembna raziskovalna pozornost četrtega vala je religija in/na druž- benih omrežjih. To je seveda posledica razvoja družbenih omrežij iz prej nišne teme v glavno raziskovalno temo v splošnih študijah digitalnih medijev,21 kar ne more biti posebno presenečenje glede na to, da so družbena omrežja že skoraj dve desetletji sestavni del vsakdanjega živl- jenja velikega števila ljudi po vsem svetu.22 Pri tem pa velja opozoriti, da čeprav so družbeni mediji posebna (in po tukaj predstavljeni tipologiji doslej zadnja) faza v širšem razvoju mobilnih digitalnih komunikacij, ostaja »očitno s prejšnjimi uporabami spleta toliko diskontinuitet kot kontinuitet«.23 Omeniti velja tudi, da je splošna »datafikacija« družbe, h kateri je dodatno prispevalo širjenje družbenih medijev, spodbudila obrat k »digitalnim metodam« in bistveno spremenila »načine izvajanja humanističnih in družboslovnih raziskav«.24 19 Evolvi, Blogging My Religion: Secular, Muslim, and Catholic Media Spaces in Europe. 20 Stewart M. Hoover in Nabil Echchaibi, ur., The third Spaces of Digital Religion (London: Routledge, 2023). 21 José van Dijck, The Culture of Connectivity: A Critical History of Social Media (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013). 22 Caroline Tagg in Philip Sargeant, »Negotiating Social Roles in Semi-public Online Con- texts,« v Social Media Discourse, (Dis)identifications and Diversities, ur. S. Leppänen, S., E. Westinen in S. Kytölä (New York: Routledge, 2017), 213. 23 Daniel Miller idr., How the World Changed Social Media (London: UCL Press, 2016), 11. 24 David M. Burgess idr., Digital Methods: Introduction and Implementation (London: Rout- ledge, 2017), 1–2. P O L I G R A F I 98 Izraz »družbena omrežja« oz. »družbeni mediji« se je širše populariziral in vključil v pogovorni jezik okoli leta 2008.25 Čeprav družbeni mediji zajemajo množico različnih tipov in oblik platform in mobilnih aplikacij,26 ostajajo povezani predvsem z velikimi in globalno razpršenimi tako imenovanimi »družbenimi omrežnimi mesti« (SNS – Social Networking Sites), kot sta Facebook in X, in platformami, ki so namenjene predvsem razširjanju »uporabniških vsebin« (UGC – User Generated Content), npr. YouTube, Instagram, TikTok. V najširšem pomenu torej izraz družbeni mediji označuje »tiste digitalne platforme, storitve in aplikacije, ki so zasnovane na povezovanju izmenjave vsebin, javnega komuniciranja in medosebnega povezovanja«.27 Ker ljudje običajno komunicirajo prek več oblik družbenih medijev, je današnje okolje družbenih medijev najustrezneje razumeti kot polimedijsko okolje.28 Raziskave o religiji v različnih kontekstih družbenih medijev so se doslej večinoma osredinjale na številne specifične teme. Kot nadalje- vanje »tradicionalnega« glavnega poudarka v raziskavah religije in digi- talnih medijev sta precejšnje pozornosti deležna prisotnost in udejstvo- vanje religijskih skupnosti na platformah družbenih medijev.29 Številni raziskovalci proučujejo vse večjo vlogo, ki jo lahko imajo družbeni me- diji pri oblikovanju in krepitvi povezav in (pogosto namišljenih) skup- nosti.30 Več študij primerov se osredinja na to, kako lahko družbeni mediji posameznikom omogočajo prostore za izražanje različnih vrst individualnih stališč, povezanih z religijo (vključno z nereligioznimi 25 Jill Walker Rettberg, »Self-Representation in Social Media,« v The SAGE Handbook to Social Media, ur. Jean Burgess, Alice Marwick in Thomas Poell (London: SAGE Publications, 2017), 429–43. 26 Burgess idr., Digital Methods, 3. 27 Prav tam, 1. 28 Miller idr., How the World Changed Social Media, 4. 29 Npr. Moberg in Sjö, ur., Digital Media, Young Adults, and Religion. 30 Mark D. Johns, »Voting ‘Present’: Religious Organizational Groups on Facebook,« v Digi- tal Religion, Social Media and Culture: Perspectives, Practices and Futures, ur. P. H. Cheong idr. (New York: Peter Lang, 2012), 151–68; Tim Hutchings, »Creating Church Online: Networks and Collectives in Contemporary Christianity,« v Digital Religion, Social Media and Culture: Perspectives, Practices and Futures, ur. P. H. Cheong idr. (New York: Peter Lang, 2012), 207–25. R E L I G I J A , D I G I T A L N I M E D I J I I N E P I D E M I J A C O V I D A - 1 9 99 stališči), ter kako lahko ustvarijo možnost za ponovne premisleke, spre- membe in preoblikovanja danih religijskih identitet in vlog.31 Podobno kot pri raziskovanju družbenih medijev na splošno je bil doslej tudi večji del raziskav religije in družbenih medijev osredinjen na tako imenovane populacije WEIRD (Western, Educated, Industrialised, Reach, Developed), tj. »na tiste, ki prebivajo v zahodnjaških, izobraženih, industrializiranih, bogatih in razvitih državah«.32 Tako je danes na voljo veliko podatkov o uporabi spleta in družbenih medijev zahodnjaškega prebivalstva za namene, povezane z religijo,33 podrobnejši podatki o nezahodnjaškem prebivalstvu pa so še vedno precej redki. Raziskovanje vpliva epidemije covida-19 na z religijo povezano uporabo digitalnih medijev V zadnjih štirih letih so bile objavljene številne raziskave o vpli- vu pandemije covida-19 na religijske skupnosti – osredinjajo se na dostopnost,34 religijsko avtoriteto,35 duševno zdravje,36 pripadnost,37 31 Npr. Koen Leurs, Eva Midden in Sandra Ponzanesi, »Digital Multiculturalism in the Netherlands: Religious, Ethnic, and Gender Positioning by Moroccan-Dutch Youth,« Religion & Gender 2, št. 1 (2012): 150–75, http://dx.doi.org/10.18352/rg.36; Elif Kavakci in Camille R. Kraeplin, »Religious Beings in Fashionable Bodies: The Online Identity Construction of Hijab Social Media Personalities,« Media, Culture & Society 39, št. 6 (2017): 850–68, https:// doi.org/10.1177/0163443716679031; Evelina Lundmark, »‘This is the Face of an Atheist’: Per- forming Private Truths in Precarious Publics« (PhD dissertation, Uppsala University, 2019). 32 Burgess idr., Digital Methods, 3. 33 Npr. Pew Research Center, Social Media Use in 2018 (Washington, D.C.: Pew Research Center, 2018). 34 Giuseppina Addo, »Join the Holy Spirit on Zoom: African Pentecostal Churches and Their Liturgical Practices during COVID-19,« Approaching Religion 11, št. 2 (2021): 45–61. https:// doi.org/10.30664/ar.107728. 35 Amin Al-Astewani, »To Open or Close? COVID-19, Mosques and the Role of Religious Authority within the British Muslim Community: A Socio-Legal Analysis,« Religions 12, št. 1 (2021): 11, https://doi.org/10.3390/rel12010011. 36 Simon Dein, Kate Loewenthal, Christopher Alan Lewis in Kenneth I. Pargament, »COV- ID-19, Mental Health and Religion: An Agenda for Future Research,« Mental Health, Religion & Culture 23, št. 1 (2020): 1–9, https://doi.org/10.1080/13674676.2020.1768725. 37 Rebecca Duncan in Johan Höglund, »Decolonising the COVID-19 Pandemic: On Being in This Together,« Approaching Religion 11, št. 2 (2021): 115–31, https://doi.org/10.30664/ ar.107743; Rivi Frei-Landau, »‘When the Going Gets Tough, the Tough Get–Creative’: Israeli Jewish Religious Leaders Find Religiously Innovative Ways to Preserve Community Members’ Sense of Belonging and Resilience during the COVID-19 Pandemic,« Psychological Trauma: P O L I G R A F I 100 družbene odnose,38 potrošniško izbiranje in zapuščanje cerkva,39 živečo (lived) religioznost,40 krščanski nacionalizem41 itd. Na področju digitalne religiologije odnos med religijskimi skupnostmi in pandemijo obrav- navamo zlasti ob upoštevanju teoretičnih spoznanj komunikologinje Heidi A. Campbell.42 Raziskave obravnavajo tudi različne vidike obrednih in drugih religijskih dejavnosti: obredno avtoriteto,43 komunikacijo44 in elastičnost45 ter spremembe/prilagoditve religijskih dejavnosti, da bi bolj ustrezale virtualnim prostorom.46 Kot pokaže Campbell,47 so religijski voditelji med pandemijo pri oblikovanju religijskih dejavnosti na spletu uporabljali zlasti tri strategije: najpogostejša je bila bolj ali manj neposreden »prenos« dogodkov na splet, druga je bila strategija »prevajanja«, tj. kako so akterji poskušali obredje prilagoditi spletu, tretja pa je bila »preoblikovanje« Theory, Research, Practice, and Policy 12, S1 (2020), S258–S260, https://doi.org/10.1037/ tra0000822. 38 Helen Parish, »The Absence of Presence and the Presence of Absence: Social Distancing, Sacraments, and the Virtual Religious Community during the COVID-19 Pandemic,« Reli- gions 11, št. 6 (2020): 276, https://doi.org/10.3390/rel11060276. 39 Nicholas J. Higgins in Paul A. Djupe, »Congregation Shopping during the Pandemic: A Research Note,« Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 61 (2022): 726–36, https://doi. org/10.1111/jssr.12802. 40 Eline Huygens, »Practicing Religion during a Pandemic: On Religious Routines, Em- bodiment, and Performativity,« Religions 12, št. 7 (2021), 494, https://doi.org/10.3390/ rel12070494. 41 Samuel L. Perry, Andrew L. Whitehead in Joshua B. Grubbs, »Save the Economy, Lib- erty, and Yourself: Christian Nationalism and Americans’ Views on Government COVID-19 Restrictions,« Sociology of Religion 82, št. 4 (2020): 426–46, https://doi.org/10.1093/socrel/ sraa047. 42 Glej Heidi A. Campbell, Exploring Religious Community Online: We Are One in the Network (Bruselj: Peter Lang, 2005); Heidi A. Campbell, When Religion Meets New Media (New York: Routledge, 2010). 43 Loïc Bawidamann, Laura Peter in Rafael Walthert, »Restricted Religion: Compliance, Vi- cariousness, and Authority during the Corona Pandemic in Switzerland,« European Societies 23 (2020): 637–57, https://doi.org/10.1080/14616696.2020.1833068. 44 Kyle K. Schiefelbein-Guerrero, ur., Church after the Corona Pandemic: Consequences for Worship and Theology (Cham: Springer, 2023). 45 Monica Cornejo-Valle in Borja Martin-Andino, »Elastic Rituals: A Multi-Religious Anal- ysis of Adaptations to the COVID-19 Crisis,« Religions 14, št. 6 (2023): 773, https://doi. org/10.3390/rel14060773. 46 Addo, »Join the Holy Spirit on Zoom,« 45–61; Campbell, Digital Religion; Schlag in Nord, The Corona Pandemic and Dynamics of Digital Innovation and Transformation. 47 Campbell, Digital Religion. R E L I G I J A , D I G I T A L N I M E D I J I I N E P I D E M I J A C O V I D A - 1 9 101 tradicionalnega obredja na bolj ekspliciten način, na primer v bolj dialoško smer. Pri tem pa ne gre zmeraj brez konfliktov – v primeru danske evangeličanske luteranske cerkve je na primer javna razprava o alternativnem virtualnem obhajilu ustvarila eno od oblik obrednih konfliktov.48 Mednarodne raziskave so se doslej večinoma osredinjale na učinke pandemije na krščanske skupnosti. Verjetno največji tovrstni razisko- valni projekt je CONTOC – Cerkve na spletu v času korone (Churches Online in Times of Corona), ki je se je osredotočil zlasti na spremembe in nove prakse digitalnega komuniciranja znotraj raznovrstnih krščanskih skupnosti v posebnih okoliščinah pandemije. Končno poročilo,49 ob- javljeno konec leta 2023, analitično predstavlja empirične podatke iz kar štiriindvajsetih držav – prvotna raziskovalna pozornost je bila usmerjena na nemško govoreča območja Nemčije, Avstrije in Švice, potem pa so raziskavo razširili še na Madžarsko, Malto, Nizozemsko, Dansko, Finsko, Švedsko, Veliko Britanijo, ZDA in Kanado ter na Avs- tralijo, Singapur, Hongkong in Južno Korejo, kot tudi na Argentino, Brazilijo, Čile, Paragvaj in Urugvaj ter Gano, Namibijo in Južnoafriško republiko. Z vidika geografskega zajema neprimerno manj, z vidika širše vsebinske pozornosti na raznolike religijske tradicije pa občutno bolj ambiciozen je triletni (2022–2025) multidisciplinarni raziskovalni projekt RECOV-19 – Spreminjajoča se vloga religije v družbah, ki so prestale pandemijo covida-19.50 Osredinja se na s pandemijo povezane religijske spremembe v petih okoljih: v Kanadi, Nemčiji, Republiki Ir- ski/Severni Irski, Poljski ter Rusiji in Belorusiji. Raziskovalna pozornost je poleg diskurzov o zdravju, bolezni in znanosti ter spreminjajočih se odnosov med religijami in državo usmerjena tudi na prilagoditve religij digitalnemu svetu. 48 Lene Kühle in Tina Larsen, »‘Forced’ Online Religion: Religious Minority and Majority Communities’ Media Usage during the COVID-19 Lockdown,« Religions 12, št. 7 (2021): 496, https://doi.org/10.3390/rel12070496. 49 Thomas Schlag, Ilona Nord in Wolfgang Beck, ur., Churches Online in Times of Corona: Die CONTOC-Studie: Empirische Einsichten, Interpretationen und Perspektiven (Wiesbaden: Springer, 2023). 50 https://recov19.uni-bremen.de/, dostop 14. 9. 2024. P O L I G R A F I 102 Na z digitalizacijo povezane spremembe v religijskih skupnostih različnih tradicij pa se osredinja tudi naš projekt RECOVIRA. Projekt RECOVIRA – Religijske skupnosti v virtualni dobi Mednarodni projekt RECOVIRA51 smo zasnovali raziskovalci iz sedmih evropskih držav (poleg Slovenije še iz Velike Britanije, Danske, Finske, Švedske, Nemčije in Poljske), da bi v svojih državah in prim- erjalno med njimi proučili učinke sprememb intenzivirane rabe digi- talnih tehnologij, v katero je religijske skupnosti potisnila pandemija covida-19. Zanima nas predvsem, kako se oblike, vloge in izkušnje re- ligijskega življenja v Evropi spreminjajo zaradi pospešene rabe sodobnih digitalnih tehnologij. Raziskava temelji na etnografskih, tako klasičnih kot digitalnih me- todah. Izdelali smo študije primerov, ki vključujejo religijske skupnosti različnih tradicij, prepričanj in porekel – izbrali smo jih na način, ki nam je omogočil tako etnografsko poglobljenost kot tudi mednarodno primerljivost. V vsaki od sodelujočih držav smo se osredinili na: 1. pre- vladujoče, 2. že dolgo uveljavljene manjšinske religijske skupnosti ter 3. mlajše in šele uveljavljajoče se religijske skupnosti. V Sloveniji smo tako raziskovali odzive na pandemijo v: 1. Rimskokatoliški cerkvi (RKC), 2. Islamski skupnosti v Republiki Sloveniji in 3. Skupnosti za zavest Krišne, znani tudi kot gibanje Hare Krišna. Po enotnem ključu so se v drugih državah raziskovalno osredinili na strukturno podobne religijske skupnosti, v Nemčiji skoraj enako kot pri nas na RKC, muslimansko skupnost in hindujsko skupnost, na Poljskem na RKC, judovsko in muslimansko skupnost, na Danskem na dansko evangeličansko lute- ransko cerkev, muslimansko in budistično skupnost, na Švedskem na švedsko evangeličansko luteransko cerkev, judovsko skupnost in afriške diasporične cerkve in skupnosti, na Finskem na finsko evangeličansko 51 Projekt Religijske skupnosti v virtualni dobi (https://recovira.org/sl/) je potekal med 1. novembrom 2022 in 31. oktobrom 2024 in je bil v okviru programa CHANSE ERA-NET Co-fund financiran iz programa Evropske unije Horizon 2020 Research and Innovation (na podlagi pogodbe št. 101004509). Slovenski del smo izvajali raziskovalci Fakultete za družbene vede. R E L I G I J A , D I G I T A L N I M E D I J I I N E P I D E M I J A C O V I D A - 1 9 103 luteransko cerkev, Jehovove priče in budistično skupnost, v Veliki Bri- taniji pa na anglikansko cerkev, budistično skupnost ter afriške diaspo- rične cerkve in skupnosti. Poleg strukturno poenotene izbire treh tipov religijskih skupnosti smo nadaljnjo mednarodno primerljivost poskušali zagotavljati s pre- mišljeno izdelano podlago za polstrukturirane intervjuje, ki smo jih izvajali z vodilnimi in običajnimi predstavniki izbranih religijskih skup- nosti. Svoje raziskovanje načinov in učinkov hitre digitalizacije religij- skega življenja v Evropi za večinske in manjšinske religijske tradicije smo tako natančneje strukturirali v jasneje osredinjene tematske sklope. Podrobneje nas je zanimalo, kako nove razmere spreminjajo področja religijske avtoritete, pripadnosti skupnostim in članstvo v njih, kako se spreminjajo (digitalna) občutenja svetih prostorov, kako (hibridna) raba spleta vpliva na oblikovanje smiselnih in čustveno močnih ob- rednih dejavnosti ter kaj to pomeni za odnose religijskih skupnosti z okolico in širšo družbo. V skladu s temi glavnimi tematskimi poudarki smo po opravljenih intervjujih izdelali tudi obsežen kodirni list, ki vse- buje skupne krovne kode, znotraj njih pa na ravni podkod fleksibilno omogoča tudi osredinjanje na nacionalno specifične teme. Poleg tega projekt sestavljajo še trije primerjalni sklopi: 1. kvantita- tivni sklop strnjeno in primerjalno analizira razpoložljive kvantitativne raziskave o vplivu pandemije na religijsko življenje v sodelujočih drža- vah; 2. sklop o družbenih medijih s pomočjo orodja Pulsar proučuje, kako se izbrane skupnosti predstavljajo in kako so prikazane na družbe- nem mediju X (v času raziskovanja še Twitter); 3. sklop estetskih analiz z metodologijo performativnih študij analizira spremembe estetike (vi- zualne, zvočne, izvedbene ...) obrednih in drugih religijskih dejavnosti, ki so posledica prestavitve na splet oz. v hibridna okolja. Slovenski del raziskave smo še pred etnografskim opazovanjem in intervjuji začeli z netnografijo. Ta je specializirana oblika etnografske- ga empiričnega raziskovanja, ki se osredinja na skupnosti v digitalnih okoljih. Eden izmed naših prvih raziskovalnih ciljev je bilo mapiranje spletne prisotnosti izbranih treh religijskih skupnosti. Z netnografijo smo zajeli in nato analizirali podatke o tem, kako so izbrane religijske skupnosti v času zaprtja družbenega življenja poskušale vzdrževati svoje religijske dejavnosti s pomočjo spleta in drugih digitalnih tehnologij. P O L I G R A F I 104 Najprej smo se osredinili na osrednja spletna mesta religijskih institu- cij, nato pa smo pregledali še profile religijskih skupnosti v družbenih medijih (Facebook, Twitter/X in YouTube) in podrobneje analizirali za naše raziskovalne cilje relevantne vsebine. Skupaj z etnografskimi opa- zovanji in intervjuji smo tako kar se da celovito zajeli kompleksne nači- ne in učinke intenzivirane rabe spletnih tehnologij med pandemijo in po njej – rezultate slovenskega dela raziskave predstavljamo v naslednjih dveh člankih. Sklep Če je bilo religijsko življenje še do pred kratkim mogoče nekakšno zatočišče pred intenzivno digitalizacijo zahodnjaških družb, je pande- mija covida-19 to korenito spremenila. Zaradi omejitev družbenega ži- vljenja, ki jih je povzročila, so bile tudi religijske skupnosti prisiljene v pospešeno rabo digitalnih tehnologij, da bi lahko v nastalih kriznih razmerah vsaj delno nadaljevale svoje temeljno delo. To je imelo raz- novrstne posledice, nekatere se kažejo z zamikom, številne med njimi šele začenjamo razumeti. Tudi po epidemiji ostaja velik del digitalnih tehnologij v rabi raz- novrstnih religijskih skupnosti. Vse bolj se širi hibridna raba, ki dele religijskih dejavnosti v fizičnem okolju tudi digitalno prenaša v naj- različnejše medije. To prinaša zelo različne izzive in tudi dolgoročnejše spremembe. V naši raziskavi Religijske skupnosti v virtualni dobi smo tako rekoč v vseh sodelujočih državah zabeležili številna pričevanja, ki poudarjajo ključni pomen kontinuiranega skupinskega fizičnega dele- ženja za vzdrževanje smiselnih in vitalnih religijskih skupnosti, ki ga digitalne tehnologije ne morejo nadomestiti. Kljub temu pa bi bilo pre- hitro sklepanje, da njihova rastoča raba ne more bistveno spremeniti tradicionalnih religijskih dejavnosti, ki potekajo primarno v cerkvah, džamijah, templjih in drugih svetiščih. Te dejavnosti namreč že danes marsikje s pridom dopolnjuje hibridna raba digitalnih tehnologij, ki v nekaterih skupnostih tudi že zaznavno zmanjšuje udeležbo pri fizičnih religijskih dejavnostih. Opazen je tudi porast spletnih religij, ki črpajo iz uveljavljenih religijskih tradicij in delujejo primarno ali izključno na spletu. Ko temu prištejemo množico novih alternativnih duhov- R E L I G I J A , D I G I T A L N I M E D I J I I N E P I D E M I J A C O V I D A - 1 9 105 nosti, ki se pojavljajo v virtualnih sferah, slika postane še pestrejša. Pa dodajmo še umetno inteligenco, glede katere že nekaj časa poteka ne- usmiljena tekma med največjimi svetovnimi centri moči. In ko pomis- limo na nove generacije, rojene v 21. stoletju, za katere se je uveljavila oznaka digitalni domorodci, ker v nasprotju s starejšimi generacijami te tehnologije uporabljajo tako rekoč od rojstva, postane očitneje, da bodo danes ustaljeni načini življenja le težko ostali nedotaknjeni, in to gotovo velja tudi za religijo. Živimo v razburljivem obdobju, za katero bo čas verjetno pokazal, da je vsaj v nekaterih pogledih prelomno. Za njegovo razumevanje bodo potrebne še številne poglobljene raziskave – delne rezultate ene prvih predstavljamo v nadaljevanju. B i b l i o g r a f i j a Addo, Giuseppina. »Join the Holy Spirit on Zoom: African Pentecostal Churches and Their Liturgical Practices during COVID-19.« Approaching Reli- gion 11, št. 2 (2021): 45–61. https://doi.org/10.30664/ar.107728. Al-Astewani, Amin. »To Open or Close? 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Bunt, Gary R. Islam in the Digital Age: E-Jihad, Online Fatwas and Cyber Islamic Environments. London: Pluto Press, 2003. Burgess, Jean, Alice Marwick in Thomas Poell, ur. The SAGE Handbook to Social Media. London: SAGE Publications, 2017. P O L I G R A F I 106 Campbell, Heidi. Exploring Religious Community Online: We Are One in the Network. Bruselj: Peter Lang, 2005. Campbell, Heidi. When Religion Meets New Media. New York: Routledge, 2010. Campbell, Heidi. »Understanding the Relationship between Religion Online and Offline in a Networked Society.« Journal of the American Academy of Religion 80, št. 1 (2012): 64–93. https://doi.org/10.1093/jaarel/lfr074. Campbell, Heidi, ur. Digital Religion: Understanding Religious Practice in New Media Worlds. London: Routledge, 2013. Campbell, Heidi, in Alessandra Vitullo. »Assessing Changes in the Study of Religious Communities in Digital Religion Studies.« Church, Communication and Culture 1, št. 1 (2016): 73–89. https://doi.org/10.1080/23753234.2016.1181301. Cheong, Pauline Hope. »Authority.« V Digital Religion: Understanding Religious Practice in New Media Worlds, ur. Heidi Campbell, 72–87. London: Routledge, 2013. Cornejo-Valle, Monica, in Borja Martin-Andino. »Elastic Rituals: A Mul- ti-Religious Analysis of Adaptations to the COVID-19 Crisis.« Religions 14, št. 6 (2023): 773. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel14060773. Dawson, Lorne L., in Douglas Cowan, ur. Religion Online: Finding Faith on the Internet. London: Routledge, 2004. Dein, Simon, Kate Loewenthal, Christopher Alan Lewis in Kenneth I. Pargament. »COVID-19, Mental Health and Religion: An Agenda for Future Research.« Mental Health, Religion & Culture 23, št. 1 (2020): 1–9. https://doi.or g/10.1080/13674676.2020.1768725. 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Frei-Landau, Rivi. »‘When the Going Gets Tough, the Tough Get–Creative’: Israeli Jewish Religious Leaders Find Religiously Innovative Ways to Preserve R E L I G I J A , D I G I T A L N I M E D I J I I N E P I D E M I J A C O V I D A - 1 9 107 Community Members’ Sense of Belonging and Resilience during the CO- VID-19 Pandemic.« Psychological Trauma: Theory, Research, Practice, and Policy 12, S1 (2020), 258–60. https://psycnet.apa.org/doi/10.1037/tra0000822. Gillespie, Marie, David Herbert in Andy Greenhill, ur. Social Media and Religious Change. London: Routledge, 2013. Hadden, Jeffrey K., in Douglas E. Cowan, ur. Religion on the Internet: Resear- ch Prospects and Promises. London: Elsevier Science, 2000. Higgins, Nicholas J., in Paul A. Djupe. »Congregation Shopping during the Pandemic: A Research Note.« Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 61, št. 3–4 (2022): 726–36. https://doi.org/10.1111/jssr.12802. Helland, Christopher. »Online Religion/Religion Online and Virtual Com- munitas.« V Religion on the Internet: Research Prospects and Promises, ur. Jeffrey K. Hadden in Douglas E. Cowan, 205–24. London: Elsevier Science, 2000. Holmes, David. Communication Theory: Media, Technology, Society. London: SAGE Publications, 2005. Højsgaard, Morten T., in Margit Warburg, ur. Religion and Cyberspace. Lon- don: Routledge, 2005. Hoover, Stewart M., in Nabil Echchaibi. The third Spaces of Digital Religion. London: Routledge, 2023. Hutchings, Tim. Creating Church Online: Ritual, Community and New Me- dia. New York: Routledge, 2017. Huygens, Eline. »Practicing Religion during a Pandemic: On Religious Rou- tines, Embodiment, and Performativity.« Religions 12, št. 7 (2021): 494. https:// doi.org/10.3390/rel12070494. llman, Ruth in Sofia Sjö. »Religion and the Media: Continuity, Complexity, and Mediatization.« V Religious Complexity in the Public Sphere: Comparing Nor- dic Countries, ur. Inger Furseth, 193–250. Cham: Palgrave Macmillan, 2018. Johns, Mark D. »Voting ‘Present’: Religious Organizational Groups on Fa- cebook« V Digital Religion, Social Media and Culture: Perspectives, Practices and Futures, ur. P. H. Cheong idr., 151–68. New York: Peter Lang, 2012. Kavakci, Elif, in Camille R. Kraeplin. »Religious Beings in Fashiona- ble Bodies: The Online Identity Construction of Hijab Social Media Per- sonalities.« Media, Culture & Society 39, št. 6 (2017): 850–68. https://doi. org/10.1177/0163443716679031. Kołodziejska, Marta. Online Catholic Communities: Community, Authority, and Religious Practice in the Internet Age. London: Routledge, 2018. Kühle, Lene, in Tina Larsen. »‘Forced’ Online Religion: Religious Minority and Majority Communities’ Media Usage during the COVID-19 Lockdown.« Religions 12, št. 7 (2021): 496. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel12070496. P O L I G R A F I 108 Leurs, Koen, Eva Midden in Sandra Ponzanesi. »Digital Multiculturalism in the Netherlands: Religious, Ethnic, and Gender Positioning by Moroc- can-Dutch Youth.« Religion & Gender 2, št. 1 (2012): 150–75. http://dx.doi. org/10.18352/rg.36. Lövheim, Mia. Intersecting Identities: Young People, Religion and Interaction on the Internet. Uppsala: Uppsala University, 2004. Lövheim, Mia, in Heidi A. Campbell. »Considering Critical Methods and Theoretical Lenses in Digital Religion Studies.« New Media & Society 19, št. 1 (2017): 5–14. https://doi.org/10.1177/1461444816649911. Lundby, Knut. »Religion and the Media: Continuity, Complexity, and Mediatization.« V Religious Complexity in the Public Sphere: Comparing Nordic Countries, ur. Inger Furseth, 193–250. Cham: Palgrave Macmillan, 2018. Lundmark, Evelina. »‘This is the Face of an Atheist’: Performing Private Truths in Precarious Publics.« PhD dissertation, Uppsala University, 2019. Miller, Daniel, Elisabetta Costa, Nell Haynes, Tom McDonald, Razvan Nicolescu, Jolynna Sinanan, Juliano Spyer, Shriram Venkatraman in Xinyuan Wang. How the World Changed Social Media. London: UCL Press, 2016. Moberg, Marcus, in Sofia Sjö, ur. Digital Media, Young Adults, and Religion: An International Perspective. London: Routledge, 2020. Moberg, Marcus, Sawsan Kheir in Habibe Erdis Gökse. »Religion and Inter- net Use among Young Adult Muslims in Israel and Turkey: Exploring Issues of Trust and Religious Authority.« Journal of Religion, Media and Digital Culture 9, št. 3 (2020): 347–67. https://doi.org/10.1163/21659214-BJA10015. Parish, Helen. »The Absence of Presence and the Presence of Absence: Social Distancing, Sacraments, and the Virtual Religious Community during the COVID-19 Pandemic«. Religions 11, št. 6 (2020): 276. https://doi.org/10.3390/ rel11060276. Perry, Samuel L., Andrew L. Whitehead in Joshua B. Grubbs. »Save the Economy, Liberty, and Yourself: Christian Nationalism and Americans’ Views on Government COVID-19 Restrictions.« Sociology of Religion 82, št. 4 (2020): 426–46. https://doi.org/10.1093/socrel/sraa047. Pew Research Center. Social Media Use in 2018. Washington, D.C.: Pew Research Center, 2018. Schiefelbein-Guerrero, Kyle K., ur. Church after the Corona Pandemic: Con- sequences for Worship and Theology. Cham: Springer, 2023. Schlag, Thomas, Ilona Nord in Wolfgang Beck, ur. Churches Online in Times of Corona: Die CONTOC-Studie: Empirische Einsichten, Interpretationen und Perspektiven. Wiesbaden: Springer, 2023. Schlag, Thomas, in Ilona Nord. »The Corona Pandemic and Dynamics of Di- gital Innovation and Transformation: Practical Theological Classifications and Out- R E L I G I J A , D I G I T A L N I M E D I J I I N E P I D E M I J A C O V I D A - 1 9 109 looks.« V Churches Online in Times of Corona: Die CONTOC-Studie: Empirische Einsichten, Interpretationen und Perspektiven, ur. Schlag, Thomas, Ilona Nord in Wolfgang Beck, 535–546. Wiesbaden: Springer, 2023. Tagg, Caroline, in Philip Sargeant. »Negotiating Social Roles in Semi-public Online Contexts.« v Social Media Discourse, (Dis)identifications and Diversities, ur. S. Leppänen, S. E. Westinen in S. Kytölä, 213. New York: Routledge, 2017. van Dijck, José. The Culture of Connectivity: A Critical History of Social Me- dia. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013. Walker Rettberg, Jill. »Self-Representation in Social Media.« V The SAGE Handbook to Social Media, ur. Jean Burgess, Alice Marwick in Thomas Poell, 429–43. London: SAGE Publications, 2017. Wan-Chik, Ruziana Z. »Information Credibility Assessment of Islamic and Quranic Information on the Web.« In Proceedings of the 9th International Confer- ence on Ubiquitous Information Management and Communication – IMCOM ’15. dostop 14. 9. 2024, https://dl.acm.org/citation.cfm?id=2701126. 111 M E D I A T I Z A C I J A R E L I G I J E I N Z A M I K A N J E R E L I G I J S K I H A V T O R I T E T : N E T N O G R A F S K A R A Z I S K A V A D I G I T A L I Z A C I J E I Z B R A N I H S L O V E N S K I H R E L I G I J S K I H S K U P N O S T I M E D E P I D E M I J O K a t j a K o r e n O š l j a k Uvod V okviru mednarodnega projekta Religijske skupnosti v virtualni dobi (Recovira) je bil eden izmed raziskovalnih ciljev mapiranje sple- tne prisotnosti treh religijskih skupnosti v vsaki izmed sodelujočih dr- žav, in sicer večinske religije, ene uveljavljene manjšinske in ene manj prominentne manjšinske. V Sloveniji zato omenjeni projekt proučuje Rimskokatoliško cerkev, Islamsko skupnost v Republiki Sloveniji in Skupnost za zavest Krišne. Posebno pozornost smo namenili obdobju zaprtja javnega življenja v času epidemije covida19, ki je pomenila svoj- stven izziv za pripadnike religijskih skupnosti, prav tako so rez v stiku s svojimi občestvi obravnavale tudi religijske institucije oz. njihove av- toritete. Zasnovali smo netnografsko raziskavo, s katero smo nameravali za- jeti različne dejavnike oz. zaznati čim več »neznanih neznank« glede digitalizacije in mediatizacije slovenskih religijskih skupnosti v času epidemije covida-19. Študija je izhajala iz predpostavke, da je epidemi- ja povečala potrebo po digitalni prisotnosti religijskih skupnosti. Digi- https://doi.org/10.35469/poligrafi.2024.468 Poligrafi, št. 115/116, letn. 29, 2024, str. 111–139 P O L I G R A F I 112 talne medije smo tako razumeli kot kanal in kontekst za premoščanje prekinitve fizičnega združevanja religijskih skupnosti. Namen tega besedila je predstavitev študije morebitnih učinkov digitalnih oz. digitaliziranih praks religijskih skupnosti v odnosu do religijskih avtoritet.1 Študijo sta usmerjali dve raziskovalni vprašanji: 1. kako so religijske institucije v času zaprtja javnega življenja med epi- demijo s pomočjo digitalnih medijev premoščale izgubo stika s svojimi občestvi ter 2. kako so v kontekstu digitalnih medijev vodstva religij- skih skupnosti v času zaprtja javnega življenja izražala avtoriteto oz. svojo vlogo v razmerju do pripadnikov skupnosti in v družbi nasploh. Od leta 2020, ko je prišlo do disrupcije vsakdana, s katero smo osta- li fizično izolirani od svojih skupnosti, je upadlo tudi religijsko udej- stvovanje v živo. Epidemija je odnesla gotovost vsakdanjega življenja in prizadela tudi religijske skupnosti, zaradi česar so nekateri vodje is- kali načine za tolažbo in pomoč ljudem, drugi pa so podžigali delitve in promovirali samozdravljenje,2 ugotavlja Abby Day v predgovoru k učbeniku sociologije religije. Raziskava prakticiranja religije med bel- gijskimi pripadnicami RKC med epidemijo poudarja vidik žensk, ki sta jim umanjkala fizično izkustvo obiskovanja cerkva in sodelovanje v religijskem obredju, zaradi česar so med drugim še posebej ob ver- skih praznikih občutile izoliranost.3 Da je epidemija močno spremeni- la vsakdanje življenje in povzročila pomembne spremembe v vedenju, vključno z načinom, na katerega religijske skupnosti opravljajo svoja obredja, ugotavljajo tudi v pregledni analizi študij latinskoameriških religij: »Intenzivna uporaba interneta (družbenih medijev) v religijske namene [je bila], zlasti s strani krščanskih cerkva in skupin za prozeliti- zem, izvajanje in deljenje religijskih aktivnosti, pred krizo zelo pogosta. Implementacija zapor in strogih protokolov za družbeno distanciranje je ustvarila močen pritisk na religijska gibanja in njihove vodje, da so 1 Članek je rezultat raziskovalnega projekta Religijske skupnosti v virtualni dobi (https:// chanse.org/recovira/), ki je potekal med 1. novembrom 2022 in 31. oktobrom 2024 in ga je v okviru programa CHANSE ERA-NET Co-fund financiral program Evropske unije Horizon 2020 Research and Innovation (na podlagi pogodbe št. 101004509). 2 Abby Day, Sociology of Religion : Overview and Analysis of Contemporary Religion, 1. izd. Let. 1. (Routledge, 2020), vii–viii, https://doi.org/10.4324/9780429055591. 3 Eline Huygens, »Practicing Religion during a Pandemic: On Religious Routines, Embodi- ment, and Performativity,« Religions 12, št. 7 (2021): 6. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel12070494. M E D I A T I Z A C I J A R E L I G I J E I N Z A M I K A N J E R E L I G I J S K I H A V T O R I T E T 113 še več vlagali v platformo za prenos bogoslužij prek spleta.«4 Zaprtje javnega življenja in prepoved fizičnega druženja sta bila velik izziv tudi za religijska gibanja, ki delujejo v diasporah, ugotavlja Heidi A. Cam- pbell. Pri tem osvetli iznajdljivost religijskih vodij v ZDA, ki so, kot piše, razmeroma lahko migrirali iz fizičnih v spletne prostore, pri čemer so inovirali oblike izražanja pripadnosti svoji religiji – npr. s civilno nepokorščino in kršenjem odlokov o prepovedi združevanja.5 Afriška študija6 pa raziskuje, kako so videokonferenčne platforme nadomesti- le nekatere čutne oz. zaznavne vidike religijskih praks med bogoslužji. Konceptualno se opre na zmogljivosti7 medijev in opazuje npr. uporabo pogovornih oken in emotikonov za ustvarjanje mrzlice (angl. hype), s čimer občinstvo na Zoomu v vlogi občestva podpira duhovnika pri poustvarjanju afektivnega okolja, digitalni mediji pa so razumljeni kot duhovna orodja. Zaradi možnosti »večterenskega« (angl. multi-sited)8 zbiranja po- datkov, vzporednega raziskovanja na več lokacijah hkrati9 in zbiranja podatkov o skupnosti ter njihovega povezovanja skozi več digitalnih medijev smo v svoji raziskavi izbrali netnografski pristop. Netnografija namreč kot posebna oblika kvalitativnega raziskovanja družbenih me- dijev prilagaja metodološke postopke za opazovanje »subkultur, skupin 4 Donizete Rodrigues, »How to Study Religion? Notes on Research Methodology in the Context of Latin American Religions,« International Journal of Latin American Religions 7, št. 1 (junij 2023): 243, https://doi.org/10.1007/s41603-022-00188-0. 5 Heidi A. Campbell, »Religion Embracing and Resisting Cultural Change in a Time of Social Distancing,« v Religion in Quarantine : The Future of Religion in a Post-Pandemic World, ur. Heidi A. Campbell (Digital religion publications, 2020), 12, https://doi.org/10.21423/reli- gioninquarantine. 6 Giuseppina Addo, »Join the Holy Spirit on Zoom,« Approaching Religion 11, št. 2 (2021), https://doi.org/10.30664/ar.107728. 7 Elisabetta Costa, »Affordances-in-Practice: An Ethnographic Critique of Social Media Logic and Context Collapse,« New Media & Society 20, št. 10 (2018): 3641–56, https://doi. org/10.1177/1461444818756290. 8 George E. Marcus, »Ethnography in/of the World System: The Emergence of Mul- ti-Sited Ethnography,« Annual Review of Anthropology 24, št. 1 (1995): 95–117, https://doi. org/10.1146/annurev.an.24.100195.000523. 9 Robert V. Kozinets, Netnography : the essential guide to qualitative social media research (Sage, 2020); Robert V. Kozinets, »Management Netnography: Axiological and Methodologi- cal Developments in Online Cultural Business Research,« v The SAGE Handbook of Quali- tative Business and Management Research Methods, ur. Cathy Cassell, Cunliffe, Ann, in Gina Grandy (London: SAGE, 2015), https://doi.org/10.13140/rg.2.1.3029.4487. P O L I G R A F I 114 in virtualnih skupnosti ter socialnih interakcij, ki potekajo v računal- niško posredovanem komuniciranju,« pri čemer so objavljeni zapisi v obliki besedil, slik, videoposnetkov in v drugih formatih primarni vir informacij za razumevanje opazovanih fenomenov. 10 V eni od novejših netnografskih študij religije so tako analizirali osrednji spletni ultraor- todoksni judovski forum, ki odpira hibridni »tretji prostor digitalne religije, ker se v njem prepletajo religijske in sekularne vsebine, zaradi česar služi tudi kot družabni prostor, v katerem člani izražajo osebnosti in mnenja, kažejo sposobnosti in se celo igrajo.11 V katalonski raziskavi potrošnje religijskih vsebin v kontekstu digitalnih medijev so ob struk- turiranem anketnem vprašalniku in poglobljenih intervjujih za zbiranje podatkov prav tako uporabili netnografijo.12 Ena izmed glavnih ugo- tovitev katalonskih raziskovalcev je, da verujoči možnosti digitalnega konteksta ne izkoriščajo za spoznavanje lastne religije in oblikovanje fleksibilnejših oblik verovanja niti za premoščanje razlik med različnimi religijskimi skupnostmi oz. spoznavanje teh.13 Netnografija kot metoda za proučevanje religijskih skupnosti Netnografija je specializirana oblika etnografskega empiričnega razi- skovanja, ki se osredinja na skupnosti v digitalnem okolju. Njena krov- na empirična disciplina je, kot je razvidno že iz poimenovanja, etnogra- fija. Kot pravi Robert Kozinets, gre za obliko »digitalne antropologije,« 14 ki je podobna »medijski antropologiji«.15 Etnografijo kot antropo- loško in sociološko raziskovalno metodo zanimajo »odnosi med druž- benimi akterji, posamezniki ali skupinami ter položaji in družbenimi 10 Rodrigues, »How to Study Religion?,« 242. 11 Sarit Okun in Galit Nimrod, »Online Ultra-Orthodox Religious Communities as a Third Space: A Netnographic Study,« International Journal of Communication 11(2017): 2825–2841, https://ijoc.org/index.php/ijoc/article/viewFile/6515/2085. 12 Míriam Díez Bosch, Josep Lluís Micó Sanz in Alba Sabaté Gauxachs, »Typing My Re- ligion. Digital Use of Religious Webs and Apps by Adolescents and Youth for Religious and Interreligious Dialogue,« Church, Communication and Culture 2, št. 2 (16. junij 2017): 121–43, https://doi.org/10.1080/23753234.2017.1347800. 13 Díez Bosch, Micó Sanz in Sabaté Gauxachs, 134–35. 14 Kozinets, Netnography, 21. 15 Prav tam, 22. M E D I A T I Z A C I J A R E L I G I J E I N Z A M I K A N J E R E L I G I J S K I H A V T O R I T E T 115 vlogami, ki jih akterji zasedajo in imajo v družbenem okolju, v katero so vključeni«.16 Z vidika Simmla in Webra naj bi omogočala izvedbo em- pirije za namen »mikrosociologije,« vendar ima »dejansko širši pristop, ki se osredinja na razumevanje družb in skupin na podlagi poglobljenih in natančnih opisov družbeno-kulturnih in religijskih praks«.17 Etno- grafija si tako prizadevata razložiti, kako opazovane prakse, izkušnje in družbena dinamika ustvarjajo pomene za posameznike in skupnosti, za- radi česar se je verjetno uveljavila že v zgodnjih raziskavah internetnih oz. virtualnih oz. digitalnih skupnosti. Ena izmed pionirk na tem področju je Christine Hine z delom Vir- tualna etnografija (2000). V njem ugotavlja, da je internet nova oblika etnografskega terena, saj je prizorišče kulture in hkrati njena materiali- zacija oz. kulturni artefakt, ki ga oblikujejo razumevanja in pričakova- nja ljudi.18 Po njenem mnenju je digitalne medije treba proučevati kot kulturo in kot prostor, v katerem se (re)konstituira kultura.19 Zato je vloga etnografa, da »v neposrednem stiku s sogovorniki proučuje pojave in kulturne prakse, ki potekajo v virtualnih skupnostih«.20 Po avtoriči- nem mnenju so digitalni mediji tudi prizorišče uprizarjanja, zamikanja oz. rekonstituiranja kulture in s tem religije, zaradi česar je prek njih mogoče digitalnoetnografsko opazovanje religijskih skupnosti. Digitalni mediji lahko dopolnjujejo zbiranje etnografskih podatkov o opazovani skupnosti ali pa so primarni prostor opazovanja, podatke je tako mogoče zajemati med spremljanjem vsakdanjega življenja skupno- sti na različnih spletnih mestih in prek aplikacij družbenih omrežij Fa- cebook, X (Twitter), YouTube, TikTok itd. Kot ugotavlja Rodrigues,21 se je že v 90. letih kot odgovor na potrebo po prilagoditvi klasične etnografske metode proučevanju virtualnega sveta pojavilo več meto- doloških konceptualizacij in pristopov, poleg netnografije in virtualne 16 Rodrigues, »How to Study Religion?,« 238. 17 Prav tam, 242. 18 Christine Hine, Virtual Ethnography (London: SAGE Publications, 2000), 14, https://doi. org/10.4135/9780857020277. 19 Rodrigues, »How to Study Religion?,« 243. 20 Prav tam. 21 Prav tam, 242. P O L I G R A F I 116 etnografije tako še digitalna etnografija, spletna oz. online etnografija, spletnografija (angl. webnography)22 in kiberetnografija.23 Aplikacija netnografske metode na področju raziskovanja religijskih skupnosti je torej v skladu s konceptualizacijo digitalnih medijev kot prizorišč kulture in kulturnih artefaktov na eni strani, na drugi pa tudi s Kozinetsovo opredelitvijo metode, namenjene raziskovanju skupno- sti. S popularizacijo in komercializacijo interneta, ki je informacijski in komunikacijski temelj digitalne medijske infrastrukture, je ta metadigi- talni medij vse pomembnejši tudi v religijskem življenju. Internet niso s pridom prevzela le nova religijska gibanja z izključno medijiranim de- lovanjem, npr. v obliki »virtualnih cerkva,« katerih pripadnice in pripa- dniki se fizično ne srečujejo, ampak so njegov potencial prepoznale tudi tradicionalne religije.24 Digitalni mediji so danes za religijske skupnosti pomemben komunikacijski kanal za organizacijo religijskih dogodkov in širjenje njihovih sporočil.25 1. Digitalizirane ali digitalne religijske skupnosti? Več aktualnih študij religijskih skupnosti26 ločuje med 1. religijami, ki so izvorno sicer nedigitalne, ampak so iz različnih potreb po dose- gu sodobnih občinstev, ki so lahko zanje potencialna občestva, posegle po internetu oz. digitalnih medijih, ter 2. sodobnimi religijskimi sku- 22 Glej npr. tudi Larissa Hjorth, Heather Horst, Anne Galloway in Genevieve Bell, ur. The Routledge Companion to Digital Ethnography (New York, London: Taylor & Francis Group, 2017), https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315673974. 23 Katie J. Ward, »Cyber-Ethnography and the Emergence of the Virtually New Community,« Journal of Information Technology 14, št. 1 (1999): 95–105, https://doi. org/10.1080/026839699344773. 24 Rodrigues, »How to Study Religion?«, 243. 25 Prav tam. 26 Glej npr. Christopher Helland, »Online-Religion/Religion-Online and Virtual Commu- nities,« Religion and the Social Order 8 (2000): 205–23, https://www.academia.edu/86647261/ Online_Religion_Religion_Online_and_Virtual_Communitas; Christopher Helland, »On- line Religion as Lived Religion. Methodological Issues in the Study of Religious Participation on the Internet,« Online-Heidelberg Journal of Religions on the Internet 1 (2005), https://api. semanticscholar.org/CorpusID:147573014; Ateeq Abdul Rauf, »An Islamic Revivalist Group’s Unsuccessful Attempt to Find Meaning on WhatsApp: A Case Study of Understanding Un- sustainable Asymmetrical Logics between Traditional Religion and the Digital Realm,« Religi- ons 13, št. 9 (5. september 2022): 823, https://doi.org/10.3390/rel13090823. M E D I A T I Z A C I J A R E L I G I J E I N Z A M I K A N J E R E L I G I J S K I H A V T O R I T E T 117 pnostmi, ki so vzniknile na internetu in je njihovo delovanje vezano izključno na digitalne medije. Prosto po Hellandu27 bi prve lahko ime- novali digitalizirane religijske skupnosti, druge pa digitalne religijske skupnosti. Tradicionalne religijske skupnosti so digitalne medije začele doma- čiti kot hierarhične, avtoritarne ali vsaj organizacijsko močne instituci- je. Helland jih opisuje kot religijske skupnosti, ki delujejo »od zgoraj navzdol«. Internet je zanje zunanji prostor, v katerega vstopajo zara- di izvajanja svojih dejavnosti, poleg tega pa pri komuniciranju skozi digitalne medije ohranjajo hierarhije svojih organizacij.28 Gre torej za idejo razširjanja prisotnosti religijskih avtoritet na splet, kjer ohranjajo obliko »množičnega« komuniciranja avtoritete z občestvom oz. članom religijske skupnosti.29 Hellandov koncept spletne religije (angl. online religion) se nanaša na »novo obliko religijskega udejstvovanja« na spletu, pri katerem so posamezniki v interakciji z religijskimi sistemi verovanja, predstavljenimi na internetu. Po Hellandovem razumevanju se spletna religija formira od spodaj navzgor (angl. bottom-up), saj njeni pripadni- ki vanjo prispevajo z izrazi osebnega verovanja, na te pa prejemajo prav tako osebne odzive drugih pripadnikov. Gre torej za dialektični proces, v katerem se spletna religija rekonstituira – verovanje se razvija, spremi- nja, prilagaja in fluktuira v smeri, ki jo uravnavajo pripadniki spletne religije.30 Kot pravi Helland, se koncept spletne religije kot religijske skupnosti, formirane od spodaj navzgor, nanaša na Turnerjevo razu- mevanje skupnosti, v katerih prevladuje družbena nedorečenost in so v njih mnogi družbeni označevalci članov skupnosti odsotni. 2. Zlitje spletnih in »fizičnih« religijskih sfer V študiji, ki jo je opravil čez dobrih deset let (2016), se tudi Helland ne sklicuje več izrecno na odsotnost družbenih kazalnikov, še vedno 27 Helland, »Online-Religion/Religion-Online and Virtual Communities.« 28 Christopher Helland, »Digital Religion,« v Handbook of Religion and Society, ur. David Yamane (Springer International Publishing, 2016), 177–96, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3- 319-31395-5_10. 29 Prav tam, 178–81. 30 Helland, »Online-Religion/Religion-Online and Virtual Communities,« 214. P O L I G R A F I 118 pa velja, da jim digitalni mediji omogočajo vzajemne interakcije med religijskimi avtoritetami in laiki ter tudi med laiki samimi.31 Poleg tega digitalni mediji pripadnikom spletnih religij omogočajo ustvarjalno oblikovanje religijskih praks, kot so molitve ali meditacije prek sple- ta.32 Kot piše Campbell,33 podobno pa kažejo tudi rezultati te študije, so v času zapiranja javnega življenja med epidemijo tudi tradicionalne religijske skupnosti izkoristile možnosti digitalne mediacije religijskih praks. Vendar je poleg empiričnih razlogov treba opozoriti tudi na kon- ceptualne premisleke o tipologiji digitalnih religij in digitaliziranih re- ligijah. Vseprisotnost digitalnih medijev in njihovo gosto prepletanje z vsakdanjimi praksami sta za raziskovalce religije, kulture, medijev itn. znak, da več kot tri desetletja stara binarna ločevanja online-offline med digitalnimi in »fizičnimi« prostori niso več ustrezna. Ko je bila interne- tna povezava ekskluzivna dobrina ter smo se z njo zaradi tehnično-in- frastrukturnih in ekonomskih omejitev povezovali redko in praviloma z zelo specifičnimi nameni (da bi recimo preverili, ali smo prejeli odgovor na zadnje elektronsko sporočilo, ali pred spanjem klepetali na IRC-u), smo bili »na internetu,« sicer pa ne. Danes pa smo »na internetu« nepre- kinjeno ter smo prek pametnega telefona in digitalnih medijev nasploh soprisotni v »fizičnem« in digitalnem prostoru. Na zlitje oz. integracijo spletnih in fizičnih religijskih sfer opozori tudi Campbell.34 Raziskova- nje digitalne religije opredeljuje kot proučevanje, »kako digitalni mediji in tehnologije vplivajo in oblikujejo religijska verovanja, prakse, sku- pnosti in izražanje« v združenem in zmešanem tehnološko-kulturnem prostoru. Digitalna religija torej črpa tako iz spletne kulture, za katero sta značilni interaktivnost in konvergenca, kot iz tradicionalne religije z ustaljenimi sistemi verovanj, zaradi česar ni samo replika na tradicional- ne religijske prakse s pomočjo oz. prek digitalnih medijev, ampak vklju- čuje »transformacijo in adaptacijo teh praks v digitalnem kontekstu«.35 Tako je tudi mogoče opazovati religijske avtoritete v digitalnem konte- 31 Helland, »Digital Religion.« 32 Prav tam.« 33 Heidi A. Campbell, »Looking Backwards and Forwards at the Study of Digital Religion,« Religious Studies Review 50, št. 1 (2024): 83–87, https://doi.org/10.1111/rsr.17062. 34 Campbell, »Looking Backwards and Forwards,« 86. 35 Prav tam, 83. M E D I A T I Z A C I J A R E L I G I J E I N Z A M I K A N J E R E L I G I J S K I H A V T O R I T E T 119 kstu in kako se te soočajo z digitalno kulturo ter z njo vežejo in zlivajo svoje ustaljene organizacijske religijske prakse. Netnografijo, ki jo zani- majo manifestacije družbenosti in kulturnih karakteristik v družbenih medijih,36 tako preizkušamo kot metodo za proučevanje razmerij moči med institucionalnimi avtoritetami in posamezniki. Omogoča namreč raziskovanje »moči korporacij, podjetij in skupin v današnjem tehnolo- ško prevladujočem družbenem svetu« ter tudi kako so digitalni mediji in z njimi povezane prakse vpletenih akterjev prispevali k »preobliko- vanju političnega, korporativnega in osebnega vpliva, kako so ga vsilili in okrepili«.37 Mediatizacija religije v digitaliziranem vsakdanu V konceptualnem smislu je za analizo razmerij moči med religijskimi institucijami oz. avtoritetami na eni strani ter pripadniki religijskih sku- pnosti na drugi mogoče poseči po teoretizacijah mediatizacije. Po svoje je to nehvaležno početje, saj celostne in zaključene teorije mediatizacije ni,38 vendar pa hkrati nudi teoretični okvir za sistematično raziskovanje družbenega komuniciranja tako da sami (digitalni) mediji niso v sredi- šču raziskovalne pozornosti,39 ampak so obravnavani v vlogi dejavnika ter hkrati konteksta kulturnih konstrukcij in transformacij. Andreas Hepp npr. razume mediatizacijo na ozadju socialnega konstruktivizma 36 Greiciele Morais, Valdeci Santos in Carlos Gonçalves, »Netnography: Origins, Founda- tions, Evolution and Axiological and Methodological Developments and Trends,« The Qualita- tive Report, 18. februar 2020: 444, https://doi.org/10.46743/2160-3715/2020.4227. 37 Kozinets, »Management Netnography.« 38 Andreas Hepp, Cultures of Mediatization (WILEY, Polity Press, 2013), 46. 39 Glej npr. Stig Hjarvard, »Mediatization and Cultural and Social Change: An Institution- al Perspective,« v Mediatization of Communication, ur. Knut Lundby (De Gruyter Mouton, 2014), 199–226, https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110272215.199; Sonia Livingstone in Peter Lunt, »Mediatization: An Emerging Paradigm for Media and Communication Research?,« v v Mediatization of Communication, ur. Knut Lundby (De Gruyter Mouton, 2014), 703–24, https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110272215.703; Knut Lundby, Mediatization of Communica- tion. Handbooks of Communication Science (Berlin: De Gruyter Mouton, 2014), https://doi. org/10.1515/9783110272215; Kim Christian Schrøder, »Towards the ‘Audiencization’ of Me- diatization Research? Audience Dynamics as Co-Constitutive of Mediatization Processes,« v Dynamics of Mediatization, ur. Olivier Driessens, Göran Bolin, Andreas Hepp in Stig Hjarvard (Springer International Publishing AG, 2017), https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-62983- 4_5. P O L I G R A F I 120 kot družbeno konstrukcijo realnosti skozi različne forme in transforma- cije komuniciranja, ki izhajajo iz dialektičnih razmerij med subjekti in medijskimi institucijami.40 V okviru mediatizacije je tako mogoče opa- zovati učinke spreminjajoče se medijske krajine na religijske skupnosti tudi v daljšem časovnem obdobju, in sicer na eni strani ločeno medije in spremembe v njihovem delovanju, obliki, organiziranju, poslovanju itd., kar so gradniki t. i. medijske logike, in drugi, kako se religijska insti- tucija oz. njena institucionalna logika spreminja ne glede na medije ter tudi kot posledica sprememb medijev in v medijski krajini.41 Stig Hjar- vard, eden izmed prominentnejših raziskovalcev mediatizacije, ki pa v nasprotju s Heppom in drugimi predstavniki konstruktivistične teorije uporablja institucionalno teorijo mediatizacije, se posveča fenomeno- ma resakralizacije in desakralizacije družbe in med drugim ugotavlja, da religijske prakse postajajo vse bolj odvisne od medijev.42 Z oporo v Lundbyjevem razumevanju mediatizacije43 se raziskoval- ni interes mediatizacije religije lahko izraža tudi v vprašanju, kako se religija spreminja, ko se zaradi digitalnih medijev preoblikujejo nek- daj ustaljeni komunikacijski vzorci. Če tukaj mislimo na razumevanje struktur moči, potem lahko gre za razmerja med vodstvi in vodilnimi kot avtoritetami religijskih institucij ter laičnimi pripadniki skupnosti, kadar pa nas zanima oblikovanje morebitnih novih religijskih avtoritet, pa je relevantno opazovati to triado: 1. institucionalno vodstvo kot tra- dicionalno avtoriteto, 2. vzhajajočo novo oz. alternativno avtoriteto in 3. laike. V kontekstu digitalizacije religije je o občestvu religijskih skupnosti smotrno misliti tudi kot o občinstvu digitalnih medijev, saj religijska skupnost z njihovo pomočjo ohranja stik in povezanost ter skrbi za mo- ralne in duhovne usmeritve. Zato je smiselno, kot to stori Kim Christi- an Schrøder, teorijo mediatizacije dopolniti, da vključuje tudi razmislek o vlogi občinstva. Schrøder44 izhaja iz Hjarvardovega modela institu- 40 Hepp, Cultures of Mediatization; Andreas Hepp, Deep Mediatization (Key Ideas in Media & Cultural Studies) (London: Routledge, 2019). 41 Livingstone in Lunt, »Mediatization,« 706. 42 Hjarvard, The Mediatization of Culture and Society. 43 Lundby, Mediatization of Communication, 3. 44 Schrøder, »Towards the ‘Audiencization’ of Mediatization Research?« M E D I A T I Z A C I J A R E L I G I J E I N Z A M I K A N J E R E L I G I J S K I H A V T O R I T E T 121 cionalne mediatizacije,45 v katerega ob: a) medijski logiki, ki jo gradijo a1) tehnološka infrastruktura, a2) žanri, vsebine, naracija idr. elementi estetike ter a3) institucionalni oz. organizacijski okviri in regulacija, ter b) religijski logiki kot logiki te specifične institucionalne domene, ki se izraža v b1) materialnih in simboličnimi virih ter b2) formalnih in ne- formalnih pravilih religijskih skupnosti, vključi še dinamiko občinstva, ki vključuje izbiranje iz medijske ponudbe, interpretacijo in participaci- jo v medijih in prek teh. Umesti jo torej tako, da je vezana na medijsko logiko kot specifično raven dejavnikov in konteksta, s čimer postavi v ospredje prepletanje in transformacije med medijsko logiko in dinami- ko občinstva. Tako občinstveno razumevanje mediatizacije uporabljamo tudi v tej študiji. Pripadniki religijske skupnosti so v digitalnem kon- tekstu tudi občinstvo digitalnih medijev, ki ima aktivno vlogo in s tem določeno moč. Kot individualni (posamezen član občinstva) in/ali ko- lektivni družbeni akter se občinstvo udeležuje medijsko posredovanih družbenih interakcij, pogaja s sporočevalci o pomenu sporočil in lahko tudi participira v procesih oz. praksah, ki jih prenašajo institucionalni mediji46 – v tem primeru digitalni mediji religijskih skupnosti. Metoda zbiranja in analize podatkov Praksa netnografskega raziskovanja pogosto kot vstop na teren oz. izhodišče vključuje spletni iskalnik, v katerega raziskovalec ali razisko- valka vpiše iskalno frazo, ki kar se da natančno opredeljuje vsebino oz. skupnost, s katero se spoznava, prav tako uporablja orodja za iskanje, listanje in brskanje po družbenih omrežjih in drugih digitalnih medijih, ki bi lahko postali relevantni viri podatkov o proučevanem.47 V prime- ru projekta Recovira smo tri opazovane religijske skupnosti na spletu iskali z iskalnikom DuckDuckGo, pri čemer smo želeli najti digitalno prizorišče, ki je najbolj prominentno za vsako od religijskih skupnosti. Z iskalnimi frazami »katoliška cerkev v sloveniji,« »slovenska islamska 45 Hjarvard, The Mediatization of Culture and Society, 1. izd. (Routledge, 2013), https://doi. org/10.4324/9780203155363. 46 Kim Christian Schrøder, »Audience Reception Research in a Post-Broadcasting Digital Age,« Television & New Media 20, št. 2 (2019): 155–69, https://doi.org/10.1177/1527476418811114. 47 Morais, Santos, in Gonçalves, »Netnography,« 445. P O L I G R A F I 122 skupnost« in »skupnost za zavest krišne slovenija« sta bili ustrezni sple- tni mesti dveh skupnosti hitro identificirani (katoliska-cerkev.si in is- lamska-skupnost.si), medtem ko je bilo nekoliko več truda potrebnega za identifikacijo osrednjega spletnega mesta skupnosti za zavest Kri- šne (iskcon-slovenija.blogspot.com/p/iskcon-slovenija.html), saj je bilo med zadetki več spletišč v slovenskem jeziku, ki so sugerirala osrednjo vlogo – npr. zaradi domene harekrisna.si. Zajemanje netnografskih podatkov je potekalo pozimi 2022 in spo- mladi 2023, in sicer tudi na kanalih religijskih skupnosti na družbenih omrežjih Facebook, Twitter/X, YouTube in drugih spletnih mestih (npr. novičarski ali t. i. life-style portali), kjer so nas zanimala predvsem ko- munikativna dejanja institucij, manj pozornosti pa je bilo usmerjene v prostore, ki so namenjeni izključno laikom. Primarno smo se osredinili na objave v času epidemije (februar 2020–junij 2022), spremljali pa smo tudi objave prednjo in po njej (do junija 2023), da bi bolje ra- zumeli morebitne spremembe, do katerih je prišlo pri komuniciranju religijskih skupnosti na spletu. Raziskavo smo usmerili v komuniciranje religijskih avtoritet, torej organizacij oz. njihovih predstavnikov, ki oblikujejo in pripravljajo ob- jave na spletu in družbenih omrežjih oz. poskrbijo zanje. Zanimalo nas je namreč, kako se na institucionalni ravni soočajo z digitalizacijo in epi- demijo in torej kakšna je njihova vloga v procesih mediatizacije religije. Pregledali smo več sto različnih digitalnih vsebin različnih formatov in žanrov (največ je bilo spletnih strani in novic s spletnih mest in objav na družbenih omrežjih), ki pa večinoma niso prispevali k raziskoval- nemu cilju, zato jih nismo vnesli v podatkovno zbirko niti jih nismo analizirali. V preglednico, v kateri smo strukturirali relevantne objave oz. strani, smo vnesli okrog 80 enot vsebine, ki smo jih podrobneje pregledali in kategorizirali oz. opisali glede na več meril, med katerimi so bili religijska skupnost, naslov in povzetek vsebine, tematiziranje di- gitalne religijske prakse itn. Vsaka enota analize oz. pregledane vsebine je tako postala vrstica, zapisana v preglednici (tabela 1). V fazi zbiranja podatkov smo tako vsako enoto (izbrana vsebina oz. objava) opisali, kot je prikazano v tabeli 1. V naslednjem koraku smo vsebine podrobneje pregledali in analizirali za opredelitev digital- nih praks religijske skupnosti, razumevanje upravljanja skupnostnega M E D I A T I Z A C I J A R E L I G I J E I N Z A M I K A N J E R E L I G I J S K I H A V T O R I T E T 123 Ta be la 1 : I zs ek iz n et no gr af sk e po da tk ov ne zb irk e z i zb ra ni m i t re m i p rim er i ( za ra di o m ej ite v pr os to ra p ri tis ka nj u so tu ka j pr ed sta vi tv e po sa m ez ni h en ot n am es to v v rs tic ah u re je ne v st ol pc ih ). Pr im er i e no t i z p od at - ko vn e zb irk e: 1. R im sk ok at ol išk a ce rk ev 2. Is la m sk a sk up no st 3. S ku pn os t z a za ve st K riš ne Lo ka ci ja /U R L ht tp s:/ /e vh ar ist ija .e u/ Pr en os iS ve tih M as .h tm l ht tp s:/ /w w w. isl am sk a- sk up - no st. si/ 20 20 /0 3/ m uf tij ev - na go vo r- v- ca su -e pi de m ije -v - slo ve ni ji/ ht tp s:/ /w w w. fa ce bo ok .c om / ph ot o/ ?fb id =1 01 63 46 65 11 31 05 53 & se t= pb .1 00 06 45 74 72 31 46 .- 22 07 52 00 00 Re lig ijs ka sk up no st rim sk ok at ol išk a isl am sk a H ar e K riš na Sl ov en sk i n as lo v Pr en os sv et e m aš e v živ o M uf tij ev n ag ov or č la no m Is la m sk e sk up no sti Pr vo v ab ilo k u de le žb i p re k sp le ta o d ra zg la sit ve e pi de m ije D at um o bj av e m ar ec 2 02 0 m ar ec 2 02 0 16 . m ar ec 2 02 0 Te m a Se zn am žu pn ij in d ru gi v iri , k i pr en aš aj o m aš e pr ek sp le ta . M uf tij ev n ag ov or o b za če tk u ep id em ije , o u kr ep ih it d. Sp le tn i d og od ek za za šč ito zd ra vj a bh ak t i n dr ug eg a pr eb iv al stv a. O pi s/ ra zlo g za vk lju či te v v vz or ec Sp le to m es to je n as ta lo m ed e p- id em ijo . O b po nu db i p ov ez av do p re no so v m aš je o po zo ril o, da je u de le žb a pr i m aš ah n a da lja vo p rim er na sa m o za b ol ne in st ar ej še . V zp os ta vl ja p ov ez av e m ed uk re pi za v ar ov an je zd ra vj a in vr ed no ta m i i sla m sk e ve re . O dz iv n a no vo re sn ič no st; p rv i pr ist op je p re m oš ča nj e ra zd al je m ed ži ve či m i v te m pl ju in ce lo tn o sk up no stj o itd . na da lje va nj e na n as le dn ji str an i P O L I G R A F I 124 Pr im er i e no t i z p od at - ko vn e zb irk e: 1. R im sk ok at ol išk a ce rk ev 2. Is la m sk a sk up no st 3. S ku pn os t z a za ve st K riš ne Al i o br av na va d ig i- ta ln e re lig ijs ke p ra ks e ip d. ? da ne da Se n av ez uj e na e pi - de m ijo ? da da da In sti tu ci on al na a li up or ab ni šk a vs eb in a po lin sti tu ci on al na in sti tu ci on al na in sti tu ci on al na Pr od uc en t / izd aj at el je - vo im e al i n as lo v N i j as no : » Sp le tn a str an w w w. EV H AR IS T IJ A. eu z vs em i po ve za ni m i p od str an m i j e pr os to ča sn o – PR O ST O - V O LJ N O , N EP RO FI T N O in LJ U BI T EL JS K O d el o. « Is la m sk a sk up no st v Re pu bl ik i Sl ov en iji . IS K C O N S lo ve ni ja Re ce pc ija /o dz iv, k o- m en ta rji , v še čk i . .. S po kr ov ite ljs tv om o z. po dp or o Sl ov en sk e šk of ov sk e ko nf er - en ce . / / M E D I A T I Z A C I J A R E L I G I J E I N Z A M I K A N J E R E L I G I J S K I H A V T O R I T E T 125 življenja s pomočjo oz. prek digitalnih medijev ter interpretiranje raz- merij moči znotraj religijske skupnosti in navzven oz. avtoritete v kon- tekstu digitalnih medijev (tabela 2). Rezultati analize spletne prisotnosti treh slovenskih religijskih skupnosti Predstavitev rezultatov netnografske študije je osredinjena na učinke oz. odzive treh slovenskih religijskih skupnosti ob razglasitvi epidemije covida-19. Najprej so nas zanimala osrednja spletna mesta religijskih institucij, ki služijo kot neke vrste »digitalni okvir« komunikativnega delovanja predstavnikov teh institucij kot religijskih avtoritet, sledil pa je pregled profilov na družbenih omrežjih. Epidemija covida-19 je nedvomno pospešila domačenje digitalnih medijev v kontekstu religijskega življenja. To med drugim potrjuje sple- tna zbirka s številnimi povezavami do spletnih prenosov maš RKC, ki je bila objavljena takoj ob razglasitvi zapore javnega življenja 13. marca 2020.48 S tem ko se je dostop do religijskega obredja liberaliziral tako, da pripadnikom ni več bilo treba do lokalne cerkve in so lahko mašo spremljali ne le od doma, ampak so se lahko priključili maši katerega koli duhovnika, so se lahko pospešile tudi transformacije v razmerjih moči znotraj skupnosti. Občinstva digitaliziranih religijskih praks so tako morda pridobila nekaj vzvodov moči, ki je pred tem pripadala lokalnemu župnišču in vsaj posredno tudi RKC kot religijski institu- ciji. Prišlo je torej do neke vrste prenosa moči cerkve oz. odvzema nje- ne avtoritete kot izključne pristojnosti za religijske obrede, s tem ko je prejem obhajila postal mogoč tudi na daljavo oz. blagoslov na daljavo itd. Dodatno pa so razmerja moči znotraj skupnosti zamikali tudi di- gitalni medijski zvezdniki, npr. duhovniki z že oblikovano afiniteto do digitalnih medijev, ki so agilno pograbili krizo kot priložnost in so se medijirali neposredno v domove svojih občestev – digitalnih občinstev. 48 Slovenska škofovska konferenca, »Prenos svete maše v živo,« 13. marec 2020, https://evha- ristija.eu/PrenosiSvetihMas.html. P O L I G R A F I 126 Ta be la 2 : I zv le če k kl ju čn ih u go to vi te v ne tn og ra fsk e an al ize p re m oš ča nj a izg ub e sti ko v s p om oč jo d ig ita ln ih m ed ije v v tre h slo ve ns ki h re lig ijs ki h sk up no sti h Re lig ijs ka sk up no st 1. R im sk ok at ol išk a ce rk ev 2. Is la m sk a sk up no st 3. S ku pn os t z a za ve st K riš ne Id en tifi ci ra na sp le tn a pr iso tn os t Sp le tn o m es to in d ru žb en a om re žja : F ac eb oo k, In sta gr am , x/ Tw itt er . Sp le tn o m es to v sl ov en sk em in b os an sk em je zik u. Ve č sp le tn ih m es t i n pr ofi lo v na dr už be ni h om re žji h: F ac eb oo k in Yo ut ub e. O sr ed nj e sp le tn o m es to re lig ijs ke in sti tu ci je ka to lis ka -c er ke v.s i j e in sti tu - ci on al ni d ig ita ln i m ed ij SŠ K in os re dn ji di gi ta ln i m ed ij R K C . isl am sk a- sk up no st. si je in sti tu ci on al ni di gi ta ln i m ed ij SI S in p ra kt ič no e di ni di gi ta ln i m ed ij isl am sk e sk up no sti . isk co n- slo ve ni ja .b lo gs po t.c om je os re dn je sp le tn o m es to S ku pn os ti za za ve st K riš ne . D ig ita ln i k om un i- ka to r In sti tu ci on al ni : S ŠK . In sti tu ci on al ni : I sla m sk a sk up no st v R S. Sk up no stn i: vo ds tv en i i n dr ug i č la ni SZ K . D ig ita ln e pr ak se re lig ijs ke sk up no sti Pr en os i m aš – n ov o sp le tn o m es to e vh ar ist jij a. eu . C er kv en a sr eč an ja n a da lja vo (d uh ov ne v aj e) , t ud i k at eh ez a na d al ja vo . D uh ov no o bh aj ilo – k ot na do m es te k ob ha jil a izj - em om a zu na j c er kv e. Is ka nj e no vi h ka na lo v za p ov ez ov an je sk up no sti , k ot je sp ec ia liz ira no sp le tn o m es to za m la de . Pr ed e pi de m ijo d el uj e sp le tn o m es to k ot vi r z a in fo rm ira nj e sk up no sti in v ab lje nj e na d og od ke . Z za če tk om e pi de m ije se va bl je nj e pr ek sp le ta n a do go dk e pr en eh a in d ig ita liz ira ni h re l. pr ak s s ko ra j n i, sa j so sk up ne m ol itv e in zb ira nj a v isl am sk ih ce nt rih o dp ov ed an i. Ed in a pr ak sa p ol eg ne ka j o bj av v id eo pr en os ov p ra zn ič ni h m ol itv e in p rid ig e v pr ve m le tu e pi de m ije os ta ne o bv eš ča nj e pr ip ad ni ko v sk up no sti pr ek sp le tn eg a m es ta , k i s e bo lj al i m an j na ve zu je sa m o na e pi de m ijo . Že p re d ep id em ijo so n a sp le tn ih ka na lih o bj av lja li va bi la n a ob re dj e, izo br až ev an ja in d ru ge d og od ke in fo to gr afi je s sk up no stn ih d og od - ko v. Po ra zg la sit vi e pi de m io lo šk ih uk re po v so d od al i r ed no d ne vn o od da ja nj e te m pe ljs ki h vs eb in p re k sp le ta , i zv aj an je re lig ijs ki h ob re do v na d al ja vo , m ož no sti d ar ov an ja na d al ja vo in fo to -/ vi de oo be le žja do ga ja nj a. na da lje va nj e na n as le dn ji str an i M E D I A T I Z A C I J A R E L I G I J E I N Z A M I K A N J E R E L I G I J S K I H A V T O R I T E T 127 Re lig ijs ka sk up no st 1. R im sk ok at ol išk a ce rk ev 2. Is la m sk a sk up no st 3. S ku pn os t z a za ve st K riš ne U pr av lja nj e di gi ta l- izi ra ne ga ži vl je nj a sk up no sti Pr ip or oč ila za sp oš to va nj e ep id em io lo šk ih u kr ep ov . Pr en os i m aš , k i p a ne na do m eš ča jo o se bn e ud el ež be – do bi jo p a ve rn ik i » sp re gl ed do lžn os ti« . P ra kt ič ni n ap ot ki , ka ko v od iti d om ač o ce rk ev , ka kš no n aj b o do m ač e živ lje nj e in o dn os i m ed za ko nc i i pd ., in po ziv i k p ov ez ov an ju z dr ug i- m i p re k Sk yp a pr i s ku pi ns ki ne de ljs ki m ol itv i. Sp od bu ja jo k sp oš to va nj u vl ad ni h na vo di l in zd ra vs tv en ih p rip or oč il, p ol eg te ga sk rb ijo za n av od ila g le de iz va ja nj a m ol ite v, te le sn e in d uš ev ne h ig ie ne . Z o bj av am i n a dr už be ni h om re žji h je o d za če tk a ep id em ije p ot ek al o ob ve šč an je o u rn ik ih o br ed ja in dr ug ih d og od ko v, de lje nj e po ve za v za so de lo va nj e pr ek sp le ta . R az vi la se je to re j p ra ks a sk up ni h re lig ijs ki h ob re do v na d al ja vo . Av to rit et a v ko n- te ks tu d ig ita ln ih m ed ije v D ig ita liz ira na tr ad ic io na ln a av to rit et a – SŠ K k om un ic ira hi er ar hi čn o, p re dv se m p a en os m er no , s aj d aj e na - vo di la . H kr at i s e po zic io ni ra ko t v m es ni k, k i i nt er pr e- tir a ep id em io lo šk e oz . v la dn e uk re pe za p rip ad ni ke re lig ijs ke sk up no sti . D ig ita liz ira na tr ad ic io na ln a av to rit et a – SI S ni n a dr už be ni h om re žji h, n a sp le tiš ču pa d el uj ej o bo lj ko t p ot rje va le c oz . pr en aš al ec v la dn ih u kr ep ov p rip ad ni ko m sk up no sti . M eh ka , s pr oš če na a vt or ite ta – v od - stv o SZ K o z. ko m un ik at or v im en u sk up no sti se p os ta vi n a ra ve n čl an ov . Po ja sn ju je o ko liš či ne , p on uj a pr os to r oz . g a či m b ol j o dp ira p re k sp le ta , da b i s e la hk o izv aj al e re lig ijs ke de ja vn os ti. P O L I G R A F I 128 1. Napetosti RKC pri prilagoditvah religijskega vsakdana ob epidemioloških ukrepih Zdi se, da se je RKC ob zaprtju javnega življenja znašla v zahtevnih okoliščinah. Iz objav na spletnem mestu je namreč mogoče sklepati, da ni želela nasprotovati vladnim ukrepom glede preprečevanja širjenja okužb49, hkrati pa je zahtevala možnost izvajanja religijskega obredja in združevanja pripadnikov religije v cerkvah, kar je interpretirala kot pravico do uresničevanja verske svobode. Sklepati bi bilo mogoče, da je digitalizacija religijskih praks, zagotavljanja moralnega in duhovnega vodstva in povezovanja religijske skupnosti ustvarila določene napeto- sti v RKC. Tako je kot religijska institucija na eni strani pristajala na prepovedi fizičnega združevanja med religijskimi obredi v cerkvah, na drugi pa je opozarjala na začasnost in izjemnost sodelovanja pri mašah na daljavo. Prav tako je iskala ustrezen odziv na dilemo glede cepljenja z domnevno etično spornimi cepivi. Na uradnem spletnem mestu Slovenske škofovske konference (SŠK; www.katoliska-cerkev.si), ki je tudi osrednji digitalni medij slovenske RKC, je nastalo več objav in poleg njih tudi specializirano spletno me- sto z zbirko povezav do spletnih prenosov maš. Hkrati z odpiranjem dostopa do obredja prek spleta so bili izraženi tudi zadržki, da takoj po prenehanju izrednih razmer digitalno obiskovanje obredja ne bo ustrezno – npr. da bodo spletni prenosi po prenehanju izrednih razmer »namenjeni le bolnim in ostarelim«.50 Poleg tega se je ob povečevanju digitalizacije religijskih praks s spletnimi prenosi v času epidemije na uradnih in drugih spletnih mestih rimskokatoliške skupnosti pojavilo tudi več prispevkov o t. i. »duhovnem obhajilu,« ki lahko, podobno kot velja za maše, nadomesti običajno prejemanje zakramenta obhajila pri maši – torej le v času izrednih razmer.51 Tretja tema oz. področje 49 Katoliška cerkev, »Izredna navodila slovenskih škofov za preprečevanje širjenja COVID-19: odpoved svetih maš do preklica,« 13. 3. 2020, https://katoliska-cerkev.si/izredna-navodila-slo- venskih-skofov-za-preprecevanje-sirjenja-koronavirusa-covid-19-odpoved-svetih-mas-do-pre- klica. 50 Slovenska škofovska konferenca. »Prenos svete maše v živo.« 51 Frančiškanski samostan NM, Župnija NM – sv. Lenart, »Duhovno obhajilo – kaj je to?,« 13. 3. 2020, https://www.nm-kloster.si/duhovno-obhajilo-kaj-je-to/. M E D I A T I Z A C I J A R E L I G I J E I N Z A M I K A N J E R E L I G I J S K I H A V T O R I T E T 129 pogajanj za ohranjanje avtoritete RKC v času epidemije je odnos do cepljenja oz. cepiv, testiranih s tehnologijo, ki je v preteklosti uporabila tudi fetalne celice splavljenih zarodkov. SŠK v objavljeni izjavi navaja »moralno dopuščanje« cepljenja s takimi cepivi, če ni »etično spreje- mljivejše« možnosti. Kot največja religijska skupnost je RKC prisotna na številnih dig- italnih kanalih, ki jih, kot kaže, uporablja za ohranjanje stika s pri- padniki religijske skupnosti. Poleg spletnega mesta SŠK ter župnijskih in redovniških spletišč upravlja (ali je v času epidemije upravljala) še specializirane digitalne medije, npr. namenjene mladim, kot je (bilo) v času pisanja tega prispevka že nedostopno spletno mesto skozivihar.si,52 ter tudi tri priljubljena omrežja Facebook53, Instagram54 in X/Twitter,55 ki večinoma le obveščajo o vsebinah, izvorno objavljenih na osredn- jem spletišču SŠK. Za vse identificirane digitalne kanale je značilno hierarhično oz. enosmerno komuniciranje predstavnikov institucije s pripadniki religijske skupnosti oz. digitalnim občinstvom nasploh – morda tudi z željo po ohranjanju avtoritete. Tudi pregledane ob- jave na družbenih omrežjih ne vsebujejo nobenih kazalnikov dialoga, ne sprašujejo po mnenju, prav tako se uredniki omenjenih profilov ne odzivajo na sicer zelo redke komentarje. 2. Poudarjanje skladnosti epidemioloških ukrepov z vrednotami islamske skupnosti V primerjavi z RKC je Islamska skupnost v svoji spletni komunika- ciji zadržana in uradna. Sicer tako kot RKC sprejema ukrepe, poveza- ne s preprečevanjem epidemije, vendar le izjemoma nekajkrat prenaša molitev prek spleta. Prav tako SIS razen na uradnem spletnem mestu pravzaprav ni digitalno prisotna, saj tudi na družbenih omrežjih skoraj 52 Matevž Mehle, »Nova spletna stran za mlade www.skozivihar.si,« Katoliška cerkev, 31. 3. 2020, https://katoliska-cerkev.si/nova-spletna-stran-za-mlade-wwwskoziviharsi. 53 https://www.facebook.com/skofovskakonferenca/ (poleg tega je vsaj na Facebooku še nekaj profilov, ki jih je glede na ime mogoče povezati z rimskokatoliško religijsko skupnostjo, ki pa niso predmet te študije). 54 https://www.instagram.com/katoliskacerkev/. 55 https://twitter.com/katoliskacerkev. P O L I G R A F I 130 ni mogoče najti vsebin oz. profilov, posvečenih tej skupnosti. Ima pa dve različici uradnega spletnega mesta, in sicer v slovenskem (www.is- lamska-skupnost.si) in bosanskem jeziku (www.islamska-zajednica.si), cilj katerih bi lahko bilo preseganje morebitnih jezikovnih omejitev, enakovredno naslavljanje in vključevanje v Sloveniji živečih muslima- nov v enotno skupnost. Z razglasitvijo epidemije so bile v takrat popolnoma novem ljubljan- skem islamskem centru z džamijo odpovedane vse dejavnosti,56 na splet pa so leta 2020 prenesli le izvajanje mektebskega pouka (verouka). Vod- stvo je pripadnike skupnosti pozvalo, naj molitve izvajajo doma in upo- števajo institucionalne pozive k spoštovanju ukrepov za preprečevanje epidemije: »Menimo, da je pomembno spoštovati navodila pristojnih organov in zdravstvenih strokovnjakov zaradi ohranjanja človeškega zdravja. V islamskem učenju je vrednota življenja, telesno in duševno zdravje posameznika in ljudi na splošno na visoki hierarhični lestvici vrednot.«57 Odločitev za spoštovanje zunanje avtoritete (vlade) je tako pospremljena s komentarjem o skladnosti epidemiološke politike z vre- dnotami islamske tradicije. Spodbujanja k spoštovanju vladnih navodil in zdravstvenih priporočil ter navodil pripadnikom glede načinov iz- vajanja molitev, opravljanja telesne in duševne higiene se tako zlivajo v komplementaren proces. V nasprotju z RKC oz. SŠK kot njene in- stitucionalne predstavnice SIS v spletnih objavah ni iskala načinov za čimprejšnje fizično druženje oz. vračanje pripadnikov v džamije. 3. Intenzivnejše domačenje digitalnih medijev za vključujoče komuniciranje SZK Skupnost za zavest Krišne (SZK) ima v primerjavi z rimskokatoli- ško in islamsko skupnostjo veliko manj profesionalno izdelano digital- no podobo. Spletno mesto SZK ne gostuje na lastni spletni domeni, 56 Islamska skupnost v Republiki Sloveniji, »Islamska skupnost odpoveduje vse aktivnosti v prostorih islamske skupnosti,« marec 2020, https://www.islamska-skupnost.si/2020/03/islam- ska-skupnost-odpoveduje-vse-aktivnosti-v-prostorih-islamske-skupnosti/. 57 Islamska skupnost v Republiki Sloveniji, »Muftijev nagovor v času epidemije v Sloveniji,« marec 2020, https://www.islamska-skupnost.si/2020/03/muftijev-nagovor-v-casu-epidemi- je-v-sloveniji/. M E D I A T I Z A C I J A R E L I G I J E I N Z A M I K A N J E R E L I G I J S K I H A V T O R I T E T 131 ampak svoje vsebine ponuja na poddomeni blogpost.com (iskcon-slo- venija.blogspot.com). Verjetno je SZK zaradi svoje organiziranosti od spodaj navzgor, sklepajoč po objavah na spletnem mestu, najživahnejša med opazovanimi skupnostmi. Gre za redna vabila na obredje in druga srečanja ter foto- in videoobeležja dogodkov, med njimi je tudi spletni dokument za podajanje predlogov za teme srečanj. Navedeno je bilo na spletnem mestu ter tudi na profilih SZK na družbenih omrežjih In- stagram in Facebook prisotno že pred epidemijo. Morda se del razloga za živahno digitalno dejavnost skriva v samoorganizirani oz. od spodaj navzgor organizirani skupnosti, ki je že izvorno vezana na medijsko dejavnost (založništvo knjig) ter je digitalne medije prepoznala kot nov način za organiziranje skupnostnega življenja in širjenje svojega duhov- nega izročila. Analiza je pokazala še eno razliko v primerjavi s tradicionalnima religijskima skupnostma: SZK se prek digitalnih medijev komunicira veliko bolj dialoško in vključujoče. Ne gre za enosmerno institucio- nalno sporočanje, ampak je na podlagi spletnih objav mogoče sklepati, da SZK poskuša dajati prostor svojim pripadnikom – npr. z objavo osebnih izkušenj.58 Da pri svojem spletnem komuniciranju ne teži k centralizaciji moči v religijskih avtoritetah vodstva ljubljanskega tem- plja, je mogoče sklepati tudi na podlagi objavljenih povezav do spletnih profilov številnih centrov in programov, ki jih samostojno ustanavljajo in vodijo pripadniki v več slovenskih krajih. Z netnografskim pregledom se je prav tako izkazalo, da ob siceršnji visoki stopnji delovanja religijske skupnosti prek digitalnih medijev v času zaprtja javnega življenja ni prišlo do drastičnih sprememb. Kot kaže, je bila pravzaprav edina večja razlika to, da so bili obredje, izo- braževalni in drugi dogodki za širšo skupnost v večji meri medijsko posredovani, saj ena izmed novic z začetka epidemije pravi, da dnevno ponujajo šest ur videoprenosov tempeljskih vsebin prek spleta in druge 58 ISKCON SLOVENIJA / Mednarodna skupnost za zavest Krišne v Sloveniji, »MOJ ISK- CON - Osebna izkušnja duhovnega življenja v templju in skupnosti / Jaśoda-dulal dasa,« 8. 3. 2023, https://iskcon-slovenija.blogspot.com/2023/03/moj-iskcon-moja-izkusnja-duhov- nega.html. P O L I G R A F I 132 vsebine.59 Poleg tega so v tem obdobju najavljali urnike in izvajali reli- gijske obrede na daljavo prek videokonferenčnih platform, na Faceboo- ku pa objavljali fotografije darovanja, ob začetku zaprtja javnega življe- nja pa so začeli izdajati tudi e-bilten. Vodstvo oz. spletni komunikator v imenu skupnosti SZK je tudi v izrednih razmerah deloval vključujoče, tako da je pojasnjeval okoliščine, na spletu oz. prek digitalnih medijev pa je ponujal prostor oz. ga čim bolj odpiral, da bi se lahko izvajale de- javnosti religijske skupnosti. 4. Alternativne religijske avtoritete v kontekstu slovenskih religijskih skupnosti Z mapiranjem spletne prisotnosti treh religijskih skupnosti z meto- do netnografije smo naleteli vsaj na dva primera alternativne religijske avtoritete, oba znotraj rimskokatoliške skupnosti: prvi je duhovnik, za katerega lahko ugotovimo, da ima precejšnjo podporo pri grajenju svoje digitalne religijske avtoritete, drugi je primer laika in samonikle reli- gijske avtoritete v kontekstu digitalne skupnosti njegovih sledilcev na spletu. Duhovnik60 je tako že pred epidemijo redno nagovarjal katoli- ško občestvo prek lastnih profilov na družbenih omrežjih in religijske spletne revije za življenjski slog. K njegovi priljubljenosti je nato po svoje prispevala tudi epidemiološka prepoved združevanja, saj je takrat že vsaj dve leti s podporo katoliškega medija objavljal videoposnetke jutranjih molitev. Na podlagi rezultatov te študije ni mogoče sklepati, s kolikšno institucionalno podporo SŠK lahko posamezen duhovnik tako podomači digitalne medije in onkraj svojega župnišča pooseblja religijsko avtoriteto znotraj rimskokatoliške skupnosti. Njegovega do- sega pa kljub vsemu ne smemo spregledati, saj ima med drugim 51.900 sledilcev na Instagramu, več kot 50.000 všečkov na omrežju Facebo- ok, od oktobra 2018 do oktobra 2024 je objavil okrog 150 zapisov in 59 h t t p s : / / w w w. f a c e b o o k . c o m / p h o t o / ? f b i d = 1 0 1 6 3 7 6 0 6 5 9 9 2 5 5 5 3 & s e t = pb.100064574723146.-2207520000. 60 Alojz Grčman in Martin Golob, Na spletni prižnici: misli in spodbude Martina Goloba, 2. ponatis (Ljubljana: Družina, 2022). M E D I A T I Z A C I J A R E L I G I J E I N Z A M I K A N J E R E L I G I J S K I H A V T O R I T E T 133 vlogov na straneh rimskokatoliškega medija Aleteia, poleg tega je tudi redni gost priljubljenih domačih ustvarjalcev podkastov. V drugem primeru gre za laika, ki si prek spletnega mesta61 in raz- ličnih drugih digitalnih medijev prizadeva za retradicionalizacijo in re- patriarhalizacijo družbe. Kot je mogoče razumeti iz njegovih objav na družbenih omrežjih, vidi vzvod za to v oživljanju nekdanjih religijskih praks znotraj RKC, npr. izvajanje maš v latinščini in pokrivanje žensk s tančicami. Kot je mogoče sklepati iz objavljenih vlogov, mu nekaj mlaj- ših duhovnikov RKC namenja pozornost z razpravami o modernizmu in tradiciji v rimskokatoliški skupnosti. Vendar pri tem ni mogoče reči, ali to počnejo s pooblastili vodstva RKC kot jedra slovenske katoliške skupnosti oz. katere druge institucije ali na lastno pest. Sklepna diskusija Z netnografijo smo zajeli in nato analizirali podatke o premošča- nju izgube stika med religijskimi institucijami in njihovimi občestvi v času zaprtja javnega življenja, ko so se bile tudi slovenske religijske sku- pnosti RKC, SIS in SZK bolj ali manj primorane zanesti na digitalno medijirano delovanje. Zmogljivosti interneta naj bi zaradi prikritosti osebnih označevalcev omogočale nestrukturiranost družbenih interak- cij. Zaradi tega naj bi internet deloval kot socialni izenačevalec članov in omogočal oblikovanje homogenih religijskih skupnosti.62 S popula- rizacijo in komercializacijo interneta skozi upodatkovane vrtove digi- talnih platform, ki spletno prisotnost vse bolj strukturirajo na ozadju osebnih podatkov, zajetih prek uporabniških profilov, pa je vprašanje, koliko še drži teza o nestrukturiranosti spletnih religij. Tudi če se tukaj navežemo na zaznani pojav alternativne religijske avtoritete kot nači- na »mikrozvezniškega«63 ustvarjanja občutka bližine in pristnega stika s sledilci, bi lahko razvili tezo, da so digitalni mediji lahko kljub vsemu družbeni izenačevalec oz. opolnomočevalec članov religijskih skupno- 61 https://scutumfidei.si/. 62 Helland, »Online-Religion/Religion-Online and Virtual Communities,« 215-16. 63 Alice E.Marwick in danah boyd, »I tweet honestly, I tweet passionately: Twitter users, context collapse, and the imagined audience,« New Media & Society 13, št. 1 (1. februar 2011): 114–33, https://doi.org/10.1177/1461444810365313. P O L I G R A F I 134 sti, vendar na ozadju priložnosti za oblikovanje in izražanje glasu ter s tem akumulacije moči v odnosu do vodstva institucije ali/in drugih čla- nov. V primeru duhovnika je mogoče reči, da ima vsaj delno ali nefor- malno podporo institucionalnega vodstva RKC, medtem ko v primeru samonikle religijske avtoritete laika, ki si prizadeva za retradicionaliza- cijo družbe in RKC, glede na zbrane podatke tega ni mogoče trditi. V splošnem pa v digitalnem kontekstu vodstvo RKC tako kot SIS vztraja v hierarhičnih razmerjih64 tradicionalnega množičnega komuniciranja, v katerem je občestvo kot digitalno občinstvo zreducirano na prejemni- ke sporočil institucionalnih avtoritet, ki s tem ohranjajo svojo moč. Z vidika razumevanja mediatizacije religije bi bilo treba pojav al- ternativnih avtoritet podrobneje proučiti, npr. z netnografskim zbira- njem podatkov, pri katerem bi s kritično diskurzivno analizo,65 analizo uokvirjanja66 ali drugo ustrezno metodo opazovali razmerja moči med institucionalno religijsko avtoriteto in alternativnimi. Vsekakor bi bilo treba pojav novih avtoritet obravnavati tudi v kontekstu SIS in SZK, vendar jih v tej študiji nismo našli. Poleg omejenosti virov, ki smo jih imeli na voljo, je razlogov za to gotovo več, tukaj pa bi poudarili struk- turno in organizacijsko ozadje. V primeru SIS gre za strukturni razlog; islamska skupnost združuje osebe s specifičnim etničnim, kulturnim in družbenim ozadjem, ki je manj spodbudno za akumulacijo kulturnega in socialnega kapitala. Organizacija SZK je manj centralizirana, omo- goča svobodnejše organiziranje religijskega vsakdana, njena skupnost pa je tudi manjša, zaradi česar so alternativni glasovi morda že dovolj slišani. Na spremenjene okoliščine, ki glede na izsledke raziskave belgijske katoliške skupnosti vodijo v pomanjkanja religijskega občutenja in izo- liranost članov skupnosti,67 so se RKC, SIS in SZK promptno odzvale s spletnimi prenosi obredja, spletnimi dogodki, pozivi k pomoči članom 64 Helland, »Online-Religion/Religion-Online and Virtual Communities,« 219–20. 65 Npr. Jasmina Šepetavc in Natalija Majsova, »Slovenska narodnozabavna glasba kot nes- novna kulturna dediščina: kritična analiza diskurzov in praks dediščinskih vratarjev v Sloveniji in slovenskih diasporah,« Dve domovini, št. 58 (2023): 79–101, http://www.dlib.si/details/UR- N:NBN:SI:doc-S333GTOY. 66 Daniel Thiele, Mojca Pajnik, Birgit Sauer in Iztok Šori, »Borderless Fear?,« Journal of Lan- guage and Politics 23, št. 2 (2024): 176–96, https://doi.org/10.1075/jlp.22026.thi. 67 Huygens, »Practicing Religion during a Pandemic.« M E D I A T I Z A C I J A R E L I G I J E I N Z A M I K A N J E R E L I G I J S K I H A V T O R I T E T 135 skupnosti v stiski itd. Nobeno od vodstev treh opazovanih religij ob tem ni pozivalo k nepokorščini v odnosu do vladnih epidemioloških ukrepov, ki jo je zaznala študija v ZDA.68 Nekatere religije bolj, druge manj so odpirale prostor v kontekstu digitalnih medijev, da bi religijske dejavnosti v času epidemije lahko po- tekale v prilagojeni obliki. SZK je ob tem najbolj odprla digitalne kana- le tudi laičnim članom skupnosti za predstavitev svojega dela, izkustev in pogledov na delovanje skupnosti, kar bi bilo mogoče razumeti kot eno od značilnosti »spletne religije.«69 Tako za SZK in še bolj za RKC bi bilo mogoče reči, da sta z epidemijo prejeli digitalizacijski pospešek in omogočili, da so digitalni mediji vsaj začasno prevzeli tudi vlogo »duhovnih orodij,«70 kot opisuje afriška študija in s katerimi skupnosti s pomočjo spletnih prenosov obredja ustvarjajo čutna religijska doživetja. SIS je kot druga največja religijska skupnost v državi na internetu prisotna samo s spletnim mestom v slovenskem in bosanskem jeziku71, njeno komuniciranje o aktualnih zadevah v času epidemije (in tudi si- cer) je relativno omejeno, medtem ko RKC poleg prenosov maš na spletu ponuja celo praktične napotke, kako voditi domačo cerkev in organizirati družinski religijski vsakdan. S spodbujanjem digitalizacije vsakdanjih religijskih praks in legitimizacijo njihovega izvajanja zunaj cerkve pa se zdi, da se RKC ujame v napetost. Po eni strani skrbi za pre- moščanje vrzeli do pripadnikov skupnosti, po drugi pa, da se bo religij- sko življenje po epidemiji vrnilo v ustaljene tirnice, ljudje pa v cerkve. Predstavljena študija prispeva k razumevanju mediatizacije opazo- vanih religijskih skupnosti v slovenskem prostoru s teoretičnega vidika občinstvene institucionalne mediatizacije.72 Gre za eno prvih tovrstnih domačih raziskav na področju religiologije, saj z izjemo diplomskega dela, ki primerja spletno komuniciranja slovenskih krščanskih sku- pnosti in bi ga lahko razumeli kot zametek raziskovanja mediatizacije 68 Campbell, »Religion Embracing and Resisting Cultural Change.« 69 Helland, »Online-Religion/Religion-Online and Virtual Communities.« 70 Addo, »Join the Holy Spirit on Zoom.« 71 Zavedamo se, da lahko islamska skupnost – in enako velja za drugi opazovani religijski skupnosti – uporablja digitalne medije zunaj javno dostopnih spletnih kanalov (skupine na omrežjih, kot sta Viber ali WhatsApp, e-pošta ipd.), ki jih predvsem zaradi omejenih razisko- valnih virov nismo uspeli identificirati. 72 Schrøder, »Towards the »Audiencization« of Mediatization Research?.« P O L I G R A F I 136 slovenskih religijskih skupnosti,73 drugih podobnih študij nismo na- šli. 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Ward, Katie J. »Cyber-Ethnography and the Emergence of the Virtually New Community.« Journal of Information Technology 14, št. 1 (1999): 95–105. https:// doi.org/10.1080/026839699344773. 141 » V S I S M O M A L O V I D E L I , D A B O G T U D I P R E K S O C I A L N I H O M R E Ž I J D E L U J E « : V P L I V I N T E N Z I V I R A N E R A B E D I G I T A L N I H T E H N O L O G I J N A I Z B R A N E S L O V E N S K E R E L I G I J S K E S K U P N O S T I A l e š Č r n i č , T a j a F o r t u n a Uvod V začetku 2020 je svet preplavila epidemija koronavirusa covid-19, kar je močno vplivalo na različne ravni družbenega življenja. Države so v naslednjih dveh letih zaradi zaščite javnega zdravja večkrat omejile javne dejavnosti, kar je korenito poseglo tudi na religijsko področje. Tako kot drugi družbeni podsistemi so si tudi religijske skupnosti v izrednih razmerah za premoščanje formalnih omejitev delovanja inten- zivneje pomagale z digitalnimi tehnologijami. Tako nastale razmere so ob svetovni pandemiji izjemno pospešile že potekajoče procese prisvaja- nja digitalnih tehnologij tudi za religijske in duhovne dejavnosti, kar je imelo in še ima večplastne posledice za religijsko življenje. O tem je bilo v zadnjem času objavljenih nekaj raziskav,1 ta članek dopolnjuje ta po- 1 Širši razvoj proučevanja religije in digitalnih medijev smo podrobneje predstavili v uvod- nem članku tega tematskega bloka, za vpliv epidemije covida-19 na pospešeno rabo digitalnih tehnologij religijskih skupnosti pa glej Kyle K. Schiefelbein-Guerrero, ur., Church after the Corona Pandemic: Consequences for Worship and Theology (Cham: Springer, 2023); Nicholas J. Higgins in Paul A. Djupe, »Congregation Shopping during the Pandemic: A Research Note,« Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 61, št. 3-4 (2022), https://doi.org/10.1111/jssr.12802: https://doi.org/10.35469/poligrafi.2024.467 Poligrafi, no. 115/116, vol. 29, 2024, pp. 141–162 P O L I G R A F I 142 časi rastoči korpus z rezultati slovenskega dela mednarodnega razisko- valnega projekta Religijske skupnosti v virtualni dobi (RECOVIRA),2 v okviru katerega smo v sedmih evropskih državah (poleg Slovenije še v Veliki Britaniji, Nemčiji, na Danskem, Finskem, Švedskem in Polj- skem) proučevali, kako se oblike, vloge in izkušnje religijskega življenja v Evropi spreminjajo zaradi intenzivirane uporabe digitalnih tehnolo- gij, ki so posledica zadnje epidemije. Metodologija raziskovanja je v vseh sodelujočih državah temelji- la na etnografiji, ki je vključevala tradicionalne in digitalne metode. Etnografske raziskave smo povsod izvajali v treh tipih religijskih sku- pnosti: najprej v prevladujočih religijskih institucijah, potem v že dol- go uveljavljenih manjšinskih skupnostih, na koncu pa še v novejših, manj raširjenih in uveljavljenih religijskih skupnostih. Prva slovenska študija primera se tako osredinja na Rimskokatoliško cerkev (RKC). Kot manjšinsko, že dolgo prisotno, široko prepoznavno in uveljavljeno smo izbrali Islamsko skupnost v Republiki Sloveniji. Za tretjo študijo primera pa smo izbrali eno najaktivnejših in najprepoznavnejših novih religijskih gibanj pri nas Skupnost za zavest Krišne, splošno znano tudi kot gibanje Hare Krišna. Za vsako od izbranih skupnosti smo najprej izvedli netnografsko analizo prisotnosti na spletu (načine in rezultate te analize predstavlja- mo v sosednjem članku tega tematskega bloka), hrati pa smo izvedli serijo opazovanj relgijskega življenja in več intervjujev. Tako smo si pri- zadevali spoznati in čim bolje razumeti, kako se je vsaka od skupnosti prilagodila zahtevnim izzivom epidemije, predvsem pa koliko in kako 726–36; Lene Kühle in Tina Larsen, »‘Forced’ Online Religion: Religious Minority and Major- ity Communities’ Media Usage during the COVID-19 Lockdown,« Religions 12, št. 7 (2021), https://doi.org/10.3390/rel12070496; Giuseppina Addo, »Join the Holy Spirit on Zoom: Af- rican Pentecostal Churches and Their Liturgical Practices during COVID-19,« Approaching Religion 11, št. 2 (2021): 45–61, https://doi.org/10.30664/ar.107728; Eline Huygens, »Practic- ing Religion during a Pandemic: On Religious Routines, Embodiment, and Performativity,« Religions 12, št. 7 (2021): 494, https://doi.org/10.3390/rel12070494; William Parish, Social Relations and Religion During the Pandemic (Čikago: University of Chicago Press, 2020). 2 Članek je rezultat raziskovalnega projekta Religijske skupnosti v virtualni dobi (https:// chanse.org/recovira/), ki je potekal med 1. novembrom 2022 in 31. oktobrom 2024 in ga je v okviru programa CHANSE ERA-NET Co-fund financiral program Evropske unije Horizon 2020 Research and Innovation (na podlagi pogodbe št. 101004509). “ V S I S M O M A L O V I D E L I , D A B O G T U D I P R E K S O C I A L N I H O M R E Ž I J D E L U J E ” 143 so si pri tem pomagale z digitalnimi tehnologijami ter kakšne začasne in dolgotrajnejše vplive je to imelo na religijsko življenje. V tem članku predstavljamo predvsem rezultate intervjujev. Izvedli smo jih 19 z voditelji oz. uradnimi predstavniki izbranih religijskih sku- pnosti, njihovimi običajnimi pripadniki in oblikovalci digitalnih vse- bin. V vzorec smo si prizadevali zajeti moške in ženske sogovornike iz različnih starostnih skupin. V RKC smo opravili sedem individualnih intervjujev, vključno s predstavnikom Slovenske škofovske konference, od tega pet z moškimi in dva z ženskami. Sogovorniki so bili stari med 21 in 74 let, njihova povprečna starost je bila 46,5 leta. V Islamski sku- pnosti smo izvedli štiri individualne intervjuje, vključno z muftijem, od tega tri z moškimi, in skupinski intervju z devetimi članicami Ženskega združenja Zemzem. Sogovorniki so bili stari med 36 in 48, v povprečju pa 43 let. V skupnosti Hare Krišna smo izvedli šest individualnih inter- vjujev, od tega pet z moškimi, in dodatno še skupinski intervju z dvema ženskama in dvema moškima. Starost sogovornikov je segala od 32 do 57 let, povprečje pa je bilo 47,6 leta. Tako zbrano gradivo smo kodirali s pomočjo enotnega kodirnega li- sta oz. kodirne sheme, merskega instrumenta, ki smo ga vsi raziskovalni partnerji skupaj zasnovali za poenotenje izhodišč za analizo prepisov intervjujev. V vsaki od sodelujočih držav sicer analize opravljamo samo- stojno, s skupnimi konceptualnimi izhodišči pa smo ustvarili podlago za medsebojno primerljivost rezultatov (primerjalne analize načrtujemo v naslednjem koraku). V nadaljevanju predstavljamo slovenski del re- zultatov. Intenzivirana raba digitalnih tehnologij v času epidemije covida-19 Med epidemijo so imele digitalne tehnologije zelo pomembno vlogo v življenju religijskih skupnosti, predvsem v času formalnih omejitev družbenega življenja in prepovedi zbiranj, ki so zelo otežila ali celo one- mogočila tudi velik del njihovih dejavnosti. Čeprav so se pristopi in na- čini uporabe med proučevanimi skupnostmi razlikovali, so vsem trem omogočili vsaj delno nadaljevanje religijskih praks in z njimi povezanih dejavnosti, predvsem obveščanje in komunikacijo v skupnosti, s tem P O L I G R A F I 144 pa ohranjanje vsaj minimalnega občutka povezanosti med pripadniki. Kljub v naši raziskavi večkrat zaznanim implicitnim in redkeje tudi eksplicitnim zadržkom pred intenzivno rabo digitalnih tehnologij so se vodstva vseh proučevanih skupnosti (in tudi velik del intervjuvanih pripadnikov) s pridom in po najboljših močeh potrudila izkoristiti nji- hove potenciale. Strokovni sodelavec Slovenske škofovske konference je glede tega povedal: »Cerkev je skozi zgodovino razvila številne metode ohraniti stik z verniki, danes je to pač internet.« (RE_425_RKC)3 Tako so se med epidemijo zmanjšali ali pri nekaterih posameznikih celo po- polnoma odpadli predsodki pred njihovo rabo. Kot pravi drugi katoli- ški duhovnik: »Vsi smo malo videli, da Bog tudi prek socialnih omrež- jih deluje. In spoznali smo, da se lahko nagovarja tudi preko medijev, da je to prostor oznanjevanja.« (RE_418_RKC) Med epidemijo so tako vse tri skupnosti pospešeno uporabljale digitalne tehnologije, vendar so med njimi opazne razlike. RKC in skupnost Hare Krišna sta močno izkoristili družbena omrežja in druge spletne platforme za neposredni stik z verniki, pripravljali so tudi spletne prenose obredov in drugih religijskih dejavnosti.4 V RKC so že pred epidemijo dosegli visoko raven digitalizacije, večina njihovih spletnih dejavnosti je institucionalno organizirana in nadzorovana. Drugače je v skupnosti Hare Krišna, kjer so se zelo intenzivne rabe samoiniciativno in neodvisno od vodstva lotili predvsem posamezni pripadniki, ki so odprli nove in predvsem intenzivirali obstoječe kanale za prenos jutranjih predavanj in večernih petij (ki delujejo tudi po koncu epidemije). Kot pravi eden aktivnejših ustvarjalcev digitalnih vsebin: »Smo praktično neodvisni, se pravi nas skupnost ne podpira v tem smislu, da bi nam pomagala pri tem početju. Jaz, recimo, se obračam na druge bhakte5 za 3 V članku sogovornike in sogovornice navajamo z oznako RE (projekt Recovira), identifi- kacijsko številko in označeno skupnostjo, ki ji pripadajo (RE_številka_skupnost). Če navajamo sogovornika ali sogovornico iz skupinskega intervjuja, je na začetku oznaka SI (tj. SI_števil- ka_skupnost). 4 RKC je uspela organizirati prenose velikega števila maš in nekaterih drugih religijskih dejavnosti tudi prek lokalnih in kabelskih programov ter nacionalne televizije (in radia). Drugi skupnosti do klasičnih medijev nimata niti približno podobnega dostopa, kljub temu pa obe poročata o povečani prisotnosti na nacionalni televiziji, predvsem v oddaji Duhovni utrip. 5 Pripadniki Skupnosti za zavest Krišne uporabljajo zase izraz bhakta (oziroma bhaktin/i za ženske pripadnice), kar označuje osebo, ki prakticira bhakti-jogo, tj. jogo predanega, ljubečega “ V S I S M O M A L O V I D E L I , D A B O G T U D I P R E K S O C I A L N I H O M R E Ž I J D E L U J E ” 145 pomoč pri določenih stvareh, ko objavljam določene slike, /…/ ampak to je čisto privat in ne nek projekt skupnosti.« (RE_420_HK) Na drugi strani je Islamska skupnost digitalne platforme uporabljala veliko bolj zadržano. Vodstvo jih je uporabilo predvsem za obvešča- nje članov skupnosti, sestanke vodstva in izvajanje spletnega verouka, uporabe za neposredne religijske dejavnosti pa so se večinoma vzdržali. Izjema so bili spletni prenosi branja Korana med ramazanom in tudi posnetek bajramske molitve, ki so ga leta 2020 objavili na družbenem omrežju Facebook. Član Islamske skupnosti in občasni sodelavec vod- stva je glede tega povedal: »Islamska skupnost deluje v realnosti, ni vir- tualnega občinstva. Tako da ima realno občinstvo. Ni potrebe, da bi se potegovalo po neki virtualnosti, pa po nekem dosegu.« (RE_630_IS) Veliko zadržanost uradne in daleč največje skupnosti muslimanov v Sloveniji gre vsaj delno pripisati zavestni distanci njenega vodstva do nekaterih radikalnejših interpretacij islama na spletu, o tem priča tudi izjava muftija, tj. vodje Islamske skupnosti v Republiki Sloveniji: Ko govorimo o islamu in muslimanih, posebej v Bosni in Hercegovini, in tudi v Sloveniji se to pojavlja – veliko je teh ljudi, ki izkoriščajo te platforme za nagovarjanje ljudi in večinoma je to malo, vsaj za mene, deviatno razumevanje vere. Nekako so nagnjeni k temu bolj radikalnemu pristopu. /…/ Ogromno je teh ljudi, ki izkoriščajo te digitalne platforme za nagovarjanje ljudi in za povzročanje, da rečem neke zmede pri razumevanju same vere. Ker v islamu je to bolj tako liberalno, ni strogo kot je pri katoliški cerkvi, da mora biti iz Vatikana neko določeno pravilo itd. Pri nas so ljudje bolj svobodni pri tem in včasih pri tej svoji razlagi povzročijo ogromno zmede, ker včasih upoštevajo recimo neko drugo okolje, iz katerega prinesejo v naše okolje razumevanje določenega vprašanja. (RE_310_IS) Sklepamo, da je očitna zadržanost večine pripadnikov te skupno- sti pri uporabi digitalnih tehnologij za religijsko življenje v veliki meri povezana tudi s skrbjo, da bi s kakršnimi koli spletnimi dejavnostmi odpirali prostor za dodatne stereotipizacije in negativno prikazovanje islama in muslimanov. Anonimna članica združenja Zemzem npr. pra- vi: »Ostalim ljudem poskušamo razbiti stereotipe, da vidijo, da ni vse čaščenja osebnega boga Krišne, ki vse od začetkov v 16. st. tvori jedro duhovnosti gibanja Hare Krišna (glej Aleš Črnič, V Imenu Krišne: Družboslovna študija Gibanja Hare Krišna (Ljubljana: Založba FDV, Zbirka Kult, 2005)). P O L I G R A F I 146 res, to je slaba stran tega online prikazovanja islama, z osebnim stikom poskušamo razbijati stereotipe.« (SI_610_IS) Hkrati pa se zdi, da bi lahko bile digitalne tehnologije zaradi struk- turnih razlogov najbolj uporabne za skupnost Hare Krišna, ki jo v na- sprotju z drugimi proučevanimi skupnostmi ključno določa geografska razpršenost članstva ob radikalno manjšem številu lokalnih in regional- nih centrov. Intervjuvani pripadnik je o tem povedal: »Tukaj na sple- tno sangho6 so se priključile bhakte iz čisto različnih koncev Slovenije, od Koroške, Štajerske, Primorske, kar je sicer nemogoče pričakovati v živo. Tako da se je odprla ena dodatna možnost, o kateri prej nismo razmišljali.« (RE_420_HK) Kljub končni opazki je treba ugotoviti, da so v svojem religijskem življenju že pred epidemijo občutno pogosteje uporabljali digitalne tehnologije kot pripadniki drugih dveh skupnosti. Pri vseh treh skupnostih, nemara še najbolj opazno pri gibanju Hare Krišna, je pospešena raba digitalnih tehnologij med epidemijo še po- spešila mednarodno komunikacijo med pripadniki oz. predvsem tran- snacionalno spremljanje religijskih dejavnosti. Anonimni udeleženec skupinskega intervjuja je o tem povedal: Imamo pa še Iris, ona je iz Avstrije, je Slovenka, ki živi v Avstriji in se tako poveže z nami. Je to potem neka večja dostopnost, ampak ne more nadoknadi- ti tega v živo. Vsak bo to rekel. Mi smo imeli tako samo v živo zjutraj in potem niso mogli vsi priti, tako da zdaj preko tega lahko pridejo. (SI_244_HK) V skupnosti Hare Krišna opažajo tudi več mednarodnega sodelova- nja na ravni vodstev skupnosti. Pri RKC tega pravzaprav nismo zaznali. Tam so digitalne tehnologije na prej težko predstavljiv način odprle možnosti za prehajanje med župnijami (predvsem, ne pa izključno zno- traj slovenskega prostora) in s tem se je prvič pojavila realna praktična možnost izbire med mašami različnih župnikov. O tem je starejši kato- liški vernik povedal: Tudi midva z ženo, ko sva šla kam drugam, sva lahko gledala te zadeve. /…/ Včasih kam greš in je pač omejeno z zmožnostmi /…/ in zdaj je možnost dostopa od koderkoli in lahko rečeš, ne vem, svojemu bratrancu, ej, zadnjič je 6 Sangha je redno, praviloma tedensko srečanje manjšega števila pripadnikov, na katerem častijo Krišno. “ V S I S M O M A L O V I D E L I , D A B O G T U D I P R E K S O C I A L N I H O M R E Ž I J D E L U J E ” 147 bila pa noro dobra maša pri nas, tukaj imaš link, poslušaj, glej, če hočeš. /…/ Od koderkoli, tudi čez mejo. (RE_719_RKC) Če organiziranost katoliškega življenja skozi stoletja temelji na ma- tični pripadnosti župniji, digitalne tehnologije v tem pogledu prinašajo tudi radikalno drugačne možnosti. O tem zgovorno priča primer mlaj- šega župnika, ki je postal pravi vplivnež (primarno, toda nikakor ne izključno, med mladimi). Po besedah mlajšega frančiškana: So se pa seveda izoblikovale neke nove osebnosti, ki so bile prodorne v tem času … recimo Martin Golob, … in so tudi postale neke nove avtoritete. /.../ Nato so družbena omrežja začeli intenzivneje uporabljati tudi različne cerkvene ustanove, škofje in nekateri ugledni duhovniki /.../ Dinamika se je spremenila in zdaj imajo cerkveni dostojanstveniki priložnost, da ta orodja bolje izkoristijo. Hkrati ta orodja seveda v središče pozornosti postavijo ne- koga, ki prej morda ne bi bil v središču pozornosti, in te okoliščine so ga de- jansko izpostavile kot uspešnega. Martin Golob se mi zdi dober komunikator. (RE_524_RKC). Današnji grosupeljski župnik je postal širše opazen, ko je jeseni 2018 (takrat še kot župnik v Srednji vasi v Bohinju) začel na spletnem mestu Aleteia7 redno objavljati videonagovore (vlog) o duhovniškem življenju. Ob začetku epidemije je na svojem že dobro obiskanem osebnem pro- filu Facebook najavil začetek spletnih prenosov svojih maš, ki so kmalu postale prava uspešnica, vmes pa so njegove molitve začeli predvajati še na Gold TV. Kot je v intervjuju povedal sam: Maše sem imel, in potem smo naredili srečanje za vse, in so prišli iz cele Slovenije, in nas je bilo takole /.../ koliko nas je prišlo, tam 3000 ljudi, to je bilo doživetje. /.../ Ne vem, Bog to deluje, da je takole ljudi povezal med seboj. /.../ Vsak dan nas je bilo, ko je bila še Golica TV pa Televizija T2 pa moj Face- book, vsak dan nas je bilo sedem, osem tisoč v živo. Da o nedeljah ne govorim, to je bilo pa okoli štirideset, petdeset, šestdeset, sto tisoč. (RE_418_RKC) Kmalu po izteku epidemije je založba Družina leta 2022 izdala knjigo pogovorov s pomenljivim naslovom Na spletni prižnici ter podnaslovom Misli in spodbude Martina Goloba (pogovore z njim je zapisal urednik 7 Aleteia je mednarodni laični katoliški spletni medij, ki objavlja v sedmih jezikih (poleg slovenščine še v angleščini, francoščini, portugalščini, španščini, italijanščini, arabščini in polj- ščini). Slovenska različica je dostopna na https://si.aleteia.org. P O L I G R A F I 148 Aleteie). Prva naklada 2000 izvodov je bila kmalu razprodana, v času pi- sanja tega članka pa je bila poleg ponatisa na voljo tudi zvočna knjiga. Martin Golob je najočitnejši primer novih avtoritet, ki so nastale z intenzivirano rabo digitalnih tehnologij med epidemijo, ko so nekateri digitalno spretni duhovniki in ustvarjalci spletnih vsebin v času covi- da-19 pridobili veljavo in ugled, nekateri tudi prek meja svojih lokalnih skupnosti. Postali so nove, lahko bi rekli digitalne avtoritete. Tudi v skupnosti Hare Krišna so nekateri predavatelji, ki so bili že pred epide- mijo dejavni na spletu, s še več spletnimi vsebinami spretno zadovolje- vali močno povečano potrebo skupnosti po digitalnih interakcijah, kar je seveda prispevalo h krepitvi njihove neformalne vloge. Medtem pa je Islamska skupnost ostala veliko bolj zadržana in su- mničava, tako vodstvo kot članstvo skupnosti sta tako med epidemijo kot po njej prevladujoče nastrojeni proti sprejemanju kakršnih koli di- gitalnih avtoritet. Mufti npr. v svojem intervjuju pravi: Vedno se pojavijo neki, da rečem, kvazi učenjaki, ki poskušajo razlagat določeno stvar na svoj način, to obstaja pred epidemijo, posebej med epi- demijo in po epidemiji. To še vedno obstaja in mi vedno ljudem svetujemo, da se ne učijo islama z interneta ali YouTuba ampak da se islam mora učit prek imamov, torej da se uči pred nekom, ki je kvalificiran za takšno delo. (RE_310_IS) Med intervjuvanimi pripadniki nismo opazili bistveno drugačnih mnenj, eden izmed vprašanih je na vprašanje o pojavu novih digitalnih avtoritet odgovoril: Zdaj ne, ne v Sloveniji, ampak tudi zdaj, ko se to prepleta, ker je pač ta cel bivši jugoslovanski prostor povezan, še posebej Bosna. Tako da so nekatere /…/ avtoritete, ki so tudi prisotne na internetu, ampak je to čisto na drugačen način. /…/ Na primer, že nekdo, ki bi bi posnet v džamiji že pomeni, da je šel čez neko sito. /…/, ker bi rekel, da je veliko teh ljudi,... /…/ ki v bistvu nimajo tega realnega znanja, ampak imajo mogoče to retorično privlačnost. /…/ Iz tega nekega, digitalna skupnost, težko prelevijo v realno skupnost. (RE_630_IS). Enako je potrdila tudi članica združenja Zemzem: »Ne, ne, v Slo- veniji ne. Ampak to obstaja. Ja, obstajajo določeni predavatelji, ki se večinoma promovirajo kot influenserji, če tako rečem, ampak znotraj Islamske skupnosti pa ne.« (SI_610_IS) “ V S I S M O M A L O V I D E L I , D A B O G T U D I P R E K S O C I A L N I H O M R E Ž I J D E L U J E ” 149 Ob intenzivirani rabi digitalnih tehnologij in pojavu novih digital- nih avtoritet pa je nujno treba opozoriti, da religijska občestva glede tega niti približno niso homogena. Na sprejemanje, način in intenziv- nost rabe tehnologij vplivajo starost, izobrazba, socialno-ekonomski položaj itd. Predstavniki vodstev vseh treh skupnosti omenjajo problem digitalne pismenosti svojih predvsem starejših pripadnikov, ki so ga naj- bolj zaznali v Islamski skupnosti, manj v RKC in najmanj v gibanju Hare Krišna. Hkrati pa predstavniki vseh skupnosti poročajo tudi o spremembah, saj med svojimi pripadniki vsi opažajo intenziviranje rabe spleta in predvsem družbenih omrežij. Ob tem pa ne gre spregledati dejstva, da so pri rabi digitalnih tehno- logij tudi raznovrstne tradicionalne in doktrinarne omejitve ter zadrž- ki pred izvajanjem obrednih in religijskih dejavnosti na daljavo. Tako se npr. pri katoliških mašah tradicionalno zahteva fizična prisotnost,8 predvsem podeljevanje zakramentov in opravljanje spovedi po izjavah naših intervjuvancev naj ne bi bilo mogoče na daljavo. Podobno je v Islamski skupnosti z osrednjo petkovo molitvijo, ki se tradicionalno iz- vaja skupinsko v džamiji in je obvezna za moške vernike. Pri skupnosti Hare Krišna te omejitve niso tako eksplicitno izražene s tako jasnimi za- povedmi in pravili, je pa fizična prisotnost vseeno bistvena za skupinsko petje božjih imen in ples, kar ustvarja posebno energijo, ki je ni mogoče doseči prek spleta. 8 Med epidemijo je vodstvo slovenske RKC dovolilo izjemo, na uradnem spletnem mestu so 13. marca 2020 so objavili ta zapis: »Škofje ordinariji do preklica podeljujejo slovenskim katoličanom spregled od dolžnosti udeležbe pri nedeljski sveti maši. Verniki naj nadomestijo odsotnost od svetega bogoslužja z molitvijo, postom, dobrimi deli, prebiranjem Božje besede, spremljanjem svete maše po radiu, TV oziroma spletu ter s prejemom duhovnega obhajila.« Dodali so: »Če nikakor ni mogoče, da bi sodelovali pri sveti maši in prejeli sveto obhajilo, je primerno, da ga prejmemo v duhovni obliki.« Prejetje v duhovni obliki zahteva posebno moli- tev, ki vsebuje tudi to prošnjo: »Ker Te ne morem prejeti zakramentalno, Te prosim, da prideš k meni duhovno: prosim Te, da vstopiš v moje srce in prebivaš v njem.« (Marjan Turnšek, »Kako prejemamo duhovno obhajilo,« Katoliška cerkev, 13. 3. 2020, https://katoliska-cerkev. si/kako-prejemamo-duhovno-obhajilo) P O L I G R A F I 150 Domestifikacija religijskih dejavnosti in povečanje pomena družine V času epidemije prepovedi javnega zbiranja in druge omejitve družbenega življenja povzročijo prisilno domestifikacijo religijskega ži- vljenja. Ko v nekaterih časovnih obdobjih velikega dela religijskih de- javnosti ni več mogoče opravljati na običajne načine znotraj prostorov religijskih institucij, njihov prenos v domače okolje skupnosti podprejo s t. i. hibridno rabo digitalnih tehnologij. Predvsem v RKC in sku- pnosti Hare Krišna začnejo nekatere redne obredne dejavnosti prena- šati prek spleta. Bolj zadržana je spet Islamska skupnost, ki pa vendarle med postnim mesecem ramazanom prek spleta prenaša branje Korana. S prenašanjem obrednih dejavnosti, ki tradicionalno potekajo v cerkvi, džamiji oz. templju, religijsko življenje prek digitalnih tehnologij inten- zivno vstopi v domove vernikov. O tem govori intervjuvani predstavnik vodstva RKC: Na eni strani so se zapirala vrata šol in fakultet in tudi cerkva, po drugi strani pa se je ta mrtev prostor naenkrat preselil domov oz. ti odnosi so se začeli spreminjati. In kar smo opazili in je tudi zelo pohvalno, da so se v domačem okolju vzpostavile domače cerkve. (RE_425_RKC) Prisilno zaprtje v družinski krog je seveda povzročilo različne težave, hkrati pa je prineslo tudi neke nove dinamike znotraj družinskih okolij, kar je imelo raznovrstne vplive tudi na religijsko življenje. Kot poroča pripadnica muslimanskega ženskega združenja Zemzem: No, če sem molila in tudi če ni nobeden zraven molil, oni so videli mami- co, da moli in sin je takrat, leta 2020, ko se je začelo ... cel ramazan sva skupaj od začetka do konca naredila. In od takrat je mali začel molit, tako da hvala Bogu, da je bil covid. (SI_610_IS) Vse tri skupnosti so ob radikalnih omejitvah družbenega življenja zaznale več individualnih možnosti za duhovnost v zasebnem okolju. Še posebej izrazito se je povečala možnost za dosledno izvajanje dnevnih molitev za muslimane, ki so jih neprimerno lažje in dosledneje (pred- pisano petkrat dnevno) izvajali med zaporami družbenega življenja in delom od doma. “ V S I S M O M A L O V I D E L I , D A B O G T U D I P R E K S O C I A L N I H O M R E Ž I J D E L U J E ” 151 O intenziviranih religijskih dejavnostih znotraj družin, ko je bilo javno zbiranje skrajno oteženo ali celo formalno prepovedano, konkretneje poročajo iz RKC: Razne zgodbe so bile, kako so družine po domovih imele verouk. Starši so otroke učili verouk, stari starši so otroke učili verouk, čas so imeli, zaprti so bili, ni bilo zunanjih motilcev in spremljali so bogoslužja preko TV-ja, molili so skupaj in dejansko se je odkrila ta molitvena celica v domu. (RE_425_RKC) Institucija se je trudila podpreti te dejavnosti, na uradnem spletnem mestu RKC je ponudila celo praktične napotke, kako voditi domačo cerkev in organizirati družinski religijski vsakdan. O religijskih dejavnostih v domačem okolju so poročali tudi inter- vjuvani pripadniki gibanja Hare Krišna.9 Zaradi že omenjenih struk- turnih razlogov (geografska razpršenost pripadnikov in razmeroma centralizirana organizacija religijskih dejavnosti v glavnem templju v Ljubljani ob pomanjkanju regionalnih centrov z rednim kontinuira- nim programom) so pripadniki že doslej opazno več od drugih dveh skupnosti uporabljali digitalne tehnologije. V vseh treh skupnostih smo opazili tudi prilagajanje domačih prostorov za religijske dejavnosti (najpogosteje s svečami, kadili ipd.). Ob prevladujoči indijski tradiciji domačih oltarjev s podobami božanstev, ki je zelo razširjena in že kar samoumevna tudi med pripadniki gibanja Hare Krišna, so imeli ti med epidemijo najmanj težav pri prenašanju (še večjega) dela obrednih in drugih religijskih dejavnosti v domače okolje. V drugih dveh skupno- stih so artefakti za domačo religijsko rabo tudi pogosto prisotni, pri katoličanih tradicionalno kakšen kipec, religijska podoba, križ na steni, pri muslimanih preproga za molitev, vendar veliko manj kot pri sku- pnosti Hare Krišna. Predvsem pa zadnji v nasprotju z RKC in Islamsko skupnostjo niso posebej omenjali povečane vloge družine. RKC in Islamska skupnost tradicionalno poudarjata fizično zbiranje in skupinske obrede, kar vključuje tudi družinsko udeležbo pri mašah, molitvah in drugih obredih. Ključno vlogo družine simbolno izraža ime osrednjega slovenskega katoliškega tednika (in založbe, ki izdaja 9 Manjša stanovanjska skupina v Šempasu je npr. samoiniciativno uvedla hibridni model prenašanja predvsem jutranjih obredov, ki so tudi po končani epidemiji dostopni prek spleta vsem pripadnikom širom Slovenije in tudi v tujini. P O L I G R A F I 152 tudi knjige in številne druge publikacije) – Družina. V Islamski sku- pnosti imajo sistem članstva, ki temelji na družinski pripadnosti, tudi članarino praviloma plačujejo po družinah in ne kot posamezniki, kar svojevrstno potrjuje osrednjo vlogo družine kot temelja skupnosti. Na sploh je v abrahamskih tradicijah izjemno pomemben doktrinaren in širši ideološki poudarek na družini kot temeljni družbeni celici.10 Toda tudi hinduizem, matična kulturna in religijska tradicija, iz katere izhaja gibanje Hare Krišna, postavlja družino v samo jedro, saj velja za temelj štirih individualnih življenjskih obdobij (ašramov) ter zagotavlja kohe- zivnost religijske in celotne družbenega skupnosti.11 Zato razlogov za z intervjuji ugotovljene razlike pri poudarjanju vloge in pomena družine med intenziviranimi domačimi religijskimi dejavnostmi v času epide- mije verjetno ne gre iskati toliko v teoloških in tradicionalnih kultur- nih razlikah med tremi proučevanimi skupnostmi, ampak v njihovem strukturnem položaju v slovenski družbi. Gibanje Hare Krišna je v našem okolju veliko mlajše od drugih dveh skupnosti. Pri nas se pojavi v osemdesetih letih 20. stoletja, večje in v javnosti vidnejše pa postane ob prelomu stoletja. V tem razmeroma kratkem času njegov razvoj intenzivno poteka po za nova religijska gi- banja razmeroma tipičnih razvojnih stopnjah12 – ključen je prehod iz t. i. tempeljske faze delovanja, ko je večina pripadnikov živela meniško življenje v templju, v t. i. kongregacijsko ali družinsko fazo delovanja, ko se težišče skupnosti preseli najprej k posameznikom, ki živijo obi- čajna študentska ali uslužbenska življenja, v tempelj pa prihajajo peri- 10 V abrahamskih tradicijah judovstva, krščanstva in islama je Abrahamova družina osrednji model celotne religije, vere in vedenja, je eden ključnih teoloških virov in eden najpomemb- nejših elementov pri oblikovanju identitete religijskih skupnosti. Med njimi pa so seveda raz- like v interpretacijah osrednje vloge družine, kar izhaja iz raznolikih teoloških in kulturnih kontekstov med tradicijami in tudi znotraj vsake izmed njih (glej Carol Bakhos, The Family of Abraham: Jewish, Christian, and Muslim Interpretations (Harvard University Press, 2014); Jan Lemanski, Abraham versus Jakub. Collectanea Theologica 88, št. 4 (2019): 35–51, https://doi. org/10.21697/ct.2018.88.4.02). 11 Glej Lakshmi Mullatti, »Families in India: Beliefs and Realities,« Journal of Comparative Family Studies 26, št. 1 (1995): 11–25, https://doi.org/10.3138/JCFS.26.1.11; Dennis Chekki, »Family Values and Family Change,« Journal of Comparative Family Studies 27, št. 2 (1996): 409–12, https://doi.org/10.3138/JCFS.27.2.409. 12 Glej Eileen Barker, »Plus ça change...,« Social Compass 42, št. 2 (1995): 165-80, https:// doi.org/10.1177/003776895042002002. “ V S I S M O M A L O V I D E L I , D A B O G T U D I P R E K S O C I A L N I H O M R E Ž I J D E L U J E ” 153 odično opravljat le obredna dejanja, potem pa se sčasoma prevesi še k družinam, ki z dvigovanjem povprečne starosti pripadnikov postajajo vse številčnejše.13 Zaznana razlika glede percepiranega pomena družine tako vsaj delno izhaja iz empiričnega dejstva, da se strukturni prehod skupnosti Hare Krišna v t. i. družinsko fazo zgodi razmeroma pred kratkim (dokončno se v tej novi fazi ustali šele pred dobrima desetle- tjema). Najbrž zato pripadniki gibanja Hare Krišna veliko manj kot katoličani in muslimani prisilno domestifikacijo religijskih dejavnosti med epidemijo doživijo v obliki poudarjene vloge družine za religijsko identiteto in življenje. S tem je namreč povezana še ena zelo pomembna strukturna razlika: velik del pripadnikov skupnosti Hare Krišna lastne religioznosti ne deli s svojimi družinskimi člani. Zato je imela prisil- na domestifikacija religijskega življenja za pripadnike večinske RKC in tudi tradicionalne manjšinske Islamske skupnosti zelo drugačne učinke in posledice kot za pripadnike občutno manjše, netradicionalne in v nekaterih pogledih alternativne skupnosti Hare Krišna. O tem priča izjava pripadnika skupnosti Hare Krišna na temo razlik med izvajanjem religijskih dejavnosti v živo v templju ali doma prek spleta: Je razlika, seveda, saj si prisoten še z drugimi akterji. Doma si pač izoliran. Dobro, imaš pač svojo družino, ampak si izoliran od drugih bhakt. In tudi ni te skupne energije. Doma si v nekem prostoru, kjer so tudi druge stvari navzoče. Pa tudi odklopiš se, lahko izklopiš svoj zvok, izklopiš svojo kamero, pa te ni, /…/ se pravi je druga dinamika. Medtem ko če si v templju /.../ je pa vseeno neka druga energija, če si skupaj z bhaktami na programu ali pa če si tam prisoten, ne pa tako doma, izoliran v bistvu, oddaljen. (RE_420_HK) Ko so bili zaradi epidemijskih omejitev prisiljeni svoje religijsko ži- vljenje omejiti skoraj izključno na prostore svojih domov, so katoliča- ni in muslimani svoje religijske dejavnosti in čustva večinoma delili s svojimi družinami, te so postale (še) poudarjen vir varnosti, utehe in religijske identitete. Hkrati pa je velik del pripadnikov Skupnosti za zavest Krišne v prisilni zasebnosti svojih domov ostal glede religiozno- sti osamljen, saj je ne deli s člani svojih družin, stik s skupnostjo pa je lahko ohranjal skoraj izključno prek digitalnih tehnologij. Sklepamo 13 Glej Črnič, V Imenu Krišne. P O L I G R A F I 154 lahko, da je za nekatere med njimi v izjemnih epidemioloških razmerah družina postala prav nasprotno, poudarjen vir nesoglasij, pritiskov in s tem dodatna grožnja njihovi marginalni religijski identiteti. Pomen skupnosti Ob poudarjenih prednostih digitalnih tehnologij so intervjuvani pripadniki vseh treh skupnosti opozarjali tudi na njihove omejitve in nezadostnosti. Izkazale so se kot koristne in dragocene predvsem pri ohranjanju povezav med pripadniki in delno tudi pri izvajanju religij- skih obredov in praks. Župnik Martin Golob kljub zavedanju velikih omejitev digitalnih tehnologij poroča o nekakšni povezanosti, ki so jo omogočale spletne religijske dejavnosti: Zanimivo pa je bilo, da so se povezali tudi prek interneta in oblikovali skupnost, zato moram reči, da se je med nami spletla posebna vez, edinstvena vez, ki nas je resnično močno povezala. (RE_418_RKC) Vendar pa številni drugi intervjuvani pripadniki vseh treh skupnosti poudarjajo, da spletna dejavnost ne zmore ustvariti pravega občutka skupnosti, nadomestiti občutka povezanosti in druženja, vzajemne te- lesne prisotnosti in religijskega obredja v živo.14 Članica združenja Ze- mzem npr. pravi: Čisto drugačen občutek, da opravljaš molitev v džamiji ali pa doma. Kljub temu, da molitev lahko opraviš doma, imaš pač neposredni kontakt z vzvišenim Bogom. Vseeno je pa v islamu pomemben ta kolektivni duh in kolektivno opravljanje molitve. /…/ Enostavno, ta živi stik je za nas res pomemben, da se čutimo kot del skupnosti, ker to je za nas pripadnost. (SI_610_IS) 14 O tem poročajo tudi naši raziskovalni sodelavci v drugih državah. Na Danskem npr. na podlagi analize 23 intervjujev in terenskega opazovanja v krščanskih, muslimanskih in budistič- nih skupnostih ugotavljajo, da so pripadniki med zaporami zelo pogrešali skupnost, saj razpo- ložljive digitalne možnosti za večino niso zmogle zadovoljivo nadomestiti fizične interakcije v skupinah, predvsem so pogrešali fizično, kompleksno čutno interakcijo (Anne Lundahl Maurit- sen in Henrik Reintoft Christensen, »‘Jeg var i akut fællesskabsmangel’: En komparativ analyse af (non)digital fælleskabskonstruktion blandt danske religionsgrupper«, Religionsvidenskabeligt Tidsskrift, 76 (2024): 1-18. “ V S I S M O M A L O V I D E L I , D A B O G T U D I P R E K S O C I A L N I H O M R E Ž I J D E L U J E ” 155 Član vodstva Skupnosti za zavest Krišne še bolj eksplicitno poudari skupinsko opravljanje religijskih obredov, pri čemer opozori na pomen vključenosti vseh telesnih čutil: Vsekakor je boljše, če si v živo, zato ker so vključena še vsa ostala čutila, ne samo vid. Lahko tudi vohaš dišeče palčke, potem lahko komuniciraš z ljudmi okoli sebe, kjer se poje in to je v bistvu pomembno, skupinsko petje svetih imen. In neke raziskave so naredili, da če se dolgo poje mantro, se ljudem celo srčni utrip sinhronizira. /…/ Ne vem če to funkcionira tudi doma, bi bilo zanimivo narediti analizo – ampak potem je tu skupna pojedina, skupinski ples … ker gre za proces skupinskega petja svetih imen, ti lažje dosežeš z istim časom in trudom efekt pri skupinskem petju kot pri posamičnem petju, ker te ta energija ostalih povleče zraven./…/ Se pravi večja vključenost vseh čutil v to, ne samo čutil, tudi neke duhovne energije, ki se recimo generira na nekem prostoru. (RE_242_HK) Intervjuvani (nadpovprečno aktivni) katoliški laik pa opozori na učinek epidemije na večje zavedanje pomena občestva: Mislim, jaz sem začel samo še bolj cenit občestvo, kateremu pripadam, kjer se zdim sam sebi del, v katerega poskušam po najboljših močeh vračat, ker se mi zdi prav, da človek vrača, ker se mi zdi, da tudi zelo veliko dobimo od tega občestva. /…/ In morda je ta epidemija samo še malo bolj poudarila to zadevo ravno zaradi tega, ker smo bili prisiljeni v ta odmik. (RE_719_RKC) Tako se je med epidemijo izkazalo, da digitalne tehnologije ne mo- rejo popolnoma nadomestiti fizične soudeležbe pri obrednih in neka- terih drugih religijskih dejavnostih, fizična prisotnost je izjemno po- membna za ohranjanje občutka skupnosti. Obsežen korpus sociološke literature pojasnjuje kompleksne načine vzpostavljanja in vzdrževanja ter večplastne pomene različnih družbenih (med njimi tudi religijskih) skupnosti.15 Družbene skupnosti posameznike opremljajo z identiteto, smislom, varnostjo, z eksplicitnimi in implicitnimi pritiski h konfor- mnosti pa lahko tudi potencialno omejujejo posameznikovo svobodo. Za razumevanje naše raziskovalne teme je v marsičem ključen tako imenovani čutni oz. telesni obrat v družboslovju in humanistiki ter 15 Glej npr. Zygmunt Bauman, Community: Seeking Safety in an Insecure World (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2001); Suzanne Keller, Community: Pursuing the dream, living the reality (Princeton University Press, 2003). P O L I G R A F I 156 tudi v religiologiji, ki se primarno osredinja na to, kako svet temelj- no doživljamo prek svojega fizičnega obstoja, kako ljudje medsebojne odnose večinoma doživljamo prek svojih teles in čutil.16 Ta paradigma nam učinkovito pojasnjuje v naši raziskavi zaznano pogrešanje fizične skupne prisotnosti z drugimi sopripadniki in večkrat izraženo mnenje, da se uspešne in vitalne religijske skupnosti ne da vzdrževati samo prek digitalnih tehnologij, temveč so za to potrebne redne skupne dejavnosti v fizičnem prostoru. Digitalne interakcije so za naše respondente sicer dobrodošla pomoč, toda nezadosten nadomestek, saj ne omogočajo ce- lovite kompleksne, tudi čutne in fizične prisotnosti, ki ne omogoča le videti in slišati, temveč tudi otipati, vonjati in drugače fizično čutiti skupni prostor in dejavnosti v njem. Brez tega je zelo težko vzpostaviti živo in za pripadnike smiselno skupnost. V tem smislu rezultati naše raziskave večinoma pritrjujejo tistim so- dobnim religiološkim pojmovanjem, ki religije ne razumejo primarno kot sklop doktrin in idej, ter opozarjajo, da ne gre samo za kognitivno dejavnost razmišljanja in razumevanja, temveč je za religijo ključna tudi (skupinska) fizična participacija s telesi in fizičnimi čutili.17 Religija je v vsakdanjem življenju posameznikov in skupin zmeraj utelešena. Vračanje v fizični prostor in dolgoročnejši učinki Po končani epidemiji in prenehanju z njo povezanih omejitev se je tudi religijsko življenje začelo vračati v ustaljene tire. Anonimna pripa- dnica gibanja Hare Krišna to opiše tako: »Ko smo bili po dolgem času takole skupaj, smo res to vsi pogrešali, /…/ to je bilo izjemno doživetje, potem ko smo skupaj plesali, kar je tudi to del naše kulture, in to se ne da po spletu.« (RE_328_HK) 16 Glej npr. Maxine Sheets-Johnstone, The corporeal turn: An interdisciplinary reader (An- drews UK Limited, 2015); Paul Rodaway, Sensuous geographies: body, sense and place (Routledge, 2002). 17 Za strnjen pregled tovrstnih pojmovanj glej Igor Jurekovič, »Onkraj redukcije religije na verovanje: zakaj konceptualizirati telo v preučevanju religije,« Družboslovne razprave 39, št. 102 (2023): 37–62, https://doi.org/10.51936/dr.39.102.37-62. “ V S I S M O M A L O V I D E L I , D A B O G T U D I P R E K S O C I A L N I H O M R E Ž I J D E L U J E ” 157 Vendar se vrnitev v običajno stanje ni zgodila takoj in brez težav, predvsem pa so nekatere posledice izjemnih razmer opazne še danes. Intervjuvani župnik npr. poroča: Jaz sem hrepenel in upal, da bo po koncu epidemije večje veselje po srečevanju. Pa ni bilo ravno tako. Se zdaj sicer prebuja, prihajajo ljudje in je ena taka pomlad. /…/ Mislim, da je bilo mnoge tudi strah, nekateri so se malo polenili in vse je bilo malo bolj na komot, tako da se zdaj to malo prebuja. (RE_418_RKC). To potrjuje tudi predstavnik Slovenske škofovske konference: »Prvi moment, ki smo ga opazili takoj po rahljanju ukrepov, je bilo zelo sra- mežljivo vračanje nazaj, malo zaradi sramežljivosti, malo pa tudi zaradi udobja.« (RE_425_RKC). Zato je vsaj del cerkvene hierarhije za vrnitev pripadnikov nazaj v fizični prostor kljub zavedanju nevarnosti očitno pripravljen še naprej uporabljati tudi digitalne tehnologije. Intervjuvani frančiškan poroča o tovrstnih dilemah in razmislekih: Glede na to, ker veliko ljudi komentira, da s tem praznimo cerkve, ker imamo prenos maše, kakšen župnik kdaj očita, češ nam ste spraznili cerkev. Ampak tukaj se mi zdi vedno tako, zelo veliko smo se pogovarjali, veliko smo preučevali zadeve in se mi zdi, da tistim ljudem, ki je maša neka vrednota, tistim, ki jim je udeležba na nedeljskih obredih neka vrednota, tisti ljudje bodo gotovo prišli. In so tudi komaj čakali, da bo konec covida. Zdaj, za ljudi, ki so bolj vpeti v proces sekularizacije in izgubljajo stik s cerkvijo, pa da jim predstavlja spletno orodje neko bilko, pri kateri lahko ponovno pridejo v stik s cerkvijo, pa tudi če samo pri tem ostane, je to še vedno boljše kot nič. /…/ Mislim, če se ljudje želijo udeležiti nedeljskega obreda, bodo gotovo prišli. (RE_524_RKC) Veliko manjši upad fizične prisotnosti po epidemiji opažajo v sku- pnosti Hare Krišna. Aktiven ustvarjalec spletnih religijskih vsebin je povedal: Ne vidim, da bi bil zmanjšan obisk templja zaradi tega. Ljudje zdaj še zmeraj radi pridejo v tempelj, ravno tako kot prej. Razlika je samo v tem, da zdaj nismo opustili tega spletnega prostora. In da tam zdaj spremljajo na obeh koncih. (RE_420_HK) P O L I G R A F I 158 Navedeno je potrdil tudi drugi pripadnik gibanja Hare Krišna: »Zra- ven je prišla ena oblika, malo bolj prisotna, ampak ni izpodrinila tiste- ga, da se zdaj ne družimo več.« (RE_244_HK) Digitalne tehnologije, ki jih v tej skupnosti intenzivno uporabljajo tudi po koncu epidemije, torej niso toliko nadomestek za fizične religijske dejavnosti v skupnosti, ampak njihovo dopolnilo, ki prinaša tudi nove potenciale. Anonimna pripadnica skupnosti Hare Krišna je npr. opazila: Kar se tiče podajanja tega znanja, /…/ ajuverdskega znanja, teh modrosti iz Ved, mislim da se je sedaj zelo povečalo število ljudi, ki so postali odprti do tega znanja in ki so prišli v stik z našimi predavanji, ravno zato, ker smo začeli toliko predavanj na spletu. Zelo zelo veliko več ljudi kot prej. (RE_328_HK) V gibanju Hare Krišna so tako tudi po koncu epidemije obdržali ve- čino novih spletnih kanalov. RKC pa je vsaj v župnijah, ki smo jih opa- zovali, zmanjšala svojo prisotnost na spletu. Vseeno pa neredki v RKC opažajo velike potenciale in spodbujevalni učinek digitalnih tehnologij. Intervjuvani katoličan je npr. povedal: In tudi vidim pri svojih sorodnicah, ki prej mogoče niso šle vsak dan k maši, zdaj pa recimo vsak dan gledajo po TV-ju. Socialna omrežja so do neke mere zelo demokratičen prostor, si sam izbiraš kaj hočeš. In ljudje se velikokrat v tem počutijo varni. /…/ Ni te nevarnosti, da bi sedaj kdo opazil in to ko- mentiral: o poglej, ta pa hodi sedaj v cerkev. (RE_524_RKC) V Islamski skupnosti pa so že tako minimalno uporabo digitalnih tehnologij po končani epidemiji še zmanjšali. Namesto tega izrazito spodbujajo fizično prisotnost pri obrednih in drugih religijskih dejav- nostih, kar je mogoče zaznati tudi v RKC. Včasih to vključuje tudi bolj ali manj eksplicitna svarila pred digitalnimi nadomestki (razen v izjemnih primerih, kot so potovanja, pri starejših in bolnih ipd.), hkrati pa vendarle iščejo tudi načine konstruktivne uporabe. Pri gi- banju Hare Krišna pa so ob podobnih, čeprav manj pogostih pozivih pripadnikom k fizični udeležbi očitno še bolj prepoznali velik po- tencial digitalnih tehnologij, pred katerimi ne svarijo oz. nikakor ne zmanjšujejo njihove rabe. Digitalne tehnologije, kot jih uporabljajo proučevane skupnosti po kočani epidemiji, praviloma ne nadomeščajo njihovih običajnih dejav- nosti, temveč jih komplementarno dopolnjujejo. Pogosto pomagajo pri “ V S I S M O M A L O V I D E L I , D A B O G T U D I P R E K S O C I A L N I H O M R E Ž I J D E L U J E ” 159 vzdrževanju kohezivnosti skupnosti, tako na lokalni kot na nacionalni ravni, pomembno pa prispevajo tudi k večjemu povezovanju skupnosti na širši mednarodni ravni. Kot je povedal intervjuvani musliman: Ima pa digitalno ta učinek globalizacije. Vse nam je blizu. /.../ Vse bolj se povezujemo. Vse bolj se spoznavamo. Dogajajo se nam zdaj res take neke mešanice, ki se nikoli niso dogajale. Ta svet je res zdaj še lažje povezan, kot je bil včasih. (RE_630_IS). Ne gre skratka za nadomestek, temveč za vse bolj razširjeno dopol- nilo religijskim dejavnostim v fizičnem prostoru. Kot je opozoril pred- stavnik Slovenske škofovske konference: »Vseeno, bi izpostavil, da so to podporna orodja verske dejavnosti. So segment verske dejavnosti, so ve- dno bolj pomemben člen tega, je pa po drugi strani gotovo pomemben tudi osebni stik.« (RE_524_RKC) S tem pa se postopoma pojavlja neka nova hibridnost, ki tudi trajneje vpliva na sodobne načine religioznosti. Sklep Ko je epidemija koronavirusa covid-19 onemogočila fizično sreče- vanje pripadnikov religijskih skupnosti, je s tem ogrozila tradicionalne načine njihovega konstituiranja in vzdrževanja. Predstavniki vseh pro- učevanih skupnosti so v naši raziskavi poudarjali ključno pomembnost rednega fizičnega stika za vzdrževanje pristne skupnosti, vendar so se njihove organizacije morale prilagoditi izjemnim razmeram tudi z upo- rabo digitalnih tehnologij. To je ob nekaterih težavah prineslo tudi po- zitivne posledice: številni pripadniki, najbolj je to opazno med starejši- mi, so pridobili nove digitalne veščine, komunikacija v skupnosti se je izboljšala, dostop do številnih religijskih vsebin pa je postal lažji. V vseh treh skupnostih so med epidemijo uporabljali digitalne teh- nologije in jih delno uporabljajo tudi po njenem koncu kot pomoč pri ohranjanju komunikacije in organizaciji religijskih dejavnosti, nikjer pa ni to nadomestilo neposredne fizične participacije v religijskem ži- vljenju. Edine potencialne zametke tega je morda mogoče najti v sku- pnosti Hare Krišna, kjer tudi po končani epidemiji številna digitalna orodja omogočajo spremljanje obredov in lažje komuniciranjeje med pripadniki ter s tem pospešujejo delovanje skupnosti. Čeprav se ne- P O L I G R A F I 160 kateri njihovi pripadniki redkeje udeležujejo skupinskih dejavnosti v živo, pa tehnologije ne zmorejo v celoti nadomestiti osebnega druženja in celovitega duhovnega doživetja. Celo v Islamski skupnosti, v kateri so bili ves čas epidemije najbolj zadržani do rabe digitalnih tehnologij, so tudi ohranili sicer minimalno rabo nekaterih orodij za obveščanje in komunikacijo s člani, poročajo pa tudi o izboljšani digitalni pismenosti svojih članov. Prisilna domestifikacija religijskega življenja med epidemijo je tako povečala rabo digitalnih tehnologij, pri obeh večjih in starejših sku- pnostih je tudi poudarila osrediščenost na družino. Epidemične omeji- tve splošnega družbenega in konkretno religijskega življenja so izostrile pomen skupnosti, ki jo ključno konstituirajo kontinuirane skupinske dejavnosti pripadnikov v realnem fizičnem prostoru. Vendar ti procesi niso enopomenski, po končani epidemije npr. zaznaven del pripadni- kov gibanja Hare Krišna in tudi RKC kljub izraženi kritičnosti do pri- mernosti digitalnih tehnologij za religijske potrebe nezanemarljiv del svojih dejavnosti vse bolj opravlja prek teh tehnologij in zaznavno manj v živo. Nekateri ustvarjalci digitalnih vsebin so med epidemijo postali nove avtoritete v posameznih skupnostih – to velja za gibanje Hare Krišna in delno tudi za RKC, kjer so nekateri (redki) digitalno spretni duhovniki izjemno pridobili vidnost krepko prek meja svojih župnij. To je vsaj v enem od primerov privedlo do tradicionalno izjemnih okoliščin, v katerih je lahko običajen lokalni župnik s svojimi dejavnostmi nepo- sredno nagovoril neprimerno širše občestvo, župljani pa so lahko po želji izbirali tudi pridige duhovnika zunaj uradno dodeljene župnije. V Islamski skupnosti vodstvo in tudi intervjuvani pripadniki ostajajo izrazito skeptični in odklonilno naravnani do novih digitalnih avtoritet. V splošnem se torej digitalne tehnologije niso izkazale kot nado- mestek religijskih dejavnosti, temveč večinoma kot zasilno orodje v izjemnih razmerah, ko so bile dejavnosti religijskih skupnosti močno omejene. Po končani epidemiji ostaja hibridna raba predvsem tistih di- gitalnih orodij, ki so komplementarna dejavnostim v živo. To pomemb- no vpliva na razvoj sodobnih načinov religioznosti – epidemija je v tem smislu prinesla tudi dolgotrajnejše spremembe v načinih prakticiranja religije, kjer se fizična prisotnost vse bolj dopolnjuje z digitalno poveza- “ V S I S M O M A L O V I D E L I , D A B O G T U D I P R E K S O C I A L N I H O M R E Ž I J D E L U J E ” 161 nostjo pripadnikov. Za natančnejšo oceno in poglobljeno razumevanje dolgoročnejših posledic intenzivirane rabe digitalnih tehnologij v re- ligijskem življenju pa bodo potrebne dodatne empirične raziskave ter konceptualne in teoretske pojasnitve njihovih rezultatov. B i b l i o g r a f i j a Addo, Giuseppina. »Join the Holy Spirit on Zoom: African Pentecostal Churches and Their Liturgical Practices during COVID-19.« Approaching Religion 11, št. 2 (2021): 45–61. https://doi.org/10.30664/ar.107728 Bakhos, Carol. The Family of Abraham: Jewish, Christian, and Muslim Interpretations. Harvard University Press, 2014. https://doi.org/10.5860/choi- ce.186080. Barker, Eileen. „Plus ça change...» Social Compass 42, št. 2 (1995): 165-80. https://doi.org/10.1177/003776895042002002. Bauman, Zygmunt. Community: Seeking Safety in an Insecure World. Cam- bridge: Polity Press, 2001. Chekki, Dennis. „Family Values and Family Change.» Journal of Comparative Family Studies 27, št. 2 (1996): 409–12. https://doi.org/10.3138/JCFS.27.2.409. Črnič, Aleš. V Imenu Krišne: Družboslovna študija Gibanja Hare Krišna. Ljubljana: Založba FDV, Zbirka Kult, 2005. Higgins, Nicholas J., in Paul A. Djupe. »Congregation Shopping during the Pandemic: A Research Note.« Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 61, št. 3-4 (2022): 726–36. https://doi.org/10.1111/jssr.12802. Huygens, Eline. »Practicing Religion during a Pandemic: On Religious Rou- tines, Embodiment, and Performativity.« Religions 12, št. 7 (2021): 494. https:// doi.org/10.3390/rel12070494. Jurekovič, Igor. „Onkraj redukcije religije na verovanje: zakaj konceptualizi- rati telo v preučevanju religije.» Družboslovne razprave 39, št. 102 (2023): 37–62. https://doi.org/10.51936/dr.39.102.37-62. Keller, Suzanne. Community: Pursuing the Dream, Living the Reality. Prince- ton: Princeton University Press, 2003. Kühle, Lene, in Tina Larsen. »‘Forced’ Online Religion: Religious Minority and Majority Communities’ Media Usage during the COVID-19 Lockdown.« Religions 12, št. 7 (2021). https://doi.org/10.3390/rel12070496. Lemanski, Jan. „Abraham versus Jakub.» Collectanea Theologica 88, št. 4 (2019): 35–51. https://doi.org/10.21697/ct.2018.88.4.02. P O L I G R A F I 162 Lundahl Mauritsen, Anne, in Henrik Reintoft Christensen. »‘Jeg var i akut fællesskabsmangel’: En komparativ analyse af (non)digital fælleskabskonstruktion blandt danske religionsgrupper.« Religionsvidenskabeligt Tidsskrift, 76 (2024): 1-18. Mullatti, Lakshmi. „Families in India: Beliefs and Realities.» Journal of Comparative Family Studies 26, št. 1 (1995): 11–25. https://doi.org/10.3138/ JCFS.26.1.11. Parish, William. Social Relations and Religion During the Pandemic. Čikago: University of Chicago Press, 2020. Rodaway, Paul. Sensuous Geographies: Body, Sense and Place. London: Rou- tledge, 2002. Schiefelbein-Guerrero, Kyle K., ur. Church after the Corona Pandemic: Con- sequences for Worship and Theology. Cham: Springer, 2023. Sheets-Johnstone, Maxine. The Corporeal Turn: An Interdisciplinary Reader. Andrews UK Limited, 2015. Turnšek, Marjan. »Kako prejemamo duhovno obhajilo.« Katoliška cerkev, 13. 3. 2020. https://katoliska-cerkev.si/kako-prejemamo-duhovno-obhajilo. R E G U L A R P A P E R S D R U G E R A Z P R A V E 165 T H E B I B L E A N D C I N E M A : A R T I S T I C - L I T E R A R Y C O N V E R G E N C E S P e t t e r s o n B r e y Introduction The thematic proposal of this text covers two interrelated topics that have been attracting growing academic interest: the Bible as a literary work and the intersection between religion and cinema.1 This essay analyzes these themes to identify methodological and narrative similarities between biblical narratives and film scripts. It implies a more careful look at the standard storytelling techniques of both universes. This perspective enriches the understanding of each field and deepens 1 Regarding the Bible as literature, this essay is based on several studies, the main ones of which are cited throughout the introduction of this text. However, regarding the representa- tion of the Bible in cinema (which is not the focus of this text specifically), it must be said that widespread good studies already address this relationship with a certain competence. However, regarding the comparative analysis between the artistic-literary methodologies of biblical narra- tives and film scripts, this essay presents itself as an original approach. However, such originality comes from insights arising from certain intuitive propositions raised by some scholars, such as: Robert Alter, who in his book “The Art of Biblical Narrative” established a comparison between the unfolding of the books of the Bible in ancient public readings with the unfolding of films in a cinema projection; David Bordwell, who in his book “Making Meaning: Inference and Rhetoric in the Interpretation of Cinema” talks about the correlation between biblical exegesis and film criticism, has as his main element of approximation the patterns of literary structure; Gary Yamasaki, who in his book “Insights from Filmmaking for Analyzing Biblical Narrative” presents an essayistic study that compares narrative elements between cinema and biblical narratives. (Robert Alter, The Art of Biblical Narrative (New York: Basic Books, 2011); David Bordwell, Making Meaning: Inference and Rhetoric in the Interpretation of Cinema (Har- vard Film Studies) (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1991); Gary Yamasaki, Insights from Filmmaking for Analyzing Biblical Narrative (Reading the Bible in the 21st Century – Insights) (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2016). https://doi.org/10.35469/poligrafi.2023.482 Poligrafi, no. 115/116, vol. 29, 2024, pp. 165–182 P O L I G R A F I 166 the dialogue between biblical exegesis and literary criticism, allowing new theological interpretations to emerge from this methodological approach. Northrop Frye stated that, despite its multiple functions, the Bi- ble is undeniably a literary work.2 Its importance in Western culture is such that it has shaped myths, beliefs, and ideologies that guide human cognition in the West.3 Frye emphasizes that the Old Testament is not just a religious text but a complex narrative that permeates Western ar- tistic and literary production. This recognition, as Erich Auerbach also noted,4 transcends the philosophical wisdom of Ancient Israel, high- lighting that the Bible offers a sophisticated narrative structure compa- rable to the great texts of world literature. Furthermore, Vladimir Propp’s analysis of the narrative structure of the Bible revealed similarities between the ethnopoetic narratives of the Old Testament and other mythical literature throughout history. By reinforcing Auerbach’s conclusions, Propp showed that biblical narra- tive design applies to different literary genres.5 Therefore, this focus on the literary form of the scriptures has impacted biblical exegesis. Since the 1940s, scholars such as Umberto Cassuto6 have suggested that un- derstanding the Scriptures can be enriched by a reading that values their literary dimension, promoting a dialogue between literature and theology. In this way, the synchronic analysis of biblical texts, which contrasts with the traditional historical reading, highlights the thematic unity of the Scriptures, offering a new theological perspective.7 This approach 2 Northrop Frye, The Educated Imagination (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1994), 97. cf. Karl-Josef Kuschel, “Vielleicht hält Gott sich einige Dichter...”: Literarisch-theologische Porträts (Mainz: Matthias-Grünewald-Verlag, 1991). 3 Northrop Frye, The Great Code: The Bible and Literature (New York: Mariner Books, 2002), xi-xxiii. 4 Erich Auerbach, Mimesis: The Representation of Reality in Western Literature (New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 2003), 3-23. 5 Pamela J. Milne, Vladimir Propp and the Study of Structure in Hebrew Biblical Narrative (Decatur / Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1988), 263. 6 Umberto Cassuto, The Documentary Hypothesis and the composition of the Pentateuch (Jeru- salem: Shalem Press, 2014), 6–17, 117–126. 7 John W. Rogerson. “Old Testament,” in The Oxford Handbook of Biblical Studies, ed. John W Rogerson and Judith M. Lieu (New York: Oxford University Press, 2010), 6–10. T H E B I B L E A N D C I N E M A 167 does not attempt to choose a superior methodology but proposes un- derstanding the type of questions that each method seeks to answer.8 By focusing on the interaction between the narrated world and the reader’s world, literary analysis offers greater interpretative flexibility.9 With this approach, the Bible begins to be seen not only as a religious text but as a narrative rich in meanings that invites the reader to reflect.10 In this sense, narrative analysis becomes a relevant exegetical meth- odology by inviting the reader to cooperate in the construction of theo- logical meanings.11 It creates a bond between the reader and the biblical text, which is fundamental to literary studies.12 Thus, in a synchronous reading of the text, the meanings emerge from a network of textual components that reflect a pragmatic interaction with the listener.13 This interaction allows for a more dynamic reading experience, where mean- ing is constructed jointly between the text and the reader.14 Robert Alter,15 when studying the oral nature of biblical narratives, points out that they were designed to be recited. During public readings, the audience visualized the narrated scenes as if in a mental projection, similar to a cinematic experience.16 For example, for Adele Berlin,17 in biblical narratives, the form of expression is as vital as the content, 8 David M. Gunn and Danna N. Fewell, Narrative in the Hebrew Bible (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993), 5. 9 Jean L. Ska, “Sincronia: L’Analisi Narrativa,” in Metodologia Dell’Antico Testamento, ed. Horacio Simian-Yofre (Bologna: Edizione Dehoniane Bologna, 2009), 139–145. 10 Danna N. Fewell, “The Work of Biblical Narrative,” in The Oxford Handbook of Biblical Narrative, ed. Danna N. Fewell (New York: Oxford University Press, 2016), 3–4. 11 Elisabeth Parmentier, “Dieu a des histories: La dimension théologique de la narrativité,” in La Bible en Récits: L’exégèse biblique à l’heure du lecteur, ed. Daniel Marguerat (Genève: Labor Et Fides, 2005), 112. 12 Pierre Bühler, “La ise en intrigue de l’interprète: Enjoux herméneutiques de la narrativité,” in La Bible en Récits: L’exégèse biblique à l’heure du lecteur, ed. Daniel Marguerat (Genève: Labor Et Fides, 2005), 94-95. 13 Brevard S. Childs, Old Testament Theology in a Canonical Context (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1989), 1-19. 14 Daniel Marguerat, “L’exégèse biblique à l’heure du lecteur,” in La Bible en Récits: L’exégèse biblique à l’heure du lecteur, ed. Daniel Marguerat (Genève: Labor Et Fides, 2005), 15. 15 Alter, The Art of Biblical Narrative, 113–114. 16 Gary Yamasaki, Watching a Biblical Narrative: point of view in biblical exegesis (New York: T&T Clark, 2007), 44–65. 17 Adele Berlin, Poetics and Interpretation of Biblical Narrative (Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns, 2005), 13–21. P O L I G R A F I 168 which reflects a careful construction between form and meaning. This balance between content and form is essential to capture the author’s intended point of view and to construct a message with interpretative richness. Therefore, for David Bordwell,18 film scripts, although they follow established narrative conventions, are peculiar in their construction. A film script is designed to guide several professionals in the construc- tion of a shared vision, where each narrative element is intentional.19 Gary Yamasaki,20 for example, observes that, as in biblical narratives, film scripts need to maintain strict control between form and content, which creates a methodological convergence between the two narrative forms. This connection allows biblical and cinematographic stories to offer sensory and reflective experiences. Bordwell further explains that, in the same way that Greek philo- sophical thought systematized Homeric literature, traditions of bibli- cal interpretation sought to integrate the scriptures with philosophical thought.21 From the Renaissance onwards, Western literature began to explore freer and more sensorial hermeneutics, connecting emotion and reason. As the “seventh art,“ cinema intensifies this experience, promoting a hermeneutics of the senses that balances rationality and emotion. This sensorial perspective brings cinematic narratives closer to biblical literature, expanding the possibilities of interpretation and understanding.22 Finally, this essay aims to briefly demonstrate the artistic-literary convergences announced here between biblical narratives and film scripts. This exercise will be carried out using the analysis of narra- tive excerpts from the films Pulp Fiction and Braveheart, as well as the series Succession and Breaking Bad, highlighting the points of narrative intersection with biblical stories such as the story of Joseph of Egypt, 18 David Bordwell, Narration in the Fiction Film (Madison: The University of Wisconsin Press, 1985), 3–15. 19 David Bordwell, The Way Hollywood Tells It: Story and Style in Modern Movies (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2006), 21–26. 20 Yamasaki. Insights from Filmmaking for Analyzing Biblical Narrative, 35–37. 21 Bordwell, Making Meaning, 86, 139, 140, 196, 215. 22 Frank Kermode, The Art of Telling: Essays on Fiction (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1983), 24. T H E B I B L E A N D C I N E M A 169 Job and Jonah, and the speech of YHWH, a prelude to the legislation of Ancient Israel in the story of the Exodus. It should be clarified that the choice of these films and series, instead of so many other cinemato- graphic products with direct biblical content, is due to the intention of making it clear that the artistic-literary convergences that we intend to demonstrate here are independent of thematic-religious aspects, but rather constitute universal narrative techniques. Discursive Pragmatics, the Quinary Scheme, and the Five Fables While all literary narratives invite the reader to imagine the narrated world, biblical stories and film scripts stand out for their minimalist but practical descriptive approach. Like in a film script, where each page represents one minute on screen,23 biblical narratives use carefully selected words to bring the plot to life. This style not only builds the narrated world with precision but also organizes the layers of the plot and defines the narrative arcs of the characters.24 By immersing them- selves in this universe, the reader allows themselves to be guided by the rhetorical structure of the narrative, gradually discovering the profound themes that support each story.25 The journey of the characters in the Bible serves as a bridge between the narrator and the reader, facilitating the communication of central themes.26 As pointed out by Cynthia L. Miller,27 in his speech, biblical characters contribute to constructing meaning, functioning as an es- sential interpretative key. The fusion between the characters’ speeches and the narrative pragmatics makes the character arc a supporting com- 23 Syd Field, Screenplay: The Foundations of Screenwriting (New York: Delta Trade Paperbacks, 2005), 15–24. 24 Shimon Bar-Efrat, Narrative Art in the Bible (New York: T&T Clark, 2008), 197. 25 Jan P. Fokkelman, Reading Biblical Narrative: an introductory guide (Louisville: Westmin- ster John Knox Press, 1999), 20–45. 26 Yairah Amit, Reading Biblical Narratives: Literary Criticism and the Hebrew Bible (Min- neapolis: Fortress Press, 2001), 74–82. 27 Cynthia L. Miller, The Representation of Speech in Biblical Hebrew Narrative: a linguistic analysis, Harvard Semitic Monographs 55 (Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns, 2003), 399–407. P O L I G R A F I 170 ponent that supports the plot.28 This dynamic brings biblical narratives closer to the structure of films, where dialogue and character actions also construct the plot, guiding the viewer in understanding the under- lying messages.29 In the classical literary tradition, as described by Aristotle in “Poet- ics,” narratives are structured by six main elements, the most impor- tant of which are the plot and the characters.30 The sequence of actions shapes the plot, so any change in this order affects the message and the story’s impact. Aristotle outlined a three-act structure – First, Second, and Third Act – essential in classical literary works and formats the nar- rative discourse. This classical structure provides a basis for the develop- ment of stories in literature and cinema, facilitating the unfolding of actions with clarity and intensity. Within this three-act model, Paul J. Gulino31 describes a dramat- ic curve divided into five points: (1) misbehavior (introduction of the characters and their preparation for the adventure); (2) set up (call to adventure); (3) midpoint (development of misbehavior); (4) low point (fall or failure); and (5) moralizing correction (correction and conclu- sion). Marguerat and Bourquin,32 when analyzing biblical narratives, propose a very similar quinary scheme, with the following stages: (1) initial situation, (2) node, (3) transformative action, (4) denouement, and (5) final situation. This organization reveals a profound structural simi- larity between biblical narratives and the classical model, facilitating the analysis and interpretation of both.33 These narrative models can be superimposed and applied to various biblical narratives and hero’s journey films, such as the stories of Jacob 28 George W. Savran, Telling and Retelling: Quotation in Biblical Narrative (Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 1988), ix. 29 Robert McKee, Story: Substance, Structure, Style, and the Principles of Screenwriting (New York: Regan Books, 1997), 100–109. 30 Aristóteles, 384-322 a.C. Poética – Περὶ ποιητικῆς (São Paulo: Editora 34, 2017), 34–217. 31 Paul J. Gulino, Screenwriting: The Sequence Approach (New York: Bloomsbury Academic, 2013), 1–14. 32 Daniel Marguerat and Yvan Bourquin, Pour Lire les Récits Bibliques: initiation à l’analyse narrative (Paris: Les Éditions Du CERF; Genève: Labor Et Fides, 2009), 58–66. 33 Petterson Brey, “As narrativas da Bíblia Hebraica e os roteiros cinematográficos: conver- gências literário-metodológicas,” in A arte e a cultura e a formação humana, ed. Fabiano E. A. Batista (Ponta Grossa: Editora Atena, 2022), 5–6. T H E B I B L E A N D C I N E M A 171 and Esau34 or Joseph of Egypt.35 In such narratives, discursive pragmat- ics is guided by the sequence of actions, making the characters exist primarily to move the plot forward. The classical narrative structure applies to these stories to make the plot the center of the experience, while the characters serve the progression of events, as occurs in film scripts. This parallel between the Bible and cinema illustrates the narra- tive power of Scripture and its influence on modern visual storytelling. The narrative of Joseph of Egypt exemplifies a narrative design struc- tured in five parts that outline the protagonist’s development and con- flict. Initially, Joseph is introduced with distinct characteristics, such as his ability to interpret dreams and his potential leadership, which arouses the jealousy of his brothers. It is the first stage, in which the protagonist and the conflict are introduced. Next, Joseph is taken to Egypt, where he begins his journey and must hone these skills, sym- bolizing a point of no return in his adventure. From this point on, the story develops with dramatic parallels, such as the episode of Judah and Tamar, which adds a dimension of contrast and rhetoric to the plot. Robert Alter36 notes a structural parallel between Judah’s discovery of Tamar and Jacob’s news of Joseph’s “death.” This contrast helps to highlight underlying themes of deception and revelation. Inspired by this analysis, we can see the similarity in Jennifer Van Sijll’s37 interpreta- tion when she points out a similar resource in the film Pulp Fiction,38 where Quentin Tarantino uses juxtaposed scenes to create tension and dramatic complexity. These scenes involving Vincent (John Travolta), Mia (Uma Thurman), and Lance (Erich Stoltz) function in a similar way to the juxtaposition between Jacob, Judah, and Tamar, develop- ing a layer of expectation and shock that allows the audience to grasp the thematic importance. This parallelism between the works reveals a technique shared between biblical and cinematic narratives. 34 Jan P. Fokkelman, “Genesis,” in The Literary Guide to the Bible, ed. Robert Alter and Frank Kermode (Cambridge: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1987), 36–55. 35 Christoph Uehlinger, “Genèse 37-50,” in Introduction à L’Ancien Testament, ed. Thomas Römer, Jean-Daniel Macchi and Christophe Nihan (Genève: Labor et Fides, 2009), 239–255. 36 Alter. The Art of Biblical Narrative, 1–24. 37 Jennifer V. Sijll, Narrativa cinematográfica: contando histórias com imagem em movimento (São Paulo: Martins Fontes, 2019), 100–103. 38 Pulp Fiction, Quentin Tarantino, USA, Miramax Films, 1994. P O L I G R A F I 172 As demonstrated in a previous publication,39 in the structure of Pulp Fiction, the contrasting scenes create a psychological condition in the audience, favoring the understanding of the importance of the relation- ship between the characters and their actions. This type of construction is also identifiable in Joseph’s narrative, where the opposition between deception and redemption shapes the theme of forgiveness and recon- ciliation. In both narratives, dramatic parallelism reinforces the emo- tional connection between the characters and the audience and allows for a deeper interpretation of the central theme. Thus, Joseph’s narrative structure is multifaceted and oriented towards a more sensitive and psy- chological understanding. The Protagonist’s Direct Speech In biblical narratives and films, characters play a fundamental role in conveying thematic ideas and values. In biblical stories, characters are constructed to reflect the narrative arc through characterization tech- niques. As Berlin states,40 these representation techniques are stand- ard in biblical narratives and other forms of literature. In the case of the Scripture, the actions and speech of the characters, in their various conflicts and challenges, help to convey the central theme, offering the narrator a powerful tool to communicate his narrative discourse in an indirect but very impactful way.41 The direct speeches of biblical characters are particularly important for understanding the narrative. Miller42 emphasizes that the speeches of the main characters are crucial to understanding the discourse and intention of the narrator. Savran43 complements this idea by stating that, when speaking, the characters rhetorically evoke the past, updat- ing previous events and giving them new meanings. As Field44 points out, dialogue also plays a similar role in cinema, as it helps to maintain 39 Brey, As narrativas da Bíblia Hebraica e os roteiros cinematográficos, 5–6. 40 Berlin, Poetics and Interpretation of Biblical Narrative, 33. 41 Amit, Reading Biblical Narratives, 74–82. 42 Miller, The Representation of Speech in Biblical Hebrew Narrative, 399–407. 43 Savran, Telling and Retelling, ix. 44 Field, Screenplay, 23–24. T H E B I B L E A N D C I N E M A 173 the cohesion of the plot and connect the past, present, and future, cre- ating a narrative progression that engages the audience and reinforces the film’s message. In the Exodus narrative, for example, YHWH’s speech on Mount Sinai (Ex 19:4-6) is loaded with historical and future meanings. At this point in the plot, YHWH evokes past actions to justify and reinforce his sovereignty and alliance with the Hebrew people. As Brey45 points out, the appeal to YHWH’s reputation–consolidated in the actions carried out in Egypt–serves as the rhetorical foundation of his speech, legitimizing the pact with Israel and projecting the promise of a sa- cred nation. This epic and persuasive speech exemplifies the use of past events as a guarantee of credibility for what is proposed in the present, something familiar in both the Bible and in cinematic narratives.46 The technique of evoking the past to give meaning to the present and project the future, used in YHWH’s speech (Ex 19:4-6), is also employed in constructing heroic speeches in films. In Braveheart,47 Wil- liam Wallace (Mel Gibson) uses his fame and reputation to persuade his countrymen to fight for freedom. As Bordwell48 notes, Wallace de- clared, “I am William Wallace!”49 and uses the weight of his reputa- tion to inspire courage and determination, just as YHWH invokes his history of protecting the Hebrew people to consolidate his authority and commitment. This rhetorical structure between past and future re- inforces the legitimacy and thematic cohesion of the discourse in both narratives. Thus, protagonists in biblical narratives and cinema are often por- trayed in decisive moments of confrontation and collective motivation. In Braveheart, Wallace challenges the Scottish soldiers to fight against oppression, and in Exodus, YHWH encourages the Hebrews to em- 45 Petterson Brey, “O SENHOR evoca o passado para reiterar o presente e anunciar o futuro: a retórica da configuração literária do discurso do SENHOR no Sinai (Ex 19,4-6a),” Pesquisas em Teologia v. 3, n. 6 (2020): 246, https://doi.org/10.46859/PUCRio.Acad.PqTeo.2595-9409. 2020v3n6p228. 46 McKee, Story, 100–109. 47 Braveheart, Mel Gibson, USA, Paramount; 20th Century Fox, 1995. 48 Bordwell, The Way Hollywood Tells It, 121–-124. 49 Several of YHWH’s speeches in the Pentateuch are introduced or concluded by the phrase, “I am the LORD!” P O L I G R A F I 174 brace their role as the chosen people, elevating them from enslaved people to a nation of priests (Ex 19:6). Both scenes follow a similar rhetorical scheme, in which the character appeals to his reputation and past actions as justification for his speech.50 This parallelism between the narratives shows the power of direct discourse in forming an emo- tional connection with listeners and validating the values presented. This type of discursive structure reinforces the narrator’s point of view, shaping the thematic unity of the narrative. In speeches like that of YHWH at Mount Sinai, the fusion between the narrator’s and the character’s voices is a resource for engaging the reader in the narra- tive context and directing them to understand the central themes. This technique of “giving voice” to the past connects the listener to the val- ues of the narrative, effectively conveying a message of authority and belonging, strengthening both the biblical and the cinematic plot. In addition, narrative construction and “impression points” are crit- ical devices for anchoring the viewer’s or reader’s perception. Bordwell51 and Kermode52 point out that these structural points in the plot direct the audience’s experience, providing milestones for the audience to un- derstand the narrative’s evolution and the characters’ development. By establishing these impression points, the narrator controls the story’s pace and gradually reveals thematic unity, allowing the audience to connect emotionally with the dilemmas and values presented. These impression points also help to highlight essential themes, such as redemption and reconciliation, present in biblical stories such as Jo- seph of Egypt. In biblical narratives, this narrative technique allows the audience to identify with the characters’ challenges and triumphs, perceiving the moral and spiritual themes that run through the story. Similarly, in cinematic narratives, these impression points give the audi- 50 This is one of the categories of rhetorical appeal for speeches, referenced by the Greek word ETHOS, where the speaker bases his argument on his own reputation. There is also the PATHOS rhetorical appeal, in which the speaker uses some type of emotional element, and also the LOGOS rhetorical appeal, where the speaker bases his argument on the very logic that arises from his statements in reference to his premises. 51 Bordwell, Making Meaning, 208. 52 Frank Kermode, The Genesis of Secrecy: On the Interpretation of Narrative (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1979), 16. T H E B I B L E A N D C I N E M A 175 ence a deeper understanding of the character’s arc and journey, creating an engaging and emotionally rich narrative experience. Therefore, analyzing the narrative structure and direct speeches re- veals how biblical and cinematic narratives use similar techniques to reinforce their central themes and engage the audience. Solid charac- ters and well-structured speeches in both the Bible and film provide a powerful window into understanding the values and message being conveyed, showing that, even in different mediums, stories share a nar- rative architecture that enriches the experience of listeners and readers. Narrative Design: Plot-Driven and Character-Driven For centuries, the narratives in the collective memory were shaped by the plot, focusing on a sequence of actions and events. Biblical nar- ratives, for example, show this prevalence of the plot, reflecting tradi- tional structures that align with elements of classical literature.53 With the development of cinema, especially Hollywood, these structures were adapted under the influence of the rules of Aristotelian poetics, establishing a rigid and efficient standard of quality.54 However, after the Second World War, Hollywood cinema began to incorporate mod- ern drama, influenced by European narratives, which brought greater complexity to the characters, giving them prominence over the plot.55 In modern drama, the protagonist gains a more complex and promi- nent role, being not just someone who reacts to the events of the plot but a figure who brings psychological depth to the plot. This model is similar to some biblical narratives that, while maintaining the classical structure, reflect a complexity that approaches that of modern litera- ture.56 The harmony between biblical narrative and modern cinema is remarkable, as both begin to treat characters as vehicles of a human 53 Meir Sternberg, The Poetics of Biblical Narrative: ideological literature and the drama of read- ing (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1987), 41–57. 54 Bordwell, The Way Hollywood Tells It, 21–26. 55 Tom Stempel, Framework: A History of Screenwriting in the American Film (Syracuse: Syra- cuse University Press, 2000), 186–196. 56 Tremper Longman III, Literary Approaches to Biblical Interpretation (Grand Rapids: Zondervan Publishing House, 1987), 10. P O L I G R A F I 176 depth that transcends mere action.57 Biblical stories, such as those of Job and Jonah, exemplify literary characteristics found in contempo- rary storytelling techniques. In classic narrative design, centered on the plot (plot-driven), the story is driven by the events and actions of the protagonist. Joseph of Egypt is an example of a plot-driven narrative, where the character’s trajectory is defined by successive events that force him to react and adapt. Despite being the protagonist, Joseph does not have the freedom to narrate or comment on the events to which he is subjected. External situations transform his life, and he only responds to these challenges. This linear narrative style, where each action triggers another, reflects the classic structure in which the protagonist submits to the course of events.58 An example of a contemporary plot-driven narrative is the series Breaking Bad,59 where the protagonist Walter White (Bryan Cranston) decides to enter the drug trade to secure his family’s financial future after discovering he has cancer. In each episode, Walter finds himself in more dangerous and complex situations, facing moral dilemmas that intensify as the plot unfolds. Just like Joseph, Walter reacts to the plot’s events, dealing with the consequences of his previous actions, which creates an effect of continuous action that keeps the viewer attentive to the sequence of events that make up the plot. However, in character-driven narratives, the focus shifts to the psy- chological and emotional development of the characters. These stories prioritize the internal nuances of the characters, offering the reader or viewer a deeper understanding of who they are. Digressions about the protagonist’s emotional state are as important as the plot events, creat- ing a narrative where what matters is not what happens but how the characters feel about these events. It can be seen in the biblical narra- 57 Jean-Pierre Sarrazac, Poética do drama moderno: de Ibsen a Koltès (São Paulo: Perspectiva, 2017), 41–78. 58 Pamela Douglas, Writing the TV Drama Series (Los Angeles: Michael Wiese Productions, 2011), 31–34. 59 Breaking Bad, Vince Gilligan, USA, NETFLIX, 2013. T H E B I B L E A N D C I N E M A 177 tives of Job60 and Jonah,61 which, unlike the stories of Joseph or Jacob, focus more on exploring the characters and feelings of the protagonists. In character-driven narratives, the interest is less in the action and more in the internal reflections of the characters. Paul J. Gulino62 states that commentary scenes are inserted between the action scenes in this type of narrative, allowing the characters to reflect on their feelings and internal dilemmas. These pauses for introspection deepen the viewer’s understanding of the character’s emotional complexity. In the Bible, Job’s story exemplifies this structure, as there are several passages where Job reflects on his suffering, questioning his faith and the meaning of his life. This psychological depth is central to understanding the nar- rative. A contemporary example of a character-driven narrative is the series Succession,63 where the protagonist, Kendall Roy (Jeremy Strong), faces internal dilemmas while seeking his father’s approval and the security of his position in the family. The series explores Kendall’s psychological tension and his power struggle without the business succession prom- ised in the first episode happening over the seasons. This narrative style allows the audience to engage with Kendall’s emotional complexity, making him a multifaceted character who carries the weight of the plot without necessarily advancing it directly and constantly. In Succession, the conflict of power and the search for acceptance are the center of the narrative, and this is sustained by the constant suspension of the action, which generates psychological and emotional tension in the viewer. The succession in the company is the plot that drives the series, but the narrative stasis that prevents it from happen- ing is what deepens the exploration of the characters’ characters. Each episode presents dialogues and situations that reveal new layers of the protagonist and the other characters, establishing a narrative that prior- itizes internal development over direct action. 60 Moshe Greenberg, “Job,” in The Literary Guide to the Bible, ed. Robert Alter and Frank Kermode (Cambridge: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1987), 283–304. 61 Ernest A Knauf, “Jonas,” in Introduction à L’Ancien Testament, ed. Thomas Römer, Jean- Daniel Macchi and Christophe Nihan (Genève: Labor et Fides, 2009), 502–508. 62 Gulino, Screenwriting, 1–19. 63 Succession, Jesse Armstrong, USA, HBO, 2018. P O L I G R A F I 178 Kendall’s journey in Succession finds an echo in Job’s suffering, where the stagnation in the development of the plot allows the depth of the protagonists’ characters to be explored. The doubt about personal value and the search for redemption unites these stories, highlighting how psychological deepening becomes the main driving force of the narra- tive. This suspension of the action, paradoxically, makes the plot more engaging, as the audience becomes interested not in the outcome but in the process of the characters’ self-discovery. Thus, analyzing the differences between plot-driven and character- driven narratives shows how the narrative approach changes how the audience connects with the story and the characters. While plot-driven stories keep the audience attentive to the unfolding of the plot, char- acter-driven stories involve the viewer in an emotional and psychologi- cal immersion. Biblical narratives and contemporary cinema exemplify these two approaches, showing that, throughout the centuries, stories continue to explore new ways of expressing the complexities of the hu- man experience. These approaches reveal that, by blending aspects of classical narra- tives with renowned modern drama, the Bible and contemporary cin- ema offer rich and varied experiences. Whether through the nonstop action of plot-driven plots or the introspective exploration of character- driven narratives, both narrative forms capture the audience’s attention in different ways, proving that there are many ways to engage and move the audience. This narrative plurality is what makes literature, the Bible, and cinema timeless and universally impactful. Conclusion This paper sought to explore the technical convergence between biblical narratives and film scripts, proposing a dialogue between two narrative forms that, although separated by distinct historical and cul- tural contexts, share a literary and artistic basis. Although the discussion remained at an introductory level, it was possible to glimpse how these narrative forms complement each other. Future research could deepen this analysis, exploring specific examples that highlight the shared nar- rative techniques. The relationship between the Bible and cinema offers T H E B I B L E A N D C I N E M A 179 a fertile field for a comparative analysis that reveals new layers of mean- ing in both expressions. The central provocation of this work lies in the suggestion of a theological reflection that considers biblical texts not only as religious documents but also as works of literary art. Based on Vilém Flusser’s thinking,64 it is argued that the aesthetic experience of the Scriptures, in interaction with cinema, can reveal theological levels that transcend the traditional scope of religions. Flusser suggests that the artistic enjoy- ment of biblical texts allows for a deeper and more comprehensive un- derstanding that goes beyond a strictly rational or dogmatic approach. This perspective invites the reader to consider that biblical narra- tives have an artistic character. Biblical narratives were composed to engage the listener-reader in an experience that goes beyond the simple absorption of information.65 By highlighting the role of narrative form, the text suggested that the aesthetic experience of biblical content is es- sential for fully understanding its message. Thus, biblical hermeneutics can benefit from approaches considering form and content inseparable elements of a single message. The comparative analysis between Scripture and cinema broadens the technical understanding of narratives and enriches the aesthetic ex- perience of biblical texts. The convergence between these two art forms offers a unique opportunity to explore how the biblical message can be understood more deeply. In this way, the text proposes an interdiscipli- nary approach that studies the Bible as literature or religion and as an aesthetic experience that dialogues with other artistic manifestations, such as cinema. 64 Vilém Flusser, Vom Stand der Dinge: Eine kleine Philosophie des Designs (Gottingen: STEI- DL, 2019), 26–31. 65 Petterson Brey, “Experiência de Deus no Pentateuco: existe mística na lei?,” in Diálogos so- bre a Experiência de Deus – volume II: questões sobre mística, ed. André Anéas (São Paulo: Editora Recriar, 2022), 193–195. P O L I G R A F I 180 B i b l i o g r a p h y Alter, Robert. The Art of Biblical Narrative. New York: Basic Books, 2011. Amit, Yairah. Reading Biblical Narratives: Literary Criticism and the Hebrew Bible. Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2001. Aristóteles, 384-322 a.C. Poética – Περὶ ποιητικῆς. São Paulo: Editora 34, 2017. Auerbach, Erich. Mimesis: The Representation of Reality in Western Literature. New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 2003. Bar-Efrat, Shimon. Narrative Art in the Bible. New York: T&T Clark, 2008. Berlin, Adele. Poetics and Interpretation of Biblical Narrative. Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns, 2005. Bordwell, David. Narration in the Fiction Film. Madison: The University of Wisconsin Press, 1985. Bordwell, David. Making Meaning: Inference and Rhetoric in the Interpreta- tion of Cinema. (Harvard Film Studies). Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1991. Bordwell, David. The Way Hollywood Tells It: Story and Style in Modern Mov- ies. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2006. Brey, Petterson. “O SENHOR evoca o passado para reiterar o presente e anunciar o futuro: a retórica da configuração literária do discurso do SENHOR no Sinai (Ex 19,4-6a).” Pesquisas em Teologia, v. 3, n. 6 (2020): 228–250. https:// doi.org/10.46859/PUCRio.Acad.PqTeo.2595-9409.2020v3n6p228. Brey, Petterson. “As narrativas da Bíblia Hebraica e os roteiros cinematográfi- cos: convergências literário-metodológicas.” In A arte e a cultura e a formação hu- mana, edited by Fabiano E. A. Batista, 1–12. Ponta Grossa: Editora Atena, 2022. Brey, Petterson. “Experiência de Deus no Pentateuco: existe mística na lei?” In Diálogos sobre a Experiência de Deus – volume II: questões sobre mística, edited by André Anéas, 169–203. São Paulo: Editora Recriar, 2022. Bühler, Pierre. “La ise en intrigue de l’interprète: Enjoux herméneutiques de la narrativité.” In La Bible en Récits: L’exégèse biblique à l’heure du lecteur, edited by Daniel Marguerat, 94–111. Genève: Labor Et Fides, 2005. Cassuto, Umberto. The Documentary Hypothesis and the composition of the Pentateuch. Jerusalem: Shalem Press, 2014. Childs, Brevard S. Old Testament Theology in a Canonical Context. Philadel- phia: Fortress Press, 1989. Douglas, Pamela. Writing the TV Drama Series. Los Angeles: Michael Wiese Productions, 2011. Fewell, Danna N. “The Work of Biblical Narrative.” In The Oxford Hand- book of Biblical Narrative, edited by Danna N. Fewell, 3–26. New York: Oxford University Press, 2016. T H E B I B L E A N D C I N E M A 181 Field, Syd. Screenplay: The Foundations of Screenwriting. New York: Delta Trade Paperbacks, 2005. Flusser, Vilém. Vom Stand der Dinge: Eine kleine Philosophie des Designs. Got- tingen: STEIDL, 2019. Fokkelman, Jan P. “Genesis.” In The Literary Guide to the Bible, edited by Robert Alter and Frank Kermode, 36–55. Cambridge: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1987. Fokkelman, Jan P. Reading Biblical Narrative: an introductory guide. Louis- ville: Westminster John Knox Press, 1999. 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Vladimir Propp and the Study of Structure in Hebrew Biblical Narrative. Decatur / Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1988. Parmentier, Elisabeth. “Dieu a des histories: La dimension théologique de la narrativité.” In La Bible en Récits: L’exégèse biblique à l’heure du lecteur, edited by Daniel Marguerat, 112–119. Genève: Labor Et Fides, 2005. Rogerson, John W. “Old Testament.” In The Oxford Handbook of Biblical Studies, edited by John W. Rogerson and Judith M. Lieu, 5–26. New York: Ox- ford University Press, 2010. Sarrazac, Jean-Pierre. Poética do drama moderno: de Ibsen a Koltès. Estudos; 348. São Paulo: Perspectiva, 2017. Savran, George W. Telling and Retelling: Quotation in Biblical Narrative. Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 1988. Sijll, Jennifer V. Narrativa cinematográfica: contando histórias com imagem em movimento. São Paulo: Martins Fontes, 2019. Ska, Jean L. “Sincronia: L’Analisi Narrativa.” In Metodologia Dell’Antico Testamento, edited by Horacio Simian-Yofre, 139–170. Bologna: Edizione De- honiane Bologna, 2009. Stempel, Tom. Framework: A History of Screenwriting in the American Film. Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 2000. Sternberg, Meir. The Poetics of Biblical Narrative: ideological literature and the drama of reading. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1987. Uehlinger, Christoph. “Genèse 37-50.” In Introduction à L’Ancien Testament, edited by Thomas Römer, Jean-Daniel Macchi and Christophe Nihan, 239–255. Genève: Labor et Fides, 2009. Yamasaki, Gary. Watching a Biblical Narrative: point of view in biblical exege- sis. New York: T&T Clark, 2007. Yamasaki, Gary. Insights from Filmmaking for Analyzing Biblical Narrative. Reading the Bible in the 21st Century – Insights. Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2016. FILMS Braveheart. Mel Gibson. USA. Paramount; 20th Century Fox, 1995. Pulp Fiction. Quentin Tarantino. USA. Miramax Films, 1994. SERIES Breaking Bad. Vince Gilligan. USA. NETFLIX, 2013. Succession. Jesse Armstrong. USA. HBO, 2018. 183 A B S T R A C T S Klara Hrvatin Taishō Period Divination as Tsuneko Kondō Kawase’s Personal Item The article examines a Taishō period (1912–26) divination document, a per- sonal item of Tsuneko Kondō Kawase, preserved in the archive of her collected documents at the Slovene Ethnographic Museum. It is a handwritten piece of calligraphy depicting a prophecy based on Takashima’s Judgments on the Book of Changes, an important text based on the Yijing or Book of Changes. This document, which Marija Skušek kept until her death, is characterized by its form, calligraphic style, and red stamps. The article aims to explore the transcription and translati- on of the divination, the form and dating of the document, and how it relates to Tsuneko’s life choices. The author raises questions about when Tsuneko acquired the document and whether it influenced her crucial life decisions, particularly before her trip to Europe, during her last visit to Japan, or before her marriage to Ivan Skušek. Keywords: Tsuneko Kondō Kawase (Marija Skušek), Slovene Ethnographic Museum, Taishō period, divination, Takashima’s Judgments on the Book of Changes (Takashima ekidan), Yijing. Gerald Kozicz, Di Luo The Adamantine Terrifier on the Dresser From 1920 to 1963, a collection of Chinese art–mostly from the Qing Dynasty (1644–1911)–was continuously presented at the changing addresses of Ivan and his wife Tsuneko Kondō-Kawase, who finally adopted the full Slovene name of Mari- ja Skušek after her baptism in 1927. The collection had been assembled in Beijing where Ivan Skušek had arrived in 1914 and been a prisoner of war from 1917, and it was then shipped to Ljubljana after his release in 1920. Photographs and a film document how their private rooms were turned into exhibition rooms. They had quite a spectacular arrangement of metalworks on a dresser in front of a mirror. In all locations in Ljubljana where the Skušeks lived, one wrathful figure was always in the centre of the group: Vajrabhairava, the Adamantine Terrifier. P O L I G R A F I 184 The following article examines the significance of this Buddhist deity in the context of Buddhism in China. It inspects the function and meaning of the dresser, in particular the symbolism of the mirror in relation to the Yamāntaka group of tantric deities, among whom Vajrabhairava assumes the highest position. It further addresses Marija Skušek’s possible role as the actual curator, raising the question about a possible socio-religious concept behind the configuration of the figures. Keywords: Skušek Collection, Qing Dynasty, Yamāntaka-Vajrabhairava, Yama, Mirror, Buddhism. Helena Motoh, Gašper Mithans Seeing Mary and Becoming Marija: Tsuneko Kondō-Kawase’s Bridging Religious and Cultural Boundaries This article examines the extraordinary conversion story of Tsuneko Kondō- Kawase, a Japanese woman who became Marija Skušek upon her baptism and marriage in Ljubljana in 1927. Within a single hour at the Ljubljana Bishop’s Pala- ce, Kawase was baptised, confirmed, married, and her two children were baptised and confirmed. Her swift conversion and claims of Mary's apparitions captured public attention. This study situates her testimony within the broader context of religious conversion, the rise of pluralistic beliefs in a predominantly Catholic so- ciety, and the socio-political climate of the era. Central to her narrative are visions of Mary’s crowned image, shaped by Chinese Catholic traditions and Slovenian Marian devotion. Tsuneko’s experience underscores the complexity of non-Euro- pean conversions and the adaptability required by clergy to address diverse cultural identities. Tsuneko’s case highlights personal agency in navigating religious trans- formation, blending her Japanese and Chinese heritage with Slovenian Catholic influences. Her reinterpretation of Marian imagery illustrates how converts with their understanding of religious symbols actively engage to forge new identities. As a transitional figure, Tsuneko’s story sheds light on the interplay between per- sonal experiences and broader cultural adaptations in conversion processes. This analysis enriches the understanding of religious transformation, emphasizing the significance of individual narratives in exploring themes of faith, identity, and in- tegration across cultural and historical boundaries. Keywords: religious conversion, Mary's apparitions, cross-cultural identity, Tsuneko Kondō- Kawase/Marija Skušek, interwar Yugoslavia. A B S T R A C T S / P O V Z E T K I 185 Marcus Moberg, Aleš Črnič Religion, Digital Media, and the COVID-19 Pandemic This introductory paper to the thematic strand on religion and digital techno- logies during and following the COVID-19 pandemic begins with a brief outline of how primarily Christian and Islamic religious communities are grappling with rapidly developing digital technologies. A synoptic description of research deve- lopments in the relatively new field of religion and digital media follows, drawing on an overview of basic readings and research, with a particular focus on the surge in ICT use during 2020 and 2021 as a result of the global pandemic. The paper concludes with a brief presentation of the international research project Religious Communities in the Virtual Age, on which this thematic strand is based. Keywords: religion and digital media, COVID-19, Roman Catholic Church, Islamic community, Hare Krishna. Katja Koren Ošljak Mediatisation of Religion and Shifts in Religious Authority: A Netnographic Study on Digitisation Within Select Slovene Religious Communities during the Epidemic One of the research objectives of the Recovira international project was to map the online presence of three religious communities in Slovenia: the Roman Catholic Church, the Islamic Community in the Republic of Slovenia, and the Society for Krishna Consciousness. Particular focus was placed on the lockdown period during the epidemic, when most activities of religious communities shifted from sacred buildings to the internet. Since our research interest was exploring the different aspects of digitisation within these communities, we approached data gathering using the netnographic method. The principal objective of the study was to identify the digital or digitised practices of religious communities in relation to religious authority. Against the backdrop of an audience-centred understanding of mediatisation and analysis of digital religious practices during the epidemic, we observed the changes in power relations within the religious communities and re- ached three key conclusions: 1. In the Catholic community, adjustments in daily religious life caused tensions related to participation in religious activities outside churches and the appropriateness of the measures imposed; 2. In the Islamic com- munity, most religious activities were cancelled, and the community was encou- raged to comply with denoted measures; 3. In the Hare Krishna community, by far the most digitally engaged, highly inclusive digitisation practices were promo- P O L I G R A F I 186 ted and used. Additionally, we identified two cases in which alternative religious authority emerged through digital media. Keywords: netnography, digital ethnography, mediatisation, religion, Catholic community, Islamic community, Society for Krishna Consciousness. Aleš Črnič, Taja Fortuna »We Could All See That God Works Even Through Social Networks«: The Impact of Increased Use of Digital Technologies on Select Slovene Religious Groups The paper presents an analysis of interviews with representatives of three Slovene religious communities: the majority Roman Catholic Church, the established mino- rity Islamic community, and the newer and smaller International Society for Krishna Consciousness (ISKCON). The study seeks to understand how these communities adapted to the complex challenges of the COVID-19 epidemic, specifically how they were aided by digital technologies; and the short- and long-term impacts on their religious lives. We find that forced domestic worship significantly increased the use of technology, although with some notable differences among the three communities. Generally, digital technologies did not prove to be efficacious sub- stitutes for in-person religious activities, but simply as emergency tools during an extraordinary situation. After the epidemic, hybrid worship continues mostly where digital tools complement in-person activities. Keywords: COVID-19 epidemic, digitisation, Roman Catholic Church, Islamic community, Hare Krishna. Petterson Brey The Bible and Cinema: Artistic-Literary Convergences From Northrop Frye’s perspective, which views the Hebrew Bible as the foun- dational imagination behind the literary ideologies that shaped Western thought, this discussion aims to highlight some points of convergence between biblical literature and the narrative structure found in contemporary cinema, one of the most sophisticated storytelling mediums today. The theoretical framework for this exploration draws on the works of scholars such as Robert Alter, Daniel Marguerat and Yvan Bourquin, Gary Yamasaki, and David Bordwell. As Adele Berlin points A B S T R A C T S / P O V Z E T K I 187 out, the narratives of the Hebrew Bible convey their message through both the form and content of the text. Building on this idea, the focus here is to demon- strate that beyond thematic parallels, the narrative structure of the Bible aligns methodologically with the storytelling techniques of modern cinema. Keywords: Bible as literature, Bible and cinema, narrative analysis, synchronic exegesis, film scripts. 189 P O V Z E T K I Klara Hrvatin Vedeževalska napoved iz obdobja Taishō kot osebni predmet Tsuneko Kondō Kawase V članku je obravnavan divinatorični dokument iz obdobja Taishō (1912–26), osebni predmet Tsuneko Kondō, ki je ohranjen v arhivu njene zbirke dokumentov v Slovenskem etnografskem muzeju. Gre za eno od vedeževalskih napovedi ‒ napi- sano z roko in v kaligrafski pisavi ‒ na podlagi Takashimove razlage Knjige premen, pomembnega besedila, ki temelji na Knjigi premen (kit. Yijing). Posebnosti tega dokumenta, ki ga je Tsuneko Kondō Kawase hranila do svoje smrti, so njegova oblika, kaligrafska pisava in rdeči žigi. Avtorica v članku preučuje zapis in prevod napovedi, obliko in datacijo dokumenta ter njegovo povezavo s Tsunekinimi ži- vljenjskimi odločitvami. Pri tem poskuša odgovoriti na vprašanja, kdaj je Tsuneko pridobila ta dokument in ali je kako vplival na njene najpomembnejše življenjske odločitve, zlasti pred njenim potovanjem v Evropo, med zadnjim obiskom Japon- ske ali pred poroko z Ivanom Skuškom. Ključne besede: Tsuneko Kondō Kawase (Marija Skušek), Slovenski etnografski muzej, obdobje Taishō, vedeževanje, Takashimove razlage Knjige premen (Takashima ekidan), Yijing. Gerald Kozicz, Di Luo Diamantni strašni na komodi Med letoma 1920 in 1963 je bila v vseh domovanjih Ivana Skuška in njegove žene Tsuneko Kondō Kawase, ki je po krstu leta 1927 prevzela slovensko ime in priimek Marija Skušek, ves čas na ogled zbirka kitajskih predmetov, večinoma iz obdobja dinastije Qing. Zbirka je nastala v Pekingu, kamor je Ivan Skušek prispel leta 1914 in kjer je bil do leta 1917 vojni ujetnik, po izpustitvi pa jo je leta 1920 dal prepeljati v Ljubljano. Fotografije in filmski posnetki dokumentirajo, kako sta z ženo svoje zasebne sobe preuredila v razstavne prostore. Na komodi sta pred ogle- dalom razstavila izjemen aranžma kovinskih predmetov. Na vseh ljubljanskih lo- kacijah, kjer sta bivala, je v središču tega aranžmaja vedno stala ista jezna figurica: Vajrabhairava, Diamantni strašni. P O L I G R A F I 190 V članku preučujemo pomen tega budističnega božanstva v kontekstu bu- dizma na Kitajskem. Analiziramo funkcijo in pomen komode, zlasti simboliko ogledala v povezavi s tantričnimi božanstvi iz skupine Yamāntaka, med katerimi Vajrabhairava zaseda najvišji položaj. Posebno pozornost namenjamo možnosti, da je bila dejanska kuratorka zbirke Marija Skušek, kar odpira vprašanje, ali je razpo- stavitev figuric odražala specifičen družbeno-religiozni koncept. Ključne besede: Skuškova zbirka, dinastija Qing, Yamāntaka-Vajrabhairava, Yama, ogledalo, budizem. Helena Motoh, Gašper Mithans Videti Marijo in postati Marija: Kako je Tsuneko Kondō Kawase presegla verske in kulturne meje Članek osvetljuje izjemno zgodbo o konverziji Japonke Tsuneko Kondō Kawa- se, ki je po krstu in poroki v Ljubljani leta 1927 postala Marija Skušek. V eni sami uri je bila v ljubljanski škofijski palači krščena, birmana in poročena, obenem pa sta bila krščena in birmana tudi njena dva otroka. Hitra konverzija in Tsunekine trditve o Marijinih prikazovanjih so pritegnile pozornost javnosti. Članek umešča njeno pričevanje v širši kontekst verske konverzije, vzpona pluralističnih prepričanj v pretežno katoliški družbi in družbenopolitičnega ozračja tistega časa. V središču njene pripovedi so videnja Marijine kronane podobe, zaznamovana z vplivi kitaj- skega katoliškega izročila in slovenske marijanske pobožnosti. Njena izkušnja raz- kriva zapletenost konverzij posameznikov iz neevropskih okolij in prilagodljivost, ki so jo izkazovali duhovniki ob soočanju z različnimi kulturnimi identitetami. Pri- mer poudarja Tsunekino osebno angažiranost v procesu religijske transformacije, pri čemer se njena japonska in kitajska tradicija mešata s slovenskimi katoliškimi vplivi. Njena reinterpretacija Marijinih podob ponazarja, kako konvertiti s svojim razumevanjem verskih simbolov prispevajo k oblikovanju novih identitet. Zgodba Tsuneko kot osebe v tej specifični tranziciji osvetljuje prepletanje osebnih izkušenj in širših kulturnih prilagoditev v procesih konverzije. Pričujoča analiza bogati razu- mevanje pojava konverzij in poudarja pomen individualnih pripovedi pri razisko- vanju tem vere, identitete in integracije, ki presega kulturne in zgodovinske meje. Ključne besede: verska konverzija, Marijina prikazovanja, medkulturna identiteta, Tsuneko Kondō Kawase/Marija Skušek, medvojna Jugoslavija. A B S T R A C T S / P O V Z E T K I 191 Marcus Moberg in Aleš Črnič Religija, digitalni mediji in epidemija covida-19 V tem uvodnem članku v tematski sklop o religiji in digitalnih tehnologijah ob in po epidemiji covida-19 predstavljamo kratek oris soočanja predvsem krščanskih in islamskih religijskih skupnosti s hitro razvijajočimi se digitalnimi tehnologijami, potem strnjeno opišemo razvoj raziskovanja še relativno mladega področja religije in digitalnih medijev s pregledom temeljne literature in raziskav, pri čemer se po- sebej osredinimo na intenzivirano rabo digitalnih tehnologij, ki jo je med letoma 2020 in 2021 povzročila svetovna pandemija. Na koncu na kratko predstavimo še mednarodni raziskovalni projekt Religijske skupnosti v virtualni dobi, na katerem temelji predstavljeni tematski blok. Ključne besede: Religija in digitalni mediji, covid-19, Rimskokatoliška cerkev, Islamska skupnost, Hare Krišna. Katja Koren Ošljak Mediatizacija religije in zamikanje religijskih avtoritet: netnografska raziskava digitalizacije izbranih slovenskih religijskih skupnosti med epidemijo V okviru mednarodnega projekta Recovira je bil eden izmed raziskovalnih ci- ljev v Sloveniji mapiranje spletne prisotnosti treh religijskih skupnosti – Rimsko- katoliške cerkve, Islamske skupnosti v RS in Skupnosti za zavest Krišne. Posebno pozornost smo namenili obdobju zaprtja javnega življenja v času epidemije, ko se je večina dejavnosti religijskih skupnosti iz sakralnih objektov premaknila na splet. Ker je bil naš raziskovalni interes spoznati različne aspekte digitalizacije teh sku- pnosti, smo se zbiranja podatkov lotili s pomočjo metode netnografije. Osrednji cilj opravljene študije je identifikacija digitalnih oz. digitaliziranih praks religijskih skupnosti v odnosu do religijskih avtoritet. Na ozadju občinstvenega razumevanja mediatizacije in analize digitalnih religijskih praks smo opazovali spremembe v razmerjih moči znotraj opazovanih religijskih skupnosti in prišli do treh ključnih sklepov: 1. prilagoditve religijskega vsakdana so v katoliški skupnosti povzročile napetosti glede možnosti sodelovanja pri religijskih dejavnostih zunaj cerkva in ustreznosti ukrepov ob epidemiji; 2. islamska skupnost je v času epidemije od- povedala večino religijskih dejavnosti in pozvala k ravnanju, skladnemu z ukrepi; 3. skupnost Hare Krišna je bila v času epidemije daleč najbolj aktivna s praksami P O L I G R A F I 192 digitalizacije, ki so bile izrazito vključujoče naravnane. Ob tem pa smo identifi- cirali tudi primera alternativnih religijskih avtoritet, ki sta se formirali s pomočjo digitalnih medijev. Ključne besede: netnografija, digitalna etnografija, mediatizacija, religija, katoliška skupnost, islamska skupnost, skupnost za zavest Krišne. Aleš Črnič, Taja Fortuna »Vsi smo malo videli, da Bog tudi prek socialnih omrežij deluje«: vpliv intenzivirane rabe digitalnih tehnologij na izbrane slovenske religijske skupnosti Prispevek predstavlja analizo intervjujev s predstavniki treh raznovrstnih slo- venskih religijskih skupnosti, večinske Rimskokatoliške cerkve, ustaljene manjšin- ske Islamske skupnosti ter mlajše in manjše Skupnosti za zavest Krišne. Raziskava si prizadeva spoznati in čim bolje razumeti, kako so se skupnosti prilagodile zah- tevnim izzivom epidemije koronavirusa covid-19, predvsem pa koliko in kako so si pri tem pomagale z digitalnimi tehnologijami ter kakšne začasne in dolgotrajnejše vplive je to imelo na religijsko življenje. Ugotavljamo, da je prisilna domestifika- cija religijskega življenja močno intenzivirala rabo digitalnih tehnologij, vendar so med proučevanimi skupnostmi pomembne razlike. V splošnem se digitalne teh- nologije niso izkazale kot nadomestek religijskih dejavnosti v živo, temveč večino- ma kot zasilno orodje v izjemnih razmerah. Po koncu epidemije ostaja hibridna raba predvsem tistih digitalnih orodij, ki so komplementarna dejavnostim v živo. Ključne besede: epidemija koronavirusa covid-19, digitalizacija, RKC, Islamska skupnost, Hare Krišna. Petterson Brey Sveto pismo in film: umetniško-literarne konvergence Cilj razprave je osvetliti nekatere stične točke med svetopisemsko književnostjo in narativno strukturo sodobnega filma, ki je danes eden izmed najbolj dovršenih pripovednih medijev, in sicer skozi perspektivo Northropa Frya, ki hebrejsko Sve- to pismo obravnava kot temeljno imaginacijo literarnih ideologij, ki so oblikovale zahodno misel. Teoretični okvir te raziskave se naslanja na dela strokovnjakov, kot so Robert Alter, Daniel Marguerat in Yvan Bourquin, Gary Yamasaki in David Bordwell. Kot poudarja Adele Berlin, so v pripovedih hebrejskega Svetega pisma A B S T R A C T S / P O V Z E T K I 193 sporočila posredovana tako skozi obliko kot skozi vsebino besedila. Na podlagi te ideje želimo pokazati, da poleg tematskih vzporednic obstaja tudi metodološko ujemanje med pripovedno strukturo Svetega pisma in pripovednimi tehnikami sodobnega filma. Ključne besede: Sveto pismo kot književnost, Sveto pismo in film, narativna analiza, sinhrona eksegeza, filmski scenariji. 195 A B O U T T H E A U T H O R S / O A V T O R J I H I N A V T O R I C A H KLARA HRVATIN Klara Hrvatin, PhD in Humanities, Osaka University, Japan, works as a lectu- rer and researcher at the Department of Asian Studies, Faculty of Arts, University of Ljubljana, Slovenia. Her research focus is mainly on Japanese music and mu- sic aesthetics, the Sōgetsu art movement, cross-cultural research in music, ethno- musicology, cultural history and art-related topics. Currently, she is involved in a research project entitled Orphaned Objects: Examining East Asian Objects outside Organised Collecting Practices in Slovenia and the project The life of the Skušek Col- lection: From Living Room to Virtual Museum. Klara Hrvatin, doktorica humanističnih znanosti univerze v Osaki, dela kot lektorica in raziskovalka na Oddelku za azijske študije Filozofske fakultete Uni- verze v Ljubljani. Področja njenega raziskovalnega zanimanja vključujejo japonsko glasbo in glasbeno estetiko, japonska povojna umetniška gibanja, medkulturne raziskave na področjih glasbe, etnomuzikologije, kulturne zgodovine in umetno- sti. Trenutno sodeluje pri projektu Osiroteli predmeti: obravnava vzhodnoazijskih predmetov izven organiziranih zbirateljskih praks v slovenskem prostoru in projektu Življenje Skuškove zbirke: od dnevne sobe do virtualnega muzeja. GERALD KOZICZ Gerald Kozicz is an architectural historian specialised in the art and architec- ture of Northern India and the Himalayan Regions. He has conducted five rese- arch projects funded by the Austrian Science Fund (FWF). His present project, The Life of the Skušek Collection, is a bilateral collaboration with the Science and Research Centre Koper, the University of Ljubljana, and the Slovene Ethno- graphic Museum. Gerald Kozicz je zgodovinar arhitekture, specializiran za umetnost in arhitek- turo severne Indije in himalajskih regij. Doslej je uspešno izvedel že pet razisko- valnih projektov, podprtih s sredstvi Avstrijskega znanstvenega sklada (FWF). V svojem aktualnem bilateralnem projektu z naslovom Življenje Skuškove zbirke sodeluje z Znanstveno-raziskovalnim središčem Koper, Univerzo v Ljubljani in Slvoenskim etnografskim muzejem. P O L I G R A F I 196 DI LUO Di Luo is Chu-Niblack Assistant Professor of Art History and Architectural Studies at Connecticut College. She is a trained architect and teaches Asian art and architecture with a specific focus on China and Central Asia. Her interest spans from miniature architecture to urban design. The application of digital media for the documentation and representation of architectural spaces and forms through open-access 3D models is at the core of her interests. Di Luo je docentka za umetnostno in arhitekturno zgodovino na Connecticut Collegeu, kjer je zaposlena pod pokroviteljstvom sklada Chu-Niblack. Kot diplo- mirana arhitektka poučuje azijsko umetnost in arhitekturo, pri čemer se posebej osredotoča na Kitajsko in osrednjo Azijo. Njeno raziskovalno delo obsega širok spekter tem, od miniaturne arhitekture do urbanizma, v središču njenega zanima- nja pa je uporaba digitalnih medijev za dokumentiranje in predstavitev arhitek- turnih prostorov in oblik s pomočjo prosto dostopnih tridimenzionalnih modelov. HELENA MOTOH Helena Motoh is a Senior Research Fellow at the Science and Research Centre Koper and an Assistant Professor at the Faculty of Arts, University of Ljubljana. She holds a degree in Sinology and Philosophy and a PhD in Philosophy. Her research focuses on Asian collections in Europe, the history of contacts between Europe and Asia, and intercultural philosophy. Helena Motoh je višja znanstvena sodelavka Znanstveno-raziskovalnega sre- dišča Koper in docentka na Filozofski fakulteti Univerze v Ljubljani. Je diplomi- rana filozofinja in sinologinja ter doktorica filozofskih znanosti. Raziskovalno se ukvarja z azijskimi zbirkami v Evropi, zgodovino stikov med Evropo in Azijo ter medkulturno filozofijo. GAŠPER MITHANS Gašper Mithans is as a Senior Research Fellow at the Science and Research Centre Koper. He was a Fulbright Scholar at UC Berkeley in 2020. His research primarily focuses on the fields of the history of religions, religion-state relations, historical anthropology, and the history of interwar Slovenia and Yugoslavia, in- cluding the research topics of religious conversions and processes of atheisation. A B O U T T H E A U T H O R S / O A V T O R I C A H I N A V T O R J I H 197 Gašper Mithans je višji znanstveni sodelavec Znanstveno-raziskovalnega sre- dišča Koper. Kot Fulbrightov štipendist je leta 2020 raziskoval na Univerzi v Ka- liforniji, v Berkeleyju. Njegove raziskave se osredotočajo na zgodovino religij, od- nose med državo in religijo, zgodovinsko antropologijo ter zgodovino Slovenije in Jugoslavije v obdobju med obema vojnama, ožje tematsko tudi na raziskovanje religijskih konverzij in procesov ateizacije. MARCUS MOBERG Marcus Moberg je profesor religiologije na Univerzi Åbo Akademi na Finskem in namestnik direktorja Centra raziskovalne odličnosti ÅAU (2024–2028) Religija in družbena izključenost (RelEx). Raziskuje, predava in mentorira predvsem na področjih sociologije religije, diskurzivnega proučevanja religije, religije, medijev in popularne kulture, religije in socialne izključenosti, religije in mladih odraslih ter religioloških metod in teorij. Marcus Moberg is Professor of Religious Studies at the Åbo Akademi Univer- sity and Vice-Director of the ÅAU Centre of Excellence in Research (2024-2028) titled »Religion and Social Exclusion (RelEx)«. He is a researcher, lecturer, and supervisor mainly in the areas of sociology of religion; discursive study of religion; religion, media, and popular culture; religion and social exclusion; religion and young adults; and method and theory within the field of religious studies. ALEŠ ČRNIČ Aleš Črnič je profesor religiologije na Fakulteti za družbene vede Univerze v Ljubljani. Raziskovalno se ukvarja predvsem z znanstvenim proučevanjem sodob- nih religijskih dogajanj ter s teoretskimi in metodološkimi osnovami religiologije, o čemer tudi predava na vseh treh stopnjah univerzitetnega študija. Je prvi pred- sednik Slovenskega religiološkega društva, pobudnik in koordinator Regionalne religiološke mreže in urednik Knjižne zbirke Kult. Aleš Črnič is Professor of Religious Studies at the Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Ljubljana. His research interests are mainly focused on the scientific study of contemporary religious developments and the theoretical and methodo- logical bases of religious studies. He also lectures on these subjects at all three le- vels of university studies. Črnič is the first president of the Slovenian Association for the Study of Religions, the initiator and coordinator of the Regional Religious Studies Network, and the editor of the Kult Book Series. P O L I G R A F I 198 KATJA KOREN OŠLJAK Katja Koren Ošljak is an assistant and researcher of communication and digi- tal media at the Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Ljubljana. Her research focuses on digital culture and the interrelations between (digital) media educa- tion and mediatisation. Since 2020, she has participated in several national and international research projects that among other explore digitisation of religious communities, media repertoires and digital maturity of young people, as well as processes of scientific collaboration and knowledge production. Her doctoral the- sis deals with the reconceptualisation of media education in the context of medi- atised childhood. Katja Koren Ošljak je asistentka in raziskovalka komuniciranja in digitalnih medijev na Fakulteti za družbene vede Univerze v Ljubljani. Zanimata jo digitalna kultura in prepletanje med (digitalno) medijsko edukacijo in mediatizacijo. Od leta 2020 sodeluje v več nacionalnih in mednarodnih raziskovalnih projektih, ki med drugim proučujejo digitalizacijo religijskih skupnosti, medijske repertoarje in digitalno zrelost mladih ter procese znanstvenega sodelovanja in produkcije zna- nja. Njena doktorska disertacija obravnava rekonceptualizacijo medijske edukacije v kontekstu mediatiziranega otroštva. TAJA FORTUNA Taja Fortuna is a PhD student of Religious Studies and a Junior Research Fel- low at the Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Ljubljana. Her research interests include the study of lived religion and popular religiosity in contemporary society, specifically relating to the cult of Our Lady of Guadalupe in Mexico. Taja Fortuna je doktorska študentka religiologije in mlada raziskovalka na Fa- kulteti za družbene vede Univerze v Ljubljani. Raziskovalno se zanima za prouče- vanje živeče religije in ljudske religioznosti v sodobni družbi, natančneje na pri- meru kulta Device Guadalupe v Mehiki. A B O U T T H E A U T H O R S / O A V T O R I C A H I N A V T O R J I H 199 PETTERSON BREY Religious Scientist, Theologian, Researcher in Political Philosophy, Screenwri- ter and Film Critic. PhD in Theology from the Pontifical Catholic University of São Paulo (PUC-SP); Post-Doc in Religious Studies from the Pontifical Catholic University of São Paulo (PUC-SP); PhD candidate in Philosophy from the Federal University of São Paulo (UNIFESP); Post-Graduate Specialist in Contemporary Philosophy from the Pontifical Catholic University of Rio de Janeiro (PUC-Rio); Post-Graduate Specialist in Cinema and Audiovisual Language from the Munici- pal University of São Caetano (USCS). Petterson Brey je religiolog, teolog, raziskovalec na področju politične filozo- fije, scenarist in filmski kritik. Doktoriral je iz teologije na Papeški katoliški Uni- verzi v São Paulu (PUC-SP), kjer je opravil tudi podoktorsko izpopolnjevanje na področju religiologije. Brey je doktorski kandidat iz filozofije na Zvezni univerzi v São Paulu (UNIFESP), poleg tega je na Papeški katoliški univerzi v Riu de Janeiru (PUC-Rio) opravil podiplomski študij sodobne filozofije, na Mestni univerzi v São Caetanu (USCS) pa podiplomski študij filma in avdiovizualnega jezika. P O L I G R A F I doslej izšlo / previous issues: Hermetizem • Religija in psihologija – Carl Custav Jung Mislec neskončnosti Giordano Bruno • Logos in kozmos Panteizem O Božjem bivanju • 2000 po Kristusu • Mesijanska zgodovina Sebstvo in meditacija • Religija in umetnost podobe Protestantizem • Nikolaj Kuzanski Renesančne mitologije • Ples življenja, ples smrti Ars magna • Antični mit in literatura O ljubezni • Ameriška filozofija religije Poetika in simbolika prostora • Mistika in literatura Solidarity and interculturality • Šamanizem Ženske in religija • On community Mediterranean lectures in philosophy • Svoboda in demokracija Človekove pravice Ethical gestures • Krogotok rojstva in smrti Natural history • Modeli sveta Bodily proximity • Država in moralnost Living with consequences • Mistika in misel Duhovnost žensk na Slovenskem • Poesis of Peace Čuječnost: tradicija in sodobni pristopi • Trpljenje Identiteta Evrope • “borders/debordering” Islam and democracy • Religions and Dialogue Religija in družbena pravičnost • Ontologies of Asylum Meeting East Asia • Ženske v medreligijski izgradnji miru Krščanstvo in marksizem • Contemporary Muslim-Christian Encounters Understanding Ethnic, Religious and Cultural Minorities in Turkey • Religija in narava / Religion and Nature Transplanted Buddhism in and from Southeast Asia • Religijska in mitološka simbolika v vzhodnoazijski umetnosti Revisiting Dreams • Air and Breath in Religions and Philosophies Material Religion and the Digital N E G O T I A T I N G R E L I G I O U S P L U R A L I T Y — P A N D E M I C A N D T H E D I G I T I S A T I O N O F R E L I G I O U S L I F E TSUNEKO KONDŌ KAWASE/MARIJA SKUŠEK: A CASE STUDY IN NEGOTIATING RELIGIOUS PLURALITY Klara Hrvatin: Taishō Period Divination as Tsuneko Kondō Kawase’s Personal Item Gerald Kozicz, Di Luo: The Adamantine Terrifier on the Dresser Helena Motoh, Gašper Mithans: Seeing Mary and Becoming Marija: Tsuneko Kondō Kawase’s Bridging Religious and Cultural Boundaries THE COVID-19 PANDEMIC AND THE ACCELERATED DIGITISATION OF RELIGIOUS LIFE / PANDEMIJA COVIDA-19 IN POSPEŠENA DIGITALIZACIJA RELIGIJSKEGA ŽIVLJENJA Marcus Moberg, Aleš Črnič: Religija, digitalni mediji in epidemija covida-19 Katja Koren Ošljak: Mediatizacija religije in zamikanje religijskih avtoritet: netnografska raziskava digitalizacije izbranih slovenskih religijskih skupnosti med epidemijo Aleš Črnič, Taja Fortuna: »Vsi smo malo videli, da Bog tudi prek socialnih omrežij deluje«: Vpliv intenzivirane rabe digitalnih tehnologij na izbrane slovenske religijske skupnosti REGULAR PAPERS / DRUGE RAZPRAVE Petterson Brey: The Bible and Cinema: Artistic-Literary Convergence