2 leto/year 2021letnik/volume 32 Urbani izziv, letnik 32, številka 2, december 2021 Urbani izziv, volume 32, number 2, December 2021 ISSN Tiskana izdaja/Print edition: 0353-6483 Spletna izdaja/Online edition: 1855-8399 UDK/UDC: 71/72 COBISS.SI-ID: 16588546 Spletna stran/Web page: http://urbani-izziv.uirs.si Naslovnica/Cover: Ilustracija/Illustration: Tanja Simonic Korošak Revija Urbani izziv je namenjena razširjanju znanstvenih in strokovnih dognanj ter obravnavi problemov urejanja prostora. Na leto izideta dve številki. Prva številka izide junija, druga decembra. Urbani izziv se vsebinsko deli na dva dela. Prvi (daljši) del se imenuje »Clanki«. V njem so objavljeni izvirni in pregledni znanstveni clanki, kratki znanstveni prispevki in stro­kovni clanki. Clanki, ki so objavljeni v tem delu revije, so recenzirani. Drugi (krajši) del se imenuje »Predstavitve in informacije« in je namenjen objavi recenzij, predstavitvam (na primer knjig, projektov, dogodkov, predavanj, konferenc in podobno), knjižnicnim informacijam in podobno. Prispevki, ki so objavljeni v tem delu revije, niso recenzirani. Urbani izziv je dvojezicna re-vija – vsi prispevki so objavljeni v slovenskem in angleškem jeziku. Povzetki in polna besedila clankov so vkljuceni v slovensko podatkovno zbirko CO­BISS in slovensko digitalno knjižnico dLib.si ter v mednarodne bibliografske baze SCOPUS Elsevier, ERIH PLUS, EBSCOhost (Art & Architecture Complete, Academic Search Complete), ESCI (Clarivate Analytics), ProQuest (ProQuest Central), CEEOL (Central and Eastern European Online Library), IBSS (Inte-national Bibliography of Social Sciences), IBZ (International Bibliography of Periodical Literature in the Humanities and Social Sciences), GEODOK (Geographic Literature Database), EZB (Electronic Journals Library), CGP (Current Geographical Publications), ICONDA (International Construction Database), DOAJ (Directory of Open Access Journals), OCLC (Online Com­puter Library Center), Ulrich’s Periodicals Directory, Academic Journals Da­tabase, Sciencegate, Index Copernicus International, J-Gate in Genamics JournalSeek. Revija je vpisana v razvid medijev, ki ga vodi Ministrstvo za kulturo Republike Slovenije, pod zaporedno številko 595. Revija izhaja s podporo Javne agencije za raziskovalno dejavnost Republike Slovenije. Urbani izziv (“Urban Challenge”) is intended for the dissemination of research and technical information as well as the discussion of issues re­lating to spatial planning. The journal is published twice a year. The first issue is published in June, and the second in December. Urbani izziv is divided into two parts. The first (longer) part is titled “Articles” and inclu­des original research, review articles, short studies and technical studies. Articles in this part of the journal are subject to blind peer review. The second (shorter) part of the journal is titled “Reviews and information” and contains reviews, announcements (e.g., announcements of books, projects, events, lectures, conferences, etc.), library information and other material. The material published in this part of the journal is not peer-reviewed. The journal is published in two languages: all contributions are published in Slovenian and English. Abstracts and full texts of articles are included in the Slovenian COBISS database and the Digital Library of Slovenia (dLib.si), as well as in the international bibliographic databases SCOPUS Elsevier, ERIH PLUS, EBSCOhost (Art & Architecture Complete, Academic Search Comple­te), ESCI (Clarivate Analytics), ProQuest (ProQuest Central), CEEOL (Central and Eastern European Online Library), IBSS (Intenational Bibliography of Social Sciences), IBZ (International Bibliography of Periodical Literature in the Humanities and Social Sciences), GEODOK (Geographic Literature Database), EZB (Electronic Journals Library), CGP (Current Geographical Publications), ICONDA (International Construction Database), DOAJ (Direc­tory of Open Access Journals), OCLC (Online Computer Library Center), Ulrich’s Periodicals Directory, Academic Journals Database, Sciencegate, Index Copernicus International, J-Gate and Genamics JournalSeek. Urbani izziv is registered in the media register kept by the Ministry of Culture of the Republic of Slovenia under serial number 595. The journal is subsidised by the Slovenian Research Agency. Naslov uredništva Urbanisticni inštitut Republike Slovenije Urbani izziv – uredništvo Trnovski pristan 2, SI-1000 Ljubljana, Slovenija Telefon: + 386 (0)1 420 13 10 E-naslov: urbani.izziv@uirs.si Editor’s address Urban Planning Institute of the Republic of Slovenia Urbani izziv - The Editor Trnovski pristan 2, SI-1000 Ljubljana, Slovenia Telephone: +386 (0)1 420 13 10 E-mail: urbani.izziv@uirs.si Izdajatelj/Publisher Urbanisticni inštitut Republike Slovenije/Urban Planning Institute of the Republic of Slovenia Odgovorni urednik, direktor/Representative, Director Igor Bizjak Glavna urednica/Editor-in-Chief Damjana Gantar Podrocni uredniki/Field editors • Barbara Golicnik Marušic, Urbanisticni inštitut Republike Slovenije/Urban Plan­ning Institute of the Republic of Slovenia, Slovenija/Slovenia • Luka Mladenovic, Urbanisticni inštitut Republike Slovenije/Urban Planning Institute of the Republic of Slovenia, Slovenija/Slovenia • Richard Sendi, Urbanisticni inštitut Republike Slovenije/Urban Planning Insti­tute of the Republic of Slovenia, Slovenija/Slovenia • Nataša Viršek Ravbar, Inštutut za raziskovanje krasa ZRCSAZU/Karst Research Institute ZRCSAZU, Slovenija/Slovenia Mednarodni uredniški odbor/International Editorial Board • Montserrat Pallares Barbera, Universitat Autňnoma de Barcelona/Autonomous University of Barcelona, Departamento de Geografia/Geography Department, Španija/Spain; Harvard University, Institute for Quantitative Social Sciences, Združene države Amerike/United States of America • Georgia Butina Watson, Oxford Brookes University, Joint Centre for Urban Design, Velika Britanija/United Kingdom • Kaliopa Dimitrovska Andrews, Urbanisticni inštitut Republike Slovenije/Urban Planning Institute of the Republic of Slovenia, Slovenija/Slovenia • Marco Giliberti, Auburn University, College of Architecture, Design and Con­struction, Združene države Amerike/United States of America • Mojca Golobic, Univerza v Ljubljani/University of Ljubljana, Biotehniška fakulteta/Biotechnical Faculty, Oddelek za krajinsko arhitekturo/Department of Landscape Architecture, Slovenija/Slovenia • Andelina Svircic Gotovac, Institute for Social Research in Zagreb, Hrvaška/ Croatia • Nico Kotze, University of South Africa – UNISA, Department of Geography, Južnoafriška republika/South Africa • Blaž Križnik, Hanyang University, Graduate School of Urban Studies, Republika Koreja/Republic of Korea • Francisca Márquez, Universidad Alberto Hurtado/Alberto Hurtado University, Facultad de Ciencias Sociales, Cile/Chile • Breda Mihelic, Urbanisticni inštitut Republike Slovenije/Urban Planning Insti­tute of the Republic of Slovenia, Slovenija/Slovenia • Franklin Obeng-Odoom, Faculty of Social Sciences, Finska/Finland • Giorgio Piccinato, Universitŕ degli Studi Roma Tre/Roma Tre University, Facolta’ di Architettura/Faculty of Architecture, Italija/Italy • Martin Prominski, Leibniz Universität Hannover/University of Hanover, Insti-tut für Freiraumentwicklung/Institute for Open Space Development, Nemcija/ Germany • Krzysztof Rogatka, Uniwersytet Mikolaja Kopernika w Toruniu/Nicolaus Co­pernicus University, Wydzialu Nauk o Ziemi/Faculty of Earth Sciences, Poljska/ Poland • Bijaya K. Shrestha, S 3 Alliance, Development Forum for Habitat, Nepal • Sasha Tsenkova, University of Calgary, Faculty of Environmental Design, Kana­da/Canada • Matjaž Uršic, Univerza v Ljubljani/University of Ljubljana, Fakulteta za družbene vede/Faculty of Social Sciences, Slovenija/Slovenia • Tadeja Zupancic Strojan, Univerza v Ljubljani/University of Lju­bljana, Fakulteta za arhitekturo/Faculty of Architecture, Slovenija/ Slovenia • Yung Yau, City University of Hong Kong, Department of Public and Social Administration, Hongkong/Hong Kong Lektoriranje slovenskih besedil/Slovenian copy editor Nataša Purkat, Lektor'ca Lektoriranje angleških besedil/English copy editor Dawn O'Neal Reindl Prevajanje slovenskih besedil/Translation from Slovenian Avtorji prispevkov/Authors of contributions Prevajanje angleških besedil/Translation from English Simona Lapanja Debevc Redakcija/Text formatting Damjana Gantar Prelom in racunalniško oblikovanje/Layout and DTP ITAGRAF, d. o. o. Zasnova naslovnice/Cover layout Nina Goršic, Biba Tominc Tisk/Print ITAGRAF, d. o. o. Naklada/Print run 500 izvodov/copies Letna narocnina/Annual subscription 40 € za ustanove/€40 for companies, institutions, 30 € za posameznike/€30 for individuals Cena posamezne številke/Single issue rate 25 € za ustanove/€25 for companies, institutions, 20 € za posameznike/€20 for individuals Kazalo Uvodnik Damjana GANTAR............................................................................................................................................................................................................................3 Mesto pripada tebi Clanki Tülay ZIVALI TURHAN, Hatice AYATAÇ ...............................................................................................................................................................................5 Proucevanje povezave med etnicno raznolikostjo in javnim prostorom: bibliometricna analiza Nilgün Çolpan ERKAN, Beril SEVIN TOPÇU .....................................................................................................................................................................19 Razlike v obcutenju strahu pred kriminalom na javnih prostorih glede na spol: raziskava varne soseske v Istanbulu Vita ŽLENDER ................................................................................................................................................................................................................................30 Razvoj prostorske metode dolocanja obmestnih krajin Dina ŠAMIC-MUSEMIC, Nermina ZAGORA .....................................................................................................................................................................43 Pravica do javnih mestnih prostorov v Sarajevu: prostori, ki pripadajo vsem, nekaterim, komur koli ali nikomur? Pablo CAMPOS ...............................................................................................................................................................................................................................56 Vkljucujoci univerzitetni kampusi: vloga urbanisticnega nacrtovanja, arhitekturne kompozicije in funkcionalnih znacilnosti Recenzije in predstavitve Iva LUKAN .......................................................................................................................................................................................................................................66 Feministicno mesto Anja ILENIC, Alenka MAUKO PRANJIC, Darko KOKOT, Ana MLADENOVIC, Mateja KOŠIR ....................................................................68 Skupnost znanja in inovacij EIT Urbana mobilnost – prijetnejše in bolj trajnostno bivanje v evropskih mestih z uporabo inovativnih rešitev Contents Editorial Damjana GANTAR ...........................................................................................................................................................................................................................4 The city belongs to you Articles Tülay ZIVALI TURHAN, Hatice AYATAÇ .............................................................................................................................................................................73 Understanding of the relation between ethnic diversity and public space: A bibliometric analysis Nilgün Çolpan ERKAN, Beril SEVIN TOPÇU .....................................................................................................................................................................87 Gender-based differences in fear of crime in public spaces: An investigation of a safe district in Istanbul Vita ŽLENDER ................................................................................................................................................................................................................................98 Developing a spatially explicit method for delineating peri-urban landscape Dina ŠAMIC-MUSEMIC, Nermina ZAGORA .................................................................................................................................................................. 111 The right to urban public spaces in Sarajevo: Everybody’s, somebody’s, anybody’s, or nobody’s spaces? Pablo CAMPOS ............................................................................................................................................................................................................................ 124 Inclusive campuses: Contributions from urban planning, architectural composition and functional profile Reviews and information Iva LUKAN .................................................................................................................................................................................................................................... 134 Feminist City Anja ILENIC, Alenka MAUKO PRANJIC, Darko KOKOT, Ana MLADENOVIC, Mateja KOŠIR ................................................................. 136 The EIT Urban Mobility Knowledge and Innovation Community: More pleasant and sustainable living in European cities through innovative solutions 3 Mesto pripada tebi1 To je slogan, ki se bohoti na dunajskem avtobusu javnega potniškega prometa. V sebi nosi veliko vec vsebine kot le povabilo k uporabi javnega potniškega prometa. Pomeni tudi, da mesto pripada vsakomur od nas, nam daje možnost, da ga upo­rabljamo, oziroma nas zavezuje k odgovornosti in vkljucenosti. Kaj to pomeni za nacrtovanje in upravljanje mest, ki sta zaradi raznovrstnih in vcasih nasprotujocih si želja in potreb neskoncno zahtevni in odgovorni nalogi? Kolikor je ljudi v mestu, toliko je namrec razlicnih življenjskih zgodb in poti. Da mesto deluje kot celota, je treba pri nacrtovanju in upravljanju upoštevati vse vidike. Interdisciplinarnost strok je prvi pogoj, da to koherentnost dosežemo. Prepo­znavanje potreb prebivalcev in obiskovalcev ter skupno oblikovanje dobrih rešitev za njihovo uresnicevanje pa je nujen korak do mest, ki so živa in prijazna za življenje. Vkljucenost javnosti je že v zacetni fazi prostorskega nacrtovanja kljucna za revitaliza­cijo mest, da se tudi prostori, ki ne pripadajo nikomur, spremenijo v prostore za vse.2 Spremenjene razmere so v zadnjih letih vplivale tudi na prilagoditev obnašanja v prostoru, v ospredje so postavljeni družbeni vidiki, dostopnost do zelenih površin in kakovostnih javnih storitev, medsebojna pomoc, solidarnost, potreba po druže­nju in srecevanju. Tudi v decembrski številki Urbanega izziva prevladujejo družbeni vidiki mestnih oziroma javnih odprtih prostorov, zagotavljanja njihove dostopnosti, varnosti in kakovostnega oblikovanja, da jih lahko uporabljajo in se na njih dobro pocutijo razlicni uporabniki, ne glede na svojo etnicno pripadnost, spol ali starost. S prebiranjem posameznih clankov spoznamo konkretne problematike v Istanbulu, Ljubljani, Edinburgu in Sarajevu. Upam, da vam bodo clanki v tej številki v prijetno in poucno branje ter da bodo spodbudili nadaljnje raziskovanje in iskanje dobrih rešitev. Damjana Gantar, glavna urednica 1 Die Stadt gehört Dir. Leta 2000 nagrajena oglasna kampanja, ki je trajno izboljšala podobo podjetja Wiener Linien (https://schuellerheise.at/die-stadt-gehort-dir/). 2 Glej clanek Dine Šamic-Musemic in Nermine Zagora, objavljen v tej številki Urbanega izziva. The city belongs to you1 This is a slogan displayed on Vienna’s city buses, and it conveys much more than a simple invitation to use public transport. It also means that the city belongs to all of us, offering us the opportunity to use it, or calling upon us to act responsibly and promote inclusion. What does this mean in terms of city planning and management, which – given the diverse desires and needs that are sometimes at odds with one another – tend to be demanding tasks with enormous responsibility? Namely, there are as many different life stories and paths as there are people in a city. For a city to function as a coherent whole, its planning and management must con­sider all the relevant aspects. Interdisciplinarity is the first precondition for achieving this coherence. In turn, recognizing the needs of residents and visitors, and jointly developing good solutions for meeting these needs is a vital collective step toward vibrant and liveable cities. Public participation in the early stages of spatial planning is key to urban revitalization, through which “nobody’s spaces” can be replaced by “everybody’s spaces”.2 Altered conditions in recent years have also led to adaptations in spatial behaviour, with social aspects, access to green areas and high-quality services, solidarity and helping one another, and the need to socialize and spend time together being placed at the forefront. The December issue of Urbani izziv also focuses on the social aspects of urban or public open spaces and their accessibility, safety, and quality design, so that various users, regardless of their ethnicity, sex, or age, can use them and feel good in them. Individual articles present concrete issues in Istanbul, Ljubljana, Edinburgh, and Sarajevo. I hope you find them pleasant and informative reading, and that they stimulate further research and good solutions. Damjana Gantar, Editor-in-Chief 1 Die Stadt gehört Dir. An award-winning advertising campaign launched in 2000 that en­hanced the profile of Wiener Linien as a sustainability-oriented company (https://schuellerheise.at/die-stadt-gehort-dir/). 2 See the article by Dina Šamic-Musemic and Nermina Zagora in this issue of Urbani izziv. UDK: 712.25:001.891.32 DOI: 10.5379/urbani-izziv-2021-32-02-01 Prejeto: 27. 4. 2021 Sprejeto: 29. 9. 2021 Tülay ZIVALI TURHAN Hatice AYATAÇ Proucevanje povezave med etnicno raznolikostjo in javnim prostorom: bibliometricna analiza Mehanizem javnega – tj. posameznikov v družbi in njiho­vih medsebojnih odnosov – je najbolje razviden iz bistve­ne prvine mest: javnega prostora. Do zdaj je bilo o tem opravljenih mnogo obsežnih raziskav na najrazlicnejših podrocjih. V clanku avtorici predstavita konstruktivno analizo raziskovalnih pristopov in metodologij, upora­bljenih pri proucevanju etnicne raznolikosti kot družbe­nega pojava v povezavi z javnim prostorom. Analizirali sta 1.079 raziskovalnih clankov, objavljenih med letoma 1995 in 2020 ter vkljucenih v informacijski sistem Web of Science. Bibliometricne podatke sta rocno filtrirali, scientometricno vizualizacijo pa sta izdelali v programu CiteSpace. Proucili sta, kako so uporabljene teoreticne podlage, ter predstavili trenutne trende, vrzeli in pogo-ste metodološke pristope v analizirani literaturi, ki lahko prinašajo nova spoznanja, uporabna za nadaljnje multidi­sciplinarne raziskave. Izsledki njune raziskave razkrivajo dva osnovna nacina teoreticnega pojmovanja obravnava­ne teme: pristop, ki se osredotoca na odnos med clove­kom in krajem ter temelji na proucevanju urbanisticne in socialne politike, ter pristop, ki se osredotoca na odnose med ljudmi ter obravnava javni prostor kot dejavnik, ki te odnose omogoca. Kljucne besede: bibliometricna analiza, CiteSpace, etnic­na raznolikost, javni prostor, Web of Science T. ZIVALI TURHAN, H. AYATAÇ 1 Uvod Ena najizrazitejših posledic globalizacije so cedalje pogostejše migracije in s tem cedalje vecja raznolikost urbanih naselij. Mnoga vecja mesta se nenehno soocajo s prihodom priseljen­cev z raznih celin ter se spreminjajo v dinamicna, heterogena in veckulturna mesta z najrazlicnejšimi etnicnimi skupinami in subkulturami. Etnicna raznolikost je tako v družbeni kot prostorski obliki razvidna od (pod)nacionalne ravni do ravni sosesk. Etnicnost oznacuje skupne znacilnosti skupin ljudi ter njihove tradicije, ideologije in navade, ki naj bi se neprekinje-no prenašale skozi cas (Hutchinson in Smith, 1996; Peoples in Bailey, 2011). Ljudje se prej ali slej pridružijo drugim, ki imajo enake norme in vrednote, pri cemer nekatere skupine razvijejo posebne lastnosti. Kljub temu so danes bolj kot kdaj koli prej posamezniki in skupine prisiljeni v medsebojne od-nose in deljenje prostora. Opisani pojav je že od nekdaj pred-met raziskav na najrazlicnejših podrocjih, kot so geografija, urbanizem, sociologija, okoljska psihologija in kulturologija. Odlocilno vlogo pri oblikovanju odnosov med etnicnimi sku­pinami ima mestno tkivo. Vsakodnevna interakcija med etnic­nimi skupnostmi poteka na skupnih prostorih v mestu. Javni prostor je zbirališce razlicnih identitet ali, kot navaja Sennett (2003), kraj, na katerem se srecujejo in spoznavajo neznanci. Skupen prostor je od nekdaj krhka prostorska prvina, ki jo ljudje oblikujejo z medsebojnimi odnosi. Poleg tega posamez­nikova kulturna identiteta ustvarja obcutek pripadnosti kraju, s cimer postanejo kraji za ljudi pomembni. Doživljanje skupnih prostorov takih, kot so, je mogoce prek njihove skupne rabe, opredelitve, razumevanja in izražanja (Stavrides, 2016). Uvel­javljeni urbanisticna teorija in praksa sta izrazito prodružbeno naravnani: spodbuja se druženje na odprtih javnih prostorih (Rishbeth idr., 2018: 37) na najrazlicnejših stanovanjskih rav­neh v mestu ( Jacobs, 1961; Whyte, 1980; Gehl in Gemzoe, 1996; Carmona idr., 2003). Javni mestni prostor je tako kraj, na katerem vsakdanje prakse izražajo osebno in skupno kulturo družabnosti (Dines idr., 2006) ter je zato kljucen za kakovost življenja prebivalcev. Kot navaja Hillier (1996), je etnicnost ena najpomembnejših prvin mestnega prostora. Etnicna raz­nolikost je zato družbena struktura, ki se oblikuje na podlagi stikov med skupnostmi v mestni krajini. Vzporedno z opisanim sociološkim vidikom so mesta prostori, ki so najbolje integ­rirani v prostorski sistem, privabljajo vec pretoka ljudi, s svojo gravitacijsko silo pa omogocajo družbeno interakcijo (Hillier idr., 1993). V tem pogledu je pomembno razumeti vlogo et-nicne raznolikosti na javnih prostorih, glede na to, da so to prostori, ki so najbolj integrirani v mestni prostorski sistem. Etnicne skupine so obicajno prostorsko locene druga od druge, hkrati pa stremijo k temu, da so cim bolj povezane v sistem (in z vsemi drugimi v njem). Kljub vsemu vecina zaseda najbolj integrirane, manjšina pa sekundarne javne prostore v mestu (Ferati, 2009). Ceprav imajo hiše pripadnikov posameznih etnicnih skupin enako zasnovo, prav njihova razporeditev v prostoru razkriva njihovo etnicno pripadnost (Charambous Antoniadou in Peristianis, 2001). Z vidika družabnosti na javnih prostorih raziskave kažejo, da z vecanjem etnicne raz­nolikosti na njih potekajo tako procesi odtujevanja kot vzpo­stavljanja stikov (Blumer in Solomos, 2015). Izrazi javnega ali skupnega prostora (kot skupne lastnine posamezne skupine, ki simbolizira kolektivno identiteto) so nacin ustvarjanja skupne­ga prostora. Pravzaprav lahko skupni prostor postane predmet razlicnih reprezentacij, še preden je dolocen kot skupni prostor. Skupni prostori niso samo rezultat dejanj, s katerimi so bili ustvarjeni, ali dejanj, s katerimi so bili poimenovani. Zaradi razlicnih reprezentacij so lahko tudi napacno prepoznani, izo­lirani ali opušceni in celo prisvojeni na silo, zato je pomembno proucevati, kako lahko ljudje razvijejo orodja, s katerimi lahko skupne prostore prepoznavajo, si jih zamislijo in o njih sanjajo (Stavrides, 2016). Za boljše razumevanje opisane interdisciplinarne problematike je treba pregledati literaturo, iz katere so razvidni cilji, me-todologije in kazalniki, ki so jih uporabili drugi raziskovalci, ter morebitne raziskovalne vrzeli na tem podrocju (Khoo idr., 2010). Ta pregled daje tudi podlago za obsežnejše raziskave izbrane teme. Na podlagi bibliometricne analize so Su idr. (2019) ugotovili, da konstrukcija družbenih modelov in njeno izražanje v javnem prostoru temeljita na konstrukciji nesnovne kulturne dedišcine etnicnih skupin. Kot navajata Shuangyun in Hongxia (2020: 27), akulturacija ni problem samo prisel­jencev, ampak tudi etnicnih manjšin, ki že vec generacij živijo v stiku z vecinskimi skupinami. Andrade idr. (2016) so prou-cevali pravico do mesta in ugotovili, da se v zadnjem desetletju krepi segregacija na javnem mestnem prostoru. Na splošno številni raziskovalci ugotavljajo, da pri oblikovanju (ne)snov­nih urbanih struktur in odnosov ne smemo podcenjevati vpliva etnicnosti ali rase, hkrati pa je iz pregleda literature razvidno, da je bilo do zdaj opravljenih le malo bibliometricnih raziskav na to temo. Predmet raziskave, predstavljene v tem clanku, je povezava med etnicno raznolikostjo in javnim prostorom, ki jo avtorici pro-ucujeta na podlagi konstruktivne analize raziskovalnih pristo­pov in metodologij, uporabljenih v literaturi s tega podrocja. Avtorici opredelita konceptualne predpostavke in glavne tren­de v preteklem in sedanjem razvoju javnih mestnih prostorov v povezavi z etnicno raznolikostjo. Obravnavata dinamiko in vzorce etnicne raznolikosti na javnih mestnih prostorih, pri cemer predpostavljata, da etnicna pripadnost vpliva na rabo javnih prostorov in odnose na njih. Njun cilj je potrditi ali ovreci tezo, da etnicna raznolikost sama po sebi povzroca druž­beno in prostorsko segregacijo na javnih prostorih. Preglednica 1: Iskalna merila za vkljucitev in izkljucitev ustreznih objav Merilo Uporabljeni izrazi Poizvedba ethnic* racial* racism + public space* shared space* urban space* urban public space* open space* open public space* common space* Prebivalstvo Etnicne skupine Lokacija Odprti javni prostori, dostopni vsem Rezultati Kvalitativni: mnenja in predpisi, povezani s tem, kako pripadniki etnicnih skupin uporabljajo javne prostore Kvantitativni: korelacija med etnicnimi skupinami in uporabo javnih prostorov Vrsta objave Recenzirani clanki, indeksirani v WoS Leto objave 1995–2020 Opomba: Pri iskanju v WoS zvezdica * nadomešca od nic do neskoncno poljubnih znakov. 2 Raziskovalne metode in orodja 2.1 Iskanje in izbor Raziskava temelji na clankih, objavljenih med letoma 1995 in 2020 ter vkljucenih v bibliografsko podatkovno zbirko Web of Science (v nadaljevanju: WoS). Pri tovrstnih komplek­snih interdisciplinarnih raziskavah so zelo uporabna razna bibliometricna programska orodja, kot so CiteSpace, Hist-Cite in VOSviewer (Shuangyun in Hongxia, 2020). Avtori­ci sta podatke analizirali rocno in s programom CiteSpace, ki se uporablja za vizualizacijo bibliometricnih podatkov na podlagi socitiranja in algoritmov za oblikovanje grozdov ter omogoca ustrezno proucevanje razvoja posameznega razisko­valnega podrocja (Chen in Song, 2019). Iskanje clankov na podlagi naslova, povzetka, podatkov o objavi, kljucnih besed in obravnavane vsebine je potekalo julija 2021. Za posamezni clanek so bili evidentirani naslednji podatki: naslov, podatki o avtorjih, podatki o reviji, povzetek, število citatov in število ogledov/prenosov. Pridobljeni so bili tudi drugi podatki, ki jih zagotavlja WoS, kot so avtorjeve kljucne besede, kljucne besede, ki jih samodejno ustvari WoS (KeyWords Plus), po­datki o avtorjih in založbi, podatki o dokumentu ter citirani viri in literatura. Iskanje je potekalo v angleškem jeziku, pri cemer sta avtorici uporabili iskalni niz »‘ethnic*’ OR ‘racial*’ OR ‘racism’ AND ‘public space’ OR ‘urban open space’« ter druge podobne izraze, s katerimi sta odkrili ustrezne dodatne clanke ter tako pridobili natancnejše in obsežnejše podatke (preglednica 1). Z uporabljenimi izrazi in Boolovimi operatorji sta avtorici pri iskanju dobili 1.116 zadetkov (slika 1). Nato sta jih rocno filtrirali, kar je pomenilo, da sta prebrali povzetke vseh ob-jav, da bi izboljšali natancnost raziskave ter odkrili morebitna odstopanja in ponovitve. Na koncu sta izbrali 1.079 objav, relevantnih za raziskavo. 2.2 Glavne omejitve Razlaga rezultatov na podlagi opisane metodologije ima vec omejitev. Metode indeksiranja v WoS lahko zmanjšajo zanesl­ T. ZIVALI TURHAN, H. AYATAÇ Slika 2: Razporejenost objav po letih (ilustracija: avtorici) Geografija 194 Urbanizem 169 Sociologija 134 Okoljske vede, ekologija 120 Druga družboslovna podrocja 112 Etnicne študije 102 jivost izsledkov. Seznam izbranih clankov o proucevani temi ni izcrpen in nedvomno je še vec gradiva (npr. v revijah, knjigah in/ali poglavjih v knjigah, ki niso indeksirani v WoS, (ne)ob­javljenih porocilih, disertacijah in (ne)objavljenih zbornikih konferenc). Poleg tega se lahko tudi zadetki iskalnih poizvedb razlikujejo glede na to, katere kljucne besede so vnesene v is-kalni niz. 3 Raziskovalni izsledki o povezavi med etnicno raznolikostjo in javnim prostorom Avtorici sta na podlagi bibliografskih in geografskih podat­kov, tematskih podrocij in metodoloških pristopov izbranih clankov podrobno proucili glavne teme in vzorce njihovega združevanja v grozde. 3.1 Bibliografski in geografski podatki Na podlagi pregleda literature sta avtorici v WoS odkrili skup-no 1.116 objav na temo etnicne raznolikosti v javnem pros-toru, po izkljucitvi podvojenih zadetkov pa je bilo na kon-cu 1.079 objav (96,7 %). Med njimi so prevladovali clanki (93,4 %) in prispevki na konferencah (5,1 %). Ceprav je iskanje obsegalo obdobje 25 let (od leta 1995 do leta 2020), je bila po­lovica raziskav objavljenih šele po letu 2015 (slika 2). Skupno število citatov izbranih objav vidno narašca med letoma 2013 in 2020, vrh pa doseže leta 2020. Kljub vmesnim nihanjem je število objav v znanstvenih revijah scasoma narašcalo, pri cemer je bila vec kot polovica clankov objavljena v zadnjem de­setletju. Navedeno dokazuje, da zanimanje za proucevano temo in število z njo povezanih raziskav cedalje bolj narašcata, pri cemer se tema proucuje na cedalje vec raziskovalnih podrocjih. Vecina del (88,6 %) je napisana v anglešcini, med drugimi jeziki pa prevladujeta rušcina (3,3 %) in španšcina (3,2 %). V preglednici 2 je prikazana razporeditev izbranih bibliograf­skih zapisov v raziskovalna podrocja, kot jo doloci WoS. Vecina objav je razvršcena v kategorijo »geografija«. Clanki so bili objavljeni v vec kot 150 revijah, od katerih pa se nobena ne osredotoca izkljucno na povezavo med etnicno raznolikostjo in javnim prostorom. Revije spadajo v razlicne veje druž­boslovja, kot so sociologija, psihologija, socialna geografija, antropologija, urbanizem, arhitektura, prostorsko nacrtovanje, politologija, jezikoslovje, ekonomija in zgodovina. Manjkajo samo najbolj uveljavljene revije s podrocja arheologije. Izjemno veliko raziskav je bilo opravljenih v Severni, Srednji in Južni Ameriki (49,1 %), pri cemer vecina obravnava (pred) mestna naselja in vecetnicne soseske v ZDA (40,2 %). Glavni poudarek je na mešanih soseskah, v katerih živijo belopolti in temnopolti prebivalci (Caliendo, 2011; Rollock idr., 2011; Gibson, 2018; Harwood idr., 2018), zlasti v New Yorku in Los Angelesu. Tovrstne raziskave se ukvarjajo predvsem s kulturno raznoliko rabo javnih in poljavnih prostorov, kot so šole in par-ki (Kaczynski idr., 2013; Vaughan idr., 2013; Trouille, 2014; Wilson, 2016; Rigolon in Németh, 2018), ter se osredotocajo na otroke in mladino. Vecji teroristicni napadi, ki so v zadnjih 15 letih prizadeli Zdru­ženo kraljestvo in druge države, so vplivali na vsakodnevno razumevanje javnega prostora kot kraja, ki je lahko nevaren, ta nevarnost pa se pogosto povezuje z raso (Rishbeth idr., 2017: 42). Posledicno je ena glavnih tem izbranih clankov globalni pristop k terorizmu po napadih 11. septembra 2001. Delež študij primera s tega podrocja, opravljenih v evropskih državah, je razmeroma velik (20,1 %). Od tega jih je bilo kar 14,4 % opravljenih v Združenem kraljestvu, osredotocale pa so se na britanski medkulturni diskurz in etnografsko razumevanje etnicno raznolikih sosesk. Izstopajo clanki, ki obravnavajo veckulturnost ter integracijo muslimanskih manjšin in njih­ove vsakdanje aktivnosti na javnih prostorih (Schmidt, 2012; Kloek idr., 2013; Mohammad, 2013; Johnson in Miles, 2014; Hopkins idr., 2017; Joly, 2017). Nekatere študije primera pro-ucujejo tudi kraje, na katerih je veckulturnost znacilna že vec stoletij. Številne raziskave se ukvarjajo z naselji v Palestini in Izraelu ter proucujejo podrocja konfliktov med Judi in Arabci, analizirajo nepriznana avtonomna obmocja in trenutno stan­je v zatiranih skupnostih ter obravnavajo pojem kraja v vec­kulturnem kontekstu (Yiftachel in Yacobi, 2003; Shuval idr., 2009; Monterescu, 2011; Aharon-Gutmann, 2014; Jadallah, 2014; Badarin, 2015; Shtern, 2016; Omer idr., 2018; Rokem in Vaughan, 2018). Raziskave obravnavajo tudi migracijske trende, pri cemer se v glavnem osredotocajo na obcutek pripadnosti priseljencev v mestu ter na nasprotovanja med lastniki stanovanj in prišle­ki (Ryan, 2003; Ayata, 2008; Müller, 2011; Ehrkamp, 2013; Triandafyllidou in Kouki, 2013; Hall, 2015; Lobo, 2015; Demintseva, 2017). Opisano kaže, da je navedena tema v središcu vsakdanjih politicnih razprav. Študije primera iz Azi­je in Avstralije se vecinoma osredotocajo na etnicno mešana obmocja, ki so posledica migracijskih tokov v bližnji ali daljni preteklosti. Williamson (2016) na primer proucuje, ali postaja­jo oblike pripadnosti kraju cedalje bolj prožne in ali je zanje znacilna navezanost na vec krajev hkrati. Raziskuje, kako se razlicne ravni pripadnosti kraju in mobilnosti prepletajo v procesih vkljucevanja priseljencev na etnicno raznolikem in prehodnem predmestnem obmocju Sydneyja. 3.2 Tematska podrocja Za boljše razumevanje strukture in dinamike znanstvenega podrocja je treba prouciti glavna raziskovalna podrocja, katere raziskave vsako podrocje vsebuje in kako so razna raziskovalna podrocja prek clankov med seboj povezana (Chen, 2020: 17). Iskanje je potekalo v dveh delih. Prvi del je temeljil na metodi analize pogostosti besed, pri cemer sta avtorici bibliografske zapise pregledali na podlagi kljucnih besed. S tem sta dolocili glavne teme clankov. Drugi del je temeljil na analizi socitiranja, ki ponazarja pogostost, s katero sta dva clanka skupaj citirana v tretjem (novejšem) clanku. Rezultati analize socitiranja raz­krivajo povezave med clanki in posledicno trenutne trende na posameznem znanstvenem podrocju. Kot je razvidno iz grafa na sliki 3a, crti, ki ponazarjata pogostost kljucnih besed javni in prostor, potekata vzpored-no, kar pomeni, da so raziskave mestnih obmocij povezane z javnimi odprtimi prostori. Javni prostori pa se ne proucujejo samo na ravni celotnega mesta, ampak tudi na ravni sosesk, kar je razvidno iz precejšnjega števila raziskav, ki se osredotocajo na prostorsko segregacijo prebivalcev mestnih sosesk (slika 3b). Zsolt Farkas idr. (2017) so proucevali vplive in posledice pros-torske segregacije Romov na obmocjih madžarskih mest. Bur­gers in Zuiderwijk (2016) sta raziskovala etnicno segregacijo v Angliji in Walesu. Poleg javnih odprtih mestnih prostorov so se v smislu skupnega dobra proucevali tudi drugi kraji, kot so prostori, namenjeni delu, izobraževanju in preživljanju pros-tega casa. Kot navaja Eva Swyngedouw (2013: 293), se zaradi obstojece prostorske segregacije v Cikagu ljudje razlicnih ras in družbenih razredov na rdeci liniji podzemne železnice L med seboj le redko srecujejo. Lobova (2014) je proucevala vec­kulturnost, kot jo med vožnjo na istem avtobusu v Darwinu v Avstraliji doživljajo trije posamezniki (aborigin, priseljenka in ona sama). Jacksonova (2019) je analizirala nasprotujoca si mnenja o kegljišcu v Londonu, ki ga obiskujejo razlicne et-nicne skupine in mu grozi rušitev. Schmidtova (2015) je pro-ucevala neenakost in raznolikost dostopa do šole na podlagi T. ZIVALI TURHAN, H. AYATAÇ Slika 3: a) najpogostejše kljucne besede v posameznem obdobju, b) najpogostejše besedne zveze v posameznem obdobju (ilustracija: avtorici) Slika 4: Grozdi, oblikovani v programu CiteSpace, s pripadajocimi temami (ilustracija: avtorici) Slika 5: Mreža glavnih grozdov s pripadajocimi viri, oblikovana v programu CiteSpace (ilustracija: avtorici) prostorskosti, pri cemer se je osredotocila na povezavo med V precejšnjem številu clankov (44,6 %) avtorji proucujejo družbeno organizacijo in prostorskim tkivom. Po drugi strani razlicne parametre, povezane z etnicnostjo, in kako lahko Yu idr. (2018) raziskujejo, kako študenti prostorsko dojemajo spodbujajo etnicno raznolikost, pri cemer je glavni poudarek univerzitetno študentsko naselje v Memphisu. Clanki razlicno na neskladjih. Najpogostejši parametri, s katerimi avtorji pro-razlagajo stopnjo prostorskosti in javnosti na javnem prostoru. ucujejo povezavo med etnicno raznolikostjo in javnim prosto­ T. ZIVALI TURHAN, H. AYATAÇ rom, so segregacija, integracija, vkljucevanje, izkljucevanje, stik, družbena interakcija in družbena kohezija. Navedeni parametri imajo vecdimenzionalne pomene, saj se navezujejo na mesto kot fizicno celoto z vso njeno dinamiko. Najpomembnejši parameter, segregacija, je bil na primer v mnogih raziskavah opredeljen v širšem kontekstu (kot izobraževalna segregacija, prostorska segregacija, družbena segregacija ali ekonomska segregacija), pogosto pa je povezan z mestnim nasiljem, kar odpira vprašanja o tem, kdaj in kako segregacija oblikuje na­silje v smislu trenj ali aktivnih konfliktov (Bhavnani idr., 2013; Trouille, 2014; Kutmanaliev, 2015; Ha, 2017; Zahnow, 2018). Na podlagi kljucnih besed lahko raziskave razdelimo v štiri glavne tematske sklope: veckulturnost (družbeni pojavi, po­vezani z ustvarjanjem etnicne raznolikosti), povezave (indek­si/parametri, ki merijo povezave med etnicnimi identitetami ali med prostorom in identiteto), prostor (v smislu javnega prostora ali skupnega dobra v prostorski obliki) in mesto (kot sistem omrežij, ki razkriva družbeno-prostorske odnose). Povezave med clanki tvorijo mrežo socitiranih clankov, ki kaže, kako se objave med seboj razlikujejo glede na socitirane vire. Socitiranje se nanaša na to, kako pogosto sta dva clanka skupaj citirana v drugih clankih (Chen in Song, 2019). Za vsak grozd je navedena glavna tema, ki so jo obravnavali citirani avtorji. Navedena mreža vsebuje 16 grozdov socitiranih clankov, med katerimi je šest glavnih (slika 4). Citirani avtor ali raziskava sta lahko vkljucena v vec grozdov hkrati. Posamezni grozdi vsebu­jejo med seboj povezane raziskave in/ali avtorje, kar razkriva najbolj znacilne pristope k posamezni temi (slika 5). Pomemb­na so tudi žarišca citiranosti, ki kažejo, kateri clanki v kratkem casu pritegnejo veliko pozornost (Chen, 2016) oziroma so v izbranem obdobju najpogosteje citirani. 3.2.1 Pojmovni grozd 1: povezava med clovekom in krajem Tema najvecjega grozda (na sliki 4 oznacen kot št. 0) so migra­cije. Najpogosteje citirani avtor v njem je Amin (2012), ki obravnava etnicno raznolikost in vlogo javnega prostora v mestu tujcev z vidika sodobne urbanisticne politike cišcenja prostorov, na katerih sobivajo neželene skupine. Urbanistic­ne politike upravljanja in spodbujanja družbene kohezije se lahko oblikujejo na podlagi proucevanja, kako se z etnicnimi razlikami dnevno spoprijemajo v veckulturnih mestih. Število tovrstnih analiz pa je dokaj omejeno (Amin, 2002; Fincher in Iveson, 2008; Valentine, 2008). Razumevanje družbenih in prostorskih procesov, povezanih z raznolikimi vzorci rabe javnega prostora, je precej zapleteno in zahtevno. Kot razlaga Massey (1994: 168), je razlog lahko ta, da je koncept kraja sestavljen iz niza družbenih odnosov, ki se na neki lokaciji pre­pletajo. Po njegovem mnenju ni treba, da imajo kraji meje, ki jih locujejo in zamejujejo (Massey, 1994: 155–156). Pogosto nimajo svoje identitete in je zanje znacilno, da je veliko no-tranjih konfliktov, kar izhaja iz tega, da se na vsakem kraju zgošca posebna mešanica širših in lokalnih družbenih odnosov. Posledicno so kraji progresivni in odprti navzven, sami sebe ne zamejujejo in niso vase zaprti (Massey 1994: 147). Manjši grozd, katerega glavna tema je ustvarjanje kraja, se veci­noma nanaša na delo Dona Mitchlla (2003), v katerem bralcu približa kriticno trditev, da je treba pravico do mesta braniti z najrazlicnejšimi oblikami raznolikosti, s cimer se lahko doseže socialna pravicnost. Njegova knjiga je tudi najpogosteje citi­rana objava (slika 6). Avtor zagovarja pomen mesta kot kraja raznolikosti in prizadevanj za ustvarjanje javne sfere (Mitchell, 2003: 18). Javni prostor opisuje kot fizicno okolje, ki omogo-ca izraz posameznika ali skupine, s cimer lahko pomembno prispeva k ustvarjanju pravicnosti na ravni upravljanja. Ce na­vedena pravicnost ni zagotovljena, manj opolnomocene skupi­ne pogosto težko dostopajo do javnih prostorov in jih uporabl­jajo (Mitchell, 1995). Narašca zanimanje za migracije, azilno politiko, begunsko problematiko in podobno, kar je razvidno iz številnih študij primera, v katerih avtorji po vsem svetu proucujejo politicne okvire in analizirajo družbenopoliticne vplive etnicne raznolikosti na mestnih obmocjih (Lees, 2003; Bryne, 2012; Bhavnani idr., 2013; Festic, 2015; Fredman, 2018). Clanki se na splošno nanašajo na to, kako ljudje vsa­kodnevno doživljajo kulturno raznolikost in se z njo spoprije­majo v konkretnih situacijah (Wise in Velayutham, 2009: 2), avtorji pa predlagajo tudi novo politiko upravljanja raznoli­kosti, primerno za sedanji cas (Brown, 2006; Amin, 2012). Drugo najpogosteje citirano delo je clanek Stevena Vertovca (2007), v katerem proucuje vzhodni London in Birmingham. Zaradi mocnih postkolonialnih trendov priseljevanja v Zdru­ženem kraljestvu obmocji obravnava kot heterogeni, pri cemer se osredotoca na izkušnje priseljencev. Vpelje izraz superrazno­likost (ang. super-diversity), ki upošteva razlicne identifikacije in osi razlocevanja, med katerimi se samo nekatere nanašajo na etnicnost (Vertovec 2007: 1048). Neenakost med etnicni-mi skupinami povzrocajo še mnogi drugi dejavniki, na primer vera, družbeni razred, starost, spol in pravni status. 3.2.2 Pojmovni grozd 2: odnosi med ljudmi Glavna tema drugega grozda (na sliki 4 oznacen kot št. 2) je posameznik in družba. Po definiciji so javni prostori univerzal-no dostopni in nudijo eno redkih priložnosti za to, da se ljudje neposredno srecujejo z ljudmi, ki imajo drugacne navade in pri­hajajo iz drugih kultur (Shaftoe, 2008: 13). Lobova (2010) je najbolj citirana avtorica v tem grozdu, njena etnografska razis­kava pa razkriva pomen navezanosti na kraj kot družbenopoli­ticnega dejavnika, ki se oblikuje skozi vsakdanje medkulturne stike na javnih mestih. Navedeno lahko zabriše ustaljene etnic­ne meje ter prispeva k medetnicnemu razumevanju in obcutku pripadnosti (Lobo, 2010: 85). Številne raziskave obravnavajo podobne teme in pomen srecevanja na mestnem javnem pros-toru. Wessel (2009: 7) navaja, da vsakodnevna izpostavljenost raznolikosti zmanjšuje predsodke. Bližina pa še ne pomeni, da imajo ljudje med sabo tudi pomembne stike. Tudi ce si na javnem prostoru izmenjajo vljudnostne fraze, imajo lahko še vedno predsodke do pripadnikov etnicnih manjšin (Piekut in Valentine, 2017: 177). Avtorica tretjega najpogosteje citirane­ga clanka (Valentine, 2008) ugotavlja, da ni nujno, da pozitivna srecanja s pripadniki etnicnih manjšin izboljšajo mnenja o teh skupinah (Valentine, 2008: 332). Podobno so tudi kvantitativ­ne raziskave pokazale, da vecja etnicna raznolikost v javnem prostoru neposredno ne izboljša odnosov med ljudmi in nji­hovega vedenja (Piekut in Valentine, 2017: 177). Raziskovalci zato proucujejo, v katerih okolišcinah lahko etnicna heteroge­nost povzroca trenja (Schlueter in Scheepers, 2010; Stolle idr., 2013; Laurence, 2014). Nekateri proucujejo vsakdanje odnose ljudi v javnem prostoru. Cattell idr. (2008: 556) ugotavljajo, da najrazlicnejši javni odprti prostori pozitivno vplivajo na pocutje posameznikov in celotne skupnosti. Rezultati njihove raziskave poudarjajo zlasti pomen skupne rabe javnih prosto­rov kot skupnih vrednot, ki lahko pomaga ohranjati zdravje in dobro pocutje ljudi. Kažmierczakova (2013: 31) je proucevala, kako lokalni parki prispevajo k razvoju socialnih vezi v treh soseskah v središcu Manchestra, za katere so znacilne razlicne ravni materialnega pomanjkanja in etnicne raznolikosti. Av-torica ugotavlja, da se je treba poleg trenutne socialne sestave teh obmocij osredotocati tudi na kratkorocne spremembe v razporeditvi družbenih skupin v prostoru. Objave v drugem pojmovnem grozdu torej kažejo, da lahko družbeni odnosi na socialno izoliranih obmocjih pomagajo premagati ali vsaj zmanjšati razlike (Amin, 2002). Osredotoca­jo se bodisi na odnose med vecinskim prebivalstvom in etnic­nimi manjšinami bodisi na posamezno prevladujoco etnicno skupino. Kot navaja Gehl (2011), intenzivnost stikov ni nepo­sredno povezana z njihovim pomenom. V primerjavi z drugimi oblikami stikov se zdijo manj intenzivni stiki nepomembni, vendar so dragoceni kot samostojne oblike stikov in tudi kot temeljni pogoji za druge, bolj kompleksne interakcije (Gehl, 2011: 15). Ceprav raziskovalci uporabljajo razlicne pristope, se cedalje bolj osredotocajo na teoretiziranje o etnicnih stikih na javnih prostorih in na proucevanje teh stikov. T. ZIVALI TURHAN, H. AYATAÇ 3.3 Metodološki pristopi Izkazalo se je, da kvalitativne raziskave razkrivajo pozitivne ali negativne vplive na javni prostor in preverjajo postavlje­ne hipoteze, kvantitativne raziskave pa predstavljajo številske vrednosti proucevanih razmerij med pojavi na podlagi izbranih indeksov in parametrov. V nekaterih raziskavah avtorji upo­rabljajo tudi mešano metodo, kar pomeni, da proucujejo tako kvalitativne in kvantitativne podatke. Kvalitativni podatki so zbrani z intervjuji in anketami, raziskave pa se opirajo tudi na pregled literature in arhivskega gradiva. Rezultati kažejo, da v 138 clankih avtorji posebej omenjajo uporabo etno­grafske raziskovalne metode, dejansko pa je bila ta metoda uporabljena v približno polovici vseh raziskav (slika 7). Cilj etnografskih raziskav je razumeti kulture in norme z osre­dotocanjem na clovekovo vedenje in zbiranjem opazovalnih podatkov (Creswell, 1998, 2003). Glede na to, da je skoraj cetrtina vseh raziskav vkljucevala osebne pripovedi, pridoblje­ne v intervjujih, je treba poudariti pomen participativnih me-tod. Kvantitativni podatki pa so bili pridobljeni iz statisticnih podatkovnih zbirk, s kartiranjem in terenskim opazovanjem. Pri zadnjenavedenem je bil poudarek na ugotavljanju vzorcev vsakdanjih aktivnosti uporabnikov javnih prostorov. Analize so se osredotocale na robne in manjše skupnosti v proucevanem urbanem naselju. Nekatere študije primera so obravnavale sta­novanjske soseske, predmestja in izobraževalna okolja, kot so gimnazije in univerzitetna študentska naselja (v teh primerih so bile fokusne skupine sestavljene iz dijakov in študentov). Avtorici sta nato podrobneje proucili še povezavo med upora­bljeno metodo in nacinom predstavitve pridobljenih podatkov. Skoraj pri vseh vrstah metodoloških pristopov so bili podatki predstavljeni v obliki besedila, precejšen delež podatkov pa je bil predstavljen tudi vizualno, v obliki fotografij ali zemljevidov (slika 8). 4 Sklep Razumevanje medetnicnih odnosov na javnih prostorih z raz­licnih vidikov je kljucni dejavnik, ki preprecuje poslabšanje socialne klime. Raziskava razkriva, da se vecina literature s proucevanega podrocja navezuje na geografijo, urbanizem in sociologijo, pri cemer so izbrane objave povezane z najrazlic­nejšimi podpodrocji. Raziskave obravnavajo štiri glavne teme: veckulturnost, povezave, prostor in mesto. Z bibliometricno analizo sta bila dolocena dva glavna grozda socitiranosti, ki sta bila analizirana z vidika naštetih tem. Grozdi razkrivajo pove­zave med clovekom in krajem (družbeno-prostorske povezave) in med ljudmi (družbeno-psihološke povezave). Najvecji grozd se nanaša na povezave med clovekom in krajem ter se osredotoca na etnicno raznolikost kot pomemben dejav­nik pri oblikovanju urbanisticne in socialne politike. Študije primera v tem grozdu obravnavajo družbenopoliticne vplive in prizadevanja, zlasti v povezavi z migracijami, azilno politi­ko in begunsko problematiko. Pojem kraja je obravnavan kot skupno dobro, ki omogoca razvoj kolektivne in individualne javne podobe. V drugem grozdu je javni prostor platforma za uresnicevanje družbenih odnosov in s tem kraj srecevanja razlicnih etnicnih skupin. Proucevanje tega, kako se razlicne etnicne skupine obnašajo v javnem prostoru, pa je vecinoma še vedno na zelo osnovni ravni. Empiricne raziskave so po­kazale, da so lokalni vplivi etnicne izraženosti pomembni za razumevanje dejavnikov, ki dolocajo družbene odnose na sta­novanjskih obmocjih. V vecini raziskav je pri analizi vedenj v javnem prostoru etnicnost preprosto obravnavana kot sospre­menljivka, glavni poudarek pa je na razlikah med skupinami, zlasti na razmerju med vecinsko etnicno skupino in manjšin­skimi skupinami v skupnosti. V literaturi je v tem pogledu javni prostor obravnavan kot kraj tekmovanja, nasprotovanj ali pogajanj. Povezave med grozdi kažejo, da ce pravicnost ni zagotovljena na upravni ravni, socialno ogrožene etnicne skupine le težko dostopajo do javnih prostorov in jih upo­rabljajo. Uporaba interdisciplinarnega pristopa k proucevanju vecetnicnih naselij lahko zato spodbudi razprave o vprašanjih, pomembnih za oblikovanje politike ter zagotavljanje miru na lokalni in globalni ravni. 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Strah pred kriminalom pa je dejavnik, ki ni odvisen od dejan­ske stopnje kriminala, ampak je neposredno povezan s kakovostjo prostora, ki vpliva na posameznikov obcutek varnosti. Razlikuje se tudi glede na spol. V clanku av-torici proucujeta strah pred kriminalom na javnih kra­jih na varnem obmocju velike metropole, pri cemer se osredotocata na to, kako na ta strah vplivajo prostorske znacilnosti in kakšne so razlike med spoloma. Raziskava je bila leta 2017 izvedena v enem najvarnejših predelov Istanbula, ki ga tudi ženske dojemajo kot varnega. Vkl- jucevala je anketo, v kateri je sodelovalo 387 anketirancev in anketirank razlicnih starosti. Avtorici sta jih spraševali o strahu pred kriminalom na javnih krajih ter kdaj in zakaj ga obcutijo. Izsledki so pokazali, da ženske tudi v varni soseski v mestu obcutijo nekaj strahu ter da so med moškimi in ženskami pomembne razlike v tem, kako ob­cutijo strah na javnih prostorih in v kakšnih okolišcinah. Kljucne besede: strah pred kriminalom, ocena tveganja, javni prostor, spol, Istanbul N. Ç. ERKAN, B. SEVIN TOPÇU 1 Uvod V raziskavi avtorici proucujeta razlike med spoloma kot dejav­nik, ki vpliva na obcutenje strahu pred kriminalom na javnih mestih. Eden izmed pomembnih razlogov, zakaj se ženske izo­gibajo javnim prostorom, je prav strah pred kriminalom. Na-vedeno vpliva na ravnotežje med spoloma na javnih prostorih, zato je pomembno, da se ženske na njih pocutijo varne in jih uporabljajo. Glavni cilj raziskave je ugotoviti, kako moški in ženske dojemajo varnost in kaj pri enih in drugih vzbuja strah pred kriminalom. Izsledki raziskave bi bili lahko podlaga za ob-likovanje novih predpisov ali spremembo veljavne zakonodaje. Eden glavnih razlogov za raziskavo je skrb vzbujajoce narašcan­je nasilja nad ženskami v Turciji v zadnjem desetletju. Število samomorov med ženskami, ki so med najbolj izstopajocimi posledicami tega nasilja, se je med letoma 2016 in 2018 po­vecalo za 30,6 %, v zadnjih 15 letih pa kar za 428,9 % (Tigli, 2019). Uradni podatki o kaznivih dejanjih nad ženskami v Turciji niso javno dostopni, zato v raziskavo razen dostop­nih podatkov o umorih ni bilo mogoce vkljuciti tovrstnih podatkov. Kot navaja Lordoglu (2018), je v Turciji stopnja prijav spolnih napadov in nadlegovanja precej nizka, defini­cija in meje spolnega nadlegovanja pa so v turški družbi zelo ohlapne, kar je treba upoštevati pri oceni kaznivih dejanj nad ženskami. V porocilu o nasilju nad ženskami v Turciji (Karal in Aydemir, 2012) je izpostavljeno, da morda na strah žensk pred kriminalom bolj vpliva stopnja nasilja nad ženskami po vsej državi kot pa stopnja kriminala na posameznem obmocju. Moško nasilje je posledica patriarhalnega prepricanja, da je žen­skino mesto doma. Posledicno je nasilje prezrto in opravicljivo, zlasti tam, kjer je posredovanje uradnih organov nezadostno. Ženske se zato pocutijo nemocne in ranljive. Ceprav morda dejansko niso žrtve, se po javnih mestnih prostorih ne morejo svobodno gibati. Zaradi novic o moških, ki na javnih mestih v Istanbulu napadajo ženske zaradi tega, kako so oblecene, in za to sploh niso primerno kaznovani, ženske na javnih prostorih obcutijo cedalje vecji strah. V clanku avtorici proucujeta razlike pri obcutenju strahu pred kriminalom na javnih mestih glede na spol, zlasti izbrane vidike navedenega strahu, in kako bi lahko težave rešili z ustrezno prostorsko ureditvijo. 1.1 Pregled literature Strah pred kriminalom izhaja iz prepricanja, da je lahko nekdo žrtev kaznivega dejanja. Je custven odziv, ki nastane zaradi ob­cutka ogroženosti in tesnobe v povezavi z možnostjo nasilnega kaznivega dejanja (Covington in Taylor, 1991). Ko se pojavi, ga spremlja obcutek ranljivosti zaradi nevarnosti fizicne poškod-be (Garofalo, 1981; Ward idr., 1990). Navedeno se pogosto opisuje tudi kot obcutek negotovosti, opredeljuje pa se tudi kot custven odziv, za katerega je znacilen obcutek ogroženosti ali tesnobe, ki ga povzroca kriminal ali simboli, povezani s kriminalom (Ferraro in LaGrange, 1987). Posamezniki, ki jih je strah kriminala, se izogibajo nekaterim obmocjem (Raven-scroft idr., 2002), redkeje hodijo peš (Ross, 1993; Foster idr., 2010, so manj družabni (Ross in Jang, 2000) in spremenijo svoje navade (Garofalo, 1981). Ko posameznik samega sebe doživlja kot ogroženega, ceprav je objektivna verjetnost za to zelo majhna, lahko strah pred kriminalom postane resna teža­va. Tovrsten strah je osebni in tudi družbeni problem, ki slabša kakovost življenja, saj ljudem omejuje dostop do družabnih in kulturnih aktivnosti. Negativno vpliva na posameznikove odnose v družbi (Sacco, 1993). Zaradi svoje kompleksnosti postaja strah pred kriminalom družbeni in politicni problem, ki obsega veliko vec kot samo kriminal (Garofalo, 1981; Fer­raro in LaGrange, 1992). Strah pred kriminalom je cedalje pogostejša oblika strahu, zlasti med prebivalci vecjih mest, mocno pa je povezan s tem, kako posamezniki doživljajo svoje okolje in sebe v njem (Fer­raro, 1995; Çardak, 2012). Posledicno je strah pred krimi­nalom dejanski in zaznani problem. Kriminal in strah pred njim sta neposredno povezana s stopnjo izobrazbe, dohodkom, starostjo, etnicno pripadnostjo, krajem bivanja, obcutkom pri­padnosti kraju in spolom (Gray idr., 2011). Glavni pristop k razlagi strahu pred kriminalom na podlagi posameznikovih lastnosti je pristop z vidika ranljivosti, v skladu s katerim naj bi skupine, ki z vidika fizicnega, družbenogospodarskega in kulturnega položaja veljajo za šibkejše, bolj nemocne, manj zašcitene in ranljivejše zaradi zunanjih dejavnikov, pogosteje obcutile strah pred kriminalom kot pa druge družbene skupi­ne (Ferraro, 1995; Çardak, 2012; Kul, 2013). Ženske, starejši, invalidi in posamezniki brez socialne podpore informacije, ki jih prejemajo iz okolice, intenzivneje dojemajo kot strah pred kriminalom (Covington in Taylor, 1991; Çardak, 2012). Družbene skupine, ki so z vidika varnosti ranljivejše ali bolj prikrajšane (tj. ženske, priseljenci, revni, LGBT osebe, invalidi, starejši, otroci in brezdomci), so vecinoma predmet raziskav, ki se nanašajo na strah pred kriminalom (Covington in Tay­lor, 1991; Pain, 2001; Otis, 2007; Jackson, 2009). Nekatere raziskave niso pokazale pomembnih razlik na podlagi starosti, skoraj vecina pa kaže, da je strah pred kriminalom pogostejši med ženskami kot moškimi (Valentine, 1989; MacMillan idr., 2000; Pain, 2001; Jackson, 2009; Uludag, 2010; Kul, 2013; Öztürk idr., 2016). Jackson (2009) ugotavlja, da med kazni­vimi dejanji nad osebami prevladujejo kazniva dejanja nad ženskami, pri kaznivih dejanjih zoper lastnino pa ni razlik med spoloma. Ceprav sta kriminal in strah pred njim konceptualno povezana, je ta povezava šibka ( Jackson, 2009; Dolu idr., 2010). Pri prou­cevanju strahu pred kriminalom je pomembno upoštevati tudi vpliv množicnih medijev in okolja. Ob tem je treba upoštevati tradicionalna prepricanja o ženskah, kar je podrobneje opisano v nadaljevanju. Ceprav je strah pred kriminalom povezan prav s kriminalom, se na neki tocki spremeni v neodvisen dejavnik. To pojasni, zakaj se pojavlja tako med prebivalci mestnih pre­delov z visoko stopnjo kriminala kot med prebivalci varnejših mest ali mestnih predelov, kjer so stopnje kriminala nižje (Furs­tenberg, 1971; Ferraro, 1995). 1.1.1 Strah pred kriminalom in spol Z vidika strahu pred kriminalom so ženske zagotovo najranlji­vejša družbena skupina. Strah med ženskami v zahodnem svetu se proucuje že od konca 20. stoletja (Valentine, 1989; Treske, 1990; Pain, 1991; Koskela, 1997), v Turciji pa šele zadnjih de-set let (Dolu, 2010; Çardak, 2012; Erkan, 2015; Yirmibesoglu in Ergun, 2015). Z vidika ranljivosti lahko pojasnimo tudi raz-like med spoloma pri obcutenju strahu pred kriminalom, saj je osebno dojemanje ranljivosti pomemben dejavnik, ki vpliva na posameznikov strah (Taylor in Hale, 1986; Franklin idr., 2008). Osebe, ki se pocutijo fizicno, socialno in gospodarsko nemocne, se bolj bojijo kriminala (Covington in Taylor, 1991; Hale, 1993), saj sebe dojemajo kot prešibke in prevec ranljive, da bi se lahko uprle morebitnim napadalcem, hkrati pa se vidijo kot potencialne žrtve raznih kaznivih dejanj. Ženske in starejši so zato ranljivejši kot odrasli moški in mladi ljudje. Raziskave kažejo, da se ženske (Warr, 1984; Hale, 1993; Mirrlees-Black idr., 1996; Sandberg in Rönnblom, 2013) in starejši (Warr, 1984; Ferraro in LaGrange, 1992; Jackson, 2009) bolj boji­jo kriminala. Primerjave podatkov o žrtvah kažejo, da ženske (zlasti starejše) pogosteje obcutijo strah pred kriminalom, ce­prav so same redko žrtve. Mlajši moški pa se manj bojijo kri­minala, ceprav je možnost, da tudi sami postanejo žrtve, vecja (Hale, 1993). Opisanemu neskladju med strahom in dejansko viktimizacijo recemo tudi paradoks med spolom in strahom. Raziskave, ki temeljijo na razlikah med spoloma, vkljucno z raziskavo, predstavljeno v tem clanku, kažejo, da ženske, ki živijo na mestnih obmocjih, pogosteje in mocneje obcutijo strah pred kriminalom kot moški, ki živijo na istih obmoc­jih (Valentine, 1989, 1992; Hale, 1993; Koskela, 1999; Pain, 1991, 2001; Dolu idr., 2010; Sandberg in Rönnblom, 2013; Uçan idr., 2016). Podatki o navedenem strahu kažejo, da so med stopnjami strahu, o katerih porocajo moški, in tistimi, o katerih porocajo ženske, razmeroma majhne, a statisticno znacilne razlike (Gilchrist idr., 1998). To pomeni, da je spol pomemben pokazatelj tovrstnega strahu. Strah pred kriminalom na ženske vpliva na dva nacina: izo­gibajo se nekaterim krajem in aktivnostim ter s tem obcutku strahu ali pa ponotranjijo predsodke in ideologije, ki škodu­jejo ženskam na splošno (Koskela, 1997; Sutton idr., 2011). V vsakem primeru je strah pred kriminalom mehanizem, ki ženske izžene iz posameznih mestnih prostorov in družbenih odnosov. Posledicno se ženske zatecejo k izogibajocemu ve­denju in si zacnejo same omejevati življenje. Omejitve so lahko povezane s tem, kdaj odhajajo od doma in prihajajo domov, kam gredo, kako se oblacijo ter s kom govorijo in kako. Ce je strah premocen, je njihovo življenje popolnoma omejeno (Va­lentine, 1989; Pain, 1991; Koskela, 1999; Çardak, 2012; San-dberg in Rönnblom, 2013; Tandogan in Simsek Ilhan, 2016). Strah pred kriminalom ženskam zlasti omeji dostop do javnih prostorov in vpliva na njihovo obnašanje v javnosti. Ker se izogibajo javnim prostorom, se na teh prostorih poslabša tudi ravnovesje med spoloma, kar pri ženskah še dodatno povecuje strah pred temi prostori. 1.1.2 Zunanji dejavniki, ki vplivajo na strah pred kriminalom Zmotno bi bilo misliti, da strah pred kriminalom izvira samo iz posameznikovega osebnega dojemanja. Številne raziskave se zato osredotocajo na zunanje dejavnike, kot so fizicni prostor ali pa množicni mediji, ki ustvarjajo obcutek strahu. Posamez­nikov strah pred kriminalom se ne ujema z dejansko stopnjo kriminala, povezan pa je s porocanjem o kriminalu v množic­nih medijih (Kohm idr., 2002; Smolej in Janne, 2006; Çardak, 2012; Sandberg in Rönnblom, 2013; Callanan in Rosenberger, 2015; Sallan Gül in Altindal, 2015). Zaradi strahu zacnejo biti ljudje pazljivi. Ceprav ni dejanske nevarnosti za nastanek kaznivega dejanja, novice o napadih, posilstvih in nasilju nad ženskami v množicnih medijih vpliva­jo na to, kako se ženske obnašajo v javnosti. Turška raziskava o strahu pred kriminalom med ženskami je razkrila, da polovica žensk na javnih prostorih obcuti vecji strah, ce nosijo oblacila, s katerimi telesa ne pokrijejo v celoti, ali ce so same (Tandogan in Simsek Ilhan, 2016). Ker so mediji zaceli porocati o napadih na ženske v oblacilih, ki niso telesa pokrivala v celoti, cedalje vec turških žensk obcuti strah pred kriminalom (Internet 1, Internet 2). Zunanji dejavniki, ki vplivajo na strah pred kriminalom, niso omejeni samo na množicne medije. Tudi nepravilnosti v graje­nem okolju so lahko razlog za to, da se ljudje ne pocutijo varne in se v njih prebudi strah pred kriminalom. Posameznike je strah tudi na temnih, opušcenih prostorih, s katerih se smeti ne odvažajo, obmocjih z vandaliziranimi objekti ali prostorih, na katerih razmerje med moškimi in ženskami ni uravnoteženo (Vrij in Winkel, 1991; Nasar in Fisher, 1993; Newman, 1996; Kalpana in Ashish, 2015). Zapušcene ulice, temni prehodi, nezadostna osvetljava, odrocni mestni prostori in uporaba jav­nega prevoza v poznih urah so okolišcine, v katerih ljudje naj­ N. Ç. ERKAN, B. SEVIN TOPÇU pogosteje obcutijo strah pred kriminalom (Treske, 1990; Warr, 1990: Greene, 2003; Erkan 2015; Tandogan in Simsek Ilhan, 2016). Kot navajajo Tandogan in Simsek Ilhan (2016) ter Tres­ke (1990), ženske pogosteje obcutijo strah na neobljudenih obmocjih in kadar se stemni. Raziskava v Helsinkih pa je po­kazala, da ženske dojemajo zimske in poletne vecere kot enako nevarne, kljub razlikam v dolžini dneva. Cetudi se pozimi prej stemni, je ob poletnih vecerih zaradi prijaznejšega vremena na javnih mestih vec moških (Koskela, 1998). Na podlagi nave-dene raziskave strah pri vecini žensk ne izvira iz prostorskih znacilnosti, ampak iz strahu pred moškimi (Valentine, 1989). Njihovega strahu pred kriminalom torej ne moremo preprosto odpraviti s prostorskimi izboljšavami (Koskela in Pain, 2000). Posledicno ženske obcutijo vec strahu pred kriminalom kot moški, kar omejuje njihovo vkljucenost v javno življenje. 2 Metode 2.1 Obmocje raziskave Kadiköy je soseska na azijski strani Istanbula (slika 1), za razis­kavo pa je bil izbrana zato, ker velja za varen predel Istanbula, zlasti med ženskami, ceprav je precej oblegan in njegove jav­ne prostore uporabljajo najrazlicnejši ljudje (Bilen idr. 2013; Lordoglu, 2018). Navedeno je pomemben podatek, saj sta se lahko avtorici osredotocili na strah pred kriminalom neod­visno od dejanske stopnje kriminala. Raziskava, ki jo je Lor­doglujeva opravila med samskimi ženskami (Lordoglu, 2018), je pokazala še, da Kadiköy velja za ženskam najbolj prijazno stanovanjsko sosesko v Istanbulu. Medijsko porocanje o napadih na ženske zaradi njihovih ob-lacil je julija 2017 sprožilo proteste na številnih obmocjih v Istanbulu, tudi v Kadiköyu. Organizirani protesti so bili po­ a a b b c c Slika 2: a) nocno življenje (foto: Internet 3), b) praznovanje ob dnevu žensk (foto: Internet 4), c) protest s sloganom: Pustite naša oblacila pri miru v Kadiköyu (foto: Internet 5) sledica obcutenja strahu pred kriminalom na javnih mestih. Eden izmed razlogov za izvedbo raziskave v Kadiköyu je bil tudi protest s sloganom: Pustite naša oblacila pri miru. Zaradi zgošcenosti tako formalnih kot neformalnih družbenih orga­nizacij v Kadiköyu se soseska z vidika družbenogospodarskih dejavnikov, kulture in nocnega življenja mocno razlikuje od drugih obmocij v Istanbulu (slika 2). V glavnem prostorskem nacrtu mesta je Kadiköy opredeljen kot kulturno in prometno vozlišce, v zadnjih letih pa je po­stal še bolj obiskan in bolj kozmopolitski. Zaradi gostinskih lokalov ter raznih prostorov in površin za razvedrilo in zabavo so se okrepile tudi kulturne aktivnosti. Ker je obmocje dobro Slika 3: Razlicna prostorska raba nabrežja v Kadiköyu, a) pomoli (foto: N. Ç. Erkan), b) parkirišce (foto: B. Sevin), c) rekreacijsko obmocje (foto: F. Çobanoglu) dostopno z razlicnimi sredstvi javnega prevoza (s trajektom, avtobusom, podzemno železnico itd.), je tam cedalje vec tu­ristov, gneca je vse vecja, obmocje pa je živahno še pozno v noc. Po podatkih turškega statisticnega inštituta je leta 2017 v Kadiköyu živelo 451.453 ljudi, dnevno pa ga je obiskalo vec kot šestkrat toliko turistov (Kadiköy District Registry Office, 2017). Obmocje raziskave je obsegalo tradicionalno tržnico (ki ima najvec obiskovalcev), nakupovalna obmocja, površine za zabavo, nabrežje, ki je hkrati prometno vozlišce in rekreacijsko obmocje, in multimodalno prometno vozlišce na celini (sliki 3 in 4). Avtorici sta obmocje opazovali ob razlicnih dnevih in razlicnih casih, hkrati pa sta na njem izvedli tudi anketo, opi­sano v nadaljevanju. N. Ç. ERKAN, B. SEVIN TOPÇU 2.2 Anketa Raziskava se osredotoca na strah pred kriminalom, ki ga ob­cutijo uporabniki varnih javnih prostorov, in z njim povezane razlike med ženskami in moškimi. Avtorici sta proucevali, na katerih krajih ljudje obcutijo strah in katere okolišcine lahko vzbujajo ta strah. Oblikovali sta ta raziskovalna vprašanja: 1. Ali v varnem mestnem predelu moški in ženske razlicno ob­cutijo strah pred kriminalom? 2. Ali kakovost javnega prostora in okolišcine na njem vplivajo na strah pred kriminalom? 3. Ali so pri doživljanju strahu pred kriminalom na proucevanem javnem prostoru – ob upoštevanju njegove kakovosti in oko­lišcin na njem – razlike med spoloma? Na podlagi navedenih vprašanj in izhodišca raziskave sta postavili hipotezo, da ženske obcutijo vec strahu pred kriminalom na javnih prostorih kot moški, ne glede na to, kako varno je obmocje. Na proucevanem obmocju sta avtorici izvedli poglobljeno an-keto, s katero sta zbrali podatke o izkušnjah in razmišljanju uporabnikov tamkajšnjih javnih prostorov. Vprašanja so bila razdeljena v tri sklope: a) vprašanja, pri katerih so uporabniki navedli svoje osebne podatke (spol, starost in stopnjo izobra­zbe), razloge za obisk Kadiköya in kako pogosto ga obišcejo, b) vprašanja o tem, ali se v Kadiköyu pocutijo varne in na katerih krajih obcutijo strah, c) vprašanja o tem, kateri kraji in okolišcine bi lahko v njih vzbudili strah. Pri tretjem sklo­pu vprašanj so anketiranci izpostavili 15 krajev in 9 okolišcin, ki bi bili lahko problematicni. Kraje in okolišcine so morali ovrednotiti na petstopenjski Likertovi lestvici (1 – sploh se ne strinjam, 5 – popolnoma se strinjam), pri cemer so lahko ocenili poljubno število navedenih možnosti. Avtorici sta omenjene kraje in okolišcine izbrali na podlagi rezultatov pilotne raziskave iz leta 2014, v kateri je sodelovalo 60 žensk, ki so izpostavile vec lokacij, ki jim vzbujajo strah. Med njimi so zlasti temni in opušceni kraji, kjer je vidljivost sla­ba, in kraji, kjer je gneca in morebitni storilci ostanejo neopa­ženi. V anketo sta avtorici vkljucili tudi stranske in glavne ulice, vendar so z vidika strahu pred kriminalom manj pomembne. Izbrane lokacije sta opisali z njihovimi funkcijami in nista de­jansko navedli imen posameznih sosesk na proucevanem ob-mocju. Pricakovali sta, da bosta med njimi ugotovili statisticno znacilne razlike. V vprašalnik sta v razdelek z naslovom Oko­lišcine vkljucili tudi situacije, ki se lahko pojavijo na katerem koli kraju (npr. gneca, neobljudena obmocja, tema, prisotnost potepuških živali, beracev, narkomanov in podobno, situacije, v katerih se posameznik izgubi na nekem obmocju, ga besedno nadleguje neznana oseba ali vec ljudi strmi vanj, ali ko vecja skupina ljudi povzroca hrup itd.). Strah pred kriminalom glede na spol je bila odvisna spremenljivka, javni kraji s svojimi zna-cilnostmi in okolišcinami pa so bili neodvisne spremenljivke. Anketa se je izvajala v maju in juniju 2017. V njej je sodelovalo 387 oseb, in sicer 170 prek spleta in 217 z osebnimi srecanji. Pred statisticnimi analizami, na podlagi katerih sta avtorici ugotavljali, ali so podatki normalno porazdeljeni, sta veljavnost pridobljenih podatkov preverili z analizo koeficientov asimetri­je in splošcenosti. Ker so bile vrednosti omenjenih koeficientov med -2 in +2, so bili podatki normalno porazdeljeni (George in Mallery, 2010). Glede na to, da so bili podatki pridobljeni prek osebnih in spletnih anket, sta podobnost njune porazde­litve preverili z Wald-Wolfowitzem testom sekvenc, ki je po­kazal, da so podatki, pridobljeni od obeh skupin anketirancev, podobno porazdeljeni. Spletno anketo sta avtorici uporabili Preglednica 1: Spol in izobrazba anketirancev ter razlogi, zakaj so v Kadiköyu Merilo in vrednost Ženske: n (v %) Moški: n (v %) Skupaj: n (v %) 15–25 63 (27) 35 (23) 98 (25) 26–35 91 (38) 62 (41) 153 (40) 36–45 51 (22) 24 (16) 75 (19) Starost (v letih) 46–55 17 (79) 11 (7) 28 (7) 56–65 9 (6) 13 (9) 22 (6) 65+ 6 (14) 5 (24) 11 (17) Skupaj 237 (100) 150 (100) 387 (100) Osnovna šola 7 (3) 6 (4) 13 (3) Srednja poklicna šola 5 (2) 7 (5) 12 (3) Gimnazija 38 (16) 20 (13) 58 (15) Raven izobrazbe Univerzitetna diploma 143 (60) 96 (64) 239 (62) Magisterij, doktorat 44 (19) 21 (14) 65 (17) Skupaj 237 (100) 150 (100) 387 (100) Tam živijo in delajo 65 (27) 55 (37) 120 (31) Razlogi Drugo 172 (73) 95 (63) 267 (69) Skupaj 237 (100) 150 (100) 387 (100) Skupaj 237 (61,2) 150 (38,8) 387 (100) Preglednica 2: Hi-kvadrat analiza odvisnosti med spolom in obcutkom varnosti Je v Kadiköyu kakšen kraj, na katerem se ne Ne 123 101 224 8,976 1 ,003 pocutite varni? Da 114 49 163 Skupaj 237 150 387 zato, da bi lahko v raziskavo vkljucili osebe, ki nimajo casa odgovarjati na vprašanja na ulici, mlajše generacije, ki so spret­ne z uporabo družbenih medijev, in posameznike, ki se zaradi strahu pred kriminalom izogibajo sporazumevanju z neznanci. Spletne vprašalnike sta tako prek družbenih medijev poslali posameznikom, ki so kakor koli povezani s Kadiköyem (tam živijo, delajo ali ga obiskujejo). Osebne ankete sta izvajali pri­pravnici. Uporabljena je bila metoda neverjetnostnega prilož­nostnega vzorcenja, ankete pa so bile opravljene z nakljucnimi osebami na javnih prostorih v Kadiköyu, in sicer med tednom in tudi ob koncu tedna. V anketi je sodelovalo vec žensk (n = 237) kot moških (n = 150). Razlog je ta, da so ženske bolj pripravljene sodelovati v anketah kot moški in da moški red-keje govorijo o svojih strahovih (Crawford idr., 1990; Jackson, 2009: 371, 381). Iz preglednice 1 je razvidno, da je imelo 79 % anketirancev vsaj univerzitetno izobrazbo. To pomeni, da so prebivalci ali obis-kovalci soseske visoko izobraženi. Posamezniki z višjo stopnjo izobrazbe so bili tudi bolj pripravljeni sodelovati v anketi. Med anketiranci jih je 31 % živelo ali delalo v Kadiköyu, 69 % pa jih je sosesko obiskalo zaradi razlicnih razlogov (preglednica 1). Preglednica 3: Povezava med kraji, ki ljudem vzbujajo strah, in spo­lom Sredstva javnega prevoza -,209** ,000 Avtobusne postaje -,181** ,000 Postaje podzemne železnice -,188** ,000 Podhodi -,232** ,000 Stanovanjska obmocja -,278** ,000 Tržnica ponoci -,175** ,001 Nabrežje ponoci -,280** ,000 Park -,215** ,000 Parkirišce -,288** ,000 Notranje parkirišce -,395** ,000 Obmocja, porisana z grafiti -,115* ,023 Stranske ulice -,177** ,000 Glavne ulice -,200** ,000 Blizu lokalov, kjer strežejo alkoholne -,273** ,000 pijace Blizu opušcenih in praznih obmocij -,175** ,001 Opomba: * p < 0,05, ** p < 0,01. N. Ç. ERKAN, B. SEVIN TOPÇU Preglednica 4: Regresijska analiza krajev, ki ljudem vzbujajo strah, glede na spol Odvisna spremenljivka Pril. R˛ F (znac.) ß t (znac.) Velikost vpliva Sredstva javnega prevoza ,041 17,551 (,000) -,209 -4,189 (,000) Majhen Avtobusne postaje ,030 12,977 (,000) -,181 -3,602 (,000) Majhen Postaje podzemne železnice ,033 20,499 (,000) -,188 -3,755 (,000) Majhen Podhodi ,072 31,039 (,000) -,273 -5,571 (,000) Majhen Stanovanjska obmocja ,028 12,134 (,001) -,175 -3,483 (,001) Majhen Tržnica ponoci ,037 15,984 (,000) -,200 -3,998 (,000) Majhen Nabrežje ponoci ,051 21,807 (,000) -,232 -4,670 (,000) Majhen Stranske ulice ,075 32,264 (,000) -,278 -5,680 (,000) Majhen Glavne ulice ,028 12,097 (,001) -,175 -3,478 (,001) Majhen Park ,076 32,859 (,000) -,280 -5,732 (,000) Majhen Blizu lokalov, ki strežejo alkoholne pijace ,044 18,610 (,000) -,215 -4,314 (,000) Majhen Parkirišce ,081 34,862 (,000) -,288 -5,904 (,000) Majhen Notranje parkirišce ,154 71,313 (,000) -,395 -8,445 (,000) Srednji Kraji, porisani z grafiti ,011 5,197 (,023) -,115 -2,280 (,023) Majhen Blizu opušcenih in praznih obmocij ,029 12,404 (,000) -,177 -3,522 (,000) Majhen Preglednica 5: Korelacija med okolišcinami, ki vzbujajo strah, in spolom Izgubiš se -,206** ,000 Gneca -,070 ,167 Opušcena obmocja -,348** ,000 Tema -,416** ,000 Beraci, narkomani itd. -,253** ,000 Besedno nadlegovanje -,427** ,000 Prisotnost potepuških živali -,094 ,064 Vecja skupina strmi vate -,279** ,000 Skupina povzroca hrup -,091 ,073 Opomba: * p < 0,05, ** p < 0,01. 3 Rezultati V raziskavi sta avtorici proucevali, ali se ženske in moški v Kadiköyu pocutijo varne. S hi-kvadrat testom sta ugotavljali, ali je obcutek varnosti odvisen od spola, odvisnost med spre­menljivkama pa se je izkazala za statisticno znacilno (.˛ = 8,97; p < ,05; preglednica 2). Pri izracunu povezave med kraji, ki vzbujajo strah, in spolom so bili vsi rezultati negativni in statisticno znacilni (p < 0,05; preglednica 3). Pri regresijski analizi spremenljivke »spol« sta avtorici upora­bili enostavno kodiranje, in sicer sta ženskemu spolu pripisali vrednost 0, moškemu pa 1. To pomeni, da ima moški spol negativen vpliv in da moški dosegajo nižje vrednosti pri vpra­šanjih o krajih, ki vzbujajo strah. Regresijska analiza je pokaza-la, da neodvisna spremenljivka »spol« pomembno pojasnjuje vse spremenljivke, povezane s kraji. Med njimi je bil najvecji vpliv ugotovljen pri spremenljivki »notranje parkirišce« (R˛ = ,154, F(1, 385) = 71,31, p < ,001), ki jo spremenljivka »spol« tudi najbolj pojasnjuje (ß = -,395, t (385) = -8,445, p < ,001; preglednica 4). Pri korelacijski analizi povezava med spolom in gneco, priso­tnostjo potepuških živali in skupino, ki povzroca hrup, ni bila statisticno znacilna (p > 0,05), zato navedene spremenljivke niso bile vkljucene v regresijsko analizo (preglednica 5). Pri regresijski analizi sta avtorici za ugotavljanje vpliva mo-škega spola uporabili enostavno kodiranje (ženski spol = 0, moški spol = 1). Rezultati regresijske analize so pokazali, da ima moški spol negativen vpliv (preglednica 6), kar pomeni, da ženske dosegajo višje vrednosti pri vprašanjih glede oko­lišcin, ki vzbujajo strah. Neodvisna spremenljivka »spol« je pomembno pojasnila vse druge spremenljivke. Velikost vpliva pri spremenljivkah »opušcena obmocja« (R˛ = ,040, F(1, 385) = 17,07, p < ,001), »tema« (R˛ = ,171, F(1, 385) = 80,73, p < ,001) in »besedno nadlegovanje« (R˛ = ,181, F(1, 385) = 86,08, p < ,001) pa je vecja kot pri drugih spremenl­jivkah. Regresijska analiza ni bila opravljena, saj med prisot­nostjo potepuških živali, skupino, ki povzroca hrup, in gneco ni statisticno znacilne povezave. Analize so pokazale, da je spremenljivka »spol« negativno in statisticno znacilno povezana z vsakim krajem in okolišcino. Moški spol ima pri teh okolišcinah negativen vpliv, zaradi cesar so pri moških tudi vrednosti, povezane z obcutenjem strahu, nižje. Spremenljivka »spol« najbolje pojasni besedno nadle­ Preglednica 6: Regresijska analiza okolišcin, ki vzbujajo strah, glede na spol Odvisna spremenljivka Pril. R˛ F (znac.) ß t (znac.) Velikost vpliva Izgubiš se ,040 17,071 (,000) -,206 -4,132 (,000) Majhen Opušcena obmocja ,119 52,919 (,000) -,348 -7,275 (,000) Majhen do srednji Tema ,171 80,736 (,000) -,416 -8,985 (,000) Srednji Beraci, narkomani itd. ,061 26,258 (,000) -,253 -5,124 (,000) Majhen Besedno nadlegovanje ,181 86,084 (,000) -,427 -9,278 (,000) Srednji Vecja skupina strmi vate ,076 32,566 (,000) -,279 -5,707 (,000) Majhen govanje, kar pomeni, da se ženske tega bojijo bolj kot katere koli druge okolišcine. 4 Razprava V raziskavi sta avtorici proucevali povezavo med spolom ter kraji in okolišcinami, ki vzbujajo strah pred kriminalom na javnih mestih. Rezultati kažejo, da ceprav javni prostor velja za varnega, ženske nad njem obcutijo vec strahu kot moški, ne glede na okolišcine. V neki drugi raziskavi, opravljeni v Istanbulu, je 79 % anketirancev navedlo, da se na javnih prostorih ne morejo svobodno in varno gibati, ker se bojijo, da bodo napadeni (Kul, 2013: 86; Karasu, 2017: 63). Rezultati raziskave, predstavljene v tem clanku, pa kažejo, da se 42,1 % anketirancev ne pocuti varne na nekaterih krajih v Kadiköyu. Na podlagi navedenih podatkov je Kadiköy varnejši od pre­ostalega metropolitanskega obmocja Istanbula. Po drugi strani je 70 % anketirancev, ki se tam ne pocutijo varne, žensk, kar pomeni, da se ženske pocutijo bolj ogrožene kot moški. Na podlagi porocila turškega statisticnega inštituta o zadovoljstvu z življenjem (TÜIK, 2016) je bil delež ljudi, ki se ne pocutijo varne, ko se v svoji soseski ponoci sprehajajo sami, 26,2 % (med moškimi je bil ta delež 15,2 %, med ženskami pa 37 %). Varne se je na obmocju, na katerem živijo, pocutilo 71 % moških in 47,5 % žensk. Iz navedenih podatkov je razvidno, da se ženske pocutijo manj varne kot moški. Izsledki raziskave torej kažejo, da je med spolom in obcutkom varnosti statisticno znacilna povezava in da se ženske pogosteje pocutijo ogrožene. Avtorici sta proucevali tudi vpliv znacilnosti javnih prostorov in okolišcin na teh prostorih na obcutek strahu pred krimina­lom. Ugotovili sta, da na strah na primer vplivata opustelost in tema. Izsledki so pokazali tudi protislovje v zvezi z opušce­nimi kraji. Glede strahu na opušcenih obmocjih ni bilo razlik med moškimi in ženskami, je pa regresijska analiza pri spre­menljivki »opušcena obmocja« pokazala majhen do srednje velik vpliv. Izracunana p-vrednost za spremenljivko »opušcena obmocja« je znašala 0,073, kar pomeni, da je povezava del-no statisticno znacilna. Ce bi v anketi sodelovalo vec ljudi, bi morda navedena vrednost dosegla statisticno znacilno ra­ven (Pritschet idr., 2016). Izsledki torej kažejo, da kraji, kot so notranja parkirišca in opušcena obmocja, vzbujajo strah in da se ženske bolj kot moški bojijo teme in besednega nadle­govanja. Raziskava, opravljena med ženskami v Istanbulu, je pokazala, da se ženske najbolj bojijo fizicnega nadlegovanja (42 %) in temnih ulic (11,4 %), strah pa jih je tudi napadov (9,24 %) na javnih prostorih (Erkan, 2015). Tandoganova in Simsek Ilhanova (2016) sta proucevali strah pred kriminalom med prebivalkami mest, pri cemer sta ugotovili, da se 88,0 % žensk, vkljucenih v raziskavo, na opušcenih ali tihih ulicah in cestah ponoci ni pocutilo varno. Navedeno se ujema z rezultati raziskave, predstavljene v tem clanku. Raziskave kažejo, da nekateri strahovi (npr. strah pred besed­nim nadlegovanjem) bolj vplivajo na obnašanje žensk na javnih prostorih kot drugi. Tandoganova in Simsek Ilhanova (2016) ugotavljata, da ženske v Istanbulu pogosto besedno nadlegujejo neznanci (63,4 %). V intervjujih, opravljenih v okviru raziska­ve, predstavljene v tem clanku, so nekatere študentke navedle, da nosijo slušalke, ko so same, da ne slišijo zmerljivk ali se vsaj pretvarjajo, da jih ne slišijo. Vcasih je lahko tudi strmenje na javnih mestih ravno tako žaljivo kot besedno nadlegovanje, saj vpliva na obnašanje žensk. Ker je v družbi, kjer imajo glavno besedo moški, zelo težko jasno dolociti meje med tem, kaj je nadlegovanje in kaj ne (ceprav sta strmenje in besedno nadle­govanje za ženske v nekaterih primerih nekaj samoumevnega), tovrstni dejavniki pri ženskah še naprej vzbujajo strah. 5 Sklep Ceprav se ženske v Kadiköyu pocutijo varnejše in svobodnej­še kot v drugih predelih Istanbula, še vedno obcutijo strah pred kriminalom. Kot je razvidno iz podobnih raziskav, spol pomembno vpliva na obcutek strahu pred kriminalom na jav­nih prostorih. Urbanisticne ureditve lahko pomagajo pregnati strah pred kriminalom na javnih prostorih, vendar raziskave kažejo, da to ni dovolj. Rezultati raziskave potrjujejo, da bi bilo treba uvesti nekatere družbene varnostne ukrepe, zlasti za preprecevanje strahu pred kriminalom med ženskami. Omeniti je treba, da ima raziskava, predstavljena v tem clanku, nekatere omejitve. Posamezniki, ki so prostovoljno sodelovali v anketi, imajo višjo stopnjo izobrazbe kot povprecen prebivalec Istanbula, zato njenih izsledkov ni mogoce posplošiti na ce­ N. Ç. ERKAN, B. SEVIN TOPÇU lotno mesto. V naslednji fazi raziskave bi bilo treba primerjati strah pred kriminalom v varnem in nevarnem mestnem pre­delu ter prouciti razlike v obcutenju strahu na obeh obmocjih glede na spol. Nilgün Çolpan Erkan Tehnicna univerza Yildiz, Fakulteta za arhitekturo, Oddelek za urbani­zem in regionalno nacrtovanje, Istanbul, Turcija E-naslov: nilgunerkan@gmail.com Beril Sevin Topçu Obcina Kadiköy, Istanbul, Turcija E-naslov: berilsevin@gmail.com Zahvala Avtorici se zahvaljujeta Kaganu Güneyu za pomoc pri statisticni ob-delavi podatkov ter Meryem Çagis in Ebru Çakmak za pomoc pri izvedbi terenske ankete. Viri in literatura Bilen, Ö., Askin, Ö. E., Büyüklü, A. H., Ökten, A., in Mehmet, G. Ü. R. 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(1984): Fear of victimization: Why are women and the elderly more afraid? Social Science Quarterly, 65(3), str. 681–702. Warr, M. (1990): Dangerous situations: Social context and fear of victi­mization. Social Forces, 68(3), str. 891–907. DOI: 10.2307/2579359 Yirmibesoglu, F., in Ergun, N. (2015): Fear of crime among women in the old city center of Istanbul. Current Urban Studies, 3(2), str. 161–174. DOI: 10.4236/cus.2015.32014 UDK: 712.25:001.8 DOI: 10.5379/urbani-izziv-2021-32-02-03 Prejeto: 16. junij 2021 Sprejeto: 5. oktober 2021 Vita ŽLENDER Razvoj prostorske metode dolocanja obmestnih krajin Za prostor med mestnimi in podeželskimi obmocji, ki pogosto ni jasno dolocen, se obicajno uporablja izraz »obmestna krajina«. Eden kljucnih razlogov za nave-deno nejasnost je konceptualno preširoka in geografsko nejasna opredelitev tega prostora. Avtorica se v clanku osredotoca na prostorsko dolocanje obmestne krajine na subregionalni ravni, pri cemer predstavi metodo, ki temelji na prostorskih in demografskih merilih. Prostor­sko jasno opredeljena obmestna krajina na subregionalni ravni je lahko v pomoc pri izbiri ustreznih lokalnih in regionalnih pristopov k njenemu razvoju. Avtorica me-todo, ki temelji na analizi prekrivanja podatkovnih slojev, preverja z uporabo podatkov, pridobljenih od regionalnih in obcinskih uradov v Ljubljani in Edinburgu. Rezultati kažejo, da opisana manj dvoumna prostorska dolocitev obmestnih krajin zagotavlja boljšo podlago za prostorsko nacrtovanje in oblikovanje prostorske politike. Kljucne besede: obmestna krajina, metoda prekrivanja, Ljubljana, Edinburg, krajinsko nacrtovanje, GIS 1 Uvod Ceprav širjenje obmestnih obmocij (periurbanizacija) ni nov pojav, v zadnjih letih vzbuja cedalje vecjo pozornost krajinskih nacrtovalcev, urbanistov, geografov in drugih strokovnjakov. Rezultat tovrstnega širjenja je posebna vrsta prostora, ki so jo zgodnji raziskovalci vecinoma povezovali s suburbanizacijo, najnovejše ugotovitve pa kažejo, da je tovrstnim prostorom skupno to, da delujejo kot nekakšen vmesnik za interakcije med podeželskimi in mestnimi obmocji (Meeus in Gulinck, 2008; La Rosa idr., 2018; Shaw idr., 2020). Zanje se upora­bljajo razlicna poimenovanja, kot so obmestna obmocja, ožje mestno obrobje (ang. urban fringe), predmestno obmocje in širše mestno obrobje (ang. urban periphery), kljub cedalje vec raziskavam pa njihova opredelitev ostaja konceptualno in pro-storsko nejasna (Gonçalves idr., 2017). O teh konceptualnih vprašanjih je bilo opravljenih že vec raziskav (glej npr. Žlender in Gemin, 2020; Žlender, 2021). V tem clanku je uporabljen izraz »obmestna krajina«, obmestna obmocja pa so opre­deljena kot obmocja mešane rabe prostora znotraj te krajine (Žlender, 2021). Namen raziskave, predstavljene v tem clanku, je bil dolociti prostorsko naravo obmestne krajine. Z geografskega vidika je za obmestne krajine znacilna vecja gostota prebivalstva kot za podeželska obmocja, obmestne krajine so pogosto izpostavlje­ne tudi suburbanizaciji (Couch idr., 2008; Jacquin idr., 2008; Maleas, 2018; Piorr idr., 2011). Obicajno so v teh krajinah industrijska središca in objekti, znacilni za terciarni sektor, kot so nakupovalna središca, tehnološki parki in logisticna središca (Couch idr., 2008; Gant idr., 2011; Gonçalves idr., 2017; Mar­tyniuk-Peczek idr., 2017), hkrati pa je zanje znacilen upad kme­tijske ali gozdarske rabe. Na obmestnih obmocjih so pogosto tudi prazna zemljišca in varovani naravni habitati. Dosedanje raziskave obmestnih krajin so obsegale vse od analiz vzorcev prostorske rabe ( Jacquin idr., 2008; van Vliet idr., 2019) do celovitih analiz, ki so združevale vec vidikov, na primer gibanje števila prebivalstva, gospodarske tokove in vzorce mobilnosti (za pregled glej Mortoja idr., 2020). Celoviti pristopi zagotavljajo celosten pogled na prostorsko ureditev, rabo prostora in druge vidike (Gonçalves idr., 2017), vendar so lahko prostorske znacilnosti obmestnih krajin zelo razlicne, kakršne koli analize njihove dinamike pa morajo te razlike upoštevati (Piorr idr., 2011). Standardne nacrtovalske opredelitve morajo temeljiti zlasti na analizi vzorcev rabe pro-stora, ustrezni izbiri merila prostorskih kazalnikov in jasni raz­mejitvi, da so lahko v podporo prostorskemu nacrtovanju in iz­vajanju prostorske politike, zlasti pri predvidevanju mej urbane rasti, da se omejijo morebitne neželene posledice širjenja mesta (Inostroza idr., 2013; Wandl idr., 2014; Mortoja idr., 2020). V clanku avtorica predstavi prostorsko dolocljivo metodo analize za dolocanje prostorskega obsega obmestnih krajin in klasifikacijo obmestnih obmocij. Ker se je dolocanje obmestnih krajin na regionalni ravni izkazalo za premalo natancno, se predlagani pristop osredotoca na subregionalno raven. Obrav­navani sta dve glavni raziskovalni vprašanji: 1. Kaj in kje so meje obmestne krajine? ter 2. Ali je glede na raznolikost rabe prostora, morfoloških znacilnosti ter gospodarskih in kultur­nih procesov v obmestnih krajinah natancnejša dolocitev sploh mogoca ali potrebna? Opisana je prostorsko dolocljiva metoda dolocanja obmestnih krajin, s katero se lahko oblikujejo ustreznejši nacrtovalski pri­stopi. Cilji raziskave so bili: 1. predlagati operativno metodo­logijo za dolocitev obmestnih krajin, 2. izbrati in oceniti po­datke za analizo, 3. ovrednotiti rezultate na podlagi pregledane literature ter 4. predlagati usmeritve za prihodnje prostorsko nacrtovanje in oblikovanje prostorske politike. Zdi se, da je dolocitev mogoca, problematicni pa sta lahko kolicina in ka­kovost razpoložljivih podatkov, zlasti z vidika granularnosti, prostorskega obsega, natancnosti in razlik v pristopih h klasi­fikaciji rabe prostora. Avtorica proucuje, ali bi manj dvoumna prostorska dolocitev obmestnih krajin izboljšala prostorsko na-crtovanje in oblikovanje politike, ter predlaga, kako bi izsledki njene raziskave lahko izboljšali trenutno nacrtovalsko prakso. Predlagani pristop je bil najprej razvit in uporabljen v okviru širše raziskave (Žlender, 2014), nato pa je bil posodobljen z najnovejšimi podatki za testna obmocja v Ljubljani in Edin-burgu. Navedeni mesti sta bili izbrani kot znacilni predstavnici srednje velikih mest, v katerih živi najvec Evropejcev (Giffinger idr., 2007), in zaradi pragmaticnih razlogov (npr. dostopnosti podatkovnih zbirk in ker ni jezikovnih ovir za raziskovalko). V drugem poglavju je opredeljen kontekst raziskave in pregleda­ne tipologije, na podlagi cesar je avtorica dolocila klasifikacijske spremenljivke in prostorske enote analize ter izbrala najpri­mernejšo tipologijo za dolocanje obmestnih krajin. V tretjem poglavju avtorica opiše, kako je proucevala prostorsko rabo in druge geografske vidike obmestnih krajin v obeh mestih, ter predstavi znacilnosti podatkov in metodologije, uporabljenih za dolocitev teh krajin. Izsledki analiz so navedeni v cetrtem poglavju. V sklepnem, petem, poglavju je na podlagi rezulta­tov študij primera predlagana metoda ovrednotena kot možno podporno orodje za prostorsko nacrtovanje in oblikovanje pro-storske politike na obmestnih obmocjih. 2 Opis in klasifikacija obmestnih krajin: pregled literature Zaradi sprememb, ki jih povzroca urbanizacija, nekaterih ob-mestnih obmocij ne moremo vec jasno ali preprosto oprede­ liti kot mestna ali podeželska, saj se zaradi hitre urbane rasti kmetijska zemljišca še naprej krcijo, in to za stanovanjske in gospodarske namene (Cattivelli, 2021a). V poznih 80. letih 20. stoletja so bila neopredeljena obmocja, ki so v tem pri­spevku obravnavana kot obmestne krajine, prepoznana kot posebna prostorska vrsta – ce že ne v nacrtovalski praksi, pa vsaj v raziskovalne namene. Tovrstna obmocja so bila bolj kot locnica prepoznana kot vezni clen med podeželjem in mestom (Unwin, 1989; Adell, 1999) in nekakšen prehoden prostor, ki se hitro spreminja, je kompleksen, raznovrsten (zlasti z vidika organiziranosti prostora in koncentracije rabe prostora), ima nejasne meje (Gant idr., 2011; Piorr idr., 2011; Gonçalves idr., 2017; Mortoja idr., 2020) in pogosto sega cez upravne meje (Iaquinta in Drescher, 2000; Rauws in de Roo, 2011). Ker lahko opisana nejasna geografska opredelitev povzroci tudi spore, povezane z lastništvom (Dadashpoor in Ahani, 2019), bi bila za boljše upravljanje potrebna jasnejša dolocitev tovr­stnih obmocij (Cattivelli, 2021b). Iz obsežne znanstvene literature, v kateri avtorji proucujejo razmerje med podeželjem in mesti ter naravo obmestnih ob-mocij, je razvidno, da se je vecina raziskovalcev pri dolocanju obmestne krajine in njenih mej zanašala na prostorske vidike, kot je na primer raba prostora (Gonçalves idr., 2017), nekatere analize so vkljucevale tudi druge vidike, na primer družbeno--demografske dejavnike. V okviru projekta PLUREL so bila obmestna obmocja razdeljena na ožje mestno obmocje (tj. pas ob robu pozidanega mestnega obmocja z razpršeno poselitvijo nizke gostote, prometnimi vozlišci in obsežnimi odprtimi zele­nimi površinami) in širše mestno obrobje (tj. manjša naselja z nizko gostoto prebivalstva, industrijskimi površinami in drugo urbano prostorsko rabo, ki obdajajo glavna pozidana obmocja; Piorr idr., 2011). Razlicne regionalne tipologije, razvite na panevropski ravni, obicajno uporabljajo spremenljivke, kot so gostota prebivalstva na pozidanih obmocjih, število prebivalcev, morfologija meša­nih (grajenih in odprtih) prostorov, infrastrukturne znacilnosti (npr. dostopnost), mešanica funkcij na regionalni ravni, razve­janost gospodarskih dejavnosti, stopnja urbanizacije, upravne meje in oddaljenost od mestnih središc (Iaquinta in Drescher, 2000; ESPON, 2005; Korcelli, 2008; Perpar, 2009; Dijkstra in Poelman, 2010; OECD, 2010; Piorr idr., 2011; Internet 1). Cattivellijeva (2021b) je proucila osemdeset metod klasifikaci­je, ki so jih v zadnjih dveh desetletjih razvili statisticni uradi, nacionalne vlade in znanstveniki v Evropi, in jih razvrstila v naslednjih pet kategorij glede na spremenljivke, na podlagi ka­terih so bile oblikovane: demografska dinamika, gospodarski in družbeni kazalniki, sistem poselitve, oddaljenost in kombi­nacija vec spremenljivk. Vseh navedenih spremenljivk ni lahko (ali jih sploh ni mogoce) kartirati. Pri pregledu literature se je izkazalo, da so najuporabnejše spremenljivke za kartiranje obmestnih krajin podatki popisov prebivalstva, podatki o po­krovnosti tal in upravne meje (Iaquinta in Drescher, 2000; Piorr idr., 2011; Wandl idr., 2014), na katerih temelji tudi analiza, predstavljena v tem clanku. Ceprav se vecina navede­nih pristopov nanaša na regionalno raven, se ta vcasih zoži na metropolitansko ali subregionalno raven, ki so jo nekateri raz­iskovalci prepoznali kot najprimernejšo za obravnavo dinamike med podeželjem in mestom (Piorr idr., 2011). 3 Metodologija in analiza 3.1 Raziskovalni pristop Na podlagi klasifikacijskih spremenljivk in prostorskih enot, ugotovljenih pri pregledu literature, je bila izbrana najustre­znejša tipologija za dolocanje obmestnih krajin. Na tej podlagi je bila oblikovana nova metodologija, ki sloni na razumevanju, da navedene krajine niso samo prehodni prostor med mestom in podeželjem, ampak medsebojno povezana obmocja, neod­visna od upravnih meja. Analiza obmestnih krajin v razlicnih kulturnih in topografskih okoljih temelji na dolocanju splo­šnih vrst rabe prostora na teh obmocjih in analizi prekrivanja podatkovnih slojev, opisani v nadaljevanju. 3.2 Dolocanje vrst rabe prostora na obmestnih obmocjih Iz literature je razvidno, da mej obmestnih obmocij ni mo­goce dolociti na podlagi specificnih znacilnosti rabe prostora, kot je na primer neskladnost rabe tal, ampak je treba pri tem upoštevati številne dejavnike, kot je bilo navedeno že zgoraj (Gonçalves idr., 2017). Ker je nekatere izmed dejavnikov težko ali celo nemogoce kartirati, je bilo opredeljenih pet splošnih vrst obmestne rabe prostora, in sicer na podlagi že obstojecih, ne novih podatkov, da bo metoda preprosta tudi za priho­dnje uporabnike. Navedena tipologija je pri opisu narave in mej obmestnih obmocij (glej drugo poglavje) izhajala iz že obstojecih konceptov. Vsaki vrsti rabe so bile dodeljene razlic­ne kategorije rabe prostora v skladu s splošnim pristopom k prostorskemu razvoju, uveljavljenim v Evropski uniji. Ta pou­darja pomen ohranjanja krajin za preprecevanje izgube biotske raznovrstnosti, kulturne identitete in ekosistemskih storitev, povezanih s prihodnjo pozidavo zemljišc, s cimer bi se izbolj­šale funkcije prsti in obdržala kakovost krajin (Committee on Spatial Development, 1999; Svet Evrope, 2000; Evropska komisija, 2011; EU, 2011). Na podlagi ugotovitev prejšnjih raziskav, da lokalni prebivalci nekatere grajene površine (npr. poslovna in logisticna središca, prometna vozlišca, odlagališca odpadkov in stanovanjska obmocja) zaznavajo kot neprivlac­ne, polnaravne zelene prostore, odprte rekreacijske površine, parke in podobno pa kot privlacne (Žlender, 2021), so bili vkljuceni tudi zaznavni dejavniki. Ob vsem navedenem je treba poudariti, da se upoštevane znacilnosti podatkov (npr. njiho­vo število, vrsta, kakovost) od primera do primera razlikujejo. Ceprav se podatki, uporabljeni v tej raziskavi, nanašajo samo na proucevani mesti, je bilo opredeljenih teh pet splošnih vrst obmestne rabe prostora: • obmocja urbanega kmetijstva in prostocasnih rab (OUKPR): rabe prostora, ki se upravljajo formalno, polformalno ali sploh ne ter podpirajo med drugim proizvodnjo hrane za prebivalce in prostocasne dejavno­sti. Vkljucujejo mestne kmetije, vrticke, zasebne vrtove, zelene površine v naseljih in pokopališca; • obmocja intenzivnega kmetovanja in drugih izkljucnih rab (OIKDIR): vecja obmocja intenzivne ali netrajno­stne kmetijske ali druge rabe. Vkljucujejo zlasti kmetijska zemljišca prve in druge kategorije, vinograde, sadovnjake in drevesnice. V to kategorijo spadajo tudi golfišca, ker so povezana z intenzivno rabo, ki pogosto povzroca okolj­ske težave, kot so onesnaženost s herbicidi, erozija tal in upad biotske raznovrstnosti. Težave so lahko bolj perece v celinski Evropi, saj je zaradi sezonskih podnebnih nihanj vzdrževanje zahtevnejše; • pozidana, opušcena, industrijska in degradirana obmocja s pripadajoco infrastrukturo (POIDO): pozidana obmo-cja slabe kakovosti, vkljucno z degradiranimi krajinami, obmocji z malo ali brez rastlinja, opušcenimi peskokopi, kamnolomi, industrijskimi in poslovnimi površinami, po­sebnimi gospodarskimi obmocji, obmocji razpršene pozi­dave, nerodovitnimi, propadajocimi in praznimi zemlji-šci, okoljsko infrastrukturo, odlagališci, degradiranimi mestnimi površinami, jezovi, ladjedelnicami, odtocnimi kanali, pristanišci, vodnimi zapornicami, jarki in obmocji nacrtovane stanovanjske gradnje; • kulturne krajine in krajine s posebno vrednostjo (KKKPV): vecji polnaravni odprti prostori, parki in druge upravljane zelene površine, vkljucno s podeželski-mi, regionalnimi, lokalnimi in krajinskimi parki, zgodo­vinskimi parki in trgi, neformalnimi rekreacijskimi po­vršinami, turisticnimi obmocji in zelenimi površinami, športnimi in rekreacijskimi obmocji, igrišci, linearnimi zelenimi prostori, drevesnimi nasadi in gozdovi, recnimi bregovi, polnaravnimi odprtimi prostori, gozdovi poseb­nega pomena, gozdnimi rezervati, naravnimi rezervati, ekološko pomembnimi obmocji, obmocji Nature 2000, travišci, pašniki in mocvirji; • varovana naravna obmocja za aktivno individualno re-kreacijo (VO): narodni parki in druga naravna obmocja (ta vrsta ni bila najdena v nobenem od dveh proucevanih mest). 3.3 Ocenjevanje prostorskih podatkov Po opredelitvi splošnih vrst rabe prostora, navedenih v prej­šnjem poglavju, so bili od mestne uprave in drugih upravnih organov pridobljeni ustrezni podatki, ki so bili nato dodeljeni opredeljenim vrstam rabe prostora. Podatki so bili ustrezno preoblikovani za uporabo v okolju GIS, v katerem so bili po­samezni podatkovni sloji med seboj prekriti in združeni v sku-pine, ki so ustrezale zgoraj opredeljenim vrstam rabe prostora. Na tej podlagi je bil nato izdelan kartografski prikaz splošnih vrst rabe prostora. Podatki o gostoti prebivalstva iz popisov prebivalstva (Inter­net 2; SURS, 2019) in podatki za obmestna obmocja, pri­dobljeni iz lokalnih prostorskih nacrtov ali drugih uradnih dokumentov, so bili prekriti tudi s podatki, izlušcenimi iz prej oblikovanih skupin splošnih vrst rabe prostora. Podatki o gostoti prebivalstva za Ljubljano so se nanašali na naselja v Mestni obcini Ljubljana in vseh sosednjih obcinah, v primeru Edinburga pa na obmocja poštnih številk v obcini Edinburg in sosednjih obcinah. Obmestna obmocja Ljubljane so bila dolocena na podlagi Obcinskega prostorskega nacrta (Odlok o obcinskem, 2010), v skladu s katerim obmestje Ljubljane obsega Šentvid, Polje z Novim Poljem, Crnuce, Pržan, Kamno Gorico, Podutik, Gunclje, Stanežice, Medno, Brod, Tomace­vo, Ježo in Podgorico, Vevce, Kašelj, Zalog, naselja zahodno od avtocestne obvoznice ob vznožju Polhograjskega hribovja, Šmartno, Gameljne, Bizovik, Spodnjo Hrušico, Sostro, naselja ob Ižanski cesti in Crno vas. Obmestna obmocja Edinburga pa so bila dolocena na podlagi edinburškega lokalnega pro-storskega nacrta (CEC, 2016), pri cemer so bila kot obmestje dolocena vsa tista obmocja, ki v nacrtu niso bila opredeljena kot mestna (tj. obmocja zelenega pasu in obmocja, ki spadajo v okvir podeželske politike). 3.4 Metoda prekrivanja podatkovnih slojev Z metodo prekrivanja se združujejo podatki ali informacije vec podatkovnih slojev, na podlagi cesar se pridobijo nove infor­macije, pri katerih so prostorski podatki združeni z atributnimi podatki (ki se lahko obtežijo). Vhodna merila lahko preobli­kujemo na vec nacinov, vkljucno z obteženim prekrivanjem, prostorskim spajanjem, navzkrižnimi tabeliranjem in spremi­njanjem slojev na podlagi presekov in združevanja obrezanih slojev (ESRI, 2021). Analiza prekrivanja podatkovnih slojev se obicajno uporablja za modeliranje primernosti, uporabljena pa je bila tudi za dolocanje prostorskih enot, na primer pri krajinski regionalizaciji (Dang idr., 2000; Stahlschmidt idr., 2017), ali za dolocanje vrst krajin pri ocenjevanju krajinskih znacilnosti (Swanwick, 2002). Metoda obteženega prekrivanja je bila v raziskavi uporablje­na za dolocanje obmestnih krajin obeh proucevanih mest; da bi lahko razlikovali med ožjim in širšim mestnim obrobjem (glej drugo poglavje), so bila merila razlicno obtežena. Celo­tno kartiranje se je izvajalo v okolju GIS z uporabo kombina­cije dveh racunalniških programov: vektorski podatki so bili pripravljeni, popravljeni in ocišceni v programu ArcMap 9.2, nato pa uvoženi v program ProVal 2000 (ONIX, 2000), kjer so bili pretvorjeni v rastrske podatke (homogene prostorske enote velikosti 10 × 10 m) in obteženi za koncni kartografski prikaz. S prekrivanjem podatkovnih slojev so bili ugotovljeni posebni prostorski vzorci, ki jih je avtorica nato primerjala z zracnimi posnetki, pridobljenimi iz aplikacije Google Earth, da bi ocenila, ali imata širše in ožje mestno obrobje prostorske znacilnosti, opisane v literaturi. Na tej podlagi je obmestne kra­jine rocno dolocila s seštevanjem graficne opredelitve širšega in ožjega mestnega obrobja. Postopek prekrivanja podatkov je vkljuceval korake, opisane v nadaljevanju. Najprej so bile opredeljene znacilnosti širšega in ožjega mestnega obrobja, na podlagi cesar je bila izdelana ocenjevalna lestvica za njuno razmejitev. Obmestne krajine so v literaturi opisane kot mešanica zemljišc nižje vrednosti, ki vkljucujejo odlagališca in degradirana obmocja, opušcenih zemljišc in polnaravnih zelenih odprtih prostorov, ki jih lju­dje cenijo in uporabljajo (Neuvonen idr., 2007; Qviström in Saltzman, 2008; Žlender, 2021). Za ožje mestno obrobje je v primerjavi s širšim znacilna vecja urbanost prostora (npr. pro-metna vozlišca in gosto pozidana naselja) in prvine, kot so velike zelene površine. Na širše mestno obrobje pa bolj vpliva podeželsko okolje z redkeje pozidanimi naselji in kmetijsko rabo (Piorr idr., 2011). V skladu z navedenim je bil vrstama prostorske rabe s kmetijskimi znacilnostmi (OUKPR in OIK­DIR) pripisan vecji delež vpliva pri analizi širšega mestnega obrobja, obmocjem prevladujocih naravnih in pozidanih povr­šin (POIDO in KKKPV) pa je bil pripisan vecji delež vpliva pri analizi ožjega mestnega obrobja. Pri odlocanju o tem, kako ovrednotiti podatkovne sloje, so bili upoštevani tudi dopolnil­ni terenski podatki, zgodovinski podatki o razvoju obeh mest ter intervjuji s predstavniki lokalnih organov in strokovnjaki s podrocja urbanizma, arhitekture, krajinske arhitekture, in-frastrukture in drugih podrocij, kar naj bi izboljšalo tocnost dobljenih rezultatov (za vec podrobnosti glej izsledke drugih raziskav, npr. Žlender, 2014, 2021; Žlender in Ward Thomp­son, 2017; Žlender in Gemin, 2020). Navedene dodatne in-formacije so bile zlasti koristne pri izbiri ustreznega merila za dolocanje obmestnih krajin ter pri koncni rocni razmejitvi mestnega središca, ožjega in širšega mestnega obrobja. V naslednjem koraku sta bila z ukazom logicni »ali« osnovna podatkovna sloja prekrita s podatkovnim slojem, ki oznacuje gostoto prebivalstva, in s podatki o obmestnih obmocjih iz lokalnih prostorskih nacrtov in drugih uradnih dokumentov. Na podlagi pregleda literature sta bila dolocena dva razreda najbolj znacilnih gostot prebivalstva: 100–149 ljudi/km˛, ki je imel vecji delež vpliva pri analizi širšega mestnega obrobja, in 150–500 ljudi/km˛, ki je imel vecji delež vpliva pri analizi ožjega mestnega obrobja (Perpar, 2009; Piorr idr., 2011). Nato so bile z ukazom logicni »in« spremenljivke o rabi prostora povezane z izhodno spremenljivko, ki je nastala z združeva­njem podatkov o gostoti prebivalstva in podatkov o obmestnih obmocjih iz uradnih prostorskih aktov. Pri koncnem dolocanju obmestnih krajin so bile upoštevane tudi morfološke krajinske znacilnosti in prostorska homo-genost krajinskih vzorcev, kot so jih opredelili Marušic idr. (1998). Diagram na sliki 1 prikazuje postopek kombiniranja podatkov pri dolocanju obmestne krajine. Koncni rezultat navedenega postopka so razmejena obmocja ožjega in širšega mestnega obrobja, kot je prikazano na slikah 3 in 6. V cetrtem poglavju so podrobneje predstavljeni vsi koraki postopka in koncni rezultati za obe mesti. 4 Rezultati 4.1 Ljubljana Obmocja OIKDIR so bila zelo razpršena in razdrobljena, kar odraža prostorske znacilnosti slovenske agrarne strukture (Cunder, 2002). Redka obmocja OUKPR so bila vecinoma v mestu, pri cemer je bilo najvec vrtickov. Obmocja POIDO so bila razpršena, velikost parcel pa kaže, da so tovrstna veci­noma degradirana obmocja posamezne zemljiške parcele, ki so verjetno namenjene zasebni rabi. Vecja obmocja so bila na robovih mesta in so vkljucevala znacilne opušcene površine, ki so se prej uporabljale v industrijske namene. Obmocja KKKPV so bila po površini najvecja, saj so bila v analizo vkljucena vsa zemljišca, porašcena z gozdom; morda bi bilo zato treba upo­rabiti strožja merila, na podlagi katerih bi nekatera obmocja, opredeljena kot gozd, imela prednost, druga pa bi bila izklju-cena. Glede na to, da mestni prebivalci za rekreacijo in dru­ge prostocasne dejavnosti najraje uporabljajo bližnje gozdove (Neuvonen idr., 2007), so bila v analizo vkljucena vsa obmocja, opredeljena kot gozd. Za naselja na obmocju Ljubljane so bile za dolocanje obmocij z gostoto prebivalstva 100–149 ljudi/km˛ in 150–500 ljudi/km˛ uporabljene rastrske celice velikosti 1 km˛ (SURS, 2019). Ob-mocja so bila precej razpršena in na razlicnih lokacijah. Razen zgošcenih obmocij satelitskih spalnih naselij, ki so v zadnjih desetletjih zrasla v okolici Ljubljane, rezultati ne kažejo nekega vzorca, ki bi ga lahko zlahka prepoznali. Vec obmocij z go-stoto poselitve, znacilno za obmestna obmocja, bi pricakovali v vzhodnem delu obcine, kjer je urbanizacija bolj razpršena, vendar je analiza pokazala, da je po gostoti prebivalcev to ob-mocje še vedno bližje podeželskemu. V koncnem prekritem prikazu (slika 3) je mestno središce ja­sno loceno, meja med mestnim obmocjem in ožjim mestnim obrobjem pa je jasno dolocljiva. Na severu zunanji del ožjega mestnega obrobja dolocajo posamezna naselja na vecjih od­prtih površinah. Na jugu je zaradi barja težje dolociti rob. Obmocje KKKPV se iz Ljubljane razteza v širšo regijo. Na podlagi opisane analize obmestne krajine na jugu Ljubljane ni mogoce dolociti. Za lažjo nadaljnjo analizo so bile meje obmestne krajine umetno poravnane z upravnimi mejami (glej sliko 2). Navedena razmejitev je lahko primerna za regionalno raven, na lokalni ravni pa bi jo bilo treba znova prouciti, da bi se zagotovila vecja natancnost. Ožje mestno obrobje, doloceno z opisano metodo, je vzorcni rezultat, ki je bil popravljen in izpopolnjen tako, da je porav­nan z morfološkimi ovirami (rekami in mejami med razlicnimi vrstami rabe prostora) in grajenimi objekti (cestami in robovi naselij). Zato se lahko prekriva z upravnimi mejami, ki pogosto potekajo po naravnih mejah. Kjer je bil rob obmestne krajine blizu obstojecim upravnim mejam, so bile te nacrtno porav­nane za lažje nadaljnje analize. V. ŽLENDER 4.2 Edinburg Obmocja OIKDIR so bila zunaj mesta in v primerjavi z Lju­bljano precej vecja. Obmocja OUKPR so najpogosteje vklju-cevala vrtove in vrticke v mestu, kar kaže, da je vrtnarjenje v Edinburgu priljubljena dejavnost. V skladu z mestno strategijo o najemnih vrtickih (CEC, 2017) edinburški mestni svet (ang. City of Edinburgh Council ali CEC) upravlja 1.488 vrtickov na 44 lokacijah po mestu. Mestni svet povpraševanje obvladuje s strateškim pristopom in zagotavlja, da so koristi urbanega Slika 5: Bližnji prikaz meje edinburškega ožjega mestnega obrobja (kartografska podlaga: ©2021 Google). Opomba: Nekateri deli meje so bili rocno poravnani z mestno ob-voznico. Slika 4: Izseka, ki kažeta vhodne podatke za OUKPR v Ljubljani (zgo-raj) in Edinburgu (spodaj) (Viri: Obcine Ljubljana, Medvode, Dobro-va–Polhov Gradec, Brezovica, Ig, Škofljica, Grosuplje, Šmartno pri Litiji, Litija, Dol pri Ljubljani, Domžale, Trzin, Mengeš in Vodice, CEC, Greenspace Scotland; kartografska podlaga: ©2021 Google) vrtnarjenja ustrezno prepoznane in vsem dostopne (CEC, 2017). Vrticki so zato cim bližje domu njihovih uporabnikov, ne na robovih mesta. V nasprotju z opisanim ima Ljubljana razmeroma veliko vrtickov (1.023), a na samo devetih lokacijah (MOL, 2021; slika 4). Treba je opozoriti, da se atrijska dvorišca stanovanjskih stavb v Edinburgu, ki so bila prav tako vkljucena v to kategorijo, obicajno upravljajo kot travnate površine, ne kot vrticki. Tako kot v Ljubljani so bila obmocja POIDO raztresena po vsem Edinburgu, pri cemer so bila vecja obmocja tovrstne rabe zgošcena v zahodnem delu mesta proti letališcu. Najvecji delež prostorske rabe KKKPV je bil znacilen za regijski park Pen-tland Hills. V južnem delu mesta je obmocje KKKPV segalo v notranjost mesta, pri cemer je hribovje Braid Hills ter mestne parke in polnaravna obmocja povezovalo v zeleni klin, s kate-rim je mestno središce povezano s svojim obrobjem. V Edinburgu je bila gostota prebivalstva izracunana na podlagi poštnih številk na obmocju, ki ga upravlja edinburški mestni Map data ©2021 2 km Izhodno obmocje analize prekrivanja Doloceno ožje mestno obrobje svet, in okoliških naselij (Internet 2). Ker se lahko obmocja, ki jih pokriva posamezna poštna številka, po površini mocno razlikujejo, je bil podatkovni sklop dopolnjen s podatki, pri­dobljenimi s tehnologijo Global Human Settlement Layer, ki temelji na celicah velikosti 250 m˛ (Evropska komisija, 2015). Dobljene gostote prebivalstva na obmestnih obmocjih so se prekrivale z obmocjem zelenega pasu in obmocjem podeželske politike, na podlagi cesar je bil pri dolocanju obmestnih krajin dodan nov podatkovni sloj. Na podlagi analize prekrivanja po­datkovnih slojev se notranji del edinburškega ožjega mestnega obrobja ujema z edinburško mestno obvoznico (slika 5). Na jugovzhodni strani pa rob ne sledi vec obvoznici, ampak sega v notranjost mesta ter vkljucuje hribovje Braid Hills in ob-mocje na notranji strani obvoznice med naseljema Gilmerton in Musselburgh. Edinburško ožje mestno obrobje se na splošno ujema z obmo-cjem, ki ga je pokrival nekdanji prostorski nacrt zahodnega podeželskega dela Edinburga (CEC, 2006), ter obmocjema zelenega pasu in podeželske politike v novem edinburškem lokalnem prostorskem nacrtu (CEC, 2016). Kot že dva nacrta pred njim novi prostorski nacrt vkljucuje politike in predloge, povezane z razvojem in rabo prostora v Edinburgu. Poleg ste­reotipnih industrijskih obmocij, odlagališc, trgovskih središc in zelenih površin edinburško ožje mestno obrobje vkljucuje tudi obsežne, vecinoma kmetijske površine, ki se urejajo v okvirju krajinske politike. Ceprav robovi mest obicajno veljajo za ob-mocja s prostorsko rabo nizke vrednosti, lahko obrobje Edin-burga opišemo kot dostopno podeželje na robu mesta. Kljub temu so na njem nekatere znacilne vrste prostorske rabe, kot so edinburško letališce, nakupovalno središce Gyle in študentsko naselje univerze Heriot-Watt. Na mestnem obrobju proti jugu V. ŽLENDER in jugovzhodu prevladujejo kmetijske, gozdne in rekreacijske površine (npr. regijski park Pentland Hills in golfišca). Širše mestno obrobje na jugozahodu in severozahodu ni sklenjeno, tamkajšnja prostorska raba pa ostaja podobna tisti v sklenje­nem delu (slika 6). Na koncnem prikazu edinburške obmestne krajine je mestno središce dobro razvidno. Bolj kot obmocje s stereotipno pro-storsko rabo lahko edinburško obmestno krajino opišemo z izrazom »dostopno podeželje«. Vkljucuje tudi naselja, ki pa so bolj podeželska in samooskrbna kot obmestna spalna nase­lja, ki so bila v Ljubljani skoraj pravilo. 5 Razprava 5.1 Pomen prepoznavanja obmestnih krajin Na splošno se rezultati analize ujemajo z obstojecimi opisi obmestne krajine v literaturi. V Ljubljani obmestna krajina vkljucuje razmeroma ozek pas ožjega mestnega obrobja in ob-sežno širše mestno obrobje, za katero so znacilna polnaravna in naravna obmocja, ki jih ljudje v nasprotju z industrijskimi in drugimi obmocji znacilne obmestne prostorske rabe ceni­jo in uporabljajo za rekreacijo (Žlender in Ward Thompson, 2017; Žlender, 2021). Širše mestno obrobje pa je od mesta bolj oddaljeno in težje dostopno za izvajanje navedenih ak­tivnosti kot ožje mestno obrobje. Zanimivo je, da podatki o gostoti prebivalstva niso razkrili pomembnega upadanja go-stote med mestnimi in podeželskimi obmocji v Ljubljani, v nasprotju z nekaterimi drugimi raziskavami, v katerih je bila navedena spremenljivka uporabljena kot izhodišce (ali edina pomembna) za analizo (glej npr. van Vliet idr., 2012; White idr., 2012; Wandl idr., 2014). Trenutni izsledki tako kažejo, da se razlaganje periurbanizacije zgolj na podlagi demografskih podatkov ne more posplošiti na druga geografska obmocja. V primeru Edinburga je analiza prekrivanja bolj kot obmestno krajino razkrila delitev med mestom in podeželjem, ki je na splošno znacilna za mesta v Združenem kraljestvu (Bryant idr., 1982; Ambrose, 1992; Gallent idr., 2006). V tem smislu bi bilo ta obmocja v Edinburgu bolj primerno opisati kot dostopno podeželje. Razlikovanje med ožjim in širšim mestnim obro­bjem v Edinburgu vecinoma nima pomena, saj je prostorska raba na obeh zelo podobna. V tem se Edinburg razlikuje od Ljubljane, ki je obdana z vec satelitskimi naselji, za katera je znacilna tudi visoka stopnja dnevne migracije v mesto in iz nje­ga. Ceprav so vrste prostorske rabe v Ljubljani težje prostorsko dolocljive kot v Edinburgu, so dovolj razlicne, da lahko med ožjim in širšim mestnim obrobjem potegnemo jasno locnico. 5.2 Usmeritve za nadaljnje prostorsko nacrtovanje in oblikovanje prostorske politike Ceprav sta obe proucevani mesti podobni po velikosti in števi­lu prebivalcev, je analiza prekrivanja razkrila, da se razlikujeta po uporabljenem pristopu k prostorskemu nacrtovanju ter pojavljanju in obsegu obmestne krajine. Ceprav se navedene razlike lahko nanašajo na biofizikalne znacilnosti in povsem operativne odlocitve (npr. izbiro podatkov), so razlike v ur-bani rasti najverjetneje posledica odlocitev s podrocja pro-storskega nacrtovanja in politike (Hersperger idr., 2018; van Vliet idr., 2019). To še zlasti velja za Edinburg, kjer stroga strategija ohranjanja zelenega pasu mestu preprecuje, da bi se širilo proti zahodu, in je vzrok za vecjo gostoto prebivalcev v mestu. Kljub vsemu glavni namen edinburškega zelenega pasu ni prepreciti spajanja naselij, ampak usmerjati nacrtova-no rast mesta, zašcititi naravno krajino in zagotoviti dostop do odprtega prostora (CEC, 2016). Opisani pristop je vse od uvedbe leta 1957 ostal vecinoma nespremenjen, ceprav so bila v novem lokalnem prostorskem nacrtu nekatera obmocja vzeta iz zelenega pasu, da bi se tako zadovoljile strateške zahteve po stanovanjski gradnji. Navedeno lahko nakazuje tudi, da se dozdajšnji strategiji ni uspelo zoperstaviti pritiskom urbani­zacije (Bunker in Houston, 2003). Lokalni prostorski nacrt doloca vrsto gradnje, ki je dovoljena v zelenem pasu, in spod­buja priložnosti za izboljšanje podobe podeželja in dostopa do njega (CEC, 2016). Da bi se ohranili kakovost krajine in njena podeželska narava, politika zelenega pasu skupaj s podeželsko politiko podrobno doloca, kakšna gradnja (ce sploh kakšna) bo dovoljena. Kljub izsledkom o neuspešnosti nacrtovalskih politik pri omejevanju širjenja mest na podeželska obmocja (glej npr. Silva, 2019) lokalni prostorski nacrt jasno locuje med mestnimi in podeželskimi obmocji, poleg tega v njem niso omenjeni obmestna krajina, mestno obrobje ali drugi iz­razi, ki se nanašajo na obmocje med podeželjem in mestom. Analiza je potrdila še, da so nemestni predeli Edinburga bolj podeželske kot pa obmestne narave. Ljubljanski obcinski prostorski nacrt (OPN) prepoznava ob-mestna obmocja ter doloca osnovna merila in smernice za nji­hovo nacrtovanje. Njegove dolocbe se vecinoma nanašajo na preudarno rabo prostora, pri cemer spodbujajo zgošcanje po­selitve na obstojecih grajenih površinah (dopolnilno gradnjo in obnovo) in mešano rabo prostora ter preprecujejo nenad­zorovano novogradnjo. OPN predvideva tudi zelene površine razlicnih velikosti in vrst ter prihodnje ohranjanje ekoloških in rekreacijskih dobrin. Obstojeci regionalni dokumenti, tako uradno zavezujoci kot nezavezujoci, se na obmestne krajine nanašajo samo na splošno ali se sploh ne nanašajo nanje (npr. RRA LUR, 2020). Še slabše je s cilji in prednostnimi nalogami, opredeljenimi v nacionalni zakonodaji (npr. Odlok o strategi­ji, 2004), ki so preširoki in nezadostno kvantificirani (MOP, 2016). Treba je omeniti, da so obmestna obmocja omenjena v najnovejši revidirani razlicici predloga nacionalne strategije prostorskega razvoja (MOP, 2020), vendar v njej obmestne krajine še vedno niso dovolj podrobno obravnavane. Kot je pokazala analiza, se lahko obmestne krajine raztezajo prek obcinskih meja, zato bi jih bilo treba strateško obravna­vati na subregionalni ali regionalni ravni. Jasno je, da jih je treba vkljuciti v prihodnje regionalne prostorske nacrte, kot to doloca Zakon o urejanju prostora (ZUreP-2; 2017). S tega vidika se subregionalna in lokalna raven zdita najprimernejši za pravilno prepoznavanje in obravnavo obmestnih krajin v ustre­znih izvedbenih aktih. Za dolocitev trenutnega in prihodnjega stanja posameznih obmestnih krajin so nujno potrebni akcijski nacrti, ki temeljijo na manjših prostorskih enotah (na primer na enotah urejanja prostora). Ceprav bi bilo treba metodo, predstavljeno v tem clanku, še izpopolniti, lahko zakonoda­jalcu pomaga pri opredeljevanju obmestnih krajin ter urejanju njihovega razvoja in upravljanja. Nekatere razlike v obsegu in vzorcu razvoja obmestnih ob-mocij lahko ocitno pojasnimo z institucionalnimi razlikami v pristopu k upravljanju razmerij med podeželjem in mestom (Servillo in Van Den Broeck, 2012). Trenutno prevladuje mne­nje, da nacrtovalska orodja in politika ne obravnavajo trenu­tnega stanja in gonil obmestnega prostorskega razvoja ter da lahko nacrti, ki temeljijo na dihotomiji med mestom in pode­željem, urejajo samo mestna in podeželska obmocja (Wandl idr., 2014; Bajracharya in Hastings, 2018; Cattivelli, 2021a). Poleg tega je analiza pokazala, da ni dovolj, da se obmestne krajine obravnavajo samo v obcinskih nacrtih. Pomembno je spodbujati skupno urejanje sosednjih obmocij, z mocnim med-sektorskim sodelovanjem, pri cemer bi se med seboj povezali tudi podrocji urejanja prostora in institucionalnega upravljanja (Nared idr., 2019; Cattivelli, 2021a; Žlender, 2021). Predlaga­ni pristop lahko pomaga pravilneje dolociti obmestne krajine in s tem izboljšati povezave med prostorskim nacrtovanjem in prostorsko politiko na eni strani ter dejanskim razvojem na teh obmocjih na drugi. 5.3 Nekaj kriticnih misli o predlagani metodi Predlagana metoda vkljucuje podroben opis in analizo prostor­skih podatkov na regionalni ali subregionalni ravni. Izbrani študiji primera sta omogocili primerjavo rezultatov, izbrane spremenljivke pa se nanašajo na rabo prostora in nekatere družbeno-demografske vidike obmestnih krajin. Kot pri vsa­ki drugi metodi je njena uporabnost odvisna od okolišcin in ciljev, zaradi cesar je po naravi subjektivna. Navedeno velja tudi za izbiro meril za kartiranje podatkov (npr. enote gostote pre­bivalstva ali upoštevana obmocja varstva narave). Ce bi se za zbiranje in združevanje podatkov uporabili drugacni merila in klasifikacije, bi bile tudi obmestne krajine v obeh mestih drugace dolocene. Poleg tega podatki o rabi prostora ne odražajo vedno funk-cionalnih in družbenoekonomskih vprašanj, velika slabost te metode pa je tudi, da ni drugih pomembnih podatkov, ki se težje kartirajo in so zato redkeje na razpolago v obliki prostor­skih podatkovnih zbirk. Drugi ustrezni podatki bi vkljucevali povezovalne in locevalne ucinke infrastrukture in prvin, ki do-locajo povezljivost krajev z razlicnimi funkcijami in intenziv­nostjo. S tovrstnimi podatki bi se obmestne krajine in morda tudi posamezne znacilnosti njihovih podobmocij natancneje dolocile. Kot nacin proucevanja obmocij, ki niso niti mestna niti podeželska, je opisana metoda dovolj prožna, da se lah­ko vanjo vkljucijo dodatni podatki in da se lahko uporablja v razlicnih geografskih okoljih. Po drugi strani pa se je treba zavedati, da se z dodajanjem spremenljivk neizogibno poveca tudi njena kompleksnost, zaradi cesar je lahko manj privlacna za morebitne uporabnike. 6 Sklep V clanku je predstavljena prostorska metoda dolocanja ob-mestnih krajin, ki se lahko uporablja v razlicnih geografskih okoljih in na razlicnih prostorskih ravneh. Opisani prostorsko dolocljiv pristop lahko olajša dolocanje obmestnih krajin in ocenjevanje njihove kakovosti, na podlagi cesar lahko obliko­valci politik optimizirajo vire ter s tem pospešijo prostorsko uravnoteženo in enakomerno urbano rast, hkrati pa poskrbijo za ohranjanje obmestnih zelenih površin, ki jih nacrtovalci in odlocevalci trenutno zanemarjajo (Gant idr., 2011; Žlender in Ward Thompson, 2017; Mortoja idr., 2020). Prostorsko dolo-canje z uporabo predstavljene metode bi moralo temeljiti na spremenljivkah, ki odražajo obmestno rabo prostora, in drugih spremenljivkah, kot je na primer gostota prebivalstva. V razi­skavi so bili uporabljeni že razpoložljivi podatkovni nizi. Da bi olajšala prihodnje prostorsko nacrtovanje in oblikovanje pro-storske politike na obmestnih obmocjih, predlagana metoda omogoca cim natancnejši opis prostorskih znacilnosti, hkrati pa se lahko uporablja tudi v drugih okoljih. Rezultati bi se lah­ko še izboljšali in morda spremenili z uporabo vec drugacnih in natancnejših podatkov ter s spremembo pragov posameznih razredov. Kljub vsemu je predstavljeni, bolj dolocljivi prostor-ski okvir uporabno izhodišce za analize in oblikovanje politike razvoja obmestnih obmocij. Vita Žlender Urbanisticni inštitut Republike Slovenije, Ljubljana, Slovenija E-naslov: vita.zlender@uirs.si Zahvala Clanek je bil napisan na podlagi doktorske raziskave, ki jo je financiral Javni sklad Republike Slovenije za razvoj kadrov in štipendije. 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Lan­dscape and Urban Planning, 165, str. 193–205. DOI: 10.1016/j.landurbplan.2016.06.011 UDK: 712.25:347.25:004.383.6 DOI: 10.5379/urbani-izziv-2021-32-02-04 Prejeto: 17. 6. 2021 Sprejeto: 9. 9. 2021 Dina ŠAMIC-MUSEMIC Nermina ZAGORA Pravica do javnih mestnih prostorov v Sarajevu: prostori, ki pripadajo vsem, nekaterim, komur koli ali nikomur? Razni družbenopoliticni in gospodarski dejavniki so postopno povzrocili obsežno zanemarjanje, propadanje, zlorabo in izgubo javnih prostorov v Sarajevu. Navzkrižje zasebnih in javnih interesov je na mestu pustilo dejanske sledi in v takih okolišcinah se zdi Lefebvrov koncept pra-vice do mesta še toliko pomembnejši. Z vidika sodobnega urbanega razvoja Sarajeva se navedena pravica nanaša na pravico do oblikovanja, uporabe, ponovne uporabe in ponovne aktivacije zanemarjenih skupnih prostorov v mestu. Kot je razvidno že iz naslova clanka, je kljucno vprašanje, s katerim se avtorici ukvarjata, komu javni prostor sploh pripada. V raziskavi najprej dolocita kl-jucne težave, povezane s propadanjem javnih prostorov, nato pa ovrednotita prevladujoce nacrtovalske pristope in obcasne pobude od spodaj navzgor. Predpostavljata, da so razpršenost in pomanjkanje ustreznih geoprostorskih podatkov o javnih prostorih ter nesoglasja med glavnimi deležniki med kljucnimi vzroki proucevanega problema. Predstavili sta tudi metodologijo za uvedbo obsežne, prosto dostopne interaktivne geoprostorske podatkovne zbirke kot platforme za strateško nacrtovanje, oblikovan­je, razvoj in vzdrževanje javnih mestnih prostorov. Kljucne besede: javni mestni prostori, Sarajevo, strateško nacrtovanje, geoprostorska podatkovna zbirka, digitalno vzpostavljanje kraja D. ŠAMIC-MUSEMIC, N. ZAGORA 1 Uvod Topografija Sarajeva, mesta v ozki dolini, obdani z gorami na severu in jugu, je omejevala njegovo širjenje in vplivala na nje­govo morfologijo. Poleg tega zaradi zgodovinskih in kulturnih dejavnikov strateški razvoj vecjih trgov, parkov in drugih javnih prostorov v preteklosti ni bil deležen ustrezne pozornosti v dis-kurzu, praksi in aktivizmu javnosti. Današnje mesto je upravna enota kantona Sarajevo in se razteza na površini 142 km˛. Ima približno 413.593 prebivalcev in je razdeljeno na štiri obcine: Stari Grad, Centar, Novo Sarajevo in Novi Grad. Arhitekturna podoba današnjega Sarajeva je posledica njegove bogate in zapletene zgodovine (slika 1), pri cemer tipologija javnih prostorov in arhitekture kaže pretekle politicne in ide­ološke sisteme (slika 2). Na verskih stavbah so opazne sledi turškega obdobja, mestne palace in stavbni bloki izhajajo iz obdobja Avstro-Ogrske, kulturni in športni objekti simbolizi­rajo ideologijo komunisticne Jugoslavije, nakupovalna središca pa so postala templji sodobne družbe (Zagora in Šamic, 2014). Zaradi temeljitih politicnih in družbenoekonomskih spre­memb v 90. letih 20. stoletja so bile pri zasebnih gradbenih projektih in preobrazbah v mestu njegove skupne vrednote vecinoma prezrte. Identiteta današnjega Sarajeva je povezana zlasti z gradnjo po vojni v 90. letih, ki je vecinoma brezbrižna do razlicnih zgodovinskih plasti mesta, nima splošne strate­gije in ne upošteva krajevnih posebnosti, kar povzroca vrzeli v urbani obliki (Husukic in Zejnilovic, 2017). Podobno je znacilno za vse države na Zahodnem Balkanu. Predstavniki neoliberalnih gospodarskih in politicnih sil v postsocialisticnih državah so si javne dobrine prilastili izkljucno v zasebno ko­rist. Kot navaja Seferagiceva, so pobudniki opisanih družbenih sprememb, ki se kažejo v javnem prostoru, neoliberalni gospo­darski akterji, za katere se vcasih uporablja tujka nouveau-riche (novodobni bogataši) ali izraz tajkuni. V nasprotju s tajkuni 19. stoletja, ki so s financiranjem parkov, muzejev, gledališc Slika 2: a) verske stavbe (vir: Internet 2), b) javne stavbe in mestna infrastruktura (vir: Internet 2), c) kulturna in športna središca (vir: In­ternet 3), d) nakupovalna središca (vir: Internet 2) itd. spodbujali razvoj civilne družbe in kulturnega dogajanja, nove gospodarske elite zanima samo privatizacija in pogosto tudi unicevanje skupnih javnih prostorov (Seferagic, 2007). Vzporedni ukrepi in procesi so povzrocili podobne rezultate v urbanem okolju mnogih postsocialisticnih mest, kot so Beo-grad, Zagreb in Budimpešta. Prehod od nacrtovanja od zgoraj navzdol, znacilnega za socialisticno obdobje, h kapitalizmu je potekal nekriticno in nenadzorovano, kar je povzrocilo gostej­šo pozidavo na središcnih obmocjih, negativne posledice gen-trifikacije, komercializacijo in homogenizacijo mestnega okolja ter zanemarljivo vkljucenost prebivalcev. Vsem postsocialistic­nim mestom je skupno tudi neujemanje nacrtov in zazidave v urbanem okolju, pri cemer nacrti pogosto samo formalno upoštevajo javni interes, dejanske gradnje pa sploh ni (Zlatar Gamberozic, 2019). Opisani prehod ni vplival samo na povoj-no, postsocialisticno in postmoderno družbo, ampak je pustil tudi prostorske sledi ter prispeval h krizi javnih prostorov v Sarajevu. Navedena kriza se nanaša na današnje propadanje mnogih javnih prostorov, njihovo nejasno programsko vsebi-no in lastništvo, slabo dostopnost, nepovezanost z okolico in odtujenost od lokalne skupnosti. Ker ni strateškega pristopa ali vizije, so sarajevski javni prostori v nekakšnem negotovem prehodnem položaju, v katerem so pasivno ujeti med pretek­lostjo, sedanjostjo in prihodnostjo ter nepovezani z okolico. Da bi javni prostori v Sarajevu spet postali pomembna tema za lokalne oblasti, raziskovalce, strokovnjake in javnost, sta av-torici v clanku predstavili metodologijo in orodja, s katerimi bi lahko pospešili sistematicno urejanje in vzdrževanje skupnih prostorov v mestu. 2 Osredotocenost na javne prostore Avtorici sta analizirali javne prostore v Sarajevu, dolocili kl-jucne težave in predlagali inovativne možnosti izboljšanja navedenih javnih prostorov. Zaradi globalizacije in tehno­loških sprememb se je klasicna idealisticna predstava o teh prostorih kot demokraticnih odprtih prostorih, dostopnih vsem, v zadnjih desetletjih spremenila. Nekateri teoretiki tr-dijo, da komercializacija krni sámo javnost javnih prostorov in da spremljamo njihovo izgubljanje (Sorkin, 1992; Zukin, 1995; Koolhaas, 1997; Putnam, 2001; Sennett, 2002), drugi dotocenost na javne prostore sledi podpoglavje z naslovom pa opisano preobrazbo obravnavajo samo kot fazo v njihovem Trenutno stanje, v katerem so opisani kljucni gospodarski, razvoju (Loukaitou-Sideris in Banerjee, 1998; Carr idr., 1992). politicni, ideološki, tehnicni in organizacijski dejavniki, za-Avtorici ne predlagata nove definicije, ampak se na podlagi radi katerih javni prostori v Sarajevu propadajo. V tretjem teoreticnega vpogleda v razlicne tipologije (Carr idr., 1992; poglavju avtorici analizirata najrazlicnejše referencne primere Carmona, 2010) osredotocata na naslednje kljucne znacilnosti geoprostorskih podatkovnih zbirk javnih prostorov in pozitiv­javnih prostorov: funkcijo/tipologijo, velikost, stopnjo odpr-ne mednarodne prakse s podrocja združevanja urbanisticnega tosti, dostopnost in urbano vzdušje. nacrtovanja in informacijskih tehnologij. V cetrtem poglavju predstavita metodologijo oblikovanja digitalne platforme, Clanek je razdeljen na štiri dele. Uvodu ter predstavitvi ra-pojasnita vloge potencialnih deležnikov in opišeta analiticne ziskovalnih ciljev, metodologije in hipoteze v poglavju Osre-zmogljivosti tovrstnega digitalnega orodja na primeru izbranih D. ŠAMIC-MUSEMIC, N. ZAGORA javnih prostorov v Sarajevu. Njuna raziskava temelji na predpo­stavki, da sta razpoložljivost in prost dostop do informacij med kljucnimi temeljnimi pogoji za razvoj odprtih javnih prostorov. Vecina ugotovljenih urbanisticnih težav v Sarajevu je posredna ali neposredna posledica razpršenosti informacij in ustreznih podatkov o zgodovini, lastništvu, dostopnosti, funkciji, upravl­janju, fizicnem stanju in okolici javnih prostorov. Avtorici sta postavili hipotezo, da lahko tehnološki napredek in razvoj di­gitalnih medijev okrepita sodelovanje med strokovnjaki, jav­nim in zasebnim sektorjem ter lokalno skupnostjo, in sicer z vzpostavitvijo odprte, demokraticne in celovite platforme, ki se osredotoca na vizijo, razvoj in upravljanje javnih mestnih prostorov. Z uporabo tovrstne metodologije in drugih orodij digitalnega vzpostavljanja kraja se lahko izboljša kakovost ob­stojecih javnih prostorov in se prenovijo urbane praznine (ang. urban voids) v Sarajevu. 2.1 Trenutno stanje Zaradi družbenih, politicnih in gospodarskih sprememb na prelomu tisocletja so bile javna sfera in skupne vrednote po­stavljene pred preizkušnjo, javne pobude pa potisnjene v ozad­je (Ibelings, 2010). Javni mestni prostori so posledicno ostali na robu teorije, kritike, prakse in civilne angažiranosti. Med težavami, ki se vztrajno ponavljajo, so zasebno prilašcanje jav­nih prostorov, nejasno lastništvo, slaba dostopnost, neustrezno vzdrževanje in zanemarjenost, nedelovanje in razdrobljenost ter nepovezanost z urbano okolico ali skupnostjo (slika 3). V skladu z zgodovinskim in družbenopoliticnim ozadjem sara­jevskih javnih prostorov lahko njihov trenutni položaj opišemo kot nestabilen in prehoden (Zagora in Samic, 2021). Podobno so tudi mestni prebivalci in ustanove potisnjeni v nekakšen vmesni položaj, v katerem so ujeti med spomini na daljno in bližnjo preteklost, med sedanjostjo in pricakovano prihodnost­jo (Harrington idr., 2017). V zadnjih letih so se nekateri lokalni upravni organi zaceli za­vedati pomena zagotavljanja javnih in skupnostnih prostorov, zaradi cesar je opazen pojav ad hoc posegov v javni prostor, pri cemer se nekateri izvajajo brez posvetovanja s strokovnjaki in javnostjo, razpisov ali razprav (slika 4). Številni posegi so bili tako narejeni brez predhodne strategije ali povezave z lokalnim okoljem ter zato vecinoma ostajajo nekakšni spomeniki poli­ticnim osebnostim ali sistemom in so brez pravega namena. Po drugi strani si lokalne skupnosti želijo manjše uporabne posege v javni prostor, kot so igrišca za razlicne starostne skupine in infrastruktura za starejše. Zdi pa se, da ni ucinkovitih komu­nikacijskih kanalov, po katerih bi se njihova mnenja sporocala nacrtovalcem, obcinam, mestni upravi in upravi kantona. V zadnjem desetletju sarajevske obcine objavljajo razpise za ureditev izbranih javnih prostorov, kot so manjši trgi in par-ki, a vecinoma samo za oblikovanje spomenikov žrtvam vojne v Bosni in Hercegovini v 90. letih prejšnjega stoletja. Zaradi razpisnih postopkov se vecina oblikovalskih projektov, ki na razpisih zmagajo, sploh ne dokonca ali je izvedena samo delno, brez posvetovanja z avtorji projekta. Vecina razpisov se osredo­toca na oblikovanje spomenikov in obeležij, iskanje rešitev za urejanje javnega prostora pa je drugotnega pomena. Leta 2020 je bil na primer objavljen razpis za oblikovanje spomenika na eni najpomembnejših lokacij v Sarajevu – Trgu Alije Izetbe­govica. Zmagovalni oblikovalski projekti nikoli niso bili javno predstavljeni, ko pa je obcina pred kratkim napovedala grad-njo podzemnega parkirišca, je to spodbudilo javno razpravo. Opisano kaže na pomanjkanje strateškega pristopa in uskla­jenosti procesov in ukrepov, predvidenih na izbrani lokaciji. Na podrocju urejanja javnih mestnih prostorov v državi se je v Sarajevu in Banjaluki v zadnjem desetletju zacelo kar nekaj odmevnih neinstitucionalnih pobud. Leta 2013 sta kulturno društvo Crvena in prostorska pobuda LIFT zacela izvajati projekt Gradology project, ki je pravzaprav spletna aktivisticna platforma, s katero lahko Sarajevcani odkrivajo javne prostore, kot so parki, trgi, zapušcene stavbe in neuporabljeni prostori, in jih oznacijo na zemljevidu (LIFT, 2015). Druga skupina ak­tivistov, znana pod imenom Dobre Kote (Dobri koticki), je od leta 2015 izvedla vec neformalnih projektov urbanih posegov v prostor, s katerimi so bili zapušceni mestni koticki spremenjeni v kraje, ki jih lokalna skupnost uporablja za druženje. Nekaj primerov uporabe izrazitega pristopa od spodaj navzgor pri po­novni aktivaciji javnih prostorov lahko zunaj Sarajeva najdemo v Banjaluki, kjer skupina strokovnjakov in aktivistov v projekt­ni skupini Small SCALE pri Centru za prostorske raziskave organizira delavnice ter oblikuje in izvaja manjše prostorske posege v mestu (Karan idr., 2017). Avtorici sta navdih za naslov clanka dobili pri Lefebvrovemu konceptu pravice do mesta iz leta 1968 (Lefebvre, 1968). Osredotocili sta se na problematiko javnih prostorov z vidika pravic in dolžnosti ter dolocili kljucne deležnike: kdo je lastnik javnih prostorov v Sarajevu, kdo ima dostop do njih ter kdo jih oblikuje, vzdržuje, uporablja, aktivira in spreminja. Zaradi prevlade zasebnih interesov nad javnimi v novejši zgodovini mesta imajo njegovi prebivalci popaceno predstavo o njegovi dedišcini in cutijo odpor do zapušcine socialisticnega obdobja, opazno pa je tudi razhajanje med individualnim in kolektiv­nim (Zagora in Samic, 2021). Ker spominjajo na socialisticno ideologijo kolektivnih vrednot, so se nekateri javni prostori celo spremenili v siva obmocja mesta ali urbane praznine (de Sola Morales, 2003), njihova ureditev pa v uradnih prostorskih aktih ne spada med prednostne naloge. Na podlagi ugotovl­jenih problemov zanemarjenosti, razdrobljenosti in zasebnega prilašcanja javnih prostorov avtorici proucujeta temeljne po­goje za oblikovanje strateškega pristopa k nacrtovanju, obliko­vanju, razvoju in vzdrževanju skupnih prostorov, ki bi temeljil na sodelovanju vseh deležnikov, dolocanju odgovornosti in ozavešcanju splošne javnosti. 3 Metodologija in analiza 3.1 Geoprostorska podatkovna zbirka javnih prostorov Cedalje vecja urbanizacija in neupoštevanje javnih prostorov sta perec problem na globalni ravni, zato je eden izmed ciljev trajnostnega razvoja, ki so jih dolocili Združeni narodi in naj bi bili doseženi do leta 2030, tudi zagotoviti splošen dostop do varnih, odprtih in dostopnih zelenih in javnih površin, zlasti za ženske in otroke, starejše in invalide. V ta namen so bila v okviru Programa Združenih narodov za naselja (UN-Habitat, 2018) izdana priporocila glede zaželenega deleža mestnih ze­mljišc, namenjenih odprtim javnim prostorom, pri cemer naj bi bilo 45–50 % zemljišc dodeljenih ulicam in plocnikom, 15–20 % pa javnim odprtim prostorom. Oblikovalci poli­tik, voditelji, prebivalci in urbanisti pogosto zanemarjajo ali podcenjujejo pomen javnih prostorov. Za to je vec razlogov, na primer pomanjkanje virov in nezadostno razumevanje ali nezmožnost uporabe javnih prostorov kot zaokroženega vec-funkcionalnega urbanega sistema. Pogosto razmere še poslab­šajo dejavniki, kot so pomanjkanje ustreznih spodbujevalnih okvirjev, šibka politicna volja in to, da ni ustreznih nacinov vkljucevanja javnosti. Dejansko pa pomen javnih prostorov na lokalni in svetovni ravni ni bil prepoznan predvsem zato, ker ni globalnega kazalnika na tem podrocju (United Nations Statistics Division, 2020). UN-Habitat med nacrtovalskimi in upravljavskimi pristopi lo-kalnim upravam predlaga sistemski pristop, ki vkljucuje zbiran­je tocnih, pravocasnih ter razdruženih podatkov in informacij. Zbiranje podatkov vecinoma temelji na satelitskih posnetkih (iz prosto dostopnih virov), dokumentaciji o zemljišcih v javni lasti in zemljevidih lokalne skupnosti. Pomemben korak naprej, ki ga predlaga UN-Habitat, je uporaba metodologije kartiranja razpoložljivih in potencialnih javnih prostorov po vsem svetu. Na podoben nacin je na primer Inštitut Jana Gehla skupaj s partnerji (mestnima obcinama Křbenhavn in San Francisco ter seattelskim obcinskim uradom za promet) razvil poseben protokol za zbiranje podatkov o življenju na javnih prostorih z naslovom Public Life Data Protocol (Gehl Architects, 2020). Protokol je prosto dostopen, njegov namen pa je omogociti celovitejše in bolj usklajeno zbiranje prostorskih podatkov po urbanisticnih uradih po vsem svetu. Predlaga razlicne ankete in orodja, ki so preprosta za izvedbo, na primer štetje ljudi, ki se premikajo po javnem prostoru, ali kartiranje dejavnosti na javnem prostoru, pri katerih se ljudje ne premikajo. Podobno je tudi ekipa KTH pod vodstvom Sethe Low ustvarila pro-jekt Public Space Database Project (Centre for the Future of Places, 2020), katerega namen je zbiranje raziskovalnih podat­kov z razlicnih podrocij in njihovo združevanje v podatkovno D. ŠAMIC-MUSEMIC, N. ZAGORA Slika 5: Sestava interaktivne digitalne platforme za javne prostore v Sarajevu (ilustracija: avtorici) Slika 6: Potencialne skupine uporabnikov prosto dostopne podatkovne zbirke javnih prostorov v Sarajevu (ilustracija: avtorici) zbirko, ki temelji na uporabi splošne terminologije ter je dos-topna in razumljiva vsem. Na podlagi predstavljenih primerov je jasno, da sta temeljna pogoja za zagotavljanje bolj trajnostnih in vkljucujocih javnih prostorov multidisciplinarni pristop in dostop do vseh pogla­vitnih podatkov. Za kakovostnejše javne prostore v Sarajevu bi bilo torej treba najprej oblikovati okvir za razvrstitev javnih mestnih prostorov, ki bi vkljuceval vec plasti informacij ali me-tapodatkov v realnem casu, kot so podatki o zgodovini, funkciji (hibridnosti), lastništvu, upravljanju, infrastrukturi, sosednjih objektih in prostorih, sodelujocih deležnikih in rezultatih meritev (npr. vzorcih uporabe in delovanja javnih prostorov), hkrati pa bi omogocal spremljanje stanja vzdrževanosti ter po­rocanje o tehnicnih in varnostnih zadevah, kar bi spodbujalo vkljucevanje javnosti (slika 5). Preglednica 1: Kriteriji, na podlagi katerih so bili kartirani javni prostori v Sarajevu Tipologija Zeleni, mestni, skupnostni, prometni, javni notranji prostori, neopredeljeni Velikost Veliki in zelo veliki, srednje veliki, majhni in zelo majhni Stopnja odprtosti Odprti, polodprti, zaprti Aktivnost Aktivni in sezonsko aktivni, pasivni Dostopnost Dostopni, pogojno dostopni Urbano vzdušje Ekstrovertirani, introvertirani V tovrstni obsežni prostodostopni podatkovni zbirki bi bili zbrani vsi pomembni podatki najrazlicnejših ustanov in dele­žnikov, od obcinskih uradov, urbanisticnih inštitutov, svetov krajevnih skupnosti in nevladnih organizacij do aktivisticnih skupin, ki se ukvarjajo s problematiko javnih prostorov. Zbrani podatki bi bili sistematicno razvršceni na podlagi tipoloških meril (v funkcionalne, prostorske in družbene podatke), nato pa bi bili razdeljeni v razlicne plasti, s prekrivanjem katerih bi lahko bolje razumeli izbrano obmocje. Poleg tega bi morala po­datkovna zbirka delovati kot interaktivna platforma, ki bi bila namenjena zbiranju in deljenju podatkov. Ena najpomembnej­ših koristi takih digitalnih orodij je ta, da lahko zagotavljajo edinstveno zbirališce za vse deležnike, ki želijo ustvarjati bolj­še javne prostore. Pri tem je treba združiti štiri kljucne dele­žnike, katerih sodelovanje je odlocilno za prihodnost javnih prostorov: gospodarski sektor (industrijo, lastnike zemljišc in banke), politiko (politicne voditelje in stranke), strokovnjake s podrocja prostorskega razvoja (urbaniste, arhitekte in inženir­je) in civilno družbo (javnost, nevladne organizacije in urbana družbena gibanja) (Seferagic, 2007). Opisana prosto dostopna platforma bi spodbujala in krepila vkljucevanje javnosti, druž­beno kohezijo in zaupanje v skupnost – vrednote, za katere se zdi, da so v postranzicijski družbi že dolgo pozabljene. Vkljucenost javnosti ne bo povzrocila samo demokratizacije vseh procesov, povezanih s prostorom, ampak bo spremeni-la tudi trenutno mišljenje ljudi. Pomembno je poudariti, da bi moralo sodelovanje lokalne skupnosti pri odlocanju prek digitalnih orodij presegati formalno raven, glas ljudstva pa bi moral biti upoštevan že od vsega zacetka. V prihodnje je zato zelo pomembno, da je javnost vkljucena že v zacetne faze pros-torskega nacrtovanja, saj je kljucni akter kakršne koli urbane revitalizacije mesta (Zlatar Gamberožic, 2019). Prostore, ki ne pripadajo nikomur, lahko tako koncno zamenjajo prostori, ki pripadajo vsem. Zbrani podatki bi bili v opisanem postopku pretvorjeni v orodje, ki bi lokalne oblasti usmerjalo pri nacr­tovanju in izvajanju prostorskih posegov. Poleg tega bi omo-gocalo spremljanje stanja javnih prostorov in urbane opreme v realnem casu. Zavedati pa se je treba, da bi imela tovrstna platforma raz­licne uporabnike, od urbanistov, arhitektov, raziskovalcev, investitorjev in drugih strokovnjakov do zasebnih vlagateljev, komunalnih služb in skladov, nevladnih organizacij, aktivis­tov, javnosti in turistov, med katerimi bi vsak iskal in delil razlicne vrste podatkov (slika 6). Zato je zelo pomembno, da se uporablja splošna terminologija, ceprav bo platforma razdel­jena na številne odseke glede na zahteve, znanje in spretnosti uporabnikov. 3.2 Kartiranje javnih mestnih prostorov Avtorici sta javne prostore v Sarajevu kartirali, da bi dobili splošen vpogled v to, kako so porazdeljeni. Kartiranje je te­meljilo na uporabi izbranih kriterijev, ki opredeljujejo nara­vo javnih prostorov, vkljucno z njihovo tipologijo, velikostjo, stopnjo odprtosti, aktivnostjo, dostopnostjo in urbanim vzduš­jem (preglednica 1). Podoben metodološki pristop se lahko uporabi za oblikovanje interaktivne podatkovne zbirke javnih prostorov v Sarajevu. Posledicna geoprostorska platforma bi omogocala združevanje, prekrivanje ali razstavljanje številnih podatkovnih slojev, na podlagi cesar bi bila prikazana porazdeljenost javnih prostorov v mestu ali pa predstavljena povezava med vsemi prostorskimi in družbenimi vidiki izbranega obmocja. Pri kartiranju je bil vsak javni prostor na podlagi vnaprej opre­deljenih kriterijev povezan s tocno dolocenim prostorskim ali družbenim atributom. Kljucno je bilo torej zbrati vse razpo­ložljive geoprostorske podatke in jih povezati s proucevanim zemljišcem in uradnimi prostorskimi akti. Kartiranje je bilo tako uporabljeno kot metodološko raziskovalno orodje za klasifikacijo javnih prostorov v Sarajevu. Razvoj digitalne ge­oprostorske platforme ali podatkovne zbirke lahko temelji na vnaprej dolocenih kriterijih kartiranja javnih prostorov, podat­kovni sloji pa se lahko naknadno združijo v kategorije, med seboj prekrijejo ali pa seštejejo z ukazom »presek«. Kriteriji, ki se lahko uporabljajo pri kartiranju in so predstavljeni v nadalje­vanju, so: funkcija in dostopnost, urbana morfologija in druž­beni vidik. Po razlagi vsake skupine kriterijev je predstavljena simulacija funkcionalnosti potencialne digitalne platforme, in sicer s prikazom zemljevidov ali kartografskih izsekov štirih izbranih lokacij v mestu. D. ŠAMIC-MUSEMIC, N. ZAGORA 4 Rezultati in razprava 4.1 Funkcija in dostopnost Funkcija in raba prostora sta temeljna kriterija za dolocanje vrst javnih prostorov. Z drugimi besedami, tipologijo javnih prostorov obicajno dolocajo aktivnosti, ki jih navedeni prostori omogocajo in ustvarjajo. Javni prostori so že od nekdaj kraji, na katerih se ljudje družijo, in prizorišce kulturnih in politicnih dogodkov. V današnji družbi, v kateri se krepijo individuali­zem in družbeni mediji, je tradicionalna vloga javnih prostorov postavljena pred preizkušnjo. Kot navaja Gehl (2011), lahko aktivno navzocnost, sodelovanje in izkušnje zdaj nadomesti pa-sivno gledanje fotografij, ki prikazujejo, kaj so drugi doživeli nekje drugje. Avtomobil pa omogoca, da namesto aktivnega sodelovanja v spontanem lokalnem družabnem dogajanju raje obišcemo izbrane prijatelje in znamenitosti. Na podlagi funkcionalnih razvrstitev javnih prostorov, ki so jih razvili Carr idr. (1992), Oldenburg (1997) in Carmona (2010), sta avtorici kartirali porazdeljenost šestih funkcional­nih vrst javnih prostorov v Sarajevu: zelenih, mestnih, skup­nostnih, prometnih, javnih notranjih prostorov, objektov in drugih krajev ter neopredeljenih prostorov. Fizicna in psiho­loška dostopnost sta med najpomembnejšimi vidiki, ki doloca­jo javnost mestnih prostorov. Dostopnost je poudarjena že v naslovu tega clanka, nanaša pa se na upravicenost do uporabe javnih prostorov. Stopnja dostopnosti skupaj z lastništvom do­loca zasebnost ali javnost mestnih obmocij. V današnjih mestih je meja med javnimi in zasebnimi prostori pogosto zabrisana. Navedenemu pojavu se pogosto ocita, da povzroca erozijo javnih prostorov (Sennett, 2002), zgoraj opisano hibridizacijo prostorov pa lahko razumemo kot fazo v njihovem razvoju (de Solŕ Morales, 1992; Kohn, 2004). Glede na razlicno stopnjo dostopnosti sta avtorici s kartiranjem dolocili dve kategoriji sarajevskih javnih prostorov: dostopne in pogojno dostopne. Povezava med funkcijo in dostopnostjo je kljucni del analize trenutnega položaja in potenciala javnih prostorov v mestu. Glavna vloga digitalne platforme je torej zagotavljanje dostopa do podatkov o funkcijah, dostopnosti in lastništvu javnih pros-torov, ki so temelj za nadaljnjo analizo njihovih morebitnih preobrazb. Poleg tega bi platforma omogocila boljši vpogled v širši mestni prostor in razmerje med vrstami javnih prosto­rov, razkrila možnosti za oblikovanje omrežij javnih prostorov, sosednjih obmocij in objektov ter okrepila sodelovanje med vsemi deležniki. Kartiranje javnih prostorov v Sarajevu je na primer razkrilo heterogenost in hibridnost njihovih funkcij. Gledališki trg Susan Sontag (bos. Pozorišni trg – Susan Sontag) in Trg kulture Jurislava Korenica (bos. Trg kulture Jurislav Ko­renic) sta se izkazala za glavni kulturni obmocji, katerih funk-cija pa še vedno ni dovolj jasno izražena (slika 7). Glavni gle­dališki trg obkrožajo tri razmeroma neaktivna javna obmocja z nejasno funkcionalnostjo in dostopnostjo: arheološko najdišce na zahodu, zasebno parkirišce na vzhodu in prazno hotelsko poslopje iz zacetka 20. stoletja na severu. Zaradi dolgoletnih sporov se je arheološko najdišce z ostanki nekdanje džamije spremenilo v urbano praznino ali neopredeljen, nedostopen in zanemarjen prostor brez povezave z okolico, ki že dolga leta ostaja neurejen in zato propada. Drugi sosednji javni prostor, ki bi bil lahko ustrezno preurejen, je zasebno parkirišce proti vzhodu. Po porocanju vec medijev je na tem obmocju že vec desetletij predvidena gradnja podzemnega parkirišca. Ce pa bi se preuredilo v obmocje za pešce, bi lahko kot podaljšek gledališkega trga odpiralo nov pogled na trg in z njega ter za­gotavljajo prostor za številne aktivnosti. Opisana prostorska razdrobljenost, spori in razlicni vzorci rabe mestnih prostorov so posledica nejasne programske opredelitve in slabe dostop­nosti proucevanega obmocja. Naštete težave bi lahko rešili in raznolike mestne prostore povezali v omrežje živahnih javnih prostorov s sistematicnim in preglednim zbiranjem in karti­ranjem vseh ustreznih podatkov, na podlagi cesar bi se lahko nato nacrtovala preobrazba celotnega obmocja. 4.2 Urbana morfologija Geometrijske in fizicne lastnosti, kot so velikost, konfiguraci­ja in tridimenzionalna oblika javnih prostorov, so pomembni vidiki vsakršne analize mestnih prostorov. V primeru Saraje­va je na morfologijo pozidanega okolja, tudi odprtih javnih prostorov, mocno vplivala naravna topografija mesta. Zaradi hribov na severni in južni strani se je mesto širilo od vzhoda proti zahodu po dolini reke Miljacke. V zgodnji fazi razvo­ja (v srednjem veku in obdobju turške oblasti) je na urbano mrežo nezavedno vplivalo cloveško merilo (ang. human scale), s cimer so bili oblikovani najrazlicnejši intimni javni mestni prostori, opredeljeni v urbanisticni teoriji (Lynch, 1971; Gehl, 2011). Od vzhoda proti zahodu se merilo postopno veca, pri cemer se dimenzije prostorov in stavb ujemajo s kronološkim razvojem mesta v obdobjih Avstro-Ogrske, Kraljevine Jugosla­vije in socialisticne Jugoslavije (slika 8). S kartiranjem javnih prostorov na podlagi njihove morfologije sta avtorici dolocili tri kategorije javnih prostorov glede na njihovo velikost: velike in zelo velike, srednje velike ter majhne in zelo majhne javne prostore in površine. Še ena pomembna geometrijska lastnost javnih prostorov je njihova tridimenzionalna oblika. Ceprav se javni prostori že od nekdaj dojemajo kot prazne površine v prostoru, so dejansko del urbane mreže, v kateri jih dolocajo robovi, ploskve ter volumni okoliških stavb in stavbnih blokov. Glede na stopnjo odprtosti sta avtorici dolocili tri kategorije javnih prostorov v Sarajevu: odprte, zaprte in polodprte. V predelih mesta, ki izvirajo iz turškega obdobja, prevladu­jejo intimni prostori v cloveškem merilu, kot so zelo majhna in majhna notranja dvorišca in ulice. Dimenzije prostorov se nato proti zahodu vecajo v skladu s kronološkim razvojem, in D. ŠAMIC-MUSEMIC, N. ZAGORA Slika 9: Kartiranje javnih prostorov v središcu Sarajeva glede na stopnjo odprtosti (ilustracija: avtorici) sicer od srednje velikih javnih prostorov v soseskah iz obdobja Avstro-Ogrske in Kraljevine Jugoslavije do velikih javnih po­vršin v soseskah iz socialisticnih casov in sodobnega obdobja. Kartiranje starega mestnega jedra in drugih predelov v središcu Sarajeva na podlagi morfologije je razkrilo posebne katego­rije polodprtih majhnih do srednje velikih javnih prostorov (slika 8), ki se ujemajo z notranjimi dvorišci stavb iz turškega obdobja na Bašcaršiji in atriji stavb iz obdobja Avstro-Ogr­ske. Funkcija in dostopnost nekaterih od teh prostorov sta nejasni in neopredeljeni, hkrati pa imajo velik potencial za preobrazbo, s katero bi mesto lahko spet pridobilo dostopne javne prostore. S sistematskim pristopom ter evidentiranjem, kartiranjem in povezovanjem vseh pomembnih podatkov, ki se nanašajo na opisano tipologijo prostorov, bi lahko oblikovali strategijo ponovne opredelitve in preobrazbe teh obmocij in njihove okolice. 4.3 Družbeni vidik Najvecji teoretiki s podrocja urbanizma menijo, da so druž­bene aktivnosti, kakovost javnega življenja in urbano vzduš­je kljucne vrednote javnih prostorov (Carr idr., 1992; Varna in Tiesdell, 2010; Gehl, 2011). Poleg fizicnih lastnosti javne prostore dolocajo tudi njihova družbena vrednost ali vrste in ravni družbenih aktivnosti in interakcij, ki jih spodbujajo. Kot navajata Varna in Tiesdell (2010), javni prostor zagotavlja skupno podlago za družbeno interakcijo, druženje in sporazu­mevanje: je kraj družabnosti, izmenjave informacij, osebnega razvoja, družbenega ucenja (tj. ucenja o drugem) in razvijanja strpnosti. Gehl pa izpostavlja, da sta opazovanje na kraju sa­mem in merjenje družbenih aktivnosti, kot so hoja, kolesarjen­je, stoja, zadrževanje, sedenje, gledanje, poslušanje, govorjenje, igranje, telovadba in zabava, podlaga za izboljšanje in razvoj javnih prostorov (Gehl Institute, 2017). Z analizo aktivnosti na javnih prostorih v Sarajevu sta avtorici te prostore razdelili v dve kategoriji: aktivne in sezonsko aktivne javne prostore ter pasivne javne prostore. S kartiranjem soseske Marijin dvor v središcu mesta sta ugotovili, da so družbene aktivnosti na tamkajšnjih javnih prostorih neenakomerno razporejene (sli­ka 10). V glavnem se zgošcajo okoli poslovnih in trgovskih objektov, obmocja okoli razlicnih ustanov, kot je parlament, in stavbnih blokov pa zaradi fizicne in psihološke nedostopnosti ostajajo pasivna. Druga pasivna obmocja vkljucujejo urbane praznine ob reki Miljacki, na katerih naj bi se v prihodnje gradilo, in številne atrije stavb iz avstro-ogrskega obdobja, ki so le delno javno dostopni in nimajo jasnega lastništva. Po drugi strani so zaprtost in intimnost teh polodprtih javnih prostorov ter vzdušje na njih lahko prednost pri morebitnih projektih urbane preobrazbe. Pomemben dejavnik, tesno povezan z odzivom uporabnikov na nekatere mestne prostore, je tudi urbano vzdušje. Fenome­nološki pristop v arhitekturi zagovarja prostorske koncepte, ki presegajo vidno zaznavanje, pri cemer vzdušje arhitekturnih objektov in mestnih javnih prostorov aktivira celotno zaznavo, vkljucno s tipom, vohom in sluhom (o tem so razpravljali Gas­ton Bachelard, Martin Heidegger, Christian Norberg-Schulz, Juhani Pallasmaa, Peter Zumthor in drugi). Raziskava urba­nega vzdušja na javnih prostorih v Sarajevu (Zagora in Šamic, 2021) je pokazala, da je to, ali bodo javni prostori ustvarili multisenzoricno izkušnjo, mocno odvisno od njihove veli­kosti in stopnje odprtosti, pri cemer jih lahko razdelimo na ekstrovertirane javne prostore, za katere sta znacilna formalno vzdušje in urbanost, ter introvertirane javne prostore, za katere sta znacilna intimno vzdušje in obcutek notranjosti. Družbe­ni vidik javnih prostorov lahko razumemo kot programsko opremo, fizicni prostor pa kot strojno opremo. Razlaga in analiza kvantitativnih in kvalitativnih podatkov o aktivnostih in vzdušju na mestnih prostorih v realnem casu v interaktivni geoprostorski podatkovni zbirki javnih prostorov lahko omo­gocita nov vpogled v razumevanje in morebitno preobrazbo izbranih obmocij in njihove širše okolice. 5 Sklep Ena izmed posledic dolgotrajne tranzicije v Bosni in Herce­govini ter njene povojne, postsocialisticne in postmoderne družbe je kriza javnih prostorov v Sarajevu, razvidna iz pro­padajocih, zanemarjenih in disfunkcionalnih skupnih mestnih prostorov ter težav, povezanih z njihovo dostopnostjo, lastni­štvom ter odtujenostjo od okolice in skupnosti. V navedenih okolišcinah so osnovne pravice ljudi do oblikovanja, uporabe, vzdrževanja ter ponovne uporabe in aktivacije skupnih prosto­rov v mestu težko uresnicljive. Najpogostejše težave, s katerimi se mesto spopada, so propadanje in izguba javnih prostorov ter nezakonito ali dvomljivo prilašcanje javnih zemljišc. Pro-storske posledice zadnjih politicnih in družbenoekonomskih sprememb spremlja tudi odpor ljudi do socialisticnih vrednot, pri cemer je celo njihov odnos do koncepta skupnega prostora pogosto nejasen. Težave v urbanem okolju današnjega Sarajeva so povezane s pomanjkanjem sodelovanja med strokovnjaki, javnim in za­sebnim sektorjem ter lokalno skupnostjo, nezadostnimi javno dostopnimi podatki in redkimi razpravami, ki bi se osredotoca­le na javne prostore. Avtorici sta v raziskavi predpostavljali, da je razpoložljivost informacij eden kljucnih temeljnih pogojev za razvoj ucinkovitih javnih prostorov. Vecina urbanisticnih težav, ugotovljenih v Sarajevu, je posredna ali neposredna po­sledica razpršenosti informacij in ustreznih podatkov o zgo­dovini, lastništvu, dostopnosti, funkciji, upravljanju, stanju in D. ŠAMIC-MUSEMIC, N. ZAGORA okolici javnih prostorov. Avtorici zato predlagata metodologijo oblikovanja digitalne geoprostorske podatkovne zbirke javnih prostorov v Sarajevu. Kot kažejo primeri drugih uspešnih pro-jektov, ki so vkljucevali digitalna orodja in proaktivno upravlja­nje javnih prostorov, bi morala predlagana podatkovna zbirka delovati kot obsežna, prosto dostopna interaktivna platforma. Namen rednega zbiranja in objavljanja vseh pomembnih in ažurnih podatkov o javnih prostorih v mestu bi morala biti transparentna in demokraticna porazdelitev koristi, dolžnosti in pravic med lokalne oblasti, strokovnjake, zasebni sektor in lokalno skupnost. Kot je nakazano že v naslovu clanka, je bil cilj raziskave nadomestiti dvoumni koncept nikogaršnjih pro-storov oziroma prostorov, ki pripadajo komur koli ali neko-mu, z demokraticno in izvirno oznako: prostori, ki pripadajo vsem. Eden izmed nacinov doseganja navedenega je uporaba metodologije kartiranja: sistematicnega zbiranja in geolocira­nja razlicnih plasti podatkov o javnih prostorih. Kartiranje temelji na skupinah kljucnih podatkov, povezanih s funkcijo in dostopnostjo, urbano morfologijo in družbenim vidikom javnih prostorov, tem pa se lahko dodajo še druge kategorije in plasti. Pomembna funkcija, ki jo platforma omogoca, zajema tudi prekrivanje in združevanje raznovrstnih podatkov o javnih prostorih, kar zagotavlja nove multidisciplinarne poglede na to, kako se lahko izboljšajo, spremenijo, znova aktivirajo in nenazadnje vrnejo ljudem. Dina Šamic-Musemic Opcina Sarajevo Centar, Sarajevo, Bosna in Hercegovina E-naslov: dina.samic@centar.ba Nermina Zagora Univerza v Sarajevu, Fakulteta za arhitekturo, Oddelek za arhitektur-no oblikovanje, Sarajevo, Bosna in Hercegovina E-naslov: nerminaz@af.unsa.ba Viri in literatura Carmona, M. (2010): Contemporary public space, part two: Classificati­on. Journal of Urban Design, 15(2), str. 157–173. DOI: 10.1080/13574801003638111 Carr, S., Francis, M., Rivlin, L., in Stone, A. (1992): Public space. 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(2017): The small-scale approach as a generator for urbanity increase of Banja Luka city. V: Bijedic, D, Krstic Furundžic, A., in Zecevic, M (ur.): Keeping up with technologies in the context of urban and rural synergy, str. 123–134. Sarajevo, Univerzitet u Sarajevu, Arhitektonski fakultet. Klix (2021): Klix https://www.klix.ba/ (sneto 2. 5. 2021). Kohn, M. (2004): Brave new neighborhoods. New York, Routledge. DOI: 10.4324/9780203495117 Koolhaas, R. (1997): The generic city. V: Koolhaas, R., Werlemann, H., in Mau B. (ur.): S M L XL, str. 1248–1264. New York, Monacelli Press. Lefebvre, H. (1968): Le droit a la ville. Pariz, Anthropos. LIFT (2015): Lift spatial initiative. Dostopno na: http://www.l-i-f-t.org/ (sneto 26. 2. 2019). Loukaitou-Sideris, A., in Banerjee, T. (1998): Urban design downtown: Poetics and politics of form. Los Angeles, University of California Press. Lynch, K. (1971): Site planning. Cambridge, MIT Press. 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Dostopno na: https://unhabitat.org/sites/default/files/2020/07/indicator_11.7.1_train­ing_module_public_space.pdf (sneto 19. 2. 2020). United Nations Statistics Division (2020) Sustainable development goals. SDG Indicators. Dostopno na: https://unstats.un.org/sdgs/metadata/ (sneto 19. 2. 2020). Varna, G., in Tiesdell, S. (2010): Assessing the publicness of public space: The star model of publicness. Journal of Urban Design, 15(4), str. 575–598. DOI: 10.1080/13574809.2010.502350 Zagora, N., in Šamic, D. (2014): Sarajevo lost in transition? Ideologies and their representational spaces. ArchNet International Journal of Archi­tectural Research, 8(1), str. 159–170. DOI:10.26687/archnet-ijar.v8i1.313 Zagora, N., in Šamic, D. (2021): Urban rooms of Sarajevo: Transforming urban public spaces using interior design tools. Sarajevo, Univerzitet u Sarajevu, Arhitektonski fakultet Sarajevo. Zlatar Gamberožic, J. (2019): Revitalization paths of urban centers: Ten­tative observational comparison of two cities – Ljubljana and Zagreb. Družboslovne razprave, 90, str. 83–106. Zukin, S. (1995): The cultures of cities. Oxford, Basil Blackwell. UDK: 378.091.6:711.4 DOI: 10.5379/urbani-izziv-2021-32-02-05 Prejeto: 18. 10. 2021 Sprejeto: 30. 11. 2021 Pablo CAMPOS Vkljucujoci univerzitetni kampusi: vloga urbanisticnega nacrtovanja, arhitekturne kompozicije in funkcionalnih znacilnosti V mednarodnem univerzitetnem okolju se ustvarjajo raz­licne inovacije, med drugim tudi na podrocju oblikovanja vkljucujocih kampusov. V clanku avtor proucuje kljucne dejavnike prostorskega nacrtovanja na urbanisticni in arhitekturni ravni ter predstavi funkcionalna priporocila za oblikovanje kampusov, ki podpirajo dobro pocutje in omogocajo kognitivni dostop osebam z intelektualno ovi­ranostjo. Cilj je spodbuditi razvoj vkljucujocih okolij in okrepiti obcutek pripadnosti kraju, pri cemer je poudarek na psihološkem in custvenem zaznavanju univerzitetne­ga okolja. Avtor proucuje niz vkljucujocih nacrtovalskih smernic in arhitekturnih tipologij, pri cemer se najprej osredotoci na dve zgodovinski univerzitetni prostorski paradigmi: križni hodnik in kampus. Nato proucuje re-šitve, ki so lahko zgled za celostno nacrtovanje kampusov in krepitev socialne vkljucenosti: ucne skupnosti, razne tipologije prostorske kompozicije, cloveško merilo, robo­ve, naravo, estetiko in funkcionalne strategije. Na koncu predstavi, kako se lahko zadosti opisanim merilom, na podlagi cesar se lahko kampusi bolj kakovostno nacrtuje­jo in preobrazijo v vkljucujoca okolja, ob tem pa ponudi napotke za njihove izboljšave in prilagoditve najrazlicnej­šim uporabnikom. Kljucne besede: urbanisticno nacrtovanje, arhitektura, univerzitetni kampus, socialna vkljucenost, intelektualna oviranost 1 Uvod 1.1 Socialna vkljucenost in univerza Vsakršno proucevanje inovativnih strategij z vidika socialne vkljucenosti najprej zahteva pregled teoreticnega ozadja, ki se osredotoca na temelje koncepta izobraževanja. Delors idr. (1996) so vpeljali naslednje štiri stebre ucenja: uciti se, da bi vedeli, uciti se, da bi znali delati, uciti se, da bi znali živeti v skupnosti in drug z drugim, ter uciti se biti. Navedeno bi mora-lo spadati tudi med lastnosti vkljucujocih kampusov. Univerze morajo izpolnjevati tri osnovne naloge: morajo izobraževati, izvajati raziskave in prispevati k razvoju družbe. Zadnja na­loga je mocno povezana tudi s socialno vkljucenostjo. Med cilji visokošolskega izobraževanja izstopa osebni razvoj (Ber-gan in Damian, 2010) kot temeljni cilj vseh družbenih skupin, tudi najranljivejših. Eden izmed ciljev, povezanih s socialno vkljucenostjo v univerzitetnem okolju, je tudi povecanje pri­sotnosti oseb z intelektualno oviranostjo, ki omejuje njihovo vkljucevanje. Ukrepi socialne vkljucenosti spodbujajo njihovo aktivno sodelovanje v izobraževalnem sistemu, na podlagi cesar lahko nato dostopajo tudi do trga dela. Navedeno omogocajo številne socialne in izobraževalne pobude, kljub vsemu pa bi bilo treba ustrezno ovrednotiti tudi, kakšno vlogo pri vsem tem imajo urbanisticne in arhitekturne rešitve. Avtor v clanku predstavi vizijo grajenega okolja, ki krepi socialno vkljucenost in pomaga ustvarjati študijske prostore, ki zagotavljajo dostop vsem. Za zagotavljanje socialne vkljucenosti je potrebno stalno prizadevanje na podrocju izobraževanja, ki spodbuja uporabo raznih nacinov poucevanja in ucenja ter ustreznih virov uspo­sabljanja. Poleg tega je treba izdelati protokole, ki so naklonje­ni vkljucevanju študentov, pri cemer je pomembno upoštevati tudi prostorski vidik. V zadnjem casu se poleg javne politike socialnega vkljucevanja spodbujajo tudi dragocene rešitve, kot so vkljucujoci kampusi ali kampusi brez mej (Gorjón, 2020). Zaradi vecje ozavešcenosti o opisani problematiki se izdajajo številni prirocniki in priporocila (Kleinert idr., 2012; Agarwal idr., 2015). Za vkljucevanje ljudi z intelektualno oviranostjo v univerzitetno okolje je treba spodbujati njihovo udeležbo in odpraviti številne ovire, ki lahko povzrocajo njihovo izkljuce­nost. Hkrati je treba ustrezno usposobiti pedagoško osebje, da zna uporabljati vkljucujoce pedagoške strategije (Pijl idr., 1997). 1.2 Socialna vkljucenost in clovekova interakcija s fizicnim prostorom Clovekovo vedenje lahko dojemamo kot rezultat interakcije med njegovo osebnostjo in okoljem. Socialna vkljucenost v izobraževanju ne vpliva samo na cloveške odnose, ampak tudi na grajeno okolje (Foreman, 2008; Mishchenko, 2013). Ce-dalje vecja dinamicnost tega podrocja po svetu ima pozitivne posledice za ljudi z intelektualno oviranostjo (Molina in Ríos, 2010). Avtor v clanku proucuje merila in urbanisticno-arhitek­turne rešitve, ki spodbujajo socialno vkljucenost in so v uni-verzitetnih kampusih kljucne za ustvarjanje ucnih skupnosti (Harrington, 2014), s cimer izboljšajo tudi študijsko uspešnost celotnega kampusa (Bogue, 2002). Opisana problematika je tesno povezana s tem, kako ljudje z intelektualno oviranostjo doživljajo okolje, kar je povezano z ustvarjanjem krajev (na podlagi afektivnega dojemanja), ne prostorov (kot golih graje­nih obmocij) (Whitmer, 2009). Treba se je zavedati, da se clo­vek dobro pocuti, ko je njegova interakcija z okoljem pozitivna. Posledicno je lahko okolje odsev ljudi, v katerih vzbuja obcutke identitete, nadzora in naklonjenosti prostoru (Sommer, 1969; Proshansky idr., 1983). Za spodbujanje socialne vkljucenosti je kljucna analiza vloge fizicnega prostora, ki omogoca cloveške stike in s tem oblikovanje skupnosti. Kraj je torej glavni de­javnik, ki omogoca napredek v znanju. 1.3 Zaznavanje in doživljanje urbanisticnih in arhitekturnih prostorov Socialna vkljucenost vpliva na interakcijo med posameznikom in njegovo grajeno okolico, ki vpliva na njegovo telesno in duševno pocutje ter temelji na cutnem in psihološkem zazna­vanju. Cutno zaznavanje poteka prek petih cutov, zlasti vida, sluha in tipa, nato pa je interakcija odvisna od psihološkega zaznavanja, ki vpliva na obcutke. S tem se podrobneje ukvarja okoljska psihologija (Canter in Stringer, 1975). Vse skupaj se v možganih pretvori v podobe na urbanisticni in arhitekturni ravni, pri cemer oblikovanost kraja vpliva na razpoloženje ljudi, ki v njem živijo, ali kot pravi Arnheim (1977: 268): stavbe oblikujejo clovekovo vedenje. V tem pogledu custveno do-življanje presega strogo zaznavanje in v posamezniku vzbuja custva. Proucevanje teh custev pa lahko razkrije tudi pomemb­ne ugotovitve v zvezi z izobraževalnimi okolji. V literaturi je pomen obcutij pri uporabi univerzitetnih kompleksov in pri nacrtovanju skozi zgodovino obširno obravnavan (Giedion, 1982; Campos idr., 2020). Nekateri avtorji so proucevali vpliv okolja na posameznika: Canter in Stringer (1975) se osredo­tocata na naravo okolja, koherenco, sprejemljivost, prožnost in varnost okolja, Kasmarjeva (1970) pa obravnava druge zna-cilnosti, kot so estetska privlacnost, prostorska organizacija in velikost. Zaznavanje in doživljanje fizicnega prostora je kljucno pri dolocanju oblikovalskih meril, ki omogocajo dobro pocutje posameznikov z intelektualno oviranostjo. Nekatere raziska­ve kažejo, da uporabniki bolj cenijo prostore, ki jim vzbujajo prijetne obcutke ali reakcije, kot so navdušenje, naklonjenost in sprošcenost (v smislu osmih spremenljivk afektivnega po­mena okolja) (Russell in Pratt, 1980). Tovrstni parametri so pomembni za socialno vkljucevanje omenjenih ranljivih sku-pin, saj so njihove potrebe prav tako pomembne kot potrebe P. CAMPOS drugih skupin ali celo še bolj. Potem ko se dolocijo osnove zaznavne in afektivne interakcije cloveka z grajenim okoljem, je treba prouciti tiste znacilnosti, na podlagi katerih se lah­ko oblikujejo nacrtovalske smernice. Poleg pregleda literature je pomembna tudi analiza dveh zgodovinskih univerzitetnih prostorskih paradigem, ki sta lahko vir navdiha pri nacrtovanju vkljucujocih kampusov za ljudi z intelektualno oviranostjo. V clanku avtor predstavi še druge strategije, na podlagi cesar na koncu sestavi podroben seznam nacrtovalskih meril. 2 Metode 2.1 Križni hodnik kot arhitekturni navdih za socialno vkljucevanje Križni hodniki so nastali zaradi želje po prostorski locenosti od okolice in ustvarjanju intimne skupnosti. Izvirajo iz samo­stanov in katedral, kot arhitekturna prvina pa so se uporabl­jali tudi pri gradnji srednjeveških evropskih univerz. Izjemni primerki tovrstne arhitekturne dedišcine so se na primer do danes ohranili na univerzah v Oxfordu, Bologni, Cambridgeu, Salamanki in Alcalaju. Koncept utopije je bil neusahljiv vir inovacij pri prostorski ure­ditvi visokošolskih ustanov. Utopicni pristopi so lahko navdih za konfiguracijo prostorov za ljudi z intelektualno oviranostjo v smislu zagotavljanja boljše družbe, ki je obcutljiva na potre-be ranljivih. Tovrstni pristopi so spodbujali izobraževalne in prostorske paradigme, kot je križni hodnik, ki naj bi zagotavljal obcutek domacnosti in omogocal vkljucevanje študentov od drugod (O’Gorman in McPhee, 2006), kar lahko razumemo kot zametke socialnega vkljucevanja. S funkcionalnega vidika naj bi križni hodnik zagotavljal samozadostnost (kot posledica avtonomne narave njegovih samostanskih prednikov), ceprav so mu bili v kampusih nato dodani tudi drugi objekti. Križni hodniki imajo centripetalno kompozicijo s težišcem v lepo urejenem odprtem prostoru na sredini, v katerem se po­sameznik pocuti dobrodošlega in ima obcutek, da ga prostor z vseh strani objema. Na tej podlagi so se razvile razlicne inter-pretacije, med njimi tudi psihološka opredelitev križnega hod-nika kot alma mater ali matere rednice (Painter, 2003). S ciljem doseganja obcutka dobrodošlice se v opisani prostorski prvini kaže zavezanost cloveškemu merilu (Coomans, 2018), tesno pa je povezana tudi s fenomenologijo prebivanja in poetiko pros-tora (Bachelard, 1958). Arhitekturna konfiguracija križnega hodnika temelji na morfoloških rešitvah, kot so zmerno visoki ritmicni loki razlicnih vrst (npr. polkrožni, znižani ali s kom­binacijo ravnih in ukrivljenih linij) kot konkavnih elementov na vodoravni ploskvi. Elegantni, preprosti stebri, ki podpirajo niz lokov, tvorijo arkade, pod katerimi se sprehajajo študenti Slika 2: Kampus Univerze v Virginiji leta 2012 (foto: avtor) in ucitelji. Intimnost križnega hodnika ustvarja njegova arhi­tekturna zasnova, ki opravlja dve usklajeni funkciji: omogoca locenost od zunanjega sveta in varuje vase zatopljeno notranjo-st, ki spodbuja druženje. Vse skupaj deluje kot zamejena celota, ki vzbuja obcutek varnosti in zavetja ter posledicno vkljuce­nosti. Križni hodnik je poleg tega zasnovan tako, da združuje arhitekturo in naravno okolje. Naravne prvine, umešcene med debele zidove in prefinjene arkade, so za socialno vkljucenost zelo pomembne: manjša travnata površina, drevesa in voda, katere izvir ustvarja prostorski zvok, ki omogoca koncentraci­jo. Narava tako še poveca obcutek prostorskega objema, ki ga s svojimi prvinami zagotavlja arhitektura. Zaradi koherentne kompozicijske zasnove ima križni hodnik tudi estetsko vred­nost. Quaroni se naslanja na razlago zgodovinarja Nikolausa Pevsnerja in navaja, da arhitekturni objekt vzbuja estetske za­znave na tri nacine (vidne v prostorskih rešitvah): prek dvodi­menzionalne projekcije, pri kateri so fasade navpicne ploskve, kot bi jih naslikal slikar, prek tridimenzionalne projekcije ali niza prepletenih volumnov, kot bi jih napravil kipar, in prek prostorske projekcije kot izkljucno arhitekturne prvine, saj se nanaša na nize okolij ter vecanje ali krcenje prostorov, kot jih oblikuje arhitekt (Quaroni, 1977: 93). Pri vseh projekcijah lah­ko uporabnik neposredno uživa v njihovem vizualnem ucinku, kar poudarja njihovo vkljucevalno naravo. Križni hodnik skratka ponuja zgodovinski zgled usklajenosti izobraževalne funkcije in nacrtovanja njene grajene oblike, pri kateri se ljudje pocutijo dobrodošle in sprejete. Lahko bi rekli, da je njegova prefinjena in ritmicna notranja arhitektura neke vrste metafora za gibanje njegovih uporabnikov ali stanoval­cev na intimni ravni, kar krepi obcutek socialne vkljucenosti: telesa sama ustvarjajo prostore, na primer na križnih hodnikih samostanov, po katerih se dostojanstveno sprehajajo menihi (Lefebvre, 1991: 2016). V skladu z navedenim arhitekturna kompozicija izjemne tipologije, predstavljene zgoraj, ponazarja cloveško hojo, stebre, ki obdajajo osrednje dvorišce, pa lahko razumemo kot grajeni izraz hoje. 2.2 Kampus kot urbanisticni navdih za socialno vkljucenost Ce je križni hodnik posledica utopicnega vzgiba, pretvorjene­ga v arhitekturo, je kampus njegova pretvorba v urbanizem. Kampusi izvirajo iz kolegialnega sistema univerz v Oxfordu in Cambridgeu, ki je bil prenesen v ameriški prostor, zgodovinsko pa so se uveljavili kot model, ki združuje izobraževanje, bivalno izkušnjo in prostor. Najbolj prepoznavne primere najdemo v Severni Ameriki, v okviru univerz, kot so Harvard, Univerza v Virginiji, Union College ali Stanford, pa tudi drugje po svetu, na primer v Otaniemiju, Mexico Cityju, Caracasu ali Madridu. V nasprotju z evropskimi univerzami, pri katerih so poslopja umešcena v mestna središca, so kampusi posledica težnje po locevanju, na podlagi cesar so se uveljavili kot otoki znanja na posameznem obmocju. Tako kot za križni hodnik je zato tudi za paradigmo cezoceanske zibelke znanja znacilna utopija samozadostnosti, ki temelji na delu Thomasa Moora (Surtz, 1953). Z vidika socialne vkljucenosti nekatere prvine nacrto­vanja kampusov spodbujajo tovrstno vkljucenost, saj so kam­pusi eden izmed prvih primerov oblikovanja vkljucujoce ucne skupnosti. Celovito izkušnjo in naravo samostojnega habitata zagotavljajo številni funkcionalni objekti in infrastruktura, umešceni v mestno okolje, med katerimi izstopajo stanovanjske stavbe. Nekateri nacrti dajejo prednost obcutku dobrodošlice P. CAMPOS in sprejetosti (npr. koncentricna zasnova, polarizacija okoli po­sameznih jeder, zelene površine za pešce in cloveško merilo). Štirikotno notranje dvorišce (zapušcina britanskih kolidžev) izstopa kot središce družabnega življenja, ki je pomemben del socialne vkljucenosti. Pri najvidnejših primerih kampusov je navedena temeljna prvina poudarjena kot arhitekturni simbol institucionalne legitimnosti in kakovosti. Nacrtovanje kam­pusov se je postopno odmaknilo od prvotne zasnove, ki je poudarjala zaprtost in izoliranost, ter se obrnilo v smer vecje družbene odprtosti. Pri štirikotni zasnovi je vedno poskrbl­jeno za cloveško merilo: osrednje dvorišce kot naravno okol­je, ki spodbuja medcloveške odnose, ustrezno razmerje med dimenzijami arhitekturnih objektov in razdaljami med njimi, preglednost pešpoti in vizualni ucinek. Kampusi so razlicno zamejeni: nekateri imajo zelo toge meje, pri drugih pa so meje manj jasne. Toge meje hkrati ustvarja­jo obcutek vizualne in izkustvene omejitve ter obcutek, da bi bilo prostor zelo težko razširiti. Nejasne meje pa so obicajno posledica umešcenosti v mesto, ki že sama po sebi spodbuja in-terakcijo in na neki nacin tudi socialno vkljucenost. Kot navaja Painter (2003: 9), kampus ustvarja intelektualno dobro pocut­je na podlagi dveh pozitivnih dejavnikov, ki sta bila cloveku pri iskanju primernega bivališca od nekdaj pomembna: zagotavlja dober razgled in zavetje. Poglavitni element kampusa je tudi narava, ki zagotavlja pasivno okolje za premišljevanje, hkrati pa spodbuja pozitivne interakcije med ljudmi (Kaplan, 1993). Narava in zelene površine blagodejno vplivajo na clovekovo psiho in spodbujajo pozitivne afektivne odzive (Houlden idr., 2018). Navedeno je povezano s hojo ali sprehajanjem kot ak­tivnostjo, ki zaradi osebnega užitka, ki ga omogocajo zelene površine, krepi tudi socialno vkljucenost (Speake idr., 2013). Narava daje s svojo lepoto cloveku energijo ter vpliva na nje­govo zdravje in ravnanje z okoljem. Skupaj z arhitekturo tvori celovito pokrajino, ki vzbuja pozitivna custva (Dober, 2003). Pomembno je, da so zelene površine dostopne in blizu ucilni-cam (Giles-Corti idr., 2005), hkrati pa so dragocen povezo­valni clen z mestnim tkivom. Nacrtovanje je pri vsem tem neizogibno, nacrtovalske rešitve pa so tako pomembne, da so bile oznacene za umetnine, ki imajo svoj estetski naboj (Gaines, 1991). Poleg severnoame­riških kampusov lahko izvrstne primere najdemo tudi na dru­gih celinah. Eden izmed njih je kampus helsinške tehnološke univerze v Otaniemiju, ki ga je zasnoval Alvar Aalto. Kakovost njegove zasnove je razvidna iz dejstva, da je poskušal ohraniti cim vec topografije in rastlin (Hipeli, 2008: 19). Pri nacrtovan­ju tako živega in spreminjajocega se organizma, kot je kampus, je treba posebno pozornost nameniti splošni strukturi, ki mora biti brezcasna: ne nacrtuje se samo posamicen objekt, ampak celoten proces. 3 Rezultati in razprava 3.1 Socialna vkljucenost in mestni arhitekturni prostori: nacrtovalska merila in kompozicijske tipologije 3.1.1 Ucne skupnosti in utopicni navdihi pri nacrtovanju Koncept utopije je že od nekdaj gonilo cloveškega napredka (Gray, 2012). V zvezi s socialno vkljucenostjo lahko njegov ve­liki potencial uporabimo za ponazoritev zamisli o vkljucujocih kampusih. Prostorska zasnova kampusa mora temeljiti na nacr­tovanju, ki ideale posamezne ustanove pretvori v oprijemljivo resnicnost: to se je zgodilo zlasti v primeru severnoameriških kampusov, kjer so se pri nacrtovanju osredotocili tudi na obli­kovanje pravih vkljucujocih ucnih skupnosti (Turner, 1984). Na splošno se je izkazalo, da kakovost nacrtovanja kampusa vpliva na kakovost poucevanja in krepitev obcutka pripadno­sti kraju med študenti (Coulson idr., 2010); sklepamo lahko, da navedeno velja tudi za skupine z intelektualno oviranostjo. Socialna vkljucenost se lahko spodbuja z oblikovanjem izku­stvenih skupnosti v univerzitetnih kampusih, ki ustvarjajo po­zitivne obcutke in prostore cloveške bližine. Cilj je ustvariti gostoljubna in prijazna okolja, ki zagotavljajo dobro pocutje, varnost in fizicno udobje. 3.1.2 Tipologije formalne kompozicije Oblikovanje vkljucujocih kampusov bi moralo temeljiti na ti-pologijah kompozicije, ki so bolj centripetalne narave, saj daje­jo prednost obcutku dobrodošlice in sprejetosti na urbanisticni in arhitekturni ravni. Zagotavljajo namrec formalne rešitve, ki jih posamezniki z intelektualno oviranostjo lažje prepoznavajo ter se jih lažje naucijo in si jih zapomnijo. Cilj je nacrtovati vkljucujoce kampuse, katerih oblika omogoca kognitivno do-stopnost ter vzbuja obcutek varnosti in dobrega pocutja (Steel in Janeslätt, 2017). Centripetalne rešitve spodbujajo osamitev, ki pa lahko hkrati krepi socialno vkljucenost, ce vzpostavlja intimno vzdušje ter prostorska razmerja med ljudmi in gra­jenim okoljem. Vkljucujoce kampuse je treba nacrtovati na razlicnih ravneh. Avtor se v clanku osredotoca na urbanisticno in arhitekturno raven, vendar bi morali pozornost nameniti tudi ravni ucilnice. Kot navajata Jebril in Chen (2021: 1), proucevanje fizicnih in psiholoških znacilnosti otrok z motnjami v duševnem razvoju razkriva, da je treba pred in med arhitekturnim oblikovanjem ucilnic upoštevati nekatere dejavnike, kot so razporeditev po­hištva (najbolje v obliki crke U), talne obloge, stranišca, preho­di, zložljivi stoli, višina stropa, nežna glasba, toplotna izolacija, prezracevanje, naravna svetloba, barve in zimski vrtovi. Nekatere nacrtovalske smernice imajo posledice za clovekovo zaznavanje in vplivajo tudi na socialno vkljucenost. Pravoko­tni tloris vzpostavlja pravilno in usklajeno prostorsko ureditev, vendar je za zagotavljanje boljše orientacije pri ljudeh z inte­lektualno oviranostjo priporocljivo dodati prvine, na podlagi katerih lahko ti ljudje razlikujejo med prostori (npr. barve in pohištvo). V pomoc so lahko tudi ikonicni arhitekturni projek-ti, ki se lahko uporabijo kot referencni primeri (npr. svobodna univerza v Berlinu, ki so jo leta 1963 zasnovali Candilis, Josic in Woods, in knjižnica v okviru te univerze, ki je bila zgraje­na po nacrtih Normana Fosterja). Osrednji model prostorske konfiguracije se osredotoca na vzpostavljanje izkustvenih in zaznavnih jeder, ki sprožajo obcutek vkljucenosti. Centripetal-ne arhitekturne oblike dejansko najbolj spodbujajo kognitivno dostopnost, obcutek varnosti in dobro pocutje, kar že stoletja potrjujejo tudi kampusi z zasnovo križnega hodnika s kvadra­tnim osrednjim dvorišcem. 3.1.3 Cloveško merilo Ljudje z intelektualno oviranostjo se bolje pocutijo v okoljih, ki niso prevelika in v katerih vlada intimno vzdušje, saj jim to daje obcutek, kot da jih prostor objema. Pri nacrtovanju vkljucujo-cih kampusov je priporocljivo uporabiti cloveško merilo kot splošno nacelo, katerega pomen dokazujejo tudi paradigme, kot je križni hodnik (Masullo idr., 2020). Z upoštevanjem cloveškega merila se zagotavlja obcutek zavetja in prostorske preglednosti, ki krepi socialno vkljucenost ranljivih skupin. Raziskave kažejo, da navedeni obcutek spremlja cloveka že od nekdaj (Winerman, 2004). Proaktivna analiza objektov s križnimi hodniki je uporabna pri nacrtovanju kampusov, saj so izjemen primer povezanosti arhitekturne oblike in formativne­ga razmišljanja. Druga rešitev, ki podpira socialno vkljucenost, je vkljucitev neformalnih skupnih prostorov poleg formalnih izobraževalnih prostorov, saj spodbujajo cloveške stike (Crook in Mitchel, 2012). Nacrtovanje kampusov z upoštevanjem cloveškega merila je priporocljivo za spodbujanje socialne vkljucenosti, saj kre-pi posameznikovo identiteto. Osnovni vidik, ki ga je treba upoštevati, so pešci. Kot so to opisovali znanstveniki ter celo filozofi in pesniki, hoja poveca senzorni užitek, kar ima zelo blagodejni ucinek tudi na ranljive skupine (Giles-Corti, 2005). V delu z naslovom Die Spatziergänge oder die Kunst spatzieren zu gehen (Umetnost sprehajanja) (Schelle, 1802) je avtor hvalil sprehajanje kot izkušnjo, ki golo mehansko aktivnost združuje z drugo, ki je skoraj duhovne narave. Sprehajanje vzbuja ob­cutek domacnosti, kar krepi socialno vkljucenost. Pešpoti v kampusih usmerjajo ljudi z intelektualno oviranostjo in jim pomagajo pri orientaciji v prostoru. Njihov blagodejni ucinek izvira iz pradavnine: nekateri raziskovalci trdijo, da so poveza­ne s prvotnimi cloveškimi naselji (kjer je clovek s sledenjem potem našel hrano, vodo ali zavetje) in posledicno spodbu­jajo pozitivne psihološke zaznave (Mithen, 1996). Ce lahko ranljivi posamezniki uporabljajo urejen sistem oznak, ki jih logicno usmerjajo v prostoru, lahko zadovoljivo obvladujejo prostor. Boljšo orientacijo v prostoru omogocajo prvine, kot so ustrezna razporeditev stavb, prostorska raznolikost, orienta­cijske tocke, table, zemljevidi in osvetljava (Carpman in Grant, 2002). 3.1.4 Robovi Pri nacrtovanju vkljucujocih kampusov je treba strogo upo­števati tudi meje. Ker vplivajo na zaznavanje posameznikov z intelektualno oviranostjo, je treba pretehtati vse možne re-šitve. V velikih kompleksih, izoliranih od mesta, jasni robovi ali meje kompleksa vzbujajo obcutek varnosti in povezanosti s skupnostjo. Ce je kampus blizu drugih mestnih obmocij, prepustne meje spodbujajo interakcijo z okoljem ter posle-dicno socialno vkljucenost in sinergijo ter obcutek prostorske vkljucenosti. Nacrtovanje mej vpliva na socialno vkljucenost obravnavanih ranljivih skupin, saj v njih vzbujajo custvene od­zive. Pri nacrtovanju je treba stremeti k odstranjevanju fizicnih ovir, saj otežujejo interakcijo med ljudmi, ki je osnova socialne vkljucenosti (Booth in Ainscow, 1998). Na manjših obmocjih kampusa morajo robovi ali meje olajšati orientacijo v prostoru, ne pa, da ustvarjajo fizicno oviro, ki povzroca osamitev. To, da meje niso neprepustne, lahko ljudje razumejo kot prostorsko povabilo k vstopu v kampus. Vhode za ljudi z oviranostmi je priporocljivo nacrtovati skupaj z glavnim vhodom, ne loceno, saj je to v skladu z naceli univerzalnega oblikovanja in dostopa. 3.1.5 Vloga narave pri socialni vkljucenosti Naravne prvine so pri gradnji kampusov zelo pozitiven de­javnik, ki podpira socialno vkljucenost ljudi z intelektualno oviranostjo. Kot je bilo razvidno že iz opisa križnega hodnika in ameriških kampusov, naravno okolje krepi zdravje in dobro pocutje uporabnikov (Thompson, 2010). V vkljucujocem univerzitetnem kampusu imajo zelene povr­šine pomembno vlogo pri krepitvi skupnosti, saj omogocajo sprostitev, ukvarjanje s prostocasnimi aktivnostmi in družbeno interakcijo. Raziskave kažejo, da preživljanje prostega casa v naravi zmanjšuje stres (Ulrich idr., 1991), krepi odnose med ljudmi, v kampusu ustvarja jedra povezovanja in preprecuje obcutke osamljenosti (Bell in Dyment, 2008). Pri nacrtovanju kampusa, ki naj bi omogocal vkljucevanje ljudi z intelektual-no oviranostjo, je treba nujno vkljuciti prvine, ki omogocajo kompozicijsko povezavo z arhitekturnimi prvinami. V praksi to pomeni, da je treba ustrezno umestiti zelene površine, dre­vesa in druge rastline ter celo vodne prvine, ki posamezniku omogocajo, da se vživi v okolje in v njem uživa, hkrati pa v univerzitetni vsakdanjik vnašajo življenje. Ena izmed naravnih prvin, ki lahko izboljša dobro pocutje ranljivih skupin v kam­pusu, je tudi vrt v najrazlicnejših oblikah in pomenih, tudi zdravilnem (Lau in Yang, 2009). Poleg tega odprti naravni prostori usmerjajo ljudi z intelektualno oviranostjo, saj pove­zujejo stavbe z drugimi (Garling idr., 1986; Lau idr., 2014). Odprti prostori v kampusih omogocajo cloveško interakcijo in bližino (Chou idr., 2016). Osrednja kvadratasta dvorišca ali vrtovi pomagajo ljudem z intelektualno oviranostjo, da se vkl­jucijo v univerzitetni vsakdanjik. Arhitektura, narava in ljudje so med seboj tesno povezani, kar je treba upoštevati tudi pri oblikovanju vkljucujocih kampusov. V zvezi z arhitekturo ter njeno naklonjenostjo ljudem in naravi Giedion (1982: 874) poudarja, da arhitektura služi cloveku, ki je minljiv kot rastli­na, zato vkljucuje tudi nekatere cloveške in rastlinske prvine. 3.1.6 Estetika Da lahko kampus zagotavlja socialno vkljucenost, mora biti njegova grajena oblika plod celovitega nacrtovanja, ki med dru­gim poskrbi tudi za estetski vidik. Tega je treba vedno upošte­vati, saj vzbuja pozitivne zaznave, duševno dobro pocutje ter celo obcutke srece in notranjega miru (Weinberger idr., 2021). V nacrtovalskem procesu je treba upoštevati razne vidike nave-dene teme, ki se nanašajo na skupine z intelektualno oviranost­jo in jih lahko povzamemo iz analiziranih paradigem križnega hodnika in kampusa. Lefebvre (1991: 217) je samostanski križ­ni hodnik konceptualno povezal s posameznikovim obcutkom srece: prostor, v katerem življenje, uravnoteženo med razmišl­janjem o sebi in svoji minljivosti na eni strani ter transcendenc­ni brezkoncnosti na drugi, zagotavlja sreco, ki izvira iz tišine in popolnoma sprejete neizpolnjenosti. Le Corbusier (1947: 135), ki je bil navdušen nad odlicnostjo ameriških kampusov, je v knjigi When the Cathedrals Were White zapisal: »Vse je zavoljo spokojnosti in umirjenosti. Vsak kolidž ali univerza je samostojna urbana enota, manjše ali vecje mesto. A zeleno mesto. Trate, parki in cel kompleks udobnih bivališc (...) Ame-riška univerza je svet zase, zacasen raj.« Pregled arhitekturnih trendov v zadnjem stoletju, kot je art nouveau ali ekspresioni­zem, razkriva, da oblike, teksture in barve materialnih prvin, ki obdajajo cloveka (npr. arhitektura in narava), v ljudeh, ki jih doživljajo, vzbujajo pozitivna custva, ki jih projicirajo na predmete z estetskim potencialom. Navedeno se navezuje na teorijo vživljanja (nem. Einfühlung) (Worringer, 1959). Tudi narava pomembno prispeva k estetiki kampusa. P. CAMPOS 3.2 Socialna vkljucenost: funkcionalne strategije v univerzitetnih kampusih V prejšnjih poglavjih so bile obravnavane znacilnosti nacrtova­nja in prostorske kompozicije križnih hodnikov in kampusov, ki so lahko navdih za oblikovanje današnjih vkljucujocih kam­pusov. Obstaja pa še ena raven analize, ki lahko daje koristne smernice: analiza funkcionalnih znacilnosti. Ceprav gre za funkcionalne vidike, vplivajo na grajeno obliko in jih je zato vredno upoštevati kot dejavnike, ki lahko podpirajo socialno vkljucenost. 3.2.1 Funkcionalne znacilnosti, ki podpirajo socialno vkljucenost Ce ima kampus objekte in površine, ki ga uvršcajo med ucne skupnosti (v kateri ima poglavitno vlogo tudi prebivanje), krepi socialno vkljucenost najrazlicnejših skupin, tudi tistih z inte­lektualno oviranostjo. Kot ugotavljata Clauson in McKnight (2018: 43), je za ustvarjanje vkljucujocega okolja kljucno, da se identiteta posameznikov izraža v njihovi okolici. Estetika in zgodovina kampusa imata posreden ali neposreden pomen ter vplivata na posameznikove obcutke sprejetosti in pripadnosti. Kampus mora združevati najrazlicnejše funkcije, da lahko ucna skupnost v njem uspešno deluje. Mora se uveljaviti kot pravi habitat, ki poleg študijskih aktivnosti omogoca tudi raziska­ve, prebivanje, preživljanje prostega casa, športne aktivnosti in druženje. Ce omogoca takšno celovito izkušnjo, se tudi posamezniki z oviranostmi lažje vkljucijo v študentsko živl­jenje. Za dosego navedenega je priporocljivo urediti nekatere posebne objekte ali obmocja, ki podpirajo socialno vkljucenost (npr. zbirališca ali središca za ranljive skupine ter prostore za svetovanje in mentorstvo). Številne mednarodne ustanove so uvedle opisane rešitve za študente z oviranostmi, tako da se v skupnosti ne pocutijo diskriminirane in da krepijo svojo identiteto. Tovrstni prostori spodbujajo cloveško solidarnost po vsem svetu. 3.2.2 Vloga dedišcine Ustrezna strategija za krepitev socialne vkljucenosti ranljivih skupin v kampusu, ki se lahko vkljuci v urbanisticno in ar­hitekturno nacrtovanje, je tudi okrepitev pomena dedišcine. Dedišcina namrec bogati izobraževalni in izkustveni potencial kampusa, saj je ucinkovit posrednik zgodovinskih, umetniških in simbolnih vrednot. Z vidika socialne vkljucenosti pa lahko dedišcinske prvine posameznikom olajšajo orientacijo v pro-storu in jim pomagajo, da si stvari zapomnijo. Urbanisticne, arhitekturne in druge oblike dedišcine v univerzitetnem kom­pleksu prispevajo k vzpostavljanju krajev, ne zgolj prostorov, s cimer lahko ucinkovito krepijo dobro pocutje ljudi z intelek­tualno oviranostjo. 3.2.3 Sodelovanje pri nacrtovanju Izkušnje kažejo koristnost participativnega nacrtovanja, ki zelo pozitivno vpliva na kakovost samega nacrtovanja in predanost clanov nacrtovalske skupine, kar nenazadnje krepi tudi social-no vkljucenost. Sanoff (1994: 4) ugotavlja, da ce so stranke in državljani zgodaj vkljuceni v oblikovalski proces in povabljeni, da v njem prevzamejo kreativne in odgovorne vloge, je nacrto­valcem in arhitektom nenadoma na razpolago nepredstavljiv vir mnenj in modrosti lokalnih prebivalcev, kar hkrati krepi skupnost. Sodelovanje pomeni vkljucenost skupin, ki jih za­nima univerzitetni kampus, ter konkretno ranljivih posame­znikov in njihovih sorodnikov in prijateljev, na podlagi cesar se okrepi njihov obcutek pripadnosti ustanovi. 3.2.4 Virtualnost in socialna vkljucenost v kampusih Posamezni vidiki trenutnega trenda poucevanja na daljavo, ki se je okrepil zaradi pandemije covida-19, so pomembni tudi za socialno vkljucevanje ljudi z intelektualno oviranostjo. In-formacijske in komunikacijske tehnologije so lahko v veliko pomoc, saj omogocajo spletno podajanje študijskih vsebin in zagotavljajo alternativno obliko poucevanja in ucenja (Mén­dez in Cataldi, 2012). Kljub vsemu navedeni virtualni sistemi ne morejo nikoli postati nova izobraževalna paradigma, saj je pri celostnem izobraževanju zelo pomemben cloveški dejav­nik. Poleg tega bi to oviralo ucinkovito vkljucevanje ranljivih skupin, za katere je osebni stik zelo dragocen. Dober izobra­ževalni sistem mora temeljiti na afektivni bližini uciteljev in ucencev, ki morajo biti empaticni, da lahko vzpostavijo custve­ne vezi, ki hkrati krepijo tudi kognitivne. Medsebojni stiki krepijo socialno vkljucenost. Mnogi strokovnjaki s podrocja izobraževanja ugotavljajo, da se z ucenjem v skupini dosega višja raven znanja kot pri individualnem ucenju. To potrjujejo tudi nevroznanstveniki, ki pojasnjujejo sprošcanje oksitocina in aktivacijo zrcalnih nevronov (Guastella idr., 2008). Skupna univerzitetna izkušnja spodbuja izlocanje dopamina in krepi altruisticne obcutke (Rilling, 2002). Pri nacrtovanju vkljucu­jocih kampusov je zato treba upoštevati morebitna tveganja ucenja in poucevanja na daljavo, hkrati pa je treba poskrbeti za razumno razmerje med virtualnostjo in cloveškim stikom (Chapman, 2006). Nikoli ne smemo pozabiti, da je temelj izo­braževanja in socialne vkljucenosti prav cloveški stik. 4 Sklep Glavni namen clanka je bil predstaviti ustvarjalne smernice za nacrtovanje vkljucujocih kampusov, ki spodbujajo socialno vkljucenost ljudi z intelektualno oviranostjo. Ena avtorjevih najpomembnejših ugotovitev je, da mora oblikovanje tovrstnih kampusov temeljiti na predpostavki, da prostorske oblike vpli­vajo na clovekovo vedenje (Burlage in Brase, 1997). Vsak uni-verzitetni kompleks naj bi dosegal visoko raven obcutljivosti do skupnosti, ki v njem živi ali ga uporablja, v primeru omenjenih ranljivih skupin mora biti ta obcutljivost še toliko vecja. Zgodovinski in konceptualni pregled obravnavanega podrocja razkriva številne uporabne ugotovitve. Analiza preteklih para­digem, kot sta križni hodnik in kampus, je pokazala, da ceprav nista bila oblikovana z namenom krepitve socialne vkljucenosti, sta vseeno lahko dragocen zgled za doseganje tovrstne vkljuce­nosti. Nacrtovanje vkljucujocih kampusov mora temeljiti na argumentiranih podlagah in konkretnih smernicah, priporocl­jivo pa je tudi prouciti pozitivne lastnosti križnega hodnika in kampusa kot elementov, ki krepita medcloveške odnose. Nave-dena priporocila se nanašajo na oblikovanje prostorov, ki spod­bujajo dobro duševno pocutje ljudi z intelektualno oviranostjo in vseh ljudi na splošno (Grigal idr., 2012; Bumble idr., 2018). Pri krepitvi socialne vkljucenosti je treba posebno pozornost nameniti grajenemu okolju v smislu prepoznavanja, kako se ljudje custveno odzivajo na neki kraj, kar je zlasti pomembno pri ranljivih skupinah. Kot razlaga Giedion (1982: 880), je vsa razprava o urejanju in nacrtovanju zaman, ce najprej ne ustvarimo spet celotnega cloveka, nezlomljenega v svojem na-cinu razmišljanja in custvovanja. 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Avtorica prepleta dve teoretski smeri, urbano geografijo in intersekcionalni feminizem ter poda izviren pogled na delovanje neenakosti med spoloma v praksi oziroma, z njenimi besedami, na tleh. Drugi spol namrec ni abstraktna kategorija, ki jo ustvarjajo še bolj ab-straktne strukture. Drugi spol ustvarja dejanska, materialna geografija, kar se kaže v omejenem dostopu (urbanega) prostora za ženske. V vsako naselbino v prostoru so zapisani družbeni odnosi in naša mesta so patriarhat, zapisan v kamnu, opeki, steklu in betonu (str. 13). Grajena okolja izražajo odnose med ljudmi, ki so jih zgradili. Zato ne cudi, da je tudi v mestih, tako kot v drugih družbenih sferah, polovica svetovne populacije prezrta in nevidna. Velja pa tudi obratno. Ne samo, da mesto odsli­kava družbene odnose, tudi ustvarja jih. Poleg ustvarjanja odnosov mesto vpliva tudi na razmerja moci in reproducira neenakost. Urbana zasnova oblikuje in doloca možnosti za posameznika in družbene skupine. Kernova dialektiko odslikavanja in oblikovanja družbe­nih odnosov ponazori na konkretnih primerih predmestnih naselij, javnega prevoza, pravice do osebnega prostora in problematiki urbanega strahu. Predmestna naselja danes jemljemo kot nekaj samoumevnega, ceprav so otrok svojega casa, urbanisticni simptom razmerij moci po drugi svetovni voj­ni. Predmestja so bila pripravna rešitev za ponovno vzpostavitev normativnih spolnih vlog med moškimi in ženskami, ki sta jih zamajali vojna in narašcajoca prisotnost žensk v javni sferi. Vse prevec opolnomocene ženske, ki so med voj-no zasedle (moška) tovarniška delovna mesta, je bilo treba znova pacificirati in domestificirati. Zadnje je uspelo prav s predmestnini hišami, ki so ženske vrnile v zasebno sfero neplacanega skrbstvene­ga dela. Vzporedno s širjenjem suburbiu-ma so se v mestih dvigali neboticniki, ki jih Kernova razume kot spomenike moški korporativni ekonomski moci (str. 27). Število predmestnih gospodinj že dolgo upada, vendar podatki še vedno kažejo, da ženske po vsem svetu opravijo 75 odstotkov neplacanega skrbstvene­ga dela. To se kaže v nacinu dnevnih migracij v mestu. Moški dnevno potu­jejo od doma na delo in nazaj, najvec­krat z osebnim avtomobilom. Ženske za dnevne migracije pogosteje uporabljajo javni prevoz, njihove poti so zapletene, saj so sestavljene iz verižnih potovanj (ang. trip chains) med vrtcem, šolo, delovnim mestom in trgovino. Zato ženske placujejo t. i. rožnati davek v javnem prevozu. Za isto storitev kot moški namrec placujejo veliko vec, ker so njihova potovanja verižna, vozovnice pa enkratne. Kernova na primeru New Yorka ugotavlja, da ženske kot primar­ne skrbnice zaradi verižnih potovanj na mesecni ravni placajo precejšen davek, ki ga ocenjuje na sto dolarjev. Problematika javnega prevoza se ne konca z rožnatim davkom. Avtorica opozarja na spolno nadlegovanje in razliko v govorici telesa med spoloma v javnem prevozu. Moški sedijo s široko razprtimi nogami, s cimer zasedejo vec kot le svoj sedež. S tem prisilijo in so-cializirajo druge, da zasedejo cim manj javnega prostora. Podobno je tudi na otroških igrišcih. Ali ste že kdaj videli skupino deklet, ki bi zasedla celotno športno igrišce? Najvec, kar si lahko ženske v javnih pros-torih želijo, je, da jih ne bo nihce opazil, ogovoril ali požvižgal za njimi, (str. 164) opaža avtorica. V mestih je namrec krše­na pravica do osebnega prostora. Zato se ženske v mestu ukvarjajo z vsemi vrsta-mi samoomejevanja, da bi se izognile neželeni pozornosti in nadzoru nad telesom in vedenjem. Vsako mesto je namrec tudi mesto (ženskega) strahu pred nevarnim neznancem. Zato žen­ske prilagajajo svoja oblacila, prilagodi­jo tudi potovalne navade in se izogibajo temnim predelom mesta. Vendar avto­rica opozarja, da nas še tako osvetljene ulice ne bodo rešile pred patriarhatom. Za enakost med spoloma bo potrebno veliko vec kot feministicno urbanis-ticno nacrtovanje. Predlaga predvsem spremembo odnosov med ljudmi, kul­turnih vzorcev, družbenih interakcij in ekonomskih odlocilnih dejavnikov. Kljub vsem navedenim problematikam avtorica mesto vidi kot prostor osvobo­ditve. Anonimnost urbanega prostora namrec ženskam omogoca drugacno in svobodno življenje v primerjavi s suburbanimi enklavami in majhnimi mesti. Mesto omogoca izobrazbo, delo in politicno udejstvovanje. Mesto širi horizonte možnega in ceprav je ukro­jeno za moške, predstavlja upanje za radikalne družbene spremembe. Tukaj se pojavi glavna pomanjkljivost knjige, saj avtorica ostane le na abstraktni in kriticni ravni in ne pojasni, kaj kon­kretno pomenijo radikalne družbene spremembe in kako dejansko, v praksi in na tleh doseci feministicno mesto. V knjigi tako umanjkajo primeri dobrih praks, za katere avtorica veckrat omeni, da obstajajo že stoletja. Nedvomno Kernova uspešno krmari med pastmi, ki jih prinašajo identitet­ne politike. V knjigi zavraca feminizem, ki svoj uspeh meri glede na izboljšanje statusa belih, financno uspešnih žensk. Takšen feminizem namrec skozi urba­nisticne prakse v mesto vnaša predvsem estetske posege, ki niso nic drugega kot gentrifikacija in odstranjevanje drugih, drugacnih in depriviligiranih družbenih skupin. Knjiga opozarja, da feministic­no mesto ni feministicno brez revnih, delavcev in migrantov, in svetuje, da naj vsako feministicno nacrtovanje na­mesto bele ženske srednjega razreda raje izhaja iz potreb in perspektiv tistih, ki so v družbi najbolj ranljivi. Pri tem izhaja iz lastnega položaja. Ko se kot bela ženska in mati zavzema za dostopnost prostorov z vozickom, se bori tudi za ljudi, ki so gibalno ovirani ali starejši. Ko se zavzema za vec javnih prostorov, ima v mislih tudi druge rase, narod­nosti in razrede. To pa zahteva veliko samorefleksije o lastnem položaju in privilegijih. Fizicni prostori odslikavajo in ustvarja­jo odnose med ljudmi. O urbani kraji­ni redko govorimo kot o dejavniku, ki spodbuja neenakost med spoloma, zato je knjiga dobrodošlo in nujno branje za vse deležnike v urbanisticnem nacr­tovanju. V casu, ki ga je zaznamovalo gibanje #jaztudi, je pomembno, da tudi v arhitekturi in urbanisticnem na-crtovanju upoštevamo neenakosti med spoloma. Vendar kot opozarja avtori-ca, moramo biti pri tem pazljivi: vse preveckrat namrec to pomeni, da kot tipicno uporabnico mesta razumemo financno uspešno belo žensko. Takšno razumevanje pa prinaša gentrifikacijo. Feministicno urbanisticno nacrtovanje mora zato delovati intersekcionalno, upoštevati marginalizirane družbene skupine in nepredvidljivo družbeno življenje. Zato mora upoštevati vse pre­bivalce mesta. Nacrtovanje od spodaj, pri cemer margina postane center, je prihodnost urbanisticnega nacrtovanja. Iva Lukan Fakulteta za arhitekturo, Univerza v Ljublja­ni, Ljubljana, Slovenija E-naslov: iva.lukan@gmail.com Biografija Leslie Kern je izredna profesorica geogra­fije in okolja ter direktorica ženskih študij in študij spolov na univerzi Mount Allison. Je avtorica knjige Sex and the Revitalized City: Gender, Condominium Development and Urban Citizenship. Informacije o knjigi https://www.versobooks.com/ books/3227-feminist-city Anja ILENIC Alenka MAUKO PRANJIC Darko KOKOT Ana MLADENOVIC Mateja KOŠIR Skupnost znanja in inovacij EIT Urbana mobilnost – prijetnejše in bolj trajnostno bivanje v evropskih mestih z uporabo inovativnih rešitev Potrebe po bolj trajnostnem transport- nem sistemu se iz leta v leto povecuje­ jo. Urbana okolja potrebujejo ciljne in strateško usmerjene akcijske nacrte, ki bodo izboljšali dostopnost, kakovost in izkorišcenost transportnih mrež ter obenem pripomogli h krajšim zastojem, manj nesrecam ter manjši onesnaženosti v urbanem okolju. Skupnost EIT Ur­ bana mobilnost se s svojimi aktivnostmi osredotoca na evropske izzive v mobil­ nosti. Obenem si prizadeva za krepitev in povezanost razlicnih deležnikov v ekosistem, ki bo tudi v prihodnosti pomembno vplival na pozitivne spre­ membe na podrocju trajnostne mobil­ nosti, dostopnosti storitev v mestih, bolj ucinkovite mestne logistike, zmanjšanje kolicine odpadkov, bolj integriran trans- portni sistem, povecanje aktivne mobil­ nosti in uporabe javnega prevoza med prebivalci ter posledicno manjše odvis-Slika 1: Napoved urbanizacije za leto 2050 – delež prebivalstva, ki bo živel v urbanih okoljih nosti od osebnih avtomobilov. Osrednji (vir: OWID, 2021 glede na Združeni narodi, 2019b) cilj te skupnosti je preobraziti mesta v bolj zelena in prebivalcem prijaznejše na prehod v bolj trajnostno naravnano ženi narodi, 2019b) (Združeni narodi, okolje za življenje. družbo, na okolje in na gospodarstvo v 2019a). Poleg prebivalstva narašca tudi skladu z naceli krožnega gospodarstva število prebivalcev v urbanih okoljih. Ljudje smo v središcu trajnostnega (Združeni narodi, 2019b). V letu 2019 Leta 1950 je v urbanih okoljih živelo razvoja naše družbe. Globalni demo- je svetovno prebivalstvo doseglo 7,7 mi- približno 30 % ljudi, leta 2018 približno grafski trendi, rast svetovnega prebival­ lijarde, statisticni trendi kažejo, da bo 55 %, za leto 2050 pa Združeni naro­ stva, njegovo staranje, migracije in urba­ ta številka v letu 2050 že 9,7 milijarde di napovedujejo, da bo v mestih živelo nizacija prostora vsi pomembno vplivajo (slika 1; OWID, 2021 glede na Zdru­ 68 % celotnega svetovnega prebivalstva, ponekod že vec kot 80 % (UN-Habitat, 2011, Združeni narodi, 2019b). Prirast števila prebivalcev v urbanih okoljih ima lahko na okolje in na družbo izjemno negativen vpliv. Z globalnega vidika mesta (urbana okolja) zavzemajo le 2 % celotnega svetovnega ozemlja, ob tem pa ustvarijo kar 70 % vseh nasta­lih toplogrednih plinov (Vandecasteele idr., 2019). V Evropski uniji transportni sektor prispeva 27 % k skupnim koli-cinam toplogrednih plinov (Eurostat, 2020). Prebivalstvo urbanih okolij se srecuje z naslednjimi izzivi: • dostopnost cenovno ugodnih ne­premicnin, • težave, povezane s (pre)obreme­njenostjo transportnih mrež (one-snaženje zraka, vode in tal zaradi avtomobilskih izpustov, zastoji in s tem povezani daljši potovalni casi itd.), • dostopnost javnih mestnih stori­tev (npr. javno zdravstvo in pre­vozništvo, odvoz odpadkov), • staranje prebivalstva in • podnebne spremembe (Vandeca­steele idr., 2019). Kljub številnim izzivom urbanizacije imajo urbana okolja zaradi dolocene stopnje avtonomije in pripravljenosti na nove tehnološke napredke številne priložnosti za zmanjšanje vplivov na okolje in družbo. V urbanih središcih je treba v prihodnje reorganizirati jav­ne in komercialne urbane storitve v bolj trajnostno naravnane in bolj ucinkovite, npr. tako, da so primerne za veckratno rabo, da so souporabne, modularno oblikovane, osnovane na novih nacinih rabe podatkov. Javni prostori v urbanih okoljih zavzemajo med 2-15 % celotne površine, posledicno lahko premišljeno zastavljene politike rabe javnega prosto­ra z bolj zelenimi in odprtimi površi­nami pomembno vplivajo na izboljšanje kakovosti zraka, boljše mikroklimatske razmere v urbanih okoljih, vecjo varnost in izboljšanje javnega zdravja. Pri tem lahko nove tehnologije pripomorejo k boljšim javnim storitvam, k reševanju trajnostnih in okoljskih izzivov, izbol­jšajo produktivnost posameznikov in družbe kot celote (Vandecasteele idr., 2019). Prometni zastoji, onesnaženje zraka in hrup so le nekatere izmed težav, s katerimi se spoprijemajo evropska in slovenska urbana okolja. V Sloveniji glede na nacin premikanja prevladuje uporaba avtomobila (slika 2), v kate-rem posameznik povprecno preživi 14 dni na leto (Statisticni urad Republike Slovenije, 2017). V zadnjih desetih letih je še vedno opazen trend povecevanja števila osebnih avtomobilov v prometu, ob tem pa je opazen trend narašcanja uporabe osebnih vozil s hibridnim ali elektricnim pogonom (slika 3). Motoriziran promet je poleg kurišc, in-dustrijskih izpustov, gradbišc itd. eden izmed virov trdnih delcev v zraku (npr. PM10 in PM2,5) (Thunis idr., 2017). Po-leg okoljskih vplivov imajo lahko višje vrednosti delcev PM negativen vpliv tudi na cloveško zdravje – razvoj Alzhei­merjeve bolezni, povecano možnost za pojav srcnih zastojev, nagnjenost k višje-mu krvnemu tlaku itd. (VFA Solutions, 2021). V Sloveniji so bile v zadnjem de­setletju vrednosti delcev PM10 in PM2,5 vedno višje od evropskega povprecja (slika 4). Soustvarjanje urbanih strategij in akcijskih nacrtov, in to v sinergijah z urbanimi prebivalci, je torej pomemb-no za ohranjanje urbanih okolij in z • razbremenitev transportnih mrež v urbanih okoljih, • podpiranje interdisciplinarnosti, • okoljsko ucinkovit in varen tran­sport ljudi, blaga (vkljucno z od­padki), • novi nacini uporabe podatkov, • oblikovanje zakonodajnega okvira za spremembe vzorcev obnašanja, • trajnostna rast urbanih okolij ter • upravljanje urbanih okolij. V letu 2021 skupnost vkljucuje že vec kot 85 mestnih in državnih ustanov, raziskovalnih in izobraževalnih ustanov ter industrijskih partnerjev s podrocja mobilnosti. Vse aktivnosti so usmerjene v dosega­nje treh kljucnih družbenih ciljev: (1) blažitev posledic in prilagajanje pod-nebnim spremembam, (2) ustvarjanje boljših življenjskih razmer v mestih, (3) ustvarjanje novih delovnih mest in krepitev evropskega mobilnega sektorja (EIT Urban Mobility Strategic Agenda, 2021). Strateški cilji, oblikovani za doseganje družbenih in mobilnostih vplivov, so: • ustvarjanje boljših življenjskih raz-mer v mestih, • zapolnitev vrzeli v znanju, • zelene in varne rešitve za mobil­nost ljudi, blaga in odpadkov, • pospeševanje tržnih priložnosti, • spodbujanje ucinkovitih politik in spremembe vzorcev obnašanja (EIT Urban Mobility Strategic Agenda, 2021). Vse aktivnosti skupnosti EIT Urbana mobilnost so tudi v sinergiji z Agendo 2030 za trajnostni razvoj, ki jo je leta 2015 sprejela Organizacija združenih narodov. Velik poudarek je na skrbi za zdravo življenje in spodbujanju splošne­ga dobrega pocutja v vseh življenjskih obdobjih posameznika ter na zmanjše­vanju porabe energije in zagotavljanju trajnostne in ekonomsko dostopne oskr-be. Ceprav je opazen trend upadanja, je bilo v Sloveniji leta 2019 mogoce ugoto­viti, da si 3 % gospodinjstev še vedno ne morejo privošciti primernega ogrevanja v stanovanju, delež energije, pridobljene iz obnovljivih virov, pa je bil v istem letu le 21 %. Eden izmed ciljev kazalnikov prehoda v bolj trajnostno mobilnost je tudi izboljšanje kakovosti življenja v mestih in skupnostih ter spodbujanje napredka v razvoju bolj trajnostnega prometa z manj škodljivimi vplivi na okolje, spodbujanje odgovorne rabe primarnih virov, ustanavljanje bolj traj­nostnih mest in skupnosti (Statisticni urad Republike Slovenije, 2020). Skupnost EIT Urbana mobilnost uva­ja spremembe na omenjenih osmih podrocjih delovanja z izvajanjem petih programov: Klub mest, Akademija, Podpora podjetništvu, Inovacije ter Tovarna. Klub mest (ang. City Club) je program aktivnosti, v okviru katerega evropska mesta sodelujejo med seboj, si izmen­jujejo informacije o izzivih, priložno­stih ter dobrih praksah. Informacije in izkušnje evropskih mest se upora­bijo kot izhodišce za druge programe ter vsakoletne razpise na raznovrstnih tematskih podrocjih razvoja inovacij, akademije, podpore podjetništvu, regi­onalne inovacijske sheme (RIS), tovar­ne in vkljucenosti prebivalcev. V razpisu leta 2021 so bili izzivi osredotoceni na njimi povezanih sistematicnih napred­kov (Vandecasteele idr., 2019). S pro-blematikami urbanih okolij in reševanj izzivov se ukvarja skupnost EIT Urbana mobilnost. Evropski inštitut za inovacije in tehno­logijo (v nadaljevanju: EIT) je v letu 2019 ustanovil skupnost EIT Urbana mobilnost (ang. EIT Urban Mobility), kot eno izmed devetih evropskih skup­nosti znanja in inovacij (slika 5). Eden izmed glavnih ciljev EIT je povecati konkurencnost evropskih podjetij, med drugim tudi s sistematicnim pospeše­vanjem prehoda inovacij in inovativnih rešitev na trg. Poleg pospeševanja kon­kurencnosti, predvsem avtomobilske industrije, si je skupnost EIT Urbana mobilnost dolocila še sedem drugih glavnih izzivov: razlicne možnosti prehoda na aktivne nacine premikanja (hoja, kolesarjenje), reševanje negativnih vplivov prometa v urbanih okoljih, izboljšanje urbane lo-gistike s poudarkom na zadnji milji itd. Akademija (ang. Academy) vkljucu­je raznovrstne magistrske in doktor­ske programe ter druge izobraževalne programe, npr. na podrocju vseživl­jenjskega ucenja. Program je namenjen izboljšanju znanja na podrocju trajnost­ne mobilnosti v urbanih okoljih, prido­bivanju in analizi podatkov o pametni mobilnosti, alternativnih oblikah mo-bilnosti, transformaciji javnih površin, novih trendih na podrocju mestne logis­tike, izzivov avtonomnih vozil, aktivne mobilnosti itd. Velik poudarek je tudi na razvoju kriticnih sposobnosti posa­meznika in interdisciplinarnosti vseh programov. Programa Inovacije (ang. Innovation) in Podpora podjetništvu (ang. Business creation) se zavzemata za hitrejši prehod inovativnih storitev in proizvodov na trg, predvsem na podrocjih aktivne mo-bilnosti, intermodalnosti, infrastruktu-re, zmanjševanja onesnaženja, trajnost­ne mestne logistike, ustvarjanja javnih površin, mobilnosti v prihodnosti, mo-bilnost in energija. Program Podpora podjetništvu svoje aktivnosti izvaja v treh podprogramih: • Pospeševalnik (ang. Accelerator) je namenjen zagonskim, mikro in majhnim podjetjem, ki lah­ko v okviru programa pridobijo povratna in nepovratna sredstva, mentorstvo, dostop do živih labo­ratorijev (ang. Living labs), testnih polj, možnosti preveritve tehnolo­gije in trga, • Globalni prehod (ang. Scale-THENGlobal) je nadaljevalni program, namenjen umešcanju inovativnih rešitev na mednaro­dnih trgih, • Financna podpora (ang. Finan­ce2Move) je program, v okviru katerega lahko podjetja pridobijo financno podporo za nadaljevanje podjetniške kariere in možnost mreženja. Glavni poudarek programa Tovarna je na implementaciji rešitev po svetu. Ak­tivnosti vkljucujejo: povezovanje izdel­kov s povpraševanjem preko digitalne­ga tržnega prostora in fizicnih mreženj, promocijo dobrih praks in tudi iskanje ustreznih priložnosti za podporo ino­vacijam. Zavod za gradbeništvo Slovenije (ZAG) je v letu 2020 postal nacionalna kontak­tna tocka skupnosti EIT Urbana mobil­nost – EIT Urbana mobilnost RIS Hub Slovenija. Glavni cilj skupnosti EIT Ur­bana mobilnost RIS Hub Slovenija, je: • povezovati razlicne deležnike v integriran in multidisciplinaren ekosistem (predvsem predstavnike trikotnika znanja – izobraževalne in raziskovalne ustanove, mesta, odlocevalce in oblikovalce politik ter industrijska podjetja, ki deluje­jo na podrocju mobilnosti), • povecati prepoznavnost skupnosti EIT Urbana mobilnost v Sloveniji, • obvešcati širšo družbo o aktivno­stih in prihodnjih razpisih, • aktivno podpirati zagonska pod-jetja, študente in raziskovalce pri nadaljnjem razvoju njihovih ino­vativnih idej ter • vsesplošno izboljšati podjetniške pogoje na lokalni ravni. V ta namen je skupnost EIT Urbana mobilnost RIS Hub Slovenija, tudi v letu 2021organizirala številne aktivnos-ti. Te so razdeljene v šest sklopov: • temeljne aktivnosti, • komunikacijske in informativne aktivnosti, • aktivnosti, ki podpirajo lokalni inovacijski ekosistem, • aktivnosti, ki podpirajo lokalno podjetništvo, • izobraževalne aktivnosti, • oblikovanje lokalne skupnosti, integracija trikotnika znanja in krepitev lokalnega inovacijskega ekosistema. V letu 2021 je bila organizirana med-narodna konferenca EIT Urbana mo-bilnost, ki je imela glavni poudarek na krepitvi partnerske skupnosti v Slove­niji. Organizirana so bila tudi razna izobraževanja (prijava projektne prija­ve, zašcita intelektualnih pravic, infor­macije o prihajajocih razpisih, prido­bivanje javnih in zasebnih financiranj) in zimska šola za študente, da bi s tem zmanjšali vrzel v znanju na tem pod-rocju. Del aktivnosti je bil osredotocen na zagonska in mikro podjetja, del pa na lokalno skupnost in izboljšanje aktivne mobilnosti. V sodelovanju z Maribor­sko kolesarsko mrežo (MKM) sta bila v jesenskih mesecih organizirani dve kolesarski prireditvi: Kolesarski lov na zaklad in dvomesecni Strava kolesarski izziv Goni z mano v toplice. V okviru izziva je bila udeležencem omogocena brezplacna izposoja mobilnih senzorjev , s katerimi so lahko tudi sami PM2,5preverili onesnaženost zraka na njihovi kolesarski poti. Skupnost EIT Urbana mobilnost na podrocjih svojega delovanja omogoca številne priložnosti za podjetnike in raziskovalce, ki lahko tako prispevajo k izboljšanju življenjskih in bivalnih raz-mer v mestih. Anja Ilenic Zavod za gradbeništvo Slovenije, Ljubljana, Slovenija E-naslov: anja.ilenic@zag.si Alenka Mauko Pranjic Zavod za gradbeništvo Slovenije, Ljubljana, Slovenija E-naslov: alenka.mauko@zag.si Darko Kokot Zavod za gradbeništvo Slovenije, Ljubljana, Slovenija E-naslov: darko.kokot@zag.si Ana Mladenovic Zavod za gradbeništvo Slovenije, Ljubljana, Slovenija E-naslov: ana.mladenovic@zag.si Mateja Košir Zavod za gradbeništvo Slovenije, Ljubljana, Slovenija E-naslov: mateja.kosir@zag.si Vec informacij o drugih dogodkih je na voljo na spletnem naslovu: hubum.si Literatura EIT Urban Mobility (2021): EIT Urban Mobility Strategic Agenda 2021-2027. EIT, Barcelona. Eurostat (2020): Exposure to air pollution by particulate matter. Dostopno na: https:// ec.europa.eu/eurostat/databrowser/view/ sdg_11_50/default/table?lang=en (sneto 26. 9. 2021). OWID – Our world in data (2021): https:// ourworldindata.org/grapher/urban-popu-lation-share-2050?region=Europe (sneto 30. 9. 2021). 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UDC: 712.25:001.891.32 DOI: 10.5379/urbani-izziv-en-2021-32-02-01 Received: 27 April 2021 Accepted: 29 September 2021 Tülay ZIVALI TURHAN Hatice AYATAÇ Understanding of the relation between ethnic diversity and public space: A bibliometric analysis In its most obvious form, the mechanism of the “pub­lic” – the individuals in a society and their engagement with each other – can be seen in the core of the cities; the public space. Over the years, many scholars from var­ious disciplines have contributed extensive research on this notion. This article provides a constructive analysis of research approaches and methodologies applied to ethnic diversity as a social phenomenon in relation to public space. It examines 1,079 articles published between 1995 and 2020 and included in Web of Science. The bibli­ometric dataset was manually filtered, and query-based scientometric visualization was produced using CiteSpace software. The article explores how theory is applied, and it outlines current trends, gaps, and common methodolog­ical approaches in the literature, which may lead to new insights for further interdisciplinary research. The results show two fundamental clusters in the theoretical con­ceptualization regarding the subject: a human–place rela­tional approach, which is based on examining urban and social policy, and a human–human relational approach, which focuses on interpersonal interactions and considers public space a facilitator for this social encounter. Keywords: bibliometric review, CiteSpace, ethnic diver­sity, public space, Web of Science T. ZIVALI TURHAN, H. AYATAÇ 1 Introduction One prominent effect of the globalizing world is increasing migration and thus increasing diversity in urban settlements. Many large cities face a persistently high influx of immigrants from around the world. Consequently, populations are shifting toward a dynamic, heterogeneous, and multicultural structure with the presence of various ethnic groups and subcultures. Ethnic diversity can be observed from the (sub)national level to the neighbourhood level in both social and spatial organiza­tion. Ethnicity identifies shared attributes of groups of people and identifies common traditions, ideologies, and behaviours that show cultural continuity over time (Hutchinson & Smith, 1996; Peoples & Bailey, 2011). Eventually, people tend to con­gregate with others that have the same norms and values, and certain groups evolve with distinctive characteristics. Never­theless, diverse individuals and groups of people are obliged to engage and share space with each other more than ever. This phenomenon has always been an issue in a wide range of fields such as geography, urban studies, sociology, environmen­tal psychology, and cultural studies. The urban fabric plays a substantial and decisive role in shaping the relations between ethnic groups. Interaction between diverse ethnic communi­ties in daily life occurs in commonly used spaces in the city; public space is the meeting place of different identities – or, as Sennett (2003) argues, the place where “strangers” meet each other. Common space is an always-fragile spatial situation that people shape through engagement. In addition, a person’s cultural identification creates a sense of belonging and thus promotes meaningful places. Experiencing common spaces as they are is possible through their emergence in the process of being used, defined, comprehended, and communicated col­lectively (Stavrides, 2016). “Mainstream urban design theory and practice are explicitly pro-social; the importance of social-ising in outdoor public spaces is promoted” (Rishbeth et al., 2018: 37) through various residential scales in the city ( Jacobs, 1961; Whyte, 1980; Gehl & Gemzoe, 1996; Carmona et al., 2003). In this manner, urban public space is the place where everyday practices reflect individual and collective social cul­tures of sociability (Dines et al., 2006) and is thus considered essential to the quality of life. According to Hillier (1996), the interface of ethnicity is one of the most critical among the multiple interfaces that characterize urban space. Hence, ethnic diversity appears as a social structure formed by the interaction of different communities in the urban landscape. Parallel to this urban sociological approach, the most inte­grated spaces in the spatial system attract more movement, and with their gravitational force they carry the potential for creating social interaction (Hillier et al., 1993). In this sense, it is essential to understand the role of ethnic diversity on public space, considering that these places are the most integrated spaces in the city. Ethnic groups tend to be spatially segregat­ed from each other, but they are integrated into the system (proximate from any space of origin to all others in a system) as much as possible. However, the majority occupies the most integrated spaces, and the minority occupies secondary pub­lic spaces (Ferati, 2009). Although houses in diverse ethnic communities have the same spatial layout, it is their spatial configuration that discloses ethnic identity (Charambous An-toniadou & Peristianis, 2001). In terms of sociability in public space, both disengagement and contact mechanisms occur as ethnic diversity increases (Blumer & Solomos, 2015). Rep­resentations of the public space or representations of shared space (space as a common property of a group that symbolizes a common collective identity) are forms of creating the common space. As a matter of fact, common space may be contested in a struggle over representation even before it is defined as common space. These spaces are not merely the result of the acts that produced them or the acts of interpretation that name them. It is possible for common spaces to be misrecognized, corrupted, and even usurped within and through these strug­gles. It is important, then, to examine the ways in which people can develop tools to recognize, invent, and dream of common spaces (Stavrides, 2016). To understand the trends of this dynamic and interdisciplinary concern, a common method is to conduct a literature review. It not only presents a multi-perspective overview of previous literature on the subject but also provides a foundation with possible objectives, methodologies, and indicators highlighting gaps and potentials regarding the topic (Khoo et al., 2010). It also provides a basis for larger studies related to the topic. By conducting a bibliometric analysis, Su et al. (2019) argue that the construction of a social model and its reflection in public space is based on the construction of the intangible cultural heritage of various ethnic groups. Shuangyun and Hongxia (2020: 27) state that “acculturation is not only a problem of immigrants but also a problem of ethnic minorities that have lived for generations in contact with mainstream groups.” Andrade et al. (2016) review the dimensions of the “right to the city” and show that there has been an intensification of segregation in the last decade in urban public space. Overall, such studies point out that the impact of ethnicity and race cannot be underestimated in the formation of (in)tangible ur­ban structures and relations, but signify that there are limited bibliometric studies addressing this issue. Within this framework, this study examines the relation be­tween ethnic diversity and public space based on a constructive analysis of the research approaches and methodologies used. The research identifies conceptual assumptions and the un­derlying trends in the past and present development of urban public space in relation to ethnic diversity. The article addresses Table 1: Inclusion and exclusion search criteria for the dataset. Query entry ethnic* racial* racism + public space* shared space* urban space* urban public space* open space* open public space* common space* Population Ethnic groups Setting Open public space accessible to all Qualitative: perceptions and regulations regarding use of public space by ethnic groups Outcome Quantitative: correlation between ethnic groups and use of public space Publication type Peer reviewed publications indexed in WoS databases Time span 1995–2020 Note: The asterisk retrieves any group of characters, including no character, in Web of Science. the dynamics and patterns of ethnic diversity in urban public spaces, arguing that the use of and engagement in the public sphere are affected by ethnic identity. In this way, it analyses the notion that ethnic diversity leads to socio-spatial segregation in public space. 2 Research methods and tools 2.1 Search and selection process The research is based on publications from 1995 to 2020 taken from the Web of Science (WoS) bibliographic database. The support of bibliometric software (e.g., CiteSpace, HistCite, or VOSviewer) is very beneficial for tackling the complexi­ty of such cross-domain research (Shuangyun & Hongxia, 2020). Therefore, the data were analysed manually and with the help of CiteSpace software. This tool is used to translate bibliometric datasets into visualizations based on co-citations and clustering algorithms, and it makes it possible to explore the development of a certain research area (Chen & Song, 2019). The search was conducted in July 2021 based on the title, abstract, publication information, keywords, and publi­cation content. The following information was stored in the dataset during the search process: publication title, author information, publication source information, publication ab­stract, citation amount, and usage count. In addition, WoS provided specific information about individual publications, including the authors’ keywords, WoS keywords (KeyWords Plus), author information, publisher information, document information, references cited, and other information related to the publication. The search query was “ethnic* OR racial* OR racism AND public space OR urban open space” and it included related terms that detected relevant residue regarding the subject and thus a more precise and substantial dataset (Table 1). The set of terms and Boolean searches resulted in 1,116 hits (Figure 1). Then manual filtration was applied by reading the abstracts of the publications to attain greater accuracy and T. ZIVALI TURHAN, H. AYATAÇ detect deviations and duplicates. The final dataset considered relevant for the study included 1,079 publications. 2.2 Principal limitations “Interpretations based on the results of this methodology are limited by several factors. Firstly, WoS indexing practices can limit the reliability of the findings” (Le Gentil & Mongru-el, 2014: 87). The selected publications on this subject are not complete, and further material undoubtedly exists (e.g., in journals and books and/or book chapters not indexed in WoS, (un)published reports, dissertations, or (un)published conference proceedings). Second, the search output may have varied because different keywords related to the topic were included. 3 Research findings on ethnic diversity in relation to public space The study comprehensively investigates the key thematic landscapes and their associated cluster patterns based on the bibliographic and geographic information, thematic areas, and methodological approaches of the data set. 3.1 Bibliographic and geographic information The literature review retrieved a total of 1,116 publications from the WoS database, which were culled to 1,079 studies (96.7%) dealing with ethnic diversity in public space. The document types are mainly research articles (93.4%) and conference proceedings (5.1%), which indicates that there is a certain degree of attention to the topic because some of the publications were presented at conferences. Although the search period covered almost a quarter century (1995–2020), half of the studies were published after 2015 (Figure 2). The overall citation counts of the selected publications clearly in­creased between 2013 and 2020, and they reached a peak in 2020. Although there are fluctuating intervals, an increase in such publications over time (more than 50% of all articles were published in the last decade) shows that there is increasing interest in and research on this subject. At the same time, the subject has gradually become integrated in various research areas. English is the predominant language of the publications, at 88.6%. Among the non-English publications, Russian and Spanish (3.3% and 3.2%, respectively) were the most frequent. Table 2 presents the WoS-assigned classification of the selected records into research areas. The majority of the publications are classified in the WoS category “Geography”. The literature search resulted over 150 different journals. Despite this, there is no single academic journal devoted entirely to the relation between ethnic diversity and public space. The journals, however, represent branches and sub-branches in the social sciences, including sociology, psychology, human geography, anthropology, urban studies, architecture and planning, po­litical science, linguistics, economics, and history. Only major journals in archaeology are missing. A large share of studies were conducted in the Americas (49.1%). The case studies in the corresponding publications mainly examine (sub)urban settlements and multi-ethnic neighbourhoods in the US (40.2%). The main focus of these studies is mixed black and white neighbourhoods (Caliendo, 2011; Rollock et al., 2011; Gibson, 2018; Harwood et al., 2018), particularly in New York and Los Angeles. These stud­ies are strongly affiliated with cultural differentiation in the uses of various (semi-)public areas such as schools and parks (Loukaitousideris-Sideris, 1995; Ho et al., 2005; Wolch et al., 2005; Chuang et al., 2013; Kaczynski et al., 2013; Vaughan et al., 2013; Trouille, 2014; Wilson, 2016; Rigolon & Németh, 2018). These studies mainly focus on children and youth. “Notable terrorist attacks in the last 15 years, both in the UK and in other countries, have shaped everyday understandings of the public realm as a place that has the potential to be dangerous, and this danger is frequently conflated with racial visibility” (Rishbeth et al., 2017: 42). Accordingly, one break­ing point in this review may be related to the global approach to terrorism after the September 11th attacks. The share of case studies in European countries concerning this topic is rel­atively high (20.1%). Notably, 14.4% of the case studies ex­amine the United Kingdom, focusing on British cross-cultural discourse and the ethnographic understandings of ethnically diverse neighbourhoods. Multicultural phenomena and ques­tions about the integration of Muslim minorities and their everyday activities in public spaces are explicit (Schmidt, 2012; Kloek et al., 2013; Mohammad, 2013; Johnson & Miles, 2014; Hopkins et al., 2017; Joly, 2017). There are also examples of case studies of places where multiculturalism has been present for centuries. A set of studies examines settlements in Palestine and Israel, considers conflict areas between Jews and Arabs, analyses non-recognized autonomous areas, evaluates the sta­tus of oppressed communities, and explores the concept of “place” within a multicultural context (Yiftachel & Yacobi, 2003; Shuval et al., 2009; Monterescu, 2011; Aharon-Gut­mann, 2014; Jadallah, 2014; Badarin, 2015; Shtern, 2016; Omer et al., 2018; Rokem & Vaughan, 2018). The dataset indicates that current migration trends have also been a subject of investigation. The studies mainly cover re­search on migrant belonging in cities and contestation and resistance of opposite groups: homeowners and newcomers Figure 2: Distribution of the dataset through years (illustration: authors). Table 2: Research areas included in the dataset. Geography 194 Urban studies 169 Sociology 134 Environmental sciences, ecology 120 Social sciences other topics 112 Ethnic studies 102 (Ryan, 2003; Ayata, 2008; Müller, 2011; Ehrkamp, 2013; Triandafyllidou & Kouki, 2013; Hall, 2015; Lobo, 2015; De-mintseva, 2017). The dataset implies that this topic is a central debate subject in everyday politics. Case studies in Asia and Australia mainly focus on ethnically mixed areas caused by mi­gration flows in the distant or recent past. Williamson (2016: 2328) examines whether “forms of belonging are becoming increasingly flexible and are characterized by multiple place attachments by exploring how different scales of belonging and mobility come together in migrant incorporation processes in a hyper-diverse, transitional suburban locality in Sydney, Aus­tralia.” 3.2 Thematic areas To understand the structure and dynamics of a domain, it is necessary to examine what specific research has been carried out for each major area and how different research areas are connected through specific articles (Chen, 2020: 17). This search process can be divided into two parts. The first part consists of word frequency analysis to examining the dataset based on keywords. By extracting the keywords, main themes are formed, which describe the core content of the dataset. The second part is co-citation analysis. Co-citation of a study shows the occurrence of two or more articles in a third reference list. In such a case, these articles form a co-citation relation, which can be useful for indicating the trends in a research domain. The keywords public and space evolve parallel to each other and seem to be correlated with consistent appearance over time (Figure 3a). This indicates that research dedicated to urban areas is related to public open spaces. However, these spaces are not only on a city scale but also on a neighbourhood scale because there are a significant number of studies investigating T. ZIVALI TURHAN, H. AYATAÇ Figure 3: a) most frequent keywords within the time interval; b) most frequent phrases within the time interval (illustration: authors). residential segregation in diverse neighbourhoods within the urban landscape (Figure 3b). Zsolt Farkas et al. (2017) exam­ine the impacts and consequences of residential segregation in urban spaces in Hungary with a focus on Romani people. Burgers and Zuiderwijk (2016) investigate ethnic segregation in England and Wales. In addition to open urban public spaces, other places as the “common good”, such as places for work, education, or leisure, have also been examined. Swyngedouw (2013: 293) explains that “[p]eople of different race and class, represented by the station where they board the train, do not encounter each other much in the L-train because of the exist­ing residential segregation in the city of Chicago.” Lobo (2014) explores the lived experience of multiculturalism through the eyes of three people (an Aboriginal, a migrant woman, and herself ) by catching the same bus in Darwin, Australia. Jackson (2019) explores contested opinions about a bowling alley in London that is used by diverse ethnic groups and has been threatened with demolition. Schmidt (2015) examines ineq­uity and the variety in access to the school environment using spatiality. Here, the emphasis is on the relation between the social organization and spatial fabric. On the other hand, Yu et al. (2018) explore college students’ spatial perception of a college campus in Memphis. The interpretation of the degree of spatiality and publicness in public space vary in the studies. A significant amount of the dataset (44.6%) emphasizes how various parameters are related to ethnicity, fostering diversity, and how this affects the living environment and vice versa. Disparities are the main concern. The most frequent variables examining the relation between ethnic diversity and public space are segregation, integration, inclusion, exclusion, con­tact, social interaction, and social cohesion. These parameters encompass multidimensional meanings because they are relat­ed to the city as a physical entity, including all its dynamics. For instance, segregation, the most significant variable, has been defined in a broader context (educational segregation, residential segregation, social segregation, or economic seg­regation) in many studies and is frequently related to urban violence, raising the questions of when and how segregation shapes violence either in the sense of tensions or active conflict (Bhavnani et al., 2013; Trouille, 2014; Kutmanaliev, 2015; Ha, 2017; Zahnow, 2018). To this extent, the keywords indicate that the studies can be categorized into four main themes: 1) multiculturalism (the social phenomena related to the creation of ethnic diversity); 2) relation (containing the indices/param­eters measuring the interrelation between ethnic identities or the relation between place and identity); 3) space (understood as the public space, the common good as spatial appearance); and 4) city (the constitutional system of networks that reveals socio-spatial relations). The interrelations of the articles form a co-citation network, which indicates how the publications differ in terms of co-cit­ed references. It simply shows how frequently two articles are cited together by other articles in a dataset (Chen & Song, 2019). These clusters are themed by index terms from their T. ZIVALI TURHAN, H. AYATAÇ own citers. A cited author or study may be included in mul­tiple clusters. In correspondence with the dataset, the network is composed of sixteen co-citation clusters, of which six are major clusters (Figure 4). These clusters include interrelated studies and/or authors, which reveal representative approaches to the subject (Figure 5). Furthermore, citation bursts indicate hotspots, attracting a substantial amount of attention within a brief amount of time (Chen, 2016). This signifies certain articles that are frequently cited in a certain time period, which reveals the milestone studies regarding the subject. 3.2.1 Conceptual cluster 1: human–place relations: a concern for urban and social policy The largest cluster (#0) is labelled “migration”. The most frequently cited author in this cluster is Amin (2012), who considers living with diversity and the role of public space in the city of strangers against contemporary urban policies with regard to the disposal of cohabitation of unwanted groups. Urban policies to manage and foster social cohesion within a society can be created through the study of daily negotiation of ethnic differences in multicultural cities. However, these analyses are limited (Amin, 2002; Fincher & Iveson, 2008; Valentine, 2008). Understanding the social and spatial pro­cesses of diverse user patterns in public space is quite complex and challenging. As Massey (1994: 168) explains, this may be because the notion of place is “formed out of the particular set of social relations which interact at a particular location”. He argues that “places do not have to have boundaries in the sense of divisions which frame simple enclosures” (Massey, 1994: 155–156). Instead, “they do not have unique ‘identities’; they are full of internal conflicts”, and this specificity “derives from the fact that each place is the focus of a distinct mixture of wider and local social relations”, with a result that is “progres­sive; not self-enclosing and defensive and outward-looking” (Massey 1994: 147). A minor cluster named “placemaking” basically refers to the work of Mitchell (2003), which confronts the reader with a critical statement that the right to the city must be defend­ed through all kinds of diversity to attain social justice. As a matter of fact, this publication has the strongest citation burst (Figure 6). The author defends “the importance of the city as a locus for diversity and the struggle to create a public sphere” (Mitchell, 2003: 18). Hence, the notion of public space is de­scribed as the physical environment that allows the representa­tion of an individual’s or group’s behaviour and thus takes an important step toward creating justice at the management level. When this justice has not been served, less-empowered groups often have difficulty accessing and using everyday pub­lic spaces (Mitchell, 1995). Emerging research on migration, asylum policies, refugee agendas, and so on has been reflected in various case studies across the world to examine the political framework and assess the socio-political effects and struggles of ethnic diversity in urban settlements (Lees, 2003; Bryne, 2012; Bhavnani et al., 2013; Festic, 2015; Fredman, 2018). The overall dataset represents a bundle of work that explores “how cultural diversity is experienced and negotiated on the ground in everyday situations” (Wise & Velayutham, 2009: 2) and proposes new politics of diversity appropriate for the present time (Brown, 2006; Amin, 2012). The second-strong­est citation burst is related to Vertovec’s (2007) work. Due to the strong postcolonial immigration trends in the United Kingdom, the author considers East London and Birming­ham as heterogeneous and focuses on migrants’ experiences. Herewith, Vertovec introduces the term super-diversity, which recognizes “multiple identifications and axes of differentiation, only some of which concern ethnicity” (2007: 1048). Many other parameters generate inequality between inter- and in-tra-ethnic groups. These variables include dimensions of reli­gion and class, as well as age, sex, and legal status. 3.2.2 Conceptual cluster 2: human-human relations: interpersonal interaction and public space as a facilitator The second cluster (#2) is labelled “individual social”. By defi­nition, public spaces are “universally accessible, they offer one of the few opportunities for people to directly encounter other people with different behaviours and cultures” (Shaftoe, 2008: 13). Lobo (2010) is the most cited author in the cluster, and his ethnographic study reveals the importance of place attach­ment as a socio-political concern that forms through everyday intercultural encounters in public spaces. This “provides the potential to blur fixed ethnic boundaries and contribute to interethnic understanding and a sense of belonging” (Lobo, 2010: 85). Several studies discuss similar challenges ques­tioning the importance of urban encounters in public space. Wessel (2009: 7) argues that in everyday interaction “mere exposure to diversity reduces prejudice.” However, “proximity does not necessarily bring ‘meaningful contact’, instead, people who exchange civilities in public might still hold prejudicial views towards minority ethnic groups” (Piekut & Valentine, 2017: 177). The study with the third-strongest citation burst (Valentine, 2008) establishes that “positive encounters with individuals from minority groups do not necessarily change people’s opinions about groups (as a whole) for the better” (Valentine, 2008: 332). “Similarly, quantitative studies have demonstrated that an increase in ethnic diversity in urban space does not directly lead to improved social relations and Figure 7: a) distribution of applied methodologies; b) visual rep­resentations of the methods used (illustration: authors). attitudes” (Piekut & Valentine, 2017: 177). Instead, the studies seek an understanding of the circumstances under which eth­nic heterogeneity may lead to tensions (Schlueter & Scheepers, 2010; Stolle et al., 2013; Laurence, 2014). There are specific studies investigating people’s everyday relationships within public space. Cattell et al. (2008: 556) argue that “[a] wide T. ZIVALI TURHAN, H. AYATAÇ range of everyday public open spaces were perceived as having a positive influence on both individual well-being and com­munity life.” The study emphasizes especially the shared value and collective use of the spaces and how this could contribute to maintaining health and wellbeing. Kazmierczak (2013: 31) investigated “the contribution of local parks to the develop­ment of social ties” in “three inner-city neighbourhoods in Greater Manchester, UK, characterised by different levels of material deprivation and ethnic diversity.” The author claims that, alongside the existing social composition, new or short-term diffusions are also relevant to focus on. In summary, this cluster shows that social relations in (socially) isolated territories may have an impact on overcoming or at least reducing differences (Amin, 2002). The discourse focuses either on the majority–minority relation or on the absence on a particular dominant ethnic group. As Gehl (2011) em­phasizes regarding varying degrees of contact, the intensities are not directly correlated with their importance. “Compared with the other contact forms, these (low-intensity) contacts appear insignificant, yet they are valuable both as independent contact forms and as prerequisites for other, more complex interactions” (Gehl, 2011: 15). Considering these different ap­proaches, studies have increasingly concentrated on theorizing and examining ethnic encounters in public spaces. 3.3 Methodological approaches We observed that qualitative articles reveal positive or negative effects on public space and test hypotheses, whereas quantita­tive articles present numerical values for the relation between phenomena by assessing indices and parameters. The studies utilize a mixed-methods approach that includes both qualita­tive and quantitative data. Qualitative data have been collected using interviews, questionnaires, and observations in narrative forms. In addition, previous literature and archival material were reviewed to support the studies conducted. The results show that 138 articles specifically mentioned using an ethno­graphic study method, and actually about half of the studies did use it (Figure 7). Ethnographic research aims to under­stand cultures and norms focusing on human behaviour and collecting observational data (Creswell, 1998, 2003). Given that almost one-fourth of the studies used narratives obtained from interviews, the significance of participatory research must be emphasized. Quantitative data, on the other hand, were collected by using statistical data and mapping and were also obtained through field observations. These observations focus on patterns in everyday activities of public space users. The units of analysis were marginal and minor communities within the case-specific urban settlement. Some other specific case areas were residential neighbourhoods, suburban areas, and educational environments such as high schools and university campuses. Focus groups related to these case studies included schoolchildren and college students. Additional investigation offers an understanding of the rela­tion between the method used and the representation or vis­ualization of the data obtained. Almost every type of meth­odological approach has been extracted as text, but significant data have also been expressed as visual representation, such as photographs or mappings (Figure 8). 4 Conclusion To prevent deterioration of the social climate, it is crucial to understand interethnic attitudes in public space from different perspectives. The study reveals that relevant literature is gen­erally associated with geography, urban studies, and sociology. However, the selected database corresponds to a wide range of subdisciplines. The literature indicates that there are four main themes to identify regarding the subject: multiculturalism, re­lation, space, and city. Using bibliometric data analysis, two major co-citation clusters were detected and evaluated based on these themes. The clusters represent the relation between human and place (socio-spatial), and the relation between hu­man and human (socio-physiological). The largest cluster explores the human–place relation and fo­cuses on ethnic diversity as a concern for urban and social policy. Case studies regarding the cluster treat socio-political effects and struggles particularly associated with migration, asylum policies, and refugee agendas. Moreover, “place” is an essential common good for developing collective and indi­vidual public expression. In the second cluster, public space provides a platform to realize social relations and is thus a mediator for ethnic encounters. Nevertheless, investigations of ethnic group behaviour in public space are mainly exploratory. Various empirical research reveals that the contextual effects of ethnic expression are important for understanding the de­terminants of social relations in settlements. Most of them simply treat ethnicity as a covariate in the analysis of behaviour in public space, and they focus on group differences instead. Here, the emphasis is on the majority–minority ratio of the community. Related literature refers to the physical setting of public space as a site of competition, protest, or negotiation. The link between the clusters establishes that, if justice cannot be served at the administrative level, ethnically disadvantaged groups will have difficulty accessing and using everyday public spaces. Therefore, applying an interdisciplinary framework to the study of multi-ethnic settlements may open doors to dis­cuss issues for policymaking and building peace at the local and global levels. 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City & Community, 17(4), pp. 1119–1142. DOI: 10.1111/cico.12337 Zsolt Farkas, J., Lennert, J., Donát Kovács, A. & Kanalas, I. (2017) Im­pacts and consequences of residential segregation of Roma in urban spaces: Case studies from Hungary. Urbani izziv, 28(2), pp. 136–148. DOI: 10.5379/urbani-izziv-en-2017-28-02-005 UDC: 712.25:343.9:159.938.363.2:364.624.6 DOI: 10.5379/urbani-izziv-en-2021-32-02-02 Received: 9 May 2021 Accepted: 2 November 2021 Nilgün Çolpan ERKAN Beril SEVIN TOPÇU Gender-based differences in fear of crime in public spaces: An investigation of a safe district in Istanbul Safety is an important issue in large cities. Fear of crime, on the other hand, is an issue independent of actual crime rates, but it is directly related to spatial qualities, affecting people’s feelings of safety. Fear of crime also varies by gen­der. This study investigates fear of crime in public places in a particularly safe location of a large metropolis. In this context, it focuses on the effects of spatial characteristics on fear of crime and the differences between genders. The study was carried out in one of the safest districts of Istanbul, which women consider safe. In a 2017 survey, 387 male and female participants of varying ages were questioned regarding their fear, when they experienced such fear, and their reasons for fear in public space. Ac­cording to the results, women felt a certain amount of fear of crime even in a safe district of the city. In addition, gender-based differences concerning fear in public places and the conditions in which fear is felt are significant. Keywords: fear of crime, risk assessment, public space, gender, Istanbul 1 Introduction This study examines gender differences in public spaces as a factor in fear of crime. One important reason why women avoid public spaces is fear of crime. This affects the gender balance in public spaces. It is therefore important for women to feel safe in public spaces to preserve their presence in these areas. In this context, the study’s main goal is to determine gender-based differences in the perception of safety and the source of fear of crime. The findings of this research may in­form new regulations or amendments to current legislation. One of the main motives for this study is the alarming increase in violence against women in Turkey in the last decade. Femi­cide rates, which are one of the most striking consequences of this violence, increased by 30.6% between 2016 and 2018 (428.9% in 15 years; Tigli, 2019). Official records and data on crimes against women are not shared with the public in Turkey, and therefore it was not possible to include data relating to crimes other than murder in this study. Moreover, according to Lordoglu (2018), reporting sexual assault and sexual har­assment to the police is rather low in Turkey, and the defi­nition and boundaries of sexual harassment are very blurred in Turkish society, and so this must be taken into account when assessing crimes against women. The report on violence against women in Turkey (Karal & Aydemir, 2012) emphasizes that, rather than the crime rates of a particular place, the rate of violence against women throughout the country may be a more significant factor influencing women’s fear of crime. Male violence is an extension of the patriarchal belief that a woman’s place is in the home; this manner of thinking implies that violence is overlooked and legitimized, especially when state intervention is insufficient. This results in women feeling de­fenceless and vulnerable. Even though women may not actually be victimized, it prevents them from utilizing the city’s public spaces freely. News about women in Istanbul being attacked in public by men because of their clothing, and assailants not receiving the expected criminal penalties, are causing women to experience increasing fear in public spaces. Therefore, this study investigates gender-based differences in fear of crime in public spaces. In particular, it examines aspects related to fear of crime in public space and it seeks to determine how prob­lems can be solved by urban design. 1.1 Literature review Fear of crime stems from the belief of being victimized by crime. It is an emotional reaction caused by fear, danger, and anxiety toward potential violent crimes (Covington & Taylor, 1991). When it occurs, it is combined with a feeling of vulnera- N. Ç. ERKAN, B. SEVIN TOPÇU bility due to the threat of physical harm (Garofalo, 1981; Ward et al., 1990). This is also described as a sense of insecurity. It can also be defined as an emotional reaction characterized by a sense of danger or anxiety created by crime or symbols related to crime (Ferraro & LaGrange, 1987). Individuals that fear crime avoid certain routes (Ravenscroft et al., 2002), walk less (Ross, 1993; Foster et al., 2010), interact less socially (Ross & Jang, 2000), and change their habits (Garofalo, 1981). When an individual’s perception of victimization is higher than the objective probability, fear of crime can turn into a serious prob­lem. Fear of crime is both a personal and social problem that reduces the quality of life because it restricts access to social and cultural activities. It has a detrimental effect on individuals’ interaction in society (Sacco, 1993). The complex structure of fear of crime means that it is becoming a social and politi­cal problem more comprehensive than crime itself (Garofalo, 1981; Ferraro & LaGrange, 1992). Fear of crime is an increasing fear type, especially for the res­idents of larger cities, and it is significantly related to how individuals perceive their surroundings, and how they evalu­ate themselves in their surroundings (Ferraro, 1995; Çardak, 2012). Consequently, fear of crime is a factual and perceptual problem. Crime or fear of crime is directly related to education level, income level, age, ethnicity, place of residence, sense of belonging to a space, and gender (Gray et al., 2011). A main approach to fear of crime based on an individual’s characteris­tics is the vulnerability perspective approach. According to this approach, groups that are deemed weaker, more defenceless, more unprotected, and more vulnerable to external factors in terms of physical, socioeconomic, and cultural status are as­sumed to feel fear of crime more often than other groups in society (Ferraro, 1995; Çardak, 2012; Kul, 2013). Women, the elderly, the handicapped, and individuals without social support interpret the information they receive from their surroundings as a more intense fear of crime (Covington & Taylor, 1991; Çardak, 2012). More vulnerable or disadvantaged groups of society with re­gard to security (i.e., women, migrants, the poor, LGBT in­dividuals, handicapped people, the elderly, children, and the homeless) are mostly examined in studies on fear of crime (Covington & Taylor, 1991; Pain, 2001; Otis, 2007; Jackson, 2009). Although some studies have not shown significant differences based on age, they almost always conclude that fear of crime is higher in women than men (Valentine, 1989; MacMillan et al., 2000; Pain, 2001; Jackson, 2009; Uludag, 2010; Kul, 2013; Öztürk et al., 2016). Jackson’s (2009) study showed a gender difference disfavouring women in crimes against persons, whereas a gender difference was not detected in crimes against property. Even though crime and fear of crime are related to each other as concepts, the relationship between them is weak ( Jackson, 2009; Dolu et al., 2010). It is also important not to ignore the influence of mass media and the environment in fear of crime. The traditional view of society about women should also be considered in women’s fear of crime, which is detailed below. Finally, even though fear of crime is related to crime itself, it emerges as an independent factor after a certain point. This explains why fear of crime is seen not only in residents of districts with high crime rates, but also in residents of safer cities or districts where crime rates are lower (Furstenberg, 1971; Ferraro, 1995). 1.1.1 Fear of crime and gender Women are undoubtedly the most vulnerable part of society when it comes to fear of crime. The fear geography of women in the Western world has been studied since the late twentieth century (Valentine, 1989; Treske, 1990; Pain, 1991; Koskela, 1997). On the other hand, in Turkey fear studies focusing on women have been gaining prominence only in the last decade (Dolu, 2010; Çardak, 2012; Erkan, 2015; Yirmibesoglu & Er-gun, 2015). The vulnerability perspective is an approach that explains the gender difference in fear of crime. According to the vulnerability perspective, personal vulnerability perception is an important factor affecting fear of crime in individuals (Taylor & Hale, 1986; Franklin et al., 2008). Individuals that feel physically, socially, and economically defenceless experi­ence a heightened sense of fear of crime (Covington & Tay­lor, 1991; Hale, 1993) because they perceive themselves to be too weak and vulnerable to stand up against potential crimi­nals and they see themselves as the potential victims of many crimes. This implies that women and the elderly are physically more vulnerable compared to men and youth. Hence, women (Warr, 1984; Hale, 1993; Mirrlees-Black et al., 1996; Sandberg & Rönnblom, 2013) and the elderly (Warr, 1984; Ferraro & LaGrange, 1992; Jackson, 2009) report a higher level of fear of crime. When recorded victimizations are compared, women, especially older women, experience fear of crime more even though they are rarely the victims; however, young men ex­perience fear of crime less, even though their actual victim­ization potential is higher (Hale, 1993). This inconsistency between fear levels and actual victimization rates is called the gender-fear paradox. Studies of gender-based differences, including this study, show that women living in urban areas experience fear of crime more often and more intensely compared to men living in the same areas (Valentine, 1989, 1992; Hale, 1993; Koskela, 1999; Pain, 1991, 2001; Dolu et al., 2010; Sandberg & Rönnblom, 2013; Uçan et al., 2016). Data on fear of crime show that there are relatively small but statistically meaningful differences between fear rates expressed by men and women (Gilchrist et al., 1998). As a result, gender surfaces as an important indicator of fear of crime. Fear of crime affects women in two ways. Women may either stay away from certain places and activities to avoid the sense of fear, or they may internalize the prejudices and ideologies that harm women in general (Koskela, 1997; Sutton et al., 2011). Either way, fear of crime is a mechanism that forces women out of particular urban spaces and social relationships. Consequently, women usually adopt avoidance behaviour be­cause of fear of crime, and they place restrictions on their own lives. These restrictions may have to do with when they leave and return to their homes, where they go, how they dress, who they communicate with, and how they communicate. If the fear is too high, their lives are completely restricted by these influences (Valentine, 1989; Pain, 1991; Koskela, 1999; Çardak, 2012; Sandberg & Rönnblom, 2013; Tandogan & Simsek Ilhan, 2016). Fear of crime especially restricts wom­en’s access to public spaces and influences their behaviour in public. Because women avoid public spaces, the gender balance in public spaces deteriorates, further increasing women’s fear of using these spaces. 1.1.2 External factors in fear of crime It would be wrong to think that fear of crime stems only from an individual’s personal perception. Therefore, many studies focus on external factors such as physical space itself, or mass media creating the perception of fear. A person’s fear of crime is not parallel to crime levels but is instead related to the news about crime in the mass media (Kohm et.al., 2002; Smolej & Janne, 2006; Çardak, 2012; Sandberg & Rönnblom, 2013; Callanan & Rosenberger, 2015; Sallan Gül & Altindal, 2015). Fear stimulates people to take precautions. In this case, even if there is not an actual danger, news about assault, rape, and violence against women in the mass media influences how women conduct themselves in public spaces. A study in Turkey about women’s fear of crime showed that half of women expe­rience greater fear of crime in public spaces if they are wearing revealing clothing or if they are alone (Tandogan & Simsek Ilhan, 2016). Since mass media recently began broadcasting news about physical assaults on women dressed in revealing clothing, increasingly more Turkish women have experienced fear of crime (Internet 1, Internet 2). External factors affecting fear of crime are not limited to the mass media. According to another approach, irregularities in the built environment can be interpreted as clues of insecurity and are effective in creating fear of crime. Dark, deserted areas where trash is not collected, places where there are vandal­ized structures, or places characterized by an imbalance of men N. Ç. ERKAN, B. SEVIN TOPÇU and women cause individuals to fear being victimized (Vrij & Winkel, 1991; Nasar & Fisher, 1993; Newman, 1996; Kalpana & Ashish, 2015). Deserted alleys, dark passages, insufficient lighting, isolated urban spaces, and late-night public trans­port are usually described as conditions or spaces where fear of crime is experienced the most (Treske, 1990; Warr, 1990; Greene, 2003; Erkan 2015; Tandogan & Simsek Ilhan, 2016). According to Tandogan and Simsek Ilhan (2016) and Treske (1990), women experience fear of crime more in deserted areas or when it is dark. In contrast, a study performed in Helsinki showed that women thought of winter and summer nights as equally dangerous despite the difference in the level of light. Their explanation is that, even though winter nights are darker, there are more men in public spaces on summer nights because of favourable weather (Koskela, 1998). According to this, the fear most women experience does not stem from spatial fea­tures, but from fear of men (Valentine, 1989). This shows that women’s fear of crime cannot be removed by simply rectifying the space (Koskela & Pain, 2000). As a result, women expe­rience fear of crime more than men, and this seems to be a contributing factor in limiting their participation in public life. 2 Method 2.1 Study area Kadiköy is a district on the Asian side of Istanbul (Figure 1). Kadiköy was selected for this study because, even though it has a crowded and diversified user profile, it is considered a safe area of Istanbul, especially by women (Bilen et al., 2013; Lordoglu, 2018). This is important because it helps focus on fear of crime independently from actual crime rates. A study by Lordoglu (2018) of single women also showed that Kadiköy was regarded as the most comfortable district to live in as a woman in Istanbul. a a b b c c Figure 2: a) Nightlife (photo: Internet 3); b) Women’s Day celebration (photo: Internet 4); c) “Do not interfere with my clothes” demonstra­tion in Kadiköy (photo: Internet 5). As a result of media coverage of women that were attacked because of their clothing, protests were held in several parts of Istanbul in July 2017, including Kadiköy. These organized protests showed the impact of fear of crime in public spaces. One reason why this study was carried out in Kadiköy is the “do not interfere with my clothes” demonstration. Due to the density of both formal and informal social movements, Kadiköy is a district that differs significantly from the rest of Istanbul in aspects such as socioeconomic variables, culture, and nightlife (Figure 2). The district was defined as a cultural and transfer hub in the metropolitan master plan, and it has become more crowded Figure 3: Waterfront functions in Kadiköy; a) piers (photo: N. Ç. Er-kan); b) parking space (photo: B. Sevin); c) recreation area (photo: F. Çobanoglu). and more cosmopolitan in recent years. Due to the impact of entertainment, food, and beverage venues, cultural activities have gathered pace in Kadiköy. Because of the corresponding availability of public transportation (ferry, bus, metro, etc.), Kadiköy has gained a large visitor population and has become a crowded area that is lively until late at night. According to 2017 data from TÜIK (the Turkish Statistical Institute), the population of the Kadiköy district is 451,453 and the district has a daily visitor capacity of more than six times its popu­lation (Kadiköy District Registry Office, 2017). Kadiköy was chosen as a study area to cover the traditional market (with the highest visitor population), retail trade areas, entertainment venues, the waterfront centre, which is regarded as a transfer N. Ç. ERKAN, B. SEVIN TOPÇU centre as well as a recreation area, and the other transportation transfer centre on land (Figures 3, 4). This area was observed on different days and at different times, and a survey was carried out using the methodology explained below. 2.2 Survey This study focuses on fear of crime among users of a safe public space and the differences between men and women in the vul­nerable group in this regard. It questions the types of locations where fear is felt and the conditions that may create fear. Based on this, the research questions are: 1) In a safe district, is there a difference in fear of crime felt by different genders? 2) Does the quality of a public space and its conditions have an effect on fear of crime? and 3) Are there gender-based differences in the sense of fear in the public space studied, taking into account its quality and conditions? Based on these questions and the study’s starting point, the hypothesis of the study is that women feel more fear of crime in public spaces compared to men, independent of the safety of the district. In light of information about fear of crime and the study area, an in-depth survey was conducted to collect the experiences and thoughts of the place users in the study area. The survey inquired about the following: a) personal information of users such as gender, age, and education level, in addition to the reasons why they were in Kadiköy or how often they visited; b) whether they felt safe in Kadiköy and the locations where they experienced fear in Kadiköy, and c) the locations and conditions that might be a source of fear. In this third set of questions, fifteen locations and nine conditions were defined as a source of concern. Participants were asked to evaluate these locations and conditions on a five-point Likert scale. The values were completely disagree (1), disagree (2), indecisive (3), agree (4), and completely agree (5). The participants were free to mark as many options as they desired. These locations and conditions were selected from a group of places that cause fear, identified in a 2014 pilot study with the participation of sixty women. These locations were main­ly dark and deserted places where seeing and being seen are problems, and crowded places where a criminal can remain anonymous. Alleys and main streets were also included in the survey, but they are less significant and more neutral in fear of crime. The locations selected for evaluation in the study are described by their functions and features without actually naming various neighbourhoods in the study area. The goal here is not to directly label the locations, but to understand what these locations represent for the users. A statistically meaningful difference was expected to be found between these locations. Situations that may occur in any place, independ­ent of location, were also listed in the questionnaire under the heading “conditions”. These conditions are being lost, a crowd, deserted areas, darkness, verbal abuse by a stranger, the presence of stray animals, the presence of beggars, drug users, and so on, a crowd staring at you, and a crowd making noise. In this context, gender-based fear of crime was a dependent variable, and public locations with certain qualities and certain conditions were independent variables. The survey was carried out in May and June 2017 and was collected from 387 respondents, 170 online and 217 in person. The validity of the data obtained before the statistical analyses for normal distribution was checked by an analysis of skewness and kurtosis values. Because these were in a range of ±2, it was decided that the data had a normal distribution (George & Mallery, 2010). In addition, because the data were collected via both face-to-face and web-based methods, whether the groups Table 1: Respondents’ gender and education levels, and their reasons for being in Kadiköy. Criterion and value Female: n (%) Male: n (%) Total: n (%) 15–25 63 (27) 35 (23) 98 (25) 26–35 91 (38) 62 (41) 153 (40) 36–45 51 (22) 24 (16) 75 (19) Age 46–55 17 (79) 11 (7) 28 (7) 56–65 9 (6) 13 (9) 22 (6) 65+ 6 (14) 5 (24) 11 (17) Total 237 (100) 150 (100) 387 (100) Primary school 7 (3) 6 (4) 13 (3) Secondary vocational school 5 (2) 7 (5) 12 (3) High school 38 (16) 20 (13) 58 (15) Education Bachelor’s 143 (60) 96 (64) 239 (62) Master’s, PhD 44 (19) 21 (14) 65 (17) Total 237 (100) 150 (100) 387 (100) Living and working 65 (27) 55 (37) 120 (31) Reason in Kadiköy Other 172 (73) 95 (63) 267 (69) Total 237 (100) 150 (100) 387 (100) Total 237 (61.2) 150 (38.8) 387 (100) Table 2: Gender-based chi-squared analysis for “place feels unsafe”. Is there any place in Kadiköy where you do not No 123 101 224 8.976 1 .003 feel safe? Yes 114 49 163 Total 237 150 387 Table 3: Correlation between feared spaces and gender. Public transportation -.209** .000 Bus or minibus stops -.181** .000 Metro stations -.188** .000 Underpasses -.232** .000 Residential areas -.278** .000 Market area at night -.175** .001 Waterfront at night -.280** .000 Park -.215** .000 Parking space -.288** .000 Indoor parking space -.395** .000 Locations with graffiti -.115* .023 Alleys -.177** .000 Main streets -.200** .000 Near venues with alcohol -.273** .000 Near deserted and empty areas -.175** .001 Note: P value of analysis shows it’s statistical significance. Both p<0.05 and p<0.01 are considered statistically significant while a figure that is less than 0.01 is viewed as highly statistically significant (Greenland, et al., 2016). *p < 0.05, **p < 0.01. showed a similar distribution was checked with the Wald–Wol­fowitz runs test, and it was concluded that the groups showed a similar distribution. Online surveys were applied to include users that could not spare time for an in-person survey on the street, for younger generations that are comfortable us­ing social media, and for individuals that avoid communica­tion with strangers due to fear of crime. Online surveys were delivered via social media to individuals connected with the Kadiköy district in some way (who live in, work in, or visit Kadiköy). The in-person surveys were conducted by interns. A non-probability convenience sampling method was used, and the surveys were carried out with random users during week­days and weekends at public spaces in Kadiköy. The number of women (n = 237) that participated in the survey is higher than the number of men (n = 150). The reason for this is that women are more willing to participate in surveys than men, and/or because men are more hesitant to express their fears (Crawford et al., 1990; Jackson, 2009: 371, 381). Table 1 shows that 79% of the respondents have an undergrad­uate or higher degree. Thus, the neighbourhood residents or N. Ç. ERKAN, B. SEVIN TOPÇU Table 4: Regression of feared spaces by gender. Dependent variable Adj. R˛ F (sig.) ß t (sig.) Effect size Public transportation .041 17.551 (.000) -.209 -4.189 (.000) Small Bus-minibus stops .030 12.977 (.000) -.181 -3.602 (.000) Small Metro stations .033 20.499 (.000) -.188 -3.755 (.000) Small Underpasses .072 31.039 (.000) -.273 -5.571 (.000) Small Residential areas .028 12.134 (.001) -.175 -3.483 (.001) Small Market area at night .037 15.984 (.000) -.200 -3.998 (.000) Small Waterfront at night .051 21.807 (.000) -.232 -4.670 (.000) Small Alleys .075 32.264 (.000) -.278 -5.680 (.000) Small Main streets .028 12.097 (.001) -.175 -3.478 (.001) Small Park .076 32.859 (.000) -.280 -5.732 (.000) Small Near venues with alcohol .044 18.610 (.000) -.215 -4.314 (.000) Small Parking space .081 34.862 (.000) -.288 -5.904 (.000) Small Indoor parking space .154 71.313 (.000) -.395 -8.445 (.000) Medium Locations with graffiti .011 5.197 (.023) -.115 -2.280 (.023) Small Near deserted and empty areas .029 12.404 (.000) -.177 -3.522 (.000) Small visitors have high levels of education; individuals with a higher level of education were more willing to take the survey than those without. Thirty-one per cent of the respondents lived or worked in Kadiköy, and 69% of the respondents were visitors to Kadiköy for various reasons (Table 1). 3 Results The study investigated whether women and men feel safe in Kadiköy. A chi-squared test was conducted to determine whether the sense of security is dependent on gender, and the dependency between the variables was found to be statistically significant (.˛ = 8.97; p < .05; Table 2). When calculating the correlation between the locations where fear is felt and gender, all the results are negative and statisti­cally significant (p < 0.05; Table 3). Dummy coding was performed to subject the gender variable to regression analysis: female = 0, male = 1. Therefore, be­ing a man has a negative effect and men score lower on these questions. In the regression analysis, it was observed that the independent variable “gender” explained all the variables re­lated to spaces in a meaningful way. Among these, the greatest effect was determined for the variable “indoor parking space” (R˛ = .154, F(1, 385) = 71.31, p < .001). The variable “gender” provides a significant estimation of the variable “indoor park­ing space” (ß = -.395, t (385) = -8.445, p < .001; Table 4). In the correlation analysis, the correlation between gender and “crowd”, “presence of stray animals”, and “crowd making noise” was not statistically significant (p > 0.05). For this reason, these variables were not included in the regression analysis (Table 5). Table 5: Correlation between feared conditions and gender. Being lost -.206** .000 Crowd -.070 .167 Deserted areas -.348** .000 Darkness -.416** .000 Beggars, addicts, etc. -.253** .000 Verbal abuse by stranger -.427** .000 Presence of stray animals -.094 .064 Crowd staring at you -.279** .000 Crowd making noise -.091 .073 Note: *p < 0.05, **p < 0.01. In the regression analysis, dummy coding was used to under­stand the effect of being male. For this reason, the data were re­coded as female = 0 and male = 1. The results of the regression analysis showed that being male had a negative effect (Table 6). This shows that women have higher scores on these conditions, whereas men scored less. In this analysis, the independent var­iable “gender” explained all the variables in a meaningful way. However, the effect size of the variables “deserted areas” (R˛ = .040, F(1, 385) = 17.07, p < .001), “darkness” (R˛ = .171, F(1, 385) = 80.73, p < .001), and “verbal abuse” (R˛ = .181, F(1, 385) = 86.08, p < .001) are higher than other variables. Regression analysis was not performed because there is no sig­nificant correlation between the presence of stray animals, a crowd making noise, and crowds. In the analyses conducted, the variable “gender” has a negative and statistically significant correlation with each location and condition. Being a man has a negative effect in these conditions and reduces fear scores. However, the variable “gender” has the Table 6: Regression of feared conditions by gender. Dependent variable Adj. R˛ F (sig.) ß t (sig.) Effect size Being lost .040 17.071 (.000) -.206 -4.132 (.000) Small Deserted areas .119 52.919 (.000) -.348 -7.275 (.000) Small to medium Darkness .171 80.736 (.000) -.416 -8.985 (.000) Medium Beggars, addicts, etc. .061 26.258 (.000) -.253 -5.124 (.000) Small Verbal abuse by stranger .181 86.084 (.000) -.427 -9.278 (.000) Medium Crowd staring at you .076 32.566 (.000) -.279 -5.707 (.000) Small highest explanatory correlation with the variable “verbal abuse by stranger”. In other words, women are frightened by “verbal abuse by stranger” more than by other conditions. 4 Discussion This study investigated the relationship between gender and locations and conditions that cause fear of crime in public spaces. The results show that, even though a public space is known to be safe, women feel more fear than men under any circumstance. According to a study conducted in Istanbul, the percentage of people that think they cannot act freely and safely due to fear of being victimized was 79% (Kul, 2013: 86; Karasu, 2017: 63). However, the results of this study show that the percentage of people that feel unsafe in certain districts of Kadiköy is 42.1%. According to these data, Kadiköy is safer compared to the entire Istanbul metropolitan area. On the other hand, 70% of the participants that felt unsafe in Kadiköy are women. This result shows that women experience the feel­ing of insecurity more than men. According to the results of a 2016 TÜIK report on life satisfaction, the percentage of people feeling in danger while walking alone at night in the districts where they live was 26.2%; this percentage was 15.2% among men and 37% among women. The percentage of people feeling safe in the area they lived was 71% among men and 47.5% among women. From these data, it can also be seen that women experience a feeling of insecurity more than men. In other words, this study found that there is a significant corre­lation between gender and sense of security, and that women have a higher rate of feeling unsafe. One question the study sought to answer was the effect that the qualities and conditions of public spaces had on fear of crime. It was shown that qualities and conditions such as desolation and darkness have an effect on fear of crime. One outstanding issue in the study is a contradiction regarding the results ob­tained for deserted areas. Although no difference was found between men and women regarding fear felt in deserted areas, it was observed that the factor “deserted areas” had an effect varying from small to medium in the regression analysis. How­ever, the analysis showed a p value of 0.073 for the variable “deserted areas”, which indicates that the correlation is partial­ly significant. If more participants had been included in the study, this value may have reached a statistically significant level (Pritschet et al., 2016). As a result, it is observed that locations such as indoor parking spaces and desolate areas cause fear, and women are more affected than men by conditions such as darkness, where visibility is problematic, and by verbal abuse. In a study conducted among women in Istanbul, it was found that women are most fearful of physical harassment (42%) and dark streets (11.4%). They also fear being assaulted (9.24%) in public places (Erkan, 2015). In a study by Tandogan and Simsek Ilhan (2016) investigating fear of crime among female city dwellers, 88.0% of women were afraid in deserted/quiet streets and roads at night. These results are also consistent with the results obtained in this study. It has been concluded that fears such as gender-based verbal abuse are more prominent among fears that shape female be-haviour in public spaces. Research by Tandogan and Simsek Ilhan (2016) reveals that verbal abuse by a stranger (63.4%) is a very common situation in Istanbul. In the interviews conduct­ed in this study, some young female university students stated that they wear headphones when they are alone in order not to hear verbal abuse or to pretend not to hear it. Sometimes gazes in public spaces can be as offensive as verbal abuse, and they restrict women’s behaviour. Because the boundaries of harassment applied to women in a male-dominated society cannot be defined very clearly (although “looking” and “verbal abuse” can be taken for granted by women in some cases), such behaviours nevertheless continue to be a source of fear. 5 Conclusion Although women are safer and feel free in Kadiköy compared to other districts of Istanbul, it has been determined that they still have a fear of crime. As seen in similar studies about fear of crime, gender is an important factor affecting fear of crime in public spaces. Urban planning and urban design regulations can produce solutions to overcome fear of crime, which is a feature of urban spaces. However, research shows that regulat­ing urban spaces is not enough. The study confirmed that some social precautions should be taken, especially in preventing fear of crime among women. It should be noted that the research discussed in this article has certain limitations. The high level of education of individuals that voluntarily participated in the research does not reflect the general situation of Istanbul. Therefore, the results of this study cannot be generalized for Istanbul. The next step of the study will be to compare fear of crime in a safe district with an unsafe district and to investigate the gender differences in fear of crime felt in these areas. Nilgün Çolpan Erkan Yildiz Technical University, Faculty of Architecture, Department of Urban and Regional Planning, Istanbul, Turkey E-mail: nilgunerkan@gmail.com Beril Sevin Topçu Municipality of Kadiköy, Istanbul, Turkey E-mail: berilsevin@gmail.com Acknowledgment The authors of this study thank Kagan Güney for his support in the statistical calculations for the study, and Meryem Çagis and Ebru Çakmak for their assistance in conducting the survey in the field. References Bilen, Ö., Askin, Ö. E., Büyüklü, A. H., Ökten, A. & Mehmet, G. Ü. R. (2013) How the fear of crime spatially differs among the districts of Istanbul? Social Sciences, 8(4), pp. 153–164. DOI: 10.12739/NWSA.2013.8.4.3C0115 Callanan, V. & Rosenberger, J. S. (2015) Media, gender, and fear of crime. Criminal Justice Review, 40(3), pp. 322–339. DOI: 10.1177/0734016815573308 Çardak, B. (2012) Kadinlarin Suç Korkulari Üzerine Nitel Bir Çalisma. Güvenlik Bilimleri Dergisi, 1(1), pp. 23–45. 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DOI: 10.4236/cus.2015.32014 UDC: 712.25:001.8 DOI: 10.5379/urbani-izziv-en-2021-32-02-03 Received: 16 June 2021 Accepted: 5 October 2021 Vita ŽLENDER Developing a spatially explicit method for delineating peri-urban landscape The ill-defined space between urban and rural areas is typ-al planning approaches and policies for its development. ically referred to as peri-urban landscape. One key reason The method, based on an overlay analysis, was tested us-for this lack of clarity is the unduly broad scale of concep-ing datasets from regional and municipal authorities in tual and geographical resolution. This article focuses on Ljubljana and Edinburgh. The results indicate that this its spatial elucidation at a sub-regional scale. It describes less ambiguous spatial definition of peri-urban landscape a method for delineating peri-urban landscape, based on offers a sound basis for planning and policy development. spatial and demographic criteria. Arguably, spatially ex­plicitly denoted peri-urban landscape on a sub-regional Keywords: peri-urban landscape, overlay method, Lju-level would help in choosing appropriate local and region-bljana, Edinburgh, landscape planning, GIS 1 Introduction Although peri-urbanization is not a new phenomenon, it has attracted increasing attention in recent years from landscape and urban planners, geographers, and others. The outcome of peri-urbanization is a spatial type that early studies mainly linked to urban sprawl, but these spaces are now thought to share particular characteristics as the interface for rural and urban interactions and mixes (Meeus & Gulinck, 2008; La Rosa et al., 2018; Shaw et al., 2020). This kind of space has been variously characterized as peri-urban, urban fringe, sub­urban area, or urban periphery, but despite a growing number of studies, the definition remain unclear in conceptual and spatial terms (Gonçalves et al., 2017). These conceptual is­sues have been discussed elsewhere (see Žlender & Gemin, 2020; Žlender, 2021); for present purposes, we employ the term peri-urban landscape and define peri-urban areas as mixed land-use territories within that landscape (Žlender, 2021). The focus of this study is to elucidate the spatial character of peri-urban landscape. In geographic terms, peri-urban land­scapes are characterized by a higher population density than rural areas and are likely to be affected by urban sprawl (Couch et al., 2008; Jacquin et al., 2008; Piorr et al., 2011; Maleas, 2018). These areas typically attract industrial hubs and ter­tiary sector structures like outlets, shopping malls, technology and logistics centres (Couch et al., 2008; Gant et al., 2011; Gonçalves et al., 2017; Martyniuk-Peczek et al., 2017), with an accompanying decline in rural uses like agriculture or forestry. Vacant land and protected natural habitats are also likely to be found in peri-urban areas. To date, research on peri-urban land­scapes has ranged from analyses of land use patterns ( Jacquin et al., 2008; van Vliet et al., 2019) to integrated analyses of multiple dimensions such as population and economic flows, and mobility patterns (see Mortoja et al., 2020, for a review). While these integrated approaches attempt to provide a ho­listic view of spatial organization, land use and other dimen­sions (Gonçalves et al., 2017), the spatial characteristics of peri-urban landscapes can be very varied, and any analysis of peri-urban dynamics must take account of this diversity (Piorr et al., 2011). In particular, standard planning definitions must incorporate spatial analysis of land use patterns, appropriate scaling of spatial indices, and clear delineation to support spatial planning and policy implementation, especially when projecting urban growth boundaries to limit any undesirable effects of urban expansion (Inostroza et al., 2013; Wandl et al., 2014; Mortoja et al., 2020). To that end, the present study advances a spatially explicit method of analysis to define the spatial extent of peri-urban landscape and to classify peri-urban areas. As peri-urban land­scape delineation at the regional scale has proved insufficiently precise, the proposed approach focuses on the sub-regional scale. The study addresses two main research questions. RQ1: What and where are the boundaries of peri-urban land­scape? RQ2: Given the diversity of peri-urban land uses, morpholog­ical characteristics, and economic and cultural processes, is a more precise delineation possible or even necessary? This study describes a spatially explicit method for delineating peri-urban landscapes to guide more appropriate approaches to planning. Specifically, the objectives were (1) to propose an operational methodology to delineate peri-urban landscapes; (2) to select and assess datasets for analysis; (3) to evaluate the results in the context of the relevant literature; and (4) to suggest directions for future planning and policy development. While delineation seems possible, the quality and quantity of available data may be problematic, especially in terms of gran­ularity, spatial extent, accuracy, and differences in approaches to land use classification. We discuss whether less ambiguous spatial delineation of peri-urban landscapes would enhance planning and development, and we suggest how the study findings might improve current planning practice. The proposed approach was first developed and implemented as part of a wider study (Žlender, 2014) and it has since been updated using more recent datasets for the test areas in the case cities of Ljubljana and Edinburgh. These two cities were selected as representative of the medium-sized cities in which most Europeans live (Giffinger et al., 2007), and for pragmatic reasons (e.g., access to databases and no language barriers for the researchers). The rest of the article is organized as follows. In Section 2, we define the study context, reviewing existing typologies to identify classification variables and spatial units of analysis and selecting the most appropriate typology for peri-urban delineation. In Section 3, we describe how we stud­ied land use and other geographical aspects of the peri-urban landscape in both cities and outline the characteristics of the data and methodology used for delineation. The results of the analyses are discussed in Section 4. Finally, in Section 5, we evaluate the proposed method as a support tool for peri-ur­ban planning and policy development on the basis of the case study results. 2 Characterizing and classifying peri- -urban landscapes: Literature review Among the changes caused by ongoing urbanization, some peri-urban areas can no longer be clearly or easily defined as urban or rural, as rapid urban growth continues to consume agricultural land for residential and economic purposes (Cat-tivelli, 2021a). In the late 1980s, this undefined land, which we characterize as peri-urban landscape, was recognized as a distinct spatial type for research purposes, if not in planning practice. It was further suggested that such areas constitute a link rather than a divide between rural and urban (Unwin, 1989; Adell, 1999) as a transitional space characterized by rapid change, complexity, intrinsic variability (especially in spatial organization and land use concentration) and blurred boundaries (Gant et al., 2011; Piorr et al., 2011; Gonçalves et al., 2017; Mortoja et al., 2020), often extending beyond administrative boundaries (Iaquinta & Drescher, 2000; Rauws & de Roo, 2011). As this vague geographical identity can also lead to tenure-related conflicts (Dadashpoor & Ahani, 2019), it has been argued that clearer delineation of such territories is needed to facilitate better governance (Cattivelli, 2021b). In the extensive body of research investigating the rural–urban relationship and the nature of the peri-urban, most scholars have relied on spatial perspectives (e.g., land use) to delineate this landscape and its limits (Gonçalves et al., 2017); some of these analyses have incorporated other factors such as so-cio-demographics. For example, the PLUREL project defined the peri-urban area in terms of an urban fringe (a zone along the edges of a built-up area, with scattered lower density set­tlement, transport hubs and large green open spaces) and an urban periphery (smaller settlements of lower population den­sity, industrial areas and other urban land uses surrounding the main built-up areas) (Piorr et al., 2011). Additionally, the various regional typologies developed at the pan-European level have typically employed variables like pop­ulation density of built-up areas, population size, morphology of mixed (built and open) spaces, infrastructure characteris­tics (e.g. accessibility), mix of functions at the regional scale, economic diversification, rate of urbanization, administrative boundaries, and distance to urban centres (Iaquinta & Dre-scher, 2000; ESPON, 2005; Korcelli, 2008; Perpar, 2009; Dijkstra & Poelman, 2010; OECD, 2010; Piorr et al., 2011; Internet 1). In an overview of 80 classification methods devel­oped by statistical offices, national governments and scholars over the last two decades in Europe, Cattivelli (2021b) identi­fied five distinct methods in terms of their defining variables: demographic dynamics, economic and social indicators, settle­ment structure, distance and hybrid. However, not all of these variables are easy (or even possible) to map. Among the studies reviewed, demographic census data, land cover data and ad­ministrative boundaries proved to be the most useful variables for mapping peri-urban landscape (Iaquinta & Drescher, 2000; Piorr et al., 2011; Wandl et al., 2014), and these inform our analysis here. Finally, while most of these approaches adopt a regional scale, this is sometimes narrowed to the metropolitan or sub-regional level, and some have identified this as the most V. ŽLENDER appropriate scale at which to address rural and urban dynamics (Piorr et al., 2011). 3 Methodology and analysis 3.1 Research approach The classification variables and spatial units identified in the literature review helped determine the most appropriate typol­ogy for delineating the peri-urban landscape. On that basis, we devised a new methodology that builds on the understanding that this is not simply a gradient between urban and rural but refers to interconnected territories independent of adminis­trative boundaries. The analysis of rural-urban territories in different cultural and topographic settings is based on the identification of general peri-urban land use types and overlay analysis as described below. 3.2 Identification of peri-urban land use types The existing literature suggests that peri-urban boundaries cannot be defined in terms of particular land use character­istics such as discontinuous land use (Mortoja et al., 2020) but must take account of multiple factors as discussed above (Gonçalves et al., 2017). As some of these are difficult or im­possible to map, we defined five general peri-urban land use types based on readily available information rather than new data to simplify the procedure for future users. This typology drew on existing concepts to describe the character and limits of peri-urban areas (see Section 2). Land use categories were assigned to each type in line with the general European Union approach to spatial development, which stresses the impor­tance of conserving the landscape to halt the loss of biodiver­sity, cultural identity and ecosystem services associated with future land take, helping improve soil functions and sustain landscape quality (Committee on Spatial Development, 1999; Council of Europe, 2000; European Commission, 2011; EU, 2011). We also incorporated perceptual factors on the basis of previous evidence that local inhabitants regard some built structures (e.g. commercial and logistic centres, transport hubs, dumps, housing areas) as unattractive while semi-natural green spaces, open recreational areas, parks and similar are perceived as attractive (Žlender, 2021). Finally, it should be stressed that the data are determined by availability and so change from case to case; while the datasets used here relate specifically to the two case cities, we identified the following five general peri-urban land use types. • Areas of residential-scale agriculture and leisure uses (ARSALU): land uses that are managed formally, semi­-formally or not at all and support utility and leisure uses. These include city (urban) farms, allotments, community gardens, private gardens, residential amenity green space, churchyards and cemeteries. • Areas of industrial-scale agriculture and other monofunc­tional uses (AIAMU): agricultural and other areas that are large in scale and are used intensively or unsustainably. These include primary and secondary agricultural land, vineyards, orchards and forest nurseries. Golf courses also fall into this category because they involve intensive care that is often linked to environmental issues like herbici­de pollution, soil erosion and biodiversity decline. These issues may be more pressing in continental Europe, as seasonal climatic variations entail higher maintenance demands. • Sealed land, wastelands, industrial and brownfield sites with accompanying infrastructure (SWIBS): built-up and poor quality land, including degraded landscapes, land with little or no vegetation cover, abandoned sand and gravel pits, quarries, industrial and business sites, special economic areas, areas of scattered development, infertile, derelict and vacant land, environmental in­frastructure, landfill sites, degraded urban areas, dams, boatyards, drains, weirs, docks, lock-gates, ditches and proposed housing areas. • Cultural and amenity landscapes (CAL): larger semi-na­tural open spaces, parks and other managed green spaces, including country parks, regional parks, local parks, natu­re parks, historical parks and squares, informal recreation areas, tourism areas and green spaces, sport and recre­ation areas, playgrounds, linear green spaces, tree belts and woodlands, river and canal banks, semi-natural open spaces, special-purpose forests, forest reserves, nature re­serves, ecologically important areas, Natura 2000 protec­ted areas, grassland, pastures and marshland. • Protected natural areas for active and solitary recreation (PA): national parks and other wilderness environments. (This type was not found in either of the case cities.) 3.3 Assessment of spatial datasets Having identified these general peri-urban land use types, the relevant datasets were acquired from the city council and other government offices and were assigned to the land use types de­fined in Section 3.2. The relevant data were transformed for use in a GIS environment, where they were overlaid and merged into clusters corresponding to the above types to produce a graphical representation of general land use types. Population densities from census databases (Internet 2; SURS, 2019) and data for peri-urban areas acquired from local spa­tial plans and/or other formal documents were also overlaid with data derived from the clusters of general peri-urban land use types. In Ljubljana, population densities referred to settle­ments in the Municipality of Ljubljana and all neighbouring municipalities. In Edinburgh, these data referred to postcodes in the municipality and neighbouring municipalities. Formal designation of peri-urban areas in Ljubljana was based on the Municipal Spatial Plan (OPN; Odlok o obcinskem, 2010), which defines the following settlements as peri-urban: Šentvid, Polje with Novo Polje and Crnuce, Pržan, Kamna Gorica, Podutik, Gunclje, Stanežice, Medno, Brod, Tomacevo, Ježa and Podgorica, Vevce, Kašelj, Zalog, settlements west of the city bypass near the Polhov Gradec Hills, Šmartno, Gamel­jne, Bizovik, Spodnja Hrušica, Sostro, settlements along the Ižanska Cesta and Crna Vas. In Edinburgh, the designated areas were based on the Local Development Plan (LDP; CEC, 2016) areas other than designated “urban areas” (i.e., Green Belt and Countryside Policy areas). 3.4 Overlay method The overlay method combines data or information from sev­eral datasets to derive new information that integrates spatial data with attribute data (which may be weighted). Input cri­teria can be transformed in various ways, including weight­ed overlay, spatial joins, cross tabulation, editing layers with clipping intersection, or union (ESRI, 2021). Overlay analysis is traditionally used in suitability modelling, but it has also been used to define spatial units – for instance, in landscape regionalization (Dang et al., 2000; Stahlschmidt et al., 2017) or to specify landscape types in landscape character assessment (Swanwick, 2002). The weighted overlay method was used here to delineate the peri-urban landscape in both case cities; criteria were differ­ently weighted to distinguish between the urban periphery and urban fringe (see Section 2). All mapping was performed in a GIS environment using a combination of two computer software programs; vector data were prepared, adjusted and cleaned in ArcMap 9.2 for import to ProVal 2000 (ONIX, 2000) to be rasterized (homogeneous spatial units of 10 by 10 m) and weighted for final cartographic representation. The overlaid datasets yielded specific spatial patterns that were then compared with aerial images from Google Earth to assess whether the urban fringe and urban periphery exhibited the spatial properties described in the literature. On that basis, the peri-urban landscape was manually delineated as the sum of the urban fringe and urban periphery. The data overlaying procedure involved the following steps. First, we defined the characteristic features of urban fringe and urban periphery to derive an evaluation scale for the purpose of delineation. Peri-urban landscape has been characterized as a mix of low-value land combining landfill and brownfield sites, wasteland and semi-natural green open spaces that people V. ŽLENDER value and use (Neuvonen et al., 2007; Qviström & Saltzman, 2008; Žlender, 2021). The urban fringe is characterised by more urban uses such as transport hubs and settlements of higher density than the periphery, as well as elements like large green spaces. In contrast, the urban periphery is more influ­enced by the rural milieu, including lower-density settlements and agricultural uses (Piorr et al., 2011). Accordingly, the two land use types that incorporate agricultural characteristics (ARSALU and AIAMU) were assigned a higher percentage of influence in the analysis of urban periphery, and areas of predominantly natural and sealed land (SWIBS and CAL) were assigned a higher percentage of influence in the analysis of urban fringe. In deciding how to value the datasets, we also drew on complementary field information, historical informa­tion about the development of both cities, and interviews with local authorities and experts in urban planning, architecture, landscape architecture, infrastructure and other disciplines to improve the accuracy of our results (for more details, see oth­er research outputs: Žlender, 2014, 2021; Žlender & Ward Thompson, 2017; Žlender & Gemin, 2020). This additional information was especially helpful in identifying the appropri­ate scale for delineation and in the final manual delineation of the urban core, urban fringe and urban periphery. The next step overlaid the population density variable using the logical OR command, along with information on peri-urban areas as designated in local development plans and/or other formal documents. Based on the literature review, we deter­mined the most discriminative population densities as two classes: 100–149 people/km˛ as the higher percentage of in­fluence in the urban periphery analysis, and 150–500 people/ km˛ as the higher percentage of influence in the urban fringe analysis (Perpar, 2009; Piorr et al., 2011). We then intersect­ed with the logical AND command the land use cluster with the output variable that resulted from merging the population density and peri-urban area datasets from the published spatial plans. In the final delineation, we also considered morphological landscape characteristics and spatial homogeneity of land­scape patterns as defined in Marušic et al. (1998). Figure 1 presents a flow diagram showing the procedure of combining data in peri-urban landscape delineation. The final outcome of this procedure are delineated areas of urban fringe and ur­ban periphery as shown in Figures 3 and 6. The commentary in Section 4 details each step of the procedure and the final outcome for each case city. 4 Results 4.1 Ljubljana Instances of AIAMU were very dispersed and fragmented, re­flecting the spatial characteristics of Slovenia’s agrarian struc­ture (Cunder, 2002). The few instances of ARSALU were mainly located in the city, and most of these were allotments. Instances of SWIBS were dispersed, and the size of these plots suggests that these largely degraded areas were individual par­cels of land, probably for private use. Larger areas were located on the edges of the city, indicating typical abandoned areas previously used for industrial purposes. Instances of CAL ac­counted for the largest area because the analysis included all forested land; for that reason, stricter criteria may be needed to prioritize some forest designations and/or exclude others. However, because urban dwellers favour nearby forest for recreational and leisure activities (Neuvonen et al., 2007), all forest designations were included in the analysis. For the settlements included in Ljubljana and its environs, a raster of 1 km˛ cells was used to measure densities of 100–149 people/km˛ and 150–500 people/km˛ (SURS, 2019). The are­as were rather dispersed and randomly located, and the results show no readily discernible pattern other than dense cores of satellite bedroom communities that have emerged in the vicin­ity of Ljubljana over the past few decades. One would expect to find more peri-urban densities in the eastern part of the municipality, where urbanization is more dispersed, but the analysis shows that this is still a predominantly rural area when population densities are taken into account. In the final overlaid image (Figure 3), the city’s core is clear­ly segregated, and the boundary between the urban area and urban fringe was readily definable. On the north side, the ur­ban fringe’s outer edge is defined by individual settlements within larger open spaces. On the south side, the presence of marshland makes the edge less definable. This instance of CAL extends from Ljubljana into the wider region. Based on this analysis, the peri-urban landscape on the south side of Ljubljana cannot be defined. To facilitate further analysis, artificial peri-urban borders were aligned with administrative borders (see Figure 2). This delineation may be appropriate at the regional scale but should be revisited at the local scale to enhance precision. Here, the delineated urban fringe reflects the model outcome, corrected and refined to align with morphological barriers (streams and land-use borders) and built structures (roads and settlement edges). For this reason, it may coincide with administrative borders, which often follow natural borders. In places where the edge of the peri-urban landscape was close to existing administrative borders, these were deliberately aligned to facilitate further analytical work. 4.2 Edinburgh Instances of AIAMU were located outside the city of Edin­burgh; compared to Ljubljana, these were much larger spaces. Instances of ARSALU typically included gardens and allot­ments inside the city, indicating that gardening activities are popular in Edinburgh. According to Edinburgh’s Allotment Strategy (CEC, 2017), the City of Edinburgh Council (CEC) manages 1,488 allotment plots at forty-four sites across the city. The city has adopted a strategic approach to address de­mand and to ensure that the benefits of allotment gardening are properly recognized and available to all (CEC, 2017). Ac­cordingly, allotments are located as close as possible to peo­ple’s homes rather than on the edges of the city. In contrast, although the number of allotments in Ljubljana is relatively high (1,023), there are only nine sites (MOL, 2021; Figure 4). It should be noted that the backyards of Edinburgh flats, which were included in this category, are generally managed as grassy areas and not as allotments. As in Ljubljana, SWIBS were scattered across the Edinburgh area, with larger areas concentrated on the west side of the city toward the airport. Pentland Hills Regional Park accounted for the largest proportion of CAL. On the south side, CAL extended into the city, linking the Braid Hills to the city’s urban parks and semi-natural areas to form a green wedge connecting the city’s core to its boundaries. V. ŽLENDER Urban core Extended urban periphery Urban fringe Arbitrarily set border Urban periphery Figure 3: Peri-urban landscape of Ljubljana: outcome of the delineation process (base map: ©2021 Google). In Edinburgh, population density was calculated using post-(European Commission, 2015). The resulting peri-urban den-codes and included the Edinburgh City Council area and sur-sities coincided with the Green Belt and Countryside Policy rounding settlements (Internet 2). Because postcode areas can areas, adding another layer to the delineation of the peri-ur-differ greatly in size, the dataset was complemented by Global ban landscape. Based on the overlay analysis, the inner edge Human Settlement Layer data, which is based on a 250 m˛ cell of Edinburgh’s urban fringe is marked by the Edinburgh City Figure 5: Close-up of the delineated border of Edinburgh’s urban fringe (base map: ©2021 Google). Note: Parts of the border were manually aligned with the city bypass. Figure 4: Excerpts showing input data for ARSALU in Ljubljana (top) and Edinburgh (bottom). (Source: Municipalities of Ljubljana, Med-vode, Dobrova–Polhov Gradec, Brezovica, Ig, Škofljica, Grosuplje, Šmartno pri Litiji, Litija, Dol pri Ljubljani, Domžale, Trzin, Mengeš, and Vodice; CEC, Greenspace Scotland; base map: ©2021 Google). Bypass (Figure 5). On the southeast side, the edge no longer follows the bypass but extends into the city, encompassing the Braid Hills and an area on the city side of the bypass between Gilmerton and Musselburgh. Edinburgh’s urban fringe roughly corresponds to the area of the former Rural West Edinburgh Local Plan (CEC, 2006) and the Green Belt and Countryside Policy areas in the new Edinburgh Local Development Plan (CEC, 2016). Like the two previous plans, this includes policies and proposals to guide development and land use across Edinburgh. Beyond the stereotypical industrial sites, landfills, retail centres and green spaces, Edinburgh’s urban fringe incorporates large pre­dominantly agricultural areas governed by landscape policy. While urban fringes are generally perceived as low-value land use, Edinburgh’s might instead be characterized as accessible countryside on the edge of the city. Nevertheless, there are also some typical fringe uses, including Edinburgh Airport, the Gyle shopping centre and the Heriot-Watt University campus. To the south and southeast, the urban periphery mainly consists of agricultural, forestry and recreational uses Map data ©2021 2km The output area of overlay analysis Delineation of urban fringe (e.g., Pentland Hills Regional Park, golf courses). With two distinct segments on the southwest and northwest sides, the periphery is not continuous, but land uses remain similar to those in the main peripheral area (Figure 6). In this final representation of Edinburgh’s peri-urban land­scape, the urban core is well defined. Rather than stereotypical land uses, the peri-urban landscape can be characterized as ac­cessible countryside. It also includes settlements, but these are more rural and self-contained in character than the peri-urban bedroom communities that were almost the rule in Ljubljana. 5 Discussion 5.1 The importance of recognizing peri-urban landscape In general, our results support existing descriptions of peri-ur­ban landscape in the literature. In Ljubljana, the peri-urban landscape includes a relatively narrow urban fringe and a large urban periphery characterized by semi-natural and natural are­as that people value and use for recreation rather than indus­trial and other typical peri-urban land uses (Žlender & Ward Thompson, 2017; Žlender, 2021). However, this area is located further from the city and is less easily accessible, for these ac­tivities, than the urban fringe. Interestingly, population density alone did not reveal any significant gradient from urban to rural in Ljubljana, unlike some other studies that emphasize this variable as a starting point (or the only one that matters) for analysis (see for example van Vliet et al., 2012; White et al., 2012; Wandl et al., 2014). The present findings suggest that an V. ŽLENDER Urban core Urban fringe/accessible countryside Urban periphery/accessible countryside Figure 6: Delineation of Edinburgh’s peri-urban landscape (base map: ©2021 Google). account of peri-urbanization based entirely on demographics cannot be generalized to other geographic settings. In Edinburgh, the overlay analysis indicates an urban–rural dichotomy rather than a peri-urban landscape, which is also typical of UK cities in general (Bryant et al., 1982; Ambrose, 1992; Gallent et al., 2006). In this sense, it would be more ap­propriate to characterize these areas of Edinburgh as “accessible countryside”. Indeed, the distinction between urban fringe and urban periphery may be largely irrelevant here, as land uses are very similar in both. This differs from Ljubljana, which is surrounded by multiple satellite settlements, with high levels of daily commuter traffic into and out of the city. While land uses in Ljubljana are less coherent than in Edinburgh, they are sufficiently differentiated to allow a clear distinction to be drawn between urban fringe and urban periphery. 5.2 Directions for future planning and policy development The overlay analysis revealed that, although similar in size and population, the two case cities differ in spatial planning ap­proach and in the existence and spatial extent of peri-urban landscape. Although these differences may relate to biophysical characteristics and purely operational decisions (such as choice of datasets), we contend that planning and policy decisions probably account for differences in urban growth (Hersperger et al., 2018; van Vliet et al., 2019). This is especially clear in Edinburgh, where a strict green belt strategy has prevented the city from spreading west and has increased densities within the urban envelope. However, the main purpose of the Edinburgh Green Belt is not to prevent the coalescence of settlements but to direct planned growth, protect landscape settings and ensure access to open space (CEC, 2016). This approach has remained largely unchanged since its introduction in 1957, although the new LDP has taken some areas out of the green belt, mostly to satisfy strategic housing requirements, possibly indicating the strategy’s failure to counter the pressures of ur­banization (Bunker & Houston, 2003). The LDP controls the types of development allowed in the green belt and promotes opportunities to enhance countryside appearance and access (CEC, 2016). Along with the Countryside Policy, the Green Belt Policy defines in detail what development, if any, will be permitted in the interest of protecting landscape quality and/ or rural character. Despite evidence of the inadequacy of plan­ning policies in combating urban encroachment (see for exam­ple Silva, 2019), the LDP draws a clear distinction between urban and rural areas and makes no mention of peri-urban landscape, urban fringe or other terms referring to the territory between rural and urban. Our analysis also confirmed that non-urban areas of Edinburgh are rural rather than peri-urban in character. In Ljubljana, the OPN explicitly acknowledges peri-urban areas and defines basic criteria and guidelines for planning them. These provisions mainly pertain to the judicious use of space, promoting settlement concentration in existing built-up areas (infill and restoration) and mixed uses while preventing uncontrolled new construction. The OPN also provides for green spaces of different sizes and types and the future pres­ervation of ecological and recreational assets. At the regional level, however, existing documents (both formally binding and non-binding) refer only generally or not at all to the peri-ur­ban landscape (e.g., RRA LUR, 2020), let alone the goals and priorities of national-level legislation (e.g., Odlok o strategiji, 2004), which are deemed too broad and insufficiently quanti­fied (MOP, 2016). It should be noted here that peri-urban ar­eas are mentioned in the newly revised proposal for a national spatial development strategy (MOP, 2020), but this again fails to address the specifics of the peri-urban landscape. As our analysis shows, peri-urban landscape may extend be­yond municipal boundaries and should therefore be strategi­cally addressed at sub-regional or regional level. Accordingly, there is a clear need to acknowledge peri-urban landscape in the future regional spatial plans as provided for in the state Spatial Management Act (ZUreP-2; Zakon o urejanju prosto­ra, 2017). In this regard, the sub-regional to local level seems most appropriate for the adequate identification and handling of peri-urban areas in the relevant implementation documents. We argue that action plans based on smaller units (e.g., spatial planning units) are urgently needed to specify the existing and future state of individual peri-urban areas. Although we are conscious that the method described here is in need of fur­ther refinement, we believe it can assist legislators in defining peri-urban landscape and providing for its development and management. Clearly, institutional differences of approach in managing ru-ral–urban relationships can explain some of the variance in the extent and pattern of peri-urban development (Servillo & Van Den Broeck, 2012). For now, the prevailing view is that current planning tools and policies fail to address the present state and drivers of peri-urban spatial development, and that plans based on an urban–rural dichotomy can only regulate urban and rural areas (Wandl et al., 2014; Bajracharya & Hastings, 2018; Cattivelli, 2021a). With regard to scale, our analysis indicates that it is not enough to address peri-urban landscape issues in municipal plans. Instead, it is important to promote joint regulation of neighbouring areas with high levels of cross-sec­toral cooperation in pursuit of integrated spatial planning and institutional governance (Nared et al., 2019; Cattivelli, 2021a; Žlender, 2021). We are confident that the proposed approach can help to ensure more accurate characterization of peri-urban landscapes and thus improve the links between spatial plan­ning and policy and the reality of development in these areas. 5.3 Some critical reflections on the proposed method The method proposed here involves the detailed description and analysis of spatial data at the regional or sub-regional level. The selected case studies facilitated comparison of results, and the selected variables reflect land use and some sociodemo­graphic aspects of the peri-urban landscape. Like any meth­od, its utility depends on the context and objectives and is therefore subjective in nature. This is also true of the criteria for mapping the data, such as unit of population density or classes of nature preservation. Different criteria and classifi­cations for data collection and merging would undoubtedly alter the delineation of the peri-urban landscape in both cases. In addition, land use data do not always reflect functional or socioeconomic issues, and a major limitation of our method is the absence of other relevant data that are more difficult to map and therefore less commonly available as spatial datasets. Other relevant data would include the connecting and sep­arating effects of infrastructure and elements that underpin the connectivity of places with different functions and inten­sities. These datasets would support more precise delineation of peri-urban landscape and, possibly, the particular character­istics of peri-urban sub-areas. As an attempt to shed light on territories that are neither urban or rural, we believe that the method described here is sufficiently flexible to accommodate additional datasets and different geographical settings. One important proviso is that adding further variables will inevita­bly increase the method’s complexity, making it less attractive for potential users. 6 Conclusion In this study, we described a spatial method for delineating peri-urban landscape that can be applied in different geograph­ic settings and at different spatial scales. We argue that this spatially explicit approach can help to identify peri-urban areas and assess their quality, so enabling policy makers to optimize resources to facilitate spatially balanced and coherent urban growth while preserving peri-urban green spaces, which are currently neglected by planners and decision makers (Gant et al., 2011; Žlender & Ward Thompson, 2017; Mortoja et al., 2020). This spatial delineation should be based on variables that reflect peri-urban land use as well as other relevant vari­ables like population density. In the present case, we decided V. ŽLENDER to use readily available datasets. To facilitate future peri-urban planning and policy formulation and for comparison of dif­ferent spatial settings, the proposed method describes spatial characteristics as precisely as possible but is also applicable to other spatial settings. Clearly, the results would be improved and possibly altered by more and different data that are more accurate and by changing the thresholds that define classes. Nevertheless, we believe that this more explicit spatial frame­work serves as a useful starting point for scientific analysis and peri-urban policy development. Vita Žlender Urban Planning Institute of the Republic of Slovenia, Ljubljana, Slovenia E-mail: vita.zlender@uirs.si Acknowledgements This article is based on doctoral research, which was funded by the Slovenian Human Resources Development and Scholarship Fund. The author also acknowledges financial support from the Slovenian Research Agency (research core funding no. P5-0100). References Adell, G. 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(2021) Characterisation of peri-urban landscape based on the views and attitudes of different actors. Land Use Policy, 101, 105181. DOI: 10.1016/j.landusepol.2020.105181 Žlender, V. & Gemin, S. (2020) Testing urban dwellers’ sense of place towards leisure and recreational peri-urban green open spaces in two European cities. Cities, 98, 102579. DOI: 10.1016/j.cities.2019.102579 Žlender, V. & Ward Thompson, C. (2017) Accessibility and use of peri-ur­ban green space for inner-city dwellers: A comparative study. Land­scape and Urban Planning, 165, pp. 193–205. DOI: 10.1016/j.landurbplan.2016.06.011 UDC: 712.25:347.25:004.383.6 DOI: 10.5379/urbani-izziv-en-2021-32-02-04 Received: 17 June 2021 Accepted: 9 September 2021 Dina ŠAMIC-MUSEMIC Nermina ZAGORA The right to urban public spaces in Sarajevo: Everybody’s, somebody’s, anybody’s, or nobody’s spaces? Multiple socio-political and economic factors have grad­ually led to widespread neglect, decline, misuse, and loss of public spaces in Sarajevo. The clash between private and public interests has left physical traces in the city, recalling the importance of Lefebvre’s notion of the right to the city. In the context of the contemporary urban development of Sarajevo, this is translated into the right to shape, use, recycle, and reactivate the city’s neglected shared spaces. As implied by the title of this article, the key question addressed is to whom public space really belongs. This research proceeds from the identification of the key issues of degradation of public spaces, followed by the valorization of mainstream planning approaches and occasional bottom-up initiatives. It is argued that one of the key origins of the problem lies in dispersal and the lack of pertinent geospatial data on public spaces, as well as in the dissonance between all the relevant stakeholders. This article establishes a methodology for introducing a comprehensive, open, and interactive geospatial database as a platform for strategic planning, design, development, and maintenance of urban public spaces. Keywords: urban public spaces, Sarajevo, strategic plan­ning, geospatial database, digital place making D. ŠAMIC-MUSEMIC, N. ZAGORA 1 Introduction The topography of Sarajevo, a city in a narrow valley with mountains to the north and south, has limited expansion and influenced its morphology. In addition, due to historical and cultural factors, the strategic development of large squares, parks, or other public spaces did not receive adequate atten­tion in theoretical discourse, practice, or public activism in the past. Today, the city of Sarajevo (an administrative unit within the Canton of Sarajevo) has an area of 142 square kilometres and an estimated population of 413,593. It is composed of four municipalities: Stari Grad, Centar, Novo Sarajevo, and Novi Grad. The architectural image of contemporary Sarajevo reflects its rich and complex history (Figure 1), in which public urban and architectural typologies stand as a memory of past political and ideological systems (Figure 2). The religious buildings echo the Ottoman period, the civic palaces and urban blocks epitomize Austro-Hungarian rule, and the cultural and sports centres symbolize communist Yugoslav ideology, in the same way as the shopping centres have become the “places of worship” of the contemporary age (Zagora & Šamic, 2014). As a result of the radical political and socioeconomic shifts in the 1990s, the subsequent privately led urban developments and transformations have mostly overlooked the common, collective values in the city. The urban identity of contempo­rary Sarajevo can be associated with post-war developments, which are mostly indifferent to the layers of previous epochs, lacking a general strategy or site-specificity. They thus result in discontinuities in urban form (Husukic & Zejnilovic, 2017). A similar situation was detected in the other countries of the western Balkans. Neoliberal economic and political forces in the post-communist countries have appropriated public assets and expended them solely for private interests. According to Figure 2: a) religious buildings (source: Internet 2); b) civic buildings and urban infrastructure (source: Internet 2); c) cultural and sports centres (source: Internet 3); d) shopping centres (source: Internet 2). Budapest. The transition from the top-down planning of the communist era to capitalism was uncritical and uncontrolled, resulting in increased urban density in central areas, negative effects of gentrification, commercialization and homogeniza­tion of the urban environment, and marginal public partici­pation. Another common feature that can be encountered in all post-communist cities is the discrepancy between plans and developments in the urban environment, which is often man­ifested only in formal acknowledgment of the public interest, but is not accompanied by actual construction (Zlatar Gam­berožic, 2019). Transition has affected not only the society of the post-conflict, post-communist, and post-modern era, but it has also left physical and spatial traces and led to a crisis of public spaces in Sarajevo. This description refers to the dete­riorated physical condition in which many public spaces can be found today, as well as their vague programmatic, accessi­bility, and ownership status or a lack of correlation with the context, and, finally, detachment from the local communities. As a result of the absence of a strategic approach or vision, the public spaces of Sarajevo have been discarded in a transitional limbo, passively standing between the past, present, and future, disengaged from their context. To reclaim the precedence of the topic of public spaces and its relevance for Sarajevo among the local authorities, researchers, professionals, and the general public, this article proposes a methodology and tools that may facilitate systematic urban development and maintenance of the shared spaces in the city. 2 Focus on public spaces This article analyses the public spaces in Sarajevo, identifies key issues, and proposes innovative possibilities for their improve­ment. The classic and yet idealistic concept of public spaces as democratic, open, and accessible to everyone has changed over the last decades due to globalization and technological shifts. Some theorists claim that commercialization has challenged the very publicness of public spaces, and that we are witnessing the loss of public space (Sorkin, 1992; Zukin, 1995; Koolhaas, Figure 3: Examples of private appropriation and neglect of public spaces: physical obstacles in the streets and squares of Sarajevo 1997; Putnam, 2001; Sennett, 2002), whereas others regard (photo: authors). this transformation as its evolutive phase (Carr et al., 1992; Loukaitou-Sideris & Banerjee, 1998). Instead of proposing a Seferagic, the originators of these social shifts manifested in new definition, this research concentrates on essential attrib- public space are the neoliberal economic actors, sometimes utes of public spaces, based on theoretical insight into various referred to as the nouveau-riche or tycoons. Unlike the ty-typological classifications (Carr et al., 1992; Carmona, 2010); coons of the nineteenth century, who contributed to the namely, 1) function/typology, 2) scale, 3) enclosure, 4) acces- development of civil society and the cultural scene through sibility, and (5) urban atmosphere. endowments for parks, museums, theatres, and so on, the new economic elites only care about privatizing and often destroy-This article consists of four sections. The introduction, pres- ing the commons (Seferagic, 2007). Parallel activities and pro-entation of research objectives, methodology, and hypothesis cesses have yielded similar results in the urban environment in formulation under the header “Focus on public spaces” are many post-communist cities, such as Belgrade, Zagreb, and followed by the section “Status quo”, which presents the key economic, political, ideological, economic, technical, and organizational issues that have caused the decline of public spaces in Sarajevo. The third section analyses a range of ref­erence cases of geospatial databases of public spaces and pos­itive international practices of merging urban planning and information technologies. The fourth section, “Mapping urban public spaces”, provides a methodological outline for creating a future digital platform, explains the roles of the potential stakeholders, and illustrates the analytical possibilities of such a digital tool in selected locations of public spaces in Sarajevo. The research is based on the premise that one of the key pre­requisites for developing open public spaces is publicity and open access to information. Most of the urban issues identified in Sarajevo have emerged, directly or implicitly, as a result of the dispersion of information and relevant data on the history, ownership status, accessibility, function, management, physical conditions, and context of public spaces. It is hypothesized that the technological advancement and evolution of digital media can enhance collaboration of professionals, the public sector, the private sector, and the community through creation of an open, democratic, and comprehensive platform focusing on the vision, development, and management of urban public spaces in the city. Application of such methodology togeth­er with other tools of digital place-making is anticipated to improve the quality of public spaces and to regenerate urban voids in Sarajevo. 2.1 Status quo The latest social, political, and economic transition at the turn of the millennium has challenged the public sphere and shared values in general, leaving the public initiative behind (Ibelings, 2010). Consequently, urban public spaces were left at the margins of theory and criticism, practice, and civic en­gagement. Some of the most frequently recurring issues include private appropriation of public spaces, vague ownership status and accessibility, low maintenance and neglect, inactivity and fragmentation, and a lack of relation to the urban context or community (Figure 3). Reflecting their historical and so-cio-political context, the current status of public spaces may be defined as unstable and transitory (Zagora & Šamic, 2021). Similarly, the residents and institutions of the city are in a state of in-betweenness, living between the past and recent memo­ries, the present day, and awaited life (Harrington et al., 2017). Furthermore, within the last few years, as some local govern­ments are starting to notice the importance of creating public and community spaces, there is a noticeable phenomenon of ad hoc public interventions, some which did not involve pro­fessional or public consultation, competitions, or discussion (Figure 4). A number of interventions have emerged without prior strategy or correlation with their context, and they most- D. ŠAMIC-MUSEMIC, N. ZAGORA ly remain as monuments to political figures or systems, strug­gling to find their real purpose. On the other hand, local com­munities long for purposeful small-scale public interventions, such as playgrounds for various age groups and infrastructure for the elderly. However, there seems to be a lack of efficient communication channels to link community inputs with plan­ners and the municipality, city, and canton administrations. In the past decade, municipalities have launched urban design competitions at selected public sites in Sarajevo, such as small plazas or parks, mostly for memorials to victims of the 1990s war. However, due to tender procedures, in most cases the winning concepts either are not completed or are only partly implemented without due consultation with the designers of the winning projects. In most cases, the programme of these competitions focused on designing monuments and memori­als, whereas the solution for the public space was of secondary importance. For instance, in 2020, a memorial design compe­tition was launched for one the most prominent locations in Sarajevo, Alija Izetbegovic Liberation Square (Trg oslobodenja – Alija Izetbegovic). The winning design entries were never publicly presented, and the governing municipality recently announced the construction of underground parking in 2021, which subsequently caused public debate. This case demon­strates the absence of a strategic approach and synchroniza­tion between the processes and actions designated for a par­ticular site. Regarding non-institutional initiatives targeting urban public spaces in the country, there have been several auspicious activities in Sarajevo and Banja Luka in the past decade. In 2013 the Crvena Association and LIFT Spatial Initiative launched the Gradology Project, an online activist platform that helps residents of Sarajevo discover and map urban open spaces such as parks, squares, abandoned buildings, and unused spaces (LIFT, 2015). Another group of activists organized under name Dobre Kote (Good Spots) has carried out several informal urban intervention projects since 2015, transforming discarded urban spots into gathering places for the local community. Some of the instances outside of Sara­jevo that demonstrate a distinctive bottom-up approach in reactivating public spaces can be found in Banja Luka, where a group of professionals and activists gathered in the Small SCALE Team–Centre for Spatial Research have been holding workshops, creating and implementing concepts of small-scale interventions in the city (Karan et al., 2017). The title of this article is inspired by Lefebvre’s 1968 right to the city (Lefebvre, 1968), and it focuses on the issue of pub­lic spaces in terms of rights and responsibilities, identifying the key stakeholders: who owns, accesses, designs, develops, maintains, uses, activates, and transforms public spaces in Sa­rajevo. The dominance of private interests over public ones in the recent history of the city has distorted the perception of the local population toward its heritage, caused an aversion toward the communist legacy, and ultimately generated a dis­crepancy between the individual and the collective (Zagora & Šamic, 2021). Recalling the communist ideology of shared and collective values, some public spaces have even turned into grey areas of the city or urban voids (de Solŕ Morales, 2003), and they generally represent low-priority goals in offi­cial planning policies. In response to the identified problems of neglect, fragmentation, and appropriation of public spaces by private interests, this article explores the prerequisites for creating a strategic approach to planning, designing, develop­ing, and maintaining shared spaces by bringing together all the stakeholders, assigning responsibilities, and raising awareness among the general public. 3 Methodology and analysis 3.1 Geospatial database of public spaces The problem of increased urbanization complemented by a disregard for public spaces has been recognized at the global level. For this reason, one of the sustainable development goals set by the United Nations is as follows: “By 2030, provide uni­versal access to safe, inclusive and accessible, green and public spaces, in particular for women and children, older persons and persons with disabilities.” To this end, UN-Habitat (2018) has issued recommendations on the desired percentage of ur­ban land allocated to open public spaces, according to which 45 to 50% of urban land should be allocated to streets and open public spaces, which includes 30 to 35% for streets and pavements and 15 to 20% for open public space “The value of public spaces is often overlooked or underestimated by policy makers, leaders, citizens and urban developers. There are sever­al reasons for this, such as the lack of resources, or understand­ing or capacity to use public space as a complete, multi-func­tional urban system. Often the lack of appropriate enabling frameworks, weak political will and the absence of the means of public engagement compound the situation. Nevertheless, fundamentally, the lack of a global measurement indicator has hindered the local and global appreciation of the value of the public spaces” (United Nations Statistics Division, 2020). When it comes to planning and management policies, one of the methods proposed by UN-Habitat for local governments is adopting a systemic approach that includes collecting accurate, timely, disaggregated data and information. The sources for collecting data mainly rely on satellite imagery (open sources), documentation outlining publicly owned land, and communi-ty-based maps. The major step forward proposed by the project is the methodology of mapping available and potential public spaces all over the globe. In like manner, the Jan Gehl Institute together with its partners – the Municipality of Copenhagen, City of San Francisco, and Seattle Department of Transpor­tation – has introduced the Public Life Data Protocol (Gehl Architects, 2020). It is an open protocol created to make public space data collecting more comprehensible, compatible, and scalable across urban planning departments all over the world. The Public Life Data Protocol proposes several surveys and monitoring tools such as People Moving Count or Stationary Activity Mapping, which are easy to implement and follow. Similarly, the KTH team led by Setha Low created the Public D. ŠAMIC-MUSEMIC, N. ZAGORA Figure 5: Structure of the interactive digital platform of urban public spaces in Sarajevo (illustration: authors). Figure 6: Potential groups of users of the open-source database of public spaces in Sarajevo (illustration: authors). Space Database Project (Centre for the Future of Places, 2020) to collect relevant research data from various fields and merge them into one body of knowledge with common terminology, accessible and comprehensible to the general public. The analysis of cases presented reveals an unambiguous con­clusion: a multidisciplinary approach and access to all relevant data is the prerequisite for realizing more sustainable and in­clusive public spaces. Hence, for Sarajevo to have more quality shared spaces for public use, the first step would be creating and implementing a framework for classifying urban public spaces in Sarajevo, comprising multiple layers of (real-time) information or metadata, such as history, function (hybridity), ownership, management, infrastructure, adjacent facilities and spaces, involved stakeholders, and metrics (patterns of use and performance of public spaces), as well as allowing performance and maintenance monitoring and reporting on technical and safety issues, thus facilitating public participation (Figure 5). Such a comprehensive open-source database would gather all the relevant data from disparate bodies, such as municipalities, spatial planning institutes, local community councils, NGOs, and activist groups engaged in public space topics, and make the date open and available. The collected data would be sys­tematically classified according to typological criteria (func­tional, spatial, and social sets of data) and subsequently divided into different layers with the possibility of activating and over­lapping them to better understand the specific site. Moreover, the database should perform as an interactive platform desig­nated at the same time for collecting and sharing data. One of the most important benefits that such digital tools can provide is a unique meeting place for all the stakeholders willing to create better public spaces. This involves bringing together the four key stakeholders whose interaction is crucial for the future of public spaces: the economic sector (industries, landowners, and banks), the political sector (political leaders and parties), spatial development experts (urban planners, architects, and engineers), and the civic sector (the general public, NGOs, and urban social movements; Seferagic, 2007). This open plat­form would encourage and inspire public participation, social cohesion, and trust in community, developing values that seem long forgotten in the post-transitional society. Public participation will not only signify democratization of all processes related to urban space, but will also change cur­rent mindsets. It is important to emphasize that community participation in decision-making via digital tools should go beyond the formal level, and the voice of the public should be acknowledged from the very beginning of the process: “Therefore, in the future it is very important that citizens’ participation begins at early stages of urban planning as they are the key players in all urban revitalization efforts” (Zlatar Gamberožic, 2019). In this way, “nobody’s spaces” may ulti­mately be replaced by “everybody’s spaces”. In this process, the data gathered would be converted into a tool for intervention and guidance for the local authorities. It would also provide real-time monitoring of the physical state of public spaces and urban equipment in the city. However, it is important to bear in mind that the platform users are different, ranging from urban planners, architects, researchers, developers, and other professionals to private investors, communal companies and funds, NGOs, activists, the general public, and tourists, each looking for and sharing different types of data (Figure 6). Therefore, it is extremely important that common terminology be used, although the platform itself would be structured into various sections ac­cording to user requirements, knowledge, and skills. 3.2 Mapping urban public spaces Public spaces in Sarajevo were mapped to obtain overall insight into their distribution. This process was channelled by using a selection of relevant criteria that define the character of public spaces, such as typology, scale, enclosure, urban activity, acces­sibility, and urban atmosphere (Table 1). A similar methodological approach may be applied in the case of developing an interactive database of public spaces of Sara­jevo. The resulting geospatial platform would allow grouping, overlapping, or decomposing multiple layers of data, either showing the distribution of the public spaces within the city or expounding the correlation between all spatial and social aspects of a particular site. In urban mapping, each public space was associated with a par­ticular spatial or social attribute, within the predefined set of criteria. Therefore, the essential part of the process consisted of collecting all the available geospatial data and their association with the surveyed land and official planning documents. In this way, urban mapping was used as a methodological research tool to classify public spaces in Sarajevo. Developing a future digital geospatial platform or database can be structured on a set of predefined criteria to be used for urban mapping, and the data layers may subsequently be grouped into categories or over­lapped or intersected. The criteria for urban mapping discussed below are 1) function and accessibility, 2) urban morpholo­gy, and 3) the social dimension. Following the elaboration of each of the groups of criteria listed, the functionality of the potential digital platform is simulated by showing the maps or excerpts for four empirically selected locations in the city, each depicting the relevant urban and social topic. 4 Results and discussion 4.1 Function and accessibility The function or use of space is the fundamental criterion for classifying types of public spaces. In other words, the typology of public spaces is generally determined by the social activities they accommodate and generate. Traditionally, public space provides a zone for social interaction as well as a stage for cultural and political proliferation. However, in contemporary society, as individualism and social media grow stronger, the traditional role of public spaces has been challenged. “Active presence, participation, and experience can now be substi­tuted with passive picture watching, seeing what others have experienced elsewhere. The automobile has made it possible to replace active participation in spontaneous local social ac­tivities with a drive to see selected friends and attractions” (Gehl, 2011). D. ŠAMIC-MUSEMIC, N. ZAGORA Typology Green, civic, communal, transportation, public interiors, undefined Scale Large and extra-large, medium scale, small and extra-small Enclosure Open, semi-open, enclosed Urban activity Active and seasonally active, passive Accessibility Accessible, conditionally accessible Urban atmosphere Extroverted, introverted Pursuing the functional classifications of public spaces pro­vided by Carr et al. (1992), Oldenburg (1997), and Carmona (2010), the mapping method was used to record the distri­bution of the six functional types of public spaces in Saraje­vo: 1) green spaces, 2) civic spaces, 3) communal spaces, 4) transportation/circulation spaces, 5) public interiors, facilities, and other places, and 6) undefined spaces. Physical and psy­chological accessibility are one of the most important aspects that define the public dimension of city spaces. The topic of accessibility underlies the title of this article, and it addresses the entitlement and utilization of public spaces. Levels of ac­cessibility, together with ownership, determine the privacy or publicness of urban areas. In contemporary cities, the bound­aries between public and private spaces are often blurred. This phenomenon is often criticized for causing the erosion of public spaces (Sennett, 2002), whereas the hybridization described may be regarded as an evolutionary state of public spaces (de Solŕ Morales, 1992; Kohn, 2004). Considering the variations of accessibility in the city, urban mapping has iden­tified two categories of public spaces in Sarajevo, 1) accessible and 2) conditionally accessible public spaces. The correlation of function and accessibility is a fundamental aspect of analysis of the existing status and potential of public spaces in a city. Hence, the primary role of the digital platform of urban pub­lic spaces is to provide access to information regarding the functions, accessibility, and ownership status of public spac­es as underpinnings for further analysis of potential urban transformations. Furthermore, the platform will allow better insight into the wider urban context and the relationship be­tween different typologies, open up perspectives on creating networks of public spaces, adjacent sites, and facilities, and enhance interactions between all stakeholders. For instance, mapping public spaces in central Sarajevo has revealed the heterogeneity and hybridity of functions, with Susan Sontag Theatre Square (Pozorišni trg – Susan Sontag) as the focal point and Jurislav Korenic Culture Square (Trg kulture Jurislav Ko­renic) as secondary civic space, yet both of them lack the suf­ficient functional articulation they actually merit (Figure 7). The main theatre plaza is surrounded by three rather inactive public areas, characterized by unclear functionality and acces­sibility: an archaeological site to the west, private parking to the east, and a vacant early-twentieth-century hotel building to the north. In fact, due to years-long controversies, the Kalin hadži-Alija Mosque archaeological site has been converted into a veritable urban void, an undefined and physically inaccessible and neglected space, unrelated to its urban context, and it has deteriorated over the course of years of prolonged incomple­tion. Another adjacent potential public space is the privately owned parking area east of the theatre square. According to the multiple media announcements, this area has been await­ing development of an underground parking for decades. If, on the other hand, the site were converted into a pedestrian zone, it could have potentially acted as a lateral extension of the theatre square, opening up a new perspective to and from the site and creating an area for numerous urban activities. The origins of this fragmentation, the conflicts in urban space, and the oscillations in the patterns of its use lie in the vague pro­grammatic and accessibility status of the zone analysed. One way to overcome these problems and reconnect the disparate urban sites into a potential network of vibrant public spaces is through systematic and transparent collection and mapping of all the relevant data as a basis for a vision of the urban transformation of the entire zone. 4.2 Urban morphology Geometrical and physical properties, such as scale, configu­ration, and the three-dimensional enclosure of public spac­es, are important aspects of any urban analysis. In the case of Sarajevo, the urban morphology of the built environment, including open public spaces, was largely affected by its natural topography. The hills north and south of the city guided ur­ban development in an east–west direction, along the Miljacka Valley. In the early stage of its development, dating back to medieval and Ottoman times, the scale of the urban matrix was intuitively affected by the human scale, corresponding to the range of intimate urban public spaces as defined in urban theory (Lynch, 1971; Gehl, 2011). Moving from east to west, matching the chronological timeline of the development of the city during the Austro-Hungarian, royal Yugoslav, and commu­nist Yugoslav eras, the scale of the urban matrix increases from the human to vehicular scale (Figure 8). Mapping public spaces by the criteria of urban morphology distinguishes three scalar Figure 7: Mapping central Sarajevo: 1) theatre square, 2) youth theatre square, 3) archaeological site, 4) parking area, 5) park, 6) vacant building (illustration: authors). Figure 8: Mapping public spaces by scale in the old town of Sarajevo (illustration: authors). categories, 1) large and extra-large, 2) medium-sized, and 3) small and extra-small public spaces and zones. The urban con­figuration and its three-dimensional form is another important geometrical feature of public space. Even though public spaces have traditionally been perceived as spatial negatives, they are in fact contained to a certain degree within their urban ma­trix, and defined by the “edges”, planes, and volumes of the surrounding buildings and blocks. Depending on their level of enclosure, in mapping Sarajevo three categories were found: 1) open public spaces, 2) enclosed public spaces, and 3) semi-open public spaces. D. ŠAMIC-MUSEMIC, N. ZAGORA The prevalent scale in the Ottoman parts of the city is the intimate, human scale, consisting of extra-small and small interior courtyards and streets. The scale increases along the chronological line of development, toward the west, ranging from medium-scale public spaces in the Austro-Hungarian and early Yugoslav neighbourhoods to the large-scale urban areas in the neighbourhoods developed during the communist Yu­goslav and contemporary era. Mapping the historical and cen­tral parts of Sarajevo by urban morphology yielded particular small- to medium-scale categories of semi-open public spaces (Figure 9). The areas correspond to interior courtyards within Ottoman-era public facilities in the old bazaar, or Bašcaršija, as well as with the atriums of Austro-Hungarian buildings. The function and accessibility of some of these spaces are vague and undefined, but at the same time they hold significant po­tential for urban transformation and possible reclaiming of public spaces in Sarajevo. Taking a systematic approach, and recording, mapping, and correlating all the relevant data as­sociated with the indicated typology of spaces would lead to a strategic vision for urban redefinition and transformation of these sites and their urban context. 4.3 Social dimension According to major urban theorists, social activity, quality of public life, and an urban atmosphere are the key value of public spaces (Carr et al., 1992; Varna & Tiesdell, 2010; Gehl, 2011). Beyond their physical dimension, public spaces are truly defined by their social value, or the types and lev­els of social activities and interactions they induce: “Public space affords common ground – for social interaction, inter­mingling and communication: it is a site of sociability. It is a stage for information exchange, personal development and social learning (i.e. about ‘the other’) and for the development of tolerance” (Varna & Tiesdell, 2010). According to Jan Gehl, on-site observation and measurement of social activities, such as walking/cycling, standing/staying, sitting, seeing, hearing/ talking, and playing/exercising/entertaining, provides the ba­sis for improving and developing public spaces (Gehl Institute, 2017). The study of urban activity in public spaces in Sarajevo yielded the following two categories: 1) active and seasonally active public spaces, and 2) passive public spaces. Mapping the Marijin Dvor downtown area of Sarajevo revealed unbal­anced levels of social activities (Figure 10). The observation of the area revealed that public activities mainly gravitate around business and commercial facilities. Passive zones are associated with institutional buildings such as the parliament or residential blocks due to physical and mental barriers in accessibility. Other passive zones include the urban voids along the Miljacka River designated as future construction sites, as well as numerous atriums in Austro-Hungarian buildings, with limited public accessibility and vaguely defined ownership sta­tus. On the other hand, the enclosure and intimacy of these semi-enclosed public spaces and their urban atmosphere may be regarded as advantages in potential urban transformation projects. This leads to another important aspect that is closely relat­ed to users’ response to certain urban spaces; namely, urban atmosphere. The phenomenological approach in architecture advocates spatial concepts that transcend visual perception, in which the atmospheric qualities of architectural and urban public spaces trigger the entire perceptive apparatus, including touch, smell, and hearing (as discussed by Gaston Bachelard, Martin Heidegger, Christian Norberg-Schulz, Juhani Pallas­maa, Peter Zumthor, and others). Proceeding from the study of urban atmosphere in public spaces in Sarajevo (Zagora & Šamic, 2021), the potential of public spaces to generate multi-sensory atmospheric experience is closely connected with their scale and enclosure, and can be categorized as 1) extroverted public spaces, characterized by their formal atmosphere and urbanity character, and 2) introverted public spaces, charac­terized by their intimate atmosphere and sense of interiority. The social dimension of public spaces may be regarded as the software, and the physical space as its hardware. Interpreta­tion and analysis of quantitative and qualitative data on urban activity and the urban atmosphere in a real-time interactive geospatial database of public spaces can cast a new light on the understanding and potential transformation of selected sites, together with their larger urban context. 5 Conclusion One of the effects of the prolonged transition in Bosnia and Herzegovina and its post-conflict, post-communist, and post-modern society is the crisis of urban public spaces in Sarajevo. The effects are manifested in physical deterioration, negligence, and dysfunctionality of public spaces, along with pending issues regarding accessibility and ownership, and de­tachment of shared urban sites from their local context and the community. In this regard, the essential rights of people to shape, use, maintain, recycle, and reactivate the city’s shared spaces have been highly contested. The most recurrent cases include the degradation and loss of public spaces, as well as illegal or dubious private appropriations of common proper­ty. The spatial manifestations of the latest political and soci­oeconomic shifts are accompanied by an acquired aversion of people toward communist values, even with ambiguity toward the notion of shared space. The current problems in the urban environment of contem­porary Sarajevo can be associated with a lack of collaboration between professionals, the public sector, the private sector, and the community, as well as the scarcity of publicly available data and debate focusing solely on public spaces. This study hypothesizes that one of the key prerequisites for developing successful public spaces is the availability of information. Most of the urban issues identified in Sarajevo have emerged, direct­ly or implicitly, as a result of the dispersion of information and relevant data on history, ownership status, accessibility, function, management, physical conditions, and the context of public spaces. In response to the problems identified, this article proposes a methodology for developing a digital geo-spatial database of public spaces in Sarajevo. Learning from successful projects that have employed digital tools and pro­active management of public spaces, the proposed platform is anticipated to be comprehensive, open-source, and interactive. The continuous process of collecting and disclosing all relevant and up-to-date information on public spaces in the city should serve the purpose of sharing gains, responsibilities, and rights between the local authorities, professionals, the private sec­tor, and the local community in a transparent and democratic manner. As the title of this article suggests, this research aims to ultimately substitute the ambiguous concept of “nobody’s/ anybody’s/somebody’s spaces” with a democratic and genuine designation: “everybody’s spaces”. One way of attaining this standard is using the methodology of urban mapping: system­atically harvesting and geolocating various layers of data on public spaces. The mapping proceeds from essential clusters of data related to function and accessibility, urban morphol­ogy, and the social dimension of public spaces, allowing the possibility of adding more categories and layers. An important utility of the platform is to allow overlapping and combining different types of information on public spaces, opening up new multidisciplinary perspectives on how they can be im­proved, transformed, reactivated, and, ultimately, reclaimed by the public. 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(2021) Urban rooms of Sarajevo: Transforming urban public spaces using interior design tools. Sarajevo, Arhitektonski fakultet Univerziteta u Sarajevu. Zlatar Gamberožic, J. (2019) Revitalization paths of urban centers: Ten­tative observational comparison of two cities – Ljubljana and Zagreb. Družboslovne razprave, 90, pp. 83–106. Zukin, S. (1995) The cultures of cities. Oxford, Basil Blackwell. UDC: 378.091.6:711.4 DOI: 10.5379/urbani-izziv-en-2021-32-02-05 Received: 18 October 2021 Accepted: 30 November 2021 Pablo CAMPOS Inclusive campuses: Contributions from urban planning, architectural composition, and functional profile The international university context is generating multi­ple dynamics of innovation. A relevant issue is the crea­tion of inclusive campuses. This text studies keys to spatial planning on the urban and architectural scales and offers functional recommendations to create campuses that pro­mote wellbeing and cognitive accessibility for people with intellectual disabilities. The goal is to inspire inclusive environments, promote an appropriation of the space, and reinforce a sense of belonging, emphasizing aspects such as the psychological and emotional perception of university environments. Based on this exploration, the text discusses a set of planning guidelines and architec­tural typologies with an inclusive scope. It begins by studying paradigms taken from the historical university legacy: the cloister and the campus. After this, the article focuses on aspects that inspire the integral planning of campuses to reinforce social inclusion: communities of learning, typologies of spatial composition, the human scale, edges, nature, the aesthetic component, and func­tional strategies. The text finishes by presenting a range of conclusions on how to supply those criteria and types so that campuses can be planned with higher quality with the goal of transforming them into inclusive envi­ronments, providing guidelines that can optimize them for all kinds of users. Keywords: urban planning, architecture, university cam­pus, social inclusion, intellectual disabilities 1 Introduction 1.1 Social inclusion and the university Any exploration of innovative strategies in terms of social inclusion must begin with a review of the theoretical back­ground, focusing on the foundations of education. Delors et al. (1996) advocated the essential features of learning: knowing, doing, living, and being. Thus, the qualities that make campuses inclusive should integrate these four features. Transferring the plane of reflection to the universities, they must fulfil their three essential missions: education, research, and contribution to society. The third mission fully connects with social inclusion. Within the goals of higher education, personal development stands out (Bergan & Damian, 2010). This fundamental objective must integrate all types of groups, addressing the most vulnerable ones with singular sensitivity. Moreover, social inclusion in university spaces aims to increase the presence of those with intellectual disabilities. Given that their characteristics limit that incorporation, inclusion encour­ages their active participation; because they enjoy the training that the institutions can provide them, one of the significant consequences is the opportunity to access the labour market. There are numerous social and educational initiatives that promote this mission, but the contributions of urban archi­tectural solutions must be properly valued. Therefore, this text examines the built environment because it is called upon to enrich social inclusion and collaborate in creating academic environments that reinforce universal accessibility. Social in­clusion requires a consistent educational effort that promotes the implementation of teaching and learning modalities and adequate training resources. Likewise, it is necessary to design welcoming protocols that favour the integration of students; the spatial dimension must also be added to the configuration of these “embracing protocols” through the composition of their shapes. Recently, valuable dynamics have been promoted, such as the “inclusive campus” or “campus without limits,” to­gether with public policies for social inclusion (Gorjón, 2020). As a result of increased awareness of this issue, various manuals and recommendations have been produced (Kleinert et al., 2012; Agarwal et al., 2015). Within the university landscape, the social inclusion of groups with intellectual disabilities suggests promoting participation and eliminating the multi­ple barriers that can generate exclusion. In parallel, training actions are needed so that professors can learn about inclusive educational strategies (Pijl et al., 1997). 1.2 Social inclusion and human interaction with physical space Human behaviour can be internalized as the outcome of a dialogue between a person’s personality and the environment. Social inclusion in education affects not only human attitudes, but also the built environment (Foreman, 2008; Mishchenko, 2013). Its growing dynamic in the international sphere is ben­efiting groups with disabilities (Molina & Ríos, 2010). Start­ing from these dynamics, this text explores criteria and urban architectural solutions that promote social inclusion; in the case of university campuses, they constitute an essential fac­tor for crystallizing learning communities (Harrington, 2014), thus helping their own academic success (Bogue, 2002). This issue is closely related to the experience of the environment of people with intellectual disabilities, linked to the creation of “places” (counting on the affective component) instead of “spaces” (mere built areas; Whitmer, 2009). It should be ap­preciated that people achieve wellbeing when they interact positively with the environment. Thus, people can be reflected in the environment, activating feelings of identity protection, control, and affection connected with space (Sommer, 1969; Proshansky et al., 1983). There is also the transcendence of the place: to promote social inclusion, it becomes vital to analyse the potential contributions of the physical space because it welcomes human contact, which fosters the true formation of a learning community. The place is thus claimed as a triggering factor for progress in knowledge. 1.3 Perception and experience of urban architectural spaces Social inclusion affects the interaction between people and their constructed context, which influences their physical and mental wellbeing; it is based on the mechanisms of perception, both sensory and psychological. Sensory perceptions are chan­nelled through the five senses, the most common being sight, hearing, and touch. From this, the interaction is conditioned by psychological perception, which shapes the sensations; en­vironmental psychology deals with this specific matter (Canter & Stringer, 1975). The context comes to mind translated into shapes, and on an urban and architectural scale there is a rela­tionship between the design of a place and the mood of those that live in it: “buildings mold behavior” (Arnheim, 1977: 268). This introduces the emotional experience as a dimen­sion that, transcending the strict perceptual sphere, awakens feelings; investigating these feelings uncovers ideation keys for educational venues. There is abundant literature on the importance of feeling when it comes to enjoying university complexes, and in planning itself through history (Giedion, P. CAMPOS 1982; Campos et al., 2020). Other studies have analysed the influence of the environment on people: Canter and Stringer (1975) proposed character, coherence, acceptability, flexibility, and security as important qualities; Kasmar (1970) referred to other qualities: aesthetic appeal, physical organization, or size. In people with intellectual disabilities, the perception and experience of physical spaces becomes an essential axis for devising design criteria that promote emotional wellbeing. Some evaluations have shown that users found more value in places that caused pleasant sensations; responses such as ac­tivation, excitement, liking, and relaxation were considered (according to the eight variables of the affective meaning of the environment; Russell & Pratt, 1980). Such parameters are important for the social inclusion of these vulnerable groups because they have a sensitivity that is as valid as, or superior to, that of other groups. Having established essential bases for the perceptive and affective interaction between people and their urban architectural context, it is necessary to explore those characteristics that may suggest planning guidelines. Method­ologically, in addition to a bibliographic investigation, this be­gins by analysing two historical university paradigms to extract readings that can inspire the ideation of inclusive campuses for people with intellectual disabilities today. Other contemporary strategies are added to these to set out a comprehensive list of planning criteria. 2 Methods 2.1 The cloister as an architectural inspiration for social inclusion The cloister was born in a vocation of isolation with respect to its environment, aspiring to establish an intimate community. Starting from its genesis in monasteries and cathedrals, it was used as an architectural pattern in medieval European univer­sities. Today extraordinary testimonies of its legacy remain at Oxford, Bologna, Cambridge, Salamanca, and Alcalá, among other institutions. The concept of utopia has been an inexhaustible source of in­novation at higher education institutions. Utopian attitudes can inspire the configuration of spaces for people with mental disabilities, fostering the search for a better society with social sensitivity. The concept of utopia promoted educational and spatial paradigms such as the cloister, which was consolidated as a place of hospitality, offering integration to foreign groups (O’Gorman & MacPhee, 2006). It could thus be understood as an embryo of social inclusion. Functionally (as a consequence of the autonomous orientation of its monastic antecedents), the cloister represents the intention of self-sufficiency, al­though on campuses other facilities were added. In its composition, the cloister responds to a centripetal pat­tern, whose centre of gravity is an interstitial void. The built shape preserves a neat interior place, transmitting the sensation of spatial welcome and embracement. This perceptual conse­quence has led to various interpretations, such as psychologi­cally considering the cloister as a “fostering mother” (Painter, 2003). In line with this intention to welcome, this spatial pat­tern reflects a commitment to the human scale (Coomans, 2018). It is also narrowly connected with the phenomenology of habitation and the poetics of space (Bachelard, 1958) Its ar­chitectural configuration is based on morphological solutions such as rhythmic arches of moderate height, as well as the use of the arch (semi-circular, lowered, or mixtilinear, among other models), which introduces a concave gesture into the vertical plane. The elegance of the simple shafts of the columns is offered as a sample of small scale, supporting a sequence of modulated arcades that delicately outlines the place where teachers and students wander around. The intimate vocation of the cloister is born from its own architectural apparatus, as a built framework that performs two concordant func­tions: isolation from the external context and protection of a self-absorbed interior, which favours the human encounter. Buildings and limits merge into a single reality: a delimiting volume that generates perceptual sensations of protection and shelter, underlining its inclusive vocation. Regarding the natu­ral component, the cloister must be interpreted as a wisely con­ceived reality because it combines architecture and nature. The contributions of nature are of great value for social inclusion because certain elements are accommodated between the heavy walls and the delicate arches: a small meadow with grass, a tree, and water, whose delicate spring creates a landscape sound that favours concentration. Thus valued, nature increases the embrace that architecture itself provides with other resources. As a result of a coherent compositional foundation, the cloister acquires a valuable aesthetic dimension. Evoking the histori­an Pevsner, Quaroni explains that the architectural structure evokes aesthetic perceptions in three concordant ways (which can be seen in these spatial solutions’ structures): two-dimen­sional projection, where the facades are presented as vertical planes “in the manner of the painter”; three-dimensional pro­jection, as a set of interlocking volumes, “in the manner of the sculptor”; and spatial projection, an exclusive feature of architecture because it concerns sequences of environments, expansions, or contractions of spaces, “in the manner of the architect” (Quaroni, 1977: 93). In all these projections, the user enjoys an immediate visual domain, which underlines their inclusive vocation. In short, the cloister offers a historical lesson of suitability between the educational function and the planning of its built body, where people feel welcomed and embraced. It could even be understood that the delicate and rhythmic interior archi­tecture is a kind of metaphor for the movement of those that inhabit it, on an intimate scale, reinforcing the feeling of social inclusion: “Bodies themselves generate spaces . . . . Consider, for example, the cloister, and the solemn pace of the monks who walk there” (Lefebvre, 1991: 216). Thus understood, the architectural composition of this outstanding typology would be the reflection of human walking, and the columns that flank the central void could be interpreted as its built echoes. 2.2 The campus as urban inspiration for social inclusion If the cloister can be interpreted as the result of a utopian impulse translated into architecture, the campus is a translation P. CAMPOS into urban planning. Since its birth as an inheritance of the Oxonian colleges after they travelled to the New World, it has been historically consolidated as a model where education, living experience, and space converge. Its evolution has left emblematic samples in North American universities, such as Harvard University, the University of Virginia, Union College, or Stanford University, as well as in other locations, such as Otaniemi, Mexico City, Caracas, or the University City of Madrid. In contrast to the European trend of university buildings in­tegrated within urban cores, the campus emerged as a result of a segregating propensity, establishing itself as an “island of knowledge” in the territory. For this reason, the paradigm of the transoceanic cradle shares with the cloister the “utopia of insularity”, whose origin is connected with the work of Saint Thomas More (Surtz, 1953). Regarding social inclusion, cer­tain features of campus planning are apt to inspire it because the campus was a pioneer in the formation of an integral learn­ing community (inclusive vocation orientation). The incorpo­ration into the urban precinct of multiple functional facilities and equipment (those corresponding to the residential one being a highlight) confers a full experiential character, a habitat in itself. Certain plans have favoured the sense of welcoming and embracement, such as concentric designs, polarization around nuclei, green pedestrian areas, and a human scale. The arrangement around the quadrangle (a legacy of the British college) stands out as the centre of social gravity, which is a tributary of inclusion. The most relevant examples express­ly highlight this cardinal element as an architectural symbol of institutional legitimacy and quality. The evolution in the planning of the campus entailed a progressive rupture of its primitive closure; at the heart of this gesture was the inclusive vocation for opening up to the social context. The quadran­gle has always taken care of the human scale, resolving itself in accordance with these ordering guidelines: predominance of the central void as a natural environment that welcomes a human relationship, proportion between the dimensions of the architectural pieces and their distances, clarity of pedes­trian paths, and the visual domain of the context, sometimes projected into broad perspectives. Regarding the precinct edges, the campus has adopted var­ious solutions, from rigid boundaries to diffuse ones. Rigid boundaries create two simultaneous sensations: on the one hand, visual and experiential containment, which transmits embracement and favours orientation, and, on the other, dif­ficulty in expanding the terrain. Diffuse boundaries are usually justified by the adjacent presence of urban contexts, which favours interaction and – in a way – social inclusion itself. Painter highlights that the campus generates intellectual well­being through two positive emotions: “Humans sought a place that provided ‘prospect’ (the view over a long distance) and ‘refuge’ (a place to take shelter)” (Painter, 2003: 9). One com­ponent that permeates the personality of a campus is nature. Apart from providing a passive context of contemplation, it activates positive interactions with people (Kaplan, 1993). The experience of nature and green spaces offers mental benefits and affective responses (Houlden et al., 2018). This is related to walking as an activity that increases social inclusion because of the personal enjoyment that this experience of green areas implies (Speake et al., 2013). Nature provides great aesthetic energy, also influencing health and ecology. Its composition coordinated with architecture builds up an integral landscape that awakens positive emotions (Dober, 2003). It is impor­tant that green areas be accessible and close to teaching areas (Giles-Corti et al., 2005); this is also valued as a linking factor with the urban fabric. In all this, planning is an inescapable quality. Its significance is such that it has been classified as a “work of art”, endowed with its own aesthetic charge (Gaines, 1991). There are numerous testimonies regarding the transoceanic scenario, but it has also left brilliant examples on other continents, such as the Hel­sinki University of Technology, which Alvar Aalto designed in Otaniemi: “The quality of the scheme would have been evident in the preservation of the topography and vegetation to as great an extent as possible” (Hipeli, 2008: 19). Planning an organism as alive and changing as a campus requires pay­ing special attention to the ideation of the general structure because it will transcend time: it is not a single object that is designed, but an entire process. 3 Results and discussion 3.1 Social inclusion and urban architectural spaces: planning criteria and compositional typologies 3.1.1 Learning communities and utopian inspiration in planning The concept of utopia has always served as the energy of human progress since ancient times (Gray, 2012). In relation to social inclusion, its enormous potential must be used to illuminate the idea of inclusive campuses because secular values are fully in force today. The urban layout of a campus must respond to an intentional planning action that translates the ideals of the institution into tangible realities; this has happened especial­ly in the North American scenario, where they reflected and transmitted these ideals, including how to configure true in­clusive learning communities (Turner, 1984). In general, it has been shown that the quality in the planning of a campus has an impact on teaching quality itself and on the reinforcement of the sense of belonging in students (Coulson et al., 2010); all of this can be extrapolated to groups with intellectual disabili­ties. Social inclusion can be supported by the crystallization of experiential communities on university campuses, which create positive emotions and places of human closeness. The goal is to create welcoming, embracing, and friendly environments, which will foster feelings of psychological wellbeing, protec­tion, and physical comfort. 3.1.2 Typologies of formal composition Taking up the legacy left by the cloister and the campus in this matter, in the design of inclusive campuses those typol­ogies of composition of a more centripetal nature should be chosen because they will favour the sense of welcoming and embracement on an urban and architectural scale. These will help groups with intellectual disabilities enjoy readability, in the sense of facilitating how each formal solution can be easily recognized, learned, and remembered. The goal is to plan inclusive campuses so that their shapes induce cognitive accessibility, a sense of protection, and intellectual wellbeing (Steel & Janeslätt, 2017). Those centripetal solutions foster isolation, which aids social inclusion, as long as it creates an atmosphere of intimacy, activating experiences of spatial re­lations between people and the built environment taken as architectural objects. Planning inclusive campuses must be done at various scales. This text essentially focuses on the urban and architectural scales, but the scale of the classroom should also be the ob­ject of this methodological approach. As pointed out by Jebril and Chen (2021: 1): “Studying the physical and psychological characteristics of children with mental disabilities reveals that there are architectural methods that must be considered before and during the architectural design of the classroom space, such as a U-shape in furniture arrangement, flooring, toilets, transition areas, foldable chairs, ceiling height, soft music, ar­chitectural insulation, ventilation, natural lighting, colors, and sunspace”. Certain planning guidelines have perceptual consequences that are relevant for social inclusion. Orthogonal grids establish a regular and proportionate order, although, to avoid disorien­tation in people with intellectual disabilities, it is appropriate to add codes of spatial differentiation through the use of sin­gular places, colour or furniture. Likewise, the introduction of some iconic architectural elements helps fix references (the case of the Free University of Berlin, designed in 1963 by Candilis, Josic, and Woods, and the construction of the library by Norman Foster are interesting in this regard). The central configuration model responds to this quality of estab­lishing experiential and perceptual nuclei that activate feelings of integration. In terms of architectural composition types, the shapes that most promote cognitive accessibility, and the sense of protection and wellbeing are, in fact, centripetal; the ensembles inherited from the cloister and the quadrangle have given ample evidence of this over the centuries. 3.1.3 The human scale People with intellectual disabilities are more comfortable in environments with a moderate scale and an intimate atmos­phere because they promote feelings of embracement. When planning an inclusive campus, it is advisable to introduce the human scale as a general philosophy, whose value is demon­strated by paradigms such as the cloister (Masullo et al., 2020); this is also appreciated in the case of the campus. It fosters two convergent sensations that are suitable for reinforcing the social inclusion of vulnerable groups: refuge and perspective. According to research, both sensations have an ancestral ori­gin (Winerman, 2004). In the situation at hand, a proactive analysis of a cloistered structure is quite useful because it is an outstanding pattern in terms of the connection between architectural shape and formative thought. Another strategy that is apt to promote social inclusion is the incorporation of informal common spaces that induce human interaction, transcending those of regulated education (Crook & Mitchel, 2012). Planning a campus with the intention of being sensitive to the human scale is a recommended resource for social inclusion, fostering individual identity. A basic aspect is the pedestrian profile. As lauded by scientists and even philosophers and po­ets, the experience of walking increases sensory enjoyment (a highly beneficial aspect for vulnerable groups; Giles-Corti et al., 2005). In Die Spatziergänge oder die Kunst spatzieren zu gehen (The Art of Walking, 1802), Schelle praised walking as an experience that unifies a merely mechanical action with an­other of an almost spiritual dimension. Walking evokes feelings of domesticity, and this enriches social inclusion. Pedestrian paths on campus guide and orient people with intellectual dis­abilities. The wellbeing they offer is also due to the fact that they treasure prehistoric evocations: some authors have argued that they are related to primitive human settlements (where following paths had finding food, water, or protection as a re­ward), and for this reason they activate positive psychological perceptions (Mithen, 1996). If these vulnerable people can make use of an organized signage system, along with coherent spatial sequences, they will access satisfactory space control. Among other things, the following elements that contribute to spatial orientation can be cited: facility layout, space dif­ferentiation, landmarks, signs, maps, and lighting (Carpman & Grant, 2002). P. CAMPOS 3.1.4 Elements of the edge A limit is an element that must be expressly considered when designing inclusive campuses. Given the perceptual impact it can have on groups with intellectual disabilities, alternatives have to be weighed. In large complexes isolated from the city, the material clarity in the definition of the edge generates feel­ings of protection and reinforcement of the community. If a site is located adjacent to urban areas, permeable edges induce interaction with the environment, favouring integration and social synergies, as well as feelings of human and spatial inclu­sion. The manner of planning limits influences the social in­clusion of these vulnerable groups because it evokes emotional responses. Planning should aim to eliminate physical barriers: they harm the level of participation because they hinder human interaction, the basis for such inclusion (Booth & Ainscow, 1998). In small-scale areas or partial sectors of the campus, an edge should help the understanding of space and orientation, and not act as a physical barrier that causes isolation. The ab­sence of impervious limits can be cognitively assimilated as a “spatial invitation” to entry. As a specific matter, it is advisable to plan entrances to the campus for people with disabilities that are not separated from the general entrance but together with it because this is in accordance with the principles of universal design and accessibility. 3.1.5 Contributions of nature for social inclusion The presence of natural elements constitutes a very positive factor in the construction of campuses that favour the social inclusion of people with intellectual disabilities. Based on what has been learned from the cloister and the campus, it is easy to extrapolate the benefits derived from the enjoyment of nature because it contributes to the health and wellbeing of users (Thompson, 2010). In an inclusive university campus, green areas play an impor­tant role in the crystallization of communities because they provide opportunities for relaxation, leisure, and social in­teraction. On the one hand, the works of various researchers indicate that the enjoyment of natural areas is beneficial for stress reduction (Ulrich et al., 1991). On the other, in group studies, students expressed that this enjoyment fostered social relationships, created places on campus as nuclei of integration, and prevented feelings of loneliness (Bell & Dyment, 2008). When planning a campus that aims at the integration of people with intellectual disabilities, it is critical to include elements that foster a compositional dialogue with the architectural el­ements. In practice, such planning has to organize green areas, trees, other vegetation, and even water elements because they provide perceptual enjoyment based on aesthetic and emotion­al experience and are introduced into the university’s everyday reality as symbols of the presence of life. One natural element that can increase the wellbeing of vulnerable groups on campus is the garden, in its various meanings (including curative; Lau & Yang, 2009). It should be added that open spaces serve to guide people with intellectual disabilities because they link some buildings with others (Lau et al., 2014: 453; Garling et al., 1986). The aforementioned open spaces within campus­es offer areas for human interaction and closeness (Chou et al., 2016). The use of central areas of quadrangles or gardens help people with intellectual disabilities integrate themselves in daily university life. There is a close relationship between architecture, nature, and people, for which it is necessary to devise inclusive campuses based on that nexus. Giedion (1982: 874) pointed out the following regarding architecture and its affinities with people and nature: “It exists to serve man, who is perishable as a plant. Thus, architecture also bears certain human and plant-like traits”. 3.1.6 The aesthetic component For a campus to reach levels of quality in terms of social inclu­sion, its built dimension must be the result of comprehensive planning work, which leads the design to its aesthetic culmi­nation. This virtue should always be applied because it gener­ates kind perceptions, mental wellbeing, and even feelings of happiness and calm (Weinberger et al., 2021). The planning process must consider the nuances of this topic, applicable to groups with intellectual disabilities, like all those that have been present in the paradigms analysed: the cloister and the campus. Two theoretical references illustrate the aesthetic relevance inherited from both formats. Lefebvre (1991: 217) added a suggestive vision of the cloister, associating it concep­tually with feelings of individual happiness: “A space in which a life balanced between the contemplation of the self in its finiteness and that of a transcendent infinity may experience a happiness composed of quietude and a fully accepted lack of fulfilment”. Le Corbusier, enamoured with the excellence of the American campus, described it as follows in When the Cathedrals Were White: “Everything is for the sake of calm and serenity. Each college or university is an urban unit in itself, a small or large city. But a green city. Lawns, parks, and a whole complex of comfortable quarters. . . . The American univer­sity is a world in itself, a temporary paradise” (Le Corbusier, 1947: 135). Reviewing theories of architectural trends of the last century such as Art Nouveau or Expressionism, the shapes, textures, and colours of the material elements that surround human experience (such as architecture and nature) generate positive emotions in the people that experience them because they project their feelings onto objects of aesthetic potential. This is linked to the Einfühlung theory of subjective prefer­ences (Worringer, 1959). Nature, already discussed above, adds another considerable aesthetic load as well. 3.2 Social inclusion: functional strategies in university campuses The previous sections examined the legacy left by the cloister and campus in terms of planning and spatial composition as an inspiring stimulus to design inclusive campuses today. How­ever, there is a complementary plane of analysis that must be observed because it also provides guidelines for conceptualiza­tion: the functional profile. Functional aspects are addressed in this text because they have a component that affects the constructed dimension, and therefore they deserve to be con­sidered as part of the university dynamics that promote social inclusion. 3.2.1 Functional profiles for social inclusion If a campus has those facilities that give it the rank of a learn­ing community (where residence plays an essential role), it enhances the social inclusion of all types of groups, including those with intellectual disabilities: “The ability of individuals to see their identity reflected in their surroundings is essential to creating an inclusive environment. Whether implicit or di­rect, aesthetics and campus history connote meaning and influ­ence each individual’s perceptions of welcome and belonging” (Clauson & McKnight, 2018: 43). A campus must have a comprehensive functional profile to host a learning community. Thus, it will be able to consolidate itself as a true habitat, where, in addition to academic activ­ities, research, residence, leisure, sports, and social activities are housed. If this full experience is achieved, it will be easier to incorporate groups with disabilities because they will feel like true participants in student life. To achieve this goal, it is advisable to implement certain unique facilities specifically aimed at social inclusion. Some of them are meeting places or centres for vulnerable groups, as well as spaces for advice, guidance, and mentoring. Many international institutions have opted for these strategies, establishing the incorporation of new spaces to serve students with disabilities, so that they feel that they are not the object of discriminatory treatment within the community and that, on the contrary, their identity can be reinforced and recognized. Globally, these are spaces to promote human solidarity. 3.2.2 Heritage contributions A valid strategy for social inclusion on campus that can be in­corporated into urban and architectural planning is to enhance heritage. If planning aims to reinforce this aspect, it will enrich its educational and experiential potential because heritage is an effective transmitter of historical, artistic, and symbolic values. In terms of social inclusion, heritage elements help set guidelines for orientation and fix memory, both direct (arising from spatial experience) and cultural. The urban, architectural, or other modalities of heritage within a university complex become factors that contribute to the “place making”; that is, in building “places” instead of mere “spaces” as an effective quality to promote the wellbeing of people with intellectual disabilities. 3.2.3 Participation in planning Experience shows the usefulness of planning through partici­pation dynamics, which has very positive consequences both in the quality of planning itself and in the commitment of the members of the group, which ultimately implies a reinforce­ment of social inclusion: “When customers and citizens are openly enfranchised early in the design process and invited to assume creative and responsible roles, planners and architects suddenly find available to them undreamed of resources of local perception and wisdom, and the reinforcement of the community” (Sanoff, 1994: 4). Participation implies the in­volvement of groups interested in the university campus, and very singularly of vulnerable people and their relatives and friends, who will increase their feeling of belonging to the institution. 3.2.4 Virtuality and social inclusion on campuses The current trend toward virtual teaching (increased as a con­sequence of COVID-19) should awaken certain reflections that are singularly important for the social inclusion of peo­ple with intellectual disabilities. Information and communi­cation technologies (ICTs) can be great allies because they make possible the online delivery of academic content and activate places (previously inert) for alternative teaching/learn­ing modalities (Méndez & Cataldi, 2012). However, these vir­tual systems can never become a new educational paradigm. If this were the case, the human dimension that is inherent to integral training would be at risk. Likewise, it would dam­age the effective integration of vulnerable groups, for whom personal contact is an unavoidable value. A sound education cannot be achieved without counting on affective closeness between teachers and students, who must exercise empathy to build emotional bonds that reinforce cognitive ones. Interac­tion enriches social inclusion. As many education specialists have concluded, when learning in a group, higher levels of knowledge than the sum of the individual ones are reached; neuroscientists have also justified this, referring to the release of oxytocin and the activation of “mirror neurons” (Guastel-la et al., 2008). Sharing the university experience boosts the dopamine motivation system, fostering altruistic feelings (Rill­ing, 2002). Consequently, planning inclusive campuses must be sensitive to the risks that the abuse of the virtual can entail, P. CAMPOS but also insist on a reasonable proportion between virtuality and human contact (Chapman, 2006). Nevertheless, it must be never forgotten that the backbone of human education and social inclusion lies in human contact. 4 Conclusion The essential purpose of this text is to provide guidelines for creativity related to planning inclusive campuses, where a human, formative, and spatial integration of people with intellectual disabilities is promoted. One of the most relevant conclusions is that, when devising them, one must start from a premise: spatial shapes condition behaviour (Burlage & Brase, 1997). If every university complex must attain high levels of sensitivity toward the community that will inhabit it, this sen­sitivity becomes especially important when it comes to these vulnerable groups. After the historical and conceptual journey carried out, a set of proactive readings can be extracted. In the first place, and because the methodology started by exploring past paradigms (the cloister and the campus), one conclusion is that, despite not having been devised with the purpose of social inclusion, the sensitivity and spatial validity of both models make them bearers of valid teachings for this mission. Designing inclusive campuses must be based on argumentative bases and concrete guidelines, but it also benefits from investigating the qualities that the cloister and campus have been shown to possess, as complexes that embrace formative human relationships. Sec­ond, these arguments are valid for devising spaces that generate mental wellbeing in people with intellectual disabilities, but they are also recommended for any group (Grigal et al., 2012; Bumble et al., 2018). In promoting social inclusion, special attention must be paid to the quality of the built environment, in the sense of recognizing how people emotionally respond to a given place, which becomes critical in vulnerable groups. Finally, it is worth recalling the following reflection by Giedion (1982: 880): “All talk about organizing and planning is in vain unless we first create again the whole man, unfractured in his methods of thinking and feeling”. Based on this, it can be af­firmed (after carrying out a historical, proactive, and sensitive reading of criteria to reinforce social inclusion) that campus planning must always start from the human being, as the centre and axis of all thought and action. Pablo Campos CEU San Pablo University, Institute of Technology, Department of Architecture and Design, Madrid, Spain E-mail: utoplan@telefonica.net References Agarwal, N., Moya, E., Yasui, N. & Seymour, C. 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Iva LUKAN Feminist City Title: Feminist City: Claiming Space in a Man-Made World Author: Leslie Kern Publisher: Verso Place and year of publication: London, 2020 Number of pages: 225 Leslie Kern, an urban geographer, re­searcher of the cities, and lecturer at Mount Allison University in Canada, looks at the city through feminist the­oretical lenses in her book Feminist City. She describes the city as a place of care, friendship, personal space, protest, fear, and hope. The author combines two theoretical streams, urban geography and intersectional feminism, and offers an original view on gender inequality in practice, or, in the author’s words, “on the ground”. The second sex is not an abstract category created by even more abstract structures. The second sex is created by actual, material geography, which is reflected in women’s limited access to (urban) space. “Any settle­ment is an inscription in space of the social relations in the society that built them . . . our cities are patriarchy writ­ten in stone, brick, glass and concrete” (p. 13). Built environments reflect the relation­ships between the people that made them. It is no wonder, then, that in cit­ies, as in other spheres of society, half the world’s population is overlooked and invisible. However, not only does the city reflect social relationships, but it also creates them. In addition to creat­ing relationships, the city also influences power relations and reproduces inequal­ity. Thus, urban design shapes and de­termines opportunities for individuals and social groups. Kern illustrates the dialectic of depicting and shaping social relations using concrete examples such as suburban settlements, public trans­port, the right to personal space, and the issue of urban fear. Today, suburban settlements are taken for granted, even though they are a child of their time, an urban symptom of power relations after the Second World War. The suburbs were a ready-made solution to re-establish normative gender roles between men and women shaken by war and the growing pres­ence of women in the public sphere. The overly empowered women that oc­cupied (male) factory jobs during the war had to be re-pacified and domes­ticated. This domestication, however, succeeded precisely with suburban houses, which placed women back in the private sphere of unpaid care work. In parallel with the expansion of the suburbium, skyscrapers were growing in the cities, which Kern understands as “monuments to male corporate eco­nomic power” (p. 27). The number of suburban housewives has been declining for a long time, but data still show that women do 75% of the world’s unpaid care work. This fact is reflected in the mode of daily travel in the city. Men commute from home to work and back, primarily by car. Women are more likely to use public transport to commute, and their routes are complex because they consist of trip chains between preschool, school, the workplace, and shopping. Therefore, women pay the “pink tax” on public transport. They pay much more for the same service as men because their commute comprises trip chaining, but tickets are for one-time use. Kern finds that in New York women, as primary caregivers, pay a substantial pink tax monthly estimated at one hundred dol­lars. The issue of public transport does not end with the pink tax. Kern draws attention to sexual harassment and the difference in body language between the sexes on public transportation. Men sit with their legs spread wide, thus oc­cupying more than only their seats. By doing so, they force and socialize others to occupy as little public space as possi­ble. It is similar on playgrounds. Have you ever seen a group of girls occupy an entire sports field? “The most that women in public spac­es can wish for is that no one will no­tice, address, or whistle at them” (p. 164), observes Kern. Namely, the right to personal space is violated in cities. Hence, women in the city engage in all sorts of self-restraint to avoid unwanted attention and control over their bodies and behaviour. Every city is also a city of (women’s) fear of the “dangerous stranger”. Therefore, women adjust their clothing and travel habits to avoid dark areas of the city. However, the author warns that “no amount of lighting is go­ing to abolish the patriarchy” (p. 157). Gender equality will require much more than feminist urban planning. Human relations, cultural patterns, social inter­actions, and economic determinants must also be changed. Despite all the problems presented, Kern sees the city as a place of liber­ation. The anonymity of urban space offers women a different and free life compared to suburban enclaves and small towns. The city provides educa­tion, work, and political engagement. The city expands the horizons of the possible and, even though it is tailored for men, represents hope for radical social change. This is where the book’s main shortcoming emerges because the author remains only at an abstract and critical level and does not say what rad­ical social change means and how to actually achieve a feminist city in prac­tice and “on the ground”. The book thus lacks examples of good practice, which the author repeatedly mentions have existed for centuries. Undoubtedly, Kern successfully navi­gates among the traps posed by iden­tity politics. In the book, she rejects feminism, which measures its success in terms of improving the status of white, economically successful women. According to the author, such feminism introduces only aesthetic interventions into the city, which are nothing but gentrification and the removal of oth­er, different, and deprived social groups. The book points out that a feminist city is not feminist without the poor, work­ers, and migrants. The author suggests that any feminist urban planning should consider not a white middle-class wom­an but the needs and perspectives of the most vulnerable members of society. In doing so, she moves away from her own position. As a white woman and moth­er, she advocates for the accessibility of wheelchair spaces; she also fights for physically challenged or older people. When she advocates for more public spaces, she also has other races, nation­alities, and classes in mind. This, in turn, requires a lot of self-reflection on one’s own position and privileges. Physical spaces reflect and create rela­tionships between people. We rarely talk about the urban landscape as a con­tributor to gender inequality. Hence the book is a welcome and must-read for all stakeholders in urban planning. In times of the #metoo movement, it is vital to consider gender inequalities in architec­ture and urban planning. However, as Kern points out, we need to be careful about this; all too often, this means that we understand an economically success­ful white woman as a typical user of the city. Such an understanding, however, brings gentrification. Feminist urban planning must therefore operate inter-sectionally, taking into account margin­alized social groups and unpredictable social life. It must take into account all the residents of the city. “Planning from below, where the margin becomes the centre” is the future of urban planning. Iva Lukan Faculty of Architecture University of Ljubljana, Ljubljana, Slovenia E-mail: iva.lukan@gmail.com Biography Leslie Kern is an associate professor of geog­raphy and environment, and the director of women’s and gender studies at Mount Alli­son University. She is the author of Sex and the Revitalized City: Gender, Condomini­um Development, and Urban Citizenship. Information about the book https://www.versobooks.com/ books/3227-feminist-city Anja ILENIC Alenka MAUKO PRANJIC Darko KOKOT Ana MLADENOVIC Mateja KOŠIR The EIT Urban Mobility Knowledge and Innovation Community: More pleasant and sustainable living in European cities through innovative mobility solutions The demand for sustainable transport systems increases every year. Therefore, urban areas require targeted and stra­tegically oriented action plans that will improve the accessibility, quality, and use of transport networks while simul­taneously contributing to less conges­tion, fewer accidents, and less pollution in urban areas. EIT (European Institute of Innovation and Technology) Urban Mobility focuses its activities on the challenges of European mobility. It aims to strengthen and connect var­ious stakeholders in the ecosystem, which will continue to have a positive impact on sustainable mobility, accessi­bility of urban services, more efficient urban logistics, waste reduction, a more integrated transport system, increased active mobility, and public transporta­tion use, consequently resulting in less dependence on cars. The main objective of EIT Urban Mobility is to transform cities into greener and more environ­mentally friendly places to live. People are at the heart of sustainable de-sustainable society, environment, and statistical trends show that this number velopment. Global demographic trends, economy, consistent with the princi-will reach 9.7 billion in 2050 (Figure 1; population growth, ageing, migration, ples of the circular economy (United OWID, 2021 based on United Nations, and urbanization all have a significant Nations, 2019b). In 2019, the world 2019b; United Nations, 2019a). impact on the transition to a more population reached 7.7 billion, and In addition to population growth itself, the number of people living in urban areas is also increasing. In 1950, about 30% of people lived in urban areas and in 2018 about 55%. The United Na­tions predicts that 68% of the world’s population will live in cities by 2050, and in some parts more than 80% (UN-Habitat, 2011; United Nations, 2019b). Population growth in urban areas can have extremely negative effects on the environment and society. Globally, cit­ies (urban areas) occupy only 2% of the world’s territory, but they contribute 70% of all greenhouse gases produced (Vandecasteele et al., 2019). In the Eu­ropean Union, the transport sector con­tributes to 27% of total greenhouse gas emissions (Eurostat, 2020). The chal­lenges for people in urban areas include affordable housing, challenges related to (over)pollution of transport networks (air, water, and soil pollution from car exhaust, congestion, related longer travel times, etc.), accessibility of urban public services (e.g., public health and transport, and waste collection), ageing of the population, and climate change (Vandecasteele et al., 2019). Despite the many challenges posed by urbanization, urban areas have many opportunities to reduce their impact on the environment and society, also due to a certain degree of autonomy and will­ingness to adapt to new technological advances. In urban areas, there is a need to make public and commercial urban services more sustainable and efficient in the future; for example, in ways that make them reusable, shareable, mod­ular, and based on new ways of using data. Public spaces in urban areas occu­py 2 to 15% of the total land. Therefore, well-designed public space policies with greener and more open spaces can have a significant impact on improved air qual­ity, better microclimatic conditions in urban areas, increased safety, and better public health. Moreover, new technolo-gies can contribute to better public ser­vices to solve sustainable and environ­mental challenges, and to improve the productivity of individuals and society as a whole (Vandecasteele et al., 2019). Traffic congestion, and air and noise pollution are just some of the challenges facing European urban areas. In Slove­nia, the predominant mode of transport is cars (Figure 2), in which people spend an average of fourteen days a year (Sta­tistical Office of the Republic of Slove­nia, 2017). Over the last decade, there has been a trend toward an increasing number of cars in transport, although there is an increasing trend of hybrid or electric cars (Figure 3). Motorized traffic is one of the main sources of particulate matter in the air (e.g., PM10 and PM2.5), along with fire­places, industrial exhaust, construction sites, and other contributors (Thunis et al., 2017). In addition to the envi­ronmental impact, higher levels of PM particles can also have negative effects on human health: on the development of Alzheimer’s disease, increased risk of heart failure, a tendency toward higher blood pressure, and so on (VFA Solu­tions, 2021). Over the last decade, PM10 and PM2.5 levels in Slovenia have been continuously higher than the Europe­an average (Figure 4). The joint devel­opment of urban strategies and action plans in synergy with urban residents is therefore important for the preserva­tion of urban areas and associated sys­tematic progress (Vandecasteele et al., 2019). EIT Urban Mobility addresses urban issues and challenges. In 2019, the EIT established EIT Urban Mobility as one of nine EIT Knowledge and Innovation Communities (Figure 5). One of the main objectives of the EIT is to increase the competitiveness of European companies, including by systematically accelerating the transfer of innovations and innovative solutions to the market. In addition to fostering competitiveness, particularly in the au­tomotive industry, EIT Urban Mobility identified seven other major challeng­es: relieving congestion on transport networks in urban areas, promoting interdisciplinarity, transporting people and goods (including waste) in an envi­ronmentally efficient and safe way, new uses of data, creating a framework for changes in legislation and human be-haviour, sustainable urban growth, and urban management. In 2021, the community included more than eighty-five various city and government institutions, research and educational institutions, and industrial partners involved in mobility. All activities are designed to achieve three key social goals: 1) to mitigate and adapt to climate change, 2) to create better living conditions in urban areas, and 3) to create jobs and strengthen the European automotive sector (EIT Ur­ban Mobility Strategic Agenda, 2021). The strategic objectives developed to achieve social and mobility impacts are creating liveable urban spaces; closing the knowledge gap; providing green, safe, and inclusive mobility solutions for people, goods, and waste; accelerat­ing market opportunities; and promot­ing effective policies and behavioural change (EIT Urban Mobility Strategic Agenda, 2021). Furthermore, all EIT Urban Mobility activities are in synergy with the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, adopted by the United Nations in 2015. Great emphasis is placed on healthy life­styles and promoting overall wellbeing at all stages of life, as well as reducing en­ergy consumption and ensuring sustain­able and economically accessible supply. Despite the noticeable downward trend, in 2019 3% of households in Slovenia still could not afford sufficient heating, and the share of energy obtained from renewable sources was only 21% in the same year (Statistical Office of the Re­public of Slovenia, 2020). One of the objectives of the sustainable mobility indicators is to improve the quality of life in cities and towns, as well as to promote progress in developing more sustainable transport with less harmful effects on the environment, promote responsible use of primary resources, and create more sustainable cities and towns (Statistical Office of the Republic of Slovenia, 2020). EIT Urban Mobility introduces changes in all the eight chal­lenge areas mentioned above through five different programmes: City Club, Academy, Business Creation, Innova­tion, and Factory. City Club is a programme of activities in which European cities cooperate and exchange information on challenges, opportunities, and good practices. In­formation and experience from differ­ent European cities serve as a basis for other programmes as well as annual calls in various thematic areas of innovation development, science, business creation, regional innovation schemes (RIS), fac­tories, and citizen engagement. In the 2021 call, the challenge areas focused on possible transitions to active modes of transport (walking and cycling), ad­dressing the negative impacts of trans­port in urban areas, improving urban logistics with a focus on the last mile, and so on. The Academy programme includes mas­ter’s and doctoral programmes, as well as other educational programmes, such as lifelong learning. The programme aims to close the knowledge gap in sustainable mobility in urban areas by collecting and analysing data on smart mobility, alternative forms of mobility, public space transformation, new trends in urban logistics, challenges posed by autonomous vehicles, active mobility, and so on. Great emphasis is also placed on the development of critical abilities of the individual as well as the interdis­ciplinarity of all programmes. The Business Creation and Innovation programmes are committed to acceler­ating the market introduction of inno­vative services and products, particu­larly in active mobility, intermodality, infrastructure, pollution reduction, sus­tainable urban logistics, creation of pub­lic spaces, future mobility, and energy. The Business Creation programme im­plements its activities in three sub-pro-grammes: • Accelerator targets start-ups, and micro and small enterprises that can receive grants, mentoring, access to living labs, testing fields, technology, and market verificati­on options; • ScaleTHENGlobal is an ongoing programme aimed at bringing in­novative solutions to international markets; and • Finance2Move is a programme under which companies can rece­ive financial support to continue their entrepreneurial careers and a vast variety of networking oppor­tunities. The main focus of the Factory pro-gramme is to leverage solutions around the world. Its activities include match­ing relevant products to specific needs through a digital marketspace and physical matching activities, promoting good practices, and scouting relevant opportunities in order to support in­novations. In 2020, the Slovenian National Building and Civil Engineering Institute (ZAG) became the national contact point for the EIT Urban Mobility Knowledge and Innovation Community. The main objectives of EIT Urban Mo­bility RIS Hub Slovenia are: • To connect different stakeholders into an integrated and multidisci­plinary ecosystem (focused on the representatives of the Knowledge Triangle: education and research institutions, cities, decision- and policymakers, and industry par­tners in urban mobility); • To increase the visibility of EIT Urban Mobility in Slovenia; • To inform the general public about activities and upcoming calls for proposals; • To actively support start-ups, stu­dents, and researchers in develo­ping their innovative ideas; and • To improve business creation con­ditions at the local level in general. Therefore, EIT Urban Mobility RIS Hub Slovenia organized various activ­ities in 2021. They were divided into six different segments: mandatory ac­tivities; communication and informa­tion activities; activities supporting the local innovation ecosystem; activities supporting local business creation; ed­ucational activities; and local commu­nity building, knowledge triangle in­tegration, and strengthening the local innovation ecosystem. In 2021, the international EIT Urban Mobility Conference was organized, focusing on strengthening the partner­ship community in Slovenia. In addi­tion, various training sessions (project proposal wiring, intellectual property rights, information on upcoming calls, and public and private funding) and a winter school for students were held to reduce the knowledge gap in this field. Part of the activities focused on start­ups and micro-enterprises, and others focused on the local community and improving active mobility. In coopera­tion with the Maribor Cycling Associ­ation (MKM), two cycling events were held during the autumn months: a cy­cling treasure hunt and the two-month Strava cycling challenge “Cycle with me to the spa”. As part of the challenge, peo­ple could borrow free PM2.5 sensors to assess air pollution levels on their cy­cling route. EIT Urban Mobility Knowledge and Innovation Community is an ecosystem of sustainable mobility stakeholders that provides numerous opportunities for entrepreneurs and researchers to contribute to better living conditions in urban areas. Anja Ilenic Slovenian National Building and Civil Engi­neering Institute, Ljubljana, Slovenia E-mail: anja.ilenic@zag.si Alenka Mauko Pranjic Slovenian National Building and Civil Engi­neering Institute, Ljubljana, Slovenia E-mail: alenka.mauko@zag.si Darko Kokot Slovenian National Building and Civil Engi­neering Institute, Ljubljana, Slovenia E-mail: darko.kokot@zag.si Ana Mladenovic Slovenian National Building and Civil Engi­neering Institute, Ljubljana, Slovenia E-mail: ana.mladenovic@zag.si Mateja Košir Slovenian National Building and Civil Engi­neering Institute, Ljubljana, Slovenia E-mail: mateja.kosir@zag.si Information about other project events: https://www. hubum.si References EIT Urban Mobility (2021) EIT urban mobility strategic agenda 2021–2027. Barcelona. Eurostat (2020) Exposure to air pollution by particulate matter. Available at: https:// ec.europa.eu/eurostat/databrowser/view/ sdg_11_50/default/table?lang=en (accessed 26 Sept. 2021). OWID – Our World in Data (2021) Share of the population living in urban areas, 2050. Avail­able at: https://ourworldindata.org/grapher/ urban-population-share-2050?region=Europe (accessed 30 Sept. 2021). Statistical Office of the Republic of Slove­nia (2017) Sustainable development goal indicators. Available at: https://www.stat. si/Pages/cilji/cilj-9.-zgraditi-vzdr%C5%BElji-vo-infrastrukturo-spodbujati-vklju%C4%8Du­jo%C4%8Do-in-trajnostno-industrializaci-jo-ter-pospe%C5%A1evati-inovacije/9­.8-dele%C5%BE-potni%C5%A1kih-kilomet­rov-po-prevoznem-sredstvu-in-namenu-po­ti-zaradi-dela-izobra%C5%BEevanja-in-proste­ga-%C4%8Dasa (accessed 25 Sept. 2021). Statistical Office of the Republic of Slovenia (2020) Sustainable development goal indica­tors. Ljubljana. Thunis, P., Degraeuwe, B., Peduzzi, E., Pisoni, E., Trombetti, M., Vignati, E., et al. (2017) Urban PM2.5 atlas: Air quality in European cities. Luxembourg, Publications Office of the European Union. United Nations, Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Population Division (2019a) World population prospects 2019: Highlights. New York, United Nations. United Nations, Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Population Division (2019b) World urbanization prospects: The 2018 revi­sion. New York, United Nations. United Nations Human Settlements Pro-gramme (UN-Habitat) (2011) Cities and cli­mate change – Global report on human settle­ments 2011. London, Earthscan Ltd. DOI: 10.4324/9781849776936 Vandecasteele, I., Baranzelli, C., Siragusa, A., Aurambout, J.P., Alberti V., Alonso Raposo M., et al. (eds.) (2019) The future of cities – Op­portunities, challenges and the way forward. Executive summary. Luxembourg, Publications Office of the European Union. VFA Solutions (2021) Indoor air quality. Avail­able at: https://www.vfa-solutions.com/en/ home/indoor-air-quality/ (accessed 23 Sept. 2021). 1. Uredništvo sprejema prispevke za objavo v reviji Urbani izziv vse leto. 2. Urbani izziv se vsebinsko deli na dva dela. V prvem (daljšem) delu so objavljeni prispevki z oznakami COBISS od 1.01 do 1.03, pri cemer pomeni 1.01 izvirni znanstveni clanek, 1.02 pregle­dni znanstveni clanek, 1.03 kratki znanstveni prispevek. V tem delu so objavljeni tudi prispevki, ki predstavljajo metode in tehnike, vendar spadajo v enega od navedenih tipov prispevkov. Prispevki, ki so objavljeni v tem delu revije, so recenzirani ter štejejo kot referencni v domacem znanstvenem okolju in tujih znanstvenih okoljih. Drugi del je namenjen objavi recenzij (CO­BISS-oznaka 1.19), predstavitev (na primer knjig, projektov, dogodkov, predavanj, konferenc in podobno), knjižnicnih informacij in podobno. Prvi del se imenuje »Clanki«, drugi del pa »Pred­stavitve in informacije«. 3. Revija Urbani izziv je dvojezicna – vsi prispevki (v prvem in drugem delu revije) so objavljeni v slovenskem in angleškem jeziku. 4. Prispevki, ki so objavljeni v prvem delu revije, naj obsegajo od 4.000 do 8.000 besed. Prispevki, objavljeni v drugem delu revije, naj ne presegajo vec kot 2.000 besed. 5. Prispevki morajo biti napisani s programom Microsoft Word. V vsem prispevku naj bo upora­bljen le en slog, in sicer privzet slog Normal. Prispevki morajo imeti enojni medvrsticni razmik, tip pisave Times New Roman, velikost pisave 12, obojestransko poravnavo in 2,5 centimetrske robove pri formatu A4. Strani v prispevku naj bodo zaporedno oštevilcene in na dnu strani postavljene na sredino. 6. V besedilu morata biti pri sklicu na literaturo navedena avtorjev (urednikov) priimek in letnica izdaje: (Boyer, 1993), (Handy in Niemeier, 1997), (Besleme idr., 1999), (Jencks, 1987; Walker in Saleh, 1992; Anderson, 1998; Taylor, 1998; Koolhaas, 1999), (Roback, 1982, 1988), (Holland, 1990, navedeno v Felce in Perry, 1995). Dela enega avtorja, ki so izšla istega leta, je treba med seboj lociti z zaporednim dodajanjem malih crk (a, b, c in podobno) sticno ob letnici izida: (Baier, 1992a, 1992b). Dobesedni navedki morajo biti oznaceni z narekovaji. Stran, na kateri je v delu dobesedni na­vedek, se napiše za dvopicjem: (Zupancic, 2001: 36). Pri publikacijah, pri katerih avtor in urednik nista znana, se navede ime izdajatelja: (Statisticni urad Republike Slovenije, 2007). 7. Vsa dela (viri in literatura), navedena v clanku, morajo biti po abecednem vrstnem redu na­vedena v sestavnem delu prispevka z naslovom »Viri in literatura«. Nacini navedbe enot so: Montgomery, J. R. (2007): The new wealth of cities: City dynamics and the fifth wave. Alder-shot, Ashgate. Clapham, D., Kemp, P., in Smith, S. J. (1990): Housing and social policy. London, Macmillan. Forrest, R., in Murie, A. (ur.) (1995): Housing and Family Wealth. London, Routledge. Dimitrovska Andrews, K. (2005): Mastering the post-socialist city: Impacts on planning the built environment. V: Hamilton, F. E. I., Dimitrovska Andrews, K., in Pichler-Milanovic, N. (ur.): Transformation of cities in Central and Eastern Europe: Towards globalization, str. 153–186. New York, United Nations University Press. Stanovanjski zakon. Uradni list Republike Slovenije, št. 69/2003. Ljubljana. Statisticni urad Republike Slovenije (2007): Statisticni letopis 2007. Ljubljana. Sendi, R. (1995): Housing reform and housing conflict: The privatisation and denationalisation of public housing in the Republic of Slovenia in practice. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 19(3), str. 435–446. Vire s svetovnega spleta navajamo, kot je prikazano spodaj. Na koncu vedno navedemo tudi datum, na kateri je bil vir snet s spleta. Navedba spletnega vira, ce je avtor znan: Avramov, D. (2006): Social exclusion and social security. Dostopno na: http://www.avramov. org/documents/document7.pdf (sneto 20. 2. 2008). Navedba spletnega vira, ce avtor ni znan: Internet 1: http://www.urbanplan.org (sneto 15. 9. 2008). Internet 2: http://www.architecture.com (sneto 22. 2. 2008). V prvem primeru se med besedilom navede (Avramov, 2006), v drugih dveh primerih pa (internet 1) oziroma (internet 2). 8. Prispevke za objavo v reviji Urbani izziv morajo avtorji poslati na elektronski naslov: urbani.izziv@uirs.si 9. Za avtorsko delo, poslano v objavo v reviji Urbani izziv, vse moralne avtorske pravice pripadajo avtorju, materialne avtorske pravice reproduciranja in distribuiranja v Republiki Sloveniji in v drugih državah pa avtor brezplacno, enkrat za vselej, za vse primere in neomejene naklade ter vse medije prenese izkljucno na izdajatelja. 10. Ob izidu prejme vsak avtor clanka in vsak recenzent en brezplacni izvod publikacije. Clanki niso honorirani. Podrobnejša navodila za pripravo prispevkov v reviji Urbani izziv so objavljena na spletni strani: http://urbani-izziv.uirs.si INSTRUCTIONS FOR AUTHORS 1. The editors accept contributions for publication in Urbani izziv throughout the year. 2. Urbani izziv is divided into two parts. The first (longer) part is titled “Articles” and includes original research, review articles, short studies and technical articles. This section also includes articles presenting methodologies and techniques in one of these categories. The articles in this part of the journal are subject to blind peer review. The second (shorter) part of the journal is titled “Reviews and information” and contains reviews, announcements, library information and other material. The material published in this part of the journal is not peer-reviewed. 3. Urbani izziv is published in two languages: all contributions (in both parts of the journal) are published in Slovenian and English. 4. Articles in the first part of the journal should be between 4,000 and 8,000 words. Articles in the second part should not exceed 2,000 words. 5. Submit contributions in Microsoft Word. Use default Normal style throughout the entire contribution: single line spacing, Times New Roman 12, full justification, 2.5 cm margins and A4 paper format. Number the pages at the bottom centre. 6. In-text references include the surname of the author(s) or editor(s) and year separated by a comma: (Boyer, 1993), (Handy & Niemeier, 1997), (Besleme et al., 1999), (Jencks, 1987; Walker & Saleh, 1992; Anderson, 1998; Taylor, 1998; Koolhaas, 1999), (Roback, 1982, 1988), (Holland, 1990, cited in Felce & Perry, 1995). Distinguish references to more than one publication by the same author in the same year as a, b, c and so on: (Baier, 1992a, 1992b). Mark quotations with double quotation marks. Indicate the page of the source after a colon: (Newman, 2005: 39). If no person is named as author or editor, the name of the appropriate body should be used: (Office for National Statistics, 2009). 7. Place the alphabetised reference list at the end of the article. Examples of various references are given below: Montgomery, J. R. (2007) The new wealth of cities: City dynamics and the fifth wave. Aldershot, Ashgate. Clapham, D., Kemp, P. & Smith, S. J. (1990) Housing and social policy. London, Macmillan. Forrest, R. & Murie, A. (eds.) (1995) Housing and family wealth. London, Routledge. Dimitrovska Andrews, K. (2005) Mastering the post-socialist city: Impacts on planning the built environment. In: Hamilton, F. E. I., Dimitrovska Andrews, K. & Pichler-Milanovic, N. (eds.) Transformation of cities in Central and Eastern Europe: Towards globalization, pp. 153–186. New York, United Nations University Press. Planning act 2008. Statutory Instrument, no. 2260/2009. London. Office for National Statistics (2009) Statistical yearbook 2009. London. Sendi, R. (1995) Housing reform and housing conflict: The privatisation and denationalisation of public housing in the Republic of Slovenia in practice. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 19(3), pp. 435–446. List Internet sources as shown below. State the access date for each source. If person is named as the author of an Internet source: Avramov, D. (2006) Social exclusion and social security. Available at: http://www. avramov.org/documents/document7.pdf (accessed 20 Feb. 2008). If no person is named as the author of an Internet source: Internet 1: http://www.urbanplan.org (accessed 15 Sept. 2008). Internet 2: http://www.architecture.com (accessed 22 Feb. 2008). Cite known authors as usual: (Avramov, 2006). Cite unknown authors as (Internet 1), (Internet 2) and so on. 8. Send contributions in electronic form only to: urbani.izziv@uirs.si 9. For articles submitted to Urbani izziv, all of the author’s moral rights remain with the author, but the author’s material rights to reproduction and distribution in Slovenia and other countries are irrevocably and unconditionally ceded to the publisher for no fee, for all time, for all cases, for unlimited editions and for all media. 10. Authors and peer reviewers receive one free copy of the publication. No honoraria are paid for articles in Urbani izziv. For detailed instructions for the authors see: http://urbani-izziv.uirs.si obmestna krajina peri-urban landscape družbena in prostorska segregacija socio-spatial segregation vkljucujoci univerzitetni kampusi inclusive campuses javni mestni prostori urban public spaces strah pred kriminalom fear of crime