France Golob MISIJONARJI DAROVALCI INDIJANSKIH PREDMETOV Zbirka Slovenskega etnografskega muzeja Ljubljana 2015 VSEBINA CONTENTS FRIDERIK BARAGA, misijonski škof FRIDERIK BARAGA, missonary bishop FRANC PIRC, misijonar FRANC PIRC, missionary IVAN ČEBUL, misijonar IVAN ČEBUL, missionary KATALOG PREDMETOV CATALOGUE OF OBJECTS KAZALA INDEXES SLIKOVNA PRILOGA ILLUSTRATED SUPPLEMENT ILUSTRACIJE ILLUSTRATIONS SEZNAM IN IZVOR SLIKOVNIH PRILOG LIST AND SOURCES OF ILLUSTRATIONS SLOVAR OJIBWE / ENGLISH / SLOVENE DICTIONARY LITERATURA IN VIRI LITERATURE AND SOURCES FRIDERIK BARAGA MISIJONSKI ŠKOF Življenjepis Irenej Friderik Baraga (sl. 1) se je rodil 29. junija 1797 v nekdanji lovski pristavi Turjačanov, imenovani Mala vas, ki danes spada v bližnje naselje Knežja vas. Njegov oče je kasneje stavbo in posestvo prodal ter kupil grad v Trebnjem. Baragov rojstni dom in grad v Trebnjem še vedno stojita. Osnovno šolo in licej je Baraga obiskoval od leta 1806 do 1816 v Ljubljani, v letih 1816 do 1821 pa je študiral in končal pravo na Dunaju. Med študijem je spoznal Klementa Dvořaka z nemškim priimkom Hofbauer, ki je kasneje postal svetnik.1 Študenti so se pri njem zbirali ob večerih in načenjali razne pogovore. Dvořakove pridige in pogovori so vplivali na Barago, da se je odločil za študij bogoslovja. Ljubljansko bogoslovje je obiskoval in končal v letih 1821 do 1824. Svoje prvo službeno mesto je nastopil kot kaplan v Šmartnem pri Kranju, kjer je bival v letih od 1824 do 1828. Od tam so ga po ovadbi starološkega dekana Jerneja Božiča2 kazensko prestavili v Metliko, kjer je v letih 1828 do 1830 opravljal službo tretjega kaplana. Baraga je vedel, da bosta janzenizem in jožefinizem, “zadnji poskus izvesti cerkveno reformo po državnih načrtih”3, še dolgo vladala v ljubljanski škofiji, zato je iskal osebni izhod iz teh okoliščin. Kot nalašč je bila po posredovanju cincinnatskega generalnega vikarja Friderika Reseja leta 1828 na Dunaju ustanovljena “Leopoldinina ustanova za podpiranje severnoameriških misijonov”.4 Skoraj sočasno je Friderik Rese na Dunaju izdal Očrt zgodovine cincinnatske škofije. V njem je med drugim izrazil željo po misijonarjih. Baraga je v tej knjižici videl rešitev svojih težav in se odločil za misijonarstvo. Po pisnem neiskrenem priporočilu škofa Antona Wolfa je leta 1831 odšel v Ameriko, kjer je bil misijonar od leta 1831 do svoje smrti 1868. Zaradi svojega predanega dela je Baraga postal leta 1853 apostolski vikar za kraje ob Gornjem jezeru. 9. januarja 1857 je bil imenovan za rezidencialnega marianopolitanskega škofa s sedežem v mestecu Sault Sainte Marie in je prenehal službovati kot apostolski vikar. Od tu je leta 1866 prenesel škofijo v Marquette. Bara ga je imel sedeže svojih misijonov in škofije v naslednjih krajih: Arbre Croche (1831–1833), Grand River (1833–1835), La Pointe (1835–1843), L’Anse (1843–1853), Sault Sainte Marie – kot škof (1853–1866) in Marquette (1866–1868).5 Baraga je umrl 19. januarja leta 1868 v Marquettu, kjer je pokopan v kripti tamkajšnje stolnice sv. Petra. Delo škofa Friderika Barage je bilo poleg misijonarstva veliko tudi na kulturnem področju. Pisal je molitvenike v slovenskem in indijanskem (otava, očipve) jeziku. Izredno pomembno je Baragovo jezikoslovno znanstveno delo. Napisal je slovnico in očipvensko-angleški ter angleško-očipvenski slovar. Poleg tega je napisal tudi knjigo o Indijancih z naslovom Geschichte, Character, Sitten und Gebräuche der nordamerikanischen Indier, ki je izšla v Ljubljani 1837. leta. Novi svet Friderik Baraga je v Ljubljani obiskoval šolo v času Napoleonove Ilirije, ki je Slovencem dala svobodoljubno ustavo in vzorno pravo. Posebna skrb Francozov je veljala šolstvu. Učni jezik v osnovni šoli je bil slovenski. Baraga se je tako izpopolnil v slovenskem jeziku, da je pozneje lahko pisal molitvenike v slovenščini. Za svoje slovenske molitvenike se je izrazil v pismu, da so “znamenje moje trajne vdanosti in ljubezni do mojih rojakov”.6 Po propadu Ilirskih provinc leta 1813 je na Kranjskem spet zavladala Avstrija in z njo jožefinizem in janzenizem. V ljubljansko škofijo je janzenizem uvedel škof Herberstein (1773–1783). Janzenisti so hoteli v cerkvena opravila vpeljati preproščino in so nasprotovali raznim ljudskim pobožnostim, med drugim bratovščinam in romanjem. Vse to (težnja k janzenizmu je v ljubljanskem bogoslovju prevladovala do okoli leta 1840) in osebna ponižanja so prisilila kaplana Barago, da je po spletu okoliščin zapustil domovino. Leta 1831 je kot misijonar odšel v Združene države Amerike. Takrat si je ta država ustvarjala državno in cerkveno upravo. V Ameriko so se najprej priseljevali ekonomski emigranti iz severnoevropskih dežel, pozneje pa še izseljenci drugih evropskih narodov. Med njimi so bili tudi priseljenci slabih moralnih lastnosti. Odnosi med raznimi verstvi in verskimi ločinami niso bili urejeni. Tako je iskala svoj prostor pod soncem tudi katoliška cerkev, ki je tja pošiljala finančno zelo slabo stoječe misijonarje. Ob tem moramo poudariti, da so bili po zaslugi Barage v 19. stoletju ravno slovenski misijonarji zelo dejavni na območju Velikih jezer. S svojim delom, tudi v šolstvu, so dvigali civilizacijsko in kulturno raven tako Indijancev kot belih priseljencev. Kot je razvidno iz statističnih podatkov za leto 1830, so mlado ameriško državo sestavljali avtohtoni prebivalci Amerike Indijanci, imenovani “divjaki (savages)”, evropski imigrantje, “prebivalci (inhabitants)”, in Afričani, ki so jih pripeljali iz Afrike kot delovno silo, “črnci (negroes)”. Ti so bili svobodni ali sužnji.7 Suženjstvo je bilo v Združenih državah Amerike odpravljeno po secesijski vojni (1861-1865), popolni abolicionistični sporazum pa so dosegli pod devetnajstim predsednikom ZDA, Rutherfordom B. Hayesom (1877-1881). Prisilo belih priseljencev so najbolj občutili domačini - Indijanci, ki so jim edino misijonarji hoteli pomagati. Eva Lips v knjigi o tej pomoči meni: “Menili so (misijonarji, op. avtorja), da bodo Indijancem pomagali in jih pripeljali do višje etike, ne da bi spoznali, da grozljivo življenje v divjini in krščanstvo nista kar tako združljivi in da je treba najprej zboljšati gospodarsko podlago nerazvitih ljudstev, preden jim smeš ponujati duhovno revolucijo.”8 Vendar si je Baraga kot misijonar prizadeval, da bi Indijancem pomagal tudi prosvetno in civilizacijsko. V svojem pismu dunajskemu nadškofu Mildu, ki je bil vodja Leopoldinine ustanove, od katere je za misijone prejemal denarno pomoč, piše o šolstvu med Indijanci Očipve v L’Ansu ob Gornjem jezeru takole: “Naših učencev je enainpetdeset, in sicer dvajset dečkov in trije možje, devetnajst deklic in devet žena. Te učence učimo najprej branja in krščanskega nauka, nato pa pisanja in računstva. Večina indijanskih učencev se z lahkoto uči brati, ker imajo do tega veliko veselje. Nekateri naši učenci so se naučili brati prej kot v dveh mesecih.”9 Baraga si je tudi prizadeval, da bi Indijancem izboljšal njihovo stanovanjsko kulturo. V pisni prošnji za denarne prispevke Leopoldinini ustanovi je prikazal svoj namen z besedami: “Dokler namreč Indijanci raztreseno po gozdu živijo po svojih kolibah (vigvamih, op. avtorja), jih je težko civilizirati in navaditi dela in snage. Zato sem naredil načrt, da po zgledu dobrih jezuitov v Paragvaju napravim majhno redukcijo in jih zberem v eni vasi okoli cerkve... Obljubil sem jim (Indijancem, op. avtorja), da bom dal letos postaviti petnajst hiš; prihodnje leto, če mi Bog da življenje in dobim tudi podporo, pa bi jih želel postaviti še več.”10 Žal pa so beli priseljenci Indijance goljufali ob blagovni menjavi in pri zemlji. Baraga sporoča leta 1834 vodstvu Leopoldinine ustanove: “V javnih listih vlada zagotavlja, da ne namerava Indijancem njihove dežele vzeti s silo, marveč jo od njih kupiti. Kljub temu se vedno poslužujejo takih sredstev (predvsem opojnih pijač), da Indijance ogoljufajo in spravijo ob njihovo lepo deželo; tako se je zgodilo pri vseh takih dosedanjih pogodbah.”11 Naj poudarimo, da ta Baragova ocena ustreza resnici, saj je bil pravnik in se je tako gotovo spoznal na zemljiško pravne zadeve. Najbolj znana ilustracija takšnih zemljiških prevar je spomenik, ki stoji na Wall Streetu v New Yorku. Postavljen je v spomin P. Minuitu, ker je leta 1626 od Indijancev, ki niso poznali ne denarja ne njegove (tržne) vrednosti, kupil za 24 dolarjev ves otok Manhattan.12 Z leti so se ob novih rudnikih širila mesta in naselbine, število priseljencev pa se je večalo. Naraščala je želja po novih zemljiščih in s tem pritisk na lastnike zemlje - Indijance. Vzporedno pa je rastel odpor Indijancev do belih priseljencev. Da bi strli indijanski odpor, so jih beli zavojevalci podredili vojnemu ministrstvu in obravnavali kot sovražnike. Indijanska plemena so redčile tudi razne kužne bolezni, ki so se jih nalezli od belih priseljencev. Tako so koze leta 1838 uničile skoraj vse pleme “prijateljskih in gostoljubnih” Indijancev plemena Mandan.13 Vse indijanske upore je vojska brutalno zadušila. 26. decembra 1862 so na primer v mestu Mankatu v državi Minnesoti javno obesili 38 Indijancev plemena Santee Dakota. Dogodek je bil 24. januarja 1863 prikazan z grafiko (sl. 2) v časopisu Illustrated Weekly.14 S tako trdo politiko, kjer je mnogokrat veljal pregovor belih migrantov iz pionirskih časov Amerike “Samo mrtev Indijanec je dober Indijanec”15, je priseljencem končno uspelo, da so si počasi, toda sistematično prilastili indijansko zemljo. Povedna je na primer tudi pisna ocena cerkvenega slikarja Martina Pitzerja o odnosih med Indijanci in vlado ZDA v letih 1851 do 1853. Pitzer graja način odnosa vlade ZDA do Indijancev, ki slednje spravlja v neznosen položaj. Indijanci morajo menjati kraj bivanja in se ne morejo ustaliti. Zapustiti so morali lepo cerkev v svojem prejšnjem kraju, kar jih je zelo prizadelo. Zaradi tega so Indijanci, ki sedaj živijo v kraju Grand-Traverse (država Michigan), zgradili leseno montažno cerkev. To sedaj lahko odpeljejo na posebej za to zgrajeni ladji.16 V 90. letih 19. stoletja so beli zavojevalci dokočno zaokrožili z raznimi zvijačami pridobljena zemljišča in Indijance, avtohtone prebivalce Amerike, osamili v rezervate. Poglavje končujemo z opažanjem Friderika Barage, ki ga je podal v svoji knjigi o Indijancih leta 1837.17 V njej je opisal vzroke propada in propad severnoameriških indijanskih plemen, med njimi tri poglavitne vzroke, ki so po njegovem mnenju zakrivili pospešen propad Indijancev. Kot prvega je navedel razliko med lokacijo zemljišča, ki so ga imeli Indijanci pred prihodom belih kolonizatorjev, in poznejšo vsiljeno lokacijo bivanja. Indijance so namreč z rodovitnih ozemelj pregnali na nerodovitna in s tem povzročili lakoto. Drugi vzrok je bil alkohol. Beli trgovci s krznom kot tudi agenti vlade ZDA so spoznali silno indijansko ljubezen do alkohola (ognjene vode), in to so izkoristili v svojo korist. Kot tretji razlog za propad Indijancev je Baraga navajal pogoste epidemije, ki so se med njimi začele širiti po prihodu belih priseljencev. O propadanju Indijancev pa je v knjigi med drugim navedel naslednje: “V mnogih pokrajinah Severne Amerike, kjer so bili Indijanci pred prihodom prvih kolonistov gosto naseljeni, ne najdete danes niti enega Indijanca več. Tako je povečini na vsej vzhodni obali Severne Amerike. Že dalj časa si vlada Zedinjenih držav prizadeva, da bi s tega območja odstranila vse Indijance.”18 Baraga je končal svojo oceno o obstoju Indijancev takole: “Število Indijancev v Severni Ameriki pa se ni tako opazno krčilo samo v preteklih časih, ampak je dokazano dejstvo, da se zmanjšuje od leta do leta. Po vseh znakih sodeč bodo Indijanci Severne Amerike v nekaj pičlih stoletjih obstajali le še v zgodovinskih knjigah.”19 Indijanci Očipve Ime in regionalna delitev H. J. Stammel imenuje Očipve Chippewa ali Ojibway in navaja, da izhaja to ime iz “ojib” = nagubati in “ub-way” = rjaveti, kar se nanaša na naguban šiv njihovih obuval - mokasinov.20 Francoski raziskovalci in trgovci z kožuhovino so imenovali Očipve Sauteur ali skakajoči ljudje.21 Mnogi raziskovalci v svojih delih različno poimenujejo Indijance iz plemena Očipve. Baraga v svojem slovarju imenuje Indijance Očipve Otchipwe v ednini in Chippewa v množini.22 Carrie A. Lyford v knjigi o obrti Očipve enači ime Ojibwa z imenom Chippewa.23 Med slovenskimi raziskovalci pa je gotovo v svoji študiji o imenu Očipve najstrokovnejši Janez Stanonik,24 ki omenja med drugim, da se ime Očipve v angleščini pojavlja v različnih oblikah: “Chippewa predvsem za tiste, ki žive v ZDA in južnem Ontariju, sicer pa prevladujeta zlasti v Kanadi obliki Ojibway ali Ojibwa.”25 Zelo obsežno in strokovno razlago za ime plemena Očipve prinaša razprava Roberta O. Lagacéja, ki podaja lokacijo Očipvov in njihovo kulturno in regionalno delitev. Tako navaja: “Ojibwe (Očipve) so ameriška indijanska etnična skupina, osredotočena okoli Velikega jezera in Huronskega jezera, v Kanadi in ZDA. Očipve so se najbolj severno razširili do jezera Winnnipeg do približno 54° severne zemljepisne širine, nato pa proti jugu v državi Minnesota in Wisconsin.”26 Indijanci plemena Očipve govorijo osrednji algonkinski jezik, ki je najbolj soroden jeziku plemena Ottawa. Tako naj bi bil jezik Indijancev plemena Ottawa le dialektična varianta jezika Ojibwa (Očipva).27 Očipve so kljub preseljevanju še vedno obdržali veliko ozemlje. Danes jih prištevamo med največja indijanska plemena, ki žive v rezervatih na ozemlju ZDA in Kanade. Osnovna kultumo-regionalna delitev Indijancev Očipve po Robert O. Lagacéju je: “I. Gozdni Očipve ali pravi Očipve, Ojibwa A. Severni Očipve ali Saulteaux 1. Severni Saulteaux 2. Južni Saulteaux B. Južni Očipve ali Chippewa 1. Jugozahodni Chippewa 2. Jugovzhodni Chippewa II. Ravninski Očipve ali Bungi.”28 Navade in šege Baraga je pred prihodom v svoj misijon ob Gornjem jezeru v pismu navedel ime novega plemena Indijancev z besedami: “Indijanci ob Gornjem jezeru se navadno imenujejo Očipvejci. Njihov govor je približno tak kot Otavcev.”29 Očipvejščina ima le 17 glasov; glasovi 1, r, f, v, u manjkajo. Ker je Baraga imel v priimku črko r, Indijanci njegovega imena niso pravilno izgovarjali. Po ustanovitvi Misijona sv. Jožefa v La Pointu ob Gornjem jezeru je Baraga v pismu napisal nova spoznanja o tamkajšnjih prebivalcih - Indijancih Očipve: “Navade in šege teh Indijancev se od otavskih Indijancev razlikujejo samo toliko, da so tukajšnji Indijanci mnogo bolj surovi in necivilizirani (na otavske Indijance so pred tem že delno vplivali misijonarji, op. avtorja) in da svoje poganske običaje bolj pogosto opravljajo kot otavski Indijanci.”30 Zanimiva je bila tudi navada Indijancev z območja Gornjih jezer, predvsem iz plemena Očipve in Otava (Ottawa), ob sprejemu ujetnikov v svoj tabor iz obdobja pred misijonarsko prevzgojo. Ujetnike so sprejeli v tabor tako, da so dobili 300 do 400 močnih udarcev s šibami. Tako so jih spravili na tla, še preden so uspeli priti do koče, ki je bila zgrajena zanje.31 Neki tak sprejem je potekal takole: “Ženske in otroci so stali v vrstah in grozljivo udarjali po devetih ujetnikih. Bilo je pet starih in štirje mladi moški. Mladi so bili hitro mimo tega sprejema, medtem ko so stari močno krvaveli.”32 S takšnimi iz kulturnega in zgodovinskega konteksta iztrganimi primeri so se širili negativni stereotipi o Indijancih. Ljudje brez predsodkov pa so že zgodaj spoznavali stvarnejšo podobo indijanske kulture, kot npr. cerkveni slikar iz Salzburga Martin Pitzer o že krščenih Indijancih Otava, sosedih Očipvejcev. Pitzer je v času od 1851 do 1853 skupaj z Indijanci obnovil cerkvena oltarja v krajih Harbor Springs in Cross Village v državi Michigan v ZDA. Tam je tudi zbral etnološko zbirko o Indijancih Otava, ki jo je opisal v katalogu.33 V njem omenja slovenske misijonarje Barago, Pirca in Mraka, slednji mu je za zbirko poklonil krplje.34 Pitzer meni, da je mogoče študirati značaj in navade Indijancev samo v divjinah njihove rojstne dežele. Tam so popolnoma drugačni kot v drugih okoljih, kjer so jih beli priseljenci označili za neumne in nedelavne. Nadalje pravi Pitzer, da če živiš z njimi, “spoznaš, da je Indijanec človek kot vsi ostali. Da ima ravno take občutke in nagnjenja, zna biti hvaležen, ljubiti prijatelje in izraža simpatijo do dobrega. Na svojih zborovanjih se ne derejo drug čez drugega. Nobenega od govorcev ne prekinjajo in ne grozijo eden drugemu, kot se to dogaja pri civiliziranih narodih.”35 Beli priseljenci pa so Indijancem grobo vsilili način življenja, jih oropali zemlje in končno osamili v rezervatih. Očipvejci so v letih 1846 do 1867 ves polotok Michigan in obe pokrajini Wisconsin in Minnesoto “prodali” ZDA.36 Nekaterim je država plačala preselitev onstran Mississipija, tam so dobivali letno denarno podporo. Tisti, ki so ostali v deželi, so morali bivati v skupinah po 50 do 200 oseb v rezervatih, vsestransko nadzorstvo nad njimi pa sije pridržala država. Danes žive Očipvejci v rezervatih, ki so bili ustanovljeni v letih 1850 do 1880. Lahko so organizirani, neorganizirani, zaprti ali pa rezervati, ki imajo razdeljeno zemljo.37 Ti ležijo v državah Michigan, Wisconsin, Minnesota in vzdolž južne obale Kanade.38 Baragova donacija Historiat in oris Deželni muzej za Kranjsko (ustanovljen leta 1821) je zaradi prizadevanj grofa Fr. Jos. Hohenwarta39 leta 1830 dobil nove muzejske prostore v stavbi liceja (nekdanjega frančiškanskega samostana), ki je stal na današnjem Vodnikovem trgu. Nove muzejske prostore so odprli 4. oktobra leta 1831.40 Zbirke so slovesno odprli leta 1836 z izidom prvega vodnika po zbirkah muzeja, ki omenja, da so bile zbirke razvrščene v petih prostorih.41 Predsednik muzejskega kuratorija Hohenwart si je gotovo prizadeval, da bi se muzejske zbirke širile z novimi pridobitvami. Zato je prav on prosil sestro Friderika Barage Amalijo42, da piše bratu misijonarju za etnografske predmete “divjakov”, avtohtonih prebivalcev Severne Amerike - Indijancev. Na Hohenwartovo prošnjo se je Baraga odzval s pismom sestri Amaliji 29. julija 1833.43 V pismu se opravičuje in navaja: “Če bi gospod Hohenwart vedel ali vsaj hotel verjeti, saj imam spomladi, poleti in jeseni v svojem misijonu ves čas toliko dela, da nikoli nisem prost, razen ponoči (to pišem ponoči med enajsto in dvanajsto uro), bi mi rad oprostil, da mu ne pošljem nobenih prispevkov za ljubljanski muzej.”44 Tri leta kasneje je Baraga s pismom 24. februarja 1836 obvestil sestro Amalijo, da bo prišel domov po finančno pomoč za svoje misijonarsko delo.45 29. septembra leta 1836 je zapustil svojo misijonarsko postajo La Pointe in 26. novembra 1836 prispel v Liverpool.46 Iz Londona je 3. decembra 1836 sestri Amaliji sporočil: “Ko boš dobila to pismo, povej Jožefu (Amalijinemu možu), da sem iz Liverpoola v Trst na njegov naslov poslal zaboj, v katerem prinašam različne indijanske predmete. Ta zaboj bo londonska ladja “Flora” pripeljala v Trst, kjer bo čakal tako dolgo, dokler Jožef ne pošlje ponj. Povej torej Jožefu, naj takoj piše v Trst, da mu pošljejo zaboj. Zaboj lahko odpreš in si ogledaš predmete, ki so notri, nikomur pa ničesar ne dajaj, dokler ne pridem.”47 To pismo tako izpričuje, da so bili v omenjenem zaboju indijanski etnografski predmeti, katerih večino je Baraga poklonil Deželnemu muzeju za Kranjsko.48 Čas donacije misijonarja Barage se uvršča med njegov prihod v Ljubljano 6. aprila leta 183749 in čas nastanka rokopisnega seznama predmetov, ki ga je sestavil stolni kanonik, muzejski kurator Urban Jerin. Ta seznam je muzejski kustos Henrik Freyer50 uporabil za predlogo za svoj seznam novih pridobitev muzeja, ki je datiran s 14. aprilom 1837. Poglavitni pisni viri o Baragovi donaciji so: rokopisni seznam muzejskih pridobitev Urbana Jerina in osnutek ter seznam muzejskih pridobitev Henrika Freyerja.51 Prvi rokopisni seznam Baragove donacije Deželnemu muzeju za Kranjsko (sl. 3) obsega tri liste v velikosti 240 x 228 mm. Seznam je napisan v nemškem jeziku v gotski kurzivi. Poleg imen etnografskih predmetov s komentarjem so v oklepajih med tekstom in na robu seznama napisana tudi imena predmetov v jeziku indijanskega plemena Očipve. Prvi list ima registrsko štev. 237/213. Na njegovi levi strani zgoraj (sl. 3, št. 1) je pripomba: “Dopolnitve in popravke v tuji pisavi (latinski kurzivi) je na to polo lastnoročno napisal g. Friderich Baraga.” (primer sl. 3, št. 2) Pod to pripombo se je podpisal Jerin Urban, stolni kanonik in kurator Deželnega muzeja za Kranjsko. Tako je ta seznam prvi pisni dokument o indijanskih predmetih, prirodninah, knjigi, molitveniku, grafiki in kovancih, ki jih je Baraga poklonil muzeju. Temu seznamu sledi osnutek za poročilo o novih pridobitvah muzeja. Sestavil ga je kustos Deželnega muzeja Henrik Freyer in obsega dva lista v velikosti 350 x 220 mm. Na podlagi tega osnutka je Freyer napisal (v nemški gotski kurzivi, imena predmetov v jeziku Očipve pa v latinski kurzivi) na treh listih seznam novih muzejskih pridobitev.52 Listi so veliki 350 x 224 mm. Seznam s komentarji je napisan po skupinah, in to izredno natančno (sl. 4). Seznam “Muzejski prispevki” je registriran pod štev. 237/213 in se v prevodu glasi: Gospod Friderik Baraga, misijonar od visokospoštovanega gospoda škofa iz Detroita v Severni Ameriki, je prinesel od (Indijancev) rodu Otčhipwe (pravilno Otchipwe) naslednje predmete: a) Izdelki, narejeni iz brezove skorje: okrogla posoda /MAKAK/53, napolnjena z drevesnim sladkorjem; dve prazni okrogli posodici; okrogla posoda, napolnjena z divjim rižem /MANOMIN/54; dve okrogli posodici /ONAGAN/55; majhen kanu /ZHIMAN/56 (pravilno TCHIMAN)57, narejen iz brezove skorje in cedrovine; - pet manjših kosov brezove skorje v miniaturi za pokrivanje šotorske strehe. b) Stanovanjska oprema in leseni izdelki: dve majhni otroški skledici in otroška žlica; dve leseni žlici /ENIKWAN/, (pravilno EMIKWAN)58; - dve indijanski rogoznici / ANAKAN/59; - ena vreča iz travnih vlaken, - ena otroška zibelka /TIKINAGAN/60 s pregrinjalom; - en par krpelj /AGIMAK/, (pravilno AGIMAG), (ena krplja AGIM)61, ki jih je naredil Indijanec, mrežo na njih pa je spletla neka Indijanka. c) Oblačila: en par nevestinih čevljev /MAKISINAN/62 iz srnje kože z zelenimi svilenimi trakovi; - en par drugačnih čevljev indijanske izdelave. d) Moška in bojna oprema: ena stara bakrena ost kopja /SHIMAGAN/, (pravilno JIMAGAN)63; - dve mirovni tobačni pipi /APWAGAN/, (pravilno OPWAGAN)64, izrezani iz rdečega kamna; - dve cevi (za mirovno pipo), ena je ovita z ježevimi bodicami; - ena mošnja za tobak iz nestrojene cevaste kože rjave podlasice, francosko Pecan; - dve mošnji za tobak iz svetlo rumene kože kune; - torbica za tobak, okrašena z rdečimi nitmi in steklenimi biseri; - ena lepa nožnica /MOKOMAN/65, (to je beseda Indijancev Očipve za nož. Nožnico imenujejo /PINDIKOMAN/66); - osem puščic in dva loka /MITIGWAB/67; bojni kij iz trdega indijanskega lesa /PAGAMAGAN/68. e) Prirodnine: naravne in pobarvane ježevčeve bodice; - polovica rogovja velikega ameriškega losa /ESHKAN/69; - več ahatov in karneolov ter krogla pirita iz Gornjega jezera; - peruti ptiča /MONENGNANEKA/, (pravilno MONINGWANE70, indijanska beseda za ptiča pribo), ki živi na otoku. f) Knjige: avtor gospod Baraga; - Življenje Jezusa v indijanskem jeziku, Pariz, 1837, 800; Očipvejski molitvenik, Otčhipwe Anamie Masinaigan, Pariz, 1837, 800. g) Bakrorez cerkve iz Detroita. h) Trije ameriški kovanci. Pod seznamom je datum in podpis: Ljubljana, 14. april 1837, Heinrich Freyer, kustos muzeja. Enajst dni kasneje, 25. aprila, je v Ilirskem listu izšel “Seznam novih pridobitev Deželnega muzeja”.71 Seznam vsebuje vse indijanske predmete, ki jih je muzeju daroval Baraga, z dodanim novim predmetom in izpopolnjenimi opisi.72 Uvodoma je poleg predstavitve donatorja misijonarja Friderika Barage prvič podan njegov življenjepis.73 V “Seznamu novih pridobitev Deželnega muzeja” so predmeti navedeni po naslednjih skupinah: a) Industrijski predmeti, izdelki iz skorje severnoameriške breze, ki so jih izdelovali ameriški prebivalci iz rodu Očipve (ime se izgovarja Otschipue, ali se piše v kranjskem jeziku Ozhipve)74 ob Gornjem jezeru: ena posoda /MAKAK/, napolnjena s sladkorjem /SINSIBAKWAT/ (pravilno SISIBAKWAT)75, ki je narejen iz soka ameriškega sladkornega drevesa; - dve različno veliki posodi; - četrta je enaka posoda, napolnjena z divjim rižem, ki raste na močvirnih tleh ob Gornjem jezeru. Imenujejo ga MANOMIN in je poglavito žito teh Indijancev. - Dve skodelici /ONAGAN/, uporabljali soju za juho ali pitje; - en model čolna tipa kanu /ZHIMAN/, (pravilno TCHIMAN), izdelan iz brezovega lubja, notranje ogrodje je iz ameriške cedre. Čoln ima eno jadro in dve vesli. Narejen je v pomanjšanem merilu; - pet kosov brezovega lubja v miniaturi. S tako skorjo so Indijanci pokrivali svoje šotore. b) Stanovanjska oprema in leseni izdelki: dve majhni otroški skledi in ena otroška žlica, izdelek domačinov; - dve leseni jedilni žlici /EMIKWAN/ za odrasle, ki so bile obešene v prebivališčih Indijancev. Jedlo se je skupaj ob določenih dnevnih urah zraven ognjišča, nad katerim je visel kotel, napolnjen z divjim rižem, ribami ali drugim mesom. Iz njega sije lahko vsak postregel s hrano. Kotel je bil napolnjen le enkrat na dan, in to vsako jutro. - Dve rogoznici /ANAKAN/ iz ločja, narejeni v miniaturi. Na njih so spali Indijanci v svojih šotorih ali pa na potovanjih. - Ena vreča /MACHKIMOD/, (pravilno MASHKIMOD)76, narejena v pomanjšanem merilu iz trave. - Ena otroška zibelka /TIKINAGAN/, ki je bila narej ena za tamkajšnega poglavarja in je na gornjem robu umetniško rezljana. Zibelka je opremljena s široko vezenino, na katero so indijanska dekleta umetniško izvezla figuralni okras. - En par krpelj /AGIMAK/ (pravilno AGIMAG), z vezalkami za privezovanje na noge. Umetelno pletena mreža, ki je med okviri krpelj, je delo neke žene iz rodu Očipve. c) Kosi oblačil: en par nevestinih čevljev /MAKISINAN/ iz srnje kože, ki so jo ustrojili Indijanci. Čevlji so okrašeni z zelenimi svilenimi nitmi in vezeni s pobarvanimi razcepljenimi bodicami ježevca; - par pol vezenih dekliških čevljev77; - par navadnih ženskih čevljev. Vsi navedeni čevlji so izdelek tukajšnjih prebivalcev. d) Moška in bojna oprema: ena bakrena ost kopja /SHIMAGAN/, (pravilno JIMAGAN); Samorodni baker je tam v različno velikih kosih ali listih, oblikovali pa so ga z brušenjem. - Dve glavi mirovne pipe /APWAGAN/, (pravilno OPWAGAN), umetniško rezljani iz rdečega kamna (ena glava je okrašena s kositernimi lističi); - dva dolga ustnika za pipo, od katerih je eden do polovice okrašen z ježevčevimi bodicami, pisanimi ptičjimi peresi in zeleno obarvano konjsko žimo; druga je okrašena z bodicami ježevca. Pipi se imenujeta pipi miru, ker so ju, če je prišlo do nesporazuma, kadili možje iz plemena. Če je vsak od mož potegnil dim, je bilo to znamenje, da želijo ostati v miru in prijateljstvu. Kadar so se tega kajenja izogibali, je bilo jasno, da nastopajo sovražnosti. - Ena mošnja za tobak /KICHKIBITAGAN/ (pravilno KISHKIBITAGAN78) iz nestrojene cevaste kože rjave podlasice, ki se imenuje angleško Fisher in francosko Pecan.79 Vse štiri noge podlasice so na koncu okrašene s pisanimi trakovi; prvi priseljenci so take mošnje nosili obešene na pasu. - Dve podobni mošnji za tobak iz nestrojene svetlo rumene kože kune. - Ena torbica za tobak, tkana iz rdečih volnenih niti z nanizanimi steklenimi biseri; umetniški izdelek žene iz plemena Očipve. - Ena nožnica /MOKOMAN/ (pravilno PINDIKOMAN), okrašena in ovita s fino narezanimi, pobarvanimi bodicami ameriškega ježevca. - Osem puščic in dva loka /MITIGWAB/. - En bojni kij /PAGAMAGAN/, narejen iz neke zelo trde drevesne korenine. e) Prirodnine: en košček cedrovega lesa /GIJIK/ (pravilno GIGIK)80, j naj se izgovori francosko ali kranjsko GISHIK81; - naravne in obarvane ježevčeve bodice; z njimi so ameriški prarodovi vezli oblačila in krasili predmete, - ena polovica rogovja /ESHKAN/ velikega ameriškega losa; - več ahatov in karneolov; poleg ena krogla pirita iz vodovja Gornjega jezera; - dve peruti pisanega ptiča /MONENGWANEKA/ (pravilno MONINGWANEKA)82, dobljene na Otoku sv. Mihaela v glavni misijonski postaji sv. Jožefa. f) Knjige: 1) Jesus Obimadisiwin Orna Aking (Jezusovo življenje tukaj na zemlji); - 2) Otchipwe Anamie – Masinaigan (Molitvenik za Očipve). Oba molitvenika je napisal častiti gospod Friedrich Baraga /MEKATE - OKWANAIE/ (pravilno MEKATEWIKWANAIE),83 (črna suknja, tako so Indijanci imenovali misijonarje). Knjiga in molitvenik sta bila tiskana v Parizu E. D. Bailly ogima - sinakisan mandan masinaigan (to knjigo je natiskal Bailly) 1837. g) Bakrorez: Pogled na novo katedralo sv. Ane v Detroitu. h) Denar (kovanci): dva srebrna in en bakreni; - 1 taler, Mehiška republika 1834; - pol dolarja, ZDA 1836; - 1 cent, ZDA 1836. Pod seznamom sta podnapis in datum: kurator (grof Franc Jož. Hanibal Hohenwart) Kranjskega deželnega muzja, Ljubljana, 25. april 1837. V začetku leta 1838 je izšlo Letno poročilo za leto 1836-1837.84 Na straneh 5, 8, 10, 17, 22 in 27 so navedeni etnografski predmeti Baragove zbirke. Ilirski listje leta 1844 objavil prvi opis postavitve Baragove in Lavrinove zbirke.85 V njem navaja, da so predmeti v tretji sobi v pritličju, razstavljeni v prvi omari tako, da so afriški predmeti (darovalec konzul Lavrin) postavljeni ob zadnji steni omare, ameriški predmeti (Indijancev Očipve) pa ob straneh in na dnu omare. Šestindvajsetega januarja leta 1854 se je generalni vikar Baraga drugič in tudi zadnjič vrnil v domovino. V seznamu Deželnega muzeja86 je pod točko 3 zapis, da je daroval muzeju košček samorodnega bakra, težkega 75 g87, brez etnografskih predmetov. Leta 1888 je muzejski kustos in konservator Karl Deschmann88 ob odprtju novega muzeja izdal vodnik po Kranjskem deželnem muzeju89. V njem so opisani predmeti, ki so jih preselili iz muzeja v stavbi liceja. V vodniku navaja, da so v prostostoječi omari št. 6 etnografske zbirke iz Severne Amerike in Azije. Ob tem imenuje donatorja, škofa Friderika Barago, Franca Pirca, (Janeza) Čebula in Klinarja, svetovnega popotnika s fregate Novara. Za predmete od št. 24 do 40 avtor vodnika pripominja, da jih je v muzej prinesel Baraga. Vodnik na straneh 155 in 156 navaja naslednje etnografske predmete:”- 24. En par krpelj /OGIMAK/ (pravilno AGIM)90, ki jih je umetelno spletla Indijanka iz plemena Očipve; - 25. Pet kosov brezove skorje za pokrivanje indijanskih šotorov; - 26. Kanu/TSCHIMAN/, (pravilno TCHIMAN)91 iz brezove skorje z jadrom, ogrodje je iz lesa ameriške cedre; - 27. Lok in puščice, skupaj z indijanskim glasbilom šalmajem (pravilno rogom, op. avtorja); - 28. Dve slamnjači /ANAKAN/, spleteni iz neke vrste ločja; - 29. Vreča /MACHKIMOD/ (pravilno MASHKIMOD)92, spletena iz neke vrste trave; - 30. Dve leseni jedilni žlici; - 31. Dve majhni otroški skodelici z otroško žlico; - 32. Dve pipi miru /APWAGAN/ (pravilno OPWAGAN)93, izrezani iz rdečega kamna, ena izmed njih je obložena s kositernimi lističi. Ena od pipnih cevi je do polovice ovita z vezenjem iz bodic ježevca. - 33. Industrijski predmeti, izdelani iz brezove skorje; - 34. Nožnica za nož /MOKOMAN/94, drobno izvezena, ovita z bodicami ježevca; - 35. Torbica za tobak, tkana iz rdečih volnenih niti, vrvica je iz steklenih biserov; - 36. Otroška zibelka /TIKMAGAN/ (pravilno TIKINAGAN)95, na gornjem robu umetelno izrezljana, z barvnim črtnim okrasjem. - 37. En par običajnih indijanskih ženskih čevljev; - 38. En par na pol izvezenih dekliških čevljev, - 39. En par indijanskih nevestinih čevljev /MAKISINAN/ iz ustrojene srnine kože. Mokasini so okrašeni z zelenimi svilenimi trakovi in z vrstami obarvanih bodic ježevca. - 40. Ploščat bat z vrisanim ornamentom.”96 V tem drugem Vodniku po muzejskih zbirkah (prvi je izšel leta 1836) so za nekatere predmete nepravilno napisana imena v jeziku Očipve, pod št. 27 pa je prvič imenovan nov predmet, glasbilo šalmaj. Leta 1905 je kot kustos Deželnega muzeja namesto Alfonza Müllnerja nastopil dr. Valter Šmid, ki je začel inventarizirati predmete. Inventarne številke na predmetih so izpisane s cinobrom v lepem rokopisu. Dr. Šmid je tudi preuredil in dopolnil narodopisne zbirke. Ob tej inventarizaciji pa so, že po napakah Karla Deschmanna (drugi Vodnik skozi Kranjski deželni muzej, 1888), nastale velike strokovne nepravilnosti ob določanju izvora in lokacije nekaterih muzealij, kot npr. pri bojnem kiju kat. št. 49 in bojnem kiju kat. št. 50. Te napake so poznejši raziskovalci Baragovih in Knobleharjevih etnografskih predmetov ponavljali vse do današnjih ugotovitev, ki jih navajamo v nadaljevanju. Prvič so bili predmeti severnoameriških Indijancev vpisani v inventarno knjigo Narodnega muzeja (kulturno zgodovinski oddelek), prva knjiga 1895–1914, str. 42-43. Predmeti so vpisani v nemščini, pod številkami 1090-1145. Opisi predmetov so zelo pomanjkljivi. Leta 1923 je bil ustanovljen Kraljevi etnografski muzej, ki je od Narodnega muzeja v letih 1924 in 1925 prevzel narodopisne predmete. S to razdelitvijo se je razbila celovitost nekdanje odlične zbirke Kranjskega deželnega muzeja. Etnografske predmete severnoameriških Indijancev, ki so jih pridobili z razdelitvijo, so nato vpisali v inventarno knjigo Etnografskega muzeja z oznako II. 1923–1928. Predmeti Baragove zbirke so dobili nove inventarne številke. V inventarno knjigo so vpisani od strani 120 do 133 z inventarnimi številkami 2861-2948, brez številčnega zaporedja. Opisi predmetov v inventarni knjigi so nestrokovni in pomanjkljivi. Direktor Etnografskega muzeja Boris Orel je objavil poročilo z naslovom “O etnografskih zbirkah iz Afrike, Amerike in Azije v Etnografskem muzeju v Ljubljani”97. Tu omenja tudi zbirko škofa Friderika Barage. V poročilu pa je zanimiva pripomba št. 4 na strani 141: “V arhivu Narodnega muzeja žal ni ohranjenih protokolov bivšega Kranjskega deželnega muzeja iz let 1836–1853. Ob tej priliki priporočamo Narodnemu muzeju, da bi objavil vse stare protokole bivšega Kranjskega deželnega muzeja, kolikor jih je iz let 1822–1888 ohranjenih. Tudi bi ne bilo napačno kritično pregledati vse stare inventarne knjige in razne pomanjkljivosti izpopolniti, kolikor je pač mogoče, iz ohranjenih protokolov oziroma aktov. Vsekakor bo to napisal EM (Etnografski muzej) ob vnovični inventarizaciji etnografskih predmetov, prevzetih od Narodnega muzeja.”98 Pisec tega poročila o etnografskih zbirkah ni poznal Arhiva Narodnega muzeja, ki je v knjižnici Narodnega muzeja, vzorno urejen in shranjen v fasciklih. Protokoli in seznami novih pridobitev muzejskih predmetov od let 1822– 1853–1888 so ohranjeni. V njih so osnovne listine in letna poročila o novih pridobitvah. Tako so ohranjeni tudi seznami predmetov z opisi (pri Knobleharju so tudi mere in skice predmetov) donatorjev Barage, Pirca, Lavrina, Knobleharja in Čebula. Ta letna poročila o novih pridobitvah takratnega Deželnega muzeja za Kranjsko so s spisi, merami in skicami poglavitni viri za strokovne študije o darovanih predmetih, ki jih etnologi doslej niso dovolj upoštevali. Stara inventarna knjiga Etnografskega muzeja z oznako II. 1923–1928, v kateri so vpisani etnografski predmeti iz Severne Amerike in Afrike, je pomanjkljiva, nestrokovna in nepregledna. V njej je npr. bojni kij Indijancev Očipve imenovan bumerang99, nožnica je imenovana kot kos vezenja100, posodica iz lubja pa naj bi bila okrašena z merjaščevo dlako101, pravilno z obarvanimi bodicami ježevca. Leta 1927 je Kraljevi etnografski muzej v Ilustriranem Slovencu predstavil svoje zbirke in opozoril na prostorsko stisko. Na strani 381 so fotografski posnetki predmetov neevropskih kultur (sl. 5 in 6), ki so bili v omarah na hodniku. Zbirka severnoameriških Indijancev je bila razstavljena v eni omari. Verjetno je fotografski posnetek te postavitve najstarejša slikovna dokumentacija te zbirke.102 Muzej je leta 1930 svoje neevropske zbirke razstavil v okviru misijonske razstave na velesejmu v Ljubljani. V drugi svetovni vojni so leta 1944 razstavljene zbirke (tudi neevropsko) zaradi nevarnosti bombnih napadov spravili v zaklonišče, leta 1945 pa so jih ponovno razstavili. Ministrstvo za prosveto je leta 1947 odločilo, da dobi Etnografski muzej tri razstavne prostore in del hodnika v pritličju Narodnega muzeja. Etnografski muzej je v novih prostorih odprl preurejeno in dopolnjeno stalno razstavo. Ob tem je po besedah ravnatelja muzeja Borisa Orla “opustil predvsem zaradi pomanjkanja razstavnih prostorov” zbirke neevropskih kultur.103 Zbirke so deponirali v zaboje in jih shranili. Slovenski etnografski muzej je leta 1964 v dvorcu Goričane pri Medvodah odprl poseben oddelek neevropskih kultur. Ob tem se je vanj preselila tudi zbirka neevropskih kultur, med njimi Baragova zbirka. V dvorcu Goričane so leta 1975 pripravili občasno razstavo “Uporabna umetnost Indijancev Očipwa v 19. stoletju”. Po razstavi so Baragovo zbirko shranili v depo, kjer je še danes. Najdišči Baraga je na svoje novo delovno mesto med Indijance plemena Očipve prispel 27. julija leta 1835.104 Indijanska vas, ki je ležala na Magdalenskem otoku, se je imenovala La Pointe. Otok je v sklopu Apostolskih otokov, sam Magdalenski otok pa je na zahodnem delu južnega obrežja Gornjega jezera. V pismu Baraga omenja, da je devetdeset milj od Magdalenskega otoka še druga indijanska vas, imenuje se Fond du Lac.105 Ob tem pripominja, da žele tudi tamkajšnji Indijanci sprejeti katoliško vero.106 Ob teh znanih lokacijah lahko trdimo, da indijanski predmeti, ki jih je Baraga podaril Deželnemu muzeju, izvirajo od Indijancev Očipve iz vasi La Pointe in Fond du Lac. Pri tem naj izvzamemo bojni kij z inv. št. Narodnega muzeja 1144 in kasnejšo inv. št. Etnografskega muzeja E 2866 (kat. št. 50), saj ta izvira iz Južne Amerike. Starost Sestri Amaliji sporoča Baraga v pismu, da je 29. septembra leta 1836 zapustil svojo misijonsko postajo ob Gornjem jezeru (misijon sv. Jožefa ob Gornjem jezeru) in z vmesnimi časovnimi presledki odpotoval v domovino.107 Takrat je vzel s seboj tudi zaboj, v katerem so bili različni indijanski predmeti. Zato sodi nastanek indijanskih predmetov, ki so bili izdelani in zbrani po Baragovem naročilu, v čas med 24. februarjem 1836 (s tem datumom je datirano njegovo pismo sestri Amaliji, v katerem ji sporoča, da bo obiskal domovino)108 in 29. septembrom 1836, ko je Baraga v pismu obvestil sestro, da je že zapustil svojo misijonsko postajo in odpotoval v domovino.109 Po teh dveh nespornih datumih lahko določimo čas zbiranja in izdelave indijanskih predmetov Baragove zbirke v leto 1836. Baraga je pred odhodom v domovino dal izdelati Indijancem Očipve nekaj njihovih predmetov v pomanjšanem merilu: kanu, pet kosov brezovega lubja za pokrivanje indijanskih šotorov, dve rogoznici in vrečo.110 Ob tem pripominjamo, da je nekaj indijanskih predmetov iz zbirke, pri katerih je opazno, da so bili v rabi, leto ali dve starejših. Starost prirodnin, ki so bile priložene Baragovi zbirki, je izvzeta. Obseg Donator indijanske zbirke Friderik Baraga sporoča sestri Amaliji v pismu z dne 3. decembra leta 1836 med drugim: “Zaboj lahko odpreš in si ogledaš predmete, ki so notri, nikomur pa ničesar ne dajaj, dokler ne pridem.”111 Ta Baragova zahteva potrjuje našo domnevo, da je indijanske predmete, ki so bili v zaboju, razdelil sam. Verjetno jih je nekaj poklonil v spomin dobrotnikom in družini sestre Amalije. Deželni muzej za Kranjsko je po “Seznamu novih pridobitev” leta 1837 pridobil 56 predmetov112, več naravnih in obarvanih ježevčevih bodic ter ahatov in karneolov (brez količinske navedbe v seznamu novih pridobitev). Danes je po seznamu, ki je bil 25. aprila leta 1837 objavljen v Ilirskem listu, v hrambi Slovenskega etnografskega muzeja 38 predmetov, knjižnica Narodnega muzeja pa ima po omenjenem seznamu Baragovo indijansko knjigo in molitvenik. Baragova zbirka obsega danes od prvotnih 56 predmetov (v to številko ni predmetov (v to številko ni vključeno število bodic ježevca in število ahatov in karneolov), ki so bili objavljeni v Ilirskem listu leta 1837, še 40 predmetov. Karl Deschmann je v svojem Vodniku pripisal Baragovi zbirki še en predmet - glasbilo šalmaj (pravilno rog). V inventarni knjigi Narodnega muzeja iz let 1895–1914 so Baragovi zbirki pripisani še naslednji predmeti: dve posodi iz brezove skorje, otroški in ženski mokasin. Te predmete je Baragovi zbirki pripisal muzejski kustos dr. Valter Šmid ob inventarizaciji predmetov. Baragova knjiga in molitvenik sta napisana v jeziku Očipve. Hranijo ju v knjižnici Narodnega muzeja. KNJIGA (sl. 88); izšla je 1837 v Parizu v velikosti šestnajsterca z naslovom JESUS OBIMADISIWIN OMA AKING GWAIAKOSSING ANAMIEWIN EJITWADJIG, MI SA CATHOLIQUE - ENAMIADJIG GEWABANDANGIG. PARIS, E.-J. BAILLY OGIMASINAKISAN MANDAN MASINAIGAN, 1837, NIN FREDERICK BARAGA. Knjiga je napisana v jeziku Očipvejcev in ima 211 strani. Dodana sta seznam evangelijev in zemljevid Svete dežele. Knjiga je mehko vezana, manjkajo pa ji platnice. Hranijo jo v knjižnici Narodnega muzeja v Ljubljani (stara št.: 837 No 2137a, nova inv. št.: NM 4354). KOMENTAR: Indijancem plemena Očipve je Baraga sestavil “Življenjepis Jezusa Kristusa” po evangelijih. To knjigo je izdal tudi v otavanskem jeziku. Poglavitni razlog, da je Baraga izdal ti dve knjigi, je bil izpodriniti evangelije, ki jih je Cerkev prepovedala in so jih med Indijance širili protestanti.113 Ko je bila knjiga natisnjena, se je Baraga ustavil tudi v Rimu. Družba za širjenje vere v Parizu je bila pripravljena plačati stroške tiska, stroške vezave pa naj bi poravnala kongregacija Propagande v Rimu. Baraga je v Rimu spoznal odličnega poznavalca indijanskih jezikov p. Thaveneta in mu dal v recenzijo svojo knjigo “Življenjepis Jezusa Kristusa”. Thavenet je Propagandi poslal poročilo s svojimi pripombami,114 zaradi katerih je bil Baraga prizadet in je obljubil, da bo vse izvode popravil.115 Na podlagi tega je Propaganda v Rimu sklenila, da bo plačilo za vezavo knjig nakazala šele, ko bo Baraga popravil vse izvode. To je Baraga tudi storil.116 MOLITVENIK (sl. 89); izšel je leta 1837 v Parizu v velikosti šestnajsterca z naslovom OTCHIPWE - ANAMIE - MASINIGAN, GWAIAKOSSING ANAMIEWIN EJITWADJIG, MI SA CATHOLIQUE - ENAMIADJIG GEWABANDANGIG. PARIS, E.-J. BAILLY OGIMASINAKISAN MANDAN MASINAIGAN, 1837, NIN FREDERICK BARAGA. Molitvenik je napisan v jeziku Očipvejcev in ima skupaj z indeksom 300 strani. Je mehko vezan, manjkajo pa mu platnice. Hranijo ga v knjižnici Narodnega muzeja v Ljubljani (stara št.: 837 No 213/b, nova inv. št.: NM 4370). KOMENTAR: V pismu, ki ga je Baraga pisal sestri Amaliji 24. februarja 1836, je med drugim zapisal: “Pripravljam namreč dve delci v očipvejskem jeziku (to je pravo ime sedanjih Indijancev), ki jih bom dal v Ljubljani natisniti. Eno je že gotovo in bo imelo okoli dvesto petdeset strani. Če dam ti dve knjigi tiskati v Detroitu, kjer sem dal tiskati otavski molitvenik, bodo stroški za tisk in vezavo znašali okoli sedemsto dolarjev (nad 1400 goldinarjev). Upam, da bodo velikodušni dobrotniki v Ljubljani poravnali tiskarske stroške za ti dve indijanski deli. Ljubljanski tiskar bo pod mojim vodstvom lahko ravno tako natisnil indijansko knjigo, kakor jo je tiskar v Detroitu, saj tudi tam ne razumejo niti ene indijanske besede.”117 V svojem poročilu, ki je bilo objavljeno v Poročilih Leopoldinine ustanove, Baraga sporoča, da pripravlja za tisk dvoje indijanskih del: “Namreč molitvenik s pesmarico in katekizmom v jeziku mojih sedanjih Indijancev in Jezusovo življenje v istem jeziku.”118 17. junija 1836 pa Baraga omenja sestri Amaliji: “Ampak Ti sporočam še to, da sem tiskarske stroške za dve knjigi, ki ju pripravljam za tisk, navedel mnogo prenizko. Ti tiskarski stroški bi v Detroitu po zelo nizkem računu znašali čez 1000 dolarjev, to je čez 2100 goldinarjev.”119 Na koncu se je Baraga odločil, da jih bo dal tiskati v Parizu. O tej svoji odločitvi je Baraga 12. decembra 1836 napisal sestri Amaliji: “Sedaj je končno odločeno, da bosta moji dve indijanski knjigi, namreč molitvenik s katekizmom in pa Jezusovo življenje, natisnjeni v Parizu. Družba za širjenje vere, ki deluje v Parizu in Lyonu,120 pa bo plačala tiskarske stroške, ki bodo znašali okoli 1880 frankov za 2000 izvodov vsake knjige. Zelo sem vesel, da se bo to tiskanje opravilo v Parizu, zakaj prvič so pariški stavci in tiskarji morda najspretnejši in najhitrejši na vsem svetu, drugič bo prevoz knjig do Havre de Graca stal zelo malo, ker jih bodo vse do pristanišča poslali po vodi. In tretjič, če bi jih dal tiskati v Ljubljani, bi se moji dobrotniki s poravnavo tiskarskih stroškov izčrpali in mi ne bi mogli dati nič več na pot, tako pa bom vse, kar bodo mogli zame zbrati, lahko vzel s seboj v svoj ubogi misijon.”121 Molitveniki in knjige so bili med Indijanci zelo priljubljeni. Tako je Baraga sporočal v pismu nadškofu Mildu o njihovi priljubljenosti: “Indijanci imajo svoje molitvenike izredno radi, in kadar kam gredo, vzamejo te knjige s seboj, da zvečer, kjer se utaborijo, iz njih berejo in pojejo. Videl sem celo Indijance, ki so na smrtni postelji izprosili kot milost, naj jim njihov molitvenik po smrti položijo v krsto na prsi, da bi se nekoč na dan Duha mogli tudi pred Jezusovim sodnim stolom prikazati s svojim molitvenikom v roki.”122 Sicer je ta molitvenik OTCHIPWE ANAMIE - MASINAIGAN samo predelava njegovega otavanskega molitvenika. Kljub temu pa je ta očipvejski molitvenik iz leta 1837 prva natisnjena knjiga v jeziku indijanskega plemena Očipve. V Baragovi zbirki manjkajo naslednji predmeti, ki so bili zadnjič navedeni 25. aprila leta 1837 v Ilirskem listu: pregrinjalo za otroško nosilko (zibelko), bakrena ost kopja, dve mošnji za tobak, dve puščici in verjetno tri puščične konice. Razen knjige in molitvenika manjka tudi zadnji del zbirke: Prirodnine: košček cedrovega lesa, naravne in pobarvane ježevčeve bodice, pol rogovja ameriškega losa, več ahatov in karneolov, krogla pirita, peruti ptiča pribe. Grafika: Pogled na novo katedralo sv. Ane v Detroitu, bakrorez, (okoli leta 1836). Kovani denar: 1 taler - Mehiška republika 1834 (baker), pol dolarja- ZDA 1836 (srebro), 1 cent - ZDA 1836 (srebro). Vsi ti manjkajoči predmeti že v Vodniku po muzeju iz leta 1888 niso bili navedeni. Gotovo so jih že prej ločili od Baragove zbirke in obravnavali kot skupino prirodnine, grafika in denar. Danes tega dela Baragove zbirke ni, izgubil pa se je verjetno ob delitvi zbirk Deželnega muzeja med Narodni muzej in Etnografski muzej. Pomen Zbirka Friderika Barage zaradi svoje kulturnozgodovinske in etnološke pričevalnosti presega državne in evropske prostorske okvire. Pričuje o kulturi indijanskih plemen, ki so v prvi polovici 19. stoletja živela na ozemlju okoli Velikih jezer v ZDA. S pomočjo te zbirke lahko preučujemo način življenja Indijancev plemena Očipve v drugi tretjini 19. stoletja ob Gornjem jezeru. Pleme Očipvejcev je bilo nomadsko. Svoje skromne materialne dobrine so vozili in nosili od lovišča do lovišča. Ob tem je odveč poudarjati, da niso imeli elementov evropske notranje opreme. Obleko in obutev so nosili, dokler ni razpadla. Kot pogani so umrlemu bojevniku dali poleg tomahavka in bojnega kija še pipo - kalumet. Tako se je zaradi takega načina življenja Indijancev ohranilo malo predmetov njihove materialne kulture. Pozneje, s prihodom misijonarjev in pokristjanjevanjem Indijancev, so pričeli spreminjati svojo stanovanjsko kulturo. Načrtno uničevanje avtohtonih prebivalcev pa je še pospešilo propad indijanske kulture. Zato ima etnografska zbirka misijonarja Friderika Barage veliko pričevalno vrednost o izginuli kulturi in za zgodovino slovenskih kulturnih in muzealnih stremljenj. Ilustriram jo z naslednjimi dejstvi: - Etnografska zbirka misijonarja Friderika Barage je prva neevropska zbirka Slovenskega etnografskega muzeja. - Donator zbirke je znan - misijonar Friderik Baraga. - Zbirka je dokumentirana z originalnimi dokumenti iz leta 1837. - Znani sta najdišči predmetov iz te zbirke. To sta bili indijanski vasi plemena Očipve La Pointe na Magdalenskem otoku in Fond du Lac. - Starost predmetov iz zbirke oziroma čas nastanka predmetov sodi med 24. februar 1836 in 29. september 1836, razen nekaj indijanskih predmetov iz zbirke, pri katerih je opazno, da so rabljeni. Ti so leto ali dve starejši. - Vsi predmeti iz zbirke so originali. - V vodniku po tej zbirki smo tudi prvič revidirali dosedanje zmotne strokovne ugotovitve lokacij za bojni kij kat. št. 50, ki je bil pripisan zbirki Friderika Barage, dejansko pa je to bojni kij južnoameriških indijanskih plemen ob Amazonki, ter bojni kij kat. št. 49, ki je bil pripisan afriški zbirki Knobleharja, dejansko pa je to bojni kij plemena Očipve - Indijancev ob Gornjem jezeru ZDA. 1 Dr. Maks Miklavčič, Jože Dolenc, Leto svetnikov, Ljubljana 1968, prvi del (od tod citirano Leto svetnikov), str. 730 – 740. Klemen Marija Dvořak (Hofbauer) je bil v meniškem redu redemptoristov. Zaradi njegovega delovanja na verskem področju ga je leta 1876 Pij IX. razglasil za blaženega, leta 1909 pa ga je Pij X. razglasil za svetnika. Dunajčani ga časte kot drugega zavetnika svojega mesta, velja pa tudi za zaščitnika pekov. 2 Vzroka za ovadbo sta bila dva. Prvi je bil “češčenje in bratovščina Jezusovega srca”. Ta pobožnost je bila v Avstriji prepovedana. Leta 1827 so ljubljanski frančiškani bratovščino obnovili, Baraga pa je začel pobožnost širiti v Šmartnem in okolici. Drugi povod za ovadbo je bila pobožnost “k Materi božji” ter s tem ustanovitev krožkov “kronaric Matere božje”. Zato je starološki dekan Barago ovadil, da le-ta “širi neke skrivne bratovščine” (Franc Jaklič, Jakob Šolar, Friderik Baraga, Celje 1968, str. 33). 3 Leto svetnikov, str. 730. 4 Jože Gregorič, Baragova misijonska pisma, Ljubljana 1983 (od tod citirano Gregorič, 1983), navaja na str. 20 v opombi 2 med drugim: “Leopoldinina ustanova za podpiranje misijonov v Severni Ameriki je bila ustanovljena 8. dec. 1828 na Dunaju. Namen te ustanove je bil: 1. pospeševanje večje dejavnosti katoliških misijonov v Ameriki; 2. pritegnitev vernikov k delu za cesarico Leopoldino, po kateri je ustanova dobila svoje ime (Leopoldinen Stiftung).” Njen ustanovitelj je bil dunajski nadškof Edvard Milde. Pred to ustanovo je bila v Lyonu (Francija) leta 1822 ustanovljena Družba za šiljenje vere. Ta Družba, delovala je tudi v Parizu, je finančno pomagala Baragi pri tisku njegovih knjig in molitvenikov. Nekateri raziskovalci življenja in dela Friderika Barage so zato pomotoma poimenovali Leopoldinino ustanovo za Leopoldinino družbo. Tako je bil Leon Vončina prvi, ki je v svoji knjigi o Baragi poimenoval Leopoldinino ustanovo za Leopoldinino družbo. Za njim so to pomoto ponavljali naslednji: Franc Jaklič, Lambert Ehrlich, Maksimilijan Jezernik in drugi. Naj poudarim, da je Baraga v svojih misijonskih pismih dosledno naslavljal to ustanovo z naslovom: “prečastito vodstvo Leopoldinine ustanove”. Tej ustanovi je Baraga, kot piše med drugim v pismu 1. februarja leta 1834 (glej Gregorič, 1983, str. 126) sestavil neko nemško delo (Zgodovina, značaj, šege in navade severnoameriških Indijancev). Knjigo je namenil predvsem članom in dobrotnikom Leopoldinine ustanove. 5 Več o njegovem življenju in delu je napisal dr. Franc Jaklič, Misijonski škof Irenej Friderik Baraga, Celje 1931 (od tod citirano Jakč, 1931). Baragove molitvenike in knjige pa je opisal Charles A. Ceglar s.d.b., The Works of Bishop Frederic Baraga, 1., 2., Hamilton, Ontario, Canada 1991. 6 Gregorič, 1983, str. 126. 7 Maksimilijan Jezernik, ‘Friderik Baraga, zbirka rimskih dokumentov’, Acto Ecclesiastica Sloveniae, 2. zv., Ljubljana 1980 (od tod citirano Jezernik, 1980), str. 15, 104. 8 Eva Lips, Indijanci, Ljubljana 1958 (od tod citirano Lips, 1958), str. 39. 9 Gregorič, 1983, str. 168. 10 Gregorič, 1983, str. 168, 169. 11 Gregorič, 1983, str. 104. 12 Friderich von Gagern, Mejaši, Ljubljana 1944; na str. 49 sta fotografija spomenika in komentar. 13 Lips, 1958, str. 40. 14 Paula Richardson Fleming, Judith Luskey, Die Nordamerikanischen Indianer in frühen Photographien, München 1992, str. 49. 15 Lips, 1958, str. 39. 16 Martin Pitzer, Verzeichniss der Gegenstände und Arbeiten eines Indianer-Stammes im nördlichsten Amerika, München 1854 (od tod citirano Pitzer, 1854), str. 9. 17 Friederich Baraga, Geschichte, Character, Sitten und Gebräuche der nordamerikanischen Indier, Laibach 1837 (od tod citirano Baraga, 1837). 18 Baraga Friderik, Zgodovina, značaj, nravi in šege severnoameriških Indijancev, Ljubljana 1837. Prevedel Vlado Fajdiga z naslovom Friderik Baraga, Knjiga o Indijancih, Celje 1970 (od tod citirano Fajdiga, 1970), str. 32. 19 Fajdiga, 1970, ravno tam. 20 H. J. Stammel, Indianer, Legende und Wirklichkeit von A–Z, Leben-Kampf-Untergang, München 1992, (od tod citirano Stammel, 1992), str. 215. 21 Tim Pfaff, Paths of the people, The Ojibwe in Chippewa Valley, Wisconsin 1993, str. 9. 22 Frederic Baraga, A Dictionary of the Otchipwe Language, Explained in English; Part I. Otchipwe–English, Cincinnati 1853 (od tod citirano Baraga, 1853), str. 333. 23 Carrie A. Lyford, Ojibwa Crafts (Chippewa), Arizona 1953 (od tod citirano Lyford, 1953), obe besedi se pojavita na naslovnici knjige. 24 Janez Stanonik, ‘Očipve in Ottawa’, Zgodovinski časopis, Leto 1996, L, letnik 50, Ljubljana 1996, (od tod citirano Stanonik, 1996), str. 65. 25 Stanonik, 1996, ravno tam. 26 Robert O. Lagacé, Sixty Cultures, A guide to the Hraf probability sample files (part A), New Haven 1977 (od tod citirano Lagacé, 1977), str. 301. 27 Stanonik, 1996, str. 65. 28 Lagacé, 1977, str. 302. 29 Gregorič, 1983, str. 113. 30 Gregorič, 1983, str. 122. 31 Stammel, 1992, str. 280. 32 Stammel, 1992, ravno tam. 33 Pitzer, 1854. 34 Christian F. Feest, Sylvia S. Kasprycki, Über Lebenskunst nordamerikanischer Indianer, Wien 1993 (od tod citirano Feest, Kasprycki, 1993), str. 66. Na tem mestu je v katalogu barvna fotografija krpelj, ki jih je Pitzerju leta 1850 poklonil misijonar Ignac Mrak. Krplje so dolge 96 cm, široke 29 cm, njihov okvir ima na vrhu naslikano cikcakasto rdečo črto. 35 Pitzer, 1854, str. 27, 28. 36 Jaklič, 1931, str. 114. 37 Lyford, 1953, str. 16. 38 Stammel, 1992, str. 269, 270. Avtor navaja, da je še približno 450.000 Indijancev, ki žive v 300 velikih in majhnih rezervatih. Indijanci v rezervatu so podrejeni uradu za Indijance in nadaljujejo tradicionalni način življenja. Njihova življenjska doba je 60 let. Umrljivost otrok je velika. Nekaj Indijancev živi tudi zunaj rezervatov. 39 Slovenski biografski leksikon, Ljubljana 1925-1932 (od tod citirano SBL), I. zv., str. 331. Hohenwart Franc Jožef Hanibal, grof, muzealec je bil rojen in umrl v Ljubljani (1771-1844). Vodil je organizacijsko delo muzeja in mu podaril zbirko konhilij in vrsto srednjeveških listin. 40 Fr. Jos. v. Hohenwart, ‘Eröffnung des Landes-Museums in Laibach am 4. October 1831’, Jahresfeier der Eröffnung des Landesmuseums am 4. October 1832. 41 Fr. Jos. v. Hohenwart, Leitfaden für die, das Landes-Museum in Laibach Besuchenden, 1836. 42 Gregorič, 1983, str. 20. Baraga je imel dve sestri, Amalijo in Antonijo. Starejša Amalija je bila poročena z Jožefom Gresslom, uradnikom iz Ljubljane. Amalija je tudi vodila z bratom misijonarjem dragoceno pisemsko korespondenco in zbirala za njegove misijone denarne in materialne prispevke. 43 Pavla Štrukelj, ‘Etnološka zbirka severnoameriških indijancev Ojibwa iz 19. stoletja (zbiralci Friderik Baraga, Franc Pirc, Ivan Čebul)’, Slovenski etnograf, let. XXV-XXVI, 1972-73, str. 109-142, Ljubljana 1974 (od tod citirano Štrukelj, 1974), str. 109. Avtorica navaja za to pismo dva datuma, 18. in 29. julij. Pravilno je 29. julij 1833. 44 Gregorič, 1983, str. 84. 45 Gregorič, 1983, str. 123. 46 Gregorič, 1983, str. 130. 47 Gregorič, 1983, str. 131. 48 Štrukelj, 1974, str. 109. Avtorica navaja, da je Baraga svoji sestri Amaliji 23. decembra 1836 poslal pismo, v katerem jo obvešča, da njenemu soprogu pošilja poln zaboj zanimivosti. Navaja, da vsa dosedanja raziskovanja izpričujejo domnevo, da so bili poslani indijanski predmeti v omenjenem zaboju. Te trditve so nepravilne, saj Baragovega pisma z navedbo njenega datuma ni. Pač pa obstaja Baragovo pismo z dne 3. decembra 1836, v katerem nedvoumno sporoča, da so v poslanem zaboju indijanski predmeti. 49 Jaklič, 1931, str. 124. 50 SBL, I. zv., str. 189. Henrik Freyer, botanik in mag. pharm., je bil rojen v Idriji in umrl v Ljubljani (1802-1866). Leta 1832 je na pobudo grofa Hohenwarta sprejel ponudbo za novoustanovljeno mesto kustosa deželnega muzeja. Tam je deloval do leta 1853. 51 Knjižnica Narodnega muzeja v Ljubljani, Museal Acten 1837-1839. Archiv des krainischen Landesmuseums, Erwerbungen, No. 237/213. V fasciklu za leto 1837 so rokopisni seznam Baragove zbirke, ki ga je sestavil stolni kanonik Urban Jerin (komentarje je pripisal Friderik Baraga), ter osnutek in seznam kustosa Deželnega muzeja Henrika Freyerja. 52 K temu seznamu so pripisana še imena in donacije šestih drugih darovalcev. 53 Baraga, 1853, str. 203; MAKAK pomeni škatla. 54 Baraga, 1853, str. 217. 55 Baraga, 1853, str. 322. 56 Štrukelj, 1974, str. 113. Avtorica v svoji študiji pomotoma imenuje čoln v jeziku Očipve ZHIMAN, pravilno: TCHIMAN. Dalje trdi, da se v angleščini čoln imenuje TCHIMAN, pravilno: CANOE. 57 Baraga, 1853, str. 382. 58 Baraga, 1853, str. 105. 59 Baraga, 1853, str. 25. 60 Baraga, 1853, str. 386. 61 Baraga, 1853, str. 11. 62 Baraga, 1853, str. 205. 63 Baraga, 1853, str. 168. 64 Baraga, 1853, str. 329. 65 Baraga, 1853, str. 252. 66 Baraga, 1853, str. 354. 67 Baraga, 1853, str. 249. 68 Baraga, 1853, str. 334. 69 Baraga, 1853, str. 107. 70 Baraga, 1853, str. 252. 71 ‘Verzeichniss der für das Landes-Museum eingegangenen Beiträge’ Illyrisches Blatt Nr. 17, Laibach 1837 (od tod citirano Illyrisches Blatt, 1837), str. 67, 68. V tem seznamu se ponavlja nepravilno pisanje indijanskih imen za predmete, ki smo jih revidirali že v prvem pisanem seznamu Baragove donacije, katerega je napisal kustos Henrik Freyer. 72 Štrukelj, 1974, str. 109. Avtorica zmotno navaja, da je “seznam v Ilirskem listu edini in poglavitni vir podatkov o obravnavani (Baragovi, op. avtorja) zbirki”. Pravilno je, da sta poglavitna in najstarejša vira seznam stolnega kanonika Jerina z zaznamki donatorja Barage in rokopisni seznam omenjene zbirke, ki ga je sestavil kustos Freyer. Na podlagi Freyerjevega seznama je v Ilirskem listu izšel prvi tiskani seznam Baragove zbirke. Tega pa Pavla Štrukelj zmotno jemlje za “edini in poglavitni vir”. 73 Illyrisches Blatt, 1837, str. 67. Tu navedba Baragovega rojstnega kraja ni natančna. Njegov rojstni kraj je Mala vas, ki leži cca 6 km severozahodno od Dobrniča, na Dolenjskem. 74 Baraga navaja v prvem seznamu darovanih predmetov, da “izhajajo predmeti od rodu Otchipwe, po kranjsko Ozhipve” (Očipve). 75 Baraga, 1853, str. 370. 76 Baraga, 1853, str. 219. 77 V prvem seznamu Henrika Freyerja sta opisana le dva para ženskih mokasinov. 78 Baraga, 1853, str. 186. 79 Podlasici se v angleščini reče weasel, v francoščini pa belette. 80 Baraga, 1853, str. 126. 81 Illyrisches Blatt 1837, str. 68: “(Gijik, j auszusprechen, wie im Französischen, oder krainisch: gishik)”. Gre za pomoto. 82 Baraga, 1853, str. 252. Ptica priba se v očipvejskem jeziku imenuje MONINGWANÉ. 83 Baraga, 1853, str. 226. 84 Landesmuseum im Herzogthume Krain 1836–1837, Laibach 1838. 85 ‘Verzeichniß der eingegangenen Museal-Geschenke’, Illyrisches Blatt, Laibach 1844 (od tod citirano Illyrisches Blatt, 1844), str. 24. 86 Knjižnica Narodnega muzeja v Ljubljani, Museal Acten 1855–1858. Archiv des krainischen Landesmuseums, Erwerbungen 1855. 87 Baraga, 1837, str. 87/opomba. Baraga v opombi te knjige omenja, da je dva dni hoje od misijonske postaje sv. Jožefa ob Gornjem jezeru v reki, ki se izliva v jezero, ogromen kos samorodnega bakra. Ta je lečaste oblike, dolg 182 cm in širok 152 cm. V seznamu Deželnega muzeja je zapisano, da je košček samorodnega bakra, ki ga je daroval Baraga, od omenjenega kosa bakra. 88 Karel Deschmann je bil po narodnosti Slovenec in se je v mladosti pisal Dežman. 89 Karl Deschmann, Führer durch das Krainische Landes-Museum Rudolfinum in Laibach, Laibach 1888 (od tod citirano Deschmann, 1888). 90 Baraga, 1853, str. 11. 91 Baraga, 1853, str. 382. 92 Baraga, 1853, str. 219. 93 Baraga, 1853, str. 329. 94 Karl Deschmann je v muzejskem vodniku zamenjal ime za nož v jeziku Očipve za nožnico. Baraga, 1853, str. 354 in 252; Nožnica se imenuje PINDIKOMAN, nož pa MOKOMAN. 95 Baraga, 1853, str. 386. 96 Deschmann, 1888, str. 155, 156. 97 Boris Orel, ‘O etnografskih zbirkah iz Afrike, Amerike in Azije v Etnografskem muzeju v Ljubljani’, Slovenski etnograf, let. VI-VII, 1953-54, Ljubljana 1954 (od tod citirano Orel, 1954), str. 139-146. 98 Orel, 1954, str. 141. 99 Inventarna knjiga Slovenskega etnografskega muzeja EM II., str. 116, inv. št. E 2829, NM /869/ 100 Inventarna knjiga Slovenskega etnografskega muzeja EM II., str. 123, inv. št. E 2879, NM / 1133/. 101 Inventarna knjiga Slovenskega etnografskega muzeja EM II., str. 124, inv. št. E 2886, NM / 1126/. 102 Slikovno je bila zbirka severnoameriških Indijancev predstavljena v knjigi še dvakrat; Franc Jaklič, Misijonski škof Irenej Friderik Baraga, Celje 1931, str. 75, 77, in Friderich von Gagern, Mejaši, Ljubljana 1944, str. 8, 9. V obeh primerih so pod napisom slik (Baragov dar Ljubljanskemu muzeju) pridani predmeti donatorja Čebula in kij Indijancev iz Južne Amerike. Ob mokasinu pa so tudi štirje ženski copati, ki izvirajo iz Azije! 103 Orel 1954, str. 145. Pisec poročila navaja v članku, da je pred vojno Etnografski muzej nekaj predmetov iz teh (neevropskih) zbirk razstavljal v posebni manjši vitrini na hodniku. Ta trditev ni točna. V ilustracijo so fotografije zbirk v Ilustriranem Slovencu iz leta 1927. Na fotografijah je razvidno, da so bile neevropske zbirke razstavljene v treh velikih omarah na hodniku prvega nadstropja, v eni omari je bila razstavljena zbirka severnoameriških Indijancev. Tudi trditev Borisa Orla, da so zaradi pomanjkanja prostora opustili razstavo neevropskih kultur, je nedorečena. Gotovo bi se na hodniku našel prostor za postavitev treh omar z neevropskimi muzealijami. Vendar je bil vzrok za njihovo deponiranje v duhu tedanjega časa. Po večini so bili donatorji teh muzealij misijonarji – duhovniki. Kot taki so bili novim oblastnikom nesprejemljivi, kljub zelo kakovostnim zbirkam. 104 Gregorič, 1983, str. 115. 105 Gregorič, 1983, str. 117. 106 Gregorič, 1983, ravno tam. 107 Gregorič, 1983, str. 130. Baraga se je na poti proti domovini zaustavil v Detroitu, New Yorku, Liverpoolu, Londonu in Parizu. 108 Gregorič, 1983, str. 123. 109 Gregorič, 1983, str. 130. 110 Illyrisches Blatt, 1837, str. 67, 68. 111 Gregorič, 1983, str. 131. 112 Illyrisches Blatt, 1837, str. 67, 68. 113 Franc Jaklič, Jakob Šolar, Friderik Baraga, Celje 1968, str. 78, 79. 114 Jezernik, 1980, str. 70. Thavenet je izrekel nekaj opazk glede prevoda. Motila sta ga “imprimatur” (predstojnikovo dovoljenje za tisk) in prevod besede “transsubstantiato”, češ da ta ni točen. 115 Jezernik, 1980, str. 73. Baraga je priznal, da prevod besede “transsubstantiato” ni točen. 116 Jezernik, 1980, str. 74. 117 Gregorič, 1983, str. 124. 118 Gregorič, 1983, str. 126. 119 Gregorič, 1983, str. 128. 120 Lyonsko Družbo za širjenje vere (La Propagation de la Foi) je leta 1822 ustanovila Paulina Jaricot (1799–1862). 121 Gregorič, 1983, str. 132. 122 Gregorič, 1983, str. 193. FRANC PIRC MISIJONAR Življenjepis Franc Pirc (sl. 7) se je rodil 20. novembra leta 1785 v Godiču nad Kamnikom. Šolo je obiskoval v Kamniku in Ljubljani, kjer je leta 1813 končal študij bogoslovja. Sprva je služboval kot vikar v Beli Peči, kasneje pa v Kranjski Gori, kot župni vikar v Pečah pri Moravčah in od 1830 v Podbrezju. Imel je izrazit talent za gospodarstvo in organizacijo. Na Kranjsko je uvedel novo gospodarsko panogo, sadjarstvo. Baragova misijonska poročila dunajski Leopoldinini ustanovi in pisma svojcem (sestri Amaliji), ki so Pircu prišla v roke, so ga tako prevzela, da se je, star 50 let, odločil za misijonarstvo.123 V Ameriko je odpotoval leta 1835. Tam ga je škof Rese namenil za pomočnika Frideriku Baragi. Zaradi hudega mraza ni odšel k Baragi v La Pointe, ampak v La Croix in Arbre Croche. Od tod se je vrnil v Sault Sainte Marie in od tam je obiskoval indijanski naselbini St. Joseph in Kitchmitigong. Leta 1838 je ustanovil misijonski postaji Michipicoten in Okvanokisigong, od koder je odpotoval k Baragi v La Pointe. Baraga, ki ga je škof Rese postavil za svojega generalnega vikarja za misijone med Indijanci, je Pirca napotil v Grand Portage. Ta je nato ustanovil misijon v Fort Williamu, potem pa se je vrnil v Arbre Croche. Leta 1851 je bila v državi Minnesota ustanovljena nova škofija. Pirc je tam ustanovil misijon Crow Wing in več misijonskih postaj. Leta 1864 je odšel po pomoč v domovino. Ko se je vrnil v Ameriko, je še deloval po raznih misijonskih postajah. Ker pa ga je zadela lažja kap in mu je začel pojemati spomin, se je 3. septembra 1873 v spremstvu misijonarja Ignacija Tomazina vrnil v domovino. Umrl je 22. januarja leta 1880. Franc Pirc je za Kranjsko kmetijsko družbo napisal knjigo Kranjski vertnar, Ljubljana (I. del leta 1830 in II. del leta 1834). Za njegove zasluge na področju sadjarstva ga je Kranjska kmetijska družba odlikovala. Tudi v Ameriki je v misijonih učil Indijance umnega kmetovanja. Poleg škofa Friderika Barage je najmarkantnejša osebnost v zgodovini slovenskega misijonarstva 19. stoletja v ZDA.124 Pirčeva donacija Historiat in oris V pismu, ki ga je Friderik Baraga 3. decembra leta 1836 pisal sestri Amaliji, ji sporoča, da bo v Trst prispel zaboj, v katerem so indijanski predmeti, in naj ga njen mož, ko pride sporočilo o prispelosti, dvigne.125 V tem zaboju je bila tudi stara indijanska sekira iz kamna, ki jo je misijonar Franc Pirc daroval Deželnemu muzeju za Kranjsko. Verjetno je Baraga omenil Pircu, da išče indijanske predmete za muzej, in ta mu je dal to sekiro. Kamnita sekira je prvič omenjena v rokopisnem seznamu skupaj z etnografskimi predmeti Baragove zbirke. Seznam obsega tri liste, velike 240 x 228 mm, in je z gotsko kurzivo napisan v nemškem jeziku. Na končuje pod štev. 238/214 pripisano (sl. 8): (Darilo) gospoda Franca Pirca (Franz Pirz), misijonarja iz Sault Sainte Marie ob Gornjem jezeru in Michiganskem jezeru, je stara kamnita sekira (wagakwat)126 iz zelenega peščenca127, izkopana v kraju Arbre Croche. Temu seznamu sledi drugi, ki ga je kustos Henrik Freyer 14. aprila leta 1837 napisal na podlagi seznama Urbana Jerina.128 Na koncu seznama (sl. 8) je pod štev. 238/214 zapisano, da je gospod misijonar Pirc iz Severne Amerike daroval kamnito sekiro (wagakwad) iz zelenega peščenca. Leta 1837 je v Ilirskem listu pod št. 214129 izšlo obvestilo, da je gospod Franc Pirc, misijonar, rojen v Kamniku (pravilno v Godiču nad Kamnikom), daroval staro kamnito sekiro /WAGAKWAD/.130 V začetku leta 1838 je izšlo Letno poročilo za leto 1836-1837. V njem je omenjeno, da je staro kamnito sekiro divjakov z Gornjega jezera daroval naš rojak, gospod Franc Pirc, misijonar.131 Ilirski list leta 1844 ob koncu opisa afriških predmetov Lavrinove donacije omenja prvo postavitev Baragove in Lavrinove zbirke. Ob tem imenuje med donatorji tudi Franca Pirca.132 V Vodniku po Kranjskem deželnem muzeju, ki ga je leta 1888 izdal muzejski kustos in konservator Karl Deschmann, je omenjen Franc Pirc.133 Pod štev. 23 je zapisano “stara kamnita sekira od Indijancev iz Gornjega jezera” in prvič je omenjen nov predmet - konica sulice iz kresilnega kamna (sl. 9).134 Kamnita sekira je donacija Franca Pirca (sekira ima na utoru za ročaj prilepljen list, na katerem je z rjavim črnilom še viden napisan priimek donatorja Pi[rz]), in ni vpisana v inventarno knjigo Narodnega muzeja - prva knjiga 1895–1914 in ne v inventarno knjigo Etnografskega muzeja II. 1923–1928. Misijonarju Francu Pircu so brez navedbe virov o donatorstvu oziroma njihovemu izvoru pripisani še predmeti severnoameriških Indijancev, ki so v Slovenskem etnografskem muzeju - oddelku za neevropske kulture.135 Poleg torbice z ročajem (kat. št. 21) so Pircu pripisani še naslednji predmeti: ženski mokasini (kat. št. 29), moški vezeni mokasini (kat. št. 36), dekliški (ženski) mokasini (kat. št. 37) in okrogla pletena košara s pokrovom (predmeta ni). Ker za navedene, misijonarju Francu Pircu pripisane indijanske predmete ni pisanih virov, bi lahko bil on samo posredni donator.136 S tem mislim, da so navedene indijanske predmete, ki jih je Pirc poklonil znancem in dobrotnikom, mogoče kasneje oni poklonili Deželnemu muzeju.137 123 SBL, str. 355. 124 Več o delu misijonarja Franca Pirca v knjigah: Pierz Franc, Die Indianer in Nord-Amerika, ihre Lebensweise, Sitten, Gebräuche, u.s.w., St. Louis 1855 (od tod citirano Pierz, 1855); P. Florentin Hrovat, Franc Pirec, oče umne sadjereje na Kranjskem in apostolski misijonar med Indijani v severni Ameriki, Celovec 1887 (od tod citirano Hrovat, 1887); Franc Jaklič, Slovenski misijonarji Baragovi nasledniki v Ameriki, Celje 1931 (od tod citirano Jaklič, Slovenski 1931), str. 12–20. 125 Gregorič, 1983, str. 131. 126 Baraga, 1853, str. 393, pravilno WAGAKWAD. 127 Peščenec je kot material mehak in zato neuporaben za sekiro. Sekira, ki jo je daroval Franc Pirc, je težka in je narejena iz granita. 128 Knjižnica Narodnega muzeja v Ljubljani, Museal Acten 1837–1839, Archiv des krainischen Landesmuseums, Erwerbungen, No. 237/213. V fasciklu za leto 1837 je na koncu seznama Baragove zbirke, ki ga je sestavil stolni kanonik Urban Jerin (imena predmetov v jeziku Očipve je v latinici napisal Friderik Baraga), ter seznama kustosa Deželnega muzeja Henrika Freyerja pripisana pod štev. 238/214 kamnita sekira, dar misijonarja Franca Pirca. 129 Illyrisches Blatt, 1837, str. 68. 130 Štrukelj, 1974, str. 109 in 114. Avtorica nepravilno navaja, da je “seznam v Ilirskem listu edini in poglavitni vir podatkov o obravnavani (Baragovi in Pirčevi) zbirki”, saj sta poglavitna in najstarejša vira seznam stolnega kanonika Jerina z zaznamki donatorja Barage in rokopisni seznam omenjene zbirke in Pirčeve donacije, ki ga je sestavil kustos Freyer. Na podlagi Freyerjevega seznama je v Ilirskem listu izšel prvi tiskani seznam Baragove in Pirčeve donacije. 131 Landesmuseum im Herzogthume Krain, 1836-1837, Laibach 1838, str. 29. 132 Illyrisches Blatt, 1844, str. 24. 133 Deschmann, 1888, str. 25 in 155. 134 Štrukelj, 1974, str. 125. Avtorica v svoji študiji opiše sulico: “V zbirki je en primerek brez držala. Narejena je iz kresilnega kamna, temno zelene barve, gladko obdelana, konica oblikovana ovalno.” Ob ogledu tega predmeta sem ugotovil, da je konica dejansko oblikovana ovalno (sulica bi morala imeti ostro konico). Omenjeni kamen, ki naj bi bil sulica, je orodje in ima ovalno konico zato, da se ga je lahko držalo v roki pri delu. Spodnji del kamna je širši in presekan postrani ter zglajen tako, da so konico uporabljali kot rezilo. Predmet je brez inventarne številke in ni konica sulice, temveč orodje (mogoče sekalo za izdelovanje puščičnih osti iz kamna). 135 Štrukelj, 1974, str. 115. 136 Franc Pirc je pisal 1. julija leta 1841 kanoniku Juriju Paušku zahvalno pismo, ki je bilo objavljeno v Illyrisches Blatt, Laibach 1842, str. 83, 84. V pismu se Pirc zahvaljuje za poslane darove in mu sporoča, da mu pošilja v znak zahvale nekaj predmetov, narejenih iz brezove skorje in bodic ježevca. Ob tem v pismu navaja za poslane indijanske predmete kot kraje izvora Arbre Croche in La Croix. To pa je bilo ozemlje, ki je bilo naseljeno z Indijanci plemena Otavanov. Komu je kanonik Paušek poklonil poslane indijanske predmete, ni poznano. Misijonar Franc Pirc je bil v Ljubljani leta 1864, vendar je bil takrat že v 79. letu starosti. V arhivih Narodnega muzeja ni zapisa o njegovem morebitnem muzejskem donatorstvu. Pirc se je s spremljevalcem vrnil v domovino v starosti 88 let. Tudi iz tega časa ni pisnih virov za njegovo morebitno donacijo muzeju. 137 V Ljubljani so bili tudi duhovniki – misijonarji, Baragovi nasledniki. Leta 1860 škof Ignacij Mrak, leta 1887 škof Janez Vrtin in leta 1907 do svoje smrti 1915 škof Janez Stariha. Vsi so delovali med Indijanci Severne Amerike, vendar o njihovem donatorstvu muzeju do danes ni znanih pisanih virov. Neznan je tudi izvor indijanskih predmetov, ki jih poseduje Slovenski etnografski muzej. 5. junija leta 1922 jih je poklonil stolni kanonik Ivan Sušnik. Predmeti so vpisani v inventarno knjigo EM II. 1922–1928. inv. št. E 2879, lesen lok, tetiva iz črev – daroval I. Sušnik inv. št. E 2880, lesen lok, tetiva iz črev – daroval I. Sušnik inv. št. E 2883, osem pernatih puščic – daroval I. Sušnik inv. št. E 2898, kos zelenega kamna (kladivo) – daroval I. Sušnik inv. št. E 2900, 14 kresilnih kamnov, suličasto obsekanih (osti sulic?) – brez imena donatorja V Slovenskem etnografskem muzeju razen tega ni o tej donaciji ničesar več. Po iskanju pa sem odkril v knjižnici Narodnega muzeja v knjigi Darila 1910–1935 na strani 136 naslednji zapisek: OPAZKE: Vse iz Amerike okoli Peruja. Sklicujoč se na ta zapisek lahko pripišemo donatorstvo 14 raznih kamnitih osti za puščice (v inventarni knjigi EM II. 1922–1928 donator ni zapisan) kanoniku Ivanu Sušniku. Seveda ostaja odprto vprašanje o lokaciji in starosti naštetih darovanih indijanskih predmetov. IVAN ČEBUL MISIJONAR Življenjepis Ivan Čebul138 (sl. 10) se je rodil 13. oktobra leta 1832 v Velesovem. Osnovno šolo in gimnazijo je obiskoval v Ljubljani. Ljubljansko bogoslovje je obiskoval in končal v letih od 1851 do 1855. Svojo prvo službo je nastopil kot kaplan v Poljanah nad Škofjo Loko, od tam je pred iztekom leta odšel za kaplana v Kranj. Že kot semeniščnik se je seznanil s škofom Barago, ko je bil le-ta leta 1854 v Ljubljani in je vabil duhovnike v svoje ameriške misijone. Avgusta 1859 je odšel v Ameriko, kjer je bila njegova prva misijonska postaja Minnesota Mine (sedaj Rockland). Od tod ga je Baraga zaradi izredne nadarjenosti za jezike poslal na misijonske postaje v severnem Wisconsinu in Michiganu. Leta 1861 je odšel v La Point in Superior. Pred svojim prvim obiskom leta 1873 v domovini je bil nekaj časa v indijanskem rezervatu Keshena, ko pa se je vrnil v Ameriko, je odšel v Marinette. Leta 1876 je zaradi bolezni oči in protina drugič odpotoval v Evropo, od tam pa v Egipt in Palestino. Še isto leto se je vrnil v Evropo, in sicer v francosko škofijo Versailles. Leta 1878 je bil imenovan za župnika v Gaillonu. Čebul je leta 1882 odpotoval nazaj v ameriške misijone. Tu je služboval v krajih St. Ignac, Calumet, Manistique, Ironwood, Ontonagon, Iron River, Norway, Newberry in Garden Bay. Umrl je 3. avgusta leta 1898. Na svojo željo je bil pokopan v St. Ignacu.139 Čebulova donacija Historiat in oris Misijonar Ivan Čebul je iz Amerike prišel na obisk v domovino leta 1873.140 27. januarja je bil v Kranju, kasneje v Ljubljani (tu je pridigal v ljubljanski stolnici). Avgusta 1873 se je vrnil nazaj v ameriške misijone.141 Po teh znanih časovnih terminih lahko sklepamo, da je misijonar Ivan Čebul poklonil indijanske predmete Deželnemu muzeju v času od konca januarja do avgusta leta 1873. Podarjeni indijanski predmeti so prvič omenjeni v rokopisnem seznamu Novih pridobitev kranjskega Deželnega muzeja.142 Seznam je napisan v nemškem jeziku v gotski kurzivi. List meri 210 x 335 mm (sl. 11). Seznam pod štev. 41 se v prevodu glasi: “Od gospoda Johanna Čebula, misijonarja v Severni Ameriki: 1. Veliki uhelj (Strombus Gigas), to je krilati polž (školjka) iz tropskih morij, ki je na konici prevotljen. Školjko so uporabljali kot trobilo za sklic vernikov (Indijancev, op. avtorja) k molitvi.143 2. Sandali (pravilno mokasini, op. avtorja) iz jelenove kože, ki so izvrstno obuvalo za hude zime v Severni Ameriki. 3. Košek (pravilno posoda, op.avtorja) s pokrovom iz drevesne skorje (takoimenovana Mockeocks)144 z ornamenti iz barvne slame.145 Košek je napolnjen s sladkorjem, ki ga Indijanci pridobivajo iz soka sladkornega javorja (Acer saccharatum). 4. Indijanska vrečka (torbica), narejena iz črne tkanine (volneno blago) in izvezena z biseri. Na prednji strani je z biseri izvezena roža. Poleg je kresilo. 5. Žakelj za tobak, ki je bil last indijanskega poglavarja. Narejen je iz kože kanadskega bobra (Castor Fiber). Bobrove noge so na zgornjem delu okrašene z vezenjem iz biserov. Prav tako je okrašen spodnji del repa. Odprtina na trebušni strani je pokrita s pleteno krpo, na kateri sta v grobih obrisih izvezena Severnoameričan in Indijanec. Indijanec ima ogromno pipo miru. Američan in Indijanec skupaj podpirata nebesni svod. Nad obema je ptica.”146 Leta 1876 je v Laibacher Zeitung izšel Seznam pridobitev kranjskega Deželnega muzeja v času od 1. junija 1870 do decembra 1875.147 Pod rubriko B. “Starine in etnografski predmeti” so objavljeni isti predmeti kot v rokopisnem seznamu novih pridobitev. Leta 1888 je izšel vodnik po Deželnem muzeju kustosa in konservatorja Karla Deschmanna.148 V vodniku so predmeti razvrščeni od štev. 17 do 21 s pripombo, da so donacija misijonarja Čebula.149 Vendar so omenjeni samo trije predmeti iz pisnega seznama in objave v Laibacher Zeitung iz leta 1876: št. 18: Indijanska košarica s pokrovom iz drevesne skorje, okrašena z bodicami ježevca. št. 19: Sandali (pravilno mokasini, op. avtorja) iz jelenove kože, odlično obuvalo Indijancev v ostri zimi v Severni Ameriki. št. 20: Indijanska torba za tobak, izdelana iz črnega sukna. Obramnica je tkana iz samih drobnih steklenih biserov. Na prednji strani je vezena cvetlica. V torbi je kresilo.150 V tem seznamu iz leta 1888 manjkata dva predmeta, ki sta imenovana in opisana v rokopisnem seznamu pridobitev in Ljubljanskem časopisu leta 1876: veliki uhelj (Strombus Gigas) in tobačni žakelj iz kože kanadskega bobra (Castor Fiber).151 Temu vodniku iz leta 1888 so dodani novi indijanski predmeti, katerih donator naj bi bil Ivan Čebul: št. 17: Indijanska pipa (kalumet) iz rdečega kamna z leseno cevjo, ki je oblikovana v zavojih. št. 21: Torba za tobak, izdelana iz modrega blaga. Torba je gosto obšita s steklenimi biseri in ima dolgo obramnico. št. 22: Kos blaga z našitimi barvnimi svilenimi trakovi. Leta 1888 je imel Deželni muzej od predmetov, darovanih leta 1873, samo še posodo za sladkor, mokasine in torbico za tobak. Školjka za klic k molitvi (veliki uhelj) in poglavarjev žakelj za tobak iz bobrove kože nista več omenjena. Dodani pa so novi predmeti: indijanska pipa, torba za tobak in kos blaga, torej skupaj šest predmetov. Vsi navedeni predmeti so vpisani v prvo inventarno knjigo Narodnega muzeja iz let 1895–1914 z naslednjimi inventarnimi številkami: 1090 - rdeča kamnita pipa, 1091 - košarica iz drevesnega lubja, 1092-1093 - mokasin iz jelenovega usnja, 1094 - vezena mošnja za tobak, 1095 - torba za tobak in 1096 - krpa sukna, pošita s svilenimi trakovi; temu seznamu je dodan nov predmet inv. št. 1097 - košara iz ličja z jermenom za nošo. Ob koncu seznama je imenovan tudi donator M. Topolansky, ki naj bi leta 1890 daroval samo en predmet z inv. št. 1098 - ponjavo (matte). Ponjava (rogoznica) naj bi bila iz Severne Amerike.152 Ob delitvi muzealij Deželnega muzeja leta 1924-25 med Narodni muzej in Etnografski muzej je slednji dobil vse predmete, ki so omenjeni v inventarni knjigi Narodnega muzeja iz 1895-1914. Vsi indijanski predmeti, ki so pripisani donaciji Ivana Čebula, so bili vpisani v inventarno knjigo EM II. 1923–1928. 138 Dr. Ivan L. Zaplotnik, Janez Čebulj misijonar v Ameriki, Groblje 1928 (od tod citirano Zaplotnik 1928), ga imenuje Janez, priimek pa piše Čebulj. SBL, str. 91, ga poimenuje Čebul Ivan. Jaklič, Slovenski 1931, str. 31, ga poimenuje Janez Čebulj. Catalogus cleri, Dioecesis Labacensis, MDCCCLXXI, str. 87. Čebul Joannes, Missionarius In Dioecesi in America semptemtrionalis; str. 106, Index personalis Čebul Joann. Verjetno je to njegovo pravilno poimenovanje. 139 Več o življenju in delu Ivana Čebula v knjigah dr. Ivan L. Zaplotnik, Janez Čebulj misijonar v Ameriki, Groblje 1928 in dr. Franc Jaklič, Slovenski misijonarji Baragovi nasledniki v Ameriki, Celje 1931. 140 Zaplotnik, 1928, str. 53. 141 Zaplotnik, 1928, ravno tam. 142 Knjižnica Narodnega muzeja v Ljubljani, Museal Acten 1871–1877, No. 41, Archiv des krainischen Landesmuseums, Erwerbungen, B. Antiquitäten und ethnographische Gegenstände. 143 Hrovat, 1887, str. 35, 36; Misijonar Franc Pirc je (okoli leta 1838) izjavil: “Ves čas svojega bivanja v misijonski postaji se držim tega reda: s sončnim vzhodom se da znamenje z morsko školjko ali pa z zvoncem za jutranjo molitev.” Zato lahko sklepamo, da je omenjeno školjko (krilatega polža) dal Franc Pirc Ivanu Čebulu za Deželni muzej v Ljubljani. 144 Posoda za sladkor se imenuje v očipvejščini MAKAK. 145 Pravilno: z ornamenti iz obarvanih bodic ježevca. 146 To je indijanska mitološka ptica gromovnica. 147 Laibacher Zeitung, 1876, Nr. 56, 9 März, str. 436, Verzeichniss der seit 1. Juni 1870 bis Ende Dezember 1875, eingegangenen Geschenke und sonstigen, Erwerbungen des krainischen Landesmuseums, B. Antiquitäten und ethnographische Gegenstände, pod 41. Ob tem naj poudarim, da po odhodu kustosa Henrika Freyerja iz muzeja leta 1853 objave “novih muzejskih pridobitev” niso več izhajale redno. 148 Deschmann, 1888, str. 154, 155. 149 Štrukelj, 1974, str. 111. Avtorica v razpravi na tej strani trdi naslednje: “O zbiralcu Ivanu Čebulu in njegovih prinesenih predmetih je na voljo še manj virov kot o Pircu. Leta 1873 se je vrnil v domovino (pravilno: bil na obisku, op. avtorja) in tako domnevamo, da je tedaj moral prinesti indijanske predmete.” To domnevo moram popraviti. O donatorju Ivanu Čebulu obstajata pisni dokument v arhivu Narodnega Muzeja in spisek novih pridobitev v Laibacher Zeitung, 1876. Oba, pisni in tiskani dokument, sta vira za donacijo indijanskih predmetov misijonarja Ivana Čebula. 150 Kresila v depoju neevropskih kultur graščine Goričane pri Medvodah nisem našel! 151 Trobilo za klic k molitvi veliki uhelj (Strombus Gigas) in žakelj za tobak, last indijanskega poglavarja, narejen iz bobrove kože (Castor Fiber), sta izgubljena. Poizvedbe o njih v Prirodoslovnem muzeju Slovenije so bile neuspešne. 152 Štrukelj, 1974, str. 130. Avtorica v razpravi pripisuje ponjavo (matte) inv. št. E 2872, inv. št. NM 1098, ki jo je daroval muzeju M. Topolansky leta 1890, severnoameriškim Indijancem. Ponjavo (tkano rogoznico) opiše: “Tkana rogoznica je iz razcepljenih vlaken rafije.” Nato sledi opis. Naj pripomnim, da rafije (Raphia pedunculata) Indijanci ob Velikih jezerih niso poznali, saj tam zaradi mraza in snega ne raste. Njena domovina sta Afrika in otok Madagaskar. Iz ličja palme rafijevca (Raphia ruffia) izdelujejo material za vezenje in pletivo. KATALOG PREDMETOV UVODNA PRIPOMBA Predmeti si sledijo po naslednjem zaporedju (ne glede na izvor donacije): 1. posodje - a) iz skorje; b) iz lesa; c) iz šibja 2. pribor (žlice, zajemalke) 3. torbe 4. stanovanjska oprema (rogoznice iz ločja in brezove skorje) 5. deli oblačil, mokasini 6. bojna oprema - a) pipe; b) loki; c) puščice; d) bojni kiji in sekire 7. prometna sredstva - a) čoln; b) krplje; c) nosilka za otroka 8. preveza za zibelko 9. rog V vsaki skupini tečejo inv. št. od manjše inv. št. k večji inv. številki. Vrstni red podatkov v kataloških enotah je naslednji: material, mere (v = višina, š = širina, d = dolžina), številka negativa (= št. neg.) v fototeki Slovenskega etnografskega muzeja, inventarna številka Slovenskega etnografskega muzeja (= inv. št. E) in inventarna številka Narodnega muzeja (= inv. št. NM). Sledijo opis predmeta, datacija, navedba darovalca in komentar. Na koncu so opombe. Nekateri komentarji imajo tudi slikovne priloge. 1. POSODA (makak), narejena iz brezove skorje; višina posode - 11 cm, višina pokrova - 2 cm, velikost dna - 10 x 9 cm, premer na vrhu - 5,5 cm; /št. neg. 18820/, /inv. št. E 2886/, /inv. št. NM 1126/. Posoda ima obliko prisekane piramide in je okrašena z barvanimi bodicami ježevca. Okrasna motiva na prednji strani posode sta srce in stilizirani listi. Na zadnji strani posode je stilizirana rozeta. Na pokrovu je upodobljena vetrnica. Ježevčeve bodice so oranžne, bele, vijoličaste, modre in svetlo rjave. Posoda, ki ima pod vratom vtisnjeno dvojno cikcakasto črto, je bila leta 1836 napolnjena z indijanskim sladkorjem. Baragova donacija. KOMENTAR: Posodo (makak) so Indijanci uporabljali za hrambo sladkorja. Te posode so bile različno velike in so držale tudi okoli 22, 36 ali 45 kg sladkorja.153 Zaradi svoje velikosti so bile večje posode na zgornjem robu ojačane s tankimi lesenimi letvami. Posode so izdelovali iz skorje papirne breze (Betula papyrifera) tako, da so skorjo zgubali in sešili z vlakni iz skorje lipe ali s koreninami rdečega borovca. Manjše posode so bile okrašene (sl. 13, 14). Krasili so jih z obarvanimi bodicami ježevca ali pa tako, da so vrhnjo belo plast brezove skorje odločili od spodnje, ki je bila temno rjava. Tako so dobili belo šablonsko risbo na temni podlagi.154 Spomladi so se Očipvejci preselili v “sladkorno grmovje”155. Tam so si postavili kočo tipa velike hiše (d - 6 m, š - 4,20 m), ki je imela odprto sleme za odvod dima (sl. 12). V stavbi so prenočevali in ob slabem vremenu tudi kuhali sladkor, ob lepem vremenu pa so v bližini velike hiše zgradili konstrukcijo iz močnih kolov za ognjišče. Na to konstrukcijo so obesili železne kotle, v katerih so kuhali sladkorni sok. Indijanci so pridobivali sladkor marca in aprila iz drevesa sladkorni javor (Acer saccharum) ali javorja jasenovca (Acer negundo), ki je slabši. Sladkor jim je obogatil jedilnik. Uporabljali so ga namesto soli za začinjanje jedi iz mesa in rib, zelenjave in divjega riža. Javorov sladkor so jedli tudi kot sladkarijo, Indijanke pa so iz njega za otroke izdelovale lizike156. V času pomanjkanja drugih živil je bil javorov sladkor glavna jed. Seveda so uživanje javorovega soka poznali že pred prihodom belih kolonialistov, sama pridelava sladkorja in soka pa se je povečala prav zaradi belih priseljencev. Pojavilo se je evropsko orodje, železni kotli, tržišče se je razširilo. Pridelava je bila velika. Tako naj bi samo Otavani leta 1847 pridelali 150 ton javorovega sladkorja.157 Sam postopek pridobivanja javorovega sladkorja je Friderik Baraga v svoji knjigi zelo natančno opisal. Po končanih pripravah, zgraditvi koče, ognjišča in pripravi lesa za kurjavo (ki ga pri kuhanju sladkornega soka porabijo zelo veliko) se je pričelo glavno delo. Baraga ga je opisal tako: “Potem naredijo posode iz brezovega lubja, v katere bodo lovili sok sladkornega javorja. Končno zarežejo drevesa, pod zarezo pa pritrdijo podolgovate lesene žlebičke, velike za širino noževega rezila. Po žlebičkih teče sok v nastavljene posode. Manjša drevesa zarežejo samo na enem mestu, večja pa na treh, štirih. Kakor hitro se spomladi začne taliti zmrznjena zemlja in je drevje muževno, začne tudi teči sladkorni sok iz drevja.”158 Nadaljnji postopek je bil po Baragi takle: “Ko so nastavljene posode polne, prelijejo to sladko tekočino v zelo velike posode ali korita, narejena iz velikih drevesnih debel. Nato to tekočino kuhajo v kotlih. Teh je včasih 12, 15 do 20 nad ognjem. Izparevanje vodnega dela soka opravljajo toliko časa, da dobijo gost rjav sirup, ki ga potem iz več kotlov zlijejo v en kotel. Tu še naprej vre in izpareva, dokler se popolnoma ne strdi. Z velikimi žlicami ga nato predenejo v zelo velike lesene sklede, kjer ga toliko časa mešajo, da se ne ohladi in ne postane rumenkasto bel prah, ki se imenuje indijanski sladkor. Tega nato uskladiščijo v škatle.”159 Baraga je menil, da je indijanski sladkor za Evropejca težko užiten. Če ga pojemo preveč, v želodcu mučno peče, v ustih pa čutimo neznosno grenkobo in suhoto. Nasprotno pa da je kavi ali čaju enak okus kot beli sladkor in zato ga Evropejci kupujejo. Za sok sladkornega javorja meni Baraga, “da je čist kot studenčnica in ima nenavadno prijeten okus, toda čim več ga kdo pije, tem bolj je žejen”160. Ker so Indijanci pridelali več sladkorja, kot so ga potrebovali, so ga zamenjevali s trgovci s krznom. Ti so jim v zameno dajali življenjske potrebščine: odeje, obleke, puške in drugo. Skratka, indijanski sladkorje bil za Indijance pomemben del njihove prehrane in gospodarstva. 2. POSODA, narejena iz brezove skorje; višina s pokrovom - 9,4 cm, velikost dna posode - 12 x 8,4 cm, širina ustja posode - 11 cm, pokrov 11,3 x 7,2 cm; /št. neg. 18821/, /inv. št. E 2890/, /inv. št. NM 1127/. Posoda je okrašena z obarvanimi bodicami ježevca. Spredaj je ornament iz puščic in trikotnikov, na hrbtni strani pa je motiv osti puščic. Rob posode je okrašen z okrasnimi šivi. Pokrov ima na vrhu cikcakasti šiv. Ježevčeve bodice so bele, rdeče in oranžne. Posoda je poškodovana in ima perforacije, ki jih je povzročil lesni zajedalec. Narejena je bila leta 1836. Baragova donacija. KOMENTAR: Posoda - škatla s pokrovom - je bila namenjena za hrambo zrnja, jagod ali sladkoija. 3. POSODA, narejena iz brezove skorje; v - 5 cm, velikost dna - 8,5 x 4 cm, velikost na vrhu - 9 x 4 cm, velikost pokrova - 9,5 x 4 cm; /št. neg. 18822/, /inv. št. E 2891/, /inv. št. NM 1091/. Posoda je okrašena z obarvanimi bodicami ježevca. Na prednji strani so stilizirani listi in cvet, na zadnji strani pa stilizirani listi. Pokrov je okrašen z rombi. Bodice ježevca so obarvane belo, modro, oranžno, rdeče, rjavo in zeleno. Nastala je v drugi polovici 19. stoletja. Čebulova donacija. KOMENTAR: Posoda (škatlica s pokrovom) je standardni izdelek Indijancev plemena Očipve. 4. POSODA, narejena iz brezove skorje; višina s pokrovom - 5,5 cm, velikost dna posode - 7,5 x 5 cm, širina ustja posode - 7 cm, velikost pokrova 7,5 x 3,5 cm; /št. neg. 18823/ /inv. št. E 2892/, /inv. št. NM 1130/. Posoda je okrašena z obarvanimi bodicami ježevca. Spredaj je upodobljen stiliziran cvet z listi, na hrbtni strani pa je samo črtna risba (motiv srca in listov) z vbodnimi luknjami brez ježevčevih bodic. Na pokrovu je upodobljen motiv cveta z listi. Rob posode - škatle je ojačan in obšit z bodicami ježevca, ki so rdeče, bele, sive in temno rjave barve. Posoda je bila narejena v 19. stoletju. Baragi pripisana donacija. KOMENTAR: Posoda - škatla s pokrovom je prvič omenjena v inventarni knjigi Narodnega muzeja (1895 - 1914) pod inventarno številko NM 1126 - 1132 in s pripisom: Predmeti iz brezovega lubja - Baraga. Posoda ima tudi inv. št. na hrbtni strani levo pod robom (NM 1130). Verjetno je avtor tega zapisa dr. Walter Šmid. Donator posodice bi bila lahko oseba iz duhovniških krogov, njej pa jo je v znak pozornosti ali hvaležnosti poklonil Baraga. 5. POSODA, narejena iz brezove skorje; višina s pokrovom - 6,5 cm, velikost dna posode - 11,5 x 5 cm, širina ustja posode - 10 cm, pokrov 10,3 x 6,5 cm; /št. neg. 18824/, /inv. št. E 2893/, /inv. št. NM 1129/. Posoda je okrašena z obarvanimi bodicami ježevca. Spredaj so upodobljeni stilizirano srce in dva lista, na hrbtni strani pa je risba stiliziranega rastlinskega motiva. Rob posode je okrašen z okrasnimi šivi. Ježevčeve bodice so bele in črne. Posodi manjka del pokrova in je poškodovana na prednji strani tako, da ji manjka del okrasja. Zadnja stran posode je brez šivov iz bodic ježevca. Posoda je bila narejena leta 1836. Baragova donacija. KOMENTAR: Posoda - škatla s pokrovom je bila namenjena za hrambo zrnja, jagod ali sladkorja. S te posode je v celoti razvidna tehnika krašenja z ježevčevimi bodicami. Indijanke so najprej z noževo konico vrisale risbo na brezovo skorjo, nato pa so po tej črti zvrtale luknjice. Skoznje so z obarvanimi bodicami šivale razne vzorce. 6. POSODA ZA SHRANJEVANJE RIŽA, narejena iz brezove skorje; v - 12 cm, velikost spodnjega dela - 14,5 x 10 cm, širina zgornjega dela - 13 cm; /št. neg. 18825/, /inv. št. E 2894/, /inv. št. NM 1128/. Posoda ima zgoraj ojačan rob, ki je obšit s svetlo rjavo obarvanimi bodicami ježevca. Posoda je bila narejena in napolnjena z rižem leta 1836. Baragova donacija. KOMENTAR: Pomemben vir indijanske prehrane je divji riž (Zizania aquatica). Ta je bil indijanskim plemenom, ki so živela v pokrajinah Wisconsin in Minnesota, vedno eno poglavitnih živil. Divji riž ob Gornjem jezeru je bil tudi vzrok za stalna vojskovanja med plemenoma Sioux in Očipve. Po Baragovem opisuje divji riž podoben ovsu. Ni rumen, ampak zelen, tudi če je suh. Je dobra, toda neizdatna hrana, po okusu pa je podoben našemu ječmenu.161 Divji riž uspeva na jezerih, ribnikih, v počasnih vodnih izlivih in močvirjih. Nabiranje in pripravljanje divjega riža je bilo ena slikovitejših dejavnosti indijanskega plemena Očipve. Riž so nabirali zgodaj jeseni, tik preden je dozorel. Indijanke so ga nabirale tako, da so riževa stebla upognile v kanu in riž s posebnimi ploščatimi kiji zbijale na dno kanuja (sl. 15). Na njegovo dno so položili prevleko, na kateri so se nabirala riževa zrna in smeti. Še neočiščen riž so spravljali v košare iz lubja (sl. 16) ali pa v vreče, ki so bile pletene bodisi iz korenine kanadskega macesna (Larix laricina) ali pa iz vlaken cedre (Juniperus virginiana). Ker so nabirali še ne povsem dozorel riž, so ga morali umetno pozoriti. Zato so ga sušili na soncu ali v kotlu na rahlem ognju. Čistili so ga tako, da so ga dali v jamo, ki je bila na dnu prekrita s kožo. Vanjo so dali še neoluščen riž. Tega so Indijanci luščili tako, da so po njem hodili, za to opravilo pa so obuli povsem nove mokasine. Nato so riž še očistili z nečkami. Očiščen riž so shranili v posodah iz brezove skorje (sl. 17). Posodo so izdelali tako, da so skorjo zravnali in obrezali na določeno obliko in velikost (sl. 18). Nato so robove zapognili in posodo na koncih zašili z rastlinsko nitjo. 7. POSODA ZA HRANO, narejena iz brezove skorje; v - 4,8 cm, š - 17 cm; /št. neg. 18825/, /inv. št. E 2896/, /inv. št. NM 1131/. Skodelica je okrogle oblike in je sešita na šestih mestih. Ima ojačan rob, ki je ovit z obarvanimi bodicami ježevca. Narejena je bila leta 1836. Baragova donacija. KOMENTAR: Posodo za hrano (kat. št. 7) so Indijanci uporabljali za jelo. Vsa kuhinjska posoda indijanskih plemen ob Gornjem jezeru je bila preprosta. Večinoma so posodje naredili iz brezove skorje. Bilo je različno oblikovano in sešito z nitjo, narejeno iz korenine jelke (Picea rubra). Posode so šivali tudi z vlakni iz ameriške lipe (Tilia americana). Da so držale tekočino, so jih zasmolili z drevesno smolo balzamovca (Abies balsamea) ali smolo iz lubja črne jelke (Picea mariana). Pred prihodom belcev Indijanci niso poznali železa, s tem pa tudi ne posode iz železa. Kuhali so v glinastih posodah, poznali pa so posebno tehniko kuhanja. O njej Baraga v svoji knjigi piše: “V severnih krajih, kjer še sedaj uporabljajo kotel iz drevesne skorje, kuhajo tako, da razžarijo kamne in jih polagajo v kotel. Ko kamen ni več vroč, ga vzamejo ven in vložijo novega žarečega noter. To ponavljajo toliko časa, da voda zavre ali da je jed kuhana.”162 8. POSODA ZA HRANO, narejena iz brezove skorje; v - 6,5 cm, š - 15,5 cm; /št. neg. 18827/, /inv. št. E 2897/, /inv. št. NM 1132/. Skodelica je elipsaste oblike in je sešita na štirih mestih. Ima ojačan rob, ki je ovit z obarvanimi bodicami ježevca. Narejena je bila leta 1836. Baragova donacija. KOMENTAR: Glej komentar h kat. št. 7. 9. OTROŠKA SKODELICA, narejena iz lesa; v - 2,2 cm, širina dna posode - 4,8 cm, širina zgornjega dela - 8 cm; /št. neg. 18828/, /inv. št. E 2885/, /inv. št. NM 1121/. Skodelica je okrogla, njeno zunanjo obliko poudarja polkrožno rezljan prstan. Posodica ni bila v uporabi in je bila narejena leta 1836. Baragova donacija. KOMENTAR: Indijanci plemena Očipve so bili spretni oblikovalci lesa. Za rezljanje v les so uporabljali tudi posebno oblikovano rezilo. Posodica (sl. 19) je izdelana ročno (ni stružena). Baraga omenja v knjigi: “Delajo si sklede in žlice iz lesa, v čemer so nekateri Indijanci pravi mojstri.”163 10. OTROŠKA SKODELICA, narejena iz lesa; v - 1,7 cm, širina zgornjega dela - 6,4 cm; /št. neg. 18829/, /inv. št. E 2899/, /inv. št. NM 1122/. Skodelica je okrogla in ima gladko zunanjo površino. Narejena je bila leta 1836. Baragova donacija. KOMENTAR: Posodica je izdelana ročno (ni stružena). Je izredno majhna in ni bila v uporabi. 11. KOŠARICA, pletena iz ploščatih viter cedre; v - 7,5 cm, premer dna - 14 cm, premer zgoraj - 23,3 cm; /št. neg. 18830/, /inv. št. E 2876/, /inv. št. NM 1097/. Košarica je bila narejena v drugi polovici 19. stoletja. Čebulu pripisana donacija. Košarica (kat. št. 11)164 je delo Indijanke plemena Očipve. Uporabljali so jo za shranjevanje gozdnih sadežev KOMENTAR: Indijanke Očipve so košare in drugo pleteno posodje pletle iz viter in različnega šibja. Zgodnji pleteni izdelki so bili iz vrbovine. Take košare, ki imajo ročaj, pletejo še danes. Uporabljali so jih za nošnjo gozdnih sadežev in poljščin. Imeli so tudi pletene košare za shranjevanje divjega riža. Pogosto so jih pletli iz vlaken cedre ali črnega jesena. Okoli leta 1860 so okoli Gornjega jezera uvedli novo tehniko pletenja, ki jo imenujemo spiralna tehnika ali tehnika ježevec.165 To tehniko uporabljajo še danes. 12. OTROŠKA ŽLICA, narejena iz lesa; d - 8 cm; /št. neg. 18831/, /inv. št. E 2884/, /inv. št. NM 1118/. Žlica ni bila uporabljana in je izredno majhna. Ročaj se končuje z voluto. Narejena je bila leta 1836. Baragova donacija. KOMENTAR: O uporabi jedilnega pribora med Indijanci ob Gornjem jezeru je zanimiv zapisek misijonarja Franca Pirca. Leta 1837 ga je indijanski poglavar povabil na gostijo. O tem med drugim poroča: “Bil sem pri Indijancih na gostiji. Nisem pa tu videl miz, stolov, vilic, žlic, vina, juhe... le nekaj nožev je bilo. Po tleh so bile preproge iz bičevja, na to so nanosih lesene sklede z žlahtnimi ribami, divjačino, povodno perutnino in velikimi medvedovimi stegni. Indijanci so sedeli na tleh ob skledah in so jedli vse le z rokami. Samo z glavarjem sva jedla po ameriški šegi. Imela sva vsak majhen stol in krožnik na kolenih. V desnici sva držala plošnato okrogel nož (konica noža je bila polokrogla – op. F. G.), s katerim sva nosila jedi v usta, v levi pa vilice, s katerimi sva si pomagala.”166 13. ZAJEMALKA, narejena iz lesa; dolžina po diagonali - 14,5 cm, širina zajemalne površine - 11,5 cm; /št. neg. 18832/, /inv. št. E 2888/, /inv. št. NM 1119/. Zajemalka ima široko zajemalno ploskev in na koncu ročaja kljuko za zatikanje. Ni bila v uporabi in je bila narejena leta 1836. Baragova donacija. KOMENTAR: Zajemalka ima kratek ročaj, kar priča, da je bila namenjena zajemanju hrane in ne mešanju. Izrezana je iz enega kosa lesa. V primerjavi zajemalke kat. št. 13 z drugimi zajemalkami in žlicami, ki so jih uporabljali Indijanci Očipve (sl. 20), je opazna njihova velika spretnost v obdelavi lesa ter pri izdelavi jedilnega in kuharskega pribora. 14. ZAJEMALKA, narejena iz lesa; diagonala - 17,4 cm, širina zajemalne površine - 13,5 cm; /št. neg. 18833/, /inv. št. E 2889/, /inv. št. NM 1120/. Zajemalka ima široko zajemalno ploskev in na koncu ročaja izrazito kljuko za zatikanje. Narejena je bila leta 1836. Baragova donacija. KOMENTAR: Zajemalka ni bila v uporabi in ima daljši ročaj kot zajemalka kat. št. 13, kar priča o tem, da je bila namenjena tudi mešanju hrane. 15. VREČA, narejena iz vlaken cedre; v - 9,5 cm, š - spodaj 12 cm, zgoraj 18 cm; /št. neg. 18834 in 18835/, /inv. št. E 2865/, /inv. št. NM 1117/. Na sprednji strani vreče je upodobljen niz mitoloških panterjev, na zadnji strani pa so trikotniki in pasovi, med katerimi so diagonalne črte. Obarvana vlakna cedre so temno in svetlo rjava, vmes so vlakna cedre naravne barve. Vreča je bila stkana leta 1836. Baragova donacija. KOMENTAR: Vreča je izdelana iz vlaken cedre (Juniperus virginiana)167 v pomanjšanem merilu, kot piše v Ilirskem listu.168 Indijanske vreče pravokotne oblike so bile namenjene shranjevanju in nošenju. Tkali so jih iz naravnih materialov in so bile med najpomembnejšimi obrtniškimi izdelki starih Indijancev plemena Očipve. To obrtniško spretnost so obvladala tudi indijanska plemena Winnebago, Sauk, Fox, Potawatomi, Sioux in druga indijanska plemena.169 Ene najstarejših vreč so bile stkane iz stebel neprave koprive. Običajno so bile narejene v kombinaciji z bizonovo ali losovo dlako oziroma volno. To so bili osnovni materiali, iz katerih so zvili pletilno vrvico. Zgodnje vreče so uporabljali tudi v obredne namene. Krasili so jih z vzorcem iz svetlih vlaken koprive v kombinaciji z dlakami losa ali temnimi dlakami bizona. Stare vreče so bile stkane iz ločja ali vlaken cedre, gladkega bresta, ameriške lipe ali kanadskega macesna. Vrečo iz korenin kanadskega macesna so naredili tako, da so korenine najprej razcepili, nato pa so jih kuhali v vodi, da so postale upogljive in primerne za tkanje. Na enostavnih statvah so jih tkali na enak način kot vreče iz drevesnega lubja (sl. 21). Uporabljali so jih za shranjevanje zdravilnih zelišč, korenin in divjega riža. Različne oblike vreč iz vlaken cedre (sl. 22) so pletli na različne načine: navpično, diagonalno, kockasto v križ ali karirasto. Vrečo, pleteno iz predilne vrvice cedrinega lubja, so uporabljali za hranjenje indijanskega riža. Trak, barvni obšitek in majhni geometrični vzorci so likovni okras na pletenih vrečah. Konvencionalne risbe z živalskimi motivi, vzetimi iz mitologije indijanskih plemen, so bile upodobljene na starih vrečah iz koprivnih vlaken. Vse te dekoracije vsebujejo podobo ptice gromovnice, mistične (podzemeljske) panterje, jelene, metulje in risbe sledi vidre.170 Okrog ptice gromovnice so se pletle mnoge stare legende indijanskih plemen v Kanadi in na severu ZDA. Indijanci so verovali, da ptica gromovnica živi v višinah in težko dostopnih skalnih stenah. Njena dolžnost je ustvarjati grom, točo in dež. V prazgodovini so njene upodobitve vrezovali v kamen ali keramiko. V poznejših obdobjih so jo risali na brezovo skorjo, slikali na kožo, z njo so okrasili vreče iz koprivnih vlaken in bizonove dlake. Njene upodobitve so izdelovali tudi iz dlak ježevca in biserov.171 Na vrečah so upodabljali tudi podzemeljskega panterja. Indijanci so verovali v to mistično žival, ki je imela bizonove rogove in dolg rep. Tega je panter vlekel za seboj pod svojimi nogami. Indijanke Očipve so ga upodabljale na vrečah iz koprivnih vlaken in bizonove dlake. 16. TORBICA ZA TOBAK je stkana iz volnenih niti in vrvic z nanizanimi belimi biseri. Notranja podloga je iz pisanega bombažnega blaga; dolžina z obramnico - 118 cm, š - 22 cm; /št. neg. 18836/, /inv. št. E 2868/, /inv. št. NM 1134/. Torbica ima na prednjem osrednjem delu osnovo iz rdečih volnenih niti, ob straneh pa sta dva volnena pasova iz zelenih niti. Tkana je tako, da nanizani beli biseri sestavljajo pokončne cikcakaste črte. Ob odprtini torbice so počez prišiti trije trakovi rdeče, rumene in zelene barve. Ob robu so vijugasto našiti beli biseri. Vsi robovi in obramnica so obrobljeni z belimi biseri v dveh vrstah. Zadnja stran torbe je tkana v dveh barvnih ploskvah. Srednja ploskev je zelena, obrobljata pa jo temno modri ploskvi. Beli biseri oblikujejo isti vzorec kot na prednji ploskvi. Obramnici se na koncu končujeta z dolgimi resami. Spodnji del torbe se končuje z dolgimi gostimi resami volnenih niti in vlaken z nanizanimi biseri. Torbica je bila narejena med leti 1835 – 1836. Baragova donacija. KOMENTAR: Naramna torba ali torba s široko obramnico je bila izrazit izdelek Indijancev plemena Očipve. Posebno lepo so bile krašene torbe, ki so jih nosili s slovesnimi oblekami. Očipvejci so imeli te torbice od časa naselitve belcev dalje. Vzor zanje lahko najdemo v torbah britanskih vojakov iz sredine 18. stoletja, ki so bile okrašene z rožami172 in v katerih so nosili strelivo. Te torbice so prevzeli Očipve in druga gozdna plemena. Pogosto so nosili po dve torbi, po eno na vsaki rami. Indijanke plemena Očipve so izdelovale torbe, okrašene z biseri, že v zgodnjih letih 19. stoletja. Cena take torbe je bila enaka ceni enega konja.173 Torbo sestavljata dolg pravokoten tok ali torba in širok jermen za obešanje prek ramena, ki je okrašen z biseri in vezenino. Na zgodnjih torbah Indijancev Očipve, ki so bile krašene z biseri, so bili upodobljeni geometrijski motivi. Okoli 1860, ko so pričeli za vezenje uporabljati večje število biserov, se je razširila tudi njihova barvna skala in pojavljati so se začeli motivi cvetov174. Na nekaterih primerkih se dolžina torbe podaljša s trakovi, tkanimi z biseri. Za osnovo nekaterih torb so uporabljali črn žamet. Torbe so uporabljali za nošenje različnih stvari, med drugim tobaka s priborom ali svinčenih krogel za puško. 17. TORBA S ŠIROKO DOLGO OBRAMNICO, narejena iz temno modrega volnenega blaga, ripsa in barvnih biserov; d (torbice) - 36 cm, d (torbice z resami in obramnico) - 101 cm, š (torbice) - 25,3 cm, š (obramnice) - 9,8 cm/št. neg. 18837/, /inv. št. E 2877/ /inv. št. NM 1095/. Prednji del torbe je iz temno modrega blaga z gornjim robom, obšitim z zelenim ripsom. Z barvnimi biseri so na torbi izvezeni stilizirani motivi rakovih klešč, listi, geometrični liki, črte in pike. Na široki obramnici je ponovljena kompozicija stiliziranih rakovih klešč in geometričnih likov. Rese na spodnjem robu torbice so vezene z biseri in oblikujejo razne geometrične like. Obrobni del torbe je vezen z biseri. Torba je bila narejena v drugi polovici 19. stoletja. Čebulu pripisana donacija. KOMENTAR: Torba s široko obramnico kat. št. 17 je izredno bogato likovno okrašena in sodi k slovesni obleki. Tako velika in bogato krašena torba je, kot smo že omenili, stala toliko kot konj. Zanimiva je tudi primerjava torbe (kat. št. 17) s torbo, ki je objavljena v knjigi Ojibwa Crafts (Chippewa).175 Obe (razen obramnic) sta enako veliki in okrašeni z enako stiliziranimi geometrijskimi elementi. Torba s široko dolgo obramnico je odličen izdelek Indijanke iz plemena Očipve. 18. TORBICA ZA TOBAK, narejena iz črnega sukna, znotraj podložena z rjavim bombažnim blagom in sivozelenim svilenim ripsom, vezena in okrašena z barvnimi biseri; d (torbice) - 16,4 cm, d (torbice z obramnico) - 32 cm, š (torbice) - 16,4 cm, /št. neg. 18838/, /inv. št. E 2878/, /inv. št. NM 1094/. Prednji del torbice je obrobljen z rdečo svilo, na sredi je izvezena cvetlica s steblom in listi. Okras je sestavljen iz modrih, rumenih, temno rdečih, svetlo modrih in rožnatih biserov. Bordura je okrašena z aplikami. Zadnji podaljšani del torbice je obrobljen z vijolično svilo in belimi biseri. Robovi torbice so okrašeni z dvema gostima vrstama drobnih belih biserov. Spodnji rob končujejo mrežasto prepleteni, gosto nanizani drobni biseri raznih barv in rese s čopki. Obramnica je tkana iz biserov. Na njej temno zeleni biseri oblikujejo podlago trikotniških likov. Osrednji vzorec na obramnici so rombi iz temno rdečih biserov, obrobljeni z vijoličnimi biseri. Ti se vrste v enakomernih cikcakastih presledkih. Hrbtišče torbice je iz črnega sukna. Torbica je bila narejena v drugi polovici 19. stoletja. Čebulova donacija. KOMENTAR: Torbica je značilen izdelek Indijank plemena Očipve. 19. NOŽNICA je sešita iz kože jelena, krasijo pa jo 13 do 16 cm dolge pletene kožne rese; dolžina nožnice - 21 cm, dolžina res na nožnični konici - 13 cm, dolžina res na gornjem koncu - 14 do 16 cm, širina gornjega dela nožnice - 5,5 cm; /št. neg. 18839/, /inv. št. E 2879/, /inv. št. NM 1133/. Na zgornjem delu nožnice je v kvadratu motiv osmerokrake zvezde, vezen iz bodic. Bodice ježevca so obarvane rumeno, belo, črno, zeleno, rožnato in rdeče. Nožnica je bila narejena leta 1836. Baragova donacija. KOMENTAR: V Baragovi zbirki je lepo oblikovana nožnica, a žal brez noža, ki je takrat imel visoko ceno. Nožnice so bile narejene iz kože grizlija (sl. 23 A) ali jelenove kože (sl. 23 B). Okrašene so bile s steklenimi biseri ali obarvanimi bodicami ježevca. Nožnico z nožem so nosili na jermenu ali za pasom. Rezalno orodje so Indijanci izdelovali iz različnih materialov, npr. iz trdega lesa, kamna, samorodnega bakra, školjčnih lupin ali zob raznih živah. Zgodnji noži so bili iz kremena. S prihodom belih priseljencev so Indijanci spoznali nože iz jekla. Beli priseljenci so, kot navaja poročilo iz leta 1851, pričeli posebej za Indijance izdelovati nože za skalpiranje in tomahavke.176 Med Indijanci je bil posebno cenjen navaden mesarski nož, izdelan podobno kot noži iz Sheffielda v Angliji (sl. 24). S tem nožem so Indijanci skalpirali. O njegovi ceni pravi Catlin: “Noži za skalpiranje stanejo v Sheffieldu v Angliji morda 50 pfenigov, Indijanci pa morajo tak nož v teh divjih predelih plačati z enim konjem.”177 Catlin omenja, da je bilo pri vseh Indijancih Severne Amerike skalpiranje ubitega nasprotnika popolnoma običajno.178 Skalp je bil za bojevnika, ki ga je nosil, dokaz njegovega poguma. Beseda “scalp” ni indijanskega izvora, ampak je angleška oznaka za kožo na glavi. Od tod izpeljan izraz “scalping” (skalpirati) bi lahko dobesedno pomenil sleči nekomu kožo z glave.179 Catlin skalpiranje takole opisuje: “To naredijo tako, da z levo roko primejo lase na temenu ter v krogu zarežejo z nožem. Pri tem dobijo kos kože z lasmi, ki je velik približno toliko kot dlan (sl. 25 F, G). Skalp potem posušijo, ga zelo lepo okrasijo ter shranijo kot zelo cenjen dokaz zmage.”180 Skalp so po Catlinu181 razkazovali na več načinov. Napeli so ga na majhen obroč, ki je bil pritrjen na koncu palice (sl. 25 B). Zelo majhne skalpe so uporabljali tudi za okraševanje oblek (sl. 25 A). V sprevodih so skalpe obešali na konjske vajeti (sl. 25 C) ali pa so skalp razrezali na trakove ter z njimi okrasili bojne ki je (sl. 25 E). V lepem vremenu je včasih poglavar obesil vse svoje skalpe na tako imenovani skalpovni drog (sl. 25 D). Kot posebno redkost je treba omeniti še z lasmi iz skalpa okrašene šive indijanske obleke. Skalpirale so tudi Indijanke - vdove bojevnikov. Indijanci so skalpe tudi prodajali ali jih zamenjevali. Razvila se je pošastna trgovina s človeškimi skalpi kot spominki. J. Long piše o tem leta 1791: “Če se skalpi dobro plačujejo, jih nekateri Indijanci v vojnem času delijo, enega na pet ali šest delov, in jih nosijo v najbližjo naselbino v upanju, da jih bodo sorazmerno dobro prodali.”182 Tako je bila na primer leta 1689 v Južni Karolini izplačana zelo visoka vsota (osem angleških funtov) za en skalp. V Kanadi je bil skalp ob istem času vreden deset bobrovih kož ali štirideset funtov svinčenih krogel in štiri funte smodnika.183 Angleži so bili prvi, ki so začeli trgovino s skalpi, to pa so razširili Francozi s posnemovalci, belimi kolonialisti. Tako je kasnejši guverner Penn (po njem se imenuje ameriška zvezna država Pennsylvania) nudil leta 1664 kot “gentleman” po štirideset dolarjev za skalp vsakega ubitega Indijanca.184 20. TORBICA Z ROČAJEM IN POKROVOM; brezova skorja; v - 19 cm (višina ročaja 11 cm), velikost dna torbice - 20 x 13 cm; /št. neg. 18840 in 18841/, /inv. št. E 2895/, /inv. št. NM 1125/. Torbica je pravokotne oblike in ima zgoraj prišit dolg ročaj, spleten iz obarvanih bodic ježevca. Pokrov ima majhen ročaj. Spodaj se rob torbice razširi navzven. Končni, ožji stranici sta okrašeni s po štirimi stiliziranimi ženskimi liki, ki v rokah drže torbico. Prednja stran torbice ima iz obarvanih bodic ježevca spleten motiv vaze s cvetlicami, enak motiv je na zadnji strani. Na pokrovu je upodobljenih šest cvetov, zapira se s svilenim trakom in je na torbico pričvrščen s svilenima trakovoma. Notranjost torbice je oblepljena s papirjem. Torbica je bila narejena verjetno v drugi polovici 19. stoletja in pripada enemu od indijanskih plemen, ki so živela ob Velikih jezerih. Baragi pripisana donacija. KOMENTAR: Škatla, kot se imenuje v inventarni knjigi, pravilneje torbica, saj ima roč za nošenje, je bila prvič vpisana v inventarno knjigo Narodnega muzeja (1895-1914) pod inv. št. 1125 s pripisom: “škatla iz brezovega lubja, okrašena z ježevčevimi bodicami - (donator) Baraga”. Verjetno jo je dr. Valter Šmid pri urejanju narodopisnih zbirk uvrstil v donacijo škofa Friderika Barage. Mogoče jo je za muzej pridobil od neznanega donatorja, njemu pa jo je prej poklonil škof Baraga. Funkcijo torbice poudarjajo motivi, upodobljeni na njenih dveh stranskih stranicah. Upodobljene so po štiri ženske figure, oblečene v bela krila, v desnici pa drže enako torbico, kot je torbica kat. št. 20. Način izdelave, predvsem njena notranjost, ki ima za podlogo papir (podloge nimajo škatle iz brezove skorje), daje slutiti, da je torbico izdelala Indijanka v eni od indijanskih šol. Tam so ročne spretnosti poučevale tudi nune. Zanimiva je tudi primerjava torbice kat. št. 20, z veliko škatlo iz brezove skorje (Museum für Völkerkunde Wien - inv. št. 11990), (sl. 26).185 Obe sta vezeni z obarvanimi bodicami ježevca, na obeh so tudi cvetlični motivi. Velikost škatle z Dunaja (v - 16 cm, d - 16,5 cm, š - 11 cm) in naše torbice brez ročaja (v - 19 cm, d - 20 cm, š - 12 cm), ki je v našem muzeju skoraj enaka. Enako je oblikovan tudi spodnji del škatle ali torbice. Škatla je opisana kot izdelek indijanskega plemena Menominee iz Green Baya v državi Wisconsin. Datirana je v čas okoli 1830. Način krašenja naše torbice in nekateri njeni oblikovni elementi so zelo podobni kot na torbici v dunajskem muzeju. Zato menim, da je brez dokumentirane lokacije negotovo določiti krajevni izvor predmeta. Datacijo torbice v drugo polovico 19. stoletja pa potrjuje njena notranja obroba - papir in likovni okras. Stranski stranici torbice imata upodobljene ženske figure z evropsko nošo, kar se ujema s časom rezervatov. Gotovo so take torbice in škatle, škatle za cigare, etuiji za očala ali škatle za šivalni pribor bili namenjeni menjavi ali prodaji. Že od začetka 19. stol. je prodaja z ježevčevimi bodicami okrašenih posod za javorov sladkor, ročajev za pahljače in modelov čolnov pomenila donosno obrt.186 Pogosteje kot geometrijski vzorci se je na območju Velikih jezer pojavil cvetlični vzorec. Zunanjo obliko posod so prilagajali željam belih kupcev. 21. TORBICA Z ROČAJEM IN POKROVOM; brezova skorja; višina torbice s pokrovom - 10,5 cm, višina ročaja torbice - 15,5 cm, premer torbice - 17 cm, premer pokrova - 11,2 cm; /št. neg. 18842/, /inv. št. E 2945/, /inv. št. NM 2761/. Torbica ima osem izbočenih stranic, okrogel pokrov in dolg ročaj z rdečimi pentljami ob straneh. Okras na stranicah in pokrovu je vezen z belo, zeleno, modro, rumeno, rdeče in oranžno obarvanimi bodicami ježevca. Motivi so cvetlični. Torbica je na robovih oblepljena s svilenimi in bombažnimi trakovi. Notranjost je obdana z gladko plastjo brezove skorje. Torbica je bila narejena v drugi polovici 19. stoletja. Pircu pripisana donacija. KOMENTAR: Torbica je izdelek Indijanke iz Severne Amerike. 22. ROGOZNICA (izdelana v miniaturi), narejena iz ločja; d - 90 cm, š - 46 cm; /št. neg. 18844/, /inv. št. E 2863/, /inv. št. NM 1116/. Rogoznica ima pletene vzorce v obliki pravokotnikov in kvadratov. Ločje je naravne barve, rjavo in temno rjavo. Rogoznica je bila narejena leta 1836. Baragova donacija. KOMENTAR: Rogoznice so vedno tkale starejše Indijanke, ki niso več zmogle težkega dela. Najprej so naredile zelo preproste statve, sestavljene iz horizontalne palice in dveh vertikalnih kolov ali pa škarjasto zvezanih opornih palic (sl. 27). V juniju in juliju so Indijanke nabrale ločje (Scirpus validus), ki so ga nato osušile, razvrstile in obarvale. S tako pripravljenim ločjem so na statvah pričele tkati rogoznice,187 vanje so vtkale različne ornamente in simbole. Širina rogoznice je bila odvisna od dolžine ločja, od 90 cm do 115 cm. Dolge so bile od 180 cm do 275 cm.188 Indijanke so tkale tudi rogoznice iz širokolistnega rogoza (Typha latifolia). S takimi rogoznicami so pokrivale vigvame. V kombinaciji z rogoznicami iz brezove skorje so, da so vigvam pokrile, potrebovale 6 takih rogoznic, če je bil vigvam pokrit samo z rogoznicami iz širokolistnega rogoza, pa so jih potrebovale 12. Kjer ni bilo dovolj ločja, so Indijanke tkale rogoznice iz lubja rdeče cedre (Juniperus Virginiana) ali vlaken ameriške lipe (Tilia americana). Skorjo so nabirale spomladi, od srede maja do srede junija. Iz nje so naredile ozke trakove, ki so bili vedno enako široki. Z njimi so tkale rogoznice (sl. 28). Rogoznice iz cedrinega lubja so uporabljali za ležišča, mizo, kot predelno steno v spalnem prostoru in za vrata pri vigvamih. S prihodom misijonarjev so jih začeli uporabljati tudi za pokrivanje tal v cerkvah. 23. ROGOZNICA (izdelana v miniaturi), narejena je iz ločja; d - 77 cm, širina na koncih 35,5 cm, v sredini 37 cm; /št. neg. 18843/, /inv. št. E 2864/, /inv. št. NM 1115/. Rogoznica ima pletene vzorce romba, pravokotnikov in verige. Ločje je naravne barve ali obarvano rjavo in temno rjavo. Narejena je bila leta 1836. Baragova donacija. KOMENTAR: Glej komentar h kat. št. 22. 24. ROGOZNICA iz skorje breze (izdelana v miniaturi) za pokrivanje indijanskih šotorov (vigvamov) in koč v razne namene, d - 47,5 cm, š - 13,5 cm, /št. neg. 18845/, /inv. št. E 2870/, /inv. št. NM 1103/. Debelina rogoznice je 1 mm. Rogoznica je sestavljena iz treh kosov brezove skorje, ki so med seboj sešiti z ličjem ameriške lipe (Tilia americana). Konca rogoznice zaključuje ozka lesena letvica iz cedrovine. Rogoznica je bila narejena leta 1836. Baragova donacija. KOMENTAR: Rogoznice so bile narejene iz kosov brezove skorje. Vsaka od navedenih rogoznic je bila sestavljena iz treh skorij, ki so bile med seboj sešite z ličjem ameriške lipe. Konca tako sestavljene rogoznice sta bila zaključena z ozko leseno letvo iz cedre. Rogoznica je bila dolga približno 3,65 m in široka 80 cm. Rogoznico iz brezove skorje so Indijanci ob Velikih jezerih, s tem pa seveda tudi pleme Očipvejcev, uporabljali za pokrivanje svojih vigvamov (indijanskih šotorov). Vigvame so Indijanci vozili poleti s kanuji, pozimi na toboganih (indijanske sani, narejene iz enega kosa spredaj zakrivljene deske) v kraje, kjer so bile možnosti za lov boljše. Indijanci Očipve so poznali več tipov vigvamov, njihovo postavljanje je bilo žensko opravilo. Tipi vigvamov so bili: a) začasni vigvam; stožčasto ogrodje je bilo pokrito z lubjem drevesa balze (Abies balsamea) ali zimzelenom. b) vigvam s kupolo (sl. 29): postavili so ga tako, da so Indijanke v zemljo zasadile v obliki kroga dolge tanke lesene drogove (brest, hrast, gaber), jih zakrivile in pri vhodu polkrožno zvezale. To ogrodje so nato do dveh tretjin višine vigvama prekrile s tkano rogoznico iz bičevja širokolistnega rogoza, čez njo pa so položile rogoznico iz brezove skorje ter jo na enem vogalu z ličjem ameriške lipe pritrdile na ogrodje vigvama. Rogoznice iz breze so bile na kupoli vigvama razporejene kot skodle na strehi. Na vrhu kupole so pustile odprtino za svetlobo in odvod dima iz vigvama, ob strani šotora pa je bila odprtina za vhod. To je zakrivala rogoznica, koža ali kos blaga. Ta tip vigvama so prekrivale tudi z lubjem bresta (Ulmus americana). c) pravokotni vigvam z banjasto streho (sl. 30): prekrit je bil z brezovo skorjo. Ta tip vigvama so uporabili (v večji obliki) za delovni in bivalni prostor pri pridobivanju javorovega sladkorja in v zelo velikem merilu (širina 4 m - 9,15 m, dolžina 30,50 m - 61 m, višina 2,15 m - 3 m) za dolgo hišo (velika čarovniška hiša - midewigamig) v obredne namene. d) koničasti vigvam (sl. 31) je bil stožčaste oblike. Ogrodje je bilo obloženo s kosi brezove skorje. Življenjska doba teh bivališč je bila kratka. 25. ROGOZNICA iz skorje breze (izdelana v miniaturi) za pokrivanje indijanskih šotorov (vigvamov) in koč v razne namene, d - 47,3 cm, š - 13 cm, /št. neg. 18845/, /inv. št. E 18151/, /inv. št. NM 1105/. Debelina rogoznice je 1 mm. Rogoznica je sestavljena iz treh majhnih kosov brezove skorje, ki so med seboj sešiti z ličjem ameriške lipe (Tilia americana). En konec rogoznice je zaključen z ozko leseno letvico iz cedrovine. Drugi konec rogoznice je poškodovan in nima zaključne letvice. Rogoznica je bila narejena leta 1836. Baragova donacija. KOMENTAR: Glej komentar h kat. št. 24. 26. ROGOZNICA iz skorje breze (izdelana v miniaturi) za pokrivanje indijanskih šotorov (vigvamov) in koč v razne namene, d - 46,5 cm, š - 13 cm, /št. neg. 18845/, /inv. št. E 18152/, /inv. št. NM 1102/. Debelina rogoznice je 1 mm. Rogoznica je sestavljena iz treh majhnih kosov brezove skorje, ki so med seboj sešiti z ličjem ameriške lipe (Tilia americana). Konca rogoznice, ki je na enem koncu poškodovana, sta zaključena z ozko leseno letvico iz cedrovine. Rogoznica je bila narejena leta 1836. Baragova donacija. KOMENTAR: Glej komentar h kat. št. 24. 27. ROGOZNICA iz skorje breze (izdelana v miniaturi) za pokrivanje indijanskih šotorov (vigvamov) in koč v razne namene, d - 36,6 cm, š - 13,3 cm, /št. neg. 18845/, /inv. št. E 18153/, /inv. št. NM 1101/. Debelina rogoznice je 1 mm. Rogoznica je sestavljena iz treh majhnih kosov brezove skorje, ki so med seboj sešiti z ličjem ameriške lipe (Tilia americana). Konca rogoznice sta zaključena z ozko leseno letvico iz cedrovine. Rogoznica je bila narejena leta 1836. Baragova donacija. KOMENTAR: Glej komentar h kat. št. 24. 28. ROGOZNICA iz skorje breze (izdelana v miniaturi) za pokrivanje indijanskih šotorov (vigvamov) in koč v razne namene, d - 35,2 cm, š - 13,6 cm, /št. neg. 18845/, /inv. št. E 18154/, /inv. št. NM 1104/. Debelina rogoznice je 1 mm. Rogoznica je sestavljena iz treh majhnih kosov brezove skorje, ki so med seboj sešiti z ličjem ameriške lipe (Tilia americana). Konca rogoznice sta zaključena z ozko leseno letvico iz cedrovine. Rogoznica je bila narejena leta 1836. Baragova donacija. KOMENTAR: Glej komentar h kat. št. 24. 29. MOKASINI, narejeni iz temno rjave jelenove kože; d - 25,5 cm, š - 11 cm; /št. neg. 18846/, /inv. št. E 1030/. Manšeta je iz temno modrega sukna, obrobljena z modro svilo in drobnimi belimi biseri. Na oglavu je motiv vejice, vezene z obarvanimi bodicami ježevca. Na manšeti je okrasni motiv vejice s popkom in šesterokrake zvezde. Mokasini so bili nošeni in so izdelek severnoameriških Indijancev iz druge polovice 19. stoletja. Pircu pripisana donacija. KOMENTAR: Beseda “mockasin” izhaja iz algonkinskega jezika. Poznamo dvoje mokasinov: tiste, ki so jih nosili prerijski (ravninski) Indijanci in ki so imeli na mokasin prišito trdo nestrojeno usnje kot podplat, ter mokasine gozdnih Indijancev, ki so imeli mokasine brez podplata. Mokasini so kožno obuvalo, ki so ga uporabljali vsi Indijanci razen indijanskih plemen, ki so živela ob mehiški meji in na Pacifiški obali, kjer so nosili sandale. Mokasine so Indijanke izdelovale iz kož sme, jelena ali losa. Kožo so strojile same, kar je bilo zamudno opravilo. Najprej so z odrte kože z ozkim dletom, ki je bilo narejeno iz kosti - golenice jelena ali losa, odstranile koščke mesa. To koščeno starejše strgalo je bilo dolgo okrog 15 cm in so ga nadomestile z nazobčanim kovinskim rezilom. Po tem opravilu so kožo namakale, da so tako odstranile z nje še preostale koščke mesa in dlake. Kožo so pustile v vodi tri dni in jo nato ožele. Potem so jo dale na klado ali “konja” za strganje. Konj je bil sestavljen iz telesa in dveh nog. Kožo so nanj položile tako, da je na desni in levi strani visela navzdol, nato so jo strgale s kratkim zamahom proč od telesa. Sprva so strgale s hrapavim kamnom, kasneje pa s kovinskim strgalom. Po strganju so kožo napele na okvir, kjer so jo mehčale s koščenim strgalom (kasneje s kovinskim). Po tem opravilu so morebitne zareze v koži zašile in kožo obarvale, v zadnji fazi pa še odimile. Preden so kožo začele dimiti, so jo zašile skupaj z ličjem. Dimiti so jo pričele na majhnem ognju. Po dimljenju je koža dobila značilen vonj. Za izdelavo mokasinov so izbrali tako veliko jelenovo kožo, da so iz nje lahko izdelali devet moških mokasinov. Starejši mokasini so imeli nit za šivanje preparirano s cedrovim lubjem ali so bili sešiti s kito iz hrbta srne ali jelena. To domačo nitko so uporabljali, vse dokler je niso izpodrinili trgovci z evropskimi izdelki. Mokasin sestavljajo peta, petni šiv, manšeta, šiv in oglav (sl. 32). Izdelovali so ga tako, da so usnje najprej ukrojili in nato zašili (sl. 33 in 34). V novejšem času so pri izdelavi mokasinov uporabljali žamet za povezovanje na manšeti. Često so tako manšeto starih mokasinov sneli in jo uporabili pri izdelavi novih. Otroške mokasine so včasih okrasili z rahločutno dekoracijo s šivanko in prejo. Pozimi so jih, da so bili toplejši, napolnili z mehko dlako iz mačjega repa.189 Mokasine so krasili z ježevčevimi bodicami, steklenimi biseri, tkanino, gumbi, kožuhovino in resami. Dekoracija je bila različna, odvisno od plemena, ki mu je Indijanec pripadal. Okraševanje mokasinov z ježevčevimi bodicami190 se imenuje “quillwork”. Ježevec na območju planjav, kjer je bila ta tehnika okraševanja zelo razvita, ni živel. Verjetno so Indijanci prišli do bodic s trgovanjem ali lovskimi izleti. Bodice ježevca so bile dolge okrog 8 cm, ščetine pa 5 cm. Indijanci severnih planjav so raje uporabljali večje bodice, medtem ko so Indijanci z osrednjih planjav in iz vzhodnih gozdnih dežel raje uporabljali manjše ščetine. Obdelava bodic je bila izključno žensko opravilo. Za barvanje so uporabljale številne rastlinske in mineralne snovi. Med barvami so dajale prednost rdeči, rumeni, črni in naravni rumenkasto beli barvi ščetin. Da so dosegle intenzivnejšo barvo, so bodice odrezale na spodnjem koncu. Tako je barva lahko prodrla v votlo bodico in jo obarvala tudi z notranje strani. Z uvozom volnenega blaga iz Evrope so začele bodice barvati tako, da so jih kuhale skupaj z raznobarvnim blagom. V drugi polovici 19. stol. so začele uporabljati anilinske barve in s tem obogatile barvno paleto. Bodice so razvrščale po velikosti in jih spravljale v posode. Ženske so jih sploščile kar s svojimi zobmi in nohti ali pa so uporabljale posebno napravo, narejeno iz lesa ali kosti. Pri quillworku razlikujemo štiri osnovne tehnike krasitve s steklenimi biseri s številnimi različicami. Osnovne tehnike so ovijanje, pletenje, našivanje in tkanje, te pa so nato razvili v različice: ovijanje ali pletenje z eno nitjo, z dvema nitma, v trikotni vzorec, vzorec z rombom (sl. 35).191 Pri tkanju razlikujemo tkanje z biseri in tehniko mrežnega tkanja. Med vsemi tehnikami quillworka je najbolj zapleteno prav tkanje. Z njim so se ukvarjale le redke skupine, na primer Indijanci plemena Cree in Chippwe. Od konca 17. stol. so na območju vzhodne gozdne dežele stekleni biseri evropskega porekla začeli izrinjati quillwork. V 19. stol. so tudi indijanska plemena na območju prerij in planjav dobila steklene bisere v večjih količinah. Ker je bilo vezenje z biseri lažje, je tehnika quillworka počasi zamrla. V 60. letih se je pri Indijancih s planjav zaradi zaslužka z izdelavo spominkov spet pojavilo zanimanje za tradicionalno kulturo, kar je pomenilo tudi obnovo quillworka. Predvsem med zahodnimi Siouxi obstajajo družine, ki so se specializirale za izdelavo tradicionalnega quillworka. Poleg tega Indijanci izdelujejo za turiste tudi nakit.192 Indijanci so poleg tehnike quillworka svojo obleko, obuvala in predmete za vsakodnevno uporabo krasili z biseri. V času, ko še ni bilo belih kolonizatorjev, so Indijanci za izdelavo biserov uporabljali hišice rečnih in morskih polžev. Te so našili na obleko ali pa nabrali v ovratnico ali pas. Najbolj poznani so wampum pasovi. Imeli so jih Irokezi in severovzhodni Algonkini. Wampum bisere, ki so bili cilindrične oblike, so uporabljali tudi kot plačilno sredstvo. Steklene bisere je v Novi svet prinesel že Krištof Kolumb, od takrat naprej so bili priljubljeno blago za zamenjavo. Ker se v 18. in na začetku 19. stoletja steklenih biserov ni dalo dobiti v večjih količinah, so jih Indijanci pri okraševanju svojih oblačil kombinirali z ježevčevimi bodicami. Večje količine steklenih biserov so prišle na območje gornjega Misssourija po letu 1830193 skupaj s trgovino s kožuhi. Stekleni biseri s tega območja so bili veliki 3 do 4 mm, imenujejo pa se pony beads (sl. 36). Tako ime so verjetno dobili zaradi tega, ker so jih trgovci prenašali v tovornih torbah na hrbtih ponijev. Te bisere so od leta 1840 naprej izpodrinili t. i. semenski biseri, ki so imeli premer 1 do 3 mm. Ime “semenski biseri” ima verjetno svoj izvor v tem, da niso bili večji od zrna semen, ki so jih nekatera plemena uporabljala za izdelavo nakita.194 Kasneje so uporabljali še srednje velike in fasetno oblikovane bisere (sl. 36). Poznamo tri načine vezenja z biseri: tkanje z biseri, oblaganje in vbod, ki so ga poznali Indijanci plemena Crow (sl. 37). Pri tkanju z biseri so uporabljali enostaven okvir za tkanje. Vezenje z biseri (našivanje biserov na osnovo - usnje, blago ali skorjo) je bilo prav gotovo najbolj razširjeno, saj je bilo najbolj enostavno in obstojno. Tehnika oblaganja pa se je delila na dve varianti: “overlay” in “lazy stitch”. Pri overlay tehniki so vrsto steklenih biserov najprej nabrali na nitko, potem so jo z drugo, počez položeno nitko v enakomernih razmakih pritrdili. To tehniko so uporabljali za cvetlične ornamente in je bila razširjena pri plemenih severovzhodnega gozdnega območja. Med njimi so bili tudi Očipve, ki so ravno motiv cvetlic razvili do visoke likovne kvalitete. Tehnika lazy stitch (lenuhov vbod) je značilna za Indijance z območja prerij in planjav. Pri tej tehniki so vzporedno našili vrste petih do desetih biserov. Pri tem so posamezne vrste povzele karakteristično obliko loka ali izbokline. Ta tehnika je tipična za geometrične vzorce Indijancev s planjav. Ker eno od variant te tehnike uporabljajo Indijanci plemena Crow, se ta imenuje “crow stitch”.195 Če odštejemo obeske, uhane, pasne zaponke, okrasje za v lase in druge predmete, ki jih danes izdelujejo kot turistične spominke, je umetnost vezenja z biseri na planjavah omejena na izdelavo oblek in predmetov, namenjenih lastni uporabi. Čeprav so to tehniko vpeljali belci, je ni umetniške tehnike, ki bi jo v tolikšni meri povezovali s pojmom Indijanec, kot ravno vezenje s steklenimi biseri.196 30. MOKASINI, narejeni iz jelenovega usnja, d - 24 cm, š - 11 cm, /št. neg. 18847/, /inv. št. E 2914/, /inv. št. NM 1140 - 1141/. Dekliški mokasini so narejeni iz enega kosa usnja. Vezalke so usnjene. Mokasini imajo usnjene manšete in z ježevčevimi bodicami okrašen oglav (prikaz motivov in barvna tabela sl. 38). Mokasini niso bili nošeni. Narejeni so bili leta 1836. Baragova donacija. KOMENTAR: Vezenina na mokasinih kat. št. 30 ni dokončana. Tako ima mokasin kat. št. 30 na podaljšku oglava risbo brez vezenja z ježevčevimi bodicami. Ta pomanjkljivost je zapisana tudi v seznamu indijanskih predmetov, ki je bil objavljen v Illyrisches Blatt, št. 17, iz leta 1837. V njem je pod točko c pripomba: par dekliških čevljev (mokasinov), napol vezenih. Torej je kustos Freyer, ki je zbirko opisal, opazil, da mokasin kat. št. 30 nima dokončno izvezenega gornjega dela oglava.197 31. MOKASINI, narejeni iz jelenovega usnja; d - 26 cm, š - 12 cm, /št. neg. 18848/, /inv. št. E 2915/, /inv. št. NM 1092-1093/. Mokasini so moški. Oglav mokasina je okrašen z okrasnimi robovi (barvna tabela, sl. 39). Mokasin ima manšeto, prešito s črnim blagom, ki je obrobljeno z zelenim trakom. Mokasini imajo usnjene vezalke in so bili nošeni. Narejeni so bili v drugi polovici 19. stoletja in so očipvejski izdelek. Čebulova donacija. KOMENTAR: Mokasini imajo prišit podplat in peto iz mehkega jelenovega usnja. Na manšeti imajo v višini 15 cm prišito novo manšeto iz rjavega industrijsko izdelanega blaga. Čeprav imajo podplat in peto, ne pripadajo prerijskim Indijancem. Ti so imeli za razliko od gozdnih Indijancev, katerih mokasini so bili brez podplatov, na svojih mokasinih prišit podplat iz trdega usnja. Lastnik teh mokasinov si jih je dal ojačati s podplatom zaradi pogoste hoje s krpljami. Prav tako jim je dal povišati obrobo z novim blagom, saj si je tako lahko kar prek mokasinov privezal jermene krpelj na noge. Verjetno je bil lastnik teh mokasinov misijonar Ivan Čebul. Mokasini so moški in narejeni za nogo št. 42. Pisno so dokumentirane tudi Čebulove hoje s krpljami. V pismu z 2. februarja 1861 sporoča iz La Pointa bratrancu Janezu Globočniku: “Prav danes sem priromal v La Point. Noge so vse obolele in ranjene. Kri je udarila skozi troje nogavice in skozi indijanske čevlje (mokasine, op. avtorja). Temu so krive krplje. Trakovi, s katerimi so bile krplje k nogam privezane, so zmrznili in se strdili kakor železna palica ter mi povzročali neusmiljene rane.”198 Odvetnik O’ Brien, ki je misijonarja osebno poznal, je omenil, da so mu v zimskem času, ko je Čebul šel h kakemu bolniku, lahko sledili po krvi, ki mu je tekla iz indijanskih čevljev (mokasinov), ker so ga ožulili jermeni krpelj.199 32. MOKASINI, narejeni iz srnjega usnja; d - 24 cm, š - 11 cm, /št. neg. 18849/, /inv. št. E 2916/, /inv. št. NM 1138-1139/. Ženski mokasini so narejeni iz enega kosa srnjega usnja in imajo samo petni šiv. Usnjena ozka manšeta je obrobljena z rdečo in zeleno barvno vrvico iz ježevčevih bodic. Oglav je izredno lepo izvezen z ježevčevimi bodicami (prikaz motiva in barvna tabela sl. 40). Mokasini niso bili nošeni. Narejeni so bili leta 1836. Baragova donacija. KOMENTAR: Glej komentar h kat. št. 29. 33. MOKASINI, srnje usnje; d - 24 cm, š - 11 cm, /št. neg. 18850/, /inv. št. E 2917/, /inv. št. NM 1136, 1137/. Mokasini so bili narejeni za nevesto. Ukrojeni so iz enega kosa usnja, šiv je na peti, spredaj pa so drobno nagubani. Oglav mokasinov je vezen z barvanimi bodicami ježevca (prikaz motivov in barvna tabela sl. 41). Imajo manšeto iz črnega sukna, katere zgornji rob je okrašen z zeleno svilo. Aplike so obrobljene z drobnimi biseri (prikaz motivov in barvna tabela sl. 42). Mokasini niso bili nošeni. Izdelani so bili leta 1836. Baragova donacija. KOMENTAR: Glej komentar h kat. št. 29. 34. MOKASIN, narejen iz jelenovega usnja; d - 26,5 cm, š - 12 cm, /št. neg. 18851/, /inv. št. E 2918/, /inv. št. NM 1142/. To je primer samo enega mokasina z mehkim podplatom. Šiv ima le na peti, manšete pa so iz rjavega sukna z našitimi biseri (prikaz motiva in barvna tabela sl. 43). Oglav je vezen z ježevčevimi bodicami (prikaz motiva in barvna tabela sl. 44). Mokasin je bil narejen po letu 1850. Baragi pripisana donacija. KOMENTAR: Mokasin se je prvič pojavil v inventarni knjigi Narodnega muzeja (1895-1914) pod inventarno številko NM 1142 s komentarjem: čevelj (mokasin) iz jelenovega usnja, Baraga (donator). Verjetno je avtor tega zapisa dr. Walter Šmid, ki je leta 1905 začel preurejati narodopisno zbirko. Mokasin mu je mogoče poklonil kateri od darovalcev, ki je dobil mokasin (en sam kos?) kot darilo škofa Barage. Obuvalo je izdelek enega od indijanskih plemen ob Velikih jezerih. Ima zlato obrobo, kar govori za čas nastanka po letu 1850. Verjetno so nune, ki so vodile indijanske šole, prinesle iz Evrope uporabo vezenja z zlato nitko. 35. MOKASIN, narejen iz srnjega usnja; d - 19,5 cm, š - 8,5 cm; /št. neg. 18852/, /inv. št. E 2919/, /inv. št. NM 1143/. Otroški mokasin je narejen iz temno rjavo obarvane kože. Šiv ima na peti. Usnjena manšeta je vezena z ježevčevimi bodicami, motivi lokov in čopov v barvah (oranžna, modra in bež) in modra obroba manšete. Oglav je vezen z ježevčevimi bodicami (prikaz motiva in barvna tabela sl. 45). Čas nastanka mokasina je v letih od 1836 do 1853. Baragi pripisana donacija. KOMENTAR: Mokasin je prvič omenjen v inventarni knjigi Narodnega muzeja (1895-1914) s komentarjem: otroški čevelj iz srninega usnja, Baraga (donator). Verjetno je avtor tega zapisa dr. Walter Šmid. Mokasin je verjetno pripadal enemu od indijanskih plemen, ki so živela ob Velikih jezerih. Pripis, da je to otroški mokasin, je brez navedbe vira informacije in je lahko netočen, saj je sodeč po dolžini lahko tudi dekliški. 36. MOKASINI, narejeni iz jelenovega usnja, d - 26 cm, š - 13 cm; /št. neg. 18853/, /inv. št. E 18155/. Imajo mehak podplat. Na oglavu je z raznobarvno prejo (siva, rdeča, rožnata, zelena, vijoličasta in modra) izvezen cvetlični motiv. Mokasini imajo manšeto in vezalke iz usnja. Narejeni so bili v drugi polovici 19. stoletja. Mokasini niso bili nošeni. Pircu pripisana donacija. KOMENTAR: Glej komentar h kat. št. 29. 37. DEKLIŠKI (ŽENSKI) MOKASINI, sešiti iz enega kosa srnje (jelenove) kože; d - 22,5 cm, š - 9 cm; /št. neg. 18854/, /inv. št. E 18156/. Mokasinova ozka manšeta je nazobčana in ima vezeno borduro z rdeče in belo obarvanimi bodicami ježevca. Na oglavu je vezen motiv cveta s popki. Vezenje je narejeno z raznobarvno prejo (rjava, siva, oker in svetlo zelena). Motiv cveta s popki obroblja okrasni rob, vezen z rdeče in vijolično obarvanimi bodicami ježevca. Mokasini niso bili nošeni. Narejeni so bili v drugi polovici 19. stoletja. Pircu pripisana donacija. KOMENTAR: Glej komentar h kat. št. 29. 38. KALUMET; glava pipe, narejena iz rdečega catlinita, je oblikovana v obliki tomahavka. Cev iz jesenovega lesa je ob koncu spiralno zavita. Dolžina kalumeta je 65,5 cm, /št. neg. 18855/, /inv. št. E 2871/, /inv. št. NM 1090/. Kalumet ni bil v uporabi in je bil narejen v drugi polovici 19. stoletja. Čebulu pripisana donacija. KOMENTAR: Kalumet je oblikovan kot tomahavk (sl. 46). Njegova glava (sekira) je izdelana iz kamna catlinita. Kot tak je nenavaden med indijanskimi tomahavki. Vse indijansko orožje je bilo funkcionalno, prav tako tudi tomahavki, ki so izdelani v obliki pipe. Narejeni so iz kovine tako, da je nasproti rezila glava pipe. Ročaj je prevotljen, na koncu je ustnik. Z njim so Indijanci opravljali obrede, povezane s tomahavkom in obrednim kajenjem kalumeta. Pri tem pa so tako oblikovan tomahavk uporabljali tudi kot orožje. Pomen tomahavka pri Indijancih je bil večplasten. Mnoga plemena so pri obredih uporabljala tomahavke kot prenašalce razglasitve miru ali napovedi vojne. Z njimi so tudi izvrševali usmrtitve ali obredno mučili ujetnike. Posebne darilne tomahavke so podarjali pomembnim poglavarjem. Leta 1831 je na primer poglavar Saukov poslal Očipvejcem miniaturni tomahavk cinobraste barve kot povabilo k vojnemu zavezništvu.200 Kalumet - tomahavk kat. št. 38 nima s prej omenjenimi funkcijami tomahavka nič skupnega. Pri tem je zanimivo, da je bil misijonar Ivan Čebul tik pred odhodom v domovino v rezervatu Indijancev Menominee.201 Tam se je hotel osebno prepričati, v kako žalostnem položaju so bili katoliški Indijanci. Mogoče je ta kalumet - tomahavk prav od tam in sodeč po obliki ter (ne)funkcionalnosti predstavlja že izdelek indijanskega spominkarstva. 39. KALUMET; glava pipe iz rdečega catlinita, cev iz lesa, d (glave) - 13 cm, cev kalumeta d - 87,4 cm, /št. neg. 18856/, /inv. št. E 2873/, /inv. št. NM 1124/. Glava kalumeta je oblikovana v obliki glave indijanskega bojevnika. Na vrhnjem delu glave in ustju za pipino cev je inkrustacija iz kositrnih trakov. Cev kalumeta je iz lesa okroglega preseka in je ovita v dolžini 66 cm z obarvanimi bodicami ježevca. Kalumet je bil v uporabi. Čas njegovega nastanka je nekaj let pred letom 1836. Baragova donacija. KOMENTAR: Ime kalumet ali pipa miru je popačenka francoske besede chalumeau. Indijanci plemena Očipve so jo imenovali opwagan. Kajenje pipe (kalumeta) je bilo najbolj razširjena navada med vsemi severnoameriškimi Indijanci obeh spolov. Pipe so Indijanci delili po pomembnosti na pipe miru ali svete pipe (sl. 47 A) in navadne pipe (sl. 47 B). Samo pipo so pojmovali kot komunikacij sko orodje z duhovi, izdihani dim pa kot vidno podobo molitve. Indijanci so vse pogovore pri sklenitvah raznih pogodb, mirovnih pogajanjih ali razglasitvah vojne začeli in končali s kajenjem pipe. Kajenje je bilo v navadi tudi pred začetkom osebnih pogovorov. Tako je lovec na kožuhe Alexander Ross zapisal: “Vse pomembne stvari so se začele s kajenjem pipe. Dokler pipa ni bila pokajena, tudi poslovni pogovori niso bili mogoči.”202 Kakšno spoštovanje je med Indijanci imela pipa miru, nam kaže dejanje jezuitskega misijonarja in raziskovalca Mississipija Marquetta, ko je na svojem popotovanju leta 1674 pipo miru dvignil kot monštranco proti skupini napadalnih Indijancev. Ti so ustavili napad in ga gostoljubno pogostili.203 Indijanska pipa miru je imela glavo in dolgo leseno cev, ki je bila vedno narejena iz različnega lesa.204 Cevi pip so bile različno izrezljane in dolge od 45 cm do 120 cm. V prerezu so bile okrogle, ploščate ali spiralasto zavite. Ovite so bile z obarvanimi bodicami ježevca, ovoj pa je tvoril geometrijski ornament ali celo figuralno obliko. Cevi so bile okrašene z žolninimi kljuni in perjem, hermelinovo dlako, rdeče pobarvano konjsko dlako ali pa z repom belega bizona (sl. 47 B). Tako je bila pipa miru (sl. 47 A) okrašena s peresi orla. Cev pipe se je končevala v glavi pipe, narejeni iz rdečega kamna (rdečega glinovca), ki se po slikarju Georgu Catlinu imenuje catlinit.205 Barvna skala catlinita sega od svetlo sive do temno rdeče barve. Ko ga izkopljejo, je zelo mehak, kasneje pa na zraku postopoma otrdi. Catlinit206 je bil zelo cenjeno trgovsko blago. Oblikovanje pipinih glav je zahtevalo posebno spretnost.207 Glave so bile različno oblikovane in okrašene z raznimi inkrustacijami (sl. 47 C). Indijanci so imeli tudi sveto pipo, ki so jo uporabljali samo pri sklepanju miru. Ko so poglavarji pokadili pipo miru, so jo skrbno zavili ter jo spravili v poglavarjevem šotoru.208 Med indijanskimi plemeni se je ohranila pripoved o nastanku rdečega pipestonskega catlinita. Zapisal jo je George Catlin.209 V njej med drugim omenja, da je pred dolgim časom Veliki duh, ki je stal na skali iz pipnega kamna, poklical indijanske narode. Potem je odlomil kos tega kamna, si naredil pipo ter jo pričel kaditi. Kadil je nad njimi in se obrnil na vse štiri strani sveta. Dejal jim je, da je kamen rdeč, da je njegovo meso in naj ga vzamejo za izdelavo pipe miru. Ob tem je poudaril, da ta kamen pripada vsem Indijancem ter da se na tem mestu ne smejo bojevati. V času kolonizacije so Evropejci uvozili veliko pip iz kovine in keramike (kölnske pipe) ter kovinske tomahavke. To so bile bojne sekirice z izvotljenim lesenim ročajem in kovinsko glavo. Na eni strani teh tomahavkov je bilo rezilo sekire, na drugi strani pa odprtina za tobak. Tomahavk, ki so ga prinesli belci, je bil kombinacija bojnega orožja in pipe miru (kalumet) ter so ga tudi metali. Indijanci plemena Očipve so imeli glave pip iz lesa ali kamna. Navadna pipa (glava in cev) Indijancev Očipve je narejena iz jesenovega lesa in rezljana. Kadilna cev je pobarvana in nato dekorirana z medeninastimi žeblji. Njihov videz in pripadajoči pribor ilustriramo s sl. 48. Indijanska beseda za tobak je kinnikinnik. Izhaja iz algonkinske besede za “mešano”, “nekaj, karje zmešano”, ali “tisti, ki je mešan”.210 Indijanski tobakje zmešan iz različnih sestavin, pač odvisno od plemena in območja. Na splošno je tobak mešanica 60 odstotkov indijanskega tobaka (majhna vrsta divjega tobaka), 28 odstotkov listov “sumaha” (Toxicodendron) in 12 odstotkov notranje skorje drena (Cornus stolonifera). Uporabljali so tudi skorjo rdeče vrbe.211 Kakovost tega tobaka so belci različno ocenjevali. Tako je višji sodnik J. K. Standish iz Bostona leta 1817 menil, da se ti ob kajenju indijanskega tobaka obrne želodec. Traper (lovec na male kožuharje) in gornik Jim Baker pa je leta 1826 povedal: “Najboljši kinnikinnik delajo Ojibwe. Človek mora trikrat povleči in dim zadržati eno minuto v ustih, preden ga počasi izpihne iz ust. Potem je treba trikrat inhalirati in tako dalje, dokler ti glava ne postane pošastno svobodna, misli postanejo kristalno jasne in takrat lahko spoznaš stvari do dna.”212 Za shranjevanje tobaka in pipe so Indijanke izdelovale razne torbice iz kož bobra, vidre in drugih živali (sl. 49). Te torbice ali mošnje za tobak so okrašene z obarvanimi bodicami ježevca ali steklenimi biseri. Indijanci so nosili torbice za tobak tako, da so jim križem visele na levi rami. V torbici so bili tudi kresilni kamen, jeklo (kresilo) in kresilna goba. Nič ni bilo med Indijanci bolj skrivnostnega in bolj čaščenega kot kalumet. Nihče od bojevnikov ni šel v boj, ne da bi ga prej blagoslovili s “svetim dimom”. Tudi nobena pomembna zadeva v indijanskem življenju ni mogla, in deloma še danes ne more, biti urejena brez kalumeta. Indijanci so poznali mnogo plesov, med njimi je bil zelo sloveč pipin (kalumetov) ples. Plesali so ga samo ob pomembnih dogodkih (sl. 50). Slikar George Catlin, ki je bil navzoč pri pipinem plesu Indijancev Sioux, je zapisal: “Pred vasjo, na prostoru, namenjenem vsem skupnim zborovanjem in zabavi, sedijo okrog majhnega ognja na bizonovih kožah mladi ljudje, ki želijo plesati. Na sredini, tik ob ognju, sedi poglavar ali vrač, kadi pipo in pri tem mrmra neke vrste pesem. Medtem neki drug Indijanec mrkega videza igra na boben ali tamburin ter pri tem poje. Nato eden izmed Indijancev, ki sedijo ob ognju, vstane in začne plesati. Izmenično poskakuje zdaj po eni, zdaj po drugi nogi ter zraven poje v taktu bobna. Ko tako odpleše več krogov in pri tem vsakemu od sedečih Indijancev pred obrazom drži svoje pesti, prime enega izmed njih za roke, ga potegne kvišku in z njim zapleše, nato pa nadaljuje svoj ples v sredini kroga. Tisti, ki ga je prej izbral, nadaljuje ples na isti način. To traja toliko časa, da plešejo vsi Indijanci, ki so prej sedeli. Pri tem so s svojimi kretnjami in kričanjem zganjali tak trušč, da je bilo čutiti, kot da se pod našimi nogami trese zemlja. Ples je v veliko veselje gledalcev trajal približno pol ure, končal pa se je z nadvse predirljivim kričanjem in laježem, kot bi lajali prestrašeni psi.”213 40. KALUMET; glava pipe iz rdečega catlinita, cev iz lesa, d (glave) - 11,5 cm, d (cev kalumeta) - 89,8 cm, /št. neg. 18857/, /inv. št. E 2875/, /inv. št. NM 1123/. Glava kalumeta je oblikovana v obliki glave indijanskega bojevnika. Cev kalumeta je ploščata. Del cevi v smeri kalumetove glave pa je v dolžini 45,5 cm zeleno pobarvan. Drugi del, dolg 47,7 cm, je v smeri ustja ovit z obarvanimi bodicami ježevca, ki sestavljajo ornament. Na sredini in koncu cevi kalumeta je šop žime. Ob ustju cevi je šop žime z zeleno svilo in šopom vrvic z gumbi. Del kalumetove cevi je okrašen z obarvanimi bodicami ježevca in ima črtast okras. Upodobljeni so lik Indijanca, mitološki panter, geometrični liki in koničasti šotor. Ježevčeve bodice, ki so pletene v drobne kite, so črno, belo, rdeče in rumeno obarvane. Kalumet je bil narejen v letu 1836. Baragova donacija. KOMENTAR: Glej komentar h kat. št. 39. 41. LOK; ploščat, narejen iz jesenovega lesa, tetiva je iz živalske kite (jelen ali los); d - 116 cm; /št. neg. 18858/, /inv. št. E 2861/, /inv. št. NM 1108/. Lok ni bil v rabi. Narejen je bil leta 1836. Baragova donacija. KOMENTAR: Med orožjem severnoameriških Indijancev je bil lok do okrog leta 1850 glavno obrambno, napadalno in lovsko orožje, nato ga je polagoma izrinila puška. Vendar so lok uporabljala plemena na planjavah vse do leta 1880214, saj je že na oddaljenosti 100 m daleč prekašal stare puške kremenjače. Indijanci so znali streljati hitro in zelo natančno, saj so izstrelili 2 do 3 puščice v sekundi. Loke so izdelovali iz različnih vrst lesa, kosti in rogov. Tako so med drugim uporabljali hikori (Carya), gaber (Carpinus caroliniana), cedro (Juniperus virginiana), dren (Cornus stolonifera), jesen (Fraxinus nigra) in oranževec (Maclura pomifera), imenovan tudi bois d’ are. Pri Indijancih Severne Amerike je bilo pet vrst lokov (sl. 51), osnovni tipi pa so bili trije: 1. gladki lok (self- ali plain-bow) 2. ojačani lok (reinforced ali backed bow) 3. sestavljeni lok (composite ali compound bow) Gladki lok je narejen iz enega kosa lesa (sl. 52). Pri njem razlikujemo dve vrsti: ploščati lok (flat bow) in dolgi lok (long bow). Običajni loki so pri Indijancih ploščati, ti pa so se razlikovali glede na ukrivljenost. Ojačani lok je narejen iz lesa, ki ima plosko – elipsast prerez. Hrbet loka je ojačan s tanko plastjo nalepljenih kit in ima večjo moč kot navaden lok. Sestavljeni lok je narejen iz kosti ali rogov gorske ovce. O teh lokih meni George Catlin: “Pri Indijancih plemen Črne noge (Blackfoot) in Vrane (Crow) je veliko lokov narejenih iz kosti ali rogov gorske ovce. Koščeni loki so najboljši. Prodajajo jih le za ceno enega ali dveh konjev. Sam sem s pogajanji že prišel do nekaj takih lepih lokov. Če pa sem vprašal, iz katere kosti so izdelani, sem vedno dobil isti odgovor. To je zanje skrivnost in o tem ne žele razpravljati. Očitno je, da te kosti ne pripadajo nobeni izmed tu živečih živali. Nekateri izmed teh lokov so dolgi 3 čevlje (91,5 cm; op. avtorja), izdelani so iz enega kosa, so kompaktni, trdi, beli in zglajeni, kot da bi bili iz slonovine. Zaradi tega ni možno, kot nekateri menijo, da bi bili narejeni iz rogovja severnega jelena, ki je temne barve in porozno, ali pa iz rogov bizona. Sam menim, da Indijanci na obali velikega oceana zbirajo čeljustne kosti kitov glavačev ter jih zamenjujejo v gorovje Črnim nogam in Vranam, ki iz teh kosti delajo loke. Pri tem pa jih očitno ne zanima izvor kosti.”215 K tem lokom dodajmo tudi tiste, ki so jih imela druga indijanska plemena. Najboljši loki so bili narejeni iz rogov jelena ali losa in so jih imeli Indijanci iz plemena Nez Perce in Yaqui. Siouxi in Komanči so tudi običajno uporabljali tovrstni lok. Iz bizonovih reber so izdelovali tako imenovani rip bow, ki pa je, ko so Indijanci začeli uporabljati konje, zaradi svoje dolžine izginil. Tetiva loka je bila večinoma iz živalske kite. Loki iz kosti so bili tudi okrašeni. Enega najlepših je upodobil slikar Carl Bodmer na upodobitvi indijanskega bojevnika Pehriska iz plemena Hidatsa,216 ko je ta plesal pasji ples.217 Plemena, ki so živela okoli Velikih jezer, so imela nekoliko krajše loke. Tako je bil lok plemena Chippewa dolg okoli 120 cm,218 loki plemena Menominov pa so bili dolgi okoli 115 cm.219 Nekdanji lok Indijancev Očipva je bil raven, sploščen in narejen iz lesa jesena ali ameriškega belega oreha. Na obeh koncih je bil zožen. Loke so delali tudi iz lesa gabra ali rdeče cedre. Prebojna moč lokov je bila različna. Tako je puščica, izstreljena iz gladkega loka, prestrelila golega človeka na razdalji 70 m, puščica iz ojačanega loka na razdalji 80 m in iz sestavljenega loka na razdalji 90 m.220 Vse te vrednosti ustrezajo zbranim poročilom iz tistega časa. Loki so bili tudi okrašeni. Colin F. Taylor v svoji knjigi221 objavlja nekaj okrašenih lokov, tako na primer ornamentalno poslikan lok plemena Hupa, lok plemena Wintu, ki ima poslikano konico, in lok poglavarja plemena Haida, ki ima v sredini rezljano glavo in so ga uporabljali pri plesu. Za nošenje lokov so imeli Indijanci posebne etuije iz kože, ki so bili lahko tudi okrašeni. Indijanci so imeli tudi čarovniški lok (medicine bow) (sl. 53,1) in stojalo zanj (sl. 53,2). Lok je bil kombinacija kopja in loka, ki je včasih imel tudi tetivo. V boju so ga uporabljali kot kopje in je bil okrašen. Čarovniški lok je imel simbolični pomen in so ga Indijanci obredno častili. Kot zanimivost naj omenim, da so severnoameriški Indijanci poznali tudi pihalnik (strelno orožje), ki ga v glavnem povezujemo s primitivnimi indijanskimi plemeni Južne Amerike. Pihalnike so uporabljali Indijanci plemena Irokezov ter plemena ob Mehiškem zalivu - Cherokee, Muskogee in Choctaw.222 Kot ilustracijo naj navedem fotografijo Indijanca s pihalnikom223 in fotografijo pihalnika plemena Cherokee iz leta 1887, dolgega 3 metre.224 42. LOK; ploščat, narejen iz jesenovega lesa, tetiva je iz živalske kite (jelen ali los), d - 121 cm, /št. neg. 18859/, /inv. št. E 2862/, /inv. št. NM 1107/. Lok ni bil v rabi. Narejen je bil leta 1836. Baragova donacija. KOMENTAR: Glej komentar h kat. št. 41. 43. PUŠČICA; gabrov les, brez puščične glave; dolžina držaja puščice - 59 cm, prerez 8 mm, /št. neg. 18860/, /inv. št. E 2882/, /inv. št. NM 1109/. Puščica ima vodilno perje iz peres divjega purana v dolžini 19 cm in naslikane barvne obroče v rdeči, črni, in vijolični barvi. Puščica je bila narejena leta 1836. Baragova donacija. KOMENTAR: Puščice (sl. 54) so narejene iz lesa ali trsa in so sestavljene iz šestih delov. Glave puščice ali osti na sl. 56 so bile pred prihodom belcev, ki so Indijance seznanili z železom, narejene iz kremena, obsidiana, kosti ali samorodnega bakra. Glava puščice je lahko tudi iz stekla steklenice.225 Držalo puščice so naredili iz lesa, ki ga je bilo mogoče najti na določenem območju. Posebno cenjen je bil železov les - gaber (Carpinus caroliniana). Držala puščic so različnih dolžin, oblik in prereza. Pernati podstavek je del držaja puščice, nanj ali vanj je pritrjeno vodilno perje. Peresa so pritrjena na konceh s kitami, v srednjem delu pa z lepilom. Lahko so tudi vložena v zareze. Za stabilizacijo leta so uporabljali perje orla, sokola, jastreba, divjega purana in drugih ptičev. Peresno rebro je razcepljeno na pol, pero samo pa obrezano v obliki romba. Peresa se razlikujejo po dolžini, širini, obliki in številu. Ročaj je del na koncu puščice, za katerega je strelec puščico držal. Glede na območje in pleme ima ta del različne oblike. Zareza za tetivo je na koncu puščice. Vsako pleme ima svojo karakteristično zarezo. Glava puščice je kaljena in različnih oblik, pač glede na namembnost - lov, vojna, urjenje (sl. 55). Dejstvo, da so našli veliko kamnitih konic, ne pomeni nujno, da so v glavnem uporabljali takšne konice, temveč le to, da konice iz drugih naravnih materialov strohnijo. Praviloma so loke in puščice izdelovali posebej za to izurjeni rokodelci. Med severnimi plemeni so bili izdelovalci puščic ali tolkači puščičnih konic (glav) poseben razred. Že po puščicah je bilo mogoče prepoznati določeno pleme, pa tudi izdelovalca ali tolkača puščice. Tako so imeli jugozahodni Indijanci navadno dolge puščice s kratkimi peresi, ravninski Indijanci pa kratke puščice z dolgimi peresi. Puščice so hranili v posebnih etuijih, narejenih iz kože. Glede na okras, dolžino, prečni prerez, prirezanost perja, glave puščice in drugo je lahko izurjen lovec, takoj ko je našel puščico, ugotovil, iz katerega plemena izhaja. Indijanci plemena Sioux so na primer krasili puščice, ki so jih uporabljali podnevi, z rdečo barvo, tiste za noč pa s črno barvo. Nekatera druga plemena so svoje puščice žlebila s puminim zobom. Zanimivo je poročilo postavljalca pasti Heinricha Jakoba Besudena iz leta 1837:”...jelen je, potem ko je bil zadet, očitno tekel še zelo daleč. Črni bik je opazoval puščico, potem ko jo je previdno izrezal iz živali. Ugotovil je nekaj osupljivega - to je bila vojaška puščica Očipvejcev, namenjena dolgim strelom. Bila je ‘brezglasna’, s posebnim perjem, ki je oslabilo zvok šviga skozi zrak. Take puščice so zadevale zelo točno. Črni bik je rekel, da gre za majhno skupino 5 do 8 vojakov, ki so oddaljeni okrog 30 milj. Ker jih zanimajo le konji, smo lahko mirni. Naslednji dan smo srečali skupino sedmih Očipvejcev. Črni bik jih je le bežno pogledal in dal enemu nazaj njegovo puščico.”226 Puščice so nosili tudi kot nakit. Tako ima na sliki Georga Catlina indijanski bojevnik Ten-squa-ta-way (sl. 57) v levem ušesu kot uhan tri manjše puščice. Glave puščic severnoameriških Indijancev za razliko od južnoameriških Indijancev, ki so svoje puščice zastrupljali s strupom kurare227, niso bile zastrupljene. Vendar so po izjavi nekega Indijanca iz plemena Apačev v rezervatu San Carlos (Arizona) imeli prav Apači zastrupljene glave puščic. Grenville Goodwin je o tem leta 1932 zapisal: “Naši možje (Apači) so zelo dolgo premazovali s strupom puščične glave in tudi krogle mušket. Zadostovalo je že, da so s tem le oprasnili žival ali človeka; vsak je umrl zelo kmalu zatem. Recept za pripravo tega strupa je: vzameš vranico srne, jo zakoplješ v zemljo ter jo tako pustiš 12 dni, dokler popolnoma ne razpade. Potem vzameš liste koprive vrste Urtica, koprivne korenine in stebla, temu pa dodaš še neko rastlino, ki ima tako pekoč okus kot čili. Iz te mešanice iztisneš sok. Tako pridobljen sok pomešaš z razpadlo srnino vranico, vse skupaj daš v svežo jelenovo mošnjo, ki jo tesno povežeš in obesiš na drevo. Po petih dneh odpreš vrečko, vanjo pljuneš ter hitro zapreš zaradi smradu. Po nekaj dneh smrad izgine in strup je pripravljen. S strupom premažeš glave puščic in krogle. Potem jih sušiš na soncu toliko časa, da dobijo vijoličast sijaj. Če strup posušiš, ga lahko zmelješ v prah. Ko spet potrebuješ stmp, prah zmešaš s pljunki. Stmp se obdrži več let ter v nekaj sekundah usmrti vsako živo bitje. Pri lovu ne pokvari vsega mesa, temveč samo malo okoli strelne rane.”228 Po pripovedi Grenvilla Goodwina so imeli Apači še neki drug strup. Tega so pripravili “...iz zvarka, ki je narejen iz posušenih in zdrobljenih hroščev. Ti hrošči so veliki kot noht na palcu, imajo rumene noge ter strašno smrdijo, če jih zdrobiš. Zvarek za 3 dni zakoplješ v zemljo, dokler ni gost kot med. Takrat je strup narejen in ubije na mestu. Žival ne naredi niti treh korakov več, če jo zadeneš. Vendar pa je pri tem strupu uporabno le tisto meso, ki je od strelne rane oddaljeno za dolžino ene podlahti. Meso je treba izrezati takoj.”229 Če so ti strupi pri Apačih res obstajali, so za razliko od strupa kurare delovali na kri. 44. PUŠČICA; gabrov les, brez puščične glave; dolžina držaja puščice - 57,7 cm, prerez – 8,5 mm, /št. neg. 18860/, /inv. št. E 18157/, /inv. št. NM 1110/. Puščica ima vodilno perje iz peres divjega purana v dolžini 6 cm in naslikane barvne obroče v rdeči, črni in vijolični barvi. Puščica je bila narejena leta 1836. Baragova donacija. KOMENTAR: Glej komentar h kat. št. 43. 45. PUŠČICA; gabrov les, glava puščice železo; dolžina glave - 5,5 cm, držaja puščice – 61,6 cm, prerez – 7 mm, /št. neg. 18860/, /inv. št. E 18158/, /inv. št. NM 1111/. Puščica ima vodilno perje iz peres divjega purana v dolžini 19,5 cm in naslikane barvne obroče v rdeči, črni in vijolični barvi. Puščica je bila narejena leta 1836. Baragova donacija. KOMENTAR: Glej komentar h kat. št. 43. 46. PUŠČICA; gabrov les, glava puščice baker; dolžina glave - 3,5 cm, držaja puščice – 57, 1 cm, prerez – 7 mm, /št. neg. 18860/, /inv. št. E 18159/, /inv. št. NM 1112/. Puščica ima vodilno perje iz peres divjega purana v dolžini 16,3 cm in naslikane barvne obroče v rdeči, črni in vijolični barvi. Puščica je bila narejena leta 1836. Baragova donacija. KOMENTAR: Glej komentar h kat. št. 43. 47. PUŠČICA; gabrov les, brez puščične glave, dolžina držaja puščice - 59,8 cm, prerez – 8 mm, /št. neg. 18860/, /inv. št. E 18160/, /inv. št. NM 1113/. Puščica ima vodilno perje iz peres divjega purana v dolžini 19,5 cm in naslikane barvne obroče v rdeči, črni in vijolični barvi. Puščica je bila narejena leta 1836. Baragova donacija. KOMENTAR: Glej komentar h kat. št. 43. 48. PUŠČICA; gabrov les, glava puščice železo; dolžina glave - 5,3 cm, držaja puščice – 58 cm, prerez – 8 mm, /št. neg. 18860/, /inv. št. E 18161/, /inv. št. NM 1114/. Puščica ima vodilno perje iz peres divjega purana v dolžini 21 cm in naslikane barvne obroče v rdeči, črni in vijolični barvi. Puščica je bila narejena leta 1836. Baragova donacija. KOMENTAR: Glej komentar h kat. št. 43. 49. BOJNI KIJ; ameriški oreh - hikori; d - 65,3 cm, premer udarne glave - 7,6 cm, debelina ročaja - 1,4 cm; /št. neg. 18861/, /inv. št. E 2829/, /inv. št. NM 869/. Bojni kij je narejen iz enega kosa lesa in ni bil v uporabi. Nastal je leta 1836 in pripada indijanskemu plemenu Očipve. Baragova donacija. KOMENTAR: Bojni kij (kat. št. 49) omenja Karl Deschmann v Vodniku po kranjskem deželnem muzeju Rudolfinum iz leta 1888 na str. 152 pod št. 53 kot glavarjev bat in ga pripisuje afriški zbirki. Kasneje je bil ta kij vpisan v inventarni knjigi Narodnega muzeja iz let 1895-1914 pod inv. št. NM 869 s pripombo, da pripada zbirki dr. Knobleharja, ter s pripisom poglavarjev bat. V inventarni knjigi II Slovenskega etnografskega muzeja je bojni kij poleg inventarne številke dobil tudi novo ime - bumerang. Predmet so vodili kot donacijo misijonarja dr. Ignacija Knobleharja, opredelili pa so ga za orožje črncev. Pavla Štrukelj ga v svoji študiji uvršča med bojne kije afriških plemen.230 Tudi v katalogu razstave ga uvršča med orožje afriških plemen, kot so Bari, Čir, Šuli in Kik.231 Zamenjava bojnega kija (kat. št. 49) plemena Očipve z nepravilnim pripisom, da je črnski, ima podobno zgodovino kot kij južnoameriških Indijancev (kat. št. 50). Kij je bil prvič razstavljen v Deželnem muzeju (Liceju v Ljubljani) leta 1844. V tretji sobi so bili v veliki omari razstavljeni indijanski predmeti in afriški predmeti donatorja Antona pl. Lavrina.232 Zbirki indijanskih in črnskih predmetov, ki sta bili brez inventarnih številk, so ob selitvi pomešali. Muzealije so pričeli inventarizirati šele leta 1905, inventarno knjigo pa so začeli pisati leta 1895. Strokovnjakov takrat ni bilo in tudi po delitvi muzealij leta 1924–25 niso revidirali muzealij iz neevropskih kultur. Tako se je ta nestrokovnost in napaka vlekla vse do danes. V spisku kustosa Freyerja 14. aprila 1837 je pri bojnem kiju pripis: “en bojni kij iz čvrstega indijanskega lesa”. V seznamu, ki je bil objavljen v Ilirskem listu 25. aprila 1837, pa je podatek še bolj natančen: “en bojni kij, izdelan iz neke zelo trde drevesne korenine”. Tako moramo najprej ločiti, kaj pomeni korenina in kaj je vzdolžni rez iz debla oziroma veje. Bojni kij iz Južne Amerike (kat. št. 50) je narejen iz vzdolžnega reza debla ali veje, bojni kij Indijancev Očipve (kat. št. 49) pa je narejen iz korenine, kar je tudi napisano v Muzejskih prispevkih 25. aprila 1837. Lesa, iz katerih sta narejena bojna kija, sta kaj različna. Bojni kij kat. št. 50 je narejen iz kačjega lesa. Ta raste v vlažnih tropskih gozdovih v Gvajani in porečju Amazonke in nikakor ne bi mogel uspevati v hudih zimah, kot jih pozna območje Gornjega jezera. Les, iz katerega je narejen bojni kij kat. št. 49, je ameriški oreh - hikori. To je izredno trd les, ki raste v gozdovih ob Gornjem jezeru. Bojni kij (kat. št. 49) z okroglo glavo je klasičen primer bojnih kijev, ki so jih uporabljala indijanska plemena Očipve, Siouxi, Iroquezi, Otavani, Menomini in drugi. Narejen je bil iz korenine z okroglo udarno glavo in daljšim držalom. Pred prihodom belih kolonizatorjev (ti so seznanili Indijance z železom in jeklom) je imel kij v glavi zob iz kosti ali kamna. Nekateri kiji so bili tudi bogato okrašeni. Pri primerjavi bojnega kija kat. št. 49 (sl. 58) z bojnim kijem ravninskih Indijancev Očipve (sl. 59) ugotovimo, da sta po obliki skoraj enaka. Razlika je le v tem, da ima bojni kij ravninskih Očipev v glavi zob iz kosti.233 Oblikovno enak kiju kat. št. 49 je tudi bojni kij Indijancev Očipve (sl. 60). Razlikujeta se le v tem, da ima ta kij na hrbtu glave in ročaja izrezano vidro.234 Skoraj enak bojni kij, kot je naš (kat. št. 49), drži na sliki v roki poglavar Očipvejcev Okeemakaaquid (sl. 61). Iz vsega povedanega lahko trdim, da pripada bojni kij kat. št. 49 severnoameriškim Indijancem plemena Očipve in ne afriškim plemenom iz zbirke dr. Knobleharja. Tako lahko rečem, da je kij kat. št. 49, ki je nastal leta 1836, daroval škof Friederik Baraga. 50. BOJNI KIJ, narejen iz kačjega lesa235; d - 56,5 cm, širina spodaj - 8 cm, širina zgoraj - 10 cm, debelina - 1,7 do 1,8 cm; /št. neg. 18862/, /inv. št. E 2866/, /inv. št. NM 1144/ datacija: 18. ali 19. stoletje. Donator neznan. KOMENTAR: Vse do sedaj se je kljub nadgrajevanju strokovnih spoznanj o neevropski kulturi pripisovalo omenjeni bojni kij (kat. št. 50) severnoameriškim Indijancem, plemenu Očipve. Tako se je na primer v raziskavi236 in na razstavi237 strokovno zagovarjalo dejstvo, da omenjeni bojni kij pripada plemenu Očipve. Da te teze ne zdržijo znanstvene presoje, bomo dokazali s tem komentarjem. Udarni kij (kat. št. 50) namreč pripada Indijancem iz Brazilije, konkretno enemu izmed južnoameriških indijanskih plemen ob Amazonki. To nestrokovno pripisovanje bojnega kija (kat. št. 50) južnoameriških Indijancev severnoameriškim Indijancem plemena Očipve ima korenine v času po delitvi zbirk. Leta 1924–25 so celotni fond bivšega Deželnega muzeja razdelili med Narodni muzej in Etnografski muzej. Muzealije, ki so bile v bivšem liceju, so se namreč ob selitvi pomešale. Predmeti niso imeli inventarnih številk in jih je prvi pričel pisati dr. Walter Šmid leta 1905, on je tudi uredil narodopisne zbirke. Za vodilo je vzel Vodnik po Kranjskem deželnem muzeju Rudolfinumu iz leta 1888. Čeprav sta bila Karl Deschmann in dr. Walter Šmid strokovnjaka na svojem področju, se nista spoznala na materialno kulturo Indijancev. Šele z odprtjem oddelka za neevropske kulture v dvorcu Goričane se leta 1964 prične sistematično preučevati materialna in duhovna kultura neevropskih kultur. Temu se je kasneje pridružil tudi nekak “center neuvrščenih”. Žal so bile raziskave bojnih kijev inv. št. E 2866 (kat. št. 50) in inv. št. E 2829 (kat. št. 49) neuspešne. Za dokaz izvora bojnega kija (kat. št. 50) bomo uporabili primerjalno formalno analizo. Bojni kij (kat. št. 50) je na zgornjem udarnem delu graviran v dolžini 26 cm, (averz, sl. 62). Upodobljene so volute, rombi in raster prekrižanih črt, ki jih omejujejo križi. Na reverzu (sl. 62) so upodobljeni križi v okviru: na koncu kija so štirje, v sredini trije in na drugem koncu dva. Po obliki je kij (kat. št. 50) enak kiju, ki ga hrani Staatliches Museum für Völkerkunde v Münchnu (sl. 63). Zelo podobni so si tudi kiji na sl. 64. O teh kijih iz Brazilije je dr. Friderik Ratzel napisal: “Udarni kij, ki se pojavi v neki posebni obliki na severu Južne Amerike, je štirioglat, ploščat in se na obeh koncih razširi. Ima okras (gravuro) na površini, ki se sicer ne pojavi na teh območjih in lahko kaže na to, da so te kije uporabljali kot poglavarjevo znamenje.”238 Še bolj natančno pa je te kije (190 bojnih kijev) obdelal Hjalmar Stolpe.239 Gravure, ki so vrezane v te bojne kije, so izdelek plemen iz Brazilije in Gvajane iz 19. stoletja.240 Kiji imajo vgravirane človeške in živalske figure, abstraktne motive, ornamente in figure božanstev. Teh kijev niso uporabljali le v boju, ampak tudi pri plesu. Pri primerjavi gravure na kiju (kat. št. 50) s tremi kiji iz Brazilije in Gvajane (sl. 65) opazimo veliko podobnost v vgraviranem ornamentu. Še več, gravura na kiju (sl. 65, 2) je zelo podobna gravuri na našem kiju kat. št. 50. Način noše in obliko kija kat. št. 50 naj ilustriram z izredno realističnimi risbami, ki sta jih med leti 1783 in 1792 narisala Joaquim Jose Codina in Jose Joaquim Freire.241 Na risbi (sl. 66) je upodobljen Indijanec plemena Rio Branco, pod desno pazduho ima bojni kij. Ob primerjavi tega z našim bojnim kijem (kat. št. 50) vidimo, da sta po obliki enaka (sl. 67 - detajl). Tudi Indijanec plemena Uaupe ima pod levo pazduho trapezast bojni kij (sl. 68 in sl. 69). Iz povedanega in ob uporabi slikovnega gradiva lahko trdimo, da je bojni kij kat. št. 50 iz Brazilije, in pripada torej enemu izmed plemen, ki žive (so živela) ob Amazonki. Tako ga moramo izvzeti iz zbirke severnoameriških Indijancev plemena Očipve. 51. SEKIRA, granit; d - 9,9 cm, š - 7,4 cm; /št.neg. 18863/, /inv.št. E 18162/. Sekira nima ročaja. Najdena je bila v kraju Arbre Croche, kjer so leta 1836 živeli Indijanci plemena Otavanov.242 Pirčeva donacija. KOMENTAR: Kamnito sekiro (sl. 70) je Frideriku Baragi dal za Deželni muzej vojvodine Kranjske Franc Pirc leta 1836, kar za njeno izdelavo pomeni terminus post quem non. Sekire tega splošnega tipa se najdejo na mnogih krajih ZDA in Kanade. Arheologi jih datirajo v čas pred našim štetjem. Te vrste kamnite sekire so imenovali “tomahavk”. Beseda izvira iz algonkinskega jezika lenapskih Indijancev iz Virginije ter se je v originalu glasila “tamahak” ali “tamahakan”, kar je v bistvu pomenilo “orodje za rezanje”. Angleški pomorski kapitan John Smith je v letih 1607-1609 napisal majhen slovar indijanskega jezika, kjer je prvič omenil besedo tomahavk ter s tem pojmom označil sekire in bojne gorjače domorodcev. Kasneje, s prihodom belcev, so besedo uporabljali izključno za indijanske bojne sekire, ki so bile narejene iz kovine (te so bile izdelek belcev).243 Mark Catesby jih je 1731 opisal: “Obstajata dve vrsti. Prva je narejena iz palice, dolge 3 čevlje (91,5 cm). Ta palica ima na koncu kepo iz trdega lesa, (kot npr. bojni kij Indijancev Očipve, ki ga hrani Slovenski etnografski muzej, oddelek za neevropske kulture – Goričane, kat. št. 49, op. avtorja). Druga vrsta je narejena iz kamna, ki ima zarezo in je pritrjena na lesen ročaj. S temi tomahavki so se bojevali in delali.”244 Ob primerjavi kamnite sekire (sl. 71), ki je bila najdena na meji med Missourijem in Kansasom (sekira je iz granita in je dolga 20 cm), s kamnito sekiro kat. št. 51 (sl. 72) vidimo le majhne oblikovne razlike. Razlika je samo v velikosti. Kamnito sekiro (sl. 71) datirajo arheologi v čas 1000 let pred našim štetjem. Kamnite sekire kat. št. 51 (sl. 72), ki jo ima Slovenski etnografski muzej, v tako zgodnji čas ne bi mogli uvrstiti. Martin Pitzer v katalogu o zbirki Indijancev plemena Otavanov na strani 14 imenuje tudi kamnito sekiro brez držala, staro okoli 180 let.245 Mark Catesby je leta 1731 kamnito sekiro opisal. To pomeni, da so bile kamnite sekire leta 1731 še v uporabi. Glede na to je čas nastanka sekire kat. št. 51 nedoločen. Narejena je bila pred letom 1836, uporabljali pa so jo kot delovno orodje in orožje. 52. MODEL KANUJA; brezova skorja, cedrovina in košček platna (za jadro). Indijanski čoln je zaradi transporta narejen v pomanjšanem merilu, kot model, vendar iz materialov, s katerimi so Indijanci Očipve izdelovali svoje prave čolne. Model kanuja ima naslednje mere: telo kanuja: d - 60 cm, š - 16 cm; vesli: d - 24 cm; jambor: v - 33 cm; jadro: v - 26,5 cm, š - 27 do 29,5 cm in kljuka za pričvrščenje jadra: d - 3,4 cm; /št. neg. 18864 in 18865/, /inv. št. E 2941/, /inv. št. NM 1106/. Model z vesli je poslikan z rdečo in črno barvo. Kanuje bil narejen leta 1836. Baragova donacija. KOMENTAR: Prometna sredstva, ki so jih imeli Indijanci Severne Amerike, so bila pozimi krplje in tobogan (indijanske sani) (sl. 74), poleti pa čoln (sl. 73). Glede na material so poznali tri tipe čolnov: kanu iz brezove skorje (sl. 75 A), čoln iz lesa (sl. 75 B) in kanu iz kože (sl. 75 C). Poleg tega so imeli Indijanci plemena Pomo iz Kalifornije še posebne čolne, narejene iz vej bičevja, s katerimi so lovili ribe na jezeru Clar.246 Ker Indijanci pred prihodom belcev niso poznali železa, so izdelovali svoje čolne s pomočjo ognja in kamnite sekire. Tako nam je bakrorezec Theodor De Bey z bakrorezom iz leta 1591 ilustriral izdelavo čolna - drevaka Indijancev plemena Timucua s Floride (sl. 77). Na grafiki je v ozadju upodobljeno drevo (sl. 77 A). Ob dnu drevesa gori naokoli ogenj, ki ga bo odžgal. V prvem planu grafike sta Indijanca, ki z ognjem votlita čoln.247 Indijanci plemen Mandan in Sioux so imeli okrogle čolne. Ogrodje teh čolnov je bilo narejeno podobno kot pri kanuju in oblečeno v bivoljo kožo. Taki čolni so bili bolj trdni kot kanuji. Tipov kanujev je več vrst (sl. 76 A, B, C, D), med seboj se ločijo glede na pleme. Vendar so kanuji indijanskega plemena Očipve, kot pravi Catlin, “...narejeni iz skorje, najbrž najlepši in najlažji izmed prevoznih sredstev”.248 Ker so Indijanci plemena Očipve živeli ob Velikih jezerih, so bili odvisni od kanuja. Uporabljali so ga za transport, ribolov, lov, promet, trgovino in v vojni. Tipični kanu Indijancev Očipve je narejen iz skorje breze in je obstojen le leto dni. O teh čolnih pravi Baraga v svoji knjigi: “Današnji Indijanci, predvsem tisti, ki živijo na bregovih Velikih jezer in ki imajo že potrebnega železnega orodja, izdelujejo neko vrsto čolnov, katerim se tujec, ko jih prvič vidi, ne more dovolj načuditi”.249 Baraga nato poda v knjigi opis izdelave kanuja: “Kanuji so izdelani iz velikih in močnih kosov brezove skorje in sešiti s koreninami neke posebne rastline.250 Šivi so prevlečeni s smolo, da čoln ne pušča vode. Gornji rob čolna sestavljata dva močna droga iz lahkega lesa, na katera so brezove skorje čvrsto prišite. V notranjosti čolna so za oporo lubju vgrajene kot nožev hrbet debele široke trske in široka rebra iz lahkega lesa, da se brezovo lubje ne lomi, če kaj vkrcajo”.251 Velikost kanuja je bila različna. Manjši kanu (sl. 73) je bil dolg okoli 7,30 m in širok 0,90 m. Veslala sta ga dva Indijanca. Daljši kanu za prevoz tovora in bojevnikov je bil dolg od 10,60 m do 12,20 m in širok 1,50 m. V njem je veslalo 8 do 10 Indijancev.252 Gradnja kanuja je zahtevala veliko ročne spretnosti. Delali so ga dva Indijanca in štiri Indijanke, za izdelavo pa so potrebovali 10 dni.253 Kanu so izdelovali tako, da so najprej konec junija ali v juliju (takrat se lubje najbolje loči od debla) zbrali brezovo lubje. Nato so ženske skuhale smolo iz jelke. Med to smolo so zamešali oglje, da je nastal kit, s katerim so lepili reže v brezovem lubju. Potem so pripravili razcepljene korenine jelke, kanadskega macesna ali borovca. Te korenine so ob šivanju brezove skorje na ogrodje kanuja namakali v ribjo juho, ta da lepilo, ki ni topno v vodi. Potem so za oblikovanje kanuja naredili ozke kose lesa iz bele cedre (Thuja occidentalis) ali kakega drugega vlaknastega zelenega lesa. Ob koncu so pripravili še les za rebra in izdelali okvir za zgornji del kanuja. Po teh pripravah so pričeli izdelovati kanu. Izdelovali so ga po naslednjem vrstnem redu: sl. 78 A: Najprej so poravnali teren, nato položili na tla okvir zgornjega dela in tesno ob njem zabili lesene kole. sl. 78 B: Zabite kole so potegnili iz jam in jih položili vodoravno na tla. Nanje so nato položili brezovo skorjo, nanjo so dali okvir zgornjega dela kanuja in ga obtežili s kamenjem. sl. 78 C: Položene kole so dvignili in z njimi tudi brezovo skorjo. Kole so nato med seboj zvezali tako, da sestavljajo zunanje ogrodje kanuja. sl. 79 D: Okvir zgornjega dela kanuja so potegnili od spodaj navzgor in nato so nanj Indijanke s koreninami jelke, kanadskega macesna ali borovca prišile brezovo skorjo. Pri tem so korenine namakale v ribjo juho (lepilo). sl. 79 E: Kanu so obrnili okrog in ga položili na podstavek iz tramov. Ženske so nato dokončno zašile kanujev plašč iz brezove skorje. Vse razpoke so zamazali z mešanico kita, ki je narejen iz smole in oglja. Površino kanuja so nato premazali s smolo, da je bila vodotesna. sl. 79 F: Podstavek iz tramov so odmaknili in kanu položili na zravnana tla, nato so v kanu vložili rebra. S tem je bil kanu narejen. Za kanu so izdelali tudi vesla iz bele cedre ali kakega drugega lahkega lesa. Veslo je dolgo od 121 cm do 182 cm. Večje kanuje so Indijanci opremljali tudi z jamborom in trikotnim jadrom. Jambor je bil visok 4,50 m, jadro pa na spodnjem koncu 3,60 m. Kanu so krmarili z veslom. V primeru dobrega vetra se je s kanujem dalo prejadrati 80 do 96 km na dan.254 Kanuje iz brezove skorje so ob koncu druge tretjine 19. stoletja zamenjala lesena plovila raznih oblik. Tako sporoča Baraga v pismu “Prečastitemu osrednjemu vodstvu Leopoldinine ustanove” v vizitacijskem poročilu med drugim tudi o svojem obisku Indijancev na Vrtnem otoku (otok je spadal med Bobrove otoke, ki so v Michiganskem jezeru). O plovilih piše: “Na splošno so ti Indijanci v civilizaciji precej napredovali: skoraj vsi so mizarji in tesarji in tudi čolne si sami delajo. Ko sem bil prvič tukaj, so imeli Indijanci samo čolne iz brezovega lubja, sedaj takih čolnov več ne vidiš.”255 53. KRPLJE; jesen, jelenovina. Okvir krpelj je iz jesenovega lesa in prepleten z mrežo iz jelenove kože; d - 104 cm, š - 30,4 cm, višina okvirja - 2,4 cm, /št. neg. 18865/, /inv. št. E 2867/, /inv. št. NM 1099, 1100/. Krplje so okrašene z rdečim volnenim blagom in cofi, na posameznih mestih pa so obarvane z rdečo barvo. Krplje niso bile v uporabi in so tip moških koničastih krpelj. Narejene so bile leta 1836. Baragova donacija. KOMENTAR: Baraga v knjigi o Indijancih opiše tudi krplje: “Druga in zelo koristna iznajdba256 severnoameriških Indijancev so krplje. Brez teh bi posebno tisti, ki bivajo bolj na severu, sploh ne mogli živeti, ker zapade tam pogosto 6 do 8 čevljev (182 do 243 cm, op. avtorja) snega in ne bi mogli niti najmanj loviti.”257 Nadalje Baraga opisuje hitrost potovanja Indijancev s krpljami. Tako piše, da je videl že Indijance, ki so s krpljami na nogah prehodili dnevno tudi 50 milj (okoli 80 km).258 O hoji s krpljami pa meni, da bi Evropejec brez poprejšnje vaje težko hodil. Težavnost potovanja s krpljami opisuje v pismu vodstvu Leopoldinine ustanove. Med dmgim navaja: “Indijanci, ki so tega vajeni od mladosti, hodijo lahko in hitro s svojimi snežkami, ki jim pravijo krplje, ki so zelo velike in težke. Preteklo zimo sem imel zelo nujne opravke v Michilli - Mackinacu, to je mestece kakih 50 ameriških milj (cca. 80 km) od tod (Arbre Croche). Bil sem prisiljen, da se tja odpravim na takih krpljah, s katerimi je v teh krajih pozimi edino mogoče potovati. Toda le s skrajnimi močmi in nepopisno težavo sem po dveh dneh dospel na cilj svojega potovanja. Med potjo sem se čisto izčrpan naslonil na sneg, da sem se malo odpočil. Še huje pa je bilo nazaj grede in dostikrat se skoraj nisem mogel premakniti z mesta.”259 Krplje so bile pozimi pomemben kos opreme pri Indijancih Očipve za hojo in lov po visokem snegu. Indijanska plemena so imela različno oblikovane krplje (sl. 80 A, 80 B in sl. 81). Pri Indijancih Očipve so imele ženske ovalno obliko krpelj, rekli so jim tudi medvedja taca (sl. 80 B). Moške krplje so bile spredaj polkrožno sklenjene, dolge približno 120 cm in široke 30 cm. Navadno so bile narejene iz jesena (Fraxinus nigra). V rezervatu Red Lake so Indijanci Očipve leta 1932 izdelovali krplje iz bezgovega lesa (Sambucus canadensis).260 Postopek izdelovanja krpelj: okvir krpelj iz svežega jesena so ogrevali nad paro ali ognjem tako, da se je les upognil v zaželeno obliko. V sredino okvira so pritrdili dve močni prečki, med kateri so Indijanke prepletle močne kite ali jermene iz srnine ali jelenove kože. Včasih so uporabljali kožo severnega jelena, po prihodu belcev pa tudi konjsko kožo. Nekatere krplje so tudi okrasili tako, da so na okvir ogrodja prišili koščke blaga ali obarvali notranjo mrežo. Ob začetku zime, ko pade prvi sneg, so Indijanci plesali tako imenovani ples na krpljah (ples je upodobil George Catlin261), saj je bil ples skupaj s petjem ob spremljavi ropotulj in bobnov izraz indijanskega verovanja, čustvovanja in mišljenja. 54. ZIBELKA; osnovna ploskev lipov les, nožna opora in obroč za zaščito glave cedrov les; d - 64,4 cm, š - 27,8 cm, deb. - 1 cm, višina obroča za zaščito glave - 26 cm; /št. neg. 18866 in 18867/, /inv. št. E 2948/, /inv. št. NM 1135/. Zibelka je okrašena. Osnovna ploskev je pri oglavju rezljana. Vzorci so cvetlični motivi, spirale, motivi srca. Vsi rezljani elementi so obarvani. Enako je okrašen tudi varovalni obroč za zaščito otrokove glave. Zibelka je bila že v rabi, saj je bila po besedah Barage narejena za člana poglavarjeve družine. Tako lahko nastanek zibelke postavimo v leto ali dve pred letom 1836. Baragova donacija. KOMENTAR: Indijanski otroci prežive prvo leto življenja v zibelki, ki je pravzaprav nosilna deska za otroka. Zibelke so pri indijanskih plemenih narejene iz različnih materialov in nekatere so tudi bogato okrašene. Tako so imeli Indijanci plemena Črna noga (Blackfoot) zibelko v obliki vreče pritrjeno na dvoje deščic.262 Izredno bogato, s stiliziranimi geometrijskimi elementi je poslikana zibelka plemena Mohawk,263 Indijanci plemena Chinook pa so imeli zibelke, ki so imele ob temenu glave pritrjeno deščico. S to so pritiskali na glavo dojenčka in mu s tem lepotno oblikovali glavo v obliki stožca.264 Zelo preproste zibelke so poznali Indijanci plemena Paiute. Osnova je bila narejena iz bičevja, ki je bilo oblečeno v jelenovo usnje265, imeli pa so tudi zibelko, spleteno samo iz vrbovih šib.266 Zibelka ima osnovno ploskev - desko, pri nogah polkrožno nožno oporo, pri glavi pa varovalni obroč za glavo (sl. 82). Lesena ploskev zibelke je bila pri Indijancih Očipve iz lipovega lesa, dolga 100 cm in široka 25 cm, nožna opora in obroč za zaščito glave pa sta bila iz cedrovine ali jesena. Otroške zibelke Indijancev Očipve so bile izredno lepo okrašene. Vanje so vrezali stilizirano cvetje ali ornamente in jih nato obarvali. Bogataje bila tudi vrhnja prevleka za zibelko (sl. 82). Žal se je vezena vrhnja prevleka za to zibelko izgubila. 55. PREVEZA ZA ZIBELKO, črno volneno sukno, okrašena s svilenimi aplikami v rdeči, zeleni, rumeni in svetlo modri barvi; d - 136 cm, š - 17,4 cm; /št. neg. 18868/, / inv. št. E 2869/, /inv. št. NM 1096/. Preveza je bila narejena v drugi polovici 19. stoletja. Čebulu pripisana donacija. KOMENTAR: Preveza za povijanje otroka na indijanski zibelki (nosilni deski) je okrašena z barvnimi aplikami. Pod pojmom aplika razumemo vse tiste tehnike, pri katerih je na nosilno snov - (podlago) narejen vzorec s pomočjo na različne načine obarvanega in pridobljenega materiala. Vzorec lahko nastane naravnost, kot na primer pri vezenju, v večini primerov pa igla in nit služita zgolj za pričvrščevanje aplike. Indijanci so sicer prevzeli osnovne aplikacijske tehnike belih kolonizatorjev, vendar so jih naprej razvijali po svoje ter tako v kombinaciji s svojimi tradicionalnimi elementi ustvarili izvirne oblike in stilne elemente.267 Vse preveze za zibelko so imele skoraj enake mere. Kot ilustracijo tega lahko primerjamo prevezo iz Ontaria (sl. 83)268 z našo prevezo za zibelko kat. št. 55 (sl. 84)269. Preveza iz Ontaria (Ottawa) je oblikovana z enakimi aplikami kot preveza kat. št. 55. Preveza iz Ontaria je dolga 136 cm in široka 18 cm, preveza kat. št. 55 pa široka 17,4 cm in dolga 136 cm. Prevezo iz Ontaria datirajo v čas okoli 1860. Preveza za zibelko kat. št. 55 je nastala v drugi polovici 19. stoletja in je izdelek Indijanke iz plemena, ki je živelo v okolici Velikih jezer. 56. ROG, mehak les, brezova skorja. Ima ustnik, telo in dolg trak za nošenje. Ustnik in telo roga sta narejena iz mehkega lesa, telo pa je ovito z brezovo skorjo; d - 132,5 cm, širina spodaj - 8,5 do 7 cm, dolžina ustnika - 15 cm /št. neg. 18869/, /inv. št. E 2901/, /inv. št. NM 1145/. Rog je osamljen primer med glasbili severnoameriških Indijancev. Narejen je bil verjetno v drugi polovici 19. stoletja. Baragi pripisana donacija. KOMENTAR: Rog (kat. št. 56) je prvič omenjen leta 1888 v Vodniku skozi kranjski deželni muzej - Rudolfmum.270 Avtor kataloga Karl Deschmann ga citira na strani 155 pod številko 27 kot glasbilo “indijanski šalmaj” in ga pripisuje donaciji Friderika Barage. Ob ogledu glasbila šalmaj (Schalmei)271 sem ugotovil, da je Karl Deschmann napak poimenoval to glasbilo. Šalmaj je lesena ravna piščal s sedmimi odprtinami za prste in je bolj podobna kljunasti flavti (Blockflöte)272, Baragi pripisani rog pa je spodaj ukrivljen in je bolj podoben ukrivljenemu rogu (Krummhorn).273 Tudi raziskovalka Baragove zbirke dr. Pavla Štrukelj v svoji razpravi nepravilno poimenuje rog. V svoji študiji navaja o njem: “Od glasbil je v zbirki le dolg, nekoliko ukrivljeni rog. Uvrščamo ga med piščalke in flavte, ki so ugotovljene pri Indijancih Ojibwa in še pri nekaterih drugih plemenih. Muzejski rog je lesen in ovit z brezovim lubjem. Raziskano je, da so bile podobne lesene piščalke edino glasbilo mladeničev, kadar so igrali svojim dekletom. Taka piščalka je lahko dala le skromen čivkajoč ton.”274 Če primerjamo vse slikovno gradivo, lahko ugotovimo, da severnoameriški Indijanci ne poznajo pihalnega glasbila - roga. Mladi zaljubljeni indijanski mladeniči so namreč, kadar so dvorili svojim izvoljenkam, igrali na ljubezensko ali snubilno flavto (sl. 85, sl. 86 D in sl. 87 B – slika snubilne flavte Očipvejcev) in ne na rog. Razlika med rogom in snubilno flavto je po obliki in barvi glasu več kot očitna. Pričevalni je tudi opis z risbami Georga Catlina o indijanskih glasbenih instrumentih. O njih pravi: “Indijanci so imeli malo glasbenih instrumentov, bili so enostavni. Ropotulje (sl. 86 A) so narejene iz surovih kož, ki jih posušijo in napolnijo s kamenčki iz kremena. Za ropotulje so uporabljali tudi oklepe želv, les ali školjke. Z njimi so spremljali svoje plese in petje. Bobni (sl. 86 B) so bili narejeni iz surovih kož, ki so bile napete na različne obroče. Uporabljali so jih pri vseh obredih in slovesnostih. Skrivnostna piščal (sl. 86 C) je bila kot inštrument nekaj posebnega. Njen ton je bil drugačen kot pri pihalnih inštrumentih belih priseljencev. Vojna piščal (sl. 86 E) je bila poznan in zelo cenjeni inštrument. Običajno je bila dolga 15 do 25 cm in narejena iz kosti jelena ali divjega purana. Bila je okrašena z bodicami ježevca.275 Poglavar jo je nosil okoli vratu pod svojo obleko. Piščal ima samo dva tona - en ton je pomenil začetek boja, drugi pa umik. Ta dva tona se da zapiskati z obeh strani piščalke. Žvižgi so bili močnejši od bojnega kričanja Indijancev. Snubilna flavta (sl. 86 D) Indijancev plemena Winnebago je imela 3, 4 ali 6 odprtin za prste in veliko tonov.”276 Catlin nam nato po pripovedovanju opiše snubljenje Indijancev plemena Winnebago: “Na območju zgornjega Mississipija sedijo mladi ljudje plemena Winnebago in igrajo na snubilno flavto, kot so mi pripovedovali, pogosto ure dolgo, dan za dnem, v bližini vigvama, kjer je bila njihova izvoljenka. To so delali toliko časa, da so dobili privoljenje izvoljenke.”277 Tudi Indijanci Očipve so imeli svoje snubilne flavte (sl. 87 B), ki so bile narejene iz lesa jesena, cedre ali bezga. Na njih so snubilci igrali tako dolgo, da je dekle privolilo. Po njeni privolitvi so se domenili za deleže ob poročni pojedini.278 Podobne snubilne flavte so imeli tudi Indijanci plemena Yuchi279 in Otavani280. Med glasbenimi instrumenti so imeli Indijanci ob Velikih jezerih še lovsko trompeto za klicanje losa (sl. 87 A), ki je bila narejena iz brezove skorje in dolga približno 35 cm.281 Kot posebnost naj navedem še majhne piščali, ki so jih poznali Indijanci plemena Sioux. Pritrjene so jih imeli na ušesih. Z njimi so ob galopiranju na konjih hrušč še stopnjevali.282 Ob pregledu vseh indijanskih glasbenih inštrumentov vidimo, da tako velikega roga, kot je naš, severnoameriški Indijanci niso poznali. Zato domnevam, da je bil ta rog narejen kot signalno trobilo (ima ustnik in telo). Naši misijonarji so imeli sprva zelo skromne sakralne stavbe, ki so bile brez zvonikov. Za klicanje Indijancev k verskim obredom so uporabljali različne glasbene signale. Friderik Baraga je Indijance Očipve klical h krščanskemu nauku tako, da je poslal indijanskega dečka z zvončkom po vasi.283 Franc Pirc omenja, da je sam ves čas bivanja v misijonu imel navado s sončnim vzhodom dati znamenje za jutranjo molitev z morsko školjko284 ali pa z zvoncem.285 Posebno originalen je bil misijonar Ivan Čebul, ki je klical Indijance k molitvi kar s trobento.286 Zato menim, da je bil prav on naročnik tega 132,5 cm dolgega roga. Indijanci so mu ga naredili za eno njegovih misijonskih postaj, da ne bi poleg predmetov za bogoslužje s seboj prenašal še trobente. Rog je bil narejen po Čebulovem načrtu, saj po obliki in velikosti spominja na rogove črednikov s Kranjske. 153 Fajdiga, 1970, str. 54. 154 Feest, Kasprycki, 1993, str. 68. Na tem mestu je navedeno, da so okras na posodah za javorov sladkor naredili tako, da so odluščili zunanjo temnejšo plast skorje, pri tem pa je postala vidna spodaj ležeča svetlejša plast. Pravilno je: spodaj je ostala vidna temnejša plast breze, zgoraj pa svetlejša. 155 Lyford, 1953, str. 24. 156 Pitzer, 1854, str. 20, št. 29; lizika iz sladkorja je bila gotovo narejena po vzorcu belih priseljencev ali pa po receptih iz nunskih šol, ki so jih obiskovale nekatere mlade Indijanke. 157 Feest, Kasprycki, 1993, str. 68. 158 Baraga, 1837, str. 74. 159 Baraga, 1837, ravno tam. 160 Baraga, 1837, str. 75. 161 Baraga, 1837, str. 71. 162 Baraga, 1837, str. 67. 163 Baraga, 1837, str. 67. 164 Štrukelj, 1974, str. 130. Avtorica opiše košaro (kat. št. 11) na kaj nenavaden način: “Pletena posoda s pokrovom, oblikovana kot krogla, je pletena iz ploščatih viter tako, da votek prikazuje vitre po zunanji in notranji strani pokončne osnove.” Naša košarica (kat. št. 11) nima pokrova in ni pletena v obliki krogle. To je navadna košarica, kakršne imamo tudi v Sloveniji in jih uporabljamo kot namizni “košek za kruh”. 165 Lyford, 1953, str. 63. 166 Hrovat, 1887, str. 24. 167 V Illyrisches Blatt, 1837, str. 68 je pod točko b – stanovanjska oprema in leseni izdelki – napisano, da je vreča narejena iz trave. Pravilno je iz vlaken cedre. 168 Illyrisches Blatt, 1837, str. 68. 169 Lyford, 1953, str. 78. 170 Lyford, 1953, str. 83. 171 Lyford, 1953, str. 84. 172 Lyford, 1953, str. 129. 173 Lyford, 1953, ravno tam. 174 Lyford, 1953, ravno tam. 175 Lyford, 1953, str. 119, plošča 71. 176 Lips, 1958, str. 66. 177 George Catlin, Die Indianer Nordamerikas, I., Weimar 1979, (od tod citirano Catlin, I., 1979), str. 199. 178 Catlin, I., 1979, str. 200. 179 Lips, 1958, str. 63. 180 Catlin, I., 1979, str. 200. 181 Catlin, I., 1979, str. 201. 182 Citirano po: Lips, 1958, str. 66, 67. 183 Lips, 1958, str. 67. 184 Lips, 1958, navaja na strani 67 nepravilno letnico 1764. Verjetno je pravilna letnica 1664. William Penn r. 1644, u. 1718. 185 Feest, Kasprycki, 1993, str. 69. 186 Feest, Kasprycki, 1993, ravno tam. 187 Štrukelj, 1974. Avtorica na str. 130 meni, da sta rogoznici narejeni iz vlaken cedre. V Illyrisches Blatt, 1837, str. 68 je pod točko b – stanovanjska oprema in leseni izdelki – napisano, da sta rogoznici spleteni iz ločja, kar je pravilno. 188 Lyford, 1953, str. 89. 189 Lyford, 1953, str. 106. 190 Alfred Edmund Brehm, Velika knjiga o živalih, Ljubljana 1978, str. 123. V severni Ameriki živi ježevec, drevesni ježevec ali urson (Erethizon dorsatum). Doseže do 80 cm dolžine, od tega je 19 cm repa. Dlake na hrbtu so dolge do 11 cm. Na spodnji strani in na koncu repa so spremenjene v ostre ščetine, med ščetinami in dlakami pa štrle na hrbtni strani do 8 cm dolge bodice. 191 Peter Bolz, Bernd Peyer, Indianische Kunst Nordamerikas, Köln 1987 (od tod citirano Bolz, Peyer), str. 125. 192 Bolz, Peyer, str. 130. 193 Bolz, Peyer, str. 133. 194 Bolz, Peyer, ravno tam. 195 Bolz, Peyer, ravno tam. 196 Bolz, Peyer, str. 137. 197 Štrukelj, 1974. Avtorica omenjene študije ni upoštevala opombe kustosa Freyerja, da so mokasini “napol vezeni”, zato je na str. 126 zamenjala mokasine E 2916 za dekliške in mokasine E 2914 za ženske mokasine. Pravilno je: mokasini E 2914 (kat. št. 30) so dekliški, mokasini E 2916 (kat. št. 32) pa ženski. 198 Zaplotnik, 1928, str. 29, 30. 199 Zaplotnik, 1928, str. 30. 200 Stammel, 1992, str. 283. 201 Zaplotnik, 1928, str. 51. 202 Stammel, 1992, str. 253. 203 Lips, 1958, str. 189. 204 Lips, 1958, str. 201. Avtorica navaja, da je “cev pipe narejena iz olupljenega, olivnosivo lepo marmoriranega lesa sumacha ali ocetnega drevesa, ki mora biti odrezan jeseni, ko se drevesni sok vrne v zemljo. Mehki stržen se potisne iz sumachove veje s tanko paličico iz trdega lesa, s čimer zelo preprosto nastane cev...” Po tem zapisu lahko sklepamo, da so Indijanci uporabljali različen les za izdelavo pip. Tako so Indijanci plemena Yankton uporabljali les sumach, plemena okoli Velikih jezer pa jesen. 205 Lips, 1958, str. 193. Avtorica navaja med drugim, da leži Sveti kamnolom v osrčju južnominnesotske prerije (države Minnesota pri kraju Pipestone). Prva belca, ki sta videla kamnolom, sta bila Grosseilliers in Radisson, ki sta leta 1658 in 1660 prepotovala zemljišče in omenila pipe iz rdečega kamna. Sledil jima je Le Sueur in drugi. Šele nato je prišel George Catlin (1837), po katerem je dobil pipovec ime zaradi njegovega izčrpnega opisa kamnoloma in kamna samega. 206 George Catlin, Die Indianer Nordamerikas, II., Weimar 1979 (od tod citirano Catlin, II., 1979), str. 148. George Catlin je poslal nekaj kosov pipnega kamna v analizo dr. Jacksonu, mineralogu in kemiku, ki je ugotovil, da kamen ni salovec, ampak neke vrste mineral, ki je trši od mavca in mehkejši od kalcita. Sestava pipnega kamna je naslednja: voda 8,4%, kremenica 48,2%, glinica 28,2%, lojevec 6,8%, apnenčasta zemlja z ogljikovim dioksidom 2,6%, železov suboksid in manganov oksid 0,6%. To skupaj znaša 99 %, 1% pa moramo računati kot izgubo zaradi izparevanja. Naj na tem mestu pripomnim, da Pipestone ni najstarejši indijanski kamnolom. Najstarejši je v Arizoni, drugi pa v Ohiu. 207 Lips, 1958, str. 200, 201. Avtorica je bila prisotna pri izdelavi današnjih kalumetov. Na tem mestu povzemam opis izdelave. Preden se je kamnosek lotil dela, je predvidel velikost glave pipe in njeno oblikovanje glede na ugled naročnika. Za vsako obliko pipine glave in velikost ima različen, iz trdega usnja izrezan vzorec (patrono). Po njem je izrezal obliko glave pipe iz kamna. Danes izrezujejo pipe z režij ačo, včasih pa so jih izrezovali z ostro bivoljo travo. Grobo oblikovano pipo so zgladili s kremenjakom, ostrimi travami in nazadnje s peskom. Nato so v glavo pipe izvrtali luknje, glavo pa zgladili tako, da so jo nad ognjem segreli in še vročo natrli s čebeljim voskom. Na koncu so jo položili v mrzlo vodo in jo vzeli ven šele, ko se je popolnoma ohladila. 208 Lips, 1958, str. 188. Večjo veljavo kot sveta pipa miru je imela ploska pipa pri Indijancih plemena Arapaho. Tej pipi se je podrejalo sonce. Skrb zanjo je bila zaupana plemenskemu odličniku. Ta je nosil pipo kot sveti sveženj, ki je počival na štirih kolih, kadar so stali. Odličnika te pipe so varovali s posebno stražo, pipo pa so varovali tudi v taborišču. Tej pipi še danes darujejo darila, ki jih posveté in obredno uničijo. 209 Catlin, II., 1979, str. 113. 210 Stammel, 1992, str. 233. 211 Stammel, 1992, ravno tam. 212 Stammel, 1992, ravno tam. 213 Catlin, I., 1979, str. 49. 214 Stammel, 1992, str. 209. 215 Catlin, I., 1979, str. 30. 216 G. Schomaeker, Der Wilde Westen, Augsburg 1993, str. 11: Švicarski slikar Carl Bodmer (1809–1893) je v letih 1832–1834 spremljal princa Maximiliana von Wieda po Severni Ameriki, kjer je risal in slikal. Njegove realistične risbe in slike imajo za študij Indijancev veliko kulturno, zgodovinsko in etnološko vrednost. Na sliki je upodobil indijanskega bojevnika Pehriska iz plemena Hidatsa. Bojevnik, ki pleše pasji ples, je oblečen v slovesno obleko. V levici drži izredno lep lok iz kosti. 217 Catlin, I., 1979, str. 91, 92. Pasji ples je bil med plesi najbolj spoštovan. Plesali so ga samo tisti indijanski bojevniki, ki so se že lahko odlikovali z najmanj enim skalpom. Ples je potekal tako, da so v višini glave na kol nataknili pasja jetra in srce. Nato so pričeli Indijanci okoli kola plesati in, kot pravi Catlin, strahovito tuliti. Iz plesnega obroča je zatem eden po eden Indijanec skočil h kolu in odgriznil del jeter ali srca. Na ta način je simbolično pojedel del tistega, ki ga je ubil. 218 Reginald and Gladys Laubin, American Indian Archery, University of Oklahoma Press, Norman and London 1990 (od tod citirano Reginald and Gladys Laubin, 1990), str. 21. 219 Reginald and Gladys Laubin, 1990, ravno tam. 220 Stammel, 1992, str. 211. 221 Colin F. Taylor, William C. Sturtevant, The Native Americans, London 1991 (od tod citirano Taylor, Sturtevant, 1991), str. 132 (foto 14), str. 138 (foto 21), str. 168 (foto 8). 222 Stammel, 1992, str. 209. Avtor med plemeni, ki so imeli pihalnike, ne omenja plemena Indijancev Choctaw. Prav tako je pod fotografijo na strani 209 opis: “Cherokee s pihalnikom”. Pravilno je: Choctaw s pihalnikom. 223 Taylor, Sturtevant, 1991, foto str. 16; na fotografiji iz leta 1909 je upodobljena demonstracija pihalnika, ki jo izvaja Indijanec Joe Silestine – Toshkachito iz plemena Choctaw. 224 Taylor, Sturtevant, 1991, str. 16. 225 Feest, Kasprycki, 1993, str. 34. 226 Stammel, 1992, str. 254, 125. 227 Meyers großes Konversationslexikon, vierter Band, Leipzig und Wien 1908, str. 375, 376. Kurare je strup iz soka rastlin Strychnos. Južnoameriški Indijanci so ga uporabljali za premazovanje puščic in kopij. Strup povzroča ohromitev, ker vpliva na prenos dražljajev z živcev na mišice. 228 Stammel, 1992, str. 255. 229 Stammel, 1992, ravno tam. 230 Pavla Štrukelj, ‘Afriška zbirka vzhodnosudanskih plemen Bari in Čir v Slovenskem etnografskem muzeju (zbiralec Ignacij Knoblehar)’, Slovenski etnograf, let. XX, 1967, str. 144–155, Ljubljana 1968. Avtorica pripiše bojni kij E 2829 črnskemu plemenu Bari ali Čir. Pri tem ni prepričana v donatorstvo Knobleharja in meni, da ga je mogoče daroval Lavrin. Ker avtorica pri študiju ni uporabljala osnovnega vira: “Zapisek o muzejskih prispevkih (Museal Acten 1847-1850, Archiv des Krainischen Landesmuseums, Erwerbungen, Museal Beiträge 1844, arhiv Narodnega muzeja)”, ga tudi v katalogu razstave “Kultura črnskih plemen ob Belem Nilu v 19.stoletju”, Goričane 1968, ne omenja. Če bi uporabljala te pisne dokumente in v Ilirskem listu iz leta 1844 na str. 24 objavljen natančen spisek darovanih predmetov donatorja, generalnega konzula v Aleksandriji, Antona viteza Lavrina, ne bi dvomila o provenienci predmetov in donatorju. Avtorica razstave in kataloga šele v Etnografu, posvečenem 60-letnici muzeja, Slovenski etnograf, let. XXXII, 1980–1982, Ljubljana 1983, na str. 129–130, prvič pod naslovom “Neevropske kulture v muzeju Goričane” objavi seznam Lavrinovih darovanih predmetov. Ob tem napačno citira kot edini vir za seznam darovanih predmetov Ilirski llist iz leta 1844. (Pravilno: Museal Acten 1847-1850, Museal Beiträge 1844). Tudi pleme, katerega poglavarje bil šejk Gundaru – “poglavar Nabu črncev”, ni pravilno. Plemena Nabu črncev v Afriki namreč sploh ni. Pač pa obstaja pleme Nuba in prav poglavar gorskih Nub je bil šejk Gundaru. 231 Kultura črnskih plemen ob Belem Nilu v 19. stoletju, Goričane 1968. Avtorica razstave in kataloga Pavla Štrukelj na str. 11 pod številko 7-a imenuje kij inv. št. E 2829 (kat. št. 49) kot poglavarjev. Ker takrat avtorica še ni uporabljala dokumenta o donaciji Antona pl. Lavrina iz leta 1844, je pripisala bojne ki je inv. št. E 2829, inv. št. E 2830 in inv. št. E 2624 enemu izmed plemen Bari, Čir, Šuli, Kik. Pravilno je: bojna kija inv. št. E 2830 in inv. št. E 2624 sta pripadla plemenu gorske Nube, bojni kij inv. št. E 2829 (kat. št. 49) pa severnoameriškim Indijancem plemena Očipve. 232 Druga najstarejša zbirka je torej črnska zbirka plemena gorskih Nub, ki je donacija Lavrina. 233 Feest, Kasprycki, 1993, str. 76. Bojni kij je pripadal ravninskim Očipvam iz ZDA ali Kanade. Dolžina bojnega kija je 54,5 cm, zoba na njem pa 8,5 cm. Kij je datiran v čas okoli 1820. 234 Pitzer, 1854, str. 14; pod št. 5 sta dva bojna kija. Eden naj bi bil kopija, drugi pa original. 235 Meyers großes Konversationslexikon, 12. Band, Leipzig-Wien 1908, str. 455. Kačji les (Letternholz, Buchstabenholz, Schlangenholz, Tigerholz, Muskatholz) izvira iz Južne Amerike (Brazilija, Gvajana). Les je rdečerjave barve in ima črne lise, ki so podobne črkam ali kačjim luskam. Je zelo trd in težak, a lahko cepljiv. V trgovino prihaja dolg 30 do 90 cm in pogosto debel le 5 do 8 cm. Uporablja se ga za izdelavo sprehajalnih palic, violinskih lokov in za intarzije. 236 Štrukelj, 1974, str. 125. “Ploski leseni kij je izdelan iz zelo trde drevesne korenine” (pravilno: ni izdelan iz korenine, ampak iz debla ali veje). 237 Občasna razstava “Uporabna umetnost Indijancev Očipva v 19. stoletju”, avtorica razstave Pavla Štrukelj. 238 Friedrich Ratzel, Völkerkunde, Leipzig 1886, str. 576: knjiga je v knjižnici oddelka za neevropske kulture v Goričanah. 239 Hjalmar Stolpe, Amazon Indian Designs, from Brazilian and Guianan Wood Carwings, New York 1994 (od tod citirano Stolpe, 1994). Knjiga je ponatis iz leta 1927. Hjalmar Stolpe (1841-1905) je bil direktor etnografskega oddelka v Nacionalnem muzeju v Stockholmu. Eseje o teh bojnih kijih je izdal leta 1896 v knjigi Južna Amerika, kateri je dodana razprava “Študija ameriškega ornamenta”. Žal bojni kiji, ki so publicirani v izdaji iz leta 1994, niso točno locirani, njihovo najdišče pa se pripisuje Braziliji ali Gvajani. Knjiga je v knjižnici oddelka za neevropske kulture v Goričanah. 240 Založniška opomba v knjigi Stolpe, 1994; tu trdi, da so ti bojni kiji narejeni v 19. stoletju. Ta trditev ni pravilna, saj so po upodobitvah risarjev Joaquima Joseja Codina in Joseja Joaquima Freira (risala sta v letih 1783 in 1792) ti kiji starejši, torej so bili narejeni že v 18. stoletju! 241 Alain Gheerbrant, The Amazon, Past, Present and Future, 1992; risba Indijanca Rio Branco na str. 70 in risba Indijanca Uaupe na str. 71. To so risbe Indijancev, ki sta jih narisala Joaquim Jose Codina in Jose Joaquim Freire, člana portugalske ekspedicije, ki je preučevala Amazonske Indijance in tamkajšnje živalstvo. Ekspedicijo je vodil dr. Alexander Ferreira. 242 Danes se kraj Arbre Croche imenuje Harbor Springs in leži ob Michiganskem jezeru. 243 Stammel, 1992, str. 283. 244 Mark Catesby, The natural History of Carolina, Florida and the Bahama Islands, 2 dela, London 1731–1743. 245 Pitzer, 1854, str. 14. 246 Colin F. Taylor, William C. Sturtevant, The Native Americans, London 1991, str. 141. Fotografija Indijanca plemena Pomo s čolnom na jezeru Clar Lake. Jezero je v Kaliforniji na meji z državo Oregon. 247 James A. Maxwell (Editor), America’s fascinating Indian Heritage, Pleasantville 1994 (od tod citirano Maxwell, 1994), str. 84. Indijance plemena Timucua (Florida) je upodobil v tehniki bakroreza leta 1591 Flamec Theodore de Bry. 248 Catlin, II., 1979, str. 93. George Catlin se je rodil v kraju Wikesbarre v Pennsylvaniji. Končal je študij prava, vendar je opustil ta poklic ter se posvetil risanju in slikanju Indijancev. V letih 1832–1839 je potoval med indijanskimi plemeni Severne Amerike in v tem času je nastalo več kot 600 risb. S skupino Indijancev Očipve je potoval v Anglijo. Umrl je leta 1871 v Jersey Cityju (New Jersey). George Catlin je s svojimi popotnimi dnevniki, risbami in slikami pomembni kronist druge tretjine 19. stoletja za zgodovino Indijancev na severnih območjih ZDA. 249 Baraga, 1837, str. 82, 83. Naj na tem mestu pripomnim, da so Indijanci plemena Iroquois (Irokezov) poznali kanu že zelo zgodaj. Tako nam jezuit Joseph Francois Lafitau v svoji knjigi Die Sitten der amerikanischen Wilden, Halle 1752, opiše kanu in objavlja tudi njegov bakrorez na str. 376-379. 250 Friderik Baraga v svoji knjigi o Indijancih na str. 82 ne pove imena korenine, s katero so Indijanke šivale brezovo skorjo na ogrodje kanuja. Vse o kanuju glej: Lyford, 1953, str. 49-56. Kožo so šivale s koreninami jelke (Picea rubra), tamaraka - kanadskega macesna (Larix laricina) ali borovca (Pinus banksiana). 251 Baraga, 1837, str. 82, 83. 252 Lyford, 1953, str. 49. 253 Lyford, 1953, str. 56. 254 Baraga, 1837, str. 63. 255 Gregorič, 1983, str. 217. 256 Fajdiga, 1970, str. 62. 257 Baraga, 1837, str. 84. 258 Baraga, 1837, ravno tam. 259 Gregorič, 1983, str. 72. 260 Sister M. Inez Hilger, Chippewa child life and its cultural background, Washington 1951 (od tod citirano Hilger, 1951), str. 118. Jezero Red Lake je v državi Minnesota. 261 George Catlin, North American Indians, Volume II., New York 1973, plošča 243. 262 Maxwell, 1994, str. 181. 263 Maxwell, 1994, str. 125. 264 Maxwell, 1994, str. 283. 265 Colin F. Taylor, William C. Sturtevant, The Native Americans, London 1991 (od tod citirano Taylor, Sturtevant, 1991), str. 120, fotografija 1. 266 Taylor, Sturtevant, 1991, str. 120, fotografija 2. 267 Bolz, Peyer, 1987, str. 124. 268 Ralph T. Coe, Sacred Circles, Two Thousand Years of North American Indian Art, Kansas City, Missouri 1977, str. 96, sl. 143. 269 Štrukelj, 1974, str. 128. Avtorica razprave imenuje prevezo za otroka na indijanski zibelki “širok trak” in nato meni, da je težko reči, za kaj je bil trak uporabljen. Domneva, da je trak morda del oblačila ali del opreme indijanske zibelke. Njena domneva, da je del opreme indijanske zibelke, bolj natančno preveza za otroka na indijanski zibelki, je pravilna. 270 Deschmann, 1888, str. 155. 271 Kurt Dieter Solf, Joachim Schmidt, Duden, Band 3, Das Bildwörterbuch, Mannheim 1977 (od tu citirano Solf, Schmidt, 1977), str. 322, risba 14. 272 Solf, Schmidt, 1977, str. 322, risba 7. 273 Solf, Schmidt, 1977, str. 322, risba 6. 274 Štrukelj, 1974, str. 137. Avtorica razprave je to trditev povzela po knjigi Ruth Murray Underhill: Red Man’s America, Chicago 1953. Avtorica slednje knjige je doslednejša. O snubilni flavti pravi na strani 119 naslednje: “Ko pride čas za poroko, mladi Indijanci, ko izberejo najbolj prikladno dekle, snubijo v poletnih večerih s tem, da dekletu igrajo na flavto. Glas na flavto zaigrane melodije je piskajoč in podoben ptičjem čivkanju.” Kot je razvidno iz tega citata, Murrayeva kot inštrument omenja flavto, ne pa roga. 275 Norman Bancroft – Hunt, Indianer Nordamerikas, Bindlach 1994 (od tod citirano Bancroft – Hunt, 1994), str. 56; v knjigi sta opisani čudoviti signalni piščalki prerijskih Indijancev plemen Assinibon in Mandan iz leta 1820. 276 Catlin, I., 1979, str. 203, 204. 277 Catlin, I., 1979, str. 204. 278 Hilger, 1951, str. 157, 158. 279 Taylor, Sturtevant, 1991, str. 18, sl. 7. 280 Pitzer, 1854, str. 22, št. 33. Pitzer je v svoji zbirki predmetov Indijancev Otava imel tudi njihovo snubilno flavto. 281 Friderich von Gagern, Mejaši, Ljubljana 1944, str. 270. Fotografija Indijanca, ki s trobento, zvito iz brezove skorje, vabi losa. Fotografijo Indijanca, ki s trobento vabi losa, prinaša v svoji knjigi na str. 201 tudi Stammel, 1992. 282 Bancroft-Hunt, 1994, str. 56. 283 Gregorič, 1983, str. 142. 284 To školjko vrste krilati polž (Strombiade) je prinesel v takratni Deželni muzej misijonar Ivan Čebul, danes je izgubljena. 285 Hrovat, 1887, str. 35, 36. 286 Jaklič, 1931, str. 102. KAZALA KAZALO PREDMETOV Bojni kij: 49, 50 Kalumet: 38, 39, 40 Kanu: 52 Košarica: 11 Krplje: 53 Lok: 41, 42 Mokasini: 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37 Nožnica: 19 Otroška skodelica: 9, 10 Otroška žlica: 12 Posode: 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8 Preveza za zibelko: 55 Puščica: 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48 Rog: 56 Rogoznica: 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28 Sekira: 51 Torbica: 16, 17, 18, 20, 21 Vreča: 15 Zajemalka: 13, 14 Žlica: 12 KAZALO MATERIALOV Baker: 46 Brezova skorja: 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 20, 21, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 52, 56 Biseri iz stekla: 16, 17, 18, 29, 33, 56 Bodice ježevca: 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 19, 20, 21, 29, 30, 32, 33, 34, 35, 39, 40 Bombažno blago: 18 Catlinit: 38, 39, 40 Cedrov les: 11 (vitre iz cedre), 15, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 54 Gabrov les: 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48 Granit: 51 Hikorijev les (vrsta ameriškega oreha): 49 Jesenov les: 38, 41, 42, 53 Kačji les: 50 Kositer: 39 Koža jelena: 29, 30, 31, 34, 36, 37, 53 Koža srne: 32, 33, 35 Lipov les: 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 54 Ločje: 22, 23 Mehki les: 9, 10, 12, 13, 14, 39, 40, 56 Perje divjega purana: 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48 Preja: 36, 37 Rips (vrsta blaga): 17 Sukno (vrsta blaga): 18, 29, 33, 34, 55 Svileni rips (vrsta blaga): 18, 29, 33, 55 Volneno blago: 53 Volnene niti: 16, 17 Železo: 45, 48 Živalska kita (jelen ali los): 41, 42 KAZALO DONACIJ (Odebeljene številke pomenijo predmete, pri katerih donatorji niso z gotovostjo potrjeni.) FRIDERIK BARAGA: 1, 2, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 19, 20, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 30, 32, 33, 34, 35, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 52, 53, 54, 56 IVAN ČEBUL: 3, 11, 17, 18, 31, 38, 55 FRANC PIRC: 21, 29, 36, 37, 51 DONATOR NEZNAN: 50 SLIKOVNA PRILOGA ILLUSTRATED SUPPLEMENT ILUSTRACIJE / ILLUSTRATIONS Slika 1: Škof Friderik Baraga Plate 1: Bishop Friderik Baraga Slika 2: Množično obešanje Indijancev Santee Dakota v Mankatu Plate 2: Mass hanging of Santee (Dakota) in Mankato Slika 3: Dokument o Baragovi zbirki Plate 3: Document on the Baraga Collection Slika 4: Dokument o Baragovi zbirki Plate 4: Document on the Baraga Collection Slika 5: Zbirka severnoameriških Indijancev v Kraljevem etnografskem muzeju v Ljubljani leta 1927 Plate 5: The Native American Collection Slika 6: Zbirka Lavrina in Knobleharja v Kraljevem etnografskem muzeju v Ljubljani leta 1927 Plate 6: The Lavrin and Knoblehar Collections Slika 7: Misijonar Franc Pirc Plate 7: Missionary Franc Pirc Slika 8: Dokumenta o Pirčevi donaciji Plate 8: Two documents on the Pirc Donation Slika 9: Orodje; merilo v cm Plate 9: Tool Slika 10: Misijonar Ivan Čebul Plate 10: Missionary Ivan Čebul Slika 11: Dokument o Čebulevi zbirki Plate 11: Document on the Čebul Collection Slika 12: Pridobivanje javorjevega sladkorja Plate 12: Maple sugar preparation Slika 13: Posode iz brezove skorje za shrambo sladkorja Plate 13: Birch bark sugar vessels Slika 14: Posoda za sladkor Plate 14: Sugar vessel Slika 15: Žetev divjega riža Plate 15: Wild rice harvest Slika 16: Posoda iz lubja, napolnjena z divjim rižem Plate 16: Bark bag filled with wild rice Slika 17: Posoda iz brezove skorje, A – Mocock in B – plitvi skodelici za riž Plate 17: Birch bark baskets, A – mocock and B – rice trays Slika 18: Načrt posode iz brezove skorje /kat. št. 6/; mere v cm Plate 18: Drawing of a birch bark basket /cat. no. 6/ Slika 19: Načrt otroške skodelice /kat. št. 9/; mere v cm Plate 19: Diagram of a child’s cup /cat. no. 9/ Slika 20: Lesene žlice in zajemalke Očipva Indijancev Plate 20: Wooden spoons and ladles Slika 21: Pletenje vreče iz vrvice na enostavnem dvojnem držalu statev Plate 21: Bag being woven on a simple two-stick loom Slika 22: Pletena torba Indijancev Očipve Plate 22: Ojibwa woven bag Slika 23: A – B noža za skalpiranje Plate 23: A, B Scalping knives Slika 24: Nož, tovarniško izdelan v Sheffieldu – Anglija Plate 24: Knife manufactured in Sheffield, England Slika 25: Metode skalpiranja in vse o uporabi skalpa Plate 25: Scalping and the display of scalps Slika 26: Škatla iz brezove skorje Plate 26: Birch bark box (Museum für Völkerkunde, Vienna) Slika 27: Žena plemena Očipve tke rogoznico iz bičevja Plate 27: Ojibwa woman weaving a rush mat Slika 28: Nedokončana rogoznica iz cedrinega lubja Plate 28: Unfinished cedar bark mat Slika 29: Očipve pri gradnji vigvamov – vigvam s kupolo Plate 29: Ojibwa making wigwams Slika 30: Tabor Očipev – pravokotni vigvami z banjasto streho Plate 30: Encampment of the Ojibwa Slika 31: Vigvam Očipev pokrit z brezovo skorjo – tip koničastega vigvama Plate 31: Ojibwa wigwam covered with birch bark Slika 32: Mokasin /kat. št. 34/: A peta, B petni šiv, C zavihek – manšeta, D šiv, E oglav Plate 32: Moccasin /cat. no. 34/: A heel, B heel seam, C cuff; D instep seam, E vamp Slika 33: Zasnova za mokasin Plate 33: Moccasin pattern Slika 34: Narejen mokasin Plate 34: Finished moccasin Slika 35: Tehnike pletenja iz bodic ježevca: 1 ovijanje, 2 pletenje, 3 tehnika z eno nitjo, 4 tehnika z dvema nitma, 5 trikotni vzorec, 6 vzorec romba, 7 tehnika tkanja Plate 35: Quillwork techniques: 1 twisting, 2 twining, 3 one-thread technique, 4 two thread technique, 5 triangular design, 6 rhomboid design, 7 weaving technique Slika 36: Biseri: 1 mali biser, 2 semenski biser, 3 srednje velik in fasetni biser Plate 36: Beads: 1 pony bead, 2 seed bead, 3 medium-sized and faceted beads Slika 37: Vezenje z biseri: 1 tkanje z biseri, 2 tehnika oblaganja, 3 vbod Indijancev Crow Plate 37: Beadwork: 1 bead weaving, 2 overlay technique, 3 Crow stitch Slika 38: Oglav dekliškega mokasina /kat. št. 30/; barvna tabela: 6 rdeča, 8 siva, 11 zelena, R risba Plate 38: Vamp of a girl’s moccasin /cat. no. 30/; Colours: 6 red, 9 grey, 11 green, D drawing Slika 39: Oglav moškega mokasina /kat. št. 31/; barvna tabela: 2 modra, 8 siva, 10 črna, 9 vijoličasta Plate 39: Vamp of a man’s moccasin /cat. no. 31/; Colours: 2 blue, 8 grey, 10 black, 9 purple Slika 40: Oglav ženskega mokasina /kat. št. 32/; barvna tabela: 6 rdeča, 11 zelena Plate 40: Vamp of a woman’s moccasin /cat. no. 32/; Colours: 6 red, 11 green Slika 41: Oglav nevestinega mokasina /kat. št. 33/; barvna tabela: 1 bela, 2 modra, 5 rjava, 8 siva Plate 41: Vamp of a bridal moccasin /cat. no. 33/; Colours: 1 white, 2 blue, 5 brown, 8 grey Slika 42: Manšeta /kat. št. 33/; barvna tabela: 3 oker, 6 rdeča, 8 siva, B biseri, Č.B črno blago Plate 42: Moccasin cuff /cat. no. 33/; Colours: 3 ochre, 6 red, 8 grey, B beads, B.C black cloth Slika 43: Manšeta /kat. št. 34/; barvna tabela: 2 modra svila, 6 rdeča svila, B biseri, R.S rjavo sukno Plate 43: Cuff /cat. no. 34/; Colours: 2 blue silk, 6 red silk, B beads, B.C brown cloth Slika 44: Oglav ženskega mokasina /kat. št. 34/; barvna tabela: 1 bela, 2 modra, 3 oker, 6 rdeča, 8 siva, 11 zelena, B biseri, Z. O zlata obroba Plate 44: Vamp of a woman’s moccasin /cat. no. 34/; Colours: 1 white, 2 blue, 3 ochre, 6 red, 8 grey, 11 green, B Beads, G.H gilt hem Slika 45: Oglav otroškega mokasina /kat. Št. 35/; barvna tabela: 2 modra, 4 oranžna, 7 rumena, 11 zelena Plate 45: Vamp of a child’s moccasin /cat. no. 35/; Colours: 2 blue, 4 orange, 7 yellow, 11 green Slika 46: Načrt indijanske pipe /kat. št. 38/; mere v cm Plate 46: Diagram of a Native American pipe /cat. no. 38/ Slika 47: Indijanske pipe: A pipa miru ali sveta pipa, B navadne pipe, C catlinitne glave pip Plate 47: Native American pipes: A peace pipe or ceremonial pipe, B common pipes, C catlinite pipe-bowls Slika 48: Tipi pip in kadilni pribor: 1 ženska pipa, 2 moška pipa, 3 skodelica za tobačno mešanico, 4 mošnja za tobak, 5 igla za čiščenje pipe, 6 lesena posoda za mešanje tobaka, 7 kresilni kamen, 8 kresilo Plate 48: Types of pipes and smoking gear: 1 Woman’s pipe, 2 Man’s pipe, 3 and 6 wooden dishes for mixing tobacco, 4 tobacco bag, 5 pipe cleaner, 7 flint, 8 steel Slika 49: Mošnje za tobak iz kože bobra in vidre Plate 49: Beaver and otter hide bags Slika 50: Pipin ples Plate 50: Pipe dance Slika 51: Tipi lokov: 1 ploščat lok, 2 dvojno upognjen lok, 3 ojačan enostaven lok, 4 kalifornijski lok, 5 lok iz kosti Plate 51: Types of bows: 1 Flat bow, 2 Double-riser bow, 3 reinforced simple bow, 4 Californian bow, 5 Bone (horn) bow Slika 52: Preprosti lok: 1 zareza za tetivo, 2 krak loka, 3 odebelina loka, 4 hrbtišče loka, 5 konica loka, 6 tetiva Plate 52: Simple bow: 1 nock, 2 riser, 3 grip, 4 back, 5 tip, 6 string Slika 53: Medicinski lok z obešalnikom: 1 “medicinski” lok, 2 obešalnik za lok Plate 53: 1 Medicine bow, 2 Bow hanger Slika 54: Sestavni deli puščice: 1 glava puščice, 2 držaj puščice, 3 pernati podstavek, 4 perje, 5 ročaj, 6 zareza za tetivo Plate 54: Arrow parts: 1 arrowhead, 2 shaft, 3 feather base, 4 feathers, 5 handle, 6 nock Slika 55: Tipi puščic: 1 puščica za lov in vojno, 2 puščica za ribe, 3 puščica za ptice Plate 55: Types of arrows: 1 Hunting and war arrow, 2 Fishing arrow, 3 Bird-hunting arrow Slika 56: Izdelava kamnite puščične glave (1) in glave puščic: 1 kamen, 2 kost, 3 železo Plate 56: The making of stone arrowheads (1) and types of arrowheads: 1 stone, 2 bone, 3 iron Slika 57: Portret Ten-squa-ta-way Plate 57: Portrait of Ten-squa-ta-way Slika 58: Bojni kij /kat. št. 49/ Plate 58: Battle club /cat. no. 49/ Slika 59: Bojni kij prerijskih Očipve Plate 59: Battle club of Plains Ojibwa Slika 60: Bojni kij plemena Očipve Plate 60: Ojibwa battle club Slika 61: Poglavar Očipev Okeemakeequid Plate 61: Ojibwa Chief Okeemakeequid Slika 62: Bojni kij /kat. št. 50/ Plate 62: Battle club /cat. no. 50/ Slika 63: Bojni kiji Plate 63: Battle clubs Slika 64: Bojni kiji: 1 /kat. št. 50/ in 2 – 5 iz Brazilije in Gvajane Plate 64: Battle clubs: 1 /cat. no. 50/ and 2 – 5 from Brazil and Guyana Slika 65: Gravirani bojni kiji: 1 /kat. št. 50/ in 2 – 4 iz Brazilije in Gvajane – detajli Plate 65: Wooden engraved battle clubs: 1 /cat. no. 50/ and 2 – 4 from Brazil and Guyana – details Slika 66: Indijanec Rio Branco Plate 66: Rio Branco Native American Slika 67: Detajl Plate 67: Detail Slika 68: Indijanec Uaupé Plate 68: Uaupés Native American Slika 69: Detajl Plate 69: Detail Slika 70: Načrt kamnite sekire /kat. št. 51/; merilo v cm Plate 70: Drawing of stone axe /cat. no. 51/ Slika 71: Kamnita sekira Plate 71: Stone axe Slika 72: Kamnita sekira /kat. št. 51/ Plate 72: Stone axe /cat. no. 51/ Slika 73: Družina Očipev v kanuju Plate 73: Ojibwa family in canoe Slika 74: Krplje in sani družine Očipev Plate 74: Snowshoes and toboggan of an Ojibwa family Slika 75: Tipi plovil: A kanu iz brezove skorje, B čoln iz lesa, C kanu iz kože Plate 75: Types of vessels: A Bark canoe, B Wooden dugout, C Skin canoe Slika 76: Tipi kanujev: A pleme Ojibwa, B pleme Dogrib, C pleme Salish, D pleme Beothuk Plate 76: Types of canoes: A Ojibwa tribe, B Dogrib tribe, C Salish tribe, D Beothuk tribe Slika 77: Izdelava čolna Timucua Indijancev Plate 77: Timucua Native Americans making a dugout Slika 78a: Izdelava kanuja Plate 78a: Making a canoe Slika 78b: Izdelava kanuja Plate 78b: Making a canoe Slika 78c: Izdelava kanuja Plate 78c: Making a canoe Slika 79d: Izdelava kanuja Plate 79d: Making a canoe Slika 79e: Izdelava kanuja Plate 79e: Making a canoe Slika 79f: Izdelava kanuja Plate 79f: Making a canoe Slika 80: Tipa krpelj: A moške krplje, B ženske krplje ali medvedje tace Plate 80: A Man’s snowshoes, B Woman’s snowshoes or bear paws Slika 81: Sioux krplje Plate 81: Sioux snowshoes Slika 82: Očipvejski otrok v indijanski zibelki Plate 82: Ojibwa baby on Native American cradle board Slika 83: Preveza za zibelko Plate 83: Band for cradle board Slika 84: Preveza za zibelko /kat. št. 55/ Plate 84: Band for cradle board /cat. no. 55/ Slika 85: Mandan Indijanec z ljubezensko flavto Plate 85: Mandan with courting flute Slika 86: Glasbeni inštrumenti Indijancev: A ropotulji, B bobna, C skrivnostna piščal, D snubilna flavta, E vojna piščal Plate 86: Native American musical instruments: A rattle, B drum, C mystery whistle, D courting flute, E war whistle Slika 87: Glasbili: A lovska trompeta, B snubilna flavta Očipvejcev Plate 87: Musical instruments: A Hunting trumpet, B Ojibwa courting flute Slika 88: Baragova knjiga Plate 88: Baraga’s Life of Jesus in the Ojibwa language Slika 89: Baragov molitvenik Plate 89: Baraga’s prayer book Slika 90: Zemljevid indijanskih lokacij leta 1833 Plate 90: Map showing Indian localities in 1833 Slika 91: Zemljevid današnjih rezervatov Indijancev Očipve Plate 91: Map of present-day Ojibwa reservations Slika 92: Indijanska ozemlja od leta 1492 do leta 1977 Plate 92: Reduction of Native American territory through the centuries SEZNAM IN IZVOR SLIKOVNIH PRILOG SEZNAM IN IZVOR SLIKOVNIH PRILOG 1. Fotografija F. Barage, objavljeno v: Franc Jaklič, Misijonski škof Irenej Friderik Baraga, Celje 1931, str. 223. 2. Množično obešanje Indijancev Santee Dakota v Mankatu, objavljeno v: Paula Richardson Fleming, Judith Luskey, Die nordamerikanischen Indianer in frühen Photographien, München 1992, grafika, W. H. Childs iz Frank Leslies Illustrated Weekly, 24. januar 1863, str. 49. 3,4. Museal Acten 1837–1839, No. 237/213, Knjižnica Narodnega muzeja v Ljubljani. 5,6. Naš narodopisni muzej v Ljubljani, objavljeno v: Ilustrirani Slovenec 1927, 5. fotografija zbirke severnoameriških Indijancev, str. 381, 6. fotografija zbirke Lavrina in Knobleharja, str. 381. 7. Portret Franca Pirca, objavljeno v: P. Florentin Hrovat, Franc Pirec oče umne sadjereje na Kranjskem in apostolski misijonar med Indijani v severni Ameriki, Celovec 1887. Na levi strani ob notranjem naslovu je doprsni portret misijonarja Franca Pirca. Portret je narejen v tehniki črno-bele litografije. Na levi je nečitljiv podpis avtorja litografije Ph. May..... in desno signatura tiskarne (tiskarja) C. Angerz & Göschl. M. Litografija je nastala v drugi polovici 19. stoletja. 8. Museal Acten 1837–1839, No. 238/214, Knjižnica Narodnega muzeja v Ljubljani. 9. Orodje, risal France Golob, 1996. 10. Ivan Čebul (fotografija), objavljeno v: Dr. Ivan L. Zaplotnik, Janez Čebulj misijonar v Ameriki, Groblje 1928. Na zunanji strani naslovnice je fotografija Janeza Čebulja (Ivana Čebula). Fotografija je nastala v drugi tretjini 19. stoletja. 11. Museal Acten 1871–1877, No. 41, Knjižnica Narodnega muzeja v Ljubljani. 12. Pridobivanje javorovega sladkorja, objavljeno v: Joseph Francois Lafitau, Die Sitten der amerikanischen Wilden, Halle 1752, bakrorez Schleuen fee. Berolini c. 1752, 1753, str. 349. 13. Posode za sladkor (fotografija), objavljeno v: Tim Pfaff, Paths of the People, The Ojibwe in Chippewa Valley, Chippewa Valley Museum Press, Eau Claire, Wisconsin 1993, Lac du Flambeau, Muzej in kulturni center, str. 26. 14. Posoda za sladkor Indijancev Ottawa, Michigan, ZDA, okr. 1850, objavljeno v: Christian F. Feest, Sylvia S. Kasprycki, Über Lebenskunst nordamerikanischer Indianer, Museum für Völkerkunde, Wien 1993, str. 68. 15. Žetev divjega riža (fotografija), objavljeno v: Tim Pfaff, Paths... 1993, slikal Seth Eastman, okr. 1831-32, državno zgodovinsko društvo iz Wisconsina. 16. Fotografija posode iz lubja, napolnjene z divjim rižem, 20. stol., objavljeno v: Carrie A. Lyford, Ojibwa crafts (Chippewa), Arizona 1953, plošča 3. 17. Posode iz brezove skorje, 20. stol., objavljeno v: Carrie A. Lyford, Ojibwa ...1953, plošča 30. 18. Načrt posode iz brezove skorje /kat. št. 6/, risal France Golob, 1996. 19. Načrt otroške skodelice /kat. št. 9/, risal France Golob, 1996. 20. Fotografija lesene žlice in zajemalke, objavljeno v: Carrie A. Lyford, Ojibwa... 1953, plošča 13. 21. Pletenje vreče iz vrvice na enostavnem dvojnem držalu statev, objavljeno v: Carrie A. Lyford, Ojibwa... 1953, plošča 40. 22. Pletena torba Indijancev Očipve, nastala pred letom 1868, objavljeno v: Norman Bancroft–Hunt, Indianer Nordamerikas, Bindlach 1994, str. 87. 23. A–B nož za skalpiranje, objavljeno v: George Catlin, Letters... Volume I., 1973, risbe, risal George Catlin med 1832 in 1839, plošča 99. 24. Slika noža, tovarniško izdelanega v Sheffieldu v Angliji, objavljeno v: John C. Ewers, The story of the Blackfeet, Los Angeles, fotografija, str. 17. 25. Metode skalpiranja in vse o uporabi skalpa, objavljeno v: George Catlin, Letters... Volume I., 1973, risba Georga Catlina med 1832 in 1839, plošča 101. 26. Škatla iz brezove skorje, Indijanci Menominee, okoli 1830, objavljeno v: Christian F. Feest, Sylvia S. Kasprycki, Über Lebenskunst... 1993, slika, str. 69. 27. Ženska plemena Očipve tke rogoznico iz bičevja, objavljeno v: Colin F. Taylor, William C. Sturtevant, The Native Amerikans, London 1991, fotografija, str. 240. 28. Nedokončana rogoznica iz cedrinega lubja, objavljeno v: Carrie A. Lyford, Ojibwa... 1953, fotografija, plošča 51. 29. Očipve pri gradnji vigvamov, vigvam s kupolo, objavljeno v: Tim Pfaff, Paths... 1993, fotografija risbe, risal Seth Eastman (1831-32), str. 27. 30. Tabor Očipev, pravokotni vigvami z banjasto streho, objavljeno v: George Catlin, Letters... Volume II., 1973, risba, George Catlin, med 1832–1839, plošča 238. 31. Vigvam Očipev, pokrit z brezovo skorjo, tip koničastega vigvama, Red River (Kanada), objavljeno v: Paula Richardson Fleming, Judith Luskey, Die nordamerikanischen... 1992, fotografija, fotografiral Humphrey Lloyd Hime, okr. 1857-1858, str. 111. 32. Opis mokasina /kat. št. 34/, montaža, France Golob, 1996. 33., 34. Fotografija zasnove za mokasin, 20. stol. in fotografija narejenega mokasina, 20. stol., objavljeno v: Carrie A. Lyford, Ojibwa... 1953, plošča 59. 35. Tehnike pletenja iz bodic ježevca, objavljeno v: Peter Bolz, Bemd Peyer, Indianische Kunst Nordamerikas, Köln 1987, risba, str. 126. 36. Biseri (fotografija), objavljeno v: James A. Maxwell (Editor), America’s... 1994, risal Michael Hampshire, str. 179. 37. Vezenje z biseri, objavljeno v: Peter Bolz, Bemd Peyer, Indianische..., risba, str. 132. 38. Oglav dekliškega mokasina /kat.št. 30/, nastal leta 1836, barvna tabela, montaža, France Golob, 1996. 39. Oglav moŠkega mokasina /kat. št. 31/, druga polovica 19. stoletja, barvna tabela, montaža, France Golob, 1996. 40. Oglav ženskega mokasina /kat. št. 32/, nastal leta 1836, barvna tabela, montaža, France Golob, 1996. 41. Oglav nevestinega mokasina /kat. št. 33/, nastal leta 1836, barvna tabela, montaža, France Golob, 1996. 42. Manšeta /kat.št. 33/, nastala leta 1836, barvna tabela, montaža, France Golob, 1996. 43. Manšeta mokasina/kat. št. 34/, druga polovica 19. stoletja, montaža, France Golob, 1996. 44. Oglav ženskega mokasina/kat. št. 34/, druga polovica 19. stoletja, montaža, France Golob, 1996. 45. Oglav otroškega mokasina /kat. št. 35/, med leti 1836–1853, montaža, France Golob, 1996. 46. Načrt indijanske pipe v obliki tomahavka /kat. št. 38/, risal France Golob, 1996. 47. Indijanske pipe, objavljeno v: George Catlin, Letters... Volume I., 1973, risba, risal George Catlin, med 1832 in 1839, plošča 89. 48. Tipi pip in kadilni pribor: 1. ženska pipa, 2. moška pipa, 3. skodelica za tobačno mešanico, 4. mošnja za tobak, 5. igla za čiščenje pipe, 6. lesena posoda za mešanje tobaka, 7. kresilni kamen, 8. kresilo, 19./20. stol., fotografija, objavljeno v: Carrie A. Lyford, Ojibwa... 1953, plošča 19. 49. Mošnja za tobak iz kože bobra in vidre, objavljeno v: George Catlin, Letters... Volume I., 1973, risbe, risal George Catlin, med 1832 in 1839, plošča 101 1/2. 50. Pipin ples, objavljeno v: George Catlin, Letters... Volume I., 1973, slika, slikal George Catlin, med 1832 in 1839, plošča 32. 51. Tipi lokov, objavljeno v: H. J. Stammel, Indianer... 1992, risal H. J. Stammel 1992, str. 210. 52. Preprosti lok, objavljeno v: H. J. Stammel, Indianer... 1992, risal H. J. Stammel 1992, str. 210, opis loka, France Golob, 1996. 53. Medicinski lok z obešalnikom, objavljeno v: Reginald and Gladys Laubin, American... 1980, str. 155, risal Reginald Laubin 1980. 54. Sestavni deli puščice, rekonstrukcija, France Golob, 1996. 55. Tipi puščic, objavljeno v: Reginald and Gladys Laubin, American Indian Archery, University of Oklahoma Press, Norman and London 1990, risal Reginald Laubin 1980, str. 57. 56. Izdelava kamnite puščične glave in kamnita glava puščice, objavljeno v: Bruce Grant, Concise Encyclopedia of the American Indian, risba 1, risal Lorence F. Bjorklund, str. 26. Glava puščice iz kosti in železa, objavljeno v: Reginald and Gladys Laubin, American... 1980, str. 57, risal Reginald Laubin 1980. 57. Portret TEN-SQUA-TA-WAY (v prevodu Odprta Vrata), objavljeno v: George Catlin, Letters... Volume II., 1973, plošča 214, slikal Georg Catlin med 1832 in 1839. 58. Bojni kij /kat. št. 49/, narejen leta 1836, fotografija, France Golob, 1995. 59. Bojni kij, prerijske Očipve, okoli 1820, objavljeno v: Christian F. Feest, Sylvia S. Kasprycki, Über Lebenskunst... 1993, str. 76. 60. Bojni kij, Očipve, datiran 1836, objavljeno v: Norman Bancroft-Hunt, Indianer... 1994, str. 84. 61. Poglavar Chippewa Okeemakeequid, naslikan leta 1836, objavljeno v: Alvin M. Josephy Jr., William Brandon, The American Heritage Book of Indians, 1961, str. 256. 62. Bojni kij /kat. št. 50/, averz in reverz, fotografija, France Golob, 1995. 63. Bojni kiji, objavljeno v: Friedrich Ratzel, Völkerkunde, Leipzig 1886, risal X. Av. Kjahrmargt 1885, str. 576. 64. Bojni kiji: 1 /kat. št. 50/; 2-5 iz Brazilije in Gvajane, objavljeno v: Hjalmar Stolpe, Amazon... 1974, 2. str. 38, 3. str. 27, 4. str. 39, 5. str. 38, datirano v 19. stol. 65. Gravirani bojni kiji, objavljeno v: Hjalmar Stolpe, Amazon... 1974, 2. str. 43, 3. str. 36, 4. str. 37 in 1. Slovenski etnografski muzej kat. št. 50. 66., 67. Indijanec Rio Branco, objavljeno v: Alain Gheerbrant, The Amazon, Past, Present and Future, 1992, str. 70, risala Joaquim Jose Codina in Jose Joaquim Freire, med 1783 in 1792. 68., 69. Indijanec Uaupe, Alain Gheerbrant, objavljeno v: The Amazon... 1992, str. 71, risala Joaquim Jose Codina in Jose Joaquim Freire, med 1783 in 1792. 70. Kamnita sekira /kat. št. 51/, risal France Golob, 1996. 71. Kamnita sekira, objavljeno v: Ralph T. Coe, Sacred Circles, Two Thousand Years of North American Indian Art, Kansas City, Missouri 1977, str. 59, fotografija 3. Arheologijo datirajo v čas 1000 pred našim štetjem. 72. Kamnita sekira /kat. št. 51/, najdena v Harbor Springsu, čas nastanka pred letom 1836, fotografija France Golob, 1996. 73. Fotografija slike “Družina Očipve v kanuju”, slikar Peter Rindisbacher (1806–1834), Hans Läng, Kulturgeschichte der Indianer Nordamerikas, Bindlach 1993, str. 97. 74. Fotografija slike “Krplje in sani družine Očipve”, slikar Peter Rindisbacher (1806–1834), Läng, Kulturgeschichte... 1993, str. 97. 75. Tipi plovil: kanu iz brezove skorje – A, čoln iz lesa – B, kanu iz kože – C, objavljeno v: George Catlin, Letters... Volume II., 1973, risbe, Georga Catlina med 1832 in 1839, plošča 240. 76. Tipi kanujev, A – pleme Ojibwa, B – pleme Dogris, C – pleme Salish, D – pleme Beothuk, objavljeno v: James A. Maxwell (Editor), America’s Fascinating Indian Heritage, Pleasantville 1994, fotografije risb, str. 344. 77. Izdelava čolna Timucua Indijancev, objavljeno v: H. J. Stammel, Indianer... 1992, grafika Flamskega umetnika Theodora de Bryja iz leta 1591, str. 18. 78., 79. Izdelava kanuja iz brezove skorje, objavljeno v: James A. Maxwell (Editor), America’s... 1994, str. 345, fotografije risb, slikovni prilogi: 78. A, B, C in 79. D, E, F; risbe Michaela Hampshira, okr. 1978. 80. A – moške krplje, B – ženske krplje ali medvedje tace, objavljeno v: Carrie A. Lyford, Ojibwa... 1953, fotografija, plošča 21. 81. Krplje Siouxov, objavljeno v: George Catlin, Letters... Volume II., 1973, risba, George Catlin, med 1832 in 1839, plošča 240. 82. Očipvejski otrok v indijanski zibelki, objavljeno v: Carrie A. Lyford, Ojibwa... 1953, fotografija, plošča 15. 83. Preveza za zibelko, nastala okoli leta 1860, objavljeno v: Ralph T. Coe, Sacred Circles, Two Thousand Years of North American Indian Art, Kansas City, Missouri 1977, str. 96, fotografija 143. 84. Preveza za zibelko /kat. št. 55/, druga polovica 19. stoletja, fotografija France Golob, 1996. 85. Indijanec Mandan z ljubezensko flavto, objavljeno v: James A. Maxwell (Editor), America’s.... 1994, slikal Carl Bodmer, med 1832 in 1834, str. 163. 86. Glasbeni inštrumenti Indijancev, objavljeno v: George Catlin, Letters... Volume I., 1973, risba Georga Catlina med 1832 in 1839, plošča 101 1/2. 87. Vabilka za losa, objavljeno v: James A. Maxwell (Editor), America’s... 1994, risba Georga Catlina med 1832 in 1839, str. 348. Snubilna flavta, objavljeno v: Carrie A. Lyford, Ojibwa... 1953, fotografija, plošča 14. 88. Knjiga, fotografija, Frederic Baraga, Jesus Obimadisiwin Orna Aking, Paris 1837, knjižnica Narodnega muzeja v Ljubljani, inv. št. 4354. 89. Molitvenik, fotografija, Frederic Baraga, Otchipwe Anamie-Masinaigan, Paris 1837, knjižnica Narodnega muzeja v Ljubljani, inv. št. 4370. 90. Zemljevid ozemeljskih lokacij Indijancev leta 1833, objavljeno v: George Catlin, Letters... Volume II., 1973. 91. Zemljevid današnjih rezervatov Indijancev Očipve iz leta 1953, objavljeno v: Carrie A. Lyford, Ojibwa... 1953, str. 14, 15. 92. Ozemlja ameriških Indijancev skozi stoletja, objavljeno v: Philippe Jacquin, Indianerland!, Ravensburg 1990, str. 164. SLOVAR OJIBWE/ENGLISH/SLOVENE DICTIONARY The names of Indian objects and notions in Otchipwe, English and Slovene / Imena indijanskih predmetov in pojmov v očipvejskem, angleškem in slovenskem jeziku Source / vir: Frederic Baraga, A Dictionary of the Otchipwe Language, Explained in English, Cincinatti, 1853 (Slovene translations / slovenski prevodi: dr. France Golob) p./str.: page in Baraga’s dictionary / stran v Baragovem slovarju pl./mn.: plural / množina p. str. OJIBWA pl. mn. ENGLISH ANGLEŠKO SLOVENE SLOVENSKO 11 AGIM -AG snow-shoe krplje 25 ANÁKAN -AN mat rogoznica floor - mat rogoznica za na tla 105 EMIKWÁN -AN large wooden spoon velika lesena žlica 107 ESHKAN -AG horn (of cattle, deer & c.) rog, (od goveda, jelena, srne) 126 GIGIK -AG cedar cedar - tree cedra, cedrovo drevo 168 JIMAGAN -AN lance kopje (orožje) 186 KISHKIBITÁGAN -AG tobacco -pouch mošnja za tobak 203 MAKAK -ON box, trunk, chest, coffer, barrel, Indian sugar box škatla, zaboj, skrinja, blagajna, sod, indijanska škatla za sladkor 205 MAKISIN -AN shoe, moccasin čevelj, mokasin 205 MAKSIN-AGWIDÁGAN -AN the upper part of a moccasin gornji del mokasina 217 MANÓMIN wild rice divji riž 217 MANÓMINIWAJ -AN bag for the wild rice vreča za divji riž 219 MASHKIMOD -AN bag, sack vreča, torba MASHKIMODASH -AN an old bad bag stara slaba vreča MASHKIMODÉGWADE -AN a small bag majhna vreča 226 MÉKATEWIKWANAIÉ -G or -JIG missionary misijonar or rather ali MEKATEWIKWANAIED a man dressed in black, black-grown, priest, missionary mož oblečen v črno, črni talar, duhovnik, misijonar 249 MITIGÓ-TCHIMAN -AN wooden canoe, long-canoe; boat, barge leseni kanu, dolgi kanu, čoln, barka 249 MITIGWÁB -IN bow lok (orožje) 252 MÓKOMÁN -AN knife nož 252 MONINGWANÉ, -G lapwing (bird) ptica priba 252 MONINGWANÉKA -G there are lapwings tam so (ptice) pribe 322 ONÁGAN -AN dish skleda, krožnik 329 OPWAGAN -A pipe (smoking pipe) pipa, pipa za kajenje 329 OPWAGAN-ASSIN -IG pipe - stone, soft white, black or red stone, fit to make a pipe out of it kamen za pipe (kalumete), mehak bel, črn ali rdeč kamen (pipovec), ki je primeren za izdelavo pip 334 PAGAMÁGAN -AN club, cudgel; war club kij, gorjača, bojni kij 354 PINDIKOMAN -AN knife-sheath, scabbard or a knife nožnica, nožnica za nož 370 SISIBÁKWAT sugar sladkor 370 SISIBÁKWATABO sugar-water; sap from maple-trees sladkorna voda, drevesni sok javorjevega drevesa 370 SISIBÁKWATOKAN -AN place where sugar is made, sugar-camp, sugar-bush prostor, kjer se pridobiva sladkor, začasno bivališče za pridobivanje sladkorja, sladkorno grmovje 382 TCHIMAN -AN canoe kanu (indijanski čoln) 382 TCHIMÁNIJIG -ON canoe - bark, birch - bark for a canoe, to make a bark-canoe skorja za kanu, brezova skorja za kanu, izdelovati kanu iz skorje. 382 TCHIMANIKE (verb/gl.) (1.p. sing./ 1.os.edn.) TCHAMANIKED (3.p.pl./3.os.mn.) I am making a, canoe or canoes. Jaz delam kanu ali kanuje. 386 TIKINÁGAN -AN Indian cradle indijanska zibelka 386 TIKINÁGANIKE (verb, gl.; 1.p.sing./ 1.os.edn.) I am making an Indian Cradle. Jaz delam indijansko zibelko 393 WÁGÁKWAD -ON axe sekira LITERATURA IN VIRI LITERATURA BARAGA, FRIEDRICH: Geschichte, Character, Sitten und Gebräuche der nordamerikanischen Indier. Laibach 1837. BARAGA, FREDERICH: A Dictionary of the Otchipwe Language, Explained in English; Part I. Otchipwe–English, Part. II. English–Otchipwe. Cincinnati 1853. BARAGA, FRIDERIK: Zgodovina, značaj, nravi in šege severnoameriških Indijancev. Prevedel Vlado Fajdiga z naslovom: Knjiga o Indijancih. Celje 1970. BOLZ, PETER – PEYER, BERND: Indianische Kunst Nordamerikas. Köln 1987. BIERHORST, JOHN: Die Mythologie der Indianer Nordamerikas. Augsburg 1993. BURGAR, I. L.: Irenej Friderik Baraga, oče indijanske književnosti, Dom in svet. Ljubljana 1900, str. 346–477. CATLIN, GEORGE: Die Indianer Nordamerikas. München 1971. CATLIN, GEORGE: Letters and Notes on the Manners, Customs and Conditions of North American Indians, Volume I., II. New York 1973 CATLIN, GEORGE: Die Indianer Nordamerikas. Weimar 1979. CEGLAR, A. CHARLES s.d.b.: Bishop Frederic Baraga, 1., 2. Hamilton, Ontario, Canada 1991. COE, RALPH T.: Sacred circles, Two thousand years of north American Indian Art. Kansas city 1977. DESCHMANN, KARL: Führer durch das Krainische Landes – Museum Rudolfinum in Laibach. Laibach 1888. DENSMORE, FRANCES: Chippewa music. Washington 1913. DOCKSTADER, ANTON: Das Alte Amerika. München 1970. DOUGLASS, JOHN M.: Wisconsin’s History. Milwaukee 1954. EHRLICH, DR. LAMBERT, L. E.: Friderik Baraga veliki misijonar Indijancev, Slovenska misijonarja Baraga in Knoblehar, str. 3–35. Ljubljana 1928. EWERS, JOHN C.: The story of the Blackfeet. Los Angeles 1952. FEEST, CHRISTIAN F: Indianer Nordamerikas. Wien 1968. FEEST, CHRISTIAN F. - KASPRYCKI, SYLVIA S.: Über Lebenskunst nordamerikanischer Indianer. Wien 1993. FEEST, CHRISTIAN F.: Native Arts of North America. London 1994. FLEMING, RICHARDSON, PAULA - LUSKEY, JUDITH: Die Nordamerikanischen Indianer in frühen Photographien. München 1992. GAGERN, FRIEDRICH VON: Mejaši. Ljubljana 1944. GHEERBRANT, ALAIN: The Amazon, Past, Present and Future. New York 1992. GREGORIČ, JOŽE: Baragova misijonska pisma. Ljubljana 1983. HROVAT, P. FLORENTIN: Franc Pirec, oče umne sadjereje na Kranjskem in apostolski misijonar med Indijani v severni Ameriki. Celovec 1887. HOHENWART, FR. JOS. GRAF V.: Leitfaden für die das Landes-Museum in Laibach Besuchenden. Laibach 1836. HOHENWART, FR. JOS. GRAF V.: Landesmuseum im Herzogthume Krain 1836–1837. Laibach 1838. HUNT BANCROFT, NORMAN: Indianer Nordamerikas. Bindlach 1994. JAROSLAV, FR.: Dr. Ignacij Knoblehar apostolski provikar v osrednji Afriki. Celovec 1881. JAKLIČ, FRANC: Slovenski misijonarji Baragovi nasledniki v Ameriki. Celje 1931. JAKLIČ, FRANC: Misijonski škof Irenej Friderik Baraga. Celje 1931. JAKLIČ, FRANC - ŠOLAR, JAKOB: Friderik Baraga. Celje 1968. JEZERNIK, MAKSIMILIJAN: Friderik Baraga, Zbirka rimskih dokumentov. Ljubljana 1980. JOSEPHY JR, ALVIN M. - BRANDON, WILLIAM: The American Heritage Book of Indians. 1961. LAFITAU, JOSEPH FRANCOIS: Die Sitten der amerikanischen Wilden. Halle 1752. LAGACÉ, ROBERT O. (Editor): Sixty Cultures, A guide to the Hraf probability sample files (part A). New Haven 1977. LAUBIN, REGINALD and GLADYS: American Indian Arcery. London 1990. LÄNG, HANS: Kulturgeschichte der Indianer Nordamerikas. Bindlach 1993. LIPS, EVA: Die Reisemte der Ojibwa-Indianer. Berlin 1956. LIPS, EVA: Indijanci. Ljubljana 1958. LYFORD, CARRIE A.: Ojibwa Crafts (Chippewa). Arizona 1953. MAXWELL, JAMES A. (Editor): America’s fascinating Indian Heritage. Pleasantville 1994. NORDENSKIÖLD, ERLAND: Forschungenund Abenteuer in Südamerika. Stuttgart 1924. OREL, BORIS: O etnografskih zbirkah iz Afrike, Amerike, Azije v etnografskem muzeju v Ljubljani, Slovenski etnograf, let. VI–VII, 1953–1954. Ljubljana 1954, str. 139–146. PFAFF, TIM: Paths of the People, The Ojibwe in Chippewa Valley. Wisconsin 1993. PIERZ, FRANZ: Die Indianer in Nordamerika, ihre Lebensweise, Sitten, Gebräuche u.s.w, St. Louis, Mo. 1855. PITZER, MARTIN: Verzeichniss der Gegenstände und Arbeiten eines Indianer-Stammes im nördlichsten Amerika. München 1854. PRICE, H. DAVID: Atlas of World Cultures, A geographical Guide to Ethnographic Literature. London 1983. REBULA, ALOJZ: Duh Velikih jezer. Celje 1980. RETZEL, FRIEDRICH: Völkerkunde. Leipzig 1886. SCHOMAEKER, G.: Der Wilde Westen. Augsburg 1993. STAMMEL, H. J.: Indianer, Legende und Wirklichkeit von A–Z, Leben-Kampf-Untergang. München 1992. STANONIK, JANEZ: Očipve in Ottawa, Zgodovinski časopis, Leto 1996, 1, letnik 50, str. 65–69. Ljubljana 1996. STOLPE, HJALMAR: Amazon Indian Designs, from Brazilian and Guianan. New York 1974. STOUTENBURGH, JOHN JR.: Dictionary of the American Indian. New York 1990. SWATON, JOHN R.: The Indian Tribes of North America. Washington 1953. ŠTRUKELJ, PAVLA: Afriška zbirka vzhodnosudanskih plemen Bari in Čir v Slovenskem etnografskem muzeju, Slovenski etnograf, let. XX, 1967, str. 143–172. Ljubljana 1968. ŠTRUKELJ, PAVLA: Kultura črnskih plemen ob Belem Nilu v 19. stoletju. Goričane 1968. ŠTRUKELJ, PAVLA: Etnološka zbirka severnoameriških Indijancev Ojibwa iz 19. stoletja v Slovenskem etnografskem muzeju (zbiralci Friderik Baraga, Franc Pirc, Ivan Čebul), Slovenski etnograf, let. XXV–XXVI, 1972–73, str. 109–142. Ljubljana 1974. ŠTRUKELJ, PAVLA: Neevropske zbirke v Muzeju Goričane, Slovenski etnograf, let. XXXII, 1980–82, str. 125–158. Ljubljana 1983. TAYLOR, F. COLIN - STURTEVANT, C. WILLIAM: The Native Americans. London 1991. TITLE, I.: Musical instruments of the World. New York 1976. UNDERHILL MURRAY, RUTH: Red Man’s America. Chicago 1953. VENNUM, THOMAS JR.: Wild Rice and the Ojibway People. St. Paul 1988. VONČINA, DR. LEON: Friderik Baraga, pervi kranjski apostoljski misijonar in škof med Indijani v Ameriki. Ljubljana 1869. ZAPLOTNIK, DR. IVAN L.: Janez Čebulj, misijonar v Ameriki. Domžale 1928. ZERRIES, OTTO: Indianer von Amazonas. München 1960. ZERRIES, OTTO: Das außerandine Südamerika, Kunst der Naturvölker, Propyläen Kunstgeschichte, str. 272–288. Oldenburg 1978. ZRNEC, TONE C. M.: Po Baragovi deželi. Toronto 1969. ROKOPISNI VIRI Arhiv Narodnega muzeja v Ljubljani: Museal Acten, Archiv des Krainischen Landesmuseums, Erwerbungen 1837, 1845, 1850, 1871–1877. ČASOPISI Verzeichniss der für das Landes – Museum eingegangenen Beiträge, ILLYRISCHES BLATT, Laibach 1837, Nr. 17, str. 67–68. Missions-Nachrichten, Schreiben des Missionärs Franz Pierz aus de St. Marie 1. juli 1841, 1842, ILLYRISCHES BLATT, str. 83–84. Verzeichniss der eingegangenen Museal Geschenke, ILLYRISCHES BLATT, Laibach 1844, str. 24. LAIBACHER ZEITUNG, Laibach 1851, N° 245, str. 1029–1030, N° 268, str. 668, N° 293, str. 733–734. LAIBACHER ZEITUNG, Laibach 1876, N° 56, str. 436. PISNA KONZULTACIJA Z NASLEDNJIMI MUZEJI IN STROKOVNJAKI: Bayerisches Nationalmuseum, München (Dr. Nina Gockerell) Museum für Völkerkunde, Wien (Dr. Christian F. Feest) Staatliches Museum für Völkerkunde, München (Dr. Helmut Schindler) FRANCE GOLOB NATIVE AMERICAN OBJECTS DONATED BY MISSIONARIES A COLLECTION OF THE SLOVENE ETHNOGRAPHIC MUSEUM FRIDERIK BARAGA MISSIONARY BISHOP Biography Irenej Friderik Baraga (ill. 1) was born on June 29, 1797, in the former hunting lodge of the Auersperg (Turjak) family that is now part of the nearby settlement of Knežja vas. His father later sold the building and property and bought Trebnje Castle. Baraga’s birth house and Trebnje Castle are still standing. Baraga went to primary and secondary school in Ljubljana from 1806 to 1816, read Law in Vienna, and graduated in 1821. During his studies he became acquainted with Klement Dvorak (whose German name was Hofbauer) who was later made a saint.1 Students used to gather for evening discussions at Dvorak’s residence. These discussions and Dvorak’s sermons made Baraga decide to study theology. He entered the Theological Faculty in Ljubljana in 1821 and graduated in 1824. Baraga’s first post was that of chaplain in Šmartno near Kranj where he served from 1824 to 1828. After being denounced by Jernej Božič2, the deacon of Stara Loka, he was transferred to Metlika for disciplinary reasons and served as third chaplain from 1828 to 1830. Baraga was aware that Jansenism and Josephinism – “the state’s ultimate attempt to carry out a church reform according at its own discretion”3 – were to prevail in the diocese of Ljubljana for a long time to come and searched for a personal solution to escape these conditions. It then happened in 1828 – just at the right time – that an initiative of Frederick Rese, Vicar-General for Cincinnati, led to the establishment of the “Leopoldina Foundation for the Support of the North American Missions”4 in Vienna. At about the same time Frederick Rese published his History of the Diocese of Cincinnati in Outline in Vienna and among other things expressed his wish to have more missionaries come to America. Baraga saw the solution for his problems in this little booklet and decided to become a missionary. After obtaining a written (though insincere) letter of recommendation from Bishop Anton Wolf, Baraga left for America in 1831 and was a missionary until his death in 1868. Because of his dedicated work Baraga was made vicar apostolic of the Lake Superior region in 1853. On January 9, 1857 Baraga was appointed residential marianopolitan bishop, based in Sault Ste. Marie, and stopped serving as vicar apostolic. He transferred the seat of his diocese to Marquette in 1866. The following places were later seats of Baraga’s missions and diocese: Arbre Croche (1831-1833), Grand River (1833-1835), La Pointe (1835-1843), L’Anse (1843-1853), Sault Ste. Marie – as Bishop (1853-1866) – and Marquette (1866-1868).5 Baraga died in 1868 in Marquette and was buried in a crypt in the local cathedral of St. Peter. Besides his missionary activities Bishop Friderik Baraga was a very important figure in culture and education. He wrote several prayer books in the Slovene and Native American (Ottawa, Ojibwa) languages. Baraga’s scientific contribution to linguistics is of exceptional importance. He wrote an Ojibwa grammar and an Ojibwa-English and English-Ojibwa dictionary. Furthermore, he also authored a book about Native Americans entitled Geschichte, Character, Sitten und Gebräuche der nordamerikanischen Indianer that was published in Ljubljana in 1837. The New World Friderik Baraga went to school in Ljubljana at the time when Napoleon’s Illyrian Provinces had given the Slovenes a freedom-loving constitution and an exemplary legal system. The French devoted special care to education, and the teaching language in primary school was Slovene. Baraga (whose native language was German, trans. note) managed to master the Slovene language so thoroughly that he was later able to write prayer books in Slovene. He wrote in a letter of his Slovene prayer books that they were “the symbol of my lasting devotion and love for my countrymen.”6 After the fall of the Illyrian Provinces in 1813, Camiola was once more ruled by Austria and thus by Jansenism and Josephinism. Jansenism had been introduced to the diocese of Ljubljana by Bishop Herberstein (1773-1783). The Jansenists wanted to institute more simple church rituals and were opposed to various forms of popular worship, among others to brotherhoods and pilgrimages. These conditions (Jansenist tendencies survived at the Ljubljana Theological Faculty until around 1840) and the humiliation they caused chaplain Baraga made him decide to become a missionary to the United States of America. In this period the USA was in the process of establishing a state and church administration. The first immigrants to America were economic emigrants from northern European countries, and these were followed by emigrants from other European nations. There were also people of low moral standards among them. The relations between various religions and religious sects were not yet defined, and the Catholic Church too was forced to find its own place in the sun, sending missionaries who, unfortunately, had little means. In this connection it should be emphasized that it was to Baraga’s credit that so many Slovene missionaries were active in the Great Lakes region in the 19th century. His work and educational activities advanced the civilization and culture of Native Americans as well as that of the white immigrants. Statistical data from 1830 show that the young American nation consisted of Native Americans (called “savages”), immigrants from Europe (“inhabitants”), and black people brought from Africa as a labour force (“Negroes”). The latter were either free people or slaves.7 Slavery was abolished in the United States of America after the Civil War (1861-1865), and the final agreement on abolition was reached under the 19th president of the USA, Rutherford B. Hayes (1877-1881). The Native Americans suffered most from the violence of the white settlers, and only the missionaries did anything to help them. Eva Lips writes of their efforts: “They (the missionaries, author’s note) were convinced that they could help the Indians and guide them to higher ethics, but they failed to understand that the merciless life in the wilderness is hardly compatible with Christian ideals and that it was therefore necessary to first of all improve the economic position of the Indian peoples and only then offer them spiritual revolution.”8 As a missionary Baraga nevertheless strove to help the Native Americans through education and civilization. In his letter to the Viennese Archbishop Milde, who headed the Leopoldina Foundation from which he received financial support for the missions, Baraga wrote about the education of the Ojibwa in L’Anse on Lake Superior: “We have fifty-one pupils, twenty of them are boys, three are men; and there are nineteen girls and nine women. These pupils are first taught to read and the Christian teachings, then writing and arithmetic. Most of the Indian pupils show no difficulty in learning to read because they take great joy in it. Some of our pupils learned to read in less than two months.”9 Baraga also made efforts to improve the housing conditions of the Native Americans. In a letter of request asking for financial contributions to the Leopoldina Foundation he explained his intentions: “As long as the Indians go on living scattered in their huts (wigwams, author’s note) in the woods it is hard to civilize them and to teach them to work and keep clean. I therefore plan to make a small “reduction” after the example of the good Jesuits from Paraguay and would like to gather them in one village around the church. I promised them (the Native Americans, author’s note) that I will have fifteen houses built this year; next year, if God has mercy on my health and if I receive financial assistance, I aim to build even more houses.”10 Unfortunately, the white immigrants continued cheating the Native Americans in the exchange of goods and the purchase of land. In 1834 Baraga reports to the administration of the Leopoldina Foundation: “In its public documents the government pledges that it does not want to take the land from the Indians by force, but instead wants to buy it from them. White people nevertheless continue to use all possible means (especially alcoholic beverages) to cheat the Indians and dispossess them of their beautiful land; this is the way it happened in all past agreements.11 We may add that Baraga’s assessment of the situation is quite reliable because he was a trained lawyer and familiar with legal matters concerning land. The most famous example of how the Native Americans were cheated out of their land is “honoured” by a monument on Wall Street in New York. It is dedicated to the memory of Peter Minuit who (in 1626) bought the whole island of Manhattan from the Native Americans – who had no idea of money or the land’s market value – for twenty-four dollars.12 In the years that followed, towns and settlements spread around new mines and the number of immigrants kept growing. The urge for more land also increased and with it the pressure on the owners of the land, the Native Americans. But this increased pressure also intensified the resistance of the Native Americans against the white settlers. To break their resistance, the Department of Indian Affairs was assigned to the US Army and Native Americans were treated as enemies. Native American tribes were also decimated by epidemics of diseases introduced through contact with Europeans. In 1838, for instance, almost the entire population of the “hospitable and friendly” Mandan people were exterminated by a smallpox epidemic.13 The army continued to brutally crush all Native American rebellions. On December 26, 1862, for instance, thirty-eight Santee (Dakota) were publicly hanged in the town of Mankato, Minnesota. The event is depicted in a print (ill. 2) published in the Illustrated Weekly of January 24, 1863.14 Through this harsh policy – which emphasized the white man’s motto from America’s pioneer period: “The only good Indian is a dead Indian”15 – the white immigrants finally succeeded in gradually but systematically dispossessing the Native Americans of their land. An illustrative example is painter Martin Pitzer’s view of the relations between the Native Americans and the government of the USA between 1851 and 1853. Pitzer denounces the approach of the US government to the Native Americans because it forces them into intolerable conditions: “The Indians are forced to give up their dwellings again and again and can not take root anywhere. They had to leave the beautiful church in their last place and were very much distressed. The Indians now living in Grand-Traverse (Michigan) therefore built a prefabricated wooden church and can always move it elsewhere on a ship built for that purpose.”16 In the 1890’s the white conquerors using various schemes finally completed the territories they had won and isolated the indigenous population, the Native American nations, on reservations. We can close this chapter with an observation from Friderik Baraga’s book on Native Americans published in 1837.17 In it he describes the causes of the deterioration and the final defeat of the Native American tribes. In his opinion there are three principal factors that accelerated the decline of the Native Americans. The first is the difference between the location of the land they owned before the arrival of the white colonizers and the present location that was forced upon them. Native Americans were indeed driven from their fertile land to infertile regions and this led to famine among them. The second reason was alcohol. White fur traders as well as agents of the government of the USA learned how addicted Native Americans were to alcohol (“fire water”) and used this fact to their own benefit. As the third reason for the decline of the Native Americans, Baraga refers to the frequent epidemics of disease that spread among them after the arrival of the white settlers. Describing the deterioration of the Native Americans he also states: “In many provinces of North America where the Indians were densely settled before the arrival of the first colonizers, there is not one Indian left. That is the situation in most of the East-Coast territories of North America. The government of the United States has been striving to remove all Indians from this territory for a long time.”18 Baraga ends his assessment of the fate of the Native Americans with the following reflection: “The number of Indians in North America not only decreased clearly in the past, but it is a proven fact that it is still decreasing from year to year. Judging from present indications the Indians will cease to exist except in history books within a few centuries.”19 The Ojibwa – Their name and regional division H.J. Stammel calls the Ojibwa “Chippewa” or “Ojibway,” saying that the name is derived from the word “o-jib-ub-way” meaning “to roast until puckered up,” referring to the puckered seams on their footwear – moccasins.20 French explorers and fur traders called the Ojibwa “Saulteur” or “jumping people.”21 Many researchers use different names for the Ojibwa in their works. In his dictionary Baraga calls the Ojibwa “Otchipwe” in singular and “Chippewa” in plural.22 In her book on Ojibwa crafts Carrie A. Lyford equates the name “Ojibwa” with “Chippewa.”23 Among Slovene researchers, the most expert study on the name of the Ojibwa is by Janez Stanonik24 who mentions that the name of the Ojibwa occurs in various forms in English: “Chippewa is mainly used for those living in the USA and southern Ontario; otherwise, the most frequent forms, especially in Canada, are Ojibway or Ojibwa.”25 A very extensive and expert explanation of the Ojibwa tribe’s name is given in a treatise by Robert O. Lagacé. Lagacé provides the location of the Ojibwa and a basic cultural and regional division, stating: “The Ojibwa are a American Indian ethnic group centered around Lake Superior and Lake Huron in Canada and the USA. The Ojibwa spread to the north to Lake Winnipeg at approximately 54° latitude and at a later stage southwards into the states of Minnesota and Wisconsin.”26 The Ojibwa speak a central Algonquian language that is closest to the language of the Ottawa. The language of the Ottawa is therefore supposed to be but a dialect variation of the Ojibwa language.27 Despite their frequent migrations, the Ojibwa preserved large territories. Today they are ranked among the largest Native American tribes living on reservations on USA and Canadian territory. Lagacé’s basic cultural and regional division of the Ojibwa: 1. Woodland Ojibwa or true Ojibwa A. Northern Ojibwa or Saulteaux 1. Northern Saulteaux 2. Southern Saulteaux B. Southern Ojibwa or Chippewa 1. Southwestern Chippewa 2. Southeastern Chippewa 2. Plains Ojibwa or Bungi28 Customs and Traditions Before arriving at the mission at Lake Superior, missionary Friderik Baraga mentioned the name of his new Native American tribe in a letter, using the following words: “The Indians of Lake Superior are usually called Otchipwe. Their language is close to that of the Ottawa.”29 The Otchipwe language has only seventeen sounds; there is no 1, r, f, v, or u. Because Baraga’s name contains the letter r, the Native Americans were not able to pronounce it correctly. After founding the St. Joseph Mission in La Pointe on Lake Superior, Baraga wrote down his new findings about the local people, the Ojibwa, in a letter: “The customs and traditions of these Indians differ from those of the Ottawa only in as much as the local Indians are much more brutal and uncivilized (Author’s note: the Ottawa had already been civilized to some extent by missionaries.) and that they perform their pagan ceremonies more often than the Ottawa Indians.”30 An interesting custom of the Native Americans of the Lake Superior region, especially those of the Ojibwa and Ottawa tribes, dating from times prior to their reeducation by missionaries, was how they welcomed prisoners in their camp. Upon their arrival at the camp, prisoners were beaten with rods 300 to 400 times. This made them collapse before they managed to reach the hut that was specially built for them.31 One of these welcome parties is described as follows: “Women and children were standing in line, beating the nine prisoners with all their might. There were five old men and four young ones. The young ones managed to pass quickly through the lines but the old ones were bleeding heavily.”32 It was stories of this kind, taken out of their cultural and historical context, that spread the negative stereotypes about Native Americans. People who were not prejudiced, however, quite early managed a more realistic view of Native American culture as did, for instance, church painter Martin Pitzer from Salzburg who became familiar with the already baptized Ottawa, the Ojibwa’s neighbours. Between 1851 and 1853 Pitzer, assisted by Native Americans, renovated the church altars in Harbor Springs and Cross Village in Michigan. He also acquired an ethnological collection that he describes in a catalogue33, and mentions the Slovene missionaries Baraga, Pirc, and Mrak. The latter gave him a pair of snowshoes for his collection.34 In Pitzer’s opinion one could study the character and customs of the Native Americans only in the wild areas of their native territories. Their behaviour there indeed differed completely from that in other environments where the white settlers called them stupid and lazy. Pitzer continues by saying that living among them “you find out that an Indian is a human being like the rest of us. He has the same feelings and inclinations, shows gratitude, loves his friends, and shows sympathy for what is good. In their meetings they do not shout at each other. None of the speakers is interrupted and they do not threaten each other as is the custom with civilized nations.”35 The white settlers forced their way of life on the Native Americans, stole their land, and finally isolated them on reservations. Between 1846 and 1867, the Ojibwa “sold” the entire Michigan peninsula and both the Wisconsin and Minnesota provinces to the USA.36 The government also paid some of them to move across the Mississippi. There they received annual financial support. Those who stayed had to live on reservations in groups of fifty to two hundred people, and the government reserved the right of overall control over them. Today the Ojibwa live on reservations established between 1850 and 1880. The reservations are either organized or unorganized, closed or allotted.37 They are located in the states of Michigan, Wisconsin, and Minnesota and along the southern Canadian border.38 The Baraga Donation History of its origin and outline In 1830 the Camiolan Provincial Museum (founded in 1821) was given new museum premises in the Lyzeum (the former Franciscan monastery) on what is today Vodnik Square thanks to the efforts of Count Franz Joseph Hohenwart.39 The museum opened on October 4, 1831.40 A ceremonial presentation of its collections was staged in 1836 when the first guide to the museum’s collections was published. The guide mentions that the collections were arranged in five rooms.41 Hohenwart, chairman of the museum’s board of trustees, certainly did his best to enrich the museum’s collections with new acquisitions. It is no wonder then that it was Hohenwart who asked Friderik Baraga’s sister Amalia42 to write to her missionary brother and ask him for ethnographic objects from the “savages,” the Native Americans. Baraga responded to Hohenwart’s request in a letter to his sister Amalia dated July 29, 1833.43 He apologizes in this letter, writing: “If Mister Hohenwart knew or at least wanted to believe that in spring, summer, and autumn I have so much work to do in my mission that I have no free time at all, except at night (I’m writing this letter between eleven and twelve at night), he would certainly forgive me for not contributing objects to the Ljubljana Museum.”44 Three years later Baraga informed his sister Amalia in a letter dated February 24, 1836, that he was coming home to gather financial support for his missionary work.45 On November 29, 1836, he left his missionary post in La Pointe and arrived in Liverpool on November 26, 1836.46 On December 3, 1836, he sent the following message from London: “When you receive this letter, please tell Jožef (her husband) that I sent from Liverpool to his address in Trieste a crate which contains various Indian objects. The London ship Flora will take this crate to Trieste where it will wait until Jožef sends for it. So tell Jožef to write to Trieste immediately and have it sent to him. You can open the crate and have a look at the objects that are in it but you must not give any of them to anybody until I arrive.”47 This letter proves that the crate Baraga mentions contained the Native American ethnographic objects of which he was to donate the larger part to the Camiolan Provincial Museum.48 The exact time of missionary Baraga’s donation must therefore have been between his arrival in Ljubljana on April 6, 1837,49 and the time when a handwritten list of objects was made by cathedral canon and museum curator Urban Jerin. This list was used by museum curator Heinrich Freyer50 for his survey of new acquisitions dated April 14, 1837. The principal written sources on Baraga’s missionary collection are thus two handwritten lists of newly arrived objects and the draft of a list of the museum’s acquisitions.51 The first handwritten list of ethnographic objects the Baraga Collection (ill. 3) consisted of three sheets of paper, size 240x228 mm. The list is written in German using Gothic cursive script. Besides the names of the ethnographic objects with commentaries in brackets in the text and in the margins, the names of objects are also recorded in the Ojibwa language. The first sheet bears registration no. 237/213. Top left (ill. 3, no. 1) there is the note, “Additions and corrections in foreign script (Latin cursive script) were added to this paper by Father Friderich Baraga himself’ (example ill. 3, no. 2). The signature under this note is that of Jerin Urban, cathedral canon and curator of the Camiolan Provincial Museum. This list is therefore the first written document on the Native American objects, natural items, prayer book, prints, and coins donated to the museum by Baraga. The document is followed by a draft of the report on the museum’s new acquisitions. It was drawn up by the curator of the Provincial Museum, Heinrich Freyer, and consists of two sheets, size 350x220 mm. On the basis of this draft, Freyer wrote (in Gothic cursive script, the names in the Ojibwa language are in Latin cursive script) a list of the museum’s new acquisitions on three sheets of paper.52 These sheets are size 350x224 mm. The list with commentaries is written with great accuracy and the objects are divided into groups (ill. 4). The “Museum acquisitions” list is registered under no. 237/213 and its translation reads: “Father Friderik Baraga, missionary of the highly honoured Bishop of Detroit in North America, brought the following objects from the (Indian) tribe of the Otchipwe (correct: Otchipwe): a) objects made of birch bark: one round vessel /MAKAK/53 containing tree sugar; – two little empty vessels; – round vessel filled with wild rice /MANOMIN/54; – two little round vessels /ONAGAN/55; one little canoe /ZHIMAN/56 (correct: TCHIMAN, author’s note)57 made of birch bark and cedar; – five miniature pieces of birch bark used to cover a wigwam’s roof. b) home utensils and wooden items: two little children’s bowls and a child’s spoon; – two wooden spoons /ENIKWAN/ (correct EMIKWAN, author’s note)58; – two Indian mats /ANAKAN/59; – one bag made of grass fibers; – one cradle /TIKINAGAN/60 with cover; – one pair of snowshoes /AGIMAK/ (correct: AGIM)61 made by an Indian and strung with a net woven by an Indian woman. c) clothing items: one pair of bridal shoes /MAKISINAN/62 made of deerskin with green silk ribbons; – one pair of different shoes of Indian make. d) Men’s gear and war gear: one old copper spearhead /SHIMAGAN/ (correct JIMAGAN, author’s note)63; – two peace pipes /APWAGAN/ (correct OPWAGAN, author’s note)64 cut from red stone; – two pipestems (for peace pipes), one wrapped in porcupine quills; – one tobacco pouch made of the raw tube-like hide of a brown weasel, French ‘Pecan’; two tobacco pouches made of the light yellow skin of a marten; – one tobacco bag decorated with red threads and glass beads; – one beautiful little sheath /MOKOMAN/65 (This is the Ojibwa word for knife. A sheath is called PINDIKOMAN66); – eight arrows and two bows /MITIGWAB/67; – a battle club made of Indian hardwood /PAGAMAGAN/68. e) natural items: natural colour and dyed porcupine quills; – half the antlers of a large American elk (moose) /ESHKAN/69; – several agates and camelians and a ball of pyrite from Lake Superior; – bird feathers /MONENGNANEKA/ (correct MONINGWANE,70 the Indian word for the lapwing which lives on an island). f) Books authored by Father Baraga; – The Life of Jesus in the Indian Language, Paris 1837, 8°°; – an Ojibwa prayer book, Otčhipwe Anamie Masinaigan, Paris 1837, 8°°. g) A copperplate print of the Detroit church h) three American coins.” The list closes with the signature and date: Ljubljana, April 14, 1837, Heinrich Freyer, curator of the museum. Eleven days later the newspaper Illyrisches Blatt published a “List of New Acquisitions of the Provincial Museum.”71 The list contains all the Native American objects donated by Baraga to the museum with some additional new objects and more extensive descriptions.72 The introduction to the article presents the donor, missionary Friderik Baraga, and, for the first time, his biography.73 In this printed list of the Provincial Museum’s new acquisitions the objects are divided into the following groups: a) industrial objects of North American birch bark made by Indians of the Očipve tribe (the name is pronounced “Otschipue” but written “Ozhipve” in the Camiolan (Slovene) language)74 from Lake Superior: one vessel /MAKAK/ containing sugar / SINSIBAKWAT/ (correct: SISIBAKWAT75) made of the juice of American sugar trees; – two vessels of different sizes; – the fourth object is a similar vessel filled with wild rice which grows in the swamps of Lake Superior. It is called MANOMIN and is the main cereal of these Indians. – Two cups /ONAGAN/ used for soup or beverages; – the model of a boat of the canoe type /ZHIMAN/ (correct: TCHIMAN) made of birch bark, the central framework is made of cedar. The boat has one sail and two paddles. It is a miniature execution; – five pieces of birch bark in miniature. The Indians use this kind of bark to cover their wigwams. b) home utensils and wooden items: two children’s bowls and one child’s spoon, products of the natives; – two wooden spoons /EMIKWAN/ for adults that were hung in the dwellings of the Indians. The Indians eat at regular hours around a fireplace, above which a kettle hangs filled with wild rice, fish, or other meat. Everyone serves himself out of the kettle. The kettle was filled only once a day in the morning; – Two mats / ANAKAN/ made of rush, miniature. The Indians slept on such mats in their wigwams and on their journeys; – One bag /MACHKIMOD/ (correct: MASHKIMOD)76 made of grass in miniature; – One cradle /TIKINAGAN/ made for the local chief, with artistically carved top edge. The cradle is equipped with a broad embroidered cloth on which Indians girls embroidered artistic figural ornaments; – One pair of snowshoes / AGIMAK/ with laces to bind them to the feet. The artistically woven net which covers the snowshoes is the work of a woman of the Ojibwa tribe. c) Clothing items: one pair of bridal shoes (MAKISINAN) made of deerskin tanned by the Indians. The shoes are decorated with green silk threads and embroidered with dyed cleft porcupine quills; – a pair of halfway embroidered girl’s shoes77; – a pair of common women’s shoes. All the mentioned shoes are the work of the local population. d) Men’s gear and battle gear: one copper spearhead /SHIMAGAN/ (correct JIMAGAN). Native copper was available in pieces and sheets of various sizes and was worked by grinding it; – Two bowls of peace pipes /APWAGAN/ (correct: OPWAGAN), artistically carved from red stone (one bowl is decorated with tin foil); – two long pipestems, of which one is halfway decorated with porcupine quills, coloured bird feathers, and horse hair dyed green. The other is decorated with porcupine quills. The pipes are called “peace pipes” because they were lit in cases of dispute and smoked by the men of the tribe. If each drew on the pipe, it meant that he wanted to maintain peace and friendship, but when someone refused to smoke the pipe, there was trouble ahead; – One tobacco pouch /KICHKIBITAGAN/ (correct: KISHKIBITAGAN78) made from the raw tube-like hide of a brown weasel, in English called “fisher” and in French “pecan”.79 The ends of the weasel’s legs are decorated with multicoloured ribbons. The Indians wore these pouches fastened to their belts; – Two similar tobacco pouches made of the raw light yellow hide of a marten; – One tobacco bag woven from red wool threads with rows of glass beads; an artistic product of the Ojibwa women; – One sheath /MOKOMAN/ (correct PINDIKOMAN) decorated and wrapped in finely cut, dyed porcupine quills; – Eight arrows and two bows /MITIGWAB/; – One battle club /PAGAMAGAN/ made from a very hard tree root. e) Natural items: one small piece of cedar wood /GJIK/ (correct GIGIK80). The “j” is to be pronounced in the French or Camiolan (Slovene) way, that is, GISHIK81; – natural and dyed porcupine quills. The Indians used them to embroider clothing and decorate objects; – one half of the antlers /ESHKAN/ of an American elk (moose); – several agates and camelians and a ball of pyrite from the waters of Lake Superior; – two feathers of a multicoloured bird /MONENGWANEKA/82 found on the island of St. Michael near the main missionary post at St. Joseph. f) Books: 1) Jesus Obimadisiwin Oma Aking (Jesus’ Life Here on Earth); 2) Otchipwe Anamie Masinaigan (Ojibwa Prayer Book). Both prayer books were written by Reverend Friderik Baraga /MEKATE-OKWANAIE/ (correct: MEKATEWIKWANAIE)83 (“Black Robe”) as the Catholic missionary was called by the Indians. The prayer books were printed in Paris by E.D. Bailly in 1837. g) Copperplate engraving: View of the new cathedral of St. Ann in Detroit. h) money (coins): two silver coins and one copper coin; – 1 taler, Mexican Republic 1834; half dollar, USA 1836; – 1 penny, USA 1836. The list closes with the signature and date: Count Franz Joseph Hannibal Hohenwart, curator of the Carniolan Provincial Museum, Ljubljana, April 25, 1837. In early 1839 the museum’s Annual Report 1836–1837 was published,84 mentioning the ethnographic objects from the Baraga Collection on pages 5, 8, 10, 17, 22, and 27. Illyrisches Blatt published an article on the first exhibition of the Baraga and Lavrin Collections in 1844.85 The articles states that the objects are exhibited in a cabinet in the third room of the ground floor, the African objects (donated by consul Lavrin) are situated at the back of the cabinet, and the American objects (of the Ojibwa) are at the sides and bottom of the cabinet. On January 26, 1854, vicar-general Baraga visited his homeland for the second and last time. The Provincial Museum’s bulletin86 shows (under item 3) that on this occasion he donated to the museum a small piece of native copper weighing 75 grams87 but no further ethnographic objects. In 1888 the museum’s curator and conservator Karl Deschmann88 published a guide to the Camiolan Provincial Museum on the occasion of the opening of the new museum.89 The guide contains descriptions of the objects that had been moved from the museum’s first premises in the Lyzeum. The guide mentions that free-standing cabinet no. 6 contains the ethnographic collections from North America and Asia. On this occasion the following donors were mentioned: Bishop Friderik Baraga, Franc Pirc, (Janez) Čebul, and Klinar who was a globe-trotter aboard the frigate Novara. The guide’s author states that objects nos. 20 to 40 were given to the museum by Baraga. The guide mentions the following ethnographic objects on pages 155 and 156: – 24. One pair of snowshoes /OGIMAK/ (correct: AGIM)90 artistically interlaced by an Indian woman from the Ojibwa tribe; – 25. five pieces of birch bark used to cover Indian wigwams; – 26. Canoe /TSCHIMAN/ (correct: TCHIMAN)91 made of birch bark with sail. The framework is made of the wood of an American cedar; – 27. Bow and arrows, together with an Indian musical instrument, the shawm (correct: horn, author’s note); – 28. two mats /ANAKA/ woven from some kind of rush; – 29. bag /MACHKIMOD/ (correct: MASHKIMOD)92 woven from some kind of grass; – 30. Two wooden table spoons; – 31. Two small children’s cups with child’s spoon; – 32. Two peace pipes /APWAGAN/ (correct: OPWAGAN)93 cut from red stone, one covered with tin foil. One of the pipestems is halfway wrapped in porcupine quills; – 33. Industrial objects made of birch bark; – 34. Knife sheath /MOKOMAN/94 with minute embroidery wrapped in porcupine quills; – 35. Tobacco bag woven from red wool threads. The string is made of glass beads; – 36. Cradle /TIKMAGAN/ (correct: TIKINAGAN)95 with upper end carved artistically and decorated with painted lines; – 37. One pair of plain Indian women’s shoes; – 38. One pair of partly embroidered girl’s shoes; – 39. One pair of Indian bridal shoes /MAKISINAN/ made of tanned deerskin. The moccasins are decorated with green silk ribbons and rows of dyed porcupine quills; – 40. Flat club with drawn ornament.96 In this second guide to the museum’s collections (the first was published in 1836), the names of several objects are written incorrectly in Ojibwa and number 27 refers to a new object, the shawm, a musical instrument. In 1905 Alfonz Müllner was succeeded by Dr. Walter Schmidt as curator of the Provincial Museum. Schmidt began his work by making an inventory. The inventory numbers on the objects were written with vermilion in delicate handwriting. Dr. Schmidt also rearranged and completed the ethnological collections. On the occasion of this inventory and also due to the errors made by Karl Deschmann in the second Guide to the Carniolan Provincial Museum, significant new errors occurred in the determination of the origin and localities of some museum objects, as for instance with the battle clubs with inventory numbers E 2829 and E 2866. These errors were overlooked by later researchers of Baraga’s and Knoblehar’s ethnographic objects and were finally corrected by the author’s findings which are explained below. The Native American objects were entered in the Inventory (catalogue of holdings) of the National Museum’s cultural and historical department for the first time in volume I, 1895-1914, pp. 42-43. The entries are in German under numbers 1090-1145. The descriptions of the objects are highly inadequate. In 1923 the Royal Ethnographic Museum was founded, and in 1924 and 1925 the ethnographic objects were transferred from the National Museum to the new museum. This division of the original collections brought an end to the whole that was formerly an excellent collection in the Camiolan Provincial Museum. The ethnographic objects of the Native Americans which the Royal Ethnographic Museum acquired as a result of the division were entered in the Inventory Register of the Ethnographic Museum II, 1923-1928. The objects from the Baraga Collection were given new inventory numbers. They were entered in the Museum’s Inventory on pages 120 to 133 under inventory numbers 2861-2948 but not in sequential numbers. The registrar’s descriptions of the objects are unprofessional and inadequate. Director of the Ethnographic Museum Boris Orel published a report entitled “On the Ethnographic Collections from Africa, America, and Asia in the Ethnographic Museum in Ljubljana”97 in which he mentioned among other things the collection of Bishop Friderik Baraga. This report contains an interesting note (no. 4, p. 141): “Unfortunately, the archive of the National Museum has no protocols from the former Carniolan Provincial Museum for the period between 1836 and 1853. On this occasion, we suggest to the National Museum that it publish all old protocols of the former Camiolan Provincial Museum held from the period between 1822 and 1888. Moreover, it would certainly do no harm to critically examine all the old inventories and correct various inadequacies, as far as possible, in the protocols and documents held. The Ethnographic Museum will certainly do so on the occasion of the next inventory of ethnographic objects that were transferred to it from the National Museum.”98 The author of the report on the ethnographic collections seems not to have known that the National Museum’s Archive (in the Museum’s library) was excellently arranged and kept in fascicles. The protocols and lists of new acquisitions of museum objects from the periods 1822-1853 and 1853-1888 are in this archive. They contain the basic documents and descriptions (for the Knoblehar collection, dimensions and sketches as well) of the objects written by the donors themselves, that is, Baraga, Pirc, Lavrin, Knoblehar, and Čebul. These annual reports on new acquisitions of the former Carniolan Provincial Museum – together with documents, dimensions, and sketches – are the main sources for the professional study of the donated objects, and ethnologists have not made appropriate use of them in the past. The old Ethnographic Museum’s Inventory (volume II. 1923-1928) which contains the entries on the ethnographic objects from North America and Africa is inadequate, unprofessional, and badly arranged. An Ojibwa battle club, for example, is called a boomerang99, a sheath is called a piece of embroidery,100 and a bark vessel is held to be decorated with boar hair101 instead of porcupine quills. In 1927 the Royal Ethnographic Museum presented its collections in the paper Illustrirani Slovenec and pointed out its need for larger premises. Page 381 shows a picture of the non-European cultures (ill. 5 and 6) in a cabinet in the corridor. The collection of Native Americans was exhibited in a single cabinet. The photograph of the exhibition is probably the oldest pictorial document on the collection.102 In 1930 the museum exhibited its non-European collections as part of a missionary exhibition at a fair in Ljubljana. During the Second World War, fear of bombing made the staff move the exhibited collections (including the non-European collections) to a bunker in 1944. They were exhibited again in 1945. In 1947 the Ministry of Education decided that the Ethnographic Museum was to occupy three exhibition spaces and part of the corridor on the ground floor of the National Museum. The Ethnographic Museum opened its rearranged premises and completed the permanent exhibition. On this occasion the museum’s director Boris Orel declared that the museum “had left out the collections of non-European cultures primarily because of the lack of exhibition space.103 The collections were put in crates and stored in the museum’s depository. The Slovene Ethnographic Museum opened a special section, the Museum of Non-European Cultures, in the Goričane Mansion near Medvode in 1964, and the collections of non-European cultures, including the Baraga Collection, were moved to the new premises. In 1975 a temporary exhibition was opened in the mansion called The Applied Arts of the Ojibwa Indians in the 19th Century. When the exhibition closed, the Baraga collection was returned to the depository where it has remained until today. Sites Baraga arrived at his new post among the Ojibwa on July 27, 1835.104 The Native American village on Madeline Island was called La Pointe. The island is part of the Apostle Islands and is situated close to the western part of Lake Superior’s southern shore. In one of his letters Baraga mentions another Native American village called Fond du Lac105 some ninety miles away from Madeline Island. He adds that there too the Native Americans want to adopt the Catholic faith.106 Since these locations are known, we may well say that the Native American objects Baraga donated to the Provincial Museum originate from the Ojibwa of the villages of La Pointe and Fond du Lac. An exception must, however, be made for the battle club bearing the National Museum’s inventory number 1144 and the subsequent Ethnographic Museum’s inventory number E 2866 (cat. no. 50) since it originates from South America. Age Baraga wrote to his sister Amalia that he had left his missionary post at Lake Superior (the St. Joseph mission on Lake Superior) on September 29, 1836, and was – with several stopovers in the course of his journey – on his way home.107 It is then that he took with him the crate containing various Native American objects. The origin of the Native American objects that were made and collected upon Baraga’s request can therefore be dated to the period between February 1836 (the date of his letter to his sister Amalia in which he informs her that he will visit his homeland)108 and September 29, 1836, when he wrote that he had already left the missionary post and was on his way home.109 Taking into account these two incontestable dates, the origin and collection of the Native American objects which make up the Baraga Collection can be dated to 1836. Before leaving his mission, Baraga had the Ojibwa make some of their typical items in miniature: a canoe, five pieces of birch bark used to cover wigwams, two mats, and a bag.110 It is also worth mentioning that some of the Native American objects from the collection show visible signs of use and are one or two years older. The age of the natural items added to Baraga’s Native American Collection – agates, camelians and the ball of pyrite – is of course an entirely different matter. Scope Friderik Baraga, the donor of the Native American Collection, wrote to his sister Amalia in a letter dated December 3, 1836: “You can open the box and have a look at the (Native American, author’s note) objects that are in it, but you must not give anything away until I get home.”111 This request confirms our assumption that Baraga himself distributed the Native American objects that were in the crate. He probably gave some of them to his benefactors and to his sister Amalia’s family. According to the “List of New Acquisitions,” in 1837 the Carniolan Provincial Museum received fifty-six objects,112 various dyed and painted porcupine quills, and some agates and camelians (there is no mention of their quantity in the list). Comparing the present state with that of the list published on April 25, 1837, in Illyrisches Blatt, the Slovene Ethnographic Museum now has in its possession thirty-eight objects while the National Museum holds the two Native American prayer books written by Baraga that are also mentioned in the list. Of the original fifty-six objects (excluding the number of porcupine quills and that of the agates and carnelians) listed in Illyrisches Blatt, the Baraga Collection today numbers forty objects. In his guide to the museum Karel Deschmann attributed one more object – the shawm (correct: horn), a musical instrument – to the Baraga Collection. In the National Museum’s inventory for the period 1895-1914, the following additional objects are attributed to the Baraga Collection: two vessels made of birch bark, one child’s moccasin, and one women’s moccasin. They were added to the Baraga Collection after the museum’s curator Dr. Walter Schmidt carried out an inventory of objects. Baraga’s prayer books (written in the Ojibwa language) are in the library of the National Museum. They are described and commented as follows: BOOK (ill. 88) (written in the Ojibwa language); published in Paris in 1837, size 16 mo, entitled “JESUS OBIMADIWISIN OMA AKING GWAIAKOSSING ANAMIEWIN EJITWADJIG, MI SA CATHOLIQUE. ENAMIADJIG GEWABANDANGIG. PARIS, E.-J. BAILLY OGIMASINAKISAN MANDAN MASINAIGAN, 1837, NIN FREDERICK BARAGA. The book is written in the Ojibwa language and has 211 pages. The supplements contain a list of the scriptures and a map of the Holy Land. The book had soft covers but they are missing. It is held by the library of the National Museum in Ljubljana (old inv. no.: 837 no. 2137a; new inv. no.: NM 4354). COMMENTARY: Baraga composed The Life of Jesus Christ according to the Gospel for the Native Americans of the Ojibwa tribe. He also wrote the same text in the Ottawa language. One of the principal reasons Baraga published these two books was to drive out the gospel version the Catholic Church had banned that the Protestants were spreading among the Native Americans.113 When the book was printed, Baraga went to Rome. The Society for the Propagation of the Faith in Paris agreed to pay the printing costs, while the binding was to be paid for by the Congregation of Propaganda in Rome. In Rome Baraga met Father Thavenet, an prominent expert on Native American languages, and asked him to review his book. Thavenet agreed and sent his review to the Congregation. Some of the remarks114 in Thavenet’s review grieved Baraga, and he promised to correct all copies of the book.115 The Congregation of Propaganda then agreed to pay for the binding, but only after Baraga had corrected all copies. Baraga then acted accordingly.116 PRAYER BOOK (ill. 89); published in Paris in 1837, size 16 mo, entitled OTCHIPWE – ANAMIE – MASINIGAN, GWAIAKOSSING ANAMIEWIN EJITWADJIG, MI SA CATHOLIQUE – ENAMIADJIG GEWABANDANGIG. PARIS, E.-J. BAILLY OGIMASINAKISAN MANDAN MASINAIGAN, 1837, NIN FREDERICK BARAGA. The prayer book is written in the Ojibwa language and together with the index has 300 pages. It had soft covers that are missing. It is held by the library of the National Museum in Ljubljana (old inv. no. 837 no. 213b, new inv. no.: NM 4370). COMMENTARY: In his letter of February 24, 1836, Baraga wrote to his sister Amalia: “I am now preparing two little volumes in the Ojibwa language (that is the correct name for the local Indians) that I will have printed in Ljubljana. One is ready and will number approximately two hundred and fifty pages. If I have these two books printed in Detroit as I did with the Ottawa prayer book, the expenses for printing and binding will amount to approximately seven hundred dollars (more than 1400 guilders). I hope my generous benefactors in Ljubljana will be willing to pay the printing expenses for these two books. A Ljubljana printer is skilled enough to print an Indian book under my direction as much as a Detroit printer because there too they do not understand a single Indian word.”117 In his report published in the Reports of the Leopoldina Foundation, Baraga announces that he is preparing two Native American volumes to be printed: “That is to say a prayer book with songs and catechism in the language of my local Indians and the Life of Jesus in the same language.”118 On June 17, 1836, Baraga wrote to his sister Amalia: “I also have to tell you that my estimate of the printing costs for the two books which I am preparing was much too low. In Detroit they would amount to over 1000 dollars, that is 2100 guilders,119 even according to a very low estimate.” In the end, Baraga decided to have the prayer books printed in Paris. Baraga informed his sister Amalia of this decision on December 12, 1836: “I have now finally decided that my two Indian books, the prayer book with the catechism and the Life of Jesus will be printed in Paris. The Society for the Propagation of the Faith based in Paris and Lyon120 will pay the printing costs which will amount to about 1880 francs for 2000 copes of either book. I am very glad that the printing will be done in Paris since, first of all, the Paris printers and typesetters are probably the most skillful and quickest in the world, and, secondly, the transport of the books to Havre-de-grace will cost very little as they can be shipped to the port by water. And, thirdly, if I had them printed in Ljubljana, my benefactors would well exhaust themselves by paying for the printing expenses and they would not be able to give me anything for the road; as it is now, I shall be able to take with me to my poor mission everything they manage to collect.”121 The prayer books and other works were very popular among the Native Americans. Baraga wrote to Archbishop Milde about the success of the prayer books: “The Indians are very fond of their prayer books and when they are travelling they take them with them to read and sing in the evening when they make camp. I have even seen Indians on their deathbed begging for the special mercy to have the prayer book put on their chest in the coffin in order to be able to show up before Jesus with their prayer book in their hands when the day of the Holy Spirit comes.”122 Though this 1837 Ojibwa prayer book – OTCHIPWE ANAMIE -MASINAIGAN – is only an adapted version of Baraga’s Ottawa prayer book, it is nevertheless the first book printed in the language of the Ojibwa. Missing from the Baraga Collection and mentioned for the last time in Illyrisches Blatt of April 25, 1837, are a cover (band) for the cradle board (cradle), a copper spearhead, two tobacco pouches, two arrows, and probably three arrowheads. Along with the two prayer books assigned to the National Museum, the last part of the collection is also missing: natural items: a piece of cedar wood, natural colour and dyed porcupine quills, half the antlers of an American elk (moose), several agates and carnelians, a ball of pyrite, the feathers of a lapwing. print: View of the new St. Ann Cathedral in Detroit, copper engraving (around 1836). minted coins: 1 taler – Mexican Republic 1834 (copper), half dollar – USA 1836 (silver), 1 penny-USA 1836 (silver). All these objects were already missing from the 1888 guide to the museum. This means that they were obviously separated from the Baraga Collection prior to that year and were treated as a special group under the heading “natural items, prints, and money.” This part of the Baraga Collection is still missing, and the reason for the loss is probably the division of the Provincial Museum’s collections between the National and the Ethnographic Museums. Significance The ethnological collection of missionary and later Bishop Friderik Baraga surpasses the national and European context because of its cultural, historical, and ethnological significance. The collection bears witness to the culture of Native American tribes who lived in the territory around the Great Lakes in the USA in the first half of the 19th century. The collection allows us to study the way of life of the Ojibwa tribe at Lake Superior. The Ojibwa were a nomadic tribe. Their modest material goods were taken from one hunting place to the next. It is hardly necessary to mention that they did not possess any of the interior furnishings familiar in Europe. Their clothing and footwear were worn until they fell apart. Being pagans, the grave goods of a deceased warrior included a pipe, a calumet, along with his tomahawk and battle club. The arrival of missionaries and the christening of Native Americans triggered changes in their culture. The systematic extermination of the native population additionally accelerated the decline of Native American culture. For these reasons, the ethnographic collection of missionary Friderik Baraga is highly informative on an extinct culture, but it is also of major importance in the history of Slovene cultural and museological endeavours. The following facts are to corroborate this statement: - The ethnographic collection of missionary Friderik Baraga was the first non-European collection of the Slovene Ethnographic Museum. - The donor of the collection is known, that is, missionary Friderik Baraga. - The collection is documented with original documents dating from 1837. - The sites of the objects from this collection are known: the Native American village of the Ojibwa tribe called La Pointe on Madeline Island and the village of Fond du Lac. - The age of the objects or their age of origin can be dated to between February 24, 1836, and September 29, 1836, with the exception of some Native American objects in the collection that show signs of use. These objects are one or two years older. - All objects in the collection are originals. - The current guide to the collection for the first time revises two major errors of the past: the first concerns the origin of the battle club inv. no. E 2866 (cat. no. 50) which was attributed to the Friderik Baraga Collection but actually belongs to a Native South American tribe that lives along the Amazon; the second concerns the battle club inv. no. E 2829 (cat. no. 49), attributed to the Knoblehar Collection that is in fact a battle club of the Ojibwa tribe from Lake Superior in the USA. 1 Dr. Maks Miklavčič, Jože Dolenc, Leto svetnikov (The Saints’ Year), Ljubljana 1968, volume I. (further references: Zeto svetnikov), pp. 730-740. Klemen Marija Dvorak (Hofbauer) was a member of the Redemptorists. Because of his religious activities Pope Pius IX beatified him in 1876 and he was made a saint by Pope Pius X in 1909. The people of Vienna worship him as the second patron saint of their city and he is also worshipped as the patron saint of bakers. 2 There were two reasons for the denunciation.. The first was “the worship and brotherhood of the Heart of Jesus” which was forbidden in Austria. In 1827 the brotherhood was re-established by the Ljubljana Franciscans, and Baraga began to spread the worship in Šmartno and its environs. The second reason for being reported was the worship of “the Mother of God” and the foundation of societies of “Devotees of the Mother of God.” It is for these reasons that the Stara Loka deacon denounced Baraga for spreading “a secret brotherhood” (Franc Jaklič, Jakob Šolar, Friderik Baraga, Celje 1968, p. 33). 3 Leto svetnikov, p. 730 4 Jože Gregorič, Baragova misijonska pisma (Baraga’s missionary letters), Ljubljana 1983 (further references: Gregorič 1983), note 2, page 20: “The Leopoldina Foundation for the Support of the Missions in North America” was founded in Vienna on December 8, 1828. The foundation’s aims were: 1. to enhance the activities of the Catholic missions in America; 2. to encourage believers to work for the propagation of the Church of Christ in faraway countries; 3. to maintain a lasting memory of the former Brazilian empress Leopoldian after whom the foundation was named (German: Leopoldinen Stiftung). Its founder was Archbishop Eduard Milde from Vienna. Preceding the foundation a Society for the Propagation of the Faith had been established in Lyons (France) in 1822. The Society, which was also active in Paris, gave financial support to Baraga for the printing of his volumes and prayer books. Some researchers of Baraga’s life and work therefore erroneously refer to the Leopoldina Society instead of the Leopoldina Foundation. The first to make this error was Leon Vončina in his book on Baraga; and he was followed by Franc Jaklič, Lambert Ehrlich, Maksimilijan Ehrlich, and others. It is worth emphasizing here that in his missionary letters Baraga addressed the foundation with the wording “the Honourable Administration of the Leopoldina Foundation.” As he wrote in a letter dated February 1, 1834 (see Gregorič 1983, p. 126), it is for this foundation that Baraga composed a German book (Geschichte, Character, Sitten und Gebräuche der nordamerikanischen Indianer). The book was primarily aimed at the members and benefactors of the Leopoldina Foundation. 5 More about Baraga’s life and work in France Jaklič, Misijonski škof Irenej Friderik Baraga (Missionary Bishop I.F. Baraga), Celje 1931 (further references: Jaklič 1931). Baraga’s prayer books and other works are described in Charles A. Ceglar s.d.b., The Works of Bishop Friderik Baraga, 1, 2, Hamilton, Ontario, Canada 1991. 6 Gregorič 1983, p. 126 7 Maksimilijan Jezernik, Friderik Baraga, Zbirka rimskih dokumentov (F.B., A collection of Roman documents; further references: Jezernik 1980), Ljubljana, 1980, pp. 15, 104 8 Eva Lips, Indijanci (The Indians), Ljubljana 1958 (further references: Lips 1958), p. 39 9 Gregorič 1983, p. 168 10 Gregorič 1983, pp. 168, 169 11 Gregorič 1983, p. 104 12 Friderich von Gagem, Mejaši (Frontier neighbours), Ljubljana 1944; for a photograph of the monument and commentary see p. 49 13 Lips 1958, p. 40 14 Paula Richardson Fleming, Judith Luskey, Die Nordamerikanischen Indianer in frühen Photographien, Munich 1992, p. 49 15 Lips 1958, p. 39 16 Martin Pitzer, Verzeichniss der Gegenstände und Arbeiten eines Indianer-Stammes im nördlichsten Amerika, Munich 1854 (further references: Pitzer 1854), p. 9 17 Friederich Baraga, Geschichte, Character, Sitten und Gebräuche der nordamerikanischen Indianer, Ljubljana 1837 (further references: Baraga 1837) 18 Vlado Fajdiga, Knjiga o Indijancih (The Indian Book), Celje 1970 (further references: Fajdiga 1970), p. 32. The book is a translation of Baraga 1837. 19 Fajdiga 1970, ibid. 20 H.J. Stammel, Indianer, Legende und Wirklichlceit von A-Z, Leben-Kampf-Untergang, Munich 1992 (further references: Stammel 1992), p. 215 21 Alvin M. Joseph, Jr., The American Heritage Book of Indians, pp. 419, 422 22 Friderik Baraga, A Dictionary of the Otchipwe Language, Explained in English; Part I Otchipwe-English, Cincinnati 1853, p. 333 23 Carrie A. Lyford, Ojibwa Crafts (Chippewa), Arizona 1953 (further references: Lyford 1953), both names appear on the book’s front page. 24 Janez Stanonik, “Očipve in Ottawa,” Zgodovinski časopis, 1996, 1, volume 50, Ljubljana 1996 (further references: Stanonik 1996), p. 65 25 Stanonik 196, ibid. 26 Robert O. Lagacé, Sixty Cultures, A guide to the Hraf probability sample files, (part A), New Haven 1977, (further references: Lagacé 1977), p. 301 27 Stanonik 1996, p. 65 28 Lagacé 1977, p. 302 29 Gregorič 1983, p. 113 30 Gregorič 1983, p. 122 31 Stammel 1992, p. 280 32 Stammel 1992, ibid. 33 Pitzer 1854 34 Christian F. Feest, Sylvia S. Kasprycki, Überlebenskunst nordamerikanischer Indianer, Vienna 1993, (further references: Feest, Kasprycki 1993) p.66. The colour photograph shows the snowshoes missionary Ignac Mrak gave to Pitzer in 1850. The snowshoes are 96 cm long, 29 cm wide and the top of their frame is painted with a zigzag red line. 35 Pitzer 1854, pp. 27, 28 36 Jaklič 1931, p. 114 37 Lyford 1953, p. 16 38 Stammel 1992, pp. 269, 270: the author mentions that there are some 450,000 Native Americans left, and that they live on 300 small and large reservations. Native Americans living on reservations are under the jurisdiction of the US Bureau of Native American Affairs and continue their traditional way of life. Their life expectancy is sixty years, and child mortality is high. Some Native Americans also live outside the reservations. 39 Slovenski biografski leksikon (The Slovene Biographical Lexicon), Ljubljana 1925-1932 (further references: SBL), volume I, page 331; Hohenwart Franz Joseph Hannibal, count, museum worker was bom and died in Ljubljana (1771-1844). He led the organization of the museum and donated a collection of conches and a number of medieval documents. 40 Franz Joseph von Hohenwart, “Eröffhung des Landes-Museum in Laibach am 4. October 1831,” Jahresfeier der Eröffnung des Landesmuseums am 4. October 1832 41 Fr. Jos. v. Hohenwart, Leitfaden für die, das Landes-Museum in Laibach Besuchenden, 1836 42 Gregorič 1983, p. 20; Baraga had two sisters, Amalia and Antonia. The elder Amalia was married to Joseph Gressel, a civil servant from Ljubljana. Amalia maintained the precious correspondence with her missionary brother and collected financial and other material contributions for his missions. 43 Pavla Štrukelj, “Etnološka zbirka severnoameriških indijancev Ojibwa iz 19. stoletja (zbiralci Friderik Baraga, Franc Pirc, Ivan Čebulj” (The Ethnological Collection of the North American Ojibwa Indians from the 19th century /collectors Friderik Baraga, Franc Pirc, Ivan Čebul/), Slovenski etnograf, volume XXV-XXVI, 1972-1973, p. 109-142, Ljubljana 1974 (further references: Štrukelj 1974), p. 109. The author mentions two different dates for the letter, the 18th and 29th of July. Correct is July 29, 1833. 44 Gregorič 1983, p. 84 45 Gregorič 1983, p. 123 46 Gregorič 1983, p. 130 47 Gregorič 1983, p. 131 48 Štrukelj 1974, p. 109 The author mentions that Baraga sent his sister Amalia a letter dated December 23, 1836 in which he informs her that is sending a crate full of interesting things to her husband. She also mentions that past research confirms the assumption that the Native American objects were sent in this crate. This is not correct because there is no letter from Baraga bearing the date she mentions. There is, however, a letter from Baraga dated December 3, 1836, in which he explicitly informs his sister that the crate contains Native American objects. 49 Jaklič 1931, p. 124 50 SBL, I. volume, p. 189; Freyer Heinrich, botanist and Master of Pharmacy, was bom in Idrija (1802) and died in Ljubljana (1866). Following an initiative of Count Hohenwart, he accepted the offer to fill the newly established post of curator of the Provincial Museum in 1832. He worked in the museum until 1853. 51 Library of the National Museum in Ljubljana. Museal Acten 1837-1839. Archiv des krainischen Landesmuseums, Erwerbungen. no. 237/213. The fascicle for the year 1837 contains a handwritten list of the Baraga Collection composed by cathedral canon Urban Jerin (the commentaries were added by Friderik Baraga), a draft, and the list of the Provincial Museum’s curator Heinrich Freyer. 52 To this list the names and donations of six other donors were added. 53 Baraga 1853, p. 203; MAKAK means “box.” 54 Baraga 1853, p. 217 55 Baraga 1853, p. 322 56 Štrukelj 1974, p. 113. In her study the author erroneously states that in the Ojibwa language a boat is called ZHIMAN, correct is TCHIMAN. She also states that in English a boat is called THIMAN, correct is CANOE. 57 Baraga 1853, p. 382 58 Baraga 1853, p. 105 59 Baraga 1853, p. 25 60 Baraga 1853, p. 386 61 Baraga 1853, p. 11 62 Baraga 1853, p. 205 63 Baraga 1853, p. 168 64 Baraga 1853, p. 329 65 Baraga 1853, p. 252 66 Baraga 1853, p. 354 67 Baraga 1853, p. 249 68 Baraga 1853, p. 334 69 Baraga 1853, p. 107 70 Baraga 1853, p. 252 71 “Verzeichniss der für das Landes-Museum eingegangenen Beiträge,” Illyrisches Blatt no. 17, Ljubljana 1837 (further references: Illyrisches Blatt 17), pp. 67, 68. In this list the incorrect spelling of the Native American names for the objects continues. The correct spelling is given in our revision of the first written list of the Baraga donation made by curator Heinrich Freyer. 72 Štrukelj 1974, p. 109. The author incorrectly mentions that the “list in Illyrisches Blatt is the only and principal source of data on the present collection (Baraga’s collection, author’s note).” Correct is that the principal and oldest sources are the list made by cathedral canon Urban Jerin containing the notes of donor Baraga and the handwritten list of this collection drawn up by curator Freyer. On the basis of Freyer’s list, Illyrisches Blatt published the first printed list of the Baraga Collection. It is this list which Pavla Štrukelj mistakenly holds to be the “only and principal source.” 73 Illyrisches Blatt 17, p.67. The statement of Baraga’s birth place is not accurate. His birth place is Mala vas, located approx. 6 km northeast of Dobrnič, Dolenjska. 74 Baraga mentions in his first list of donated objects that they “originate from the Ojibwa tribe” (Slovene Ozhipve). 75 Baraga 1853, p. 370 76 Baraga 1853, p. 219 77 In Heinrich Freyer’s first list, only two pairs of woman’s moccasins are mentioned. 78 Baraga 1853, p. 186 79 The correct English word is, of course, “weasel,” and the correct French word “belette.” 80 Baraga 1853, p. 126 81 Illyrisches Blatt 17, p. 68 “(Gijik, j auszusprechen, wie im Französischen, oder krainisch: gishik).” This is an error. 82 Baraga 1853, p. 252 83 Baraga 1853, p. 226 84 Landesmuseum im Herzogthume Krain 1836-1837, Ljubljana 1838 85 “Verzeichniß der eingegangenen Museal-Geschenke,” Illyrisches Blatt, Ljubljana 1844 (further references: Illyrisches Blatt 1844), p. 24 86 Library of the National Museum in Ljubljana, Museal Acten 1855-1858. Archiv des krainischen Landesmuseums, Erwerbungen 1855 87 Baraga 1837, p. 87/note; Baraga mentions in this note that two days’ walk from the missionary post at St. Joseph on Lake Superior there is an enormous rock of native copper in a river which flows into the lake. The rock is lentil-shaped, 182 cm long, and 152 cm wide. The Provincial Museum’s bulletin mentions that the small piece of native copper which Baraga donated came from that chunk of copper. 88 Karel Deschmann was of Slovene origin and in his youth his name was written Dežman. 89 Karel Deschmann, Führer durch das Krainische Landes-Museum Rudolfmum in Laibach, Ljubljana 1888 (further references: Deschmann 1888) 90 Baraga 1853, p. 11 91 Baraga 1853, p. 382 92 Baraga 1853, p. 219 93 Baraga 1853, p. 239 94 In his guide to the museum, Karel Deschmann incorrectly uses the Ojibwa word for a knife for the sheath. Baraga 1853, pp. 354 and 252: a sheath is called PINDDCOMAN, a knife MOKOMAN. 95 Baraga 1853, p. 386 96 Deschmann 1888, pp. 155, 156 97 Boris Orel, “O etnografskih zbirkah iz Afrike, Amerike in Azije v Etnografskem muzeju v Ljubljani” (On the Ethnographic Collections from Africa, America, and Asia in the Ethnographic Museum in Ljubljana), Slovenski etnograf, volume VI-VII, 1953-54, Ljubljana 1954 (further references: Orel 1954), pp. 139-146 98 Orel 1954, p. 141 99 Inventory of the Slovene Ethnographic Museum EM II, p. 116, inv. no. E 2829. /869/ 100 Inventory of the Slovene Ethnographic Museum EM II, p. 123, inv. no. E 2879. /1133/ 101 Inventory of the Slovene Ethnographic Museum EM II, p. 124, inv. no. E 2886. /1126/ 102 There are two further pictorial presentations of the Collection of Native Americans: in Franc Jaklič, Misijonski škof Irenej Friderik Baraga, Celje 1931, pp. 75, 77 and Friderich von Gagern, Mejaši, Ljubljana 1944, pp. 8, 9. In both volumes the captions under the pictures of Baraga’s donation to the museum in Ljubljana include the objects donated by Čebul and the South American battle club, and the moccasin is even shown together with four women’s slippers originating from Asia! 103 Orel 1954, p. 145. In the article the author mentions that before the Second World War the Ethnographic Museum had exhibited only a few objects from the non-European collections in a special small cabinet in the corridor. This statement is not correct as is evident from the photographs of the collection published in Ilustrirani Slovenec in 1927. The photographs show that the non- European collections were exhibited in the first floor corridor in three large cabinets. One of these displayed the collection of Native Americans. Boris Orel’s other statement – that the exhibition of non-European cultures was left out due to lack of space – is only half correct. There is no doubt that enough space could have been found to place the three cabinets with non-European museum objects. The reason that they were sent to the depositories was rather a matter of the political spirit of the time. Most of the donors were missionaries-priests, and this made them unacceptable to the new authorities in spite of the high quality of the collections. 104 Gregorič 1983, p. 115 105 Gregorič 1983, p. 117 106 Gregorič 1983, ibid. 107 Gregorič 1983, p. 130; On his way home Baraga visited Detroit, New York, Liverpool, London, and Paris. 108 Gregorič 1983, p. 123 109 Gregorič 1983, p. 130 110 Illyrisches Blatt 1837, pp. 67, 68 111 Gregorič 1983, p. 131 112 Illyrisches Blatt 1837, pp. 67, 68 113 Franc Jaklič, Jakob Šolar, Friderik Baraga, Celje 1968, pp. 78, 79 114 Jezernik 1980, p. 70; Thavenet had several comments on the translation. He was not satisfied with the “imprimatur” (the head’s permission to print) and considered the translation of the word “transsubstantiato” to be incorrect. 115 Jezernik 1980, p. 73; Baraga agreed that the translation of the word “transsubstantiato” was not correct. 116 Jezernik 1980, p. 74 117 Gregorič 1983, p.124 118 Gregorič 1983, p. 126 119 Gregorič 1983, p. 128 120 The Lyons Society for the Propagation of the Faith (La Propagation de la Foi) was founded by Pauline Jaricot (1799-1862) in 1822. 121 Gregorič 1983, p. 132 122 Gregorič 1983, p. 193 FRANC PIRC MISSIONARY Biography Franc Pirc (ill. 7) was born in Godič near Kamnik on November 20, 1785. He went to school in Kamnik and Ljubljana and graduated in theology in 1813. His first post was that of vicar in Bela peč and he later served in Kranjska gora, in Peče near Moravče as parish vicar, and in Podbrezje from 1830. He was a remarkably gifted economist and organizer and introduced the new industry of fruit-growing to Camiola. Baraga’s missionary reports to the Viennese Leopoldina Foundation and his letters to his relatives made such an impression on Pirc that, at the age of fifty, he decided to become a missionary.123 He set out for America in 1835. Bishop Rese appointed him as Friderik Baraga’s assistant. Due to the severe winter he did not leave for La Pointe where Baraga was but went instead to La Croix and Arbre Croche. From here he returned to Sault Ste. Marie and also visited the Native American settlements at St. Joseph and Kitchmitigong. In 1838 he founded missionary stations at Michipicoten and Okvanokisigong. He then finally joined Baraga in La Pointe. Baraga, whom Bishop Rese had appointed vicar-general for the missions among the Native Americans, sent Pirc to Grand Portage. Here Pirc founded a mission at Fort William and then returned to Arbre Croche. In 1851 a new diocese was established in the state of Minnesota. Here Pirc established the Crow Wing mission and several missionary posts. In 1864 he visited his homeland to collect financial assistance. After returning to America he was active in various missionary posts. However, when he suffered a light stroke and his memory began to fail, he returned home in September of 1873 accompanied by missionary Ignacij Tomazin. He died in 1880 Franc Pirc wrote a book entitled Kranjski vertnar (The Camiolan Gardener) for the Camiolan Agricultural Society, published in Ljubljana (Volume I in 1830 and Volume II in 1834). He was awarded a decoration by the Camiolan Agricultural Society for his merits in the field of fruit-growing. In America as well he taught the Native Americans to work the land properly. After Bishop Friderik Baraga, Pirc certainly was the most outstanding figure in the history of Slovene missionaries in the USA in the 19th century.124 The Pirc Donation History of its origin and outline In a letter Friderik Baraga wrote to his sister on December 3, 1836, he informs her that a crate has been shipped to Trieste in which there are Native American objects, and he asks that her husband have it sent to him as soon as he receives word of its arrival.125 This crate also contained an ancient Native American stone axe donated to the Camiolan Provincial Museum by missionary Franc Pirc. It is likely that Baraga had told Pirc that he was looking for Native American objects for the museum and that Pirc gave him the axe. The stone axe is first mentioned in the handwritten list covering the ethnographic objects of the Baraga Collection. The list comprises three sheets, sized 240x 228 mm, and is written in Gothic cursive script in the German language. The text under number 238/214 at the end of the list (ill. 8) reads: “(Donated) by Father Franc Pirc (Franz Pirz), missionary in Sault Ste. Marie at Lake Superior and Lake Michigan: one ancient stone axe (WAGAKWAT)126 made of green sandstone,127 excavated in Arbre Croche. The next list, written by curator Heinrich Freyer on April 14, 1837, is based on Urban Jerin’s list.128 The entry under number 238/214 at the end of the list reads that missionary Father Pirc from North America donated one stone axe (WAGAKWAD) made of green sandstone. In 1836, Illyrisches Blatt published a notice (no. 214)129 stating that Father Franc Pirc, a missionary bom in Kamnik (correct: in Godič near Kamnik), had donated an ancient stone axe /WAGAKWAD/.130 In early 1838, the museum’s annual report for the year 1836-1837 was published. The report mentions that countryman Father Franc Pirc, missionary, had donated an ancient stone axe from the savages on Lake Superior.131 Illyrisches Blatt of 1884 concludes a description of African objects from the Lavrin Collection by mentioning that the first exhibition of the Baraga and Lavrin Collections had been held. Among the donors Franc Pirc is also mentioned.132 In the Guide to the Carniolan Provincial Museum published by the museum’s curator and conservator Karl Deschmann, Franc Pirc is also mentioned.133 The entry under number 23 reads “ancient stone axe from the Indians of Lake Superior,” and a new object is mentioned here for the first time, a spearhead made of flint (ill. 9).134 The stone axe donated by Franc Pirc (on the groove of the handle a piece of paper is attached and the surname of the donor Pir(z) is visibly written in brown ink) was not entered in the National Museum’s Inventory – Volume I, 1895-1914 nor in the Ethnographic Museum’s Inventory, Volume II 1923-1928. Without reference to a donation or to their origin, other Native American objects in the Slovene Ethnographic Museum – that is, in its Section for Non-European Cultures – are also attributed to missionary Franc Pirc.135 Besides the bag with a handle (cat. no. 21), the following objects were also attributed to Pirc: women’s moccasin (cat. no. 29), men’s embroidered moccasins (cat. no. 36), girl’s (women’s) moccasin (cat. no. 37), and a round woven basket with lid (the object is missing). Since there are no written sources on Franc Pirc’s donation of these Native American objects, he can only have been their indirect donor.136 It is my belief that the Native American objects mentioned were first given to acquaintances and benefactors by Pirc and were later donated to the Provincial Museum.137 123 SBL, p. 355 124 More about missionary Franc Pirc can be found in the following books: Pierz Franc, Die Indianer in Nord-Amerika, ihre Lebensweise, Sitten, Gebräuche, u.s.w. St. Louis 1855; P. Florentin Hrovat, Franc Pirec, oče ume sadjereje na Kranjskem in apostolski misijonar med Indijani v severni Ameriki, (Franc Pirec, the Father of Rational Fruit-Growing in Carniola and Apostolic Missionary among the Indians of North America), Celovec (Klagenfurt) 1887; Franc Jaklič, Slovenski misijonarji, Baragovi nasledniki v Ameriki, Celje 1931 125 Gregorič 1983, p. 131 126 Baraga 1853, p. 393, correct is WAGAKWAD 127 Sandstone is too soft to work and therefore ill-suited to be used for making an axe. The axe donated by Franc Pirc is heavy and made of granite. 128 Library of the National Museum in Ljubljana, Museal Acten 1837-1839, Archiv des krainischen Landesmuseums, Erwerbungen, no. 237/213. The stone axe is mentioned at the end of the lists of the Baraga Collection (both are in the 1837 fascicle) drawn up by cathedral canon Urban Jerin (the names of the objects in Ojibwa were added by Baraga in Latin script) and by Heinrich Freyer, curator of the Provincial Museum under number 238/214: stone axe, donated by missionary Franc Pirc. 129 Illyrisches Blatt 1837, p.68 130 Štrukelj 1974. pp. 109 and 114: The author errs in her statement “the list in Illyrisches Blatt is the only and principal source of data on the present (Baraga, author’s note) collection.” Correct is that the principal and oldest sources are the list made by cathedral canon Urban Jerin with additional notes of donor Baraga and the handwritten list of this collection drawn up by curator Freyer. On the basis of Freyer’s list Illyrisches Blatt published the first printed list of the Baraga Collection. 131 Landesmuseum im Herzogthume Krain 1836-1837, Ljubljana 1838, p. 29 132 Illyrisches Blatt 1844, p. 24 133 Deschmann 1888, pp. 25 and 155 134 Pavla Štrukelj 1974, p. 125. The author describes the spear as follows: “The collection contains an item without a handle. It is made of flint, dark green, worked smoothly, and the point has an oval shape.” My personal examination of the object confirms that the point is indeed oval (a spearhead should have a sharp point). The stone in question, supposed to be a spearhead, is, however, a tool and has an oval point in order to be handled easily when working with it. The stone’s bottom part is wider, cleft sideways, and smoothed in order to use the point as a cutting edge. The object has no inventory number and is not a spearhead but rather a tool (perhaps used to cut arrowheads from a stone). 135 Štrukelj 1974, p. 115 136 Franc Pirc wrote a letter of thanks to cathedral canon Jurij Paušek on July 1, 1841, that was published in Illyrisches Blatt, Ljubljana 1842, pp. 83, 84. In this letter Pirc expresses his gratitude for the contributions (for the mission) sent to him and informs the cannon that he is sending him as a token of gratitude some objects made of birch bark and porcupine quills. The letter also states the origin of the Native American objects – Arbre Croche and La Croix. This was territory settled by the Ottawa. To whom cathedral canon Paušek gave the Native American objects he received is not known. Missionary Franc Pirc visited Ljubljana once more in 1864 at the age of 79. The archives of the National Museum contain no note on Pirc as a possible donor. Pirc later returned to his homeland with his companion at the age of 88, but there are no written sources on a possible donation to the museum from that period either. 137 Several priests and missionaries, successors of Baraga, were in Ljubljana at some time during this period. In 1860, for instance, Bishop Ignacij Mrak; in 1887, Bishop Janez Vrtin; and from 1907 to his death in 1915, Bishop Janez Stariha. All three had been active among the Native Americans. There are, however, no written sources on donations from them to the museum. Unknown also is the origin of several other Native American objects in the possession of the Slovene Ethnographic Museum. They were donated to the museum on June 5, 1922, by cathedral canon Ivan Sušnik. The objects were entered in the Inventory Register of the Ethnographic Museum II 1922-1928 as follows: inv. no. E 2879, wooden bow, gut string – donated by I. Sušnik inv. no. E 2880, wooden bow, gut string – donated by I. Sušnik inv. no. E 2883, wooden bow, eight feathered arrows – donated by I. Sušnik inv. no. E 2898, piece of green stone (hammer) – donated by I. Sušnik inv. no. E 2900, 14 flint stones, spear-shaped cut (arrowhead?) – no reference to donor There is no further information on this donation in the Slovene Ethnographic Museum. A thorough search in the library of the National Museum led to the discovery of the following entry on page 136 of the register of Donations 1910-1935: NOTE: All from America, from the region of Peru On the basis of this note, we may attribute the donation of 14 various stone arrowheads (the Inventory Register of the Ethnographic Museum II 1922-1928 makes no mention of the donor) to cathedral canon Ivan Sušnik. The location (origin) and age of these donated Native American objects, however, remain uncertain. IVAN ČEBUL MISSIONARY Biography Ivan Čebul138 (ill. 10) was born in Velesovo on October 13, 1832. He went to primary and grammar school in Ljubljana, started studying theology in 1851, and graduated in 1855. His first post was that of chaplain in Poljane near Škofja Loka. Before finishing his first year there, he became chaplain in Kranj. His acquaintance with Bishop Baraga goes back to his seminary years when Baraga visited Ljubljana in 1854 and called upon priests to join him in the American missions. In August of 1859 Čebul left for America, and his first missionary post was in Minnesota Mine (now Rockland). Baraga, who noticed Čebul’s gift for foreign languages, transferred him from there to missionary posts in northern Wisconsin and Michigan. In 1861 Čebul went to La Pointe and Lake Superior. Before visiting his homeland, he spent some time at the Native American Keshena reservation and after returning from Europe went to Marinette. In 1876 he left for Europe and from there went to Egypt and Palestine. He returned to Europe the same year and settled in the French diocese of Verzej. In 1878 he was appointed parish priest of Gaillon. In 1882 Čebul returned to the Native American missions. He subsequently served in Calumet, Manistique, Ironwood, Ontonagon, Iron River, Norway, Newberry, and Garden Bay. Ivan Čebul died in 1898. His wish to be buried in St. Ignace was honoured.139 The Čebul Donation History of origin and outline Missionary Ivan Čebul traveled from America to visit his homeland in 1873.140 On January 27th he was in Kranj and later in Ljubljana (he gave a sermon in the Ljubljana Cathedral). In August 1873 he returned to the American missions.141 These known dates allow us to conclude that missionary Ivan Čebul must have donated the Native American objects to the Provincial Museum in the period between late January and August 1873. The donated Native American objects are first mentioned in the handwritten list “New Acquisitions of the Camiolan Provincial Museum.”142 The list is written in the German language in Gothic cursive script. The sheets are size 210x335 mm (ill. 11). The translation of entry number 41 reads: “(Received) from Father Johann Čebul, missionary in North America: 1) Queen conch (Strombus gigas), that is, a conch (mollusk) from the tropical seas, with a hollowed end. The conch was used to call believers (the Native Americans, author’s note) to prayer.143 2) Sandals (correct: moccasins, author’s note) made of buckskin, excellent footwear in the severe winters of North America. 3) Little basket (correct: vessel, author’s note) with lid made of bark (so-called MOCKEOCKS)144 with ornaments of dyed straw.145 The basket contains sugar the Indians make from the juice of the sugar maple (Acer saccharatum). 4) Indian bag made of black cloth (wool) and embroidered in beads. The front shows an embroidered flower. The bag contains a flint. 5) Tobacco bag owned by an Indian chief. Made from the skin of a Canadian beaver (Castor canadensis). The ends of the beaver’s legs are decorated with embroidered beads. The bottom part of the tail is also decorated. The aperture on the belly is covered with a woven patch embroidered in rough lines with the figures of a North American and an Indian. The Indian is holding an enormous peace pipe. The American and the Indian are together supporting the heavens. Above the pair a bird is depicted.”146 In 1876 the newspaper Laibacher Zeitung published a “List of Acquisitions of the Camiolan Provincial Museum between June 1870 and December 1875.”147 Section B of this list, “Antique and Ethnographic Objects,” refers to the same objects as in the handwritten list of new acquisitions. In 1888 the Guide to the Provincial Museum written by curator and conservator Karl Deschmann was published.148 In this list the objects are mentioned under numbers 17 to 21 with a note stating that they were donated by missionary Čebul.149 However, only three objects from the written list and from the list published in Laibacher Zeitung in 1876 are mentioned: - no. 18: Indian basket with lid made of bark, decorated with porcupine quills. - no. 19: Sandals (correct: moccasins, author’s note) made of buckskin, excellent footwear of the Indians in the severe winters of North America. - no. 20: Indian tobacco bag, made of black cloth. The shoulder strap is woven from tiny glass beads. Embroidered flower on the front. The bag contains a flint.150 Two objects mentioned and described in the handwritten list of acquisitions and in the Laibacher Zeitung of 1876 are missing from this list: the queen conch (Strombus gigas) and the tobacco bag made of the skin of a Canadian beaver (Castor canadensis).151 To this list dating from 1888 new Native American objects were added, presumably donated by Ivan Čebul: - no. 17: Indian pipe (calumet) made from red stone with curved wooden stem - no. 21: tobacco bag made of blue cloth. The bag is thickly trimmed with glass beads and has a long shoulder strap - no. 22: piece of cloth trimmed with multicoloured silk ribbons In 1888 the Provincial Museum had in its possession of the objects donated in 1873 only the sugar vessel, the tobacco bag, and the tobacco pouch. The queen conch that was used to call to prayer and the chief’s tobacco bag of beaver skin are no longer mentioned. On the other hand, several new objects are listed: a Native American pipe, a tobacco bag, and a piece of cloth, making a total of six objects. These six objects were entered in the National Museum’s first Inventory Register (catalogue of holdings) from 1895-1914 with the following inventory numbers: 1090 – red stone pipe; 1091 tree-bark bag; 1092-1093 buckskin moccasin; 1094 – embroidered tobacco pouch; 1095 – tobacco bag; and 1906 – piece of cloth trimmed with silk ribbons. A new object is listed under inventory no. 1097: a wicker basket with a belt. At the end of the list a new donor is mentioned, a certain M. Topolansky who in 1890 donated one object listed under inventory no. 1098: a mat. The mat was presumed to be from North America.152 On the occasion of the division of the Provincial Museum’s collections between the National Museum and the Ethnographic Museum in 1924-25, the latter received all the objects mentioned in the National Museum’s Inventory Register from 1895-1914. All the Native American objects attributed to the Ivan Čebul Donation were entered in the Inventory Register of the Ethnographic Museum, Volume II, 1923-1928. 138 – Dr. Ivan L. Zaplotnik, Janez Čebulj misijonar v Ameriki, Groblje 1928 (further references: Zaplotnik 1928), calls him Janez and writes the surname as “Čebulj.” – SBL, p. 91, calls him Čebul Ivan. – Jaklič 1931, p. 31, refers to him as Janez Čebulj. – Catalogus cleri, Dioecesis Labacensis, MDCCCLXXI, p. 87. Čebul Joannes. – Missionarius in Dioecesi in America semptemtrionalis, p. 106, Index personalis Čebul Joann. The latter are probably his correct name and surname. 139 More about the work and life of Ivan Čebul can be found in Zaplotnik 1928, and Jaklič 1931. 140 Zaplotnik 1928, p. 53 141 Zaplotnik 1928, ibid. 142 Library of the National Museum in Ljubljana. Museal Acten 1871–1877. Archiv des krainischen Landesmuseums, Erwerbungen, B. Antiquitäten und ethnographische Gegenstände 143 Hrovat 1887, pp. 35, 36; Missionary Franc Pirc stated (around 1838): “All the time of my stay in the missionary post I kept to this order: As soon as the sun rose, the sea shell or the bell called to morning prayer.” We can therefore assume that the mentioned conch was given to Ivan Čebul by Franc Pirc for the Provincial Museum in Ljubljana. 144 In the Ojibwa language a sugar vessel is called a MAKAK. 145 Correct: with ornaments of painted porcupine quills. 146 Native American mythological thunderbird 147 Laibacher Zeitung 1876, no. 56, March 9, p. 436. Verzeichniss der seit 1. Juni 1870 bis End Dezember 1875, eingegangenen Geschenke und sonstigen Erwerbungen des krainischen Landesmuseums, B. Antiquitäten und ethnographische Gegenstände, under no. 41. It should be mentioned that after Heinrich Freyer left the museum in 1854 the “New Acquisitions of the Museum” column no longer appeared regularly. 148 Deschmann 1888, pp. 154, 155 149 Štrukelj 1974, p. 111. In the course of her discussion the author claims on this page that “On collector Ivan Čebul and the objects he brought with him there are even fewer sources than on Pirc. He returned home in 1837 (correct: visited his homeland) and we therefore assume that it was then that he brought the Native American objects with him.” This assumption needs to be corrected. On donor Ivan Čebul a written document exists in the archives of the National Museum as well as the list of new acquisitions in the Laibacher Zeitung of 1876. Both the written and printed document are sources on the donation of Native American objects by missionary Ivan Čebul. 150 I have been unable to find the flint in the depository of Non-European cultures at the Goričane Mansion. 151 The trumpet that was used to call to prayer, the queen conch (Strombus gigas), and the tobacco bag owned by a Native American chief and made of beaver skin (Castor canadensis) are lost. 152 Štrukelj 1974, p. 130. The author attributes the mat (German: Matte) inv. no. E 2872, inv. no. NM 109, donated to the museum by M. Topolansky in 1890, to the Native Americans. The woven mat is described as follows: “The woven mat is made of split fibers of raffia.” A further description follows. It should be mentioned that the Native Americans of the Great Lakes did not know raffia (Raphia pedunculata) since it does not thrive there due to the cold and snow. Its home is Africa and the Island of Madagascar. Rushes of the raffia palm (Rapier ruff) are used to make material for embroidering and knitting yarn. CATALOGUE OF OBJECTS INTRODUCTORY NOTE The objects are listed in the following order (regardless of the origin of their donation): 1. vessels made of a) bark; b) wood; c) wicker 2. household utensils (spoons, ladles) 3. bags 4. furnishings (rush and birch bark mats) 5. clothing items, moccasins 6. battle gear – a) pipes; b) bows; c) arrows; d) battle clubs and axes 7. means of transportation – a) boats; b) snowshoes; c) cradle boards 8. band for cradle board 9. horn In each group the objects are arranged in ascending order of inventory numbers. The order of data in the catalogue units: material, dimensions (h. = height, w. = width, 1. = length), number of the negative in the photograph library of the Slovene Ethnographic Museum, SEM inventory number (= inv. n. E), and inventory number of the National Museum (= inv. no. NM). These data are followed by a description of the object, its dating, reference to its donor, commentary, and notes. In some commentaries reference is made to illustrations. 1. VESSEL (makak), birch bark; height of vessel – 11 cm, height of lid – 2 cm, size of bottom – 10x9 cm, diameter at top – 5,5 cm; neg. no. 18820, inv. no. E 2886, inv. no. NM 1126. The vessel has the shape of a truncated pyramid and is decorated with dyed porcupine quills. The decorative designs on the vessel’s front are a heart and stylized leaves. The back is decorated with a stylized rosette, the lid with an anemone. The porcupine quills are dyed orange, white, purple, blue, and light brown. The vessel has an imprinted double zigzag line under the neck and in 1836 contained Native American sugar. Baraga Donation. COMMENTARY: The Ojibwa used such vessels (makak) to store sugar. They were of various sizes and could hold up to 22, 34, or 44 kg of sugar.153 The edges of very large vessels were reinforced with splints. The vessels were made of bark from the white birch (Betula papyrifera) by folding it and sewing it together with linden-bark fibers or red-pine roots. Smaller vessels were decorated (ill. 13, 14). They were embellished with dyed porcupine quills or by separating the top white layer of birch bark from the inner bark which is dark brown. In this way they achieved a white pattern on a dark background.154 In spring the Ojibwa moved to the “sugar bush.”155 There they erected a lodge the size of a large house (1. – 6 m, w. – 4.2 m) with an open ridge to carry away the smoke (ill. 25). They slept in the lodge and in the event of bad weather also prepared sugar in it; when the weather was favourable, however, a framework made of strong poles was set up for the fireplace near the large house. Iron kettles were suspended over the fireplace to boil the maple sap. The Ojibwa made sugar from the sugar maple (Acer saccharum) or the box elder (Acer negundo) – the latter was of inferior quality – in March and April. Sugar enriched their diet. It was used instead of salt to spice dishes of meat and fish, vegetables, or wild rice. Maple sugar was also used as candy, and the Ojibwa women made molds (lollipops) from it for their children.156 When there was a shortage of other food, maple sugar was the main course. Though the consumption of maple juice was, of course, known before the arrival of the white settlers, the production of maple sugar and juice increased because of them, that is, because they introduced European tools, iron kettles, and provided a market. Production figures were quite high. The Ottawa are said to have produced 150 tons of maple sugar in 1847.157 The exact procedure for making maple sugar is described very accurately in Friderik Baraga’s book. Preparations included the construction of a lodge, building a fireplace, and gathering enough firewood. Only then could the actual preparation of maple sugar start, and Baraga describes the procedure in great detail: “Then they make birch bark vessel (pails) to catch the sap of the sugar maple. Finally they make incisions in the tree and fasten longish wooden channels, the width of a knife’s blade, under the taps. The sap flows down these channels into the pails at the bottom of the tree. Smaller trees are tapped in only one spot, bigger ones in three or four. As soon as the ground starts to thaw in the spring and the trees are full of juice, sugar sap starts to exude from the trees.”158 Baraga then describes the further steps of preparation: “When the pails are full, the sweet liquid is poured into very large vessels or troughs made from large tree trunks. The liquid is then cooked in kettles. Sometimes there are up to 12, 15, or 20 kettles over one fireplace. The evaporation of water from the sap lasts until a thick brown syrup is obtained which is then poured from several kettles into a single one. Here it continues to boil and evaporate until it hardens. It is then moved to very large wooden bowls and stirred with big ladles until it cools down and turns into a yellowish white powder the Indians call sugar. This sugar is then stored in boxes.”159 According to Baraga, Native American sugar is hardly edible for Europeans: “If we eat too much of it, it burns in the stomach and leaves an unbearable bitter and dry taste in the mouth. In tea or coffee, however, it produces the same taste as white sugar and that is why Europeans buy it.” Maple sugar juice, according to Baraga, is “as clear as spring water and has a remarkably pleasant taste, but the more you drink of it, the thirstier you get.”160 Since the Native Americans produced more sugar than they needed for themselves, they traded it with fur traders. In exchange they were given consumer goods, blankets, clothing, guns, and the like. In short, maple sugar was very important in the diet and economy of the Native Americans. 2. VESSEL, birch bark; height including lid – 9.4 cm, size of bottom – 12 x 8.4 cm, width of mouth – 11 cm, lid 11.3 x 7.2 cm; neg. no. 18821, inv. no. E 2890, inv. no. NM 1127. The vessel is decorated with dyed porcupine quills. The front displays an ornament consisting of little arrows and triangles, the back features a motif made of arrowheads. The vessel’s rim is embellished with decorative stitches and there is a zigzag stitch on the lid’s top. The porcupine quills are white, red, and orange. It is damaged and has perforations caused by wood parasites. The vessel was made in 1836. Baraga Donation. COMMENTARY: The vessel – a box with a lid – was used to store grain, berries, or sugar. 3. VESSEL, birch bark; h. – 5 cm, size of bottom – 8.5 x 4 cm, width of mouth – 9 x 4 cm, dimensions of lid 9.5 x 4 cm; neg. no. 18822, inv. no. E 2891, inv. no. NM 1097. The vessel is decorated with dyed porcupine quills. On the front the decoration consists of stylized leaves and a flower, on the back of stylized leaves; the lid is decorated with rhombi. The porcupine quills are white, blue, orange, red, brown, and green. It was made in the second half of the 19th century. Čebul Donation. COMMENTARY: The vessel (box with a lid) is a standard product of the Ojibwa. 4. VESSEL, birch bark; height with lid – 5.5 cm, size of bottom – 7.5 x 5 cm, width of mouth – 7 cm, lid 7.5 x 3.5 cm; neg. no. 18823, inv. no. E 2892, inv. no. NM 1130. The vessel is decorated with dyed porcupine quills. On the front there are stylized flower with leaves, at the back only a line drawing (the motif of a heart and leaves) with perforations but without porcupine quills. The lid features the motif of a heart with leaves. The rim of the vessel (box) is reinforced and trimmed with red, white, grey, and dark brown porcupine quills. The vessel was made in the first half of the 19th century. Attributed to the Baraga Donation. COMMENTARY: The vessel (box) with lid is first mentioned in the Inventory Register of the National Museum (1895-1914) under inventory number NM 1126-112 with a note reading: “Object made of birch bark – Baraga.” The vessel also has an inventory number at the back, left of the border (NM 1130). The entry’s author probably was Dr. Walter Schmidt. The donor of this little vessel might have been a member of the clergy to whom it was given by Baraga as a token of gratitude. 5. VESSEL, birch bark; height including lid – 6.5 cm, size of bottom – 11.5 x 5 cm, width of rim – 10 cm, lid 10.3 x 6.5 cm; neg. no. 18824, inv. no. E 2893, inv. no. NM 1129. The vessel is decorated with dyed porcupine quills. On the front there is a stylized heart and two leaves, on the back the drawing of a stylized plant motif. The rim of the vessel is trimmed with decorative stitches. The porcupine quills are white and black. Part of the vessel’s lid is missing and the front is also damaged: part of the decoration is missing. It was made in 1836. Baraga Donation. COMMENTARY: The vessel (box) was used to store grain, berries, or sugar. The back shows no stitches at all. The vessel displays the whole range of quillwork, that is, decorating with porcupine quills. Native American women first made a drawing on birch bark with a knife point and then perforated the vessel along these lines. Through the holes they sewed various designs with dyed porcupine quills. 6. RICE VESSEL, birch bark; h. – 12 cm, bottom dimensions – 14.5 x 10 cm, width of top part – 13 cm; neg. no. 18825, inv. no. E 2894, inv. no. NM 1128. The vessel’s top border is reinforced with light brown porcupine quills. The vessel was made in 1836 and contained rice. Baraga Donation. COMMENTARY: Wild rice (Zizania aquatica) was a staple diet of the Native Americans from the Wisconsin and Minnesota provinces. The rich fields of wild rice on Lake Superior were also a permanent cause of war between the Sioux and Ojibwa. According to Baraga’s description wild rice is similar to oats. It is not yellow but green, even when dry. It is a good but not substantial food and tastes like the barley we know.161 Wild rice thrives in lakes, ponds, slow river and stream mouths, and swamps. The preparation of wild rice was one of the most picturesque activities of the Ojibwa. Rice was harvested in early autumn, just before it was ripe. The Ojibwa harvested it by beating it from the stalks into the bottom of their canoes with special flat clubs (ill. 15). The canoe’s bottom was covered with cloth to gather the kernels and dirt. Unhulled rice was stored in bark baskets (ill. 16) or in bags woven from Canadian larch (Larix laricina) roots or from cedar (Juniperus virginiana) fibers. Because the rice was harvested before it was mature, it had to be ripened artificially. It was therefore dried in the sun or in a kettle over a small fire. In older times, the rice was first dried and then, still unhulled, placed in a skin-lined hole in the ground. The men hulled the rice by tramping it down, using new moccasins. The rice was then winnowed in large birch bark trays. After winnowing, the rice was stored in birch bark vessels (ill. 7). These vessels were made by flattening a piece of bark, cutting it to the desired shape (ill. 18), folding the edges, and fastening the folds together with split roots or basswood fiber. 7. FOOD VESSEL, birch bark; h. – 4.8 cm; w. – 17 cm; neg. no. 18825, inv. no. E 2896, inv. no. NM 1131. The cup is round and sewed together in six spots. It has a reinforced edge wrapped in dyed porcupine quills. It was made in 1836. Baraga Donation. COMMENTARY: The kitchenware of the Native American tribes around Lake Superior was very simple. Most vessels they used were made of birch bark. They had various shapes and were sewn together with threads made from red fir roots (Picea rubens). Vessels were also sewn together with fibers of the American basswood (Tilia americana). For the vessels to hold liquids, they were tarred with pitch made from the resin of the bark of the balsam fir (Abies balsamea) or black spruce (Picea mariana). Before the arrival of the white settlers the Native Americans did not know iron and, of course, had no iron vessels. They cooked in clay vessels and had a quite special technique of cooking. Baraga writes about this technique in his book: “In the northern areas where pots made of tree bark are still in use, they cook food by heating stones until they are blazing hot and putting them in the pot As soon as a stone loses its temperature, it is taken out and replaced with a hot one. The procedure is repeated until the water starts boiling or until the meal is cooked.”162 8. FOOD VESSEL, birch bark; h. – 6.5 cm; w. – 15.5 cm; neg. no. 18827, inv. no. E 2897, inv. no. NM 1132. The cup is oval-shaped and sewn together in four places. It has a reinforced edge, wrapped in dyed porcupine quills. It was made in 1836. Baraga Donation. COMMENTARY: See commentary for cat. no. 7. 9. CHILD’S CUP, wood; h. – 2,2 cm, width of bottom – 4.8 cm, width of top – 8 cm; neg. no. 18828, inv. no. E 2885, inv. no. NM 1121. The cup is round. Its exterior form is emphasized by a semicircular carved ring. The little vessel was never used and was made in 1836. Baraga Donation. COMMENTARY: The Ojibwa were very skillful woodcarvers and used specially shaped cutters. The little cup or vessel (ill. 19) is handmade (not turned). In his book Baraga says of Ojibwa woodwork: “They cut bowls and spoons out of wood and some Indians were genuine masters at it.”163 10. CHILD’S CUP, wood; h. – 1.7 cm, width of top – 6.48 cm; neg. no. 18829, inv. no. E 2899, inv. no. NM 1122. The cup is round and has a smooth exterior. It was made in 1836 but never used. Baraga Donation. COMMENTARY: The little cup is handmade (not turned) and is particularly diminutive. 11. BASKET, cedar splints; h. – 7.5 cm, base diameter – 14 cm, top diameter – 23,3 cm; neg. no. 18830, inv. no. E 2876, inv. no. NM 1097. Made in the second half of the 19th century, it was used to store wild fruit. Attributed to the Čebul Donation. This little basket164 is the work of an Ojibwa woman. COMMENTARY: Ojibwa women made baskets and other wicker vessels using splints, branches, roots, and the bark of various trees. Early plaited items were of willow withes. Native Americans still make such baskets with a handle. They were used to carry various wild fruit and field crops. Wicker baskets were also used to store wild rice. Baskets made of cedar or ash fibers were also common. Around 1860 a new technique was introduced in the region of Lake Superior known as the “curl” or “porcupine” technique.165 This technique is still used. 12. CHILD’S SPOON, wood; 1. – 8 cm; neg. no. 18831, inv. no. E 2884, inv. no. NM 1118. This spoon was never used and is quite diminutive. Its handle ends in a volute (spiral). The spoon was made in 1836. Baraga Donation. COMMENTARY: An interesting note on the use of cutlery among the Native Americans of Lake Superior is from the hand of missionary Franc Pirc. In 1837 he was invited to a feast by a local chief. This is how he reports the event: “I have been to an Indian feast. There were no tables, no chairs, no forks nor spoons, no wine nor soup, just a couple of knives. The floor was covered with rush mats on which wooden bowls were put, filled with fine fish, game, water fowl, and large bear legs. The Indians sat on the floor next to the bowls and they all ate with their hands. Only the chief and I ate the American way. We both had a little chair and a plate on our knees. In our right hand we held a flat knife with round handle to lift the food to our mouths and in the left a fork to help us.”166 13. LADLE, wood; diagonal length – 14.5 cm, width of ladle surface – 11.5 cm; neg. no. 18832, inv. no. E 2888, inv. no. NM 1119. The ladle has a wide scooping surface and, at the end of the handle, a hook for suspending it. The ladle was made in 1836 but never used. Baraga Donation. COMMENTARY: The ladle has a short handle, indicating that it was used for taking food out of a vessel and not for stirring. It was cut from a solid piece of wood. Compared with the collection’s other spoons and ladles (ill. 20), this specimen is a fine example of the woodworking skills the Ojibwa achieved in making cutlery and kitchenware. 14. LADLE, wood; diagonal length – 17.4 cm, width of scooping surface – 13.5 cm; neg. no. 18833, inv. no. E 2889, inv. no. NM 1120. The ladle has a wide scooping surface and, at the end of the handle, a hook for suspending it. It was made in 1836 but never used. Baraga Donation. COMMENTARY: The ladle has a longer handle than ladle cat. no. 13, indicating that it was also used for stirring food. 15. BAG, cedar fibers; h. – 9.5 cm, w. – bottom 12 cm, top 18 cm; neg. no. 18834 and 18835, inv. no. E 2865, inv. no. NM 1117. The bag features a series of mythological panthers on the front, on the back there are triangles and belts, in between them diagonal lines. The cedar fibers are natural colour and dyed (dark and light brown). The bag was made in 1836. Baraga Donation. COMMENTARY: The bag is made of cedar fibers (Juniperus virginiana)167 to reduced scale as mentioned in Illyrisches Blatt.168 Native American bags of rectangular shape were used for storing and carrying things. They were woven of natural material and rank among the most important crafts products of the ancient Ojibwa. The same skills in crafts was also exhibited by the Winnebago, Sauk, Fox, Potawatomi, Sioux, and other Native American tribes.169 Some of the oldest bags were made of the fiber of the false nettle, usually combined with buffalo or moose hair or wool. These were the basic materials from which they made thread or cord. These early bags were also used for ceremonial purposes. They were decorated with patterns combining light-coloured nettle fibers with dark moose or buffalo hair. The early bags were also made of rush and fibers from the bark of the cedar, red (slippery) elm, and the linden or Canadian larch (tamarack). To make bags from the roots of the Canadian larch, the roots were first split and then boiled to make them pliable enough to be woven. Bags were woven on simple two-stick looms in the same way as tree-bark bags (ill. 21). They were used for storing medicinal herbs and roots and wild rice. Bags of various shapes were woven of cedar bark fibers (ill. 22) using various techniques: vertical, diagonal, chequered, and twilled weaving or plaiting. Bags woven with a cedar-bark weave were used to store Indian rice. Woven bags were embellished with strips, colourful bands, and small geometric designs. Conventionalized drawings of animal motifs taken from the mythology of the Native American tribes feature on the older nettle fiber bags. These decorations include the figures of a thunderbird, mystical (underworld) panthers, deer, butterflies, and the tracks of the otter.170 The thunderbird is the theme of many ancient legends of the Native American tribes of Canada and the north of the USA. The Native Americans believed that the thunderbird lived on a high inaccessible mountain or rock face. Its duty was to make thunder, hail, and rain. Prehistoric representations of the thunderbird were engraved or carved on stone or pottery. Later it was drawn on birch bark, painted on skins, and appeared in ornaments on bags made of nettle fibers and buffalo hair. Representations were also worked using porcupine quills and beads.171 Another mythical animal frequently depicted on bags is the underworld panther. The Native Americans believed it to have the horns of a buffalo and a long curling tail drawn under its feet. Ojibwa women depicted panthers on bags made of nettle fibers and buffalo hair. 16. TOBACCO POUCH, woven wool threads and strings of white beads. The lining is made of multicoloured cotton cloth; length including shoulder band – 118 cm, w. – 22 cm; neg. no. 18836, inv. no. E 2868, inv. no. NM 1134. The central front part of the pouch consists of red wool threads, the strips to either side of the center of green wool threads. The trimming of white beads forms vertical zigzag lines. Three ribbons are sewn around the pouch’s opening coloured red, yellow, and green. The border is trimmed with a curving design of white beads. The entire border and shoulder band are trimmed with two rows of white beads. The back of the pouch consists of two woven coloured fields. The central field is green and is surrounded by a dark blue field. The white beads form the same pattern as on the front. The shoulder band ends in a long fringe. The bottom part of the pouch ends in long thick fringe of wool threads and fibers trimmed with beads. The pouch was made in 1835 or 1836. Baraga Donation. COMMENTARY: Shoulder pouches or pouches with bandoleers are a specific Ojibwa product. Exquisite above all are the decorated pouches they wore with their ceremonial costumes. The Ojibwa began making such pouches after the arrival of the white settlers. They probably copied them from the bullet pouches of the British soldiers of the mid 18th century which were decorated with crests.172 The Ojibwa and other woodland tribes eagerly adopted them. Often two pouches were worn, one on each shoulder. Ojibwa women made beaded pouches as early as the beginning of the 19th century. A beadwork pouch was worth a pony.173 A pouch consists of a long square case or bag and a wide shoulder band embellished with beads or embroidery. Geometric motifs are depicted on the early beaded pouches of the Ojibwa. Around 1860 they began to use larger numbers of beads, a greater variety of colours, and floral patterns.174 On some specimens the length of the pouch is extended with ribbons woven with beads. The basic material for some pouches was black velvet. The Ojibwa used pouches to carry various items, among other things tobacco and smoking gear or lead bullets for their guns. 17. POUCH WITH BANDOLEER, dark blue woolen cloth, rep, and multicoloured beads; length of pouch – 36 cm, length of pouch including fringe and bandoleer – 101 cm, width of pouch – 25.3 cm, width of bandoleer – 9.8 cm; neg. no. 18837, inv. no. E 2877, inv. no. NM 1095. The pouch’s front is made of dark blue cloth and its border is trimmed with green rep. Multicoloured beads embroidered on the pouch form stylized motifs of a crab’s claws, leaves, geometric figures, lines, and dots. The composition of stylized crab’s claws and geometric figures is repeated on the bandoleer. The fringes at the pouch’s bottom are beaded and form various geometric figures. The borders of the pouch are worked in bead embroidery. It dates from 1835 or 1836. Attributed to the Čebul Donation. COMMENTARY: The pouch with bandoleer (cat. no. 17) is extremely richly decorated and is worn with a ceremonial costume. Such a large and richly decorated pouch could, as mentioned above, fetch the price of a horse. An interesting comparison can be made between the present pouch (cat. no. 17) and the one depicted in the book Ojibwa Crafts (Chippewa).175 Both are of the same size (except for the bandoleers) and both are decorated with similar stylized geometric elements. The pouch with the bandoleer is an excellent item made by an Ojibwa woman. 18. TOBACCO POUCH, black cloth, lined with brown cotton cloth and grey-green silk rep, embroidered and decorated with coloured beads; length of pouch – 16.4 cm, length of pouch with bandoleer – 32 cm, width of pouch – 16.4 cm; neg. no. 18838, inv. no. E 2878, inv. no. NM 1094. The pouch’s front is trimmed with red silk and its center features an embroidered flower with stem and leaves. The decoration consists of blue, yellow, dark red, light blue, and pink beads. The border is decorated with appliqué. The extended part of the back is trimmed with purple silk and white beads. The borders of the pouch are decorated with two dense rows of tiny white beads. The bottom ends in an interwoven pattern of densely trimmed tiny beads of various colours, a fringe, and tassels. The bandoleer is woven with beads. Dark green beads form a background of triangular figures. The central pattern on the bandoleer are rhombi consisting of dark red beads trimmed with purple beads. They are set at even zigzag intervals. The back of the pouch is made of black cloth. The pouch dates from the second half of the 19th century. Čebul Donation. COMMENTARY: The pouch is a typical Ojibwa product. 19. SHEATH, buckskin, decorated with 13 to 16 cm long woven fringe; sheath length – 21 cm, length of fringe at sheath’s end – 13 cm; length of fringe at top end – 14 to 16 cm; width of sheath’s top part – 5.5 cm; neg. no. 18839, inv. no. E 2879, inv. no. NM 1133. The top part of the sheath features the motif of an eight-pointed star in quillwork. The quills are dyed yellow, white, black, green, pink, and red. The sheath was made in 1836. Baraga Donation. COMMENTARY: This finely shaped sheath is part of the Baraga Donation but unfortunately is without a knife because knives were very expensive at that time. Sheaths were made from the skin of a grizzly (ill. 23 A) or a deer (ill. 23 B). They were decorated with glass beads or dyed porcupine quills. Sheath and knife were worn on a strap or tucked behind the belt. Native Americans made their cutting tools from various materials, for instance, hardwood, stone, native copper, shells, or the teeth of various animals. The early knives were made of flint. With the arrival of the white settlers, the Native Americans became acquainted with steel knives. A report dating from 1851 mentions that white settlers had begun to produce scalping knives and tomahawks for the Native Americans.176 Most popular with the Native Americans was an ordinary butcher’s knife executed like knives from Sheffield in England (ill. 24). They used them for scalping. Catlin comments on their price: “manufactured at Sheffield, in England, perhaps, for sixpence; and sold to the poor Indian in these wild regions for a horse.”177 Catlin also mentions that scalping an enemy after killing him was quite common among Native Americans.178 Scalps proved that the warrior who wore them was a man of courage. The word “scalp,” however, is not of Native American origin but is the English word for “skin on the head.” The word “scalping” thus literally means taking someone’s skin from his head.179 Catlin describes how scalping is performed in these words: “which is done by grasping the left hand into the hair on the crown of the head, and passing the knife around it through the skin, tearing off a piece of the skin with the hair, as large as the palm of a hand (ill. 25 F, G) or larger, which is dried, and often curiously ornamented and preserved, and highly valued as a trophy.”180 Scalps were displayed, again according to Catlin,181 in various ways. They were stretched on a small ring fastened to the end of a pole (ill. 25 B). Very small scalps were also used to decorate clothing (ill. 25 A). In processions scalps were hung on the horse’s bridle (ill 25 C9), and they were also cut into ribbons to decorate battle clubs (ill 25 E). When the weather permitted, a tribe’s chief would hang all his scalps on a pole called a “scalp pole” (ill 25 D). An extremely rare item were seams on Native American clothing decorated with hair from a scalp. Native American women, the widows of warriors, also joined in scalping. Scalps were also sold or traded by the Native Americans. A terrible trade in human scalps as souvenirs originated. J. Kong wrote of this trade in 1791: “When scalps fetch high prices, some Indians cut them into five or six parts and take them to the nearest settlement in the hope of getting a reasonable price.”182 In 1689 a very high price (eight English pounds) was paid per scalp in South Carolina. In the same period a scalp was worth ten beaver skins or forty pounds of lead bullets and four pounds of gunpowder in Canada.183 The English were the first to trade in scalps and the French expanded the trade, imitated by the white settlers. Governor William Penn (the state of Pennsylvania is named after him) for instance offered – being a “gentleman” – forty dollars for the scalp of every killed Native American.184 20. BOX (BAG), birch bark; h. – 19 cm (height of handle 11 cm), bottom size – 20 x 13 cm; neg. no. 18840 and 18441, inv. no. E 2895, inv. no. NM 1125. The bag has a rectangular shape and a small handle on top of the lid. The bottom part of the bag is wider than the top. A long handle woven from dyed porcupine quills is sewn to the top of the bag. The narrow sides of the bag are each decorated with four stylized female figures, each holding a bag. The bag’s front shows the motif of a vase with flowers in quillwork (dyed porcupine quills). The same motif is repeated on the back. The lid features six flowers. It is closed with a silk ribbon and is also fastened to the bag with silk ribbons. The bag’s interior is lined with paper. The bag was made in the second half of the 19th century and belongs to one of the Native American tribes living in the Great Lakes region. Attributed to the Baraga Donation. COMMENTARY: The box, as it is called in the Inventory Register, is probably a bag since it has a handle for carrying. It was first entered in the National Museum’s Inventory Register (1895-1914) under no. 1125 with the note: “birch bark box, decorated with porcupine quills – (donor) Baraga.” It is likely that while arranging the ethnological collections Dr. Walter Schmidt attributed it to the donation of Bishop Friderik Baraga. It is also possible, however, that it was given to the museum by an unknown donor to whom it had been given by Bishop Baraga. The function of the bag is emphasized by the motifs depicted on its two smaller sides. On each side there are four women dressed like white women (in skirts), each holding a bag in her right hand (cat. no. 20). The manner of execution and especially the interior which is lined (birch bark boxes have no lining) indicate that the bag was made by a Native American woman in one of the schools open to them. Needlework was also taught there by the nuns. It is interesting to compare this bag (inv. no. E 2895, cat. no. 20) with the large box made of birch bark (inv. no. 11990) in the Museum für Völkerkunde in Vienna (Ill. 26).185 Both are embroidered with dyed porcupine quills, that is, with quillwork. Both also show flower motifs. The size of the box in Vienna (h. – 16 cm, 1. – 16,5 cm, w. – 11 cm) and that of the bag (without the handle) (h. – 19 cm, 1. – 20 cm, w. – 12 cm) are almost the same. Also similar is the execution of the bottom part of both box and bag. The box (in Vienna) is described as a product of the Menominee from Green Bay in Wisconsin. It is dated to around 1830. The execution of the decoration on the bag and some of its design elements are very similar to those on the Viennese box. It is my opinion that given the absence of a documented location, the place of origin of the bag cannot be determined with certainty. That it can be dated to the second half of the 19th century is, however, upheld by its lining and decoration. The sides show women in European dresses, a strong reference to the time when reservations already existed. Such bags and boxes, cigar boxes, cases for glasses, and boxes for sewing gear certainly were items for trading and selling. From the beginning of the 19th century, the trade in maple sugar molds, fan handles, and models of boats, all decorated with quillwork, was a lucrative activity.186 In the Great Lakes region, flower motifs are more common than geometric designs. The exteriors of the vessels were adapted to the wishes of the white customers. 21. BAG WITH HANDLE AND LID, birch bark; height of bag including lid – 10.5 cm, height of handle – 15.5 cm, diameter of bag – 17 cm, diameter of lid – 11.2 cm; neg. no. 18842, inv. no. E 2945, inv. no. NM 2762 The bag has eight curved sides, a round lid, and a long handle with red loops at the sides. The decoration of the sides and lid consists of embroidered white, green, blue, yellow, red, and orange porcupine quills that form flower motifs. The borders of the bag are lined with silk and cotton ribbons. The interior is lined with a smooth layer of birch bark. Made in the second half of the 19th century. Attributed to the Pirc Donation. COMMENTARY: The bag was made by a Native American woman. 22. MAT (miniature execution), rush; 1. – 90 cm, w. – 46 cm; neg. no. 18844, inv. no. E 2863, inv. no. NM 1116. The mat has woven designs in the shape of rectangles and squares. The rush is natural colour, that is, dark and light brown. The mat was made in 1836. Baraga Donation. COMMENTARY: Mats were always woven by older Native American women who were no longer capable of hard labour. They first made very simple backstrap looms. These consisted of two horizontal sticks and two vertical poles or supporting sticks fastened scissors-wise (ill. 27). The Native American women gathered bulrushes (Scirpus validus) in the months of June and July and dried, sorted, and dyed them. Bulrushes prepared in this way were then used to weave mats on simple frames.187 Various ornaments and symbols were woven into the mats. The width of a mat depended on the length of the bulrushes, that is, from 90 to 115 cm. Their length was 180 to 275 cm.188 Native American women also wove mats from cattail (Typha latifolia). Such mats were used to cover wigwams. Combined with birch bark mats, six such mats were needed to cover one wigwam. However, when just cattail mats were used to cover a wigwam, twelve were needed. Since there was not enough rush, Native American women also wove mats from the inner bark of the red cedar (Juniperus virginiana) or from the fibers of the American basswood (Tilia americana). Bark was gathered in spring from mid May to mid June. It was cut into narrow strands of exactly the same width that were then used to weave mats (ill. 28). Mats made of cedar bark were used to sleep on, as tables and partitions in the sleeping quarters of wigwams, and as wigwam doors. After the arrival of the missionaries, they were also used to cover floors in churches. 23. MAT (miniature execution), made of rush; 1. – 77 cm, width at the ends – 35.5 cm, in the center 37 cm; neg. no. 18843, inv. no. E 2864 inv. no. NM 11165. The mat displays woven patterns of rhombi, rectangles, and chains. The rush is of natural colour or was dyed dark and light brown. The mat was made in 1836. Baraga Donation. COMMENTARY: See commentary for cat. no. 22. 24. MAT (miniature execution), birch bark, used to cover wigwams and lodges used for various purposes; 1. – 47.5 cm, w. – 13.5 cm; neg. no. 18845, inv. no. E 2870 inv. no. NM 1103; this and the other four birch bark mats are 1 cm thick. The mats were made from pieces of birch bark All the mentioned mats consist of three pieces of bark sewn together with untwisted basswood fiber (Tilia americana). Mats of this execution were strengthened at both ends with narrow cedar strips. The mat is approx. 3.65 m long and 80 cm wide. It was made in 1836. Baraga Donation. COMMENTARY: The Native Americans of the Great Lakes, including the Ojibwa tribe, used mats made of birch bark to cover their wigwams. They transferred their wigwams to places where they expected better hunting on canoes in summer and on toboggans in winter. The Ojibwa used several types of wigwams. Erecting them was women’s work. The following types of wigwam are known: a) The temporary wigwam consisted of a conical framework covered with fir, balsam (Abies balsamea), or other evergreen. b) The domed wigwam (ill. 29) was constructed by driving long thin poles (of elm, oak, or beech) into the ground in a circle, bending them over, and tying them to a semi-circle at the entrance. Up to two thirds of the wigwam’s height, the framework was covered with rush or cattail mats. Over these mats birch bark sheets were laid and tied to the wigwam’s framework with balsam bark at one corner. The birch bark sheets were arranged on the wigwam’s dome like shingles on a roof. At the top of the dome an opening was left for light to enter and as a smoke hole; at one side of the wigwam an opening was left for the entrance. The entrance was closed with a mat, hide, or piece of cloth. This type of wigwam was also often covered with elm bark (Ulmus americana). c) The rectangular type of wigwam with a barrel-like roof (ill. 30) was covered with birch bark. Larger structures of this type of wigwam were used by the Ojibwa to work and live in while making maple sugar, and very large ones (w. – 4 to 9.15 m, 1. – 30.5 to 61 m, h. – 2.15 to 3 m) were used as Grand Medicine Lodges (MIDEWIGAMIG) for celebrating rites. d) The conical wigwam (ill. 31) was covered with strips of birch bark. The life span of these dwellings was about one year. 25. MAT, made of birch bark (miniature), used to cover Native American wigwams and lodges used for various purposes; 1. – 47.3 cm, w. – 13 cm; neg. no. 18845, inv. no. E 18151, inv. no. NM 1105. The mat is 1 mm thick. It consists of three small pieces of bark sewn together with untwisted basswood fiber (Tilia americana). One end is strengthened with a narrow cedar strip, at the other end the mat is damaged and the cedar strip missing. It was made in 1836. Baraga Donation. COMMENTARY: See commentary for cat. no. 24. 26. MAT, made of birch bark (miniature), used to cover Native American wigwams and lodges used for various purposes; 1. – 46.5 cm, w. – 13 cm; neg. no. 18845, inv. no. E 18152, inv. no. NM 1102. The mat is 1 mm thick. It consists of three small pieces of bark sewn together with untwisted basswood fiber (Tilia americana). The ends of the mats – one is damaged – are strengthened with narrow cedar strips. It was made in 1836. Baraga Donation. COMMENTARY: See commentary for no. cat. no. 24. 27. MAT, made of birch bark (miniature), used to cover Native American wigwams and lodges used for various purposes; 1. – 36.6 cm, w. – 13.3 cm; neg. no. 18845, inv. no. E 18153, inv. no. NM 1101. The mat is 1 mm thick. It consists of three small pieces of bark sewn together with untwisted basswood fiber (Tilia americana). The ends of the mats are strengthened with narrow cedar strips. It was made in 1836. Baraga Donation. COMMENTARY: See commentary for no. cat. no. 24. 28. MAT, made of birch bark (miniature), used to cover Native American wigwams and lodges used for various purposes; 1. – 35.2 cm, w. – 13.6 cm, neg. no. 18845, inv. no. E 18154, inv. no. NM 1104. The mat is 1 mm thick. It consists of three small pieces of bark sewn together with untwisted basswood fiber (Tilia americana). The ends of the mats are strengthened with narrow cedar strips. It was made in 1836. Baraga Donation. COMMENTARY: See commentary for no. cat. no. 24. 29. MOCCASINS, dark brown buckskin; 1. – 25.5 cm, w. – 11 cm; neg. no. 18846, inv. no. E 1030. The cuff is made of dark brown cloth trimmed with blue silk and tiny white beads. On the vamp a twig is embroidered in dyed porcupine quills. The cuff shows the decorative motive of a twig with buds and a six-point star. The moccasins are a product of Native Americans and date from the second half of the 19th century. They have been worn. Attributed to the Pirc Donation. COMMENTARY: The word “moccasin” is derived from the Algonquian language. There are two types of moccasin: those worn by the Plains Native Americans who sewed a piece of stiff untanned leather to the moccasin as sole and the moccasins of the woodland tribes that had no soles. Moccasins are skin shoes used by all Native Americans except for the tribes living along the Mexican border and the Pacific Ocean who wore sandals. Moccasins were made by women from deer, buck, and moose hides. They tanned the hides themselves, a very time-consuming job. First they scraped the pieces of flesh off the skin with a narrow chisel made of bone, the shinbone of a deer or moose. Such bone fleshers were about 15 cm long. Today the flesh is scraped off with a serrated iron blade. After the hide was cleaned of adhering flesh, it was soaked to remove any remaining attached pieces of flesh and hair. The hide was left in water for three days and then wrung out. Then the hide was hung obliquely over an inclined log of wood or “horse” for shaving. This “horse” consisted of a body and two legs. In earlier times the hide was shaved with a coarse stone, later with a metal scraper. After the shaving, the hide was stretched in a frame and softened with a bone scraper (today metal scrapers are used). After this job was finished, any cuts were sewn together and the skin was dyed. The last phase of preparation was smoking. Before smoking, the skin was sewn together with basswood or other fibers and then placed over a small fire. Smoking gave the skin its characteristic smell. To make moccasins they chose a deer hide large enough to make nine moccasins. In the early days moccasins were sewn with thread made of cedar bark or with sinew taken from the large back tendon of a deer or buck. These native threads were used until they were replaced by European products. A moccasin consists of a heel, a heel seam, a cuff, an instep seam, and a vamp (ill. 37) They were made by first tanning the leather and then sewing it (ill. 38 and 39). In recent times velvet was also used in the making of moccasins to bind them to the cuffs. Cuffs from old moccasins were often taken off and used in making new ones. Children’s moccasins were sometimes decorated with delicate ornaments worked with a needle and yarn. In winter children’s moccasins were stuffed with the soft hair from a cat’s tail to make them warmer.189 Moccasins were decorated with porcupine quills, glass beads, cloth, buttons, fur, and fringes. The decoration varied depending on the tribe to which the Native Americans belonged. The decoration of moccasins with porcupine quills190 is called “quillwork.” In the plains where this technique of decoration was highly developed there were no porcupines. The Native Americans probably obtained quills by trading or through hunting parties. The quills of a porcupine are about 8 cm long, the bristles about 5 cm. The Native Americans of the northern plains preferred to use the larger quills while those from the northern central plains and eastern forests preferred the smaller bristles. The preparation of quills was exclusively women’s work. To dye them they used a great variety of plant and mineral substances. The most popular colours were red, yellow, black, and the natural yellowish-white colour of the bristles. To obtain a more intense colour while dying, a tiny piece was cut off the bottom end of every quill. In this way the dye could flow into the hollow quill and dye it from the inside as well. The import of woolen cloth from Europe led to the procedure of dying quills by boiling them together with cloth of various colours. In the second half of the 19th century, Native Americans began to use aniline dyes, thus enriching the colour range. Quills were sorted according to size and stored in vessels. The women flattened the quills with their teeth or fingernails or used a special device made of wood or bone. There are four basic techniques of quillwork and many sub-techniques. The basic techniques are twisting, twining, stitching, and weaving; and from these four a variety of sub-techniques developed: twisting and twining around one thread or two threads into triangular or rhomboid patterns.191 Weaving is divided into weaving with beads and the technique of screen weaving (ill. 40). The most complex technique is that of weaving. Only a small number of tribes engaged in it became truly skillful, among them the Cree and Ojibwa. By the end of the 18th century, glass beads of European origin had begun to replace quillwork in the area of the eastern woodland territories. In the 19th century, Native Americans tribes in the area of the prairies and plains also obtained glass beads in larger quantities. Since beadwork is much easier, the technique of quillwork became gradually extinct. In the 1960’s, Native Americans from the plains showed renewed interest in their traditional culture, including the revival of quillwork because they could earn money from the production and sale of souvenirs. Especially among the Western Sioux there are families who specialize in the production of traditional quillwork. Besides quillwork, Native Americans also make ornaments jewellery for the tourists.192 In addition to quillwork, Native Americans decorated their clothing, shoes, and other belongings for everyday use with beads. In the times before the white settlers, Native Americans made beads from the shells of river and sea snails. They were sewn to dresses or strung into necklaces or belts. Most famous are the wampum belts worn by the Iroquois and northeastern Algonquins. Wampum beads were of cylindrical shape and were also used as means of payment. The first glass beads were brought to the New World by Christopher Columbus himself and became the most popular commodity for exchange. As the supply of glass beads in the 18th and early 19th century could not meet their demand, Native Americans began to decorate their clothing with combinations of beads and quills. Large quantities of glass beads arrived in the Upper Missouri region after 1850193 in the footsteps of the fur trade. The glass beads of this area were 3 to 4 mm in size and were called “pony” beads (ill. 41). They probably got their name from the fact that the trappers carried them in bags on the backs of ponies. From 1840 onwards, they were gradually replaced by so-called “seed” beads with a diameter of 1 to 3 mm. The name “seed” beads probably derived from their being hardly bigger than the seeds some tribes used to make ornaments.194 Later Native Americans also used medium large and faceted beads (ill 41). There are three techniques of beadwork: bead weaving, overlay, and stitch, the latter known by the Crow (ill. 42). Beadwork was done on a simple loom. Beadwork (sewing beads to a background of leather, cloth, or bark) was certainly the most widespread technique because it was the simplest and most durable. The overlay technique had two variations: the “overlay” and “lazy stitch.” The overlay technique consists of stringing a number of glass beads on a thread and then fastening it to the background with another thread by sewing across it at regular intervals. This technique was used to make floral ornaments and was widespread among the tribes of the northeastern forest region including the Ojibwa who developed precisely floral designs to a very high level. The lazy stitch technique was characteristic of Native Americans from the prairies and plains. This technique consists of sewing parallel rows of ten to fifty beads to the background. The individual rows acquired the characteristic form of an arch or curve. This technique is typical of the geometric designs of Plains tribes. Because one of the variations of this technique was used by the Crow, it is also called the “Crow stitch.”195 If we ignore the pendants, earrings, belt clasps, hair ornaments, and other objects that are nowadays made as souvenirs and sold to tourists, the art of beadwork is limited among the Plains Native Americans to the clothing and objects they make for their own use. Though the technique was introduced by white people, no other artistic technique is as intimately connected with the concept of Native American art as beadwork.196 30. MOCCASINS, made of buckskin; 1. – 24 cm, w. – 11 cm; neg. no. 18847, inv. no. E 2914, inv. no. NM 1141. These girl’s moccasins are made from one piece of leather. The laces are also made of leather. The moccasins have leather cuffs, and the vamps are decorated with porcupine quills (for a description of the motifs and the colour scale, see ill. 32). They were made in 1836. Attributed to the Baraga Donation. COMMENTARY: The embroidery on the moccasins inv. no. E 2914 is not finished. The vamp’s extension of one of them (cat. no. 30) has only a drawing without quillwork. This imperfection is also noted in the list of Native American objects published in Illyrisches Blatt, no. 17, 1835. Under item c, the text reads as follows: “pair of girl’s shoes (moccasins) with unfinished embroidery.” Curator Freyer, who described the collection, must have noticed that on one of the moccasins (cat. no. 30) (inv. no. NM 141) that the embroidery on the top part of one moccasin’s vamp was not completed.197 31. MOCCASINS, buckskin; 1. – 26 cm, w. – 12 cm; neg. no. 18848, inv. no. E 2915, inv. no. NM 1092-1093. Man’s moccasins. The vamps are trimmed with decorative borders (see colour scale in ill. 33). The moccasins have cuffs to which black cloth is sewn and are trimmed with a green ribbon. The moccasins have leather laces. They were made in the second half of the 19th century and are a product of the Ojibwa. Čebul Donation. COMMENTARY: The moccasins have soles sewn to them, and the heels are made of soft deerskin. At a height of 15 cm, a new cuff made of brown manufactured cloth is sewn to the original one. Though these moccasins have soles and heels, they do not belong to Plains Native Americans. Unlike the forest Native Americans who had moccasins without soles, Plains Native Americans wore moccasins with stiff leather soles. The owner of these moccasins had them reinforced with a sole because of his frequent trips on snowshoes. He also had the border heightened with a new piece of cloth in order to bind the thongs of his snowshoes to his feet on top of the moccasins. The moccasins probably belonged to missionary Čebul himself. They are man’s moccasins made for size 42. Written sources confirm that missionary Čebul used snowshoes. In the letter of February 1861 he sent from La Pointe to his nephew Janez Globočnik he writes: “I have just made it to La Pointe today. My feet ache all over and are wounded. Blood has seeped through three pairs of socks and through the Indian shoes (moccasins, author’s note). That is because of the snowshoes. The straps with which the snowshoes are bound to the feet froze and became as hard as iron bars and caused me these severe wounds.”198 The lawyer O’Brien, a personal acquaintance of Čebul, mentioned that when Čebul went to visit some ill person in winter time, they could follow the traces of blood which ran from his Native American shoes (moccasins) because the straps caused blisters and bleeding.199 32. MOCCASINS, deerskin; 1. – 24 cm, w. – 11 cm; neg. no. 18849, inv. no. E 2916, inv. no. NM 1038-1139. These women’s moccasins are made from one piece of deerskin and have a single heel seam. The narrow leather cuff is trimmed with red and green string made of porcupine quills. The vamp is decorated with exquisite quillwork (for a description of motif and colour scale, see ill. 35). The moccasins were made in 1836 but never worn. Baraga Donation. COMMENTARY: See commentary for cat. no. 29. 33. MOCCASINS, deerskin; 1. – 24 cm, w. – 11 cm; neg. no. 18850, inv. no. E 2917, inv. no. NM 1136, 1137. These moccasins were made for a bride. They were cut from one piece of leather, the seam is in the heel, and the front instep is slightly puckered. The moccasins’ vamps are decorated with quillwork (for a description of motif and colour scale, see ill. 35). The moccasins have cuffs made of black cloth, and the border of the cloth is trimmed with green silk. The appliqué is trimmed with tiny beads (for a description of motif and colour scale, see ill. 36). They were made in 1836 but never worn. Baraga Donation. COMMENTARY: See commentary for cat. no. 29. 34. MOCCASIN, buckskin; 1. – 26.5 cm, w. – 12 cm; neg. no. 18851, inv. no. E 2918, inv. no. NM 1136, 1142. In this case there is only one moccasin with a soft sole and single heel seam. The cuff is made of brown cloth decorated with beadwork (for a description and colour scale, see ill. 43). The vamp is decorated with quillwork. (for a description and colour scale, see ill. 44). The moccasin was made after 1850. Attributed to the Baraga Donation. COMMENTARY: This moccasin first appears in the Inventory Register of the National Museum (1895-1914) under inventory number NM 1142 with the note: “shoe (moccasin) made of deerskin. Baraga (donor).” The author of the note was probably Dr. Walter Schmidt who began to rearrange the ethnographic collections in 1905. It is possible that the moccasin was given to him by one of the donors to whom it was given as a present (only one moccasin?) by Bishop Baraga. The moccasin is the product of one of the tribes living around the Great Lakes. It has a gilt trimming indicating that it was made after 1850. It is likely that the nuns who were in charge of some Native American schools brought the technique of gilt embroidery with them from Europe. 35. MOCCASIN, buckskin; 1. – 19.5 cm, w. – 8.5 cm; neg. no. 18852, inv. no. E 2919, inv. no. NM 1136, 1143. This child’s moccasin is made of skin dyed dark brown. It has a heel seam. The leather cuff is embellished with quillwork, shows coloured motifs of bows and tassels (in orange, blue, beige), and has blue trimming. The vamp is decorated with quillwork (for a description of motif and colour scale, see ill. 45). Dated to between 1836 and 1853. Attributed to the Baraga Donation. COMMENTARY: This moccasin is first mentioned in the Inventory Register of the National Museum (1895-1914). Its inventory number is NM 1142 with the note: “child’s shoe made of deerskin, Baraga (donor).” The author of this note is probably Dr. Walter Schmidt. The moccasin probably stems from one of the tribes living around the Great Lakes. The note that it is a child’s moccasin is not based on any source of information and may be incorrect; judging from the length, it might well be a girl’s moccasin. 36. MOCCASIN, buckskin leather man’s moccasins; 1. – 26 cm, w. – 13 cm; neg. no. 18853, inv. no. E 18155. Soft soles. A flower motif is embroidered on the vamp in colourful yarn (grey, red, pink, green, purple, and blue). The moccasins have leather cuffs and laces. They were made in the second half of the 19th century but never worn. Attributed to the Pirc Donation. COMMENTARY: See commentary for cat. no. 29. 37. MOCCASINS, pair of girl’s (women’s) made from a single piece of deerskin or buckskin; 1 – 22.5 cm, w. – 9 cm; neg. no. 18854, inv. no. E 18156. The moccasins have narrow, toothed cuffs and an embroidered trimming consisting of dyed red and white quills. The motif of a flower with buds is embroidered on the vamp. The embroidery is worked in colourful yarn (brown, grey, ochre, and light green). The motif of flower with buds trims the decorative rim which is embroidered in red and purple quills. They were made in the second half of the 19th century but never worn. Attributed to the Pirc Donation. COMMENTARY: See commentary for cat. no. 29. 38. CALUMET (PEACE PIPE); red catlinite pipe bowl shaped like a tomahawk. The pipestem is made of ash and end in spirals. The calumet’s length is 65.5 cm; neg. no. 18855, inv. no. E 2871, inv. no. NM 1090. The calumet was made in the second half of the 19th century but never used. Attributed to the Čebul Donation. COMMENTARY: Calumet cat. no. 38 has the form of a tomahawk (ill. 46). Its bowl (the “axe”) is made of catlinite. It is an unusual specimen among Native American tomahawks. All Native American weapons were functional, including tomahawks made in the form of a pipe. They were made of metal and the cutting edge was on the opposite side of the pipe bowl. The handle was hollowed out and had a mouthpiece at one end. Native Americans used them in rituals in which a tomahawk featured and in ritual smoking of the peace pipe. However, this did not prevent them from using such tomahawks as weapons. The significance of the tomahawk among Native Americans is quite complex. Many tribes used tomahawks in ceremonies as peace or war messengers, and they were also used in carrying out executions and the ritual torture of captives. There were also special gift tomahawks that were presented to important chiefs. In 1831 a Sauk chief sent a miniature tomahawk of cinnabar colour to the Ojibwa, inviting them to join a war alliance.200 The present calumet-tomahawk cat. no. 38 has nothing in common with the above-mentioned uses of the tomahawk. It is worth mentioning that missionary Ivan Čebul visited a Menominee reservation shortly before he traveled to Europe.201 He went there to see for himself the miserable conditions in which the Catholic Native Americans were living. It is therefore possible that this calumet-tomahawk is a Menominee product. Judging from the shape and the absence of functional use, it was probably made by the Native Americans to be sold as a souvenir. 39. CALUMET; the bowl is made of red catlinite, the stem of wood; bowl length – 13 cm; neg. no. 18856, inv. no. E 2873, inv. no. NM 1124. The bowl has the form of a Native American warrior’s head. The top part of the bowl and the stem’s mouthpiece are encrusted with tin strips. The stem is made of wood, is round, and is wrapped with dyed porcupine quills over a length of 66 cm. The pipe was used. Its origin is dated to a time shortly before 1836. Baraga Donation. COMMENTARY: The name “calumet” for the peace pipe is derived from the French word chalumeau (bent pipe, shepherd’s pipe). The Ojibwa word is “opwagan.” Pipe (calumet) smoking was the most widespread custom among all Native Americans of both sexes. Native Americans divided pipes according to their importance into peace pipes, sacred pipes (ill. 47 A), and common pipes (ill. 47 B). Pipes were considered to be a means of communication with the spirits and exhaled smoke the visual image of prayer. Native Americans began and ended all talks concerning agreements, peace negotiations, or war declarations with pipe smoking. Pipe smoking was also customary before starting personal conversations. Trapper Alexander Ross refers to the custom: “All important things start with smoking a pipe. Business talks are not possible before the pipe is smoked.”202 In what high respect the peace pipe was held by Native Americans is illustrated by the story of Marquette who explored the Mississippi: facing a group of aggressive Native Americans during his voyage of 1768, he took a peace pipe and held it high in the air like a monstrance. The Native Americans at once stopped their attack and proved to be hospitable hosts.203 The Native American peace pipe has a long wooden stem that is always made from the trunk of a young ash.204 The stems were carved in various ways and reached a length of 45 to 120 cm. Their sections are round, flat, or twisted in spirals. They were wrapped with dyed porcupine quills, and the wrapping formed geometric ornaments or even figures. The stems were decorated with woodpecker beaks and feathers, ermine hair, horse hair dyed red, or hair from a white buffalo’s tail (ill. 47 B9). The stem ends in a bowl made of a red stone called catlinite after the painter George Catlin.205 The colour scale of catlinite (a sort of red clay) ranges from light grey to dark red. It is quite soft when it is dug out, but exposed to the air it gradually hardens. Catlinite was a trade commodity that fetched high prices.206 The modeling of pipe bowls required special skills.207 The bowls are cut to various forms and encrusted in various ways (ill. 47 C). Peace pipes (ill. 47 A) were embellished with eagle feathers. They are sacred pipes used only when making peace. After a chief had smoked the peace pipe, it was wrapped carefully and stored in the chief’s wigwam.208 Native American oral tradition contains a legend about the origin of red pipestone that was recorded by George Catlin.209 The legend goes as follows: Long ago the Great Ghost stood on a rock of pipestone, calling the Native American tribes. He then broke off a piece of the stone, made a pipe, and began to smoke it. Smoking high above the tribes, he turned to all four corners of the world. He then told them that the stone was red and that it was his flesh and that they should take it to make peace pipes. But he also stressed that the stone belonged to all Native Americans and they should not fight in this place. The Europeans introduced the Native Americans to ceramic pipes (Cologne pipes) and metal tomahawks. These were battle axes with a hollow wooden handle and a metal blade. These tomahawks had a blade at one end and a pipe bowl at the opposite end. The tomahawk that was introduced by the white people was a combination peace pipe (calumet) and weapon that could also be used as a projectile The Ojibwa pipe bowls were made of wood or stone. The common pipe was made of carved ash. The stem was painted and decorated with brass nails. What pipes and their accessories look like is illustrated in ill. 48. The Native American word for tobacco is “kinnikinnik.” It is derived from the Algonquian word for “mixed,” “mixture,” or “something mixed.”210 Their tobacco consisted of various components depending on the tribe and the region. In general, it was a blend of 60% native tobacco (a small variety of wild tobacco), 28% poison ivy (Rhus toxicodendron) leaves, and 12% from the interior bark of the red osier dogwood (Cornus stolonifera).211 They also used the bark of red willow. The quality of this tobacco was judged quite differently by white people. High Court Judge J.K. Standish from Boston said in 1817: “It makes my stomach turn.” Trapper and mountaineer Jim Baker said in 1826:” The best kinnikinnik is made by the Ojibwa. You have to draw three times and hold the smoke in your mouth for one minute before you slowly release it from your mouth. Then you must inhale three times and continue in the same way until your head becomes terribly free, your thoughts crystal clear, and then you get to the bottom of everything.”212 To store tobacco and pipes, Native American women made various pouches from beaver skin, otter skin, or other animal skins (ill. 49). These bags or pouches were decorated with dyed porcupine quills or glass beads. Native Americans carried their tobacco bags across their chests on the left shoulder and passing under the right. A tobacco bag also contained tinder, flint, and steel. Among Native Americans nothing was more secretive or held in higher esteem than the calumet. No warrior would dare go to war without having first been blessed by the “holy smoke.” No important affair in the life of the Native Americans could be arranged without the calumet – and the custom has at least partly survived into our time. Native Americans had many dances, and one of the most famous was the pipe (calumet) dance. It was only performed on special important occasions (ill. 50). Painter George Catlin attended a pipe dance of the Sioux and is here quoted in full: “On a hard-trodden pavement in front of their village, which place is used for all their public meetings and many of their amusements, the young men who were to compose the dance had gathered themselves around a small fire, each one seated on a buffalo robe spread upon the ground. In the center and by the fire was seated a dignitary, who seemed to be a chief (perhaps a doctor or medicine-man), ... grunting ... a sort of song. While this was going on, another grim-faced fellow ... commenced beating on a drum ... accompanied by his voice; when one of the young men seated sprang instantly on his feet and commenced singing in time with the taps of the drum and leaping about on one foot and the other in the most violent manner imaginable. In this way he went several times around the circle, bowing and brandishing his fists in the faces of each one who was seated until at length he grasped one of them by the hands and jerked him forcibly up upon his feet; who joined in the dance for a moment, leaving the one who had pulled him up to continue his steps and his song in the center of the ring; whilst he danced around in a similar manner, jerking up another and then joining his companion in the center ... until all were upon their feet; and at last joined in the most frightful gesticulations and yells that seemed almost to make the earth quake under our feet ...; to the great amusement of the gaping multitude who were assembled around, and broke up with the most piercing yells and barks, like those of so many affrighted dogs”.213 40. CALUMET; the bowl is made of red catlinite, the stem of wood 1. (bowl) – 11.5 cm, l-(stem) – 89.9 cm neg. no. 18857, inv. no. E 2875, inv. no. NM 1123. The bowl has the shape of the head of a Native American warrior, the stem is flat. One part of the stem extending towards the bowl is painted green over a length of 45.4 cm. The other part, 47.7 cm long, extending towards the mouthpiece is wrapped with dyed porcupine quills which form an ornament. In the middle and at the end of the stem there are bunches of horse hair. At the mouthpiece of the stem there is a bunch of horse hair with green silk and a bunch of strings with buttons. One part of the calumet’s stem is decorated with dyed porcupine quills and has a linear ornament. It depicts a Native American, a mythological panther, geometric figures, and a conical lodge. The porcupine quills are twined into tiny knots (kite) and are dyed black, white, red, and yellow. The calumet was made in 1836. Baraga Donation. COMMENTARY: See commentary for no. 39. 41. BOW; flat, ash, string made of deer or moose sinew; 1. – 116 cm; inv. no. 18858, inv. no. E 2861, inv. no. NM 1108. The bow was made in 1836 but never used. Baraga Donation. COMMENTARY: Of all the weapons Native Americans used until around 1850, the bow was the main defensive, offensive, and hunting weapon. It was then gradually replaced by the gun. Bows were, however, used by the Plains tribes until around 1880214 because up to a distance of 100 meters a bow was a far better weapon than the old flintlock gun. Native Americans were able to shoot their arrows fast and accurately, firing two or three arrows per second. Bows were made from various kinds of wood, bone, and horn. Among other things they used white hickory (Carya glabra), beech (Carpinus caroliniana), red cedar (Juniperus virginiana), red osier dogwood (Cornus stolonifera), ash (Fraxinus nigra), and osage orange (Maclura pomifera) also called bois d’arc (French: “bow wood”) The Native Americans had five types of bow (ill. 51) including the following three basic types: 1) Smooth or Plains bow, 2) Reinforced or backed bow, 3) Composite or compound bow. The smooth bow is made from a solid piece of wood (ill. 52)) and two sub-types are known: the flat bow and the long bow. The common bows of the Native Americans were flat and they varied according to the extent they were bent. The reinforced bow is made from wood with a flat elliptical section. The back was reinforced with a thin layer of glued sinews and was more powerful than the common bow. The composite bow is made of bone or horn (antlers of a mountain sheep). George Catlin comments on bows: “There are very many also (amongst the Blackfeet and the Crow) which are made of bone, and others of the horn of the mountain-sheep. Those made of bone are decidedly the most valuable and cannot in this country be procured of a good quality short of the price of one or two horses .... I have procured several fine specimens, and when purchasing them have inquired of the Indians what bone they were made of and in every instance the answer was “That’s medicine,” meaning that it was a mystery to them and that they did not wish to be questioned about them. The bone of which they are made is certainly not the bone of any animal now grazing on the prairies or in the mountains between this place and the Pacific Ocean; for some of these bows are three feet (91.5 cm, author’s note) in length, of a solid piece of bone, and that as close-grained – as hard as white and as highly polished as any ivory; it cannot, therefore, be made from the elk’s horn (as some have supposed), which is of a dark colour and porous, nor can it come from the buffalo. It is my opinion, therefore, that the Indians on the Pacific coast procure the bone from the jaw of the sperm whale ... and bringing the bones into the mountains, trade it to the Blackfeet and Crows, who manufacture it into these bows without knowing any more than we do from what source it has been procured.”215 To these bows those used by other Native American tribes should be added. The best bows were made from the antlers of a deer or moose and were used by the Nez Perce and Yaqui tribes. The Sioux and Comanche also generally used this kind of bow. The so-called “ri(b)p” bows were made from the ribs of a buffalo but they became extinct when the Native Americans began to ride horses because they were too long. The strings of bows were usually made from tendons. Bone bows were often decorated. One of the most beautiful bows was painted by artist Carl Bodmer in the picture of the warrior Pehrisk of the Hidatsa216 tribe dancing the dog dance.217 The tribes living in the Great Lakes region had somewhat shorter bows. The bows of the Ojibwa were about 120 cm long,218 those of the Menominee about 115 cm.219 The collection’s bow once belonged to the Ojibwa. It is straight, flat, and made of ash or white hickory. It narrows at both ends. Bows were also made of beech and red cedar. The penetration power of bows differs widely. An arrow fired from a flat bow can penetrate a naked man from a distance of 70 meters, fired from a reinforced bow the distance is 80 meters, and from a compound bow 90 meters.220 These figures correspond with records dating from that time. Bows were also decorated. Colin F. Taylor presents some decorated bows in his book,221 for instance an ornamental painted bow of the Hupa, a Wintu bow with painted point, and a bow of the Haida tribe which has a carved head in the center and was used in dances. To carry their bows Native Americans used special skin cases that were sometimes decorated. Native Americans also had a medicine bow (ill. 53, 1) and a stand for it (ill. 53, 2). The bow was a combined spear and bow that was sometimes equipped with a string. In battle it was used as a spear and was decorated. Medicine bows had a symbolic meaning and Native Americans worshipped them in ceremonies. The Native Americans also knew the blowgun that is usually connected with the primitive tribes of South America. Blowguns were used by the Iroquois and the tribes along the Mexican Bay: the Cherokee, Muskogee, and Choctaw.222 To illustrate this fact I refer to the photograph of a Native American with a blowgun223 and the photograph of a Cherokee tribe dating from 1887 which shows a three meter long blowgun.224 42. BOW; flat, ash, string made of (deer or moose) tendon, 1.- 121 cm, neg. no. 18859, inv. no. E 2862, inv. no. NM 1107. The bow was made in 1836 but never used. Baraga Donation. COMMENTARY See commentary for cat. no. 41. 43. ARROW; beech, arrowhead missing; length of arrow shaft – 59 cm, section 8 mm; neg. no. 18860, inv. no. E 2882, inv. no. NM 1109. The arrow’s fletching is made of wild turkey feathers; their length is 19 cm. The shaft is decorated with coloured rings in red, black, and purple. It was made in 1836. Baraga Donation. COMMENTARY: The arrows (ill. 54) are made of wood or vine (reeds) and consist of six parts: Arrowheads or points (ill. 56). Before the arrival of the white people who introduced the Native Americans to iron, arrowheads were made of flint, obsidian, bone, or native copper. Arrowheads were also made of glass from a bottle.225 Arrow shafts were made of the kind of wood that was available in a given area. Highly regarded was ironwood – beech (Carpinus caroliniana). Shafts have various lengths, shapes, and sections. The feather base is the part of the shaft to which or in which the fletching is fastened. The ends of the feathers were fastened, the central parts with glue. Some were also inserted in the nocks. Flight stabilizing was obtained with the feathers of an eagle, falcon, vulture, wild turkey, or other bird. The feather’s shaft was split in half and the barb shaped to a rhombus. Feathers varied in length, width, shape, and number. The grip is the part at the butt end of the arrow which the archer holds. This part too has various shapes according to region and tribe. The nock for the string is at the butt end of the arrow. Every tribe had its own characteristic form of nock. Arrowheads were reinforced and of various shapes, depending on whether they were used for hunting, battle, or training (ill. 55). The fact that numerous stone arrowheads have been found does not necessarily mean that mainly such arrowheads were used but merely that those made of other natural materials decayed faster. In general, bows and arrows were made by skilled craftsmen. Among the northern tribes the fletchers and makers of arrowheads belonged to a special class. A tribe and even a fletcher or arrowhead maker could be identified by the way an arrow was made. Native Americans of the Southwest, for instance, usually had long arrows with short feathers, while those from the Plains had short arrows with long feathers. Arrows were kept in special skin quivers. The decoration, length, cross section, the way the feathers were cut, the arrowhead, and other elements made it possible for an experienced hunter who found an arrow to establish from which tribe the owner was. The Sioux, for instance, decorated the arrows they used in daylight with red dye and those used at night with black dye. Other tribes grooved their arrows with a puma’s tooth. An interesting report is that of trapper Heinrich Jakob Besuden, dating from 1837: “After being hit, the deer had obviously been able to run quite far. Black Bull closely examined the arrow after cutting it carefully out of the animal. He established something astonishing: this was a war arrow of the Ojibwa, used for long shots. It was of the “silent” type, equipped with special feathers to muffle the arrow’s whistling through the air. Such arrows hit the target very accurately. Black Bull said it was a little group of 5 to 8 warriors, and that they were some 30 miles away. There was no reason for us to worry because the group was interested in horses only. The next day we met a band of seven Ojibwa. Black Bull just glanced at them and returned the arrow to one of them.”226 Arrows were also used as ornaments. In George Catlin’s picture, the Native American warrior Ten-squa-ta-way (ill. 57) has an earring consisting of three small arrows in his left ear. The arrowheads of the Native Americans were not poisoned, unlike those of the South American tribes that poisoned them with curare.227 However, a native of the Apache tribe on the San Carlos reservation in Arizona stated that the Apache used to have poisoned arrowheads. Grenville Goodwin wrote about the issue in 1932: “Our (Apache) men used to poison their arrows and even the bullets of muskets for a very long time. It was enough for a poisoned arrow to brush an animal or man to make him die quite quickly. The recipe for the preparation of this poison is as follows: take the milt of a roe-deer and bury it in the ground for twelve days until it has completely decayed. Then take leaves of nettles (Urtica), their roots, and stems and add another plant which has the burning taste of chili. Squeeze the liquid from this mixture. The juice thus obtained is mixed with the decayed deer milt and everything put together in a fresh deer scrotum, bound tightly, and hung on a tree. Open the bag after five days, spit in it, and close it quickly because of the stench. After a few days the stench will vanish and the poison is ready. Use it to coat arrowheads and bullets. Let them dry them in the sun until they obtain a purple gloss. When the poison becomes dry, mix it into powder. And when you need poison again, mix the powder with spitting. The poison holds several years and can kill any living being within seconds. Used in hunting, it does spoil all of the meat but only a small area around the shot wound.”228 According to Grenville Goodwin, the Apache also knew another kind of poison. They prepared it”... from a decoction consisting of dried and crushed beetles. These beetles are the size of a thumbnail, have yellow legs, and stink frightfully when you crush them. The decoction is buried in the ground for three days until it is as thick as honey. The poison is now ready and kills instantly. An animal will not make three steps after being hit. However, the meat of an animal killed with this poison is edible only if cut out at least a forearm away from the shot wound. The meat has to be cut out immediately.”229 If these poisons of the Apache really existed they must have affected – unlike curare – the blood. 44. ARROW; beech, arrowhead missing; shaft length – 57.7 cm, section 8.5 cm; neg. no. 18860, inv. no. E 18157, inv. no. NM 1110. The arrow’s fletching is made of wild turkey feathers; their length is 6 cm. The shaft is decorated with coloured rings in red, black, and purple. It was made in 1836. Baraga Donation. COMMENTARY: See commentary for cat. no. 43. 45. ARROW; beech, iron arrowhead; length of arrowhead – 5.5 cm, shaft length – 61.6 cm, section – 7 cm; neg. no. 18860, inv. no. E 18158, inv. no. NM 1111. The arrow’s fletching is made of wild turkey feathers; their length is 19.5 cm. The shaft is decorated with coloured rings in red, black, and purple. It was made in 1836. Baraga Donation. COMMENTARY: See commentary for cat. no. 43. 46. ARROW; beech, copper arrowhead; length of arrowhead – 3.5 cm, shaft length – 517.1 cm, section – 7 cm; neg. no. 18860, inv. no. E 18159, inv. no. NM 1112. The arrow’s fletching is made of wild turkey feathers; their length is 16.3 cm. The shaft is decorated with coloured rings in red, black, and purple. It was made in 1836. Baraga Donation. COMMENTARY: See commentary for cat. no. 43. 47. ARROW; beech, no arrowhead; shaft length – 59.8 cm, section – 8 cm; neg. no. 18860, inv. no. E 18160, inv. no. NM 1113. The arrow’s fletching is made of wild turkey feathers; their length is 19.5 cm. The shaft is decorated with coloured rings in red, black, and purple. It was made in 1836. Baraga Donation. COMMENTARY: See commentary for cat. no. 43. 48. ARROW; beech, iron arrowhead; arrowhead length – 5.3 cm, shaft length – 58 cm, section – 8 cm; neg. no. 18860, inv. no. E 18161, inv. no. NM 1114. The arrow’s fletching is made of wild turkey feathers; their length is 21 cm. The shaft is decorated with coloured rings in red, black, and purple. It was made in 1836. Baraga Donation. COMMENTARY: See commentary for cat. no. 43. 49. BATTLE CLUB, hickory; 1. – 65.3 cm, diameter of impact end – 7.6 cm, thickness of handle – 1.4 cm; neg. no. 18861, inv. no. E 2829, inv. no. NM 869. The battle club is made from a solid piece of wood and was never used.. It was made in 1836 and belongs to the Ojibwa tribe. Baraga Donation. COMMENTARY: The battle club (cat. no. 49) is mentioned by Karl Deschmann in his Guide to the Carniolan Provincial Museum – the Rudolfinum dating from 1888 under no. 53 as a chieftain’s club and is attributed to the African Collection. The club was later entered in the National Museum’s Inventory for 1895-1914 under inv. no. NM 869 with the note that it is part of the Knoblehar Collection with the description “chieftain’s club.” In the Inventory, volume II of the Slovene Ethnographic Museum, the battle club acquired – along with a new inventory number – a new name: “boomerang.” The object was registered as donated by missionary Dr. Ignacij Knoblehar and defined as a weapon of the black Africans. Pavla Štrukelj classified it as a African tribal battle club.230 The exhibition’s catalogue also ranks it among the weapons of African tribes such as the Bari, Shir, Shuli, and Kiec.231 The inaccurate identification of battle club cat. no. 49 of the Ojibwa tribe as an African club has the same history as the South American club cat. no. 50. The club was exhibited in the Provincial Museum (Lyzeum) for the first time in 1844. A large cabinet in the museum’s third exhibition hall contained Native American objects as well as African objects donated by Anton von Lavrin.232 As mentioned in the description of battle club cat. no. 50, a new inventory of museum objects was drawn up in 1905 whereas the Inventory Register (catalogue of holdings) was started in 1895. The collections of Native American and African objects were mixed up during the 1888 transfer to new premises. At that time there were no experts on such collections, and after they were divided between the two museums in 1924-1925, no revision of the objects belonging to non-European cultures was made. That is the main reason that these professional errors have survived into the present. In curator Freyer’s list dated April 14, 1837, the following note is added to the battle club: “one battle club made of hard Indian wood.” The list published in Illyrisches Blatt of April 25, 1837, contains a more accurate description: “one battle club made from a very hard tree root.” First of all, we have to clarify the difference between roots and longitudinal cuts from a trunk or branch. The battle club from South America (cat. no. 50) is made from a root as recorded in the Museum Contributions dating from April 25, 1837. The wood the two battle clubs are made of differs. Battle club cat. no. 50 is made of milkwort (snakeroot) that thrives in the humid tropical forests of Guyana and in the Amazon basin and certainly cannot survive the severe winters of the Great Lakes region. Battle club cat. no. 49, on the other hand, is made of hickory, an extremely hard wood that thrives in the forests around Lake Superior. With its round head, battle club cat. no. 49 is a typical specimen of the battle clubs used by the Ojibwa, Sioux, Iroquois, Ottawa, Menominee, and other Native American tribes. Such battle clubs were made of roots and had a round impact end (knob) and a long handle. Before the arrival of the white settlers who introduced the Native Americans to steel and iron, the club was toothed with a piece of bone or stone. Some clubs were richly decorated. A comparison of battle club cat. no. 49 (ill. 58) and the battle club of the Plains Ojibwa (ill. 59) shows that the two have almost the same length. The main difference is that a bone tooth is set in the striking end of the battle club of the Plains Ojibwa.233 Battle club cat. no. 49 has the same shape as that belonging to the Ojibwa (ill. 60), the difference being that on the latter the figure of an otter is carved on the back of the striking end and on the handle.234 A battle club almost identical to cat. no. 49 is the one held by Chief Okeemakeequid of the Ojibwa in a painting (ill. 61). This explanation allows us to attribute battle club cat. no. 49 to the North American Ojibwa instead of to the African tribes of Dr. Knoblehar’ Collection. It also means that battle club cat. no. 49 was made in 1836 and donated by Bishop Friderik Baraga. 50. BATTLE CLUB, milkwort (snakeroot)235; 1. – 56.5 cm, bottom width – 8 cm, top width – 10 cm, thickness – 1.7 to 1.8 cm; neg. no. 18862, inv. no. E 2866, inv. no. NM 1144. Dated to 18th-19th century. Donor unknown. COMMENTARY: In the past, ethnologists and researchers of non-European cultures have always attributed battle club cat. no. 50 to the North American Ojibwa. In a study236 and an exhibition,237 it was scientifically argued that the battle club belongs to the Ojibwa tribe. This commentary will prove that their arguments do not endure scientific analysis. Battle club cat. no. 50 actually belongs to Native Americans from Brazil, specifically to one of the South American tribes from the Amazon region. The reason for the inexpert attribution of battle club cat. no. 50 from South America to the North American Ojibwa has its roots in the time the collection was split. In 1924-25, all the collections of the former Provincial Museum were divided between the National Museum and the Ethnographic Museum. The museum objects which until then had been in the former Lyzeum were mixed during the transfer. The objects had no inventory numbers (the first Inventory Register was drawn up in 1895). The first to write inventory numbers on the objects themselves was Dr. Walter Schmidt in 1905 when he rearranged the ethnographic collections. His rearrangement was based on the Guide to the Carniolan Provincial Museum – the Rudolfinum dating from 1888. Though both Karl Deschmann and Dr. Walter Schmidt were experts in their own disciplines, they had no knowledge of the material culture of Native Americans. Is was only when the section for non-European cultures in Goričane was opened in 1964 that a systematic analysis of the material and spiritual culture of non-European cultures commenced. These efforts were later joined by the so-called “Center of the Non-Aligned Countries.” The examination of battle clubs inv. no. E 2866 (cat. no. 50) and inv. no. 2829 (cat. no. 49), however, did not lead to the correct conclusions. To prove the origin of battle club cat. no. 50 we shall use a comparative, formal analysis. Battle club cat. no. 50 is engraved over a length of 26 cm on the impact end (obverse, ill. 62). Depicted are volutes, rhombi, and a web of intersecting lines bordered by crosses. The reverse shows crosses in a frame. At one end of the club there are four crosses, in the central part three, and there are two at the other end. The shape of club cat. no. 50 is the same as that held by Staatliches Museum für Völkerkunde in Vienna (ill. 63). Quite similar are also the battle clubs in ill. 64. Dr. Friedrich Ratzel writes about these clubs from Brazil: “striking club which appears in some special form in the north of South America, quadrilateral, flat, widens at both ends. It has a decoration (engraving) on the surface which in general does not appear in these regions and might indicate that such clubs were used as a chieftain’s emblem.”238 The same battle clubs (a total of 109) were treated in more detail by Hjalmar Stolpe.239 The engravings cut on these battle clubs are the work of tribes from Brazil and Guyana and date from the 19th century.240 The clubs show engraved human and animal effigies, abstract motifs, ornaments, and figures of deities. They were used not only in battle but also in dances. A comparison of club cat. no. 50 with three clubs from Brazil and Guyana (ill 65) shows great similarity of the engraved ornaments. And what is more, the engraving on club no. 2 in ill. 65 is very similar to that of club cat. no. 50. The shape of the club and how it was carried is best illustrated by the extremely naturalistic drawings made between 1783 and 1792 by Joaquim Jose Codina and Jose Joaquim Freire.241 The drawing in illustration 66 depicts a Native American from the Rio Branco tribe holding a battle club under his right arm. A comparison of this club with club cat. no. 50 shows that their shape is the same (ill. 67 – detail). In addition, the Native American of the Uaupés tribe holds a trapezoid battle club under his left arm (ill. 68 and 69). These facts, combined with the pictorial material, allow us to state that battle club no. 50 comes from Brazil and thus belonged to one of the tribes which lived (and are still living) along the Amazon. It is therefore to be taken out of the collection of the North American Ojibwa. 51. AXE, granite; 1. – 9.9 cm, w. – 7.4 cm; neg. no. 18863, inv. no. E 18162. The axe has no handle. It was found in Arbre Croche242 where Ottawa Native Americans lived in 1836. Pirc Donation. COMMENTARY: The stone axe (ill. 70) was given to Friderik Baraga for the Carniolan Provincial Museum by Franc Pirc in 1836. Concerning the date it was made, this information is terminus post quem non. Axes of this common type are found in many places in the USA and Canada. Archaeologists date them to times B.C. These stone axes were called “tomahawks.” The word is derived from the Algonquian language of the Lenape from Virginia and its original form is “tamahak” or “tamahakan,” meaning essentially “cutting tool.” The English naval captain John Smith composed a small dictionary of the Native American language in 1607-09 in which he mentions the word “tomahawk” for the first time and uses it to denote the axes and battle clubs of the native people. After the arrival of the white people, the word was used exclusively for the Native American battle axes made of metal (these were products of the white people).243 Mark Catesby described them in 1731: “There are two kinds. The first one is made of a 3 foot (91.5 cm) long stick. At one end the stick has a knob of hardwood (as for instance the Ojibwa club preserved by the Slovene Ethnographic museum’s Section for Non-European Cultures in Goričane cat. no. 49, author’s note). The other kind is made of stone, has a notch, and is fixed to a wooden handle. Tomahawks were used in battle and at work.”244 A comparison of the stone axe (ill. 71) found on the border between Missouri and Kansas (it is made of granite and 20 cm long) with the stone axe (ill. 20) found in Arbre Croche (made of granite and 9.89 cm long) reveals only minimal differences in form. The only real difference is the size. The stone axe in ill. 71 is dated to around 1000 B.C. However, the stone axe (ill. 72) held by the Slovene Ethnographic Museum’s Section for Non-European Cultures in Goričane, /cat. no. 51/, can hardly be dated to the same time as that in ill. 71. In his catalogue of the collection of Ottawa objects, Martin Pitzer lists (page 14) a stone axe without handle, approximately 180 years old.245 Mark Catesby described a stone axe in 1731 which means that stone axes were still in use in 1731. Taking into account this evidence, the date of origin of axe inv. no. 51 cannot be determined. It was made before 1836 and had a double use as a tool and as a weapon. 52. MODEL OF A CANOE; the Native American boat was made to a smaller scale as a model to allow Baraga to take it to Europe; it is however made of the same materials the Ojibwa used to make their full-size canoes. The miniature’s dimensions are body: 1. – 60 cm, w. – 16 cm; paddles: 1. – 24 cm; mast: h. – 33 cm; sail: h. – 26.5 cm, w. – 27 to 29.5 cm; and hook for fastening the sail: 1 – 3.4 cm; neg. no. 18864 and 18865, inv. no. E 2941, inv. no. NM 1106. The model with paddles is painted red and black. It was made in 1836. Baraga Donation. COMMENTARY: The means of transportation Native Americans used were snowshoes and toboggans (ill 74) in winter and boats in summer (ill. 73). Depending on the material that was used, there were three types of boat: birch bark canoes (ill 75 A), wooden dugouts (ill. 75 B), and skin canoes (ill. 75 C). Besides these types, the Pomo in California had special boats made of balsam fir branches which they used to fish on Clear Lake.246 Because the Native Americans did not know iron before the arrival of the white people, they made their boats using fire and stone axes. Graphic artist Theodor de Bey illustrates the making of a boat – a dug-out of the Timucua from Florida – in a copper engraving dating from 1591 (ill. 77). In the background a tree is depicted (ill. 77 A) and at its foot a fire is burning to fell the tree. In the foreground two Native Americans are busy hollowing out a boat with fire.247 The Mandan and Sioux had round boats. The framework of such a boat was of a similar construction to that of a canoe and covered with buffalo skins. They were less fragile than canoes. There are several types of canoe (ill. 76 A, B, C, D) which differ according to the tribe that made them. However, those of the Ojibwa are, according to Catlin, “made of bark and probably the fastest and lightest of all means of transportation.”248 Since the Ojibwa lived around the Great Lakes, they relied heavily on canoes. They used them for transport, fishing, hunting, trade, and war. A typical Ojibwa canoe was made of the bark of one birch tree and had a lifetime of only one year. In his book Baraga comments on these boasts: “The present Indians, especially those living along the shores of the Great Lakes who have the necessary iron tools, make boats of a kind that stupefies foreigners who see them for the first time.”249 Baraga then describes the making of a canoe: “Canoes are made of large and strong pieces of birch bark and sewn together with the roots of a special plant.250 The seams are coated with resin to make the boat waterproof. The top of the boat consists of two strong poles made of light wood to which pieces of birch bark are sewn tightly. The boat’s interior consists of splints the width of a knife’s back and broad gunwales of light wood to support the bark and prevent breaking when something is loaded in the boat.”251 Canoes differed in size. The smaller ones (ill. 73) were about 7.3 m long and 0.90 m wide and were handled by two men. The longer canoe used to transport goods and warriors was 10.6 to 12.2 m long and 1.5 m wide and was handled by eight to ten people.252 The construction of a birch bark canoe required considerable skill. Two men and four women had to work ten days to make one canoe.253 The making of canoes began towards the end of June or in early July (when the bark peels off most easily) by collecting bark. The women then boiled fir resin. They mixed charcoal into the resin to obtain a glue that was used to fill cracks in the birch bark. They then prepared split roots of the spruce, tamarack, or jack pine. The roots used to sew the birch bark to the canoe’s framework were soaked in fish broth which produces a kind of glue that does not dissolve in water. To shape the canoe, narrow pieces of white cedar (Thuja occidentalis) were cut or pieces from some other fibrous green wood. One of the final jobs was to prepare the wood for the ribs and to make the framework of the canoe’s top. It was only after all these preparations were finished that the actual construction began. The construction process consisted of the following procedures: - ill. 78 A: first the ground is levelled, then the frame of the canoe’s top is laid on it and close to it wooden stakes are driven into the ground - ill. 78 B: the stakes are pulled from their holes and laid on the ground, pointing away from frame. Birch bark is laid on the frame and weighted down with stones. - ill. 78 C: the stakes are lifted and with them the birch bark. Now the stakes are tied together to form the canoe’s exterior frame. - ill. 79 D: The canoe’s top frame is pulled up and the women sew the birch bark to it with spruce, tamarack, or jack pine roots soaked in fish broth (glue). - ill. 79 E: the canoe is turned over and put on a base consisting of beams. The women now once more sew up the canoe’s coat of birch bark. All cracks are sealed with a mixture of resin glue and charcoal. The surface of the canoe is then gummed with pitch to make it waterproof. - ill. 79 F: the beam frame is removed, and the canoe turned over again and put on the smoothed ground. The construction process is finished by inserting the ribs. Paddles for canoes were made of white cedar or some other light wood. They were 121 to 182 cm long. Larger canoes were also equipped with a mast and a triangular sail. The mast was 4.5 m height, the sail 3.60 m wide at the bottom. The canoe was steered with a paddle. Sailing downwind, a canoe could cover distances of 80 to 100 km in a day.254 In the 1860’s birch bark canoes were gradually replaced by wooden vessels of various forms. In a letter addressed to the “Honourable Administration of the Leopoldina Foundation” containing his visitation report, Baraga mentions that he visited the Native Americans on Garden Island (near Beaver Island on Lake Michigan). He describes their vessels: “In general the civilized Indians have advanced considerably: nearly all are carpenters and joiners and they make their boats themselves. When I was here for the first time, the Indians had only boats made of birch bark; now such boats are no longer to be seen.”255 53. SNOWSHOES, conical type. Their frame is made of ash and netted with raw deerskin; 1. – 104 cm, w. – 30.4 cm, height of framework – 2.4 cm; neg. no. 18865, inv. no. E 2867, inv. no. NM 1099, 1100. The snowshoes are decorated with red woolen cloth and tassels and dyed with red paint in some spots. They were never worn and belong to the type of men’s conical snowshoes. They were made in 1836. Baraga Donation. COMMENTARY: In his book on Native Americans, Baraga also describes snowshoes: “Another and very useful invention256 of the Native Americans are snowshoes. Especially those living far north could not survive without them because six to eight feet of snow (180-240 cm) often falls there and they would not be able to go hunting at all.”257 Baraga further describes how fast the Native Americans travel on snowshoes. He writes that he has seen them cover distances of fifty miles (80 km)258 on snowshoes in one day. He also mentions that walking on snowshoes without previous exercise is too strenuous for Europeans and describes the difficulties of travelling on snowshoes in a letter to the administration of the Leopoldina Foundation: “The Indians, used to it from childhood, walk lightly and quickly on their snowshoes which are very large and heavy. In the past winter I had some urgent business in Michilli-Mackinac, a little town some fifty American miles (about 80 km) from here (that is, Arbre Croche). I was forced to put on snowshoes because it is the only way to travel here in winter, but I reached the destination of my journey only after two days and with the greatest efforts and indescribable difficulties. I often had to lie on the snow from sheer exhaustion. But the way back was even worse and often I was just not able to move from the spot.”259 Snowshoes were an important Ojibwa item of equipment because they needed them for walking and hunting in winter. Native American tribes had snowshoes of various shapes (photo 80 A, 80 B, in ill. 81). The Ojibwa women’s snowshoes were oval and were also called “bear paws” (ill 80 B). Men’s snowshoes were semicircular at the front, about 120 cm long, and about 30 cm wide They were usually made of ash (Fraxinus nigra). In 1932 the Ojibwa living in the Red Lake reservation made snowshoes from elder (Sambucus canadensis)260. They are made by heating a green ash frame over steam or fire to bend the wood to the desired shape. In the center of the snowshoes two strong cross-pieces are fastened and webbed with strong sinews or thongs the women make from raw deerskin. In the old days they used reindeer hides and after the arrival of the white man horse hides as well. Snowshoes were sometimes decorated by sewing little pieces of cloth to the framework or by dying the webbing. In early winter when the first snow fell, the Native Americans used to dance the so-called “snowshoe dance” (depicted by George Catlin).261 Dancing as well as singing to rattles and drums was one of the ways Native Americans expressed their beliefs, feelings, and thoughts. 54. CRADLE BOARD; the frame is made of poplar, the support for the feet and the bow to protect the baby’s head are made of cedar; 1. – 64.4 cm, w. – 28.8 cm, thickness – 1 cm, height of the bow – 26 cm; neg. nos. 18866, 18867, inv. no. E 2948, inv. nos. NM 1099, 1135. The cradle board is decorated. The frame is carved at the head section. The patterns are floral designs, spirals, and hearts. All the carved elements are painted. Equally decorated is the protective bow. This cradle board was used since according to Baraga it was made for a member of the chief’s family. The origin of the cradle board can thus be dated to one or two years before 1836. Baraga Donation. COMMENTARY: Native American children spent the first year of their lives in a “cradle” that was actually a cradle board or carrier. Native American tribes made them from various materials, and some were richly decorated. The Blackfeet had cradle boards the shape of a bag fastened to two planks.262 The cradle boards of the Mohawk are highly decorated with stylized geometric elements.263 The Chinook had cradle boards with a small plank fastened at the head’s crown which pressed the baby’s head and gave it the desired conical shape.264 The Paiute, on the other hand, had very simple boards. The frame was made of rush and covered with buckskin,265 and they also had cradle boards made of willow rods.266 A cradle board consists of a frame or plank, semicircular supports for the feet, and a protective bow for the baby’s head (ill. 82). The frame of an Ojibwa cradle board was made of ash, 100 cm long and 25 cm wide; the feet supports and head bows were made of cedar or ash. Ojibwa cradle boards were decorated extremely delicately. Stylized flowers or ornaments were carved on the wood and then painted. The bands were also richly decorated (82 A). Unfortunately, the embroidered band of this cradle board is missing. 55. CRADLE BOARD BAND, made of black woolen cloth and decorated with coloured silk appliqué in red, green, yellow, and light blue; 1. – 136 cm, w. – 17.4 cm; neg. no. 18868, inv. no. E 2869, inv. no. NM 1097. The band was made in the second half of the 19th century. Attributed to the Čebul Donation. COMMENTARY: The cradle board band is decorated with coloured appliqué. The word appliqué refers to all techniques in which a background material is decorated with a design through the use of materials of various origin and dyed in various ways. A design can be achieved directly, for instance, with embroidery, but in most cases needle and thread are only used to fasten the appliqué. Though the Native Americans learned many basic appliqué techniques from the white colonizers, they further developed them in their own way and through combinations with traditional elements created their own unmistakable forms and style elements.267 All cradle boards have more or less the same dimensions. To illustrate this fact we can compare the Ontario band (ill. 83)268 with the museum’s band (cat. no. 55)269. The Ontario (Ottawa) band is decorated with the same appliqué as cat. no. 55. The Ontario band is 136 long and 18 cm wide, the museum’s 17.4 cm. The Ontario band is dated to around 1860. Band cat. no. 55 was made in the second half of the 19th century by a Native American woman who lived in the Great Lakes region. 56. HORN, consisting of mouthpiece, body, and long strap (for carrying). The mouthpiece and body of the horn are made of soft wood, the body is wrapped in birch bark; 1. – 132.5 cm, bottom width – 8.5 – 7 cm, width of mouthpiece – 15 cm; neg. no. 18869, inv. no. E 2901, inv. no. NM 1145. Attributed to the Baraga Donation. COMMENTARY: The first mention of this horn is made in the 1888 Guide to the Carniolan Provincial Museum – the Rudolfinum.270 The catalogue’s author Karl Deschmann refers to it on page 155 as a musical instrument, an “Indian shawm” and attributes it to the Baraga Donation. My examination of this “shawm”271 makes me believe that Karl Deschmann made an error in calling it such. A shawm is a wooden flat pipe with seven finger holes and rather resembles a recorder.272 The horn attributed to Baraga is curved at the bottom end and bears more resemblance to a crumhorn.273 Pavla Štrukelj, another researcher of the Baraga Collection, also errs in classifying the horn. In her study she describes the instrument with the following words: “A long, slightly curved horn is the only musical instrument in the collection. It can be ranked among the pipes and flutes for which there is evidence that the Ojibwa and some other tribes knew of. The museum’s horn is made of wood and wrapped in birch bark. Research has proven that similar wooden pipes were the only musical instruments used by young men to play for their girls. Such a pipe can have produced only a modest cheeping sound.”274 A comparison of the entire available pictorial material shows that Native Americans had no horns. Young Native American men courted their loved ones by playing the courting flute (ill. 85, ill. 86 D, and the picture of the Ojibwa courting flute ill. 87 B) but not a horn. The difference between a horn and a courting flute is more than obvious in form and timbre. The eminent artist, painter, and researcher of Native American tribes George Catlin has the following opinion on their musical instruments: “The musical instruments used among these people are few, and exceedingly rude and imperfect.... Rattles (ill. 86 A) most generally used, made of rawhide, which becomes very hard when dry, and charged with pebbles.... Their drums (ill. 86 B) are made in a very rude manner, oftentimes with a mere piece of rawhide stretched over a hoop... (producing) the chief... sound for all their dances and also as an accompaniment for their (ceremonies). The mystery whistle (ill. 86 C) is another instrument of their invention, and very ingeniously made, the sound being produced on a principle entirely different from that of any wind instrument known in civilized inventions. The war whistle (ill. 86 E) is a well known and valued little instrument, of six or nine inches (15 to 25 cm) in length, invariably made of the bone of the deer or turkey’s leg, and generally decorated with porcupine quills....275 A chief or leader carries it... suspended generally from his neck, and worn under his dress. The little instrument has but two tones, which are produced by blowing in the ends of it. The note produced in one end, being more shrill than the other, gives the signal for battle, whilst the other sounds a retreat... distinctly heard... even in the heat and noise of battle. A Winnebago courting flute... is perforated with holes for the fingers, sometimes for six at others for four, and in some instances for three only, having only so many notes with their octaves.”276 Catlin then tells us how the courting of the Winnebago was described to him: “In the vicinity of the Upper Mississippi ... (I) was credibly informed that the young men of that tribe meet with signal success, oftentimes, in wooing their sweethearts with its simple notes, which they blow for hours together, and from day to day ... near to the wigwam which contains the object of their tender passion; until her soul is touched and she responds by some welcome signal.”277 The Ojibwa also had courting flutes (ill. 87 B) made of ash, cedar, or elder. They kept on playing until the girl gave in. After her approval, the respective shares in the wedding feast278 were arranged. Similar courting flutes were also used by the Yuchi279 and Ottawa280 tribes. Besides the mentioned musical instruments, the Native Americans of the Great Lakes also had a hunting trumpet used to call moose (ill. 87 A) made of birch bark and approximately 35 cm long.281 Also worth mentioning are the small flutes the Sioux had. These were attached to their ears, and galloping on their horses these flutes further increased the uproar.282 Our survey of the musical instmments among Native Americans proves that they did not know a large horn like the museum’s. I therefore assume that this horn was made as a signaling trumpet (it has a mouthpiece and body). In the early period the Slovene missionaries had very modest sacred buildings without bells. To call the natives to the services they used various musical signals. Baraga called the Ojibwa to the Christian teachings by sending a boy with a bell around the village.283 Pirc mentions that during the whole period of his stay in the mission he used to signal morning prayer at sunrise with a sea shell284 or with a bell.285 Missionary Ivan Čebul found a most original solution and called the Native Americans to prayer with a trumpet.286 Therefore, I assume that Čebul might have ordered this 132.5 cm horn to be made. The natives made it for one of his missionary stations to spare him from bringing – in addition to the objects necessary to say Mass – a trumpet. It was made after Čebul’s design since its form and size resemble the horns of herdsmen from Camiola. 153 Fajdiga 1970, p. 54 154 Christian F. Feest, Sylvia S. Kasprycki, Überlebenskunst nordamerikanischer Indianer, Museum für Völkerkunde, Vienna 1993, p.68; the authors mention that the decoration on maple sugar vessels was obtained by peeling off the outer darker layer of bark in order to expose the underlying light-colour layer. Correct is the inner layer of birch bark is dark-coloured, the outer light-coloured. 155 Lyford 1953, p. 24 156 Martin Pitzer 1854, p. 20, no. 29: sugar lollipops were certainly copied from the white settlers or based on recipes young Native American girls learned at school from the nuns. 157 Feest, Kasprycki 1993, p. 68 158 Baraga 1837, p. 74 159 Baraga 1837, ibid. 160 Baraga 1837, p. 75 161 Baraga 1837, p. 71 162 Baraga 1837, p. 67 163 Baraga 1837, p. 67 164 Štrukelj 1974, p. 130. The author describes basket inv. no. E 2876 in a rather unusual way: “Wicker vessel with lid, shaped like a ball, made of flat splints in such a way that the weft reveals the splints on the inside and outside of the upturned frame.” Basket inv. no. E 2876 has no lid nor the shape of a ball. It is an ordinary basket as we know them in Slovenia too and is used as a bread basket. 165 Lyford 1953, p. 63 166 Hrovat 1887, p. 24 167 Illyrisches Blatt 1837, p. 68, item b – furnishings and wooden products, mentions that the bag is made of grass. Correct is of cedar bark fibers. 168 Illyrisches Blatt 1837, p. 68 169 Lyford 1953, p. 78 170 Lyford 1953, p. 83 171 Lyford 1953, p. 84 172 Lyford 1953, p. 129 173 Lyford 1953, ibid. 174 Lyford 1953, ibid. 175 Lyford 1953, p. 119, plate 71 176 Eva Lips 1958, p. 66 177 George Catlin, Letters and Notes on the Manners, Customs, and Conditions of North American Indians, volume I, New York 1973, (further references: Catlin 1973), p. 236 178 Catlin 1973, p. 238 179 Eva Lips 1958, p. 63 180 George Catlin, Die Indianer Nordamerikas, I, Weimar 1979, (further references: Catlin 1979), p. 200 181 Catlin 1979, p. 201 182 Quoted from Lips 1958, p. 66, 67 183 Lips 1958, p. 67 184 Lips 1958, ibid. 185 Feest, Kasprycki 1993, p.69 186 Feest, Kasprycki 1993, ibid. 187 Štrukelj 1974, On page 130 the author refers to the two mats as made of cedar fibers. Illyrisches Blatt, “Verzeichniss der für das Landes-Museum eingegangenen Beiträge,” Ljubljana 1837, no. 17, p. 68, refers to them (item b – furnishings and wooden products) as made or rush. The latter version is correct. 188 Lyford 1953, p. 89 189 Lyford 1953, p. 106 190 Alfred Edmund Brehm, Velika knjiga o živalih (The Big Animal Book), Ljubljana 1978, p. 123; North America is the home of the porcupine, tree porcupine or urson (Erithizon dorsatum). It grows to a length of 80 cm, 19 cm are tail. The hair on its back is up to 11 cm long. On the bottom and end of the tail they turn into sharp bristles, between the bristles and the hair on the back of a porcupine 8 cm long quills protrude. 191 Peter Bolz, Bernd Peyer, Indianische Kunst Nordamerikas, Cologne 1987, (further references: Bolz, Peyer 1987), p. 125 192 Bolz, Peyer 1987, p.130 193 Bolz, Peyer 1987, p. 133 194 Bolz, Peyer 1987, ibid. 195 Bolz, Peyer 1987, ibid. 196 Bolz, Peyer 1987, p. 137 197 Štrukelj 1974, The author of this study overlooked curator Freyer’s note that the moccasins were only halfway embroidered and therefore took (see p. 126) the moccasins E 2916 to be girl’s moccasins and those under inv. no. 2914 to be women’s moccasins. Correct is the moccasins under inv. no. 2914 (cat. no. B 30) are girl’s, and those under inv. no. 2916 (cat. no. B 32) are women’s moccasins. 198 Zaplotnik 1928, p. 29, 30 199 Zaplotnik 1928, p. 30 200 Stammel 1992, p. 283 201 Zaplotnik 1928, p. 51 202 Stammel 1992, p. 253 203 Lips 1958, p. 189 204 Lips 1958, p. 201. The author mentions that “the pipestem was made of peeled, olive-green, delicately marbled sumac or acid tree which has to be cut in autumn when the tree juices are returning to the earth. The soft pith of a sumac twig is pushed out with a thin stick made of hardwood, thus producing a pipe in a very simple way....” The description indicates that Native Americans used various kinds of wood to make pipes. The Yankton, for instance, used sumac; the tribes of the Great lakes, on the other hand, used ash. 205 Lips 1958, p. 139; The author mentions among others that the Holy Quarry is situated in the heart of the South Minnesota prairie (in the state of Minnesota, near Pipestone). The first white men to see the quarry were Grosseillers and Radisson who traveled the region in 1658 and 1660 and mention pipes made from red stone. They were followed by Le Sueur and others. It was only later (in 1837) that George Catlin arrived at the site and pipe stone was later called catlinite because of his exhaustive description of the quarry and the stone itself. 206 Catlin 1979, p. 148. George Catlin sent a few samples of pipestone to Dr. Jackson, mineralogist and chemist, to have it analyzed. Jackson established that pipestone is not some kind of lard stone but a kind of mineral harder than plaster and softer than calcite. The composition of pipe stone is as follows: water 8.4%, silica 48.2%, bauxite 28.2%, magnesite 6.8%, limy earth with carbon dioxide 2.6%, iron suboxide and manganese oxide 0.6%. This accounts for 99%; the missing 1% is the result of evaporation. It must be mentioned here that Pipestone is not the oldest Native American quarry. The oldest is in Arizona, and the second oldest in Ohio. 207 Lips 1958, p. 39; The author was able to watch the actual making of present-day calumets, What follows is a summary of her description. Before the stone cutter starts working, he must assess the size of the pipe bowl and how it will be shaped to suit his client’s standing. For every form and size of pipe bowl he cuts a draft out of stiff leather. Using the draft he then cuts the shape of the pipe-bowl out of the stone. Today pipes are cut with a fret saw; in the old days it was done with sharp buffalo grass. The roughly shaped pipe is smoothed with quartz, sharp grasses, and finally with sand. Then a hole is drilled into the bowl and the bowl is polished by heating it over fire and while still hot rubbing it with beeswax. Finally it was put in cold water and taken out when it was completely cold. 208 Lips 1958, p. 20, 201; In even higher esteem than the sacred peace pipe was the pipe of the Arapaho. To this pipe even the sun was subordinated. The care of the pipe was entrusted to a nobleman of the tribe. He carried it as a holy bundle and it rested on four poles when the tribe made camp. The keeper of the pipe was protected by a special guard and the pipe itself was protected in the camp. Even today gifts are brought to this pipe; they are blessed and destroyed in a ceremony. 209 Catlin 1979, p. 113 210 Stammel 1992, p. 233 211 Stammel 1992, ibid. 212 Stammel 1992, ibid. 213 Catlin 1973, I, p. 55 214 Stammel 1992, p. 209 215 Catlin, I 1973, p. 32 216 G. Schomaeker, Der Wilde Westen, Augsburg 1993, p. 11: The Swiss painter Carl Bodmer (1809-1893) accompanied Prince Maximilian von Wied on his journey across North America in 1832-1834 as drawer and painter. His realistic drawings and paintings are of major cultural, historical, and ethnological significance for the study of Native Americans. In this painting the warrior Pehrisk from the Hidatsa tribe is depicted. The warrior is dancing the dog dance and is dressed in ceremonial clothing. In his left hand he holds a remarkably delicate bone bow. 217 George Catlin, 1 1979, pp. 91, 92. Of all dances the dog dance was in highest esteem. It could be joined only by warriors who had won at least one scalp. The dance started after a dog’s liver and heart were stuck to a pole at head height. The warriors then began to dance around the pole and, as Catlin says, yell frightfully. From the circle one after another warrior jumped at the pole and bit off a piece of liver or heart. In this way he symbolically ate a part of the enemy he had killed. 218 Reginald and Gladys Laubin, American Indian Archery, (further references: Laubin 1990) University of Oklahoma Press, Norman and London, 1990, p. 21 219 Laubin 1990, ibid. 220 Stammel 1992, p. 211 221 Colin F. Taylor, William C. Sturtevant, The Native Americans, (further references: Taylor, Sturtevant 1991) London 1991, p. 132 (photo 14), p. 138 (photo 21), p. 168 (photo 8) 222 Stammel 1992, 209. Among the tribes which used blowguns the author makes no mention of the Choctaw. The caption under the photograph on page 209 reads “Cherokee with blowgun.” Correct is Choctaw with blowgun. 223 Taylor, Sturtevant 1991, p. 16; the photograph dating from 1909 depicts a demonstration of the use of a blowgun by Native American Joe Silestine-Toshkachito from the Choctaw tribe. 224 Colin F. Taylor, William C. Sturtevant 1991, p. 16 225 Feest, Kasprycki 1993, p. 34 226 Stammel 1992, pp. 254, 125 227 Meyers großes Konversationslexikon, Volume IV, Leipzig and Vienna 1908, pp. 375, 376; curare is a poison made from an extract of Strychnos plants. South American Indians used it to poison their arrows and spears. The poison causes paralysis because it affects the transfer of stimuli from the nerves to the muscles. 228 Stammel 1992, p. 255 229 Stammel 1992, ibid. 230 Pavla Štrukelj, “Afriška zbirka vzhodnosudanskih plemen Bari in Čir v Slovenskem etnografskem muzeju – zbiralec Ignacij Knoblehar” (The African Collection of the East Sudanese tribes of the Bari and Shir in the Slovene Ethnographic Museum – collector Ignacij Knoblehar), Slovenski etnograf, XX, 1967, pp. 144-155, Ljubljana 1968; The author attributes battle club E 2829 to the African tribe Bari or Shir. She is not convinced, however, that it was donated by Knoblehar and thinks it possible that it was donated by Lavrin. Since the author did not know the basic source “Note on museum contributions” (Museal Acten 1847-1850, Archiv des Krainischen Landesmuseums, Erwerbungen, Museal Beiträge 1843, archives of the National Museum), she does not mention it (the source) in the catalogue of the exhibition “The Culture of the African tribes along the White Nile in the 19th Century” held in the Goričane Mansion in 1968. If she had known these written documents and the exact list of objects donated by Anton von Lavrin, general consul in Alexandria, published in Illyrisches Blatt of 1844 on p. 24, she would not have doubted its provenance or donor. It was not until the publication of the Slovenski Etnograf dedicated to the 60th anniversary of the museum, Slovenski Etnograf, XXXII, 1980-1982, Ljubljana 1982, that the author of the exhibition and catalogue for the first time published (pages 129-130) a list of the objects donated by Lavrin under the heading “Non-European Cultures in the Goričane Museum.” However, even then she makes an error in stating that the only source for the list of donated objects is Illyrisches Blatt from 1844. (Correct is Museal Acten 1847-1850, Museal Beiträge 1843). The tribe mentioned and supposedly headed by Sheik Gundaru, chief of the Nabu Africans, is not the right one. There is no Nabu tribe in Africa, but a Nuba tribe and the chieftain of this tribe was Sheik Gundaru. 231 “The Culture of the African tribes along the White Nile in the 19th Century,” Goričane Mansion 1968. The author of the exhibition and catalogue Pavla Štrukelj defines club inv. no. 2829 as a chieftain’s (p. 11, no. 7). Since at that time the author had no knowledge of the 1843 document concerning Anton von Lavrin, she attributed battle clubs inv. nos. E 2829, 2380, and 2624 to one of the tribes of the Bar, Shir, Shuli, or Kiec. Correct is battle clubs inv. nos. 2830 and 2624 belong to the tribe of the mountain Nuba, whereas battle club inv. no. 2829 belongs to the North American Ojibwa. Unaware of the Lavrin Donation, she mistakes the objects from the tribes of the mountain Nuba to be objects from the tribes of Bari, Shir, Shuli, and Kiec. Or, in other words: she attributes the objects donated by Lavrin to Knoblehar. 232 The second oldest collection thus is that of the mountain Nuba tribe donated by Lavrin. 233 Feest, Kasprycki 1993, p. 76; The battle club belonged to the Plains Ojibwa from the USA or Canada. The club’s length is 54.5 cm and its tooth is 8.5 cm long. It is dated to around 1820. 234 Pitzer 1854, p. 14; under no. 5 there are two battle clubs. One is supposed to be an original club, the other one to be a copy. 235 Meyers großes Konversationslexikon, Volume 12, Leipzig and Vienna 1908, p. 455; Snakeroot (in German: Schlangenholz) comes from South America (Brazil, Guyana). The wood is red brown with black figuring resembling letters or a snake’ scales.. It is very hard and heavy but easy to split. It is traded in lengths of 30 to 90 cm that are often only 5 to 8 cm thick. It is used for making walking sticks, violin bows, and intarsia. 236 Štrukelj 1974, p. 125; “Flat wooden club made of a very hard tree root” (correct is from a tree trunk or branch). 237 Temporary exhibition “Applied Art of the Ojibwa Indians,” authored by Pavla Štrukelj. 238 Friedrich Ratzel, Völkerkunde, Leipzig 1886, p. 576, Library of the Goričane Section for Non-European Cultures 239 Hjalmar Stolpe, Amazon Indian Designs, from Brazilian and Guianan Wood Carvings, (further references: Stolpe 1994), New York 1994. The book is a reprint of the original edition that was published in 1927. Hjalmar Stolpe (1841-1905) was the director of the ethnographic section in the Stockholm National Museum. He published his studies on these battle clubs in 1896 in the book South America to which the treatise “Study of the American Ornament” was added as a supplement. Unfortunately, the battle clubs described in the 1994 edition are not located accurately; their origin is broadly determined as Brazil and Guyana. The book is in the Library of the Goričane Section for Non-European Cultures. 240 Editor’s note in Stolpe 1994: it is stated here that these battle clubs were made in the 19th century. This is not true: judging from the drawings of Joaquim Jose Codina and Jose Joaquim Freire (drawn between 1783 and 1792) the clubs are older and were made as early as the 18th century. 241 Alain Gheerbrant, The Amazon, Past, Present, and Future, 1992; drawing of a Rio Branco Indian on p. 70 and drawing of an Uaupés Indian on p. 71. These drawings were made by Joaquim Jose Codina and Jose Joaquim Freire who were members of a Portuguese expedition studying the Amazon Indians and the local fauna. The expedition was led by Dr. Alexander Ferreira. 242 Today Arbre Croche is called Harbor Springs; it is situated on Lake Michigan. 243 Stammel 1992, p. 283 244 Mark Catesby, The Natural History of Carolina, Florida, and the Bahamas Islands, 2 volumes, London 1731-1743 245 Pitzer 1854, p. 14 246 Taylor, Sturtevant 1991, p. 141; photograph of a Pomo Native American in his boat on Lake Clear, California 247 James A. Maxwell (Editor), America’s Fascinating Indian Heritage, Pleasantville 1994 (further reference: Maxwell 1994), p. 84; Flemish artist Theodore de Brey depicted Timuaca Native Americans in a copperplate engraving in 1591. 248 Catlin 1979, p. 93; George Catlin was born in Wilkes-Barre in Pennsylvania. He was a law graduate but gave up the practice of law and dedicated himself to drawing and painting Native Americans. In 1832-1839 he traveled among the Native American tribes, making over 6000 drawings. He also traveled to England with a group of Ojibwa. He died in Jersey City, New Jersey, in 1871. George Catlin’s diaries, drawings, ands paintings are important chronicles on the Native Americans in the northern regions of the USA in the second third of the 19th century. 249 Baraga 1837, pp. 82, 83; it deserves mention here that the Iroquois Native Americans knew the canoe very early. Jesuit Joseph Francois Lafitau describes a canoe in his book Die Sitten der amerikanischen Wilden, Halle 1752 and illustrates it with a copper engraving on pages 376-379. 250 In Baraga’s book on the Native Americans (p.82) he does not mention the name of the roots the women used to stitch birch bark to the canoe’s framework. They used roots of the red spruce (Picea rubens), tamarack or Canadian larch (Larix laricina), and jack pine (Pinus banksiana). 251 Baraga 1837, pp. 82, 83 252 Lyford 1953, p. 49 253 Lyford 1953, p. 56 254 Baraga 1837, p. 63 255 Gregorič 1983, p. 217 256 Fajdiga 1970, p. 62 257 Baraga 1837, p. 84 258 Baraga 1837, ibid. 259 Gregorič 1983, p. 72 260 Sister M. Inez Hilger, Chippewa Child Life and its Cultural Background, Washington 1951, (further references: Hilger 1951), p. 118. Red Lake is located in Minnesota. 261 Catlin, II 1973, plate 243 262 Maxwell 1994, p. 181 263 Maxwell 1994, p. 125 264 Taylor, Sturtevant 1991, p. 120, photograph 1 265 Maxwell 1994, p. 283 266 Taylor, Sturtevant 1991, p. 120, photograph 2 267 Bolz, Peyer 1987, p. 124 268 Ralph T. Coe, Sacred Circles, Two Thousand Years of North American Indian Art, Kansas City, Missouri 1977, p. 96, ill. 143 269 Štrukelj 1974, p.128; The author calls the cradle board band a “wide ribbon” and continues that is hard to say what it was used for. She supposes the ribbon might be an item of clothing or belong to a cradle board. Her supposition that it is part of a Native American cradle, that is a cradle board, is correct. 270 Deschmann 1888, p. 155 271 Kurt Dieter Solf, Joachim Schmidt, Duden, Band 3, Das Bildwörterbuch, Mannheim 1977, (further references: Solf, Schmidt 1977), p. 322, drawing 14 272 Solf, Schmidt 1977, p.322, drawing 7 273 Solf, Schmidt 1977, p.322, drawing 6 274 Štrukelj 1974, p. 137; The article’s author borrowed this statement from Ruth Murray Underhill’s book Red Man’s America Chicago 1953. Underhill is, however, more consistent. She writes about the courting flute on page 119: “When the time for marriage comes and the young men have chosen the most suitable girl, they start courting them in the summer evenings by playing the flute. The sound of the melody played on the flute is cheeping and resembles bird chirping.” This quotation indicates that Underhill indeed mentions flutes but no horns. 275 Norman Bancroft-Hunt, Indianer Nordamerikas, Bindlach 1994 (further references: Bancroft-Hunt 1994), p. 56; the book among other things describes the delicate signaling pipes of the Prairies Native Americans of the Assiniboin and Mandan tribes from 1820. 276 Catlin, I 1973, p. 242 277 Catlin, I 1973, p. 243 278 Hilger 1951, pp. 157, 158 279 Taylor, Sturtevant 1991, p. 118, ill. 7 280 Pitzer 1854, p. 22, no. 33. Pitzer’s collection of Ottawa objects also contains a courting flute. 281 Friderich von Gagern, Mejaši, Ljubljana 1944, p. 270; Photograph of a Native American calling a moose by playing a trumpet wrapped in birch bark. Another photograph of a Native American playing a trumpet to attract a moose can be found on page 201 of Stammel 1992. 282 Bancroft -Hunt 1994, p. 56 283 Gregorič 1983, p. 142 284 This queen conch (Strombus gigas) was brought to the former Provincial Museum by missionary Ivan Čebul but is missing 285 Hrovat 1887, pp. 35, 36 286 Jaklič 1931, p 102 INDEXES INDEX OF OBJECTS ARROW: 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48 AXE: 51 BAG: 15, 20, 21 BAND FOR CRADLE BOARD: 55 BASKET: 11 BATTLE CLUB: 49, 50 BOW: 41, 42 CALUMET: 38, 39, 40 CANOE: 52 CHILD’S CUP: 9, 10 CHILD’S SPOON: 12 HORN: 56 LADLE: 13, 14 MAT: 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28 MOCCASINS: 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37 POUCH: 16, 17, 18 SHEATH: 19 SNOWSHOES: 53 SPOON: 12 VESSEL: 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8 INDEX OF MATERIALS ANIMAL SINEW (buck or moose): 41, 42 ASH: 38, 41, 42, 53 BEECH: 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48 BIRCH BARK: 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 20, 21, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 52, 56 BUCKSKIN: 29, 30, 31, 34, 36, 37, 53 CATLINITE: 38, 39, 40 CEDAR: 11 (splints), 15, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 54 CLOTH: 18, 29, 33, 34, 55 COPPER: 46 COTTON CLOTH: 18 DEERSKIN: 32, 33, 35 GLASS BEADS: 16, 17, 18, 29, 33, 56 GRANITE: 51 HICKORY: 49 IRON: 45, 48 POPLAR: 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 54 MILKWORT (SNAKEROOT): 50 PORCUPINE QUILLS: 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 19, 20, 21, 29, 30, 32, 33, 34, 35, 39, 40 REP: 17 RUSH: 22, 23 SILK REP: 18, 29, 33, 55 SOFTWOOD: 9, 10, 12, 13, 14, 39, 40, 56 TIN: 39 WILD TURKEY FEATHERS: 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48 WOOLEN CLOTH: 53 WOOLEN THREAD: 16, 17 YARN: 36, 37 INDEX OF DONATIONS (The bolded numbers refer to objects for which there is no definitive confirmation of the donor). FRIDERIK BARAGA: 1, 2, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 19, 20, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 30, 32, 33, 34, 35, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 52, 53, 54, 56 IVAN CEBUL: 3, 11, 17, 18, 31, 38, 55 FRANC PIRC: 21, 29, 36, 37, 51 DONOR UNKNOWN: 50 LIST AND SOURCES OF ILLUSTRATIONS LIST AND SOURCES OF ILLUSTRATIONS 1. Photograph of Friderik Baraga; Jaklič 1931, p. 223 2. Mass hanging of Santee (Dakota) in Mankato; Fleming, Luskey 1992, p. 49 3., 4. Museal Acten 1837-1839, no. 237/213, Library of the National Museum in Ljubljana 5., 6. “Naš narodopisni muzej v Ljubljani” (Our Ethnographic Museum in Ljubljana), Ilustrirani Slovenec 1927: 5) photograph of the Native American Collection, p. 381; 6) photograph of the Lavrin and Knoblehar Collection, p. 381 7. Portrait of Franc Pirc, Hrovat 1887; the frontispiece shows a portrait bust of missionary Franc Pirc. The portrait was made in the black and white lithographic technique. To the left, the illegible signature of the lithograph’s author Ph. May, and to the right, the signature of the printing works (printer) C. Angerz & Göschl M. The lithograph dates from the second half of the 19th century. 8. Museal Acten 1837-1839, no. 238/214, Library of the National Museum in Ljubljana 9. Tool, France Golob 1996 10. Ivan Čebul (photograph), Zaplotnik 1928. The front cover features a photograph of Ivan Čebul dating from the second third of the 19th century. 11. Museal Acten 1871-1877, no. 41, Library of the National Museum in Ljubljana 12. Maple sugar preparation; Joseph Francois Lafitau, Die Sitten der amerikanischen Wilden, Halle 1752, copperplate print, Schleuen fec. Berolini, around 1752-1753, p. 349 13. Sugar vessel (photograph); Pfaff 1993, p. 26 14. Ottawa sugar vessel, Michigan, USA, around 1850; Feest, Kasprycki 1993, p. 68 15. Wild rice harvest (photograph); Pfaff 1993; photograph by Seth Eastman around 1831-32, Wisconsin National Historical Society 16. Photograph of bark bag filled with wild rice, 20th century; Lyford 1953, plate 33 17. Photograph of A – birch bark basket (mocock) and B – rice trays, 20th century; Lyford 1953, plate 30 18. Plan of birch bark basket (cat. no. 6), France Golob 1996 19. Diagram of child’s cup (cat. no. 9), France Golob 1996 20. Photograph of wooden spoons and ladles; Lyford 1953, plate 13 21. Bag being woven on a simple two-stick loom; Lyford 1953, plate 40 22. Ojibwa woven bag, before 1868; Bancroft-Hunt 1994, p. 87 23. A, B Scalping knives; Catlin 1973, plate 99; drawn by George Catlin between 1832 and 1839 24. Photograph of knife manufactured in Sheffield, England; John C. Ewers, The Story of the Blackfeet, Los Angeles, p. 17 25. Scalping and display of scalps; Catlin 1973, plate 101; drawn by George Catlin between 1832 and 1839 26. Birch bark box, Menominee, around 1830; Feest, Kasprycki 1993, painting, p. 69 27. Ojibwa woman weaving a rush mat; Taylor, Sturtevant 1991, photograph, p. 240 28. Unfinished cedar bark mat; Lyford 1953, photograph, plate 51 29. Ojibwa making wigwams; Tim Pfaff 1993; photograph of a drawing made by Seth Eastman (1831-32), p. 27 30. Encampment of the Ojibwa; Catlin 1973; drawing by George Catlin between 1832 and 1839, plate 238 31. Ojibwa wigwam covered with birch bark, Red River (Canada); Fleming, Luskey 1992; photograph by Humphrey Lloyd Hime, around 1857-1858, p. 111 32. Moccasin, photograph (cat. no. 34) 33. Photograph of moccasin pattern, 20th c., Lyford 1953, plate 59 34. Photograph of finished moccasin, 20th c., Lyford 1953, plate 59 35. Quillwork techniques; Bolz, Peyer 1987; drawing, p. 126 36. Beads (photograph); Maxwell 1994; drawing by Michael Hampshire, p. 179 37. Beadwork; Bolz, Peyer 1987; drawing, p. 132 38. Vamp of a girl’s moccasin (cat. no. 30), 1836 39. Vamp of a man’s moccasin (cat. no. 31), second half 19th century 40. Vamp of a woman’s moccasin (cat. no. 32), 1836 41. Vamp of a bridal moccasin (cat. no. 33), 1836 42. Moccasin cuff (cat. no. 33), 1836 43. Moccasin cuff (cat. no. 34), second half 19th c. 44. Vamp of woman’s moccasin (cat. no. 34), second half 19th c 45. Vamp of child’s moccasin (cat. no. 35), between 1836 and 1853 46. Drawing of calumet shaped like a tomahawk (cat. no. 38), France Golob 1996 47. Native American pipes; Catlin 1973; drawing by George Catlin between 1832 and 1839, plate 98 48. Types of pipes and smoking gear: 1. Woman’s pipe, 2. Man’s pipe, 3. and 6. wooden dishes for mixing tobacco, 4. tobacco bag, 5. pipe cleaner, 7. flint, 8. steel, 19/20th c.; Lyford 1953; plate 19, photograph 49. Beaver and otter hide bags; Catlin 1973; drawing by George Catlin between 1832 and 1839, plate 101 1/2 50. Pipe dance; Catlin 1973; painting by George Catlin between 1832 and 1839, plate 32 51. Types of bows; Stammel 1992; drawn by H.J. Stammel 1992, p. 210 52. Simple bow; Stammel 1992; drawn by H.J. Stammel 1990, p. 210; description of bow by France Golob, 1996 53 Medicine bow with bow hanger; Laubin 1990; drawing by Reginald Laubin 1980, p. 155 54. Arrow parts 55. Types of arrows; Laubin 1990; drawings by Reginald Laubin 1980, p. 57 56. Stone arrowhead; Bmce Grant, Concise Encyclopedia of the American Indian; drawn by Lorence F. Bjorklund, p. 26. Bone and iron arrowheads; Laubin 1990; drawing by Reginald Laubin 1980, p. 57 57. Portrait of Ten-squa-ta-way (“Open door”); Catlin 1973; painted by George Catlin between 1832 and 1839, plate 214 58. Battle club; (cat. no. 49); dated to 1836 59. Battle club of the Plains Ojibwa, around 1820; Feest, Kasprycki 1993, picture, p. 76 60. Ojibwa battle club, 1836; Bancroft-Hunt 1994, p. 84 61. Ojibwa Chief Okeemakeequid, 1836; Alvin M. Josephy Jr., William Brandon, The American Heritage Book of Native Americans, 1961, painting, p. 256 62. Battle club (cat. no. 50), obverse and reverse 63. Battle clubs; Ratzel 1886; drawing by X. Av. Kjahrmargt 1885, p. 576 64. Battle clubs: 1 - (cat. no. 50) and 2-5 from Brazil and Guyana; 2) p. 38, 3) p. 27, 4) p. 39, 5) p. 38, Stolpe 1974, all dated to the 19th century; 65. Engraved battle clubs: 1 - (cat. no. 50) and 2-5 from Brazil and Guyana; 2) p. 43, 3) p. 36, 4) p. 37, Stolpe 1974; 66, 67. Rio Branco Native American; Gheerbrant 1992; drawing by Joaquim Jose Codina and Jose Joaquim Freire between 1783 and 1792, p. 70 68, 69. Uaupés Native American; Gheerbrant 1992; drawing by Joaquim Jose Codina and Jose Joaquim Freire between 1783 and 1792, p. 71 70. Stone axe (cat. no. 51), France Golob 1996 71. Stone axe; Coe 1977, p. 59, photograph 3.. The axe was lent to the exhibition by Donald D. Jones. Archaeologists date it to 1000 B.C. 72. Stone axe found in Harbor Springs; photograph inv. no. E, dated to before 1836. 73. Photograph of Ojibwa Family in a Canoe by painter Peter Rindisbacher (1806-1834). 74. Photograph of Snowshoes and Toboggan of an Ojibwa Family painted by Peter Rindisbacher (1806-1834); Hans Läng, Kulturgeschichte der Indianer Nordamerikas, Bindlach 1993, p. 97 75. Types of vessels: A – birch bark canoe, B – wooden dugout, C – skin canoe; Catlin 1973; drawings by George Catlin between 1832 and 1839, plate 240 76. Types of canoes: A – Ojibwa tribe, B – Dogrib tribe, C – Salish tribe, D – Beothuk tribe; Maxwell 1994; photographs of drawings, p. 344 77. Timucua making a dugout; Stammel 1992; print by Flemish artist Theodor de Bey dating from 1591, p. 18 78, 79 Making a birch bark canoe; Maxwell 1994; photographs of drawings 78) A, B, C, and 79) D, E, F, drawings by Michael Hampshire, 1978, p. 345 80. A) Man’s snowshoes, B) Woman’s snowshoes or bear paws; Lyford 1953; photograph, plate 21 81. Sioux snowshoes; Catlin 1973; drawings by George Catlin between 1832 and 1839, plate 240 82. An Ojibwa baby on its cradle board; Lyford 1953; photograph, plate 15 83. Cradle board band, dated to around 1860; Coe 1977, p. 96, photograph 143. 84. Cradle board band, second half 19th century, painting, inv. no. E 2869 85. Mandan with courting flute; Maxwell 1994; painted by Carl Bodmer between 1832 and 1834, p. 163 86. Native American musical instruments; Catlin 1973; drawings by George Catlin between 1832 and 1839, plate 101 1/2 87. A - Hunting trumpet used to lure moose; Maxwell 1994; drawing by George Catlin between 1832 and 1839, p. 348. B - Courting flute; Lyford 1953; photograph, plate 14 88. Book, photograph, Friderik Baraga, Jesus Obimadisiwin Oma Aking, Paris 1837; Library of the National Museum in Ljubljana, inv. no. 4354 89. Prayer book, photograph, Friderik Baraga, Otchipwe Anamie. Masinaigan, Paris 1837; Library of the National Museum in Ljubljana, inv. no. 4370 90. Outline map of Indian localities in 1833; Catlin 1973 91. Map of present-day Ojibwa reservations; Lyford 1953, p 14-15 92. Reduction of Native American territory through the centuries LITERATURE AND SOURCES BIBLIOGRAPHY BARAGA, FRIDERIK: Geschichte, Character, Sitten und Gebräuche der nordamerikanischen Indianer. Ljubljana 1837. BARAGA, FRIDERIK: A Dictionary of the Ojibwa Language, Explained in English; Part I. Ojibwa-English, Part II. English-Ojibwa. Cincinnati 1853. BARAGA, FRIDERIK: Knjiga o Indijancih. Slovene translation of Geschichte, Character, Sitten und Gebräuche der nordamerikanischen Indianer. Translated by Vlado Fajdiga, Celje 1970. BOLZ, PETER-PEYER, BERND: Indianische Kunst Nordamerikas. Cologne 1987. BIERHORST, JOHN: Die Mythologie der Indianer Nordamerikas. Augsburg 1993. BURGAR, I. L.: Irenej Friderik Baraga, oče indijanske književnosti (I.F.B., Father of Indian Literature). Ljubljana 1900. CATLIN, GEORGE: Die Indianer Nordamerikas. Munich 1971. CATLIN, GEORGE: Letters and Notes on the Manners, Customs, and Conditions of North American Indians, Volumes I, II. 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FEEST, CHRISTIAN F.: Native Arts of North America. London 1994. FLEMING, RICHARDSON, PAULA-LUSKEY, JUDITH: Die Nordamerikanischen Indianer in frühen Photographien. Munich 1992. GAGERN, FRIEDRICH VON: Mejaši (Frontier Neighbours). Ljubljana 1944. GHEERBRANT, ALAIN: The Amazon, Past, Present, and Future. New York 1992. GREGORIČ, JOŽE: Baragova misijonska pisma (Baraga’s Missionary Letters). Ljubljana 1983. HROVAT, P. FLORENTIN: Franc Pirc, oče umne sadjereje na Kranjskem in apostolski misijonar med Indijani v severni Ameriki (F.P., Father of Rational Fruit-Growing in Carniola and Apostolic Missionary among the Indians of North America). Klagenfurt 1887. HOHENWART, FR. JOS. GRAF V.: Leitfaden für die das Landes-Museum in Laibach Besuchenden. Ljubljana 1836. HOHENWART, FR. JOS. GRAF V.: Landesmuseum im Herzogthume Krain 1836-1837. Ljubljana 1838. HUNT BANCROFT, NORMAN: Indianer Nordamerikas. Bindlach 1994. JAROSLAV, FR.: Dr. Ignacij Knoblehar apostolski provikar v osrednji Afriki (Dr. Ignacij Knoblehar, Apostolic Pro-Vicar in Central Africa). Klagenfurt 1881. JAKLIČ, FRANC: Slovenski misijonarji Baragovi nasledniki v Ameriki (Slovene Missionaries, Baraga’s Successors in America). Celje 1931. JAKLIČ, FRANC: Misijonski škof Irenej Friderik Baraga (Missionary Bishop Friderik Baraga). Celje 1931. JAKLIČ, FRANC – ŠOLAR, JAKOB: Friderik Baraga. Celje 1968. JEZERNIK, MAKSIMILIJAN: Friderik Baraga, Zbirka rimskih dokumentov (Friderik Baraga, A Collection of Roman Documents). Ljubljana 1980. JOSEPHY JR., ALVIN M. – BRANDON, WILLIAM: The American Heritage Book of Indians. 1961. LAFITAU, JOSEPH FRANCOIS: Die Sitten der amerikanischen Wilden. Halle 1752. LAGACÉ, ROBERT O. (Editor): Sixty Cultures, A Guide to the Hraf Probability Sample Files, (Part A). New Haven 1977. LAUBIN, REGINALD and GLADYS: American Indian Archery. London 1990. LÄNG, HANS: Kulturgeschichte der Indianer Nordamerikas. Bindlach 1993. LIPS, EVA: Die Reisernte der Ojibwa Indianer (Travels of the Ojibwa Indians). Berlin 1956. LIPS, EVA: Indijanci (The Indians). Ljubljana 1958. LYFORD, CARRIE A.: Ojibwa Crafts (Chippewa). Arizona 1953. MAXWELL, JAMES A. (Editor): America’s Fascinating Indian Heritage. Pleasantville 1994. NORDENSKIÖLD, ERLAND: Forschungen und Abenteuer in Südamerika. Stuttgart 1924. OREL, BORIS: “O etnografskih zbirkah iz Afrike, Amerike, Azije v etnografskem muzeju v Ljubljani” (On the Ethnographic Collections from Africa, America, and Asia in the Ethnographic Museum in Ljubljana), Slovenski etnograf, let. VI-VII, 1953-1954, pp. 139-146. Ljubljana 1954. PFAFF, TIM: Paths of the People, The Ojibwa in the Chippewa Valley. Wisconsin 1993. PIRC, FRANZ: Die Indianer in Nordamerika, ihre Lebensweise, Sitten, Gebräuche u.s.w. Št. Louis, Mo. 1855. PITZER, MARTIN: Verzeichnis der Gegenstände und Arbeiten eines Indianer-Stammes im nördlichsten Amerika. Munich 1854. PRICE, H. DAVID: Atlas of World Cultures, A Geographical Guide to Ethnographic Literature. London 1983. REBULA, ALOJZ: Duh Velikih jezer (The Spirit of the Great Lakes). Celje 1980. RETZEL, FRIEDRICH: Völkerkunde. Leipzig 1886. SCHOMAEKER, G.: Der Wilde Westen. Augsburg 1993. STAMMEL, H. J.: Indianer, Legende und Wirklichkeit von A-Z, Leben-Kampf-Untergang. Munich 1992. STANONIK, JANEZ: “Očipve in Ottawa” (The Ojibwa and the Ottawa), Zgodovinski časopis, Leto 1996, 1, letnik 50, pp. 65-69. Ljubljana 1996. STOLPE, HJALMAR: Amazon Indian Designs from Brazil and Guyana. New York 1974. STOUTENBURGH, JOHN JR.: Dictionary of the American Indian. New York 1990. SWATON, JOHN R.: The Indian Tribes of North America. Washington 1953. ŠTRUKELJ, PAVLA: “Afriška zbirka vzhodnosudanskih plemen Bari in Čir v Slovenskem etnografskem muzeju” (The African Collection of the Eastern Sudan Bari and Shir Tribes in the Slovene Ethnographic Museum), Slovenski etnograf, let. XX, 1967, pp. 143-172. Ljubljana 1968. ŠTRUKELJ, PAVLA: “Kultura črnskih plemen ob Belem Nilu v 19. stoletju” (The Culture of the Black Tribes along the White Nile in the 19th century). Goričane 1968. ŠTRUKELJ, PAVLA: “Etnološka zbirka severnoameriških indijancev Ojibwa iz 19. stoletja v Slovenskem etnografskem muzeju – zbiralci Friderik Baraga, Franc Pirc, Ivan Čebul” (The Ethnological Collection of the North American Ojibwa Indians from the 19th century – collectors Friderik Baraga, Franc Pirc, Ivan Čebul), Slovenski etnograf, let. XXV-XXVI, 1972-73, pp. 109-142. Ljubljana 1974. ŠTRUKELJ, PAVLA: “Neevropske zbirke v Muzeju Goričane” (The Non-European Collections in the Goričane Museum), Slovenski etnograf, let. XXXII, 1980-82, pp. 125-158. Ljubljana 1983. TAYLOR, F. COLIN – STURTEVANT, C. WILLIAM: The Native Americans. London 1991. TITLE, I.: Musical Instruments of the World. New York 1976. UNDERHILL MURRAY, RUTH: Red Man’s America. Chicago 1953. VENNUM, THOMAS JR.: Wild Rice and the Ojibway People. St. Paul 1988. VONČINA, DR. LEON: Friderik Baraga, pervi kranjski apostoljski misijonar in škof med Indijani v Ameriki (F.B., the First Camiolan Apostolic Missionary among the Indians in America). Ljubljana 1869. ZAPLOTNIK, DR. IVAN L.: Janez Čebulj, misijonar v Ameriki (I.Č., Missionary in America). Domžale 1928. ZERRIES, OTTO: Indianer von Amazonas. Munich 1960. ZERRIES, OTTO: Das ausserandine Südamerika, Kunst der Naturvölker, Propyläen Kunstgeschichte, pp. 272-288. Oldenburg 1978. ZRNEC, TONE C. M.: Po Baragovi deželi (Across Baraga’s country). Toronto 1969. MANUSCRIPTS Library of the National Museum in Ljubljana: Museal Acten, Archiv des Krainischen Landesmuseums, Erwerbungen 1837, 1845, 1850, 1871-1877. NEWSPAPERS “Verzeichnis der für das Landes-Museum eingegangenen Beiträge,” Illyrisches Blatt, Ljubljana 1837, no. 17, pp. 67-68. “Missions – Nachrichten, Schreiben des Missionärs Franz Pierz aus Sault Ste. Marie,” July 1, 1841, 1842, Illyrisches Blatt, pp. 83-84. “Verzeichnis der eingegangenen Museal Geschenke,” Illyrisches Blatt, Ljubljana 1844, p. 24. Laibacher Zeitung, Ljubljana 1851, no. 245, pp. 1029-1030, no. 268, p. 668, no. 293, pp. 733-734. Laibacher Zeitung, Ljubljana 1876, no. 56, p. 436. CORRESPONDENCE WITH MUSEUMS AND EXPERTS: Bayerisches Nationalmuseum, Munich (Dr. Nina Gockerell) Museum für Völkerkunde, Vienna (Dr. Christian F. Feest) Staatliches Museum für Völkerkunde, Munich (Dr. Helmut Schindler) France Golob MISIJONARJI, DAROVALCI INDIJANSKIH PREDMETOV/NATIVE AMERICAN OBJECTS DONATED BY MISSIONARIES Zbirka Slovenskega etnografskega muzeja Collection of the Slovene Ethnographic Museum Knjižnica Slovenskega etnografskega muzeja 5 Glavni urednik / Editor in Chief: mag. Andrej Dular Uredniški odbor / Editorial Board: mag. Jasna Horvat, dr. Gorazd Makarovič, mag. Janja Žagar Oblikovanje / Design: Jurij Kocbek Tehnična ureditev, stavek / Layout Anton Pirc in Jurij Kocbek Fotografije / Photographs: dr. France Golob in dr. Gorazd Makarovič Lektorica / Proofreading: Mirjam Furlan Prevod / Translation: Franc Smrke Lektor prevoda / English language editing: Wayne Tuttle Recenzenta / Reviewers: dr. Gorazd Makarovič in dr. Zmago Šmitek Izdal in založil / Published by: Slovenski etnografski muzej, zanj mag. Tanja Roženbergar Ljubljana 2015 Izdano v okviru projekta CIP - Kataložni zapis o publikaciji Narodna in univerzitetna knjižnica, Ljubljana 930.85(=8)(0.034.2) GOLOB, France, 1937- Misijonarji, darovalci indijanskih predmetov [Elektronski vir] : zbirka Slovenskega etnografskega muzeja / France Golob ; [fotografije France Golob in Gorazd Makarovič ; prevod Franc Smrke]. - El. knjiga. - Ljubljana : Slovenski etnografski muzej, 2015. - (Knjižnica Slovenskega etnografskega muzeja ; 5) ISBN 978-961-6388-52-8 (ePub) 1. Slovenski etnografski muzej 282452736