13 © aut hor/aut horsht t ps://doi .org /10. 26493/2350-54 43.12(1)13-34 Death in Osor: Rituals and Practices of Prehistoric Burials Smrt v Osorju: obredi in prakse prazgodovinskih pokopavanj Martina Blečić Kavur University of Primorska, Faculty of Humanities, Slovenia martina.blecic.kavur@upr.si Boris Kavur University of Primorska, Faculty of Humanities, Slovenia boris.kavur@upr.si Abstract Osor, a town at the junction of the Kvarner islands of Cres and Lošinj, is one of the most important ar- chaeological sites in the northern Adriatic, dating back to the Bronze and Iron Ages. Its historical role and importance are undeniable, as it is mentioned in almost all ancient historical sources that addressed the Caput Adriae area. In archaeological discourse, it is mainly known for its representative material culture, which has been discussed in detail. Most of these artefacts come from various graves and ne- cropoles, although there was much less information about these contexts. This paper presents for the first time a complete concept of the archaeology of death in Osor. It is based on archive records and re- sults of new archaeological investigations gathering all the available data. They are presented with a top- ographical overview and the location of the graves in their chronological order, with the typology of the burials and their contextualization in relation to their positions inside and outside the urban space. Al- ready known, but also unknown or less available data were analysed in order to create, as far as possible, a well-rounded knowledge of this extremely important social and cultural aspect of life (and death) in prehistoric Osor. Keywords: Osor, Bronze Age, Iron Age, type of burials, rituals, material culture Izvleček Osor, kraj na stičišču kvarnerskih otokov Cresa in Lošinja, predstavlja eno izmed najpomembnejših naj- dišč bronaste in železne dobe na severnem Jadranu. Njegova zgodovinska vloga in pomen sta nedvom- na, saj je zapisan v skoraj vseh antičnih zgodovinskih virih, ki so obravnavali območje Caput Adriae. V arheološkem diskurzu je prepoznaven predvsem po reprezentativni materialni kulturi, o kateri je bilo že veliko razprav. Večina teh predmetov izvira iz različnih grobov in grobišč, čeprav je bilo prav o teh kon- tekstih veliko manj znanega. V razpravi je, na podlagi arhivskih virov in rezultatov novih arheoloških raziskav, prvič predstavljen celovit koncept arheologije smrti na območju Osorja z zbranimi vsemi do- stopnimi podatki. Zasnovani in predstavljeni so s topografskim pregledom in z razporeditvijo grobov v kronološkem zaporedju, s tipologijo grobnih celot in kontekstualizirani glede na svoj položaj znotraj ter zunaj mestnega območja. Da bi ustvarili čim bolj zaokroženo celoto znanja o tem izjemno pomemb- nem družbenem in kulturnem vidiku življenja (in smrti) v prazgodovinskem Osorju, so bila analizirana že objavljena in neznana ali manj dostopna dejstva. Ključne besede: Osor, bronasta doba, železna doba, način in vrsta pokopa, obredi, materialna kultura st u d ia u n iv er si ta t is h er ed it a t i, le t n ik 12 (2 02 4) , š t ev il k a 1 / v o lu m e 12 (2 02 4) , n u m be r 1 14 Introduction Osor, one of the most prominent plac-es in the Kvarner region and the saf-est city on the eastern Adriatic coast in ancient times, is situated on a low isthmus at the meeting point of what was once the uni- fied island of Cres-Lošinj. Through tradition and mythic past, this northernmost Adriatic ar- chipelago is clearly defined in geographical and epic literature as Aspirtides (Apsýrtides Nêsoi or Osor Islands), with the central settlement called Apsor (Apsoros or Osor), and its inhabitants re- ferred to as Apsirtes or Apsirtians. In front of the Aspirtides lay the Histrian, and later, the Liburnian coast with its islands. The origins of these names are deeply rooted in legendary his- tory, and many writers (and copyists) in antiq- uity connect them to Greek mythology, inter- preting them through the legend of the famous Greek sailors, the Argonauts, and their quest for the Golden Fleece (Katičić 1995, 184–187; cf. Mori 2008; Blečić Kavur 2015, 15–18). The im- portance of both the place and the broader re- gion is emphasized by the phrase ‘Tin Islands’, used by several sources to describe the Cres- Lošinj archipelago with Osor, located near the Histrian coast (Imamović 1972; Kozličić 1990, 150–151). Although tin is not naturally found in this area, the name likely metaphorically refers to a trading hub involved in the redistribution of bronze and bronze objects, along with the cru- cial tin needed for bronze production (Blečić Kavur 2014a, 161). Despite existing studies, primarily focused on the material culture of this period, the last prehistoric millennium in Osor has not been extensively written about from other perspec- tives, especially considering the city's vital role in the region. This is partly due to insufficient re- search over the past century and the lack or in- accessibility of documentation from early cam- paigns of investigation. Despite the efforts of individual scholars (Benndorf 1880; Klodič 1885; Marchesetti 1924; Mladin 1960; Faber 1980; Glogović 1989), this part of Osor's history has been uncovered slowly and painstakingly, a pro- cess that is far from complete. In recent times, the picture has radically changed, especially with the implementation of systematic and res- cue archaeological excavations (Baričević n.d.; Čaušević-Bully et al. 2017; Los 2018; Bully et al. 2024) and extensive scientific research projects (Doneus and Blečić Kavur 2023; Blečić Kavur et al. 2024; Fera et al. 2024). These efforts have provided not only new spatial data and re-eval- uations of existing or enigmatic archaeological structures but also essential contexts that offer valuable insights for reinterpreting the material culture within the broader cultural and histori- cal circumstances of the time. This study focus- es on a comprehensive analysis of burial practices during the Bronze and Iron Ages, as necropoles and graves provide the largest collection of pre- served artefacts. The concept of the archaeology of death, in connection with previous research in the Osor area, is introduced. This is followed by a topo- graphical review and chronological ordering of grave locations, along with their contextualiza- tion in relation to burial practices both with- in and outside the urban area. Published and known data, as well as previously unknown or less accessible information, are analysed to cre- ate, as much as possible, a comprehensive under- standing of this crucial social and cultural as- pect of life in Osor. The concluding discussion interprets the current state of knowledge about ‘death in Osor’ and highlights the importance of archival research and the results of new system- atic investigations, which, with each new effort, confirm the prominence and status of this place in the last millennium BCE. Archaeology of Death and Excavations in Osor The historic area of Osor, along with nearby Pun- ta Križa, stands out as a distinct, geographically well-defined environment at the southernmost tip of the island of Cres (fig. 1). The Lošinj Chan- nel connects it directly with Kvarnerić and the Lošinj archipelago, which in turn links to the D ea t h in O so r : R it u a ls a n d P r a c t ic es o f P r eh is to r ic B u r ia ls 15 northern Dalmatian islands and the Liburnian coast. From the northwest, it opens towards the Kvarner Gulf, with a diagonal connection to the eastern Histrian coast and Nesactium, the sec- ond most important metropolis of the northern Adriatic. Thus, Osor emerges as a centre – sur- rounded by the sea, fortified with strong walls, and equipped with port infrastructure. During this time, a canal was likely improved along the western part of the isthmus, which granted the city its strategic position at the dawn of mari- time and coastal navigation (Blečić Kavur 2015, 49–50). According to current understanding, based on numerous archaeological studies (Faber 1972; 1974; 1976; 1980; 1982; 2000; cf. Blečić and Sušanj 2007; Blečić Kavur 2014a; 2014b; 2015; 2020; 2021; Blečić Kavur and Kavur 2013), Osor had a clear proto-urban character. It played a key role in shaping and filtering economic and cul- tural trends, becoming an essential transporta- tion hub in the northern Adriatic and overseeing a crucial communication route from continen- tal Europe to the Mediterranean (Blečić Kavur 2014b; 2015, 11–21). In these circumstances, the city's infra- structure likely included various systems to sup- port and facilitate daily life in Osor. Commu- nal infrastructure was vital, especially in how the dead were treated and buried, through sys- tems of necropoles and individual graves where the population was laid to rest over a millen- nium. The ‘archaeology of death’ in Osor dur- ing this period exhibited a dual nature: on the one hand, there was a wealth of artefacts, and on the other, a complete lack of contextual un- derstanding of their discovery. Statistically, the largest number of artefacts have been recovered from graves and necropoles, where they were placed as grave goods. Thanks to these objects, certain, often very limited, information was ob- tained about the society, individual status, the origin and import of certain items, and, to a limited extent, the burial customs and rituals conducted in relation to death and commemo- ration. However, the lack of archaeological re- cords, documentation from excavations, and contextual data regarding existing necropo- les, particularly Kavanela, or older excavations within and outside the city area, made it diffi- cult to understand the broader picture of funer- ary protocols and the archaeology of death. De- tailed analyses were not presented even during research in the second half of the 20th century, not comparing the spatial layout and relation- ships between necropoles and graves, grave ar- chitecture, and other material remains connect- ed to burial rituals and everyday operations. The absence of literary contexts that might of- fer a broader understanding of this significant aspect, as part of the universal experience of death, its perception, and commemoration, forces us to rely solely on archaeological evi- dence and comparative insights from synchro- nous, interconnected, and more fully interpret- ed cultural communities. The opulent archaeological heritage from Osor, most of which comes from graves, such as various items of attire and jewellery of local and imported origin, as well as lavish items of sym- bolic and ideological value and prestigious exot- ic materials, directly indicates that Osor socie- ty was highly developed and played an equal role on the historical stage of the Adriatic and broad- er European areas. Analysis of these objects has shown a variety of influences reflecting con- tacts with numerous economic and cultural net- works, primarily from the Adriatic, Alpine, and Italian regions, followed by influences from the Greek-Macedonian milieu and, finally, from the Celtic cultural sphere of Central Europe during the Iron Age. On the other hand, certain dis- tinctive and unique forms of jewellery and cloth- ing suggest that some of these items were likely produced in local workshops, further confirm- ing Osor's role in important economic activities, particularly production (Blečić Kavur 2014b; 2015; 2021; 2022). Topography and Typology of Osor Graves The topography and typology of necropoles and graves are important for understanding how these structures were integrated into the living st u d ia u n iv er si ta t is h er ed it a t i, le t n ik 12 (2 02 4) , š t ev il k a 1 / v o lu m e 12 (2 02 4) , n u m be r 1 16 space of Osor and how its inhabitants interact- ed with them. This is most clearly reflected in their classification based on various criteria. A topographic approach focuses on the location of graves and necropoles in relation to the settle- ment, their strategic position, and the terrain's morphology. Within individual necropoles, the arrangement and orientation of graves, their po- tential hierarchy, and their relationships or dis- tances from one another are of great importance. Whenever documentation allows, the types of graves and their possible social or ritual func- tions will be highlighted, providing insights into grave typology and burial rituals. Thanks to past and modern archaeological research, necropoles and individual graves from the Bronze and Iron Ages have been documented in several different locations both inside and outside Osor’s perime- ter, which guides the analysis of burial practices in this discussion. Within the City Walls Burials within the city were known in the north- ern extension of Osor as early as the 19th century. However, no detailed records exist about these burials, their precise topographical positions, or other specifics, except for critical notes (Benn- dorf 1880; Marchesetti 1924, 141; cf. Faber 1974, 80; 1980; Mihovilić 2013, 215). More recent re- search has provided direct evidence of individu- al graves located from the Chapel of Sv. Katarina (St. Catherine) to the monastery of Sv. Petar and its surrounding areas (fig. 1). In total, nine graves were discovered, displaying different burial methods and rituals. These findings significantly contribute to the understanding of funeral cus- toms within the city’s living perimeter. Unfortu- nately, the minimal preservation of osteological material prevents a more detailed analysis, and interpretations, for now, rely heavily on materi- al culture artefacts. Figure 1: Topography of Osor graves and necropoles (Google Earth, elaborated by Martina Blečić Kavur, 2024) D ea t h in O so r : R it u a ls a n d P r a c t ic es o f P r eh is to r ic B u r ia ls 17 Sv. Katarina At the northernmost part of what is believed to have been Osor's urban space, the oldest buri- al from the Bronze Age has been partially exca- vated (fig. 1). The grave was found beneath the collapsed Chapel of Sv. Katarina, near the city walls and in close proximity to the Bijar mon- astery (Sv. Marija od Anđela). Excavations were conducted in 1962, although more detailed doc- umentation has not been preserved. However, records indicate the discovery of a skeletal bur- ial in a crouched position, preliminarily dat- ed based on material culture analysis, includ- ing fragments of pottery and a bone awl handle, placing it in the Early Bronze Age (Mihovilić 2013). Although the grave seems to have been lo- cated within the prehistoric planned settlement, it was likely much farther from the centre of the settlement at that time, then latter located in its southern part. The grave’s position on the edge of the perimeter, near the important Bijar Bay, and at the northern exit of the city is intriguing, particularly given the presence of thick prehis- toric cultural layers over 4 metres deep. Sv. Petar At the northernmost and highest position with- in the city area, the medieval site of the Bene- dictine Church and Monastery of Sv. Peter (fig. 1) has yielded seven new burials (Čaušević-Bul- ly et al. 2014; Čaušević-Bully et al. 2017; Bul- ly et al. 2018; 2019). These graves, dated to the Iron Age through radiometric analysis and ma- terial culture, have provided significant in- sights into the burial rites. A particularly valu- able find was the so-called Osor urn, discovered in the foundational structures of the complex outside the Church of Sv. Petar in 2009 (fig. 2). Figure 2: Floor plan of the monastic complex at Sv. Petar with marked Iron Age grave locations (Bully et al. 2024, fig. 8, by Matthieu Le Brech and Laurent Fiocchi, adapted with permission by Martina Blečić Kavur, 2024) st u d ia u n iv er si ta t is h er ed it a t i, le t n ik 12 (2 02 4) , š t ev il k a 1 / v o lu m e 12 (2 02 4) , n u m be r 1 18 Morphologically and stylistically, the urn was compared to amphorae from Phase II of the Ruše cultural group, related to the continental phase of the Urnfield culture, dating from 950 to 900 BCE. This positions the urn within Phase I.C of the Kvarner chronology, marking the transition to the Iron Age, and it was the first discovery of such a burial type in Osor. Alongside the identification Figure 3: Urn grave 6.115 and skeletal graves 8.105, 5.185, 5. 184 from Sv. Petar (Bully et al. 2010, fig. 1; Marić et al. 2014, fig. 3; Čaušević-Bully et al. 2017, fig. 14–15, by Sébastien Bully and Adrien Saggese, adapted by Martina Blečić Kavur, 2024) D ea t h in O so r : R it u a ls a n d P r a c t ic es o f P r eh is to r ic B u r ia ls 19 of other similar cremation graves within the me- dieval architecture, the discovery suggests the existence of a small cremation cemetery, con- firming for the first time the practice of crema- tion burials in this part of Osor (Blečić Kavur and Kavur 2013; Blečić Kavur 2014a, 110–111, fig. 64; 2021, 542–543). Further discoveries include younger buri- als, dated to the Early Iron Age, based on pre- served architecture and accompanying grave goods. During excavation campaigns in 2013, 2016, and 2017, a total of five graves were docu- mented outside the church and along the mon- astery's vestibule, located in the deepest layers beneath medieval structures, some of which had partially destroyed them (Bully et al. 2017, 17– 20, fig. 20–21; Čaušević-Bully et al. 2017, 807– 808, fig. 14–15; Bully et al. 2024) (fig. 2–3). The grave architecture varies: four of the graves fea- ture a standard rectangular stone chest con- struction, made of four vertically placed lime- stone slabs, though their covers were not preserved (5.185, 5.285, 4.232, 8.105) (fig. 3). One grave (5.285), located in the southern nave of the Romanesque vestibule and beneath a medi- eval baptismal font, had already been emptied during antiquity or the Middle Ages (Bully et al. 2018, fig. 2–3). Despite the absence of grave goods, the grave’s north-south orientation re- mains a significant novelty. The graves were generally placed directly on the limestone bed- rock or carved into it (Bully et al. 2018, 3, fig. 3), while the smallest of them, almost square in shape (4.323), was pressed into a layer of com- pacted clay. Given the few delicate bone remains and amber beads, this grave is presumed to have been that of a small child (Čaušević-Bully et al. 2014, 8, fig. 4; Marić et al. 2014, 463, fig. 2). The remaining graves contained individual bur- ials in crouched positions, with heads placed at the southern side or in the corner of the grave (Bully et al. 2017, 5, fig. 2; Čaušević-Bully et al. 2017, 807–808, fig. 14–15). Attire and jewellery were mostly placed around the deceased's head or upper body, suggesting that during the funer- al ceremonies, the positioning of grave goods re- flected their original placement among the de- ceased’s attire. In addition to the osteological material, these graves provide inventories of new, previ- ously unknown objects from the Osor archive of material culture, as well as finds that, though previously known, have now been documented in their specific archaeological context. Notably, the grave of a young person from the southern nave of the church’s forecourt (5.184) (Bully et al. 2017, fig. 2, 5; Čaušević-Bully et al. 2017, fig. 14) stands out for being quite different from others (fig. 2–3). This individual was buried in a semi- flexed position, surrounded by large unworked stone blocks, and oriented northwest-south- east. With a rich array of jewellery and attire, it represents the most affluent grave in that area. The various items reflect the female attire of the higher social strata in Osor society. Instead of the anticipated imported goods, the individual is represented by locally crafted objects, such as a multi-part spectacle fibula, bracelets, 3 amber beads, 8 glass beads, and 12 bone beads (Blečić Kavur 2021, 543, fig. 6). This substantial invento- ry mirrors the typical ensemble of Osor commu- nity attire, previously known only from tumu- lus graves near the Church of Sv. Marija (Mladin 1960). The grave is tentatively dated to the sec- ond half of the 9th century, with potential con- tinuity into the early 8th century BCE, corre- sponding to the II phase of the Kvarner cultural group. The discovery of a simple serpentine fibu- la with a disc on the bow from the southeastern grave (8.105), also with a regular orientation, in- dicates that burials continued there until the 7th or even 6th century BCE (fig. 3). These seven graves were located at the high- est point in Osor’s urban space and are likely part of a larger cemetery complex, where burials took place over a longer period from the tenth to the 7th/6th centuries BCE. Given their distribution around the church’s northern and southern pe- rimeter, it is plausible that the complex medie- val architecture significantly destroyed or over- laid much of the necropolis. Nonetheless, each grave has provided new, reliable data not previ- st u d ia u n iv er si ta t is h er ed it a t i, le t n ik 12 (2 02 4) , š t ev il k a 1 / v o lu m e 12 (2 02 4) , n u m be r 1 20 ously recorded in Osor's graves, relating both to the different burial rites and the varied architec- tural design. The very fact that a monastic com- plex with a mausoleum and a large cemetery was built on a prehistoric necropolis (Čaušević-Bully et al. 2014; Bully et al. 2024) underscores the im- portance and perhaps the memory of that space within the town’s structure, extending through a truly remarkable historical continuum. Osor South of the monastery of Sv. Petar, in the town itself, along the existing route leading from the monastery to the southern perimeter of Osor, a new Iron Age grave was uncovered in exten- sive rescue excavations in 2022/2023 (fig. 1). This grave also contained a skeletal burial with a two- part spectacle fibula and amber beads (Baričević n.d.), closely linking it with the graves at Sv. Pe- tar, both temporally and spatially. Since the bur- ial was made without a stone chest, it is likely a single burial. The possibility of considering it in the context of the northern graves cannot be ruled out, opening up the potential for a larger necropolis that extended across the wider north- western urban area of Iron Age Osor. Outside the City Walls Burials outside the city walls likely took place at three strategic locations (fig. 1). Following the natural terrain and its practical use, the necropo- les were situated on the landward sides near the main approaches to the town. The larger one was located along the southwestern side of the city wall, at the entrance and on the Kavanela isth- mus from the Lošinj side. Another necropo- lis was established near the eastern extension of the city wall, close to the current cemetery and the Church of Sv. Marija, at the approach to the town from the Cres side. Kavanela On the southwestern approach to the town, at the once continuous but later canal-cut isth- Figure 4: Iron Age grave during excavation of the Kaštel in 1953 (©Archive of the Archaeological Museum of Istria, Pula, OK 1953 – FN 1938) D ea t h in O so r : R it u a ls a n d P r a c t ic es o f P r eh is to r ic B u r ia ls 21 mus of Kavanela, lies Osor's so-called western necropolis (fig. 1). This location, surrounded on two sides by the sea, is quite strategically posi- tioned. The isthmus itself is about 350 metres wide, with the canal now 10.2 metres wide and at least 3.5 metres deep (Draganits et al. 2019, 14– 15). Based on the length, width, and geological structure of the canal’s cross-section, which in- cludes some smaller deposits of sediment, it is likely that the entire isthmus has the same lime- stone structure with a red soil cover. Major exca- vations of the prehistoric and Roman necropolis began at this site in the 19th century, continu- ing to the south up to the chapel of Sv. Stjepan. Unfortunately, these excavations were conduct- ed in a non-professional and methodological- ly inadequate manner by the parish priest Ivan Kvirin Bolmarčić. Archaeologists and conser- vators who occasionally supervised noted that an enormous number of various, but ‘extreme- ly poorly preserved’, items were unearthed. Re- ports about the findings were brief, with limited descriptions of selected artefacts (Burton 1877; Sacken 1879; Benndorf 1880; Klodič 1885). Doc- umentation regarding burial methods, funerary practices, grave constructions, and overall burial contexts was very superficial (Milčetić 1884, 83– 85; Marchesetti 1924, 140–141). Regarding the prehistoric graves, based on the material culture, systematic burials during the Late Bronze and Iron Ages were established. The most compre- hensive report was published by Otto von Benn- dorf, detailing different burial types and practic- es, while Anton Klodič wrote extensively about the more intriguing items (Benndorf 1880, 73– 82; Klodič 1885, fig. 1; 4–5; 13–14; 16). By the end of the century, conservator Stefano Petris also contributed with limited reports and lists of ma- terials (Petris 1895; 1897). According to their records, various types of burial practices must have been carried out in the Kavanela necropolis, including both skele- tal and cremation burials. These were placed in pits, urns, or stone chests. However, it remains unclear which periods these practices belonged to, though the material culture has mostly been contextualized within a broader cultural frame- work (cf. Faber 1980; 1982; Glogović 1982; 1989; 2003; Blečić Kavur 2014a; 2014b; 2015; 2017; 2020; 2021; 2022). The only data that can be linked to the Ka- vanela necropolis comes from archival docu- mentation regarding excavations near the site, specifically within the Kaštel and Venetian walls in 1953 (Baćić 1953). At depths of nearly 5 metres, several prehistoric graves with clearly recogniz- able architecture, made from unworked stone blocks and covered with semi-finished lids, were documented. These were Late Iron Age graves, only one of which was fully explored (Mladin 1960, 212) (fig. 4). Perhaps from this grave came a silver plate fibula (Vinski 1956, 26, fig. 5; Blečić Kavur 2015, 172–173, fig. 62) and fibulae of Mid- dle La Tène scheme, as also noted during recent investigations of graves at Preko mosta. Alongside this necropolis, near the city wall and the western entrance to the town, there was also a cremation site confirmed during the 1953 Kaštel excavations (Baćić 1953). It is not clear when the cremation site was used and for what purposes, but it likely dates back to the Iron Age, considering the graves and significant quanti- ties of ceramics from that period (Baćić 1953; cf. Močinić and Zubin Ferri 2013). The site may have served as a ritual cremation area for the cer- emonial destruction of valuable items, honour- ing ancestors and preserving memory. This could explain the extensive destruction and poor pres- ervation of many artefacts, accelerated by the high salinity of the area. The existence of the ne- cropolis and further confirmation of earlier in- terpretations were achieved through recent res- cue excavations. These investigations primarily confirm the earlier hypothesis of the necropo- lis’s spatial spread toward the south, where the Roman necropolis extended much further along the Lošinj side, following the road to Nerezine (Los 2018; Janeš n.d.). Preko mosta During rescue excavations in 2018 on the Lošinj side of Kavanela, at the so-called Preko mosta st u d ia u n iv er si ta t is h er ed it a t i, le t n ik 12 (2 02 4) , š t ev il k a 1 / v o lu m e 12 (2 02 4) , n u m be r 1 22 location (fig. 1), within the Roman necropolis, three more Iron Age graves were documented. These were skeletal burials, although the osteo- logical remains were barely preserved due to the high salinity of the limestone substrate, as the graves were located right above the sea. Given the small size of the burial pits, it is likely that the deceased were buried in a crouched position. Despite the poor preservation, these graves are extremely valuable, providing new insights into burial customs. For the first time, smaller grave pits, dug directly into the bedrock, were docu- mented, with the deceased placed in the pits along with grave goods (Los 2018, 12–14). The grave goods included known items from the Osor repertoire, such as a spectacle fibula from grave 8, a Baška-type fibula, fibulae of Middle La Tène scheme, a silver plate fibula, bronze and sil- ver earrings of the Kvarner type, as well as other jewellery pieces. The richest of these graves was grave 1 (fig. 5). Unlike previous graves from the urban area, these graves allow for a reassessment of the material culture from the Late Iron Age to the 4th/3rd century BCE (Blečić Kavur 2015, 158–177; 2021, 545). In this context, the discov- ery of a third silver plate fibula is significant, es- pecially given that it represents the first archae- ological record of such an item in Osor and may lead to the re-evaluation of older findings. Sv. Marija East of the city walls, near today’s cemetery and the church of Sv. Marija, a large tumulus was partially excavated. Based on the gathered arte- Figure 5. Graves 1 and 8 dug into the bedrock at the Preko mosta site (Lošinj) (Los 2018, elaborated by Martina Blečić Kavur, 2024) D ea t h in O so r : R it u a ls a n d P r a c t ic es o f P r eh is to r ic B u r ia ls 23 facts, the burials were reliably dated to the ear- ly phase of the Early Iron Age (Mladin 1960; Glogović 1989, 6, fig. 3, tab. 3; Blečić Kavur 2010, 134–135, fig. 93; Teržan 2013, fig. 3). Research also confirmed that there were likely multiple fami- ly tumuli in the area (Baćić 1959; 1964a; Mladin 1960; Faber 1982, 68–69, fig. 8; cf. Blečić et al. 2006, 19–23, 56–57). These tumuli, located in a low-lying area connected to the Jaz bay shallows, marked the eastern approach to the urban cen- tre and connected to the southern part of the is- land of Cres (fig. 1). During infrastructure work Figure 6: Plan of the graves in the tumulus near the cemetery and church of Sv. Marija (Mladin 1960, pl. IIA, elaborated by M. Blečić Kavur, 2024) st u d ia u n iv er si ta t is h er ed it a t i, le t n ik 12 (2 02 4) , š t ev il k a 1 / v o lu m e 12 (2 02 4) , n u m be r 1 24 in 1959, only part of the tumulus was excavated, revealing 10 burial units, most of which had not been destroyed or looted. Seven graves with eight burials were uncovered in the southern part of the tumulus (fig. 6–7), while three graves were destroyed during earthworks (Baćić 1959). The graves were constructed using the classical dry stone technique, with rectangular stone slabs and irregular stone lids, many of which were pre- served. The graves, along with a cremation site for special funeral rituals and ceremonies, sur- rounded by numerous ceramic fragments, were enclosed by a dry stone wall up to 0.40 m high. The tumulus was about 6 m in diameter and 0.80-0.90 m in height, with a mound made of mixed soil, stones, ash, ceramic fragments, and animal bones. The area where the graves were ex- cavated measured about 17 m². Initially, a layer of 0.50 m of anthropogenic deposited soil, contain- ing numerous ceramic fragments, was laid down, into which the graves were dug. The boundary wall was then constructed using the classical dry stone technique, with worked stone blocks on the outside and smaller unworked stones on the inside. It is assumed that the lack of a wall on the southern side suggests that the tumulus had an open access for future burials (Mladin 1960, 212–214, pl. IIA). The graves, dug and placed in the bedrock at a depth of about 1 metre, were aligned north-south. Their arrangement follows a specific layout, suggesting that grave 6, the rich- est in terms of grave goods, was centrally located, while the other graves (1, 2, 3 on one side and 4, 5 on the other) formed a rectangular space around it, closing it off from the west and north (fig. 6). Among the entire assemblage of graves, the osteological material was extremely poorly pre- served, but graves 6 and 5 turned out to be the Figure 7: View of partially excavated stone grave chests and grave 5 during the opening (©Archives of the Archaeological Museum in Pula) D ea t h in O so r : R it u a ls a n d P r a c t ic es o f P r eh is to r ic B u r ia ls 25 most interesting. Grave 6, as mentioned, was the richest grave, featuring characteristic grave goods of jewellery and attire associated with aristocratic female burials, such as a two-part spectacle fibula, Osor-type fibula, or fibula with amber on the bow, along with numerous amber beads, bracelets, rings, buttons and a ceramic spindle whorl (Mladin 1960, 222; Blečić Kavur 2010, tab. 40). These grave goods are similar to those found in the grave at Mala Prepoved and closely resemble the grave goods of the deceased (5.184) at the site of Sv. Petar. In close proximity, with an irregular northwest-southeast orienta- tion, was grave 7, a small rectangular chest, like- ly the burial of a younger person/child, with a bow-shaped fibula with amber on the bow (Mla- din 1960, 222). A similar burial method is doc- umented at the site of Sv. Petar in grave 4.323. It is interpreted in a closer context with the fe- male individual from grave 6, suggesting a possi- ble familial relationship (Mladin 1960, 214–215, pl. IIA). Grave 5 is unique as it is the only example so far of a so-called secondary burial recorded in Osor graves (Mladin 1960, 221–222) (fig. 6–7). In this grave, a primary male individual was bur- ied in the eastern corner of the chest, followed by a secondary female individual. Grave goods included a large spectacle fibula under the head of the female deceased and a bow-shaped fibu- la with amber on the bow near her left shoul- der, dating the secondary burial to the same pe- riod as the woman from grave 6 and possibly the younger individual from grave 7, around the 9th and 8th centuries BCE (Blečić Kavur 2010, 127–130). Besides these graves, which have already been published for a long time, two addition- Figure 8: Excavated grave in the apse of the ‘north church’ at the cemetery near Sv. Marija (Čaušević 2003, fig. 7; Blečić et al. 2006, by Morana Čaušević and Damir Krizmanić, adapted with permission by Martina Blečić Kavur, 2024) st u d ia u n iv er si ta t is h er ed it a t i, le t n ik 12 (2 02 4) , š t ev il k a 1 / v o lu m e 12 (2 02 4) , n u m be r 1 26 al discoveries from archival records ought to be included. First, another prehistoric grave was excavated during rescue works in 1964 along the road, in front of the modern cemetery and the tumulus investigated in 1959 (Baćić 1964a). Aside from descriptions in field reports by Boris Baćić, who conducted the excavation and trans- ferred the material to the Osor Archaeological Collection, no detailed information on the type and method of burial is available, but it likely did not contain a representative inventory that would attract more attention from researchers. Due to the lack of documentation, the items in the Osor Archaeological Collection cannot be closely associated with this grave. Further, during rescue archaeological and conservation research on the enclosure wall and the church of Sv. Marija at the cemetery, specif- ically the early Christian episcopal complex, a rectangular stone chest grave was also excavat- ed in 2001 (fig. 1, 8). The grave was located at the base beneath the altar in the late chapel of the ‘northern church’. It was interpreted as a medi- eval grave with a reduced burial and remnants of a wooden coffin, possibly connected to the veneration of St. Gaudentius (Čaušević 2003, 209, fig. 6–7). However, given the location, bur- ial method, and type, it seems unlikely to be a medieval grave. The early Christian architectur- al complex was built on an Iron Age burial site with tumuli, a practice not uncommon along the Adriatic coast and beyond, as seen in the Sv. Petar monastery complex, which was also con- structed on an older Iron Age burial site. Grave architecture constructed from four rectangular slabs, one of which was cracked, and the miss- ing lid, is typical of Iron Age burial practices. These factors suggest that the grave, located near the previously investigated tumulus be- hind the cemetery wall at Sv. Marija (fig. 1, 6–7), could not belong to the medieval episcopal com- plex. The skeletal remains, while possibly dating to the Iron Age, might perhaps represent a sec- ondary medieval burial, given the evidence of wooden coffin remains. Nonetheless, the grave architecture points to a once much larger Iron Age cemetery under tumuli, extending to the north and northeast, where the terrain rises significantly. Mala Prepoved In the area above and east of the Bijar cove, at the site of Mala Prepoved, behind the old military barracks, more than six tumuli were identified in the 1960s, indicating the presence of a necropo- lis in the wider area of Osor (fig. 1). This strategic position at the approach to Osor likely connect- ed with the settlement on the hill above Bijar, where two large tumuli were also recorded (Baćić 1967, 3–4). Rescue excavations were carried out in 1963 on one tumulus, significantly damaged during stone crushing. The grave, carved into the bedrock to a depth of 20 cm, was then covered with nearly 50 cm of soil and covered with a stone tumulus mound measuring about 7 metres in width and 2.5 metres in height (fig. 9). The grave architecture was defined by stone slabs forming a rectangular chest containing a single skeletal in- dividual in a crouched position (Baćić 1963, 1–2; 1967, 3–4). A similar situation is known from the tumulus near the cemetery and church of Sv. Marija, except that this tumulus was intended for multiple, likely family, burials. The grave con- tained some of the largest examples of two-part spectacle fibulae and ornate Osor-type fibulae found to date (Glogović 2003, pl. 26: 175, pl. 45: 342; Blečić Kavur 2010, pl. 43: 579, pl. 44: 585), a ceramic spindle whorl, and ceramic fragments (Baćić 1963, 1). This individual grave can be con- fidently dated to the Early Iron Age, specifically the 9th and early 8th centuries BCE. The items found in the grave, as well as the burial method and grave architecture, align with practices com- mon in the Early Iron Age of the region. Konopičje Opposite and slightly to the east of Mala Pre- poved, at the location of Konopičje, a larger ne- cropolis was discovered during field surveys, lo- cated in a saddle, i.e. a depression between two larger ridges (fig. 1). There were two burial prac- tices observed: flat graves and those under tumuli. D ea t h in O so r : R it u a ls a n d P r a c t ic es o f P r eh is to r ic B u r ia ls 27 Figure 9: Excavation of the tumulus at Mala Prepoved above Bijar (©Archive of the Archaeological Museum of Istria in Pula, FN 23756, 23757) st u d ia u n iv er si ta t is h er ed it a t i, le t n ik 12 (2 02 4) , š t ev il k a 1 / v o lu m e 12 (2 02 4) , n u m be r 1 28 The flat graves were located in a sinkhole, while to the west and north of the sinkhole stretched graves under tumuli. The entire necropolis was partially destroyed by unprofessional excavations and digs during World War II (1941?), reported- ly conducted by an officer named Mario Botter, though without any professional publications or documentation (Baćić 1951; cf. Botter 2020). It is assumed that burials were carried out here dur- ing the Bronze Age, based on the fragments of pottery found in the area. Despite cautions from Boris Baćić, who attempted to document the site as thoroughly as possible during the 1960s, no re- cent research or revisions of the site have never been conducted (Baćić 1960, 2; 1964b, 1). Nev- ertheless, this site offers significant potential for understanding the funerary archaeology of the Osor society and its wider surroundings, in con- nection with the settlements on nearby hillforts and the evaluation of the entire cultural space during the Bronze and Iron Ages. Discussion ‘Death in Osor’, or the methods, practices, and burial rituals during the Bronze and Iron Ages, is an extensive and immensely important topic, which has only been briefly presented through this synthetic review. Knowledge of this seg- ment of social life in ancient Osor had been con- siderably modest, with the exception of the pub- lished excavation of the tumulus near Sv. Marija. Due to the lack of documentation from older excavations, scientific discussions over the past fifty years have focused on analysing numer- ous finds of material culture, the vast majority of which came from graves or from the sacrifi- cial site of the western necropolis at Kavanela. These finds represent a wealth of potential for understanding and interpreting this exception- al part of Osor's cultural history (Glogović 1982; 1989; 2003; Blečić Kavur 2014b; 2015; 2020; 2022). Thanks to archival resources and the re- sults of new systematic and rescue excavations, a significant amount of new data regarding the topography and typology of graves has been ob- tained, which is now being fully evaluated and interconnected. It has been confirmed, through the exca- vation of new burial complexes, that larger ne- cropoles existed along the eastern and south- western approaches to the settlement, near the still-active land routes. Now, a northern necrop- olis has also been confirmed, which was not outside the urban fabric but within it, assum- ing that the prehistoric settlement followed the terrain configuration and existing walls to the greatest extent. Given the thick cultural layers in the northern stretch of the settlement, especially from the prehistoric period, and the Bronze Age grave excavated near Sv. Katarina, this thesis re- mains credible, though still under-researched. Certainly, these three necropoles testify to a sig- nificant population during the beginning and early phases of the Iron Age, and their need to be buried in various, but strategically important, places. All of them were partially destroyed and only partially excavated, although the preserved, albeit small, sample points to certain peculiari- ties as well as many similarities. Thus, the necropolis near the cemetery and Sv. Marija has been classified as tumulus burials and the one at Kavanela as a flat grave necrop- olis, while the necropolis at Sv. Petar, based on available data, cannot yet be clearly classified in terms of burial methods, with no approach be- ing ruled out. These findings reveal different fu- nerary practices reflected in graves with varying principles of grave architecture: from urn and simple grave pits and graves carved into bedrock at Kavanela and Sv. Petar, to those surrounded by unworked stone blocks and possibly covered with slabs, and more complex stone chests at Sv. Petar and Sv. Marija. It is noticeable, however, that the wealthi- er graves, with a greater number and variety of grave goods, are typically those found in stone chests, primarily documented at Sv. Marija, fol- lowed by Sv. Petar and Mala Prepoved. Multiple burials are known so far only from one exam- ple of a grave in the tumulus at Sv. Marija, sug- gesting its use over a longer period, but within at D ea t h in O so r : R it u a ls a n d P r a c t ic es o f P r eh is to r ic B u r ia ls 29 most two generations. This was a place of fam- ily burial, where graves were regularly revisited and maintained, and possibly, given the crema- tion site and existing architecture, a place of an- cestor worship. The wealthiest graves from this period, with one example each at Sv. Marija, Sv. Petar, and Mala Prepoved, further testify that the aristocracy of the Early Iron Age was bur- ied in a structured and specifically designated manner, likely in separate funeral ceremonies and at precisely determined locations. All this data indirectly points to the social community and clans that performed such rituals, their sta- tuses and positions within it, their beliefs and customs, and even possible kinships and hierar- chies within the broader community. This soci- etal and ideological concept, as well as the prac- tice of burial protocols, will fit fully into the newly investigated grave in Osor, as well as the older grave from Mala Prepoved. A total of 17 graves classify and confirm that the most accept- ed burial method was in stone chests, with some evidence of urn burials (fig. 1). The transition to higher ontological spheres was carried out through skeletal and cremation burial rituals, which may have reflected cultural or even reli- gious significance, as well as a chronological dis- tance. In skeletal burials, the prevalent position was the so-called crouched or, considering the arrangement of bones, more precisely the seat- ed and bound, position, which was the only one possible in such small rectangular chests. For now, it is impossible to discuss pre-burial ritu- als, although they undoubtedly existed. Howev- er, the rituals that took place during and after burial are certain, as evidenced by the position and architecture of the graves, and the grave goods themselves, including post-mortem cere- monies such as the breaking of ceramic vessels at Sv. Marija, sacrificial acts, and the intentional destruction or ritualization of objects at sacrifi- cial sites, which were likely accompanied by cer- emonial feasts, most clearly evidenced by luxuri- ous bronze vessels such as cists or situlae and lids decorated in the Situla art, as well as many im- ported prestigious ceramics from the entire Iron Age (Blečić Kavur 2014b; 2015, 179–211; 2020; 2021, 541–542). Lastly, it seems that the graves at Sv. Katri- na, Sv. Petar, and Sv. Marija represent the earliest phase of burial from the Bronze and Early Iron Age, which were, evidently within the urban space, all covered by medieval sacred and memo- rial monuments. This same time frame includes the graves at Mala Prepoved and, most likely, Konopičje (fig. 1). The graves at Kavanela, on the other hand, are linked to the later phase of the Early and Late Iron Age, where continuous bur- ial practices persisted even with the transition to the new socio-political regime of Roman rule. Although burial practices evolved or were sup- plemented by new protocols over time, in certain examples, the funerary archaeology of Osor re- flects consistency and a long tradition, and thus indirectly the collective memory of the inhabit- ants of that area. The current analyses and interpretations of items recovered from these contexts also reflect and directly confirm the status of Iron Age in- habitants of Osor. One can read many complex socio-economic relations, a remarkable range of cultural contacts, and their active participa- tion in cultural processes occurring in the Caput Adriae area and this part of Europe can be dis- cerned, which is why they deservedly earned their recognizable position in literary sources, whether in connection with mythological tra- ditions or with the inevitably important metals. Acknowledgements We would like to express our deepest grati- tude to Zrinka Ettinger Starčić, Director of the Lošinj Museum and Archaeological Collection of Osor, and Katarina Zenzerović, Head of the Documentation Department of the Archaeo- logical Museum of Istria in Pula. Their invalu- able help in providing archival documentation was of great importance to our research. We would also like to thank our colleagues Mora- na Čaušević-Bully (University of Bourgogne Franche-Comté, Besançon) and Sébastien Bully (Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, st u d ia u n iv er si ta t is h er ed it a t i, le t n ik 12 (2 02 4) , š t ev il k a 1 / v o lu m e 12 (2 02 4) , n u m be r 1 3030 Blečić Kavur, M. 2010. ‘The Iron Age at the Kvarner Region.’ PhD diss., University of Ljubljana. Blečić Kavur, M. 2014a. At the Crossroads of Worlds at the Turn of the Millennium: The Late Bronze Age in the Kvarner Region. Katalozi i monografije Arheološkog muzeja u Zagrebu 11. 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Central- Faber, A. 1976. ‘Prilog kronologiji fortifikacija u primorskom Iliriku.’ In Jadranska obala u protohistoriji: kulturni i etnički problemi, edited by B. Čečuk, N. Majnarić-Pandžić, V. Mirosavljević, and M. Suić, 227–246. Zagreb: Liber. Faber, A. 1980. ‘Osor-Apsorus iz aspekta antičkog pomorstva.’ Diadora 9:289–311. Faber, A. 1982. ‘Počeci urbanizacije na otocima sjevernog Kvarnera: arheološka topografija Osora.’ Izdanja Hrvatskog arheološkog društva 7:61–78. Faber, A. 2000. ‘Gradnja protohistorijskih i ranoantičkih bedema u priobalju Ilirika.’ Histria Antiqua 6:145–170. Fera, M., N. Doneus, M. Blečić Kavur and B. Kavur. 2024. ‘The city of Osor in the Matrix of the Adriatic Sea Route.’ In Persisting with Dhange: Abstract Book; 30th EAA Annual Meeting, Rome, Italy, 28th – 31st August 2024, edited by S. Tylšova and M. Karabaš, 1727. Rome: European Association of Archaeologists. Glogović, D. 1982. ‘Predmeti starijeg željeznog doba iz grobova na Kavaneli kraj Osora.’ Izdanja Hrvatskog arheološkog društva 7:33–42. Glogović, D. 1989. Prilozi poznavanju željeznog doba na Sjevernom Jadranu, Hrvatsko primorje i Kvarnerski otoci. Monografije JAZU 1. Zagreb: Jugoslavenska akademija znanosti i umjetnosti. Glogović, D. 2003. Fibeln im kroatischen Küstengebiet (Istrien, Dalmatien). Prähistorische Bronzefunde 14/13. Stuttgart: Steiner. Imamović, E. 1972. ‘Pseudo Skimnova vijest o dobivanju kositra na Kvarnerskim otocima.’ Jadranski zbornik 8:353–357. Janeš, A. n.d. ‘Zaštitna arheološka istraživanja na trasi državne ceste DC 100 u Osoru (dionica Osor – Nerezine): u tijeku.’ Hrvatski restauratorski zavod. https:// www.hrz.hr/index.php/aktualno/novosti -i-obavijesti/4352-zastitna-arheoloska D ea t h in O so r : R it u a ls a n d P r a c t ic es o f P r eh is to r ic B u r ia ls 33 D ea t h in O so r : R it u a ls a n d P r a c t ic es o f P r eh is to r ic B u r ia ls 33 of the city wall, at the entrance and on the Kavanela isthmus from the Lošinj side. Another necropolis was established near the eastern extension of the city wall, close to the current cemetery and the Church of Sv. Marija, where a tumulus was located at the approach to the town from the Cres side. In the area above and east of the Bijar cove, at the site of Mala Prepoved, tumuli were identified in the 1960s, indicating the presence of a necropolis in the wider area of Osor. This strategic posi- tion was likely connected with the settlement on the hill above Bijar and the necropolis at the location of Kono- pičje where flat graves were located in a sinkhole and to the west and north stretched graves under tumuli. ‘Death in Osor’ or the methods, practices, and burial rituals during the Bronze and Iron Ages, is an ex- tensive and immensely important topic, which has only been briefly presented through this synthetic review. It has been confirmed, through the excavation of new burial complexes, that larger necropoles existed along the eastern and southwestern approaches to the settle- ment, near the still-active land routes. Now, a northern necropolis has also been confirmed, which was not out- side the urban fabric but within it, assuming that the prehistoric settlement followed the terrain configura- tion and existing walls to the greatest extent. Thus, the necropolis near the cemetery and Sv. Marija has been classified as tumulus burials and the one at Kavanela as a flat grave necropolis, while the necropolis at Sv. Petar, based on available data, cannot yet be clearly classified in terms of burial methods, with no approach being ruled out. It is noticeable, however, that the wealthier graves, with a greater number and variety of grave goods, are typically those found in stone chests, primarily doc- umented at Sv. Marija, followed by Sv. Petar and Mala Prepoved. All this data indirectly points to the social community and clans that performed such rituals, their statuses and positions within it, their beliefs and cus- toms, and even possible kinships and hierarchies with- in the broader community. This societal and ideologi- cal concept, as well as the practice of burial protocols, currently suggests that the graves at Sv. Katrina, Sv. Pe- tar, and Sv. Marija represent the earliest phase of burial from the Late Bronze Age and Early Iron Age, which were, evidently within the urban space, all covered by medieval sacred and memorial monuments. This same Commission für Erforschung und Erhaltung der Kunst – und Historischen Denkmale 23:176. Sacken, E. 1879. ‘Neuere Erwerbungen der Antikensammluug des A. h. Kaiserhauses: Von Ossero auf der Insel Cherso.’ Archeaologisch-epigraphische Mittheilungen aus Österreich 4:150. Teržan, B. 2013. ‘Liburnian Two-Part Fibulae with Conical Helices: Identifiers of Status and Affluence.’ Diadora 26/27:241–266. Vinski, Z. 1956. ‘Ein Liburnischer Depotfund aus Baška.’ Archaeologia Iugoslavica 2:27– 52. Summary In previous studies, focused on the material culture of this period, the last prehistoric millennium in Osor has not been extensively written about from other perspec- tives, especially that considering the concept of the ar- chaeology of death. To do so, we have to present a top- ographical review and chronological ordering of grave locations, along with their contextualization in rela- tion to burial practices both within and outside the ur- ban area. The topography and typology of necropoles and graves are essential for understanding how these structures were integrated into the living space of Osor and how its inhabitants interacted with them. This is most clearly reflected in their classification based on various criteria. A topographic approach focuses on the location of graves and necropoles in relation to the settlement, their strategic position, and the terrain's morphology. Burials within the city were known in the north- ern extension of Osor as early as the 19th century and more recent research has provided direct evidence of in- dividual graves located from the Chapel of Sv. Katarina to the monastery of Sv. Petar and its surrounding areas where in total nine graves were discovered, showcasing different burial methods and rituals. Burials outside the city walls likely took place at three strategic locations – following the natural terrain and its practical use, the necropoles were situated on the landward sides near the main approaches to the town. The larger one was located along the southwestern side st u d ia u n iv er si ta t is h er ed it a t i, le t n ik 12 (2 02 4) , š t ev il k a 1 / v o lu m e 12 (2 02 4) , n u m be r 1 3434 Smrt v Osorju ali metode, prakse in pogrebni ritu- ali v bronasti ter železni dobi so obsežna ter izjemno po- membna tema, ki je bila le na kratko predstavljena skozi to sintetično razpravo. Z izkopavanjem novih grobišč- nih kompleksov je bilo potrjeno, da so večje nekropo- le obstajale vzdolž vzhodnih in jugozahodnih dosto- pov do naselja, blizu še vedno aktivnih kopenskih poti. Zdaj je potrjena tudi severna nekropola, ki ni bila zunaj urbanega tkiva, temveč v njegovi notranjosti, kar naka- zuje, da je prazgodovinsko naselje v največji meri sledi- lo konfiguraciji terena in obstoječim obzidjem. Tako je bilo grobišče blizu cerkve sv. Marije klasificirano kot go- milno, na Kavaneli pa kot plano, medtem ko nekropola pri sv. Petru, glede na razpoložljive podatke, še ne more biti jasno opredeljena glede metod pokopa, pri čemer noben pristop ni izključen. Opazno je, da so bogatejši grobovi z večjo količi- no in raznovrstnostjo grobnih pridatkov običajno tis- ti, ki jih najdemo v kamnitih skrinjah, predvsem doku- mentiranih pri sv. Mariji, sledita pa jim sv. Peter in Mala Prepoved. Vsi ti podatki posredno kažejo na družbeno skupnost in klane, ki so izvajali take rituale, njihov status in položaj v njej, njihova verovanja in običaje ter celo mo- žna sorodstva in hierarhije v širši skupnosti. Ta družbeni in ideološki koncept, kot tudi praksa pogrebnih proto- kolov, trenutno nakazuje, da grobovi pri sv. Katarini, sv. Petru in sv. Mariji predstavljajo najzgodnejšo fazo poko- pa iz bronaste dobe ter starejše železne dobe, ki so bili, očitno znotraj urbanega prostora, vsi pokriti s srednjeve- škimi sakralnimi in spominskimi objekti. V to časovno obdobje sodijo tudi grobovi pri Mali Prepovedi in Ko- nopičju. Grobovi na Kavaneli pa so povezani s kasnej- šo fazo starejše in mlajše železne dobe, kjer so se konti- nuirane pogrebne prakse nadaljevale tudi ob prehodu v novo družbeno-politično ureditev rimske vladavine. time frame includes the graves at Mala Prepoved and Konopičje. The graves at Kavanela, on the other hand, are linked to the later phase of the Early and Late Iron Age, where continuous burial practices persisted even with the transition to the new socio-political regime un- der Roman rule. Povzetek V predhodnih raziskavah, osredotočenih na materialno kulturo zadnjega prazgodovinskega tisočletja v Osorju, ni bilo obširno pisano z drugih perspektiv, zlasti s per- spektive koncepta arheologije smrti. Da bi to storili, moramo predstaviti topografski pregled in kronološko ureditev lokacij grobov ter njihovo kontekstualizacijo v povezavi s pogrebnimi praksami znotraj in zunaj urba- nega območja. Topografija in tipologija grobišč ter gro- bov sta bistveni za razumevanje, kako so bile te struk- ture integrirane v življenjski prostor Osorja in kako so njegovi prebivalci z njimi sodelovali. To je najjasneje raz- vidno iz njihove razvrstitve glede na različna merila. To- pografski pristop se osredotoča na lokacijo grobov in nekropol glede na naselje, njihovo strateško pozicijo in morfologijo terena. Pokopi znotraj mesta so bili v severnem podaljšku Osorja poznani že v 19. stoletju, novejše raziskave pa so zagotovile neposredne dokaze o posameznih grobovih, ki so bili odkriti od kapele sv. Katarine do samostana sv. Petra in njegove okolice, kjer je bilo skupno odkritih de- vet grobov, ki prikazujejo različne pogrebne metode in rituale. Pokopi zunaj mestnih obzidij so verjetno poteka- li na treh strateških lokacijah – po naravnem terenu so bila grobišča postavljena na celinskih straneh blizu glav- nih dostopov do mesta. Večje je bilo postavljeno vzdolž jugozahodne strani mestnega obzidja, na vhodu in na Kavanelskem prehodu z lošinjske strani. Drugo grobi- šče je bilo blizu vzhodnega podaljška mestnega obzidja, do trenutnega pokopališča in cerkve sv. Marije. Na ob- močju nad in vzhodno od zaliva Bijar, na lokaciji Mala Prepoved, so bile v 60. letih prejšnjega stoletja identifi- cirane gomile, kar kaže na prisotnost grobišč na širšem območju Osorja. Ta strateška pozicija je bila verjetno povezana z naseljem na hribu nad Bijarjem in grobiščem na lokaciji Konopičje, kjer so bili plani grobovi locirani v vrtači, proti zahodu in severu pa so se nahajale gomile.