5 Predstave in odnos mladih do migracijskih procesov – primer ZDA in Slovenije Izvleček Prispevek obravnava predstave in odnos mladih do migracijskih procesov v dveh državah – ZDA, ki že stoletja veljajo za državo priseljevanja, in Sloveniji, ki je bila v različnih zgodovinskih obdobjih del različnih migracijskih procesov (kot država izseljevanja, država priseljevanja ali država tranzitnih migracij). Prvi del prispevka se osredotoča na migracijske procese v obeh državah in prikaže pregled predstav in odnosa mladih do priseljevanja, drugi del pa predstavi rezultate raziskave, ki smo jo opravili med 44 mladimi Američani in Slovenci, v kateri so nas zanimale njihove predstave in odnos do migracijskih procesov. Ključne besede: izseljevanje, priseljevanje, predstave, odnos, mladi, Slovenija, ZDA *Oddelek za geografi jo, Filozofska fakulteta Univerze v Ljubljani, Aškerčeva 2, SI-1000 Ljubljana **George Washington University, Elliott School of International Aff airs, 1957 E St. NW, Washington, DC 20052, United States e-pošta: mojca.ilc@ff .uni-lj.si, anav@gwu.edu Izvirni znanstveni članek COBISS 1.01 DOI: 10.4312/dela.55.5-40 PREDSTAVE IN ODNOS MLADIH DO MIGRACIJSKIH PROCESOV – PRIMER ZDA IN SLOVENIJE Mojca Ilc Klun*, Ana Vombergar** Dela 55_FINAL.indd 5 5. 01. 2022 14:44:23 6 Mojca Ilc Klun, Ana Vombergar | Dela 55 | 2021 | 5–22 1 UVOD Migracije lahko opredelimo kot proces premikanja ljudi znotraj države ali čez med- narodne meje. Ne gre za nov demogeografski pojav, ampak so migracije del človeške zgodovine že od samega začetka (Bellwood, 2013). Ljudje se selimo znotraj države, iz ene države v drugo ali z ene celine na drugo. Po podatkih IOM (Mednarodne organi- zacije za migracije) je po vsem svetu več kot ena milijarda migrantov, vključno z 272 milijoni mednarodnih migrantov (World migration report 2020, 2019). Čeprav gre za majhen delež svetovnega prebivalstva (3,5 %), je ocenjeno število in delež mednaro- dnih migrantov že presegel nekatere projekcije za leto 2050, ki so napovedovale 230 milijonov migrantov (World migration report 2020, 2019). Migracije imajo dolgotrajen vpliv na vse vidike družbe. Na političnem področju je lahko vsaka država vključena v migracijske procese v določeni obliki, kot država priseljevanja, država izseljevanja ali država tranzitnih migracij, zato ima svojo migra- cijsko politiko, s katero ureja migracijske procese znotraj svojih meja. Prav tako mi- gracije vplivajo na gospodarstva po vsem svetu; v zadnjih desetih letih so priseljenci predstavljali »47 % povečanja delovne sile v ZDA in 70 % v Evropi« (Migration policy debates, 2014). V demografskem smislu vplivajo mednarodne migracije na prebival- stvo države neposredno s spreminjanjem številčnosti in starostne strukture prebival- stva ter posredno z vplivom na nataliteto v prihodnosti (Fihel in sod., 2018). Tudi v izobraževalni proces se vedno pogosteje vključujejo teme, povezane z migracijami, vpeljava teh tem v šolske kurikule pa postaja vse bolj nujna, z namenom da bi mla- dim zagotovili celovito izobraževanje in jasnejše razumevanje sveta (Ilc Klun, 2017a). Migracije imajo lahko pomembno vlogo tudi pri kulturni raznolikosti priseljenskih držav, kar se odraža v hrani, veri in etničnih soseskah. Kljub temu, da so migracije pogosto pomemben del mednarodnih političnih razprav in da se poudarjajo pozitivni učinki migracij k številnim vidikom življenja, mediji pogosto predstavljajo temo v negativni luči, s čimer vplivajo na predstave o migracijah pri različnih generacijah (How the world views migration, 2015). Zaradi novic o migracijah v medijih se včasih pojavljajo napačne interpretacije, da ljudje migracije dojemajo negativno. Med letoma 2012 in 2014 je Gallupova raziskava, v katero je bilo vključenih več kot 183.000 odraslih v več kot 140 državah po vsem svetu, spraševala anketirance o njihovem dojemanju migracij. V sedmih od desetih držav z najštevilčnejšim priseljevanjem (ZDA, Kanada, Avstralija, Združeni arabski emirati, Savdska Arabija, Nemčija in Francija) državljani pravijo, da je treba priselje- vanje povečati ali vsaj ohraniti v obstoječi obliki, medtem ko so Evropejci izrazili bolj negativen odnos do priseljevanja (How the world views migration, 2015). Rezultati omenjene raziskave so bili osnova za zasnovo naše raziskave. Da bi ugotovili pred- stave in odnos mladih do migracij v dveh zelo različnih državah, ZDA in Sloveniji, smo zasnovali raziskavo, v kateri smo primerjali razmišljanja ameriških in slovenskih študentov na to temo. Dela 55_FINAL.indd 6 5. 01. 2022 14:44:23 7 Predstave in odnos mladih do migracijskih procesov – primer ZDA in Slovenije Kot vodilno državo po številu priseljencev po vsem svetu ameriško ministrstvo za zunanje zadeve opisuje Združene države Amerike kot »najbolj velikodušno državo na svetu za priseljevanje«. Dejansko lahko statistika o priseljevanju v ZDA podpre to tr- ditev; vsako leto se približno milijon priseljencev priseli v Združene države Amerike, medtem ko na stotine tisoč v tujini rojenih prebivalcev postanejo naturalizirani drža- vljani (International migration, 2020). Leta 2018 je priseljevanje v Združene države Amerike doseglo številčno najvišjo vrednost, saj je več kot 44,7 milijona priseljencev živelo znotraj državnih meja ZDA (Batalova in sod., 2020). Tudi med letoma 2015 in 2019 se je število prebivalcev, ki so bili rojeni v tujini, povečalo za 5 %, v ZDA pa da- nes živi približno 51 milijonov priseljencev (World migration report 2020, 2019). Pew Research Center ugotavlja, da je ameriška priseljenska populacija precej raznolika, saj priseljenci prihajajo v ZDA iz skoraj vseh držav na svetu (Radford, 2019). V nasprotju z ZDA je Slovenija kot ena manjših držav v Evropi vključena v različ- ne migracijske tokove, ne le priseljevanja, ampak predvsem izseljevanja. Slovenija je bila zaradi svojega tranzitnega položaja, političnih in socialno-ekonomskih razlogov vseskozi vključena v migracijske procese. V kontekstu migracij lahko Slovenijo uvr- stimo med izseljenske države [pred začetkom 20. stoletja se je iz Slovenije izselilo 300.000 ljudi, kar je takrat predstavljalo tretjino celotnega prebivalstva države (Ilc Klun, 2017a); in še 100.000 ljudi se je iz Slovenije izselilo med drugo svetovno vojno in po njej (Ilc Klun, 2017a)], priseljenske države [v 60. in 70. letih se je Slovenija so- očala z imigracijskim tokom več kot 80.000 ljudi iz drugih republik Jugoslavije (Ilc Klun, 2017a) in med tranzitne migracijske države [ko ljudje predvsem iz držav nek- danje Jugoslavije prečkajo Slovenijo, da dosežejo druge Srednje in Zahodnoevropske države (Ilc Klun, 2017b)]. V Sloveniji trenutno živi približno 250.000 priseljencev in njihovih potomcev, kar predstavlja približno 12,1 % celotne populacije Slovenije. S takšnim deležem priseljencev se Slovenija med državami članicami EU uvršča na 16. mesto (SURS, 2019). Med 250.000 ljudmi priseljenskega porekla jih je 216.000 (86 %) imelo prvo bivališče v eni od držav, ki so nastale po razpadu Jugoslavije. Med temi so najštevilčnejši tisti, katerih prvo prebivališče (po rojstvu) je bilo v Bosni in Hercego- vini (108.000), sledijo tisti, katerih prvo bivališče je bilo na Hrvaškem (45.000), nato pa tisti s prvim bivališčem v Srbiji (25.000) (SURS, 2018). Med priseljenci iz drugih evropskih držav so najštevilnejši tisti, katerih prvo bivališče je bilo v Nemčiji (7.300), sledijo tisti s prvim bivališčem v Italiji (4.100) in v Ruski federaciji (3.000). Med ose- bami, katerih prvo prebivališče je bilo v eni od neevropskih držav, jih je imela večina prvo prebivališče na Kitajskem (1000), sledijo tisti s prvim bivališčem v ZDA (800) ter v Argentini in Kanadi (po 400) (SURS, 2018). Po podatkih SURS-a je tipičen priselje- nec v Sloveniji oseba, ki se je v Slovenijo priselila med letoma 2008 in 2017, je moški, star 30–39 let in živi sam. Je tuji državljan s stalnim prebivališčem v Sloveniji in se je v Slovenijo priselil iz Bosne in Hercegovine. Stanuje v eni od mestnih občin. Je zaposlen in ima poklicno izobrazbo (SURS, 2019). Dela 55_FINAL.indd 7 5. 01. 2022 14:44:23 8 Mojca Ilc Klun, Ana Vombergar | Dela 55 | 2021 | 5–22 Ker se v nadaljevanju naša raziskava osredotoča na odnos in predstave mladih do migracij, bomo v naslednjih korakih predstavili predvsem statistiko, ki se navezuje na mlade in migracije v ZDA in Sloveniji. V Združenih državah Amerike so raziskave pokazale, da so milenijci (osebe, rojene med 1981 in 1996) bolj naklonjeni do priseljencev kot generacije pred njimi, morda zaradi vse večje diverzifikacije in globalizacije ameriške družbe (Rouse, Ross, 2018). Milenijci so odraščali v vse bolj raznolikih okoljih z večjim številom priseljencev kot kdaj koli prej in te demografske spremembe so zagotovo vplivale na njihov sodobni odnos do priseljevanja (Rouse, Ross, 2018). Kljub navidezno širokemu sprejemanju in strpnosti do priseljencev pa se stališča milenijcev do priseljencev še vedno raz- likujejo glede na širok razpon identifikatorjev (Rouse, Ross, 2018). Priseljevanje je namreč na različne načine oblikovalo življenja različnih skupin ameriškega prebival- stva. Za Američane azijske in latinskoameriške narodnosti je na primer bistveno večja verjetnost, da so sami priseljenci, imajo družino ali prijatelje, ki so priseljenci, in v svojih domovih govorijo drug jezik, razen angleščine. Nasprotno velja za belopolte Američane in Afroameričane (Cohen in sod., 2018). Kljub tem razlikam so milenijci vseh etničnih okolij izrazili podporo različnim tematikam, kot je na primer vprašanje pridobitve državljanstva za posameznike, ki izpolnjujejo pogoje za DACA, in širitev ameriškega programa gostujočih delavcev (Cohen in sod., 2018). Tudi v Sloveniji se zdi, da se strpnost do priseljencev povečuje. Raziskava iz leta 2014 je v primerjavi z letom 2002 pokazala, da več Slovencev meni, da priseljenci dr- žavo izboljšajo (Heath, Richards, 2016, str. 4). Na splošno so Evropejci izrazili enako mnenje, vendar so bolj naklonjeni priseljencem iz svoje etnične (tudi evropske) sku- pine in izražajo bolj negativna mnenja o priseljencih iz gospodarsko slabše razvitih držav izven Evrope (Heath, Richards, 2016, str. 12). Tudi v Sloveniji raziskave potrju- jejo, da je več skupin (kot so Bošnjaki in Romi) neprekinjeno obravnavanih kot tujci, čeprav živijo v Sloveniji, govorijo slovensko in imajo slovensko državljanstvo (Bajt, 2016). Ne glede na kraj rojstva je veliko priseljencev v Sloveniji izrazilo svoje izkušnje z diskriminacijo in izkoriščanjem, navsezadnje pa menijo, da jim njihova »tujost« preprečuje, da bi bili v družbi popolnoma sprejeti (Bajt, 2016). 2 METODOLOGIJA V raziskavi smo s pomočjo spletnega vprašalnika proučevali podobnosti in razlike med predstavami in odnosom ameriških in slovenskih mladih do migracij. Anketni vprašalnik je bil razdeljen na tri dele; v prvem delu so bili zbrani demografski podatki o anketirancih, v drugem delu so se vprašanja osredotočala na njihov odnos do pri- seljevanja v domovini, zadnji del vprašalnika pa se je nanašal na področje njihovega zanimanja za izseljevanje. Spletni vprašalnik s podporo spletnega orodja 1.ka.si smo odprli 7. julija 2020, študenti pa so imeli možnost sodelovati v anketi do 24. julija 2020. Dela 55_FINAL.indd 8 5. 01. 2022 14:44:23 9 Predstave in odnos mladih do migracijskih procesov – primer ZDA in Slovenije Skupno je v raziskavi sodelovalo 44 študentov, od tega jih je bilo 19 iz ZDA in 25 iz Slovenije. V ameriški skupini anketirancev je bilo vseh 19 študentov starih med 20 in 21 let, večina (68 %) pa je bila žensk. Več kot polovica (58 %) študentov se je opredelila za kristjane (26 % ni vernih, 11 % je Judov in 5 % ruskih pravoslavcev). Vsi anketiranci imajo končano srednjo šolo, večina pa ima vsaj nekaj izkušenj na visokošolski ravni. Glede na mednarodne izkušnje je 71 % anketirancev že delalo ali študiralo v tujini. Omeniti je treba tudi, da ta vzorec ne odraža značilnosti cele populacije ameriških dodiplomskih študentov; v nasprotju z 10 % ameriških študentov, ki študirajo v tujini, veliko študentov v našem raziskovalnem vzorcu študira mednarodne odnose, politič- ne vede in jezik, zato je bolj verjetno, da so preživeli določen čas v tujini (US Study Abroad, 2018). Politično gledano je 88 % anketirancev izjavilo, da so liberalno usmer- jeni (6 % se jih je opredelilo kot konservativne in še 6 % kot sredinsko usmerjene), kar je v skladu z dejstvom, da je veliko anketirancev izpostavilo, da uporabljajo predvsem levo usmerjene vire dnevnih novic, kot sta CNN in The New York Times. Hkrati 76 % študentov uporablja vsaj dva vira za zbiranje svojih dnevnih novic, 18 % anketirancev pa dnevne novice zbira preko platform družbenih medijev. Rezultati raziskave so pokazali, da ameriški študentje na svojo narodnost gledajo precej nevtralno; čeprav so se rezultati razlikovali, je 41 % anketirancev navedlo, da je biti Američan nekoliko pomembno za njihovo identiteto, 35 % jih je izjavilo, da je precej pomembno, 12 % jih je trdilo, da je to zelo pomembno, 12 % pa, da to sploh ni pomembno. Kljub temu, da je 88 % anketirancev trdilo, da je biti Američan vsaj malo pomembno za njihovo identiteto, se je 29 % ameriških anketirancev opredelilo kot »sploh ne domoljubne«, 41 % anketirancev se je opredelilo za rahlo domoljubne, 18 % za zelo domoljubne in preostalih 12 % za precej domoljubne. Slika 1: Povprečni ameriški študent, vključen v raziskavo. Dela 55_FINAL.indd 9 5. 01. 2022 14:44:23 10 Mojca Ilc Klun, Ana Vombergar | Dela 55 | 2021 | 5–22 V skupini slovenskih študentov jih je bilo največ, 65 %, starih 20 let, 13 % 25 let, 9 % 22 in 24 let ter 4 % 23 let. Večina, 60 %, je bilo žensk. Skoraj polovica študentov se je opredelila za kristjane (48 %), drugi pa so izjavili, da so ateisti, ali trdili, da so ti podatki osebni in zato niso odgovorili na vprašanje ali pa so v svojih odgovorih poudarili regionalno identiteto pred vero. Vsi anketiranci so končali srednjo šolo in imajo nekaj visokošolskih izkušenj – 76 % jih je končalo srednjo šolo in so trenutno študenti prve stopnje, drugi pa imajo že diplomo in so trenutno študenti magistrske- ga programa. Glede na mednarodne izkušnje jih večina, 92 %, še nikoli ni študirala ali delala v tujini, kar močno odstopa od prej omenjenega visokega deleža ameriških študentov z mednarodnimi izkušnjami, ki so sodelovali v naši raziskavi. 60 % sloven- skih študentov meni, da so njihova politična stališča zmerna, 36 % jih je svoja poli- tična stališča opredelilo kot liberalna in 4 % kot konservativna. V primeru prebiranja dnevnih novic, jih večina (44 %) uporablja različne, vsaj dva ali več virov novic, 20 % slovenskih študentov pa je pri pridobivanju novic izpostavilo platforme različnih družbenih medijev (npr. Facebook). Večina slovenskih študentov, 58 %, je navedlo, da je biti Slovenec zelo pomemben identifikator njihove identitete, 21 % jih je navedlo, da je precej pomemben, 17 % rahlo pomemben, le 4 % pa so izpostavili, da biti Slo- venec sploh ni pomembno za njihovo identiteto. Kljub temu da so svojo nacionalno identiteto navedli kot zelo pomembno, se slovenski študenti ne smatrajo za zelo do- moljubne. Večina, 44 %, se jih zdi precej domoljubna, 28 % rahlo domoljubna, 20 % zelo domoljubna in 8 % sploh ne domoljubna. Slika 2: Povprečni slovenski študent, vključen v raziskavo. Dela 55_FINAL.indd 10 5. 01. 2022 14:44:23 11 Predstave in odnos mladih do migracijskih procesov – primer ZDA in Slovenije Preglednica 1: Demografski podatki anketirancev. Ameriški študenti (%) Slovenski študenti (%) Mednarodne izkušnje Da 71 8 Ne 29 92 Politična usmerjenost Liberalno usmerjeni 88 36 Konzervativno usmerjeni 6 4 Sredinsko usmerjeni 6 60 Narodna identiteta Zelo pomembna 12 58 Pomembna 35 21 Manj pomembna 41 17 Sploh ni pomembna 12 4 Domoljubje Zelo domoljubni 18 20 Domoljubni 12 44 Rahlo domoljubni 41 28 Sploh ne domoljubni 29 8 Preglednica 1 izpostavlja nekatere ključne razlike med ameriškimi in slovenskimi študenti, predvsem je očitna velika razlika v njihovih mednarodnih izkušnjah. V naši raziskavi smo študente povprašali, ali so kdaj delali ali študirali v tujini in čeprav ima večina ameriških študentov že vsaj eno izkušnjo izven svoje države, je velika večina slo- venskih študentov nima. Kot že omenjeno, je ta delež višji med ameriškimi študenti zaradi njihove usmerjenosti v študij mednarodnih odnosov. Med slovenskimi študenti pa je ta delež zelo nizek, saj je večina študentov, ki so sodelovali v raziskavi, študentov 1. letnika prve stopnje in se še niso odločili za študijske izkušnje v tujini. Druga pomemb- na razlika med ameriškimi in slovenskimi študenti je njihova politična usmerjenost. Večina ameriških študentov se je politično opredelila za liberalno usmerjene, medtem ko se je večina slovenskih študentov opredelila za sredinsko usmerjene, razlike pa se kažejo tudi v njihovih opredelitvah nacionalne identitete in domoljubja. Večina ame- riških študentov na primer svojo nacionalno identiteto dojema kot rahlo pomembno in se opredeljujejo kot rahlo domoljubni. Slovenski študenti pa imajo svojo nacionalno identiteto za zelo pomembno in izražajo več domoljubja kot njihovi ameriški kolegi. 3 REZULTATI Rezultati naše raziskave so razdeljeni na dva dela; prvi del obravnava predstave in od- nos ameriških in slovenskih študentov do priseljevanja, drugi del pa njihovo mnenje o morebitni bodoči emigraciji. Dela 55_FINAL.indd 11 5. 01. 2022 14:44:23 12 Mojca Ilc Klun, Ana Vombergar | Dela 55 | 2021 | 5–22 3.1 Odnos in predstave ameriških študentov do priseljevanja Obe državi, ZDA in Slovenija, sta (bili) vključeni v procese priseljevanja. Združene dr- žave Amerike imajo na primer dolgo zgodovino priseljevanja in priseljenci z vsega sveta še naprej diverzificirajo ameriški narod. Slovenija pa je bila del dveh večjih priseljenskih valov v 20. stoletju (skozi šestdeseta in sedemdeseta leta 20. stoletja in ponovno po letu 1991), ko so se priseljenci iz (nekdanje) Jugoslavije priseljevali v Slovenijo, večinoma iz ekonomskih razlogov. V naši raziskavi nas je zanimalo, ali je vpletenost države v procese priseljevanja mogoče povezati z odnosom mladih do priseljevanja in njihovo predstavo o priseljevanju. Rezultati raziskave Mednarodne organizacije za migracije 2012–2014 so pokazali, da imajo največje priseljenske države (ZDA, Avstralija, Kanada itd.) pozitiven odnos do priseljevanja, medtem ko so evropske države na splošno nenaklonjene prise- ljevanju (How the world views migration, 2015). V naši raziskavi smo udeležence vprašali, ali imajo sami izkušnje s procesom pri- seljevanja. Večina ameriških študentov je izrazila vsaj eno družinsko ali prijateljsko povezavo s priseljevanjem. Dejansko je skoraj polovica (47 %) vprašanih navedla, da se je vsaj eden od njihovih starih staršev priselil v Združene države Amerike, 41 % pa jih je izjavilo, da imajo vsaj enega tesnega prijatelja, ki je priseljenec. Hkrati jih je 24 % izpostavilo, da je vsaj eden od njihovih staršev priseljenec, ostalih 24 % študentov pa nima nobenih povezav s procesom priseljevanja. Glede identitete so se vsi ameriški študentje strinjali, da ni razlike med Ameri- čanom, rojenim v Ameriki, in Američanom, rojenim v tujini. Številni študenti so opozorili, da bi moral priseljenec imeti določene vrednote, povezane z Združenimi državami Amerike, kot je prepričanje v svobodo in pravičnost za vse, medtem ko drugi trdijo, da so pridobitev državljanstva, sodelovanje v vladnih procesih in prispe- vek h gospodarstvu bistvenega pomena za opredeljevanje za Američana/Američanko. Hkrati je veliko študentov poudarilo osrednji pomen priseljevanja in raznolikost sko- zi ameriško zgodovino in v kulturi ter navedlo, da je treba spoštovati razlike med Američani. Kljub soglasju, da je treba vse Američane obravnavati enako, je eden od anketirancev opozoril, da bodo Američani, rojeni v tujini, verjetno soočeni z diskri- minacijo na podlagi barve kože in naglasa pri govornem sporazumevanju. Ameriški študenti so jasno povedali, da je priseljevanje prednostno politično vpra- šanje, saj je priseljevanje 83 % anketiranih označilo za zelo pomembno, preostalih 18 % pa za dokaj pomembno politično vprašanje. Pri ocenjevanju političnih vprašanj, ki so pomembnejša od priseljevanja, so ameriškimi študenti izpostavili vprašanja zdra- vstvene oskrbe, podnebnih sprememb, reform policije/zaporov in nadzora nad orož- jem. Skoraj polovica (47 %) vprašanih meni, da je tematika priseljevanja pomembna tudi v gospodarskem kontekstu. 29 % anketiranih je odgovorilo, da je gospodarsko gledano, priseljevanje precej pomembno, preostalih 24 % pa je navedlo, da je rahlo pomembno. Čeprav noben študent ni izpostavil priseljevanja kot ekonomsko povsem nepomembno, je večina študentov menila, da so vprašanja premoženjskih neenakosti, Dela 55_FINAL.indd 12 5. 01. 2022 14:44:23 13 Predstave in odnos mladih do migracijskih procesov – primer ZDA in Slovenije minimalnih plač, brezposelnosti, revščina ter dostop do zdravstvenega in socialnega varstva trenutno ekonomsko pomembnejša vprašanja od vprašanj priseljevanja. Kar zadeva znanje in izobraževanje v zvezi z migracijami, je večina ameriških štu- dentov (47 %) izjavila, da povprečno razume ameriško politiko priseljevanja (41 % jih je trdilo, da je njihovo razumevanje dobro, preostalih 12 % pa je svoje razumevanje označilo kot slabo). Da bi izboljšali svoje razumevanje ameriške politike priseljevanja, je veliko študentov izrazilo željo, da bi izvedeli več o politiki odloženega ukrepanja za prihode otrok (DACA), pa tudi o delu ameriške službe za priseljevanje in carino, ki je splošno znana kot ICE. Nekateri so tudi izrazili željo, da bi radi bolje razumeli proces pridobivanja ameriškega državljanstva in vladno obravnavo priseljencev. Na splošno se zdi, da je ameriška mladina naklonjena do priseljencev v svoji druž- bi. Večina naših ameriških anketirancev (88 %) meni, da priseljenci zelo pozitivno prispevajo k ameriški družbi; ostalih 12 % študentov je prispevek priseljencev ozna- čilo za nekoliko pozitivnega. V širšem kontekstu 59 % anketirancev ocenjuje odnos svoje generacije do priseljencev kot zelo pozitiven, 29 % ga ocenjuje kot nekoliko po- zitiven, 6 % kot nevtralen in preostalih 6 % kot nekoliko negativen. Kljub na splošno pozitivnemu dojemanju priseljencev v Združenih državah Ame- rike je v naši raziskavi veliko anketirancev izrazilo zaskrbljenost zaradi rasizma, kse- nofobije in drugih oblik diskriminacije ameriške priseljenske skupnosti. Medtem ko 16 % ameriških študentov meni, da imajo vsi priseljenci v ZDA podobno izkušnjo na podlagi občutka, da so tujci in ustvarjajo novo življenje na neznanem ozemlju, preostalih 84 % anketirancev trdi, da se lahko izkušnje priseljencev v ZDA močno razlikujejo glede na različne dejavnike, kot so država izvora, izobrazba in ekonomsko ozadje, barva kože, vera, tekoče znanje angleškega jezika, pravni status in raven pod- pore družine. En študent je opozoril, da imajo ZDA »najljubše« države, kar pomeni, da Američani cenijo priseljence iz teh držav bolj kot druge, verjetno zaradi verskih in rasnih dejavnikov. Podobno je drug študent omenil vlogo stereotipov v izkušnji pri- seljencev v Združenih državah Amerike; na primer, priseljenec iz Latinske Amerike ali Bližnjega vzhoda se lahko sooči z več izzivi, povezanimi z diskriminacijo in asi- milacijo, kot evropski priseljenec, v veliki meri na podlagi svojega videza kot »tujca«. Dva študenta sta tudi trdila, da lahko sistem podpore (družine ali prijateljev) vpliva na izkušnjo priseljenca v Združenih državah Amerike, saj lahko območje, v katerem živijo priseljenci, in ljudje, s katerimi komunicirajo, na koncu vpliva na njihovo izku- šnjo priseljenstva v Združenih državah Amerike. Podobno so se vsi ameriški študentje strinjali, da se priseljenci v Združenih drža- vah Amerike ne počutijo kot polnopravni in enakovredni državljani z vsemi pravica- mi in zaščito, ki jih imajo drugi ljudje, kar še dodatno poudarja prisotnost ksenofobije v ameriški javnosti. Ameriški študentje so poudarili, da se priseljenci verjetno soočajo z diskriminacijo; vendar pa je veliko študentov tudi ugotovilo, da so priseljenci brez dokumentov in prejemniki DACA bolj verjetno prikrajšani, saj jim lahko vsaka manj- ša nediskrecija odvzame pravno varstvo. Podobno je 24 % anketirancev izjavilo, da je Dela 55_FINAL.indd 13 5. 01. 2022 14:44:23 14 Mojca Ilc Klun, Ana Vombergar | Dela 55 | 2021 | 5–22 politika, ustvarjena pod Trumpovo administracijo, priseljencem dodatno zmanjšala integracijo (in občutek, da so sprejeti) v Združenih državah Amerike. Ne glede na zaznano grožnjo diskriminacije priseljencev v Združenih državah Ame- rike, se 71 % anketiranih ameriških študentov sploh ne strinja z idejo, da bi več Ameri- čanov sprejelo kulturne razlike priseljencev, če bi se le-ti bolj potrudili, da bi se vključili v ameriško družbo (24 % se jih ne strinja, 6 % pa se jih strinja). Večina študentov je izrazila prepričanje, da priseljenci ne bi smeli opustiti svoje kulture in porekla, da bi se uskladili z ameriškimi standardi; študentje so opazili, da kulturna raznolikost pomembno in po- zitivno prispeva k ameriški družbi (tako zgodovinsko kot sodobno), saj priseljenci pri- spevajo nove ideje in usmerjajo ameriško družbo v prihodnost z več sprejemanja razno- likosti. En študent je opozoril tudi na dejstvo, da ameriška javnost pogosto priseljenca, ki se »preveč trudi, da bi se vklopil v ameriško družbo«, kategorizira kot »tistega, ki je pod velikim vplivom belopoltih Američanov«, a kljub temu kot priseljenca, ki se »ne trudi dovolj, da bi se vklopil« in ga tako opredelijo kot »ne pravega Američana«. Večina ameriških študentov meni, da mediji negativno vplivajo na predstave o pri- seljencih v Združenih državah Amerike, saj mediji pogosto objavljajo stereotipe o pri- seljencih in kriminalizirajo priseljevanje. Številni študenti menijo, da mediji ne ome- njajo prednosti oziroma pozitivnih stvari, ki jih priseljenci prinašajo ameriški družbi. En študent je posebej izpostavil zaskrbljenost za varnost priseljencev v Združenih državah Amerike. Nekaj študentov je tudi izpostavilo, da različni mediji predstavijo različna stališča o priseljevanju v Združenih državah Amerike, kar povzroča polariza- cijo družbe glede vprašanja priseljencev. Drugi študent je izpostavil, da imajo mediji ključno vlogo pri oblikovanju mnenj ameriških mladih o priseljevanju in priseljencih. 3.2 Odnos in predstave slovenskih študentov do priseljevanja V nasprotju z ameriškimi anketiranci večina slovenskih študentov (72 %) nima nobe- ne povezave s procesi priseljevanja. Kar zadeva prijatelje in družino, je le 20 % sloven- skih študentov navedlo, da ima tesnega prijatelja, ki se je priselil v Slovenijo. Le 16 % študentov ima enega ali več starih staršev, ki so se priselili v Slovenijo. Za razliko od 24 % ameriških študentov, ki imajo vsaj enega starša priseljenca, nobeden od slovenskih študentov nima starša s priseljensko zgodovino. V demografskem delu naše raziskave je 58 % slovenskih študentov opredelilo svojo nacionalno identiteto kot zelo pomembno za njihovo osebno identiteto. Pri obravnavi slovenske narodne identitete je večina slovenskih študentov (52 %) izpostavila, da med Slovencem, rojenim v Sloveniji in v tujini, ni razlike, 8 % jih je navedlo, da razlika obstaja, preostalih 40 % pa k temu vprašanju ni podalo jasnih odgovorov. Ko smo jih vprašali o dejavnikih, ki opredeljujejo posameznikovo nacionalno identiteto, je 32 % slovenskih študentov odgovorilo, da sta najpomembnejša identifikatorja slovenske identitete jezik in kultura. Tako so slovenski študenti v okviru opredelitve nacionalne identitete poudarili eno komponento, jezikovno-kulturno komponento, ki jo pogosto Dela 55_FINAL.indd 14 5. 01. 2022 14:44:23 15 Predstave in odnos mladih do migracijskih procesov – primer ZDA in Slovenije najhitreje opazimo, pri tem pa na splošno zanemarili zgodovinsko, prostorsko, eko- nomsko-socialno in politično komponento nacionalne identitete (Zupančič, 1998). Pri obravnavi pomena priseljevanja na političnem in gospodarskem področju so slovenski anketiranci to problematiko označili za splošno pomembno. V političnem smislu je, na primer, skoraj polovica (48 %) študentov priseljevanje označila kot precej pomembno, 32 % kot zelo pomembno, preostalih 20 % pa kot rahlo pomembno. Prav- zaprav nihče od slovenskih anketirancev ne zaznava, da priseljevanje nima pomemb- nega vpliva na slovensko politiko. Tudi na gospodarskem področju večina slovenskih študentov meni, da je priseljevanje precej pomembno (48 %), 24 % slovenskih študen- tov pa ga ocenjuje kot zelo pomembno ali rahlo pomembno. Le en slovenski študent je poudaril, da priseljevanje z ekonomskega vidika ni pomembno. Pri ocenjevanju poli- tičnih vprašanj, ki so pomembnejša od priseljevanja, so se med slovensko študentsko populacijo izkazali za pomembne zdravstvene zadeve, podnebne spremembe, brezpo- selnost, brezdomstvo, enakost spolov, oskrba starejših in korupcija. Tako kot ameriški študenti v raziskavi je večina slovenskih študentov (48 %) svoje razumevanje slovenske politike priseljevanja označila za povprečno, 28 % kot dobro, 12 % kot slabo in še preostalih 12 % kot zelo slabo. Za boljše razumevanje politike pri- seljevanja so slovenski študentje izrazili željo, da bi izvedeli več o postopkih za prido- bitev slovenskega državljanstva, azilu, postopkih vključevanja priseljencev v družbo, izzivih, s katerimi se priseljenci soočajo v slovenski družbi, možnostih zaposlovanja priseljencev, zdravstvenem varstvu ipd. V primerjavi z večinoma pozitivnimi predstavami o prispevkih priseljencev k družbi, ki so jih izpostavili ameriški študenti, so slovenski študenti predstavili pretežno negati- ven pogled priseljencev na družbene razmere. Natančneje, večina slovenskih študentov meni, da priseljenci nevtralno (33 %) ali nekoliko negativno (33 %) prispevajo k slo- venski družbi. Čeprav je drugih 4 % prispevke priseljencev označilo za zelo negativne, so drugi izrazili bolj naklonjena stališča; 25 % slovenskih študentov je prispevke prise- ljencev ocenilo kot nekoliko pozitivne, še ostali 4 % pa kot zelo pozitivne. Tudi na ravni svoje generacije slovenski študentje priseljence dojemajo precej negativno. Namreč, 44 % slovenskih študentov je odnos svoje generacije do priseljencev opisalo kot nekoliko negativen, 28 % kot nevtralen, 16 % kot nekoliko pozitiven, 8 % kot zelo negativen in 4 % kot zelo pozitiven. Na splošno ti statistični podatki potrjujejo rezultate študije Med- narodne organizacije za migracije 2012–2014 (How the world views migration, 2015), ki je pokazala, da odrasli v Evropi negativno dojemajo priseljevanje. Natančneje, naša raziskava je pokazala, da imajo mladi v Sloveniji, ki so bili v središču naše raziskave, nekoliko bolj negativen odnos do priseljencev in priseljevanja. Pri obravnavanju družbene sprejemljivosti priseljencev v Sloveniji je večina sloven- skih študentov (72 %) menila, da vsi priseljenci v Sloveniji nimajo podobnih izkušenj in jih je mogoče obravnavati različno glede na dejavnike, kot so etnična pripadnost, kulturno ozadje in izobrazba. Številni študenti so v svojih odgovorih opisali osrednjo vlogo etnične pripadnosti priseljencev pri sprejemanju družbe; po njihovem mnenju Dela 55_FINAL.indd 15 5. 01. 2022 14:44:23 16 Mojca Ilc Klun, Ana Vombergar | Dela 55 | 2021 | 5–22 je za priseljence, ki so se v Slovenijo priselili iz držav nekdanje Jugoslavije, veliko manj verjetno, da bodo sprejeti v Sloveniji kot tisti, ki so se v Slovenijo priselili iz drugih držav. Poleg tega je veliko študentov izpostavilo, da Slovenci priseljence z drugačnim kulturnim ozadjem in nižjo izobrazbo dojemajo bolj negativno in se zato le-ti poču- tijo slabše sprejete v družbi. Na vprašanje, ali se priseljenci v Sloveniji počutijo polnopravni in enakopravni dr- žavljani z vsemi pravicami in zaščitami, ki jih imajo drugi Slovenci, so bila mnenja slovenskih študentov deljena. S trditvijo se je strinjala večina (44 %) študentov, ki menijo, da se priseljenci v Sloveniji počutijo popolnoma enakopravne. Nekateri slo- venski anketiranci so v svojih odgovorih tudi ppodprli idejo o sprejetosti z dejstvom, da lahko številni priseljenci iz nekdanjih jugoslovanskih republik govorijo v svojih maternih jezikih in jih slovensko prebivalstvo splošno razume. 40 % študentov pa je izjavilo, da priseljenci v Sloveniji niso enakopravni in se soočajo z diskriminacijo drugih. Podobno 71 % slovenskih študentov meni, da bi Slovenci bolj verjetno sprejeli kulturno raznolikost priseljencev, če bi se le-ti bolj potrudili, da bi se bolje vključili v družbo (46 % se je strinjalo s trditvijo, 25 % pa se je močno strinjalo). Predvsem pa so poudarili, da bi Slovenci bolj sprejeli priseljence, če bi se naučili slovenskega jezika in sprejeli slovensko kulturo. Po drugi strani pa se s trditvijo ni strinjalo 29 % slovenskih študentov, ki so menili, da imajo priseljenci pravico obdržati svoj jezik in kulturo. Pri obravnavi vpliva medijev na oblikovanje predstav o migracijah, ki jih imajo Slovenci, je večina slovenskih študentov (44 %) menila, da mediji vplivajo na način, kako Slovenci gledajo na migracije, ni pa posebej izpostavila, ali je ta vpliv pozitiven ali negativen. Vendar pa je 28 % študentov izjavilo, da slovenski mediji prikazujejo zelo negativno podobo migracij, kar vpliva na družbeno dojemanje migracij. Zanimi- vo je, da nihče od slovenskih študentov ne verjame, da bi slovenski mediji migracije predstavili kot pozitiven demografski proces. 3.3 Odnos in predstave ameriških in slovenskih študentov o izseljenstvu Glede na možnosti za izseljevanje se zdi, da so ameriški študenti precej zainteresirani za življenje v tujini. Pravzaprav je 59 % ameriških anketirancev izjavilo, da se bodo v prihodnosti verjetno izselili iz ZDA (24 % jih je navedlo, da so zelo prepričani v izse- litev, 35 % pa se jih je opredelilo kot nekoliko prepričane v izselitev). Po drugi strani je 6 % študentov ostalo nevtralnih glede tega vprašanja, 12 % jih je izpostavilo, da je malo verjetno, preostalih 24 % pa, da je zelo malo verjetno, da se bodo v prihodnosti izselili iz ZDA. Hkrati je 63 % študentov navedlo, da lahko zakonec ali otrok vpliva na njihovo verjetnost izselitve; mnogi so opisali željo po vzgoji otrok zunaj Združenih držav Amerike, drugi pa so izpostavili, da bi se bili pripravljeni preseliti v tujino, da bi bili s tujim partnerjem. En študent je mednarodno življenje opisal kot »odlično priložnost za spoznavanje drugih kultur, pridobivanje novih veščin in pogled na svet z vidika, ki ni osredotočen na ZDA«. Dela 55_FINAL.indd 16 5. 01. 2022 14:44:23 17 Predstave in odnos mladih do migracijskih procesov – primer ZDA in Slovenije Na vprašanje o njihovih glavnih treh razlogih za selitev v tujino je bil najpogostejši odgovor osredotočen na kariero, a mu je tesno sledila želja po pridobivanju novih iz- kušenj v tujem kulturnem okolju; en študent je namreč zapisal: »življenje je kratko in mislim, da je medvedja usluga, če ostaneš v istem kraju na istem mestu in se nikoli ne poskušaš učiti drugje«. Pretekle raziskave kažejo, da mlade samoiniciativne izseljen- ce (SIE) poleg finančnih in poklicnih želja močno motivirajo avanture in življenjske spremembe (Ceric, Crawford, 2016, p. 138). Študija Boston Consulting Group (BCG), v okviru katere so raziskovali globalno mobilnost in zaposlitvene preference, je poka- zala, da želijo mladi posamezniki postati globalni državljani z različnimi poklicnimi in osebnimi izkušnjami v tujini (Strack in sod., 2014, str. 13). Pri pridobivanju poklicnih izkušenj v tujini raziskave kažejo, da večina (59 %) Američanov, starih med 21 in 30 let, bolj kot ostala ameriška populacija razmišlja o mednarodnih zaposlitvenih možnostih. Ta visok delež je morda povezan tudi s fi- nančno krizo, ko je veliko izobraženih mladih Američanov iskalo tudi netradicio- nalne začetke svoje poklicne kariere prek začasnih zaposlitev v tujini, nekateri tudi v neprofitnih organizacijah (Strack in sod., 2014, str. 6–8). Poleg osebne in poklicne rasti v tujini je veliko ameriških anketirancev navedlo, da bodo v prihodnosti politični dejavniki pomembno vplivali na njihovo verjetnost selitve v tujino. Kar 25 % ameriških študentov je izrecno opisalo ponovno izvolitev Donalda Trumpa kot potisni dejavnik. Med drugim so študenti pri možnostih za seli- tev v tujino izpostavili tudi dostopnost zdravstvenega varstva in izobraževanja, težave z dvostrankarskim političnim sistemom, težave z nadzorom orožja in rasnimi neena- kostmi. Vendar te ugotovitve niso presenetljive. Po izvolitvi predsednika Trumpa leta 2016 je raziskava Gallup pokazala, da je 30 % Američanov, starih od 15 do 30 let, iz- javilo, da bi se želeli preseliti v drugo državo, kar predstavlja rekordno visoko željo po izselitvi (Ray, Esipova, 2019). Glede na želeno destinacijo izselitve so ameriški mladi izpostavili Evropo; kar 69 % ameriških anketirancev naše raziskave je navedlo, da bi najverjetneje emigrirali v države Evropske unije (13 % jih je navedlo Severno Ameri- ko, 6 % Azijo, 6 % Vzhodno Evropo, preostalih 6 % pa Oceanijo). Po drugi strani pa je potrebno omeniti, da si nobeden od anketiranih študentov ne želi večno življenja preživeti v tujini. Dejansko želi 44 % ameriških študentov živeti v tujini 1–5 let, 38 % 5–20 let, 13 % manj kot eno leto in 6 % 20–50 let. Ameriški študenti so kljub tej močni želji po življenju v tujini izrazili dvome o njihovi sposobnosti vključevanja v tujo družbo. Na vprašanje, ali bi se počutili kot polnopravni in enakopravni državljani z vsemi pravicami in zaščito, ki jih imajo drugi v tujini, je 77 % anketirancev odgovorilo, da ne, saj menijo, da se priseljence pogos- to obravnava kot tujce. Medtem ko so nekateri navedli, da je državljanstvo morda potrebno, da bi se v tuji državi počutili kot polnopravni in enakopravni državljani, so drugi opozorili, da so identifikatorji, kot sta rasa in socialno-ekonomski status, morda še pomembnejši (morda zato, ker so bolj vidni) pri sprejemanju v družbo. En študent je na podlagi osebnih izkušenj tudi izjavil, da so nekatere države precej Dela 55_FINAL.indd 17 5. 01. 2022 14:44:23 18 Mojca Ilc Klun, Ana Vombergar | Dela 55 | 2021 | 5–22 nacionalistične, imajo zakoreninjeno dojemanje tega, kakšen bi moral biti njihov dr- žavljan, in da je manj verjetno, da bodo sprejele priseljence v svojo družbo. Tudi v Sloveniji je izseljevanje postal vse pomembnejši demogeografski pojav. Med letoma 2010 in 2016 se je število mladih, ki so se izselili iz Slovenije, skoraj štirikrat povečalo, saj veliko posameznikov kaže željo po spoznavanju drugih kulturnih okolij (Naterer in sod., 2019, str. 39). Raziskave so pokazale, da se mladi v Sloveniji pogosto pripravljajo na prihodnjo morebitno izselitev (z jezikovnimi tečaji ipd.), čeprav se običajno načrtujejo izseliti le za krajše obdobje in se nato vrniti domov (Naterer in sod., 2019, str. 39–40). Morda so bili zaradi evropeizacije Slovenije (pridobitev član- stva v EU, prevzem evra ipd.) v procesu razmišljanja o izselitvi mladih, vlečni dejav- niki pomembnejši od potisnih dejavnikov, saj so druge evropske države postale vse bolj dostopne za priseljevanje Slovencev (Naterer in sod., 2019, str. 40). Prav tako so k izseljevanju mladih v Sloveniji prispevala tudi številna tuja mednarodna podjetja (Naterer in sod., 2019, str. 40). Večina slovenskih študentov naše raziskave nima želje po izselitvi iz Slovenije 39 % slovenskih študentov je namreč odgovorilo, da se iz Slovenije verjetno ne bi izselili, 13 % pa, da je to zelo malo verjetno. Ta rezultat se nekoliko razlikuje od prejšnjih razi- skav (Naterer in sod. 2019, str. 39; Ilc Klun, 2017). V raziskavi, ki jo je izpeljala Ilc Klu- nova, in je vključevala več kot 1100 učencev slovenskih osnovnih in srednjih šol, je 63,5 % učencev izrazilo željo po izselitvi iz Slovenije (Ilc Klun, 2017b). Čeprav ta raziskava ni vključevala študentov, je pokazala pozitivno korelacijo med starostjo in željo po iz- selitvi, kar pomeni, da so bili starejši učenci in dijaki bolj naklonjeni do izseljevanja kot mlajši (Ilc Klun, 2017b). Naša raziskava pa je pokazala, da se 26 % slovenskih študentov želi izseliti iz Slovenije (22 % nekoliko verjetno in 4 % zelo verjetno). Pri ocenjevanju razlogov za izseljevanje so se kot glavni razlog izkazale družinske povezave. Natančneje, raziskava je pokazala, da bi se 50 % slovenskih študentov izselilo zaradi družinskih vezi (večja je verjetnost, da bi se izselili iz Slovenije, če bi imeli zakonca iz tuje države). Kljub temu pa po drugi strani 35 % slovenskih študentov ne bi upoštevalo družinskih vezi kot pomemben razlog za izselitev iz Slovenije. Pri navajanju razlogov za izselitev iz Slovenije je 80 % slovenskih študentov pou- darilo, da bi se, če bi se odselili, odselili zaradi delovnih izkušenj. 35 % jih je v svojih odgovorih navedlo, da bi bil razlog za izseljevanje tudi družina ali ljubezen. Glede na destinacijo izseljevanja bi se večina slovenskih študentov (57 %) odselila v eno od držav Evropske unije, sledijo Severna Amerika (17 %), Vzhodna Evropa (13 %), Oceanija (9 %) in Južna Amerika (4 %). Glede na čas, preživet v tujini, je večina sloven- skih študentov (48 %) izpostavila, da bi se v tujino odselila za obdobje 1–5 let, 22 % bi se odselilo za 5–20 let, 17 % za manj kot eno leto in le 4 % že več kot 50 let. Glede na to, da je večina slovenskih študentov izrazila željo, da bi se izselili v eno od držav Evropske unije, je prepričanje, da bi se v državi priseljevanja počutili ena- kovredno kot priseljenci, razumljivo. 40 % slovenskih študentov je odgovorilo, da bi se v državi priseljevanja počutili enakopravne z drugimi državljani, 20 % slovenskih študentov pa je izrazilo dvome o tej trditvi. Dela 55_FINAL.indd 18 5. 01. 2022 14:44:23 19 Predstave in odnos mladih do migracijskih procesov – primer ZDA in Slovenije 4 ZAKLJUČKI ZDA in Slovenija sta geografsko zelo različni državi. Kljub svoji velikosti, zgodovini, gospodarskim in političnim značilnostim sta obe državi vključeni v različne migracij- ske tokove. Zato so v obeh državah teme, povezane z migracijami, del vsakodnevnega medijskega poročanja in političnih odločitev. Glede na splošno prepričanje, da ima večina ljudi negativne predstave in odnos do migracij, saj veliko negativnih novic o migracijah in migrantih posredujejo predvsem mediji, nas je zanimalo, kakšne pred- stave in odnos do migracij in migrantov imajo mladi v Sloveniji in ZDA. Julija 2020 smo med 44 študenti iz ZDA in Slovenije izvedli spletno anketo, v kateri nas so nas zanimale njihove predstave in odnos do priseljevanja in priseljencev na eni strani ter njihovo mnenje o izseljenstvu na drugi strani. Glede predstav in odnosa do migracij je naša raziskava pokazala, da so si ameriški in slovenski študentje v nekaterih pogledih podobni (npr. povprečno razumevanje migracijske politike, priseljenci imajo različne izkušnje), a v mnogih pogledih precej različni. Prvi del naše raziskave se je nanašal na tematsko področje priseljevanja in pri- seljencev. Rezultati raziskave so pokazali, da ima večina ameriških študentov vsaj eno bližnjo izkušnjo s procesom priseljevanja, kar pomeni, da se je eden od njihovih družinskih članov ali prijateljev priselil v ZDA. Po drugi strani pa večina slovenskih študentov (72 %) teh izkušenj nima. Na vprašanje, ali menijo, da obstaja razlika med priseljenimi državljani in tistimi, ki so rojeni v državi, so vsi ameriški študentje odgo- vorili, da po njihovem mnenju ni razlike, slovenski študenti pa so bili pri odgovorih precej deljeni, saj jih je nekaj več kot polovica (52 % ) izjavilo, da ni razlike. Kasneje je 83 % ameriških študentov poudarilo, da je priseljevanje zelo pomembno politično vprašanje, medtem ko le 48 % slovenskih študentov meni, da je priseljevanje dokaj pomembno politično vprašanje. Razlike med skupinami so se odrazile tudi v njihovih mnenjih o gospodarskem pomenu priseljencev. 47 % ameriških študentov meni, da je priseljevanje zelo pomembno z ekonomskega vidika, medtem ko 48 % slovenskih študentov meni, da je priseljevanje ekonomsko dokaj pomembno. Mnenja študentov so se med seboj močno razlikovala o prispevku priseljencev k družbi v državi. 88 % ameriških študentov meni, da imajo priseljenci pozitiven prispevek k ameriški druž- bi, medtem ko ima takšno mnenje le 29 % slovenskih študentov. Večina slovenskih študentov meni, da imajo priseljenci nekoliko negativen (33 %) ali nevtralen (33 %) prispevek k slovenski družbi. Ameriški študenti so v svojih odgovorih izpostavili, da ima večina mladih Američanov po njihovem mnenju pozitiven odnos do priseljencev in priseljevanja. Precej večji odstotek slovenskih študentov pa meni, da ima njihova generacija do priseljevanja nekoliko negativen odnos. Ta rezultat gre z roko v roki z raziskavo, ki jo je med letoma 2012 in 2014 opravila IOM, ki je med drugim pokaza- la, da imajo odrasli Američani bolj pozitiven odnos do priseljevanja in priseljencev kot odrasli Evropejci (How the world views migration, 2015). Ker imajo mediji po- memben vpliv na mnenje ljudi, nas je zanimalo mnenje mladih o vplivu medijev na odnos do migracij. Rezultati raziskave so pokazali, da vsi ameriški študenti menijo, Dela 55_FINAL.indd 19 5. 01. 2022 14:44:24 20 Mojca Ilc Klun, Ana Vombergar | Dela 55 | 2021 | 5–22 da mediji negativno vplivajo na mnenje ljudi o migracijah, medtem ko ima takšno mnenje le 28 % slovenskih študentov. Druga polovica naše raziskave je bila povezana s področjem izseljenstva. Zanimalo nas je, ali se mladi v ZDA in Sloveniji zanimajo za izseljevanje, kam in za koliko let bi se odselili, kakšni so glavni razlogi za izseljevanje iz države ipd. Rezultati raziskave so pokazali, da se večina ameriških študentov (59 %) želi izseliti iz države, vendar obi- čajno le začasno, za obdobje največ 1-5 let. Po drugi strani večina slovenskih študen- tov ni naklonjena izseljevanju (52 %), v primeru izseljevanja pa bi se večina odločila tudi za začasno izselitev za obdobje največ 1–5 let. V obeh skupinah študentov so bili razlogi za izseljevanje povezani predvsem s poklicno kariero in pridobivanjem novih delovnih izkušenj v tujini, na odločitev za izselitev v obeh skupinah pa bi vplivali tudi družinski razlogi. Obe skupini študentov sta izpostavili, da bi v primeru izseljevanja najverjetneje izbrali eno od držav Evropske unije. Ameriški študenti so v svojih odgo- vorih tudi izpostavili, da se po njihovem mnenju ne bi počutili enakovredne drugim državljanom v drugi državi, medtem ko je velik delež slovenskih študentov izrazil mnenje, da bi se v drugi državi počutili enakovredne in da bi imeli tam najverjetneje enake pravice kot državljani. 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Dela 55_FINAL.indd 22 5. 01. 2022 14:44:24 23 Youth perception and attitude toward migration processes – the case of the USA and Slovenia Abstract Th e paper deals with the perception and attitude of young adults toward migration processes in two countries – the United States, which has been considered an im- migration country for centuries, and Slovenia, which has been part of various mi- gration processes in diff erent historical periods (as an emigration country, immigra- tion country, or transit migration country). Th e fi rst part of the paper focuses on the migration processes in both countries and presents an overview of the average of youths’ perception and attitude toward immigration, while the latter part discusses the perception and attitude toward migration processes of the 44 young Americans and Slovenians included in our survey. Keywords: emigration, immigration, perception, attitude, youth, Slovenia, USA Izvirni znanstveni članek COBISS 1.01 DOI: 10.4312/dela.55.5-40 YOUTH PERCEPTION AND ATTITUDE TOWARD MIGRATION PROCESSES – THE CASE OF THE USA AND SLOVENIA Mojca Ilc Klun*, Ana Vombergar** *University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Arts, Department of Geography, Aškerčeva 2, SI-1000 Ljubljana **George Washington University, Elliott School of International Aff airs, 1957 E St NW, Washington, DC 20052, United States e-mail: mojca.ilc@ff .uni-lj.si, anav@gwu.edu Dela 55_FINAL.indd 23 5. 01. 2022 14:44:24 24 Mojca Ilc Klun, Ana Vombergar | Dela 55 | 2021 | 23–40 1 INTRODUCTION We can define migration as a process of moving people either within a state or across international borders. It is not a recent demogeographic phenomenon but has been a part of human history since its beginning (Bellwood, 2013). People have been migrating internally, from one country to another or from one continent to another. According to IOM, there are more than one billion migrants around the world, including the 272 mil- lion international migrants globally (World migration report 2020, 2019). Despite being a small percentage of a world’s population (3.5%), the estimated number and proportion of international migrants has already surpassed some of the projections made for the year 2050, which were 230 million (World migration report 2020, 2019). Migration has a longstanding impact on all aspects of society. In the political sphere, for example, every country is included in migration processes in some form, as an immigration country, emigration country, or transit migration country, and therefore has its own migration policies through which it regulates migration pro- cesses within its borders. Likewise, migration has affected economies across the globe; within the past few years, immigrants have represented “47% of the increase of the workforce in the United States and 70% in Europe over the past ten years” (Migra- tion policy debates, 2014). In terms of demography, international migration affects a country’s population directly by changing its size and age structure, and indirectly by influencing the overall number of births in the future (Fihel et al., 2018). Education- ally, as well, the implementation of migration-related topics into school curricula has become increasingly necessary in providing children with a well-rounded education and accurate depiction of the world (Ilc Klun, 2017a). In fact, migration can play an important role in cultural diversity of immigration countries, which is reflected in food, religion, and ethnic neighborhoods. Despite migration’s centrality in global discussions and positive contributions to many aspects of life, the media often present the topic in a negative light, thereby influencing contemporary attitudes toward migration-related topics across genera- tions (How the world views migration, 2015). Due to news about migration in the media, there are sometimes misinterpretations that people have a negative percep- tion of migration. Between 2012 and 2014, Gallup World Poll surveyed over 183,000 adults in more than 140 countries worldwide, asking them about their perception on migration. In seven of the top ten immigration countries (the United States, Canada, Australia, United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, Germany and France) citizens say im- migration should be increased or stay the same, while Europeans presented more negative attitudes toward immigration (How the World Views Migration, 2015). The results of this report were the basis for the design of our own research. In order to find out the perception and attitude of young people toward migration in two very different countries, the United States and Slovenia, we designed a study to compare American and Slovenian students’ thoughts on the topic. Dela 55_FINAL.indd 24 5. 01. 2022 14:44:24 25 Youth perception and attitude toward migration processes – the case of the USA and Slovenia As the leading host country for immigrants across the globe, the U.S. Department of State describes the United States as “the world’s most generous country for immi- gration.” In fact, the nation’s immigration statistics may support this claim; every year, approximately one million immigrants arrive in the United States, while hundreds of thousands of foreign-born residents become naturalized citizens (International mi- gration, 2020). In 2018, immigration to the United States reached a numeric high, with more than 44.7 million immigrants living within the nation’s borders (Batalova et al., 2020). Between 2015 and 2019, as well, the foreign-born population increased by 5%, and approximately 51 million immigrants are living in the United States today (World migration report 2020, 2019). In this way, Pew Research Center notes that the American immigrant population is rather diverse, with immigrants coming to the U.S. from nearly every country in the world (Radford, 2019). In contrast to the United States, Slovenia, as one of the smaller countries in Europe, is involved in various migration flows, not only immigration, but especially emigra- tion. Because of its transit position, political and socio – economic reasons, Slovenia has always been involved in migration processes. In the context of migration, Slove- nia can be categorized as an emigration country [before the start of the 20th century, 300,000 people had emigrated from Slovenia, which was at that time one third of whole population of the country (Ilc Klun, 2017a); and another 100,000 people emi- grated from Slovenia during and after the Second World War (Ilc Klun, 2017a)], im- migration country [in the 1960s and 1970s Slovenia faced immigration flow of more than 80,000 people from other Yugoslavian republics (Ilc Klun, 2019)], and as a tran- sit migration country [when people especially from ex-Yugoslavian countries cross Slovenia to reach other Central and Western European countries (Ilc Klun, 2017b)]. About 250,000 immigrants currently live in Slovenia, which represents about 12.1% of the total population of Slovenia. With such a share of immigrants, Slovenia ranks 16th among EU member states (SURS, 2019). Among 250,000 people of immigrant back- ground, 216,000 (86%) had their first residence in one of the countries that emerged after the break-up of Yugoslavia. Among these, the most numerous are those whose first residence (after their birth) was in Bosnia and Herzegovina (108,000), followed by those whose first residence was in Croatia (45,000), and then those with their first residence in Serbia (25,000) (SURS, 2018). Of the immigrants from other European countries, the most numerous are those whose first residence was in Germany (7,300), followed by those with their first residence in Italy (4,100) and in the Russian Federa- tion (3,000). Among people whose first residence was in one of the non-European countries, most of them had their first residence in China (1,000), followed by those with their first residence in the United States (800) and in Argentina and Canada (400 each) (SURS, 2018). According to this research, a typical immigrant in Slovenia, who immigrated to Slovenia between 2008 and 2017, is a man aged 30-39 and lives alone. He is a foreign citizen with permanent residence in Slovenia and immigrated to Dela 55_FINAL.indd 25 5. 01. 2022 14:44:24 26 Mojca Ilc Klun, Ana Vombergar | Dela 55 | 2021 | 23–40 Slovenia from Bosnia and Herzegovina. He resides in one of the city municipalities. He is employed and has a vocational education (SURS, 2019). Our research centers around youths’ attitudes and perceptions toward migration, and therefore focused primarily on statistics related to youth and migration in the United States and Slovenia. In the United States, for example, studies have shown that Millennials (born between 1981 and 1996) harbor more favorable views of immigrants than the generations before them, perhaps due to the increasing diversification and globalization of American socie- ty (Rouse, Ross, 2018). Millennials have grown up in increasingly diverse environments with greater numbers of immigrants than ever before, and these demographic changes have influenced their contemporary attitudes toward immigration (Rouse Ross, 2018). Despite the seemingly widespread adoption of tolerance toward immigrants, Millennial viewpoints still vary based on a wide range of identifiers (Rouse, Ross, 2018). Look- ing toward race and ethnicity, immigration has shaped the lives of various groups of the American population in different ways; Asian-Americans and Latin-Americans, for example, are significantly more likely to be an immigrant, have family or friends that are immigrants, and speak another language other than English in their homes when compared to whites and African-Americans (Cohen et al., 2018). Despite these differ- ences, Millennials of all racial and ethnic backgrounds have expressed support for vari- ous issues, such as creating pathways to citizenship for DACA-eligible individuals and expanding the U.S. guest worker program (Cohen et al., 2018). In Slovenia, as well, tolerance toward immigrants seems to be increasing. Compared to 2002, a 2014 study found that more Slovenians believed that immigration was mak- ing the country a better place to live (Heath, Richards, 2016). In general, Europeans have echoed this sentiment, yet have tended to favor immigrants from their ethnic or racial group and express more negative opinions about immigrants from poor countries out- side of Europe (Heath, Richards, 2016). In Slovenia, too, research confirms that several groups (such as Bosniaks and the Roma) are continuously treated as outsiders, despite living in Slovenia, speaking Slovenian, and holding Slovenian citizenship (Bajt, 2016). Regardless of their place of birth, many immigrants in Slovenia have voiced their expe- riences with discrimination and exploitation, ultimately believing that their “foreign- ness” prevents them from fully being accepted in society (Bajt, 2016). 2 METHODOLOGY This study used an online questionnaire to examine the similarities and differences be- tween American and Slovenian youths’ perceptions and attitudes toward migration. The questionnaire was divided into three parts; the first part collected demographic data about respondents, the second part focused on attitudes toward immigration in their home countries, and the final part addressed emigration. The online questionnaire with Dela 55_FINAL.indd 26 5. 01. 2022 14:44:24 27 Youth perception and attitude toward migration processes – the case of the USA and Slovenia the support of the e-tool 1ka.si was launched on July 7, 2020, and students had the op- portunity to participate in the survey until July 24, 2020. In total, 44 students partici- pated in the study, of which 19 were from the United States and 25 from Slovenia. In the case of the American students, all 19 respondents were between the ages of 20 and 21 and the majority of them (68%) were female. More than half (58%) of the students identified as Christian (26% were not religious, 11% were Jewish and 5% were Russian Orthodox). All respondents have completed high school and the majority have at least some college experience. In terms of international experience, 71% of respond- ents have worked or studied abroad. It should be noted, as well, that this sample is not reflective of the American undergraduate student population; in contrast to the 10% of American students that study abroad, many of the students in the sample study interna- tional affairs, politics, and language, and may be more likely to spend time abroad (US study abroad, 2018). Politically, 88% of respondents said they were liberal (6% identi- fied as conservative, and another 6% as moderate), consistent with the fact that many respondents said that they primarily utilize left-leaning news sources, such as CNN and The New York Times. At the same time, 76% of students use at least two sources to collect their news, with 18% of respondents utilizing social media platforms. At the same time, it seems as though American students view their nationality rather neutrally; although the results varied, 41% of the respondents indicated that being American was slightly important to their identity, while 35% stated that it was fairly important, 12% claimed it was very important, and 12% claimed it was not at all important. Despite the 88% of respondents that claimed being American was at least slightly important to their identity, 29% of our sample described themselves as not at all patriotic. 41% of respondents did, however, identify as slightly patriotic, 18% as very patriotic, and the remaining 12% as fairly patriotic. Figure 1: An average American student who participated in the study. Dela 55_FINAL.indd 27 5. 01. 2022 14:44:24 28 Mojca Ilc Klun, Ana Vombergar | Dela 55 | 2021 | 23–40 In the case of Slovenian students, the majority of them, 65%, were 20 years old, 13% 25 years old, 9% 22 and 24 years old and 4% 23 years old. Majority of them, 60%, were female. Almost half of students identified as Christian (48%), while others stated they are atheist, or claimed that this information is personal, did not answer the ques- tion, or emphasized regional identity over religion in their answers. All respondents completed high school, and all have some college experience - 76% completed high school and are currently students of first bachelor level, while others have already a bachelor’s degree and are currently students of a master’s program. In terms of inter- national experience, the majority, 92%, have not studied or worked abroad, which starkly contrasts the high percentage American students with international experi- ence who participated in the study. 60% of Slovenian students considered their politi- cal views as moderate, while 36% liberal and 4% as conservative. In terms of utilizing news platforms, the majority of them (44%) use different, at least two or more news sources, and 20% of Slovenian students have exposed social media platforms (eg. Fa- cebook) when obtaining the news. Majority of Slovenian students, 58%, indicated that being Slovenian is very important to their identity, while 21% stated it is fairly important, 17% slightly important and only 4% indicated that being Slovenian is not at all important for his/her identity. Nevertheless, they indicated their national iden- tity as very important, Slovenian students do not consider themselves as being very patriotic. Majority of them, 44%, find themselves as fairly patriotic, 28% as slightly patriotic, 20% as very patriotic and 8% as not at all patriotic. Figure 2: An average Slovenian student who participated in the study. Dela 55_FINAL.indd 28 5. 01. 2022 14:44:24 29 Youth perception and attitude toward migration processes – the case of the USA and Slovenia Table 1: Demographic information of respondents. American students (%) Slovenian students (%) International experience Yes 71 8 No 29 92 Political orientation Liberal 88 36 Conservative 6 4 Moderate 6 60 National identity Very important 12 58 Fairly important 35 21 Slightly important 41 17 Not at all important 12 4 Patriotic Very patriotic 18 20 Fairly patriotic 12 44 Slightly patriotic 41 28 Not at all patriotic 29 8 Table 1 highlights some key differences between American and Slovenian students, most notably the major gap in international experience. In our survey, we asked stu- dents if they had ever worked or studied abroad and, while most American students already have at least one experience outside of their home country, the vast majority of Slovenian students do not; as previously stated, this share is higher among Ameri- can students due to their involvement in the study of international relations. Among Slovenian students, however, this percentage is very low because most of the students who participated in the research are first-year students and have not yet made the de- cision to study abroad. Another significant difference between American and Slove- nian students is their political orientation. The majority of American students defined themselves politically as left-leaning/liberal, while the majority of Slovenian students defined themselves as moderate, and these differences are reflected in their definitions of national identity and patriotism. Most American students, for example, perceive their national identity as slightly important and define themselves as slightly patriotic. Slovenian students, on the other hand, consider their national identity very important and express more patriotism than their American colleagues. Dela 55_FINAL.indd 29 5. 01. 2022 14:44:24 30 Mojca Ilc Klun, Ana Vombergar | Dela 55 | 2021 | 23–40 3 RESULTS Survey results are divided into two parts; the first section discusses our American and Slovenian respondents’ perceptions and attitudes toward immigration, while the second part assesses their feelings toward future emigration. 3.1 Attitude and perception of American students about immigration Both countries, the United States and Slovenia, have been part of immigration pro- cesses. The United States, for example, has a long history of immigration, and immi- grants from all over the world continue to diversify the nation. Slovenia, on the other hand, has been part of two major immigration waves in the 20th century (through the 1960s and 1970s and again after 1991), when immigrants from (former) Yugoslavia immigrated to Slovenia, mostly for economic reasons. In our research, we were in- terested in whether the state’s involvement in immigration processes can be linked to the attitude and perception of young people toward immigration; in fact, the results of the International Organization for Migration’s 2012-2014 survey showed that the largest immigration countries (the United States, Australia, Canada, etc.) have a posi- tive attitude towards immigration, while European countries are generally averse to immigration (How the world views migration, 2015). In our research, we asked the participants whether they themselves had any experi- ence with the immigration process, and most American students expressed at least one familial or friendship-based connection to American immigration. In fact, nearly half (47%) of the respondents noted that at least one of their grandparents immigrated to the United States, and 41% said they have at least one close friend who is an immi- grant. At the same time, 24% stated that at least one of their parents is an immigrant, and other 24% of students have no connections to the immigration process. In terms of identity, all American students agreed that there is no difference between an American-born American and a foreign-born American. Many students noted that an immigrant should hold certain values associated with the United States, such as a belief in liberty and justice for all, while others stated that obtaining citizenship, par- ticipating in governmental processes, and contributing to the economy are essential to being “American.” At the same time, many students emphasized the centrality of im- migration and diversity in American history and culture, stating that differences among Americans should be celebrated. Despite the consensus that all Americans should be treated equally, one respondent noted that foreign-born Americans are likely to face discrimination based on the color of their skin and the accent of their voice. American students have made it clear that immigration is a high-priority political issue, as 83% of respondents described it as very important, with the remaining 18% describing it as fairly important. In assessing issues more important than immigra- tion, healthcare, climate change, police/prison reform, and gun control proved to be Dela 55_FINAL.indd 30 5. 01. 2022 14:44:24 31 Youth perception and attitude toward migration processes – the case of the USA and Slovenia significant among American student population. Economically, almost half (47%) of re- spondents viewed immigration as very important, 29% said it was fairly important, and the remaining 24% stated that it was slightly important. Although no students described immigration as completely unimportant economically, most students believed that ad- dressing the wealth gap, minimum wage, unemployment, poverty, and access to health- care and social welfare are currently more economically significant than immigration. In terms of migration-related knowledge and education, most American students (47%) stated they have an average understanding of U.S. immigration policies (41% claimed their understanding was good, while the remaining 12% described it as poor). To improve this understanding, many students voiced their desire to learn more about the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) policy, as well as the work of the U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, known widely as ICE. Others also hoped to better understand the process of becoming an American citizen and the governmental treatment of immigrants during this process. Overall, American youth seem to possess favorable views of immigrants in their society. According to 88% of our American respondents, immigrants contribute very positively to American society; the other 12% of students described the immigrant con- tribution as somewhat positive. On a larger scale, 59% of respondents describe their generation’s attitude toward immigrants as very positive, 29% describe it as somewhat positive, 6% describe it as neutral, and another 6% describe it as somewhat negative. Despite the generally positive youth perception of immigrants in the United States, many of our respondents expressed concerns about racism, xenophobia, and other forms of discrimination against the American immigrant community. While 16% of students say that all immigrants in the United States share a similar experience, based on the feeling of being an outsider and creating a new life in an unfamiliar territory, the remaining 84% of respondents claim that immigrant experiences in the U.S. can differ widely, based on factors such as country of origin, educational and economic background, skin color, religion, fluency in English language, legal status, and level of familial support. One student noted that the U.S. has “favorite” countries, mean- ing that Americans value immigrants from these countries more than others, likely because of religious and racial factors. Similarly, another student mentioned the role of stereotypes in an immigrant’s experience in the United States; for example, a Latinx or Middle Eastern immigrant may face more discrimination and assimilation-related challenges than a European immigrant, based largely on their appearance as an “out- sider.” Two students also claimed that a support system (of family or friends) can influence an immigrant’s experience in the United States, as the area in which im- migrants live and the people with whom they interact can ultimately impact their experience in the United States. Similarly, all American students agreed that immigrants to the United States do not feel like a full and equal citizen with all the rights and protections that other people have, further highlighting the presence of xenophobia within the American general Dela 55_FINAL.indd 31 5. 01. 2022 14:44:24 32 Mojca Ilc Klun, Ana Vombergar | Dela 55 | 2021 | 23–40 public. Yet again, students believed that immigrants are likely to face discrimination; however, many students also noted that undocumented immigrants and DACA re- cipients are more likely to be disadvantaged, as any minor indiscretion can strip them of their legal protection. Likewise, 24% of respondents stated that policies created under the Trump administration have further barred immigrants from integrating (and feeling accepted) in the United States. Regardless of the perceived threat of discrimination against immigrants in the United States, 71% of American students surveyed strongly disagreed with the idea that more Americans would accept immigrants’ cultural differences if they tried hard- er to fit in (24% disagreed, and 6% agreed). The majority of students expressed their belief that immigrants should not have to abandon their culture and background to conform to American standards; rather, students noted that cultural diversity contrib- utes significantly and positively to American society (both historically and contempo- rarily), as immigrants consistently bring new ideas to the forefront and propel the na- tion into the future with more acceptance. Addressing the hypocrisies of assimilation, one student noted that an immigrant that “tries too hard to fit in” will be categorized as “white-washed” by the American public, yet an immigrant that “doesn’t try hard enough to fit in” will be described by others as “not a real American.” In fact, the majority of American students believed that the media negatively in- fluenced their perceptions of immigrants in the United States by feeding into pre- established stereotypes of immigrants and criminalizing immigration. Many students felt that the media fails to discuss the “overwhelming good” that immigrants bring to American society, causing a student to feel concerned for the safety of immigrants in the United States. A few students also noted that different sources will present dif- ferent viewpoints of immigration in the United States, perhaps polarizing the issue. Addressing the importance of immigration coverage, another student mentioned that the media is where they receive information about immigrants and immigration, which in turn impacts their perception of the topic; in this way, it seems as though the media play a key role in the formation of American youths’ opinions on immigration. 3.2 Attitude and perception of Slovenian students about immigration In contrast to American respondents, most Slovenian students (72%) have no connec- tions to immigration processes. In terms of friends and family, only 20% of Slovenian students stated that they have a close friend who immigrated to Slovenia, and only 16% of students have one or more grandparents who immigrated to Slovenia. Unlike the 24% of American students with at least one immigrant parent, none of Slovenian students have parental immigration history. In the demographic section of our survey, 58% of Slovenian students described their national identity as very important to their personal identity. In addressing Slo- venian national identity, the majority of Slovenian students (52%) stated that there Dela 55_FINAL.indd 32 5. 01. 2022 14:44:24 33 Youth perception and attitude toward migration processes – the case of the USA and Slovenia is no difference between a Slovenian-born Slovenian and a foreign-born Slovenian, 8% stated that there is a difference, and the remaining 40% were not clear in their answers. When we asked them about the factors that define an individual’s national identity, 32% of students answered that the most important identifiers of Slovenian identity are language and culture. Thus, in the context of defining national identity, Slovenian students emphasized one component, the linguistic-cultural component, which is often the fastest to notice, while generally disregarding the historical, spatial, economic-social and political components of national identity (Zupančič, 1998). In addressing the significance of immigration in the political and economic realms, Slovenian survey respondents described the issue as generally important. Politically, for example, almost half (48%) of students described immigration as fairly important, 32% as very important, and the remaining 20% as slightly important. In fact, none of Slovenian respondents perceive immigration has an unimportant part of Slovenian politics. In the economic sphere, too, most Slovenian students consider immigration to be fairly important (48%), while 24% of Slovenian students describe it as very im- portant or slightly important. Only one Slovenian student emphasized that immi- gration is not all important in terms of economic issues. In assessing issues more important than immigration, healthcare, climate change, unemployment, homeless- ness, gender equality, elderly care, and corruption proved to be significant among the Slovenian student population. Like American survey respondents, most Slovenian students (48%) described their understanding of Slovenian immigration policies as average, 28% as good, 12% as poor, and another 12% as very poor. To improve understanding of immigration poli- cies, Slovenian students voiced their desire to learn more about the procedures for acquiring citizenship, asylum, the procedures for integrating immigrants into society, challenges that immigrants face in Slovenian society, employment opportunities for immigrants, healthcare, etc. In comparison with American students’ overwhelmingly positive perception of immigrant contributions to society, Slovenian students presented a largely negative view of immigrants’ societal impacts. More specifically, most Slovenian students sug- gested that immigrants neutrally (33%) or somewhat negatively (33%) contribute to Slovenian society. Although another 4% described immigrants’ contributions as very negative, others expressed more favorable views; 25% of Slovenian students described immigrant contributions as somewhat positive and another 4% as very positive. On a generational level, as well, Slovenian students tend to perceive immigrants rather negatively. For example, 44% of Slovenian students described their generation’s at- titudes toward immigrants as somewhat negative, 28% as neutral, 16% as somewhat positive, 8% as very negative, and 4% as very positive. Overall, these statistics confirm the results of the International Organization for Migration’s 2012-2014 study (How the World Views Migration, 2015) which showed that adults in Europe have a nega- tive perception of immigration. More specifically, our research showed that young Dela 55_FINAL.indd 33 5. 01. 2022 14:44:25 34 Mojca Ilc Klun, Ana Vombergar | Dela 55 | 2021 | 23–40 people in Slovenia, who were at the center of our research, have a slightly more nega- tive attitude toward immigrants and immigration. In addressing societal acceptance of immigrants in Slovenia, the majority of Slove- nian students (72%) believed that immigrants in Slovenia do not share similar experi- ences and may be treated differently based on factors such as ethnicity, cultural back- ground, and education. In their responses, many students described the centrality of immigrants’ ethnic affiliations in societal acceptance; in their opinion, immigrants who immigrated to Slovenia from the countries of former Yugoslavia are much less likely to be accepted in Slovenia than those who immigrate to Slovenia from other countries. In addition, many students noted that immigrants with different cultural backgrounds and lower levels of education may be perceived more negatively by Slo- venians, and therefore less likely to feel accepted in society. When asked if immigrants in Slovenia feel like full and equal citizens with all the rights and protections that other people have, Slovenian students’ opinions were di- vided. The majority (44%) of students agreed with the statement, believing that immi- grants in Slovenia feel completely equal. In their answers, some Slovenian respondents emphasized the idea that many immigrants from former Yugoslav republics can speak in their native languages and be generally understood by the Slovenian population. Another 40% of students, however, stated that immigrants in Slovenia are not equal and may face discrimination by others. Similarly, 71% of Slovenian students believe that Slovenians would be more likely to accept the cultural diversity of immigrants if they tried harder to fit in (46% agreed with the statement and 25% strongly agreed). Above all, they emphasized that Slovenians would be more accepting of immigrants if they learned the Slovenian language and accepted Slovenian culture. On the other hand, 29% of Slovenian students did not agree with the statement, ultimately believ- ing that immigrants have the right to keep their language and culture. In addressing the media’s impact on Slovenians’ perceptions of migration, the ma- jority of Slovenian students (44%) believed that the media influence the way Sloveni- ans view migration, but did not mention whether this influence is positive or negative. However, 28% of students stated that the Slovenian media depict a very negative im- age of migration, which in turn affects society’s perceptions of migration. Interest- ingly, none of the Slovenian students believed that the Slovenian media would present migration as a positive demographic process. 3.3 Attitude and perception of American and Slovenian students about emigration Looking toward prospects for emigration, it seems that American students are rather interested in living abroad. In fact, 59% of American respondents stated that they’re likely to emigrate in the future (24% said they were very likely and 35% described themselves as somewhat likely). On the other hand, 6% of students remained neutral Dela 55_FINAL.indd 34 5. 01. 2022 14:44:25 35 Youth perception and attitude toward migration processes – the case of the USA and Slovenia on the issue, 12% said they were somewhat unlikely, and the remaining 24% said they were very unlikely to emigrate. At the same time, 63% of students said that hav- ing a spouse or child may influence their likelihood of emigrating; many described a desire to raise children outside of the United States, and others said that they would be willing to move abroad to be with a foreign partner. One student described living internationally as “a great opportunity to learn about other cultures, gain new skills, and see the world from a perspective that isn’t focused on the U.S.” When asked their top three reasons for moving abroad, the most common answer was career-focused, yet closely followed by a desire to gain new experiences within a foreign cultural context; to further describe this sentiment, one student wrote “life is short and I think it’s a disservice to yourself to stay put and never try learning in other places.” In fact, previous research suggests that young self-initiated expatriates (SIEs) are motivated significantly by adventure and life changes, in addition to financial and professional desires (Ceric, Crawford, 2016). A study conducted by the Boston Con- sulting Group (BCG) on global mobility and employment preferences echoed these ideas, stating that individuals want to become a global citizen through diverse profes- sional and personal experiences abroad (Strack et al., 2014). In addressing the yearning for occupational experience abroad, research suggests that Americans between the ages of 21 and 30 are 59% more likely than Americans in general to consider international employment opportunities; although this high percentage may be correlated with the financial crisis, many educated young Ameri- cans have also been seeking non-traditional starts to their careers through temporary overseas assignments, perhaps with nonprofit organizations (Strack et al., 2014). In addition to personal and professional growth, many American respondents stated that political factors will significantly impact their likelihood of moving abroad in the future. While 25% of students explicitly described the re-election of Donald Trump as a push factor, other students also stressed the importance of healthcare and education accessibility issues, as well as problems with the two-party system, gun con- trol, and racial inequalities. However, these findings are rather unsurprising. Follow- ing the election of President Trump in 2016, a Gallup poll found that 30% of Ameri- cans between the ages of 15 and 30 said they would like to move to another country, representing a record high in the desire to emigrate (Ray, Esipova, 2019). In terms of desired destination, Europe appears to be popular among American youth, as 69% of our respondents stated that they would most likely emigrate to coun- tries within the European Union, 13% stated North America, 6% stated Asia, 6% stated Eastern Europe, and the remaining 6% stated Oceania. However, none of the students surveyed want to live abroad forever; in fact, 44% of students want to live internation- ally for 1–5 years, 38% for 5–20 years, 13% for less than a year, and 6% for 20–50 years. Despite this strong desire to live abroad, American students expressed doubts about their ability to integrate into a foreign society. When asked if they would feel like a full and equal citizen with all the rights and protections that others have when Dela 55_FINAL.indd 35 5. 01. 2022 14:44:25 36 Mojca Ilc Klun, Ana Vombergar | Dela 55 | 2021 | 23–40 abroad, 77% of respondents said no, believing that immigrants are often treated as outsiders. While some stated that citizenship may be necessary to feel like a full and equal citizen in a foreign country, others noted that identifiers such as race and socio- economic status may be even more important (perhaps because they are more visible) in gaining acceptance. Speaking from personal experience, one student also stated that some countries are quite nationalistic, have an ingrained perception of what a citizen should look like, and may be less likely to accept immigrants into their society. In Slovenia, as well, emigration has become an increasingly popular phenomenon. Between 2010 and 2016, the number of young people emigrating from Slovenia near- ly quadrupled, as many individuals exhibit a desire to experience a foreign culture (Naterer et al., 2019). Studies have shown that young Slovenians often prepare for future migration (through language classes, etc.), although they typically plan to re- turn home (Naterer et al., 2019). Perhaps through the Europeanization of Slovenia (gaining EU membership, adopting the Euro, etc), pull factors have been more sig- nificant than push factors when young people consider emigration, as other European countries have become increasingly accessible (Naterer et al., 2019). Likewise, many international companies have contributed to this population’s high likelihood of emi- grating by targeting young educated individuals (Naterer et al., 2019). In regard to emigration, most Slovenian students have no desire to emigrate from Slovenia; in fact, 39% of Slovenian students answered that they would be somewhat unlikely to emigrate from Slovenia, and 13% very unlikely. This result is slightly differ- ent from previous research (Naterer et al., 2019); Ilc Klun, 2017). In this survey, which included more than 1100 pupils from Slovenian primary and secondary schools, 63.5% of pupils expressed a desire to emigrate from Slovenia (Ilc Klun, 2017b). Al- though this research did not include college students, this research showed a positive correlation between age and desire to emigrate, meaning that older students looked more favorably upon emigration than younger students (Ilc Klun, 2017b). However, our research showed that 26% of Slovenian college students want to emigrate from Slovenia (22% somewhat likely and 4% very likely). In assessing reasons for emigra- tion, familial connections proved to be a major motivator. More specifically, the sur- vey showed that 50% of Slovenian students would emigrate due to family ties (they would be more likely to emigrate from Slovenia if they had a spouse from a foreign country), but 35% of Slovenian students would not consider family ties an important factor for emigration from Slovenia. When stating the reasons for emigrating from Slovenia, 80% of Slovenian students emphasized that if they emigrated, they would emigrate for work experience. 35% of them stated in their answers that the reason for emigration would also be family or love. In regard to the destination of emigration, most Slovenian students (57%) would emigrate to one of the countries of the European Union, followed by North America (17%), Eastern Europe (13%), Oceania (9%) and South America (4%). In terms of time spent abroad, most students (48%) pointed out that they would emigrate abroad Dela 55_FINAL.indd 36 5. 01. 2022 14:44:25 37 Youth perception and attitude toward migration processes – the case of the USA and Slovenia for a period of 1-5 years, 22% would emigrate for 5-20 years, 17% for less than a year and only 4% for more than 50 years. Given that the majority of Slovenian students have expressed a desire to emigrate to one of the countries of the European Union, the belief that they would feel equal in the country of immigration as immigrants is understandable. 40% of Slovene students answered that they would feel equal to other citizens in the country of immigration, and 20% of Slovene students expressed doubts toward this statement. 4 CONCLUSIONS The United States and Slovenia are geographically very different countries, and de- spite their size, history, economic and political characteristics, both countries have been involved in different migration flows. Therefore, in both countries, migration- related topics are part of daily media coverage and political decisions. Given that there is a general belief that most people have negative perception and attitude toward mi- gration, as most negative news about migration and migrants is mainly provided by the media, we were interested in the perceptions and attitudes of young people in the US and Slovenia towards migration and migrants. In July 2020, we conducted an online survey among 44 students from the USA and Slovenia, in which we were interested in their perception and attitude towards immigration and immigrants on the one hand, and their opinion on emigration on the other. In terms of perception and attitude toward migration, our research showed that American and Slovenian students are similar in some ways (ex. average understanding of migration policy, im- migrants have different experiences), but quite different in many aspects. The first part of our research was related to the thematic area of immigration and immigrants. The results of the survey showed that most American students have at least one closer experience with the immigration process, meaning that one of their family members or friends immigrated to the United States. On the other hand, most Slove- nian students (72%) do not have this experience. When asked if they thought there was a difference between immigrant citizens and those born in the country, all American students answered that in their opinion there was no difference, while Slovenian stu- dents were quite divided in their answers, as slightly more than half (52%) stated that there is no difference. Subsequently, 83% of American students emphasized that immi- gration is a very important political issue, while only 48% of Slovenian students think that immigration is a fairly important political issue. Differences between the groups were also reflected in their opinions on the economic importance of immigration. For example, 47% of American students think that immigration is very important from an economic point of view, while 48% of Slovenian students think that immigration is only fairly important economically. The students’ opinions differed greatly from each other on the contribution of immigrants to the country’s society. 88% of American students believe that immigrants have a positive contribution to American society, while only Dela 55_FINAL.indd 37 5. 01. 2022 14:44:25 38 Mojca Ilc Klun, Ana Vombergar | Dela 55 | 2021 | 23–40 29% of Slovenian students have such an opinion. Most of them believe that immigrants have a somewhat negative (33%) or neutral (33%) contribution to Slovenian society. In their answers, the American students pointed out that, in their opinion, most young Americans have a positive attitude towards immigrants and immigration. A much high- er percentage of Slovenian students, however, believed that their generation has a some- what negative attitude toward immigration. This result goes hand in hand with a survey conducted by the IOM between 2012 and 2014, which showed, among other things, that adult Americans have more positive attitudes toward immigration and immigrants than adult Europeans (How the World Views Migration, 2015). Since the media have a significant influence on people’s opinions, we were interested in youths’ opinions on the media’s impact on migration. The results of the survey showed that all American stu- dents believe that the media have a negative impact on people’s opinions on migration, while only 28% of Slovenian students have such an opinion. The second half of our research was related to the field of emigration. We were interested in whether young people in the United States and Slovenia are interested in emigrating, where and for how many years they would emigrate, their top reasons for emigrating from the country, etc. The results of the survey showed that the ma- jority of American students (59%) want to emigrate from the country, but usually only temporarily, for a maximum of 1–5 years. On the other hand, the majority of Slovenian students are not in favor of emigration (52%), and in the case of emigra- tion, the majority also opted for temporary emigration for a maximum period of 1-5 years. In both groups of students, the reasons for emigration were primarily related to professional careers and gaining new work experience abroad, and the decision for emigration in both groups would also be influenced by family reasons. Both groups of students pointed out that if emigrating, they would most likely choose one of the European Union countries, and in their answers, American students pointed out that, in their opinion, they would not feel equal to other citizens in another country, while a large proportion of Slovenian students expressed the opinion that they would feel equal to other citizens in another country and that they would have the same rights. Finally, it should be noted that the survey was conducted on a relatively small sam- ple of students (44), so the results of the survey cannot be fully generalized to the entire youth population. To this end, it would be necessary to conduct research on a significantly larger sample, which could confirm or refute some of the results we presented with our research. References Bajt, V., 2016. Who ‘belongs’? Migration, nationalism and national identity in Slo- venia. ProQuest - Social Science Database. 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