J OURNAL OF C OMPARATIVE P OLITICS     75 
 
 
 
 
 
C OMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE POLITICAL 
MANAGEMENT DIMENSIONS OF LOCAL 
ELECTION CAMPAIGNS 
 
Domen KOS
1
 
…………………… …………… ……… … … … … …… … … … …. …………………… …………… …… 
 
Political management of local election campaigns is the central 
topic of this article, which presents a wide range of factors and 
components of the local election campaigns, which will be called 
dimensions in order to unify the terminology. All dimensions are 
connected on the basis of the strategic dimension of political 
management. The dimensions are set through theoretical and 
empirical findings of authors from diverse environments. Different 
experiences indicate various dimensions of local election campaigns 
(normative and systemic, political and environmental, 
geographical and demographical, organizational and executive, 
strategic, and the dimensions of sources, interaction, candidate, 
time, and intensity). All these fundamental dimensions consist of a 
different number of sub -dimensi ons. Depending on the environment 
of the study, they are extremely diverse in meaning. The synthesis of 
international theoretical and empirical findings can be found in the 
form of a newly established analytical framework for the 
exploration of local elect ion campaigns. With the appropriate 
adjustments to the different contexts of each country, this 
framework can also be used in the international arena in the field 
of directly elected representatives of the local self -government 
authorities. The article clo ses with a discussion about the empirical 
testing of the e stablished analytical framework . 
 
Key words: political management; local elections; local election 
campaign; dimensions; analytical framework. 
 
 
1 INTRODUCTION: POLITICAL MANAGEMENT OF ELECTION 
CAMPAIGNS 
 
The topic of the article represents one of the basic questions in democratic 
poli t i c al	 s y s te m s ,	 b ec a us e	 the	 “ el ec t i ons	 ar e	 am o n g 	 the	 m os t	 i n te res t i n g 	 and 	
importatant political events in the life of a country. Even non -democratical 
                                                 
1 
Domen KOS is a doctoral candidate of political science at the Faculty of Social Sciences, 
University of Ljubljana and founder of the Institute for Political Management (IPM). Contact: 
domen.kos@ipm.si. 

J OURNAL OF C OMPARATIVE P OLITICS     76 
 
 
governments re inforce the value of elections by routinely using them to justify a 
reg i m e’s	 ex i s ten c e ” 	 (Me dv i c 	 2 014, 	 1).	 Wi t hi n 	 t he 	 c ont ex t	 of	 rati onal-legal 
authority Weber (1962) recognizes the meaning of legitimization of power 
through clear rules, laws, and regulatio ns. These are defined by the law (Kranjc 
2010) and more thoroughly in the context of election campaigns with the 
principles of the election system (Grad 2004). Elections are an essential part of 
the fight for political power, while the election campaigns s upposedly give 
meaning to these fights (Herrnson and Campbell 2009). These can be further 
ex am i n ed	 th rou g h 	 S c h um peter’ s 	 ( 1942) 	 c on c ept	 of 	 fi g ht i n g 	 for 	 pol i ti c al	 p ow er 	
with an election race (election campaign) and with the election results. 
Elections can th erefore be understood as legitimization of receiving and 
asserting political power. Election campaigns are important because they offer 
the	 v ote rs ’ 	 ac t i v e	 p arti c i pat i on,	 an	 i n for m ati on-based selection of 
representatives, and a satisfaction of interests. To gether with elections, 
campaigns also provide legitimization of the elected candidate and public 
policies (Trent et al . 2011). 
 
Election campaigns are a frequently discussed topic within social sciences, 
specifically in the field of political science and c ommunication studies. 
Nevertheless there are different definitions of an election campaign that vary 
due to its complexity. Terminological definition is offered by Safire (1993) in his 
political dictionary. He explains that the term is taken from military jargon and 
was later used in a political context in England as the idea that politics is a form 
of combat. Schumpeter (1942) defines election campaign as an activity 
connected to a power struggle. Election campaign is also defined as a political 
activity o f opposing political actors, taking place during elections with the goal 
of achieving a higher number of votes through systematic and organization -
based process of informing, convincing, and mobilising the voters (Norris 2002; 
Schmitt -Beck and Farrell 2002 ). Agranoff (1976,3) defines election campaigns 
as 	 a	 pro c es s 	 of	 (p ol i t i c al)	 m anag em ent 	 that	 “ c oo rdi n ates 	 eff ort	 to 	 ac h i eve 	
objectives, such as electing a candidate to office, connect various operations 
that organize and use environmental, human, social and m ater i al	 r es o ur c e s ” . 	
Mutually complementing definitions offer the best attempt to define election 
campaigns.  
 
Political management mainly applies to the field of applied political science. The 
interest in studying political management is increasing due t o the process of 
professionalization of politics, while its role in academic institutions around the 
world is becoming very important (Johnson 2009a). In the field of political 
management authors most frequently place management of election campaigns, 
poli tical counselling, political marketing, researching the competition, lobbying 
and advocacy, funding, public opinion polling, and other forms of applied 
knowledge in the political processes (Herrnson 2005; Johnson 2009a; Burton 
and Shea 2010). The historica l beginnings of political management could more 
broadly be defined through the beginnings of the Western political thought and 
parallel 	 t o	 A l m ond’ s 	 (1 996)	 r i s i n g 	 c u rv e	 of 	 th e	 We s tern 	 p oli t i c al	 th ou g ht. 	
Furthermore, we must also mention the important contri b uti on	 of	 Mac hi avel li ’ s 	
political thought; in his work Il Principe he produced one of the first political 
manuals for rulers (Machiavelli 1966; Alatri 1980). Harris, Lock, and Rees 
(2000) place the aforementioned manual in analogy with modern political 
man agement. In a more narrow sense, the American political scientist Johnson 
(2009b) states that political management has primarily evolved in the 1930s in 
the field of political counselling in local election campaigns in the United States 
of America (with th e establishment of the first company of the kind, called 
“ Ca m pa i g n s ,	 In c .” ).	 T h i s 	 i s 	 s uppo s edly	 the	 way 	 th e	 m arket	 wa s 	 pre s ent ed	 wi th	 a 	
new market sector, which has undergone major growth until today. 

J OURNAL OF C OMPARATIVE P OLITICS     77 
 
 
 
The interest in local election campaigns arose no earl ier than in the 1980s. The 
reasons for the previous lack of interest can be found in the opinions about 
irrelevance, the perception of smallness in comparison with the national 
election campaigns, and the opinion about the weak link between the election 
campaign on a local level and its effects. Furthermore, local election campaigns 
were supposedly seen as extremely complex in nature and difficult to define 
(Carty and Eagles 2000; Carty et al . 2003). The interest arose through research 
of election campaigns on the national level and it was not until later that it 
developed into its own research question (Maarek 1995; Carty and Eagles 2000; 
Ware 2003). The arguments for the importance of researching local election 
campaigns can also be found in the historical context, which is seen in the ideal 
postmodern evolutionary model of the election campaign, where the election 
campaign returns on a local level (Norris 2002). 
 
Resulting from the addressed issues of researching local election campaigns, 
this article expl ores local election campaigns as an independent research 
question in the field of political science. Through theoretical and empirical 
research questions authors indicate various components, factors, aspects, and 
other descriptions of the influences of the election campaigns, which will be 
called dimensions in order to unify the terminology. This unified term is used 
by various authors (Carty and Eagles 2000; Carty et al .; Fridkin and Kenney 
2008; Olesen 2011). Here we can mainly detect researches of indivi dual 
dimensions, their proportion and effects, or the connections of certain 
dimensions. The main shortcoming, addressed in this article, lies in an 
analytical framework and a complete identification and definition of the 
dimensions of local election campa igns. This type of void is especially felt in the 
research of local election campaigns in Slovenia, which are poorly researched in 
their dimensions. 
 
First part of this article is prepared as an introduction to elections, election 
campaigns, political mana gement and addressed issues of this article itself. 
Second part is about the evolution of election campaigns and campaigning. 
Third part starts with local election campaigns and carries on with theoretical 
and empirical findings of authors from different e nvironments. All dimensions 
are connected on the basis of the strategic dimension of political management. 
Fourth part of the article establishes the strategic analytical framework of 
contemporary local election campaigns and synthesizes its political 
mana gement dimensions. The article closes with a discussion about the 
empirical testing of the established analytical framework. 
 
 
2 T HE EVOLUTION OF ELECTION CAMPAIGNS AND CAMPAIGNING 
 
As we could see above, it is difficult to construct a definition due to the always-
changing environment, organizers of the election campaigns, communication 
channels, and the effects of the election campaign. Besides that, the election 
campaigns have noticeably progressed in the last decades. The reasons for the 
progress or th e evolution of election campaigns can be found in the television, 
information, and communications revolution, as well as in the political progress 
(F arrell	 1996;	 N orr i s 	 20 02).	 Of	 parti c ul ar	 i n tere s t	 i s 	 N o rri s ’ 	 ty pology 	 (2002) , 	
which introduces three ideal types of models of evolution: pre -modern, modern, 
and postmodern election campaign. 
 

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A pre -modern election campaign is a campaign in its primary version. The 
organizers of an election campaign are the political parties or, more precisely, 
the party leaders hip, which is in contact with the voters on a local level. This 
way, the communication between the candidates and the electorate is 
predominantly direct through field activities, which are not planned long -term. 
One of the main characteristics of a pre -mod ern election campaign is an 
extremely loyal electorate, which gets its information through party newsletters 
and media. These are connected to the respective political party. A modern 
election campaign makes a leap from a local to a distinctly national lev el, with 
the help of the revolution of television. Television also became the central tool 
of a one -sided communication. With the transfer of the election campaign on a 
national level we can also observe the division of the electorate and the political 
par ties and the breakaway from the loyalty to political parties, which is 
characteristic of pre -modern election campaigns (Norris 2002). The main 
difference occurs with the performers of an election campaign, meaning partial 
professionalization with external advisors from the field of political counselling, 
public relations, public opinion, and others (Plasser 2001). These mainly 
represent support and professional help, while political parties are the ones 
that centrally coordinate election campaigns. Postmode rn election campaigns 
are the last phase in the development or the evolution of election campaigns. 
They are characterised by a permanent election campaign, which means a 
campaign that never ends and goes on the entire time during the election cycles 
(Mann and Ornstein 2000; Norris 2002). Another main characteristic is the act 
of relocalization of the election campaign or, in other words, the act of coming 
back to a local environment, closer to the electorate. The consequence is the use 
of manifold local co mmunication channels, mostly the use of local media. 
Furthermore, the postmodern election campaign became drastically more 
complex than the previous forms since it is characterised by informational and 
communicational revolution. Both technological revolut ions bring the 
possibility of addressing different electorates and target audiences, as well as a 
two-sided communication, which is not possible with television. Different 
profiles of experts play an important part in election campaigns due to the 
complexity and the aforementioned diversity of the postmodern election 
campaign (Norris 2002). 
 
From an academic and research point of view, as well as from the point of view 
of the market sector of political management, it is clear that the election 
campaign has progressed in the last decades (some authors describe it as 
ha v i n g 	 b e c o m e	 m o re	 ‘ s o phi s ti c ated’ ). 	 T hi s 	 b r i n g s 	 c ert ai n 	 n eg ati v e	 as 	 well 	 a s 	
positive consequences for democracy (Farrell 1996; Norris 2002). Field 
activities still represent an important and pred ominant role despite the 
acceptance of communications technology, which is especially true for election 
campaigns on a local level. We are not talking about replacing personal 
interaction with the voters, but about promoting political rhetoric through 
othe r channels. The positive effects can be seen not only in a better -informed 
environment, but also mostly in expanding the circle of citizens who receive the 
political information. At the same time this helps improve the quality of political 
rhetoric. Beside s the positive and beneficent effects there remain the alarming 
negative effects of the development of the election campaign, originating in the 
increase of financial resources, intended for the executives of the election 
campaign. Consequently, this repre sents a starting advantage for all those who 
enter the election campaign from the incumbent position (using internal 
sources) as well as for all those with a higher social status. Furthermore, the 
political competitors are becoming more and more dependent on various 
interest groups that help finance the election campaigns. All of this brings 
uneven starting opportunities in the election campaign and also dependence on 

J OURNAL OF C OMPARATIVE P OLITICS     79 
 
 
the interest groups. It is difficult to put on the scale the positive and negative 
consequences since the trend is alarming from the point of view of democracy. 
Many academics, as well as many candidates, support redefining the mentality 
and turning back to traditional election campaigns, but it is difficult to expect 
this since the sophisticat ion of the election campaigns remains an extremely 
progressive and irreversible trend (Strachan 2003). 
 
Despite all the significance, wide range, and wastefulness of election campaigns, 
the scientific and research efforts of academics and researchers, and the 
lucrativeness of the market sector, it is interesting that there is no proven 
influence of election campaigns on the result of the elections. Here we should 
keep in mind the diverse opinions of approaches and schools dealing with this 
question. All dif ferent approaches come together in one point (Carmines and 
Huckfeldt 1996); election campaigns affect the result of the elections at least in 
some way. We cannot look at an election campaign solely through the prism of 
its activities and strategies; we hav e to observe it from a wider point of view, 
taking into account also the uncontrolled events, activities, and coincidences 
(Schmitt -Beckand Farrell 2002; Gosnell 1950). 
 
 
3 LOCAL ELECTION CAMPAIGNS AND ESTABLISHED DIMENSIONS 
WITH THEIR LINKS TO CAMPAIGN ST RATEGIES 
 
The development and professionalization of an election campaign can also be 
seen on a local level where the election campaign is no longer entirely based on 
field activities and direct personal approach. Specialized and financially more 
demanding communication techniques are used alongside the traditional ones. 
This means that the traditional techniques are not disappearing but are 
complemented with modern techniques of election campaigns. In addition, in 
local election campaigns, as well as in na tional ones, there is a real horse race 
going on with the new techniques of the election campaigns. The arms race 
progressively continues due to the trend toward professionalization, meaning 
that whenever one of the candidates uses a new technique or tool, others 
quickly follow because they cannot afford to be left behind in the election race 
(Moncrieft and Squire 2005). 
 
On an international and Slovenian level, national election campaigns are better 
researched than local election campaigns. Politics on a l ocal level, when 
opposed to politics on a national level, are seen as less important. It is with the 
exploration and opening of processes on a local level that politics on a local 
level	 ar e	 put 	 i n 	 t he 	 for eg rou n d	 (B re zo v š ek	 2 004). 	 Wi t h	 t hi s 	 i t	 i s 	 g i v en	 i ts 	own 
space that it deserves, characterised by accessibility, openness to integration, 
and 	 di r ec t	 p arti c i p ati on 	 of	 c i ti zen s 	 i n 	 t he 	 i s s ue s 	 (B rezo v š ek	 20 05).	 B as e d 	 on	
this, we can claim that elections and with it the election campaigns on a local 
level perform a key role in the preservation of democracy. The elected 
representatives are given the authority to make decisions in the name of the 
nation. It is the frequency of elections that also guarantees the sovereignty of 
the people on a local level (Strachan 20 03; de Tocqueville 1969). The meaning 
of the research of election trends and election campaigns on a local level is 
supported with the following additional arguments: more representatives of the 
people are elected on a local level in comparison with the na tional level; 
everyday decisions of local authorities are less exposed in the media than the 
decisions on a national level, yet all decisions play an important part in the lives 
of the citizens; local and national politics do not happen in a vacuum and tha t is 
why the events on a local level significantly affect the events on a national level 

J OURNAL OF C OMPARATIVE P OLITICS     80 
 
 
and the other way around; local political life sees more direct personal 
interaction; an election campaign on a local level has a different course and, 
even with the u se of the same techniques, has different effects than an election 
campaign on a national level (Strachan 2003). In order to prepare strategic 
analytical framework and synthesis of dimensions, we must first look at 
theoretical and empirical findings of auth ors form different environments. 
 
Norris (2002) presents an interesting model that focuses on the communication 
in election campaigns. She lists the following key factors in the preparation and 
execution of the strategies in an election campaign (which als o apply to local 
election campaigns): the legal system (electoral system, type of election, other 
normative definitions of an election campaign); the structure of mass media 
(with dilemmas such as ownership, control, its own management, and 
democracy, see Jones 2005; Foster 2010); the organizers of the election 
campaign (political parties, interest groups); different channels of 
communication and effects of campaign messages on the target audience 
(public opinion, political expertise, political relations, p olitical behaviour). Each 
system works in (political) environment, which determinates it. The lines are 
fluid (Easton 1957). 
 
Ware (1996) presents four basic types of interaction between the transmitter 
and the recipient in the context of communication as a central process in all 
election campaigns: intensive direct contacts (discussion in a circle of 
acquaintances); non -intensive methods of direct approach (discussion in the 
context of an election campaign in the field); impersonal interaction (printed 
adv ertisements of the election campaign and print media); and indirect 
interaction (electronic media and radio). Communication at the beginning of the 
campaign is especially important for a local election campaign since there is less 
variety of media and sour ces of information on a local level. In larger political 
arenas there exists a variety of media that serves as source of information about 
the candidate and the programme (Strachan 2003). 
 
Whiteley and Seyd (2002) present numerous other factors of an elect ion 
campaign, such as geographic location, closeness to the electoral competition, 
organization of local political parties, and the calibre and motivation of the 
candidate. The following factors are of special importance when taking into 
account the candid ate: personality, the ability to communicate well, leadership 
skills, professional competence, appearance, and personality traits (Vreg 2004). 
To this we must also add political skills and background and we must not forget 
the interest in acting for the so c i al	 g oo d	 (Kr aš ove c 	 2007) .	 S pe c i al	 atten ti o n 	 i s 	
given to the dilemma of electability of partisan and non -partisan candidates and 
ballots on a local level (Gilbert 1962). Here we must pose the question whether 
non-partisan candidates truly are non -partisan, since it has been discovered 
that they are mostly candidates that were on previous elections connected to 
one	 party 	 or	 another	 (H a č ek	 and 	 Ku kov i č 	 201 1).	 H owev er,	 ac c or di n g 	 to	 Bur ton 	
and Shea (2010), the differences between perception and reality bear litt le 
meaning. 
 
Whiteley and Seyd (2002) also systemised the process of preparing and 
executing an election campaign from two different points of view; from the 
point of view of time, where they present a long -term or permanent election 
campaign (Mann and Orn stein 2000), a medium -term election campaign, and a 
short -term election campaign; and from the point of view of organization, 
where they deal with an election campaign that is centrally organized, centrally 
coordinated, and locally organized, with the latt er supposedly being the most 
efficient (Clark 2012). 

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An important part of election campaigns on a local level is their starting point. 
Here we are talking about the potential advantages and disadvantages, brought 
about by candidacy from the position of the incumbent or candidacy from the 
position of the challenger. The advantage of incumbents is mostly the 
availability of financial and staff resources, with which they solve problems of 
the local community and, with it, maintain their recognition and popular ity. 
Financial and staff resources also help them with the use of more sophisticated 
methods of communication (access to new technology and media) (Strachan 
2003; Moncrieft and Squire 2005). Disadvantages of candidacy from the 
position of the incumbent are mostly seen in possible past decisions, which may 
be exploited for the purpose of a negative election campaign. Often the voters 
blame current political representatives for all the problems of a certain 
environment, even when it was beyond the power of th e candidate to change 
them. A disadvantage is also the time constraint of the candidate, running from 
the position of the incumbent, because he must take care of the activities 
connected to his function and the activities of the election campaign – or at l east 
give such an appearance. The candidates who candidate from the position of the 
incumbent are also subject to greater control and expectation from the side of 
the media (Trent et al . 2011). 
 
We should not neglect the intensity of election campaigns, wh ich depends on 
n um er ou s 	 fa c tor s ,	 m os t	 of	 all 	 on	 t he 	 c and i date’ s 	 c ha ra c ter i s ti c s 	 (es p ec i ally 	
vulnerability of the candidate who candidates from the position of the 
incumbent), the political environment, and the invested resources (Sulkin 
2001). A case of lo cal election campaigns in Canada showed that the possibility 
of relative predictions about the election results brings significantly less 
intensive election campaigns (Carty and Eagles 2000). Here we must add that in 
less competitive environments more trad itional methods of election campaigns 
are used, while competitive environments demand the use of more 
sophisticated methods, which require more resources (Strachan 2003). Also 
important are the trends that significantly affect election campaigns on a local 
level, for example the perception of the economic situation, the popularity of the 
president, etcetera. The local level does not occur in a vacuum (Whiteley and 
Seyd 2002; Burton and Shea 2010). In the context of political environment 
Carty and Eagles (20 00) warn about the importance of socio -demographic 
factors (for example urban or rural environment, number of inhabitants, and 
others). 
 
An important factor in all election campaigns is the staffing of the performers of 
election campaigns, seen through the process of the aforementioned 
professionalization of election campaigns. The execution of an election 
campaign can be done within a party or individually; semi -professionally, with 
political parties at the centre, in cooperation with outsourcers; and 
prof essionally, characterised by equal role of political parties and outsourcers 
(Pitchell 1958; Farrell 1996; Plasser 2001; Norris 2002). The costs of political 
campaigns are also associated with this. According to multiple studies, the costs 
have lately dras tically increased because of the professionalization of election 
campaigns. Consequently, this brings advantages to the candidates with a better 
financial starting point (Strachan 2003; Hetherington and Keefe 2007; 
Panagopoulos and Wielhouwer 2008). Beside s the already mentioned financial 
resources, which play an extremely significant part in election campaigns of 
larger countries (as an example Wilcox (2005) stresses the election campaigns 
in the United States of America), staff resources are especially im portant. Next 
to the aforesaid candidates and professionals for election campaigns, staff 
resources comprise mostly of all the participants in an election campaign. Here 
we can find members of local parties, volunteers, family members, friends, and 

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other s upporters, as well as various groups and organizations in the local 
environment. It is vital that all the participants are educated (party 
professionalised) in the execution of election campaigns; otherwise their 
contribution is meagre. Mere numerousness d oes not ensure effectiveness in 
the context of local election campaigns (Deutchman 1966; Christensen and 
Hogen -Esch 2006). 
 
Opinions of authors differ when it comes to the importance of the contents of an 
election campaign. According to some, contents are losing their purpose, while 
others claim that the election contents still remain an important part of election 
campaigns (Norris1998; Kustec Lipicer 2010). However, we most certainly 
cannot neglect the election programmes and contents of an election campai gn 
and their role in election campaigns. Kustec Lipicer (2010) talks about public 
policy contents as a piece of the mosaic of election campaigns and a factor in the 
framework of election campaigns. With the goal of avoiding the banality of the 
contents of political campaigns, she focuses on exploring various politically 
ideological points of view and concrete public policy contents, offered by all the 
involved groups of an election campaign. In a local environment the latter could, 
for example, be depicted with the regulation of the local infrastructure, which is 
often identified in local contents of an election campaign. 
 
All of the above is connected together by the strategy of an election campaign or 
the planning of an election campaign, which is, accordi ng to some authors, the 
most important element of political management of election campaigns; it 
divides responsibility, integrates work, and predicts the basic phases of an 
election campaign (Christensen and Hogen -Esch 2006; Burton and Shea 2010). 
The str ategy also directs the manner of political communication and is 
perceived as basic knowledge of all political managers or consultants 
(Napolitan 1972). For example, the advertisements for an election campaign 
us u ally	 pre s ent 	 th e	 c and i date’ s 	 c apab i li ty ,	 p ersonality, and ideas for the future. 
That can be characterized as a positive election campaign. Negative election 
campaign transforms campaigning almost into a real sport spectacle, which is 
on the one hand interesting for undecided voters, but on the other negative 
campaign tends to deter interest in politics (Ansolabehere and Iyengar 1995). 
Besides that, there are other mixed approaches between positive and negative 
campaign (Faucheux 1998). According to the strategic political communication 
of election ca mpaigns, campaign theme and message must also be developed. It 
presents to voters a choice based on clear, simplified, believable and real 
candidate differences (Faucheux 1998). The strategy of an election campaign 
also defines the orientation of an electi on campaign, which can be oriented 
towards the party, towards the candidate or towards the candidate with the 
support of different interest groups and organizations (Herrnson 2005). An 
important strategic moment is unquestionably the pre -election integrati on of 
various parties, as well as various candidates, which is a relatively common and 
known occurrence in Europe ( Gonder 2006 ). In hopes of winning the elections 
and later gaining power to rule and control the acceptance and implementation 
of local politi cs, different types of coalitions are formed in some local 
c o m m uni t i e s 	 i n 	 th e	 per i od	 b ef ore	 t he 	 el ec t i on s 	 (H ač ek	 et 	 al. 2008). The 
importance of using research tools for the preparation of strategies, necessary 
for locating, collecting, and organising info rmation, is increasing during the time 
of sophisticated election campaigns (Harris 1957; Gaby and Treusch 1976). 
 
 
 
 
 

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4 S TRATEGIC FRAMEWORK OF CONTEMPORARY ELECTION 
CAMPIGNS: SYNTHESIS OF DIMENSIONS 
 
Diagram 1 presents the attempt of systematic identifica tion of the dimensions 
of a local election campaign, according to the set objectives, uniformly adjusted 
to the terminological starting points, and the synthesis of the above mentioned 
theoretically -empirical findings of various authors. The diagram is set on the 
basis of a strategic dimension as a connecting dimension of political 
management of election campaigns, with the understanding of intertwined 
dimensions. Besides that, the diagram 1 also depicts the start of filling the 
research void that exists in this field. 
 
DIAGRAM 1: DIAGRAM OF THE DIMENSIO NS OF A LOCAL ELECTION CAMPAIGN
 
 
The diagram of a local election campaign portrays nine established dimensions 
that encompass different parts of local election campaigns. All these 
fundamental dimensions consist of a different number of sub -dimensions. The 
normative and systemic dimension defines all the normative regulations of the 
system of the election campaign and elections. Concretely, we are talking about 
the definitions of the electoral system, the type of elections, and the execution of 
the election campaign. The politically -environmental dimension defines the 
starting point of the election campaign (candidacy from the position of the 
incumbent, candidacy from the position of the challenger); the co mpetitiveness 
of the environment and the predictability of election results; the structure and 
culture of the media system; socio -demographic factors; the content of the 
election campaign, and general trends. The geographically -demographic 
dimension define s the geographical characteristics of the environment. In the 
context of this dimension, geographic location, geographic fracture (to cities, 
settlements, villages, and quarters), and the closeness to the election race take 
the central role. The size of th e election unit is also an important factor (based 
on the criteria of the number of inhabitants). The dimension of the candidate 
defines the candidate as a personality with certain skills, competence, 
appearance, and with personal traits, interests, and mo tivation. This dimension 
also encompasses the categorization of a non -partisan or partisan candidate. 
The dimension of time and intensity defines the timeline of the execution of the 
election campaign, which can be long -term or permanent, medium -term, and 
short -term. It also defines different levels of intensity of the election campaign, 
which changes according to various factors. 
 

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The organizational and executive dimension defines the organization of the 
election campaign, which can be centrally organized, centrally coordinated, or 
locally organized; the execution of the election campaign, which can be partisan 
or individual, semi -professional (central are political parties that work with 
outsources) or professional (equal role of political parties and outs ourcers); 
and the level of organization of local (partisan) organizations. The dimension of 
resources defines all the resources of an election campaign, which can be 
financial, staff -related, or political. The financial sources are represented by 
financial means; the staff resources are represented by the available human 
capital; and the political resources are represented by the possibility of 
connecting with different local groups, civil society organizations, and political 
organizations. The dimension of interaction defines the communication 
between the transmitter and the recipient through indirect and direct channels 
of communication. The dimensions of interaction are the following: intensive 
direct contact, non -intensive methods of direct approach, imp ersonal 
interaction, and indirect interaction. Especially important is the primary 
interaction of the election campaign. The strategic dimension defines the 
connection of all the aforementioned dimensions in separate phases and 
ensures the effectiveness of political management of election campaigns, with 
the understanding of flexibility. The dimension dictates the use of positive and 
negative campaign strategies, as well as strategies of mixed approach; directs 
the political connections before the time of t he election; develops the election 
campaign theme and message; orients the election campaign towards the party, 
the candidate or candidates, with the support of different interest groups and 
organizations; and directs the use of research tools for the prep aration of a 
strategy. 
 
 
5 C ONCLUSION 
 
The field of political management of election campaigns is one of the most 
interesting and among the fastest developing fields of political science by 
international as well as European standards. The professionalizati on in politics 
is giving prominence to political management even in academic institutions 
(Johnson 2009a). In Slovenian election campaigns we can identify the pre -
modern or modern form of professionalization, which is also evident in the 
specific case of E ur opean 	 ele c t i ons	 i n 	 the	 y e ars 	 20 04	 and 	 200 9	 (Dež ela n 	 et	 al. 
2010). We can logically conclude that the consequences of the less intense 
evolution and consequently less prominent professionalization of Slovenian 
election campaigns are visible in the fact th at there is less interest for the 
research of the field of political management of election campaigns in Slovenia. 
This thesis is also confirmed by a literature review on the topic. This article 
offers a systematic introduction into the research of the fie ld of local election 
campaigns in Slovenia since it systematically identifies the dimensions of a local 
election campaign and later establishes an analytical framework for the 
research of local election campaigns. The latter can also be used in internation al 
arena, with adequate adjustments to the context. 
 
When put together, individual identified dimensions present different parts of 
local election campaigns, which are emphasized by various authors on the basis 
of their theoretical and empirical findings. Here we must point out that authors 
have different conceptions of the meaning of individual dimensions and their 
content since they explore them from different positions and use different 
approaches. Furthermore, the environment of their researches also di ffers. 
Theoretical and empirical findings of authors often research individual 

J OURNAL OF C OMPARATIVE P OLITICS     85 
 
 
dimensions in great depth, while disregarding others and believing them to be 
less prominent. The established analytical framework, however, does not focus 
on the meaning of ind ividual dimensions in local election campaigns, but 
represents a unified and uniform scheme on the basis of the connecting 
strategic dimension of political management. The identified dimensions, 
connected together in the analytical framework, enable a basi c starting point for 
empirical research. 
 
The main limitation of empirical research can be found in the election 
campaigns themselves since they represent a complex, fluid, and changeable 
phenomenon. This is especially true for local election campaigns, wh ich are 
generally carried out in smaller environments where the contacts are direct, 
accessible, and open. Besides that, a local election campaign never occurs in a 
vacuum of time and space, but is a part of miscellaneous subjective and 
objective factors. That is why this type of research of local election campaigns is 
a singular methodological challenge that requires a combination of research 
methods and techniques since they offer the best understanding of the research 
problem and neutralize the aforement ioned restrictions to a maximum 
(Creswell 2012). 
 
In the future, it would be reasonable to test the established analytical 
framework for the research of local election campaigns in different countries. 
With this we would get answers on questions about actual relationships, 
connections, and meaning of individual dimensions of a local election campaign. 
Consequently, this would also enable the development of a typology of local 
election campaigns. Empirical research could depict the characteristics of loc al 
election campaigns in the countries under consideration. A wider insight into 
local election campaigns would surely be achieved with an internationally 
comparative study that would, in the first phase, demand a research of context 
of the included countr ies and, later, test the analytical framework through the 
empirical part. 
 
 
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