Psihologija in filozofija ter sodelovanje humanističnih ved: Uvodni poskusi integracije »preteklo – sedanje – prihodnje« kot »identity card« in ena od temeljnih značilnosti inter/trans-disciplinarne misije revije Anthropos (ob 55. pol/obletnici začetkov objavljanja prispevkov v reviji ANTHROPOS, časopis za psihologijo in filozofijo ter sodelovanje humanističnih ved) -- Zbornik ob 55. pol/ obletnici začetkov objavljanja prispevkov v reviji (v zadnji varianti poimenovani kot revija »Anthropos časopis za psihologijo in filozofijo ter sodelovanje humanističnih ved« (ter ob nekaterih drugih pomembnih pol/obletnicah), Društvo T. G. Masaryk za filozofsko antropologijo, etiko ter za humanistične in družbene vede; sekcija (za) SAAIP (socialno, aplikativno, antropološko, intra-/inter-disciplinarno psihologijo) DPS (Društva psihologov Slovenije) in revija Anthropos časopis za psihologijo in filozofijo ter za sodelovanje humanističnih ved Ljubljana, december 2024. Psihologija in filozofija ter sodelovanje humanističnih ved: poskus delnega vpogleda ter integracije na dimenziji »preteklo – sedanje – prihodnje« Zbornik/ zbirka tekstov ob 55. pol/ obletnici začetkov objavljanja prispevkov v reviji Anthropos, s tedanjim nazivom (1968): Anthropos časopis za sodelovanje humanističnih in naravoslovnih ved, za psihologijo in filozofijo ter s sedanjim nazivom revije (2024): Anthropos časopis za psihologijo in filozofijo ter sodelovanje humanističnih ved (ter ob nekaterih drugih pomembnih pol/obletnicah) . Uredniki_ce: Ddr. Velko S. Rus, Dr. Jože Šter, Biserka Kapo – Kukman, univ. dipl. psih. Dr. Silvo Koželj, Dr. Vladimir Osolnik, Dr. Slađana Mihajlović, Aleksander Lavrenčič Društvo T. G. Masaryk za filozofsko antropologijo, etiko ter za humanistične in družbene vede; sekcija (za) SAAIP (socialno, aplikativno, antropološko, intra-/inter-disciplinarno psihologijo) DPS (Društva psihologov Slovenije) in revija Anthropos časopis za psihologijo in filozofijo ter za sodelovanje humanističnih ved. LJUBLJANA, december 2024 Psychology and philosophy & cooperation of humanistic studies Proceedings by 55. years half/anniversary of beginning of published contributions in review Anthropos, with the last (= present) title »Anthropos Journal of psychology, philosophy & cooperation of humanistic studies«. Editors: Ddr. Velko S. Rus, Dr. Jože Šter, Biserka Kapo – Kukman, univ. dipl. psih. Dr. Silvo Koželj, Dr. Vladimir Osolnik, Dr. Slađana Mihajlović, Aleksander Lavrenčič Chair for social psychology / Department of psychology, Faculty of arts, University of Ljubljana; Association T. G. Masaryk for philosophical anthropology, for ethics and cooperation of humanistic and social sciences; division/ section (for) SAAIP (social, applied, anthropological, intra-/inter – disciplinary psychology) of SPA (Slovene Psychological Association) and review Anthropos Journal of psychology, philosophy & for cooperation of humanistic studies LJUBLJANA, December 2024 Izdajatelji: Društvo T. G. Masaryk za filozofsko antropologijo, etiko ter za humanistične in družbene vede, sekcija (za) SAAIP (socialno, aplikativno, antropološko, intra-/inter-disciplinarno psihologijo) DPS in revija Anthropos časopis za psihologijo in filozofijo ter sodelovanje humanističnih ved. CIP podatki Cobiss ID 221228803 Zapis CIP Kataložni zapis o publikaciji (CIP) pripravili v Narodni in univerzitetni knjižnici v Ljubljani COBISS.SI-ID 221228803 ISBN 978-961-91557-5-2 (Društvo T. G. Masaryk, PDF) PRIČUJOČI ZBORNIK JE POSEBNA IZDAJA REVIJE ANTHROPOS, IN SICER OB 55. LETNICI začetkov objavljanja prispevkov (leta 1969). »Danes« je poimenovana kot: REVIJA ANTHROPOS ČASOPIS ZA PSIHOLOGIJO IN FILOZOFIJO TER SODELOVANJE HUMANISTIČNIH VED REVIEW ANTHROPOS JOURNAL OF PSYCHOLOGY AND PHILOSOPHY & FOR COOPERATION OF HUMANISTIC STUDIES Zbornik je tehnično in oblikovno uredila, pregledala besedila in uredila popravke dr. Slađana Mihajlović. Leto 2024 in 55. letnica začetkov objavljanja prispevkov v reviji Anthropos: aktualni uvodni poskus sinteze dimenzij »preteklost – sedanjost – prihodnost« kot ena temeljnih značilnosti njene inter/trans-disciplinarne antropo-psiho- ekološke misije na področjih psihologije, humanistike, družboslovja, v bližnji prihodnosti tudi (humane) biologije in naravoslovja. UVODNI POSKUSI INTEGRACIJE »PRETEKLO – SEDANJE – PRIHODNJE« KOT »IDENTITY CARD« in ENA OD TEMELJNIH ZNAČILNOSTI INTER/TRANS-DISCIPLINARNE MISIJE REVIJE ANTHROPOS (OB 55. POL/OBLETNICI ZAČETKOV OBJAVLJANJA PRISPEVKOV V reviji ANTHROPOS ) INTRODUCTORY ATTEMPTS TO INTEGRATE »PAST – PRESENT – FUTURE« CONTRIBUTIONS AS »IDENTITY CARD« AND BASIC CHARACTERISTICS OF INTER/TRANS-DISCIPLINARY MISSION OF REVIEW ANTHROPOS (by 55. publishing half/anniversary of Review Anthropos) Uvodna beseda uredništva: Pred vami je tretji zbornik poskusov nadaljevanja izhajanja revije Anthropos, ustanovljen je leta 1968, z izdajanjem pa je začela leta 1969. Drugi zbornik, ki je izšel leta 2023 je bil posvečen pol/obletnici glede na leto 1968 (55. pol/obletnica), tretji (pričujoči) pa pol/obletnici glede na leto 1968 (prav tako 55. pol/obletnica). Pričujoči zbornik je nastal v izjemno neugodnih pogojih in večina tekstov v pripravi za objavo v zbornik ni uvrščena, kljub temu, oz., čeprav so bili že skoraj pripravljeni za tisk. – Prehitelo nas je nekaj dogodkov, ki so bili delu, pripravi in izdajanju zbornika izjemno nenaklonjeni. Kljub temu nam je uspelo to, kar je sedaj pred vami. V marsičem pa gre vendarle sporočila, ki se na temo različnih področij humanistike, družboslovja in psihologije v letu 2024 pojavljajo kot edina v Sloveniji. V letu 2025 nameravamo delovati še intenzivneje, z novim zbornikom, v drugi polovici 2025 pa s poskusi izdajanja revijalnih izvodov. Pričujoči zbornik pa ima še en cilj. Skuša predstavljati poskuse povezovanja prispevkov in sporočil »preteklega – sedanjega – prihodnjega« kot ene temeljnih značilnosti Revije Anthropos in njene inter/trans-disciplinarne antropo – psiho – ekološke misije na področjih psihologije, humanistike in družboslovja, v prihodnosti tudi (humane) biologije in naravoslovja. Nekateri prispevki v pričujočem zborniku (še) niso bili objavljeni, čeprav so taki poskusi obstajali. – Čeprav se zdi morda nenavadno, so nekateri prispevki iz leta 2004 (pred dvajsetimi leti) taki, da sta njihova aktualnost in metodološka prepričljivost leta 2024 enako, ali pa še bolj izraziti kot leta 2004. Gre torej za naslednje prispevke: Rus, Vojan: La réalité des bases chrétiennes de l'Europe nouvelle (Ljubljana, simpozij-1993, sicer Anthropos, 1994/XXVI, 218-233) Korošak, Andrej: Societalne implikacije inteligentnosti (Popolnoma nov prispevek iz šolskega leta 2023/24) Rus – Makovec, Maja; Rus, Velko Dependence indicators, self and family perception in relation to neuroleptics (non)use in the families with (non)dependent member (V letu 2024 skoraj 15. ob/letnica prvega poskusa objave v Azijski reviji za socialno psihologijo (po presoji uredništva = še vedno ´evergreen´ prispevek). Lavrenčič, Aleksander Ob 60. letnici: KF 1705/10, prispevek iz Obzornika, 2. 3. 1964 Industrijska psihologija v Mariboru, dolžina 7'55'' (Zelo zanimivo zgodovinsko pričevanje, gre za 20. obletnico “nečesa” na temo industrijske psihologije v Mariboru, dokumenti arhiva RTV SLO). Rus, Velko; Rus-Makovec, Maja Alcohol dependency syndrome (ads): post – therapeutic dynamic from the chosen aspects of social influence, power and group processes (Približno 20. letnica poskusov objave, prispevek je po naši presoji še vedno ´evergreen´). Radovanovič, Mirjana; Rus, Velko; Rus Makovec, Maja Stability in pro-abstinence behaviour measures: 18 – years follow –up (Predstavitev na Alpe Adria 2011, Ptuj..., z dodanim prikazom projekta od 1992 in 2001). Rus, Velko; Mihajlović, Slađana; Šter, Jože: Anthropopsychoecology as attempt of proposal of the new paradigm (Ravnokar, koncem 2024 oblikovan prispevek, izpuščena so poglavja na temo odnosa med antropopsihoekologijo ter IT, oz. AI. Za sedaj lep pozdrav, uredništvo Zbornika. KAZALO: Vojan Rus .................................................................................................................... 10 LA RÉALITÉ DES BASES CHRÉTIENNES DE L'EUROPE NOUVELLE ..... 10 Andrej Korošak .......................................................................................................... 29 SOCIETALNE IMPLIKACIJE INTELIGENTNOSTI ......................................... 29 Rus – Makovec, Maja; Rus, Velko ............................................................................ 51 DEPENDENCE INDICATORS, SELF AND FAMILY PERCEPTION IN RELATION TO NEUROLEPTICS (NON)USE IN THE FAMILIES WITH (NON)DEPENDENT MEMBER ............................................................................... 51 Lavrenčič, Aleksander………………………………………………………………74 OB 60. LETNICI: KF 1705/10, PRISPEVEK IZ OBZORNIKA, 2. 3. 1964 INDUSTRIJSKA PSIHOLOGIJA V MARIBORU, DOLŽINA 7'55'' ................. 74 Rus, Velko; Rus-Makovec, Maja ............................................................................... 94 ALCOHOL DEPENDENCY SYNDROME (ADS): POST – THERAPEUTIC DYNAMIC FROM THE CHOSEN ASPECTS OF SOCIAL INFLUENCE, POWER AND GROUP PROCESSES ...................................................................................... 94 Radovanovič, Mirjana; Rus, Velko; Rus Makovec, Maja .................................... 132 STABILITY IN PRO-ABSTINENCE BEHAVIOUR MEASURES: 18 – YEARS FOLLOW –UP .......................................................................................................... 132 Rus, Velko; Mihajlović Slađana; Šter, Jože: .......................................................... 185 ANTHROPOPSYCHOECOLOGY (AP(S)E3 (ecology, etology, ergonomics) AS ATTEMPT OF PROPOSAL OF THE NEW PARADIGM ................................. 185 PRILOGA// APPENDIX: ........................................................................................ 202 Dopisi sedaj pokojnemu rektorju, prof. dr. Jožetu Mencingerju ................................ 202 Fotokopije dopisov na temo (mednarodnih) predlogov za ustanovitev inštituta za interdisciplinarne študije ................................................................................................. 214 Velko S. Rus; Slađana Mihajlović .................................................................................. 226 Nekatere pol/obletnice v zvezi z izidom pričujočega zbornika v letu 2024 ................. 226 Vojan Rus LA RÉALITÉ DES BASES CHRÉTIENNES DE L'EUROPE NOUVELLE POVZETEK REALNOST KRŠČANSKIH TEMELJEV NOVE EVROPE Krščanski evangeliji radikalno odprejo najglobjo vrednostno revolucijo hierar-hične razredne družbe. Pomen te revolucije za sodobno človeštvo in zlasti za vso Evropo (od Atlantika do Urala) pa še narašča. V krščanskih evangelijih so prisotne implicitne teze filozofske antropologije, etike in aksiologije, ki so vrh vse dosedanje človeške misli in duha in ki so bolj radikalne in bolj utemeljene v izjemno nasprotnem in nihajočem človeškem bistvu kot vsa najbolj slavna dosedanja filozofija (bolj kot antična grška ali novoveška ali sodobna filozofija). V razpravi so podani dokazi, da je v drugi polovici 20. stoletja Zahodna Evropa dosegla (v novih izvirnih sintezah) največji humani napredek v vsej svoji zgodovini in največje (vendar še nepopolno in nestabilno) uresničevanje resničnih krščanskih vrednot. Prav tako pa je v članku podrobno dokazano, da so ti realni revolucionarni elementi imeli duhovno pripravo v visoko-kvalitetnem kulturnem in družbenem delu največjih ustvarjalcev Vzhodne, Srednje, Jugovzhodne in Vzhodne Evrope, ki so dvesto let (implicitno ali eksplicitno) povezovali izvirne krščanske vrednote s sodobno evropsko socialno, nacionalno in mednacionalno problematiko: Tolstoj, Dostojevski, Masaryk, Goethe, Prešeren, Svetozar Marković, Tucović, Strossmayer, Slomšek, Janez Evangelist Krek, Cankar, Krleža, Matoš, Gramsci, Cesarec, Tito, Kocbek, papež Janez XXIII, Janez Janžekovič, kardinal Koenig, Trstenjak, Finžgar, Grmič in mnogi drugi. V študiji je podrobneje dokazano, kako so ti veliki duhovi s svojo mislijo in delovanjem zarezali globoko razliko med humano graditvijo nacij in šovinističnim nacionalizmom in nerazdvojno povezali nacionalno in socialno problematiko. Normalizacija narodov in držav Vzhodne in Jugovzhodne Evrope bo zelo dolga in težka in bo najbolj racionalna, če bo upoštevala realne vrednote Zahodne Evrope v drugi polovici 20. stoletja, ki so tudi del uresničitev krščanstva: socialno tržno gospodarstvo, socialna država, mir in mednarodno sodelovanje. Brez teh vrednot se lahko v Vzhodni in Jugovzhodni Evropi pojavi uničujoči socialni razkroj, novi totalitarizmi, militarizmi in vojno uničevanje. To pa lahko retrogradno razkrajajoče vpliva na Zahodno Evropo pa je zato tudi v njenem interesu panevropsko uresničevanje naprednih vrednot, ki so moderna oblika krščanstva (socialna država, mir, vsebinska demokracija). Točnost analiz in predikcij socioloških, politoloških in ekonomskih metodologij, ki so utemeljene na dialektični filozofiji in ki so pravočasno točno analizirale in napovedale družbeni razvoj v Vzhodni in Jugovzhodni Evropi, je eklatanten dokaz njihove znanstvene prednosti pred metodologijami, ki se naslanjajo na katerikoli filozofski abstrak-cionizem. Les thèses suivantes, je les ai développées plus en détail déjà dans les décennies précédentes et surtout dans les livres suivants: "La continuation de notre chemin" (écrit en 1981 et publié en 1983, Ljubljana, 301 pages), "Ethique et socialisme" (Ljubljana, 1985, 757 pages), "Aux carrefours de la crise" (Ljubljana, 1987, 243 pages) et "Anthropologie philosophique" (Ljubljana, 1991, 388 pages). Ces livres et mes autres livres de philosophie et de sciences sociales sont l'explication philosophique et sociologique systématique des thèses fondamentales de ce rapport, notamment l'explication de la thèse de la signification philosophique extraordinaire du christianisme originel. Dans ces livres et dans mes autres livres, j'avais systématiquement développé les synthèses philosophiques; à savoir la synthèse de l'anthropologie et de l'onthlogie-cosmologie; la synthèse de l'idée et la matière (sous la direction de l'idée); la synthèse de la forme et du contenu; la synthèse du rationnel, de l'émotionnel et l'empirique; la synthèse de l'universel et du concret - individuel et des autres synthèse - dont la présence est également implicite dans la pensée chrétienne originelle et qui sont la base philosophique la plus profonde de ces synthèses socio-historiques d'une importance exceptionelle actuellement intiées en Europe occidentale. 1. Les évangiles chrétiens comme le sommet de la philosophie anthropologique, éthique et sociale d'alors; comme le critère de valeur actuel du développement social contemporain Come je l'ai notamment montré dans mes livres intitulés "Ethique et socialisme" et "Anthropologie philosophique", les critères de valeur les plus objectifs, les plus réels et de plus longue durée sont les critères de valeur du développement actuel (de l'Europe et de l'humanité) qui sont implicitement présents surtout dans l'anthropologie dialectique et dans l'éthique des évangiles (et également dans la philosophie grecque antique, notamment chez Aristotèle, Marx, Trstenjak, Masaryk et chez d'autres repré-sentants de la dialectique anthropologique). La thèse, suivant laquelle les attitudes anthropologiques, éthiques et sociales implicites des évangiles sont le sommet expressif de toute la pensée d'alors peut être prouvée de manière strictement scientifique: par comparaison avec la philosophie grecque antique la plus développée et avec la pensée des autres continents et de toutes les époques ultérieures, et en plaçant toutes ces conceptions dans leur contexte historique et social. Cette méthode et ces résultats, je ne les présenterai ici que partiellement. La haute valeur de l'anthropologie, de l'humanisme et de l'éthique des évangiles s'exprime tant dans la confrontation avec la philosophie antique grecque, que dans la confrontation avec les conceptions nouvelles du nouvel âge. Ces nombreuses orientations philosophiques diverses du nouvel âge ont un dénominateur commun car presque toutes, elles réduisent l'essence de l'homme constituée de plusieurs couches, très contradictoire en elle-même et très oscillante, le plus fréquemment à une seule couche qui est vue comme un cours historique strictement linéaire. Avec ce réductionnisme et cet abstractionnisme anthropologique extrêmement étroit, les directions philosophiques du nouvel âge sont essentiellement plus étroites que la plupart des philosophies antiques grecques, et surtout plus que les évangiles. Dans les attitudes et les images des évangiles (les dernières contenant des idées anthropologiques tout à fait claires), il y a une pensée anthropologique et humaniste qui est, jusqu' à présent, la plus radicale car jusqu' ici, elle pénètre le plus profon-dément dans l'essence de l'être humain et dans ce qui est bon en lui: tous les gens (même les principaux représentants du mouvement chrétien originel) sont les êtres humains formés des plusieurs couches - de l'ésprit et du corps, de la pensée et de l'amour, de la personnalité et de la socialité (des intérêts, des besoins, des relations), qui, dans leur essence la plus profonde, oscillent entre leur contradictions intérieures manifestes. C'est pourquoi dans les évangiles, il n'y a aucune différentiation rigide des groupes humains (de caractère national, religieux, social ou philosophique) qui seraient les uns, absolument bons, ou les autres, absolument mauvais (à cause de leur appartenance à un certain groupe social). Toutefois, ce n'est que l'individu qui en sa conscience décide entre le bien et le mal, lorsqu'il est confronté avec les situations concrètes (personnelles et sociales) et qui ne peut réaliser le bon humain que par ses actes responsables. Cette pensée des évangiles est également présente dans l'image du Samaritan qui révèle plus humain par ses actes que les deux Juifs de haut rang, ainsi que dans le personnage de Zachée, du centurion romain, de Nicodème, de Marie-Madeleine et dans le personnage du jeune homme riche. Le radicalisme anthropologique des évangiles est par exemple largement au- dessus d'Aristotèle qui, dans sa Ethnique de Nikomah, se révèle très grand humaniste par sa constation (rarement citée), disant que l'esclave peut être egal sur le plan humain justement parce qu'il est capable de comprendre la justice, tout comme le maître. Mais les évangiles s'élèvent essentiellement au-dessus d'Aristotèle par des thèses implicites, mais claires: que le bien le plus sublime peut fréquemment se manifester dans les personnes les plus humiliées, crucifiées et crachées, dans les couches infé-rieures et dans les femmes d'une manière plus marquée que dans les personnes les plus puissantes, les plus riches et les plus instruites; que les personnes des couches infé-rieures (les pêcheurs, par exemple) peuvent être des sujets et des créateurs du bien humain et du bien divin, et ce aussi bien ou même mieux que les personnes appartenant aux couches supérieures; que les barbares peuvent aussi être éthiquement égaux aux chrétiens et aux Juifs à cause de leur conscience et que les femmes (au tombeau de Jésus) peuvent montrer plus de courage moral que les hommes dirigeants. La radicalité et la supériorité de l'anthropologie et de l'humanisme évangéliste résident donc dans le rejet formel (plus formel que dans tous autres textes connus) de tous les préjugés de classe, de race, de nationalité, de religion, de sexe, d'âge et des préjugés de génération, ainsi que dans la déclaration qui place la source du bien humain exactement à l'endroit qui est réellement décisif: dans chaque personnalité humaine, dans sa conscience (qui contrairement au rationnalisme, réunit la pensée et l'émotion-l'amour) et dans ses actes dans une situation humaine et sociale concrète. Les critères fondamentaux de la conscience ne sont que des valeurs humaines générales, communes à tous les hommes et à leur sens d'éternité (que l'on peut appeler Dieu la nature). Evidemment, les critères anthropologiques radicaux des évangiles chrétiens ne valent pas uniquement pour les personnes, mais aussi pour tous les groupes sociaux, et de ce fait (comme je montrerai ultérieurement plus en détail) aussi pour tous les nations contemporaines et pour tous les relations nationales contemporaines en Europe et dans l'humanité. La radicalité et l'originalité avec lesquelles les évangiles surpassent toutes les conceptions sociales et éthiques précédentes et ultérieures (le socialisme démocratique du nouvel âge leur ressemblant le plus) résident dans la détermination catégorique du champ principal de l'éthique sociale dans toutes les sociétés qui, depuis déjà dix mille années, sont divisées hiérarchiquement en couches supérieures et inférieures. Le champ le plus important de l'éthique sociale, selon les évangiles, c'est l'aide active - sans réciprocité - accordée à la multitude des "petits" qui sont pauvres, humiliés, oppressées et persécutés. (Les pensée de Jésus quand il parlait sur la montagne, ses pensées de l'essence du Jugement dernier.) La radicalité de l'éthique des évangiles se reflète aussi dans la condamnation impitoyable du moralisme - (ni l'éthique précédente, ni l'éthique postérieure n'a été capable d'une telle critique) dans la stricte différentiation entre la morale humaine en tant qu'acte et en tant que don sans la réciprocité et le moralisme en tant que grands mensonges organisés, manipulateurs de la société. La radicalité de l'anthropologie, de l'éthique et de l'axiologie des évangiles réside aussi dans la révolution des valeurs, dans la plus grande transformation des valeurs qui dépasse de loin les conceptions de Nietzsche: le pouvoir et la richesse ne peuvent être des valeurs absolues et les valeurs les plus élevées, car la valeur anthro-pologique la plus haute est la plénitude de la personnalité humaine au point de vue esprit et corps, à laquelle la richesse, le pouvoir, la science et la production matérielle doivent être strictement subordonnés et doivent être des parties ou des moyens adaptes à elle. Toute alienation de ces parties (du pouvoir, de la richesse, de la science etc.) et leur transformation en absolu au-dessus de l'homme, selon les évangiles déforme violemment la personnalité humaine et l'appauvrit (la parabole du jeune homme riche, le personnage d'Herode, les pharisiens, Saül). Selon les évangiles (Mar. 10, 42-45) aucun pouvoir chrétien (ni de l'état, ni de l'église) ne peut être aliene des gens, mais il doit être un "service" responsable en vue de développement de tous les gens en tant que personnes. Cela s'applique évidemment aussi aux relations internationales et aux relations entre les Etats. Les conceptions théologiques des évangiles sont parfaitement complétées par les conceptions anthropologiques et sociales mentionnées. C'est pourquoi tout humaniste européen radical, n'appartenant à aucune religion, peut en toute conviction aussi avoir une haute estime pour la conception évangeliste de Dieu comme la partie permanente, significative et de long terme de la culture éthique et sociale de l'Europe nouvelle dans les millenaires à venir. La pleine complémentarité des conceptions théologiques, anthropologiques et éthiques des évangiles s'exprime aussi dans la phrase connue de l'évangile selon Mathieu (22, 35-40): à savoir que le premier commandement d'un chrétien, c'est l'amour de Dieu, mais - ce qui est très important pour notre contexte - le second commandement est de la même importance: il faut aimer son prochain comme soi-même. Selon les évangiles, l'amour véritable envers Dieu se réalise surtout par l'amour actif pour le prochain et surtout pour tout homme non privilégié. Ainsi, les valeurs théologiques, anthropologiques et sociales des évangiles sont directement liées pour former un organisme uni et vivant. C'est poruquoi tout humaniste européen conséquent (même s'il est un sceptique ou agnostique partiel à l'égard de la théologie et de la cosmologie) est forcément un filotheiste envers une religion comme celle qui est présente dans les évangiles (et pas du tout athéiste ou l'antithéiste). C'est pourquoi tous les humanistes radicaux de toute l'Europe (de L'Oural à l'Atlantique, comme disait De Gaulle) peuvent, en toute sincerité, accepter les évan-giles chrétiens comme les bases communes de la société et des valeurs de l'Europe et des relations internationales en Europe et dans l'humanité. Cette attitude n'est pas un changement brut qui serait causé par la chute du stalinisme et du breznjevisme en Europe de l'est ou par la recherche nerveuse d'une fuite des vides des valeurs et des déformations intervenues avant ou après cette chute. Là, je ne me rapporte pas à mes attitudes et activités (j'étudie les questions des valeurs européenes communes, y compris les évangiles, sur le plan théorique et pédagogique depuis des décennies), mais plutôt à la convergence des idées bien plus importante des sujets spirituels européens très differents et independants (et de la religion, de la philosophie, de la science, de l'art et de la politique), qui révèlent les valeurs permanentes et vivantes des évangiles depuis déjà deux cents ans (il en sera question plus en détail dans la suite). La découverte, la revitalisation et le développment des valeurs des évangiles en tant que bases de l'Europe nouvelle - ainsi que des relations entre Etats - est pour l'Europe l'économie historique des valeurs humaines et non seulement une sortie de secours des problèmes de l'Europe de l'est, de sud-est et d'une partie de l'Europe centrale. Et pour conclure ce paragraphe: ce qui vient d'être dit ne permet pas de conclure que la forme chrétienne de l'humanisme réel devrait substituer, dans les autres parties du mode, les autres religions comme le bouddhisme, l'islam, l'hinduisme et autres, ni substituer le pluralisme des formes différentes de l'humanisme dans l'éducation laïque, la science, la philosophie et dans les partis politiques laïques de l'Europe et des autres parties du monde. Le christianisme pur des évangiles est l'économie humaine et la valeur la plus importante pour l'Europe entière et pour les deux Ameriques parce que de nombreuses valeurs chrétiennes ont déjà été mises en oeuvre en Europe pendant deux mille ans - et l'économie de l'humanisme réside également dans le fait de continuer de bâtir sur cette tradition positive - alors que dans certains autres continents et dans certaines de leurs parties, un rôle similaire a été joué par d'autres religions. C'est pourquoi les huma-nistes radicaux dans les outres continents accepteront et développeront leur tradition religieuse et culturelle comme une des composantes de leur humanisme pluraliste. Ce genre de processus ne séparera pas les continents et les regions parce que à cause des terribles expériences communes de l'humanité au vingtième siècle (deux guerres mondiales, les totalitarismes mondiaux, la menace d'une troisième guerre mondiale) la deuxième partie du vingtième siècle a déjâ vu se former contenu huma-niste commun et conscient de toute l'humanité qui est surtout defini dans la Décla-ration des droits de l'homme des Nations unies. Cette déclaration réunit tous les espa-ces culturels et tous les sujets de l'humanité et elle synthétise les valeurs anthropolo-giques et éthiques des religions acquises jusqu'ici. 2. Le sommet historique actuel de l'Europe occidentale et sa signification pour les autres parties de l'Erope et pour l'humanité Quelques spectateurs ayant encore des vues perfectionnistes et illusionnistes (abstractionistes) sur l'homme et sur les nations, aurait peut-être un sourire de sincère compassion en m'entendant affirmer que c'est dans la seconde moitié du vingtième siècle que l'Europe a atteint son sommet historique, son point culminant. A l'encontre de ma thèse, chaque perfectionniste pourrait mentionner les phénomènes réels de dépression économique dans l'Europe occidentale, son chômage (relativement grand), les phénomènes de la décomposition morale des élites dans certains pays européens, les difficultés et la lenteur de l'intégration européene. Malgré tout, ma position peut rester ferme pour ma thèse concernant le sommet actuel de l'Erope occidentale si on tient compte du développement toujours contradictoire et oscillant, et toujours incom-plet de l'être humain et de tous les groupes sociaux qui ne seront jamais parfaitement identiques et harmoniques, et si on positionne l'Europe occidentale actuelle stricte-ment scientifiquement (au point de vue anthropologique, sociologique, éthique) dans les derniers dix mille ans et dans l'humanité concrète de la deuxième moitié du vingtième siècle. Quelqu'un autre pourrait dire: comment l'Europe peut-elle être à son apogée historique justement dans la deuxième partie du vingtième siècle, puisqu'elle a perdu le rôle politique dominant dans l'humanité justement dans cette deuxième partie? Ma réponse volontairement quelque peu simplifiée et paradoxale: l'Europe occidentale est maintenant à son apogée des valeurs et de l'histoire parce qu'elle a perdu sa prédo-minance politique dans le monde. Au lieu de ses différentes formes de trop grand pouvoir politique dans la première partie du vingtième siècle, l'Europe n'a atteint son sommet historique réel que dans la deuxième partie du vingtième siècle parce qu'aujourdhui, ses valeurs humaines réeles surpassent fortement ses phénomènes et ses insuffisances inhumaines (ce que je ne nie pas). Après la deuxième guerre mondiale, l'Europe a fait, après 1945, ces grands pas historiques vers le sommet: - Tous les pays européens ont accepté, de manière permanente et sans idées de revanche, les résultats de la victoire de la coalition antifasciste et l'organisation mondiale avec les Nations unies à la tête. - Les forces coloniales européennes en partie ont paisiblement démonté leurs empires coloniaux, ce qui est arrivé la première fois dans l'histoire de l'humanité de dix mille années. - La France et l'Allemagne ont toutes deux reconnu de manière claire et ferme que leurs pénibles conflicts de la première et deuxième guerre mondiale avaient des effets destructeurs pour toutes les deux et également pour l'Europe occidentale; cette expérience terrible a fait naître leur volonté politique reciproque d'une collaboration qui a été à la base politique de l'intégration multilatérale de l'Europe occidentale. - L'intégration de l'Europe occidentale se déroulait de manière démocratique, sans exercer de pression sur les nations plus petites et en assurant une certaine assistance aux pays moins développés de l'Europe occidentale. - Les pays de l'Europe occidentale reconnaissent les principes de l'économie de marche social, de l'Etat social, le compromis entre le travail et le capital (qui a amélioré le status des employés), la paix sociale et le pluralisme parlamentaire. - C'est pourquoi l'Europe occidentale, plus que les autres parties du monde, a vu la mise en oeuvre permanente des droits de l'homme qui étaient définis par l'Orga-nisation des Nations unies et qui sont beaucoup plus profonds que les droits humains, proclamés il y a deux cent ans. - Le succès du développment économique de presque tous les pays occidentaux après 1945 a aussi été la consequence des progrès politiques mentionnés, car c'est probablement la première fois que l'Europe occidentale, ces deux derniers millénaires, a connu cinquante ans de paix non troublée, et une paix sociale prédominante qui servait aussi l'intérêt des employés et qui assurait le succès du développement économique. Le progrès économique de l'Europe occidentale a été la condition urgente de réalisation d'un état social et pour la mise en oeuvre des droits de l'homme beaucoup plus complexes (que les droits classiques) et pour la paix sociale. Tous ces pas historiques étroitement liés de l'Europe occidentale, de chacune de ses nations et des relations entre ses peuples apportent aussi des éléments nouveaux du christianisme pratique à un niveau historique nouveau et plus élevé; ils construisent une Europe essentiellement plus humaine qu'auparavant. L'Europe occidentale est ainsi devenue un phare d'orientation pour les autres nations de l'Europe et du monde. Il faut également souligner ce qui suit: ce n'est que si nous comprenons l'essence véritable du christianisme des évangiles (sans égard aux formes institutionnelles et cérémoniales du christianisme postérieur), que nous pouvons la trouver dans les for-mes expressément nouvelles de l'Europe occidentale contemporaine. Avec ces esti-mations, les socialistes démocratiques, nous ne renonçons pas au chemin que nous avons parcouru jusqu'ici. Il ne s'agit pas de prestige et ce ne sont pas des termes comme "socialisme", "capitalisme" et "solidarité" qui sont de première importance, car nous voulons assurer une meilleure qualité de la vie (une vie plus pleine) aux gens qui travaillent et à tous les gens. Ce n'est que si nous comprenons l'essence intérieure des points de vues chrétiens originels sur l'homme et sur la société, que nous pouvons la voir dans les nouvelles formes européennes de la societé. 3. Le rôle de la culture chrétienne dans la formation des relations entre les nations en Europe de l'est, en Europe centrale et en Europe du sud - est Le but immédiat le plus important de tous les sujets sociaux (Etats, nations, religions, partis, science, éducation), dans les parties d'Europe qui faisaient partie du bloc de l'est, sera le suivant: développer l'économie et les relations sociales à peu près comme l'a fait l'Europe occidentale dans la deuxième moitié du vingtième siècle. Ce but est "impérativement" imposé par la régression économique actuelle et la situation économique minable de la grande majorité de la population des pays de l'est (y compris des pays de l'ex Yougoslavie qui ne faisaient pas partie du bloc de l'est, mais dont la situation a empiré à cause de la guerre actuelle entre ses peuples). Le déplacement de l'Europe de l'est et du sud-est au niveau de l'Europe occidentale (ce qui exigera des efforts énormes devant durer approximativement une centaine d'années) - ne sera rationnel et performant que s'il tiendra compte des expériences actuelles positives de l'Europe occidentale; ce serait extrêmement irrationnel, que l'Europe de l'est répète les erreurs de l'Europe occidentale de la première partie du vingtième siècle. La future orientation positive des pays de l'Europe de l'est, de sud-est et de l'Europe centrale peut surtout promouvoir spirituellement la tradition chrétienne commune de l'Europe occidentale, de l'Europe de l'est, de l'Europe centrale et du sud-est. Il est bien connu que chaque pays d'Europe a des particularités expressives et qu'aucun pays de l'ex-bloc de l'est (sauf la Republique Tchèque) n'a atteint (avant le stalinisme) le niveau des pays occidentaux développés, et ce même de loin. L'Etat de droit et l'Etat social, l'économie de marche social et les relations démocratiques entre les nations qui se réalisent aujourd'hui en Europe occidentale sont très proches des évangiles chrétiens - ceux-ci sont la partie commune la plus importante de la culture spirituelle de l'Europe entière et aussi de l'Europe de l'est. L'esprit originel humain et social des évangiles est donc cette valeur spirituelle particulière la plus élevée qui est capable d'ouvrir et d'indiquer à l'Europe de l'est et du sud-est la voie vers un modèle similaire de développement social qui s'est déjà avéré être le meilleur en Europe occidentale dans la seconde moitié du vingtième siècle. Sur la longue et pénible route future d'une centaine d'années que l'Europe de l'est et du sud-est aura à parcourir en direction de l'Europe occidentale, tous les humanistes européens contemporains pourront trouver des initiatives significatives dans l'énorme travail spirituel et social de deux cent ans qui a été réalisé en reliant le christianisme aux autres problèmes sociaux contemporains et aux problèmes nationaux, et ce par les plus grands esprits et les createurs de l'humanisme de l'Europe de l'est, de sud-est, de l'Europe de sud et de l'Europe moyenne: Tolstoï, Dostoïevski, Masaryk, Goethe, Prešern, Svetozar Marković, Tucović, Strossmayer, Slomšek, Janez Evangelist Krek, Cankar, Krleža, Matoš, Gramsci, Cesarec, Tito, Kocbek, le pape Jean XXIII, Janez Janžekovič, le cardinal Koenig, Trstenjak, Finžgar, Grmič et bien d'autres. Cette partie de mon exposé, je la consacre surtout à ceux des éléments positifs de leur travail qui sont aujourdhui les plus actuels. (Je ne nie la possibilité que cer-taines thèses de ces grands hommes soient discutables et je n'essaie pas de les "diviniser", car ils n'ont fait qu'exprimer avec succès les grands cours urgents de l'his-toire européenne.) Jusqu'à présent, l'histoire n'a pas aperçu que presque tous ces intégrateurs du christianisme et de la problématique contemporaine sociale et nationale proviennent de l'Europe de l'est, de l'Europe centrale, de l'Europe du sud et du sud-est, c'est-à-dire des régions où la base chrétienne était jusqu'ici plus vivante que dans certains milieux urbains mondiaux (industriellement les plus développés) et où les problémes sociaux et nationaux étaient les plus profonds. L'intégration contemporaine du christianisme et des cours contemporains sociaux et entre nations dans l'Europe occidentale fait donc preuve d'une maturité spirituelle anterieure importante, d'une continuité et d'une tradition aussi dans les pays de l'Europe du sud-est, de l'Europe du sud et de l'Europe centrale. A. La différence entre la construction humaine des nations et le nationalisme chauviniste Ces deux siècles derniers, de nombreux intellectuels progressistes européens dans le domaine culturel et social, qui connaissaient les bases de l'éthique et de l'anthropologie des évangiles, ont entrevu le profond précipice entre la construction humaine et persistente de la propre nation (de sa culture spirituelle, de l'economie, son système social, de l'éducation et de la liberté nationalle) et les nationalismes acharnés et avides (qui se sont fréquemment moralement cachés derrière un nom chrétien). Dans toute l'antiquité, dans tout le moyen âge et dans ce nouveau siècle, humanistes européens du dix -neuvième et du vingtième siècle n'ont pas été capables de trouver de concept humaniste aussi clair pour l'égard des relations entre les groupes éthniques comme ils étaient présentes dans les évangiles (les nations contemporaines sont des groupes éthniques qui contiennent des lois et des problèmes très similaires, mais différentes comme les relations entre les Juifs, entre les Samaritains, les Ro-mains, les Grecs et les "barbares" qui sont représentées de manière si plastique dans les évangiles). L'attitude de Jésus envers son propre groupe éthnique (les Juifs) et envers les autres groupes éthniques est d'une clarté idéale: Jésus estime, prend en charge et développe la tradition éthique et humaine de son propre nation ("je suis venu accomplir la loi"), mais en même temps, il etait très critique envers tout ce qui n'était pas humain dans son propre peuple, même s'il se cachait derrière un nom juif et la gloire juive (les souverains juifs de l'époque, les exploiteurs, les pharisiens, les phénomènes du formalisme et du moralisme parmi les Juifs). Jésus a donc le même critère de valeur pour son propre groupe éthnique et pour tous les autres groupes éthniques, à savoir l'humanité qui est en même temps aussi la réalisation de ce qui est divin dans l'être humain. Il n'y a aucun doute pour Jésus et pour Paul, que le bon et le mal peuvent se manifester dans tous les groupes éthniques (chez les Juifs, comme chez les Samaritains, les Romains ou les barbares). C'est aussi cette clarté limpide des points de vues éthniques sur les relations entre les nations qui élève les évangiles très audessus de tous les points de vues de l'époque. L'humanisme en tant que critère des relations entre les nations a une origine chrétienne directe chez Prešeren et Masaryk. Prešeren l'a exprimé de la manière la plus claire dans son épopée "Le baptême à Savica". Quand le héros de cette épopée, Črtomir, indigné, condamne la christia-nisation forcée des Slaves, le prêtre chrétein de Prešeren répond exactement: "que nous sommes les fils d'un père, tous les gens, des frères, toutes les nations." et encore: "que le fils de Dieu est devenu homme, pour sauver les peuples et les rendre heureux." Dans son livre "Révolution mondiale", Masaryk aborde très fréquemment le dilemme le plus important des deux mille ans de l'Europe et surtout du vingtième siècle: aut César aut Jésus!! C'est le croisement le plus important tant pour les relations sociales que pour les relations entre les nations. Le pouvoir absolu aliéné (césarisme) est incompatible avec le christianisme originel, c'est son opposition dilématique. Parce que selon Jesus, les souverains chrétiens, les guides chrétiens et les politiciens chrétiens ne sont que ceux qui se consacrent strictement au service du progrès du peuple, tout pouvoir sur les peuples étrangers est aussi extrêmement non chrétien. Le mouvement de libération antifasciste, a aussi, à sa manière spécifique, contribué dans une assez grande mesure à mettre en oeuvre des relations humaines entre les peuples de l'ex-Yougoslavie. C'état un mouvement qui, pendant la deuxième guerre mondiale, a trouvé la seule sortie des tueries féroces entre les parties des peuples yougoslaves dans la valeur positive de "fraternité" entre tous les peuples vivant dans l'espace de l'ex-Yougoslavie. C'était un mouvement qui a également fortement réussi à mettre en valeur les principes d'égalité, de collaboration et d'aide réciproque chez ces peuples. Dans ce processus, les valeurs de tolérance éthnique, de coexistence éthnique, religieuse et culturelle ont persisté, ont convergé et se sont synthétisées. C'étaient des valeurs qui étaient cultivées depuis longtemps déjà, avant le mouvement antifasciste, par les représentants progressistes de différents groupes éthniques, de différentes religions et de différentes cultures dans l'espace de l'ex-Yougoslavie. Depuis le commencement, par exemple, l'islam en Bosnie était, dans le contexte social de l'époque, assez tolérant au point de vue religieu et culturel, car en Bosnie, depuis le seizième siècle, il y avait une tolérance réelle, partielle, même si non idéale, la coexistence et l'enrichissement réciproque de la religion et de la culture juive, islamique, orthodoxe et catholique. La purification éthnique actuelle en Bosnie-Herzégovine est donc un énorme pas historique très loin arrière! Une grande contribution à la coexistence et à la collaboration fructuese des différentes nations, religions et cultures dans l'éspace de l'ex-Yougoslavie a été appor-tée par le protestant Trubar et l'évêque catholique Strossmayer. C'est pourquoi: la fra-ternité chez les catholiques, les orthodoxes et les musilmans, fraternité basée sur des valeurs communes, n'est pas seulement la découverte du mouvement antifasciste en Yougoslavie, mais elle était déjà si vivante au dix-neuvième siècle qu'elle s'était transformée en sagesse populaire et en proverbe: "Est frère aimé, quelle que soit sa religion." Parce que ces valeurs centenaires ont été massacrées par la guerre qui flambe actuellement entre les peuples de l'ex-Yougoslavie, il est évidemment impossible que les genérations actuelles et prochaines rétablissent une deuxième Yougoslavie ou construisent une troisième Yougoslavie. Toutefois, les traditions positives vieilles de quatre cent ans de coexistence religieuse, culturelle et éthnique - en commençant par la Bosnie islamique! - représentent une initiative précieuse visant l'orientation humaine vers une pénible normalisation des Balkans dans les cent années à venir. Goethe a également fortement contribué à l'énonciation d'un critère clair et fructueux pour la valorisation de toutes les nations et de toutes les relations entre les peuples en Europe centrale et en Europe du sud-est, en évaluant positivement les poèmes populaires serbes. Cette contribution de Goethe pourrait être résumée comme le critère principal de l'aptitude vitale et de la valeur de chaque peuple, c'est la créativité culturelle sous toutes ses formes. Et en interprétant Goethe de cette manière, mais, ésperons-le avec raison, on peut aussi tirer la conséquence suivante: chaque créativité nationale est la preuve de la force vitale de la nation/peuple, chaque destruction des valeurs propres et des valeurs étrangères est un signe du nationalisme primitif. Par cela, on nie aussi les thèses erronées qui ne voyaient l'essence de la vitalité et la valeur des nations que dans une seule composante, par exemple, seulement dans les caractéristiques biologiques-et-raciales ou seulement dans l'aptitude à être Etat ("les nations historiques") et qui ont des conséquences néfastes bien connues notamment dans le vingtième siècle. La nette démarcation entre la construction humaine, pleine d'abnégation, des propres nations et les tendances nationalistes chauvinistes primitives a été la plus profonde (et s'est liée à la valorisation chrétienne originelle) justement chez créateurs culturels et sociaux de l'Europe centrale, l'Europe de l'est et du sud-est, comme Masaryk, Prešeren, Svetozar Marković, Tucović, Cankar, Krleža, Matoš, Kocbek, Stjepan Radić et autres. C'est justement dans le développement national de leur pays que ces grands créateurs ont été les plus clairs, les plus vivants, les plus troublants, indiquant la voie à suivre entre l'élévation culturelle progressive de leur nation et les basses tendences nationalistes dans leur propre nation. Grâce à leurs contributions les plus précieuses, tout les philosophes, sociologues et hommes de lettres mentionnés ont non seulement apporté une contribution individuelle maximale en matière de formation culturelle et humaine de leur peuple, mais, par leurs oeuvres, ils ont aussi tiré une ligne nette et indubitable entre ce qui est humain et inhumain dans leur propre nation/peuple: d'une part, il y a du travail précieux philosophique, sociologique et politique de Masaryk, du travail sociologique, économique et publiciste original de Svetozar Marković, de la plus haute qualité artistique de Prešeren, Cankar, Kocbek, Krleža et Matoš et leur travail dévoué au progrès national - et d'autre part, de la critique la plus sévère du faux slavisme et du faux romantisme par Masaryk ("Les manuscripts"); de la critique du nationalisme bonal et futile per Krleža, Matoš et Cankar; de la critique de la domesticité autarcique provinciale par Prešeren et aussi de la critique la plus sévère des actions impérialistes des classes dirigeantes de leur propre nation par Svetozar Marković et Tucović. B. La corrélation indivisible de la problématique nationale et sociale La corrélation la plus étroite entre la problématique nationale et sociale chez les grands créateurs culturels et sociaux de l'Europe centrale, du sud-est et de l'Europe de l'est est aussi une large contribution à la construction de l'Europe nouvelle et elle est fortement imprégnée de la pensée chrétienne: la réelle fraternité integrative des gens d'une même nation a impérativement besoin d'une fraternité humaine complémentaire entre les nations. La nation ne peut être construite humainement que si le principe de la justice s'affirme à l'intérieur de la nation et ce n'est qu'à ce moment-là que la nation est capable de vaincre ses tendances nationalistes latents et de construire des relations humaines entre les nations. Le grand mouvement rénovateur de Jésus n'élève pas seulement les gens socialement inferieurs, mais de valeur éthique de sa propre nation - (les pêcheurs, les charpentiers), mais le critère de cette valeur éthique lui fait aussi éléver des autres groupes éthniques (les Samaritains, les barbares), qui sont en apparence "inferieurs" sur le plan éthnique et social. C'est pourquoi l'approche de Masaryk en matière de relations sociales et nati- onales est la chrétienté expressement moderne, le christianisme de la société industrielle et postindustrielle. Pour Masaryk, la vraie démocratie ne peut être que la démocratie sociale, sa réalisation conséquente dans les relations entre nations inclut aussi impérativement l'autodétermination et la liberté des petites nations oppressées. L'esprit chrétien renové de Tolstoï a une influence vivace sur Stjepan Radić. L'esprit chrétien pratique dans le mouvement politique de Radić intègre la tendence vers l'intégration des masses populaires rurales cultivées dans le mouvement national par une amitié pacifique entretenue de manierè suivie entre les nations et surtout entre les Croates et les Serbes. Radić, trouve extrêmement honteuse toute thèse déclarant: "nous nous battrons jusqu'à votre destruction ou jusqu'à la nôtre". Pour lui, c'est le pire des crimes. Svetozar Marković est intérieurement tout à fait cohérent dans sa tendence à vouloir organiser socialement la nation serbe de façon à ce qu'elle se libère de sa propre bureaucratie, à vouloir empêcher la brutalité de cette même bureaucratie envers les autres nations des Balkans. Chez l'évêque Slomšek, l'éducation (l'instruction publique, l'association de Mohor) surtout des couches inférieures majoritaires du peuple slovène (qui vivait alors dans les villages et à la campagne) est inséparablement liée à la défense de ce peuple contre le danger de dénationalisation et à la construction de la conscience nationale et de la subjectivité. Le prêtre et le théologue Janez Evangelist Krek fait un nouveau pas vers l'indépendance de la nation slovène à l'époque industrielle moderne en organisant les ouvriers et les paysans catholiques slovènes et en les formant pour devenir des sujets indépendants à l'époque turbulente du capitalisme. Malgré l'aspect apparemment profane de ce comportement, j'estime que l'action de Krek, était express-ément chrétienne, car le mouvement de Jésus est le premier dans l'histoire mondiale à cultiver systématiquement également les gens des couches inférieures pour qu'ils deviennent des sujets éthiques et sociaux indépendants et cessent d'être des objects. C'était une thèse bien fondeé de Tolstoï, de Gramsci. La corrélation indivisible de la culture, de l'éthique et de la politique est évidente dans l'activité dans l'art et dans l'activité sociale de Cankar et Krle`a. Leur critique des relations sociales et des relations entre nations corrompues dans la société hiérarchique de l'espace yougoslave est liée à leur désir d'une amelioration fondamentale des relations sociales et des relations entre les nations. 4. La liaison de l'Europe occidentale, de l'Europe de l'est, de l'Europe centrale et du sud-est sur de réelles bases chrétiennes Parler des réelles bases chrétiennes de l'Europe entière (de l'Atlantique à l'Oural) ne semble irréelle qu'aux penseurs d'identité abstraite, par exemple au rationalisme philosophique ou à la partie dogmatique du marxisme (qui eux-mêmes n'ont pas des représentations philosophiques et anthropologiques réelles concernant l'essence de l'homme et la philosophie chrétienne de l'homme). Tous les penseurs d'identité abstraite très différente rétrécissent la réalisation de l'idéal humain dans l'histoire empirique à l'illusion de la naissance de l'identité absolue et de l'harmonie absolue dans l'humanité empirique. Mais dans la pensée originelle des évangiles, même le meilleur homme est un être fait d'oppositions intérieurs, un être qui oscille entre ces oppositions et un être en confrontation permanente, pour que ces oppositions finissent par se former en fragments de valeur grâce à ces actes épuisants. C'est pourquoi notre thèse de la réalité des fondaments chrétiens de l'Europe contemporaine et nouvelle n'attribue nullement ni à l'Europe contemporaine ni à l'Europe future l'harmonie des valeurs parfaite, mais seulement cette dynamique possible d'oppositions sociales "éternelles", où le bien l'emporte quelque peu sur le mal dans la lutte historique. Une analyse de l'histoire européene strictement objective et scientifique ne peut non plus nier le tournant historique évident: alors que dans la première partie du vingtième siècle en Europe, le mal gigantesque (deux terribles guerres mondiales, une grande crise économique, le fascisme, le stalinisme, l'imperialisme) l'avait emporté sur le bien, par contre la deuxième partie du vingtième siècle en Europe occidentale, voit le bien (la paix, la prospérité économique, les droits de l'homme essez bien réalisés, l'état social) l'emporter sur le mal. Tous les humanistes réels (laïques ou religieux), nous pouvons apprécier et aimer l'Europe contemporaine comme notre patrie commune déjà, si à l'avenir le digne l'emportera encore sur l'indigne comme aujourd'hui. Nous, les humanistes réalistes nous sommes conscients qu'en Europe et dans l'humanité, les contradictions sociales, les crises sociales, les stagnations et les aliénations sociales et autres phénomènes inhumains ne seront jamais complètement éliminés. C'est pourquoi notre grand but dans l'histoire empirique de l'humanité peut déjà être la prédominance de la vie sur la mort, de la paix sur la guerre, de la vie normale fatigante sur la dégradation. Notre image de la réalité des fondaments européens chrétiens n'est évidemment pas vulgairement matérialiste mais elle s'inspire d'Aristotèle et elle est originellement chrétienne. Il s'agit de la réalisation de l'universel dans l'individuel, de la réalisations des valeurs générales dans l'histoire concrète: dans l'Europe contemporaine occidentale, on peut déjà voir la réalisation partielle et l'incarnation initiale de l'esprit chrétien humain (qui ne sera jamais parfaite, mais qui est déjà "tangible"). En Europe occidentale, cet esprit ne se réalise pas seulement dans plusieurs microgroupes et personalités (comme dans l'histoire précédente), mais aussi partiellement au niveau de la politique de l'Etat et dans la formation humaine des nations d'Europe occidentale avec une économie de marché sociale, avec l'Etat social et l'Etat de droit. Bien sûr, on doit consciencieusement préciser l'ampleur réelle actuelle de ce progrès humaniste de l'Europe occidentale. Sa réalisation réside surtout dans une plus grande justice sociale, dans la création des conditions socio-économiques, juridiques et étatiques plus égales pour tous les gens d'Europe occidentale. Par contre, il n'a pas du tout progressé (il a même fréquemment régressé) en matière de la culture européenne spirituelle et personelle. La spécialisation très étroite du travail et le matérialisme consommateur unilatéral étouffent même le développement personnel et culturel intégrateur. Comme le matérialisme consommateur n'est pas un système totalitaire, tous les sujets spirituels et culturels progressistes, dans les conditions d'Etat européen juridique et social, ont toutes les possibilités de remplacer de manière démocratique le style de vie consommateur-et-aliene par le style culturel moderne. Le style de vie culturel moderne (et Jésus est le premier éducateur culturel des masses connu dans l'histoire, il est le premier grand Rabi) a aussi une perspective beaucoup plus réelle que la consommation matérialiste unilatérale car la vie culturelle intégratrice (la culture spirituelle, la culture démocratique, la culture corporelle) accomplit la personnalité individuelle de manière beaucoup plus belle que la consommation matérialiste, et ce aussi beaucoup plus économiquement que cette consommation (on pense fréquemment justement l'inverse). Le style de vie culturel moderne serait ainsi la solution d'une énigme européenne et mondiale difficile: comment vivre plus pleinement, d'une manière plus riche au sens humaniste et, en même temps, plus économiquement. Cette formule (le style culturel nouveau) est la seule solution surtout pour l'Europe, car au lieu de la terrible destruction consommatrice des fôrets, de l'air, de l'eau, du climat, de la terre et des matières premières d'Europe, cette formule permet une vie essentiellement plus pleine et plus économique qui sera la seule capable de vaincre la catastrophe gigantesque de l'environment européen naturel et par là, également toutes les civilisations et les cultures européenns (selon les estimations de nombreux experts écologiques réputés, l'Espagne, l'Italie et les Balkans pourraient devenir des régions de steppe et de déserts en moins de cent ans, ce qui aura aussi de fortes répercussions sur les autres parties de l'Europe). La réalisation des valeurs chrétiennes et socialistes dans l'Europe occidentale (et aussi des valeurs de la grande révolution française: égalité, fraternité, liberté), dans la deuxième partie du vingtième siècle n'est pas l'invention fortuite des individus géniaux, mais elle a des racines très profondes et réelles dans les terribles expériences récentes de l'Europe même. Les valeurs actuelles vivantes de l'Etat social et l'Etat de droit, de l'économie de marché sociale et des droits de l'homme modernes de l'Europe occidentale résultent aussi des expériences historiques pénibles et réelles. Même les couches européennes dirigeantes ont reconnu que leur profit économique et la position sociale sont plus stables en assurant un consensus social fondamental, un compromis historique entre le travail et le capital sous forme d'Etat social et Etat de droit, de la paix sociale et de la collaboration internationale. Les couches dirigeantes de l'Europe occidentale ont reconnu que la lutte irrationelle pour le profit momentané maximal de l'individu ou de l'Etat et pour le pouvoir absolu d'une élite peu nombreuse mène vers des guerres mondiales destructrices et vers le totalitarisme (fascisme, stalinisme) qui détruisent au maximum toute la société européenne et en même temps aussi, ses positions dans l'humanité (c'était le résultat indubitable de la première et de la deuxième guerre mondiale). L'état social, la paix sociale et la paix entre les nations sont en même temps aussi dans l'intérêt évident des couches inférieures, à savoir de toute la société européenne. C'est pourquoi l'affirmation moderne des valeurs anthropologiques chrétiennes et des valeurs socialistes modernes sous forme d'Etat social est aussi le réalisme formel de la deuxième partie du vingtième siècle car c'est l'intérêt humain rationnel et normal qui construit dans chaque nation et Etat une unité saine et le dynamisme de la diversité. Cette grande élévation historique de l'Europe occidentale n'a pas été initieé seulement par les expériences terribles de deux grandes guerres, mais aussi ces derniers deux cents ans, il y a également eu une renaissance de l'esprit chrétien qui s'est liée à la problématique sociale contemporaine la plus douloureuse. Deux cents années auparavant, une importante rénovation spirituelle du christianisme européen dans l'art, la philosophie, la science, la politique et la religion a frayé le chemin à la réalisation progressive actuelle européenne des valeurs chrétiennes, à un niveau plus élevé de la nation et de l'Etat. Cette réalisation, bien sûr, est encore insuffisante (en ce qui concerne la culture), mais elle est réelle (en matière d'économie, de questions sociales, de l'etat et du droit). C'est aussi cette rénovation spirituelle profonde, à laquelle ont contribué l'Europe de l'est, du sud-est et du sud, qui a précédé la réalisation sociale initiale actuelle des valeurs chrétiennes et socialistes en Europe occidentale. A cette revitalisation de l'esprit humain et social des évangiles, ont également contribué, outre les milieux progressistes des religions institutionnalisées (signifi-cation historique mondiale du deuxième concile du Vatican et du pape Jean XXIII), l'art (Tolstoï, Dostoievskï, Cankar, Krleža, Cesarec et les autres), la politique (de nombreux politiciens européens socio-démocrates et démocrates-chrétiens soulignent depuis un siècle déjà la connexion spirituelle de leurs mouvements avec le christianisme) et la philosophie (Masaryk, Gramsci, Maritan, Mounier). Ces faits historiques prouvent que l'esprit chrétien en Europe est beaucoup plus que les cadres des institutions religieuses et que l'esprit chrétien est profondement enraciné et imprégné de toute l'histoire de l'Europe, qu'il convient à toutes les dimensions de la vie européenne et qu'il participe à la création des qualités les plus nobles dans l'art, la politique et la philosophie. *** La stabilisation et la normalisation des nations et des Etats d'Europe de l'est, d'une partie de l'Europe centrale et de l'Europe du sud-est seront un processus long et très difficile. Ce processus sera rationnel et sans grandes déviations s'il tiendra compte des valeurs reconnues par l'Europe occidentale dans la deuxième partie du vingtième siècle, à savoir l'économie de marché sociale, l'Etat social et l'Etat de droit, le pluralisme des partis politiques, le status privilégié des minorités, la paix et la collaboration internationale. C'est la seule manière d'empêcher tout totalitarisme, militarisme et conflits entre nations pouvant également déstabiliser l'Europe occidentale. C'est pourquoi il est également dans l'intérêt de l'Europe occidentale de favoriser ce genre de développement en Europe de l'est, du sud-est et en Europe centrale. L'assistence prêtée par l'Europe occidentale à ces parties d'Europe est également dans l'intérêt de l'Europe occidentale. Le démantèlement possible à long terme de l'Europe de l'est et du sud-est (et peut-être même de certaines parties d'Europe centrale) pourrait engendrer des nationalismes, militarismes et totalitarismes effrénés susceptibles d'ébranler également la stabilité des Etats d'Europe occidentale et y stimuler des processus anarchiques et totalitaires. Ces processus pourraient détruire les valeurs de l'Europe occidentale qui sont en train de voir le jour et qui sont d'une importance historique, et repousser ainsi toute l'Europe au début du vingtième siècle. La conclusion de cette étude sera apparemment pragmatique. Mais j'espère que cette conclusion reste dans l'esprit conséquent du réalisme chrétien et d'Arsitotèle: dans l'esprit d'incarnation du général dans le concret particulier et individuel. C'est pourquoi en conclusion, je cite quelques modes impératifs actuels de la réalisation des valeurs chrétiennes générales dans les conditions actuelles particulières de l'Europe du sud-est, de l'Europe centrale de l'Europe de l'est.: - la stricte séparation des intensives aspirations nationales humaines par les nationalismes déraisonnables en Europe de l'est et du sud-est, - l'induction de la morale dans la politique, ce qui est la transcendance principale de la faiblesse politique dans l'Europe de l'est et dans l'Europe du sud-est, - la culture conséquente des valeurs communes aux partis chrétiens, socialistes et autres, engagement de ces partis soit sous forme des coalitions, soit dans le rôle exclusif de l'opposition constructive, et avec le but que les intérrêts du développement économique et social de la société entière prédominent les égoïsmes étroits des "élites" de toutes sortes, - le support de tous les humanistes européens dans tous les groupes politiques créatifs et moraux, sans égard à leurs étiquettes politiques formelles et sans égard à leurs philosophies déclarées, - les possibilités privilégiées du développement ethnique des minorités de toute l'Europe, - la condamnation la plus sévèré de chaque "purification éthnique" et la haute estimation de la coexistence multiculturelle dans toute l'Europe. BIBLIOGRAPHIE CHOSIE 1. Leben und Meinungen der sieben Weisen, izdajatelj Bruno Snel, München, 1938 2. Hermann Diels, Die Fragmenten der Vorsokratiker, siebente Auflage, I. Band, Berlin, 1954 3. Aristoteles, Die Nikomachische Ethik, Zürich, 1951, izdaja Olof Gigon Aristoteles, Ethica Nicomachea, izdaja I. Bywater, 1942 Aristoteles, Nikomahova etika, Ljubljana, 1964, Cankarjeva založba 4. Sveto pismo starega in novega zakona, London, 1965, The British & foreign Bible Society Sveto pismo nove zaveze, Ljubljana, 1984, izdal Nadškofijski ordinariat v Ljubljani 5. Immanuel Kant, Kritik der praktischen Vernuft, Zweite Auflage, Berlin, 1870 6. Erich Fromm, The Sane Society, New York, Toronto, 1956 F. Fromm, Zdrava družba, Ljubljana, 1970, DZS 7. OZN, Splošna deklaracija človekovih pravic, Izdaja informacijskega centra OZN v Beogradu 8. T. G. Masaryk, Svetovna revolucija, Ljubljana, 1936, založila Naša založba 9. T. G. Masaryk, Jan Hus, Zagreb, 1923, Kr. Zemaljska tiskara 10. Max Scheler, Der Formalismus in der Ethik und die materielle Wertethik, Halle a.d.S., 1927, Max Niemeyer Verlag 11. Ivan Pavao II: Veritatis Splendor, Zagreb, 1993, izdaja Globus 12. Vuko Pavičević, Odnos vrijednosti i stvarnosti u nemačkoj idealističkoj aksiologiji, Beograd, 1958, izdaja Kulture 13. Anton Trstenjak, Človek končno in neskončno bitje, Celje, 1988, Mohorjeva družba 14. Jože Šter, Marksizem in etika, Maribor, 1985, Založba Obzorja 15. Vojan Rus, Les bases philosophiques de la culture morale, Sofia, 1973, Proceedings of the XVth World Congress of Philosophy 16. Vojan Rus, Etika in socializem, Ljubljana, 1976, izdaja Mladinska knjiga 17. Vojan Rus, Filozofska antropologija, Ljubljana, 1991, izdaja Filozofska fakulteta v Ljubljani 18. Vojan Rus, Nadaljevanje naše poti, Ljubljana, 1983, izdaja Mladinska knjiga 19. Vojan Rus, Na kriznih križpotjih, Ljubljana, 1988, DZS Andrej Korošak SOCIETALNE IMPLIKACIJE INTELIGENTNOSTI POVZETEK: Kljub dobrim namenom izboljšati družbeno selekcijo je že kmalu po uporabi prvih inteligenčnih testov evgenično gibanje rezultate merjenj zlorabilo za dokazovanje bioloških razlik med rasami. Te ideje je kasneje obudil Jensen, nadaljevala sta Herrnstein in Murray z razvpitim delom »Zvonasta krivulja« ter Lynn in Vanhanen v »IQ in bogastvo narodov«. Danes vemo, da je inteligentnost poligenetska lastnost in da je vpliv dednosti ter okolja vzajemen. Razen tega se večji delež variabilnosti pojavlja med pripadniki znotraj posamezne rasne skupine in ne med pripadniki različnih skupin. Manj je s predsodki obremenjeno iskanje medkulturnih razlik med IQ in razvojnimi indikatorji (BDP, dohodkovno distribucijo, razvitostjo demokracije itd.). Izkaže se, da je IQ najvažnejši prediktor družbenega razvoja nasploh, celo v zelo dolgih zgodovinskih obdobjih. Večina študij dokazuje tudi, da je inteligentnost šibkeje, a pomembno negativno povezana z religioznostjo, pri čemer igra pomembno vlogo analitično mišljenje. Vse od objave »Avtoritarne osebnosti« pa ne pojenja niti zanimanje za odnose med inteligentnostjo in ideološko orientacijo. V splošnem obstaja konsenz o negativni zvezi med IQ in socialno (ne pa tudi ekonomsko!) konservativnostjo oz. desničarskimi ideološkimi stališči (RWA, SDO). Ključne besede: IQ, medkulturne razlike, ideološka stališča, prediktor družbenega razvoja, ABSTRACT: Despite of good intentions above improving social selection, as also soon after activating in use the first intelligence tests, it has been the eugenic movement which abused measurement results for proving biological differences between races. These ideas were later revived by Jensen, with Herrnstein's and Murray's book »The Bell Curve« and Lynn's and Vanhanen's contribution in »IQ and the Wealth of Nations«. Nowadays we know, that intelligence is poligenetic trait and that mutual influences exist between genes and environment. And also much more variability is evident within each race group than between members of different race groups. Less prejudiced is quest for intercultural differences between IQ and development indicators (GDP, income distribution, democracy development etc.). It turns out that IQ is the best predictor of society development in general, even in the very long historical periods. Most studies also demonstrate, that intelligence is weaker, but significantly connected with religiosity, in which analytical thinking plays important role. Ever since publication of »Authoritarian personality« there is growing interest for relation between intelligence and ideological orientations. In general, there is consensus about negative correlation between IQ and social (but not economic!) conservatism and also between IQ and right-wing ideological attitudes (RWA, SDO). Key words: IQ, cross-cultural differences, ideological attitudes, predictor of societal development 1. Inteligentnost in družbeni odnosi Žolčne razprave o inteligentnosti, kot enem najpomembnejših konceptov v psihologiji, ne pojenjajo niti danes, ne v strokovni, še manj v laični javnosti. Že na samem začetku praktične uporabe, torej merjenju intelektualnih sposobnosti, so se žal dobri nameni razvrščanja šolskih otrok, najprej z Binetovo preizkušnjo in kmalu še Termanovo revidirano verzijo, pa kasnejšo množično uporabo testov pri selekciji ameriških rekrutih za časa I. svetovne vojne (Army Alpha, Army Beta), izrodili v smeri upravičevanja rasne diskriminacije. Ponujeno priložnost, ki se je ponudila z ugotavljanjem razlik med socialnimi skupinami, so hitro izkoristili ameriški evgeniki in v njih našli kronski dokaz vrojenih bioloških razlik, kjer bi naj bili črnci in določene priseljenske skupine mentalno inferiorne belcem. Pa še po koncu II. svetovne vojne, ko so že začela vznikati anti-segregacijska gibanja, se je ponovno obudila debata glede domnevnih razlik v inteligentnosti med rasami. Še celo tedaj je recimo Shockley, ki ni verjel v ugodne rezultate boljše edukacije na odpravljanje rasnih razlik, zagovarjal kontrolo rojstev in celo sterilizacijo! Veliko prahu je nato dvignil Jensen s svojim člankom iz leta 1969, ki še danes velja za enega najbolj kontroverznih v zgodovini psihologije. Verjel je, da so črnci belcem enaki edinole pri asociativnem učenju, ne pa tudi pri abstraktnem mišljenju, kjer so razlike nepremostljive. V nekem intervjuju je celo izjavil, da se človeške rase med seboj ločijo bolj od nekaterih živalskih vrst! Drug tak primer je izdaja razvpite knjige »Zvonasta krivulja« (The Bell Curve, 1994), avtorjev Herrnsteina in Murraya, kritiki jima zamerijo predvsem ignoriranje socio-ekonomskega statusa (SES), kot ključne variable pri pojasnjevanju rasnih razlik v inteligentnosti. Danes vemo, da ta ne korelira le z IQ, ampak tudi s podobnimi variablami (npr. sposobnostjo pomnjenja, poznavanjem jezika, testnimi dosežki, funkcionalno pismenostjo, ponavljanjem šolskega razreda itd). Še pozneje, kmalu po prelomu stoletja, sta Lynn in Vanhanen v delu »IQ in bogastvo narodov« (IQ and the Wealth of Nations, 2002) objavila diskutabilne rezultate medkulturnih primerjav, s katerimi sta poskušala dokazati razlike v IQ med razvitimi zahodnimi deželami in onimi iz tretjega sveta, še zlasti populacijami iz podsaharske Afrike. Druga dva raziskovalca, Templer in Arikawa (2006), pa sta na osnovi teh podatkov celo izračunala zelo visoko negativno korelacijo (r = - 0,92; p < 0,001) med povprečno nacionalno inteligentnostjo in indeksom barve kože (1 – bela, 8 – zelo temna)! Vendar tudi tukaj ni šlo gladko, saj so mnogi drugi avtorji, recimo Hunt in Sternberg (2006), dokazali resne pomanjkljivosti glede kvalitete samih podatkov, uporabljenih statističnih procedur in vzorčenja ter celo aplikacije znanstvene logike. Navkljub naravnost fanatičnemu ideologiziranju rasno pogojenih razlik v mentalnih sposobnostih, so se že v 20. letih prejšnjega stoletja pričeli pojavljati upravičeni dvomi v dedne zasnove. Že oče eksperimentalne socialne psihologije, Floyd Allport, pa čeprav še zmeraj pristranski, je vendarle opozarjal na dejavnike okolja, ki so bili dotlej prezrti. Potem pa je leta 1935 Otto Klineberg odkrito nastopil proti prevladujoči klimi tistega časa rekoč, da ne obstajajo znanstveni dokazi o obstoju rasnih razlik v inteligentnosti in da zato takšna prepričanja ne smejo opravičevati diskriminatorne politike v izobraževanju ali zaposlovanju. Nekoliko kasneje se je končno zgodil odločilni preobrat in to zahvaljujoč naglemu napredku sociologije in socialne psihologije, pa tudi tragičnim lekcijam iz obdobja velike depresije in nacističnega poveličevanja gospodovalne rase. Tako je za dolgo časa odpiranje rasnih vprašanj postalo pravi tabu. A ko so se ta zaradi prebujanja civilne družbe v 60. letih prejšnjega stoletja ponovno zaostrila, je Ameriška zveza črnskih psihologov, ustanovljena leta 1968 v San Franciscu, zahtevala moratorij uporabe inteligenčnih testov pri otrocih iz manjšinskih skupin. Bivši predsednik te zveze George Jackson (1975) je celo zapisal: »Zgodovinsko so bili psihološki testi kvazi-znanstveno orodje za perpetuiranje rasizma na vseh ravneh znanstvene objektivnosti, zagotavljali so greznico intrinzično in inferenčno zmotnih podatkov, ki so napihovali ego belcev s poniževanjem črncev in ki so potencirali črni genocid«. Zmeraj pogosteje so se pojavljali dokazi o odločilnem vplivu različnih faktorjev okolja na mentalne sposobnosti, npr. izpostavljenosti toksičnim snovem med nosečnostjo, trajanjem dojenja, nezadostni prehrani, pomanjkanju joda ali železa v hrani, zgodnjih infekcijskih boleznih itd. Še zlasti velik pomen so pripisovali slabemu sistemu izobraževanja in drugim socialnim ter ekonomskim vzrokom (socialno-ekonomskemu statusu družine, kvaliteti družinske vzgoje, verbalni interakciji med starši in otroci). Inteligentnost naj bi bila tudi bistveno manj dedno pogojena v zgodnjem otroštvu (30-50% variance v IQ skorih), mnogo bolj kasneje, v pozni adolescenci (75-80% variance v IQ skorih), kar nakazuje na pomembnost zgodnjih socialnih spodbud. Navsezadnje, tudi dobro znani Flynnov efekt¹ kaže na odločilni vpliv raznovrstnih okoljskih dejavnikov, čeprav je res, da v zadnjem času iz nekaterih razvitih držav poročajo o upočasnjevanju, stagnaciji ali celo reverzibilnosti tega trenda ². Po Lynnu obstaja Flynnovemu efektu nasprotni proces, t.i. disgenična fertilnost, ki bi naj povzročala upad IQ³. Rasne teorije inteligentnosti je ironično usodni udarec zadel z njihovega lastnega izhodišča – genetike. Dobro je namreč potrjeno, da je inteligentnost poligenetska lastnost, kar pomeni, da nanjo vplivajo številni geni, najbrž celo nekaj tisoč. Zato je učinek večine individualnih genetskih variant zelo majhen, verjetno manj od 1% variabilnosti splošnega faktorja inteligentnosti (g). Novejše študije res niso kaj prida uspešne v iskanju posameznih genov, ki bi naj omogočali inteligentno vedenje. Tako je recimo Bouchard s kolegi (1990) našel, da IQ bolj korelira z enojajčnimi dvojčki, sorojenci in starši, ki so odraščali skupaj, kot pa s tistimi, ki niso, kar evidentno dokazuje vpliv okolja na razvoj inteligentnosti. Do pomenljivih rezultatov se je dokopal Turkheimer s kolegi (2003), ko najde mnogo manjši učinek dednosti na IQ sedemletnih dvojčkov iz revnejših družin (h² = 0,10), kot pri tistih iz bogatih (h² = 0,72). Nisbett (2012) tako upravičeno pripominja, da lahko posamezniki z višjim SES bolje razvijejo svoj biološki potencial, pri tistih iz nižjega SES pa tega zakrivajo neugodni učinki okolja. Za dodaten poraz biologistični doktrini razvoja mentalnih sposobnosti so zaslužne tiste študije (npr. Lewontin, 1982; Rosenberg et al., 2002), ki kažejo, da se približno 85% genetske variabilnosti neke poteze pojavlja med pripadniki znotraj definirane rasne skupine in samo 6-7% med pripadniki različnih skupin. Danes vemo, da je vpliv dednosti in okolja vzajemen. Korelacija med IQ in geni še ne pove veliko, saj ni mogoče nedvoumno pojasniti vzročne povezave. Za navidez manj ideološko obremenjeno vprašanje, kot so rasne razlike v IQ, bi morda lahko imeli tisto o zvezi med inteligentnostjo celotne populacije z ekonomskim razvojem neke družbe (BDP oz. ekonomsko rastjo). Gre za sovpadanje dveh paradigem, psihološke in ekonomske. Po teoriji kognitivnega človeškega kapitala mentalne sposobnosti, izmerjene na individualnem, institucionalnem in societalnem nivoju, pospešujejo napredek v produktivnosti, dohodku in bogastvu. Nemška raziskovalca Rindermann in Becker (2018) sta prva opazovala učinke intelektualnega razvoja v zelo dolgem, več kot stoletnem obdobju (od 1909 do 2013) na gibanje BDP per capita in sicer v štirih časovnih točkah. Našla sta pomembne korelacije med napredkom v IQ in tržno vrednostjo celotne gospodarske dejavnosti in to tako sočasno, kot z zamikom. Najvišje se resda v relativno majhnem številu 28 držav, a iz bolj prečiščenih podatkovnih baz, pojavijo po desetih (r = 0,34; p < 0,001) in petih letih (r = 0,25; p < 0,001), kar pomeni, da pospeševanje inteligentnosti potrebuje nekaj časa, da se pokaže ekonomski učinek. Avtorja domnevata, da se to zgodi s posredovanjem mehanizmov, kot npr. tehnoloških inovacij, alokacije talentov, poklicnega usposabljanja. Študija potrjuje tisto izpred desetletja, kjer Rindermann ugotavlja pomemben vpliv višje inteligentnosti, obenem s šolskimi dosežki, na ekonomsko blagostanje populacij. Iz zdaleč najobsežnejšega nabora 185 držav sta podatke o nacionalnem IQ uspela pridobiti Lynn in Vanhanen (2002), a težava, na katero smo že opozorili je v tem, da so bili ti v mnogih primerih zbrani na metodološko sumljiv način. Z namenom izboljšati kakovost podatkov, sta Hunt in Wittmann (2008) opravila temeljito reanalizo. Ta je navkljub pomanjkljivostim izvornih ocen v splošnem potrdila domnevo, da kognitivne sposobnosti prebivalcev neke države napovedujejo njene ekonomske dosežke, kjer pa je ta zveza v manj razvitih državah celo višja, kot v bolj razvitih. Še boljšo napovedno vrednost najdeta avtorja z mednarodno primerjavo dosežkov učencev (t.i. PISA testi). Nedavno je britansko-danskemu tandemu (Francis in Kirkegaard, 2022) z dodajanjem robustnejših testov, različnimi časovnimi obdobji in drugačnimi ocenami nacionalne inteligentnosti, prav tako uspelo bistveno izboljšati kvaliteto spremenljivk. V primerjavi z več kot 60 testiranimi variablami, se je kot najboljši prediktor ekonomske rasti izkazal prav nacionalni IQ. Avtorja ugotavljata, da povečanje za eno točko IQ rezultira s kar 7,8% povečanim BDP per capita! A pri tem je pomembno nacionalno povprečje, ne pa samo manjši delež najbolj bistrih. Testirala sta tudi kavzalnost v obe smeri, a ima teza o nasprotnem odnosu, torej učinku ekonomske rasti na inteligentnost, malo empirične podlage. Če res drži teza, da je skozi celotno zgodovino človeške družbe ravno inteligentnost, kot ključna sestavina človeškega kapitala, odigrala nepogrešljivo vlogo pri razvoju ekonomske prosperitete, potem je v bistvu vseeno, kdaj jo merimo. Tako sta že Lynn in Vanhanen (2012) našla visoke korelacije (r ˃ 0,70) med ocenami nacionalnega IQ in BDP per capita v treh točkah zelo dolgega obdobja (v letih 1700, 1870 in 2003). Nanje naj bi vplivale genetske razlike med populacijami, kar pomeni povratek k izvorni biologistični doktrini. Gre za zgodovinski proces (path dependence), kjer bodoči gospodarski oz. širši družbeni razvoj kreirajo različni dejavniki, kateri so se pojavili nekoč davno v preteklosti⁴ . Drugače so pristopili malezijski raziskovalci (Burhan et al., 2014), kateri dojemajo nacionalni IQ kot nekakšen intrinzični potencial same družbe, medtem pa temeljne psihološke potrebe posredujejo med vplivom inteligentnosti na ekonomsko rast. Upoštevaje uveljavljeno Maslowovo teorijo hierarhije temeljnih potreb, so ugotavljali, kako motivacijski faktorji spodbujajo razvoj kognitivnega kapitala, s čimer se da vsaj deloma pojasniti razlike v ekonomskih dosežkih med državami. Po eni strani se izcimijo neodvisni, direktni pozitivni učinki, posebno nacionalnega IQ kot indikatorja samoaktualizacije, nekoliko tudi pričakovane življenjske dobe kot indikatorja fizioloških potreb, zadovoljstva z življenjem kot indikatorja samospoštovanja in politične stabilnosti družbe kot indikatorja potreb po varnosti, na ekonomsko rast, po drugi strani pa zadovoljstvo z življenjem nastopa tudi kot pomemben negativni moderator, torej njegovo povečevanje zmanjšuje motivacijo za boljšo izvedbo, kar nato rezultira s skromnejšim učinkom IQ na ekonomsko rast. Ostala dva faktorja (pričakovana življenjska doba, politična stabilnost) ne indicirata na pomembne posredne učinke. Rezultati študije so skladni z dotlejšnjimi ugotovitvami, vpliv IQ (potreba po samoaktualizaciji) je sam po sebi zadosten, da vzbudi ekonomsko rast, ne glede na druge faktorje. Iskanja prediktorjev ekonomske rasti (oz. BDP) se je prav tako lotila poljsko- nemška naveza (Stolarski et al., 2013; Zajenkowski et al., 2013). Prva raziskava pokaže, da sta dve osebnostni lastnosti iz nabora »velikih pet« še posebej relevantni pri napovedovanju nacionalnega IQ. To sta »odprtost za izkušnje« in »ekstravertiranost«. Potem pa je regresijski model izluščil dva pomembna prediktorja BDP per capita, v največji meri IQ (β = 0,62; p ˂ 0,01) in skoraj polovico šibkejšo »ekstravertiranost« (β = 0,34; p ˂ 0,01). Avtorji menijo, da razvoj obeh karakteristik v zahodnih demokracijah v 20. stoletju, kot na to indicirajo nekatere druge študije (npr. Twenge, 2001), sproži napredek še v ekonomskem razvoju, kar spet potrjuje Maslowovo teorijo, ko večja prosperiteta sproži razvoj hierarhično višjih potreb (po ljubezni, pripadnosti, intelektualnih interesih). V drugi raziskavi pa najdejo višji BDP ob naraščajočem IQ v tistih državah, ki beležijo tudi višje ravni »odprtosti za izkušnje«, višjo ekonomsko in tudi politično svobodo (državljanske svoboščine, človekove pravice). To ne preseneča, prva namreč vsebuje liberalne aspekte, ti pa se odrazijo v nasprotovanju konservativnim prepričanjem. Poleg bruto domačega proizvoda (BDP), kot merila celotne ekonomske dejavnosti v posamezni državi, torej njene gospodarske kondicije, se kot mera blagostanja velikokrat uporablja tudi dohodkovna neenakost (t.i. Gini indeks), ta ni nič drugega, kot obseg enakomerne distribucije dohodka v populaciji. Kot smo videli, sta Lynn in Vanhanen (2002) z objavami obširnih podatkovnih zbirk ocen nacionalne inteligentnosti in sklepom, da gre za pomembno determinanto družbene prosperitete, celo bolj kot je to izobrazba, sprožila cel plaz dodatnih raziskav. Te so po eni strani odkrile znatno pozitivno povezanost z BDP per capita in z ekonomsko rastjo, po drugi pa negativno zvezo z dohodkovno neenakostjo. Že Meisenberg (2012) je odkril pozitivno zvezo med IQ in različnimi »razvojnimi indikatorji«: BDP per capita, dolžino šolanja, ekonomsko svobodo, nizko stopnjo korupcije, razvitostjo demokracije in politične svobode, pa tudi z ekonomsko rastjo in enakomernejšo dohodkovno distribucijo. Zatrjuje, da napredne države težijo k večji enakosti od manj naprednih, pri čemer se IQ izkaže kot najboljši prediktor egalitarne dohodkovne distribucije. Čeprav so njegove, pa tudi evidence drugih avtorjev (Rindermann, 2008; Kanazawa, 2009) neizpodbitne, vendarle ne dajejo odgovora na vprašanje, zakaj je temu tako. Šele Salahodjaev in Kanazawa (2018) sta uspela najti odločilni mediator. Izkazalo se je namreč, da gre za višino socialnih transferjev oz. favoriziranje redistributivne politike, ki posreduje pri zvezi višjega kognitivnega kapitala z znižano dohodkovno neenakostjo. Sobelov test pokaže na signifikantnost mediacije (z = -4,94; p < 0,001). S tem se potrjuje hipoteza Satoshi Kanazawe, da inteligentnejši posamezniki razumejo negativne posledice neenakosti v neki družbi, zato sprejemajo evolucijsko novejše vrednote in preference, takšne, kot jih nedvomno proklamira politika države blaginje. 2. Inteligentnost, kognitivni stili in religioznost Prva sta na odnos med inteligentnostjo in religioznostjo že pred skorajda stoletjem postala pozorna Howells in Sinclair (1928). Pri iskanju asociacije med širokim spektrom sposobnosti (senzoričnih, motoričnih, spoznavnih) in vernostjo sta v svojo raziskavo vključila še inteligenčne teste in ugotovila, da višje ravni inteligentnosti korelirajo z nižjo stopnjo verskih prepričanj (in obratno). Pozneje je Argyle (1958) preveril dotlejšnje študije in prišel do podobnega sklepa, ni mu pa ušlo niti to, da so bile prav vse zasnovane na vzorcih otrok in študentov, zato predlaga, da bi kazalo pozornost usmeriti še na odrasle. Drugače so razmišljali Kosa in Schommer (1961) ter Hoge (1969), saj bi se naj v sekularnem socialnem okolju inteligentnost kazala v skepticizmu, v bolj pobožnem pa v verskih interesih. Tandem Argyle in Beit-Hallahmi (1975, 1997) ponovno revidira razpoložljive raziskovalne protokole in ugotovi, da »ni večjih razlik v inteligentnosti med religioznimi in nereligioznimi, čeprav fundamentalisti dosežejo nekoliko nižjo«. Še posebej so relevantne študije, kjer so natančneje precizirana religiozna prepričanja, recimo vrste orientacij oz. vsaj njihovih približkov. Ena takšnih je raziskava Lewisa in sodelavcev (2011), ta indicira na pomembne negativne asociacije med inteligentnostjo in petimi (od šestih) indikatorjev religioznih prepričanj. Kljub kontroliranju izobrazbe in lastnosti »odprtosti«, torej dveh variabel, ki domnevno moderirata to zvezo, ostanejo pomembni, čeprav šibkejši učinki, najopaznejši je negativni s fundamentalizmom (β = - 0,13; p < 0,001), nasprotno pa se »odprtost« pozitivno povezuje s spiritualnostjo (β = 0,14; p < 0,001) in čuječnostjo (β = 0,25; p < 0,001). Nyborg (2009) pa je večje število ameriških denominacij razvrstil v štiri splošne kategorije (ateiste, agnostike, liberalne in dogmatične) ter med njimi našel pomembne razlike. Ateisti so v povprečju dosegali 1,95 točke IQ več od agnostikov, 3,82 točke več od liberalnih denominacij in kar 5,89 točk več od dogmatičnih. Zadnje čase izsledke številnih študij skušajo povzemati v mnogo bolj posplošenih meta-analizah. Pogosto je navajana tista Zuckermana in sodelavcev (2013), v katero so vključili 63 neodvisnih raziskav, izpeljanih izključno na vzorcih iz zahodnih držav. Ta prav tako potrjuje negativno povezanost inteligentnosti z religioznostjo, ki pa je najbolj izrazita pri študentskih vzorcih in tistih iz splošne populacije (od -0,20 do -0,25). Ker pa gre za korelacijsko analizo, ni mogoče iz rezultatov sklepati na smer vzročno-posledičnih odnosov med variablama. Tak zaključek sledi iz drugačnih virov. Najprej iz številnih longitudinalnih študij, kjer izmerjena inteligentnost celo v zelo zgodnjem obdobju uspešno napoveduje mnogo kasnejše sprejemanje vere, nato še iz slovitih Termanovih longitudinalnih študij nadarjenih otrok, ki so desetletja kasneje izpadli manj religiozni od tistih iz splošne populacije. In nenazadnje je Zuckerman sedem let kasneje na osnovi utemeljenih kritik svojega doneska, kakor tudi razširjenega nabora povsem novih objav, izvedel še razširjeno meta-analizo na kar 83 študijah, ki zopet v približno enaki meri potrjuje prejšnje zaključke glede negativne zveze med religioznostjo in inteligentnostjo. Pri tem se je izrazil še delni mediacijski učinek analitičnega kognitivnega stila, ne pa tudi izobrazbe. Učinkovito raziskovalno strategijo sta pred kratkim zastavila dunajska psihologa Dϋrlinger in Pietschnig (2022), ko sta se vprašala, zakaj obstaja konsenz glede smeri vpliva, ne pa tudi glede moči zveze med variablama. Tudi v tokratni meta-analizi se je, kot že tolikokrat prej, na vzorcu 89 neodvisnih študij, potrdila robustna negativna, toda nižja stopnja korelacije med inteligentnostjo in religioznostjo (r = - 0,14; p < 0,001). Smer učinka se ne spremeni, celo ob upoštevanju različnih moderatorskih variabel, ki pomembno vplivajo na moč povezanosti. Učinek je bil večji tedaj, ko so za merjenje inteligentnosti uporabili psihometrične teste, ne pa šolskih ocen, razen tega se je ta spreminjal tudi pri različnih načinih merjenja religioznosti (verska prepričanja so prispevala k višji stopnji korelacije od pavšalnih ocen religioznega vedenja, npr. molitev, obiskovanje cerkve itd). Se je pa zopet, tako kot doslej v preteklih študijah, kot pomemben dejavnik izkazal kognitivni stil, ki je lahko analitični ali intuitivni. Pri tem avtorja ugotavljata, da delno samό prvi stil posredno vpliva na religioznost, delno pa nanjo neposredno vpliva sama inteligentnost. Videti je, da je ravno kognitivni stil odločujoča lastnost pri pojasnjevanju vplivanja kognitivnih sposobnosti na religiozno vedenje. Toda čeprav obe pozitivno korelirata, je pomembno njuno razlikovanje - inteligentnost pomeni kapaciteto za učinkovito uporabo procesov mišljenja, analitični kognitivni stil pa odraža težnjo po reflektiranju, po revidiranju intuitivnih spoznanj. Religiozno prepričanje je v bistvu, kakor pravi turški psiholog Yilmaz (2021), intuitivna kognitivna pristranost, implicira namreč nadnaravne entitete ali paranormalne pojave, ki niso empirično dokazljivi. Skupaj s Saribayem (2017) sta tudi tokrat potrdila negativno zvezo religioznih prepričanj z analitičnim kognitivnim stilom. In čeprav je efekt relativno šibak (β = - 0,13; p < 0,001), je vendarle pomemben, saj so bile kontrolirane številne druge relevantne variable. Yilmaz, tokrat z Bahçekapilijem (2017), je še izboljšal raziskovalni model in vanj vključil različne vrste religioznih orientacij (intrinzično, ekstrinzično, orientacijo iskanja in splošno religiozno prepričanje). Na obsežnem, pretežno muslimanskem vzorcu (N = 1329), se je izrisal značilen vzorec: orientacija iskanja (quest) edina pozitivno korelira z analitičnim kognitivnim stilom, vse ostale zvrsti religiozne orientacije pa negativno, kar pomeni, da je »iskanje« tisto, ki poseduje kvalitativno drugačno kognitivno zasnovo v primerjavi z ostalimi tipi religiozne orientacije. Njun prispevek je še posebej vzpodbuden, saj vse dotedanje študije izhajajo izključno iz zahodnih krščanskih držav. Nedavno je mednarodna skupina raziskovalcev (Baimel et al., 2021) preverila tri koncepcije povezanosti analitičnega mišljenja z religioznostjo, kar nedvomno prinaša veliko epistemično vrednost. Prva je pravkar opisani dualni model religioznih prepričanj, z dvema različnima načinoma mentalnega procesiranja (intuitivnim in analitičnim). Drugo pojasni t.i. ekspresivna racionalnost, kjer analitični pristop opravičuje pretekla prepričanja, s čimer služi protektivni strategiji vzdrževanja lastne identitete. Religiozni posamezniki ga tako uporabljajo z namenom še močnejšega utrjevanja vere v nadnaravne entitete. Tretjo pa pojmujemo kot nekakšno kontra-normativno racionalnost, torej nenehno prespraševanje prevladujoče religiozne norme v neki družbi. Analiza velikega vzorca, v katerega je bilo vključenih več kot 5.000 respondentov iz različnih kulturnih okolij in denominacij, ob dodatni reanalizi podatkov iz že prej objavljenih študij, je navrgla nekonsistentne rezultate, namreč samo delni verifikaciji dualnega modela in ekspresivne racionalnosti, ne pa tudi kontra-normativne racionalnosti. To pomeni, da niti prvi, niti drugi v celoti ne razloži zveze med kognitivnim stilom in religioznostjo. Pravzaprav imata oba modela, navkljub pomanjkljivostim, neodvisno pojasnjevalno vrednost, kar kaže na to, da imamo opravka z dvema psihološkima procesoma v interakciji, s prvim, ki ga vodijo intuitivna prepričanja in z drugim, ki ga določa motivirano sklepanje. Morda je socialno učenje v smislu izpostavljenosti religioznim vplivom, tisti dejavnik, ki določa obseg prvega ali drugega kognitivnega procesa. Pri obravnavi povezanosti intelektualnih sposobnosti z religioznostjo ne moremo mimo japonskega raziskovalca Satoshi Kanazawe, ki pa je to zvezo proučeval tako na nivoju individualnih razlik, kot v medpopulacijskih primerjavah. intelektualne korelate ideoloških variabel. Najprej se pokaže, da so medosebne razlike v inteligentnosti med naraščajočimi stopnjami religioznosti izredno pomembne (p < 0,00001), bolj ko prva narašča, manj izrazita je druga. Podobno je razvidno še na populacijskem makro nivoju, kjer je avtor uporabil številne že publicirane vire (bazo podatkov World Values Survey, 1995/1997 in ocene nacionalnega IQ v 192 državah; Lynn & Vanhanen, 2006). Tudi tukaj velja, da višja kot je povprečna inteligentnost pripadnikov neke družbe, manjše bo število tistih, ki verjamejo v Boga (β = - 0,62; p < 0,01), kar velja celo ob kontroli takšnih pomembnih variabel, kot npr. stopnje ekonomske razvitosti, geografske lokacije itd. Nadalje, vsaka točka nacionalnega IQ skora zmanjša delež verujoče populacije za skoraj dve odstotni točki. Nacionalni IQ sam po sebi pojasni več kot 70% variance glede pripisovanja pomembnosti Boga za različne narode. Približno istočasno so se pojavili dodatni dokazi. Več priznanih avtorjev (Lynn, Harvey, Nyborg; 2009) so ravno tako zanimale tovrstne razlike, po eni strani znotraj posamezne nacije, po drugi med 137 državami. Najprej analiza reprezentativnega ameriškega vzorca postreže s podatkom, da dosegajo ateisti v povprečju za 6 točk višji IQ skor od kombinirane skupine pripadnikov različnih religij. Zatem so avtorji predhodno zbrane podatke (Zuckerman, 2007) ponovno obdelali in našli precej visoko korelacijo (r = 0,60; p < 0,001) med nacionalnim IQ in brezvernostjo. Druga skupina avtorjev (Pesta, McDaniel, Bertsch; 2010) pa je v ameriških zveznih državah uporabila večdimenzionalno mero koncepta blagostanja (well-being), kamor poleg stopnje kriminalitete, izobrazbe, indeksa zdravja in dohodka, sodita še religioznost in inteligentnost. Kot je videti, religioznost negativno korelira z vsemi drugimi kriteriji, razen s stopnjo kriminalitete, kjer obstaja pozitivna zveza, kar ni pričakovano. Američani iz zveznih držav z višjo stopnjo blagostanja izpadejo manj religiozni. Tak trend je najbolj očiten na Vzhodni obali, kjer je več katolikov in ateistov, najmanj pa na ameriškem Jugu s prevladujočimi protestanti. Omeniti velja še Reeva (2009), ki si je pomagal z izboljšanimi ocenami nacionalnega IQ, pri čemer ga je zanimalo, kako so te povezane s prevalenco verujočih po eni strani in reproduktivnim zdravjem populacije po drugi (incidenco HIV/AIDS, stopnjo rodnosti, umrljivostjo novorojencev in mater, pričakovano življenjsko dobo). Rezultati so nedvoumni, gre za negativno zvezo z razširjenostjo religioznosti in za pozitivno z nacionalnim zdravjem. Nacionalni IQ deluje pri tem kot nekakšen blažilec negativnih učinkov religiozne naravnanosti na indikatorje zdravja; ko je ta visok, potem religioznost ne producira negativnih učinkov, ko pa je nizek, pa jih. Pomenljivo je, da te relacije ostajajo, čeprav kontroliramo stopnjo nacionalnega bogastva. Z drugimi besedami to pomeni, da populacije z nižjim IQ v večji meri sprejemajo dogmatičen sistem prepričanj, kar potem omejuje dostopnost do zdravstvene edukacije in nege. 3. Inteligentnost in ideološka orientacija Raziskovalni interes za spoznavanje povezanosti med inteligentnostjo in ideološko orientacijo je bilo v politični psihologiji zaslediti že na samem začetku, ko je eden od članov slavne berkeleyske skupine, Daniel Levinson, prvi zaslutil, da bi lahko obstajale tovrstne asociacije, ki jih implicirajo rezultati preizkušenj, navedenih v prelomnem delu Avtoritarna osebnost (1950). S tem bi lahko razložili stereotipnost, rigidnost in konkretnost v mišljenju, o čemer je sicer ravno tako razmišljal Rokeach. In res so se v večih vzorcih pojavile konsistentno negativne korelacije med kognitivnimi sposobnostmi in etnocentričnostjo, še posebno signifikantne so bile tiste, izmerjene s testom Wechsler-Bellevue. Še višjo stopnjo negativne povezanosti (r = - 0,48) pa je bilo opaziti pri splošnejšem pojavu avtoritarnosti, ki jo meri t.i. F-skala. Številni drugi avtorji, Davids, Cohn, Gough, Sundberg, Bordielis itn., so vsi po vrsti poročali o znatnih negativnih korelacijah med variablama. Celo socialni psiholog Gordon Allport je bil povsem prepričan o obstoju obratne zveze med predsodki in inteligentnostjo. Morda se je ravno zaradi pretečega dvigovanja glave skrajnodesničarskega populizma v zadnjih dvajsetih letih, znanstvena skupnost tako prizadevno lotila raziskovanja zveze med ideološko orientacijo in inteligentnostjo. Tako recimo belgijska raziskovalka Emma Onraet (2015) upravičeno protestira proti donedavni družbeni amneziji, saj je celo strokovna literatura predolgo časa sramežljivo tajila evidence o nižjih mentalnih sposobnostih tistih, ki so desničarsko ideološko usmerjeni. S sodelavci je v obširni meta-analizi, ki je vključevala 67 neodvisnih študij, razkrila zmerno korelacijo (r = - 0,20; p < 0,001) med kognitivnimi sposobnostmi in desničarskimi ideološkimi stališči. Pri tem kot najpomembnejši moderatorji nastopajo avtoritarnost (r = – 0,30; p < 0,007), dogmatizem (r = – 0,17; p < 0,007) in konservativnost (r = - 0,13; p < 0,007). S tem se potrjujejo odkritja drugih avtorjev, npr. Van Hiela in sodelavcev (2010), ki so našli skoraj identično negativno zvezo (r = - 0,26; p < 0,001). Skupina britanskih raziskovalcev (Zmigrod et al., 2018) pa je to problematiko obravnavala v napetem obdobju izstopa Velike Britanije iz Evropske unije⁵. Spet drugi z longitudinalnimi analizami zasledujejo smer vplivanja, torej od kognitivnih sposobnosti, razvitimi v otroštvu, do konservativne oz. avtoritarne naravnanosti kasneje v odraslosti. Dober primer je donesek Heavena in sodelavcev (2011), ki so v petletnem obdobju pri desničarski avtoritarnosti (RWA) zasledili pomembno višjo negativno zvezo s splošno in verbalno inteligentnostjo, pri socialni dominantnosti (SDO) pa samo s slednjo. Odgovor na vprašanje, zakaj se obe ideološki variabli navezujeta predvsem na verbalne sposobnosti, manj na neverbalne, avtorji najdejo v principih, po katerih deluje ideologija, še zlasti skrajna populistična agitacija. Gre za razumevanje verbalnih in pisnih sporočil, koncipirane naracije, pri čemer logično sklepanje ali druge specifične neverbalne zmožnosti ne igrajo pomembne vloge. Pogosto je navajana še longitudinalna študija britanskih avtorjev Dearyja in sodelavcev (2008), izpeljana na reprezentativnem vzorcu več kot 7.000 respondentov. Ključno je spoznanje, da obstaja med splošno inteligentnostjo (g-faktor), izmerjeno pri desetih letih in liberalnimi socialnimi stališči razvitih pri tridesetih letih, tesen direktni odnos (koeficienta analize poti sta pri moških in ženskah praktično izenačena: 0,46 in 0,45). Mediatorska spremenljivka izobrazbe pa prispeva le manjši delež variabilnosti (0,23 pri obeh spolih). Vprašanje asociacije mentalnih sposobnosti z ideološkimi variablami sta prav tako raziskovala še Hodson in Busseri (2012), pri čemer sta izhajala iz predhodnega doneska Barona in Kennyja (1986), da namreč nizka splošna inteligentnost posredno preko desničarske ideologije sproži predsodke. Hodson in Busseri sta podatke pridobila na dveh velikih reprezentativnih britanskih vzorcih (N ˃ 15.000) in reanalizi manjšega ameriškega, pri čemer se je ponovno potrdila mediacijska hipoteza, kjer je posredni učinek socialnega konservativizma med variablama mnogo večji kot direktni učinek, kar pomeni težnjo manj inteligentnih, da sprejemajo desničarsko ideologijo, saj ta porodi občutek stabilnosti in reda, ta pa nato legitimira negativno evalvacijo drugačnih. Analogno sekundarna analiza pokaže, da slabše abstraktno rezoniranje preko RWA pomaga razvijati predsodke do istospolnih, višje razvite sposobnosti pa s pomočjo socialnih stikov z njimi vodijo k manj izraženim predsodkom. Tukaj spet ne moremo spregledati prej omenjenega Kanazawe, ki je verjetno med vsemi tistimi, ki so našli negativne odnose med kognitivnimi sposobnostmi in desničarsko ideološko orientacijo, dvignil največ prahu, pa ne samo v strokovnih krogih, temveč veliko bolj v medijih in laični javnosti. Njegovim raziskavam, izpeljanim na obsežnih vzorcih iz ZDA, v katerih je sodelovalo več deset tisoč respondentov in iz dveh visoko kvalitetnih podatkovnih baz (National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health ter General Social Surveys), so očitali vse mogoče, celo metodološke pomanjkljivosti. Avtor se je namreč lotil preverjanja teze, po kateri višja raven splošne inteligence spodbudi sprejemanje evolucijsko novejših vrednot in preferenc⁶. Rezultati so nedvoumni: višja kot je izmerjena inteligentnost respondentov v srednjih šolah, liberalnejša stališča bodo ti imeli pozneje, v obdobju zgodnje odraslosti. Razlike v povprečnem IQ skoru so glede na pet stopenj razvoja politične ideologije (od zelo konservativnega do zelo liberalnega nazora) visoko statistično signifikantne (p < 0,00001). Velikopoteznega podviga, doslej v politični psihologiji še ne videnega, pa se je nedavno lotila psihologinja in nevroznanstvenica Leor Zmigrod s sodelavci (2021). Na resda manjšem vzorcu poskusnih oseb (N = 334) je uporabila enormno število osebnostnih vprašalnikov (22) in kognitivnih nalog (37), da bi s tem povečala statistično moč raziskave. Faktorska analiza je izluščila troje ideoloških faktorjev: politični konservativizem, dogmatizem in religioznost. Izkazalo se je, da se konservativizem v kognitivni domeni povezuje z večjo previdnostjo pri zaznavanju (potrebe po gotovosti in varnosti) in skromnim procesiranjem strateških informacij (manjša kognitivna fleksibilnost in kapaciteta delovnega spomina, slabše planiranje), v osebnostni domeni pa z večjo ciljno usmerjenostjo, impulzivnostjo, dovzetnostjo za takojšnje nagrade in z nepripravljenostjo sprejemati socialna tveganja (npr. z nezmožnostjo izražanja nestrinjanja z avtoriteto, neodločnostjo glede kariernih sprememb itd.). Drugače dogmatizem označuje počasnost v akumuliranju evidenc, pa še večja impulzivnost in pripravljenost na neetična ravnanja. In končno je religioznost precej podobna konservativnosti, a tisto kar jo loči od ravnokar opisanih dveh faktorjev je večja prijaznost in zaznavanje tveganj nasploh. Nadalje so relevantna dognanja genetske študije Bella in sodelavcev (2020), raziskovalnega področja, ki se dokaj redko pojavlja v debati o povezanosti med inteligentnostjo in politično orientacijo. Raziskovalci so podatke zbrali na vzorcu skoraj deset tisoč nemških enojajčnih in dvojajčnih dvojčkov, njihovih staršev in ostalih sorodnikov. Ugotavljajo, da gre v splošnem za zmerno negativno korelacijo med inteligentnostjo in konservativnostjo, kjer se kot najverjetnejši model izkaže tisti, po katerem gre pripisati tovrstno povezanost nekim skupnim genetskim izvorom, čeprav med samima variablama ne obstaja kavzalen odnos. Razen tega pomembnega prispevka s področja vedenjske genetike, je potrebno opozoriti še na prav neverjetno podobnost teh rezultatov z onimi, o katerih so poročali že Deary in sodelavci (2008), ko so iskali razlike v inteligentnosti med pripadniki različnih britanskih političnih strank. V tej britanski študiji so se za najbolj inteligentne izkazali volilci Zelene stranke in Liberalnih demokratov, v nemški pa pripadniki Piratske stranke, Zelenih in Svobodnih demokratov. Primerljiv, vendar nekoliko nižji nivo mentalnih sposobnosti je opaziti med ideološko sorodnimi strankami, nemško desnosredinsko krščansko-demokratsko zvezo (CDU/CSU) in britanskimi konservativci po eni strani ter med nemškimi social-demokrati (SPD) in britanskimi laburisti po drugi. Ob upoštevanju samo Bellove študije, so v Nemčiji po sposobnostih najnižje pripadniki skrajno desne nacionalistične stranke (NPD), pa tudi tisti iz popularne AfD ne sežejo visoko. Avstralski psiholog Lazar Stankov pa je verjetno najbolj znan po dveh vidikih proučevanja odnosa med inteligentnostjo in konservativnostjo: prvem na individualnem nivoju in drugem iz medkulturnih primerjav. Edinstven je njegov pristop opredelitve in merjenja koncepta konservativizma, saj gre za empirično utemeljen kompozitni skor, pridobljen iz kar 43 podskal različnih uveljavljenih psiholoških instrumentov, ki merijo osebnostne lastnosti, vrednote, socialna stališča in aksiome ter norme. Raziskava, izvedena že leta 2009, na individualni ravni pokaže, da ta mera znatno negativno korelira z uporabljenimi inteligenčnimi testi (- 0,23 < r < - 0,40), v mednarodni primerjavi 31 držav pa postane zveza še tesnejša (IQ: r = - 0,73; p < 0,01; PISA: r = - 0,70; p < 0,01; izobrazba: r = - 0,69; p < 0,01). Pričakovano se kot pomemben prediktor izkaže pri BDP per capita (β = - 0,76; p < 0,01). Poleg tega so upoštevanja vredni še efekti konservativnosti z drugimi kritičnimi indikatorji, dva negativna z vladavino prava (β = - 0,53; p < 0,01) in demokratičnostjo (β = - 0,79; p < 0,01) in pozitivno s t.i. indikatorji ranljivosti držav (Failed States Index; β = 0,57; p < 0,01). Zanimivo, da konservativizem izpade kot boljši prediktor BDP od IQ! V nadaljevanju je Stankova in Leeja (2018) zanimal še izvor dobro znane diskrepance med religioznostjo in mentalnimi sposobnostmi, torej problematike, podrobneje opisane v prejšnjem poglavju. Ob tem, da je na individualnem nivoju zaslediti šibko negativno zvezo (r = - 0,20; p < 0,001), v medkulturnih primerjavah iz 33 držav pa precej tesnejšo (- 0,42 < r < - 0,62), se poraja še vprašanje obstoja morebitne indirektne variable, ki bi vplivala na velikost te asociacije. Res se je pokazalo, da med različnimi psihološkimi variablami edinole konservativizem /liberalizem pomembno posreduje med religioznostjo in kognitivnimi sposobnostmi. Pri množici drugih, socioloških in ekonomsko-političnih indikatorjih pa prednjačijo naslednji: BDP, HDI (Human Development Index) in učinkovitost vladanja (WGI). Pomemben je še čas, posvečen religioznim aktivnostim. Rezultati ne morejo presenetiti, saj ima avtor ravno religioznost za važen element t.i. splošnega konservativnega sindroma. Obe raziskavi potrjujeta tezo o negativni asociaciji konservativnosti s kognitivnimi sposobnostmi. Sklepna ugotovitev doslej opisanih raziskovalnih doneskov je, da negativni efekti med inteligentnostjo in desničarsko ideološko usmerjenostjo ostajajo konstantno signifikantni, celo ob kontroliranju takih relevantnih variabel, kot sta to izobrazba ali socialno-ekonomski status. Plavzibilna se zdi interpretacija, da je osebam z nižjimi mentalnimi sposobnostmi samo okolje manj razumljivo, zato jih označuje preprosta hevristika in bolj tradicionalni svetovni nazor, ne pa odprtost za nova spoznanja. S tem se poveča kontrola nad socialnim okoljem, to pa zadosti potrebama po stabilnosti in redu. Ravno nasprotno pa so inteligentnejši posamezniki v večji meri pripravljeni sprejemati dominantne liberalne norme demokratičnih družb, zato večinoma postanejo levičarji. Vendar so začetnemu konsenzu glede univerzalnega obrnjenega odnosa med inteligentnostjo in konservativizmom, kmalu sledila drugačna spoznanja, ta so izhajala iz upoštevanja dotlej spregledanih variabel. Tako je že Kemmelmeier (2008) opozarjal na različne evidence, v marsičem odvisne od konteksta. Sprva se je potrdila dobro znana negativna konstelacija med obema spremenljivkama, a je obveljala samo pri merjenju splošne in verbalnih sposobnosti ter pri stališčih glede vloge spola (npr. prepovedi porok istospolnih parov ali abortusa). Tista stališča pa, ki nasprotujejo državni regulaciji (npr. odprava omejitev pri nakupu orožja), pa so z inteligentnostjo nepričakovano pokazala na pozitivno zvezo. Tak trend je še zlasti opazen tedaj, ko je nivo politične vključenosti nizek. In kar je še posebej zanimivo, višje kognitivne kapacitete pripadnikov obeh ideoloških ekstremov (tako »levega«, kot »desnega«), potrjuje znano Sidaniusovo tezo o nujnosti večjih kognitivnih resursov za ideje, bistveno drugačne od večinskega mnenja. Pred kratkim sta tudi Lin in Bates (2022) pokazala, kako se višja inteligentnost povezuje z radikalnimi ekonomskimi stališči, tako ekstremno desničarskimi (neoliberalnimi), kot izrazito levičarskimi (socialističnimi). Te začetne dileme so neizbežno spodbudile interes še drugih avtorjev, da so postali pozorni na možnost obstoja pozitivne zveze. Znan je prispevek Carla (2014), ko je zaslutil, da bi konservativni posamezniki lahko bili celo bolj inteligentni od liberalnih, kar je sklepal po nekoliko višjih dosežkih na testu verbalne inteligentnosti. Te so res v večji meri izkazali podporniki republikanske stranke v primerjavi z onimi iz demokratske. Poleg dobro preverjene negativne relacije med višjim nivojem inteligentnosti in socialne konservativnosti, je tako našel še znaten pozitivni efekt pri sprejemanju neoliberalnih vrednot (ohranjanju dohodkovnih razlik, manjši vlogi sindikatov, nasprotovanju vladni regulaciji cen itd.). Takšne zaključke podpira še študija Mollerstromove in Seima (2014), ko sta na sicer manjšem vzorcu Švedov zasledila pomembno negativno zvezo med mentalnimi sposobnostmi in stališčem do redistribucije dohodkov. Ta odnos delno medirata višina letnega dohodka in prepričanje, da osebni napor, ne pa sreča, pogojujeta ekonomski uspeh. Oba mediatorja skupaj pojasnita 26% učinka kognitivnih sposobnosti na preference po redistribuciji. O podobnih rezultatih, dobljenih v bolj kontrolirani študiji, poročata še Lewis in Bates (2018). Pri iskanju prediktivne vrednosti inteligentnosti izmerjene v otroštvu, izključno na kasneje razviti ekonomski konservativizem v odraslosti, sta namreč našla pomembna pozitivna efekta za obe vključeni longitudinalni kohorti in to celo pri kontroli pomembnih intervenirajočih variabel (spol, družbeni razred staršev). Na ta način ponudita komplementarno evidenco tisti Dearyja in sodelavcev, katera sicer velja le za socialni konservativizem. Povsem drugače sta se tega vprašanja nedavno lotila nemška raziskovalca Jedinger in Burger (2022) v obsežni meta-analizi (20 neodvisnih študij, več kot 46.000 respondentov) in v običajni raziskavi s slučajnim vzorcem (več kot 3000 respondentov). Meta-analiza je navrgla samo šibko pozitivno zvezo med inteligentnostjo in konservativnimi ekonomskimi stališči (r = 0,07; p = 0,008), pri čemer je bila velikost in smer asociacij zelo heterogena, kar lahko pripišemo uporabljeni metodologiji: slučajnemu vzorčenju, sestavi samih vzorcev itd. Pomenljivejša je dodatna študija, tukaj se variabla dohodka izkaže za mediatorsko, kar podpira t.i. hipotezo lastnega interesa - višji nivo inteligentnosti vpliva na višji socialni status, ta pa na nižjo podporo redistributivnim politikam. Po drugi strani obstajajo indikacije o negativni zvezi, kot posredujoča variabla sedaj nastopa potreba po gotovosti. Obe kontradiktorni spoznanji bi lahko nakazovali na dva različna kavzalna mehanizma, kateri rezultirata v šibki zvezi in heterogenosti empiričnih evidenc, kot je očitno iz rezultatov meta-analize. Nasprotje predsodkov je tolerantnost do različnih deprivilegiranih skupin. Politična tolerantnost se kaže v priznavanju pravic in svoboščin celo najbolj nesprejemljivim skupinam. V politični psihologiji je v zadnjem času ta pomemben element liberalne demokracije postal hvaležna tema raziskav. Avtorja Rasmussen in Ludeke (2022) sta na dveh vzorcih iz Danske in ZDA pokazala, da so prav kognitivne sposobnosti tisti prediktor politične tolerantnosti, ki celo presežejo pričakovan vpliv drugih variabel, izobrazbo za kar petkrat in osebnostno lastnost »odprtosti za izkušnje« za trikrat. Že prej so v nekaterih študijah (npr. Onraet et al., 2015) opozorili na tesno zvezo med inteligentnostjo in ideologijo, toda tista s tolerantnostjo celo do najbolj zavržnih skupin (pripadnikov skrajne desnice, neonacistov) jo skoraj za dvakrat presežejo! Še več, regresijska analiza pokaže, da ima inteligentnost neodvisen, direkten učinek na tolerantnost (b = 0,30; p ˂ 0,01), torej ostale variable, ki bi lahko posredovale ta odnos, praktično nimajo pomembnejšega vpliva. Ti rezultati so skladni s tistimi De Keersmaeckerja in sodelavcev (2021), ki so opazili, da inteligentnost dobro napoveduje odobravanje svobode govora različnim skupinam, ne glede na njihov ideološki predznak. Približno v istem času sta izraelska avtorja Ganzacha in Schula (2021) ubrala drugačen raziskovalni pristop. Tokrat ni šlo za ocenjevanje ekstremnih skupin, ampak so liberalni posamezniki ocenjevali konservativne, konservativni pa liberalne na splošno. Netolerantnost je bila pričakovano bolj izrazita pri konservativnih posameznikih, pri liberalnih manj. Kar pa preseneča, je bilo to, da so netolerantnejši bili tudi inteligentnejši. Kaj bi lahko bilo temu vzrok? Avtorja postulirata dva različna procesa, ki potem rezultirata z netolerantnostjo. V prvem primeru gre za ideološko identifikacijo, utemeljeno na sovražnosti do drugačnih družbenih skupin, v drugem pa je to ideološka sofisticiranost (katera sicer pozitivno korelira z mentalnimi sposobnostmi), kjer se lastna ideološka orientacija bolj ceni od tiste iz nasprotnih skupin. To bi pomenilo, da po eni strani inteligentnost kompenzira negativni učinek konservativnosti na tolerantnost, po drugi pa ojačuje delovanje ideologije na netolerantnost (npr. motivirana socialna kognicija), saj se ideološka pristranost povečuje z boljšim poznavanjem politične problematike oz. z večjo kognitivno sofisticiranostjo. Obe raziskavi, tako pričujoča izraelska, kot prejšnja danska, jasno pokažeta, da na ideološko tolerantnost oz. netolerantnost najbolj vplivajo kognitivne sposobnosti, izobrazba bistveno manj. Prav pred kratkim so se pojavili še spodbudni poskusi pojasnjevati odnos med mentalnimi sposobnostmi in ideološkimi variablami v širšem kontekstu. Pennycook s sodelavcema (2023) je testiral dve hipotezi: prvo, po kateri je sprejemanje znanstvenih spoznanj odvisno od ideološke usmerjenosti oz. strankarske pripadnosti in drugo, kjer igrata osrednjo vlogo pri tem kognitivna sofisticiranost in temeljna znanja. Analizirali so odgovore na številne trditve glede znanstvenih, pa tudi psevdoznanstvenih tez in iz zaporednih študij z več tisoč respondenti se je izcimilo nekaj ključnih spoznanj. Najprej, da politična ideologija in strankarska pripadnost lahko napovedujeta samo manjši del pro-znanstvenih prepričanj (še najbolj tistih o globalnem segrevanju), mnogo več jih gre na rovaš temeljnega znanja, razumevanja znanstvene metodologije, analitičnega kognitivnega stila, odprtosti v razmišljanju (open-mindedness). Ne preseneča, da zaupanje v znanost negativno korelira z religioznostjo, konservativnostjo, pa tudi s sprejemanjem obskurnih idej (fake news, bullshit receptivity). Po drugi strani je kognitivna sofisticiranost ne glede na politično pripadnost najtesneje povezana s pro-znanstvenimi prepričanji. Avtorji sklenejo, da politična indoktrinacija in iz tega izvirajoča motivirana socialna kognicija vendarle nimata tolikšnega učinka na dojemanje znanstvenih tém, kot je doslej veljalo, ampak le na manjši nabor. Zaključek torej, ki vendarle vliva nekaj več upanja glede pesimističnih napovedi o naraščajočem vplivu skrajne desničarske ideologije v modernem času. OPOMBE: 1. O naraščanju populacijske inteligentnosti je prvi poročal že Runquist (1936), ko je primerjal rezultate inteligenčnih testov dveh različnih starostnih kohort. Pozneje, na začetku 80. let, je Lynn z analizo ameriških in japonskih podatkov pritrdil temu trendu. Za njim pa je Flynn objavil dva prelomna članka, ki sta vzbudila širši interes, sledil je pravi plaz doneskov številnih drugih avtorjev. Ti res govorijo o povečevanju IQ po celem svetu v vsem 20. stoletju. Danes obstaja splošni konsenz, da je prirast posledica prepleta izboljšanih družbenih pogojev, npr. višjega življenjskega standarda, izdatnejše prehrane, razvitega zdravstvenega sistema, napredka v izobraževanju in tehnologiji, spodbudam iz fizičnega okolja, družinski interakciji, manj genetskim dejavnikom. Kot referenčni se pogosto navajata dve novejši meta-analizi. Prvo so prispevali ameriški avtorji (Trahan et al., 2014), kjer ugotavljajo robustno rast IQ skozi čas (2,9 standardne točke na dekado). Za drugo sta zaslužna dunajska psihologa Pietschnig in Voracek (2015). Zasledujoč trende v dobrem stoletju (1909-2013) sta našla podoben splošni trend kot prej Trahan (2,8 točke na dekado), pa še zakonitosti, ki so prišle do izraza le v daljšem obdobju. Močnejša rast je namreč evidentna med obema vojnama, v obdobju II. svetovne vojne drastično upade, nato se spet pričenja dvigovati vse tja do sredine 70. let in se v zadnjem času ponovno ustavlja. Je pa očiten mnogo manjši napredek v kristalinični inteligentnosti, odvisni od pridobljenega znanja (2,1 IQ točke na dekado) in večji porast fluidne inteligentnosti, neodvisne od tega (4,1 IQ točke na dekado). Samo na slednjo se je osredotočil Wongupparaj s sodelavci (2015; 2023), ki jo dobro zajamejo Ravenove progresivne matrice. Zaradi abstraktnosti jih mnogi imajo za kulturno nepristranske, zato so zelo primerne pri medkulturnih primerjavah. Opazen je izrazitejši porast v obdobju od 1948 do 1985 in nižji med 1986 in 2020. Splošno naraščanje IQ znaša 2,2 točki na dekado. 2. Že sam Flynn se je zavedal tega, da proces naraščanja IQ ne more trajati v nedogled. Kmalu so se pričeli pojavljati dokazi za stagniranje ali celo reverzibilnost tega trenda. Russell (2007) je celo na osnovi rezultatov večih inteligenčnih testov predvidel, da bo Flynnov efekt dosegel plató do leta 2024. V zadnjih dveh desetletjih se je pokazalo, da je ta že pričel stagnirati oz. se je v nekaterih primerih celo obrnil. Tako sta prej omenjena Pietschnig in Voracek (2015) ugotovila upad pri mlajših starostnih kohortah, Dutton s sodelavcema (2016) pa je našel negativni Flynnov efekt v sedmih državah (v Veliki Britaniji, Franciji, Estoniji, na Norveškem, Danskem, Nizozemskem, Finskem). V večini študij znaša upad med 0,38 in 4,30 IQ točke na dekado, z izjemo Estonije, kjer je ta bistveno večji (8,4 točke). Ni naključje, da gre za države, ki sodijo v krog najbogatejših, zato je povsem verjetno, da so med prvimi ravno te dosegle meje blagodejnih učinkov družbene razvitosti na IQ. Čisto sveže pa so ugotovitve Dworakove in sodelavcev (2023), ki so v obdobju od 2006 do 2018 v ZDA tokrat prvič našli negativni Flynnov efekt, o čemer pričajo nižji skori na skoraj vseh domenah intelektualnih sposobnosti. Upad prizadene vse izobrazbene stopnje, največji je pri tistih nižjih in pri respondentih, starih od 18 do 22 let. Kot kaže univeritetna izobrazba vendarle deluje kot dokaj učinkovita zaščita zoper negativne učinke upada kognitivnih sposobnosti. Zanimivi so še izsledki avstrijskih avtorjev (Pietschnig et al., 2018), ti kažejo, da upad mentalnih sposobnosti ni povezan s pojavom migracij, prav tako ne z rodnostjo ali umrljivostjo avtohtonih narodov. Natančneje se tega vprašanja lotevata Bratsberg in Rogeberg (2018), ki opažata, da le pri prvorojencih iz različnih družin obstaja več kot očitna točka preloma, Flynnov efekt naraščanja se namreč pri kohorti, rojeni leta 1975, prevesi v nasprotni trend, česar pa je za skoraj dve tretjini manj pri sorojencih, kar lahko pripišemo blažilnim dejavnikom znotraj ožjega družinskega okolja, npr. doslednejši edukaciji oz. manjšem razvrednotenju idealov, povezanih z izobraževanjem, manjšem negativnem vplivu medijev ipd. Po drugi strani pa ni dokazov za genetske vplive. 3. V večih študijah je zaslediti inverzni odnos med kognitivnimi sposobnostmi in številom potomcev v sodobnih razvitih družbah, saj se inteligentnejši starši odločajo za manj otrok, manj inteligentni pa za več. Reeve s sodelavci (2018) je pregledal literaturo o tej temi in iz nabora 17 študij, večinoma evropskih in ameriških, izluščil nižji, a pomembni tehtani efekt (r = - 0,11; p < 0,001). Podatki kažejo na porast te negativne zveze skozi 20. stoletje vse do danes. Implikacije tega procesa so za družbo nepopravljive, saj kot kaže tovrstnega upada splošne inteligentnosti (g-faktor) ne more ublažiti temu nasproten Flynnov efekt, ki odraža učinke okolja, ne pa dednosti. To tezo dodatno razširja Michael Woodley of Menie (2015), ko poleg reprodukcijske prednosti manj mentalno sposobnih, vpeljuje še akumuliranje mutacij, kot dveh temeljnih mehanizmov, katera sprožita upad splošne inteligentnosti v populaciji. Skupna disgenična izguba ameriških in britanskih vzorcev tako znaša 1,2 točke dednega g-faktorja inteligentnosti v dekadi. 4. Odgovor na vprašanje, kako globoke so korenine gospodarskega razvoja neke družbe, je sila kompleksen. Geografske faktorje sta prepoznala že Machiavelli in Montesquieu, kasneje omenjajo zemljepisno širino in klimatske vplive, pa razširjenost bolezni, naravne vire itd. Diamond (1997) pa trdi, da razlogi primerjalne prednosti tičijo v uspešnosti prehoda iz lovsko-nabiralske družbe v poljedelsko, kar bi se naj zgodilo pred približno 1000 leti p.n.š. (t.i neolitska revolucija). Po Olssonu in Hibbsu (2005) je odločilen dejavnik vznik institucij, torej oblikovanje države, te bi naj posredovale med geografskimi pogoji in ekonomskim razvojem. Kasneje poudarjajo intergeneracijsko transmisijo, torej prenos lastnosti prednikov v neki populaciji, njihovega človeškega kapitala, kulturnih značilnosti. Danes se več ne sprašujemo po preprosti dihotomiji, »geni ali okolje«. Opraviti imamo s kompleksno interakcijo, s koevolucijo genov in kulture, kjer okoljski faktorji igrajo važno vlogo. Razen običajnega genetskega vpliva staršev na potomce, je odločilen še epigenetski dedni mehanizem, kjer se spremembe v epigenomu prenašajo skozi generacije (t.i. paramutacije). Iz novejše zgodovine je recimo znan primer, da so bili otroci, rojeni za časa II. svetovne vojne, ko sta vladali pomanjkanje in ekstremni stres, nižji od povprečja. Ta učinek je trajal dve generaciji. Nekatere poteze pa izvirajo tudi iz kulturne transmisije. V obdobju kolonializma bi naj bil za poznejši ekonomski razvoj odločilen delež Evropejcev v danem okolju, ti so poleg tehnološkega znanja in izobrazbe prinašali s sabo še ideologijo, vrednote, socialne norme itd. Intergeneracijsko prenosljive poteze tega človeškega kapitala postanejo pomembne pri proučevanju t.i. genetske distance med ločenimi populacijami, torej stopnje sorodstvene vezi. Spolaore in Wacziarg (2013) pokažeta, da je v ZDA genetska distanca (okrog 1500 n.š.) v negativni zvezi z dohodkom iz leta 2005. 5. Raziskava na sicer manjšem vzorcu britanskih respondentov (N = 332) je pokazala, da nižja kognitivna fleksibilnost omogoča pojave, značilne za desničarsko ideološko orientacijo: avtoritarnost, nacionalizem, konservativnost in opravičevanje sistema ( system-justifying). Te značilnosti po eni strani vodijo k podpori Brexitu, po drugi strani pa ojačujejo odpor do migrantov in EU ter svobodnega pretoka delovne sile. Delež variabilnosti »pro-Brexit« stališč je znaten (skoraj 48%). Razen tega se je izkazalo še, da osebe z desničarsko orientacijo ne procesirajo informacije na rigiden, kategoričen način samo v ideološkem kontekstu, temveč tudi v primerih nevtralnih dražljajev, takšnih torej, ki niso povezani s političnimi prepričanji. To pomeni, da ima nižja kognitivna fleksibilnost daljnosežne posledice, saj se razmejitev notranjih konceptov reflektira tudi navzven, zaradi težnje po večji homogenosti kulturnega okolja in striktnejše razmejenosti nacionalnih entitet. Na rigidnost sistema prepričanj torej ne delujejo le emocije, vrednote ali morala, ampak tudi kognitivni dejavniki procesiranja informacij. 6. Evolucijska psihologija išče dokaze, da v naših možganih delujejo specifični psihološki mehanizmi, kot odgovor na adaptacijske zahteve, še zlasti tiste, ki zadevajo preživetje in reprodukcijo. Izhajajoč iz tovrstne teze, Kanazawa uzre v splošni inteligentnost funkcijo, ki se je nekoč davno razvila prav zaradi adaptacije na evolucijsko nove pojave. Nedvomno je obstoječe okolje skoraj povsem evolucijsko novo, zato je ta lastnost v življenju slehernika sila pomembna. 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The Relation Between Intelligence and Religiosity: A Meta-Analysis and Some Proposed Explanations. Personality and Social psychology Review, vol. 17, issue 4, 325-354. Zuckerman, M., Li, C., Lin, S., Hall, J.A. (2020). The Negative Intelligence-Religiosity Relation: New and Confirming Evidence, Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 46(6), 856-868. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/History_of_the_race_and_intelligence_controversy https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Race_and_intelligence Rus – Makovec, Maja; Rus, Velko DEPENDENCE INDICATORS, SELF AND FAMILY PERCEPTION IN RELATION TO NEUROLEPTICS (NON)USE IN THE FAMILIES WITH (NON)DEPENDENT MEMBER Abstract Families, classified into three types, one without and two with dependent members, participated in the research. Our purpose was to analyze, if fathers and mothers’, (non)users of neuroleptics medicaments (independent variable) differ in the following dependent variables: self – esteem (Rosenberg), self – perceived depression (Beck), chosen indicators of substance dependency (SASSI sub scores), change of retrograde self evaluation and evaluation of own family (two original semantic differentials). Estimations of dependency degree, treated as single co – variates, were made for mothers, fathers and children (AUDIT) inside each of 197 families. Significant differences for any dependent variable regarding the (non)use status were expected regardless covariate inclusion. By fathers, all alternative hypotheses were rejected, except for, like by mothers, selected SASSI sub scores. By mothers, the change of retrograde self – evaluation and self esteem differed between the (non) users and multivariate approach was found significant in all cases, except in the case, when also children AUDIT covariate was included (p = .08). Dependence indicators, self and family perception regarding neuroleptics (non)use in the families with (non)dependent member Social neuroscience could be defined quite broadly as exploration of interdependence betweenprocesses, “traditionally” belonging to social psychology and particular neurological factors (Decety and Keenan, 2009). Because of the complexity of human social interaction (exchange, communication), “social neuroscience” needs to combine and integrate multi – level analysis across different domains (Ochner & Lieberman; Decety and Keenan, 2009). It’s worth repeating Cacioppo & Berntson (2003, p. 15) connecting multi – level approach: “The doctrine of multilevel analysis specifies that microanalyses of a psychological phenomenon can be particularly effective when pursued in addition to or in conjunction with molar analyses.” Multi – level approach is particularly underlined also by some other authors (Cacioppo and Berntson, 2003). Relation “brain – culture” could be defined also as a typical thematic part of social anthropo – psycho/logy, expression, etymologically and recognizably showing to fields of thematically origin. Social psychological contributions to the neurosciences served to the intensive development of the psychoneuroimunological field and immune responses are strongly influenced by the CNS (Cacioppo and Berntson, 2003). Particular aspects of social neuroscience are connected also with some new areas of contemporary “social psychology”, with the questions of (bio) - psycho - social evolution, the questions of mate preferences included (Buss, 2003); it’s also connected with social psychosomatics, particularly with social cognition and with a view of the person’s information – processing capability (Taylor and Brown, 2003). Brains and social psychology: social neuroscience, social psychology and interdisciplinary perspectives According to Illeris, inseparability of emotional and cognitive functions regarding the brain basis of their location seems to be one of the prevailing contemporary beliefs of contemporary “neuroscience” (Illeris, 2006). Social psychological contributions to the neurosciences served to the intensive development of the psychoneuroimunological field and immune responses are strongly influenced by the CNS (Cacioppo and Berntson, 2003). Social behavior could be connected with the brain functions and even structure also indirectly. Factually, we can hypostasize some connection, deriving from some evident and experimentally proved information. One of them is, for example, association between learning - cognitive style and hemisphericity. Torrance associated learning styles (left -, more analytical, right- more synthetic and integrative hemispheric), characteristic also for social learning with dominant specialized functions of brain hemispheres (Torrance, 1983). Sphere only prevails, while the brain functions as a whole. More generally, we can conclude, that social neurosciences phenomena result in different outputs of activity, work, performance (effectiveness, efficacy), group structure and processes, climate, culture, communication and evaluation as interactive function CNS activity/ quality and all other aspects contributing to the integrative result/ outcome. Also the information processing and decision making seems to be an important part of (social) neuroscience. According to Klavora (Klavora, 2008), factors influencing information processing are the quality of sensory input information, the quality and effectiveness of sensory receptors, the speed of processing the stimulus information (reaction time, which is connected with flexibility of attention, according to authors of actual text one of the most important covariate, but not exclusively prototypical characteristic of intellectual capacity (“intelligence”)). Psychophysiological background and socio – psycho – neuro – logical relevancy of such a multilevel approach is basically, systematically and gradually particularly developed by Cacioppo and collaborators (Cacioppo, Petty & Tassinary, 1989; Cacciopo and Bernston, 2003; Caccioppo, Berntson, Lorig, Norris, Rickett & Nusbaum, 2003). The area of psychophysiology is connected with different efforts of neurophysiologists, experimental psychologists, psychiatrists and different technical professions (Cacioppo, Petty and Tassinary, 1989). Understanding of behavioral flexibility, especially in the form of cultural variation, demands the understanding of the whole psychological “architecture”, that guides social interaction (Gangestad & Simpson, 2000). Otherwise, even a classical/ traditional social psychology had a lot of experiences with elements of “bio – psychology”, for example connecting emotional dimension of three dimension attitude model, cognitive dissonance, emotions, human sexuality, dependence behavior, social attraction, stress and burnout, immune responses (immunoglobulin A secretion) as function of experienced social support etc.. Factual beginnings of social neuroscience ? Eysenck, Moscovici, Personnaz Authors of the present article think, that de facto pieces of social neuroscience had existed already before. H. J. Eysenck’s model - explanation (1967) of extra – introversion is such a possible example. Habitually heightened level of central activation is supposed to be connected with introvert, and lowered level with extravert. That's why the extravert people, according to Eysenck, search new exogenous information and attempt to maintain ample social network of social relations and communications. Hypothetical construct of the balance between excitation and inhibition is for Eysenck RF – reticular formation. Depressants (alcohol, barbiturates) and stimulants (kofein, amphetamine) have direct influence on different parts of RF. According to Eysenck, depressant have extravert and stimulant have introvert effect, both being also typical patterns of social behavior. According to our opinion, such a piece, one of the important de facto neuro scientific research, had been the research connecting active and consistent minorities and their (socio – innovative) influence on majority judgments and (sensory) perception, using the phenomenon of negative after effect (Hayes, 1994) as the final dependent variable (Moscovici and Personnaz, 1981; Personnaz, 1981). Results of these experiments showed, although the dependent variable was the visual illusion, but illusion, based on central intervention, that also centrally determined phenomena could be influenced by minority (active and consistent) influence and that conversion could be sometimes additionally explained with complementary neuro – physiological consequences. Listing of some social psychological thematic, differently connected with factual parts of social neuroscience If we neglect so brutal and evident causes like head damage, which is also an exclusive element of behaviorist learning definition, elements of factual »social neuroscience« could be found also in many other cases, lets mention only research and applied phenomena of ideomotoric/ visualization; than many aspects of NLP (neuro – linguistic programming); socio – and psycho – pathology of dependency behavior; sleeping and dreams, including different interpretations (metaphorical symbolism of dreams in classical Freudian psychoanalysis, archetype conception in Jung's concept of collective subconsciousness); associacionist antecedents of contemporary social cognition ((Anderson, 1973; Colllins & Loftus, 1975; Hayes – Roth, 1977); a great deal of EEG classical research and applied practice; cognitive theories of emotion, respective any theory of emotion, including the function of limbic system; brain and body reactions; alpha learning conditions; biofeedback; conditioning (Pavlov, Sokolov, Teplov) and (neo)behaviorist approaches, also on the domain of social behavior; placebo – effects, particularly researches in the last years, proving activation of relevant brain areas as consequence of persuasive/ suggestive placebo effect; bio – psycho – social aspects of aggression and aggressiveness; different psychoanalytic conceptions with yet non – proved sub – conscious brain area (Freud, Jung, Adler, Lacan, Erikson, Klein); screening of organic brain damage related to alcohol abuse is important for treatment planning (Wagner, Sobell and Sobell, 2007; 179). Mentioned damage is highly connected also with degree and duration of alco – dependency. That’s why we decided to take into account the very slight approximation of this probability in the sense of AUDIT estimation of alcohol dependency seriousness. This estimation was treated as co – variate in the design, where the hypothesis about the differences in hetero self – social – perceptions regarding the neuroleptics usage status was taken into account. From this point of view, the whole classical behaviorism could be interpreted as introduction into the social neuroscience, while social behavior is interpreted as more or less direct function of centrally positioned associations S – R, which are the basic point of any behavioral pattern. Brains, behavior and social interaction Brains are the part of the social interaction also metaphorically (head of; etymology headquarter …). As allegories and metaphors, they can »serve« to literate expression, to diagnostic purposes and descriptive techniques, to analogies and simulations (connectionism, simulation in the laboratory experiment), all meanings and functions being dependent on different cultural environments, influences and contexts. Brain structures contribute to the behavioral control in humans, but also in lower animals. Neurotransmitters are chemicals, which carry out control functions from one neuron to others. There are many types of known neurotransmitters. According to Renfrew (Renfrew, 1997), neurotransmitters, involved in aggression, are acetylcholine, norepinephrine and serotonin. The major tranquilizers (neuroleptics/ antipsychotic) include classes of drugs called phenothiazines, thioxenthines and butryophenones, which all contribute to the blockade of cholinergic activity and of the dopamine flow (Renfrew, 1997). Besides major tranquilizers, also the minor tranquilizers are known, which contain benzodiazepines (chlordiazepoxide and diazepam, for example). We can also say, that drug related problems in adolescence are reliable predictors of a future substance use disorder, elevated depression and antisocial behavior (Daughters, Bornovalova, Correia & Lejuez, 2007). Depression is also a standard covariate of neuroleptics treatments, yet exciting questions about proportion of “cause” and proportion of “consequence”. That’s why it’s understandable, that neuroleptics could have, in any group, an impact on different areas, levels and aspects of social interactions (communication, social exchange). Ernst Fehr and collaborators (Kossfeld, Heinrichs, Zak, Fishbacher & Fehr, 2005) report about neurologic bases of social interactions, even on economic field (neuroeconomy). Such an approach could be helpful in explaining some irrational moments in otherwise rational cost – benefit dilemma resolution. According to Fehr, it even seems, that hormone “oxytocin” – neurophysin (in category of neuropeptids), influences the experience of trust. Neuroleptics could have, specially by psychotic patients, so antidepressive, as depression inducing effects (Poldinger & Sieberns, 1983), all paying attention on “circular” relation between socio – psychological experiences and neuroleptics use. On the other side, concrete kinds of social interaction, social support, can, using central way, influence the immune answer, degree of secretion of immunoglobuline A, for example (Jemmot & Magloire, 1988). Anyway, it seems that relations between concrete forms and contents of social interaction (complex patterns of cooperation, competition, conformism, cohesiveness, role learning, group decision, leadership, conflicts, negotiations, mediations) and CNS (re) actions are yet to be researched. That’s why the choice of family social climate has two advantages: we treat it as a kind of experiential common denominator of different social interaction effects, while climate is an integrating experience, deriving from diversified processes of social interaction. Inducing climate as dependent variable, we focus on one of most relevant and integrating level of social experience; simultaneously, (perceived) climate is one of the most essential parts of micro culture. Analyzing climate, we simultaneously analyze an important “part” of (in our case) family culture. On the other side, evaluation of climate is inseparably connected with different self concepts (esteem, confidence, consciousness, efficacy belief) and self – evaluation. Authors of actual text call as “functional” such a category of self – evaluation, when personal bipolar attributes express the continuum of everyday adaptive/ functional behavior. We suppose that neuroleptics medicament therapy contribute to the change of retrograde functional self – evaluations, while medicaments are supposed to be a reason of improvement, also of depression reduction (“production”?). Depression is namely a standard covariate of neuroleptics treatments, yet causing questions about proportion of “cause” and proportion of “consequence”. That’s why in actual article, we’d like to analyze possible relations between neuroleptics usage (in the last year) status and some other relevant perceptions: evaluation of own family, self – esteem, self – perceived depression and substance abuse indicators. We can express the general level of our research problem with the question: Which are the relations between A/ last year neuroleptics (none) usage status and B/ particular perceptions, connecting family, self and substance abuse dependency? In families, having a dependent member, dependency is also the main area of different perceptions, social representations and social interactions. That’s why, in our research, the estimated dependency of each family member was included, where possible, as covariate. The core structures of the brain reward pathway are located in the limbic system. The hypothalamus, control center of the autonomic nervous system, serves as a major integrative circuit between the nervous and endocrine systems. It’s the command center, interconnecting the reward pathway with the body and environmental stimuli. Progression on to drug dependence or addiction after the exposure appears to be heavily genetically influenced. On the other side, the primary neurotransmitter of the reward pathway is dopamine. Other neurotransmitters for brain reward are serotonin, GABA (involved in the modulation of dopaminergic reward system, located diffusely throughout the brain) and the endogenous opiates. Serotonin may be important in modulating motivational factors. Drugs of abuse act on the GABA receptor to hyperpolarize neurons. (“Neuroanatomy and physiology of the “brain reward system” in substance abuse” http://ibgwww.colorado.edu/cadd/a_drug/essays/essay4.htm). The net effects of inhibiting the diffuse GABA are anxiety reduction, behavioral disinhibition, sedation and euphoria, what is all connected also with interpersonal communication, family perception, perceived depression and self – concept. That’s why we can expect, that chosen neuroleptics can at least partially influence (facilitate or inhibit) particular social behavioral patterns, particularly connecting (declared) depression, interpersonal relations in primary social environment and social implications of some other dependency behavior. These implications, manifested in different complex social situations could be quite subtle, sometimes hidden in “social mimicry”, mostly connected with alcohol and other psychoactive substances abuse. One of the very opportune measures of such implications, according to our opinion, could be (sub) scores of SASSI instrument, which is declared to be the instrument, which breaks through denial (Miller, 1992; 1994). That’s why, more specifically, we formulated three expectations: H.1/ we hypothesized, that self – esteem, evaluation of own family and declared degree of depression as predictors significantly differentiate, regardless co – variate inclusion, between users and non – users of neuroleptics in the last year, so in the case of mothers, as in the case of fathers. H.2/ We expect, that the change of self – evaluation in last few years significantly differ between users and non – users, so in the case of fathers, as in the case of mothers. H.3/ We also hypothesized, that the groups of users and non – users significantly differ in correspondent SASSI subscores, so in the case of mother, as in the case of fathers. Although alterations in brain function can influence the symptoms which seem to be functional personality change, the inverse process is also possible. Depression, as an example of non – organic personality change, can result in symptoms, which are similar to alterations in brain functions - pseudo dementia, for example, which can disappear, when patients are treated with antidepressant medication. The relation between the neuroleptics (non)use and different social representations of self and social environments, being an essential part of any social interaction (communication, social exchange and influence), is not at all one – way process. Anyway, in actual research, such a complexity of relations was not elaborated, while also the existent empirical methodology in behavioral sciences does not yet dispose with models, permitting analysis of two way processes, resulting in different effects of mutual partially simultaneous, partially sequential influences. The brain may finally incur many of the illnesses that afflict other organs and organ systems: besides neuropathological considerations, there are yet head trauma, brain tumors, brain malformation and early life brain damage (Goldstein, 2007). Regarding SDA (syndrome of dependency on alcohol), an understanding of osmoreceptive mechanism and volume detectors, so as action of alcohol on central gamma – amino butyric acid (GABA) receptors may significantly contribute to the incentive side of explanation (Cacciopo and Bernston, 2003). In our case, the SDA aspect was identified and taken into account as co – variate in sense of AUDIT estimated seriousness of alco – dependency. Method Participants There were three types of families, each type attempting to “mirror” approximate proportion of such a type in Slovene society: a/ families with no referred dependent member, neither parents, nor adolescent (about 56% of the whole sample); b/ families with drug dependent children (about 16% of the whole sample) and c/ families with alcohol dependent father (about 28% of the whole sample). If there were more than one adolescent child in the same family, only the eldest one was included. The average age of adolescents was M = 17.57 years, with SD = 4.76 years, with 45 percents of female and 55 percents of male respondents. From n = 183 valid cases (families) and excluding all missing, N = 159 “valid” mothers (mean age M = 42.85, SD = 4.68) and n = 147 fathers (with mean age M = 45.47, SD = 4.68) appeared in calculations. It’s worth underlining, that neither by mothers, nor by fathers, significant differences were found in age (t(177) = -1.21, p = .23 for mothers and t(155) = 0.47, p = .64 for fathers) and education (t(179) = 1.54, p = .12 for mothers and t(155) = 0.87, p = .38 for fathers) and that no significant covariate effect of age had appeared neither by mothers (Pillai F = 0.57, p = .63), nor by fathers (Pillai F = 0.97, p = .41). On the other side, significant covariate effect of education was found for mothers (Pillai F = 6.32, p = .00, eta sq. = 0.10), but not changing the significancy level of the independent variable (Pillai F = 2.62, p = .05, eta sq. = 0.046); contrary to mothers, no such an effect was found for fathers (Pillai F = 1.35, p = .26, eta sq. = 0.03). Instruments Relatively comprehensive questionnaire with 567 variables was applied, measuring different status and personal, subjective and objective characteristics. The whole questionnaire was applied so in individual, as in small group conditions. It seems that the conditions of data collecting influenced the number of missing, more of them being in small group condition/s. Mostly originally constructed questionnaire served to several interrelated purposes. To explain them shortly, we have to explain shortly the main content/ thematic area of the questionnaire, which contains different information about demographic, socio – economic and socio – cultural status, anamnesis information about health status in different periods of life cycle, life style information, about suicidal ideation, inclination and commitment, about aggression and aggressiveness, exposure to different kinds of violence, different dependency behaviors (alcohol, nicotine, drugs …), info about intra – familiar processes, climate and, partially, culture, retrograde and actual self – evaluation, esteem and depression, evaluation of family climate, experiences with psychopharmacological treatment etc.. Validity was identified not only with coefficient of internal consistency, which assures “only” the construct validity: from previous researches (Rus, 1993; 1994) validity of majority of summative scales was verified also with chosen outer criterion, consecrating almost equally needed time to construction as to validation of the instrument. In actual report the following scales and questions from the total questionnaire were included into research: Zung's self – rating depression scale - 20 items (Zung, 1965); Rosenberg's self – esteem scale - 10 items (Rosenberg, 1989); original semantic differential for estimation of the climate in the proper family (15 bipolar continuums, selected according the demands of summative scale construction). Semantic differential - evaluation of the social climate in own family contained the following bipolar attributes on 7 – point bipolar continuums: good/bad, relaxed/not - relaxed, aggressive/non-aggressive, pleasant/unpleasant, tolerant/intolerant, unorganized/organized, non-conflicting/conflicting, no developing/developing, enjoying/not- enjoying, with insight/ without insight, with future/without future, charged/uncharged, not understanding/ understanding, without support/with support, with love/without love. Actual and retrograde (»How do you evaluate yourself in time point about one year ago ?« functional self – evaluation bipolar attributes of self – evaluation scale: nervous/calm, optimistic/pessimistic, with problems/without problems, lonely/with friends, independent/ dependent, with insight/without insight, mainly reposed/mainly tired, satisfied with/dissatisfied with, with bad habits/with good habits, successful in learning/unsuccessful in learning, non creative/creative, self conscious/self unconscious, no-communicative/communicative. Table 1 Internal Consistency – Cronbach’s Alpha Coefficients – For Summative Scales, Responded From the Side of Fathers and Mothers and Children for Each of Three Groups / Family Types Evaluations from the No of Alpha: Alpha: Alpha: side of father items Group 1 Group 2 Group 3 Actual self evaluation 14 0.84 0.67 0.79 Retrograde self 14 0.80 0.84 0.85 evaluation Perceived family 15 0.89 0.92 0.83 climate Self – esteem 10 0.87 0.93 0.82 Perceived own 20 0.90 0.95 0.90 depression Evaluations from the side of mother Actual self evaluation 14 0.82 0.82 0.71 Retrograde self 14 0.79 0.75 0.86 evaluation Perceived family 15 0.93 0.91 0.87 climate Self – esteem 10 0.83 0.82 0.80 Perceived own 20 0.88 0.87 0.76 depression Note: group 1 = family without dependent member (n = 104); 2 = family with dependent adolescent child (n = 29); 3 = family with alco – dependent father (n = 52); there were 12 missing value;- validity was in previous researches verified also via external criterion/ with method of opponent / contrast groups). SASSI (sub)scores for mothers, fathers and children, together with SASSI and AUDIT estimations of seriousness’ dependency, were applied in comprehensive questionnaire, originally constructed through different pilot, preliminary and up to final step mainly by Maja Rus – Makovec and Velko S. Rus. This more than year long project resulted in comprehensive questionnaire with 567 variables, mostly originally constructed and including SASSI instrument, was applied. Also the missing values appeared, which influence different number of valid cases in certain final reports and so diminish “a little bit” even the generalization on the basis of initial sample. On the other side, authors of actual article strictly reject the practice to substitute the missing values with correspondent means. For the occasion of this research, the Substance Abuse Subtle Screening Inventory - SASSI (Miller, 1992; 1994; 1997) was for the first time applied in Slovenia. Instrument has two forms, for adolescents and for the parents. SASSI identify two probability categories of dependency: high and low substance dependency probability. SASSI was adapted to Slovene version according to all demands of forward – backward translation. AUDIT (Alcohol Use Disorder Identifying Test) approach to identify the (alcohol) dependency degree of fathers was also applied. According to value = 8, two “audit” categories were obtained, one of the expressing low probability for alcohol connected problems, another expressing high probability for alcohol use which is hazardous or harmful to the health. AUDIT is a 10-item screening questionnaire, which contains questions about recent alcohol consumption, dependence symptoms and alcohol-related problems. So as SASSI, also the AUDIT validity could be tested regarding the classification by the side of experts (councellors). The rates of agreement between the counselors and decision rules are described also as data validation (Miller et al., 1996). In our research, both kinds of estimation almost perfectly coincided with classificational distinction from the side of experts – counsellors (SASSI: Chi sq. (2, N = 161) = 1.27, p = ns for nondependent mothers, but with 50 % of cells with expected counts less than 5; Chi sq. (2, N = 167) = 91, p =.00 for (non)dependent children, with 16.7% of cells with expected counts < 5, and Chi sq. (2, N = 139) = 84.90, p = .00, with 0% of expected counts < 5, for (non)dependent fathers). SASSI is defined as based on the principle “breaking through denial”; this moment is maybe not very compatible with “face validity”, and, we can suppose, even not with the underlying psychological and content “logic” of internal (Cronbach alpha) consistency, based on, told in simplified way, that everybody, responding the instrument, perceives the same object/ subject. The following sub scores are obtained with »SASSI« 3 (»today« already replaced with new version): FVA = face valid alcohol; FVOD = face valid other drugs; SYM = symptoms; OAT = obvious attributes; SAT = subtle attributes; DEF = defensiveness; SAM = supplemental addiction measure; FAM = family vs. controls; COR = correctional. Maja – Rus Makovec had obtained also a special permission for back – translation/, adaptation and research use of SASSI from the Institute in Bloomington. Kolmogorov – Smirnov test showed, that almost all summative scores (actual and retrograde self perception; evaluation of own family climate; self – esteem) did not differ significantly from normal distribution (p>.05), while for SASSI subscores the alterantive hypotheses were accepted. Internal consistency of almost all (except one version of self – evaluation) summative scores was satisfactory (all Cronbach alphas mostly > 0.85). Research was approved from the side of Ethical commission of Health Ministry of Slovenia. Delay of publishing attempt is connected with different personal reasons, most of them connected with research resources, work charge, time disposition, career development characteristics and relatively long term transitional period, full of specificities and non -expectable (long term) interruptions. Results Table 2 Arithmetic Means and Standard Deviations for Dependent Variables Regarding Usage vs. Non- Usage of Neuroleptics in the Last Year - Mothers Neurolepti M SD n cs KS1 1 no 75.46 19.93 152 2 yes 63.52 22.07 21 VS1 1 no 40.06 6.59 152 2 yes 35.95 7.39 21 PMv 1 no 37.56 8.21 152 2 yes 43.05 10.63 21 Note: KS1 = evaluation of climate in own family – mothers (higher score means higher self – esteem); VS1 = Rosenberg’s self – evaluation score – mothers (higher score means higher self – esteem); PMv = Zung’s depression score – mothers; covariate = SASSI estimation of dependency seriousness by mothers. According the authors belief about data validity, the missing values were not substituted with missing values. One factor MANOVA, exploring differences in self – esteem, perceived depression and family climate by parents as a function of their neuroleptics usage status (usage: yes vs. no) was applied for successive inclusion of one (mothers), two (mothers and fathers) and three (mothers, fathers, children) AUDIT covariates. Multivariate effect was found as significant (Pillai’s, Wilks, Hotelling, all p = .14 and all Levene tests of equality of error variances with df1 = 1 and df = 171 were highly un–significant, p >>.05 (p = ns)); Box M test was significant (F = 3.79, p = .001), what means, that demand of equality of covariances, (multivariate analogy with homogeneity of variances in univariate approaches), was not satisfied. Because F test is the robust one, we anyway continued with data analyses. Mothers’ AUDIT estimation covariate effect was found as non – significant (F = 0.57, p = .63 (p = ns)). Univariate access showed significant differences (p < .05) for each of three dependent variables, expressing significantly more positive evaluation of own family climate (F (1,172) = 5.01, p = .026), higher self – esteem (F (1,172), p = 0.01) and lower degree of perceived depression (F (1,172 = 7.35, p = 0.007) for mothers non – users of neuroleptics, than for correspondent users. Discriminate analysis was computed also in order to estimate the relative contribution of studied variables to the discrimination of mothers, users and non – users of neuroleptics. Taking into account no other covariates, the first and the only one extracted discriminate functions was highly significant (Wilks Lambda = 0. 94, Chi sq. (3) = 10.98, p = .01. The null hypothesis about the homogeneity of covariance’s was not accepted (Box’s M = 27.21, F approx = 4.28, p = .00). Structure matrix showed relatively rare structure of relative predictive importance of independents/ predictors. All coefficients of correlations between constructed (summative scores) manifest variables and discriminate functions were relatively very high and almost equal (climate (0.81), self – esteem (0.81), perceived depression (0.82)). According to the values of group centroids for significant (p < 0.05) discriminate function, it could be suggested, that the discriminate function differentiates “strongly” between female (non) users of neuroleptics. MANOVA was found as significant also when additional AUDIT covariates (for fathers and children) were successively included into analysis (Pillai, Wilks, Hotelling, Roy, all p = .00). Anyway, risk level of the effect of indepenednet variable ((non)neuroleptics status) changed: having mothers’ (F = 0.50, p = .68, eta sq. = 0.009) and fathers’ (F = 2.91, p = .036, et sq. = 0.05) AUDIT as covariate/s, it was F = 3.43, p = .02, eta sq. = 0.06, and adding children’ AUDIT (F = 6.33, p = .00, eta sq. = 0.106), it was F = 2.25, p = .08, eta sq. = 0.04). Table 3 Arithmetic Means and Standard Deviations for Dependent Variables Regarding Usage vs. Non- usage of Neuroleptics in the Last Year - Fathers Neurolepti M SD n cs KS2 1 no 74.69 19.07 136 2 yes 75.81 19.36 16 VM 1 no 39.18 6.87 136 2 yes 39.50 7.80 16 PMv 1 no 36.47 7.08 136 2 yes 38.62 7.91 16 Note: KS2 = evaluation of climate in own family – mothers (higher score means higher self – esteem); VM = Rosenberg’s self – evaluation score – mothers (higher score means higher self – esteem); PMv = Zung’s depression score – mothers; covariate = SASSI estimation of dependency seriousness by mothers. According the authors belief about data validity, the missing values were not substituted with missing values. One factor MANOVA, exploring differences in self – esteem, perceived depression and family climate by parents as a function of their neuroleptics usage status (usage: yes vs. no) was applied for successive inclusion of one (mothers), two (mothers and fathers) and three AUDIT covariates. Multivariate effect was found as non - significant (Roy’s, Pillai’s, Wilks, p >.05). Box’s M test of equality of covariance matrices was highly non - significant (F = 0.93, p = .47 (p = ns)), what confirmed the equality of co – variances. Fathers’ AUDIT estimation covariate effect was found as non – significant (F = 0.05, p = .98 (p = ns)). Univariate access, of course, only confirmed non - significant differences (p >> 0.05) for each of three dependent variables, for perceived climate (F(1, 151) = 0.76, p = .38), higher self – esteem (F(1, 151) = 0.39, p = .53 (p = ns)) and lower degree of perceived depression ( F (1,151 = 0.68, p = .41) for mothers non – users of neuroleptics, than for correspondent users. Discriminate analysis was also computed in order to estimate the relative contribution of studied variables to the discrimination of mothers, users and non – users of neuroleptics. The first and the only one extracted discriminate functions was non – significant with (Wilks Lambda = 0.97, Chi sq. (3) = 3.78, p = .29). The null hypothesis about the homogeneity of covariance’s was otherwise accepted (Box’s M = 6.02, F approx = 0.93, p = .47), but the further analysis was omitted. MANOVA was found as non - significant also when additional AUDIT covariates (for mothers and children) were successively included into analysis (Pillai, Wilks, Hotelling, Roy, all p > .00 (p = ns)). Risk level of the effect of indepenednet variable ((non)neuroleptics status) did not change in sense of significancy (p > .05) having mothers’ (F = 0.17, p = .91) and fathers’ (F = 15.79, p = .00, et sq. = 0.24) AUDIT as covariates, it was F = 1.33, p = .27, eta sq. = 0.03, and adding children’ AUDIT (F = 4.07, p = .01, eta sq. = 0.08), it was F = 1.81, p = .15, eta sq. = 0.04). Table 4 Arithmetic Means and Standard Deviations for Differences Between “Actual” and “Retrograde” Self – evaluation for Mothers and for Fathers Regarding the Neuroleptics (Non) Usage by Mothers Neuro M SD n t- P - test Mother s DifE- 1 no 0.20 11.41 157 mothers 2 yes - 5.19 14.75 21 .05 1.96 DifSE- 1 no - 0.69 9.30 128 Fathers 2 yes - 4.78 11.42 14 0.13 1.53 Note: Levene F for dfE = 3.04, p = .08, for dfSE, Levene F = 0.19, p = .66 E1 = actual functional self – evaluation – mothers (higher score means more positive self – evaluation); E2 = retrograde (for “five years ago”) self – evaluation – mothers; DifE = difference between summative scores E2 – E1; SE1 = actual functional self – evaluation – fathers (higher score means more positive self – evaluation); SE2 = retrograde (for “five years ago”) self – evaluation – mothers; DifSE1 = difference between summative scores SE2 – SE1. No significant differences were found between mothers users vs. non – users of neuroleptics in fathers’ perceived difference between actual and retrograde self – evaluation, but significant difference (p = 0.05) was found in perceived difference between actual and retrograde self – evaluation for mothers. Interestingly, similar, but non – significant trend was found also for difference between relative fathers’ differences regarding mothers’ neuroleptics usage, and yet interestingly: in both cases the difference is negative, what means that even retrograde summative functional self – evaluation (just before neuroleptics usage) was more positive than the actual one, after about one year long period of its usage. Table 5 Arithmetic Means and Standard Deviations for Differences Between “Actual” and “Retrograde” Self – evaluation for Mothers and for Fathers Regarding the Neuroleptics (non) Usage by Fathers Neuro – M SD n t – test p Fathers DifE – 1 no 0.36 10.80 126 Mother s 2 yes 0.07 8.95 15 0.10 .92 DifSE 1 no - 0.81 8.82 135 – Fathers 2 yes - 0.19 17.89 16 - 0.14 .89 Note: Levene F for dfE = 0.14, p = .71 (p = ns), for dfSE, Levene F = 11.74, p = .01. DifE = difference between actual and retrograde self – evaluation for mothers. DifSE = difference between actual and retrograde self – evaluation for fathers. No significant differences were found between fathers users vs. non – users of neuroleptics in fathers’ perceived difference between actual and retrograde self – evaluation and also not in perceived difference between actual and retrograde self – evaluation for mothers. Table 6 Results of Mann Whitney Nonparametric Test for SASSI Subscores for Fathers SASSI Neurolepti n Mean Z p cs Rank Use FVAf 1 no 141 77.94 2 yes 16 88.34 - 0.87 .38 FVODf 1 no 141 77.20 2 yes 16 94.88 - 2.66 .01 SYMf 1 no 141 76.30 2 yes 16 102.78 - 2.29 .02 OATf 1 no 141 76.47 2 yes 16 101.28 - 2.09 .04 SATf 1 no 141 77.71 2 yes 16 90.41 - 1.09 .28 DEFf 1 no 141 80.93 2 yes 16 62.00 - 1.59 .11 SAMf 1 no 141 77.29 2 yes 16 94.09 - 1.41 .16 FAMf 1 no 141 79.14 2 yes 16 77.75 - 0.12 .91 CORf 1 no 141 77.70 2 yes 16 90.44 - 1.07 .28 RAPf 1 no 141 80.06 2 yes 16 69.69 - 0.93 .35 Note: FVA = face valid alcohol; FVOD = face valid other drugs; SYM = symptoms; OAT = obvious attributes; SAT = subtle attributes; DEF = defensiveness; SAM = supplemental addiction measure; FAM = family vs. controls; COR = correctional. Significant differences by fathers were found for facet valid other drugs FVODf, for category »symptoms« SYMf, and for obvious attributes OATf. Differences were not found for face valid alcohol, subtle attributes, defensiveness, supplemental addiction measure, family vs. controls and for correctional. Table 7 Results of Mann Whitney Nonparametric Test for SASSI Sub scores for Mothers SASSI Neuroletpti n Mean Z p cs Rank Use FVAm 1 no 159 90.01 2 yes 22 98.16 - 0.70 .48 FVODm 1 no 159 90.31 2 yes 22 95.95 - 0.96 .34 SYMm 1 no 159 88.58 2 yes 22 108.45 - 1.96 .05 OATm 1 no 159 87.43 2 yes 22 116.82 - 2.49 .01 SATm 1 no 159 90.40 2 yes 22 95.36 - 0.43 .67 DEFm 1 no 159 92.80 2 yes 22 78.02 - 1.25 .21 SAMm 1 no 159 87.52 2 yes 22 116.16 - 2.43 .01 FAMm 1 no 159 92.17 2 yes 22 82.55 - 0.82 .41 CORm 1 no 159 88.20 2 yes 22 111.25 - 1.96 .05 RAPm 1 no 159 89.86 2 yes 22 99.25 - 0.89 .37 Note: FVA = face valid alcohol; FVOD = face valid other drugs; SYM = symptoms; OAT = obvious attributes; SAT = subtle attributes; DEF = defensiveness; SAM = supplemental addiction measure; FAM = family vs. controls; COR = correctional. Significant differences for mothers were found (p = <.05) for correctional CORm, supplemental addiction measure SAMm, obvious attributes OATm and symptoms SYMm. Significant differences were not found for face valid alcohol, face valid other drugs, subtle attributes, defensiveness and family vs. control. Discussion An example of the principle of multiple determinism of the social neuroscience can be found in the extensive literature on drug abuse. Endogenous brain opoid receptor systems represent the neurophysiologic bases for cognitive, psychological and affective actions. The proximate and powerful determinants of drug abuse include the social factors of family dynamics, economics and different other social environments (Cacciopo and Bernston, 2003). It’s what we had tried to begin to analyze in our article. Interactions between social processes and the underlying neural substrates facilitate the understanding of the holistic consequences of the drug administration. Molar features of phenomenon (like self and own family perceptions) have also their micro – molecular correlations, (like presumed neuroleptics functioning), as complements of the multilevel approach. In our research, for self and family climate perceptions, we rejected all alternative hypotheses in the case of fathers, while by mothers, they were mostly accepted. The only exception was, when children’ AUDIT estimation was included as co – variate, when multivariate effect was significant on p = .08 risk level and univariate approach showed significant differences (p < .05) between mothers neuroleptics (non)users “only” for “self esteem”. Results suggest, that children AUDIT could maybe treated as new independent variable and that neuroleptics (non)use effects on self and family perceptions by mothers’ in families with dependent member depend more on children than on husbands health (dependency) status. Taking into account relatively small number (n = 20) of neuroleptics users mothers and non – significant, but relatively low risk level, p = .08, we can infer, that children dependency status could be interpreted more as relatively most important factual reason of neuroleptics use by mothers, what both effect mothers’ self and family perceptions. We can say, that “all results together” show important differences between male and female participants. Female participants show the evident trend of significant differences in their family climate and in self (esteem/ depression) perceptions (evaluations, estimations), while the male participants in our research do not. In the framework of this research design, this general trend could not be persuasively formulated more in detail. Anyway, it seems, that patterns of social behavior, expressed by SASSI (sub) scores, very interestingly and specifically enough, express the connections with neuroleptics (non)usage. In the case of SASSI (sub)scores, hypotheses were partially accepted, partially rejected, but mostly in accordance with our expectations. By mothers, for example, we did not find significant differences between the (non)users in face valid other drugs scores (FVOD); higher score on either scale means that clients acknowledge usage, consequences of usage and loss of control. Higher scores mean that the client is willing to admit to having a problem with alcohol/ drugs. The face valid items are relatively easy for clients to manipulate. Results show, that female participants perceive/ classify neuroleptics differently than other drugs, what is desirable and expected. Facet valid other drugs score has two »poles«, which partially cover other sub scores. Higher sub scores for FVOD are similar to DEF, while low FVOD mean »loosing control«. As defensiveness decreases, FVOD, OAT, FVA and SAT scores should increase (Miller et al., 1994). That’s why it’s understandable, that FVOD differences were confirmed as significant (p < .05) for/ by fathers. So by male, as by female respondents, OAT (obvious attributes) were found as significantly different for neuroleptics users vs. non – users; obvious attributes otherwise attempt to measure the amount of pain somebody experiences in her/ his life because of substance abuses; in the same time, it also tries to measure the willingness to be open and honest about herself. As a person gets into recovery, the OAT scale should start coming down. OAT is answer to question, to what degree she/ he is aware of a connection between her/ his pain and substance abuse. For adolescents, clinical experience has shown, that elevated OAT scores indicate personality characteristics, associated with low frustration tolerance, resentment, self pity, impatience and intolerance (Miller et al., 1994). – Besides obvious attributes, the other shared difference between neuroleptics (non)users is expression of symptoms (SYM). So for fathers, as for mothers, no significant differences between users and non – users of neuroleptics in the year before “testing” were found for RAP, face valid alcohol (FAM), defensiveness (DEF), subtle attributes (SAT) and for family vs. control (FVA). DEF, for example, tries to determine, if the client denies the existence of a substance abuse problem. As defensiveness decreases, FVOD, OAT, FVA and SAT scores should increase. DEF reflects tendency to avoid the acknowledging any signs of personal limitations and faults. Individuals with high DEF scores may focus on blaming situational and social environmental factors for their problems. Low DEF score is indicative of emotional pain. That’s why non – significant DEF scores for both, male and female participants, show realistic perception of neuroleptics usage and function On the other side, FAM means family vs. controls. Adult scale is based on the responses of the enabling spouses of the chemically dependent people; the FAM measures the extent to which the client may be codependent. It also measures the difference between codependent and chemically dependent people (Miller et al. 1994). Non – significant FAM in our case warns, that neuroleptics are not perceived as chemical dependency, but, in the case of female respondents, the results anyway indicate the possibility of some kind of slight co – dependency. The purpose of the SAT scale is also to measure the amount of pain, a person experiences in her/ his but at a deeper level than the OAT scale. For adolescents, SAT score reflects a tendency for individuals to be detached from their feelings; they difficultly fully accept the significance of substance usage in their lives. They also have relatively little insight into the basis and causes of their problems (Miller et al. 1992, 1994, 1997). We perceive the following advantages of our research: it seems that the research problem / purpose have been up to date quite rarely investigated; the research contributed to some aspects of so called decision rule validation of SASSI (sub scores), while just the neuroleptics (non) usage could be one of those approach approximation for chosen sub scores, defined as chemically determined; difference between the actual and retrograde self – evaluation (of functionality in the everyday life) seems to be quite a suitable measure of relative subjective success/ failure; including the AUDIT covariates of dependency seriousness, we tried to assure the necessary minimum of (a posteriori) statistical control and partial interpretability in the sense of consequences; users and non – users of neuroleptics did not significantly differ in age and education, what, together with AUDIT covariates, eventually contributes to attempt of more clear identification of neuroleptics effects; families with dependent member represent(ed) quite an adequate environment for neuroleptics effect study. Weaknesses of our research could be the following: research design is quasi – experimental, a kind of “ex post facto”, without (direct) systematic and sensible manipulation of independent variable, without relevant control of (eventual) extraneous variables; that’s why relations between chosen dependents and independent could not be interpreted in the pure sense of causal relation; effect sizes (eta sq.) are mostly (very) low; neuro – effects are taken into account only indirectly, without sophisticated technological measurements. Also the distributions of AUDIT covariate estimations significantly differed from the normal one, what is normal taking account the character and purpose of the instrument. Internal consistency of instruments, as the additional demands for statistic calculations (homogeneity of covariance) were not ultimately respected. The structure of demographic, socio – economic and socio – cultural status of target participants do not permit spreader societal or cultural generalizations. Effects of globalization could be, of course, identified also on the levels of family structure, processes, climate, culture and performances in different parts of the world, but we know no more comprehensive psychological research, coping with the problems of diversified and, maybe, modified globalization effects. Anyway, results could be discussed also from the aspects of personal and micro – group (family) culture. According to Trice and Beyer, social climate is one of the essential parts (elements) of micro- and macro – group culture (Trice & Beyer, 1993). From this point of view, also the individualistic – collectivistic orientation, could be treated not only relatively, as underlined from some authors in last decade ((Oyserman, Kemmelmeier and Coon, 2002) but also on different micro – and macro-levels. Attachment to the values of the secondary family could mean also a typical micro – collectivistic orientation (Rus, 1997), without any anticipation of positive or negative connotations/ implications. In our research, prepared also as a research elaborate (Rus – Makovec, Ziherl, Čebašek, Sernec, Tomori) evaluation of family climate is a central psychological variable, which correlate with some other indicators of group/ family culture, like characteristic ways of communication, habits and “rituals”, perceived distribution of power/ influence, relevant social representations etc.. From this aspect, we can conclude, that family culture is partially connected with brain/ neuroleptics problematic by females in R Slovenia as representative part of Central European culture. This selected and quite narrow aspect of social neuroscience problematic, which is/ will be prolonged where it had begun, on the other side disposes with no comparative results from other parts of the world, especially not from Asia. That’s why we dare to present this article also as an appeal for collaboration with Asian research centers, which would be interested into the actual and similar cross – cultural research collaboration. Final comment »Social neuroscience« finally ends one of the important phases of the developing of »social psychology«, which intensely obtained quantitative and qualitative accelerations in »eighties«, with applied social psychology, partially derived from societal and cross-cultural trends of development, what resulted in new relations to new interdisciplinary areas, and from social cognition, which revitalized the importance of social interaction, language/ linguistic, social knowledge, taxonomy of meaning and categorization processes with prototypical perceptions. According to Decety and Keenan (2009) neuroscience researches could be guided by different definitions of the field. One of the main objectives, goals, and purposes is only to understand better the relation between the brain, its related systems and social interaction. 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Komentar: Prisostvujemo pregledu za bodoče strojevodje v psihološkem laboratoriju železniškega transportnega podjetja Maribor, kjer z modernimi napravami ugotavljajo reakcijski čas, najprej na slušne in potem na vidne dražljaje. Psihologinja izda testirancu navodila: »Zdaj boste videli lučko, pri vsaki lučki pritisnite na gumb in takoj spet spustite, kakor prej.« Slika prikazuje pritiskanje na gumb naprave. Komentar: Aparat za soročnost, ki ga imenujejo tudi meksikanski labirint, ugotavlja skladnost gibov obeh rok. Poseben števec šteje število in trajanje napak. Slika prikazuje mehanski števec. Navodila: »S pomočjo obeh ročic boste premikali konico od tukaj do sem in pri tem zasledovali prikazano pot, ne da bi se pri tem dotaknili robov. Ta ročica premika konico z desne na levo, ta ročica pa premika navzgor in navzdol. Včasih boste morali premikati obe ročici istočasno, da bi mogli pravilno napredovati. Delo boste opravljali počasi, da boste uporabili veliko časa in s čim manj napakami.« Komentar: Po istem načelu deluje tudi aparat za disociativne gibe. Navodila: »Pred vami sta dva pedala. Postavite desno nogo na desni pedal in ga pritisnite do konca. Levo nogo postavite na levi pedal, ne da bi ga pritisnili. Med to preiskavo je to izhodni položaj. Sedaj bomo začeli. Ko zasveti rdeča lučka, pritisnite levi pedal do konca (kraja) in ga takoj nato zopet spustite.« Komentar: »Ta aparat ugotavlja pozornost na več različnih dražljajev hkrati oziroma tako imenovano razpršeno pozornost.« (Zanimivo je, da se je ravno pri tem napisu pojavila napaka v montaži zvoka, zato se je novinarjev komentar prepletel z navodili psihologinje. Tako je bila za kratek čas pri gledalcu motena pozornost). Navodila: »Ko boste zagledali zeleno lučko, dvignite hitro desno nogo in jo takoj nato zopet spustite. Ko boste zagledali belo lučko, napravite oba giba istočasno, torej pritisnite do konca levo nogo in hitro pritisnite desno.« Komentar: Zlasti primeren je ta aparat za pregled psihičnih sposobnosti za žerjavovodje ter za delavce v javnem prometu. Navodila: »Ko boste zaslišali kovinski zvonec, pritisnite hitro na gumb s prstom. Pri lesenem zvoncu ne napravite ničesar.« Mimo aparatov tuje izvedbe imajo industrijski psihologi tudi tiste, ki so bili izdelani v domačih inštitutih in takšen je tudi aparat za ugotavljanje soročnosti v Mariborskem tekstilnem kombinatu. Seveda si mora psiholog ob njem pomagati s štoparico. Mariborski tekstilni kombinat ima doslej najbolje organizirano psihološko službo in je eno od podjetij, ki kažejo pot, kako uvajati industrijsko psihologijo. Vse kandidatke in kandidate za sprejem v delovno razmerje zdravstveno in psihološko pregledajo ter jih v skladu s tem razporedijo na najprimernejša delovna mesta. Važna metoda za ugotavljanje psihičnih sposobnosti je testiranje. Najprej morajo kandidati in kandidatke izdelati splošno inteligenčni test, šele potem prehajajo na teste za posamezna delovna mesta za kar so potrebne tudi posebne spretnosti. Dokaj preprost je test za ugotavljanje fine ročne spretnosti. To je posebna tablica z luknjicami in žebljički. Kandidatka mora v vsako luknjico postaviti tri žebljičke, hitrost njenega dela pa spremljajo s štoparico. To pa je v praksi naše kadrovske službe povsem nekaj novega, saj kandidate za sprejem v delo preiskujejo, ne da bi ti delali kakršno koli škodo v proizvodnji. Tudi aparat za ugotavljanje vidnih sposobnosti je domače izdelave. Tu ugotavljajo ostrino vida, širno vidnega polja, razpoznavanje barv in podobno. Mimo pokazanih imajo psihologi na voljo še vrsto drugih aparatur in tekstov, zelo važna pa je tudi organizacija psihološke službe. O tem prisluhnimo psihologinji dr. Ani Bahovec. Testiranje MTK: splošni inteligenčni test Test za ugotavljanje fine ročne spretnosti Aparat za ugotavljanje vidnih sposobnosti dr. Ana Bahovec: »Psihološka služba v Mariborski tekstilni tovarni je bila osnovana leta 1956. Ta služba je bila v tekstilni industriji pionirsko delo in zaradi tega povezana v svojem začetku z velikimi težavami. Industrijski psiholog si je moral sam izbirati pota in cilje za svoje delo. Glavna in največja težava nove službe je v tem, da so z znanstveno panogo psihologije seznanjeni le redki intelektualci, kaj šele širši sloji in pa delavstva in nameščenstva v industriji. Danes sta psihološko delo in psihološka služba v našem podjetju že priznana, imamo svoj oddelek, v katerem delata dva psihologa z asistentom in dva štipendista. Delamo z modernimi aparati in psihodiagnostičnimi sredstvi. Nalog imamo veliko. Predvsem je treba poudarjati, da se mora psiholog poglabljati v problematiko podjetja in tu črpati naloge za svoje delo. O uspehih naše službe bi sama težko govorila. Več o tem bi lahko povedali tovariši iz proizvodnje.« Izjava: »Psihološko službo smo uvedli z namenom, da na eni strani izvajamo pravilen izbor kadra za določena dela na konkretnih delovnih mestih. Na drugi strani pa da ta služba proučuje vse momente kot na primer vpliv okolja, medsebojne odnose, kakovost, produktivnost itd. v odnosu do človeka. Smatramo, da z uvajanjem takšnih sodobnih metod proučevanja raznih vplivov na človeka v industriji pridemo do pravilnih zaključkov kje, kako in kdaj ter na kakšen način je treba formirati delo, da doseže človek optimalni efekt na svojem delovnem področju. Iz tega vidimo, da so naloge te službe dolgoročne, kljub temu pa lahko ugotavljamo, da je za nas velika pridobitev, da smo v tej kratki dobi uspeli uveljaviti nove metode sprejemanja delovne sile in sicer na podlagi znanstvenih psihofizičnih ugotovitev. Da pa bodo uspehi še večji v proizvodnji, moramo tej službi nuditi vsestransko pomoč. Istočasno pa moramo izsledke te službe znati pravilno uporabljati v praksi.« Komentar: V … tkalnici in drugih obratih MTK s posebnim aparatom vsak dan ugotavljajo odnose med mojstri in delavkami. Črna tipka je negativno, rdeča pozitivno, bela neopredeljeno, to pa je samo ena od psiholoških raziskav, ki pripomorejo k … konec Psihotehnični laboratorij, testiranje železničarjev, test na dražljaje, meksikanski labirint, aparat za soročnost, Aparat za ugotavljanje razpršene pozornosti, MTT MB tekstilna industrija, aparat za ugotavljanje soročnosti, psih. dr. Ana Bahovec KF 5350 Človek, znanost in proizvodnja: Psihologija si utira pot, 23. 1. 1968, dolžina 28’00. Uvodni kadri Komentar: Psihološki pregledi niso več nobena redkost. Gospodarske in druge delovne organizacije se zavedajo, da so storilnost, kakovost izdelkov in poslovni uspeh največ odvisni od človeka, od dobrih in sposobnih kadrov, ki delajo pri strojih, ali pa tako in drugače vodijo proizvodnjo. Zaradi tega je vedno več takih, ki kadre sprejemajo, razporejajo in šolajo na podlagi poprejšnjih psihotehničnih pregledov. Naši prizori kažejo preizkus konkretne inteligentnosti s pomočjo Bonardelovih diskov v podjetju Rudi Čajavec iz Banja Luke. To podjetje postavlja na noge službo za statistično kontrolo kakovosti, da pa bi bil izbor kandidatov za kontrolorje kar najustreznejši, so poklicali na pomoč psihologinjo Živano Bele Potočnik iz Zavoda za produktivnost SR Slovenije. Ena od važnih zahtev za delovno mesto kontrolorja v kovinsko predelovalni industriji je občutek za hrapavost oziroma gladkost površin. Ta občutek ugotavljajo s posebnimi etalon ploščicami. Kajpak je testov še cela vrsta, vendar si najprej poglejmo od česa vsega je odvisno dobro delo človeka. Najprej je dobro delo odvisno od znanja in psihofizičnih sposobnosti delavca. Med te spadajo hitrost, spretnost, vztrajnost, zdravje, moč in odpornost. Nadalje je dobro delo odvisno od zadovoljstva na delovnem mestu. Zadovoljen je tisti, ki naloženo delo zmore, ki je sposoben in katerega delovno mesto je v skladu z njegovimi nagnjenji, ki ima veselje do tega dela. Končno je dobro delo odvisno tudi od razumevanja s tovariši, zlasti pa s tistimi, ki mu ukazujejo. V sodobno organizirani industriji prihajajo za isti stroj razni delavci. Če ni med njimi soglasja in sozvočja, tudi stroj dobro ne dela. Podjetje Igman v Konjicu ima skupno še z nekim drugim podjetjem zelo dobro opremljen psihotehnični laboratorij. Vodi ga dipl. psiholog Adnan Tetarić. Vseeno pa se podjetje poslužuje tudi storitev in metod psihološke službe Zavoda SR Slovenije za produktivnost dela iz Ljubljane. Razen tega ta služba oskrbuje podjetje Igman in psihologe po vsej Jugoslaviji s potrebnimi sredstvi za diagnoze in prognoze. Ta služba zavoda namreč standardizira doma izdelana ali prilagojena, na tujem priznana in preizkušena psihološko diagnostična sredstva. Aparat, ki ga vidimo na ekranu, se imenuje tremometer, služi pa za ugotavljanje mirnosti roke. Števec beleži število napak, hkrati pa psiholog preizkusno osebo lahko tudi natančno opazuje. Za delavce pri strojih je zelo važen preizkus soročnosti – bolj povedano – preizkus za koordinacijo gibov rok in oči. S posebno napravo, ki je podobna napravi za premikanje dleta na stružnici, mora kandidat opisati nekakšno trojko. Pri tem sta važna natančnost in hitrost, zato je štoparica stalni pripomoček psihologa za večino testov. Za veliko število poklicev, zlasti za šoferje, žerjaviste, pilote in podobne, je velikega pomena hitrost reakcij. Te ugotavljajo s posebnim aparatom, ki ga je izdelal Zavod za avtomatizacijo v Ljubljani – in to hitrost reakcij na vidne, nato pa še na slušne dražljaje. Ob prvem preizkusu mora biti oseba spočita, ker je važno, kakšna je hitrost reakcije spočitega in utrujenega človeka. V Igmanu imajo poseben bicikel za utrujanje. Tega mora kandidat poganjati v ritmu kronometra, psiholog pa bicikel zmeraj bolj zavira. Ko kandidat obnemore, sede ponovno k aparatu za preizkus hitrosti reakcij. To pa je aparat za ugotavljanje sluha. Prikazali smo nekatere zanimive psihologove pripomočke, vendar se za njimi pogosto skrivajo zelo zamotane psihološke študije. O tem naj spregovori psihologinja Živana sama. Živana Bele Potočnik: »Zavod že nekaj let pregleduje kompletne službe v različnih podjetjih. Podjetja najbolj iščejo takšne preglede, kjer so kombinirani pregledi sposobnosti in pregledi znanja ljudi. Pred sabo imam zaključno sliko pregleda nabavne službe v Igmanu v Konjicu. Pregledani so bili referenti nabave in skladiščniki. V tej sliki vidimo, da približno 45 odstotkov ljudi odgovarja po sposobnostih, odgovarjajoče znanje ima pa tudi deset odstotkov ljudi, tako da popolnoma zadovoljuje samo deset odstotkov ljudi v tej službi. Manjše dopolnilo znanja bi bilo potrebno za 30 odstotkov ljudi, znanje od osnov pa bi moralo pridobiti še 5 odstotkov ljudi. Tako da bi teh 45 odstotkov z dopolnjevanjem ustrezalo. Naslednja skupina so ljudje, ki imajo slabše sposobnosti. To je teh 35 odstotkov. Med temi imamo spet večjo skupino, ki potrebuje samo dopolnilna znanja, in manjšo skupino 5 odstotkov ljudi, ki bi se morala izobraziti od osnov. Vprašanje pa je, če se to splača, ker so njihove sposobnosti nižje in bi znanje verjetno težje osvojili. 20 odstotkov ljudi, to je to belo polje, so pa tisti, ki imajo slabe sposobnosti, so podpovprečni po sposobnostih, njihovo znanje je pa tudi skoraj na ničli. Če pogledamo kvalifikacijsko strukturo v tem podjetju, vidimo, da formalno zadovoljuje ena tretjina ljudi, to se pravi, da ima samo ena tretjina, ali referentov, ali skladiščnikov, visoko oziroma VKV izobrazbo. Slika, ki smo jo videli, dejansko ustreza stanju, ki je v tej službi tega podjetja, saj je podjetje pregled naročilo prav zato, ker je imelo določene težave z ljudmi v tej službi. Psihološki pregled je tem važnejši za tista delovna mesta, na katere je vezana večja odgovornost, ki so pravzaprav bolj vodilna, če se lahko tako reče, za tista delovna mesta, kjer so zahteve po sposobnostih, po znanju, visoke, saj takšne človek lahko napravi mnogo več škode podjetju, če ne more delati tako kot bi bilo treba, tega pa seveda ne more, če ni niti sposoben, niti ne zna.« Komentar: Vrnimo se znova v psihotehnični laboratorij podjetja Igman. Na vrsti je test za presojanje mehaničnih odnosov, kjer gre poleg bistrovidnosti tudi za preizkus znanja in nagnjenja k tehničnim poklicem. No, in še eden zadnjih preizkusov. To je test za ugotavljanje spretnosti rok. Kandidat mora prenašati čepe z ene deske na drugo in jih polagati v vdolbine, najprej z eno, potem še z drugo roko. Isti test služi tudi za ugotavljanje spretnosti prstov. Pri tem kandidat čepe samo preobrača na mestu. Pravo delo psihologa se začne šele z analizo podatkov o vsaki preizkušani osebi. En sam test ne da objektivne slike o kandidatu. Prav tako je važno, da so testi za posamezne poklicne profile pravilno izbrani. V primeru, da test ne daje jasnega odgovora se psiholog poslužuje dodatnih ali kontrolnih testov. Rezultati preizkusov gredo v dosje o preizkusni osebi, v katerem je tudi zaključno mnenje psihologa, ki je poleg zdravniškega mnenja kadrovski službi osnova pri razporejanju delavca na delovno mesto. Tako se psihologija in kadrovska služba neposredno vključujeta v prizadevanja za večjo storilnost, kakovost izdelkov in večjo poslovnost. Prihaja čas, ko bomo morali biti na tem področju zelo radikalni. Prvi taki posegi so že tu. Pa naj raje znova spregovori psihologinja Živana Bele. Živana Bele: » Zanimiv je eksperiment, ki smo ga opravili na željo nekega drugega podjetja in je bil dokaj obsežen. Želeli so pregled celotnega osebja nekega večjega obrata tako, da so bili pregledani delavci, njihovi preddelavci in mojstri. Cilj pregleda je bil izbor tistih ljudi, ki naj bi delali v novem objektu, zgradili so namreč nov objekt, v katerem naj bi delalo manj ljudi, zahteve so pa večje. Pri delavcih je bil poudarek predvsem na pregledu spretnosti, nekih osnovnih sposobnosti in razen tega še na pregledu osebnostnih lastnosti teh ljudi. Medtem ko je bilo pri mojstrih in preddelavcih poleg vsega ostalega pregledano tudi njihovo znanje. Želja podjetja je, da bi v novem obratu delala čim bolj skladna skupina, da bi ta kolektiv dosegal čim večjo produktivnost. Izogniti se hočejo temu, da bi za nove stroje postaviti nesposobne ljudi, da bi v to novo skupino vključili na primer nervozne ljudi, želijo, da bi bili odnosi med temi ljudmi čim boljši in da bi čim bolj uspešno delali.« Komentar: Podoben primer kakor v Bosni imamo tudi v Ljubljani. Podjetje Alko je zgradilo novo halo in nabavilo avtomatsko polnilnico Seiz. Da bi se naložba hitro obrestovala, so testirali polovico zaposlenih in za delo ob novi polnilnici izbrali najboljše. Zahvaljujoč temu so rok za priučevanje skrajšali na deset dni. Sicer pa poslušajmo inženirko Miheličevo. Ing. Miheličeva: »Z nabavo avtomatske polnilne linije smo morali postaviti na delovna mesta, ki so bila popolnoma spremenjena, delavke, ki odgovarjajo novi tehnologiji. Zato nam je Zavod za produktivnost dela testiral približno 50 odstotkov delavcev. Rezultati so pokazali, da je bilo testiranje umestno in da dosegamo rezultate, ki smo jih pričakovali.« Komentar: Zaradi doseženega uspeha so v podjetju Alko sklenili, da bodo testirali tudi preostale zaposlene, ter jih razporedili na delo v skladu z njihovimi sposobnostmi in osebnostnimi lastnostmi. Test, ki ga vidimo, ugotavlja spretnost in koordinirano delo obeh rok, ter spretnost dominantne roke, desnice ali levice. Preizkus je važen za delavce v proizvodnji, zakaj le spretni delavci lahko dosegajo visoko storilnost. S posebnim aparatom, ortoraterjem, ugotavljajo različne funkcije vida, tako ostrino vida na bližino in daljavo, razlikovanje globine in razlikovanje barv ter vzporednost očesnih osi ali forijo, kar vse je izrednega pomena za delo pri strojih. Končno ugotavljajo še splošno inteligenčnost s tako imenovanimi progresivnimi matricami. Nadaljnja dva primera bosta pokazala, da se na tem področju nekaj premika, da postajamo pri izboru in šolanju kadrov vse bolj radikalni. Prvi je rudnik živega srebra Idrija. Sestanek: »Pri obravnavi kandidatov za srednjo tehnično šolo rudarski oddelek nam preostane pravzaprav še zadnji primer, kajti osem jih je bilo prijavljenih, sedem je bilo do sedaj obdelanih in zadnji primer na preostane, da ga preučimo. Taj je Gruden Adolf, rojen 1950. leta, je dovršil drugi letnik rudarske šole srednje tehnične šole v Ljubljani, drugi razred je zaključil s prav dobrim uspehom, je sin očeta, ki je bil zaposlen pri rudniku, in se je pri rudniku upokojil kot invalid. Njegova pokojnina znaša 78.000 dinarjev na mesec in teh 78.000 dinarjev na mesec predstavlja tudi edini dohodek familije, s katero se preživlja pet članov družine. Se pravi, po mojem mnenju, ta pogoj je po razpisu izpolnjen.« »Šola ga ocenjuje kot izredno nadarjenega dijaka, zanesljivega pri šolskem delu, aktivno sodeluje pri pouku, njegov šolski uspeh je v zadnjih dveh letih ustaljen. Šola pravi nadalje, da se temeljito pripravlja na pouk, da je odločen, energičen in družaben. Končna ocena šole je, da dijaka vsestransko priporoča in ga smatra kot enega najboljših dijakov iz zadnjega razreda.« »Kakšni so pa rezultati psihotehničnega preizkusa?« »Ta preizkus je potrdil to mnenje šole. Fant je zelo sposoben, njegove sposobnosti so vse nadpovprečne, razen sposobnosti računanja, ki je na nivoju visokega povprečja že blizu nadpovprečnim rezultatom. Interesi ustrezajo. Močan interes za tehniko je pokazal, za ročna opravila, v pogovoru pa je tudi povedal, da ga to delo zelo zanima, veseli.« »To se pravi, če zaključimo razpravo, se pravi v tem primeru o Gruden Adolfu, lahko ugotovimo, da izpolnjuje vse tri razpisne pogoje, to se pravi, da njegov uspeh v zadnjem letu šolanja je bil prav dober, da njegovo premoženjsko stanje je izpod predpisanega premoženjskega cenzusa pri našem podjetju in da poleg tega tudi psihotehnični izpit dokazuje, da je nadpovprečno nadarjen. Jaz mislim, da ima vse pogoje, da bi bil sprejet med kandidate za štipendijo, če se komisija soglaša. Se strinjate? V redu je. No, s tem smo zaključili razpravo o kandidatih za srednjo tehnično šolo rudarski oddelek. In sicer: osem jih je bilo prijavljenih, razpisali pa smo samo štiri mesta. To se pravi, da bi morali biti štirje kandidati sprejeti, štirje pa odpadejo. Slučajno smo naleteli na to, da izmed osmih kandidatov štirje izpolnjujejo vse pogoje, ki smo jih navedli v našem razpisu (in sicer, če jih poimensko navajam, da si bomo osvežili spomin) … Komentar: Prisluhnili smo obravnavi kandidatov za štipendije. Komisija je s posebno pozornostjo poslušala rezultate psiholoških pregledov oziroma mnenja psihologinje Zavoda za produktivnost dela SR Slovenije iz Ljubljane. O pravem namenu psihotehničnih preizkusov, o rezultatih in obetih za prihodnost pa bo povedal kaj več generalni direktor rudnika živega srebra, dipl. ing. Miloš Šulin. Miloš Šulin: »Torej, pri rudniku živega srebra smo pričeli s psihotehničnimi testi že leta 1961 in sicer s pomočjo Zavoda za organizacijo dela v Novi Gorici. Kasneje smo navezali stike in sicer leta 1964 z Zavodom za produktivnost dela SRS, včasih pa se poslužujemo tudi psihološke službe pri zavodu za zaposlovanje. Mi smo v tem času, od leta 1941 (!) dalje testirali preko 400 kandidatov. Testiramo predvsem vse štipendiste, učence za rudarsko industrijsko šolo, vse vajence in nekatere kvalificirane delavce oziroma kandidate za kvalificirana delovna mesta pri podjetju, kot so na primer strojniki, strojniki črpalk, strelci itd. Praktično lahko rečemo, da testiramo vse kadre za delovna mesta, kjer se zahteva srednja tehnična šola, višja in visoka šola. Prav tako testiramo kandidate za sprejem v strokovne službe podjetja. Takih primerov smo imeli zadnje čase več kot pa prej. Zakaj smo šli pravzaprav na psihotehnične teste? Smatramo, da je to potrebno iz več razlogov. Prvič, mi smo v naše pravilnike postavili psihotehnični test kot enega izmed kriterijev za sprejem bodisi kot štipendista za različne šole, bodisi za sprejem za različna delovna mesta pri podjetju. Drugič, smatramo, da so rezultati, ki jih dobimo na osnovi učnih uspehov, socialnega stanja in mnenja šole, za kompleksnost ocenjevanja kandidata še vedno premalo. Zato smo se odločili, da s psihotehnični testi spoznamo tudi psihične lastnosti in sposobnosti kandidatov. S tem smatramo, torej, da dobimo en kompleksni odgovor o bistvu kandidata, se pravi o njegovih sposobnostih, lastnostih, ki so merodajni pri ocenjevanju velikega števila kandidatov, ki se prijavljajo na naše razpise bodisi za štipendije, prosta delovna mesta itd. Mi tudi vse kandidate, pravzaprav bi rekel boljše štipendiste, naše dijake, študente, ki so v šolah, spremljamo, redno spremljamo, vodimo evidenco o njihovem šolskem uspehu, obnašanju v šoli itd. Na osnovi tega lahko ugotovimo, da nam uspehi kandidatov v šolah potrjujejo upravičenost psihotehničnih testov, ker lahko rečemo, da v večini primerov nam rezultati kažejo, da je psihotehnični test bil eden od izredno pomembnih faktorjev, da smo lahko pravilneje izbirali v množici kandidatov za določena delovna mesta oziroma za štipendije. Prizor iz Za narodov blagor Komentar: Slišali in videli smo psihotehnično preizkušene študente pri šolskem delu. Razlika je samo v tem, da za prve naroča psihotehnične preglede Rudnik živega srebra Idrija, za nastopajoče pa Akademija za gledališče, radio, film in televizijo sama. Prisluhnimo še enemu prizoru, nato pa profesorju Francetu Brenku. Prizor iz Macbeta Prof. France Brenk, Akademija za gledališče, radio, film in televizijo: »Psihotehnične teste smo uvedli kot eno izmed metod za preizkušnjo bodočih igralcev, režiserjev in dramaturgov na našo Akademijo za gledališče, radio, film in televizijo v Ljubljani že pred petimi leti. Gre za precej kompliciran način preizkušanja talentov, ki ustrezajo poklicem, za katere izobražuje naša akademija. V ta namen smo kot poskus uvedli teste za preizkus splošne inteligentnosti, za preizkus konkretne oziroma praktične inteligentnosti, za preizkus verbalne inteligentnosti, neposrednega spomina, za sposobnost koncentriranega in hitrega dela, za sposobnost vodenja, dalje smo uvedli test, ki naj preverja osebnostno interesni profil in posebna testa, ki ugotavljata sposobnost za razlikovanje barv in sposobnost za globinsko dojemanje. Kot sem dejal, pred petimi leti smo začeli s temi preizkusi in kljub temu, da je minilo medtem že pet let, so ti preizkusi še vedno v fazi preizkušanja, če smem tako reči. Gre namreč za to, da moramo šele po petih letih konfrontirati rezultate psihotehničnih testov in pa rezultate, ki so jih slušatelji bili deležni pri svojem študiju v času šolanja na akademiji. Nov zelo važen preizkus, če so ti testi, ki smo jih uvedli primerni, bo pa seveda šele čez deset let oziroma petnajst let mogoče ugotoviti, in sicer, ko bodo naši kandidati, takrat že seveda absolventi, nameščeni po gledališčih, v radiu, filmu, televiziji kot režiserji, dramaturgi in kot igralci, torej kakšne uspehe bodo dosegli v praksi. Njihove uspehe v praksi bomo tedaj sproti primerjali z rezultati, ki so jih bili deležni ob sprejemnem izpitu na našo ustanovo. Mislimo, da je kljub temu, da je psihotehnično preizkušanje še v fazi eksperimenta, vendarle brez takega načina preizkušanja, zlasti sposobnosti za tako komplicirane poklice kot so poklici, za katere izobražuje naša šola, torej da brez preizkušanja talentov s pomočjo testov danes nobena moderna šola nikjer več ne more eksistirati. Komentar: Za konec si poglejmo še nekaj prizorov testiranja. To so tako imenovane Kochsove kocke, ki služijo kot kontrolni test inteligentnosti. Toda pustimo zanimivosti in raje razmislimo, kaj so nam pričujoči primeri povedali. Predvsem to, da psihološki pregledi vse bolj dokazujejo osnovanost in uporabnost. Takšne preglede zahteva vedno več delovnih organizacij, celo tistih v nekdaj zaostali Bosni. Najpomembnejše odkritje pa je, da ti pregledi odločajo pri izboru bodočih inženirjev, tehnikov in drugih visokih kadrov. Od teh bo v največji meri odvisen naš nacionalni napredek. Reportažo so izdelala snemalci Boris Čučnik, Slavko Nemec, Žaro Tušar, zvok Mira Bevc, montaža Neva Pajon, bral je Borut Mencinger, tekst in realizacija Franci Strle Živana Bele Potočnik, psihologinja Zavoda za produktivnost SRS Ing. Ela Mihelič, teh. direktorica Alko Komisija za podeljevanje štipendija Rudnika živega srebra v Idriji, predsednik komisije Franc Didič Inž. Miloš Šulin, generalni direktor Rudnika živega srebra v Idriji Rus, Velko; Rus-Makovec, Maja ALCOHOL DEPENDENCY SYNDROME (ADS): POST – THERAPEUTIC DYNAMIC FROM THE CHOSEN ASPECTS OF SOCIAL INFLUENCE, POWER AND GROUP PROCESSES Abstract Present study had two main purposes. The first purpose was to investigate, in two different periods after the end of therapy, the relation between particular roles, connected with social power or with alcohol dependency syndrome on one side and perceived normativity of social alco – drinking on other side. Higher degree of non – normativity of social alco – drinking is characteristic for more intense abstinent orientation and for social positions, with higher degree of influence and social power, above all at job: Sex was not revealed as factor, having effect on perceived normativity. Results suggest, that differences in perceived normativity between study groups are more or less stable in time and direction. That's why no interaction was found between the particular role and time (year) of testing. Second purpose of our study was to investigate, in different periods after the end of therapy, the relation between abstinent ex – patients’ (non) – leadership position at job on one side and different ex – patients’ and their partners’ evaluations on the other side. We assumed, that differences on the level of (non) leadership position at job would be reflected in different evaluations from the side of ex – patients and their partners; The results of 2 ((non) – leadership position at job) x 2(year of testing: 1997 vs. 2001) multivariate analyses of variance showed stable (self) – evaluations in time. More positive (self) - evaluations were characteristic for representants of leadership than for non – leadership position at job. The result of discriminant analyses showed significant correlation between (non) – leadership position at job and different combinations of evaluations from the side of ex – patients and their partners. Keywords: perceived normativity, ex – patients, post – therapy effects, abstinence, self – evaluation, leadership function In seventies, Volkart metaphorically described social psychology as vast umbrella, under which a number of different theorists and researchers stay together. They may all be »social psychologists«, but they »speak different languages« and apply different methods (Jackson, 1988). Problem of the definitions and understanding is the problem of theoretical framework. More complex and interdisciplinary conceptions »demand« more developed, in the same time more diversified (analytical) and integrative (synthetic) theory. Social power and social influence are the concepts, of which »destiny« depends on already mentioned theoretical development. Developing theory, the productive context is created for developing conception of social power and social influence. Understanding of »social power« depends on the general characteristics of the development of »social psychology« as the most general framework for discipline's basic concepts. From »today« perspective, one of the possible new paradigms of the social psychology means the attempt of its complementary and compatible classification into several levels, represented as classical / traditional, societal, cross-cultural, applied and anthropological. The »contours« and elaborated contents of such an approach already exist, it's only not systematically and »expressis verbis« integrated into the new concept/ paradigm (with or without new and distinctive labeling). Such a »social psychology« could significantly contribute to a new paradigm of interdisciplinary social and humanistic sciences. In such a theoretical framework, also the »social power« and »social influence« could be (integratively) elaborated on different levels of new paradigm. It's already elaborated on different levels, but there is a lack of effort for integration. Levels are inclusive, not exclusive; particular phenomenon could be elaborated simultaneously and complementarily on different levels. Serge Moscovici is today, according to our opinion, the most representative creator of such a vision, covering traditional (Moscovici, 1972, Moscovici, 1976, Moscovici, 1985, Moscovici, 1995), societal (Moscovici 1981) and anthropological level (Moscovici, 1988, Moscovici, 1992). Moscovici also made the critical distinction between individual cognitive processes and interaction symbolic processes (Jackson, 1988). This self – transforming interactive processes imply, that interpersonal interaction creates relations and meanings, that could significantly differ from those, initially held by participants. According to authors, the mentioned aspect is also one of the core dichotomies, characteristics for »social psychology«, dichotomy between individual and interaction. Multidisciplinary roots of new paradigm could integrate core dichotomies into a project with greater explanatory power. It anyway seems, and it's quite useful in social power analysis, that »individual«, »group« and »interaction« are inseparable structural and processual aspects of any phenomena. Transitive relations between communication, interaction and exchange are also worth mentioning. Anyway, it seems, that »interaction« is more focused to actors, actions, instrumental manipulations, action strategies, their interference, objective consequences and applied resources. Human resources are anywhere the central ones, but they do not explain psychological processes connecting human actions. All in all, the most representative category seems to be anyway category of communication: it is not only transitive with interaction, but most effectively unites subjective and psychological aspects with social, objective and interactive. Such a function of communication does not derive by itself from the basic communicational scheme, which contains communicators, channel, message and its code, context and feed – back information. This social function could be perceived, when communication is perceived also and interaction, producing »new social spaces and common understandings«. Instead many schools of communication, only Moscovici attributed it that »generic meaning«, which results in common understanding called social representations. They are inseparable from the social interactive and semantic function of communication. Maybe just social representations are the most general framework for the understanding of similar categories of individually oriented social psychology, above all attitudes, opinions, etc… Social representations are the pre – condition for attitudes formation, because only the social representations, with creation of common understanding permit individual differentiation. Perception of differences is not possible without perceptions of similarities. Social representations are the approximations of common understanding, but they do not mean common agreement. Social representations are not unclear substitute for »attitudes«, they just permit their formation and generation. But social representations do not exclude the category of attitudes, attitudes could be very welcome partial individual aspect of social representations. However we »turn it around«, social representations, attitudes and related variables are also connected with influence and power. Attitude formation and change, studied in the framework of »classic« scheme of communication, underlines also the communicator's power. But, instead of the fact, that Moscovici manipulated variables are from some other level than the “individual one”, the final interpretation of the observed variables is on individual level (Montmollin, 1977). Historical contribution Moscovici gave to theories of social influence is the accent, he gave to social change, not only to conformity, submission of minorities and individual deviations from the norms. Montmollin (1977) has very exactly identified, that Moscovici s “vocabulary” is also a sociological one, but the explication pays attention to the individual psychological processes. In fact, also this fact confirms, that Moscovici theoretically covered and resolved more “core dichotomies” connecting “social influence” than any other up to date author. Concept of power and influence in traditional social psychology According to Schopler (1965), the concept of social power has been used for the changes, which occur in the course of an interaction sequence. He theorizes about behavior changes of one actor to the prior action of the other actor. Power is a characteristics of a social relationship, where amount of power is defined by the events, occurring in the relationship. Power as a personality trait could also be included. In “social psychology”, social influence is connected with well known terms like informational influence, normative influence, metamorphic effect of power, minority and majority influence, idiosyncrasy credit, conformity and compliance, conversion, “agetnic state”, responsibility and obedience, diffusion of responsibility, resistance to authority, revolutionary coalition (Forsyth, 1999). Inevitable are also notions of compliance, identification and internalization (Kelman, 1958). They are connected also with some other phenomenon, like authority and responsibility (Kelman & Hamilton, 1989). »Power« (to influence others, even if they try to resist the influence) is a complex multidisciplinary and interdisciplinary category widely used in psychology and social sciences. Pure »psychological definition« equalizes status with expectancies. Power bases are sources of social power over other people. They include capacity to reward and punish, status, attraction, expertise and information. Forsyth (1999) summarizes well known power bases, defined by French and Raven: reward, coercive, legitimate, referent, expert and informational. There is a question, if all these sources wholly explain also the phenomena of media power, and of the power, based on the monopoly of skills and knowledge, or of any other monopoly (Rus, 1993, 1997). Six bases of power are not the only means of influencing others. They could be supplemented with other »power tactics«, which vary in terms of directness, rationality and bilaterally (Forsyth, 1999). Power is a multilevel, multiaspect category of multidisciplinary origin. It appears in psychology, sociology, political sciences, law, economy, history. More interdisciplinary approach could assure more holistic view of social power. Thibaut and Kelley (1959) underline the concept of control. Every behavior is controlled by its consequences (outcomes). It depends on the level of comparison, defined with the satisfaction, attributed to different similar past situations. Costs and benefits from the exchange relations become behaviors determinants. French’s definition of power id derived from dyadic conflict situation, where pressure is proportional to degree of disagreement, on the “point”, where resultant of forces (pressure and resistance) is zero (Montmollin, 1977). It is evident, that it´s very difficult to separate the “power” from “influence” anyway, it seems, that the influence is derived from the power. When Montmollin in a very exact way gives the reviews of different bases of power, each “type” of power is explained using also the notion of “influence”. On the other side, the notion of “influence” could be more general that the notion of power. If influence is defined as change inducing process, such a definition is similar to behaviorist theory of learning (relatively long-term change of behavior on the basis of certain experiences). But we can be influenced also by weather, tiredness, headache, also by beautiful panorama, only by the presence of particular audience etc. “Power” and “influence” are inseparable, but distinct. Their distinction is not only the play of the words, but two distinct categories, each of both could be titled differently, like A and B or X and Y. Integration and distinction of the “power” and “influence” could be based on the attempt of the “full covering” of core – dichotomies like: psychical – social, objective – subjective, individual – interactive, general – specific, structure – agency, potentiality – activation and maybe some others yet. Power is surely also an ability, structure, potentiality to execute some processes. This ability is connected with personal, social, infrastructure, situational and tactical strategic factors (how, including how to overcome the resistance of the other side). All these factors vary across cultures, history and civilizations, which could be only identified by content and discourse analysis of personal, group, organizational and societal cases, using societal, cross – cultural, sometimes applied and psycho – socio – anthropological approach. (Only an example of personal factors in the whole history before Nobel: powerful leaders had to be frequently also good riders, physically fit, skilled with sword, but physical health and cold – blooded are not the contraindication of a good manager even today). Social power in the traditional social psychology Concept of social power was/ is usually not the autonomous chapter in the handbooks of traditional social psychology, but there is an inevitable chapter about the central point in “social psychology” – chapter about social influence. Anyway, “social power” could be the part of almost any aspect of traditional program, connected, for example, with social perception, attribution, influence, social cognition, values, social theories of personality, social motivation, aggression, altruism, groups, social attraction. More specific themes of “traditional social psychology”, implying or more or less connected with power and social influence are for example concept of reactance, Fiedler’s contingent model of leadership, Bales scheme for observation of interaction in small groups, cognitive dissonance, specially domains of “soft menaces” and forced compliance, theory of reasoned action and theory of planned behavior as its modification, dynamic social impact theory, cognitive model of emotion, ripple effect, what Lenski called “crystallization or status congruence etc. But there are also some not so very traditional options of social power: As already mentioned in the text concept of social power is connected also with social cognition (Depret & Fiske, 1993), with different discourse studies (Cummins, 1995, Fairclough, 1989, Van Dijk, 1989), with concept of hierarchy in different groups, including family and couples (Flaskas & Humphreys, 1993, Goldner, 1993, Rabin, 1996, Simon, 1993,), touches interpersonal relations on health field (Goodyear – Smith & Buetow, 2001). Some authors combine up to date rare aspects, like educational policy, discursive power and cultural diversification (Cummins, 1995), or try to associate ideas of Foucault with the problem of power in family therapy (Flaskas & Humphreys, 1993). Power, influence, communication, interaction Distribution of power is structural aspect of any communication, interaction and exchange, which are common general term for more specific interpersonal, intergroup and intragroup processes, like cooperation, competition, conflict and conflict resolution, including negotiation, mediation and arbitrage, conformity, cohesiveness, leadership, group decision, socialization. Conception of social power induces some new options connecting theories of social influence. There is not only minority and majority, but also »less« and »more« powerful sides. Sometimes, number coincides with power, but not always. In real life, there are also other infra – structural elements, which determine the degree of influence. Laboratory experiments, manipulating with minorities and majorities are based on the implicit presumption, that all other parameters are constant. And finally: majority is central category in all groups and systems with democratic procedure of decision, but inside global democratic systems many other groups and organizations exist, based also on different principles of decision making. Societal influences are sometimes not so »visible« like changes inside small groups dynamic. Sociologists even theorize about »sociological imagination« (Giddens, 1993), which reveals less »visible« everyday societal influences. Social power and influence are usually mentioned connecting pressures, control, uniformity, obedience, aggression. Social power could be perceived as inherent to group processes only if they are not separated from their structural bases. Does not matter, which theory and how tries to explain this phenomenon more in detail, the most important point is, that it connects and integrate core dichotomies structure vs. agency, subjective vs. objective, individual vs. interactive. In »social psychology«, it is maybe to locally understood as relation between »sociological« and »psychological social psychology« and maybe a little bit less like deficiency of reflection about theoretical presumptions. Group processes usually do not appear in their pure form, »total« social interaction is the wholeness of their interference. That is why social interaction is not only more generalized level of the notion: as »interference« of particular processes, it is also a new »social reality« by itself, heuristically based on the dichotomy analysis - synthesis. We have already mentioned transitive relations between communication, interaction and exchange. Anyway, it seems, that »interaction« is more focused to actors, actions, instrumental manipulations, action strategies, their interference, objective consequences and applied resources. Human resources are anywhere the central ones, but they do not explain psychological processes connecting human actions. Some additional societal aspects Let us see what did about power, prestige and privilege theorize Gerhard Lenski (Lenski, 1984, Lenski & Nolan, 1995), who is frequently cited also in »psychological literature« and who optimistically underlines, that »modern social psychology helps us to understand the great importance men attach to prestige or status«, specially underlining self – respect, personality characteristics and fact, that psychological health and personal well – being depend on status in the group we value (Lenski, 1984, p. 38). Those aspects of his explanations are chosen, which some traditional notions of power, influence and prestige enlighten from a little bit different perspective. Lenski pays attention to Weber’s definition of power as a probability to carry out proper will. Influence is ability to manipulate the social situations of others and authority is enforceable right to command. Power is determinant of privilege, but its forms change. Force is replaced by institutional forms. Privilege is largely a function of power and at a very limited degree a function of altruism. According to Lenski, power will determine the distribution of nearly all surplus possessed by society. Passage to applied (social) psychology There is quite an useful strategy how to define areas and sub-disciplines of applied social psychology. It's based on inclusion of the basic levels of the possible new paradigm (traditional, societal, cross – cultural) and not on disruption with existing knowledge accumulation. From this point of view, chosen area of applied social psychology could be elaborated taking into account different relevant aspects of traditional, societal (Himmelweit, 1990) and cross – cultural approach. Social cognition is somehow »between« traditional and applied approach. This area has been so propulsively developed, that represents one of the rare areas representing applied field by itself – applied social cognition (Schultz & Oskamp, 2000). Traditional level could be combined with societal and cross-cultural approach, what »demands«, besides taking into account basic starting points of societal approach (Himmelweit, 1990), also an assimilation of additional, basic, interdisciplinary and complementary knowledge segments from economy, history, sociology and anthropology. When levels (traditional, societal, cross-cultural, applied and maybe anthropologic) of the new paradigm are treated as cumulative, their additional characteristics is also a gradual diversification of additional complementary and interdisciplinary knowledge. Abuse of social power could be practical problem of any deontology (Payne & Littlechild, 200; Rus - Makovec, 2003). Power, society and culture There are also some societal, cross – cultural and interdisciplinary, themes, connected with social power and influence, like negotiation and mediation (Touzard, 1977), globalization, human rights (Doise, Spini & Clemence, 1999; Huguet, Latane & Bourgeois, 1998; Rus & Rus Makovec, 2001; Staerkle, Clemence & Doise, 1998), social conflicts (Dahrendorf, 1988), political elites (Bachrach, 1971), ideologies as a central variable in social cognition (Augoustions & Walker, 1996), concept of social domination (Sidanius, Levin, Liu & Pratto, 2000), cognitive consequences of social structure (Depret & Fiske, 1993), but also concepts of “collective psychology” (Gurvitch, 1963), language and power (Fairclough, 1989) and different outlooks to functionning of social systems (Homans, 1974, Luhman, 1984, Parsons, 1966, 1971). There are few researches connecting cross – cultural aspects of power distance (Smith & Bond, 1998) – Hofstedes's four dimensions of culture related values contain also power distance (how frequently are employees afraid to express their disagreements with managers). According to Hofstede (Smith & Bond, 1998), dimensions of power distance and individualism – collectivism are strongly and negatively correlated with one another. Alcohol dependency syndrome (ADS) and its treatment Inside the populations of different cultures, alcohol consummation and social norms are associated (Kitano et al, 1986). Normative behavior regarding the alcohol has been classified by Gibs (Kitano et al. 1986) into “proscriptive” (disagreeing), “prescriptive” (approval) and “no – prescript”. Mizzruchi and Perruci (Linsky, Colby & Straus, 1986) theorize, that proscriptive norms (those, which disapprove drinking) lead to more extreme types of drinking. Participation in therapy could be based on different motives, it could be the consequence of different causes. To be influenced always means the situation of dependency, but there is a difference between »to be forced« and »to ask for help«. Therapy of ADS (alcohol dependency syndrome) cover all possible motives and causes: force, searching for help and sometimes it's mixture of both, is a situation of mixed motives. Duration of post – therapeuthic abstinence or independent behavior is an important indicator of therapy's success, but long term abstinent behavior is only partially the consequence of therapy's influence. There are at least yet the following factors: ex – patient's personality, ex – patient's family or partner, participation in after care groups etc… Present study had two main purposes. The first purpose was to investigate, in two different periods after the end of therapy, the relation between particular roles, connected with social power or with alcohol dependency syndrome on one side and perceived normativity of social alco – drinking on other side. We were interested into the comparison of the following groups: abstinent vs. non – abstinent ex – patients, abstinent membership vs. abstinent non – members of after care groups, abstinent ex – patients with leadership function at job vs. abstinent ex – patients without leadership position, female abstinent vs. male abstinent. All these comparisons were made in two periods after the end of therapy: about 4 years after, in the year 1997, and about 8 years after, in the year 2001. We predicted differences in perceived normativity between two levels of each group factor, except for »sex«. We also predict the differences in perceived normativity for the »year of testing«, but we do not assume interaction effects of »two contrast level group« x »year of testing«. More specifically, we would expect, that participants, who are more exposed to social influence for abstinent behavior, have higher degree of perceived non – normative behavior, than participants, who are not exposed to such an influence. Perceived normativity is perception of power and influence, is perception of degree of demands, of social »force«, pressure or »push« to apply particular behavior in particular social situation. It is societal category, because it depends on prevalent norms, values, habits, standards, life style and, finally, micro – and macro culture of particular social environment. In actual research, »normatively« is derived purely from subjective part of dichotomy »subjective – objective«. It's perceived normatively and as such, it's the part of different models, predicting relation between »subjective orientations« and behavioral intentions or behavior itself. Perceived normatively is quite an important variable, connected with prediction of behavioral intentions or with behavior itself. Theory of reasoned action, so as theory of planned behavior, they both include normative perceptions as important part of already mentioned predictive model. Power and influence are implicit categories of normative perceptions, which have societal implications and underline different macro – relations. Normative perceptions of social drinking are specially important because of the connection with social habits, values, ideologies and social representations. We would anticipate, that perceived non – normatively is higher by those abstinent, who perform some more important social and occupational function. Higher responsibility demands more non – dependent behavior, what means also higher degree of non – normative orientation. More of responsibility means usually also more of social power and social influence. Indicator of such a role with hierarchically more important status in actual research is leadership position at job. It would be expected, that non – normative perception by abstinent grow up in long term period after the end of therapy. Longer the period after the end of therapy by abstinent, higher the degree of non – normatively could be our expectancy. It is based on no, known to us, research evidence, because such a long period after the end of therapy was usually not taken into account. Because of the lack of research information, what »happens« with normative perception in long term after therapy, we would expect also the other phenomena: It seems, that 4 years of abstinence after therapy is a period, long enough, to stabilize particular pro abstinent orientations and that we would no expect differences in next years. In sum and more specifically, we would expect higher degree of non – normativity. By abstinent than by non abstinent, and, by abstinent, higher non - normativity by those, occupying leadership position at job than by those, who do not occupy them, higher non – normativity by membership of after care groups than by non – members. Finally, »gender issue« is also the part of alco - problematic. We expect no differences between the female and male abstinent We do not predict any interaction effect between any contrast role (abstinent vs. non-abstinent, membership or non – membership in after care groups, leadership vs. non – leadership, female – male participants) on one side and period of testing (year 2001 vs. 1997) on other side. We have no reasonable basis of evidence to assume, that the groups in 2001 will perceive the normativity somehow inversely comparing the year 1997. Second purpose of our study was to investigate, in different periods after the end of therapy, the relation between abstinent ex – patients’ (non) – leadership position at job on one side and different ex – patients’ and their partners’ evaluations on the other side. We assumed, that differences on the level of (non) leadership position at job would be reflected in different evaluations from the side of ex – patients and their partners; we also predict the effect of “year of testing” after the end of therapy on already mentioned evaluations. There were three domains of evaluations: functional self – evaluation, retrograde evaluation of therapy and actual evaluation of family climate. Each of these three domains was evaluated from the side of ex – patient and his or her actual partner together. Three consensual evaluations were also obtained connecting ex – patient's functional self – evaluation, evaluation of therapy and of family climate. Finally, differences between particular evaluation from the side of ex – patient and consensual evaluation of the same domain were computed. Specifically, we anticipated, that differences on the level of (non) – leadership position would be reflected in a/ ex – patients' and their partners' evaluations, in b/ consensual evaluations and evaluations from the partner's side and in c/consensual evaluations and differences between ex – patients and consensual evaluations. We also expected, that »year of testing« after the end of therapy would effect mentioned groups of variables. Leadership function at job was chosen as two level criterion variable because it is one of the variables, closely connected with social power and influence. Status of relatively more powerful roles could be at least partially transferred also to other domains of everyday life. Self, therapy and family were chosen as three domains, evidently associated so with abstinent, as with leadership status inside particular organizational hierarchy. As a psychological whole, self concept has an effect on auto – and hetero – perceptions. It’s an important element of self – cognition. Self concept consists of self – perceptions and self evaluations. This is only one aspect of the definition, because self concept is identified also with many other categories, like self – schema (Markus, 1977), Rosenberg’s self – esteem, self image and some others. There are also some other categories, quite similar or close to the notion of self, like Bandura’s “self efficacy belief”. In our research, self – concept was treated as self evaluation. One's self – evaluation can, for example, expose attributes of person as competent, effective, functional, communicative, healthy and adapted to resolution of everyday problems. It could be called self – evaluation of proper functionality. Dysfunctional behavior, together with degree of distress and deviancy could be quite an important part of particular pathology. Quite important are also evaluations of therapy and of proper family climate, so from the side of ex – patient, as from the side of his or her partner. Family or social partner could mean an important factor of social support and interpersonal social influence. Family and social partnerships is a microsystem, which assure important degree of status transitiveness to its members. Status of one member is to particular degree projected to the status of other members. Family or partnership represent a special situation of interpersonal communication, interaction, exchange and influence. It means the situation of close relationship, cooperative behavior, permanent micro – conflict management, actors are mutually perceived as significant others, it means the situation of mostly everyday interpersonal contact and micro – process of resource management. It's closely connected with dynamic of different power bases: coercive, reward and referent. If consensual answer is the result of negotiation process, which is always based on particular distribution of social power, and dyad family interaction means an interpersonal micro relation in micro system, perceived normativity of social alcohol drinking is a perception of a societal phenomenon. It represents the dominant social and value orientations of particular macro – environments. Finally, it's also the subjective measure of social pressure, force and »power« to comply to particular behavior. In our case, it means expectancy and perceived demand to comply with environment's drinking behavior. Consensual answer could be anyway the consequence of micro socio - cognitive conflict, negotiation and narrative conversational dialogue procedure. It's a discourse and negotiation process, which has to result in more or less asymmetric compromise. Discussion about ex – patients actual functional evaluation and about therapy's success is at least for one member of dyad very ego – involved. That's why difference between ex – patient's evaluation and correspondent later consensual answer represents also the indicator of each member's influence in dyadic interaction. Because self – evaluation is the most pervasive characteristics, maybe more than the leadership role at job, it could be as such taken into account also in family and partnership environment. In functional family or in close partnership, mutual and consensual evaluations are a kind of »public relation« and family or partnership »promotion«. Because one to other represent significant other partner's and consensual answers indicate the family or partnership status. Leadership status at job significantly contribute to the higher family or partnership status. If it could be recognized from the side of partner and consensual answers. METHOD Research design The whole research, presented in actual article, embraced a combination of quasi experimental designs and multivariate approaches. First, univariate two factor 2 x 2 between participants analyses of variance were applied with dependent variable »perceived normatively« of social alco – drinking. »Year of testing« after the end of therapy was treated as main factor and it was combined into the 2 x 2 designs with the following factors »abstinent vs. non – abstinent«, »member vs. not – member of after care group«, »with vs. without leadership function at job«. Sex was also added with dichotomy »female vs. male«. Within participants design was also applied, comparing perceived normativity by the same participants in the year 1997 and 2001. Once, within – participants effects was combined with between – subject effect of age. A multivariate analysis of variance (MANOVA) was applied to investigate differences in variables of self evaluation, retrograde evaluation of therapy and actual evaluation of family from the side of ex patients, their partners and consensual answers connecting all three domains, formed by ex – patients and their partners together. Differences in all these dependent variables were explored as a function of two factors: »(non) – leadership« position at job and of »year of testing« after the end of therapy. Discriminant analyses were computed additionally to the multivariate analysis of variance. The group factor in all discriminant analyses was (non) – leadership role abstinent ex- patients hold at work. In all cases of discriminant analyses, the evaluations from the side of ex – patients and from the side of their partners were included as group of predictors and »leadership vs. non – leadership« was included as criterion with two levels of variation. Discriminant analyses were separately computed for each of the period of testing after therapy, for the year 1997 and for the year 2001. Participants: In the year 1992/ 93, at the end of therapy in the Center of mental health in Ljubljana (capital of Slovenia) 139 patients were tested, 110 males and 29 females, with average age 40.65 years (SD = 9.52, with 18 missing values) In the year 1996/ 97, there were 71 ex – patients from the year 1992/ 93, 54 males and 17 females, with average age 43.75 years (SD = 7.14, with 3 missing values). In the year 2001/ 2002 there were 39 ex – patients from the year 1992/ 93, 30 males and 9 females, with average age 49.50 years (SD = 6.42, with 2 missing values). There were 25 persons, who have participated so in 1997, as in 2001. Measurement: A comprehensive and originally constructed (authors: V. S. Rus & M. Rus – Makovec) questionnaire was applied, containing demographic characteristics and different self – evaluations and evaluations connecting different domain of everyday life and aspects of ADS (alcohol dependency syndrome). For the purpose of the present study, the following variables were taken into account: particular demographic characteristics, perceived (non) – normativity of social alcohol drinking, functional self evaluation, retrograde evaluation of therapy and actual evaluation of family climate. Semantic differential Evaluation of former therapy: Bipolar attributes are separated with slash: successful/ unsuccessful, needed/ not needed, charged/ uncharged, not professional/ professional, useful/ not - useful, desired/ undesired, not recommended/ recommended, without actual positive consequences/ with actual positive consequences. Demographic characteristics were the following: sex, age, education, occupation, family status, income per a month, number of family members, status in the job. Perceived normativity was constructed as normative differential (Triandis, 1971), while functional self – evaluation, retrograde evaluation of therapy and actual evaluation of social climate were constructed as semantic differentials. Each of four instruments has passed through different phases of construction, respecting the rules of summative scales construction. Higher summative score at »perceived (non) – normativity« means more intense non – normative perception, and lower score means more normative orientation connecting social alco – drinking. Higher summative scores by »self – evaluation«, »retrograde evaluation of therapy« and »actual evaluation of family or partnership climate« mean more positive evaluation of measured object – category. Short presentation of applied instruments: Normative differential (nine statements) The example: <<< << < 0 >>> >>> you must you must not to respond to the invitation of the friend, if he (she) invites you to drink a glass of vine with him (her) Some other items – items are separated with slash: to accept the invitation for drink, if you are invited by your superordinate in the job / drink something in the group, who is in a good mood – who amuses/ to invite somebody, if you want to finish any business / invite somebody to the party without offering also the alcoholic drink / any time to offer only food without drink / drink more by special happy occasions like your birthday, the birth of the baby etc./ sit in the pub and drink nothing / drink after the funeral; if not, it is the insulting / Semantic differential - evaluation of the social climate in proper family: Bipolar attributes are separated with the slash: good/ bad, relaxed/ not- relaxed, aggressive/ non-aggressive, pleasant/ unpleasant, tolerant/ intolerant, unorganized/ organized, non-conflicting/ conflicting, undeveloping/ developing, enjoying/ not- enjoying, with insight/ without insight, with future/ without future, charged/ uncharged, not understanding/ understanding, without support/ with support, with love/ without love. Semantic differential: functional self evaluation: Bipolar attributes are separated with slash: nervous/ calm, optimistic/ pessimistic, with problems/ without problems, lonely/ with friends independent/ dependent, with insight/ without insight/ mainly rested/ mainly tired, satisfied with/ dissatisfied with, with bad habits/ with good habits, successful in learning/ unsuccessful in learning, non creative/ creative, self conscious/ self unconscious noncommunicative/ communicative. Table 1. Cronbach alphas for the variables (instruments) in different years of testing ––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––– Year of testing 1997 2001 ––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––– Variables, measured only in the questionnaire 4 and 8 years later: Evaluation of family's climate 0.95 0.93 actual self – evaluation 0.93 0.91 Evaluation of therapy 0.78 0.75 Evaluations, made by partner: Self – evaluation 0.74 0.78 Evaluation of family's climate 0.93 0.95 Evaluation of partner's therapy 0.68 0.88 Evaluations, made by respondent and his partner together: Evaluation of the ex – patient 0.88 0.92 Evaluation of therapy 0.79 0.87 Evaluation of family's climate 0.95 0.96 Normative perceptions of alcohol drinking 0.74 0.676 Procedure: In the year 1991/ 92, 139 patients with ADS (alcohol dependency syndrome) have successfully passed through the 3 months long therapy at the Center of mental health in Ljubljana. A special quasi – experimental design, similar to Solomon was applied in order to evaluate the effects of therapy. In the year 1997, about 4 years after the end of therapy, they were asked to collaborate and to answer questionnaire, which contained also the variables connecting perceived normatively of social Alco – drinking, connecting their self evaluation, retrograde evaluation of therapy and actual evaluation of family is climate. Their partners were also asked to collaborate and to answer the questions connecting self evaluation, retrograde evaluation of therapy and actual evaluation of family climate. Finally, ex – patients and their partners were asked to give consensual answers connecting already mentioned three domains: ex – patient s self – evaluation, therapy and family climate. From 139 ex – patients, who finished therapy in 1992/ 93 responded personally or by mail 71, what represents 51 % of ex – patients and majority of them reported to be abstinent! Equal procedure was repeated also 8 years after therapy, in the year 2001. Thirty nine ex – patients (28 % regarding the year 1997) responded, majority of them being abstinent, 25 of them (28 % regarding year 1997) already having been respondents in 1997 and representing particular group for within – participants comparison. From this group only one person reported to be partially non – abstinent. RESULTS Our results are based on variables, which appear in different univariate and multivariate analyses. To estimate the satisfaction of demands for different statistical analyses, we give the initial information about the distribution of study variables (see Table 2). Table 2. One – sample Kolmogorov – Smirnov test ––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––– Summative scores p EFC – ex – patients evaluation of family climate .014 ES – ex – patient's functional self – evaluation .013 ET – ex – patient's evaluation of therapy .002 EP – ex – patient's perceived degree of proper needs' satis. .44 SEP – partner's functional self evaluation .54 EPP – partner's perceived degree of proper needs satisfac. .069 EFP - evaluation of family climate from the side of partner .047 ETP – partner's evaluation of therapy . 04 CA1 – consensual answer connecting ex – patient's evaluation .10 CA2 – consensual answer connecting therapy success .001 CA3 – consensual answer connecting family climate .02 NDall – perceived normativity of social alco – drinking .36 DCA1 = ES – CA1 .14 DCA2 = ET – CA2 .044 DCA3 = EFC – CA3 .01 ––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––- Effects on perceived normativity (between – participants design) Table 3. Descriptive statistics of dependent variable «normative perception of social alco – drinking« by different groups of participants (from A to D) –––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––– A normative perception ________________ Abstinent Year of testing M SD n Yes 1997 48.87 9.87 55 2001 49.24 8.36 29 No 1997 37.00 14.35 12 2001 45.00 7.96 10 –––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––– B normative perception __________________ Sex Year of testing M SD n Female 1997 46.87 9.05 15 2001 46.00 5.63 9 Male 1997 46.71 12.34 52 2001 48.97 8.94 30 ––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––– C normative perception Membership in _________________ after care group Year of testing M SD n yes 1997 50.58 10.71 21 2001 45.44 9.07 9 no 1997 44.60 11.67 43 2001 49.13 8.05 28 ––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––– D normative perception ––––––––––––––––––– Leadership role Year of testing M SD n At job Yes 1997 51.91 7.95 11 2001 53.12 9.19 8 No 1997 45.83 12.17 53 2001 47.10 7.88 30 –––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––– Note: dependent variables are summative scores; higher score means higher non - normative perception of social alco – drinking. Ad A/ Perceived normativity was analyzed by way of a 2 (year1997 versus year 2001) x 2 (abstinence versus non – abstinence) between – subjects analysis of variance. It was predicted, that abstinent will have higher non – normative perception of social alcohol drinking than non - abstinent. The results confirm the prediction. The analysis revealed a significant main effect of factor »abstinence«, F (1, 102) = 10.48, p = 0.002. Abstinent (M = 49.00, SD = 9.33) expressed higher degree of non – normative perception than non – abstinent (M = 40.86, SD = 12.40). The main effect of »year of testing«, F (1, 102) = 3.38, p = 0.069, is due to low degree of non – normativity perception by non – abstinent in the year 1997. The year of testing x (non)abstinency interaction, F (1, 102) = 2.84, p = 0.095, does not confirm our prediction. The means and standard deviations for this interaction are displayed in Table 3, ad A. Lowest degree of non – normativity is characteristic for non – abstinent participants, tested in the 1997. Ad B/ Perceived normativity was analyzed also by way of a 2 (year1997 versus year 2001) x 2 (female versus male participants,) between – subjects analysis of variance. No difference in perception of normativity between female (M = 46.54, SD = 7.82) and male (M = 47.53, SD = 11.21) abstinent was identified… No significant main effect of »sex« was revealed, F(1, 102) = 0.30, p = 0.58, and results confirm our predictions, that perceived normativity does not differ regarding the sex. Nonsignificant was also interactive effect F(1, 102) = 0.38, p = 0.54. Ad C/ Contrary to expectation, no significant main effect of »year of testing« was discovered, F (1, 102) = 0.02, p = 0.89. It was anticipated, that members of after care groups have higher degree of non – normative perception than the non – members of such groups. Results do not confirm our hypothesis. No significant main effect of the »membership« was revealed, F(1, 102) = 0.23, p = 0.63. Members (M = 49.18, SD = 10.41) do not differ from non –members (M = 46.46, SD = 10.52) in perceived normativity of social alco – drinking. On the other side, a significant interaction effect appeared, F (1, 102) = 4.18, p = 0.04. In the year 1997, higher degree of non – normativity had those abstinents, who were the members of after care groups, but in 2001 higher degree of non – normative perception was characteristic for those, who were not members of such groups. The means and standard deviations for this interaction are displayed in Table 3 ad C.. Ad D/ Contrary to expectation, no significant main effect of »year of testing« after the end of therapy was found, F (1, 98) = 0.21, p = 0.65. It was hypothesized, that ex – patients, who occupy leadership positions at job, they have higher degree of non – normativity than Ex – patients without leadership functions at job. Results are compatible with our predictions. The analysis revealed a significant main effect of factor »leadership«, F (1, 98) = 4.99, p = 0.03. Those ex – patients, occupying different leadership position (M = 52.42, SD = 8.27) in organizational hierarchy, expressed higher degree of non – normative perceptions than those without any leadership function (M = 46.29, SD = 10.78) at job. No significant interaction was revealed between »years of testing« and »leadership position«, F (1, 98) = 0.00, p = 0.99. Effects on perceived normativity: within – participants and mixed design Test of within subjects effect did not reveal significant difference between the period 1997 (M = 51.08, SD = 11.67) and period 2001 (M = 47.64, SD = 8.75), F (1,24) = 2, 00, p = 0.16. Table 4 Descriptive statistics for repeated measures design ––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––– normative perception ––––––––––––––––––– Year of testing Age M SD n 1997 1 53.62 6.72 16 2 46.55 16.96 9 2001 1 46.56 6.90 16 2 49.55 11.56 9 ––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––– Note: Age = 1 = below the mean value; age = 2 = above the mean value = 44 years. The means and standard deviations for the interaction of »year of testing« (within participants) x »age« (between participants) are displayed in Table 4. No main effect of each of the factors was found as significant, neither for »year of testing«, F(1, 23) = 0.75, p = 0.35, nor for »age«, F(1, 23) = 0.33, p = 0.57, but interaction between these two factors was found as significant, F(1, 23) = 4.63, p = 0.042. If »age« was treated as covariate in 2 x 2 between – participants design with the same two factors (see Table 3, ad D), no significant interaction was discovered between »age« and »year of testing«. In between subjects design, age was dichotomized regarding the mean value 46 years, while in mixed design, it was dichotomized regarding the mean value 44 years. In both cases, there was almost complete similarity between arithmetic mean and median values of age. We were interested to submit perceived normativity to 2 (year 1997 vs. 2001) x 2 (abstinent vs. non – abstinent) mixed model ANOVA, where year of testing after the end of therapy would be treated as the within participants, while (non)abstinence would be between participants variable. The design was not realizable, because only one non-abstinent person appeared in the communicating sample from the year 2001. Multivariate analysis of variance (MANOVA) Table 5. Descriptive statistics for study variables ––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––– Dependent variable Leadership Year of testing SE M SD n Yes 1997 74.40 10.31 10 2001 82.25 10.28 8 No 1997 68.46 18.47 39 2001 65.83 13.44 30 ET M SD n Yes 1997 48.20 8.20 10 2001 52.75 2.96 8 No 1997 46.23 9.15 39 2001 45.40 8.41 30 M SD n EFC Yes 1997 88.10 20.50 10 2001 93.62 12.73 8 No 1997 78.25 22.00 39 2001 76.03 16.97 30 ESP M SD n Yes 1997 68.80 8.23 10 2001 75.25 7.36 8 No 1997 66.59 12.67 39 2001 62.56 10.34 30 ETP M SD n Yes 1997 49.70 4.37 10 2001 55.12 1.46 8 No 1997 46.46 8.04 39 2001 42.30 9.79 30 EDP M SD n Yes 1997 90.70 14.19 10 2001 94.37 7.78 8 No 1997 77.74 20.51 39 2001 71.43 17.83 30 CA1 M SD n Yes 1997 78.40 10.74 10 2001 82.12 9.28 8 No 1997 66.82 15.45 40 2001 64.10 14.21 30 CA2 M SD n Yes 1997 50.60 5.62 10 2001 54.87 1.81 8 No 1997 45.67 8.95 40 2001 43.13 9.70 30 M SD n CA3 Yes 1997 92.80 13.87 10 2001 95.25 9.41 8 No 1997 78.52 19.67 40 2001 73.80 18.98 30 DCA1 M SD n Yes 1997 4.00 10.81 10 2001 - 0.12 8.51 8 No 1997 - 1.30 12.68 40 2001 - 1.73 15.11 30 DCA2 M SD n Yes 1997 2.40 6.20 10 2001 2.12 3.09 8 No 1997 - 0.27 7.99 40 2001 - 2.27 11.67 30 DCA3 M SD n Yes 1997 4.70 15.13 10 2001 1.62 9.36 8 No 1997 0.75 14.71 40 2001 - 2.23 18.52 30 –––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––– Note: SE – ex – patient's functional self – evaluation; ET – ex – patient's evaluation of therapy; EFC - ex – patients evaluation of family climate; ESP = partner's functional self – evaluation; ETP = partner's retrograde evaluation of therapy; EFP = partner's evaluation of therapy; CA1 = consensual evaluation of ex – patient; CA2 = consensual retrograde evaluation of therapy; CA3 = consensual actual evaluation of family or partnership climate; DCA1 = SE – CA1; DCA2 = ET – CA2; DCA3 = EFC – CA3. Differences are not presented in absolute values to have the insight into the direction of asymmetric dyadic social interaction (communication). Two – factor MANOVA, investigated differences in different domains of evaluation from the side of abstinent ex – patient, his or her partner and in correspondent consensual evaluation, produced by ex – patient and his or her partner together. Mentioned differences were explored as a function of ex – patient's leadership or non – leadership position at job and of the period of testing after the end of therapy. One period was in 1997 (about 4 years after the end of therapy) and the other one in 2001 (about 8 years after the end of therapy). There were three 2 x 2 designs, each with »(non) - leadership« and »year of testing« as independents. Each of designs had its proper group of dependent variables from different domains of evaluation. There were the following three groups, each with 6 variables being dependent for particular 2 x 2 design. Arithmetical means and standard deviations of dependent variables are displayed in the Table 5. Univariate main effects of »leadership function« and »year of testing« and their interaction on dependent variable are for ad A/ displayed in table 6, for ad B in table 7 and for ad C/ in table 8. Table 6. Univariate main effects of »leadership function« and »year of testing« and their interaction on dependent variable (design A) –––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––– »Leadership position« »Year of testing« Interaction ____________ __________ ___________ F(1, 83) p F(1, 83) p F(1, 83) p ES 7.34 0.01 0.40 0.52 1.61 0.21 ESP 6.36 0.01 0.17 0.68 3.14 0.08 ET 4.30 0.04 0.68 0.41 1.43 0.23 ETP 13.90 0.00 0.09 0.77 4.95 0.03 EDP 13.72 0.00 0.07 0.79 1.06 0.31 EFC 6.94 0.01 0.10 0.75 0.55 0.46 ––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––– Note: See Table 5 for explication of abbreviations. Levene p: ES, p = 0.025; ESP, p = 0.25; ET, p = 0.08; ETP, p = 0.00; EDP, p = 0.012; EFC, p = 0.12; Group A/ functional self – evaluation, retrograde evaluation of therapy and actual evaluation of family's climate from the side of ex – patient and from the side of his or her partner with significant multivariate effect for »(non) – leadership«, F(6, 78) = 2.89, p = 0.014 and non – significant for »year of testing« and interaction, F (6,78) = 0.33, p = 0.92, respectively F(6,78) = 1.26, p = 0.29 (BoxM, p = 0.29). Table 7. Univariate main effects of »leadership function« and »year of testing« and their interaction on particular dependent variables (design B) ––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––– »Leadership position« »Year of testing« Interaction ____________ __________ ___________ F(1, 84) p F(1, 84) p F(1, 84) p CA1 15.07 0.00 0.01 0.92 0.77 0.38 CA2 13.66 0.00 0.06 0.80 2.98 0.09 CA3 13.20 0.00 0.08 0.78 0.61 0.44 ESP 6.36 0.014 0.17 0.68 3.14 0.08 TP 13.90 0.00 0.09 0.77 4.95 0.03 EDP 13.72 0.00 0.07 0.79 1.06 0.31 –––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––– Note: See Table 5 for explication of abbreviations. Levene p: CA1, p = 0.11; CA2, p = 0.00; CA3, p = 0.004; ESP, p = 0.25; TP, p = 0.00; EDP, p = 0.012; Group B/ mentioned three domains of evaluations from the side of partner and correspondent three evaluations, representing consensual answers, with significant multivariate effect for »(non) – leadership«, F(6, 78) = 2.96, p = 0.012 and non – significant for »year of testing« and interaction, F (6,78) = 0.21, p = 0.97, respectively F(6,78) = 1.23, p = 0.30 (BoxM, p = 0.00). Table 8. Univariate main effects of »leadership function« and »year of testing« and their interaction on dependent variable (design C) –––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––– »Leadership position« »Year of testing« Interaction ____________ __________ ___________ F(1, 84) p F(1, 84) p F(1, 84) p CA1 15.44 0.00 0.18 0.89 0.73 0.39 CA2 13.37 0.00 0.14 0.70 2.24 0.14 CA3 13.57 0.00 0.05 0.81 0.55 0.46 DCA1 0.98 0.32 0.43 0.52 0.28 0.60 DCA2 2.16 0.14 0.22 0.64 0.13 0.72 DCA3 0.86 0.36 0.52 0.47 0.00 0.99 –––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––– Note: See Table 5 for explication of abbreviations. Levene p: DCA1, p = 0.55; DCA2, p = 0.02; DCA3, p = 0.50; CA1, p = 0.12; CA2, p = 0.00; CA3, p = 0.00; Group C/ mentioned three domains of consensual evaluation and three domains of differences between consensual evaluation and evaluation from the side of ex – patient with significant multivariate effect for »(non) – leadership«, F(6, 79) = 2.94, p = 0.012 and non – significant for »year of testing« and interaction, F (6,79) = 0.26, p = 0.95, respectively F(6,79) = 0.70, p = 0.64. (BoxM, p = 0.003). For »year of testing« by no design (A, B or C) no significant effects were found for any evaluation of domain, while, by design A and B, for »(non) – leadership« significant effects were found for all evaluations of domains. By design C (see Table 8) No significant effects were found for any difference between evaluation of domains. No significant interaction effects were found by design C (see Table 8). By design A significant interaction was found for »partner's evaluation of therapy« (see Table 6) and by design C for »ex – patient's evaluation of therapy«. Discriminant analyses Groups of variables, being dependent in MANOVA, were in discriminant analyses included as predictors for the two levels criterion »with vs. without leadership position at job«. As we had three 2 x 2 designs, named as A, B and C for MANOVA, we computed three discriminant analyses »analogously« also named as A, B and C. Design A/ group of predictors: functional self – evaluation, retrograde evaluation of therapy and actual evaluation of family's climate from the side of ex – patient and from the side of his or her partner Design B/ group of predictors: mentioned three domains of evaluations from the side of partner and correspondent three evaluations, representing consensual answers, Design C/ group of predictors: mentioned three domains of consensual evaluation and three domains of differences between consensual evaluation and evaluation from the side of ex – patient with significant multivariate effect for »(non) – leadership«, Each of three discriminant analyses was computed in order to estimate the relative contribution of different evaluation of domains to the discrimination between two levels of criterion – between abstinent ex – patient's »with« vs. »without« leadership position at job. The same model of discriminant analysis was computed separately for the year 1997 and for the year 2001. For the period 1997 the extracted discriminant function for each of three designs was highly non – significant, with Wilks' Lambda = 0.91, Chi – square (6) = 4.24, p = 0.64 for design A, with Wilks' Lambda = 0.87, Chi – square (6) = 6.10, p = 0.41 for design B and with Wilks' Lambda = 0.89, Chi – square (6) = 5.4, p = 0.49 for design C. Just the opposite, in the period 2001 the extracted function for each of three designs was highly significant, with Wilks' Lambda = 0.62, Chi – square (6) = 15.60, p = 0.02 (n1= 8, n2 = 30) for design A, with Wilks' Lambda = 0.66, Chi – square (6) = 13.70, p = 0.03 (n1= 8, n2 = 30) for design B and with Wilks' Lambda = 0.59, Chi – square (6) = 17.20, p = 0.009 (n1= 8, n2 = 30) for design C. The correlation between evaluations of different domains with the canonical disriminant function are shown in table 9 for design A, in Table 10 for design B and in table 11 for design C. Design A: Functions at group centroids: for group of ex – patients, having leadership position at work (at job), centroid is 1. 46 (n = 8). The first and the only possible discriminate function classified correctly all 8 cases. Another group, without leadership position at job, has centroid – 0.39 (n = 30), and 24 cases from 30 were correctly classified. Table 9. Structure matrix – design A –––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––– Function 1 SE - ex – patient's functional self evaluation 0.78 SEP – partner's functional self evaluation 0.75 ET - ex – patient's evaluation of therapy 0.69 ETP – partner's evaluation of therapy 0.69 EKL – evaluation of family climate from the side of ex – patient 0.58 EFP - evaluation of family climate from the side of partner 0.52 ––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––– Having together evaluations from the side of ex- patients and from the side of their partners as predictors, which discriminate between the »leadership« and »non – leadership« level of the criterion, relatively lowest loading for evaluation of family climate is evidently seen and the highest correlation between discriminant function and functional self – evaluations from the side of ex – patients and their partner. Design B: Functions at group centroids: for group of ex – patients, having leadership position at work (at job), centroid is 1. 35 (n = 8). The first and the only possible discriminate function classified correctly 7 from 8 cases. Another group, without leadership position at job, has centroid – 0.36 (n = 30), and 22 cases from 30 were correctly classified. Table 10. Structure matrix – design B –––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––– Function 1 ETP – partner's evaluation of therapy 0.85 EFP - evaluation of family climate from the side of partner 0.82 CA1 – consensual answer connecting ex – patient's evaluation 0.78 CA2 – consensual answer connecting therapy success 0.78 ESP – partner's functional self evaluation 0.75 CA3 – consensual answer connecting family climate 0.71 ––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––– Correlation between discriminating variables and discriminant canonical function are the highest for two evaluations from the side of partners. Otherwise, also the other correlation are relatively high, what means, that all discriminating variables contribute to the differentiation between »leaders and non – leaders«. Design C: Functions at group centroids: for group of ex – patients, having leadership position at work (at job), centroid is 1. 56 (n = 8). The first and the only possible discriminate function classified correctly all 8 cases. Another group, without leadership position at job, has centroid – 0.42 (n = 30), and 24 cases from 30 were correctly classified. Table 11. Structure matrix – design C –––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––– Function 1 CA1 – consensual answer connecting ex – patient's evaluation .68 CA2 – consensual answer connecting therapy success .68 CA3 – consensual answer connecting family climate .62 DCA1 = ex – patient's functional self – evaluation minus consensual answer connecting ex – patient's evaluation .21 DCA2 = ex – patient's evaluation of therapy minus consensual answer connecting therapy success .11 DCA3 = ex – patients evaluation of family climate minus consensual answer connecting family climate .06 ––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––– Discriminant loading show, that exclusively the consensual evaluations contribute to the discrimination between »leaders vs. non – leaders« at job on the level of the first and only possible discriminant canonical function. The values of group centroids are by any of three cases (A, B and C) higher for the group »with leadership position at job«, what means, that positive correlations with discriminant function indicate higher scores for abstinent ex – patients with leadership function at job. DISCUSSION We suggested, that higher degree of perceived normativity of social alco – drinking Have abstinent than non – abstinent, abstinent members of after care groups higher than abstinent non – members, abstinent ex – patients having leadership function at job higher than abstinent ex – patients without leadership position. We predicted no difference between female and male abstinent respondents. The results provide almost complete support for our predictions, except in the case of »membership in after care groups«. Not a significant difference in perceived non – normativity was found between »members« and »non – members«. It seems, that membership of this kind does not represent an additional differential of influence, which would result in even more intense non – normative orientation by abstinent. How to explain higher scores of non – normativity by abstinent than by non – abstinent? One of the possible explication is maybe also the following: those, who are stable abstinent for years, have very probably positive attitude toward abstinence, negative toward non – abstinence, personal and social beliefs, which are compatible with abstinence and highly developed motivation to comply with the norms. All these characteristics could be derived from Fishbein (1967) theory of behavior as an extension of his attitude theory. Higher degree of perceived non – normativity by abstinent than by non – abstinent could be interpreted also for this point of view. The normative factor of Fishbein’s theory consists of two components: the first is belief about what the individual personally feels he or she should do. The second is belief about what perceived “society expects” he or she should do. Degree of perceived non – normativity of social alco drinking is just the “interplay” between these two beliefs. According to the TPB - theory of planned behavior (Ajzen and Fishbein, 1980), a particular action will be performed, if person’s attitudes and norms are favorable and if the perceived behavioral control is high. By abstinent, behavioral control is an evident implication of their several years long overt behavior – abstinence. Higher scores of non – normativity by abstinent than by non – abstinent could be explained also from this aspect. Theory of planned behavior (TPB) proposes, that behavior could be predicted by intentions to engage in correspondent behavior (composed by attitudes and subjective norms) and by perceived behavioral control (PBC), which is similar to Bandura's self efficacy. Subjective norms refer to perceptions, if subject must or must not engage in relevant behavior; it's operationalized as a global perception of social pressure either to comply or not with the wishes of significant others (Armitage & Conner, 2001). There are inconsistent reports about the predictive significance of the subjective norms: sometimes, they are found as the weakest predictor of intentions, but some actions are also found as driven primarily by subjective norms (Armitage & Conner, 2001). In the case of our research, when we »start« from the very long term and stable overt behavior (= abstinence) and we confirm the prediction of higher degree of non – normativity for abstinent than for non – abstinent, we underline the importance of normative perceptions. Norms of alcohol drinking are mostly influenced by social roles, connected with age and sex (Linsky, Colby & Straus, 1986). Our results do not confirm this statement, except in the case of interaction effect between “year of testing” and “age” in within – participants design. Otherwise, no cavort “age” was found significant in between subjects 2 (year 1997 vs. 2001) x 2 (leadership vs. non – leadership position) design. Each role prescribes the norms, which determine the expectancies, connected with specific position. (Linsky, Colby & Straus, 1986). Role, which is eminently connected with micro social power is a leadership role in organizational hierarchy, where respondent is employed. We predicted, that expectancies of the job – leadership position are incompatible with high normative perception of social alco – drinking. With other words, it means, that leadership position demands non – normative orientation. As mentioned, our anticipation was confirmed. Abstinent ex – patients with leadership function at job have more non – normative perceptions of social alco – drinking than abstinent ex – patients without such a function. And how to explain non – significant main effects of the factor »year of testing«? At the beginning of the research, we had to choose between two options, one predicting and the other not predicting the difference in perceived normativity between the periods. We disposed with no results of similar researches, but we supposed that duration of abstinence is associated with more intense non – normative perceptions. Results do not support our prediction. We found no significant differences in perceived degree of normativity between the years 1997 and 2001. It seems, that 4 years long abstinence already forms particular level of intensity, which later stays unchanged. Relationship between behavior and intentions, attitudes, subjective norms, perceived behavioral control and past behavior could be, for example, moderated by temporal stability of behavioral intentions and perceived behavioral control (Sheeran, Norman & Armitage, 2000). Sheeran, Orbel and Trafimow (Conner, Sheeran, Norman & Armitage, 2000) define temporal stability as the extent to which an attitude is unchanged regardless different challenges. Temporal (in)stability of any relevant variable is a factor, connected with prediction accuracy. To be abstinent means also behavioral stability in time. Such a stability demands stable social and value orientations about self, alcohol (ab)use and other factors, connected with relevant behavior. We assumed no interaction effects between »year of testing« and »(non) leadership« position. All null hypotheses were accepted, except, again, in the case of »(non) – membership in after care groups«. In the year 1997, higher degree of non – normativity had those abstinent, who were the members of after care groups, but in 2001 higher degree of non – normative perception was characteristic for those, who were not members of such groups. Also the results of the within – participants analysis, which have taken into account only 25 persons, being the same in 1997 and 2001, confirm the null hypothesis about the differences between the periods. But when »age of participants« was induced as between – participants factor (see Table 4), significant interaction between the »age« and »year of testing« appeared. Older participants (above 44 years) in the year 1997 had lower non – normative perceptions than younger (under 44 years), but inverse relation appeared in the year 2001. There is a small and unequal numerus in every condition, but relation is significant. On the basis of our knowledge and research design, it's quite difficult to interpret the results. Quite interesting are “our” results connecting main and interactive effects of “year of testing” and “sex”. Null hypothesis was accepted for each of both main effects, and for interaction effect of both factors. Female abstinent participants did not show higher degree of perceived non – normativity than male ones, neither in 1997, nor in 2001. This result is not completely compatible, but also not completely comparable with Lind (1988), who tried to identify the factor, which influences the most behavioral intention to stay sober also after the process of medical treatment. By female sample, subjective normative belief was discovered as such a factor, but not also by male samples. By both (male and female samples) significant correlation between behavioral intentions three months after medical treatment and attitudes toward sober behavior was discovered. It is a little bit interesting, that, in this case, attitudes were discovered as better predictors than subjective norms. Second purpose of our study was to examine the relation between different ex – patients’ and their partners’ evaluations on one side and abstinent ex – patients’ (non) – leadership position at job. More specifically, there were self – evaluations, retrograde evaluation of therapy and actual evaluations of family climate. These three domains were evaluated from the side of ex – patients and their partners. Common answer connecting each of three domains was also produced by ex – patients and their partners together. Self, therapy and family were chosen as three domains, evidently associated so with abstinent, as with leadership status inside particular organizational hierarchy. As already mentioned, the extent to which performing the behavior is an important component of a person's self – concept could be interpreted also as self – identity (Terry, Hogg & White, 1999). Leadership position and performing the leadership behavior is connected with particular self – concept and self evaluation. On the other side, therapy and family or social partnership are evidently associated with abstinent behavior. All three MANOVA designs reveal a significant multivariate effect of “leadership status at job”, but also non – significant main effect of “year of testing” and non – significant interaction effect between previous two factors. Univariate main effects of »leadership function« and »year of testing« and their interaction on dependent variable (see Table 6 (design A) to Table 8 (design C)) give additional information about differences of particular variables between »leadership« and »non – leadership« status. Significant differences were found between »leaders« and »non – leaders« for each dependent variable, except for the differences = ex-patients' evaluations minus consensual answer (see Table 8). Results, obtained with discriminant analyses confirm the results of multivariate analysis of variance. Additionally, discriminant analyses estimated the relative contributions of different evaluations to the discrimination between two hierarchical status abstinent ex – patients held at the job. All three discriminate functions, extracted in the year 1997, were highly non – significant and all three functions, extracted in 2001, were highly significant. When ex – patients' and their partners' evaluations are the predictors for »leadership« and »non – leadership« levels of criterion (see Table 9, design A) perceptions from both sides, from ex – patients' and from their partners' equally contribute to discrimination. These results confirm previously presented results of multivariate analysis of variance (see Table 6, design A). Consensual answers, together with evaluations from the side of partners, are predictors, which all contribute to the discrimination between ex – patients »leadership« and »non – leadership« function at job (see Table 10, design B). When predictors are represented by consensual answers and differences between ex – patients' evaluations and corresponding consensual answers (see Table 11, design C), differences do not contribute to discrimination among »leaders« and »non – leaders«. In different combinations of predicting variables, mentioned differences are the only ones without higher correlation (loading) with discriminant functions. Ex – patients with leadership function evaluate therapy as more successful than those without leadership function at job. They are all abstinent, they are all successful in this long term orientation, but anyway. Evaluation of therapy is somehow implicitly associated with self – evaluation. Leader on any level of social power has to be successful, what means anything representing his or her personal identity. The way of accomplished data collection and data input enable us to apply within – participants analyses, but not also to identify the same participants in 1997 and in 2001 in the framework of between – participants analyses. That’s why between subjects analyses are contaminated with “within – subjects” effects. Twenty five ex – patients were the same in 1997 and in 2001. This number represents about one third of the sample in 1997 and about two third of the sample in 2001. Participants in 2001 could be more sensible to testing, more experienced, more motivated (they had cooperated already at 1997), with more attention to their interpersonal relations, more identified with their leadership positions etc. On the other side, also the leadership positions in 2001 could be more hierarchically discriminating than in 1997, demanding higher degree of identification or at least loyalty. In such a case, a leadership role at job could be more reflected also in other relations, including family. On the other side, we do not know, why the other ex – patients, who had successfully finished 3 months long therapy in the year 1992/ 93, did not cooperate in 1997 and in 2001. Different extrinsing and intrinsing reasons could stay behind this fact and the only what’s sure is, that we do not have information about this proportion of ex – patients. Maybe the additional step of actual research would also be “covering” of this proportion. It would be also interesting to compare ex – patients, who finished 3 months long therapy with their quasi control group. (It’s quite difficult to assure credible control conditions, when patients are 3 months in the Center for mental health and exposed to the team of therapist). In the years 1992/ 93, the quasi – control group (about thirty persons) consisted from those, who had abandoned therapy in different phases of its application. In 1997, they were almost unreachable and until 2001 some of them have even died. Analyzing limitations of the study, it’s difficult to avoid the problem of self – reporting data. All the data in “our” research are self – reported. Authors, occupying with the TPB (theory of planned behavior) already have some experiences. Instead of the fact, that predictive power of the TPB is far from perfect (Conner, Sherman, Norman & Aromatize, 2000), prediction is superior for self – reported than observed behavior and TPB explains about one fifth of the variance in prospective measures of actual behavior (Armitage & Conner, 2001). Mounting evidence also indicates, that carefully collected self – report alcohol and drug use data are as accurate (or even more) as data, obtained by means of alternative measures that are often assumed to be more objective (Perl, Dennis & Huebner, 2000). There is also the question, if the periods after the end of therapy were chosen appropriately. In longitudinal analysis, quasi – experiments and randomized field experiments, the timing of events and assessment time frames are very important (Dennis, Perl, Huebner & McLellan, 2000). We decided to know, how really persistent are “longitudinal effects”; that’s why we chose period of 4 and later 8 years after the end of therapy. Some other limitations of the present study are the following:- Only the group of patients, which has passed therapy in Center of mental health in the year 1992/ 93 has been longitudinally followed.- Ex – patients, cooperating in 1997 and in 2001 were not randomly chosen. Our design is the quasi – experimental one for the factors of abstinence, leadership and membership in after care groups. - We do not have insight into the motivation and reasons of non – collaborating of non – participants in 1997 and 2001. - Mailed and personal communication with ex – patients was combined to obtain the data from the questionnaires in both periods of testing after therapy. In fat, our sample was composed by »manifestly cooperative ex – patients«, with majority of abstinence and minority of non – abstinence. If more successive »generations« and greater proportion of ex – patients would be included, more valid generalizations could be obtained. Anyway, the present study is also a kind of a »case study« of the group/ »generation« of the ex – patients, passing through therapy in 1992/ 1993. It was also, up to 2004, the first one of such a kind in Slovenia.- Only the part of the whole research is presented in present study. Otherwise, also the other variables were included, like other self – evaluations, retrograde belief in success of therapy, perceived utility of alcohol, behavioral intentions connecting pro – abstinent behavior, perception of proper life style and some others. In such a case, the role of perceived normatively could be examined also in the framework, which would be similar to model of planned behavior. - Perceived normativity was perceived as variable, which is very close to the domain of social power, social influence, and, finally, also to intra and intergroup processes. - There is a relatively low internal consistency of the variable »perceived (non) – normativity of social alco – drinking« so in the year 1997, as in the year 2001.- Small numerus of respondents has appeared in some conditions, but demands for homogeneity of variance or covariance were mostly satisfied testing the significance of more or less robust parameters. - Discriminant analyses could be, with the same groups of predictors, computed also for some other criterions, like »(non) – abstinence«, »(non) – membership« in after care groups and for sex. - As in any other data collecting, the question of the social desirability of answers to questionnaire is not completely eliminated. - Ex – patients' »leadership function at job« was not hierarchically classified. In conclusion, the present study problematises again the question of the effectiveness of the long term therapy's influence and of effectiveness of some sources of social power and social influence, all connecting ADS (alcohol dependency syndrome). It problemtises again the question of relation between the (non) – powerful positions and evaluations, relevant for particular life style, all in long term period after the end of therapy and by stable abstinent. Instead of the fact, that not all after care groups contribute to higher non – normative perception, the results, connected with the first purpose of the study suggest, that for more intense abstinent orientation, higher degree of non – normativity of social alco – drinking is characteristic. Similar trend could be identified also for social positions, with higher degree of influence and social power, above all at job: for representations of leadership position (role) in the organization higher degree of non – normatively is characteristic than for representants of non – leadership work organizational roles (positions). Sex was not revealed as factor, having effect on perceived normativity. In a long time period, by stable abstinent, perceived normativity also seem to be a stable orientation, mostly without changes in the second decade after the end of therapy. Results also suggest, that differences in perceived normativity between study groups are more or less stable in time and direction. That's why no interaction was found between the particular role and time (year) of testing. Results, connected with the second main purpose of the research suggest the following: A/ Also other ex – patients' and their partners' evaluations, like functional self – evaluation, retrograde evaluation of therapy and actual evaluation of family or partnership climate Are by stable abstinent stable in long time period after therapy; B/ more positive evaluations are characteristic for abstinent representants of leadership functions at job than for non – representants; c/ there are in long term period after the end of therapy stable differences and their directions between the abstinent representants of leadership and non – leadership positions at job, that's why no interaction was revealed between »year of testing« and »(non) – leadership position«.; d/ almost all ex – patients and their partners' evaluation, so as their consensual evaluation in different combinations of predictors significantly discriminate between the representants of »(non) – leadership« positions at job. 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Anderson (Ed.), Communication yearbook 12. Los Angeles: Sage. Radovanovič, Mirjana; Rus, Velko; Rus Makovec, Maja STABILITY IN PRO-ABSTINENCE BEHAVIOUR MEASURES: 18 – YEARS FOLLOW –UP Contribution, as appendix of the actual collection, wil unusually begin with published poster – prersentation at X. Alpe – Adria presentation, Ptuj (Slovenia), 2011 Stability in pro-abstinence behavior measures: 18-years follow-up Mirjana Radovanovic, Velko Rus, Maja Rus Makovec X. Alpe-Adria_MR_Ptuj 2011 1 Itinerary • Background information: – Behavior and theories explaining it – Ljubljana longitudinal evaluation study • ‘Template’ example: – Psychosocial needs satisfaction – Beliefs about alcohol • Implications • Future research X. Alpe-Adria_MR_Ptuj 2011 2 Behaviors – Yes, they exist www.psihoterapevtski-center.si www.vs-heimbuchenthal.de X. Alpe-Adria_MR_Ptuj 2011 3 Explaining Human Behaviors Research of the attitudes • Expectancy Value Models Discrepancy between the attitudes and observed behaviors • Theory of Reasoned Action Intentions • Theory of Planned Behavior X. Alpe-Adria_MR_Ptuj 2011 4 Theory of planned behavior (in Slovene). Torej tako (TPB): prepričanja o »izidih«, stališča do evaluacije »izidov« , --------- vedenja korist, škoda --------------------------------------------------------------------------------metaprepričanja v zvezi z vedenjem, motivacija »slediti« --------- subjektivne ---------------- vedenjski ---- VEDENJE/ drugim norme nameni »obnašanje« --------------------------------------------------------------------------------self – efficacy in zunanje ovire ----------- »behavioralna« kontrola, lokus kontrole Theory of planned behavior: (TPB): beleifs attitudes toward evaluatipns, --------- behaviour utility, harm ---------------------------------------------------- metabeleifs connecting beaviour motivation to »follow« --------- subjective ---------------- behavioural---- behaviour norms intentions ------------------------------------------------------ self – efficacy and outer obstacles ----------- »behavioral« control TPB and Addiction • Syndrome of PAS dependence • ICD-10 and DSM-IV • Behavioral consequences Treatment goal: Behavioral change X. Alpe-Adria_MR_Ptuj 2011 6 Are there robust differences in the mean level of: • subjects’ perceived NS ‘now’ (NS) • in retrospect at the time of Tx (NSretro), • subjects’ partners’ self- evaluated perceived NS (NSpart) • subjects’ beliefs about alcohol (BE) in different time points? X. Alpe-Adria_MR_Ptuj 2011 10 NS and BE measures • 7 (for NS) and 5 (for BE) point scales • Multiple items • Composite summary score for NS and BE • Higher the score, more abstinence-oriented the beliefs about alcohol and more needs perceived as satisfied. X. Alpe-Adria_MR_Ptuj 2011 11 Statistical analysis • Univariate between- subject one-way analysis • Multivariate analysis of variance with discriminate analysis • Multidimensional scaling • Unadjusted results! • α = 0,05 X. Alpe-Adria_MR_Ptuj 2011 12 Between-groups approach X. Alpe-Adria_MR_Ptuj 2011 13 X. Alpe-Adria_MR_Ptuj 2011 14 Prepričanje v učinkovitost terapije (BE) X. Alpe-Adria_MR_Ptuj 2011 15 Between-groupsNS&BE X. Alpe-Adria_MR_Ptuj 2011 16 X. Alpe-Adria_MR_Ptuj 2011 17 X. Alpe-Adria_MR_Ptuj 2011 18 X. Alpe-Adria_MR_Ptuj 2011 19 X. Alpe-Adria_MR_Ptuj 2011 20 Multidimensional scaling • Euclidean distances • Euclidean space • Closest items from subjects’ NS and partners’ NS X. Alpe-Adria_MR_Ptuj 2011 21 4-5yrs: ‘feeling (not)important’ & partner’s ‘feeling (un)popular’ X. Alpe-Adria_MR_Ptuj 2011 22 9 yrs: subject’s & partner’s ‘feeling (not) respected’ X. Alpe-Adria_MR_Ptuj 2011 23 18 yrs: subject’s & partner’s ‘feeling (not) respected’ overlap X. Alpe-Adria_MR_Ptuj 2011 24 What can we learn? -- 1 • Self-evaluation of perceived psychosocial needs satisfaction is improving over time. Higher the mean score, higher the level of perceived needs satisfaction. X. Alpe-Adria_MR_Ptuj 2011 25 What can we learn? -- 2 • Beliefs about alcohol become more health-oriented and pro-abstinent oriented over follow up period. After 9 years, they stabilize (difference between time 2 and 3 is smaller than between 1 and 2) X. Alpe-Adria_MR_Ptuj 2011 26 What can we learn? -- 3 • Patients’ and their partners’ self-evaluation of psychosocial needs satisfaction follows different patterns. • ‘Feeling of being (not) respected’ - overlaps in 18 yrs after intensive addiction Tx. • Importance of mutual respect and its (key) role in a long- lasting satisfying relationship. X. Alpe-Adria_MR_Ptuj 2011 27 Only a part from 1992 – 2002 is added to the presentation, just to obtain a little bit more specific insight into the project in the period 1992 – 2002 (»past – present – future« (»here«, it is past): ABSTRACT Objective: Aim of the study was to compare different indicators of therapeutic success of three months long intensive therapy in different time points with short time and long time distances in after care periods. Method: The following groups/time points were compared in the framework of the longitudinal project 1992 – 2002: the group from the beginning of three months long intensive therapy (n = 67); group from the end of intensive therapy (n = 139); group of those, who had abandoned therapy already in its beginning (quasi – control group, n = 28); group in the period 4 – 5 years (n = 71) after and group 9 – 10 years after the end of intensive therapy (n = 39). The following variables were chosen as indicators of therapeutical success / pro – abstinent orientation: relevant beliefs and behavioral intentions, normative and utility/harm perceptions of alcohol, perceived needs satisfaction; group’s climate and leadership were included also. Results: “Beginning” vs. “end of intensive therapy” significantly differ in perceived leadership and in almost all indicators, except in beliefs and, conditionally, in perceived utility of alcohol. Comparing “end of therapy” with group from 1997/98, significant differences were found in utility perceptions of alcohol, retrograde beliefs and behavioral intentions. No significant differences comparing periods 2001/02 (abstinence rate 26 %) vs. 1997/98 (abstinence rate 45 %) were found for any of indicators of therapeutic efficiency. Conclusions: Long term stable pro-abstinent behavior was identified by multiaspect indicators of intensive therapy success. The multifaceted etiology of alcohol dependency demands a broad based understanding and multidisciplinary approaches to assessment and treatment. However, the basic question in dependency treatment outcome is whether, and as the result of alcohol treatment exposure, a behavioral change has occurred (Tonigan, 2003). Particular areas, connected with alcohol drinking behavior, are norms, values, attitudes and expectancies by the people with alcohol dependency (AD). How to improve the predictive power of attitudes is not only theoretical, but eminent practical question for everybody engaged in research of human behavior. The most widely researched models are the Theory of reasoned action – TRA (Ajzen, Fishebin, 1980) and Theory of planned behavior – TPB (Ajzen, 1988). Theory of reasoned action (TRA) specially emphasizes the rationality of human behavior and supposes that the person’s target action is under the person’s conscious control. Ajzen accentuated the concept of volition (1989). Perceived behavioral control is, according to this concept, the extent to which the person believes it is easy or difficult to perform an act. Mentioned control can act on the behavioral intentions or on the behavior itself. Intentions are assumed to be similar to motivational factors. The theory of planned behavior (TPB) proposed, that behavior could be predicted by intentions to engage in correspondent behavior (composed by attitudes and subjective norms) and by perceived behavioral control (PBC), which is similar to Bandura'self efficacy (Bandura, 1977). Subjective norms refer to perceptions, if subject must or must not engage in relevant behavior; it's operationalized as a global perception of social pressure either to comply or not with the wishes of significant others (Armitage, Conner, 2001). There are inconsistent reports about the predictive significance of the subjective norms: sometimes, they are found as the weakest predictor of intentions, but some actions are also found as driven primarily by subjective norms (Armitage, Conner, 2001). Relationship between behavior and intentions, attitudes, subjective norms, perceived behavioral control and past behavior could be, for example, moderated by temporal stability of behavioral intentions and perceived behavioral control: temporal stability is defined as the extent to which an attitude is unchanged regardless different challenges (Conner et al., 2000). Temporal (in) stability of any relevant variable is a factor, connected with prediction accuracy. On the other side, temporal stability is something, what could be best analyzed in longitudinal research designs, including therapeuthical and a posteriori rehabilitation effects. Several studies have demonstrated an impact of additional variables upon behavior, even after the TPB variables have been taken into account – the strongest evidence is associated with the role of past behavior, which could be best predictor of future behavior (Conner et al., 2000); if this past behavior could be classified as habits, the influence of habits is relatively stronger than the influence of norms, perceived utility or attitudes (Triandis, 1971). These characteristics could be identified with the questionnaire, applied in the very beginning of therapy and are closely connected with the characteristics of (drinking) habits and with the life style in general. The extent to which performing the behavior is an important component of a person's self – concept could be interpreted also as self – identity (Terry, 1999). However self – identity interpreted, it's a part of self – concept, which includes also different aspects of self – related attitudes and similar variables (opinions, beliefs, stereotypes etc.). Rus & Rus – Makovec (1993, 1994) have developed a concept of »psychodynamic self«, which includes perceived degree of satisfaction of proper (psychosocial) needs, taken mostly from the Maslow’s needs hierarchy, like need for affirmation, creativity, safety, acceptance etc. In analogy with semantic, normative and behavioral differential (Triandis, 1971) the construct was/is operationalised as differential of perceived degree of proper needs satisfaction. Perceived satisfaction is connected with goal attainment; goal obtaining is the process of instrumentalised action, which takes place in particular condition Group therapies are used widely in the treatment of AD, from inpatient settings to aftercare recovery (Khantzian, 2001). In all researches, which occupied with the group cohesiveness, patients and therapist have perceived this factor as highly important (Lovett & Lovett, 1991; Kapur et al., 1988; Braaten, 1990). Cohesiveness facilitates the functioning of other therapeutic factors, especially of self – disclosure. Beck (1988) mentions spreading of cognitive constructs as the result of acceptance in the group (openness to new information and to modification of constructs). Mentioned acceptance creates feelings of safety, it's connected with greater readiness for self disclosure and with greater probability of self – concept change. Interaction inside therapeutic group could be specified from different aspects as different intra – group processes, as different levels of social exchange or as different aspects of intra – group communication. Moscovici and Zavalloni (1968) and Doise (1979) found, that group discussion resulted in shifts towards the scale extremes. Moscovici and his collaborators described such shifts as polarization effects. They hypothesized, that the shift to risk was just one example of more general group polarization phenomena. Polarization effects have been demonstrated with a wide range of non - risk - related problems (Myers, Lamm, 1976). Mentioned effects could also appear as result of during therapy attitude change process (Rus, 2000). It can result in the change of intensity of any of both valences, in the direction of the positive (attitudes toward pro – abstinent behavior, maybe toward therapy and therapist, particular normative evaluations etc.) or in the direction of the negative one (retrograde attitudes toward self, alcohol dependency, particular normative perceptions etc.). Ratings of videotaped treatment sessions have been used to measure client's reactance and therapist's directive ness. Results indicate, that directive ness had had a negative impact on outcomes for clients at medium and high level of reactance, but not at the low level of reactance (Karno, Longabaugh, 2005). Till now, little has been known about the in – treatment experience for clients with different backgrounds, experiences and needs and about long-term effects of treatment. Chan and collaborators (2004) tried to examine the in – treatment experience for different clients, exploring the relationship between treatment process and client characteristics. A comprehensive measure of treatment process operationalized as »Community environment and personal change«, so as »Development and change« was administered to 447 adults and 148 adolescents receiving treatment in community. Higher »community environment« scores had clients older than 25, female, with prior drug treatment experience. Peele mentions ten radical things NIAAA Research shows about alcoholism (Peele, 1998), among others: 1. the objectivist medical approach to alcohol treatment dose not work. 2. Individual and situational variables are more important for alcoholism outcomes than treatment variables. 3. The characteristics of therapists and of interactions between patients and therapists are more important than type of treatment in alcoholism outcomes. Centre for Alcohol Dependency Treatment of the University Psychiatric Hospital Ljubljana has been founded in 1972; the treatment program is abstinence- based, employing a biopsychosocial paradigm. Treatment has mainly comprised group psychotherapy. The intensive treatment programme (= »intensive therapy«) has two parts: the first is inpatient treatment, lasting about four weeks and the second part is provided in an outpatient setting (about eight weeks of day hospital). Active participation of important others is stressed as an essential part of the programme and aftercare recovery is strongly recommended. In Slovenia, there is a much longer tradition of the aftercare Clubs of Treated Alcoholics than of AA, based on social-ecological approach of Vladimir Hudolin (Wolf, 2007). In club of treated alcoholics spouses and also other family members are included as group members. Hence, by design alcohol dependent ex-patients are treated inside their family environment, the underlying basic principle being that no change in behavior or lifestyle can be achieved outside this bio-social system. The main and general purpose of the research was to compare, in different time points, with short time (in the beginning and at the end of therapy) and long time distances (in after care periods), different perceptions, beliefs and evaluations, which could simultaneously be treated as (partial) indicators of therapeutic success, life style and of pro–abstinent orientation. Our purpose was also to analyze the relation between mentioned indicators. More specifically, we attempted to answer the question, do the significant differences appear in particular indicators, comparing beginning and end of three months long intensive therapy in the year 1992/ 93, and comparing two periods of after – care period (1997/ 98 and 2001/2002). The following “indicators” were taken into account: perceived degree of own psychosocial needs’ satisfaction (NS), normative perceptions of alcohol– drinking in different social situations (NP), anticipated and mostly retrograde belief (BE) into the learning profit in therapeutic group, perceived utility/harm of the alcohol consumption (UT), and behavioral intentions (BI) for the open and pro – independent communication about personal problems and alcohol dependency. Additionally, we were interested into question, are these partial indicators, together with the perceived climate and leadership style in the beginning and at the end of intensive therapy in 1992/93 interconnected in different time points of therapeutical and after – care period. Hypotheses were as follows: H1: Patients, who abandoned, differ from patients, who successfully finished intensive therapy, in particular indicators already in the beginning of therapy (ex post facto). H2: Patients at the end of intensive therapy obtain significantly more pro-abstinent/pro–independent scores on particular indicators of therapy's success than in the beginning of intensive therapy. H3: Perceived climate and leadership (evaluation of leadership and climate) at the end of intensive therapy in 1992/93 significantly correlate with particular indicators at the end of intensive therapy, but they do not correlate significantly with the particular indicators in other periods after the end of therapy. Materials and methods Participants in the particular phases of research – between subjects design In the year 1992/ 93, at the beginning of therapy there were 67 patients tested, 55 males and 12 females, with average age 38.0 years (SD = 7.43, with 11 missing values). In the year 1992/93, at the end of therapy 139 patients were tested, 110 males and 29 females, with average age 40.65 years (SD = 9.52, with 18 missing values) In the year 1992/93, in the group, formed by those, who have abandoned therapy (n = 28), there were 18 males and 9 females, with average age 38.10 years (SD = 9.96, with 2 missing). In the year 1996/97, there were 71 patients, 54 males and 17 females, with average age 43.75 years (SD = 7.14, with 3 missing values). In the year 2001/2002 there were 39 patients, 30 males and 9 females, with average age 49.50 years (SD = 6.42, with 2 missing values). The whole project began in the very beginning of 1992. All the patients, passing »through« three months long therapeutic process (= intensive therapy) at the Centre of Alcohol Dependency Treatment in Ljubljana approximately in the period of scholastic year 1992/93, were included into the research. The patients belonged to “basic” small groups with about 12 members, lead by two therapists. Questionnaires, applied 4-5 years (in 1997/ 1998) and 9-10 years (in 2001/2002) after the end of therapy contained some additional variables. Ex – patients and their partners, who also responded to the part of new questionnaire, were contacted via mail and they responded in the same way. Participants provided informed consent. Research was approved from the side of Ethical commission of Health Ministry Slovenia. Applied instruments Two comprehensive, originally constructed questionnaires, partially different and partially the same, were applied: a. one in the beginning and at the end of three months long therapy in Centre of Alcohol Dependency Treatment in Ljubljana in the years 1992/93 and another b. about five and about ten years after the end of intensive therapy in 1992/93. Questionnaire applied in the beginning and at the end of therapy in 1992/93 contained different questions regarding demographic, socio-economic, sociocultural, psychosomatic and anamnestic status. Essential part of this questionnaire represented (partial) indicators of pro – abstinent/ non-dependent orientation. We tried to measure them with particular semantic, behavioral and normative differentials, which had been constructed in different previous researches: attributes, »samples« of behavioral intentions and target normative orientations were selected on the basis of different pilot and preliminary categories' collection, selection and content analysis. Different self evaluations (perceived degree of own psychosocial needs satisfaction; perceived normativity of alcohol drinking in different social situations; behavioral intentions connecting pro- and contra – pro/abstinent/independent orientation; perceived utility of alcohol – drinking; belief in learning profit), perceived social climate, perceived leadership style and evaluation of the patients from the side of therapist were measured with different semantic, normative and behavioral differentials: - Actual perception of own psychosocial needs' satisfaction: twelve bipolar continuums with bipolar adjectives expressed perceived degree of satisfaction of particular psychosocial need. Some examples: satisfied/ frustrated needs: respected/ not - respected, creative/ uncreative, safe/unsafe etc. - Perceived situational normativity of alcohol drinking: normative differentials connecting different social acts, connected with alcohol (ab)use. Nine seven-point bipolar continuums/ items with “must” and “must not”, associated with different normative situations were used. Example: somebody must, must not »accept the invitation, if our friend invites us to drink something«. Mostly the behaviors (situations), expressing social drinking, connected with the habits of Slovene society were taken into account. Higher score always means stronger »must not« drink alcohol – drinks in social situations, regardless the origin of the social demands (hierarchically supra ordinates, friends, social events, habits etc.) - Behavioral intentions connecting different acts of pro - and contra - dependency behavior (two versions with 7 (in the beginning and in the end of therapy) and with 5 bipolar continuums in later periods; in any comparison, version with the same number of bipolar continuums was applied). Example: would, …, would not »dare to talk openly about my problems connected with drinking«. Higher score always means lower, less strong intention for open and pro – independent interaction. - Perceived utility of alcohol (ab)use - fourteen items with 7 point responding (estimating) scale: Example: Alcohol drinking (when there are not the outer signs of any drunkenness yet), is for the health: utile, …, harmful. - Beliefs, that participant will obtain - at the beginning of therapy / had obtained (learned) - at the end of therapy – different knowledge and skills, useful for »psychology of everyday life« and for coping with everyday problems (all together 23 items): scales with 5 - point degree of certainty were applied (1 = not at all sure, …, 5 = completely sure). Examples of some categories: to communicate with the known and unknown persons/ to be more self-conscious/ to resolve family conflicts/ to be more relaxed etc... - Perceived group/social/ therapeutic climate: semantic differential with the similar 7 point scales as mentioned was applied (39 bipolar adjectives). Some other adjectives: good - bad/ pleasant - unpleasant/ closed - open etc. - Perceived leadership style – semantic differential with 42 bipolar continuums was applied. All of the originally constructed instruments had satisfying different measurement characteristics. Several kinds of validity were taken into account, also with contrast/opponent groups. Almost all instruments, applied in the presented research, have been already applied in other more or less similar researches on non - clinical populations and they mostly had distributions, which do not differ significantly (p > 0.05) or differ slightly (0.04 < p < 0.05 for Kolmogorov Smirnov test). Different (self) evaluations – Cronbach alphas in the beginning, at the end, about five years after (1997) and about ten years (2001/ 2002) after the end of therapy – in the brackets, in the same order: evaluations of own functionality – functional self evaluation (0.85; 0.86; 0.93; 0.91); perceived degree of own psychosocial needs satisfaction (0.92; 0.92; 0.96; 0.93); for those, who abandoned therapy: 0.93; retrograde perceived degree of own psychosocial needs satisfaction – in the beginning and at the end of therapy: 0.90; 095; evaluation of alcohol utility/ harm (0.92; 0.94; 0.94; 0.95); for those, who abandoned therapy: 0.89; normative perceptions of alcohol drinking (0.79; 0.77; 0.74; 0.66); for those, who abandoned therapy: 0.70; beliefs, that therapy will be/ was successful (0.94; 0.92; 0.95; 0.92); for those, who abandoned therapy: 0.94; behavioral intentions for pro – abstinent/ independent behavior: (0.85; 0.89; 0.89; 0.80); for those, who abandoned therapy: 0.71; evaluation of the patient from the side of therapists: 0.87; evaluation of therapeutic climate/ leadership in the beginning and at the end of therapy; group climate: 0.94; 0.90; for those, who abandoned therapy: 0.94; leadership: (0.96; 0.95 ); for those, who abandoned therapy: 0.87. 1997 vs. 2002: Evaluations from the side of ex – partner: evaluation of own life style (0.96; 0.97); evaluation of family climate (0.95; 0.93); actual self – evaluation (0.93; 0.91); evaluation of therapy (0.78; 0.75). Evaluations from the partner's side: self – evaluation (0.74; 0.78); evaluation of family climate (0.93; 0.95); evaluation of therapy (0.68; 0.88). Consensual evaluation from the side of ex-patient and his/ her partner: evaluation of ex – patient (0.88; 0.92); evaluation of therapy (0.79; 0.87); evaluation of family climate (0.95; 0.96). Normal distributions of intervalized variables were tested with Kolmogorov – Smirnov nonparametric test. A great majority of variables in any period of testing, expressed with summative scores, did not differ significantly from the normal distribution. Level of risk, otherwise mostly insignificant (p > 0.05), varied regarding the period of testing. Anyway, Behavioral intentions (BI) differed significantly (p < 0.05) from normal distribution in any period of testing, retrograde evaluation of therapy so in 1997/ 98, as in 2001. - Instead of their »non - normality«, the mentioned variables were, together with other »normally distributed«, included into the data analysis, which mostly demand approximate normal distributions. Results In the period 1992/ 93 n = 139 (ex) patients finished therapy in Center. They formed almost the whole one year “generation” of patients, coming to Center to seek the help in hospitalized setting. In the period 1997/ 98 about 51 % of ex – patients collaborated in the follow up – research and n = 62 of them declared them as abstinent. It means about 45 % of all (ex) patients, who finished therapy about 4 – 5 years before. Just mentioned percent is also the minimal percent of declared abstinent, while it can be supposed, that not all abstinent collaborated in the research. Declared abstinent status could be with a quite high probability treated as highly valid, because also ex – patient partners collaborated in answering to questionnaire. – Analogous explanation like for period 1997/ 98 could be done for the period 2001/ 2002. Twenty eight percent of ex – patients collaborated, almost all of them declaring themselves as abstinent: all in all, about 26 % of all ex – patients, what is a minimally expected percent, declared themselves abstinent. Very few of those from the quasi – control group from 1992/ 93 have been yet alive about 9 years after the end of therapy. The average estimation about 5.70 was attribute on the scale from 1 to 7 (1 = not at all, …, 7 = very much, with value 4 as “half point”), which was the answer to question how much do they think that their present state of abstinence is due to their participation in the year/s 1992/ 93. We can suppose that in both follow – up periods, there is a certain percent of abstinent, who, from different reasons, did not participate in our longitudinal research. That’s why these percents could be even higher and we report only their minimal margins. Table 1 provides statistics of different groups, tested in different periods of 3 – month’s therapy: only at the end, in the beginning and at the end, abandoned intensive therapy. Table 1. Statistics of different groups, tested in different periods of 3 – months therapy: abandoned therapy, in the beginning and at the end, only at the end of intensive therapy Group1 Group 2 Group 3 Group 4 abandoned before after only after therapy therapy therapy therapy n = 28 n = 68 n = 68 n = 70 Needs satisfaction M 56.53 60.28 ** 66.98 ** 64.67 (NS) SD 12.03 14.72 9.47 11.50 Needs satisfaction M 58.46 64.03 59.76 57.20 – retrograde (NSr) SD 17.80 13.69 18.20 16.65 Normative M 36.07 38.19 ** 48.42 ** 44.91 *** perceptions (NP) SD 9.80 10.65 9.84 11.32 Perceived alcohol M 64.61 70.63 *** 75.58 ** 66.45 ** utility (UT) SD 17.63 16.64 18.90 20.94 Beleif in learning M 43.21*** 48.02 *** 49.49 ** 45.80 ** success (BE) SD 10.94 9.18 9.14 9.64 Bihevioural M 28.41 28.67 *** 31.56 *** 30.64 intentions (BI) SD 6.10 5.63 3.96 4.99 Perceived climate M 168.00 177.74 178.34 175.03 (CL) SD 24.22 24.01 24.14 19.68 Perceived M 218.00 227.15 ** 268.98 ** 260.89 leadership SD 23.07 22.36 27.08 32.29 (LEA) Evaluations from M 51.32 54.47 the side of SD 13.04 11.57 therapists (TH) a. test of differences between groups 3 and 4 (sensibilization & quasi experimental effect): *, p < 0.05; **, p < 0.01; *** 0.08 > p > 0.07. b. Comparisons between the following groups were made: 1 and 2; 2 and 3 (one group quasi – experimental effect); 3 and 4 (sensibilisation) c. NS = perceived needs' satisfaction of own psychosocial needs (NSre = retrograde perception: how it had been before entering therapy); higher score means perception of higher degree of proper needs' satisfaction; NP = normative perception of social drinking; higher score means more intense »must not« of social alcohol drinking; UT = perceived utility of alcohol; higher score means perception of higher harm, lower score perception of higher utility; BE = anterograde (before) therapy, later retrograde belief in (learning) profit from therapy; higher score means higher belief; BI = behavioral intentions for open and pro – nondependent/abstinent activity/ communication; higher score means more intense pro – independent intentions; EV = evaluation of the patient from the side of therapist (at the end of therapy): higher score means more positive evaluations. Table 2 provides t – tests of the differences between the groups in the beginning, at the end and »abandoned« therapy. Table 2. T – tests of the differences between the groups in the beginning, at the end and »abandoned« intensive therapy T 2 - 1 (df = T 3 - 2 ( df = 136 T 3 - 4 (df = 94) ) 136) Perceived proper 1.02 3.65 ** ( 66 ) 1.21 needs satisfaction (NS) Preceived proper 1.13 1.82 $ ( 66 ) 0.55 needs satisfaction (retroactive) Normative 0.72 7.20 ** ( 66 ) 1.79 $ perceptions (NP) Perceived alcohol 1.49 1.60 ( 62 ) 2.67 ** utility (UT) Belief in learning 1.69 *** 1.46 ( 63 ) 2.43 * success (BE) Behavioural 0.19 3.40 ** ( 64 ) 1.18 intentions (BI) Evaluation of climate 1.82 *** 0.19 ( 66 ) 0.89 Evaluation of 1.82 *** 15.84** ( 67) 1.63 *** leadership a. t 2 – 1: beginning – abandoned; t 3 - 2: end - beginning; t 3 - 4: end – only end. *, p < .05; ** , p < .01; *** 10 > p > .07 b. all Levene F, p > .05. Comparisons between quasi – control (“abandoned”) group and the group in the beginning of therapy (= group of those, who later successfully finished three months long therapy), showed the following: anticipating/ anterograde belief in learning success was on a little bit higher risk level than 0.05 (p = 0.07) lower by those, who abandoned/ left therapy, usually already in its beginning. Anterograde belief in educational potential of group therapy is also particular degree of trust in its efficacy. Differences on similar level of significance were found also for evaluation of climate and leadership (p = 0.08). No significant differences (p > or >> .05) for any other single indicator of therapeutic success were found (perceived needs’ satisfaction, normative perceptions, perceived utility of alcohol, behavioral intentions etc.). Differences regardless 7 % risk in climate and leadership evaluation pay attention to factors of therapeutic group socialization, which seem to be urgent for short term therapeutic success. Particular/ partial indicators of therapeutic success at the end of 3 months long therapy were measured by two groups: by those, who have participated already in the beginning of therapy and by those, who were tested only at the end of therapy. Comparison of “at the end” results of these two groups discovered some effects of sensibilisation, namely in the case of perceived utility, so in the case of belief into the therapy educational success. Otherwise, end of therapy differs regarding its beginning in significantly higher perceived degree of proper needs satisfaction, in higher “must not” normativity of social drinking, in more expressed behavioral intentions for open and pro – independent activity and in more positive evaluation of leadership (style), but not also for perceived group climate. Differences, nearby 5 % significance level, were found for retrograde perception of own needs satisfaction (retrograde evaluating period before entering therapy process). Interestingly, no significant differences were found in perceived utility of alcohol and in beliefs in therapy’s educational success when anterograde option was compared with retrograde. No significant differences between those “with” and “without” pretest were found in evaluation from the side of therapists at the end of therapy. (Therapists estimations were only one of the indicators/ criterion of therapy’s success). On the other side, an interesting significant difference appeared in evaluation of needs satisfaction from the side of therapists between patients and therapists. Patients at the end of therapy estimated their psychosocial needs as significantly more satisfied as their therapists did (t (68) = 7.75, p < .05 for the group of patients with pre – test the beginning of therapy and t (70 ), p < .05 for the patients tested only at the end of therapy). Table 3 provides statistics of different groups (regarding therapy), tested in different periods after the end of 3 – months long therapy (intensive therapy). Table 3. Statistics of different groups (regarding therapy), tested in different periods after the end of 3 – months long intensive therapy Group 1 Group 2 Group 3 End of therapy (1992/93) 1997/ 98 2001/ 2002 n = 134 - 137 n = 69 -71 n = 39 Needs satisfaction (NS) M 65.69 63.69 60.77 SD 10.52 16.79 8.75 Normative perceptions M 46.90 47.35 48.28 (NP) SD 10.04 10.60 8.32 Perceived alcohol M 70.87 ** 79.70 ** 84.82 utility SD 20.35 20.30 14.36 (UT) Beleif in learning M 47.53 ** 60.40 ** 62.95 success SD 9.50 11.00 8.10 (BE) Bihevioural intentions M 31.08 * 28.55 * 30.53 (BI) SD 4.50 8.48 5.80 a. t 2 – 1: beginning – abandoned; t 3 - 2: end - beginning; t 3 - 4: end – only end. b. *, p < .05; ** , p < .01 Table 4 provides t – tests of the differences between the groups at the end and »abandoned« therapy, 4 – 5 years and 8 – 9 years after the end of therapy. Table 4. t – tests of the differences between the groups at the end and »abandoned« therapy, 4 – 5 years and 8 – 9 years after the end of therapy t 2 - 1 df t 3 - 2 df Needs satisfaction (NS) - 0.90 206 1.19 105.47 *** Normative perceptions 0.29 201 -0.47 94.84 *** (NP) Perceived alcohol utility 3.05 ** 205 1.33 107 (UT) Belief in learning success 8.25 ** 204 - 1.26 105 (BE) Behavioural intentions (BI)- 2.32 * 201 1.43 106 a. t 2 -1: 1997/98 – 1992/93 (end of intensive therapy); t 3 - 2: 2001/2002 - 1997/98 b. *, p < .05; ** , p < .01; $ .10 > p > .07 c. ***, Levene F, p < 0.05. All Levene F, p > .05, except for normative perception (p = 0.047) and for perceived degree of own needs satisfaction (p = 0.00) Significant differences between “time points” (periods, groups, time of testing) 1997 vs. end of therapy (1992/ 93) were found in evaluation of alcohol – utility, retrograde learning success and behavioral intentions for open and pro – independent/ abstinent / communication. Differences in the intensities of valences were all in direction of pro – independent/ abstinent behavior. No significant differences comparing periods 2001/ 02 vs. 1997/ 98 were found for any of five variables, representing (partial) indicators of therapeutic success/ efficiency. Table 5 provides correlations between the studied variables (groups regarding intensive therapy)... Table 5: Correlations between the studied variables Group regarding intensive therapy 1 2 3 4 abandoned n = 28 before n = 68 after n = 68 only after n = 70 CLbeg LEbe CLbe LEbeg CLen LEend CLend LEend g g d NS 0.37 * 0.20 0.35 * 0.23 0.52 0.53 0.49 0.23 *** ** ** ** NSr - 0.13 - 0.19 0.07 0.06 0.13 0.19 0.08 0.02 NP 0.35 - 0.09 0.10 0.00 0.26 * 0.31 0.25 * 0.21 *** ** UT 0.36 0.14 0.15 0.17 0.29 * 0.33 0.07 0.07 *** ** BE 0.26 0.11 0.36 0.37 0.50 0.52 0.28 * 0.27 * ** ** ** ** BI 0.48 * 0.03 0.25 * 0.29 * 0.45 0.41 0.13 0.20 ** ** CL 0.45 0.82 0.44 0.51 beg * ** ** ** LE 0.63 beg ** CL 0.82 0.79 end ** ** LE end a. NS = perceived degree of satisfaction of own psychosocial needs (NSre = retrograde perception: how it had been before entering therapy); higher score means perception of higher degree of proper needs' satisfaction; NP = normative perception of social drinking; higher score means more intense »must not« of social alco drinking; UT = perceived utility of alcohol; higher score means perception of higher harm, lower score perception of higher utility; BE = anterograde (before) therapy, later retrograde belief in (learning) profit from therapy; higher score means higher belief; BI = behavioral intentions for open and pro – independent/abstinent activity/ communication; higher score means more intense pro – independent intentions; CL = evaluation of therapeutic climate; LE = evaluation of therapeutic leadership. b. Beg = beginning; end = end of intensive therapy. c. *, p < .05 **, p < .01 ***, 0.09 > p > .05 Evaluation of therapeutic climate and leadership style by different groups and in different phases of therapeutic process differently correlate with particular indicators of therapeutic success. By those, who left/ abandoned therapy already in its beginning, climate significantly ( p < 0.05) correlate with perceived degree of satisfaction of own psychosocial needs, so as with behavioral intentions for open and pro – abstinent communication. Significant correlation on little bit higher risk level than 0.5 appeared with normative perceptions of social alcohol – drinking and with perceived utility of alcohol. No significant correlation appeared with perceived leadership style. The “picture” in the group of those from the beginning (who later successfully finished therapy) is rather different: as in any other group (phase of testing) perceived climate significantly correlates with perceived own needs’ satisfaction, but also with anterograde belief in learning success during therapy, so as with the behavioral intentions for open and pro – abstinent orientation/ communication. Very similar “structure” of correlation appeared also with evaluation of leadership. The same group as at the “beginning” of therapy, was tested also “at the end” of therapy. Every single indicator of therapeutic success, except retrograde perception of own psychosocial needs’ satisfaction, correlated significantly, mostly with p < .01, so with “climate”, as with “leadership”. By those, who were tested only at the end of therapy, significant correlations with “climate” were found for needs’ satisfaction, normative perceptions and for retrograde beliefs (in therapeutic learning success). This was also the only variable, which significantly correlated with the perceived leadership. Table 6 provides correlations between the studied variables – all groups after the end of intensive therapy. Table 6: Correlations between the studied variables Group regarding therapy - All after intensive therapy 1992/1993 1997/98 2001/ 2002 n = 135 - 139 N = 64 - 68 n = 23 - 25 CLend LEend CLend LEend CLend LEend NS 0.50 ** 0.36 * 0.19 0.28 * - 0.14 0.17 NSr 0.11 0.08 NP 0.27 ** 0.27 ** 0.04 0.12 - 0.10 0.03 UT 0.19 * 0.20 * 0.06 0.04 0.07 0.02 BE 0.40 ** 0.39 ** 0.09 0.25 * - 0.19 - 0.01 BI 0.29 ** 0.29 ** - 0.02 - 0.10 0.21 0.03 CL beg LE beg CL end 0.79 ** 0.68 ** 0.68 ** LE end a. NS = perceived degree of satisfaction of own psychosocial needs (NSre = retrograde perception: how it had been before entering therapy); higher score means perception of higher degree of proper needs' satisfaction; NP = normative perception of social drinking; higher score means more intense »must not« of social alco drinking; UT = perceived utility of alcohol; higher score means perception of higher harm, lower score perception of higher utility; BE = anterograde (before) therapy, later retrograde belief in (learning) profit from therapy; higher score means higher belief; BI = behavioral intentions for open and pro – independent/abstinent activity/ communication; higher score means more intense pro – independent intentions; CL = evaluation of therapeutic climate; LE = evaluation of therapeutic leadership. b. Beg = beginning; end = end of intensive therapy. c. *, p < .05 **, p < .01 Taking into account all patients together at the end of therapy in 1992/ 93, low but significant correlation appeared for almost every single indicator of therapeutic success, except for retrograde perception of own needs’ satisfaction, with evaluation of therapeutic group climate and with evaluation of leadership. What really surprises is the fact, that in the group, tested 4 – 5 years after the end of therapy (in 1997/ 98), three low, but significant correlation were found with the perceived leadership at the end of therapy in 1992/ 93: with perceived needs’ satisfaction and with the retrograde belief in therapy’s learning success, both measured 4 – 5 years after the end of therapy. It’s worth mentioning, that evaluation of own psychological health 4 – 5 years after the end of therapy (on 5 – point scale: 1 = very bad, …, 5 = excellent), showed low, but significant correlation so with “climate” (r = 0.26, p = 0.04, n = 68), as with “leadership” at the end of therapy (r = 0.29, p = 0.02, n = 63). In the 2001/2002, no single (partial) indicator of therapeutic success appeared significantly correlating with perceived therapeutic climate and leadership at the end of therapy in 1992/ 93. It’s worth mentioning, that by ex – patients in 1997 (n = 71), significant connection (Chi square (1) = 30.95, p = .00) between perceived climate and leadership, each dichotomized into “above” and “under” Mdn value at the end of therapy (Mdn = 179 for climate and 269 for leadership). Only six of ex – patients were in “above – under” conditions, otherwise “above” and “under” Mdn membership would be the same so for “perceived climate”, as for “perceived leadership”. Otherwise, these two variables are not as identical as it seems from their Mdn cut. Perceived climate and perceived leadership had, at the end of therapy, about 2/ 3 of common variance (Pearson product moment for the group with pretest r (68) = 0.82, p < .01 and for the group tested only after r (70) = 0.79, p < .01; analogue correlation at the beginning of therapy was r (68) = 0.82, but by those, who later abandoned/ left therapy, it was r (28) = 0.45, p = .015; it means, that more than three times greater explained/ common variance between perceived climate and leadership existed in the beginning of therapy by those, who later (successfully) finished therapy, than by those, who abandoned/ left therapeutic group. It probably means quite more consistent group perception (structure, interaction, climate, culture, leadership, outcomes) by those, who successfully finished 3 months long therapy. It also means, that polarizing criterion between in – successful patients are not only evaluations of climate and leadership, but also structure of their perceptions. In quasi control group, therapy and its characteristics were not perceived as the part of the solution of their problem. Discussion Program (= intensive therapy) evaluation provide a pragmatic feedback, as well as scientific information about the effect of a program (= therapy) as quasi – independent variable. In our case, stable abstinent behavior in a long term time passage was just such a case of evaluation. According to Moos & Moos, their study is, according to their knowledge (Moos & Moose, 2006, 2007), the first study to construct a protective resource measure, composed of indices, deriving from social learning, behavior economics and social control theories and to show, it predicts remission 1, 3, 8 and 16 years after the initiation of help – seeking for alcohol related problems (Moos & Moose, 2007). Anyway, it seems, that also in our research, a partially similar approach was implemented. Group of those, who left/ abandoned therapy (quasi control group), significantly differ from those, who successfully finished therapy in 1992/ 93. This results from the previous century/ millennium, yet has a vivid significance in the sense of already existing partially longitudinal (opportunity for within subjects approach) comparisons with periods 1997 and 2001/ 2002, but also with possible comparative projections also in the year 2009. Those, who had abandoned therapy during its implementation, differed, on risk level about 0.07, from those, who successfully continued and finished three months long therapy, in anterograde belief in learning success, in perceived (therapeutic) group climate and in perceived group leadership. In 2002, the majority of quasi – control group were, sorrowfully, even mostly dead. Evaluation of group climate, perceived utility and retrograde belief in therapeutic learning success did not differ “beginning vs. end” of therapy, but significant differences were found for perceived leadership, perceived degree of own needs’ satisfaction (actual and retroactive), behavioral intentions and normative perceptions of social drinking. Sensibilisation effect at the end of therapy appeared on different “acceptable” risk levels for perceived leadership, evaluation of utility, retrograde beliefs and normative perceptions. Particular partial indicators of therapeutic success (= pro – abstinent/ independent orientation) differ also comparing different time points: all ex – patients, who had finished therapy in 1992/ 93, obtained, compared with period 1997/ 98, significant lower degree of retrograde belief in therapy’s learning success (BE) and perceived alcohol as less harmful (UT). Behavioral intentions for open and pro – abstinent communication (BI) and utility perceptions (UT) were “slightly significant” also comparing “beginning vs. end” of therapy, what was not the case with anticipated/ retrograde beliefs (BE). Besides, it seems, that just perceived utility/ harm (UT) and anticipated/ retrograde belief in learning/ coping skills obtaining therapeutical process (BE) have a specific, particular role just regarding the aspect of comparison (regarding the compared period in time series sequence). Self-aspects: One of important indicators (criterions) of rehabilitation efficacy was also self – evaluation. Patients’ self-evaluation at the end of therapy was significantly higher than in the beginning, and also higher comparing (in different periods from 1995 to 2005) also target group from Slovenian environment. Significantly less positive retrograde evaluations of own needs’ satisfaction “at the end” than “in the beginning"” shows a growing self – criticism, but “actual” proper needs' satisfaction could be treated as intermediate variable between self – recognition and perception of group’s climate. That's why patient's experience of the group was a very important element of therapy's success and the role of therapists in the beginning of therapy is especially important just connecting the group's communicational characteristics, climate, culture and norms. Otherwise, at the “end” therapists estimated patients' needs' satisfaction significantly lower than the patients themselves. The only self – evaluating measure, included into actual report and having been applied in all phases of the research, is semantic differential, measuring perceived degree of proper psychosocial needs satisfaction. It tries to represent a psychodynamic aspect of self – evaluation (of “psychodynamic self”) and seems to be a very important aspect of self – evaluation, (in) directly connected with goals obtaining, needs satisfying and interests realizing processes. The way of own (psychosocial) needs satisfaction is closely connected with structure of everyday actions (instruments, strategies) and with different goals obtaining. The change in way of life / in life style is connected with changes in “psychodynamic ego” (Rus & Rus-Makovec, 1993; Rus et al., 1997; Rus et al., 1998). Normative perceptions: Perception of normativity, so as behavioral intentions could be perceived as belonging to “internal locus”. Even at the end of therapy, alcohol is associated with pleasant feelings and with “integration with society”. Anyway, normativity and intentions for non – alcoholic behavior at the end of intensive treatment are significantly higher than in the beginning. It shows the trend of auto-attribution of responsibility of own behavior. From the aspect of any comparison option (between or within subjects approach), perceived normatively of social drinking is less and less connected with compliance to the culturally determined pressures of social environment in Slovenia. From this point of view, normative perceptions also seem to be very suitable partial indicator of therapeutic success and of pro – abstinent (pro – independent) orientation. Normative perceptions are the only instrument with relative constant low internal consistency, while behavioral intentions oscillate regarding the period and target group. That’s why we cannot unconditionally accept all our conclusions connecting normative perceptions as stable and reliable for all tested situations. Beliefs in learning profit/ in therapeutic success: There are different measures of self – evaluations, which are more or less closely connected with self efficacy belief. In our research such an approximation in therapy period was anterograde and retrograde belief in therapy’s profit, where therapy’s efficiency was connected with self efficiency. Personal belief in learning profit (as future projection in the beginning and as retrograde estimation at the end of therapy and in different periods after the end of therapy), so as estimation of alcohol's utility (harm) could be treated as more passive principle. Significant difference appeared in anterograde belief between the groups of “abandoned” and those from the beginning, who later successfully finished therapy. On the other side, no significant differences in mentioned beliefs appeared comparing “beginning” vs. “end” of therapy, but effect of the sensibilisation had been very significant. Regarding to theory of reasoned action (also planned behavior), behavioral intentions should be one of the most important predictors. It is not so metrically unstable like “normative perceptions”, but they are maybe too indirectly associated with intentions “not to drink alcohol”: “our” behavioral intentions are more dealing with readiness to participate in therapeutic work and to openly communicate the dependency problems. Internal consistency is surprisingly high, taking into account the fact of relatively diversified object of intention. From this point of view, the goals seem quite inter – related: they also had been supposed as interrelated in the apriori phase of “instrument’s construction”. Group climate and leadership: Characteristics of our approach could be also a posteriori explained with particular aspects from ten radical things NIAAA Research shows about alcoholism (Peele, 1998): 1. Because the objectivist medical approach to alcohol treatment does not work, we tried harder to begin our research in 1992 with a concept of multiaspect, interdisciplinary and multilevel criteria of success. In 1992, our starting point was not, that 2. Individual and situational variables are inseparable from alcoholism outcomes and from treatment variables and 3. Those characteristics of therapists and of interactions between patients and therapists are inseparable from any type of treatment in alcoholism outcomes. That’s why we decided to measure variables “climate” and “leadership style” like spread including general categories, which show relatively holistic “final impression” of different characteristics of group structure and processes. Besides all, these two factors together are, according to our opinion, relatively the best "common denominator" of different factors, which can influence "therapy's outcome", but which can't be controlled (therapist's personality, communicational style, combination of different kinds of therapies). Our results show, that affiliation and group's attractiveness (climate and leadership) are one of the most important indicators, and, in the same time, factors of therapeutic change. More positive experiencing of the group is connected with more functional indicators of the therapeutic change. Patients, who perceived social climate as more positive had also more positive self – evaluations. They have showed also more of readiness for acceptance of the active principle of the change. Perceived “climate” and “leadership” could be treated also as possible covariate for each other single indicator of therapy’s success and pro – independent behavior. Therapeutic climate was already in the beginning of therapy estimated as more positive than by different other target social categories (enterprises, schools, university). Similar trend was discovered also for the perception of proper needs' satisfaction. Because patients experience themselves as accepted by the group, they also perceive their needs as more satisfied. That's why stimulation of the development of group's climate could be defined as one of the most important therapist’s tasks. One of the effects is also significantly more positive evaluation of the perceived leadership style, but not climate (comparing “end” vs. “beginning”). More positive evaluation can mean higher probability of the identification with the attitudes and values of those, who implement leadership process in the group. It’s worth mentioning, that those, who “abandoned” differed significantly (p = 0.07) from those, who continued with therapy also in evaluation of group climate and leadership. No significant differences were found between “beginning” and “end” of therapy in perceived climate, but they were found in perceived leadership. Correlation between perceived climate and leadership: Evaluation of climate and of leadership at the end of therapy is significantly associated with every single indicator of therapeutic success at the end, except with retrograde perception of own psychosocial needs. We found no significant connection between “climate” and “leadership” at the end of therapy with subjective partial indicators in the group of ex – patients, who answered the questionnaire also 9 years after the end of therapy. Anyway, it’s worth mentioning, that in 1997 (4 – 5 years after the end of therapy) low, but significant correlation was discovered between perceived leadership in 1992/93 and with retrograde belief in therapy utility in 1997. It seems that our research has showed is showed not only important connection between “climate” and “leadership” at the end of intensive therapy but also temporal persistence of particular connections through the several years long period. The four basic »types« of measures routinely needed in treatment services research are design variables (location, time, sampling), other covariates (demographics, diagnosis, risk factors etc.), pre – and post – randomization intervention exposure, pre – and post – dependent variables. In longitudinal analysis, quasi – experiments and randomized field experiments, the timing of events and assessment time frames are very important (Dennis et al., 2000). Mounting evidence also indicates, that carefully collected self – report alcohol and drug use data are as accurate (or even more) as data, obtained by means of alternative measures that are often assumed to be more objective (Perl et al., 2000). An analytical method for evaluating alcoholism treatment suggests more ways to define success than strictly »all or nothing« and measures can fail to capture complexity of the drinking pattern over time (Quigley, 2002). On the other side, the main finding indicate, that so called improved – drinking is very inconsistent over time, while the abstinent and unimproved patients were much more stable in their drinking behaviors (Mann, 2005). Studies with longitudinal research of long – term treatment effect are quite rare and have only been evaluated in a few studies (Timko et al., 2002; Greenfield et al., 2004; Nilssen 2004; Moos & Moos, 2006; Moos & Moos, 2007). A time – series design was also applied in our research. It is a repeated measures approach: we sample subjects' behavior prior to the occurrence of an event and after it has occurred. In the one –group pre-test – posttest design, a single pre-test measure is obtained and a single post-test measure after the treatment. In our case, these two measures were obtained in the beginning and at the end of the 3 months long intensive treatment. In fact, before therapy, patients were randomly divided into two quasi - experimental groups, one exposed to »pre-test – post -test« and the other exposed only to »post-test condition« (to control the eventual sensibilisation effect of the pre-test application of instruments on the post – test results). Anyway, such a design provides quite a small internal validity for inferring the causes of a behavioral change. In such a design, without any control group, the possibility, that extraneous variables cause the dependent effects, cannot be eliminated. In a time- series design, we usually cannot randomly select an equivalent control group. The best we can do is to obtain a non – equivalent control group. In our case, a weak approximation of the non – equivalent control group was 1. the group of those patients, who have abandoned therapy during therapeutic process; their scores, obtained in the beginning of therapy were treated in double function: as scores »from the beginning«, and, conditionally, as the scores »at the end«; it would be much better to test them also in the moment, when they decided to leave the group, but it was factually difficulty realizable 2. Non-equivalent control groups were also some other target groups, accompanied with approximations of different time- series design; time distances between time points are factually so great, that for some sub – groups of young people even a cohort effect would had to be taken into account. From the 2008 retrograde perspective of about 17 years after the beginning of here presented project (which began, after solid preparations, in 1991/1992) a few relevant denotations and connotations could be presented about thematic area and methodology, which are connected also with our project. We can underline two aspects, connected with our work: a. the evidence, that research on treatment process can yield significant theoretical and clinical benefits (Karno, Longabaugh, 2005), and b. that the whole research design (problem, method, specially instruments, allocation to design groups (conditions)), definition of the criterion of success, had to be conceptualized in our way, because at the end of eighties and at the very beginning of nineties, we did not find the research models, suitable instruments etc. for adequate (relevant) design in our, already described content of the research. Participants, having been collaborating in different time points of aftercare time series design were somehow selected group/s, while they were either more motivated, or socially skilled to contact ex – therapeutic environment, or, maybe, in more manageable life situations, what all means more favourable life style environment. Not all the participants were the same in all the compared time points of time series design, certain proportion was the same in all time points and different proportions were common for different pairs of time points. That’s why between subjects design/s were always contaminated with within subjects design, while only chosen within subjects design were completely “clear” (not interfering with between subjects). We were not able to create a complete interrupted time – series design (with numerous pre – and post-test observations) just because we did not have the chance to follow the subjects before they entered to three months lasting intensive therapeutic process. Two measures after the end of therapy (about 5 and about 10 years later) could not be interpreted as post – test measures in the sense of interrupted time – series design. Comparing different time points, different proportions of the same participants appeared. It means that the number of participants in clear / uncontaminated within subjects designs varied regarding the time points / groups, included into the comparison. Results of within design comparisons could be interpreted as from selected group comparison, while repeated longitudinal participation in the period from 1992 to 2002 seems to be a stable and reliable indicator of different factors, connected with therapeutic success. On the other side, the disponible information did not permit to realize completely pure between subjects design; that's why they were partially contaminated with within – subjects approach. SPSS programme was applied for data analysis: in majority of nineties, central VAX university computer with SPSS+ had been applied, with sos and sed editors used on files, created in wordstar. After passing to PC computer analysis, different SPSS versions were used and wordstar files were transformed into the SPSS data files. All files and (transformation) programmes yet exist to witness the verifiable accuracy of the data. Despite a long standing interest in groups across other areas of social science, the study of health behavior, partially including also AD, remains largely focused on the individual level of analysis. Even interventions, administered in groups’ settings, are tested at the individual levels, ignoring the importance of potential group process factors that may emerge. On the other side, we just tried to take into account these group factors, so in therapeutic, as in after – care period. It's evident, that our research has a lot in common also with strategies, defined for addressing and effectiveness of health services research (Dennis et al., 2000). Relevant climates and partially micro cultures were included into research also as attempt not to fix the whole design on the individual level. Particular researches show, that pre – therapy contacts would influence later evaluation of therapy outcome. Clients, who attended the motivational interview pre – therapy meeting showed more attributes of partial success than those form control groups - not such an effect appeared for »role induction« (Connors, 2002). Group with pre – testing (in 1992/ 93) was in somehow similar situation like clients participating motivational interview. Sensibilisation effect, tested through partial approximation of Solomon's design appeared for particular dependent variables also at the end of »our« three months long therapy in 1992/93. The general goal of actual presentation is to give the recognizable “mosaic picture” of multiaspect, partially longitudinal and cross – sectional approach of our research. Results of the design were continuously introduced also in the practical work in the Center of Alcohol dependency Treatment in Ljubljana, capital of Slovenia. Existing results, together with the files, conserved from all up to date researches, give an excellent opportunity to realize and additional comparison with the year 2009. In such a way, almost eighteen years lasting period would be covered for particular generation. References AJZEN, I., & FISHEBIN, M. Understanding attitudes and predicting social behavior, Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice Hall, 1980. AJZEN, I. 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WOLF, D. Vladimir Hudolin and his work. Proceedings of the meeting held at 1st Croatian High School in Sušak 1999. Rijeka: Regional center for Alcoholism, 2007. Kratek opis vprašalnika// SHORT DESCRIPTION OF QUESTIONNAIRES Some data were collected: the date of acceptance, the number of disease registration, number of days in therapy, the date of leaving the Center. Sex, age, nationality, where did leave in youth and now (village/small town/ big town), marital status, education, employment status (/un/employed, student, etc.), leadership function in the job (yes/no), from where did the patient come to the Center (from other psychiatric department/ from ambulance/from somatic hospital etc.), which relatives do participate therapy (partner, parents, children, others, nobody), abstinence before acceptance in Center (yes/no), if “yes”, how long was abstinence, degree of alcohol dependency (insufficient control, incapacity of abstinence, mixed, only pills), the way of drinking (alone at home, alone outside, in society), consequences of the alcohol dependency (yes/no: psychological, somatic, psychiatric, in the family, on working place, criminal practice), duration of dependency up to coming to the physical (in the years), number of hospital treatment before the actual treatment, the number of out – hospital treatments before the actual therapy, reason for the beginning of therapy (in the family, in the working organization, somatic illness, proper decision, judge’s decision, other), was any significant person connected with reason (yes/no), why did you drink – desired goal (to avoid sleeplessness, to be less sad, not to be nervous, social drinking, not to feel loneliness, to forget the problems, other). Differential of the perceived degree of proper needs’ satisfaction (NS): – perception just in the beginning of group therapeuthical work – perception at the end of group therapethical work (“the day after”) – retrograde perception just in the beginning of group therapeuthical work – retrograde perception at the end of group therapethical work (“the day after”) - self evaluation in 1997/ 98 and 2001/ 2002 Bipolar attributes: respected/ unrespected, certain/ uncertain, needed/ needless, unuseful/ useful, considered/ unconsidered, popular/ out of favour, non affirmed/ affirmed, self conscious/ self unconscious, with reputation/ without reputation, limited/ free, creative/ uncreative, independent/ dependent. Semantic differential 1 (not included into actual research): - self evaluation (in the beginning) of therapeuthical work (group therapy) - self evaluation just after the group therapy (“the day after”) Bipolar attributes: optimistic/ pessimistic, closed/ open, dark/ bright, subordinate/ equal, relaxed/ not - relaxed, calm/ restless, happy/ sad, silent/ talkative, thoughtless/ serious (responsible), extraordinary/ average, dependent/ independent, split/ whole, understanding/ non understanding, lost/ oriented, self conscious/ self unconscious, bad/ good, friendly/ hostile, egoistic/ altruistic, pleasant/ unpleasant, grateful/ ungrateful, not attractive/ attractive, charged/ discharged, accepted/ refused, captured/ free, light/ weighty (heavy), formal/ informal, courageous/ intimidated, unsatisfied / satisfied, asocial/ social, useful/ unuseful, needed/ superfluous, undesired/ desired, unimpeded/ impeded tolerant/ intolerant, creative/ uncreative, involved/ uninvolved, considered/ non considered, formalistic/non formalistic, communicative/ non communicative, insincere/ sincere, resolute/ irresolute, extroverted/ introverted, sensitive/ insensitive, aggressive/ non aggressive, stable/ not - stable, cultivated/ uncultivated, courageous/ intimidated, tolerant/ intolerant, individualistic/ conformist. Semantic differential iii (self-evaluation – not included into actual research): – self evaluation (in the very beginning) of the group therapy – self evaluation (at the end: “the day after”) conformist/ nonconformist, assiduous/ non assiduous, in good order/ in bad order, closed/ open, calm/ excited, efficient/ inefficient, broad (wide)/ narrow, timid/ courageous, forgiving/ not forgiving, complaisant/ non-complaisant, narrow/ wide, covered/ uncovered, inventive/ uninventive, dependent/ independent, unattractive/ attractive, animated/ quiet, with future/ without future, thoughtless/ with consideration, attached/ unattached, conventional/ unconventional, extrovert / introvert, enterprising/ unenterprising, sad/ happy, rational/ irrational, relaxed/ strained, formal/ informal, communicative/ incommunicative, accepted/ refused, unknown/ known, confident/ distrustful, in love/ not in love, creative/ non creative, practical/ unpractical, pessimist/ optimistic, self-unconfident/ self confident, tired/ reposed, free/ captured, satisfied/ unsatisfied, discharged/ charged, popular by the other sex/ out of favour by other sex. Semantic differential iv (for actual research included into additional questionnaire, applied in the years 1997/ 98): – self evaluation in the beginning of group therapy – self evaluation at the end of group therapy (“the day after”) - self evaluation in 1997/ 98 and 2001/ 2002 Bipolar attributes: nervous/ calm, optimistic/ pessimistic, with problems/ without problems, lonely/ with friends independent/ dependent, with insight/ without insight/ mainly rested/ mainly tired, satisfied with/ dissatisfied with, with bad habits/ with good habits, successful in learning/ unsuccessful in learning, non creative/ creative, self conscious/ self unconscious noncommunicative/ communicative. Leadership (therapeutic) style in the (therapeutic) group: Bipolar attributes: communicative/ noncommunicative, successful/ unsuccessful, unkind/ in bad order, optimistic/ pessimistic, undesired/ desired, interesting/ uninteresting, reputable/ insignificant, sure/ insure wavering/ resolute, with goal/ without goal, understanding/ non understanding, influent/ without influence, understandable/ un-understandable, inconsiderate/ considerate, self conscious/ self – unconscious, trustworthy/ trustworthy, unimportant/ important, experienced/ inexperienced good/ bad, open/ closed, unsuitable/ suitable relaxed/ not - relaxed, aggressive/ unaggressive non democratic/ democratic, unsuccessful/ successful, dark / bright, old-fashioned/ modern favourable/ unfavourable, stable/ unstable, negative/ positive, steady/ unsteady, pleasant/ unpleasant, tolerant/ intolerant, disorganised/ organized, unconvincing/ convincing, elastic/ rigid satisfied/ unsatisfied, undeveloping/ developing, poor/ reach, sure/ insure, safe/ unsafe, useful/ unuseful, partialized/ whole. Social climate in therapeutic group: Bipolar attributes: good/ bad, open/ closed, unsuitable/ suitable, relaxed/ in tension, aggressive/ not - aggressive undemocratic/ democratic, unsuccessful/ successful, dark/ bright, old-fashioned/ modern favourable/ unfavourable, stable/ unstable, negative/ positive, steady/ unsteady, pleasant/ unpleasant, tolerant / intolerant, disorganised/ organised, not - conflicting/ conflicting, elastic/ rigid satisfied/ unsatisfied, undeveloping/ developing, poor/ reach, sure/ insure, useful/ unuseful, partialized/ whole, solidaristic/ antagonistic, in tension/ relaxed, understanding/ not understanding, with agreement/ without agreement, with orientation/ without orientation, integrating/ disintegrating, permits expression/ does not permit, of emotions expression of emotions Normative differential (nine statements) The example: <<< << < 0 >>> >>> you must you must not to respond to the invitation of the friend, if he (she) invites you to drink a glass of vine with him (her). Some other items: to accept the invitation for drink, if you are invited by your superordinate in the job / drink something in the group, who is in a good mood – who amuses/ to invite somebody, if you want to finish any business / invite somebody to the party without offering also the alcoholic drink / any time to offer only food without drink / drink more by special happy occasions like your birthday, the birth of the baby etc./ sit in the pub and drink nothing / drink after the funeral; if not, it is the insulting /. Estimation of the utility of the drinking, when there are no outer signs of drunkenness, for the different (14) categories (5 - point degree of estimation: 1 =very useful,..., 5= very noxious – for the: health, life quality in general, reputation, self –esteem, work efficacy, sociometric status, relations in family, proper well being, amusing and relaxation, life quality, exciting life, proper personal freedom, enjoying the life, sex and loving, true friendship). The degree of conviction / belief, that all you've obtained in the (therapeutical) group, you'll be able to use (1 = not convinced at all,..., 5 = very convinced) in the family/in the job/ between the friends. the degree of conviction, that you've learnt (24 categories): (1 = not convinced at all, …, 5 = very convinced) Examples: - To resolve different conflicts: 1 2 3 4 5 - To relax yourself: 1 2 3 4 5 Other categories, in which the respondents are differently convinced: to better recognise proper self / to help others/ to have a presentation before the public / to evaluate other people / to lead a therapeuthical group / to acquiesce relaxation techniques / to communicate with known and unknown people / to resolve partner and family conflicts / to be more self – conscious / to cope with the problems at the job / to cope with different a/ emotional problems, b/ psychosomatic disorders, c/ abstinent symptoms. How did you feel, before you've begun to drink more “seriously”? differential of the perception of the need satisfaction: sd 3): Bipolar attributes: respected/ unrespected, certain/ uncertain, needed/ needless, unuseful/ useful, considered/ unconsidered, popular/ out of favour, non affirmed/ affirmed, self conscious/ self unconscious, with reputation/ without reputation, limited/ free, creative/ uncreative, independent/ dependent. Behavioural differentials: examples: <<< << < o >>> >>> would would not amuse myself very well also in the society, where I should drink nothing. The following behaviors are also included: dare to talk before others about my (dependency) problems / decisively stop with my bad (drinking) habits, which make me harm / excuse me, if my friend invite me to drink something / help the others to stop gradually with their bad drinking habits / excuse me, if the superior at the job invite me to drink something alcoholics. Semantic differential - evaluation of the social climate in own family: good/ bad, relaxed/ not - relaxed, aggressive/ non-aggressive, pleasant/ unpleasant, tolerant/ intolerant, unorganized/ organized, non-conflicting/ conflicting, undeveloping/ developing, enjoying/ not- enjoying, with insight/ without insight, with future/ without future, charged/ uncharged, not understanding/ understanding, without support/ with support, with love/ without love. Evaluation of former therapy: Successful/ unsuccessful, needed/ not needed, charged/ uncharged, not professional/ professional, useful/ unuseful, desired/ undesired, not recommended/ recommended, without actual positive consequences/ with actual positive consequences. Evaluation of proper life style: Optimistic/ pessimistic, active/ passive, dependent on others/ independent on others, worth to be imitated/ unworthy to be imitated, sane/ insane, in harmony with nature/ not in harmony with the nature, disquieting/ quieting, exceeds daily things and events / does not exceed daily things and events, with sense/ without sense, oriented on future/ oriented on present, European/ non – European, American/ non American, fulfilled with culture/ not fulfilled with culture, in harmony with self / not in harmony with self, modern/ classic, monotonous/ interesting, oriented on daily things/ oriented on non daily things, attached on TV media/ non attached on TV media, harmonic/ non harmonic, oriented inside/ oriented outside, successful/ unsuccessful, without touch with self / with touch with self, religious/ not religious, closed/ open, oriented on searching of beauty/ not - oriented on searching of beauty, without assurance in the value of life/ with assurance in the value of life, private/ public, considerate/ not considerate, simple/ complex, in searching of media information/ without searching of media information, convinced in value of proper goals/ not convinced in value of proper goals/ Demographic characteristics: sex, age, education, occupation, family status, income per a month, number of family members, status in the job.- Free time activities (yes – no answers) “before therapy” and “now”: skiing, swimming, ball plays, mountain climbing, walking in the nature, visiting friends, isiting theatre, reading the books, education, visiting sport competitions, other. - If you compare your actual situation A / with the situation before therapy and B/ with the situation immediately after therapy/, how do you evaluate the following relations with (1= much worse than before, …, 5 = much better than before): partner / friends/ co – workers at job/ superiors at job/ subordinates / your children/ ther relatives/ with yourself. - C/ How would you evaluate your actual relations - How would you evaluate the quality of your life? (1 = not at all qualityfull, …, 5 = very qualityfull). - How would you evaluate your experiences connecting the Center for the mental health (1 = very bad, …, 5 = excellent): therapeutic work in the group / other members of the group/ social climate in the group/ accommodation in the center/ relation of your family towards you/ relation of your friends towards you/ other (what? / - How do you feel now? Differential of the proper needs satisfaction (look previous Appendix: - Which changes do you desire during therapy and accommodation in the Center of mental health? (1 = not at all desired, …, 5 = very desired): food /relation of medical sisters towards patients/ relation physician: patient/ amount of free time/ therapeutic work with patients/ physical conditions of accommodation. - How would you evaluate yourself today? Look to semantic differential “sd4” from previous appendix (nervous/calm, …, communicative/ non – communicative). - How would you, after all these years, evaluate therapy in the Center of mental health (7 point bipolar continuums with bipolar adjectives: unsuccessful/ successful, needed/ unneeded, professional/ unprofessional, not - charged/ charging, desired/ undesired, useful/ not - useful, without actual positive consequences/ with actual positive consequences. - How do you agree with the following statements (1 = I do not agree at all, …, 5 = I completely agree): eight (8) statements, like: I think, I’d make the same progress also without therapy. - To which degree are you (a/ before therapy, b/ immediately after therapy, c/ now) similar to particular target person (1/ somebody, who is successful in the job, 2/ somebody, with satisfying and organized family life and 3/ somebody, who is perceived as non – dependent on alcohol? (Open answer with continuum: 0 % = not at all similar, …, 100 % = completely similar). To which degree do you agree, that the following factors have positively influenced your actual status? (1 = I do not agree at all,..., 5 = I completely agree): accommodation in the Center/ group therapeutic work/ your family partner/ your children/ your best friends/ your neighbors/ your relatives/ collaborators from the job/ leadership from the job/ media and public opinion/ general habits of the environment, you live in/ ambulance help after therapy/ membership in the clubs of… Rus, Velko; Mihajlović Slađana; Šter, Jože: ANTHROPOPSYCHOECOLOGY (AP(S)E3 (ecology, etology, ergonomics) AS ATTEMPT OF PROPOSAL OF THE NEW PARADIGM Abstract: Year 2024 is the 145 half/anniversary of the foundation of the first experimental psychological laboratory (Wundt, Leipzig). Author, who mostly influenced the authors of actual contribution has been professor dr. Vojan Rus (departing from Jean – Piaget approach (psychology – epistemology – biology – philospohy – sociology). Anthropo-psycho-ecology (AP(S)E3 (ecology, etology, ergonomics) is project in the very beggining, it is expressively inter/trans-disciplinary and connected with T – HSBN ((trans/disciplinary humanistic/social/biological/natural)) and T – HS ((trans/disciplinary hub sciences); the integrating »triangle« among four fields/many fields anthropology/ecology. Key words: anthropo – psycho – ecology (AP(S)E3), T – HSBN (trans/disciplinary humanistic/social/biological/natural) sciences, »triangle« philospophy-psychology-sociology; T – HS (trans/disciplinary hub sciences), MF (many fields) anthropology/ecology. The year 2024 is connected with different half/ anniversaires. – Some of them are in/directly connected with the attempt to present the »idea« of anthropo-psycho(socio)-eco-logy (factually ecology represents also environmental studies and ergonomics (= 3E (ecology; etology; ergonomics), which also means vivid link with flexibly defined technological field (with (social) robotics as particular techno – point (?). Otherwise, our attempts have been almost 20 years long, most intensively in last fifteen years. Here are the half- anniversiares, which are supposed to have content and symbolic link with the attempt of proposal: 145 years of foundation (= in the year 1879) of the first experimental psychological laboratory in the world (W. Wundt, Leipzig). Wilhelm Wundt, its founder, divided/classified psychology as the science into two domains of knowledge, different so regarding their content, as regarding their research approach/ methodology: into a/physiological psychology and b/into the psychology of people (Volkerpsychologie). – Anthropopsychoecology (= »AP(S)E3« is also the attempt of developing and spreading & specification of Wundt's differentiation into »Volkerpsychologie« and »Physiologishe psychologue«. Both together could be perceived as T – HSBN (transdisciplinary – humanistic/social/biological (human) and natural sciences, or, even, as T – HS (transdisciplinary hub sciences). So expression, as the programme of »anthropopsychoecology« (= »AP(S)E3«) is very rarely mentioned in the very actual world (scientific) litterature. There is, of course, a lot of inter/multi/trans-disciplinary attempts, but usually not so holistic as the anthropo-psycho-ecological attempt of T- HSBN (trans/disciplinaty – humanistic; social; biological; natural), which is, factually, also the T – HS (trans/discyiplinary hub sciences). The main initiator of the concept/paradigm of »anthropopsychoecology« has been (he passed in 2015) professor dr. Vojan Rus (departing from Jean – Piaget approach (psychology – epistemology – biology – philospohy – sociology). Just to »say«, in the very beginning of actual contribution that ANTHROPO-PSYCHO-ECOLOGY (= AP(S)E = anthropo – psycho (socio) – ecology (with »pshilosophy«, together with psychology and sociology)) could be seen as integration of two, seemingly very distanced characteristics: 1/ APSE3 (E3 = ecology, etology, ergonomics) is an interdisciplinary collection of »classic«, multilevel & multiaspect, multi- level - cultural education, which has factually almost disappeared in average EU educational system. 2/ On the other side, »AP(S)E3« (= anthropopsychoecology) could be implemened as the very actual/modern multi-management approach, »covering« so organizational management, as specific managements, representing the wholeness of knowledge, competences & skills on particular areas (otherwise corresponding with the areas of applied fields (social cognition; economy, marketing; education, work, health/ilness, environment, sociopsychology of communication, media & public opinion, ….): ANTROPOPSYCHOECOLOGY (= (four fields) anthropology x philosophy/psychology/sociology x ecology (= AP(S)E or APE…)). Four fields anthropology could be »rebranded« into MF anthropology (multi fields anthropology); equal diversification could also be used for (MF) ecology (multifields ecology). One of the most important difference regarding »classical« psychology (sociology, philosophy…) are management functions (a/ organizational and b/ functional (health, risk, knowledge, innovative, (human) resource … management). The name is one of the suitable approximations of T –HSBN (trans – disciplinary humanistic – social – biological – natural), combining all extensions/dimensions of contemporary (social) psychology, sociology & philosophy, all of them contributing to possible maximum of TDSH (ISH) and urgent minimum starting point of BPE (biopsychoecology). It tries harder to combine philosophical, social, psychological, psychosocial, cultural anthropology_ies, so as human, cultural, social ecology on one side, but also biological, medical, health, forensic …anthropology & biophysical ecology on other side. – There are, of course, also other human & social disciplines »joining« TDSH (methodology, economics, marketing, cognitive science APSE is maybe quite a good »labelling« & content approximation of the minimal common denominator of different fields forming T – HSBN (interdisciplinary humanistic/social/biological/natural sciences. APSE as EBMM (evidence based multiple management), combined with philosophy, psychology, sociology, human biology, ecology, physics & empirical methods in behavioral sciences. Not only manager & *anthropologist, but also team player in multidisciplinary professional teams. Different fields of AP(s)E3 are consecrated to particular (scientific, research) areas (psychology, philosophy, sociology, anthropology, economics, …, neuroscience, psychophysiology, environmental studies, interactions with technical, material, bio – sphere…, epistemology and (general) research methodology, …together with significance of basic, complementary and additional knowledge (statistics, research design, mathematics, human biology, physics (bio* & technical options, …), included into the attempt of a new paradigm, trying to form non-rigid, open and flexible structure of diversified, inter/multi/ trans- disciplinary knowledge, where the »classic elements« of the single particular discipline are supposed to be equally recognisable as their inter-active & synthetic manifestations (with analogy with main and interactive effects of different single disciplines on structure and content of the new knowledge forming). As philosophy & socio-psychology//psycho – sociology (PSP/PPS) are the hardcore nucleus of interdisciplinary SHS (ISH), it's also the partial nucleus of the whole paradigm and even of BPE (bio-psycho-ecology). PSP & PhB (physics and (human) biology) are the hardcore nucleus of both paradigms (anthropopsychoecology or anthropo-psycho-techno-ecology (APTE)) and of interdisciplinary HSBN (S): humanistic, social, biological and natural sciences. Let us pay attention that term »social-psychology« is so etymologically, as contentfully (supposedly) different from »social psychology« in any of its (non)formally accepted manifestations & classifications (psychological, sociological, anthropological (Judith Howard) social psychology; socio – psycho – logy means combination of the »whole« sociology and, equally, of the intradisciplinary »psychology«, taking into account so their wholistic main & inter/multi/ trans-disciplinary interactive effect. Together with philosophy, the mentioned triad means urgent & sufficient framework not for the whole, but for the significant repertoire of inter/multi/ trans – disciplinary humanistic & social sciences (T-DSH). Using this nucleus/ mini – paradigm (= philosophy & socio – psychology) the majority fields of T-DSH are »covered«: social-psychology and: economy, marketing, general (empirical/ research) methodology, management (evidence based multiple management), communicology, newer history, human ecology; but, social-psychology & philosophy together, in deeper and more diversified way, »cover« yet different anthropologies (social, philosophical, cultural, psychosocial, psychological), linguistics, epistemology & particular segments of cognitive science. Although it »sounds« strange, »philosophy & social-psychology« is/are deeply theoretical, but also »sharply« empirical, experimental, applied & practical. (As conceptualized already in 1993 (Rus, V. S. (1993). Social psychology: theory, empiria, experiment, application. Ljubljana: Davean.) Just »philosophy & socio-psychology«, together, are able to unite classical anthropological knowledge & approach with effective approaches of evidence based multiple management. In such a triadic framework (philosophy, psychology, sociology), there is, besides »nothing is more appliable than a good theory«, also approach in development, called »Theory and practice of successful application«. As already mentioned in actual report, PSP are »only« the most important part (nucleus) of T-DSH (trans-disciplinary social & humanistic sciences). Significant parts, aspects, extensions of economy (economics; also econometric, all closely connected with sociology – psychology + economy), literature, linguistics (psycho - and socio -) are included with aspects, not so deeply and w/holistically embraced in PSP »framework«. Combined, parallel study of psychology and sociology at Faculty of arts (University of Ljubljana) in the second part of »seventies« (of previous century (1974 - 1979) shows the following: Besides comprehensive corpus of sociology of culture and of general sociology (at sociological study), there were (at psychological study) topics/ subjects like mathematics (at mathematical department), psychophysiology of work (on the basis of the handbook of excellent Croat Professor Zoran Bujas), bioergonomics/physics, hygiene, general physiology, physiology of work, psychophysics (also by excellent Croatian Professor Zoran Bujas), industrial & engineer psychology (together with human being vs. machine interaction studies), sensoric processes, neuropsychology, neurology (at School of Medicine, University of Ljubljana) – what all represented otherwise minimalistic, but, on the other side, contentful enough starting points for further self – or additional formal education on the field of biomedicine, bio-psychology and physics. For those, who had relatively a lot of those knowledge from before, it was a nice inter – mediate period to continue, complement, add and develop already existent knowledge from (human) biology and physics (which is, according to our judgement, urgently needed a/for understanding of essential bio – covariates of bio – psychological phenomena, b/for methodological comparisons of psychometrics and physical measurements, for understanding of c/ different aspects of relevant physical environment (noise, temperature, pressure, radiation/s, …), and of d/ different psychomotorical aspects of activity and inter-action on the areas of work, traffic, sport, physiotherapy, working therapy, … AP(S)E – for anthropopsychoecology, besides (multilevel & multiaspect) pluralistic & triangular approaches to subject/topics, methodology, epistemology and applications, also different missions are characteristical: its »identity card« embraces, besides »hard science«, also tolerancy for some alternative, esoteric, essay, spiritual, art oriented approaches, not as substitute, but as possible complement on different level of particular model of multilevel approach; as an example, on the health area, besides traditional, »hardcore« biomedical approaches, also particular approaches of complementary medicine, and on the field oh therapy, it's therapy with art which complements traditionally established approaches. AP(S)E is not afraid of alternative &/ esoteric approaches, it does not avoid them, but it tries, whenever possible, to verify them scientifically. Such essential approach does not exclude the images and feelings of single particular disciplines, included into the wholistic AP(T)E paradigm. Prophile & knowledge »identity card« of the APE could may/be recognisably presented also comparing some other disciplines, paying attention to expectancies that particular single disciplines are supposed to have functionally autonomous internal motivation, not only being in their instrumental function regarding the »ultimate topic«. From this comparative point of view, AP(S)E supposes knowledge of mathematics & physics on the level of a technical engineer, knowledge of (human & environmental) biology (ecology) of a biologist, psychopharmacology on the level of pharmacist psychometry & research design on the level of well educated psychologist, …, if only contents of some »less« PSP knowledge are mentioned. With economic & rational educational approach, extracting essentials from different single discipline/s quite a manageable study procedure could be realized (according to author of present article such essential psychological knowledge, not as invariant classification, are general/social psychology, methodology, cognition and self/personality). It's not the first time that such a proposal is given. In much more local environment/s, it was created also for 145 anniversary of laboratory's foundation and sent to different instances of Ljubljana University. It was otherwise named as »biopsychoecology«/«biopsychology«/ biopsychosocial approach/paradigm. As official proposal, it was somehow lost in Ljubljana University, but soon after that, we accept it as pure coincidence, it appeared as the study at some other Slovene University nearby Adriatic coast. There are also some other coincidences which show nothing more than similarity of ideas, but also the differences on some more differentiated level of anticipated development. – APS3E is finally something, characteristics for the vision of the development of psychology as the whole. Excusing for the very micro – local character of the example, we mention the SFU (Sigmund Freud University) in Ljubljana, which underline connection psychology has with anthropology, sociology, history, … In the meantime, especially in the last decade, some domains of knowledge and research, differently similar to APS3E appeared, although not under such an expression and without ambition to offer it as a new educational, research, scientific, or professional project. Anthropopsychoecology Inter/multi/trans-disciplinary Integrative, Natural – biological, humanistic & social intradisciplinary techno – psycho - areas physiological psychology, areas philosophy Four fields Four fields Anthropology anthropology (»here«: cultural and (»here«: archaeological, social and linguistics). biological) Anthropology (social, psychological, cultural, biological, forensic, cognitive, political, linguistics, physiological… Psychology (the whole intradisciplinary map). Ecology (social, psychological, cognitive, political, cross-cultural, bio – physical …). + Sociology, economy, marketing, new(er) history, (philosophical, social, psychological…) anthropology, linguistics, law (introduction), … + General, social, developmental, educational, health … psychology + Biological anthropology, human biology (anatomy & physiology, …), physics (bio* & technical *), pharmacology, neuroscience (social, affective, cognitive), techno-psycho-physiology, (social) robotics … Anthropopsychoecology is relatively long word, which could be written in different ways. Proposal of the name and of the program is written with copy right, because, according to data, known to author/s of program, no such a name of any academic program, area or subject exists anywhere in the world. Also the ecology is a vast area of concepts and approaches, with eco – anthropology, ecological psychology, partially also bioergonomics and different areas of geography), and environment could be treated in the sense of social, cultural, political, linguistic, law normative, psychological, biological and biophysical (»vivid«) environments. Already the etymology of the word shows to attempts of integration of different aspects, levels and contents from the areas of psychology, anthropology and ecology, so as from similar or related areas. It's about different contents, approaches, terminologies and methods from anthropological, psychological and ecological areas, which are evidently, explicitly recognizable and scientifically affirmed. Our programme attempts to be the »mix« of different »anthropologies« (psychological, cultural, social, biological, physiological, philosophical, industrial…), of different psychologies, treated in an intradisciplinary, integrative way (experimental, general, developmental, social, cognitive, cross-cultural, applied, social neuroscience & psychosomatics, evolutionary…), and of ecologies (geographical, human, social, bio-, psychological, …), in the spreadest possible, scientifically already accepted way, embracing problematics of individual (self, personality, person, identity), micro and macro social environments (society, community, institution, family, organization…) and culture (personal, organizational, societal), of health, work, culture, creativity and discovery, quality of life, life style, of personal and societal development, but also more specific aspects of work, traffic, sport, recreation, amusement, relax and leisure. Also the following specific areas belong to anthropopsyhoecological area: psychomotorics and functional bio – mechanics (anatomy and (neuro)physiology: sport, recreation, traffic, work, amusement/ relaxation, physiotherapy, embodiment …). Social psychosomatic and somatoformness. Social, affective and cognitive neuro – science. Psycho – pharmacology. Psychophysiology and dolorology. Biorobotics and technopsychophysiology. First aid and reanimation. Objectives & competences. Anthropopsychoecology is supposed to be target transdisciplinary product of different professions/ sciences: from psychological view, it could be derived from »Volkerpsychologie« (now transdisciplinary humanistic and social sciencies) and from physiological psychology (now biologically- on natural sciences based anthropopsychology). In the same time, contemporary anthropopsychoecology represents the multilevel attempt of the new synthesis of humanistics, social, natural and of biological sciences. Actual proposition is supposed to present the modul, which tries to integrate psychological, biological and natural sciences, as their application on the areas of health, sport and physical activity, traffic, work and amusement. Together with modul of transdisciplinary humanistics and social sciences, which represents the separate program proposal, it forms momentary wholeness of the introductory offer of the subject ANTHROPOPSYCHOECOLOGY. Understanding, attempts of synthesis and application of chosen knowledge from the areas of psychology, humanistics, social sciences, health sciences, of human biology and of particular aspects of natural sciences, especially connecting ecology, and embracing the problematics of individual, society, culture, work, creativity, health, traffic, sport, recreation, leisure and relaxation. This program can exist and can be realized only in the way of permanent openess, pre- & re – structuration, being reactive, functional and »self – transcending«. The attempts of transdisciplinarity tend to the integration of different contents and subjects; paradigmatically, it's conceptualized as open and flexible system of theoretical, methodological – epistemological, cross-cultural and applicative knowledge and approaches, which also try harder to transcend, especially on applied area, the separation of humanistics and social sciences from the biological – natural scientific aspects, but also the separation between theoretical – humanistic and market – utilitarian approach. Objectives and competences: Understanding, attempts of synthesis and application of chosen knowledge from the areas of psychology, humanistics, social sciences, health sciences, of human biology and of particular aspects of natural sciences, especially connecting ecology, and embracing the problematics of individual, society, culture, work, creativity, health, traffic, sport, recreation, leisure and relaxation. APSE(3) means also basic collection of basic knowledge of particular single disciplines/sciences, included into the »new paradigm« (analogy with statistical main effects of single factors); on the other side, it also means their »interactive effect«, non – eclectic, but synthetical, integrative attempt, all prepared and modified in the sense of institutional – educational offer. – It also means searching for the optimally in/formative knowledge offer of single particular discipline; sometimes, it could be disputable to do something like that, let's take just »psychology« as one of possible examples; my personal proposal for condensed psychological knowledge (besides social psychology) are methodology (including tests), cognition, clinics – health & personality: it would be enough for somebody without any basic psychological knowledge. Other disciplines are also supposed to form such an optimal, condensed programme, avoiding, as possible, coverings among disciplines, and favorizing possible synergic & facilitating effects (like, for example, »methodology in behavioural sciences«.). The very important part of APSE is something, what some single particular disciplines (of human and social sciences) completely neglect: identification, self – consciousness of »anonymous certain single discipline« on the areas of other single disciplines of humanistic and social sciences (Moscovici, for example, mentioned that different disciplines develop parts of their own »social psychology«; we can agree in naming it as »anonymous social psychology«, formulating »our« scientific goal as transforming them from anonymous to non- anonymous, with psychology more consistent (social) psychologies; not, of course, as directive pressure, but as attempt to resolve socio – cognitive conflict between »(social) psychology« and chosen compared discipline (for example, »psychology« vs. sociology, social/ cultural anthropology, history (of art), literature … – Similar approach could be implemented for »sociology« in other humanistic & social sciences, and for many other »combinations«, for example, psychology in economy (already done in prospect theory (behavioral economics) any by some economists (R. Thaler, Shiller, Jean Tirole, Benabou…), history »anywhere«, linguistics in communicology etc.). It's just psychology, where some »rudiments/ elements« of »anonymous« »anthropopsychoecology« have been existing, and, even developing; on the other side there is not enough of readiness Anthropopsychoecology – “interdisciplinary HSBN science/s” The name is one of the suitable approximations of I –HSBN, combining all extensions/dimensions of contemporary (social) psychology, sociology & philosophy, all of them contributing to possible maximum of TDSH (ISH) and urgent minimum starting point of BPE (biopsychoecology). It tries harder to combine philosophical, social, psychological, psychosocial, cultural anthropology_ies, so as human, cultural, social ecology on one side, but also biological, medical, health, forensic …anthropology & biophysical ecology on other side. – There are, of course, also other human & social disciplines »joining« TDSH (methodology, economics, marketing, cognitive science). APSE is maybe quite a good »labelling« & content approximation of the minimal common denominator of different fields forming I – HSBN (interdisciplinary humanistic/social/biological/natural sciences). APSE as EBMM (evidence based multiple management), combined with philosophy, psychology, sociology, human biology, ecology, physics & empirical methods in behavioral sciences. Not only manager & *anthropologist, but also team player in multidisciplinary professional teams. ISH/ TDSH is supposed to BF a full multilevel, multiaspect & multidimensional extension of psychology & sociology… On any working place a collection of different functions could be implemented. And, again: Interdisciplinary HSBN AP(T)E PSP (philosophy & sociopsych. ISH BTPE (bio(techno)psychoecology). »Psychological extract«: Technology: like in West point cognitive; clinical – health; Personality (in situations): Psychological methodology. Similarities & differences with general studies: How different disciplines are coordinated/ integrated: Cognitive science (as metaknowledge/metacognition of different areas/disciplines; …). History (political, social, cultural, economical of context/s; of discipline's development …). Methodology and epistemology (Piaget: epistemology of science of human being; ….). Economics & marketing (market positioning of …;). Communicology: Basic models: - model/curves »supply – demand, marginal (perceived) utility & other economics & marketing approaches; - motivational – action cycle, action, activity, work (process), creative, productive work; inter/action aspects; - communication – communicology (interpersonal, media, digital); communication & interaction & social exchange; - SPAA (situation – person – action – analysis): - EB … - Basic dimensions of any approach: - Reflexivity & falsifiability - Historical – cultural approach (of context… - Metaknowledge/ metacognition Competences: 1/ »Writing« (professional; copywriting; journalism; popular; scientific; belletristic/ literature; any occasion; any situation). 2/ Research 3/ Education, consulting, instructing, training 4/ Innovation 5/ Skill/s. 6/ Management (& anthropology), multiple …(MMP = multiple management process (organization; area; function). Contemporary (social) psychology (basic knowledge: human biology, physics (bio* & technical), rudiments of biochemistry) as rudimentar biopsychoecology: - social neuroscience: specific EB skills - social psychophysiology: specific EB skills - social psychosomatics/somatoform: specific EB skills- social psycho – motorics: specific EB skills (sport, traffic, productive & administrative/ managerial/ intellectual work, physiotherapy, work therapy, physical activity - social psycho – pharmacology: specific EB skills- ecological/ environmental area (noise, radiation, temperature, different pollutions, climate (change), real estates, …): specific EB skills. Also other »starting points« are possible, »here« only the starting point of contemporary social psychology are presented. Also: Van Haller Gilmer (Industrial psychology, 1961, 1968): technopsychophysiology (= bioergonomics): humans are not only in interaction with »machines/ technology«, they are in interaction with environment, where/when machines/technology are in instrumental function of conserving, change & production. Also (social) robotics & flexible automatization. From past to future, with my father, with my study, with Rostohar, at 100 years of University… Three blocks of literature, recommended to students as partially connected with some aspects of anthropopsychoecological problematics: Block 1: + Acevedo, E. O. (2012, ed.). The Oxford Handbook of Exercise psychology. Oxford. + Anderson, N., Ones, D. S., Sinangil, H. K. in Viswesvaren, C. (2001; 2002; 2005). Handbook of industrial, work and organizational psychology. Sage. + Applied biological anthropology, http://www.bioanth.cam.ac.uk/ mphil- handbook-bioanth – 2012 -2013. + Ayres, R. U. in Ayres, L. W. (2002). A handbook of industrial ecology. Edward Elgar. + Barnard, A., Spencer, J. (2007, eds.). Encyclopedia of social and cultural anthropology. London, NY: Routledge (11th ed. (? + Benabou, R. & Tirole, J. (1999/ 2000). Self – confidence: intrapersonal strategies. Woodrow Wilson School Working Paper No. 209, 51 pages. + Benabou, R. & Tirole, J. (2006). Incentives and pro – social behavior. AER – American Economic review - AEA (Amer. Econ. Assoc.), 96 (5), 1652 – 1678. (Ne pozabiti na področja, s katerimi se intenzivno ukvarja nobelovec J. Tirole: Market power of regulation of large companies (industrial org., game theory, psychology and economics). + Bernheim, B. D., Della Vigna, S. in Laibson, D. (2018). Handbook of behavioral ecomnomics – foundation and application. Elsevier (psihološki pomen denarja, “mental accountimng”, laični...) + Bernheim, B. D., Della Vigna, S. in Laibson, D. (2018). Handbook of behavioral ecomnomics – foundation and application. Elsevier + Bernard, H. L. in Gravlee, C. ((1998), 2015, eds.). Handbook of methods in cultural anthropology. Maryland, Rowman & Littlefield. + Biddle, J. H. in Mutrie, N. (2008). Psychology of physical activity – determinants, well-being and interventions. Routledge, 2nd edition. + Blau, S. in Ubelaker, D. H. (2009). Handbook of forensic anthropology and archeology. Left coast press. + Brown, B., de Laplante, K., Peacock, K., Gabbay, D. M. & Thagard, P. (2011, eds.). Philosophy of ecology. North Holland. + Bujas, Z. (1964) Psihofiziologija rada. Zagreb. + Cacioppo, J. T. in Bernston, G. G. (2003). Social psychological contributions to the decade of the brain: doctrine of multilevel analysis. V A. Kruglanski in T. Higgins, T. (eds). Social psychology (str. 9 - 22). Psychology Press. + Cacciopo, J. T., Tassinary, L. G., Bernston, G. G. (2007, ed.). Handbook of psychophysiology. Cambridge university press. + Camic, P., Knight, S. (eds., 1998), Clinical Handbook of Health Psychology, Hogrefe & Huber, 1998 + Damon, A. (ed., 1975). Physiological anthropology. NY, London, Toronto: Oxford University Press. + Decety, J. in Cacciopo, J. T. (2011, eds.). The Oxford handbook of social neuroscience. Oxford University Press. + Denis, M. (2000). Beyond psychology: trans-disciplinary contexts (with other social and natural sciences, humanisties, neuroscience and cognitive science). V K. Pawlik in M. Rosenzweig: International handbook of psychology. London: Sage. + Dibie, P. (2001). Une sauvage anthropologie de la modernite.V Buschini, F. in Kalampalikis, N. (eds.).Penser la vie, le social, la nature - Melanges en l'honneur de Serge Moscovici (str. 45-48). Paris: Editions de la Maison des sciences de l'homme. + Ellis, G. F. R in Toronchuk, J. A. (2005). Neural development: Affective and immune system influences. V R. D. Ellis in N. Newton (eds.). Conscious & emotion: agency, conscious choice, and selective perception (str. 81 – 120). John Benjamins Publishing Company. + Fowler, T. J., Scadding, J. W. (2003). Clinical neurology. London: Hoddes Arnold (3rd ed.). + Gates, D. M. (1980). Biophysical ecology. New York, Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Verlag. + Gates, D. M. (2003). Biophysical ecology. Dover edition. Gruber, H. E. in Bodeker, K., ur. (2011). Creativity, psychology and the history of science. Springer. + Handbook of ecological concepts: Helmholtz centre for environmental research – UFZ, online. + Haralambos, M., Rice, D. (2002, eds.). Psychology in focus. Causeway Press. + Hersen, M., Turner, S. in Beidel, D. C., ur.(2007). Adult psyhopathology and diagnosis. Wiley. + Hong, Y., Bartlett, R. (2008, eds.). Routledge Handbook of biomechanics and human movement science. Routledge. + Ingold, T. (2005, ed.). Companion encyclopedia of anthropology. + Južnič, S. (1998). Človekovo telo. Ljubljana: FDV. + Klavora, P. (2008). Founding of kinesiology: studying human movement and health. Toronto: Sport Books Publisher (14th ed.). + Kline, P. (2000). Handbook of psychological testing. New York, London: Routledge. + Kusnecov, A. W., Anisman, H. (2013, eds.). The Wiley Blackwell Handbook of psychoneuroimmunology. + Marsella, E. (Ezequiel), Bargh, J. A. in Gollwitzer, P. M. (2009, ed.), Oxford handbook of human action (social cognition and social neuroscience).NY, Oxford. + Masaryk, T. G. (1970). Suicide and the meaning of civilisation. Chicago: The university of Chicago press. + Michon, J. A. (1979, ed.). Handbook of psychosomatics. Elsevier. + Nemeroff, C. B. in Loosen, P. T. (1987). Handbook of clinical psychoneuroenocrinology. John Wiley & sons. + Pervin, A. L. & John, O. P. (1999). Handbook of Personality. NY, London. The Guilford Press. + Podlesek, A., Brenk, K. (2004). Osnove psihološkega merjenja: psihofizikalna metodologija. Ljubljana: Filozofska fakulteta. + Putz, R in Pabst, R. (2006, eds.). Sobotta – Atlas of human anatomy. Urban $ Fischer. Munchen, Jena: Elsevier. + Ruble, D. N., Costanzo, P. R., Oliveri, M. E. (eds., 1992), The Social Psychology of Mental Health: NY: Basic Mechanisms and Applications, Guilford Publications. + Salvendy, G. (2012, ed.). Handbook of human factors and ergonomics. NJ: Wiley. + Sanders, G. S., Suls, J. (eds.) Social Psychology of Health and Illness, Mahawah, Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, New Jersey, 1989 + Schatzberg, A. F. in Nemeroff, C. B. (2002). Textbook of psychopharmacology, 4th. Ed., The American psychiatric publishing. + Schwartz, T. et al. (eds.), New Directions in Psychological Anthropology, Cambridge University Press, 1992, 1995 + Schwarzer, R. (2000). Health psychology. V K. Pawlik in M. Rosenzweig: International handbook of psychology. London: Sage. + Segerstrom, S. (2012, ed.).The Oxford handbook of psychoneuroimmunology. NY, Oxford. + Stokols, D. & Altman, I. (1991, eds.). Handbook of environmental psychology (vol. 1 & 2). Malabar, Florida: Krieger Publishing Company. + Stroebe, W., in Stroebe, M. S. (1995). Social psychology and health, Open University Press, Buckingham + Suh, S. (2009). Handbook of input – output economics in industrial ecology. Springer. + Taylor, S. E. in Brown, J. D. (2003). Illusion and well-being: a social psychological perspective on mental health. V A. Kruglanski in T. Higgins, T. (eds). Social psychology (str. 23-37). Psychology Press + Terwilliger, J. D., in Ott, J. (2015). Handbook of human genetic linkage. + Tukker, A. (2015, ed.). Eco – efficiency in industry and science. Springer Verlag. + Ungar, M. (2012, ed.). The social ecology of resilience. Springer. + U.S. department of health and human services (2010): The New Genetics, NIH Publication, 2010. + Vayer, P. in Toulouse, P. (1982). Psychosociologie de l'action. Le motif et l'action. Paris: Doin – editeurs. + Winterton, J., Delamare – Le Deist, F., Stringfellow, E. (2006). Typology of knowledge, skills and competencies: clarification of the concept and prototype. CEDEFOP reference series (European centre fort he development of the vocational training) , tudi online. Block 2 Selected chapters from the following literature: + Akerlof, G. & Shiller, R. (2009). The animal spirits: how human psychology drives the economy and why it matters for global capitalism. NJ: Princeton. + Amabile, T. M. (1996). Creativity in context: Update to the social psychology of creativity. Westview Press. + Argyle, M. (1989). The social psychology of work. Penguin Books. + Baert, P. (1998). Social theory in the twentieth century. NY: University press. + Barnard, A., Spencer, J. (2007, eds.). Encyclopedia of social and cultural anthropology. London, NY: Routledge (11th ed. (?) + Benabou, R. & Tirole, J. (1999/ 2000). Self – confidence: intrapersonal strategies. (Online). + Biddle, J. H. in Mutrie, N. (2008). Psychology of physical activity – determinants, well-being and interventions. Routledge, 2nd edition. + Bujas, Z., Psihofiziologija rada. Zagreb. + Cacioppo, J. T. in Bernston, G. G. (2003). Social psychological contributions to the decade of the brain: doctrine of multilevel analysis. V A. Kruglanski in T. Higgins, T. (eds). Social psychology (str. 9 - 22). Psychology Press. + Haralambos, M. Rice, D. (2002, eds.). Psychology in focus. Causeway Press. + Damon, A. (ed., 1975). Physiological anthropology. NY, London, Toronto: Oxford University Press. + Denis, M. (2000). Beyond psychology: trans-disciplinary contexts (with other social and natural sciences, humanisties, neuroscience and cognitive science). V K. Pawlik in M. Rosenzweig: International handbook of psychology. London: Sage. + Dibie, P. (2001). Une sauvage anthropologie de la modernite. V Buschini, F. in Kalampalikis, N. (eds.). Penser la vie, le social, la nature - Melanges en l'honneur de Serge Moscovici (str. 45-48). Paris: Editions de la Maison des sciences de l'homme. + Dittmar, H. (1992): The social psychology of material possession. To have is to be. Harresster wheatsheaf – St. Martin's press. + Ellis, G. F. R in Toronchuk, J. A. (2005). Neural development: Affective and immune system influences. V R. D. Ellis in N. Newton (eds.). Conscious & emotion: agency, conscious choice, and selective perception (str. 81 – 120). John Benjamins Publishing Company. + Eysenck, M., W. (2001). Psychology (A student's handbook). Psychology Press. + Fairweather, G. W. & Davidson, W. S. (1986). An introduction to community experimentation. New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company. + Fowler, T. J., Scadding, J. W. (2003). Clinical neurology. London: Hoddes Arnold (3rd ed.). + Gruber, H. E. in Bodeker, K., ur. (2011). Creativity, psychology and the history of science. Springer. + Friderick, S., Kahneman, D., Mochon, D. (2010). Elaborating a simpler theory of anchoring. Journal of Consumer Psychology, 20(1), 17 – 19. + Giddens, A. (1993). Sociology. London: Polity + Gruber, H. E. in Bodeker, K., ur. (2011). Creativity, psychology and the history of science. Springer. + Haralambos, M., Rice, D. (2002, eds.). Psychology in focus. Causeway Press. + Heiman, G. A. (1995). Research methods in psychology. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company. + Ingold, T. (2005, ed.). Companion encyclopedia of anthropology. Routledge. + Južnič, S. (1998). Človekovo telo. Ljubljana: FDV. + Klavora, P. (2008). Founding of kinesiology: studying human movement and health. Toronto: Sport Books Publisher (14th ed.). + Kotler, P., Principles of Marketing, Prentice Hall, New Jersey, ena od izdajod 1986 naprej. + Mali, F. (2006). Epistemologija družbenih ved. FDV. + Marsella, E. (Ezequiel), Bargh, J. A. in Gollwitzer, P. M. (2009, ed.), Oxford handbook of human action (social cognition and social neuroscience. NY, Oxford. + Mesquita. B. in Frijda, N. 81992). Cultural variations in emotions: a review. Psychological Bulletin, 112, 2, 179-204 + Piaget, J. (1972): Epistemologie des sciences de l’homme. Paris: Gallimard. (Piaget, J. (1979). (Epistemologija nauka o čoveku. Beograd: Nolit)). + Podlesek, A., Brenk, K. (2004). Osnove psihološkega merjenja: psihofizikalna metodologija. Ljubljana: Filozofska fakulteta. + Putz, R in Pabst, R. (2006, eds.). Sobotta – Atlas of human anatomy. Urban $ Fischer. Munchen, Jena: Elsevier. +Rus, Vojan (1997, ed.). Etika in morala v sodobni družbi. Ljubljana: Anthropos. + Samuelson, P. & Nordhaus, W. Economics. McGraw Hill (1989). + Schermerhorn, J. R., Hunt, J. G. in Osborn, R. N. (2000). Organizational behavior. NY, Brisbane, Toronto. John Wiley & Sons. + Schieffelin, B.B. & Ochs, E. (1992): Language Socialization Across Cultures. Cambridge, Massachusetts and London: The MIT Press. + Schwartz, T. et al. (eds.), New Directions in Psychological Anthropology, Cambridge University Press, 1992, 1995 + Schwarzer, R. (2000). Health psychology. V K. Pawlik in M. Rosenzweig: International handbook of psychology. London: Sage. + Semin, R. G., Fiedler, K. (1996): Applied social psychology. Sage. + Smith, P. B. in Bond. M. H. (1998). Social psychology across cultures. Prentice Hall, str. 198 – 230 (chaper no. 8: Organizational behaviour). + Schwarzer, R. (2000). Health psychology. V K. Pawlik in M. Rosenzweig: International handbook of psychology. London: Sage. + Shadish, W. R., Fuller, S. (1994, eds.), The social psychology of science, Guilford publications, NY, 1994 + Smith, B. P. & Bond, M. H., Social Psychology Across Cultures, Prentice Hall, 1998 + Stokols, D. & Altman, I. (1991, eds.). Handbook of environmental psychology (vol. 1 & 2). Malabar, Florida: Krieger Publishing Company. + Trice, H. M., Beyer, J. M. (1993). The Cultures of Work Organizations, NJ: Englewood Cliffs. + Trstenjak, A. (1981). Psihologija ustvarjalnosti. Ljubljana: Slovenska matica. + Valsiner, J. in Rosa, A., ur. (2007). Sociocultural psychology. Cambridge University Press. + Vayer, P. in Toulouse, P. (1982). Psychosociologie de l'action. Le motif et l'action. Paris: Doin – editeurs. PRILOGA// APPENDIX: Dopisi sedaj pokojnemu rektorju, prof. dr. Jožetu Mencingerju Izr. prof. dr. Velko S. Rus, Oddelek za psihologijo Filozofska fakulteta Univerza v Ljubljani Aškerčeva 2 Tel.: 241 11 66 Spoštovani gospod rektor Univerze v Ljubljani red. prof. dr. Jože Mencinger Kongresni trg 1 Spoštovani gospod rektor ! znova se Vam oglašam v zvezi s pobudo, ki jo skušam na različne načine promovirati že nekaj let, intenzivneje zadnjih sedem let. Tudi sicer se mi zdi ravno ta »trenutek«, poleg tega, da je povezan z nekaterimi obletnicami in jubileji (ki bodo omenjeni v kasnejšem tekstu), primeren za dodatno osvetlitev predloga o ustanovitvi inštituta, ki bi se lahko imenoval Inštitut za psihologijo ter interdisciplinarne študije oz. »samo« Inštitut za interdisciplinarno družboslovje. Problematika inštitutov in njihovega delovanja je pomemben element identitete in dinamike univerzitetnega razvoja. Poleg tega je problematika (univerzitetnih) inštitutov za Univerzo v Ljubljani »ta hip« še posebej aktualna. Dovolim si Vas prositi, da bi pričujoči dopis obravnavali kot spoštljivo prošnjo za pomoč pri premisleku o ustanovitvi inštituta, katerega vloga, pomen in smotri so bili obrazloženi tudi v Vestniku Univerze v Ljubljani (fotokopija omenjenega članka je priložena). Gre za prispevek z naslovom “Nacionalno pomembni jubileji kot priložnost za ozaveščeno odgovornost: meduniverzitetno sodelovanje ter interdisciplinarna naravnanost kot priložnost za univerzitetni in strokovni razvoj«. Prispevek govori o projektu, ki je bil od vsega začetka zasnovan kot meduniverziteten, kar pa ne izključuje začetnih oz. “neodvisnih” korakov s strani vsake od slovenskih univerz. V celoti in popolnoma sem pripravljen prevzeti odgovornost za tovrstni projekt (ko gre za Univerzo v Ljubljani), hkrati pa s polno odgovornostjo opozarjam na nekaj že uveljavljenih mladih ljudi, ki so se že spoprijeli s podobnimi izzivi. So izkušeni, uveljavljeni, izobraženi in za delo motivirani. “Pokrivajo” področja psihologije, sociologije, zgodovine, filozofije in še kaj bi se našlo, hitro pa se lahko »razširimo« tudi s sodelavci z novih področij. Lastno kompetentnost oz. kompetentnost sodelavcev v zvezi z omenjenim projektom si dovolim obrazložiti tudi z določenimi dejstvi oz. argumenti, ki so večinoma povezani z mojimi avtobiografskimi podatki. Edini cilj njihovega navajanja je podčrtati izkušnje in znanja, ki sem jih pridobival od študijskih let naprej in ki bi me lahko usposabljala za aktivnega udeleženca tovrstnega inštituta. Kot maturant nekoč “Šubičeve gimnazije” v Ljubljani, (ki je tedaj, sredi sedemdesetih let, slovela kot ena kakovostnih srednjih šol v Sloveniji), sem dobil posebno priznanje Zveze mladine Slovenije za izjemne učne uspehe, kot diplomant psihologije in sociologije na Filozofski fakulteti v Ljubljani pa sem oba študija končal kot prvi v generaciji s povprečno oceno cca. 9.5. (Pri čemer sem, tako pri študiju psihologije, kot pri študiju sociologije, poudarek zastavil na branju izvorne literature, predvsem v angleškem in francoskem jeziku). Pred odhodom v takratno jugoslovansko vojsko sem dve leti, poleg študija tretje stopnje, intenzivno deloval v praksi, skoraj vsakotedensko poučeval na delavskih univerzah, (zlasti C. Štupar in B. Kidrič), eno leto poučeval na Srednji zdravstveni šoli v Ljubljani (Poljanska c.), na Zavodu za tehnično izobraževanje pa izvajal delavnice za delovodje različnih delovnih organizacij v Sloveniji. Še pred šolskim letom 1981/82 (gre za približno dvajsetletnico) sem izdelal predlog razširitvenega programa vaj iz socialne psihologije (in ga predstavil prof. dr. B. Peršiču) na Oddelku za psihologijo v Ljubljani in uspešno sodeloval v prepričevanju, da je potrebna širitev iz enoletnega v dvoletni program študija socialne psihologije. Do tedaj se je socialna psihologija 30 (trideset) let izvajala kot enoletni program študija. Šele z omenjeno širitvijo so se ustvarili pogoji za nadaljnjo (zelo pozitivno) kadrovsko širitev omenjene katedre. Omenim naj le, da zadnjih 15 let poleg klasične oz. tradicionalne socialne psihologije izjemno intenzivno sledim in razvijam koncepte, ki socialno psihologijo oblikujejo tudi kot societalno, aplikativno, medkulturno in antropološko disciplino. Omenjena orientacija zahteva izrazitejšo interdisciplinarno usmeritev in številna /nujna/ dopolnilna znanja s področij drugih družboslovnih in humanističnih ved. Na tem mestu se bom posvetil predvsem kratki predstavitvi projektov, ki naj bi morda nekoliko prispevali k prikazu zgodovine izkušenj na različnih področjih raziskovanja. Pomladi in jeseni 1989 sem bil soustanovitelj privatnih podjetij za marketinško in managersko izobraževanje in raziskovanje, za organizacijske in podjetniške študije (Veanda in Davena d.o.o.): obe podjetji sta bili med prvimi tovrstnimi privatnimi podjetji v Sloveniji. (V čast nam je bilo, da ste bili pred dobrimi trinajstimi leti eden predavateljev za naše podjetje tudi Vi osebno, sicer samo enkrat, nekateri Vaši sodelavci na istem seminarju pa kasneje še mnogokrat - prof. dr. Bogomir Kovač npr.). V omenjenih podjetjih sem nadaljeval z izvajanjem programov, ki sem jih že od l. 1988 uspešno izvajal v okvirju CPI Cene Štupar: v tistem času so bili to še sorazmerno redki programi na temo marketinga, managementa, analiz organizacijske klime in kulture, inovativnega managementa, pogajalskih tehnik itd. Na nagovor številnih udeležencev takratnih pretežno dvodnevnih seminarjev sem programe že l. 1989 predložil Ekonomski (dekanu prof. dr. Fabjančiču) in Pravni fakulteti v Ljubljani (dekanu prof. dr. Udetu). Od gospoda dekana Udeta sem takrat dobil prijazen pisni odgovor, da na Pravni fakulteti v Ljubljani že obstaja predmet Sodna psihologija (kar po mojem mnenju še vedno ne izključuje mnogo širšega programa sodobne Socialne psihologije prava). V omenjenih dveh podjetjih so v tistem času izkušnje pridobivali številni kasnejši uveljavljeni kadri v trženju, promocijski dejavnosti in raziskovanju. Podjetje Veanda d.o.o. se je ukvarjalo tudi z drugimi dejavnostmi, med drugim smo skupaj postavili temelje oz. ustanovili tudi šolo tujih jezikov, ki se je , (ko sam nisem bil več član te družbe), preimenovala v “Panteon” d.o.o.. V letih od 92 – 94 sem kot solastnik družbe Davean prispeval k medijskim analizam in študiju programa Kanala A , TV postaje, finančno kompenzacijo pa smo si uspešno zagotovili s trženjem t.i. promocijskega časa na Kanalu A. Bili smo verjetno prvi, ki smo »se preživljali« z dvojnim delom – za raziskave smo bili nagrajeni s “časom”, ki smo ga nato prodali in tako sami sebe “izplačali”. Po letu 1996 je dejavnost podjetja Daven skorajda zamrla, leta 2000 pa ga je sodišče “zaprlo”, ker v podjetju kar nekaj časa ni bilo nobenega prometa. Seveda sem si goreče želel podjetje oživeti in ga prevzeti v celoti sam, a je bila pritožba v zvezi z “zaprtjem” zavrnjena. V tem času sem, skupaj s teamom podjetja Veanda in Davean (včasih skupaj z danes zelo znanimi strokovnjaki), sodeloval pri (notranjem) podjetniškem svetovanju v različnih slovenskih podjetjih, pa tudi pri ustanavljanju različnih družb z omejeno odgovornostjo. (Čisto na začetku naše “poti” smo predlagali, da se ustanovi t.i. managerska šola za šolske ravnatelje, oblikovali smo predlog izobraževalnega programa in v ta namen obisk(ov)ali gospo Marijo Velikonja. Kasnejša ustanovitev podobne šole v Radovljici nas je zelo razveselila). Prilagojeno programsko ponudbo izobraževanja (ki ga do tedaj še ni bilo) na temo managementa in marketinških managerskih procesov sem oblikoval in ponudil tudi na področju kulture in športa, oz. študijskim smerem, ki so obravnavale eno od omenjenih področij (tudi nekaterim oddelkom na Filozofski fakulteti v Ljubljani). V letih od 1994 do 1998 sem intenzivno deloval v poskusih ustanavljanja sokolskega društva “Lipa”, društva za osebno (telesno in duhovno) kulturo, kakovost življenja, šport in rekreacijo. Oblikoval sem nekaj novih predlogov programov rekreativne tekmovalne in netekmovalne dejavnosti, celoten koncept pa utemeljil na nekaterih novih socioloških, socialno psiholoških in organizacijskih izhodiščih. Izpeljali smo nekaj simbolnih poletnih tekmovanj na področju t.i. tehničnega športnega mnogoboja, sicer pa je celoten koncept skušal po daljšem času »rehabilitirati« pojem telesne kulture, izpostaviti pomen rekreacije in zveze s problematiko zdravja, življenjskega stila in kakovosti življenja. Omenjeni predlogi oz. programi so bili seveda tudi objavljeni in upam, da bo Univerza v Ljubljani upoštevala pomen njihove vsebine in časa nastanka. V času od 1995 do l. 2000 sem intenzivno sodeloval v ustanavljanju, oblikovanju in delovanju slovenskega društva T. G. Masaryk za filozofsko antropologijo, etiko ter za sodelovanje humanističnih in družboslovnih ved. Omenjeno društvo je v letih od 1995 do 2000 izpeljalo nekaj zelo obsežnih in uspešnih interdisciplinarnih konferenc, simpozijev oz. znanstvenih srečanj, pri večini sem bil soorganizator, nekatera od srečanj so imela tudi mednarodni značaj.(Celoten projekt ustanavljanja in vodenja Društva T.G. Masaryk, vključno z izjemno izvedbo večjega števila že omenjenih (mednarodnih) simpozijev, je uresničil dr. Vojan Rus). Od junija 1999 sem tudi izvoljeni predsednik Društva psihologov Slovenije, julija 2001 pa sem bil tudi drugič izvoljen za predsednika z iztekom mandata julija 2003. V tem času sem vzpostavil nove segmente kadrovske strukture in delovanja društva. tem času smo predlog zakona o psihološki dejavnosti “spravili do” nivoja resnično zadnje instance legalnega in legitimnega odločanja, do parlamentarne debate o zakonu, ki ga je podprlo skoraj 40 % poslancev DZ RS. Omenjeni finale je bil sad intenzivnega triletnega dela in naporov vseh članov vodstva društva (pri tem bi posebej podčrtal vlogo njegove podpredsednice dr. Agate Zupančič), predstavljal pa je največji dotedanji uspeh in promocijo v društveni zgodovini. Menim, da je bila za stroko velika škoda to, da poslanci omenjenega predloga niso podprli: vsebinska analiza njihove diskusije oz. udeležba na tej seji morda pokaže, da jih kar nekaj ni imelo dovolj točne predstave o tem “kaj, zakaj in čemu”. Isto vodstvo Društva psihologov Slovenije je Oktobra 2002 sodelovalo pri organizaciji verjetno do sedaj najuspešnejšega kongresa slovenskih psihologov, ki je od 24. – 26. oktobra potekal v Radencih, na naše vabilo pa so se ga udeležili uveljavljeni psihologi iz petih različnih evropskih držav. Kongres je pomenil pomembno promocijo ne le za slovensko psihologijo, ampak tudi deloma za Slovenijo samo. S skupino mladih sodelavcev (dr. Andrej Pančur, mag. Martin Premk, študentje tretje stopnje oz. magistranti Kristjan Verbič, Milan Likič Guček in Marko Habjan ter univ. dipl. zgodovinar Aleksander Lavrenčič iz arhiva RTV Slovenije) smo se na začetku meseca decembra l. 2002 v Pragi aktivno udeležili mednarodne konference z naslovom “Čehi in Nemci v delih in politiki T. G. Masaryka”: prevladujoč pozitivni vtis strokovnega oz. znanstvenega nastopa na omenjeni konferenci naj dopolnim s podatkom, da smo bili nanjo tudi uradno vabljeni s strani Inštituta T.G. Masaryk Akademije znanosti Češke republike. Sprejeti smo bili tudi pri veleposlaniku Republike Slovenije v Pragi, omenjeni nastop pa je bil tudi končnica mojega projekta sodelovanja z Inštitutom za psihologijo Akademije znanosti Češke republike, ki je kot skoraj neprekinjena zaporedna izmenjava aktivnosti v letu za češko – slovensko sodelovanje pomembnih obletnic potekala od konca maja do konca oktobra, oz. do začetka decembra 2002. (Sodelavci iz večine omenjenih projektov so med drugimi tudi tisti, ki jih predlagam kot sodelavce inštituta oz. centra za interdisciplinarno družboslovje, s poudarkom na sociopsiholoških študijah). Morda res mimogrede: Doslej sem sodeloval tudi z raziskovalci številnih fakultet (medicinske, biotehnične, za farmacijo, za šport, informatiko in računalništvo), nudil pa sem tudi pomoč (v raziskovalnem načrtovanju, izvedbi raziskav in pri ustrezni obdelavi podatkov) različnim diplomantom, doktorandom in raziskovalcem z drugih fakultet. Dovolite mi, da na tem mestu ne bi omenjal imen in projektov, saj je šlo za popolnoma prostovoljno dejavnost - kar seveda ne pomeni, da ne obstajajo dostopna pričevanja o tem, kako je omenjena pomoč potekala. Če se sedaj vrnem k predlogu ustanovitve inštituta: projekti, ki bi se v njem izvajali, torej ne bi bili bili seštevki, ampak interaktivni učinki različni strok: do sedaj smo tovrstno obravnavanje problematike vendarle zmogli v že omenjenem slovenskem društvu T. G. Masaryk. Še zlasti bi bili počaščeni, če bi po vseh letih dobili priložnost, da smotre, cilje, načine delovanja in vsebine pojasnimo osebno Vam, spoštovani gospod rektor Univerze v Ljubljani, morda pa tudi spoštovanim gospem in gospodom profesoricam in profesorjem, članicam in članom senata Univerze v Ljubljani. Z željo, da kot aktivni pobudniki skupaj ustvarimo novo priložnost za interdisciplinarnost in odličnost strok, zlasti tistih, ki so povezane s psihologijo, da ponudimo novo priložnost mladim ter da pri tem opozorimo na nekatere nacionalno pomembne jubileje članic univerze – vse to naj bi bila naša pot k še večji odličnosti, ki je ne bomo zmogli brez večje podpore in odločnosti tistih, ki v razpodelitvi vpliva razpolagajo z daljšimi vzvodi socialne moči od predlagateljev omenjenega inštituta. Prilagam Vam tudi prispevek, ki je bil objavljen v Vestniku, pa tudi nekaj prejšnjih predlogov, in sicer z namenom, da dobite vpogled v zgodovino predlogov na temo ustanovitve že omenjenega inštituta. Vendarle pa si Vas dovolim opozoriti na novonastalo dejstvo, da predlagam/o ustanovitev inštituta z alternativnim nazivom “Inštitut za interdisciplinarno družboslovje”, kjer bi imela psihologija oz. sociopsihologija pomembno središčno oz. povezovalno vlogo, v samem naslovu inštituta pa ne bi bila omenjena. Na Oddelku za psihologijo Univerze v Ljubljani obstaja sprejeta ocena, da je psihologija 80 % družboslovna stroka: ne glede na moje nestrinjanje z omenjenimi “odstotki”, je taka definicija vendarle združljiva s pomenom, ki bi ga imela (socio)psihologija v inštitutu za interdisciplinarno družboslovje. Ob vseh obletnicah psihološke stroke v letu 2002 predlagam/o/ ustanovitev inštituta, kjer bi prvič prišla do izraza interdisciplinarna, spodbujevalna, posredovalna in povezovalna vloga “psihologije” oz. »psihologov«. Koncept dela bi lahko morda najlažje in etimološko najbolj upravičeno poimenovali kot “sociopsihološke”, saj izraz sam etimološko jasno poudarja, da gre za kombinacijo “naukov” tako o psihološkem, kot o socialnem oz. družbenem. Tovrstna vloga “psihologije” v Sloveniji bi seveda koristila tudi številnim drugim strokam. Aktualni predlog torej sovpada z obletnicami oz. jubileji nekaterih članic naše univerze, katere ustanovitelj je bil psiholog (in kasneje tudi prvi socialni psiholog v Sloveniji) Mihajlo Rostohar, povezan pa je tudi z imenom Antona Trstenjaka, po mojem osebnem prepričanju največjega slovenskega psihologa (Inštitut Antona Trstenjaka je bil namreč ustanovljen leta 1992). Aktualni predlog se spoštljivo ozira na njuno dediščino kot na pomembno osnovo nadaljnjega dela institucije, katere ustanovitev se, upoštevaje pomembne nacionalno – identitetne razsežnosti omenjenega predloga, predlaga v dopisih in materialih, ki so (bili) poslani skupaj s pričujočim prispevkom. Zlasti velja opozoriti na kopijo članka, ki je bil objavljen v Vestniku Univerze v Ljubljani, in sicer z naslovom “Nacionalno pomembni jubileji kot priložnost za ozaveščeno odgovornost: meduniverzitetno sodelovanje ter interdisciplinarna naravnanost kot priložnost za univerzitetni in strokovni razvoj”. V omenjenem članku je na kratko razložen potek dogajanj, ki so prispevala k oblikovanju dokončnejšega poimenovanja, dela in programa tega, česar ustanovitev se predlaga. V zvezi z omenjenim projektom bi na koncu še posebej poudaril vlogo T.G. Masaryka, tudi častnega doktorja Univerze v Ljubljani. Na osnovi dosedanjega raziskovalnega dela sem namreč prepričan, da sta Masarykov vpliv in pomoč bistveno pripomogla k Rostoharjevemu vzponu in razvoju kariere med obema svetovnima vojnama, pa tudi prej. Tedaj je Rostohar pridobil tiste zveze in mednarodni ugled, ki so mu pomagali tudi pri kasnejšem delu. Masarykovo »mecenstvo« je tako (posredno) bistveno in odločilno pripomoglo k institucionalnem nastanku in razvoju psihološke stroke v Sloveniji. (Seveda pa je njegovo ime povezano tudi z drugimi, za Slovenijo in njeno identiteto bistvenimi pojavi, od intelektualcev masarikovcev, Sokola (ki, mimogrede, v Sloveniji leta 2003 slavi 140. letnico ustanovitve, saj je bil že leta 1863 ustanovljen t.i. južni Sokol), do ustvarjalca takih dimenzij, kot je bil Plečnik, ki mu je Masaryk v Pragi ponudil življenjsko kreativno priložnost). Dovolite mi še enkrat izraziti pripravljenost in spoštljivo željo, da omenjeno pobudo predstavim(o) tako Vam, spoštovani gospod rektor Univerze v Ljubljani, kot tudi morda članom senata Univerze v Ljubljani, kjer bi lahko v neposrednem stiku, pogovoru in s povratnimi informacijami osvetlili to, za Univerzo morda pomembno pobudo. Gre tudi za dejavno priložnost ponudbe novega prostora mladim raziskovalcem, meduniverzitetnemu sodelovanju ter interdisciplinarnemu povezovanju strok. “Narava” inštituta, katerega ustanovitev se predlaga, je taka, da je ravno Univerza tisti najprimernejši (so)ustanovitelj oz. soizvajalec kasnejše dejavnosti. Le ta bi lahko zajemala tako raziskovalne, kot morda tudi izobraževalne vidike. Tak inštitut bi bil lahko pomemben začetni konkreten in dejaven korak v smeri, ki jo je eksplicitno izrazil že prispevek, objavljen v Vestniku Univerze v Ljubljane (katerega soavtorji so dr. A. Zupančič, dr. V. S. Rus in N. Podobnik, formalno pa predstavlja predlog Društva psihologov Slovenije), iz katerega eksplicitno in jasno veje sporočilo, da je povezovanje in zagotavljanje kakovosti tako raziskovanja kot izobraževanja tako temeljni interes Univerze, kot tudi nacionalni interes.(Skorajda identično sporočilo univerzitetnega senata je bilo le nekaj tednov kasneje zaznati tudi v nekaterih javnih sporočilih o njegovi seji). V upanju in skorajda prepričanju, da boste po svojih močeh in ustrezno Vašemu vplivu oz. velikemu ugledu v slovenski družbi podprli naš projekt iskanja in uveljavljanja nove odličnosti Vas spoštljivo pozdravljam dr. Velko S. Rus Poslano tudi v vednost: - Dekanji FF v Ljubljani, red. prof. dr. Nevi Šlibar - Predsedniku ZI FF v Ljubljani, red. prof. dr. Rudiju Rizmanu - Nacionalnemu koordinatorju za področje psihologije, red. prof. dr. Marku Poliču - Glavnemu uredniku revije Anthropos in vodji raziskovalnega polja za psihologijo, red. prof. dr. Janeku Musku Izr. prof. dr. Velko S. Rus Oddelek za psihologijo Filozofska fakulteta v Ljubljani Aškerčeva 12 1000 Ljubljana tel.: 01/ 2411166 e-mail: velko.rus@ff.uni-lj.si Zelo spoštovani, Red. prof. dr. Jože Mencinger, Rektor Univerze v Ljubljani Kongresni trg 1 1000 Ljubljana Spoštovani gospod rektor! Dovolite mi, da se Vam najprej lepo zahvalim za prijazen sprejem, ki smo ga bili z Vaše strani deležni na samem začetku leta 2004, ki je hkrati leto 85. obletnice ustanovitve Univerze v Ljubljani. S tega vidika smo bili januarja 2004 pri vas verjetno prva skupina študentov oz. zaposlenih na Univerzi v Ljubljani, ki je svoj obisk pri Vas povezala z omenjeno obletnico. Z njo je povezano tudi ime M. Rostoharja, glavnega soustanovitelja Univerze v Ljubljani, kasnejšega ustanovitelja Oddelka za psihologijo v Ljubljani, interdisciplinarno usmerjenega znanstvenika in, med drugim, tudi utemeljitelja predmeta socialna psihologija v Sloveniji. Nekateri mladi obiskovalci pri Vas so tudi člani slovenskega društva T.G. Masaryk, ki je poimenovano po človeku, ki je bil eden prvih častnih doktorjev Univerze v Ljubljani, hkrati pa predstavlja skupni imenovalec nekaterih, za slovensko nacionalno, razvojno in znanstveno identiteto bistvenih dogodkov, imen in dosežkov (poleg Rostoharja in Plečnika, ki jima je Masaryk bistveno omogočil njuno (in s tem slovensko) mednarodno uveljavljanje, je tu še organizacija Sokol iz Slovenije (leto 2003 je sovpadalo s 140 letnico njene ustanovitve), intelektualci »masarikovci v Sloveniji« itd.). Hkrati si upam, in sicer na osnovi mnogih dejstev oz. argumentov, trditi, da se je skupina mladih ljudi, ki je bila deležna Vašega prijaznega sprejema in s katero na različne načine sodelujem(o) že desetletje, v tem času razvila v »ta hip« - (ne le v svojem generacijskem okolju) - eno najbolj kompetentnih in uveljavljenih skupin mladih ljudi, ne le na področju študij in raziskav v zvezi z Masarykom, ampak tudi na prepletu socioloških, zgodovinskih, filozofskih in (socialno) psiholoških pristopov. Skoraj vsi končujejo ali so že končali tretjestopenjski študij in so, visoko motivirani, pripravljeni sprejeti raziskovalne in razvojne izzive v morebitnem (inter)univerzitetnem inštitutu za psihološke interdisciplinarne študije. Z informacijo, ki smo jo dobili na zadnjem sestanku pri Vas, in sicer, da Univerza ustanovitev takega inštituta ne bi podprla, se seveda končuje naša dolgoletna zavzeta in argumentirana pot, ki je izhajala iz našega predloga tovrstne ustanovitve. Časa, truda in dela nam ni žal, saj smo vendarle opozorili in poskusili nekaj, česar se drugi, v vseh teh letih, pred nami niso lotili, pri tem smo izhajali iz univerzitetnih deklaracij o potrebi po interdisciplinarni orientaciji, ki smo jo v teh letih skušali aktivno udejanjati v različnih raziskovalnih, razvojnih in edukacijskih projektih. Pri tem smo, vključno z letom 2004, sproti opozarjali na tiste obletnice, dogodke in ljudi, ki so bili pomembno povezani tako z nastankom, razvojem in bodočnostjo naše univerze, kot z »usodo« slovenskega meduniverzitetnega povezovanja. Vse to in še kaj, so bili razlogi, ki so sovpadali z našim zadnjim sestankom z Vami, na katerem ste nam razgrnili poglede oz. namene Univerze v zvezi z našim predlogom za ustanovitev (med)univerzitetnega inštituta za (psihološke) interdisciplinarne študije. Kot sami veste, je šlo v tem primeru za dolgoletni predlog projekta, ki je izhajal iz načela interdisciplinarnosti, ki naj bi ga gojila tudi Univerza v Ljubljani. Vsekakor bomo z našim predlogom, upoštevaje aktualna dejstva in odločitve, še vedno nadaljevali, predvsem na drugih ravneh, tudi na Filozofski fakulteti v Ljubljani. Hkrati Vas lepo prosim, če nas lahko kot skupino napoveste tudi pri gospodu prof. dr. Glasu, in sicer zaradi interesa po sodelovanju, ki ga člani skupine, ki je bila pri Vas na obisku, kažejo v zvezi z razvojem t.i. tehnološkega parka Univerze v Ljubljani. Za pomoč pri dogovarjanju za sestanek pa bomo prosili tudi gospo Kramerjevo. Vnaprej smo zelo hvaležni za kakršnokoli pozornost, ko jo boste posvetili omenjeni prošnji. Vsekakor izjemno cenimo tudi Vaše dovoljenje, da se vsak član naše skupine kdaj lahko obrne tudi na Vas osebno, saj smo prepričani, da bi lahko s svojimi izjemnimi izkušnjami, znanji in poznavanji vsaj nekoliko pomagali mladim ljudem, ki so se doslej sorazmerno zelo uveljavili, pa se to ne »vidi« v nobeni ustreznejši možnosti uveljavljanja njihovega znanja. Dovolite mi, da Vas še enkrat opozorim na njihova imena in se Vam tudi v njihovem imenu še enkrat najlepše zahvalim za pozornost in sprejem, ki smo ga bili Januarja 2004 deležni z Vaše strani. S spoštovanjem, Dr. Velko S. Rus in: Mag. Slađana Vide, univ. dipl. psih. Kristjan Verbič, univ. dipl. prof. fil. in soc. (magistrand) Mag. Martin Premk, univ. dipl. zgod. in sov. Marko Habjan, univ, dipl. prof. zgod. in soc. (magistrand) Milan Likič Guček, univ. dipl. prof. zgod. in soc.. (magistrand) Omeniti pa moram še kolega, ki ga z nami ni bilo, a se je pri omenjenih študijah s svojimi zelo kakovostnimi strokovnimi in znanstvenimi teksti enako pomembno uveljavil: to je Aleksander Lavrenčič, univ. dipl. zgod.. Dodatek: Opredelitev osnovnih predlogov dejavnosti skupine predlagateljev: * Razvoj in uveljavljanje skupinskih tehnik ustvarjalnosti/ kreativnosti (tehnika postopnega iskanja rešitev skozi diskusijsko primerjanje različnih predlogov (sociokognitivni konflikt), metoda postopnega iskanja rešitev skozi primerjanje in preverjanje analogij oz. metafor reševanja podobnih problemov (sinektika), kombinacije različnih pristopov itd.. Ustanovitev skupine za pospeševanje kreativnosti. Ustanovitev in razvoj institucije »kreativnih delavnic«: predstavitev, evaluacija in izbor optimalnih predlogov kreativnih rešitev. * Razvoj, preizkušanje in uveljavljanje različnih modelov inovativnega managementa (analiza timinga oz. optimalnega usklajevanja med tržnimi analizami, raziskovalno – razvojnimi odzivi, njihovo implementacijo v proizvodni sferi ter ponovno tržno realizacijo). Inovativnost je tržno realizirana ustvarjalnost. Inovativni management je »vodenje oz. upravljanje ustvarjalnosti«, ki se začne tako, da se s stalnim izvajanjem tržnih (marketinških) raziskav najprej »otipa tržni puls« v zvezi z določenim izdelkom oz. storitvijo (tudi v zvezi z določeno skupino izdelkov oz. storitev). Informacije povedo, v kateri fazi t.i. življenjskega ciklusa se nahaja izbrana kategorija ponudbe. Izbrati je treba pravi trenutek (timing) za razvoj novega izdelka, ga zasnovati na novo (raziskati in razviti), nato prilagoditi proizvodnjo (»proizvodne linije«), nato vse znova plasirati na trg in uspešno prodati (tržna realizacija). Vse omenjene korake je treba ustrezno medsebojno uskladiti, zasledovati, ocenjevati itd. To je torej inovativni management. * Analiza designa (kot vidik produkta in ne kot vidik promocije znotraj tržnega spleta (marketinškega miksa): oblikovanje izdelkov ima lahko dva cilja: estetski oz. promocijski (izdelek naj bo ljudem všeč, oblika naj nekaj simbolizira itd., kar lahko ugotavljamo z različnimi psihološkimi preizkusi); oblika izdelka pa ima lahko tudi ustrezno funkcijo, ni namenjena samo lepoti in promociji. »Analiza designa« je analiza izdelka, ko se njegova oblika analizira z obeh vidikov. Avto je lahko različne barve (estetski vidik), ali pa je različno aerodinamičen (funkcija), smuči so lahko klasične, ali pa carving, ko je nova oblika bistveno olajšala vijuganje po strminah. * Analiza modelov za usklajevanje RR zahtev (raziskav in razvoja) z različnimi nivoji edukacijskega sistema (različne vidike problemov raziskovalnega in razvojnega dela združiti s programi dela na različnih področjih in ravneh edukacijskih institucij). Mnoga slovenska podjetja naj bi se ukvarjala z raziskovalnim oz. z razvojnim delom. Več glav včasih več ve. Zato naj bi se oblikoval seznam temeljnih razvojno – raziskovalnih problemov, njihovi poskusi razreševanja pa naj postanejo teme seminarskih, diplomskih, in drugih podiplomskih del. Porebna je analiza, akcijski načrt, usklajevanje, sledenje, ocena učinkovitosti itd.. Vse skupaj zahteva veliko dela ter poznavanje univerzitetnega in podjetniškega okolja. * Tehnopsihofiziološki vidiki optimalne uporabe različnih tehnologij: s tehnologijo ravnajo ljudje; kako mora biti tehnologija oblikovana, da tisti, ki z njo delajo, najlažje in najhitreje zaznavajo informacije (z merilnih naprav npr.), kakšen položaj telesa je najprimernejši (najmanj utruja, najbolj prihrani moči), kateri postopki upravljanja so z vidika zaznav, učenja, razumevanja in mišljenja najprimernejši; gre torej za že znani odnos »človek : stroj«. * Analize psihosocialnih blokad podjetništva v konkretnem podjetniškem okolju: kateri pogledi in kako olajšujejo oz. otežujejo doseganje podjetniških ciljev? Oblikovanje akcijskih strategij za preseganje omenjenih blokad (= kaj narediti, da se določeni pogledi spremenijo in da se olajša doseganje podjetniških ciljev?). * Razvoj mediacijskih tehnik in strategij za čim bolj funkcionalno razreševanje »industrijskih konfliktov« v Sloveniji. »Skupine za mediacijo« najprej analizirajo obstoječe konflikte med delodajalci in delojemalci v Sloveniji tako s strukturalnega (odnosi moči), kot psihološkega vidika (emocije, pričakovanje, percepcije itd.). Mediacije skušajo prispevati k čim bolj funkcionalnim in partnerskim načinom razreševanja konfliktov. Slovenija potrebuje spodbudno razvojno vzdušje. * Simulacije procesov in njihove regulacije, simulacije problemskega prostora in strategij njegovega razreševanje (vključno s teorijo iger): oblikovanje modelov, ki predvidevajo različne možnosti organizacijskega in družbenega razvoja (ekonomski, tehnološki, socialni itd. vidiki) predvsem z vidika t.i. teorije iger. * Organizacijska kultura in učinkovito vodenje. Komunikološki vidiki vodstvenih stilov. Kreativnost, odličnost, kompetentnost in konkurenčnost kot vodilne vrednote ekonomskega funkcioniranja. * Ponudba program antistres managementa: postopki, načini psihofiziološkega treninga, ki pripomorejo k zmanjšanju utrujenosti, aktiviranju energije, psihičnemu in somatskemu zdravju, večji delovni učinkovitosti, spoprijemanju s stresom. * Psihosocialni, ekonomski, tehnološki, organizacijsko – kulturni in pravni vidiki fleksibilnih strategij prilagojenega povezovanja majhnih podjetij. Kako spodbuditi ustanavljanje majhnih podjetjih, hkrati z oblikovanjem strategije njihovega projektnega povezovanja in »razdruževanja«, s temeljnim ciljem doseganja večje tržne odzivnosti in prilagodljivosti? * Oblikovanje predlogov za persvazivne strategije iskanja nacionalnega konsenza za uresničevanje akcijskih strategij družbenega razvoja: kako pristopiti k prepričevanju, da Slovenija potrebuje soglasje o temeljnih razvojnih vrednotah in ciljih? * Potrebno je povezovanj (akcijski načrt) s centralno institucijo tehnološkega razvoja v Sloveniji (Inštitut Jožef Štefan). * »Slovenska šola« in kreativnost: kako sproščati/razvijati potenciale? Naša skupina ne ponuja tehnik »odkrivanja talentov«, ampak različne načine aktiviranja in razvoja potencialov, tudi kreativnih. Gre za proces, ki naj bi se ga spodbujalo na vseh ravneh šolanja: OŠ, SŠ, univerza. Kreativna šola lahko pomembno doprinese h kreativnosti v gospodarstvu. Kreativnost ni samo talent in Božji dar, ampak pogosto veščina, način, kako k reševanju problema pristopiti kritično in kreativno. To pomeni, da se tega lahko vsaj do neke mere tudi naučimo. Aktiviranje nacionalnih intelektualnih potencialov je za Slovenijo bistvenega pomena. * Kako uskladiti strategije oz. značilnosti nacionalnega, tehnološkega, socialno – ekonomskega razvoja? Predlogi modelov usklajevanja zahtevajo predhodno analizo percepcij, vrednot, interesov v zvezi z vsakim od omenjenih področij. * Oblikovanje kognitivnih modelov, ki olajšujejo pridobivanje, uporabo in razširjanje kompleksnih sistemov tehnoloških, matematičnih, računalniških in družboslovnih znanj/veščin. - Kako se učiti, kako razmišljati, kaj so najpogostejše blokade za osvajanje novih znanj, katere značilnosti učnih situacij olajšujejo, katere otežujejo osvajanja znanj in veščin? »Knowledge management« se nanaša tudi na to, kaj, kako in na kakšen način se učiti. Strategije so lahko tudi zelo konkretne, namenjene posamičnim poglavjem matematike, naravoslovnih in družboslovnih znanosti. * Identifikacija bistvenih komparativnih prednosti slovenskega ekonomskega prostora. Kaj je tisto, kar lahko »Slovenci« najlažje naredimo najbolje oz. bolje od drugih. Komparativne prednosti so povezane z različnimi resursi, tako človeškimi, kot z geografsko – prostorskimi, finančnimi, tehnološkimi itd.. Ali sploh vemo, kaj so / bi lahko bile/ naše komparativne prednosti, upoštevajo lego, raznovrstnost, neformalna znanja in veščine itd.. * Projekt »Slovenija, dežela programerjev«: oblikovanje programerskih skupin, ki nastopajo na EU trgu dela. Fotokopije dopisov na temo (mednarodnih) predlogov za ustanovitev inštituta za interdisciplinarne študije Dr.Vojan Rus, PH.D. C1S: 116 36 PRAHA 1 OVOCNY TRH 3 Association T.G.Masaryk TELEFON 2449 lil l vtc Porentova 1, 1000 Ljubljana 116 36 PRAHA 1 OVOCNY TRH 3 Slovenia TELEFON 2449 lil l VPRAZE DNE Prague, January 15, 1997 Dear Sirs, I consider your proposal for the foundation of the Institute M. Rostohar for psychology and interdisciplinary studies very useful. Prof.M.Rostohar as well as Prof. T.G.Masaryk were the significant personalities in the field of science as well as in Czech and Slovenian culture. To continue in the framework of Central European and European collaboration on the basis of their heritage I consider very positive. Prof.PhDr.Jiri Hoskovec, csc. from the Department of Psychology of the Faculty of Arts supported your proposal. I also believe that the foundation of the Institut M. Rostohar of the Association T.G.Masaryk would contribute to the further development of the mutual collaboration between our universities. Yours sincerely, Prof.JUDr.,O::sc. Rector of Charles University Republika Slovenija MINISTRSTVO ZA ZNANOST IN TEHNOLOGIJO Slovenska 50 61000 Ljubljana Telefon: 061 302-130 Telefax: 061 1324-140 Ljubljana, 07.11.1996 Društvo T.G. Masaryk za filozofsko antropologijo, etiko ter za socialne in humanistične znanosti, Porentova 1 1000 Ljubljana ZADEVA: Predlog za ustanovitev inštituta M. Rostohar za psihologijo ter interdisciplinarne študije Spoštovani prof. dr. Vojan Rus Proučili smo vaš predlog za ustanovitev inštituta M. Rosthar za psihologijo ter interdisciplinarne študije. Predlog se nam zdi smiseln in podpiramo opravljanje raziskovalnega dela, s katerim naj bi se ukvarjal navedeni inštitut. Vendar pa v skladu s politiko vlade in Ministrstva za znanost in tehnologijo več ne ustanavljamo javnih raziskovalnih zavodov kot samostojnih pravnih oseb za specifična področja raziskovanja, ki jih je možno opravljati v okviru obstoječih univerz ali že obstoječih javnih raziskovalnih zavodov. Glede na to predlagamo, da se glede ustanoviteljstva dogovarjate v okviru Univerze v Ljubljani, Filozofska fak ulteta, tako da bi inštitut bil del univerze. Z odličnim spoštovanjem! DEPARTMENT OF PSYCHOLOGY FACULTY OF PHILOSOPHY CHARLES UNIVERSITY Cclc .i 20, 110 00 l'R.•'•.GlE l, CZ.ECH R.EPUOLIC Phonc: ,t2'2/'2.•t ,:91 -t35 f;,..·c 0042/2•181 21 66 Velko S. Rus, Ph.d. Nov. 4, 1996 Department for psychology Nov. 4, 1996 Chair far social psychology Faculty for philosophy Aškerčeva 2 1000 Ljubljana F; Slovenija Dear dr. Rus, thank you far your the information 16. 1 O. 1 996) of Institute (Ljubljana psycholo9y and , M. Rostohar for interdisciplinary studies. I am ready to participate in the prf-:?Pat-atory committee for the foundation of the new institute. J : ( _s:z,_ \.'1,\ f-{ob,::...,,"7. Jifi Hoskovec PhD Prof. of Psychology Chair far General Psychology and History of Psychology UNIVERZA V LJUBUANI Prorektor 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenija Kongresni trg 12 Telefon (061) 1254117 Telefax (061) 1254053 Naš znak: Naš znak: Spoštovani gospod Profdr. Velko S. Rus Vaš znak: Oddelek za psihologijo Filozofska fakulteta Datum: Aškerčeva c. 2 Ljubljana, 29.11.1996 1000 Ljubljana Spoštovani! Zahvaljujem se Vam za dopis, s katerim seznanjate vodstvo Univerze v Ljubljani s predlogom za ustanovitev inštituta M. Rostohar za psihologijo ter interdisciplinarne študije in prosite za sodelovanje. V zvezi s tem vam sporočam, da načelno ne vidimo ovir za ustanovitev inštituta, če za to obstajajo znanstveni in strokovni razlogi. Morebitno sodelovanje univerze pri tem projektu prihaja seveda v poštev, če bi šlo za ustanavljanje inštituta, ki bi deloval na univerzi oziroma fakulteti (to iz dopisa ni razvidno), pri tem pa bi bilo potrebno zagotoviti podporo ustreznih strok. Zato smo tudi zaprosili za mnenje Filozofsko fakulteto, matično za glavne stroke, ki naj bi bile vključene v delo inštituta. Predvsem pa bi želeli imeti tudi določnejše informacije o vlogi inštituta v odnosu do naše univerze. S spoštovanjem \ / e Prorektor '\ _,\)V, 1/ ) - ,. Dr. Velko ,S RUS - ·-.-,.:•., -- · Vojkova ,._4 : ,_ -: 1000 LJUBLJANA-.--'-č' -- - ,- S 1 o v e n ,c-1 -·a .. _,_,_ >,.; :,. 2 1!'1 . ? ,, ;,( L_;'! . :t n _ - Dear . Fr i end : - t -.., voa.Lu.:L. 22/Xl/1996.,"·. ,-·,,.,., ..,;;:,,,,. t -.., voa.Lu.:L. 22/Xl/1996.,"·. ,-·,,.,., ..,;;:,,,,. t.\/t.l ..j.3;.J•.1..I · ;,.1 0 0 l ·-'-½-·. :,When we deal with serious matters- and,-.the ,_;;_.proposal -:,for,-:;-:z,..--y_ the foundation ot a scientific institut-belongs to this·c_:·.,,?•· ,.category- lt --·is useful, at,_times, -c::to ,.begin with ,.a.;,.laugh: ----------------------------------------------------------------------------- '"-'- I must. thank you tor making ,me '.(on ·p• .- 5 .of-,the-,,Proposal) .- ,_f:. ..:-- me a member of the Faculty of-.Philosophy, ,,char.les .•-··- ,,.,,.: '-University!.. ·-•-,·- ·- My only forma! -relation to - this- venerable- inst-itut ion -is "' --"" 1 :c-,·- that d. received: from -it, dn .June .1937, my PhDr.·degree! ,Jn,-• ,re-. f,:.,-. _.._, realit y,.., I" am Protessor emer it us, ot. Lehigh ,Universit.y,,,.. ,,,r; -. - ,,, 1-.. c-.zt..: ·- ··-------· ··: c-FBethlehem,.,Pennsylvania, ";USA •.. , ,· •-' 1 . 1--. ::....::;:.: - 0 -Now,->"'i-n ,earnest-: In principl-e,- -the 7idea ol c'•e s t a b l i s h i n g ,.;,;:. 1-. >.·::L::.' "',,such -an„Jnst-1-tute,,,is -great.·...,.. i 1::. s::.: :.. ::, Yet, there .is. a - good -reason.·. LorL-.a.: second , laugh!:. ·:Yoa-d.o,x..:;,s, _, .·.. _-c .not need-.to pursuade me ot-the•,·lmportance of.-► lnterdisci-.,,,, ..................................................................................... , 1- .. ·:: plinary eftort. Two of. my early (and- most.-widely .r ead- ---:c. : - ..c::: :L:--.. -papers, -written :in collaboration·-'w-i-th-Dr •.:<.AncelJCeys,._the'""',,;.,: . .;,.;1.,.; l...: .... Director ot the Laboratory ot. Physiologi.caLHygiene·- (Schoo1',:r- "'- ,.-.-:-_;= ol Puhlic .Health, University of Minnesota), .dealt ,,.100: 507-512, .,,_1944),,=.,., ,:, •'"· ·1,e. anc' , Interdisciplinary research in human biology, ..with ·",'" . :c: "'' sp(•cial ..relerence :to behavior studie " ,(AMERICAN,.SClEN'IHSTi'' ::"-"'"'= 33:. 10 -111,; 1945).' I shall be pleased to think with you and cooperate in the ,_, eroJect.·Furtbermore, you can write--f_n Slovenian:::Ruže.na ,- ..;= SkerlJ -was my teacher of Slovenian.My contacts with Slovenia -, ·.go ·back .,to t he :late 1940s. In ,1953 -J,-provided :; to -the ·- . Glasbenonarodopisni inštitut,- the tirs.t, battery-powered..... ,..,:instrument tor recording folksongs -in.,the -11e!d•..,· ,, -A monograph, written in c2Ilaboration with Bozo.Sker}-j,, 224 -and ent • it 1ed •·".Soma t omet r.1 ena ocenitev 1.. t e 1 es nega ·.-ses„tav.a" 2 - =:-. 1.i,, .. ,appeared. in RAZPRAVE ot·. the SLOVENSKA AKADEMIJA ZNANOSTL lN." sUMETNOST.I :(VII, 1993, pp. -'317--:.360). ,. I ,-shall look .torward to hearing about further,· concrete ..,., Cordially,-.: ..... 225 Velko S. Rus; Slađana Mihajlović Nekatere pol/obletnice v zvezi z izidom pričujočega zbornika v letu 2024 + NEKAJ DODATNIH POL/OBLETNIC, KI PREDSTAVLJAJO TEMATSKE FOKUSE “ANTHROPOS-ove” PUBLICISTIČNE DEJAVNOSTI: + NE POZABIMO: Leto 2024 je 95. letnica rojstva prof. dr. Leona Zormana, danes najpomembnejšega živečega slovenskega psihologa, najpomembnejšega predstavnika slovenske psihologije, deloma tudi družboslovja, z neizbrisnim prispevkom za slovensko psihologijo, dekana Filozofske fakultete v Ljubljani v času slovenske osamosvojitve. – Komaj verjetno je dejstvo, da v letu 1995 v R Sloveniji ni bilo nobenih priznanj in medijskih sporočil v zvezi s prof. dr. Leonom Zormanom, ki je bil, je in tudi bo eden od stebrov slovenske psihologije. – Zelo svetujemo v branje tudi negove spomine, oz. njegov prispevek v ediciji z naslovom “To bi lahko bil del zgodovine Slovencev, in sicer strain 267 – 307 (urednik Milan Klokočovnik, spominska knjiga, Izola, 2013). Omenjeni prispevek je tudi ena od (zaradi tehničnih razlogov) ločenih prilog pričujočega zbornika. + Leta 1879 je Wilhelm Wundt v Leipzigu ustanovil prvi eksperimentalni laboratorij na svetu. – Projekt sodobne antropopsihoekologije je tudi poskus razširjene, poglobljene, posodobljene (vključno z upoštevanjem IT & AI opcij) paradigm “fiziološke psihologije” in “psihologije ljudstev” (Volkerpsychologie); gre torej za 145. pol-obletnico, ki je ne gre prezreti. + Leto 2024 je 60. letnica 15. svetovnega kongresa IAAP (International association of applied psychology (Congres International de Psychologie Appliquee)), ki je potekal v Ljubljani, v hotelu Lev, in sicer od 2. do 8. 8. 1964. – To je (bil) najpomembnejši strokovno/znanstveni “dogodek” v Sloveniji do decembra 2024. – Iz t.i. cirkularja 2, oktober 1963 lahko povzamemo: potekal je “pod patronatom” tedanjega predsednika SFRJ, Josipa Broza Tita, predsednik/vodja kongresa je bil prof. Zoran Bujas (tedaj, po naši presoji, najpomembnejši psiholog-znanstvenik v prejšnji skupni državi, sekretar kongresa je bil prof. Boris Petz iz Zagreba, člani_ce pa so bili_e še prof. Borislav Stevanovič (Beograd), dr. Vladimir Klajn (Beograd), dr. Ivan Toličič (Ljubljana), prof. Nikola Rot (Beograd), dr. Levin Šebek (Ljubljana). + Ne pozabimo: v letu 2024 mineva 80. let od smrti prof. dr. Frana Šturma , romanista, ustanovnega člana OF slovenskega naroda, ima spominsko ploščo v avli UL FF v Ljubljani. – Digitalna knjižnica Slovenije hrani njegovo Francosko vadnico iz leta 1922. 226 http://www.dlib.si/details/URN:NBN:SI:doc-4KO14ZKQ + Leto 2024 je 95. pol/obletnica rojstva slovenskega psihologa dr. Vida Pečjaka, prav tako enega stebrov slovenske psihologije. Naj poleg velikega števila njegovih strokovnih, znanstveni in leposlovnih del omenimo tudi nekoliko manj znano: Pečjak, Vid (2006). Rostohar, Trstenjak, Bujas - Trije stebri slovenske psihologije. Anthropos (Ljubljana) , letnik 38, številka 3/4, str. 51-62.—Večinoma na str. 55 prej omenjenega dela lahko deloma povzamemo, deloma citiramo njegov pogled na prof. dr. Zorana Bujasa, leta 2024 gre za 20. Letnico njegove smrti: »Zoran Bujas (Split 1910 – Zagreb 2004) je študiral psihologijo v Zagrebu in na Univerzi v Parizu pri tedaj najznamenitejšem francoskem psihologi Henryju Pieronu, ta mu je celo predlagal, naj prevzame predstojništvo Psihološkega inštituta, vendar se je Bujas vrnil v Zagreb in se zaposlil na Inštitutu za poklicno usmerjanje. Leta 1938 je postal docent na Filozoski fakulteti. – Ustanovil je številne inštitute, kot npr. za psihologijo in fiziologijo dela, Laboratorij za psihofiziologijo dela na Inštitutu za medicinske raziskave in poklicno zdravje, nato pa še Laboratorij za raziskovanje strukture in funkcije senzornih organov pri Hrvaški akademiji znanosti in umetnosti. Leta 1954 je postal honorarni profesor na Oddelku za psihologijo Univerze v Ljubljani, kjer je poučeval psihologijo dela (do 1963) in psihometrijo (do leta 1979). …. Deloval je tudi po po svetu, na Sorboni (1951), Harvardu (1954), Univerzi Brown (1954), Univerzi v Moskvi (1957), Rockefellerjevi univerzi (1971) ter na Univerzi Yale (1984). Bujasovo znanstveno slovstvo obsega 72 227 del, od tega 7 samostojnih knjig. Zadnjo razpravo Perception of the form of stimulus increment as a method in assesment of the psychophysical relationship je objavil s sodelavci leta 1999 (pri 89 letu). … Druga področja njegovega deovanja so bili še psihofizika, psihologija dela, konstrukcija psiholoških merskih instrumentov, utrujenost, psihofarmakologija, dokimologija in poklicna orientacija. …. “ + Leto 2024 je (bilo) 120. letnica rojstva slovenskega pesnika Srečka Kosovela. Smo mu posvetili prispevke leto prej in napovedali obletnico rojstva v 2024. – Nastanki in oblikovanja naših zbornikov potekajo v teko zelo nenavadnih, neprijaznih in »resourseless« pogojih, da, če je le minimalna priložnost, pripravljamo prispevke »vnaprej« (kar bomo skušali v bodoče radikalno spremeniti). + Leto 2024 je 10. obletnica smrti Sergea Moscovicija, enega svetovno najpomembnejših socialnih psihologov (socialne reprezentacije in komunikacija, vpliv aktivnih in konsistentnih manjšin, socialna psihologija kot antropologija sodobne družbe). + V letu 2024 je preminil Daniel Kahneman, eden najpomembnejših svetovnih psihologov, hkrati pa je bilo leto 2024 tudi 90. ob/letnica njegovega rojstva (1934). Se je svetovno uveljavil na različnih področjih, posebej ga omenimo v zvezi s t.i. behavioralno ekonomiko, oz. s t.i. prospect theory. Tako Serge Moscovici, kot Daneiel Kahneman sta središčna avtorja, s katerima se ukvarja/se bo ukvarjala revija Anthropos, se pa z njunimi teorijami ukvarjata tudi so/avtor in so/avtorica pričujočega odstavka. + Leto 2024 je (bila) tudi 100. letnica rojstva dr. Vojana Rusa. Ob omenjenem jubileju navajamo večji del njegovih del: - Rus, Vojan (1954): Indija u ropstvu i slobodi. Beograd: Omladina, 66 strani. - Rus, Vojan (1954): Savremena Indija. Beograd: Dokumentacioni bilten, Institut za međunarodnu politiku i privredu, br. 11-12 (soavtor). - Rus, Vojan (1954): Indokina. Beograd: Dokumentacioni bilten, Institut za međunarodnu politiku i privredu, br. 5-6 (soavtor). - Rus, Vojan (1955): Put savremene Indije. Beograd: Kultura, 93 strani. - Rus, Vojan (1955): Ženevska konferencija i njen značaj. Beograd: Institut za međunarodnu politiku i privredu, 120 strani. - Rus, Vojan (1957): Radnički pokret u Indiji. Beograd: Kultura, 81 strani. 228 - Rus, Vojan (1957): Perspektivno planiranje u Indiji. Beograd: Institut za međunarodnu politiku i privredu, 170 strani. - Rus, Vojan (1960): Delavsko gibanje v Indiji. Ljubljana: Cankarjeva založba, 238 strani. - Rus, Vojan (1962): Narodni pokreti u nerazvijenim zemljama. Beograd: Institut za radnički pokret, 122 strani. - Rus, Vojan (1964): Politički sistemi i pokreti u nerazvijenim zemljama. Beograd: Institut za radnički pokret, 418 strani (urednik in soavtor, str. 1-63, 112-166, 217-279). - Rus, Vojan (1963): Ekonomski položaj radničke klase u savremenom svetu. Beograd: Institut za radnički pokret, 189 strani (urednik in soavtor). - Rus, Vojan (1969): Stalinov "Diamat" in filozofija v SSSR. Kultura, morala in politika. Maribor: Obzorja, 76-81 (prvič objavljeno v reviji Mladost, Beograd, 1951, št. 5-6, VII, str. 407-413). - Rus, Vojan (1968): Dialektika človeka, misli in sveta. Ljubljana: Državna založba Slovenije, 418 strani. - Rus, Vojan (1968): Sodobna filozofija med dialektiko in metafiziko. Ljubljana: Mladinska knjiga, 419 strani. - Rus, Vojan (1969): Dijalektika čoveka i sveta. Beograd: Institut za radnički pokret, 584 strani. - Rus, Vojan (1963): Hegelova i marksistička dijalektika o istovetnosti i razlici. Beograd: IR, 310 strani. - Rus, Vojan (1968A): Kultura, politika in morala. Maribor: Obzorja, 210 strani. - Rus, Vojan (1968B): O nekaterih osnovah etike. Ljubljana: Inštitut za sociologijo in filozofijo, 372 strani (ciklostil). - Rus, Vojan (1969): Nekaj vsakdanjih resnic o umetnosti. Kultura, morala in politika. Maribor: Obzorja, 59-65 (prvič objavljeno v časopisu "7 umetnosti", Beograd, 25. febr. 1953). - Rus, Vojan (1973): Nekaj razpotij samoupravnega socializma. Maribor: Obzorje, 168 strani. - Rus, Vojan (1975): Izvori in temelji neuvrščenosti. Ljubljana: Cankarjeva založba, 387 strani. - Rus, Vojan (1976): Etika in socializem. Ljubljana: Mladinska knjiga, 657 strani. - Rus, Vojan (1978): Izvirna marksistična dialektika, Ljubljana: Cankarjeva založba, 551 strani. - Rus, Vojan (1981): Pristop k ekonomskemu položaju delavcev v kapitalizmu. Maribor: Obzorja, 190 strani. - Rus, Vojan (1983): Nadaljevanje naše poti. Ljubljana: Mladinska knjiga, 301 stran. 229 - Rus, Vojan (1983): Možnost nove estetike. Ljubljana: Državna založba Slovenije, 270 strani. - Rus, Vojan (1988): Na kriznih križpotjih. Ljubljana: Državna založba Slovenije, 243 strani. - Rus, Vojan (1989). Moderna levica za humani socializem 21. stoletja. Anthropos : časopis za psihologijo in filozofijo ter za sodelovanje humanističnih ved, 20, št. 5/6, str. 246-253. - Rus, Vojan (1990). "Akcija 25 poslancev". Anthropos: časopis za psihologijo in filozofijo ter za sodelovanje humanističnih ved, 22, št.3/4 , str.397-428. - Rus, Vojan (1990). Vrednote in morala. Anthropos: časopis za psihologijo in filozofijo ter za sodelovanje humanističnih ved, 22, št.5/6 , str.271-284. - Rus, Vojan (1991). 50 let OF in znanost. Anthropos: časopis za psihologijo in filozofijo ter za sodelovanje humanističnih ved, ISSN 0587-5161. 23, št.4/5, str.374-378. - Rus, Vojan (1991A). Filozofska antropologija. Ljubljana: Filozofska fakulteta, Oddelek za filozofijo, 1991. 388 str. - Rus, Vojan (1991b). Filozofska antropologija. Anthropos: časopis za psihologijo in filozofijo ter za sodelovanje humanističnih ved, 23, št.4/5 (1991), str.98-123; št.6, str.185-214. - Rus, Vojan (1991C). Filozofska antropologija kot revolucija filozofije na pragu 21. stoletja. Anthropos: časopis za psihologijo in filozofijo ter za sodelovanje humanističnih ved, 23, št.1/3, str.119-150. - Rus, Vojan (1991). Filozofska antropologija. Filozofska fakulteta v Ljubljani, 388 strani. - Rus, Vojan (1993). Estetika in kalistika. Filozofska fakulteta v Ljubljani, 259 strani. - Rus, Vojan (1993A). Izjemnost umetniške forme/lika. Sodobnost, 82, 41, št. 10, str. 872-891. Portret. - Rus, Vojan (1993B). O vsebini in formi umetnine. Anthropos: časopis za psihologijo in filozofijo ter za sodelovanje humanističnih ved, 25, št. 1/2, str. 216-242. - Rus, Vojan (1993). Realnost krščanskih temeljev nove Evrope. Anthropos: časopis za psihologijo in filozofijo ter za sodelovanje humanističnih ved, 25, št. 5/6, str. 305-322. - Musek, Janek, Juhant, Janez, Rus, Vojan. (1993). Spiritual culture and international relations : [international symposium, Ljubljana, 25.-26.XI.1993]. - Rus, Vojan (1993C). Umetnina kot visoka duhovna transcendenca. Sodobnost, 41, št. 1, str. 73-82 ; št. 2, str. 184-197. 230 - Rus, Vojan. (1994). La réalité des bases chrétiennes l´Europe nouvelle. Anthropos : časopis za psihologijo in filozofijo ter za sodelovanje humanističnih ved, 26, international issue, str. 218-233. - Rus, Vojan (1995). T. G. Masaryk, demokracie a současna Evropa. V: Prvni svetova valka, moderni demokracie a T. G. Masaryk. Praha: Ustav T. G. Masaryka (str. 302 – 311). - Rus, Vojan (1995): Žive vrednote antifašizma. Ljubljana: Enotnost. - Rus, Vojan (1996). Študentsko gibanje 1968 – 1972 (Odgovor in popravek, naslovljen na TV Slovenija 2). Anthropos: časopis za psihologijo in filozofijo ter za sodelovanje humanističnih ved , let. 28, št. 3/4, str. 254 – 256. - Rus, Vojan (1997): Etika in morala v sodobni družbi. Ljubljana: Društvo T. G. Masaryk, 380 strani (urednik in soavtor). - Rus, Vojan (1997). T. G. Masaryk, Little nations and Modern International System. V: Sto let Masarykovy Česke Otazky Praha: Ustav T. G. Masaryka, str. 202 – 208. - Rus, Vojan (1997, urednik). Etika in morala v sodobni družbi: zbornik. Ljubljana: Društvo T. G. Masaryk za filozofsko antropologijo, etiko ter za humanistične in družbene vede: Anthropos, - Rus, Vojan (1997). Najnovejše težnje v razvoju filozofskih disciplin v razvitih deželah : zaključno poročilo o rezultatih opravljenega znanstveno-raziskovalnega dela na področju temeljnega raziskovanja v letu 1996. V Ljubljani: Filozofska fakulteta, Znanstveni inštitut. - Rus, Vojan (1997). Napredni intelektualci v (možnem) posttotalitarnem obdobju. Anthropos: časopis za psihologijo in filozofijo ter za sodelovanje humanističnih ved , let. 29, št. 1/3, str. 135-138. - Rus, Vojan. (1997). "Pot slovenskega sokolstva se je končala slavno" (Josip Rus). Anthropos: časopis za psihologijo in filozofijo ter za sodelovanje humanističnih ved, 29, št. 4/6, str. 183-201. - Rus, Vojan (1997, ed.): Intelektualci in sedanjost/preteklost. Ljubljana: Anthropos 1-2: str. 7-214. - Rus, Vojan (1999, ed.): Skupne vrednote Evrope in Slovenije. Ljubljana: Anthropos 4-6: 119-376. - Rus, Vojan (1998). Duhovni voditelj in graditelj (Ob 75 letnici dr. Vekoslava Grmiča) Anthropos: časopis za psihologijo in filozofijo ter za sodelovanje humanističnih ved, 30, št. 1/3, str. 6-10. - Rus, Vojan (1999). Za kulturno in konfederativno Evropo narodov. Anthropos : časopis za psihologijo in filozofijo ter za sodelovanje humanističnih ved, letn. 31, št. 4/6, str. 345-358. 231 - Rus, Vojan (1999). Zgodovinska družbena praksa kot prvo merilo znanstvene kvalitete družboslovja in filozofije. Anthropos: časopis za psihologijo in filozofijo ter za sodelovanje humanističnih ved , letn. 31, št. 1/3, str. 297-311. - Rus, Vojan (2000). Philosophische Anthropologie, (Geschichte, Kultur und Geisteswelt der Südslaven, Bd. 5). München: Slavica, Kovač, 2000. str. 172. - Rus, Vojan (2000). Sprava (v Sloveniji in v Evropi). Znamenje: revija za teološka, družbena in kulturna vprašanja, let. 30, št. 1-2, str. 85-95. - Rus, Vojan (2000). Svobodna filozofija : (Filozofski oddelek FF v letih 1962-73). Anthropos: časopis za psihologijo in filozofijo ter za sodelovanje humanističnih ved, letn. 32, št. 3/4, str. 173-184. - Rus, Vojan (2000): Philosophische Anthropologie. Műnchen: Slavica Verlag, 172 strani. - Rus, Vojan (2000): Realization of Masaryk's concept of new Europe. In E. Voracek (ed.). T. G. Masaryk, Idea demokracie a současné evropanství, Sbornik mezinárodní vĕdecké konference konané v Praze 2.-4. března. Praha: Filosofia, 2000, pages 71-80. - Rus, Vojan (2001a). Globalizacija in človekove pravice - uvodne opombe. Anthropos: časopis za psihologijo in filozofijo ter za sodelovanje humanističnih ved, letn. 33, št. 4/6, str. 17-24. - Rus, Vojan (2001b). Humaniziranje globalizacije. Anthropos: časopis za psihologijo in filozofijo ter za sodelovanje humanističnih ved , letn. 33, št. 4/6, str. 275-296. - Rus, Vojan (2001). Realizacija Masarykovega koncepta nove Evrope. Anthropos : časopis za psihologijo in filozofijo ter za sodelovanje humanističnih ved, letn. 33, št. 1/3, str. 277-288. - Rus, Vojan (2001c): Humaniziranje globalizacije. Anthropos 4/6: 275- 296. - Rus, Vojan (2002): Slovensko demokratično gibanje 1964-72. Ljubljana, 143 strani (pripravljeno za tisk). - Rus, Vojan (2003): La Réalité des bases chrétiennes de l’Europe nouvelle. Ljubljana: Anthropos, International Issue 9. - Rus, Vojan (2004). Kocbek. Anthropos: časopis za psihologijo in filozofijo ter za sodelovanje humanističnih ved, letn. 36, št. 1/4, str. 419-426. - Rus, Vojan. (2004). Psihologija in filozofija - bližnji soustvarjalki. Anthropos: časopis za psihologijo in filozofijo ter za sodelovanje humanističnih ved, letn. 36, št. 1/4, str. 221-244. 232 - Rus, Vojan (2005): Pot slovenskega sokolstva se je končala slavno (Josip Rus), strani 68-92. V: V. S. Rus (ed.). Sokol: včeraj, danes, jutri. Ljubljana: Slovene Association T. G. Masaryk. - Rus, Vojan (2005). Pastorka svetovne filozofije. Anthropos : časopis za psihologijo in filozofijo ter za sodelovanje humanističnih ved , letn. 37, št. 1/4, str. 119-140. - Rus, Vojan (2006). Slovensko demokratično gibanje 1964-1972. Anthropos: časopis za psihologijo in filozofijo ter za sodelovanje humanističnih ved, letn. 38, št. 1/2, str. 185-210. - Rus, Vojan. (2007): Prvi koraki: začetek spominov v treh knjigah. Sodobnost, jan. 2007, letn. 71, št. 1, str. 94-108. - Rus, Vojan. (2007). Slovenska identiteta in filozofska antropologija. Anthropos: časopis za psihologijo in filozofijo ter za sodelovanje humanističnih ved, letn. 39, št. 3/4, str. 423-477. - Rus, Vojan. (2008). Vprašanja humanizma. Anthropos: časopis za psihologijo in filozofijo ter za sodelovanje humanističnih ved , letn. 40, št. 3/4, str. 239-255. - Rus, Vojan (2008). Slava Filozofske fakultete. Anthropos: časopis za psihologijo in filozofijo ter za sodelovanje humanističnih ved, št. 1/2, str. 269 - 284. - Rus, Vojan (2009). Etičnost etike. Anthropos: časopis za psihologijo in filozofijo ter za sodelovanje humanističnih ved, letn. 41, št. 3/4, str. 273-299. - Vojan Rus (2015/ 23. 3. 2015). Neobjavljen dopis s strani dr. Vojana Rusa, avtor pričujočega teksta (Velko S. Rus) kot eden njegovih prejemnikov. - Rus, Vojan (2012). Reforma sodobnega človeštva. Ljubljana: slovensko Društvo T. G. Masaryk za filozofsko antropologijo, etiko ter za humanistične in družbene vede (57 strani). - Rus, Vojan. »The reform of contemporary mankind«, Ljubljana 2011- 2012 (Brochure »The reform of contemporary mankind« is English translation of majority of text of Slovene version 1 with the title »Reforma sodobnega človeštva«, which was edited in Ljubljana in 2012. (Slovene edition: »Reforma sodobnega človeštva«, ISBN 978 – 961 – 1 Short introuctoty chapter and appendix of Slovene version are ommited in just this English »preliminary« version, but they will be included into the final version – with expected edition in late 2020. 233 91557 2 – 1, Ljubljana 2012, Društvo T. G. Masaryk za filozofsko antropologijo, za etiko ter za humanistične in družbene vede. »The reform of contemporary mankind«: Association T. G. Masaryk for philosophical anthropology, for ethics and humanistic & social sciences. Date of translation: Ljubljana, 2011 (preliminary). Leto 2024 je 3. obletnica smrti prof. dr. Borisa Paternuja. – “Tukaj” bomo opozorili na njegov prispevek iz Anthroposa (leto 1997) z naslovom “Prešeren in konstituiranje slovenskega naroda”. – Iz tega prispevka povzemamo nekaj tekstov: “Na stoletja dolgi zgodovinski poti narodnega osamosvajanja Slovencev, ki so do svoje države prišli šele v današnjem času, zavzema Prešeren pomembno in ključno mesto. Njegovo pesniško delo, nastalo v tridesetih in štiridesetih letih 19. stoletja, danes presojamo ne le kot prelomni pojav, saj pomeni prvo zanesljivo uveljavitev estetsko razvite in umetniško suverene slovenske poezije, temveč tudi kot naš prvi dokument dozorele, lahko bi rekli moderne narodne zavesti. Če marčno revolucijo leta 1848 in "pomlad narodov" pogledamo skozi Prešernovo pesniško delo, pridemo do spoznanja, da so bile stvari na slovenski strani duhovno pripravljene, tako rekoč na tekočem že pred samim zgodovinskim prelomom, ki je pomenil odločilni premik na poti k osamosvojitvi avstrijskih narodov.“ (Paternu, str. 16). – Odločili_e smo se tudi za citiranje strani 18. in 19.:“ 18 - 19Toda pričevanja Prešernove pokončne politične volje segajo tudi čez meje njegovih pesniških besedil in so bila del njegove življenjske resničnosti. Ni samo naključje, da so prav na območju mesta Kranja, kjer je leta 1848 živel in delal, volitve za frankfurtski parlament doživele tako hud poraz. Marsikaj kaže na to, da sta bila Prešeren in njegov prijatelj, preddvorski kaplan Luka Pintar (ki je bil pozneje osumljen, da snuje slovensko državo) učinkovita agitatorja zoper Frankfurt. Prešeren je spomladi 1848 kot odvetnik vodil tudi kolektivno pravdo 106 kmetov in meščanov zoper dajatve desetine dekanu Jožefu Dagarinu. Pozornost lahko prav tako vzbuja znamenita peticija mesta Kranja, ki jo je na zadnjem zasedanju stanovskega deželnega zbora v Ljubljani dne 6. aprila 1848 predložil pesnikov kranjski prijatelj, jurist Karel Florian. Govori o mestni samoupravi, o podržavljanju cerkvenega premoženja, o slovenskem šolstvu, o slovenski univerzi in o odpravi telesne kazni. Skoraj ni mogoče dvomiti, da je bil zadaj Prešeren. Vsekakor so ta dejanja, ki pričajo o tem, da so se znotraj Prešernovega pojmovanja naroda in njegove osamosvojitve odpirala tudi že globinska socialna vprašanja in se pojavljale opredelitve, ki so kazale daleč naprej. Tretje mišljenjsko območje, ki je iz osebnih globin spremljalo in po svoje tudi določalo Prešernovo politično voljo, je bilo območje njegove bivanjske, da ne rečemo filozofske zavesti. 234 Navzven je Prešeren, tudi za površne oči, veljal za "frajgasta", torej za človeka, ki se ne drži veljavnih družbenih konvencij in norm, vse od zasebnega življenja pa do utrjenih političnih in verskih pravil. [ef ljubljanske policije, birokrat dr. Franz Uhrer je pesnikovo četrto prošnjo za samostojno odvetništvo leta 1844 zavrnil z naslednjimi pisnimi ugotovitvami: da je sicer pošten in sposoben jurist, vendar živi neurejeno, se drži "nefinih manir", je brezobzirno kritičen in grajav, njegova verska načela pa so "slabotna in zaradi hudega racionalizma zmešana". Sklep se je glasil: za odvetnika bi bil primeren, "le če bi spremenil načela in svoj način življenja". Tak je bil pač Prešeren v očeh provincialnega uradnika Metternichove dobe. Resnejše zaledje tega pesnikovega civilnega in površinskega videza je bilo duhovno mnogo zahtevnejše in se pokaže iz njegovega opusa. Zelo na kratko bi pot njegove bivanjske zavesti zarisali takole: izstop iz mitičnega mišljenja, iz varne "vere staršev"; prestop v kritično zavest evropskega svobodoumja, šolanega ob antiki, renesansi, razsvetljenstvu in sodobni romantiki, pri čemer je še posebej opazna črta verskega skepticizma, na primer pozornosti do avtorjev, kot so T. Lukrecij, Francois Depuis, David F. Strauss in podobna izzivalna imena tistega časa. Tudi filozofijo razsvetljenstva je dojemal zunaj naivnega optimizma in njene vodilne pojme, kot sta na primer "razum" in "sreča", sprejemal skozi paradoksne obrate ("strup spoznanja", "sreče jeza"). [e več. V Slovesu od mladosti in v Sonetih nesreče se je odprl položajem eksistencialnega absurda, problematiziral vrednost bivanja sploh ("življenja gnus") in prispel do stanj skrajne resignacije. Vendar se prav v konicah Prešernove resignacije zmeraj znova pojavlja kljubovanje in vztrajanje, tudi ne glede na smisel takega ravnanja. Ta eksistencialni kontrapunkt, ki deluje v samem jedru pesnikovega bivanja, je preverljiv celo v njegovi metaforiki. Tako na primer v sklepu mračnih Sonetov nesreče stojita stiha: naprej me sreča gladi ali tepi,/ me tnalo najdla boš neočutljivo." Tnalo je nekaj nemočnega in trpnega, hkrati pa nekaj, ob čemer se vse razkolje. V metafori se srečuje dvoje pomenov: poraženost in odpornost, resignacija in kljubovanje. Prešeren je razumljiv samo, če ga gledamo z obeh strani. Dvojnost podleganja in pokončnosti zavzema vse vidnejše in usodnejše položaje njegove bivanjske zgodbe, povedane v Poezijah. Kretnje vztrajanja pa so pripete na različne idealitete: od panteizma do vere v poezijo in ljubezen, pa mimo razdrtja vseh idealitet z metafizično vred do sprejemanja docela nezavarovane, k človeškemu peklu in nebu odprte eksi- stence, kakršno je upesnil po razpadu svojih poslednjih laičnih mitov v Pevcu. Toda tisto, k čemur se spet in spet vrača, je v resnici notranje nepristajanje na resignacijo, tudi kadar je sredi nje same, je razdalja od obupa tudi takrat, kadar scela pada vanj. Celo do svoje nevernosti je naposled zavzel razdaljo globokega premisleka, ko je sestavljal nagrobni napis: "Tukaj počiva Franc Prešeren,/ nejeveren in vendar veren." In če si kje Prešeren ni dovolil obupa, se je to zgodilo tedaj, ko je šlo za razmislek o obstoju ali izginotju njegovega naroda. 235 Sem se je obračala njegova jezikovna in poetološka misel, sem se je stekala njegova politična volja in sem se je navsezadnje naravnala tudi njegova zavest, nihajoča iz porazov k pokončnosti. In narobe, njegova narodna ozaveščenost je dozorevala pod silovitimi izkušnjami odprte, nezavarovane in skrajno dinamične eksistencialne zavesti. Ta mu tudi v politiki ni dovoljevala naivnih pogledov in ver pa tudi provincialne omejenosti ne. Nemška kritika je to opazila. Ko je Vinzenz Rizzi leta 1849 ocenjeval Poezije, je zaznal ne le odločnost, temveč tudi svetovljansko širino in kulturo pesnikove nacionalne zavesti. Zapisal je, da "Prešeren pri vsej svoji goreči ljubezni do domovine spričo svoje univerzalne in resnično humane omike ostaja zunaj tiste grobe enostranosti, ki v domovini hoče najti vse ..." Prešernov prispevek h konstituiranju slovenskega naroda je resnično velik in posebno močan v dozorevanju nacionalne zavesti. Vse tri njene glavne sestavine - jezikovno, politično in bivanjsko zavest, brez katerih zrele narodne zavesti biti ne more, tudi danes ne - je razvil do vrhnjih ravni svojega in niti ne samo svojega časa. …“. + Leta 1844 naj bi Prešern napisal Zdravljico, leto 2024 je v tem primeru 180. letnica nastanka tega izjemnega teksta: 236 Sedma kitica predstavlja tudi besedilo naše, slovenske himne, himne R Slovenije. https://www.google.com/search?q=zdravljica+besedilo&client=firefox-b- d&sca_esv=c7c67eb20f0b5775&ei=CYJlZ7O5N_2N9u8PvMLFuAo&oq=zd ravljica&gs_lp. SPOŠTOVANE BRALKE, SPOŠTOVANI BRALCI, HVALA, KER STE SI VZELI I ČAS ZA PREBIRANJE PRIČUJOČEGA ZBORNIKA! 237